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THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
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THE THEORY OF SOCIAL
REVOLUTIONS
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
NEW YORK • BOSTON • CHICAGO • DALLAS
ATLANTA • SAN FRANCISCO
MACMILLAN & CO., LIMITED
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BY
BROOKS ADAMS
All rights rettrvtd
COPTMGHT, 1913,
BY THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY COMPANY.
COPYRIGHT, 1913,
BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY.
Set up and elcctrotypcd. Published September, 1913.
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PREFATORY NOTE
THE first chapter of the following book was
published, in substantially its present form, in
the Atlantic Monthly for April, 1913. I have
to thank the editor for his courtesy in assenting
to my wish to reprint. The other chapters have
not appeared before. I desire also to express
my obligations to my learned friend, Dr. M. M.
Bigelow, who, most kindly, at my request, read
chapters two and three, which deal with the
constitutional law, and gave me the benefit of
his most valuable criticism.
Further than this I have but one word to
add. I have written in support of no political
movement, nor for any ephemeral purpose. I
have written only to express a deep convic-
tion which is the result of more than twenty
years of study, and reflection upon this subject.
BROOKS ADAMS.
QUINCY, MASSACHUSETTS,
May 17, 1913.
1319710
CONTENTS
CHAPTER FAGS
I. THE COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT . i
II. THE LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION . 36
III. AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS . 80
IV. THE SOCIAL EQUILIBRIUM 132
V. POLITICAL COURTS 160
VI. INFERENCES 203
INDEX 231
THE THEORY OF SOCIAL
REVOLUTIONS
CHAPTER I
THE COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT
CIVILIZATION, I apprehend, is nearly synony-
mous with order. However much we may differ
touching such matters as the distribution of prop-
erty, the domestic relations, the law of inheri-
tance and the like, most of us, I should suppose,
would agree that without order civilization, as
we understand it, cannot exist. Now, although
the optimist contends that, since man cannot
foresee the future, worry about the future is
futile, and that everything, in the best possible
of worlds, is inevitably for the best, I think it
clear that within recent years an uneasy suspicion
has come into being that the principle of authority
has been dangerously impaired, and that the
social system, if it is to cohere, must be reorganized.
So far as my observation has extended, such in-
tuitions are usually not without an adequate
2 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
cause, and if there be reason for anxiety anywhere,
it surely should be in the United States, with its
unwieldy bulk, its heterogeneous population, and
its complex government. Therefore, I submit,
that an hour may not be quite wasted which is
passed in considering some of the recent phenom-
ena which have appeared about us, in order to
ascertain if they can be grouped together in any
comprehensible relation.
About a century ago, after the American and
French Revolutions and the Napoleonic wars,
the present industrial era opened, and brought
with it a new governing class, as every consider-
able change in human environment must bring
with it a governing class to give it expression.
Perhaps, for lack of a recognized name, I may
describe this class as the industrial capitalistic
class, composed in the main of administrators
and bankers. As nothing in the universe is
stationary, ruling classes have their rise, culmina-
tion, and decline, and I conjecture that this class
attained to its acme of popularity and power, at
least in America, toward the close of the third
quarter of the nineteenth century. I draw this
inference from the fact that in the next quarter
COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT 3
resistance to capitalistic methods began to take
shape hi such legislation as the Interstate Com-
merce Law and the Sherman Act, and almost
at the opening of the present century a progres-
sively rigorous opposition found for its mouth-
piece the President of the Union himself. His-
tory may not be a very practical study, but it
teaches some useful lessons, one of which is that
nothing is accidental, and that if men move in a
given direction, they do so hi obedience to an
impulsion as automatic as is the impulsion of
gravitation. Therefore, if Mr. Roosevelt be-
came, what his adversaries are pleased to call,
an agitator, his agitation had a cause which is as
deserving of study as is the path of a cyclone.
This problem has long interested me, and I harbor
no doubt not only that the equilibrium of society
is very rapidly shifting, but that Mr. Roosevelt
has, half-automatically, been stimulated by the
instability about him to seek for a new centre of
social gravity. In plain English, I infer that he
has concluded that industrialism has induced
conditions which can no longer be controlled by
the old capitalistic methods, and that the country
must be brought to a level of administrative
4 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
efficiency competent to deal with the strains and
stresses of the twentieth century, just as, a
hundred and twenty-five years ago, the country
was brought to an administrative level competent
for that age, by the adoption of the Constitution.
Acting on these premises, as I conjecture, whether
consciously worked out or not, Mr. Roosevelt's
next step was to begin the readjustment; but,
I infer, that on attempting any correlated measures
of reform, Mr. Roosevelt found progress impossible,
because of the obstruction of the courts. Hence
his instinct led him to try to overleap that ob-
struction, and he suggested, without, I suspect,
examining the problem very deeply, that the
people should assume the right of "recalling"
judicial decisions made in causes which involved
the nullifying of legislation. What would have
happened had Mr. Roosevelt been given the op-
portunity to thoroughly formulate his ideas, even
in the midst of an election, can never be known,
for it chanced that he was forced to deal with
subjects as vast and complex as ever vexed a
statesman or a jurist, under difficulties at least
equal to the difficulties of the task itself.
If the modern mind has developed one char-
COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT 5
acteristic more markedly than another, it is an
impatience with prolonged demands on its at-
tention, especially if the subject be tedious. No
one could imagine that the New York press of
to-day would print the disquisitions which Hamil-
ton wrote in 1788 in support of the Constitution,
or that, if it did, any one would read them, least
of all the lawyers; and yet Mr. Roosevelt's
audience was emotional and discursive even for
a modern American audience. Hence, if he
attempted to lead at all, he had little choice but
to adopt, or at least discuss, every nostrum for
reaching an immediate millennium which happened
to be uppermost ; although, at the same time,
he had to defend himself against an attack com-
pared with which any criticism to which Hamilton
may have been subjected resembled a caress.
The result has been that the Progressive move-
ment, bearing Mr. Roosevelt with it, has de-
generated into a disintegrating rather than a
constructive energy, which is, I suspect, likely to
become a danger to every one interested in the
maintenance of order, not to say in the stability
of property. Mr Roosevelt is admittedly a strong
and determined man whose instinct is arbitrary,
6 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
and yet, if my analysis be sound, we see him, at
the supreme moment of his life, diverted from his
chosen path toward centralization of power, and
projected into an environment of, apparently, for the
most part, philanthropists and women, who could
hardly conceivably form a party fit to aid him
in establishing a vigorous, consolidated, adminis-
trative system. He must have found the pressure
toward disintegration resistless, and if we consider
this most significant phenomenon, in connection
with an abundance of similar phenomena, in
other countries, which indicate social incoherence,
we can hardly resist a growing apprehension
touching the future. Nor is that apprehension
allayed if, to reassure ourselves, we turn to history,
for there we find on every side long series of
precedents more ominous still.
Were all other evidence lacking, the inference
that radical changes are at hand might be deduced
from the past. In the experience of the English-
speaking race, about once in every three genera-
tions a social convulsion has occurred ; and prob-
ably such catastrophes must continue to occur in
order that laws and institutions may be adapted
to physical growth. Human society is a living
COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT 7
organism, working mechanically, like any other
organism. It has members, a circulation, a
nervous system, and a sort of skin or envelope,
consisting of its laws and institutions. This skin,
or envelope, however, does not expand automati-
cally, as it would had Providence intended human-
ity to be peaceful, but is only fitted to new con-
ditions by those painful and conscious efforts
which we call revolutions. Usually these revolu-
tions are warlike, but sometimes they are benign,
as was the revolution over which General Washing-
ton, our first great " Progressive," presided, when
the rotting Confederation, under his guidance, was
converted into a relatively excellent administrative
system by the adoption of the Constitution.
Taken for all in all, I conceive General Washing-
ton to have been the greatest man of the eighteenth
century, but to me his greatness chiefly consists
in that balance of mind which enabled him to
recognize when an old order had passed away, and
to perceive how a new order could be best intro-
duced. Joseph Story was ten years old in 1789
when the Constitution was adopted ; his earliest
impressions, therefore, were of the Confederation,
and I know no better description of the interval
8 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
just subsequent to the peace of 1783, than is
contained in a few lines in his dissenting opinion
in the Charles River Bridge Case : —
"In order to entertain a just view of this sub-
ject, we must go back to that period of general
bankruptcy, and distress and difficulty (1785). . . .
The union of the States was crumbling into ruins,
under the old Confederation. Agriculture, manu-
factures, and commerce were at their lowest ebb.
There was infinite da iger to all the States from
local interests and jealousies, and from the ap-
parent impossibility of a much longer adherence
to that shadow of a government, the Continental
Congress. And even four years afterwards, when
every evil had been greatly aggravated, and civil
war was added to other calamities, the Constitu-
tion of the United States was all but shipwrecked
in passing through the state conventions." 1
This crisis, according to my computation, was
the normal one of the third generation. Between
1688 and 1765 the British Empire had physically
outgrown its legal envelope, and the consequence
was a revolution. The thirteen American colonies,
which formed the western section of the imperial
1 Charles River Bridge r. Warren Bridge, 1 1 Peters, 608, 609.
COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT 9
mass, split from the core and drifted into chaos,
beyond the constraint of existing law. Washing-
ton was, in his way, a large capitalist, but he was
much more. He was not only a wealthy planter,
but he was an engineer, a traveller, to an extent a
manufacturer, a politician, and a soldier, and he
saw that, as a conservative, he must be " Pro-
gressive" and raise the law to a power high enough
to constrain all these thirteen refractory units.
For Washington understood that peace does not
consist in talking platitudes at conferences, but
in organizing a sovereignty strong enough to
coerce its subjects.
The problem of constructing such a sovereignty
was the problem which Washington solved, tem-
porarily at least, without violence. He prevailed
not only because of an intelligence and elevation
of character which enabled him to comprehend,
and to persuade others, that, to attain a common
end, all must make sacrifices, but also because
he was supported by a body of the most remarkable
men whom America has ever produced. Men who,
though doubtless in a numerical minority, taking
the country as a whole, by sheer weight of ability
and energy, achieved their purpose.
10 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
Yet even Washington and his adherents could
not alter the limitations of the human mind. He
could postpone, but he could not avert, the impact
of conflicting social forces. In 1789 he com-
promised, but he did not determine the question
of sovereignty. He eluded an impending conflict
by introducing courts as political arbitrators,
and the expedient worked more or less well until
the tension reached a certain point. Then it
broke down, and the question of sovereignty had
to be settled in America, as elsewhere, on the field
of battle. It was not decided until Appomattox.
But the function of the courts in American life
is a subject which I shall consider hereafter.
If the invention of gunpowder and printing in
the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries presaged
the Reformation of the sixteenth, and if the In-
dustrial Revolution of the eighteenth was the
forerunner of political revolutions throughout the
Western World, we may well, after the mechanical
and economic cataclysm of the nineteenth, cease
wondering that twentieth-century society should
be radical.
Never since man first walked erect have his
relations toward nature been so changed, within
COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT n
the same space of time, as they have been since
Washington was elected President and the Parisian
mob stormed the Bastille. Washington found
the task of a readjustment heavy enough, but the
civilization he knew was simple. When Washing-
ton lived, the fund of energy at man's disposal
had not very sensibly augmented since the fall
of Rome. In the eighteenth, as in the fourth
century, engineers had at command only animal
power, and a little wind and water power, to which
had been added, at the end of the Middle Ages,
a low explosive. There was nothing in the daily
life of his age which made the legal and adminis-
trative principles which had sufficed for Justinian
insufficient for him. Twentieth-century society
rests on a basis not different so much in degree, as
in kind, from all that has gone before. Through
applied science infinite forces have been domes-
ticated, and the action of these infinite forces
upon finite minds has been to create a tension,
together with a social acceleration and concen-
tration, not only unparalleled, but, apparently,
without limit. Meanwhile our laws and in-
stitutions have remained, in substance, constant.
I doubt if we have developed a single important
12 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
administrative principle which would be novel
to Napoleon, were he to live again, and I am
quite sure that we have no legal principle younger
than Justinian.
As a result, society has been squeezed, as it
were, from its rigid eighteenth-century legal shell,
and has passed into a fourth dimension of space,
where it performs its most important functions
beyond the cognizance of the law, which remains
in a space of but three dimensions. Washington
encountered a somewhat analogous problem when
dealing with the thirteen petty independent states,
which had escaped from England; but his prob-
lem was relatively rudimentary. Taking the
theory of sovereignty as it stood, he had only to
apply it to communities. It was mainly a ques-
tion of concentrating a sufficient amount of energy
to enforce order in sovereign social units. The
whole social detail remained unchanged. Our
conditions would seem to imply a very consider-
able extension and specialization of the principle
of sovereignty, together with a commensurate
increment of energy, but unfortunately the twen-
tieth-century American problem is still further
complicated by the character of the envelope in
COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT 13
which this highly volatilized society is theoreti-
cally contained. To attain his object, Washing-
ton introduced a written organic law, which of all
things is the most inflexible. No other modern
nation has to consider such an impediment.
Moneyed capital I take to be stored human
energy, as a coal measure is stored solar energy;
and moneyed capital, under the stress of modern
life, has developed at once extreme fluidity, and
an equivalent compressibility. Thus a small
number of men can control it in enormous masses,
and so it comes to pass that, in a community
like the United States, a few men, or even, in
certain emergencies, a single man, may become
clothed with various of the attributes of sover-
eignty. Sovereign powers are powers so important
that the community, in its corporate capacity,
has, as society has centralized, usually found it
necessary to monopolize them more or less ab-
solutely, since their possession by private persons
causes revolt. These powers, when vested in
some official,' as, for example, a king or emperor,
have been held by him, in all Western countries
at least, as a trust to be used for the common
welfare. A breach of that trust has commonly
14 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
been punished by deposition or death. It was
upon a charge of breach of trust that Charles I,
among other sovereigns, was tried and executed.
In short, the relation of sovereign and subject
has been based either upon consent and mutual
obligation, or upon submission to a divine com-
mand; but, in either case, upon recognition of
responsibility. Only the relation of master and
slave implies the status of sovereign power vested
in an unaccountable superior. Nevertheless, it is
in a relation somewhat analogous to the latter,
that the modern capitalist has been placed toward
his fellow citizens, by the advances in applied
science. An example or two will explain my
meaning.
High among sovereign powers has always
ranked the ownership and administration of high-
ways. And it is evident why this should have
been so. Movement is life, and the stoppage of
movement is death, and the movement of every
people flows along its highways. An invader has
only to cut the communications of the invaded to
paralyze him, as he would paralyze an animal by
cutting his arteries or tendons. Accordingly,
in all ages and in all lands, down to the nineteenth
COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT 15
century, nations even partially centralized have,
in their corporate capacity, owned and cared for
their highways, either directly or through ac-
countable agents. And they have paid for them
by direct taxes, like the Romans, or by tolls levied
upon traffic, as many mediaeval governments
preferred to do. Either method answers its
purpose, provided the government recognizes its
responsibility ; and no government ever recognized
this responsibility more fully than did the auto-
cratic government of ancient Rome. So the
absolute regime of eighteenth-century France
recognized this responsibility when Louis XVI
undertook to remedy the abuse of unequal taxa-
tion, for the maintenance of the highways, by
abolishing the corvee.
Toward the middle of the nineteenth century,
the application, by science, of steam to locomotion,
made railways a favorite speculation. Forth-
with, private capital acquired these highways,
and because of the inelasticity of the old law,
treated them as ordinary chattels, to be admin-
istered for the profit of the owner exclusively.
It is true that railway companies posed as public
agents when demanding the power to take pri-
16 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
vate property ; but when it came to charging for
use of their ways, they claimed to be only private
carriers, authorized to bargain as they pleased.
Indeed, it grew to be considered a mark of efficient
railroad management to extract the largest rev-
enue possible from the people, along the lines
of least resistance ; that is, by taxing most heavily
those individuals and localities which could least
resist. And the claim by the railroads that they
might do this as a matter of right was long up-
held by the courts,1 nor have the judges even
yet, after a generation of revolt and of legislation,
altogether abandoned this doctrine.
The courts — reluctantly, it is true, and prin-
cipally at the instigation of the railways them-
selves, who found the practice unprofitable —
have latterly discountenanced discrimination as
to persons, but they still uphold discrimination
as to localities.2 Now, among abuses of sover-
eign power, this is one of the most galling, for of
all taxes the transportation tax is perhaps that
1 Fitchburg R. R. ». Gage, 12 Gray 393, and innumerable cases
following it.
1 See the decisions of the Commerce Court on the Long and Short-
Haul Clause. Atchison, T. & S. F. Ry. t>. United States, 191 Federal
Rep. 856.
COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT 17
which is most searching, most insidious, and,
when misused, most destructive. The price paid
for transportation is not so essential to the public
welfare as its equality; for neither persons nor
localities can prosper when the necessaries of life
cost them more than they cost their competitors.
In towns, no cup of water can be drunk, no crust
of bread eaten, no garment worn, which has not
paid the transportation tax, and the farmer's
crops must rot upon his land, if other farmers
pay enough less than he to exclude him from
markets toward which they all stand in a position
otherwise equal. Yet this formidable power has
been usurped by private persons who have used
it purely selfishly, as no legitimate sovereign
could have used it, and by persons who have
indignantly denounced all attempts to hold them
accountable, as an infringement of their con-
stitutional rights. Obviously, capital cannot as-
sume the position of an irresponsible sovereign,
living in a sphere beyond the domain of law, with-
out inviting the fate which has awaited all sover-
eigns who have denied or abused their trust.
The operation of the New York Clearing-House
is another example of the acquisition of sovereign
l8 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
power by irresponsible private persons. Pri-
marily, of course, a clearing-house is an innocent
institution occupied with adjusting balances be-
tween banks, and has no relation to the volume
of the currency. Furthermore, among all highly
centralized nations, the regulation of the cur-
rency is one of the most jealously guarded of the
prerogatives of sovereignty, because all values
hinge upon the relation which the volume of the
currency bears to the volume of trade. Yet, as
everybody knows, in moments of financial panic,
the handful of financiers who, directly or in-
directly, govern the Clearing-House, have it in
their power either to expand or to contract the
currency, by issuing or by withdrawing Clearing-
House certificates, more effectually perhaps than
if they controlled the Treasury of the United
States. Nor does this power, vast as it is, at all
represent the supremacy which a few bankers
enjoy over values, because of their facilities for
manipulating the currency and, with the cur-
rency, credit ; facilities, which are used or abused
entirely beyond the reach of the law.
Bankers, at their conventions and through the
press, are wont to denounce the American mone-
COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT 19
tary system, and without doubt all that they say,
and much more that they do not say, is true;
and yet I should suppose that there could be
little doubt that American financiers might, after
the panic of 1893, and before the administration
of Mr. Taft, have obtained from Congress, at
most sessions, very reasonable legislation, had
they first agreed upon the reforms they demanded,
and, secondly, manifested their readiness, as a
condition precedent to such reforms, to submit to
effective government supervision in those depart-
ments of their business which relate to the in-
flation or depression of values. They have shown
little inclination to submit to restraint in these
particulars, nor, perhaps, is their reluctance sur-
prising, for the possession by a very small favored
class of the unquestioned privilege, whether
actually used or not, at recurring intervals, of
subjecting the debtor class to such pressure as the
creditor may think necessary, in order to force
the debtor to surrender his property to the
creditor at the creditor's price, is a wonder
beside which Aladdin's lamp burns dim.
As I have already remarked, I apprehend that
sovereignty is a variable quantity of administra-
20 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
tive energy, which, in civilizations which we call
advancing, tends to accumulate with a rapidity
proportionate to the acceleration of movement.
That is to say, the community, as it consolidates,
finds it essential to its safety to withdraw, more
or less completely, from individuals, and to
monopolize, more or less strictly, itself, a great
variety of functions. At one stage of civilization
the head of the family administers justice, main-
tains an armed force for war or police, wages war,
makes treaties of peace, coins money, and, not
infrequently, wears a crown, usually of a form to
indicate his importance hi a hierarchy. At a
later stage of civilization, companies of traders
play a great part. Such aggregations of private
and irresponsible adventurers have invaded and
conquered empires, founded colonies, and ad-
ministered justice to millions of human beings.
In our own tune, we have seen the assumption of
many of the functions of these and similar private
companies by the sovereign. We have seen the
East India Company absorbed by the British
Parliament; we have seen the railways, and the
telephone and the telegraph companies, taken
into possession, very generally, by the most pro-
COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT 21
gressive governments of the world ; and now we
have come to the necessity of dealing with the
domestic-trade monopoly, because trade has fallen
into monopoly through the centralization of capi-
tal in a constantly contracting circle of owner-
ship.
Among innumerable kinds of monopolies none
have been more troublesome than trade monop-
olies, especially those which control the price of
the necessaries of life; for, so far as I know, no
people, approximately free, have long endured
such monopolies patiently. Nor could they well
have done so without constraint by overpowering
physical force, for the possession of a monopoly
of a necessary of life by an individual, or by a
small privileged class, is tantamount to investing
a minority, contemptible alike hi numbers and
in physical force, with an arbitrary and un-
limited power to tax the majority, not for public,
but for private purposes. Therefore it has not
infrequently happened that persistence in ad-
hering to and in enforcing such monopolies has
led, first, to attempts at regulation, and, these
failing, to confiscation, and sometimes to the
proscription of the owners. An example of such
22 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
a phenomenon occurs to me which, just now,
seems apposite.
In the earlier Middle Ages, before gunpowder
made fortified houses untenable when attacked
by the sovereign, the highways were so dangerous
that trade and manufactures could only survive
in walled towns. An unarmed urban population
had to buy its privileges, and to pay for these a
syndicate grew up in each town, which became
responsible for the town ferm, or tax, and, in
return, collected what part of the municipal ex-
penses it could from the poorer inhabitants.
These syndicates, called guilds, as a means of
raising money, regulated trade and fixed prices,
and they succeeded in fixing prices because they
could prevent competition within the walls. Pres-
ently complaints became rife of guild oppression,
and the courts had to entertain these complaints
from the outset, to keep some semblance of order ;
but at length the turmoil passed beyond the
reach of the courts, and Parliament intervened.
Parliament not only enacted a series of statutes
regulating prices in towns, but supervised guild
membership, requiring trading companies to re-
ceive new members upon what Parliament con-
COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT 23
sidered to be reasonable terms. Nevertheless,
friction continued.
With advances in science, artillery improved,
and, as artillery improved, the police strength-
ened until the king could arrest whom he pleased.
Then the country grew safe and manufactures
migrated from the walled and heavily taxed towns
to the cheap, open villages, and from thence
undersold the guilds. As the area of competition
broadened, so the guilds weakened, until, under
Edward VI, being no longer able to defend them-
selves, they were ruthlessly and savagely plun-
dered; and fifty years later the Court of King's
Bench gravely held that a royal grant of a mo-
nopoly had always been bad at common law.1
Though the Court's law proved to be good,
since it has stood, its history was fantastic; for
the trade-guild was the offspring of trade mo-
nopoly, and a trade monopoly had for centuries
been granted habitually by the feudal landlord
to his tenants, and indeed was the only means
by which an Urban population could finance its
military expenditure. Then, hi due course, the
Crown tried to establish its exclusive right to
1 Darcy v. Allein, 1 1 Rep. 84.
24 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
grant monopolies, and finally Parliament — or
King, Lords, and Commons combined, being the
whole nation in its corporate capacity, — ap-
propriated this monopoly of monopolies as its
supreme prerogative. And with Parliament this
monopoly has ever since remained.
In fine, monopolies, or competition in trade,
appear to be recurrent social phases which depend
upon the ratio which the mass and the fluidity of
capital, or, in other words, its energy, bears to
the area within which competition is possible.
In the Middle Ages, when the town walls bounded
that area, or when, at most, it was restricted to a
few lines of communication between defensible
points garrisoned by the monopolists, — as were
the Staple towns of England which carried on the
wool trade with the British fortified counting-
houses in Flanders, — a small quantity of slug-
gish capital sufficed. But as police improved, and
the area of competition broadened faster than
capital accumulated and quickened, the com-
petitive phase dawned, whose advent is marked
by Darcy v. Allein, decided in the year 1600.
Finally, the issue between monopoly and free
trade was fought out in the American Revolution,
COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT 25
for the measure which precipitated hostilities
was the effort of England to impose her monopoly
of the Eastern trade upon America. The Boston
Tea Party occurred on December 16, 1773. Then
came the heyday of competition with the accept-
ance of the theories of Adam Smith, and the
political domination in England, towards 1840,
of the Manchester school of political economy.
About forty years since, in America at least,
the tide would appear once more to have turned.
I fix the moment of flux, as I am apt to do, by a
lawsuit. This suit was the Morris Run Coal
Company v. Barclay Coal Company,1 which is
the first modern anti-monopoly litigation that I
have met with in the United States. It was
decided hi Pennsylvania in 1871 ; and since 1871,
while the area within which competition is possible
has been kept constant by the tariff, capital has
accumulated and has been concentrated and
volatilized until, within this republic, substantially
all prices are fixed by a vast moneyed mass. This
mass, obeying what amounts to being a single
volition, has its heart in Wall Street, and per-
vades every corner of the Union. No matter
168 Pa. 173.
26 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
what price is in question, whether it be the price
of meat, or coal, or cotton cloth, or of railway
transportation, or of insurance, or of discounts,
the inquirer will find the price to be, hi essence,
a monopoly or fixed price ; and if he will follow
his investigation to the end, he will also find that
the first cause in the complex chain of cause and
effect which created the monopoly is that mys-
terious energy which is enthroned on the Hudson.
The presence of monopolistic prices in trade is
not always a result of conscious agreement;
more frequently, perhaps, it is automatic, and is
an effect of the concentration of capital to a point
where competition ceases, as when all the capital
engaged in a trade belongs to a single owner.
Supposing ownership to be enough restricted, com-
bination is easier and more profitable than com-
petition; therefore combination, conscious or
unconscious, supplants competition. The infer-
ence from the evidence is that, in the United
States, capital has reached, or is rapidly reaching,
this point of concentration; and if this be true,
competition cannot be enforced by legislation.
But, assuming that competition could still be
enforced by law, the only effect would be to make
COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT 27
the mass of capital more homogeneous by elimi-
nating still further such of the weaker capitalists
as have survived. Ultimately, unless indeed
society is to dissolve and capital migrate else-
where, all the present phenomena would be in-
tensified. Nor would free trade, probably, have
more than a very transitory effect. In no depart-
ment of trade is competition freer than in the
Atlantic passenger service, and yet in no trade is
there a stricter monopoly price.
The same acceleration of the social movement
which has caused this centralization of capital
has caused the centralization of another form of
human energy, which is its negative : labor unions
organize labor as a monopoly. Labor protests
against the irresponsible sovereignty of capital,
as men have always protested against irresponsible
sovereignty, declaring that the capitalistic social
system, as it now exists, is a form of slavery. Very
logically, therefore, the abler and bolder labor
agitators proclaim that labor levies actual war
against society, and that in that war there can
be no truce until irresponsible capital has capitu-
lated. Also, in labor's methods of warfare the
same phenomena appear as in the autocracy of
28 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
capital. Labor attacks capitalistic society by
methods beyond the purview of the law, and may,
at any moment, shatter the social system ; while,
under our laws and institutions, society is helpless.
Few persons, I should imagine, who reflect on
these phenomena, fail to admit to themselves,
whatever they may say publicly, that present so-
cial conditions are unsatisfactory, and I take the
cause of the stress to be that which I have stated.
We have extended the range of applied science
until we daily use infinite forces, and those forces
must, apparently, disrupt our society, unless we
can raise the laws and institutions which hold
society together to an energy and efficiency com-
mensurate to them. How much vigor and ability
would be required to accomplish such a work may
be measured by the experience of Washington,
who barely prevailed in his relatively simple task,
surrounded by a generation of extraordinary men,
and with the capitalistic class of America behind
him. Without the capitalistic class he must have
failed. Therefore one most momentous problem
of the future is the attitude which capital can or
will assume in this emergency.
That some of the more sagacious of the capital-
COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT 29
istic class have preserved that instinct of self-
preservation which was so conspicuous among
men of the type of Washington, is apparent from
the position taken by the management of the
United States Steel Company, and by the Repub-
lican minority of the Congressional Committee
which recently investigated the Steel Company;
but whether such men very strongly influence
the genus to which they belong is not clear. If
they do not, much improvement in existing con-
ditions can hardly be anticipated.
If capital insists upon continuing to exercise
sovereign powers, without accepting responsibility
as for a trust, the revolt against the existing order
must probably continue, and that revolt can only
be dealt with, as all servile revolts must be dealt
with, by physical force. I doubt, however, if
even the most ardent and optimistic of capitalists
would care to speculate deeply upon the stability
of any government capital might organize, which
rested on the fundamental principle that the
American people must be ruled by an army. On
the other hand any government to be effective
must be strong. It is futile to talk of keeping
peace in labor disputes by compulsory arbitration,
30 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
if the government has not the power to command
obedience to its arbitrators' decree ; but a govern-
ment able to constrain a couple of hundred thou-
sand discontented railway employees to work
against their will, must differ considerably from
the one we have. Nor is it possible to imagine
that labor will ever yield peaceful obedience to
such constraint, unless capital makes equivalent
concessions, — unless, perhaps, among other
things, capital consents to erect tribunals which
shall offer relief to any citizen who can show him-
self to be oppressed by the monopolistic price.
In fine, a government, to promise stability in the
future, must apparently be so much more powerful
than any private interest, that all men will stand
equally before its tribunals; and these tribunals
must be flexible enough to reach those categories
of activity which now lie beyond legal jurisdiction.
If it be objected that the American people are
incapable of an effort so prodigious, I readily ad-
mit that this may be true, but I also contend that
the objection is beside the issue. What the
American people can or cannot do is a matter of
opinion, but that social changes are imminent
appears to be almost certain. Though these
COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT 31
changes cannot be prevented, possibly they may,
to a degree, be guided, as Washington guided the
changes of 1789. To resist them perversely, as
they were resisted at the Chicago Convention of
1912, can only make the catastrophe, when it
comes, as overwhelming as was the consequent
defeat of the Republican party.
Approached thus, that Convention of 1912 has
more than a passing importance, since it would
seem to indicate the ordinary phenomenon, that
a declining favored class is incapable of appre-
ciating an approaching change of environment
which must alter its social status. I began with
the proposition that, in any society which we
now understand, civilization is equivalent to
order, and the evidence of the truth of the prop-
osition is, that amidst disorder, capital and
credit, which constitute the pith of our civiliza-
tion, perish first. For more than a century past,
capital and credit have been absolute, or nearly
so ; accordingly it has not been the martial type
which has enjoyed sovereignty, but the capitalistic.
The warrior has been the capitalists' servant.
But now, if it be true that money, in certain
crucial directions, is losing its purchasing power,
32 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
it is evident that capitalists must accept a posi-
tion of equality before the law under the domina-
tion of a type of man who can enforce obedience ;
their own obedience, as well as the obedience of
others. Indeed, it might occur, even to some
optimists, that capitalists would be fortunate if
they could certainly obtain protection for another
fifty years on terms as favorable as these. But at
Chicago, capitalists declined even to consider
receding to a secondary position. Rather than
permit the advent of a power beyond their im-
mediate control, they preferred to shatter the
instrument by which they sustained their ascend-
ancy. For it is clear that Roosevelt's offence in
the eyes of the capitalistic class was not what he
had actually done, for he had done nothing se-
riously to injure them. The crime they resented
was the assertion of the principle of equality before
the law, for equality before the law signified the
end of privilege to operate beyond the range of
law. If this principle which Roosevelt, in theory
at least, certainly embodied, came to be rigorously
enforced, capitalists perceived that private persons
would be precluded from using the functions of
sovereignty to enrich themselves. There lay the
COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT 33
parting of the ways. Sooner or later almost
every successive ruling class has had this dilemma
in one of its innumerable forms presented to them,
and few have had the genius to compromise while
compromise was possible. Only a generation ago
the aristocracy of the South deliberately chose a
civil war rather than admit the principle that at
some future day they might have to accept com-
pensation for their slaves.
A thousand other instances of similar incapacity
might be adduced, but I will content myself
with this alone.
Briefly the precedents induce the inference
that privileged classes seldom have the intelligence
to protect themselves by adaptation when nature
turns against them, and, up to the present moment,
the old privileged class in the United States has
shown little promise of being an exception to the
rule.
Be this, however, as it may, and even assum-
ing that the great industrial and capitalistic
interests would be prepared to assist a move-
ment toward consolidation, as their ances-
tors assisted Washington, I deem it far from
probable that they could succeed with the large
34 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
American middle class, which naturally should
aid, opposed, as it seems now to be, to such a
movement. Partially, doubtless, this opposition
is born of fear, since the lesser folk have learned
by bitter experience that the powerful have
yielded to nothing save force, and therefore that
their only hope is to crush those who oppress
them. Doubtless, also, there is the inertia incident
to long tradition, but I suspect that the resistance
is rather due to a subtle and, as yet, nearly un-
conscious instinct, which teaches the numerical
majority, who are inimical to capital, that the
shortest and easiest way for them to acquire
autocratic authority is to obtain an absolute
mastery over those political tribunals which we
call courts. Also that mastery is being by them
rapidly acquired. So long as our courts retain
their present functions no comprehensive admin-
istrative reform is possible, whence I conclude
that the relation which our courts shall hold to
politics is now the fundamental problem which
the American people must solve, before any stable
social equilibrium can be attained.
Theodore Roosevelt's enemies have been many
and bitter. They have attacked his honesty, his
COLLAPSE OF CAPITALISTIC GOVERNMENT 35
sobriety, his intelligence, and his judgment, but
very few of them have hitherto denied that he has
a keen instinct for political strife. Only of late
has this gift been doubted, but now eminent
politicians question whether he did not make a
capital mistake when he presented the reform of
our courts of law, as expounders of the Constitu-
tion, as one of his two chief issues, in his canvass
for a nomination for a third presidential term.
After many years of study of, and reflection upon,
this intricate subject I have reached the conviction
that, though Mr. Roosevelt may have erred in the
remedy which he has suggested, he is right in the
principle which he has advanced, and in my next
chapter I propose to give the evidence and explain
the reasons which constrain me to believe that
American society must continue to degenerate
until confusion supervenes, if our courts shall re-
main semipolitical chambers.
CHAPTER II
THE LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION
TAKING the human race collectively, its ideal of
a court of justice has been the omniscient and in-
exorable judgment seat of God. Individually,
on the contrary, they have dearly loved favor.
Hence the doctrine of the Intercession of the
Saints, which many devout persons have sincerely
believed could be bought by them for money.
The whole development of civilization may be
followed in the oscillation of any given society
between these two extremes, the many always
striving to so restrain the judiciary that it shall
be unable to work the will of the favored few.
On the whole, success in attaining to ideal justice
has not been quite commensurate with the time
and effort devoted to solving the problem, but,
until our constitutional experiment was tried in
America, I think it had been pretty generally
admitted that the first prerequisite to success
was that judges should be removed from political
36
LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION 37
influences. For the main difficulty has been that
every dominant class, as it has arisen, has done its
best to use the machinery of justice for its own
benefit.
No argument ever has convinced like a parable,
and a very famous story in the Bible will illustrate
the great truth, which is the first lesson that a
primitive people learns, that unless the judge can
be separated from the sovereign, and be strictly
limited in the performance of his functions by a
recognized code of procedure, the public, as against
the dominant class, has, in substance, no civil
rights. The kings of Israel were judges of last
resort. Solomon earned his reputation for wis-
dom in the cause in which two mothers claimed
the same child. They were indeed both judge and
jury. Also they were prosecuting officers. Also
they were sheriffs. In fine they exercised un-
limited judicial power, save in so far as they were
checked by the divine interference usually signi-
fied through some prophet.
Now David was, admittedly, one of the best
sovereigns and judges who ever held office in
Jerusalem, and, hi the days of David, Nathan was
the leading prophet of the dominant political party.
38 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
"And it came to pass in an eveningtide, that
David arose from off his bed, and walked upon the
roof of the king's house : and from the roof he saw
a woman washing herself; and the woman was
very beautiful to look upon. And David sent
and enquired after the woman. And one said,
Is not this Bath-sheba, the daughter of Eliam,
the wife of Uriah the Hittite? And David sent
messengers, and took her ; and she came in unto
him, and he lay with her ; . . . and she returned
unto her house."
Uriah was serving in the army under Joab.
David sent for Uriah, and told him to go home to
his wife, but Uriah refused. Then David wrote
a letter to Joab and dismissed Uriah, ordering him
to give the letter to Joab. And David "wrote
in the letter, saying, Set ye Uriah in the forefront
of the hottest battle, and retire ye from him, that
he may be smitten and die. . . .
"And the men of the city went out and fought
with Joab ; and there fell some of the people of
the servants of David ; and Uriah the Hittite
died also. . . . But the thing that David had
done displeased the Lord.
"And the Lord sent Nathan unto David. And
LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION 39
he came unto him, and said unto him, There
were two men hi one city; the one rich and the
other poor. The rich man had exceeding many
flocks and herds :
"But the poor man had nothing, save one little
ewe lamb, which he had bought and nourished up :
and it grew up together with him, and with his
children; it did eat of his own meat and drank
of his own cup, and lay in his bosom, and was
unto him as a daughter.
"And there came a traveller unto the rich man,
and he spared to take of his own flock, . . . but
took the poor man's lamb, and dressed it for the
man that was come to him.
"And David's anger was greatly kindled against
the man ; and he said to Nathan, As the Lord
liveth, the man that hath done this thing shall
surely die : . . .
"And Nathan said to David, Thou art the man.
Thus saith the Lord God of Israel. . . . Now
therefore the sword shall never depart from
thine house ; because thou has despised me. . . .
Behold, I will raise up evil against thee out of
thine own house, and I will take thy wives before
thine eyes, and give them unto thy neighbor."
40 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
Here, as the heading to the Twelfth Chapter of
Second Book of Samuel says, "Nathan's parable
of the ewe lamb causeth David to be his own
judge," but the significant part of the story is -
that Nathan, with all his influence, could not force
David to surrender his prey. David begged very
hard to have his sentence remitted, but, for all
that, "David sent and fetched [Bathsheba] to his
house, and she became his wife, and bare him a
son." Indeed, she bore him Solomon. As against
David or David's important supporters men like
Uriah had no civil rights that could be enforced.
Even after the judicial function is nominally
severed from the executive function, so that the
sovereign himself does not, like David and Solo-
mon, personally administer justice, the same
result is reached through agents, as long as the
judge holds his office at the will of the chief of a
political party.
To go no farther afield, every page of English
history blazons this record. Long after the law
had taken an almost modern shape, Alice Ferrers,
the mistress of Edward III, sat on the bench at
Westminster and intimidated the judges into
deciding for suitors who had secured her services.
LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION 41
The chief revenue of the rival factions during the
War of the Roses was derived from attainders,
indictments for treason, and forfeitures, avowedly
partisan. Henry VII used the Star Chamber to
ruin the remnants of the feudal aristocracy.
Henry VIII exterminated as vagrants the wretched
monks whom he had evicted. The prosecu-
tions under Charles I largely induced the Great
Rebellion; and finally the limit of endurance was
reached when Charles II made Jeffreys Chief
Justice of England in order to kill those who
were prominent in opposition. Charles knew
what he was doing. "That man," said he of
Jeffreys, "has no learning, no sense, no manners,
and more impudence than ten carted street-
walkers." The first object was to convict Al-
gernon Sidney of treason. Jeffreys used simple
means. Usually drunk, his court resembled the
den of a wild beast. He poured forth on "plaintiffs
and defendants, barristers and attorneys, wit-
nesses and jurymen, torrents of frantic abuse,
intermixed with oaths and curses." The law
required proof of an overt act of treason. Many
years before Sidney had written a philosophical
treatise touching resistance by the subject
42 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
to the sovereign, as a constitutional principle.
But, though the fragment contained nothing
more than the doctrines of Locke, Sidney had
cautiously shown it to no one, and it had only
been found by searching his study. Jeffreys told
the jury that if they believed the book to be
Sidney's book, written by him, they must convict
for scribere est agere, to write is to commit an overt
act.
A revolution followed upon this and other
like convictions, as revolutions have usually fol-
lowed such uses of the judicial power. In that
revolution the principle of the limitation of the
judicial function was recognized, and the English
people seriously addressed themselves to the
task of separating their courts from political
influences, of protecting their judges by making
their tenure and their pay permanent, and of
punishing them by removal if they behaved
corruptly, or with prejudice, or transcended the
limits within which their duty confined them.
Jeffreys had legislated when he ruled it to be the
law that, to write words secretly in one's closet,
is to commit an overt act of treason, and he did
it to kill a man whom the king who employed
LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION 43
him wished to destroy. This was to transcend
the duty of a judge, which is to expound and not
to legislate. The judge may develop a principle,
he may admit evidence of a custom in order to
explain the intentions of the parties to a suit, as
Lord Mansfield admitted evidence of the customs
of merchants, but he should not legislate. To do
so, as Jeffreys did in Sidney's case, is tantamount
to murder. Jeffreys never was duly punished
for his crimes. He died the year after the Revolu-
tion, in the Tower, maintaining to the last that he
was innocent in the sight of God and man because
"all the blood he had shed fell short of the King's
command."
And Jeffreys was perfectly logical and con-
sistent in his attitude. A judiciary is either an
end hi itself or a means to an end. If it be designed
to protect the civil rights of citizens indifferently,
it must be free from pressure which will deflect
it from this path, and it can only be protected
from the severest possible pressure by being re-
moved from politics, because politics is the struggle
for ascendancy of a class or a majority. If, on the
other hand, the judiciary is to serve as an instru-
ment for advancing the fortunes of a majority or a
44 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
dominant class, as David used the Jewish judi-
ciary, or as the Stuarts used the English judiciary,
then the judicial power must be embodied either
in a military or political leader, like David, who
does the work himself, or in an agent, more or
less like Jeffreys, who will obey his orders. In
the colonies the subserviency of the judges to
the Crown had been a standing grievance, and
the result of this long and terrible experience,
stretching through centuries both in Europe and
America, had been to inspire Americans with a fear
of intrusting power to any man or body of men.
They sought to limit everything by written restric-
tions. Setting aside the objection that such a
system is mechanically vicious because it involves
excessive friction and therefore waste of energy,
it is obviously futile unless the written restrictions
can be enforced, and enforced in the spirit in which
they are drawn. Hamilton, whose instinct for
law resembled genius, saw the difficulty and
pointed out in the Federalist that it is not a writing
which can give protection, but only the intelligence
and the sense of justice of the community itself.
"The truth is, that the general genius of a
Government is all that can be substantially relied
LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION 45
upon for permanent effects. Particular pro-
visions, though not altogether useless, have far
less virtue and efficiency than are commonly
ascribed to them; and the want of them will
never be, with men of sound discernment, a decisive
objection to any plan which exhibits the leading
characters of a good Government." After an
experience of nearly a century and a quarter we
must admit, I think, that Hamilton was right.
In the United States we have carried bills of
right and constitutional limitations to an extreme,
and yet, I suppose that few would care to main-
tain that, during the nineteenth century, life and
property were safer in America, or crime better
dealt with, than in England, France, or Germany.
The contrary, indeed, I take to be the truth, and
I think one chief cause of this imperfection in
the administration of justice will be found to
have been the operation of the written Constitu-
tion. For, under the American system, the Con-
stitution, or fundamental law, is expounded by
judges, and this function, which, in essence, is
political, has brought precisely that quality of
pressure on the bench which it has been the labor
of a hundred generations of our ancestors to re-
46 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
move. On the whole the result has been not to
elevate politics, but to lower the courts toward
the political level, a result which conforms to
the a priori theory.
The abstract virtue of the written Constitution
was not, however, a question hi issue when
Washington and his contemporaries set themselves
to reorganize the Confederation. Those men had
no choice but to draft some kind of a platform
on which the states could agree to unite, if they
were to unite peacefully at all, and accordingly
they met in convention and drew the best form of
agreement they could ; but I more than suspect
that a good many very able Federalists were quite
alive to the defects in the plan which they adopted.
Hamilton was outspoken in preferring the Eng-
lish model, and I am not aware that Washington
ever expressed a preference for the theory that,
because of a written fundamental law, the court
should nullify legislation. Nor is it unworthy of
remark that all foreigners, after a prolonged and
attentive observation of our experiment, have
avoided it. Since 1789, every highly civilized
Western people have readjusted their institutions
at least once, yet not one has in this respect
LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION 47
imitated us, though all have borrowed freely
from the parliamentary system of England.1
Even our neighbor, Canada, with no adverse
traditions and a population similar to ours, has
been no exception to the rule. The Canadian
courts indeed define the limits of provincial and
federal jurisdiction as fixed under an act of Parlia-
ment, but they do not pretend to limit the exercise
of power when the seat of power has been estab-
lished. I take the cause of this distrust to be
obvious. Although our written Constitution was
successful in its primary purpose of facilitating
the consolidation of the Confederation, it has not
otherwise inspired confidence as a practical ad-
ministrative device. Not only has constant judi-
cial interference dislocated scientific legislation,
but casting the judiciary into the vortex of civil
faction has degraded it in the popular esteem.
In fine, from the outset, the American bench,
because it deals with the most fiercely contested
of political issues, has been an instrument neces-
sary to political success. Consequently, political
1 The relation of courts to legislation in European countries has
been pretty fully considered by Brinton Coxe, in Judicial Power and
Constitutional Legislation.
48 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
parties have striven to control it, and therefore
the bench has always had an avowed partisan
bias. This avowed political or social bias
has, I infer, bred among the American people
the conviction that justice is not administered
indifferently to all men, wherefore the bench is
not respected with us as, for instance, it is in Great
Britain, where law and politics are sundered.
Nor has the dissatisfaction engendered by these
causes been concealed. On the contrary, it has
found expression through a series of famous
popular leaders from Thomas Jefferson to Theo-
dore Roosevelt.
The Constitution could hardly have been
adopted or the government organized but for
the personal influence of Washington, whose power
lay in his genius for dealing with men. He
lost no tune or strength in speculation, but,
taking the Constitution as the best implement at
hand, he went to the work of administration by
including the representatives of the antagonistic
extremes in his Cabinet. He might as well have
expected fire and water to mingle as Jefferson and
Hamilton to harmonize. Probably he had no
delusions on that head when he chose them
LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION 49
for his ministers, and he accomplished his object.
He paralyzed opposition until the new mechanism
began to operate pretty regularly, but he had not
an hour to spare. Soon the French Revolution
heated passions so hot that long before Washing-
ton's successor was elected the United States was
rent by faction.
The question which underlay all other questions,
down to the Civil War, was the determination
of the seat of sovereignty. Hamilton and the
Federalists held it to be axiomatic that, if the
federal government were to be more than a
shadow, it must interpret the meaning of the
instrument which created it, and, if so, that it
must signify its decisions through the courts.
Only in this way, they argued, could written
limitations on legislative power be made effective.
Only in this way could statutes which contravened
the Constitution be set aside.1
Jefferson was abroad when Hamilton wrote
The Federalist, but his views have since been so
universally accepted as embodying the opposition
to Hamilton, that they may be conveniently taken
as if they had been published while the Constitu-
1 Federalist, No. LXXVIII.
50 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
tion was under discussion. Substantially the
same arguments were advanced by others during
the actual debate, if not quite so lucidly or con-
nectedly then, as afterward by him.
Very well, said Jefferson, in answer to Hamilton,
admitting, for the moment, that the central gov-
ernment shall define its own powers, and that
the courts . shall be the organ through which the
exposition shall be made, both of which proposi-
tions I vehemently deny, you have this result :
The judges who will be called upon to pass upon
the validity of national and state legislation will be
plunged in the most heated of controversies, and
hi those controversies they cannot fail to be in-
fluenced by the same passions and prejudices
which sway other men. In a word they must
decide like legislators, though they will be exempt
from the responsibility to the public which con-
trols other legislators. Such conditions you can
only meet by making the judicial tenure of office
ephemeral, as all legislative tenure is ephemeral.
It is vain to pretend, continued he, in support
of fixity of tenure, that the greater the pressure on
the judge is likely to be, the more need there
is to make him secure. This may .be true of
LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION 51
judges clothed with ordinary attributes, like
English judges, for, should these try to nullify
the popular will by construing away statutes,
Parliament can instantly correct them, or if
Parliament fail in its duty, the constituencies,
at the next election, can intervene. But no one
will be able to correct the American judge who
may decline to recognize the law which would
constrain him. Nothing can shake him save
impeachment for what is tantamount to crime,
or being overruled by a constitutional amend-
ment which you have purposely made too hard
to obtain to be a remedy. He is to be judge
in his own case without an appeal.
Nowhere in all his long and masterly defence
of the Constitution did Hamilton show so much
embarrassment as here, and because, probably,
he did not himself believe in his own brief. He
really had faith in the English principle of an
absolute parliament, restrained, if needful, by
a conservative chamber, like the House of Lords,
but not in the total suspension of sovereignty
subject to judicial illumination. Consequently
he fell back on platitudes about judicial high-
mindedness, and how judges could be trusted
52 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
not to allow political influences to weigh with them
when deciding political questions. Pushed to its
logical end, concluded he, the Jeffersonian argu-
ment would prove that there should be no judges
distinct from legislatures.1
Now, at length, exclaimed the Jeffersonian in
triumph, you admit our thesis. You propose to
clothe judges with the highest legislative functions,
since you give them an absolute negative on legis-
lation, and yet you decline to impose on them the
responsibility to a constituency, which constrains
other legislators. Clearly you thus make them
autocratic, and in the worst sense, for you permit
small bodies of irresponsibile men under pretence
of dispensing justice, but really in a spirit of hy-
pocrisy, to annul the will of the majority of the
people, even though the right of the people to
exercise their will, in the matters at issue, be
clearly granted them in the Constitution.
No, rejoined Hamilton, thus driven to the wall,
judges never will so abuse their trust. The duty
of the judge requires him to suppress his will,
and exercise his judgment only. The Constitution
will be before him, and he will have only to say
1 The Federalist, No. LXXVIII.
LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION 53
whether authority to legislate on a given subject
is granted in that instrument. If it be, the
character of the legislation must remain a matter
of legislative discretion. Besides, you must re-
pose confidence somewhere, and judges, on the
whole, are more trustworthy than legislators.
How can you say that, retorted the opposition,
when you, better than most men, know the line
of despotic legal precedents from the Ship Money
down to the Writs of Assistance ?
Looking back upon this initial controversy
touching judicial functions under the Constitution,
we can hardly suppose that Hamilton did not per-
ceive that, in substance, Jefferson was right, and
that a bench purposely constructed to pass upon
political questions must be politically partisan.
He knew very well that, if the Federalists prevailed
in the elections, a Federalist President would
only appoint magistrates who could be relied on
to favor consolidation. And so the event proved.
General Washington chose John Jay for the first
Chief Justice, who in some important respects was
more Federalist than Hamilton, while John
Adams selected John Marshall, who, though one
of the greatest jurists who ever lived, was hated
54 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
by Jefferson with a bitter hatred, because of his
political bias. As time went on matters grew
worse. Before Marshall died slavery had become
a burning issue, and the slave-owners controlled
the appointing power. General Jackson appointed
Taney to sustain the expansion of slavery, and
when the anti-slavery party carried the country
with Lincoln, Lincoln supplanted Taney with
Chase, in order that Chase might stand by him
in his struggle to destroy slavery. And as it has
been, so must it always be. As long as the
power to enact laws shall hinge on the complexion
of benches of judges, so long will the ability to
control a majority of the bench be as crucial
a political necessity as the ability to control a
majority in avowedly representative assemblies.
Hamilton was one of the few great jurists and
administrators whom America has ever produced,
and it is inconceivable that he did not understand
what he was doing. He knew perfectly well that,
other things being equal, the simplest adminis-
trative mechanism is the best, and he knew also
that he was helping to make an extremely compli-
cated mechanism. Not only so, but at the heart
of this complexity lay the gigantic cog of the
LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION 55
judiciary, which was obviously devised to stop
movement. He must have had a reason, beyond
the reason he gave, for not only insisting on cloth-
ing the judiciary with these unusual political
and legislative attributes, but for giving the
judiciary an unprecedented fixity of tenure. I
suspect that he was actuated by some such con-
siderations as these :
The Federalists, having pretty good cause to
suppose themselves in a popular minority, pur-
posed to consolidate the thirteen states under a
new sovereign. There were but two methods by
which they could prevail ; they could use force,
or, to secure assent, they could propose some
system of arbitration. To escape war the Fed-
eralists convened the constitutional convention,
and by so doing pledged themselves to arbitra-
tion. But if their plan of consolidation were to
succeed, it was plain that the arbitrator must
arbitrate in their favor, for if he arbitrated as
Mr. Jefferson would have wished, the United
States under the Constitution would have differed
little from the United States under the Confedera-
tion. The Federalists, therefore, must control
the arbitrator. If the Constitution were to be
56 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
adopted, Hamilton and every one else knew that
Washington would be the first President, and
Washington could be relied on to appoint a
strong Federalist bench. Hence, whatever might
happen subsequently, when the new plan first
should go into operation, and when the danger
from insubordination among the states would
probably be most acute, the judiciary would be
made to throw its weight in favor of consolidation,
and against disintegration, and, if it did so, it
was essential that it should be protected against
anything short of a revolutionary attack.
In the convention, indeed, Charles Pinckney of
South Carolina suggested that Congress should
be empowered to negative state legislation, but
such an alternative, for obvious reasons, would
have been less palatable to Hamilton, since
Congress would be only too likely to fall under the
control of the Jeffersonian party, while a bench of
judges, if once well chosen, might prove to be for
many years an "excellent barrier to the encroach-
ments and oppressions of the representative body." l
I infer that Hamilton and many other Federalists
reasoned somewhat thus, not only from what
1 The Federalist, No. LXXVIII.
LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION 57
they wrote, but from the temper of their minds,
and, if they did, events largely justified them.
John Jay, Oliver Ellsworth, and John Marshall
were successively appointed to the office of Chief
Justice, nor did the complexion of the Supreme
Court change until after 1830.
What interests us, however, is not so much what
the Federalists thought, or the motives which
actuated them, as the effect which the clothing of
the judiciary with political functions has had
upon the development of the American republic,
more especially as that extreme measure might
have been avoided, had Pinckney's plan been
adopted. Nor, looking back upon the actual
course of events, can I perceive that, so far as the
movement toward consolidation was concerned,
the final result would have varied materially
whether Congress or the Supreme Court had
exercised control over state legislation. Marshall
might just as well, in the one case as the other,
have formulated his theory of a semi-centralized
administration.' He would only have had uni-
formly to sustain Congress, as an English judge
sustains Parliament. Nor could either Congress
or the Court have reached a definite result with-
58 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
out an appeal to force. Either chamber might
expound a theory, but nothing save an army
could establish it.
For two generations statesmen and jurists
debated the relation of the central to the local
sovereignties with no result, for words alone
could decide no such issue. In America, as else-
where, sovereignty is determined by physical
force. Marshall could not conquer Jefferson,
he could at most controvert Jefferson's theory.
This he did, but, in doing so, I doubt if he were
quite true to himself. Jefferson contended that
every state might nullify national legislation, as
conversely Pinckney wished Congress to be given
explicitly the power to nullify state legislation;
and Marshall, very sensibly, pointed out that,
were Jefferson's claim carried into practice, it
would create " a hydra in government," l yet I
am confident that Marshall did not appreciate
whither his own assertion of authority must
lead. In view of the victory of centralization in
the Civil War, I will agree that the Supreme
Court might have successfully maintained a
position as arbitrator touching conflicting juris-
1 Cohens v, Virginia, 6 Wheaton 415.
LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION 59
dictions, as between the nation and the states,
but that is a different matter from assuming to
examine into the wisdom of the legislation itself.
The one function might, possibly, pass by courtesy
as judicial; the other is clearly legislative.
This distinction only developed after Marshall's
death, but the resentment which impelled Mar-
shall to annul an act of Congress was roused by
the political conflict which preceded the election
of 1800, in which Marshall took a chief part.
Apparently he could not resist the temptation
of measuring himself with his old adversary,
especially as he seems to have thought that he
could discredit that adversary without giving
him an opportunity to retaliate.
In 1798 a Federalist Congress passed the Alien
and Sedition Acts, whose constitutionality no
Federalist judge ever doubted, but which Jefferson
considered as clearly a violation of the fundamental
compact, since they tended to drive certain
states, as he thought, into "revolution and blood."
Under this provocation Jefferson proclaimed that
it was both the right and the duty of any state,
which felt itself aggrieved, to intervene to arrest
"the progress of the evil," within her territory,
60 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
by declining to execute, or by "nullifying," the
objectionable statutes. As Jefferson wrote the
Kentucky Resolutions in 1798 and was elected
President in 1800, the people at least appeared
to have sustained him in his exposition of the
Constitution, before he entered into office.
At this distance of time we find it hard to realize
what the election of 1800 seemed to portend to
those who participated therein. Mr. Jefferson
always described it as amounting to a revolution
as profound as, if less bloody than, the revolution
of 1776, and though we may be disposed to imagine
that Jefferson valued his own advent to power at
its full worth, it must be admitted that his enemies
regarded it almost as seriously. Nor were they
without some justification, for Jefferson certainly
represented the party of disintegration. "Nulli-
fication" would have been tantamount to a re-
turn to the condition of the Confederation.
Besides, Jefferson not so many years before had
written, in defence of Shays's rebellion, that the
tree of Liberty could never flourish unless re-
freshed occasionally with the blood of patriots
and tyrants. To most Federalists Jefferson
seemed a bloodthirsty demagogue.
LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION 61
In 1796 Oliver Ellsworth had been appointed
Chief Justice by General Washington in the place
of Jay, who resigned, and in 1799 John Adams
sent Ellsworth as an envoy to France to try to
negotiate a treaty which should reestablish peace
between the two countries. Ellsworth succeeded
in his mission, but the hardships of his journey
injured his health, and he, hi turn, resigned in
the autumn of 1800. Then Adams offered the
Chief Justiceship to Jay, but Jay would not return
to office, and after this the President selected his
Secretary of State, John Marshall, one of the
greatest of the great Virginians, but one of Jef-
ferson's most irreconcilable enemies. Perhaps at
no moment in his life did John Adams demon-
strate his legal genius more convincingly than
hi this remarkable nomination. Yet it must be
conceded that, in making John Marshall Chief
Justice, John Adams deliberately chose the man
whom, of all his countrymen, he thought to be
the most formidable champion of those views
which he himself entertained, and which he con-
ceived that he had been elected President to ad-
vance. Nor was John Adams deceived. For
thirty-four years John Marshall labored ceaselessly
62 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
to counteract Jefferson's constitutional prin-
ciples, while Jefferson always denounced the
political partiality of the federal courts, and above
all the "rancorous hatred which Marshall bears
to the government of his country, and . . . the
cunning and sophistry within which he is able to
enshroud himself. " 1
No one, at this day, would be disposed to dispute
that the Constitution, as a device to postpone
war among the states, at least for a period, was
successful, and that, as I have already pointed out,
during the tentative interval which extended
until Appomattox, the Supreme Court served
perhaps as well, in ordinary times, as an arbiter
between the states and the general government,
as any which could have been suggested. So
much may be conceded, and yet it remains true, as
the record will show, that when it passed this
point and entered into factional strife, the Supreme
Court somewhat lamentably failed, probably in-
juring itself and popular respect for law, far more
by its errors, than it aided the Union by its political
adjudications.
Although John Marshall, by common consent,
1 To Madison, Ford, 9, 275.
LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION 63
ranks as one of the greatest and purest of Ameri-
cans, yet even Marshall had human weaknesses,
one of which was a really unreasonable antipathy
to Thomas Jefferson; an antipathy which, I
surmise, must, when Jefferson was inaugurated,
have verged upon contempt. At least Marshall
did what cautious men seldom do when they
respect an adversary, he took the first oppor-
tunity to pick a quarrel with a man who had the
advantage of him in position.
In the last days of his presidency John Adams
appointed one William Marbury a justice of the
peace for the District of Columbia. The Senate
confirmed the appointment, and the President
signed, and John Marshall, as Secretary of State,
sealed Marbury's commission ; but in the hurry of
surrendering office the commission was not de-
livered, and Jefferson found it in the State Depart-
ment when he took possession. Resenting violently
these "midnight" appointments, as he called them,
Jefferson directed Mr. Madison, his Secretary
of State, to withhold the commission ; and, at the
next December term of the Supreme Court,
Marbury moved for a rule to Madison to show
cause why he should not be commanded to deliver
64 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
to the plaintiff the property to which Marbury
pretended to be entitled. Of course Jefferson
declined to appear before Marshall, through his
Secretary of State, and finally, in February, 1803,
Marshall gave judgment, in what was, without any
doubt, the most anomalous opinion he ever de-
livered, in that it violated all judicial conventions,
for, apparently, no object, save to humiliate a
political opponent.
Marshall had no intention of commanding
Madison to surrender the commission to Marbury.
He was too adroit a politician for that. Marshall
knew that he could not compel Jefferson to obey
such a writ against his will, and that in issuing
the order he would only bring himself and his
court into contempt. What he seems to have
wished to do was to give Jefferson a lesson in de-
portment. Accordingly, instead of dismissing Mar-
bury 's suit upon any convenient pretext, as, accord-
ing to legal etiquette, he should have done if he
had made up his mind to decide against the plain-
tiff, and yet thought it inexpedient to explain his
view of the law, he began his opinion with a long
and extra-judicial homily, first on Marbury's
title to ownership in the commission, and then on
LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION 65
civil liberty. Having affirmed that Marbury's
right to his office vested when the President had
signed, and the Secretary of State had sealed the
instrument, he pointed out that withholding the
property thus vested was a violation of civil rights
which could be examined in a court of justice.
Were it otherwise, the Chief Justice insisted,
the government of the United States could
not be termed a government of laws and not of
men.
All this elaborate introduction was in the nature
of a solemn lecture by the Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court to the President of the United
States upon his faulty discharge of his official
duties. Having eased his mind on this head,
Marshall went on, very dexterously indeed, but
also very palpably, to elude the consequences
of his temerity. He continued : The right of
property being established, and the violation
of that right clear, it is plain that a wrong has
been committed, and it only remains to determine
whether that wrong can be redressed under this
form of procedure. We are of opinion that it
cannot, because Congress has no constitutional
power to confer upon the Supreme Court original
66 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
jurisdiction in this class of litigation. In the
lower courts alone can the relief prayed for be
obtained.
Of all the events of Marshall's life this contro-
versy with Jefferson seems to me the most equivo-
cal, and it was a direct effect of a constitutional
system which has permitted the courts to become
the censor of the political departments of the
government. Marshall, probably, felt exasperated
by Jefferson's virulence against these final appoint-
ments made by John Adams, while Marshall
was Secretary of State, and for which he may
have felt himself, in part, responsible. Possi-
bly, even, he may have taken some of Jeffer-
son's strictures as aimed at himself. At all
events he went to extreme lengths in retalia-
tion. He might have dismissed the litigation
in a few words by stating that, whatever
the abstract rights of the parties might have
been, the Supreme Court had no power to
constrain the President in his official functions ;
but he yielded to political animosity. Then,
having taken a position practically untenable, he
had to find an avenue of retreat, and he found
it by asserting a supervisory jurisdiction over
LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION 67
Congress, a step which, even at that early period,
was moet hazardous.1
In reality Jefferson's temper, far from being
vindictive and revolutionary, as his enemies
believed, was rather gentle and timid, but he
would have been more than mortal had he endured
such an insult in silence. Nor could he, perhaps,
have done so without risking the respect of his
followers. So he decided on reprisals, and a
scheme was matured among influential Virginians,
like John Randolph and Senator William Giles, to
purge the Supreme Court of Federalists. Among
the associate justices of this court was Samuel
Chase, a signer of the Declaration of Independence
and an able lawyer, but an arrogant and indiscreet
partisan. Chase had made himself obnoxious on
various public occasions and so was considered to
be the best subject to impeach; but if they suc-
ceeded with him the Jeffersonians proclaimed their
intention of removing all his brethren seriatim,
including the chief offender of all, John Marshall.
1 Marshall's constitutional doctrine was not universally accepted,
even in the courts of the northern states, until long afterward. As
eminent a jurist as Chief Justice Gibson of Pennsylvania, as late as
1825, gave a very able dissenting opinion in opposition in Eakin ».
Raub, 12 S. & R., 344.
68 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
One day in December, 1804, Senator Giles, of
Virginia, in a conversation which John Quincy
Adams has reported in his diary, discussed the
issue at large, and that conversation is most
apposite now, since it shows' how early the in-
evitable tendency was developed to make judges
who participate in political and social contro-
versies responsible to the popular will. The
conversation is too long to extract in full, but a
few sentences will convey its purport : -
"He treated with the utmost contempt the idea
of an independent judiciary. . . . And if the
judges of the Supreme Court should dare, as they
had done, to declare an act of Congress unconstitu-
tional, or to send a mandamus to the Secretary
of State, as they had done, it was the undoubted
right of the House of Representatives to impeach
them, and of the Senate to remove them, for giving
such opinions, however honest or sincere they
may have been in entertaining them. * * * And
a removal by impeachment was nothing more than
a declaration by Congress to this effect : You hold
dangerous opinions, and if you are suffered to carry
them into effect you will work the destruction of
the nation. We want your offices, for the pur-
LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION 69
pose of giving them to men who will nil them
better." 1
Jefferson, though he controlled a majority in
the Senate, failed by a narrow margin to obtain
the two- thirds vote necessary to convict Chase.
Nevertheless, he accomplished his object. Chase
never recovered his old assurance, and Marshall
never again committed a solecism in judicial
manners. On his side, after the impeachment,
Jefferson showed moderation. He might, if he
had been malevolent, without doubt, have ob-
tained an act of Congress increasing the member-
ship of the Supreme Court enough to have put
Marshall in a minority. Then by appointing men
like Giles he could have compelled Marshall to
resign. He did nothing of the kind. He spared
the Supreme Court, which he might have over-
thrown, and contented himself with waiting until
time should give him the opportunity to correct
the political tendencies of a body of men whom
he sincerely regarded as a menace to, what he con-
sidered, popular institutions. Thus the ebullition
caused by Marshall's acrimony toward Jefferson,
because of Jefferson's strictures on the appoint-
1 Memoirs, I, 322.
yo THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
ments made by his predecessor subsided, leaving
no very serious immediate mischief behind, save
the precedent of the nullification of an act of Con-
gress by the Supreme Court. That precedent,
however, was followed by Marshall's Democratic
successor. And nothing can better illustrate the
inherent vice of the American constitutional sys-
tem than that it should have been possible, in
1853, to devise and afterward present to a tribunal,
whose primary purpose was to administer the
municipal law, a set of facts for adjudication, on
purpose to force it to pass upon the validity of
such a statute as the Missouri Compromise, which
had been enacted by Congress in 1820, as a sort
of treaty of peace between the North and South,
and whose object was the limitation of the spread
of slavery. Whichever way the Court decided,
it must have fallen into opprobrium with one-half
the country. In fact, having been organized by
the slaveholders to sustain slavery, it decided
against the North, and therefore lost repute with
the party destined to be victorious. I need not
pause to criticise the animus of the Court, nor yet
the quality of the law which the Chief Justice
there laid down. It suffices that in the decade
LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION 71
which preceded hostilities no event, in all proba-
bility, so exasperated passions, and so shook the
faith of the people of the northern states in the
judiciary, as this decision. Faith, whether in the
priest or the magistrate, is of slow growth, and
if once impaired is seldom fully restored. I doubt
whether the Supreme Court has ever recovered
from the shock it then received, and, considered
from this point of view, the careless attitude of
the American people toward General Grant's
administration, when in 1871 it obtained the
reversal of Hepburn v. Griswold by appointments
to the bench, assumes a sombre aspect.
Of late some sensitiveness has been shown in
regard to this transaction, and a disposition has
appeared to defend General Grant and his At-
torney-General against the charge of manipulating
the membership of the bench to suit their own
views. At the outset, therefore, I wish to dis-
claim any intention of entering into this discussion.
To me it is immaterial whether General Grant
and Mr. Hoar' did or did not nominate judges
with a view to obtaining a particular judgment.
I am concerned not with what men thought,
but with what they did, and with the effect of
72 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
their acts at the moment, upon their fellow-
citizens.
Hepburn v. Griswold was decided in conference
on November 27, 1869, when eight justices were
on the bench. On February i, following, Justice
Grier resigned, and, on February 7, judgment was
entered, the court then being divided four to
three, but Grier having been with the majority,
the vote in reality stood five to three. Two
vacancies therefore existed on February 7, one
caused by the resignation of Grier, the other by
an act of Congress which had enlarged the court
by one member, and which had taken effect in
the previous December.
Chief Justice Chase held that the clause of the
currency laws of 1862 and 1863 which made
depreciated paper a legal tender for preexisting
debts was unconstitutional. No sooner had the
judgment been recorded than all the world per-
ceived that, if both vacancies should be filled with
men who would uphold the acts, Hepburn v. Gris-
wold might be reversed by a majority of one.
The Republican party had full control of the
government and was united in vehement support
of the laws. On March 21, the second of the two
LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION 73
new judges received his commission, and precisely
ten days afterward the Attorney- General moved
for a rehearing, taunting the Chief Justice with
having changed his opinion on this point, and
intimating that the issue was in reality political,
and not judicial at all.
In the December Term following Knox v. Lee
was argued by the Attorney- General, and, on May
i, 1871, judgment was entered reversing Hepburn
v. Griswold, both the new judges voting with the
former minority, thus creating the necessary
majority of one. No one has ever doubted that
what General Grant did coincided with the drift
of opinion, and that the Republican party sup-
ported him without inquiring how he had achieved
success.1 After this it is difficult to suppose that
much respect could remain among the American
people for the sanctity of judicial political de-
cisions, or that a President, at the head of a popu-
lar majority, would incur much odium for in-
tervening to correct them, as a party measure.
The last example of judicial interference which
1 Hepburn r. Griswold, 8 Wallace 603. Decided in conference
on Nov. 27, 1869, more than a month before Grier's resignation.
Knox v. Lee, 12 Wallace 457.
74 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
I shall mention was the nullification, in 1895, of a
statute of Congress which imposed an income tax.
The states have since set this decision aside by
constitutional amendment, and I should suppose
that few would now dispute that the Court when
it so decided made a serious political and social
error. As Mr. Justice White pointed out, the
judges undertook to deprive the people, in their
corporate capacity, of a power conceded to Con-
gress "by universal consensus for one hundred
years." 1 These words were used in the first
argument, but on the rehearing the present Chief
Justice waxed warm in remonstrating against the
unfortunate position in which his brethren placed
the Court before the nation, protesting with
almost passionate earnestness against the reversal
by half-a-dozen judges of what had been the uni-
versally accepted legal, political, and economic
policy of the country solely in order that "in-
vested wealth " might be read " into the consti-
tution " as a favored and protected class of
property. Mr. Justice White closed by saying that
by this act the Supreme Court had "deprived [the
Government] of an inherent attribute of its being." 2
1 157 U. S. 608.
* Pollock t. The Farmers' Loan & Trust Co., 158 U. S. 715.
LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION 75
I might go on into endless detail, but I ap-
prehend that these cases, which are the most
important which have ever arisen on this issue,
suffice for my purpose.1 I contend that no court
can, because of the nature of its being, effectively
check a popular majority acting through a co-
1In 1889 Mr. J. C. Bancroft Davis compiled a table of the acts of
Congress which up to that time had been held to be unconstitutional.
It is to be found in the Appendix to volume 131 U. S. Reports, page
ccxxxv. Mr. Davis has, however, omitted from his list the Dred
Scott Case, probably for the technical reason that, in 1857, when the
cause was decided, the Missouri Compromise had been repealed.
Nevertheless, though this is true, Taney's decision hinged upon the
invalidity of the law.
Besides the statutes which I have mentioned in the text, the two
most important, I suppose, which have been annulled, have to me no
little interest. These are the Civil Rights Act of 1875, and the Em-
ployers' Liability Act of 1006. The Civil Rights Act of 1875 grew
rapidly unpopular, and the decision which overturned it coincided
with the strong drift of opinion. The Civil Rights Cases were de-
cided in October, 1883, and Mr. Cleveland was elected President in
1884. Doubtless the law would have been repealed had the judiciary
supported it. Therefore this adjudication stood.
On the other hand, the Employers' Liability Act of 1906 was held
bad because Congress undertook to deal with commerce conducted
wholly within the states, and therefore beyond the national jurisdic-
tion. The Court, consequently, in the Employers' Liability Cases,
simply denned the limits of sovereignty, as a Canadian Court might
do; it did not question the existence of sovereignty itself. In 1008
Congress passed a statute free from this objection, and the Court, in
the Second Employers' Liability Cases, 223 U. S. i, sustained the
legislation in the most thoroughgoing manner. I know not where to
look for two better illustrations of my theory.
76 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
ordinate legislative assembly, and I submit that
the precedents which I have cited prove this con-
tention. The only result of an attempt and failure
is to bring courts of justice into odium or contempt,
and, in any event, to make them objects of attack
by a dominant social force in order to use them as
an instrument, much as Charles II used Jeffreys.
The moment we consider the situation philo-
sophically we perceive why using a court to control
a coordinate legislature must, nearly inevitably,
be sooner or later fatal to the court, if it asserts
its prerogative. A court to be a fit tribunal to
administer the municipal law impartially, or
even relatively impartially, must be a small body
of men, holding by a permanent and secure tenure,
guarded from all pressure which may unduly in-
fluence them. Also they should be men of much
experience and learned in the precedents which
should make the rules which they apply stable and
consistent. In short, a court should be rigid and
emotionless. It follows that it must be con-
servative, for its members should long have passed
that period of youth when the mind is sensitive
to new impressions. Were it otherwise, law would
cease to be cohesive.
LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION 77
A legislature is nearly the antithesis of a court.
It is designed to reflect the passions of the voters,
and the majority of voters are apt to be young.
Hence in periods of change, when alone serious
clashes between legislatures and courts are likely
to occur, as the social equilibrium shifts the
legislature almost certainly will reflect the rising,
the court the sinking power. I take the Dred
Scott Case as an illustration. In 1857 the slave-
holding interest had passed the zenith of high
fortune, and was hastening toward its decline.
In the elections of 1858 the Democratic party,
which represented slavery, was defeated. But
the Supreme Court had been organized by Demo-
crats who had been dominant for many years, and
it adhered, on the principle laid down by Jeffreys,
to the master which created it.
Occasionally, it is true, a court has been con-
structed by a rising energy, as was the Supreme
Court in 1789, but then it is equally tenacious to
the instinct which created it. The history of the
Supreme Court is, in this point of view, emi-
nently suggestive. The Federalist instinct was
constructive, not destructive, and accordingly
Marshall's fame rests on a series of constructive
78 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
decisions like M'Culloch v. Maryland, Cohens v.
Virginia, and Gibbons v. Odgen. In these de-
cisions he either upheld actual national legislation,
or else the power of the nation to legislate. Con-
versely, whenever Marshall or his successors
have sought to obstruct social movement they
have not prospered. Marbury v. Madison is not
an episode on which any admirer of Marshall
can linger with satisfaction. In theory it may be
true, as Hamilton contended, that, given the fact
that a written constitution is inevitable, a bench
of judges is the best tribunal to interpret its
meaning, since the duty of the judge has ever been
and is now to interpret the meaning of written
instruments; but it does not follow from this
premise that the judges who should exercise this
office should be the judges who administer the
municipal law. In point of fact experience has
proved that, so far as Congress is concerned, the
results of judicial interference have been negative.
And it would be well if in other spheres of Ameri-
can constitutional development, judicial activity
had been always negative. Unfortunately, as I
believe, it has extended into the domain of legis-
lation. I will take the Dred Scott Case once
LIMITATIONS OF THE JUDICIAL FUNCTION 79
more to illustrate my meaning. The North found
it bad enough for the Supreme Court to hold
that, under the Constitution, Congress could not
exclude slavery from the national territory beyond
a certain boundary which had been fixed by com-
promise between the North and South. But the
North would have found it intolerable if the Court,
while fully conceding that Congress might so
legislate, if the character of the legislation com-
mended itself to the judges, had held the Missouri
Compromise to be unconstitutional because they
thought it unreasonable. Yet this, in substance,
is what our courts have done. And this brings
me to the consideration of American courts as
legislative chambers.
CHAPTER III
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS
IN one point of view many of the greatest of
the Federalists were idealists. They seem sin-
cerely to have believed that they could, by some
form of written words, constrain a people to be
honest against then- will, and almost as soon as
the new government went into operation they
tested these beliefs by experiment, with very in-
different success. I take it that jurists like Jay
and Marshall held it to be axiomatic that rules
of conduct should be laid down by them which
would be applicable to rich and poor, great and
small, alike, and that courts could maintain such
rules against all pressure. Possibly such prin-
ciples may be enforced against individuals, but
they cannot be enforced against communities,
and it was here that the Federalist philosophy
collapsed, as Hamilton, at least partly, foresaw
that it must.
Sovereigns have always enjoyed immunity
80
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 8l
from suit by private persons, unless they have
been pleased to assent thereto, not because it is
less wrongful for a sovereign than for an individual
to cheat, but because the sovereign cannot be
arrested and the individual can. With the
Declaration of Independence the thirteen colonies
became sovereigns. Petty sovereigns it is true,
and singly contemptible in physical force as
against most foreign nations, but none the less
tenacious of the attributes of sovereignty, and
especially of the attribute which enabled them
to repudiate their debts. Jay, Marshall, and
their like, thought that they could impose the
same moral standard upon the states as upon
private persons; they were unable to do so, but
in making the attempt they involved the American
judicial system in a maze of difficulties whose
gravity, I fear, can hardly be exaggerated. Be-
fore entering upon this history, however, I must
say a word touching the nature of our law.
Municipal law, to be satisfactory, should be a
body of abstract principles capable of being ap-
plied impartially to all relevant facts, just as
Marshall and Jay held it to be. Where exceptions
begin, equality before the law ends, as I have
82 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
tried to show by the story of King David and
Uriah, and therefore the great effort of civilization
has been to remove judges from the possibility
of being subjected to a temptation, or to a press-
ure, which may deflect them from impartiality
as between suitors. In modern civilization, es-
pecially, nothing is so fatal to the principle of
order as inequality in the dispensation of justice,
and it would have been reasonable to suppose
that Americans, beyond all others, would have
been alive to this teaching of experience, and have
studiously withdrawn their bench from politics.
In fact they have ignored it, and instead they
have set their judiciary at the focus of conflicting
forces. The result has been the more unfortunate
as the English system of jurisprudence is ill cal-
culated to bear the strain, it being inflexible. In
theory the English law moves logically from prec-
edent to precedent, the judge originating nothing,
only elaborating ideas which he has received from
a predecessor, and which are binding on him. If
the line of precedents leads to wrongful conclusions,
the legislature must intervene with a statute rec-
tifying the wrong. The Romans, who were gifted
with a higher legal genius than we, managed
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 83
better. The praetor, by his edict, suppressed in-
convenient precedents, and hence the Romans
maintained flexibility in their municipal law with-
out falling into confusion. We have nothing to
correspond to the praetor.
Thus the English system of binding precedents
is troublesome enough in a civilization in chronic
and violent flux like modern civilization, even
when applied to ordinary municipal law which
may be changed at will by legislation, but it
brings society almost to a stand when applied to
the most vital functions of government, with no
means at hand to obtain a corrective. For the
court of last resort having once declared the
meaning of a clause of the Constitution, that
meaning remains fixed forever, unless the court
either reverses itself, which is a disaster, or the
Constitution can be amended by the states, which
is not only difficult, but which, even if it be pos-
sible, entails years of delay.
Yet pressing emergencies arise, emergencies in
which a settlement of some kind must almost
necessarily be reached somewhat rapidly to avert
very serious disorders, and it has been under this
tension, as I understand American constitutional
84 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
development, that our courts have resorted to
legislation. Nor is it fair for us to measure the
sagacity of our great jurists by the standard of
modern experience. They lived before the ac-
celeration of movement by electricity and steam.
They could not foresee the rapidity and the pro-
fundity of the changes which were imminent.
Hence it was that, in the spirit of great lawyers,
who were also possibly men tinged with a certain
enthusiasm for the ideal, they began their work
by ruling on the powers and limitations of sover-
eignty, as if they were ruling on the necessity of
honest intent in dealings with one's neighbor.
In 1789 General Washington is said to have
offered John Jay his choice of offices under the
new government, and Jay chose the chief justice-
ship, because there he thought he could make his
influence felt most widely. If so he had his wish,
and very shortly met with disappointment. In
the August Term of 1792, one Chisholm, a citizen
of South Carolina, sued the State of Georgia for
a debt. Georgia declined to appear, and in Feb-
ruary, 1793, Jay, in an elaborate opinion, gave
judgment for Chisholm. Jay was followed by his
associates with the exception of Iredell, J., of
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 85
North Carolina. Forthwith a ferment began, and
in the very next session of Congress an amend-
ment to the Constitution was proposed to make
such suits impossible. In January, 1798, five
years after the case was argued, this amendment
was declared to be adopted, but meanwhile Jay
had resigned to become governor of New York.
In December, 1800, he was again offered the chief
justiceship by John Adams, on the resignation of
Oliver Ellsworth, but Jay resolutely declined. I
have often wondered whether Jay's mortifica-
tion at having his only important constitu-
tional decision summarily condemned by the
people may not have given him a distaste for
judicial life.
The Federalist attempt to enforce on the states
a positive rule of economic morality, therefore,
collapsed at once, but it still remained possible to
approach the same problem from its negative side,
through the clause of the Constitution which for-
bade any state to impair the validity of contracts,
and Marshall took up this aspect of the task where
Jay left it. In Marshall's mind his work was
simple. He had only to determine the nature of
a contract, and the rest followed automatically.
86 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
All contracts were to be held sacred. Their
greater or less importance was immaterial.
In 1 8 10 Marshall expounded this general prin-
ciple in Fletcher v. Peck.1 "When ... a law
is in its nature a contract ... a repeal of the law
cannot devest" rights which have vested under it.
A couple of years later he applied his principle
to the extreme case of an unlimited remission of
taxation.2 The State of New Jersey had granted
an exemption from taxation to lands ceded to
certain Indians. Marshall held that this contract
ran with the land, and inured to the benefit of
grantees from the Indians. If the state cared
to resume its power of taxation, it must buy the
grant back, and the citizens of New Jersey must
pay for their improvidence.
Seven years later, hi 1819, Marshall may, per-
haps, be said to have reached the culmination of
his career, for then he carried his moral standard
to a breaking strain. But, though his theory broke
down, perhaps the most striking evidence of his
wonderful intellectual superiority is that he con-
vinced the Democrat, Joseph Story, — a man
1 6 Cranch 135.
1 New Jersey r. Wilson, 7 Cranch 164, decided in 1812.
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 87
who had been nominated by Madison to oppose
him, and of undoubted strength of character, —
of the soundness of his thesis. In 1769 King
George III incorporated certain Trustees of
Dartmouth College. The charter was accepted
and both real and personal property were there-
upon conveyed to this corporate body, in trust
for educational purposes. In 1816 the legislature
of New Hampshire reorganized the board of
trustees against their will. If the incorporation
amounted to a contract, the Court was clear that
this statute impaired it ; therefore the only really
debatable issue was whether the grant of a charter
by the king amounted to a contract by him, with
his subjects to whom he granted it. After pro-
longed consideration Marshall concluded that it
did, and I conceive that, in the eye of history,
he was right. Throughout the Middle Ages cor-
porate privileges of all kinds, but especially mu-
nicipal corporate privileges, had been subjects of
purchase and sale, and indeed the mediaeval social
system restecl on such contracts. So much was
this the case that the right to return members
of Parliament from incorporated boroughs was,
as Lord Eldon pointed out in the debates on the
88 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
Reform Bill, as much private property "as any of
your lordships' " titles and peerages.
It was here that Marshall faltered. He felt
that the public would not support him if he held
that states could not alter town and county char-
ters, so he arbitrarily split corporations in halves,
protecting only those which handled exclusively
private funds, and abandoning "instruments of
government," as he called them, to the mercy of
legislative assemblies.
Toward 1832 it became convenient for middle
class Englishmen to confiscate most of the prop-
erty which the aristocracy had invested in par-
liamentary boroughs, and this social revolution
was effected without straining the judicial system,
because of the supremacy of Parliament. In
America, at about the same time, it became, in
like manner, convenient to confiscate numerous
equally well-vested rights, because, to have com-
pensated the owners would have entailed a con-
siderable sacrifice which neither the public nor
the promoters of new enterprises were willing to
make. The same end was reached in America as
in England, in spite of Chief Justice Marshall and
the Dartmouth College Case, only in America it
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 89
was attained by a legal somerset which has dis-
ordered the course of justice ever since.
In 1697 King William III incorporated Trinity
Church in the City of New York, confirming to
the society the possession of a parcel of land, ad-
joining the church, to be used as a churchyard
for the burial of the dead. In 1823 the govern-
ment of New York prohibited interments within
the city limits, thus closing the churchyard for
the purposes for which it had been granted. As
compensation was refused, it appeared to be a
clear case of confiscation, and Trinity resisted.
In the teeth of recent precedents the Supreme
Court of New York decided that, under the
Police Power, the legislature of New York might
authorize this sort of appropriation of private
property for sanitary purposes, without paying the
owners for any loss they might thereby sustain.1
The court thus simply dispensed the legislature
from obedience to the law, saying in effect, "al-
though the Constitution forbids impairing con-
tracts, and although this is a contract which you
have impaired, yet, in our discretion, we suspend
the operation of the Constitution, in this instance,
1 Coates v. Mayor of New York, 7 Cowen 585.
90 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
by calling your act an exercise of a power unknown
to the framers of the Constitution." I cannot
doubt that Marshall would have flouted this
theory had he lived to pass upon it, but Marshall
died in 1835, and the Charles River Bridge Case,
in which this question was first presented to the
Supreme Court of the United States, did not come
up until 1837. Then Joseph Story, who remained
as the representative of Marshall's philosophy
upon the bench, vehemently protested against the
latitudinarianism of Chief Justice Taney and his as-
sociates, but without producing the slightest effect.
In 1785 the Massachusetts legislature chartered
the Charles River Bridge Company to build a
bridge between Boston and Charlestown, author-
izing it, by way of consideration, to collect tolls
for forty years. In 1792 the franchise was ex-
tended to seventy years, when the bridge was to
revert to the Commonwealth. In 1828 the legis-
lature chartered the Warren Bridge Company,
expressly to build a bridge parallel to and practi-
cally adjoining the Charles River Bridge, the War-
ren Bridge to become a free bridge after six years.
The purpose, of course, was to accelerate movement
by ruining the Charles River Bridge Company.
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 91
The Charles River Bridge Company sought to
restrain the building of the Warren Bridge as a
breach of contract by the State, but failed to ob-
tain relief in the state courts, and before the cause
could be argued at Washington the Warren Bridge
had become free and had destroyed the value of
the Charles River Bridge, though its franchise
had still twenty years to run. As Story pointed
out, no one denied that the charter of the Charles
River Bridge Company was a contract, and, as he
insisted, it is only common sense as well as com-
mon justice and elementary law, that contracts
of this character should be reasonably interpreted
so far as quiet enjoyment of the consideration
granted is concerned ; but all this availed nothing.
The gist of the opposing argument is contained
in a single sentence in the opinion of the Chief
Justice who spoke for the majority of the court :
"The millions of property which have been in-
vested in railroads and canals, upon lines of
travel which had been before occupied by turn-
pike corporation's, will be put in jeopardy" if this
doctrine is to prevail.1
The effect of the adoption by the Supreme
1 Charles River Bridge ». Warren Bridge, n Peters 420, 553.
92
THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
Court of the United States of the New York
theory of the Police Power was to vest in the
judiciary, by the use of this catch-word, an al-
most unparalleled prerogative. They assumed a
supreme function which can only be compared
to the Dispensing Power claimed by the Stuarts,
or to the authority which, according to the Coun-
cil of Constance, inheres in the Church, to "grant
indulgences for reasonable causes." I suppose
nothing in modern judicial history has ever re-
sembled this assumption ; and yet, when we ex-
amine it, we find it to be not only the logical, but
the inevitable, effect of those mechanical causes
which constrain mankind to move along the lines
of least resistance.
Marshall, in a series of decisions, laid down a
general principle which had been proved to be
sound when applied by ordinary courts, dealing
with ordinary social forces, and operating under
the corrective power of either a legislature or a
praetor, but which had a different aspect under
the American constitutional system. He held
that the fundamental law, embodied in the Con-
stitution, commanded that all contracts should be
sacred. Therefore he, as a judge, had but two
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 93
questions to resolve : First, whether, in the case
before him, a contract had been proved to exist.
Second, admitting that a contract had been
proved, whether it had also been shown to have
been impaired.
Within ten years after these decisions it had
been found in practice that public opinion would
not sustain so rigid an administration of the law.
No legislature could intervene, and a pressure was
brought to bear which the judges could not with-
stand; therefore, the Court yielded, declaring
that if impairing a contract were, on the whole,
for the public welfare, the Constitution, as Mar-
shall interpreted it, should be suspended in favor
of the legislation which impaired it. They called
this suspension the operation of the "Police
Power." It followed, as the "Police Power"
could only come into operation at the discretion
of the Court, that, therefore, within the limits of
judicial discretion, confiscation, however arbitrary
and to whatever extent, might go on. In the
energetic language of the Supreme Court of
Maine: "This duty and consequent power
override all statute or contract exemptions. The
state cannot free any person or corporation from
94
THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
subjection to this power. All personal, as well
as property rights must be held subject to the
Police Power of the state." l
Once the theory of the Police Power was es-
tablished it became desirable to define the limits
of judicial discretion, but that proved to be im-
possible. It could not be determined in advance
by abstract reasoning. Hence, as each litigation
arose, the judges could follow no rule but the rule
of common sense, and the Police Power, trans-
lated into plain English, presently came to signify
whatever, at the moment, the judges happened
to think reasonable. Consequently, they began
guessing at the drift of public opinion, as it per-
colated to them through the medium of their
education and prejudices. Sometimes they guessed
right and sometimes wrong, and when they guessed
wrong they were cast aside, as appeared dramati-
cally enough in the temperance agitation.
Up to about the middle of the last century the
lawfulness of the liquor business had been un-
questioned in the United States, and money had
been invested as freely in it as in any other legiti-
1 Boston & Maine Railroad v. County Commissioners, 79 Maine
393-
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 95
mate enterprise ; but, as the temperance agitation
swept over the country, in obedience to the im-
pulsion given by science to the study of hygiene,
dealing in liquor came to be condemned as a crime.
Presently legislatures began to pass statutes to
confiscate, more or less completely, this kind of
property, and sufferers brought their cases before
the courts to have the constitutionality of the
acts tested, under the provisions which existed
in all state constitutions, forbidding the taking,
by the public, of private property without com-
pensation, or without due process of law. Such
a provision existed in the constitution of the State
of New York, adopted in 1846, and it was to in-
voke the protection of this clause that one Wyne-
hamer, who had been indicted in 1855, carried his
case to the Court of Appeals in the year 1856.
In that cause Mr. Justice Comstock, who was
one of the ablest jurists New York ever produced,
gave an opinion which is a model of judicial
reasoning. He showed conclusively the absurdity
of constitutional restrictions, if due process of
law may be held to mean the enactment of the
very statute drawn to work confiscation.1
1 Wynehamer v. The People, 13 N.Y. 393.
g6 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
This decision, which represented the profound-
est convictions of men of the calibre of Comstock
and Denio, deserves to rank with Marshall's
effort in the Dartmouth College Case. In both
instances the tribunal exerted itself to carry out
Hamilton's principle of judicial duty by exer-
cising its judgment and not its will. In other
words, the judges propounded a general rule and
then simply determined whether the set of facts
presented to them fell within that rule. They
resolutely declined to legislate by entering upon
a consideration of the soundness or reasonableness
of the policy which underlay the action of the
legislature. In the one case as in the other the
effort was unavailing, as Jefferson prophesied
that it would be. I have told of Marshall's over-
throw in the Charles River Bridge Case, and in
1887, after controversies of this category had
begun to come before the Supreme Court of the
United States under the Fourteenth Amendment,
Mr. Justice Harlan swept Mr. Justice Comstock
aside by quietly ignoring an argument which was
unanswerable.1 The same series of phenomena
have appeared in regard to laws confiscating prop-
1 Mugler v. Kansas, 123 U.S. 623.
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 97
erty invested in lotteries, when opinion turned
against lotteries, or in occupations supposed to be
unsanitary, as in the celebrated case of the taxing
out of existence of the rendering establishment
which had been erected as a public benefit to re-
lieve the City of Chicago of its offal.1 In fine,
whenever pressure has reached a given intensity,
on one pretext or another, courts have enforced
or dispensed with constitutional limitations with
quite as much facility as have legislatures, and for
the same reasons. The only difference has been
that the pressure which has operated most directly
upon courts has not always been the pressure
which has swayed legislatures, though sometimes
both influences have combined. For example,
during the Civil War, the courts sanctioned every-
thing the popular majority demanded under the
pretext of the War Power, as in peace they have
sanctioned confiscations for certain popular pur-
poses, under the name of the Police Power. But
then, courts have always been sensitive to financial
influences, and if they have been flexible in per-
mitting popular confiscation when the path of
least resistance has lain that way, they have gone
1 Fertilizing Co. v. Hyde Park, 97 U.S. 659.
98 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
quite as far in the reverse direction when the
amount of capital threatened has been large enough
to be with them a countervailing force.
As the federal Constitution originally contained
no restriction upon the states touching the con-
fiscation of the property of their own citizens, pro-
vided contracts were not impaired, it was only in
1868, by the passage of the Fourteenth Amend-
ment, that the Supreme Court of the United
States acquired the possibility of becoming the
censor of state legislation in such matters. Nor
did the Supreme Court accept this burden very
willingly or in haste. For a number of years it
labored to confine its function to defining the
limits of the Police Power, guarding itself from
the responsibility of passing upon the "reason-
ableness" with which that power was used. It
was only by somewhat slow degrees, as the value
of the threatened property grew to be vast, that
the Court was deflected from this conservative
course into effective legislation. The first prayers
for relief came from the Southern states, who were
still groaning under reconstruction governments;
but as the Southern whites were then rather poor,
their complaints were neglected. The first very
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 99
famous cause of this category is known as the
Slaughter House Cases. In 1869 the Carpet Bag
government of Louisiana conceived the plan of
confiscating most of the property of the butchers
who slaughtered for New Orleans, within a dis-
trict about as large as the State of Rhode Island.
The Fourteenth Amendment forbade states to
deprive any person of life, liberty, or property,
without due process of law, and the butchers of
New Orleans prayed for protection, alleging that
the manner in which their property had been
taken was utterly lawless. But the Supreme
Court declined to interfere, explaining that the
Fourteenth Amendment had been contrived to
protect the emancipated slaves, and not to make
the federal judiciary "a perpetual censor upon
all legislation of the states, on the civil rights of
their own citizens, with authority to nullify such
as it did not approve." 1
Although, even at that relatively early day, this
conservatism met with strong opposition within
the Court itself, the pressure of vested wealth
did not gather enough momentum to overcome the
inertia of the bench for nearly another generation.
1 Slaughter House Cases, 16 Wallace 78, decided in 1873.
100 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
It was the concentration of capital in monopoly,
and the consequent effort by the public to regulate
monopoly prices, which created the stress which
changed the legal equilibrium. The modern
American monopoly seems first to have generated
that amount of friction, which habitually finds
vent in a great litigation, about the year 1870;
but only some years later did the states enter
upon a determined policy of regulating monopoly
prices by law, with the establishment by the
Illinois legislature of a tariff for the Chicago ele-
vators. The elevator companies resisted, on the
ground that regulation of prices in private business
was equivalent to confiscation, and so in 1876 the
Supreme Court was dragged into this fiercest of
controversies, thereby becoming subject to a
stress to which no judiciary can safely be exposed.
Obviously two questions were presented for ad-
judication : The first, which by courtesy might
be termed legal, was whether the fixing of prices
by statute was a prerogative which a state legis-
lature might constitutionally exercise at all ; the
second, which was purely political, was whether,
admitting that, in the abstract, such a power
could be exercised by the state, Illinois had, in
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 101
this particular case, behaved reasonably. The
Supreme Court made a conscientious effort to
adhere to the theory of Hamilton, that it should,
in emergencies like this, use its judgment only,
and not its will; that it should lay down a rule,
not vote on the wisdom of a policy. So the judges
decided that, from time immemorial, the fixing of
prices in certain trades and occupations had been a
legislative function, which they supposed might be
classified as a branch of the Police Power, but they
declared that with this expression of opinion their
jurisdiction ended. When it came to asking
them to criticise the propriety of legislation, it
was, in substance, proposing that they should
substitute their will for the will of the represen-
tatives of the people, which was impossible. I
well remember the stir made by the case of Munn
v. Illinois.1
Both hi and out of the legal profession, those in
harmony with the great vested interests com-
plained that the Court had shirked its duty. But
these complaints soon ceased, for a movement
was in progress which swept, for the moment, all
before it. The great aggregations of capital,
'94 U.S. 113.
102 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
which had been accumulating ever since the
Charles River Bridge Case, not long after Munn
v. Illinois attained to a point at which they began
to grasp many important prerogatives of sover-
eignty, and to impose, what was tantamount to,
arbitrary taxation upon a large scale. The crucial
trial of strength came on the contest for control of
the railways, and in that contest concentrated
capital prevailed. The Supreme Court reversed
its attitude, and undertook to do that which it
had solemnly protested it could not do. It began
to censor legislation hi the interest of the strongest
force for the time being, that force being actually
financial. By the year 1890 the railway interest
had expanded prodigiously. Between 1876 and
1890 the investment in railways had far more
than doubled, and, during the last five years of
this period, the increment had been at an average
of about $450,000,000 annually. At this point
the majority of the court yielded, as ordinary
political chambers always must yield, to extraor-
dinary pressure. Mr. Justice Bradley, however,
was not an ordinary man. He was, on the con-
trary, one of the ablest and strongest lawyers
who sat on the federal bench during the last half
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 103
of the nineteenth century; and Bradley, like
Story before him, remonstrated against turning
the bench of masigtrates, to which he belonged,
from a tribunal which should propound general
rules applicable to all material facts, into a jury-
to find verdicts on the reasonableness of the votes
of representative assemblies. The legislature of
Minnesota, in 1887, passed a statute to regulate
railway rates, and provided that the findings of
the commission which it erected to fix those rates
should be final. The Chicago, Milwaukee & St.
Paul Railway contended that this statute was un-
constitutional, because it was unreasonable, and
the majority of the Court sustained their con-
tention.1 Justices Bradley, Gray, and Lamar
dissented, and Bradley on this occasion delivered
an opinion, from which I shall quote a paragraph
or two, since the argument appears to me con-
clusive, not only from the point of view of law,
but of political expediency and of common
sense : -
"I cannot 'agree to the decision of the court
in this case. It practically overrules Munn v.
1 Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul Ry. r. Minnesota, 134 U.S. 461,
decided March 24, 1890.
104 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
Illinois. . . . The governing principle of those
cases was that the regulation and settlement of
the fares of railroads and other public accommo-
dations is a legislative prerogative, and not a
judicial one. This is a principle which I regard
as of great importance. . . .
"But it is said that all charges should be reason-
able, and that none but reasonable charges can be
exacted ; and it is urged that what is a reasonable
charge is a judicial question. On the contrary, it
is preeminently a legislative one, involving con-
siderations of policy as well as of remuneration. . . .
By the decision now made we declare, in effect,
that the judiciary, and not the legislature, is the
final arbiter in the regulation of fares and freights
of railroads. ... It is an assumption of author-
ity on the part of the judiciary which, ... it has
no right to make. The assertion of jurisdiction
by this court makes it the duty of every court of
general jurisdiction, state or federal, to entertain
complaints [of this nature], for all courts are bound
by the Constitution of the United States, the
same as we are."
There is little to add to these words. When
the Supreme Court thus undertook to determine
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 105
the reasonableness of legislation it assumed, under
a somewhat thin disguise, the position of an upper
chamber, which, though it could not originate, could
absolutely veto most statutes touching the use
or protection of property, for the administration
of modern American society now hinges on this
doctrine of judicial dispensation under the Police
Power. Whether it be a regulation of rates and
prices, of hours of labor, of height of buildings, of
municipal distribution of charity, of flooding a
cranberry bog, or of prescribing to sleeping-car
porters duties regarding the lowering of upper
berths, — in questions great and small, the courts
vote upon the reasonableness of the use of the
Police Power, like any old-fashioned town meet-
ing. There is no rule of law involved. There is
only opinion or prejudice, or pecuniary interest.
The judges admit frankly that this is so. They
avow that they try to weigh public opinion, as
well as they can, and then vote. In 1911 Mr
Justice Holmes first explained that the Police
Power extended to all great public needs, and
then went on to observe that this Police Power, or
extraordinary prerogative, might be put forth by
legislatures "in aid of what is sanctioned by
106 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
usage, or held by ... preponderant opinion to
be ... necessary to the public welfare." 1
A representative chamber reaches its con-
clusions touching "preponderant opinion" by a
simple process, but the influences which sway
courts are obscurer, — often, probably, beyond
the sphere of the consciousness of the judges
themselves. Nor is this the worst ; for, as I have
already explained, the very constitution of a court,
if it be a court calculated to do its legitimate
work upon a lofty level, precludes it from keeping
pace with the movement in science and the arts.
Necessarily it lags some years behind. And this
tendency, which is a benefit in the dispensation of
justice as between private litigants, becomes a
menace when courts are involved in politics. A
long line of sinister precedents crowd unbidden
upon the mind. The Court of King's Bench,
when it held Hampden to be liable for the Ship
Money, draped the scaffold for Charles I. The
Parliament of Paris, when it denounced Turgot's
edict touching the corve*e, threw wide the gate by
which the aristocracy of France passed to the
guillotine. The ruling of the Superior Court of
1 Noble State Bank v. Haskell, 219 U.S. 104.
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 107
the Province of Massachusetts Bay, in the case
of the Writs of Assistance, presaged the American
Revolution ; and the Dred Scott decision was the
prelude to the Civil War.
The capital essential of justice is that, under
like conditions, all should fare alike. The magis-
trate should be no respecter of persons. The vice
of our sytem of judicial dispensation is that it
discriminates among suitors in proportion to their
power of resistance. This is so because, under
adequate pressure, our courts yield along the path
of least resistance. I should not suppose that any
man could calmly turn over the pages of the recent
volumes of the reports of the Supreme Court of
the United States and not rise from the perusal
convinced that the rich and the poor, the strong
and the weak, do not receive a common measure
of justice before that judgment seat. Disregard-
ing the discrimination which is always apparent
against those who are unpopular, or who suffer
under special opprobrium, as do liquor dealers,
owners of lotteries, and the like,1 1 will take, nearly
1 See the extraordinary case of Douglas v. Kentucky, 168 U.S. 488,
which must be read in connection with Gregory v. Trustees of Shelby
College, 2 Mete. (Kentucky) 589.
108 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
at random, a couple of examples of rate regulation,
where tenderness has been shown property in
something approaching to a mathematical ratio to
the amount involved.
In April, 1894, a record was produced before
the Supreme Court which showed that the State
of North Dakota had in 1891 established rates
for elevating and storing grain, which rates the
defendant, named Brass, who owned a small
elevator, alleged to be, to him in particular,
utterly ruinous, and to be in general unreasonable.
He averred that he used his elevator for the stor-
age of his own grain, that it cost about $3000,
that he had no monopoly, as there were many
hundred such elevators in the state, and, as land
fit for the purpose of building elevators was plenty
and cheap, that any man could build an elevator
in the town in which he lived, as well as he ; that
the rates he charged were reasonable, and that,
were he compelled to receive grain generally at
the rates fixed by the statute, he could not store
his own grain. All these facts were admitted by
demurrer, and Brass contended that if any man's
property were ever to be held to be appropriated
by the public without compensation, and under no
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 109
form of law at all save a predatory statute, it
should be his ; but the Supreme Court voted the
Dakota statute to be a reasonable exercise of the
Police Power,1 and dismissed Brass to his fate.
The converse case is a very famous one known
as Smyth v. Ames,2 decided four years later, in
1898. In that case it appeared that the State of
Nebraska had, in 1893, reduced freight rates
within the state about twenty-nine per cent, in
order to bring them into some sort of relation to
the rates charged in the adjoining State of Iowa,
which were calculated to be forty per cent lower
than the Nebraska rates. Several of the most
opulent and powerful corporations of the Union
were affected by this law, among others the ex-
ceedingly prosperous and influential Chicago,
Burlington & Quincy Railway. No one pretended
that, were the law to be enforced, the total rev-
enues of the Burlington would be seriously im-
paired, nor was it even clear that, were the estimate
of reduction, revenue, and cost confined alto-
gether to the commerce carried on within the
limits of the State of Nebraska, leaving interstate
1 Brass v. North Dakota, 153 U.S. 391.
1 169 U.S. 466.
HO THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
commerce out of consideration, a loss would be
suffered during the following year. Trade might
increase with cheaper rates, or economies might
be made by the company, or both causes and many
others of increased earnings might combine.
Corporation counsel, however, argued that, were
the principle of the statute admitted, and should
all the states through which the line passed do
the like, ultimately a point might be reached at
which the railway would be unable to maintain,
even approximately, its dividend of eight per cent,
and that the creation of such a possibility was con-
ceding the power of confiscation, and, therefore,
an unreasonable exercise of the Police Power, by
the State of Nebraska. With this argument the
Supreme Court concurred. They held the Ne-
braska statute to be unreasonable. Very possibly
it may have been unsound legislation, yet it is
noteworthy that within three years after this
decision Mr. Hill bought the Chicago, Burlington
& Quincy, at the rate of $200 for every share of
stock of the par value of $100, thus fixing forever,
on the community tributary to the road, the
burden of paying a revenue on just double the
value of all the stock which it had been found
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS ill
necessary to issue to build the highway. Even
at this price Mr. Hill is supposed to have made
a brilliant bargain.
This brings me to the heart of my theorem.
Ever since Hamilton's time, it has been assumed
as axiomatic, by conservative Americans, that
courts whose function is to expound a written
constitution can and do act as a "barrier to the
encroachments and oppressions of the represen-
tative body." 1 I apprehend that courts can per-
form no such office and that hi assuming attri-
butes beyond the limitations of their being they,
as history has abundantly proved, not only fail
in their object, but shake the foundations of au-
thority, and immolate themselves. Hitherto I
have confined myself to adducing historical evi-
dence to prove that American courts have, as a
whole, been gifted with so little political sagacity
that their interference with legislation, on behalf
of particular suitors, has, in the end, been a danger
rather than a protection to those suitors, because
of the animosity which it has engendered. I shall
now go further. For the sake of argument I am
willing to admit that the courts, in the exercise
1 The Federalist, No. LXXVIII.
112 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
of the dispensing prerogative, called the Police
Power, have always acted wisely, so much so that
every such decree which they have issued may be
triumphantly defended upon economic, moral, or
social grounds. Yet, assuming this to be true,
though I think I have shown it to be untrue, the
assumption only strengthens my contention, that
our courts have ceased to be true courts, and are
converted into legislative chambers, thereby prom-
ising shortly to become, if they are not already,
a menace to order. I take it to be clear that the
function of a legislature is to embody the will of
the dominant social force, for the time being, in a
political policy explained by statutes, and when
that policy has reached a certain stage of develop-
ment, to cause it to be digested, together with the
judicial decisions relevant to it, in a code. This
process of correlation is the highest triumph of
the jurist, and it was by their easy supremacy in
this field of thought, that Roman lawyers chiefly
showed their preeminence as compared with
modern lawyers. Still, while admitting this supe-
riority, it is probably true that the Romans owed
much of their success in codification to the greater
permanence of the Roman legislative tenure of
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 113
office, and, therefore, stability of policy, — phenom-
ena which were both probably effects of a slower
social movement among the ancients. The Ro-
mans, therefore, had less need than we of a per-
manent judiciary to counteract the disintegrating
tendency of redundant legislation ; a fortiori, of
course, they had still less to isolate the judiciary
from political onslaughts which might cause jus-
tice to become a series of exceptions to general
principles, rather than a code of unvarying rules.
It is precisely because they are, and are intended
to be, arenas of political combat, that legislatures
cannot be trustworthy courts, and it was because
this fact was notorious that the founders of this
government tried to separate the legislative from
the judicial function, and to make this separation
the foundation of the new republic. They failed,
as I conceive, not because they made their legis-
latures courts, but because, under the system they
devised, their courts have become legislatures.
A disease, perhaps, the more insidious of the two.
Insidious because it undermines order, while
legislative murder and confiscation induce reaction.
If a legislative chamber would act as a court,
the first necessity is to eliminate its legislative
114 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
character. For example, the House of Lords in
England has long discharged the duties of a tri-
bunal of last resort for the empire, and with
general approbation, but only because, when
sitting as a court, the law lords sit alone. Poli-
ticians and political influences are excluded.
Where political influences enter disaster follows.
Hence the infamous renown of political decisions
in legal controversies, such as bills of attainder
and ex post facto laws, or special legislation to
satisfy claims which could not be defended before
legitimate courts, or the scandals always attending
the trial of election petitions. The object of
true courts is to shield the public from these and
kindred abuses.
In primitive communities courts are erected to
defend the weak against the strong, by correlating
local customs in such wise that some general prin-
ciple can be deduced which shall protect the civil
rights of those who cannot protect themselves,
against the arbitrary exactions of powerful neigh-
bors. In no community can every person have
equal civil rights. That is impossible. Civil
rights must vary according to status. But such
rights as any person may have, those the courts
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 115
are bound to guard indifferently. If the courts
do not perform this, their first and most sacred
duty, I apprehend that order cannot be perma-
nently maintained, for this is equality before the
law ; and equality before the law is the corner-
stone of order in every modern state.
I conceive that the lawyers of the age of Wash-
ington were the ablest that America has ever pro-
duced. No men ever understood the principle
of equality before the law more thoroughly than
they, and after the establishment of this govern-
ment a long series of great and upright magistrates
strove, as I have shown, to carry this principle
into effect. Jay and Marshall, Story and Bradley,
and many, many more, struggled, protested, and
failed. Failed, as I believe, through no fault of
their own, but because fortune had placed them
in a position untenable for the judge. When
plunged in the vortex of politics, courts must
waver as do legislatures, and nothing is to me
more painful than to watch the process of dete-
rioration by which our judges lose the instinct
which should warn them to shun legislation as a
breach of trust, and to cleave to those general
principles which permit of no exceptions. To
Il6 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
illustrate my meaning I shall refer to but one
litigation, but that one is so extraordinary that I
must deal with it hi detail.
In 1890 the dread of the enhancement of prices
by monopoly, as the Supreme Court itself has ex-
plained, caused Congress to pass the famous
Sherman Act, which prohibited indiscriminately
all monopolies or restraints of trade. Presently
the government brought a bill to dissolve an ob-
noxious railway pool, called the Trans-Missouri
Freight Association, and in 1896 the case came up
for adjudication. I have nothing to say touching
the policy involved. I am only concerned with
a series of phenomena, developed through several
years, as effects of pressure acting upon a judi-
ciary, exposed as the judiciary, under our system,
is exposed.
The Trans-Missouri Case was argued on Decem-
ber 8, 1896, very elaborately and by the most
eminent counsel. After long consideration, and
profound reflection, Mr. Justice Peckham, speak-
ing for the majority of the tribunal, laid down a
general principle hi conformity to the legislative
will, precisely as Marshall had laid down a general
principle hi the Dartmouth College Case, or Story
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 117
in the Charles River Bridge Case, or Waite in
Munn v. Illinois, or Bradley in the Minnesota
Rate Case. Then the process of agitation im-
mediately began. In the words of Mr. Justice
Harlan, fifteen years later: "But those who
were in combinations that were illegal did not
despair. They at once set up the baseless claim
that the decision of 1896 disturbed the 'business
interests of the country,' and let it be known that
they would never be content until the rule was
established that would permit interstate com-
merce to be subjected to reasonable restraints." 1
Other great causes, involving the same issue,
were tried, the question was repeatedly reargued,
but the Supreme Court tenaciously adhered to its
general principle, that, under the Sherman Act,
all restraints of trade, or monopolies, were un-
lawful, and, therefore, the Court had but two
matters before it, first to define a restraint of
trade or a monopoly, second to determine whether
the particular combination complained of fell
within that definition. No discretion was per-
mitted. Judicial duty ended there.
The Court being found to be inflexible, recourse
1 221 U.S. 91.
Il8 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
was had to Congress, and a bill in the form of an
amendment to the Sherman Act was brought into
the Senate authorizing, in substance, those who felt
unsafe under the law, to apply to certain govern-
ment officials, to be permitted to produce evidence
of the reasonable methods they employed, and, if
the evidence were satisfactory, to receive, what
was tantamount to, an indulgence. The subject
thus reopened, the Senate Committee on the
Judiciary went into the whole question of monop-
oly anew, and in 1909 Senator Nelson presented
an exhaustive report against the proposed re-
laxation. Thereupon the Senate indefinitely post-
poned further consideration of the amendment.
The chief reasons given by Senator Nelson were
summed up in a single sentence: "The defence
of reasonable restraint would be made in every
case and there would be as many different rules
of reasonableness as cases, courts, and juries. . . .
To amend the anti-trust act, as suggested by this
bill, would be to entirely emasculate it, and for all
practical purposes render it nugatory as a remedial
statute. . . . The act as it exists is clear, com-
prehensive, certain and highly remedial. It prac-
tically covers the field of federal jurisdiction, and
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS IIQ
is in every respect a model law. To destroy or
undermine it at the present juncture, . . . would
be a calamity.
" In view of the foregoing, your committee rec-
ommend the indefinite postponement of the
bill." l
And so the Senate did indefinitely postpone the
bill.
Matters stood thus when the government
brought process to dissolve the Standard Oil
Company, as an unlawful combination. The
cause was decided on May 15, 1911, the Chief
Justice speaking for the majority of the bench,
in one of the most suggestive opinions which I
have ever read. To me this opinion, like Taney's
opinion in the Charles River Bridge Case, indicates
that the tension had reached the breaking point,
the court yielding in all directions at once, while
the dominant preoccupation of the presiding judge
seemed to be to plant his tribunal in such a posi-
tion that it could so yield, without stultifying
itself hopelessly before the legal profession and
1 6oth Congress, 2d Session, Senate, Report No. 848, Adverse
Report by Mr. Nelson, Amending Anti-trust Act, January 26, 1909,
page n.
120 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
the public. In striving to reach this position,
however, I apprehend that the Chief Justice, un-
reservedly, crossed the chasm on whose brink
American jurists had been shuddering for ninety
years. The task the Chief Justice assumed was
difficult almost beyond precedent. He proposed
to surrender to the vested interests the principle
of reasonableness which they demanded, and which
the tribunal he represented, together with Con-
gress, had refused to surrender for fifteen years.
To pacify the public, which would certainly resent
this surrender, he was prepared to punish two hated
corporations, while he strove to preserve, so far
as he could, the respect of the legal profession and
of the public, for the court over which he presided,
by maintaining a semblance of consistency.
To accomplish these contradictory results, the
Chief Justice began, rather after the manner of
Marshall in Marbury v. Madison, by an extra-
judicial disquisition. The object of this dis-
quisition was to justify his admission of the
evidence of reasonableness as a defence, although
it was not needful to decide that such evidence
must be admitted in order to dispose of that par-
ticular cause. For the Chief Justice very readily
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 121
agreed that the Standard Oil Company was,
in fact, an unreasonable restraint of trade, and
must be dissolved, no matter whether it were
allowed to prove its reasonable methods or not.
Accordingly, he might have contented himself
with stating that, admitting for the sake of argu-
ment but without approving, all the defendant
advanced, he should sustain the government;
but to have so disposed of the case would not
have suited his purpose. What the Chief Justice
had it at heart to do was to surrender a fundamen-
tal principle, and yet to appear to make no surren-
der at all. Hence, he prepared his preliminary
and extra-judicial essay on the human reason,
of whose precise meaning, I must admit, I still,
after many perusals, have grave doubts. I some-
times suspect that the Chief Justice did not wish to
be too explicit. So far as I comprehend the Chief
Justice, his chain of reasoning amounted to
something like this: It was true, he observed,
that for fifteen years the Supreme Court had
rejected the evidence of reasonableness which he
admitted, and had insisted upon a general prin-
ciple which he might be supposed to renounce,
but this apparent discrepancy involved no con-
122 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
tradiction. It was only a progression in thought.
For, he continued, the judges who, on various
previous occasions, sustained that general prin-
ciple, must have reached their conclusions by the
light of reason ; to-day we reach a contrary con-
clusion, but we also do so by the light of reason ;
therefore, as all these decisions are guided by the
light of reason they fundamentally coincide, how-
ever much superficially they may seem to differ.1
I have never supposed that this argument carried
complete conviction either to the legal profession,
to the public, or to Congress. Certainly, it did
not convince Mr. Justice Harlan, who failed to
fathom it, and bluntly expressed his astonishment
in a dissenting opinion in another cause from which
I regret to say I can only quote a couple of para-
graphs, although the whole deserves attentive
perusal : -
"If I do not misapprehend the opinion just
delivered, the Court insists that what was said in
the opinion in the Standard Oil Case, was in
accordance with our previous decisions in the
Trans-Missouri and Joint Traffic Cases, ... if
we resort to reason. This statement surprises me
1 Standard Oil Company r. United States, 221 U.S. i.
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 123
quite as much as would a statement that black
was white or white was black."
"But now the Court, in accordance with what
it denominates the ' rule of reason,' hi effect
inserts in the act the word ' undue, ' which means
the same as 'unreasonable/ and thereby makes
Congress say what it did not say. . . . And what,
since the passage of the act, it has explicitly
refused to say. ... In short, the Court now,
by judicial legislation, in effect, amends an Act
of Congress relating to a subject over which
that department of the Government has exclusive
cognizance." 1
The phenomenon which amazed Mr. Justice
Harlan is, I conceive, perfectly comprehensible,
if we reflect a little on the conflict of forces in-
volved, and on the path of least resistance open to
an American judge seeking to find for this conflict,
a resultant. The regulation or the domination of
monopoly was an issue going to the foundation of
society, and popular and financial energy had
come into violent impact in regard to the control
of prices. Popular energy found vent through
1 United States v. American Tobacco Company, 221 U.S. 191,
192,
124 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
Congress, while the financiers, as financiers always
have and always will, took shelter behind the
courts. Congress, in 1890, passed a statute to con-
strain monopolies, against which financiers pro-
tested as being a species of confiscation, and which
the Chief Justice himself thought harsh. To this
statute the Supreme Court gave a harsh construc-
tion, as the Chief Justice had more than once
pointed out, when he was still an associate upon
the bench. From a series of these decisions an
appeal had been made to Congress, and the
Senate, in the report from which I have quoted,
had sustained the construction given to the
statute by the majority of his brethren with
whom the Chief Justice differed. Since the last
of these decisions, however, the complexion of the
bench had been considerably changed by new
appointments, much as it had been after Hep-
burn v. Griswold, and an opportunity seemed
to be presented to conciliate every one.
In any other country than the United States,
a chief justice so situated would doubtless have
affirmed the old precedents, permitting himself, at
most, to point out the mischief which, he thought,
they worked. Not so a lawyer nurtured under
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 125
the American constitutional system, which breeds
in the judge the conviction that he is superior
to the legislator. His instinct, under adequate
pressure, is always to overrule anything repug-
nant to him that a legitimate legislative assembly
may have done. In this instance, had the case
been one of first impression, nothing would have
been easier than to have nullified the Sherman Act
as an unreasonable exercise of the Police Power,
as judges had been nullifying statutes of which
they disapproved for a couple of generations
previously ; but the case was not one of first im-
pression. On the contrary, the constitutionality
of the Sherman Act had been so often upheld
by the judiciary that the Chief Justice himself
admitted that so long as Congress allowed him
to use his reason, these "contentions [were]
plainly foreclosed." Therefore, for him the path
of least resistance was to use his reason, and, as a
magistrate, to amend a statute which Congress
ought to have amended, but had unreasonably
omitted to amend. Such was the final and logical
result of the blending of judicial and legislative
functions in a court, as they are blended under the
American constitutional system.
126 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
Nor is it unworthy of remark that the Chief
Justice, in abstaining from questioning the con-
stitutionality of the act, expressly intimated that
he did so because, by the use of his reason, he
could make that reasonable and constitutional
which otherwise might be unreasonable and
unconstitutional. The defendants pressed the
argument that destroying the freedom of contract,
as the Sherman Law destroyed it, was to infringe
upon the "constitutional guaranty of due process
of law." To this the Chief Justice rejoined : "But
the ultimate foundation of all these arguments
is the assumption that reason may not be resorted
to in interpreting and applying the statute. . . .
As the premise is demonstrated to be unsound by
the construction we have given the statute,"
these arguments need no further notice.1
Should Congress amend the Sherman Act, as
it seems somewhat disposed to do, by explicitly
enacting the rule of the Trans-Missouri Case,
a grave issue would be presented. The Chief
Justice might submit, and thus avert, temporarily
at least, a clash ; or, he might hold such an amend-
ment unconstitutional as denying to the Court
1 221 U.S. 69.
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 127
the right to administer the law according to due
process. A trial of strength would then be
imminent.
Nearly a century ago, Jefferson wrote to Spencer
Roane, "The Constitution, on this hypothesis, is a
mere thing of wax hi the hands of the judiciary,
which they may twist and shape into any form
they please." 1 And however much we may re-
coil from admitting Jefferson's conclusion to be
true, it none the less remains the fact that it has
proved itself to be true, and that the people
have recognized it to be true, and have taken
measures to protect themselves by bringing the
judiciary under the same degree of control which
they enforce on other legislators. The pro-
gression has been steady and uniform, each
advance toward an assumption of the legis-
lative function by the judiciary having been
counterbalanced by a corresponding extension
of authority over the courts by the people.
First came the protest against Marbury and Madi-
son in the impeachment of Chase, because, as Giles
explained, if judges were to annul laws, the domi-
nant party must have on the bench judges they
1 To Spencer Roane, Sept. 6, 1819, Ford, 10, 141.
128 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
could trust. Next the Supreme Court of New
York imagined the theory of the Police Power,
which was adopted by the Supreme Court of the
United States in 1837. But it stood to reason that
if judges were to suspend constitutional limitations
according to their notions of reasonableness, the
people must have the means of securing judges
whose views touching reasonableness coincided
with their own. And behold, within ten years,
by the constitution of 1846, New York adopted
an elective judiciary.
Then followed the Dred Scott Case, the Civil
War, and the attack on legislative authority in
Hepburn v. Griswold. Straightway the Court
received an admonition which it remembered for
a generation. Somewhat forgetful of this, on
May 15, 1911, Chief Justice White gave his opinion
in the Standard Oil Case, which followed hard
upon a number of state decisions intended to
override legislation upon several burning social
issues. Forthwith, in 1912, the proposition to
submit all decisions involving a question of con-
stitutional law to a popular vote became an issue
in a presidential election. Only one step farther
could be taken, and that we see being taken all
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 129
about us. Experience has shown, in New York
and elsewhere, that an election, even for a some-
what short term, does not bring the judge so
immediately under popular control that decisions
objectionable to the majority may not be made.
Hence the recall. The degradation of the judicial
function can, in theory at least, go no farther.
Thus the state courts may be said already to be
prostrate, or likely shortly to become prostrate.
The United States courts alone remain, and, should
there be a struggle between them and Congress,
the result can hardly be doubted. An event has
recently occurred abroad which we may do well
to ponder.
Among European nations England has long
represented intelligent conservatism, and at the
heart of her conservatism lay the House of Lords.
Through many centuries and under many vicissi-
tudes this ancient chamber had performed func-
tions of the highest moment, until of late it had
come to occupy a position not dissimilar to that
which the Supreme Court of the United States
yet holds. On one side it was the highest legal
tribunal of the Empire, on the other it was a non-
representative assembly, seldom indeed originating
130 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
important legislation, but enjoying an absolute
veto on legislation sent it from the Commons.
One day in a moment of heated controversy the
Lords vetoed a bill on which the Commons had
determined. A dissolution followed and the House
of Lords, as a political power, faded into a shadow;
yet, notwithstanding this, its preeminence as a court
has remained intact. Were a similar clash to
occur in America no such result could be antici-
pated. Supposing a President, supported by a
congressional majority, were to formulate some
policy no more subversive than that which has
been formulated by the present British Cabinet,
and this policy were to be resisted, as it surely
would be, by potent financial interests, the con-
flicting forces would converge upon the Supreme
Court. The courts are always believed to tend
toward conservatism, therefore they are generally
supported by the conservative interest, both here
and elsewhere. In this case a dilemma would be
presented. Either the judges would seek to give
expression to "preponderant" popular opinion,
or they would legislate. In the one event they
would be worthless as a restraining influence.
In the other, I apprehend, a blow would fall similar
AMERICAN COURTS AS LEGISLATIVE CHAMBERS 131
to the blow which fell upon the House of Lords,
only it would cut deeper. Shearing the House
of Lords of political power did not dislocate the
administration of English justice, because the
law lords are exclusively judges. They never
legislate. Therefore no one denounced them.
Not even the wildest radical demanded that their
tenure should be made elective, much less that
they should be subjected to the recall. With us an
entirely different problem would be presented for
solution. A tribunal, nominally judicial, would
throw itself across the path of the national move-
ment. It would undertake to correct a disturb-
ance of the social equilibrium. But what a
shifting of the social equilibrium means, and
what follows upon tampering with it, is a subject
which demands a chapter by itself.
CHAPTER IV
THE SOCIAL EQUILIBRIUM
I ASSUME it as self-evident that those who, at
any given moment, are the strongest in any
civilization, will be those who are at once the
ruling class, those who own most property, and
those who have most influence on legislation.
The weaker will fare hardly in proportion to their
weakness. Such is the order of nature. But,
since those are the strongest through whom nature
finds it, for the time being, easiest to vent her
energy, and as the whole universe is in ceaseless
change, it follows that the composition of ruling
classes is never constant, but shifts to correspond
with the shifting environment. When this move-
ment is so rapid that men cannot adapt themselves
to it, we call the phenomenon a revolution, and
it is with revolutions that I now have to do.
Nothing is more certain than that the intellec-
tual adaptability of the individual man is very
limited. A ruling class is seldom conscious of its
132
THE SOCIAL EQUILIBRIUM 133
own decay, and most of the worst catastrophes of
history have been caused by an obstinate resist-
ance to change when resistance was no longer
possible. Thus while an incessant alteration in
social equilibrium is inevitable, a revolution is a
problem in dynamics, on the correct solution of
which the fortunes of a declining class depend.
For example, the modern English landlords
replaced the military feudal aristocracy during
the sixteenth century, because the landlords had
more economic capacity and less credulity. The
men who supplanted the mediaeval soldiers in
Great Britain had no scruple about robbing the
clergy of their land, and because of this quality
they prospered greatly. Ultimately the landlords
reached high fortune by controlling the boroughs
which had, in the Middle Ages, acquired the right
to return members to the House of Commons.
Their domination lasted long ; nevertheless, about
1760, the rising tide of the Industrial Revolution
brought forward another type of mind. Flushed
by success in the Napoleonic wars the Tories
failed to appreciate that the social equilibrium,
by the year 1830, had shifted, and that they no
longer commanded enough physical force to
134
THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
maintain their parliamentary ascendancy. They
thought they had only to be arrogant to prevail,
and so they put forward the Duke of Wellington
as their champion. They could hardly have made
a poorer choice. As Disraeli has very truly said,
"His Grace precipitated a revolution which
might have been delayed for half a century, and
need never have occurred in so aggravated a
form." The Duke, though a great general,
lacked knowledge of England. He began by dis-
missing William Huskisson from his Cabinet,
who was not only its ablest member, but perhaps
the single man among the Tories who thoroughly
comprehended the industrial age. Huskisson's
issue was that the franchise of the intolerably
corrupt East Retford should be given to Leeds
or Manchester. Having got rid of Huskisson,
the Duke declared imperiously that he would
concede nothing to the disfranchised industrial
magnates, nor to the vast cities in which they
lived. A dissolution of Parliament followed and
in the election the Tories were defeated. Al-
though Wellington may not have been a sagacious
statesman, he was a capable soldier and he knew
when he could and when he could not physically
THE SOCIAL EQUILIBRIUM 135
fight. On this occasion, to again quote Disraeli,
"He rather fled than retired." He induced his
friends to absent themselves from the House of
Lords and permit the Reform Bill to become law.
Thus the English Tories, by their experiment
with the Duke of Wellington, lost their boroughs
and with them their political preeminence, but at
least they saved themselves, their families, and the
rest of their property. As a class they have sur-
vived to this day, although shorn of much of the
influence which they might very probably have
retained had they solved more correctly the prob-
lem of 1830. In sum, they were not altogether
impervious to the exigencies of their environment.
The French Revolution is the classic example of
the annihilation of a rigid organism, and it is
an example the more worthy of our attention as
it throws into terrible relief the process by which
an intellectually inflexible race may convert
the courts of law which should protect their
decline into the most awful engine for their
destruction.
The essence of feudalism was a gradation of
rank, in the nature of caste, based upon fear. The
clergy were privileged because the laity believed
136 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
that they could work miracles, and could dispense
something more vital even than life and death.
The nobility were privileged because they were
resistless in war. Therefore, the nobility could
impose all sorts of burdens upon those who were
unarmed. During the interval in which society
centralized and acquired more and more a modern
economic form, the discrepancies in status re-
mained, while commensurately the physical or
imaginative force which had once sustained
inequality declined, until the social equilibrium
grew to be extremely unstable. Add to this that
France, under the monarchy, was ill consolidated.
The provinces and towns retained the adminis-
trative complexity of an archaic age, even to local
tariffs. Thus under the monarchy privilege and
inequality pervaded every phase of life, and, as
the judiciary must be, more or less, the mouth-
piece of society, the judiciary came to be the
incarnation of caste.
Speaking broadly, the judicial office, under the
monarchy, was vendible. In legal language, it
was an incorporeal hereditament. It could be
bought and sold and inherited like an advowson,
or right to dispose of a cure of souls in the English
THE SOCIAL EQUILIBRIUM 137
Church, or of a commission in the English army.
The system was well recognized and widespread
in the eighteenth century, and worked fairly well
with the French judiciary for about three hundred
years, but it was not adapted to an industrial
environment. The judicial career came to be
pretty strongly hereditary hi a few families, and
though the members of these families were, on the
whole, self-respecting, honest, and learned, they
held office in their own right and not as a public
trust. So hi England members of the House of
Commons, who sat for nomination boroughs,
did not, either in fact or theory, represent the in-
habitants of those boroughs, but patrons ; and in
like manner French judges could never learn to
regard themselves as the trustees of the civil
rights of a nation, but as a component part of a
class who held a status by private title. Looked
at as a problem in dynamics the inherent vice
in all this kind of property and in all this adminis-
trative system, was the decay, after 1760, of the
physical force which had engendered it and de-
fended it. As in England the ascendancy of the
landlords passed away when England turned
from an agricultural into an industrial society,
138 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
so in France priests and nobles fell into contempt,
when most peasants knew that the Church could
neither harm by its curse nor aid by its blessing,
and when commissions in the army were given
to children or favorites, as a sort of pension, while
the pith of the nation was excluded from military
command because it could not prove four quarter-
ings of nobility. Hardly an aristocrat in France
had shown military talent for a generation, while,
when the revolution began, men like Jourdan and
Kleber, Ney and Augereau, and a host of other
future marshals and generals had been dismissed
from the army, or were eating out their hearts
as petty officers with no hope of advancement.
Local privileges and inequalities were as intolerable
as personal. There were privileged provinces
and those administered arbitrarily by the Crown,
there were a multiplicity of internal tariffs, and
endless municipal franchises and monopolies,
so much so that economists estimated that,
through artificial restraints, one-quarter of the
soil of France lay waste. Turgot, in his edict
on the gram trade, explained that kings in the
past by ordinance, or the police without royal
authority, had compiled a body "of legislation
THE SOCIAL EQUILIBRIUM 139
equivalent to a prohibition of bringing grain
into Paris," and this condition was universal.
One province might be starving and another
oppressed with abundance.
Meanwhile, under the stimulant of applied
science, centralization went on resistlessly, and
the cost of administration is proportionate to
centralization. To bear the burden of a central-
ized government taxes must be equal and move-
ment free, but here was a rapidly centralizing
nation, the essence of whose organism was that
taxes should be unequal and that movement
should be restricted.
As the third quarter of the eighteenth century
closed with the death of Louis XV, all intelligent
French administrators recognized the dilemma;
either relief must be given, or France must be-
come insolvent, and revolution supervene upon
insolvency. But for the aristocracy revolution
had no terrors, for they believed that they could
crush revolution as their class had done for a
thousand years.
Robert Turgot was born in 1727, of a respectable
family. His father educated him for the Church,
but lack of faith caused him to prefer the magis-
140 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
tracy, and on the death of his father he obtained
a small place hi the Court of Parliament. After-
ward he became a Master of Requests, and served
for seven years in that judicial position, before
he was made Intendant of the Province of Limou-
sin. Even thus early in life Turgot showed politi-
cal sagacity. In an address at the Sorbonne he
supported the thesis that "well- tuned reform
alone averts revolution." Distinguishing himself
as Intendant, on the death of Louis XV the King
called Turgot to the Council of State, and in
August, 1774, Turgot became Minister of Finance.
He came hi pledged to reform, and by January,
1776, he had formulated his plan. In that month
he presented to the King his memorable Six
Edicts, the first of which was the most celebrated
state paper he ever wrote. It was the Edict for
the Suppression of the Corvee. The corve"e
threw the burden of maintaining the highways on
the peasantry by exacting forced labor. It was
admittedly the most hateful, the most burden-
some, and the most wasteful of all the bad taxes
of the time, and Turgot, following the precedent
of the Roman Empire, advised instead a general
highway impost. The proposed impost in itself
THE SOCIAL EQUILIBRIUM 141
was not considerable, and would not have been
extraordinarily obnoxious to the privileged classes,
but for the principle of equality by which Turgot
justified it : "The expenses of government having
for their object the interests of all, all should
contribute to them; and the more advantages a
man has, the more that man should contribute."
Nor was this the most levelling of Turgot's
arguments. He pointed out that though origi-
nally the exemption from taxation, which the no-
bility enjoyed, might have been defended on the
ground that the nobles were bound to yield mili-
tary service without pay, such service had long
ceased to be performed, while on the contrary
titles could be bought for money. Hence every
wealthy man became a noble when he pleased,
and thus exemption from taxation had come
to present the line of cleavage between the rich
and poor. By this thrust the privileged classes
felt themselves wounded in their vitals, and
the Parliament of Paris, the essence of privi-
lege, assumed their defence. To be binding, the
edicts had to be registered by the Parliament
among the laws of France, and Parliament de-
clined to make registration on the ground that
142 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
the edicts were unconstitutional, as subversive
of the monarchy and of the principle of order.
The opinion of the court was long, but a single
paragraph gives its purport: "The first rule of
justice is to preserve to every one what belongs
to him : this rule consists, not only in preserv-
ing the rights of property, but still more in
preserving those belonging to the person, which
arise from the prerogative of birth and of posi-
tion. . . . From this rule of law and equity it
follows that every system which, under an
appearance of humanity and beneficence, would
tend to establish between men an equality of
duties, and to destroy necessary distinctions,
would soon lead to disorder (the inevitable re-
sult of equality), and would bring about the
overturn of civil society."
This judicial opinion was an enunciation of the
archaic law of caste as opposed to the modern
law of equality, and the cataclysm of the French
Revolution hinged upon the incapacity of the
French aristocracy to understand that the envi-
ronment, which had once made caste a necessity,
had yielded to another which made caste an im-
possibility. In vain Turgot and his contempora-
THE SOCIAL EQUILIBRIUM 143
lies of the industrial type, represented in England
by Adam Smith or even by the younger Pitt,
explained that unless taxes were equalized and
movement accelerated, insolvency must supervene,
and that a violent readjustment must follow upon
insolvency. With their eyes open to the conse-
quences, the Nobility and Clergy elected to risk
revolt, because they did not believe that revolt
could prevail against them. Nothing is so im-
pressive in the mighty convulsion which ensued
as the mental opacity of the privileged orders,
which caused them to increase their pressure in
proportion as resistance increased, until finally
those who were destined to replace them reorgan-
ized the courts, that they might have an instru-
ment wherewith to slaughter a whole race down
to the women and children. No less drastic
method would serve to temper the rigidity of the
aristocratic mind. The phenomenon well repays
an hour of study.
Insolvency came within a decade after Turgot's
fall, as Turgot had demonstrated that it must
come, and an insolvency immediately precipitated
by the rapacity of the court which had most need
of caution. The future Louis XVIII, for example,
144 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
who was then known as the Comte de Provence,
on one occasion, when the government had made a
loan, appropriated a quarter of it, laughingly ob-
serving, "When I see others hold out their hands,
I hold out my hat." In 1787 the need for money
became imperative, and, not daring to appeal to
the nation, the King convoked an assembly of
"notables," that is to say of the privileged.
Calonne, the minister, proposed pretty much the
measures of Turgot, and some of these measures
the "notables" accepted, but the Parliament of
Paris again intervened and declined to register
the laws. The Provincial Parliaments followed
the Parliament of Paris. After this the King
had no alternative but to try the experiment of
calling the States-General. They met on May 4,
1789, and instantly an administrative system,
which no longer rested upon a social centre of
gravity, crumbled, carrying the judiciary with it.
At first the three estates sat separately. If this
usage had continued, the Clergy and the Nobles
combined would have annulled every measure
voted by the Commons. For six weeks the Com-
mons waited. Then on June 10, the Abbe" Sieyes
said, "Let us cut the cable. It is time." So
THE SOCIAL EQUILIBRIUM 145
the Clergy and the Nobility were summoned, and
some of the Clergy obeyed. This sufficed. On
motion of Sieyes, the Commons proclaimed them-
selves the National Assembly, and the orders
fused. Immediately caste admitted defeat and
through its mouthpiece, the King, commanded
the Assembly to dissolve. The Commons re-
fused to dissolve, and the Nobles prepared for a
coup d'etat. The foreign regiments, in the pay of
the government, were stationed about Paris,
while the Bastille, which was supposed to be im-
pregnable, was garrisoned with Swiss. In reply,
on July 14, 1789, the citizens of Paris stormed the
Bastille. An unstable social equilibrium had been
already converted by pressure into a revolution.
Nevertheless, excentric as the centre of gravity
had now become, it might have been measurably
readjusted had the privileged classes been able to
reason correctly from premise to conclusion.
Men like Lafayette and Mirabeau still controlled
the Assembly, and if the King and the Nobility
had made terms, probably the monarchy might
have been saved, certainly the massacres would
have been averted. As a decaying class is apt
to do, the Nobility did that which was worst for
146 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
themselves. Becoming at length partly conscious
of a lack of physical force hi France to crush the
revolution, a portion of the nobility, led by the
Comte d'Artois, the future Charles X, fled to
Germany to seek for help abroad, while the bolder
remained to plan an attack on the rebellion.
On October i, 1789, a great military banquet was
given at Versailles. The King and Queen with
the Dauphin were present. A royalist demonstra-
tion began. The bugles sounded a charge, the
officers drew their swords, and the ladies of the
court tore the tri-color from the soldiers' coats
and replaced it with the white cockade. On Octo-
ber 5, a vast multitude poured out of Paris, and
marched to Versailles. The next day they broke
into the palace, killed the guards, and carried
the King and Queen captive to the Tuileries. But
Louis was so intellectually limited that he could
not keep faith with those who wished him well.
On July 14, 1790, the King swore, before half a
million spectators, to maintain the new constitu-
tion. In that summer he was plotting to escape
to Metz and join the army which had been
collected there under the Marquis de Bouille,
while Belittle* himself, after the rising at Nancy,
THE SOCIAL EQUILIBRIUM 147
was busy in improving discipline by breaking on
the wheel a selection of the soldiers of the Swiss
regiment of Chateauvieux which had refused to
march against Paris on the i4th of July, 1789.
In October, 1790, Louis wrote to the King of
Spain and other sovereigns to pay no heed to his
concessions for he only yielded to duress, and all
this even as Mirabeau made his supreme effort
to save those who were fixed upon destroying
themselves. Mirabeau sought the King and of-
fered his services. The court sneered at him as
a dupe. The Queen wrote, "We make use of
Mirabeau, but we do not take him seriously."
When Mirabeau awoke to his predicament, he
broke out in mixed wrath and scorn: "Of what
are these people thinking? Do they not see the
abyss yawning at their feet ? Both the King and
Queen will perish, and you will live to see the
rabble spurn their corpses."
The King and Queen, the Nobility and Clergy,
could not see the abyss which Mirabeau saw, any
more than the lawyers could see it, because of the
temper of their minds. In the eye of caste
Europe was not primarily divided into nations to
whom allegiance was due, but into superimposed
148 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
orders. He who betrayed his order committed
the unpardonable crime. Death were better
than that. But to the true aristocrat it was in-
conceivable that serfs could ever vanquish nobles
in battle. Battle must be the final test, and the
whole aristocracy of Europe was certain, French-
men knew, to succor the French aristocracy in
distress.
So in the winter of 1790 the French fugitives
congregated at Coblentz on the German frontier,
persuaded that they were performing a patriotic
duty in organizing an invasion of their country
even should their onset be fatal to their relatives
and to their King. And Louis doubted not that
he also did his duty as a trustee of a divine com-
mission when he in one month swore, before the
Assembly, to maintain the constitution tendered
him, and in the next authorized his brother, the
Comte d'Artois, to make the best combination
he could among his brother sovereigns for the
gathering of an army to assert his divine prerog-
ative. On June 21, 1791, Louis fled, with his
whole family, to join the army of Bouille, with
intent to destroy the entire race of traitors from
Mirabeau and Lafayette down to the peasants.
THE SOCIAL EQUILIBRIUM 149
He managed so ill that he was arrested at
Varennes, and brought back whence he came, but
he lied and plotted still.
Two years had elapsed between the meeting
of the States-General and the flight to Varennes,
and in that interval nature had been busy in
selecting her new favored class. Economists
have estimated that the Church owned one-third
of the land of Europe during the Middle Ages.
However this may have been she certainly held
a very large part of France. On April 16, 1790,
the Assembly declared this territory to be national
property, and proceeded to sell it to the peasantry
by means of the paper assignats which were issued
for the purpose, and were supposed to be secured
upon the land. The sales were generally made
in little lots, as the sales were made of the public
domain in Rome under the Licinian Laws, and
with an identical effect. The Emperor of Ger-
many and the King of Prussia met at Pilnitzin
August, 1791, to consider the conquest of France,
and, on the eve of that meeting, the Assembly
received a report which stated that these lands to
the value of a thousand million francs had already
been distributed, and that sales were going on.
150 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
It was from this breed of liberated husbandmen
that France drew the soldiers who fought her
battles and won her victories for the next five
and twenty years.
Assuming that the type of the small French
landholder, both rural and urban, had been pretty
well developed by the autumn of 1791, the crisis
came rapidly, for the confiscations which created
this new energy roused to frenzy, perhaps the most
formidable energy which opposed it. The Church
had not only been robbed of her property but had
been wounded hi her tenderest part. By a de-
cree of June 12, 1790, the Assembly transferred
the allegiance of the French clergy from the Pope
to the state, and the priesthood everywhere vowed
revenge. In May, 1791, the Marquis de la
Rouerie, it is true, journeyed from his home in
Brittany to Germany to obtain the recognition
of the royal princes for the insurrection which
he contemplated in La Vende*e, but the insurrec-
tion when it occurred was not due so much to
him or his kind as to the influence of the non-
juring priests upon the peasant women of the
West.
The mental condition of the French emigrants
THE SOCIAL EQUILIBRIUM 151
at Coblentz during this summer of 1791 is nothing
short of a psychological marvel. They regarded
the Revolution as a jest, and the flight to the Rhine
as a picnic. These beggared aristocrats, male
and female, would throw their money away by
day among the wondering natives, and gamble
among themselves at night. If they ever thought
of the future it was only as the patricians in Pom-
pey's camp thought; who had no tune to prepare
for a campaign against Caesar, because they were
absorbed in distributing offices among themselves,
or in inventing torments to inflict on the rebels.
Their chief anxiety was lest the resistance should
be too feeble to permit them to glut themselves
with blood. The creatures of caste, the emigrants
could not conceive of man as a variable animal,
or of the birth of a race of warriors under their
eyes. To them human nature remained con-
stant. Such, they believed, was the immutable
will of God.
So it came to pass that, as the Revolution took
its shape, a vast combination among the antique
species came semi-automatically into existence,
pledged to envelop and strangle the rising type
of man, a combination, however, which only
152 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
attained to maturity in 1793, after the execution
of the King. Leopold II, Emperor of Germany,
had hitherto been the chief restraining influence,
both at Pilnitz and at Paris, through his corre-
spondence with his sister, Marie Antoinette; but
Leopold died on March i, 1792, and was suc-
ceeded by Francis II, a fervid reactionist and an
obedient son of the Church. Then caste fused
throughout Germany, and Prussia and Austria
prepared for war. Rouerie had returned to Brit-
tany and only awaited the first decisive foreign
success to stab the Revolution in the back. Eng-
land also was ripening, and the instinct of caste,
incarnated in George III, found its expression
through Edmund Burke. In 1790 Burke pub-
lished his "Reflections," and on May 6, 1791, in a
passionate outbreak in the House of Commons,
he renounced his friendship with Fox as a traitor
to his order and his God. Men of Burke's tem-
perament appreciated intuitively that there could
be no peace between the rising civilization and the
old, one of the two must destroy the other, and
very few of them conceived it to be possible that
the enfranchised French peasantry and the small
bourgeoisie could endure the shock of all that, in
THE SOCIAL EQUILIBRIUM 153
their eyes, was intelligent, sacred, and martial in
the world.
Indeed, aristocracy had, perhaps, some justifica-
tion for arrogance, since the revolt in France fell
to its lowest depth of impotence between the
meeting at Pilnitz in August, 1791, and the reor-
ganization of the Committee of Public Safety in
July, 1793. Until August, 1792, the executive
authority remained with the King, but the court
of Louis was the focus of resistance to the Revolu-
tion, and even though a quasi-prisoner the King
was still strong. Monarchy had a firm hold on
liberal nobles like Mirabeau and Lafayette, on
adventurers like Dumouriez, and even on lawyers
like Danton who shrank from excessive cruelty.
Had the pure Royalists been capable of enough
intellectual flexibility to keep faith upon any
reasonable basis of compromise, even as late as
1792, the Revolution might have been benign.
In June, 1792, Lafayette, who commanded the
army of the North, came to Paris and not only
ventured to lecture the Assembly on its duty, but
offered to take Louis to his army, who would pro-
tect him against the Jacobins. The court laughed
at Lafayette as a Don Quixote, and betrayed his
154 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
plans to the enemy. "I had rather perish," said
the Queen, "than be saved by M. de Lafayette
and his constitutional friends." And in this she
only expressed the conviction which the caste to
which she belonged held of their duty. Cazale"s
protested to the Assembly, "Though the King
perish, let us save the kingdom." The Arch-
duchess Christina wrote to her sister, Marie An-
toinette, "What though he be slain, if we shall
triumph," and Conde, in December, 1790, swore
that he would march on Lyons, "come what might
to the King."
France was permeated with archaic thought
which disorganized the emerging society until it
seemingly had no cohesion. To the French emi-
grant on the Rhine that society appeared like a
vile phantom which had but to be exorcised to
vanish. And the exorcism to which he had re-
course was threats of vengeance, threats which
before had terrified, because they had behind
them a force which made them good. Torture
had been an integral part of the old law. The
peasant expected it were he insubordinate. Death
alone was held to be too little to inspire respect
for caste. Some frightful spectacle was usually
THE SOCIAL EQUILIBRIUM 155
provided to magnify authority. Thus Bouille
broke on the wheel, while the men were yet alive,
every bone in the bodies of his soldiers when they
disobeyed him ; and for scratching Louis XV, with
a knife, Damiens, after indescribable agonies, was
torn asunder by horses in Paris, before an im-
mense multitude. The French emigrants believed
that they had only to threaten with a similar fate
men like Kellermann and Hoche to make them
flee without a blow. What chiefly concerned
the nobles, therefore, was not to evolve a masterly
campaign, but to propound the fundamental prin-
ciples of monarchy, and to denounce an awful
retribution on insurgents.
By the middle of July, 1792, the Prussians were
ready to march, and emperors, kings, and generals
were meditating manifestoes. Louis sent the
journalist Mallet du Pan to the Duke of Bruns-
wick, the commander-in-chief, to assist him in his
task. On July 24, and on August 4, 1792, the
King of Prussia laid down the law of caste as em-
phatically as 'had the Parliament of Paris some
twenty years before. On July 25, the Duke of
Brunswick pronounced the doom of the conquered.
I come, said the King of Prussia, to prevent
156 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
the incurable evils which will result to France, to
Europe and to all mankind from the spread of
the spirit of insubordination, and to this end I
shall establish the monarchical power upon a
stable basis. For, he continued hi the later
proclamation, "the supreme authority in France
being never ceasing and indivisible, the King could
neither be deprived nor voluntarily divest himself
of any of the prerogatives of royalty, because he
is obliged to transmit them entire with his own
crown to his successors."
The Duke of Brunswick's proclamation con-
tained some clauses written expressly for him by
Mallet du Pan, and by Limon the Royalist.
If the Palace of the Tuileries be forced, if the
least violence be offered to their Majesties, if
they are not immediately set at liberty, then will
the King of Prussia and the Emperor of Germany
inflict " on those who shall deserve it the most
exemplary and ever-memorable avenging punish-
ments."
These proclamations reached Paris on July 28,
and simultaneously the notorious Fersen wrote
the Queen of France, "You have the manifesto,
and you should be content."
THE SOCIAL EQUILIBRIUM 157
The court actually believed that, having in-
sulted and betrayed Lafayette and all that body
of conservative opinion which might have steadied
the social equilibrium, they could rely on the
fidelity of regiments filled with men against
whom the emigrants and their allies, the Prussians,
had just denounced an agonizing death, such as
Bouille's soldiers had undergone, together with the
destruction of their homes.
All the world knows what followed. The
Royalists had been gathering a garrison for the
Tuileries ever since Lafayette's visit, in anticipa-
tion of a trial of strength with the Revolutionists.
They had brought thither the Swiss guard, fifteen
hundred strong; the palace was full of Royalist
gentlemen; Mandat, who commanded the Na-
tional Guard, had been gained over. The ap-
proaches were swept by artillery. The court was
very confident. On the night of August 9, Mandat
was murdered, an insurrectional committee seized
the City Hall, and when Louis XVI came forth
to review the troops on the morning of the loth
of August, they shouted, "Vive la Nation" and
deserted. Then the assault came, the Swiss guard
was massacred, the Assembly thrust aside, and
158 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
the royal family were seized and conveyed to the
Temple. There the monarchy ended. Thus far
had the irrational opposition of a moribund type
thrown into excentricity the social equilibrium
of a naturally conservative people. They were
destined to drive it still farther.
In this supreme moment, while the Prussians
were advancing, France had no stable government
and very imperfect means of keeping order. All
the fighting men she could muster had marched
to the frontier, and, even so, only a demoralized
mass of levies, under Dumouriez and Kellermann,
lay between the most redoutable regiments of the
world and Paris. The emigrants and the Germans
thought the invasion but a military promenade.
At home treason to the government hardly cared
to hide itself. During much of August the streets
of Paris swarmed with Royalists who cursed the
Revolution, and with priests more bitter than the
Royalists. Under the windows of Louis, as he lay
in the Temple, there were cries of "Long live the
King," and in the prisons themselves the nobles
drank to the allies and corresponded with the
Prussians. Finally, Roland, who was minister,
so far lost courage that he proposed to withdraw
THE SOCIAL EQUILIBRIUM 159
beyond the Loire, but Danton would hear of no
retreat. "De 1'audace," he cried, "encore de
1'audace, et toujours de 1'audace."
The Assembly had not been responsible for the
assault on the Tuileries on August 10, 1792.
Filled with conservatives, it lacked the energy.
That movement had been the work of a knot of
radicals which had its centre in Danton's Club of
the Cordeliers. Under their impulsion the sec-
tions of Paris chose commissioners who should
take possession of the City Hall and eject the
loyalist Council. They did so, and thus Danton
became for a season the Minister of Justice and
the foremost man in France. Danton was a semi-
conservative. His tenure of power was the last
possibility of averting the Terror. The Royalists,
whom he trusted, themselves betrayed him, and
Danton fell, to be succeeded by Robespierre and
his political criminal courts. Meanwhile, on
September 20, 1792, the Prussian column recoiled
before the fire of Kellermann's mob of "vagabonds,
cobblers and tailors," on the slope of Valmy,
and with the victory of Valmy, the great eigh-
teenth-century readjustment of the social equi-
librium of Europe passed into its secondary stage.
CHAPTER V
POLITICAL COURTS
IN the eye of philosophy, perhaps the most
alluring and yet illusive of all the phenomena
presented by civilization is that which we have
been considering. Why should a type of mind
which has developed the highest prescience when
advancing along the curve which has led it to
ascendancy, be stricken with fatuity when the
summit of the curve is passed, and when a mis-
calculation touching the velocity of the descent
must be destruction?
Although this phenomenon has appeared pretty
regularly, at certain intervals, in the development
of every modern nation, I conceive its most
illuminating example to be that intellectual limi-
tation of caste which, during the French Revolu-
tion, led to the creation of those political criminal
tribunals which reached perfection with Robes-
pierre.
When coolly examined, at the distance of a
160
POLITICAL COURTS 161
century, the Royalist combination for the sup-
pression of equality before the law, as finally
evolved in 1792, did not so much lack military
intelligence, as it lacked any approximate compre-
hension of the modern mind. The Royalists
proposed to reestablish privilege, and to do this
they were ready to immolate, if necessary, their
King and Queen, and all of their own order who
stayed at home to defend them. Indeed, speak-
ing generally, they valued Louis XVI, living,
cheaply enough, counting him a more considerable
asset if dead. "What a noise it would make
throughout Europe," they whispered among them-
selves, "if the rabble should kill the King."
Nor did Marie Antoinette delude herself on
this score. At Pilnitz, hi 1791, the German
potentates issued a declaration touching France
which was too moderate to suit the emigrants,
who published upon it a commentary of their own.
This commentary was so revolting that when the
Queen read her brother-in-law's signature ap-
pended to it, she exclaimed — "Cain."
The Royalist plan of campaign was this : They
reckoned the energy of the Revolution so low that
they counted pretty confidently, in the summer
162 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
of 1792, on the ability of their party to defend the
Tuileries against any force which could be brought
against it; but assuming that the Tuileries could
not be defended, and that the King and Queen
should be massacred, they believed that their
own position would be improved. Their monar-
chical allies would be thereby violently stimulated.
It was determined, therefore, that, regardless of
consequences to their friends, the invading army
should cross the border into Lorraine and, march-
ing by way of Sierk and Rodemach, occupy
Chalons. Their entry into Chalons, which they
were confident could not be held against them,
because of the feeling throughout the country,
was to be the signal for the rising in Vendee and
Brittany which should sweep down upon Paris
from the rear and make the capital untenable.
At Chalons the allies would be but ninety
miles from Paris, and then nothing would remain
but vengeance, and vengeance the more complete
the greater the crime had been.
All went well with them up to Valmy. The
German advance on August n, 1792, reached
Rodemach, and on August 19, the bulk of the
Prussian army crossed the frontier at Redagne.
POLITICAL COURTS 163
On August 20, 1792, Longwy was invested and
in three days capitulated. In the camp of the
Comte d'Artois "there was not one of us," wrote
Las Casas, "who did not see himself, in a fort-
night, triumphant, in his own home, surrounded
by his humbled and submissive vassals." At
length from their bivouacs at Saint-Remy and at
Suippes the nobles saw in the distance the towers
of Chalons.
The panic at Chalons was so great that orders
were given to cut the bridge across the Marne,
but it was not until about September 2, that the
whole peril was understood at Paris. It is true
that for several weeks the government had been
aware that the West was agitated and that
Rouerie was probably conspiring among the
Royalists and nonjuring priests, but they did not
appreciate the imminence of the danger. On
September 3, at latest, Dan ton certainly heard
the details of the plot from a spy, and it was
then, while others quailed, that he incited
Paris to audacity. This was Danton's culmina-
tion.
As we look back, the weakness of the Germans
seems to have been psychological rather than
164 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
physical. At Vaimy the numbers engaged were
not unequal, and while the French were, for the
most part, raw and ill-compacted levies, with few
trained officers, the German regiments were those
renowned battalions of Frederick the Great whose
onset, during the Seven Years' War, no adversary
had been able to endure. Yet these redoubtable
Prussians fell back in confusion without having
seriously tried the French position, and their
officers, apparently, did not venture to call upon
them to charge again. In vain the French gentle-
men implored the Prussian King to support them
if they alone should storm Kellermann's batteries.
Under the advice of the Duke of Brunswick the
King decided on retreat. It is said that the Duke
had as little heart in the war as Charles Fox, or,
possibly, Pitt, or as his own troops. And yet
he was so strong that Dumouriez, after his victory,
hung back and offered the invaders free passage
lest the Germans, if aroused, should turn on him
and fight their way to the Marne.
To the emigrants the retreat was terrible. It
was a disaster from which, as a compact power,
they never recovered. The rising in Vendee tem-
porarily collapsed with the check at Chalons,
POLITICAL COURTS 165
and they were left literally naked unto their
enemy. Some of them returned to their homes,
preferring the guillotine to starvation, others,
disguised hi peasants' blouses, tried to reach
Rouerie in La Vendee, some died from hardship,
some committed suicide, while the bulk regained
Liege and there waited as suppliants for assist-
ance from Vienna. But these unfortunate men,
who had entered so gayly upon a conflict whose
significance they could not comprehend, had by
this time lost more than lands and castles. Many
of them had lost wives and children in one of
the most frightful butcheries of history, and a
butchery for which they themselves were respon-
sible, because it was the inevitable and logical
effect of their own intellectual limitations.
When, after the affair of August 10, Danton
and his party became masters of the incipient
republic, Paris lay between two perils whose rela-
tive magnitude no one could measure. If Chalons
fell, Vendee would rise, and the Republicans of
the West would be massacred. Five months later
Vendee did rise, and at Machecoul the patriots
were slaughtered amidst nameless atrocities,
largely at the instigation of the priests. In
166 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
March, 1793, one hundred thousand peasants
were under arms.
Clearly the West could not be denuded of
troops, and yet, if Chalons were to be made good,
every available man had to be hurried to Keller-
mann, and this gigantic effort fell to the lot of a
body of young and inexperienced adventurers
who formed what could hardly be dignified with
the name of an organized administration.
For a long time Marat, with whom Danton
had been obliged to coalesce, had been insisting
that, if the enemy were to be resisted on the
frontier, Paris must first be purged, for Paris
swarmed with Royalists wild for revenge, and
who were known to be arming. Danton was not
yet prepared for extermination. He instituted
domiciliary visits. He made about three thou-
sand arrests and seized a quantity of muskets,
but he liberated most of those who were under
suspicion. The crisis only came with the news,
on September 2, of the investment of Verdun,
when no one longer could doubt that the net
was closing about Paris. Verdun was but three
or four days' march from Chalons. When the
Duke of Brunswick crossed the Marne and
POLITICAL COURTS 167
Brittany revolted, the government would have
to flee, as Roland proposed, and then the Royalists
would burst the gates of the prisons and there
would be another Saint Bartholomew.
Toward four o'clock in the afternoon of Sep-
tember 2, 1792, the prison of the Abbaye was
forced and the massacres began. They lasted
until September 6, and through a circular sent
out by Marat they were extended to Lyons, to
Reims, and to other cities. About 1600 prisoners
were murdered in Paris alone. Hardly any one
has ever defended those slaughters. Even Marat
called them "disastrous," and yet no one inter-
fered. Neither Danton, nor Roland, nor the
Assembly, nor the National Guard, nor the City
of Paris, although the two or three hundred
ruffians who did the work could have been dis-
persed by a single company of resolute men, had
society so willed it. When Robespierre's time
came he fell almost automatically. Though the
head of the despotic "Committee of Public
Safety," and nominally the most powerful man
in France, he was sent to execution like the vilest
and most contemptible of criminals by adver-
saries who would not command a regiment.
168 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
The inference is that the September massacres,
which have ever since been stigmatized as the
deepest stain upon the Revolution, were, veri-
tably, due to the Royalists, who made with the
Republicans an issue of self-preservation. For
this was no common war. In Royalist eyes it
was a servile revolt, and was to be treated as
servile revolts during the Middle Ages had always
been treated. Again and again, with all solem-
nity, the Royalists had declared that were they
to return as conquerors no stone of Paris should
be left standing on another, and that the inhabi-
tants should expire in the ashes of their homes on
the rack and the wheel.
Though Danton had many and obvious weak-
nesses he was a good lawyer, and Danton per-
ceived that though he might not have been able
to prevent the September massacres, and although
they might have been and probably were in-
evitable under the tension which prevailed, yet
that any court, even a political court, would be
better than Marat's mob. Some months later he
explained his position to the Convention when it
was considering the erection of the tribunal
which finally sent Danton himself to the scaffold.
POLITICAL COURTS 169
"Nothing is more difficult than to define a polit-
ical crime. But, if a simple citizen, for any or-
dinary crime, receives immediate punishment, if
it is so difficult to reach a political crime, is it
not necessary that extraordinary laws ... in-
timidate the rebels and reach the culpable?
Here public safety requires strong remedies and
terrible measures. I see no compromise between
ordinary forms and a revolutionary tribunal.
History attests this truth; and since members
have dared in this assembly to refer to those
bloody days which every good citizen has la-
mented, I say that, if such a tribunal had then
existed, the people who have been so often and
so cruelly reproached for them, would never have
stained them with blood ; I say, and I shall have
the assent of all who have watched these move-
ments, that no human power could have checked
the outburst of the national vengeance."
In this perversion of the courts lay, as I under-
stand it, the foulest horror of the French Revolu-
tion. It was the effect of the rigidity of privilege,
a rigidity which found its incarnation in the judi-
ciary. The constitutional decisions of the par-
liaments under the old regime would alone have
170 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
made their continuance impossible, but the
worst evil was that, after the shell crumbled, the
mind within the shell survived, and discredited
the whole regular administration of justice.
When the National Assembly came to examine
grievances it found protests against the judicial
system from every corner of France, and it re-
ferred these petitions to a committee which re-
ported in August, 1789. Setting aside the cen-
tralization and consolidation of the system as
being, for us, immaterial, the committee laid
down four leading principles of reform. First,
purchase of place should be abolished, and judicial
office should be recognized as a public trust.
Second, judges should be confined to applying,
and restrained from interpreting, the law. That
is to say, the judges should be forbidden to legis-
late. Third, the judges should be brought into
harmony with public opinion by permitting the
people to participate in their appointment.
Fourth, the tendency toward rigor in criminal
cases, which had become a scandal under the old
regime, should be tempered by the introduction
of the jury. Bergasse proposed that judicial
appointments should be made by the executive
POLITICAL COURTS 171
from among three candidates selected by the
provincial assemblies. After long and very re-
markable debates the plan was, in substance,
adopted in May, 1790, except that the Assembly
decided, by a majority of 503 to 450, that the
judges should be elected by the people for a term
of six years, without executive interference. In
the debate Cazales represented the conservatives,
Mirabeau the liberals. The vote was a test vote
and shows how strong the conservatives were in
the Assembly up to the reorganization of the
Clergy in July, 1790, and the electoral assemblies
of the districts, which selected the judges, seem,
on the whole, to have been rather more conserva-
tive than the Assembly. In the election not a
sixth of those who were enfranchised voted for
the delegates who, in turn, chose the judges, and
these delegates were usually either eminent lawyers
themselves, or wealthy merchants, or men of
letters. The result was a bench not differing
much from an old parliament, and equally in-
capable of understanding the convulsion about
them.
Installed early in 1791, not a year elapsed before
these magistrates became as ill at ease as had
172 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
been those whom they displaced, and in March,
1792, Jean Debry formally demanded their recall,
although their terms properly were to expire in
1796. During the summer of 1792 they sank
into contempt and, after the massacres, the Legis-
lative Assembly, just before its dissolution, pro-
vided for a new constituency for the judicial elec-
tions. This they degraded so far that, out of
fifty-one magistrates to be chosen in Paris, only
twelve were professionally trained. Nor did the
new courts inspire respect. After the loth of
August one or two special tribunals were organ-
ized to try the Swiss Guard who surrendered in
the Palace, and other political offenders, but
these proved to be so ineffective that Marat
thrust them aside, and substituted for them his
gangs of murderers. No true and permanent
political court was evolved before Danton had to
deal with the treason of Dumouriez, nor was this
tribunal perfected before Danton gave way to
the Committee of Public Safety, when French
revolutionary society became incandescent,
through universal attack from without and through
insurrection within.
Danton, though an orator and a lawyer, pos-
POLITICAL COURTS 173
sibly even a statesman, was not competent to
cope with an emergency which exacted from a
minister administrative genius like that of Car-
not. Danton's story may be briefly told. At
once after Valmy the Convention established the
Republic; on January 21, 1793, Louis was be-
headed; and between these two events a new
movement had occurred. The Revolutionists felt
intuitively that, if they remained shut up at home,
with enemies without and traitors within, they
would be lost. If the new ideas were sound they
would spread, and Valmy had proved to them
that those ideas had already weakened the invad-
ing armies. Danton declared for the natural
boundaries of France, — the Rhine, the Alps, and
the ocean, — and the Convention, on January 29,
1 793, threw Dumouriez on Holland. This provoked
war with England, and then north, south, and
east the coalition was complete. It represented
at least half a million fighting men. Danton,
having no military knowledge or experience, fixed
his hopes on Dumouriez. To Danton, Dumouriez
was the only man who could save France. On
November 6, 1792, Dumouriez defeated the Aus-
trians at Jemmapes; on the i4th, he entered
174 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
Brussels, and Belgium lay helpless before him.
On the question of the treatment of Belgium, the
schism began which ended with his desertion.
Dumouriez was a conservative who plotted for a
royal restoration under, perhaps, Louis Philippe.
The Convention, on the contrary, determined to
revolutionize Belgium, as France had been revolu-
tionized, and to this end Cambon proposed to
confiscate and sell church land and emit assignats.
Danton visited Dumouriez to attempt to pacify
him, but found him deeply exasperated. Had
Danton been more sagacious he would have been
suspicious. Unfortunately for him he left Du-
mouriez in command. In February, Dumouriez
invaded Holland and was repulsed, and he then
fell back to Brussels, not strong enough to march
to Paris without support, it is true, but probably
expecting to be strong enough as soon as the Ven-
dean insurrection came to a head. Doubtless he
had relations with the rebels. At all events, on
March 10, the insurrection began with the mas-
sacre of Machecoul, and on March 12, 1793, Du-
mouriez wrote a letter to the Convention which
was equivalent to a declaration of war. He then
tried to corrupt his army, but failed, and on
POLITICAL COURTS 175
April 4, 1793, fled to the Austrians. Meanwhile,
La Vendee was in flames. To appreciate the situa-
tion one must read Carnot's account of the border
during these weeks when he alone, probably,
averted some grave disaster. For my purpose it
suffices to say that the pressure was intense, and
that this intense pressure brought forth the
Revolutionary Tribunal, or the political court.
On March 10, 1793, the Convention passed a
decree constituting a court of five judges and a
jury, to be elected by the Convention. To these
was joined a public prosecutor. Fouquier-Tin-
ville afterward attained to a sombre fame in
this position. Six members of the Convention
were to sit as a commission to supervise drawing
the indictments, the preparation of evidence, and
also to advise the prosecutor. The punishments,
under the limitations of the Penal Code and other
criminal laws, were to be within the discretion of
the court, whose judgments were to be final.1
Death was accompanied by confiscation of
property.
Considering that this was an extraordinary
tribunal, working under extreme tension, which
1 Histoire du Tribunal Revolulionaire de Paris, H. VVallon, i, 57.
1 76 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
tried persons against whom usually the evidence
was pretty conclusive, its record for the first six
months was not discreditable. Between April 6
and September 21, 1793, it rendered sixty-three
sentences of death, thirteen of transportation, and
thirty-eight acquittals. The trials were held pa-
tiently, testimony was heard, and the juries duly
deliberated. Nevertheless the Terror deepened
as the stress upon the new-born republic in-
creased. Nothing more awful can be imagined
than the ordeal which France endured between
the meeting of the Convention in September, 1792,
and the completion of the Committee of Public
Safety in August, 1793. Hemmed in by enemies,
the revolution glowed in Paris like molten lava,
while yet it was torn by faction. Conservative
opinion was represented by the Girondists, rad-
ical opinion by the Mountain, and between the two
lay the Plain, or the majority of the Conven-
tion, who embodied the social centre of gravity.
As this central mass swayed, so did supremacy
incline. The movement was as accurate as that
of any scientific instrument for registering any
strain. Dumouriez's treason hi April left the
northern frontier open, save for a few fortresses
POLITICAL COURTS 177
which still held out. When those should fall
the enemy could make a junction with the rebels
in Vendee. Still the Girondists kept control,
and even elected Isnard, the most violent among
them, President of the Convention. Then they had
the temerity to arrest a member of the Commune
of Paris, which was the focus of radicalism. That
act precipitated the struggle for survival and with
it came the change in equilibrium. On June 2,
Paris heard of the revolt of Lyons and of the
massacre of the patriots. The same day the Sec-
tions invaded the Convention and expelled from
their seats in the Tuileries twenty-seven Girondists.
The Plain or Centre now leant toward the Moun-
tain, and, on July 10, the Committee of Public
Safety, which had been first organized on April
6, 1793, directly after Dumouriez's treason, was
reorganized by the adition of men like Saint- Just
and Couthon, with Prieur, a lawyer of ability and
energy, for President. On July 12, 1793, the
Austrians took Conde, and on July 28, Valen-
ciennes; while on July 25, Kleber, starving, sur-
rendered Mayence. Nothing now but their own
inertia stood between the allies and La Vend6e.
Thither indeed Kellermann's men were sent, since
178 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
they had promised not to serve against the coali-
tion for a year, but even of these a division was
surrounded and cut to pieces in the disaster of
Torfou. A most ferocious civil war soon raged
throughout France. Caen, Bordeaux, Lyons,
Marseilles, declared against the Convention. The
whole of the northwest was drenched in blood by
the Chouans. Sixty departments were in arms.
On August 28 the Royalists surrendered Toulon
to the English, who blockaded the coasts and
supplied the needs of the rebels. About Paris
the people were actually starving. On July 27
Robespierre entered the Committee of Safety;
Carnot, on August 14. This famous committee
was a council of ten forming a pure dictatorship.
On August 1 6, the Convention decreed the Levee
en Masse.
When Carnot became Minister of War to this
dictatorship the Republic had 479,000 demor-
alized soldiers with the colors, under beaten and
discredited commanders. Bouille had conspired
against the States- General, Lafayette against the
Legislative Assembly, and Dumouriez against the
Convention. One year from that time it had
a superb force, 732,000 strong, commanded by
POLITICAL COURTS 179
Jourdan and Pichegru, Hoche, Moreau, and Bo-
naparte. Above all Carnot loved Hoche. Up to
Valmy the old regular army, however shaken,
had remained as a core. Then it became merged in
a mass of volunteers, and these volunteers had
to be armed and disciplined and fed and led
against the greatest and strongest coalition which
the modern world had ever seen. France, under
Carnot, became a vast workshop. Its most
eminent scientific men taught the people how to
gather saltpetre and the government how to
manufacture powder and artillery. Horses had
to be obtained. Carnot was as reckless of himself
as of others. He knew no rest. There was that
to be done which had to be done quickly and at
any cost; there was that or annihilation.
On October 21, 1794, when the people had
gathered in the Champ de Mars to celebrate the
Festival of Victories, after the President of the
Convention had proclaimed that the Republic
had been delivered, Carnot announced what had
been accomplished.
France had won twenty-seven victories, of which
eight had been pitched battles.
One hundred and twenty lesser combats.
l8o THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
France had killed eighty thousand enemies.
Had taken ninety-one thousand prisoners.
Also one hundred and sixteen places or towns,
six after siege.
Two hundred and thirty forts or redoubts.
Three thousand eight hundred cannon.
Seventy thousand muskets.
Ninety flags.
As Benjamin Constant has observed, nothing
can change the stupendous fact "that the Conven-
tion found the enemy at thirty leagues from Paris,
. . . and made peace at thirty leagues from
Vienna."
Under the stimulus of a change in enviroment
a new type of mind is apt to expand with something
of this resistless energy. It did so in the Reforma-
tion. It may be said almost invariably to do so,
when decay does not supervene, and it now con-
cerns us to consider, in some rough way, what the
cost to the sinking class of attempting repression
may be, when it miscalculates its power hi such
an emergency.
I take it to be tolerably clear that, if the French
privileged classes had accepted the reforms of
Turgot in good faith, and thus had spread the
POLITICAL COURTS 181
movement of the revolution over a generation,
there would have been no civil war and no confisca-
tions, save confiscations of ecclesiastical property.
I take it also that there would have been no
massacres and no revolutionary tribunals, if France
in 1793 had fought foreign enemies alone, as Eng-
land did in 1688. Even as it was the courts did
not grow thoroughly political until the preserva-
tion of the new type of mind came to hinge largely
on the extermination of the old. Danton's first
and relatively benign revolutionary tribunal, es-
tablished in March, 1793, was reorganized by the
Committee of Public Safety in the following
autumn, by a series of decrees of which the most
celebrated is that of September 17, touching
suspected persons. By these decrees the tribunal
was enlarged so that, in the words of Danton,
every day an aristocratic head might fall. The
committee presented a list of judges, and the
object of the law was to make the possession
of a reactionary mind a capital offence. It is
only in extreme exigencies that pure thinking by
a single person becomes a crime. Ordinarily, a
crime consists of a malicious thought coupled
with an overt act, but in periods of high tension,
182 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
the harboring of any given thought becomes
criminal. Usually during civil wars test oaths are
tendered to suspected persons to discover their
loyalty. For several centuries the Church habit-
ually burnt alive all those who denied the test
dogma of transubstantiation, and during the
worst spasm of the French Revolution to believe in
the principle of monarchy and privilege was made
capital with confiscation of property.
The question which the Convention had to meet
was how to establish the existence of a criminal
mind, when nothing tangible indicated it. The
old regime had tortured. To prove heresy the
Church also had always used torture. The
Revolution proceeded more mildly. It acted on
suspicion. The process was simple. The Com-
mittee, of whom in this department Robespierre
was the chief, made lists of those who were to be
condemned. There came to >be finally almost a
complete absence of forms. No evidence was
necessarily heard. The accused, if inconvenient,
was not allowed to speak. If there were doubt
touching the probability of conviction, pressure
was put upon the court. I give one or two ex-
amples : SceUier, the senior associate judge of
POLITICAL COURTS 183
the tribunal, appears to have been a good lawyer
and a fairly worthy man. One day in February,
1794, Scellier was at dinner with Robespierre,
when Robespierre complained of the delays of the
court. Scellier replied that without the observ-
ance of forms there could be no safety for the
innocent. "Bah!" replied Robespierre, — "you
and your forms : wait ; soon the Committee will
obtain a law which will suppress forms, and then
we shall see." Scellier ventured no answer. Such
a law was drafted by Couthon and actually passed
on 22 Prairial (June 10, 1794), and yet it altered
little the methods of Fouquier-Tinville as prose-
cuting officer. Scellier having complained of this
law of Prairial to Saint- Just, Saint- Just replied
that if he were to report his words, or that he was
flinching, to the Committee, Scellier would be
arrested. As arrest was tantamount to sentence
of death, Scellier continued his work.
Without reasoning the subject out logically
from premise to conclusion, or being, of course,
capable of doing so in the mass, Frenchmen had
collectively received the intuition that everything
must be endured for a strong government, and
that whatever obstructed that government must
184 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
be eliminated. For the process of elimination
they used the courts. Under the conditions in
which they were placed by the domestic enemy,
they had little alternative. If a political party
opposed the Dictatorship in the Convention, that
party must be broken down ; if a man seemed
likely to become a rival for the Dictatorship, that
man must be removed ; all who conspired against
the Republic must be destroyed as ruthlessly at
home as on the battle-field. The Republic was
insolvent, and must have money, as it must have
men. If the government needed men, it took
them, — all. If it needed money, and a man were
rich, it did not hesitate to execute him and con-
fiscate his property. There are very famous ex-
amples of all these phenomena strewn through
the history of the Terror.
The Girondists were liberals. They always
had been liberals; they had never conspired
against the Republic ; but they were impracticable.
The ablest of them, Vergniaud, complained before
the Tribunal, that he was being tried for what he
thought, not for what he had done. This the
government denied, but it was true. Nay, more ;
he was tried not for positive but for negative
POLITICAL COURTS 185
opinions, and he was convicted and executed, and
his friends were convicted and executed with him,
because, had they remained in the Convention,
the Dictatorship, through their opposition, would
have lost its energy. Also the form of the con-
viction was shocking in the extreme. The de-
fence of these twenty-one men was, practically,
suppressed, and the jury were directed to bring
in a verdict of guilty. Still the prosecutions
of the Girondists stopped here. When they re-
frained from obstruction, they were spared.
Danton and his friends may have been, and
probably were, whether intentionally or by force
of circumstances, a menace to the Dictatorship.
Either Robespierre or Danton had to be eliminated.
There was not room for both. On April i, 1793,
Danton, Camille Desmoulins, and others were
arrested on a warrant signed by such men as Cam-
baceres, Carnot, and Prieur. Carnot in particular
was a soldier of the highest character and genius.
He would have signed no such warrant had he not
thought the emergency pressing. Nor was the
risk small. Danton was so popular and so strong
before a jury that the government appears
to have distrusted even Fouquier-Tinville, for
186 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
an order was given, and held in suspense, ap-
parently to Henriot, to arrest the President and
the Public Prosecutor of the Revolutionary Tri-
bunal, on the day of Danton's trial.
Under such a stimulant Fouquier did his best,
but he felt himself to be beaten. Examining
Cambon, Danton broke out: "Do you believe
us to be conspirators ? Look, he laughs, he don't
believe it. Record that he has laughed." Fou-
quier was at his wits' end. If the next day the
jury were asked if they had heard enough, and
they answered, "No," there would be an acquittal,
and then Fouquier's own head would roll into the
basket. Probably there might even be insurrec-
tion. Fouquier wrote to the Committee that they
must obtain from the Convention a decree silencing
the defence. So grave was the crisis felt to be
that the decree was unanimously voted. When
Fouquier heard that the decree was on its way, he
said, with a sigh of relief, — "Faith, we need it."
But when it was read, Danton sprung to his feet,
raging, declaring that the public cried out treason
upon it. The President adjourned the court while
the hall resounded with the protests of the de-
fendants and the shouts of the police as they tore
POLITICAL COURTS 187
the condemned from the benches which they
clutched and dragged them through the corridors
toward the prison. They emerged no more until
they mounted the carts which took them to the
scaffold.
Nor was it safe to hesitate if one were attached
to this court. Fouquier had a clerk named Paris-
Fabricius. Now Paris had been a friend of Danton
and took his condemnation to heart. He even
declined to sign the judgment, which it was his
duty to do. The next day, when he presented
himself to Fouquier, Fouquier looked at him
sourly, and observed, "We don't want men who
reason here; we want business done." The
following morning Paris did not appear. His
friends were disturbed, but he was not to be found.
He had been cast into a secret dungeon in the
prison of the Luxembourg.
So, if a man were too rich it might go hard with
him. Louis-Philippe-Joseph, Due d' Orleans, after-
ward known as Egalite, was one of the most
interesting figures among the old nobility. The
great-great-great-grandson of Louis XIII, he was a
distant cousin of Louis XVI, and ranked as the
first noble of France beyond the royal family.
1 88 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
His education had been unfortunate. His father
lived with a ballet-dancer, while his mother, the
Princess Henriette de Bourbon- Conti, scandalized
a society which was not easily shocked. During
the Terror the sans-culottes everywhere averred
that the Duke was the son of a coachman in the
service of the banker Duruet. Doubtless this
was false, but the princess had abundant liaisons
not much more reputable. Left to himself at
sixteen years old, Egalite led a life of extreme
profligacy, but he married one of the most beauti-
ful and charming women of the age, whom he
succeeded in inspiring with a devoted affection.
Born in 1747, his father died in 1785, leaving him,
just at the outbreak of the Revolution, the master
of enormous wealth, and the father of three sons
who adored him. The eldest of these was the
future king, Louis-Philippe. The man must
have had good in him to have been loved as he was
throughout life. He was besides more intelligent
touching the Revolution and its meaning than
any man approaching him in rank in France. The
Duke, when a young man, served with credit in
the navy, but after the battle of Ushant, in 1778,
where he commanded the blue squadron, he was
POLITICAL COURTS 189
received with such enthusiasm in Paris, that
Marie-Antoinette obtained his dismissal from the
service. From this period he withdrew from
court and his opposition to the government be-
gan. He adopted republican ideas, which he drew
from America, and he educated his children as
democrats. In 1789 he was elected to the States-
General, where he supported the fusion of the
orders, and attained to a popularity which, on
one occasion, according to Madame de Campan,
nearly, made the Queen faint from rage and grief.
It was from the garden of his palace of the Palais
Royal that the column marched on July 14,
wearing his colors, the red, white and blue, to
storm the Bastille. It seemed that he had only
to go on resolutely to thrust the King aside and
become the ruler of France. He made no effort
to do so. Mirabeau is said to have been disgusted
with his lack of ambition. He was charitable
also, and spent very large sums of money among
the poor of Paris during the years of distress
which followed upon the social disorders. The
breach with the court, however, became steadily
wider, and finally he adhered to the party of
Danton and voted for the condemnation of the
IQO THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
King. He sent two of his sons to serve in the
army. The elder was still with Dumouriez at
the time of his treason. On April 6, 1793, when
Dumouriez's treachery had become known, the
Assembly ordered the arrest of the whole Bourbon
family, and among them the Duke was appre-
hended and sent to Marseilles.
Thus it appears that whatever complaint his
own order may have had against Egalite, the
Republic certainly had none. No man could have
done more for modern France than he. He aban-
doned his class, renounced his name, gave his
money, sent his sons to the war, and voted for
his own relative's death. No one feared him,
and yet Robespierre had him brought to Paris
and guillotined. His trial was a form. Fouquier
admitted that he had been condemned before he
left Marseilles. The Duke was, however, very
rich and the government needed his money.
Every one understood the situation. He was
told of the order for his arrest one night when at
supper in his palace in Paris with his friend
Monsieur de Monville. The Duke, much moved,
asked Monville if it were not horrible, after all
the sacrifices he had made and all that he had done.
POLITICAL COURTS 19!
"Yes, horrible," said Monville, coolly, "but what
would you have? They have taken from your
Highness all they could get, you can be of no fur-
ther use to them. Therefore, they will do to you,
what I do with this lemon " (he was squeezing
a lemon on a sole) ; "now I have all the juice."
And he threw the lemon into the fireplace. But
yet even then Robespierre was not satisfied. He
harbored malice against this fallen man. On the
way to the scaffold he ordered the cart, in which
the Duke sat, to stop before the Palais Royal, which
had been confiscated, in order that the Duke
might contemplate his last sacrifice for his country.
The Duke showed neither fear nor emotion.
All the world knows the story of the Terror.
The long processions of carts carrying victims to
the guillotine, these increasing in number until after
the Law of Prairial they averaged sixty or seventy
a day in Paris alone, while in the provinces there
was no end. At Nantes, Carrier could not work
fast enough by a court, so he sank boat loads of
prisoners in the Loire. The hecatombs sacrificed
at Lyons, and the "Red Masses" of Orange, have
all been described. The population of Toulon
sank from 29,000 to 7,000. All those, in fine,
THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
were seized and slain who were suspected of hav-
ing a mind tinged with caste, or of being traitors
to the Republic. And it was the Centre, or the
majority of the Convention, who did this, by
tacitly permitting it to be done. That is to say,
France permitted it because the onslaught of the
decaying class made atrocities such as these
appear to be a condition of self-preservation. I
doubt if, in human history, there be such another
and so awful an illustration of the possible effects
of conservative errors of judgment.
For France never loved the Terror or the loath-
some instruments, such as Fouquier-Tinville, or
Carrier, or Billaud-Varennes, or Collot-d'Herbois,
or Henriot, or Robespierre, or Couthon, who
conducted it. On this point there can, I think,
be neither doubt nor question. I have tried to
show how the Terror began. It is easy to show
how and why it ended. As it began automatically
by the stress of foreign and domestic war, so it
ended automatically when that stress was re-
lieved. And the most curious aspect of the
phenomenon is that it did not end through the
application of force, but by common consent,
and when it had ended, those who had been used
POLITICAL COURTS 193
for the bloody work could not be endured, and
they too were put to death. The procession of
dates is convincing.
When, on July 27, 1793, Robespierre entered
the Committee of Public Safety, the fortunes of
the Republic were near their nadir, but almost im-
mediately, after Carnot took the War Department
on August 14, they began to mend. On October 8,
1793, Lyons surrendered; on December 19, 1793,
the English evacuated Toulon; and, on De-
cember 23, the insurrection in La Vendee received
its death blow at Savenai. There had also
been success on the frontiers. Carnot put Hoche
in command in the Vosges. On December 23,
1793, Hoche defeated Wurmser at Freschweiller,
when the Austrians, abandoning the lines of Wis-
sembourg, fell back across the Rhine. Thus by
the end of 1793, save for the great border fortresses
of Valenciennes and Conde* to the north, which
commanded the road from Brussels to Paris,
the soil of France had been cleared of the enemy,
and something resembling domestic tranquillity
had been restored at home. Simultaneously,
as the pressure lessened, rifts began to appear in
the knot of men who held the Dictatorship in
194 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
the Republic. Robespierre, Couthon, and Saint-
Just coalesced, and gained control of the police,
while Billaud-Varennes, Collot-d'Herbois, and,
secretly and as far as he dared, Barere, formed an
opposition. Not that the latter were more moder-
ate or merciful than Robespierre, but because,
in the nature of things, there could be but one
Dictator, and it became a question of the survival
of the fittest. Carnot took little or no part in
active politics. He devoted himself to the war,
but he disapproved of the Terror and came to
a breach with Saint- Just. Robespierre's power
culminated on June 10, 1794, with the passage
of the Law of 22 Prairial, which put the life of
every Frenchman in his hand, and after which,
save for some dozen or two of his most intimate
and devoted adherents like Saint- Just, Couthon,
Le Bas, Fouquier, Fleuriot the Mayor of Paris,
and Henriot, the commander of the national
guard, no one felt his head safe on his shoulders.
It needed but security on the northern frontier
to cause the social centre of gravity to shift and
Robespierre to fall, and security came with the
campaign of Fleurus.
Jourdan and Pichegru were in command on
POLITICAL COURTS 195
the Belgian border, and on June 26, 1794, just
sixteen days after the passage of the Law of
Prairial, Jourdan won the battle of Fleurus.
This battle, though not decisive in itself, led to
decisive results. It uncovered Valenciennes and
Conde, which were invested, closing the entrance
to France. On July n, Jourdan entered Brus-
sels; on July 1 6, he won a crushing victory
before Louvain and the same day Namur opened
its gates. On July 23, Pichegru, driving the Eng-
lish before him, seized Antwerp. No Frenchman
could longer doubt that France was delivered, and
with that certainty the Terror ended without a
blow. Eventually the end must have come, but it
came instantly, and, according to the old legend,
it came through a man's love for a woman.
John Lambert Tallien, the son of the butler
of the Marquis of Bercy, was born in 1769, and
received an education through the generosity
of the marquis, who noticed his intelligence. He
became a journeyman printer, and one day in the
studio of Madame Lebrun, dressed in his work-
man's blouse, he met Therezia Cabarrus, Marquise
de Fontenay, the most seductive woman of her
time, and fell in love with her on the instant.
1 96 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
Nothing, apparently, could have been more hope-
less or absurd. But the Revolution came. Tallien
became prominent, was elected to the Convention,
grew to be influential, and in September, 1793, was
sent to Bordeaux, as representative of the Cham-
ber, or as proconsul, as they called it. There he,
the all-powerful despot, found The"rezia, trying to
escape to Spain, in prison, humble, poor, shudder-
ing in the shadow of the guillotine. He saved
her ; he carried her through Bordeaux in triumph
in a car by his side. He took her with him to
Paris, and there Robespierre threw her into prison,
and accused Tallien of corruption. On June 12
Robespierre denounced him to the Convention,
and on June 14, 1794, the Jacobins struck his
name from the list of the club. When Fleurus
was fought Therezia lay in La Force, daily ex-
pecting death, while Tallien had become the soul
of the reactionary party. On the 8 Thermidor
(July 26, 1794) Tallien received a dagger wrapped
in a note signed by Therezia, — "To-morrow they
kill me. Are you then only a coward?" l
On the morrow the great day had come. Saint-
Just rose in the Convention to read a report to
1 " C'est demain qu'on me tue; n'etes-vous done qu'un kche? "
POLITICAL COURTS 197
denounce Billaud, Collot, and Carnot. Tallien
would not let him be heard. Billaud followed him.
Collot was in the chair. Robespierre mounted
the tribune and tried to speak. It was not without
reason that Therezia afterwards said, " This little
hand had somewhat to do with overthrowing the
guillotine," for Tallien sprang on him, dagger in
hand, and, grasping him by the throat, cast him
from the tribune, exclaiming, "I have armed
myself with a dagger to pierce his heart if the Con-
vention dare not order his accusation." Then
rose a great shout from the Centre, "Down with
the tyrant, arrest him, accuse him !" From the
Centre, which until that day had always silently
supported the Robespierrian Dictatorship. Robes-
pierre for the last time tried to speak, but his
voice failed him. "It's Danton's blood that
chokes him; arrest him, arrest him !" they shouted
from the Right. Robespierre dropped exhausted
on a bench, then they seized him, and his brother,
and Couthon, and Saint- Just, and ordered that
the police should take them to prison.
But it was one thing for the Convention to
seize Robespierre singly, and within its own hall ;
it was quite another for it to hold him and
198 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
send him to the guillotine. The whole physical
force of Paris was nominally with Robespierre.
The Mayor, Fleuriot, closed the barriers, sounded
the tocsin, and forbade any jailer to receive
the prisoners; while Henriot, who had already
been drinking, mounted a horse and galloped
forth to rouse the city. Fleuriot caused Robes-
pierre, Couthon, and Le Bas to be brought
to the City Hall. A provisional government was
completed. It only remained to disperse the
Assembly. Henriot undertook a duty which
looked easy. He seems to have collected about
twenty guns, which he brought to the Tuileries
and trained on the hall of the Convention. The
deputies thought all was over. Collot-d'Herbois
took the chair, which was directly in range, put
on his hat, and calmly said, as Henriot gave the
order to fire, "We can at least die at our post."
No volley came — the men had mutinied. Then
the Convention declared Henriot beyond the pro-
tection of the law, and Henriot fled to the City
Hall. The Convention chose Barras to command
their armed force, but save a few police they had
no force. The night was wearing away and
Fleuriot had not been able to persuade Robes-
POLITICAL COURTS 199
pierre to take any decisive step. Robespierre was,
indeed, only a pettifogging attorney. At length
he consented to sign an appeal to arms. He had
written two letters of his name — "Ro" — when
a section of police under Barras reached the City
Hall. They were but a handful, but the door
was unguarded. They mounted the stairs and as
Robespierre finished the "o", one of these men,
named Merda, fired on him, breaking his jaw.
The stain of blood is still on the paper where
Robespierre's head fell. They shot Couthon in
the leg, they threw Henriot out of the window into
a cesspool below where he wallowed all night, while
Le Bas blew out his brains. The next day they
brought Robespierre to the Convention, but the
Convention refused to receive him. They threw
him on a table, where he lay, horrible to be seen,
his coat torn down the back, his stockings falling
over his heels, his shirt open and soaking with
blood, speechless, for his mouth was filled with
splinters of his broken jaw. Such was the man
who the morning before had been Dictator, and
master of all the armies of France. Couthon
was in little better plight. Twenty-one in all
were condemned on the 10 Thermidor and taken
200 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
in carts to the guillotine. An awful spectacle.
There was Robespierre with his disfigured face,
half dead, and Fleuriot, and Saint- Just, and
Henriot next to Robespierre, his forehead gashed,
his right eye hanging down his cheek, dripping
with blood, and drenched with the filth of the sewer
in which he had passed the night. Under their
feet lay the cripple Couthon, who had been
thrown in like a sack. Couthon was paralyzed,
and he howled in agony as they wrenched him
straight to fasten him to the guillotine. It took
a quarter of an hour to finish with him, while the
crowd exulted. A hundred thousand people saw
the procession and not a voice or a hand was raised
in protest. The whole world agreed that the
Terror should end. But the oldest of those who
suffered on the 10 Thermidor was Couthon, who
was thirty-eight, Robespierre was thirty-five,
and Saint- Just but twenty-seven.
So closed the Terror with the strain which
produced it. It will remain a by-word for all
tune, and yet, appalling as it may have been,
it was the legitimate and the logical result of the
opposition made by caste to the advent of equality
before the law. Also, the political courts served
POLITICAL COURTS 2OI
their purpose. They killed out the archaic mind
in France, a mind too rigid to adapt itself to a
changing environment. Thereafter no organized
opposition could ever be maintained against
the new social equilibrium. Modern France went
on steadily to a readjustment, on the basis of
unification, simplification of administration, and
equality before the law, first under the Directory,
then under the Consulate, and finally under the
Empire. With the Empire the Civil Code was
completed, which I take to be the greatest effort
at codification of modern times. Certainly it
has endured until now. Governments have
changed. The Empire has yielded to the Mon-
archy, the Monarchy to the Republic, the Republic
to the Empire again, and that once more to the
Republic, but the Code which embodies the
principle of equality before the law has remained.
Fundamentally the social equilibrium has been
stable. And a chief reason of this stability has
been the organization of the courts upon rational
and conservative principles. During the Terror
France had her fill of political tribunals. Since
the Terror French judges, under every govern-
ment, have shunned politics and have devoted
202 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
themselves to construing impartially the Code.
Therefore all parties, and all ranks, and all condi-
tions of men have sustained the courts. In
France, as in England, there is no class jealousy
touching the control of the judiciary.
CHAPTER VI
INFERENCES
As the universe, which at once creates and de-
stroys life, is a complex of infinitely varying forces,
history can never repeat itself. It is vain, there-
fore, to look in the future for some paraphrase of
the past. Yet if society be, as I assume it to be,
an organism operating on mechanical principles,
we may perhaps, by pondering upon history,
learn enough of those principles to enable us to
view, more intelligently than we otherwise should,
the social phenomena about us. What we call
civilization is, I suspect, only, in proportion to
its perfection, a more or less thorough social
centralization, while centralization, very clearly, is
an effect of applied science. Civilization is ac-
cordingly nearly synonymous with centralization,
and is caused by mechanical discoveries, which are
applications of scientific knowledge, like the dis-
covery of how to kindle fire, how to build and
sail ships, how to smelt metals, how to prepare
203
204 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
explosives, how to make paper and print books,
and the like. And we perceive on a little con-
sideration that from the first great and funda-
mental discovery of how to kindle fire, every
advance in applied science has accelerated social
movement, until the discovery of steam and
electricity in the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries quickened movement as movement
had never been quickened before. And this quick-
ening has caused the rise of those vast cities, which
are at once our pride and our terror.
Social consolidation is, however, not a simple
problem, for social consolidation implies an
equivalent capacity for administration. I take
it to be an axiom, that perfection in administra-
tion must be commensurate to the bulk and momen-
tum of the mass to be administered, otherwise the
centrifugal will overcome the centripetal force,
and the mass will disintegrate. In other words,
civilization would dissolve. It is in dealing with
administration, as I apprehend, that civilizations
have usually, though not always, broken down,
for it has been on administrative difficulties
that revolutions have for the most part super-
vened. Advances in administration seem to pre-
INFERENCES 205
suppose the evolution of new governing classes,
since, apparently, no established type of mind can
adapt itself to changes in environment, even in
slow-moving civilizations, as fast as environments
change. Thus a moment arrives when the minds
of any given dominant type fail to meet the
demands made upon them, and are superseded
by a younger type, which in turn is set aside
by another still younger, until the limit of the
administrative genius of that particular race
has been reached. Then disintegration sets in,
the social momentum is gradually relaxed, and
society sinks back to a level at which it can
cohere. To us, however, the most distressing
aspect of the situation is, that the social accelera-
tion is progressive in proportion to the activity of
the scientific mind which makes mechanical dis-
coveries, and it is, therefore, a triumphant science
which produces those ever more rapidly recurring
changes hi environment to which men must adapt
themselves at their peril. As, under the stimulant
of modern science, the old types fail to sustain
themselves, new types have to be equally rapidly
evolved, and the rise of a new governing class
is always synonymous with a social revolution
206 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
and a redistribution of property. The Industrial
Revolution began almost precisely a century and
a half ago, since when the scientific mind has
continually gained in power, and, during that
period, on an average of once in two generations,
the environment has so far shifted that a social
revolution has occurred, accompanied by the
advent of a new favored class, and a readjustment
of wealth. I think that a glance at American
history will show this estimate to be within the
truth. At the same tune such rapidity of intellec-
tual mutation is without precedent, and I should
suppose that the mental exhaustion incident
thereto must be very considerable.
In America, in 1770, a well-defined aristocracy
held control. As an effect of the Industrial
Revolution upon industry and commerce, the
Revolutionary War occurred, the colonial aris-
tocracy misjudged the environment, adhered to
Great Britain, were exiled, lost their property,
and perished. Immediately after the American
Revolution and also as a part of the Industrial
Revolution, the cotton gin was invented, and the
cotton gin created in the South another aristoc-
racy, the cotton planters, who flourished until
INFERENCES 207
1860. At this point the changing of the environ-
ment, caused largely by the railway, brought a
pressure upon the slave-owners against which
they, also failing to comprehend their situation,
rebelled. They were conquered, suffered confisca-
tion of their property, and perished. Furthermore,
the rebellion of the aristocracy at the South was
caused, or at all events was accompanied by, the
rise of a new dominant class at the North, whose
power rested upon the development of steam in
transportation and industry. This is the class
which has won high fortune by the acceleration of
the social movement, and the consequent urban
growth of the nineteenth century, and which has
now for about two generations dominated in the
land. If this class, like its predecessors, has in
its turn mistaken its environment, a redistribu-
tion of property must occur, distressing, as
previous redistributions have been, in proportion
to the inflexibility of the sufferers. The last two
redistributions have been painful, and, if we
examine passing phenomena from this standpoint,
they hardly appear to promise much that is re<-
assuring for the future.
Administration is the capacity of coordinating
208 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
many, and often conflicting, social energies in a
single organism, so adroitly that they shall
operate as a unity. This presupposes the power
of recognizing a series of relations between numer-
ous special social interests, with all of which no
single man can be intimately acquainted. Prob-
ably no very highly specialized class can be strong
in this intellectual quality because of the intel-
lectual isolation incident to specialization; and
yet administration or generalization is not only
the faculty upon which social stability rests, but
is, possibly, the highest faculty of the human
mind. It is precisely in this preeminent requisite
for success in government that I suspect the
modern capitalistic class to be weak. The scope
of the human intellect is necessarily limited, and
modern capitalists appear to have been evolved
under the stress of an environment which de-
manded excessive specialization in the direction
of a genius adapted to money-making under
highly complex industrial conditions. To this
money-making attribute all else has been sacri-
ficed, and the modern capitalist not only thinks
in terms of money, but he thinks in terms of
money more exclusively than the French aristo-
INFERENCES 209
crat or lawyer ever thought in terms of caste.
The modern capitalist looks upon life as a financial
combat of a very specialized kind, regulated by a
code which he understands and has indeed him-
self concocted, but which is recognized by no one
else in the world. He conceives sovereign powers
to be for sale. He may, he thinks, buy them;
and if he buys them ; he may use them as he
pleases. He believes, for instance, that it is the
lawful, nay more ! in America, that it is the
constitutional right of the citizen to buy the
national highways, and, having bought them, to
use them as a common carrier might use a horse
and cart upon a public road. He may sell his
service to whom he pleases at what price may
suit him, and if by doing so he ruins men and
cities, it is nothing to him. He is not respon-
sible, for he is not a trustee for the public. If he
be restrained by legislation, that legislation is in
his eye an oppression and an outrage, to be
annulled or eluded by any means which will not
lead to the penitentiary. He knows nothing and
cares less, for the relation which highways always
have held, and always must hold, to every civilized
population, and if he be asked to inform himself
210 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
on such subjects he resents the suggestion as an
insult. He is too specialized to comprehend a
social relation, even a fundamental one like this,
beyond the narrow circle of his private interests.
He might, had he so chosen, have evolved a sys-
tem of governmental railway regulation, and have
administered the system personally, or by his
own agents, but he could never be brought to
see the advantage to himself of rational conces-
sion to obtain a resultant of forces. He resisted
all restraint, especially national restraint, believ-
ing that his one weapon — money — would be
more effective in obtaining what he wanted in
state legislatures than in Congress. Thus, of
necessity, he precipitates a conflict, instead of
establishing an adjustment. He is, therefore, in
essence, a revolutionist without being aware of it.
The same specialized thinking appears in his
reasoning touching actual government. New
York City will serve as an illustration.
New York has for two generations been noted
for a civic corruption which has been, theoretically,
abominable to all good citizens, and which the
capitalistic class has denounced as abominable to
itself. I suspect this to be an imaginative con-
INFERENCES 211
ception of the situation. Tammany Hall is, I
take it, the administrative bureau through which
capital purchases its privileges. An incorruptible
government would offend capital, because, under
such a government, capital would have to obey
the law, and privilege would cease. Occasionally,
Tammany grows rapacious and exacts too much
for its services. Then a reform movement is
undertaken, and finally a new management is
imposed on Tammany ; but when Tammany has
consented to a satisfactory scale of prices, the
reform ends. To change the system would imply
a shift in the seat of power. In fine, money is
the weapon of the capitalist as the sword was the
weapon of the mediaeval soldier; only, as the
capitalist is more highly specialized than the sol-
dier ever was, he is more helpless when his single
weapon fails him. From the days of William the
Conqueror to our own, the great soldier has been,
very commonly, a famous statesman also, but I
do not now remember, in English or American
history, a single capitalist who has earned emi-
nence for comprehensive statesmanship. On the
contrary, although many have participated in
public affairs, have held high office, and have
212 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
shown ability therein, capitalists have not un-
usually, however unjustly, been suspected of
having ulterior objects in view, unconnected with
the public welfare, such as tarirls or land grants.
Certainly, so far as I am aware, no capitalist has
ever acquired such influence over his contem-
poraries as has been attained with apparent ease
by men like Cromwell, Washington, or even
Jackson.
And this leads, advancing in an orderly manner
step by step, to what is, perhaps, to me, the
most curious and interesting of all modern intel-
lectual phenomena connected with the specialized
mind, — the attitude of the capitalist toward the
law. Naturally the capitalist, of all men, might
be supposed to be he who would respect and up-
hold the law most, considering that he is at once
the wealthiest and most vulnerable of human
beings, when called upon to defend himself by
physical force. How defenceless and how in-
competent he is in such exigencies, he proved to
the world some years ago when he plunged him-
self and the country into the great Pennsylvania
coal strike, with absolutely no preparation.
Nevertheless, in spite of his vulnerability, he is
INFERENCES 213
of all citizens the most lawless.1 He appears to
assume that the law will always be enforced,
when he has need of it, by some special personnel
whose duty lies that way, while he may evade the
law, when convenient, or bring it into contempt,
with impunity. The capitalist seems incapable
of feeling his responsibility, as a member of the
governing class, in this respect, and that he is
bound to uphold the law, no matter what the
law may be, in order that others may do the like.
If the capitalist has bought some sovereign func-
tion, and wishes to abuse it for his own behoof, he
regards the law which restrains him as a despotic
invasion of his constitutional rights, because,
with his specialized mind, he cannot grasp the
relation of a sovereign function to the nation as a
whole. He, therefore, looks upon the evasion of
a law devised for public protection, but inimical
to him, as innocent or even meritorious.
If an election be lost, and the legislature, which
has been chosen by the majority, cannot be
1 In these observations on the intellectual tendencies of capital
I speak generally. Not only individual capitalists, but great corpo-
rations, exist, who are noble examples of law-abiding and intelligent
citizenship. Their rarity, however, and their conspicuousness, seem
to prove the general rule.
214 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
pacified by money, but passes some act which
promises to be annoying, the first instinct of the
capitalist is to retain counsel, not to advise him
touching his duty under the law, but to devise a
method by which he may elude it, or, if he can-
not elude it, by which he may have it annulled as
unconstitutional by the courts. The lawyer who
succeeds in this branch of practice is certain to
win the highest prizes at the bar. And as capital
has had now, for more than one or even two
generations, all the prizes of the law within its
gift, this attitude of capital has had a profound
effect upon shaping the American legal mind.
The capitalist, as I infer, regards the constitu-
tional form of government which exists in the
United States, as a convenient method of obtain-
ing his own way against a majority, but the lawyer
has learned to worship it as a fetich. Nor is this
astonishing, for, were written constitutions sup-
pressed, he would lose most of his importance and
much of his income. Quite honestly, therefore,
the American lawyer has come to believe that a
sheet of paper soiled with printers' ink and inter-
preted by half-a-dozen elderly gentlemen snugly
dozing in armchairs, has some inherent and
INFERENCES 215
marvellous virtue by which it can arrest the
march of omnipotent Nature. And capital gladly
accepts this view of American civilization, since
hitherto capitalists have usually been able to
select the magistrates who decide their causes,
perhaps directly through the intervention of some
president or governor whom they have had nom-
inated by a convention controlled by their money,
or else, if the judiciary has been elective, they have
caused sympathetic judges to be chosen by means
of a mechanism like Tammany, which they have
frankly bought.
I wish to make myself clearly understood.
Neither capitalists nor lawyers are necessarily, or
even probably, other than conscientious men.
What they do is to think with specialized minds.
All dominant types have been more or less special-
ized, if none so much as this, and this specializa-
tion has caused, as I understand it, that obtuseness
of perception which has been their ruin when the
environment which favored them has changed.
All that is remarkable about the modern capitalist
is the excess of his excentricity, or his deviation
from that resultant of forces to which he must con-
form. To us, however, at present, neither the
2l6 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
morality nor the present mental excentricity of
the capitalist is so material as the possibility of
his acquiring flexibility under pressure, for it
would seem to be almost mathematically demon-
strable that he will, in the near future, be sub-
jected to a pressure under which he must develop
flexibility or be eliminated.
There can be no doubt that the modern environ-
ment is changing faster than any environment
ever previously changed; therefore, the social
centre of gravity constantly tends to shift more
rapidly; and therefore, modern civilization has
unprecedented need of the administrative or
generalizing mind. But, as the mass and mo-
mentum of modern society is prodigious, it will
require a correspondingly prodigious energy to
carry it safely from an unstable to a stable equi-
librium. The essential is to generate the energy
which brings success; and the more the mind
dwells upon the peculiarities of the modern capi-
talistic class, the more doubts obtrude themselves
touching their ability to make the effort, even
at present, and still more so to make it in the
future as the magnitude of the social organism
grows.
INFERENCES 217
One source of capitalistic weakness comes from
a lack of proper instruments wherewith to work,
even supposing the will of capital to be good; and
this lack of administrative ability is somewhat
due to the capitalistic attitude toward education.
In the United States capital has long owned the
leading universities by right of purchase, as it
has owned the highways, the currency, and the
press, and capital has used the universities, in a
general way, to develop capitalistic ideas. This,
however, is of no great moment. What is of
moment is that capital has commercialized edu-
cation. Apparently modern society, if it is to
cohere, must have a high order of generalizing
mind, — a mind which can grasp a multitude of
complex relations, — but this is a mind which can,
at best, only be produced in small quantity and at
high cost. Capital has preferred the specialized
mind and that not of the highest quality, since
it has found it profitable to set quantity before
quality to the limit which the market will endure.
Capitalists have never insisted upon raising an
educational standard save hi science and me-
chanics, and the relative overstimulation of the
scientific mind has now become an actual menace
2l8 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
to order because of the inferiority of the adminis-
trative intelligence.
Yet, even supposing the synthetic mind of the
highest power to be increasing in proportion to
the population, instead of, as I suspect, pretty
rapidly decreasing, and supposing the capitalist
to be fully alive to the need of administrative im-
provements, a phalanx of Washingtons would
be impotent to raise the administrative level of
the United States materially, as long as the courts
remain censors of legislation; because the prov-
ince of the censorial court is to dislocate any
comprehensive body of legislation, whose effect
would be to change the social status. That was
the fundamental purpose which underlay the
adoption of a written constitution whose object
was to keep local sovereignties intact, especially
at the South. Jefferson insisted that each sov-
ereignty should by means of nullification protect
itself. It was a long step in advance when the
nation conquered the prerogative of asserting its
own sovereign power through the Supreme Court.
Now the intervention of the courts in legislation
has become, by the change in environment, as
fatal to administration as would have been, in
INFERENCES 219
1800, the success of nullification. I find it diffi-
cult to believe that capital, with its specialized
views of what constitutes its advantages, its
duties, and its responsibilities, and stimulated by
a bar moulded to meet its prejudices and require-
ments, will ever voluntarily assent to the con-
solidation of the United States to the point at
which the interference of the courts with legis-
lation might be eliminated; because, as I have
pointed out, capital finds the judicial veto useful
as a means of at least temporarily evading the law,
while the bar, taken as a whole, quite honestly
believes that the universe will obey the judicial
decree. No delusion could be profounder and
none, perhaps, more dangerous. Courts, I need
hardly say, cannot control nature, though by trying
to do so they may, like the Parliament of Paris,
create a friction which shall induce an appalling
catastrophe.
True judicial courts, whether in times of peace
or of revolution, seldom fail to be a substantial
protection to the weak, because they enforce an
established corpus juris and conduct trials by
recognized forms. It is startling to compare the
percentage of convictions to prosecutions, for the
220 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
same class of offences, in the regular criminal
courts during the French Revolution, with the
percentage in the Revolutionary Tribunal. And
once a stable social equilibrium is reached, all
men tend to support judicial courts, if judicial
courts exist, from an instinct of self-preservation.
This has been amply shown by French experi-
ence, and it is here that French history is so
illuminating to the American mind. Before the
Revolution France had semi-political courts which
conduced to the overthrow of Turgot, and, there-
fore, wrought for violence ; but more than this,
France, under the old regime, had evolved a legal
profession of a cast of mind incompatible with an
equal administration of the law. The French
courts were, therefore, when trouble came, sup-
ported only by a faction, and were cast aside.
With that the old regime fell.
The young Duke of Chartres, the son of Egalit6
Orleans, and the future Louis Philippe, has re-
lated in his journal an anecdote which illustrates
that subtle poison of distrust which undermines
all legal authority, the moment that suspicion of
political partiality in the judiciary enters the
popular mind. In June, 1791, the Duke went
INFERENCES 221
down from Paris to Vendome to join the regiment
of dragoons of which he had been commissioned
colonel. One day, soon after he joined, a messen-
ger came to him in haste to tell him that a mob
had gathered near by who were about to hang
two priests. "I ran thither at once," wrote the
Duke ; "I spoke to those who seemed most excited
and impressed upon them how horrible it was to
hang men without trial ; besides, to act as hang-
men was to enter a trade which they all thought
infamous ; that they had judges, and that this
was their affair. They answered that their judges
were aristocrats, and that they did not punish
the guilty." That is to say, although the priests
were non-jurors, and, therefore, criminals in the
eye of the law, the courts would not enforce the
law because of political bias.1 " It is your fault, "
I said to them, " since you elected them [the
judges], but that is no reason why you should do
justice yourselves."
Danton explained in the Convention that it
was because of the deep distrust of the judiciary
lEy the Law of November 27, 1790, priests refusing to swear
allegiance to the " civil constitution " of the clergy were punished by
loss of pay and of rights of citizenship if they continued their func-
tions. By Law of August 26, 1792, by transportation to Cayenne.
222 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
in the public mind, which this anecdote shows,
that the September massacres occurred, and it
was because all republicans knew that the state
and the army were full of traitors like Dumouriez,
whom the ordinary courts would not punish, that
Danton brought forward his bill to organize a
true political tribunal to deal with them sum-
marily. When Danton carried through this
statute he supposed himself to be at the apex of
power and popularity, and to be safe, if any man
in France were safe. Very shortly he learned
the error in his calculation. Billaud was a mem-
ber of the Committee of Public Safety, while
Danton had allowed himself to be dropped from
membership. Danton had just been married,
and to an aristocratic wife, and the turmoil of
office had grown to be distasteful to him. On
March 30, 1794, Billaud somewhat casually
remarked, "We must kill Danton; '; for in
truth Danton, with conservative leanings, was
becoming a grave danger to the extreme Jacobins.
Had he lived a few months longer he would have
been a Thermidorist. Billaud, therefore, only
expressed the prevailing Jacobin opinion ; so the
Jacobins arrested Danton, Camille Desmoulins,
INFERENCES 223
and his other friends, and Danton at once antici-
pated what would be his doom. As he entered
his cell he said to his jailer: "I erected the
Tribunal. I ask pardon of God and men." But
even yet he did not grasp the full meaning of
what he had done. At his trial he wished to
introduce his evidence fully, protesting "that he
should understand the Tribunal since he created
it;" nevertheless, he did not understand the
Tribunal, he still regarded it as more or less a
court. Topino-Lebrun, the artist, did under-
stand it. Topino sat on the jury which tried
Danton, and observed that the heart of one of
his colleagues seemed failing him. Topino took
the waverer aside, and said : "This is not a trial,
it is a measure. Two men are impossible; one
must perish. Will you kill Robespierre ? — No.
- Then by that admission you condemn Danton."
Lebrun in these few words went to the root of the
matter, and stated the identical principle which
underlies our whole doctrine of the Police Power.
A political court is not properly a court at all,
but an administrative board whose function is to
work the will of the dominant faction for the
tune being. Thus a political court becomes the
224 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
most formidable of all engines for the destruction
of its creators the instant the social equilibrium
shifts. So Danton found, in the spring of 1794,
when the equilibrium shifted ; and so Robespierre,
who slew Danton, found the next July, when the
equilibrium shifted again.
Danton died on the 5th April, 1794; about
three months later Jourdan won the Fleurus cam-
paign. Straightway Thermidor followed, and
the Tribunal worked as well for the party of
Thermidor as it had for the Jacobins. Carrier,
who had wallowed in blood at Nantes, as the
ideal Jacobin, walked behind the cart which
carried Robespierre to the scaffold, shouting,
"Down with the tyrant;" but that did not save
him. In vain he protested to the Convention
that, were he guilty, the whole Convention was
guilty, "down to the President's bell." By a
vote of 498 out of 500, Carrier was sent before
the Tribunal which, even though reorganized, con-
demned him. Therezia Cabarrus gaily presided at
the closing of the Jacobin Club, Tallien moved
over to the benches on the right, and therefore the
court was ruthless to Fouquier. On the n
Thermidor, seventy members, officers, or parti-
INFERENCES 225
sans of the Commune of Paris, were sent to the
guillotine in only two batches. On the next day
twelve more followed, four of whom were jury-
men. Fouquier's turn came later. It may also
be worth while for Americans to observe that a
political court is quite as effective against property
as against life. The Duke of Orleans is only the
most celebrated example of a host of Frenchmen
who perished, not because of revenge, fear, or
jealousy, but because the party in power wanted
their property. The famous Law touching Sus-
pected Persons (loi des suspects) was passed on
September 17, 1793. On October 10, 1793, that
is three weeks afterward, Saint- Just moved that
additional powers should be granted, by the Con-
vention, to the Committee of Public Safety, de-
nning, by way of justification for his motion, those
who fell within the purview of this law. Among
these, first of all, came " the rich," who by that
fact alone were to be considered, prima facie,
enemies to their country.
As I stated at the beginning of this chapter,
history never can repeat itself; therefore, what-
ever else may happen in the United States,
we certainly shall have no Revolutionary Tri-
226 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
bunal like the French Tribunal of 1793, but
the mechanical principle of the political court
always remains the same; it is an adminis-
trative board the control of which is useful, or
may be even essential, to the success of a domi-
nant faction, and the instinctive comprehension
which the American people have of this truth is
demonstrated by the determination with which
they have, for many years, sought to impose the
will of the majority upon the judiciary. Other
means failing to meet their expectations, they
have now hit on the recall, which is as revolu-
tionary in essence as were the methods used
during the Terror. Courts, from the Supreme
Court downward, if purged by recall, or a process
tantamount to recall, would, under proper stress,
work as surely for a required purpose as did the
tribunal supervised by Fouquier-Tinville.
These considerations rather lead me to infer
that the extreme complexity of the administra-
tive problems presented by modern industrial
civilization is beyond the compass of the capital-
istic mind. If this be so, American society, as at
present organized, with capitalists for the domi-
nant class, can concentrate no further, and, as
INFERENCES 227
nothing in the universe is at rest, if it does not
concentrate, it must, probably, begin to disin-
tegrate. Indeed we may perceive incipient signs
of disintegration all about us. We see, for ex-
ample, an universal contempt for law, incarnated
in the capitalistic class itself, which is responsible
for order, and in spite of the awful danger which
impends over every rich and physically helpless
type should the coercive power collapse. We
see it even more distinctly in the chronic war
between capital and labor, which government is
admittedly unable to control; we see it in
the slough of urban politics, inseparable from
capitalistic methods of maintaining its ascend-
ancy; and, perhaps, most disquieting of all, we
see it in the dissolution of the family which
has, for untold ages, been the seat of discipline
and the foundation of authority. For the dis-
solution of the family is peculiarly a phenome-
non of our industrial age, and it is caused
by the demand of industry for the cheap labor
of women and children. Napoleon told the law-
yers who drafted the Code that he insisted on
one thing alone. They must fortify the family,
for, said he, if the family is responsible to the
228 THE THEORY OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONS
father and the father to me, I can keep order in
France. One of the difficulties, therefore, which
capital has to meet, by the aid of such adminis-
trative ability as it can command, is how to keep
order when society no longer rests on the cohesive
family, but on highly volatilized individuals as
incohesive as grains of sand.
Meditating upon these matters, it is hard
to resist the persuasion that unless capital
can, in the immediate future, generate an
intellectual energy, beyond the sphere of its
specialized calling, very much in excess of
any intellectual energy of which it has hitherto
given promise, and unless it can besides rise to an
appreciation of diverse social conditions, as well
as to a level of political sagacity, far higher than
it has attained within recent years, its relative
power in the community must decline. If this
be so the symptoms which indicate social disin-
tegration will intensify. As they intensify, the
ability of industrial capital to withstand the at-
tacks made upon it will lessen, and this process
must go on until capital abandons the contest to
defend itself as too costly. Then nothing remains
but flight. Under what conditions industrial
INFERENCES
229
capital would find migration from America possible,
must remain for us beyond the bounds even of
speculation. It might escape with little or no loss.
On the other hand, it might fare as hardly as did
the southern slaveholders. No man can foresee
his fate. In the event of adverse fortune, how-
ever, the position of capitalists would hardly
be improved by the existence of political courts
serving a malevolent majority. Whatever may
be in store for us, here at least we reach an
intelligible conclusion. Should Nature follow such
a course as I have suggested, she will settle all
our present perplexities as simply and as drasti-
cally as she is apt to settle human perturba-
tions, and she will follow logically in the
infinitely extended line of her own most impres-
sive precedents.
INDEX
Adams, John: appoints Marshall
Chief Justice, 53-61 ; sent Ells-
worth to France, 61 ; offered office
to Jay; chose Marshall, 61.
Adams, John Quincy: extract from
diary of, 68.
Administration: inefficiency of, in
twentieth century, 3-4 ; relation to
mass, 204 ; definition of, 207 el seq. ;
lack of ability in, 217; need for, hi
modern society, 217, 218.
Alien and Sedition Acts: 59.
American Revolution : a revolt
against Monopoly, 25 ; begins with
Bpston Tea- party, 25.
Arbitration: compulsory, 29, 30;
strong government needed for, 29,
30.
Aristocracy: See Ruling Class.
Artois, Comte d': emigrates, 146;
authorized to organize an army,
148.
Assignats: issued, 149; Cambon
wishes to emit hi Belgium, 174.
Bastille: stormed, 145.
Bench : See Judiciary, and Courts.
Billaud- Varenne : an Instrument of
the Terror, 191 ; quarrels with
Robespierre, 194 ; leads Revolu-
tion of Thermidor, 197 ; wants to
kill Danton, 222.
Bouille: commands Army of the
North, 146 ; executes soldiers, 147 ;
tortures soldiers, 155.
Bradley, Mr. Justice: opinion of, in
Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul
Railway vs. Minnesota, 102, 103 ;
failed to sustain equality before
the law, 115.
Brass vs. North Dakota: 108.
Brunswick, Duke of: manifesto of,
155; threatens reprisals, 156; re-
treat of, from Valmy, 164.
Burke, Edmund: publishes Reflec-
tions, and quarrels with Fox, 152 ;
Caste incarnated in, 152.
Cabarrus, Tkerezia, Marquise de Fon-
lenay: meets Tallien, 195; ad-
ventures of, 196 ; imprisoned in La
Force, 196 ; sends Tallien a dagger,
196; closes Jacobin Club, 224.
Capitalistic Class: have assumed
sovereign powers in America, 13
et seq.; irresponsible, 14, 17; have
levied taxes, 15; have regulated
the currency, 1 7 et seq. ; have con-
trolled prices, 25 et seq. ; supported
Washington, 28; now responsible
for structure of American Society,
28 et seq. ; have failed as politicians,
31 et seq.; must accept conse-
quences of failure, 32 et seq.; prob-
ably incapable of appreciating
failure, 33 ; prevail with Supreme
Court in Income Tax Case, 74;
deflected Supreme Court from its
fundamental principle, 98 et seq.;
antagonistic to equality before the
law, 107 ; favored by Supreme
Court, 108 et seq.; its pressure on
Judiciary in favor of Monopoly,
116-125; apparently breaking
down, 207 ; too highly specialized,
208; arbitrary, 209 et seq.; gov-
erns by money, 210 etseq.; inferior
as Statesmen and Soldiers, 211-
212; attitude toward law, 212 et
seq.; probably conscientious, 215;
owns universities, 217; uses court
to elude majority, 219; physically
231
232
INDEX
helpless, 227; likely to abandon
America, 288-289; see English
Landlords; see Ruling Class,
French.
Carnot: action of, at Dumouriez's
treason, 175; joins Committee of
Public Safety, 178; becomes Min-
ister of War, 178; announces
French victory, 179; signs war-
rant to arrest Danton, 185 ; char-
acter of, 185 , success of, as War
Minister, 193 ; breach of, with
Saint Just, 194; denounced by
Saint Just, 197.
Carrier: drowns prisoners at Nantes,
191; trial of, executed, 224.
Caste: nature of, 135 el seq.; French
Judiciary, incarnation of, 136 ; law
of, by Parliament of Paris, 142 ;
defeated in National Assembly,
145 ; European Society divided by,
147 et seq.; first duty of nobility
to defend, 148; fused, throughout
Europe, 152 ; law of, laid down at
Pilnitz, 155; killed out by Revolu-
tionary Tribunal, 200, 201.
Centre: Party of, supported Party of
Mountain, 177; supports Robes-
pierre, 192; attacks Robespierre,
197-
Chalons: objective point of Valmy
Campaign, 162.
Charles I: execution of, 14.
Charles X: See Comte d'Ariois.
Chartres, Duke of: extract from
diary of, 221.
Chase: appointed Chief Justice, 54;
decides Hepburn vs. Griswold, 72.
Chase, Samuel: impeached, 67.
Chdteauvieux, Regiment of: punished
after mutiny at Nancy, 146, 147 ;
soldiers of, tortured, 155.
Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul
R. R. vs. Minnesota: 103 et seq.
Chisholm vs. Georgia: 84.
Church: landed ownership of, 149;
confiscation of land of, 149; sale
of land of, 149; made hostile by
confiscation, 150; constitutional
reform of, 150 ; 221.
Clergy: See Church.
Coates vs. Mayor of New York: 89.
Coblenz: centre of French Emigra-
tion, 151.
Code, Civil: established by Empire,
20 1 ; impartially enforced, 202.
Collot d'Herbois: quarrels with
Robespierre, 194; denounced by
Saint- Just, 197 ; presides in Con-
vention on Thermidor, 198.
Committee of Public Safety: organ-
ized, 177 ; reorganized, 178; Robes-
pierre and Carnot join, 178; dis-
cord in, 194; powers of, enlarged,
225.
Commons; House of: landlords' su-
premacy over, 133, 134; reform
of, 134, 135. See Parliament.
Comslock, Mr. Justice: in Wyneha-
mer vs. the People, 95.
Condi, Prince de: 154.
Congress: judicial interference with,
68-79. *
Constitution: supported by Wash-
ington, 7; crisis when adopted, 8,
9; an imperfect protection, 45;
judicial interpretation of, in Ameri-
ica, 44, 45 ; only in America inter-
preted by judiciary, 47 ; contro-
versy between Jefferson and Ham-
ilton touching, 40-53 ; inoperative
to restrain Congress, 75-79, in;
made inflexible by judicial de-
cision, 83; altered by judicial
legislation, 89 ; according to Jeffer-
son, wax in hands of judiciary,
127; fetich to lawyers, 214, 219.
See Police Power.
Convention: meets directly after
Valmy, 173; establishes Republic,
173; organizes Revolutionary Tri-
bunal, 175; Girondists expelled
from, 177; declares levee en masse,
178; reorganizes Committee of
Public Safety, 177; reorganizes Tri-
bunal, 181 ; passes law of Prairial,
183; supports dictatorship of
Robespierre, 184 et seq.; stops
Danton's defence, 186; Revolu-
tion of Thermidor, 196-198.
INDEX
233
Confe: Parliamentary decision
touching, 106 ; nature of, 140 ;
Edict touching, 140; Edict of,
rejected by Parliament, 142.
Courts, American: obstruct Mr.
Roosevelt, 4 ; have assumed polit-
ical power; See Courts, Political;
have sustained Capital, 16; un-
suited to decide political questions,
78; unable to bar encroachments on
American Constitution, 75, in;
a bar to administrative reforms,
218; have become a menace to
order, 2ig ; tending to become ad-
ministrative boards, 226; unlikely
to be a protection to Capital, 22g.
See Courts below.
Courts, French: Parliament of Paris,
the essence of privilege, offices in,
vendible, 136, 141 ; refuses to regis-
ter Turgot's edict touching corvee,
141 ; defines law of caste, 142 ; tor-
ture* regularly used by, 154; old
jMicial system reorganized by
National Assembly, 169 et seq.;
reorganization inevitable since old
courts were semi-political, 169 et
seq.; pure political courts organ-
ized by Danton, 175 et seq.; reor-
ganized, 181 ; see Revolutionary
Tribunal, Danton, and Fouquier-
Tinville; Modern French courts,
organized under Empire, have been
stable because non-political, 201 ;
while old French courts had polit-
ical bias, and therefore abolished,
220; the revolutionary criminal
courts were administrative boards,
223. See Political Courts.
Courts, Judicial: definition of, 76;
relation of, to Legislature, 76;
should administer a code of ab-
stract principles, 81 et seq.; this
function impossible in America, 81,
82, 83 ; essentially conservative in
contrast to legislatures, 106;
should never discriminate, 106,
107; legislation by, destroys, 113;
duty of, to protect civil rights, 114,
115; English and modern French
Courts true judicial Courts, 114,
129, 130, 201, 202 ; a defence to the
weak, 219.
Courts, Political: Roosevelt's at-
tacks on, 4; hi America, 34; ef-
fective administration with, im-
possible, 34 ; Kings of Israel, polit-
ical judges, 37 ; David and Uriah
the Hittite, 38 et seq.; English
political courts, 40 et seq.; Jeffreys,
C. J., 41 et seq.; American and
foreign courts, 45; interference
with legislation makes courts
political, 47 ; political parties have
tried to control American courts,
48 et seq.; political controversies
touching, in America, 50 et seq,
54 ; Kentucky Resolutions, 59, 60 ;
Marbury vs. Madison, 63 et seq.;
Impeachment of Chase, 67 et seq.;
Dred Scott Case, 70 ; Hepburn vs.
Griswold, 71 et seq.; Income Tax
Case, 74; Distinction between
municipal and political law, 81 et
seq.; Police Power, a political
function, 89 et seq.; see Police
Power; system tends to create
active judicial legislation, 124,
125; Trans-Missouri and Stand-
ard Oil Cases, 116 et seq.; Judi-
cial political functions, lead to
elective judiciary and recall, 128;
old French judiciary political, 141
et seq.; Danton's Revolutionary
Tribunal a political court, 168 et
seq.; see Revolutionary Tribunal;
in France political courts ceased
with the Terror, 200, 201 ; in
France political courts existed prior
to Revolution, 220; for that cause
abolished, 220; Danton's explana-
tion of, in Revolution, 221, 222;
Danton condemned by, 222, 223;
are administrative boards, 223 ;
no protection to Capital, 229.
Courts, Roman: 112,113. See Prae-
tor.
Court, Supreme: partisan, 54, 57;
arbitrator between Nation and
States, 58, 59, 62; Marbury w.
234
INDEX
Madison, 63 el seq. ; attack on and
impeachment of Chase, 67; Mis-
souri Compromise, 70; Hepburn
vs. Griswold, 71 ; Rnox vs. Lee, 73 ;
Income Tax Case, 74 ; reorganized
by slave-owners, 77 ; constructive,
under Marshall, 77; failure of, to
control Congress, 78; Jay, Chief
Justice of, 84 ; Chisholm vs.
Georgia, 84; Marshall, Chief Jus-
tice, 85 ; Dartmouth College Case,
87 et seq.; Charles River Bridge
Case, 91 ; construction of Police
Power by, 96 et seq. ; subject to
financial influences, 97 ; follows
path of least resistance, 97; Cen-
sor of State legislation, 09; rate
regulation by, 100 et seq.; defines
police power, 105; tends to dis-
criminate, 107; Brass vs. N. Da-
kota, 108; Smith vs. Ames, 109
et seq.; failed to enforce equality
before the law because political,
115; exposition of Sherman Act
by, 116 et seq.; White, Chief Jus-
tice, in Standard Oil Case, 119 et
seq.; at first aided Centralization,
218; likely to become an admin-
istrative board, 226. See Fourteenth
Amendment, and Dred Scott Case.
Couthon: drafted law of Prairial,
183; hateful to France, 192;
gains control of police, adherent
of Robespierre, 194; imprisoned
on Thermidor, 197; liberated and
reached City Hall, 198; wounded,
109; executed, 200.
Damiens: execution of, 155. See
Torture.
Danton: a conservative and a lawyer,
153; counsels audacity, becomes
Minister of Justice, 159; first
heard of Vendee plot, 163; coa-
lesces with Marat, 166 ; responsibil-
ity for September massacres, 166
et seq.; defines political crimes,
169; claimed natural boundaries
of France, 173 ; provoked war with
England, 173 ; sustained Dumou-
riez, 173; reorganizes Tribunal,
181; arrested, 185; convicted,
186; advocates Tribunal, 222;
trial of, 223 ; condemnation of, 223.
Dartmouth College Case: 87.
David, King of Israel: 37 et seq.
Disraeli, Benjamin : opinion of Well-
ington, 134.
Dred Scott Case: 70, 77, 78, 107.
Dumouriez: an adventurer and con-
servative, succeeds Lafayette in
command, 153; wins Jemmapes,
173; trusted by Danton, 173;
plots restoration, 174 et seq.;
invades Holland, 174; treason of,
174, 175-
Ellsworth, Oliver: appointed Chief
Justice, 6 1 ; sent Envoy to France,
6 1 ; resigns, 61.
Emigrants, French: emigration be-
gins, 146; mental condition of,
151 ; plans of, 151 ; threats of,
154 et seq.; confidence of, 158;
sufferings after Valmy, 164 et seq.
Environment: effect of, 231, consolida-
tion, result of, 204, 205 ; revolu-
tions, follow changes in, 180, 206 ;
changes in, rapid in proportion to
advances in science, 206 et seq.;
changes in America inimical to polit-
ical courts, 218 et seq.; modern,
is too complex for the predomi-
nance of the present capitalistic
type, 226 et seq.
Financiers: See Capitalistic Class.
Fletcher vs. Peck: 86.
Fleuriot: mayor of Paris, 194; sup-
ported Robespierre in Thermidor,
198; executed, 200.
Fleurus: Campaign of, 195, 196, 224.
Fouquier-Tinvitte: made prosecuting
officer of Tribunal, 175; prose-
cutes Danton, 185; asked Con-
vention to silence Danton, 186;
imprisons Paris-Fabricius, 187 ;
condemned, 224.
Fourteenth Amendment: broadens
jurisdiction of Supreme Court,
INDEX
235
96; effect of, 99 et seq.; Standard
Oil Case under, 126.
France: old regime in, 136 et seq.;
Privilege in, 138; condition of in
1793, 139- See Courts, French;
Emigrants; Revolution; Revolu-
tionary Tribunal.
Francis II: comes to throne, 152.
George III: reactionist, 152.
Giles, William Branch: Conversa-
tion of, 68.
Girondists: expelled from Assembly,
177; executed, 184, 185.
Grant, U. S., General: reverses Hep-
burn vs. Griswold, 71.
Guilds: monopolies, 22; regulation
of, by Parliament, 22 ; destroyed
by invention of artillery, 23.
Hamilton, Alex.: defence of Consti-
tution, 5; distrusts constitutional
limitations, 44, 45; theories of
American sovereignty, 40-55; his
controversy with Jefferson touch-
ing constitutional limitations, 49-
53 ; defines judicial will and judg-
ment, 52, 06, 101 ; theory of, touch-
ing liability of sovereign, 80, 81.
Harlan, Mr. Justice: in Standard
Oil Case, 122 et seq.
Henriot: ordered to arrest Fouquier,
186; friend of Robespierre, 194 ; his
action on 10 Thermidor, 198; exe-
cuted, 200.
Hepburn vs. Griswold: 71-73, 124.
Highways: an attribute of Sover-
eignty, 14; administration of by
Romans, 15; by France, 15; views
of capitalists touching, 209.
Hoar, Samuel B.: interferes in Hep-
burn vs. Griswold, 71-73.
Hoche: preferred by Carnot, 179;
defeats Austrians, 193.
Holmes, Mr. Justice: kdefines Police
Power, 105, 106.
House of Lords: highest English
tribunal, 114; as court, political
influences excluded from, 114;
fall of, 1 29 et seq. ; remains highest
court of appeal, 130.
Huskisson, Wm.: breach with Well-
ington, 134.
Interstate Commerce Law: 3.
Jackson, General: appointed Taney
Chief Justice, 54; successful poli-
tician, 212.
Jay, John: appointed Chief Justice,
53 ; legal theories of, 80 ; in " Chis-
holm vs. Georgia," 84; declines
Chief Justiceship in 1800, 85;
failed to sustain equality before
the law, 115.
Jemmapes: Dumouriez wins battle
of, 173-
Jejfreys, Chief Justice: 41, 43.
Jefferson, Thomas: dislikes judicial
interpretation of Constitution, 48 ;
controversy with Hamilton on it,
48, 49, 50, 51; controversy with
Marshall, 59; nullification, 60;
Kentucky resolutions, 60; con-
troversy touching Marbury vs.
Madison, 63-66 ; impeaches Chase,
67; declares Constitution to be
wax in hands of judiciary, 127;
insisted on nullification, 218.
Jourdain: Carnot puts in command,
179 ; campaign of Fleurus, 195.
Judicial Function: considered, Chap.
II, 36 ; severed from executive
function, 40, 43 ; judicial will and
judgment defined, 52; cannot be
mingled with politics, 127, 219 et
seq. See Courts and Revolutionary
Tribunal.
Judiciary: subserviency of, 44; sub-
jected to pressure because of con-
stitution, 45, 47; censorship of
legislatures confined to America,
47; political, 53, 54; political must
be partisan, 53-57 ; distinction be-
tween courts and legislatures, 76;
exposed to pressure, 82; elective
in New York, 128; recall of, 129;
status of old French, 136 el seq.;
modern French abstains from poli-
tics, 20 1 ; tends to become tool
of majority when invested with
236
INDEX
political power, 226. See Courts
and Revolutionary Tribunal.
KMcrmann: wins victory of Valmy,
ISO-
Kentucky Resolutions: 60.
Knox vs. Lee: 73.
Labor: a monopoly, 27; war on
capital, 28; coercive arbitration
of, 30 ; government unable to con-
trol, 227.
Lafayette: a conservative, 153; tried
to save the king in 1702, 153;
laughed at by Court, 153; Queen
refused to be saved by, 154; be-
trayed by Court, 157.
Landlords, English: hold seats in
House of Commons as incorporeal
hereditaments, 87, 88 ; rise of, 133 ;
control of House of Commons, 133 ;
fall of, 135.
Law: relative development of, in
eighteenth and twentieth centuries,
ii, 12; Washington's problem
touching, simple, 12; twentieth
century insufficient for modern
purposes, 12, 13; equality before,
30, 82; Roman, flexible, 83;
Praetor's function, 83; codifica-
tion of, 112 et seq. ; equality before,
under written constitution, 115;
of Caste, 142, 152, 155; tortures
under, 154, 182; see Torture;
combination to suppress equality
before, in French Revolution, 161 ;
reformed by National Assembly,
ifoetseq.; of Prairial, 183; equal-
ity before, established in modern
France, 201 ; attitude of capital-
ists toward, 212 et seq.; of Jaco-
bins toward "suspected persons,"
225; Saint- Just denounces "the
rich" under, 225.
Lawyers: Roman, superiority of,
112; ability of, in the age of
Washington, 115; attitude toward
Constitution, 214; selected by
Capitalistic Class, 214; reverence
Constitution, 219 ; French, 220.
Legislatures: the antithesis of
courts, 76; dispensations to,
granted by courts under Police
Power, 89 ; cannot be trustworthy
court, 113. See Police Power.
Leopold II: conference at Pilnitz,
149 ; restraining influence on Marie
Antoinette, 152; death of, 152.
Lincoln, Abraham: appointed
Chase Chief Justice, 54.
Louis XVI: attends banquet at
Versailles, 146; carried to Paris,
146; captive in Tuileries, 146;
plots escape to Metz, 146 ; created
by Caste, 147 et seq.; defends
Caste, 148; tries to join Army of
Bouille, 148; captured in Tuile-
ries, 157-158; imprisoned in
Temple, 158; Royalist indiffer-
ence to life of, 161; beheaded,
173-
Louis XVIII: See Comiede Provence.
Machecoul: massacres at, 165; in-
surrection of Vended begins at,
174.
Mallet du Pan: sent to Duke of
Brunswick, 155; helps to draw
Manifesto, 156.
Marbury vs. Madison: 63-66, 67.
Marie Antoinette: attends banquet
at Versailles, 146 ; carried to Paris,
146; sneers at Mirabeau, 147;
created by Caste, 147 et seq.;
sneered at Lafayette, and refused
to be saved by him, 153, 154;
sent to Temple, 158; her distrust
of her brother-in-law, 161 ; dis-
like of the Duke of Orleans, 189.
Marshall, John: appointed Chief
Justice, 53, 54, 61 ; constitutional
theories, 57, 58; controversy with
Jefferson, 59; character of, 62,
63 ; decides Marbury vs. Madison,
63, 64 ; constructive genius of, 77 ;
legal theories of, 80 ; theory touch-
ing contracts, 85-88; in Dart-
mouth College Case, 87 ; failed to
sustain equality before the law,
US-
INDEX
237
Massacres: of Guards at Versailles,
146; of the Swiss Guard, 157;
September, 167 et seq.; at Mache-
coul, 174; of patriots at Lyons,
177; Carrier's massacres at
Nantes, 101.
Mirabeau: intrigues with Court, 147 ;
exasperated with Queen, 147 ; a
conservative, 145, 153.
Missouri Compromise; 70, 79.
Monopoly: sovereign powers are a,
13 ; tendency of government to
absorb, 20; trade, 21; regulation
of, 21 ; mediaeval, 22 ; Guilds, 22 ;
regulation of by Parliament, 22 ;
royal grants of, held bad, 23, 24 ;
anti-monopoly litigation, 25 ; not
always formed consciously, 26;
automatic result of concentration
of capital, 26 ; of labor 27 ; causes
rate regulation, and judicial su-
pervision, 100 et seq.; Trans-
Missouri Case, 116; Standard Oil,
1 19; statute to restrain, 124.
Munn vs. Illinois: 101.
National Assembly: States General
declared to be, 145 ; orders fused
in, 145 ; King dissolves, 145 ; is-
sues assignats, confiscates Church
property, 149; secularizes alle-
giance of the clergy, 150; reforms
law, 170 et seq.
Nelson, Senator Knute: report on
Sherman Act, 118, 119.
New Jersey vs. Wilson: 86. See
Taxes.
New York City: politics of, capita-
lists corrupt, 2 10 et seq. See Tam-
many Hall.
Notables: assembly of, 144.
Orleans, Duke of: called £galit6,
history of, 187, 188 et seq.; ar-
rested by Robespierre, 190; exe-
cuted, 191.
Parliament, English: regulates medi-
aeval monopoly, 22; absolute, 51 ;
sole grantor of monopoly, 24;
seats in, private property, 87, 88;
landlords acquired right to return
members of, 133 ; Wellington op-
poses reform of, 134; Reform bill
Passed, 135 ; right to return mem-
bers of House of Commons an
incorporeal hereditament, 88, 137.
Parliament of Paris: offices in, pur-
chasable, 136; judicial position in
heritable, 137; Turgot obtained
place in, 140 ; constitutional power
of, 141 ; opinion of touching Cor-
vee, 142; refused to register laws
passed by notables, 144; used tor-
ture, 154, 155; discredited, 170;
new judiciary resembled, 171 ;
caused friction which contributed
to revolution, 219; a semi-politi-
cal court, 141, 220.
Pichegru: put in command, 179;
takes Antwerp, 195.
Pilnitz: meeting at, 149; manifes-
toes at, 155, 156; royalist com-
mentary on declaration at, in 1791,
161.
Pinckney, Charles: suggests con-
gressional power over State legis-
lation, 56.
Police Power: orgination of, theory
of, 89; defined, 92, 93, 94, 105 ; ex-
tension of, 06-106; effort at defi-
nition of, 98, 105 ; reasonable ex-
ercise of, 98-105, 108, 109 et seq.;
exercise of in Standard Oil Case,
1 25 ; identical with principle under-
lying Revolutionary Tribunal, 223.
Proctor: Roman, function of, 83.
Prairial: law of, drafted, 183;
executions under, 191.
Prices: See Monopoly.
Prussia: King of, at Pilnitz, 149;
manifesto of, 155, at Valmy, 164.
Railways: highways, 15; public
agents, 15 ; owned by private per-
sons, 16; rates are taxes, 16, 17;
Trans-Missouri Case, 116 et. teq.
Recall: Mr. Roosevelt's proposition
to recall judicial decisions, 4 ; of
judges, an effect of political courts,
238
INDEX
129; of judges, a revolutionary
measure, 226.
Reform BUI: of 1832, 135.
Revolution, French: caused by in-
tellectual rigidity, 135 ; condition
of France prior to, 136 et seq.;
judicial system contributed to, 137 ;
unequal taxes contributed to, 138,
139; Turgot attempted to mod-
erate, 140 et seq.; destroyed Caste,
143, 201 ; beginning of, 144, 145 ;
aristocracy failed to understand,
147 et seq.; caused emigration of
aristocracy, 148; created peasant
land-owners, 149, 150; Caste re-
sisted, 152 ; combination to sup-
press, 151, 155; won at Valmy,
159; royalist theories concerning,
161 ; September massacres, 167 ;
considered servile revolt, 168; due
to Royalists, 165, 168; refonnslaw,
170 etseq.; coalition against, com-
pleted, 173; culminates in 1793,
1 76 ; see Committee of Public Safety ;
insurrection against, 178; vic-
tories won by, 179, 180; creates a
criminal process, 182 et seq.;
famous trials during, 184 et seq.;
violent period of, ends with Thermi-
dor, 196; can never be repeated,
203, 225.
Revolution, Industrial: causes fall of
English landlords, 133 ; causes
American revolution, 206; causes
rise of Southern planters, 206; of
industrial capitalists, 207.
Revolutionary Tribunal: organized,
175; executions by, in 1793, 175,
176; reorganized by Danton, 181 ;
denned treason, 181 et seq.; in-
timidated, 182-187; Danton be-
wailed erection of, 223 ; an ad-
ministrative board, 223; always
obeyed the majority, 224; con-
demns the rich, 225 ; impossible in
America, 225, 226.
Revolutions: occur periodically, 6 et
seq.; caused by advance in applied
science, 10; violent revolutions
caused by resistance to change,
133; frequent in proportion to
changes in environment, 204-208;
intellectual exhaustion caused by,
proportionate to frequency, 206.
Robespierre: joins Committee of
Public Safety, 178; demands sup-
pression of forms in Tribunal, 183 ;
malice toward Duke of Orleans,
191 ; quarrels with Billaud and
Callot, 194; power culminates,
194; denounces Tallien, 196; sends
The>6zia to La Force, 106; im-
prisoned, 198; liberated, 198;
wounded on Thermidor, 199;
executed, 200.
Roland: would abandon Paris, 158,
159; failed to stop Massacres, 167.
Roosevelt, Theodore: his problem in
1912,3; difficulties of, in 1912, 4, 5,
6; attitude to centralization, 6;
offence against capital, 32.
Rouerie, Marquis de la: goes to
Coblenz, 150.
Ruling Class: rigid, 33; in France,
nobility, clergy, and lawyers, 142—
143; necessarily destroyed, 143,
201 ; struggle between them and
Commons, 145 ; politically incapa-
ble, 147 et seq.; emigrants, 148,
151 ; creatures of Caste, 151 etseq.;
manifestoes of, 155 et seq.; de-
feated at Valmy, 159; their plan
of campaign, 161 et seq.; brought
on massacres, 165 et seq. ; error of,
touching Revolution, 168; wage
civil war in France, 178; exter-
minated, 201 ; shifts of, 205.
Saint- Just: denounces Billaud, Col-
lot, and Carnot, 197; executed,
200; denounces rich under law
of "suspected persons," 225.
Science, Applied: the cause of Rev-
olution, 10 ; effect of, in nine-
teenth century, n et seq.; effect
of applied science on sovereignty,
14; effect on Police, 23; effect on
Labor, 27; increases cost of ad-
ministration, 139; causes social
acceleration and disintegration,
INDEX
239
203-205 ; capitalists raise standard
of, 217; its predominance, a men-
ace, 217.
Sherman Act: 3; Senate sustains,
118; passed in 1800, 124; Con-
gress may amend, 126; amended
by White, C. J., 119, 123-126.
Slaughter-House Cases: 99.
Smith vs. Ames: 109.
Sovereignty: Washington's problem
touching, 9 et seq.; powers of, de-
nned, 13 ; held as a trust, 13 ;
when held irresponsibly, termed
slavery, 14; absorbed in United
States by private persons, 15 et
seq.; sovereignty is a concentra-
tion of energy, 19 et seq.; a true
monopoly, 20-24; capital as sov-
ereign, 29 ; capitalistic sovereignty
must be strong, 20-34; relation
of courts to, 34; political courts,
instruments of despotic, 37-44 ;
Jefferson's theory touching usur-
pation of, by American courts, 52,
127; State sovereignty, 80-8 1 ;
courts usurp under Police Power,
91 el seq.; American now hinges
on Police Power, 105; see Police
Power; cannot be limited by
courts, in et seq.; French sover-
eignty passes to National Assem-
bly, 145 ; caste sovereignty, fall
of, 1 48 et seq.; see Caste; absorbed
by Committee of Public Safety,
178; see Committee of Public
Safety; Revolution, French; and
Revolutionary Tribunal; capitalist,
conceives sovereign powers to be
for sale, 209; capitalistic notion
of sovereign functions, 213 et seq.;
sovereignty of U. S. once asserted
through Supreme Court, 218;
Supreme Court now disintegrates
sovereignty, 218, 219; adminis-
trative sovereignty cannot be
exercised through true courts, 223,
224; see Political Courts; modern
capitalists apparently unable to
hold their sovereignty, 226 et seq.
Standard Oil Case : 119 et seq.
States General: summoned, 144. See
National Assembly.
Story, Joseph: extract from opinion
of, in Charles River Bridge Case,
8; view in Charles River Bridge
Case, 90, 91.
Tattien: sketch of, 195; fell in love
with Th£rezia Cabarrus, 195;
elected to Convention, 196; saves
Ther&ia, 196; attacks Robes-
pierre, 197; joined party of the
Right, 224.
Tammany Hall: capitalistic engine,
211 ; used to nominate judges, 215.
Taney: Chief Justice, appointed
by Jackson, 54; in Dred Scott
Case, 70 ; in Charles River Bridge
Case, 91.
Terror: how caused, 176 et seq.; how
ended, 192 et seq.; loathed by
France, 192 ; instruments of, put
to death, 193 ; end of, 195, 200.
See French Revolution and Com-
mittee of Public Safety.
Thermidor, Tenth of: Saint-Just tries
to denounce Billaud, Collot, and
Carnot, 196-197; attack on Robes-
pierre and Saint-Just, 197; suc-
cessful, 198 et seq.; executions on
eleventh of, 224, 225.
Torture: used as means of punish-
ment in army, 147, 155 ; an inte-
gral part of the old French law,
154; public torture habitual, tor-
ture of Damiens, 154, 155; French
emigrants believed that they could
intimidate the revolutionary army
by threats of, 151, 154, 155 ; threat-
ened by them and by the Duke of
Brunswick, 156, 157; used by the
insurgents at Machecoul in Vendee,
165; a scandal under the old r6-
gime and suppressed by Revolu-
tion, 170, 182; Church for ages
habitually tortured, and so did
French courts, 182.
Toulon : surrendered to English, 1 78 ;
decrease in population of, 191 ;
evacuated, 193.
240
INDEX
Trans-Missouri Case: 116 et seg.;
rule in, approved by Congress,
118; overruled by White, C. J.,
119 et seq.
Tuileries: stormed August loth,
157; plan for defence of, 157, 162.
Turgot, Robert: history of, 139 et
seq.; edict touching Corv6e, 140;
breach with Parliament, 141 ;
predicts insolvency of France, 143.
Uriah, the Bittile: Case of, 38.
U. S. Steel Co. : management of, 20.
Valmy: victory of, 159, 161 et seq.
Vendee, La: cause of insurrection in,
150; begins in, 165, 174; massa-
cre at Machecoul, 165; defeat of
insurrection in, 193.
Vergniaud: trial of, 184.
ditto.
SeeGiron-
War Power: 97.
Washington, General: reform of Con-
federation by, 7 ; his solution of
problems presented by Confedera-
tion, 9, 10 ; his advantage as a re-
former in eighteenth century, 1 1 ;
eighteenth century law sufficed
for, 12, 13; appoints John Jay
Chief Justice, 53 ; appoints Ells-
worth Chief Justice, 61.
Wellington, Duke of: in the reform
agitation, 134, 135 ; Disraeli's
opinion of, 134, 135.
White, Edward Douglas: Chief Jus-
tice, in Income Tax Case, 74; in
Standard Oil Case, 119, 120 el seq.
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