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til 


LIBRARY 

ST.    ALPHC  :MI 

WOODST 


x; 


LIBRARY 

>'T.     ALPHONSUS 
WOODSTOCK, 


y 


THE    WORKS 


OF 


FRANCIS    BACON 


THE 


WORKS 


OF 


FRANCIS 

• 

BARON  OF   VERULAM,   VISCOUNT  ST.  /LBANg,  A 
LORD  HIGH  CHANCELLOR  OF   ENGLAND 

ODollecten  anO  JSDite 


BY 

JAMES     SPEDDING,    M.  AT 

OF   TRINITY   COLLEGE,    CAMBRIDGE; 

ROBERT     LESLIE     ELLIS,  M.A. 

LATE    FELLOW   OF   TRINITY    COLLEGE,    CAMBRIDGE; 
AND 

DOUGLAS     DENON    HEATH, 

BARRISTER-AT-LAW;   LATE  FELLOW  OF  TRINITY  COLLEGE,  CAMBRIDGE. 

VOLUME   XIII. 


VOL.  III.  OF  THE  LITERARY  AND  PROFESSIONAL  WORKS. 


BOSTON: 
PUBLISHED    BY    BROWN    AND    TAGGARD. 


M  DCCC  LX. 


RIVERSIDE,  CAMBRIDGE: 

STEREOTYPED  AND  PRINTED  BY 

H.    0.    IIOUGIITON. 


CONTENTS 

OP 

THE  THIRTEENTH  VOLUME. 


LITERARY  WORKS  — CONTINUED. 

PAGE 

DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM  —  (continued.} 

Soror  Gigantum,  sive  Fama    ......       9 

Actaeon  et  Pentheus,  sive  Curiosus       .         .         .         .         10 

Orpheus,  sive  Philosophia        .         .         .         .         .         .11 

Ccelum,  sive  Origines  ......         15 

Proteus,  sive  Materia       .         .         .         .         .         .         .17 

Memnon,  sive  Praematurus  .         .         .         .         .         19 

Tithonus,  sive  Satias       .......     20 

Procus  Junonis,  sive  Dedecus      .         .         .         .         .         21 

Cupido,  sive  Atomus       .         .         .         .         .         .         .22 

Diomedes,  sive  Zelus  .......         26 

Daedalus,  sive  Mechanicus 28 

Erichthonius,  sive  Impostura        .         .         .         .         .         31 

Deucalion,  sive  Restitutio 32 

Nemesis,  sive  Vices  Rerum          .....         38 

Achelous,  sive  Praalium '35 

Dionysus,  sive  Cupiditas      ......          36 

Atalanta,  sive  Lucrum    .......     40 

Prometheus,  sive  Status  Hominis         .         .         .         .         42 

Icarus  Volans,  item  Scylla  et  Charybdis,  sive  Via  Media     53 
Sphinx,  sive  Scientia  .......         54 

Proserpina,  sive  Spiritus 58 

Metis,  sive  Consilium  .         .         .         .         .         .         62 

Sirenes,  sive  Voluptas 63 

The  same  translated  into  English 67 


vi  CONTENTS   OF   THE   THIRTEENTH  VOLUME. 

PAGE 

ADVERTISEMENT  TOUCHING  A  HOLY  WAR  .  .  .173 
OF  THE  TRUE  GREATNESS  OF  BRITAIN  .  .  .219 
COLOURS  OF  GOOD  AND  P^VIL 257 

LETTER  AND  DISCOURSE  TO  SIR  HENRY  SAVILL,  TOUCH 
ING  HELPS  FOR  THE  INTELLECTUAL  POWERS        .  291 

SHORT  NOTES  FOR  CIVIL  CONVERSATION  .  .  .  305 
APOPHTHEGMS  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .311 

EDITOR'S  PREFACE 313 

APOPHTHEGMS  NEW  AND  OLD,  AS  ORIGINALLY  PUB 
LISHED  IN  1625 325 

APOPHTHEGMS  FROM  THE  RESUSCITATIO,  ED.  1661  .  388 
APOPHTHEGMS  PUBLISHED  BY  TENISON  IN  THE  BA- 

CONIANA 399 

SOME    ADDITIONAL  APOPHTHEGMS  SELECTED  FROM 

A  COMMON-PLACE  BOOK  OF  DR.  RAWLEY'S        .  406 
SPURIOUS  APOPHTHEGMS  .415 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETEEUM. 

(CONTINUED.) 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

(CONTINUED.) 


IX. 

SOROR   GIGANTUM, 

8IVE     FAMA.1 

MEMORANT2  poetse,  Gigantes  e  terra  procreates 
bellum  Jovi  et  superis  intulisse,  et  fulmine  disjectos 
et  devictos  fmsse.  Terrain  autem,  deorum  ira  irrita- 
tam,  in  vindictam  natorum  suorum  Famam  progenu- 
isse,  extremam  Gigantibus  sororem. 

Illam  Terra  parens,  ira  irritata  Deorum, 

Extremam  (ut  perhibent)  Coeo  Enceladoque  sororem, 

Progenuit.3 

Hujus  fabulag  ea  sententia  videtur  esse  :  per  Ter 
rain,  naturam  vulgi  significarunt,  perpetuo  tumidam 
et  malignam  versus  imperantes,  et  res  novas  parturi- 
entem:  hsec  ipsa  occasionem  adepta  rebelles  parit  et 

1  This  fable,  with  the  few  variations  which  I  have  noticed  where  they 
occur,  forms  Cogitatio  Qta  in  the  MS.  fragment.  Brit.  Mus.  Addit.  4258. 
See  Preface  to  the  Cogitationes  de  Scientia  Humana. 

zjinxere,  MS. 

8  The  quotation  is  omitted  in  the  MS.;  as  are  also,  in  the  next  sentence, 
the  words,  et  res  novas  parturientem,  ausu  nefario,  and  et  tranquillitatis  im- 
patiens. 


10  DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

seditiosos,  qui  principes  ausu  nefario  exturbare  et  de- 
jicere  machinantur  ;  quibus  oppressis,  eadem  plebis 
natura,  deterioribus  favens  et  tranquillitatis  impatiens, 
rumores  gignit,  et  susurros  malignos,  et  famas  queru- 
las,  et  famosos  libellos,  et  csetera  id  genus,  ad  invid- 
iam  eoruin  qui  rebus  prassunt :  ut  actiones  rebellium 
et  famoi  seditlosaj  genere  et  stirpe  non  differant,  sed 
veluti  sexu  tantum ;  cum  istae  muliebres  videantur, 
illa3  viriles. 


X. 

ACTION   ET   PENTHEUS, 

SIVE     CURIOS  US. 

CURIOSITAS  humana  in  secretis  rimandis,  et  eorum 
notitia  appetitu  male  sano  concupiscenda  et  prensanda, 
duplici  exemplo  apud  antiques  coercetur  :  altero  Ac- 
tauonis,  altero  Penthei.  Action  cum  Dianam  impru- 
dens  et  casu  sine  veste  vidisset,  in  cervum  versus,  a 
canibus  quos  alebat  dilaceratus  est.  Pentheus  cum  sac- 
rificiorum  Bacchi  occultorum,  conscensa  arbore,  spec 
tator  esse  voluisset,  furore  percitus  est.  Fuit  autem 
Penthei  dementia  ejus  generis,  ut  res  congeminasse 
existimaret,  et  duo  soles  et  rursus  dua3  Thebas  ei  ob 
oculos  versarentur  ;  adeo  ut  cum  Thebas  properaret, 
statim  alteris  Tliebis  conspectis  retraheretur :  atque 
hoc  modo  perpetuo  et  irriquiete  sursum  et  deorsum 
ferretur. 

Eumenidum  demens  qua! is  videt  agmina  Pentheus, 
Et  solem  geminum,  et  duplices  se  ostendere  Thebas. 

Fabularum  prima,  ad  secreta  principum  ;  secunda, 
ad  secreta  divina  per  tin  ere  videtur.  Qui  enim  prin- 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  11 

cipibus  non  adrnissi,  et  praeter  eorum  voluntatem,  sec- 
retorum  conscii  sunt,  odium  certissimum  apud  eos  con- 
sequuntur.  Itaque  gnari  se  peti  et  occasiones  captari, 
vitam  degunt  cervorum  more  timidam  et  suspicionibus 
plenam.  Quin  et  illud  sajpius  accidit,  ut  a  servis  et 
domesticis,  in  gratiam  principum,  accusentur  et  sub- 
vertantur.  Ubi  enim  principis  offensio  manifesta  est, 
quot  servi,  tot  fere  proditores  esse  consueverunt ;  ut 
Actaeonis  fatum  illos  man  eat.  Alia  est  Penthei  calam- 
itas.  Qui  enim  ausu  temerario,  mortalitatis  parum 
memores,  per  excelsa  naturae  et  philosophic  fastigia 
(tanquam  arbore  conscensa)  ad  mysteria  divina  aspi 
rant,  his  poena  proposita  est  perpetuae  inconstantiae  et 
judicii  vacillantis  et  perplexi.  Cum  enim  aliud  sit 
lumen  naturae,  aliud  divinum  ;  ita  cum  illis  fit,  ac  si 
duos  soles  viderent.  Cumque  actiones  vitae  et  decreta 
voluntatis  ab  intellectu  pendeant ;  sequitur  etiam  ut 
non  minus  voluntate  quam  opinione  haesitent,  nee  sibi 
omnino  constent :  itaque  et  duas  Thebas  similiter  vi- 
dent.  Per  Thebas  enim  actionum  fines  describuntur 
(cum  Thebis  Pentheo  esset  domus  et  perfugium). 
Hinc  fit,  ut  nesciant  quo  se  vertant,  sed  de  summa 
rerum  incerti  et  fluctuantes,  tantum  subitis  mentis 
impulsibus  in  singulis  circumagantur. 


XI. 

ORPHEUS, 

SIVE     PHILOSOPHIA. 


FABULA  de  Orpheo  vulgata,  nee  tamen  interpretem 
fidum  per  omnia  sortita,  Philosophiae  universae  imagi- 


12  DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

nem  rcferre  videtur.  Persona'  enim  Orphei,  viri  ad- 
mirandi  et  plane  divini,  et  omnis  harmoniae  periti,  et 
modis  suavibus  cuncta  vincentis  et  trahentis,  ad  Phil 
osophise  descriptionem  facili  transitu  traducitur.  La- 
bores  enim  Orphei  labores  Herculis,  quemadmodum 
opera  sapiential  opera  fortitudinis,  dignitate  et  poten- 
tia  superant.  Orpheus  ob  amorem  uxoris  morte  im- 
matura  prsereptae,  fretus  lyra,  ad  inferos  descendere 
sibi  in  animum  induxit,  ut  Manes  deprecaretur ;  ne- 
que  spe  sua  decidit.  Nam  placatis  Manibus  et  deli- 
nitis  suavitate  cantus  et  modulationibus,  tantum  apud 
eos  potuit,  ut  ei  uxorem  secum l  abducere  indultum 
sit :  ea  tarn  en  lege,  ut  ilia  eum  a  tergo  sequeretur, 
ipse  autem  antequam  ad  luminis  oras  perventum  esset, 
ne  respiceret.  Quod  cum  ille  nihilominus  amoris  et 
cime  impatientia  (postquam  fere  in  tuto  esset)  fecis- 
set,  rupta  sunt  foedera :  atque  ilia  ad  inferos  gradu 
prascipiti  relapsa  est.  Ab  illo  tempore  Orpheus  moes- 
tus  et  mulierum  osor  in  solitudines  profectus  est,  ubi 
eadem  cantus  et  lyrae  dulcedine,  primo  feras  omnige- 
nas  ad  se  traxit,  adeo  ut  naturam  suam  exuentes,  nee 
irarum  aut  ferocitatis  memores,  nee  libidinis  stimulis 
et  furor ibus  praecipites  ache,2  nee  ingluviem  satiare, 
aut  prsedae  inhiare  amplius  curantes,  in  morem  the- 
atri,  ilium  circumstarent,  benignaB  et  mansuetfc  inter 
se  facta^,  et  tantum  lyraj  concentui  aures  pra^bentes. 
Neque  is  finis,  sed  tanta  musica?  vis  et  potentia  fuit, 
ut  etiam  sylvas  move  ret  et  lapides  ipsos,  ut  ilia  quo- 
que  se  transferrent,  et  secies  suas  circa  eum  ordine  et 
modo  decenti  ponerent.  Ha3c  ei  cum  ad  tempus  feli- 

1  et  suavitate  cantus  et  modulationis  delinitis,  tantum  valuit,  ut  ei  illam  secum, 
cfc. '  Kd.  1(!09. 

2  acti.     Ed.  1609. 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  13 

citer  et  magna  cum  admiratione  cessissent,  tandem 
Thraciae  mulieres,  stimulis  Bacclii  percitse,  primo 
cornu  raucum  et  immane  sonans  inflarunt:  ex  eo, 
propter  strepitum,  musicae  sonus  amplius  audiri  non 
potuit :  turn  demum  soluta  virtute  quae  ordinis  et  so- 
cietatis  istius  erat  vinculum,  turbari  coeptum  est,  et 
ferae  singulae  ad  naturam  suam  redierunt,  et  se  invi- 
cem  ut  prius  persecutae  sunt ;  neque  lapides  aut  sylvag 
suis  mansere  locis :  Orpheus  autem  ipse  tandem  a 
mulieribus  furentibus  discerptus  est,  et  sparsus  per 
agros :  ob  cujus  mortis  moerorem,  Helicon  (fluvius 
Musis  sacer)  aquas  sub  terrain  indignatus  condidit, 
et  per  alia  loca  caput  rursus  extulit. 

Sententia  fabulae  ea  videtur  esse.  Duplex  est  Or- 
phei  Cantio  :  altera  ad  placandos  Manes ;  altera  ad 
trahendas  feras  et  sylvas.  Prior  ad  naturalem  philo- 
sophiam,  posterior  ad  moralem  et  civilem  aptissime 
refertur.  Opus  enim  naturalis  philosopliias  longe  no- 
bilissimum  est  ipsa  restitutio  et  instauratio  rerum 
corruptibilium,  et  (hujusce  rei  tanquam  gradus  mino- 
res)  corporum  in  statu  suo  conservatio,  et  dissolutionis 
et  putredinis  retardatio.  Hoc  si  oinnino  fieri  detur, 
certe  non  aliter  effici  potest  quam  per  debita  et  exqui- 
sita  naturae  temperamenta,  tanquam  per  harmoniam 
lyrae,  et  modos  accuratos.  Et  tamen  cum  sit  res  om 
nium  maxime  ardua,  effectu  plerunque  frustratur ; 
idque  (ut  verisimile  est)  non  magis  aliam  ob  causam, 
quam  per  curiosam  et  intempestivam  sedulitatem  et 
impatientiam.  Itaque  Philosophia,  tantae  rei  fere  im- 
par,  atque  idcirco  merito  moesta,  vertit  se  ad  res  hu- 
manas,  et  in  animos  hominum  suasu  et  eloquentia 
virtutis  et  aequitatis  et  pacis  amorem  insinuans,  popu- 
lorum  coetus  in  unum  coire  facit,  et  juga  legum  ac- 


14  DE   SAPIENTIA  VETEKUM 

cipere,  et  imperils  se  subrnittere,  et  affectuum  indomi- 
torum  oblivisci,  dum  praeceptis  ct  discipline  auscul- 
tant  ct  obtemperant :  unde  paulo  post  sedificia  ex- 
truuntur,1  oppida  conduntur,  agri  et  horti  arboribus 
conseruntur ;  ut  lapides  et  sylvas  non  abs  re  convo- 
cari  et  transferri  dictum  sit.  Atque  ista  reruin  civil- 
ium  cura  rite  atque  ordine  ponitur  post  experimen- 
tuin  corporis  mortalis  restituendi  sedulo  tentatum, 
et  ad  extremum  frustration :  quia  mortis  necessitas 
inevitabilis  evidentius  proposita,  hominibus  ad  seterni- 
tatem  mentis  et  nominis  fama  quaerendam  animos 
addit.  Etiam  prudenter  in  fabula  additur,  Orpheum 
a  mulieribus  et  nuptiis  alieno  aniino  fuisse,  quia  nup- 
tiarum  delinimenta  et  liberorum  charitates  homines 
plerunque  a  magnis  et  excelsis  erga  respublicas  meri- 
tis  avertunt,  dum  immortalitatem  propagine,  non  fac- 
tis,  assequi  satis  liabent.  Verum  et  ipsa  sapientiae 
opera,  licet  inter  humana  excellant,  tamen  et  suis 
periodis  clauduntur.  Evenit  enim  ut  postquam  regna 
et  respublicae  ad  tempus  floruerint,  subinde  perturba- 
tiones  et  seditiones  et  bella  oriantur ;  inter  quorum 
strepitus,  primo  leges  conticescunt,  et  homines  ad  na 
turae  sua)  depravationes  redeunt ;  atque  etiam  in  agris 
atque  oppidis  vastitas  conspicitur.  Neque  ita  multo 
post  (si  hujusmodi  furores  continuentur)  literaa  etiam 
et  Philosophia  certissime  discerpitur :  adeo  ut  frag- 
menta  tantum  ejus  in  paucis  locis,  tanquam  naufragii 
tabula,  inveniantur,  et  barbara  tempora  ingruant; 
Heliconis  aquis  sub  terra  mersis  ;  donee  debita  rebus 
vicissitudine,  non  iisdem  fortasse  locis,  sed  apud  alias 
nationes  erurnpant  et  emanent. 

1  urule postea  sequi  ut  cecftficia  extrvantur,  $c.     Ed.  1609. 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  15 

XII. 
CCELUM, 

SIVE      ORIGINES.1 

TRADUNT  2  poetae  Coelum  antiquissimum  deorum  ex- 
stitisse.  Hujus  partes  generationis  a  filio  Saturno  falce 
demessas  fuisse.  Saturnum  autem  sobolem  numerosam 
generasse ;  sed  filios  continue  devorasse :  tandem  vero 
Jovem  exitium  effugisse,  et  adultum,  patrem  Saturnum 
in  Tartarum  detrusisse,  et  regnum  accepisse ;  quinetiam 
patris  genitalia  eadem  falce  qua  ille  Coelum  execuerat 
abscidisse,  atque  in  mare  projecisse :  inde  Venerem 
natam  esse.  Postea  vero  Jovis  regnum  vix  confirma- 
tum  duo  memorabilia  bella  excepisse.  Primum  Tita- 
num,  in  quibus  debellandis  Solis  operam  (qui  solus  ex 
Titanibus  Jovis  rebus  favebat)  egregiam  fuisse  ;  secun- 
dum  Gigantum,  qui  et  ipsi  fulmine  et  Jovis  armis  dis- 
jecti  sunt;  quibus  domitis,  Jovem  securum  regnasse. 

Fabula  videtur  senigma  de  origine  rerum,  non 
multum  discrepans  ab  ea  philosophia,  quam  postea 
Democritus  amplexus  est.3  Qui  apertissime  omnium 
a3ternitatem  materiae  asseruit,  seternitatem  mundi  ne- 
gavit ;  in  quo  aliquanto  propius  ad  veritatem  verbi 
divini  accessit,  cujus  narratio  materiam  informem  ante 
opera  dierum  statuit.  Sententia  fabulas  hujusmodi  est. 
Coelum  esse  concavum  illud,  sive  ambitum,  quod  ma 
teriam  complectitur.  Saturnum  autem  materiam  ip- 
sam,  quae  omnem  generandi  vim  parenti  prsescidit. 
Summam  enim  materiae  perpetuo  eandem  esse ;  neque 
ipsum  quantum  naturae  crescere  aut  minni.  Agita- 

1  This  forms  Cogitatio  1 a  in  the  MS.  fragment. 
ifinxere.    MS.  3  excepit.    Ed.  1609. 


16  DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

tiones  autem  et  motus  materiaa,  primo  imperfectas  et 
male  cohasrentes  rerum  compages  produxisse,  et  veluti 
tentamenta  niundorum  j  dein  am  processu  fabricam 
ortam  esse,  quae  fbrmain  siiani  tueri  et  conservare  pos 
set.  Itaque  priorem  a3vi  distributionem  per  regnum 
Saturni  significari,  qui  ob  frequentes  rerum  dissolu- 
tiones  et  breves  durationes,  filiorum  suorum  devorator 
habitus  est :  secundam  autem  per  regnum  Jovis,  qui 
continuas  istas  et  transitorias  mutationes  in  Tartaram. 
detrusit ;  qui  locus  perturbationem  significat.  Is  locus 
videtur  esse  spatium  inter  ima  cosli  et  interiora  terrse 
medium  ;  quo  intervallo  perturbatio,  et  fragilitas,  et 
mortalitas,  sive  corruptio,  maxime  versatur.  Atque 
durante  priore  ilia  generatione  rerum  quae  sub  regno 
Saturni  tenuit,  Venerem  natam  non  fuisse.  Donee 
enim  in  universitate  materise  discordia  esset  concordia 
potior  et  valentior,  mutatio  per  totum  necessario  facta 
est,  atque  in  ipsa  fabrica  integrali.  Tales  vero  genera- 
tiones  rerum  extiterunt,  antequam1  Saturnus  exsectus 
esset.  Hunc  vero  generationis  modum  cessantem  alter 
ille  modus  continue  excepit,2  qui  per  Venerem  fit ; 
adulta  et  praevalida  rerum  concordia  :  ut  mutatio  tan- 
turn  per  partes  procedat,3  Integra  et  inconcussa  fabrica 
universal!.  Saturnuin  tamen  detrusum  et  deturbatum, 
non  peremptum  et  extincturn  narrant,  quia  mundum  in 
antiquam  confusionem  et  interregna  relabi  posse,  opinio 
Democriti4  erat ;  quod  Lucretius  ne  suis  temporibus 
eveniret  deprecatus  est : 

Quod  procul  a  nobis  flectat  Fortuna  gubernans, 
Et  ratio  potius,  quam  res  persuadeat  ipsa. 

1  uttfue  in  ipsa  fabrica ;  atque  hujusmodi  genemtiones  rerum  extitisse  ante- 
qua m  (J-c.     Ed.  1609. 

2  ejcce/tigse.    Ed.  1609.  3  This  clause  is  not  in  the  MS. 
4  Ed.  1609  omits  Dtmocriti, 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  17 

Postquam  autem  mundus  mole  et  vi  sua  consisteret, 
tanien  otium  ab  initio  non  fuisse.  Nam  secutos  pri- 
mum  in  coelestibus  regionibus  motus  notabiles,  qui 
virtute  solis  in  coelestibus  prsedominante  ita  sopiti  sunt, 
ut  mundi  status  conservaretur  :  postea  similiter  in  infe- 
rioribus,  per  inundationes,  tempestates,  ventos,  terras 
motus  magis  universales ;  quibus  etiam  oppressis  et 
dissipatis,  magis  pacata  ac  durabilis  rerum  conspiratio 
et  tranquillitas  accrevit.  Verum  de  ista  fabula  utrum- 
que  pronunciari  potest,  et  fabulam  philosophiam  con- 
tinere,  et  philosophiam  rursus  fabulam.  Novimus  enim 
(ex  fide)  haec  omnia  nil  aliud  esse  quam  sensus  jam- 
pridem  cessantia  et  deficientia  oracula :  cum  mundi  et 
materia  et  fabrica  ad  Creatorem  verissime  referatur. 


XIII. 
PROTEUS, 

SIVE     MATERIA.1 

NARRANT  poetse  Proteum  Neptuno  pastorem  fuisse  ; 
eundemque  senem  et  vatem ;  vatem  scilicet  praestantis- 
simum  et  veluti  ter-maximum.  Noverat  enim  non 
futura  solummodo,  sed  et  praeterita  et  praesentia,  adeo 
ut  praster  divinationem,  etiam  omnis  antiquitatis  et 
omnium  secretorum  nuncius  ac  interpres  esset.  Mor- 
abatur  autem  sub  ingenti  specu.  Ibi  ei  mos  erat  sub 
meridiem  gregem  suum  phocarum  numerare,  atque 
deinde  somno  se  dare.  Qui  autem  opera  ejus  aliqua 
in  re  uti  volebat,  is  non  alio  modo  apud  eum  valere 
poterat,  nisi  eum  manicis  comprehensum  vinculis  con- 

1  This  forms  Cogitatio  8a  in  the  MS.  fragments. 


18  DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

stringeret.  Ille  contra,  ut  se  liberaret,  in  omnes  formas 
atque  rerum  miracula,  ignem,  lympham,1  feras,  se  ver- 
tere  solebat ;  donee  tandem  in  pristinam  formam  resti- 
tueretur. 

Sensus  fabulae  ad  abdita  naturaB  et  conditiones  ma- 
terias  pertinere  videtur.  Sub  Protei  enim  persona 
Materia  significatur,  omnium  rerum  post  Deum  anti- 
quissima.  Materia  autem  sub  coeli  concavo  tanquam 
sub  specu  habitat.  Neptimi  autem  mancipium  est, 
quia  omnis  materiae  operatic  et  dispensatio  in  liquidis 
praecipue  exercetur.  Pecus  autem,  sive  grex  Protei, 
non  aliud  videtur  esse,  quam  species  ordinariae  anima- 
lium,  plantarum,  metallorum,  in  quibus  Materia  videtur 
se  diffundere  et  quasi  consumere ;  adeo  ut  postquam 
istas  species  effinxerit  et  absolverit  (tanquam  penso 
completo)  dormire  et  quiescere  videatur,  nee  alias  am- 
plius  species  moliri,  tentare,  aut  parare.  Atque  haec 
est  Protei  pecoris  numeratio,  et  subinde  somnus.  Hoc 
autem  sub  meridiem,  non  auroram  et  vesperum,  fieri 
dicitur ;  id  est,  cum  tempus  jam  venerit  quod  speciebus 
ex  materia  debite  pra3parata  et  proedisposita  perficiendis 
et  excludendis  maturuin  sit  et  quasi  legitimum,  et  inter 
rudimenta  earum  et  declinationes  medium  ;  quod  nos 
satis  scimus  ex  historia  sacra  sub  tempus  ipsum  cre- 
ationis  fuisse.  Turn  enim  per  virtutem  illam  divini 
verbi  (Prodmai),  Materia  ad  imperium  Creatoris,  non 
per  ambages  suas  sed  subito  confluxit,  et  opus  suum  in 
actum  affatim  perduxit,  ac  species  constituit.  Atque 
hucusque  fabula  narration  em  suam  de  Proteo  libero  et 
soluto  cum  pecore  suo  complet.  Nam  universitas  re 
rum,  cum  structuris  et  fabricis  specierum  ordinariis,  est 
materia3  non  constricts  aut  devincts  et  gregis  mate- 

^fluvium.     Ed.  1609. 


DE   SAPIENTA  VETERUM.  19 

riatorum  facies.  Nihilominus  si  quis  peritus  Naturae 
Minister  vim  adhibeat  materiae,  et  materiam  vexet 
atque  urgeat,  tanquam  hoc  ipso  destinato  et  proposito, 
ut  illam  in  nihilum  redigat ;  ilia  contra  (cum  annihi- 
latio  aut  interitus  verus  nisi  per  Dei  omnipotentiam 
fieri  non  possit),  in  tali  necessitate  posita,  in  miras  re- 
rum  transformationes  et  effigies  se  vertit : a  adeo  ut  tan 
dem  veluti  in  orbem  se  mutet,  et  periodum  impleat,2 
et  quasi  se  restituat,  si  vis  continuetur.  Ejus  autem 
constrictionis  seu  alligationis  ratio  magis  facilis  erit  et 
expedita,  si  materia  per  manicas  comprehendatur,  id 
est  per  extremitates.  Quod  autem  additur  in  fabula, 
Proteum  vatem  fuisse,  et  trium  temporum  gnarum, 
id  cum  materiae  natura  optime  consentit.  Necesse  est 
enim,  ut  qui  materiae  passiones  et  processus  noverit, 
rerum  summam  et  earum  quae  factae  sunt,  et  quae 
fiunt,  et  quae  insuper  futurae  sunt,  comprehendat,  licet 
ad  partes  et  singularia  cognitio  non  extendatur. 


XIV. 

MEMNON, 

SIVE     PR^MATURUS. 

MEMORANT  poetae  Memnonem  Aurorae  filium  fuisse. 
Ille  armorum  pulchritudine  insignis,  et  aura  populari 
Celebris,  ad  bellum  Trojanum  venit,  et  ad  summa  ausu 
praecipiti  festinans  et  anhelans,  cum  Achille,  Graecorum 
fortissimo,  certamen  singulare  iniit,  atque  ejus  dextra 
occubuit.  Hunc  Jupiter  miseratus  aves  lugubre  quid- 
dam  et  miserabile  perpetuo  quiritantes  ad  exequias  ejus 

l  volvit  et  vertit.    Ed.  1609.  2  absolutam  faciat.    MS 


20  DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

et  funeris  decus  excitavit ;  ejusdem  statua  quoque  soils 
orientis  radiis  percussa,  sonum  flebilem  edere  solita 
fuisse  perhibetur. 

Fabula  ad  adolescentum  summae  spei  calamitosos  ex- 
itus  pertinere  videtur.  Illi  enim  tanquam  Aurora?  filii 
sunt ;  atque  inanium  et  externorum  specie  tumidi,  ma- 
jora  fere  viribus  audent,  atque  heroes  fortissimos  laces- 
sunt,  et  in  certamen  deposcunt,  et  impari  congressu 
succumbentes  extinguuntur.  Horum  autem  mortem  in- 
finita  commiseratio  sequi  solet;  nil  enim  inter  fata  mor- 
talium  tarn  flebile  est,  tamque  potens  ad  misericordiam 
commovendam,  quam  virtutis  flos  immaturo  exitu  prae- 
cisus.  Neque  enim  prima  getas  ad  satietatem  scilicet, 
aut  ad  individiam  usque  duravit,  qua?  moestitiam  in 
obitu  lenire,  aut  misericordiam  temperare  possit ;  quine- 
tiam  lamentationes  et  planctus  non  solum  tanquam  aves 
ilia?  funebres  circa  rogos  eorum  volitant,  sed  et  durat 
hujusmodi  miseratio  et  producitur :  maxime  autem  per 
occasiones  et  novos  motus  et  initia  magnarum  rerum, 
veluti  per  solis  radios  matutinos,  desideria  eorum  ren- 
ovantur. 


XV. 

TITHONUS, 

SIVE      S  ATIAS. 

ELEGANS  fabula  narratur  de  Tithono,  eum  ab  Aurora 
adamatum  fuisse,  qua?  perpetuam  ejus  consuetudinem 
exoptans,  a  Jove  petiit  ut  Titlionus  nunquam  mori  pos 
set  :  verum  incuria  muliebri  oblita  est  petitioni  sua? 
et  illud  inserere,  ut  nee  senectute  gravaretur.  Itaque 
moriendi  conditio  ei  erepta  est,  senium  autem  secutum 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  21 

est  minim  et  miserandum,  quale  consentaneum  est 
evenire  ei,  cui  mors  negatur,  setas  perpetuo  ingravescit. 
Adeo  ut  Jupiter,  hujusmodi  sortem  miseratus,  tandem 
eum  in  cicadam  converterit. 

Haec  fabula  ingeniosa  adumbratio  et  descriptio  vol- 
uptatis  esse  videtur ;  quaa  a  principio,  velut  sub  tempus 
aurorae,  adeo  grata  est,  ut  homines  vota  faciant  ut 
gaudia  hujusmodi  sibi  perpetua  et  propria  sint ;  obliti 
satietatem  et  taedium  eorum,  instar  senii,  ipsis  non  cogi- 
tantibus  obventura.  Adeo  ut  ad  extremum,  cum  ac- 
tiones  voluptariae  homines  deserant,  cupido  vero  et 
affectus  non  moriantur,1  fieri  soleat  ut  homines  ser- 
monibus  tantum  et  commemorationibus  earum  rerum 
quse  eis  integra  setate  voluptati  fuerunt  se  oblectent. 
Quod  in  libidinosis  et  viris  militaribus  fieri  videmus, 
cum  illi  impudicos  sermones,  hi  facinora  sua  retractent, 
cicadarum  more,  quarum  vigor  tantum  in  voce  est. 


XVI. 
PROCUS  JUNONIS, 

SIVE      DEDECUS. 

N ARRANT  poetae  Jovem,  ut  amoribus  suis  potiretur, 
multas  et  varias  formas  sumpsisse,  tauri,  aquilae,  cycni, 
imbris  aurei ;  cum  autem  Junonem  sollicitaret,  vertisse 
se  in  formam  maxime  ignobilem,  atque  contemptui 
et  ludibrio  expositam.  Ea  fuit  miseri  cuculi,  imbre 
et  tempestate  madefacti  et  attoniti,  tremebundi,  et 
semimortui. 

Prudens  fabula  est,  et  ex  intimis  moribus  desumpta. 

l  moriatur.    Ed.  1609. 


22  DE  SAPIENT1A  VETERUM. 

Sensus  vero  tails  :  Ne  homines  nimium  sibi  placeant, 
existimantes  virtutis  sua3  specimen  eos  apud  omnes  in 
pretio  et  gratia  ponere  posse.  Id  enim  succedere  pro 
natura  et  moribus  eorum  quos  ambiunt  et  colunt ;  qui 
si  homines  sunt  nullis  ipsi  dotibus  et  ornamentis  insig- 
niti,  sed  tantum  ingenio  sunt  superbo  et  maligno  (id 
quod  sub  figura  Junonis  reprassentatur) ,  turn  vero 
norint  sibi  exuendam  prorsus  esse  omnem  personam 
quaB  vel  minimum  praa  se  ferat  decoris  et  dignitatis  : 
atque  desipere  se  plane,  si  alia  via  insistant ;  neque 
satis  esse  si  obsequii  defbrmitatem  praestant,  nisi  om- 
nino  se  in  personam  abjectam  et  degenerem  mutent. 


XVII. 
CUPIDO, 

SI  VE      ATOMUS.1 

QILE  de  Cupidine  sive  Amore  dicta  sunt  a  poetis  in 
eandem  personam  proprie  convenire  non  possunt ;  ita 
tamen  discrepant,  ut  confusio  personarum  rejiciatur, 
similitude  recipiatur.  Narrant  itaque  Amorem  omni 
um  deorum  fuisse  antiquissimum,  atque  adeo  omnium 
rerum ;  excepto  Chao,  quod  ei  coaevum  perhibetur ; 
Chaos  autem  a  priscis  viris  nunquam  divino  honore 
aut  nomine  Dei  insignitur.  Atque  Amor  ille  prorsus 
sine  parente  introducitur ;  nisi  quod  a  nonnullis  ovum 
Noctis  fuisse  traditur.  Ipse  autem  ex  Chao  et  deos  et 
res  universas  progenuit.  Ejus  autem  attributa  ponun- 
tur  numero  quatuor,  ut  sit  infans  perpetuus,  caucus, 

1  For  the  commencement  of  a  larger  exposition  of  this  fable,  with  Mr. 
Ellis's  preface  and  notes,  see  Preface  to  De  Principiis  atque  Originibus. 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  23 

nudus,  Sagittarius.  Fuit  et  Amor  quidam  alter,  deo- 
rum  natu  minimus,  Veneris  filius ;  in  quern  etiam 
antiquioris  attributa  transferuntur,  et  quodam  modo 
competunt. 

Fabula  ad  cunabula  naturae  pertinet  et  penetrat. 
Amor  iste  videtur  esse  appetitus  sive  stimulus  materiae 
primae,  sive  (ut  explicatius  loquamur)  motus  naturalis 
Atomi.  Haec  enim  est  ilia  vis  antiquissima  et  unica, 
quae  ex  materia  omnia  constituit  et  effingit.  Ea  om- 
nino  sine  parente  est ;  id  est,  sine  causa.  Causa  enim 
effectus  veluti  parens  est :  hujus  autem  virtutis  causa 
nulla  potest  esse  in  natura  (Deum  enim  semper  ex- 
cipimus).  Nihil  enim  hac  ipsa  prius  ;  itaque  efficiens 
nulla :  neque  aliquid  naturae  notius  ;  ergo  nee  genus 
nee  forma ;  quamobrem  quaecunque  ea  tandem  sit, 
positiva  est  et  surda.  Atque  etiam  si  modus  ejus  et 
processus  sciri  daretur ;  tamen  per  causam  sciri  non 
potest ;  cum  sit  post  Deum  causa  causarum,  ipsa  in- 
causabilis.  Neque  fortasse  modum  ejus  intra  inqui- 
sitionem  humanam  sisti  aut  comprehendi  posse  spe- 
randum  est ;  itaque  merito  fingitur  ovum  a  Nocte 
exclusum  ;  certe  sanctus  philosophus  ita  pronuntiat : 
Cuncta  fecit  pulchra  tempestatibus  suis,  et  mundum  tradr- 
idit  disputationibus  eorum,  ita  tamen  ut  non  inveniat 
homo  opus  quod  operatus  est  Deus  a  principio  usque  ad 
finem.  Lex  enim  summaria  Naturae,  sive  virtus  istius 
Cupidinis  indita  primis  rerum  particulis  a  Deo  ad  coi- 
tionem,  ex  cujus  repetitione  et  nmltiplicatione  omnis 
rerum  varietas  emergit  et  conflatur,  cogitationem  mor- 
talium  perstringere  potest,  subire  vix  potest.  Philo- 
sophia  autem  Graecorum  invenitur  in  rerum  materiatis 
principiis  investigandis  magis  acuta  et  solicita  ;  in  prin- 
cipiis  autem  motus  (in  quibus  omnis  operationis  vigor 


24  DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

consistit)  negligens  et  languida.  In  hoc  autem  de  quo 
agimus,  prorsus  caacutire  et  balbutirc  videtur.  Etenim 
Peripateticorum  opinio,  de  stimulo  materice  per  privar- 
tionem,  fere  non  ultra  verba  tendit,  et  rem  potius  sonat 
quam  signat.  Qui  autem  hoc  ad  Deum  referunt,  op- 
time  illi  quidem,  sed  saltu,  non  gradu  ascendunt.  Est 
enim  proculdubio  unica  et  summaria  lex  in  quam  na- 
tura  coit  Deo  substitute :  ea  ipsa,  qua?  in  superiore  textu 
illo  verborum  complexu  demonstratur,  Opus,  quod  ope- 
ratus  est  Deus  a  principio  usque  ad  finem.  Democritus 
autem,  qui  altius  rem  perpendit,  postquam  Atomum 
dimensione  nonnulla  et  figura  instruxerat,  unicum  Cu- 
pidinem  sive  motum  primum  ei  attribuit  simpliciter,  et 
ex  comparatione  alterum.  Omnia  enim  ad  centrum 
mundi  ferri  putavit  proprie  :  quod  autem  plus  materiae 
habet,  cum  celerius  ad  centrum  feratur,  illud  quod 
minus  habet  percussione  summovere  et  in  contrarium 
pellere.  Verum  ista  meditatio  angusta  fuit,  et  ad 
pauciora  quam  par  erat  respiciens.  Neque  enim  aut 
corporum  cselestium  in  orbem  conversio,  aut  rerum 
contractiones  et  expansiones,  ad  hoc  principium  reduci 
aut  accommodari  posse  videntur.  Epicuri  autem  opinio 
de  declinatione  atomi  et  agitatione  fortuita,  ad  nugas 
rursus  et  ignorationem  rei  lapsa  est.  Itaque  nimio  plus 
quam  optaremus  illud  apparet,  istum  Cupidinem  nocte 
involvi.  Itaque  de  attributis  videamus.  Elegantissime 
describitur  Cupido  infans,  pusillus  et  perpetuus  ;  com- 
posita  enim  grandiora  sunt  et  aetatem  patiuntur ;  prima 
autem  rerum  semina,  sive  atomi,  minuta  sunt,  et  in 
perpet.ua  infantia  permanent.  Etiam  illud  verissime, 
quod  nudus  ;  cum  composita  universa  recte  cogitanti 
personata  et  induta  sint  ;  nihilque  proprie  nudum  sit 
praeter  primas  rerum  particulas.  Ilia  autem  de  casci- 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  25 

tate  Cupidinis  sapientissima  allegoria  est.  Iste  enim 
Cupido  (qualiscunque  is  sit)  minimum  videtur  habere 
providentiaa ;  sed  secundum  illud  quod  proximum  sen- 
tit,  gressum  et  motum  suum  dirigere,  ut  caeci  palpando 
solent ;  quo  magis  admirabilis  est  providentia  ilia  sum- 
ma  divina,  quia  ex  rebus  providentia  maxime  vacuis  et 
expertibus,  et  quasi  cascis,  certa  tamen  et  fatali  lege 
istum  ordinem  et  pulchritudinem  rerum  educit.  Ulti- 
mum  attributum  ponitur,  quod  Sagittarius  sit,  hoc  est, 
quod  ista  virtus  talis  sit  ut  operetur  ad  distans.  Quod 
enim  ad  distans  operatur,  tanquam  sagittam  emittere 
videtur :  quisquis  autem  atomum  asserit  atque  vacuum 
(licet  istud  vacuum  intermistum  ponat,  non  segrega- 
tum),1  necessario  virtutem  atomi  ad  distans  introducit ; 
neque  enim  hac  dempta,  aliquis  motus  (propter  vacuum 
interpositum)  excitari  posset,  sed  omnia  torperent  et 
immobilia  manerent.  Quod  autem  ad  juniorem  ilium 
Cupidinem  attinet,  merito  ut  minimus  deorum  natu 
traditur,  cum  non  ante  species  constitutas  vigere  pot- 
uisset.  In  illius  autem  descriptione  allegoria  ad  mores 
deflectit  et  traducitur.  Subest  tamen  quaedam  ejus 
cum  illo  antiquo  conformitas.  Venus  enim  generaliter 
affectum  conjunctionis  et  procreationis  excitat ;  Cupido 
ejus  films  affectum  ad  individuum  applicat.  Itaque  a 
Venere  est  generalis  dispositio,  a  Cupidine  magis  ex- 
acta  sympathia :  atque  ilia  a  causis  magis  propinquis 
pendet ;  haec  autem  a  principiis  magis  altis  et  fatali- 
bus,  et  tanquam  ab  antiquo  illo  Cupidine,  a  quo  omnis 
exquisita  sympathia  pendet. 

1  The  words  within  the  parentheses  are  not  in  Ed.  1609. 


26  DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

XVIII. 
DIOMEDES, 

S  I  V  E      Z  E  L  U  8  . 

DIOMEDES  cum  magna  et  eximia  gloria  floreret,  et 
Palladi  purcharus  esset,  exstimulatus  ab  ea  est  (et  ipse 
promptior  quam  oportebat)  ut  si  forte  Veneri  in  pugna 
occurreret,  illi  neutiquam  parceret ;  quod  et  ille  audac- 
ter  executus  est,  et  Vcneris  dextram  vulneravit.  Hoc 
facinus  ille  ad  ternpus  impune  tulit,  et  rebus  gestis  cla- 
rus  et  inclytus  in  patriam  rediit ;  ubi  domestica  mala 
expertus,  ad  exteros  in  Italiam  profugit.  Ibi  quoque 
initia  satis  prospera  habuit,  et  regis  Dauni  hospitio  et 
donis  cultus  et  ornatus  est,  et  multse  illi  statuae  per  earn 
regionem  exstructae.  Sed  sub  primam  calamitatem, 
quaa  populum  ad  quern  diverterat  afflixit,  statim  subiit 
Daunum  cogitatio,  se  intra  penates  suos  duxisse  homi- 
nem  impium  et  diis  invisum  et  theomachum,  qui  deam, 
quam  vel  tangere  religio  erat,  ferro  invaserat  et  violav- 
erat.  Itaque  ut  patriam  suam  piaculo  obstrictam  libe- 
raret,  nihil  hospitii  jura  reveritus,  cum  ei  jus  religionis 
videretur  antiquius,  Diomedem  subito  obtruncat ;  stat- 
uas  et  honores  ejus  prosterni  et  aboleri  jubet.  Neque 
hujusmodi  gravem  casum  vel  miserari  tutum  erat ;  sed 
et  ipsi  comites  ejus,  cum  mortem  ducis  sui  lugerent  et 
questibus  omnia  implerent,  in  aves  quasdam  ex  genere 
olorum  mutati  sunt,  qui  et  ipsi  sub  mortem  suam  quid- 
dam  dulce  et  lugubre  sonant. 

Habet  hasc  fabula  subjectum  rarum,  et  fere  singulare. 
Neque  enim  memoria?  proditum  est  in  aliqua  alia  fab 
ula,  heroem  ullum,  prater  unum  Diomedem,  ferro  vio- 
lasse  aliquem  ex  diis.  Atque  certe  videtur  fabula  imag- 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  27 

inem  in  illo  depinxisse  hominis  et  fortunae  ejus,  qui 
ex  professo  hunc  finem  actionum  suarum  sibi  proponit 
et  destinat,  ut  cultum  aliquem  divinum,  sive  sectam  re- 
ligionis,  licet  vanam  et  levem,  vi  et  ferro  insectetur  et 
debellet.  Quamquam  enira  cruenta  religionis  dissidia 
veteribus  incognita  essent  (cum  dii  ethnici  zelotypia, 
quod  est  Dei  veri  attributum,  non  tangerentur),  tamen 
tanta  et  tarn  lata  videtur  fuisse  prisci  sseculi  sapientia, 
ut  quae  experiundo  non  nossent,  tamen  meditatione  et 
simulachris  comprehenderent.  Qui  itaque  sectam  ali- 
quam  religionis,  licet  vanam  et  corruptam  et  infamem 
(id  quod  sub  persona  Veneris  significatur),  non  vi  ra- 
tionis  et  doctrinse,  et  sanctitate  vitse,  atque  exemplorum 
et  authoritatum  pondere,  corrigere  et  convincere ;  sed 
ferro  et  flamma  et  poenarum  acerbitate  exscindere  et 
exterminare  nituntur  ;  incenduntur  fortasse  ad  hoc  ip- 
sum  a  Pallade  ;  id  est,  prudentia  quadam  acri  et  judicii 
severitate,  quarum  vigore  et  efficacia  hujusmodi  erro- 
rum  fallacias  et  commenta  penitus  introspiciunt ;  et  ab 
odio  pravitatis  et  zelo  bono :  et  ad  tempus  fere  magnam 
gloriam  adipiscuntur,  atque  a  vulgo  (cui  nihil  modera- 
tum  gratum  esse  potest)  ut  unici  veritatis  et  religionis 
vindices  (cum  caeteri  tepidi  videantur  et  meticulosi) 
celebrantur  et  fere  adorantur.  Attamen  hsec  gloria  et 
felicitas  raro  ad  exitum  durat :  sed  omnis  fere  violentia, 
nisi  morte  celeri  vicissitudines  rerum  effugiat,  sub  finem 
improspera  est.  Quod  si  eveniat  ut  rerum  commutatio 
fiat,  et  secta  ilia  prescripts,  et  depressa  vires  acquirat  et 
insurgat,  turn  vero  hujusmodi  hominum  zeli  et  conten- 
tiones  damnantur,  et  nomen  ipsum  odio  est,  et  omnes 
honores  eorum  in  opprobrium  desinunt.  Quod  autem 
ab  hospite  interfectus  est  Diomedes ;  id  eo  spectat,  quod 
religionis  dissidium,  etiam  inter  conjunctissimos,  insid- 


28  DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

ias  et  proditiones  excitet.  Illud  vero  de  luctu  ipso,  et 
querimoniis  minime  toleratis,  sed  supplicio  affectis,  hu- 
jusmodi  est,  ut  moneat,  in  omni  fere  scelere  miserationi 
hominum  locum  esse,  ut  etiam  qui  crimina  oderunt, 
personas  tamen  et  calamitates  reorum,  humanitatis 
causa,  commiserentur  ;  extremum  autem  malorum  esse, 
si  misericordia3  commercia  interdicantur.  Atque  tamen 
in  causa  religionis  et  impietatis,  etiam  miserationes 
hominurn  notari  et  suspectas  esse.  Contra  vero,  comi- 
tum  Diomedis,  id  est,  hominum  qui  ejusdem  sunt  sectae 
et  opinionis,  querimoniae  et  deplorationes  argutae  admo- 
dum  et  canoraa  esse  solent,  instar  olorum,  aut  avium 
Diomedis  ;  in  quo  etiam  ilia  pars  allegories  nobilis  est 
et  insignis  ;  eorum  qui  propter  causam  religionis  sup- 
plicia  subeunt,  voces  sub  tempus  mortis,  tanquam  cyc- 
neas  cantiones,  animos  hominum  mirum  in  modum 
flectere,  et  in  memoriis  et  sensibus  eorum  diutissime 
inhaerere  et  permanere. 


XIX. 

D^DALUS, 

SIVE     MECHANICUS. 

SAPIENTIAM  atque  industriam  Meclianicam,  atque  in 
ilia  artificia  illicita  et  ad  pravos  usus  detorta,  antiqui 
admnbraverunt  sub  persona  Dyedali,  viri  ingeniosissimi, 
sed  execrabilis.  Hie  ob  condiscipulum  et  semulum 
occisum  exulaverat,  gratus  tamen  in  exilio  regibus  et 
civitatibus  erat.  Atque  multa  quidem  et  egregia  opera 
tarn  in  honorem  deorum,  quam  ad  exornationem  et 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  29 

magnificentiam  urbium  et  locorum  publicorum  exstrux- 
erat  et  effinxerat ;  sed  tamen  nomen  ejus  maxime  cele- 
bratur  ob  illicita.  Fabricam  enim  libidini  Pasiphaes 
subministravit,  ut  cum  tauro  misceretur ;  adeo  ut  ab 
hujus  viri  scelerata  industria  et  ingenio  pernicioso  mon- 
strum  illud  Minotaurus,  pubem  ingenuam  devorans, 
or  turn  traxerit  infelicem  ac  infamem.  Atque  ille, 
malum  malo  tegens  et  cumulans,  ad  securitatem  hujus 
pestis  Labyrinthum  excogitavit  et  exstruxit :  opus  fine 
et  destinatione  nefarium,  artificio  insigne  et  praeclarum : 
ac  postea  rursus,  ne  malis  artibus  tantum  innotesceret, 
atque  ut  scelerum  remedia  (non  solum  instrumenta)  ab 
eodem  peterentur ;  etiam  consilii  ingeniosi  author  erat 
de  filo,  per  quod  errores  labyrinth!  retexerentur.  Hunc 
Da3dalum  Minos  magna  cum  severitate  atque  diligentia 
et  inquisitione  persecutus  est ;  ille  tamen  semper  et 
perfugia  et  effugia  reperiebat.  Postremo  cum  volandi 
peritiam  filium  Icarum  edocuisset,  ille  novitius,  et  ar- 
tem  ostentans,  a  coelo  in  aquam  decidit. 

Parabola  videtur  esse  ejusmodi.  In  ipso  introitu 
ejus,  ea  quae  apud  excellentes  artifices  excubat  et  miris 
modis  dominatur  invidia  notatur.  Nullum  enim  genus 
hominum  ex  invidia,  eaque  acerba  et  tanquam  inter- 
neciva,  magis  laborat.  Accedit  nota  de  genere  poense 
inflicto  minus  politice  et  provide  :  ut  Daedalus  exulet. 
Etenim  opifices  praeclari  id  habent,  ut  apud  omnes  fere 
populos  sint  acceptissimi :  adeo  ut  exilium  prsestanti 
artifici  vix  supplicii  loco  sit.  Nam  alise  vitse  conditio- 
nes  et  genera  extra  patriam  non  facile  florere  possunt. 
Artificum  autem  admiratio  propagatur  et  augetur  apud 
exteros  et  peregrines,  cum  insitum  animis  hominum  sit 
illud,  ut  populares  suos,  quoad  opificia  mechanica,  in  mi- 
nori  pretio  habeant.  De  usu  autem  artium  mechanica- 


30  DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

rum  quae  sequuntur  rnanifesta  sunt ;  multum  enim  illis 
debet  vita  humana,  cum  plurima  et  ad  religionis  appara- 
tum,  et  ad  civilium  decus,  et  ad  universse  vitae  culturam, 
ex  illarum  thesauris  collata  sint.  Veruntamen  ex  eo- 
dem  fonte  emanant  instrumenta  libidinis,  atque  etiam 
instrumenta  mortis.  Missa  enim  arte  lenonum,  venena 
qusesitissima,  atque  tormenta  bellica,  atque  hujusmodi 
pestes  (quse  mechanicis  inventis  debentur)  probe  novi- 
mus  quantum  Minotaurum  ipsum  sasvitia  et  pernicie 
superarint.  Pulcherrima  autem  allegoria  est  de  laby- 
rintho,  qua  natura  generalis  Mechanicse  adumbratur. 
Omnia  enim  mechanica,  quaa  magis  sunt  ingeniosa  et 
accurata,  instar  labyrinthi  censeri  possint ;  propter  sub- 
tilitatem  et  variam  implication  em,  et  obviam  similitudi- 
nem,  quas  vix  ullo  judicio,  sed  tan  turn  experiential  filo, 
regi  et  discriminari  possunt.  Nee  minus  apte  adjicitur, 
quod  idem  ille  qui  labyrinthi  errores  invenit,  etiam  fili 
commoditatem  monstravit.  Sunt  enim  artes  mechanicae 
veluti  usus  ambigui,  atque  faciunt  et  ad  nocumentum  et 
ad  remedium,  et  fere  virtus  earum  seipsam  solvit  et  re- 
texit.  Artificia  autem  illicita,  atque  adeo  artes  ipsas, 
saapius  persequitur  Minos ;  hoc  est,  leges,  quae  illas 
damnant  et  earum  usum  populis  interdicunt.  Nihilom- 
inus  illaa  occultantur  et  retinentur,  et  ubique  et  late- 
bras  et  receptum  habent ;  quod  et  bene  notatum  est  in 
re  non  multum  dissimili  a  Tacito  suis  temporibus  de 
Mathematicis  et  Genethliacis,  genus  (inquit)  hominum, 
quod  in  civitate  nostra  semper  et  retinebitur  et  vetabitur. 
Et  tamen  artes  illicitae  et  curiosas  cujuscunque  generis, 
tractu  temporis,  cum  fere  quae  polliceantur  non  praa- 
stant,1  (tanquam  Icari  de  coelo)  de  existimatione  sua 
decidunt,  et  in  contemptum  veniunt,  et  nimia  ipsa  os- 

iprcestent.     Ed.  1609. 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  31 

tentatione  pereunt.  Et  certe  si  verum  omnino  dicen- 
dum  est,  non  tarn  feliciter  legum  frasnis  coercentur, 
quam  coarguuntur  ex  vanitate  propria. 


XX. 

ERICHTHONIUS, 

SIVE     IMPOSTURA. 

FABULANTUR  poetae  Vulcanum  pudicitiam  Minervae 
sollicitasse,  atque  subinde  cupidine  incensum  vim  adhib- 
uisse,  atque  in  ipsa  lucta  semen  in  terram  effiidisse,  ex 
quo  Erichthonium  natum  esse,  qui  (partes  superiores) 
decora  et  grata  erat  corporis  compage,  femora  autem  et 
tibias  suberant  in  anguillse  similitudinem,  exilia  et  de- 
formia :  cujus  deformitatis  cum  ipse  sibi  conscius  esset, 
eum  primum  curruum  usum  invenisse,  ut  quod  in  cor- 
pore  magnificum  erat  ostentaret,  probrum  autem  tege- 
ret. 

Hujus  fabulae  mirae  et  prodigiosae  ea  sententia  esse 
videtur.  Artem  (quas  sub  persona  Vulcani  ob  multip- 
licem  ignis  usum  repraasentatur)  quoties  per  corpo- 
rum  omnimodas  vexationes  naturae  vim  facere,  eamque 
vincere  ac  subigere  contendat  (natura  autem  sub  per 
sona  Miner vas  ob  operum  solertiam  adumbratur),  ad 
votum  et  finem  destinatum  raro  pertingere  ;  sed  ta- 
men  multa  machinatione  et  molitione  (tanquam  lucta) 
intercidere  atque  emitti  generationes  imperfectas,  et 
opera  quaedam  manca,  aspectu  speciosa,  usu  infirma 
et  claudicantia ;  quae  tamen  impostores  multo  et  fallaci 
apparatu  ostentant,  et  veluti  triumphantes  circumdu- 


32  DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

cunt.  Qualia  fere  et  inter  productiones  chymicas,  et 
inter  subtilitates  et  novitates  mechanicas  saspius  notare 
licet;  prsesertim  cum  homines  potius  propositum  ur- 
gentes,  quam  ab  erroribus  suis  se  recipientes,  cum  na- 
tura  colluctentur  magis,  quam  debito  obsequio  et  cultu 
ejus  amplexus  petant. 


XXI. 

DEUCALION, 

SIVE     RESTITUTIO. 

NARRANT  poetse,  extinctis  prorsus  prisci  orbis  inco- 
lis  per  diluvium  universale,  cum  soli  restarent  Deuca 
lion  et  Pyrrha,  qui  ardebant  desiderio  pio  et  inclyto 
instaurandi  generis  humani,  eos  liujusmodi  oraculum 
excepisse  ;  voti  compotes  futuros,  si  ossa  matris  accip- 
erent  et  post  se  jacerent :  quod  illis  primo  magnam 
tristitiam  et  desperationem  incussit :  cum  sequata  re- 
rum  facie  per  diluvium,  sepulchri  perscrutatio  omnino 
res  sine  exitu  esset :  sed  tandem  intellexerunt  lapides 
terras  (cum  tellus  omnium  mater  habeatur)  ab  oraculo 
sign  in  car  i. 

Fabula  arcanum  naturaa  recludere  videtur,  et  erro- 
rem  ammo  liumano  familiarem  corrigere.  Hominis 
enim  imperitia  judicat  rerum  renovationes  sive  instau- 
rationes  ex  earundem  putredine  et  reliquiis  (ut  plioeni- 
cen  ex  cinere  propria)  suscitari  posse,  quod  nullo  modo 
convenit ;  cum  hujusmodi  materise  spatia  sua  confece- 
rint,  et  ad  initia  ipsarum  rerum  prorsus  ineptse  sint. 
Itaque  retrocedendum  ad  principia  magis  communia. 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  33 

XXII. 

NEMESIS, 

S  I  V  E     VICES       RE  RUM. 

NEMESIS  traditur  fuisse  dea,  omnibus  veneranda,  po- 
tentibus  et  fortunatis  etiam  metuenda.  Ea  Noctis  et 
Ocean!  filia  fuisse  perhibetur.  Effigies  autem  ejus  de- 
scribitur  talis.  Alata  erat,  etiam  coronata  ;  in  mani- 
bus  autem  gestabat,  dextra  hastam  e  fraxino,  sinistra 
phialam,  in  qua  inclusi  erant  JEthiopes  ;  insidebat  au 
tem  cervo. 

Parabola  ejusmodi  esse  videtur  ;  nomen  ipsum  Nem 
esis  vindictam,  sive  retributionem,  satis  aperte  signi- 
ficat :  hujus  enim  deaj  officium  et  administratio  in 
hoc  sita  erat,  ut  beatorum  constant!  et  perpetuae  feli- 
citati  instar  tribuni  plebis  intercederet,  ac  illud  suum 
Veto  interponeret ;  neque  solum  insolentiam  castigaret, 
verum  etiam  rebus  prosperis,  licet  innocentibus  et 
moderatis,  rerum  adversarum  vices  rependeret :  ac  si 
neminem  humanae  sortis  ad  convivia  deorum  admitti 
mos  esset,  nisi  ad  ludibrium.  Equidem  cum  illud 
capitulum  apud  C.  Plinium  perlego,  in  quo  ille  infor- 
tunia  et  miserias  August!  Cyesaris  collegit,  quern  om 
nium  hominum  fortunatissimum  existimabam,  quique 
artem  etiam  quandam  utendi  [et]  fruendi  ]  fortuna 
habebat,  ac  cujus  in  animo  nil  tumidum,  nil  leve,  nil 
molle,  nil  confusum,  nil  melancholicum,  annotare  licet 
(ut  ille  etiam  sponte  mori  aliquando  destinasset)  ;  hanc 
deam  magnam  et  praepotentem  esse  judicavi,  ad  cujus 
aram  talis  victima  tracta  esset.  Parentes  hujus  dese 

1  utendi  fruendi  in  both  copies.  In  the  original  edition  fruendi  begins  a 
fresh  page,  so  that  the  omission  of  the  et  might  easily  be  overlooked. 

VOL.  XIII.  3 


34  DE   SAPIENTIA   VETERUM. 

fuere  Oceanus  et  Nox  ;  hoc  est,  rerum  vicissitude,  et 
judiciurn  divinum  obscurum  et  secreturn ;  etenirn  vices 
rerum  per  oceanum  apte  reprassentantur,  ob  perpetuum 
fluxum  et  refluxum  :  occulta  autem  providentia  per 
noctem  rite  proponitur.  Nam  etiam  apud  ethnicos 
nocturna  ilia  Nemesis,  cum  scilicet  judicium  huma- 
iiuin  a  divine  discors  esset,  in  observations  erat. 

— Cadit  et  Ripheus,  justissimus  unus 
Qui  fuit  ex  Teucris,  et  servantissimus  sequi. 
Diis  aliter  visum. 

Alata  autem  describitur  Nemesis,  ob  subitas  rerum 
conversion es,  nee  ante  prsevisas ;  nam  in  omni  rerum 
memoria  illud  fere  usuvenit,  ut  homines  magni  et  pru- 
dentes  per  ea  discrimina  perierint  quse  maxime  con- 
tempserint.  Certe,  cum  M.  Cicero  a  Dec.  Bruto  de 
Octavii  Caesaris  minus  sincera  fide  et  animo  exulce- 
rato  monitus  esset,  illud  tantum  rescripsit :  Te  autem 
mi  Brute  sicut  debeo  amo,  quod  istud  quicquid  est  nu- 
garum  me  scire  volidsti.  Etiam  corona  Nemesis  insig- 
nitur,  ob  naturam  vulgi  invidam  et  malignam :  quando 
enim  fortunati  et  potentes  ruunt,  turn  fere  vulgus  ex- 
ultat,  et  Nemesin  coronat.  Hasta  autem  in  dextra  ad 
eos  pertinet  quos  Nemesis  actu  percutit  et  transfigit. 
Quos  autem  calamitate  et  infortunio  non  mactat,  illis 
tamen  spectrum  illud  atrum  et  infaustum  in  sinistra 
ostentat:  obversantur  enim  proculdubio  mortalibus  eti 
am  in  summo  fastigio  felicitatis  positis,  mors  et  inorbi, 
et  infortunia,  et  amicorum  perfidiae,  et  inimicorum  in- 
sidia3,  et  rerum  mutationes,  et  hujusmodi ;  veluti  ^thi- 
opes  illi  in  phiala.  Certe  Virgilius,  cum  praelium  Ac- 
tiacum  describit,  de  Cleopatra  illud  eleganter  subjungit : 

Regina  in  mediis  patrio  vocat  agmina  sistro, 
Necdum  etiam  gemiuos  a  tergo  respicit  angues. 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  35 

Verum  non  multo  post  quocunque  se  ilia  verteret  tola 
agmina  ^Ethiopum  obversabantur.  Ad  extremum  pru- 
clenter  adclitur,  Nemesin  cervo  insidere ;  quia  vivax 
admodum  animal  est  cervus ;  atque  fieri  fortasse  po- 
test  ut  qui  juvenis  fato  ereptus  sit  Nemesin  prsevertat 
et  effugiat ;  cui  autem  diuturna  obvenit  felicitas  et  po- 
tentia,  is  proculdubio  Nemesi  subjicitur,  ac  veluti  sub- 
sternitur. 


XXIII. 
ACHELOUS, 

SIVE      PR.ELIUM. 

NARRANT  antiqui,  cum  Hercules  et  Achelous  de 
nuptiis  Dejanirae  contenderent,  rem  ad  certamen  de- 
ductam  esse.  Achelous  autem,  cum  varias  et  multip- 
lices  formas  tentasset  (nam  hoc  ei  facere  licebat), 
tandem  Herculi  sub  forma  tauri  torvi  et  frementis 
occurrit,  et  ad  pugnam  se  paravit.  Hercules  vero, 
solitam  retinens  figuram  humanam,  in  eum  impetum 
fecit.  Res  cominus  gesta  est.  Eventus  autem  talis 
fuit,  ut  Hercules  alterum  ex  cornibus  tauro  fregerit  : 
ille  majorem  in  modum  dolens  et  perterritus,  ut  cornu 
illud  suum  redimeret,  permutatione  facta  cornu  Amal- 
theae  sive  Copiaa  Herculi  largitus  est. 

Fabula  ad  belli  expeditiones  pertinet.  Apparatus 
enim  belli  ex  parte  defensiva  (qui  per  Acheloum  pro- 
ponitur)  varius  admodum  et  multiformis  est.  Nam 
invadentis  species  unica  est  et  simplex,  cum  ex  exer- 
citu  solo  aut  classe  fortasse  constet :  regio  autem,  quae 
in  solo  proprio  hostem  expectat,  infinita  molitur,  op- 
pida  munit,  diruit,  plebem  ex  agris  et  villis  in  urbes 


36  DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

et  castella  cogit,  pontes  extruit,  prosternit,  copias  et 
commeatus  comparat,  distribuit,  in  fluviis,  portibus, 
collium  faucibus,  sylvis,  et  aliis  rebus  innumeris  occu- 
pata  est,  ut  novas  rerum  facies  quotidie  induat  et  ex- 
periatur  ;  ac  tandem  cum  abunde  munita  et  instructa 
fiierit,1  tauri  pugnacis  formam  et  minas  ad  vivum  rep- 
rsesentet.  Ille  autem  qui  invadit,  praelium  captat,  et 
in  hoc  maxime  incumbit,  inopiam  in  terra  hostili  metu- 
ens.  Quod  si  fiat  ut  praelio  commisso  acie  victor  sit, 
et  tanquam  cornu  hosti  frangat ;  turn  proculdubio  il- 
lud  assequitur,  ut  hostis  trepidus  et  existimatione  dim- 
inutus,  ut  se  explicet  et  vires  suas  reparet,  in  muni- 
tiora  se  recipiat ;  atque  urbes  et  regiones  victori  ad 
populandum  et  diripiendum  relinquat ;  quod  vere  in- 
star  cornu  illius  Amalthese  censeri  possit. 


XXIV. 

DIONYSUS, 

SIVE       CUPIDITAS. 

NARRANT  Semelen  Jovis  pellicem,  postquam  jura- 
Fabuiahajc  mento  eum  inviolabili  ad  votum  indefinitum 
h?bronsccundo  obstrhixisset,  petiisse  ut  ad  amplexus  suos 

De  Augmentis  ,  ,.  1. 

scientiarum,     accederet  tans  qualis  cum   Junone  consues- 

aucta  et  locu-  ...  n 

pietata.  set  i    itaque    ilia    ex    connagratione    pernt. 

Infans  autem  quern  in  utero  gestabat,  a  patre  ex- 
ceptus,  in  femur  ejus  insutus  est,  donee  menses  fbetui 
destinatos  compleret;  ex  quo  tamen  onere  Jupiter 
nonnihil  claudicabat :  itaque  puer,  quod  Jovem  dum 
in  femore  ejus  portaretur  gravaret  et  pungeret,  Di- 

1  instructa  sit.    Ed.  1609. 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  37 

onysi  nomen  accepit.  Postquam  autem  editus  esset, 
apud  Proserpinam  per  aliquot  annos  nutritus  est. 
Cum  vero  adultus  esset,  ore  fere  muliebri  conspicie- 
batur,  ut  sexus  videretur  tanquam  ambigui.  Etiam  ex- 
tinctus  et  sepultus  erat  ad  tempus,  et  non  ita  multo  post 
revixit.  Atque  prima  juventa  vitis  culturam,  atque 
adeo  vini  confectionem  et  usum,  primus  invenit  et  edoc- 
uit ;  ex  quo  Celebris  factus  et  inclytus,  orbem  terrarum 
subjugavit,  et  ad  ultimos  Indorum  terminos  perrexit. 
CUITU  autem  vehebatur  a  tigribus  tracto.  Circa  eum 
subsultabant  doamones  deformes  Cobali  vocati,  Acra- 
tus,  et  alii.  Quin  et  Musae  comitatui  ejus  se  adde- 
bant.  Uxorem  autem  sibi  sumpsit  Ariadnen  a  Theseo 
desertam  et  relictam.  Arbor  ei  sacra  erat  hedera. 
Etiam  sacrorum  et  caeremoniarum  inventor  et  institu- 
tor  habebatur,  ejus  tamen  generis  qua?  et  fanaticas 
erant  et  plena?  corruptelarum,  atque  insuper  crudeles. 
Furores  quoque  immittendi  potestatem  habebat.  Certe 
in  orgiis  ejus  a  mulieribus  furore  percitis  duo  viri  in- 
signes  discerpti  narrantur,  Pentheus  et  Orpheus  ;  ille 
dum  arbore  conscensa  spectator  eorum  quse  agerentur 
esse  voluisset ;  hie  cum  lyram  pulsaret.  Atque  hujus 
Dei  res  gestse  cum  Jo  vis  rebus  fere  confunduntur. 

Fabula  videtur  ad  mores  pertinere,  ut  nihil  in  philo- 
sophia  morali  melius  inveniatur.  Describitur  autem 
sub  persona  Bacchi  natura  Cupiditatis,  sive  affectus  et 
perturbationis.  Mater  enim  cupiditatis  omnis,  licet 
nocentissimse,  non  alia  est  quam  appetitus  et  desideri- 
um  Boni  Apparentis.  Concipitur  vero  semper  Cupid- 
itas  in  voto  illicito,  prius  temere  concesso  quam  intel- 
lecto  et  judicato.  Postquam  autem  affectus  effervescere 
caaperit,  mater  ejus  (natura  scilicet  boni)  ex  nimio 
incendio  destruitur  et  perit.  Cupiditas  autem  dum 


38  DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

immatura  est,  in  anima  humana  (qua3  ejus  genitor 
est,  et  per  Jovem  repra3sentatur)  et  nutricatur  et  oc- 
cultatur,  prascique  in  anima3  parte  inferiore,  tanquam 
femore  ;  atque  animum  pungit  et  convellit  et  deprimit ; 
adeo  ut  decreta  et  actiones  ex  ea  impediantur  et  clau- 
dicent.  Atque  etiam  postquam  consensu  et  habitu 
confirmata  est,  et  in  actus  erumpit,  tarn  en  apud  Pro- 
serpinam  ad  tempus  educatur ;  id  est,  latebras  quserit, 
atque  clandestina  est  et  quasi  subterranea,  donee  re- 
motis  pudoris  et  metus  fhenis,  et  coalita  audacia,  aut 
virtutis  alicujus  prsetextum  suinit,  aut  infamiam  ipsam 
contemnit.  Atque  illud  verissimum  est,  omneni  af- 
fectum  vehementiorem  tanquam  ambigui  sexus  esse. 
Habet  enim  impetum  virilem,  impotentiam  autem  mu- 
liebrem.  Etiam  illud  prseclare,  Bacchum  mortuum 
reviviscere.  Videntur  enim  affectus  quandoque  sopiti 
atque  extincti,  sed  nulla  fides  habenda  est  eis,  ne  se- 
pultis  quidem ;  siquidem  prsebita  materia  et  occasione 
resurgunt.  Atque  de  inventione  vitis  parabola  prudens 
est :  omnis  enim  affectus  ingeniosus  est  et  sagax  ad 
investigandum  fomites  suos  ;  ante  omnia  autem  quae 
hominibus  innotuere,  vinum  ad  perturbationes  cujus- 
cunque  generis  excitandas  et  inflammandas  potentissi- 
mum  est  et  maxime  efficax  ;  atque  est  eis  instar  fomitis 
communis.  Elegantissinie  autem  ponitur  affectus  pro- 
vinciarum  subjugator,  et  expeditionis  infinite  susceptor. 
Nunquam  enim  partis  acquiescit,  sed  appetitu  infinite 
neque  satiabili  ad  ulteriora  tendit,  et  novis  inliiat. 
Etiam  tigres  apud  affectus  stabulant  et  ad  currum 
jugantur.  Postquam  enim  affectus  aliquis  curulis  esse 
coepit  non  pedestris,  et  victor  rationis  et  triumphator  ; 
in  omnia  qure  adversantur  aut  se  opponunt  crudelis  est 
et  indomitus  et  immitis.  Facetum  autem  est,  quod 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  39 

circa  currum  subsultant  illi  daemones  ridiculi.  Omnis 
enim  affectus  progignit  motus  in  oculis  et  ore  ipso  et 
gestu  indecoros  et  inconditos,  subsultorios  et  deformes, 
adeo  ut  qui  sibi  in  aliquo  affectu,  veluti  ira,  insulta- 
tione,1  amore,  videatur  magnificus  et  tumidus,  aliis 
tamen  sit  turpis  et  ridiculus.  Conspiciuntur  etiam  in 
affectus  comitatu  Musae.  Neque  enim  reperitur  ullus 
fere  affectus,  cui  non  blandiatur  aliqua  doctrina.  Hac 
enim  in  re  ingeiiiorum  indulgentia  Musarum  majes- 
tatem  minuit,  ut  cum  duces  vitae  esse  debeant,  sint 
affectuum  pedissequae.  Atque  imprimis  nobilis  est  ilia 
allegoria,  Bacchum  amores  suos  in  earn  effudisse  quae 
ab  alio  relicta  erat.  Certissimum  enim  est,  affectum 
id  petere  et  ambire  quod  experientia  repudiavit.  Atque 
norint  omnes,  qui  affectibus  suis  servientes  et  indul- 
gentes,  pretium  potiundi  in  immensum  augent,  sive 
honores  appetant,  sive  fortunas,  sive  amores,  sive  glo- 
riam,  sive  scientiam,  sive  alia  quaecunque,  se  res  relictas 
petere,  et  a  compluribus  per  omnia  fere  saecula  post 
experimentum  dimissas  et  fastiditas.  Neque  mysterio 
caret,  quod  hedera  Baccho  sacra  fuerit.  Hoc  enim 
duplici  modo  convenit.  Primum,  quod  hedera  hieme 
virescat;  deinde,  quod  circa  tot  res,  arbores,  parie- 
tes,  aedificia  serpat,  ac  circumfundatur,  ac  se  attollat. 
Quod  ad  primum  enim  attinet,  omnis  affectus  per  ren- 
itentiam  et  vetitum  et  tanquam  antiperistasin  (veluti 
per  frigus  brumac  hedera),  virescit  et  vigorem  acquirit. 
Secundo,  affectus  praedominans  omnes  humanas  actiones 
et  omnia  humana  decreta  tanquam  hedera  circumfundi- 
tur,  atque  iis  se  addit  et  adjungit  et  immiscet.  Neque 
mirum  est  si  superstitiosi  ritus  Baccho  attribuantur, 
cum  omnis  fere  male  sanus  affectus  in  pravis  religioni- 
bus  luxurietur :  aut  si  furores  ab  eo  immitti  putentur, 

1  arrogantia.    Ed.  1609. 


40  DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

cum  omnis  affectus  et  ipse  furor  brevis  sit,  ot  si  vehe- 
mentius  obsideat  et  incumbat,  in  insania  terarinetur. 
Illud  autein  de  Pentheo  et  Orpheo  laceratis  evidentem 
habet  parabolam  ;  cum  affectus  prsevalidus  et  inquisi 
tion!  curiosse  et  admonitioni  salutari  et  liberaB  asper- 
rimus  atque  infensissimus  sit.  Postremo  ilia  confusio 
personarum  Jo  vis  et  Bacchi  ad  parabolam  recte  traduci 
potest ;  quandoquidem  res  gesta3  nobiles  et  clara?,  et 
merita  insignia  et  gloriosa,  interdum  a  virtute  et  recta 
ratione  et  magnanimitate,  interdum  a  latente  affectu  et 
occulta  cupiditate  (utcunque  famae  et  laudis  celebritate 
efferantur)  proveniant  :  ut  non  facile  sit  distinguere 
facta  Bacchi  a  factis  Jovis. 


XXV. 

ATALAOTA, 

SI  VE     LUCRUM. 

ATALANTA  cum  velocitate  excelleret,  de  victoria  cur- 
sus  cum  Hippomene  certamen  iniit.  Conditiones  cer- 
taminis  erant ;  victori  Hippomeni  conjugium  Atalantae, 
mors  victo.  Neque  dubia  victoria  videbatur,  cum  Ata- 
lantaj  insaperabilis  in  cursu  praestantia  multorum  exitio 
insignita  fuisset.  Itaque  Hippornenes  ad  dolos  animum 
adjecit.  Paravit  autem  tria  mala  aurea,  eaque  secum 
portavit.1  Res  geri  coepit ;  prsecurrit  Atalanta  ;  ille 
cum  se  a  tergo  relictum  cerneret,  artis  non  immemor, 
ex  malis  aureis  unum  ante  conspectum  Atalantae  pro- 
jecit ;  non  recta  quidem,  sed  ex  transverse,  ut  illam  et 
moraretur,  atque  insuper  de  via  deduceret ;  ilia,  cu 
piditate  muliebri,  et  mali  pulcln-itudine  illecta,  omisso 

1  circa  se  Imbuit.     Ed.  1609. 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  41 

stadio  post  malum  cucurrit,  et  ad  illud  tollendum  se 
submisit.  Hippomenes  interim  spatium  stadii  non 
parvum  confecit,  eamque  post  se  reliquit.  Ilia  tamen 
rursus  naturali  pernicitate  jacturam  temporis  resarcivit, 
atque  iterum  emicuit :  sed  cum  Hippomenes  secundo 
et  tertio  hujusmodi  moras  ei  injecisset,  tandem  victor 
astutia  non  virtute  evasit. 

Fabula  videtur  allegoriam  insignem  proponere  de 
certamine  Artis  cum  Natura.  Ars  enim,  per  Ata- 
lantam  significata,  virtute  propria,  si  nihil  obstet  et 
impediat,  longe  natura  velocior  est,  et  veluti  cursus 
citations ;  et  celerius  ad  metam  pervenit.  Hoc  enim 
in  omnibus  fere  effectis  patet.  Cernas  fructus  ex 
nucleis  tarde,  ex  insitione  celeriter  provenire ;  cernas 
lutum  in  generatione  lapidum  tarde,  in  torrefactione 
laterum  cito  durescere  :  etiam  in  moralibus,  dolorum 
oblivionem  et  solatia  diuturnitas  temporis  quasi  ex 
beneficio  naturse  inducit  ;  philosophia  autem  (quae 
veluti  ars  vivendi  est)  diem  non  expectat,  sed  prasstat 
et  repraesentat.  Yerum  istam  artis  prserogativam  et 
vigorem,  infinite  rerum  humanarum  detrimento,  mala 
aurea  retardant.  Neque  reperitur  ex  scientiis  aut  ar- 
tibus  aliqua,  quae  cursum  suum  verum  et  legitimum 
ad  finem  suum,  tanquam  ad  metam,  constanter  pro- 
duxerit  ;  sed  perpetuo  artes  incoepta  praecidunt,  et 
stadium  deserunt,  et  ad  lucrum  et  commodum  decli- 
nant,  instar  Atalantae  : 

Declinat  cursus,  aurumque  volubile  tollit. 

Itaque  mirum  minime  est,  si  arti  non  datum  sit  na- 
turam  vincere,  et  victam  ex  pacto  illo  et  lege  certam- 
inis  perimere  aut  destruere  ;  sed  contrarium  eveniat, 
ut  ars  in  naturae  potestate  sit,  atque  veluti  nupta  mulier 
conjugi  pareat. 


42  DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

XXVI. 

PROMETHEUS, 

S I V  K      STATUS      H  O  M  I  N I S  . 

TKADUNT  antiqui  Hominem  fuisse  opus  Promethei, 
atque  ex  luto  factum,  nisi  quod  Prometheus  particulas 
ex  diversis  animalibus  massae  admiscuerit.  Ille  autern 
cum  opus  suum  beneficio  suo  tueri  vellet,  neque  con- 
ditor  solum  generis  human!  videri,  verum  etiam  ampli- 
ficator,  ad  coelum  ascendit  furtim,  fasces  secum  portans 
ex  ferula,  quibus  ad  currum  solis  admotis  et  accensis, 
ignem  ad  terrain  detulit,  atque  cum  hominibus  com- 
municavit.  Ob  tan  turn  Promethei  meritum  memorant 
homines  parum  gratos  fuisse.  Quinetiam  conspiratione 
facta,  et  Prometheum  et  inventum  ejus  apud  Jovem  ac- 
cusarunt.  Ea  res  non  perinde  accepta,  atque  requum 
videri  possit.  Nam  ipsa  accusatio  Jovi  et  superis  ad- 
modum  cordi  fuit.  Itaque  delectati  non  solum  ignis 
usum  hominibus  indulserunt,  verum  et  novum  munus 
omnium  maxime  amabile  et  optabile  (perpetuam  nimi- 
rum  juventam)  hominibus  donarunt.  Illi  gestientes  et 
inepti,  donum  deorum  asello  imposuerunt.  Inter  rede- 
undum  autem  laborabat  asellus  siti  gravi  et  vehement! ; 
cumque  ad  fontem  quendam  pervenisset,  serpens  font! 
custos  additus,  eum  a  potu  prohibuit,  nisi  illud,  quod- 
cunque  esset,  quod  in  dorso  portaret,  pacisci  vellet : 
asellus  miser  conditionem  accepit,  atque  hoc  modo  in- 
stauratio  juventutis,  in  pretium  haustus  pusillas  aquae, 
ab  hominibus  ad  serpentes  transmissa  est.  Verum 
Prometheus  a  malitia  sua  non  abscedens,  atque  homin 
ibus  post  premium  illud  eorum  frustratum  reconcil- 
iatus,  animo  vero  erga  Jovem  exulcerato,  dolos  etiam 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  43 

ad  sacrificium  adhibere  veritus  non  est.  Atque  duos 
aliquando  tauros  Jovi  dicitur  immolasse,  ita  tamen  ut 
in  alterius  pelle  carnes  et  adipem  amborum  incluserit, 
alteram  pellem  ossibus  tantummodo  sufFarcinarit ;  atque 
delude  religiosus  scilicet  et  benignus  Jovi  optionem 
concessit.  Jupiter,  vafritiem  et  malam  fidem  ejus 
detestatus,  sed  nactus  occasionem  ultionis,  ludibrium 
illud  tauri  elegit ;  atque  ad  vindictam  conversus,  cum 
se  insolentiam  Promethei  reprimere  non  posse  ani- 
madverteret,  nisi  homimum  genus  (quo  opere  ille  im- 
mensum  turgebat  et  efferebatur)  afflixisset,  Vulcano 
imperavit,  ut  foeminam  componeret  pulchram  et  ve- 
nustam,  cui  etiam  dii  singuli  dotes  suas  impertierunt, 
qua3  idcirco  Pandora  vocata  est.  Huic  fbemina?  inter 
manus  vasculum  elegans  posuerunt,  in  quo  omnia  mala 
et  serumnas  incluserant ;  subsidebat  autem  in  imo  vase 
Spes.  Ilia  cum  vasculo  suo  ad  Prometheum  primo  se 
contulit ;  eum  captans,  si  forte  ille  vas  accipere  vellet 
et  aperire :  quod  ille  cautus  et  astutus  rejecit.  Itaque 
ad  Epimetheum  Promethei  fratrem  (sed  diversae  admo- 
dum  indolis)  spreta  deflexit.  Ille  nihil  cunctatus  vas 
temere  aperuit ;  cumque  mala  ilia  omnigena  evolare 
cerneret,  sero  sapiens,  magna  contentione  et  festina- 
tione  vasi  operculum  suum  rursus  indere  conatus  est, 
vix  tamen  ultimam  et  in  fundo  residentem  Spem  ser- 
vare  potuit.  Postremo  Prometheo  Jupiter  plurima  et 
gravia  imputans,  quod  ignis  olim  furtum  fecisset,  quod 
Jovis  majestatem  in  sacrificio  illo  doloso  ludibrio  hab- 
uisset,  quod  donum  ejus  aspernatus  esset,  novo  etiam 
additio  crimine,  quod  Palladem  vitiare  tentasset,  eum 
in  vincula  conjecit,  et  ad  perpetuos  cruciatus  damnavit. 
Erat  enim  jussu  Jovis  adductus  ad  montem  Caucasum, 
atque  ibi  columnar  alligatus,  ut  nullo  pacto  se  movere 


44  DE   SAPIENTIA  YETERUM. 

posset:  aderat  autem  aquila,  quie  jecur  ejus  intercliu  ros- 
tro  tundebat  atquc  consumebat,  noctu  autem  quantum 
comesum  erat  renascebatur,  ut  nunquam  doloris  materia 
deficeret.  Memorant  tamen  hoc  supplicium  aliquando 
finem  habuisse :  Hercules  enim  in  poculo  quod  a  Sole 
acceperat,  navigato  oceano,  ad  Caucasum  pervenit, 
atque  Prometheum  liberavit,  aquila  sagittis  confixa. 
Instituta  autem  sunt  in  honorem  Promethei,  apud 
nonnullos  populos,  lampadiferorum  certamina,  in  qui- 
bus  decurrentes  accensas  faces  ferebant,  quas  si  extin- 
gui  contigisset,  victoriam  sequentibus  cedebant  et  se 
subducebant,  atque  is  demum  palmam  accepit,  qui 
primus  facem  accensam  ad  metam  usque  detulisset. 

Fabula  contemplationes  plurimas  veras  atque  graves 
et  prae  se  fert  et  premit.  Nonnulla  enim  in  ea  jam- 
pridem  recte  notata,  alia  plane  intacta  sunt.  Prome 
theus  Providentiam  liquido  et  diserte  significat :  atque 
in  rerun!  universitate  sola  desumpta  et  delecta  est  ab 
antiquis  Hominis  fabrica  et  constitutio,  quaa  provi 
dential  attribuatur  tanquam  opus  proprium.  Hujus 
rei  non  solum  illud  in  causa  esse  videtur,  quod  hominis 
natura  mentem  suscipit  atque  intellectum  providentia? 
sedein,  atque  durum  quodammodo  videtur  et  incredibile 
ex  principiis  brutis  et  surdis  excitare  et  educere  ratio- 
nem  et  mentem  ;  ut  fere  necessario  concludatur  provi- 
dentia  animoQ  humanae  indita  esse  non  sine  exemplari  et 
intentione  et  authoramento  providentise  majoris  :  ve- 
rum  et  hoc  prsecipue  proponitur,  quod  homo  veluti 
centrum  mundi  sit,  quatenus  ad  causas  finales  ;  adeo 
ut  sublato  e  rebus  homine,  reliqua  vagari  sine  proposito 
videantur  et  fluctuari,  atque  quod  aiunt  scopas  dissolutae 
esse,  nee  finem  petere.  Omnia  enim  subserviunt  hom- 
ini,  isque  nsum  et  fructum  ex  singulis  elicit  et  capit. 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  45 

Etenim  astrorum  conversiones  et  period!  et  ad  distinc- 
tiones  temporum  et  ad  plagarum  mundi  distributionem 
faciunt ;  et  meteora  ad  praesagia  tempestatum  ;  et  venti 
turn  ad  navigandum,  turn  ad  molas  et  macliinas ;  et 
plantae  atque  animalia  cujuscunque  generis,  aut  ad  do- 
micilia  hominis  et  latebras,  aut  ad  vestes,  aut  ad  victum, 
aut  ad  medicinam,  aut  ad  levandos  labores,  aut  denique 
ad  delectationern  et  solatium  referuntur:  adeo  ut  omnia 
prorsus  non  suam  rem  agere  videantur,  sed  hominis. 
Neque  temere  additum  est,  in  massa  ilia  et  plasmate 
particulas  ex  diversis  animantibus  desumptas,  atque 
cum  luto  illo  temperatas  et  confusas  fuisse ;  quia  ve- 
rissimum  est,  omnium  rerum  quas  universum  compleo 
titur  hominem  rem  maxime  compositam  esse  et  decom- 
positam,  ut  non  immerito  ab  antiquis  Mundus  Minor 
vocatus  sit.  Quamvis  enim  verbi  Microcosmi  elegan- 
tiam  chymici  nimis  putide  et  ad  literam  acceperint  et 
detorserint,  dum  in  homine  omnem  mineram,  omne 
vegetabile,  et  reliqua,  aut  aliquid  eis  proportionatum, 
subesse  volunt ;  manet  tamen  illud  solidurn  et  sanum 
quod  diximus,  corpus  hominis  omnium  entium  et  max 
ime  mistum  et  maxime  organicum  reperiri,  quo  magis 
admirandas  virtutes  et  facultates  suscipit  et  nanciscitur. 
Simplicium  enim  corporum  vires  paucae  sunt,  licet  certae 
et  rapidaa,  quia  minime  per  mixturam  refractse,  et  com 
minute,  et  libratae  existunt:  virtutis  autem  copia  et  ex- 
cellentia  in  mistura  et  compositione  habitat.  Atque  nihi- 
lominus  homo  in  originibus  suis  videtur  esse  res  inermis 
et  nuda,  et  tarda  in  juvamentum  sui,  denique  quae  plu- 
rimis  rebus  indigeat.  Itaque  festinavit  Prometheus  ad 
inventionem  ignis,  qui  omnibus  fere  humanis  necessi- 
tatibus  et  usibus  suppeditat  et  ministrat  levamenta  et 
auxilia  :  ut  si  forma  formarum  anima,  si  instrumentum 


46  DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

instrumentorum  manus,  etiam  auxilium  auxiliorum  sive 
opis  opium  ignis  dici  mereatur.  Hinc  enim  operationes 
quamplurimae,1  hinc  artes  mechanics,  hinc  scientise 
ipstE  infinitis  modis  adjuvantur.  Modus  autem  furti 
ignis  apte  describitur,  atque  ex  natura  rei.  Is  fuisse 
perhibetur  per  virgam  ex  ferula  ad  currum  solis  ad- 
motam.  Ferula  enim  ad  percussionem  et  plagas  adhi- 
betur,  ut  luculenter  significetur,  ignis  generationem  per 
corporum  violentas  percussiones  et  collisiones  fieri,  ex 
quibus  attermantur  materiae,  et  in  motu  ponuntur,  et  ad 
calorem  coelestium  suscipiendum  pra^parantur,  ignem- 
que  veluti  ex  curru  solis  modis  clandestinis  ac  quasi 
furtim  decerpunt  et  rapiunt.  Sequitur  paraboke  pars 
insignis.  Homines,  loco  gratulationis  et  gratiarum  ac- 
tionis,  ad  indignationem  et  expostulationem  versos  esse, 
atque  accusationem  et  Promethei  et  ignis  apud  Jovem 
instituisse  ;  earnque  rem  Jovi  acceptissimam  fuisse,  adeo 
ut  hominum  commoda  ob  hoc  nova  munificentia  cu- 
mulaverit.  Quorsum  enim  ista  criminis  inorati  erga 

*^  O  O 

authorem  suum  animi  (quod  vitium  omnia  fere  com- 
plectitur)  approbatio  et  remuneratio?  Res  alio  spectare 
videtur.  Hoc  enim  vult  allegoria  ;  incusationem  et 
naturae  suae  et  artis  per  homines  factam,  ex  optimo 
mentis  statu  proficisci,  atque  in  bonum  cedere ;  con- 
trarium  diis  invisum  et  infaustum  esse.  Qui  enim 
naturam  humanam  vel  artes  receptas  in  immensum 
extollunt,  et  effusi  sunt  in  admirationem  earum  rerum 
quas  habent  et  possident,  et  scientias  quas  profitentur 
aut  colunt  perfectas  prorsus  censeri  volunt,  illi  primo 
adversus  divinam  naturam  minus  reverentes  sunt,  cujus 
perfection!  sua  fere  aaquiparant ;  deinde  iidem  erga 
homines  magis  sunt  infructuosi,  cum  se  ad  fastigium 

1  Hinc  enim  omnis  inditstria.     Ed.  1609. 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  47 

rerum  jam  pervenisse  putent,  et  tanquam  perfuncti 
ulteriora  mm  quairant.  Contra  qui  naturam  et  artes 
deferunt  et  accusant,  et  querimoniarum  pleni  sunt,  illi 
vere  et  magis  modestum  animi  sensum  retinent,  et 
perpetuo  ad  novam  industriam  et  nova  inventa  ex- 
timulantur.  Quo  mihi  magis  mirari  libet  hominum 
inscitiam  et  malum  genium,  qui  paucorum  arrogantiae 
servuli,  istam  Peripateticorum  philosophiam,  portionem 
Graecae  sapientiae,  nee  earn  magnam,  in  tanta  venera- 
tione  habent,  ut  omnem  ejus  incusationem  non  solum 
inutilem  sed  suspectam  et  fere  periculosam  reddiderint. 
Atque  magis  probandus  est  et  Empedocles,  qui  tan 
quam  furens,  et  Democritus,  qui  magna  cum  verecun- 
dia,  queruntur,  omnia  abstrusa  esse,  nihil  nos  scire,  nil 
cernere,' veritatem  in  profundis  puteis  immersam,  veris 
falsa  miris  modis  adjuncta  atque  intorta  esse  (nam  Aca- 
demia  nova  modum  prorsus  excessit),  quam  Aristotelis 
schola  fidens  et  pronuntiatrix.  Itaque  monendi  sunt 
homines,  delationem  naturae  et  artis  diis  cordi  esse,  et 
novas  eleemosynas  et  donaria  a  divina  benignitate  impe- 
trare ;  et  incusationem  Promethei  licet  authoris  et  ma- 
gistri,  eamque  acrem  et  vehementem,  magis  sanam  et 
utilem  quam  gratulationem  eiFusam  esse ;  denique  opini- 
onem  copiae  inter  maximas  causas  inopiae  reponi.  Quod 
vero  attinet  ad  doni  genus  quod  homines  in  praemium 
accusationis  dicuntur  accepisse  (florem  juventutis  vide 
licet  non  deciduum),  ejusmodi  est,  ut  videantur  antiqui 
de  modis  et  medicinis  ad  senectutis  retardationem  et  vi- 
tac  prolongationem  facientibus  non  desperasse;  sed  ilia 
utique  numerasse  potius  inter  ea  quae  per  hominum 
inertiam  et  incuriam,  licet  semel  accepta,  periere  aut 
frustrata  sunt,  quam  inter  ea  quae  plane  negata  et  nun- 
quam  concessa  fuerint.  Significant  enim  et  innuunt, 


48  DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

ex  ignis  vero  usu,  atque  ex  artis  erroribus  bene  et 
strenue  accusatis  et  convictis,  munificentiam  divinam 
ad  hujusmodi  dona  hominibus  non  defuisse ;  ipsos  sibi 
deesse,  cnm  hoc  deorum  munus  asello  imposuerint 
lento  et  tardigrade  ;  ea  videtur  esse  Experientia,  res 
stupida  et  plena  morae,  ex  cujus  gradu  tardo  et  tes- 
tudineo  antiqua  ilia  querimonia  de  vita  brevi  et  arte 
lonya  nata  est.  Atque  certe  nos  in  ea  sumus  opin- 
ione,  facilitates  illas  dnas,  Dogmaticam  et  Empir- 
icam,  adlmc  non  bene  conjunctas  et  copnlatas  fuisse ; 
sed  nova  deorum  munera  aut  philosophiis  abstractis, 
tanquam  levi  volucri,  aut  lentae  et  tardac  experientiae, 
tanquam  asello,  imposita  esse.  In  quo  tamen  de  asello 
illo  non  male  ominandum  est,  nisi  interveniat  illud 
accidens  vije  et  sit  is.  Existimamus  enim,  si  quis  ex 
perientiae  veluti  certa  lege  et  metliodo  constanter  mili- 
tet,  neque  inter  viam  experimenta  quse  vel  ad  lucrum 
faciunt  vel  ad  ostentationem  hauriendi  siti  corripiatur, 
adeo  ut1  ad  ea  comparanda  onus  suum  deponat  et  dis- 
traliat ;  eum  munificentiaa  divinae  auctos  et  novae  baj- 
ulum  non  inutilem  fore.  Quod  vero  donum  illud 
ad  serpentes  transierit,  ea  videtur  adjectio  ad  fabulam 
ornatus  fere  gratia ;  nisi  forte  illud  inseruerint,  ut  hom 
ines  pudeat,  se  cum  igne  illo  suo  et  tot  artibus  ea  in  se 
transferre  non  posse  quae  natura  ipsa  compluribus  aliis 
animalibus  largita  est.  Etiam  ilia  subita  hominum  cum 

O 

Promethea  reconciliatio  postquam  spe  sua  decidissent, 
monitum  habet  utile  et  prudens.  Notat  enim  hominum 
levitatem  et  temeritatem  in  experimentis  novis.  Ea 
enim  si  statim  non  succedant  et  ad  vota  respondeant, 
praepropera  festinatione  homines  incepta  deserunt,  et 
praecipites  ad  vetera  recurrunt,  iisque  reconciliantur. 

i  sitiat,  ut.     Ed.  1609. 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  49 

Descripto  statu  hominis  quoad  artes  et  intellectualia, 
parabola  transit  ad  Religionem  ;  culturam  enim  artium 
cultus  divinorum  comitatus  est ;  quern  statim  hypocri- 
sis  occupavit  et  polluit.  Itaque  sub  duplici  illo  sacri- 
ficio,  eleganter  repraesentatur  persona  vere  religiosi  et 
hypocritae.  Alteri  enim  inest  adeps,  Dei  nimirum  por- 
tio,  ob  inflammationem  et  suffitum,  per  quod  afFectus  et 
zelus  ad  gloriam  Dei  incensus  atque  alta  petens  signi- 
ficatur;  insunt  viscera  charitatis,  insunt  carnes  bonae  et 
utiles.  In  altero  nihil  praeter  ossa  arida  et  nuda  repe- 
riuntur,  quae  nihilominus  pellem  farciunt,  et  hostiam 
pulcherrimam  et  magnificam  imitantur ;  per  quaa  recte 
notantur  extern!  et  inanes  ritus  et  caeremoniae  jejunae, 
quibus  homines  cultum  divinum  onerant  et  inflant,  res 
ad  ostentationem  potius  compositae,  quam  ad  pietatem 
facientes.  Neque  satis  est  hominibus  hujusmodi  lu- 
dibria  Deo  offerre,  nisi  ea  etiam  illi  imponant  et  im- 
putent,  ac  si  ipse  ilia  elegerit  et  praescripserit.  Certe 
propheta  sub  Dei  persona  de  hac  optione  expostulat : 
Num  tandem  hoc  est  illud  jejunium,  quod  ELEGI,  ut  ho 
mo  animam  suam  in  diem  unum  affligat,  et  caput  instar 
juncece  demittat  ?  Post  statum  religionis,  parabola  se 
vertit  ad  mores  et  humanae  vitae  conditiones.  Atque 
pervulgatum  est  illud,  et  tamen  recte  positum,  per 
Pandoram  significari  Voluptatem  et  Libidinem,  quae 
post  vitae  civilis  artes  et  cultum  et  luxum,  veluti  ex 
dono  ignis  et  ipsa  incensa  est.  Itaque  Vulcano,  qui 
similiter  ignem  repraesentat,  opificium  voluptatis  depu- 
tatur.  Ab  ilia  autem  infinita  mala  et  in  animos  et  in 
corpora  et  fortunas  hominum,  una  cum  sera  poenitentia, 
fluxerunt ;  neque  tantum  in  status  singulorum,  verum 
etiam  in  regna  et  respublicas.  Ab  eodem  enim  fonte 
bella  et  tumultus  et  tyrannides  ortum  traxere.  Verum 


50  DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

opera?  pretium  est  animadvertere,  quam  belle  et  ele- 
ganter  fabula  duas  humana?  vita?  conditiones,  et  veluti 
tabulas  sive  exempla,  sub  personis  Promethei  et  Epi- 
methei  depinxerit.  Qui  enim  sectara  Epimethei  se- 
quuntur,  illi  improvidi,  neque  in  longum  consulentes, 
qua?  in  pra?sentia  suavia  sunt  prima  habent,  atque  multis 
sane  propter  hoc  angustiis  et  difficultatibus  et  calami- 
tatibus  premuntur,  et  perpetuo  fere  cum  illis  conflic- 
tantur ;  interim  tamen  genium  suum  placant,  atque 
insuper  ob  rerum  imperitiam  multas  inanes  spes  intra 
animum  volvunt,  quibus  tamen  veluti  suavibus  insom- 
niis  se  delectant,  atque  miserias  vita?  sua?  condiunt. 
Promethei  autem  schola,  homines  nimirum  prudentes, 
et  in  futurum  prospicientes,  multa  scilicet  mala  et  in- 
fortunia  caute  submovent  et  rejiciunt ;  verum  cum  hoc 
bono  illud  conjunctum  est,  ut  multis  voluptatibus  et 
varia  rerum  jucunditate  se  privent,  et  genium  suum 
fraudent,  atque  quod  multo  pejus  est,  curis  et  solicitu- 
dine  et  timoribus  intestinis  se  crucient  et  conficiant. 
Alligati  enim  Necessitates  columnse,  innumeris  cogita- 
tionibus  (qua?,  quia  volucres  admodurn  sunt,  per  aqui- 
lam  significantur)  iisque  pungentibus  et  jecur  morden- 
tibus  et  corrodentibus  vexantur  ;  nisi  forte  aliquando 
veluti  noctu  exiguam  quampiam  animi  remissionem  et 
quietem  nanciscantur ;  ita  tamen  ut  statim  subinde 
redeant  novae  anxietates  et  formidines.  Itaque  paucis 
admodum  utriusque  sortis  beneficium  contigit,  ut  pro- 
videntiae  commoda  retinuerint,  sollicitudinis  et  pertur- 
bationis  malis  se  liberarint :  neque  id  quisquam  assequi 
potest,  nisi  per  Hercnlem,  id  est,  fortitudinem  et  animi 
constantiam,  qua?  in  omnem  eventum  parata,  et  cuicun- 
que  sorti  a?qua,  prospicit  sine  metu,  fruitur  sine  fastidio, 
et  tolerat  sine  impatientia.  Atque  illud  notatu  dignum 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  51 

est,  virtutem  hanc  Prometheo  non  innatam  sed  adven- 
titiam  fuisse,  atque  ex  ope  aliena.  Nulla  enim  ingen- 
ita  et  naturalis  fortitude  tantaa  rei  par  esse  possit. 
Sed  haec  virtus  ab  ultimo  oceano  atque  a  sole  accepta 
et  advecta  est :  prajstatur  enim  a  sapientia,  tanquam  a 
sole,  et  a  meditatione  inconstantiae  ac  veluti  undarum 
humanae  vitae,  tanquam  a  navigatione  oceani ;  quas  duo 
Virgilius  bene  conjunxit : 

Felix  qui  potuit  rerum  cognoscere  causas, 
Quique  inetus  omnes  et  inexorabile  fatum 
Subjecit  pedibus,  strepitumque  Acherontis  avari. 

Elegantissime  autem  additur  ad  hominum  animos  con- 
solandos  et  confirmandos,  heroem  istum  ingentem  in 
poculo  sive  urceo  navigasse :  ne  forte  naturae  suaa  an- 
gustias  et  fragilitatem  minium  pertimescant  aut  causen- 
tur,  ac  si  hujusmodi  fortitudinis  et  constantiae  capax 
omnino  non  esset ;  de  quo  ipso  Seneca  bene  ominatus 
est,  cum  dicat,  Magnum  est  habere  simul  fragilitatem 
hominis,  et  securitatem  Dei.  Sed  jam  retrocedendum 
est  ad  illud,  quod  consulto  praeterivimus,  ne  ea  quas 
inter  se  connexa  sunt  abrumperemus :  hoc  est,  de 
novissimo  illo  Promethei  crimine,  quod  pudicitiam 
Minervae  sollicitasset.  Nam  et  ob  hoc  delictum,  gra- 
vissimum  certe  et  maximum,  illam  poenam  laniationis 
viscerum  subiit.  Illud  non  aliud  esse  videtur,  quam 
quod  homines  artibus  et  scientia  multa  inflati,  etiam 
sapientiam  divinam  sensibus  et  rationi  subjicere  saepius 
tentent ;  ex  quo  certissime  sequitur  mentis  laceratio  et 
stimulatio  perpetua  et  irrequieta.  Itaque  mente  sobria 
et  submissa  distinguenda  sunt  humana  et  divina ;  at 
que  oracula  sensus  et  fidei ;  nisi  forte  et  religio  haeret- 
ica  et  philosophia  commentitia  horninibus  cordi  sit. 
Restat  ultimum  illud  de  ludis  Promethei  cum  taedis 


52  DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

ardentibus.  Hoc  rursus  ad  artes  et  scientias  pertinet, 
sicut  ignis  ille  ad  cujus  memoriam  et  celebrationem 
hujusmodi  ludi  instituti  sunt ;  atque  continet  in  se 
monitum,  idque  prudentissimum ;  ut  perfectio  scien- 
tiarum  a  successione,  non  ab  unius  alicujus  pernicitate 
aut  facultate,  expectetur.  Etenim  qui  ad  cursum  et 
contentionem  velocissimi  et  validissimi  sunt,  ii  ad  facem 
suam  accensam  servandam  fortasse  minus  sunt  habiles, 
cum  a  cursu  rapido  seque  ac  nimis  tardo  periculum 
extinctionis  immineat.  Isti  autem  Luminum  cursus  et 
certamina  jampridem  interrnissa  videntur,  cum  scien- 
tiae  in  primis  quibusque  authoribus,  Aristotele,  Galeno, 
Euclide,  Ptolomseo,  maxime  florere  cernantur;  atque 
successio  nil  magni  effecerit  aut  fere  tentaverit.  Atque 
optandum  esset,  ut  isti  ludi  in  honorem  Promethei  sive 
Humanae  Naturae  instaurarentur,  atque  res  certamen 
et  semulationem  et  bonam  fortunam  reciperet,  neque 
ex  unius  cujuspiam  face  tremula  atque  agitata  pen- 
deret.  Itaque  homines  monendi  sunt,  ut  se  ipsi  ex- 
suscitent,  et  vires  atque  etiam  vices  suas  experiantur, 
neque  in  paucorum  liominum  animulis  et  cerebellis 
omnia  ponant.  Ha3C  sunt  ilia,  qua?  in  fabula  ista  vul- 
gari  et  decantata  nobis  adumbrari  videntur ;  neque 
tamen  inficiamur,  illi  subesse  baud  pauca,  quse  ad 
Christianas  fidei  mysteria  miro  consensu  innuant ;  ante 
omnia  navio;atio  ilia  Herculis  in  urceo  ad  liberandum 

O 

Prometheum,  imaginem  Dei  Verbi,  in  carne  tanquam 
fragili  vasculo  ad  redemptionem  generis  humani  prop- 
era.ntis,  prae  se  ferre  videtur.  Verurn  nos  omnem  in 
hoc  genere  licentiam  nobis  ipsi  interdicimus,  ne  forte 
igne  extraneo  ad  altare  Domini  utamur. 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  53 

XXVII. 

ICARUS  VOLANS,  ITEM  SCYLLA  ET  CHARYBDIS, 

SI  VE     VIA     MEDIA. 1 

MEDIOCRITAS,  sive  Via  Media,  in  moralibus  lauda- 
tissima  est ;  in  intellectualibus  minus  celebrata,  sed 
non  minus  utilis  et  bona ;  in  politicis  tantum  suspecta, 
et  cum  judicio  adliibenda.  Morum  autem  mediocri- 
tates  per  viam  Icaro  praescriptam,  intellectualium  au 
tem  per  viam  inter  Scyllam  et  Charybdim  ob  difficul- 
tatem  et  periculum  decantatam,  ab  antiquis  notantur. 
Icaro  prascepit  pater,  cum  mare  esset  praatervolandum, 
ut  viam  aut  nimis  sublimem  aut  nimis  humilem  cave- 
ret.  Cum  enim  alae  cera  essent  conglutinatae,  peric 
ulum  erat,  si  altius  efferretur,  ne  cera  ex  solis  ardore 
liquefieret ;  sin  ad  vaporem  maris  propius  se  submit- 
teret,  ne  ab  humore  cera  minus  tenax  efficeretur.  Ille 
vero  ausu  juvenili  in  celsiora  contendit,  atque  in  prae- 
ceps  lapsus  est. 

Parabola  facilis  et  vulgata  est :  virtutis  enim  via 
inter  excessum  et  defectum  recto  tramite  aperitur. 
Neque  mirum  erat  si  Icarum,  juvenili  alacritate  ges- 
tientem,2  excessus  perdiderit.  Excessus  enim  fere  ju- 
venum ;  defectus  senum  vitia  esse  solent.  Ex  semitis 
tamen  malis  et  nocivis  elegit  Icarus  (si  plane  pereun- 
dum  erat)  meliorem.3  Defectus  enim  recte  aestiman- 
tur  excessibus  praviores.  Quandoquidem  4  excessui 
nonnihil  magnanirnitatis  subsit  et  cognationis  cum 

1  In  Ed.  1609,  the  title  of  this  fable,  both  here  and  in  the  table  of  con 
tents,  is  "  SCYLLA  et  ICARUS,  sive  via  media." 

2  This  clause  is  not  in  Ed.  1609. 

3  potiwem  elegit.     Ed.  1609. 

4  Defectus  enim  praviores  cestimantur  ;  cum,  $c.    Ed.  1609. 


54  DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

coelo,  ad  instar  volucris  :  defectus  vero  humi  serpat 
instar  reptilis.  Praeclare  Heraclitus  ;  Lumen  siccum, 
optima  anima.  Nam l  si  ex  Immo  humorem  contra- 
hat  anima,  prorsus  deprimitur  et  degenerat :  interim  ta- 
men2  modus  adhibendus  est,  ut  ab  ilia  siccitate  laudata 
lumen  reddatur  subtilius,  non  corripiatur  incendium. 
Atque  haec  cuivis  fere  nota  sunt.  At  via  ilia  in  in- 
tellectualibus,  inter3  Scyllam  et  Cliarybdim,  certe  et 
peritiam  navigandi  et  felicitatem  desiderat.  Si  enim 
in  Scyllam  incidant  naves,  illiduntur  cautibus :  sin  in 
Cliarybdim,  absorbentur.  Cujus  parabolae  ea  videtur 
esse  vis  (quam  nos  breviter  perstringemus,  tametsi  in- 
finitam  traliat  contemplationem),  ut  in  omni  doctrina 
et  scientia,  earumque  regulis  et  axiomatibus,  modus 
teneatur  inter  distinctionum  scopulos,  et  universalium 
voragines.  Haec  enim  duo  naufragiis  ingeniorum  et 
artium  famosa  sunt. 


XXVIII. 
SPHINX, 

SIVE      SCIENTIA. 

TRADITUR  Sphinx  fuisse  monstrum  specie  multifor- 
me ;  facie  et  voce  virginis ;  pennis  volucris ;  unguibus 
gryphi :  jugum  autem  mentis  in  agro  Thebano  tene- 
bat,  et  vias  obsidebat :  mos  autem  ei  erat,  viatores  ex 
insidiis  invadere  ac  comprehendere,  quibus  in  potesta- 
tem  redactis,  aenigmata  qusedam  obscura  et  perplexa 
proponebat,  quoe  a  Musis  praebita  et  accepta  putaban- 

1  etenim.     Ed.  1609. 

2  prorsus  degenerat.     Etiam  ex  altera parte  modus  cfc.     Ed.  1609. 
8  via  autem  ilia  inter.     Ed.  1609. 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  55 

tur.  Ea  si  solvere  et  interpretari  miseri  captivi  non 
possent,  hassitantes  et  confuses  in  illis,1  magna  saevitia 
dilaniabat.  Haec  calamitas  cum  diu  grassaretur,  prae- 
mium  propositum  est  a  Thebanis  (ipsum  Thebarum 
imperium)  viro  qui  Sphingis  asnigmata  explicare  pos- 
sit,  (neque  enim  alia  superandse  illius  ratio  erat.) 
Tanto  pretio  excitatus  (Edipus,  vir  acer  et  prudens, 
sed  pedibus  laasis  et  perforatis,  conditionem  accepit,  et 
experiri  statuit.  Postquam  autem  fidcns  animi  et  al- 
acer  se  coram  Sphinge  stitisset;  ilia  ab  eo  quaesivit, 
quale  tandem  illud  animal  esset,  quod  primo  quad- 
rupes  natum,  postea  bipes  factum  esset,  deinde  tripes, 
ad  extremum  rursus  quadrupes.  Ille  praesenti  animo 
respondit,  illud  in  Hominem  competere,  qui  sub  ipsum 
partum  et  infantiam  quadrupes  provolvitur,  et  vix  re- 
pere  tentat ;  nee  ita  multo  post  erectus  et  bipes  incedit ; 
in  senectute  autem  baculo  innititur  et  se  sustentat,  ut 
tanquam  tripes  videatur ;  extrema  autem  aatate  de- 
crepitus  senex,  labantibus  nervis,  quadrupes  decumbit, 
et  lecto  affigitur.  Itaque  vero  response  victoriam  adep- 
tus,  Sphingem  interemit ;  cujus  corpus  asello  imposi- 
tum,  veluti  in  triumpho  ducebatur:  ipse  autem  ex 
pactis  rex  Thebanorum  creatus  est. 

Fabula  elegans,  nee  minus  prudens  est :  atque  vide- 
tur  conficta  de  Scientia,  prassertim  conjuncta  practicae. 
Siquidem  scientia  non  absurde  monstrum  dici  possit, 
cum  ignorantibus  et  imperitis  prorsus  admirationi  sit. 
Figura  autem  et  specie  multiformis  est,  ob  immensam 
varietatem  subjecti  in  qua  scientia  versatur  :  vultus  et 
vox  affingitur  muliebris  ob  gratiam  et  loquacitatem  ; 
adduntur  ahe,  quia  sciential  et  earum  inventa  mo- 
mento  discurrunt  et  volant ;  cum  communicatio  scien- 

i  in  illis  is  omitted  in  Ed.  1609. 


56  DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

tia3  sit  instar  luminis  de  lurnine,  quod  affatim  incendi- 
tur.  Elegantissime  autem  attribuuntur  ungues  acuti 
et  adunci ;  quia  scientiaB  axiomata  et  argumenta  pene- 
trant  mentein,  eainque  prehendunt  et  tenent,  ut  mo- 
vere  et  elabi  non  possit :  quod  et  sanctus  philosophus 
notavit :  Verba  sapientum  (inquit)  sant  tanquam  aculei, 
et  veluti  clam  in  altum  defixi.  Omnis  autem  scientia 
collocata  videtur  in  arduis  et  editis  montium.  Nam 
res  sublimis  merito  putatur  et  excelsa,  et  ignorantiam 
tanquam  ex  superiore  loco  despiciens,  atque  etiam  late 
et  undequaque  speculatur  et  prospicit,  ut  in  vertici- 
bus  montium  fieri  solet.  Vias  autem  obsidere  fingi- 
tur  scientia,  quia  ubique  in  itinere  isto  sive  peregrina- 
tione  vitae  humane,  materia  et  occasio  contemplationis 
se  ingerit  et  occurrit.  Proponit  autem  Sphinx  quges- 
tiones  et  senigmata  mortalibus  varia  et  difficilia,  quaa 
accepit  a  Musis.  Ea  tamen  quamdiu  apud  Musas 
manent,  saevitia  fortasse  carent.  Donee  enim  nullus 
alius  finis  meditationis  et  disquisitionis  sit,  prater 
ipsum  Scire,  intellectus  non  premitur,  nee  in  arcto 
ponitur,  sed  vagatur  et  expatiatur ;  atque  in  ipsa  du- 
bitatione  et  varietate  nonnullam  jucunditatem  et  de- 
lectationem  sentit :  sed  postquarn  a  Musis  hujusmodi 
senigmata  ad  Spliingem  transmissa  sunt,  id  est  ad 
practicam,  ut  instet  et  urgeat  actio  et  electio  et  de- 
cretum ;  turn  demum  senigmata  molesta  et  saeva  esse 
incipiunt,  et  nisi  solvantur  et  expediantur,  animos 
hominum  miris  modis  torquent  et  vexant,  et  in  omnes 
partes  distrahunt,  et  plane  lacerant.  Proinde  in  a3iiig- 
matibus  Sphingis  duplex  semper  proponitur  conditio  ; 
non  solvent!  mentis  laceratio  ;  solventi  imperium.  Qui 
enim  rem  callet,  is  fine  suo  potitur,  atque  omnis  arti- 
fex  operi  suo  imperat.  JEnigmatum  autem  Sphingis 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  57 

duo  in  universum  sunt  genera  ;  aenigmata  de  natura 
rerum,  atque  aenigmata  de  natura  hominis :  atque  si- 
militer  in  praemium  solutionis  sequuntur  duo  imperia  ; 
imperium  in  naturam,  et  imperium  in  homines  :  verae 
enim  philosophise  naturalis  finis  proprius  et  ultimus 
est,  imperium  in  res  naturales,  corpora,  medicinas, 
mechanica,  alia  infinita  ;  licet  Schola,  oblatis  contenta 
et  sermonibus  tumefacta,  res  et  opera  negligat  et  fere 
projiciat.  Verum  aenigma  illud  GEdipodi  propositum, 
ex  quo  ille  imperium  Thebanum  adeptus  est,  pertine- 
bat  ad  naturam  hominis :  quisquis  enim  naturam  hom- 
inis  prorsus  introspexit,  ille  faber  fere  fortunae  suae 
esse  potest,  et  ad  imperandum  natus  est.  Id  quod  de 
Romanis  artibus  bene  pronuntiatum  est : 

Tu  regere  imperio  populos,  Romane,  memento ; 
Hae  tibi  erunt  artes. 

Itaque  apposite  illud,  quod  Augustus  Caesar  signo 
Sphingis  sive  de  industria  sive  fortuito  usus  est.  Ille 
enim  (si  quis  unquam)  in  politica  excelluit,  et  in  vitae 
suae  curriculo  plurima  nova  aenigmata  de  natura  homi 
nis  felicissime  solvit,  quae  nisi  dexter  et  paratus  sol- 
visset,  multoties  non  procul  ab  imminente  pernicie  et 
exitio  abfuisset.  Atque  additur  in  fabula,  Sphingis  de- 
victae  corpus  in  asellum  impositum  fuisse.  Elegantis- 
sime  certe,  cum  nihil  sit  tain  acutum  et  abstrusum, 
quin  postquam  plane  intellectum  et  deinceps  pervul- 
gatum  sit,  etiam  tardo  imponi  possit.  Neque  illud 
praetermittendum,  debellatam  esse  Sphingem  a  viro 
pedibus  clavato  :  etenim  nimis  cito  pede  et  celeri  gradu 
ad  aenigmata  Sphingis  homines  properare  solent ;  unde 
fit  ut  (praevalente  Sphinge)  potius  per  disputationes 
ingenia  et  animos  lacerent,  quam  per  opera  et  effectus 
imperent. 


58  DE   SAPIENTIA   VETERUM. 

XXIX. 

PROSERPINA, 

SIVE      SPIRITUS. 

NARRANT  Plutonem,  postquam  regnum  inferorum  ex 
partitione  ilia  memorabili  accepisset,  de  nuptiis  alicu- 
jus  e  superis  desperasse,  si  eas  per  colloquia  aut  modes 
suaves  tentaret ;  ut  ad  raptum  consilia  sua  dirigere  ei 
fuerit  nccesse.  Itaque  captata  opportunitate,  Proser- 
pinam  Cereris  filiam,  virginem  pulcherrimam,  dum 
flores  Narcissi  in  Sicilian  pratis  colligeret,  subito  incursu 
rapnit,  atque  quadrigis  secum  ad  subterranea  asporta- 
vit.  Ei  magna  reverentia  pra^bita  est,  ut  et  Domina 
Ditis  vocata  sit.  Ceres  autcm  ejus  mater,  cum  filia 
sibi  unice  dilecta  nusquam  comparuisset,  supra  modum 
moesta  et  anxia,  tasdam  accensam  ipsa  manu  pr?e  se 
ferens,  universum  orbis  terrarum  ambitum  peragravit, 
ut  filiam  investigaret  et  recuperaret.  Id  cum  frustra 
fuisset,  accepto  forte  indicio  quod  ad  inferos  devecta 
esset,  multis  lachrymis  et  lamentationibus  Jovem  fati- 
gavit,  ut  ilia  ei  restitueretur.  Atque  tandem  pervicit, 
ut  si  ilia  nihil  ex  iis  quie  apud  inferos  essent  degus- 
tasset,  turn  earn  abducere  liceret.  Ea  conditiq  matris 
desiderio  adversa  fuit ;  Proserpina  enim  grana  tria  ex 
malo  granato  gustasse  comperta  est.  Neque  idcirco 
Ceres  destitit,  quin  preces  et  ploratus  de  integro  re- 
sumeret.  Postremo  itaque  ei  indultum  est,  ut  Pro 
serpina,  dispertitis  temporibus  et  alternis  vicibus,  sex 
menses  cum  marito,  alteris  sex  cum  matre  esset.  Hanc 
Proserpinam  postea  Theseus  et  Peritlious  eximia  auda- 
qia  tlialamo  Ditis  deducere  tentarunt.  Cum  autem  in 
itinere  super  saxo  apud  inferos  defessi  consedissent,  eis 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  59 

resurgere  minime  licuit,  sed  asternum  sedebant.  Pro 
serpina  itaque  Inferorum  Regina  mansit ;  in  cujus  ho- 
norem  etiam  additum  est  privilegium  magnum  ;  cum 
enim  ab  inferis  revocare  gradum  illis  qui  eo  descendis- 
sent  fas  non  esset,  ascripta  est  huic  legi  exceptio  singu- 
laris ;  ut  si  quis  ramum  aureum  in  donum  Proserpinae 
attulisset,  ei  ob  hoc  ire  et  redire  liceret.  Is  ramus  uni- 
cus  erat  in  ingenti  et  opaco  luco,  neque  stirps  erat,  sed 
visci  instar  in  aliena  arbore  frondebat,  atque  avulso  illo 
alter  non  deficiebat. 

Fabula  ad  naturam  pertinere  videtur,  atque  vim  et 
copiam  illam  in  subterraneis  divitem  et  frugiferam,  ex 
qua  base  nostra  pullulant,  et  in  quam  rursus  solvuntur 
et  redeunt,  perscrutari.  Per  Proserpinam  antiqui  sig- 
nificarunt  spiritum  ilium  aethereum,  qui  sub  terra  (per 
Plutonem  repraesentata)  clauditur  et  detinetur,  a  supe- 
riore  globo  divulsus  ;  quod  non  male  expressit  ille  : 

Sive  recens  tellus,  seductaque  nuper  ab  alto 
J^there,  cognati  retinebat  semina  coeli. 

Ille  spiritus  raptus  a  terra  fingitur,  quia  minime  cohi- 
betur,  ubi  tempus  et  moram  habet  ad  evolandum,  sed 
subita  confractione  et  comminutione  tan  turn  l  compin- 
gitur  et  figitur,  perinde  ac  si  quis  ae'rem  aquae  com- 
miscere  tentet  ;  quod 2  nullo  modo  efficere  possit  nisi 
per  agitationem  celerem  et  rapidam  :  hac  enim  ratione 
videmus  ilia  corpora  conjungi  in  spuma,  aere  tanquam 
rapto  ab  aqua.  Neque  ineleganter  additur,  Proser 
pinam  flores  Narcissi  in  vallibus  colligentem  raptam 
fuisse  ;  quia  Narcissus  a  torpore  sive  stupore  nomen 
sumit ;  atque  turn  demum  spiritus  ad  raptum  materiae 
terrestris  magis  praeparatus  est  et  opportunus,  cum 

l  subita  distractivne.     Ed.  1609.  2  hoc.     Ed.  1609. 


60  DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

coagulari  incipit,  ac  veluti  torporem  colligere.  Recte 
autem  tribuitur  honor  ille  Proserpinae,  qualis  nulli 
uxori  deorum,  ut  Ditis  domina  sit ;  quia  ille  spiritus 
plane  omnia  in  illis  regionibus  administrat,  stupido  et 
quasi  ignaro  Plutone.  Hunc  autem  spiritum  aether  ac 
vis  coelestium  (per  Cererem  adumbrata)  infinita  sed- 
ulitate  elicere,  atque  sibi  restituere  contendit.  Fax 
autem  ilia  agtheris,  sive  tasda  ardens  in  manu  Cereris, 
proculdubio  solem  denotat ;  qui  circa  terras  ambitum 
luminis  officio  fungitur,  atque  maximi  omnium  esset 
ad  Proserpinam  recuperandam  momenti,  si  omnino  hoc 
fieri  posset.  Ilia  tamen  haeret,  et  manet :  cujus  ratio 
sequitur  accurate  et  excellenter  proposita  in  pactis  illis 
Jovis  et  Cereris.  Primum  enim  certissimum  est,  duos 
esse  modos  spiritus  in  materia  solida  et  terrestri  cohi- 
bendi :  alterum  per  constipationem  sive  obstructionem, 
qui  est  mera  incarceratio  et  \dolentia :  alterum  per  min- 
istrationem  proportionati  alimenti,  atque  id  fit  sponte  et 
libenter.  Postquam  enim  spiritus  inclusus  depascere 
incepit  atque  se  alere,  evolare  protinus  non  festinat : 
sed  veluti  in  terra  sua  figitur :  atque  hasc  est  degustatio 
Proserpinae  ex  malo  granato  ;  quse  si  non  ftiisset,  jam- 
pridem  a  Cerere  cum  face  ilia  sua  orbem  terrarum 
peragrante  abducta  fuisset.  Spiritus  enim  qui  subest 
metallis  et  mineralibus  compingitur  fortasse  praecipue 
per  massaa  soliditatem  ;  qui  autem  in  plantis  est  et  ani- 
mantibus,  in  corpore  poroso  habitat,  et  aperta  effugia 
habet,  nisi  per  ilium  modum  degustationis  libenter 
detineretur.  Secundum  autem  pactum  de  semestri 
consuetudine  non  aliud  est,  quam  elegans  descriptio 
dispertitionis  anni ;  cum  spiritus  ille  per  terrain  per- 
fusus,  quoad  res  vegetables  mensibus  aestatis  apud  su- 
periora  degat,  atque  mensibus  hiemis  ad  subterranea 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  61 

redeat.  Quod  vero  attinet  ad  conatum  ilium  Thesei  et 
Perithoi  abducendse  Proserpinae,  id  eo  spectat,  quod 
saepius  fiat,  ut  spiritus  subtiliores  qui  ad  terrain  in  mul- 
tis  corporibus  descendunt,  neutiquam  illud  efficiant  ut 
spiritum  subterraneum  exsugant,  et  secum  uniant,  et 
evehant  ;  sed  contra  ipsi  coagulentur,  neque  amplius 
resurgant ;  ut  Proserpina  per  eos  aucta  incolis  et  irn- 
perio  sit.  De  virga  autem  ilia  aurea,  vix  videmur 
sustinere  posse  impetum  Chymistarum,  si  in  nos  hac  ex 
parte  irruant ;  cum  illi  ab  eodem  lapide  suo,  et  auri 
montes  et  restitutionem  corporum  naturalium  veluti  a 
portis  inferorum  promittant.  Verum  de  chymica,  at- 
que  lapidis  illius  procis  perpetuis,  certo  scimus  theor- 
icam  eorum  esse  sine  fundamento  ;  suspicamur  etiam 
practicam  esse  sine  certo  pignore.  Itaque  missis  illis, 
de  ista  postrema  parabolae  parte  haec  nostra  sententia 
est.  Nobis  certe  compertum  est  ex  compluribus  anti- 
quorum  figuris,  eos  conservationem  atque  instauratio- 
nem  quadantenus  corporum  naturalium  pro  re  desperata 
non  habuisse,  sed  potius  pro  re  abstrusa  et  quasi  avia. 
Atque  idem  sentire  hoc  etiam  loco  videntur,  cum  vir- 
gulam  istam  inter  infinita  virgulta  ingentis  et  densis- 
simae  sylvae  collocarunt ;  auream  autem  finxere,  quia 
aurum  durationis  tessera  est ;  insitivam,  quia  ab  arte 
hujusmodi  effectus  sperandus  est,  non  ab  aliqua  medi- 
cina,  aut  modo  simplici  aut  naturali. 


62  DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

XXX. 

METIS, 

SIVE     CONSILIUM. 

NARRANT  poetas  antiqui  Jovem  cepisse  in  uxorem 
Metin,  cujus  nomen  non  obscure  Consilium  significat : 
earn  autem  ex  illo  gravidam  factam  fuisse  :  quod  cum 
ille  sensisset,  par  turn  ejus  nullo  modo  expectasse,  sed 
utique  eam  devorasse,  unde  et  ipse  prsegnans  factus 
sit :  puerperium  autem  mirum  fuisse  ;  nam  ex  capite, 
sive  cerebro,  Palladem  armatam  peperisse. 

Hujus  fabulae  monstrosae,  et  primo  auditu  insul- 
sissimrc,  sensus  arcanum  imperil  continere  videtur, 
qua  arte  scilicet  reges  se  versus  consilia  sua 1  gerere 
soleant,  ut  autlioritas  et  majestas  eorum  non  solum 
illibata  conservetur,  verum  apud  populum2  augeatur 
et  extollatur.  Nam  reges  se  cum  consiliis  suis  vinclo 
veluti  nuptiali  copulare  et  conjungere,3  et  de  rebus 
maximis  cum  eis  deliberare,  recto  et  prudente  insti 
tute  consueverunt ;  idque  majestatem  eorum 4  neuti- 
quam  imminuere  haud  abs  re  judicant :  verum  cum 
res  jam  ad  decretum  spectat,  quod  instar  partus  est, 
consilii  partes  non  ultra  tendere  sinunt,  ne  acta  ex 
consilii  arbitrio  pendere  videantur.  Verum,  turn  de- 
mum  reges  (nisi  hujusmodi  res  sit,  ut  invidiam  a  se 
derivare  cupiant)  quicquid  a  consilio  elaboratum  et 
veluti  in  utero  efFormatum  est,  in  se  transferre  con 
sueverunt,  ut  decretum  et  executio  (quae  quia  cum 
potestate  procedit  et  necessitatem  infert,  eleganter  sub 

1  sive  senatus  stios.     MS.  2  populum  versus.     MS. 

3  copulari  et  conjunyi.     Ed.  1609. 

4  majestatem  suam  (omitting  the  words  recto  ....  idque.)     Ed.  1609. 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  63 

figura  Palladis  armatae  involvitur)  ab  ipsis  emanare 
videatur.  Neque  satis  est  ut  hoc  ab  auctoritate  re- 
gum  et  eorum  voluntate  soluta,  et  libera,  et  non  ob 
noxia,  profectum  videatur  ;  nisi  etiam  hoc  sibi  reges 
sumant,1  ut  ex  capite  eorum,  id  est  ex  judicio  et  pru- 
dentia  propria,  decreta  nata  existimentur. 


XXXI. 

SIRENES, 

8IVE     VOLUPTAS. 

FABULA  de  Sirenibus  ad  perniciosas  illecebras  vol- 
uptatis  recte,  sed  sensu  vulgatissimo,  transfertur.  No- 
bis  autem  videtur  Sapientia  Veterum  tanquam  uva3 
male  calcatas ;  ex  quibus  licet  nonnihil  exprimitur, 
tamen  potissima  quaeque  resident  et  prsetermittuntur. 
Sirenes  Acheloi,  et  Terpsichores  unius  ex  Musis,  filiae 
fuisse  narrantur.  Ese  primis  temporibus  alatae  erant ; 
sed  iiiito  temere  cum  Musis  certamine  victae,  alis  mulc- 
tatae  sunt.  Ex  pennis  autem  evulsis  Musae  coronas 
sibi  fecerunt ;  adeo  ut  ab  eo  tempore  Musae  cum  capit- 
ibus  alatis  procederent,  praeter  unam  Sirenum  matrem. 
Mora  autem  Sirenum  erat  in  insulis  quibusdam  amoe- 
nis :  illse  vero  e  specula  naves  adventantes  cum  con- 
spicerent,  cantu  navigantes  primo  detinebant,  deinde 
alliciebant,  exceptos  autem  necabant.  Neque  simplex 
erat  cantilena,  sed  singulos  modis  maxime  naturae 
eorum  convenientibus  captabant.  Tanta  autem  pestis 

1  ut  authoritos  regum  accedat,  et  voluntas  soluta  et  libera,  et  non  obnoxia. 
nisi  etiam  hoc  sibi  sumant.  Ed.  1609.  The  MS.  has  et  aliorum  consen- 
sui  non  obnoxia. 


64  DE  SAPIENTIA  YETERUM. 

erat,  ut  insulas  Sirenum  etiam  longe  intuentibus  albe- 
rent  ex  ossibus  cadaverum  inhumatorum.  Huic  malo 
remedium  repertum  est  genere  et  modo  duplex  ;  alte- 
rum  ab  Ulysse,  alterum  ab  Orpheo :  Ulysses,  sociis 
omnino  aures  cera  obturari  jussit ;  ipse,  cum  experi- 
mentum  rei  facere  vellet,  periculum  autem  depellere, 
se  ad  malurn  navis  alligari  voluit,  interminatus,  ne 
quis  eum,  licet  rogatus,  solveret  :  Orpheus  vero, 
missis  hujusmodi  vinclis,  clara  voce  deorum  laudes 
cantans  ad  lyram,  voces  Sirenum  retudit,  et  extra 
omne  periculum  fuit. 

Fabula  ad  mores  pertinet,  atque  minime  obscura 
sane,  nee  tamen  inelegans  l  parabola  videtur.  Volup- 
tates  ex  copia  rerum  ac  affluentia  ;  atque  ex  hilaritate 
sive  exultation e  animi  proveniunt.  Illse  olim  primis 
ipsis  illecebris  subito,  et  tanquam  alatas,  mortales  rap- 
ere  solebant.  Doctrina  autem  et  eruditio  hoc  sal 
tern  effecit,  ut  animus  humanus  se  nonnihil  cohibeat, 
et  exitum  rei  secum  perpendat ;  itaque  alas  voluptati- 
bus  detraxit.  Hoc  autem  in  Musarum  decus  et  hono- 
rem  egregium  cessit.  Postquam  enim  philosophiam 
contemptum  voluptatum  inducere  posse  nonnullorum 
exemplo  patuit,  statim  res  sublimis  visa  est,  quae  ani- 
mam  veluti  humo  affixam  attollat  et  evehat,  et  homi- 
num  cogitationes  (quaa  in  capite  vigent)  pennatas  et 
veluti  aethereas  faciat.  Sola  Sirenum  mater  pedestris, 
et  sine  alis  mansit ;  ea  proculdubio  nil  aliud  est,  quam 
doctrinae  leves  et  ad  jucunditatem  invents  et  adhib- 
itae  ;  quales  videntur  Petronio  illi  in  pretio  fuisse, 
qui  postquam  sententiam  mortis  accepisset,  in  ipsis 
atriis  mortis  delicias  quaesivit,  cumque  etiam  literas 
in  solatium  adhibere  vellet,  nil  (inquit  Tacitus)  legit 

1  evidens  sane,  nee  minus  tamen  elegans.     Ed.  1609. 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  65 

eorum  quae  ad  constantiam  faciunt;  sed  leves  versus. 
Ex  hoc  genere  est  illud: 

Vivamus,  mea  Lesbia,  atque  amemus, 
Eumoresque  senum  severiorum 
Oinnes  unius  aestimemus  assis. 

Et  illud : 

Jura  senes  norint,  et  quid  sit  fasque  nefasque 
Inquirant  tristes,  legumque  examina  servent. 

Hujusmodi  enim  doctrinae  alas  Musarum  coronis  rursus 
detrahere,  et  Sirenibus  restituere  velle  videntur.  Hab- 
itare  autem  perhibentur  Sirenes  in  insulis,  quia  vol- 
uptates  fere  secessus  quaerunt,  atque  hominum  coetus 
saepe  vitant.  Sirenum  autem  cantus  omnibus  decan- 
tatus  est,  ej  usque  pernicies  et  artificium  varium ;  ita- 
que  interprete  haec  non  egent.  Illud  magis  acutum 
de  ossibus  veluti  clivis  albentibus  e  longinquo  visis  : 
ex  quo  illud  significatur,  exempla  calamitatum,  licet 
clara  et  conspicua,  contra  voluptatum  corruptelas  non 
multum  proficere.  Restat  de  remediis  parabola,  non 
abstrusa  ea  quidem,  sed  tamen  prudens  et  nobilis. 
Proponuntur  enim  mali  tarn  callidi  et  tarn  violenti 
remedia  tria.  Duo  a  philosophia ;  tertium  a  religi- 
one.  Atque  primus  effugii  modus  est,  ut  quis  prin- 
cipiis  obstet,  atque  omnes  occasiones  quae  animum 
tentare  et  sollicitare  possint,  sedulo  devitet :  id  quod 
obturatio  ilia  aurium  denotat ;  atque  hoc  remedium 
ad  animos  mediocres  et  plebeios  necessario  adhibetur, 
tanquam  ad  comites  Ulyssis.  Animi  autem  celsiores 
etiam  versari  inter  medias  voluptates  possunt,  si  de- 
creti  constantia  se  muniant :  quin  et  per  hoc  virtutis 
suae  experimentum  magis  exquisitum  capere  gaudent; 
etiam  voluptatum  ineptias  et  insanias  perdiscunt,  potius 
contemplantes  quam  obsequentes :  quod  et  Salomon 

VOL.  XIII.  5 


66  DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

de  se  professus  est,  cum  enumerationem  voluptatum 
quibus  diffluebat,  ea  sententia  claudat :  Sapientia  quo- 
que  perseveravit  mecum.  Itaque  liujusmodi  heroes 
inter  maximas  voluptatum  illecebras  se  immobiles 
praestare,  atque  in  ipsis  earum  praecipitiis  se  sustinere 
queant;  tantum,  ad  Ulyssis  exemplum,  interdictis  per- 
niciosis  suorum  consiliis  et  obsequiis,  qmi3  animam 
maxime  omnium  labefactare  et  solvere  possint.  Pra> 
stantissimuin  autem  in  omni  genere  est  remedium  Or- 
phei  ;  qui  laudes  Deorum  cantans  et  reboans,  Sirenum 
voces  confudit  et  summovit.  Meditationes  enim  Re- 
rum  Divinarum,  Voluptates  Sensus  non  tantum  potes- 
tate,  sed  etiam  suavitate  superant. 


FINIS. 


OF    THE 


WISDOM  OF  THE  ANCIENTS. 

DEDICATED   TO 

THE   FAMOUS   UNIVERSITY 

OF 

CAMBRIDGE. 


TO    THE    MOST    ILLUSTRIOUS 

THE    EARL    OF    SALISBURY, 

LORD   HIGH   TREASURER   OF   ENGLAND,    AND    CHANCELLOR   OF   THE 
UNIVERSITY   OF    CAMBRIDGE. 


THINGS  dedicated  to  the  University  of  Cambridge 
accrue  to  you  as  Chancellor ;  to  all  that  proceeds  from 
me  you  have  a  personal  title.  The  question  is,  whether 
as  these  things  are  yours,  so  they  are  worthy  of  you. 
Now  for  that  which  is  least  worth  in  them  (the  wit  of 
the  author),  your  kindness  towards  me  will  let  that 
pass  ;  and  there  is  nothing  else  in  the  matter  to  dis 
grace  you.  For  if  time  be  regarded,  —  primaeval  antiq 
uity  is  an  object  of  the  highest  veneration  ;  if  the  form 
of  exposition,  —  parable  has  ever  been  a  kind  of  arc, 
in  which  the  most  precious  portions  of  the  sciences 
were  deposited  ;  if  the  matter  of  the  work,  —  it  is  phi 
losophy,  the  second  grace  and  ornament  of  life  and  the 
human  soul.  For  be  it  said,  that  however  philosophy 
in  this  our  age,  falling  as  it  were  into  a  second  child 
hood,  be  left  to  young  men  and  almost  to  boys,  yet  I 
hold  it  to  be  of  all  things,  next  to  religion,  the  most 
important  and  most  worthy  of  human  nature.  Even 


70  DEDICATION. 

the  art  of  politics,  wherein  you  are  so  well  approved 
both  by  faculty  and  by  merits,  and  by  the  judgment  of 
a  most  wise  king,  springs  from  the  same  fountain,  and 
is  a  great  part  thereof.  And  if  any  man  think  these 
things  of  mine  to  be  common  and  vulgar,  it  is  not  for 
me  of  course  to  say  what  I  have  effected  ;  but  my  aim 
has  been,  passing  by  things  obvious  and  obsolete  and 
commonplace,  to  give  some  help  towards  the  difficulties 
of  life  and  the  secrets  of  science.  To  the  vulgar  ap 
prehension  therefore  they  will  be  vulgar ;  but  it  may 
be  that  the  deeper  intellect  will  not  be  left  aground  by 
them,  but  rather  (as  I  hope)  carried  along.  While 
however  I  strive  to  attach  some  worth  to  this  work, 
because  it  is  dedicated  to  you,  I  am  in  danger  of  trans 
gressing  the  bounds  of  modesty,  seeing  it  is  undertaken 
by  myself.  But  you  will  accept  it  as  a  pledge  of  my 
affection,  observance,  and  devotion  to  yourself,  and  will 
accord  it  the  protection  of  your  name.  Seeing  there 
fore  that  you  have  so  many  and  so  great  affairs  on 
your  shoulders,  I  will  not  take  up  more  of  your  time, 
but  make  an  end,  wishing  you  all  felicity,  and  ever 
remaining  yours, 

Most  bounden  to  you  both  by  my  zeal  and  your  benefits, 

FRA.  BACON. 


TO    HIS 

NURSING-MOTHER 

THE  FAMOUS   UNIVERSITY  OF  CAMBRIDGE. 


SINCE  without  philosophy  I  care  not  to  live,  I  must 
needs  hold  you  in  great  honour,  from  whom  these  de 
fences  and  solaces  of  life  have  come  to  me.  To  you 
on  this  account  I  profess  to  owe  both  myself  and  all 
that  is  mine ;  and  therefore  it  is  the  less  strange,  if  I 
requite  you  with  what  is  your  own  ;  that  with  a  nat 
ural  motion  it  may  return  to  the  place  whence  it  came. 
And,  yet  I  know  not  hoW  it  is,  but  there  are  few  foot 
prints  pointing  back  towards  you,  among  the  infinite 
number  that  have  gone  forth  from  you.  Nor  shall  I 
take  too  much  to  myself  (I  think),  if  by  reason  of 
that  little  acquaintance  with  affairs  which  my  kind  and 
plan  of  life  has  necessarily  carried  with  it,  I  indulge  a 
hope  that  the  inventions  of  the  learned  may  receive 
some  accession  by  these  labours  of  mine.  Certainly 
I  am  of  opinion  that  speculative  studies  when  trans 
planted  into  active  life  acquire  some  new  grace  and 
vigour,  and  having  more  matter  to  feed  them,  strike 


72  DEDICATION. 

their  roots  perhaps  deeper,  or  at  least  grow  taller  and 
fuller  leaved.  Nor  do  you  yourselves  (as  I  think) 
know  how  widely  your  own  studies  extend,  and  how 
many  things  they  concern.  Yet  it  is  fit  that  all  should 
be  attributed  to  you  and  be  counted  to  your  honour, 
since  all  increase  is  due  in  great  part  to  the  beginning. 
You  will  not  however  expect  from  a  man  of  business 
anything  exquisite  ;  any  miracles  or  prerogatives  of 
leisure ;  but  you  will  attribute  to  my  great  love  for 
you  and  yours  even  this,  —  that  among  the  thorns  of 
business  these  things  have  not  quite  perished,  but  there 
is  preserved  for  you  so  much  of  your  own. 

Your  most  loving  pupil, 

FRA.  BACON. 


INDEX  OF  THE  FABLES  OF  ANCIENT  WISDOM 

CONTAINED  IN  THIS    BOOK. 


1.  CASSANDRA,    or    Plainness 

of  Speech. 

2.  TYPHON,  or  the  Rebel. 

3.  THE  CYCLOPES,  or  Minis 

ters  of  Terror. 

4.  NARCISSUS,  or  Self-love. 

5.  STYX,  or  Treaties. 

6.  PAN,  or  Nature. 

7.  PERSEUS,  or  War. 

8.  ENDYMION,  or  the  Favour 

ite. 

9.  THE  SISTER  OF  THE   GI 

ANTS,  or  Fame. 

10.  ACTION  AND  PENTHEUS, 

or  Curiosity. 

11.  ORPHEUS,  or  Philosophy. 

12.  CCELUM,  or  the   Origin   of 

Things. 

13.  PROTEUS,  or  Matter. 

14.  MEMNON,  or  the  Early-ripe. 

15.  TITHONUS,  or  Satiety. 

16.  JUNO'S  SUITOR,  or  Dishon- 


1 7.  CUPID,  or  the  Atom. 

18.  DIOMEDES,  or  Zeal. 

19.  DAEDALUS,  or  the  Mechanic. 

20.  ERICTHONIUS,    or     Impos 

ture. 

21.  DEUCALION,     or     Restora 

tion. 

22.  NEMESIS,  or  the  Vicissitude 

of  Things. 

23.  ACHELOUS,  or  the  Battle. 

24.  DIONYSUS,  or  Desire. 

25.  ATALANTA,  or  Profit. 

26.  PROMETHEUS,  or  the  State 

of  Man. 

27.  THE  FLIGHT   OF  ICARUS, 

also    SCYLLA  AND  CHA- 

RYBDIS,   or  the  Middle 
Way. 

28.  SPHINX,  or  Science. 

29.  PROSERPINA,  or  Spirit. 

30.  METIS,  or  Counsel. 

31.  THE    SIRENS,    or    Pleas 

ure. 


PREFACE. 


THE  most  ancient  times  (except  what  is  preserved 
of  them  in  the  scriptures)  are  buried  in  oblivion  and 
silence :  to  that  silence  succeeded  the  fables  of  the 
poets  :  to  those  fables  the  written  records  which  have 
come  down  to  us.  Thus  between  the  hidden  depths 
of  antiquity  and  the  days  of  tradition  and  evidence 
that  followed  there  is  drawn  a  veil,  as  it  were,  of 
fables,  which  come  in  and  occupy  the  middle  region 
that  separates  what  has  perished  from  what  survives. 

Now  I  suppose  most  people  will  think  I  am  but 
entertaining  myself  with  a  toy,  and  using  much  the 
same  kind  of  licence  in  expounding  the  poets'  fables 
which  the  poets  themselves  did  in  inventing  them  ; 
and  it  is  true  that  if  I  had  a  mind  to  vary  and  relieve 
my  severer  studies  with  some  such  exercise  of  pleas 
ure  for  my  own  or  my  reader's  recreation,  I  might 
very  fairly  indulge  in  it.  But  that  is  not  my  mean 
ing.  Not  but  that  I  know  very  well  what  pliant 
stuff  fable  is  made  of,  how  freely  it  will  follow  any 
way  you  please  to  draw  it,  and  how  easily  with 
a  little  dexterity  and  discourse  of  wit  meanings 
which  it  was  never  meant  to  bear  may  be  plausibly 
put  upon  it.  Neither  have  I  forgotten  that  there 
has  been  old  abuse  of  the  thing  in  practice ;  that 
many,  wishing  only  to  gain  the  sanction  and  rev- 


76  PREFACE. 

erence  of  antiquity  for  doctrines  and  inventions  of 
their  own,  have  tried  to  twist  the  fables  of  the  poets 
into  that  sense ;  and  that  this  is  neither  a  modern 
vanity  nor  a  rare  one,  hut  old  of  standing  and  fre 
quent  in  use  ;  that  Chrysippus  long  ago,  interpreting 
the  oldest  poets  after  the  manner  of  an  interpreter  of 
dreams,  made  them  out  to  be  Stoics  ;  and  that  the 
Alchemists  more  absurdly  still  have  discovered  in  the 
pleasant  and  sportive  fictions  of  the  transformation  of 
bodies,  allusion  to  experiments  of  the  furnace.  All 
this  I  have  duly  examined  and  weighed ;  as  well  as 
all  the  levity  and  looseness  with  which  people  indulge 
their  fancy  in  the  matter  of  allegories  ;  yet  for  all  this 
I  cannot  change  my  mind.  For  in  the  first  place  to 
let  the  follies  and  licence  of  a  few  detract  from  the 
honour  of  parables  in  general  is  not  to  be  allowed  ; 
being  indeed  a  boldness  savouring  of  profanity  ;  see 
ing  that  religion  delights  in  such  veils  and  shadows, 
and  to  take  them  away  would  be  almost  to  interdict 
all  communion  between  divinity  and  humanity.  But 
passing  that  and  speaking  of  human  wisdom  only,  I 
do  certainly  for  my  own  part  (I  freely  and  candidly 
confess)  incline  to  this  opinion,  —  that  beneath  no 
small  number  of  the  fables  of  the  ancient  poets  there 
lay  from  the  very  beginning  a  mystery  and  an  alle 
gory.  It  may  be  that  my  reverence  for  the  primitive 
time  carries  me  too  far,  but  the  truth  is  that  in  some 
of  these  fables,  as  well  in  the  very  frame  and  texture 
of  the  story  as  in  the  propriety  of  the  names  by  which 
the  persons  that  figure  in  it  are  distinguished,  I  find  a 
conformity  and  connexion  with  the  thing  signified,  so 
close  and  so  evident,  that  one  cannot  help  believing 
such  a  signification  to  have  been  designed  and  med- 


PREFACE.  77 

itated  from  the  first,  and  purposely  shadowed  out. 
For  who  is  there  so  impenetrable  and  that  can  so 
shut  his  eyes  to  a  plain  thing,  but  when  he  is  told 
that  after  the  Giants  were  put  down,  Fame  sprang  up 
as  their  posthumous  sister,  he  will  at  once  see  that  it 
is  meant  of  those  murmurs  of  parties  and  seditious 
rumours  which  always  circulate  for  a  time  after  the 
suppression  of  a  rebellion  ?  Or  again  who  can  hear 
that  the  Giant  Typhon  cut  off  and  carried  away  Ju 
piter's  sinews,  and  that  Mercury  stole  them  from 
Typhon  and  gave  them  back  to  Jupiter ;  without  at 
once  perceiving  that  it  relates  to  successful  rebellions, 
by  which  kings  have  their  sinews  both  of  money  and 
authority  cut  off;  yet  not  so  but  that  by  fair  words 
and  wise  edicts  the  minds  of  the  subjects  may  be 
presently  reconciled,  and  as  it  were  stolen  back,  and 
so  kings  recover  their  strength  ?  Or  who  can  hear 
that  in  that  memorable  expedition  of  the  gods  against 
the  giants  the  braying  of  Silenus's  ass  had  a  principal 
stroke  in  putting  the  giants  to  flight,  and  not  be  sure 
that  the  incident  was  invented  in  allusion  to  the  vast 
attempts  of  rebels,  dissipated  as  they  commonly  are 
by  empty  rumours  and  vain  terrors  ?  Then  again 
there  is  a  conformity  and  significancy  in  the  veiy 
names,  which  must  be  clear  to  everybody.  Metis, 
Jupiter's  wife,  plainly  means  counsel ;  Typhon,  swell 
ing  ;  Pan,  the  universe ;  Nemesis,  revenge ;  and  the 
like.  And  what  if  we  find  here  and  there  a  bit  of 
real  history  underneath,  or  some  things  added  only 
for  ornament,  or  times  confounded,  or  part  of  one 
fable  transferred  to  another  and  a  new  allegory  in 
troduced  ?  Such  things  could  not  but  occur  in  stories 
invented  (as  these  were)  by  men  who  both  lived  in 


78  PREFACE. 

different  ages  and  had  different  ends,  some  being  more 
modern,  some  more  ancient,  some  having  in  their 
thoughts  natural  philosophy,  others  civil  affairs  ;  and 
therefore  they  need  not  trouble  us. 

But  there  is  yet  another  sign,  and  one  of  no  small 
value,  that  these  fables  contain  a  hidden  and  involved 
meaning  ;  which  is,  that  some  of  them  are  so  absurd 
and  stupid  upon  the  face  of  the  narrative  taken  by 
itself,  that  they  may  be  said  to  give  notice  from  afar 
and  cry  out  that  there  is  a  parable  below.  For  a 
fable  that  is  probable  may  be  thought  to  have  been 
composed  merely  for  pleasure,  in  imitation  of  history. 
But  when  a  story  is  told  which  could  never  have  en 
tered  any  man's  head  either  to  conceive  or  relate  on 
its  own  account,  we  must  presume  that  it  had  some 
further  reach.  What  a  fiction  (for  instance)  is  that 
of  Jupiter  and  Metis  !  Jupiter  took  Metis  to  wife  : 
as  soon  as  he  saw  that  she  was  with  child,  he  ate 
her  up  ;  whereupon  he  grew  to  be  with  child  himself; 
and  so  brought  forth  out  of  his  head  Pallas  in  ar 
mour  !  Surely  I  think  no  man  had  ever  a  dream 
so  monstrous  and  extravagant,  and  out  of  all  natural 
ways  of  thinking. 

But  the  consideration  which  has  most  weight  with 
me  is  this,  that  few  of  these  fables  were  invented,  as 
I  take  it,  by  those  Avho  recited  and  made  them  fa 
mous,  —  Homer,  Hesiod,  and  the  rest.  For  had  they 
been  certainly  the  production  of  that  age  and  of  those 
authors  by  whose  report  they  have  come  down  to  us, 
I  should  not  have  thought  of  looking  for  anything 
great  or  lofty  from  such  a  source.  But  it  will  ap 
pear  upon  an  attentive  examination  that  they  are  de 
livered  not  as  new  inventions  then  first  published,  but 


PREFACE.  79 

as  stories  already  received  and  believed.  And  since 
they  are  told  in  different  ways  by  writers  nearly  con 
temporaneous,  it  is  easy  to  see  that  what  all  the  ver 
sions  have  in  common  came  from  ancient  tradition, 
while  the  parts  in  which  they  vary  are  the  additions 
introduced  by  the  several  writers  for  embellishment — 
a  circumstance  which  gives  them  in  my  eyes  a  much 
higher  value :  for  so  they  must  be  regarded  as  neither 
being  the  inventions  nor  belonging  to  the  age  of  the 
poets  themselves,  but  as  sacred  relics  and  light  airs 
breathing  out  of  better  times,  that  were  caught  from 
the  traditions  of  more  ancient  nations  and  so  received 
into  the  flutes  and  trumpets  of  the  Greeks. 

Nevertheless,  if  any  one  be  determined  to  believe 
that  the  allegorical  meaning  of  the  fable  was  in  no 
case  original  and  genuine,  but  that  always  the  fable 
was  first  and  the  allegory  put  in  after,  I  will  not  press 
that  point ;  but  allowing  him  to  enjoy  that  gravity  of 
judgment  (of  the  dull  and  leaden  order  though  it  be) 
which  he  affects,  I  will  attack  him,  if  indeed  he  be 
worth  the  pains,  in  another  manner  upon  a  fresh 
ground.  Parables  have  been  used  in  two  ways,  and 
(which  is  strange)  for  contrary  purposes.  For  they 
serve  to  disguise  and  veil  the  meaning,  and  they  serve 
also  to  clear  and  throw  light  upon  it.  To  avoid  dis 
pute  then,  let  us  give  up  the  former  of  these  uses. 
Let  us  suppose  that  these  fables  were  things  without 
any  definite  purpose,  made  onlv  for  pleasure.  Still 
there  remains  the  latter  use.  No  force  of  wit  can 
deprive  us  of  that.  Nor  is  there  any  man  of  ordi 
nary  learning  that  will  object  to  the  reception  of  it  as 
a  thing  grave  and  sober,  and  free  from  all  vanity ;  of 
prime  use  to  the  sciences,  and  sometimes  indispen- 


80  PREFACE. 

sable :  I  mean  the  employment  of  parables  as  a 
method  of  teaching,  whereby  inventions  that  are  new 
and  abstruse  and  remote  from  vulgar  opinions  may 
find  an  easier  passage  to  the  understanding.  On 
this  account  it  was  that  in  the  old  times,  when  the 
inventions  and  conclusions  of  human  reason  (even 
those  that  are  now  trite  and  vulgar)  were  as  yet 
new  and  strange,  the  world  was  full  of  all  kinds  of 
fables,  and  enigmas,  and  parables,  and  similitudes : 
and  these  were  used  not  as  a  device  for  shadowing 
and  concealing  the  meaning,  but  as  a  method  of  mak 
ing  it  understood  ;  the  understandings  of  men  being 
then  rude  and  impatient  of  all  subtleties  that  did  not 
address  themselves  to  the  sense,  —  indeed  scarcely 
capable  of  them.  For  as  hieroglyphics  came  before 
letters,  so  parables  came  before  arguments.  And 
even  now  if  any  one  wish  to  let  new  light  on  any 
subject  into  men's  minds,  and  that  without  offence  or 
harshness,  he  must  still  go  the  same  way  and  call  in 
the  aid  of  similitudes. 

Upon  the  whole  I  conclude  with  this  :  the  wisdom 
of  the  primitive  ages  was  either  great  or  lucky  ;  grea.t, 
if  they  knew  what  they  were  doing  and  invented  the 
figure  to  shadow  the  meaning ;  lucky,  if  without 
meaning  or  intending  it  they  fell  upon  matter  which 
gives  occasion  to  such  worthy  contemplations.  My 
own  pains,  if  there  be  any  help  in  them,  I  shall  think 
well  bestowed  either  way  :  I  shall  be  throwing  light 
either  upon  antiquity  or  upon  nature  itself. 

That  the  thing  has  been  attempted  by  others  I  am 
of  course  aware,  but  if  I  may  speak  what  I  think  freely 
without  mincing  it,  I  must  say  that  the  pains  which 
have  been  hitherto  taken  that  way,  though  great  and 


PREFACE.  81 

laborious,  have  gone  near  to  deprive  the  inquiry  of  all 
its  beauty  and  worth  ;  while  men  of  no  experience  in 
affairs,  nor  any  learning  beyond  a  few  commonplaces, 
have  applied  the  sense  of  the  parables  to  some  general 
ities  and  vulgar  observations,  without  attaining  their 
true  force,  their  genuine  propriety,  or  their  deeper 
reach.  Here,  on  the  other  hand,  it  will  be  found  (if  I 
mistake  not)  that  though  the  subjects  be  old,  yet  the 
matter  is  new  ;  while  leaving  behind  us  the  open  and 
level  parts  we  bend  our  way  towards  the  nobler  heights 
that  rise  beyond. 


OF    THE 


WISDOM   OF   THE  ANCIENTS. 


I. 

CASSANDRA; 

OR     PLAINNESS     OF     SPEECH. 

THEY  say  that  Cassandra  was  beloved  by  Apollo ; 
that  she  contrived  by  various  artifices  to  elude  his  de 
sires,  and  yet  to  keep  his  hopes  alive  until  she  had 
drawn  from  him  the  gift  of  divination  ;  that  she  had 
no  sooner  obtained  this,  which  had  all  along  been  her 
object,  than  she  openly  rejected  his  suit ;  whereupon 
he,  not  being  permitted  to  recal  the  boon  once  rashly 
promised,  yet  burning  with  revenge,  and  not  choosing 
to  be  the  scorn  of  an  artful  woman,  annexed  to  it  this 
penalty,. —  that  though  she  should  always  foretell  true, 
yet  nobody  should  believe  her.  Her  prophecies  there 
fore  had  truth,  but  not  credit :  and  so  she  found  it  ever 
after,  even  in  regard  to  the  destruction  of  her  country ; 
of  which  she  had  given  many  warnings,  but  could  get 
nobody  to  listen  to  her  or  believe  her. 

This  fable  seems  to  have  been  devised  in  reproof  of 
unreasonable  and  unprofitable  liberty  in  giving  advice 
and  admonition.  For  they  that  are  of  a  froward  and 


84  TRANSLATION  OF  THE 

rough  disposition,  and  will  not  submit  to  learn  of  Apol 
lo,  the  god  of  harmony,  how  to  observe  time  and 
measure  in  affairs,  flats  and  sharps  (so  to  speak)  in 
discourse,  the  differences  between  the  learned  and  the 
vulgar  ear,  and  the  times  when  to  speak  and  when  to 
be  silent ;  such  persons,  though  they  be  wise  and  free, 
and  their  counsels  sound  and  wholesome,  yet  with  all 
their  efforts  to  persuade  they  scarcely  can  do  any  good ; 
on  the  contrary,  they  rather  hasten  the  destruction  of 
those  upon  whom  they  press  their  advice  ;  and  it  is  not 
till  the  evils  they  predicted  have  come  to  pass  that  they 
are  celebrated  as  prophets  and  men  of  a  far  foresight. 
Of  this  we  have  an  eminent  example  in  Marcus  Cato 
of  Utica,  by  whom  the  ruin  of  his  country  and  the 
usurpation  that  followed,  by  means  first  of  the  con 
junction  and  then  of  the  contention  between  Pompey 
and  Caesar,  was  long  before  foreseen  as  from  a  watch- 
tower,  and  foretold  as  by  an  oracle ;  yet  all  the  while 
he  did  no  good,  but  did  harm  rather,  and  brought  the 
calamities  of  his  country  faster  on  ;  as  was  wisely  ob 
served  and  elegantly  described  by  Marcus  Cicero,  when 
he  said  in  a  letter  to  a  friend,  Cato  means  well :  but  he 
does  hurt  sometimes  to  the  State  ;  for  he  talks  as  if  he 
were  in  the  republic  of  Plato  and  not  in  the  dregs  of 
Romulus. 


II. 

TYPHON; 

OK     THE     REBEL. 

THE  poets  tell  us  that  Juno  being  angry  that  Jupiter 
had  brought  forth  Pallas  by  himself  without  her  help, 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  85 

implored  of  all  the  gods  and  goddesses  that  she  also 
might  bring  forth  something  without  the  help  of  Ju 
piter  :  to  which  when  wearied  with  her  violence  and 
importunity  they  had  assented,  she  smote  the  earth, 
which  quaking  and  opening  gave  birth  to  Typhon,  a 
huge  and  hideous  monster.  He  was  given  to  a  serpent 
by  way  of  foster-father  to  be  nursed.  As  soon  as  he 
was  grown  up  he  made  war  upon  Jupiter,  whom  in  the 
conflict  he  took  prisoner;  and  bearing  him  on  his  shoul 
ders  to  a  remote  and  obscure  region,  cut  out  the  sinews 
of  his  hands  and  feet,  and  carrying  them  away,  left 
him  there  helpless  and  mutilated.  Then  came  Mer 
cury,  and  having  stolen  the  sinews  from  Typhon  gave 
them  back  to  Jupiter,  who  finding  his  strength  restored 
attacked  the  monster  again.  And  first  he  struck  him 
with  a  thunderbolt,  which  made  a  wound  the  blood 
whereof  engendered  serpents ;  then,  as  he  fell  back  and 
fled,  threw  upon  him  the  mountain  ^Etna  and  crushed 
him  beneath  the  weight. 

The  fable  has  been  composed  in  allusion  to  the  vari 
able  fortune  of  kings  and  the  rebellions  that  occur  from 
time  to  time  in  monarchies.  For  kings  and  their  king 
doms  are  properly,  like  Jupiter  and  Juno,  man  and 
wife.  But  it  sometimes  happens  that  the  king,  de 
praved  by  the  long  habit  of  ruling,  turns  tyrant  and 
takes  all  into  his  own  hands ;  and  not  caring  for  the 
consent  of  his  nobles  and  senate,  brings  forth  as  it  were 
by  himself;  that  is  to  say,  administers  the  government 
by  his  own  arbitrary  and  absolute  authority.  Whereat 
the  people  aggrieved  endeavour  on  their  part  to  set 
up  some  head  of  their  own.  This  generally  begins 
with  the  secret  solicitation  of  nobles  and  great  persons, 
whose  connivency  being  obtained,  an  attempt  is  then 


86  TRANSLATION  OF  THE 

made  to  stir  the  people.  Thence  comes  a  kind  of 
swelling  in  the  State,  which  is  signified  by  the  infancy 
of  Typhon.  And  this  condition  of  affairs  is  fostered 
and  nourished  by  the  innate  depravity  and  malignant 
disposition  of  the  common  people,  which  is  to  kings 
like  a  serpent  full  of  malice  and  mischief;  till  the  dis 
affection  spreading  and  gathering  strength  breaks  out 
at  last  into  open  rebellion  ;  which  because  of  the  in 
finite  calamities  it  inflicts  both  on  kings  and  peoples  is 
represented  under  the  dreadful  image  of  Typhon,  with 
a  hundred  heads,  denoting  divided  powers ;  flaming 
mouths,  for  devastations  by  fire ;  belts  of  snakes,  for 
the  pestilences  which  prevail,  especially  in  sieges  ;  iron 
hands,  for  slaughters  ;  eagle's  talons,  for  rapine  ;  feath 
ery  body,  for  perpetual  rumours,  reports,  trepidations, 
and  the  like.  And  sometimes  these  rebellions  grow  so 
mighty  that  the  king  is  forced,  as  if  carried  off  on  the 
shoulders  of  the  rebels,  to  abandon  the  seat  and  princi 
pal  cities  of  his  kingdom,  and  to  contract  his  forces, 
and  betake  himself  to  some  remote  and  obscure  prov 
ince  ;  his  sinews  both  of  money  and  majesty  being  cut 
off.  And  yet  if  he  bears  his  fortune  wisely,  he  pres 
ently  by  the  skill  and  industry  of  Mercury  recovers 
those  sinews  again  ;  that  is  to  say,  by  affability  and 
wise  edicts  and  gracious  speeches  he  reconciles  the 
minds  of  his  subjects,  and  awakens  in  them  an  alac 
rity  to  grant  him  supplies,  and  so  recovers  the  vigour 
of  his  authority.  Nevertheless,  having  learned  pru 
dence  and  caution,  he  is  commonly  unwilling  to  set  all 
upon  the  toss  of  fortune,  and  therefore  avoids  a  pitched 
battle,  but  tries  first  by  some  memorable  exploit  to 
destroy  the  reputation  of  the  rebels :  in  which  if  he 
succeed,  the  rebels  feelino-  themselves  shaken  and  los- 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  87 

ing  their  confidence,  resort  first  to  broken  and  empty 
threats,  like  serpent's  hisses,  and  then  finding  their  case 
desperate  take  to  flight.  And  then  is  the  time,  when 
they  are  beginning  to  fall  to  pieces,  for  the  king  with 
the  entire  forces  and  mass  of  his  kingdom,  as  with  the 
mountain  2Etna,  to  pursue  and  overwhelm  them. 


III. 
THE  CYCLOPES; 

OR      MINISTERS      OF      TERROR. 

THE  story  is  that  the  Cyclopes  were  at  first  on 
account  of  their  fierceness  and  brutality  driven  by  Ju 
piter  into  Tartarus,  and  condemned  to  perpetual  im 
prisonment  ;  but  afterwards  he  was  persuaded  by  the 
Earth  that  it  would  be  for  his  interest  to  release  them 
and  employ  them  to  make  thunderbolts  for  him ;  which 
he  accordingly  did  ;  and  they  with  officious  industry  la 
boured  assiduously  with  a  terrible  din  in  forging  thun 
derbolts  and  other  instruments  of  terror.  In  course 
of  time  it  happened  that  Jupiter's  wrath  was  kindled 
against  ^Esculapius,  son  of  Apollo,  for  raising  a  man 
from  the  dead  by  medicine  ;  but  because  the  deed 
was  pious  and  famous  and  no  just  cause  of  displeasure, 
he  concealed  his  anger  and  secretly  set  the  Cyclopes 
upon  him  :  who  made  no  difficulty,  but  presently  dis 
patched  him  with  their  thunderbolts  ;  in  revenge 
whereof  Apollo  (with  Jupiter's  permission)  slew  them 
with  his  arrows. 

This  fable  seems  to  relate  to  the  doings  of  kings  ; 
by  whom  cruel  and  bloody  and  exacting  ministers  are 


88  TRANSLATION  OF   THE 

in  the  first  instance  punished  and  put  out  of  office. 
But  afterwards  by  counsel  of  the  Earth,  that  is  by 
ignoble  and  dishonourable  counsel,  yielding  to  consid 
erations  of  utility,  they  take  them  into  service  again, 
when  they  have  need  either  of  severity  of  executions 
or  harshness  in  exactions.  They  on  their  part  being 
by  nature  cruel  and  by  their  former  fortune  exasper 
ated,  and  knowing  well  enough  what  they  are  wanted 
for,  apply  themselves  to  this  kind  of  work  with  won 
derful  diligence  ;  till  for  want  of  caution  and  from 
over  eagerness  to  ingratiate  themselves,  they  at  one 
time  or  another  (taking  a  nod  or  an  ambiguous  word 
of  the  prince  for  a  warrant)  perpetrate  some  execu 
tion  that  is  odious  and  unpopular.  Upon  which  the 
prince,  not  willing  to  take  the  envy  of  it  upon  himself, 
and  well  knowing  that  he  can  always  have  plenty  of 
such  instruments,  throws  them  overboard,  and  leaves 
them  to  the  course  of  law  and  the  vengeance  of  the 
friends  and  relatives  of  their  victims,  and  to  popular 
hatred  ;  and  so  amid  much  applause  of  the  people,  and 
great  acclamations  and  blessings  on  the  king,  they 
meet  at  last,  though  late,  the  fate  they  deserve. 


IV. 
NARCISSUS ; 

OR      SELF-LOVE. 


NARCISSUS  is  said  to  have  been  a  young  man  of 
wonderful  beauty,  but  intolerably  proud,  fastidious, 
and  disdainful.  Pleased  with  himself  and  despising 
all  others,  he  led  a  solitary  life  in  the  woods  and  hunt- 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  89 

ing-grounds ;  with  a  few  companions  to  whom  he  was 
all  in  all ;  followed  also  wherever  he  went  by  a  nymph 
called  Echo.  Living  thus,  he  came  by  chance  one  day 
to  a  clear  fountain,  and  (being  in  the  heat  of  noon) 
lay  down  by  it ;  when  beholding  in  the  water  his  own 
image,  he  fell  into  such  a  study  and  then  into  such  a 
rapturous  admiration  of  himself,  that  he  could  not  be 
drawn  away  from  gazing  at  the  shadowy  picture,  but 
remained  rooted  to  the  spot  till  sense  left  him ;  and  at 
last  he  was  changed  into  the  flower  that  bears  his 
name ;  a  flower  which  appears  in  the  early  spring  ;  and 
is  sacred  to  the  infernal  deities,  —  Pluto,  Proserpine, 
and  the  Furies. 

In  this  fable  are  represented  the  dispositions,  and  the 
fortunes  too,  of  those  persons  who  from  consciousness 
either  of  beauty  or  some  other  gift  with  which  nature 
unaided  by  any  industry  of  their  own  has  graced  them, 
fall  in  love  as  it  were  with  themselves.  For  with  this 
state  of  mind  there  is  commonly  joined  an  indisposition 
to  appear  much  in  public  or  engage  in  business ;  because 
business  would  expose  them  to  many  neglects  and  scorns, 
by  which  their  minds  would  be  dejected  and  troubled. 
Therefore  they  commonly  live  a  solitary,  private,  and 
shadowed  life  ;  with  a  small  circle  of  chosen  com 
panions,  all  devoted  admirers,  who  assent  like  an  echo 
to  everything  they  say,  and  entertain  them  with  mouth- 
homage  ;  till  being  by  such  habits  gradually  depraved 
and  puffed  up,  and  besotted  at  last  with  self-admira 
tion,  they  fall  into  such  a  sloth  and  listlessness  that 
they  grow  utterly  stupid,  and  lose  all  vigour  and  alac 
rity.  And  it  was  a  beautiful  thought  to  choose  the 
flower  of  spring  as  an  emblem  of  characters  like  this : 
characters  which  in  the  opening  of  their  career  flourish 


90  TRANSLATION   OF   THE 

and  are  talked  of,  but  disappoint  in  maturity  the  prom 
ise  of  their  youth.  The  fact  too  that  this  flower  is 
sacred  to  the  infernal  deities  contains  an  allusion  to 
the  same  thing.  For  men  of  this  disposition  turn  out 
utterly  useless  and  good  for  nothing  whatever  ;  and 
anything  that  yields  no  fruit,  but  like  the  way  of  a 
ship  in  the  sea  passes  and  leaves  no  trace,  was  by  the 
ancients  held  sacred  to  the  shades  and  infernal  gods. 


OR    TREATIES- 


IT  is  a  very  common  tradition  that  of  the  one  oath 
by  which  the  gods  bound  themselves  when  they  meant 
to  leave  no  room  for  repentance  ;  and  finds  a  place  in 
a  great  many  fables.  In  that  case  they  invoked  in 
witness,  not  any  majesty  of  heaven  or  any  divine  at 
tribute,  but  Styx  ;  a  river  in  the  infernal  regions  which 
with  many  windings  encircled  the  palace  of  Dis.  This 
form  of  oath  alone,  and  no  other,  was  held  to  be  sure 
and  inviolable  :  the  penalty  of  breaking  it  being  one 
which  the  deities  most  dreaded,  —  namely  that  the 
breaker  should  for  a  certain  period  of  years  be  ex 
cluded  from  the  banquets  of  the  gods. 

The  fable  seems  to  have  been  invented  in  allusion 
to  treaties  and  compacts  of  princes  :  in  respect  of  which 
it  is  but  too  true  that  whatever  be  the  solemnity  and 
sanctity  of  the  oath  they  are  confirmed  with,  yet  they 
are  little  to  be  depended  on  ;  insomuch  that  they  are 
used  in  fact  rather  with  an  eye  to  reputation  and  fame 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  91 

and  ceremony,  than  for  confidence  and  security  and 
effect.  And  even  when  the  ties  of  relationship  (which 
are  as  the  sacraments  of  nature)  or  of  mutual  good 
services  come  in  to  aid,  yet  in  most  cases  all  are  too 
weak  for  ambition  and  interest  and  the  licence  of 
power :  the  rather  because  princes  can  always  find 
plenty  of  plausible  pretexts  (not  being  accountable  to 
any  arbiter)  wherewith  to  justify  and  veil  their  cupid 
ity  and  bad  faith.  There  is  adopted  therefore  but  one 
true  and  proper  pledge  of  faith  ;  and  it  is  not  any  ce 
lestial  divinity.  This  is  Necessity  (the  great  god  of 
the  powerful),  and  peril  of  state,  and  communion  of 
interest.  Now  Necessity  is  elegantly  represented  un 
der  the  figure  of  Styx ;  the  fatal  river  across  which 
no  man  can  return.  This  is  the  deity  which  Iphic- 
rates  the  Athenian  invoked  to  witness  treaties  ;  and 
since  he  was  one  that  spoke  out  plainly  what  most 
men  think  and  keep  to  themselves,  his  words  are  worth 
quoting.  Finding  that  the  Lacedemonians  were  de 
vising  and  propounding  various  cautions  and  sanctions 
and  securities  and  bonds  to  hold  the  treaty  fast,  There  is 
only  one  bond  and  security  (said  he,  interrupting  them) 
that  can  hold  between  you  and  us  : — you  must  prove  that 
you  have  yielded  so  much  into  our  hands  that  you  cannot 
hurt  us  if  you  would.  And  so  it  is  that  if  the  means 
of  hurting  be  taken  away,  or  if  a  breach  of  the  treaty- 
would  endanger  the  existence  or  the  integrity  of  the 
state  and  revenue,  —  then  the  treaty  may  be  consid 
ered  to  be  ratified  and  sanctioned  and  confirmed  as  by 
the  oath  of  Styx :  for  then  it  is  upon  peril  of  being 
interdicted  from  the  banquets  of  the  gods ;  which  was 
the  ancient  expression  for  the  rights  and  prerogatives 
of  empire,  and  wealth,  and  felicity. 


92  TRANSLATION  OF   THE 

VI. 

PAN; 

OR      NATURE. I 

THE  ancients  have  given  under  the  person  of  Pan 
an  elaborate  description  of  universal  nature.  His  par 
entage  they  leave  in  doubt.  Some  call  him  the  son 
of  Mercury ;  others  assign  him  an  origin  altogether 
different ;  saying  that  he  was  the  offspring  of  a  pro 
miscuous  intercourse  between  Penelope  and  all  her 
suitors.  But  in  this  the  name  of  Penelope  has  doubt 
less  been  foisted  by  some  later  author  into  the  original 
fable.  For  it  is  no  uncommon  thing  to  find  the  more 
ancient  narrations  transferred  to  persons  and  names 
of  later  date ;  sometimes  absurdly  and  stupidly,  as  in 
this  instance  ;  for  Pan  was  one  of  the  oldest  gods,  and 
long  before  the  times  of  Ulysses  ;  and  Penelope  was 
for  her  matronly  chastity  held  in  veneration  by  antiq 
uity.  But  there  is  yet  a  third  account  of  his  birth, 
which  must  not  be  passed  over ;  for  some  have  called 
him  the  son  of  Jupiter  and  Hybris,  or  Insolence. 

Whatever  was  his  origin,  the  Fates  are  said  to  have 
been  his  sisters. 

His  person  is  described  by  ancient  tradition  as  fol 
lows  :  With  horns,  and  the  tops  of  the  horns  reaching 
heaven ;  his  whole  body  shaggy  and  hairy ;  his  beard 
especially  long.  In  figure,  biform ;  human  in  the  up 
per  parts,  the  other  half  brute  ;  ending  in  the  feet  of 
a  goat.  As  emblems  of  his  power  he  carried  in  his 
left  hand  a  pipe  compact  of  seven  reeds,  in  his  right 

1  For  an  enlarged  version  of  this  fable,  see  Translation  of  the  "  De  Aug- 
mentis,"  Book  the  Second,  Chap.  XIII. 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  93 

a  sheep-hook  or  staff  crooked  at  the  top ;  and  he  was 
clothed  in  a  scarf,  made  of  panther's  skin.  The  powers 
and  offices  assigned  to  him  are  these,  —  he  is  the  god 
of  hunters,  of  shepherds,  and  generally  of  dwellers  in 
the  country  :  also  he  presides  over  mountains  ;  and 
is  (next  to  Mercury)  the  messenger  of  the  gods.  He 
was  accounted  moreover  the  captain  and  commander 
of  the  nymphs,  who  were  always  dancing  and  frisking 
about  him:  the  Satyrs,  and  their  elders,  the  Sileni, 
were  also  of  his  company.  He  had  the  power  like 
wise  of  exciting  sudden  terrors,  —  empty  and  super 
stitious  ones  especially;  —  thence  called  Panics.  The 
actions  that  are  recorded  of  him  are  not  many ;  the 
principal  is  that  he  challenged  Cupid  to  wrestle  ;  and 
was  beaten  by  him.  He  also  entangled  and  caught 
the  giant  Typhon  in  a  net ;  and  they  say  besides,  that 
when  Ceres,  out  of  grief  and  indignation  at  the  rape 
of  Proserpina,  had  hid  herself,  and  all  the  gods  were 
earnestly  engaged  in  seeking  her  out,  and  had  dis 
persed  several  ways  in  search  of  her,  it  was  Pan's 
good  fortune  to  light  upon  and  discover  her  by  acci 
dent  while  he  was  hunting.  He  had  also  the  presump 
tion  to  match  himself  against  Apollo  in  music  ;  and 
was  by  Midas's  judgment  pronounced  victor ;  for 
which  judgment  Midas  had  to  wear  the  ears  of  an 
ass,  but  not  so  as  to  be  seen.  There  are  no  amours 
reported  of  Pan,  or  at  least  very  few :  which  among 
a  crowd  of  gods  so  excessively  amorous  may  seem 
strange.  The  only  thing  imputed  to  him  in  this  kind 
is  a  passion  for  Echo,  who  was  also  accounted  his 
wife  ;  and  for  one  nymph  called  Syringa,  with  love 
of  whom  he  was  smitten  by  Cupid  in  anger  and  re 
venge  because  of  his  presumption  in  challenging  him 


94  TRANSLATION   OF   THE 

to  wrestle.  Nor  had  he  any  issue  (which  is  again 
strange,  seeing  that  the  gods,  especially  the  males, 
were  remarkably  prolific)  except  one  daughter,  a  little 
serving  woman  called  lambe,  who  used  to  amuse 
guests  with  ridiculous  stories,  and  was  supposed  by 
some  to  be  Pan's  offspring  by  his  wife  Echo. 

A  noble  fable  this,  if  there  be  any  such  ;  and  big 
almost  to  bursting  with  the  secrets  and  mysteries  of 
Nature. 

Pan,  as  the  very  word  declares,  represents  the  uni 
versal  frame  of  things,  or  Nature.  About  his  origin 
there  are  and  can  be*  but  two  opinions ;  for  Nature  is 
either  the  offspring  of  Mercury  —  that  is  of  the  Di 
vine  Word  (an  opinion  which  the  Scriptures  establish 
beyond  question,  and  which  was  entertained  by  all  the 
more  divine  philosophers)  ;  or  else  of  the  seeds  of  things 
mixed  and  confused  together.  For  they  who  derive 
all  things  from  a  single  principle,  either  take  that  prin 
ciple  to  be  God,  or  if  they  hold  it  to  be  a  material  prin 
ciple,  assert  it  to  be  though  actually  one  yet  potenti 
ally  many  ;  so  that  all  difference  of  opinion  on  this 
point  is  reducible  to  one  or  other  of  these  two  heads, 
-  the  world  is  sprung  either  from  Mercury,  or  from 
all  the  suitors.  He  sang,  says  Virgil, 

How  through  the  void  of  space  the  seeds  of  things 
Came  first  together;  seeds  of  the  sea,  land,  air, 
And  the  clear  tire;  how  from  these  elements 
All  embryos  grew,  and  the  great  world  itself 
Swelled  by  degrees  and  gathered  in  its  globe. 

The  third  account  of  the  generation  of  Pan,  might 
make  one  think  that  the  Greeks  had  heard  something, 
whether  through  the  Egyptians  or  otherwise,  concern 
ing  the  Hebrew  mysteries  ;  for  it  applies  to  the  state 


DE  SAPIENT1A  VETERUM.  95 

of  the  world,  not  at  its  very  birth,  but  as  it  was  after 
the  fall  of  Adam,  subject  to  death  and  corruption. 
For  that  state  was  the  offspring  of  God  and  Sin,  — 
and  so  remains.  So  that  all  three  stories  of  the  birth 
of  Pan  (if  they  be  understood  with  a  proper  distinction 
as  to  facts  and  times)  may  be  accepted  as  indeed  true. 
For  true  it  is  that  this  Pan,  whom  we  behold  and  con 
template  and  worship  only  too  much,  is  sprung  from 
the  Divine  Word,  through  the  medium  of  confused 
matter  (which  is  itself  God's  creature),  and  with  the 
help  of  sin  and  corruption  entering  in. 

To  the  Nature  of  things,  the  Fates  or  destinies  of 
things  are  truly  represented  as  sisters.  For  natural 
causes  are  the  chain  which  draws  after  it  the  births 
and  durations  and  deaths  of  all  things ;  their  fallings 
and  risings,  their  labours  and  felicities  :  —  in  short  all 
the  fates  that  can  befall  them. 

That  the  world  is  represented  with  horns,  and  that 
such  horns  are  broad  at  bottom  and  narrow  at  top,  has 
relation  to  the  fact  that  the  whole  frame  of  nature 
rises  to  a  point  like  a  pyramid.  For  individuals  are 
infinite:  these  are  collected  into  species,  which  are 
themselves  also  very  numerous  ;  the  species  are  gath 
ered  up  into  genera,  and  these  again  into  genera  of  a 
higher  stage  ;  till  nature,  contracting  as  it  rises,  seems 
to  meet  at  last  in  one  point.  Nor  need  we  wonder 
that  Pan's  horns  touch  heaven ;  since  the  summits, 
or  universal  forms,  of  nature  do  in  a  manner  reach 
up  to  God ;  the  passage  from  metaphysic  to  natural 
theology  being  ready  and  short. 

The  body  of  Nature  is  most  elegantly  and  truly 
represented  as  covered  with  hair ;  in  allusion  to  the 
rays  which  all  objects  emit ;  for  rays  are  like  the  hairs 


96  TRANSLATION   OF   THE 

or  bristles  of  nature  ;  and  there  is  scarcely  anything 
which  is  not  more  or  less  radiant.  This  is  very  plainly 
seen  in  the  power  of  vision,  and  not  less  so  in  all  kinds 
of  magnetic  virtue,  and  in  every  effect  which  takes 
place  at  a  distance.  For  whatever  produces  an  effect 
at  a  distance  may  be  truly  said  to  emit  rays.  But 
Pan's  hair  is  longest  in  the  beard,  because  the  rays 
of  the  celestial  bodies  operate  and  penetrate  from  a 
greater  distance  than  any  other ;  and  we  see  also  that 
the  sun,  when  the  upper  part  of  him  is  veiled  by  a 
cloud  and  the  rays  break  out  below,  has  the  appear 
ance  of  a  face  with  a  beard. 

Again,  the  body  of  Nature  is  most  truly  described 
as  biform  ;  on  account  of  the  difference  between  the 
bodies  of  the  upper  and  the  lower  world.  For  the 
upper  or  heavenly  bodies,  are  for  their  beauty  and 
the  equability  and  constancy  of  their  motion,  as  well 
as  for  the  influence  they  have  upon  earth  and  all  that 
belongs  to  it,  fitly  represented  under  the  human  fig 
ure :  but  the  others,  by  reason  of  their  perturbations 
and  irregular  motions,  and  because  they  are  under 
the  influence  of  the  celestial  bodies,  may  be  content 
with  the  figure  of  a  brute.  The  same  description  of 
Nature's  body  may  be  referred  also  to  the  mixture  of 
one  species  with  another.  For  there  is  no  nature  which 
can  be  regarded  as  simple  ;  every  one  seeming  to  par 
ticipate  and  be  compounded  of  two.  Man  has  some 
thing  of  the  brute;  the  brute  has  something  of  the 
vegetable ;  the  vegetable  something  of  the  inanimate 
body;  and  so  all  things  are  in  truth  biformed  and 
made  up  of  a  higher  species  and  a  lower.  There  is 
also  a  very  ingenious  allegory  involved  in  that  attri 
bute  of  the  goat's  feet;  which  has  reference  to  the 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  97 

motion  upwards  of  terrestrial  bodies  towards  the  re 
gions  of  air  and  sky :  for  the  goat  is  a  climbing  ani 
mal,  and  loves  to  hang  from  rocks  and  cling  to  the  sides 
of  precipices  :  a  tendency  which  is  also  exhibited  in 
a  wonderful  manner  by  substances  that  belong  prop 
erly  to  the  lower  world  —  witness  clouds  and  meteors. 

The  emblems  in  Pan's  hands  are  of  two  kinds  — 
one  of  harmony,  the  other  of  empire.  The  pipe  com 
pact  of  seven  reeds  evidently  indicates  that  harmony 
and  concent  of  things,  that  concord  mixed  with  dis 
cord,  which  results  from  the  motions  of  the  seven 
planets.  Also  the  sheep-hook  is  a  noble  metaphor, 
alluding  to  the  mixture  of  straight  and  crooked  in 
the  ways  of  nature.  But  the  staff  is  curved  chiefly 
towards  the  top  ;  because  all  the  works  of  Divine 
Providence  in  the  world  are  wrought  by  winding 
and  roundabout  ways  —  where  one  thing  seems  to  be 
doing,  and  another  is  doing  really  —  as  in  the  selling 
of  Joseph  into  Egypt,  and  the  like.  So  also  in  all  the 
wiser  kinds  of  human  government,  they  who  sit  at  the 
helm  can  introduce  and  insinuate  what  they  desire  for 
the  good  of  the  people  more  successfully  by  pretexts 
and  indirect  ways  than  directly  ;  so  that  every  rod  or 
staff  of  empire  is  truly  crooked  at  the  top.  The  scarf 
or  mantle  of  Pan  is  very  ingeniously  feigned  to  be 
made  of  a  panther's  skin  ;  on  account  of  the  spots 
scattered  all  over  it.  For  the  heavens  are  spotted 
with  stars,  the  sea  with  islands,  the  earth  with  flowers ; 
and  even  particular  objects  are  generally  variegated 
on  the  surface,  which  is  as  it  were  their  mantle  or 
scarf. 

Now  the  office  of  Pan  can  in  no  way  be  more  lively 
set  forth  and   explained  than  by  calling  him  god  of 


VOL.  XIII. 


98  TRANSLATION   OF  THE 

hunters.  For  every  natural  action,  every  motion  and 
process  of  nature,  is  nothing  else  than  a  hunt.  For 
the  sciences  and  arts  hunt  after  their  works,  human 
counsels  hunt  after  their  ends,  and  all  things  in  nature 
hunt  either  after  their  food,  which  is  like  hunting  for 
prey,  or  after  their  pleasures,  which  is  like  hunting 
for  recreation  ;  —  and  that  too  by  methods  skilful  and 


After  the  wolf  the  lion  steals;  the  wolf  the  kid  doth  follow; 
The  kid  pursues  the  cytisus  o'er  hillock  and  thro'  hollow. 

Also  Pan  is  the  god  of  country  people  in  general  ; 
because  they  live  more  according  to  nature  ;  whereas 
in  courts  and  cities  nature  is  corrupted  by  too  much 
culture  ;  till  it  is  true  what  the  poet  said  of  his  mis 
tress,  —  the  girl  herself  is  the  least  part  of  the  matter. 

Pan  is  likewise  especially  called  president  of  moun 
tains —  because  it  is  in  mountains  and  elevated  places 
that  the  nature  of  things  is  most  spread  abroad,  and 
lies  most  open  to  view  and  study.  As  for  Pan's 
being,  next  to  Mercury,  the  messenger  of  the  gods, 
that  is  an  allegory  plainly  divine ;  seeing  that  next  to 
the  Word  of  God,  the  image  itself  of  the  world  is  the 
great  proclaimer  of  the  divine  wisdom  and  goodness. 
So  sings  the  Psalmist :  The  heavens  declare  the  glory 
of  God,  and  the  firmament  sheweth  his  handiwork. 

Again  Pan  takes  delight  in  the  nymphs  ;  that  is 
the  souls  ;  for  the  souls  of  the  living  are  the  delight 
of  the  world.  And  Pan  is  truly  called  their  com 
mander,  since  they  follow  the  guidance  each  of  her 
several  nature  ;  leaping  and  dancing  about  it  with  in 
finite  variety,  every  one  in  her  country's  fashion,  and 
with  motion  that  never  ceases.  And  in  their  company 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  99 

are  ever  found  the  Satyrs  and  the  Sileni ;  that  is  old 
age  and  youth ;  for  all  things  have  their  merry  and 
dancing  time,  and  likewise  their  heavy  and  tippling 
time.  And  yet  to  one  who  truly  considers  them,  the 
pursuits  of  either  age  appear  perhaps,  as  they  did  to 
Democritus,  ridiculous  and  deformed,  —  like  to  a  Sa 
tyr  or  Silenus. 

In  the  Panic  terrors  there  is  set  forth  a  very  wise 
doctrine  ;  for  by  the  nature  of  things  all  living  crea 
tures  are  endued  with  a  certain  fear  and  dread,  the 
office  of  which  is  to  preserve  their  life  and  essence, 
and  to  avoid  or  repel  approaching  mischief.  But  the 
same  nature  knows  not  how  to  keep  just  measure  — 
but  together  with  salutary  fears  ever  mingles  vain  and 
empty  ones  ;  insomuch  that  all  things  (if  one  could 
see  into  the  heart  of  them)  are  quite  full  of  Panic 
terrors  ;  human  things  most  of  all  ;  so  infinitely 
tossed  and  troubled  as  they  are  with  superstition 
(which  is  in  truth  nothing  but  a  Panic  terror),  es 
pecially  in  seasons  of  hardship,  anxiety,  and  adver 
sity. 

With  regard  to  the  audacity  of  Pan  in  challenging 
Cupid  to  fight,  it  refers  to  this,  —  that  matter  is  not 
without  a  certain  inclination  and  appetite  to  dissolve 
the  world  and  fall  back  into  the  ancient  chaos  ;  but 
that  the  overswaying  concord  of  things  (which  is 
represented  by  Cupid  or  Love)  restrains  its  will  and 
effort  in  that  direction  and  reduces  it  to  order.  And 
therefore  it  is  well  for  man  and  for  the  world  that  in 
that  contest  Pan  was  foiled.  The  same  thing  is  al 
luded  to  in  that  other  circumstance  of  the  catching 
of  Typhon  in  a  net :  because  however  it  be  that  vast 
and  strange  swellings  (for  that  is  the  meaning  of  Ty- 


100  TRANSLATION   OF   THE 

phon)  take  place  occasionally  in  nature,  —  whether 
of  the  sea,  or  the  clouds,  or  the  earth,  or  any  other 
body  —  nevertheless  all  such  exuberancies  and  irreg 
ularities  are  by  the  nature  of  things  caught  and  con 
fined  in  an  inextricable  net,  and  bound  down  as  with 
a  chain  of  adamant. 

As  for  the  tale  that  the  discovery  of  Ceres  was  re 
served  for  this  god,  and  that  while  he  was  hunting, 
and  denied  to  the  rest  of  the  gods  though  diligently 
and  specially  engaged  in  seeking  her  ;  it  contains  a 
very  true  and  wise  admonition  —  namely  that  the  dis 
covery  of  things  useful  to  life  and  the  furniture  of 
life,  such  as  corn,  is  not  to  be  looked  for  from  the  ab 
stract  philosophies,  as  it  were  the  greater  gods,  no  not 
though  they  devote  their  whole  powers  to  that  special 
end  —  but  only  from  Pan  ;  that  is  from  sagacious  ex 
perience  and  the  universal  knowledge  of  nature,  which 
will  often  by  a  kind  of  accident,  and  as  it  were  while 
engaged  in  hunting,  stumble  upon  such  discoveries. 

Then  again  that  match  in  music  and  the  result  of 
it  exhibits  a  wholesome  doctrine,  fit  to  restrain  and 
reduce  to  sobriety  die  pride  and  overweening  confi 
dence  of  human  reason  and  judgment.  For  it  seems 
there  are  two  kinds  of  harmony  and  music  ;  one  of 
divine  providence,  the  other  of  human  reason  ;  and 
to  the  human  judgment,  and  the  ears  as  it  were  of 
mortals,  the  government  of  the  world  and  nature, 
and  the  more  secret  judgments  of  God,  sound  some 
what  harsh  and  untunable  ;  and  though  this  be  igno 
rance,  such  as  deserves  to  be  distinguished  with  the 

o 

ears  of  an  ass,  yet  those  ears  are  worn  secretly  and 
not  in  the  face  of  the  world  —  for  it  is  not  a  thing 
observed  or  noted  as  a  deformity  by  the  vulgar. 


DE  SAPIENTTA  VETERUM.  101 

Lastly,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  no  amours 
are  attributed  to  Pan,  except  his  marriage  with  Echo. 
For  the  world  enjoys  itself  and  in  itself  all  things  that 
are.  Now  he  that  is  in  love  wants  something,  and 
where  there  is  abundance  of  everything  want  can 
have  no  place.  The  world  therefore  can  have  no 
loves,  nor  any  want  (being  content  with  itself)  unless 
it  be  of  discourse.  Such  is  the  nymph  Echo,  or,  if  it 
be  of  the  more  exact  and  measured  kind,  Syringa. 
And  it  is  excellently  provided  that  of  all  discourses 
or  voices  Echo  alone  should  be  chosen  for  the  world's 
wife.  For  that  is  in  fact  the  true  philosophy  which 
echoes  most  faithfully  the  voice  of  the  world  itself, 
and  is  written  as  it  were  from  the  world's  own  dicta 
tion  ;  being  indeed  nothing  else  than  the  image  and 
reflection  of  it,  which  it  only  repeats  and  echoes,  but 
adds  nothing  of  its  own.  That  the  world  has  no  is 
sue,  is  another  allusion  to  the  sufficiency  and  perfec 
tion  of  it  in  itself.  Generation  goes  on  among  the 
parts  of  the  world,  but  how  can  the  whole  generate, 
when  no  body  exists  out  of  itself?  As  for  that  lit 
tle  woman,  Pan's  putative  daughter,  it  is  an  addition 
to  the  fable,  with  a  great  deal  of  wisdom  in  it :  for 
by  her  are  represented  those  vain  babbling  doctrines 
about  the  nature  of  things,  which  wander  abroad  in 

c5     ' 

all  times  and  fill  the  world  —  doctrines  barren  in  fact, 
counterfeit  in  breed,  but  by  reason  of  their  garrulity 
sometimes  entertaining  ;  and  sometimes  again  trouble 
some  and  annoying. 


102  TRANSLATION  OF  THE 

VII. 

PERSEUS; 

OR     WAR.1 

PERSEUS  was  sent,  it  is  said,  by  Pallas  to  cut  off  the 
head  of  Medusa,  from  whom  many  nations  in  the  west 
ernmost  parts  of  Spain  suffered  grievous  calamities  :  — 
a  monster  so  dreadful  and  horrible  that  the  mere  sight 
of  her  turned  men  into  stone.  She  was  one  of  the 
Gorgons  ;  and  the  only  one  of  them  that  was  mortal, 
the  others  not  being  subject  to  change.  By  way  of 
equipment  for  this  so  noble  exploit,  Perseus  received 
arms  and  gifts  from  three  several  gods.  Mercury  gave 
him  wings  for  his  feet ;  Pluto  gave  him  a  helmet ; 
Pallas  a  shield  and  a  mirror.  And  yet  though  so 
well  provided  and  equipped,  he  did  not  proceed  against 
Medusa  directly,  but  went  out  of  his  way  to  visit  the 
Graye.  These  were  half-sisters  to  the  Gorgons  ;  and 
had  been  born  old  women  with  white  hair.  They 
had  but  one  eye  and  one  tooth  among  them,  and 
these  they  used  to  wear  by  turns  ;  each  putting  them 
on  as  she  went  abroad,  and  putting  them  off  again 
when  she  came  back.  This  eye  and  tooth  they  now 
lent  to  Perseus.  Whereupon,  judging  himself  suffi 
ciently  equipped  for  the  performance  of  his  under 
taking,  he  went  against  Medusa  with  all  haste,  flying. 
He  found  her  asleep  ;  but  not  daring  to  face  her  (in 
case  she  should  wake)  he  looked  back  into  Pallas's 
mirror,  and  taking  aim  by  the  reflection,  cut  off  her 
head.  From  the  blood  which  flowed  out  of  the  wound, 

1  For  an  enlarged  version  of  this  fable,  see  Translation  of  the  "  De  Aug- 
mentis,"  Book  the  Second,  Chap.  XIII. 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  103 

there  suddenly  leaped  forth  a  winged  Pegasus.  The 
severed  head  was  fixed  by  Perseus  in  Pallas's  shield ; 
where  it  still  retained  its  power  of  striking  stiff,  as  if 
thunder  or  planet  stricken,  all  who  looked  on  it. 

The  fable  seems  to  have  been  composed  with  refer 
ence  to  the  art  and  judicious  conduct  of  war.  And 
first,  for  the  kind  of  war  to  be  chosen,  it  sets  forth  (as 
from  the  advice  of  Pallas)  three  sound  and  weighty 
precepts  to  guide  the  deliberation. 

The  first  is,  not  to  take  any  great  trouble  for  the 
subjugation  of  the  neighbouring  nations.  For  the  rule 
to  be  followed  in  the  enlarging  of  a  patrimony  does  not 
apply  to  the  extension  of  an  empire.  In  a  private 
property,  the  vicinity  of  the  estates  to  each  other  is  of 
importance ;  but  in  extending  an  empire,  occasion,  and 
facility  of  carrying  the  war  through,  and  value  of  con 
quest,  should  be  regarded  instead  of  vicinity.  We 
see  that  the  Romans,  while  they  had  hardly  penetrated 
westward  beyond  Liguria,  had  conquered  and  included 
in  their  empire  eastern  provinces  as  far  off  as  Mount 
Taurus.  And  therefore  Perseus,  though  he  belonged 
to  the  east,  did  not  decline  a  distant  expedition  to  the 
uttermost  parts  of  the  west. 

The  second  is  that  there  be  a  just  and  honourable 
cause  of  war  :  for  this  begets  alacrity  as  well  in  the 
soldiers  themselves,  as  in  the  people,  from  whom  the 
supplies  are  to  come:  also  it  opens  the  way  to  alliances, 
and  conciliates  friends ;  and  has  a  great  many  advan 
tages.  Now  there  is  no  cause  of  war  more  pious  than 
the  overthrow  of  a  tyranny  under  which  the  people  lies 
prostrate  without  spirit  or  vigour,  as  if  turned  to  stone 
by  the  aspect  of  Medusa. 

Thirdly,  it  is  wisely  added  that  whereas  there  are 


104  TRANSLATION   OF  THE 

three  Gorgons  (by  whom  are  represented  wars),  Perseus 
chose  the  one  that  was  mortal,  that  is,  he  chose  such  a 
war  as  might  be  finished  and  carried  through,  and  did 
not  engage  in  the  pursuit  of  vast  or  infinite  projects. 

The  equipment  of  Perseus  is  of  that  kind  which  is 
everything  in  war,  and  almost  ensures  success ;  for  he 
received  swiftness  from  Mercury,  secrecy  of  counsel 
from  Pluto,  and  providence  from  Pallas.  Nor  is  the 
circumstance  that  those  wings  of  swiftness  were  for  the 
heels  and  not  for  the  shoulders  without  an  allegorical 
meaning,  and  a  very  wise  one.  For  it  is  not  in  the 
first  attack,  so  much  as. in  those  that  follow  up  and  sup 
port  the  first,  that  swiftness  is  required ;  and  there  is 
no  error  more  common  in  war  than  that  of  not  pressing 
on  the  secondary  and  subsidiary  actions  with  an  activ 
ity  answerable  to  the  vigour  of  the  beginnings.  There 
is  also  an  ingenious  distinction  implied  in  the  images  of 
the  shield  and  the  mirror  (for  the  parable  of  Pluto's 
helmet  which  made  men  invisible  needs  no  explana 
tion)  between  the  two  kinds  of  foresight.  For  we 
must  have  not  only  that  kind  of  foresight  which  acts 
as  a  shield,  but  that  other  kind  likewise  which  enables 
us  (like  Pallas's  mirror)  to  spy  into  the  forces  and 
movements  and  counsels  of  the  enemy. 

But  Perseus,  however  provided  with  forces  and 
courage,  stands  yet  in  need  of  one  thing  more  before 
the  war  be  commenced,  which  is  of  the  highest  pos 
sible  importance,  —  he  must  go  round  to  the  Graea?. 
These  Gra^c  are  treasons  ;  which  are  indeed  war's 
sisters,  yet  not  sisters  german,  but  as  it  were  of  less 
noble  birth.  For  wars  are  generous  ;  treasons  degen 
erate  and  base.  They  are  prettily  described,  in  allusion 
to  the  perpetual  cares  and  trepidations  of  traitors,  as 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  105 

old  and  white  from  their  birth.  Their  power  (before 
they  break  out  into  open  revolt)  lies  either  in  the  eye 
or  the  tooth ;  for  all  factions  when  alienated  from  the 
state,  both  play  the  spy  and  bite.  And  the  eye  and 
tooth  are  as  it  were  common  to  them  all :  the  eye  be 
cause  all  their  information  is  handed  from  one  to  an 
other,  and  circulates  through  the  whole  party ;  the 
tooth,  because  they  all  bite  with  one  mouth  and  all  tell 
one  tale,  —  so  that  when  you  hear  one  you  hear  all. 
Therefore  Perseus  must  make  friends  of  those  Graeae, 
that  they  may  lend  him  their  eye  and  tooth,  —  the  eye 
for  discovery  of  information,  the  tooth  to  sow  rumours, 
raise  envy,  and  stir  the  minds  of  the  people. 

These  matters  being  thus  arranged  and  prepared,  we 
come  next  to  the  carriage  of  the  war  itself.  And  here 
we  see  that  Perseus  finds  Medusa  asleep ;  for  the  un 
dertaker  of  a  war  almost  always,  if  he  is  wise,  takes  his 
enemy  unprepared  and  in  security.  And  now  it  is 
that  Pallas's  mirror  is  wanted.  For  there  are  many 
who  before  the  hour  of  danger  can  look  into  the  ene 
my's  affairs  sharply  and  attentively  ;  but  the  chief  use 
of  the  mirror  is  in  the  very  instant  of  peril,  that  you 
may  examine  the  manner  of  it  without  being  confused 
by  the  fear  of  it ;  which  is  meant  by  the  looking  at  it 
with  eyes  averted. 

The  conclusion  of  the  war  is  followed  by  two  effects : 
first  the  birth  and  springing  up  of  Pegasus,  which  obvi 
ously  enough  denotes  fame,  flying  abroad  and  celebrat 
ing  the  victory.  Secondly  the  carrying  of  Medusa's 
head  upon  the  shield  ;  for  this  is  incomparably  the  best 
kind  of  safeguard.  A  single  brilliant  and  memorable 
exploit,  happily  conducted  and  accomplished,  paralyses 
all  the  enemies'  movements,  and  mates  malevolence 
itself. 


106  TRANSLATION  OF   THE 

VIII. 

ENDYMION ; 

OR     THE     F  A  V  O  U  11 1  T  E  . 

TRADITION  says  that  Endymion,  a  shepherd,  was 
beloved  by  the  moon.  But  the  intercourse  between 
them  was  of  a  strange  and  singular  kind.  For  while 
he  lay  reposing  according  to  his  habit  in  a  natural  cave 
under  the  rocks  of  Latmos,  the  moon  would  come 
down  from  heaven  and  kiss  him  as  he  slept,  and  go  up 
into  heaven  again.  And  yet  this  idleness  and  sleeping 
did  not  hurt  his  fortunes  ;  for  the  inoon  in  the  mean 
time  so  ordered  it  that  his  sheep  fattened  and  increased 
exceedingly  ;  insomuch  that  no  shepherd,  had  finer 
flocks  or  fuller. 

The  fable  relates  (as  I  take  it)  to  the  dispositions 
and  manners  of  princes.  For  princes  being  full  of 
thoughts  and  prone  to  suspicions,  do  not  easily  admit 
to  familiar  intercourse  men  that  are  perspicacious  and 
curious,  whose  minds  are  always  on  the  wratch  and 
never  sleep  ;  but  choose  rather  such  as  are  of  a  quiet 
and  complying  disposition,  and  submit  to  their  will 
without  inquiring  further,  and  shew  like  persons  ig 
norant  and  unobserving,  and  as  if  asleep ;  displaying 
simple  obedience  rather  than  fine  observation.  With 
men  of  this  kind  princes  have  always  been  glad  to 
descend  from  their  greatness,  as  the  moon  from  heaven ; 
and  to  lay  aside  their  mask,  the  continual  wearing  of 
which  becomes  a  kind  of  burden  ;  and  to  converse 
familiarly ;  for  with  such  they  think  they  can  do  so 
safely.  It  was  a  point  especially  noted  in  Tiberius 
Cajsar,  a  prince  extremely  difficult  to  deal  with ;  with 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  107 

whom  those  only  were  in  favour  who,  though  they 
really  understood  him,  yet  dissembled  their  knowledge 
with  a  pertinacity  which  seemed  like  dulness.  The 
same  thing  was  observable  in  Louis  XI.  of  France,  a 
most  cautious  and  crafty  king.  The  circumstance  of 
the  cave  also,  in  which  according  to  the  fable  En- 
dymion  used  to  lie,  is  not  without  its  elegance.  For 
those  who  enjoy  this  kind  of  favour  with  princes  have 
commonly  some  pleasant  places  of  retirement  to  invite 
them  to,  where  they  may  have  the  comfort  of  leisure 
and  relaxation  of  mind,  discharged  of  the  incumbrances 
which  their  position  lays  upon  them.  And  it  is  true 
that  favourites  of  this  class  are  commonly  prosperous 
in  their  private  fortunes  ;  for  princes  though  they  may 
not  raise  them  to  honours,  yet  since  their  favour  springs 
from  true  affection  and  not  from  considerations  of  util 
ity,  they  generally  enrich  them  with  their  bounty. 


IX. 

THE   SISTER   OF   THE   GIANTS; 

OR     FAME. 

THE  poets  tell  us  that  the  Giants,  being  brought 
forth  by  Earth,  made  war  upon  Jupiter  and  the  gods, 
and  were  routed  and  vanquished  with  thunderbolts, 
whereupon  Earth,  in  rage  at  the  wrath  of  the  gods, 
to  revenge  her  sons  brought  forth  Fame,  youngest  sis 
ter  of  the  giants. 

The  meaning  of  the  fable  appears  to  be  this  :  by 
Earth  is  meant  the  nature  of  the  common  people  ;  al 
ways  swelling  with  malice  towards  their  rulers,  and 


108  TRANSLATION   OF  THE 

hatching  revolutions.  This  upon  occasion  given  brings 
forth  rebels  and  seditious  persons,  who  with  wicked 
audacity  endeavour  the  overthrow  of  princes.  And 
when  these  are  suppressed,  the  same  nature  of  the 
common  people,  still  leaning  to  the  worse  party  and 
impatient  of  tranquillity,  gives  birth  to  rumours  and 
malignant  whispers,  and  querulous  fames,  and  defama 
tory  libels,  and  the  like,  tending  to  bring  envy  upon 
the  authorities  of  the  land :  so  that  seditious  fames 
differ  from  acts  of  rebellion,  not  in  race  and  parentage, 
but  only  in  sex :  the  one  being  feminine  and  the  other 
masculine. 


X. 

ACTION    AND    PENTHEUS; 

OR     CURIOSITY. 

THE  curiosity  and  unhealthy  appetite  of  man  for  the 
discovery  of  secrets,  is  reproved  by  the  ancients  in  two 
examples :  one  of  Action,  the  other  of  Pentheus. 
Actaeon  having  unawares  and  by  chance  seen  Diana 
naked,  was  turned  into  a  stag  and  worried  by  his  own 
dogs.  Pentheus  having  climbed  a  tree  for  the  purpose 
of  seeing  the  secret  mysteries  of  Bacchus,  was  struck 
with  madness  ;  and  the  form  of  his  madness  was  this  : 
he  thought  everything  was  double ;  saw  two  suns,  and 
again  two  cities  of  Thebes  :  insomuch  that  when  he 
set  out  towards  Thebes,  he  presently  saw  another 
Thebes  behind,  which  made  him  go  back ;  and  so  was 
kept  continually  going  backwards  and  forwards  without 
any  rest. 

As  to  distracted  Pentheus  there  appear 
Furies  in  troops,  and  in  the  sky  two  suns, 
And  on  the  earth  two  several  Thebes  at  once. 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  109 

The  first  of  these  fables  seems  to  relate  to  the  secrets 
of  princes,  the  other  to  the  secrets  of  divinity.  For 
whoever  becomes  acquainted  with  a  prince's  secrets 
without  leave  and  against  his  will,  is  sure  to  incur  his 
hatred:  and  then,  knowing  that  he  is  marked  and 
that  occasions  are  sought  against  him,  he  lives  the  life 
of  a  stag ;  a  life  full  of  fears  and  suspicions.  Often 
too  it  happens  that  his  own  servants  and  domestics, 
to  curry  favour  with  the  prince,  accuse  and  over 
throw  him.  For  when  the  displeasure  of  the  prince 
is  manifest,  a  man  shall  scarcely  have  a  servant  but 
will  betray  him ;  and  so  he  may  expect  the  fate  of 
Actaeon. 

The  calamity  of  Pentheus  is  of  a  different  kind. 
For  the  punishment  assigned  to  those  who  with  rash 
audacity,  forgetting  their  mortal  condition,  aspire  by 
the  heights  of  nature  and  philosophy,  as  by  climbing  a 
tree,  to  penetrate  the  divine  mysteries,  is  perpetual  in 
constancy,  and  a  judgment  vacillating  and  perplexed. 
For  since  the  light  of  nature  is  one  thins:  and  the  light 

O  O  O 

of  divinity  another,  they  are  as  men  that  see  two  suns ; 
and  since  the  actions  of  life  and  the  determinations  of 
the  will  depend  upon  the  intellect,  it  follows  that  they 
are  perplexed  in  will  no  less  than  in  opinion,  and  can 
not  be  consistent  with  themselves  :  in  which  sense  they 
in  like  manner  see  two  Thebes  ;  for  by  Thebes  is  meant 
the  ends  and  aim  of  our  actions  ;  Thebes  being  Pen- 
theus's  home  and  resting-place.  And  hence  it  comes 
that  they  know  not  which  way  to  turn,  but  being  un 
certain  and  fluctuating  as  to  the  sum  and  end  of  all, 
they  are  carried  round  and  round  from  one  thing  to 
another,  according  to  the  impulse  of  the  moment. 


110  TRANSLATION   OF  THE 

XI. 

ORPHEUS; 

OR     PHILOSOPHY. 

THE  story  of  Orpheus,  which  though  so  well  known 
has  not  yet  been  in  all  points  perfectly  well  interpreted, 
seems  meant  for  a  representation  of  universal  Philos 
ophy.  For  Orpheus  himself,  —  a  man  admirable  and 
truly  divine,  who  being  master  of  all  harmony  subdued 
and  drew  all  tilings  after  him  by  sweet  and  gentle 
measures,  —  may  pass  by  an  easy  metaphor  for  philos 
ophy  personified.  For  as  the  works  of  wisdom  surpass 
in  dignity  and  power  the  works  of  strength,  so  the  la 
bours  of  Orpheus  surpass  the  labours  of  Hercules. 

Orpheus,  moved  by  affection  for  his  wife  who  had 
been  snatched  from  him  by  an  untimely  death,  resolved 
to  go  down  to  Hell  and  beg  her  back  again  of  the  In 
fernal  Powers  ;  trusting  to  his  lyre.  Nor  was  he  dis 
appointed.  For  so  soothed  and  charmed  were  the 
infernal  powers  by  the  sweetness  of  his  singing  and 
playing,  that  they  gave  him  leave  to  take  her  away 
with  him ;  but  upon  one  condition  ;  she  was  to  follow 
behind  him,  and  he  was  not  to  look  back  until  they  had 
reached  the  confines  of  light.  From  this  however  in 
the  impatience  of  love  and  anxiety  he  could  not  refrain. 
Before  he  had  quite  reached  the  point  of  safety,  he 
looked  back ;  and  so  the  covenant  was  broken,  and  she 
suddenly  fell  away  from  him  and  was  hurried  back  into 
Hell.  From  that  time  Orpheus  betook  himself  to  sol 
itary  places,  a  melancholy  man  and  averse  from  the 
sight  of  women  ;  where  by  the  same  sweetness  of  his 
song  and  lyre  he  drew  to  him  all  kinds  of  wild  beasts, 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  Ill 

in  such  manner  that  putting  off  their  several  natures, 
forgetting  all  their  quarrels  and  ferocity,  no  longer 
driven  by  the  stings  and  furies  of  lust,  no  longer  caring 
to  satisfy  their  hunger  or  to  hunt  their  prey,  they  all 
stood  about  him  gently  and  sociably,  as  in  a  theatre, 
listening  only  to  the  concords  of  his  lyre.  Nor  was 
that  all :  for  so  great  was  the  power  of  his  music  that 
it  moved  the  woods  and  the  very  stones  to  shift  them 
selves  and  take  their  stations  decently  and  orderly  about 
him.  And  all  this  went  on  for  some  time  with  happy 
success  and  great  admiration  ;  till  at  last  certain  Thra- 
cian  women,  under  the  stimulation  and  excitement  of 
Bacchus,  came  where  he  was ;  and  first  they  blew  such 
a  hoarse  and  hideous  blast  upon  a  horn  that  the  sound 
of  his  music  could  no  longer  be  heard  for  the  din : 
whereupon,  the  charm  being  broken  that  had  been 
the  bond  of  that  order  and  good  fellowship,  confusion 
began  again  ;  the  beasts  returned  each  to  his  several 
nature  and  preyed  one  upon  the  other  as  before ;  the 
stones  and  woods  stayed  no  longer  in  their  places : 
while  Orpheus  himself  was  torn  to  pieces  by  the  \vomen 
in  their  fury,  and  his  limbs  scattered  about  the  fields : 
at  whose  death,  Helicon  (river  sacred  to  the  Muses) 
in  grief  and  indignation  buried  his  waters  under  the 
earth,  to  reappear  elsewhere. 

The  meaning  of  the  fable  appears  to  be  this.  The 
singing  of  Orpheus  is  of  two  kinds :  one  to  propitiate 
the  infernal  powers,  the  other  to  draw  the  wild  beasts 
and  the  woods.  The  former  may  be  best  understood  as 
referring  to  natural  philosophy  ;  the  latter  to  philosophy 
moral  and  civil.  For  natural  philosophy  proposes  to 
itself,  as  its  noblest  work  of  all,  nothing  less  than  the 
restitution  and  renovation  of  things  corruptible,  and 


112  TRANSLATION   OF   THE 

(what  is  indeed  the  same  thing  in  a  lower  degree)  the 
conservation  of  bodies  in  the  state  in  which  they  are, 
and  the  retardation  of  dissolution  and  putrefaction. 
Now  certainly  if  this  can  be  effected  at  all,  it  cannot  be 
otherwise  than  by  due  and  exquisite  attempering  and 
adjustment  of  parts  in  nature,  as  by  the  harmony  and 
perfect  modulation  of  a  lyre.  And  yet  being  a  thing 
of  all  others  the  most  difficult,  it  commonly  fails  of 
effect ;  and  fails  (it  may  be)  from  no  cause  more  than 
from  curious  and  premature  meddling  and  impatience. 
Then  Philosophy  finding  that  her  great  work  is  too 
much  for  her,  in  sorrowful  mood,  as  well  becomes  her, 
turns  to  human  affairs ;  and  applying  her  powers  of 
persuasion  and  eloquence  to  insinuate  into  men's  minds 
the  love  of  virtue  and  equity  and  peace,  teaches  the 
peoples  to  assemble  and  unite  and  take  upon  them  the 
yoke  of  laws  and  submit  to  authority,  and  forget  their 
ungoverned  appetites,  in  listening  and  conforming  to 
precepts  and  discipline  ;  whereupon  soon  follows  the 
building  of  houses,  the  founding  of  cities,  the  planting 
of  fields  and  gardens  with  trees  ;  insomuch  that  the 
stones  and  the  woods  are  not  unfitly  said  to  leave  their 
places  and  come  about  her.  And  this  application  of 
Philosophy  to  civil  affairs  is  properly  represented,  and 
according  to  the  true  order  of  things,  as  subsequent  to 
the  diligent  trial  and  final  frustration  of  the  experiment 
of  restoring  the  dead  body  to  life.  For  true  it  is  that 
the  clearer  recognition  of  the  inevitable  necessity  of 
death  sets  men  upon  seeking  immortality  by  merit  and 
renown.  Also  it  is  wisely  added  in  the  story,  that 
Orpheus  was  averse  from  women  and  from  marriage ; 
for  the  sweets  of  marriage  and  the  dearness  of  children 
commonly  draw  men  away  from  performing  great  and 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  113 

lofty  services  to  the  commonwealth ;  being  content  to 
be  perpetuated  in  their  race  and  stock,  and  not  in  their 
deeds. 

But  howsoever  the  works  of  wisdom  are  among  hu 
man  things  the  most  excellent,  yet  they  too  have  their 
periods  and  closes.  For  so  it  is  that  after  kingdoms 
and  commonwealths  have  flourished  for  a  time,  there 
arise  perturbations  and  seditions  and  wars  ;  amid  the 
uproars  of  which,  first  the  laws  are  put  to  silence,  and 
then  men  return  to  the  depraved  conditions  of  their 
nature,  and  desolation  is  seen  in  the  fields  and  cities. 
And  if  such  troubles  last,  it  is  not  long  before  letters 
also  and  philosophy  are  so  torn  in  pieces  that  no 
traces  of  them  can  be  found  but  a  few  fragments, 
scattered  here  and  there  like  planks  from  a  shipwreck  ; 
and  then  a  season  of  barbarism  sets  in,  the  waters  of 
Helicon  being  sunk  under  the  ground,  until,  according 
to  the  appointed  vicissitude  of  things,  they  break  out 
and  issue  forth  again,  perhaps  among  other  nations, 
and  not  in  the  places  where  they  were  before. 


XII. 
CCELUM; 

OR     THE     ORIGIN     OF      THINGS. 

IT  is  a  tradition  of  the  poets  that  Coelum  was  the 
most  ancient  of  all  the  gods :  that  his  parts  of  genera 
tion  were  cut  off  by  his  son  Saturn  with  a  scythe  ; 
that  Saturn  himself  begot  a  numerous  progeny,  but 
devoured  his  sons  as  fast  as  they  were  born  ;  that  at 
last  Jupiter  escaped  this  fate,  and  as  soon  as  he  grew 


114  TRANSLATION   OF   THE 

up  overthrew  his  father  Saturn,  cast  him  into  Tartarus, 
and  took  possession  of  his  kingdom  ;  also  that  lie  cut 
off  his  genitals  with  the  same  scythe  with  which  he, 

£">  v 

Saturn,  had  cut  off  those  of  Coeluin,  and  threw  them 
into  the  sea  ;  and  that  from  them  was  born  Venus. 
Afterwards  they  say  that  the  kingdom  of  Jupiter, 
when  as  yet  it  was  scarcely  settled,  had  to  stand  the 
brunt  of  two  memorable  wars  :  the  first,  the  war  of 
the  Titans,  in  the  subduing  of  whom  the  assistance 
of  the  Sun  (the  only  one  of  the  Titans  that  was  on 
Jupiter's  side)  was  conspicuous  ;  the  second,  the  war 
of  the  Giants,  who  were  likewise  by  thunder  and  the 
arms  of  Jupiter  defeated  ;  and  that  when  these  were 
put  down  Jupiter  reigned  afterwards  in  security. 

This  fable  seems  to  be  an  enigma  concerning  the 
origin  of  things,  not  much  differing  from  the  philoso 
phy  afterwards  embraced  by  Democritus  :  who  more 
openly  than  any  one  else  asserted  the  eternity  of  mat 
ter,  while  he  denied  the  eternity  of  the  world ;  a  point 
in  which  he  came  somewhat  nearer  to  the  truth  as 
declared  in  the  divine  narrative  ;  for  that  represents 
matter  without  form  as  existing  before  the  six  days' 
works. 

The  fable  may  be  explained  in  this  manner.  By 
Coelum  is  meant  the  concave  or  circumference  which 
encloses  all  matter.  By  Saturn  is  meant  matter  itself; 
which,  inasmuch  as  the  sum  total  of  matter  remains 
always  the  same  and  the  absolute  quantum  of  nature 
suffers  neither  increase  nor  diminution,  is  said  to  have 
deprived  its  parent  of  all  power  of  generation.  Now 
the  agitations  and  motions  of  matter  produced  at  first 
imperfect  and  ill-compacted  structures  of  things,  that 
would  not  hold  together,  —  mere  attempts  at  worlds. 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  115 

Afterwards  in  process  of  time  a  fabric  was  turned  out 
which  could  keep  its  form.  Of  these  two  divisions  of 
time,  the  first  is  meant  by  the  reign  of  Saturn  ;  who 
by  reason  of  the  frequent  dissolutions  and  short  dura 
tions  of  things  in  his  time,  was  called  the  devourer  of 
his  children  :  the  second,  by  the  reign  of  Jupiter,  who 
put  an  end  to  those  continual  and  transitory  changes, 
and  thrust  them  into  Tartarus  —  that  is  to  say  the 
place  of  perturbation  :  which  place  seems  to  be  mid 
way  between  the  lowest  parts  of  heaven  and  the  in 
nermost  parts  of  the  earth  :  in  which  middle  region 
perturbation  and  fragility  and  mortality  or  corruption 
have  their  chief  operation.  And  while  that  former  sys 
tem  of  generation  lasted  which  had  place  under  the 
reign  of  Saturn,  Venus,  according  to  the  story,  was 
not  yet  born.  For  so  long  as  in  the  universal  frame 
of  matter  discord  was  stronger  than  concord  and  pre 
vailed  over  it,  there  could  be  no  change  except  of  the 
whole  together  ;  and  in  this  manner  did  the  generation 
of  things  proceed  before  Saturn  was  castrated.  But  as 
soon  as  this  mode  of  generation  ceased,  it  was  im 
mediately  succeeded  by  that  other  which  proceeds  by 
Venus,  and  belongs  to  a  state  in  which,  concord  being 
powerful  and  predominant,  change  proceeds  part  by 
part  only,  the  total  fabric  remaining  entire  and  undis 
turbed.  Nevertheless  Saturn  is  represented  as  thrust 
out  and  overthrown  only,  not  as  cut  off  and  extin 
guished  ;  because  it  was  the  opinion  of  Democritus  that 
the  world  might  yet  relapse  into  its  ancient  confusion 
and  intervals  of  no  government :  an  event  which  Lu 
cretius  prayed  might  not  happen  in  his  own  times. 

Which  may  all-ruling  Fortune  keep  far  hence, 
And  reason  teach  it,  not  experience. 


116  TRANSLATION   OF   THE 

Again,  after  the  world  was  established  and  settled  in 
respect  of  its  mass  and  moving  force,  yet  it  did  not 
from  the  first  remain  in  quiet.  For  first  there  followed 
notable  commotions  in  the  heavenly  regions  ;  which 
however,  by  the  power  of  the  Sun  predominating  in 
those  regions,  were  so  composed  that  the  world  sur 
vived  and  kept  its  state  ;  afterwards  in  like  manner  fol 
lowed  convulsions  in  the  lower  regions,  by  inundations, 
tempests,  winds,  earthquakes  of  more  universal  char 
acter  than  any  we  now  have  ;  and  when  these  like 
wise  were  subdued  and  dispersed,  things  settled  at  last 
into  a  more  durable  state  of  consent  and  harmonious 
operation. 

It  must  be  said  however  of  all  this,  that  as  there  is 
philosophy  in  the  fable  so  there  is  fable  in  the  phi 
losophy.  For  we  know  (through  faith)  that  all  such 
speculations  are  but  the  oracles  of  sense  which  have 
long  since  ceased  and  failed  ;  the  world,  both  matter 
and  fabric,  being  in  truth  the  work  of  the  Creator. 


XIII. 

PROTEUS ; 

OR      MATT  E  R  . 

PHOTEUS,  the  poets  tell  us,  was  herdsman  to  Nep 
tune.  He  was  an  old  man  and  a  prophet ;  a  prophet 
moreover  of  the  very  first  order,  and  indeed  thrice  ex 
cellent ;  for  he  knew  all  three, —  not  the  future  only, 
but  likewise  the  past  and  the  present;  insomuch  that 
besides  his  power  of  divination,  he  was  the  messenger 
and  interpreter  of  all  antiquity  and  all  secrets.  His 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  117 

dwelling  was  under  an  immense  cave.  There  it  was 
his  custom  every  day  at  noon  to  count  his  flock  of  seals 
and  then  go  to  sleep.  And  if  any  one  wanted  his  help 
in  any  matter,  the  only  way  was  first  to  secure  his 
hands  with  handcuffs,  and  then  to  bind  him  with 
chains.  Whereupon  he  on  his  part,  in  order  to  get 
free,  would  turn  himself  into  all  manner  of  strange 
shapes  —  fire,  water,  wild  beasts,  &c.,  till  at  last  he 
returned  again  to  his  original  shape. 

The  sense  of  this  fable  relates,  it  would  seem,  to  the 
secrets  of  nature  and  the  conditions  of  matter.  For 
under  the  person  of  Proteus,  Matter  —  the  most  an 
cient  of  all  things,  next  to  God  —  is  meant  to  be  repre 
sented.  Now  matter  has  its  habitation  under  the  vault 
of  heaven,  as  under  a  cave.  And  it  may  be  called  the 
servant  of  Neptune,  inasmuch  as  all  the  operation  and 
dispensation  of  matter  is  effected  principally  in  liquids. 
The  herd  or  flock  of  Proteus,  seems  to  be  nothing  else 
than  the  ordinary  species  of  animals,  plants,  minerals, 
etc.  in  which  matter  may  be  said  to  diffuse  and  use 
itself  up  ;  insomuch  that  having  once  made  up  and  fin 
ished  those  species  it  seems  to  sleep  and  rest,  as  if  its 
task  were  done  ;  without  applying  itself  or  attempting 
or  preparing  to  make  any  more.  And  this  is  what  is 
meant  by  Proteus  counting  his  herd  and  then  going  to 
sleep.  Now  this  is  said  to  take  place  not  in  the  morn 
ing  or  in  the  evening,  but  at  noon :  that  is  to  say,  when 
the  full  and  legitimate  time  has  come  for  completing 
and  bringing  forth  the  species  out  of  matter  already 
duly  prepared  and  predisposed  ;  which  is  the  middle 
point  between  the  first  rudiments  of  them  and  their 
declination.  And  this  we  know  from  the  sacred  his 
tory  to  have  been  in  fact  at  the  very  time  of  the  ere- 


118  TRANSLATION   OF   THE 

ation.  For  then  it  was  that  by  virtue  of  the  divine 
word  producat  matter  came  together  at  the  command 
of  the  Creator,  not  by  its  own  circuitous  processes,  but 
all  at  once ;  and  brought  its  work  to  perfection  on  the 
instant,  and  constituted  the  species.  And  here  the 
story  is  complete,  as  regards  Proteus  free  and  at  large 
with  his  herd.  For  the  universe  with  its  several  spe 
cies  according  to  their  ordinary  frame  and  structure,  is 
merely  the  face  of  matter  unconstrained  and  at  liberty, 
with  its  flock  of  materiate  creatures.  Nevertheless  if 
any  skilful  Servant  of  Nature  shall  bring  force  to  bear 
on  matter,  and  shall  vex  it  and  drive  it  to  extremities 
as  if  with  the  purpose  of  reducing  it  to  nothing,  then 
will  matter  (since  annihilation  or  true  destruction  is 
not  possible  except  by  the  omnipotence  of  God)  finding 
itself  in  these  straits,  turn  and  transform  itself  into 
strange  shapes,  passing  from  one  change  to  another  till 
it  has  gone  through  the  whole  circle  and  finished  the 
period ;  when,  if  the  force  be  continued,  it  returns  at 
last  to  itself.  And  this  constraint  and  binding  will  be 
more  easily  and  expeditiously  effected,  if  matter  be  laid 
hold  on  and  secured  by  the  hands  ;  that  is,  by  its  ex 
tremities.  And  whereas  it  is  added  in  the  fable  that 
Proteus  was  a  prophet  and  knew  the  three  times  ;  this 
agrees  well  with  the  nature  of  matter  :  for  if  a  man 
knew  the  conditions,  affections,  and  processes  of  mat 
ter,  he  would  certainly  comprehend  the  sum  and  gen 
eral  issue  (for  I  do  not  say  that  his  knowledge  would 
extend  to  the  parts  and  singularities)  of  all  things  past, 
present,  and  to  come. 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  119 

XIV. 

MEMNON ; 

OR      THE     EARLY-RIPE. 

MEMNON,  according  to  the  poets,  was  the  son  of 
Aurora.  Conspicuous  for  the  beauty  of  his  arms,  and 
great  in  popular  reputation,  he  came  to  the  Trojan 
war  ;  where  rushing  with  breathless  haste  and  head 
long  courage  at  the  highest  mark,  he  engaged  Achilles, 
the  bravest  of  all  the  Greeks,  in  single  fight ;  and  fell 
by  his  hand.  In  pity  of  his  fate  Jupiter  sent  birds  to 
grace  his  funeral  that  kept  up  a  continual  cry  of  grief 
and  lamentation.  His  statue  also,  as  often  as  the  rays 
of  the  rising  sun  touched  it,  is  said  to  have  uttered  a 
mournful  sound. 

The  fable  seems  meant  to  apply  to  the  unfortunate 
deaths  of  young  men  of  high  promise.  For  such  are 
as  it  were  the  sons  of  the  morning,  and  it  commonly 
happens  that,  being  puffed  up  with  empty  and  outward 
advantages,  they  venture  upon  enterprises  that  are  be 
yond  their  strength,  provoke  and  challenge  to  combat 
the  bravest  heroes,  and  falling  in  the  unequal  conflict 
are  extinguished.  But  the  death  of  such  persons  is 
wont  to  be  followed  by  infinite  commiseration  ;  for  of 
all  mortal  accidents  there  is  none  so  lamentable,  none 
so  powerful  to  move  pity,  as  this  cropping  of  the  flower 
of  virtue  before  its  time :  the  rather  because  their  life 
has  been  too  short  to  give  occasion  of  satiety  or  of 
envy,  which  might  otherwise  mitigate  sorrow  at  their 
death  and  temper  compassion.  And  not  only  do  lam 
entations  and  wailino-s  hover  like  those  mourner  birds 

O 

about  the  funeral  pile  ;    but  the  same  feeling  of  pity 


120  TRANSLATION   OF   THE 

lasts  long  after :  and  more  especially  upon  all  fresh 
accidents  and  new  movements  and  beginnings  of  great 
events,  as  by  the  touch  of  sunrise,  the  regret  for  them 
is  stirred  up  again  and  renewed. 


XV. 

TITHONUS; 

OR      SATIETY. 

IT  is  an  elegant  fable  they  relate  of  Tithonus  ;  that 
Aurora  was  in  love  with  him,  and  desiring  to  enjoy  his 
company  for  ever,  begged  of  Jupiter  that  he  might 
never  die ;  but  forgot,  with  a  woman's  thoughtlessness, 
to  add  to  her  petition  that  neither  might  he  suffer. the 
infirmities  of  age.  So  he  wras  exempted  from  the  con 
dition  of  dying ;  but  there  came  upon  him  a  strange 
and  miserable  old  age,  such  as  he  must  needs  undergo 
to  whom  death  is  denied,  while  the  burden  of  years 
continues  to  grow  heavier  and  heavier ;  so  that  Jupiter, 
pitying  such  a  condition,  changed  him  at  last  into  a 
grasshopper. 

This  fable  seems  to  be  an  ingenious  picture  and  de 
scription  of  Pleasure  ;  which  in  its  beginning,  or  morn 
ing-time,  is  so  agreeable  that  men  are  fain  to  pray  that 
such  delights  may  last  and  be  their  own  for  ever  ;  for 
getting  that  satiety  and  loathing  of  the  same  will  come 
upon  them,  like  old  age,  before  they  are  aware.  So 
that  at  last  when  men  have  become  incapable  of  the 
acts  of  pleasure  and  yet  retain  the  desire  and  appetite, 
they  fall  to  talking  and  telling  stories  about  the  pleas 
ures  of  their  youth,  and  find  their  delight  in  that :  as 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  121 

we  see  in  lewd  persons,  who  are  always  harping  upon 
indecent  stories,  and  in  soldiers  that  are  for  ever  re 
counting  their  deeds ;  like  grasshoppers,  whose  vigour 
is  only  in  their  voice. 


XVI. 

JUNO'S    SUITOR; 

OR     DISHONOUR. 

THE  poets  tell  us  that  Jupiter  in  pursuit  of  his  loves 
assumed  many  different  shapes,  —  a  bull,  an  eagle,  a 
swan,  a  shower  of  gold :  but  that  when  he  courted 
Juno,  he  turned  himself  into  the  ignoblest  shape  that 
could  be,  a  very  object  of  contempt  and  ridicule ;  that 
of  a  wretched  cuckoo,  drenched  with  rain  and  tempest, 
amazed, 'trembling,  and  half  dead. 

It  is  a  wise  fable,  derived  from  the  depths  of  moral 
science.  The  meaning  is  that  men  are  not  to  natter 
themselves  that  an  exhibition  of  their  virtue  and  worth 
will  win  them  estimation  and  favour  with  everybody. 
For  that  depends  upon  the  nature  and  character  of 
those  to  whom  they  apply  themselves.  If  these  be 
persons  of  no  gifts  or  ornaments  of  their  own,  but  only 
a  proud  and  malignant  disposition  (the  character  rep 
resented  by  Juno),  then  they  should  know  that  they 
must  put  off  everything  about  them  that  has  the  least 
show  of  honour  or  dignity,  and  that  it  is  mere  folly  in 
them  to  proceed  any  other  way ;  nay  that  it  is  not 
enough  to  descend  to  the  baseness  of  flattery,  unless 
they  put  on  the  outward  show  and  character  of  abject- 
ness  and  degeneracy. 


122  TRANSLATION    OF   THE 

XVII. 
CUPID; 

OR     THE     ATOM. 

THE  accounts  given  by  the  poets  of  Cupid,  or  Love, 
are  not  properly  applicable  to  the  same  person ;  yet  the 
discrepancy  is  such  that  one  may  see  where  the  con 
fusion  is  and  where  the  similitude,  and  reject  the  one 
and  receive  the  other. 

They  say  then  that  Love  was  the  most  ancient  of  all 
the  gods;  the  most  ancient  therefore  of  all  things  what 
ever,  except  Chaos,  which  is  said  to  have  been  coeval 
with  him ;  and  Chaos  is  never  distinguished  by  the  an 
cients  with  divine  honour  or  the  name  of  a  £od.  This 

O 

Love  is  introduced  without  any  parent  at  all ;  only, 
that  some  say  he  was  an  egg  of  Night.  And  himself 
out  of  Chaos  begot  all  things,  the  gods  included.  The 
attributes  which  are  assigned  to  him  are  in. number 
four:  he  is  always  an  infant;  he  is  blind  ;  he  is  naked; 
he  is  an  archer.  There  was  also  another  Love,  the 
youngest  of  all  the  gods,  son  of  Venus,  to  whom  the 
attributes  of  the  elder  are  transferred,  and  whom  in  a 
way  they  suit. 

The  fable  relates  to  the  cradle  and  infancy  of  nature, 
and  pierces  deep.  This  Love  I  understand  to  be  the 
appetite  or  instinct  of  primal  matter ;  or  to  speak  more 
plainly,  the  natural  motion  of  the  atom;  which  is  indeed 
the  original  and  unique  force  that  constitutes  and  fash 
ions  all  things  out  of  matter.  Now  this  is  entirely 
without  parent ;  that  is,  without  cause.  For  the  cause 
is  as  it  were  parent  of  the  effect ;  and  of  this  virtue 
there  can  be  no  cause  in  nature  (God  always  ex- 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  123 

cepted)  :  there  being  nothing  before  it,  therefore  no 
efficient ;  nor  anything  more  original  in  nature,  there 
fore  neither  kind  nor  form.  Whatever  it  be  therefore, 
it  is  a  thing  positive  and  inexplicable.  And  even  if  it 
were  possible  to  know  the  method  and  process  of  it,  yet 
to  know  it  by  way  of  cause  is  not  possible  ;  it  being, 
next  to  God,  the  cause  of  causes  —  itself  without  cause. 
That  the  method  even  of  its  operation  should  ever  be 
brought  within  the  range  and  comprehension  of  human 
inquiry,  is  hardly  perhaps  to  be  hoped  ;  with  good  rea 
son  therefore  it  is  represented  as  an  egg  hatched  by 
night.  Such  certainly  is  the  judgment  of  the  sacred 
philosopher,  when  he  says,  He  hath  made  all  tilings 
beautiful  according  to  their  seasons;  also  he  hath  sub 
mitted  the  world  to  man's  inquiry,  yet  so  that  man  cannot 
find  out  the  work  which  Grod  workethfrom  the  beginning 
to  the  end.  For  the  summary  law  of  nature,  that  im 
pulse  of  desire  impressed  by  God  upon  the  primary 
particles  of  matter  which  makes  them  come  together, 
and  which  by  repetition  and  multiplication  produces  all 
the  variety  of  nature,  is  a  thing  which  mortal  thought 
may  glance  at,  but  can  hardly  take  in. 

Now  the  philosophy  of  the  Greeks,  which  in  investi 
gating  the  material  principles  of  things  is  careful  and 
acute,  in  inquiring  the  principles  of  motion,  wherein 
lies  all  vigour  of  operation,  is  negligent  and  languid  ; 
and  on  the  point  now  in  question  seems  to  be  altogether 
blind  and  babbling ;  for  that  opinion  of  the  Peripatetics 
which  refers  the  original  impulse  of  matter  to  privation, 
is  little  more  than  words  —  a  name  for  the  thing  rather 
than  a  description  of  it.  And  those  who  refer  it  to 
God,  though  they  are  quite  right  in  that,  yet  they  as 
cend  by  a  leap  and  not  by  steps.  For  beyond  all  doubt 


124  TRANSLATION   OF   THE 

there  is  a  single  and  summary  law  in  which  nature 
centres  and  which  is  subject  and  subordinate  to  God ; 
the  same  in  fact  which  in  the  text  just  quoted  is  meant 
by  the  words,  The  work  which  Grod  worketh  from  the  be 
ginning  to  the  end.  Democritus  considered  the  matter 
more  deeply ;  and  having  first  given  the  atom  some 
dimension  and  shape,  attributed  to  it  a  single  desire  or 
primary  motion  simply  and  absolutely,  and  a  second  by 
comparison.  For  he  thought  that  all  things  move  by 
their  proper  nature  towards  the  centre  of  the  world ; 
but  that  that  which  has  more  matter,  moving  thither 
faster,  strikes  aside  that  which  has  less,  and  forces  it  to 
go  the  other  way.  This  however  was  but  a  narrow 
theory,  and  framed  with  reference  to  too  few  partic 
ulars  :  for  it  does  not  appear  that  either  the  motion 
of  the  heavenly  bodies  in  circle,  or  the  phenomena  of 
contraction  and  expansion,  can  be  reduced  to  this  prin 
ciple,  or  reconciled  with  it.  As  for  Epicurus's  opinion 
of  the  declination  and  fortuitous  agitation  of  the  atom, 
it  is  a  relapse  to  trifling  and  ignorance.  So  it  is  but 
too  plain  that  the  parentage  of  this  Cupid  is  wrapped 
in  night. 

Let  us  now  consider  his  attributes.  He  is  described 
with  great  elegance  as  a  little  child,  and  a  child  for 
ever ;  for  things  compounded  are  larger  and  are  af 
fected  by  age ;  whereas  the  primary  seeds  of  things,  or 
atoms,  are  minute  and  remain  in  perpetual  infancy. 

Most  truly  also  is  he  represented  as  naked :  for  all 
compounds  (to  one  that  considers  them  rightly)  are 
masked  and  clothed  ;  and  there  is  nothing  properly 
naked,  except  the  primary  particles  of  things. 

The  blindness  likewise  of  Cupid  has  an  allegorical 
meaning  full  of  wisdom.  For  it  seems  that  this  Cupid, 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  125 

whatever  he  be,  has  very  little  providence;  but  di 
rects  his  course,  like  a  blind  man  groping,  by  what 
ever  he  finds  nearest  ;  which  makes  the  supreme 
divine  Providence  all  the  more  to  be  admired,  as 
that  which  contrives  out  of  subjects  peculiarly  empty 
and  destitute  of  providence,  and  as  it  were  blind,  to 
educe  by  a  fatal  and  necessary  law  all  the  order  and 
beauty  of  the  universe. 

His  last  attribute  is  archery :  meaning  that  this  vir 
tue  is  such  as  acts  at  a  distance  :  for  all  operation  at  a 
distance  is  like  shooting  an  arrow.  Now  whoever  main 
tains  the  theory  of  the  atom  and  the  vacuum  (even 
though  he  suppose  the  vacuum  not  to  be  collected  by 
itself  but  intermingled  through  space),  necessarily  im 
plies  the  action  of  the  virtue  of  the  atom  at  a  distance : 
for  without  this  no  motion  could  be  originated,  by  rea 
son  of  the  vacuum  interposed ;  but  all  things  would 
remain  fixed  and  immovable. 

As  for  that  younger  Cupid,  it  is  with  reason  that  he 
is  reported  to  be  the  youngest  of  the  gods ;  since  until 
the  species  were  constituted  he  could  have  no  opera 
tion.  In  the  description  of  him  the  allegory  changes 
its  aim  and  passes  to  morals.  And  yet  there  remains 
a  certain  conformity  between  him  and  the  elder  Cupid. 
For  Venus  excites  the  general  appetite  of  conjunction 
and  procreation ;  Cupid,  her  son,  applies  the  appetite 
to  an  individual  object.  From  Venus  therefore  comes 
the  general  disposition,  from  Cupid  the  more  exact 
sympathy.  Now  the  general  disposition  depends  upon 
causes  near  at  hand,  the  particular  sympathy  upon 
principles  more  deep  and  fatal,  and  as  if  derived  from 
that  ancient  Cupid,  who  is  the  source  of  all  exquisite 
sympathy. 


126  TRANSLATION   OF   THE 

XVIII. 
DIOMEDES  ; 

OR     RELIGIOUS      ZEAL. 

DIOMEDES,  a  hero  of  high  renown  and  a  special 
favourite  of  Pallas,  was  incited  by  her  (being  of  him 
self  apt  enough)  if  he  chanced  to  encounter  Venus  in 
the  battle,  not  to  spare  her.  He  boldly  did  as  he  was 
bid,  and  wounded  Venus  in  the  hand.  This  for  the 
time  he  carried  with  impunity,  and  returned  to  his  own 
country  in  great  fame  and  reputation :  but  meeting 
there  with  domestic  troubles  he  took  refuge  abroad  in 
Italy.  Here  also  he  had  a  good  enough  fortune  at  first. 
King  Daunus  entertained  him  with  hospitality  and  en 
riched  him  with  honours  and  presents,  and  many  stat 
ues  were  raised  to  him  throughout  the  country.  But  no 
sooner  did  a  calamity  befal  the  people  among  whom  he 
had  taken  up  his  abode,  than  Daunus  bethought  him  that 
he  was  entertaining  under  his  roof  a  man  impious  and 
hated  by  the  gods,  a  fighter  against  heaven,  who  had 
violently  assaulted  and  wounded  with  the  sword  a  god 
dess  whom  it  was  forbidden  even  to  touch.  Where 
upon,  to  free  his  country  from  the  curse  under  which  it 
lay,  he  suddenly  (setting  aside  the  bond  of  hospitality, 
in  respect  to  the  more  ancient  bond  of  religion)  puts 
Diomedes  to  death,  and  orders  his  statues  to  be  thrown 
down  and  his  honours  cancelled.  Nor  was  it  safe  in 
such  a  case  even  to  pity  so  grievous  an  accident  ;  but 
his  comrades  likewise,  when  they  bewailed  the  death 
of, their  chief  and  filled  the  land  with  lamentations, 
were  changed  into  a  kind  of  swans,  —  a  bird  which  at 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  127 

the  approach  of  its  own  death  also  utters  a  sweet  and 
plaintive  sound. 

The  subject  of  this  fable  is  rare  and  almost  singular  ; 
for  there  is  no  other  story  in  which  any  hero  is  rep 
resented  as  having  wounded  a  god.  This  is  told  of 
Diomedes  only  :  and  in  him  certainly  seems  meant  to 
be  portrayed  the  character  and  fortunes  of  a  man  who 
makes  it  his  declared  object  to  persecute  and  over 
throw  by  violence  and  the  sword  some  religious  wor 
ship  or  sect,  though  a  vain  and  light  one.  For  though 
religious  wars  were  unknown  to  the  ancients  (the 
heathen  gods  having  no  touch  of  jealousy,  which  is 
the  attribute  of  the  true  God),  yet  so  great  appears 
to  have  been  the  wisdom  of  the  primitive  ages  and  so 
wide  the  range  of  it,  that  what  they  did  not  know  by 
experience  they  nevertheless  attained  in  idea  by  re 
flexion  and  imagination. 

^ 

Now  those  who  make  war  against  any  religious  sect, 
though  a  vain,  corrupt,  and  infamous  one  (and  this 
is  signified  in  the  person  of  Venus),  proceeding  not 
by  force  of  reason  and  doctrine  and  by  sanctity  of  life 
and  by  weight  of  examples  and  authorities  to  correct 
and  confute,  but  by  fire  and  sword  and  sharpness  of 
punishment,  to  cut  out  and  exterminate  the  same ;  — 
such  persons  are  perhaps  set  upon  the  work  by  Pallas, 
—  that  is,  by  a  certain  keenness  of  discernment  and 
severity  of  judgment  which  gives  them  a  thorough 
insight  into  the  fallacies  and  falsehoods  of  such  errors, 
joined  with  hatred  of  evil  and  honest  zeal  ;  —  and  for 
a  time  they  commonly  acquire  great  glory,  and  are 
by  the  vulgar  (who  can  never  like  what  is  moderate) 
celebrated  and  almost  worshipped  as  the  only  cham 
pions  of  truth  and  religion  ;  all  others  appearing  luke- 


128  TRANSLATION  OF   THE 

warm  and  timid.  And  yet  this  glory  and  felicity 
seldom  endures  to  the  end ;  but  almost  every  kind 
of  violence,  unless  by  an  early  death  it  escape  the 
vicissitudes  of  fortune,  is  in  the  end  unprosperous. 
And  if  it  so  happen  that  an  alteration  takes  place  in 
the  state,  whereby  that  proscribed  and  depressed  sect 
gathers  strength  and  raises  its  head,  then  are  the  zeal 
ous  and  contentious  courses  of  these  men  condemned, 
their  very  name  hated,  and  all  their  honours  turned 
into  reproach.  The  murder  of  Diomedes  by  the  hands 
of  his  host  alludes  to  the  fact  that  difference  in  matter 
of  religion  breeds  falsehood  and  treachery  even  among 

«'  o 

the  nearest  and  dearest  friends.  And  where  it  is  said 
that  the  very  grief  and  lamentations  of  his  comrades 
were  not  tolerated,  but  visited  with  punishment,  the 
meaning  is  that  whereas  almost  every  crime  is  open 
to  pity,  insomuch  that  they  who  hate  the  offence  may 
yet  in  humanity  commiserate  the  person  and  calamity 
of  the  offender,  —  and  it  is  the  extremity  of  evil  to 
have  the  offices  of  compassion  interdicted, — yet  where 
religion  and  piety  are  in  question,  the  very  expression 
of  pity  is  noted  and  disliked.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  sorrows  and  lamentations  of  the  comrades  of  Dio 
medes,  that  is  of  those  who  are  of  the  same  sect  and 
opinion,  are  commonly  very  piercing  and  musical,  like 
the  notes  of  swans,  or  birds  of  Diomedes.  And  this 
part  of  the  allegory  has  a  further  meaning  which  is 
striking  and  noble ;  namely  that  in  the  case  of  persons 
who  suffer  for  religion,  the  words  which  they  speak  at 
their  death,  like  the  song  of  the  dying  swan,  have  a 
wonderful  effect  and  impression  upon  men's  minds, 
and  dwell  long  after  in  their  memory  and  feelings. 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  129 

XIX. 

DJEDALUS ; 

OR     THE      MECHANIC. 

UNDER  the  person  of  Daedalus,  a  man  of  the  great 
est  genius  but  of  very  bad  character,  the  ancients  drew 
a  picture  of  mechanical  skill  and  industry,  together 
with  its  unlawful  artifices  and  depraved  applications. 
Daedalus  had  been  banished  for  murdering  a  fellow- 
pupil  and  rival ;  yet  found  favour  in  his  banishment 
with  -kings  and  states.  Many  and  excellent  works, 
as  well  in  honour  of  the  gods  as  for  the  adornment 
and  ennobling  of  cities  and  public  places,  had  been 
built  and  modelled  by  him  ;  but  it  is  for  unlawful  in 
ventions  that  his  name  is  most  famous.  For  he  it  was 
who  supplied  the  machine  which  enabled  Pasiphae  to 
satisfy  her  passion  for  the  bull ;  so  that  the  unhappy 
and  infamous  birth  of  the  monster  Minotaurus,  which 
devoured  the  ingenuous  youth,  was  owing  to  the  wick 
ed  industry  and  pernicious  genius  of  this  man.  Then 
to  conceal  the  first  mischief  he  added  another,  and  for 
the  security  of  this  pest  devised  and  constructed  the 
Labyrinth ;  a  work  wicked  in  its  end  and  destination, 
but  in  respect  of  art  and  contrivance  excellent  and  ad 
mirable.  Afterwards  again,  that  his  fame  might  not 
rest  on  bad  arts  only,  and  that  he  might  be  sought  to 
for  remedies  as  well  as  instruments  of  evil,  he  became 
the  author  likewise  of  that  ingenious  device  of  the 
clue,  by  which  the  mazes  of  the  labyrinth  should  be 
retraced.  This  Daedalus  was  persecuted  with  great 
severity  and  diligence  and  inquisition  by  Minos  ;  yet 
he  always  found  both  means  of  escape  and  places  of 


180  TRANSLATION   OF   THE 

refuge.  Last  of  all,  he  taught  his  son  Icarus  how  to 
fly ;  who  being  a  novice  and  ostentatious  of  his  art 
fell  from  the  sky  into  the  water. 

The  parable  may  be  interpreted  thus.  In  the  en 
trance  is  noted  that  envy  which  is  strongly  predomi 
nant  in  great  artists  and  never  lets  them  rest ;  for  there 
is  no  class  of  men  more  troubled  with  envy,  and  that 
of  the  bitterest  and  most  implacable  character. 

Then  is  touched  the  impolitic  and  improvident  na 
ture  of  the  punishment  inflicted  ;  namely  banishment. 
For  it  is  the  prerogative  of  famous  workmen  to  be 
acceptable  all  over  the  world,  insomuch  that  to  an 
excellent  artisan  exile  is  scarcely  any  punishment  at 
all.  For  whereas  other  modes  and  conditions  of  life 
cannot  easily  flourish  out  of  their  own  country,  the 
admiration  of  an  artisan  spreads  wider  and  grows 
greater  among  strangers  and  foreigners  ;  it  being  the 
nature  of  men  to  hold  their  own  countrymen,  in  re 
spect  of  mechanical  arts,  in  less  estimation. 

The  passages  which  follow  concerning  the  use  of 
mechanical  arts  are  plain  enough.  Certainly  human 
life  is  much  indebted  to  them,  for  very  many  things 
which  concern  both  the  furniture  of  religion  and  the 
ornament  of  state  and  the  culture  of  life  in  general, 
are  drawn  from  their  store.  And  yet  out  of  the  same 
fountain  come  instruments  of  lust,  and  also  instru 
ments  of  death.  For  (not  to  speak  of  the  arts  of 
procurers)  the  most  exquisite  poisons,  also  guns,  and 
such  like  engines  of  destruction,  are  the  fruits  of  me 
chanical  invention  ;  and  well  we  know  how  far  in 
cruelty  and  destructiveness  they  exceed  the  Minotau- 
rus  himself. 

Very  beautiful  again  is  that   allegory  of  the  laby- 


DE   SAPIENTIA   VETERUM.  131 

rinth  ;  under  which  the  general  nature  of  mechanics 
is  represented.  For  all  the  more  ingenious  and  exact 
mechanical  inventions  may,  for  their  subtlety,  their 
intricate  variety,  and  the  apparent  likeness  of  one 
part  to  another,  which  scarcely  any  judgment  can 
order  and  discriminate,  but  only  the  clue  of  experi 
ment,  be  compared  to  a  labyrinth.  Nor  is  the  next 
point  less  to  the  purpose ;  viz.  that  the  same  man 
who  devised  the  mazes  of  the  labyrinth  disclosed  like 
wise  the  use  of  the  clue.  For  the  mechanical  arts 
may  be  turned  either  way,  and  serve  as  well  for  the 
cure  as  for  the  hurt  and  have  power  for  the  most  part 
to  dissolve  their  own  spell. 

Moreover  the  unlawful  contrivances  of  art,  and 
indeed  the  arts  themselves,  are  often  persecuted  by 
Minos  ;  that  is  by  the  laws  ;  which  condemn  them 
and  forbid  people  to  use  them.  Nevertheless  they 
are  secretly  preserved,  and  find  every  where  both 
hiding-places  and  entertainment ;  as  was  well  ob 
served  by  Tacitus  in  his  times,  in  a  case  not  much 
unlike  ;  where  speaking  of  the  mathematicians  and 
fortune-tellers,  he  calls  them  a  class  of  men  which  in 
our  state  will  always  be  retained  and  always  prohibited. 
And  yet  these  unlawful  and  curious  arts  do  in  tract 
of  time,  since  for  the  most  part  they  fail  to  perform 
their  promises,  fall  out  of  estimation,  as  Icarus  from 
the  sky,  and  come  into  contempt,  and  through  the 
very  excess  of  ostentation  perish.  And  certainly  if 
the  truth  must  be  told,  they  are  not  so  easily  bridled 
by  law  as  convicted  by  their  proper  vanity. 


132  TRANSLATION   OF   THE 

XX. 

ERICTHONIUS ; 

OH       IMPOSTURE. 

THE  poets  tell  us  that  Vulcan  wooed  Minerva,  and 
in  the  heat  of  desire  attempted  to  force  her  ;  that  in 
the  struggle  which  followed  his  seed  was  scattered  on 
the  ground  ;  from  which  was  born  Ericthonius,  a  man 
well  made  and  handsome  in  the  upper  parts  of  the 
body,  but  with  thighs  and  legs  like  an  eel,  thin  and 
deformed :  and  that  he,  from  consciousness  of  this 
deformity,  first  invented  chariots,  whereby  he  might 
shew  off  the  fine  part  of  his  body  and  hide  the 
mean. 

This  strange  and  prodigious  story  seems  to  bear  this 
meaning  :  that  Art  (which  is  represented  under  the 
person  of  Vulcan,  because  it  makes  so  much  use  of 
fire)  when  it  endeavours  by  much  vexing  of  bodies 
to  force  Nature  to  its  will  and  conquer  and  subdue 
her  (for  Nature  is  described  under  the  person  of  Mi 
nerva,  on  account  of  the  wisdom  of  her  works)  rarely 
attains  the  particular  end  it  aims  at ;  and  yet  in  the 
course  of  contriving  and  endeavouring,  as  in  a  strug 
gle,  there  fall  out  by  the  way  certain  imperfect  births 
and  lame  works,  specious  to  look  at  but  weak  and 
halting  in  use :  yet  impostors  parade  them  to  the 
world  with  a  great  deal  of  false  shew  in  setting  forth, 
and  carry  them  about  as  in  triumph.  Such  things 
may  often  be  observed  among  chemical  productions, 
and  among  mechanical  subtleties  and  novelties  ;  the 
rather  because  men  being  too  intent  upon  their  end 
to  recover  themselves  from  the  errors  of  their  way, 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  133 

rather  struggle  with   Nature  than  woo   her  embraces 
with  due  observance  and  attention. 


XXI. 

DEUCALION ; 

OR       RESTORATION. 

THE  poets  relate  that  when  the  inhabitants  of  the 
old  world  were  utterly  extinguished  by  the  universal 
deluge,  and  none  remained  except  Deucalion  and 
Pyrrha,  these  two  being  inflamed  with  a  pious  and 
noble  desire  to  restore  the  human  race,  consulted  the 
oracle  and  received  answer  to  the  following  effect ; 
they  should  have  their  wish  if  they  took  their 
mother's  bones  and  cast  them  behind  their  backs. 
This  struck  them  at  first  with  great  sorrow  and  de 
spair,  for  the  face  of  nature  being  laid  level  by  the 
deluge,  to  seek  for  a  sepulchre  would  be  a  task  al 
together  endless.  But  at  last  they  found  that  the 
stones  of  the  earth  (the  earth  being  regarded  as  the 
mother  of  all  things)  were  what  the  oracle  meant. 

This  fable  seems  to  disclose  a  secret  of  nature,  and 
to  correct  an  error  which  is  familiar  to  the  human 
mind.  For  man  in  his  ignorance  concludes  that  the 
renewal  and  restoration  of  things  may  be  effected  by 
means  of  their  own  corruption  and  remains  ;  as  the 
Phoenix  rises  out  of  her  own  ashes  ;  which  is  not  so  : 
for  matters  of  this  kind  have  already  reached  the  end 
of  their  course,  and  can  give  no  further  help  towards 
the  first  stages  of  it :  so  we  must  go  back  to  more 
common  principles. 


134  TRANSLATION  OF   THE 

XXII. 

NEMESIS ; 

OR     THE     VICISSITUDE      OF      THINGS. 

NEMESIS,  according*  to  the  tradition,  was  a  goddess, 
the  object  of  veneration  to  all,  to  the  powerful  and 
fortunate  of  fear  also.  They  say  she  was  the  daugh 
ter  of  Night  and  Ocean.  She  is  represented  with 
wings,  and  a  crown  :  an  ashen  spear  in  her  right 
hand  ;  a  phial,  with  Ethiops  in  it,  in  her  left ;  sitting 
upon  a  stag. 

The  parable  may  be  understood  thus.  The  very 
name  Nemesis  plainly  signifies  Revenge  or  Retribu 
tion  :  for  it  was  the  office  and  function  of  this  god 
dess  to  interrupt  the  felicity  of  fortunate  persons,  and 
let  no  man  be  constantly  and  perpetually  happy,  but 
step  in  like  a  tribune  of  the  people  with  her  veto ; 
and  not  to  chastise  insolence  only,  but  to  see  also 
that  prosperity  however  innocent  and  moderately 
borne  had  its  turn  of  adversity :  as  if  no  one  of 
human  race  could  be  admitted  to  the  banquets  of  the 
gods,  except  in  derision.  And  certainly  when  I  have 
read  that  chapter  of  Caius  Plinius  in  which  he  has 
collected  the  misfortunes  and  miseries  of  Augustus 
Csesar,  —  him  whom  I  thought  of  all  men  the  most 
fortunate,  and  who  had  moreover  a  certain  art  of 
using  and  enjoying  his  fortune,  and  in  whose  mind 
were  no  traces  of  swelling,  of  lightness,  of  softness, 
of  confusion,  or  of  melancholy  —  (insomuch  that  he 
had  once  determined  to  die  voluntarily),  —  great  and 
powerful  must  this  goddess  be,  I  have  thought,  when 
such  a  victim  was  brought  to  her  altar. 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  135 

The  parents  of  this  goddess  were  Ocean  and  Night ; 
that  is,  the  vicissitude  of  things,  and  the  dark  and  se 
cret  judgment  of  God.  For  the  vicissitude  of  things 
is  aptly  represented  by  the  Ocean,  by  reason  of  its 
perpetual  flowing  and  ebbing  ;  and  secret  providence 
is  rightly  set  forth  under  the  image  of  Night.  For 
this  Nemesis  of  the  Darkness  (the  human  not  agree 
ing  with  the  divine  judgment)  was  matter  of  observa 
tion  even  among  the  heathen. 

Ripheus  fell  too, 

Than  whom  a  juster  and  a  truer  man 
In  all  his  dealings  was  not  found  in  Troy. 
But  the  gods  judged  not  so. 

Nemesis  again  is  described  as  winged  ;  because  of 
the  sudden  and  unforeseen  revolutions  of  things.  For 
in  all  the  records  of  time  it  has  commonly  been  found 
that  great  and  wise  men  have  perished  by  the  dangers 
which  they  most  despised.  So  was  it  with  M.  Cicero  ; 
who  when  warned  by  Decimus  Brutus  to  beware  of 
Octavius  Caesar's  bad  faith  and  evil  mind  towards 
him,  only  answered,  I  am  duly  grateful  to  you,  my 
dear  Brutus,  for  giving  me  that  information,  though 
it  is  but  folly. 

Nemesis  is  distinguished  also  with  a  crown  ;  in  allu 
sion  to  the  envious  and  malignant  nature  of  the  vul 
gar  ;  for  when  the  fortunate  and  the  powerful  fall,  the 
people  commonly  exult  and  set  a  crown  upon  the  head 
of  Nemesis. 

The  spear  in  her  right  hand  relates  to  those  whom 
she  actually  strikes  and  transfixes.  And  if  there  be 
any  whom  she  does  not  make  victims  of  calamity  and 
misfortune,  to  them  she  nevertheless  exhibits  that  dark 
and  ominous  spectre  in  her  left :  for  mortals  must  needs 


136  TRANSLATION  OF  THE 

be  visited,  even  when  they  stand  at  the  summit  of  fe 
licity,  with  images  of  death,  diseases,  misfortunes,  per 
fidies  of  friends,  plots  of  enemies,  changes  of  fortune, 
and  the  like ;  even  like  those  Ethiops  in  the  phial.  It 
is  true  that  Virgil,  in  describing  the  battle  of  Actium, 
adds  elegantly  concerning  Cleopatra  :  — 

Midmost  the  Queen  with  sounding  timbrel  cheers 
Her  armies  to  the  fight;  nor  dreams  the  while 
Of  those  two  aspics  at  her  back. 

But  it  was  not  long  before,  turn  which  way  she  would, 
whole  troops  of  Ethiops  met  her  eyes. 

Lastly,  it  is  wisely  added  that  Nemesis  is  mounted 
on  a  stag :  for  the  stag  is  a  very  long  lived  animal ;  and 
it  may  be  that  one  who  is  cut  off  young  may  give  Nem 
esis  the  slip  ;  but  if  his  prosperity  and  greatness  endure 
for  any  length  of  time,  he  is  without  doubt  a  subject 
of  Nemesis,  and  carries  her  as  it  were  on  his  back. 


XXIII. 

ACHELOUS ; 

OR      THE      BATTLE. 

THE  ancients  relate  that  when  Hercules  and  Ache- 
lous  disputed  which  should  marry  Deianira,  they  agreed 
to  decide  the  question  by  a  fight.  Now  Achelous  be 
gan  by  trying  a  variety  of  different  shapes,  which  he 
was  at  liberty  to  do,  and  presented  himself  before  Her 
cules  at  last  in  the  shape  of  a  savage  and  roaring  bull, 
and  so  prepared  for  the  combat.  Hercules  on  the  other 
hand  retaining  his  wonted  human  figure,  fell  upon  him. 
A  close  fight  followed  ;  the  end  of  which  was  that  Her- 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  137 

cules  broke  off  one  of  the  bull's  horns :  whereupon  he, 
greatly  hurt  and  terrified,  to  redeem  his  own  horn  gave 
Hercules  the  horn  of  Amalthea,  or  Abundance,  in  ex 
change. 

The  fable  alludes  to  military  expeditions.  The  prep 
aration  for  war  on  the  part  defensive  (which  is  repre 
sented  by  Achelous)  is  various  and  multiform.  For 
the  form  assumed  by  the  invader  is  one  and  simple, 
consisting  of  an  army  only,  or  perhaps  a  fleet.  Where 
as  a  country  preparing  to  receive  an  enemy  on  its  own 
ground  sets  to  work  in  an  infinity  of  ways  ;  fortifies 
one  town,  dismantles  another,  gathers  the  people  from 
the  fields  and  villages  into  cities  and  fortified  places ; 
builds  a  bridge  here,  breaks  down  a  bridge  there  ;  raises, 
and  distributes,  forces  and  provisions ;  is  busy  about 
rivers,  harbours,  gorges  of  hills,  woods,  and  numberless 
other  matters  ;  so  that  it  may  be  said  to  try  a  new 
shape  and  put  on  a  new  aspect  every  day  ;  and  when 
at  last  it  is  fully  fortified  and  prepared,  it  represents  to 
the  life  the  form  and  threatening  aspect  of  a  fighting 
bull.  The  invader  meanwhile  is  anxious  for  a  battle, 
and  aims  chiefly  at  that ;  fearing  to  be  left  without  sup 
plies  in  an  enemy's  country  ;  and  if  he  win  the  battle, 
and  so  break  as  it  were  the  enemy's  horn,  then  he 
brings  it  to  this :  that  the  enemy,  losing  heart  and 
reputation,  must,  in  order  to  recover  himself  and  repair 
his  forces,  fall  back  into  his  more  fortified  positions, 
leaving  his  cities  and  lands  to  the  conqueror  to  be  laid 
waste  and  pillaged ;  which  is  indeed  like  giving  him 
Amalthea's  horn. 


138  TRANSLATION   OF  THE 

XXIV. 

DIONYSUS ; 

OR      D  E  S  I  R  E  .  1 

THEY  say  that  Semcle,  Jupiter's  paramour,  made 
him  take  an  inviolable  oath  to  grant  her  one  wish, 
whatever  it  might  be,  and  then  prayed  that  he  would 
come  to  her  in  the  same  shape  in  which  he  w^as  used  to 
come  to  Juno.  The  consequence  was  that  she  was 
scorched  to  death  in  his  embrace.  The  infant  in  her 
womb  was  taken  by  its  father  and  sewed  up  in  his 
thigh,  until  the  time  of  gestation  should  be  accom 
plished.  The  burden  made  him  limp,  and  the  infant, 
because  while  it  was  carried  in  his  thigh  it  caused  a 
pain  or  pricking,  received  the  name  of  Dionysus.  Af 
ter  he  was  brought  forth  he  was  sent  to  Proserpina  for 
some  years  to  nurse ;  but  as  he  grew  up  his  face  was 
so  like  a  woman's,  that  it  seemed  doubtful  of  which 
sex  he  was.  Moreover  he  died  and  was  buried  for  a 
time,  and  came  to  life  again  not  Ions:  after.  In  his 

c"5  c"5 

early  youth  he  discovered  and   taught   the   culture  of 

•/       *•  o 

the  vine,  and  therewithal  the  composition  and  use  of 
wine,  which  had  not  been  known  before :  whereby  be 
coming  famous  and  illustrious,  he  subjugated  the  whole 
world  and  advanced  to  the  furthest  limits  of  India. 
He  was  borne  in  a  chariot  drawn  by  tigers  ;  about 
him  tripped  certain  deformed  demons  called  Cobali,  — 
Acratus  and  others.  The  Muses  also  joined  his  train. 
He  took  to  wife  Ariadne,  whom  Theseus  had  abandoned 
and  deserted.  His  sacred  tree  was  the  Ivy.  He  was 

]  Tor  an  enlarged  version  of  this  fable  see  Translation  of  the  "Do  Aug- 
mentis,"  Book  the  Second,  Chap.  XIII. 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  139 

accounted  likewise  the  inventor  and  founder  cf  sacred 
rites  and  ceremonies  ;  yet  such  as  were  fanatical  and 
full  of  corruption,  and  cruel  besides.  He  had  power 
to  excite  phrensy.  At  least  it  was  by  women  excited 
to  phrensy  in  his  orgies  that  two  illustrious  persons, 
Pentheus  and  Orpheus,  are  said  to  have  been  torn  to 
pieces  ;  the  one  having  climbed  a  tree  to  see  what  they 
were  doing ;  the  other  in  the  act  of  striking  his  lyre. 
Moreover  the  actions  of  this  god  are  often  confounded 
with  those  of  Jupiter. 

The  fable  seems  to  bear  upon  morals,  and  indeed 
there  is  nothing  better  to  be  found  in  moral  philosophy. 
Under  the  person  of  Bacchus  is  described  the  nature  of 
Desire,  or  passion  and  perturbation.  For  the  mother 
of  all  desire,  even  the  most  noxious,  is  nothing  else 
than  the  appetite  and  aspiration  for  apparent  good :  and 
the  conception  of  it  is  always  in  some  unlawful  wish, 
rashly  granted  before  it  has  been  understood  and 
weighed.  But  as  the  passion  warms,  its  mother  (that 
is  the  nature  of  good),  not  able  to  endure  the  heat  of 
it,  is  destroyed  and  perishes  in  the  flame.  Itself  while 
still  in  embryo  remains  in  the  human  soul  (which  is 
its  father  and  represented  by  Jupiter),  especially  in  the 
lower  part  of  the  soul,  as  in  the  thigh ;  where  it  is 
both  nourished  and  hidden  ;  and  where  it  causes  such 
prickings,  pains,  and  depressions  in  the  mind,  that 
its  resolutions  and  actions  labour  and  limp  with  it. 
And  even  after  it  has  grown  strong  by  indulgence  and 
custom,  and  breaks  forth  into  acts,  it  is  nevertheless 
brought  up  for  a  time  with  Proserpina ;  that  is  to  say, 
it  seeks  hiding-places,  and  keeps  itself  secret  and  as  it 
were  underground ;  until  casting  off  all  restraints  of 
shame  and  fear,  and  growing  bold,  it  either  assumes  the 


140  TRANSLATION  OF   THE 

mask  of  some  virtue  or  sets  infamy  itself  at  defiance. 
Most  true  also  it  is  that  every  passion  of  the  more 
vehement  kind  is  as  it  were  of  doubtful  sex,  for  it  has 
at  once  the  force  of  the  man  and  the  weakness  of  the 
woman.  It  is  notably  said  too  that  Bacchus  came  to 
life  again  after  death.  For  the  passions  seem  sometimes 
to  be  laid  asleep  and  extinguished  ;  but  no  trust  can 
be  placed  in  them,  no  not  though  they  be  buried  ;  for 
give  them  matter  and  occasion,  they  rise  up  again. 

It  is  a  wise  parable  too,  that  of  the  invention  of  the 
Vine  ;  for  every  passion  is  ingenious  and  sagacious  in 
finding  out  its  own  stimulants.  And  there  is  nothing 
we  know  of  so  potent  and  effective  as  wine,  in  exciting 
and  inflaming  perturbations  of  every  kind  ;  being  a 
kind  of  common  fuel  to  them  all.  Very  elegantly  too 
is  Passion  represented  as  the  subjugator  of  provinces, 
and  the  undertaker  of  an  endless  course  of  conquest. 
For  it  never  rests  satisfied  with  what  it  has,  but  goes 
on  and  on  with  infinite  insatiable  appetite  panting  after 
new  triumphs.  Tigers  also  are  kept  in  its  stalls  and 
yoked  to  its  chariot ;  for  as  soon  as  Passion  ceases  to 
go  on  foot  and  comes  to  ride  in  its  chariot,  as  in  cele 
bration  of  its  victory  and  triumph  over  reason,  then 
is  it  cruel,  savage,  and  pitiless  towards  everything  that 
stands  in  its  way.  Again,  there  is  humour  in  making 
those  ridiculous  demons  dance  about  the  chariot :  for 
every  passion  produces  motions  in  the  eyes,  and  indeed 
in  the  whole  countenance  and  gesture,  which  are  un 
comely,  unsettled,  skipping,  and  deformed ;  insomuch 
that  when  a  man  under  the  influence  of  any  passion, 
as  anger,  scorn,  love,  or  the  like,  seems  most  grand  and 
imposing  in  his  own  eyes,  to  the  lookers  on  he  appears 
unseemly  and  ridiculous.  It  is  true  also  that  the  Muses 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  141 

are  seen  in  the  train  of  Passion,  there  being  scarce  any 
passion  which  has  not  some  branch  of  learning  to  flatter 
it.  For  herein  the  majesty  of  the  Muses  suffers  from 
the  licence  and  levity  of  men's  wits,  turning  those  that 
should  be  the  guides  of  man's  life  into  mere  followers 

o 

in  the  train  of  his  passions. 

And  again  that  part  of  the  allegory  is  especially  no 
ble  which  represents  Bacchus  as  lavishing  his  love  upon 
one  whom  another  man  had  cast  off.  For  most  certain 
it  is  that  passion  ever  seeks  and  aspires  after  that  which 
experience  has  rejected.  And  let  all  men  who  in  the 
heat  of  pursuit  and  indulgence  are  ready  to  give  any 
price  for  the  fruition  of  their  passion,  know  this —  that 
whatever  be  the  object  of  their  pursuit,  be  it  honour 
or  fortune  or  love  or  glory  or  knowledge,  or  what  it 
will,  they  are  paying  court  to  things  cast  off,  —  things 
which  many  men  in  all  times  have  tried,  and  upon  trial 
rejected  with  disgust. 

Nor  is  the  consecration  of  the  Ivy  to  Bacchus  with 
out  its  mystery.  For  this  has  a  double  propriety. 
First  because  the  Ivy  flourishes  in  winter  ;  next  be 
cause  it  has  the  property  of  creeping  and  spreading 
about  so  many  things,  —  as  trees,  walls,  buildings. 
For  as  to  the  first,  every  passion  flourishes  and  ac 
quires  vigour  by  being  resisted  and  forbidden,  as  by  a 
kind  of  antiperistasis  ;  like  the  ivy  by  the  cold  of  win 
ter.  As  to  the  second,  the  master  passion  spreads 
itself  like  ivy  about  all  human  actions  and  resolutions, 
forcing  itself  in  and  mixing  itself  up  with  them.  Nor 
is  it  wonderful  that  superstitious  rites  are  attributed 
to  Bacchus,  since  every  insane  passion  grows  rank  in 
depraved  religions ;  or  if  phrensies  are  supposed  to  be 
inflicted  by  him,  seeing  that  every  passion  is  itself  a 


142  TRANSLATION  OF   THE 

brief  madness,  and  if  it  be  vehement  and  obstinate  ends 
in  insanity.  Again  that  circumstance  of  the  tearing 
of  Pentheus  and  Orpheus  has  an  evident  allegorical 
meaning  ;  since  curious  inquisition  and  salutary  and 
free  admonition  are  alike  hateful  and  intolerable  to 
an  overpowering  passion. 

Lastly,  the  confusion  of  the  persons  of  Bacchus  and 
Jupiter  may  be  well  understood  as  a  parable ;  inasmuch 
as  deeds  of  high  distinction  and  desert  proceed  some 
times  from  virtue  and  right  reason  and  magnanimity, 
and  sometimes  (however  they  may  be  extolled  and 
applauded)  only  from .  some  lurking  passion  or  hidden 
lust ;  and  thus  the  deeds  of  Bacchus  are  not  easily  dis 
tinguished  from  the  deeds  of  Jupiter. 


XXV. 

ATALANTA; 

OR      PROFIT. 

ATALANTA,  who  was  remarkable  for  swiftness,  was 
matched  to  run  a  race  with  Hippomenes.  The  con 
ditions  were  that  if  Hippomenes  won  he  was  to  marrv 
Atalanta,  if  he  lost  he  was  to  be  put  to  death  ;  and 
there  seemed  to  be  no  doubt  about  the  issue,  since  the 
matchless  excellence  of  Atalanta  in  runnino-  had  been 

C5 

signalised  by  the  death  of  many  competitors.  Hip 
pomenes  therefore  resorted  to  an  artifice.  He  pro 
vided  himself  with  three  golden  apples,  and  carried 
them  with  him.  The  race  began.  Atalanta  ran 
ahead.  He  seeing  himself  left  behind  bethought  him 
of  his  stratagem,  and  rolled  forward  one  of  the  golden 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  143 

apples,  so  that  she  might  see  it,  —  not  straight  for 
wards,  but  a  little  on  one  side,  that  it  might  not  only 
delay  her  but  also  draw  her  out  of  the  course.  She, 
with  a  woman's  eagerness,  attracted  by  the  beauty  of 
the  apple,  left  the  course,  ran  after  it,  and  stooped  to 
take  it  up.  Hippomenes  in  the  meantime  made  good 
way  along  the  course  and  got  before  her.  She  how 
ever  by  force  of  her  natural  swiftness  made  good  the 
loss  of  time  and  was  again  foremost ;  when  Hippomenes 
a  second  and  a  third  time  interrupted  her  in  the  same 
way,  and  so  at  last  by  craft  not  speed  won  the  race. 
The  story  carries  in  it  an  excellent  allegory,  relating 
to  the  contest  of  Art  with  Nature.  For  Art,  which  is 
meant  by  Atalanta,  is  in  itself,  if  nothing  stand  in  the 
way,  far  swifter  than  Nature  and,  as  one  may  say,  the 
better  runner,  and  comes  sooner  to  the  goal.  For  this 
may  be  seen  in  almost  everything  ;  you  see  that  fruit 
grows  slowly  from  the  kernel,  swiftly  from  the  graft ; 
you  see  clay  harden  slowly  into  stones,  fast  into  baked 
bricks  :  so  also  in  morals,  oblivion  and  comfort  of  grief 
comes  by  nature  in  length  of  time  ;  but  philosophy 
(which  may  be  regarded  as  the  art  of  living)  does  it 
without  waiting  so  long,  but  forestalls  and  anticipates 
the  day.  But  then  this  prerogative  and  vigour  of  art 
is  retarded,  to  the  infinite  loss  of  mankind,  by  those 
golden  apples.  For  there  is  not  one  of  the  sciences  or 
arts  which  follows  the  true  and  legitimate  course  con 
stantly  forth  till  it  reach  its  end  ;  but  it  perpetually 
happens  that  arts  stop  in  their  undertakings  half  way, 
and  forsake  the  course,  and  turn  aside  like  Atalanta 
after  profit  and  commodity,  — 

Leaving  the  course  the  rolling  gold  to  seize. 

And  therefore  it  is  no  wonder  if  Art  cannot  outstrip 


144  TRANSLATION   OF   THE 

Nature,  and  according  to  the  agreement  and  condition 
of  the  contest  put  her  to  death  or  destroy  her ;  but  on 
the  contrary  Art  remains  subject  to  Nature,  as  the  wife 
is  subject  to  the  husband. 


XXVI. 

PROMETHEUS ; 

OK      THE       STATE      OP      MAN. 

TRADITION  says  that  Man  was  made  by  Prometheus, 
and  made  of  clay  ;  only  that  Prometheus  took  particles 
from  different  animals  and  mixed  them  in.  He,  de 
siring  to  benefit  and  protect  his  own  work,  and  to  be 
regarded  not  as  the  founder  only  but  also  as  the  ampli 
fier  and  enlarger  of  the  human  race,  stole  up  to  heaven 
with  a  bundle  of  fennel-stalks  in  his  hand,  kindled 
them  at  the  chariot  of  the  sun,  and  so  brought  fire  to 
the  earth  and  presented  it  to  mankind.  For  this  so 
great  benefit  received  at  his  hands,  men  (it  is  said) 
were  far  from  being  grateful  ;  so  far  indeed,  that  they 
conspired  together  and  impeached  him  and  his  inven 
tion  before  Jupiter.  This  act  of  theirs  was  not  so 
taken  as  justice  may  seem  to  have  required.  For  the 
accusation  proved  very  acceptable  both  to  Jupiter  and 
the  rest  of  the  gods  ;  and  so  delighted  were  they,  that 
they  not  only  indulged  mankind  with  the  use  of  fire, 
but  presented  them  likewise  with  a  new  gift,  of  all 
others  most  agreeable  and  desirable,  —  perpetual  youth. 
Overjoyed  with  this,  the  foolish  people  put  the  gift  of 
the  gods  on  the  back  of  an  ass.  The  ass  on  his  way 
home,  being  troubled  with  extreme  thirst,  came  to  a 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  145 

fountain ;  but  a  serpent,  that  was  set  to  guard  it,  would 
not  let  him  drink  unless  he  gave  in  payment  whatever 
that  was  that  he  carried  on  his  back.     The  poor  ass 
accepted  the  condition  ;  and  so  for  a  mouthful  of  water 
the  power  of  renewing  youth  was  transferred  from  men 
to  serpents.     After  mankind  had  lost  their  prize,  Pro 
metheus  made  up  his  quarrel  with  them  ;  but  retaining 
his  malice,  and  being  bitterly  incensed  against  Jupiter, 
he  did  not  scruple  to  tempt  him  with  deceit,  even  in 
the  act  of  sacrifice.      Having  slain    (it  is   said)  two 
bulls,  he  stuffed  the  hide  of  one  of  them  with  the  flesh 
and  flit  of  both,  and  bringing  them  to  the  altar,  with 
an  air  of  devotion   and  benignity  offered   Jupiter  his 
choice.     Jupiter,  detesting  his  craft  and  bad  faith,  but 
knowing  how  to  requite  it,  chose  the  mock  bull  ;   then 
bethinking  him  of  vengeance,  and   seeing  that  there 
was  no  way  to  take  down  the  insolence  of  Prometheus 
except  by  chastising  the  human  race  (of  which  work 
he  was  extravagantly  vain  and  proud),  ordered  Vulcan 
to  make  a  fair  and  lovely  woman.      When   she   was 
made,  each  of  the  gods  bestowed  upon  her  his  several 
gift  ;    whence  she   was    called   Pandora.      Then   they 
placed  in  her  hands  an  elegant  vase,  in  which  were  en 
closed  all  mischiefs  and  calamities  ;  only  at  the  bottom 
there  remained  Hope.     With  her  vase  in  her  hand  she 
repaired  first  of  all  to  Prometheus,  to  see  if  he  would 
take  and  open  it,  which  he,  cautious  and  cunning,  de 
clined.     Thus  rejected  she  went  away  to  Epimetheus, 
Prometheus's  brother,  but  of  a  character  entirely  dif 
ferent,  who  opened  it  without  hesitation  ;  but  as  soon 
as  he  saw  all  the  mischiefs  rushing  out,  growing  wise 
when  it  was  too  late,  he  struggled  to  get  the  lid  on 
again  as  fast  as  possible ;  but  it  was  all  he  could  do  to 

VOL.  XIII.  10 


146  TRANSLATION    OF    THE 

keep  in  the  last  of  the  party,  which  was  Hope,  that  lay 
at  the  bottom.  In  the  end  Jupiter  seized  Prometheus, 
and  upon  many  and  grave  charges,  —  as  that  of  old  he 
had  stolen  fire,  that  he  had.  made  a  mock  of  Jupiter's 
majesty  in  that  deceitful  sacrifice,  that  he  had  scorned 
and  rejected  his  gift,  together  with  another  not  men 
tioned  before,  that  he  had  attempted  to  ravish  Minerva, 
—  threw  him  into  chains  and  condemned  him  to  per 
petual  tortures.  For  by  Jupiter's  command  he  was 
dragged  to  Mount  Caucasus,  and  there  bound  fast  to  a 
column  so  that  he  could  not  stir.  And  there  was  an 
eagle  which  gnawed  and  consumed  his  liver  by  day  ; 
but  what  was  eaten  in  the  day  grew  again  in  the  night, 
so  that  matter  was  never  wanting  for  the  torture  to 
work  upon.  Yet  they  say  that  this  punishment  had  its 
end  at  last ;  for  Hercules  sailed  across  the  ocean  in  a 
cup  that  was  given  to  him  by  the  Sun,  came  to  Cau 
casus,  shot  the  eagle  with  his  arrows,  and  set  Pro 
metheus  free.  In  honour  of  Prometheus  there  were 
instituted  in  some  nations  games  called  torch-races, 
in  which  the  runners  carried  lighted  torches  in  their 
hands  ;  and  if  any  went  out  the  bearer  stood  aside, 
leaving  the  victory  to  those  that  followed  ;  and  the 
first  who  reached  the  goal  with  his  torch  still  burn 
ing  received  the  prize. 

This  fable  carries  in  it  many  true  and  grave  specula 
tions  both  on  the  surface  and  underneath.  For  there 
are  some  things  in  it  that  have  been  long  ago  observed, 
others  have  never  been  touched  at  all. 

Prometheus  clearly  and  expressly  signifies  Provi 
dence  :  and  the  one  thing  singled  out  by  the  ancients 
as  the  special  and  peculiar  work  of  Providence  was  the 
creation  and  constitution  of  Man.  For  this  one  reason 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  147 

no  doubt  was,  that  the  nature  of  man  includes  mind 
and  intellect,  which  is  the  seat  of  providence ;  and 
since  to  derive  mind  and  reason  from  principles  brutal 
and  irrational  would  be  harsh  and  incredible,  it  follows 
almost  necessarily  that  the  human  spirit  was  endued 
with  providence  not  without  the  precedent  and  inten 
tion  and  warrant  of  the  greater  providence.  But  this 
was  not  all.  The  chief  aim  of  the  parable  appears  to 
be,  that  Man,  if  we  look  to  final  causes,  may  be  re 
garded  as  the  centre  of  the  world  ;  insomuch  that  if 
man  were  taken  away  from  the  world,  the  rest  would 
seem  to  be  all  astray,  without  aim  or  purpose,  to  be 
like  a  besom  without  a  binding,  as  the  saying  is,  and  to 
be  leading  to  nothing.  For  the  whole  world  works 
together  in  the  service  of  man ;  and  there  is  nothing 
from  which  he  does  not  derive  use  and  fruit.  The 
revolutions  and  courses  of  the  stars  serve  him  both  for 
distinction  of  the  seasons  and  distribution  of  the  quar 
ters  of  the  world.  The  appearances  of  the  middle  sky 
afford  him  prognostications  of  weather.  The  winds 
sail  his  ships  and  work  his  mills  and  engines.  Plants 
and  animals  of  all  kinds  are  made  to  furnish  him  either 
with  dwelling  and  shelter  or  clothing  or  food  or  medi 
cine,  or  to  lighten  his  labour,  or  to  give  him  pleasure 
and  comfort ;  insomuch  that  all  things  seem  to  be  go 
ing  about  man's  business  and  not  their  own.  Nor  is  it 
without  meaning  added  that  in  the  mass  and  compo 
sition  of  which  man  was  made,  particles  taken  from  the 
different  animals  were  infused  and  mixed  up  with  the 
clay ;  for  it  is  most  true  that  of  all  things  in  the  uni 
verse  man  is  the  most  composite,  so  that  he  was  not 
without  reason  called  by  the  ancients  the  little  world. 
For  though  the  Alchemists,  when  they  maintain  that 


148  TRANSLATION  OF   THE 

there  is  to  be  found  in  man  every  mineral,  every  vege 
table,  &c.,  or  something  corresponding  to  them,  take 
the  word  microcosm  in  a  sense  too  gross  and  literal,  and 
have  so  spoiled  the  elegance  and  distorted  the  meaning 
of  it,  yet  that  the  body  of  man  is  of  all  existing  things 
both  the  most  mixed  and  the  most  organic,  remains  not 
the  less  a  sober  and  solid  truth.  And  this  is  indeed 
the  reason  it  is  capable  of  such  wonderful  powers  and 
faculties  ;  for  the  powers  of  simple  bodies,  though  they 
be  certain  and  rapid,  yet  being  less  refracted,  broken 
up,  and  counteracted  by  mixture,  they  are  few  ;  but 
abundance  and  excellence  of  power  resides  in  mixture 
and  composition.  Nevertheless  we  see  that  man  in  the 
first  stage  of  his  existence  is  a  naked  and  defenceless 
thing,  slow  to  help  himself,  and  full  of  wants.  There 
fore  Prometheus  applied  himself  with  all  haste  to  the 
invention  of  fire ;  which  in  all  human  necessities  and 
business  is  the  great  minister  of  relief  and  help  ;  inso 
much  that  if  the  soul  be  the  form  of  forms  and  the 
hand  the  instrument  of  instruments,  fire  may  rightly 
be  called  the  help  of  helps  and  the  mean  of  means. 
For  through  it  most  operations  are  effected,  through  it 
the  arts  mechanical  and  the  sciences  themselves  are 
furthered  in  an  infinite  variety  of  ways. 

Now  the  description  of  the  manner  in  which  the 
theft  of  fire  was  accomplished  is  apt  and  according  to 
the  nature  of  the  thing.  It  was  by  applying  a  stalk 
of  fennel  to  the  chariot  of  the  Sun.  For  fennel  is  used 
as  a  rod  to  strike  with.  The  meaning  therefore  clearly 
is  that  Fire  is  produced  by  violent  percussions  and  col 
lisions  of  one  body  with  another ;  whereby  the  matter 
they  are  made  of  is  attenuated  and  set  in  motion,  and 
prepared  to  receive  the  heat  of  the  celestial  bodies, 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  149 

and  so  by  clandestine  processes,  as  by  an  act  of  theft, 
snatches  fire  as  it  were  from  the  chariot  of  the  Sun. 

There  follows  a  remarkable  part  of  the  parable. 
Men,  Ave  are  told,  instead  of  gratulation  and  thanks 
giving  fell  to  remon stance  and  indignation,  and  brought 
an  accusation  before  Jupiter  both  against  Prometheus 
and  against  Fire ;  and  this  act  was  moreover  by  him 
so  well  liked,  that  in  consideration  of  it  he  accumulated 
fresh  benefits  upon  mankind.  For  how  should  the 
crime  of  ingratitude  towards  their  maker,  a  vice  which 
includes  in  itself  almost  all  others,  deserve  approbation 
and  reward  ?  and  what  could  be  the  drift  of  such  a 
fiction  ?  But  this  is  not  what  is  meant.  The  mean 
ing  of  the  allegory  is,  that  the  accusation  and  arraign 
ment  by  men  both  of  their  own  nature  and  of  art,  pro 
ceeds  from  an  excellent  condition  of  mind  and  issues 
in  good ;  whereas  the  contrary  is  hated  by  the  gods, 
and  unlucky.  For  they  who  extravagantly  extol  hu 
man  nature  as  it  is  and  the  arts  as  received  ;  who 
spend  themselves  in  admiration  of  what  they  already 
possess,  and  hold  up  as  perfect  the  sciences  which  are 
professed  and  cultivated  ;  are  wanting,  first,  in  rev 
erence  to  the  divine  nature,  with  the  perfection  of 
which  they  almost  presume  to  compare,  and  next  in 
usefulness  towards  man  ;  as  thinking  that  they  have 
already  reached  the  summit  of  things  and  finished 
their  work,  and  therefore  need  seek  no  further.  They 
on  the  other  hand  who  arraign  and  accuse  nature  and 
the  arts,  and  abound  with  complainings,  are  not  only 
more  modest  (if  it  be  truly  considered)  in  their  sen 
timent,  but  are  also  stimulated  perpetually  to  fresh 
industry  and  new  discoveries.  And  this  makes  me 
marvel  all  the  more  at  the  ignorance  and  evil  genius 


150  TRANSLATION   OF   THE 

of  mankind,  who  being  overcrowed  by  the  arrogance 
of  a  few  persons,  hold  in  such  honour  that  philosophy 
of  the  Peripatetics,  which  was  but  a  portion,  and  no 
large  portion  either,  of  the  Greek  philosophy,  that 
every  attempt  to  find  fault  with  it  has  come  to  be  not 
only  useless,  but  also  suspected  and  almost  dangerous. 
Whereas  certainly  in  my  opinion  both  Empedocles 
and  Democritus,  who  complain,  the  first  madly  enough, 
but  the  second  very  soberly,  that  all  things  are  hidden 
away  from  us,  that  we  know  nothing,  that  we  discern 
nothing,  that  truth  is  drowned  in  deep  wells,  that  the 
true  and  the  false  are  strangely  joined  and  twisted  to 
gether,  (for  the  new  academy  carried  it  a  great  deal  too 
far,)  are  more  to  be  approved  than  the  school  of  Aris 
totle  so  confident  and  dogmatical.  Therefore  let  all 
men  know  that  the  preferring  of  complaints  against 
nature  and  the  arts  is  a  thing  well  pleasing  to  the  gods, 
and  draws  down  new  alms  and  bounties  from  the  di 
vine  goodness  ;  and  that  the  accusation  of  Prometheus, 
our  maker  and  master  though  he  be,  yea  sharp  and 
vehement  accusation,  is  a  thing  more  sober  and  profit 
able  than  this  overflow  of  congratulation  and  thanks- 

O 

giving  :  let  them  know  that  conceit  of  plenty  is  one 
of  the  principal  causes  of  want. 

Now  for  the  gift  which  men  are  said  to  have  received 
as  the  reward  of  their  accusation,  namely  the  unfading 
flower  of  youth ;  it  seems  to  show  that  methods  and 
medicines  for  the  retardation  of  age  and  the  prolonga 
tion  of  life  were  by  the  ancients  not  despaired  of, 
but  reckoned  rather  among  those  things  which  men 
once  had  and  by  sloth  and  negligence  let  slip,  than 
among  those  which  were  wholly  denied  or  never  of 
fered.  For  they  seem  to  say  that  by  the  true  use  of 


DE  SAPIENT1A  VETERUM.  151 

fire,  and  by  the  just  and  vigorous  accusation  and  con 
viction  of  the  errors  of  art,  such  gifts  might  have  been 
compassed ;  and  that  it  was  not  the  divine  goodness 
that  was  wanting  to  them  therein,  but  they  that  were 
wanting  to  themselves  ;  in  that  having  received  this 
gift  of  the  gods,  they  committed  the  carriage  of  it  to  a 
lazy  and  slow-paced  ass.  By  this  seems  to  be  meant  ex 
perience  ;  a  thing  stupid  and  full  of  delay,  whose  slow 
and  tortoise-like  pace  gave  birth  to  that  ancient  com 
plaint  that  life  is  short  and  art  is  long.  And  for  my 
own  part  I  certainly  think  that  those  two  faculties  — 
the  Dogmatical  and  the  Empirical  —  have  not  yet 
been  well  united  and  coupled ;  but  that  the  bringing 
down  of  new  gifts  from  the  gods  has  ever  been  left 
either  to  the  abstract  philosophies,  as  to  a  light  bird  ; 
or  to  sluggish  and  tardy  experience,  as  to  an  ass. 
And  yet  it  must  be  said  in  behalf  of  the  ass,  that  he 
might  perhaps  do  well  enough,  but  for  that  accident 
of  thirst  by  the  way.  For  if  a  man  would  put  himself 
fairly  under  the  command  of  experience,  and  proceed 
steadily  onward  by  a  certain  law  and  method,  and  not 
let  any  thirst  for  experiments  either  of  profit  or  osten 
tation  seize  him  by  the  way  and  make  him  lay  down 
and  unsettle  his  burthen  in  order  that  he  may  taste 
them,  —  such  a  man  I  do  think  would  prove  a  carrier 
to  whom  new  and  augmented  measures  of  divine  boun 
ty  might  be  well  enough  entrusted. 

As  for  the  transfer  of  the  gift  to  serpents,  it  seems 
to  be  an  addition  merely  for  ornament ;  unless  it  were 
inserted  in  shame  of  mankind,  who  with  that  fire  of 
theirs  and  with  so  many  arts,  cannot  acquire  for  them 
selves  things  which  nature  has  of  herself  bestowed  on 
manv  other  animals. 


152  TRANSLATION  OF   THE 

The  sudden  reconciliation  of  men  with  Prometheus 
after  the  frustration  of  their  hope,  contains  likewise  a 
wise  and  useful  observation.  It  alludes  to  the  levity 
and  rashness  of  men  in  new  experiments  ;  who  if  an 
experiment  does  not  at  once  succeed  according  to  wish, 
are  in  far  too  great  a  hurry  to  give  up  the  attempt  as 
a  failure,  and  so  tumble  back  to  where  they  were  and 
take  on  with  the  old  things  ao-ain. 

c5  £!> 

Having  thus  described  the  state  of  man  in  respect 
of  arts  and  matters  intellectual,  the  parable  passes  to 
Religion  ;  for  with  the  cultivation  of  the  arts  came 
likewise  the  worship  of  things  divine  ;  and  this  was 
immediately  seized  on  and  polluted  by  hypocrisy. 
Therefore  under  the  figure  of  that  double  sacrifice  is 
elegantly  represented  the  person  of  the  truly  religious 
man  and  the  hypocrite.  For  in  the  one  there  is  the 
fat,  which  is  God's  portion,  by  reason  of  the  name  and 
sweet  savour,  whereby  is  meant  affection  and  zeal 
burning  and  rising  upward  for  the  glory  of  God.  In 
him  are  the  bowels  of  charity ;  in  him  wholesome  and 
useful  meat.  In  the  other  is  found  nothing  but  dry 
and  bare  bones,  with  which  the  skin  is  stuffed  out  till 
it  looks  like  a  fair  and  noble  victim  :  whereby  are  sig 
nified  those  external  and  empty  rites  and  ceremonies 
with  which  men  overload  and  inflate  the  service  of 
religion :  things  rather  got  up  for  ostentation  than 
conducing  to  piety.  Nor  is  it  enough  for  men  to  offer 
such  mockeries  to  God,  but  they  must  also  lay  and 
father  them  upon  himself,  as  though  he  had  himself 
chosen  and  prescribed  them.  It  is  against  such  a  kind 
of  choice  that  the  prophet  in  God's  person  remon 
strates,  when  he  says,  Is  this  such  a  fast  as  I  have 
CHOSEN,  that  man  should  afflict  his  soul  for  one  day  and 
bow  his  head  like  a  bulrush  ? 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  153 

After  touching  the  state  of  Religion,  the  parable 
turns  to  morals  and  the  conditions  of  human  life. 
Pandora  has  been  generally  and  rightly  understood  to 
mean  pleasure  and  sensual  appetite ;  which  after  the 
introduction  of  civil  arts  and  culture  and  luxury,  is 
kindled  up  as  it  were  by  the  gift  of  fire.  To  Vulcan 
therefore,  who  in  like  manner  represents  fire,  the  mak 
ing  of  Pleasure  is  imputed.  And  from  her  have  flowed 
forth  infinite  mischief  upon  the  minds,  the  bodies,  and 
the  fortunes  of  men,  together  with  repentance  when  too 
late  ;  nor  upon  individuals  only,  but  upon  kingdoms 
also  and  commonwealths.  For  from  this  same  foun 
tain  have  sprung  wars  and  civil  disturbances  and  tyr 
annies.  But  it  is  worth  while  to  observe  how  pret 
tily  and  elegantly  the  two  conditions  and  as  it  were 
pictures  or  models  of  human  life  are  set  forth  in  the 
story,  under  the  persons  of  Prometheus  and  Epime- 
theus.  The  followers  of  Epimetheus  are  the  improv 
ident,  who  take  no  care  for  the  future  but  think  only 
of  what  is  pleasant  at  the  time  ;  and  on  this  account 
it  is  true  that  they  suffer  many  distresses,  difficulties, 
and  calamities,  and  are  engaged  in  a  perpetual  strug 
gle  with  them ;  and  yet  in  the  mean  time  they  in 
dulge  their  genius,  and  amuse  their  minds  moreover, 
as  their  ignorance  allows  them  to  do,  with  many 
empty  hopes,  in  which  they  take  delight  as  in  pleas 
ant  dreams,  and  so  sweeten  the  miseries  of  life.  The 
school  of  Prometheus  on  the  other  hand,  that  is  the 
wise  and  fore-thoughtful  class  of  men,  do  indeed  by 
their  caution  decline  and  remove  out  of  their  way 
many  evils  and  misfortunes  ;  but  with  that  good  there 
is  this  evil  joined,  that  they  stint  themselves  of  many 
pleasures  and  of  the  various  agreeableness  of  life,  and 


154  TRANSLATION   OF   THE 

cross  their  genius,  and  (what  is  far  worse)  torment 
and  wear  themselves  away  with  cares  and  solicitude 
and  inward  fears.  For  beino-  bound  to  the  column  of 

& 

Necessity,  they  are  troubled  with  innumerable  thoughts 
(which  because  of  their  flightiness  are  represented  by 
the  eagle),  thoughts  which  prick  and  gnaw  and  cor 
rode  the  liver :  and  if  at  intervals,  as  in  the  night, 
they  obtain  some  little  relaxation  and  quiet  of  mind, 
yet  new  fears  and  anxieties  return  presently  with  the 
morning.  Very  few  therefore  are  they  to  whom  the 
benefit  of  both  portions  falls,  —  to  retain  the  advan 
tages  of  providence  aud  yet  free  themselves  from  the 
evils  of  solicitude  and  perturbation.  Neither  is  it  pos 
sible  for  any  one  to  attain  this  double  blessing,  except 
by  the  help  of  Hercules ;  that  is,  fortitude  and  con 
stancy  of  mind,  which  being  prepared  for  all  events 
and  equal  to  any  fortune,  foresees  without  fear,  en 
joys  without  fastidiousness,  and  bears  without  impa 
tience.  It  is  worth  noting  too  that  this  virtue  was 
not  natural  to  Prometheus,  but  adventitious,  and 
came  by  help  from  without ;  for  it  is  not  a  thing 
which  any  inborn  and  natural  fortitude  can  attain  to ; 
it  comes  from  beyond  the  ocean,  it  is  received  and 
brought  to  us  from  the  Sun  ;  for  it  comes  of  Wis 
dom,  which  is  as  the  Sun,  and  of  meditation  upon 
the  inconstancy  and  fluctuations  of  human  life,  which 
is  as  the  navigation  of  the  ocean  :  two  things  which 
Virgil  has  well  coupled  together  in  those  lines  :  — 

Ah,  happy,  could  we  but  the  causes  know 
Of  all  that  is !     Then  should  we  know  no  fears : 
Then  should  the  inexorable  Fate  no  power 
Possess  to  shake  us,  nor  the  jaws  of  death. 

Most  elegantly  also  is  it  added  for  the  consolation    and 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  155 

encouragement  of  men's  minds,  that  that  mighty  hero 
sailed  in  a  cup  or  pitcher  ;  lest  they  should  too  much 
mistrust  the  narrowness  and  frailty  of  their  own  na 
ture,  or  plead  it  in  their  own  excuse,  as  though  it 
were  altogether  incapable  of  this  kind  of  fortitude 
and  constancy  :  the  true  nature  of  which  was  well 
divined  by  Seneca,  when  he  said,  It  is  true  greatness 
to  have  in  one  the  frailty  of  man  and  the  security  of 


But  I  must  now  return  to  a  part  which,  that  I 
might  not  interrupt  the  connexion  of  what  precedes, 
I  have  purposely  passed  by.  I  mean  that  last  crime 
of  Prometheus,  the  attempt  upon  the  chastity  of  Mi 
nerva.  For  it  was  even  for  this  offence,  —  certainly 
a  very  great  and  grave  one,  —  that  he  underwent 
that  punishment  of  the  tearing  of  his  entrails.  The 
crime  alluded  to  appears  to  be  no  other  than  that 
into  which  men  not  unfrequently  fall  when  puffed  up 
with  arts  and  much  knowledge,  —  of  trying  to  bring 
the  divine  wisdom  itself  under  the  dominion  of  sense 
and  reason  :  from  which  attempt  inevitably  follows 
laceration  of  the  mind  and  vexation  without  end  or 
rest.  And  therefore  men  must  soberly  and  modestly 
distinguish  between  things  divine  and  human,  between 
the  oracles  of  sense  and  of  faith  ;  unless  they  mean  to 
have  at  once  a  heretical  religion  and  a  fabulous  philos 
ophy. 

The  last  point  remains,  —  namely  the  races  with 
burning  torches  instituted  in  honour  of  Prometheus. 
This  again,  like  that  fire  in  memory  and  celebration 
of  which  these  games  were  instituted,  alludes  to  arts 
and  sciences,  and  carries  in  it  a  very  wise  admonition, 
to  this  effect,  —  that  the  perfection  of  the  sciences  is 


156  TRANSLATION   OF  THE 

to  be  looked  for  not  from  the  swiftness  or  ability  of 
any  one  inquirer,  but  from  a  succession.  For  the 
strongest  and  swiftest  runners  are  perhaps  not  the 
best  fitted  to  keep  their  torch  alight ;  since  it  may 
be  put  out  by  going  too  fast  as  well  as  too  slow.  It 
seems  however  that  these  races  and  games  of  the 
torch  have  long  been  intermitted  ;  since  it  is  still  in 
their  first  authors,  —  Aristotle,  Galen,  Euclid,  Ptolemy, 
—  that  we  find  the  several  sciences  in  highest  perfec 
tion  ;  and  no  great  matter  has  been  done,  nor  hardly 
attempted,  by  their  successors.  And  well  were  it  to 
be  wished  that  these  games  in  honour  of  Prometheus, 
that  is  of  Human  Nature,  were  again  revived  ;  that 
the  victory  may  no  longer  depend  upon  the  unsteady 
and  wavering  torch  of  each  single  man  ;  but  compe 
tition,  emulation,  and  good  fortune  be  brought  to  aid. 
Therefore  men  should  be  advised  to  rouse  themselves, 
and  try  each  his  own  strength  and  the  chance  of  his 
own  turn,  and  not  to  stake  the  whole  venture  upon 
the  spirits  and  brains  of  a  few  persons. 

Such  are  the  views  which  I  conceive  to  be  shadowed 
out  in  this  so  common  and  hacknied  fable.  It  is  true 
that  there  are  not  a  few  things  beneath  which  have  a 
wonderful  correspondency  with  the  mysteries  of  the 
Christian  faith.  The  voyage  of  Hercules  especially, 
sailing  in  a  pitcher  to  set  Prometheus  free,  seems 
to  present  an  image  of  God  the  Word  hastening  in 
the  frail  vessel  of  the  flesh  to  redeem  the  human 
race.  But  I  purposely  refrain  myself  from  all  licence 
of  speculation  in  this  kind,  lest  peradventure  I  bring 
strange  fire  to  the  altar  of  the  Lord. 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  157 

XXVII. 

THE  FLIGHT  OF   ICARUS;  ALSO   SCYLLA  AND 
CHARYBDIS ; 

OR     THE     MIDDLE      WAY. 

MODERATION,  or  the  Middle  Way,  is  in  Morals 
much  commended ;  in  Intellectuals  less  spoken  of, 
though  not  less  useful  and  good ;  in  Politics  only, 
questionable  and  to  be  used  with  caution  and  judg 
ment. 

The  principle  of  moderation  in  Morals  is  repre 
sented  by  the  ancients  in  the  path  which  Icarus  was 
directed  to  take  through  the  air  ;  the  same  principle 
in  relation  to  the  intellect,  by  the  passage  between 
Scylla  and  Chary bdis,  so  famous  for  its  difficulty  and 
danger. 

Icarus  was  instructed  by  his  father  to  beware,  when 
he  came  to  fly  over  the  sea,  of  taking  either  too  high 
or  too  low  a  course.  For  his  wings  being  fixed  on 
with  wax,  the  fear  was  that  if  he  rose  too  high  the 
wax  would  be  melted  by  the  sun's  heat ;  if  he  kept 
down  too  near  the  vapour  of  the  sea,  it  would  lose 
its  tenacity  by  the  moisture.  Icarus,  in  the  adventu 
rous  spirit  of  youth,  made  for  the  heights,  and  so  fell 
headlong  down. 

It  is  an  easy  and  a  familiar  parable.  The  path  of 
virtue  goes  directly  midway  between  excess  on  the 
one  hand  and  defect  on  the  other.  Icarus,  being  in 
the  pride  of  youthful  alacrity,  naturally  fell  a  victim  to 
excess.  For  it  is  on  the  side  of  excess  that  the  young 
commonly  sin,  as  the  old  on  the  side  of  defect.  And 
yet  if  he  was  to  perish  one  way,  it  must  be  admitted 


158  TRANSLATION  OF  THE 

that  of  two  paths,  both  bad  and  mischievous,  he  chose 
the  better.  For  sins  of  defect  are  justly  accounted 
worse  than  sins  of  excess  ;  because  in  excess  there 
is  something  of  magnanimity,  —  something,  like  the 
flight  of  a  bird,  that  holds  kindred  with  heaven ; 
whereas  defect  creeps  on  the  ground  like  a  reptile. 
Excellently  was  it  said  by  Heraclitus,  Dry  light  is 
the  best  soul.  For  when  the  moisture  and  humours 
of  earth  get  into  the  soul,  it  becomes  altogether  low 
and  degenerate.  And  yet  here  too  a  measure  must 
be  kept :  the  dryness,  so  justly  praised,  must  be  such 
as  to  make  the  light-  more  subtle,  but  not  such  as 
to  make  it  catch  fire.  But  this  is  what  everybody 
knows. 

Now  for  the  passage  between  Scylla  and  Charybdis 
(understood  of  the  conduct  of  the  understanding) 
certainly  it  needs  both  skill  and  good  fortune  to  navi 
gate  it.  For  if  the  ship  run  on  Scylla,  it  is  dashed 
on  the  rocks,  if  on  Charybdis,  it  is  sucked  in  by  the 
whirlpool :  by  which  parable  (I  can  but  briefly  touch 
it,  though  it  suggests  reflexions  without  end)  we  are 
meant  to  understand  that  in  every  knowledge  and 
science,  and  in  the  rules  and  axioms  appertaining  to 
them,  a  mean  must  be  kept  between  too  many  distinc 
tions  and  too  much  generality,  —  between  the  rocks 
of  the  one  and  the  whirlpools  of  the  other.  For  these 
two  are  notorious  for  the  shipwreck  of  wits  and  arts. 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  159 

XXVIII. 
SPHINX; 

OR     SCIENCE. 

SPHINX,  says  the  story,  was  a  monster  combining 
many  shapes  in  one.  She  had  the  face  and  voice  of  a 
virgin,  the  wings  of  a  bird,  the  claws  of  a  griffin.  She 
dwelt  on  the  ridge  of  a  mountain  near  Thebes  and  in 
fested  the  roads,  lying  in  ambush  for  travellers,  whom 
she  would  suddenly  attack  and  lay  hold  of;  and  when 
she  had  mastered  them,  she  propounded  to  them  certain 
dark  and  perplexed  riddles,  which  she  was  thought  to 
have  obtained  from  the  Muses.  And  if  the  wretched 
captives  could  not  at  once  solve  and  interpret  the  same, 
as  they  stood  hesitating  and  confused  she  cruelly  tore 
them  to  pieces.  Time  bringing  no  abatement  of  the 
calamity,  the  Thebans  offered  to  any  man  who  should 
expound  the  Sphinx's  riddles  (for  this  was  the  only 
way  to  subdue  her)  the  sovereignty  of  Thebes  as  his 
reward.  The  greatness  of  the  prize  induced  (Edipus, 
a  man  of  wisdom  and  penetration,  but  lame  from 
wounds  in  his  feet,  to  accept  the  condition  and  make 
the  trial:  who  presenting  himself  full  of  confidence 
and  alacrity  before  the  Sphinx,  and  being  asked  what 
kind  of  animal  it  was  which  was  born  four-footed,  after 
wards  became  two-footed,  then  three-footed,  and  at  last 
four-footed  again,  answered  readily  that  it  was  man  ; 
who  at  his  birth  and  during  his  infancy  sprawls  on  all 
four,  hardly  attempting  to  creep ;  in  a  little  while  walks 
upright  on  two  feet ;  in  later  years  leans  on  a  walking- 
stick  and  so  goes  as  it  were  on  three ;  and  at  last  in 
extreme  age  and  decrepitude,  his  sinews  all  failing, 


160  TRANSLATION   OF  THE 

sinks  into  a  quadruped  again,  and  keeps  his  bed.  This 
was  the  right  answer  and  gave  him  the  victory ;  where 
upon  he  slew  the  Sphinx  ;  whose  body  was  put  on  the 
back  of  an  ass  and  carried  about  in  triumph  ;  while 
himself  was  made  according  to  compact  King  of 
Thebes. 

The  fable  is  an  elegant  and  a  wise  one,  invented 
apparently  in  allusion  to  Science ;  especially  in  its  ap 
plication  to  practical  life.  Science,  being  the  wonder 
of  the  ignorant  and  unskilful,  may  be  not  absurdly 
called  a  monster.  In  figure  and  aspect  it  is  repre 
sented  as  many-shaped,  in  allusion  to  the  immense 
variety  of  matter  with  which  it  deals.  It  is  said  to 
have  the  face  and  voice  of  a  woman,  in  respect  of  its 
beauty  and  facility  of  utterance.  Wings  are  added 
because  the  sciences  and  the  discoveries  of  science 
spread  and  fly  abroad  in  an  instant ;  the  communica 
tion  of  knowledge  being  like  that  of  one  candle  with 
another,  which  lights  up  at  once.  Claws,  sharp  and 
hooked,  are  ascribed  to  it  with  great  elegance,  because 
the  axioms  and  arguments  of  science  penetrate  and 
hold  fast  the  mind,  so  that  it  has  no  means  of  evasion 
or  escape ;  a  point  which  the  sacred  philosopher  also 
noted :  The  words  of  the  wise  are  as  goads,  and  as  nails 
driven  deep  in.  Again,  all  knowledge  may  be  regarded 
as  having  its  station  on  the  heights  of  mountains ;  for 
it  is  deservedly  esteemed  a  thing  sublime  and  lofty, 
which  looks  down  upon  ignorance  as  from  an  emi 
nence,  and  has  moreover  a  spacious  prospect  on  every 
side,  such  as  we  find  on  hill-tops.  It  is  described  as 
infesting  the  roads,  because  at  every  turn  in  the  jour 
ney  or  pilgrimage  of  human  life,  matter  and  occasion 
for  study  assails  and  encounters  us.  Again  Sphinx 

t/  O  1 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  161 

proposes  to  men  a  variety  of  hard  questions  and  riddles 
which  she  received  from  the  Muses.  In  these,  while 
they  remain  with  the  Muses,  there  is  probably  no  cru 
elty  ;  for  so  long  as  the  object  of  meditation  and  inquiry 
is  merely  to  know,  the  understanding  is  not  oppressed 
or  straitened  by  it,  but  is  free  to  wander  and  expatiate, 
and  finds  in  the  very  uncertainty  of  conclusion  and 
variety  of  choice  a  certain  pleasure  and  delight ;  but 
when  they  pass  from  the  Muses  to  Sphinx,  that  is  from 
contemplation  to  practice,  whereby  there  is  necessity 
for  present  action,  choice,  and  decision,  then  they  begin 
to  be  painful  and  cruel ;  and  unless  they  be  solved  and 
disposed  of,  they  strangely  torment  and  worry  the 
mind,  pulling  it  first  this  way  and  then  that,  and  fair 
ly  tearing  it  to  pieces.  Moreover  the  riddles  of  the 
Sphinx  have  always  a  twofold  condition  attached  to 
them  ;  distraction  and  laceration  of  mind,  if  you  fail 
to  solve  them ;  if  you  succeed,  a  kingdom.  For  he 
who  understands  his  subject  is  master  of  his  end ;  and 
every  workman  is  king  over  his  work. 

Now  of  the  Sphinx's  riddles  there  are  in  all  two 
kinds  :  one  concerning  the  nature  of  things,  another 
concerning  the  nature  of  man  ;  and  in  like  manner 
there  are  two  kinds  of  kingdom  offered  as  the  reward 
of  solving  them  :  one  over  nature,  and  the  other  over 
man.  For  the  command  over  things  natural,  —  over 
bodies,  medicines,  mechanical  powers,  and  infinite  other 
of  the  kind  —  is  the  one  proper  and  ultimate  end  of 
true  natural  philosophy  ;  however  the  philosophy  of 
the  School,  content  with  what  it  finds,  and  swelling 
with  talk,  may  neglect  or  spurn  the  search  after  reali 
ties  and  works.  But  the  riddle  proposed  to  OEdipus, 
by  the  solution  of  which  he  became  King  of  Thebes, 

VOL.    XIII.  11 


162  TRANSLATION  OF  THE 

related  to  the  nature  of  man  ;  for  whoever  has  a  thor 
ough  insight  into  the  nature  of  man  may  shape  his  for 
tune  almost  as  he  will,  and  is  Lorn  for  empire  ;  as  was 
well  declared  concerning  the  arts  of  the  Romans,  — 

Be  thine  the  art, 

0  Rome,  with  government  to  rule  the  nations, 
And  to  know  whom  to  spare  and  whom  to  abate, 
And  settle  the  condition  of  the  world. 

And  therefore  it  fell  out  happily  that  Augustus  CaBsar, 
whether  on  purpose  or  by  chance,  used  a  Sphinx  for 
his  seal.  For  he  certainly  excelled  in  the  art  of  poli 
tics  if  ever  man  did;  and  succeeded  in  the  course  of 
his  life  in  solving  most  happily  a  great  many  new  rid 
dles  concerning  the  nature  of  man,  which  if  he  had  not 
dexterously  and  readily  answered  he  would  many  times 
have  been  in  imminent  danger  of  destruction.  The 
fable  adds  very  prettily  that  when  the  Sphinx  was  sub 
dued,  her  body  was  laid  on  the  back  of  an  ass  :  for 
there  is  nothing  so  subtle  and  abstruse,  but  when  it  is 
once  thoroughly  understood  and  published  to  the  world, 
even  a  dull  wit  can  carry  it.  Nor  is  that  other  point 
to  be  passed  over,  that  the  Sphinx  was  subdued  by  a 
lame  man  with  club  feet ;  for  men  generally  proceed 
too  fast  and  in  too  great  a  hurry  to  the  solution  of  the 
Sphinx's  riddles ;  whence  it  follows  that  the  Sphinx  has 
the  better  of  them,  and  instead  of  obtaining  the  sover 
eignty  by  works  and  effects,  they  only  distract  and 
worry  their  minds  with  disputations. 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  163 

XXIX. 

PROSERPINA ; 

OR     SPIRIT. 

THEY  say  that  when  Pluto  upon  that  memorable 
partition  of  the  kingdoms  received  for  his  portion  the 
infernal  regions,  he  despaired  of  gaining  any  of  the 
goddesses  above  in  marriage  by  addresses  and  gentle 
methods,  and  so  was  driven  to  take  measures  for  carry 
ing  one  of  them  off  by  force.  Seizing  his  opportunity 
therefore,  while  Proserpina,  daughter  of  Ceres,  a  fair 
virgin,  was  gathering  flowers  of  Narcissus  in  the  Sicil 
ian  meadows,  he  rushed  suddenly  upon  her  and  carried 
her  off  in  his  chariot  to  the  subterranean  regions. 
Great  reverence  was  paid  her  there :  so  much  that  she 
was  even  called  the  Mistress  or  Queen  of  Dis.  Mean 
while  her  mother  Ceres,  filled  with  grief  and  anxiety 
by  the  disappearance  of  her  dearly  beloved  daughter, 
took  a  lighted  torch  in  her  hand,  and  wandered  with 
it  all  round  the  world  in  quest  of  her.  Finding  the 
search  fruitless,  and  hearing  by  chance  that  she  had 
been  carried  down  to  the  infernal  regions,  she  wearied 
Jupiter  with  tears  and  lamentations,  praying  to  have 
her  restored  ;  till  at  last  she  won  a  promise  from  him 
that  if  her  daughter  had  not  eaten  of  anything  belong 
ing  to  the  under  world,  then  she  might  bring  her  back. 
This  condition  was  unfortunate  for  the  mother ;  for 
Proserpina  had  eaten  (it  was  found)  three  grains  of  a 
pomegranate.  But  this  did  not  prevent  Ceres  from 
renewing  her  prayers  and  lamentations ;  and  it  was 
agreed  at  last  that  Proserpina  should  divide  the  year 


164  TRANSLATION   OF  THE 

between  the  two,  and  live  by  turns  six  months  with 
her  husband  and  the  other  six  with  her  mother. 

Afterwards  a  very  daring  attempt  to  carry  away  the 
same  Proserpina  from  the  chamber  of  Dis  was  made  by 
Theseus  and  Piritlious.  But  having  sate  down  to  rest 
by  the  way  on  a  stone  in  the  infernal  regions,  they 
were  unable  to  rise  again,  and  continued  sitting  there 
for  ever.  So  Proserpina  remained  Queen  of  the  under 
world  :  where  a  great  and  new  privilege  was  granted 
in  honour  of  her ;  for  whereas  they  who  went  down  to 
the  under  world  were  not  permitted  to  go  back,  a  sin 
gular  exception  was  nrade  in  favour  of  any  who  should 
bring  a  certain  golden  branch  as  a  present  to  Proser 
pina  ;  such  present  entitling  the  bearer  to  go  and  re 
turn.  It  was  a  single  branch  growing  by  itself  in  a 
vast  and  dark  wood ;  neither  had  it  a  stock  of  its  own, 
but  grew  like  misseltoe  upon  a  tree  of  different  kind  ; 
and  as  soon  as  it  was  plucked  off,  another  came  in  its 
place. 

The  fable  relates,  as  I  take  it,  to  Nature,  and  ex 
plains  the  source  of  that  rich  and  fruitful  supply  of 
active  power  subsisting  in  the  under  world,  from  which 
all  the  growths  of  our  upper  world  spring,  and  into 
which  they  again  return  and  are  resolved.  By  Proser 
pina  the  ancients  signified  that  ethereal  spirit  which, 
having  been  separated  by  violence  from  the  upper  globe, 
is  enclosed  and  imprisoned  beneath  the  earth  (which 
earth  is  represented  by  Pluto)  ;  as  was  well  expressed 
in  those  lines,  — 

Whether  that  the  Earth  yet  fresh,  and  from  the  deeps 
Of  heaven  new-sundered,  did  some  seeds  retain, 
Some  sparks  and  motions  of  its  kindred  sky. 

This    spirit  is    represented   as   having    been    ravished, 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  165 

that  is  suddenly  and  forcibly  carried  off,  by  the  Earth ; 
because  there  is  no  holding  it  in  if  it  have  time  and 
leisure  to  escape,  and  the  only  way  to  confine  and  fix  it 
is  by  a  sudden  pounding  and  breaking  up  ;  just  as  if 
you  would  mix  air  with  water,  you  can  only  do  it  by 
sudden  and  rapid  agitation :  for  thus  it  is  that  we  see 
these  bodies  united  in  foam,  the  air  being  as  it  were 
ravished  by  the  water.  It  is  prettily  added  that  Pro 
serpina  was  carried  off  while  in  the  act  of  gathering 
flowers  of  Narcissus  in  the  valleys :  for  Narcissus  takes 
its  name  from  torpor  or  stupor ;  and  it  is  only  when 
beginning  to  curdle,  and  as  it  were  to  gather  torpor, 
that  spirit  is  in  the  best  state  to  be  caught  up  and  car 
ried  off  by  earthy  matter.  It  is  right  too  that  Proser 
pina  should  have  that  honour,  which  is  not  conceded  to 
the 'wife  of  any  other  God,  —  to  be  called  the  Mistress 
or  Queen  of  Dis :  for  the  spirit  does  in  fact  govern  and 
manage  everything  in  those  regions,  without  the  help 
of  Pluto,  who  remains  stupid  and  unconscious. 

The  air  meanwhile,  and  the  power  of  the  celestial 
region  (which  is  represented  by  Ceres)  strives  with 
infinite  assiduity  to  win  forth  and  recover  this  impris 
oned  spirit  again  ;  and  that  torch  which  the  air  carries 
-  the  lighted  torch  in  Ceres's  hand  —  means  no  doubt 
the  Sun,  which  does  the  office  of  a  lamp  all  over  the 
earth,  and  would  do  more  than  anything  else  for  the 
recovery  of  Proserpina,  were  the  thing  at  all  possible. 
But  Proserpina  remains  fixed  where  she  is  ;  the  reason 
and  manner  whereof  is  accurately  and  admirably  set 
forth  in  those  two  agreements  between  Jupiter  and 
Ceres.  For  with  regard  to  the  first,  most  certain  it  is 
that  there  are  two  ways  of  confining  and  restraining 
spirit  in  solid  and  earthy  matter :  one  by  constipation 


166  TRANSLATION   OF   THE 

and  obstruction,  which  is  simple  imprisonment  and  vio 
lence  ;  the  other  by  administering  some  suitable  aliment, 
which  is  spontaneous  and  free.  For  when  the  impris 
oned  spirit  begins  to  feed  and  nourish  itself,  it  is  no 
longer  in  a  hurry  to  escape,  but  becomes  settled  as  in 
its  own  land.  And  this  is  what  is  meant  by  Proser 
pina's  tasting  of  the  pomegranate ;  which  if  she  had 
not  done,  she  would  have  been  long  since  carried  off  by 
Ceres  as  she  traversed  the  «;lobe  with  her  torch  in 

O 

quest  of  her.  For  though  the  spirit  which  is  contained 
in  metals  and  minerals  is  prevented  from  getting  out 
chiefly  perhaps  by  the  solidity  of  the  mass,  that  which 
is  contained  in  plants  and  animals  dwells  in  a  porous 
body,  from  which  it  could  easily  escape  if  it  were  not 
by  that  process  of  tasting  reconciled  to  remain.  As 
for  the  second  agreement,  —  that  she  should  stay  six 
months  at  a  time  with  either  party,  —  it  is  nothing 
else  but  an  elegant  description  of  the  division  of  the 
year ;  since  that  spirit  which  -is  diffused  through  the 
earth  does  (in  regard  to  the  vegetable  kingdom)  live 
in  the  upper  world  during  the  summer  months,  and 
retires  to  the  under  world  in  the  winter  months. 

Now  for  that  attempt  of  Theseus  and  Pirithous  to 
carry  Proserpina  away,  the  meaning  is  that  the  subtler 
spirits  which  in  many  bodies  descend  to  the  earth  often 
fail  to  draw  out  and  assimilate  and  carry  away  with 
them  the  subterranean  spirit,  but  contrariwise  are  them 
selves  curdled  and  never  reascend  again,  and  so  go  to 
increase  the  number  of  Proserpina's  people  and  the 
extent  of  her  empire. 

As  for  that  golden  branch,  it  may  seem  difficult  for 
me  to  withstand  the  Alchemists,  if  they  attack  me  from 
that  side ;  seeing  they  promise  us  by  that  same  stone 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  167 

of  theirs  not  only  mountains  of  gold,  but  also  the  resti 
tution  of  natural  bodies  as  it  were  from  the  gates  of 
the  Infernals.  Nevertheless  for  Alchemy  and  those 
that  are  never  weary  of  their  wooing  of  that  stone,  as 
I  am  sure  they  have  no  ground  in  theory,  so  I  suspect 
that  they  have  no  very  good  pledge  of  success  in  prac 
tice.  And  therefore  putting  them  aside,  here  is  my 
opinion  as  to  the  meaning  of  that  last  part  of  the  par 
able.  From  many  figurative  allusions  I  am  satisfied 
that  the  ancients  regarded  the  conservation,  and  to  a 
certain  extent  the  restoration,  of  natural  bodies  as  a 
thing  not  desperate,  but  rather  as  abstruse  and  out  of 
the  way.  And  this  is  what  I  take  them  in  the  passage 
before  us  to  mean,  by  placing  this  branch  in  the  midst 
of  the  innumerable  other  branches  of  a  vast  and  thick 
wood.  They  represented  it  as  golden  ;  because  gold 
is  the  emblem  of  duration  ;  and  grafted,  because  the 
effect  in  question  is  to  be  looked  for  as  the  result  of  art, 
not  of  any  medicine  or  method  which  is  simple  or 
natural. 


XXX. 

METIS ; 


OR      CO  UN  SE  L . 


THE  ancient  poets  tell  us  that  Jupiter  took  Metis, 
whose  name  plainly  signifies  Counsel,  to  wife  ;  that  she 
conceived  by  him  and  was  with  child  ;  which  he  per 
ceiving  did  not  wait  till  she  brought  forth,  but  ate  her 
up  ;  whereby  he  became  himself  with  child ;  but  his 
delivery  was  of  a  strange  kind ;  for  out  of  his  head 
or  brain  he  brought  forth  Pallas  armed. 


168  TRANSLATION  OF  THE 

This  monstrous  and  at  first  sight  very  foolish  fable 
contains,  as  I  interpret  it,  a  secret  of  government.  It 
describes  the  art  whereby  kings  so  deal  with  the  coun 
cils  of  state  as  not  only  to  keep  their  authority  and 
majesty  untouched,  but  also  to  increase  and  exalt  it  in 
the  eyes  of  their  people.  For  kings  by  a  sound  and 
wise  arrangement  tie  themselves  to  their  councils  with 
a  bond  like  that  of  wedlock,  and  deliberate  with  them 
concerning  all  their  greatest  matters,  rightly  judging 
that  this  is  no  diminution  to  their  majesty.  But  when 
the  question  grows  ripe  for  a  decision  (which  is  the 
bringing  forth)  they  do  not  allow  the  council  to  deal 
any  further  in  it,  lest  their  acts  should  seem  to  be 
dependent  upon  the  council's  will ;  but  at  that  point, 
(unless  the  matter  be  of  such  a  nature  that  they  wish 
to  put  away  the  envy  of  it)  they  take  into  their  own 
hands  whatever  has  been  by  the  council  elaborated  and 
as  it  were  shaped  in  the  womb ;  so  that  the  decision 
and  execution  (which,  because  it  comes  forth  with 
power  and  carries  necessity,  is  elegantly  represented 
under  the  figure  of  Pallas  armed)  may  seem  to  emanate 
from  themselves.  Nor  is  it  enough  that  it  be  seen  to 
proceed  from  their  free  and  unconstrained  and  inde 
pendent  authority  and  will,  but  they  must  have  the 
world  think  that  the  decision  comes  out  of  their  own 
head,  that  is  out  of  their  proper  wisdom  and  judg 
ment. 


DE  SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  169 

XXXI. 

THE    SIRENS; 

OR       PLEASURE. 

THE  fable  of  the  Sirens  is  truly  applied  to  the  perni 
cious  allurements  of  pleasure  ;  but  in  a  very  poor  and 
vulgar  sense.  For  I  find  the  wisdom  of  the  ancients 
to  be  like  grapes  ill-trodden  :  something  is  squeezed 
out,  but  the  best  parts  are  left  behind  and  passed  over. 

The  Sirens  were  daughters  (we  are  told)  of  Ache- 
lous  and  of  Terpsichore,  one  of  the  Muses.  Originally 
they  had  wings  ;  but  being  beaten  in  a  contest  with 
the  Muses  which  they  had  rashly  challenged,  their 
wings  were  plucked  off,  and  turned  by  the  Muses  into 
crowns  for  themselves,  who  thenceforward  all  wore 
wings  on  their  heads,  except  only  the  mother  of  the 
Sirens.  These  Sirens  had  their  dwelling  in  certain 
pleasant  islands,  whence  they  kept  watch  for  ships  ; 
and  when  they  saw  any  approaching,  they  began  to 
sing  ;  which  made  the  voyagers  first  stay  to  listen, 
then  gradually  draw  near,  and  at  last  land ;  when  they 
took  and  killed  them.  Their  song  was  not  all  in  one 
strain  ;  but  they  varied  their  measures  according  to 
the  nature  of  the  listener,  and  took  each  captive  with 
those  which  best  suited  him.  So  destructive  the  plague 
was,  that  the  islands  of  the  Sirens  were  seen  afar  off 
white  with  the  bones  of  unburied  carcasses.  For  this 
evil  two  different  remedies  were  found ;  one  by  Ulys 
ses,  the  other  by  Orpheus.  Ulysses  caused  the  ears  of 
his  crew  to  be  stopped  with  wax  ;  and  himself  (wishing 
to  make  trial  of  the  thing  without  incurring  the  dan 
ger)  to  be  bound  to  the  mast ;  at  the  same  time  forbid- 


170  TRANSLATION  OF  THE 

ding  any  one  at  his  peril  to  loose  him  even  at  his  own 
request.  Orpheus,  not  caring  to  be  bound,  raised  his 
voice  on  high,  and  singing  to  his  lyre  the  praises  of 
the  Gods,  drowned  the  voices  of  the  Sirens,  and  so 
passed  clear  of  all  danger. 

The  fable  relates  to  Morals,  and  contains  an  elegant 
though  obvious  parable.  Pleasures  spring  from  the 
union  of  abundance  and  affluence  with  hilarity  and 
exultation  of  mind.  And  formerly  they  carried  men 
away  at  once,  as  if  with  wings,  by  the  first  view  of 
their  charms.  But  doctrine  and  instruction  have  suc 
ceeded  in  teaching  the  mind,  if  not  to  refrain  alto 
gether,  yet  to  pause  and  consider  consequences  ;  and 
so  have  stripped  the  Pleasures  of  their  wings.  And 
this  redounded  greatly  to  the  honour  of  the  Muses  — 

O  < 

for  as  soon  as  it  appeared  by  some  examples  that  Philos 
ophy  could  induce  a  contempt  of  Pleasures,  it  was  at 
once  regarded  as  a  sublime  thing,  which  could  so  lift 
the  soul  from  earth,  and  make  the  cogitations  of  man 
(which  live  in  his  head)  winged  and  ethereal.  Only 
the  mother  of  the  Sirens  still  goes  on  foot  and  has  no 
wings  ;  and  by  her  no  doubt  are  meant  those  lighter 
kinds  of  learning  which  are  invented  and  applied  onlv 

£"}  lli/ 

for  amusement ;  such  as  those  were  which  Petronius 
held  in  estimation ;  he  who  being  condemned  to  die, 
sought  in  the  very  waiting-room  of  death  for  matter  to 
amuse  him,  and  when  he  turned  to  books  among  other 
things  for  consolation,  would  read  (says  Tacitus)  none 
of  those  which  teach  constancy  of  mind,  but  only  light 
verses.  Of  this  kind  is  that  of  Catullus, 

Let's  live  and  love,  love,  while  we  may; 
And  for  all  the  old  men  say 
Just  one  penny  let  us  care; 


DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM.  171 

and  that  other,  — 

Of  Rights  and  Wrongs  let  old  men  prate,  and  learn 
By  scrupulous  weighing  in  fine  scales  of  law 
What  is  allowed  to  do  and  what  forbid. 

For  doctrines  like  these  seem  to  aim  at  taking  the 
wings  away  from  the  Muses'  crowns  and  giving  them 
back  to  the  Sirens.  The  Sirens  are  said  to  live  in  isl 
ands  ;  because  Pleasures  commonly  seek  retiring-places 
aloof  from  the  throngs  of  men.  As  for  the  song  of  the 
Sirens,  its  fatal  effect  and  various  artifice,  it  is  every 
body's  theme,  and  therefore  needs  no  interpreter.  But 
that  circumstance  of  the  bones  being  seen  from  a  dis 
tance  like  white  cliffs,  has  a  finer  point :  implying  that 
the  examples  of  other  men's  calamities,  however  clear 
and  conspicuous,  have  little  effect  in  deterring  men 
from  the  corruptions  of  pleasure. 

The  parable  concerning  the  remedies  remains  to  be 
spoken  of:  a  wise  and  noble  parable,  though  not  at  all 
abstruse.  For  a  mischief  so  fraught  with  cunning  and 
violence  alike,  there  are  proposed  three  remedies :  two 
from  philosophy,  the  third  from  religion.  The  first 
method  of  escape  is  to  resist  the  beginnings,  and  sed 
ulously  to  avoid  all  occasions  which  may  tempt  and 
solicit  the  mind.  This  is  the  waxing  up  of  the  ears, 
and  for  minds  of  ordinary  and  plebeian  cast  —  such  as 
the  crew  of  Ulysses  —  is  the  only  remedy.  But  minds 
of  a  loftier  order,  if  they  fortify  themselves  with  con 
stancy  of  resolution,  can  venture  into  the  midst  of 
pleasures  ;  nay  and  they  take  delight  in  thus  putting 
their  virtue  to  a  more  exquisite  proof;  besides  gaining 
thereby  a  more  thorough  insight  —  as  lookers  on  rather 
than  followers  —  into  the  foolishness  and  madness  of 
pleasures  :  which  is  that  which  Solomon  professes  con- 


172      TEANSLATION  OF   THE  DE   SAPIENTIA  VETERUM. 

cerning  himself,  when  he  closes  his  enumeration  of 
the  pleasures  with  which  he  abounded  in  these  words : 
Likewise  my  wisdom  remained  with  me.  Heroes  of  this 
order  may  therefore  stand  unshaken  amidst  the  greatest 
temptations,  and  refrain  themselves  even  in  the  steep- 
down  paths  of  pleasures  ;  provided  only  that  they  fol 
low  the  example  of  Ulysses,  and  forbid  the  pernicious 
counsels  and  flatteries  of  their  own  followers,  which  are 
of  all  things  most  powerful  to  unsettle  and  unnerve  the 
mind.  But  of  the  three  remedies,  far  the  best  in  every 
way  is  that  of  Orpheus  ;  who  by  singing  and  sounding 
forth  the  praises  of  the  gods  confounded  the  voices  of 
the  Sirens  and  put  them  aside  :  for  meditations  upon 
things  divine  excel  the  pleasures  of  the  sense,  not  in 
power  only,  but  also  in  sweetness. 


ADVERTISEMENT    TOUCHING 


HOLY  WAR. 


PREFACE. 


A  FEW  days  before  Bacon  was  made  Lord  Keeper, 
the  state  of  the  negotiation  then  pending  with  Spain 
for  the  marriage  of  Prince  Charles  with  the  Infanta 
had  been  laid  before  the  Council  board,  and  they  had 
"  by  consent  agreed  that  his  Majesty  might  with  hon 
our  enter  into  a  treaty  of  marriage  "  &C.1  It  was  not 
a  project  from  which  Bacon  expected  any  good;  and  if 
the  King  had  taken  his  advice  he  would  have  gone  no 
further  in  it  than  to  let  it  be  talked  of  as  a  possible 
resource  by  which  the  Crown  might  free  itself  from 
debt.  Neither  did  the  Council,  I  think,  (judging  from 
the  terms  of  the  resolution,)  expect  it  to  succeed  ;  but 
they  thought  that,  if  it  were  fairly  proceeded  with  on 
the  King's  part,  some  occasion  would  probably  turn  up 
fof  breaking  it  off  with  honour  and  advantage.2  That 
it  should  be  proceeded  with  for  the  present  was  how 
ever  settled ;  and  Sir  John  Digby  was  appointed  to  go 
as  ambassador  to  Spain,  partly  to  conduct  the  negotia- 


1  See  "  the  sum  of  his  M.  speech  to  some  of  his  Council  on  the  2  of 
March"  [1616-7].     Harl.  MSS.  1323.  fo.  263. 

2  "  It  were  very  likely  that  the  breach,  if  any  were,  could  not  be  but  up 
on  some  material  point  of  religion;  which  if  it  fell  out  could  not  be  any 
dishonour  to  his  Majesty,  but  on  the  contrary  a  great  reputation,  both  with 
his  subjects  here  at  home,  and  with  his  friends  of  the  reformed  religion  in 
foreign  parts." 


176  PREFACE   TO   THE 

tion,  partly  to  effect  some  arrangement  for  the  suppres 
sion  of  the  pirates  of  Algiers  and  Tunis,  who  had  be 
come  very  troublesome. 

Such  being  the  state  of  the  negotiation  when  Bacon 
had  to  take  it  up  as  a  leading  Councillor,  true  policy 
required  that  it  should  be  guided  with  a  view  to  both 
issues,  so  that  some  good  might  be  secured  either  way ; 
—  good  to  the  general  state  of  Christendom,  if  Spain 
were  disposed  to  act  sincerely  for  that  end ;  good  to  the 
particular  interests  of  England  and  Protestantism,  if 
not.  And  first  came  the  question,  what  good  could  be 
extracted  out  of  the  .alliance,  supposing  it  to  succeed. 
Accordingly  on  the  23rd  of  March  1616-7,  while  the 
King  was  on  his  way  to  Scotland,  Bacon  sent  for  his 
consideration  a  paper  of  additional  instructions  for  Sir 
John  Digby  :  which  began  thus  : 

"  Besides  your  instructions  directory  to  the  substance 
of  the  main  errand,  we  would  have  you  in  the  whole 
carriage  and  passages  of  your  negotiation,  as  well  with 
the  King  himself  as  with  the  Duke  of  Lerma  and 
Council  there,  intermix  discourse  upon  fit  occasions, 
that  may  express  ourselves  to  the  effect  following: 

"  That  you  doubt  not  but  that  both  Kings,  for  that 
which  concerns  religion,  will  proceed  sincerely,  both 
being  entire  and  perfect  in  their  own  belief  and  way ; 
but  that  there  are  so  many  noble  and  excellent  effects, 
which  are  equally  acceptable  to  both  religions  and  for 
the  good  and  happiness  of  the  Christian  world,  which 
may  arise  out  of  this  conjunction,  as  the  union  of  both 
Kings  in  actions  of  estate  may  make  the  difference  in 
religion  as  laid  aside  and  almost  forgotten. 

"  As  first,  that  it  will  be  a  means  utterly  to  extin 
guish  and  extirpate  pirates,  which  are  the  common 


ADVERTISEMENT  TOUCHING  A  HOLY  WAR.    177 

enemies  of  mankind,  and   do  much  infest   Europe  at 
this  time. 

"  Also,  that  it  may  be  a  beginning  and  seed  (for  the 
like  actions  before  have  had  less  beginnings)  of  a  holy 
war  against  the  Turk,  whereunto  it  seems  the  events 
of  time  do  invite  Christian  kings,  in  respect  of  the 
great  corruption  and  relaxation  of  discipline  of  war 
in  that  empire ;  and  much  more  in  respect  of  the  utter 
ruin  and  enervation  of  the  Grand  Signer's  navy  and 
forces  by  sea  :  which  openeth  a  way  (without  congre 
gating  vast  armies  by  land)  to  suffocate  and  starve 
Constantinople,  and  thereby  to  put  those  provinces 
into  mutiny  and  insurrection." 

The  remaining  articles  do  not  concern  us  at  pres 
ent. 

Now  as  I  do  not  find  in  any  of  Bacon's  letters  or 
memoranda  of  earlier  date  any  hint  of  such  a  project 
as  this  last  mentioned,  I  suppose  it  was  this  particular 
occasion  that  put  it  into  his  head,  and  led  him  into  that 
train  of  meditation  to  which  we  owe  the  fragment 
which  follows.  In  1622,  in  which  year  it  was  written, 
the  position  which  the  King  had  taken  with  regard  to 
Spain  was  again  much  the  same  as  in  1617.  The 
negotiation  having  been  kept  on  foot  for  awhile  by 
delusive  promises,  and  afterwards  interrupted  and  al 
most  broken  off  by  the  war  in  the  Palatinate,  had  been 
again  resumed,  and  it  was  resolved  that  the  match 
should  proceed.  Bacon  was  no  longer  in  office ;  but 
he  was  still  attentive  to  public  affairs,  and  the  return 
of  the  former  political  conjuncture  would  naturally  re 
mind  him  of  his  former  advice,  and  induce  him  to  take 
the  subject  up  again ;  while  the  utter  and  final  breach 
with  Spain  which  followed  soon  after  sufficiently  ac- 

VOL.  XIII.  12 


178  PREFACE   TO   THE 

counts  for  his  not  proceeding  further  with  it ;  although 
he  thought  so  well  both  of  the  matter,  and  of  the  man 
ner  in  which  he  had  opened  it,  that  he  had  the  frag 
ment  translated  into  Latin  and  included  among  his 
Opera  Moralia  et  Civilia.1 

The  argument  of  the  dialogue  has  but  little  interest 
for  us  at  this  day,  except  as  indicating  a  stage  in  the 
history  of  opinion :  and  even  for  that  it  is  hardly  avail 
able,  because  it  is  not  carried  far  enough  to  enable  us 
to  judge  what  Bacon's  own  opinion  was  upon  the  ques 
tion  proposed.  His  design  apparently  was  to  exhaust 
the  subject,  by  showing  it  from  all  sides  ;  as  seen 
by  the  Roman  Catholic  "  zelant,"  by  the  Protestant 
zelant,  by  the  orthodox  and  moderate  divine,  by  the 
soldier,  by  the  statesman,  and  by  the  courtier ;  while 
the  distribution  of  the  parts  is  such  as  to  give  full  scope 
to  them  all.  But  as  the  formal  discussion  breaks  off 
before  the  first  speaker  has  concluded  (who  represents 
the  extreme  Roman  Catholic  view),  —  the  "moderate 
divine  "  having  said  nothing,  and  the  statesman  (who, 
though  a  Roman  Catholic  also,  would,  I  presume,  have 
represented  Bacon's  own  opinion)  having  merely  inti 
mated  that  he  did  not  consider  the  design  impractica 
ble,  —  it  is  not  easy  to  conjecture  with  any  confidence 
what  the  ultimate  judgment  was  intended  to  be.  Com 
paring  it  however  with  an  opinion  of  Bacon's  own,  re- 

1  "  Postremo  duo  fragmenta  adjici  inandavit;  Dlaloyum  de  Bello  Sacro, 
et  Novd.ni  Atlantidem.  Fragmeutorum  autcin  genera  tria  esse  dixit.  Pri- 
nnun  eorum  qua?  libris  integris  amissis  sorvata  sunt;  ut  Somnium  Scipio- 
nis.  Secundum  eorum  qua?  auctor  ipse,  vcl  morte  pra?reptus  vel  aliis  nego- 
tiis  distractus,  perficere  non  potuit,  ut  Platonis  Atlantis.  Tertium  eorum 
quse  auctor  itidem  ex  composite  et  volens  deseruit:  ex  quo  genere  sunt  ista 
duo  quae  diximus.  Neque  tamen  ea  deseruit  Dominatio  sua  fastidio  argu- 
menti,  sed  quod  alia  multa  habuerat  qua?  merito  anteoedere  deberent."  - 
Ivawley's  preface;  to  the  Optra  Moralia  et  Civilia.  1638. 


ADVERTISEMENT  TOUCHING  A  HOLY  WAR.   179 

corded  two  years  later ; 1  remembering  the  instructions 
to  Sir  John  Digby  which  I  have  quoted  ;  and  observ 
ing  the  spirit  of  the  introductory  conversation,  —  es 
pecially  with  reference  to  one  or  two  passages  which 
appear  to  have  been  inserted  on  revision,  —  I  am  in 
clined  to  think  that  Eupolis,  the  "  Politique,"  would 
have  limited  his  approval  to  a  war  against  the  Turks  ; 
and  that  not  simply  as  Infidels,  but  as  dangerous  neigh 
bours  to  all  Christendom.  And  I  suppose  that  as 
things  then  stood  the  Christian  powers  might  very 
fairly,  and  merely  in  self-defence  and  as  a  matter  of 
international  policy,  have  demanded  securities  from  the 
Turks,  the  refusal  of  which  would  (even  according  to 
modern  opinions)  have  formed  a  just  ground  of  war. 
That  it  would  have  been  a  "  holy  war,"  —  that  is,  that 
it  would  incidentally  have  had  the  effect  of  recovering 
to  the  Church  countries  then  subject  to  Infidels, — 
would  in  Bacon's  eyes  no  doubt  have  been  a  great 
additional  recommendation  :  experience  not  having  yet 
sufficiently  proved  that  subjection  of  territory  to  Chris 
tian  rule  does  not  involve  conversion  of  people  to  the 
Christian  faith. 

Setting  aside  the  practical  question  as  to  the  lawful 
ness  of  wars  for  the  propagation  of  the  faith  —  a  ques 
tion  which  would  now  in  any  company  of  divines  and 
statesmen  be  negatived  without  a  division,  —  and  re 
garding  the  work  as  a  literary  composition,  it  will  be 
found  not  merely  to  be  still  interesting,  but  to  deserve 
a  conspicuous  place  among  Bacon's  writings.  For  it  is 
the  only  specimen  we  have  of  his  manner  of  conduct 
ing  a  discussion  in  the  form  of  dialogue ;  and  enough  is 

1  "  Though  offensive  wars  for  religion  are  seldom  to  be  approved,  or 
never,  except  there  be  some  mixture  of  civil  titles."  —  Considerations 
touching  a  War  with  Spain:  written  in  1624. 


180  PREFACE   TO    THE   ADVERTISEMENT,  ETC. 

done  to  show  how  skilfully  lie  could  handle  that  fine  but 
difficult  instrument.  The  design  of  the  composition  is 
to  represent  the  question  as  fairly  debated  between  sev 
eral  speakers  looking  at  it  from  different  points  of  view, 
and  each  bringing  the  full  force  of  his  wit  and  learning 
to  the  support  of  his  own  conclusion  ;  and  nothing  can 
be  more  natural  and  life-like  than  the  conversation,  so 
far  as  it  goes.  The  historical  matters  incidentally  han 
dled  have  an  interest  also  which  is  by  no  means  obsolete. 
And  the  dedicatory  letter  to  Bishop  Andrews  contains 
the  fullest  account  of  Bacon's  own  personal  feelings  and 
designs  as  a  writer  which  we  have  from  his  own  pen. 

This  fragment  was  first  published  by  Dr.  Rawley  in 
1629,  along  with  two  or  three  others,  in  a  small  vol 
ume  entitled  Certain  miscellany  works  of  the  Right 
Honourable  Francis  Lo.  Verulam,  Viscount  St.  Alban : 
the  alleged  motive  of  the  publication  being  to  super 
sede  or  prevent  corrupt  copies,  and  "  to  satisfy  the 
desires  of  some  who  held  it  unreasonable  that  any 
delineations  of  that  pen,  though  in  never  so  small  a 
model,  should  not  be  shown  to  the  world."  It  was 
afterwards  by  Bacon's  own  direction  (as  I  have  said), 
and  apparently  under  his  supervision,  translated  into 
Latin,  and  added  to  the  Opera  Moralia  et  Civ  ilia. 
There  is  a  manuscript  copy  of  part  of  it  in  the  British 
Museum,1  and  another  in  the  Cambridge  University 
Library ;  but  Rawley's  edition  contains  some  passages 
which  are  not  in  the  MS.  and  therefore  I  suppose  it 
was  printed  from  a  corrected  copy  and  is  the  better 
authority. 

As  in  other  similar  cases  I  have  compared  the  Eng 
lish  with  the  Latin,  and  quoted  in  foot-notes  all  varia 
tions  which  seem  to  be  at  all  material, 
i  Havl.  MSS.  4263. 


ADVERTISEMENT   TOUCHING  AN 


HOLY    WARRE. 


WRITTEN  IN  THE  YEARE  1622. 


WHEREUNTO   THE   AUTHOR  PREFIXED    AN    EPISTLE    TO    THE    BISHOP    OF 
WINCHESTER   LAST   DECEASED. 


LONDON. 

Printed  by  John  Haviland  for  Humphrey  Robinson. 
1629. 


THE    RIGHT    REVEREND    FATHER    IN    GOD, 

LANCELOT   ANDREWS, 

LORD  BISHOP   OF  WINCHESTER,  AND   COUNSELLOR   OF 
ESTATE  TO  HIS  MAJESTY. 


MY  LORD, 

AMONGST  consolations,  it  is  not  the  least,  to  repre 
sent  to  a  man's  self  like  examples  of  calamity  in  others. 
For  examples  give  a  quicker  impression  l  than  argu 
ments  ;  and  besides,  they  certify  us,  that  which  the 
Scripture  also  tendereth  for  satisfaction,  that  no  new 
thing  is  happened  unto  us.  This  they  do  the  better,2 
by  how  much  the  examples  are  liker  in  circumstances 
to  our  own  case  ;  and  more  especially  if  they  fall  upon 
persons 3  that  are  greater  and  worthier  than  ourselves. 
For  as  it  savoureth  of  vanity,  to  match  ourselves  highly 
in  our  own  conceit ; 4  so  on  the  other  side  it  is  a  good 
sound  conclusion,  that  if  our  betters  have  sustained  the 
like  events,  we  have  the  less  cause  to  be  grieved.5 

In  this  kind  of  consolation  I  have  not  been  want 
ing  to  myself;   though  as   a   Christian   I   have  tasted 

1  penetrant  magis. 

2  afficiunt  autem  exempla  eo  magis,  quo,  tj-c. 

8  si  Fortuna  illos  non  levins  mulctarit,  qui,  <f  c. 

4  si  nos  ipsos  cum  melioribus  componamus. 

6  non  esse  cur  nos  supra  modum  conquer amur. 


184  THE  EPISTLE 

(through  God's  great  goodness)  of  higher  remedies. 
Having  therefore,  through  the  variety  of  my  reading, 
set  before  me  many  examples  both  of  ancient  and  later 
times,  my  thoughts  (I  confess)  have  chiefly  stayed 
upon  three  particulars,  as  the  most  eminent  and  the 
most  resembling.1  All  three,  persons  that  had  held 
chief  place  of  authority  in  their  countries  ;  all  three 
ruined,  not  by  war,  or  by  any  other  disaster,  but  by 
justice  and  sentence,  as  delinquents  and  criminals  ;  all 
three  famous  writers,  insomuch  as  the  remembrance  of 
their  calamity  is  now  as  to  posterity  but  as  a  little  pic 
ture  of  night-work,  remaining  amongst  the  fair  and 
excellent  tables  of  their  acts  and  works ; 2  and  all  three 
(if  that  were  any  thing  to  the  matter)  fit  examples  to 
quench  any  man's  ambition  of  rising  again  ;  for  that 
they  were  every  one  of  them  restored  with  great  glory, 
but  to  their  further  ruin  and  destruction,  ending  in  a 
violent  death.  The  men  were,  Demosthenes,  Cicero, 
and  Seneca  ;  persons  that  I  durst  not  claim  affinity 
with,  except  the  similitude  of  our  fortunes  had  con 
tracted  it.  When  I  had  cast  mine  eyes  upon  these  ex 
amples,  I  was  carried  on  further  to  observe  3  how  they 
did  bear  their  fortunes,  and  principally  how  they  did 
employ  their  times,  being  banished  and  disabled  for 
public  business  :  to  the  end  that  I  might  learn  by 
them  ;  and  that  they  might  be  as  well  my  counsellors 
as  my  comforters.  Whereupon  I  happened  to  note, 

1  Cogitationes  mece  moram  (fateor)  feet-runt,  imo  t-tiam  acquieverunt,  in 
tribus  prcecipue  viris;  tanquam  muxime  eminentibus,  et  cum  illafortuna  qum 
mea  uliquandofuit  conjunctissimis. 

2  The  rest  of  this  sentence  is  not  in  the  Cambridge  MS. 

8  Fuerunt  hi  tres  viri,  Demosthenes,  Cicero,  et  Seneca.  Quando  iyitur 
cum  viris  hisce  eximiis  me  turn  fortuna  turn  studio,  conjunxerint,  inquirere 
el  observare  ccepi,  ij'-c. 


DEDICATORY.  185 

how  diversely  their  fortunes  wrought  upon  them ;  espe 
cially  in  that  point  at  which  I  did  most  aim,  which  was 
the  employing  of  their  times  and  pens.  In  Cicero,  I 
saw  that  during  his  banishment  (which  was  almost  two 
years)  he  was  so  softened  and  dejected,  as  he  wrote 
nothing  but  a  few  womanish  epistles.1  And  yet,  in 
mine  opinion,  he  had  least  reason  of  the  three  to  be 
discouraged  :  for  that  although  it  was  judged,  and 
judged  by  the  highest  kind  of  judgment,  in  form  of  a 
statute  or  law,  that  he  should  be  banished,  and  his 
whole  estate  confiscated  and  seized,  and  his  houses 
pulled  down,  and  that  it  should  be  highly  penal  for  any 
man  to  propound  his  repeal  ;  yet  his  case  even  then 
had  no  great  blot  of  ignominy  ;  but  it  was  thought 
but  a  tempest  of  popularity2  which  overthrew  him. 
Demosthenes  contrariwise,  though  his  case  was  foul,3 
being  condemned  for  bribery  ;  and  not  simple  bribery, 
but  bribery  in  the  nature  of  treason  and  disloyalty; 
yet  nevertheless  took  so  little  knowledge  of  his  fortune, 
as  during  his  banishment  he  did  much  busy  himself  and 
intermeddle  with  matters  of  state ;  and  took  upon  him  to 
counsel  the  State  (as  if  he  had  been  still  at  the  helm) 
by  letters  ;  as  appears  by  some  epistles  of  his  which  are 
extant.  Seneca  indeed,  who  was  condemned  for  many 
corruptions  and  crimes,  and  banished  into  a  solitary  isl 
and,  kept  a  mean  ;  and  though  his  pen  did  not  freeze, 
yet  he  abstained  from  intruding  into  matters  of  busi 
ness  ;  but  spent  his  time  in  writing  books,  of  excellent 
argument  and  use  for  all  ages  ;  though  he  might  have 
made  better  choice  (sometimes)  of  his  dedications.* 

1  epistolas  quasdam  muliebres  .  .  .  omnia  questibus  implentes. 

2  temporis  proceUa. 

8  licet  judicium  quo  proscriberetur  ignominice  plenum  esset. 
4  licet  aliquos  eorum  dedicaverit,  minus  pro  diynitate. 


186  THE  EPISTLE 

These  examples  confirmed  me  much  in  a  resolution 
(whereunto  I  was  otherwise  inclined)  to  spend  my 
time1  wholly  in  writing;  and  to  put  forth  that  poor 
talent,  or  half  talent,  or  what  it  is,  that  God  hath  given 
me,  not  as  heretofore  to  particular  exchanges,  but  to 
banks  or  mounts  of  perpetuity,  which  will  not  break.2 
Therefore  having  not  long  since3  set  forth  a  part  of 
my  Instauration ;  which  is  the  work,  that  in  mine 
own  judgment  (si  nunqnani  fallit  itnayo)  I  do  most 
esteem  ;  I  think  to  proceed  in  some  new  parts  thereof.4 
And  although  I  have  received  from  many  parts  be 
yond  the  seas,  testimonies  touching  that  work,  such 
as  beyond  which  I  could  not  expect5  at  the  first  in 
so  abstruse  an  argument ;  yet  nevertheless  I  have  just 
cause  to  doubt,  that  it  flies  too  high  over  men's  heads:6 
I  have  a  purpose  therefore  (though  I  break  the  order 
of  time)  to  draw  it  down  to  the  sense,  by  some  pat 
terns  of  a  Natural  Story  and  Inquisition.7  And  again, 
for  that  my  book  of  Advancement  of  Learning  may  be 

1  concessum  mild  tempus. 

2  utque  taltntum  a  Deo  concreditum,  non  ul  prius  Trapezitis  particulari- 
bus,  sed  excambiis  publicis,  quce  nunquam  exhaurientur  et  usuram  pro  certo 
reddent,  committerem. 

3  ante  annos  aliquot. 

4  decrevi  certe  in  cceteris  ejus  partibus  minime  defatisci.      Quod  etiam  nunc 
ago. 

For  "  I  think  to  proceed  "  the  Cambridge  MS.  has  "  I  have  proceeded.'' 

5  quibus  nonpotuerim  majora,  cum  tarn  insiyni  approbations  et  honore  .... 
expectare. 

0  Jtominum,  prcesertim  vulgaris  judicii. 

"per  exempla  qucedam  et portiones  Naturalis  flistorice,  et  Inquisitiones  super 
earn  :  quod  etiam  ex  partefeci. 

The  Historia  Ventorum  was  published  about  the  beginning  of  November 
1622,  and  the  Historia  Vitce,  et  Mortis  about  the  end  of  the  following  Jan 
uary;  after  the  English  version  of  this  letter  was  written,  probably,  and 
before  it  was  translated.  In  the  Cambridge  MS.,  which  appears  to  be  of 
an  earlier  date  than  Rawley's  copy,  the  last  sentence  stands  thus:  "  I  have 
taken  a  course  to  draw  it  down  to  the  sense,  which  cannot  fail." 


DEDICATORY.  1ST 

some  preparative,  or  key,  for  the  better  opening  of 
the  Instauration ;  because  it  exhibits  a  mixture  of 
new  conceits  and  old ;  whereas  the  Instauration  gives 
the  new  unmixed,  otherwise  than  with  some  little  as 
persion  of  the  old  for  taste's  sake  ;  I  have  thought 
good  to  procure  a  translation  of  that  book  into  the 
general  language,1  not  without  great  and  ample  ad 
ditions  2  and  enrichment  thereof,  especially  in  the  sec 
ond  book,  which  handleth  the  Partition  of  Sciences ; 
in  such  sort,  as  I  hold  it  may  serve  in  lieu  of  the  first 
part  of  the  Instauration,  and  acquit  my  promise  in 
that  part.3  Again,  because  I  cannot  altogether  de 
sert  the  civil  person  that  I  have  borne ;  which  if  I 
should  forget,  enough  would  remember;  I  have  also 
entered  into  a  work  touching  Laws,  propounding  a 
character  of  Justice,  in  a  middle  term,  between  the 
speculative  and  reverend  discourses  of  philosophers, 
and  the  writings  of  lawyers  which  are  tied  and  ob 
noxious  to  their  particular  laws.4  And  although  it 
be  true,  that  I  had  a  purpose  to  make  a  particular 
digest  or  recompilement  of  the  laws  of  mine  own  na 
tion  ;  yet  because  it  is  a  work  of  assistance,  and  that 
that  I  cannot  master  by  mine  own  forces  and  pen,5  I 
have  laid  it  aside.  Now  having  in  the  work  of  my 

1  consentaneum  putavi  opus  illud  in  linguam  generalem  ex  vernacula  vertere. 

2  The  Cambridge  MS.  has  "  not  without  some  addition." 

3  idque  ita  cumulate  prcestiti,  ut  judicem  libwim  ilium,  jam  in  plures  di- 
visum,  pro  primd   Instaurationis  parte  haberi  posse ;    quam   Partitionum 
Scientiarum  nomine  anlea  insignivi:  et  sicjidem  meam  in  Tide  parte  liberari 
confido.     Atque  hoc  etiamjam  peraclum  est. 

The  De  Augmentis  Scientiarum  was  published  in  the  autumn  of  1623. 

4  The  following  sentence  is  added  in  the  translation.     Hoc  autem  opus, 
quoniam  tantum  absorpturum  fuisset  temporis,  atque  alia  jure  prcecedere  de- 
berent,  infectum  reliqui :   solummodo  portiunculam  ejus  quandam,  ad  exem 
plar,  in  uno  ex  libiis  De  Augmentis  Scientiarum  (octavo  scilicet)  exhibui. 

6  quia  plurimorum  manibus  indigebat  neque  ex  me 


188  THE   EPISTLE 

Instauration  had  in  contemplation  the  general  good 
of  men  in  their  very  being,  and  the  dowries  of  na 
ture  ; }  and  in  my  work  of  Laws,2  the  general  good 
of  men  likewise  in  society,  and  the  dowries  of  govern 
ment  ;  I  thought  in  duty  I  owed  somewhat  unto  mine 
own  country,  which  I  ever  loved  ;  insomuch  as  al 
though  my  place  hath  been  far  above  my  desert,  yet 
my  thoughts  and  cares  concerning  the  good  thereof 
were  beyond  and  over  and  above  my  place  :  so  now 
being  (as  I  am)  no  more  able  to  do  my  country  ser 
vice,  it  remained  unto  me  to  do  it  honour :  3  which  I 
have  endeavoured  to  do  in  my  work  of  The  reign  of 
King  Henry  the  Seventh.  As  for  my  Essays,  and 
some  other  particulars  of  that  nature,  I  count  them 
but  as  the  recreations  of  my  other  studies,  and  in  that 
sort  purpose  to  continue  them  ;  4  though  I  am  not  ig 
norant  that  those  kind  of  writings  would  with  less  pains 
and  embracement  (perhaps)  yield  more  lustre  and  rep 
utation  to  my  name  than  those  other  which  I  have  in 
hand.  But  I  account  the  use  that  a  man  should  seek 
of  the  publishing  of  his  own  writings  before  his  death, 

J.  O  Q 


1  universi  generis  liumani  bonum  mihi  ante   oculos  propose  rim ;  ut  vita 
humana  excoleretur,  bearetur,  et  ampliori  a  uaturd  dote  donnretur. 

2  in  opere  autem  illo  de  Leyibus,  cujus  initia  perstrinxi  (ut  dictum  est). 

3  Quocirca  (prcesertim  cum  opus  illud  de  Leyibus  Patriis  deposuissem)  ho- 
norem  aliquam  patrice  dilectie  exldbere  volui. 

4  Quantum  vero  ad  librum  ilium  jampridem  edition,  cui  anted  titulus  Del- 
ibationes  Morales  et  Civiles,  mine  autem  Sennoncs  Fideles  she,  Interiora 
Rerum  inscribitur ;    eum   etiarn  multiplicity r  anxi  ct  dttnrt:  et   in   linyuam 
qwque,  Latinam  e   vernacula   verti  curari.     Illud   (intern  scriptorum  yenm 
animi  reficiendi  et  levandi  causa  subinde  tracto. 

The  enlarged  edition  of  the  Essays  was  published  in  1025  with  the  title 
Essays  or  Counsels  Civil  and  Moral.  The  Latin  translation  may  possibly 
have  been  going  on  at  the  same  time,  though  it  was  not  published  during 
Bacon's- life.  It  would  seem  however  from  this  addition  that  the  Latin 
version  of  this  dedicatory  letter  was  one  of  Bacon's  latest  writings. 


DEDICATORY.  189 

to  be  but  an  untimely  anticipation  of  that  which  is 
proper  to  follow  a  man  and  not  to  go  along  with 
him.1 

But  revolving  with  myself  my  writings,  as  well 
those  which  I  have  published,  as  those  which  I  had 
in  hand,  methought  they  went  all  into  the  city, 
and  none  into  the  temple ; 2  where  because  I  have 
found  so  great  consolation,  I  desire  likewise  to  make 
some  poor  oblation.  Therefore  I  have  chosen  an 
argument  mixt  of  religious  and  civil  considerations  ; 
and  likewise  mixt  between  contemplative  and  active.3 
For  who  can  tell  whether  there  may  not  be  an  Exo- 
riere  aliquis  ?  Great  matters  (especially  if  they  be 
religious)  have  (many  times)  small  beginnings  :  and 
the  platform  may  draw  on  the  building.  This  work, 
because  I  was  ever  an  enemy  to  flattering  dedica 
tions,  I  have  dedicated  to  your  lordship,  in  respect 
of  our  ancient  and  private  acquaintance;  and  because 
amongst  the  men  of  our  times  I  hold  you  in  special 
reverence. 

Your  lordship's  loving  friend, 

FR.  ST.  ALBAX. 

1  This  sentence  is  omitted  in  the  translation ;  and  instead  of  it  the  fol 
lowing  is  inserted.      Quinetiam  libettum  meum  De  Sapientia  Veterum,  ut 
ab  interitu  tutior  esset,  in  Tomo  Operum  meorum  Moralium  et  Politicorum 
rursus  edendum  curavi. 

2  Exceptis paucis  (the  translation  adds)  alicubi  inspersis,  quce  ad  Religi- 
onem  spectant. 

3  Tractatum  scilicet  De  Bello  Sacro. 


AN 

ADVERTISEMENT1 


TOUCHING 


AN    HOLY    WAR 


The  Persons  that  speak. 
EUSEBIUS.    GAMALIEL.    ZEBED^EUS.    MARTIUS.    EUPOLIS.    POLLIO. 

Characters  of  the  Persons. 

Eusebius  beareth  the  character  of  a  Moderate  Divine.  Gamaliel  of  a 
Protestant  Zelant.  Zebedaeus  of  a  Romish  Catholic  Zelant.  Martius 
of  a  Militar  Man.  Eupolis  of  a  Politique.  Pollio  of  a  Courtier.2 


THERE  met  at  Paris  (in  the  house  of  Eupolis)  Eu 
sebius,  Zebedceus,  Gamaliel,  Martius,  all  persons  of 
eminent  quality,  but  of  several  dispositions.  Eupolis 
himself  was  also  present ;  and  while  they  were  set  in 
conference,  Pollio  came  in  to  them  from  court;  and  as 
soon  as  he  saw  them,  after  his  witty  and  pleasant  man 
ner,  he  said  : 

POLLIO.  Here  be  four  of  you,  I  think  were  able 
to  make  a  good  World  ;  for  you  are  as  differing  as 
the  four  Elements,  and  yet  you  are  friends.  As  for 

1  Dlalogus. 

2  Zebedzeus,  Romano- Catholicus,  fervidus  et  Zelotes.     Gamaliel,  in  Rdig- 
ione  Reformata,  fervidus  item  et  Ztlotes.     Eusebius,  Theoloyus   Orthodoxus 
et  moderatus.     Martius,  vir  Mllltaris.     Eupolis,  Politicus.     Pollio,  Aulicus. 
Omnes  prceter  Gamalielem  Romano- Catholici. 


192  AN  ADVERTISEMENT 

Eupolis,  because  he  is  temperate  and  without  passion, 
he  may  be  the  Fifth  Essence. 

EUPOLIS.  If  we  five  (Pollio)  make  the  Great 
World,  you  alone  may  make  the  Little  ;  because  you 
profess  and  practise  both,  to  refer  all  things  to  your 
self. 

POLLIO.  And  what  do  they  that  practise  it,  and 
profess  it  not  ? 

EUPOLIS.  They  are  the  less  hardy,1  and  the  more 
dangerous.  But  come  and  sit  down  with  us,  for  wre 
were  speaking  of  the  affairs  of  Christendom  at  this 
day  ;  wherein  we  would  be  glad  also  to  have  your 
opinion. 

POLLIO.  My  lords,  I  have  journeyed  this  morning, 
and  it  is  now  the  heat  of  the  day  ;  therefore  your 
lordship's  discourses  had  need  content  my  ears  very 
well,  to  make  them  intreat  mine  eyes  to  keep  open. 
But  yet  if  you  will  give  me  leave  to  awake  you, 
when  I  think  your  discourses  do  but  sleep,  I  will 
keep  watch  the  best  I  can. 

EUPOLIS.  You  cannot  do  us  a  greater  favour. 
Only  I  fear  you  will  think  all  our  discourses  to  be 
but  the  better  sort  of  dreams  ;  for  good  wishes,  with 
out  power  to  effect,2  are  not  much  more.  But, 
Sir,  when  you  came  in,  Martins  had  both  raised  our 
attentions  and  affected  us  with  some  speech  he  had 
begun ;  and  it  falleth  out  well  to  shake  off'  your 
drowsiness  ;  for  it  seemed  to  be  the  trumpet  of  a 
War.  And  therefore  (Martins)  if  it  please  you  to 
begin  again  ;  for  the  speech  was  such  as  deserveth 
to  be  heard  twice ;  and  I  assure  you,  your  auditory 
is  not  a  little  amended  by  the  presence  of  Pollio. 

1  minus  animosi.  2  absque  spe  effectus,  nedum  tentandi  eopm. 


TOUCHING  AN  HOLY  WAR.  193 

MARTIUS.  When  you  came  in  (Pollio),  I  was  say 
ing  freely  to  these  lords,  that  I  had  observed  how  by 
the  space  now  of  half  a  century  of  years  there  had 
been  (if  I  may  speak  it)  a  kind  of  meanness  in  the 
designs  and  enterprises  of  Christendom.  Wars  with 
subjects  ;  like  an  angry  suit  for  a  man's  own,  that 
mought  be  better  ended  by  accord.  Some  petty  ac 
quests  of  a  town,  or  a  spot  of  territory  ;  like  a  farm 
er's  purchase  of  a  close  or  nook  of  ground  that  lay 
fit  for  him.  And  although  the  wars  had  been  for  a 
Naples,  or  a  Milan,  or  a  Portugal,  or  a  Bohemia,  yet 
these  wars  were  but  as  the  wars  of  Heathen,  (of 
Athens,  or  Sparta,  or  Rome,)  for  secular  interest  or 
ambition,  not  worthy  the  warfare  of  Christians.  The 
Church  (indeed)  maketh  her  missions  into  the  ex 
treme  parts  of  the  nations  and  isles  ;  and  it  is  well : 1 
but  this  is  Ecce  unus  gladius  hie.  The  Christian 
princes  and  potentates  are  they  that  are  wanting  to 
the  propagation  of  the  Faith  by  their  arms.  Yet  our 
Lord,  that  said  on  earth  to  the  disciples,  Ite  et  prce- 
dicate,  said  from  heaven  to  Constantine,  In  hoc  signo 
vince.  What  Christian  soldier  is  there  that  will  not 
be  touched  with  a  religious  emulation  to  see  an  order 
of  Jesus,  or  of  St.  Francis,  or  of  St.  Augustine,  do 
such  service  for  enlarging  the  Christian  borders  ;  and 
an  order  of  St.  Jago,  or  St.  Michael,  or  St.  George, 
only  to  robe,  and  feast,  and  perform  rites  and  observ 
ances  ? 2  Surely  the  merchants  themselves  shall  rise 
in  judgment  against  the  princes  and  nobles  of  Europe. 
For  they  have  made  a  great  path  in  the  seas  unto  the 

1  nobili  opera  atque  institute. 

2  nihil  aliudfere  perpetrare,  neque  majora  meditari,  quam  ut  vestes  solen- 
nes  induant,  festa  patronorum  suorum  anniversaria  celebrent,  et  cceteros  ritus 
ac  casremonias  wdinis  sui  observent. 

VOL.    XIII.  13 


194  AN  ADVERTISEMENT 

ends  of  the  world  ;  and  set  forth  ships  and  forces  of 
Spanish,  English,  and  Dutch,  enough  to  make  China 
tremble ; l  and  all  this  for  pearl,  or  stone,  or  spices  : 
but  for  the  pearl  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  or  the 
stones  of  the  heavenly  Hierusalem,  or  the  spices  of 
the  spouse's  garden,  not  a  mast  hath  been  set  up. 
Nay  they  can  make  shift  to  shed  Christian  blood  so 
far  off  amongst  themselves,2  and  not  a  drop  for  the 
cause  of  Christ.  But  let  me  recall  myself;  I  must 
acknowledge  that  within  the  space  of  fifty  years 
(whereof  I  spake)  there  have  been  three  noble  and 
memorable  actions  upon  the  infidels,  wherein  the 
Christian  hath  been  the  invader.  For  where  it  is 
upon  the  defensive,  I  reckon  it  a  war  of  nature,3  and 
not  of  piety.  The  first  was  that  famous  and  fortunate 
war  by  sea  that  ended  in  the  victory  of  Lepanto  ; 
which  hath  put  a  hook  into  the  nostrils  of  the  Otto 
mans  to  this  day  ;  which  was  the  work  (chiefly)  of 
that  excellent  Pope,  Pius  Quintus  ;  whom  I  wonder 
his  successors  have  not  declared  a  saint.  The  second 
was  the  noble,  though  unfortunate,  expedition  of  Se 
bastian  King  of  Portugal  upon  Africk,  which  was 
atchieved  by  him  alone  ;  so  alone,  as  left  somewhat 
for  others  to  excuse.  The  last  was,  the  brave  in 
cursions  of  Sigismund  the  Transylvanian  prince  ;  the 
thread  of  whose  prosperity  was  cut  off  by  the  Chris 
tians  themselves  ;  contrary  to  the  worthy  and  pater 
nal  monitories  of  Pope  Clement  the  eighth.  More 

1  O 

than  these,  I  do  not  remember. 

POLLIO.     No  !     What  say  you  to  the  extirpation  of 
the  Moors  of  Valentia  ? 

1  quantce  Indicts  quidem  et  Chinnm  tremefacere  el  concutere  possint. 

2  Illud  interim  pro  nihilo  cluctint,  sanguinem   Christianum  inpartibus  tarn 
remotis  inter  se  prceliantes  effundere. 

3  Ntccssitatis. 


TOUCHING  AN  HOLY  WAR.  195 

At  which  sudden  question,  Martins  was  a  little  at  a 
stop  ;  and  Gamaliel  prevented  him,  and  said : 

GAMALIEL.  I  think  Martins  did  well  in  omitting 
that  action,  for  I,  for  my  part,  never  approved  it  ;  and 
it  seems  God  was  not  well  pleased  with  that  deed  ;  for 
you  see  the  king  in  whose  time  it  passed  (whom  you 
catholics  count  a  saint-like  and  immaculate  prince) 
was  taken  away  in  the  flower  of  his  age  :  and  the 
author  and  great  counsellor  of  that  rigour  (whose 
fortunes  seemed  to  be  built  upon  the  rock)  is  ruined : 
and  it  is  thought  by  some  that  the  reckonings  of  that 
business  are  not  yet  cleared  with  Spain  ;  for  that  num 
bers  of  those  supposed  Moors,  being  tried  now  by  their 
exile,  continue  constant  in  the  faith,  and  true  Chris 
tians  in  all  points,  save  in  the  thirst  of  revenge. 

ZEBED^EUS.  Make  not  hasty  judgment  (Gamaliel) 
of  that  great  action ;  which  was  as  Christ's  fan  in 
those  countries  ;  except  you  could  show  some  such 
covenant  from  the  crown  of  Spain,  as  Joshua  made 
with  the  Gibconites  ;  that  that  cursed  seed  should 
continue  in  the  land.  And  you  see  it  was  done  by 
edict,  not  tumultuously  ;  the  sword  was  not  put  into 
the  people's  hand. 

EUPOLIS.  I  think  Martius  did  omit  it,  not  as  mak 
ing  any  judgment  of  it  either  way,  but  because  it 
sorted  not  aptly  with  actions  of  war,  being  upon  sub 
jects,  and  without  resistance.  But  let  us,  if  you 
think  good,  give  Martius  leave  to  proceed  in  his  dis 
course  ;  for  methought  he  spake  like  a  divine  in  ar 
mour. 

MARTIUS.  It  is  true  (Eupolis)  that  the  principal 
object  which  I  have  before  mine  eyes,  in  that  whereof 


196  AN  ADVERTISEMENT 

I  speak,  is  piety  and  religion.  But  nevertheless,  if  I 
should  speak  only  as  a  natural  man,  I  should  persuade 
the  same  thing.  For  there  is  no  such  enterprise,  at 
this  day,  for  secular  greatness  and  terrene  honour,  as 
a  war  upon  infidels.  Neither  do  I  in  this  propound 
a  novelty,  or  imagination,  but  that  which  is  proved 
by  late  examples  of  the  same  kind,  though  perhaps  of 
less  difficulty.  The  Castilians,  the  age  before  that 
wherein  we  live,  opened  the  new  world  ;  and  subdued 
and  planted  Mexico,  Peru,  Chile,  and  other  parts  of 
the  A\rest  Indies.  We  see  what  floods  of  treasure 
have  flowed  into  Europe  by  that  action  ;  so  that  the 
cense  or  rates  of  Christendom  are  raised  since  ten 
times,  yea  twenty  times  told.  Of  this  treasure,  it  is 
true,  the  gold  was  accumulate  and  store-treasure,  for 
the  most  part :  but  the  silver  is  still  growing.  Be 
sides,  infinite  is  the  access  of  territory  and  empire  by 
the  same  enterprise.  For  there  was  never  an  hand 
drawn  that  did  double  the  rest  of  the  habitable  world, 
before  this  ;  for  so  a  man  may  truly  term  it,  if  he  shall 
put  to  account  as  well  that  that  is,  as  that  which  may 
be  hereafter  by  the  further  occupation  and  colonizing  of 
those  countries.  And  yet  it  cannot  be  affirmed  (if  one 
speak  ingenuously)  that  it  was  the  propagation  of  the 
Christian  faith  that  wTas  the  adamant  of  that  discovery, 
entry,  and  plantation ;  but  gold  and  silver  and  temporal 
profit  and  glory  :  so  that  what  was  first  in  God's  provi 
dence  was  but  second  in  man's  appetite  and  intention. 
The  like  may  be  said  of  the  famous  navigations  and 
conquests  of  Emmanuel  King  of  Portugal,  whose 
arms  began  to  circle  Africk  and  Asia  ;  and  to  ac 
quire  not  only  the  trade  of  spices  and  stones  and 
musk  and  drugs,  but  footing  and  places  in  those  ex- 


TOUCHING  AN  HOLY   WAR.  197 

treme  parts  of  the  east.  For  neither  in  this  was  re 
ligion  the  principal,  but  amplification  and  enlarge 
ment  of  riches  and  dominion.  And  the  effect  of 
these  two  enterprises  is  now  such,  that  both  the  East 
and  the  West  Indies  being  met  in  the  crown  of  Spain, 
it  is  come  to  pass  that  (as  one  saith  in  a  brave  kind  of 
expression)  the  sun  never  sets  in  the  Spanish  dominions, 
but  ever  shines  upon  one  part  or  other  of  them  :  which, 
to  say  truly,  is  a  beam  of  glory,  (though  I  cannot  say 
it  is  so  solid  a  body  of  glory,)  wherein  the  crown  of 
Spain  surpasseth  all  the  former  monarchies.  So  as 
to  conclude,  we  may  see  that  in  these  actions  upon 
gentiles  or  infidels,  only  or  chiefly,  both  the  spiritual 
and  temporal  honour  and  good  have  been  in  one  pur 
suit  and  purchase  conjoined. 

POLLIO.  Methinks,  with  your  favour,  you  should 
remember  (Martius)  that  wild  and  savage  people  are 
like  beasts  and  birds,  which  are  ferce  naturce,  the  prop 
erty  of  which  passeth  with  the  possession,  and  goeth 
to  the  occupant ;  but  of  civil  people,  it  is  not  so. 

MAHTIUS.  I  know  no  such  difference  amongst  rea 
sonable  souls,  but  that  whatsoever  is  in  order  to  the 
greatest  and  most  general  good  of  people  may  justify 
the  action,  be  the  people  more  or  less  civil.  But 
(Pollio)  l  I  shall  not  easily  grant  that  the  people  of 
Peru  or  Mexico  were  sucli  brute  savages  as  you  intend  ; 
or  that  there  should  be  any  such  difference  between 
them  and  many  of  the  infidels  which  are  now  in  other 
parts.  In  Peru,  though  they  were  un apparelled  peo 
ple,  according  to  the  clime  ; 2  and  had  some  customs 
very  barbarous ;  yet  the  government  of  the  Incaes  had 

1  So  in  the  Latin,  and  in  the  MSS.     The  printed  copy  has  Eupolis;  ob 
viously  a  mistake. 

2  teniperatura  fortasse  climatis  hoc  postulante. 


198  AN  ADVERTISEMENT 

many  parts  of  humanity  and  civility.  They  had  re 
duced  the  nations  from  the  adoration  of  a  multitude  of 
idols  and  fancies,  to  the  adoration  of  the  sun.  And, 
as  I  remember,  the  Book  of  Wisdom  noteth  degrees 
of  idolatry  ;  making  that  of  worshipping  petty  and  vile 
idols  more  gross  than  simply  the  worshipping  of  the 
creature.  And  some  of  the  prophets,  as  I  take  it,  do 
the  like,  in  the  metaphor  of  more  ugly  and  bestial  for 
nication.  The  Peruvians  also  (under  the  Incaes)  had 
magnificent  temples  of  their  superstition  ;  they  had 
strict  and  regular  justice  ;  they  bare  great  faith  and 
obedience  to  their  kings ;  they  proceeded  in  a  kind  of 
martial  justice  with  their  enemies,1  offering  them  their 
law,  as  better  for  their  own  good,  before  they  drew 
their  sword.  And  much  like  was  the  state  of  Mexico, 
being  an  elective2  monarchy.  As  for  those  people  of 
the  east  (Goa,  Calacute,  Malacca)  they  were  a  fine 
and  dainty  people  ;  frugal  and  yet  elegant,  though  not 
militar.  So  that  if  things  be  rightly  weighed,  the  em 
pire  of  the  Turks  may  be  truly  affirmed  to  be  more 
barbarous  than  any  of  these.  A  cruel  tyranny,  bathed 
in  the  blood  of  their  emperors  upon  every  succession  ; 
a  heap  of  vassals  and  slaves ;  no  nobles,  no  gentlemen, 
no  freemen,  no  inheritance  of  land,  no  stirp  of  ancient 
families ; 3  a  people  that  is  without  natural  affection, 
and,  as  the  Scripture  saith,  that  regardeth  not  the  desires 
of  ivomen :  and  without  piety  or  care  towards  their 
children :  a  nation  without  morality,  without  letters, 
arts,  or  sciences  ;  that  can  scarce  measure  an  acre  of 
land,  or  an  hour  of  the  day :  base  and  sluttish  in  build- 

1  nc  sijusfwcialium  novissent, 

2  electivd,  non  hceredilarid. 

3  milte   slirpes   nntiquce.     I  have  followed  the  reading  of  the  MS.  here. 
The  printed  copy  has  "  no  stirp  or  ancient  families." 


TOUCHING  AN  HOLY  WAR.  199 

ings,  diets,  and  the  like  ;  and  in  a  word,  a  very  reproach 
of  human  society.  And  yet  this  nation  hath  made  the 
garden  of  the  world  a  wilderness  ;  for  that,  as  it  is 
truly  said  concerning  the  Turks,  where  Ottoman's  horse 
sets  his  foot,  people  will  come  up  very  thin. 

POLLIO.  Yet  in  the  midst  of  your  invective  (Mar- 
tius)  do  the  Turks  this  right,  as  to  remember  that  they 
are  no  idolaters :  for  if,  as  you  say,  there  be  a  differ 
ence  between  worshipping  a  base  idol  and  the  sun,  there 
is  a  much  greater  difference  between  worshipping  a 
creature  and  the  Creator.  For  the  Turks  do  acknowl 
edge  God  the  Father,  creator  of  heaven  and  earth, 
being  the  first  person  in  the  Trinity,  though  they  deny 
the  rest. 

At  which  speech  when  Martins  made  some  pause,  Zeb- 
edceus  replied  with  a  countenance  of  great  reprehension 
and  severity : 

ZEBED^US.  We  must  take  heed  (Pollio)  that  we 
fall  not  at  unawares  into  the  heresy  of  Manuel  Com- 
nenus,  Emperor  of  Grsecia,  who  affirmed  that  Ma 
homet's  God  was  the  true  God :  which  opinion  was 
not  only  rejected  and  condemned  by  the  synod,  but 
imputed  to  the  Emperor  as  extreme  madness  ; ]  being 
reproached  to  him  also  by  the  Bishop  of  Thessalonica, 
in  those  bitter  and  strange  words  as  are  not  to  be 
named. 

MARTIUS.  I  confess  that  it  is  my  opinion,  that  a 
war  upon  the  Turk  is  more  worthy  than  upon  any 
other  gentiles,  infidels,  or  savages,  that  either  have 
been  or  now  are,  both  in  point  of  religion  and  in  point 
of  honour ;  though  facility  and  hope  of  success  mought 

1  veluti  imanice  species  qucedam. 


200  AN  ADVERTISEMENT 

(perhaps)  invite  some  other  choice.  But  before  I  pro 
ceed,  both  myself  would  be  glad  to  take  some  breath ; 
and  I  shall  frankly  desire  that  some  of  your  lordships 
would  take  your  turn  to  speak,  that  can  do  it  better. 
But  chiefly,  for  that  I  see  here  some  that  are  excellent 
interpreters  of  the  divine  law,  though  in  several  ways ; 
and  that  I  have  reason  to  distrust  mine  own  judgment, 
both  as  weak  in  itself,  and  as  that  which  may  be  over 
borne  by  my  zeal  and  affection  to  this  cause  ;  I  think 
it  were  an  error  to  speak  further,  till  I  may  see  some 
sound  foundation  laid  of  the  lawfulness  oi  the  action, 
by  them  that  are  better  versed  in  that  argument. 

EUPOLIS.  I  am  glad  (Martius)  to  see  in  a  person 
of  your  profession  so  great  moderation,  in  that  you 
are  not  transported,  in  an  action  that  warms  the  blood 
and  is  appearing  holy,  to  blanch  or  take  for  admitted 
the  point  of  lawfulness.  And  because  methinks  this 
conference  prospers,  if  your  lordships  will  give  me  leave, 
I  will  make  some  motion  touching  the  distribution  of 
it  into  parts. 

Unto  which  when  they  all  assented,  Enpolis  said : 

EUPOLIS.  I  think  it  would  not  sort  amiss,  if  Zebe- 
dseus  would  be  pleased  to  handle  the  question,  Whether 
a  war  for  the  propagation  of  the  Christian  faith,  with 
out  other  cause  of  hostility,  be  lawful  or  no,  and  in 
what  cases  ?  I  confess  also,  I  would  be  glad  to  go  a 
little  further  ;  and  to  hear  it  spoken  to  concerning  the 
lawfulness,  not  only  permissively,  but  whether  it  be 
not  obligatory  to  Christian  princes  and  states  to  design 
it ;  which  part,  if  it  please  Gamaliel  to  undertake,  the 
point  of  the  lawfulness  taken  simply  will  be  complete. 
Yet  there  resteth  the  comparative  :  that  is,  it  being 


TOUCHING  AN  HOLY  WAR.  201 

granted  that  it  is  either  lawful  or  binding,  yet  whether 
other  things  be  not  to  be  preferred  before  it ;  as  extir 
pation  of  heretics,  reconcilements  of  schisms,  pursuit 
of  lawful  temporal  rights  and  quarrels,  and  the  like ; 
and  how  far  this  enterprise  ought  either  to  wait  upon 
these  other  matters,  or  to  be  mingled  with  them,  or  to 
pass  by  them  and  give  law  to  them  as  inferior  unto  it 
self?  And  because  this  is  a  great  part,  and  Eusebius 
hath  yet  said  nothing,  we  will  by  way  of  mulct  or 
pain,  if  your  lordships  think  good,  lay  it  upon  him. 
All  this  while,  I  doubt  much  that  Pollio,  who  hath  a 
sharp  wit  of  discovery  towards  what  is  solid  and  real 
and  what  is  specious  and  airy,  will  esteem  all  this  but 
impossibilities,  and  eagles  in  the  clouds  :  and  therefore 
we  shall  all  intreat  him  to  crush  this  argument  with  his 
best  forces  :  that  by  the  light  we  shall  take  from  him, 
we  may  either  cast  it  away,  if  it  be  found  but  a  bladder, 
or  discharge  it  of  so  much  as  is  vain  and  not  sperable. 
And  because  I  confess  I  myself  am  not  of  that  opinion, 
(although  it  be  an  hard  encounter  to  deal  with  Pollio) 
yet  I  shall  do  my  best  to  prove  the  enterprise  possible, 
and  to  shew  how  all  impediments  may  be  either  re 
moved  or  overcomen.  And  then  it  will  be  fit  for  Mar- 
tius  (if  we  do  not  desert  it  before)  to  resume  his 
further  discourse,  as  well  for  the  persuasive,  as  for  the 
consult  touching  the  means,  preparations,  and  all  that 
may  conduce  unto  the  enterprise.  But  this  is  but  my 
wish,  your  lordships  will  put  it  into  better  order. 

They  all  not  only  allowed  the  distribution,  but  accepted 
the  parts  :  but  because  the  day  was  spent,  they  agreed  to 
defer  it  till  the  next  morning.  Only  Pollio  said  : 

POLLIO.     You  take  me  right  (Eupolis)  ;  for  I  am 


202  AN  ADVERTISEMENT 

of  opinion,  that  except  yon  could  bray  Christendom  in 
a  mortar,  and  mould  it  into  a  new  paste,  there  is  no 
possibility  of  an  Holy  War.  And  I  was  ever  of  opin 
ion,  that  the  Philosopher's  Stone,  and  an  Holy  War, 
were  but  the  rendez-vous  of  cracked  brains,  that  wore 
their  feather  in  their  head  instead  of  their  hat.  Nev 
ertheless  believe  me  of  courtesy,  that  if  you  five  shall 
be  of  another  mind,  especially  after  you  have  heard 
what  I  can  say,  I  shall  be  ready  to  certify  with  Hippoc 
rates,  that  Athens  l  is  mad  and  Democritus  is  only 
sober.2  And  lest  you  should  take  me  for  altogether 
adverse,  I  will  franklv  contribute  to  the  business  now 
at  first.  Ye,  no  doubt,  will  amongst  you  devise  and 
discourse  many  solemn  matters :  but  do  as  I  shall  tell 
you.  This  Pope  is  decrepit,  and  the  bell  goeth  for 
him.  Take  order,  that  when  he  is  dead,  there  be  chosen 
a  Pope  of  fresh  years,  between  fifty  and  three-score  ; 
and  see  that  he  take  the  name  of  Urban,  because 
a  Pope  of  that  name  did  first  institute  the  cruzada, 
and  (as  with  an  holy  trumpet)  did  stir  up  the  voy 
age  for  the  Holy  Land. 

EUPOLTS.  You  say  well;  but  be,  I  pray  you,  a  little 
more  serious  in  this  conference. 

The  next  day  the  same  persons  met,  as  they  had  ap 
pointed ;  and  after  they  were  set,  and  that  there  had 
passed  some  sporting  speeches  from  Pollio,  how  the  war 
was  already  begun,  for  that  (lie  said)  he  had  dreamt  of 
nothing  but  Janizaries  and  Tartars  and  Sultans  all  the 
night  long,  Martins  said: 

J-  So  both  the  printed  copy  and  the  MSS.  The  Latin  translation  has 
Aihenienses.  It  ought  to  be  Abdtru.. 

2  The,  remainder  of  this  speech  is  not  in  the  MS.  Eupolis's  answer  is 
illegible  from  the  fading  of  the  ink.  The  words,  I  think,  are  "at  your 
pleasure." 


TOUCHING  AN  HOLY  WAR.  203 

MARTIUS.  The  distribution  of  this  conference, 
which  was  made  by  Eupolis  yesternight,  and  was  by 
us  approved,  seemeth  to  me  perfect,  save  in  one  point ; 
and  that  is,  not  in  the  number,  but  in  the  placing  of 
the  parts.  For  it  is  so  disposed,  that  Pollio  and  Eupo 
lis  shall  debate  the  possibility  or  impossibility  of  the 
action,  before  I  shall  deduce  the  particulars  of  the 
means  and  manner  by  which  it  is  to  be  achieved. 
Now  I  have  often  observed  in  deliberations,  that  the 
entering  near  hand  into  the  manner  of  performance 
and  execution  of  that  which  is  under  deliberation  hath 
quite  overturned  the  opinion  formerly  conceived  of  the 
possibility  or  impossibility.  So  that  things  that  at  the 
first  show  seemed  possible,  by  ripping  up  the  perform 
ance  of  them  have  been  convicted  of  impossibility ;  and 
things  that  on  the  other  side  have  showed  impossible, 
by  the  declaration  of  the  means  to  effect  them,  as  by  a 
back  light,  have  appeared  possible,  the  way  thorough 
them  being  discerned.  This  I  speak,  not  to  alter  the 
order,  but  only  to  desire  Pollio  and  Eupolis  not  to 
speak  peremptorily  or  conclusively  touching  the  point 
of  possibility,  till  they  have  heard  me  deduce  the  means 
of  the  execution  :  and  that  done,  to  reserve  themselves 
at  liberty  for  a  reply,  after  they  had  before  them,  as  it 
were,  a  model  of  the  enterprise. 

This  grave  and  solid  advertisement  and  caution  of 
Martins  was  much  commended  by  them  all ;  whereupon 
Eupolis  said: 

EUPOLIS.     Since  Martins  hath  be<nm  to  refine  that 

O 

which  was  yesternight  resolved,  I  may  the  better  have 
leave  (especially  in  the  mending  of  a  proposition  which 
was  mine  own)  to  remember  an  omission,  which  is 


204  AN  ADVERTISEMENT 

more  than  a  misplacing.  For  I  doubt  we  ought  to 
have  added  or  inserted  into  the  point  of  lawfulness, 
the  question  how  far  an  Holy  War  is  to  be  pursued, 
whether  to  displanting  and  extermination  of  people  ? 
And  again,  whether  to  enforce  a  new  belief,  and  to 
vindicate  or  punish  infidelity ;  or  only  to  subject  the 
countries  and  people  ;  and  so  by  the  temporal  sword 
to  open  a  door  for  the  spiritual  sword  to  enter,  by  per 
suasion,  instruction,  and  such  means  as  are  proper  for 
souls  and  consciences?  But  it  may  be,  neither  is  this 
necessary  to  be  made  a  part  by  itself;  for  that  Zebe- 
da?us,  in  his  wisdom,  will  fall  into  it  as  an  incident  to 
the  point  of  lawfulness,  which  cannot  be  handled  with 
out  limitations  and  distinctions. 

ZEBEDJEUS.  You  encourage  me  (Eupolis),  in  that  I 
perceive  how  in  your  judgment  (which  I  do  so  much 
esteem)  I  ought  to  take  that  course  which  of  myself  I 
was  purposed  to  do.  For  as  Martins  noted  well  that 
it  is  but  a  loose  thing  to  speak  of  possibilities  without 
the  particular  designs ;  so  is  it  to  speak  of  lawfulness 
without  the  particular  cases.  I  will  therefore  first  of 
all  distinguish  the  cases ;  though  you  shall  give  me 
leave  in  the  handling  of  them  not  to  sever  them  with 
too  much  preciseness ;  for  both  it  would  cause  needless 
length,  and  we  are  not  now  in  arts  or  methods,  bnt  in 
a  conference.  It  is  therefore  first  to  be  put  to  question 
in  general,  (as  Eupolis  propounded  it,)  whether  it  be 
lawful  for  Christian  princes  or  states  to  make  an  inva 
sive  war,  only  and  simply  for  the  propagation  of  the 
faith,  without  other  cause  of  hostility,  or  circumstance 
that  may  provoke  and  induce  the  war  ?  Secondly, 
whether,  it  being  made  part  of  the  case  that  the  coun 
tries  were  once  Christian  and  members  of  the  Church 


TOUCHING  AN  HOLY   WAR. 


205 


and  where  the  golden  candlesticks  did  stand,  though 
now  they  be  utterly  alienated  and  no  Christians  left, 
it  be  not  lawful  to  make  a  war  to  restore  them  to  the 
Church,  as  an  ancient  patrimony  of  Christ  ?  Thirdly, 
if  it  be  made  a  further  part  of  the  case,  that  there  are 
yet  remaining  in  the  countries  multitudes  of  Christians, 
whether  it  be  not  lawful  to  make  a  war  to  free  them 
and  deliver  them  from  the  servitude  of  the  infidels  ? 
Fourthly,  whether  it  be  not  lawful  to  make  a  war  for 
the  purging  and  recovery  of  consecrate  places,  being 
now  polluted  and  profaned  ;  as  the  Holy  City  and 
Sepulchre,  and  such  other  places  of  principal  adoration 
and  devotion  ?  Fifthly,  whether  it  be  not  lawful  to 
make  a  war  for  the  revenge  or  vindication  of  blasphe 
mies  and  reproaches  against  the  Deity  and  our  blessed 
Saviour  ;  or  for  the  effusion  of  Christian  blood,  and 
cruelties  against  Christians,  though  ancient  and  long 
since  past ;  considering  that  God's  visits  are  without 
limitation  of  time,  and  many  times  do  but  expect  the 
fulness  of  the  sin  ?  Sixthly,  it  is  to  be  considered  (as 
Eupolis  now  last  well  remembered)  whether  a  Holy 
War  (which,  as  in  the  worthiness  of  the  quarrel,  so 
in  the  justness  of  the  prosecution,  ought  to  exceed  all 
temporal  wars)  may  be  pursued  either  to  the  expulsion 
of  people  or  the  enforcement  of  consciences  or  the  like 
extremities  ;  or  how  to  be  moderated  and  limited  ;  lest 
whilst  we  remember  we  are  Christians,  we  forget  that 
others  are  men  ? l  But  there  is  a  point  that  precedeth 

1  The  passage  which  follows,  to  the  end  of  the  paragraph,  is  not  in  the 
Harl.  MS.  It  is  one  of  the  passages  which  appear  to  have  been  inserted  on 
revision,  and  to  which  I  alluded  in  the  preface  as  indicating  an  intention  to 
limit  the  Holy  War  to  a  war  against  the  Turks  specially,  and  a  war  not  for 
religion  simply,  but  with  "a  mixture  of  civil  titles."  The  same  thing  is 
observable  in  Zebedaeus's  next  speech,  which  was  probably  written  at  a 


206  AN  ADVERTISEMENT 

all  these  points  recited ;  nay  and  in  a  manner  dis- 
chargeth  them,  in  the  particular  of  a  war  against  the 
Turk :  which  point,  I  think,  would  not  have  come  into 
my  thought,  but  that  Martins  giving  us  yesterday  a 
representation  of  the  empire  of  the  Turks,  with  no 
small  vigour  of  words,  (which  you,  Pollio,  called  an 
invective,  but  was  indeed  a  true  charge,)  did  put  me 
in  mind  of  it :  and  the  more  I  think  upon  it,  the  more 
I  settle  in  opinion,  that  a  war  to  suppress  that  empire, 
though  we  set  aside  the  cause  of  religion,  were  a  just 
war. 

later  period:  for  the  MS.  merely  inserts  the  name  and  breaks  off  with 
an  &c. 

A  series  of  questions  relating  to  this  subject,  found  among  Bacon's  pa 
pers,  and  printed  by  Tenison  in  the  Baconiana  (p.  179.)  with  the  title  "  The 
Lord  Bacon's  Questions  about  the  Lawfulness  of  a  War  for  the  Propagation 
of  Religion,"  may  be  most  conveniently  inserted  here;  being  in  fact  mere 
ly  a  note  of  the  questions  which  he  intended  to  discuss  in  this  dialogue, 
and  which  we  have  just  seen  set  forth  more  at  large. 

Questions  wherein  I  desire  opinion,  joined  with  arguments  and  authorities. 

Whether  a  war  be  lawful  against  infidels,  only  for  the  propagation  of  the 
Christian  faith,  without  other  cause  of  hostility? 

Whether  a  war  be  lawful  to  recover  to  the  Church  countries  which 
formerly  have  been  Christian,  though  now  alienate,  and  Christians  utterly 
extirped? 

Whether  a  war  be  lawful  to  free  and  deliver  Christians  that  yet  remain 
in  servitude  and  subjection  to  infidels? 

Whether  a  war  be  lawful  in  revenge  or  vindication  of  blasphemy  and 
reproaches  against  the  Deity  and  our  Saviour?  or  for  the  ancient  effusion 
of  Christian  blood,  and  cruelties  upon  Christians? 

Whether  a  war  be  lawful  for  the  restoring  and  purging  of  the  holy  land, 
the  sepulchre,  and  other  principal  places  of  adoration  and  devotion  ? 

Whether,  in  the  cases  aforesaid,  it  be  not  obligatory  to  Christian  princes 
to  make  such  a  war,  and  not  permissive  onlv? 

Whether  the  making  of  a  war  against  the  infidels  be  not  first  in  order  of 
dignity,  and  to  be  preferred  before  extirpations  of  heresies,  reconcilements 
of  schisms,  reformation  of  manners,  pursuits  of  just  temporal  quarrels,  and 
the  like  actions  for  the  public  good;  except  there  be  either  a  more  urgent 
necessity,  or  a  more  evident  facility  in  those  inferior  actions,  or  except  they 
may  both  go  on  together  in  some  degree  ? 


TOUCHING  AN  HOLY   WAR.  207 

After  Zebedceus  had  said  this,  Tie  made  a  pause,  to  see 
whether  any  of  the  rest  would  say  anything:  but  when 
he  perceived  nothing  but  silence  and  signs  of  attention  to 
that  he  would  further  say,  he  proceeded  thus  : 

ZEBEDCEUS.  Your  lordships  will  not  look  for  a  trea 
tise  from  me,1  but  a  speech  of  consultation ;  and  in 
that  brevity  and  manner  will  I  speak.  First,  I  shall 
agree,  that  as  the  cause  of  a  war  ought  to  be  just,  so 
the  justice  of  that  cause  ought  to  be  evident ;  not  ob 
scure,  not  scrupulous.  For  by  the  consent  of  all  laws, 
in  capital  causes  the  evidence  must  be  full  and  clear  : 
and  if  so  where  one  man's  life  is  in  question,  what 
say  we  to  a  war,  which  is  ever  the  sentence  of  death 
upon  many  ?  We  must  beware  therefore  how  we 
make  a  Moloch  or  an  heathen  idol  of  our  blessed  Sav 
iour,  in  sacrificing  the  blood  of  men  to  him  by  an 
unjust  war.  The  justice  of  every  action  consisteth 
in  the  merits  of  the  cause,  the  warrant  of  the  jurisdic 
tion,  and  the  form  of  the  prosecution.  As  for  the  in 
ward  intention,  I  leave  it  to  the  court  of  heaven.  Of 
these  things  severally,  as  they  may  have  relation  to  the 
present  subject  of  a  war  against  infidels  ;  and  name 
ly,  against  the  most  potent  and  most  dangerous  enemy 
of  the  faith,  the  Turk.  I  hold,  and  I  doubt  not  but 
I  shall  make  it  plain  (as  far  as  a  sum  or  brief  can 
make  a  cause  plain),  that  a  war  against  the  Turk  is 
lawful,  both  by  the  laws  of  nature  and  nations,  and 
by  the  law  divine,  which  is  the  perfection  of  the  other 
two.  As  for  the  laws  positive  and  civil  of  the  Romans, 
or  other  whatsoever,  they  are  too  small  engines  to 
move  the  weight  of  this  question.  And  therefore, 

1  in  hac  qucestione  dejure  Btlli  Sacri  contra  Turcas. 


208  AN  ADVERTISEMENT 

in  my  judgment,  many  of  the  late  Schoolmen  (though 
excellent  men)  take  not  the  right  way  in  disputing 
this  question ;  except  they  had  the  gift  of  Navius, 
that  they  could,  cotem  novacidd  scindere ;  hew  stones 
with  pen-knives.  First,  for  the  law  of  nature.  The 
philosopher  Aristotle  is  no  ill  interpreter  thereof.  He 
hath  set  many  men  on  work  with  a  witty  speech  of 
natard  dominus,  and  naturd  servus  ;  affirming  expressly 
and  positively,  that  from  the  very  nativity  some  things 
are  lorn  to  ride,  and  some  things  to  obey.  Which  oracle 
hath  been  taken  in  divers  senses.  Some  have  taken 
it  for  a  speech  of  ostentation,  to  intitle  the  Grecians 
to  an  empire  over  the  barbarians  ;  which  indeed  was 
better  maintained  by  his  scholar  Alexander.  Some 
have  taken  it  for  a  speculative  platform,  that  reason 
and  nature  would  that  the  best  should  govern ;  but 
not  in  any  wise  to  create  a  right.  But  for  my  part, 
I  take  it  neither  for  a  brag  nor  for  a  wish ;  but  for  a 
truth,  as  he  limiteth  it.  For  he  saith,  that  if  there 
can  be  found  such  an  inequality  between  man  and 
man  as  there  is  between  man  and  beast  or  between  soul 
and  body,  it  investeth  a  right  of  government ;  which 
seemeth  rather  an  impossible  case  than  an  untrue  sen 
tence.  But  I  hold  botli  the  judgment  true,  and  the 
case  possible  ;  and  such  as  hath  had  and  hath  a  being, 
both  in  particular  men  and  nations.  But  ere  we  go 
further,  let  us  confine  ambiguities  and  mistakings,  that 
they  trouble  us  not.1  First,  to  say  that  the  more  ca 
pable,  or  the  better  deserver,  hath  such  right  to  govern 
as  he  may  compulsorily  bring  under  the  less  worthy, 
is  idle.  Men  will  never  agree  upon  it,  who  is  the 

1  Ambiyua  qucedam,  et  a  sensii  vero  sermonis  nostri  multum  aberrantia,  tie 
interpellant,  abiyamus  et  rehgemus. 


TOUCHING  AN  HOLY    WAR.  209 

more  worthy.  For  it  is  not  only  in  order  of  nature 
for  him  to  govern  that  is  the  more  intelligent,  as  Aris 
totle  would  have  it ;  but  there  is  no  less  required  for 
government,  courage  to  protect;  and  above  all,  hon 
esty  and  probity  of  the  will,  to  abstain  from  injury. 
So  fitness  to  govern  is  a  perplexed  business.  Some 
men,  some  nations,  excel  in  the  one  ability,  some  in 
the  other.  Therefore  the  position  which  I  intend  is 
not  in  the  comparative,  that  the  wiser  or  the  stouter 
or  the  juster  nation  should  govern  ;  but  in  the  priva 
tive,  that  where  there  is  an  heap  of  people  (though 
we  term  it  a  kingdom  or  state)  that  is  altogether  un 
able  or  indign  to  govern,  there  it  is  a  just  cause  of 
war  for  another  nation,  that  is  civil  or  polliced,  to 
subdue  them  :  and  this,  though  it  were  to  be  done  by 
a  Cyrus  or  a  Csesar,  that  were  no  Christian.  The 
second  mistaking  to  be  banished  is,  that  I  under 
stand  not  this  of  a  personal  tyranny,  as  was  the  state 
of  Rome  under  a  Caligula  or  a  Nero  or  a  Commo- 
dus :  shall  the  nation  suffer  for  that  wherein  they 
suffer  ?  But  when  the  constitution  of  the  state  and 
the  fundamental  customs  and  laws  of  the  same  (if 
laws  they  may  be  called)  are  against  the  laws  of  na 
ture  and  nations,  then,  I  say,  a  war  upon  them  is  law 
ful.  I  shall  divide  the  question  into  three  parts.  First, 
whether  there  be,  or  may  be,  any  nation  or  society  of 
men,  against  whom  it  is  lawful  to  make  a  war  with 
out  a  precedent  injury  or  provocation  ?  Secondly, 
what  are  those  breaches  of  the  law  of  nature  and  na 
tions,  which  do  forfeit  and  devest  all  right  and  title 
in  a  nation  to  govern  ?  And  thirdly,  whether  those 
breaches  of  the  law  of  nature  and  nations  be  found 
in  any  nation  at  this  day  ;  and  namely,  in  the  empire 

VOL.  XIII.  14 


210  AN  ADVERTISEMENT 

of  the  Ottomans  ?     For  the  first,  I  hold  it  clear  that 
such  nations,  or    states,  or    societies    of  people,    there 
may  be   and   are.      There  cannot  be  a  better  ground 
laid  to  declare  this,  than  to  look  into  the  original  do 
nation    of  government.       Observe    it    well,    especially 
the  inducement   or  preface.     Saith  God  :   Let  us  make 
man  after  our  own  image,  and  let  Id  in  have  dominion 
over  the  fishes  of  the  sea,  and  the  fowls  of  the  air  and 
the  beasts  of  the  land,    $c.      Hereupon  De  Victoria,1 
and  with  him   some  others,  infer  excellently,  and  ex 
tract  a  most  true  and  divine  aphorism,  Nbn  fundatur 
dominium  nisi   in   imagine    Dei.     Here   we  have  the 
charter  of  foundation :    it  is    now   the    more    easy   to 
judge   of  the  forfeiture   or  reseizure.     Deface  the  im 
age,  and  you  devest  the  right.      But  what  is  this  im 
age,  and  how  is  it  defaced  ?     The  poor  men  of  Lyons, 
and  some  fanatical  spirits,  will  tell  you  that  the  image 
of  God  is  purity,  and  the   defacement  sin.      But  this 
subverteth   all   government :    neither   did  Adam's  sin, 
or  the  curse  upon  it,  deprive  him  of  his  rule,  but  left 
the  creatures  to  a  rebellion  or  reluctation.      And  there 
fore  if  you  note  it  attentively,  when  this  charter  was 
renewed  unto    Noah   and   his    sons,  it   is    not   by   the 
words,  You  shall  have  dominion;  but,  Your  fear  shall 
be  upon  all  the  beasts  of  the  land,  and  the  birds  of  the  air, 
and  all  that  moveth  :  not  regranting  the  sovereignty, 
which  stood  firm  ;  but  protecting  it  against  the  reluc 
tation.      The  sound  interpreters  therefore  expound  this 
image  of  God,  of  Natural  Reason  ;   which  if  it  be  to 
tally  or  mostly  defaced,  the  right  of  government  doth 
cease  ;  and  if  you  mark  all  the  interpreters  well,  still 
they  doubt  of  the  case,  and  not  of  the  law.     But  this 

1  Franciscus  dt  Victoria. 


TOUCHING  AN  HOLY   WAR.  211 

is  properly  to  be  spoken  to  in  handling  the  second 
point,  when  we  shall  define  of  the  defacements.  To 
go  on.  The  prophet  Hosea,  in  the  person  of  God, 
saith  of  the  Jews :  They  have  reigned,  but  not  by  me  ; 
they  have  set  a  signory  over  themselves,  but  I  knew 
nothing  of  it.  Which  place  proveth  plainly,  that  there 
are  governments  which  God  doth  not  avow.  For 
though  they  be  ordained  by  his  secret  providence,  yet 
they  are  not  knowledged  by  his  revealed  will.  Neither 
can  this  be  meant  of  evil  governors  or  tyrants  ;  for 
they  are  often  avowed  and  stablished  as  lawful  poten 
tates  ;  but  of  some  perverseness  and  defection  in  the 
very  nation  itself;  which  appeareth  most  manifestly, 
in  that  the  prophet  spcaketh  of  the  signory  in  ab- 
stracto,  and  not  of  the  person  of  the  Lord.  And  al 
though  some  heretics,  of  those  we  spake  of,  have 
abused  this  text,  yet  the  sun  is  not  soiled  in  pas 
sage.1  And  again,  if  any  man  infer  upon  the  words 
of  the  prophets  following  (which  declare  this  rejec 
tion  and,  to  use  the  words  of  the  text,  rescision 2  of 
their  estate  to  have  been  for  their  idolatry,)  that  by 
this  reason  the  governments  of  all  idolatrous  nations 
should  be  also  dissolved  (which  is  manifestly  untrue)  ; 
in  my  judgment  it  followeth  not.  For  the  idolatry 
of  the  Jews  then,  and  the  idolatry  of  the  Heathen 
then  and  now,  are  sins  of  a  far  differing  nature,  in 
regard  of  the  special  covenant  and  the  clear  manifes 
tations  wherein  God  did  contract  and  exhibit  himself 
to  that  nation.  This  nullity  of  policy  and  right  of  es 
tate  in  some  nations  is  yet  more  significantly  expressed 
by  Moses  in  his  canticle,  in  the  person  of  God,  to  the 
Jews  :  Ye  have  incensed  me  with  gods  that  are  no  gods, 

1  in  transituper  cloacas.  *  This  clause  is  omitted  in  the  translation. 


212  AN  ADVERTISEMENT 

and  I  ivill  incense  you  with  a  people  that  are  no  people  : 
such  as  were  (no  doubt)  the  people  of  Canaan,1  after 
seisin  was  given  of  the  Land  of  Promise  to  the  Israel 
ites.  For  from  that  time  their  right  to  the  land  was 
dissolved,  though  they  remained  in  many  places  uncon- 
quered.  By  this  we  may  see  that  there  are  nations 
in  name,  that  there  are  no  nations  in  right,  but  mul 
titudes  only,  and  swarms  of  people.  For  like  as  there 
are  particular  persons  utlawed  and  proscribed  by  civil 
laws  of  several  countries  ;  so  are  there  nations  that  are 
utlawed  and  proscribed  by  the  lawr  of  nature  and  na 
tions,  or  by  the  immediate  commandment  of  God.  And 
as  there  are  kings  de  facto,  and  not  de  jure,  in  respect 
of  the  nullity  of  their  title  ;  so  are  there  nations  that 
are  occupants  de  facto,  and  not  de  jure,  of  their  terri 
tories,  in  respect  of  the  nullity  of  their  policy  or  gov 
ernment.  But  let  us  take  in  some  examples  into  the 
midst  of  our  proofs?  ;  for  they  will  prove  as  much,  as 
put  after,  and  illustrate  more.  It  was  never  doubted 
but  a  war  upon  pirates  may  be  lawfully  made  by  any 
nation,  though  not  infested  or  violated  by  them.  Is 
it  because  they  have  not  certas  sedes  or  lares?  In 
the  Piratical  War  which  was  achieved  by  Pompey 
the  Great,  and  was  his  truest  and  greatest  glory,  the 
pirates  had  some  cities,  sundry  ports,  and  a  great  part 
of  the  province  of  Cilicia  ;  and  the  pirates  now  being, 
have  a  receptacle  and  mansion  in  Algiers.  Beasts 
are  not  the  less  savage  because  they  have  dens.  Is 
it  because  the  danger  hovers  as  a  cloud,  that  a  man 
cannot  tell  where  it  will  fall,  and  so  it  is  every  man's 
case  ?  The  reason  is  good ;  but  it  is  not  all,  nor 
that  which  is  most  alledged.  For  the  true  received 

1  popull  Cananceorum,  et  reliqui. 


TOUCHING  AN  HOLY  WAR.  213 

reason  is,  that  pirates  are  communes  humani  generis 
hostes  ;  whom  all  nations  are  to  prosecute,  not  so  much 
in  the  right  of  their  own  fears,  as  upon  the  band  of 
human  society.  For  as  there  are  formal  and  writ 
ten  leagues,  respective  to  certain  enemies;  so  is  there 
a  natural  and  tacit  confederation  amongst  all  men 
against  the  common  enemy  of  human  society.  So 
as  there  needs  no  intimation  or  denunciation  of  the 
war ;  there  needs  no  request  from  the  nation  grieved : 
but  all  these  formalities  the  law  of  nature  supplies  in 
the  case  of  pirates.  The  same  is  the  case  of  rovers 
by  land  ; 1  such  as  yet  are  some  cantons  in  Arabia  ; 
and  some  petty  kings  of  the  mountains,  adjacent  to 
straits  and  ways.2  Neither  is  it  lawful  only  for  the 
neighbour  princes,  to  destroy  such  pirates  or  rovers  ; 3 
but  if  there  were  any  nation  never  so  far  off,  that 
would  make  it  an  enterprise  of  merit  and  true  glory, 
(as  the  Romans  that  made  a  war  for  the  liberty  of 
Gnecia  from  a  distant  and  remote  part,)  no  doubt 
they  mought  do  it.4  I  make  the  same  judgment  of 
that  kingdom  of  the  Assassins,  now  destroyed,  which 
was  situate  upon  the  borders  of  Saraca ;  and  was  for 
a  time  a  great  terror  to  all  the  princes  of  the  Levant. 
There  the  custom  was,  that  upon  the  commandment 
of  their  king,  and  a  blind  obedience  to  be  given  there 
unto,  any  of  them  was  to  undertake,  in  the  nature  of 
a  votary,  the  insidious  murder  of  any  prince  or  person 
upon  whom  the  commandment  went.  This  custom, 
without  all  question,  made  their  whole  government 

1  de  latronibus  per  terram  et  insidintoribus  viarum. 

2  qui  secus  angystas  vias  et  a  viatoribus  frequentatas  habitant. 

8  neque  (ut  prius  de  Piratis  dictum  est)  principibus  tantum  vicinis  hos  de- 
bellare  conceditur. 

*  Proculdubio  hoc  facer  e  cumjustitiapossint. 


214  AX  ADVERTISEMENT 

void,1  as  an  engine  built  against  human  society,  wor 
thy  by  all  men  to  be  fired  and  pulled  down.  I  say 
the  like  of  the  Anabaptists  of  Minister ;  and  this,  al 
though  they  had  not  been  rebels  to  the  empire  :  and 
put  case  likewise  that  they  had  done  no  mischief  at 
all  actually ;  yet  if  there  shall  be  a  congregation  and 
consent  of  people  2  that  shall  hold  all  things  to  be  law 
ful,  not  according  to  any  certain  laws  or  rules,  but 
according  to  the  secret  and  variable  motions  and  in 
stincts  of  the  spirit ;  this  is  indeed  no  nation,  no  people, 
no  signory,  that  God  doth  know  ;  any  nation  that  is 
civil  and  polliced  may  (if  they  will  not  be  reduced) 
cut  them  off  from  the  face  of  the  earth.3  Now  let 
me  put  a  feigned  case,  (and  yet  antiquity  makes  it 
doubtful  whether  it  were  fiction  or  history,)  of  a  land 
of  Amazons,  where  the  whole  government  public  and 
private,  yea  the  militia  itself,  was  in  the  hands  of 
women.  I  demand,  is  not  such  a  preposterous  gov 
ernment  (against  the  first  order  of  nature,  for  women 
to  rule  over  men,)  in  itself  void,  and  to  be  sup 
pressed?4  I  speak  not  of  the  reign  of  women,  (for 
that  is  supplied  by  counsel  and  subordinate  magis 
trates  masculine,)  but  where  the  regiment  of  state, 
justice,  families,  is  all  managed  by  women.  And  yet 
this  last  case  differeth  from  the  other  before  ;  because 


1  totum  ittud  reyimen  invalidum  reddidit,  et  nullojure  subnixum. 

2  Qitin  et  si  adhuc  fuerit,  aut  in  futiu-um   exortunts  sit,  hominurn  ccetus 
aliquis,  qui,  ifc. 

3  cuivis  sane  nationi  populum  hunc  (si  ad  sanitatem  redire  recuact)  exter- 
minare  penitus  ex  ccetu  hominum  et  a  fade  terrce  delere  licebit.     The  word 
polliced  (which  I  leave  in  the  original   spelling,  not  knowing  any  modern 
form  of  it)  is  translated,  where  it  occurs  on  page  209,  ad  imperandum  habili. 

4  Num  (juts  sance  mentis  affirmaverit,  hujus/nodi  imperium,  contra  ordinem 
nature  in  principiis  suis  institutum,  non  esse  in  se  vacuum  et  nuttum  et  pror- 
sus  abolendum  1 


TOUCHING  AN  HOLY  WAR.  215 

in  the  rest  there  is  terror  of  danger,  but  in  this  there 
is  only  error  of  nature.1  Neither  should  I  make  any 
great  difficulty  to  affirm  the  same  of  the  Sultanry  of 
the  Mamaluches ;  where  slaves,  and  none  but  slaves, 
bought  for  money  and  of  unknown  descent,  reigned 
over  families  of  freemen.  And  much  like  were  the 
case,  if  you  suppose  a  nation  where  the  custom  were, 
that  after  full  age  the  sons  should  expulse  their  fathers 
and  mothers  out  of  their  possessions,  and  put  them  to 
their  pensions  :  for  these  cases,  of  women  to  govern 
men,  sons  the  fathers,  slaves  freemen,  are  much  in 
the  same  degree  ;  all  being  total  violations  and  per 
versions  of  the  laws  of  nature  and  nations.  For  the 
West  Indies,  I  perceive  (Martius)  you  have  read 
Garcilazzo  de  Viega,  who  himself  was  descended  of 
the  race  of  the  Incaes,  a  Mestizo,  and  is  willing  to 
make  the  best  of  the  virtues  and  manners  of  his  coun 
try  :  and  yet  in  troth  he  doth  it  soberly  and  credibly 
enough.2  Yet  you  shall  hardly  edify  me,  that  those 
nations  might  not  by  the  law  of  nature  have  been 
subdued  by  any  nation  that  had  only  policy  and 
moral  virtue ;  though  the  propagation  of  the  faith 
(whereof  we  shall  speak  in  the  proper  place)  3  were 
set  by,  and  not  made  part  of  the  case.  Surely  their 
nakedness  (being  with  them,  in  most  parts  of  that 
country,  without  all  veil  or  covering,),  was  a  great 

1  in  hoc  autem  aberratio  tantum  a  lege  naturce. 

2  et  perquam  modeste. 

8  The  words  within  the  parenthesis  are  omitted  in  the  translation :  an 
omission  possibly  accidental,  but  possibly  also  intentional ;  Bacon,  as  he 
considered  the  subject  more  closely,  inclining  more  and  more  to  disallow 
"  the  propagation  of  the  faith  "  as  a  motive  for  an  offensive  war,  and  tend 
ing  towards  the  opinion  in  which  he  rested  two  years  afterwards,  that 
"  offensive  wars  for  religion  were  seldom  to  be  approved,  or  never  except 
they  have  some  mixture  of  civil  titles." 


216  AN  ADVERTISEMENT 

defacement :  for  in  the  acknowledgement  of  naked 
ness  was  the  first  sense  of  sin  ;  and  the  heresy  of  the 
Adamites  was  ever  accounted  an  affront  of  nature. 
But  upon  these  I  stand  not ; ]  nor  yet  upon  their  idi 
ocy,  in  thinking  that  horses  did  eat  their  bits,  and  let 
ters  speak,  and  the  like :  nor  yet  upon  their  sorceries, 
which  are  (almost)  common  to  all  idolatrous  nations.2 
But,  I  say,  their  sacrificing,  and  more  especially  their 
eating  of  men,  is  such  an  abomination,  as  (methinks) 
a  man's  face  should  be  a  little  confused,  to  deny  that 
this  custom,  joined  with  the  rest,3  did  not  make  it 
lawful  for  the  Spaniards,  to  invade  their  territory,  for 
feited  by  the  law  of  nature ;  and  either  to  reduce 
them  or  displant  them.  But  far  be  it  from  me  yet 
nevertheless,  to  justify  the  cruelties  which  were  at 
first  used  towards  them :  which  had  their  reward  soon 
after,  there  being  not  one  of  the  principal  of  the  first 
conquerors,  but  died  a  violent  death  himself;  and  was 
well  followed  by  the  deaths  of  many  more.4  Of  ex 
amples  enough ;  except  we  should  add  the  labours  of 
Hercules ;  an  example  which,  though  it  be  flourished 
with  much  fabulous  matter,  yet  so  much  it  hath,  that 
it  doth  notably  set  forth  the  consent  of  all  nations 
and  ages  in  the  approbation  of  the  extirpating  and 
debellating  of  giants,  monsters,  and  foreign  tyrants,5 

1  Sed  hoc  ftrroribus  regionis  detur :  quandoquidem  sit  illis  cum  <diis  non- 
nullis  gentibus  commune. 

2  Neqiie   rursus  simplicitatem   eorum   commemorare  placet,  licet  insignis 
fuerit,  utpote  qui  equos  frcena  ipsorum  manducare,   literas   autem  loqui  et 
commissa  sibi  nunclare  putarent;  et  similia.     Neque  etiam  sorliltgia,  divina- 
tiones,  et  magicas  superstitiones  narro  •  in  quibus  cum  phrisque  gentibus  idol- 
olatris  commnnicabnnt. 

3  cum  oliis  improbissimis  conjunctum. 

4  quemque  etiam  mors  et  calamitas  complurium  e  suis  non  aut  comitabatur 
aut  a  tergo  insequebatur. 

5  tyrannorum  enormium. 


TOUCHING  AN  HOLY  WAR.  217 

not  only  as  lawful,  but  as  meritorious  even  of  divine 
honour :  l  and  this  although  the  deliverer  came  from 
the  one  end  of  the  world  unto  the  other.2  Let  us 
now  set  down  some  arguments  to  prove  the  same ; 3 
regarding  rather  weight  than  number,  as  in  such  a 
conference  as  this  is  fit.  The  first  argument  shall  be 
this.  It  is  a  great  error,  and  a  narrowness  or  strait- 
ness  of  mind,  if  any  man  think  that  nations  have 
nothing  to  do  one  with  another,  except  there  be  either 
an  union  in  sovereignty  or  a  conjunction  in  pacts  or 
leagues.  There  are  other  bands  of  society,  and  im 
plicit  confederations.  That  of  colonies,  or  transmi 
grants,  towards  their  mother  nation.  Crentes  unius 
labii  is  somewhat ;  for  as  the  confusion  of  tongues  was 
a  mark  of  separation,  so  the  being  of  one  language 
is  a  mark  of  union.  To  have  the  same  fundamental 
laws  and  customs  in  chief  is  yet  more,  as  it  was  be 
tween  the  Grecians  in  respect  of  the  barbarians.  To 
be  of  one  sect  or  worship,  if  it  be  a  false  worship,  I 
speak  not  of  it,  for  that  is  but  fratres  in  malo.^  But 
above  all  these,  there  is  the  supreme  and  indissoluble 
consanguinity  and  society  between  men  in  general : 
of  which  the  heathen  poet  (whom  the  apostle  calls 
to  witness5)  saith,  We  are  all  his  generation.  But 
much  more  we  Christians,  unto  whom  it  is  revealed 
in  particularity,  that  all  men  came  from  one  lump  of 
earth,  and  that  two  singular  persons  were  the  parents 

1  sect  tanquam  facinoribus  egregiis  ;  quceque  divinos  aut  saltern  heroicos  ho- 
nores  mererentur. 

2  atque  hoc,  licet  liberator  ille,  quisquis  taivlem  sit,  ex  una  orbis  extremitate 
ad  alter  am  penetraret. 

3  Jam  autem,  exemplis  his  prcelibatis,  ad  argumenta  redeamus. 

4  This  sentence  is  omitted  in  the  translation. 

5  Paulo  Apostolo  citante. 


218       ADVERTISEMENT   TOUCHING  AN  HOLY  WAR. 

from  whom  all  the  generations  of  the  world  are  de 
scended  ;  we  (I  say)  ought  to  acknowledge  that  no 
nations  are  wholly  aliens  and  strangers  the  one  to 
the  other ;  and  not  to  be  less  charitable  than  the  per 
son  introduced  by  the  comic  poet,  Homo  sum,  humani 
nihil  a  me  alieniitn  puto.  Now  if  there  be  such  a  tacit 
league  or  confederation,  sure  it  is  not  idle ;  it  is  against 
somewhat,  or  somebody  :  who  should  they  be  ?  Is  it 
against  wild  beasts  ?  or  the  elements  of  fire  and  water  ? 
No,  it  is  against  such  routs  and  shoals  of  people,  as 
have  utterly  degenerate  from  the  laws  of  nature  ;  as 
have  in  their  very  body  and  frame  of  estate  a  mon 
strosity  ;  and  may  be  truly  accounted  (according  to 
the  examples  we  have  formerly  recited)  common  ene 
mies  and  grievances  of  mankind  ;  or  disgraces  and 
reproaches  to  human  nature.  Such  people,  all  na 
tions  are  interessed,  and  ought  to  be  resenting,  to 
suppress  ;  considering  that  the  particular  states  them 
selves,  being  the  delinquents,  can  give  no  redress. 
And  this,  I  say,  is  not  to  be  measured  so  much  by  the 
principles  of  jurists,  as  by  lex  charitatis  ;  lex  proximi  ; 
which  includes  the  Samaritan  as  well  as  the  Levite  ; 
lex  filiorum  Adoe  de  massd  und ;  upon  which  original 
laws  this  opinion  is  grounded  :  which  to  deny  (if  a 
man  may  speak  freely)  were  almost  to  be  a  schisma 
tic  in  nature. 

[The  rest  was  not  perfected.] 


TEUE  GEEATNESS   OF  BEITAIN. 


PREFACE. 


WHEN  the  King  of  Scotland  became  King  of  Eng 
land,  with  prospect  of  a  line  of  successors  to  whom  both 
crowns  would  naturally  descend,  the  time  had  come 
for  effectino1  such  a  union  between  the  two  countries 

o 

that  they  should  become  as  one,  and  never  again  be 
provoked  to  separate.  It  was  an  object  in  which  both 
were  equally  interested.  In  such  a  union  Bacon  saw 
the  removal  of  the  one  blot  in  the  tables  of  England. 
Unassailable  thenceforward  except  by  sea,  of  which  she 
was  mistress,  and  prolific  of  a  breed  of  men  whose  nat 
ural  strength  and  courage  made  them  a  match  for  any, 
her  natural  advantages  would  be  then  complete.  In 
advising  the  House  of  Commons  to  begin  at  once,  as 
the  first  step  towards  a  perfect  union,  by  naturalising 
the  whole  Scotch  nation,  he  concluded  (after  reviewing 
the  objections  and  comparing  the  inconveniences  on 
one  side  and  on  the  other)  by  referring  to  the  two  great 
benefits  which  would  be  gained  by  thus  "  knitting  the 
knot  surer  and  straiter  between  the  two  kingdoms  by 
the  communication  of  naturalisation."  Those  benefits 
were  Surety,  and  Greatness :  Surety,  because  it  would 
take  away  from  foreign  enemies  their  means  of  ap 
proach  : 

"  And  for  Greatness,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  think  a  man 
may  speak  it  soberly  and  without  bravery,  that  this 


222  PREFACE   TO  THE 

kingdom  of  England,  having  Scotland  united,  Ireland 
reduced,  the  sea  provinces  of  the  Low  Countries  con 
tracted,  and  shipping  maintained,  is  one  of  the  greatest 
monarchies,  in  forces  truly  esteemed,  that  hath  been  in 
the  world.  For  certainly  the  kingdoms  here  on  earth 
have  a  resemblance  with  the  kingdom  of  Heaven ; 
which  our  Saviour  compareth,  not  to  any  great  kernel 
or  nut,  but  to  a  very  small  grain,  yet  such  an  one  as  is 
apt  to  grow  and  spread ;  and  such  do  I  take  to  be  the 
constitution  of  this  kingdom  ;  if  indeed  we  shall  refer 
our  counsels  to  greatness  and  power,  and  not  quench 
them  too  much  with  the  consideration  of  utility  and 
wealth.  For,  Mr.  Speaker,  was  it  not,  think  you,  a 
true  answer  that  Solon  of  Greece  made  to  the  rich  Kins: 

o 

Croesus  of  Lydia,  when  he  showed  unto  him  a  great 
quantity  of  gold  that  he  had  gathered  together,  in  os 
tentation  of  his  greatness  and  might  ?  But  Solon  said 
to  him,  contrary  to  his  expectation,  '  Why,  Sir,  if 
another  come  that  hath  better  iron  than  you,  he  will 
be  lord  of  all  your  gold.'  Neither  is  the  opinion  of 
Machiavel  to  be  despised,  who  scorn eth  that  proverb 
of  state,  taken  first  from  a  speech  of  Mucianus,  that 
monies  are  the  sinews  of  war  ;  and  saith  '  There  are 
no  true  sinews  of  war,  but  the  very  sinews  of  the  arms 
of  valiant  men.' 

"  Nay  more,  Mr.  Speaker,  whosoever  shall  look  into 
the  seminaries  and  beginnings  of  the  monarchies  of  the 
world,  he  shall  find  them  founded  in  poverty  .... 
And  therefore,  if  I  shall  speak  unto  you  mine  'own 
heart,  methinks  we  should  a  little  disdain  that  the 
nation  of  Spain,  which  however  of  late  it  hath  grown 
to  rule,  yet  of  ancient  time  served  many  ages,  first  un 
der  Carthao-e,  then  under  Rome,  after  under  Saracens, 


TRUE  GREATNESS   OF   BRITAIN.  223 

Goths,  and  others,  should  of  late  years  take  unto  them 
selves  that  spirit  as  to  dream  of  a  monarchy  in  the 
west,  according  to  that  device,  Video  solem  orientem  in 
occidente,  only  because  they  have  ravished  from  some 
wild  and  unarmed  people  mines  and  store  of  gold ;  and 
on  the  other  side  that  this  island  of  Britain,  seated  and 
manned  as  it  is,  and  that  hath  I  make  no  question  the 
best  iron  in  the  world,  that  is,  the  best  soldiers  in  the 
world,  shall  think  of  nothing  but  reckonings  and  au 
dits,  and  meum  and  tuum,  and  I  cannot  tell  what." 

So  spoke   Bacon   on  the  17th  of  February  1606-7  ; 
and  the  train  of  thought  into  which  his  argument  had 

c»  £3 

thus  led  him  was  probably  the  origin  of  the  fragment 
which  follows.  As  in  the  case  of  the  preceding  dia 
logue,  his  motive  for  taking  up  the  subject,  and  for 
laying  it  by  also,  may  be  explained  by  reference  to  the 
political  condition  of  England  at  the  time.  The  relief 
from  external  enemies  which  followed  the  accession  of 
James  I.  left  internal  discontents  more  freedom  to  fer 
ment  ;  and  the  natural  progress  of  things  was  intro 
ducing  a  change  in  the  relations  between  the  Crown 
and  the  people,  which  was  hard  to  adjust,  and  threat 
ened  much  mischief  in  the  process.  Formerly  the 
patrimony  of  the  Crown  was  sufficient  in  ordinary 
times  to  carry  on  the  government  without  assistance 
from  Parliament.  It  was  only  on  extraordinary  occa 
sions,  as  of  war  or  rebellion,  that  subsidies  were  indis 
pensable.  But  the  patrimony  of  the  Crown  did  not 
increase  in  proportion  to  the  increasing  requirements 
of  a  country  growing  in  numbers,  extent,  and  impor 
tance  in  the  world.  All  Elizabeth's  frugality,  coupled 
with  all  her  art  in  inspiring  zeal  to  serve  her,  and  aided 
by  many  questionable  expedients  in  the  shape  of  pat- 


224  PREFACE   TO   THE 

ents  and  monopolies,  had  not  sufficed  to  make  her  in 
dependent  of  Parliamentary  subsidies ;  which  in  her 
latter  years  had  become,  contrary  to  ancient  precedent, 
matters  of  annual  necessity.  Nor  when  reasons  had 
to  be  given  year  after  year  for  departing  from  those 
time-honoured  precedents  and  inevitable  exigencies  of 
state  to  be  pleaded  in  answer  to  dissentients,  could  all 
the  art  of  her  ministers  or  all  her  own  fearless  self- 
reliance  disguise  from  the  Commons  the  fact,  that  by 
refusing  to  vote  the  supplies  they  could  place  the  gov 
ernment  in  a  serious  difficulty.  This  fact  once  recog 
nized  made  the  Commons  potentially  an  overmatch  for 
the  Crown.  They  could,  if  they  chose  and  had  reso 
lution  to  face  the  immediate  consequences,  make  their 
own  conditions  with  the  Crown.  Apprehension  of  those 
consequences,  joined  with  force  of  custom  and  that  con 
servative  instinct  which  prevails  in  assemblies  of  Eng 
lishmen,  made  the  majority  hesitate  to  use  their  advan 
tage  all  at  once.  But  they  had  it  ;  they  knew  they 
had  it ;  and  every  debate  on  every  grievance  reminded 
them  of  it,  and  encouraged  them  to  venture  further  on. 
In  the  absence  of  foreign  quarrels  the  busy  spirits  of 
the  time  occupied  themselves  the  more  with  internal 
discontents  :  and  James  had  not  been  four  years  on  the 
throne  before  Parliament  had  shown  symptoms  of  a 
disposition  which  gave  Bacon  serious  anxiety.  In  the 
Commentaries  Solutus,  to  which  I  have  frequently  had 
occasion  to  refer  (see  Preface  to  the  Temporis  Partus 
Masculus),  I  find  two  pages  of  memoranda  relating 
to  "  Policy."  They  are  set  down  so  briefly,  —  the 
heads  only,  without  the  connexion,  and  many  of  the 
principal  words  indicated  merely  by  the  first  two  or 
three  letters,  —  that  one  cannot  gather  much  more  than 


TRUE  GREATNESS   OF  BRITAIN.  225 

the  general  nature  of  the  topics  alluded  to  ;  but  the 
subject  of  meditation  seems  to  be,  the  policy  to  be  pur 
sued  by  a  government  short  of  supplies ;  and  the  con 
clusion  has  a  direct  connexion  with  the  subject  of  this 
fragment. 

The  first  note  stands  thus,  literatim  : 
"  The  bring.  ye  K.  low  by  pov.  and  empt.  cof." 

The  next  indicates  an  apprehension  of  serious  trou 
bles  : 

"  The  revolt  or  troub.  first  in  Sco.  for  till  that  be  no  dang,  of 
Eng.  discont.  in  dowt  of  a  warre  fro  thence." 

There  then  follow  several  notes  relating  to  the  great 
ness  of  particular  persons  or  bodies  —  the  Lower  House 
of  Parliament  among  others  —  but  without  any  thing 
to  explain  the  connexion. 

Further  on  there  are  notes  of  commonwealth  re 
forms  ;  such  as  "  limiting  all  jurisdictions  :  more  reg 
ular  ;  "  "  new  laws  to  be  compounded  and  collected  ; 
lawgiver  perpetuus  princeps : "  (measures,  both,  on 
which  Bacon  was  always  harping :)  "  restoration  of  the 
Church  to  the  true  limits  of  authority  since  H.  8th8  con 
fusion  ;  "  all  subjects  fitted  to  occupy  Parliament  and 
divert  attention  from  matters  of  dispute  between  Com 
mons  and  King.  Then  a  few  memoranda  as  to  choice 
of  persons.  After  which  an  allusion  to  this  paper  with 
which  we  are  at  present  concerned  : 

"  Finishing  my  treat,  of  ye  Great,  of  Br.  wth  aspect  ad  pol." 
And  finally  the  two  following  notes,  which  appear  to 
point  at  the  conclusion : 

"  The  fairest,  without  dis.  or  per.  is  the  gener.  perswad.  to  K. 
and  pt-op.  and  cours.  of  infusing  every  whear  the  foundat.  in  this 

VOL.  XIII.  15 


226  PREFACE   TO   THE 

lie  of  a  mon.  in  ye  West  as  an  apt  seat  state  people  for  it.  Cyvil- 
yzing  Ireland,  furder  coloniz.  ye  wild  of  Scotl.  Annexing  ye  Lowe 
Countries. 

"  Yf  anything  be  questio.  touch.  Pol.  to  be  turned  upon  ye  am 
pliation  of  a  mon.  in  the  Royalty." 

After  which  the  note-book  passes  to  other  subjects. 

Of  course  all  inferences  drawn  from  memoranda 
like  these,  which  were  not  intended  to  explain  them 
selves  to  any  one  but  the  wTiter,  are  uncertain  ;  but 
we  have  other  evidence  to  show  that  Bacon  considered 
it  an  essential  point  of  policy  to  provide  the  people 
and  the  House  of  Commons  with  some  matter  of  inter 
est  or  ambition  which  they  might  pursue  with  the  gov 
ernment,  and  not  against  it ;  and  that,  on  that  princi 
ple,  a  legitimate  occasion  for  taking  part  in  a  foreign 
quarrel  was  at  all  times  regarded  by  him  as  a  fortunate 
accident.  And  as  we  know  that  the  pacific  policy  of 
James  and  his  preference  of  embassies  to  armies  was 
at  the  time  unpopular,  it  may  well  be  conceived  that  a 
policy  aiming  apparently  and  avowedly  at  the  aggran 
disement  of  Great  Britain  among  the  nations  (the 
second  in  dignity,  according  to  Bacon's  own  estimate, 
Nov.  Ore/,  i.  129.,  among  the  ambitions  of  man)  would, 
if  commenced  in  1608,  have  carried  popular  sympathy 
with  it  and  entirely  altered  the  relation  between  Crown 
and  people.  Bacon  had  seen  a  few  years  before,  in  the 
Parliament  which  met  after  the  Gunpowder  Plot,  how 
rapidly  disputes  and  discontents  could  be  forgotten  un 
der  the  excitement  of  a  common  passion ;  and  the  same 
thing  was  seen  not  less  conspicuously  a  few  years  after, 
when  upon  the  determination  to  raise  an  army  for  the 
recovery  of  the  Palatinate,  a  Benevolence  was  levied, 
without  parliamentary  authority  and  with  universal 


TRUE  GREATNESS  OF  BRITAIN.  227 

applause ;  and  a  double  subsidy  was  voted  with  unu 
sual  alacrity,  without  delays  questions  or  conditions, 
by  the  Parliament  which  met  immediately  after. 

This  then  I  take  to  have  been  the  "  policy  "  with  a 
view  to  which  he  proposed  in  the  summer  of  1608  to 
go  on  with  the  treatise  of  the  Greatness  of  Britain, 
which  it  seems  he  had  then  begun.  How  much  fur 
ther  he  proceeded  with  it,  it  is  impossible  to  know  : 
for  the  manuscript  which  has  been  preserved  is  in  a 
disjointed  state,  and  any  number  of  leaves  may  have 
been  lost  either  from  the  middle  or  the  end  without 
leaving  evidence  of  the  fact.  I  suppose  however  that 
he  never  finished  it ;  finding  that  the  courses  taken  by 
the  government,  then  chiefly  guided  by  the  Earl  of 
Salisbury,  were  directly  at  variance  and  incompatible 
with  it,  and  so  the  chance  gone.  And  he  afterwards 
turned  it  into  a  general  treatise  on  the  True  Greatness 
of  Kingdoms  and  Estates ;  the  Latin  version  of  which 
is  given  in  the  De  Augmentis  Sdentiarum  (lib.  8,  cap. 
iii.)  as  a  specimen  of  a  treatise  De  proferendis  fini- 
lus  imperil,  and  the  English  will  be  found  (vol.  xii.  p. 
176.)  among  the  Essays. 

This  fragment  was  first  published  by  Stephens  (sec 
ond  collection,  1634,  p.  193.)  from  a  manuscript  then 
belonging  to  Lord  Oxford,  now  in  the  British  Muse 
um  :  Harl.  MSS.  7021.  fo.  25.  ;  — the  only  copy  I 
have  met  with  or  heard  of.  It  is  a  transcript  in  two 
different  hands,  which  seem  to  have  been  at  work  at 
the  same  time,  —  if  one  may  infer  as  much  from  the 
fact  that  though  the  first  leaves  off  in  the  middle  of 
the  page  the  second  begins  at  the  top  of  a  fresh  sheet. 
All  of  it  however,  except  a  few  leaves  at  the  end,  has 
been  revised  and  corrected  by  Bacon  himself ;  and  on 


228       PREFACE  TO   TRUE  GREATNESS   OF  BRITAIN. 

the  blank  page  of  what  has  once  been  the  last  sheet 
of  the  bundle,  is  written  "  Compositions,"  in  Bacon's 
hand.  There  can  be  no  doubt  therefore  as  to  the 
genuineness  of  it  ;  and  indeed  it  is  one  of  the  best 
and  most  careful  of  his  writings,  as  far  as  it  goes. 


OF     THE 


TRUE    GREATNESS 


OF 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  BEITAIN. 


FORTUNATOS     NIMIUM,     SUA    SI    BONA     NOIUXT. 


TRUE  GREATNESS 


THE    KINGDOM    OF    BRITAIN. 


TO   KING   JAMES. 

THE  greatness  of  kingdoms  and  dominions  in  bulk 
and  territory  doth  fall  under  measure  and  demonstra 
tion  that  cannot  err  :  but  the  just  measure  and  esti 
mate  of  the  forces  and  power  of  an  estate  is  a  matter 
than  the  which  there  is  nothing  among  civil  affairs 
more  subject  to  error,  nor  that  error  more  subject  to 
perilous  consequence.  For  hence  may  proceed  many 
inconsiderate  attempts  and  insolent  provocations  in 
states  that  have  too  high  an  imagination  of  their  own 
forces :  and  hence  may  proceed,  on  the  other  side,  a 
toleration  of  many  grievances  and  indignities,  and  a 
loss  of  many  fair  opportunities,  in  states  that  are  not 
sensible  enough  of  their  own  strength.  Therefore,  that 
it  may  the  better  appear  what  greatness  your  majesty 
hath  obtained  of  God,  and  what  greatness  this  island 
hath  obtained  by  you,  and  what  greatness  it  is,  that 
by  the  gracious  pleasure  of  Almighty  God  you  shall 
leave  and  transmit  to  your  children  and  generations 


232  OF  THE  TRUE   GREATNESS 

as  the  first  founder  ;  I  have  thought  good,  as  far  as  I 
can  comprehend,  to  make  a  true  survey  and  representa 
tion  of  the  greatness  of  this  your  kingdom  of  Britain  ; 
being  for  mine  own  part  persuaded,  that  the  supposed 
prediction,  Video  solem  orientem  in  occidente,  may  be 
no  less  true  a  vision  applied  to  Britain,  than  to  any 
other  kingdom  of  Europe ;  and  being  out  of  doubt 
that  none  of  the  great  monarchies  which  in  the  mem 
ory  of  times  have  risen  in  the  habitable  world,  had  so 
fair  seeds  and  beginnings  as  hath  this  your  estate  and 
kingdom  ;  whatsoever  the  event  shall  be,  which  must 
depend  upon  the  dispensation  of  God's  will  and  prov 
idence,  and  his  blessings  upon  your  descendents.  And 
because  I  have  no  purpose  vainly  or  assentatorily 
to  represent  this  greatness  as  in  water,  which  shews 
things  bigger  than  they  are,  but  rather  as  by  an  in 
strument  of  art,  helping  the  sense  to  take  a  true  mag 
nitude  and  dimension  :  therefore  I  will  use  no  hidden 
order,  which  is  fitter  for  insinuations  than  sound  proofs, 
but  a  clear  and  open  order  :  first  by  confuting  the  er 
rors  or  rather  correctino;  the  excesses  of  certain  im- 

c"> 

moderate  opinions,  which  ascribe  too  much  to  some 
points  of  greatness  which  are  not  so  essential,  and  by 
reducing  those  points  to  a  true  value  and  estimation  : 
then  by  propounding  and  confirming  those  other  points 
of  greatness  which  are  more  solid  and  principal,  though 
in  popular  discourse  less  observed  :  and  incidently  by 
making  a  brief  application,  in  both  these  parts,  of  the 
general  principles  and  positions  of  policy  unto  the  state 
and  condition  of  these  your  kingdoms. 

Of  these    the    former   part    will    branch    itself  into 
these  articles  : 

First,  That  in  the  measuring  or  balancing  of  great- 


OF  THE   KINGDOM  OF  BRITAIN.  233 

ness,  there  is  commonly  too  much  ascribed  to  large 
ness  of  territory. 

Secondly,  That  there  is  too  much  ascribed  to  treasure 
or  riches. 

Thirdly,  That  there  is  too  much  ascribed  to  the  fruit- 
fulness  of  the  soil,  or  affluence  of  commodities. 

And  fourthly,  That  there  is  too  much  ascribed  to  the 
strength  and  fortifications  of  towns  or  holds. 

The  latter  will  fall  into  this  distribution  : 

First,  That  true  greatness  doth  require  a  fit  situation1 
of  the  place  or  region. 

Secondly,  That  true  greatness  consisteth  essentially 
in  population  and  breed  of  men. 

Thirdly,  That  it  consisteth  also  in  the  valour  and  mil 
itary  2  disposition  of  the  people  it  breedeth :  and  in 
this,  that  they  make  profession  of  arms. 

Fourthly,  That  it  consisteth  in  this  point,  that  every 
common  subject  by  the  poll  be  fit  to  make  a  soldier, 
and  not  only  certain  conditions  or  degrees  of  men. 

Fifthly,  That  it  consisteth  in  the  temper  of  the  govern 
ment  fit  to  keep  subjects  in  heart  and  courage,  and 
not  to  keep  them  in  the  condition  of  servile  vassals. 

And  sixthly,  That  it  consisteth  in  the  commandment 
of  the  sea. 

And  let  no  man  so  much  forget  the  subject  pro 
pounded,  as  to  find  strange  that  here  is  no  mention  of 
religion,  laws,  policy.  For  we  speak  of  that  which  is 

1  Originally  "  consisteth  much  in  the  natural  and  fit  situation,"  &c.,  cor 
rected  in  Bacon's  hand. 

a  "  Militarie  "  in  MS.:  a  third  instance  in  correction  of  my  note,  Vol. 
XL  p.  45.  Compare  pp.  377.  381.  of  Vol.  XII.,  and  pp.  239.  246.  of  this 
volume.  It  would  seem  that  Bacon  used  the  form  military  in  his  earlier 
works,  and  militar  in  his  later. 


234  OF   THE  TRUE  GREATNESS 

proper  to  the  amplitude  and  growth  of  states,  and  not 
of  that  which  is  common  to  their  preservation,  happi 
ness,  and  all  other  points  of  well-being. 

First,  therefore,  touching  largeness  of  territories,  the 
true  greatness  of  kingdoms  upon  earth  is  not  without 
some  analogy  with  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  as  our  Sav 
iour  describes  it :  which  he  doth  resemble,  not  to  any 
great  kernel  or  nut,  but  to  one  of  the  least  grains,  but 
yet  such  a  one  as  hath  a  property  to  grow  and  spread. 
For  as  for  large  countries  and  multitude  of  provinces, 
they  are  many  times  rather  matters  of  burden  than  of 
strength,  as  may  manifestly  appear  both  by  reason  and 
example.  By  reason  thus  :  There  be  two  manners  of 
securing  of  large  territories :  the  one  by  the  natural 
arms  of  every  province ;  and  the  other  by  the  protect 
ing  arms  of  the  principal  estate,  in  which  case  commonly 
the  provincials  are  held  disarmed.  So  are  there  two 
dangers  incident  unto  every  estate ;  foreign  invasion, 
and  inward  rebellion.  Now  such  is  the  nature  of 
things,  that  those  two  remedies  of  estate  do  fall  respec 
tively  into  these  two  dangers,  in  case  of  remote  prov 
inces.  For  if  such  an  estate  rest  upon  the  natural  arms 
of  the  provinces,  it  is  sure  to  be  subject  to  rebellion  or 
revolt ;  if  upon  protecting  arms,  it  is  sure  to  be  weak 
against  invasion :  neither  can  this  be  avoided.  Now 
for  examples  proving  the  weakness  of  states  possessed 
of  large  territories,  I  will  use  only  two,  eminent  and 
selected.  The  first  shall  be  of  the  kingdom  of  Persia, 
which  extended  from  Egypt  inclusive  unto  Bactria  and 
the  borders  of  the  East  India,  and  yet  nevertheless  was 
over-run  and  conquered  in  the  space  of  seven  years,  by 
a  nation  not  much  bi^er  than  this  isle  of  Britain,  and 


OF  THE  KINGDOM  OF  BRITAIN.  235 

newly  grown  into  name,  having  been  utterly  obscure 
till  the  time  of  Philip  the  son  of  Amyntas.  Neither 
was  this  effected  by  any  rare  or  heroical  prowess  in  the 
conqueror,  as  is  vulgarly  conceived  (for  that  Alexander 
the  Great  goeth  now  for  one  of  the  wonders  of  the 
world)  ;  for  those  that  have  made  a  judgment  grounded 
upon  reason  of  estate,  do  find  that  conceit  to  be  merely 
popular.  For  so  Livy  pronounceth  of  him,  Nihil  aliud 
quam  bene  ausus  vana  contemnere.  Wherein  he  judgeth 
of  vastness  of  territory  as  a  vanity  that  may  astonish  a 
weak  mind,  but  no  ways  trouble  a  sound  resolution. 
And  those  that  are  conversant  attentively  in  the  histo 
ries  of  those  times,  shall  find  that  this  purchase  which 
Alexander  made  and  compassed  was  offered  by  fortune 
twice  before  to  others,  though  by  accident  they  went 
not  through  with  it ;  namely,  to  Agesilaus,  and  Jason 
of  Thessaly.  For  Agesilaus,  after  he  had  made  him 
self  master  of  most  of  the  low  provinces  of  Asia,  and 
had  both  design  and  commission  to  invade  the  higher 
countries,  was  diverted  and  called  home  upon  a  war 
excited  against  his  country  by  the  states  of  Athens 
and  Thebes,  being  incensed  by  their  orators  and  coun 
sellors,  which  were  bribed  and  corrupted  from  Persia, 
as  Agesilaus  himself  avouched  pleasantly,  when  he  said 
That  an  hundred  thousand  archers  of  the  kings  of  Per 
sia  had  driven  him  home :  understanding  it,  because 
an  archer  was  the  stamp  upon  the  Persian  coin  of  gold. 
And  Jason  of  Thessaly,  being  a  man  born  to  no  great 
ness,  but  one  that  made  a  fortune  of  himself,  and  had 
obtained  by  his  own  vivacity  of  spirit,  joined  with  the 
opportunities  of  time,  a  great  army  compounded  of 
voluntaries  and  adventurers,  to  the  terror  of  all  Grsecia, 
that  continually  expected  where  that  cloud  would  fall, 


236  OF   THE  TRUE  GREATNESS 

disclosed  himself  in  the  end,  that  his  design  was  for  an 
expedition  into  Persia,  (the  same  which  Alexander  not 
many  years  after  achieved,)  wherein  he  was  interrupted 
by  a  private  conspiracy  against  his  life,  which  took 
effect.  So  that  it  appeareth  as  was  said,  that  it  was 
not  any  miracle  of  accident  that  raised  the  Macedonian 
monarchy,  but  only  the  weak  composition  of  that  vast 
state  of  Persia,  which  was  prepared  for  a  prey  to  the 
first  resolute  invader.  The  second  example  that  I  will 
produce,  is  of  the  Roman  empire,  which  had  received 
no  diminution  in  territory,  though  great  in  virtue  and 
forces,  till  the  time  of  Jovianus.  For  so  it  was  alleged 
by  such  as  opposed  themselves  to  the  rendering  of  Nisi- 
bis  upon  the  dishonourable  retreat  of  the  Roman  army 
out  of  Persia.  At  which  time  it  was  avouched,  that 
the  Romans  by  the  space  of  eight  hundred  years  had 
never  before  that  day  made  any  cession  or  renunciation 
to  any  part  of  their  territory,  whereof  they  had  once 
had  a  constant  and  quiet  possession.  And  yet  never 
theless,  immediately  after  the  short  reign  of  Jovianus, 
and  towards  the  end  of  the  joint-reign  of  Valentinianus 
and  Valens,  which  were  his  immediate  successors,  and 
much  more  in  the  times  succeeding,  the  Roman  empire, 
notwithstanding  the  magnitude  thereof,  became  no 
better  than  a  carcase,  whereupon  all  the  vultures  and 
birds  of  prey  of  the  world  did  seize  and  ravine  for  many 
ages,  for  a  perpetual  monument  of  the  essential  differ 
ence  between  the  scale  of  miles  and  the  scale  of  forces. 
And  therefore  upon  these  reasons  and  examples  we 
may  safely  conclude,  that  largeness  of  territory  is  so  far 
from  being  a  thing  inseparable  from  greatness  of  power, 
as  it  is  many  times  contrariant  and  incompatible  with 
the  same.  But  to  make  a  reduction  of  that  error  to 


OF   THE  KINGDOM  OF  BRITAIN.  287 

a  truth,  it  will  stand  thus,  That  then  greatness  of  ter 
ritory  addeth  strength,  when  it  hath  these  four  condi 
tions  : 

First,   That  the  territories  be  compacted,  and  not  dis- 


Secondly,  That  the  region  which  is  the  heart  and  seat 
of  the  state,  be  sufficient  to  support  those  parts  which 
are  but  provinces  and  additions. 

Thirdly,  That  the  arms  or  martial  virtue  of  the  state 
be  in  some  degree  answerable  to  the  greatness  of  do 
minion. 

And  lastly,  That  no  part  or  province  of  the  state  be 
utterly  unprofitable,  but  do  confer  some  use  or  service 
to  the  state. 

The  first  of  these  is  manifestly  true,  and  scarcely 
needeth  any  explication.  For  if  there  be  a  state  that 
consisteth  of  scattered  points  instead  of  lines,  and  slen 
der  lines  instead  of  latitudes,  it  can  never  be  solid,  and 
in  the  solid  figure  is  strength.  But  what  speak  we  of 
mathematical  principles  ?  The  reason  of  state  is  ev 
ident,  that  if  the  parts  of  an  estate  be  disjoined  and 
remote,  and  so  be  interrupted  with  the  provinces  of 
another  sovereignty,  they  cannot  possibly  have  ready 
succours  in  case  of  invasion,  nor  ready  suppression  in 
case  of  rebellion,  nor  ready  recovery  in  case  of  loss  or 
alienation  by  either  of  both  means.  And  therefore  we 
see  what  an  endless  work  the  King  of  Spain  hath  had 
to  recover  the  Low  Countries,  although  it  were  to  him 
patrimony  and  not  purchase  ;  and  that  chiefly  in  regard 
of  the  great  distance.  So  we  see  that  our  nation  kept 
Calais  a  hundred  years'  space  after  it  lost  the  rest  of 
France,  in  regard  of  the  near  situation  ;  and  yet  in  the 


238  OF   THE  TRUE  GREATNESS 

end  they  that  were  nearer  carried  it,  and  surprise  over 
ran  succours.  Therefore  Titus  Quiiitius  made  a  good 
comparison  of  the  state  of  the  Achaians  to  a  tortoise, 
which  is  safe  when  it  is  retired  within  the  shell,  but  if 
any  part  be  put  forth,  then  the  part  exposed  endanger- 
eth  all  the  rest.  For  so  it  is  witli  states  that  have  prov 
inces  dispersed,  the  defence  whereof  doth  commonly  con 
sume  and  decay  and  sometimes  ruin  the  rest  of  the  es 
tate.  And  so  likewise  we  may  observe,  that  all  the 
great  monarchies,  the  Persians,  the  Romans,  (and  the 
like  of  the  Turks,)  they  had  not  any  provinces  to 
the  which  they  needed  to  demand  access  through  the 
country  of  another :  neither  had  they  any  long  races 
or  narrow  angles  of  territory,  which  were  environed  or 
clasped  in  with  foreign  states  ;  but  their  dominions 
were  continued  and  entire,  and  had  thickness  and 
squareness  in  their  orb  or  contents.  But  these  things 
are  without  contradiction. 

For  the  second,  concerning  the  proportion  between 
the  principal  region  and  those  which  are  but  secondary, 
there  must  evermore  distinction  be  made  between  the 
body  or  stem  of  the  tree,  and  the  boughs  and  branches. 
For  if  the  top  be  overgreat  and  the  stalk  too  slender, 
there  can  be  no  strength.  Now  the  body  is  to  be  ac 
counted  so  much  of  an  estate  as  is  not  separated  or 
distinguished  with  any  mark  of  foreigners,  but  is  united 
specially  with  the  bond  of  naturalization.  And  there 
fore  we  see  that  when  the  state  of  Rome  grew  great, 
they  were  enforced  to  naturalize  the  Latins  or  Italians, 
because  the  Roman  stem  could  not  bear  the  provinces 
and  Italy  both  as  branches :  and  the  like  they  were 
content  after  to  do  to  most  of  the  Gauls.  So  on  the 
contrary  part,  we  see  in  the  state  of  Laceda3mon,  which 


OF   THE  KINGDOM  OF  BRITAIN. 


239 


was  nice  in  that  point,  and  would  not  admit  their  con 
federates  to  be  incorporate  with  them,  but  rested  upon 
the  natural-born  subjects  of  Sparta,  how  that  a  small 
time  after  they  had  embraced  a  larger  empire,  they  were 
presently  surcharged,  in  respect  to  the  slenderness  of 
the  stem :  for  so  in  the  defection  of  the  Thebans  and 
the  rest  against  them,  one  of  the  principal  revolters 
spake  most  aptly  and  with  great  efficacy  in  the  assem 
bly  of  the  associates,  telling  them  that  the  State  of 
Sparta  was  like  a  river,  which  after  that  it  had  run  a 
great  way,  and  taken  other  rivers  and  streams  into  it, 
ran  strong  and  mighty,  but  about  the  head  and  fountain 
of  it  was  shallow  and  weak  ;  and  therefore  advised  them 
to  assail  and  invade  the  main  of  Sparta,  knowing  they 
should  there  find  weak  resistance  either  of  towns  or  in 
the  field  :  of  towns,  because  upon  confidence  of  their 
greatness  they  fortified  not  upon  the  main  ;  in  the  field, 
because  their  people  was  exhaust  by  garrisons  and  ser 
vices  far  off.  Which  counsel  proved  sound,  to  the  as 
tonishment  of  all  Grrecia  at  that  time. 

For  the  third,  concerning  the  proportion  of  the  mili 
tary  forces  of  a  state  to  the  amplitude  of  empire,  it 
cannot  be  better  demonstrated  than  by  the  two  first 
examples  which  we  produced  of  the  weakness  of  large 
territory,  if  they  be  compared  within  themselves  ac 
cording  to  difference  of  time.  For  Persia  at  a  time 
was  strengthened  with  large  territory,  and  at  another 
time  weakened  ;  and  so  was  Rome.  For  while  they 
flourished  in  arms,  the  largeness  of  territory  was  a 
strength  to  them,  and  added  forces,  added  treasures, 
added  reputation  :  but  when  they  decayed  in  arms, 
then  greatness  became  a  burden.  For  their  protect 
ing  forces  did  corrupt,  supplant,  and  enervate  the 


240  OF   THE  TRUE  GREATNESS 

natural  and  proper  forces  of  all  their  provinces,  which 
relied  and  depended  upon  the  succours  and  directions 
of  the  state  above.  And  when  that  also  waxed  impo 
tent  and  slothful,  then  the  whole  state  laboured  with 
her  own  magnitude,  and  in  the  end  fell  with  her  own 
weight.  And  that,  no  question,  was  the  reason  of  the 
strano-e  inundations  of  people  which  both  from  the  east 

?"!>  11 

and  north-west  overwhelmed  the  Roman  empire  in  one 
age  of  the  world,  which  a  man  upon  the  sudden  wrould 
attribute  to  some  constellation  or  fatal  revolution  of 
time,  being  indeed  nothing  else  but  the  declination 
of  the  Roman  empire,  which  having  effeminated  and 
made  vile  the  natural  strength  of  the  provinces,  and 
not  being  able  to  supply  it  by  the  strength  imperial 
and  sovereign,  did,  as  a  lure  cast  abroad,  invite  and 
entice  all  the  nations  adjacent,  to  make  their  fortunes 
upon  her  decays.  And  by  the  same  reason  there  can 
not  but  ensue  a  dissolution  to  the  state  of  the  Turk 
in  regard  of  the  largeness  of  empire,  whensoever  their 
martial  virtue  and  discipline  shall  be  further  relaxed, 
whereof  the  time  seemeth  to  approach.  For  certainly 
like  as  great  stature  in  a  natural  body  is  some  advan 
tage  in  youth,  but  is  but  burden  in  age ;  so  it  is  with 
great  territory,  which  when  a  state  beginneth  to  de 
cline,  doth  make  it  stoop  and  buckle  so  much  the 
faster. 

For  the  fourth  and  last,  it  is  true,  that  there  is  to  be 
required  and  expected,  as  in  the  parts  of  a  body,  so  in 
the  members  of  a  state,  rather  propriety  of  service  than 
equality  of  benefit.  Some  provinces  are  more  wealthy, 
some  more  populous,  and  some  more  warlike  ;  some 
situate  aptly  for  the  excluding  or  expulsing  of  for 
eigners,  and  some  for  the  annoying  and  bridling  of  sus- 


OF  THE  KINGDOM  OF  BRITAIN. 


241 


pected  and  tumultuous  subjects  ;  some  are  profitable 
in  present,  and  some  may  be  converted  and  improved 
to  profit  by  plantations  and  good  policy.  And  there 
fore  true  consideration  of  estate  can  hardly  find  what 
to  reject,  in  matter  of  territory,  in  any  empire,  except 
it  be  some  glorious  acquests  obtained  sometime  in  the 
bravery  of  wars,  which  cannot  be  kept  without  exces 
sive  charge  and  trouble  ;  of  which  kind  were  the 
purchases  of  King  Henry  VIII.  that  of  Tournay  and 
that  of  Bulloigne ;  and  of  the  same  kind  are  infinite 
other  the  like  examples  almost  in  every  war,  which 
for  the  most  part  upon  treaties  of  peace  are  restored 
again.1 

Thus  have  we  now  defined  where  the  largeness  of 
territory  addeth  true  greatness,  and  where  not.  The 
application  of  these  positions  unto  the  particular  or 
supposition  of  this  your  majesty's  kingdom  of  Britain, 
requireth  few  words.  For  as  I  professed  in  the  begin 
ning,  I  mean  not  to  blazon  or  amplify,  but  only  to  ob 
serve  and  express  matter. 

First,  Your  majesty's  dominion  and  empire  compre- 
hendeth  all  the  islands  of  the  north-west  ocean,  where 

1  In  the  manuscript  the  sentence  went  on  thus ;  but  a  line  has  been  drawn 
across  the  words.  "  Or  if  they  be  too  great  to  be  yielded  up  or  abandoned, 
then  it  hath  been  the  policy  of  the  wisest  estates,  in  case  where  they  had 
impatronized  themselves  of  any  province  that  did  border  and  lie  open  to 
the  continual  infestation  of  an  enemy  that  was  their  match  in  power,  rather 
to  erect  and  place  some  beneficiary  prince  that  might  have  dependence 
upon  them,  than  to  hold  it  and  make  it  good  by  their  own  forces :  as  we 
find  the  state  of  Rome  did  by  the  kingdom  of  Armenia  which  fronted  upon 
the  Parthians,  and  the  counsel  of  the  Turk  did  by  the  provinces  of  Transil- 
vania,  Valachia,  and  Moldavia,  that  fronted  upon  the  Christians,  though 
that  policy  hath  not  sorted  very  prosperous  unto  them  of  late  years." 

The  case  of  these  Turkish  provinces,  which  had  recently  revolted  under 
Sigi?mund,  Prince  of  Transylvania,  was  adduced  by  Bacon  in  his  speech  on 
the  Naturalization  of  the  Scots  as  an  instance  of  the  liability  of  all  unions 
to  break  which  are  not  cemented  by  naturalization. 

VOL.    XIII.  16 


242  OF  THE  TRUE   GREATNESS 

it  is  open,  until  you  come  to  the  imbarred  or  frozen  sea 
towards  Iceland ;  in  all  which  tract  it  hath  no  inter 
mixture  or  interposition  of  any  foreign  land,  but  only 
of  the  sea,  whereof  you  are  also  absolutely  master. 

Secondly,  The  quantity  and  content  of  these  coun 
tries  is  far  greater  than  have  been  the  principal  or  fun 
damental  regions  of  the  greatest  monarchies,  greater 
than  Persia  proper,  greater  than  Macedon,  greater 
than  Italy.  So  as  here  is  potentially  lody  and  stem 
enough  for  Nabuchodonosor's  tree,  if  God  should  have 
so  ordained. 

Thirdly,  The  prowess  and  valour  of  your  subjects  is 
able  to  master  and  wield  far  more  territory  than  falleth 
to  their  lot.  But  that  followeth  to  be  spoken  of  in  the 
proper  place. 

And  lastly,  it  must  be  confessed  that  whatsoever  part 
of  your  countries  and  regions  shall  be  counted  the 
meanest,  yet  is  not  inferior  to  those  countries  and  re 
gions,  the  people  whereof  some  ages  since  over-ran  the 
world.  We  see  furder  by  the  uniting  of  the  continent 
of  this  island,  and  the  shutting  up  of  the  postern  (as  it 
was  not  unfitly  termed),  all  entrance  of  foreigners  is 
excluded  ;  and  we  see  again,  that  by  the  fit  situation 
and  configuration  of  the  north  of  Scotland  toward  the 
north  of  Ireland,  and  the  reputation  commodity  and 
terror  thereof,  what  good  effects  have  ensued  for  the 
better  quieting  of  the  troubles  of  Ireland.  And  so 
we  conclude  this  first  branch  touching  largeness  of 
territory. 

THE  second  article  was, 

That  there  is  too  much  ascribed  to  treasure  or  riches  in 
the  balancing  of  greatness. 


OF  THE  KINGDOM   OF   BRITAIN.  243 

Wherein  no  man  can  be  ignorant  of  the  idolatry 
that  is  generally  committed  in  these  degenerate  times 
to  money,  as  if  it  could  do  all  things  public  and  pri 
vate.  But  leaving  popular  errors,  this  is  likewise  to  be 
examined  by  reason  and  examples,  and  such  reason  as 
is  no  new  conceit  or  invention,  but  hath  formerly  been 
discerned  by  the  sounder  sort  of  judgments.  For  we 
see  that  Solon,  who  was  no  contemplative  wise  man, 
but  a  statesman  and  a  lawgiver,  used  a  memorable 
censure  to  Croesus,  when  he  showed  him  great  treas 
ures  and  store  of  gold  and  silver  that  he  had  gathered, 
telling  him,  that  whensoever  another  should  come  that 
had  better  iron  than  he,  he  would  be  master  of  all  his 
gold  and  silver.  Neither  is  the  authority  of  Machiavel 
to  be  despised,  specially  in  a  matter  whereof  he  saw  the 
evident  experience  before  his  eyes  in  his  own  times  and 
country,  who  derideth  the  received  and  current  opinion 
and  principle  of  estate  taken  first  from  a  speech  of 
Mutianus  the  lieutenant  of  Vespasian,  That  money  was 
the  sinews  of  war ;  affirming  that  it  is  a  mockery,  and 
that  there  are  no  other  true  sinews  of  war,  but  the 
sinews  and  muscles  of  men's  arms :  and  that  there  was 
never  any  war,  wherein  the  more  valiant  people  had 
to  deal  with  the  more  wealthy,  but  that  the  war,  if  it 
were  well  conducted,  did  nourish  and  pay  itself.  And 
had  he  not  reason  so  to  think,  when  he  saw  a  needy 
and  ill-provided  army  of  the  French,  (though  needy 
rather  by  negligence  than  want  of  means,  as  the 
French  manner  oftentimes  is,)  make  their  passage  only 
by  the  reputation  of  their  swords  by  their  sides  un 
drawn,  through  the  whole  length  of  Italy  (at  that 
time  abounding  in  wealth  after  a  long  peace),  and  that 
without  resistance,  and  to  seize  and  leave  what  coun- 


244  OF   THE  TRUE   GREATNESS 

tries  and  places  it  pleased  them  ?  But  it  was  not  the 
experience  of  that  time  alone,  but  the  records  of  all 
times  that  do  concur  to  falsify  that  conceit,  that  wars 
are  decided  not  by  the  sharpest  sword  but  by  the 
greatest  purse.  And  that  very  text  or  saying  of  Mu- 
tianus  which  was  the  original  of  this  opinion,  is  mis- 
vouched,  for  his  speech  was,  Pecunice  simt  nervi  belli 
civilis ;  which  is  true,  for  that  civil  wars  cannot  be 
between  people  of  differing  valour ;  and  again  because 
in  them  men  are  as  oft  bought  as  vanquished.  But  in 
case  of  foreign  wars,  you  shall  scarcely  find  any  of  the 
great  monarchies  of  the  world,  but  have  had  their 
foundations  in  poverty  and  contemptible  beginnings, 
being  in  that  point  also  conform  to  the  heavenly  king 
dom,  of  which  it  is  pronounced,  Regnum  Dei  non  venit 
cum  observations.  Persia,  a  mountainous  country,  and 
a  poor  people  in  comparison  of  the  Medes  and  other 
provinces  which  they  subdued.  The  state  of  Sparta, 
a  state  wherein  poverty  was  enacted  by  law  and  or 
dinance  ;  all  use  of  gold  and  silver  and  rich  furniture 
being  interdicted.  The  state  of  Macedonia,  a  state 
mercenary  and  ignoble  until  the  time  of  Philip.  The 
state  of  Rome,  a  state  that  had  poor  and  pastoral  be 
ginnings.  The  state  of  the  Turks,  which  hath  been 
since  the  terror  of  the  world,  founded  upon  a  transmi 
gration  of  some  bands  of  Sarmatian  Scythes,  that  de 
scended  in  a  vagabond  manner  upon  the  province  that 
is  now  termed  Turcomannia ;  out  of  the  remnants 
whereof,  after  great  variety  of  fortune,  sprang  the 
Othoman  family.  But  never  was  any  position  of 
estate  so  visibly  and  substantially  confirmed,  as  this 
touching  the  pre-eminence,  yea  and  predominancy,  of 
valour  above  treasure  was,  by  the  two  descents  and 


OF  THE  KINGDOM   OF  BRITAIN.  245 

inundations  of  necessitous  and  indigent  people,  the  one 
from  the  East,  and  the  other  from  the  West ;  that  of 
the  Arabians  or  Saracens,  and  that  of  the  Goths,  Van 
dals,  and  the  rest :  who,  as  if  they  had  been  the  true 
inheritors  of  the  Roman  empire,  then  dying,  or  at  least 
grown  impotent  and  aged,  entered  upon  Egypt,  Asia, 
Graecia,  Afric,  Spain,  France ;  coming  to  these  na 
tions,  not  as  to  a  prey,  but  as  to  a  patrimony  ;  not 
returning  with  spoil,  but  seating  and  planting  them 
selves  in  a  number  of  provinces,  which  continue  their 
progeny  and  bear  their  names  till  this  day.  And  all 
these  men  had  no  other  wealth  but  their  adventures, 
nor  no  other  title  but  their  swords,  nor  no  other  press 
but  their  poverty.  For  it  was  not  with  most  of  those 
people  as  it  is  in  countries  reduced  to  a  regular  civility, 
that  no  man  almost  marrieth  except  he  see  he  have 
means  to  live ;  but  population  went  on,  howsoever 
sustentation  followed  ;  and  taught  by  necessity,  as 
some  writers  report,  when  they  found  themselves  sur 
charged  with  people  they  divided  their  inhabitants  into 
three  parts  ;  and  one  third,  as  the  lot  fell,  was  sent 
abroad  and  left  to  their  adventures.  Neither  is  the 
reason  much  unlike  (though  the  effect  hath  not  fol 
lowed  in  regard  of  a  special  diversion)  in  the  nation  of 
the  Swisses,  inhabiting  a  country  which,  in  regard  of 
the  mountainous  situation  and  the  popular  estate,  doth 
generate  faster  than  it  can  sustain.  In  which  people, 
it  well  appeared  what  an  authority  iron  hath  over  gold 
at  the  battle  of  Granson,  at  what  time  one  of  the  prin 
cipal  jewels  of  Burgundy  was  sold  for  twelve  pence  by 
a  poor  Swiss,  that  knew  no  more  a  precious  stone  than 
did  JEsop's  cock.  And  although  this  people  have  made 
no  plantations  with  their  arms,  yet  we  see  the  reputa- 


246  OF  THE   TRUE  GREATNESS 

tion  of  them  such,  as  not  only  their  forces  have  been 
employed  and  waged,  but  their  alliance  sought  and 
purchased,  by  the  greatest  kings  and  states  of  Europe. 
So  as  though  fortune,  as  it  fares  sometimes  with  princes 
to  their  servants,  hath  denied  them  a  grant  of  lands, 
yet  she  hath  granted  them  liberal  pensions,  which  are 
made  memorable  and  renowned  to  all  posterity  by  the 
event  which  ensued  to  Lewis  the  twelfth  ;  who  being 
pressed  uncivilly  by  message  from  them  for  the  inhanc- 
ing  their  pensions,  entered  into  choler  and  broke  out 
into  these  words,  What!  will  these  villains  of  the  moun 
tains  put  a  tax  upon  me?  which  words  cost  him  his 
duchy  of  Milan,  and  utterly  ruined  his  affairs  in  Italy. 
Neither  were  it  indeed  possible  at  this  day,  that  that 
nation  should  subsist  without  descents  and  impressions 
upon  their  neighbours,  wrere  it  not  for  the  great  utter 
ance  of  people  which  they  make  into  the  services  of 
foreign  princes  and  estates,  thereby  discharging  not 
only  number,  but  in  that  number  such  spirits  as  are 
most  stirring  and  turbulent. 

And  therefore  we  may  conclude,  that  as  largeness 
of  territory,  severed  from  military  virtue,  is  but  a 
burden  ;  so  that  treasure  and  riches,  severed  from 
the  same,  is  but  a  prey.  It  resteth  therefore  to  make 
a  reduction  of  this  error  also  unto  a  truth  by  distinc 
tion  and  limitation,  which  will  be  in  this  manner  : 

Treasure  and  moneys  do  then  add  true  greatness 
and  strength  to  a  state,  when  they  are  accompanied 
with  these  three  conditions  : 

First,  (the  same  condition  which  hath  been  annexed 
to  largeness  of  territory,)  that  is,  that  they  be  joined 
with  martial  prowess  and  valour. 

Secondly,  That  treasure  doth  then  advance  greatness, 


OF  THE  KINGDOM  OF  BRITAIN.  247 

when  it  is  rather  in  mediocrity  than  in  great  abundance. 
And  again  better  ivhen  some  part  of  the  state  is  poor, 
than  when  all  parts  of  it  are  rich. 

And  lastly,  That  treasure  in  a  state  is  more  or  less 
serviceable,  as  the  hands  are  in  which  the  wealth  chiefly 
resteth. 

For  the  first  of  these,  it  is  a  thing  that  cannot  be 
denied,  that  in  equality  of  valour  the  better  purse  is 
an  advantage.  For  like  as  in  wrestling  between  man 
and  man,  if  there  be  a  great  overmatch  in  strength,  it 
is  to  little  purpose  though  one  have  the  better  breath  ; 
but,  if  the  strength  be  near  equal,  then  he  that  is 
shorter  winded  will  (if  the  wager  consist  of  many 
falls)  in  the  end  have  the  worst :  so  it  is  in  the  wars, 
if  it  be  a  match  between  a  valiant  people  and  a  cow 
ardly,  the  advantage  of  treasure  will  not  serve  ;  but 
if  they  be  near  in  valour,  then  the  better  monied  state 
will  be  the  better  able  to  continue  the  war,  and  so  in 
the  end  to  prevail.  But  if  any  man  think  that  money 
can  make  those  provisions  at  the  first  encounters,  that 
no  difference  of  valour  can  countervail,  let  him  look 
back  but  into  those  examples  which  have  been  brought, 
and  he  must  confess  that  all  those  furnitures  whatsoever 
are  but  shews  and  mummeries,  and  cannot  shrowd  fear 
against  resolution.  For  there  shall  he  find  companies 
armed  with  armour  of  proof  taken  out  of  the  stately 
armouries  of  kings  who  spared  no  cost,  overthrown  by 
men  armed  by  private  bargain  and  chance  as  they 
could  get  it :  there  shall  he  find  armies  appointed  with 
horses  bred  of  purpose  and  in  choice  races,  chariots  of 
war,  elephants,  and  the  like  terrors,  mastered  by  ar 
mies  meanly  appointed.  So  of  towns  strongly  forti- 


248  OF   THE  TRUE  GREATNESS 

fied,  basely  yielded,  and  the  like ;  all  being  but  sheep 
in  a  lion's  skin,  where  valour  faileth. 

For  the  second  point.  That  competency  of  treas 
ure  is  better  than  surfeit,  is  a  matter  of  common  place 
or  ordinary  discourse  ;  in  regard  that  excess  of  riches, 
neither  in  public  nor  private,  ever  hath  any  good 
effects  ;  but  maketh  men  either  slothful  and  effeminate, 
and  so  no  enterprisers,  or  insolent  and  arrogant,  and 
so  overgreat  embracers,  but  most  generally  cowardly 
and  fearful  to  lose,  according  to  the  adage,  Timidus 
Pliitm ;  so  as  this  needeth  no  further  speech.  But  a 
part  of  that  assertion  require th  a  more  deep  consider 
ation,  being  a  matter  not  so  familiar,  but  yet  most  as 
suredly  true.  For  it  is  necessary  in  a  state  that  shall 
grow  and  inlarge,  that  there  be  that  composition  which 
the  poet  speaketh  of,  Maltis  utile  belhtm  ;  an  ill  con 
dition  of  a  state  (no  question)  if  it  be  meant  of  a  civil 
war,  as  it  was  spoken  ;  but  a  condition  proper  to  a 
state  that  shall  increase,  if  it  be  taken  of  a  foreign 
war.  For  except  there  be  a  spur  in  the  state  that 
shall  excite  and  prick  them  on  to  wars,  they  will 
but  keep  their  own,  and  seek  no  further.  And  in  all 
experience  and  stories  you  shall  find  but  three  things 
that  prepare  and  dispose  an  estate  to  war  :  the  ambi 
tion  of  governors ;  a  state  of  soldiers  professed;  and 
the  hard  means  to  live  of  many  subjects.  Whereof 
the  last  is  the  most  forcible  and  the  most  constant. 
And  this  is  the  true  reason  of  that  event  which  we 
observed  and  rehearsed  before,  that  most  of  the  great 
kingdoms  of  the  world  have  sprung  out  of  hardness 
and  scarceness  of  means,  as  the  strongest  herbs  out  of 
the  barrenest  soils.1 

i  Here  the  manuscript  breaks  off  in  the  middle  of  the  page.     The  next 


OF   THE  KINGDOM  OF  BRITAIN.  249 

For  the  third  point,  concerning  the  placing  and  dis 
tributing  of  treasure  in  a  state,  the  position  is  simple ; 
that  then  treasure  is  greatest  strength  to  a  state,  when 
it  is  so  disposed,  as  it  is  readiest  and  easiest  to  come 
by  for  public  service  and  use  :  which  one  position  doth 
infer  three  conclusions. 

First,  that  there  be  quantity  sufficient  of  treasure  as 
well  in  the  treasury  of  the  crown  or  state,  as  in  the 
purse  of  the  private  subject. 

Secondly,  that  the  wealth  of  the  subject  be  rather 
in  many  hands  than  in  few. 

And  thirdly,  that  it  be  in  those  hands,  where  there 
is  likest  to  be  greatest  sparing  and  increase,  and  not 
in  those  hands  wherein  there  useth  to  be  greatest  ex 
pense  and  consumption. 

For  it  is  not  the  abundance  of  treasure  in  the  sub 
ject's  hands  that  can  make  sudden  supply  of  the  w^ant 
of  a  state ;  because  reason  tells  us,  and  experience 
both,  that  private  persons  have  least  will  to  contribute 
when  they  have  most  cause  ;  for  when  there  is  noise 
or  expectation  of  wars,  then  is  always  the  deadest 
times  for  monies,  in  regard  every  man  restraineth  and 
holdeth  fast  his  means  for  his  own  comfort  and  suc 
cour,  according  as  Salomon  saith,  The  riches  of  a  man 
are  as  a  strong  hold  in  his  own  imagination  :  and  there 
fore  we  see  by  infinite  examples,  and  none  more  mem 
orable  than  that  of  Constantinus  the  last  Emperor  of 
the  Greeks,  and  the  citizens  of  Constantinople,  that 
subjects  do  often  choose  rather  to  be  frugal  dispensers 
for  their  enemies  than  liberal  lenders  to  their  princes. 

paragraph  begins  at  the  top  of  a  fresh  sheet  in  another  hand.  But  a  catch 
word  in  the  hand  of  the  second  transcriber  shows  that  it  was  meant  to 
join  on. 


250  OF  THE   TRUE   GREATNESS 

Again,  wheresoever  the  wealth  of  the  subject  is  en 
grossed  into  few  hands,  it  is  not  possible  it  should  be 
so  respondent  and  yielding  to  payments  and  contribu 
tions  for  the  public  ;  both  because  the  true  estimation 
or  assessment  of  great  wealth  is  more  obscure  and  un 
certain  ;  and  because  the  burden  seemeth  lighter  when 
the  charge  lieth  upon  many  hands  ;  and  further,  be 
cause  the  same  greatness  of  wealth  is  for  the  most  part 
not  collected  and  obtained  without  sucking  it  from 
many,  according  to  the  received  similitude  of  the 
spleen,  which  never  swelleth  but  when  the  rest  of 
the  body  pineth  and  abateth.  And  lastly,  it  cannot 
be  that  any  wealth  should  leave  a  second  overplus  for 
the  public,  that  doth  not  first  leave  an  overplus  to  the 
private  stock  of  him  that  gathers  it ;  and  therefore 
nothing  is  more  certain,  than  that  those  states  are  least 
able  to  aid  and  defray  great  charges  for  wars,  or  other 
public  disbursements,  whose  wealth  resteth  chiefly  in 
the  hands  of  the  nobility  and  gentlemen.  For  what 
by  reason  of  their  magnificence  and  waste  in  expence, 
and  what  by  reason  of  their  desire  to  advance  and 
make  great  their  own  families,  and  again  upon  thfo 
coincidence  of  the  former  reason,  because  they  are 
always  the  fewest ;  small  is  the  help,  as  to  payments 
or  charges,  that  can  be  levied  or  expected  from  them 
towards  the  occasions  of  a  state.  Contrary  it  is  of 
such  states  whose  wealth  resteth  in  the  hands  of  mer 
chants,  burghers,  tradesmen,  freeholders,  farmers  in 
the  country,  and  the  like  ;  whereof  we  have  a  most 
evident  and  present  example  before  our  eyes,  in  our 
neighbours  of  the  Low-Countries,  who  could  never 
have  endured  and  continued  so  inestimable  and  insup 
portable  charges,  either  by  their  natural  frugality  or 


OF  THE   KINGDOM  OF   BRITAIN.  251 

by  their  mechanical  industry,  were  it  not  also  that 
there  was  a  concurrence  in  them  of  this  last  reason, 
which  is,  that  their  wealth  was  dispersed  in  many 
hands,  and  not  ingrossed  into  few  ;  and  those  hands 
were  not  much  of  the  nobility,  but  most  and  generally 
of  inferior  conditions. 

To  make  application  of  this  part  concerning  treasure 
to  your  majesty's  kingdoms  : 

First,  I  suppose  I  cannot  err,  that  as  to  the  endow 
ments  of  your  crown,  there  is  not  any  crown  of  Europe, 
that  hath  so  great  a  proportion  of  demesne  and  land 
revenue.  Again,  he  that  shall  look  into  your  prerog 
ative  shall  find  it  to  have  as  many  streams  to  feed  your 
treasury,  as  the  prerogative  of  any  of  the  said  kings, 
and  yet  without  oppression  or  taxing  of  your  people. 
For  they  be  things  unknown  in  many  other  states, 
that  all  rich  mines  should  be  yours,  though  in  the  soil 
of  your  subjects ;  that  all  wardships  should  be  yours, 
where  a  tenure  in  chief  is,  of  lands  held  of  your  sub 
jects  ;  that  all  confiscations  and  escheats  of  treason 
should  be  yours,  though  the  tenure  be  of  the  subject ; 
that  all  actions  popular,  and  the  fines  and  casualties 
thereupon,  may  be  informed  in  your  name,  and  should 
be  due  unto  you,  and  a  moiety  at  the  least  where  the 
subject  himself  informs.  And  further,  he  that  shall 
look  into  your  revenues  at  the  ports  of  the  sea,  your 
revenues  in  courts  of  justice,  and  for  the  stirring  of 
your  seals,  the  revenues  upon  your  clergy,  and  the  rest, 
will  conclude  that  the  law  of -England  studied  how  to 
make  a  rich  crown,  and  yet  without  levies  upon  your 
subject.  For  merchandizing,  it  is  true  it  was  ever  by 
the  kings  of  this  realm  despised,  as  a  thing  ignoble  and 


252  OF   THE  TRUE  GREATNESS 

indign  for  a  king,  though  it  is  manifest,  the  situation 
and  commodities  of  this  island  considered,  it  is  infinite 
what  your  majesty  mono-lit  raise,  if  you  would  do  as 
a  King  of  Portugal  doth,  or  a  Duke  of  Florence,  in 
matter  of  merchandise.  As  for  the  wealth  of  the  sub 
ject  i  *  *  *  * 

To  proceed  to  the  articles  affirmative.  The  first 
was, 

That  the  true  greatness  of  an  estate  consisteth  in  the 
natural  and  Jit  situation  of  the  region  or  place. 

Wherein  I  mean  nothing  superstitiously  touching  the 
fortunes  or  fatal  destiny  of  any  places,  nor  philosoph 
ically  touching  their  configuration  with  the  superior 
globe.  But  I  understand  proprieties  and  respects 
merely  civil,  and  according  to  the  nature  of  human 
actions,  and  the  true  considerations  of  estate.  Out  of 
which  duly  weighed,  there  doth  arise  a  triple  distribu 
tion  of  the  fitness  of  a  region  for  a  great  monarchy. 
First,  that  it  be  of  hard  access.  Secondly,  that  it  be 
seated  in  no  extreme  angle,  but  commodiously  in  the 
midst  of  many  regions.  And  thirdly,  that  it  be  mar 
itime,  or  at  the  least  upon  great  navigable  rivers ;  and 
be  not  inland  or  mediterrane.  And  that  these  are  not 
conceits,  but  notes  of  event,  it  appeareth  manifestly, 
that  all  great  monarchies  and  states  have  been  seated 

1  Here  the  MS.  stops  again  before  the  bottom  of  the  page.  The  next 
page,  which  was  left  blank,  has  at  one  time  been  the  outside  of  the  bundle, 
for  it  is  docqucted  in  Bacon's  own  hand,  "Compositions."  The  rest  is  in 
the  hand  of  the  first  transcriber,  though  not  so  fairly  written.  It  bears  no 
traces  of  correction  or  revision ;  nor  are  there  any  marks  to  show  whether 
all  that  was  done  is  there.  It  will  be  observed  that  the  last  two  of  the 
negative  articles  are  not  touched  on.  But  any  number  of  sheets  may  have 
dropped  out  here  without  detection. 


OF  THE  KINGDOM  OF  BRITAIN.  253 

in  such  manner,  as,  if  you  would  place  them  again, 
observing  these  three  points  which  I  have  mentioned, 
you  cannot  place  them  better  ;  which  shews  the  pre 
eminence  of  nature,  unto  which  human  industry  or 
accident  cannot  be  equal,  specially  in  any  continuance 
of  time.  Nay,  if  a  man  look  into  these  things  more 
attentively,  he  shall  see  divers  of  these  seats  of  mon 
archies,  how  fortune  hath  hovered  still  about  the  places, 
coming  and  going  only  in  regard  of  the  fixed  reason  of 
the  conveniency  of  the  place,  which  is  immutable. 
And  therefore  first  we  see  the  excellent  situation  of 
Egypt,  which  seemeth  to  have  been  the  most  ancient 
monarchy,  how  conveniently  it  stands  upon  a  neck  of 
land  commanding  both  seas  on  either  side,  and  embrac 
ing,  as  it  were  with  two  arms,  Asia  and  Afric,  besides 
the  benefit  of  the  famous  river  of  Nilus.  And  there 
fore  we  see  what  hath  been  the  fortune  of  that  coun 
try,  there  having  been  two  mighty  returns  of  fortune, 
though  at  great  distance  of  time  ;  the  one  in  the  times 
of  Sesostris,  and  the  other  in  the  empire  of  the  Mama- 
lukes,  besides  the  middle  greatness  of  the  kingdom  of 
the  Ptolomies,  and  of  the  greatness  of  the  Caliphs  and 
Sultans  in  the  latter  times.  And  this  region,  we  see 
likewise,  is  of  strait  and  defensible  access,  being  com 
monly  called  of  the  Romans,  Claustra  ^Egypti}-  Con 
sider  in  like  manner  the  situation  of  Babylon,  being 
planted  most  strongly  in  regard  of  lakes  and  overflow 
ing  grounds  between  the  two  great  navigable  rivers  of 
Euphrates  and  Tigris,  and  in  the  very  heart  of  the 
world,  having  regard  to  the  four  cardines  of  east  and 
west  and  northern  and  southern  regions.  And  there- 

1  Opposite  this  sentence  is  written  in  the  margin  in  the  transcriber's 
hand,  "Md-  to  add  the  reasons  of  the  three  properties." 


254  OF    THE    TRUE  GREATNESS 

fore  we  see  that  although  the  sovereignty  alter,  yet  the 
seat  still  of  the  monarchy  remains  in  that  place.  For 
after  the  monarchies  of  the  kings  of  Assyria,  which 
were  natural  kings  of  that  place,1  yet  when  the  foreign 
kings  of  Persia  came  in,  the  seat  remained.  For  al 
though  the  mansion  of  the  persons  of  the  kings  of  Per 
sia  were  sometimes  at  Susa,  and  sometimes  at  Ecbatana, 
which  were  termed  their  winter  and  their  summer  par 
lours,  because  of  the  mildness  of  the  air  in  the  one, 
and  the  freshness  in  the  other ;  yet  the  city  of  estate 
continued  to  be  Babylon.  Therefore  we  see  that  Alex 
ander  the  Great,  according  to  the  advice  of  Calanus 
the  Indian,  that  shewed  him  a  bladder,  which  if  it  were 
borne  down  at  one  end  would  rise  at  the  other,  and 
therefore  wished  him  to  keep  himself  in  the  middle  of 
his  empire,  chose  accordingly  Babylon  for  his  seat,  and 
died  there.  And  afterwards  likewise  in  the  family  of 
Seleucus  and  his  descendents,  Kings  of  the  East,  al 
though  divers  of  them,  for  their  own  glory,  were  found 
ers  of  cities  of  their  own  names,  as  Antiochia,  Seleucia, 
and  divers  others,  (which  they  sought  by  all  means  to 
raise  and  adorn,)  yet  the  greatness  still  remained  ac 
cording  unto  nature  with  the  ancient  seat.  Nay,  fur 
ther  on,  the  same  remained  daring  the  greatness  of  the 
kings  of  Parthia,  as  appeareth  by  the  verse  of  Lucan, 
who  wrote  in  Nero's  time. 

Cumque  superba  staret  Babylon  spolianda  trophaeis. 

And  after  that  again,  it  obtained  the  seat  of  the  highest 
Caliph  or  successors  of  Mahomet.  And  at  this  day, 
that  which  they  call  Bagdat,  which  joins  to  the  ruins 
of  the  other,  continueth  one  of  the  greatest  satrapies 

1  So  MS.     I  suspect  that  some  words  have  dropped  out  here. 


OF  THE  KINGDOM  OF  BRITAIN.  255 

of  the  Levant.  So  again  Persia,  being  a  country  im- 
barred  with  mountains,  open  to  the  sea,  and  in  the 
middle  of  the  world,  we  see  hath  had  three  memorable 
revolutions  of  great  monarchies.  The  first  in  the  time 
of  Cyrus  ;  the  second  in  the  time  of  the  new  Artax- 
erxes,  who  raised  himself  in  the  reign  of  Alexander 
Severus,  Emperor  of  Rome  ;  and  now  of  late  memory, 
in  Ismael  the  Sophy,  whose  descendents  continue  in 
empire  and  competition  with  the  Turks  to  this  day. 
So  again  Constantinople,  being  one  of  the  most  ex- 
cellentest  seats  of  the  world,  in  the  confines  of  Europe 
and  Asia.1 


1  Here  the  MS.  stops  again,  at  the  bottom  of  the  page;  but  without  any 
mark  of  ending.  The  other  side  of  the  leaf  is  indeed  left  blank ;  but  the 
rest  of  the  original  draught,  if  there  was  more,  may  have  been  in  the  hands 
of  another  transcriber. 


COLOUES    OF    GOOD    AND    EVIL. 


VOL.   XIII. 


PREFACE. 


THE  fragment  entitled  Of  the  Colours  of  Good  and 
Evil  (the  beginning  of  a  collection  of  colourable  argu 
ments  on  questions  of  good  and  evil,  with  answers  to 
them,)  appears  in  a  more  perfect  shape,  though  still  a 
fragment,  in  the  sixth  book  of  the  De  Augmentis  Scien- 
tiarum,  cap.  iii.  As  it  stands  here,  it  formed  part  of 
Bacon's  earliest  publication  ;  being  printed  in  the  same 
volume  with  the  Essays  and  Meditationes  Sacrce  (1597), 
in  the  title  of  which  it  is  called  "  Places  of  persuasion 
and  dissuasion  ;  "  and  was  probably  composed  not  long 
before. 

In  a  bundle  of  manuscripts  in  the  British  Museum 
(of  which  a  more  particular  account  will  be  found,  un 
der  the  title  of  Promus  of  formularies  and  Elegancies, 
in  the  next  volume),  written  in  Bacon's  hand  and 
apparently  about  the  years  1595  and  1596,  there  is 
a  considerable  collection  of  these  "  colours ; "  but  be 
ing  set  down  without  the  explanations,  and  with  only 
here  and  there  a  note  to  suggest  the  answer,  they  are 
valuable  only  as  an  example  of  his  manner  of  working 
and  of  the  activity  of  his  industry.  There  are  seventy 
or  eighty  altogether.  The  following  are  on  a  separate 
sheet,  and  may  serve  as  a  specimen  of  the  least  naked 
of  them. 


260  PREFACE   TO   THE 

Semblances  or  popularities  of  good  and  evill,  with  their  rcdargu- 
tions  /  for  Deliberations. 

Cujus  contrarium  malum  bonuni;  cujus  bonum  malum. 

Non  tenet  in  iis  rebus  quarum  vis  in  temperamento  et  men- 
sura  sita  est. 

Dum  vitant  stulti  vitia  in  contraria  currunt. 

Media  via  nulla  est  quae  nee  amicos  parit  nee  inimicos  tollit. 

Solon's  law  that  in  states  every  man  should  declare  himself  of 
one  faction.  Neutralitye. 

Utinam  esses  calidus  aut  frigidus  :  sed  quoniam  tepidus  es  eve- 
met  ut  te  expuam  ex  ore  meo. 

Dixerunt  fatui  medium  tenuere  beati. 

Cujus  origo  occasio  bona,  'bonum:  cujus  mala  malum. 

Non  tenet  in  iis  malis  quae  vel  mentem  informant,  vel  affectum 
corrigunt,  sive  resipiscentiam  inducendo  sive  necessitatem,  nee 
etiam  in  fortuitis. 

No  man  gathereth  grapes  of  thornes  nor  figges  of  thistells. 

The  nature  of  everything  is  best  eonsydered  in  the  seed. 

Primum  mobile  turnes  about  all  the  rest  of  the  orbes. 

A  good  or  yll  foundacon. 

Ex  malis  moribus  bonae  lees. 


When  things  are  at  the  periode  of  yll  they  turn  agayne. 

Many  effects  like  the  serpent  that  devoureth  her  moother,  so 
they  destroy  their  first  cause,  as  inopia,  luxuria  &c. 

The  fashon  of  D.  Hect.  to  the  dames  of  Lond.  your  way  is  to 
be  sicker. 

Usque  adeo  latet  utilitas. 

Aliquisque  malo  fuit  usus  in  illo. 

Quod  ad  bonum  finem  dirigitur  bonum,  quod  ad  malum  malum.1 


The  sheet  on  which  this  is  written,  and  of  which  the 
rest  is  left  blank,  is   docqueted  in  Bacon's  hand,   but 

1  Harl.  MSS.  7017.  fo.  128. 


COLOURS   OF  GOOD  AND  EVIL.  261 

apparently  at  a  later  period,  Philologue,  Colors  of  Good 
and  Evill. 

From  the  character  of  these  "  redargutions,"  or  hints 
for  redargution,  (and  the  rest  are  of  the  same  kind,  only 
rather  less  full,)  compared  with  the  more  finished  ex 
positions  which  will  be  found  in  the  fragment  which 
follows,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  they  are  of  earlier 
date.  I  suppose  that  Bacon  shortly  after  selected  a 
few  of  the  Colours  which  he  had  thus  gathered  together, 
and  finished  them  according  to  the  form  of  the  intended 
treatise. 

The  fragment  was  first  published,  and  probably  first 
printed,  along  with  the  first  edition  of  the  Essays  ;  for 
it  begins  on  the  same  sheet  which  contains  the  last  of 
the  Meditationes  Sacrce,  of  which  the  first  begins  on 
the  same  sheet  which  contains  the  last  essay.  A  copy 
of  it  appears  however  to  have  been  sent  separately 
(and  probably  in  MS.)  to  Lord  Mountjoy,  to  whom  it 
was  originally  dedicated,  or  meant  to  be  dedicated  ;  for 
a  manuscript  volume  in  the  library  of  Queen's  College, 
Oxford,  consisting  of  old  copies  of  Bacon's  early  letters 
(the  same  apparently,  or  a  copy  of  the  same,  from 
which  Dr.  Rawley  printed  his  supplementary  collection 
in  tiiQResuscitatio),  contains  a  letter  to  Lord  Mountjoy, 
evidently  referring  to  this  fragment,  in  some  form  of 
it.  In  the  common  editions  of  Bacon's  works  this  let 
ter  is  stated  to  be  "  from  the  original  draught  in  the 
library  of  Queen's  College  "  &c.  But  this  is  a  mistake. 
The  copies  in  the  volume  to  which  I  refer  have  been 
taken  for  original  draughts  because  the  copyist  has  been 
hasty  and  careless  and  had  often  to  correct  himself  as 
he  went  on.  But  the  hand  is  certainly  not  Bacon's ; 
and  if  the  order  in  which  the  letters  succeed  eacli  other 


262  PREFACE  TO    THE 

be  examined,  it  will  appear  that  they  could  not  possibly 
be  original  draughts. 

The  letter  has  no  date,  and  runs  thus : 

"  My  very  good  Lord, 

Finding  by  my  last  going  to  my  lodge  at 
Twicnam  and  tossing  over  my  papers,  somewhat  that 
I  thought  mouglit  like  you,  I  had  neither  leisure  to 
perfect  them,  nor  the  patience  to  expect  leisure.  So 
impatient  was  I  to  make  demonstration  of  my  honoura 
ble  love  towards  you  and  to  increase  your  good  love 
towards  me.  And  I  would  not  have  your  Lordship 
conceive,  though  it  be  my  manner  and  rule  to  keep 
state  in  contemplative  matters  (si  quis  venerit  nomine 
suo,  eum  recipietis),  that  I  think  so  well  of  the  collec 
tion  as  I  seem  to  do  ;  and  yet  I  dare  not  take  too 
much  from  it,  because  I  have  chosen  to  dedicate  it 
to  you.  To  be  short,  it  is  the  honour  I  can  do  to  you 
at  this  time.  And  so  I  commend  me  to  your  love  and 
honourable  friendship." 

Another  paper  headed  "  Mr.  Francis  Bacon  of  the 
Collors  of  good  and  evyll,  to  the  Lo.  Mount  joy  e  "  was 
found  by  Stephens  among  Lord  Oxford's  MSS.  and 
printed  in  his  "  second  collection  :  "  since  which  time 
it  has  commonly  been  prefixed  to  the  tract  itself,  as 
if  it  formed  part  of  the  original  edition  ;  which  is  not 
the  case.  Neither  in  the  edition  of  1597,  nor  in  any 
of  the  many  reprints  of  it  which  had  appeared  before, 
is  there  any  separate  dedication  prefixed  to  this  frag 
ment.  The  manuscript  however  from  which  Stephens 
took  it  (Harl.  MSS.  6797.  No.  6.)  is  in  a  contem 
porary  hand,  and  one  which  has  been  employed  in 


COLOURS  OF  GOOD  AND  EVIL.        263 

transcribing  other  papers  undoubtedly  of  Bacon's  com 
position  :  and  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  letter  in  ques 
tion  was  written  by  Bacon  with  the  intention  (whether 
fulfilled  or  not)  of  prefixing  it  to  the  work  —  then  per 
haps  meant  only  for  private  circulation  in  manuscript — 
by  way  of  dedication.  And  here  it  is. 

"  MR.  FRANCIS  BACON  of  the  colours  of  good  and 

evil,    to    THE    LORD    MOUNTJOYE. 

I  send  you  the  last  part  of  the  best  book  of  Aris 
totle  of  Stagira,  who  (as  your  Lordship  knoweth) 
goeth  for  the  best  author.  But  (saving  the  civil  re 
spect  which  is  due  to  a  received  estimation)  the  man 
being  a  Grecian  and  of  a  hasty  wit,  having  hardly  a 
discerning  patience,  much  less  a  teaching  patience, 
hath  so  delivered  the  matter,  as  I  am  glad  to  do  the 
part  of  a  good  house-hen,  which  without  any  strange 
ness  will  sit  upon  pheasants'  eggs.  And  yet  perchance 
some  that  shall  compare  my  lines  with  Aristotle's  lines, 
will  muse  by  what  art,  or  rather  by  what  revelation, 
I  could  draw  these  conceits  out  of  that  place.  But  I, 
that  should  know  best,  do  freely  acknowledge  that  I 
had  my  light  from  him  ;  for  where  he  gave  me  not 
matter  to  perfect,  at  the  least  he  gave  me  occasion  to 
invent.  Wherein  as  I  do  him  right,  being  myself  a 
man  that  am  as  free  from  envying  the  dead  in  con 
templation,  as  from  envying  the  living  in  action  or 
fortune:  so  yet  nevertheless  still  I  say,  and  I  speak 
it  more  largely  than  before,  that  in  perusing  the  writ 
ings  of  this  person  so  much  celebrated,  whether  it  were 
the  impediment  of  his  wit,  or  that  he  did  it  upon  glory 
and  affectation  to  be  subtile,  as  one  that  if  he  had  seen 
his  own  conceits  clearly  and  perspicuously  delivered, 


264     PREFACE   TO   THE  COLOURS   OF   GOOD    AND  EVIL. 

perhaps  would  have  been  out  of  love  with  them  him 
self;  or  else  upon  policy  to  keep  himself  close,  as  one 
that  had  been  a  challenger  of  all  the  world,  and  had 
raised  infinite  contradiction  :  to  what  cause  soever  it 
is  to  be  ascribed,  I  do  not  find  him  to  deliver  and  un 
wrap  himself  well  of  that  he  seemeth  to  conceive,  nor 
to  be  a  master  of  his  own  knowledge.  Neither  do  I 
for  my  part  also,  (though  I  have  brought  in  a  new  man 
ner  of  handling  this  argument  to  make  it  pleasant  and 
lightsome,)  pretend  so  to  have  overcome  the  nature 
of  the  subject,  but  that  the  full  understanding  and 
use  of  it  will  be  somewhat  dark,  and  best  pleasing  the 
tastes  of  such  wits  as  are  patient  to  stay  the  digesting 
and  soluting  unto  themselves  of  that  which  is  sharp 
and  subtile.  Which  was  the  cause,  joined  with  the 
love  and  honour  which  I  bear  to  your  Lordship,  as 
the  person  I  know  to  have  many  virtues  and  an  ex 
cellent  order  of  them,  which  moved  me  to  dedicate 
this  writing  to  your  Lordship  ;  after  the  ancient  man 
ner  :  choosing  both  a  friend,  and  one  to  whom  I  con 
ceive  the  argument  was  agreeable." 

O  O 

This  fragment  was  never  reprinted  by  Bacon  him 
self,  but  is  appended  to  most  of  the  reprints  of  the 
Essays  which  were  published  by  other  people  both 
during  his  life  and  for  some  years  after.  I  have  col 
lated  it  with  the  original  copy  in  the  British  Museum, 
and  inserted  translations  of  the  Latin  sentences. 


OF 


THE    COOLERS 


GOOD    AND    EVILL 


A   FRAGMENT. 


1597. 


1.  Cui  ceterae  partes  vel  sectae  secundas  unanimiter  deferunt, 
cum  singulas  principatum  sibi  vindicent,  melior  reliquis  videtur. 
Nam   primas   quaeque  ex   zelo  videtur  sumere  ;  secundas   autem 
ex  vero  tribuere. 

2.  Cujus   excellentia  vel   exuperantia  melior,   id  toto   genere 
melius. 

3.  Quod  ad  veritatem  refertur  majus  est  quam  quod  ad  opin- 
ionem.     Modus  autem  et  probatio  ejus  quod  ad  opinion  em  pertinet 
hsec  est :  quod  quis  si  clam  putaret  fore,  facturus  non  esset. 

4.  Quod  rem  integram  servat  bonum,  quod  sine  receptu  est  ma- 
lum.     Nam  se  recipere  non  posse  impotentiae  genus  est,  potentia 
autem  bonum. 

5.  Quod  ex  pluribus  constat  et  divisibilius,  est  majus  quam  quod 
ex  paiu-ioribus  et  magis  unum  :  nam  omnia  per  partes  considerata 
majora  videntur,  quare  et  pluralitas  partium  magnitudinem  prae 
se  fert :    fbrtius  autem  operator  pluralitas  partium  si  ordo  absit, 
nam  inducit  similitudinem  infiniti,  et  impedit  comprehensionem. 

6.  Cujus  privatio  bona,  malum  ;  cujus  privatio  mala,  bonum. 

7.  Quod  bono  vicinum,  bonum  :  quod  a  bono  remotum,  malum. 

8.  Quod  quis  culpa  sua  contraxit,  majus  malum  ;  quod  ab  ex- 
ternis  imponitur,  minus  malum. 

9.  Quod  opera  et  virtute  nostra  partum  est,  majus  bonum  ;  quod 
ab  alieno  beneficio  vel  ab  indulgentia  fortunae  delatum  est,  minus 
bonum. 

10.  Gradus  privationis  major  videtur  quam  gradus  diminutionis; 
et  rursus  gradus  inceptionis  major  videtur  quarn  gradus  incrementi. 


COLOUES    OF    GOOD    AND    EVIL. 


IN  deliberatives  the  point  is,  what  is  good  and  what 
is  evil,  and  of  good  what  is  greater,  and  of  evil  what 
is  the  less. 

So  that  the  persuader's  labour  is  to  make  things  ap 
pear  good  or  evil,  and  that  in  higher  or  lower  degree  ; 
which  as  it  may  be  performed  by  true  and  solid  rea 
sons,  so  it  may  be  represented  also  by  colours,  popular 
ities  and  circumstances,  which  are  of  such  force,  as 
they  sway  the  ordinary  judgment  either  of  a  weak 
man,  or  of  a  wise  man  not  fully  and  considerately 
attending  and  pondering  the  matter.  Besides  their 
power  to  alter  the  nature  of  the  subject  in  appear 
ance,  and  so  to  lead  to  error,  they  are  of  no  less  use 
to  quicken  and  strengthen  the  opinions  and  persua 
sions  which  are  true :  for  reasons  plainly  delivered, 
and  always  after  one  manner,  especially  with  fine  and 
fastidious  minds,  enter  but  heavily  and  dully  :  whereas 
if  they  be  varied  and  have  more  life  and  vigour  put 
into  them  by  these  forms  and  insinuations,  they  cause 
a  stronger  apprehension,  and  many  times  suddenly  win 
the  mind  to  a  resolution.  Lastly,  to  make  a  true  and 
safe  judgment,  nothing  can  be  of  greater  use  and  de 
fence  to  the  mind,  than  the  discovering  and  reprehen- 


270  COLOURS   OF   GOOD  AND   EVIL. 

sion  of  these  colours,  shewing  in  what  cases  they  hold, 
and  in  what  they  deceive :  which  as  it  cannot  be  done, 
but  out  of  a  very  universal  knowledge  of  the  nature 
of  things,  so  being  performed,  it  so  cleareth  man's 
judgment  and  election,  as  it  is  the  less  apt  to  slide 
into  any  error. 


A  TABLE  OF  COLOURS  OR  APPEARANCES  OF  GOOD  AND 
EVIL,  AND  THEIR  DEGREES,  AS  PLACES  OF  PERSUA 
SION  AND  DISSUASION,  AND  THEIR  SEVERAL  FAL- 

LAXES,    AND    THE    ELENCHES    OF    THEM. 
I. 

Cai  cceterce  paries  vel  sectce  secundas  unanimiter  defe- 
runt,  cum  singulce  principatam  sibi  vendicent,  melior 
reliquis  videtur.  Nam  primas  quceque  ex  zelo  vide- 
tur  siimere,  secundas  autem  ex  vero  et  merito  tribuere. 
[That  to  which  all  other  parties  or  sects  agree  in 
assigning  the  second  place  (each  putting  itself  first) 
should  be  the  best :  for  the  assumption  of  the  first 
place  is  probably  due  to  partiality,  the  assignation 
of  the  second  to  truth  and  merit.] 

So  Cicero  went  about  to  prove  the  sect  of  Academ 
ics,  which  suspended  all  asseveration,  for  to  be  the 
best :  for,  saith  he,  ask  a  Stoic  which  philosophy  is 
true,  he  will  prefer  his  own.  Then  ask  him  which 
approacheth  next  the  truth,  he  will  confess  the  Aca 
demics.  So  deal  with  the  Epicure,  that  will  scant  en 
dure  the  Stoic  to  be  in  sight  of  him  ;  as  soon  as  he 
hath  placed  himself,  he  will  place  the  Academics  next 
him. 


COLOURS   OF  GOOD  AND  EYIL.  271 

So  if  a  prince  took  divers  competitors  to  a  place, 
and  examined  them  severally,  whom  next  themselves 
they  would  rathest  commend,  it  were  like  the  ablest 
man  should  have  the  most  second  votes. 

The  fallax  of  this  colour  happeneth  oft  in  respect 
of  envy ;  for  men  are  accustomed  after  themselves 
and  their  own  faction  to  incline  unto  them  which  are 
softest,  and  are  least  in  their  way,  in  despite  and  dero 
gation  of  them  that  hold  them  hardest  to  it.  So  that 
this  colour  of  meliority  and  pre-eminence  is  a  sign  of 
enervation  and  weakness. 

II. 

Cujus  excellentia  vel  exuperantia  melior,  id  toto  genere 
melius.  [That  which  is  best  when  in  perfection,  is 
best  altogether.] 

Appertaining  to  this  are  the  forms :  Let  us  not 
wander  in  generalities :  Let  us  compare  particular  with 
particular,  &c. 

This  appearance,  though  it  seem  of  strength,  and 
rather  logical  than  rhetorical,  yet  is  very  oft  a  fal 
lax. 

Sometimes  because  some  things  are  in  kind  very 
casual,  which  if  they  escape  prove  excellent ;  so  that 
the  kind  is  inferior,  because  it  is  so  subject  to  peril, 
but  that  which  is  excellent  being  proved  is  superior  ; 
as  the  blossom  of  March  and  the  blossom  of  May, 
whereof  the  French  verse  goeth : 

Burgeon  de  Mars,  entans  de  Paris, 
Si  un  eschape,  il  en  vaut  dix. 


272  COLOURS   OF   GOOD  AND    EVIL. 

So  that  the  blossom  of  May  is  generally  better  than 
the  blossom  of  March  ;  and  yet  the  best  blossom  of 
March  is  better  than  the  best  blossom  of  May. 

Sometimes  because  the  nature  of  some  kinds  is  to  be 
more  equal  and  more  indifferent,  and  not  to  have  very 
distant  degrees,  as  hath  been  noted  in  the  warmer 
climates  the  people  are  generally  more  wise,  but  in 
the  northern  climate  the  wits  of  chief  are  greater.  So 
in  many  armies,  if  the  matter  should  be  tried  by  duel 
between  two  champions,  the  victory  should  go  on  one 
side,  and  yet  if  it  be  tried  by  the  gross,  it  would  go 
of  the  other  side :  for  excellencies  go  as  it  were  by 
chance,  but  kinds  go  by  a  more  certain  nature,  as  by 
discipline  in  war. 

Lastly,  many  kinds  have  much  refuse,  which  coun 
tervail  that  which  they  have  excellent ;  and  therefore 
generally  metal  is  more  precious  than  stone,  and  yet 
a  diamond  is  more  precious  than  gold. 

III. 

Quod  ad  veritatem  refertur  majus  est  quam  quod  ad 
opinionem.  Modus  autem  et  probatio  ejus  quod  ad 
opinionem  pertinet  licec  e8t,  quod  quis  si  clam  putaret 
fore,  facturus  non  esset.  [That  which  has  relation 
to  truth  is  greater  than  that  which  has  relation  to 
opinion :  and  the  proof  that  a  thing  has  relation  to 
opinion  is  this  :  It  is  what  a  man  would  not  do,  if 
he  thought  it  would  not  be  known.] 

So  the  Epicures  say  of  the  Stoics'  felicity  placed  in 
virtue  ;  that  it  is  like  the  felicity  of  a  player,  who  if 
he  were  left  of  his  auditory  and  their  applause,  he 
would  straight  be  out  of  heart  and  countenance  ;  and 


I 


COLOURS  OF  GOOD  AND  EVIL.         273 

therefore   they  call   virtue   bonum   theatrale.     But  of 
riches  the  poet  saith : 

Populus  me  sibilat,  at  mihi  plaudo. 

[The  people  hiss  me,  but  I  applaud  myself.] 

And  of  pleasure, 

Grata  sub  imo 
Gaudia  corde  premens,  vultu  simulante  pudorem. 

[Her  face  said  "  fie  for  shame;  "  but  inly  blest, 
She  nursed  the  secret  pleasure  in  her  breast.] 

The  fallax  of  this  colour  is  somewhat  subtile,  though 
the  answer  to  the  example  be  ready ;  for  virtue  is  not 
chosen  propter  auram  popularem  ;  but  contrariwise,  max- 
ime  omnium  teipsum  reverere,  [a  man  should  above  all 
reverence  himself]  :  so  as  a  virtuous  man  will  be  vir 
tuous  in  solitudine,  and  not  only  in  theatro,  though 
percase  it  will  be  more  strong  by  glory  and  fame,  as 
an  heat  which  is  doubled  by  reflection.  But  that 
denieth  the  supposition,  it  doth  not  reprehend  the  fal 
lax,  whereof  the  reprehension  is  :  Allow  that  virtue 
(such  as  is  joined  with  labour  and  conflict)  would  not 
be  chosen  but  for  fame  and  opinion,  yet  it  followeth 
not  that  the  chief  motive  of  the  election  should  not  be 
real  and  for  it  self;  for  fame  may  be  only  causa  impul- 
siva,  and  not  causa  constituens  or  efficiens.  As  if  there 
were  two  horses,  and  the  one  would  do  better  without 
the  spur  than  the  other  :  but  again,  the  other  with  the 
spur  would  far  exceed  the  doing  of  the  former,  giving 
him  the  spur  also  ;  yet  the  latter  will  be  judged  to  be 
the  better  horse.  And  the  form  as  to  say,  Tush,  the 
life  of  this  horse  is  but  in  the  spur,  will  not  serve  as  to 
a  wise  judgment :  for  since  the  ordinary  instrument 
of  horsemanship  is  the  spur,  and  that  it  is  no  manner 
of  impediment  nor  burden,  the  horse  is  not  to  be  ac- 

VOL.  XIII.  18 


274  COLOURS   OF  GOOD  AND  EVIL. 

counted  the  less  of  which  will  not  do  well  without 
the  spur,  but  rather  the  other  is  to  be  reckoned  a  deli 
cacy  than  a  virtue :  so  glory  and  honour  are  as  spurs 
to  virtue  :  and  although  virtue  would  languish  with 
out  them,  yet  since  they  be  always  at  hand  to  attend 
virtue,  virtue  is  not  to  be  said  the  less  chosen  for  itself 
because  it  needeth  the  spur  of  fame  and  reputation  : 
and  therefore  that  position,  nota  ejus  rei  quod  propter 
opinionem  et  non  propter  veritatem  eligitur,  Imc  est, 
quod  quis  si  clam  putaret  fore  facturus  non  esset,  is 
reprehended. 

IV. 

Quod  rem  integram  servat  bonum,  quod  sine  receptu  est 
malum.  Nam  se  recipere  non  posse  impotentice  genus 
est,  potentia  autem  bonum.  [That  course  which 
keeps  the  matter  in  a  man's  power  is  good  ;  that 
which  leaves  him  without  retreat  is  bad :  for  to 
have  no  means  of  retreating  is  to  be  in  a  sort  pow 
erless  ;  and  power  is  a  good  thing.] 

Hereof  ^Esop  framed  the  ikble  of  the  two  frogs,  that 
consulted  together  in  the  time  of  drought,  (when  many 
plashes  that  they  had  repaired  to  were  dry,)  what  was 
to  be  done  ;  and  the  one  propounded  to  go  down  into 
a  deep  well,  because  it  was  like  the  water  would  not 
fail  there  ;  but  the  other  answered,  yea  but  if  it  do 
fail,  how  shall  we  get  up  again  ?  And  the  reason  is, 
that  human  actions  are  so  uncertain  and  subject  to 
perils,  as  that  seemeth  the  best  course  which  hath 
most  passages  out  of  it. 

Appertaining  to  this  persuasion,  the  forms  are,  you 
shall  engage  yourself ;  on  the  other  side,  tantum  quan 
tum  voles  sumes  ex  fortuna,  &c.  you  shall  keep  the 


COLOURS   OF  GOOD  AND  EVIL.  275 

matter  in  your  own  hands.  The  reprehension  of  it 
is,  that  proceeding  and  resolving  in  all  actions  is  neces 
sary  :  for  as  he  saith  well,  not  to  resolve  is  to  resolve  ; 
and  many  times  it  breeds  as  many  necessities,  and 
engageth  as  far  in  some  other  sort,  as  to  resolve. 

So  it  is  but  the  covetous  man's  disease  translated 
into  power  ;  for  the  covetous  man  will  enjoy  nothing, 
because  he  will  have  his  full  store  and  possibility  to 
enjoy  the  more  ;  so  by  this  reason  a  man  should  ex 
ecute  nothing,  because  he  should  be  still  indifferent 
and  at  liberty  to  execute  anything.  Besides  neces 
sity  and  this  same  jacta  est  alea  hath  many  times  an 
advantage,  because  it  awaketh  the  powers  of  the  mind, 
and  strengthened!  endeavour.  Cceteris  pares  necessitate 
certe  superiores  estis :  [Being  equal  otherwise,  in  neces 
sity  you  have  the  better.] 

V. 

Quod  ex  pluribus  constat  et  divisibilius,  est  majus  quam 
quod  ex  paueioribm  et  magis  unum :  nam  omnia  per 
paries  consider  ata  major  a  videntur  ;  quare  et  plurali- 
tas  partiam  magnitudinem  prce  se  fert :  fortius  autem 
operatur  pluralitas  partium  si  ordo  absit,  nam  indiicit 
similitudinem  infiniti,  et  impedit  comprehensionem. 
[That  which  consists  of  more  things  and  is  more 
divisible,  is  greater  than  that  which  consists  of  fewer 
and  is  more  of  one  piece  :  for  all  things  seem  greater 
when  they  are  considered  part  by  part ;  and  there 
fore  plurality  of  parts  carries  a  show  of  magnitude. 
Also  plurality  of  parts  has  the  greater  effect  when 
there  is  no  order  in  them  ;  for  the  want  of  ord°r 
gives  it  a  resemblance  to  infinity  and  prevents  com 
prehension.] 


276  COLOURS   OF   GOOD  AND  EVIL. 

This  colour  seemeth  palpable  for  it  is  not  plurality 
of  parts  without  majority  of  parts  that  maketh  the  total 
greater  ;  yet  nevertheless  it  often  carries  the  mind 
away ;  yea  it  deceiveth  the  sense  ;  as  it  seemeth  to 
the  eye  a  shorter  distance  of  way  if  it  be  all  dead  and 
continued,  than  if  it  have  trees  or  buildings  or  any 
other  marks  whereby  the  eye  may  divide  it.  So  when 
a  great  monied  man  hath  divided  his  chests  and  coins 
and  bags,  he  seemeth  to  himself  richer  than  he  was, 
and  therefore  a  way  to  amplify  anything  is  to  break 
it  and  to  make  an  anatomy  of  it  in  several  parts,  and 
to  examine  it  according  to  several  circumstances.  And 
this  maketh  the  greater  shew  if  it  be  done  without 
order  ;  for  confusion  maketh  things  muster  more  ;  and 
besides,  what  is  set  down  by  order  and  division,  doth 
demonstrate  that  nothing  is  left  out  or  omitted,  but 
all  is  there  ;  whereas  if  it  be  without  order,  both  the 
mind  comprehendeth  less  that  which  is  set  down,  and 
besides  it  leaveth  a  suspicion,  as  if  more  might  be 
said  than  is  expressed. 

This  colour  deceiveth,  if  the  mind  of  him  that  is  to 
be  persuaded  do  of  itself  over-conceive  or  prejudge 
of  the  greatness  of  anything;  for  then  the  breaking 
of  it  will  make  it  seem  less,  because  it  maketh  it  to 
appear  more  according  to  the  truth :  and  therefore  if  a 
man  be  in  sickness  or  pain,  the  time  will  seem  longer 
without  a  clock  or  hour-glass,  than  with  it ;  for  the 
mind  doth  value  every  moment,  and  then  the  hour 
doth  rather  sum  up  the  moments  than  divide  the  day. 
So  in  a  dead  plain  the  way  seemeth  the  longer,  be 
cause  the  eye  hath  preconceived  it  shorter  than  the 
truth,  and  the  frustrating  of  that  maketh  it  seem  longer 


COLOURS  OF   GOOD   AND  EVIL.  277 

than  the  truth.  Therefore  if  any  man  have  an  over- 
great  opinion  of  anything,  then  if  another  think  by 
breaking  it  into  several  considerations  he  shall  make 
it  seem  greater  to  him,  he  will  be  deceived ;  and  there 
fore  in  such  cases  it  is  not  safe  to  divide,  but  to  extol 
the  entire  still  in  general. 

Another  case  wherein  this  colour  deceiveth  is  when 
the  matter  broken  or  divided  is  not  comprehended  by 
the  sense  or  mind  at  once,  in  respect  of  the  distract 
ing  or  scattering  of  it ;  and  being  entire  and  not  di 
vided,  is  comprehended  :  as  a  hundred  pounds  in  heaps 
of  five  pounds  will  shew  more  than  in  one  gross  heap, 
so  as  the  heaps  be  all  upon  one  table  to  be  seen  at  once, 
otherwise  not ;  or  flowers  growing  scattered  in  divers 
beds  will  shew  more  than  if  they  did  grow  in  one  bed, 
so  as  all  those  beds  be  within  a  plot,  that  they  be 
object  to  view  at  once,  otherwise  not ;  and  therefore 
men  whose  living  lieth  together  in  one  shire,  are  com 
monly  counted  greater  landed  than  those  whose  livings 
are  dispersed,  though  it  be  more,  because  of  the  no 
tice  and  comprehension. 

A  third  case  wherein  this  colour  deceiveth,  and  it  is 
not  so  properly  a  case  or  reprehension  as  it  is  a  counter 
colour,  being  in  effect  as  large  as  the  colour  itself,  and 
that  is,  omnis  compositio  indigentice  cujusdam  videtar 
esse  particeps  [all  composition  implies  some  neediness]  : 
because  if  one  thing  would  serve  the  turn  it  were  ever 
best,  but  the  defect  and  imperfections  of  things  hath 
brought  in  that  help  to  piece  them  up ;  as  it  is  said, 
Martha,  Martha,  attendis  ad  plurima,  unum  siifficit. 
[Martha,  thou  art  busied  about  many  things :  one 
thing  sufficeth.]  So  likewise  hereupon  ^Esop  framed 
the  fable  of  the  fox  and  the  cat;  whereas  the  fox 


278  COLOURS   OF  GOOD  AND   EVIL. 

bragged  what  a  number  of  shifts  and  devices  he  had  to 
get  from  the  hounds,  and  the  cat  said  she  had  but  one, 
which  was  to  climb  a  tree,  which  in  proof  was  better 
worth  than  all  the  rest ;  whereof  the  proverb  grew, 
Malta  novit  vulpes,  sed  felis  unum  magnum.  And  in 
the  moral  of  this  fable  it  comes  likewise  to  pass,  that  a 
good  sure  friend  is  a  better  help  at  a  pinch  than  all  the 
stratagems  and  policies  of  a  man's  own  wit.  So  it 
falleth  out  to  be  a  common  error  in  negociating,  where 
as  men  have  many  reasons  to  induce  or  persuade,  they 
strive  commonly  to  utter  and  use  them  all  at  once, 
which  weakeneth  them.  For  it  argueth,  as  was  said,  a 
neediness  in  every  of  the  reasons  by  itself,  as  if  one  did 
not  trust  to  any  of  them,  but  fled  from  one  to  another, 
helping  himself  only  with  that,  JSt  quce  non  prosunt  sin- 
gula,  multa  juvant :  [One  will  not  help,  but  many 
will.]  Indeed  in  a  set  speech  in  an  assembly  it  is  ex 
pected  a  man  should  use  all  his  reasons  in  the  case  he 
handleth,  but  in  private  persuasions  it  is  always  a  great 
error. 

A  fourth  case  wherein  this  colour  may  be  repre 
hended,  is  in  respect  of  that  same  vis  unita  fortior ; 
according  to  the  tale  of  the  French  King,  that  when 
the  Emperor's  ambassador  had  recited  his  master's  stile 
at  large,  which  consisteth  of  many  countries  and  do 
minions,  the  French  King  willed  his  Chancellor  or 
other  minister  to  repeat  and  say  over  France  as  many 
times  as  the  other  had  recited  the  several  dominions  ; 
intending  it  was  equivalent  with  them  all,  and  besides 
more  compacted  and  united. 

There  is  also  appertaining  to  this  colour  another 
point,  why  breaking  of  a  thing  doth  help  it,  not  by 
way  of  adding  a  shew  of  magnitude  unto  it,  but  a 


COLOURS  OF  GOOD  AND  EVIL.        279 

note  of  excellency  and  rarity  ;  whereof  the  forms  are, 
Where  shall  you  find  such  a  concurrence  ?  Great  but  not 
complete  ;  for  it  seems  a  less  work  of  nature  or  fortune 
to  make  anything  in  his  kind  greater  than  ordinary, 
than  to  make  a  strange  composition. 

Yet  if  it  be  narrowly  considered,  this  colour  will  be 
reprehended  or  encountered  by  imputing  to  all  excel 
lencies  in  compositions  a  kind  of  poverty,  or  at  least  a 
casualty  or  jeopardy ;  for  from  that  which  is  excellent 
in  greatness,  somewhat  may  be  taken,  or  there  may  be 
decay,  and  yet  sufficiency  left ;  but  from  that  which 
hath  his  price  in  composition,  if  you  take  away  any 
thing,  or  any  part  do  fail,  all  is  disgraced. 

VI. 

Cujus  privatio  bona,  malum  ;  cujus  privatio  mala,  bo- 
num.  [That  which  it  is  good  to  be  rid  of  is  evil ; 
that  which  it  is  evil  to  be  rid  of  is  good.] 

The  forms  to  make  it  conceived,  that  that  was  evil 
which  is  changed  for  the  better,  are,  He  that  is  in  hell 
thinks  there  is  no  other  heaven.  Satis  quercus  ;  Acorns 
were  good  till  bread  was  found,  &c.  And  of  the  other 
side,  the  forms  to  make  it  conceived  that  that  was  good 
which  was  changed  for  the  worse,  are,  Bona  magis  ca- 
rendo  quamfruendo  sentimus :  [it  is  by  missing  a  good 
thing  that  we  become  sensible  of  it :]  Bona  a  tergo 
formosissima :  G-ood  things  never  appear  in  their  full 
beauty,  till  they  turn  their  back  and  be  going  away,  &c. 

The  reprehension  of  this  colour  is,  that  the  good  or 
evil  which  is  removed,  may  be  esteemed  good  or  evil 
comparatively,  and  not  positively  or  simply.  So  that 


280  COLOUKS   OF  GOOD  AND  EVIL. 

if  the  privation  be  good,  it  follows  not  the  former  con 
dition  was  evil,  but  less  good:  for  the  flower  or  blossom 
is  a  positive  good,  although  the  remove  of  it  to  give 
place  to  the  fruit  be  a  comparative  good.  So  in  the 
tale  of  JEsop,  when  the  old  fainting  man  in  the  heat 
of  the  day  cast  down  his  burthen  and  called  for  death, 
and  when  death  came  to  know  his  will  with  him,  said 
it  was  for  nothing  but  to  help  him  up  with  his  burthen 
again :  it  doth  not  follow  that  because  death,  which 
was  the  privation  of  the  burthen,  was  ill,  therefore 
the  burthen  was  good.  And  in  this  part,  the  ordinary 
form  of  malwm  necessarium  aptly  reprehendeth  this 
colour ;  for  privatio  mail  necessarii  est  mala,  [to  be 
deprived  of  an  evil  that  is  necessary,  is  evil,]  and  yet 
that  doth  not  convert  the  nature  of  the  necessary  evil, 
but  it  is  evil. 

Again,  it  cometh  sometimes  to  pass,  that  there  is  an 
equality  in  the  change  or  privation,  and  as  it  were  a 
dilemma  boni  or  a  dilemma  mali :  so  that  the  corrup 
tion  of  the  one  good  is  a  generation  of  the  other;  Sorti 
pater  cequus  utrique  est :  [there  is  good  either  way :] 
and  contrary,  the  remedy  of  the  one  evil  is  the  occa 
sion  and  commencement  of  another,  as  in  Scylla  and 
Chary  bdis. 

VII. 

Quod  bono  vicinum,  bonum  ;  quod  a  bono  remotum,  ma- 
Imn.  [That  which  is  next  to  a  good  thing  is  good ; 
that  which  is  far  off,  is  evil.] 

Such  is  the  nature  of  things,  that  things  contrary 
and  distant  in  nature  and  quality  are  also  severed  and 
disjoined  in  place,  and  things  like  and  consenting  in 
quality  are  placed  and  as  it  were  quartered  together : 


COLOURS  OF  GOOD  AND  EVIL.  281 

for  partly  in  regard  of  the  nature  to  spread,  multiply, 
and  infect  in  similitude,  and  partly  in  regard  of  the 
nature  to  break,  expel,  and  alter  that  which  is  disa 
greeable  and  contrary,  most  things  do  either  associate 
and  draw  near  to  themselves  the  like,  or  at  least  assim 
ilate  to  themselves  that  which  approacheth  near  them, 
and  do  also  drive  away,  chase,  and  exterminate  their 
contraries.  And  that  is  the  reason  commonly  yielded, 
why  the  middle  region  of  the  air  should  be  coldest, 
because  the  sun  and  stars  are  either  hot  by  direct 
beams  or  by  reflexion.  The  direct  beams  heat  the 
upper  region,  the  reflected  beams  from  the  earth  and 
seas  heat  the  lower  region.  That  which  is  in  the 
midst,  being  furthest  distant  in  place  from  these  two 
regions  of  heat,  are  most  distant  in  nature,  that  is, 
coldest ;  which  is  that  they  term  cold  or  hot  per  anti- 
peristasin,  that  is  invironing  by  contraries :  which  was 
pleasantly  taken  hold  of  by  him  that  said,  that  an  hon 
est  man  in  these  days  must  needs  be  more  honest  than 
in  ages  heretofore,  propter  antiperistasm,  because  the 
shutting  of  him  in  the  midst  of  contraries  must  needs 
make  the  honesty  stronger  and  more  compact  in  it 
self. 

The  reprehension  of  this  colour  is,  first,  many  things 
of  amplitude  in  their  kind  do  as  it  were  ingross  to 
themselves  all,  and  leave  that  which  is  next  them  most 
destitute :  as  the  shoots  or  underwood  that  grow  near 
a  great  and  spread  tree  is  the  most  pined  and  shrubby 
wood  of  the  field,  because  the  great  tree  doth  deprive 
and  deceive  them  of  sap  and  nourishment,  So  he  saith 
well,  divitis  servi  maxime  servi,  [the  servants  of  a  rich 
man  are  most  servants ;  ]  and  the  comparison  was 


282  COLOURS   OF  GOOD   AND  EVIL. 

pleasant  of  him  that  compared  courtiers  attendant  in 
the  courts  of  princes,  without  great  place  or  office, 
to  fasting-days,  which  were  next  the  holy- days,  but 
otherwise  were  the  leanest  days  in  all  the  week. 

Another  reprehension  is,  that  things  of  greatness 
and  predominancy,  though  they  do  not  extenuate  the 
things  adjoining  in  substance,  yet  they  drown  them 
and  obscure  them  in  show  and  appearance.  And 
therefore  the  astronomers  say,  that  whereas  in  all  other 
planets  conjunction  is  the  perfectest  amity ;  the  sun 
contrariwise  is  good  by  aspect,  but  evil  by  conjunction. 

A  third  reprehension  is,  because  evil  approacheth  to 
good  sometimes  for  concealment,  sometimes  for  pro 
tection  ;  and  good  to  evil  for  conversion  and  reforma 
tion.  So  hypocrisy  draweth  near  to  religion  for  covert 
and  hiding  itself;  scepe  latet  vitium  proximitate  boni, 
[vice  lurks  in  the  neighbourhood  of  virtue  ;]  and  sanc 
tuary-men,  which  were  commonly  inordinate  men  and 
malefactors,  were  wont  to  be  nearest  to  priests  and 
prelates,  and  holy  men  ;  for  the  majesty  of  good  things 
is  such,  as  the  confines  of  them  are  revered.  On  the 
other  side,  our  Saviour,  charged  with  nearness  of  pub 
licans  and  rioters,  said,  The  physician  approacheth  the 
sick  rather  than  the  whole. 

VIII. 

Quod  quis  culpa  sua  contraxit,  mafjus  malum,  quod  ab 
externis  imponitur,  minus  malmn.  [The  ill  that  a 
man  brings  on  himself  by  his  own  fault  is  greater ; 
that  which  is  brought  on  him  from  without  is 
less.] 

The  reason  is,  because  the  stino*  and  remorse  of  the 


COLOURS  OF  GOOD  AND  EVIL.         283 

mind  accusing  itself  doubleth  all  adversity  :  contrari 
wise,  the  considering  and  recording  inwardly  that  a 
man  is  clear  and  free  from  fault  and  just  imputation 
doth  attemper  outward  calamities.  For  if  the  evil  be 
in  the  sense  and  in  the  conscience  both,  there  is  a  gem 
ination  of  it ;  but  if  evil  be  in  the  one  and  comfort  in 
the  other,  it  is  a  kind  of  compensation.  So  the  poets 
in  tragedies  do  make  the  most  passionate  lamentations, 
and  those  that  fore-run  final  despair,  to  be  accusing, 
questioning,  and  torturing  of  a  man's  self. 

Seque  unum  clamat  causamque  caputque  malorum. 

And  contrariwise,  the  extremities  of  worthy  persons 
have  been  annihilated  in  the  consideration  of  their  own 
good  deserving.  Besides,  when  the  evil  cometh  from 
without,  there  is  left  a  kind  of  evaporation  of  grief,  if 
it  come  by  human  injury,  either  by  indignation  and 
meditating  of  revenge  from  ourselves,  or  by  expecting 
or  fore-conceiving  that  Nemesis  and  retribution  will 
take  hold  of  the  authors  of  our  hurt ;  or  if  it  be  by 
fortune  or  accident,  yet  there  is  left  a  kind  of  expos 
tulation  against  the  divine  powers ; 

Atque  Deos  atque  astra  vocat  crudelia  mater. 

But  where  the  evil  is  derived  from  a  man's  own  fault, 
there  all  strikes  deadly  inwards  and  sufFocateth. 

The  reprehension  of  this  colour  is  first  in  respect  of 
hope ;  for  reformation  of  our  faults  is  in  nostra  potes- 
tate,  but  amendment  of  our  fortune  simply  is  not. 
Therefore  Demosthenes  in  many  of  his  orations  saith 
thus  to  the  people  of  Athens  :  That  which  having  re 
gard  to  the  time  past  is  the  worst  point  and  circum 
stance  of  all  the  rest,  that  as  to  the  time  to  come  is  the 


284  COLOURS   OF  GOOD  AND  EVIL. 

lest.  What  is  that?  Even  this,  that  by  your  sloth, 
irresolution,  and  mis  government,  your  affairs  are  grown 
to  this  declination  and  decay.  For  had  you  used  and 
ordered  your  means  and  forces  to  the  best,  and  done  your 
parts  every  way  to  the  full,  and  notwithstanding  your 
matters  should  have  gone  backward  in  this  manner  as 
they  do,  there  had  been  no  hope  left  of  recovery  or  repara 
tion  ;  but  since  it  hath  been  only  by  your  own  errors,  &c. 
So  Epictetus  in  his  degrees  saith,  The  ivorst  state  of 
man  is  to  accuse  extern  things ;  better  than  that  to  ac 
cuse  a  ma)is  self ;  and  best  of  all  to  accuse  neither. 

Another  reprehension  of  this  colour  is  in  respect  of 
the  well  bearing  of  evils  wherewith  a  man  can  charge 
nobody  but  himself,  which  maketh  them  the  less. 

Leve  fit  quod  bene  fertur  onus. 

[The  burden  is  lightened  which  is  well  borne.] 

And  therefore  many  natures  that  are  either  extremely 
proud,  and  will  take  no  fault  to  themselves,  or  else  very 
true  and  cleaving  to  themselves,  (when  they  see  the 
blame  of  anything  that  falls  out  ill  must  light  upon 
themselves,)  have  no  other  shift  but  to  bear  it  out  well, 
and  to  make  the  least  of  it ;  for  as  we  see  when  some 
times  a  fault  is  committed,  and  before  it  be  known 
who  is  to  blame,  much  ado  is  made  of  it,  but  after,  if 
it  appear  to  be  done  by  a  son  or  by  a  wife  or  by  a 
near  friend,  then  it  is  light  made  of;  so  much  more 
when  a  man  must  take  it  upon  himself.  And  there 
fore  it  is  commonly  seen,  that  women  that  marry 
husbands  of  their  own  choosing  against  their  friends' 
consents,  if  they  be  never  so  ill  used,  yet  you  shall 
seldom  see  them  complain,  but  to  set  a  good  face 
on  it. 


COLOURS   OF   GOOD  AND  EVIL.  285 

IX. 

Quod  operd  et  virtute  nostrd  partum  est,  ma/jus  bonum  ; 
quod  ab  alieno  beneficio  vel  ab  indulgentid  fortunce  de- 
latum  est,  minus  bonum.  [The  good  that  is  won  by 
a  man's  own  effort  and  virtue,  is  greater ;  that  which 
is  derived  from  the  beneficence  of  another,  or  from 
the  favour  of  fortune,  is  less.] 

The  reasons  are,  first,  the  future  hope  ;  because  in 
the  favours  of  others  or  the  good  winds  of  fortune  we 
have  no  state  or  certainty  ;  in  our  endeavours  or  abil 
ities  we  have.  So  as  when  they  have  purchased  us  one 
good  fortune,  we  have  them  as  ready  and  better  edged 
and  inured  to  procure  another. 

The  forms  be  :  you  have  won  this  by  play  ;  you,  have 
not  only  the  water,  but  you  have  the  receipt,  you  can 
make  it  again  if  it  be  lost,  &c. 

Next,  because  these  properties  which  we  enjoy  by 
the  benefit  of  others,  carry  with  them  an  obligation, 
which  seemeth  a  kind  of  burthen  ;  whereas  the  other 
which  derive  from  ourselves,  are  like  the  freest  patents, 
absque  aliquo  inde  reddendo  ;  and  if  they  proceed  from 
fortune  or  providence,  yet  they  seem  to  touch  us  secret 
ly  with  the  reverence  of  the  divine  powers  whose  fa 
vours  we  taste,  and  therefore  work  a  kind  of  religious 
fear  and  restraint :  whereas  in  the  other  kind,  that 
comes  to  pass  which  the  prophet  speaketh,  Icetantur  et 
exultant,  immolant  plagis  stus,  et  sacrificant  reti  suo. 
[They  rejoice  and  exult,  they  sacrifice  unto  their  net, 
and  burn  incense  unto  their  drag.] 

Thirdly,  because  that  which  cometh  unto  us  without 
our  own  virtue,  yieldeth  not  that  commendation  and 


286  COLOURS   OF   GOOD  AND  EVIL. 

reputation :  for  actions  of  great  felicity  may  draw 
wonder,  but  praiseless  ;  as  Cicero  said  to  Caesar,  Quoe 
miremur,  habemus ;  quce  laudemus,  expectamus  :  [Here 
is  enough  to  admire,  but  what  is  there  to  praise  ?] 

Fourthly,  because  the  purchases  of  our  own  industry 
are  joined  commonly  with  labour  and  strife,  which 
gives  an  edge  and  appetite,  and  makes  the  fruition 
of  our  desire  more  pleasant.  Suavis  cibus  a  venatu  : 
[Meat  taken  in  hunting  is  sweet.] 

On  the  other  side,  there  be  four  counter  colours  to 
this  colour,  rather  than  reprehensions,  because  they  be 
as  large  as  the  colour  itself.  First,  because  felicity 
seemeth  to  be  a  character  of  the  favour  and  love  of 
the  divine  powers,  and  accordingly  worketh  both  con 
fidence  in  ourselves,  and  respect  and  authority  from 
others.  And  this  felicity  extendeth  to  many  casual 
things,  whereunto  the  care  or  virtue  of  man  cannot 
extend,  and  therefore  seerneth  to  be  a  larger  good  ;  as 
when  Cassar  said  to  the  sailor,  Ccesarem  portas  etforta- 
nam  ejus,  [You  carry  Caesar  and  his  fortune ;]  if  he 
had  said  et  virtatem  ejus  [and  his  virtue,]  it  had  been 
small  comfort  against  a  tempest,  otherwise  than  if  it 
might  seem  upon  merit  to  induce  fortune. 

Next,  whatsoever  is  done  by  virtue  and  industry, 
seems  to  be  done  by  a  kind  of  habit  and  art,  and  there 
fore  open  to  be  imitated  and  followed  ;  whereas  felicity 
is  inimitable.1  So  we  generally  see  that  things  of 
nature  seem  more  excellent  than  things  of  art,  be 
cause  they  be  imitable :  for  quod  imitabile  est  potentia 
quadam  vulgatum  est :  [That  which  can  be  imitated  is 
potentially  common.] 

1  The  original,  which  is  not  very  correctly  printed,  has  imitable.  In  the 
nexl  clause,  the  construction  being  ambiguous,  imitable  may  possibly  be 
right. 


COLOURS   OF   GOOD  A^D  EVIL. 


287 


Thirdly,  felicity  commendeth  those  things  which 
cometh  without  our  own  labour  ;  for  they  seem  gifts, 
and  the  other  seems  pennyworths :  whereupon  Plu 
tarch  saith  elegantly  of  the  acts  of  Timoleon,  who  was 
so  fortunate,  compared  with  the  acts  of  Agesilaus  and 
Epaminondas,  that  they  were  like  Homer's  verses,  they 
ran  so  easily  and  so  well ;  and  therefore  it  is  the  word 
we  give  unto  poesy,  terming  it  a  happy  vein,  because 
facility  seemeth  ever  to  come  from  happiness. 

Fourthly,  this  same  pratter  spem,  vel  prceter  expecta- 
twn,  doth  increase  the  price  and  pleasure  of  many 
things ;  and  this  cannot  be  incident  to  those  things 
that  proceed  from  our  own  care  and  compass. 


Grradus  privationis  major  videtur  quam  gradus  dimi 
nutions ;  et  rursus  gradus  inceptionis  major  videtur 
quam  gradus  incrementi.  [From  having  something 
to  having  nothing  is  a  greater  step  than  from  hav 
ing  more  to  having  less :  and  again  from  having 
nothing  to  having  something  is  a  greater  step  than 
from  having  less  to  having  more.] 

It  is  a  position  in  the  mathematics,  that  there  is  no 
proportion  between  somewhat  and  nothing,  therefore 
the  degree  of  nullity  and  quiddity  or  act,  seemeth 
larger  than  the  degrees  of  increase  and  decrease  ;  as  to 
a  monoculos  it  is  more  to  lose  one  eye,  than  to  a  man 
that  hath  two  eyes.  So  if  one  have  lost  divers  chil 
dren,  it  is  more  grief  to  him  to  lose  the  last  than  all 
the  rest ;  because  he  is  spes  gregis.  And  therefore 
Sibylla,  when  she  brought  her  three  books,  and  had 
burned  two,  did  double  the  whole  price  of  both  the 


288         COLOURS  OF  GOOD  AND  EVIL. 

other,   because  the  burning  of  that  had  been  gradus 
privationis,  and  not  diminutionis. 

This  colour  is  reprehended  first  in  those  things,  the 
use  and  service  whereof  resteth  in  sufficiency,  com 
petency,  or  determinate  quantity :  as  if  a  man  be  to 
pay  one  hundred  pounds  upon  a  penalty,  it  is  more  to 
him  to  want  twelve  pence,  than  after  that  twelve  pence 
supposed  to  be  wanting,  to  want  ten  shillings  more  ;  so 
the  decay  of  a  man's  estate  seems  to  be  most  touched 
in  the  degree  when  he  first  grows  behind,  more  than 
afterwards  when  he  proves  nothing  worth.  And  here 
of  the  common  forms  are,  Sera  in  fimdo  parsimonia, 
[Sparing  comes  too  late  when  all  is  gone,]  and,  as  good 
never  a  whit,  as  never  the  better,  &c.  It  is  reprehended 
also  in  respect  of  that  notion,  Corruptio  unius,  generatio 
altering  :  [The  corruption  of  one  thing  is  the  genera 
tion  of  another :]  so  that  gradus  privationis  is  many 
times  less  matter,  because  it  gives  the  cause  and  motive 
to  some  new  course.  As  when  Demosthenes  repre 
hended  the  people  for  hearkening  to  the  conditions 
offered  by  King  Philip,  being  not  honourable  nor 
equal,  he  saith  they  were  but  aliments  ]  of  their  sloth 
and  weakness,  which  if  they  were  taken  away,  neces 
sity  would  teach  them  stronger  resolutions.  So  Doctor 
Hector  was  wont  to  say  to  the  dames  of  London,  when 
they  complained  they  were  they  could  not  tell  how,  but 
yet  they  could  not  endure  to  take  any  medicine  ;  he 
would  tell  them,  their  way  was  only  to  be  sick,  for  then 
they  would  be  glad  to  take  any  medicine. 

Thirdly,  this  colour  may  be  reprehended,  in  respect 
that  the  degree  of  decrease  is  more  sensitive  than  the 

O 

1  The  original  has  dements :  certainly  a  misprint. 


COLOURS  OF  GOOD  AND  EVIL.  289 

degree  of  privation  ;  for  in  the  mind  of  man  gradus 
diminutionis  may  work  a  wavering  between  hope  and 
fear,  and  so  keep  the  mind  in  suspense  from  settling 
and  accommodating  in  patience  and  resolution.  Hereof 
the  common  forms  are,  better  eye  out  than  always  ache  ; 
make  or  mar,  &c. 

For  the  second  branch  of  this  colour,  it  depends  upon 
the  same  general  reason :  hence  grew  the  common  place 

O  O  JT 

of  extolling  the  beginning  of  everything  :  dimidium  qui 
bene  coepit  habet :  [Well  begun  is  half  done.]  This 
made  the  astrologers  so  idle  as  to  judge  of  a  man's  na 
ture  and  destiny  by  the  constellation  of  the  moment 
of  his  nativity  or  conception.  This  colour  is  repre 
hended,  because  many  inceptions  are  but,  as  Epicurus 
termeth  them,  tentamenta,  that  is,  imperfect  offers  and 
essays,  which  vanish  and  come  to  no  substance  without 
an  iteration  ;  so  as  in  such  cases  the  second  degree 
seems  the  worthiest,  as  the  body-horse  in  the  cart,  that 
draweth  more  than  the  fore-horse.  Hereof  the  common 
forms  are,  The  second  blow  makes  the  fray,  The  second 
word  makes  the  bargain :  Alter  principium  dedit,  alter 
modam  abstidit,1  [the  one  made  a  beginning  of  the  mis 
chief,  the  other  made  no  end]  &c.  Another  reprehen 
sion  of  this  colour  is  in  respect  of  defatigation,  which 
makes  perseverance  of  greater  dignity  than  inception  : 
for  chance  or  instinct  of  nature  may  cause  inception :  2 
but  settled  affection  or  judgment  maketh  the  continu 
ance. 

Thirdly,  this  colour  is  reprehended  in  such  things, 
which  have  a  natural  course  and  inclination  contrary 
to  an  inception.  So  that  the  inception  is  continually 

1  alter  abstuUt,  in  the  original. 

2  In  the  original,  this  whole  clause  (for  .  .  .  inception)  is  omitted. 

VOL.  XIII.  19 


290  COLOURS   OF   GOOD    AND    EVIL. 

evacuated  and  gets  no  start,  but  there  behove tli  per- 
petua  inceptio ;  as  in  the  common  form,  Non  progredi 
est  regredi ;  Qtd  non  proficit  deficit :  [Not  to  go  forward 
is  to  go  back:  he  that  does  not  get  on,  falls  off':]  run 
ning  against  the  hill,  rowing  against  the  stream,  &c. 
For  if  it  be  with  the  stream  or  with  the  hill,  then  the 
degree  of  inception  is  more  than  all  the  rest. 

Fourthly,  this  colour  is  to  be  understood  of  gradus 
inceptionis  a  potentia  ad  actum,  comparatus  cam  gradii 
ab  actn  ad  incrementum :  [the  step  from  power  to  act 
compared  with  the  step  from  act  to  increase.]  For 
otherwise  major  videtur  gradus  ab  impotentia  ad  poten- 
tiam,  quani  a  potentia  ad  act  tun :  [from  impotence  to 
power  appears  to  be  a  greater  step  than  from  power 
to  act.] 


LETTEK   AND   DISCOUKSE 


SIR  HENRY  SAVILL, 


TOUCHING 


HELPS   FOR   THE   INTELLECTUAL    POWERS. 


PREFACE. 


THIS  fragment  might  perhaps  have  been  placed 
more  properly  among  the  philosophical  works.  The 
subject  of  it  is  touched,  though  very  briefly,  in 
the  fourth  chapter  of  the  sixth  book  of  the  De  Aug- 
mentis,  under  the  head  of  Ars  Pcedagogica ;  which, 
had  it  been  completed,  would  apparently  have  been 
its  proper  place.  And  considering  that  Bacon  had 
taken  the  subject  so  far  into  consideration,  found  that 
there  was  much  to  be  said  about  it,  and  proceeded 
so  short  a  way  with  it  himself,  it  is  rather  strange  to 
me  that  he  did  not  set  down  these  Gieorgica  Intellectus 
in  his  catalogue  of  Desiderata.  It  forms  no  part  how 
ever  of  his  Philosophy  properly  so  called  ;  and  may 
take  its  place  here  among  the  Civilia  et  Moralia  with 
out  any  impropriety  ;  what  there  is  of  it  being  very 
welcome,  and  only  making  one  wish  that  there  were 
more. 

It  was  first  printed  by  Dr.  Rawley  in  the  Resuscitatio 
(1657)  ;  and  appears  to  have  been  written  some  time 
between  1596  and  1604  :  not  before  1596,  because  it 
was  in  that  year  that  Savill  became  Provost  of  Eton  ; 
not  later  than  1604,  because  in  the  two  most  authentic 
manuscripts  which  I  have  met  with  the  letter  begins 
"  Mr.  Savill  ;  "  and  it  was  in  1604  that  he  became  Sir 
Henry.  One  of  these  manuscripts  is  in  a  collection  of 


294  PREFACE    TO   LETTER  TO  SIR    H.   SAVILL. 

Bacon's  letters  transcribed  in  the  hand  of  one  of  his 
servants,  and  bearing  in  one  page  traces  of  his  own. 
I  take  it  to  be  a  copy  of  the  "  Register  of  letters  " 
which  he  speaks  of  in  his  will,  and  from  which  Rawley 
professes  to  have  taken  the  collection  in  the  Resusti- 
tatio.  At  any  rate  it  is  a  good  manuscript,  and  of  good 
authority  :  as  I  can  myself  testify,  having  had  occasion 
to  compare  a  great  number  of  the  letters  with  the  orig 
inal  draughts  and  corrected  copies  (now  in  the  Lam 
beth  Library)  from  which  the  transcript  was  no  doubt 
made.  This  volume  is  now  in  the  British  Museum 
(Additional  MSS.  5503.)  ;  and  contains  a  copy  of  the 
"  Letter  to  Mr.  Savill "  which  accompanied  the  "  Dis 
course,"  though  not  the  Discourse  itself. 

The  other  manuscript  (Additional  MSS.  629.  fo. 
2T4.)  is  in  a  hand  of  the  time,  and  probably  belonged 
to  Dr.  Rawley ;  and  though  not  a  perfectly  accurate 
transcript  originally,  it  has  been  corrected  from  a  better 
copy,  —  I  think  by  Tenison.  It  contains  both  the 
Letter  and  the  Discourse  ;  for  which  last  I  take  it  to 
be  the  best  authority  now  extant. 


A 

LETTER     AND     DISCOURSE 
TO   SIR   HENRY   SAVILL, 

TOUCHING  HELPS  FOR  THE   INTELLECTUAL 
POWERS. 


MR.  SAVILL. 

COMING  back  from  your  invitation  at  Eton,  where 
I  had  refreshed  myself  with  company  which  I  loved,  I 
fell  into  a  consideration  of  that  part  of  policy,  whereof 
philosophy  speaketh  too  much  and  laws  too  little ;  and 
that  is  of  Education  of  youth.  Whereupon  fixing  my 
mind  a  while,  I  found  straightways  and  noted,  even  in 
the  discourses  of  philosophers,  which  are  so  large  in 
this  argument,  a  strange  silence  concerning  one  princi 
pal  part  of  that  subject.  For  as  touching  the  framing 
and  seasoning  of  youth  to  moral  virtues,  tolerance  of 
labours,  continency  from  pleasures,  obedience,  honour, 
and  the  like,  they  handle  it ;  but  touching  the  improve 
ment  and  helping  of  the  intellectual  powers,  as  of 
conceit,  memory,  and  judgment,  they  say  nothing. 
Whether  it  were  that  they  thought  it  to  be  a  matter 
wherein  nature  only  prevailed  ;  or  that  they  intended 
it  as  referred  to  the  several  and  proper  arts  which  teach 
the  use  of  reason  and  speech.  But  for  the  former 


296  A  DISCOURSE  TOUCHING  HELPS 

of  these  two  reasons,  howsoever  it  pleaseth  them  to 
distinguish  of  habits  and  powers,  the  experience  is 
manifest  enough  that  the  motions  and  faculties  of  the 
wit  and  memory  may  be  not  only  governed  and  guided, 
but  also  confirmed  and  enlarged,  by  custom  and  exer 
cise  duly  applied  :  As  if  a  man  exercise  shooting,  he 
shall  not  only  shoot  nearer  the  mark  but  also  draw  a 
stronger  bow.  And  as  for  the  latter,  of  comprehend 
ing  these  precepts  within  the  arts  of  logic  and  rhetoric, 
if  it  be  rightly  considered,  their  office  is  distinct  alto 
gether  from  this  point.  For  it  is  no  part  of  the  doc 
trine  of  the  use  or  handling  of  an  instrument  to  teach 
how  to  whet  or  grind'  the  instrument  to  give  it  a  sharp 
edge,  or  how  to  quench  it  or  otherwise,  whereby  to 
give  it  a  stronger  temper.  Wherefore  finding  this 
part  of  knowledge  not  broken,  I  have  but  tanquam 
aliud  agens  entered  into  it,  and  salute  you  with  it,  ded 
icating  it  after  the  ancient  manner,  first  as  to  a  dear 
friend,  and  then  as  to  an  apt  person,  for  as  much  as 
you  have  both  place  to  practise  it,  and  judgment  and 
leisure  to  look  deeper  into  it  than  I  have  done.  Here 
in  you  must  call  to  mind  "Apiarov  fiv  Mup.  Though  the 
argument  be  not  of  great  heighth  and  dignity,  never 
theless  it  is  of  great  and  universal  use.  And  yet  I  do 
not  see  why  (to  consider  it  rightly)  that  should  not  be 
a  learning  of  height,  which  teacheth  to  raise  the  high 
est  and  worthiest  part  of  the  mind.  But  howsoever 
that  be,  if  the  world  take  any  light  and  use  by  this 
writing,  I  will  that  the  gratulation  be,  to  the  good 
friendship  and  acquaintance  between  us  two.  And 
so  I  commend  you  to  God's  divine  protection. 


FOR  THE  INTELLECTUAL  POWERS.  297 

A    DISCOURSE    TOUCHING    HELPS    FOR    THE    INTELLECT 
UAL    POWERS.  l 

I  DID  ever  hold  it  for  an  insolent  and  unlucky  say 
ing,  Faber  quisque  SUOB  fortunes,  except  it  be  uttered 
only  as  a  hortative  or  spur  to  correct  sloth.  For  other 
wise,  if  it  be  believed  as  it  soundeth,  and  that  a  man 
entereth  into  a  high  imagination  that  he  can  com 
pass  and  fathom  all  accidents,  and  ascribeth  all  successes 
to  his  drifts  and  reaches  and  the  contrary  to  his  errors 
and  sleepings,  it  is  commonly  seen  that  the  evening 
fortune  of  that  man  is  not  so  prosperous,  as  of  him 
that  without  slackening  of  his  industry  attributeth 
much  to  felicity  and  providence  above  him.  But  if 
the  sentence  were  turned  to  this,  Faber  quisque  ingenii 
mi,  it  were  somewhat  moretrue  and  muchmore  profit 
able  ;  because  it  would  teach  men  to  bend  themselves 
to  reform  those  imperfections  in  themselves,  which  now 
they  seek  but  to  cover  ;  and  to  attain  those  virtues  and 
good  parts,  which  now  they  seek  but  to  have  only  in 
shew  and  demonstration.  Yet  notwithstanding  every 
man  attempteth  to  be  of  the  first  trade  of  carpenters, 
and  few  bind  themselves  to  the  second :  whereas  nev 
ertheless  the  rising  in  fortune  seldom  amendctli  the 
mind ;  but  on  the  other  side  the  removing  of  the  stands 
and  impediments  of  the  mind  doth  often  clear  the  pas 
sage  and  current  of  a  man's  fortune.  But  certain  it 
is,  whether  it  be  believed  or  no,  that  as  the  most  ex 
cellent  of  metals,  gpld,  is  of  all  other  the  most  pliant 
and  most  enduring  to  be  wrought :  so  of  all  living 

o  o         *  o 

and  breathing  substances,  the  perfectest  (Man)  is  the 

l  This  title  is  inserted  here  in  the  Resuscitatio.    It  is  not  in  the  Manu 
script. 


298  A  DISCOURSE  TOUCHING  HELPS 

most  susceptible  of  help,  improvement,  impression,  and 
alteration.  And  not  only  in  liis  body,  but  in  liis  mind 
and  spirit.  And  there  again  not  only  in  his  appetite 
and  affection,  but  in  his  power  of  wit  and  reason. 

For  as  to  the  body  of  man,  we  find  many  and 
strange  experiences  how  nature  is  overwrought  by  cus 
tom,  even  in  actions  that  seem  of  most  difficulty  and 
least  possible.  As  first  in  Voluntary  Motion  ;  which 
though  it  be  termed  voluntary,  yet  the  highest  degrees 
of  it  are  not  voluntary  :  for  it  is  in  my  power  and  will 
to  run  ;  but  to  run  faster  than  according  to  my  light 
ness  or  disposition  of  body,  is  not  in  my  power  nor 
will.  We  see  the  industry  and  practice  of  tumblers 
and  funambulos,  what  effects  of  great  wonder  it  bring- 
eth  the  body  of  man  unto.  So  for  suffering  of  pain 
and  dolour,  which  is  thought  so  contrary  to  the  nature 
of  man,  there  is  much  example  of  penances  in  strict 
orders  of  superstition,  what  they  do  endure  ;  such  as 
may  well  verify  the  report  of  the  Spartan  boys,  which 
were  wont  to  be  scourged  upon  the  altar  so  bitterly  as 
sometimes  they  died  of  it,  and  yet  were  never  heard 
complain.  And  to  pass  to  those  faculties  which  are 
reckoned  to  be  more  involuntary,  as  long  fasting  and 
abstinence,  and  the  contrary  extreme  (voracity)  ;  the 
leaving  and  forbearing  the  use  of  drink  for  altogeth 
er  ;  the  enduring  vehement  cold  ;  and  the  like  ;  there 
have  not  wanted,  neither  do  want,  divers  examples  of 
strange  victories  over  the  body  in  every  of  these.  Nay 
in  respiration,  the  proof  hath  been  of  some,  who  by  con 
tinual  use  of  divino;  and  workino-  under  the  water  have 

&  o 

brought    themselves    to    be  able  to    hold    their  breath 

o 

an  incredible  time.  And  others  that  have  been  able 
without  suffocation  to  endure  the  stifling  breath  of  an 


\ 


FOR  THE  INTELLECTUAL  POWERS.  299 

oven  or  furnace  so  heated,  as,  though  it  did  not  scald 
nor  burn,  yet  it  was  many  degrees  too  hot  for  any 
man,  not  made  to  it,  to  breathe  or  take  in.  And  some 
impostors  and  counterfeits  likewise  have  been  able  to 
wreath  and  cast  their  bodies  into  strange  forms  and 
motions :  yea  and  others  to  bring  themselves  into 
trances  and  astonishments.  All  which  examples  do 
demonstrate  how  variously,  and  to  how  high  points 
and  degrees,  the  body  of  man  may  be  (as  it  were) 
moulded  and  wrought.  And  if  any  man  conceive 
that  it  is  some  secret  propriety  of  nature  that  hath 
been  in  those  persons  which  have  attained  to  these 
points,  and  that  it  is  not  open  for  every  man  to  do  the 
like,  though  he  had  been  put  to  it ;  for  which  cause 
such  things  come  but  very  rarely  to  pass  ;  it  is  true,  no 
doubt  but  some  persons  are  apter  than  other ;  but  so 
as  the  more  aptness  causes  perfection,  but  the  less  apt 
ness  doth  not  disable ;  so  that  for  example,  the  more 
apt  child  that  is  taken  to  be  made  a  funambulo,  will 
prove  more  excellent  in  his  feats  ;  but  the  less  apt 
will  be  gregarius  funambulo  also.  And  there  is  small 
question  but  that  these  abilities  would  have  been  more 
common,  and  others  of  like  sort  not  attempted  would 
likewise  have  been  brought  upon  the  stage,  but  for  two 
reasons.  The  one  because  of  men's  diffidence  in  pre 
judging  them  as  impossibilities  ;  for  it  holdeth  in  those 
things,  which  the  poet  saith,  Possunt  quia  posse  viden- 
tur ;  for  no  man  shall  know  how  much  may  be  done, 
except  he  believe  much  may  be  done.  The  other 
reason  is,  because  they  be  but  practices  base  and  in 
glorious,  and  of  no  great  use ;  and  therefore  sequestred 
from  reward  of  value  ;  and  on  the  other  side,  painful  ; 
so  as  the  recompence  balanceth  not  with  the  travel  and 


300  A  DISCOURSE  TOUCHING  HELPS 

suffering.  And  as  to  the  will  of  man,  it  is  that  which 
is  most  maniable  and  obedient ;  as  that  which  admit- 
teth  most  medicines  to  cure  and  alter  it.  The  most 
sovereign  of  all  is  Religion,  which  is  able  to  change 
and  transform  it  in  the  deepest  and  most  imvard  in 
clinations  and  motions.  And  next  to  that  is  Opinion 
and  Apprehension  ;  whether  it  be  infused  by  tradition 
and  institution,  or  wrought  in  by  disputation  and  per 
suasion.  And  the  third  is  example,  which  transform- 
eth  1  the  will  of  man  into  the  similitude  of  that  which 
is  much  obversant  and  familiar  towards  it.  And  the 
fourth  is,  when  one  affection  is  healed  and  corrected 
by  another  ;  as  when  cowardice  is  remedied  by  shame 
and  dishonour,  or  sluggishness  and  backwardness  by  in 
dignation  and  emulation ;  and  so  of  the  like.  And 
lastly,  when  all  these  means,  or  any  of  them,  have 
new  framed  or  formed  human  will,  then  doth  custom 
and  habit  corroborate  and  confirm  all  the  rest.  There 
fore  it  is  no  marvel  though  this  faculty  of  the  mind  of 
will  and  election,  which  inclineth  affection  and  appe 
tite,  being  but  the  inceptions  and  rudiments  of  will, 
may  be  so  well  governed  and  managed,  because  it 
adinitteth  access  to  so  divers  remedies  to  be  applied 
to  it  and  to  work  upon  it.  The  effects  whereof  are 
so  many  and  so  known  as  require  no  enumeration ; 
but  generally  they  do  issue,  as  medicines  do,  into  two 
kinds  of  cures  ;  whereof  the  one  is  a  just  or  true  cure, 
and  the  other  is  called  palliation.  For  either  the  la 
bour  and  intention  is  to  reform  the  affections  really 
and  truly,  restraining  them  if  they  be  too  violent,  and 

1  So  Resusc.  MS.  629.  has  "  which  bound  with  the  will  of  man  "  — and 
in  the  next  clause  "  observant "  instead  of  "  obversant."  I  suspect 
"  transformeth  "  to  be  a  conjectural  emendation,  and  not  the  right  one. 
The  Resusc.  has  most  instead  of  much. 


FOR  THE  INTELLECTUAL  POWERS. 


301 


raising  them  if  they  be  too  soft  and  weak,  or  else  it  is 
to  cover  them  ;  or  if  occasion  be,  to  pretend  and  rep 
resent  them  :  of  the  former  sort  whereof  the  examples 
are  plentiful  in  the  schools  of  philosophers,  and  in  all 
other  institutions  of  moral  virtue ;  and  of  the  other 
sort  the  examples  are  more  plentiful  in  the  courts  of 
princes,  and  in  all  politic  traffic,  where  it  is  ordinary  to 
find  not  only  profound  dissimulations  and  suffocating 
the  affections  that  no  note  or  mark  appear  of  them  out 
wardly,  but  also  lively  simulations  and  affectations, 
carrying  the  tokens  of  passions  which  are' not,  as  risus 
jussm  and  lachrymce  coactce,  and  the  like. 

OF    HELP    OF    THE    INTELLECTUAL    POWERS. 

THE  intellectual  powers  have  fewer  means  to  work 
upon  them  than  the  will  or  body  of  man  ;  but  the  one 
that  prevaileth,  that  is  exercise,  worketh  more  forcibly 
in  them  than  in  the  rest. 

The  ancient  habit  of  the  philosophers ;  8i  quis  quce- 
rat  in  utramque  partem  de  omni  scibili. 

The  exercise  of  scholars  making  verses  ex  tempore  ; 
Stam  pede  in  uno. 

The  exercise  of  lawyers  in  memory  narrative. 

The  exercise  of  sophists,  and  Jo.  ad  oppositum,  with 
manifest  effect. 

Artificial  memory  greatly  holpen  by  exercise. 

The  exercise  of  buffons,  to  draw  all  things  to  con 
ceits  ridiculous. 

The  means  that  help  the  understanding  and  facul 
ties  thereof  are :  — 

Not  example,  as  in  the  will,  by  conversation  ;  and 
here  the  conceit  of  imitation,  already  disgested,  with 
the  confutation  obiter,  si  videbitur,  of  Tully's  opinion, 


302  A  DISCOURSE  TOUCHING  HELPS 

advising  a  man  to  take  some  one  to  imitate.  Similitude 
of  faces  analysed. 

Arts,  Logic,  Rhetoric.  The  Ancients,  Aristotle, 
Plato,  Theaetetus,  Gorgias,  Litigiosus  vel  Sophista,  qu. 
Protagoras,  Aristotle,  Schola  sua.  Topics,  Elenchs, 
Rhetorics,  Organon,  Cicero,  Hermogenes.  The  Neo- 
terics,  Ramus,  Agricola,  Nil  mcri,  Lullius  Typocos- 
mia ;  studying  Cooper's  Dictionary  ;  Mattheus  Col 
lection  of  proper  words  for  Metaphors  ;  Agrippa  de 
Vanitate,  &c. 

Qii.  if  not  here  of  imitation. 

Collections  preparative.  Aristotle's  similitude  of  a 
shoemaker's  shop,  full  of  shoes  of  all  sorts ;  Demos 
thenes  Exordia  Concionum.  Tully's  precept  of  Theses 
of  all  sorts  preparative. 

The  relying  upon  exercise,  with  the  difference  of 
using  and  tempering  the  instrument ;  and  the  simili 
tude  of  prescribing  against  the  laws  of  nature  and  of 
estate. 

FIVE    POINTS. 

1.  That  exercises  are  to  be  framed  to  the  life  ;  that 
is  to  say,  to  work  ability  in  that  kind,  whereof  a  man 
in  the  course  of  actions  shall  have  most  use. 

2.  The    indirect1   and    oblique    exercises   which    do 
per  partes  and  per  consequentiam  inable  those  facul 
ties,  which  perhaps  direct  exercise  at  first  would  but 
distort.       And    those    have    chiefly    place    where    the 
faculty  is  weak  not  per  se  but  per   accidens.     As   if 
want  of  memory  grow  through   lightness  of  wit  and 
want  of  stayed  attention,  then  the  mathematics  or  the 
law  helpeth  ;  because  they  are  things  wherein  if  the 
mind  once  roam  it  cannot  recover. 

i  A  blank  is  left  in  the  MS.  for  this  word. 


FOR  THE  INTELLECTUAL  POWERS.  303 

3.  Of  the  advantages  of  exercise  ;  as  to  dance  with 
heavy  shoes,  to  march   with  heavy   armour  and  car 
riage  ;    and   the  contrary  advantage  (in  natures  very 
dull   and   unapt)  of  working  alacrity  by  framing  an 
exercise  with  some  delight  and  affection ; 

veluti  pueris  dant  crustula  blandi 
Doctores,  elementa  velint  ut  discere  prima. 

4.  Of  the  cautions  of  exercise ;  as  to  beware  lest  by 
evil  doing,  as  all  beginners  do  weakly,  a  man  grow  and 
be  inveterate  in  an  ill  habit ;  and  so  take  not  the  ad 
vantage  of  custom  in  perfection,  but  in  confirming  ill. 

Slubbering  on  the  lute. 

5.  The  marshalling  and  sequel  of  sciences  and  prac 
tices  :   Logic  and  Rhetoric  should  be  used  to  be  read 
after  Poesy,  History,  and  Philosophy.     First  exercise 
to  do    things    well    and    clean  ;    after,   promptly    and 
readily. 


I. 

The  exercises  in  the  universities  and  schools  are  of 
memory  and  invention  ;  either  to  speak  by  heart  that 
which  is  set  down  verbatim,  or  to  speak  ex  tempore ; 
whereas  there  is  little  use  in  action  of  either  of  both : 
but  most  things  which  we  utter  are  neither  verbally 
premeditate,  nor  merely  extemporal.  Therefore  exer 
cise  would  be  framed  to  take  a  little  breathing  ;  and 
to  consider  of  heads ;  and  then  to  form  and  fit  the 
speech  ex  tempore.  This  would  be  done  in  two  man 
ners,  both  with  writing  and  tables,  and  without :  for 
in  most  actions  it  is  permitted  and  passable  to  use 
the  note  ;  whereunto  if  a  man  be  not  accustomed,  it 
will  put  him  out. 


304     TOUCHING  HELPS  FOR  INTELLECTUAL  POWERS. 

There  is  no  use  of  a  Narrative  Memory  in  acade 
mies,  viz.  with  circumstances  of  times,  persons,  and 
places,  and  with  names ;  and  it  is  one  art  to  discourse, 
and  another  to  relate  and  describe ;  and  herein  use  and 
action  is  most  conversant. 

Also  to  sum  up  and  contract  is  a  thing  in  action 
of  very  general  use. 


SHORT    NOTES 


FOR 


CIVIL    CONVERSATION 


PREFACE. 


THESE  notes  were  first  printed  —  first  so  far  as  I 
know  —  in  the  Remains  (1648)  :  a  book  of  no  au 
thority  when  unsupported  by  better.  No  one  however 
who  has  read  Bacon's  Essay  on  Discourse  will  doubt 
that  they  are  his  ;  and  they  contain  one  or  two  obser 
vations  not  to  be  found  elsewhere.  Mr.  Montagu  says 
there  is  a  manuscript  of  them  in  the  British  Museum ; 
but  he  gives  a  wrong  reference  ;  and  I  regret  to  say 
that  I  cannot  supply  the  right  one  :  for  though  I  feel 
confident  that  I  have  seen  them  in  some  manuscript 
collection,  I  cannot  find  it  again.  In  the  absence  of 
better  authority,  I  have  printed  this  little  piece  as  I 
find  it  in  Birch's  edition  of  Bacon's  works  :  who 
seems  to  have  had  some  better  copy  than  that  in  the 
Remains  ;  though  I  suspect  it  to  be  still  far  from  cor 
rect. 


SHORT  NOTES 

FOR 

CIVIL    CONVERSATION 


1.  To   deceive   men's    expectations    generally   with 
cautel,    argueth   a  staid   mind,   and    unexpected    con 
stancy  :    viz.    in   matters  of  fear,   anger,   sudden   joy, 
or   grief,   and    all    things   which    may  affect    or    alter 
the    mind    in    public    or    sudden    accidents,    or    such 
like. 

2.  It  is   necessary  to  use  a  steadfast  countenance, 
not  wavering  with  action,  as  in  moving  the  head  or 
hand    too    much,   which   sheweth  a  fantastical,   light, 
and  fickle  operation  of  the  spirit,   and    consequently 
like  mind  as  gesture  :    only  it  is  sufficient,   with   lei 
sure,  to  use  a  modest  action  in  either. 

3.  In  all    kinds   of  speech,   either  pleasant,   grave, 
severe,    or    ordinary,    it   is    convenient    to    speak    lei 
surely,  and    rather   drawingly,    than   hastily ;    because 
hasty  speech  confounds  the   memory,  and   oftentimes, 
besides   unseemliness,   drives  a  man   either  to  a  non 
plus    or    unseemly    stammering,    harping    upon    that 
which    should   follow  ;    whereas    a    slow    speech    con- 
firmeth  the  memory,   addeth  a  conceit  of  wisdom   to 
the  hearers,  besides  a  seemliness  of  speech  and  coun 
tenance. 


310         SHORT   NOTES   FOR   CIVIL   CONVERSATION. 

4.  To  desire  in  discourse  to  hold  [ill  arguments,  is 
ridiculous,  wanting  true  judgment  ;  for  in  all  things 
no  man  can  be  exquisite. 

f),  6.  To  have  common  places  to  discourse,  and  to 
want  variety,  is  both  tedious  to  the  hearers,  and  showTs 
a  shallowness  of  conceit :  therefore  it  is  good  to  vary, 
and  suit  speeches  with  the  present  occasions  ;  and  to 
have  a  moderation  in  all  our  speeches,  especially  in 
jesting  of  religion,  state,  great  persons,  weighty  and 
important  business,  poverty,  or  any  thing  deserving 
pity. 

7.  A  long  continued   speech,  without  a  good  speech 
of  interlocution,  sheweth  sknvness :  and  a  good  reply, 
without   a  good   set   speech,  showeth  shallowness   and 
weakness. 

8.  To  use  many  circumstances,  ere  you  come  to  the 
matter,  is  wearisome ;    and  to  use   none  at  all,  is  but 
blunt, 

9.  Bashfulness  is  a  great  hindrance  to  a  man,  both 
of  uttering  his  conceit,  and  understanding  what  is  pro 
pounded  unto  him ;  wherefore  it  is  good  to  press  him 
self  forwards  with  discretion,  both  in  speech  and  com 
pany  of  the  better  sort. 

Usus  promptos  facit. 


APOPHTHEGMS 


NEW  AND  OLD. 


PREFACE. 


BACON'S  collection  of  Apophthegms,  though  a  sick 
man's  task,  ought  not  to  be  regarded  as  a  work  merely 
of  amusement ;  still  less  as  a  jest-book.  It  was  meant 
for  a  contribution,  though  a  slight  one,  towards  the 
supply  of  what  he  had  long  considered  as  a  desidera 
tum  in  literature.  In  the  Advancement  of  Learning  he 
had  mentioned  Apophthegms  with  respect,  along  with 
Orations  and  Letters,  as  one  of  the  appendices  to  Civil 
History ;  regretting  the  loss  of  Caesar's  collection  ;  "  for 
as  for  those  which  are  collected  by  others  (he  said) 
either  I  have  no  taste  in  such  matters,  or  their  choice 
hath  not  been  happy."  l  This  was  in  1605.  In  re 
vising  and  enlannno;  that  treatise  in  1623,  he  had 

c5  O        O 

spoken  of  their  use  and  worth  rather  more  fully. 
"  They  serve  (he  said)  not  for  pleasure  only  and 
ornament,  but  also  for  action  and  business ;  being, 
as  one  called  them,  mucrones  verborum,  —  speeches 
with  a  point  or  edge,  whereby  knots  in  business  are 
pierced  and  severed.  And  as  former  occasions  are 
continually  recurring,  that  which  served  once  will 
often  serve  again,  either  produced  as  a  man's  own  or 
cited  as  of  ancient  authority.  Nor  can  there  be  any 
doubt  of  the  utility  in  business  of  a  thing  which  Caesar 
the  Dictator  thought  worthy  of  his  own  labour  ;  whose 

1  Advancement  of  Learning,  Book  II.  ^  9. 


314  PREFACE    TO   THE   APOPHTHEGMS. 

collection  I  wish  had  been  preserved  ;  for  as  for  any 
others  that  we  have  in  this  kind,  but  little  judgment 
has  in  my  opinion  been  used  in  the  selection."1  Of 
this  serious  use  of  apophthegms  Bacon  himself  had 
had  long  experience,  having  been  all  his  life  a  great 
citer  of  them ;  and  in  the  autumn  of  1624,  when  he 
was  recovering  from  a  severe  illness,  he  employed  him 
self  in  dictating  from  memory  a  number  that  occurred 
to  him  as  wrorth  setting  down. 

The  fate  of  this  collection  has  been  singular.  The 
original  edition  2  (a  very  small  octavo  volume  dated 
1G25,  but  published  about  the  middle  of  December 
1624 8)  consisted  of  280  apophthegms,  with  a  short 
preface.  Of  this  volume  Dr.  Rawley,  in  the  first  edi 
tion  of  the  Jiemscitatio  (1657),  makes  no  mention 
whatever,  either  where  he  enumerates  the  wrorks  com 
posed  during  the  last  five  years  of  Bacon's  life,  or  in 
the  "  perfect  list  of  his  Lordship's  true  works  both  in 
English  and  Latin  "  at  the  end  of  the  volume.  And 
his  words,  taken  strictly,  would  seem  to  imply  (since 

1  "  Xeque  apophthegmata  ipsa  ;ul  delectationem  ct  ornatum  tantum 
prosunt,  sed  ad  res  gerendas  etiam  et  nsus  civiles.  Simt  enim  (ut  aiebat 
ille)  veluti  secures  aut  niacrones  verborum;  qui  reruin  ft  negotiorum  nodos 
acumine  quodam  secant  et  penetrant ;  occasiones  autem  redemit  in  orbem, 
et  quod  olini  erat  eominodum  rursus  adhiberi  et  prodesse  potest,  sive  quis 
ea  tanquam  sua  prot'erat,  sive  tanquani  vetera.  Xe<ine  certe  de  utilitate 
ejus  rei  ad  civilia  dubitari  potest,  quam  Ciesar  Dictator  opera  sua  honesta- 
vit;  cujus  liber  utinain  extaret,  cum  ea  qn;e  usquam  babentur  in  hoc  gen- 
ere  nobis  paruin  cum  delectu  congesta  videantur."  —  De  Aug.  Set.  ii.  12. 

'2  A/>oj>Jithe(/ities  new  intd  old.  Collected  l»j  tlie  Riyld  Honourable  Francis 
Lo.  Vtrnl'.tm  Viscount  St.  Alb  (in.  London.  Printed  for  Hanna  Barret  and 
Rlclnrd  Wliittuker,  and  (ire,  to  be  sold  at  the  Kiny's  Ifend  in  Paul's  Church 
yard.  16-25. 

A  copy  in  Gray's  Inn  Library  has  the  date  1026;  but  appears  to  be  in  all 
other  respects  exactly  the  same. 

3  Chamberlain  to  Carlton,  18  Dec.  1624.  Court  and  Times  of  James  I., 
ii.  p.  486. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  APOPHTHEGMS.        315 

lie  cannot  have  been  ignorant  of  its  existence)  that 
he  did  not  acknowledge  it  as  Bacon's.  But  I  sup 
pose  he  had  either  forgotten  it,  or  did  not  think  it  im 
portant  or  original  enough  to  be  worth  mentioning. 

In  1658  there  came  forth  a  small  volume,  without 
any  editor's  name,  under  the  following  title :  Witty 
Apophthegms  delivered  at  several  times  and  upon  several 
occasions,  by  King  James,  King  Charles,  the  Marquess 
of  Worcester,  Francis  Lord  Bacon,  and  Sir  Thomas 
Moore.  Collected  and  revised.  In  this  volume  the 
apophthegms  attributed  to  Bacon  are  in  all  184  ;  of 
which  163  are  copied  verbatim  from  his  own  collec 
tion  of  1625,  and  follow  (with  one  or  two  slight  ex 
ceptions,  probably  accidental)  in  the  same  order.  The 
remaining  21,  which  are  mostly  of  a  very  inferior 
character,  are  not  added  but  interspersed. 

In  1661  appeared  a  second  edition,  or  rather  a  re 
issue,  of  the  Resuscitatio,  edited  as  before  by  Dr.  Raw- 
ley,  and  with  some  additions ;  among  which  was  a 
collection  of  "  Apophthegms,  new  and  old."  This, 
though  introduced  without  a  word  of  preface  or  ad 
vertisement  from  editor  or  publisher,  \vas  so  far  from 
being  a  reprint  of  the  original  collection  of  1625,  that 
I  do  not  think  the  editor  can  have  had  a  copy  of  it  to 
refer  to.  Of  the  original  280  no  less  than  71  are  en 
tirely  omitted  ;  39  new  ones  are  introduced  ;  the  order 
is  totally  changed  ;  the  text  considerably  altered.  The 
alterations  in  the  text  are  indeed  (though  I  think  not 
generally  for  the  better)  no  more  than  might  have 
been  made  by  Bacon  himself  in  revising  the  book.  A 
few  of  the  omissions  also  might  be  accounted  for  in 
the  same  way  ;  but  very  many  of  the  omitted  ones 
are  among  the  best  in  the  volume,  and  such  as  he 


316  PREFACE   TO   THE  APOPHTHEGMS. 

could  have  no  motive  for  suppressing.  Still  less  is  it 
possible  to  imagine  a  reason  for  the  change  of  order, 
which  could  hardly  have  been  more  complete  or  more 
capricious  if  the  leaves  of  the  book  had  been  first  sep 
arated  and  then  shuffled.  Whoever  will  take  a  copy 
of  the  bound  volume  and  endeavour  to  write  directions 
in  it  for  any  such  change  in  the  arrangement,  Avill 
see  that  it  could  not  have  been  done  without  a  great 
deal  of  time  and  trouble.  And  seeing  that  it  was  now 
more  than  thirty  years  since  that  volume  appeared, 
that  it  had  never  been  reprinted,  nor  ever  much  val 
ued,  and  (being  so  small)  might  easily  be  lost,  the 
more  probable  supposition  is  that  Dr.  Rawley  had  no 
copy  of  it,  and  made  up  his  collection  from  loose  and 
imperfect  manuscripts. 

In  1671,  three  or  four  years  after  Dr.  Rawley's 
death,  appeared  a  third  edition  of  the  llesmcitatio,  in 
two  parts.  The  first  part  contains  a  collection  of 
Apophthegms,  which  from  the  publisher's  preface  one 
would  expect  to  find  a  mere  reprint  from  the  second 
edition.  But  it  is  in  fact  a  new  collection,  made  up 
by  incorporating  the  "  Witty  Apophthegms  "  of  1658, 
of  which  it  contains  all  but  12,  with  Dr.  Rawley's 
collection  of  1661.  By  this  means  the  number  of 
apophthegms  is  increased  from  248  to  296  ;  the  new 
ones  being  not  added  as  a  supplement,  but  interspersed 
among  the  old.  Of  the  71  which  formed  part  of  Ba 
con's  original  collection  but  not  of  Dr.  Rawley's,  32 
are  thus  supplied.  Eight  more  might  have  been  sup 
plied  from  the  same  source,  but  were  left  out  perhaps 
by  accident.  There  remained  therefore  39  genuine 
ones  still  to  be  recovered ;  a  fact  which  may  be  best 
explained  by  supposing  that  the  editor  of  the  third  edi- 


-PREFACE  TO   THE  APOPHTHEGMS.  317 

tion  of  the  Resuscitatio  had  not  been  able,  any  more 
than  Dr.  Rawley  when  he  edited  the  second,  to  pro 
cure  a  copy  of  the  original  volume. 

In  1679,  a  new  volume  of  remains,  under  the  title 
of  Baconiana,  was  published  by  Dr.  Tenison  from 
original  manuscripts ;  with  an  introduction  contain 
ing  "  an  account  of  all  the  Lord  Bacon's  works."  In 
this  introduction  he  tells  us  (p.  59.)  that  the  best  edi 
tion  of  the  Apophthegms  was  the  first  (1625)  ;  and 
censures  as  spurious,  or  at  least  as  including  spurious 
matter,  the  additions  contained  in  the  two  collections 
last  mentioned  of  1658  and  1671  ;  but  of  Dr.  Raw- 
ley's  collection  in  1661  he  strangely  enough  makes  no 
mention  whatever.  In  the  body  of  the  work  he  gives 
27  additional  apophthegms,  found  among  Bacon's  pa 
pers,  and  never  before  printed. 

Next  came  Blackbourne,  in  1730,  with  an  edition 
of  Bacon's  works  complete  in  4  volumes  folio.  His 
plan  in  dealing  with  the  Apophthegms  was  to  reprint, 
1st,  the  whole  collection  (repetitions  omitted)  as  it 
stood  in  the  third  edition  of  the  Resuscitatio  ;  2ndly, 
the  27  additional  ones  in  Tenison's  Baconiana  (all 
but  3 ;  which  he  omitted,  not  very  judiciously,  be 
cause  they  are  to  be  found  in  the  Essays)  ;  3rdly,  the 
remaining  39,  contained  in  the  original  edition,  but 
omitted  in  all  later  copies.  Tims  we  had  for  the  first 
time  a  collection  which  included  all  the  genuine  ap 
ophthegms.  But  it  was  defective  in  this,  —  that  it 
included  likewise  all,  or  all  but  one  or  two,  of  those 
which  Tenison  had  alluded  to  in  general  terms  as 
spurious ;  and  that  no  attempt  was  made  in  it  to  dis 
tinguish  those  which  had  Dr.  Rawley 's  sanction  from 
those  which  had  not. 


318  PREFACE   TO   THE  APOPHTHEGMS. 

Succeeding  editors  followed  Blackbourne,  without 
either  noticing  or  trying  to  remedy  this  defect  ;  until 
Mr.  Montagu  took  up  the  task  in  his  edition  of  1825, 
in  which  he  made  an  attempt,  more  laudable  than 
successful,  to  separate  the  genuine  from  the  spurious. 
Taking  Tenison's  remark  as  his  guide,  he  reprinted 
the  original  collection  of  1625  exactly  as  it  stood,  (or 
at  least  meant  to  do  so  ;  for  there  are  more  than  130 
places  in  which  his  copy  differs  from  the  original,) 
and  then  added  the  supplementary  collection  in  the 
Baconiana.  The  rest  he  concluded  to  be  spurious, 
and  gathered  them  (or  meant  to  gather  them  and 
thought  he  had  done  so)  into  an  appendix,  under 
that  title.  But  in  this  he  took  no  account  of  the  sec 
ond  edition  of  the  Resuscitatio,  which  must  certainly 
be  considered  as  having  the  sanction  of  Dr.  Rawley  ; 
and  the  principle,  whatever  it  was,  upon  which  he 
proceeded  to  eliminate  the  spurious  apophthegms  was 
altogether  fallacious.  Observing  that  the  last  apoph 
thegm  in  the  third  edition  of  the  Remscitatio  was 
numbered  308,  whereas  in  the  original  collection  there 
were  only  280  ;  and  not  observing  that  of  those  308, 
12  were  given  twice  over  ;  he  seems  to  have  conclud 
ed  that  the  number  of  the  spurious  must  be  28,  and 
that  they  might  be  found  by  simply  going  through 
the  later  collection,  and  marking  off  all  those  which 
were  not  given  in  the  earlier.  And  the  first  25  in 
his  spurious  list  were  probably  selected  in  that  way ; 
for  they  are  the  first  25  (one  only  excepted,  which 
is  given  in  the  original  collection,  and  was  probably 
marked  off  by  mistake)  which  answer  the  conditions ; 
and  they  are  set  down  in  the  order  in  which  to  a  per 
son  so  proceeding  they  would  naturally  present  them- 


PREFACE  TO   THE  APOPHTHEGMS.  319 

selves.  Upon  what  principle  he  selected  the  other 
three  which  make  up  the  28,  I  cannot  guess.  One 
of  them  he  has  himself  printed  a  few  pages  before 
among  the  genuine ;  another  he  quotes  in  his  preface 
as  one  which  he  can  hardly  believe  not  to  be  genuine ; 
and  before  he  came  to  the  third,  he  must,  if  he  took 
them  as  they  stand  in  the  book,  have  passed  by  20 
others  which  have  precisely  the  same  title  to  the  dis 
tinction.  But  howsoever  he  went  about  it,  his  result 
is  certainly  wrong ;  for  among  his  28  spurious  apoph 
thegms  there  are  several  which  were  undoubtedly 
sanctioned  by  Dr.  Rawley,  besides  the  two  which  had 
been  previously  printed  among  the  genuine  ones  by 
himself;  and  when  all  is  done,  there  remain  no  less 
than  30  others,  silently  omitted  and  entirely  unac 
counted  for. 

Such  is  the  latest  shape  in  which  this  little  work 
appears.1  The  common  editions  contain  all  the  apoph 
thegms  ;  but  some  that  are  spurious  are  printed  in 
them  as  genuine.  Mr.  Montagu's  edition  does  not 
contain  all :  and  some  that  are  genuine  are  printed  in 
it  as  spurious. 

I  have  now  to  explain  the  plan  upon  which  I  have 
myself  proceeded  in  order  to  set  the  matter  right. 

First.  Considering  that  the  edition  of  1625  was 
published  during  Bacon's  life,  with  his  name  on  the 
title-page ;  that  there  is  no  reason  for  supposing  that 

1  This  was  written  before  the  appearance  of  Mr.  Bonn's  volume  of  the 
Moral  and  Historical  Works  of  Lord  Bacon,  edited  by  Joseph  Devey,  M.A., 
which  professes  to  contain  the  "  Apophthegms ;  omitting  those  known  to  be 
spurious."  Of  the  collection  there  given  however  it  is  not  necessary  to 
take  any  further  notice.  It  is  merely  a  selection  from  a  selection,  in  which 
no  attempt  has  really  been  made  to  distinguish  the  spurious  from  the  gen 
uine. 


320  PREFACE  TO   THE  APOPHTHEGMS. 

lie  revised  or  altered  it  afterwards  ;  and  that  there  is 
some  reason  for  suspecting  that  the  collection  published 
by  Dr.  Rawley  in  1601,  far  from  being  a  revised  edi 
tion  of  the  former,  was  made  up,  when  a  copy  of  the 
original  volume  was  not  procurable,  from  some  imper 
fect  manuscript  or  from  old  note-books ;  I  regard  the 
280  apophthegms  printed  in  1025  as  those  which  we 
are  most  certain  that  Bacon  himself  thought  worth 
preserving.  I  begin  therefore  by  reprinting  these  from 
the  original  edition;  and  so  far  I  follow  Mr.  Montagu's 

t?  '  £"? 

example. 

Secondly.  Considering  nevertheless  that  Bacon  may 
possibly  have  revised  this  collection,  and  struck  out  some 
and  altered  others  ;  and  that  Dr.  Rawley  may  pos 
sibly  have  had  by  him  some  portions  of  that  revised 
copy,  or  some  memoranda  of  those  omissions  and  alter 
ations  ;  I  regard  the  variations  as  worth  preserving.1 
I  have  therefore  compared  the  two  collections,  marked 
with  a  f  all  the  apophthegms  which  are  not  found  in 
the  later,  and  recorded  in  foot-notes  all  the  more  con 
siderable  differences  of  reading  that  occur  in  those 
which  are  ;  adding  also  for  convenience  of  reference 
the  numbers  which  they  bear  in  the  later  collection. 

Thirdly.  Considering  that  Rawley  had  access  to 
all  Bacon's  unpublished  papers,2  and  had  been  in  con- 

1  The  substitution,  in  almost  every  case,  of  "the  House  of  Commons"  for 
"the  Lower  House"  has  a  kind  of  historical  significance. 

2  In  a  catalogue  of  Bacon's  extant  MSS.  (Add.  MSS.  Brit.  Mus.  629.  fo. 
271.),  not  dated,  but  drawn  up  by  Rawley  after  Bacon's  death,  I  find  the 
three  following  entries:  — 

"  Apophthegms  cast  out  of  my  Lord's  book,  and  not  printed. 

"Apophthegms  of  K.  James. 

"Some  few  apophthegms  not  chosen." 

There  is  no  allusion  to  any  revision  of  the  printed  book.     The  first  of  these 


PREFACE  TO   THE  APOPHTHEGMS.  321 

stant  personal  communication  with  him  during  his  later 
years ;  and  that  Bacon  had  been  in  the  habit  of  setting 
down  such  things  from  time  to  time  in  note  books,  and 
may  very  likely  have  made  a  supplementary  collection 
with  a  view  to  publication  ;  I  regard  all  the  additional 
apophthegms  which  appear  in  the  collection  of  1661  as 
probably  genuine,  and  as  resting  on  authority  second 
only  to  that  which  belongs  to  the  original  edition. 
These  therefore  I  reprint  from  the  second  edition  of 
the  Resuscitatio,  in  the  order  in  which  they  occur ;  and 
for  more  convenient  reference,  with  the  original  num 
bers  affixed.  And  at  the  same  time,  because  in  a  com 
mon-place  book  of  Dr.  Rawley's  which  is  preserved  in 
the  Lambeth  Library  and  appears  to  have  been  begun 
soon  after  Bacon's  death  I  find  several  of  these  ad 
ditional  apophthegms  set  down  in  a  form  somewhat 
different ;  and  because  I  think  it  probable  that  Dr. 
Rawley,  in  preparing  them  for  publication,  occasion 
ally  introduced  variations  of  his  own  in  order  to  correct 
the  language  or  clear  the  meaning  ;  I  have  thought 
the  original  form  worth  preserving,  and  have  therefore 
compared  the  versions  and  set  down  the  variations  in 
foot-notes. 

Fourthly.   Considering  that  many  of  Bacon's  origi- 


entries  evidently  refers  to  some  apophthegms  which  had  been  struck  out  of 
the  MS.  before  it  was  published;  the  last  probably  to  some  which  had  not 
been  included  in  it.  The  "apophthegms  of  K.  James"  may  have  been  the 
seven  which  stand  first  among  the  additions  introduced  by  Rawley  in  his 
collection  of  1661.  If  the  MS.  from  which  the  collection  of  1625  was 
printed  remained  in  Dr.  Rawley's  hands,  it  would  not  be  mentioned  in  this 
catalogue,  which  relates  only  to  what  had  not  been  printed.  We  may  easi 
ly  suppose  therefore  that  some  of  the  loose  sheets  were  still  preserved ;  and 
that,  when  the  original  volume  was  not  procurable,  he  made  up  his  col 
lection  by  incorporating  these  with  the  unpublished  ones  mentioned  in  the 
catalogue. 

VOL.  XIII.  21 


322  PREFACE   TO   THE  APOPHTHEGMS. 

nal  papers  passed  through  the  hands  of  Dr.  Rawley  or 
his  son  into  those  of  Dr.  Tenison,  I  regard  the  supple 
mentary  collection  in  the  Baconiana  as  also  probably 
genuine,  and  next  in  authenticity  to  the  collection  of 
1661.  These  therefore  I  print  next;  also  preserving 
in  foot-notes  such  various  readings  as  I  find  in  Dr. 
Rawley's  common-place  book  above  mentioned. 

Fifthly.  In  this  same  common-place  book  I  find  other 
apophthegms  and  anecdotes,  not  included  in  any  of  the 
three  collections, —  Bacon's,  Rawley's,  or  Tenison's;  a 
few  of  which  I  have  thought  worth  preserving ;  some 
for  their  independent  value,  and  some  for  a  little  light 
they  throw  on  Bacon's  personal  character,  manners,  or 
habits.  These  I  print  next.  They  have  probably  as 
good  a  right  to  be  considered  genuine  as  any  that  were 
not  published  by  Bacon  himself;  for  they  are  set  down 
in  Rawley's  own  hand. 

Sixthly.  When  all  this  is  done,  there  remain  16  which 
rest  upon  no  better  authority  than  that  of  the  unknown 
editor  of  the  "  Witty  Apophthegms."  These  I  regard 
as  having  no  right  to  appear  at  all  under  Bacon's  name, 
and  accordingly  remit  them  to  a  note,  as  spurious. 

In  a  note  to  Bacon's  preface,  as  given  in  the  second 
edition  of  the  Resmcitatio,  Dr.  Rawley  expressly  states 
that  the  collection  was  made  from  memorv,  "  without 
turning  any  book."  If  I  am  right  in  conjecturing  that 
the  only  collection  made  by  Bacon  himself  was  that  of 
1625,  we  must  understand  Dr.  Rawley's  remark  as 
applying  to  that ;  and  we  must  beware  of  attributing 
to  it  any  great  historical  authority.  It  will  be  found 
that  some  of  the  sayings,  especially  those  of  the  ancient 
philosophers,  are  assigned  to  the  wrong  persons.  But 


PREFACE  TO  THE  APOPHTHEGMS.  323 

what  is  interesting  or  memorable  in  them  depends  in 
general  so  little  upon  the  persons  who  spoke  them ;  and 
the  traditional  sayings  of  famous  wits  must  always  be 
in  great  part  so  apocryphal ;  that  I  have  not  thought  it 
worth  while  to  investigate  the  authorities,  or  expedient 
to  encumber  the  text  with  notes  of  that  kind.  The 
authenticity  of  the  anecdotes  relating  to  persons  of 
more  recent  times  would  be  better  worth  investigation ; 
but  in  these  cases  Bacon  is  himself  (either  as  a  per 
sonal  witness  or  as  a  preserver  of  traditions  then  cur 
rent)  one  of  the  original  authorities,  whom  it  would 
not  be  easy  to  correct  by  a  better.  In  these  cases  also 
his  memory  is  less  likely  to  have  deceived  him.1  But 
the  whole  collection  is  to  be  read  with  this  qualifica 
tion.  Dr.  Tenison  adds  that  it  was  one  morning's 
work.  But  he  does  not  tell  us  upon  what  author 
ity  ;  and  certainly  Dr.  Rawley  has  left  no  such  state 
ment  on  record.  Perhaps  he  was  confounding  what 
Dr.  Rawley  said  of  "  The  beginning  of  the  History 
of  Henry  VIII."  with  what  he  said  about  the  Apoph 
thegms,  and  so  put  the  two  together.  The  statement 
is  not  to  be  believed  without  very  good  and  very  ex 
press  authority. 

The  use  and  worth  of  the  collection  will  be  best 
understood  by  those  who  have  studied  Bacon's  own 
manner  of  quoting  apophthegms,  to  suggest,  illustrate, 

or  enliven  serious  observations.     And  it  was  Greater  in 

& 

his  time  than  it  is  now,  not  only  because  they  were 
fresher  then  and  carried  more  authority  in  popular 
estimation,  but  also  because  the  ingenuities  of  the  un- 

1 1  have  however  noted  two  or  three  cases  in  which  he  appears  to  have 
relied  upon  an  imperfect  recollection  of  the  Floresta  espaiiola ;  a  circum 
stance  which  was  pointed  out  to  me  by  Mr.  Ellis. 


324        PREFACE  TO  THE  APOPHTHEGMS. 

derstanding  were  then  more  affected  and  in  greater 
request.  A  similar  collection  adapted  to  modern  times 
would  be  well  worth  making. 


NOTE. 

In  this  edition,  where  a  note  is  signed  R.,  it  means  that  such  is 
the  reading  of  the  Resuscitatio,  ed.  16G1.  The  numbers  within 
brackets  are  the  numbers  by  which  the  several  apophthegms  are 
distinguished  in  that  collection.  The  apophthegms  marked  f  are 
not  contained  in  it  at  all. 


APOPHTHEGMES 


NEW  AND   OLD. 


COLLECTED  BY 


THE    RIGHT    HONOURABLE 

FRANCIS  LO.  YERULAM  VISCOUNT  ST.  ALBAN. 


LONDON. 

Printed  for  Hanna  Barret  and  Richard  Whittaker,  and  are  to  be  sold  at 
the  King's  Head  in  Paul's  Church-yard. 

1625. 


APOPHTHEGMS   NEW   AND    OLD. 


His  Lordship's  Prefaced 

JULIUS  CAESAR  did  write  a  Collection  of  Apoph 
thegms,  as  appears  in  an  epistle  of  Cicero.2  I  need 
say  no  more  for  the  worth  of  a  writing  of  that  nature. 
It  is  pity  his  book 3  is  lost :  for  I  imagine  they  were 
collected  with  judgment  and  choice  ;  whereas  that  of 
Plutarch  and  Stobaeus,  and  much  more  the  modern 
ones,  draw  much  of  the  dregs.  Certainly  they  are  of 
excellent  use.  They  are  mucrones  verborum,  pointed 
speeches.*  Cicero  prettily  calls  them  salinas,  sattpits  ; 
that  you  may  extract  salt  out  of,  and  sprinkle  it  where 
you  will.  They  serve  to  be  interlaced  in  continued 
speech.  They  serve  to  be  recited  upon  occasion  of 
themselves.  They  serve  if  you  take  out  the  kernel  of 
them,  and  make  them  your  own.  I  have,  for  my  rec 
reation  in  my  sickness,  fanned  the  old ; 5  not  omitting 
any  because  they  are  vulgar,  (for  many  vulgar  ones  are 
excellent  good,)  nor  for  the  meanness  of  the  person, 
but  because  they  are  dull  and  flat ;  and  added 6  many 
new,  that  otherwise  would  have  died.7 

1  So  R.     There  is  no  heading  in  the  original. 

2  So  did  Macrobius,  a  Consular  man.     R. 
8  Cesar's  book.    R. 

4  The  words  of  the  wise  are  as  goods,  saith  Solomon.     (Added  in  R.) 

5  I  have  for  my  recreation,  amongst  more  serious  studies,  collected  some 
few  of  them ;  therein  fanning  the  old.     R. 

6  adding.     R. 

7  This  collection  his  LP-  made  out  of  his  memory,  without  turning  any 
book.     R.     (Note  in  margin.) 


328  APOPHTHEGMS 


APOPHTHEGMS   NEW    AND    OLD. 


f  1.  WHEN  Queen  Elizabeth  had  advanced  Ralegh, 
she  was  one  day  playing  on  the  virginals,  and  rny  Lo. 
of  Oxford  and  another  nobleman  stood  by.  It  fell  out 
so,  that  the  ledge  before  the  jacks  was  taken  away,  so 
as  the  jacks  were  seen  :  My  Lo.  of  Oxford  and  the 
other  nobleman  smiled,  and  a  little  whispered :  The 
Queen  marked  it,  and  would  needs  know  What  the 
matter  was  ?  My  Lo.  of  Oxford  answered  ;  That  they 
smiled  to  see  that  when  Jacks  went  up  Heads  went  down. 

2.  (16.)   Henry  the  Fourth  of  France   his    Queen 
was  great J  with  child.      Count  Soissons,  that  had  his 
expectation   upon    the    crown,    when    it  was   twice  or 
thrice  thought  that  the  Queen  was  with  child  before, 
said  to  some  of  his  friends,  That  it  was  but  with  a  pil 
low.     This  had   some  ways   come   to  the   King's  ear  ; 
who  kept  it  till  when2  the  Queen  waxed  great ;  called3 
the  Count  Soissons  to  him,  and  said,  laying  his  hand 
upon   the  Queen's  belly,  Come,  cousin,  it  is  no  pillow.* 
Yes,  /Sir,  (answered  the  Count  of  Soissons,)5  it  is  a 
pillow  for  all  France  to  sleep  upon. 

3.  (26.)    There  was  a  conference  in  Parliament  be 
tween   the  Upper  house   and  the  Lower,6  about  a  Bill 
of  Accountants,    which    came    down   from    the    Lords 

1  young.     R.  2  such  time  as.     R. 

8  Then  he  called.     R.  4  is  this  a  pillow?    R. 

.    5  The  C.  of  S.  answered,  Yes  Sir,  &c.     R. 

6  between  the  Lords'  House  and  the  House  of  Commons.     R. 


NEW  AND  OLD.  329 

to  the  Commons ;  which  bill  prayed,  that  the  lands 
of  accountants,  whereof  they  were  seized  when  they 
entered  upon  their  office,  mought  be  liable  to  their 
arrears  to  the  Queen.  But  the  Commons  desired 
that  the  bill  mought  not  look  back  to  accountants 
that  were  already,  but  extend  only  to  accountants 
hereafter.  But  the  Lo.  Treasurer  said,  Why,  I  pray  ^ 
if  you  had  lost  your  purse  by  the  way,  would  you  look 
forwards,  or  would  you  look  back?  The  Queen  hath 
lost  her  purse. 

4.  (1.)  Queen  Elizabeth,  the  morrow  of  her  coro 
nation,  went  to  the  chapel ;  and  in  the  great  chamber, 
Sir  John  Rainsford,  set  on  by  wiser  men,  (a  knight 
that  had  the  liberty  of  a  buffone,)  besought  the  Queen 
aloud  ;  That  now  this  good  time  when  prisoners  were  de 
livered,  four  prisoners  amongst  the  rest  mought  likewise 
have  their  liberty,  who  were  like  enough  to  be  kept  still  in 
hold.  The  Queen  asked  ;  Who  they  were?  And  he  said: 
Matthew,  Mark,  Luke,  and  John,  who  had  long  been  im 
prisoned  in  the  Latin  tongue;  and  ncrw  he  desired  they 
mought  go  abroad  among  the  people  in  English.  The 
Queen  answered,  with  a  grave  countenance ;  It  were 
good  (^Rainsford)  they  were  spoken  with  themselves,  to 
know  of  them  whether  they  would  be  set  at  liberty  ?  2 

1 1  pray  you.     R. 

2  Queen  Elizabeth,  the  morrow  of  her  coronation;  (it  being  the  custom 
to  release  prisoners  at  the  inauguration  of  a  prince;)  went  to  the  Chapel; 
and  in  the  Great  Chamber,  one  of  her  courtiers  who  was  well  known  to 
her,  either  out  of  his  own  motion,  or  by  the  instigation  of  a  wiser  man, 
presented  her  with  a  petition ;  and  before  a  great  number  of  courtiers  be 
sought  her  with  a  loud  voice;  That  now  this  yood  time  there  m'ujlii  be  four  or 
Jive  principal  prisoners  more  released;  those  were  the  four  Evangelists  and 
the  Apostle,  Saint  Paul,  who  had  been  long  shut  up  in  an  unknown  tongue,  as  it 
were  in  prison ;  so  as  they  could  not  converse  with  the  common  people.  The 
Queen  answered  very  gravely;  That  it  toas  best  Jirst  to  enquire  of  them, 
whether  they  would  be  released  or  no.  R. 


330  APOPHTHEGMS 

5.  (29.)   The  Lo.  Keeper,  Sir  Nicholas  Bacon,  was 
asked  his  opinion  by  Queen   Elizabeth  of  one  of  these 
Monopoly  Licences.     And  he  answered  ;    Will  you  have 
me  speak  truth,  Madam  ?    Licentid  omnes  deteriores  su- 
mus  :      We  are  all  the  ivorse  for  a  licence.1 

6.  (206.)   Pace,  the   bitter    Fool,   was  not    suffered 
to  come  at  the   Queen,2  because  of  his  bitter  humour. 
Yet  at  one   time   some   persuaded  the  Queen  that  he 
should    come    to    her ;    undertaking    for    him    that    he 
should    keep    compass.3      So   he  was   brought    to    her, 
and    the    Queen    said :     Come  on,  Pace :  now  we  shall 
hear  of  our  faults.  ,  Saith  Pace ;  /  do  not  use  to  talk 
of  that  that  all  the  town  talks  of. 

7.  (30.)   My  Lo.  of  Essex,  at  the  succour  of  Rhoan, 
made  twenty-four  knights,  which   at   that  time  was  a 
great    matter.4     Divers    of   those    gentlemen    were   of 
weak  and  small  means  ;  which  when   Queen  Elizabeth 
heard,  she  said,  My  Lo.  mought  have  done  well  to  have 
built  Ids  alms-house  before  he  made  his  knights. 

f  8.  A  great  officer  in  France  was  in  danger  to  have 
lost  his  place ;  but  his  wife,  by  her  suit  and  means 
making,  made  his  peace  ;  whereupon  a  pleasant  fellow 
said,  That  he  had  been  crushed,  but  that  lie  saved  himself 
upon  his  horns. 

9.  (2.)  Queen  Anne  Bullen,  at  the  time  when  she 
Avas  led  to  be  beheaded  in  the  Tower,  called  one  of  the 
King's  privy  chamber  to  her,  and  said  to  him  ;  Com 
mend  me  to  the  King,  and  tell  him  he  is5  constant  in  his 
course  of  advancing  me.  From  a  private  gentlewoman 
he  made  me  a  marquisse ; 6  and  from  a  marquisse 6  a 

1  for  licences.     R.  2  at  Queen  Elizabeth.     R. 

3  within  compass.     R.  4  number.     R. 

5  hath  been  ever.     R.  6  marchioness.     R. 


NEW  AND  OLD.  331 

queen  ;  and  now  he  had  left l  no  higher  degree  of  earthly 
honour,  he  hath  made  me  a  martyr? 

10.  (207.)   Bishop    Latimer    said,  in   a   sermon   at 
court ;   That  he  heard  great  speech  that  the  King  was 
poor  and  many  ways  were  propounded  to  make  him  rich: 
For  his  part  he  had  thought  of  one  way,  which  was,  that 
they  should  lielp  the  King  to  some  good  office,  for  all  his 
officers  were.  rich. 

11.  (122.)   Caesar   Borgia,   after    long    division    be 
tween  him  and  the  Lords  of  Romagna,  fell  to  accord 
with  them.     In  this  accord  there  was  an  article,  that 
he  should   not  call  them  at  any  time  all  together  in 
person :   The  meaning  was,  that  knowing  his  danger 
ous   nature,    if   he    meant    them    treason,    some    one 
mought  be  free    to    revenge    the    rest.3     Nevertheless 
he  did  with   such  art   and  fair  usage  win    their  con 
fidence,  that  he  brought  them  all  together  to  counsel  at 
Sinigalia ; 4  where  he  murthered  them  all.     This  act, 
when  it  was  related  unto  Pope  Alexander  his  father  by 
a  Cardinal,  as  a  thing  happy,  but  very  perfidious,  the 
Pope   said;    It  was  they  that  had  broke  their  covenant 
first,  in  coming  all  together. 

12.  (54.)  Pope  Julius  the  third,  when  he  was  made 
Pope,  gave  his  hat  unto  a  youth,  a  favourite  of  his, 
with  great  scandal.     Whereupon   at  one  time  a  Car 
dinal,  that  mought  be  free  with  him,  said  modestly  to 
him  :    What  did  your  Holiness  see  in  that  young  man,  to 
make  him    Cardinal?     Julius  answered,  What  did  you 
see  in  me,  to  make  me  Pope  ? 

1  now  that  he  hath  left.     R. 

2  he  intends  to  crown  my  innocency  with  the  glory  of  martyrdom.     R. 
8  he  mought  [qr-  mought  not  ?]  have  opportunity  to  oppress  them  alto 
gether  at  once.     R. 

4  he  used  such  fine  art  and  fair  carriage  that  he  won  their  confidence  to 
meet  altogether  in  counsel  at  Cinigalia.     R. 


332  APOPHTHEGMS 

13.  (55.)   The  same  Julius,  upon  like   occasion  of 
speech,  why  he  should  bear  so  great   affection  to  the 
same  young  man,  would  say  ;  That  he  had  found  by  as 
trology  that  it  was  the  youths  destiny  to  be  a  great  prel 
ate  ;   u'hich  was  impossible,  except  himself  were  Pope; 
And  therefore  that  he  did  raise  him,  as  the  driver  on  of 
his  own  fortune. 

14.  (50.)   Sir  Thomas  Moore  had  only  daughters  at 
the  first ;  and  his  wife  did  ever  pray  for  a  boy.    At  last 
he   had   a  boy  ;    which  after,   at  man's   years,   proved 
simple.1     Sir  Thomas  said  to   his  wife  ;    Tliou  prayedst 
so  long  for  a  boy,  that  he  will  be  a  boy  as  long  as  he 
lives. 

15.  (58.)   Sir  Thomas  Moore,  the  day2  he  was  be 
headed,  had  a  barber  sent  to  him,  because  his  hair  was 
long,  which  was  thought  would  make  him  more  corn- 
miserable  3  with  the  people.      The  barber  came  to  him 
and   asked   him,    Whether   he   would  be  pleased  to    be 
trimmed?      In    good  faith,    honest  fellow,    (said    Sir 
Thomas,)  the  King  and  I  have  a  suit  for  my  head,  and 
till  the  title  be  cleared  I  will  do  no  cost   upon  it. 

16.  (59.)   Stephen  Gardiner,  Bishop  of  Winchester, 
a  great  champion  of  the  Papists,4  was  wont  to  say  of 
the  Protestants,  who  ground  upon  the   Scripture,  That 
tliey  were  like  posts,  that  bring  truth  in  their  letters,  and 
lies  in  their  mouths. 

17.  (125.)   The   Lacedaemonians  were  besieged    by 
the  Athenians  in  the  Fort5  of  Peile ;  which  was  won, 
and  some  slain  and  some  taken.      There  was  one  said 
to  one  of  them  that  was  taken,  by  way  of  scorn,   Were 
not  they  brave  men  that  lost  their  lives  at  the  Fort 5  of 

1  but,  simple.     R.  2  on  the  day  that.     R. 

3  commiserated.     R.  4  the  Popish  religion.     R. 

5  Port.     R.     Phyle?  or  Pylus! 


NEW  AND   OLD.  333 

Peile?      He    answered,    Certainly  a  Persian  arrow  is 
much  to  be  set  by,  if  it  can  choose  out  a  brave  man. 

18.  (208.)   After  the  defeat  of  Cyrus  the  younger, 
Falinus  was  sent  by  the   King  to  the  Grecians,  (who 
had  for  their  part  rather  victory  than   otherwise,)  to 
command  them  to  yield  their  arms.      Which  when  it 
was  denied,  Falinus  said  to  Clearchus ;    Well  then,  the 
King  lets  you  know,  that  if  you  remove  from  the  place 
where  you  are  now  encamped,  it  is  war  :  if  you  stay,  it 
is  truce.      What  shall  I  say  you  will  do  ?     Clearchus 
answered,  It  pleaseth  us  as  it  pleaseth  the  King.     How 
is  that  ?  saith  Falinus.     Saith  Clearchus,   If  we  remove, 
war  :  if  we  stay,  truce.     And  so  would  not  disclose  his 
purpose. 

19.  (126.)   Clodius  was  acquit  by  a   corrupt  jury, 
that  had  palpably  taken  shares  of  money.     Before  they 
gave   up   their  verdict,   they  prayed   of  the   Senate  a 
guard,  that  they  might  do  their  consciences  freely  ;  for 
Clodius  was  a  very  seditious  young  nobleman.    Where 
upon  all  the  world  gave  him  for  condemned.     But  ac 
quitted   he  was.     Catulus,   the  next  day,   seeing  some 
of  them  that  had  acquitted  him  together,  said  to  them  ; 
WJiat  made  you  to  ask  of  us  a  guard?     Were  you  afraid 

your  money  should  have  been  taken  from  you  ? 

20.  (127.)   At  the  same  judgment,  Cicero  gave  in 
evidence  upon  oath :  and  the  jury  (which  consisted  of 
fifty-seven)  passed  against  his   evidence.      One  day  in 
the   Senate,  Cicero  and  Clodius    being  in  altercation, 
Clodius  upbraided  him  and  said  :      The  jury  gave  you 
no  credit.      Cicero  answered,  Five-and-twenty  gave  me 
credit :   but  there  were  two-and-thirty  that  gave  you  no 
credit,  for  they  had  their  money  aforehand. 

21.  (80.)  Many  men,  especially  such  as  affect  grav- 


884  APOPHTHEGMS 

ity,  have  a  manner  after  other  men's  speech  to  shake 
their  heads.  Sir  Lionel  Cranfield  would  say,1  That  it 
was  as  men  shake  a  bottle,  to  see  if  there  were  any  wit  in 
their  head  or  no. 

f  22.  Sir  Thomas  Moore  (who  was  a  man  in  all  his 
lifetime  that  had  an  excellent  vein  in  jesting)  at  the 
very  instant  of  his  death,  having  a  pretty  long  beard, 
after  his  head  was  upon  the  block,  lift  it  up  again,  and 
gently  drew  his  beard  aside,  and  said,  This  hath  not 
offended  the  King. 

23.  (GO.)    Sir   Thomas    Moore  had   sent  him   by  a 
suitor  in  the  chancery  two  silver  flagons.      When  they 
were  presented  by  th'e  gentleman's  servant,  he  said  to 
one  of  his  men  ;  Have  1dm  to  the  cellar,  and  let  him  have 
of  my  lest   wine.      And  turning  to  the   servant,   said, 
Tell  tliy  master,  friend,  if  lie  like  it,  let  1dm  not  spare  it. 

24.  (129.)   Diogenes,  having  seen  that  the  kingdom 
of  Macedon,  which  before  was  contemptible   and   low, 
began  to  come  aloft,  when  he  died,   was  asked  ;  How 
lie  would  be  buried?    He  answered,  With  my  face  down 
ward  ;  for  icitldn  a  while  the  world  ivill  be  turned  upside 
doivn,  and  then  I  shall  He  right. 

25.  (130.)   Cato  the  elder  was  wont  to  say,  That  the 
Romans  were  like  sheep  :  A  man  were  better  drive  a  flock 
of  them,  than  one  of  them. 

26.  (201.)   Themistocles  in    his   lower   fortune  was 
in    love   with    a  young    gentleman   who    scorned    him. 
When   he  grew  to  his  greatness,  which  was  soon  after, 
he  sought  to  him :  but  Themistocles  said  ;    We  are  both 
grown  wise,  but  too  late. 

f  27.  Demonax  the  philosopher,  when  he  died,  was 
asked  touching  his  burial,  lie  answered,  Never  take 

i  A  great  oflicer  of  this  land  would  say.     R. 


NEW  AND   OLD.  335 

care  for  burying  me,  for  stink  will  bury  me.  He  that 
asked  him,  said  again :  Why,  would  you  have  your  body 
left  to  dogs  and  ravens  to  feed  upon  ?  Demonax  an 
swered,  Why,  what  great  hurt  is  it,  if  having  sought  to 
do  good,  when  I  lived,  to  men,  my  body  do  some  good  to 
beasts,  when  I  am  dead. 

f  28.  Jack  Roberts  was  desired  by  his  tailor,  when  the 
reckoning  grew  somewhat  high,  to  have  a  bill  of  his 
hand.  Roberts  said  ;  I  am  content,  but  you  must  let  no 
man  know  it.  When  the  tailor  brought  him  the  bill, 
he  tore  it,  as  in  choler,  and  said  to  him  ;  You  use  me 
not  well ;  you  promised  me  nobody  should  know  it,  and 
here  you  have  put  in,  Be  it  known  unto  all  men  by  these 
presents. 

29.  (131.)  When  Lycurgus  was  to  reform  and  alter 
the  state  of  Sparta,  in  the  consultation  one  advised  that 
it  should  be  reduced  to  an  absolute  popular  equality. 
But  Lycurgus  said  to  him  :  Sir,  begin  it  in  your  own 
house. 

f  30.  Phocion  the  Athenian,  (a  man  of  great  se 
verity,  and  no  ways  flexible  to  the  will  of  the  people,) 
one  day  when  he  spake  to  the  people,  in  one  part  of 
his  speech  was  applauded  :  Whereupon  he  turned  to 
one  of  his  friends,  and  asked  ;  What  have  I  said  amiss? 

f  31.  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  was  wont  to  say  of  the 
ladies  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  privy-chamber  and  bed 
chamber  ;  That  they  were  like  tvitehes ;  they  could  do 
hurt,  but  they  could  do  no  good. 

32.  (122.)  Bion,  that  was  an  atheist,  was  shewed 
in  a  port-city,  in  a  temple  of  Neptune,  many  tables  or 
pictures  of  such  as  had  in  tempests  made  their  vows  to 
Neptune,  and  were  saved  from  shipwrack :  and  was 
asked  ;  How  say  you  now,  do  you  not  acknowledge  the 


336  APOPHTHEGMS 

power  of  the  Gods  ?  But  he  said ;  Yes,  but  where  are 
they  painted  that  have  been  drowned  after  their  voivs  ? 

33.  (202.)  Bias1  was  sailing,  and  there  fell  out  a 
great  tempest,  and  the  mariners,  that  were  wicked  and 
dissolute  fellows,  called  upon  the  Gods  ;  But  Bias  a  said 
to  them ;  Peace,  let  them  not  knotv  ye  are  here. 

f  34.  Bion  was  wont  to  say  ;  That  Socrates,  of  all  the 
lovers  of  Alcibiades,  only  held  him  by  the  ears. 

f  35.  There  was  a  minister  deprived  for  inconformity, 
who  said  to  some  of  his  friends  ;  That  if  they  deprived 
him,  it  should  cost  an  hundred  men's  lives.  The  party 
understood  it  as  if,  being  a  turbulent  fellow,  he  would 
have  moved  sedition,1  and  complained  of  him.  Where 
upon  being  convented  and  apposed  upon  that  speech, 
he  said  ;  His  meaning  was,  that  if  he  lost  his  benefice,  he 
would  practise  physic  ;  and  then  he  thought  he  should  kill 
an  hundred  men  in  time. 

36.  (61.)  Michael  Angelo,  the  famous  painter, 
painting  in  the  Pope's  chapel  the  portraiture  of  hell 
and  damned  souls,  made  one  of  the  damned  souls  so 
like  a  Cardinal  that  was  his  enemy,  as  everybody  at 
first  sight  knew  it :  Whereupon  the  Cardinal  complained 
to  Pope  Clement,  desiring2  it  might  be  defaced;  Who 
said  to  him,  Why,  you  knoiv  very  well,  I  have  power  to 
deliver  a  soul  out  of  purgatory,  but  not  out  of  hell.3 

f  37.  There  was  a  philosopher  about  Tiberius,  that 
looking  into  the  nature  of  Caius,  said  of  him  ;  That  he 
was  mire  mingled  with  blood. 

38.  (209.)  Alcibiades  came  to  Pericles,  and  stayed 
a  while  ere  he  was  admitted.  When  he  came  in,  Per- 

1  Bion.     R.  2  humbly  praying.     R. 

3  See   Melchior  (Floresta   espanola,   de  apoteghraas  6   sentencias,    &c., 
1614),  I.  1.  3. 


NEW  AND   OLD.  337 

icles  civilly  excused  it,  and  said ;  /  was  studying  how  to 
give  my  account.  But  Alcibiades  said  to  him  ;  If  you 
will  be  ruled  by  me,  study  rather  how  to  give  no  account. 

39.  (133.)   Cicero  was  at   dinner,  where  there  was 
an  ancient  lady  that  spake  of  her  years,  and  said  ;  She 
was  but  forty  years  old.    One  that  sat  by  Cicero  rounded 
him  in  the  ear,  and  said  ;  She  talks  of  forty  years  old, 
and  she  is  far  more,  out  of  question.     Cicero  answered 
him  again  ;  I  must  believe  her,  for  I  have  heard  her  say 
so  any  time  these  ten  years. 

40.  (68.)  Pope  Adrian  the  sixth  was  talking  with 
the  Duke  of  Sesa ;   That  Pasquil  gave  great  scandal, 
and  that  he  would  have  him  throivn  into  the  river.     But 
Sesa  answered  ;  Do  it  not  (holy  father)  for  then  he  will 
turn  frog  ;  and  ivhereas  now  he  chants  but  by  day,  he  'will 
then  chant  both  by  day  and  night.1 

41.  (134.)   There  was  a  soldier  that  vaunted  before 
Julius  Ca3sar  of  hurts  he  had  received  in  his  face.     Ju 
lius  Caesar  knowing  him  to  be  but  a  coward,  told  him ; 
You  were  best  take  heed,  next  time  you  run  away,  how 

you  look  back. 

f  42.  There  was  a  Bishop  that  was  somewhat  a  deli 
cate  person,  and  bathed  twice  a  day.  A  friend  of  his 
said  to  him  ;  My  lord,  why  do  you  bathe  twice  a  day  ? 
The  Bishop  answered  ;  Because  I  cannot  conveniently 
bathe  thrice. 

43.  (210.)  Mendoza  that  was  vice-roy  of  Peru,  was 
wont  to  say ;  That  the  government  of  Peru  was  the  best 
place  that  the  King  of  Spain  gave,  save  that  it  was  some 
what  too  near  Madrid. 

f  44.  Secretary  Bourn's  son  kept  a  gentleman's  wife 
in  Shropshire,  who  lived  from  her  husband  with  him. 

i  Melch.  1. 1.  5. 
VOL.  xm.  22 


338  APOPHTHEGMS 

When  lie  was  weary  of  her,  lie  caused  her  husband 
to  be  dealt  with  to  take  her  home,  and  offered  him 
five  hundred  pounds  for  reparation.  The  gentleman 
went  to  Sir  Henry  Sidney,  to  take  his  advice  upon 
this  offer ;  telling  him ;  That  his  'wife  promised  now  a 
new  life ;  and,  to  tell  him  truth,  five  hundred  pounds 
would  come  well  with  him  ;  and  besides,  that  sometimes 
he  wanted  a  'woman  in  his  bed.  By  my  troth,  (said  Sir 
Henry  Sidney)  take  her  home,  and  take  the  money  ;  and 
then  whereas  oilier  cuckolds  ivear  their  horns  plain,  you 
may  wear  yours  (jilt. 

45.  (69.)  There  was  a  gentleman  in  Italy  that  wrate 
to  a  great  friend  of  his,  upon  his  advancement l  to  be 
Cardinal  ;  That  he  was  very  glad  of  Ids  advancement, 
for  the  Cardinal's  own  sake  ;  but  he  was  sorry  that  him 
self  had  lost  so  good  a  friend.'2' 

f  46.  When  Rabelais  lay  on  his  death-bed,  and  they 
gave  him  the  extreme  unction,  a  familiar  ffiend  of  his 
came  to  him  afterwards,  and  asked  him;  How  he  did? 
Rabelais  answered  ;  Even  going  my  journey,  they  have 
greased  my  boots  already. 

47.  (70.)    There  was  a   King  of  Hungary   took  a 
Bishop   in    battle,    and    kept    him    prisoner.       Where 
upon    the   Pope  writ  a  monitory  to  him,  for  that  he 
had  broken  the  privilege  of  Holy  Church,  and  taken 
his   son.      The  King   sent   an    embassage  to   him,  and 
sent  withal  the  armour  wherein  the  Bishop  was  taken, 
and  this  only  in  writing,  Vide  num  hcec  sit  vestis  filii 
tui.3 

48.  (135.)    There  was  a  suitor  to  Vespasian,  who, 

1  whom  the  Pope  had  newly  advanced.     R. 

2  a  good  friend.    R.     Melchior  (T.  2.  1.)  gives  this  as  written  to  Cardinal 
Xiinenes  on  his  being  made  archbishop  of  Toledo. 

3  Know  now  whether  this  bv  thy  son's  coat?     (Added  in  R.) 


NEW  AND  OLD.  339 

to  lay  his  suit  fairer,  said  ;  It  was  for  Ms  brother ; 
whereas  indeed  it  was  for  a  piece  of  money.  Some 
about  Vespasian,  to  cross  him,  told  the  Emperor,  That 
the  party  his  servant  spake  for  was  not  his  brother ;  but 
that  it  ivas  upon  a  bargain.  Vespasian  sent  for  the 
party  interessed,  and  asked  him  ;  Whether  his  mean  * 
was  his  brother  or  no  ?  He  durst  not  tell  untruth  to 
the  Emperor,  and  confessed  ;  That  he  was  not  his 
brother.  Whereupon  the  Emperor  said,  This  do,  fetch 
me  the  money,  and  you  shall  have  your  suit  dispatched. 
Which  he  did.  The  courtier,  which  was  the  mean, 
solicited  Vespasian  soon  after  about  his  suit.  Why, 
(saith  Vespasian,)  I  gave  it  last  day  to  a  brother  of 
mine. 

49.  (211.)  When  Vespasian  passed  from  Jewry  to 
take   upon  him  the  empire,  he  went   by  Alexandria, 
where  remained  two  famous   philosophers,  Apollonius 
and  Euphrates.     The  Emperor  heard  them  discourse 
touching   matter  of  state,   in   the   presence  of   many. 
And  when  he  was  weary  of  them,  he  brake  oft',  and 
in  a  secret  derision,  finding  their  discourses  but  spec 
ulative,  and  not  to  be  put  in  practice,  said ;    0  that  I 
might  govern  wise  men,  and  wise  men  govern  me. 

50.  (212.)  Cardinal  Ximenes,  upon  a  muster  which 
was  taken  against  the  Moors,  was  spoken  to  by  a  ser 
vant  of  his  to  stand  a  little  out  of  the  smoke  of  the 
harquebuss  ;   but  he   said   again  ;    That   that  was   his 
incense? 

51.  (136.)  Vespasian  asked  of  Apollonius,  what  was 
the  cause  of  Nero's  ruin  ?    who  answered  ;  Nero  could 

1  his  mean  employed  by  him.     R. 

2  Melch.  I.  2.  5.  where  however  the  occasion  is  said  to  have  been  not  the 
taking  a  muster  against  the  Moors,  but  the  going  to  see  an  altar  erected  at 
Madrid,  "  fuera  de  la  puerta  de  Moros,"  and  being  saluted  by  the  harque- 
busseers. 


840  APOPHTHEGMS 

tune  the  harp  well;  but  in  government  he  did  always 
wind  up  the  strings  too  high,  or  let  them  down  too  low. 
f  52.  Mr.  Bromley,  Solicitor,  giving  in  evidence 
for  a  deed  which  was  impeached  to  be  fraudulent, 
was  urged  by  the  counsel  on  the  other  side  with 
this  presumption  ;  that  in  two  former  suits,  when 
title  was  made,  that  deed  was  passed  over  in  silence, 
and  some  other  conveyance  stood  upon.  Mr.  Jus 
tice  Catyline  taking  in  with  that  side,  asked  the  So 
licitor,  I  pray  tliee,  Mr.  Solicitor,  let  me  ask  yon  a  famil 
iar  question  ;  I  have  two  geldings  in  my  stable,  and  I 
have  divers  times  business  of  importance,  and  still  I  send 
forth  one  of  my  geldings,  and  not  the  other ;  would  you 
not  think  I  set  him  aside  for  a  jade  ?  No,  my  Lord, 
(saith  Bromley,)  I  ivould  think  you  spared  him  for  your 
own  saddle. 

53.  (45.)  Alonso  Cartilio  was  informed  by  his  stew 
ard  of  the  greatness  of  his  expence,  being  such  as  he 
could    not   hold   out   with.      The   Bishop   asked    him ; 
Wherein  it  chiefly  rose  ?     His  steward  told   him  ;  In 
the   multitude  of  his  servants.     The   Bishop   bad    him 
make  a  note  of  those  that  were  necessary,  and  those 
that  rnought  be  put  off.1     Which  he  did.     And   the 
Bishop  taking  occasion  to  read  it  before  most  of  his 
servants,   said  to  his   steward ;    Well,  let  these  remain 
because  I  need  them ;  and  these  other  also  because  they 
need  me. 

54.  (19.)   Queen  Elizabeth  was  wont  to  say,  upon 
the  Commission  of  Sales ;   That  the  commissioners  used 
her   like  strawberry  wives,  that  laid  two  or  three  great 
strawberries  at  the  mouth  of  their  pot,  and  all  the  rest 
were  little  ones ;    so  they  made  her  two  or  three  good 
•prices  of  the  first  particulars,  but  fell  straightways. 

i  spared.    R.      This  is  told  in  Melchior  I.  3.  2. 


NEW  AND   OLD.  341 

55.  (20.)   Queen  Elizabeth  was  wont  to  say  of  her 
instructions  to  great  officers  ;    That  they  were  like  to 
garments,  strait  at  the  first  putting  on,  but  did  by  and 
by  iv ear  loose  enough. 

56.  (46.)  Mr.  Marbuiy  the  preacher  would  say ;  That 
Grod  was  fain  to  do  ivith  wicked  men,  as  men  do  with 

frisking  jades  in  a  pasture,  that  cannot  take  them  up, 
till  they  get  them  at  a  gate.  So  wicked  men  will  not 
be  taken  up  till  the  hour  of  death. 

f  57.  Thales,  as  he  looked  upon  the  stars,  fell  into 
the  water  ;  Whereupon  it  was  after  said  ;  That  if  he 
had  looked  into  the  water  he  might  have  seen  the  stars  ; 
but  looking  up  to  the  stars  he  could  not  see  the  water. 

58.  (22.)   The  book  of  deposing  Richard1  the  sec 
ond,   and   the   coming   in   of  Henry   the   fourth,    sup 
posed    to    be    written    by    Dr.     Hay  ward,    who    was 
committed   to   the  Tower  for   it,   had   much   incensed 
queen  Elizabeth.     And  she  asked   Mr.  Bacon,  being 
then  of  her  learned  counsel  ;    Whether  there  were  no 
treason  contained  in  it  ?     Mr.   Bacon   intending  to  do 
him  a  pleasure,  and  to   take  off  the  Queen's  bitter 
ness  with  a  jest,2  answered ;    No,  madam,  for  treason 
I  cannot   deliver   opinion   that   there  is    any,    but   very 
much   felony.     The    Queen,    apprehending    it   gladly, 
asked  ;    How,   and  ivlierein  ?      Mr.  Bacon    answered  ; 
Because  he  had  stolen  many  of  his  sentences  and  con 
ceits  out  of  Cornelius   Tacitus. 

59.  (199.)    Mr.   Popham,3   when  he  was    Speaker, 
and    the   Lower   House4  had  sat   long,  and   done   in 
effect  nothing ;    coming  one  day  to  Queen   Elizabeth, 
she  said  to  him  ;  Now,  Mr.  /Speaker,  what  hath  passed 

1  King  Richard.     R.  8  (afterwards  Lord  Chief  Justice  Popham.)    R. 

2  merry  conceit.     R.  4  House  of  Commons.     R. 


342  APOPHTHEGMS 

in  the  Lower  House  ?l     He  answered,  If  it  please  your 
Majesty,  seven  weeks. 

60.  (47.)   Pope  Xystus  the  fifth,  who  was  a  poor2 
man's  son,  and  his  father's  house  ill  thatched,  so  that 
the   sun   came   in  in   many   places,   would   sport   with 
his  ignobility,  and  say ;   He  was  nato  di  casa  illastre  : 
son  of  an  illustrious  house. 

61.  (48.)   When  the  King  of  Spain  conquered  Por 
tugal,  he  gave  special  charge  to  his  lieutenant  that  the 
soldiers  should   not  spoil,  lest   he   should   alienate   the 
hearts  of  the  people.      The  army  also  suffered   much 
scarcity  of  victual.      Whereupon   the  Spanish  soldiers 
would  afterwards  say  ;   That  they  had  won  the  King  a 
kingdom,  as   the  kingdom  of  heaven  useth  to  be  won; 
by  fasting   and   abstaining  from   that   that   is   another 
man's. 

62.  (108.)    Cicero   married  his   daughter  to   Dola- 
bella,   that   held  Caesar's    party  :     Pompey  had    mar 
ried  Julia,  that   was  Cesar's   daughter.     After,  when 
Caesar  and  Pompey  took  arms  one  against  the  other, 
and  Pompey  had  passed  the  seas,  and  Caesar  possessed 
Italy,  Cicero  stayed  somewhat   long   in   Italy,  but   at 
last  sailed  over  to  join  with  Pompey  ;  who  when  he 
came  unto  him,  Pompey  said;    You  are  welcome;  but 
where    left  you  your   son-in-law  f     Cicero    answered  ; 
With  your  father-in-law. 

63.  (213.)    Nero    was   wont  to   say  of  his    master 
Seneca ;   That  his  stile  was  like  mortar  of  sand  'without 
lime. 

64.  (240.)    Sir   Henry  Wotton   used  to   say,    That 
critics  are  like  brushers  of  noblemen's  clothes. 

65.  (23.)    Queen  Elizabeth,  being  to  resolve  upon 

1  Commons'  House.     R.  2  very  poor.     R. 


NEW  AND   OLD.  343 

a  great  officer,  and  being  by  some,  that  canvassed  for 
others,  put  in  some  doubt  of  that  person  whom  she 
meant  to  advance,  called  for  Mr.  Bacon,  and  told 
him ;  She  ivas  like  one  with  a  lanthorn  seeking  a  man ; 
and  seemed  unsatisfied  in  the  choice  she  had  of  men 
for  that  place.  Mr.  Bacon  answered  her ;  That  he 
had  heard  that  in  old  time  there  was  usually  painted  on 
the  church  walls  the  Day  of  Doom,  and  Grod  sitting  in 
judgement,  and  St.  Michael  by  him  with  a  pair  of  bal 
ance  ;l  and  the  so  id  and  the  good  deeds  in  the  one  balance, 
and  the  faidts  and  the  evil  deeds  in  the  other ;  and  the 
sours  balance  went  up  far  too  light:  Then  was  our  Lady 
painted  ivith  a  great  pair  of  beads,  casting  them  into  the 
light  balance,  to  make  up  the  weight : 2  so  (he  said)  place 
and  authority,  which  were  in  her  hands  to  give,  were  like 
our  lady's  beads,  which  though  men,  through  divers  imper 
fections,  were  too  light  before,  yet  when  they  were  cast  in, 
made  weight  competent. 

66.  (128.)  Mr.  Savill3  was  asked  by  my  lord  of  Essex 
his  opinion  touching  poets  ;  who 4  answered  my  lord ; 
He  thought^  them  the  best  writers,  next  to  those  that 
write6  prose. 

f  67.  Mr.  Mason  of  Trinity  college  sent  his  pupil  to 
another  of  the  fellows,  to  borrow  a  book  of  him ;  who 
told  him  ;  I  am  loth  to  lend  my  books  out  of  my  chamber  ; 
but  if  it  please  thy  tutor  to  come  and  read  upon  it  in  my 
chamber,  he  shall  as  long  as  he  will.  It  was  winter  ;  and 
some  days  after,  the  same  fellow  sent  to  Mr.  Mason  to 
borrow  his  bellows ;  but  Mr.  Mason  said  to  his  pupil ; 
I  am  loth  to  lend  my  bellows  out  of  my  chamber  ;  but  if 

1  balances.     R.  2  and  brought  down  the  scale.    R. 

«  Sir  Henry  Savill.    R.  4  He.     R. 

6  That  he  thought,    R.  6  writ.    R, 


344  APOPHTHEGMS 

tJiy  tutor  would  come  and  blow  the  fire  in  my  chamber,  he 
shall  as  long  as  he  will. 

68.  (110.)  Nero  did   cut  a  youth,  as  if  lie  would 
have  transformed  him  into  a  woman,1  and  called  him 
wife.     There  was  a  senator  of  Rome  that  said  secretly 
to  his  friend ;  It  was  pity  Nero's  father  had  not  such  a 
wife. 

69.  (111.)   Galha  succeeded  Nero,  and  his  age  being 
much  despised,  there  was  much  licence  and  confusion 
in  Rome.     Whereupon  a  senator  said  in  full  senate,  It 
were  better  live  where  nothing  is  lawful,  than  where  all 
things  are  lawful. 

f  70.  In  Flanders  by  accident  a  Flemish  tiler  fell 
from  the  top  of  a  house  upon  a  Spaniard,  and  killed 
him,  though  he  escaped  himself.  The  next  of  the 
blood  prosecuted  his  death  with  great  violence  against 
the  tiler.  And  when  he  was  offered  pecuniary  rec- 
ompence,  nothing  would  serve  him  but  lex  talioids. 
Whereupon  the  judge  said  to  him  ;  That  if  he  did  urge 
that  kind  of  sentence,  it  must  be,  that  he  should  go  up  to 
the  top  of  the  house,  and  thence  fall  down  upon  the  tile/'. 

71.  (24.)   Queen  Elizabeth  was  dilatory  enough  in 
suits,  of  her  own  nature  ;  and  the  lord  treasurer  Bur- 
leigh,  to  feed  her  humour,2  would  say  to  her  ;   Madam, 
you  do  w<ell  to  let  suitors  stay  ;  for  I  shall  tell  you,  Bis 
dat,  qui  cito  dat :  If  you  graut  them  speedily,  they  will 
come  again  the  sooner. 

72.  (49.)   They  feigned3  a  tale  of  Sixtus  Quintus,4 
that  after  his  death  he  went  to  hell  ;  and  the  porter  of 
hell  said  to  him  ;    You  have  some  reason  to  offer  yourself 

1  Nero  loved  a  beautiful  youth,  whom  he  used  viciously.     K. 
'2  being  a  wise  man,  and  willing  therein  to  feed  her  humour.     R. 
'  3  So  R.     The  original  has  "faigne." 
4  whom  they  called  Sizt-Ace.     R. 


NEW  AND   OLD.  345 

to  this  place  ; 1  but  yet 2  I  have  order  not  to  receive  you  : 
you  have  a  place  of  your  own,  purgatory  ;  you  may  go 
thither.  So  he  went  away,  and  sought  purgatory  a 
great  while,  and  could  find  no  such  place.  Upon  that 
he  took  heart,  and  went  to  heaven,  and  knocked ;  and 
St.  Peter  asked  ;  Who  was  there  ?  He  said,  Sixtus 
Pope.  Whereunto  St.  Peter  said,  Why  do  you  knock? 
you  have  the  keys.  Sixtus  answered,  It  is  true  ;  but  it  is 
so  long  since  they  were  given,  as  I  doubt  the  wards  of  the 
lock  be  altered. 

73.  (50.)   Charles  King  of  Swede,  a  great   enemy 
of  the  Jesuits,  when  he  took  any  of  their  colleges,  he 
would  hang   the  old    Jesuits,   and  put  the  young  to 
his    mines,  saying  ;    That  since  they  wrought  so    hard 
above  ground,  he  would  try  how  they  could  work  under 
ground. 

74.  (51.)  In  Chancery,  one  time,  when  the  counsel 
of  the  parties  set  forth  the  boundaries  of  the  land  in 
question,  by  the  plot ;   And   the  counsel  of  one  part 
said,  We  lie  on  this  side,  my  lord ;  And  the  counsel  of 
the  other  part  said,  We  lie  on  this  side :  the  Lord  Chan 
cellor  Hatton  stood  up  and  said,  If  you  lie  on  both  sides, 
whom  will  you  have  me  to  believe. 

75.  (109.)  Vespasian  and  Titus  his  eldest  son  were 
both  absent  from  Rome  when  the  empire  was  cast  upon 
him.3      Domitian  his  younger  son  was  at  Rome,  who 
took  upon  him  the  affairs  ;  and  being  of  a  turbulent 
spirit,  made  many  changes,  arid  displaced  divers  officers 
and  governors  of  provinces,  sending  them  successors. 
So  when  Vespasian  came  to  Rome,  and  Domitian  came 

1  because  you  were  a  wicked  man.     R. 

2  But  yet,  because  you  were  a  Pope.     R. 

3  Vespasian.     R. 


346  APOPHTHEGMS 

into  his  presence,  Vespasian  said  to  him  ;  Son,  I  looked 
when  you  would  have  sent  me  a  successor. 

76.  (71.)    Sir   Amice1   Pawlct,  when   he   saw  too 
much  haste  made  in  any  matter,  was  wont  to  say,  Stay 
a  while,  that  we  may  make  an  end  the  sooner. 

77.  (31.)    The  deputies  of  the   reformed  religion, 
after  the  massacre  which  was2  upon  St.  Bartholomew's 
day,  treated  with   the   King   and    Queen-Mother,  and 
some   other  of  the   counsel,  for  a  peace.     Both   sides 
were   agreed   upon    the    articles.       The   question   was, 
upon  the  security  of  performance.8      After  some  par 
ticulars   propounded   and  rejected,  the   Queen-Mother 
said  ;    Why,  is  not  the  word  of  a  King  sufficient  security  f 
One  of  the  deputies  answered ;  No,  by  St.  Bartholomew, 
Madam. 

78.  (12.)   When  the  Archduke  did  raise  his  siege 
from  Grave,  the  then  secretary  came  to  queen  Eliza 
beth  ;  and  the  Queen,  having  intelligence  first,4  said  to 
the  secretary,  Wot  you  what  ?     The  Archduke  is  risen 
from   the    Grave.      He    answered,    Wliat,    without   the 
trumpet  of  the  Archangel  ?    The  Queen  replied  ;   Yes, 
without  sound  of  trumpet. 

f  79.  Francis  the  first  used  for  his  pleasure  some 
times  to  go  disguised.  So  walking  one  day  in  the  com 
pany  of  the  Cardinal  of  Bourbon  near  Paris,  he  met  a 
peasant  with  a  new  pair  of  shoes  upon  his  arm.  So  he 
called  him  to  him  and  said  ;  By  our  lady,  these  be  good 
shoes,  what  did  they  cost  thee  ?  The  peasant  said  ; 
G-uess.  The  King  said  ;  I  think  some  five  sols.  Saith 
the  peasant ;  You,  have  lyed  ;  but  a  carolois.  IVJtat  vil 
lain,  (saith  the  Cardinal  of  Bourbon)  thou  art  dead ;  it 

^Amyas.     R.  2  which  was  at  Paris.     R. 

3  for  the  performance.     R.  4  having  first  intelligence  thereof.     R. 


NEW  AND   OLD.  347 

is  the  King.     The  peasant  replied  ;   The  devil  take  him, 
of  you  and  me,  that  knew  so  much. 

80.  (217.)   There  was  a  conspiracy  against  the  Em 
peror  Claudius  by  Scribonianus,  examined  in  the  sen 
ate  ;   where  Claudius  sat  in  his  chair,  and  one  of  his 
freed  servants   stood  at   the  back    of   his    chair.      In 
the   examination,  that  freed  servant,  who    had   much 
power    with    Claudius,    very   saucily   had    almost    all 
the  words  :    and  amongst    other  things,   he  asked  in 
scorn  one  of  the  examinates,  who  was   likewise  freed 
servant  of  Scribonianus  ;    /  pray,  sir,  if  Scribonianus 
had  been  Emperor  what  would  you  have  done  ?      He 
answered  ;    /  would  have   stood  behind  his   chair  and 
held  my  peace. 

81.  (137.)   Dionysius  the  tyrant,  after  he  was  de 
posed,  and  brought  to  Corinth,  kept  a  school.     Many 
used  to  visit  him  ;  and  amongst  others,  one,  when  he 
came  in,    opened   his  mantle   and   shook  his  clothes  ; 
thinking  to  give  Dionysius  a  gentle  scorn  ;  because  it 
was  the  manner  to  do  so  for  them  that  came  in  to  him 
while  he  was  tyrant.     But  Dionysius  said  to  him ;  I 
pray  thee  do  so  rather  ivhen  thou  goest  out,  that  we  may 
see  thou  stealest  nothing  away. 

82.  (241.)  Hannibal  said  of  Fabius   Maximus  and 
of  Marcellus  (whereof  the  former  waited  upon   him, 
that  he  could  make  no  progress  ;   and  the  latter  had 
many  sharp  fights  with  him)  ;  that  he  feared  Fabius  like 
a  tutor  ;  and  Marcellus  like  an  enemy. 

83.  (138.)   Diogenes,  one   terrible  frosty  morning, 
came  into  the  market-place,  and  stood   naked,  quak 
ing,  to  shew  his  tolerancy.1     Many  of  the  people  came 
about  him,  pitying  him.     Plato  passing  by,  and  know- 

1  tolerance.    R. 


348  APOPHTHEGMS 

ing  lie  did  it  to  be  seen,  said  to  the  people,  as  he  went 
by,  If  you  pity  him  indeed,  leave  him  alone. 

84.  (72.)    Sackford,    Master    of  the    Requests1    to 
Queen  Elizabeth,  had  divers  times  moved  for  audience, 
and  been  put  off.     At  last  lie  came  to  the  Queen  in  a 
progress,  and  had  on  a  new  pair  of  boots.     When  he 
came  in,  the  Queen 2  said  to  him,  Fie  sloven,  thy  new 
boots  stink.     Madam,  (said  he,)  it  is  not  my  new  boots 
that  stink,  but  it  is  the  stale  bills  that  I  have  kept  so 
long. 

85.  (218.)   One  was  saying  ;    That  his  great  grand 
father  and  grandfather  and  father  died  at  sea.     Said 
another  that  heard  him  ;  And  I  were  as  you,  I  would 
never  come  at  sea.      Why,  (saith  he,)   where  did  your 
great  grandfather  and  grandfather  and  father  die  ?     He 
answered;    Where  but  in  their  beds?     Saith  the  other; 
And  I  were  as  you,  I  would  never  come  in  bed. 

80.  (189.)  Aristippus  was  earnest  suitor  to  Diony- 
sius  for  somewhat,  who  would  give  no  ear  to  his  suit. 
Aristippus  fell  at  his  feet ;  Then  Dionysius  granted  it. 
One  that  stood  by  said  afterwards  to  Aristippus  ;  You 
a  philosopher,  and  to  be  so  base  as  to  throw  yourself  at  the 
tyrant's  feet  to  get  a  suit  ?  Aristippus  answered  ;  The 
fault  is  not  mine,  but  the  fault  is  in  Dionysius,  that  car 
ries  his  ears  in  his  feet. 

f  87.  There  was  a  young  man  in  Rome,  that  was 
very  like  Augustus  Caesar.  Augustus  took  knowledge 
of  it,  and  sent  for  the  man,  and  asked  him ;  Was  your 
mother  never  at  Rome  ?  He  answered  ;  No,  sir,  but  my 
father  was. 

f  88.   A  physician  advised  his  patient,  that  had  sore 

1  A  Master  of  Requests.     R  (omitting  the  name.) 

2  The  Queen  who  loved  not  the  smell  of  new  leather.    R. 


NEW  AND  OLD.  349 

eyes,  that  he  should  abstain  from  wine.  But  the  pa 
tient  said,  I  think  rather,  sir,  from  wine  and  water;1 
for  I  have  often  marked  it  in  blear  eyes,  and  I  have  seen 
water  come  forth,  but  never  wine. 

f  89.  When  Sir  Thomas  Moore  was  Lord  Chan 
cellor,  he  did  use,  at  mass,  to  sit  in  the  chancel ;  and 
his  lady  in  a  pew.  And  because  the  pew  stood  out  of 
sight,  his  gentleman-usher  ever  after  service  came  to 
the  lady's  pew,  and  said ;  Madam,  my  Lord  is  gone. 
So  when  the  Chancellor's  place  was  taken  from  him, 
the  next  time  they  went  to  church,  Sir  Thomas  him 
self  came  to  his  lady's  pew,  and  said  ;  Madam,  my 
Lord  is  gone. 

90.  (73.)    At  an   act  of  the  Commencement,  the 
answerer  gave  for  his  question  ;    That  an  aristocracy 
was  better  than  a  monarchy.     The  replier,  who  was  a 
dissolute  fellow,2  did  tax  him ;  That  being  a  private  bred 
man,  he  would  give  a  question  of  state.     The  answerer 
said  ;   That  the  replier  did  much  wrong  the  privilege  of 
scholars  ;  who  would  be  much  straitened  if  they  should 
give  questions  of  nothing  but  such  things  wherein  they  are 
practised.      And  added ;    We  have  heard  yourself  dis 
pute  of  virtue,  which  no  man  uill  say  you  put  much  in 
practice. 

91.  (219.)    There    was    a    dispute,   whether    great 
heads  or  little  heads  had  the  better  wit?    And  one 
said ;  It  must  needs  be  the  little.      For3  it  is  a  maxim, 
Oinne  majus  continet  in  se  minus. 

92.  (140.)   Solon,  when  he  wept  for  his  son's  death, 
and  one  said  to  him  :    Weeping  will  not  help  ;  answered, 
Alas,  therefore  I  weep,  because  weeping  will  not  help. 

93.  (141.)  Solon  being  asked ;   WJiether  he  had  given 

1  So  in  the  origiual.     But  I  think  it  should  be  from  water. 

2  man.    K.  8  For  that.    K. 


350  APOPHTHEGMS 

the  Athenians  the  best  laws  ?  answered  ;  Yes,  the  best  of 
those  that  they  would  have  received. 

94.  (142.)   One  said  to  Aristippus  ;   It  is  a  strange 
tiling,  why  should  men  rather  give  to  the  poor,  than  to 
philosophers.     He  answered  ;  Because  they  think  them 
selves  may  sooner  come  to   be  poor,  than  to  be  philos 
ophers. 

95.  (145.)  Alexander  used  to  say  of  his  two  friends, 
Craterus  and  Hephaestion ;  That  Hephoestion  loved  Alex 
ander,  and  Craterus  loved  the  King. 

96.  (146.)   It  fell  out  so,  that  as  Livia  went  abroad 
in  Rome,  there  met  her  naked  young  men  that  were 
sporting  in   the  streets ;   which   Augustus  was 1  about 
severely  to  punish  in  them  ;  but  Livia  spake  for  them, 
and  said,  It  was  no  more  to  chaste  women  than  so  many 
statucts. 

97.  (75.)   Alonso  of  Arragon  was  wont  to  say,  in 
commendation  of  age,  That  age  appeared  to  be  best  in 
four  tilings:   Old  wood  best  to  burn  ;  old  wine  to  drink; 
old  friends  to  trust ;  and  old  authors  to  read.2 

98.  (76.)   It  was  said  of  Augustus,  and  afterwards 
the  like  was  said  of  Septimius  Severus,  both  which  did 
infinite  mischief  in  their  beginnings,  and  infinite  good 
towards  their  ends ;    That  they  should  either  have  never 
been  born  or  never  died. 

99.  (74.)    Queen  Isabell 3    of  Spain   used   to   say ; 
Whosoever  hath  a  good  presence  and  a  good  fashion,  car 
ries  letters 4  of  recommendation. 

100.  (143.)   Trajan  would  say  of  the  vain  jealousy 
of  princes,  that  seek  to  make  away  those  that  aspire  to 
their  succession ;     That  there  was  never  King  that  did 
put  to  death  his  successor. 

i  went.     R.  2  Mt.lch.  II.  I-  20. 

3  Isabella.     R.  4  continual  letters.     R. 


NEW  AND   OLD.  351 

101.  (144.)  When  it  was  represented  to  Alexander, 
to  the  advantage  of  Antipater,  who  was  a  stern  and 
imperious  man,  that  he  only  of  all  his  lieutenants  wore 
no  purple,  but  kept   the   Macedonian   habit  of  black, 
Alexander  said;   Yes,  but  Antipater  is  all  purple  within}- 

102.  (77.)   Constantino    the    Great,   in    a    kind    of 
envy,  himself  being  a  great  builder,  as  Trajan  likewise 
was,  would  call  Trajan  Watt-flower;2  because  his  name 
was  upon  so  many  walls. 

103.  (147.)   Philip  of  Macedon  was  wished  to  ban 
ish   one  for  speaking  ill   of  him.      But  Philip  said ; 3 
Setter  he  speak  where  we  are  both  known,  than  where 
we  are  both  unknown. 

f  104.  A  Grecian  captain,  advising  the  confederates 
that  were  united  against  the  Lacedaemonians  touching 
their  enterprise,  gave  opinion  that  they  should  go  di 
rectly  upon  Sparta,  saying  ;  That  the  state  of  tiparta 
was  like  rivers  ;  strong  when  they  had  run  a  great  way, 
and  weak  towards  their  head. 

105.  (78.)   Alonso  of  Arragon  was  wont  to  say  of 
himself,  That  he  was  a  great  necromancer,  for  that  he 
used  to  ask  counsel  of  the  dead:  meaning  books.4 

106.  (148.)    Lucullus   entertained    Pompey   in   one 
of  his  magnificent  houses.      Pompey  said  ;    This  is  a 
marvellous  fair  and  stately  house  for  the  summer :   but 
methinks  it  should  be  very  cold  for  winter.      Lucullus 
answered ;  Do  you  not  think  me  as  wise  as  divers  fowl 
are,  to  remove  with  the  season?* 

107.  (149.)  Plato  entertained  some  of  his  friends  at 

1  See  Mr.  Ellis's  note,  De  Augmentis  frcientiarum.  lib.  1. 

2  Parietaria,  wall-flower.     R. 
8  answered.    R. 

4  of  books.    R. 

6  to  change  my  habitation  in  the  winter  season.    R. 


352  APOPHTHEGMS 

a  dinner,  and  had  in  the  chamber  a  bed  or  couch,  neat 
ly  and  costly  furnished.  Diogenes  came  in,  and  got 
upon  the  bed,  and  trampled  upon  it,  and  said ; }  I 
trample  upon  the  pride  of  Plato.  Plato  mildly  an 
swered  ;  But  with  greater  pride. 

f  108.  One  was  examined  upon  certain  scandalous 
words  spoken  against  the  King.  He  confessed  them, 
and  said ;  It  is  true  I  spake  them,  and  if  the  wine  had 
not  failed  I  had  said  much  more. 

109.  (150.)  Pompey  being  commissioner  for  send 
ing  grain  to  Rome  in  time  of  dearth,  when  he  came  to 
the  sea,  he  found  it  very  tempestuous  and  dangerous, 
insomuch  as  those  about  him  advised  him  by  no  means 
to  embark.  But  Pompey  said ;  It  is  of  necessity  that 
I  go,  not  that  I  live. 

f  110.  Trajan  would  say ;  That  the  King's  exchequer 
was  like  the  spleen  ;  for  when  that  did  swell,  the  whole 
body  did  pine. 

f  111.  Charles  the  Bald  allowed  one,  whose  name 
was  Scottus,  to  sit  at  the  table  with  him,  for  his  pleas 
ure.  Scottus  sat  on  the  other  side  of  the  table.  One 
time  the  King  being  merry  with  him,  said  to  him  ; 
What  is  there  between  Scot  and  Sot  ?  Scottus  answered  ; 
The  table  only. 

112.  (79.)  Ethelwold,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  in  a 
famine,  sold  all  the  rich  vessels  and  ornaments  of  the 
Church,  to  relieve  the  poor  with  bread ;  and  said, 
There  was  no  reason  that  the  dead  temples  of  Grod  should 
be  sumptuously  furnished,  and  the  living  temples  suffer 
penury. 

f  113.  There  was  a  marriage  made  between  a  widow 
of  great  wealth,  and  a  gentleman  of  great  house  that 

1  and  trampled  it ;  saying.     R. 


NEW  AND  OLD.  353 

had  no  estate  or  means.  Jack  Roberts  said  ;  That 
marriage  was  like  a  black  pudding ;  the  one  brought 
blood,  and  the  other  brought  suet  and  oatmeal}- 

114.  (151.)  Demosthenes  was  upbraided  by  ^Eschi- 
nes,  that   his  speeches   did  smell  of  the  lamp.      But 
Demosthenes  said ;  Indeed  there  is  a  great  deal  of  dif 
ference  between  that  that  you  and  I  do  by  lamp-light. 

115.  (152.)    Demades  the   orator,  in  his  age,  was 
talkative,  and  would  eat  hard.     Antipater  would  say 
of  him ;   That  he  was  like  a  sacrifice,  that  nothing  was 
left  of  it  but  the  tongue  and  the  paunch. 

116.  (242.)   When  King  Edward  the  Second  was 
amongst  his  torturers,  who  hurried  him  to  and  fro,  that 
no  man  should  know  where  he  was,  they  set  him  down 
upon  a  bank :  and  one  time,  the  more  to  disguise  his 
face,  shaved  him,  and  washed  him  with  cold  water  of  a 
ditch  by :  The  King  said  ;  Well,  yet  I  will  have  warm 
water  for  my  beard.     And  so  shed  abundance  of  tears. 

117.  (203.)   The  Turk 2  made  an   expedition   into 
Persia,  and  because  of  the  strait  jaws  of  the  mountains 
of   Armenia,   the  basha's   consulted  which  way   they 
should  get  in.     Says  a  natural  fool   that  stood  by ; 3 
Here's  much  ado  how  you  should*  get  in;    but  I  hear 
nobody  take  care  how  you  should  get  out. 

118.  (220.)  Sir  Thomas  Moore,  when  the  counsel 
of  the  party  pressed  him  for  a  longer  day,5  said  ;    Take 
Saint  Barnaby's  day,  which  is  the  longest  day  in  the 
year.     Now  Saint  Barnaby's  day  was  within  few  days 

following. 

& 

1  Melch.  IV.  4. 13. :  where  the  remark  is  attributed  to  a  nameless  Hi 
dalgo,  upon  a  marriage  between  a  rich  labourer's  daughter  and  the  son  of 
a  poor  gentleman. 

2  Turks.    R.  8  one  that  heard  the  debate  said.     R. 

4  shall.    R.  6  a  longer  day  to  perform  the  decree.     R. 

VOL.    XIII.  23 


354  APOPHTHEGMS 

119.  (221.)   One  of  the  Fathers  saith  ;   That  there  is 
but  this  difference  between  the  death  of  old  men  and  young 
men  ;  that  old  men  go  to  death,  and  death  comes  to  young 
men. 

120.  (154.)   Philo  Judaeus  saith  ;   That  the  sense  is 
like  the  sun;  For  the  sun  seals  up  the  globe  of  heaven, 
and  opens  the  globe  of  earth  :  so  the  sense  doth  obscure 
heavenly  things,  and  reveal  earthly  things. 

121.  (222.)    Cassius,  after  the  defeat  of  Crassus  by 
the  Parthians,  whose  weapons  were  chiefly  arrows,  fled 
to  the  city  of  Carras,  where  lie  durst  not  stay  any  time, 
doubting  to  be  pursued  and  besieged.      He  had  with 
him  an  astrologer,  who  said  to  him ;  Sir,  I  would  not 
have  you  go  hence,  while  the  moon  is  in  the  sign  of  Scor 
pio.     Cassius  answered,  I  am  more  afraid  of  that  of 
Sagittarie.1 

122.  (155.)   Alexander,  after  the  battle   of  Grani- 
cum,  had  very  great  offers  made  him  by  Darius.     Con 
sulting  with   his  captains  concerning  them,   Parmenio 
said ;  Sure  I  would  accept  of  these  offers,  if  I  ivere  as 
Alexander.      Alexander  answered  ;    So  would  I,  if  I 
were  as  Parmenio. 

123.  (156.)  Alexander  was  wont  to  say ;  He  knew 
he  was  mortal 2  by  two  things  ;  deep  and  lust. 

f  124.  Augustus  Cfcsar  was  invited  to  supper  by 
one  of  his  old  friends  that  had  conversed  with  him  in 
his  less  fortunes,  and  had  but  ordinary  entertainment. 
Whereupon,  at  his  going,  he  said ;  /  did  not  know  you 
and  I  were  so  familiar. ^ 

125.  (157.)  Augustus  Caesar  would  say  ;  Tliat  he 
wondered  that  Alexander  feared  he  should  want  work, 

1  Sagittarius.     R.  2  knew  himself  to  be  mortal  chiefly.     R. 

3  Melch.  VI.  8.  14.  told  of  two  squires. 


NEW  AND  OLD.  355 

having  no  more l  to  conquer ;  as  if  it  were  not  as  hard 
a  matter  to  keep  as  to  conquer. 

126.  (158.)  Antigonus,  when  it  was  told  him  that 
the  enemy  had  such  vollies  of  arrows  that  they  did 
hide  the  sun,   said  ;    That  falls  out  well,  for  it  is  hot 
weather,  and  we  shall  fight  in  the  shade. 

127.  (112.)    Augustus  Csesar  did  write  to  Livia, 
who  was  over-sensible  of  some  ill-words  that  had  been 
spoken  of  them  both :  Let  it  not  trouble  thee,  my  Livia, 
if  any  man  speak  ill  of  us  ;  for  we  have  enough,  that  no 
man  can  do  ill  unto  us. 

128.  (113.)   Chilon  said ;   That  kings'  friends    and 
favourites  were  like    casting  counters ;   that   sometimes 
stood  for  one,  sometimes  for  ten,  sometimes  for  a  hun 
dred. 

129.  (114.)   Theodosius,  when  he  was  pressed   by 
a   suitor,  and  denied  him,  the  suitor  said ;    Why,  Sir, 
you  promised  it.     He  answered  ;  I  said  it,  but  I  did  not 
promise  it,  if  it  be  unjust. 

130.  (200.)  Agathocles,  after  he  had   taken  Syra- 
cusa,   the   men  whereof,   during    the   siege,  had   in   a 
bravery  spoken  of  him  all  the  villany  that  mought  be, 
sold  the  Syracusans  for  slaves,  and  said  ;  Now  if  you 
use  such  words  of  me,  I  will  tell  your  masters  of  you. 

f  131.  Dionysius  the  elder,  when  he  saw  his  son 
in  many  things  very  inordinate,  said  to  him  ;  Did  you 
ever  know  me  do  such  things  f  His  son  answered  ;  No, 
but  you  had  not  a  tyrant  to  your  father.  The  father  re 
plied  ;  No,  nor  you,  if  you  take  these  courses,  will  have  a 
tyrant  to  your  son. 

f  132.  Callisthenes  the  philosopher,  that  followed 
Alexander's  court,  and  hated  the  King,  was  asked  by 

1  no  more  worlds.    R. 


356  APOPHTHEGMS 

one  ;  How  one  should  become  the  famousest  man  in  the 
world  ?  and  answered  ;  By  taking  away  him  that  is. 

133.  (52.)   Sir    Edward    Coke    was    wont    to   say, 
when  a  great  man  came  to  dinner  to  him,  and  gave 
him  no  knowledge  of  his  corning ;    Well,  since  you  sent 
me  no  word  of  your  coming,  you  shall  dine  with  me  ;  but 
if  I  had  known  of  your  coming^  I  would  have  dined  with 
you. 

134.  (115.)  The  Romans,  when  they  spake  to  the 
people,  were  wont  to  call 2  them  ;    Ye  Romans.    When 
commanders  in  war  spake  to  their  army,  they  called  3 
them  ;  My  soldiers.     There  was  a  mutiny  in  Cesar's 
army,  and  somewhat  the  soldiers  would  have  had,  but 
they  would   not   declare   themselves   in    it :    only  they 
demanded  a  dimission  4  or  discharge,  though  with   no 
intention    it   should   be   granted ;    but    knowing   that 
Ca3sar  had  at  that  time  great  need  of  their  service, 
thought  by  that  means   to  wrench  him  to  their  other 
desires.     Whereupon  with   one  cry  they  asked  dimis 
sion.5     But    Cyesar,   after  silence  made,    said  ;    I  for 
my  part,  ye  Romans :    which    admitted    them 6    to  be 
dismissed.     Which  voice   they  had    no   sooner   heard, 
but   they  mutined 7  again,   and  would  not   suffer  him 
to  go  on  8  until  he  had   called  them  by  the  name  of 
soldiers.     And  so  with  that  one  word  he  appeased  the 
sedition. 

135.  (116.)  Caesar  would  say  of  Sylla,  for  that  he 
did  resign  his  dictatorship ;   That  he 9  ivas  ignorant  of 
letters,  he  could  not  dictate. 

1  known  of  it  in  due  time.  R.       2  stile.    R. 

3  stiled.     R.  4  but  only  demanded  a  mission.     R. 

5  mission.     R.  6  This  title  did  actually  speak  them.  R. 

7  mutinied.     R.  8  to  go  on  with  his  speech.     R. 

9  Sylla.     R. 


NEW  AND  OLD.  357 

136.  (117.)  Seneca  said  of  Caesar ;  that  he  did  quick 
ly  sheath  the  sword,  but  never  laid  it  off.1 

137.  (118.)  Diogenes    begging,   as    divers    philoso 
phers  then  used,  did  beg  more  of  a  prodigal  man,  than 
of  the  rest  that  were  present :    Whereupon  one  said 
to  him ;  See  your  baseness,  that  when  you  find  a  liberal 
mind,  you  will  take  most  of?     No,  (said  Diogenes,)  but 
I  mean  to  beg  of  the  rest  again. 

138.  (223.)  Jason  the  Thessalian  was  wont  to  say ; 
That  some  things  must  be  done  unjustly,  that  many  things 
may  be  done  justly. 

139.  (25.)  Sir  Nicholas  Bacon  being  Keeper  of  the 
Seal,3  when  Queen  Elizabeth,  in  progress,  came  to  his 
house  at  Redgrave,4  and  said  to  him  ;  My  Lord,  what 
a  little  house  have  you  gotten  ?  said,5  Madam,  my  house 
is  well,  but  it  is  you  that  have  made  me  too  great  for  my 
house. 

140.  (119.)    Themistocles,    when    an    embassador 
from   a   mean  state  did  speak    great  matters,  said  to 
him,  Friend,  your  words  would  require  a  city. 

f  141.  Agesilaus,  when  one  told  him  there  was  one 
did  excellently  counterfeit  a  nightingale,  and  would 
have  had  him  hear  him,  said;  Why  I  have  heard  the 
nightingale  herself. 

142.  (53.)  A  great  nobleman,6  upon  the  complaint 
of  a  servant  of  his,  laid  a  citizen  by  the  heels,  thinking 
to  bend  him  to  his  servant's  desire.  But  the  fellow 
being  stubborn,  the  servant  came  to  his  lord,  and  told 

1  did  quickly  shew  the  sword,  but  never  leave  it  off.     R. 

2  of  him.     R. 

8  who  was  Keeper  of  the  Great  Seal  of  England.     R. 

4  (Jorhambury.     R. 

5  Answered  her.     R. 

6  William  Earl  of  Pembroke.     R. 


358  APOPHTHEGMS 

him  ;  Tour  lordship,  I  know,  hath  gone  as  far  as  well 
you  may,  but  it  works  not ;  for  yonder  fellow  is  more 
perverse  than  before.  Said  my  lord,  Let's  forget  him 
a  while,  and  then  he  ivill  remember  himself. 

f  143.  One  came  to  a  Cardinal  in  Rome,  and  told 
him ;  That  he  had  brought  his  lordship  a  dainty  white 
palfrey,  but  he  fell  lame  by  the  way.  Saith  the  Cardi 
nal  to  him ;  Til  tell  thee  what  thou  shalt  do  ;  go  to  such  a 
Cardinal,  and  such  a  Cardinal,  (naming  him  some  half 
a  dozen  Cardinals,)  and  tell  them  as  much;  and  so 
whereas  by  thy  horse,  if  he  had  been  sound,  thou  couldest 
have  pleased  but  one,  with  thy  lame  horse  thou  mayest 
please  half  a  dozen. 

144.  (120.)  Iphicrates  the  Athenian,  in  a  treaty 
that  he  had  with  the  Lacedaemonians  for  peace,  in 
which  question  was  about  security  for  observing  the 
same,1  said,  The  Athenians  would  not  accept  of  any 
security,  except  the  Lacedaemonians  did  yield  up  unto 
them  those  things,  whereby  it  mought  be  manifest  that 
they  could  not  hurt  them  if  they  would. 

f  145.  Euripides  would  say  of  persons  that  were 
beautiful,  and  yet  in  some  years,  In  fair  bodies  not  only 
the  spring  is  pleasant,  but  also  the  autumn. 

146.  (81.)  After  a  great  fight,  there  came  to  the 
camp  of  Consalvo,  the  great  captain,  a  gentleman 
proudly  horsed  and  armed.  Diego  de  Mendoza  asked 
the  great  captain  ;  Who's  this  ?  Who  answered  ;  It 
is  Saint  Ermin,  who  never  appears  but  after  a  storm? 

1  the  same  peace.     R. 

2  the  storm.     R.     Compare  Meldi.  II.  3.  3. :  where  the  story  is  in  one  re 
spect  better  told.     Consalvo  having  just  disembarked,  three  ships  were 
seen  approaching;  "  Venia  delante  in  uno  dellos  un  cavallero  armado  que 
se  avia   quedado  atras."      A  collection  of  French  apophthegms  gives  it 
thus :  ''  Le  grand  Capitaine  Gonsalvo  voiant  venir  un  sien  gentilhomme 


NEW  AND  OLD.  359 

f  147.  There  was  a  captain  sent  to  an  exploit  by  his 
general,  with  forces  that  were  not  likely  to  achieve  the 
enterprise.  The  captain  said  to  him ;  Sir,  appoint  but 
half  so  many.  Why  f  (saith  the  general.)  The  cap 
tain  answered ;  Because  it  is  better  fewer  die  than 
more.1 

148.  (121.)  They  would  say  of  the  Duke  of  Guise, 
Henry,  that  had  sold  and  oppignerated  all  his  patri 
mony,  to  suffice  the  great  donatives  that  he  had  made ; 
That  he  was  the  greatest  usurer  of  France,  because  all 
his  state  was  in  obligations? 

f  149.  Croesus  said  to  Cambyses ;  That  peace  was 
better  than  war ;  because  in  peace  the  sons  did  bury 
their  fathers,  but  in  wars  the  fathers  did  bury  their 
sons. 

150.  (224.)  There  was  a  harbinger  who  had  lodged 
a  gentleman  in  a  very  ill  room,  who  expostulated  with 
him  somewhat  rudely ;  but  the  harbinger  carelessly 
said  ;  You  will  take  pleasure  in  it  when  you  are  out 
of  it* 

f  151.  There  was  a  curst  page,  that  his  master 
whipt  naked  ;  and  when  he  had  been  whipt,  would 
not  put  on  his  clothes ;  and  when  his  master  bade  him, 
said  to  him ;  Take  them  you,  for  they  are  the  hang 
man's  fees. 

au  devant  de  lui  bien  en  ordre  et  richement  arme",  apres  la  journe'e  de 
Serignolle;  et  que  les  affaires  estoient  a  seurte" ;  dit  a  la  compagnie:  nous 
ne  devons  desormais  avoir  peur  de  la  tourmente.  Car  Saint  Herme  nous 
est  apparu."  —  Apophthegmata  Grceca,  Latina,  Italica,  Gallica,  Hispanica, 
collectn  a  Gercerdo  Suningro.  Leidensi,  1609. 

1  Melch.  II.  3. 12. 

2  They  would  say  of  the  Duke  of  Guise,  Henry;  That  he  was  the  great 
est  usurer  in  France,  for  that  he  had  turned  all  his  estate  into  obligations; 
meaning  that  he  had  sold  and  oppignorated  all  his  patrimony  to  give  large 
donatives  to  other  men.     R. 

»  Melch.  II.  6.  2. ;  differently  told. 


360  APOPHTHEGMS 

152.  (82.)   There  was  one  that  died  greatly  in  debt. 
When  it  was  reported  in  some  company,  where  divers 
of  his  creditors  were,  that  he  was  dead,  one  began  to 
say  ;  In  good  faith?-   then  he  hath  carried  five  hundred 
ducats  of  mine  with  him  into  the  other  world.     And  an 
other  of  them  said ;  And  two  hundred  of  mine.     And 
some  others  spake  of  several  sums  of  theirs.2     Where 
upon   one   that  was  amongst   them  said  ;    Well  I  see 3 
now  that  though  a  man  cannot  carry  any  of  his  oivn  with 
him  into  the  other  world,  yet  he  may  carry  other  men,9 8.* 

153.  (83.)   Francis   Carvajall,    that   was    the  great 
captain    of  the    rebels   of  Peru,    had  often   given  the 
chase  to  Diego  Centeno,  a  principal  commander  of  the 
Emperor's  party.    He  was  afterwards  taken  by  the  Em 
peror's  lieutenant,   Gasca,  and  committed  to  the  cus 
tody  of  Diego  Centeno,  who  used  him  with  all  possi 
ble   courtesy ;    insomuch    as    Carvajall    asked    him ;    I 
pray,  Sir,  who  are  you  that  use  me  with  this  courtesy  ? 
Centeno  said  ;  Do  not  you  know  Diego  Centeno  !     Car 
vajall  answered  ;  In  good  faith,  Sirf  I  have  been  so  used 
to  see  your  back,  as  I  kneiv  not  your  face. 

f  154.  Carvajall,  when  he  was  drawn  to  execution, 
being  fourscore  and  five  years  old,  and  laid  upon  the 
hurdle,  said  ;  What  ?  young  in  cradle,  old  in  cradle? 

155.  (84.)   There  is  a  Spanish  adage,6  Love  without 
end''  hath  no  end:  meaning,  that  if  it  were  begun  not 
upon  particular  ends  it  would  last. 

156.  (159.)   Cato  the  elder,  being  aged,  buried  his 


1  well,  if  he  be  gone.     R. 

2  And  a  third  spake  of  great  sums  of  his.    R.  s  perceive.     R. 

4  into  the  next  world,  yet  he  may  carry  that  which  is  another  man's.    R. 

6  Truly,  Sir.     R. 

6  Orondomar  would  say.    R.  7  ends.    R. 


NEW  AND  OLD.  361 

wife,  and  married  a  young  woman.  His  son  came  to 
him,  and  said ;  Sir,  what  have  I  offended  you,  that  you 
have  brought  a  step-mother  into  your  house  ?  The  old 
man  answered  ;  Nay,  quite  contrary,  son  ;  thou  pleasest 
me  so  well,  as  1  would  be  glad  to  have  more  such. 

157.  (160.)  Crassus  the   orator  had  a  fish,  which 
the  Romans  called  l  Murcena,  that  he  had  made  very 
tame  and  fond  of  him.    The  fish  died,  and  Crassus  wept 
for  it.     One  day  falling  in  contention  with  Domitius 
in  the  senate,  Domitius  said  ;  Foolish  Crassus,  you  wept 
for  your  Murcena.     Crassus  replied;   That's  more  than 
you  did  for  both  your  wives. 

158.  (161.)  Philip,  Alexander's   father,  gave   sen 
tence  against  a  prisoner,  what  time  he  was  drowsy,  and 
seemed  to  give  small   attention.     The    prisoner,   after 
sentence  was  pronounced,  said  ;  I  appeal.     The  King 
somewhat  stirred,  said  ;   To  whom  do  you  appeal  ?     The 
prisoner  answered ;  From  Philip  when  he  gave  no  ear^ 
to  Philip  when  he  shall  give  ear. 

159.  (204.)   The  same  Philip  2  maintained  argument 
with  a  musician,  in  points  of  his  art,  somewhat  peremp 
torily.     But  the  musician  said  to  him  ;    Grod  forbid,  Sir, 
your  fortune  were  so  hard,  that  you  should  know  these 
things  better  than  I.3 

160.  (162.)   There  was  a  philosopher  that  disputed 
with  Adrian  the  Emperor,  and  did  it  but  weakly.     One 
of  his  friends  that  had  been  by,  afterwards  said  to  him  ; 
Methinks  you  were  not  like  yourself,  last  day,  in  argu 
ment  with  the  Emperor ;  I  could  have  answered  better 
myself.     Why,  said  the  philosopher,  would  you  have  me 
contend  with  him  that  commands  thirty  legions? 

f  161.  Diogenes  was  asked  in  a  kind  of  scorn  ;  What 

l  call.    R.        2  Philip  King  of  Macedon.     R.         8  myself.      R. 


362  APOPHTHEGMS 

was  the  matter,  that  philosophers  haunted  rich  men,  and 
not  rich  men  philosophers  ?  He  answered  ;  Because  the 
one  knew  what  they  wanted,  the  other  did  not. 

f  162.  Demetrius,  King  of  Macedon,  had  a  petition 
offered  him  divers  times  by  an  old  woman,  and  still 
answered  ;  He  had  no  leisure.  Whereupon  the  woman 
said  aloud ;  Why  then  give  over  to  be  King. 

163.  (225.)   The  same  Demetrius 1  would  at  times 
retire  himself  from  business,  and  give  himself  wholly 
to  pleasures.      One  day  of  those   his   retirings,2  giving 
out  that  he  was  sick,  his  father  Antigonus  came  on  the 
sudden  to  visit  him,  and  met  a  fair  dainty  youth  coming 
out  of  his  chamber.     When  Antigonus  came  in,  Deme 
trius  said  ;  Sir,  the  fever  left  me  right  now.     Antigonus 
replied,  I  think  it  was  he  that  I  met  at  the  door. 

164.  (85.)   There  was  a  merchant  far  in  debt  that 
died.3     His  goods  and  household  stuif  were  set  forth  to 
sale.      There  was  one  that  bought  only  a  pillow,  and 
said  ; 4  This  pillow  sure  is  good  to  sleep  upon,  since  he 
could  sleep  that  owed  so  many  debts.5 

165.  (86.)   A  lover  met   his   lady  in  a  close  chair, 
she  thinking  to  go6  unknown.     He  came  and  spake  to 
her.       She  asked  him;    How   did  you  knoiv   me?     He 
said  ;  Because  my  wounds  bleed  afresh.     Alluding  to  the 
common  tradition,  that  the  wounds  of  a  body  slain,  in 
the  presence  of  him  that  killed  him,  will  bleed  afresh.7 

1  Demetrius  King  of  Macedon.     R. 

2  One  of  those  his  retirings.     R. 

3  There  was  a  merchant  died,  that  was  very  far  in  debt.     R. 

4  A  stranger  would  needs  buy  a  pillow  there,  saying.     R. 

6  The  saying  is  attributed  by  Macrobius  to  Augustus  Caesar;  and  quoted 
in  Erasmus's  collection,  No.  31. 

6  to  have  gone.    R. 

7  that  the  wounds  of  a  body  slain  will  bleed  afresh  upon  the  approach  of 
the  murtherer.     R. 


NEW  AND  OLD.  363 

166.  (87.)  A  gentleman  brought  music  to  his  lady's 
window,   who 1  hated  him,   and   had   warned   him   oft 
away  ;   and  when  he  persisted,2  she  threw  stones    at 
him.     Whereupon  a  friend  of  his  that  was  in  his  com 
pany,  said  to  him ; 3  What  greater  honour  can  you  have 
to  your  music,  than  that  stones  come  about  you,  as  they 
did  to  Orpheus? 

167.  (226.)   Cato  Major  would  say ;  That  wise  men 
learned  more  by  fools,  than  fools  by  wise  men. 

168.  (227.)  When  it  was  said  to  Anaxagoras  ;  The 
Athenians  have  condemned  you  to  die :  he  said  again  ; 
And  Nature  them. 

f  169.  Demosthenes  when  he  fled  from  the  battle, 
and  that  it  was  reproached  to  him,  said  ;  That  he  that 
flies  mought  fight  again. 

170.  (205.)  Antalcidas,  when  an  Athenian  said  to 
him;  Ye  Spartans  are  unlearned;  said  again  ;  True,  for 
we  have  learned  no  evil  nor  vice  of  you. 

171.  (228.)  Alexander,  when  his  father  wished  him 
to  run  for  the  prize  of  the  race  at  the  Olympian  games, 
(for  he  was  very  swift,)  said  ;  He  would,  if  he  might 
run  with  kings. 

172.  (163.)  When  Alexander  passed  into  Asia,  he 
gave  large  donatives  to  his  captains,  and  other  princi 
pal  men  of  virtue  ;  insomuch  as   Parmenio  asked  him  ; 
Sir,  what  do  you  keep  for  yourself?     He   answered ; 
Hope. 

173.  (229.)   Antigonus  used  oft  to  go  disguised,  and 
listen  at  the  tents  of  his  soldiers  :  and  at  a  time  heard 
some  that  spoke  very  ill  of  him.    Whereupon  he  opened 

1  She.    R. 

2  would  not  desist.     R. 

8  a  gentleman  said  unto  him,  that  was  in  his  company.    R. 


364  APOPHTHEGMS 

the  tent  a  little,  and  said  to  them  ;  If  you  will  speak  ill 
of  me,  you  should  go  a  little  further  off. 

174.  (164.)  Vespasian  set  a  tribute  upon  urine. 
Titus  his  son  emboldened  himself  to  speak  to  his  father 
of  it :  and  represented  it  as  a  thing  indign  and  sordid. 
Vespasian  said  nothing  for  the  time  ;  but  a  while  after, 
when  it  was  forgotten,  sent  for  a  piece  of  silver  out  of 
the  tribute  money,  and  called  to  his  son,  bidding  him 
smell  to  it ;  and  asked  him ;  Whether  he  found  any 
offence?  Who  said,  No.  Why  lo,1  (saith  Vespasian 
again,)  and  yet  this  comes  out  of  urine. 

f  175.  There  were  two  gentlemen,  otherwise  of 
equal  degree,  save  that  the  one  was  of  the  ancienter 
house.2  The  other  in  courtesy  asked  his  hand  to 
kiss :  which  he  gave  him  ;  and  he  kissed  it ;  but  said 
withal,  to  right  himself,  by  way  of  friendship  ;  Well, 
I  and  you,  against  any  two  of  them  :  putting  himself 
first. 

176.  (165.)  Nerva  the  Emperor  succeeded  Domi- 
tian,  who  was  tyrannical  ;  so  as 8  in  his  time  many 
noble  houses  wrere  overthrown  by  false  accusations ; 
the  instruments  whereof  were  chiefly  Marcellus  and 
Regulus.  The  Emperor4  one  night  supped  privately 
with  some  six  or  seven :  amongst  which  there  was  one 
that  was  a  dangerous  man,  and  began  to  take  the  like 
courses  as  Marcellus  and  Regulus  had  done.  The 
Emperor  fell  into  discourse  of  the  injustice  and  tyranny 
of  the  former  time,  and  by  name  of  the  two  accusers  ; 
and  said  ;  What  should  we  do  with  them,  if  we  had 

1  Why  so.    R. 

a  According  to  Melchior's  version  (VI.  6.  4,)  mas  anciano:   the  older 
man. 

3  who  had  been  tyrannical ;  and.     R. 

4  The  Emperor  Nerva.     R. 


NEW  AND  OLD.  365 

them  noiv?  One  of  them  that  were1  at  supper,  and 
was  a  free-spoken  senator,  said  ;  Marry,  they  should 
sup  with  us. 

177.  (166.)  There  was  one  that  found  a  great  mass 
of  money,  digged  under   ground  in  his  grandfather's 
house.     And  being  somewhat  doubtful  of  the  case,  sig 
nified  it  to  the  Emperor  that  he  had  found  such  treas 
ure.     The  Emperor  made  a  rescript  thus  ;  Use  it.     He 
writ  back  again,  that  the  sum  was  greater  than   his 
estate  or  condition  could  use.     The   Emperor  writ  a 
new  rescript  thus  ;  Abuse  it. 

178.  (198.)  A  Spaniard  was  censuring  to  a  French 
gentleman  the  want  of  devotion  amongst  the  French ; 
in  that,  whereas  in  Spain,  when  the  Sacrament  goes  to 
the  sick,  any  that  meets  with  it  turns   back  and  waits 
upon  it  to  the  house  whither  it  goes  ;  but  in  France, 
they  only  do  reverence,  and  pass  by.     But  the  French 
gentleman  answered  him ;    There  is  reason  for  it ;  for 
here  with  us  Christ  is  secure  amongst  his  friends  ;  but  in 
Spain  there  be  so  many  Jews  and  Maranos,  that  it  is  not 
amiss  for  him  to  have  a  convoy. 

179.  (88.)  Coranus  the  Spaniard,  at  a  table  at  din- 

1  was.  R.  This  variation  (which  is  obviously  wrong),  coupled  with 
others  of  the  same  kind,  makes  me  suspect  that  the  text  of  the  edition  of 
1661  has  suffered  from  a  correcting  editor.  It  may  be  that  he  had  no  choice: 
for  the  collection  may  have  been  made  up  from  a  rough  imperfect  or  illeg 
ible  copy,  containing  passages  which  could  only  be  supplied  by  conjecture. 
But  it  strikes  me  that  very  few  of  these  different  readings  are  such  as  Ba 
con  himself  would  have  thought  improvements.  In  this  case  the  history 
of  the  change  may  be  easily  divined.  "  One  of  them  that  were  at  supper, 
and  was  a  free-spoken  senator,"  struck  the  editor  as  an  incorrect  sentence: 
were  and  was  could  not  both  be  right;  and  as  "«  senator"  could  not  be 
plural,  were  must  be  replaced  by  ivas.  Unfortunately,  in  attending  to  the 
grammar  without  attending  to  the  sense,  he  in  effect  puts  the  remark  into 
the  mouth  of  the  very  person  at  whom  it  was  aimed.  He  should  have  let 
were  stand,  and  put  who  for  and. 


366  APOPHTHEGMS 

ner,  fell  into  an  extolling  of  his  own  father,  and  said  ; 
If  he  could  have  wished  of  Crod,  he  could  not  have  chosen 
amongst  men  a  better  father.  Sir  Henry  Savill  said, 
What,  not  Abraham  ?  Now  Coranus  was  doubted  to 
descend  of  a  race  of  Jews. 

180.  (89.)    Consalvo  would  say  :   The  honour  of  a 
soldier  ought  to  be  of  a  good  strong  web  ;  meaning,  that 
it  should  not  be  so  fine  and  curious,  that  every  little 
disgrace  should1  catch  and  stick  in  it. 

181.  (243.)   One   of  the   Seven  was  wont  to   say ; 
That  laws  were  like  cobwebs  ;  where  the  small  flies  were 
caught,  and  the  great  brake  thorough. 

f  182.  Bias  gave  in  precept ;  Love  as  if  you  should 
hereafter  hate;  and  hate  as  if  you  should  hereafter 
love. 

183.  (169.)   Aristippus  being  reprehended  of  luxury 
by  one  that  was  not  rich,  for  that  he  gave  six  crowns 
for  a  small  fish,  answered  ;    Wliy  what  'would  you  have 
given?    The  other  said;  Some  twelve  pence.    Aristippus 
said  again  ;  And  six  crowns  is  no  more  with  me. 

184.  (32.)   There  was  a  French  gentleman  speak 
ing  with  an  English,  of  the  law  Salique  ;  that  women 
were  excluded  to  inherit2  the  crown  of  France.     The 
English  said  ;    Yes,   but  that  was  meant  of  the  women 
themselves,    not   of  such  males   as    claimed  by  women. 
The  French  gentleman  said  ;    Where  do  you  find  that 
gloss  ?     The  English  answered  ;  Til  tell  you,  Sir  :  look 
on   the  backside  of  the  record  of  the  laio  Salique,  and 
there  you  shall  find  it  indorsed :  meaning 3  there  was  no 
such  thing  at  all  as  the  law  Salique,  but  that  it  was  a 
fiction.4 

1  as  for  every  small  disgrace  to.     R.  2  from  inheriting.     R. 

3  implying.     R.  4  is  a  mere  fiction.     R. 


NEW  AND   OLD.  367 

185.  (38.)  There   was  a  friar  in   earnest  dispute1 
about  the  law  Salique,  that  would  needs  prove  it  by 
Scripture ;  citing  that  verse  of  the  Gospel ;  Lilia  agri 
non  labor  ant  neque  nent :  which  is  as  much  as  to  say 
(saith  he)    that 2  the  flower-de-luces  of  France  cannot 
descend  neither  to  distaff  nor  spade :   that  is,  not  to  a 
woman,  nor  to  a  peasant. 

186.  (167.)  Julius  Caesar,  as  he  passed  by,  was  by 
acclamation  of  some  that  were  suborned  called 3  King, 
to  try  how   the  people  would    take  it.      The  people 
shewed  great  murmur  and  distaste  at  it.     Caesar,  find 
ing  where  the  wind  stood,  slighted  it,  and  said ;  /  am 
not  King,   but    Ccesar ;    as  if  they  had  mistook 4  his 
name.     For  Hex  was  a  surname  amongst  the  Romans, 
as  King  is  with  us. 

187.  (168.)   When   Croesus,  for  his  glory,  shewed 
Solon  great  treasure 5  of  gold,  Solon  said  to  him ;  If 
another  come 6  that  hath  better  iron  than  you,  he  will  be 
master  of  all  this  gold. 

188.  (99.)  There  was  a  gentleman  that  came  to  the 
tilt  all  in  orange-tawny,  and  ran  very  ill.     The  next 
day  he  came 7  all  in  green,  and  ran  worse.     There  was 
one  of  the  lookers  on  asked  another ;    What's  the  reason 
that  this  gentleman   changeth  his   colours  ?    The  other 
answered  Sure,  because  it  may  be  reported  that  the  gen 
tleman  in  the  green  ran  worse  than  the  gentleman  in  the 
orange-tawny. 

189.  (230.)  Aristippus  said  ;   That  those  that  studied 
particular  sciences,  and  neglected  philosophy,  were  like 
Penelope's  wooers,  that  made  love  to  the  waiting  women? 

1  A  friar  of  France  being  in  an  earnest  dispute.     R. 

2  The  lilies  of  the  field  do  neither  labour  nor  spin:  applying  it  thus,  that.  R. 
8  of  some  that  stood  in  the  way,  termed.     R.  4  mistaken.     R. 
5  his  great  treasures.     R.                                  6  if  another  KING  come.     R. 
"'  came  again.    R.                                            8  woman.    R. 


368  APOPHTHEGMS 

190.  (170.)  Plato  reproved 1  severely  a  young  man 
for  entering  into  a  dissolute  house.     The  young  man 
said  to  him ;    WJiat 2  for  so  small  a  matter  ?    Plato  re 
plied  ;    But  custom  is  no  small  matter. 

191.  (190.)   There  was  a  law  made  by  the  Romans 
against  the  bribery  and  extortion  of  the  governors  of 
provinces.     Cicero  saith,  in  a  speech  of  his  to  the  peo 
ple  ;    That  he  thought  the  provinces  would  petition  to  the 
state  of  Home  to  have  that  law  repealed.     For  (saith  he) 
before  the  governors  did  bribe  and  extort  as  much  as  was 
sufficient  for  themselves ;  but  now  they  bribe  and  extort 
as  much  as  may  be  enough  not  only  for  themselves,  but 
for  the  judges  and  jurors  and  magistrates. 

192.  (171.)  Archidamus  King  of  Lacedsemon,  hav 
ing   received    from    Philip    King    of   Macedon,    after 
Philip    had   won   the   victory   of   Chseronea  upon   the 
Athenians,  proud  letters,  writ  back  to  him ;   That  if  he 
measured  his  own  shadow,  he  ivould  find  it  no  longer 
than  it  ivas  before  his  victory. 

193.  (172.)  Pyrrhus,  when  his  friends  congratulated 
to  him  his  victory  over  the  Romans,  under  the  conduct 
of  Fabricius,  but  with  great  slaughter  of  his  own  side, 
said  to  them  again  ;   Yes,  but  if  we  have  such  another 
victory,  we  are  undone. 

194.  (173.)    Cineas   was    an    excellent    orator    and 
statesman,  and  principal  friend  and  counsellor  to  Pyr 
rhus  ;   and  falling  in  inward   talk  with  him,  and  dis 
cerning  the  King's  endless  ambition,3  Pyrrhus  opened 
himself  to  him;     That    he  intended  first   a  war  upon 
Italy  f  and  hoped  to  atchieve  it.      Cineas  asked  him  ; 
Sir,  ivhat  ivill  you  do  then?    Then  (saith  he)  ive  will 

1  reprehended.     R. 

2  why  do  you  reprehend  me  so  sharply.     R. 

3  when  Pyrrhus.     R.  *  Sicily.     R. 


NEW   AND   OLD. 


869 


attempt  Sicily}-  Cineas  said;  Well,  Sir,  what  then? 
Then  (saith  Pyrrhus)  if  the  Grods  favour2  us,  we  may 
conquer  Af rick  and  Carthage?  Wliat  then,  Sir?  saith 
Cineas.  Nay  then  (saith  Pyrrhus)  we  may  take  our 
rest,  and  sacrifice  and  feast  every  day,  and  make  merry 
with  our  friends.  Alas,  Sir,  (said  Cineas)  may  we  not 
do  so  now,  without  all  this  ado  f 

195.  (231.)  The  ambassadors  of  Asia  Minor  came 
to  Antonius,  after  he  had  imposed  upon  them  a  double 
tax,  and  said  plainly  to  him ;   That  if  he  would  have  two 
tributes  in  one  year,  he  must  give  them  two  seed-times 
and  two  harvests. 

196.  (1T4.)   Plato  was  wont  to  say  of  his   master 
Socrates  ;   That  he  was  like  the  apothecaries'  gally-^ots  ; 
that  had  on  the  outside  apes,  and  owls,  and  satyrs;  but 
within  precious  drugs.^ 

f  197.  Lamia  the  courtezan  had  all  power  with 
Demetrius  King  of  Macedon  ;  and  by  her  instigations 
he  did  many  unjust  and  cruel  acts.  Whereupon  Ly- 
simachus  said ;  That  it  was  the  first  time  that  ever  he 
knew  a  whore  play  in  a  tragedy. 

f  198.  Themistocles  would  say  of  himself;  That 
he  was  like  a  plane-tree,  that  in  tempests  men  fled  to 
him,  and  in  fair  iveather  men  were  ever  cropping  his 
leaves. 

f  199.  Themistocles  said  of  speech ;  That  it  was  like 
Arras,  that  spread  abroad  shews  fair  images,  but  con 
tracted  is  but  like  packs. 


2  succour.     R. 
R.     Compare  Erasmus's 


1  Italy  and  Rome.    R. 

8  we  may  conquer  the  kingdom  of  Carthage, 
version  of  this  anecdote  ( V.  Pyrrh.  24.),  from  which  it  seems  to  be  com 
pressed:  where  the  order  of  the  proposed  conquests  is  Rome,  Italy,  Sicily, 
Libya  and  Carthage,  Macedonia  and  Greece. 

4  See  note,  De  Augmentis  Sdentinrum,  lib.  1. 
VOL.  xin.  24 


370  APOPHTHEGMS 

200.  (90.)  Brisquet,1  jester  to  Francis  the  first  of 
France,  did  keep  a  calendar  of  fools,  wherewith  he  did 
use  to  make  the  King  sport ;  telling  him  ever  the  rea 
son  why  he  put  every  one2  into  his  calendar.     So  when 
Charles  the  fifth  passed,  upon  confidence  of  the  noble 
nature  of  Francis,  thorough  France,  for  the  appeasing 
of  the  rebellion  of  Gaunt,  Brisquet  put  him  into  his 
calendar.      The  King  asking  the  cause,  he  said  ; 3   Be 
cause  you  having  suffered  at  the  hands  of  Charles  the 
greatest  bitterness  that  ever  prince  did  from  other  f  he 
would  trust  his  person  into  your  hands.      Why,  Brisquet, 
(said  the  King)  what  wilt  thou  say,  if  thou  seest  him 
pass  5  in  as  great  safety  as  if  it  ivere  6  thorough  the  midst 
of  Spain  ?     Saith  Brisquet ;    Why  then  I  will  put  out 
him,  and  put  in  you.1 

201.  (245.)   Lewis  the  eleventh  of  France,  having 
much   abated   the  greatness  and   power  of  the  Peers, 
Nobility,  and   Court  of  Parliament,   would  say ;   That 
he  had  brought  the  Crown  out  of  ward. 

202.  (57.)   Sir  Fulke  Grevill,8  in  Parliament,  when 
the  Lower  House  in  a  great  business  of  the  Queen's,9 
stood  much   upon   precedents,  said  unto   them  ;     Wliy 
should  you  stand  so  much  upon  precedents  ?     The  times 
hereafter  will  be  good  or  bad :  If  good,  precedents  will 
do  no  harm  ;  if  bad,  power  will  make  a  way  where  it 
finds  none. 

203.  (34.)    When    peace    was    renewed    with    the 

1  Bresquet.     R.  2  any  one.     R. 

3  asked  him  the.  cause?     He  answered.     R. 

4  another,  nevertheless.     R.  5  pass  back.     R. 

6  he  inarched.     R. 

7  Compare  Melch.  I.  3.  1.,  where  a  different  story  with  a  similar  point  is 
told  of  Alonso  Carrillo  and  one  of  his  servants. 

•  8  afterward  Lord  Brooke.     R. 
9  when  the  House  of  Commons  in  a  great  business  stood,  &c.     R. 


NEW  AND   OLD.  371 

French  in  England,  divers  of  the  great  counsellors 
were  presented  from  the  French  with  jewels.  The 
Lord  Henry  Howard1  was  omitted.  Whereupon  the 
King  said  to  him  ;  My  Lord,  how  haps  it  that  you  have 
not  a  jewel  as  well  as  the  rest  ?  My  Lord  answered 
again,  (alluding 2  to  the  fable  in  JEsop ;)  Non  sum 
G-allus,  itaque  non  reperi  gemmam. 

204.  (232.)  An  orator  of  Athens  said  to   Demos 
thenes  ;    The  Athenians  will  kill  you,  if  they  wax  mad. 
Demosthenes  replied,  And  they  will  kill  you,  if  they  be 
in  good  sense. 

205.  (175.)  Alexander  sent  to  Phocion  a  great  pres 
ent  of  money.     Phocion  said  to  the  messenger  ;    Why 
doth  the  King  send  to  me  and  to  none  else  ?    The  mes 
senger  answered ;  Because  he  takes  you  to  be  the  only 
good  man  in  Athens.     Phocion  replied ;  If  he  think  so, 
pray  let  him  suffer  me  to  be  good  still.3 

206.  (92.)   Cosmus  duke  of  Florence  was  wont  to 
say  of  perfidious  friends ;   That  we  read  that  ive  ought 
to  forgive  our  enemies  ;  but  we  do  not  read  that  we  ought 
to  forgive  our  friends. 

207.  (102.)  ^Eneas  Sylvius,  that  was  Pius  Secun- 
dus,4  was  wont  to  say;  That  the  former  Popes  did  wisely 
to  set  the  lawyers  on  work5  to  debate,  ivhether  the  dona 
tion  of  Constantine  the   Great  to  Sylvester 6  were  good 
and  valid  in  law  or  no  ?  the  better  to  skip  over  the  matter 
in  fact,  whether  there  were'1  any  such  thing  at  all  or  no? 

208.  (176.)  At  a  banquet,  where  those  that  were 
called  the  Seven  Wise  Men  of  Greece  were  invited  by 

1  being  then  Earl  of  Northampton  and  a  Counsellor.    R. 

2  answered,  according  to,  &c.    R.  8  to  be  so  still.    R. 
4  Pope  Pius  Secundus.     R.                                   5  awork.     R. 

8  of  St.  Peter's  patrimony.    R.  7  was  ever.    R. 


372  APOPHTHEGMS 

the  embassador  of  a  barbarous  King,  the  cmbassador 
related,  That  there  was  a  neighbour  King,  mightier 
than  his  master,  picked  quarrels  with  him,  by  making 
impossible  demands,  otherwise  threatening  war  ;  and 
now  at  that  present  had  demanded  of  him  to  drink  up 
the  sea.  Whereunto  one  of  the  Wise  Men  said ;  I 
would  have  him  undertake  it.  Why  (saith  the  embas 
sador)  how  shall  he  come  off?  Thus,  (saith  the  Wise 
Man :)  Let  that  King  first  stop  the  rivers  that  run  into 
the  sea,  which  are  no  part  of  the  bargain,  and  then  your 
master  will  perform  it. 

209.  (177.)  At  the  same  banquet,  the  embassador 
desired  the  Seven,  and  some  other  wise  men  that  were 
at  the  banquet,  to  deliver  every  one  of  them  some 
sentence  or  parable,  that  he  mought  report  to  his  King 
the  wisdom  of  Graecia.  Which  they  did.  Only  one 
was  silent.  Which  the  embassador  perceiving,  said  to 
him  ;  Sir,  let  it  not  displease  you,  why  do  not  you  say 
somewhat  that  I  may  report  ?  He  answered,  Report  to 
your  lord,  that  there  are  of  the  Grecians  that  can  hold 
their  peace. 

f  210.  One  of  the  Romans  said  to  his  friend  ;  What 
think  you  of  such  an  one  as  ivas  taken  with  the  manner 
in  adultery  ?  The  other  answered ;  Marry,  I  think  he 
was  slow  at  dispatch. 

f  211.  Lycurgus  would  say  of  divers  of  the  heroes 
of  the  heathen ;  That  he  wondered  that  men  should 
mourn  upon  their  days  for  them  as  mortal  men,  and  yet 
sacrifice  to  them  as  gods. 

212.  (93.)  A  Papist  being  opposed  by  a  Protes 
tant,  that  they  had  no  Scripture  for  images,  answered  ; 
Yes  ;  for  you  read  that  the  people  laid  their  sick  in  the 
streets,  that  the  shadoiv  of  Saint  Peter  mought  come  upon 


NEW  AND  OLD.  373 

them  ;  and  that  a  shadow  was  an  image  ;  and  the  obscur 
est  of  images.1 

f  213.  There  is  an  ecclesiastical  writer  of  the  Pa 
pists,  to  prove  antiquity  of  confession  in  the  form  that  it 
now  is,  doth  note,  that  in  very  ancient  times,  even  in 
the  primitive  times,  amongst  other  foul  slanders  spread 
against  the  Christians,  one  was  ;  That  they  did  adore 
the  genitories  of  their  priests.  Which  (he  saith)  grew 
from  the  posture  of  the  confessant  and  the  priest  in  con 
fession  :  which  is,  that  the  confessant  kneels  down,  before 
the  priest  sitting  in  a  raised  chair  above  him. 

f  214.  Epaminondas,  when  his  great  friend  and 
colleague  in  war  was  suitor  to  him  to  pardon  an  of 
fender,  denied  him.  Afterwards,  when  a  concubine 
of  his  made  the  same  suit,  he  granted  it  to  her ;  which 
when  Pelopidas  seemed  to  take  unkindly,  he  said; 
Such  suits  are  to  be  granted  to  whores,  but  not  to  per- 
sonages  of  worth. 

215.  (178.)  The  Lacedaemonians  had  in  custom  to 
speak  very  short.  Which,  being  in  empire,2  they 
mouglit  do  at  pleasure.  But  after  their  defeat  at 
Leuctra,  in  an  assembly  of  the  Grecians,  they  made 
a  long  invective  against  Epaminondas  ;  who  stood  up, 
and  said  no  more  but  this ;  /  am  glad  we  have  taught 
you  to  speak  long. 

f  216.  Fabricius,  in  conference  with  Pyrrhus,  was 
tempted  to  revolt  to  him  ;  Pyrrhus  telling  him,  that 
he  should  be  partner  of  his  fortunes,  and  second  per 
son  to  him.  But  Fabricius  answered,  in  a  scorn,  to 
such  a  motion  ;  Sir,  that  would  not  be  good  for  your 
self :  for  if  the  JEpirotes  once  knew  me,  they  will  rather 
desire  to  be  governed  by  me  than  by  you. 

1  of  all  images.     R.  2  being  an  empire.     R. 


374  APOPHTHEGMS 

217.  (179.)   Fabius  Maximus  being  resolved  to  draw 
the  war  in  length,  still  waited  upon  Hannibal's  prog 
ress  to  curb  him  ;  and  for  that  purpose  he  encamped 
upon  the  high  grounds.     But  Terentius  his  colleague 
fought  with  Hannibal,  and  was  in  great  peril  of  over 
throw.    But  then  Fabius  came  down1  the  high  grounds 
and  got  the  day  :   Whereupon  Hannibal  said  ;    That  lie. 
did  ever  think  that  that  same  cloud  that  hanged  upon  the 
hills,  would  at  one  time  or  other  give  a  tempest. 

218.  (246.)   There  was  a  cowardly  Spanish  soldier, 
that  in  a  defeat  the  Moors  gave,  ran  away  with  the 
foremost.     Afterwards,  when  the  army  generally  fled, 
this  soldier  was  missing.     Whereupon  it  was  said  by 
some,   that  he   was   slain.     No  sure,  (saith  one)  he  is 
alive  ;  for  the  Moors  eat  no  hare's  flesh? 

219.  (180.)   Hanno  the  Carthaginian  was  sent  com 
missioner  by  the  state,  after  the  second  Carthaginian 
war,  to  Rome,3  to  supplicate  for  peace,  and  in  the  end 
obtained   it.     Yet   one   of  the  sharper    senators   said  ; 
You  have  often  broken   with   us    the  peaces  whereunto 
you  have  been  sworn ;  I  pray,   by  what  Gods  will  you 
swear  ?    Hanno  answered  ;  By  the  same  Crods  that  have 
punished  the  former  perjury  so  severely. 

f  220.  Thales  being  asked  when  a  man  should 
marry,  said :  Young  men  not  yet,  old  men  not  at  all. 

f  221.  Thales  said :  That  life  and  death  were  all 
one.  One  that  was  present  asked  him  :  Why  do  not 
you  die  then  ?  Thales  said  again  ;  Because  they  are 
all  one. 

222.  (181.)  Csesar  after  first  he  had4  possessed 
Rome,  Pompey  being  fled,  offered  to  enter  the  sa- 

i  down  from.     R.  2  Melch.  II.  3.  21. 

8  R.  omits  "  to  Rome."  4  when  he  had  first.    R. 


NEW  AND  OLD.  375 

cred  treasury,  to  take  the  moneys  that  were  there 
stored.  Metellus,  tribune  of  the  people,  did  forbid 
him.  And  when  Metellus  was  violent  in  it,  and 
would  not  desist,  Caesar  turned  to  him,  and  said ; 
Presume  no  further,  or  I  will  lay  you  dead.  And 
when  Metellus  was  with  those  words  somewhat  as 
tonished,  Caasar  added ;  Young  man,  it  had  been  easier 
for  me  to  do  this  than  to  speak  it. 

f  223.  An  ^Egyptian  priest  having  conference  with 
Solon,  said ,  to  him  ;  You  Grecians  are  ever  children  ; 
you  have  no  knowledge  of  antiquity,  nor  antiquity  of 
knowledge. 

224.  (14.)    The   counsel    did    make    remonstrance 
unto   Queen    Elizabeth  of  the    continual   conspiracies 
against    her    life  ;    and    namely    of  a    late    one  :    and 
shewed   her   a  rapier,  taken  from  a  conspirator,  that 
had  a  false  chape,  being  of  brown  paper,  but  gilt  over, 
as  it  could  not  be  known  from  a  chape  of  metal ;  which 
was  devised  to  the  end  that  without  drawing  the  rapier 
mought  give  a  stab  ;  and  upon  this  occasion  advised 
her1  that  she  should  go   less  abroad  to  take  the  air, 
weakly  accompanied,   as  she  used.      But  the   Queen 
answered  ;    That  she  had  rather  be  dead,  than  put  in 
custody. 

225.  (194.)   Chilon  would  say,  That  gold  was  tried 
with  the  touchstone,  and  men  with  gold. 

226.  (101.)  Zelim  was  the  first  of  the  Ottomans  that 
did  shave  his  beard,  whereas  his  predecessors  wore  it 
long.     One  of  his  Basha's  asked  him  ;  Why  he  altered 


1  and  namely,  that  a  man  was  lately  taken  who  stood  ready  in  a  very 
dangerous  and  suspicious  manner  to  do  the  deed ;  and  they  shewed  her 
the  weapon  wherewith  he  thought  to  have  acted  it,  and  therefore  they 
advised  her,  &c.  R. 


376  APOPHTHEGMS 

the  custom  of  his  predecessors  ?  He  answered  ;  Be 
cause  you  Baskets  shall  not  lead  me  by  the  beard,  as 
you  did  them. 

t  227.  Diogenes  was  one  clay  in  the  market-place, 
with  a  candle  in  his  hand  ;  and  being  asked  ;  What  he 
souc/ht  ?  he  said ;  He  sought  a  man. 

f  228.  Bias  being  asked  ;  How  a  man  should  order 
his  life?  answered;  As  if  a  man  should  live  long,  or 
die  quickly. 

f  229.  Queen  Elizabeth  was  entertained  by  my 
Lord  Burleigh  at  Theobalds  :  and  at  her  going  away, 
my  Lord  obtained  of  the  Queen  to  make  seven  knights. 
They  were  gentlemen  of  the  country,  of  my  Lord's 
friends  and  neighbours.  They  were  placed  in  a  rank, 
as  the  Queen  should  pass  by  the  hall  ;  and  to  win  an 
tiquity  of  knighthood,  in  order,  as  my  Lord  favoured ; 
though  indeed  the  more  principal  gentlemen  were 
placed  lowest.  The  Queen  was  told  of  it,  and  said 
nothing  ;  but  when  she  went  along,  she  passed  them 
all  by,  as  far  as  the  screen,  as  if  she  had  forgot  it : 
and  when  she  came  to  the  screen,  she  seemed  to  take 
herself  with  the  manner,  and  said  ;  I  had  almost  forgot 
what  I  promised.  With  that  she  turned  back,  and 
knighted  the  lowest  first,  and  so  upward.  Where 
upon  Mr.  Stanhope,  of  the  privy-chamber,  a  while 
after  told  her  :  Your  Majesty  was  too  fine  for  my  Lord 
Burleigh.  She  answered;  I  have  but  fulfilled  the  Scrip 
ture  ;  The  first  shall  be  last,  and  the  last  first. 

230.  (195.)  Simonides  being  asked  of  Hiero  ;  What 
lie  thought  of  G-od?  asked  a  seven-night's  time  to  con 
sider  of  it.  And  at  the  seven-night's  end  he  asked  a 
fortnight's  time.  At  the  fortnight's  end,  a  month. 
At  which  Hiero  marvelling,  Simonides  answered  ; 


NEW  AXD   OLD.  377 

That  the  longer  he  thought  on  it?  the  more  difficult  he 
found  it. 

231.  (248.)  Anacharsis  would  say  concerning  the 
popular  estates  of  Graecia ;  That  he  wondered  hoiv  at 
Athens  wise  men  did  propose,  and  fools  did  dispose. 

f  232.  Solon  compared  the  people  unto  the  sea, 
and  orators  to  the  winds :  For  that  the  sea  would  be 
calm  and  quiet,  if  the  winds  did  not  trouble  it. 

233.  (197.)   Socrates  was  pronounced  by  the  oracle 
of  Delphos  to  be  the  wisest  man  of  Greece ;  which  he 
would   put   from    himself,    ironically2    saying;    There 
could  be  nothing  in  him  3  to  verify  the  oracle,  except  this  ; 
that  he  was  not  wise,  and  knew  it ;  and  others  were  not 
wise,  and  knew  it  not. 

234.  (238.)  Cato   the   elder,   what   time   many   of 
the  Romans  had  statua's  erected  in  their  honour,  was 
asked  by  one  in  a  kind  of  wonder ;  Why  he  had  none  ? 
and  answered ;  He  had  much  rather   men  should  ask 
and  wonder  why  he  had  no  statua,  than  why  he  had  a 
statua. 

f  235.  Sir  Fulke  Grevill  had  much  and  private 
access  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  which  he  used  honoura 
bly,  and  did  many  men  good  ;  yet  he  would  say  mer 
rily  of  himself;  That  he  was  like  Robin  G-oodfellow  ; 
For  when  the  maids  spilt  the  milkpans,  or  kept  any 
racket,  they  would  lay  it  upon  Robin;  So  what  tales 
the  ladies  about  the  Queen  told  her,  or  rather  bad  offices 
that  they  did,  they  would  put  it  upon  him. 

236.  (196.)  Socrates,  when  there  was  shewed  him  4 
the  book  of  Heraclitus  the  Obscure,  and  was  asked 
his  opinion  of  it,  answered  ;  Those  things  that  I  under* 

1  thought  upon  the  matter.     R.        2  put  from  himself  in  modesty.     R. 
8  in  himself.     R.  4  unto  him.    R. 


378  APOPHTHEGMS 

stood  were  excellent;  I  imagine,  so  were  those  that  I 
understood  not;  but  they  require  a  diver  of  DeJos. 

f  237.  Bion  asked  an  envious  man  that  was  very 
sad ;  What  harm  had  befallen  to  him,  or  wliat  good  had 
befallen  to  another  man? 

f  238.  Stilpo  the  philosopher,  when  the  people 
flocked  about  him,  and  that  one  said  to  him ;  The 
people  come  wondering  about  you,  as  if  it  were  to  see 
some  strange  beast.  No,  (saith  he)  it  is  to  see  a  man 
which  Diogenes  sought  with  his  lanthorn. 

239.  (184.)  Antistlienes  being  asked  of  one  ; 
What  learning  was  most  necessary  for  man's  life  ?  an 
swered  ;  To  unlearn  that  which  is  naught. 

f  240.  There  was  a  politic  sermon,  that  had  no 
divinity  in  it,  was  preached  before  the  King.  The 
King,  as  he  came  forth,  said  to  Bishop  Andrews ;  Call 
you  this  a  sermon  ?  The  Bishop  answered ;  And  it 
please  your  majesty,  by  a  charitable  construction,  it  may 
be  a  sermon. 

241.  (103.)    Bishop  x   Andrews   was   asked    at    the 
first  coming  over  of  the  Bishop2  of  Spalato ;    Wliether 
he  were  a  Protestant  or  no  ?    He  answered ;   Truly  I 
know  not,  but  he  is  a  Detestant,  of  divers  opinions  of 
Home.3 

242.  (182.)   Caius  Harms  was  general  of  the  Ro 
mans  against  the  Cimbers,  who  came  with  such  a  sea 
of  multitude 4  upon  Italy.     In  the  fight,  there  was  a 
band  of  the  Cadurcians,  of  a  thousand,  that  did  notable 
service.     Whereupon,  after  the  fight,  Harius  did  den 
izen  them   all  for  citizens  of  Rome,  though  there  was 

1  The  Lord  Bishop.     R.  2  Archbishop.     R. 

3  but  I  think  he  is  a  Detestant:    That  was,  of  most  of  the  opinions  of 
Rome.     R. 

4  such  a  sea  of  people.     R. 


NEW  AND   OLD.  379 

no  law  to  warrant  it.  One  of  his  friends  did  repre 
sent1  it  unto  him,  that  he  had  transgressed  the  law, 
because  that  privilege  was  not  to  be  granted  but  by 
the  people.  Whereto  Marius  answered  ;  That  for  the 
noise  of  arms  he  could  not  hear  the  laws. 

243.  (105.)  JEneas  Sylvius  would  say;  That  the 
Christian  faith  and  law,  though  it  had  not  been  confirmed 
by  miracles,  yet  was  worthy  to  be  received  for  the  honesty 
thereof. 

f  244.  Henry  Noel  would  say ;  That  courtiers  were 
like  fasting-days  ;  They  were  next  the  holydays,  but  in 
themselves  they  were  the  most  meagre  days  of  the  week. 

245.  (106.)  Mr.  Bacon  would  say;   That  it  was  in 
business,  as  it  is  commonly*  in  ways ;  that  the  next  way 
is  commonly  the  foulest,  and  that  if  a  man  will  go  the 
fairest  way,  he  must  go  somewhat  about. 

246.  (215.)  Augustus  Cassar,  out  of  great  indigna 
tion  against  his  two  daughters,  and  Posthumus  Agrip- 
pa,  his  grandchild,  whereof  the  first  two  were  infamous, 
and  the  last  otherwise  unworthy,  would  say ;    That  they 
were  not  his  seed,  but  some  imposthumes  that  had  broken 
from  him. 

f  247.  Cato  said  ;  The  best  way  to  keep  good  acts  in 
memory,  was  to  refresh  them  with  new. 

248.  (183.)  Pompey  did  consummate  the  war 
against  Sertorius,  when  Metellus  had  brought  the 
enemy  somewhat  low.  He  did  also  consummate  the 
war  against  the  fugitives,  whom  Crassus  had  before 
defeated  in  a  great  battle.  So  when  Lucullus  had 
had  great  and  glorious  victories  against  Mithridates 
and  Tigranes,  yet  Pompey,  by  means  his  friends  made, 
was  sent  to  put  an  end  to  that  war.  Whereupon 
1  present.  R.  2  frequently.  R. 


380  APOPHTHEGMS 

Lucullus,  taking  indignation,  as  a  disgrace  offered  to 
himself,  said  ;  That  Pompey  was  a  carrion  crow,  that 
when  others  had  strucken  down  bodies,  he  came  to  prey 
upon  them.1 

249.  (186.)  Diogenes,  when  mice  came  about  him 
as  he  was  eating,  said ;  /  see  that  even  Diogenes  nour- 
isheth  parasites. 

250.  (233.)  Epictetus  used  to  say ;   That  one  of  the 
vulgar,  in  any  ill  that  happens  to  him,  blames  others ; 
a  novice  in  philosophy  blames  himself;  and  a  philosopher 
blames  neither  the  one  nor  the  other. 

251.  (187.)    Hiero    visited    by    Pythagoras,    asked 
him  ;    Of  ivhat    condition    he   was  ?     Pythagoras    an 
swered  ;   Sir,  I  know  you  have  been  at  the   Olympian 
games.       Yes,   saith   Hiero.       Thither   (saith    Pythag 
oras)  come  some  to  win  the  prizes.     Some  come  to  sell 
their  merchandize,  because  it  is  a  kind  of  mart  of  all 
Greece.     Some   come  to  meet  their  friends,  and  make 
merry,    because   of    the   great    confluence   of    all   sorts. 
Others  come  only  to  look  on.      I  am  one  of  them  that 
come  to  look  on.      Meaning  it  of  philosophy,  and  the 
contemplative  life. 

252.  (107.)    Mr.    Bettenham 2  used   to   say;    That 
riches  were  like  muck;    when  it  lay  upon  an  heap,  it 
gave  but  a  stench  and  ill  odour ;  bat  when  it  was  spread 
upon  the  ground,  then  it  was  cause  of  much  fruit. 

253.  (96.)   The  same  Mr.   Bettenham  said;     That 
virtuous  men  were  like  some  herbs  and  spices,  that  give 
not3  their  sweet  smell,  till  they  be  broken  and  crushed. 

254.  (98.)  There  was  a  painter  became  a  physician. 
Whereupon  one  said  to  him;    You  have' done  well;  for 

1  then  Pompey  came  and  preyed  upon  them.     R. 

2  Reader  of  Gray's  Inn.     R.  3  give  not  out.     R. 


NEW  AND  OLD.  381 

before  the  faults  of  your  work  were  seen,  but  now  they  are 


unseen.1 

255.  (189.)    One   of  the  philosophers   was    asked ; 
What  a  wise  man  differed  from  a  fool  ?    He  answered  ; 

Send  them  both  naked  to  those  that  know  them  not,  and 
you  shall  perceive. 

256.  (234.)  CaBsar  in  his  book  that  he  made  against 
Cato  (which  is  lost)  did  write,  to  shew  the  force  of 
opinion  and  reverence  of  a  man  that  had  once  obtained 
a  popular  reputation  ;   That  there  were  some  that  found 
Cato  drunk,  and  they  were  ashamed  instead  of  Cato. 

257.  (191.)  Aristippus,  sailing  in  a  tempest,  shewed 
signs  of  fear.     One  of  the  seamen  said  to  him,  in  an 
insulting  manner ;    We  that  are  plebeians  are  not  troub 
led;  you,  that  are  a  philosopher,  are  afraid.     Aristippus 
answered  ;    There  is  not  the  like  wager  upon  it,  for  me  to 
perish  and  you? 

258.  (192.)   There  was  an  orator  that  defended  a 
cause  of  Aristippus,   and    prevailed.      Afterwards  he 
asked    Aristippus  ;    Now,    in  your   distress,   what    did 
Socrates  do  you  good  ?    Aristippus  answered  ;    Thus ; 
in  making  true  that  good  which  you  said  of  me? " 

f  259.  Aristippus  said;  He  took  money  of  his  friends, 
not  so  much  to  use  it  himself,  as  to  teach  them  how  to  be 
stow  their  money. 

f  260.  A  strumpet  said  to  Aristippus  ;  That  she 
was  with  child  by  him.  He  answered  ;  You  know  that 
no  more,  than  if  you  went  through  a  hedge  of  thorns, 
you  could  say,  This  thorn  pricked  me. 


1  Compare  Melch.  IV.  7.  5.,  where  the  remark  is  represented  more  grace 
fully  as  made  by  the  painter  himself. 

2  for  you  to  perish  and  for  me.    R. 

3  in  making  that  which  you  said  of  me  to  be  true.    R. 


382  APOPHTHEGMS 

261.  (15.)   The  lady  Paget,  that  was  very  private 
with  Queen  Elizabeth,  declared  herself  much  against 
her  match1  with  Monsieur.     After  Monsieur's  death, 
the  Queen  took  extreme  grief  (at  least  as  she  made 
shew),    and    kept2   within    her    bedchamber    and    one 
antechamber  for  three  weeks  space,  in  token  of  mourn 
ing.      At  last  she  came  forth  into  her  privy  chamber, 
and  admitted  her  ladies  to  have  access  unto  her  ;  and 
amongst  the  rest  my  lady  Paget  presented  herself,  and 
came  to  her  with  a  smiling  countenance.     The  Queen 
bent  her  brows,   and  seemed   to  be  highly  displeased, 
and  said  to  her ;  Madam,  you  are  not  ignorant  of  my 
extreme  grief,  and  do  you  come  to  me  with  a  countenance 
of  joy?     My  lady  Paget  answered;  Alas,  and  it  please 
your  Majesty,  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  be  absent  from 
you  three  weeks,  but  that  when  I  see  you  I  must  look 
cheerfully.      No,  no,   (said  the  Queen,  not  forgetting 
her  former  averseness  from3  the  match),  you  have  some 
other  conceit  in  it ;  tell  me  plainly.     My  lady  answered ; 
I  must  obey  you.     It  is  this.     I  was  thinking  hoiv  happy 
your  Majesty  was,  in  that  you  married  not  Monsieur ; 
for  seeing  you  take  such  thought  for  his  death,  being  but 
your  friend,  if  he  had  been  your  husband,  sure  it  ivould 
have  cost  you  your  life. 

262.  (94.)    Sir   Edward  Dyer,   a  grave  and   wise 
gentleman,  did  much  believe  in  Kelley  the  alchymist ; 
that  he   did  indeed  the  work,   and  made  gold :    inso 
much  as  he  went  himself  into  Germany,  where  Kelley 
then  was,  to  inform  himself  fully  thereof.     After  his 
return,  he  dined  with  my  Lord  of  Canterbury,  where 
at  that  time  was  at  the  table  Dr.  Browne,  the  phy- 

1  the  match.    R.  2  kept  in.    R. 

3  to.    R. 


NEW  AND   OLD.  383 

sician.  They  fell  in  talk  of  Kelley.  Sir  Edward 
Dyer,  turning  to  the  Archbishop,  said  ;  I  do  assure 
your  Grrace,  that  that  I  shall  tell  you  is  truth.  I  am  an 
eye-witness  thereof,  and  if  I  had  not  seen  it,  I  should  not 
have  believed  it.  I  saw  Master  Kelley  put  of  the  base 
metal  into  the  crucible,  and  after  it  was  set  a  little  upon 
the  fire,  and  a  very  small  quantity  of  the  medicine  put  in, 
and  stirred  with  a  stick  of  wood,  it  came  forth  in  great 
proportion  perfect  gold,  to  the  touch,  to  the  hammer,  to  the 
test.  Said  the  Bishop  ; l  You  had  need  take  heed  what 
you  say,  Sir  Edward  Dyer,  for  here  is  an  infidel  at  the 
board.  Sir  Edward  Dyer  said  again  pleasantly ;  I 
would  have  looked  for  an  infidel  sooner  in  any  place  than 
at  your  Grace's  table.  What  say  you,  Dr.  Broivne  ? 
saith  the  Bishop.2  Dr.  Browne  answered,  after  his 
blunt  and  huddling  manner,  The  gentleman  hath  spoken 
enough  for  me.  Why  (saith  the  Bishop  3)  what  hath  he 
said?  Marry,  (saith  Dr.  Browne)  he  said  he  would 
not  have  believed  it  except  he  had  seen  it ;  and  no  more 
will  L 

f  263.  Democritus  said ;  That  truth  did  lie  in  pro- 
found  pits,  and  when  it  was  got,  it  needed  much  refin 
ing. 

264.  (95.)  Doctor  Johnson  said  ;  That  in  sickness 
there  were  three  things  that  were  material :  the  physician, 
the  disease,  and  the  patient.  And  if  any  two  of  these 
joined,  then  they  have*  the  victory.  For,  Ne  Hercules 
quidem  contra  duos.  If  the  physician  and  the  patient 
join,  then  down  goes  the  disease;  for  the  patient  re 
covers.  If  the  physician  and  the  disease  join,  then  down 
goes  the  patient ;  that  is  where  the  physician  mistakes  the 

i  My  Lord  Archbishop  said.    R.  2  said  the  Archbishop.    R. 

3  Archbishop.    R.  4  get.    R. 


384  APOPHTHEGMS 

cure.1  If  the  patient  and  the  disease  join,  then  down 
goes  the  pltysician ;  for  lie  is  discredited. 

265.  (185.)  Alexander  visited  Diogenes  in  his  tub. 
And  when  he  asked  him  ;  What  he  would  desire  of  him? 
Diogenes  answered ;  That  you  would  stand  a  little 
aside,  that  the  sun  may  come  to  me. 

f  266.  Diogenes  said  of  a  young  man  that  danced 
daintily,  and  was  much  commended ;  The  better,  the 
worse. 

267.  (236.)  Diogenes  called  an  ill  musician,   Cock. 
Why?  (saith  he.)     Diogenes  answered;  Because  when 

you  crow  men  use  to  rise. 

268.  (188.)   Heraclitus  the  Obscure  said ;   The  dry 
light  was  the  lest  soul.     Meaning,  when  the  faculties 
intellectual   are  in  vigour,  not  wet,   nor,2  as   it  were, 
blooded  by  the  affections. 

f  269.  There  was  in  Oxford  a  cowardly  fellow  that 
was  a  very  good  archer.  He  was  abused  grossly  by 
another,  and  moaned  himself  to  Walter  Ralegh,  then 
a  scholar,  and  asked  his  advice ;  What  he  should  do  to 
repair  the  wrong  had  been  offered  1dm?  Ralegh  an 
swered  ;  Why,  challenge  him  at  a  match  of  shooting. 

270.  (100.)  Whitehead,  a  grave  divine,  was  much 
esteemed  by  Queen  Elizabeth,  but  not  preferred,  be 
cause  he  was  against  the  government  of  Bishops.  He 
was  of  a  blunt  stoical  nature.3  He  came  one  day  to 
the  Queen,  and  the  Queen  happened  to  say  to  him  ; 
I  like  thee  the  better,  Whitehead,  because  thou  livest  un 
married.  He  answered  again  ;  In  troth,  Madam,  I  like 
you  the  worse  for  tJie  same  cause. 

1  If  the  physician  and  the  disease  join,  that  is  a  strong  disease;  and  the 
physician  mistaking  the  cure,  then,  &c.     R. 
•  2  not  drenched,  or.     R. 

3  This  sentence  is  omitted  in  R. 


NEW  AND  OLD.  385 

f  271.  There  was  a  nobleman  that  was  lean  of  vis 
age,  but  immediately  after  his  marriage  he  grew  pretty 
plump  and  fat.  One  said  to  him,  Your  lordship  doth 
contrary  to  other  married  men  ;  for  they  at  the  first  wax 
lean,  and  you  wax  fat.  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  stood  by 
and  said ;  Why,  there  is  no  beast,  that  if  you  take  him 
from  the  common  and  put  him  into  the  several,  but  he 
will  wax  fat. 

f  272.  Diogenes  seeing  one  that  was  a  bastard  cast 
ing  stones  among  the  people,  bade  him  Take  heed  he  hit 
not  his  father. 

273.  (97.)  Dr.  Laud1  said;    That  some  hypocrites 
and  seeming  mortified  men,  that  held  down  their  heads, 
were  like  little  imayes  that  they  place  in  the  very  bowing 
of  the  vaults  of  churches,  that  look  as  if  they  held  up  the 
church,  but  are  but  puppets? 

274.  (104.)  It  was  said  among  some  of  the  grave 
prelates  of  the  council  of  Trent,  in  which  the  school- 
divines  bore  the  sway ;   That   the  school-men  were  like 
the  astronomers ;  who  to  save  the  phenomena,  framed  to 
their  conceit  eccentrics  and  epicycles,  and  a  wonderful 
engine  of  orbs,  though  no  such  things  were :  so  they,  to 
save  the  practice  of  the  church,  had  devised  a  number  of 
strange  positions. 

f  275.  It  was  also  said  by  many,  concerning  the 
canons  of  that  council ;  That  we  are  beholding  to  Aris 
totle  for  many  articles  of  our  faith. 

276.  (35.)  The  Lo.  Henry  Howard,  being  Lord 
Privy  Seal,  was  asked  by  the  King  openly  at  the 
table,  (where  commonly  he  entertained  the  King,) 

1  The  Lord  Archbishop  Laud.    R. 

2  were  like  the  little  images  in  the  vaults  or  roofs  of  churches,  which 
look  and  bow  down  as  if  they  held  up  the  church,  when  as  they  bear  no 
weight  at  all.    R. 

VOL.  xiii.  25 


386  APOPHTHEGMS 

upon  the  sudden ; l  My  lord,  have  you  not  a  desire  to 
see  Rome?  My  lord  Privy  Seal  answered,  Yes,  in 
deed,  Sir.  The  King  said,  And  wliy?  My  lord  an 
swered,  Because,  and  it  please  your  Majesty,  it  was  once 
the  seat  of  the  greatest  monarchy,  and  the  seminary  of 
the  bravest  men  in  the  world,  amongst  the  heathen  :  and 
then  again?  because  after  it  was  the  see  of  so  many  holy 
Bishops  in  the  primitive  church,  most  of  them  martyrs. 
The  King  would  not  give  it  over,  but  said  ;  And  for 
nothing  else  ?  My  lord  answered  ;  Yes,  and  it  please 
your  Majesty,  for  two  things  especially?  The  one,  to 
see  him,  who  they  say  hath  such  a  power  to  forgive  other 
men's  sins,  to  confess  his  own  sins  upon  his  knees  before 
a  chaplain  or  priest ;  and  the  other  is,  to  hear  Antichrist 
say  his  creed. 

277.  (235.)  There  was  a  nobleman  said  of  a  great 
counsellor  ;  That  he  would  have  made  the  worst  farrier 
in  the  ivorld,  for  he  never  shod  horse  but  he  cloyed  him : 
so  he  never  commended  any  man  to  the  King  for  service, 
or  upon  occasion  of  suit,  or  otherwise,  but  that  he  would 
come  in  in  the  end  with  a  But,  and  drive  in  a  nail  to  his 
disadvantage. 

f  278.  There  was  a  lady  of  the  west  country,  that 
gave  great  entertainment  at  her  house  to  most  of  the 
gallant  gentlemen  thereabout  ;  and  amongst  others, 
Sir  Walter  Ralegh  was  one.  This  lady,  though  other 
wise  a  stately  dame,  was  a  notable  good  housewife  ; 
and  in  the  morning  betimes  she  called  to  one  of  her 
maids  that  looked  to  the  swine,  and  asked  ;  Is  the  piggy 

1  The  same  Earl  of  Northampton,  then  Lord  Privy  Seal,  was  asked  by 
King  James   openly  at  the   tahle,  where  commonly  he   entertained   the 
King  with  discourse;  the  King  asked  him  upon  the  sudden.    R. 

2  secondly.     R. 

8  for  two  things  more.    R. 


NEW  AND  OLD.  387 

served  ?  Sir  Walter  Ralegh's  chamber  was  fast  by  the 
lady's,  so  as  he  heard  her.  A  little  before  dinner,  the 
lady  came  down  in  great  state  into  the  great  chamber, 
which  was  full  of  gentlemen  :  And  as  soon  as  Sir 
Walter  Ralegh  set  eye  upon  her  ;  Madam,  (saith  he) 
is  the  piggy  served?  The  lady  answered,  You  know 
best  whether  you  have  had  your  breakfast. 

279.  (237.)   There  was  a  gentleman  fell  very  sick, 
and  a  friend  of  his  said  to  him ;  Surely,  you  are  in 
danger ;  I  pray  send  for  a  physician.     But  the  sick 
man  answered ;  It  is  no  matter,  for  if  I  die,  I  will  die 
at  leisure. 

280.  (193.)  There  was  an  Epicurean  vaunted,  that 
divers  of  other   sects  of  philosophers  did   after   turn 
Epicureans,  but  there  was  never  any  Epicurean  that 
turned  to  any  other  sect.     Whereupon  a  philosopher 
that  was  of  another  sect,  said ;   The  reason  was  plain, 
for  that  cocks  may  be  made  capons,  but  capons  could 
never  be  made  cocks. 


APOPHTHEGMS 


CONTAINED    IN    THE    SECOND    EDITION    OF    THE     RESUSCJTATIO 
(1661),    AND    NOT   IN    THE   ORIGINAL    COLLECTION.1 


3.  His  Majesty  James  the  First,  King  of  Great 
Britain,  having  made  unto  his  Parliament  an  excel 
lent  and  large  declaration,  concluded  thus  :  I  have  now 
given  you  a  clear  mirror  of  my  mind  ;  use  it  therefore 
like  a  mirror  ;  and  take  heed  how  you  let  it  fall,  or  how 
you  soil  it  with  your  breath. 

5.  His  Majesty  said    to   his   Parliament  at   another 
time,  finding  there  were  some  causeless  jealousies  sown 
amongst  them  ;   That  the  King  and  his  people,  (where 
of  the  Parliament  is  the  representative  body,^)   ID  ere  as 
husband  and  wife  ;  and  therefore  that  of  all  other  things 
jealousy  was  between  them  most  pernicious. 

6.  His  Majesty,  when  he  thought  his  counsel  mought 
note  in  him  some  variety  in  businesses,  though  indeed 
he  remained  constant,  would  say  ;   That  the  sun  many 
times  shineth  watery  ;  but  it  is  not  the  sun  which  causeth 
it,   but  some  cloud  rising  betwixt  us  and  the  sun  :  and 
when  that  is  scattered,  the  sun  is  as  it  was,  and  comes 
to  his  former  brightness. 

7.  His  Majesty,  in   his  answer  to  the  book  of  the 
Cardinal  of  Evereux,  (who  had   in  a  grave  argument 

i  See  Preface,  pp.  315,  320. 


FROM  THE  RESUSCITATIO,  1GG1.        389 

of  divinity  sprinkled  many  witty  ornaments  of  poesy 
and  humanity)  saith  ;  That  these  flowers  were  like  blue 
and  yellow  and  red  flowers  in  the  corn,  which  make  a 
pleasant  shew  to  those  that  look  on,  but  they  hurt  the 
corn. 

8.  Sir  Edward  Cook,  being  vehement  against  the 
two    Provincial   Councils,   of  Wales    and    the    North, 
said  to  the  King ;   There  was  nothing  there  but  a  kind 
of  confusion  and  hotch-potch  of  justice  :  one  while  they 
were   a  Star- Chamber ;   another   while   a  Kings-bench; 
another,   a  Common-place ;    another,    a  Commission   of 
Oyer   and   Terminer.      His    Majesty  answered ;  Why, 
Sir  Edward  Cook,  they  be  like  houses  in  progress,  where 
I  have  not,  nor  can  have,  such  distinct  rooms  of  state,  as 
I  have  here  at  Whitehall,  or  at  Hampton-court. 

9.  The  Commissioners  of  the  Treasure  moved  the 
King,  for  the  relief  of  his  estate,  to  disafforest  some 
forests  of  his  ;    explaining  themselves  of  such  forests 
as  lay  out  of  the   way,  not  near  any  of  the   King's 
houses,  nor  in  the  course  of  his  progress ;  whereof  he 
should  never  have  use  nor  pleasure.      Why,  (saith  the 
King)  do  you  think  that  Salomon  had  use  and  pleasure 
of  all  his  three  hundred  concubines? 

10.  His    Majesty,    when    the    committees    of    both 
Houses  of  Parliament  presented  unto  him  the  instru 
ment  of  Union  of  England  and  Scotland,  was  merry 
with    them ;    and    amongst   other    pleasant    speeches, 
shewed  unto  them  the  laird  of  Lawreston,  a  Scotch 
man,  who  was  the  tallest  and  greatest  man  that  was 
to  be  seen ;  and  said ;     Well,  now  we  are  all  one,  yet 
none  of  you  will  say,  but  here  is  one  Scotchman  greater 
than    any   Englishman  ;    which    was    an    ambiguous 
speech  ;   but  it  was  thought  he  meant  it  of  himself. 


390  APOPHTHEGMS 

11.  His  Majesty  would  say  to  the  lords  of  his  coun 
sel,  when  they  sat  upon  any  great  matter,  and  came 
from  counsel  in  to  him ;  Well,  you  have  sit,  but  ivliat 
have  you  hatched? 

13.  Queen  Elizabeth  was  importuned  much  by  my 
Lord  of  Essex,  to  supply  divers  great  offices  that  had 
been  long  void ;  the  Queen  answered  nothing,  to  the 
matter ;  but  rose  up  on  the  sudden,  and  said ;  I  am 
sure  my  office  will  not  be  long  void.  And  yet  at  that 
time  there  was  much  speech  of  troubles  and  divisions 
about  the  crown,  to  be  after  her  decease  ;  but  they  all 
vanished ;  and  King  James  came  in,  in  a  profound 
peace. 

17.  King  Henry  the  fourth  of  France  wras  so  punc 
tual  of  his  word,  after  it  wras  once  passed,  that  they 
called  him   The  King  of  the  Faith.1 

18.  The  said  King  Henry  the  fourth  was  moved  by 
his  Parliament  to  a  war  against  the  Protestants :  he 
answered;    Yes,  I  mean  it;   I  will  make  every  one  of 
you  captains ;   you  shall  have  companies  assigned  you. 
The  Parliament  observing  whereunto  his  speech  tended, 
gave  over,  and  deserted  the  motion.2 

21.  A  great  officer  at  court,  when  my  Lord  of  Essex 
was  first  in  trouble ;  and  that  he  and  those  that  dealt 
for  him  would  talk  much  of  my  Lord's  friends  and  of 
his  enemies  ;  answered  to  one  of  them  ;  /  will  tell  you, 
I  know  but  one  friend  and  one  enemy  my  Lord  hath; 
and  that  one  friend  is  the  Queen,  and  that  one  enemy 
is  himself. 

27.  The  Lord  Keeper,  Sir  Nicholas  Bacon,  was 
asked  his  opinion,  by  my  lord  of  Leicester,  concerning 

i  Lamb.  MS.  p.  18.  (see  above,  p.  321.) 
a  Id.  ibid,  (without  the  last  sentence). 


FROM  THE  RESUSCITATIO,    1GG1.  391 

two  persons  whom  the  Queen  seemed  to  think  well 
of:  By  my  troth,  my  Lord,  (said  he)  the  one  is  a  grave 
counsellor ;  the  other  is  a  proper  young  man  ;  and  so  he 
will  be  as  long  as  he  lives. 

28.  My  Lord  of  Leicester,  favourite  to  queen  Eliza 
beth,  was  making  a  large  chase  about  Cornbury-Park ; 
meaning  to  inclose  it  with  posts  and  rails ;  and  one  day 
was  casting  up  his  charge,  what  it  would  come  to.  Mr. 
Goklingham,  a  free  spoken  man,  stood  by,  and  said  to 
my  Lord,  Methinks  your  Lordship  goeth  not  the  cheapest 
way  to  work.  Why,  Goldingham?  said  my  Lord. 
Marry,  my  Lord,  said  Goldingham,  count  you  but 
upon  the  posts,  for  the  country  ivill  find  you  railing. 

36.  There  were  fishermen  drawing  the  river  at 
Chelsea  :  Mr.  Bacon  came  thither  by  chance  in  the 
afternoon,  and  offered  to  buy  their  draught :  they 
were  willing.  He  asked  them  what  they  would  take  ? 
They  asked  thirty  shillings.  Mr.  Bacon  offered  them 
ten.  They  refused  it.  Why  then,  saith  Mr.  Bacon, 
I  will  be  only  a  looker  on.  They  drew,  and  catched 
nothing.  Saith  Mr.  Bacon  ;  Are  not  you  mad  fellows 
now,  that  might  have  had  an  angel  in  your  purse,  to  have 
made  merry  withal,  and  to  have  warmed  you  thoroughly, 
and  now  you  must  go  home  with  nothing.  Ay  but  (said 
the  fishermen)  we  had  hope  then  to  make  a  better  gain 
of  it.  Saith  Mr.  Bacon  ;  Well,  my  masters,  then  I'll 
tell  you,  hope  is  a  good  breakfast,  but  it  is  a  bad  sup 
per.1 

36.  A  lady  walking  with  Mr.  Bacon  in  Gray's  Inn 
walks,  asked  him,  Whose  that  piece  of  ground  lying  next 
under  the  walls  was  ?  He  answered,  Theirs.  Then  she 

1  See  Lamb.  MS.  p.  1.  where  the  story  is  set  down  almost  exactly  in  the 
same  words. 


392  APOPHTHEGMS 

asked  him,  if  those  fields  beyond  the  walks  were  theirs 
too  ?  He  answered,  Yes,  Madam,  those  are  ours,  as  you 
are  ours,  to  look  on,  and  no  more.1 

37.  His  Lordship,  when  he  was  newly  made  Lord 
Keeper,    was   in    Gray's   Inn   walks   with    Sir   Walter 
Raleigh.      One  came  and  told  him,  that  the  Earl  of 
Exeter  was  above.     He  continued  upon  occasion  still 
walking  a  good  while.     At  last  when  he  came  up,  my 
Lord  of  Exeter  met  him,  and  said  ;  My  Lord,  I  have 
made  a  great  venture,  to  come  up  so  high  stairs,  being  a 
gouty  man.     His  Lordship  answered ;  Pardon  me,  my 
lord,  I  have  made  the  greatest  venture  of  all;  2  for  I  have 
ventured  upon  your  patience. 

38.  When  Sir  Francis  Bacon  was  made  the  King's 
Attorney,  Sir  Edward  Cooke  was  put  up  from  being 
Lord  Chief  Justice  of  the  Common  Pleas,  to  be  Lord 
Chief  Justice  of  the  King's  Bench ;  which  is  a  place 
of  greater  honour,  but  of  less  profit ;  and  withal  was 
made  Privy  Counsellor.     After  a  few  days,  the  Lord 
Cooke  meeting  with   the  King's   Attorney,  said  unto 
him ;    Mr.  Attorney,  this  is  all  your  doing :   It  is  you 
that   have   made   this   great   stir.      Mr.   Attorney   an 
swered;    Ah  my  Lord!   your  Lordship  all  this  ichile 
hath  groivn  in  breadth;   you  must  needs  now  grow  in 
height,  or  else  you  would  be  a  monster? 

39.  One  day  Queen  Elizabeth  told  Mr.  Bacon,  that 
my  Lord  of  Essex,  after  great  protestation  of  penitence 
and  affection,  fell  in  the  end  but  upon  the  suit  of  re 
newing  his  farm  of  sweet   wines.     He  answered  ;    I 
read  that  in  nature  there  be  two  kinds  of  motions  or  ap- 

1  Lamb.  MS.  p.  1.  (told  more  compactly).     The  number  36  is  repeated 
in  R. 

2  the  greater  venture.     Lamb.  MS.  3  Lamb.  MS. 


FROM  THE  RESUSCITATIO,    1GG1.  393 

petites  in  sympathy  ;  the  one  as  of  iron  to  the  adamant, 
for  perfection  ;  the  other  as  of  the  vine  to  the  stake,  for 
sustentation  ;  that  her  Majesty  was  the  one,  and  his  suit 
the  other.1 

40.  Mr.  Bacon,  after  he  had  been  vehement  in  Par 
liament  against  depopulation  and  inclosures ;  and  that 
soon  after  the  Queen  told  him  that  she  had  referred 
the  hearing  of  Mr.  Mill's  cause  to  certain  counsellors 
and  judges  ;  and  asked  him  how  he  liked  of  it  ?   an 
swered,  Oh,  madam  !  my  mind  is  knoivn  ;  I  am  against 
all  inclosures,  and  especially  against  inclosed  justice.'2' 

41.  When    Sir  Nicholas    Bacon    the   Lord    Keeper 
lived,  every  room  in  Gorhambury  was  served  with  a 
pipe   of  water  from   the   ponds,   distant  about  a   mile 
off.     In  the  lifetime  of  Mr.  Anthony  Bacon,  the  water 
ceased.      After  whose  death,  his  Lordship  coming  to 
the  inheritance,  could  not  recover  the  water  without 
infinite  charge.      When   he  was    Lord  Chancellor,  he 
built  Verulam  House,  close  by  the  pond-yard,  for  a 
place  of  privacy  when  he  was  called  upon  to  dispatch 
any  urgent  business.      And  being  asked,  why  he  built 
that  house  there ;  his  Lordship  answered,  That  since  he 
could  not  carry  the  water  to  his  house,  he  would  carry 
his  house  to  the  water 2 

42.  When  my  Lord  President  of  the  Council  came 
first  to  be  Lord  Treasurer,  he  complained  to  my  Lord 
Chancellor  of  the  troublesomeness  of  the  place ;  for  that 
the  Exchequer  was  so  empty.     The  Lord  Chancellor 
answered  ;  My  Lord,  be  of  good  cheer,  for  now  you  shall 
see  the  bottom  of  your  business  at  the  fast* 

43.  When  his  Lordship  was  newly  advanced  to  the 

i  Lamb.  MS.  p.  8.  2  Id-  p.  8. 

s  Id.  p.  9.  (told  more  shortly).  4  Id-  p.  10. 


394  APOPHTHEGMS 

Great  Seal,  Gondomar  came  to  visit  him.  My  Lord 
said ;  That  lie  ivas  to  thank  Grod  and  the  King  for  that 
honour ;  but  yet,  so  he  might  be  rid  of  the  burthen,  he 
could  very  willingly  forbear  the  honour ;  and  that  he 
formerly  had  a  desire,  and  the  same  continued  with  him 
still,  to  lead  a  private  life.  Gondomar  answered  ;  That 
he  would  tell  him  a  tale;  of  an  old  rat,  that  would  needs 
leave  the  world;  and  acquainted  the  young  rats  that  he 
would  retire  into  his  hole,  and  spend  his  days  solitarily ; 
and  would  enjoy  no  more  comfort :  and  commanded  them 
upon  his  high  displeasure^  not  to  offer  to  come  in  unto 
him.  They  forbore  two  or  three  days ;  at  last,  one  that 
was  more  hardy  than  the  rest,  incited  some  of  his  fellows 
to  go  in  with  him,  and  he  would  venture  to  see  how  his 
father  did ;  for  he  might  be  dead.  Tliey  went  in,  and 
found  the  old  rat  sitting  in  the  midst  of  a  rich  Parmesan 
cheese.  So  he  applied  the  fable  after  his  witty  manner.2 
44.  Rabelais  tells  a  tale  of  one  that  was  very  fortu 
nate  in  compounding  differences.  His  son  undertook 
the  same  course,3  but  could  never  compound  any. 
Whereupon  he  came  to  his  father,  and  asked  him, 
what  art  he  had  to  reconcile  differences  ? 4  He  an 
swered,  he  had  no  other  but  this  :  to  watch  when  the 
two  parties  were  much  wearied,  and  their  hearts  were 
too  great  to  seek  reconcilement  at  one  another's  hands; 
then  to  be  a  means  betwixt  them,  and  upon  no  other 
terms.  After  which  the  son  went  home,  and  pros 
pered  in  the  same  undertakings.5 

1  upon  his  blessing.     Lamb.  MS.  p.  4. 

2  so  if  he  left  the  world  he  would  retire  to  some  rich  place.     Lamb.  MS. 

3  So  Lamb.  MS.  p.  63.     R.  has  "  said  course." 

4  what  trick  he  had  to  make  friends.     Lamb.  MS. 

5  he  would  even  be  the  means  betwixt  them.    After  which  time  the  son 
prospered  in  the  trade.    Lamb.  MS. 


FROM  THE  RESUSCITATIO,  1661.        395 

62.  There  was  an  agent  here  for  the  Dutch,  called 
Caroon  ;   and  when  he  used  to  move  the  Queen  for 
further  succours  and  more  men,  my  lord  Henry  How 
ard  would  say ;   That  he  agreed  well  with  the  name  of 
Charon,  ferryman  of  hell ;  for  lie  came  still  for  more 
men,  to  increase  regnum  umbrarum. 

63.  They  were  wont  to  call  referring  to  the  Masters 
in  Chancery,  committing.     My  Lord  Keeper  Egerton, 
when  he  was   Master  of  the  Rolls,  was  wont  to  ask  ; 
What  the  cause  had  done,  that  it  should  be  committed? 

64.  They  feigned  a  tale,  principally  against  Doctors' 
reports  in  the  Chancery  ;   That   Sir   Nicholas  Bacon, 
when  he  came  to  heaven  gate,  was  opposed,  touching 
an  unjust  decree  which  had  been  made  in  the  Chan 
cery.     Sir  Nicholas  desired  to  see  the  order,  where 
upon  the  decree  was   drawn    up  ;    and    finding   it   to 
begin  Veneris,  etc.  Why,  (saith  he)  I  ivas  then  sitting 
in  the  Star-chamber;  this  concerns  the  Master  of  the 
Rolls;  let  him  answer  it.     Soon  after  came  the  Mas 
ter  of  the  Rolls,  Cordal,  who  died  indeed  a  small  time 
after  Sir  Nicholas  Bacon  ;  and  he  was  likewise  stayed 
upon   it  ;  and  looking  into  the  order,  he  found,  that 
upon  the  reading  of  a  certificate  of  Dr.  Gibson,  it  was 
ordered,  that  his  report  should  be  decreed.     And  so 
he  put  it  upon  Dr.   Gibson,  and  there  it  stuck. 

65.  Sir   Nicholas    Bacon,   when    a    certain    nimble- 
witted    counsellor   at   the    bar,    who    was   forward    to 
speak,  did  interrupt  him  often,  said  unto  him  ;   There 
is  a  great  difference  betwixt  you  and  me :  a  pain  to  me 
to  speak,  and  a  pain  to  you  to  hold  your  peace. 

66.  The  same  Sir  Nicholas  Bacon,   upon  bills  ex 
hibited  to  discover  where  lands  lay,  —  upon  proof  that 
they  had  a  certain  quantity  of  land,  but  could  not  set 


396  APOPHTHEGMS 

it  forth,  was  wont  to  say  ;  And  if  you  cannot  find 
your  land  in  the  country,  how  will  you  have  me  find  it 
in  the  Chancery? 

67.  Mr.  Houland,  in  conference  with  a  young  stu 
dent,  arguing  a  case,  happened  to  say ;  /  ivould  ask 
you  but  this  question.  The  student  presently  inter 
rupted  him,  to  give  him  an  answer.  Whereunto  Mr. 
Houland  gravely  said ;  Nay,  though  I  ask  you  a  ques 
tion,  yet  1  did  not  mean  you  should  answer  me  ;  I  mean 
to  answer  myself. 

91.  Archbishop  Grindall  was  wont  to  say  ;  That  the 
physicians  here  in  England  ivere  not  good  at  the  cure  of 
particular  diseases;  but  had  only  the  power  of  the  Church, 
to  bind  and  loose. 

123.  Titus  Quinctius  was  in  the  counsel  of  the 
Achaians,  what  time  they  deliberated,  whether  in  the 
war  then  to  follow  between  the  Romans  and  King  An- 
tiochus,  they  should  confederate  themselves  with  the 
Romans,  or  with  King  Antiochus  ?  In  that  counsel 
the  JEtolians,  who  incited  the  Achaians  against  the 
Romans,  to  disable  their  forces,  gave  great  words,  as 
if  the  late  victory  the  Romans  had  obtained  against 
Philip  king  of  Macedon,  had  been  chiefly  by  the 
strength  and  forces  of  the  jiEtolians  themselves  :  And 

O 

on  the  other  side  the  embassador  of  Antiochus  did 
extol  the  forces  of  his  master ;  sounding  \vhat  an  in 
numerable  company  he  brought  in  his  army  ;  and 
gave  the  nations  strange  names  ;  As  Elymaeans,  Ca- 
ducians,  and  others.  After  both  their  harangues, 
Titus  Quinctius,  when  he  rose  up,  said ;  It  was  an 
easy  matter  to  perceive  what  it  was  that  had  joined  An 
tiochus  and  the  ^Etolians  together  ;  that  it  appeared  to  be 
by  reciprocal  lying  of  each,  touching  the  other's  forces. 


FROM  THE  RESUSCITATIO,  1661.        397 

124.  Plato  was  amorous  of  a  young  gentleman, 
whose  name  was  Stella,  that  studied  astronomy,  and 
went  oft  in  the  clear  nights  to  look  upon  the  stars. 
Whereupon  Plato  wished  himself  heaven,  that  he  mought 
look  upon  Stella  with  a  thousand  eyes. 

153.  Themistocles,  after  he  was  banished,  and  had 
wrought  himself  into  great  favour  afterwards,  so  that 
he  was  honoured  and  sumptuously  served ;  seeing  his 
present  glory,  said  unto  one  of  his  friends,  If  I  had 
not  been  undone,  I  had  been  undone. 

214.  A  certain  countryman  being  at  an  Assizes,  and 
seeing  the  prisoners  holding  up  their  hands  at  the  bar, 
related  to  some  of  his  acquaintance ;  That  the  judges 
were  good  fortune-tellers  ;  for  if  they  did  but  look  upon 
a  man's  hand,  they  could  tell  whether  he  should  live  or 
die. 

216.  A  seaman  coming  before  the  judges  of  the  Ad 
miralty  for  admittance  into  an  office  of  a  ship  bound 
for  the  Indies,  was  by  one  of  the  judges  much  slighted, 
as  an  insufficient  person  for  that  office  he  sought  to 
obtain ;  the  judge  telling  him  ;  That  he  believed  he 
could  not  say  the  points  of  his  compass.  The  seaman 
answered  ;  That  he  could  say  them,  under  favour,  bet 
ter  than  he  could  say  his  Pater-noster.  The  judge  re 
plied  ;  That  he  ivould  wager  twenty-shillings  with  him 
upon  that.  The  seaman  taking  him  up,  it  came  to 
trial :  and  the  seaman  began,  and  said  all  the  points 
of  his  compass  very  exactly  :  the  judge  likewise  said 
his  Pater-noster :  and  when  he  had  finished  it,  he  re 
quired  the  wager  according  to  agreement ;  because  the 
seaman  was  to  say  his  compass  better  than  he  his 
Pater-noster,  which  he  had  not  performed.  Nay,  I 
pray,  Sir,  hold,  (quoth  the  seaman,)  the  wager  is  not 


398     APOPHTHEGMS   FROM   THE  RESUSCITATIO,    1661. 

finished:  for  I  have  but  half  done:  and  so  he  imme 
diately  said  his  compass  backward  very  exactly ;  which 
the  judge  failing  of  in  his  Pater-noster,  the  seaman  car 
ried  away  the  prize. 

239.  A  certain  friend  of  Sir  Thomas  Moore's,  taking 
great  pains  about  a  book,  which  he  intended  to  publish, 
(being  well  conceited  of  his  own  wit,  which  no  man 
else  thought  worthy  of  commendation,)  brought  it 
to  Sir  Thomas  Moore  to  peruse  it,  and  pass  his  judg 
ment  upon  it ;  which  he  did ;  and  finding  nothing 
therein  worthy  the  press,  he  said  to  him  with  a  grave 
countenance  ;  That  if  it  were  in  verse,  it  would  be  more 
worthy.  Upon  which  words,  he  went  immediately  and 
turned  it  into  verse,  and  then  brought  it  to  Sir  Thomas 
again  ;  who  looking  thereon,  said  soberly  ;  Yes,  marry, 
now  it  is  somewhat,  for  now  it  is  rhyme  ;  ivhereas  before 
it  was  neither  rhyme  nor  reason. 

247.  A  gentleman  that  was  punctual  of  his  word, 
and  loved  the  same  in  others,  when  he  heard  that  two 
persons  had  agreed  upon  a  meeting  about  serious  af 
fairs,  at  a  certain  time  and  place  ;  and  that  the  one 
party  failed  in  the  performance,  or  neglected  his  hour  ; 
would  usually  say  of  him,  He  is  a  young  man  then.1 

249.  His  lordship  when  he  had  finished  this  collec 
tion  of  Apophthegms,  concluded  thus  :  Come*  now  all  is 
well :  they  say,  he  is  not  a  wise  man  that  will  lose  his 
friend  for  Jus  wit;  but  he  is  less  a  wise  man  that  will 
lose  his  friend  for  another  mans  wit.2 

1  "He  broke  his  promise,"  said   Sir  Ralph,  "  he  is  a  young  man,  then, 
under  twenty  years  old:  and  no  exception  to  he  taken."  — Lamb.  MS. 

2  "  When  Sir  John  Finch  and  myself  had  gone  over  my  lord's  apoph 
thegms,  he  said,  '  Now  it  is  well :  you  know  it  is  a  common  saying  that 
he  is  an  unwise  man  who  will  lose  his  friend  for  his  jest:  but  he  is  a  more 
unwise  man  who  will  lose  his  friend  for  another  man's  jest.'"  —  Lamb. 
MS.  p.  10. 


APOPHTHEGMS 

PUBLISHED    BY  DR.    TENISON    IN   THE    BACONIANA.1 


1.  PLUTARCH  said  well,  It  is   otherwise  in  a  com 
monwealth  of  men  than  of  bees.     The  hive  of  a  city 
or  kingdom  is  in  best  condition  when  there  is  least  of 
noise  or  buz  in  it. 

2.  The  same  Plutarch  said  of  men  of  weak  abilities 
set  in  great  place,  That  they  were  like   little   statues 
set  on  great  bases,  made  to  appear  the  less  by  their 
advancement. 

3.  He  said  again,  Good  fame  is  like  fire.     When 
you  have  kindled  it,  you  may  easily  preserve  it ;  but 
if  once  you  extinguish  it,  you  will  not  easily  kindle 
it  again  ;   at  least,   not  make  it  burn  as  bright  as  it 
did. 

4.  The  answer  of  Apollonius  to  Vespasian  is  full  of 
excellent  instruction  :  Vespasian  asked  him,  What  was 
Nero's  overthrow  ?    He  answered,  Nero  could  touch  and 
tune   the   harp  well;    but  in   government   sometimes  he 
used  to  wind  the  pins  too  high,  sometimes  to  let  them 
down  too  low.     And  certain  it  is,  that  nothing  destroy- 
eth   authority  so  much    as  the   unequal   and  untimely 
interchange  of  power  pressed  too  far,  and  relaxed  too 
much. 

1  See  Preface,  pp.  317.  321. 


400  APOPHTHEGMS 

5.  Queen  Elizabeth  seeing  Sir  Edward  -     -  in  her 
garden,  looked  out  at  her  window,  and   asked  him  in 
Italian,  What  does  a  man  think  of  when  he  thinks  of 
nothing  ?     Sir  Edward  (who  had  not  had  the    effect 
of  some  of  the  Queen's  grants  so  soon  as  he  had  hoped 
and  desired)  paused   a  little,  and  then   made   answer, 
Madam,  he  thinks  of  a  woman's  promise.     The  Queen 
shrunk  in  her  head  ;  but  was  heard   to   say,   Well,  Sir 
Edward,  I  must  not  confute  you.     Anger  makes  dull 
men  witty,  but  it  keeps  them  poor.1 

6.  When  any  great  officer,  ecclesiastical  or  civil,  was 
to  be  made,  the  Queen  would  inquire  after  the  piety, 
integrity,  learning  of  the  man.      And  when  she  was 
satisfied  in  these   qualifications,  she  would  consider  of 
his  personage.     And  upon  such  an  occasion  she  pleased 
once  to  say  to  me,  Bacon,  how  can  the  magistrate  main 
tain  his  authority  when  the  man  is  despised  ?  2 

7.  In    eighty-eight,    when    the    Queen    went    from 
Temple-bar     along     Fleet-street,     the     lawyers     were 
ranked   on   one   side,   and    the   companies   of  the  city 
on   the   other  ;    said   Master   Bacon   to   a   lawyer   that 
stood  next  him,  Do  but  observe  the  courtiers;  if  they 
bow  first  to  the  citizens,  they  are  in  debt ;  if  first  to  us, 
they  are  in  law.3 

8.  King  James  was  wont  to  be  very  earnest  with 

1  Queen  Elizabeth  saw  Sir  Edward  Dier  in  her  garden,  she  looking  out 
at  window,  and  asked  him   in  Italian,  What  does  a  man  think  of  when  he 
thinks  of  nothing  ?     Sir  Edward  Dier,  after  a  little  pause,  said  in  Italian, 
Madam,  of  a  woman'' s  promise.     The  Queen  shrunk  in  her  head  and  shut 
the  window.  —  Lamb.  MS.  p.  21. 

2  My  Lo.  St.  Albans  hath  often  told  me  that  Queen  Elizabeth  when  she 
was  to  make  a  bishop  or  a  great  officer,  besides  his  learning,  piety,  and  in 
tegrity,  she  would  have  some  respect  to  the  person  of  the  man. — Lamb. 
MS.  p.  34. 

3  Lamb.  MS.  p.  35. 


FROM  THE  BACONIANA.  401 

the  country  gentlemen  to  go  from  London  to  their 
country  houses.  And  sometimes  he  would  say  thus 
to  them ;  Gentlemen,  at  London  you  are  like  ships  in 
a  sea,  which  shew  like  nothing ;  bat  in  your  country 
villages  you  are  like  ships  in  a  river,  which  look  like 
great  things. 

9.  Soon  after  the  death  of  a  great  officer,  who  was 
judged  no  advancer  of  the  King's  matters,  the  King 
said  to  his  solicitor  Bacon,  who  was  his  kinsman  ;   Noiv 
tell  me  truly,  what  say  you  of  your  cousin  that  is  gone  ? 
Mr.    Bacon    answered,    Sir,   since  your   Majesty   doth 
charge  me,  I'll  e'en  deal  plainly  with  you,   and  give 
you  such  a  character  of  him,  as  if  I  were  to  write  his 
story.     I  do  think  he  was  no  fit  counsellor  to  make  your 
affairs  belter ;  but  yet  he  ivas  fit  to  have  kept  them  from 
growing  worse.     The  King  said,  On  my  so'l,  man,  in 
the  first  thou  speakest  like  a  true  man,  and  in  the  latter 
like  a  kinsman. 

10.  King  James,  as  he  was  a  prince  of  great  judg 
ment,    so    he   was   a   prince   of  a   marvellous    pleasant 
humour  ;  and  there  now  come  into  my  mind  two  in 
stances  of  it. 

As  he  was  going  through  Lusen  by  Greenwich,  he 
asked  what  town  it  was  ?  They  said  Lusen.  He  asked 
a  cood  while  after,  What  town  is  this  we  are  now  in  ? 

O 

They  said,  still  'twas  Lusen.  On  my  so'l,  said  the  King, 
1  will  be  King  of  Lusen.1 

11.  In  some  other  of  his  progresses,  he  asked  how 
far  it  was   to   a   town  whose  name  I  have  forgotten. 


1  King  James  was  going  through  Lusen  by  Greenwich.  He  asked 
what  town  it  was.  They  said  Lusen.  He  asked  about  half  an  hour 
after.  'Twas  Lusen  still.  Said  the  king,  /  will  be  king  of  Lusen.  —  Lamb. 

MS.  p.  84. 

VOL.    XIII.  26 


402  APOPHTHEGMS 

They  said,  Six  miles.  Half  an  hour  after,  he  asked 
again.  One  said,  Six  miles  and  a  half.  The  King 
alighted  out  of  his  coach,  and  crept  under  the  shoulder 
of  his  led  horse.  And  when  some  asked  his  Majesty 
what  he  meant ;  I  must  stalk,  (said  he)  for  yonder 
town  is  shy  and  flies  me.1 

12.  Count  Gondomar  sent  a  compliment  to  my  Lord 
St.    Albans,   wishing   him  a  good   Easter.     My  Lord 
thanked    the    messenger,   and    said,    He   could    not    at 
present    requite    the    Count    better    than   in   returning 
him  the  like ;    That   he  wished  his   Lordship   a   good 
Passover? 

13.  My   Lord    Chancellor   Elsmere,   when    he   had 
read  a  petition  which  he  disliked,  would  say,  What! 
you  would  have  my  hand  to  this  now  ?    And  the  party 
answering,  Yes  ;  he  would  say  further ;    Well,  so  you 
shall.     Nay,  you  shall  have  both  my  hands  to  it.     And 
so   would,  with  both  his  hands,  tear  it  in  pieces.3 

14.  I  knew  a  wise  man,  that  had  it  for  a  by-word, 
when  he  saw  men  hasten  to  a  conclusion,  Stay  a  little, 
that  we  may  make  an  end  the  sooner. 

1  He  asked  how  far  to  a  town.     They  said  six  miles.     Half  an  hour  after 
he  asked  again.      One  said  six  miles  and  an  half.     He  lighted  from  his 
coach  and  crept  under  his  horse's  shoulder.     Some  asked  him  what  his  M. 
meant.     He  said  he  must  stalk,  for  yonder  town  fled  from  him.  —  Lamb. 
MS.  p.  84. 

2  Lamb.    MS.  p.  72.      Gondomar,  I  presume,  was  about  to  return  to 
Spain.     I  cannot  believe  that  his  message  was  meant  for  an  insult,  as  has 
been  supposed;    though   I  can  well   believe  that  the  popular  hatred  of 
Spain  and  everything  Spanish  was  apt  enough  to  put  that  construction 
upon  it.     But  there  are  no  traces  of  any  un kindness  between  Gondomar 
and  Bacon.     These  compliments  may  have  been  exchanged  at  Easter-tide 
in  10-22.     Easter-day  fell  on  the  21st  of  April  that  year,  and  a  new  Spanish 
ambassador  arrived  a  week  after.  —  See  Court  and  Times  of  James  I.,  ii. 
309. 

3The  party  would  say  an  it  like  your  Lp.     He  would  answer,  you  shall 
have  both  my  hands  to  it,  and  so  would  rend  it.  —  Lamb.  MS.  p.  60. 


FROM  THE  BACONIANA.  403 

15.  Sir  Francis  Bacon  was  wont  to  say  of  an  angry 
man  who  suppressed  his  passion,  That  he  thought  worse 
than  he  spake  ;  and  of  an  angry  man  that  would  chide, 
That  he  spoke  worse  than  he  thought, -1 

16.  He  was  wont  also  to  say,  That  power  in  an  ill 
man  was  like  the  power  of  a  black  witch;  he  could  do 
hurt,  but  no  good  with  it.     And  he  would  add,  That  the 
magicians  could  turn  water  into  blood,  but  could  not  turn 
the  blood  again  to  water. 

17.  When  Mr.  Attorney  Cook,  in  the  Exchequer, 
gave  high  words  to  Sir  Francis  Bacon,  and  stood  much 
upon  his  higher  place  ;   Sir  Francis  said  to  him,  Mr. 
Attorney,  the  less  you  speak  of  your  own  greatness,  the 
more  I  shall  think  of  it :  and  the  more,  the  less? 

18.  Sir   Francis    Bacon   coming   into    the    Earl    of 

O 

Arundel's  garden,  where  there  were  a  great  number 
of  ancient  statues  of  naked  men  and  women,  made  a 
stand,  and  as  astonished,  cried  out,  The  resurrection? 

19.  Sir  Francis  Bacon  (who  was  always  for  moder 
ate  counsels)  when  one  was  speaking  of  such  a  refor 
mation  of  the  Church  of  England  as  would  in  effect 
make  it  no  Church  ;  said  thus  to  him,  Sir,  the  subject 
we  talk  of  is  the  eye  of  England;  and  if  there  be  a  speck 
or  two  in  the  eye,  we  endeavour  to  take  them  off ;  but  he 
were  a  strange  oculist  who  would  pull  out  the  eye. 

20.  The  same  Sir  Francis  Bacon  was  wont  to  say, 
That  those  who  left  useful  studies  for  useless  scholastic 


1  If  one  suppresseth  his  anger  he  thinks  worse  than  he  says;  but  when 
he  chides,  then  he  says  worse  than  he  thinks.  —  Lamb.  MS.  p.  24. 

2  When  Mr.  Attorney  Cooke  gave  in  the  Exchequer  high  words  to  Mr. 
Bacon,  he  replied,  Mr.  Attorney,  &c. —  Lamb.  MS.  p.  7. 

8  My  Lo.  St.  Albans  coming  into  the  Earl  of  Arundel's  garden  where 
there  were  many  statues  of  naked  men  and  women,  made  a  stand  and  said, 
"  The  resurrection."  —  Lamb.  MS.  p.  65. 


404  APOPHTHEGMS 

speculations,  were  like  the  Olympic  gamesters,  who  ab 
stained  from  necessary  labours,  that  they  might  be  fit  for 
such  as  were  not  so. 

21.  He   likewise  often  used    this   comparison ;    The 
Empirical  philosophers  are   like  to  pismires  ;    they  only 
lay  up  and  use  their  store.      The  Rationalists  are  like 
to  spiders  ;  they  spin  all  out  of  their  own  boivels.     But 
give  me  a  philosopher,  who  like  the  bee,  hath  a  middle 
faculty,  gathering  from  abroad,  but  digesting  that  which 
is  gathered  by  his  own  virtue. 

22.  The  Lord  St.  Alban,  who  was  not  over  hasty  to 
raise  theories,  but  proceeded   slowly   by  experiments, 
was  wont  to  say  to  some  philosophers  who  would  not 
go  his  pace,  Crentlemen,  Nature  is  a  labyrinth,  in  which 
the  very  haste  you  move  with,  will  make  you  lose  your 
way. 

23.  The  same  Lord,  when  he  spoke  of  the  Dutch 
men,  used  to  say,  That  we  could  not  abandon  them  for 
our  safety,  nor  keep  them  for  our  profit.      And  some 
times  he  would  express  the  same  sense  on  this  man 
ner  ;    We  hold  the  Belgic  lion  by  the  ears.1 

24.  Sir  Francis  Bacon  said  upon  occasion  (meaning 
it  of  his  old  retinew)  That  he  was  all  of  one  piece  :  his 
head  could  not  rise  but  his  tail  must  rise  too.2 

1  My  Lo.  St.  Albans  was  wont  to  say  that  it  was  our  greatest  unhappi- 
ness,  that  we  could  not  abandon  those  for  our  safety  who  were  the  greatest 
enemies  to  our  profit.  —  Lamb.  MS.  p.  85. 

2  So  Lamb.  MS.  p.  5.     In  the  Baconiana  it  is  given  thus:    "The  same 
Lord  when  a  gentleman  seemed  not  much  to  approve  of  his  liberality  to  his 
retinue,  said  to  him,  *S7r,  I  am  all  of  apiece  ;  if  the  head  be  lifted  up,  the  in 
ferior  parts  of  the  body  must  too."     It  will  be  observed  that  Rawley's  notes 
of  these  apophthegms  are  in  almost  every  case  better  than  Dr.  Tenison's 
version,  by  whom  they  have  evidently  been  dressed  for  company.     In  this 
case  I  thought  the  improved  version  too  bad,  and  made  the  note  and  the 
text  change  places.     That  such  an  alteration  could  have  been  sanctioned 
by  Bacon  is  utterly  incredible. 


FROM  THE  BACONIANA.  405 

25.  The   Lord   Bacon  was   wont  to  commend    the 
advice  of  the  plain  old  man  at  Buxton,  that  sold  be 
soms.     A  proud  lazy  young  fellow  came  to  him  for  a 
besom  upon  trust ;  to  whom  the  old  man  said,  Friend, 
hast  thou  no  money  f  borrow  of  thy  back,  and  borrow  of 
thy  belly  ;  they'll  ne'er  ask  ihee  again,  I  shall  be  dunning 
thee  every  day.1 

26.  Solon  said  well  to  Croesus,  (when  in  ostentation 
he  shewed  him  his  gold)  Sir^  if  any  other  come  that  has 
better  iron  than  you,  he  will  be  master  of  all  this  gold. 

27.  Jack   Weeks   said   of  a  great   man    (just  then 
dead)  who  pretended  to  some  religion,  but  was  none  of 
the  best  livers,  Well,  I  hope  he  is  in  heaven.    Every  man 
thinks  as  he  wishes  ;  but  if  he  be  in  heaven,  "'twere  pity  it 
were  known? 

1  The  old  man  at  Buxton  that  answered  him  that  would  have  been 
trusted  for  brooms :   Hast  thou  no  money  ?   borrow  of  thy  back  and  bor 
row  of  thy  belly:  they'll  ne'er  ask  thee  again:  I  shall  be  ever  asking  thee. 
—  Lamb.  MS.  5. 

2  Jack  Weeks  said  of  the  Bishop  of  London,  Montagu ;  I  hope  he  is  in 
heaven.    Every  man  thinks  as  he  wisheth ;  but  if  he  be  there  'twere  pity  it 
were  known.  —  Lamb.  MS.  p.  55. 


SOME  ADDITIONAL  APOPHTHEGMS 

SELECTED    FROM  A  COMMON-PLACE    BOOK    IN    THE    HAND-WRIT 
ING    OF    DR.    RAWLEY,    PRESERVED    AT    LAMBETH. 

MSS.  No.  1034.1 


[THE  manuscript  from  which  the  following  apoph 
thegms  are  selected  bears  no  date  or  title.     But   the 

<T> 

contents  show  that  it  was  a  common-place  book  in 
which  Dr.  Rawley  entered  memoranda  from  time  to 
time  ;  and  a  few  dates  occur  incidentally  ;  the  earli 
est  of  which  is  8  September  1626,  (five  months  after 
Bacon's  death,)  and  the  latest  is  25  May  1644.  The 
memoranda  are  of  various  kinds,  many  of  them  relat 
ing  to  Bacon  and  his  works,  many  to  Dr.  Rawley's 
private  affairs.  Among  them  are  a  number  of  anec 
dotes,  some  very  good,  but  not  stated  to  be  derived 
from  Bacon  or  otherwise  connected  with  him,  and 
therefore  not  noticed  here.  It  is  true  that  several  of 
the  apophthegms  printed  by  Tenison  in  the  Baconiana 
are  set  down  in  this  manuscript  without  any  hint  that 
.Bacon  had  anything  to  do  with  them.  It  is  possible 
therefore  that  they  too  may  have  been  of  Dr.  Rawley's 
own  selection ;  who  seems  to  have  had  a  taste  for  good 
stories,  and  seldom  spoiled  them.  But  judging  by  the 
style,  I  think  it  more  probable  that  most  of  them  were 
copied  from  Bacon's  own  notes.] 

1  See  above,  p.  322. 


FROM  RAWLEY'S   COMMON-PLACE  BOOK.  407 

1.  Apophthegms.    My  Lo.  :l  I  was  the  justest  judge 
that  was  in  England  these  50  yeares :  But  it  was  the 
justest   censure    in    Parliament    that   was    these    200 
yeares. 

2.  The  same    Mr.  Bacon2  went    towards  Finchley 
to   take   the  air.     There  had  been  growing  not  long 
before  a  pretty  shady  wood.     It  was  then    missing : 
Said  Mr.  Bacon,  Stay,  I've  not  lost  my  thoughts  in 
a  wood,  but  methinks  I  miss  a  wood  here.     Saith  a 
country  fellow,  It  is  newly  cut  down.     Said  Mr.  Ba 
con,  Sure  he  was  but  a  churl  that   ought  it,   to  cut 
down  a  wood  of  great  pleasure  and  to  reap  but  small 
profit    into   his    purse.     Said    the  fellow,    It  was    the 
Bishop  of  London.3     Then  answered  Mr.  Bacon,  Oh, 
was  it  he :  he's  a  learned  man  :  it  seems  this  was  an 
obscure  place  before,  and  the  Bishop  hath  expounded 
the  text. 

3.  A  flattering  courtier  undertook  to  make  a  com 
parison  betwixt   my  Lord   St.  Alban   and    Treasurer 
Cranfield.     Said  he,  My  Lord  St.  Alban  had  a  pretty 
turning  wit,   and    could    speak   well :  but    he   wanted 
that    profound   judgment   and   solidity  of  a  statesman 
that   my   Lord   of   Middlesex    hath.      Said    a    courtier 
that  stood  by :  Sir  I  wonder  you  will  disparage  your 
judgment  so  much  as  to  offer  to    make  any  parallel 
betwixt   these   two.     I'll   tell   you   what :    when  these 
two  men  shall   be  recorded   in  our   chronicles  to  after 
ages,  men  will  wonder  how  my  Lord  St.  Alban  could 

1  That  is,  "  my  Lord  St.  Alban  said  of  himself."     This  is  the  first  entry 
in  the  book,  and  is  set  down  in  a  kind  of  cipher;  the  consonants  being 
written  in  Greek  characters,  and  the  six  vowels  represented  by  the  six 
numerals;  1  ^  a;  2       e;  3=i;  4  =  o;  5  =  u;  6  =  y. 

2  In  the  MS.  this  follows  the  story  of  Bacon  and  the  fishermen  at  Chel 
sea.     Rawley's  Collection,  No.  36. 

s  Bishop  Aylmer,  probably;  who  died  in  1594.     See  Nichols's  Progr. 
Eliz.  iii.  p.  369. 


408  APOPHTHEGMS 

fall ;  and  they  will  wonder  how  my  Lord  of  Middle 
sex  could  rise. 

4.  There  was  one  would  say  of  one  that  he  thought 

«'  O 

every  man  fit  for  every  place.1 

5.  My   Lord  Chancellor  told   the   King,  that  if  he 
bestowed    7000/.    upon    Paul's    steeple,   he    could   not 
lay  out  his  money  where  it  should  be  more  seen. 

6.  When  they  sat  in  commission  about   reedifying 
Paul's  steeple,  some  of  the  rich  aldermen  being  there, 
it  was  motioned  to  build  a  new  spire  upon  it.     A  rich 
alderman  answered ;  My  Lords,  you  speak  of  too  much 
cost :   Paul's  is  old  :   I  think  a  good  cap  would  do  well. 
My  Lord  Chancellor, "who  was  for  the  spire,  answered: 
Mr.  Alderman,  you  that  are  citizens  are  for  the  cap  ; 
but  we  that  are  courtiers  are  for  the  hat  and  feather. 

7.  [There  was]  an  old  woman  whom  the  minister 
asked,  How  many  commandments  there  were.    She  an 
swered,  it  was  above  her  learning :  she  was  never  taught 

7  O  O 

it.  Saith  the  minister,  there  are  ten.  Good  Lord  (said 
the  old  woman)  a  goodly  company.  He  told  them  her 
particularly,  and  then  asked  her  if  she  had  kept  them 
all  ?  Kept  them  ?  (said  she :)  alas  master,  I  am  a  poor 
woman  :  I  have  much  ado  to  keep  myself. 

8.  Sir   Harry  Mountague  came   to  my  Lord  Chan 
cellor  before  he  went  to  the  court  to  Newmarket,  and 
told  him  ;  My  Lord,  I  come  to  do  my  service  to  your 
Lordship :   I  am  even  going  to  Newmarket  and  I  hope 
to  brino1  the  staff2  with  me  when  I  come  back.     Mv 

O  V 

Lord  (said  my  Lord  Chancellor)  take  heed  what  you 
do :  I  can  tell  you  wood  is  dearest  at  Newmarket  of 
any  place  in  England. 

1  This  sounds  to  me  very  like  a  note  of  Bacon's;  though  his  name  is  not 
mentioned. 

2  The  Lord  Treasurer's  staff. 


FROM  RAWLEY'S   COMMON-PLACE  BOOK.  409 

9.  When  the  said  Lord  lost  his  Treasurer's  place, 
he    came  to  my  Lord   St.  Alban,  and   told  him  how 
they  had  used  him  ;  that  though  they  had  taken  away 
the    Lord   Treasurer's  place,  yet  they  had  made  him 
Lord  President  of  the  Counsel :  Why,  saith  my  Lord 
St.  Alban,  the   King  hath  made  me  an  example  and 
you  a  president.1 

10.  When  Sergeant  Heale  who  is  known  to  be  good 
in  giving  in  evidence,  but  otherwise  unlearned  in  the 
law,  was  made  the  Queen's  sergeant,  Mr.  Bacon  said ; 
The  Queen  should  have  a  sergeant  de  facto  et  -non  de 
jure. 

11.  At  the  King's  Bench  bar,  Sergeant  Heale,  be 
fore  he  was  the  Queen's  sergeant,  contended  with  Mr. 
Bacon  to   be  first  heard  ;  and  said,  Why  I  am  your 
ancient :    Mr.    Bacon    gently    answered,    Not   in    this 
place  ;  for  I  staid  here  long,  and  you  are  come  but 
riffht  now. 

O 

12.  There  was  a  tall  gentleman  and  a  low  gentle 
man  were  saying  they  would  go  to  the  Shrive's  to  din 
ner  ;  Go,  saith  the   one,  and  I  will  be  your  shadow. 
Nay,   saith  the  other,   I   will  be  your  shadow.     Mr. 
Bacon  standing  by  said,  I'll  tell  you  what  you  shall 
do  :    Go   to  dinner   and  supper  both  ;    and  at  dinner 
when  [the  shadows  are]  shorter  than  the  bodies,  you 
shall  be  the  shadow ;  and  at  supper  you  shall  be  the 
other's  shadow.2 

1  So  precedent  was  usually  spelt  in  those  days. 

2  So  the  MS.    It  should  be  "  the  other  shall  be  your  shadow." 

But  the  thing  is  better  told  in  a  common-place  book  of  Bacon's  own 
(Harl.  MSS.  7017.).  "  The  two  that  went  to  a  feast  both  at  dinner  and 
supper,  neither  known,  the  one  a  tall,  the  other  a  short  man;  and  said 
they  would  be  one  another's  shadows.  It  was  replied,  it  fell  out  fit :  for 
at  noon  the  short  man  might  be  the  long  man's  shadow  and  at  night  the 
contrary." 


410  APOPHTHEGMS 

13.  He  thought  Moses  was  the  greatest  sinner  that 
was,  for  he  never  knew  any  break  both  tables  at  once 
but  he.1 

14.  He   said   he  had   feeding  swans    and    breeding 
swans  ;  but  for  malice,  he   thanked   God,   he   neither 
fed  it  nor  bred  it.2 

15.  At  the  Parliament,  when  King  James  spied  Mr. 
Gorge,  one  of  my  Lord  Chancellor's  men,   who   was 
somewhat  fantastical,  and  stood  by  there  with  one  rose 
white  and  another  black  ;   the  King    called   my   Lord 
unto  him,  and  said  easily  in  his  ear;  My  Lord  Chan 
cellor,  why  does  your  man  yonder  wear  one  rose  white 
and  another  black  ?  '  My  Lord  answered ;   In   truth, 
Sir,  I  know  not,  unless  it  be  that  his  mistress  loves  a 
colt  with  one  white  foot. 

16.  Sir  Walter  Coape  and  Sir  Francis  Bacon  were 
competitors   for    the    Mastership   of  the   Wards.      Sir 
Francis  Bacon  certainly  expecting  the  place  had  put 
most  of  his  men   into   new  cloaks.     Afterward  when 
Sir  Walter  Coape  carried  the  place,  one  said  merrily 
that   Sir  Walter   was  Master  of  the  Wards,  and  Sir 
Francis  Bacon  of  the  Liveries. 

17.  My  Lord  St.  Alban  said,  that  wise  nature  did 
never  put  her  precious  jewels  into  a  garret  four  stories 
high  :  and  therefore  that  exceeding  tall  men  had  ever 
very  empty  heads.3 

18.  My   Lord   St.  Alban  invited  Sir  Ed.  Skory  to 
go  with  him  to  dinner  to  a  Lord  Mayor's  feast.     My 
Lord  sate  still  and  picked  a  little  upon  one  dish  only. 

1  This  is  written  in  cipher. 

2  This  saying  is  alluded  to  by  Rawley  in  his  Life  of  Bacon. 

3  I  have  seen  this  quoted  somewhere  as  Bacon's  answer  to  King  James 
whon  pressed  for  his  opinion  as  to  the  capacity  of  a  French  ambassador 
who  was  very  tall. 


FROM  RAWLEY'S   COMMON-PLACE  BOOK.          411 

After  they  returned  to  York-house,  my  Lord  wished 
him  to  stay  and  sup  with  him  :  and  told  him  lie  should 
be  witness  of  the  large  supper  he  would  make  :  telling 
him  withal  :  Faith,  if  I  should  sup  for  a  wager,  I 
would  dine  with  a  Lord  Mayor. 

19.  Sir  Robert  Hitcham  said,  He  cared  not  though 
men  laughed  at  him :  he  would  laugh  at  them  again. 
My  Lord  St.  Alban  answered,  If  he  did  so  he  would 
be  the  merriest  man  in  England. 

20.  My  Lord  St.  Alban  would  never  say  of  a  Bishop 
the  Lord  that  spake  last,  but  the  Prelate  that  spake  last. 
King  James  chid  him  for  it,  and  said  he  would  have 
him  know  that  the  Bishops  were  not  only  Pares,  as 
the  other  Lords  were,  but  Prcelati  paribus.1 

21.  He  was  a  wise  man 2  that  gave  the  reason  why 
a  man  doth  not  confess  his  faults.     It  is,  Qida  etiam 
nunc  in  illis  est. 

22.  Will  you  tell  any  man's  mind  before  you  have 
conferred  with  him  ?    So  doth  Aristotle  in  raising  his 
axioms  upon  Nature's  mind. 

23.  Old  Lord  Keeper  Sir  Nicholas  Bacon  had  his 
barber  rubbing  and  combing  his  head.     Because  it  was 
very  hot,3  the  window  was  open  to  let  in  a  fresh  wind. 
The  Lord  Keeper  fell  asleep,  and  awaked  all  distem 
pered  and  in  great  sweat.     Said  he  to  his  barber,  Why 
did   you   let   me  sleep  ?    Why,  my  Lord,  saith   he,   I 
durst  not  wake  your  Lordship.     Why  then,  saith  my 

1  This  I  think  must  be  misreported.     It  must  have  been  Bacon  who 
defended  himself  on  this  ground  for  preferring  "  Prelate"  to  "Peer:  "  for 
so  Prelate  would  imply  Peer,  whereas  Peer  would  not  imply  Prelate. 

2  Seneca,  Ep.  53. 

8  "  The  4  of  February  [21  Eliz.  i.  e.  1578-9]  ....  fell  such  abundance 
of  snow,  &c.  ...  It  snowed  till  the  eight  day  and  freezed  till  the  tenth. 

Then  followed  a  thaw,  with  continual  rain  a  long  time  after The  20 

of  February  deceased  Sir  Nicholas  Bacon."  —  Stowe's  Chronicle. 


412  APOPHTHEGMS 

Lord,  you  have  killed  me  with  kindness.  So  removed 
into  his  bed  chamber  and  within  a  few  days  died. 

24.  Four    things    cause   so   many   rheums    in   these 
days,  as  an  old  country  fellow  told  my  Lord  St.  Al- 
ban.      Those  were,   drinking  of  beer  instead  of  ale  ; 

usinii  a'lass  windows  instead  of  lattice  windows  ;    Wear- 
CD  o 

ing  of  silk  stockings ;  missing  of  smoky  chimneys. 

25.  King  James  and  Gondomar  were  discoursing:  in 

O  O 

Latin.  The  King  spoke  somewhat  of  Tully's  Latin. 
Gondomar  spoke  very  plain  stuff.  Gondomar  laughed. 
The  King  asked  him,  Why  he  laughed  ?  He  an 
swered,  Because  your  Majesty  speaks  Latin  like  a 
scholar,  and  I  speak  Latin  like  a  King. 

26.  Gondomar   said,   Compliment   was    too    hot  for 
summer,  and  too  cold  in  winter.     He  meant  it  against 
the  French. 

27.  King  Henry   the  fourth   of   France  having  an 
oration  offered  him,  and  the  orator  beginning  u  Great 
Alexander,"  said  the  King,  Come  let's  begone. 

28.  The  beggar,  that   instructed   his  son,  when  he 
saw  he  would  not  be  handsome,  said,  You  a  beggar  ! 
I'll  make   you  a  ploughman. 

29.  Marquis  Fiatt's  first  compliment  to  my  Lord  St. 
Albans  was,  That  he  reverenced  him  as  he  did  the  an 
gels,  whom  he  read  of  in  books,  but  never  saw.1 

1  Bacon  being  ill  and  confined  to  his  bed,  so  that  though  admitted  to  his 
room  he  could  not  see  him.  Compare  Rawley's  Life  of  Bacon,  Vol.  I.  p. 
56.  Tenison  (Saconiana,  p.  101.)  makes  Fiatt  say,  "Your  Lordship  hath 
been  to  me  hitherto  like  the  angels,  of  which  I  have  often  heard  and  read, 
but  never  saw  them  before : "  (the  words  ''hitherto"  and  "before"  being 
his  own  interpolation,  and  entirely  spoiling  the  story;)  and  proceeds,  "  To 
which  piece  of  courtship  he  returned  such  answer  as  became  a  man  in  those 
circumstances,  '  Sir,  the  charity  of  others  does  liken  me  to  an  angel,  but 
my  own  infirmities  tell  me  I  am  a  man; '  "  of  which  reply  there  is  no  hint 
in  Rawley,  either  in  the  common-place  book  or  in  the  life :  an  addition,  I 
suspect,  by  a  later  hand. 


FROM  RAWLEY'S  COMMON-PLACE  BOOK.  413 

30.  My  Lord   Chancellor  Ellesmere's   saying  of  a 
man  newly  married  ;    God   send  him  joy,  and  some 
sorrow   too,  as   we  say  in   Cheshire.      The  same  my 
Lord  St.  Alban  said  of  the  Master  of  the  Rolls. 

31.  My  Lord  St.  Alban  said,  when  Dr.  Williams, 
Dean  of  Westminster,  was  made  Lord  Keeper  ;   I  had 
thought  I  should  have  known  my  successor. 

32.  My  Lord    St.   Alban   having  a   dog   which  he 
loved  sick,  put  him  to  a  woman  to   keep.     The  dog 
died.     My  Lord  met  her  next  day  and  said,  How  doth 
my  dog?   She  answered  in  a  whining  tone,  and  putting 
her  handkerchief  to  her  eye,  The  dog  is  well,  I  hope. 

33.  The  physician  that  came  to  my  Lord  after  his 
recovery,  before  he  was  perfectly  well.     The  first  time, 
he  told  him  his  pulse  was  broken-paced ;  the  next  time, 
it  tripled  ;   the  third  day,  it  jarred  a  little.     My  Lord 
said,  he  had  nothing  but  good  words  for  his  money. 

34.  Mr.  Anthony  Bacon  chid  his  man  (Prentise)  for 
calling  him  no  sooner.    He  said,  It  was  very  early  day. 
Nay,  said  Mr.  Bacon,  the  rooks  have  been  up  these  two 
hours.     He  replied,  The  rooks  were  but  new  up  :   it 
was  some  sick  rook  that  could  not  sleep. 

35.  [The  following  is  not  given  in  any  of  these  col 
lections,  but  comes  from  a  letter  of  Mr.  John  Cham 
berlain  to  Sir  Dudley  Carleton,  11.  Oct.  1617.     See 
Court  and  Times  of  James  I.,  ii.  p.  38.] 

The  Queen  lately  asked  the  Lord  Keeper  [Sir  F. 
Bacon],  What  occasion  the  Secretary  [Sir  R.  Win- 
wood]  had  given  him  to  oppose  himself  so  violently 
against  him  :  who  answered  prettily,  "  Madam,  I  can 
say  no  more,  but  he  is  proud,  and  I  am  proud." 


414  NOTE  TO   THE  APOPHTHEGMS. 


NOTE. 

There  remain  sixteen  apophthegms  which  appear  to  have  been 
introduced  into  the  collection  without  any  authority,  and  have  no 
right  to  be  there.  But  as  they  are  to  be  found  in  all  editions  of 
Bacon's  collected  works,  and  readers  may  wish  to  judge  for  them 
selves,  I  add  them  here  ;  with  references  to  the  book  from  which 
they  were  taken.1 

1  See  above,  pp.  315,  316,  322. 


SPURIOUS   APOPHTHEGMS, 

INSERTED    BY   THE   PUBLISHER   OF   THE   THIRD   EDITION   OP   THE 
RESUSCITATIO ;    1671. 


1.  SIR  Nicholas  Bacon  being  appointed  a  judge  for  the  northern  circuit, 
and  having  brought  his  trials  that  came  before  him  to  such  a  pass,  as  the 
passing  of  sentence  on  malefactors,  he  was  by  one  of  the  malefactors 
mightily  importuned  for  to  save  his  life;  which,  when  nothing  that  he 
had  said  did  avail,  he  at  length  desired  his  mercy  on  account  of  kindred. 
"Prithee,"  said  my  lord  judge,  "how  came  that  in?  "     "  Why,  if  it  please 
you,  my  lord,  your  name  is  Bacon,  and  mine  is  Hog,  and  in  all  ages  Hog 
and  Bacon  have  been  so  near  kindred,  that  they  are  not  be  separated." 
"Ay,  but,"  replied  judge  Bacon,  "you  and  I  cannot  be  kindred,  except 
you  be  hanged;  for  Hog  is  not  Bacon  until  it  be  well  hanged."  * 

2.  Two  scholars  and  a  countryman  travelling  upon  the  road,  one  night 
lodged  all  in  one  inn,  and  supped  together,  where  the  scholars  thought  to 
have  put  a  trick  upon  the  countryman,  which  was  thus:  the  scholars  ap 
pointed  for  supper  two  pigeons,  and  a  fat  capon,  which  being  ready  was 
brought  up,  and  they  having  sat  down,  the  one  scholar  took  up  one  pigeon, 
the  other  scholar  took  the  other  pigeon,  thinking  thereby  that  the  country 
man  should  have  sat  still,  until  that  they  were  ready  for  the  carving  of  the 
capon ;  which  he  perceiving,  took  the  capon  and  laid  it  on  his  trencher,  and 
thus  said,  "  Daintily  contrived,  every  one  a  bird."  2 

3.  A  man  and  his  wife  in  bed  together,  she  towards  morning  pretended 
herself  to  be  ill  at  ease,  desiring  to  lie  on  her  husband's  side ;  so  the  good 
man,  to  please  her,  came  over  her,  making  some  short  stay  in  his  passage 
over;  where  she  had  not  long  lain,  but  desired  to  lie  in  her  old  place  again: 
quoth  he,  "How  can  it  be  effected?"    She  answered,  "Come  over  me 
again."     '*  I  had  rather,"  said  he,  "  go  a  mile  and  a  half  about."  3 

4.  A  thief  being  arraigned  at  the  bar  for  stealing  of  a  mare,  in  his  plead 
ing  urged  many  things  in  his  own  behalf,  and  at  last  nothing  availing,  he 
told  the  bench,  the  mare  rather  stole  him,  than  he  the  mare;  which  in  brief 
he  thus  related:    That  passing  over  several  grounds  about  his  lawful  occa- 

1  Witty  Apophthegms,  10.  2  id.  n.  8  id.  30. 


416  SPURIOUS   APOPHTHEGMS. 

sions,  he  was  pursued  close  by  a  fierce  mastiff  dog,  and  so  was  forced  to 
save  himself  by  leaping  over  a  hedge,  which  being  of  an  agile  body  he 
effected;  and  in  leaping,  a  mare  standing  on  the  other  side  of  the  hedge, 
leaped  upon  her  back,  who  running  furiously  away  with  him,  he  could  not 
by  any  means  stop  her,  until  he  came  to  the  next  town,  in  which  town  the 
owner  of  the  mare  lived,  and  there  was  he  taken,  and  here  arraigned.1 

5.  A  notorious  rogue  being  brought  to  the  bar,  and  knowing  his  case  to 
be  desperate,  instead  of  pleading,  he  took  to  himself  the  liberty  of  jesting, 
and  thus  said,  "  I  charge  you  in  the  king's  name,  to  seize  and  take  away 
that  man  (meaning  the  judge)  in  the  red  gown,  for  I  go  in  danger  of  my 
life  because  of  him."  2 

6.  A  rough-hewn  seaman,  being  brought  before  a  wise  just-ass  for  some 
misdemeanor,  was  by  him  sent  awuy  to  prison,  and  being  somewhat  refrac 
tory  after  he  heard  his  doom,  insomuch  as  he  would  not  stir  a  foot  from  the 
place  where  he  stood,  saying,  "  it  were  better  to  stand  where  he  was  than 
go  to  a  worse  place:"  the  justice  thereupon,  to  shew  the  strength  of  his 
learning,  took  him  by  the  shoulder,  and  said,  "Thou  shalt  go  noyus  voyus" 
instead  of  nolens  volens.8 

1.  A  debauched  seaman  being  brought  before  a  justice  of  the  peace  upon 
the  account  of  swearing,  was  by  the  justice  commanded  to  deposit  his  tine 
in  that  behalf  provided,  which  was  two  shillings;  he  thereupon  plucking 
out  of  his  pocket  a  half  crown,  asked  the  justice  what  was  the  rate  he  was 
to  pay  for  cursing;  the  justice  told  him  six-pence:  quoth  he,  "  Then  a  pox 
take  you  all  for  a  company  of  knaves  and  fools,  and  there's  half  a  crown 
for  you,  I  will  never  stand  changing  of  money.''4 

8.  A  witty  rogue  coming  into  a  lace-shop,  said  he  had  occasion  for  some 
lace;  choice  whereof  being  shewed  him,  he  at  last  pitched  upon  one  pat 
tern,  and  asked  them,  how  much  they  would  have  for  so  much  as  would 
reach  from  ear  to  ear,  for  so  much  he  had  occasion  for.     They  told  him, 
for  so  much:  so  some  few  words  passing  between  them,  he  at  last  agreed, 
and  told  down  his  money  for  it,  and  began  to  measure  on  his  own  head, 
thus  saying:    "One  ear  is  here,  and  the  other  is  nailed  to  the  pillory  in 
Bristol,  and  I  fear  you  have  not  so  much  of  this  lace  by  you  at  present  as 
will  perfect  my  bargain:  therefore  this  piece  of  lace  shall  suffice  at  present 
in  part  of  payment,  and  provide  the  rest  with  all  expedition."  5 

9.  A  woman  being  suspected  by  her  husband  for  dishonesty,  and  being 
bv  him  at  last  pressed  very  hard  about  it,  made  him  quick  answer  with 
many  protestations,  "that  she  knew  no  more  of  what  he  said  than  the  man 
in  the  moon."    Now  the  captain  of  the  ship  called  the  Moon,  was  the  very 
man  she  so  much  loved.6 

10.  An  apprentice  of  London  being  brought  before  the  Chamberlain  by 
his   master  for  the  sin  of  incontinency,  even  with  his  own  mistress,  the 
Chamberlain  thereupon  gave  him  many  Christian  exhortations ;  and  at  last 
he  mentioned  and  pressed  the  chastity  of  Joseph,  when  his  mistress  tempted 

1  Witty  Apophthegms,  31.  2  M.  33.  3  M.  43. 

4  Id.  GO.  5  id.  74.  6  Id.  88. 


SPURIOUS   APOPHTHEGMS.  417 

him  with  the  like  crime  of  incontinency.  "Ay,  Sir,"  said  the  apprentice; 
•'  but  if  Joseph's  mistress  had  been  as  handsome  as  mine  is,  he  could  not 
have  forborne."  * 

11.  A  company  of  scholars  going  together  to  catch  conies,  carried  one 
scholar  with  them,  which  had  not  much  more  wit  than  he  was  born  with; 
and  to  him  they  gave  in  charge,  that  if  he  saw  any,  he  should  be  silent,  for 
fear  of  scaring  them.    But  he  no  sooner  espied  a  company  of  rabbits  before 
the  rest,  but  he  cried  aloud,  Ecce  multi  cuniculi,  which  in  English  signifies, 
"Behold  many  conies:"  which  he  had  no  sooner  said,  but  the  conies  ran 
to  their  burrows:    and  he  being  checked  by  them  for  it,  answered,  "  Who 
the  devil  would  have  thought  that  the  rabbits  understood  Latin?  "  2 

12.  A  man  being  very  jealous  of  his  wife,  insomuch  that  which  way  so 
ever  she  went,  he  would  be  prying  at  her  heels;  and  she  being  so  grieved 
thereat,  in  plain  terms  told  him,  "that  if  he  did  not  for  the  future  leave 
off  his  proceedings  in  that  nature,  she  would  graft  such  a  pair  of  horns 
upon  his  head,  that  should  hinder  him  from  coming  out  of  any  door  in  the 
house."  3 

13.  A  citizen  of  London  passing  the  streets  verv  hastilv,  came  at  last 
where  some  stop  was  made  by  carts ;  and  some  gentlemen  talking  together, 
who  knew  him;  where  being  in  some  passion  that  he  could  riot  suddenly 
pass,  one  of  them  in  this  wise  spoke  unto  him :    "  That  others  had  passed 
by,  and  there  was  room  enough,  only  they  could  not  tell  whether  their 
horns  were  so  wide  as  his."  4 

14.  A  tinker  passing  Cheapside  with  his  usual  tone,  "  Have  you  any 
work  for  a  tinker?"    an  apprentice  standing  at  a  door  opposite  to  a  pil 
lory  there  set  up,  called  the  tinker,  with  an  intent  to  put  a  jef.t  upon  him, 
and  told  him,  "that  he  should  do  very  well  if  he  would  stop  those  two 
holes  in  the  pillory;  "  to  which  the  tinker  answered,  "that  if  he  would  but 
put  in  his  head  and  ears  a  while  in  that  pillory,  he  would  bestow  both 
brass  and  nails  upon  him  to  hold  him  in,  and  give  him  his  labour  into  the 
bargain."  5 

15.  A  young  maid  having  married  an  old  man,  was  observed  on  the  day 
of  marriage  to  be  somewhat  moody,  as  if  she  had  eaten  a  dish  of  chums, 
which  one  of  her  bridemen  observing,  bid  her  be  cheerv;   and  told  her 
moreover,  "  that  an  old  horse  would  hold  out  as  long,  and  as  well  as  a 
young,  in  travel."     To  which  she  answered,  stroking  down  her  belly  with 
her  hand,  "  But  not  in  this  road,  Sir."  6 

16.  A  nobleman  of  this  nation,  famously  known  for  his  mad  tricks,  on  a 
time  having  taken  physic,  which  he  perceiving  that  it  began  well  to  work, 
called  up  his  man  to  go  for  a  surgeon  presently,  and  to  bring  his  instru 
ments  with  him.     The  surgeon  comes  in  all  speed;  to  whom  my  Lord 
related,  that  he  found  himself  much  addicted  to  women,  and  therefore  it 
was  his  will  that  the  cause  of  it  might  be  taken  away,  and  therefore  com 
manded  him  forthwith  to  prepare  his  instruments  ready  for  to  geld  him; 

i  Witty  Apophthegms,  108.  2  id.  134.  8  Id.  149. 

4  Id.  153.  6  M.  160.  6  id.  166. 

VOL.  xiii.  27 


418  SPURIOUS   APOPHTHEGMS. 

so  the  surgeon  forthwith  prepares  accordingly;  and  my  Lord  told  him  that 
he  would  not  see  it  done,  and  that  therefore  he  should  do  his  work  the 
back  way;  so  both  parties  being  contented,  my  L.  makes  ready,  and  when 
he  perceives  the  surgeon  very  near  him,  he  lets  fly  full  in  hi?  face:  which 
made  the  surgeon  step  back;  but  coming  presently  on  again,  "Hold,  hold 
(saith  my  Lord)  I  will  better  consider  of  it:  for  I  see  the  retentive  faculty 
is  very  weak  at  the  approach  of  such  keen  instruments."  l 

l  Witty  Apophthegms,  176. 


END    OF   VOL.   XIII. 


CAMBRIDGE:  PRINTED  BY  n.  o.  HOUGHTON. 


B  1153  1860  v.13  SMC 

Bacon,  Francis, 

The  works  of  Francis  Bacon 

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