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Full text of "Pentagon Papers"

Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 
NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 201 1 



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Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 
NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 201 1 



13 



EISENHOWER ADMINISTRATION 



SUMMARY 



President Eisenhower took office in the context of negotiations 
for. a settlement in Korea and the portending defeat in France in Indo- 
china. His Administration early faced the crisis surrounding the Geneva 
Conference of 195^, in which direct U.S. intervention in Vietnam was a 
distinct prospect. Having pressed diplomatically for a constructive 
outcome at Geneva, the United States threw its support behind Ngo Dinh 
Diem and the Government of Vietnam. With U.S. support, that government, 
despite a series of severe tests, succeeded in consolidating itself and 
making significant progress. U.S. justification for its policy toward 
Vietnam in this period included the following: 

a. The "domino principle": the loss of Vietnam, the most vulner- 
able state of Southeast Asia, would imperil the other nations of the 
region, and ultimately lead to a seriously weakened U.S. strategic 
position. Vietnam was a key to continued free world access to the 
human and material resources of Southeast Asia. 

b. Communist China was pursuing an expansionist foreign policy 
relying upon subversive aggression, as well as armaments. China thus 
continued to reflect the unchanging Soviet objective of conquest of the 
world, and both had manifest designs on Southeast Asia. 

c. The United States proposed, through its aid programs, to help 
the small and weak nations contiguous with communist powers to maintain 
their freedom and independence lest aggression and expansion be en- 
couraged, and the world moved thereby toward a third world war. 

d. In the words of President Eisenhower, "We gave military and 
economic assistance to the Republic of Vietnam. We entered into a 
treaty -- the Southeast Asia Security Treaty -- which plainly warned 
that an armed attack against this area would endanger our own peace and 
safety and that we would act accordingly." 

e. U.S. aid for Vietnam — economic and military — has made 
possible not only its survival, but also genuine progress toward a 
stable society, a modern economy, and internal and external security. 



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V. B. JUSTIFICATION OF THE WAR — PUBLIC STATEMENTS 

EISENHOWER ADMINISTRATION 

CONTENTS 



Page 

1. Eisenhower cites the interrelationship of Southeast Asian 
nations, their natural resources and strategic locations 

as justifying U.S. concerns (k August 1953 ) B-4 

2. Joint Franco -American communique citing agreement whereby 
U.S. increases its aid to France in prosecution of its efforts 
against Viet Minh (30 September 1953) B-5 

3. Eisenhower emphasizes support of French is to avoid the tragedy 
of U.S. getting involved on large scale in Southeast Asia 

(10 February 195*0 B-5 

k. Secretary of State presents a most revealing assessment of 
administration's thinking on Indochina and the threat of Red 
China. He cites expansion of communist domination, the in- 
creased dangers to other nearby countries, the loss of food 
supply to Japan and India, the strategic location of Indochina 
and the military bases as paramount concerns (29 March 195*0 B-6 

5. Alfred le Sesne Jenkins (Officer in Charge, Chinese Political 
Affairs) discusses Chinese Communist regime and its relation- 
ship to Soviet Union (2 April 195*0 B-9 

6. President states "falling domino" principle loses people and 
strategic resources to communism and threatens Australia in 
comments on importance of Indochina to free world. He responds 
to Sen. John Kennedy's expressed position on a guarantee of 
independence needed to justify U.S. effort (7 April 195*0 B-10 

7. Under Secretary Smith indicates vital basic reason for 
Indochina's importance is communist expansion, and reiterates 

"domino" theory and strategic resources (19 April 195*!-) B-12 

8. Secretary of State Dulles reports on London-Paris conversations 
on free world interests; advocates collective defense for 

Indochina as U.S. solution to communist threat (19 April 195*0- ••• B-13 

9. State Department comments on a speech by Vice President Nixon 
by referring to stated U.S. policy of "united action" 

(17 April 1954) " • • , B-14 

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■ Pa-g 6 

10. Dulles summarizes U.S. position on Indochina in light of 
Geneva: comnunization of the civil war; U.S. intervention; 
French armistice; collective security; possibility of U.S. 
intervention (7 May 195*0 • B " 15 

11. Eisenhower assesses progress at the Geneva Conference; cites 
•plans for collective security arrangement in Southeast Asia 

(5 May 195*0 B " 16 

12. Eisenhower reaffirms his "domino" concerns in response to 

press questioning (12 May 195*0 B-1 ° 

13. Secretary of State Dulles analyzes developments to date in 
Indochina; he discusses the conditions under vihich U.S. would 
intervene directly (11 June 195*0 B_l8 

Ik. Eisenhower states U.S. position on Geneva Accords 

(21July 195*0 B-2 ° 

15. Text of the declaration (21 July 195*0 B " 23 

16. U.S. -French communique announcing desire to aid directly 
the newly independent states of Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam 

(29 September 195*0 B " 25 

17. Eisenhower informs President of Vietnam's Council that aid 
will be conditioned on his government's giving the U.S. 

"assurance as to standard of performance" (23 October 195*+) B " 26 

18. Eisenhower notes but questions the moderation in Soviet policy; 

refers to Diem's successes in South Vietnam (21 April 1956) B-27 

19. Assistant Secretary of State Robertson restates American 

policy in Vietnam at a time of relative stability (l June 1956).. B-28 

20. Eisenhower emphasizes role of aid program in achieving Asian 
goals; cites susceptibility of underdeveloped nations to 

communist probings (21 May 1957) B " 32 

21. Eisenhower justifies foreign aid to American people as 
necessary for U.S. security; cites its "returns" in Vietnam 

(21 May 1957) B " 33 

22. Eisenhower reports to the nation on the Red Chinese shelling 
of Quemoy; relates U.S. security interests to Formosa; cites 
lesson of Munich and the militant statements of Chinese Com- 
munists as requiring a firm U.S. stand (11 September 1958) B-35 



B-2 



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23. Eisenhower attempts at news conference to put communist 

aggression in perspective (l October 1958) • • • B-k2 

2k. Eisenhower in special message to Congress discusses communist 
threat to developing nations and need for U.S. aid to maintain 
collective defense (13 March 1959) B-U3 

25. Eisenhower discusses importance of Vietnam to free world; he 
shows specifically how its economy compliments Japan's 

(k April 1959) B-U6 

26. Eisenhower stresses threat posed by economic and military 
power of China and Russia in defense of foreign aid 

(16 February i960) B-51 

27. Eisenhower reminds Diem of the responsibility that the 
Vietnamese people have in safeguarding their independence 

(22 October i960) B-52 



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17 



B. Eisenhower Administration 



1 . Pre s ident Eisenhower's Remarks at Governors' Conference, August h, 
1953, Public Papers of the Presidents, 1953 * V- 5^0 • 



* * * 



"I could go on enumerating every kind of problem that comes before 
us daily. Let us take, though, for example, one simple problem in the 
foreign field. You have seen the war in Indochina described variously 
as an outgrowth of French colonialism and its French refusal to treat 
indigenous populations decently. You find it again described as a war 
between the communists and the other elements in southeast Asia. But 
you have a confused idea of where it is located — Laos, or Cambodia, 
or Siam, or any of the other countries that are involved. You don't 
know really, why we are so concerned with the far-off southeast corner 
of Asia. 

"Why is it? Now, first of all, the last great population remaining 
in Asia that has not become dominated by the Kremlin, of course, is the 
sub-continent of India, including the Pakistan government. Here are 
350 million people still free. Now let us assume that we lose Indochina. 
If Indochina* goes, several things happen right away. The Malayan penin- 
sula, the last little bit of the end hanging on down there, would be 
scarcely defensible — and tin and tungsten that we sc greatly value from 
that area would cease coming. But all India would be outflanked. Burma 
would certainly, in its weakened condition, be no defense. Now, India is 
surrounded on that side by the Communist empire. Iran on its left is in 
8 weakened condition. I believe I read in the paper this morning that 
Mossadegh's move toward getting rid of his parliament has been supported 
and of course he was in that move supported by the Tudeh, which is the 
Communist Party of Iran. All of that weakening position around there is 
very ominous for the United States, because finally if we lost all that, 
how would the free world hold the rich empire of Indonesia? So you see, 
somewhere along the line, this must be blocked. It must be blocked now. 
That is what the French are doing. 

"So, when the United States votes $U00 million to help that war, 
we are not voting for a giveaway program. We are voting for the cheapest 
way that we can to prevent the occurrence of something that would be of 
the most terrible significance for the United States of America — our 
security, our power and ability to get certain things we need from the 
riches of the Indonesian territory, and from southeast Asia. 



2 .Tm' nt, Franco-American Communique, Additional United States Aid for 
France and Indochina, September 30- 1953, Dep artment of State 
■ Bulletin, October 12, 1953, p. ^86; 



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"The forces of France and the Associated States in Indochina have 
for 8 years been engaged in a bitter struggle to prevent the engulfment 
of Southeast Asia by the forces of international communism. The heroic 
efforts and sacrifices of these French Union allies in assuring the 
liberty of the new and independent states of Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam 
has earned the admiration and support of the free world. In recognition 
of the French Union effort the United States Government has in the past 
furnished aid of various kinds to the Governments of France and the 
Associated States to assist in bringing the long struggle to an early 
and victorious conclusion. 

"The French Government is firmly resolved to carry out in full its 
declaration of July 3, 1953, by which is announced its intention of 
perfecting the independence of the three Associated States in Indochina, 
through negotiations with the Associated States. 

"The Governments of France and the United States have now agreed 
that, in support of plans of the French Government for the intensified 
prosecution of the war against the Viet Minn, the United States will make 
available to the French Government prior to December 31, 195U additional 
financial resources not to exceed $385 million. This aid is in addition 
to funds already earmarked by the United States for aid to France and 
the Associated States. 

"The French Government is determined to make every effort to break 
up and destroy the regular enemy forces in Indochina. Toward this end 
the government intends to carry through, in close cooperation with the 
Cambodian, Laotian, and Vietnamese Governments, the plans for increasing 
the Associated States forces while increasing temporarily French forces 
to levels considered necessary to assure the success of existing military 
plans. The additional United States aid is designed to help make it 
possible to achieve these objectives with maximum speed and effectiveness. 

"The increased French effort in Indochina will not entail any basic 
or permanent alteration of the French Government's plans and programs 
for its NATO forces." 

3. President Eisenhower's News Conference, February 10, 195^ Public 
Papers of the Presidents, 195^ P- 2 53 = 

* * * 

"Q. Daniel .Shorr, CBS Radio: Mr. President, should your remarks on 
Indochina be construed as meaning that you are determined not to become 
involved or, perhaps, more deeply involved in the war in Indochina, regard- 
less of how that war may go? 

"THE PRES3DE1IT. Well, I am not going to try to predict the drift of 
wo^ld events now and the course of world events over the next months. I 
say that I cannot conceive of a greater tragedy for America than to get 
heavily involved now in an all-out war in any of those regions, particularly 
with large units. 

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"So what we are doing is supporting the Vietnamese and the French 
in their conduct of that war; because, as we see it, it is a case of 
independent and free nations operating against tne encroachment of 



communism. 



k Address b v Secretary Dulles before the Oversea s Press Club of America 
*' ^if^rcitv on March 29. 1Q^. The Threat of a Red Asia. Depart- 
i^Tof State Bulletin. Apri l 12, 195**, p. 539.: 

"This provides a timely occasion for outlining the administrations 
thinking about two related matters -- Indochina and the Chinese Communist 
regime . 

"Indochina is important for many reasons. First, and always first, 
are the human values. About 30 million people are seeking for themselves 
?he dignity of self-government. Until a few years ago, they formed merely 
a French dependency. Now, their three political units -Viet-Nam Laos, 
and Cambodia - are exercising a considerable measure of independent 
political authority within the French Union. Each of the three is no* 
recognized by the United States and by more than 30 other nations. They 
signed the Japanese peace treaty with us. Their independence is not yet 
coPDlete. But the French Government last July declared its intention to 
complete that independence, and negotiations to consummate that pledge 
are actively under way. 

"The United States is watching this development with close attention 
and great sympathy. We do not forget that we were a colony that won its 
Jreelom. wHave sponsored in the Fnilippines a conspicuously successful 
development of political independence. We feel a sense of kinship with 
those everywhere who yearn for freedom. 

"The Communists are attempting to prevent the orderly development of 
independence and to confuse the issue before the world The Communists 
have, in these matters, a regular line which Stalin laid down in 192U. 

"The scheme is to whip up the spirit of nationalism so that it 
becomes violent. That is done by professional agitators. Then the 
violence is enlarged by Communist military and technical leadership and 
Se provision of military supplies. In these ways, international com- 
munism gets a stranglehold on the people and it uses that power to 
'amalgamate' the peoples into the Soviet orbit. 

»• Amalgamation' is Lenin's and Stalin's word to describe their process. 

"'Amalgamation' is now being attempted in Indochina under the ostensible 
leadership of Ho Chi Minn. He was indoctrinated in Moscow. He became an 
leadership Russian , Borodin, when the latter was organizing the Chinese 
CommunX ?Lt^£r"s to bring China into the Soviet orbit. Then Ho 
transferred his activities to Indochina. 



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"Those fighting under the banner of Ho Chi Minh have largely- 
been trained and equipped in Communist China. They are supplied with 
artillery and ammunition through the Soviet -Chinese Communist bloc. 
Captured materiel shows that much of it was fabricated by the Skoda 
Munition Works in Czechoslovakia and transported across Russia and 
Siberia and then sent through China into Viet •-Nam. Military supplies 
for the Communist armies have been pouring into Viet-Nam at a steadily 
increasing rate. 

"Military and technical guidance is supplied by an estimated 
2,000 Communist Chinese. They function with, the forces of Ho Chi Minh 
in key positions — in staff sections of the High Command, at the 
division level, and in specialized units such as signal, engineer, 
artillery, and transportation. 

"In the present stage, the Communists in Indochina use national- 
istic anti- French slogans to win local support. But if they achieved 
military or political success, it is certain that they would subject 
the people to a cruel Communist dictatorship taking its orders from 
Peiping and Moscow. 

"The tragedy would not stop there. If the Communist forces won 
uncontested control over Indochina or any substantial part thereof, 
they would surely resume the same pattern of aggression against other 
free peoples in the area. 

"The propagandists of Red China and Rtissia make it apparent that 
the purpose is to dominate all of Southeast Asia. 

"Southeast Asia is the so-called 'rice bowl' which helps to feed 
the densely populated region that extends from India to Japan. It is 
rich in many raw materials, such as tin, oil, rubber, and iron ore. 
It offers industrial Japan potentially important markets and sources of 
raw materials. 

"The area has great strategic value. Southeast Asia is astride 
the most direct and best-developed sea and air routes between the Pacific 
and South Asia. It has major naval and air bases. Communist control of 
Southeast Asia would carry a grave threat to the Philippines, Australia, 
and New Zealand, with whom we have treaties of mutual assistance. The 
entire Western Pacific area, including the so-called 'offshore island 
chain, ' would be strategically endangered. 

"President Eisenhower appraised the situation last Wednesday 
(March 2*0 when he said that the area is of 'transcendent importance.' 

"The United States has shown in many ways its sympathy for the 
gallant struggle being waged in Indochina by French forces and those of 
the Associated States. Congress has enabled us to provide material aid 
to the established governments and their peoples. Also, our diplomacy 
has sought to deter Communist China from open aggression in that area. 



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"President Eisenhower, in his address of April l6, 1953, explained 
tfcat a Korean armistice would he a fraud if it merely released aggressive 
armies for attack elsewhere. I said last September that if Red China 
sent its own army into Indochina, that would result in grave conse- . 
quences which might not he confined to Indochina. 

"Recent statements have "been designed to impress upon potential 
aggressors that aggression might lead to action at places and hy means 
of free-world choosing, so that aggression would cost more than it 
could gain. 

"The Chinese Communists have, in fact, avoided the direct use of 
their own Red armies in open aggression against Indochina. They have, 
however, largely stepped up their support of the aggression in that area. 
Indeed, they promote that aggression hy all means short of open invasion. 

"Under all the circumstances it seems desirable to clarify further 
the United States position. 

"Under the conditions of today, the imposition on Southeast Asia 
of the political system of Communist Russia and its Chinese Communist 
ally by whatever means, would he a grave threat to the whole free com- 
munity. The United States feels that that possibility should not he 
passively accented hut should he met hy united action. This might involve 
serious risks/ But these risks are far less than those that will face us 
a few years from now if we dare not he resolute today. 

"The free nations want peace. However, peace is not had merely hy 
wanting it. Peace has to he worked for and planned for. Sometimes it 
is necessary to take risks to win peace just as it is necessary in war 
to take risks to win victory. The chances for peace are usually "bettered 
hy letting a potential aggressor know in advance where his aggression 
could lead him. 

"I hope that these statements which I make here tonight will serve 
the cause of peace. 

"Let me now discuss our political relations with Red China, taking 
first the matter of recognition. 

"The United States does not recognize the Chinese Communist regime. 
That is well known. But the reasons seem not so well known. Some think 
that there are no reasons and that we are actuated purely hy emotion. 
Your Government "believes that its position is soberly rational. 

"Let me first recall that diplomatic recognition is a voluntary 
act One country has no right to demand recognition hy another. 
Gen-rally it is useful that 'there should he diplomatic intercourse 
between those who exercise de facto governmental authority, and it is 
veil established that recognition does not imply moral approval. 



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"President Monroe, in his famous message to Congress, denounced 
the expansionist and despotic system of Czarist Russia and its allies. 
But he said that it would nevertheless be our policy 'to consider the 
government de facto as the legitimate government for us.' That has 
indeed been the general United States policy, and I believe that it is 
a sound general policy. However, where it does not serve our interests, 
we are free to vary from it. 

"In relation to Communist China, we are forced to take account of 
the fact that the Chinese Communist regime has been consistently and 
viciously hostile to the United States. 

"A typical Chinese Communist pamphlet reads: 'We Must Hate America, 
because She is the Chinese People's Implacable Enemy.' 'We Must Despise 
America because it is a Corrupt Imperialist Nation, the World Center of 
Reaction and Decadency. ' 'We Must Look down upon America because She is 
a Paper Tiger and Entirely Vulnerable to Defeat. ' 

"By print, by radio, by drama, by pictures, with all the propaganda 
skills which communism has devised, such themes are propagated by the 
Red rulers. They vent their hatred by barbarous acts, such as seizures 
and imprisonments of Americans. 

"Those responsible for United States policy must ask and answer 
'Will it help our country if, by recognition, we give increased prestige 
and influence to a regime that actively attacks our vital interests? ' 
I can find only the answer: 'No. '" 

* * * 

5. Address by Alfred le Sesne Jenkins, Officer in Charge, Chinese 
Political Affairs, before the American Academy of Political and 
Social Science, Philadelphia, Pa., Present United States Policy 
Toward China, April 2, 195^, Department of State Bulletin, 
April 26, 195U, p. 62U : 

"In recent years we have often heard it said that more heat than 
light has been cast on the China question. I am not surprised at the 
heat, nor do I object to it, provided there is also sufficient light. 
The fate of one-fourth of the world's population is not a matter which 
•can be taken lightly, and the addition of China's vast material and 
manpower resources to the Soviet bloc is a matter involving not only the 
security interests of the United States but those of the entire free 
world. I do not "see how one can help feeling strongly about these 
matters. We need not apologize that our thinking about China is charged 
with feeling. National policies are an expression of national interests 
concerning which there is naturally much feeling, and our policies are 
an expression both of what we are and of what we want. We are a nation 
of free peoples. We want to remain free to pursue in peace our proper 
national destiny, and we want the same freedom and rights for others. 



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"We do not believe that the Chinese Communist regime represents the 
will of the people it controls. First capitalizing on the natural desire 
of the Chinese people to enjoy full recognition and respect for their 
importance in the world community, the regime then proceeded by its 
'lean-to-one- side' policy to betray the powerful Chinese longings to 
stand up straight. It has followed slavishly the leadership of the 
Soviet Union and attempted to emulate it in all its ways. With the aid 
of thousands of Soviet advisers it has set about methodically to change 
the entire fabric of traditional Chinese culture, substituting com- 
munism's materialistic, atheistic doctrines wherein the state is the 
be-all and end-all and the individual its pawn. 

"The regime at first attracted considerable support, principally 
through its sponsorship of a land redistribution program, but is now, 
after establishment of the prerequisite police-state controls, taking 
the land away from the owners in the same collectivization process which 
is familiar in other Communist countries and which invariably has 
brought suffering in its wake. China's much advertised 'New Democracy' 
is of course in reality 'old communism.' 

"From its inception the regime has proclaimed a 'lean-to-one- 
side' policy in foreign affairs, and has left no doubt about its dedica- 
tion to the proposition of world Communist revolution under the leader- 
ship of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. While its 'leaning-to- 
one-side' has not brought it to the position of complete 'prostration- 
to-one-side' characteristic of the Eastern European Soviet satellites, 
there is not the slightest evidence that this indicates any separatist 
tendencies. The difference in status of Peiping in its relationship 
with Moscow (as distinguished from that of the Eastern European satel- 
lites) is rather due chiefly to its having come to power without benefit, 
except in Manchuria, of Soviet Army occupation; to the prestige of Mao 
Tse-tung, arising from his long history of leadership of Chinese com- 
munism and his literary contributions to theoretical communism; to 
China's assumption of the role of leadership...." 



6. President Eisenhower's Mews Conference, Aoril 7, 1Q5U. Public 
Papers of the Presidents, I95U, p. 382 : 

* -x- * 

"Q.. Robert Richards, Copley Press: Mr. President, would you mind 
commenting on the strategic importance of Indochina to the free world? 
I think there has been, across the country, some lack of understanding 
on just what it means to us. 

"THE PRESIDENT. You have, of course, both the specific and the 
general when you talk about such things. 

"First of all, you have the specific value of a locality in its 
production of materials that the world needs . 

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"Then you have the possibility that many human beings pass under 
a dictatorship that is inimical to the free world. 

"Finally, you have broader considerations that might follow what 
you would call the 'falling domino' principle. You have a row of 
dominoes set up, you knock over the first one, and what will happen to 
the last one is the certainty that it will go over very quickly. So you 
could have a beginning of a disintegration that would have the most 
profound influences. 

"Now, with respect to the first one, two. of the items from this 
particular area that the world uses are tin and tungsten. They are 
very important. There are others, of course, the rubber plantations 
and so on. 

"Then with respect to more people passing under this domination, 
Asia, after all, has already lost some U50 million of its peoples to 
the Communist dictatorship, and we simply can't afford greater losses. 

"But when we come to the possible sequence of events, the loss of 
Indochina, of Burma, of Thailand, of the Peninsula, and Indonesia 
following, now you begin to talk about areas that not only multiply the 
disadvantages that you would suffer through loss of materials, sources 
of materials, but now you are talking really about millions and millions 
and millions of people. 

"Finally, the geographical position achieved thereby does many 
things. It turns the so-called island defensive chain of Japan, Formosa, 
of the Philippines and to the southward; it moves in to threaten 
Australia and New Zealand. 

"It takes away, in its economic aspects, that region that Japan 
must have as a trading area or Japan, in turn, will have only one place 
in the world to go — that is, toward the Communist areas in order to 
live. 

"So, the possible consequences of the loss are just incalculable 
to the free world." 



"Q. Robert G. Spivack, New York Post: Mr. President, do you 
agree with Senator Kennedy that independence must be guaranteed the 
people of Indochina in order to justify an all-out effort there? 

"THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't know, of course, exactly in what 
way a Senator was talking about this thing. 

"I will say this: for many years, in talking to different 
countries, different governments, I have tried to insist on this 
■orinci-ole: no outside country can come in and be really helpful 
unless* it is doing something that the local people want. 

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"Now, let me call your attention to this independence theory. 
Senator Lodge, on my instructions, stood up in the United Nations and 
offered one country independence if they would just simply pass a 
resolution saying they wanted it, or at least said, 'I would work_for 
it.' They didn't accept it. So I can't say that the associated states 
want independence in the sense that the United States is independent. 
I do not know what they want. 

• 

"I do say this: the aspirations of those people must be met, 
otherwise there is in the long run no final answer to the problem. 

"Q. Joseph Dear, Capital Times: Do you favor bringing this 
Indochina situation before the United Nations? 

"THE PRESIDENT. I really can't say. I wouldn't want to comment 
at too great a length at this moment, but I do believe this: this is 
the kind of thing that must not be handled by one .nation trying to act 
alone . " 



7. Remarks Made by Under Secretary Smith in Answer to Questions 

Prepared for Use on "The American Week" over the CBS Television 
Network, April 11, 195*4-, on the Importance of Indochina, Department 
of State Bulletin, April 19, 195^ > P- 589 : 

"Q. Why is Indochina important to Americans? 

"MR. SMITH: For one vital basic and two special additional 
reasons. In the first place, the vital basic question is: Shall we 
or can the free world allow its position anywhere and particularly in 
Asia to be eroded piece by piece? Can we allow, dare we permit, expansion 
of Communist Chinese control further into Asia? Propagandists of the 
Soviet Union and of Communist China have made it clear that their purpose 
is to dominate all of Southeast Asia. Remember that this region helps 
to feed an immense population. It stretches all the way from India to 
Japan. It's a region that is rich in raw materials, full of tin, oil, 
rubber, iron ore. 

"Nov;, from the strategic point of view, it lies across the most 
direct sea and air route between the Pacific and South Asia. There are 
major naval and air bases located in the area. Communist control of 
Southeast Asia would threaten the Philippines, Australia, and New Zea- 
land directly, would threaten Malaya; it would have a very profound 
effect upon the economy of other countries in + he area, even as far as 
Japan. 

■ 

"Q. The President, at his news conference on April 7, described 
the process of Communist conquest as the 'falling domino' principle. Is 
that" a good description of the threat in Southeast Asia? 



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"MR. SMITH:' Yes, it is. If Indochina is lost to the Communists, 
Burma is threatened, Thailand is threatened, the Malay Peninsula is 
exposed, Indonesia is subject to the gravest danger, and, in addition to 
these countries and their possible loss, there is the possible loss of 
food source. I have already mentioned the strategic raw materials, the 
bases in the area- and, while they are of enormous importance, the most 
important thing of all is the possible loss of millions and millions 
of peo-Dle who would disappear behind the Iron Curtain. There are enough 
millions behind the Iron Curtain now. So what's at stake in Indochina? 
It is the human freedom of the masses of people for all that enormous 
area of the world." 



* 



8. Statement by Secretary Dulles Made at Augusts, Georgia, April 19, 
19 5U, on Conversations in London and Paris Concerning Indochina"7 
Department of State Bulletin, May 3, 195^ P- 668 : 

"I have reported to President Eisenhower on my recent trip to 
London and Paris, where I discussed the position in Indochina. 

"I found in both Capitals recognition that the armed Communist 
threat endangered vital free world interest and made it appropriate that 
the free nations most immediately concerned should explore the possibility 
of establishing a collective defense. This same recognition had already 
been expressed by other nations of the Southeast Asian area. 

"The Communists in Viet -Nam, spurred on by Red China, have acted 
on the assumption that a quick, easy victory at Dien-Bien-Phu would open 
the door to a rapid Communist advance to domination of the entire South- 
east Asian area. They concluded they were justified in recklessly 
squandering the lives of their subjects to conquer this strongpoint so 
as to confront the Geneva Conference with what could be portrayed as 
both a military and political victory for communism. 

"The gallant defenders of Dien-Bien-Phu have done their part to 
assure a frustration of the Communist strategy. They have taken a toll 
such that, from a military standpoint, the attackers already lost more 
than they could win. From a political standpoint, the defenders of 
Dien-Bien-Phu have dramatized the struggle for freedom so that the free 
world sees more clearly than ever before the issues that are at stake 
and once again is drawing closer together in unity of purpose. 

"The Communist rulers are learning again that the will of the free 
is not broken by violence or intimidation. 

"The brutal Soviet conquest of Czechoslovakia did not disintegrate 
the will of the West. It led to the formation of the North Atlantic 
Treaty alliance. 

"The violent conquest of the China mainland followed by the Korean 
aggression did not paralyze the will of the free nations. It led to a 

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series of Pacific mutual security pacts and to the creation under the 
North Atlantic Treaty of a powerful defensive force-in-being. 

"The violent battles now being waged in Viet-Nam and the armed 
aggressions against Laos and Cambodia are not creating any spirit of 
defeatism. On the contrary, they are rousing the free nations to measures 
which we hope will be sufficiently timely and vigorous to preserve these 
vital areas from Communist domination. 

' "In this course lies the best hope of achieving at Geneva the 
restoration of peace with freedom and justice." 



* 



Q Stateme nt by Jameson Parker, Department Press Offic er, Made to 
Co rrespondents April 17, 195*+, on U.S . Policy Toward Indochina^ 
Department of State Bulletin, April 26, 195^ P- & 2 3 : 

"Certain remarks with regard to United States policy toward Indo- 
china have been attributed to a high Government official /Vice President 
Nixon7 The contents of the speech referred to and questions and 
answers which followed were off the record, but a complete report of the 
speech has been made available to the State Department. 

"The speech enunciated no new United States policy with regard to 
Indochina, "it expressed full agreement with and support for the policy 
with respect to Indochina previously enunciated by the President and 
the Secretary of State. 

"That policy was authoritatively set forth by the Secretary of 
State in his speech of March 29, 195^, in which he said: 

'Under the conditions of today, the imposition on Southeast 
Asia of the political system of Communist Russia and its Chinese Com- 
munist ally/ by whatever means, would be a grave threat to the whole 
free community. The United States feels that that possibility should 
not be pessively accepted but should be met by united action. This 
miFht involve serious risks. But these risks are far less than those 
that will face us a few years from now if we dare not be resolute today. 

"In regard to a hypothetical question as to whether United States 
forces should be sent to Indochina in the event of French withdrawal, 
the high Government official categorically rejected the premise of 
possible French withdrawal. Insofar as the use of United States forces 
?n Indochina was concerned, he was stating a course of possible action 

wnicS he was personally prepared to support under a highly unlikely 

hypothesis . 

"The answer to the question correctly emphasized the fact that the 
interests of the United States arid other free nations are vitally 

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involved with the interests of France and the Associated States in 
resisting Communist domination of Indochina." 

10 . Address "by Secretary Dulles Delivered to the Ration over Radio and 
Television, May 7, 195^, The Issues at Geneva, Department of State" 
Bulletin, May 17, 195^, P- 7^0 end p. Jhk : 

* -x- * 

"Let me turn now to the problem of Southeast Asia. In that great 
peninsula and the islands to the south live nearly 200 million people 
in 7 states -- Burma; the three states of Indochina -- Laos, Cambodia, 
and Viet-Han; Thailand; Malaya; and Indonesia. Communist conquest of 
this area would seriously imperil the free world position in the Western 
Pacific. It would, among other things, endanger the Philippines, 
Australia, and New Zealand, with all of which the. United States has 
mutual- security treaties. It would deprive Japan of important foreign 
markets and sources of food and raw materials. 

"In Viet-Nam, one of the three Indochinese states, war has been 
going on since I9U6. When it began, Indochina was a French colony just 
liberated from Japanese occupation. The war started primarily as a war 
for independence. What started as a civil war has now been taken over 
by international communism for its own purposes. Ho Chi Minh, the 
Communist leader in Viet-Nam, was trained in Moscow and got his first 
revolutionary experience in China." 



* 



"In Indochina, the situation is far more complex. The present 
conditions there do not provide a suitable basis for the United States 
to participate With its armed forces. 

"The situation may perhaps be clarified as a result of the Geneva 
Conference. The French have stated their desire for an armistice on 
honorable terms and under proper safeguards. If they can conclude a 
settlement on terms which do not endanger the freedom of the peoples of 
Viet-Nam, this would be a real -contribution to the cause of peace in 
Southeast Asia. But we would be gravely concerned if an armistice or 
cease-fire were reached at Geneva which would provide a road to a Com- 
munist takeover and further aggression. If this occurs, or if hos- 
tilities continue, then the need will be even more urgent to create the 
conditions for united action in defense of the area. 

"In making commitments which might involve the use of armed force, 
the Congress is a full partner. Only the Congress can declare war. 
President Eisenhower has repeatedly emphasized that he would not take 
military action in Indochina without the support of Congress. Further- 
more he has made clear that he would not seek that .unless, in his 
opinion, there would be an adequate collective effort based on genuine 
mutuality of purpose in defending vital interests. 

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"A great effort is being made by Communist propaganda to portray 
it as something evil if Asia joins with the nations of the Americas and 
Europe to get assistance which will help the peoples of Asia to secure 
their liberty. These Communist nations have, in this connection, 
adopted the slogan 'Asia for the Asians.' 

"The Japanese war lords adopted a similar slogan when they sought 
to subject Asia to their despotic rule. The similar theme of 'Europe 
for the Europeans' was adopted by Mr. Kolotov at the Berlin Conference 
when he proposed that the Europeans should seek security by arrangements 
which would" send the United States back home . 

"Great despotic powers have always known that they could impose 
their will and gain their conquests if the free nations stand apart and 
none helps the other. 

"It should be observed that the Soviet Communist aggression in 
Europe took place only against countries which had no collective security 
arrangements. Since the organization of the Horth Atlantic Treaty, 
there has been no successful aggression in Europe. 

"Of course, it is of the utmost importance that the United States 
participation in creating collective security in Asia should be on a 
basis which recognizes fully the aspirations and cultures of the Asian 
•peoples. We have a material and industrial strength which they lack and 
vhich is an essential ingredient of security. Also they have cultural 
and spiritual values of their own which make them our equals by every 
moral standard. 

"The United States, as the first colony of modern history to win 
independence for itself, instinctively shares the aspirations for 
liberty of all dependent and colonial peoples. We want to help, not 
hinder the spread of liberty. 

"We do not seek to perpetuate Western colonialism and we find even 
more intolerable the new imperialist colonialism of communism. 

"That is the spirit that animates us. If we remain true to that 
spirit, we can face the future with confidence that we shall be in 
harmony with those moral forces which ultimately prevail. 

1X Pr esident Eisenhower's Mews Conference, May 5, 193^, Public 
Vr^P-rs of the Presidents, 195^, P- **51: 



"United States foreign policy has consistently supported the 
r^noi^les on which was founded the United Nations. The basic expression 
ofThis Policy was the Vandenberg resolution in 1<*8. The United States 
believes in assuring the peace and integrity of nations through collective 

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action and, in pursuance of the United Nations principle, has entered 
into regional security agreements with other nations. Examples are the 
Inter-American Agreement, the NATO Agreement, and numerous pacts in the 
Pacific. These arrangements are invariably to assure the peaceful 
security of the contracting nations and to prevent likelihood of attack; 
they are not arrangements designed primarily for waging war. 

"The Geneva conference, now 9 days old, has produced no surprises. 
The expressed fears of some have proved unfounded. 

"It has not been a 'Five-Power' conference as the Soviet Union 
tried to make it. 

"It has not involved establishing express or implied diplomatic 
recognition by the United States of the Chinese Communist aggressors. 

"The Korean phase of the conference has been organized. Here the 
Communists came up with a scheme for Korean unification which was a 
Chinese copy of the Soviet scheme for the unification of Germany. Under 
their proposal no election measures could be taken without Communist 
consent, and there could be no impartial supervision of the election 
conditions or of the voting. 

"This scheme was rejected for Germany. Secretary Dulles tells me 
that is equally unacceptable to the Republic of Korea and to the 
United Nations members which took part in the Korean war under zhe 
United Nations Command now represented at Geneva. 

"The Indochina phase of the conference is in process of being 
organized and the issues have not yet been clarified. In this matter 
a large measure of initiative rests with the governments of France, 
Viet-Nam, Laos, and Cambodia, which are the countries most directly- 
concerned. 

"Meanwhile, plans are proceeding for the realization of a Southeast 
Asia security arrangement. This was publicly suggested by Secretary 
Dulles in his address of March 29- Of course, our principal allies 
were advised in advance. This proposal of the Secretary of State was 
not a new one; it was merely reaffirmation of the principles that have 
consistently guided our post-war foreign policy and a reminder to 
interested Asian friends that the United States was prepared to join 
with others in the application of these principles to the threatened 
area Most of the free nations of the area and others directly con- 
cerned have shown affirmative interest, and the conversations are 
actively proceeding. 

"Obviously, it was never expected that this collective security 
arrangement would spring into existence overnight. There are too many 
Soortant problems to be resolved. But there is a general sense of 
Sency. The fact that such an organization is in the process of forma- 
tion could have an important bearing upon what happens at Geneva during 
the Indochina phase of the conference. 

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"The countries of the area are now thinking in constructive 
terms, which include the indispensable concept of collective security. 
Progress in this matter has "been considerable, and I am convinced that 
further progress will continue to be made." 



* 



12. President Eisenhower's Hews Conference, May 12, 1954, Public 
Papers of the Presidents, 1954, p. 473 :~ 

* * * 

"Q. George Herman, CBS Radio: Mr. President, since we seem to be 
going into the past, a few weeks ago you told us of your theory of 
dominoes about Indochina, the neck of the bottle — 

"THE PRESIDENT. Yes. 

'tfc. Mr. Herman: Since the fall of Dien Bien Phu, there has been a 
certain amount of talk of doing without Indochina. Would you tell us 
your administration's position; is it still indispensable to the defense 
of southeast Asia? 

"THE PRESIDENT. Again I forget whether it was before this body I 
talked about the cork and the bottle. Well, it is very important, and 
the great idea of setting up an organism is so as to defeat the domino 
result. When, each standing alone, one falls, it has the effect on the 
next, and finally the whole row is down. You are trying, through a 
unifying influence, to build that row of dominoes so they can stand the 
fall of one, if necessary. 

"Now,, so far as I am concerned, I don't think the free world ought 
to write off Indochina. I think we ought to all look at this thing with 
some optimism and some determination. I repeat that long faces and 
defeatism don't win battles." 



13. Address by the Secretary of State, June 11, 1954, (Excerpt) The 
Threat of Direct Chinese Communist I ntervention in Indochina, 
Department of State Bulletin, June 23, 1954, p. 971 : 

"At the moment, Indochina is the area where international communism 
most vigorously seeks expansion under the leadership of Ho Chi Minh. 
Last year President Eisenhower, in his great 'Chance for Peace' address, 
said that 'aggression in Korea and Southeast Asia are threats to the 
whole free community to be met ~Dy united action.' But the French were 
then opposed to what they called 'internationalizing' the. war. They 
preferred to treat it as a civil war of rebellion. However, on July 3, 
1953 the French Government made a public declaration of independence 
for the three Associated States, and in September it adopted the so-called 

# 

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Navarre plan, which contemplated a rapid buildup of national native 
forces. The United States then agreed to underwrite the costs of this 
plan. 

"But last winter the fighting was intensified and the long strain 
began to tell in terms of the attitude of the French people toward a 
war then in its eighth year. Last March, after the siege of Dien-Bien- 
Phu had begun, I renewed President Eisenhower's proposal that we seek 
conditions which would permit a united defense for the area. I went to 
Europe on this mission, and it seemed that there was agreement on our 
proposal. But when we moved to translate that proposal into reality, 
some of the parties held back because they had concluded that any steps 
to create a united defense should await the results of the Geneva Con- 
ference . 

"Meanwhile, the burdens of a collective defense in Indochina have 
mounted. The Communists have practiced dilatory negotiating at Geneva, 
while intensifying their fighting in Indochina. The French and national 
forces feel the strain of mounting enemy power on their front and of 
political uncertainty at their rear. I told the Senate Foreign Rela- 
tions Committee last week that the situation is grave but by no means 
hopeless. The future depends largely on decisions awaited at Paris, 
London, and Geneva. 

"The situation in Indochina is not that of open military aggression 
by the Chinese Communist regime. Thus, in Indochina, the problem is 
one of restoring tranquillity in an area where disturbances are fomented 
from Communist China, but where there is no open invasion by Communist 
China. This task of pacification, in our opinion, cannot be successfully 
met merely by unilateral armed intervention. Some other conditions need 
to be established. Throughout these Indochina developments, the United 
States has held to a stable and consistent course and has made clear the 
conditions which, in its opinion, might justify intervention. These 
conditions were and are (l) an invitation from the present lawful 
authorities; (2) clear assurance of complete independence to Laos, Cam- 
bodia, and Viet-Nam; (3) evidence of concern by the United Natioris; 
(1+) a joining in the collective effort of some of the other nations of 
the area; and (5) assurance that France will not itself withdraw from 
the battle until it is von. 

"Only if these conditions were realized could the President and the 
Congress be justified in asking the American people to make the sacri- 
fices incident to committing our Nation, with others, to using force to 
help to restore peace in the area. 

"Another problem might, however, arise. If the Chinese Communist 
regime were to show in Indochina or elsewhere that it is determined to 
pursue the path of overt military aggression, then the' situation would 
be different and another issue would emerge. That contingency has 
already been referred to publicly by the President and myself. The 

. 
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President, in his April l6, 1953, address, and I myself, in an address 
of September 2, 1953; made clear that the United States would take a 
grave view of any future overt military Chinese Communist aggression in 
relation to the Pacific or Southeast Asia area. Such an aggression 
would threaten island and peninsular positions which secure the United 
States and its allies. 

"If such overt military aggression occurred, that would be a 
deliberate threat to the United States itself. The United States would 
of course invoke the processes of the United Nations and consult with 
its allies. But we could not escape ultimate responsibility for deci- 
sions closely touching our own security and self-defense. 

"There are some, particularly abroad, who seem to assume that the 
attitude of the United States flows from a desire for a general war 
with Communist China. That is clearly false. If we had wanted such a 
war, it could easily have been based on the presence of Chinese aggres- 
sors in Korea. But last July, in spite of difficulties which at times 
seemed insuperable, we concluded a Korean armistice with Communist 
China. How could it be more surely demonstrated that we have both the 
will to make peace and the competence to make peace? 

"Your Government wants peace, and the American people want peace. 
But should there ever be openly launched an attack that the American 
people vrould clearly recognize as a threat to our own security, then 
the right of self-preservation would demand that we — regardless of any 
other country — meet the issue squarely. 

"It is the task of statesmanship to seek peace and deter war, while 
at the same time preserving vital national interests * Under present 
conditions that dual result is not easy to achieve, and it cannot be 
achieved at all unless your Government is backed by a people who are 
willing, if need be, to sacrifice to preserve their vital interests. 

"At the Geneva Conference I said: 'Peace is always easy to achieve 
-- by surrender. ' Your Government does not propose to buy peace at that 
price. We do not believe that the American people want peace at that 
price. So long as that is our national will, and so long as that will 
be backed by a capacity for effective action, our Nation can face the 
future with that calm confidence which is the due of those who, in a 
troubled world, hold fast that which is good." 



±k. President Eisenhower's News Conference, July 21, 195^? Public 
Papers of tre Presidents, 1954 , p. 6k2 : 

* * * 

"/Reading/ I am glad, of course, that agreement has been reached 
at Geneva to stop the bloodshed in Indochina. The United States has not 



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been a belligerent in the war in which thousands of brave men, while 
defending freedom, have died during the past 7 years. 

"The primary responsibility for the settlement in Indochina rested 
with those nations which participated in the fighting. 

"Our role at Geneva has been at all times to try to be helpful 
where desired, and to -aid France and Cambodia, Laos and Viet-Nam, to 
obtain a just and honorable settlement which will take into account the 
needs of the interested people. 

"Accordingly, the United States has not itself been a party to or 
bound by the decisions taken by the conference, but it is our hope that 
it will lead to the establishment of peace consistent with the rights 
and needs of the countries concerned. The agreement contains features 
which we do not like, but a great deal depends on how they work in 
practice. 

"The United States is issuing at Geneva a statement to the effect 
that it is not prepared to join in the conference declaration but, as 
loyal members of the United Rations, we also say that in compliance 
with the obligations and principles contained in article II of the 
United Nations Charter, the United States will not use force to disturb 
the settlement. We also say that any renewal of Communist aggression 
would be viewed by us as a matter of grave concern. 

"As evidence of our resolve to assist Cambodia and Laos to play • 
their parts in full independence and sovereignty, in the peaceful com- 
munity of free nations, we are requesting the agreement of the governments 
of Cambodia and Laos to our appointment of an ambassador or minister to 
be resident at their respective capitals. We already have a. Chief of 
Mission at Saigon, the capital of Viet-Nam, and this embassy will, of 
course, be maintained. 

"The United States is actively pursuing discussions with other free 
nations with a view to the rapid organization of a collective defense 
in southeast Asia in order to prevent further direct or indirect Com- 
munist aggression in that general area. /Ends reading/" 



"Q. Mrs. May Craig, Maine Papers: Mr. President, President Rhee 
of Korea will be here soon. Do you regard the partition of Korea as 
permanent, short of war, and are you including, planning to include, 
Korea and Eree China in any kind of a southeast Asia pact? 

"THE PRESIDENT. Well, of course, Korea is not in southeast Asia. 

"Already we have, you know, a treaty of mutual defense with Korea. 
It has been enacted, it has been approved, by the Senate. 



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"Now, as I understand it, when the Korean war started, the purpose 
of the United Rations was to prevent any advance by force into South 
Korea; they did do that. 

"I know of no one that has ever proposed that we go to war to free 
North Korea. 

"As it is, it is an unsatisfactory situation, exactly as exists in 
Germany, and now apparently is going to exist in part of Indochina. 

"These are very unsatisfactory situations and, to my mind, will 
always give reason for aggravating situations that are difficult, at 
best. But there is no thought on the part of any of us to start an 
aggressive move for the freeing of that country." 



"I have never felt that, except through these satellite excursions, 
that the Communist world wants any war at this time; in other words, I 
don't believe they would deliberately challenge us, challenge the free 
world, to a war of exhaustion. 

"So the problem, no matter whether you happen to be fighting in 
one of these areas, remains the same. The loss of great areas through 
propaganda and deceit and subversion and coup d'etat, and every means 
available to a secret, well-financed conspiracy, they are all there. _ 
I personally think that if there is one good that can come out of this 
whole southeast Asian experience, it is this: to get the free worla to 
looking facts in the face, and to seeing what we must do, what we should 
do, what sacrifices we are ready to make, in order to preserve the 
essentials of our system. 

"I think that when the freedom of a man in Viet-Nam or in China 
is taken away from him, I think our freedom has lost a little. I just 
don't believe that we can continue to exist in the world, geographically 
isolated as we are, if we just don't find a concerted, positive plan of 
keeping these free nations so tightly bound together that none of them 
will give up; and if they are not weakened internally by these other 
methods, I just don't believe they will give up. I believe we can hold 
them. 

"Q Robert E. Clark, International News Service': Mr. President, 
alonR that line, a number of Congressmen today are branding the Geneva 
settlement as appeasement. Do you think there are any elements oi 
appeasement in the cease-fire agreement? 

"THE PRESIDENT. Well, I hesitate, Mr. Clark, to use such words as 
T have told you so often. I find that so many words mean so many different 
things to different people. I would say this, as I said in my statement: 
this agreement, in certain of its features, is not satisfactory oo us. 
It is not what we would have liked to have had. 



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"But I don't knew, when I am put up against it at this moment, to 
find an alternative, to say what we would or could do. Then if I have 
no better plan, I am not going to criticize what they have done." 



15. Final Declaration of Geneva Conference, July 21, I95U, IC/U3 Rev. 2, 
July 21, 19^ , Original: French - - 

"Final declaration, dated July 21, 195U, of the Geneva Conference 
on the problem of restoring peace in Indo-China, in which the repre- 
sentatives of Cambodia, the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam, France, 
Laos, the People's Republic of China, the State of Viet-Nam, the Union 
of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United Kingdom, and the United 
States of America took part. 

"1. The Conference takes note of the agreements ending hostilities 
in Cambodia, Laos and Viet-Nam and organizing international control and 
the supervision of the execution of the provisions of these agreements. 

"2. The Conference expresses satisfaction at the ending of hos- 
tilities in Cambodia, Laos and Viet-Nam; the Conference expresses its 
conviction that the execution of the provisions set out in the present 
declaration and in the agreements on the cessation of hostilities will 
permit Cambodia," Laos and Viet-Nam henceforth to play their part, in 
full independence and sovereignty, in the peaceful community of nations. 

"3. The Conference takes note of the declarations made by the 
Governments of Cambodia and of Laos of their intention to adopt measures 
permitting all citizens to take their place in the national community, 
in particular by participating in the next general elections, which, in 
conformity with the constitution of each of these countries, shall take 
place in the course of the year 1955, by secret ballot and in conditions 
of respect for fundamental freedoms. 

"k. The Conference takes note of the clauses in the agreement on 
the cessation of hostilities in Viet-Nam prohibiting the introduction 
into Viet-Nam of foreign troops and military personnel as well as of 
all kinds of arms and munitions. The Conference also takes note of the 
declarations made by the Governments of Cambodia and Laos of their 
resolution not to request foreign aid, whether in war material, in 
personnel or in instructors except for the purpose of the effective 
defence of their territory and, in the case of Laos, to the extent 
defined by the agreements on the cessation of hostilities in Laos. 

"5. The Conference takes note of the clauses in the agreement on 
the cessation of hostilities in Viet-Nam to the effect that no military 
base under the control of a foreign State may be established in the 
regrouuing zones of the two parties, the latter having the obligation 
to see" that the zones allotted to them shall not constitute part of 



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any military alliance and shall not be utilized for the resumption of 
hostilities or in the service of an aggressive policy. The Conference 
also takes note of the declarations of the Governments of Cambodia and 
Laos to the effect that they will not join in any agreement with other 
States if this agreement includes the obligation to participate in a 
military alliance not in conformity with the p-inciples of the Charter 
of the United Nations or, in the case of Laos, with the principles of 
the agreement on the cessation of hostilities in Laos or, so long as 
their security is not threatened, the obligation to establish bases on 
Cambodian or Laotian territory for the military forces of foreign 
Powers . 

"6. ' The Conference recognizes that the essential purpose of the 
agreement relating to Viet-Nam is to settle military questions with a 
view to ending hostilities and that the military demarcation line is 
provisional and should not in any way be interpreted as constituting a 
political or territorial boundary. The Conference expresses its con- 
viction that the execution of the provisions set out in the present 
declaration and in the agreement on the cessation of hostilities creates 
the necessary basis for the achievement in the near future of a political 
settlement in Viet-Nam. 

"7. The Conference declares that, so far as Viet-Nam is concerned, 
the settlement of political problems, effected on the basis of respect 
for the principles of independence, unity and territorial integrity, shall 
permit the Viet-Namese people to enjoy the fundamental freedoms, guar- 
anteed by democratic institutions established as a result of free general 
elections by secret ballot. In order to ensure that sufficient progress 
in the restoration of peace has been made, and that all the necessary 
conditions obtain for free expression of the national will, general 
elections shall be held in July 1956, under the supervision of an inter- 
national commission composed of representatives of the Member States of 
the International Supervisory Commission, referred to in the agreement 
on the cessation of hostilities. Consultations will be held on this 
subject between the competent representative authorities of the two 
zones from 20 July 1955 onwards. 

"8. The provisions of the agreements on the cessation of hostilities 
intended to ensure the protection of individuals and of property must be 
most strictly applied and must, in particular, allow everyone in Viet- 
Nam to decide freely in which zone he wishes to live. 

"9. The competent representative authorities of the Northern and 
Southern zones of Viet-Nam", as well as the authorities of Laos and 
Cambodia, must not permit any individual or collective reprisals 
against persons who have collaborated in any way with one of the parties 
during the war, or against members of such persons' families. 

"10. The Conference takes note of the declaration of the Government 
of the French Republic to the effect that it is ready to withdraw its 
troops from the territory of Cambodia, Laos and Viet-Nam, at the request 



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of the governments concerned and vithin periods which shall be fixed 
by agreement between the parties except in the cases where, by agree- 
ment between the two parties, a certain number of French troops shall 
remain at specified points and for a specified time. 

"11 The Conference takes note of the declaration of the French 
Government to the effect that for the settlement of all the problems 
connected with the re-establishment and consolidation of peace m Cam- 
bodia Laos and Viet-Nam, the French Government will proceed from the 
principle of respect for the independence and sovereignty, unity and 
territorial integrity of Cambodia, Laos and Viet-Nam. 

"12 In their relations with Cambodia, Laos and Viet-Nam, each 
' member of the Geneva Conference undertakes to respect the sovereignty, 
the independence, the unity and the territorial integrity of the above- 
mentioned states, and to refrain from any interference in their intern^ 
affairs. 

"13 The members of the Conference agree to consult one another on 
anv question which may be referred to them by the International Super- 
visory Commission in order to study such measures as may prove necessary 
to ensure that the agreements on the cessation of hostilities m Cam- 
bodia, Laos and Viet-Nam are respected." 

16 Direct Aid to the Associated States: Communique Regarding Franco- 
American Conversations, September 29, 195 1 *, Department of Stat e 
Bulletin, October 11, 195^, P- 53^ : 

"Representatives of the two Governments have had very frank and 
useful talks which have shown the community of their views, and are 
in full agreement on the objectives to be attained. 

"The conclusion of the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty 
in Manila on September 8, 195 1 *, has provided a firmer basis than hereto- 
fore to assist the free nations of Asia in developing and maintaining 
their independence and security. The representatives of France and the 
United States wish to reaffirm the support of their Governments for the 
principles of self-government, independence, justice and liberty pro- 
claimed by the Pacific Charter in Manila on September 8, 195*+ • 

"The representatives of France and the United States reaffirm the 
intention of their governments to support the complete independence 
of Cambodia, Laos, and Viet-Nam. Both France and the United States 
vill continue tc assist Cambodia, Laos, and Viet-Nam in their eiforts 
to safeguard their freedom and independence and to advance the welfare 
of their peoples. In this spirit France and the United States are 
assisting the Government of Viet-Nam in the resettlement of the Viet- 
namese who have of their ova free will moved to free Viet-Nam a*d who 
already number some 300,000. 



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"In order to contribute to the security of the area pending the 
further development of national forces for this purpose, the representa- 
tives of France indicated that France is prepared to retain forces of 
its Expeditionary Corps, in agreement with the government concerned, 
within* the limits permitted under the Geneva agreements and to an extent 
to be determined. The United States will consider the question of 
financial assistance for the Expeditionary Corps in these circumstances 
in addition to support for the forces of each of the three Associated 
States. These questions vitally affect each of the three Associated 
States and are being fully discussed with them. 

"The channel for French and United States economic aid, budgetary 
support, and other assistance to each of the Associated States will be 
direct to that state. The United States representatives will begin 
discussions soon with the respective governments of the Associated 
States regarding direct aid. The methods for efficient coordination 
of French and United States aid programs to each of the three Associated 
States are under consideration and will be developed in discussions with 
each of these states. 

"After the bilateral talks, the chiefs of diplomatic missions in 
Washington of Cambodia, Laos and Viet Nam were invited to a final 
meeting to have an exchange of views and information on these matters. 
The representatives of all five countries are in complete agreement on 
the objectives of peace and freedom to be achieved in Indochina." 

Y(, Aid to the State of Viet-Nam: Message from the President of the 
United States to the President of the Council of Ministers of 
Viet-Nam, October 23, 1$5^, Department of State Bulletin~ 
November 1$, 195^, PP- 735-736 : 

"Dear Mr. President: I have been following with great interest 
the course of developments in Viet-Nam, particularly since the conclu- 
sion of the conference at Geneva. The implications of the agreement 
concerning Viet-Nam have caused grave concern regarding the future of a 
country temporarily divided by an artificial military grouping, weakened 
by a long and exhausting war and faced with enemies without and by their 
subversive collaborators within. 

"Your recent requests for aid to assist in the formidable project 
of the movement of several hundred thousand loyal Vietnamese citizens 
away from areas which are passing under a de facto rule and political 
ideology which they abhor, are being fulfilled. I am glad that the 
United States is able to assist in this humanitarian effort. 

"We have been exploring ways and means to permit our aid to Viet- 
nam to be more effective and to make a greater contribution to the 
welfare and stability of the Government of Viet-Nam. I am, accordingly, 
instructing the American Ambassador to Viet-Nam to examine with you in 
your capacity as Chief of Government, how an intelligent program of 

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American aid given directly to your Government can serve to assist 
Viet-Nam in its present hour of trial, provided that your Government 
is prepared to give assurances as to the standards of performance it 
would be able to maintain in the event such aid were supplied. 

"The purpose of this offer is to assist the Government of Viet-Nam 
in developing* and maintaining a strong, viable state, capable of resist- 
ing attempted subversion or aggression through military means." 

* * * 

18 Arirlr ess bv President Eisenhower before the American Society of 

Newspaper Editors, April 21, 1936, Public Papers of th e Presidents, 
19 56, p. ^17 and p. 423 : 

* * * 

"The ideas of freedom are at work, even where they are officially 
rejected. As we know, Lenin and his successors, true to Communist 
doctrine, based the Soviet State on the denial of these ideas. Yet the 
new Soviet rulers who took over three years ago have had to reckon with 
the force of these ideas, both at home and abroad. 

"The situation the new regime inherited from the dead Stalin 
apparently caused it to reappraise many of his mistakes. 

"Having lived under his one-man rule, they have espoused the con- 
cept of 'collective' dictatorship. But dictatorship it still remains. 
They have denounced Stalin for some of the more flagrant excesses of 
his brutal rule. But the individual citizen still lacks the most 
elementary safeguards of a free society. The desire for a better life 
is still being sacrificed to the insatiable demands of the state. 

"In foreign affairs, the new regime has seemingly moderated the 
policy of violence and hostility which has caused the free nations to 
band together to defend their independence and liberties. For the 
present, at least, it relies more on political and economic means to 
spread its influence abroad. In the last year, it has embarked upon a 
campaign of lending and trade agreements directed especially toward 
the newly-developing countries. 

"It is still too early to assess in any final way whether the 
Soviet regime wishes to provide a real basis for stable and enduring 
relations . " 



"For example, why was there such a sudden change in the Soviet 
policy' Their basic aim is to conquer the world, through' world revolu- 
tion if possible, but in any way. Anyone that has read any of their 
books knows that their doctrine is lies, deceit, subversion, war if 
necessary but in any way: conquer the world. And that has not changed. 



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"But tW changed their policies very markedly. They were depend- 
ing on forcTand ^1 threat of force only. And suddenly they have gone 
info en entirely different attitude. They are going into the economic 
ana pSitical -fields and are really wearing smiles around tne world 
SSstSd of some of the hitter faces to which we have become accustomed. 

"How any time a policy is winning and the people are completely 
satisfied with it, you don't change. You change policies that markedly, 
ycu destroy old idols as they have been busy doing only when you thai* 
Hreat change is necessary. So I think we can take some comfort; at 
leSt we can give careful consideration to the very fact tney had to 
change their policies. 

"And I think the whole free world is trying to test and determine 
the sincerity of that plan, in order that the free nations themselves, 
in pursuing their own policies, will make certain that they are not 
-surprised in any place. 

«w e look at some of the advances we think they have made, but let 
»s remember: they did not conquer Korea, which they announced they were 
godnTS Z. They were stopped finally in the northern part of Vietnam; 
and Diem, the leader of the Southern Vietnamese, is doing splendidly 
aM a much better figure in that field than anyone even dared to hope. 

"The Iranian situation which only a few short years ago looked 
so desperate that each morning we thought we would wake up and read m 
our newspapers that Mossadegh had let them under the Iron Curtain has 
not become satisfactory, but that crisis has passed and it is much 
better." 

* * * 

TQ United States Policy with Respect to Viet-Nam: Address by the 
19 • TTTn^ FReciretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs (this^ddress 
by-Assistant Secretary of State Robertson restated American policy 
and was delivered at a time of relative stability in South Viet-Nam) , 
wpshineton, June 1, 1956, Department of Stat e Bulletin, June 11, 
2_Q56. pp. 972-97^ : 

"This oast March, I had the pleasure of accompanying the Secretary 
nf o + ote (*f his visit to Saigon where we conversed with President Diem 
on Se Present and future problems of Viet-Nam. I was struck, as so many 
rther recent observers have been, at the progress Free Viet-Nam has made 
tn a few short months toward stability, security, and strength. President 
mJL seemed to reflect this progress in his own person. On the occasion 
of^ur earlier visit some 15 months ago, he seemed tense and gravely con- 
cernS about the problems facing Viet-Nam. This time he was reposed, 
poised, and appeared confident of the future of his country. 

"Among the factors that explain the remarkable .rise of Free Viet- 
Nam froTShe shambles created by 8 years of murderous civil and inter- 
nal 1", the division of the country at Geneva and the continuing 

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menace of predatory communism, there is in the first place the dedica- 
tion courage, and resourcefulness of President Diem himself. In him, 
his country has found a truly worthy leader whose integrity and devotion 
to his country's welfare have become generally recognized among his 
people. Asia has given us in President Diem another great figure, and 
the entire free world has "become the richer for his example of determina- 
tion and moral fortitude. There is no more dramatic example of this 
fortitude than President Diem's decisions during the tense and vital days 
of the battle against "the parasitic politico-religious sects in the city 
of Saigon in the spring of 1955- These decisions were to resist the 
multiple pressures to compromise that were building up around him, and 
to struggle to the victorious end for the sake of a just cause. The 
free world owes him a debt of gratitude for his determined stand at that 
fateful hour. 

"Consider Viet-Nam at three stages in its recent history: 

"First, in mid-195 1 *, partitioned by fiat of the great powers against 
the will of the Vietnamese people, devoid of governmental machinery or 
military strength, drifting without leadership and without hope in the 
backwash of the defeat administered by the combined weight of Communist- 
impressed infantry and of Chinese and Russian arms. 

"Secondly, in early 1955 , faced with the military and subversive 
threat of the Communists north of the 17th parallel, confronted with 
internal strife, its government challenged by the armed, self-seeking 
politico-religious sects, its army barely reformed and of uncertain 
loyalty, assailed from within by the most difficult problems, including 
that of having to absorb the sudden influx of three-quarters of a mil- 
lion refugees who would rather leave their ancestral lands and homes 
than suffer life under Communist tyranny: 

"And finally Viet-Nam today, in mid-1956, progressing rapidly to 
the establishment of democratic institutions by elective processes, its 
people resuming peaceful pursuits, its army growing in effectiveness, 
sense of mission, and morale, the puppet Vietnamese politicians dis- 
credited, the refugees well on the way to permanent resettlement, the 
countryside generally orderly and calm, the predatory sects eliminated 
and their venal leaders exiled or destroyed. 

"Perhaps no more eloquent testimony to the new state of affairs in 
Viet-Nam could be cited than the voice of the people themselves as 
expressed in their free election of last March. At that time the last 
possible question as to the feeling of the people was erased by an over- 
whelming majority for President Diem's leadership. The fact that the 
Viet Minn was unable to carry out its open threats to sabotage these 
elections is impressive evidence of the stability and prestige of the 
government . 

"The United States is proud to be on the side of the effort of the 
Vietnamese people under President Diem to establish freedom, peace, and 



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the good life. The United States wishes to continue to assist and to 
be a loyal and trusted friend of Viet-Nam. 

"Our policies in Viet-Nam may he simply stated as follows: . 

"To support a friendly non-Communist government in Viet-Nam and to 
help it diminish and eventually eradicate Communist subversion and 
influence . 

"To help the Government of Viet-Nam establish the forces neces- 
sary for internal security. 

"To encourage support for Free Viet-Nam by the non-Communist world. 

"To aid in the rehabilitation and reconstruction of a country and 
people ravaged by 8 ruinous years of civil and international war. 

"Our efforts are directed first of all toward helping to sustain 
the internal security forces consisting of a regular army of about 
150 000 men, a mobile civil guard of some U5,000, and local defense 
units which are being formed to give protection against subversion on 
the village level. We are providing budgetary support and equipment for 
these forces and have a mission assisting the training of the army. We 
axe also helping to organize, train, and equip the Vietnamese police 
force The refugees who have fled to South Viet-Nam to escape the Viet 
Minn are being resettled on productive lands with the assistance of funds 
made available by our aid program. In various ways our aid program also 
provides assistance to the Vietnamese Government designed to strengthen 
the economy and provide a better future for the common people of tne 
country. The Vietnamese are increasingly giving attention to the basic 
development of the Vietnamese economy and to projects that may contri- 
bute directly to that goal. We give our aid and counsel to this program 
only as freely invited. 

"I do not wish to minimize the magnitude of the task that still 
remains and of the problems that still confront this staunch and valiant 
member of the free world fighting for its independence on the threshold 
of the Communist heartland of Asia. 

"The Communist conspiracy continues to threaten Free Viet-Nam. 
With monstrous effrontery, the Communist conspirators at Hanoi accuse 
Free Viet-Nam and its friends of violating the armistice provisions which 
the Vietnamese and their friends, including ourselves, have scrupulously 
respected despite the fact that neither the Vietnamese nor ourselves 
signed the Geneva Accords while they, the Comm-mists who have solemnly 
undertaken to be bound by these provisions, have violated them in the 
most blatant fashion. 

"The facts are that while on the one hand the military potential 
of Free Viet-Nam has been drastically reduced by the withdrawal of 
nearly 200,000 members of the French Expeditionary Corps and by the 
reaction of the Vietnamese Army by more than 5 0,000 from the time of 
the armistice, to the present as well as by the outshipment from Viet-Nam 

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since the cessation of hostilities of over $200 million worth of war 
equipment, we have on the other hand reports of steady constant growth 
of the warmaking potential of the Communists north of the 17th parallel. 

■ "Our reports reveal that in complete disregard of its obligations, 
the Viet Minn have imported voluminous quantities of arms across the 
Sino-Viet Minh border and have imported a constant stream of Chinese 
Communist military personnel to work on railroads, to rebuild roads, to 
establish airports, and to work on other projects contributing to the 
growth of the military potential of the zone under Communist occupation. 

"As so eloquently stated by the British Government in a diplomatic 
note released to the press and sent to Moscow in April of this year, 
and I quote: 

'The Viet Minh army has been so greatly strengthened by the 
embodiment and re-equipment of irregular forces that instead of the 7 
Viet Minh divisions in existence in July 195^ there are now no less than 
20. This striking contrast between massive military expansion in the 
North and the withdrawal and reduction of military forces in the South 
speaks for itself. ' 

"By lies, propaganda, force, and deceit, the Communists in Hanoi 
would undermine Free Viet-Nam, whose fall they have been unable to secure 
by their maneuverings on the diplomatic front. These people, whose crimes 
against suffering humanity are so vividly described in the book by Lt. 
Dooley who addressed you this morning, have sold their country to Peiping. 
They have shamelessly followed all the devious zigzags of the Communist- 
bloc line so that their alliance with Communist China and the Soviet Union 
is firmly consolidated. These are the people who are now inviting Presi- 
dent Diem to join them in a coalition government to be set up through 
so-called 'free elections. ' 

"President Diem and the Government of Free Viet-Nam reaffirmed on 
April 6 of this year and on other occasions their desire to seek the re- 
unification of Viet- Nam by peaceful means. In this goal, we support them 
fully. We hope and pray that the partition of Viet-Nam, imposed against 
the will of the Vietnamese people, will speedily come to an end. For our 
part we believe in free elections, and we support President Diem fully in 
his position that if elections are to be held, there first must be condi- 
tions which preclude intimidation or coercion of the electorate. Unless 
such conditions exist there can be no free choice. 

"May those leaders of the north in whom the spirit of true patriotism 
still survives realize the futility of the Communist efforts to subvert 
Free Viet-Nam by force or guile. May they force the abandonment of these 
efforts and bring about the peaceful demobilization of the large standing 
armies of the Viet Minh. May they, above all, return to 'the just cause of 
all those who want to reunify their country in peace and independence and 
for the good of all the people of Viet-Nam." 



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20. Spec ial Message to the Congress on the Mutual Security Programs , 
Ma y 21, 1957, Public Papers of the Presidents — Eisenhower, 1951 } 
p." 373. 



"First is defense assistance— our and other free nations' common 
effort to counter the, Soviet-Chinese military power and their drive to 
dominate the world. That power continues to grow— in armaments, in 
nuclear capability, in its economic base. The Communist goal of con- 
quering the world has never changed. 

"For our nation alone to undertake to withstand and turn back Com- 
munist imperialism would impose colossal defense spending on our people. 
It would ultimately cost us our freedom. 

"For other free nations to attempt individually to counter this 
menace would be impossible. 

"We in our own interest, and other free nations in their own 
interest, have therefore joined in the building and maintenance of a 
system of collective security in which the effort of each nation 
strengthens all. Today that system has become the keystone of our 
own and their security in a tense and uncertain world." 

* -x- * 

"The second major element of our mutual security programs is eco- 
nomic development assistance and technical cooperation. 

"This part of the programs helps less developed countries make the 
social and political progress needed to preserve their independence. 
Unless these peoples can hope for reasonable economic advance, the dan- 
ger will be acute that their governments will be subverted by Communism. 

"To millions of people close to the Soviet and Chinese Communist 
borders political freedom is still new. To many it must still prove its 
worth. To survive it must show the way to another and equally essential 
freedom — freedom from the poverty and hopelessness in which these peoples 
have lived for centuries. With their new freedom their desire and their 
determination to develop their economies are intense. They are fixed upon 
raising their standards of living. Yet they lack sufficient resources. 
Their need for help is desperate — both for technical know-how and capital. 

"Lacking outside help these new nations cannot advance economically 
as they must to maintain their independence. Their moderate leaders must 
be able to obtain sufficient help from the free world to offer convincing 
hope of progress. Otherwise their peoples will surely turn elsewhere. 
Extremist elements would then seize power, whip up national hatreds and 
incite civil dissension and strife. The danger would be grave that these 
free governments would disappear. Instability and threats to peace would 
result. In our closely-knit world, such events would deeply concern and 
potentially endanger our own people. 



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"The help toward economic development that we provide these countries 
is a means to'forestall such crises. Our assistance is thus insurance 
against rising tensions and increased dangers of war, and against defense 
costs that would skyrocket here at home should tragedy "befall these strug- 
gling peoples. 

"These revolutionary developments in distant parts of the world are 
borne on the crest of the wave sent out a century and a half ago by the 
example of our own successful struggle for freedom. The determination of 
the people of these nations to better their lot and to preserve their 
newly gained liberty awakens memories of our own noblest traditions. Our 
helping hand in their struggle is dictated by more than our own self- 
interest. It is also a mirror of the character and highest ideals of the 
people who have built and preserved this nation." 

* * * 

"In the many unstable regions of the world, Communist power is today 
probing constantly. Every weakness of free nations is being exploited in 
every possible way. It is inevitable that we shall have to deal with such 
critical situations in the future. In America's own interest, we must 
stand ready to furnish special assistance when threatened disaster abroad 
foretells danger to our own vital concerns." 

* * * 

21. R3d io and Television Address to the American People on the Need for 
Mutual Security in Waging the Peace, May 21, 1957, Public Papers 
of the President— Eisenhower, 1957, p- 3&6 . 

* * #- 

"The common label of 'foreign aid' is gravely misleading— for it 
inspires a picture of bounty for foreign countries at the expense of our 
own. No misconception could be further from reality. These programs 
serve our own basic national and personal interests. 

"They do this both immediately and lastingly. 

"In the long term, the ending or the weakening of these programs 
would vastly increase the risk of future war. 

"And— in the immediate sense— it would impose upon us additional 
defense expenditures many times greater than the cost of mutual security 
today. 

"This evening it is my purpose to give you incontestable proof of 
these assertions. 



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"We have, during this century, twice spent our "blood and our 
treasure fighting in Europe—and twice in Asia. We fought because we 
saw—too late to prevent war— that our own peace and security were 
imperilled, by the urgent danger— or the ruthless conquest— of other .. 
lands . 

"We have gained wisdom from that suffering. We know, and the 
world knows, that the •American people will fight hostile and aggres- 
sive despotisms when their force is thrown against the barriers of 
freedom, when they seek to gain the high ground of power from which to 
destroy us. But we also know that to fight is the most costly way to 
keep America secure and free. Even an America victorious in atomic war 
could scarcely escape disastrous destruction of her cities and a fear- 
ful loss of life. Victory itself could be agony. 

"Plainly, we must seek less tragic, less costly ways to defend 
ourselves. We must recognize that whenever any country falls under 
the domination of Communism, the strength of the Free World— and of 
America— is by that amount weakened and Communism strengthened. If 
this process, through our neglect or indifference, should proceed un- 
checked, our continent would be gradually encircled. Our safety depends 
upon recognition of the fact that the Communist design for such encir- 
clement must be stopped before it gains momentum— before it is again too 
late to save the peace. 

"This recognition dictates two tasks. We must maintain a common 
worldwide defense against the menace of International Communism. And 
we must demonstrate and spread the blessings of liberty— to be cher- 
ished by those who enjoy these blessings, to be sought by those now 
denied them. 

"This is not a new policy nor a partisan policy. 

"This is a policy for America that began ten years ago when a 
Democratic President and a Republican Congress united in an historic 
declaration. They then declared that the independence and survival of 
two countries menaced by Communist aggression— Greece and Turkey— were 
so important to the security of America that we would give them mili- 
tary and economic aid. 

"That policy saved those nations. And it did so without the cost 
of American lives. 

"That policy has since been extended to all critical areas of the 
world. It recognizes that America cannot exist as an island of freedom 
in a surrounding sea of Communism. It is expressed concretely by mutual 
security treaties embracing ^2 other nations. And these treaties reflect 
a solemn finding by the President and by the Senate that .our own peace 
would be endangered if any of these countries were conquered by Inter- 
national Communism. 

B-3^ 



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"The lesson of the defense of Greece and Turkey ten years ago 
has since been repeated in the saving of other lands and peoples. 
A recent example is the Southeast Asian country of Viet-Nam, whose 
President has just visited us as our honored guest. 

"Two years ago it appeared that all Southeast Asia might be over- 
run by the forces of international Communism. The freedom and security 
of nations for which we had fought throughout World War II and the 
Korean War again stood in danger. The people of Viet-Nam responded 
bravely— under steadfast leadership. 

"But bravery alone could not have prevailed. 

• "We gave military and economic assistance to the Republic of Viet- 
Nam We entered into a treaty—the Southeast Asia Security Treaty— 
which plainly warned that an armed attack against this area would endanger 
our own peace and safety, and that we would act accordingly. Thus Viet- 
Nam has been saved for freedom. 

"This is one of the nations where we have been spending the largest 
amounts of so-called 'foreign aid.' What could be plainer than the fact 
that this aid has served not only the safety of another nation— but also 
the security of our own. 

"The issue, then, is solemn and serious and clear. 

"When our young men were dying in the Argonne in 1918 and on the 
beaches of Normandy and in the Western Pacific in I9W and at Pusan 
in 1950— and when the battlefields of Europe and Africa and Asia were 
strewn with billions of dollars worth of American military equipment, 
representing the toil and the skills of millions of workers-no one for 
an instant doubted the need and the rightness of this sacrifice of blood 
and labor and treasure. 

"Precisely the same needs and purposes are served by our Mutual 
Security programs today— whether these operate on a military or an 
economic front. For on both fronts they are truly defense programs. 



* *■ 



22 Radio and Television Report to the American People Regarding the 

Si tuation in the Formosa Straits, September 11, 195 tf, Public Papers 
of the Presidents— Eisenhower, 195b" , P« 69^. ~ 



"Tonight I want to talk to you about the situation, dangerous to 
peace which has developed in the Formosa Straits, in the Far East. My 
purpose is to give you its basic facts and then my conclusions as to 



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our nation's proper course of action. 

"To begin, let us remember that traditionally this country and 
its government have always been passionately devoted to peace with 
honor, as they aie now. We shall never resort to force in settlement 
of differences except when compelled to do so to defense against aggres- 
sion and to protect our vital interests. 

"This means that, in our view, negotiations and conciliation should 
never be abandoned in favor of force and strife. While we shall never 
timidly retreat before the threat of armed aggression, we would welcome 
in the present circumstances negotiations that could have a fruitful 
result in preserving the peace of the Formosa area and reaching a solu- 
tion that could be acceptable to all parties concerned including, of 
course, our ally, the Republic of China. 



"On the morning of August 23rd the Chinese Communists opened a 
severe bombardment of Quemoy, an island in the Formosa Straits off the 
China Coast. Another island in the same area, Matsu, was also attacked. 
These two islands have always been a part of Free China— never under 
Communist control. 

"This bombardment of Quemoy has been going on almost continuously 
ever since. Also Chinese Communists have been using their naval craft 
to try to break up the supplying of Quemoy, with its 125,000 people. 
Their normal source of supply is by sea from Formosa, where the govern- 
ment of Free China is now located. 

"Chinese Communists say that they will capture Quemoy. Bo far 
they have not actually attempted a landing, but their bombardment has 
caused great damage. Over 1,000 people have been killed or wounded. 
In large part these are civilians. 

"This is a tragic affair. It is shocking that in this day and age 
naked force should be used for such aggressive purposes. 

"But this is not the first time that the Chinese Communists have 
acted in this way. 

"In 1950 they attacked and tried to conquer the Republic of Korea. 
At that time President Truman announced the intention of protecting 
Formosa, the principal area still held by Free China, because of the 
belief that Formosa's safety was vital to the security of the United 
States and the free world. Our government has adhered firmly ever since 
1950 to that policy. 

"In 1953 and 195^ the Chinese Communists took an active part in 
the war in Indo-China against Viet Nam. 



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6b 



"Tr, the fall of 195U they attacked Quemoy and Matsu, the same two 
islandstbey are attacking now. They broke off that attack when, in 
January 1955, the Congress and I agreed that we should firmly support 
Free China. 

"Since then, for .about four years, Chinese Communists have not _ 
used force for aggressive purposes. We have achieved an armistice in 
Korea which stopped the fighting there in 1 9 53- There is a 195^ armis- 
Sce in Viet Nam; and since 1955 there has been quiet in the Formosa 
Straits area. We had hoped that the Chinese Communists were becoming 
peaceful—but it seems not. 

"So the world is again faced with the problem of armed aggression. 
Powerful dictatorships are attacking an exposed, but free, area. 

"What should we do? 

"Shall we take the position that, submitting to threat, it is 
better to surrender pieces of free territory in the hope that this 
will satisfy the appetite of the aggressor and we shall have peace? 

"Do we not still remember that the name of 'Munich' symbolizes a 
vain hope of appeasing dictators? 

"At that time, the policy of appeasement was tried and it failed. 
Prior to the second World War, Mussolini seized Ethiopia. In the Far 
East Japanese warlords were grabbing Manchuria by force. Hitler sent 
£s araed forces into the Rhineland in violation of the Versailles 
Treaty. Then he annexed little Austria. When he got away with that, 
he next turned to Czechoslovakia and began taking it, bit by bit. 

"Tn the face of all these attacks on freedom by the dictators, the 
powerful democracies stood aside. It seemed that Ethiopia and Manchuria 
were too Jar away and too unimportant to fight about. In ^>°f fl- 
uent was looked upon as the way to peace. The democracies felt that if 
thev tried to stop what was going on, that would mean war. But because 
of these repeated retreats, war came just the same. 

"Tf the democracies had stood firm at the beginning, almost surely 
there would have been no World War. Instead they gave such an appearance 
o^weaSess and timidity that aggressive rulers were encouraged to over- 
run onf country after another. In the end the democracies saw that their 
Try surv^l was at stake. They had no alternative but to turn and fight 
In^haHroved to be the most terrible war that the world has ever known. 

"I know something about that war, and I never want to see that his - 
torv repeated. But, my fellow Americans, it certainly can be repeated 
i?The p'ace-ioving democratic nations again fearfully practice a policy 
£ sending idly by while big aggressors use armed force to conquer the 
small and weak. 



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A/ 



"Let us suppose that the Chinese Communists conquer Quemoy. Would 
that be the end of the story? We know that it would not he the end of 
the story. History teaches that when powerful despots can gain some- 
thing through aggression, they try, by the same methods, to gain more 
and more and more. 

"Also, we have more to guide us than the teachings of history. 
We have the statements, the boastings, of the Chinese Communists them- 
selves. They frankly say that their present military effort is part of 
a program to conquer Formosa . 

"It is as certain as can be that the shooting which the Chinese 
Communists started on August 23rd had as its purpose not just the taking 
of the island of Quemoy. It is pert of what is indeed an ambitious plan 
of armed conquest. 

"This plan would liquidate all of the free world positions in the 
Western Pacific area and "bring them under captive governments which would 
be hostile to the United States and the free world. Thus the Chinese 
and Russian Communists would come to dominate at least the Western half 
of the now friendly Pacific Ocean. 

"So, aggression by ruthless despots again imposes a clear danger 
to the United States and to the free world. 

"In this effort the Chinese Communists and the Soviet Union appear 
to be working hand in hand. Last Monday I received a long letter on 
this subject from Prime Minister Khrushchev. He warned the United States 
against helping its allies in the Western Pacific. He said that we should 
not support the Republic of China and the Republic of Korea. He con- 
tended that we should desert them, return all of our naval forces to our 
home bases, and leave our friends in the Far East to face, alone, the 
combined military power of the Soviet Union and Communist China. 

"Does Mr. Khrushchev think that we have so soon forgotten Korea? 

"I must say to you very frankly and soberly, my friends, the 1 United 
States cannot accept the result that the Communists seek. Neither can 
we show, now, a weakness of purpose— a timidity— which would surely lead 
them to move more aggressively against us and our friends in the Western 
Pacific area. 

"If the Chinese Communists have decided to risk a war, it is not 
because Quemoy itself is so valuable to them. They have been getting 
along without Quemoy ever since they seized the China mainland nine years 



ago. 



"If they have now decided to risk a war, it can only be because 
they, and their Soviet allies, have decided to find -out whether threat- 
ening -war is a policy from. which they can make big gains. 



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3X 



"If that is their decision, then a Western Pacific Munich would 
not buy us peace or security. It would encourage the aggressors. It 
would dismay our friends and allies there. If history teaches any- 
thing, appeasement would make it more likely that we would have to 
fight a major war. 

"Congress has made clear its recognition that the security of 
the Western Pacific is vital to the security of the United States 
and that we should be firm. The Senate has ratified, by overwhelming 
yot» security treaties with the Republic of China covering Formosa 
and"the Pescadores, and also the Republic of Korea. We have a mutual 
security treaty with the Republic of the Philippines, which could be 
next in line for conquest if Formosa fell into hostile hands. These 
treaties commit the United States to the defense of the treaty areas. 
In "addition, there is a Joint Resolution which the Congress passed in 
January 1955 dealing specifically vith Formosa and the offshore islands 
of Free China in the Formosa Straits. 

"At that time the situation was similar to what it is today. 

"Congress then voted the President authority to employ the armed 
forces of the United States for the defense not only of Formosa but 
of related positions such as Quemoy and Matsu, if I believed their 
defense to be appropriate in assuring the defense of Formosa. 

"I might add that the mandate from the Congress was given by an 
almost unanimous bipartisan vote. 

"Today, the Chinese Communists announce, repeatedly and officially, 
that their military operations against Quemoy are preliminary to attack 
on Formosa. So it is clear that the Formosa Straits Resolution of 1955 
applies to the present situation. 

"If the present bombardment and harassment of Quemoy should be 
converted into a major assault, with which the local defenders could 
not cope, then we would be compelled to face precisely the situation 
that Congress visualized in 1955- 

"I have repeatedly sought to make clear our position in this matter 
so that there would not be danger of Communist miscalculation. The 
Secretary of State on September fourth made a statement to the same 
end This statement could not, of course, cover every contingency. 
Indeed I interpret the Joint Resolution as requiring me not to make 
absolute advance commitments, but to use my judgment according to the 
circumstances of the time. But the statement did carry a clear mean- 
ing to the Chinese Communists and to the Soviet Union. There will be 
no retrofit in the face of armed aggression, which is part and parcel 
of a continuing program of using armed force to conquer new regions. 



B-39 



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■ 



"I co not believe that the United States can be either lured or 
friphtened into aup: at. I believe that in talcing the position of 
opposing aggression by force, I am taking the only position which is 
consistent with the vital interests of the United States, and, indeed 
with the peace of the world. 

"Some misguided persons have said that Quemoy is nothing to be- 
come excited about. They said the same about South Korea— about Viet 
Nam, about Lebanon. 

"Now I assure you that no American boy will be asked by me to 
fight just for Quemoy. But those who make up our armed forces— and 
I believe~the American people as a whole— do stand ready to defend the 
principle that armed force shall not be used for aggressive purposes. 

"Upon observance of that principle depends a- lasting and just 
peace. It is that same principle that protects the Western Pacific 
free world positions as well as the security of our homeland. If we 
are not ready to defend this principle, then indeed tragedy after 
tragedy would befall us. 



"But there is a far better way than resort to force to settle 
these differences, and there is some hope that such a better way may 
be followed. 

"That is the way of negotiation. 

"That way is open and prepared because in 1955 arrangements were 
made between the United States and the Chinese Communists that an 
Ambassador on each side would be authorized to discuss at Geneva cer- 
tain problems of common concern. These included the matter of release 
of American civilians imprisoned in Communist China, and such questions 
as the renunciation of force in the Formosa area. . There have been 73 
meetings since August 1955- 

"When our Ambassador, who was- conducting these negotiations, was 
recently transferred to another post, we named as successor Mr. Beam, our 
Ambassador to Poland. The Chinese Communists were notified accordingly 
the latter part of July, but there was no response. 

"The Secretary of State, in his September fourth "statement, referred 
to these^ Geneva negotiations. Two days later, Mr. Chou En-lai, the Pre- 
mier of the Peoples' Republic of China, proposed that these talks should 
be resumed 'in the interests of peace.' This was followed up on September 
eighth by Mr. Mao Tse-tung, the Chairman of the Peoples* Republic of 
China. We promptly welcomed 'this prospect and instructed our Ambassador 
at Warsaw to be ready immediately to resume these talks. We expect that 
the talks will begin upon the return to Warsaw of the Chinese Communis o 
Ambassador who has been in Peipi: lg. 

B-UO 



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SH 



"Perhaps our suggestion may be bearing fruit. We devoutly hope 



so. 



"Naturally, the United States will adhere to the position it 
first toot in 1955, that we will not in these talks be a party to any 
arrangements which would prejudice rights of our ally, the Republic 
of China. 

"We know by hard experiences that the Chinese Communist leaders 
are indeed militant and aggressive. But we cannot believe that they 
would" now persist in a course of military aggression which would 
threaten world peace, with all that would be involved. We believe 
that diplomacy can and should find a way out. There are measures that 
can be taken to assure that these offshore islands will not be a thorn 
in the side of peace. We believe that arrangements are urgently re- 
quired to stop gun fire and to pave the way to a peaceful solution. 

"If the bilateral talks between Ambassadors do not fully succeed, 
there is still the hope that the United Nations could exert a peaceful 
influence on the situation. 

"In 1955 the hostilities of the Chinese Communists in the Formosa 
area were brought before tha United Nations Security Council. But the 
Chinese Communists rejected its jurisdiction. They said that they were 
entitled to Formosa and the offshore islands and that if they used 
armed forces to get them, that was purely a 'civil war,' and that the 
United Nations had no right to concern itself. 

"They claimed also that the attack by the Communist North Koreans 
on South Korea was '< civil war,' and that the United Nations, and the 
United States; were 'aggressors' because they helped South Korea. They 
said the same about their- attack on Viet Nam. 

"I feel sure that these pretexts will never deceive or control 
world opinion. The fact is that Communist Chinese hostilities in the 
Formosa Straits area do endanger world peace. I do not believe that 
anv rulers, however aggressive they may be, will flout efforts to f ina 
a peaceful and honorable solution* whether It be by direct negotiations 
or through the United Nations. 

"My friends, we are confronted with a serious situation. But it 
is tvui-al or- the security problems of the world today. Powerful and 
affcressive forces are constantly probing, now here, now there, to see 
whether the free "world is weakening. In the face of this, there are 
no easy choices available. It is misleading for anyone to imply that 
there are. 

"However, the present situation, though serious, is -by no means 
desperate or hopeless. 

"There is not going to be any appeasement. 

B-Hl 



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55 



"I believe that there is not going to be any war. 

"But there must be sober realization by the American people that 
our legitimate purposes are again being tested by those who threaten 
peace and freedom everywhere. 

"This has not been the first test for us and for the free world. 
Probably it will not be the last. But as we meet each test with courage 
and unity, we contribute to the safety and the honor of our beloved 
land— and to the cause of a just and lasting peace. 

2 3 . T he President's Hews Conference of October 1, 1958, Public Papers 
nf the Presidents— Eisenhower, 1958.. P- 715 • 



of _ 

* * 



"TEE PRESIDEKT-. Well, sir, all I can tell you about that is that 
I conceive of no possible solution that we haven't studied, pondered, 
discussed with others in the very great hope that a peaceful solution 
can come about. 

"As you well know, the basic issue, as we see it, is to avoid 
retreat in the face of force, not to resort to force to resolve these 
questions in the. international world. And we believe if we are not 
faithful to that principle in the long run we are going to suffer. 

"Now, Mr. Dulles, who had a very long conference yesterday morn- 
ing and almost solely on this subject, did one thing that I would 
commend to all of you: he quoted paragraphs, two paragraphs I think, 
from Mr. Spaak's speech recently in the United Nations, where Mr. Spaak 
said- 'The whole free -world must realize that it is not Quemoy and the 
Matsus that we are talking about, we are talking about the Communists' 
constant, unrelenting pressure against the free world, against all of 
it.' 

"As a matter of fact, a magazine just/ I guess, out last evening, 
U S. News and World Report, gives quite a detailed and documented story 
of Communist aggression and activities in 72 countries. 

"I commend that to your reading, because we are very apt, by 
focusinc our eyes on some geographical point, to neglect the great 
principles for which a country such as ours has stood, for all these 
years, and for :.hich Western civilization has largely stood. 

"So, I should say, we want to get these things in perspective. 



B-U2 



Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 
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S£> 



"Nov, you mentioned the question of it would be foolish for 
them keeping large forces there for a long time. 

"I believe, as a soldier, that was not a good thing to do, to 
have all these troops there. But, remember, we have differences 
with our allies all over the world. They are family differences, and 
sometimes they are acute; but, by and large, the reason we call it 
'free world' is because each nation in it wants to remain independent 
under its own government and not under some dictatorial form of govern- 
ment. So, to the basic ideals, all of us must subscribe. 

"Q. Peter Lisagor, Chicago Daily News: In the light of Mr. 
Spaak's statement, can you tell us what your view is of why so many 
of our allies fail to see this point you have just made? 

"TEE PRESIDENT. Well, it's a very difficult- thing, and of 
course an answer is speculative. But when we go back to the Man- 
churian incident of 1931, when we go back to Hitler's marching into 
the Rhineland, when we take his taking over the Sudetenland and the 
Anschluss with Austria by force, when finally he took over all of 
Czechoslovakia, where was the point to stop this thing before it got 
into a great major war? 

"VJhy did not public opinion see this thing happening? 

"Now, in hindsight, most of us have condemned these failures very 
bitterly, going right back to 1931 in Manchuria. I don't know why the 
human is so constructed that he believes that possibly there is an 
easier solution—that you can by feeding aggression a little bit, a 
teaspoonful of something, that he won't see that they are going to 
demand the whole quart. 

"I dont know any real answer to that thing; it is puzzling. 
And, of course, for those who have to carry responsibility, it is a 
very heavy weight on their spirits and minds; there is no question about 
that. But there it is." 

# -x- -x- 

2k . Spe cial Message to the Congress on the Mutual Security Program , 

March 13, 1959, Public Papers of the Presidents— Eisenhower, 1939 , 

* -x- -x- 

"I believe that these events of the past year and the stern, in- 
deed harsh, realities of the 'world of today and the years ahead demon- 
strate the importance of the Mutual Security Program to the security 



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Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 
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^' 



of the United States. I think four such realities stand out. 

"First, the United States and the entire free world are con- 
fronted by the military might of the Soviet Union, Communist China, 
and their satellites. These nations of the Communist Bloc now main- 
tain well-equipped standing armies totaling more than 6,500,000 men 
formed in some H00 divisions. They are deployed along the borders of 
our allies and friends from the northern shores of Europe to the 
Mediterranean Sea, around through the Middle East and Far East to 
Korea. These forces are hacked by an air fleet of 25,000 planes in 
operational units, and many more not in such units. They, in turn, 
are supported by nuclear weapons and missiles. On the seas around 
this land mass is a large navy with several hundred submarines. 

"Second, the world is in a great epoch of seething change. 
Within little more than a decade a world-wide political revolution 
has swept whole nations— 21 of them— with three-quarters of a billion 
people, a fourth of the world's population, from colonial status to 
independence— and others are pressing just behind. The industrial 
revolution, with its sharp rise in living standards, was accompanied 
by much turmoil in the Western world. A similar movement is now 
beginning to sweep Africa, Asia, and South America. A newer and 
even more striking revolution in medicine, nutrition, and sanitation 
is increasing the energies and lengthening the lives of people in the 
most remote areas. As a result of lowered infant mortality, longer 
lives, and the accelerating conquest of famine, there is underway a 
population explosion so incredibly great that in little more than 
another generation the population of the world is expected to double. 
Asia alone is expected to have one billion more people than the entire 
world has today. Throughout vast areas there is a surging social up- 
heaval in which, overnight, the responsibilities of self-government 
are being undertaken by hundreds of millions, women are assuming new 
places in public life, old family patterns are being destroyed and 
new ones uneasily established. In the early years of independence, 
the people of the new nations are fired with a zealous nationalism 
which, unless channelled toward productive purposes, could lead to 
harmful developments. Transcending all this there is the accompanying 
universal determination to achieve a better life. 

"Third, there is loose in the world a fanatic conspiracy, Inter- 
national Communism, whose leaders have in two score years seized 
control of all or parts of IT countries, with nearly one billion 
people, over a third of the total population of the earth. The center 
of this conspiracy, Soviet Russia, has by the grimmest determination 
and harshest of means raised itself to be the second military and 
economic power in the world today. Its leaders never lose the oppor- 
tunity to declare their determination to become the first with all 
possible speed. 



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5S 



"The other great Communist power., Red China, is now in the 
early stages of its social and economic revolution. Its leaders are 
showing the same ruthless drive for power and to this end are striving 
for ever increasing economic output. They seem not to care that the 
results—which thus far have been considerable in materialistic terms — 
are built upon the crushed spirits and the broken bodies of their 
people . 

"The fact that the Soviet Union has just come through a great 
revolutionary process to a position of enormous power and that the 
world's most populous nation, China, is in the course of tremendous 
change at the very time when so large a part of the free world is in 
the flux of revolutionary movements, provides Communism with what it 
sees as its golden opportunity. By the same token freedom is faced 
with difficulties of unprecedented scope and severity— and opportunity 
as well. 

"Communism exploits the opportunity to intensify world unrest 
by every possible means. At the same time Communism masquerades as 
the pattern of progress, as the path to economic equality, as the 
way to freedom from what it calls 'Western imperialism', as the wave 
of the future. 

"For the free world there is the challenge to convince a billion 
people in the less developed areas that there is a way of life by 
which they can have bread and the ballot, a better livelihood and the 
right to choose the means of their livelihood, social change and 
social justice— in short, progress and liberty. The dignity of man 
is at stake. 

"Communism is determined to win this contest— freedom must be 
just as dedicated or the struggle could finally go against us. Though 
no shot would have been fired, freedom and democracy would have lost. 

"This battle is now joined. The next decade will forecast its 

outcome. 

"The fourth reality is that the military position and economic 
prosperity of the United States are interdependent with those of the 
rest of the free world. 

"As I shall outline- more fully below, our military strategy is 
part of a common defense effort involving many nations. The defense 
of the free world is strengthened and progress toward a more stable 
peace is advanced by the fact that powerful free world forces are 
established on territory adjoining the areas of Communist power. The 
deterrent power of our air and naval forces and our intermediate range 
missile is materially increased by the availability of bases in friendly 
countries abroad. 



B-k c , 



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Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 
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"Moreover the military strength of our country and the needs 
of our industry cannot be supplied from our own resources. Such 
basic necessities as iron ore, bauxite for aluminum, manganese, 
natural rubber, tin, and many other materials acutely important to 
our military and industrial strength are either not produced in our 
own country or are not produced in sufficient quantities to meet 
our needs. This is an additional reason why we must help to remain 
free the nations which supply these resources." 



* * 



"Two fundamental purposes of our collective defense effort are 
to prevent general war and to deter Communist local aggression. 

"We know the enormous and growing Communist potential to launch 
a war of nuclear destruction and their willingness to use this power 
as a threat to the free world. We know also that even local aggressions, 
unless checked, could absorb nation after nation into the Communist 
orbit— or could flame into world war. 

"The protection of the free world against the threat or the 
reality of Soviet nuclear aggression or local attack rests on the 
common defense effort established under our collective security agree- 
ments. The protective power of our Strategic Air Command and our 
naval air units is assured even greater strength not only by the 
availability of bases abroad but also by the early warning facilities, 
the defensive installations, and the logistic support installations 
maintained on the soil of these and other allies and friends for our 
common protection. 

"The strategy of general defense is made stronger and of local 
defense is made possible by the powerful defensive forces which our 
allies in Europe, in the Middle East, and the Far East have raised 
and maintain on the soil of their homelands, on the borders of the 
Communist world. 



•x- * * 



25 Addre ss at the Gettysburg College Convocation: The Importance of 
Understanding, April h, 1959, Public Papers of the Presidents- - 
Eisenhower, 1959; P- 310- 



* * * 



"I shall not attempt to talk to you about education, but I shall 
speak of one vital pur-pose of education— the development of under- 
standing—understanding, so that we may use with some measure of wisdom 
the knowledge we may have acquired, whether in school or out. 



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"For no matter how much intellectual luggage ve carry around 
in our heads, it becomes valuable only if ve know how to use the 
information— only if ve are able to relate one fact of a problem to 
the others do ve truly understand them. 

"This is my subject today— the need for greater individual 
and collective understanding of some of the international facts of 
today's life. We need to understand our country's purpose and role 
in strengthening the vorld's free nations which, with us, see our 
concepts of freedom and human dignity threatened by atheistic dicta- 
torship. 

"If through education— no matter how acquired— people develop 
understanding of basic issues, and so can distinguish between the 
common, long-term good of all, on the one hand, and convenient but 
shortsighted expediency on the other, they will support policies 
under vhich the" nation will prosper. And if people should ever lack 
the discernment to understand, or the character to rise above their 
own selfish short-term interests, free government would become well 
nigh impossible to sustain. Such a government would be reduced to 
nothing more than a device which seeks merely to accommodate itself 
and the country's good to the bitter tugs-of-war of conflicting pres- 
sure groups. Disaster could eventually result. 

"Though the subject I have assigned myself is neither abstruse 
nor particularly difficult to comprehend, its importance to our 
national and individual lives is such that failure to marshal, to 
organize, and to analyze the facts pertaining to it could have for 
all of us consequences of the most serious character. We must study, 
think, and decide on the governmental program that we term 'Mutual 
Security. ' 

"The true need and value of this program will be recognized by 
our people only if they can answer this question: 'Why should America, 
at heavy and immediate sacrifice to herself, assist many other nations, 
particularly the less developed ones, in achieving greater moral, eco- 
nomic, and military strength?' ' _ 

"What are the facts? 

"The first and most important fact is the implacable end fre- 
quently expressed purpose of imperialistic communism to promote world 
revolution, destroy freedom, and communize the world. 

"Its methods are all-inclusive, ranging through the use of propa- 
ganda, political subversion, economic penetration, and the use or the 
threat of force. 



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"The second fact is that our country is today spending an aggre- 
gate of about !iT billion dollars annually for the single purpose of 
Preserving the nation's position and security in the world. This 
includes the costs of the Defense Department, the production of nuclear 
w»a*ons, and mutual security. All three are mutually supporting and 
are blended into one program for our safety. The size of this cost 
conveys something of the entire program's importance-to the world and, 
indeed, to each of us. 

"And when I think of this importance to us, think of it in this 
one material figure, this cost annually for every single man, woman, 
and child of the entire nation is about 275 dollars a year. 

"The next fact we note is that since the Communist target is the 
world every nation is comprehended in their campaign for domination. 
The weak and the most exposed stand in the most immediate danger. 

"Another fact, that we ignore to our peril, is that if aggression 
or subversion against the weaker of the free nations should achieve 
successive victories, communism would step-by- step overcome once free 
areas. The danger, even to the strongest, would become increasingly 
menacing. 

"Clearly, the self-interest of each free nation impels it to 
resist the loss to imperialistic communism of the freedom and inde- 
pendence of any other nation. 

"Freedom- is truly indivisible. 

"To apply some of these truths to a particular case, let us con- / 
sider, briefly, the country of Viet-Nam, and the importance to us of 
the security and progress of that country. 

"It is located, as you know, in the southeastern corner of Asia, 
exactly half, ray round the world from Gettysburg College. 

"Viet-Nam is a country divided into two .parts— like Korea and • 
Germany. The southern half, with its twelve million people, is free, 
but poor. It is an under- developed country— its economy is weak— 
averare individual income being less than $200 a year. The northern 
half has been turned over to communism. A line of demarcation running 
alonp th- 17th parallel separates the two. To the north of this line 
stand several Communist divisions. These facts pose to South Viet-Nam 
two great tasks: self-defense and economic growth. 

"Understandably, the people of Viet-Nam want to make their country 
a thriving, self-sufficient member of the family of nations. This means 
economic expansion. 



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a 



"For Viet-Nam 's economic growth, the acquisition of capital is 
vitally necessary. How, the nation could create the capital needed 
for growth by stealing from the already meager rice howls of its people 
and regimenting them into work battalions. This enslavement is the 
commune system- adopted by the new overlords of Red China. It would 
mean, of course, the loss of freedom within the country without any 
hostile outside action" whatsoever. 

"Another way for Viet-Nam to get the necessary capital is through 
private investments from the outside, and through governmental loans 
and where necessary, grants from other and more fortunately situated 
nations . 

"In either of these ways the economic problem of Viet-Nam could be 
solved. But only the second way can preserve freedom. 

"And there is still the other of Viet-Nam' s great problems—how 
to support the military forces it needs without crushing its economy. 

"Eecause of the proximity- of large Communist military formations 
in the Forth, Free Viet-Nam must maintain substantial numbers of men 
under arms. Moreover, while the government has shown real progress in 
cleaning out Communist guerrillas, those remaining continue to be a 
disruptive influence in the nation's life. 

"Unassisted, Viet-Nam cannot at this time produce and support the 
military formations essential to it, or, equally important, the morale— 
the hope, the confidence, the pride— necessary to meet the dual threat 
of aggression from without and subversion within its borders. 

"Still another fact.' Strategically, South Viet-Nam' s capture by 
the Communists would bring their power several hundred miles into a 
hitherto free region. The remaining countries in Southeast Asia would 
be menaced by a great flanking movement. The freedom of twelve million 
people would be lost immediately, and that of 150 million others in ad- 
jacent lands would be seriously endangered. The loss of South Viet-Nam 
would set in motion a crumbling process that could, as it progressed, 
have grave consequences for us and for freedom. 

"Viet-Nam must have a reasonable degree of safety now— both for her 
people and for her property. Because of these facts, military as well 
as economic help is currently needed in Viet-Nam. 

"We r^ach the inescapable conclusion that our own national interests 
demand some help from us in sustaining in Viet-Nam the morale, the eco- 
nomic progress, and the military strength necessary to its continued 
existence in freedom. 



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C3 



"Viet-Kam is just one example. One-third of the world's people 
face a similar challenge. All through Africa and Southern Asia people 
struggle to preserve liberty and improve their standards of living, to 
maintain their dignity as humans. It is imperative that they succeed. 

"But some uninformed Americans believe that we should turn our 
backs on these people, our friends. Our costs and taxes are very real, 
while the difficulties of other peoples often seem remote from us. 

"But the costs of continuous neglect of these problems would be far 
more than we must now bear— indeed more than we could afford. The added 
costs would be paid not only in vastly increased outlays of money, but 
in larger drafts of our youth into the Military Establishment, and in 
terms of increased danger to our own security and prosperity. 

"No matter what areas of Federal spending must be curtailed— and 
some should— our safety comes first. Since that safety is necessarily 
based upon a sound and thriving economy, its protection must equally 
engage our earnest attention. 



"As a different kind of example of free nation interdependence, there 
is Japan, where very different problems exist— but problems equally vital 
to the security of the free world. Japan is an essential counterweight 
to Communist strength in Asia . Her industrial power is the heart of any 
collective effort- to defend the Far East against aggression. 

"Her more than 90 million people occupy a country where the arable 
land is no more than that of California. More than perhaps any other indus- 
trial nation, Japan must export to live. last year she had a trade, deficit 
At one time she had a thriving trade with Asia, particularly with her near- 
est neighbors. Much of it is gone. Her problems grow more grave. 

"For Japan there must be more free world outlets for her products. 
She does not want to be compelled to become dependent as a last resort 
unon the Communist empire. Should she ever be forced to that extremity, 
the blow to free world security would be incalculable; at the least it 
would mean for all other free nations greater- sacrifice, greater danger, 
and lessened economic stre'ngth. 

"What happens depends largely on what the free world nations can, 
and will, do. 

"Upon us u^on you here — in this audience- -rests a heavy responsi- 
bility. We must" weigh the facts, fit them into place, and decide on our 
course of action. ' 

"For a country as large, as industrious, and as progressive as 
Japan to exist with the help of grant aid by others, presents no satis- 
factory solution. Furthermore, for us, the cost would be, over the long 



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£¥ 



Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 
NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 201 1 



term, increasingly heavy. Trade is the key to a durable Japanese eco- 



nomy. 



"One of Japan's greatest opportunities for increased trade lies 
in a free and developing Southeast Asia. So we see that the two prob- 
lems I have beer, discussing are two parts of & single one-the great 
need in Japan is for raw materials; in Southern Asia it is for manu- 
factured goods. The two regions complement . each other markedly. So, 
by strengthening Viet-Eam and helping insure the safety of the South 
Pacific and Southeast Asia, we gradually develop the great trade poten- 
tial between this region, rich in natural resources, and highly indus- 
trialized Japan to the benefit of both. In this way freeaom m the 
Western Pacific will be greatly strengthened and the interests of the 
whole free world advanced. But such a basic improvement can come about 
onlv gradually. Japan must have additional trade outlets now. These 
can be provided if each of the industrialized nations in the West does 
its part in liberalizing trade relations with Japan. 



* * 



26 Special Message to the Congress on the Mu tual 'Security Program, 
F e bruary 167 1960, Public Fapers of the Presidents-Eisenhower , 
I960, p. 17o^ 



* * * 



"The Mut ual Security Program is a program essential to pea ce. The 
accomplishr-nts of the Mutual Security Program in helping to meet the 
many challenges in the mid-20th Century place it among the foremost of 
the jrreat programs of American history. Without them the map of the 
world would be vastly different today. The Mutual Security Program- and 
its predecessors have been an indispensable contributor to the present 
fact that Greece, Turkey, Iran, Laos, Vietnam, Korea and Taiwan, and 
many nations of Western Europe, to mention only part, remain the home 
of free men. 

"While over the past year the Soviet Union has expressed an inter- 
est in measures to reduce the common peril of war, and while its recent 
denortment and pronouncement suggest the possible opening of a somewhat 
IPs- strained period in our relationships, the menace of Communist 
imperialism nevertheless still remains. The military power of the Sovie. 
Union continues to grow. Increasingly important to free world interests 
is the rate of growth of both military and economic power in Communist 
Phina Evidence that this enormous power bloc remains dedicated to the 
extension of Co,imunist control over all peoples everywhere' is found in 
Tibet, the Taiwan Straits, in Laos and along the Indian border. 

"In the face of this ever-present Communist threat, we must, in our 
own interest as well as that of the other members of the free world com- 
munity, continue our program of military assistance through the various 

B-51 



6-3 



Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 
NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 201 1 



i mT rl+v arrangements we have established. Under these arrange- 
mutual security ar rang ^°^ ±lti commenS urate with its capabili- 
me nts f ch "^°" f/^Se development and maintenance of defensive 
i^a^. S-is aSo Screasin P S ability of other free world nations 
to share the burden of this common defense. 

"Ohvious^v no one nation alone could bear the cost of defending all 
Obviously, n ° °J ^possible for many free nations 

f 6 To^vive if^ced'to act separatefy and alone. The crumbling of 
theCealc" OS wLL obviously and increasingly multiply the threats to 
those remaining free, even the very strongest. 

"Collective security is not only sensible- it is essential." 



* * * 



27- 



n q Wis Greetings to Viet- Nam on Anniversary of Independen c e , 
M^^j^MEHJEK^^ *> *«>, Departmj^f 



State Bulletin 



"The White House on Oc tober 25 mad e uublic the following message 



of Viet-Kam . 

"OCTOBER 22, i960 



"r^AR MR PRESIDENT: My countrymen and I are proud to convey our 
g0 od w?" " to the citi-ns of Viet-Nam on the fifth anni- 
versary of the birth of the Republic of Viet-Nam. 

"We have watched the courage and daring with which you and the 
Vietnamese people attained independence in a situation bo perilous that 
££ Tough? it hopeless. We have -^£ ** £?£ l * ^ ** 
chaos yielded to order and progress replaced despair. 

»«.«*«» the vears of your independence it has been refreshing for 
to observe ^clearly the Government and the citizens of Viet-Nam 
us to observe novcxey fcest danger .to their independence was 

have faced the feet that th gre^ ^ ^^ ^ .„ 

Communism You and your^ rr ^ ^^ and res isting 

accepting the aouoxe en j cg ^ foundi of the 

Communist Jff ^"^^^^ ^ve developed their country in almost 
Republic, the Wf2rSrt5S«3T pressed by one example. I am informed 
every sector ^^^^gtSese children were able to go to 
that last year over ^^ Viet n enrol i ed five years earlier. 

elementary *^ **%££ development for Viet-Kam's future. At the 
This is certainly ^^'^/deferd itself from the Communists has 
STSiSSS s-fiS £££l ™* - *e=o,e an „ to t 

Republic . 



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a 



"Viet-ITam's very success as well as its potential wealth and its 
strategic location have led the Communists of Hanoi, goaded by the 
bitterness of their failure to enslave all Viet -Nam, to use increasing 
violence in their attempts to destroy your country's freedom. 

"This grave threat, added to the strains 'and fatigues of the long 
struggle to achieve arid strengthen independence, must be a burden that 
would cause moments of tension and concern in almost any human heart. 
Yet from long observation I sense how deeply the Vietnamese value their 
country's independence and strength and I know how well you used your 
boldness when you led your countrymen in winning it. I also know that 
your determination has been a vital factor in guarding that independence 
while steadily advancing the economic development of your country. I am 
confident that these same qualities of determination and boldness will 
meet the renewed threat as well as the needs and desires of your country- 
men for further progress on all fronts. 

"Although the main responsibility for guarding that independence 
will always, as it has in the past, belong to the Vietnamese people and 
their government, I want to assure you that for so long as our strength 
can be useful, the United States will continue to assist Viet-Nam in the 
difficult yet hopeful struggle ahead. 

"Sincerely, 

"DWTGHT D. EISENHOWER." 



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