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V.A Justification of the War (1 1 Vols.)
Public Statements (2 Vols.)
Volume I: A — The Truman Administration
B~ The Eisenhower Administration
C— The Kennedy Administration
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TOP SECRET ■ SENSITIVE
UNITED STATES • VIETNAM RELATIONS
1945 - 1967
^VIETNAM TASK FORCE
OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE
SET
*Lj S
TOP SECRET - SENSITIVE
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V. A. - Vol T
JUSTIFICATION OF THE WAR -
FUBLIC STATELSNTS
A. Truman Administration
B. Eisenhower A.ciministration
C. Kennedy Administration
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PART V.
JUSTIFICATION OF THE WAR — PUBLIC STATEHE1HS
Foreword
This portion of the study consists of an examination of the
public statements justifying U.S. involvement in Vietnam. Only
official statements contained in either the U.S. Department of
State Bulletins or the Public Papers of the Presidents were re-
viewed. Although conclusions are "based primarily on the state-
ments of the President, the Secretary of State and the Secretary
of Defense, the statements of other high-ranking government
officials were also studied in ascertaining the policy context
of the quoted material. This report includes analyses of the
Truman, Eisenhower and Kennedy periods. The statements are
organised chronologically within each Administration, and are
summarized at the head of each section.
A. Truman Administration
B. Eisenhower Administration
C. Kennedy Administration
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TRUMAN ADMINISTRATION
S UMMARY
The statements enclosed are from the period 1950 - 1952: from
the Secretary of State's announcement marking the beginning of the
U.S. involvement in Vietnam to the NATO resolution supporting the
French fight in Indochina. The justifications advanced for the U.S.
commitment in Indochina include the following:
a. The Soviets are engaged in a "monstrous conspiracy to
stamp out freedom all over the world," and Soviet imperialism, with
Communist China as its instrument, poses a direct threat to the inde-
pendence of the Associated States of Indochina.
b. The defense of Indochina is an integral part of the
worldwide resistance by free nations to communist aggression and sub-
version.
c. The raw materials and agricultural products of Southeast
Asia are "vitally needed" by the free nations of the world.
d. The United States, in the interest of preventing a third
world war, has provided aid to the Associated States and France.
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y. A. JUSTIFICATION OF THE WAR — PUBLIC STATEMENTS
TRUMAN ADMINISTRATIO N
CONTENTS
Page
1. Secretary of State marks the beginning of U.S. military and
economic assistance to the Associated States and France
(8 May 1950) A " 2
2. Truman cites Communist threat in Asia; emphasizes the lessons
of history in meeting aggression in its early stages
(11 April 1951) ■ • A " 2
3. President cites Communist imperialism as a threat to vitally
needed raw materials and manpower of free Asian nations as
requiring U.S. assistance to these countries (2k May 1951) A- 3
k. Statement by the Departments of State and Defense resulting
from French-U.S. discussions regarding aid to Indochina
(23 September 1951) • • A "5
5. Communique acknowledging the primary role of U.S. in Korea
and its secondary role of assisting French in Indochina in
combatting Communist imperialism (l8 June 1952 ) A- 5
6. Resolution adopted by North Atlantic Council of NATO support
for French role in Indochina and its importance to Atlantic
Community (17 December 1952 ) - A-5
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v , JUSTIFICATION 0? THE WAR — PUBLIC
A. Truman Administration
1.
Secretary of S tate Statement on Extension of Military and Economic Aid,
T^T g7l9foTDepartaent of State Bulletin, May 22, 1930, P- 821:
"The United States Government, convinced that neither national inde-
pendence nor democratic evolution exist in any area dominated by Soviet
imperialism, considers the situation to be such as to warrant its accord-
in; economic aid and military equipment to the Associated Stages of
Indochina and to France in order to assist them in restoring stability and
Emitting these states to pursue their peaceful and democrats development.
o Pre si dent's Radio Report to the American People on Korea and on U. S.,
2 ' fejg ^jn^thTFar^ntrA^ril 11, 1951, Public Papers of the Pre sidents,
2^223.
"I went to talk to you plainly tonight about what we are doing in Korea
and about our policy in the Far East.
"In the simplest terms, what we are doing in Korea is this: We are try-
ing to prevent a third world war.
* * *
"The Communists in the Kremlin are engaged in a monstrous conspiracy to
c+a m^ out freedom all over the world. If they were to succeed, the United
Sttes would be numbered among their principal victims. It must be clear
to everyone that the United States cannot - and will not — sit idly by
11* await foreign conquest. The only question is: What is the best tame
to" meet the threat and how is the best way to meet it?
"The best time to meet the threat is in the beginning. It is easier to
«* nut a fire in the beginning when it is small than after it has become
P inprW blaze. And the best way to meet the threat of aggression is for
?ne SStloving nations to act together. If they don't act together, they
are likely to be picked off, one by one.
»Tf thev had followed the right policies in the 1930 's - if the free
.tries had acted together to crush the aggression of the dictators, and
C -7th^ had acted in the beginning when the aggression was small - there
probably would have been no World War II .
' -Tf history has taught us anything, it is that aggression anywhere in
itirl" is a threat to the peace everywhere in the world. When that
thS rSon is sutreorted by the cruel and selfish rulers of a powerful
aS ! n who are bent on conquest, it becomes a clear and present danger to
th- security- and independence of every free nation.
* # *
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"I have another secret Intelligence report here. This one tells what
another Communist officer in the Far East told his men several months
before the invasion of Korea. Here is what he said: *In order to success-
fully undertake the long-awaited world resolution, we must first unify
Asia... Java, Indochina, Malaya. India, Tibet, Thailand, Philippines, and
Japan are our ultimate targets The United Spates is the only obstacle
on" our road for the liberation of all the countries in southeast Asia. In
other words, we must unify the people of Asia and crush the United States.'
*
"The dangers are great. Make no mistake about it. Behind the North
Koreans and Chinese Communists in the front lines stand additional millions
of Chinese soldiers. And behind the Chinese stand the tanks, the planes, ^
the submarines, the soldiers, and the scheming rulers of the Soviet Union.
* * *
3. President Truman's S pecial Message to Congress on Mutual Security
Program , May 2U, 1931, Public Paters of the Presidents, p. 309 =
* * *
"In Asia, in a vast area stretching from Afghanistan to Korea, free
countries are struggling to meet communist aggression in all its many
forms . Some of these countries are battling the communist armies of
Soviet satellites; some are engaged in bitter civil strife against
communist-led guerrillas; all of them face the immediate danger of com-
munist subversion.
"Soviet intentions with regard to these countries are unmistakably
clear. Using the weapons of subversion, false propaganda and civil war,
the Kremlin has already reduced China to the status of a satellite. The
Soviet rulers have turned their satellite armies loose on the Republic of
Korea. Communist rebellion is raging in Indochina. In Burma, the Philip-
pines" and other places, communist- inspired groups are stirring up internal
disorder. In all countries, they are trying to exploit deep-seated economic
difficulties -- poverty, illiteracy and disease.
"This campaign threatens to absorb the manpower and the vital resources
of the East into the Soviet design of world conquest. It threatens to
deprive the free nations of some of their most vitally needed raw materials.
It threatens to turn more of the peaceful millions of the East into armies
to be used as pawns at the disposal of the Kremlin,
"Aside from immediate considerations of security, the continued inde-
pendence of these nations is vital to the future of the free world. Many
of these nations are new to self government. They have dedicated them-
stives to the ideals of national independence, of human liberty, and social
Progress. Their hundreds of millions of citizens are eager for justice
and liberty and a stake in the future.
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"These countries damonstrate the power and vitality of the ideals of
our ovm American Revolution; they mark the sweeping advance across the
world of the concepts of freedom and brotherhood. To lose these coun-
tries to the rulers of the Kremlin would be more than a blow to our mili-
tary security and our economic life. It would be a terrible defeat for
the ideals of freedom — with grave spiritual consequences for men
everywhere who share our faith in freedom.
"All these considerations make it essential for the United States to
help the free countries of Asia in their struggle to make good their
independence and bring economic and social progress to their people.
Where the governments of these countries are striving to establish free
and stable political institutions, to build up their military defenses,
and to raise the standard of living above the level of bare subsistence,
we can and should give them assistance. We cannot replace their own
strong efforts, but we can supplement them.
"This Mutual Security Program is intended to do that. On the military
side, it will supply certain of the Asian countries with items of military
equipment and the training they need for their defense forces. On the
economic side, it will provide a number of the Asian countries with the
most urgently needed commodities, machinery, and tools, and with technical
advice in such fields as agriculture, industry, health, and governmental
administration .
"The assistance I am recommending for Asian countries, 555 million
dollars in military aid and 375 million dollars in economic aid, is so
planned as to meet the most pressing needs in the various countries, and
is intended to provide the crucial margin of resources which will enable
them to move forward.
"Military assistance under this program will go to the Chinese armies
on Formosa, to help keep that island out of the hands of Communist China.
It will go to Indo-China, where over 100,000 French toops are fighting
side-by-side with the forces of Viet Nam, Laos, and Cambodia against
communist-led forces. It will go to the Philippines and to Thailand, to
help build forces strong enough to insure internal security and discourage
outside attack. Some of these military assistance funds will also be
available for allocation to other countries in the area if a critical need
arises.
"The military aid under this program will supplement other military
efforts against communism in Asia. The countries we will be aiding, and
a number of others, are supporting military forces with their ovm funds.
France is supplying the largest part of the military supplies needed in
Indo-China, and Britain is supplying her forces which are fighting guerrillas
in the Malay States. The substantial military aid we are giving to the
forces of the Republic of Korea is Included in the budget 'for our military
services.
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"The struggle for security and peace in Asia is far more than a mili-
tary matter. In many of the Asian countries, including all the countries
which need military aid, economic assistance is also required.
1^ T he Military Aid Program: Statement by the Departments of State and
Defense, September 23, 1951, Department of State Bulletin, October 8,
1951, P. 570:
"The participants were in complete agreement that the successful
defense of Indochina is of great importance to the defense of all South-
east Asia. . . .
5. The Defense of Indochina: Communique Regarding Discussions Between
Representatives of the United States, """"France, Viet-Nam, and Cambodia,
juLe_T8, 1 952, Department of State Bulletin, June 30, 1952, P» 1010:
"The principle which governed this frank and detailed exchange of
views and information was the common recognition that the struggle in
which the forces of the French Union and the Associated States are en-
gaged against the forces of communist aggression in Indochina is an inte-
gral part of the world-wide resistance by the Free Nations to Communist
attempts at conquest and subversion...."
* * *
g . S upport by NATO of the French Union Defense Efforts in Indochina:
Resolution Adopted by the North Atlantic Council, December 17, 1952,
Department of State Bulletin, Jajiuary 5? 1953? P- *<■:
"The North Atlantic Council
" Recognizes that resistance to direct or indirect aggression in any
part of the world is an essential contribution to the common security of
the free world;
"HAVING BEEN INFORMED at its meeting in Paris on the l6th December
of the latest developments in the military and political situation in
Indo-China;
" Expresses its wholehearted admiration for the valiant and long con-
tinued struggle by the French forces and the armies of the Associated
States against Communist aggression; and
"Ackno wledges that the resistance of the free nations in South East
Asia as in Korea is in fullest harmony with the aims 'and ideals of the
Atlantic Community;
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"And th erefore agrees that the campaign -waged by the French Union
forces in Indo-China deserves continuing support from the NATO govern-
ments."
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