THE
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE,
JOURNAL OF THE NUMISMATIC SOCIETY.
/THE)
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE,
AND
JOURNAL
NUMISMATIC SOCIETY.
EDITED BY
JOHN EVANS, D.C.L., LL.D., TREAS.R.S., F.S.A.,
W. S. W. VAUX, M.A., F.R.S.,
AND
BARCLAY V. HEAD, M.R.A.S.,
ASSISTANT- KEEPER OF COINS, BRITISH MUSEUM; CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE
IMPERIAL GKBMAN ARCH^OLOQICAt INSTITUTE.
THIED SEEIES.— VOL. I.
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LONDON :
JOHN RUSSELL SMITH, 36, SOHO SQUARE.
PARIS: MM. ROLLIN ET FEU ARDENT, PLACE LOUVOIS, No. 4.
1881.
,
CV:
V.I
'Q.& .
LONDON :
PRINTED BT J. 8. VIBTUB AND CO., L11UTBD,
CITY ROAD.
CONTENTS.
ANCIENT NUMISMATICS.
Page
Floral Patterns on Archaic Greek Coins. By Prof. Percy
Gardner, M.A., F.S.A 1
Coins from Central Asia. By Prof. Percy Gardner, M. A. , F.S.A. 8
Coinage of Ephesus. Addenda. By Barclay V. Head, M.E.A.S. 13
Note on Some Discoveries of Eoman Coins in Gaul and
Britain. By C. Roach Smith, F.S.A. .... 24
On some Unpublished Coins of Athens and one of Eleusis.
By E. H. Bunbury, M. A. ..,,.. 73
On the Chronological Sequence of the Coins of Boeotia. By
Barclay V. Head, M.R.A.S 177
Pollux' Account of Ancient Coins. By Prof. Percy Gardner,
M.A., F.S.A. ,...', 281
Note on a Find of Roman Coins near Nuneaton. By John
Evans, D.C.L., LL.D. ... i ... 306
ORIENTAL NUMISMATICS.
Gold and Silver Coins of the Bahmani Dynasty. By the
Hon. James Gibbs . .... .91
vi CONTENTS.
Page
Bilingual Coins of Bukhara. By E. Thomas, F.R.S. . .116
Lettre a M. Stanley Lane-Poole sur un Fels Saffaride Inedit
de la Collection de M. Ch. de 1'Ecluse. By Mons. H.
Sauvaire .... 129
The Silver Coinage of Tibet. By A. Terrien de La Couperie,
M.E.A.S. . 340
MEDIEVAL AND MODERN NUMISMATICS.
On the Resident Character of the Office of Monetarius in
Saxon Times. By Ernest H. Willett, F.S.A. . . 32
Coins of Stephen and others, found at Nottingham. By John
Toplis 37
Defaced Coins of Stephen. By the Rev. Canon Pownall,
F.S.A. . 42
Have we uo Irish Coins of Edward VI.? By the Rev. Canon
Pownall, F.S.A 48
Notes on a Forres Penny of Alexander II. By Thomas
Mackenzie, M.A., F.S.A.Scot 158
Addenda to Devonshire Seventeenth Century Tokens, not
described in Boyne's Work. By H. S. Gill . . . 162
Account of Coins of Henry III. found at Newark in June,
1881. By John Toplis 308
On the Irish Coins of Richard III. By Aquilla Smith
M.D., M.R.I.A 310
Medals by G. M. Pomedello. By T. Whitcombe Greene 334
CONTENTS. VI 1
Page
NOTICES OF RECENT NUMISMATIC PUBLICATIONS.
Zeitschrift fur Numismatik 67, 270
Numismatische Zeitschrift ....... 355
Annuaire de la Societe Frat^aise de Numismatique . . 70
Catalogues of Coins in the British Museum Collection . . 71
British Museum Guides to the Italian and English Medals . 277
Anglo-Saxon Coins in the Royal Swedish Cabinet of Medals
at Stockholm, all found in Sweden. By Prof. Bror Emil
Hildebrand 354
MISCELLANEA.
Note upon "Penny of Cnut the Great : a Rectification." By
Prof. C. F. Herbst 65
Notices of Sales of Coins, Medals, &c., during 1881 . . 170
PROCEEDINGS OF THE NUMISMATIC
SOCIETY.
SESSION 1880—81.
OCTO'BER 21, 1880.
JOHN EVANS, Esq., D.C.L., LLJX, F.E.S., President, in the
chair.
The following presents were announced and laid upon the
table : —
1. The Canadian Antiquarian and Numismatic Journal.
Vol. vii. Nos. 8 and 4. From the Numismatic Society of
Montreal.
2. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of London.
2nd Series, Vol. vm. Nos. 2 and 3, with List of Members.
From the Society.
8. Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society. N.S., Vol. xii.
Parts 8 and 4. From the Society.
4. Journal of the Royal Historical and Archaeological Associa-
tion of Ireland. Vol. v. 4th Series, No. 40. From the
Association.
5. Collectanea Antiqua. Vol. vii. Part 4. By C. Roach
Smith, Esq., F.S.A. From the Author.
6. Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy. Vol. xv.
Parts 1 — 9; xxvi. Parts 2 — 22. Cunningham Memoirs, No. 1,
Irish MS. Series. Vol. 1 and Proceedings, November, 1879, and
April, 1880. From the Academy.
7. The Smithsonian Report, 1878. From the Smithsonian
Institution.
8. Compte-rendu de la Commission Imperiale archeologique
b
2 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
de St. Petersbourg pour 1'annee 1877, avec Atlas. From
the Commission.
9. Revue beige de Numismatique, 1880, 3me et 4me livraisons.
From the Society.
10. Numismatische Zeitschrift. Vienna. Band xii. 1st
semester, 1880. From the Society.
11. Bullettino di corrispondenza archeologica. Nos. iv. — ix.
1880. From the German Archaeological Institute.
12. Publications de le Section historique de 1'Institut grand-
ducal de Luxembourg. Vol. xn. 1880. From the Insti-
tute.
18. Memoires de la Societe des Antiquaires de Pkardie.
8me Serie, Tome vi. From the Society.
14. Bulletins de la Societe des Antiquaires de 1'Ouest. lre
trimestre, 1880. From the Society.
15. Bulletins de la Socie'te de Borda a Dax. 5me annee,
1883, 2me trimestre. From the Society.
16. Report of the operations of the Numismatic and Anti-
quarian Society of Philadelphia, 1878 — 79. From the Society ;
also a bronze medal of the founder, Mr. Eli K. Price.
17. A parcel of leaden coins found at Kistna, in Southern
India. From the Superintendent of the Government Central
Museums, Madras.
18. Coins of Khusrau Shah and Khusrau Malik, the Ghaz-
navi kings of Lahore. By C. J. Rodgers, Esq. From the
Author.
19. The copper coins of the old Maharajahs of Kashmir.
From the same.
20. The copper coins of the Sultans of Kashmir. From the
same.
21. Drachme inedite frappee dans 1'Etrurie. By F. Bompois.
From the Author.
22. *Av«5oTa vop-to-fiara KQI fJLo\v(38o/3ov\\a rutv Kara TOVS
/xc'aovs aitovas Swacrrwi/ r^s 'EAAaSos : VTTO riavAov Aa/X7rpov.
From the Author.
NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 6
28. Les monnaies a legendes grecques de la dynastie turque
des file du Danishmend. By G. Schlumberger. From the
Author.
24. Notes on the coins in the Cardiff Museum. By the Rev.
W. E. Winks. From the Author.
Mr. Hoblyn exhibited patterns for a penny and halfpenny of
George III., 1788, by Pingo, the former being the first copper
coin struck of that denomination ; also a penny of Jamaica, struck
in copper instead of white metal, and patterns for one-cent and
half-cent pieces of Nova Scotia, 1861, differing materially from
the current coin.
Mr. Pearson exhibited a curious and unpublished leaden
medallet of Queen Elizabeth, with the inscription, NIL NISI
CONCILIO, 1588.
Mr. Gill exhibited a styca of Ulfhere, Archbishop of York,
of base silver, and a copper coin of Cunobeline found at Chester
Camp, near Wellingborough, of the type of Evans, PL xn. 6.
Mr. P. Gardner read a paper on some new and unpublished
Bactrian coins. — See " Numismatic Chronicle," N.S., Vol. xx.
p. 181.
Captain E. Hoare communicated a paper on some early and
modern tokens bearing the name of Hoare. — See " Numismatic
Chronicle," N.S., Vol. xx. p. 332.
NOVEMBER 18, 1880.
JOHN EVANS, Esq., D.C.L., F.B.S., President, in the chair.
The following gentlemen were elected members of the
Society : —Louis Blacker, Esq. ; Lord Edward Spencer Churchill ;
Kalph Nelson, Esq. ; Dr. C. R. Stiilpnagel ; and John Toplis,
Esq.
The following presents were announced and laid upon the
table : —
1. Archaeologia Cantiana. Vol. xm. From the Kent
Archaeological Society.
4 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
2. Zeitschrift fur Numismatik. Band vm. Parts 1 and 2.
From the Editor.
8. Description des ivoires de la ville de Volterra. Par J.
Sambon. From the Author.
4. The Canadian Antiquarian and Numismatic Journal.
Vol. ix., No. 1. From the Numismatic and Antiquarian
Society of Montreal.
5. Journal of the Royal Historical and Archaeological
Association of Ireland. 4th Series, Vol. v. No. 41. From
the Association.
6. Salomon de Caux gravant sa medaille, iconographie de la
furie Espagnole. Par Camille Picque. From the Author.
Mr. B. V. Head exhibited, on behalf of Mr. H. Baker, a set
of countermarked shillings of the present century, all having
the appearance of being designedly stamped, but with what
object it was not apparent.
Mr. J. Toplis exhibited a selection from a hoard of silver
coins lately found at Nottingham, among which were pennies of
Henry I. ; of Stephen, struck at Norwich, Nottingham, London,
&c., two being countermarked with a cross ; one of Matilda
similar to Hawkins's Suppl., PI. vi., No. 634, rev. SVE...ON.OX. ;
and one of Roger, Earl of Warwick, Hawkins's SuppL, PI. vi.,
No. 632. — See " Numismatic Chronicle," 3rd Series, Vol. i.,
p. 87.
The Baron G. de Worms exhibited a gold pound sovereign of
Elizabeth, m.m. Woolpack; a crown piece of James VIII., the
elder Pretender ; and other coins.
Mr. T. T. Bent exhibited two copper coins of the Republic
of San Marino, 1869 and 1875 ; a Danish coin of Waldemar
ILL der Store ; a coin of Frederic di Montefeltro, d. 1482,
Duke of Urbino ; and a copper coin of Pavia, obv. emperor's
head ; rev. San Siro, 1683.
The Rev. Canon Pownall exhibited a bronze medal of
Charles I., by J. Roettier, rev. VIRTVT . EX . ME . FOETVNAM
EX . ALMS, a hand from out of a cloud holding a martyr's
NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 0
crown ; a silver medal of James II. and his queen, by Bower,
rev. SEMPER TIBI PENDEAT HAMVS, in CXCrgUO NAVFEAGA BEPEBTA,
1687 ; and a bronze medallion of Calvin, executed by A. Bovy,
chief medallist of the Swiss Mint in 1864 : rev. ECCLESIAE
BEFORMATOK . GENEVAE PASTOB ET TVTAMEN . COBPOBE FBACTVS .
ANEVIO POTENS . FIDE VICTOB . IL TEINT FEBME COME s'lL EVST
VEV CELVY QVI EST INVISIBLE.
Mr. A. J. Evans read a paper on some recent discoveries of
Illyrian coins, the result of considerable personal researches in
North Albania and Southern Dalmatia. From the mountains
above Gusinje in Albania the writer had obtained a small hoard
of Illyrian coins, belonging chiefly to the second century B.C.,
and comprising many types entirely new to numismatists. —
See " Numismatic Chronicle," N.S., Vol. xx. p. 269.
The Rev. Canon Pownall read a paper " On the Testoons of
Edward VI.," to prove that some among them, of base metal,
bearing mint-marks identical with some of Henry VIII. 's coins
(indisputably Irish), and being, moreover, identical in date with
the fine silver struck for England, are, in fact, the Irish currency
of Edward VI., against the badness of which all Ireland was
then exclaiming. This is printed in the " Numismatic Chronicle,"
3rd Series, Vol. i. p. 48.
DECEMBEB 16, 1880.
ALFRED E. COPP, Esq., Treasurer, in the chair.
The following gentlemen were elected members of the
Society : — William Arnold, Esq., and the Rev. S. Maude.
The following presents were announced and laid upon the
table : —
1. The Canadian Antiquarian and Numismatic Journal,
Vol. xi. No. 2. From the Numismatic Society of Montreal.
2. A paper entitled Act and Bull. By L. A. Scott. From
the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia.
6 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
8. Bulletin historique de la Societe des Antiquaires de la
Morinio. 29me annee, N.S., 115e livraison.
Mr. B. V. Head exhibited on behalf of Mr. A. Grant four
Roman imperial aurei : two of Julia Domna, one with the
reverse IVNO, Juno holding a patera and sceptre, at her feet a
peacock, and the other with the inscription, MATEI CASTBORVM,
the empress standing before an altar sacrificing in front of two
military standards, a type not uncommon on silver coins, but
of extreme rarity on gold ; one of Caracalla and Geta, as
Cohen, p. 451, No. 4 ; and one of Plautilla, obv. bust of the
empress to right, rev. PBOPAGO IMPEBI, Plautilla and Caracalla
joining hands.
Mr. Durlacher exhibited a specimen of the silver medal
formerly given by the Corporation of London to sworn
brokers.
Mr. Krumbholz showed a Spanish dollar countermarked as a
five-shilling token by the Deanston Cotton Mills.
Mr. E. H. Willett communicated a paper on the resident
character of the office of Monetarius in Saxon times, and Mr.
C. Boach Smith an account of certain large finds composed
chiefly of corns of Tetriciis, which are frequent both in this
country and in France, and which must have been concealed
about the period of the reunion of the provinces of Gaul and
Britain to the Roman Empire. — See " Numismatic Chronicle,"
3rd Series, Vol. i. pp. 82 and 24.
JANUABY 20, 1881.
JOHN EVAKS, Esq., D.C.L., F.R.S., President, in the chair.
The following presents were announced and laid upon the
table :—
1. Aarboger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historic. Pts.
2—4, 1878; 1—4, 1879; 1, 1880, with Tilteg for 1877 and
1878. From the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries,
Copenhagen.
NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 7
2. Revue Beige de Numismatique. 1881. lre livraison.
From the Society.
8. The Ancient Coins of Norwich. By H. W. Henfrey, Esq.
From the Author.
4. Notes on a denarius of Augustus Caesar. By H. Phillips,
Esq., junior. From the Author. .
Mr. Evans exhibited two silver staters of Aradus in Phoenicia :
obv. head of Melkarth bearded and laureate ; rev. S!2 in
Phoenician characters, galley with rowers on the sea. The two
letters on these coins were supposed by Mr. Evans to stand for
" Melek Arvad," King of Aradus.
Mr. A. Grant sent for exhibition a number of gold, silver,
and copper coins, procured by him in the Punjab, and supposed
to have formed part of the Oxus find. The most remarkable
among them were the following: — 1. A double daric of the
time of Alexander the Great, with the letter <|> and a bunch of
grapes on the obverse. 2. Two beautiful gold staters of
Antiochus I., with the head of the horned horse Bucephalus on
the reverse. 3. Several tetradrachms, &c., of Seleucus
Nicator, with a quadriga of elephants on the reverse. 4. A
gold stater of Antiochus II., with the types of Diodotus : obv.
head of Diodotus; rev. BAZIAEI2Z ANTIOXOY, Zeus
with aegis wielding thunderbolt, at his feet an eagle : a coin in
all respects except the king's name identical with the usual staters
of Diodotus, and interesting as proving that Diodotus placed his
portrait on the coinage before he ventured to issue it in his own
name. 5. A copper coin of Seleucus I. : obv. head of one of
the Dioscuri ; rev. fore part of Bucephalus, a type alto-
gether new.
Mr. B. V. Head read a paper " On a Himyarite Tetradrachm
of the second century B.C.," imitated from a coin of Alexander
the Great, but inscribed in the Himyaritic character with the
name of a king, Ab-yatha, not mentioned by any of the writers
on the ancient history of Southern Arabia. — See " Numismatic
Chronicle," N.S., Vol. xx. p. 803.
8 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
FEBRUARY 17, 1881.
JOHN EVANS, Esq., D.C.L., F.B.S., President, in the chair.
Mr. P. R. Reed was elected a member of the Society.
The following presents were announced and laid upon the
table:—
1. The coins of the Sunga, or Mitra dynasty, found near
Ramanagar or Ahichhatra, the ancient capital of North Pan-
chala in Rohilkhand, the property of H. Rivett-Carnac, Esq.,
described by A. C. Carlleyle, of the Archaeological Survey of
India, with a memorandum on the same by H. R. Carnac, Esq.
2. A Guide to the select Greek and Roman coins exhibited
in electrotype in the British Museum. London, 8VO- 1880.
By Barclay V. Head. From the Author.
8. The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain
and Ireland. N.S., Vol. xnr. Part i. From the Society.
4. Bullettino dell' Institute di Corrispondenza Archeologica.
Nos. x. — xn. Oct. — Dec. 1880. From the German Archaeo-
logical Institute.
5. Report of the Proceedings of the Numismatic and Anti-
quarian Society of Philadelphia, 1880. From the Society.
6. Bulletin historique de la Societe" des Antiquaires de la
Morinie. 29me annee, N.S., 116me livraison, 1880. From the
Society.
7. The Journal of Hellenic Studies. Vol. i., Text and
Plates. April— Oct. 1880. From the Society.
8. Japanese Coinage. Part 1 ; and Japanese Chronological
Tables. By W. Bramsen, Esq. From the Author.
9. Kepfj-dna <n>/i/3oXi/«x. By Achilleus Postolaca. From
W. S. W. Vaux, Esq., F.R.S.
Mr. Evans exhibited a selection of silver Celtiberian coins,
part of a large hoard lately discovered at Barcus, near Dax.
The selection consisted of five varieties, attributed respectively
to Balsio or Belsinum, Turiaso, Aregrat, Arsa, and Segobriga.
They were all of the same type, having on the obverse a
NUMISMATIC SOCIETY.
bearded head, and on the reverse a galloping horseman ; and
they all apparently belonged to the period of Sertorius,
B.C. 80—78.
Mr. Copp exhibited some unpublished English gold coins,
viz. five guineas, 1676, without the elephant and castle ; two
guineas, 1677, with the large head ; one guinea, 1694, with the
elephant and castle under the busts of William and Mary.
Canon Pownall exhibited a guinea dated 1692, also a specimen
of the new Mexican gold coinage, 1880.
Mr. B. V. Head read a paper " On the Constitution of the
Ephesian Mint before the time of the Empire," in the course of
which he stated that, through the kindness of M. Waddington,
who had communicated to him all the unpublished coins of
Ephesus in his rich collection, he was now .in a position to
make a very considerable addition to the long list of Ephesian
magistrates' names already compiled by him in his " History
of the Coinage of Ephesus." Mr. Head further expressed his
opinion that some of the conclusions which he had in that
work striven to establish could not, in the face of the evidence
now accessible, be accepted without modification. — See "Numis-
matic Chronicle," 3rd Series, Vol. i. p. 13.
MARCH 17, 1881.
JOHN EVANS, Esq., D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S., President, in the
chair.
W. Bramsen, Esq., was elected a member of the Society.
The following presents were announced and laid upon the
table :—
1. The Canadian Antiquarian and Numismatic Journal. Vol.
ix. No. 3. From the Numismatic Society of Montreal.
2. The Articles of Incorporation and Bye Laws of the
American Numismatic and Archaeological Society.
8. Dictionnaire de Numismatique. By M. A. Boutkowski.
Tome i. From the Author.
c
10 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
4. Bullettino dell' Institnto di Corrispondenza Archeologica,
1881. Nos. 1—2, with list of members for 1880. From the
German Archaeological Institute.
5. Six copper coins of the Sunga or Mitra dynasty. From
H. Rivett-Carnac, Esq., C.I.E., F.S.A.
Mr. A. E. Copp exhibited specimens of various farthings
and halfpence of Queen Anne's reign.
Mr. E. A. Hoblyn exhibited a proof of the large farthing of
Charles II. in silver, with the rare date 1675 ; also a proof of
the Maltese grano or one-third of a farthing of 1866.
Professor P. Gardner communicated a paper on floral patterns
on archaic Greek coins, in which he expressed his opinion that
the device on the coins of Corcyra commonly called the Gardens
of Alcinoiis, does" not represent a garden, but simply a flower
or floral ornament, similar to that which is also to be seen on
early coins of Cyrene and Miletus, &e. Professor Gardner
further remarked that various flowers were consecrated to
various deities, and that in each city the flower chosen for the
type of its coin was closely connected with the ruling cultus of
that city. — See "Numismatic Chronicle," 3rd Series, Vol. i. p. 1.
The Rev. Canon A. Pownall contributed a paper on a recent
find at Nottingham of coins of Henry I. and Stephen, with the
object of calling attention to certain defaced coins of Stephen,
of which there are a large number in that hoard. This paper
is printed in the "Numismatic Chronicle," 3rd Series, Vol. i.
p. 42.
APRIL 21, 1881.
JOHN EVANS, Esq., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., President, in the
chair.
Samuel Powell, Esq., was elected a member of the Society.
The following presents were announced and laid upon the
table : —
1. The Joxtrnal of the Royal Asiatic Society, N.S., Vol.
xiu. Part n. From the Society.
NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 11
2. Revue Beige de Numismatique, 1881. 2me livraison.
From the Society.
3. The Numismatische Zeitschrift of Vienna, 1880. Vol.
xn. Part II. From the Society,
4. Bulletin de la Societe de Borda a Dax. Annee 6, Part i.
From the Society.
5. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of London.
Second Series, Vol. vm. No* 4. From the Society.
6. Academie Royale des Sciences, des Lettres, et des Beaux-
Arts de Belgique. 2me Serie. Bulletins 1846 — 50 and Annuaires
1879—81.
Mr. W. Myers exhibited eight tetradrachms of Alexander the
Great and two of Alexander ^gus, lately acquired by him in
Egypt ; also a Gaulish silver com.
Mr. Krumbholz exhibited a pattern for a five-franc piece, 1848,
by Farochon, and another of the same date by Alard ; pattern
proofs in gold and silver of a two- keeping piece of the East
India Company struck for Bencoolen, and a proof in silver of
an East India Company's rupee of 1784.
Mr. Sheriff Mackenzie communicated a paper "On an un-
published penny of Alexander II. of Scotland," struck at
Forres. — See "Numismatic Chronicle," 3rd Series, Vol. i. p. 158.
The Hon. J. J. Gibbs communicated a paper " On the Bah-
inani Coins of the Deccan," in which he described several
hitherto unknown coins of the kings of this dynasty both in
gold and silver. — See " Numismatic Chronicle," 3rd Series,
Vol. i. p. 91.
MAY 19, 1881.
JOHN EVANS, Esq., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., President, in the
chair.
Frank Latchmore, Esq., was elected a member of the
Society.
12 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
The following presents were announced and laid upon the
table : —
1. Journal of the Royal Historical and Archaeological
Association of Ireland. Fourth Series, Vol. v. No. 48, July,
1880. From the Association.
2. Memoires de la Socie'te' des Antiquaires de la Morinie.
Tome xvi. (1879—81). From the Society.
8. Memoires de la Societe* des Antiquaires de 1'Ouest. 2me
Seine, Tome n. 1878 — 9. Bulletins of the same. First
Quarter, 1881. From the Society.
4. Bullettino dell' Institute di Corrispondenza Archeologica.
1881, Nos. 3, 4. From the German Archaeological Institute.
5. Verhandlungen der Numismatischen Gesellschaft zu
Berlin, 1879—80. From the Society.
6. The Numismatic Directory, 1881. From the Publishers.
7. Discovery near Liege of a Tabula honestse missionis
relating to Britain, by C. Roach Smith, Esq., F.S.A. From the
Author.
Mr. A. Grant exhibited four tetradrachms, a drachm, and a
hemidrachm of Heliocles, king of Bactria, showing variations
in the king's portrait ; also five copper coins of the Sakas, of
which the obverses were imitated from the money of Heliocles.
Mr. Durlacher exhibited a set of the different types of Queen
Anne's farthings, all in fine condition.
The Rev. C. Soames exhibited three small silver ancient
British coins and one of copper, the last mentioned having on
the obverse a boar and on the reverse a cock.
Mr. Krumbholz exhibited seventeen silver pennies of Edward
the Confessor, of various types, mints, and moneyers, including
two varieties of the sovereign type.
Mr. H. S. Gill read a paper on some seventeenth century
tokens of Devonshire not described in Boyne's work ; and M. H.
Sauvaire communicated an article on an inedited fels of a prince
of Sejestan of the second branch of the Safikride family. — See
"Numismatic Chronicle," 8rd Series, Vol. i. pp. 162 and 129.
NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 13
JUNE 16, 1881.
ANNIVERSARY MEETING.
JOHN EVANS, Esq.,D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S., F.S.A., President,
in the chair.
The minutes of the last Anniversary Meeting were read and
confirmed. Herbert A. Bu'l, Esq., and George Charles William-
son, Esq., were elected members of the Society.
The Report of the Council was then read to the Meeting, as
follows : —
GENTLEMEN, — The Council again have the honour to lay
before you their Annual Report as to the state of the Numis-
matic Society, and have to announce the loss by resignation of
the three following members : —
S. Birch, Esq., LL.D., F.S.A.
Miss C. C. Ireland.
M. C. Sykes, Esq.
The following six gentlemen have also ceased to belong to the
Society : —
C. C. Davison, Esq.
H. F. W. Holt, Esq.
K. M. Nicholson, Esq.
T. M. Simkiss, Esq.
Captain J. S. Swann.
G. E. Swithenbank, Esq.
It is with great regret that they also have to announce their
loss by death of —
Edwin Guest, Esq., LL.D., D.C.L., and
D. B. Wingrove, Esq.
And of our honorary members —
M. Ferdinand Bompois, and
M. F. de Saulcy, Membre de 1'Institut.
14 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
On the other hand, they have much pleasure in recording
the election of the thirteen following members :—
W. Arnold, Esq.
L. Blacker, Esq.
W. Bramsen, Esq.
H. A. Bull, Esq.
Lord Edward Spencer
Churchill.
F. Latchmore, Esq.
Rev. S. Maude.
R. Nelson, Esq.
S. Powell, Esq.
P. R. Reed, Esq.
Dr. C. R. Stiilpnagel.
J. Toplis, Esq.
G. C. Williamson Esq.
210
37
247
2
2
4
3
—
3
6
—
6
199
35
234
According to our Secretary's Report, our numbers are there-
fore as follows : —
Elected. Honorary. Total.
June, 1880 197 37 234
Since elected 13 13
Deceased
Resigned 3
Erased .........
June, 1881 199
The President then delivered the following address : —
At the close of another session it again becomes my duty to
address a few words to the members of this Society, and I am
glad that I can again congratulate them on the highly satis-
factory condition of their body, both as regards its financial and
its numerical strength.
In reviewing our work during the past year, the most
important event which I have to record is the completion of the
twentieth and last volume of the Second Series of the " Numis-
matic Chronicle," and the commencement of a Third Series. It
may, perhaps, be worth while to say a few words as to the
series just completed, and its connection with the history of this
NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 15
Society. Part i. of the Series appeared in the spring of 1861,
at a time when it was thought desirable to infuse new life into
the Society by bringing the " Numismatic Chronicle " into closer
connection with it and making it the undivided property of the
Society. The First Series of the Chronicle, which also consists
of twenty volumes, as well as its predecessor, the " Numismatic
Journal," of which two volumes were published, had in the
main been private property, a certain number of copies being
subscribed for on behalf of the Society, which also from time to
time contributed towards the cost of the illustrations. This
arrangement does not appear to have worked well for the
Society, inasmuch as the number of ordinary members, which
in July, 1840, amounted to 166, had by June, 1860, fallen
off to 61.
Under the new arrangement our numbers had, by June, 1861,
increased to 71 ordinary members, and by June, 1880, to no
less than 197 members. You have just heard from the Report
of the Council that we at present number 199.
Such a result is highly gratifying to all connected with the
management of the affairs of the Society, and especially to the
Editors of the " Numismatic Chronicle," of whom I have now
been one for a period of upwards of twenty years. As must
inevitably be the case with all such publications, the volumes
in different years, and the papers in each volume, vary con-
siderably in value and importance. On the whole, however, I
venture to think that the Second Series of the " Numismatic
Chronicle " will bear a comparison with any foreign periodical
of the same kind, which has appeared during the same period ;
while the mere fact of its containing upwards of two hundred
and fifty plates, giving faithful delineations of coins of all classes,
shows what an invaluable repertory it must be to those \\ ho are
interested in numismatic science.
Its value is much increased by the careful Indices which
have been published on the completion of each decade of
Volumes. Those for Vols. i. to x. were compiled by Mr.
16 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
Barclay V. Head, and those for Vols. xi. to xx. by Mr.
H. W. Henfrey.1 Turning now to the papers which have been
brought before uo during the past year, it will, I think, be found
that they are not wanting in interest or importance, though, as
a whole, they may not quite come up to the standard of some
few former years, when the Society has been exceptionally
favoured.
As usual the communications made to the Society range over
a wide area, both in time and space, from the earliest coins of
Greece to the modern tradesmen's tokens, and from Afghanistan
to Ireland.
Among the papers relating to ancient numismatics are
several by our accomplished Foreign Secretary, Professor Percy
Gardner. In the first of these he has made us acquainted with
several remarkable coins of Syria and Bactria, some of which
have been recently acquired for the national collection. Fore-
most among these is the tetradrachm of Agathocles, with the
legend AAEZANAPOY TOY 4>IAinnOY at the side of
the lion's skin covered head on the obverse. On analogous
pieces struck under Agathocles, the heads of Euthydemus,
Diodotus and Antiochus were already known, while that of
Diodotus occurs on a coin of Antimachus ; and the heads of
Eucratides, Heliocles, and Laodice are portrayed on another coin.
As Professor Gardner points out, the discovery of this coin with
the head of Alexander goes far to prove that the whole of these
pieces are to be regarded as medals rather than as coins, and
tends to corroborate in a remarkable manner the view of
Dr. von Sallet, which was founded on the evidence of medals
bearing the names of Bactrian princes only. From some other
coins bearing the names of Seleucus and Antiochus, the former
only having the title of King, the inference is drawn that
Antiochus became a colleague of his father and struck these
1 We have now to lament the early death of this ardent
young numismatist, which took place on July 31, 1881.
NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 17
coins in the extreme East as his father's representative. Possibly
at some future time corroborative numismatic evidence will be
forthcoming.
In another paper Professor Gardner publishes a tetradrachm
bearing the name of Andragoras, of whom he had published a
gold stater, in the " Numismatic Chronicle " for 1879, bearing
the same monogram. Unfortunately there is nothing conclusive
in the type or legend to determine its Parthian origin. The
head on the obverse is that of a city, and not of a deity or king.
Some other remarkable , coins from the collection of Mr.
Alexander Grant are described in the same paper.
Professor Gardner's third essay concerning Floral Patterns
on Archaic Greek Coins is of a more speculative nature. In it
he advances the view that the device on the early coins of
Corcyra and some of its colonies which many of the elder
numismatists have regarded as representing the gardens of
Alcinoiis, are merely a floral representation. The connection
between the rose and the worship of Apollo as a sun-god is
undoubted, and as the author further points out, other flowers
were connected with the cultus of other divinities. On coins of
Gyrene, Cyme, and other towns, floral ornaments seem to occur,
and on some varieties of the coins of Corcyra itself, petals with
stamens between them can be traced. When, however, a
type is so obscure that some authors regard it as the repre-
sentation of a garden, others as a fortuitous collection of
strokes, and others again as the stars of the Dioscuri, it is
evident that any intei-pretation will not be at once accepted
by all, though probably all will agree in Professor Gardner's
conviction that the type is not without meaning. Taking into
account the marvellous artistic skill of the early Greek coin-
engravers, the question why in this instance it is so hard to
recognise what they intended to represent is almost as per-
plexing as the design on the coins itself.
Another important paper on Greek numismatics is a
supplementary note on the Coinage of Ephesus by our
d
18 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
Secretary, Mr. B. V. Head. Since the publication of his
important paper in June last, so much attention has been
directed to this series of coins that nearly eighty new
names of Ephesian magistrates have become known. As a
consequence, there are now in some of the periods into
which the coinage has been divided more names than years,
so that, though the names of many of the Eponymi appear
on the coins, it seems probable that the name of a magis-
trate appears on a coin, not as Eponymus, but as a member
of a board of Prytaneis who had charge of the mint. This
slight modification but little affects the conclusions previously
arrived at by Mr. Head, and the great value of his previous
paper is enhanced and not impaired by the supplementary
knowledge now obtained.
Another paper mainly on what must be classed as Greek
numismatics is that by my son on some recent discoveries of
Illyrian coins. The coins of Lissos, and those of Skodra, of
the Macedonian type, both with and without the name of King
Genthios, are new to science, and serve in the hands of one so
well acquainted with Illyrian history as the author of this
paper to throw some light on an obscure period. The auto-
nomous coins of Rhizon and some of those of King Ballseus
and of one of his successors are also novel, and in their turn
illustrate the period when Illyria had already become subject to
the influence and power of Rome. What adds to the interest
of the paper is the fact that several of the coins described were
picked up by the hands of Mr. Arthur Evans himself, on the
site of the ancient Rhizon or Rhizonium.
The paper by Mr. Head on a Himyaritic tetradrachm and the
Tre"sor de San' a occupies an intermediate position between
Greek and Oriental numismatics. That a tetradrachm so closely
resembling those of Alexander the Great but bearing the name of
Ab-yatha should so long have escaped observation encourages the
hope that other coins of the same class may yet be forthcoming.
The style of art is peculiar, and could hardly have been
NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 19
developed at a single step from that of the more Hellenic
coins.
The San'a group, mainly imitated from the coins of Athens,
evidently belongs to a later period. With these the magnificent
volume of M. Schlumberger has made us well acquainted, but
the possessors of this work will do well attentively to study
Mr. Head's comment upon it.
On Roman numismatics we have had but few communica-
tions. In one of these, on the coins ordinarily attributed to
Livia, which has been seat us by the veteran Dr. A. Colsoo, of
Noyon, an attempt is made to attribute the female heads with
the legends PIETAS, IVSTITIA, and SALVS AVGVSTA
respectively, to Julia Livia, wife of Drusus ; Livia, wife of
Augustus, and Julia, his daughter. The subject is one on which
speculation is permissible, but time will show to what extent
the author's conclusions can be generally accepted.
In an interesting note on some discoveries of Roman coins,
our honorary member, Mr. C. Roach Smith, has given us details
of various hoards, for the most part deposited during the reign
of Aurelian. The coins in such hoards usually commence with
those of Valerian ; but in some instances a few coins of rather
earlier date occur, though in the hoard of Jublains twelve coins
of the higher Empire are reported to have been present among
nearly 4,500 coins, mostly of Tetricus. As there is a complete
blank between the reigns of Commodus and Valerian, it seems
to me not impossible that a separate small hoard of earlier
date may accidentally have been mixed with a far larger hoard
of the usual character. In the Baconsthorpe hoard, of which
it is to be regretted that we have not more detailed statistics,
the earliest coins seem to have been of Gordian III. The
general absence of coins of the early Emperors from hoards
deposited about A.D. 272, appears to prove that by that time
they had dropped out of circulation, and strengthens the view
that hoards such as that of Procolitia, comprising coins from
the period of Marc Antony to that of Gratian, cannot represent
20 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
the currency of the latter period, but that they must have
accumulated where found from some other cause than deposi-
tion for safety. The view of M. Hucher and Mr. Roach Smith,
that the minute and illegible coins commonly called minimi
belong to the time of the Tetrici, can only be partially true, as
many, if not most, of these small pieces are imitations of the
late Con stan tine period. The barbarous coins which are
evidently imitations of those of Tetricus, and which from the
Jublains hoard are proved to be contemporaneous with them,
are, I think, usually of larger module than the minimi,
properly so-called.
Turning to the English coinage, we have an interesting
paper on the resident character of the Monetarius in Saxon
times, by Mr. Ernest H. Willett. In it he controverts Canon
Pownall's view as to the meaning of the word ON in con-
nection with the name of the place of mintage, and attempts
to show from the coins of Edward the Confessor in the City
hoard, that, as a rule, a moneyer of a certain name was fixed
at some certain town. Where the same name occurs in con-
nection with various mints, it is usually a name of common
occurrence, such as Leofric, or Wulfric, or Godwin. The name
of EVLINE occurring on coins both of the Stafford and Tarn-
worth mints, is a strong point with Canon Pownall, but as the
Stafford coin of that moneyer was struck under the Confessor,
while those of the Tamworth mint belong to the time of Rufus,
Colinc, if there were not two moneyers of the name, might, in
the interval, well have removed from one town to the other.
The question, however, whether a single moneyer never
exercised his privileges in more than one town at a time is
hardly yet solved.
Whether the penny of Cnut apparently struck at Norwich
may not have been struck in Denmark, and belong to the
time of Cnut the Saint, and not to that of Cnut the Great, has
been the subject of an able discussion by Professor Herbst, of
Copenhagen, and Mr. Hcnfrey.
NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 21
A remarkable hoard of coins belonging to the days of Stephen,
and recently found at Nottingham, has been brought under our
notice by Mr. Toplis. Among the coins are examples of those
attributed to the Empress Maud, and of those bearing the name
of Wereric ; but among the most interesting are a large number
struck frojn dies bearing the image and superscription of
Stephen, but purposely defaced, either by a large cross extend-
ing over the whole die, or by a smaller one partially oblitera-
ting the head. Nearly twenty years ago Canon Pownall first
called attention to one of these coins defaced by the long
cross on the obverse, and he has now communicated to us
another interesting paper on the subject of these coins, making the
suggestion that they may be " the Duke's money," of which
mention is made by Hoveden, which was struck by Henry, the
son of Maud, afterwards Henry II. It certainly seems not at
all improbable that during hostilities, when money was in
demand and a mint of the enemy had been captured, the
device of defacing the dies before bringing them again into
use might have been adopted. To engrave new dies involved
the presence of punches for letters and the skill to use them ;
but by softening the steel dies a simple cross could readily be
made in them either by the file or chisel, and when rehardened
the dies would again be fit for use, producing coins with the
locally deposed king's image and superscription defaced.
In another convincing paper Canon Pownall has vindicated,
principally on documentary evidence, the Irish origin of certain
testoons of Edward VI. From their base alloy, these coins
had been a puzzle to English numismatists, as the restored
money of fine silver was already in circulation in England the
year before these base pieces were struck. The testoons with
the harp mint-mark will doubtless in future be assigned to the
Dublin mint. Whether those with the lion, the rose, and the
fleur-de-lis which are classed with the harp coins in the pro-
clamation of Elizabeth, are also of Irish origin, is a question
requiring further investigation.
22 1ROCEED1NGS OF THE
In Scottish numismatics Mr. Cochran-Patrick has favoured
us with another paper on the Medals of Private Scottish
Persons, and Sheriff Mackenzie with a notice of a penny of
Alexander, from the mint of Forres. Whether these pennies
with the long double cross are to be assigned to the second or
third Alexander of Scotland, is a subject which has .been much
under discussion by Scottish antiquaries. Looking at it from
the English point of view, which regards Scotland as indebted
to England for some of its early types, and not England as
borrowing devices from Scotland, it would seem as if few if
any of their coins were struck under Alexander II. The long-
cross type was first introduced in England in 1247 or 1248,
and continued in use until about 1279. The reign of Alexander
II. closed on July 8th, 1249, when that of Alexander III.
began. Even, therefore, if the type had been promptly
imitated in Scotland, Alexander II. would have had but little
more than a year in which to strike such coins, while Alexander
III. would have bad thirty. The Chronicle of Melrose records
an alteration of the coinage in 1247, while the continuator of
Fordun records one in 1250. It appears to me that both these
records may refer to one and the same innovation of type, the
introduction of the long double cross. This is, however, hardly
the place for discussing the subject in any detail.
The only other British paper that I need mention is a note
ou tokens, &c., bearing the name of Hoare, in illustration of
which the author, Captain Edward Hoare, has presented the
Society with a plate.
In Oriental numismatics we have had a valuable paper by
Mr. Stanley Poole, giving a scheme of the Mohammadan
dynasties during the Khalifate, which shows at one glance the
succession of rulers over the different Mohammedan provinces
from Spain to Afghanistan during a period of 600 years.
General Houtum-Schindler has given us an account of
the coinage of the decline of the Mongols in Persia, and M.
Suuvaire a notice of an inedited Jeh of a prince of Sejestan.
NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 23
From this brief review it will be seen that we have, during
the past year, ranged over a wide area, and have gathered a more
or less abundant harvest in different fields of research. I need
now but express a hope that at the end of the year on which
we are just entering we may have to record results at least as
satisfactory. .
Turning now to the more melancholy duty of saying a few
words as to those of our members whom we have lost by death,
I must first refer to our distinguished honorary members, M. F.
de Saulcy and M. Ferdinan'd Bompois.
Monsieur Francois Caignard de Saulcy, Member of the Insti-
tute, was born at Lille, in the year 1807, and after passing through
the fccole Poly technique, entered the artillery, of which he
eventually became a chef d'escadron. His numismatic tastes
must have commenced in early life, for in 1836 he published his
" Essai sur la Classification des Monnaies byzantines," for
which he obtained the Prix de Nuinismatique of the French
Academie des Inscriptions. He subsequently was appointed
Conservator of the Musee d'Artillerie, and in 1842, on the death
of Mionnet, he became a Member of the Institute. In 1850
he visited Palestine, and there gathered the collections which
formed the basis of his well-known work on Jewish numismatics.
He had, however, long been at work in other branches of the
science, and the pages of the " Revue Numismatique," from its
commencement in 1836 until its close, and those of the sub-
sequent " Annuaire de Nuraismatique," are replete with essays
from his pen. Altogether his works, including essays and
minor publications, are not less than three hundred in number.
Byzantine, Arab, Spanish, and Phoenician coins, as well as those
of the Crusaders, of Lorraine and of the French Revolution in
1848, in turn engaged his pen, which from time to time was
also busied on other a: chseological and epigraphic subj ects. Of late
years he had been principally engaged on the coins of the French
Kings, but probably the researches in connection with which his
name will be best known to posterity are those on the coinage of
24 PROCEEDINGS OF THE
Ancient Gaul. Of this series, his collection, comprising some
7,000 pieces, and now added to that in the Bibliotheque Nationale,
is by far the finest that ever was formed. It is to be hoped that
some day or other a complete catalogue of it will be published,
suitably illustrated. The value of such a work would no doubt
have been greater had it been published during M. de Saulcy's
lifetime, as his knowledge of the provenance and character of
Gaulish corns was such as can only be acquired by long practice ;
and his knowledge of Gaulish history was also very extensive.
Unless rumour speaks falsely, this knowledge was of some
service to the late Emperor of the French in compiling his life
of Caesar. Unhappily his fortunes, which were much linked
with the Empire, under which he was a member of the Senate,
suffered materially on its fall, and his last years were not alto-
gether unclouded. Personally, M. de Saulcy was a man of fine
presence and courteous manners, always ready to impart know-
ledge, and liberal in his dealings with others. His memory will
long be cherished by those who, like myself, had enjoyed his
friendship for years.
In M. Ferdinand Bompois we have lost another ardent numis-
matist, whose tastes, however, did not range over so wide a
field. His papers on Greek coins appeared, for the most part,
in the " Revue Numismatique," commencing, I believe, in 1863.
He occasionally touched on Roman numismatics, as, for
instance, in his essay on the portraits of Octavia, sister of
Augustus (" Revue Numismatique," 1868), and published at
least one essay on Carlovingian coins. To the " Numismatic
Chronicle " he contributed an interesting paper on an unpublished
didrachm of Ichnse, Macedonia, together with some remarks
on the coins of Dicaeopolis and of the Bottiaeans.1 His
" Examen chronologique des monnaies frappees par la Com-
munaute des Macedoniens avant, pendant, et apres la conquete
romaine," has already been noticed in our journal,2 as well as
1 N.8. vol. xiv. pp. 177, 273. 2 N.S. vol. xvii. p. 77.
NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 25
his essays on the coins of Heraclea in Bithynia, and on those
usually attributed to Maronea in Thrace.3
Dr. Edwin Guest, Master of Caius College, Cambridge,
though one of our oldest members and a distinguished scholar,
never devoted himself specially to numismatic pursuits. His
papers on archaeological subjects were, however, numerous and
important, as is well known to those interested in ancient earth-
works, and in the successive conquests of foreign invaders in
Britain. They are to be found for the most part in the pages of
the " Archaeological Journal." Dr. Guest was born in the year
1800, and became master of his old college in 1852, a position
which he resigned in October last year, and died in the follow-
ing month at Sandford, near Oxford. He had been called to
the bar, but never practised, as his fellowship of Caius College
enabled him to follow more congenial studies.
Mr. Wingrove had also been for many years a member of our
Society, but never communicated any essay to our journal.
I regret that these notices are so imperfect in their details,
but the meeting will probably excuse me if I no longer detain
them.
The Treasurer's Report is appended : —
3 N.S. vol. xviii. p. 303.
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PROCEEDINGS OF THE NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 27
The meeting then proceeded to ballot for the Council and
officers for the ensuing year, when the following gentlemen
were elected : —
President.
JOHN EVANS, ESQ., D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S., F.S.A.,
F.G.S.
Vice -Presidents.
E. H. BUNBURY, ESQ., M.A., F.G.S.
W. S. W. VAUX, ESQ., M.A., F.R.S.
Treasurer.
ALFRED E. COPP, ESQ.
Secretaries.
HERBERT A. GRUEBER, ESQ.
BARCLAY VINCENT HEAD, Esq.
Foreign Secretary.
PROFESSOR PERCY GARDNER, M.A., F.S.A.
Librarian.
RICHARD HOBLYN, ESQ.
Members of the Council.
SIR EDWARD CLIVE BAYLEY, K. C.S.I.
RT. HON. THE EAKL OF ENNISKILLEN, D.C.L., F.R.S. ,
F.G.S.
H. W. HENFREY, ESQ.
CHARLES F. KEARY, ESQ., M.A., F.S.A.
J. H. MIDDLETON, ESQ., M.A., F.S.A.
J. F. NECK, ESQ.
R. W. COCHRAN-PATRICK, ESQ., M.P., F.S.A.ScoT.
THE REV. CANON POWNALL, M.A., F.S.A.
MAJOR-GEN. SIR HENRY C. RAWLINSON, K.C.B.
EDWARD THOMAS, ESQ., F.R.S., F.R.A.S.
LIST OF MEMBERS
OF THE
NUMISMATIC SOCIETY
OF LONDON.
DECEMBEE, 1881.
LIST OF MEMBERS
OF TUB
NUMISMATIC SOCIETY
OF LONDON.
DECEMBER, 1881.
An, Asterisk prefixed to a name indicates that the Member IMS compounded
for his annual contribution.
*ALEXE"IEFF, M. GEORGE DE, Chambellan de S.M. I'Empereur de
Russie, Ekaterinoslaw (par Moscou), Russie Meridionale.
ARNOLD, W. T., ESQ., Guardian Office, Manchester.
*BABINGTON, REV. CHURCHILL, B.D., M.R.S.L., Cockfield Rectory,
Sudbury, Suffolk.
BAGN ALL-OAKLEY, MRS., Newlands, Coleford, Forest of Dean,
Gloucestershire.
BAKER, W. R., ESQ., Bayfordbury, Hertford.
BARON, REV. JOHN, D.D., F.S.A., Rectory, Upton Scudamore,
Warminster.
BARRETT, T. B., ESQ., Welsh Pool, Montgomeryshire.
*BAYLEY, SIR E. OLIVE, K.C.S.L, The Wilderness, Ascot.
BENT, J. T., ESQ., 43, Great Cumberland Place, Hyde Park.
*BIEBER, G. W. EGMONT, ESQ., Champion Hill House, Champion
Hill, S.E.
BLACKER, Louis, ESQ., Flowermead, Wimbledon Park.
BLADES, WILLIAM, Esq., 11, Abchurch Lane.
BLAIR, ROBERT, ESQ., South Shields.
BLUNDELL, J. H., ESQ., 35, St. Paul's Churchyard.
*BRIGGS, ARTHUR, Esq., Cragg Royd, Rawden, Leeds.
BROWN, G. D., ESQ., Dudley House, Deal.
BUCHAN, J. S., ESQ., 15, Barrack Street, Dundee.
BULL, HERBERT A., ESQ., Wellington College, Wokingham.
BUNBUHT, EDWARD H., ESQ., M.A., E.G.S., 35, St. James's Street.
BURNS, EDWARD, ESQ., F.S.A.Scot., 3, London Street, Edinburgh.
BUHSTAL, EDWARD K., ESQ., 11, Grand Pont, Oxford.
BUSH, COLONEL J. TOBIN, 14, St. James's Square ; and 29, Rue de
I'Orangerie, le Havre.
BUTLER, CHARLES, ESQ., Warren Wood, Hatfield.
4 LIST OF MEMBERS.
BUTLER, JOHN, ESQ., Park View, Bolton.
*BUTTEBY, W., ESQ., Wellington College; Wokiiigham.
CALVERT, REV. THOS., 92, Lansdowne Place, Brighton.
CARFKAE, ROBERT, Esq., F.S.A.Scot., 77, George Street, Edinburgh.
CAVE, LAURENCE TRENT, ESQ., 13, Lowndes Square.
CHAMBERS, MONTAGU, ESQ., Q.C., 3, Serjeant's Inn, Chancery Lane.
*CoAT8, THOS. F., ESQ., Ferguslie, Paisley, North Britain.
COCKBTTRN, JOHN, ESQ., Abbotsdene, Greenside, Richmond.
COFFEY, G., ESQ., 40, Upper Mount Street, Dublin.
*Copp, ALFRED E., ESQ., Thornton Hill, Wimbledon, and 37,
Essex Street, Strand, Treasurer.
COSSENS, J. A., ESQ., 4, Brighton Place, Moseley, Birmingham.
CREEKE, MAJOR. ANT.HONY BUCK, Monkholme, Burnley.
*CROY, PRINCE ALFRED EMMANUEL DE, Chateau du Roeulx, Hainaut,
Belgium.
CUMING, H. SYER, ESQ., F.S.A.Scot., 63, Kennington Park Road.
CUNNINGHAM, MAJOR-GENERAL A., C.B., H. S. King & Co., C5,
Cornhill.
DAVIDSON, J. L. STRACHAN, ESQ., Balliol College, Oxford.
DAVIDSON, JOHN, ESQ., Arts Club, Hanover Square.
DAVIES, MAJOR A., Ladbroke House, Redhill, Surrey.
DAVIES, WILLIAM RUSHER, ESQ., Market Place, Walliugford.
DAWSON, W., ESQ., Almora House, Chiswick Mall.
DOUGLAS, CAPTAIN R. J. H., Junior United Service Club.
DOULTON, J. DUNCAN, ESQ., 97, Piccadilly.
DRYDEN, SIR HENRY, BART., Canon's Ashby, Daventry.
DURIACHER, A., ESQ., 15, Old Burlington Street, W.
EADES, GEORGE, ESQ., The Abbey, Evesham, Worcestershire.
ENNISKILLEN, RIGHT HON. THE EARL OF, D.C.L., F.R.S., F.G.S.,
M.R.I.A., Florence Court, Enniskillen, Ireland.
ERHARDT, H., ESQ., 9, Bond Court, Walbrook, E.G.
EVANS, ARTHUR J., ESQ., F.S.A., Nash Mills, Hemel Hempstead.
EVANS, JOHN, ESQ., D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S., F.S.A., Nash Mills,
Hemel Hempstead ; and 65, Old Bailey, President.
EVANS, SEBASTIAN, ESQ., LL.D., Heathfield, Alleyne Park, West
Dulwich, S.E.
FEUARDENT, GASTON, ESQ., 61, Great Russell Street.
FBWBTEB, C. E., ESQ., 17, Harley Street, Hull.
LIST OF MEMBERS. 5
FORD, T. K., ESQ., 12, Portland Terrace, Southsea.
FOWKES, J. W., ESQ., 9, Sandou Place, Sheffield.
FRANKS, AUGUSTUS WOLLASTON, ESQ., M.A,, F.R.S., F.S.A., Brit.
Mus.
FREMANTLE, THE HON. C. W. , Royal Mint.
FRENTZEL, RUDOLPH, ESQ., 6, New Street, Bishopsgate, E.
FREUDENTHAL, W., ESQ., M.D., 9, Bruchtbor Promenade, Brunswick.
GARDNER, PEOF. PERCY, M.A., British Museum, Foreign Secretary.
GEORGE, A. DURAND, ESQ., 112, Bishopsgate Street Within, E.G.
GIBBS, the HON. JAS., C.S.I., Council of the Supreme Government,
India.
GIBSON, J. HARRIS, ESQ., 73, Renshaw Street, Liverpool.
GILL, HENRY SEPTIMUS, ESQ., Tiverton.
GILLESPIE, W. J., Whitehall, Foxrock, co. Dublin.
GRANT, ALEXANDER, ESQ., Roseq Villa, Cheltenham.
GREENWELL, REV. CANON, M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A., Durham.
GEUEBER, HERBERT A., ESQ., British Museum, Secretary.
HALL, ROBERT, ESQ., The Hollies, Victoria Road, Sutton, Surrey.
HAYNS, W. E., ESQ., Byron Villa, Whitehorse Road, Selhurst, S.E.
HEAD, BARCLAY VINCENT, ESQ., M.R.A.S., British Museum, Secretary.
HEWARD, PETER, ESQ., Charnwood Villa, Newbold, Ashby-de-la-
Zouch.
HEYWOOD, NATHAN, ESQ., 3, Mount Street, Manchester.
HOBLYN, RICHARD A., ESQ., 2, Sussex Place, Regent's Park, Librarian.
HODGKIN, T., ESQ., Benwelldene, Newcastle.
*HOFFMANN, MONSIEUR H., 33, Quai Voltaire, Paris.
HOWORTH, H. H., ESQ., F.S.A., Derby House, Eccles, Manchester.
HUCKIN, REV. H. R., D.D., Repton, Derbyshire.
HUNT, J. MORTIMER, ESQ., 156, New Bond Street.
JAMES, J. HENRY, ESQ., Kingswood, Watford.
JENNINGS, JOHN, ESQ., 26, Millman Street, Bedford Row, W.C.
•JEX-BLAKE, REV. T. W., D.D., School House, Rugby.
JOHNSTON, J. M. 0., ESQ., The Yews, Grove Park, Camber -
well, S.E.
JONES, JAMES COVE, ESQ., F.S.A., Loxley, Wellesbourne, Warwick.
JONES, THOMAS, ESQ., Eglwyseg Manor House, Llangollen, North
Wales; and 2, Plowden Buildings, Temple.
6 LIST OF MEMBERS.
KAY, HENRY CASSELLS, ESQ., 11, Durham Villas, Kensington, W.
KEARY, CHARLES FRANCIS, ESQ., M.A., F.S.A., British Museum.
KENYON, R. LLOYD ESQ., M.A., 11, New Square, Lincoln's Inn, W.C.
KIRBY, THOS. B., ESQ., Bowling Green Street, Leicester.
KITCHENER, H. H., ESQ., E.E., care of Messrs. Cox & Co.,
Craig's Court, S.W.
KRUMBHOLZ, E. C., ESQ., 38, Great Pulteney Street, W.
*LAMBERT, GEORGE, ESQ., F.S.A., 10, Coventry Street.
*LANG, ROBERT HAMILTON, ESQ., Directeur- General des Contribu-
tions Indirectes, Constantinople.
LATCHMORE, F., ESQ., High Street, Hitchin.
LAWRENCE, F. G., ESQ., Birchfield, Mulgrave Eoad, Sutton, Surrey.
LAWRENCE, W. F., ESQ., Co wesfield House, Salisbury.
*LAWSON, ALFRED J., ESQ., Imperial Ottoman Bank, Smyrna.
LEATHER, C. J., ESQ., North Grounds Villa, Portsea, Portsmouth.
LEES, F. J., ESQ., 8, Gloucester Eoad, Kew Green, Kew.
LEES, W., Esq., 44, Queen Street, Horncastle, Lincolnshire.
*LEWIS, REV. SAMUEL SAVAGE, F.S.A., Fellow of Corpus Christ!
College, Cambridge.
LINCOLN, FREDERICK W., ESQ., 69, New Oxford Street.
LOEWE, DR. L., M.R.A.S., 1 and 2, Oscar Villas, Broadstairs, Kent.
LONGSTAPFE, W. HYLTON DYER, ESQ., F.S.A., 4, Catherine Terrace,
Gateshead.
LOWE, J. B. 0., ESQ., Bryn Lupus, Tywyn, near Conway, North
Wales.
LUCAS, JOHN CLAY, ESQ., F.S.A., Lewes, Sussex.
MACLACHLAN, R. W., 99, Osborne St. [Box 1236], Montreal.
MADDEN, FREDERIC WILLIAM, ESQ., M.E.A.S., Hilton Lodge, Sude-
ley Terrace, Brighton.
MARSDEN, REV. CANON, B.D., Great Oakley Rectory, Harwich, Essex.
MASON, JAS. J., ESQ., Maryfield Cottage, Victoria Eoad, Kirkcaldy.
*MAUDE, EEV. S. , 175, Prince of Wales Eoad, Haverstock Hill, N. W.
MAYER, Jos., ESQ., F.S.A., Pennant House, Bebington-by-Birkenhead.
MclNTYRE, ^NEAS J., ESQ., Q.C., 1, Park Square, Eegent's
Park, N.W.
MIDDLETON, SIR GEORGE N. BROKE, BART., C.B., Shrubland Park,
and Broke Hall, Suffolk.
MIDDLETON, JOHN H., ESQ., M.A., F.S.A., 4, Storey's Gate, St. James's
Park.
MOORE, GENERAL, Junior U.S. Club.
LIST OF MEMBERS. 7
MORRIESON, LIEUT. H. WALTERS, E.A., Naval and Military Club,
94, Piccadilly, W.
MYERS, WALTER, EsQ.,F.S.A., 21, Gloucester Crescent, Hyde Park.
NECK, J. F., ESQ., 62, St. James Street ; and 110, Cannon Street.
NELSON, EALPH, ESQ., 55, North Bondgate, Bishop Auckland.
*NUNN, JOHN JOSEPH, ESQ., Downham Market.
*PATRICK, ROBERT W. COCHRAN, ESQ., F.S.A.Scot., M.P., Beith,
Ayrshire.
PAULI, WM., ESQ., M.D., Luton, Bedfordshire.
PEARCE, SAMUEL SALTER, ESQ., Bingham's Melcombe, Dorchester.
PEARSE, MAJOR-GEN. G. G., E.A., care of Messrs. Grindlay & Co.,
55, Parliament Street.
PEARSON, A. HARFORD, ESQ., 29, Ashley Place, S.W.
PEARSON, WILLIAM CHARLES, ESQ., 7, Prince's Street, Barbican, E.G.
*PERRY, MARTEN, ESQ., M.D., Spalding, Lincolnshire.
POLLEXPEN, REV. JOHN H., M.A., Middleton Tyas, Richmond, York-
shire.
POOLE, REGINALD STUART, ESQ., Corr. de l'In>titut, British Museum.
POOLE, STANLEY E. LANE, ESQ., M.E.A.S., 6, Park Villas East, Rich-
mond, Surrey.
POWELL, SAMUEL, ESQ., 12, Severn Street, Welsh Pool.
POWNALL, REV. CANON, M.A., F.S.A., South Kilworth, Rugby.
PRIDEAUX, COL., W. F., 2, Sidlaw Terrace, Bognor, Sussex.
PRIESTLEY, MRS., 17, Hertford Street, Mayfair.
PULLAN, RICHARD P., ESQ., M.R.I.B.A., 9, Melbury Eoad, Ken-
sington.
RAWLINSON, MAJOR-GENERAL SIR HENRY C., K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S.,
21, Charles Street, Berkeley Square.
REED, P. E., ESQ., 10, Upper Hornsey Eise.
*EOBERTSON, J. D., ESQ., Westgate Street, Gloucester.
ROBINSON, T. W. U., ESQ., Houghton-le-Spring, Durham.
EODOERS, C. J., ESQ., 35, Hall Eoad, Hauds worth, Birmingham.
" ROGERS, E. T., ESQ., Minister of Public Instruction, Cairo.
ROSTRON, SIMPSON, ESQ., 1, Hare Court, Temple.
ROWLAND, G. J., ESQ., 18, Compton Road, Wolverhampton.
*SALAS, MIGUEL T., ESQ., 247, Florida Street, Buenos Ayres.
"SANDEMAN, LIEUT.-COL. JOHN GLAS, 24, Cambridge Square,
Hyde Park.
8 LIST OF MEMBERS.
SCHINDLER, GENERAL A. H., care of Messrs. W. Dawson and Son,
121, Cannon Street, E.G.
SCHLUMBERGER, Mons. G., 140, Faubourg St. Honore", Paris.
SELBORNE, THE RIGHT HON. LORD, F.R.S., Blackmoor, Selborne,
Hants.
SIM, GEORGE, ESQ., F.S.A.Scot., 9, Lauriston Lane, Edinburgh.
SIMPSON, GEO. B., ESQ., F.S.A.Scot., Seafield House, Broughty
Ferry, N.B.
SMITH, SAMUEL, ESQ., Wisbech, Cambridgesliire.
SMITH, SAMUEL, ESQ., JUN., 25, Croxteth Road, Prince's Park,
Liverpool.
SMITHE, J. DOYLE, ESQ., F.G.S., 21, Burlington Road, Bayswater.
SOAMES, REV. CHARLES, Mildenhall, near Marlborough, Wilts.
SPENCE, ROBERT, ESQ., 4, Rosella Place, North Shields.
SPICER, FREDERICK, ESQ., East Lancashire Paper Mill Co., Radcliffe,
near Manchester.
STEPHEN, C., ESQ., Ludhiana, N.W. Provinces, India.
*STREATFEILD, REV. GEORGE SIDNEY, Trinity Vicarage, Louth,
Lincolnshire.
*STUBBS, MAJOR-GEN., R.H.A.,Dromi8kin House.Castle Bellingham,
co. Louth, Ireland.
STUDD, E. FAIRFAX, ESQ., Oxton, Exeter.
STULPNAGEL, DR. C. R., Govt. College, Lahore, Punjab, India.
SUGDEX, JOHN, ESQ., Dockroyd, near Keighley.
TALBOT, THE HON. MILO GEORGE, 2, Paper Buildings, Temple.
TALBOT, THE HON. REGINALD, 2, Paper Buildings, Temple.
*THEOBALD, W., ESQ., care of Mrs. Theobald, Lime House, Oundle,
Northamptonshire.
*THOMAS, EDWARD, ESQ., F.R.S., H.E.I.C.S., 47, Victoria Road, Ken-
sington, Vice- President.
TOPLIS, JOHN, ESQ., Grimsby Villa, 8, Arthur Street, Nottingham.
TRIST, J. W., ESQ., 62, Old Broad Street, E.G.
TUNMER, H. G., ESQ., 38, Tacket Street, Ipswich.
VAUX, W. SANDYS WRIGHT, ESQ., M.A., F.R.S., /Sec.R.A.S., 22,
Albemarle Street, W., Vice- President.
VERITY, JAMES, ESQ., Earlsheaton, Dewsbury.
VIRTUE, JAMES SPRENT, ESQ., 294, City Road.
Vizjs, GEORGE HENRY, ESQ., 4, Loraine Road, Holloway, N.
LIST OF MEMBERS. 9
*WADDINQTON, MONSIEUR W. H., Membre de 1'Institut, 31, fiae
Dutnont Durville, Paris.
WAKEFORD, GEOKGE, ESQ., Knightrider Street, Maidstoae,
WATTS, ROBT., ESQ., Thoru House, 56, Harborne Road, Edgbastou.
WEBB, HENRY, ESQ., 11, Argyll Street, Regent Street.
WEBSTER, W., ESQ., 26, Bedford Square.
*WuiiE, JAMES, ESQ., M.R.A.S., 8, Thurloe Square, South Ken-
sington.
WHITTALL, JAMES, ESQ., Smyrna, Asia Minor.
*WIGRAM, Mus. LEWIS, Woodlawn, Bickley, Kent.
WILKINSON, JOHN, ESQ., F.S.A., 13, Wellington Street, Strawd.
WILLETT, ERNEST H., ESQ., F.S.A., King's Cliff, Guernsey.
WILLIAMS, CHARLES, ESQ., Moseloy Lodge, near Birmingham.
WILLIAMS, H. E., ESQ., Oak Lodge, Highgate, N.
WILLIAMSON, GEO. C., ESQ., Guildford, Surrey.
WINSER, THOMAS B., ESQ., Royal Exchange Assurance, Royal Ex-
change.
WISE, THOS. A., ESQ., M.D., Thornton, Beulah Hill, Upper Norwood.
WOOD, HUMPHREY, ESQ., Chatham.
WORMS, BARON GEORGE DE, F.S.A., F.G.S., M.P., 17, Park Crescent,
Portland Place, Regent's Park.
WKOTH, W. W., ESQ., British Museum, W.C.
WYON, ALFRED BENJAMIN, Esq., 2, Langham Chambers, Portland
Place.
YOUNG, AHTHUR W., ESQ., 1^, Hyde Park Terrace, W,
HONORARY MEMBERS.
ADRIAN, DK. J. D., Giesseu.
AMECOURT, M. LE VICOMTE DE PONTON u', Paris.
BARTHELEMY, M. A. DIS, 39, Rue d'Amsterdam, Paris.
BERGMANN, J. RIXTER VON, Vienna.
CASTELLANOS, SENOR DON BASILIO SEBASTIAN, SO, Rue S. Bernardo,
Madrid.
CIIALON, M. RENIER, 113, Rue du Trone, Brussels.
COLSON, DR. ALEXJLNDRK, Noyon (Oise), France.
10 LIST OF MEMBERS.
DANNENBERG, HERE H., Berlin.
DORN, DR. BERNHARP, Actuel Conseiller d'fctat, St. Petersburg.
FRIEDLAENDER, DR. J., K. Museen, Berlin.
GONZALES, CAV. CARLO, Palazzo Ricasoll, Via delle Terme, Florence.
QROTE, DR. H., Hanover.
GUIOTH, M. LEON, Liege.
HART, A. WELLINGTON, ESQ., 16, Ex Place, New York.
HEISS, M. ALOISS, 48, Rue Charles-Laffitte, Neuilly, Seine.
HILDEBRAND, M. EsiiL BROR, Direct, du Musee'd'Antiquites et du
Cab. des Medailles, Stockholm.
HOLMBOE, PROF., Direct, du Cab. des Medailles, Christiania.
HUCHER, M. E., Paris.
IMHOOF-BLUMER, DR. F., Winterthur, Switzerland.
KENNER, DR. F., K. K. Museum, Vienna.
KCEHNE, M. LE BARON DE, Actuel Conseiller d'fitat et Conseiller du
Muse"e de 1'Erniitage Imperiale, St. Petersburg.
LEEMANS, Du. CONRAD, Direct, du Musee d'Antiquites, Leydeu.
LEITZMANN, HERR PASTOR J., Weissensee, Tliiiringen, Saxony.
LKNORMANT, M. F., 10, Rue Taranne, Paris.
Lis Y RIVES, SEN"OR DON V. BERTRAN DE, Madrid.
MINERVINI, CAV. GIULIO, Rome.
MOMMSEN, PROFESSOR DR. THEODOR, Berlin.
MILLER, DR. L., Insp. du Cab. des Medailles, Copenhagen.
SALLKT, PROF. Dit. ALFRED VON, K. Museen, Berlin.
Six, M. J. P., Amsterdam.
SMITH, DR. AQUILLA, M.R.I.A., 121, Baggot Street, Dublin.
SMITH, C. ROACH, ESQ., F.S.A., Temple Place, Strood, Kent.
STICKEL, PROFESSOR DR. J. G., Jena, Germany.
TIESENIIAUSEN, PROF. W., Pont de la Police, 17, St. Petersburg.,
Russia.
VALLERSANI, IL PROF., Florence.
VERACHTER, M. FREDERICK, Antwerp.
•VViTTE, M. LK BARON DE, 5, Rue Fortin, Faubourg St. Honore, Paris.
Num. Chrori. Ser.W. Vol. I. Pl.l.
f^^j*
•
/R
••
-0
^ •
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE,
i.
FLORAL PATTERNS ON ARCHAIC GREEK COINS.
THE device on the reverse of the early coins of Corcyra,
and of Dyrrhachium and Apollonia, the colonies of
Corcyra, has caused much difficulty among numismatists.
Eckhel accepted the opinion of Beger that it represented
the celebrated gardens of Alcinous, King of the Phaeacians,
of which Homer speaks in terms of high praise (Odf/fi.,
vii. 112). There was, he says, without the court of Alci-
noiis, a large orchard near the doors, and around it a wall
drawn all round. In it grew pears, apples, pomegranates,
and figs, which ripened in succession all the year through.
And beside it was a vineyard, and a vegetable garden,
and in the midst two fountains. Of these orchards and
gardens the type of the coins was supposed to represent a
sort of rude ground-plan.
This attribution was followed by Eckhel, but by scarcely
any more recent numismatist. Boeckh, Miiller, and
others consider the type to be merely a star-like but
fortuitous collection of strokes without special meaning.
Friedlander and Von Sallet see in it the stars of the
Dioscuri (K. J/. K., p. 62). In the course of an exami-
nation of the coins of Corcyra, I have come to the convic-
tion that the type is not without meaning; but that it
VOr,. I THIRD SER1K8. B
2 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
does not represent the stars of the Dioscuri, and certainly
not the Gardens of Alcinoiis.
The latter supposition is indeed entirely disposed of by
the fact that the type does not appear to originate at
Corcyra at all. The reverse-type of the Corcyrean
didrachms (PL I. No. 2) occurs on very early coins of
Cyrene (Rev. Num., 1850, PL vii. 4). The reverse-type
of Corcyrean drachms (PL I. No. 3) is found not only
on the money of Cyrene (PL I. No. 13], but also on that
of Miletus (PL I. No. 8), of Pharae, in Bceotia (Num.
Zeit., ix., PL I. 85), of Thebes (Num. Zeit., iii.,
PL X. 19), of Gortyna (Fox Collection, No. 107), and
probably of other cities. The coins of Cyrene, which
offer us both the double and the single type, are
probably more ancient than those of Corcyra. This at
once sets us inquiring whether Cyrene and Corcyra had
any religious cults in common, the religious origin of
coin-types being now admitted on all hands. .And this
inquiry leads us to observe that Apollo-Aristacus was
held in high honour at both places. At Cyrene he was
regarded as a national hero, and the giver of the silphium-
plant, the most celebrated of all drugs, and the source of
Cyrenean prosperity. At Corcyra the same deity * was
worshipped under slightly different form as Agreus or
Zeus Aristus, protector of flocks. And the Apollo of
Miletus, a city celebrated for its sheep, was no doubt a
deity of the same class. The occurrence of our type at
Pharae, Thebes, and other cities is so exceptional that it
need not detain us.
It would therefore seem probable that, alike at Corcyra,
1 See Eckhel, .Vim. ret. aitecf., p. 107. Miiller, De Corcy-
rauriim Rej.ublica, p. 54.
FLORA I. PATTERNS ON ARCHAIC GREKK COINS. 6
Cyrene, and Miletus, the type called the Gardens of
Alcinous is connected with the worship of a particular
deity who, though called by various names at various
places, was an Apolline deity of the Solar class, and
nearly connected with cattle and sheep. This does
not at once decide the nature of the type. It might
at first be supposed to be a star, as emblem of the
sun. Certainly on later coins -of Miletus the object
figured in conjunction with the lion is a star, and a star is
a not uncommon type in the island of Ceos, which was
especially dedicated to Aristaeus.
Nevertheless, the balance of evidence seems to be in
favour of the floral origin of the type. Not only is it far
more like a flower in shape generally, but in particular
instances it seems to be intentionally modified in order to
make it more decidedly floral. Thus in the case of No. 5
of the Plate we may clearly see the petals of a flower and
stamens between the petals.2 And in No. 1 4, a coin of
Cyrene, we have the disk of the flower figured.
The close connection of the rose with the worship of
Apollo as sun-god, especially in the case of the Island of
Rhodes, is notorious. The rose is a constant type on the
llhodiun coinage from about B.C. 400 onwards. At
Erythrse also there occurs as reverse-type on early coins
(PI. I. No. 10) a flower with several petals ; and Eryihrae
was a city devoted to the worship of the Tyrian sun-god
Herakles. On early coins of Tarentum Apollo holds in
his hand a flower, which may probably be a rose, though
some prefer to see in it the hyacinth, a flower specially
2 It may be at first sight doubted whether this type he
identical with the earlier one in meaning and origin ; but a
closer examination of the sequence of the coins of Corey ra will
render it almost certain that it is so. See p. 6.
N I'MISM ATfC CHRONICLE.
connected in myth with Apollo. The close connection of
the roses of the Pangaean district with the worship of the
sun-god Ares has already been dwelt on in the pages of
the Numismatic Chronicle (1880, p. 57).
But it was not only with Apollo and the other sun-
gods that flowers were in cultus connected. This clearly
is a subject far too wide to be treated of incidentally in a
paper in the Numismatic Chronicle.3 The apple and the
rose were favourites of Aphrodite, the orange of Hera ;
the pomegranate was sacred alike to Persephone and
Hera. The crocus arose from the blood of a youth whom
Hermes had slain with a discus, the violet from the blood
of Atys, the lily from the milk of Hera, the anemone from
the tears of Aphrodite over the dead Adonis. And
among the local myths cherished and preserved by various
Greek cities, with regard to the history of the deities
whom they respectively held in highest honour, there were
very many which connected those deities with plants and
with flowers. Some of these myths have been lost in the
wreck of ancient life, but we possess enough to show us
their character. And that such local myths should find
an expression on coins is exactly in accord with all that
we learn from other sources as to the nature and meaning
of coin-types.
The commonness of floral representations in early art
cannot be unknown to any one who has even a slight
acquaintance with the art of Egypt and Assyria, or who
has examined some of the early vases of Phoenician and
Greek work.
It being then d priori not unlikely that the flowers
3 On the whole subject see Botticher — Bauinciillus, pp.
266—270, 456—486.
FLORAL PATTERNS ON ARCHAIC GREEK COINS. 5
sacred to various deities should appear on the coins issued
by cities under the protection of those deities, let us
examine the instances already mentioned, and those cited in
the plate, to see whether they bear out in detail the general
presumption. The case with regard to Gyrene is strong.
On coins of this city we find (PI. I. Nos. 13, 14), between
the four main branches of the types which may stand for
petals, other devices which give a decidedly floral look to
the whole. In one case (No. 14), as already stated, the
type is surrounded by a circular line which seems clearly
to stand for the disk of the flower. And with these facts
we may combine the well-known circumstance that the
types of Gyrene are usually of a floral character, the sil-
phium-plant being the special symbol of the city alike as
one of the chief objects of its culture and as sacred to
Apollo- Aristaeus. But the roses of Gyrene were scarcely
less celebrated than its silphium, and it is more probable
that the type of the coins in the Plate is intended to repre-
sent a rose than a flower of the silphium-plant.
The type of the coins of Miletus has been taken for a
star. But on the earlier COILS, such as those in the Plate
(Nos. 7, 8), and even on the money issued by Hecatomnus
(No. 9), the device appears to be of floral character. The
chief deity of Miletus was of course the Apollo of Didyma,
to whom star and flower would be alike appropriate.
At the city of Cyme, if indeed the coin No. 11 in my
Plate is rightly given to that city, we have a pattern of
still more clearly floral character. But in this case what
is represented is not a single flower, but rather a tree or
plant, which is symbolically rendered like the sacred tree
among the Assyrians. Also on electrum coins of uncertain
attribution (No. 12), we find what seems clearly to be a
flower with pistils and stamens as obverse type.
6 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
To return to the coins of Corcyra. In that island
Apollo- Aristaeus was held in not less high honour than at
Cyrene, and a flower is as appropriate to his cult at the
one place as the other. In the Plate (Nos. 1 — C) will be
found the various forms assumed by the flower in the
Corey rean coinage. In these are some peculiarities which
merit attention.
Firstly, in the case of the earlier coins there are peculi-
arities which later disappear. Their reverse-type is in the
case of didrachms two figures of square or oblong shape,
whereof one has in the midst a small square and the other
a small rhombus or lozenge. In the case of drachms there
is but one of these figures, with either square or rhombus
in the midst. The meaning of this variation, for it is
clearly intentional and must have a meaning, is quite
unknown to me. Both square and rhombus give place to
a dot or pellet in the middle of the fifth century. And ut
the same time the general pattern, while retained in the
case of didrachms, gives place in that of drachms to a
circular floral design.
Dyrrhachium and Apollonia copy the type of their
mother-city, Corcyra. And among the varieties introduced
into it by the latter city is one which merits special notice.
On the drachms issued by the magistrate Chaeren we find
the conventional linear square which usually encloses the
pattern called the Gardens of Alcinoiis, but in place of
that pattern a fire and a pedum or shepherd's staff. This
variety had already attracted the attention of Mr. Bor-
rell,4 and forms the ground on which he started the theory
that the so-called ' Gardens of Alcinous ' pattern really
represented a cave at Apollonia where the flocks sacred to
4 yum. Chron., vii. p. 120.
FLORAL PATTERNS ON ARCHAIC GREEK COINS. 7
Apollo were put away at night. In refutation of this
theory it is sufficient to observe that the people of Apol-
lonia undoubtedly borrowed their type from Corcyra ;
and that the Corcyreans had nothing to do with the cave
in question. A simpler explanation will be truer. No
doubt the meaning of the device was entirely forgotten at
the time (second century B.C.) of the magistrate Chaeren.
In modifying it by the introduction of a fire and a pedum
he probably wished to make it more appropriate to the
city of Apollonia; the fire being introduced as a symbol
of the hot-springs of the place, as it is in later issues, and
the pedum probably having reference to Apollo -Aristeeus
in his character of Nomius.
In closing this brief discussion I may remark that all
analogy is in favour of an attempt to show that a group
of types belonging to early Greek coins has a meaning,
and that meaning a religious one. If I maintained it to
have no meaning, or to be purely secular in character,
there would be more need to make the ground secure.
FEKCY GARDNER.
II-
COINS FROM CENTRAL ASIA.
I. — A SILVER TETRADRACHM OF ANDRAGORAS.
I HAD the pleasure of publishing in the Numismatic
Chronicle for 1879 (page 1) a remarkable gold coin bear-
ing the name of Andragoras. The British Museum now
possesses a silver coin apparently issued by the same
prince, which presents many interesting features.
Obv. — Head of a City r. wearing turreted crown ; behind,
monogram [^.
Rev. — ANAPAFoRoY. Pallas standing 1. clad in helmet,
chiton, and cloak (l/xcmov) ; she holds out in ex-
tended r. hand an owl, her 1. hand rests on shield
adorned with Medusa head ; a spear leans against
her left side.
Weight, 255-8 grains. PI. II. 1.
With regard to the ruler who issued this coin, I regret
that I have nothing to add to my previous statement.
Andragoras was, if we may believe Justin, the name of
two generals who ruled in Parthia. The first was made
satrap of that country by Alexander; the second was slain
by Arsaces, founder of the Parthian Empire. But the
accounts of Justin are so confused, and his authority as a
historian so small, that we are unable to be sure of the
existence of either of these rulers, or to decide whether
thev were the same or different.
. Ser.JHM.IPL2.
COINS OF ANDRAGORAS AND THE SELEUCIDAE.
COINS FROM CENTRAL ASIA. 9
The types of the present coin are of an unusually inter-
esting character. The turreted head of the obverse may
probably be that of the ru^, or genius of a city. Does
this imply that the city which issued the coin was not
directly subject to Andragoras, but had merely accepted
his protection ? This would seem probable, and in that
case the coin would be the earliest specimen of the civic
coinage which continued, during the whole period of Par-
thian hegemony in Asia, to be issued by semi-Greek
cities of interior Asia. On the later issues of coins of this
class the head of the Parthian King is seldom wanting ;
but the city makes her appearance on the reverse present-
ing a wreath to the seated monarch.1 The turreted head
on our coin closely resembles that on the money of Mara-
thus and of Smyrna, being unveiled, whereas the similar
head on coins of Seleucia, Aradus, and other cities is
veiled. The monogram \ffi is the same which occurs on
the gold coin of Andragoras already published. It is also
found on money of Antiochus VI.2 It seems impossible,
in the present state of our knowledge, to extract any
exacter information from this monogram.
The reverse-type is very carefully executed, and although
of provincial work, not without merit. The folds of the
mantle, ip-dnov, are rendered in detail and with some
skill. It is most unusual to find on coins a figure of
Pallas with such mantle, the goddess usually wearing
only the chiton and aegis. Exceptions occur, however,
in Thessaly.
With this figure it is very instructive to compare the
Pallas which appears on the coins of Side.8 Here the
1 See my Parthian Coinage, p. 21, &c.
8 Cat. Seleitcid.e, p. 98.
3 De Luynes, 3>'inn. des Satrapies, pi. iii.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. C
10 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
goddess is sometimes represented in the attitude of the
Athene Parthenos at Athens,4 with a Victory in her right
hand and with spear and shield in her left. But some-
times the place of the Victory is occupied by an owl
closely resembling that of our coin.
I am not aware of any Pallas on coins more closely
resembling the type adopted by Andragoras than that
just mentioned ; and the coins of Side, being common,
probably had a large circulation in "Western Asia.
Nevertheless it would of course be rash to say that the
type of Andragoras was copied from this source, especially
considering the difference in dress.
But whencesoever the type of Pallas was immediately
derived, it cannot be doubted that it was ultimately
derived from Athens, and thus we are enabled to add
another to the numberless proofs of the rapid and wide
spread of Greek, and more especially of Athenian, civili-
sation through the regions of Central Asia in the age
immediately succeeding that of Alexander the Great.
II. — SELEUCID COINS IN THE COLLECTION OF MR. GRANT.
Mr. Alexander Grant, who has lately arrived from
N. W. India, has kindly allowed me and the editors of the
Numismatic Chronicle to add to the plate representing
the silver coin of Andragoras, photographic reproductions
of the more remarkable among the many coins which he
has brought back with him. Among these are no less
than six gold staters of the early Antiochi. The publica-
tion of these pieces offers us a favourable opportunity for
* See the recently discovered statuette, published by Mr.
Newton in the second volume of the Journal of Hellenic
Studies.
COINS FROM CKNTRAI, ASIA. 11
considering the question of the Iconography of An tioch us I.,
II., and III., in the series of Syrian kings.
No. 2 (PI. ii.) is a tetradrachra of Seleucus I. Types :
obv. head of Zeus ; rev. Pallas fighting in Quadriga
of Elephants ; above AT in monogram, and an anchor.
Wt. 255 grs.
Nos. 3 to 6 and 8 are gold staters presenting us with
portraits of the earlier Antiochi. According to the
arrangement adopted in my Catalogue of the Seleucidae
the head on coins 3 and 4 will be that of Antiochus I.,
the head on 5 and 6 that of Antiochus II., and the head
on 8 that of Antiochus Hierax. But the last of these
attributions must, I fear, be abandoned. A number of
gold staters bearing this portrait have lately made their
way from Bokhara into India ; their fabric is Oriental,
and the mints where they were issued seem to be Bactrian.
As then Antiochus Hierax was acknowledged as king only
in Asia Minor, it is almost certain that these gold staters
cannot be his. It is far more probable that they were
minted by Antiochus III. in the early part of his reign,
during which he made an expedition to the East. Wts.
No. 3, 130-5; No. 4, 130'9 ; No. 5, 131-4 ; No. 6, 131-4;
No. 8, 130-4 grs.
No. .7 is a tetradrachm of Antiochus I. with the type of
a horned horse's head, as to which see Num. Chron. for
1879, p. 11. Wt. 257 grs.
No. 9 is a gold stater, wt. 128*5 grs., of Antiochus II.,
but bearing the portrait and type of Diodotus, King of
Bactria. I had already advanced the theory 5 that Diodo-
tus placed his own portrait on his coin, while meditating
revolt against the King of Syria, Antiochus, before he
* Cat. of Seleucida:, p. 16.
12 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
ventured to place bis name there, and this theory, the
justice of which has been denied by Dr. von Sallet, seems
to me to be fully borne out by No. 9, the portrait on
which piece is absolutely identical with that on the com-
mon gold coins of Diodotus, whence we may reasonably
infer that it represents that king.
Mr. Grant is of opinion that all these coins are derived
from the find by the Oxus River, of which mention has
already been made in the Chronicle.6 His reason for this
belief is that they were brought to Rawul-Pindee in the
winter of 1877 — 8 at the same time and by the same
individuals. As, however, besides coins of the Seleucidse,
these individuals brought money of King Lysimachus,
Tarsus, Sinope, Aspendus, and Ephesus, it would seem
most likely that they added to their stock on the road
from the Oxus to India by purchasing any ancient coins
they could find in the bazaars.
Mr. Grant has been fortunate enough to secure a num-
ber of other pieces in silver and copper of the Syrian,
Bactrian, and Parthian kings. As, however, they do not
present new types of importance, but only interesting
varieties, and as a dry list of these would scarcely interest
readers of the Numismatic Chronicle, I will not describe
them in detail.
PERCY GARDNER.
6 Vol. xix. pp. 1—12.
7 3.
PENNIES OF STEPHEN.
III.
COINAGE OF EPHESUS.
ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA.
SINCE the publication of my paper on the chronological
sequence of the coins of Ephesus, in June last (Num.
Chron., N.S., vol. xx. pp. 85 — 173j, I have been
favoured, through the kindness of M. Waddington and
others, with so much additional matter that I am now
able to contribute as many as seventy-seven new names to
my lists of Ephesian magistrates ; thus raising the total
number of names from 238 to 315. There are also a few
erroneous readings (chiefly Mionnet's) which M. Wad-
dington, who has himself examined and taken notes of
most of the great public collections of Ephesian coins in
Europe, has most kindly enabled me to correct. I lose no
time, therefore, in laying before the readers of the Numis-
matic Chronicle these additions and corrections.
My readers will remember that the three main points
which I strove to establish in that essay were : —
1st. The approximate chronological sequence of the
coinage of Ephesus from the earliest times to the
establishment of the empire.
2nd. That the magistrate whose name appears regularly
on the coinage is an annual magistrate.
3rd. That this annual magistrate was the first Prytanis
who at Ephesus was the President of the Com-
14 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
mittee of Prytaneis, entrusted with the execution
of the decrees of the Boule and Demos.
The first of these conclusions was based upon a minute
and critical examination of the style of the art-work of
the various classes of Ephesian coins, and there is nothing
to induce me to make any material alteration in the order
which I then adopted.
My second conclusion as to the annual tenure of office
of the signing magistrate must, however, now be slightly
modified. On page 39 I remarked that one contingency
might affect the conclusion at which I had arrived, viz. the
discovery of such a number of new names as to destroy the
due proportion of names to years. Now this is precisely
what has occurred. There are now, in fact, in some periods,
too many names for the number of years, the excess being
especially remarkable in Period V., see Table on p. 23.
My third conclusion is also affected in so far as, and no
farther than, it is dependent upon my second. That in
five several instances the coinage of the Slate was signed
by the eponymous Prytanis, I think I have sufficiently
established. Now the eponymous Prytanis was most
certainly an annual magistrate, who gave his name to the
year, and whose name, even in case of his death during
office, could not be replaced by that of a new Eponymus,
until the commencement of a new year.
If, then, we have on the coins more names than years,
it follows that these names can hardly be those of the
Eponymi as such, but it does not follow that the Eponymi
did not, as a rule, sign the coins. The fact that of the seven
Eponymi whose names have been handed down to us by
inscriptions and by Josephus, viz. Demagoras, Manti-
crates, Apollas, and Danaos (B.C. 324 — 319), Badromios
(probably in the latter half of the second century), Arte-
mon (B.C. 44 — 43), and Menophilus (B.C. 43 — 42), the
COINAGE OF EPHESUS. 15
names of as many as five occur on the coins of precisely
these same periods, is quite enough to prove that the
eponymous Prytanis frequently signed the money. But
as there are more names on the coins in some periods than
there could possibly have been Eponymi, it likewise
follows that the annual chief magistrate cannot have
signed in his character of Eponymus, but simply as one
of the board of Prytaneis, either in turn with the others
or in conjunction with one of them, or in virtue of some
commission, office, or duty, which was often held by him
but was not his sole prerogative. That there were some-
times in one and the same year several issues from the
Ephesian mint, or contemporary emissions from different
officinse of that mint, each issue bearing a different signa-
ture, is proved by an examination of the dated cistophori.
It would seem, therefore, that whenever a fresh issue was
necessary, a magistrate, or perhaps two magistrates at
different officinae, were required to place their names upon
the dies, and that moreover one of these magistrates was
frequently the eponymous Prytanis of the year.
Beyond this it would be unsafe to speculate until we
know more of the constitution of Ephesus in the autono-
mous period.
The following are the additional coins in the various
Periods : —
PERIOD III. CIRC. B.C. 415 — 394.
Obv. — E — <l>. Bee with curved wings ; beneath,
TIMAPXOZ.
Rev. — Incuse square quartered by narrow bands.
M. 4. Wt. 115 grs.
[Collection of Mr. Whittall, of Smyrna].
This coin gives the magistrate's name, TIMAPXOZ, in full,
cf. p. 23 in separate copies = Num. Chron., N.S., vol. xx. p. 107,
No. 8. PI. I. 17.
16
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Obv. — E — <l>. Bee with curved wings.
Rev. — Incuse square, quartered by two broad bands, on
one of which AIOTIMIAA' or AIOTIMOZ.
[Coll. Waddington.] JR.
The number of magistrates' names in this period is thus
raised from 8 to 9.
PERIOD IV. CIRC. B.C. 394—387.
TETBADRACHMS.
Obv. — E — <l>. Bee with curved wings.
Rev. — Forepart of stag r., with head turned back, behind
a palm-tree, and magistrate's name APIZTOZ.
[Coll. Waddington.]
Another with MHTPAZ [Dr. Imhoof-Blumer] to be
transferred from Period V.
Another with TElMAfOP////. [Coll. Waddington.]
These three new names raise the total number in this
Period from 5 to 8.
PERIOD V. CIRC. B.C. 387 — 295.
Obv. — Bee with straight wings.
Rev. — Forepart of stag r. looking back, behind palm-tree
and magistrate's name.
CLASS (a) TETRADEACHMS.
APIAEIXHZ. . 227 grs. Whittall.
BAOZflN . . . Waddington, from Fontana coll.
AlflN .... Coll. of Mr. Alex. Grant.
EOEAOHN . . Naples Museum.
KAAAIAAMAZ. Milan, Brera.
MENOITIOZ . In dealer's hands.
niTOEYOZ . . Wt. 224 grs. Whittall.
HOAYEYKTOZ. Paris.
nPOMENHZ . Waddington.
TIMOAAZ . . Waddington, from Fontana coll.
TIMHZIANA[Z. Florence, Uffizi.
In this class also the following corrections must be
noted : —
COINAGE OF EPHESTJS. I <
For ANTIKPATHZ read MANTIKPATHZ.
„ IPNIITHZ „ IPPOTHZ.
„ PANAITIOZ „ PANAIHN.
„ POAYEHN//// „ POAYZHAOZ.
On Dr. Imhoof Blumer's coin, reading MHTPAZ, the
bee has curved wings ; it must therefore be transferred to
Period IV.
CLASS ft. OCTOBOLS.
AOHNOMA[NAPOZ. Naples Museum.
Also, in this class on the coin, reading YAAKOZ, a
letter is wanting at the beginning of the name, which
may therefore have been <I>YAAKOZ.
CLASSES V. (y) AND VIII. (/3) COPPER.
Obv.— E— <t>. Bee.
Tfoj. — Stag kneeling 1. above astragalus, in front magis-
trate's name : —
21? Q
/TJ » o.
AOHNOMANA[POZ
Quiver instead of astra-
galus. Milan.
M. 2£.
AMYNTUP
Munich.
^E. 2£.
AIZZIAHZ
Waddington.
£. 4. '
AIZYPIO[Z
Munich.
JE. 1|.
AOKKAAOZ
No astragalus. Wad-
dington.
£1.8.
EKATAIO[Z
Milan.
2E. 4.
E]ZTIAIOZor IJZTIAIOZ
Lawson.
^E. 2^.
EYANOHZ
Waddington.
^E. 3.
O]EOMHAHZ
Munich.
^E. 2J.
MOPIMOZ
Lawson.
^E! 8. '
NIKHPAT[OZ
Munich.
M. 2±.
POAYZHAOZ
Waddington.
^.4.
ZKOPHZ
Waddington.
jE. 2J.
THAE0OZ
Waddington.
^E! 8.
. PEI0HZ
Munich.
To Class V. (y) I would also transfer the eleven coins
placed by me (page 47 = 131 of Num. Chron.,) under
Period VIII. (ft) viz. :—
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. D
18 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
M. 2. AAK] I nrOZ or perhaps TY A] I PROS
M. H. AlPOAAilN////
M.2$. ATPEAZ.
M. 8. AIAA///////
M. 2^. EOEAOHN
JE. 2i. EXEAAM[OZ
-ffi. 1. KOPY[AAZ
£1. 2i. MEfAAHTHP
^J. H- ZnZ]IKPAT[HZ
2B.2*. ////////TPIOZ
These, with the seven names previously given by me
(page 38, = N.C. 122), makeup a total of thirty- three
different names on the copper money of this type, of
which the following, however, occur also on silver coins
of the same Period V. : —
AOHNOMANAPOZ Tetradrachm.
AAKIPPOZ
ANTIAAKIAAZ
AOKKAAOZ Octobol.
EKATOKA[HZ Octobol.
EOEAOI1N Tetradrachm.
NIKHPA[TOZ
POAYIHAOZ
<t>IAOZTPATOZ
XIMAPOZ
So that in all we have 10 names on silver coins and 23
on copper to add to the 87 already assigned by me to this
Period, making a total of 120 names for the 92 years
included in the Period.
PERIOD VI. B.C. 295—288.
Obv. — Head of Artemis diademed right
Rev. — E 4> E. Bow and quiver, in field bee and magis-
trate's name [MNHJZAP.
mnvpoz.
JR. <H. Wt. 75-6 grs.
[Coll. Whittafl.]
COINAGE OF EPHESU8. 19
Obv.— E— 4>. Bee.
Rev. — Stag standing r. above quiver, in front magistrate's
name EY0YKPATHZ. M. 3*.
[Coll. Waddington.]
The first of these coins has the appearance of being
double struck, the name IflPYPOZ is quite clear.
MNHZAP, which is not quite parallel with inPYPOZ,
may perhaps be a vestige of a previous striking.
The number of names in this Period of 7 years is thus
raised from 7 to 9 or 10.
PERIOD VII. B.C. 288—280.
In this Period, during which Ephesus bore the name of
Arsinoe, I have as yet heard of no fresh names.
PERIOD VIII. B.C. 280—258.
From this Period, as I have already mentioned, I would
propose to remove the small copper coins (class /?, p. 47)
with the kneeling stag and astragalus (size 2£ and under)
and to incorporate them with the larger coins of the same
type under Period V. This leaves us 10 names for a
period of 22 years.
PERIOD IX. B.C. 258—202.
Obv. — Bust of Artemis draped r. wearing stephane, no
earring ; bow and quiver at her shoulder.
Rev. — E — <l>. Fore part of stag r. head turned back, in
field 1. magistrate's name : —
SILVER.
Didrachm APOAAOAHPOZ Waddington
„ EY<I>PONIOZ Lawson, Smyrna.
KAAAIZTATOS (sic) Waddington.
COPPER.
M. 2J. ...BOYAIAHZ Waddington.
20
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Also on a didrachm of this Period the name AOHNO-
POAIT[HZ should be read AOHNOPOAIZ.
Mr. Lawson has also a didrachm reading EYNIXOZ as
in Mion. Suppl. VI. No. 132, not EYNIKOZ.
The total number of names in this Period of 56 years is
thus raised from 41 to 44.
PERIOD X. B.C. 202—133.
In this Period the additions are extremely numerous.
01m.— E— 4>.
ATTIC DRACHMS.
Bee, border of dots.
Rev. — Stag standing r. before a palm-tree ; in front magis-
trate's name : —
ANAPftN
APIZTOAOXOZ
APKAZ
APXIfENHZ
APXIAHMOZ
AZKAHPIAAHZ
AHMO4> ......
EPMOAAOZ
E<J>EZinN
EY]OYKPATH[Z
HAIOAI1P[OZ
OEOAOTO[Z
K]AZTPOPIAHZ
KAZTOPIAHZ
MANAPHN
MONIMOZ
MOZXIHN
NIKHN
PPOPIAHZ
PYPPAAIHN
ZIMAAIHN
TEAEZI<t>PnN
XAPMINOZ
XOPIZKOZ
////OYAArOPA///
Waddington.
Milan.
Waddington (from Fontana Coll.).
Seen by Mr. Ramsay at Smyrna.
Margaritis.
Waddington.
Munich.
Waddington.
(a proper name ?) Waddington.
Paris.
Milan.
Waddington.
Paris.
Rev. 8. S. Lewis.
Waddington.
Paris.
Paris.
Waddington.
Munich.
Waddington and Munich.
Waddington.
Waddington.
Waddington.
Seen by Mr. Ramsay at Smyrna.
Univ., Turin.
COINAGE OF EPHESUS. 21
Of the above
AHMO<I> is the correct reading for MHNO4>A...
KIAZTPOPIAHZ „ AZTPOPIAHZ
PPOPIAHZ „ APOPIAHZ
PYPPAAII1N „ KYPPAAIAZ
Also in my list of Attic drachms on page 57 sqq. =
N.C. 141 sqq. substitute —
AHMAPXOZ for AHMOKAHZ.
ZflTAZ „ <NAflTAZ.
There are therefore in all 19 new names to be added to
the long list of 64 already given, raising the total number
to 83 for the Period commencing about B.C. 202, and
which I brought to a close in B.C. 133. In the face, how-
ever, of this new accession of names, I am now inclined
to extend the Period during which these drachms con-
tinued to be issued down perhaps to the year B.C. 48.
Many of them would thus be contemporary with the
dated as well as with the earlier undated cistophori of
which they would pass as thirds.
PERIOD X. CLASS (e) UNDATED CISTOPHORI.
B.C. 159—133.
Mr. Whittall, of Smyrna, sends me an impression of one
new variety to be added to my list on page 63 = N.C. 147.
Obv. — Cista mystica, &c., as usual.
Rev. — Serpents and bow-case as usual; in the centre a
small figure of the Ephesian Artemis holding a
torch in each hand ; in field r. a cock.
JR. Wt. 189-8 grs.
PERIOD XI. DATED CISTOPHORI. B.C. 133 — 67.
Year 65 = B.C. 69. Usual type, but on the reverse in the
centre between the two cornuacopiie a bunch of grapes.
[Acad. des Sciences, Amsterdam.]
22 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
This variety added to the other two given by me, and
to one described by Finder, No. 49, which I omitted to
notice, proves that in the single year B.C. 69 there were
as many as four different emissions of cistophori at
Ephesus.
GOLD COINAGE OF THE TIME OF MITHBADATES. B.C. 87-84.
Obv. — Bust draped of Artemis r. wearing stephane, at her
shoulder bow and quiver.
Rev. — E — 4>. Statue of the Ephesian Artemis, a fillet hang-
ing from each hand, in field 1. between statue and
fillet an uncertain object resembling a torch or
candelabrum. If. 4. Wt. 128. grs.
[Coll. Whittall.]
PERIOD XII. PROCONSULAR CISTOPHORI. B.C. 67 — 18.
Obv. — Cista mystica, &c., as usual.
Rev.-EQE OH C . FABI . M . F . PRO . COS .
Bow-case between serpents. Upon the bow-case
stands a one-handled vase ; in field 1. long torch
beneath HPAKWN. JR. 7. Wt. 180-5 grs.
(Coll. Whittall.)
The date of this coin, which corresponds with B.C. 56,
confirms the order of the succession of the Proconsuls,
T. Ampius and C. Fabius, as already corrected by me,
viz. T. Ampius B.C. 58 — 57 and C. Fabius B.C. 57 — 56.
This cistophorus also gives us a new magistrate's name.
PERIOD XIII. B.C. 48—27.
Obv. — E — <!>• Bee in wreath of laurel.
Rev. — Stag standing r. head turned back, magistrate's
nameinPYPOZ. £1.2*.
[Coll. Waddington.]
This completes the list of the autonomous Ephesian
coins as far as I am able to complete it. It is certain,
COINAGE OF EPHESUS.
23
however, that many coins are unknown to me. If
any of my readers who possess such will kindly send me
impressions of them I shall feel obliged. I append a
table of periods, years, and magistrates' names, which may
for the present supersede that which I gave on page 78 of
my paper.
PERIODS.
YEARS.
NAMES.
Period I. B.C. circ. 700 — 480
circ. 200
__
II.
480—415
65
—
III.
415—894
21
9
IV.
394—387
7
8
V.
887—295
92
120
VI.
295—288
7
9
VII.
288—280
8
8
vm.
280—258
22
10
IX.
258—202
56
44
X.
202—133 )
XI.
138— 67 V
154
92
XII.
67— 48 j
XIII.
48— 27
21
15
Total from 415— 27
888
315
ERRATA IN COINAGE OF EPHESUS.
Page 85 and 86 = N.C. 119, 120, for Schottenstik read
Schottenstift.
Page 87 = N.C. 121, for Whittall read Whittall, 1867.
Page 52 = N.C. 136, for Whittall „ Whittall, 1858.
Page 67 = N.C. 151, for P. 49 „ P. 48.
BARCLAY V. HEAD.
IV.
NOTE ON SOME DISCOVERIES OF ROMAN COINS IN
GAUL AND BRITAIN.
THE recent discovery of a hoard of Roman coins on
the line of the Roman "Wall in Northumberland, of
which an elaborate account, by John Clayton, Esq.,
F.S.A., appears in the Arckmologia ^Eliana, suggests
my offering a few remarks on the numerous very similar
hoards continually discovered in this country and in
France, one of the latest having been found at Jublains in
August last.
I believe that nearly all large hoards point to important
historical epochs when, from the movements of military
forces, the carrying of heavy accumulations of coin
necessitated the possessors to resort to concealment in the
earth. This mode of deposit was easy, simple, and
perfectly safe; but in hundreds and thousands of cases
the fate of war or the casualties of military life prevented
the owners from ever returning to disinter their deposits,
which remained to exercise the wonder and cupidity, and
also (in our days) the scientific investigations, of the far
future. But for the purposes of science the numismatic
historian has had to struggle and fight. It has been com-
paratively seldom that he has been able to examine, with
confidence in its integrity, a hoard of coins fresh from
beneath the ground. Abstractions by the finder naturally
]n. M.I.PLIV.
•
,
COINS OF ATHENS AND ELEUSIS.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF ROMAN COINS. 25
follow ; and then come, as naturally, ignorance in the
acquirers and, the result of that ignorance, ultimate dis-
persion without criticising analysis.
I submit that the whole of the deposits of coins which
include a very large proportion of those of the Tetrici,
and a very small number of Aurelian, indicate conclu-
sively the closing days of the rule of the former, and the
reunion of the provinces of Gaul and Britain to the
Empire. To meet the advance of the Roman Emperor,
Tetricus had assembled a powerful army drawn chiefly
from both provinces. Notwithstanding the treachery of
Tetricus, the provincials fought bravely, and the slaughter
was consequently large. Many of the survivors were, no
doubt, incorporated into the imperial army, or sent to
recruit distant legions as auxiliaries ; and here, I think,
we have a satisfactory explanation of the cause of deposit
of the peculiar hoards to which I draw your attention and of
which I give examples. M. Eugene Hucher, who has pub-
lished an excellent Report on the Jublains coins,1 seems
to suggest, if I understand him correctly, that the incur-
sions of the Franks and Germans may also have con-
tributed to the panic which caused the concealment of the
two large hoards he has so well analyzed ; but I doubt if
at this critical period to which the coins themselves point,
the province of Gaul was much molested by them ; and
we have no evidence to show that they overran Britain,
in all parts of which precisely similar hoards are often
discovered.
I refer to the observations I made so long ago as
the publication of the third volume of my " Collectanea
1 " Tresor de Jublains (Mayenne)," decrit, dessind et grave-
par Eugene Hucher. Mamers et le Mans, 1880. I am indebted
to M. Henri Barbe, of Jublains, for a copy.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. E
26
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Antiqua," on the conclusions I arrived at from the coins
then collected at various times, from the castrum of
Jublains and its vicinity, and it will be seen how they are
confirmed by this late discovery. I then noted 421. Of
these some 350 were of the Tetrici, and only a single
specimen of Aurelian.
DISCOVERIES OF HOARDS OP COINS DEPOSITED TOWARDS THE
CLOSE OF THE REIGN OF TETRICUS, IN BRITAIN AND GAUL.
NUNBURNHOLME, IN YORKSHIRE, 1855.2
Valerianus .
Gallienus
Salonina
Postumus
Victorinus .
Marius
Tetricus, Sen.
Carried forward 1908
Brought forward 1908
Tetricus, Jun. . . 484
Claudius Gothicus . 321
Quintillus . . .13
Aurelianus ... 4
Undecipherable ; but
probably of the Tetrici 415
3095
MIDWAY BETWEEN BENWELL AND ROCHESTER, ON THE LINE OF
THE ROMAN WALL, 1879.3
Otacilia
Hostilianus .
Trebonianus
Volusianus .
^Emilianus .
Valerianus .
Mariniana .
Gallienus
Salonina
Saloninus
Postumus
Laelianus
Carried forward 1589 '
2 " Collectanea Antiqua," vol. v. p. 125.
3 " The Discovery of a Hoard of Roman Coins on the Wall of
Hadrian," by John Clayton, F.S.A. From the " Archfeologia
JEliana," Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1880.
1
Brought forward
1589
1
Victorinus .
. 1678
1
Marius
. 24
2
Macrianus .
1
1
Quietus
1
49
Claudius II.
. 696
2
Quintillus
. 95
915
Tetricus, Sen.
. 424
136
Tetricus, Jun.
. 92
21
Aurelianus .
8
454
Unexamined
. 416
6
unvA
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF ROMAN COINS.
27
FOUND NEAR EASTBOURNE, IN SUSSEX. IN JULY, 1879.4
Valerianus
Gallienus
Salonina
Saloninus
Postumus
Laelianus
Marius
1
45
6
1
16
2
1
Carried forward
72
Brought forward
Victorious .
Claudius II.
Quintillus
Tetricus, Sen.
Tetricus, Jun.
Aurelianus ,
148
These were selected by the Rev. Thomas Calvert, who
informs me that they were, in all, about 680. The others
were very illegible ; but apparently of the Tetrici chiefly.
THE DISCOVERY AT JUBLAINS, IN AUGUST, 1880.
Large brass of Hadrian, Sabiua, Faustina,
Sen., Faustina, Jun., and Lucilla . 5
Middle brass of Tiberius, Claudius, Trajan,
Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, Marcus
Aurelius, Faustina, Jun., and Corn-
modus ......
Valerianus
Gallienus
Salonina
Saloninus
Postumus
Victorinus
Marius
Claudius II.
Quintillus
Tetricus, Sen.
Tetricus, Jun.
Aurelianus
petits bronzes sauces
1
6
309
38
1
32
295
1
337
13
2640
801
8
4493
4 A Descriptive Catalogue of third brass Roman Coins
selected from a " Find," in July, 1879, near Eastbourne,
Sussex ; and presented to the Brighton Free Library and
Museum by his Grace the Duke of Devonshire. — Brighton, 1880.
28
N UMISMAT 1C CHRONICLE.
The hoard found at Blanchardiere, near Le Mans, con-
sisted of 8,578 coins, M. Hucher states, of almost all the
Emperors of the third century. I have not received a
catalogue; but it appears that the relative proportions
are almost the same in the two hoards. They both close
with Aurelian, without having a single specimen of his
successor, Tacitus.
In 1867 a deposit was found near Netley Abbey, in
Hampshire. A detailed account, drawn up by Dr. De
Chaumont, was published by the British Archaeological
Association in their Journal of the same year. The follow-
ing is a summary of the coins : —
Valerianus ... 3
Gallienus . . . 162
Salonina ... 18
Postuinus ... 26
Victorinus . .. . 410
Marius 1
Carried forward 615
Brought forward 615
Claudius Gothicus . 186
Quintillus ... 15
Tetricus, Sen. . . 749
Tetricus, Jun. . . 255
Aurelianus . 1
1821
The Rev. E. Kell, in his remarks on the discovery
appended to Dr. De Chaumont's report, stated his belief that
the preponderance of the coins of the Tetrici was due to
the especial influence of Tetricus at Clausentum, now
Bittern Manor, only a few miles distant, where several
inscriptions to Tetricus have been discovered.5 But, as
we see, similar hoards are found throughout England ;
and their interest lies in a very different direction from
that conjectured by Mr. Kell, as must be evident from
the facts here instanced.
The discovery at Jublaius so fully and ably described
by Mr. Hucher, deserves a little furthur attention in
5 " Transactions of the British Archaeological Association at
Winchester." p. 161.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF ROMAN COINS. 29
justice to this experienced numismatist's exhaustive
report.
The castrum to which I have referred as the object of a
visit with my friend Mr. Charles Warne, F.S A., and of
which I believe I have succeeded in giving a fair notion in
the " Collectanea Antiqua," remains as it then was ; but
in the vicinity researches have been made, chiefly by
M. Henri Barbe,6 which have brought to light extensive
buildings and a theatre, proving that the castrum was an
appendage to a large town. Its extent is indicated by
ruins, many of which are covered by brushwood and
copse, and in this district, called La Tonnelle, near the
foundations of a temple, supposed the temple of Fortune,
and in the wall of a hypocaust were discovered the 4,500
coins before referred to.
About the same time was discovered at Blanchardiore,
near Le Mans, another hoard consisting of 8,578 coins
similar to those of Jublains, and in the same proportions
except that it contained rather more of Aurelian. But
while the same emperors are represented in both, there is
a remarkable diiference in the character of the coins them-
selves. Those of Jublains constitute an undigested and un-
selected mass, while the Blanchardiere hoard is a homo-
geneous mass composed of coins carefully sorted, of uniform
module, and official mintages. The Jublains hoard is
made up of coins of all sizes from the large brass of the
first century to the most minute pieces of the Tetrici.
M. Hucher points out a further dissemblance between
the two hoards. He notices certain series of the coins of
Victorinus and of the Tetrici in the Blanchardiere hoard
6 M. Barbu's researches arc extremely well described in a
volume with an atlas published at Le Mans, entitled "Jublains :
Notes sur scs Antiqnites," 18H5.
30 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
hitherto unknown to him, which are entirely wanting
in those of Jublains. M. Cohen and M. de Witte, he
observes, have never noticed these series ; and it remains
to be explained how not a single specimen in them, issued
in the territory of the Cenomanni, found its way into the
neighbouring district of the Diablintes. This is a remark-
able fact which could only have been made clear by the
minute and almost simultaneous examination of the two
complete hoards composed of coins of the same emperors
and buried at the same epoch. As to when this epoch
was, as before remarked, there can be no doubt ; and to this
epoch the numerous similar hoards found in France and
in England conclusively point. M. Hucher, in referring
to one in Wales,7 observes that it is not easy to under-
stand why a Gaulish fugitive on his arrival in a strange
land, having buried his money, should not have ultimately
disinterred it. But I believe that it was deposited by a
British soldier or camp-follower on leaving Britain for
Gaul, and that he never returned to reclaim it. A similar
misconception in regard to a hoard of 9,000 coins found
at Baconsthorpe occurs in a notice printed by the Norfolk
Archaeological Society.
At one time I believed, with others, that the minute
and illegible coins commonly called minimi were post-
Roman ; 8 but I have long since been convinced that they
belong to the Tetrici ; and this is M. Hucher's opinion,
confirmed by the appearance of a large number in the
Jublains hoard. He corrects M. Cohen, who considered
them long posterior to the Tetrici, observing, " II n'est
pas necessaire de croire que toutes ces monnaies, si bar-
" Revue Numisrnatique," 1836, p. 456.
" Antiquities- of Richborough, Reculver, and Lymne,"p. 156.
RECENT DISCOVERIES OF ROMAN COINS. 31
bares qu'elles soient, sont le produit d'une basse epoque.
Nous avons trouve dans le tresor de Jublains plus de
douze cents monnaies des deux Tetricus affreusement
traitees et telles qu'on en croirait les coins ciseles par un
patre, ignorant des plus simples notions du dessin et des
plus elementaires principes de Fe'pigraphie."
M. Hucher has copiously illustrated his work by exam-
ples, for comparison, from the two hoards. Some few are
not mentioned by M. Cohen or by M. de Witte ; but it is
probable that examples may be found elsewhere. He
reads the names of both father and son as Caius Pius
Esuvius Tetricus. In the Blanchardiere collection he has
found several of the younger Tetricus with the word Pius
at full length ; but it seems that only one instance occurs
in the coins of Jublains.
C. ROACH SMITH.
STROOD, Dec. llt/t. 1880.
Y.
ON THE RESIDENT CHARACTER OF THE OFFICE OF
MONETARIUS IN SAXON TIMES.
IN Canon Assheton Pownall's paper on the Stafford Mint
in Vol. XX. N.S. of the Chronicle, p. 66, he again opens
up the question of the itinerant services rendered by the
Saxon monetarii, and he dwells on the assistance which
may be obtained in correctly attributing specimens of
their handiwork from the similarity or identity in the
names of moneyers of neighbouring towns.
Naturally we cannot, as he says, pretend to be positive
about so speculative a question, and it is much to be
regretted that we have no documentary evidence on such
important points in the elucidation of the question as the
position of the mint-masters, by whose authority, under
what conditions, and in what circumstances they issued a
coinage. But we have, nevertheless, a very large field of
inquiry from which to draw our conclusions in the
number and variety of the coins of the Confessor that
have come down to us, as we know of more than 12,000
coins of 12 distinct types, minted at 58 different towns, and
bearing mpre than 300 different moneyers' names ; and I
cannot but think that the general character of the evidence
they adduce points to a local and stationar}^ rather than
to a perambulating and ubiquitous, nature of the office.
. Chron. / j£/r £f. Vol. I. PL V.
COINS OF THE BAHMANI DYNASTY.
THE OFFICE OF MONETARIUS IN SAXON TIMES. 33
The actual significance of the word ON does not pre-
judice the question. Whether it means " in " or " of," it
would be quite as applicable to a resident as to a visitor ;
but there are other circumstances which seem to suggest
that, if it is desirable to suppose the co-existence of the
two classes, the resident moneyers were by far the
most numerous ; and that whilst we can occasionally
rightly attribute a blundered or corroded coin to a parti-
cular town by the occurrence of the name of the mone-
tarius somewhere else in the vicinity, we have much more
frequently the opportunity of identifying the provenance
of one partly illegible by the local peculiarity of the
minter's name.
I had not before noticed the quotations from Ruding
cited by Mr. Pownall : " That there are many reasons
for believing that Saxon kings were always attended by
monetarii, who frequently coined money for the present
exigencies in towns where the king rested, which will
account for our finding money minted in obscure places,
and that only once ; " and, " I know not of what kind the
many reasons may be, but it will not be easy to assign
one more satisfactory for the appearance of towns of such
little importance as mints." But Ruding's reasons do not
appear to me by any means conclusive in the face of the
evidence of the coins themselves. If it were as he states,
we should expect to find the same names connected with
the small towns that we meet with in the more important
cities ; but this is exactly what we do not find, as the
names occurring at the rarer and less important mints
have a peculiar cachet of their own, and are not the
common Saxon names we find widely distributed over the
larger towns.
In the Account of the City Hoard, Table V. (Num.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. F
34 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Chron., vol. xvi., p. 375), occur 220 different moneyers'
names, and an examination of this list will show that 155,
or nearly three-fourths, occur in one term only ; of the
remaining 65, 32 occur only in two towns, and 11 in but
three, reducing the number of widely distributed names
down to 22, or just one- tenth of the whole ; of these one,
Leofwine, occurs in 19 towns, God wine in 16, Elfwine
in 13, Godric in 12, the rest are distributed as under.
Four occur in 7 towns, four in 6, three in 5, and seven
in 4.
The following is a list of some of the peculiarly local
names which, in the City Hoard at least, were only
associated with the towns they are connected with here.
Being at present out of England, I have no means of
referring to Ruding, Hawkins, or Hildebrand, but it
would be interesting to see whether the connection is
maintained in the coinage of previous and succeeding
Agamund or ) r T . ,
. P of Lincoln.
Ahmund )
Anderboda ... of Winchester.
Boga .... of Taunton.
Braceman .... of Dorchester.
Brid ..... of Hastings.
Cenelm . ... of Norwich.
Cilda .... ofBedwin.
Cinstan .... of Dover.
Froma . . t of Derby.
Sigod )
Spot . . of Bedford.
Elm )
Godchild .... ofWatchet.
Morcere .... of Bury St. Edmunds.
Snoter .... of Nottingham.
Folcwine . . ^ of Sudbury.
Farebiw .... of Sandwich.
1 lilmvi .... of Malmsbury.
Seiner . of Hertford.
THE OFFICE OF MONETARIUS IN SAXON TIMES. 35
of Thetford.
Atsera
Blacera
Godelif
Sumerlido
Arcetel
lola
Othgrim ' ofYork-
Stircol
Of the above list, which could be largely increased, one
name is strikingly local, and which could have belonged
to no other than to a native of the town, and that is
SNOTER ON SN (Notts of Nottingham). Here the
moiieyer actually takes his name from that of his town.
Another less striking instance, but which at the least
is a curious coincidence, is the occurrence of the moneyer
Wolsey, of Ipswich. A fact attesting the antiquity of the
family of the great Cardinal, who was born in the chief
town of Suffolk.
The York and Thetford mints present many little
peculiarities worthy of study. They both have many
uncommon names and there are slight differences of type,
and striking amongst others may be cited the singular
annulets on the coins of the former town; and I may
mention as an instance of the importance of the system of
localisation, that it was entirely from the singularity of
names peculiar to Thetford that I was enabled to confirm
Mr. Evans's suggested attribution to that town of the coins
reading J7IODFO, as the names Atsera, Blacera, Sumer-
lide, all occur on coins reading both DEOTFO and J7IODFO
and on those of no other town.
If we examine the table before referred to with a view
to ascertaining whether the towns in which the same
name occurs are close together or far removed from one
another, the evidence is most conflicting, as a glance at
36 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
the following extracted list will show. In some cases the
proximity is undeniable, in others they are widely
separated from one another.
Name of Moneyer. Towns at which the name occurs.
Estan . . . Winchester, Bristol, Worcester.
Leofnoth . . Gloucester, Hereford, Leicester, York.
Leofwold . . Ipswich, Winchester.
Leofric . . . Stamford, Chester, Warwick, Wor-
cester, Southampton, Norwich,
Thetford.
Manna . . . Canterbury, Lincoln.
Swetman . . London, Oxford, Southampton, South-
wark.
Wicing . . . Exeter, Worcester.
Wulnoth . . Southampton and Chester.
Wulfsi (or Wulsi) London, Wareham, Norwich, Canter-
bury, Ipswich.
Wulfric . . . Chichester, Lincoln, Hastings, Shaftes-
bury, Steyning, Rochester.
Wurstan . . Norwich and Wareham.
The suggestion put forward by Mr. Sharp in the last
number of the Chronicle, that the word ON is an abbre-
viation of M (ON) ETAKIUS seems a most likely pro-
position, but it does not assist the solution of the other
part of the problem which has grown out of the original
query as to the meaning of the word, and which, I
suppose, must still be left ad referendum.
I take this opportunity of stating that I have discovered,
through the courtesy of Mr. Laessoe, keeper of the Royal
Cabinet at Copenhagen, that the coin figured on Plate X.,
vol. xvi., No. 9, and which in that volume I referred to
" Unknown German, eleventh Century," is a coin of the
Emperor Henry II. of Germany (1002 — 1024), and was
minted at Celle, near Dinant, in Belgium. A similar one
is figured and described in the Revue Numismatique
Beige (2nd Ser., vol. vi. PI. XX. No. 20), and is there
attributed to Henry IV.
ERNEST H. WILLETT.
Num.
BUKHARA COINS.
VI.
COINS OF STEPHEN AND OTHERS FOUND AT
NOTTINGHAM.
FROM a variety of circumstances I am led to believe that
a description of the find of the Henry and Stephen pen-
nies in this town on the 5th day of January, 1880, would
be of interest to the readers of the " Numismatic Chronicle,"
so that I venture to lay before them the following facts.
Some workmen whilst making excavations at the back of
old property in Bridlesmith Gate, for larger cellaring in
connection with bonded stores, came upon a hoard of
pennies of these reigns. Unfortunately they were ignorant
of what they had found, and thinking they were only
the tops or capsules of bottles, or pieces of tin thickly
coated with oxide, commenced throwing them at each
other. One man, however, gathered a couple of hundred
or more, and sold them to a jeweller close by. Another
workman, calling at " The Old Moot Hall " for a glass of
something to drink after his day's toil, and speaking
openly to the company present of the circumstances, and
showing a few specimens to them, it fortunately hap-
pened that Mr. John Henry Brown, the son of the pro-
prietor of the house, whose attention had been culled,
immediately saw what they were, and communicated with
the steward of the manor, Samuel George Johnson,
Esq., and he at once took steps and secured what he
could for our Castle Museum. Numbers, however, got
dispersed, and I am told many were carted away in the
38 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
sand, and boys set to look it over when deposited, and a
trifle given for every one they found. Had it been possi-
ble to have secured the whole find, it would in my opinion
have added much to our numismatic knowledge, for some
rare specimens were discovered; and from those which
have been submitted to me or have come under my obser-
vation I have now the pleasure of describing the follow-
ing :—
HENRY I.
Type No. 1. One coin as Hawkins 251.
Obv. — hHNRI
Rev.— + HOPOED ONORDI, 17 grs. See Plate HI. No. 1.
A careful examination of the reverse shows that the
letters, of which a part only is visible, form NOEDI, so
that this coin was struck in the Norwich mint. HOPOEU
was a moneyer at that town under the Williams, and at
least twenty-five pennies of the PAXS type of his mint-
age were present in the great hoard found at Beaworth,1
Hants.
No. 2. Another coin of Henry I. of the same character
as Kuding Supp., PL I. 6, and Pt. II. PL II. 6.
Obv.— f-HENRIEVS REX 7T.
Ifo?._+BRftND 0 EIEESR. 20 grs. Plate HI. No. 2.
This coin is unfortunately cracked. The mint of
Chichester is among those mentioned by Ruding, but the
name of BRAND does not appear in his list of moneyers.
No. 3. Type of Hawkins, No. 255. Of this type I
have seen at least seven specimens. They appear to be
all of the London or Norwich mint. One of them is
double struck, and weighs twenty grains.
1 Archaeol., vol. xxvi. p. 12. Ruding, vol. i. p. 156.
COINS OF STEPHEN AND OTHERS FOUND AT NOTTINGHAM. 39
STEPHEN.
The coins of Stephen present in the hoard are more
numerous than those of Henry, and some of them, as will
be seen, are of peculiar interest, though the general type is
by no means uncommon, being that of Hawkins, No. 270.
The most remarkable are some coins of which the
obverse die has been intentionally defaced, and of these
there are two varieties. In the case of one of these a
large cross has been cut in the die reaching to the edge
of the coin and defacing the King's head. A coin of this
kind has already been published in the " Numismatic
Chronicle " 2 by Canon Pownall, F.S. A., who has sug-
gested that such coins were struck under the Empress
Maud when for lack of time to engrave fresh dies those
of Stephen were used, having been previously defaced in
this manner.
Two coins of this peculiar character are shown in the
Plate (Nos. 3 and 4), and both seem to have been issued
from the Norwich mint, though the legend on the reverse
is in neither case entirely legible. They appear to be —
No. 8.— + EDS ... ON NOR. (17* grs.) PI. III. No. 8.
No. 4.— + . . LAREI? ON: NO. (19* grs.) PI. HI. No. 4.
In the other variety of coins struck from the defaced
dies of Stephen a line has been cut from the edge of the
die up to the back of the crown on the King's head, and
a cross has been impressed upon his cheek, below which
is a pellet. These coins appear to be all of the Notting-
ham mint — a point of great interest in connection with
this find. The moneyer's name is probably Sweyn, though
it appears to read SIEIN.
2 N.S., vol. ii. p. 189.
40 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
An example is shown in No. 5.
Efv.— SIEIN ON SNOT. Weight, 14£ to 16£ grs.
Two other coins seem to have been defaced, one by
having the die of the reverse impressed upon the royal
profile, and the other by a defacing cross towards the edge
of the coin. This specimen shows a peculiar sceptre on
the obverse. The legend on the reverse is almost unde-
cipherable. The mint-town may possibly be Stamford.
See Plate III. No. 6.
Of the ordinary coins of Stephen (Hawkins, 270) there
were upwards of one hundred and fifty present in the
hoard. They were struck by various moneyers and at
different mints.
An example is shown in Plate III. No. 7.
Olv.— rcTIEFNE.
Rev. I-RODBERT ON LV. 19 grains.
This coin does not appear to bear the title REX, and
the bust extends to the edge.
Another variety having a small star in front of the
sceptre is shown in No. 8. The legends are difficult to
read with certainty ; but the moneyer's name may possibly
be EOBEED. There are annulets in the angles of the
cross on the reverse.
In No. 9 is shown another coin with a remarkably
large bust occupying nearly the whole field. The place of
mintage is uncertain.
On the obverse of another shown in No. 10 the letters
NC only are visible. The legend of the reverse is divided
by four fleurs-de-lis forming the ends of a cross. The
mint town is possibly Lincoln.
Rev.— ANDE CO ?
COINS OF STEPHEN AND OTHERS FOUND AT NOTTINGHAM. 41
MATILDA.
Among the coins was at least one specimen of the type
Hawkins Supp. 634, which seems to have been struck
under this empress.
Obr.—+ . . . ILDI : IM.
Rev.— +SVE : ON : OX. PlateIII.No.ll. 16 grs.
Although the type is the same as that of the coin first
attributed to Matilda by Mr. Evans 3 this coin was struck
at another mint — Oxford. It is to be observed that in a
charter dated at that city in 1141, the year of her
coronation, she styles herself " Matilda Imperatrix Henrici
Regis filia, Domina Anglorum." Of the rarity of her
coins it is needless to speak.
ROGER, EARL OF WARWICK?
The hoard also comprised one of the curious coins read-
ing PEEEEIE on the obverse, but unfortunately in poor
condition. It is shown in the Plate No. 12.
Some other coins 4 I have rather doubtfully attributed
to Henry, Bishop of Winchester, and Stephen and
Matilda, but the legends are by no means distinct. The
coins were in most cases much corroded, and the process
of cleaning them has no doubt contributed to reduce their
weight, which, as will have been observed, is below the
average.
JOHN TOPLIS.
8, ARTHUR STREET, NOTTINGHAM.
s Num. Chron., vol. xiv. p. 6G.
4 " Old Nottinghamshire," 1881, p. 102.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES.
YII.
DEFACED COINS OF STEPHEN.
THE Numismatic Society has lately received from one of
its members, Mr. Toplis, his account of a find of coins,
money of Henry I. and Stephen, which, in January, 1880,
occurred at the town of Nottingham. My object in this
paper is to call attention to some of those belonging to
Stephen's reign, if not to Stephen himself; for among
them, I am told, thirty-seven of those examined were
defaced coins, resembling in an important feature one
which was described by me in the pages of the " Chroni-
cle" nearly twenty years ago (N.S. vol. ii. p. 189). Until
the occurrence of this find that coin of mine stood alone ;
standing alone, it was to be looked at rather as a curiosity
in a cabinet, than as that upon which any one could found
anything beyond a few conjectures.
The case seems altered now, when, after deducting
Henry I.'s money, a number (approaching one- fourth of
those examined) exhibit the head of Stephen defaced, as it
is on my coin. I do not say likewise defaced ; because in
this newly discovered hoard it is to be observed how
while as regards all the mode of defacement is the same,
as regards about five-and-twenty the cross is a different
cross from that which defaces the remainder. That coin
of mine was thus described : " A cross has been rudely
cut into the die from which it came, causing such deface-
. CArtm 3* Series VoU.Pl.721.
-
DEVONSHIRE TOKENS OF THE I7TH CENTURY.
DEFACED COINS OF STEPHEN. 43
ment that Stephen's profile is nearly gone, and the E after
FN is run through, or over ; a portion of his crown and
sceptre is, however, still visible." l
"What I have now further to remark is this ; in the new
type of these defaced coins, the intention of those who
meddled with the die is more clearly seen than it is on the
other. That intention was to get rid of the sight of the
King's head as completely as possible, and this riddance
has been sufficiently effected by a smaller, shorter cross,
not extending to the edges, but only to that part of the
field in which lies the head of the King.2
This evidence of intention on the part of those who
tampered with the royal die goes far to confirm the con-
jectures advanced in 1862 ; and more than that, the dis-
covery of such altered coins in number must be held to
prove that in reality we have got to deal with a class, and
not merely with a coin.
I have taken as a heading for this paper the words
" Defaced Coins of Stephen ; " but the question may be
raised, Does this heading describe the case completely, for
can this class in strictness be regarded now as belonging
to that king ? Considering the circumstances of his
reign, to which I shall presently allude, should we not be
disregarding suitable numismatic classification, as well as
the apparent intention of those who defaced his coinage,
were we thus to place them with other coins, the produc-
tion of Stephen's unaltered dies ? Just as the counter-
marked Spanish dollar of Charles IV. would be arranged
in an English collection with crown pieces of George III. ;
1 Reference is made to this coin in the new edition of tho
" Silver Coins of England."
2 For a more particular description I refer to the descriptive
account of the find at p. 37. See Plate III. 5, 6.
44 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
and sixpences of Elizabeth, marked with the arms of Zea-
land, in a Belgian collection would be included with the
money of the Low Countries ; so it seems to me a place
by themselves must be allotted to this class of our twelfth
century money ; nay, perhaps we must allow ourselves to
call it by another name than Stephen's. By whose name ?
We have no ground at all that I know of for assigning
it to the Empress Maude. We have some ground I think
for being not content to consider it the money of Stephen's
rebellious earls. Is there any for supposing it to be
that money of Stephen's successor on the throne, which
was known to his contemporaries as the Duke's money, or
the Duke's coin, and of which it has been imagined and
asserted hitherto that no examples have come down to us ?
Quoting a book, accessible to most people, I take this from
Leake's " Historical Account of English Money," page
49 : "In the month of May, 1149, Henry, the Empress*
son (afterwards King Henry II.) coming into England
with a great company of chosen Men at Arms and others,
many Castles and Strong Holds were delivered, and he
made a nem Coin, mhich was called the Duke's Coin ; and
afterwards (I suppose when he was King) the Duke did
inhibit the most part of these Coins." 3
Turning over a few more pages, in his account of
Henry II. 's money, Leake says, after referring to the
passage just quoted: — "What sort of Money it was we
don't know, but it may probably be one of those pieces
which are doubtfully ascribed to the two first Henrys."
In Ruding we have a similar account ; and at the foot
of page 167, vol. i., a note: "Mr. North says, On this
coin perhaps is ' Dux instead of Rex.' MS. note to
Query, Was Nottingham Castle one of these so delivered ?
DEFACED COINS OF STEPHEN. 45
Folkcs's Table. No such coin, however, has yet been
discovered."
Here it must be at once noticed that Leake speaks of
the Duke's money as " a new coin ; " for of course it may
be argued in answer to my question that the defaced
money of Stephen is not new coin at all, but only old coin
newly stamped. That is true. Yet Leake evidently
took his expression from the chroniclers, and with them it
should be remembered how the term moneta nova stood for
less than it stands for with us. With us the great re-coin-
ages of 1696 — 97, of 1817, the issue of the bronze money
in the present reign, constitute " new money " in our view,
without demur; but the coinages of 1156 and 1180 were
moneta nova in the eyes of the old writers, and who does
not know that one of the puzzles for inquirers of our own
day has arisen from the difficulty of determining the
respective coins of that new money ? We believe we know
them now, but it requires training of the eye to distin-
guish one sort from another. This being so, I do not
myself expect that " the Duke's money," whenever or
wherever it may appear, will be "new money " in our
sense of the word, or differ in any marked way from the
ordinary currency of Stephen's reign.4
4 I learn from the late Mr. Sainthill's " Olla Podrida,"
vol. ii. p. 178, that Hoveden is the authority for this statement
of Leake's. Sub anno 1149. " Et fecit ruonetam novam quam
vocabant monetam duels, et non tantum ipse sed omnes potentes
tarn episcopi quam comites et barones, suam faciebant monetain.
Sed ex quo dux ille venit, plurimorum monetam cassavit."
(Vol. i. p. 11, edit. 1868.) After quoting Hoveden's words,
Mr. Saintbill added, " If it can be ascertained what towns were
in the possession of the Duke of Normandy at this time, and if
there are coins of these towns inscribed on the obverse with
only ' Henricus,' such coins, at present appropriated to Henry
I., may be the ' Duke's money.' "
46 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Let us recollect the situation of Henry, political and
personal, at the time this " Duke's money " was struck. In
that same year, 1149, he had become Duke of Normandy.
It was an intermediate and somewhat ambiguous position,
that of his, when he was only Duke and not King. His
mother, the Empress, had not as yet withdrawn in his
favour her own claims to the crown ; though by quitting
England finally in 1147 she had withdrawn from all
personal assertion of them. I ask, is it not likely that
any money struck by Duke Henry in such a juncture will
be found to bear on the very face of it some tokens of his
peculiar position ? He could not call himself King ; more
than an affront to Stephen, it would have been a slight
upon Maude ; he would hardly style himself DVX instead
of REX, that would have been at least impolitic. The
crown, though the subject of contest, was on Stephen's
head, and the contesting parties were nicely balanced ;
he was a Duke indeed, but he was Duke of Normandy,
and the sound of that title in the ears of English soldiery
would have been like the crack of a whip. As " pieces of
necessity " what more likely than that the Duke's money is
bare of all titles ? Recalling, then, Henry's personal situa-
tion only, there is something to be said in favour of this
view, with which, too, the very appearance of the defaced
regal money is consistent. But recollecting also the critical
condition of the times and the exhausted state of the king-
dom, what Henry really wanted must have been read//
money — money readily produced ; and to answer his
purpose, could anything be produced more readily than
this ? " Hough and ready " was the mode then as regards
the money and a great deal more than the money. To
use a common expression, the object of his opponents was
to " stamp out " Stephen, and on these coins it was done.
DEFACED COINS OF STEPHEN.
47
I shall now leave this subject to the judgment of others,
but I must add a word or two about the Nottingham
find; the weights given by Mr. Toplis of these newly-
discovered coins differ widely from that of those which
came under the experienced eye of the late Mr. Hawkins.
Of the coins of Stephen which he weighed, he was led to
say "all his coins appear of the proper weight and stan-
dard, though very carelessly struck." Now, the Nottingham
coins of Stephen do not appear to average more than 17|
grains, and some of them come down as low as 14$ grains.
In this respect, while they differ from those known to
Mr. Hawkins, they illustrate the fact recorded by another
chronicler, who, under the year 1141, wrote as follows :
" The King himself (Stephen) was reported to have
ordered the weight of the penny, as established in King
Henry's time, to be reduced, because, having exhausted
the vast treasures of his predecessor, he was unable to
provide for the expense of so many soldiers" (Malmes-
bury).
ASSHETON POWNALL.
VIII.
HAVE WE NO IRISH COINS OP EDWARD VI.?
THE question asked and answered by Dr. Aquilla Smith
in the Numismatic Chronicle (N.S. vol. xix. p. 177) leads on
to another. Was there a mint working in Ireland in the
reign of Edward VI. ? and further, if there was, how is
it we are said not to possess at this time any coins of
his which can be attributed to Ireland? We possess Irish
coins of his father, Henry VIII. , although there was no
Irish mint at work in Henry's time. And we are supposed
to have no Irish coins of King Edward, though it can be
shown that in his reign the mint in Dublin was at work.
This subject shall be approached, after drawing together
some notices of the Dublin mint which occur in the Irish
series of State Papers of that period.1
These notices sketch graphically for us the difficulties
in Ireland which had to be surmounted before the cur-
rency was rectified, the distress of the whole people conse-
quent upon those difficulties, and the fruitless efforts made
there throughout Edward's reign to get things right.
It was not until his father's last year, namely, on the
24th of September, 1546, that the establishment of a mint
in Ireland was approved, "with the like establishment
1 Calendar of State Papers (Irish Series). Hamilton. 1509
—1573. London, 18GO.
HAVE WE NO IRISH COINS OF EDWARD VI. ? 49
of officers as in the English mint." (State Papers, vol. iii.
p. 581, quoted Num. Chron. N.S. vol. xix. p. 178.)
On the 28th of January, 1547, Henry died, and in the
second year of his successor (1548), "Sir Edward Bel-
lyngham, Lord Justice, by the King's command erected
a mint in the castle " of Dublin.
This we are told in Ruding.1 I do not consider we are
to understand from it that the Irish mint began thence-
forth to coin money; because, together with this state-
ment we must read another, which is to be found in a
note in the first volume (p. 318), and the information it
affords conflicts with any such idea. It is an extract from
entries in the books of the Privy Council, " dated at "West-
minster, the viii day of July, 1550," and runs thus : —
" For as much as the kinge's maUes continuall chardges in
Ireland did drawe the coine of this realme awaye, con-
sideringe moreovere that without erecting a minte there,
those charges might ill be borne ; it was not only agreed
that tlie minte should be sett up againe, but also that it
should be lett out to farme for xij monthes at the condi-
tiones followinge " (" ArchaGologia," vol. xviii. p. 137.)
Now, had the first of these statements implied more
than it says ; that is, had we been obliged to conclude
from it that the active working of this revived mint com-
menced in Edward's second year, then I do not see how
we could understand the last statement, which relates
how this occurred in his fourth year. From some of the
abstracts of the State Papers which I am about to give, it
is quite clear that money of some kind was to be got out
of the mint as early as November, 1548 ; but it does not
follow that it was money which had been produced in the
1 " Annals of the Coinage of Great Britain," vol. ii. p. 224.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. H
50 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
mint. More probably it was money brought there, as to
a place of security, to meet the King's " chardges." So
understanding these passages, then Irish minted money of
Edward VI. (if it exists) is to be looked for among his
coins of a date later than July, 1550.
From causes which perhaps may be divined, the newly
erected mint, and the bullion brought to the mint, were
not placed under the control of Bellyngham. This dis-
pleased him ; he was now Lord Deputy, and his dis-
pleasure found expression in the remonstrance which
forms the subject of a letter " to my Lord Great Master,
John Duddelay, Earl of Warwick" (an enclosure in a
letter from the Lord Deputy to the Protector Somerset).
In answer to his Lordship's letter, touching the exemption
of the mint from Bellyngham's rule, "he reckons he
should be privy to the King's treasure in the mint, or in
any other place in Ireland. He has neither bought
house, land, fee, nor office, diced nor carded, nor otherwise
lasciviously and riotously spent, nor unworthily given, the
King's treasure, nor yet hidden nor lent what he has
remaining." And then (by way of contrast," I suppose)
he names one Agard, or Agar, as " having spent £2,000
of the Bristol coin which he brought over to his own use,
besides the £1,000 delivered to him for bullion." This
letter is dated November 22, 1548, and is, as I have said,
the first notice we find in the calendar of State Papers
concerning the Dublin mint. The second occurs in
March of the following year, 1549, in the form of a com-
plaint to the Lord Deputy, from Harry Coldwell, " graver
of the mint at Dublin," to this effect — " he has not one
iron to sink, in his office, at the present hour."
In December Lord Deputy Bellyngham made room
for Sir Anthony Sentleger, who had held the office once
HAVE WE NO IRISH COINS OF EDWARD VI.? 51
before. Sentleger appears to have resumed it with good
intentions, as far as the mint was concerned — for " the
mynes to be wrought and tJie mint continued," were among
his " remembrances fore Ireland." These mines were
silver mines at Clonmines, Co. Wexford, and became as
vexatious to all concerned in working them as ever mines
were. The Lord Deputy's first step was to send to
Derbyshire for " miners and smelters," with a view of
trying what ore might be got out of them. This was in
September, 1550. Early in the following year, February,
1551, we find him, like his predecessor, urging that
" he is restrained from receipt of money out of the mint
in Ireland ; " but there is nothing even as yet to show
that he is speaking of money actually coined there. His
first remonstrance is quickly followed by another (March) :
" he has been ordered to prepare to furnish Cork and
Kinsale, and yet he is restrained from having money from
the mint." Again, in May, a third, signed by part of the
Council as well as the Lord Deputy, notifies " the arrival
of 1,000 soldiers from Bristol and 120 pioneers, but they
are much distressed for money to pay them," — " the
Master is so destitute of bullyon that he has not where-
withal to pay his ordinary charges ; " — that, " though
there be here presently an honest substance of woore (ore)
drawen in the mynes, which we think wolde make a good
masse of bullyon, yet forasmuch as we be not authorized
for the assay thereof we forbeare to put in use, otherwise
than the labouring for more woore." The much desired
relief is, however, obtained from England. Three months
previously, that is to say in February, there was a report
from Martin Pirri, detailing to the Privy Council the
particulars of his journey from Holyhead to Dublin, in
conveying bullion and treasure; together with a state-
52 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
ment of the account of £7,273 18s. 3$d. delivered to the
warrant of Deputy Sentleger, and coined from the 1st of
October to the 31 st of January. If then we are not to
look for Edward's Irish money upon coins of his struck
before July, 1550, clearly we are entitled to look for it
among his coins struck after that date ; for we have not
only the above report of Pirn's, but also at that time, that
is to say, in May, 1551, there appears among the State
Papers, " A note of money clue to the King out of such as
has been coined in the castle of Dublin, being £7, 27 3 18s. 3f «?.
and £5,372 6s. 8|rf." It is signed by the Lord Deputy,
Chancellor Cusake, and others, and is accompanied by " a
Declaration of the monthly charges of officers' and miners'
wages employed in the King's mines." Although we do
not ascertain from this important paper all that we should
like to know, it certainly does give us that precise informa-
tion, and it gives dates. On June 1st Lord Deputy is
superseded ; he had fallen under the displeasure of the
Court, and his important office is filled by Sir James Croft.3
Within three months of Croft's assuming office, there is
mention made of a further sum sent him by the King,
£16,000, the coinage of which is intrusted to Pirri.3
Lord Deputy Croft felt more strongly than his prede-
2 From Bishop Burnet's " History of the Reformation" (iii. 332)
it seems that by the Archbishop of Dublin complaint had been
made against Croft of some high words which he had used. He
was, however, acquitted and restored to favour, as we learn
under the King's own hand (" King Edward's Journal of his
own Reign," December, 1551, June, 1552).
3 Pirri is repeatedly named in the King's Journal, and in
these papers. When things are amiss, either in the Mint or at
the mines, Pirri is the good Genius whose wand is to put them
straight. In a later agreement with the King to coin money,
he is described as " Martin Pirri, Esquire, of London." The
initial of his surname occurs as a mint mark on some of the
threepences of Henry VIII. 's seventh coinage, 1544 — 45.
"Was it his initial which appears upon the coin ?
HAVE WE NO IRISH COINS OF EDWARD VI. ? 53
cessors in office the hardship of the position into which
Ireland had fallen through its bastard currency. His
remonstrances do credit to his feeling. " The present state
of dearth is to be wondered at ; everything that was worth
one penny is now worth four, and yet of all things there
is a reasonable plenty," he says in the month of August.
In November, writing to the Duke of Northumberland, he
draws his Grace's attention " to the great misery, by
reason of the bad state of the currency ; he knows not why
this realm should have worse money than England."
Moved by the vigour of his representations, the King and
Privy Council resolve to act ; first of all, there is a pro-
mise to send Pirri shortly, " with a device for the im-
provement of the currency to a better proportion in fine-
ness ; " and, secondly, an inquiry shall be made. Croft is
ordered to consult the Irish Council and other wise men,
for the regulation of the Standard — " (i) Whether it be
expedient that the King's money current in Ireland should
be of such value as that in England ; and (ii) Whether it
be profitable for the King but not for the people; or, for the
people, but not for the King." Inquiry is also to be made
about the mines. We then come to a Report of Deputy
Croft's (likewise addressed to the Duke of Northumberland),
which is dated December 22 ; and therefore it is subsequent
to the re-coinage in England of fine silver. This Report is
remarkable in several ways. He is of opinion that "the
same reason that persuaded the (English) Council to make
the money fine in England should serve for Ireland and
other realms;" then (after touching other points) he pro-
ceeds to argue that " money is for none other use but for
exchange, and should be taken for the value proclaimed.
.... It followeth not we sholde esteme anything
otherwyse than reason wolde we did esteme it Yf
we woldc use Icade to make armour, or edged tooles, our
54 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
labour were in vayne. Yf we sholde use iron to make
monney, it wolde .... ruste, canker, break, and be
fylthie."
We cannot fail to remark, at this point, a change in
the Lord Deputy's complaints. It is no longer that
money is not received, but this — that he receives no-
thing except debased money, money so debased that its
purchasing power is seriously diminished. Having noted
this, we may leave him to finish his tale.
The year 1552 opens with a reiteration of these com-
plaints, for in January again the Lord Deputy addresses
the Privy Council. On the 26fch, when sending his deli-
berate answer to the instructions brought over by Thomas
Wood relative to the coin and currency of Ireland, he
assures them — "The baseness of the coin causeth
universal dearth, encreaseth ydleness, decayeth nobilitie,
one of the principall kayesof a commonwelthe, and bring-
eth magistrates in contempt and hatred of the people."
" The Commonwealthe now in decay will never be restored
till fine monies be set forth as they be in all other realms."
He encloses in his letter, " A Common Supplication from
the Lord Deputy and Council, with the rest of the nobi-
lity, gentlemen and merchants, and divers others the
King's subjects to the Privy Council." This supplication
sets forth that the universal dearth of all things risen in
Ireland is attributable to the money as "the furste and
principall cawse ; without remedye thereof yt is thought
almoste ympossible to sett a staye ; " and it concludes
with a petition that the money of Ireland be like that of
England. In March he is writing to the Marquis of
Winchester,1 and his letter gives curious particulars as to
1 William, Earl of Wiltshire, was created Marquis of Win-
chester, October, 1550.
HAVE WE NO IRISH COINS OF EDWARD VI. ? 55
the excessive price to which commodities had risen —
quickly risen. The measure of corn that was wont to be
at 2 or 3 shillings, and at Croft's coming at 6s. Sd., is
now at 30s. ; and then he adds quaintly, " The Yrish-
men are in the best case, for he hath least nede of money,
he careth only for his bealy, and that not delicately
We that are stypendaries must live upon our stypends,
and by with our money, which no man estemithe." This,
however, is not all. He tells the Council plainly, in his
next letter (April 16), " the clamour of the poor artificers
who live in towns, and are reduced to extreme hunger by
means of the great scarcity, soundeth continually in my
ears." The occasion of this distress, this extraordinary
rise of prices, makes me suspect that the degradation of
the money was greater now than any known before,
greater than any which any indentures point to.
Again Croft's incessant appeals were listened to by the
King and Council, and the Lord Deputy is told in reply
that " Pirri is to be sent to Ireland for the mines ; " and
then, in a despatch of June 10th, a Commission is appointed
to him, as under-treasurer of the mint, and to Oliver
Daubeny, controller, William Williams, assay master, to
coin certain moneys for Ireland. (Referred to in the
King's Journal, under the date June 10, 1552.)
Whether anything came out of this Commission or not,
we have no evidence in these notices to prove. The scene
shifts now to the mines, and while it offers no improve-
ment in the prospect, it discloses to our view squabbling
officials, plundering as well as blundering.
The Derbyshire miners sent for by Sentleger appear to have
been replaced, after a few months' trial, by some Germans,
in July, 1551 ; and, passing on to the month of February,
1552, we come upon two notices affecting them and their
56 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
work. One is " a note of the silver and lead ore gotten at
Clomyne, and molten at Ross ; " the other is a damaging
report from "Robert Eecord, surveyor of the mines," to
the Privy Council ; he says (under the date February 28th),
" The wastes of the Almain miners in their washings,
roastings, meltings, and finings are excessive. English
and Irish men can better skill of that work than Almains
can. He hopes to save £2,000 yearly, till the mines can
be sunk deeper, and then the hope is of much greater
gains. The King's charges at this hour are above £260
every month, and the gains not above £40, so his Majesty
loses £220 monthly." I am afraid his accusation of waste
against the miners did not exculpate himself ; at least, it
appears that Record becomes the object of attack in " a
brief certificate " dated the same month, exhibited by one
Gerrard Harman. So far from thinking ill of the Ger-
mans, Harman " imputes the decay of the mines to the ill
conduct of Record" himself; and, while he declares "the
mines to be very rich, profitable, and commodious, he
complains of the wilfulness, pride, presumption, and
covetousness of Dr. Robert Record." This counter-charge
receives support from a paper which comes before us a little
later, and appears to be the report of one of the accused
" Almains.0 After speaking thus of the state of the mines,
" many of our folk have fallen sick, and three are dead for
lack of victuals," Joachim Gundelfinger then tacks on to
the report his own complaint against Mr. Record. The
remaining notices indicate a determination on the part of
the authorities to wind up the whole business. On
June 13th instructions are sent to Williams, Brabazon,
and another, to " view and survey Clonmines, where the
Almains have wrought, and to take an account of the
melting, fining, and assaying the produce and charges of
HAVE WE NO IRISH COIXS OF EDWARD VI. ? 57
the same." This was the beginning of the end. For
next comes, in August, " a book of check of the
A 1 main miners from the commencement of their work,
17 July, 1551, till 1 August, 1552, at Clonmines and
Ross," together with " a Declaration of the state of the
mines, taken by Sir Edward North, Sir John Mason, Sir
James Croft, and Sir Martin Bower," by which is shown
how the King's profit mas only £474 ; while his charges
amount to £3478 15s. Id., "besides £2,000 paid to the
Almains before they wrought a day."
I do not think it necessary to add anything more about
the mines in Wexford. Enough has been produced to
demonstrate the worthless nature of the mining operations
there, and how it came to pass that the reconstituted mint
in Dublin languished and decayed. King Edward died
on the 6th of July, 1553, and with his death expires our
interest in these notices of the contents of the Irish State
Papers, so far as any present purpose is concerned.
Sum up their net results, and it is evident that some-
thing is now to be added to our stock of information about
the Irish mint. Abstracts, as these calendared papers are,
they sketch for us a view of it which we did not obtain in
the pages of Simon and Lindsay. We learned from those
writers that the mint was in operation, and gradually
decayed ; J but here we learn, besides the names of the mint
officials, one or two important facts of distinct usefulness
when we approach the question at the head of this paper.
Recorded in these notices we have both the value of certain
specified sums paid into the mint as bullion and withdrawn
as coin, together with the exact period which the operation
1 "After a while, for want of bullion, by little and little the
work decayed " (Simon, " Essay on Irish Coins," p. 84). This
appears to be a quotation from Ware.
VOL. I. TI11KD SERIES. I
58 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
of coining occupied as regards one of those amounts. We
have recorded in them the exact period in Edward's reign
to which we may reasonably look, in the expectation of
meeting with examples of his Irish mint. This is so much
gain. Several things, however, we are not told. We are
not told the depth of degradation to which the Irish
currency was carried, nor the marks which separated one
issue from another. On these points we have no informa-
tion in the State Papers ; considering the state of the
mint, have we the right to look for it ? But, even as the
case stands, are we to believe that none of this money so
produced is to be recognised now ? Certainly, from such
evidence as came before him forty years ago, Mr. Lindsay's
conclusion was to that effect. " It is, I think, certain that
money was struck in Ireland in this king's reign ; none
has, however, hitherto been discovered." ("A View of
the Coinage of Ireland," p. 51.)
Since Mr. Lindsay's book was published, I do not think
a different opinion has been advanced ; it is therefore my
wish to direct attention by this paper to certain coins of
Edward VI., already known to numismatists, and to state
my reasons for believing that in them we possess the Irish
money of Edward VI. Among the mint marks of his reign,
described by various writers, is " the harp." It would be
strange indeed if money so marked were English, yet
English it has apparently been considered. For example,
we have this mark on a testoon figured in Ruding,
(Suppl. PI. IV. 30) without any apparent suspicion that it
is an Irish coin. It is described simply —
Obv.— EDW . . D VI AGL FRA HIB R . . M.M. a
harp.
hev,— . . MO . . OMINI . . . SVI . . . DLL Shield as
No. 28, but without the letters at the sides.
HAVE WE NO IRISH COINS OF EDWARD VI.? 59
Again, a testoon with this mint mark was sold at Sir
Henry Ellis's sale (May, 1869), with other coins in lot 88,
and was thus catalogued : " One with MDLIL, and
without E. R. on the reverse, m. m. harp. Very rare."
Three such testoons are in my collection. These are
only latten, and do not even look as if they had been
washed with silver, as do some of Edward's base testoons.
One of them weighs 74 f grains (the required weight being
80), and it reads, —
Obv.— GCDWfiRD : VI : D : G : 7TGL : FR7VN : Z : IIB : EGC^
m.m. " harp " on obv. and rev.
Rev.— TIMOR : DOSRINI : FONS : VITff : 5tt : DLR
E.R. on either side of shield.
Another likewise reads FR7VN, has m. m. "harp," on
obverse and reverse, and otherwise corresponds, except
that it has no letters at the side of the shield, weighs only
48 grains, and is holed. The third weighs as much as 93
grains. Two more are in the collection of the President
of the Numismatic Society ; and there is another of this
class in the British Museum, referred to in both editions
of the " Silver Coins of England," but in both one edition
and the other the mint mark has been mistaken. In the
last edition it is thus described (p. 289) under the date
MDLIL : " We have also m. m. obverse ' Y.y reverse
'Rose,'* FRAN, instead of FRA. (M.B). It is not easy
to account for this date on a base shilling, as the money of
fine silver was certainly in circulation in the preceding year"
These words also occur in the first edition. The mint mark
on the obverse in reality is the " harp." Now when we
take into account all that had passed in Edward's reign
about a restoration of the coinage, if we are compelled to
suppose there were in that year two concurrent issues in
4 Note the combination of these two marks in this coin ; and
observe that this class commonly reads FRAN, instead of FRA.
60 XfMlSMATIC CHRONICLE.
England, one of base, the other of fine testoons, the
surprise felt by Mr. Hawkins was only natural ; but
detach those base testoons from the English money of the
same date, class them with Irish coins, and nothing to
occasion surprise remains.5 Comparing them with Henry
VIII. 'a seventh coinage for Ireland (1544 — 45), in which
the harp is used, as a mint mark, not as a device as on
the " harpe groats " (Simon, PI. V. 100, 101, 102) ;
comparing them with the Irish shilling and sixpence of
Elizabeth, which likewise bear as a mint mark the harp
(Simon, PI. VI. 118, 119)— why should not we do this ?
Moreover, there is a distinction to be observed in these
base testoons of 1551 — 52, unnoticed hitherto, which is
important to observe, because at once it separates them
from the earlier side-faced testoons of Edward's second
coinage (1549), and allies them in appearance with his
fine silver money, as also with the early Irish coins of
his successor. That distinction lies in the alphabet em-
ployed ; on the testoons in question it is in part Roman,
but in part it is Lombardic. This, I say, has escaped
notice. In Ruding's plate, already referred to, the coin
itself in this respect seems to have been correctly en-
graved ; but when we come to the description of it in the
letterpress (vol. ii. 374) the characters are changed to
those entirely Roman, — and that is not the alphabet used
upon the coin. This Lombardic lettering on the debased
side-faced testoons of 1551 — 52 separates them from the
8 The coinage of fine silver commenced in the autumn of
1551. The harp-marked testoons were in use, as appears
from the dates upon them, not only in 1551, but also in 1552 ;
that is to say, at the very time when Lord Deputy Croft was
complaining of the great misery by reason of the bad state of
the currency, and entreating the Council to grant fine money
as in England.
HAVE WE NO IRISH COINS OF EDWARD VI. ? 61
earlier testoons of 1549, with purely Roman lettering,
as clearly as the metallic difference separates the base
money from the fine ; it enables us to assert that side by
side with the great issue of standard silver in 1551 — 52
there was running another issue of a standard about
which we lack authentic information. For what purpose
was this base issue ? Was it for use in England ? No
one will affirm that. The commission for the great re-
coinage of 1551 is not supposed to exist, but no one can
imagine it authorised another coinage than that of the
full-faced shillings of fine silver. Knowing all we do know
of the common practice of the Crown before and after
Edward's reign, is it unreasonable to consider that this
debased currency of 1551 — 52, which so ran out side by
side with the restored standard silver, was meant for circu-
lation in Ireland ? I am afraid anything was thought
good enough for Ireland.
It may be said that this opinion gets no assistance from
certain documents quoted by Ruding, for in one of the most
important of this period (the Proclamation of Elizabeth of
September 27, 1560) these testoons with " the harp " are
named; and the passage taken by itself appears to
treat them as only English. It names them among the
basest, it prescribes their reduced value, it puts them by
themselves in a class with certain others ; it certainly
does not call them Irish. " Her Majesty did therefore by
proclamation reduce the said base coins as near to their
value as might be, viz excepting the testoons
marked in the uppermost part in the border thereof with
one of the four marks, viz. a lion, a rose, a harp, a flower-
de-luce, which wei*e not above a sixth part of the said
base testoons, but which were so base and full of copper
(as was easy to be seen and understood), and differed so
62 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
much in value from all the rest of the base testoons, that
they could not without great inconvenience to the realm,
by reason of the number of counterfeiters, bear any con-
venient or like value as the others did ; and therefore it
was commanded that the testoons with such marks should
from that time be taken as current at twopence farthing
and no more, being as much as they were proved to con-
tain in value." (Ruding, vol. i. p. 333.)
Now, allowing that we have nothing on the surface of
this Proclamation to prove that these were other than
English coins, yet below the surface lies a fact which
must not be missed, for its bearing on the case is direct.
Three out of four of the testoons so named, so culled from
the rest on account of their being " base and full of
copper,'' actually bear, as mint marks, the very marks
impressed upon unquestioned Irish money of the preceding
reign. The " harp " was borne on Henry VIII.'s seventh
coinage (1544 — 45); the " lis " and the "rose "upon
his sixth. Writing of that coinage (Numismatic Chronicle,
N.S. Ixxv. p. 170), Dr. Aquilla Smith says, " The fleur-de-
lis and rose mint marks, which occur on his English
money, now first appear on his Irish coins." I suppose
they appeared then first, because through Henry's
assumption of the regal title, J]IBaRRia EGCX, then first
had Ireland become a part of the Kingdom, in a sense it
had not been before ; so the " rose " and " lis " marks,
which hitherto had been English only, might now be used
also for Ireland.6
6 In the "Silver Coins of England" it is said that the
testoons marked with the "rose" were coined at Durham
House, in the Strand. Those marked with the " lion " appear
to be the rarest. Indeed it is stated in Ruding (vol. ii. p. 874)
they have never occurred. Upon this I would observe that at
HAVE WE NO IRISH COINS OF EDWARD VI. ? 63
Before replying to the question raised by the title of
this paper, I have asked you to observe (i) that among the
coins of Edward VI. are some, which, placed amongst his1
English money, appear to be misplaced. Of the same date
as the re-coinage of fine silver, they do not belong to it ;
nor have we any evidence suggesting the idea, that
issuing from his English mints in 1551 were two coin-
ages, one base and the other fine, (ii) That at the very
time when the English mint was sending out its fine sil-
ver, the Irish mint was issuing money of a quality so base
as to make it the subject of repeated official remonstrance,
(iii) That base pieces of the date in question (1551 — 52)
undoubtedly exist, and are readily disconnected from the
English base pieces of earlier date by the character of the
lettering, as they are from the contemporary English coin
by the character of the metal, (iv) That belonging as
they do to the very period in Edward's reign when all
Ireland was exclaiming against the debased currency, these
base moneys bear mint marks which, in the preceding and
succeeding reigns, are the mint marks of moneys indispu-
tably Irish.
the sale of Colonel Durrant's coins (April, 1847), lot 419 con-
tained one ; it was dated 1551, and I have noted one among
Mr. Evans's collection at Nash Mills. It is in poor condition,
and must have been one of the earliest issued of this class.
Dated MDL, it will belong therefore to coins issued after
July in that year. The lettering is Roman. I go on to hazard
a conjecture that York and not Dublin was the place of mintage
for such. It will be remembered that the " lion passant "
was the mark on Charles I. half-crowns and shillings struck
there ; and also it was at York, as well as Canterbury, that a
portion of the small base money for England continued to be
struck in Edward VI. 's reign, while the larger pieces of fine
silver were issuing from the London mints. The lion is found
among Elizabeth's mint marks in 1566 — 67 ; not elsewhere, I
think.
64 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Observe also I am not asserting that the " lion " is
proved to be an Irish mark, nor even of the " lis," the
" rose," and the " harp," that all coins so marked were
minted at Dublin. That some were minted there I enter-
tain no doubt, — the very strongest probability attaching
to those with the " harp " mint mark.
Such are the facts and such are the arguments which
occur to me in this case. If I seem drawn irresistibly to
the conclusion that in these coins we possess the Irish
money of King Edward VI., I wish not to forget how
the decision rather belongs to numismatists on the other
side of St. George's Channel, of such eminence as Dr.
Aquilla Smith enjoys amongst us.
ASSHETON POWNALL.
MISCELLANEA.
NOTE UPON " PENNY OP CNUT THE GHEAT : A RECTIFICATION."
Letter from Prof. C. F. Herbst to John Evans, Esq., Prts. of tk$
Num. Soc.
COPENHAGEN, 28th April, 1881.
IN my letter to Henry W. Henfrey, Esq., which appeared in
the Numismatic Chronicle, N.S., vol. xx. pp. 226 — 231, a
couple of misapprehensions have unfortunately crept in which I
feel myself called upon to put right. My letter was translated
into English for me by my friend Professor George Stephens,
of the University of Copenhagen, a born Englishman. It
exactly expressed my meaning, but without my knowledge or
consent it has been in several places altered by Mr. Henfrey.
I have no doubt that in so doing Mr. Henfrey intended nothing
but benevolence to me, and I care very little for such small
changes — however uncalled for — in general ; but a couple of
these are so serious that I am compelled to protest against
them.
At p. 227, line 16 from above, in the sentence "dates only from
the time of Cnut the Saint," the word " only " is added. This
I did not write. At p. 228, line 5 from above, we read, " of
the reign of Cnut the Saint," instead of my own words, " from
the time of Cnut the Saint." These two changes I entirely
disallow. I purposely used the expression, " from the time of
Cnut the Saint," and at p. 228, lines 24 — 28, I say, in agree-
ment herewith, "that I can give no satisfactory answer upon
the pertinent question, how the piece can belong to Cnut the
Saint." But on the same page I have stated the grounds
which convinced me that the coin is " from the time of Cnut
the Saint," not " from the time of Cnut the Great." Mr.
Henfrey has given no direct reasons in opposition hereto in
the answer he appended to my letter ; and I am persuaded that
every numismatist, familiar with the English and Danish
coins of the eleventh century, will acknowledge the validity of
the arguments I have advanced.
At p. 232 Mr. Henfrey characterizes the three examples of
puzzling pieces I have given as being " blundered ; " at the
same time he asserts, in opposition to me, that Mr. Brice's
penny is " exceedingly well struck," and not at all "blundered."
I cannot understand by what right he makes this curious dis-
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. K
66 NUMISMATIC CHKONICLK.
tinction, for the three coins mentioned by me are as " well
struck" and apparently as little "blundered" as the penny of
Mr. Brice himself. In case, as a consequence of the likeness
of this piece to the cited coin of Edward the Confessor (" Num.
Chron.," vol. xvi. PI. XII. No. 7), he assumes Mr. Brice's
penny to have been struck in the last years of this king's
reign, and for aim, and that the moneyer carelessly put
ENVT as the King's name instead of EDPARD, he will
find it to be exactly parallel with the Swedish piece described
by me at p. 230, lines 3 — 6, on which ENVT is carelessly
engraved instead of ANVND.
My great object was to show that the coin in question could
not be " struck by King Cnut the Great, as assumed by the
English numismatists," but must be about fifty years later ;
and this I expressed by the words that it ' ' dates from the time
of Cnut the Saint, as Thomson thought" (p. 227, lines 15 — 17)
— Cnut the Saint being the second Danish king of that name
in the eleventh century. I used this expression on purpose,
because I would be cautious, and because I cannot prove that
the piece is from this particular king. But on the ground that
the coinage of money in England was an institution centuries
old and well consolidated, and that in the long series of English
coins we scarcely find any example of such extraordinary
riddles as that on Mr. Brice's penny ; while, on the other
hand, such riddles not seldom occur on coins struck in Scandi-
navia, where coining money was comparatively new and little
consolidated, I willingly admit that I am inclined to believe
this piece, in spite of its REX AN and NORPI, to be
really Danish ; and, as far as we can judge from its size,
type, style, ami royal name, from the reign of Cnut the Saint.
Believe me, &c.,
C. F. HEBEST.
NOTICE OF RECENT NUMISMATIC PUBLICATIONS.
The Zeitschi-ift fur Numismatik, Baud. VIII. Heft. I. — II.,
contains the following articles : —
1. J. Friedlaender. The Acquisitions of the royal coin-cabinet
from April to December, 1879. Two more important collections
have been added to the rapidly increasing treasures at Berlin :
first, the unrivalled collection of nearly ten thousand mediaeval
coins, formed by the late Dr. H. Grote, of Hanover ; and
secondly, the exquisite Collection of Roman Imperial medallions
and coins from the cabinet of our countryman, Captain Sandes.
The Grote collection, consisting for the most part of German
coins of the Early Middle Ages, finds doubtless its natural
resting-place in the capital of the German Empire. We cannot,
however, abstain from expressing our regret that the Sandes
collection should have been lost to our own national Museum.
This is now the third remarkable collection formed by an officer
in the English army which has passed into the Berlin Museum,
those of General Fox and Colonel Guthrie being the two others.
Nevertheless, although we deplore the loss to England of so
many priceless treasures, we are aware that in Germany they
will be appreciated by a cultured and intelligent people at their
full value; while the very fact that our own Governments, whether
Liberal or Conservative (for there is nothing to choose between
them in this respect), are placidly content to see the national
coin-cabinet beaten out of the market, and gradually losing its
position among the European museums, and all for lack of a few
hundred pounds more a year, is amply sufficient to prove that
the English peoi le, and even our ruling class, are lamentably
ignorant on the subject of numismatics, and quite unaware that
coins have any value except as the merest curiosities. The
fact that coins are sometimes the most valuable, always the
most exact, as well as the most permanent, and often, indeed,
the only historical documents which have been handed down to
us Irorn remote antiquity, our English educated public has yet
to learn. But to return to Dr. Friedlaender's article. The
gem of the Sandes collection is tbe famous silver medallion of
Julia Domna, a unique coin, in magnificent preservation. It
once belonged to Lord Northwick, and fetched at the Northwick
sale nearly £300.
68 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Among the other purchases made by Berlin during the year
are the following : —
An octadrachm of Alexander I. of Macedon, and a decadrachm
of Alexander the Great, which is said to be finer than either the
English or the French specimen of that rare coin.
Eleven gold staters of Ptolemy Soter, all of one type, the
quadriga of elephants, and varying only in their monograms.
Dr. Friedlaender has also acquired — not by purchase but by
exchange (a process of improving a cabinet which our own
Museum might adopt with advantage) — the fine and rare coin of
Pheneus, in Arcadia, of the type of Hermes carrying the boy
Areas ; and the rare variety of the tetradrachm of Amphipolis,
Rev., torch within a wreath.
On a hecte of Asia Minor, also recently acquired, is on one side
a head of Hera, and on the other a comic mask, also representing
Hera. This leads Dr. Friedlaender into a disquisition on the
comic symbols and adjuncts on Greek coins, and into a discus-
sion on the subject of the types occurring on electrum hectae,
which he rightly declines to accept as the types of cities, but
takes to be simply due to the choice or whim of the die
engraver. May they not be rather the signets or badges of the
officers in charge of the mints ?
In the mediaeval series, beside the Grote collection the Berlin
cabinet has purchased two remarkable gold coins of the Mero-
vingian kings— Childeric II., 668—678, and Childebert III.,
694 — 711, both struck at Marseilles ; also a curious Irish penny,
which Dr. Friedlaender attributes to King Anlaf V., 1029 —
1034, the successor of Sigtric III., the obv. of which reads
EANLF EVNMLH, the reverse being copied from an English
coin struck by Ealdred on Exeter.
2. v. Graba. On Saint Maurice or St. Denys on Bracteates.
3. Th. Mommsen. On the names of the Emperor Balbinus.
4. J. Naue. On the portrait of Alexander on coins of Lysi-
machus. In this interesting paper the writer gives good reasons
for supposing that the heads of Alexander on certain tetra-
drachms of Lysimachus are actually engraved by Lysippus' own
hand.
5. A. Kliigmann. On rnoneyers' names on Roman Republi-
can denarii.
6. H. Riggauer. Eros on coins.
7. R. Weil. Asklepios and Hygieia on coins of Bizya, in
Thrace.
8. A. von Sallet. Nyinphodorus of Abdera, circ. B.C. 430.
A tetradrachm of the usual type, with the name of thjs magis-
trate on the reverse, has led Dr. v. Sallet to identify it with the
NOTICE OF RECENT NUMISMATIC PUBLICATIONS. 69
Nympbodorus, who is mentioned by Thucydides (ii. 29) and
Herodotus (vii. 137) as a powerful citizen of Abdera, connected
by marriage with Sitalces, King of Thrace, and appointed their
Proxenos by the Athenians.
9. A. v. Sallet. On the Successors of Alexander the Great in
Bactria and India. Second supplement.
10. A. v. Sallet. On a sixteenth-century medal by Giovanni
Cavino, having on the obv. a head of Christ and the inscription
PORVS CONSILII FILIVS. The key to this hitherto unex-
plained inscription Dr. v. Sallet has discovered in a passage
of Plato (Symp. 203 b.c.), where mention is made of a mytho-
logical personage called Hdpos, " the Way," the son of MT/TIS,
" Counsel," and Zeus. This Poros, married to Penia, " Poverty,"
begat Eros, " Love." Plato's myth, according to Dr. v. Sallet,
has been seized upon by Cavino as a beautiful and poetic
prophecy of Christ.
11. A. v. Sallet. A letter of Eckhel's.
12. F. Bardt. The Frankfort-on-Oder Find, consisting of
silver groschen of Frederic II., Elector of Brandenburg.
13. F. van Vleuten. On the Bonn Find of eleventh-cen-
tury coins of the Archbishops of Cologne, Anno II., 1037 — 73;
Hiltolf, 1075—79; Sigewin, 1079—89; and Herman III. (?),
1089—99, &c.
14. F. von Vleuten. On a silver medallion of Gordian III.,
found near Bonn, having on the reverse AEQVITAS AVGVSTA,
and the three Monet*.
Band VIII. Heft. III., contains the following articles : —
1. H. Dannenberg. On the coinage of Brandenburg.
2. H. Dannenberg. On a Find at Seydel, near Manow, in
1878, consisting of over 2,000 coins of Pomerania and Branden-
burg of the fifteenth and early years of the sixteenth century.
3. H. Dannenberg. On the Biinstorf Find of Bracteates.
Supplement.
4. A. v. Sallet. Tobias Wolff, the Breslau goldsmith.
6. A. v. Sallet. On Kamnaskires and his Dynasty. The
result of Dr. v. Sallet's inquiry in this field is, that Kamnas-
kires was not a king of Parthia, but of a small neighbouring
State, either independent or tributary to Syria or Parthia, the
date of bis coins being B.C. 83 — 81. The writer conjectures
that Kamnaskires was preceded in his dominions by a king
named Arsace*, of whom there is a remarkable tetradrachm in
the Prokesch collection (Berlin), with the well-known Seleucid
type, Apollo seated on the Omphalos.
6. A. v. Sallet. On the coins of the Kings of Characene.
The list of these kings, and their dates, is as follows : —
70 NTMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Hyspaosines . . B.C. 124.
Apodacus . . . B.C. 109.
Tiraeus .... B.C. 60 — 51 or 54.
Attambelus I. . . B.C. 29 or 27 — A.D. 5.
Abinerglus . . . A.D. 9.
Adinerglus . . . A.D. 21.
Attambelus II. . . A.D. 51—60.
Theonneses . . A.D. 109—119 or 122.
Attambelus IV. . . No coins.
Attambelus V.
Artabazus ... No coins.
7. J. Friedliinder. Letters of Eckhel.
8. J. Friedliinder. Lamia. — A reply to Professor Gardner's
note in " Num. Chron.," Part 74, p. 268, in which he maintained
his attribution of the portrait on the coins of the town of Lamia
as being that of Lamia, the Hetaera of Demetrius Poliorcetes,
against Dr. Friedlander, who takes it to be a head of Apollo.
In the Annuaire de In Societe Fraiigaise de Numismatique for
1878, 1879, and 1880, the following are some of the principal
articles : —
On the changes in the doctrine of money, and the practical
consequences of such changes in antiquity, by F. Lenorniant.
In this remarkable paper, which has since been incorporated
by the author in his latest numismatic work, "La Monnaie dans
1'Antiquite," tome iii.,1 the writer traces the theory of money in
ancient Greece and Rome, and shows how the Greeks, the
inventors of the use of money, were imbued with the only true
theory as to its character of real merchandise, and how we find
in no one of the Greek writers of the autonomous period any
trace of the baneful theory which treats gold and silver coins
merely as conventional signs of value, subject to the will of the
sovereign or of the State. Turning from Greece and Borne, M.
Lenormant tells us that neither the coins nor the records
indicate any mistaken notions on the subject of money during
the flourishing ages of the Republic. The Flaminian law,
passed when Hannibal was at the gates of Rome, was the first
which gave to money a conventional value which it could not
command as merchandise. This temporary measure, adopted in
a time of pressure to recruit an exhausted treasury, was the fatal
precedent upon which was based the false theory that a legisla-
tive decision was sufficient to fix the value of the metallic specie.
1 The notice here given is extracted from a review of the
third volume of M. Lenormant's work which we contributed to
the Athenainn, Sept. 6, 1879.
NOTICE OF RECENT NUMISM.VTIC PUBLICATIONS. 71
This theory henceforth became one of the dogmas of the new
aristocratic party, and against it the democrats protested in vain.
Marius Gratidianus, in the eyes of this party, committed a
heinous crime in assailing the right of the State to depreciate
the currency, and on this account Sulla visited him with cruel
retribution. The Caesarean despotism restored for a time the
public credit by issuing good money ; but Augustus and his
successors had absolute control over the gold and silver coinage,
and before many years adulteration commenced, and went on
increasing until the systematic alterations in the coinage by
Imperial orders produced such confusion as was scarcely
equalled in the most disastrous years of the fourteenth century.
M. E. Gariel contributes two articles, one on a Paris denier
of Charles le Mauvais, the other on the Classification of the
Coins of the Carlovingian dynasty.
M. Alo'iss Heiss has also two papers on two bronze medals, by
Francis Laurana, one being of Jeanne de Laval, second wife of
Rene d'Anjou, King of Sicily, 1^61, the other representing
Triboulet, one of the Court Fools of the same monarch.
M. le Vicomte Ponton d'Amecourt contributes two short
papers on the types of the Praying Angel, and the Star on
Merovingian coins.
M. F. de Saulcy on an unpublished coin of Philip the
Tetrarch.
M. E. Caron on the Corbie Find, consisting chiefly of coins
of Picardy, struck at Amiens and Corbie in the reign of Louis
VI., 1108—37.
The remainder of the volume is occupied almost entirely with
descriptions of the various collections of coins exhibited at
the International Exhibition of 1878.
THE BRITISH MUSEUM COIN ROOM.
While most of the other great Museums of Europe are busy
enriching their collections, the custodians of our own Medal
Room are throwing all their strength into cataloguing. The
catalogue of Greek coins has now reached a fifth volume,
Macedonia, by Mr. B. V. Head; and the sixth, consisting of
the coins of the Ptolemies, by Mr. R. S. Poole, is now in
the press ; the seventh, by Prof. Gardner, Thessaly, Epirus,
&c., is also in an advanced state ; while Mr. Head is already
at work upon the eighth, Locris, Phocis, Bceotia, &c. It will
be remembered that the volumes already published of this
catalogue are — (i.) Italy, (ii.J Sicily, (iii.) Thrace, (iv.) Seleu-
cidae, (v.) Macedon.
When this great work has been brought to a completion,
which can hardly be for another ten years ut the least, it will
72 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
form a nucleus for a universal corpus of Greek coins, for by
that time it may be boped that Paris, Berlin, Munich, Vienna,
and St. Petersburg, may also have begun to catalogue their
collections on the same system. It is hopeless to expect a
complete corpus of Greek coins before the contents of every
great cabinet have been minutely and accurately described.
The catalogue of the Roman coins in the British Museum
has not progressed beyond Mr. Grueber's volume of Roman
medallions.
The Oriental series, on tbe other hand, has already extended
to six volumes, this portion being compiled by Mr. Lane-Poole.
All these catalogues are now illustrated by the autotype
process, by the adoption of which in the place of woodcuts a
large reduction in the price has been effected.
In addition to this work of classifying and cataloguing, time
has also been found to do something for the non-numismatic
public, by way of introducing them to the study of coins. A
good beginning in this direction has been made, first, by
exhibiting extensive selections of coins and medals of various
classes in the public galleries, and next, by the publication of
cheap hand-books or guides. Of these, Mr. Head's chronolo-
gical Guide to Greek Coins was the first. This little book,
which was illustrated by seven excellent autotype plates con-
taining figures of about eighty coins, had a rapid sale, and
though published less than a year ago is now out of print. A
second edition is, however, in progress, which promises to be
even more popular than its predecessor, for instead of seven
plates, the new Guide will have seventy, the number of coins
represented on these plates being no less than 800. It is to be
brought out in ten consecutive parts at half-a-crowu each. Part
I., which is just out, contains the coins of the archaic period ;
Part II. will illustrate those of the transitional style ; Part III.,
the coins of the period of finest art, &c., &c. ; an instalment of
the seventy plates accompanying each part.
Fully as popular among a different class of collectors will be
the new Guide to English Medals, by Mr. Grueber, ranging
from the reign of Edward VI. to the battle of Waterloo. This
is a book which contains an immense mass of information which
may be sought for in vain elsewhere.
The same may be said of Mr. Keary's Guide to the Italian
Medals of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, which will be
simply invaluable to all who are interested in cinque cento art,
and in the history of the great Italian families. Each of these
little guides, like that to the Greek coins, will be accompanied
by seven autotype plates, and sold for half-a-crown.
IX.
ON SOME UNPUBLISHED COINS OF ATHENS AND
ONE OF ELEUSIS.
TfiERE is hardly any class of Greek coins — except, perhaps,
the beautiful series of Sicily — that may be regarded as
better known than those of Athens. The exhaustive work
of M. Beule, published in 1858,1 contained a complete
review of all that was known upon the subject, and a cata-
logue of even the minutest varieties in all the different
collections of Europe. Hardly any additions have since
been made to the series. To the ordinary collector, indeed,
the coins of Athens offer but little attraction. They are
not remarkable for artistic design or beauty of execution ;
while, with the exception of the later copper coinage, they
present scarcely any variety of type. The later tetra-
drachms, indeed, present a very numerous series of magis-
trates' names, but these are, unfortunately, for the most
part unknown from history or inscriptions,2 and cannot be
arranged otherwise than in alphabetical order. It may,
therefore, not be without interest to the society if I com-
1 Les Monnaies d'Athenes, 4to. Paris, 1858.
2 The few exceptions, such as the series with the names of
Micion and Eurycleides, and those with Apellicon, Aristion, and
the royal name of Mithridates himself, are too isolated to afford
us any material assistance. They are, however, valuable as
criterions of stylo.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. L
74 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
municate to them a few additional varieties not contained
in M. Beule's work, together with some supplementary
notes on the series already published by him.
All collectors are familiar with the fact that there exist
two wholly different classes of Athenian silver coins,
having nothing in common but the general type, which in
both cases alike presents on the obverse the head of the
tutelary deity of the city, Pallas Athena, and on the
reverse her favourite attendant, the owl.3 It is certainly
a curious circumstance in the history of art, that the
coins of the former class, which display no kind of preten-
sion to artistic merit or improvement of design, but on the
contrary retain a conventional and almost unvarying style,
should belong, as they unquestionably do, to the most
flourishing period of Athenian art ; and that they con-
tinued, with scarcely any change, from the time of Pericles
and Phidias to that of Alexander the Great.
The cause of this singular persistence in the style and
treatment of the type once established, is undoubtedly to
be found in the reputation that the Athenian coinage had
obtained from an early period for purity of standard and
correctness of weight. We have no account of the period
at which the silver mines of Laurium, in Attica, were first
worked, but we know from the contemporary testimony of
.^Eschylus that they were in full operation as early as the
Persian war (B.C. 480), and had "already attained to such
importance that the poet speaks of them as "a fount
3 It may be interesting to those who have not visited Athens
to mention that the sacred owl of Pallas Athena — which is not
any of the kinds commonly known in this country, but the
Little Owl (Strix passerina) of naturalists — though common
throughout Greece and the Levant, is nowhere more abundant
than at Athens, and especially in the Acropolis and the pre-
cincts of the Parthenon.
UNPUBLISHED COINS OF ATHENS AND ELEUSIS. 75
of silver, the treasure of the land," and ascribes the wealth
of Athens to its possession of this resource.4 The exten-
sive diffusion of the " Lauriotic owls," as the Athenian
tetradrachms were familiarly termed,5 at this early period,
is further attested by the fact that a recent " find " of
silver coins in the south of Italy contained several Athe-
nian tetradrachms of the earliest style, associated with
coins of Rhegium and other cities that unquestionably
belong to the beginning of the fifth century B.C. Aristo-
phanes, writing before the end of the Peloponnesian war,
speaks of "the old coins" of Athens "as the only ones
which were correctly struck and duly tested for purity,
and universally regarded, both among Greeks and barba-
rians, as the most perfect of all money." 6
It would naturally happen, however, that before the
Athenian coinage acquired the remarkable fixity of style
and character which distinguished it for more than a cen-
tury, there would be considerable variation of design in
the details, while the principal types underwent no altera-
tion. Accordingly, we find that the earliest coins of the
Athenian series,7 though presenting always the same
4 AT. Kol rt Trpos Tovrouriv aAAo. TrAouros efap/oys So/nois ',
XO. apyvpov irrjyrj TIS avrois «rri, 6"r)(ravpbs \6oro<i.
Persa, v. 238.
AavpiamKeu. — Aristophanis, Aves, v. 1106.
OVT€ yap TOVTOKTIV OVtTLV OV K
dAAo, KaAAtoTots airavrw, <Ls
KCU /AOVOtS 6/30WS KOTTClCri KCU K€/C(o8<l)Vl(r/ieVOtS
ei> T€ Tots"EAAi>7crt /ecu rots j8a/)/3apoieri Travra^ou
X/3ta//,£0' ov8«V. Aristophanis, Raiue, v. 725.
7 I am speaking here only of the coins with Athenian types.
The question whether those with the Gorgon's head, and other
types, figured by M. Beule (at pp. 19, 23, and 25), are really
to be assigned to Athens, or, as appears to me much more pro-
bable, to the different cities of Euboea, is one on which I do not
propose to enter in this place.
76 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
types and even the same arrangement of details, vary
considerably more in character than those of the succeed-
ing period, from which they are readily distinguished by
the more archaic style of design, as well as the more irre-
gular and unequal execution. Some specimens of these
earlier coins are extremely well figured by M. Beule at
p. 35 of his invaluable work ; but he has scarcely done
justice to this part of his subject, and might with advantage
have given figures of several other varieties, which, though
not marked by any important differences, afford evidences
of the comparative fluctuation and irregularity of design
in the period preceding that when the coinage had settled
down into the precise form that it permanently assumed.8 I
have therefore thought it worth while to figure a very re-
markable coin belonging to this class, which was formerly
in the cabinet of the late Mr. W. R. Hamilton, and is
now in my possession (PL IV. fig. 1). It differs mate-
rially— as a glance at the figure will show better than any
description — from any of those represented by M. Beule.
The bold archaic character of the head of Pallas on the
obverse contrasts singularly with the imperfect execution of
the reverse, on which not only are the letters A0E and the
sprig of olive very indistinctly marked, but even the legs of
the owl (usually made much more prominent than they
would really be) are so slightly represented as to look
almost as if the engraver had in the first instance forgotten
them altogether, and only added them as an afterthought.
8 It is a sufficient proof of the remarkable fixity of the type
once established, during this long period, that we uniformly
find the little sprig of olive (consisting only of two leaves and a
berry) maintaining the same place, in the left-hand corner of
the field of the reverse, with a crescent immediately in front of
it. On the obverse, also, three leaves of olive and a spiral form
the unvarying ornament of the helmet of Athena.
UNPUBLISHED COINS OF ATHENS AND ELEUSIS. 77
A more remarkable peculiarity will be found in the
following coin, which is, so far as I know, entirely
unpublished.
Obv. — Head of Pallas, to the right, of archaic style, with
the segis knotted around her neck, and two ser-
pents proceeding from it, one in front and the
other behind, with their heads erect and their
mouths open.
Rev. — Owl standing, to the right, witbin an impressed
square : a sprig of olive in front, and the legend
A0E in archaic characters in the angle behind
the head of the owl.
Size 6. Wt. 259 grs. PJ. IV. fig. 2.
The style of work and character of the head on this
remarkable coin differ materially from those of any other
example of this class of coins which has come under my
observation. The helmet is, indeed, adorned with a
spiral just above the ear, as is found also in several
of those figured by M. Beule, while the hair falls in long
curled locks over the forehead and cheeks, a fashion also
found on other coins of this archaic series. But on
this coin, as well as on that last described, the three olive
leaves are wanting on the helmet, which (as observed by
M. Beule) subsequently became its characteristic orna-
ment for a period of more than two centuries.9 On the
other hand, it differs from some of the earliest tetradrachms
in not having that peculiarly large round eye, which gives
so singular a character to the physiognomy of the goddess,
and which is not found, I think, to the same degree in any
other class of archaic Greek coins.
But the chief peculiarity which gives a special interest
to the coin in question is the introduction of the aogis
9 Beule, p. 87. See preceding note.
78 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
as forming a collar round the neck of the goddess, with
the two serpents proceeding from it ; an addition that is,
so far as I have observed, wholly unknown on the silver
coinage of Athens, and is, indeed, very rarely found on
Greek coins of an early period at all. The SDgis is, how-
ever, introduced in the usual form, as an ornament on the
breast of the goddess, upon some of the later copper coins
of Athens ; but these belong to the period of the Roman
Empire. On the present coin, as is so often the case with
archaic works of art, it is rather indicated than repre-
sented, the body of the aegis being reduced to a mere
collar around the neck, the meaning of which would
not be suspected but for the two serpents that proceed
from it.
I purchased this coin in 1861, at Thebes, from an
Athenian coin dealer, who had just been making a tour
through the villages of Boeotia, in the course of which, in
addition to this interesting tetradrachm, he had procured
the fine coin of Haliartus (with the legend API APTION)
that was afterwards sold in England in November, 1861,
at the sale of Mr. Merlin's coins. I had subsequently an
opportunity of showing it to the Baron Prokesch Osten,
who had enjoyed almost unrivalled opportunities of col-
lecting Athenian coins during his long residence in the
Levant, but he had never seen a similar specimen.
Before passing to the later coins of Athens, it may be
worth while to mention that I possess a very well pre-
served specimen of the didrachm of the usual style, or
middle period of the coinage. The extreme rarity of this
denomination is well known. Baron Prokesch Osten,
indeed (writing in 1854), speaks of only four specimens
as then known to him. That in my collection is precisely
similar to the one figured in the Museum Hunterianum,
UNPUBLISHED COINS OF ATHENS AND ELEUSIS. 79
and is probably from the same die; the two agreeing
in the minute peculiarity of having one of the two leave s
of olive on the reverse stamped on the border of the incuse
square instead of within it. Another coin of the same
period, the rarity of which is, perhaps, overlooked in con-
sequence of its extreme smallness, is a tetartemorion,
or fourth part of an obolus, the minutest of all Athenian
coins, having only a sprig of olive on the reverse instead
of the crescent, which is the customary symbol on these
tiny coins.10 Both Colonel Leake and Baron Prokesch
Osten, who have bestowed especial attention upon these
minute subdivisions of Athenian silver coinage, notice
only the crescent as the characteristic type of this, the
lowest denomination of all. M. Beule alone recognises
the two varieties. After enumerating the subdivisions of
the obolus, he says : " Enfin le tartemorion, ou quart
d'obole, a un seul croissant. Parfois, mais cela est tres
rare, une pousse d'olivier remplace le croissant" (p. 54).
On the next page he gives a very accurate figure of this
little coin. It is worthy of notice that neither on his
figure nor on my specimen are the letters A0E found,
which invariably occur on the coins of similar denomina-
tion with the crescent. Probably the engraver found
it impossible to introduce them from want of space ; and
this circumstance may possibly have led to the change of
type and the adoption of the crescent, which afforded
more space in the field in which to insert the three
letters.
I come now to the coins of the later style, the general
characters of which are too well known to collectors, as
10 The specimen in my collection weighs only two grains
and three tenths. There is none in the British Museum.
80 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
well as numismatists, to require a detailed description.
It is remarkable that so complete a transition from the
one class to the other appears to have been made abruptly,
and must therefore, without doubt, have coincided with
some marked change in the political circumstances and
situation of Athens. But we are, nevertheless, unable to
determine with any approach to certainty the exact date
at which it took place. M. Beule*, indeed, has attempted
to prove that this change was connected with the settle-
ment of affairs at Athens that ensued after the Lamian
war and the death of Alexander (B.C. 323). But it must
be confessed that his arguments are very inconclusive.
At the same time, there is every reason to believe that the
alteration may be referred to about this period, or the
interval from the death of Alexander to the visit of Deme-
trius Poliorcetes to Athens, when the number of the
Athenian tribes was raised from ten to twelve, and other
changes were made in the constitution (B.C. 303).
It must be borne in mind that though Athens enjoyed
no real freedom after the time of Alexander, she always
retained her nominal independence and municipal liberty
down to the time of Augustus, and even under the Roman
Empire. The right of striking silver coins, however,
certainly was withdrawn from her after the settlement of
the Empire under Augustus, when this privilege was
limited to a very small number of cities. It may probably
have ceased at a somewhat earlier period, but of this there
is no proof. The latest tetradrachms to which a date can
be assigned on any satisfactory grounds are those struck
under the temporary dominion of Mithridates, B.C. 88 ;
and the attempt of M. Beule" to attribute the series bearing
the names of Karaichos and Ergokleides to the time of the
triumvir M. Antonius (about B.C. 60) has certainly very
UNPUBLISHED COINS OF ATHENS AND ELEUSTS. 81
little to recommend it. There is, however, no reason to
suppose that the coins of the time of Mithridates are
really the last of the series ; and, on the whole, it may
fairly be assumed that this latest class of the Athenian
coinage contimied to be struck during a period of at least
two hundred and fifty years.
We cannot therefore wonder at the great number and
variety of the coins transmitted to us bearing the names of
magistrates, most of whom were probably changed every
year, some of them even at shorter intervals ; and the
classification and arrangement of these later coins un-
doubtedly form the most valuable part of M. Beul6's
elaborate work. So diligently, indeed, has he collected
and catalogued all the varieties accessible to him, whether
in public or private collections, that it is extremely diffi-
cult to make any important additions to their number.
He has described in all ninety different series, or what
may be termed principal varieties, each characterized by a
different pair of magistrates' names, which are found
in the great majority of cases to be constant, while
the third name is changed, in some instances as often as
twelve times, frequently as much as five or six. It may
be regarded as a proof of the comparative completeness of
our knowledge of the Athenian coinage, that out of more
than a hundred and twenty tetradrachras of this class in
my collection — selected with considerable care, and in
great part since the publication of M. Beule's work — I am
only able to add one new series, in which the names of the
leading magistrates are different, while in five other cases
the name of a new third magistrate is associated with two
others that are already known.
On the other hand, the rarity of the smaller de-
nominations of this later coinage — the drachms and
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. M
82 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
hemidrachms — as compared with the abundance of tetra-
drachms, is certainly a remarkable fact. But it is probable
that this is owing, in part at least, to the greater amount
of degradation to which such small pieces are always
liable, so that the magistrates' names would be rapidly
effaced, and coins in this condition are not usually pre-
served in collections. There can be little doubt that if
more attention were paid to these smaller coins the num-
ber of varieties would be materially increased. It is
a sufficient proof of this that out of the small number of
them in my own cabinet, considerably more than half are
not to be found in M. Beule*'s work.
I proceed to describe the one tetrad rachm in my posses-
sion, which belongs to a series wholly different from any
of those described by M. Beule".
Obv. — Head of Pallas of later style, with helmet orna-
mented as usual on the corns of this class.
Rev. — Owl standing on amphora : in the field to right
Bacchus standing, full front, holding a thyrsus in
his left hand, and a cantharus in his right. The
magistrates' names AIONYZIOZ . MNA-
ZAFOPAZ are both written at full, with no
third name : the letter on the amphora is A :
those beneath too indistinct to be legible.
Wt. 250* grs. PI. IV. fig. 3.
The coin is very well preserved, though in great part
coated with a black oxide, and both the legend and the
standing figure are perfectly distinct.
Both the magistrates' names are found on coins of other
series, though not in combination with one another. That
of Dionysius, indeed, is so common that no inference at all
can be drawn from it ; that of Mnasagoras, on the other
hand, is not a name of frequent occurrence, but is found
on another series of tetradrachms, associated with that of
UNPUBLISHED COINS OK ATHENS AND ELEUS1S. 83
Aropos as first magistrate, and with six different varieties
of the third name (see Beule, p. 222). It may be observed
that the execution of the head of Athena on the coin I
am now describing is decidedly of that ruder and slightly
barbarous character which is found on the later series,
such as those of Apellicon and Aristion, both of which can
be assigned with certainty to the time of Mithridates ; and
those of Aropos and Mnasagoras present the same style of
execution and character of head. It is therefore not
improbable that the name of Mnasagoras may in both
cases belong to the same individual, while the other coins
with the name of Dionysius, which form a numerous
series,11 are of a very superior style of art, and doubtless
belong to a much earlier period.12
There is, however, a difficulty in supposing the Mnasa-
goras on the two coins to be the same magistrate, arising
from the difference in the accessory figure, which on those
with the names of Aropos and Mnasagoras is Cupid or
Eros, in a wholly different attitude from that of Bacchus
on the coin I am discussing. Now, according to the rule
observed by M. Beule, which certainly is generally true,
the accessory symbol belongs to the second magistrate of
the three, and ought, therefore, to be the same in both
11 Beule, p. 264. They are associated with no loss than
twelve names of third magistrates.
12 While M. Beule" admits the difficulty, or rather impossi-
bility, of arranging the coins of this class according to the style
of their execution, there is no doubt that certain groups
present marked characteristics, by which they may be re-
ferred to the later and declining period of art, in the first
century B.C., while others may be unquestionably assigned to
an earlier period, when art was more flourishing, and some
pains were taken to apply it to the coinage, notwithstand-
ing the conventional character which always continued to
distinguish it.
84 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
cases. This rule is not, however, without exceptions ; 13
and it appears not improbable that Mnasagoras, if ap-
pointed a second time to the charge of the mint, under a
different colleague, and perhaps after an interval of some
years, may have chosen a different official symbol. The
figure of Bacchus or Dionysus would seem at first sight to
refer rather to the name of the first magistrate, Dionysius ;
but no reliance can be placed upon this connection, as on the
earlier series of coins, on which both the first and second
magistrates bear the name of Dionysius, the accessory
figure (the rising sun in a quadriga) has no immediate
reference to the worship of Dionysus.
Next to the coin just described, that of most interest
among the tetradrachms of this later style in my posses-
sion, is unquestionably one which bears the name of Mith-
ridates the king, and must have been struck as a memorial
of his short-lived domination over Athens and the adjoin-
ing parts of Greece. Though not unpublished, its rarity, as
well as its special historical interest, entitle it to a separate
notice in this place. Until within a few years only two
specimens of this remarkable coin were known, and, by a
singular accident, both were in this country — the one in
the Hunterian Museum, Glasgow, the other in the British
Museum. But a few years ago (I believe in 1875) a few
specimens were found at Athens, associated with tetra-
drachms of Mithridates of the ordinary type, and I was
fortunately able to secure the specimen now in my collec-
tion. It is somewhat obscured by oxide, but is otherwise
13 Thus the series with the names of Eumareides and Cleo-
menes retains the same symbol with that of Eumareides and
Aleidamas : that of Metrodorus and Miltiades is continued also
by Metrodorus and Demosthenes : and the same thing occurs in
several other cases.
UNPUBLISHED COINS OF ATHENS AND ELEUSIS. 85
well preserved, especially on the reverse, and the legend
perfectly distinct. It differs from the specimen in the
British Museum, which is that figured by Beule, only
in having the letter A on the amphora instead of B ; the
letters below the amphora are illegible from oxidation. But
as it presents some other slight variations from M. Beule's
figure, the only one, I believe, which exists, for that in
the Hunter Museum was unfortunately not figured by
Combe, I have thought it worth while to add a description
and figure of the specimen in my cabinet (PL IV. fig. 4).
Obv. — Head of Pallas, as usual, much resembling in style
the coins of Apellicon and Aristion.
Rev. — Owl standing on amphora : in field to right, a star
or sun between two crescents : the legend AOE .
BAZIAE . MIOPAAATHZ . APIZTIHN .
on the amphora A. Letters beneath it illegible.
Every numismatist will remember that the star and
crescent are the ordinary accessory on the coins of Mith-
ridates VI., and they are in all probability inserted on the
present coin as a symbol suitable to accompany his name,
just as his deputy and vicegerent Aristion inserted on the
tetradrachms bearing his own name the pegasus, which is
found on the earlier coins of Mithridates. M. Beule
indeed supposes this symbol to be of Athenian origin, and
that it was derived from them by the King of Pontus : a
supposition that appears to me to be altogether improbable.
Among other reasons it may be observed that the combined
sun and moon are found as an accessor)' symbol on all the
extant coins of Mithridates, whether with the pegasus or
stag on the reverse, and it is certain that some of these
were coined prior to the year 88, when he established his
temporary dominion at Athens.
I now subjoin a list of the Athenian tetradrachms of this
86 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
later class in my possession, which differ from those
already published by M. Beule, either by having a diffe-
rent name of the third magistrate, or only a different
letter on the amphora, or still more frequently different
letters beneath it. The number of these varieties is
indeed extraordinary. While the principal series, as has
been already observed, are not very numerous, and it is
difficult to add to the number of those already known, the
subordinate varieties are almost endless, and notwithstand-
ing the diligence with which they have been catalogued by
M. Beule, every large collection will be found to contain a
considerable number not included in his lists. The
addition of these trifling varieties may indeed appear of
little interest ; but it is only by thus bringing them all
together that we can justly appreciate the extraordinary
copiousness of the Athenian coinage.
The number of varieties still remaining to be discovered
would indeed be enormously great, if we were bound to
accept M. Beule's suggestion that there were probably,
in all cases, not less than twelve varieties of the third name,
with twelve corresponding letters on the amphora (in-
dependent of those beneath it) for every pair of principal
names, or what may be regarded as distinct series. But
it may be safely affirmed that this supposition rests on no
adequate foundations, and is based on the assumption of a
degree of symmetry and regularity in the arrangements of
the Athenian mint, of which there is no evidence, and
which in many instances is at variance with the facts of
the case, so far as they are known to us.
UNPUBLISHED COINS OF ATHENS AND ELEUSIS.
87
2 •»•«•••*•*•*£**£•***
"
o
a 2 • s s s s s . s
s
88 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
In the five series marked with an asterisk, the third
name is a new one. The abbreviated forms can only be
filled up by conjecture, and though this has been generally
done by M. Beule, it is hardly worth while. ZATYPOZ
may, however, safely be supplied. The third new name
(following Demetrios and Agathippos) in all probability
begins with F1OAY, though the Fl is off the coin, but
there are comparatively few proper names which begin
with OAY, while those with HO AY are very numerous.
The name of KAPAIXOY on the last series but one is
perfectly distinct, and affords another instance of the use
of the genitive case, which is remarked by M. Beule as a
peculiar anomaly in the case of the series which begins
withTIMAPXOY.
It will be observed that in two cases the letter on the
amphora is N, in both instances quite distinct; though
according to M. Beule 's supposition that these letters refer
to the twelve Athenian tribes, the highest ought to be M.
But these exceptions are so rare that they probably arise
merely from accidental error on the part of the engraver.
I now proceed to enumerate the drachms and hemi-
drachm in my cabinet which are not found in the work of
M. Beule.
AFIEAAIKHN . rOPHAZ . (no third name).
AIOTIMOZ . MAfAZ . MYZKEFAAOZ]
EYMAP[EIAHZ] . AAKI[AAMAZ] . OOI[NION]
beneath the amphora ME.
MHTPOAttP[OZ] . AHMOZ0[ENHZ] . KAA
beneath the amphora ME.
nOAYXAPM . NIKOr . <NAO . on amphora T.
TIMAPX[OY] . NIKA[fOPAZ] . ZnZI[TENHZ]
. APX[EZTPATOZ] . hemi-
drachm.
We have here five examples of drachms, and one hemi-
drachm, hitherto unpublished, but belonging to series
UNPUBLISHED COINS OF ATHENS AND ELEUSIS. 89
already known from the tetradrachms ; one which fur-
nishes a third magistrate's name, Myskellus (?), not pre-
viously known ; while the fifth in the list has the name of
Philo — corresponding to the Philod of the same series,
which appears in the above list of tetradrachms, but is not
found in Beule.
Before quitting the subject of the Athenian coinage, I
may take the opportunity to mention a little coin, hitherto,
I believe, unpublished, belonging to the neighbouring
town of Eleusis. It is well known that though in histo-
rical times Eleusis was wholly dependent upon Athens, and
was in fact only a demos of Attica, it enjoyed the privilege
of coining in its own name small copper coins, which are
found in considerable quantities. These, as might be
expected, bear types with a distinct reference to the
worship of the goddess Demeter, to whose temple Eleusis
was indebted for all its celebrity. B-it they present in
other respects little variety or interest ; the type of the
obverse being uniformly the figure of Demeter or Trip-
tolemus,14 seated in a winged car, drawn by two serpents,
and on the reverse the sacrificial pig, which was the
victim peculiarly appropriated to the goddess.
The following coin, however, presents a wholly different
type :—
Obv. — Female head, with long hair (Demeter or the Cora ?)
to the right.
Rev. — A vase of the peculiar form known as the pleriiochoe :
above, the legend EAEYZI : the whole in a
wreath formed by two ears of corn.
JE. size 2J. PI. IV. fig. 5.
14 The seated figure is commonly described as Demeter or
Ceres (see the Museum Hunterianurn, Mionnet, &c.) ; but on
some of the best preserved specimens it is undoubtedly a male
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. N
90 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
A vase of similar form is found on some of the copper
coins of Athens itself, and appears as an accessory on
several of the series of tetradrachms with magistrates'
names.15 I must refer my readers to M. Beule's work16 for
the reasons which have induced the learned author to
identify it with the vase termed plemockoe (TTX^/AOXO^), which
is described by Pollux, Hesyehius, and Athenseus, and is par-
ticularly stated to be one " employed in the sacred rites on
the last day of the mysteries at Eleusis." 17 This circum-
stance adds a special interest to its appearance on a coin of
Eleusis.
I obtained this little coin at Athens as far back as 1861 ;
but it has remained, so far as I am aware, unpublished
during this interval. I have since seen a second specimen
(now in the British Museum), but in poor preservation,
while mine is well preserved, and both the type and
legend perfectly distinct.
figure, and must therefore be taken to represent Triptolemus,
rather than the goddess herself.
15 See Beule, Monnaies d'Athenes, pp. 154, 192, 844.
The copper coins with the pleniochoe on the reverse, of which
several varieties are figured in the Museum Hunterianum, are
erroneously described by Combe as bearing a lamp : to which,
indeed, this peculiar form of vase has much resemblance. It is
well characterized by Athenaeus as /?e/u./3iKojSes — like a spinning-
top.
It is always represented on these Athenian coins with a lid
or cover, which is wanting on the coin of Eleusis.
16 P. 156.
17 Pollux, Onomasticon, x. § 74 ; Hesyehius, v.
Athenams, xi. p. 496.
E. H. BUNBURY.
X.
GOLD AND SILVER COINS OF THE BAHMANI
DYNASTY.1
ONE of the results of the late famine in the Deccan and
Southern Mahratta country, in Western India, was to
throw into the Bazaar the chance hoardings of many
years. Having the aid of friends stationed in those parts,
I had the opportunity of examining a great number of
coins of various classes. In this paper I shall confine
myself to noticing those of the Bahmani dynasty.
Of the rulers of this dynasty, the following is a com-
plete list, which is taken from Mr. Thomas's " Path an
Kings of Delhi," pp. 340 — 346 : —
I. 748. 1347. Hasan Gango.
II. 759. 1858. Muhammad Shah I. Ghazi.
III. 776. 1375. Mujahid Shah.
IV. 780. 1378. Daiid Shah.
V. 780. 1378. Mahmud Shah I. (Muhammad on the
coins).
VI. 799. 1397. Ghias-ud-din.
VII. 799. 1897. Shams-ud-din.
VIII. 800. 1397. Firoze Shah (Roz Afzun).
IX. 825. 1422. Ahmad Shah I.
X. 838. 1435. 'Ala-ud-din Shah (Ahmad) H.
XI. 862. 1457. Humayun Shah (Zalim).
XII. 865. 1461. Nizam Shah.
XIII. 867. 1463. Muhammad Shah II.
XIV. 887. 1482. Mahmud Shah II.
1 Mr. Gibbs having been obliged to return to India, Mr.
Grueber has consented to see this article through the press,
and is therefore responsible for any errors.
92 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
XV. 924. 1518. Ahmad Shah II.
XVI. 927. 1520. 'Ala-ud-din Shah III.
XVII. 929. 1522. Wali-ullah Shah.
XVIII. 932. 1525. Kalim-ullah Shah.
As I believe this is the first notice which has appeared
in the "Numismatic Chronicle" of the coins of this
remarkable dynasty, which ruled over the Deccan for the
space of more than a century and a half, I may perhaps
be pardoned, if I first give a slight historical sketch, of it.
This sketch, is taken from Ferishta's " History of India,"
and also from the excellent history of India by Meadows
Taylor.
At the period of the foundation of the Bahmani
dynasty, the Deccan was subject to the Kings of Delhi,
who were of the House of Ghazi Beg Tughlak. It had
been invaded during the rule of the Khilji dynasty, when
Jelal-ud-din Khilji sat on the throne of Delhi, but it
remained for Muhammad-ben-Tughlak, the son of Ghazi
Beg Tughlak, to bring it into complete subjection. This
he accomplished about the year A.D. 1327, and so great
was his partiality for this newly conquered district that
he determined to transfer the seat of Government from
Delhi to Dowlatabad, and actually did so, compelling the
inhabitants themselves to abandon their native city and
to proceed to the Deccan. Muhammad's residence in his
new capital was, however, of short duration, and he again
returned to Delhi, and permitted those of the inhabitants
who desired to do so, to accompany him. The journey from
Delhi to the Deccan and the return had, however, cost
the lives of a majority of the population, who perished
on the route either by famine or fever. These changes on
the part of Muhammad resulted in a series of rebellions
and insurrections in nearly all the provinces, in which
GOLD AND SILVER COINS OF THE 1UHMANI DYNASTY. 93
the Deccan joined, and set up a new king by the name of
Ismail, who took the title of Nasir-ud-din. At the news
of this rebellion, the King, who was engaged in an expe-
dition in Guzerat, marched to the Deccan, and defeating
the rebels, who were commanded by the Viceroy, Ameer
Judeeda, besieged them in their chief city of Dowlatabad.
From this siege the King was called away by a fresh out-
break in Guzerat, and the army was left under the com-
mand of Ismail-ul-Mulk, Viceroy of Berar, who was
defeated by an officer named Zuffur Khan, and all the
royal troops were expelled from the country.
The new King of the Deccan, Nasir-ud-din, now
resigned, and Zuffur Khan became King, under the title
of 'Ala-ud-din Hasan Gango Bahmani, and was the
founder of a noble and long-enduring dynasty. These
events took place about A.D. 1347.
The history of Hasan Gango is one of the most remark-
able in the annals of India. He was originally a menial
servant in the employ of a Brahmin of Delhi named
Gango. One day ploughing in a field of his master, he
turned up a pot filled with coins, which he at once took
to Gango. The Brahmin, appreciating his honesty, con-
structed his horoscope, and informed him that some day
he would attain to royal honours. Shortly after this cir-
cumstance Hasan entered the service of the King of Delhi,
and by his bravery and quickness soon rose to high mili-
tary command in the Deccan, and received the title of
Zuffur Khan. On the outbreak of the rebellion, he was
placed at the head of the rebellious army, and, as we have
seen above, defeated the royal troops near the town of
Beeder.
No further attempts to quell the rebellion having been
made by Muhammad, and Nasir-ud-din resigning his new
94 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE..
crown, Zuffur Khan was chosen King, and out of regard
to his former master, whom he appointed his chief
treasurer, assumed the title of 'Ala-ud-din Hasan Gango
Bahmani. The kingdom thus formed had Berar in the
north, and the eastern frontier extended from Berar,
Mahore, and Hamgeer to Indore and Kowlas ; on the
south the boundary was formed by the rivers Krishna
and Tumboodra ; and on the west was the sea, with the
ports of Dabul and Choule. For its capital, Hasan
Gango selected the city of Koolburga, on account of its
central position — which city, Ferishta says, was now named
Ahsanabad. Having thus attained to royal honours
Gango at once applied himself to the organization of his
dominions, and by the justice of his rule soon earned the
affection of all his subjects.
For some years the Deccan enjoyed a period of peace, and
it was not till an ancient prince of Guzerat invited Gango
to occupy that province that the new State was involved in
any war. The expedition failed, chiefly through the ill-
health of the King, who soon returned to his capital,
where he died on the 10th Feb., 1358, and was succeeded
by his son, Muhammad Shah I. Ghazi. Scarcely had
Muhammad mounted his throne than his kingdom was
menaced by two formidable Hindoo powers, that of Wurun-
gul on the east and south-east, and Beejanuggeron the south
and south-west, these states demanding the restoration of
certain dominions which had been conquered by Gango.
Muhammad first turned his attention to Wurungul, which
he entered, and after a severe struggle compelled to sub-
mit to his terms. Having thus disposed of one enemy,
he was not long in provoking a quarrel with the Hindoo
King of Beejanugger. This contest he found more
severe, and on more than one occasion he almost despaired
GOLD AND SILVER COINS OF THE BAHMAN1 DYNASTY. 95
of success ; but being of a fierce and daring character he
persevered, and eventually gained a great victory in which
the Hindoo general was killed. Following up this success
with the wholesale massacre of all the inhabitants in his
march, men, women, and children, and finally with the
siege of Beejanugger, he compelled the whole population
to surrender, and he granted them honourable terms. It
is said that in this war upwards of 500,000 Hindoos fell
to the swords of the Mahommedans.
These are the only wars which occurred during the
reign of Muhammad, who, like his father, availed himself
of peaceful times to continue the work of providing for
the security of his people. This he accomplished by
yearly tours throughout his dominions ; so that at his
death, March 21, 1375, he left a flourishing country, a
rich treasury, and a well-disciplined army.
Muhammad Shah was succeeded by his son, Mujahid
Shah, who soon became involved in a war with Beeja-
nugger, and marching into the country forced the reign-
ing rajah to retire to the woods and forests south and
west of his capital. This was followed by the siege of
Beejanugger itself, during the course of which Mujahid
forced his way into the second line of works, where there
was a celebrated and much-venerated image of the
monkey-god, Hunooman, which the Brahmins tried to
save. In the conflict for the possession of this image, the
King struck it and mutilated its features. For this act a
wounded Brahmin cursed him, and prophesied that he would
die ere he reached his kingdom — a prophecy which was
soon fulfilled, for after making peace with his enemies, he
was preparing to return to his capital, when he was mur-
dered by his uncle, Daud Shah, who immediately after-
wards caused himself to be proclaimed King, the murdered
96 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
man leaving no children. The death of Mujahid Shah
occurred 14th April, 1378, and Baud Shah was himself
murdered after a short reign of a month and five days,
whilst praying in a mosque at Koolburga, by one of his
nephew's attached attendants. Daud Shah was suc-
ceeded by Mahmud Shah I., who was the youngest son of
the first King, Hasan Gango. The reign of this prince was
a peaceful one, and was not disturbed by either foreign
wars or domestic insurrections. Having for his minister
Seif-ud-din Ghoory, the faithful counsellor of his father,
Mahmud applied himself to the improvement of the state
of his subjects. Being a man of great literary tastes, he
founded schools throughout his dominions, which he also
richly endowed ; other charities at the same time receiv-
ing a due share of his sympathy. JMahmud Shah died of
fever 20th April, 1397, and was succeeded by his son,
Ghias-ud-din, whose reign only lasted six weeks, having
been seized at a banquet by his minister, Lallcheen,
whom he had on several occasions insulted, and who
caused him to be blinded and imprisoned. Lallcheen
now placed Shams-ud-din, brother of Ghias-ud-din,
upon the throne, and appointed himself Prime Minister.
This act was, however, not allowed to go long unpunished,
for Firoze Khan, a son of Daud Shah, who had been pro-
tected and kindly treated by Mahmud Shah I., raised a
rebellion against the new King, and caused both him and
Lallcheen to be confined in prison. Ghias-ud-din, the
blinded and imprisoned King, was released, and with his
own hand cut off the head of Lallcheen, and thus having
obtained revenge for the cruelties he had received,
appointed Firoze King and retired to Mecca, where he
died at a very advanced age.
Firoze ascended the throne under the title of Firoze
GOLD AND SILVER COINS OF THE BAHMANI DYNASTY. 97
Shah (Roz Afziin) Gango Bahmani, on 15th November,
1397. During the greater part of his reign, which
extended over twenty-five years, Firoze was engaged in a
long contest with the old enemy of the Bahmani dynasty,
the Rajah of Beejanugger, who made frequent inroads into
the dominions of the Deccan. Deo Rai, the Rajah, was,
however, finally defeated, and as the means of obtaining
more favourable terms, gave his daughter in marriage to
Firoze ; but even this act was not sufficient to prevent a
fresh outbreak between the two kings, and a war was
again declared in 1417, which proved for a long time
disastrous to the forces of Firoze, whose fortunes were
redeemed by his brother Khan Khanan.
The health of Firoze having given way, he resigned the
throne and set up his brother Khan Khanan, who assumed
the title of Ahmad Shah. Firoze's resignation took place
15th September, 1422, and he died ten days afterwards.
Of Firoze it is said that, though devoted to pleasure, he
was one of the most enlightened kings of his age. He
delighted in music and reading, and amongst all his books
there were none which pleased him more than the Old
and New Testaments, being thoroughly tolerant in all
matters of religion. He also entirely rebuilt his capital,
Koolburga, adorning it with the most splendid palaces,
the ruins of which exist at the present day. The first
act of Ahmad Shah, who had added to his name that of
Wully, or Saint, was to declare war against Beejanugger,
in order to avenge the invasions of D^o Rai, and in spite
of an agreement made by Muhammad Shah I., and since
strictly observed, he put to the sword upwards of 20,000 of
the inoffensive Hindoos, destroying at the same time their
temples and colleges, and desecrating their holy places.
The sequel of these acts was the surrender of the Rajah,
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. O
08 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
who agreed to pay a heavy tribute in order to free his
dominions of so dangerous a foe. The other events of this
reign were a war with Wurungul in 1421, and another
with the Sultan of Malwah in 1426. On his return from
Malwah, Ahmad founded the city Beeder, which in a
short time was to become the seat of the Government.
This was the last important act of Ahmad, who died
12th February, 1432, the crown passing to his son, 'Ala-
ud-din Shah II.
The reign of 'Ala-ud-din was marked by a serious
rebellion, at the head of which was the King's brother,
Mahomed Khan. The rebellion failed, and the King
treated his brother with much more leniency than he
could have expected, not only pardoning him, but confer-
ring upon him the estate of Raichore and its dependencies.
This event was followed by the invasion and reduction of
Konkan, and the defeat of the Kings of Khandesh and
Guzerat, both of whom had sought to overthrow the power
of the Bahmani dynasty. Beeder now became the
capital of the kingdom ; it was a city well suited for such
a purpose, being situated in the healthiest and most beauti-
ful part of the Deccan, and being furnished with splendid
fortifications, which exist at the present time. It was
further protected by a fort which rose at a little distance
far above the level of the city, and contained the royal
palaces and gardens. In 1443 De*o Rai, Rajah of Beeja-
nugger, wearied of having to pay a large tribute, again
invaded the Deccan, but only again to be defeated and to
pay an increased amount.
Peace now reigned throughout the Deccan, and the
King, following the example of his predecessors, turned
his attention to the internal improvement of his empire,
lie cleared it of idle vagabonds and robbers, who swarmed
GOLD AND SILVER COINS OF THE BAHMANI DYNASTY. 99
the country, and erected and endowed hospitals through-
out the land. In spite of these good qualities, 'Ala-ud-
din had one great fault, which was a too great partiality
for fermented liquors. He issued edicts prohibiting their
use amongst his subjects ; but he does not appear to have
applied their force to his own case. This intemperate
habit brought on a disorder, of which he died in the year
1457. Before his death he appointed his son, Humayun
Shah, his successor. This prince named as his minister
Khwajah Mahmud Gawan, a man much respected for his
strict honour, integrity, and justice.
The reign of Humayun Shah was a short one, but it was
marked by acts of great cruelty. An attempt having
been made to place the King's brother Hasan on the
throne, the latter was seized by Humayun and murdered,
with a large portion of the city guard, who were either
staked, or boiled in oil, or thrown to wild beasts, the
King himself superintending the execution of his own
orders. For these acts he was hated by his people, who
hailed his death in 1461 with delight. Before his death
the King appointed his son, Nizam Shah, then only eight
years old, his successor, at the same time nominating a
council of Regency, consisting of the Queen-mother, of
Khwajah Mahmud Gawan, and of Khwajah Jehan
Turk.
The attention of the Regency was first occupied by
a serious invasion of the Hindoos of Wurungul, who
advanced within a few miles of Beeder ; but who for some
unknown reason took flight and returned to their country.
This invasion was followed by a more serious one under
the Sultan of Malwah, who compelled the King to eva-
cuate his capital and to fly to Firozabad, and it was only
repulsed by the aid of the King of Guzerat, who was
100 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
unwilling to see the balance of power destroyed. These
campaigns ended, the King returned to his capital, and
being seized with an attack of fever, died 29th July,
1463. He was succeeded by his brother, Muhammad
Shah II., and the Regency which had been appointed by
his father continued as before. For a short time the
Regency succeeded ; but soon one of the trio, Jehan
Turk, began to usurp all authority, which the Queen-
mother resented, and having found that he had been
guilty of corrupt practices, she complained to the King,
who caused Jehan Turk to be put to death.
Mahmud Gawan, who had been sent to a distance from
the capital, now returned to Beeder, and was placed near
the King's person, the supreme power, which he never
abused, being committed to his hands, and under his
guidance the Bahmani dynasty rose to its highest pitch.
The first undertaking of the King was the acquisition of
Kehrla from the dominions of the King of Malwah, and
the annexation of Konkan from the dependencies of the
Rajah of Beejanugger. In 1471 he undertook a cam-
paign in Telingana at the instance of Ambur Rai, who
promised to become his tributary if restored to his rights.
The campaign came to a successful conclusion. In the
following year he entered upon a campaign against the
Rajah of Belgaum, and this was followed by a second
expedition to Orissa and the capture of Conjeveram. By
these conquests the Bahmani territory extended from
sea to sea and attained its greatest limits. In consequence
of these large acquisitions, a new division of the empire
took place. In the midst of the success a rash act of the
King was destined to destroy all his future happiness.
Mahmud Gawan, under whose advice all the late reforms
had been carried out, and to whose good counsel the sue-
GOLD AND SILVER COINS OF THE BAHMANI DYNASTY. 101
cesses of the King were due, had at the court many
enemies, who began to set the heart of the King against
him. By the means of forged letters they persuaded the
King that Mahmud Gawan was aiming at the crown.
The King believing his minister to be guilty, caused him
to be put to death without hearing a defence, and in spite
of Mahmud Gawan' s warning that his own death would be
fatal to the welfare of the State. The King was not long in
discovering the great error he had made, for on requiring
a statement to be prepared of the estate of the murdered
minister he found him to be possessed of only such a sum
as sufficed to furnish him with the most humble neces-
saries. Mahmud Gawan had spent all he possessed in
charity and in founding a college at Boeder, in which he
had placed a valuable library. Remorse for this act drove
the King to habits of intemperance, and being attacked by
fever, he died 24th March, 1482. He was succeeded by
his son, Mahmud Shah II., a boy of twelve years of age.
Nizam-ul-Mulk, the author of the plot against Mahmud
Gawan, was appointed Prime Minister, and under his
treacherous rule the prophecy of the late minister was
being fulfilled.
Yoosuf-Adil-Khan, who had commanded with great
success for Muhammad Shah II., declared the indepen-
dence of Beejapoor, and Nizam-ul-Mulk plotted with his
son Mulluk Ahmad a rebellion in Joonair. The death,
by the hand of an assassin, of Nizam-ul-Mulk frustrated
his designs ; but his son shortly afterwards carried out his
designs, and Joonair threw off the yoke of the Bahmani
House. In Berar also Imad-ul-Mulk was proclaimed
King. Thus were lost to the successors of Hasan Gango
their finest provinces in the north, west, and south-west,
and only the districts around the capital, with Telingana,
102 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
remained ; but Telingana soon followed the example of the
other dependencies, and declared itself free in 1512. In
vain did the King, acting under the advice of his minister,
Ameer Bereed, endeavour to win hack his old dominions
by invading Beejapoor; the expedition failed, and the
King was taken prisoner by the enemy, who treated him
with more kindness than he could have expected, escort-
ing him back to his capital and for a while supporting
him on his throne. When the Beejapoor troops withdrew,
Mahmud, weary of submitting to the rule of his minister
Bereed, fled to the King of Berar, but finally returned to
Boeder, where he died 21st October, 1518, and with his
death the dynasty of the Bahmani kings virtually closed.
Mahmud Shah II. was succeeded by his son, Ahmad
Shah II., who reigned two years, and dying in 1520, was
himself succeeded by his brother, 'Ala-ud-diu Shah III.,
who, attempting to rid himself of his minister Bereed,
was discovered in his plot and put to death in 1522. He
was succeeded by Wali-ullah Shah, the third son of
Mahmud Shah II., but he was poisoned by Bereed in
1525, the minister conceiving a passion for the king's
wife.
The last king of the Bahmani line now mounted the
throne in the person of Kalim-ullah Shah, the son of
Ahmad Shah II., but he was denied any liberty by Bereed,
who placed him in close confinement. From his prison
he escaped to Beejapoor, where he entrusted himself to
the protection of his uncle, Ismail -Adil-Shah. From
Beejapoor he returned to Ahmudnugger, where he died,
and with him ended the Bahmani dynasty. The Deccan
country was now divided into five separate and inde-
pendent kingdoms.
Although the Bahmani dynasty was one of great power
GOLD AND SILVER COINS OF THE BAHMANT DYNASTY. 103
and wealth, but very few specimens of its coinage are
known to exist, and it is only of recent date that we have
any notice of them. Mr. Thomas, in his work on the
Pathan Kings of Delhi, gives woodcuts of two coins, viz.,
of Mahmud Shah I. and ' Ala-ud-din Shah II., and a list
which includes, besides these coins, silver of Firoze Shah,
Humayun Shah, and Muhammad Shah II., and also
copper of Firoze Shah, 'Ala-ud-din Shah II., and
Mahmud Shah II. (?) On examining the British
Museum collection I find there are specimens in silver
of—
VIII. Firoze Shah, A.H. 801, 802, 807, 822, 8x x?
X. 'Ahi-ud-din Shah, no date legible.
XI. Huinayun Shah, A.H. 863.
and copper of—
X. 'Ala-ud-din Shah, 14 specimens.
XI. Humayun Shah, 3 specimens.
XIII. Muhammad Shah II., 4 specimens.
XIV. Mahmud Shah II., 3 specimens.
During my residence in India and since my return last
year, I have had the good fortune to procure three gold
coins and more than a dozen silver which give specimens
of the following kings : —
GOLD.
A.H.
II. Muhammad Shah I. . . 775.
VIII. Firoze Shah .... 800.
X. 'Ala-ud-din Shah II. . . 860.
SlLVEE.
I. Hasan Gango .... 758.
II. Muhammad Shah I. . . 700, 772.
III. Mujahid Shah .... 779.
V. Mahmud Shah I. ... 797.
VII. Shams-ud-din Shah . 799.
104 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
VIII. Firoze Shah 803* 804,
824, 825.
IX. Ahmad Shiih 1 826.
X. 'Ala-ud-din Shah II. . . 847, 857.
XIII. Muhammad Shah H. 879.
"We have no records of the Bahmani coinage, as to its
type or denominations, beyond what Ferishta tells us in
one solitary passage in his history of the dynasty. He says,
in narrating the history of Muhammad Shah I., that the
coins of that king are of four denominations of gold and
silver, ranging from two tolahs to a quarter of a tolah in
weight, having on one side the creed of the faithful (the
Kulmah) and the names of the ashab (the first four
caliphs), while on the other side was the king's title and
the year of his reign in which the coin was struck. The
Hindoo bankers, at the instance of the Rajahs of Beeja-
nugger and Telingana, melted all the coins which fell into
their hands in order that those of the infidels might alone
be current in the Deccan. Incensed at this, Muhammad
Shah put many persons to death and limited the business
of the mint and of the bank to a few KJiatris, the descend-
ants of the inhabitants of Delhi, who had formerly emi-
grated to the Deccan. After this the Bahmani coins
alone were used in the Mahommedan dominions.
This description of the coins of Muhammad Shah I. corre-
sponds very closely with the specimens which I have in
my collection (Nos. 2 — 4). Ferishta appears to have been
wrong about the names of the four caliphs being on the
obverse, as in no instance of this coinage do they occur.
He also omits to state that besides the date of the issue of
the coin, its place of mintage also was stamped upon it —
the place of mintage, as we know from the coins, was
Ahsanabad, which was the name given by Hasan Gango to
GOLD AND SILVER COINS OF THE BAHMANI DYNASTY. 105
Koolburga upon his accession to the throne. And when
the capital was transferred to Boeder the mint appears to
have still existed at Ahsanabad, as the coins of 'Ala-ud-
din Shah II., Humayun Shah, and Muhammad Shah II.
(Nos. 14 — 18) testify. Also as to the denominations of
which Ferishta says there were four, we have hitherto but
two, viz., one of gold and another of silver, unless wo
include also the copper coin, of which Ferishta does not
make any mention. The gold coins, Ferishta tells us
later on in his work, were called astruffies; these may
have been equal in value to twenty of the silver ones.
The names of the silver coins at present are unknown to
us. I shall hope, however, before I leave India, by
further acquisitions, to be able to throw more light upon
this as well as other points connected with this coinage.
Of the gold coins in my collection the first is that of
Muhammad Shah I. (No. 2) : this coin I have only quite
recently acquired, since my return to India last summer.
It bears, so far as I can see, no place of mintage ; but this
may have been on the coin, as although in good preserva-
tion its edge seems to have been clipped. I have, how-
ever, no doubt but that, like the silver coins of Muhammad,
it was issued at Ahsanabad.
The second gold coin is of Firoze Shah (No. 8). It was
sold to me by one of my Marwani agents for a coin of
Muhammad-ben-Tughlak, which it greatly resembles
both in fabric and type. It was brought to me only a
few days before I left Bombay, when I was very busy,
and I took it without giving it more than a casual glance.
I did not attempt to read it until some time ago, when I
was showing the coins to Mr. R. Stuart Poole of the
British Museum, who readily found it to be a coin of
Firoze Shah (Roz-Afzuu) dated A.H. 800, and struck at
VOL. I. THIRD SKKIKS. P
106 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Ahsanabad, the capital which afterwards gave a name to
one of the districts into which the single Mahommedan
kingdom in the Deccan was divided by Muhammad
Shah II. As Firoze Shah came to the throne in the year
in which this coin was struck, it was most likely one of
those prepared for his coronation, as we know that it was
the custom of all the Bahmani kings to distribute large
sums on this event among the people. This was probably
done by Firoze Shah with a liberal hand, as he had no
direct claim to the crown, and, besides that, he was the son
of Baud Shah, for whom the people of the Deccan enter-
tained no kindly feeling. The coin in my collection
appears never to have been in circulation, being as fine as
when it came from the mint.
As regards the gold coin of 'Ala-ud-din Shah II.
(No. 14), it is one of three pieces which were received
from a Marwani who was on business in Sholapore to
whom they had been tendered for sale. One of my Bom-
bay Marwani agents procured them, selling one to
Dr. De Canha, and bringing me a second. What be-
came of the third I do not know ; I believe it was sold to
a native, as the agent brought it to show me one day.
Dr. De Canha also kindly allowed me to see his, and I
found that all three coins apparently came from the same
die, but on none of these coins was the legend perfect.
Dr. De Canha' s has the upper line on the reverse, which
is incomplete on mine, whilst mine has the date more per-
fect than his ; the third was not so well preserved as either
of the others. I have had the gold tested and weighed,
and both corresponded with what genuine coins of this
description should show ; but at that time, never having
heard of any specimens of the gold coinage of this dynasty,
and looking at the type of the inscription, I felt uncertain
GOLD AND SILVER COINS OF THE BAHMAN1 DYNASTY. 107
as to the coins being genuine ; but competent judges who
have seen my specimen have little doubt of its being a
real coin. It will be seen from the descriptions (Nos. 14
— 16) that the types of the gold and silver coins of 'Ala-
ud-din Shah II. were similar ; but in my gold coin, as I
have remarked, the inscription is incomplete, that is, the
first line on the reverse is omitted. This similarity of
type is very unusual, and as the coin is certainly inferior
in style to the other two gold ones in my collection, and
the date is somewhat blundered, it is not surprising that
at first sight it created some doubt. In spite of these
drawbacks I am, however, not inclined to change my
mind in the determination at which I have arrived.
The only other gold coin, so far as I am aware, existing of
the Bahmani series is one of Mahmud Shah II. dated A.H.
914, which is in the collection of General Cunningham.
Of the silver coins, that of Hasan Gango (No. 1), the
first king, I also acquired upon my return to India last
summer. It is a very remarkable coin, as it shows
that Hasan Gango took for the type of his coinage that
of 'Ala-ud-din Muhammad Shah, the fourteenth Pathau
King of Delhi A.H. 695 — 715, and like him assumes
the title of Second Alexander, Jlill JkxJLj- It is very
probable that at the time of the accession of Hasan Gango,
the coins of Delhi were current throughout the Deccan.
The inscription of 'Ala-ud-din would serve for either
monarch, and the only alteration necessary to make the
coin a record of the newly founded dynasty was to insert
in the third line of the obverse inscription the title r^
for that of .x*^, and the addition of the date. As
the coin in my collection was issued in the last year of
the reign of Hasan Gango, we may conclude that he
adopted this type for his coinage at the commencement of
108 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
his reign, and that it remained unaltered to the end.
This silver coin, I believe, is unique, and I have met with
only one other coin of Hasan Gango, which is of copper
and is in the collection of General Cunningham, and is
inscribed very distinctly ^^U being spelt in the same
manner as " Ahsanabad " on the gold coin of Firoze
Shah. The coin of General Cunningham bears no date.
The silver coins of Muhammad Shah I. Ghazi offer no
ground for remark, excepting that they are the first which
bear the name of the place of mintage.
For the coin of Mujahid Shah (No. 5) I am indebted to
Dr. De Canha, who procured it from a Marwani in Bom-
bay. As from the history of Ferishta we find that David
Shah only reigned a month and four days, it is not sur-
prising that no coins of this king have been found, and
the probability is that none were struck by him ; but the
short reign of Ghias-ud-din, which extended over only six
weeks, did produce a coinage, since General Cunningham
has in his collection a copper coin of that prince, which
reads Ghids-ed-dunya-iea-ud-dm; but it is not dated. The
silver coin of Shams-ud-din (No. 7) is an important one,
as in my opinion it helps to clear up what hitherto has
been a doubtful point, viz., the descent of that king.
Meadows Taylor, in his History, says that after the
blinding and imprisonment of Ghias-ud-din, Lallcheen
raised to the throne Shams-ud-din, brother of Mahmud
Shah ; but this statement is against the evidence of
Ferishta, who calls Shams-ud-din the younger brother of
Ghias-ud-din, and the heading of his chapter concerning
him is Sultan Shams-ud-din Bahmani ben Sultan
Mahmud Shah ; in other words, that he was grandson to
Hasan Gango by his youngest son, Mahmud Shah. Also
Professor Dowson has favoured me with the following
remark : " A history, of which I have not discovered the
GOLD AND SILVER COINS OF THE BAHMANI DYNASTY. 109
real name, but which is labelled ' Tarikh i Bahmani,' has
the following : ' Reign of Sultan Shams-ud-din Baud
Shah ben Sultan Muhammad Shah ben Mahmud Shah ben
Sultan 'Ala-ud- din Hasan Shah,' but of which the text
says, ' Biradar i kuchak i era (i.e. Ghias-ud-din) kt Sultan
Shams-ud-din ndm ddsht ba Sultdnet bar-ddsht,' i.e. ( He
raised to the throne his (Ghias-ud-din's) younger brother,
who was named Shams-ud-din.' ' This author also says
Shams-ud-din had not yet passed the seventh age of his
life; he could therefore not have been, as Meadows Taylor
says, a son of Hasan Gango. This last writer is distinctly
in favour of the reading of my coin, which I take to be
" Shams-ud-dunya- wa-ud-din Daud Shah Sultan ben
Sultan." It is also probable that Shnms-ud-din was
named after his uncle, Daud Shah.
The silver coins of Firoze Shah (Nos. 9 — 12) are the
same as those described by Marsden in his " Numismata
Orientalia," p. 575, and figured in PI. XXXVIII,
DCCLXXVIII, and attributed by him to Firoze Shah Habshi,
thirty-third Pathan King of Bengal. This wrong attri-
bution by Marsden is chiefly due to his having mis-
taken the date on his coin, which he took for A<|V, A.H
897, instead of *'v, A. H. 807, which it really is; besides,
he seems to have had some difficulty in reading the
inscription, for he says, " the reverse has some honorary
epithets, the text of which, although not wanting in dis-
tinctness of the strokes, is rendered unintelligible by the
formation of the characters. It appears to end with the
word .x*^." Marsden must have had some doubt in
his mind concerning his attribution of his coin as he could
not explain the title of LjjJl _lj' or, as he reads it,
..jjjJl _lj> which he says is not mentioned by his-
torians as having been assumed by Firoze Shah Habshi.
The name of the mint and also the dates on my coins
110 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
place my attribution of these coins beyond question. The
type of the early coinage of Firoze Shah extended through-
out his entire reign, as my coins range from A.H. 804 —
825.
The coin of Ahmad Shah I. (No. 13) is different in type
and legend to the other coins of his dynasty, the place of
mintage and date being placed above and below the
inscription on the area. Although Ahmad Shah I., on
his accession to the throne took the title of "Wully U\,
Sr"
he did not place it on his coins, but his son and grandson,
'Ala-ud-din Shah II. and Humayun Shah, added the
title to his name.
The silver coins of 'Ala-ud-din Shah II. (Nos. 15—16)
have been published by Thomas in his work on the Pathan
Kings of Delhi, p. 343.
The coin of Humayun Shah (No. 17) is from a specimen
in the British Museum.
By my recent acquisitions, as well as those of General
Cunningham, the list of the kings of the Bahmani
dynasty who are unrepresented by coins is very much
reduced, and there remain only : iv. Daud Shah ; xii.
Nizam Shah ; xv. Ahmad Shah II. ; xvi. 'Ala-ud-din
Shah III. ; xvii. Wali-ullah Shah, and xviii. Kalim-
ullah Shah. The last three reigns were so short and so
troubled that it is not unlikely that very few if any coins
were issued during that period.
I now append a description of the coins the greater
portion of which are illustrated on PI. V.
On the obverse there is no marginal inscription ; but
with the exception of Nos. 8 and 13 the reverse area
inscription is within a square, and the mintage and date
are placed in the segments between the square and the
outer circle, the date being always in the lowest angle.
On No. 8 the reverse area inscription is within a circle
GOLD AND SILVER COINS OF THE BAHMANI DYNASTY. Ill
and that of the margin outside the circle. No. 13 has the
area inscription within an oval, the mint and date being
placed above and below.
I. — HASAN GANGO.
1. Silver. A.H. 758.
Obv. Area.
At. 1-05, wt. 160-4. PI. v.
IT. — MUHAMMAD SHAH I. GHAZI.
2. Gold. A.H. 775.
Obv. Area. Rev. Area.
J i Vr «J1 j^l .
N. -85, wt. 167-5. PI. v.
3. Silver. Ahsanabad, A.H. 760.
Obv. Area.
Rev. Area.
i. j> ,4, f:"
Margin on reverse. vi* | j
1-05, wt. 16G-7.
112
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
4. Another; same mint, but year wr = A.H. 772.
JR. 1-1, wt. 166. PL v.
III. — MUJAHID SHAH.
5. Silver. Ahsanabad, A.H. 779.
Obv. Area. Rev. Area.
Margin on reverse.
.,_-._^_.«»xK.
. 1-05, wt. 166-5. PI. v.
V. — MAHMUD SHAH.
6. Silver. Absandbad, A.H. 797.
Obv. Area. Rev. Area.
Margin on reverse, v^v |
JR. 1-05, wt. 164-7.
VII. — SH AMS-UD-DI N.
7. Silver. Ahsanabad, A.H. 799.
Obv. Area. Rev. Area.
. I A \ t \
0W_4Ul - • _
Lj jj\
GOLD AND SILVER COINS OF THE BAHMANI DYNASTY. 113
Margin on reverse. vtM | jl3U*u^>-! |
JR. 1-05, wt. 168. PI. v.
YIIL— FIROZE SHAH.
8. Gold. Ahsanabad, A.H. 800.
Obv. A.rea.
Rev. Area.
Margin on outer circle on reverse.
•. -1, wt. 195. PL v.
9. Silver. Ahsandbad, A.H. 803.
Obv. Area.
Rev. Area.
Margin on reverse. *T |
JR. 1, wt. 155-3.
10. Another ; same mint, but year AT = A.H. 804.
JR. 1, wt. 166-4.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. Q
114
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLK.
11. Another; same mint, but year Arf = A.H. 824.
JR. 1-15, wt. 169-4.
12. Another ; same mint, ornament on obverse and year
Are = A.H. 825.
JR. 1-05, wt. 169-4.
IX. — AHMAD SHAH I.
13. Silver. Ahsanabad, A.H. 826.
Obv. Area. Rev. Area.
J JU1
. 1-15, wt. 169. PI. v.
X. — 'ALA-UD-DIN SHAH (AHMAD) II.
14. Gold. No mint. A.H. 860 ?
Obv. Area. Rev. Area.
\\^A\
Below in margin, *Ai = A..H. 860?
N. -8, wt. 171. PI. v.
GOLD AND SILVER COINS OF THE BAHMANI DYNASTY. 115
15. Silver. Ahsanabad, A.H. 847.
Same as preceding, but whole of inscription on reverse
complete, and in margin on reverse :
JR. 1, wt. 161.
16. Another; same mint, but year ACV = A.H. 857.
JR. 1, wt. 169-7. PI. v.
XL — HUMAYUN SHAH.
17. Silver. Ahsanabad, A.H. 863.
Obv. Area. Rev. Area.
,.»— '
Margin on reverse, *ir | t>bli*u».! | ..... | ...
JR. 1, wt. 171-2. PI. v.
XII T. — MUHAMMAD SHAH II.
18. Silver. Ahsanabad, A.H. 879.
Obv. Area.
*ȣU*Jb*
Rev. Area.
*L£
&-!
a \--xu, .. —Jfc—JV-. —,•»_&
<L*1L« jJ^> ...HaUl
Margin on reverse, AV<) J jljUwuu5>-[n | ..... | <— ^J
JR. '95, wt. 168-7. PI. v.
JAMES GIBBS.
XI.
BILINGUAL COINS OF BUKHA'RA'.
AT the Third Congress of Orientalists, which assembled in
St. Petersbourg, in 1876, M. Pierre Lerch announced that
he had succeeded in deciphering the enigmatical letters,
embodying the title of Bukhara Khudddt, found on certain
coins of that locality.
This discovery was reported, in brief terms, by Mr.
Brandreth, in the (London) " Academy " (No. 229, page
315), and was followed by a more amply explanatory
letter from the author in a subsequent number of that
periodical.
As my attention had been directed to these obscure
legends so long ago as 1858,1 and as I had endeavoured to
keep myself well-up to the knowledge of the day, I
thought it right to put upon record the substance of my
independent investigations,2 without awaiting the possibly
delayed publication of the full report of the Proceedings
of the Congress.
These latter documents were made available to the
public some time after April, 1879 : and I am now anxious
to reduce into a combined form the leading results of our
separate studies.
1 Prinsep's Essays on " Indian Antiquities," edited by Edward Thomas,
London (Murray), 1858, vol. ii. p. 116.
2 Indian Antiquary, edited by James Burgess, Bombay, 1879, page 2G9.
BILINGUAL COINS OF BUKHARA. 117
M. Lerch had the advantage of discovering among the
Oriental MSS. within his reach a notice of the origin of
this class of money — though the information contributed
bears more upon the fiscal aspect of the question, than on
the historical details, which would have proved of greater
general interest.1 The coins themselves, however, as illus-
trated by prior and subsequent issues, do much to tell
their own tale, and the legends, as now interpreted, open
out a large and unexplored field of ethnographical and
palaeographical inquiry.
The first duty of a Numismatist is to endeavour to trace
the prototype of the coins he has to describe. In the
present case this task is easy, and the result assuring.
The practice obtaining among the Sassanian kings which
led them to select, on their accession, the typical form of
Crown and its accessories by which their conventional
portraits and the impress on their money might be dis-
tinctly recognized, enables us to pronounce, at once, and
without reference to the formal associate legend, from
whose mints any given specimen was issued. The lead-
1 "II nous dit, que le premier prince qui introduisit le monnayage d' argent a
Boukhara fut le Boufchdr Khoudut K&na, [CJ^ Jo-jUsT lil£ jl /*^]> ^
regna 30 ans. De son temps le commerce de la toile et du froment fut trfcs-anime
a Boukhara. On lui soumit, que dans d'autres pays on frappait de la monnaie
d' argent. Alors il donna 1'ordre de f rapper de la monnaie d' argent fin aussi a,
Boukhara j -
Ce fut du temps du Khaliphe Abou-Bekr" (A.H. 11, A.D. 632). The Persian
text goes on to say, that this coinage was continued unaltered up to the time of
Harun al Rashid (A.H. 170, A.D. 786), when the inhabitants applied to his
newly-appointed Governor of Khorasan, by name Ghifrif (t— i> Joe), for a
reduction of the high standard of these coins, in order to meet the debased
money current in the proximate province of Khwarism (Khiva). This new
issue, which retained all the old numismatic forms and devices, is said to have
been composed of a curious mixture of six different metals, which combination,
however, had the unpopular property of speedily losing its pristine brightness.
These new pieces received the name of the presiding Governor and were esti-
mated, in the local markets, to be of the value of su; to the pure silver dirhains
previously current.
118 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
ing original from which the Bukhara coins, now under
review, were copied, reveals itself manifestly in the
mintages of Varahran V. In this obvious assignment,
I find that M. Lerch has no more hesitation than myself.
There is, however, this difference in our views, that he
assumes that the imitative type described by me in the
Num. Chron. for 1873, p. 240, No. 77a— which we both
accept as the direct prototype of the Bukhara coins1 —
formed one of the ordinary, though degraded, series of
the coins of Varahran V. ; whereas, I am disposed to
consider them as mintages improved upon the first crude
camp-issues of Varahran Chobin, as he grew in power.
No. 1. — Plate VI. Fig. 1. Coin of Varahran Chobin
before A.D. 578.2
Obverse. — Head of Varahran Chobin, similar in its
typical details to the technical bust of Varahran V. The
execution of the die is, however, very inferior to that of
the earlier regal models, and the ornamentation of the
dress, etc., is far less rich than that appertaining to his
royal namesake, and the profile itself seems to point to
an independent set of features.
Legend, in very imperfect letters, reversed, and reading
from the outside, from the front point of the crown.
"Varahran of the mace."3
1 Planche xii. No. 16 de la collection . . . de M. de Bartholomaei publiee
par M. Dorn, sec. ed. St. Petersbourg, 1875 ; Third Oriental Congress, 1876,
vol. ii. p. 422.
2 The autotype reproduction in Plate VI. is taken from a sulphur cast of
Mr. Steuart's original coin engraved by his Italian artist, and reproduced in
in Plate IX. Fig. 10, Vol. XIII. Num. Chron.
3 The mace was the special weapon of the heroes of the Shah Namah, and
formed part of the ordinary equipment of the heavy cavalry of the Parthians
and Persians. It was calculated to prove peculiarly effective against the chain
armour of the period. Mahmtid of Ghazni was celebrated for the use of the
mace, and its ceremonial employment survives to this day in the "C/wbddrs"
of Indian native courts.
BILINGUAL COINS OF BUKHARA. 119
Reverse. — Device closely following the design of Va-
rahran V. Reverses, but of coarser execution. The head
below the fire on the side of the altar is very prominent,
and properly coincides with the outline of the leading
profile on the obverse.
Legend to the right, :>«, ^ at, or possibly ^_j\ ani,
An-Iran (i.e. Turan).
to the left, p*, ,^^-9 sin, China. Samarkand, be-
fore the time of Shamar, was called Chin (Tabari, ii. 158).
In my previous notice of this strange mintage, I ven-
tured upon some speculations as to the motives which
possibly prompted its production, and I preferred to sup-
pose, that Yarahran Chobin, "on his return march with the
plunder of Balkh, etc., at his disposal, utilized the avail-
able silver in the form of crude camp-issues" (Num. Chron.
Vol. XIII. p. 237).
The simple narrative of the events attending his revolt,
given by the Armenian author, Sepeos,1 seems to confirm
this view, with this addition, that we must conclude that
the pieces in question were coined after his army had, so
to say, compelled him to throw off his allegiance to
Hormazd, but before he took upon himself regal titles.
No. 2. — Coin of Varahrdn Chobin, advanced period,
M. Bartholomaei's Plates xii. 16. Silver. Size 9 of
Mionnet's scale.
Obverse. — Head of the king to the right, with the con-
1 " Vahram Merhevandak dirigea contre les Thetals une guerre victorieuse,
* s'empara de Balkh et de tout le pays des Komchans, et poussa au dela du
grand fleuve Veh-Rhot (Oxus), jusqu'au lieu appele Kazbion. A la suite d'une
victoire £clatante remportee sur le roi des Mazkouths, il le tua et fit sur ses
terres un Imt in immense. La guerre termine, il envoya a la Porte une petite
portion des tresors provenant du pillage, avec un rapport sur la victoire. Blesse
de la mesquinerie du present, le roi donna 1'ordre . . . d'exiger le 1m tin entier.
A cette nouvelle, 1'armee se rSvolta contre Ormizd, proclama roi Vahram et" . .
— Sepeos, quoted in Journal Asiatique, 1866, p. 187.
120 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
ventional castellated crown, surmounted by the usual half-
moon and globe.
Pehlvi legend.
mSTS±. }
Varahrdn, Malkdn-malkd Bagi Rdm-shatri.
Reverse. — The national fire- altar and supporters armed
with spears and wearing crowns similar to that of the
king on the obverse, the half-moon is retained, but the
surmounting globe is omitted. The altar presents this
peculiarity, that the Ormazd's head, usually represented
as rising out of the flames, is in these cases superseded
by the head of the king in his proper person with his
distinctive crown ; while the head itself is placed in the
body of the upper part of the altar, immediately below the
flames, and the legend on the margin seems to indicate
a personal connexion with the monarch in the terms —
"Varahran'sFire."1
Pehlvi j't
Persian
No. 3.— Plate VI. Fig. 2 is a coin of Varahrdn Chobin
issued after his accession in 578 A.D., in the first year of his
reign — it is inserted in this place to show the contrast of
the style of the imperial head-dress (Num. Chron. Vol.
XIII. p. 240, No. 78) finally adopted by him.
I now come to the special object of this communication.
Oriental numismatists have, for long past, been acquainted
with a coinage reaching India from the north of the
Himalayan range, and of which specimens cropped up
1 See Num. Chron. Vol. V. N.S. p. 50w. Kawlinson's Herodotus, vol. ii. p.
271, vol. iv. p. 332. " The Sacred Fire of the Parsis, at TTdwada," Indian
Antiquary, July, 1872, p. 213. Gibbon notices that the Tatar chief, who was
converted by the Nestonans, " was indulged in the use of a portable altar." —
Cap. xlvii.
BILINGUAL COINS OF BUKHARA. 121
occasionally in Russian and other Continental collections.1
These coins are bilingual; the Kufic legends, though of
rude execution, and involved in the ornamentation of the
device, were found to represent variously the names of
tXis-* Muhammad and the authorized title of this son of the
Khalif Al Mansur, viz. L**f*H Al Mahdi, "The Directed."2
The third alternating word I have only lately been able to
decipher, and it proves to be ~^-j sannii/, "orthodox"
(tradition), which, it will be seen, accords well with the
position of Muhammad, Al Mahdi, in Khorasan, and pre-
sents us with a curiously contemporaneous illustration of
the great schism of the Moslem faith of Shi' ah and Sunni.
See Plate VI. Figs. 4, 5, 6.
The unknown characters forming the combined legend,
but reading in the opposite direction — which had hitherto
defied interpretation — were, as I have said, first read and
explained by M. Lerch.
No. 4. — The coin represented in the Plate, under Fig. 3,
is inserted for the purpose of showing the link between the
older specimens bearing exclusively Pehlvi legends and
the first stage of the mixed or bilingual writing in Pehlvi
and Bukhara letters — introductory to the supercession of
the former by the Kufic characters in Figs. 4, 5, and 6.
Traces of a portion of the Sassanian legend «jpjj-$£
Mazdesan bagi, may be seen at the back of the crown.
1 M. Lerch7 s experience as to the localities of discovery of specimens of this
class of coin is instructive. He says : " Autant que je sache elles se recontrent
principalement dans des trouvailles faites dans les environs de Boukhara ; en
\secona lieu aux environs de Samarkand. Enfin on en a rapporte des exem-
plaires de Khojend et du Khiva. Les marchands boukhares les apportent
souvent chez nous avec d'autres monnaies antiques trouvees dans le sol de leur
pays. Mais jamais elles n'ont etc trouvees ni en Eussie ni en d'autres pays
ordinairement si riches en monnaies orientales."— Eeport of Oriental Con-
gress at St. Petersbourg, p. 423.
2 The Kufic coins of Bokhara dated in A.H. 143 (A.D. 760-1) give both the
name and title of this Khalif, thus^-^l ^ tX-fcjS'*^..^ ^J^iJ^ <L). ^
. — Fraehn's Recensio, p. 21, No. 22 ; Tiesenhausen, p. 71, No. 724.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. R
122 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Bukhara Coins.
No. 5. — Impure silver, varying from 44 to 50 grains.1
Obverse. — King's head, in outline, following the old
forms on the coins of Varahran Chobin — (No. 1 supra).
The execution of the die is coarse, but the outline is free
and bold. There are two varieties of the crown, the one,
with the half-moon and ball, is usually associated with the
coins of Muhammad and Al-Mahdi, while the simple orb
or globe is more frequently, but not exclusively, combined
with the Jy~» Sunniy variety.
Legend *)C^^))^SC)^)^ reading downwards
from the top of the crown. Transcript in Hebrew
INTJYIPI TOima, in Persian letters jUJ^J* }p£ .2 Some
of the better examples continue the lower curve of the
final uy and embody the outlying dot with that letter —
thus fully authorizing the reading of Khudddd.
Legend, in Kufic, reading to the left, from the other side
of the top of the crown. Variously, 1st J^s^*, 2nd e^*^,
3rd <-'•**>.
Reverse. — Fire-altar in outline, with the king's head
below the flame, filling-in the upper part of the altar, as in
the prototypes (Nos. 1, 3). The supporters hold the con-
ventional spears. No legends.
The reverse devices of this triple series or group of coins
vary both in artistic execution and the degrees of successful
imitation of the originals, to a far greater extent than is
the case with the obverse design — which seems to indicate
either a very extended fabrication of these pieces, or per-
1 References : — Fraehn, Die Munzen, PL xvi. figs. K and 3 ; Major Hay,
Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. ix. (1840), p. 539, figs. 6, 7, Plate iii. ;
Prinsep's Essays, vol. ii. p. 117 ; Stickel, Orientalische Mtinzcabinet zu Jena
(1870), p. 121 and Plate No. 90. M. Tiesenhausen, Collection of M. le
Comte S. Stroganoff, St. Petersbourg, 1880, pi. i. figs. 5, 6.
2 I prefer the p to b both for palseographic derivation reasons and for the
coincidence of the Chinese pronunciation of the name, see Hiuen Thsang,
iii. 282. Balkh, in like manner is Poho or Poholo, p. 29 ; D'Ohsson, i. 6.
BILINGUAL COINS OF BUKHARA. 123
haps a prolonged adherence to a popular device, which is now
seen to have carried with it a recognized commercial value.1
The original legend, now restored to its primary mean-
ing, is highly suggestive, in reproducing in its elements a
very archaic form of the old Aryan (Tajik) 2 title of God
and King — which is composed of two Persian words j^
khud or <jy*. khud, " self," and <^ J dad, from the verb ^4\A
dddan " to give," i.e. " self-given," " self-created," which
has its counterparts in the Zend *v-**»xL Qa-ddta, "cre'e
par soi meme,"3 and in the Sanskrit ^ swa, ^rf datta,
"self- given."4 The latter portion of the term comes home to
us, in the names of Mithraffofcs, Twiddles and other parallel
compounds ; while the primitive Persian title, in its sub-
dued sense of " Prince," has lately made itself known to
the European world, as the prefix to the personal designa-
tion of the KJiedive (^>*x>-).5 The local transcription seems
to have retained the final xt in \ ,x>- khuda, and M. Yambery
informs me that the current speech of the day equally
gives expression to the concluding sound.
One of the most interesting questions connected with
these coins is the palasographic associations of their
1 The maintenance of the current values and incidental forms of the local
money constituted a very important item, not only to the populace, hut in the
estimate of Revenues due from each province. See my Sassanian Coins, p. 90 ;
Num. Chron. Vol. XIII. p. 247 ; Ouseley's Oriental Geography, p. 258 ;
Istakhri, text, 1870, pp. 314, 323 ; Journal Asiatique, 1862, p. 179, and
186.5, p. 248.
2 Major Wood, " Oxus," 1872, p. 141, says, "Tajik, a Caucasian race
whom I believe to he the indigenous inhabitants of Persia." Mr. Shaw, in
the Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, 1876, p. 139, remarks that, "the Tajiks form the
snhstratum of the population all over "Western Turkist&n, where, as well as in
Persia, the Iranians are intermixed with and dominated over by Turkish tribes.
To us the Tajiks represent the earliest inhabitants of the regions occupied
by them.1'
3 Bopp, French edition, vol. i. p. 86.
* So also, Svayam-bhu and Atma-bhu, " self -existent."
8 This title was frequently employed at Dehli in speaking of the reign-
ing sovereign. Budaoni, vol . i. p. 3 1 3, in noticing the death of Bahlol Lodi, has,
124 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
legends which may be formulated — thus, do these strange
characters, which embody the sounds of Bukhara Khud-
ddo, represent the original letters of the ancient Soghdian
alphabet, as M. Lerch is inclined to suppose,1 or are they
the outcome of a hybrid collection of symbols from con-
current and more recent systems of writing ? My own
impressions are still in favour of the latter theory. On
my first examination of this class of coin in 1858, I re-
marked that their " alphabetical devices" seemed " to per-
tain to more westerly nations, though the sites of discovery
connect them with the Central Asian types," enumerated
in the conjoint classification,2 and I further remarked
upon the fact, "that the forms of the letters" gave "it
(the alphabet) a decidedly Phoenician aspect." This ver-
dict must remain unimpaired with regard to the 1st, 2nd,
5th, 7th, 8th, 9th, and llth letters of the legend, con-
sisting of eleven letters in all ; the two compound letters
doing duty for y& hu or £. khu have the second conjunct
letter identical in form with the other j u's. So that
we have virtually only two characters remaining to ac-
count for, i.e. the triangular letter which constitutes
the J& in _y& and the reversed form of j u which represents
the ^ = a. Whatever may have been the derivation of
this letter &>, its combination with j to form the equiva-
lent of the later Arabic + points to Pehlvi teaching and
acknowledged conventional practice ; and its appearance on
these pieces indicates a certain amount of imitation of the
system of Pehlvi orthography in use upon their prototypes.
There is a letter very similar to this triangular > /?,
which stands for an * = * in Aramaean — in Gesenius' Table
1 "Quant aux caracteres inconnus de 1' inscription je pense qu'il sera le
meilleur de les nommer ' soghdiens"' (p. 429).
2 Prinsep's Essays, vol. ii. p. 116.
BILINGUAL COINS OF BUKHARA. 125
No. IV.,1 and a nearly similar form is given to the same
letter in the Due de Luynes' Alphabets, PI. xi. a. Prinsep's
Essays. The £ kh may after all have been represented
in the anomalous conversion of sounds by iu or eu. It
will be seen from the Aryan titles, quoted above, that
the definition of the equivalent of £ was altogether inde-
terminate ; and a like difficulty, in regard to the kh, still
exists among the Turks in their pronunciation of such
names as Tophana and Hiva. The peculiar shape of the
a, in its backward curve, reminds us of the Syriac defi-
nition of that letter, and the earliest type of that character
on the stele of Mesha (the Moabite Stone), with the omission
of its down-stroke, might well have formed the model
upon which many early varieties were designed and im-
proved upon. There are other coincidences to be detected
in this system of writing, which seem to connect it with
Syrian (pre-Nestorian2) teachings,3 the fuller examination
of which may be reserved for a future opportunity.
1 Carpentras Insc. 1st cent. A.D. See also F. Lenormant (Paris, 1872),
vol. i. pi. xi. Alphabet Arameen des Papyrus, and plates xii. to xiii., xv., xvi.,
as well as Dr. J. Euting's Tables, Strasbourg, 1877.
2 " Our attention is naturally drawn, in the first place, to the contemporary
Syriac literature, but the reports of the Nestorian missionaries, who went forth
preaching Christianity throughout the Sassanian empire and beyond its
northern and eastern boundaries, are lost, with the exception of a single one
(Elias, Bishop of Mukan). Besides, the same Nestorians, and before them
the orthodox Eastern Church, established the Christian communities scattered
through nearly the whole of Persia, the head of which was the Jathelik
(Catholicus) of Seleucia, and founded a literature for their Persian converts, a
literature of translations, a few leaves of which, if extant, would afford us
quite unlooked-for elucidations, because they were probably written in Syriac
characters, if we consider the testimony of Epiphamus, Adv. Haeres, 66. ...
As this literature has not been noticed anywnere, I shall here produce my
? roofs, specifying no less than three authors who translated Syriac works into
'ersian for the Christians of the Sassanian empire, (1) Ma'na Jathelik of
Seleucia A.D. 420. (2) Acacius, appointed Jathelik in A.D. 485, officiated as
ambassador of Fer6z to the court of Zeno. (3) Job, who flourished about
A.D. 550, a Nestorian monk from Hardashir A great many of the
writers and chief authorities for the Eastern Church were native Persians,
several of them converts from the Zoroastrian creed." — Dr. E. Saehau,
Journal Royal Asiatic Society, vol. iv. p. 230.
3 Gibbon, cap. xlvii. vol. v. p. 259, edition of 1867.
126 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Albiruni tells us that the whole stock of the primitive
literature of Kharizm was utterly destroyed, root and
branch, by Kotaibah bin Muslim — even as the Khalif
O'mar, on the other extremity of the Arab conquests,
sanctioned the conflagration of the Library of Alexandria.1
If this eradication of all ancient records, and the coinci-
dent extermination of the living exponents of traditional
lore, was practically carried out, to the extent the Kha-
rizmian author would imply — we can well understand and
account for the necessity of a reconstruction of alphabets —
partaking alike of what had been preserved and recovered
from local sources, re-adjusted to the advanced spread of
independent forms of writing and intermixture of speech.
Albiruni's invaluable notices of local traditions, with his
personal confirmation of their credibility and virtual
authenticity, are here reproduced from the new English
version of the Arabic text, which latter was reduced to
writing so long ago as A.H. 390=A.D. 1000.
" Kutaiba bin Muslim had extinguished and ruined in
every possible way all those who knew how to write and
to read the Khwarizmi writing,2 who knew the history of
the country, and who studied their sciences. In con-
sequence these things are involved in so much obscurity,
that it is impossible to obtain an accurate knowledge of
the history of the country since the time of Islam (not
to speak of pre-Muhammadan times)." And again : "For
after Kutaiba bin Muslim Albahili had killed their learned
men and priests, and had burned their books and writings,
1 Ockley, " History of the Saracens," A.H. 21 =A.D. 641, under " Omar."
Abu'l Faraje, Pocock, 114. Gibbon, cap. li.
2 Albiruni describes the Khwarizmians as "a branch of the great tree of
the Persian nation " (p. 57). Professor Sachau incidentally remarks (p. vi)
that "the author had learned the subject from hearsay among a population
which was then on the eve of dying out."
BILINGUAL COINS OF BUKHARA. 127
they became entirely illiterate (forgot writing and read-
ing), and relied in every knowledge or science which they
required solely upon memory." l
The determination of the circumstances under which
the several names of Muhammad, al Mahdi and the J^-s
or "orthodox" substitution appear on these coins, is suffi-
ciently illustrated and explained in the following extracts
from the Persian version of the Chronicle of the historian
Tabari :—
"Apres 1'affaire des Rawendiens, Man9our (envoya dans
le Khorasan) son fils Mo'hammed, & qui il donna le sur-
nom de Mahdi, en le designant comme son successeur au
trone. * * * *
"Mo'hammed, fils d'Abdallah, avait pris le surnom de
Mahdi ; il disait a ses adherents qu'il e'tait le Mahdi de
la famille de Mohammed, et que son frere Ibrahim e*tait
le Hddi. Or, lorsque Mancour fit reconnaitre son fils
comme son successeur au trone, il lui donna egalement
le surnom de Mahdi, disant : C'est mon fils et non le fils
d'Abdallah bin Hassan [fils d' 'Ali, fils d'Abu Talib], qui
est le Mahdi, de la famille de Mo'hammed."2 "Depuis que
Man9our e"tait monte sur le trone, il cherchait a decouvrir
le sej'our de Mo'hammed et d'lbrahim fils d' 'Abdallah,
fils de 'Hasan." * * "Or ceux-ci se cachaient tantot a la
Mecque, tantot en Egypte ou dans 1* 'Iraq, en faisant de
la propagande en vue des droits de leur famille, et ils
avaient des missionnaires dans le Khorasan." * * " Abu-
'Aoun, governeur du Khorasan, annon9a a Man9our que
les partisans de Mo'hammed fils d' 'Abdallah devenaient
1 Albiriini, "Chronology of Ancient Nations," translated from the original
Arabic, by Dr. E. Sachau, for the " Oriental Translation Fund" (London,
1879, W. H. Allen and Co.), pp. 42-58.
2 Tabari, Oriental Translation Fund, Zotenberg, vol. iv. pp. 375, 382, 392,
See also Masaudi (French edition, vol. vi. p. 209, and vol. viii. p. 293).
128 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
de plus en plus nombreux dans sa province et qu'im
soulevement etait a craindre," [Muhammad was killed in
145 A.H., and Ibrahim fell in action shortly afterwards.]
No. 6.— Plate VI. Fig. 7. Coin of 'Ali Sulaiman.
Obverse. Sassanian head, in outline.
Kufic legend, *jj*\ U* <0 J^^sT* <OJl J^-»j A*sr* <OJ^ *^j <OJ
Reverse. Sassanian Fire-altar and supporters, with the
head below the flames.
The coins of the proximate province of Tabaristan,
A.H. 136-7, give the same version of the name of (.^^ >
Sulaimdn, without the usual penultimate \ a.1
I am disposed to attribute the pieces (vi. 7) to the
kingdom of Soghd, the title of ^ISlsM Al-khakan (^Ui^i?
Turkhdn) identify them with Turki races.2 "While the
goodness of the silver seems to remove them from the
category of the "mauvaise monnaie" of Kharism.
1 Journ. Roy. As. Soc. N.S. vol. v. p. 458 ; Journal Asiatique, 1862, p. 185;
Zeitschrift, 1854, p. 177.
J Fraehn, Nov.-Symb. 1819, p. 45, fig. 14. ; Prinsep's Essays, vol. ii. p. 118 ;
Tabari vol. iv. p. 166 ; Albirtini, p. 109.
E. THOMAS.
XII.
LETTRE A M. STANLEY LANE-POOLE, SUB UN FELS
SAFF ABIDE INEDIT DE LA COLLECTION DE
M. CH. DE L'ECLUSE.
CHER CONFRERE ET AMI,
La petite piece dqnt vous trouverez ci-dessous la
description est un fels de Tadj el raolouk Harb, fils de
Mohammad 'Ezz el molouk et prince du Sedjestan, de la
seconde branche des Saffarides. M. Ch. de 1'Ecluse possede
quatre varietes de ces monnaies ; leur diametre est d'en-
viron 14 millimetres. Elles aont plus ou moins incom-
pletes.
Av. d&\}\ £\] Iln'y a de Dieu qne Dieu.
<OJ^ «]*-! I Jk^s'* Mohammad (est) Venvoye de Dieu,
d\\ ^j jj -sliM En-Naser le-din Allah.
Mohammad,
Ces quatre lignes n'oflrent aucun doute sur leur lecture.
Sur 1'une des pieces, 3^0* de la 4e ligne semble place au
dessus du mot ty (fils de).1 Tout autour est un cercle
fin, en dehors duquel il reste des traces d'une l^gende qui
1 A defaut, on pourrait supposer *_» p*. et jk^sr* nnis par
1'anncxion pcrsane.
VOL. I. TIIIUIJ SERIES.
130 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
devait nous donner la date. Tine variete contient, dans le
haut, une premiere ligne dans laquelle je desirerais lire
_lj ou ^^\ \j ; je n'y trouve que
Rev. Au centre, en gros caracteres :
o
o o
Harb.
Les trois annelets places triangulairement figurent sur
les quatre exemplaires ; ils sont legerement plus gros ou
plus petits. Le point place" sous le ^_j ne se rencontre
que sur deux variete's.
Tout autour du nom du prince, un cercle tres fin. En
dehors, des restes de la mission prophetique. En dehors
encore, traces d'un cercle tres fin et d'un rebord.
Dans votre beau Catalogue des Mounaies orientales du
.SnY/sA Museum (t. iii., p. 13 — 18), vous signalez 1'exis-
tence de 14 pieces de gouverneurs du Sedjestan, savoir :
1 derham de Kutheyyir ibn Ahmad de 1'an 806.
8 dinars de Khalaf des annees 33x, 334,2 et 83x.
1 fels du meme de 1'annee 325.
2 fels d'Ahmad ibn Mohammad, Sidjistan, ans 340 et 343.
6 dinars de Khalaf ibn Ahmad, Sidjistan, ans 86G, Sxx, 3x3,
375 et 37x (sans nom de localite" sur trois de ces pieces ;
sans date sur 1'une d'elles).
1 dinar d'El Hosayn ebn Taher, sous le Khalifat d'Et-
Taye* lillah (qui regna de 363 & 381).
Le premier et le dernier des gouverneurs sus-men-
tionne"s n'appartiennent pas a la famille des Saffa-
rides.
Ni Ebn el Atir ni Ebn Khaldoun n'indiquant qu'il faille
2 La localite douteuse de ce dinar ne pourrait-elle se
lire
UN PELS SAFF^RIDE INED1T> 131
donner a Katir la forme diminutive, je vous demanderai
la permission de suivre leur exemple.
Katir ebn Ahmad ebn Chahfour s'etait empare" du Se-
djestan a une epoque qui n'est pas precisee par les auteurs
que j'ai sous la main,3 mais posterieure a 1'an 300 de
1'hegire. A cette derniere date en effet, Simdjour ed-
Dawaty fut investi du gouvernement de cette province par
Ahmad, fils d'lsma'il, le Samanide, qui 1'avait deja con-
quise une premiere ibis en 298. Aussitot que Katir se
fut rendu maitre du pays, le Khalife (El Moqtader billah)
envoya 1'ordre a Badr ebn 'Abd Allah el Hamamy,
gouverneur du Fares, d'expe*dier une armee centre lui,
sous le cornmandenient de Dard 4 et de charger Zayd ebn
Ibrahim de la perception de 1'impot dans le Sedjestan,
En consequence Badr equipa une nombreuse armee et la
fit partir. Quand elle fut arrivee, Katir lui livra bataille ;
mais il ne se trouvait pas assez fort pour soutenir la lutte
et 1'armee faillit s'emparer de la capitale. Cependant les
habitants ayant ete informes que Zayd apportait avec lui
des chaines et des carcans qu'il destinait aux plus notables,
se reunirent a Katir, dont ils devinrent les ardents parti-
sans et combattirent sous ses drapeaux. Ils mirent en
deroute les troupes du Khalife et firent Zayd prisonnier.
On trouva en sa possession les chaines et les carcans et on
les lui mit aux pieds et au cou. Katir ecrivit au Khalife
pour se disculper de cette conduite en en rejetant la faute
sur les habitants de la ville. Le Khalife enjoignit alors
a Badr el Hamamy de marcher en personne centre le
rebelle. Katir, ayant appris que Badr avait fait ses pre-
paratifs, cut peur et envoya demander que, moyennant le
3 Ebn el Atir, viii. 77.— Ebn Khaldoun, iii. 870 et 888.
* Quelques manuscrits et Ebn Khaldoun ecrivent Dark.
132 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
paiement annuel de 500,000 derbams,5 la moqata'ah 6
(ferme, apalte] lui fut concedee. Sa demande fut accueil-
lie favorablement et il fut confirm^ dans la possession du
pays. II est difficile de savoir jusqu'a quelle annee il en
resta le maitre. II 1'etait encore en 306, ainsi que le
prouve le derham du British Museum. Mais Ebn el Atir
nous apprend implicitement qu'un 'Amr ebn El Layt
(peut-etre le fils d'El Layt ebn 'Aly ebn El Layt, ou le
frere de T&her et d'Ya'qoub) e*tait seigneur du Sedjestan
en 307.7 " Ahmad ebn Sahl," rapporte 1'historien, " etait
le lieutenant d'(Amr ebn El Layt a Merou. 'Amr se
saisit de lui et le fit conduire a Sedjestan ou il 1'empri-
sonna. S'^tant sauve de prison, il enleva Merou au
lieutenant d'*Amr et s'en empara ; il demanda ensuite
faman a Isma'il ebn Ahmad, a Bokhara, et ce prince le
lui accorda."
Jusqu'a I'anne'e 316, il n'est plus question du Sedjestan.
A cette epoque, un Khdredjtte s'empara de ce pays et
marcha a la tete d'une bande de ses partisans centre le
pays de Fares dans le but de s'en rendre maitre. Mais
ses compagnons le tuerent avant qu'il y fut parvenu et se
disperserent.8
En 318, El Moqtader donna a son fils Haroun le
gouvernement du F^res, du Kerman, du Sedjestdn et du
Mokr^n.9
5 Le MS. A de Tornberg et Ebn Khaldoun portent dinars. Le
derham du British Museum pesant 3'551 gr., les 500,000 der-
hams auraient pese 1,7 7 5, 500 grammes d'argent, alliage compris.
6 Ebn Khaldoun se sert du mot igtd', que 1'on traduit
ralement paiTjief, benefice.
1 viii. 86—87.
8 Ebn el Atir, viii. 146.
9 Ebn el Atir, viii. 164.
UN FELS SAFFARIDE INEDIT.
En 319, le nieme Khalife investit Abou Bakr Moham-
mad ebn Ya'qoub du gouvernement du Sedjestan.10
"II faut savoir que11 le Sedjestan12 se nomine aussi
Se'istan et Nimrouz13. C'est une vaste contree dont toutes
les villes font partie du troisieme climat. Sa capitale
Zarandj est une graude cite ; les eaux coulent au milieu
des rues ; ses marches et ees bazars sont tres beaux. Les
limites de la contree sont: a 1'ouest, le Khorasan; au
sud et a Test, le desert et, au nord, I'Hindostan. Le
pays est tout plat ; il n'y a pas une seule montagne. 11
y souffle des vents violents qui transportent le sable d'un
endroit a un autre.14 La vie, dans cette province, est a
bus prix ; les grenades, les raisins et les dattes y abondent.
Le grand Sandjdq de Rokhkhadj 15 est une province tres
vaste dont la capitale est la ville de Nakhdjowan.16 Les
villes les plus connues du Seistan sont : Khowach,17 Dar-
10 Ebn el Atir, viii. 165. Ebn Khaldoun place cet ovene-
ment en 1'annee 318.
11 Munedjdjim Bachi, ii. 424.
12 On appelle Sedjestan la province aussi bien que sa capitale
Zarandj, dont le nom est tombe en desuetude. Cf. Abou'l feda,
Geogr., p. 340.
13 Le Mardsed ne donne pas le nom de Se'istan ; mais sous
Nimrouz 1'auteur dit que ce dernier nom est persan et donne a
la province et a la contree du Sedjestan.
14 Abou'l feda, I.e., p. 341, s'exprime aiusi: " Lorsque les
habitants veulent transporter le sable d'un endroit a un autre,
ils font un mur en bois ou autres materiaux et pratiquent dans
le bas des portes et des fenetres. Le vent, penetrant par ces
portes, fait voler le sable, qu'il projette au loin."
15 " Koiirah dependante du Sedjestan." — Mardsed,
16 Nakhdjowan, appele aussi Naqdjowan, est une ville de
1'extreme A^rabidjan. C'est Bendjowan qu'il faut lire ici. Voy.
Abou'l feda, I.e., p. 343.
17 " Ville du Sedjestan, a la gauche de celui qui se dirige vers
Tostar, a uno journee do marchc de SedjeBtiin. Lcs dattiers,
les (autres) arbres ct les caux y abondeut." — Marased.
134 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
ghach,18le chateau d'Et-Taq,19Sarwan,20 Bost,21— la longi-
tude de cette derniere ville est de 95 et sa latitude de 35
degres.22 Elle est situee sur la rive du fleuve Hendrnend
et a quatorze journees de marche de Ghazneh ; — Ars23 est
une petite ville d'ou sont sortis les rois Saffarides.
Herat est a quatorze journees de marche de Zurandj, qui
est la capitale ; Bost en est a huit journees ; la frontiere
du Herman en est egalement a huit journees.
" Au commencement (de 1'islamisme), en I'anne'e 22
(de 1'hegire), 'Asem ebn 'Amr fit la conquete de la pro-
vince24 et la soumit au paiement du kharadj. Les habi-
tants ayant rompu le traite en 1'annee 31, Rabi' ebn Zyad
s'empara une seconde fois du pays25 apres une lutte
acharnee. Plus tard, par suite des discordes qui eclaterent
entre les musulmans, les infideles s'en rendirent maitres
de nouveau. Enfin, sous le regne d'*Abd el Malek, il fut
purifie"
Munedjdjim Bachi nous expose ensuite en ces termes
les origines de la dynastie des Saffarides de la seconde
branch e, gouverneurs du Sedjestan :
18 Manque dans le Marased ; est mentionnee par Abou'l feda.
19 "Et-Taq, ville du Sedjestan, du cote du Khorasan. Elle
possede un arrondissement cultive (rostaq) etendu et on y
trouve beaucoup de raisins." — Marased.
20 " Petite ville des dependances(JtiJ:^ ^ ; Abou'l feda dit
settlement ^) du Sedjestan. On y trouve beaucoup de
fruits, des raisins et des dattiers. Elle est situee a deux jour-
n6es de marche de Bost." — Mardsed.
21 " Ville situee entre Sedjestan, Gbaznin et Herat. Elle est
du nombre des villes chaudes et abonde en cours d'eau et en
jardins." — Marased.
82 Abou'l feda lui donne pour longitude 91° 32' et pour lati-
tude 82° 15'.
23 II n'en est pas fait mention dans le Marased.
24 Ebn el Atir place cet evenement sous 1'annee 23 (t. ii. 84).
25 Ebn el Atir, iii. 100—101.
UN PELS SAFFAR1DE INEDIT. 135
'-' Taaer, fils de Layt Saffar,26 ayant e*te tue, laissa. un
fils nomine Khalaf; celui-ci fut e*leve par ses oncles
paternels Ya'qoub et 'Amr,27 qui lui confiaient quelques
fonctions peu importantes. Ce prince mourut aussi, lais-
sant un fils du nom de Mohammad, qui eut a son tour un
fils nomme Ahmad. Tous deux furent au service d''Amr.
Ensuite Mohammad ayant ete tue, Ahmad se traina quel-
que temps dans 1'affliction et le malheur. Mais comme
en sa personne eclataient des marques de loyaule et d'in-
telligence, I'e'mir Ahmad ebn Isma'il, de la famille des
Samanides, etant venu a Herat,28 1'attacha a sa personne
et, par suite de sa fidelite a remplir ses fonctions, Padmit
dans son intimite. L'emir Ahmad ayant ete tue",29 les
grands de la cour voulurent proclamer son fils Nasr, age
26 Les chroniqueurs ne font aucune mention de ce Taher, qui
aurait ete le quatrieme fils d'El Layt es-Saffar.
27 II s'agit sans doute ici des deux princes Saffarides dont les
monnaies nous sont connues ; le premier cessa de regner en
265 et le second en 287.
28 En 297. Au commencement de 1'ann^e suivante, il envoy a
une armee contre le Sedjestan, qu'il enleva a El Mo'addcl ebn
'Aly ebn El Layt. Le frere de ce dernier, El Layt ebn 'Aly,
avait ete envoye par Mounes a Baghdad en 297 ; c'est done a
cette date que s'arreterait son regne, et la liste des Saffarides qui
figure dans le Catalogue du British Museum aurait pu aj outer
comme Ve souverain, de 297 & 298, El Mo'addel ebn 'Aly, sur
qui Ahmad ebn Isma'il conquit le Sedjestan. Cf. Ebn el Atir,
viii. 48 et 46. II faut remarquer toutefois que le Catalogue men-
tionne un derham frappe a Bost par El Layt ebn 'Aly en 1'annee
298 ; ce qui prouve d'une maniere incontestable que ce n'est
pas en 297, mais 1'annee suivante qu'El Layt cessa de regner.
Le regne d'El Mo'addel n'a pu avoir qu'une tres courte
duree.
29 En 1'annee 801 » — Les habitants du Sedjestan profiterent
de cet evenement pour se soulever ; Simdjour ed-Dawaty
tjuitta le pays. El Moqtader billah donna alors le gouvcrne-
ment du Sedjestfm a Badr el Kabir (Ebn el Atir, viii.
59—60).
136 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
de huit ans. Epouvante par le raeurtre dc son pere auqucl
il avait assiste, le jeune prince resistait. ' Vous voulez,'
disait-il, 'me tuer comme mon pere.' Notre Ahmad30
Payantpris sur ses epaules, 1'eleva sur le trone et parvint
a le calmer par des caresses. Sa couduite en cette circon-
stance lui attira naturellement 1'affection de Nasr : par-
venu a sa majorite, il le nomma, avec Passentiment des
grands officiers du royaume, gouverneur du Sedjestan,
dont la population vivait au milieu des troubles et des
desordres, refusant d'obeir a tout autre qu'un membre
des Banou Layt. Ahmad exe^a le pouvoir jusqu'a sa
mort.
" Ces (souverains) furent au nombre de huit. Le siege
de leur royaute etait Zarandj. Us regnerent depuis
1'annee 310 jusqu'a 1'annee 952,31 pendant 642 ans.
Voici leur genealogie :
" Ahmad, fils de Mohammad, fils de Khalaf, fils de Tiiher,
fils de Layt ;
Khalaf, fils d'Ahmad ;
Taher, fils de Khalaf ;
['Amr, fils de Khalaf ;]«
[Abou Hafs, fils de Khalaf;]
Mohammad, fils de Taher ;
Taher, fils de Mohammad ;
[Tadj ed-din Abou'l fadl] Nasr, fils de Taher ;
Mohammad 'Ezz el molouk ) „,
et [Abou'l fath] Chams ed-din Ahmad 1 fa
30 Cf. Ebn el Atir, viii. 58 sub anno 801. Get auteur et
Mirkhond (Hist, des Samanides, p. 131) 1'appellent Ahmad ebn
Mohammad ebn El Layt. Ont-ils supprime dans la filiation,
avant ebn El Layt, ebn Khalaf ebn Taher ? Dans le tableau
genealogique de cette dynastie je ne trouve pas de Mohammad
ebn El Layt.
31 Cette date et le chiffre qui suit sont evidemment errones,
les Tatars ayant envahi le Sedjestan en 1'annee 617.
32 Les noms places entre crochets ne figurent pas dans la liste
de Muncdjdjim Bachi.
TIN PELS SAFFARIDE INEDIT. 137
Tadj el molouk [ou Tadj ed-din] Harb, fils de Mo-
harnmad 'Ezz el molouk ;
Naser ed-din, fils de Tadj el molouk ;
Yamin ed-dauleh Chehran Chah, fils de Naser ed-din ;
Nasir ed-din Behram Chah | fils dTamin ed-dauleh
et Keukn ed-din Mahmoud ) Chehran Chah."
AHMAD.
A la relation, donne*e ci-dessus, de la part que prit ce
prince a 1'elevation au trone de Nasr ebn Ahmad, le Sama-
nide, en 1'annee 301, il faut ajouter qu'en 1'annee 261, 33
il avait &£ nomine" pour peu de temps gouverneur de Bo-
khara et qu'en 1'annee 2G3,34 Ya'qoub.ebn El Layt
s'etant avance du Fares et etant parvenu £ Noubanda-
djan,35 Ahmad ebn El Layt (sic) s'en alia de Tostar.36 A sa
mort, son fils
KHALAF37
lui 8ucoe"da. Verse dans la science, esprit superieur,
aimant les savants et accueillant les gens de merite, il
donna son nom a plusieurs ouvrages estimes. De ce
nombre est un commentaire (du Qor'an) en cent volumes,
qui fut redige par un groupe ft'eulamd et dans lequel se
trouve reuni tout ce qui est relatif £ cette science.88 Les
ss Ebn el Atir, vii. 193.
34 Ebn el Atir, vii. 218.
36 " Yille sur le territoire du Fares et faisant partie de 1'arron-
dissement (Kourah) de Sabour ; elle est h, proxiinite de la vallee
de Bawwan, vantee pour sa beaute et ses sites pittoresques.
Entre Noubandadjan et Arradjan on compte 26 parasanges ; la
meme distance a peu pres la separe de Chiraz." — Mardsed.
36 " Actuellement la plus grande ville duKhouzistan " —
Mardsed. Voy. pour plus de details sur cette ville le Diet, de
la Perse de M. Barbier de Meynard.
37 Munedjdjim Bachi, ii. p. 425 — 427 ; Ebn el Atir, viii.
416—417.
38 Hadji Khalifah (ii. p. 860, No. 8263) fait mention de cet
ouvrage sous le titre de " Tafsir Khalaf ebn Ahmad, seigneur du
Sedjestan, mort en 1'annee 399, une des oauvres les plus con-
siderables."
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. T
138 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
poetes les plus celebres et une foule de litterateurs ont
chant^, dans les poemes les plus harmonieux, les louanges
et les belles qualites de ce prince. On cite parmi eux Abou'l
fath Bosty, Abou Bakr Khawarezmy et la mcrveille (du
temps), Hamadany, dont il existe des qasideh elegantes et
sans pareilles.39
En 1'annee 353,40 Khalaf voulant accomplir le devoir
du pelerinage sacre", laissa dans le Sedjestan, en qualite de
son lieutenant, son gendre41 Taher ebn El Hosayn. Taher
trouva ainsi des forces et, l'anne"e suivante, quand Khalaf
revint de la Mekke, il leva Tetendard de la re" volte. Le
souverain depossede se rendit a Bokhara aupres du prince
Samanide Mansoiir ebn Nouh, dont il implora le secours
et, avec les troupes qu'il lui donna, il reprit le chemin du
Sedjestan. Informe" de leur marche, Taher abandonna
la ville et gagna Asfarain.42 Khalaf rentra dans sa capi-
tale et reprit possession de son royaume. Mais a peine
39 Les biographies de ces trois poetes se trouvent dans Ebn
Khallikdri's Dictionary : t. ii. p. 314 ; t. ii. p. 108 ; et t. i.
p. 112.
40 II est evident qu'a cette date Khalaf regnait deja depuis plu-
sieurs annees, probablement depuis 344. On doit croire aussi qu'il
avait usurpe le trone du vivant de son pere, puisque le British
Museum possede 3 dinars frappe's par lui posterieurement a
1'annee 830 et un fels de 1'an 825 ? L'absence, sur ces pieces,
du nom d'Ahmad me parait venir a 1'appui de mon hypothese.
D'ailleurs quel autre Khalaf aurait pu, a 1'epoque dont il s'agit,
regner sur le Sedjestan ?
41 c5>C^> porte le texte turc. " Un de ses compagnons," dit
Ebn el Atir.
42 " Petite ville fortifiee des districts de Naysabour, a mi-
clicmin du Djordjan. Elle s'appelait autrefois Mehradjan.
Actuellement Mehradjan est un village de ses dependances." —
Mardsed. Ebn el Atir est plus exact en appelant cette localite
Asforar ; mais il faut lire Asfozdr, " ville des districts du Sedjes-
tan, du cote d'Herat." — Mardsed.
UN FELS SAFFARIDE INEDIT. 139
eut-il congedie ses troupes que Taher en ay ant eu connais-
sance revint 1'attaquer et se rendit maitre du Sedjestan.
Khalaf retourna a Bokhara. L'emir Mansour le combla
d'honneurs et de marques de bienveillance et lui preta
1'aide d'une armee nombreuse avec laquelle il le renvoya
dans le Sedjestan. Son arrivee coi'ncida avec la mort de
Taher et 1'elevation au trone de son fils El Hosayn.
Khalaf assiegea celui-ci, le serra de pres et, apres de fortes
pertes des deux cotes, demeura vainqueur. En presence
de sa defaite, El Hosayn ecrivit a Bokhara pour s'excuser :
il protestait de sa soumission et implorait son pardon.
L'emir Mansour accueillit favorablement sa priere et lui
fit savoir qu'il pouvait se rendre a sa cour. II quitta done
le pays, se dirigeant vers Bokhara, et Khalaf ebn Ahmad
demeura dans le Sedjestan, ou son regne se prolongea.43
Toutefois, avec le temps, ses richesses s'accrurent, le
nombre de ses guerriers augmenta. II cessa alors d'en-
voyer a Bokhara les robes d'honneur, les presents et le
tribut qu'il etait tenu d'adresser aux Samanides. L'emir
Mansour expedia aussitot, sous le commandement du dit
El Hosayn ebn Taher, des troupes qui marcherent sur le
Sedjestan et assiegerent Khalaf dans la citadelle d'Ark,44
1'une des plus fortes et des plus elevees qui existent et
dont le fosse est aussi un des plus profonds. Le siege
dura sept ans et devint la cause de I'affaiblissement de la
dynastie des Samanides, car chaque annee il absorbait de
grandes sommes et un nombre considerable d'hommes.
43 En 1'an 357, il adressait des envoyes a 'Adeud ed-dauleh
dans le Fares et faisait celebrer la kkeutbeh au nom de ce prince.
Voy. Ebn el Atir, viii. 433.
44 "Ark, nom donne a d'enormes constructions elevees a
Zarandj, capitale du Sedjestan et residence de Teniir; elles
renferment la citadelle." — Mardsed.
140 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Khalaf avait recoups pour soutenir la lutte a toute sorte
d'armes et de ruses : il faisait meme faire la chasse aux ser-
pents et, a 1'aide de machines, lancer ces reptiles, mis
dans des sacs, au milieu des assiegeants ; ce qui les obli-
geait a se transporter d'un endroit a un autre. Cepen-
dantle sie"ge trainait en longueur; les approvisionnements
et les munitions etaient epuises. Nouh ebn Mansour
envoya a Abou'l Hasan ebn Simdjour, emir des armies du
Khorasan et en ce moment destitue de ses fonctions,
i'ordre de marcher contre Khalaf et de 1'assieger. Le
general se trouvait dans le Qohestan ; 45 il en partit pour
se rendre dans le Sedjestan et assieger Khalaf. Comme il
etait lie d'amitie avec le prince, il lui fit parvenir, a 1'aide
d'un messager, le conseil d'abandonner la forteresse d'Ark
et de la livrer a El Hosayn ebn Taher : il fournirait ainsi
aux troupes qui le tenaient assiege le moyen et le pretexte
de retourner a Bokhara ; une fois 1'armee dispersee, il
reprendrait la lutte contre El Hosayn et Bakr ebn El
Hosayn qui se trouveraient sans soldats. Khalaf suivit ce
conseil et quitta la forteresse d'Ark pour celle d'Et-Taq.46
Abou'l Hasan es-Simdjoury entra dans la place aban-
donn^e et y fit celebrer la priere publique au nom de 1'emir
Nouh ebn Mansour ; puis il s'eloigna apres y avoir installe
45 " QouJiestan, par arabisation du mot Kiouhistdn, qui signifie
endroit montagneux. Ce qui est conrm sous ce nom est un dis-
trict (du Khorasan) dont les -extremit^s se relient aux districts
d'Herat. II s'etend dans les montagnes, en longueur, jusque
pres de Nahawend, de Hamadan et de Baroudjerd. Ce sont
des montagnes appelees toutes de ce nom, entre Herat et Nay-
sabour. La capitale du Qouhestan est Qa'in et ses villes les
plus importantes sont Qawn, Djonabed, Tabas et Tortit." —
Mardsed.
i6 Tornberg a imprime par erreur Et-Tareq.
UN PELS SAFFAR1DE INEDIT. 141
El Hosayn ebn Taher.47 Deux mois apres, les troupes de
Bokhara considerant leur tache comme terminee retour-
nerent dans leurs foyers et sur ces entrefaites Khalaf re-
vint, chassa El Hosayn du Sedjestan et reprit possession de
son royaume. Ses forces et sa puissance s'etaient accrues
avec ses richesses; mais malgre qu'il nourrit dans son
esprit le projet de s'emparer du Kerman, il ne pouvait y
donner cours a cause de la treve qui existait entre lui et
'Adeud ed-dauleh. Ce prince e"tant mort,48 Charaf ed-
dauleh (son fils) monta sur le trone : son gouvernement
fut paisible et regulier et s'ecoula au milieu de la securite.
Khalaf ne bougea pas. Mais lorsque, apres la mort de
Charaf ed-dauleh,4!* les princes Bouwayhides se querel-
lerent entre eux et que la zizanie e*clata entre Samsam ed-
dauleh et Baha ed-dauleh, la convoitise de Khalaf50 devint
plus ardente et, saisissant 1'occasion, il expedia,51 a la tete
47 Le dinar d'El Hosayn ebn Taher, decrit dans le Catalogue
du British Museum (iii. p. 18) et dont la date et la localite sont
effacees, doit avoir ete frappe a cette epoque, c'est-a-dire entre
les annees 375 et 880. J'inclinerais pour la derniere date.
En effet, le Khalife Et-Taye* cessa de regner en ramadan 381.
Khalaf se retrouvait alors non seulement maitre du Sedjestan,
mais assez fort pour envoyer son fils attaquer le Kerman. En
outre il avait continue a battre monnaie pendant le siege, puis-
qu'il existe au British Museum un dinar portant son nom et
frappe en 1'an 875. II est possible, cependant, que le dinar d'El
Hosayn ait ete frappe lors de la premiere occupation du Se-
djestan par le fils et successeur de Taher.
48 En 1'an 872.
49 II mourut en 1'an 879.
80 En commen9ant le recit de cette expedition, Ebn el Atir
(ix. 57 — 59) appelle Khalaf fils de Bdnou, fille d T'Amr ebn El
Layt es-Saffar. H faut supposer que 1'historien omet deux
degres de filiation, 'Amr ebn El Layt es-Saffar etant mort en
887, et que Banou etait fille d''Amr, fils d'Ya'qoub, fils de
Mohammad, fils d''Amr, fils de Layt es-Saffar.
61 Cette campagno cut lieu en 1'an 881.
142 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
(Time nombreuse armee, son fils 'Amr centre le Kerman,
ou se trouvait un general appele Tamortach, que Charaf
ed-dauleh avait invest! du gouvernement de cette pro-
vince. Avant que ce gouverneur exit connaissance de
rien, 'Amr etait deja dans son voisinage. II ne lui restait
d'autre ressource que celle d'entrer dans Bardasir52 avec
ses compagnons. Us emporterent ce qu'ils purent; 'Amr
se saisit du reste et s'empara du Kerman a 1'exception de
Bardasir. II extorqua des habitants de fortes sommes et
recueillit lea impots.
Quand la nouvelle de ces evenements parvint a Samsara
ed-dauleh, qui etait seigneur du Fares,53 il envoya des
troupes a Tamortach, sousle commandement d'un general
nomine Abou Dja'far, et ordonna a celui-ci de se saisir de
Tamortach, des qu'il 1'aurait rejoin t, attendu qu'il le soup-
connait de pencher en faveur de son frere Baha ed-dauleh.
Abou Dja'far se mit en marche, arriva aupres de Tamor-
tach et, T ay ant loge chez lui sous pretexte qu'ils avaient
& se concerter sur ce qu'ils devaient faire, le fit arreter et
conduire a Chiraz. II se dirigea alors, a la tete de toutes
les troupes, contre 'Arar ebn Khalaf pour lui livrer bataille.
La rencontre eut lieu a Darazin.54 Les deux partis en
etant venus aux mains, Abou Dja'far et les Daylamites
furent mis en de"route et s'en retournerent par le chemin
de Djyraft.55 Samsam ed-dauleh et ses officiers furent tres
52 " La plus grande ville du Kerman, sur la limite du desert
situe entre le Kerman et le Khorasan ; elle se trouve a deux
journees de marche d'Es-Siradjan." — Mardsed.
53 Depuis 1'an 879. Le Fares est limitrophe du Kerman.
54 " Ddr Razln, district du Sedjestan ou, suivant quelques-
uns, du Kerman." — Mardsed. La derniere opinion est la
bonne.
55 " Ville du Kerman, une des plus importantes et des plus
UN PELS SAFF^RIDE INEDIT. 143
troubles en apprenant cette nouvelle ; puts ils tomberent
d'accord sur 1'envoi d'El 'Abbas ebn Ahmad d la tete
d'une armee plus nombreuse que la premiere. Ils le firent
done partir avec des troupes considerables et d'immenses
munitions. II marcha jusqu'a ce qu'il atteignit 'Amr ;
1'ayant rencontre pres de Siradjan,56 il engagea le com-
bat. Mais le fils de Khalaf fut defait et plusieurs de
ses generaux et compagnons tomberent prisonniers. Cette
bataille eut lieu en moharram, 1'an 382. 'Amr retourna
en pleine deroute dans le Sedjestan aupres de son pere.
Quand il parut devant lui, celui-ci 1'accabla de reproches,
puis il Femprisonna et, quelques jours apres, le fit mettre £
mort. II lava lui-meme son corps, recita la priere funebre
et 1'inhuma dans la citadelle. " On est tres etonne," ajoute
Munedjdjim Bachi, " de trouver unetelle inhumanity unie
4 tant de science et de m^rite ! "
Quelque temps apres, Samsam ed-dauleh enleva le
(gouvernement du) Kerman a El 'Abbas pour en investir
TOstad d'Hormoz.57 Quand ce dernier fut arrive dans le
Kerman, Khalaf, ayant peur de lui, lui adressa des propo-
sitions de paix et s'excusa de ce qu'il avait fait. La paix
fut conclue; mais Khalaf n'en conservait pas moms le
pittoresques de cette province. On y trouve des dattiers et
des fruits." — Marased.
86 " Ville entre le Kerman et le Fares. Suivant quelques-uns,
elle est le chef-lieu de Veqllm du Kerman, la plus grande de ses
villes principales et celle ou Ton rencontre le plus de science,
d'inteiligence et de beaute physique. L'air y est sain ; 1'eau
temperee. Les eaux sont fournies par deux canaux ; elles
coulent dans 1'interieur de la ville et entrent dans les maisons."
— Marased.
67 Le Marased ne cite que la ville de ce nom situee sur le
golfe persique. La carte de Spruner en irarque une autre au
nord-est de Djyraft et au sud de Bamm. C'est probablement
de celle-ci qu'il s'agit d'apres la suite du recit.
144 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
de*sir de soumettre le Kerman a son empire. Or il y
avait dans le Sedjestan un qady de Pislam, personnage
devot, ties venere et estime du peuple, accueilli par les
grands et par les petits ; il s'appelait Abou Yousef et pre"-
chait sans cesse a la population de s'abstenir de faire la
guerre a des musulmans pour le bon plaisir du souverain.
A cause de lui Khalaf ne pouvait attaquer le Kerman. II
Penvoya done aupres de POstad d'Hormoz en le faisant
accompagner par un homme charge de Pempoisonner des
qu'il serait chez le gouverneur et de reveniren toute hate
en publiant partout que POstad d'Hormoz Pavait tue.
Abou Yousef partit pour le Kerman. L'Oetad Payant
invite* a un repas, il se rendit a son invitation et mangea.
Mais aussitot qu'il fut rentre chez lui, Passassin lui
administra un breuvage empoisonne* dont il mourut, puis
etant monte sur un dromadaire il retourna a marches
force*es aupres de son maitre. Khalaf reunit en sa pre*-
sence les notables de la ville afin qu'ils entendissent son
recit : il raconta alors que POstad d'Hormoz avait tue* le
qady Abou Yousef. Khalaf versa des larmes et se montra
tres afflig£ de sa mort. II fit en meme temps publier
qu'il fallait envahir le Kerman et venger Abou Yousef.
La population accourut en masse £ son appel, et il fit
partir cette armee sous le commandement de son fils
Taher. Arrives & Narmasir58 ou se trouvaient les troupes
Daylamites, les envahisseurs les mirent en deroute et leur
enleverent la ville. Les Daylams atteignirent Djyraft oi\
ils se rassemblerent, et mirent en e*tat de defense Bardasir,
la ville la plus importante et la capitale du Kerman.
58 " Ville connue, une des principales du Kerman, a une
journee de marche de Bamm et ^ la meme distance d'El Foradj
par la route du desert. "-7- Mardsed.
UN FELS SAFF&KIUE INEDIT. 145
Taher se dirigea vers cette ville, qu'il assiegea pendant
trois mois. Reduits a la derniere extremite\ les habitants
ecrivirent a POstad d'Hormoz pour lui faire conuaitre
leur situation, ajoutant que, s'il n'accourait & leur secours,
ils livreraient la place. Ce gouverneur, bravant tous les
dangers, pressa sa marche a travers les defiles et les mon-
tagnea escarpees jusqu'a ce qu'il atteignit Bardasir. A
son arrivee pres de la ville, Taher et ses compagnous
s'eloignerent et retourneYent dans le Sedjestan. Le Ker-
man resta aux Daylams. Get evenement eut lieu 1'annee
3S4.59
Khalaf affecta pendant quelque temps une certaine
amitie pour Yamin ed-dauleh Mahmoud, fils de Sebukte-
kin, Puis, profitant de ce que ce prince etait occupe a
faire la guerre a son frere Isma'il, il envoya son fils Taher
dans le Qohestan (en Tannee 390). Taher s'empara de
cette province et ensuite de Bouchandj,60 ville qui, avec
Herat,61 appartenait en propre £ Boghradjiq, oncle
paternel d'Yamin ed-dauleh. Aussitot qu'Yamin ed-
dauleh fut debarrasse de la guerre qu'il avait entreprise,
son oncle lui demanda et obtint 1'autorisation de chasser
Taher de ses domaines. II marcha centre lui, 1'atteignit
dans les districts de Bouchandj et le mit en deroute
dans une premiere rencontre ; mais Boghradjiq s'etant
entete £ le poursuivre, Taher fit volte face, s'ela^a
sur lui, le tua et, etant descendu de cheval, lui coupa la
59 Munedjcljim Bachi dit que cette campagne infructueuse fut
conduite par Khalaf lui-meme.
60 " Petite ville pittoresque et forte, dans une vallee bien
boisee, a dix parasanges d'He"rat, dont elle forme un des districts."
— Mardsed.
61 Hardt, grande ville connue, une des principals du Khora-
san. On y trouve de nombreux jardins et des eaux abondantes.
Toutefois elle a ete ruinee par les Tatars." — Mardsed.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. U
146 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
tete et I'emporta. Mahmoud fut tres afflige de la mort de
son oncle : il rassembla aussitot sea troupes et marcha
contre Khalaf, qui se fortifia dans le chateau d'Asbahbod,62
si eleve qu'il menace les astres. II 1'y assiegea vigou-
reusement et le reduisit a la derniere extremite. A bout
de ressources, Khalaf demanda huinblement I'amdn, en
envoyant une somme considerable et s'engageant a verser
encore chaque annee autant d' argent que le vainqueur en
exigerait. Yamin ed-dauleh accorda la paix a ces condi-
tions et prit des otages pour assurer le paiement des
sommes promises.63
En 1'annee 391, Taher ebn Khalaf ebn Ahmad se revolta
contre son pere et, apres avoir e"te plusieurs fois vaincu,
il sortit du Sedjestan et se dirigea vers le Kerman, ou se
trouvaient les troupes de Baha ed-dauleh a qui le pays
appartenait. Elles se reunirent en masse aupres d'Abou
Mousa Siahdjil, leur chef et en meme temps 1'adminis-
trateur de la ville. " Get homme," lui dirent-elles, "est
arrive avec peu de forces ; notre avis est que tu prennes
les devants avant qu'il devienne plus fort et que ses
bandes augmentent." Le gouverneur ne tint aucun
compte du conseil et dedaigna son adversaire. Cependant
la troupe de Taher s'accrut : il penetradans les montagnes,
ou il rencontra une bande d'hommes revoltes contre le
sultan. Avec ce nouveau renfort il descendit sur Djyraft,
dont il s'empara ainsi que d'autres villes. Convoitant de
nouvelles conquetes, il defit Abou Mousa et les Daylams
qui avaient inarche contre lui et s'empara d'uue partie de
61 D'apres le commentateur d''0tby (i. p. 859, ed. du Caire),
" c'est un fort connu, dans le Sedjestan."
63 Ebn el Atir, ix, 118 — 114. En 1'annee 890, on decouvrit
dans le Sedjestan une mine d'or ; on creusait laterre et Ton en
extrayait de 1'or rouyc. (Do. ix. 11C.)
UN PELS 8AFFAR1DE IN KBIT. 147
co qui restait en leur possession. Informe par les lettres
qu'ils lui adresserent de la defaite qu'ils avaient essuyee,
Baha ed-dauleh leur envoya sur-le-champ une arme'e
commande*e par Abou Dja'far, fils de TOslad d'Hormoz.
Ce general se dirigea vers le Kerman et gagna Bamm,64
ou se trouvait Taker. Apres un combat livre entre les
avant-gardes des deux armees, ce dernier quitta le Kerman
et reprit la route du Sedjestan. Parvenu dans cette pro-
vince, il relacha les prisonniers et les invita a combattre
avec lui centre son pere, leur jurant que s'ils 1'aidaient et
se battaient avec lui, il leur donnerait la liberte*. Us
accepterent sa proposition. Taher livra bataille a son pere,
qu'il mit en deroute, et s'empara du pays. Khalaf se
retira dans un chateau qui lui appartenait et ou il se
fortifia. Apres y avoir etc* assiege pendant quelque
temps, il eut recours a la ruse. Deja il avait tente de faire
revolter les officiers de son fils ; mais il etait aime a cause
de sa bonne conrluite qui contrastait avec celle de son
pere. N'ayant pas reussi, il lui envoya une lettre pleine
de caresses et dans laquelle il lui exprimait ses regrets de
ce qu'il avait fait et cherchait a le ramener a lui : il
n'avait pas d'autre fils,66 lui disait-il, et craignait qu'apres
sa mort le pays ne tombat aux mains d'un autre que lui.
II terminait sa lettre en I'engagsant a se rendre aupres
de lui accompagne d'*un detachement, pour conferer en-
semble et connaitre la situation des affaires. Le rendez-
64 " Une des villes les plus considerables du Kerman. Ses
habitants out de 1'habilete ; la plupart d'entre eux sont tisse-
rands. Une joarnee de marche separe cette ville de Djyraft."
— Mardsed.
65 Neanmoins Ebn el Atir mentionne (ix. 128) un troisieme
filrf de Khalaf, lequel survucut a son pere etherita de ses bieus.
Munedjdjiin Bachi dit que cet heritier fut Taher, petit-fils de
Khalaf.
148 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
vous etait donne sous la citadelle. Taher arrive avec une
escorte. Khalaf descend ^galement escorte ; mais il avait
dispose une embuscade tout pres de la. Des qu'il se
trouve aupres de son fils, il 1'embrasse et verse des larmes ;
puis, tout en pleurant, pousse un cri. Aussitot 1'embus-
cade sort et fait Taher prisonnier. Khalaf tua son fils de
sa propre main, lava son corps et 1'ensevelit. II n'avait
pas d'autre fils.66 A peine Taher fut-il mort que Khalaf
se trouva en butte aux convoitises de ses voisins, qui
redoutaient son fils a cause de sa bravoure. C'est a cette
epoque qu'il fut attaque par Mahmoud ebn Sebuktekin67
et que le souverain Ghaznevide s'empara de son royaume
(an 393).
El 'Otby, dans son Tarikh Yamtny^ dit que le motif de
la conquete du Sedjestan par Yamin ed-dauleh fut le
suivant : lorsque, en 390, Yamin ed-dauleh, apres avoir
fait la paix avec Khalaf, se fut eloigne, le souverain du
Sedjestan abandonna volontairement le trone a son fils
Taher et se retira dans un lieu £carte pour se consacrer a
la priere et a la science. Mais il n'avait d'autre but en
affectant les dehors de la devotion, que de faire croire a
Yamin ed^dauleh qu'il avait abandonn^ le pouvoir royal
pour ne plus s'occuper que de la vie future, et cela afin
que le prince cessat de convoiter son pays. Taher, une
fois sur le trone, desobeit a son pere, ne tint aucun
compte de ses ordres et se revolta centre lui. Khalaf
simula alors une maladie ; il cajola son fils et se montra
66 Voy. la note precedente. Cf. aussi le Fath el Wahby.
67 Ebn el Atir, ix. 118—119.
68 Histoire d'Yannn ed-dauleh Mahmoud ebn Sebuktekin. Voy.
Hadji Khal, vi. p. 514. Get ouvrage a ete imprime au Caire en
marge de 1'edition du Kdmel d'Ebn el Atir. Le commentaire
intitule Elfath el Wahby a ete egalement imprime au Caire, en
2 vols.
UN PELS SAFF.JRIDE IN£DIT. 119
plein de bienveillance & son ^gard ; puis, sous pr£texte de
lui dieter ses dernieres volont^s, il 1'appela dans son
chateau. Taher, oubliant la me'chancete de son pere, vint
eans mefiance. Khalaf le fit aussitot arre"ter et jeter en
prison. II y resta jusqu'a ce qu'il mourut. Son pere fit
croire qu'il s'etait donne" la mort. Lorsque les troupes de
Khalaf et le commandant en chef de son arme'e apprirent
ce qui s'etait passe, ils le prirent en haine et refuserent
de lui obeir ; 1'armee avait toujours ete attachee et
devoue"e a Taher. 11s se fortifierent dans la capitale et,
s'etant proclames sujets d'Yamin ed-dauleh, ils celebrerent
la priere publique au nom de ce prince, auquel ils depe-
cherent en meme temps des envoyea pour lui demander
quelqu'un qui prit livraison de la ville. Mahmoud etant
arrive" a la tete d'une armee s'empara de la ville cette
meme annee (393) et forma le projet de poursuivre
Khalaf, de se rendre maitre de ce qu'il detenait encore et
d'en finir avec ses tromperies. II marcha done contre lui
et 1'assiegea dans le chateau d'Et-Taq ou il s'etait refugie.
Cette citadelle e"tait munie de sept solides enceintes et en-
touree d'un large et profond fosse qu'on ne franchissait
que sur un pont-levis qui etait relev^ a la moindre alerte.
Mahmoud serra de presson ennemi, sans pouvoir toutefois
arriver jusqu'a lui. II ordonna alors de combler le fosse
afin que le passage put s'effectuer. Des bois furent coupes
et avec ceux-ci et de la terre on obtint en un seul jour un
passage praticable d'ou 1'on pouvait combattre. Les as-
siegeants se precipiterent amenant avec eux les elephants.
Le combat devint acharne ; le danger, mena9ant. Deja
le plus grand des elephants avait arrach£ et jete par terre
la porte de 1'enceinte exterieure et les compagnons
d'Yamin ed-dauleh s'en ^taient empares. Les soldats de
Khalaf avaient du se retirer derriere la deuxieme muraille,
150 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
et lea soldats d'Yamin ed-dauleh les faisaient reculer d'une
enceinte a 1'autre. Jugeant a I'acharnement avec lequel
on se battait que ses remparts, que ses troupes etaient
impuissantes a defendre, allaient tomber au pouvoir de
1'ennemi ; voyant en meme temps ses homines ecrases
sous les pieds des elephants, Khalaf fut saisi de frayeur et
d'epouvante : il envoya implorer I'amdn, qui lui fut
accorde par Yamin ed-dauleh. Quand il se presenta
devant lui, ce prince le combla d'honneurs et de marques
de respect et 1'autorisa a resider dans telle ville qu'il pre-
fererait. Khalaf choisit le territoire de Djouzdjan,69 ou
il fut conduit avec une pompe convenable. Apres s'etre
empare du Sedjestan, Yamin ed-dauleh quitta ce pays et
y laissa comme son lieutenant un de ses officiers connu
sous le nom de Qandjy le chambellan, et qui traita les
habitants avec douceur. Cependant des bandes de
mauvais sujets ne tarderent pas a se reunir sous un chef
et se revolterent centre le sultan. Yamin ed-dauleh
marcha contre eux et les assiegea dans le chateau d'Ark.
11 fut vainqueur, s'empara de leur forteresse et en passa
un grand nombre au fil de 1'epee. II fit poursuivre les
fuyarda, qui furent atteints et massacres pour la plupart.
Le Sedjestan ainsi purge des rebelles, Yamin ed-dauleh
demeura le maitre paisible du pays, qu'il donna en fief a
son frere Nasr, deja investi du gouvernement de Naysa-
bour.70
69 Le Commentaire d'El 'Otby, p. 373, dit que le Djouzdjan
(district du Khorasan) faisait partie des etats de Mahmoud.
Munedjdjim Bachi porte par erreur Djordjau. — '' Djouzdjanan,
qu'on ecrit aussi Djouzdjan, est le nom d'un vaste arrondisse-
ment (KoiiraJi) dependant, avec d'autres, de Balkh, entre cette
ville et Merou er-roud ; son chef-lieu s'appelle Yahoudiyeh." —
Mardsed.
70 Ebn el Atir, ix. 124.
UN PELS SAFFA1UDE 1NEDIT. 151
II y avait quatre ans que Khalaf residait a Djouzdjan
quand Yamia ed-dauleh, a qui on rapporta que Khalaf
entretenait une correspondance avec le Khan Ylek pour
le pousser a 1'attaquer, le transfera a Djardin71 et I'y fit
etroitement surveiller jusqu'ace qu'il mourut en radjab do
1'annee 399. Yamin ed-dauleh remit toute sa succession
a son fils Abou Hafs,72 ou, suivant Munedjdjim Bachi, a
son petit-fils Taher. Dans la suite, continue ce dernier
chroniqueur, la dynastie des Seldjouqides ayant fait son
apparition, Taher, qui s'etait attache a Mohammad Alb
Arslan et a son fils Malek Chan73 et etait entre a leur
service, se rendit avec leur appui maitre du Sedjestan,
son royaume hereditaire.
II est a presumer cependant que la dynastie des Safia-
rides occupa plus d'une fois le trone du Sedjestan entre
les annees 399 et 455 — 465. Nous voyons, il est vrai,
Mas'oud, fils de Mahmoud, reunir sous son sceptre, en
422, le Khorasan, Ghazneh, 1'Inde, le Send, le Sedjestan, le
Kerman, le Mekran, Er-Eayy, Isbahan, le Djebal, etc.74
Sous 1'annee 43?, Ebn el Atir decrit de nouveau 1'etendue
de royaume de ce prince et nous dit qu'il se rendit maitre
d'Isbaban, d'Er-Rayy, deHamadan etde ses d^pendances,
du Tabarestan, du Djordjan, du Khorasan, du Khawarezm,
71 C'est Djardiz qu'il faut lire, ainsi que le porte le Tarikh Ya-
miny, dont le commentateur ajoute, d'apres Sadr el Afddel, que ce
nom, arabise de Guerdiz, est celui d'un village fortifie pres de
Ghazneh et ou il existe un chateau fort. Suivant le Marascd,
" Kardiz est une vaste province entre Ghazneh et 1'Inde."
Dans le texte turc de Munedjdjhn Bachi on a imprime par
erreur Gueuz.
72 Ebn el Atir, ix. 122—123.
73 Alb Arslan regna de 455 a 465 et Malek Chah de 465 a
485.
74 Ebn el Atir, ix. 283A.
152 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
du pays d'Er-Rawen, du Kerman, du Sedjestan, du Send,
du Rokhkhadj, du pays de Ghour et de 1'Inde.75
En 434, Ibrahim Yannal, frere du sultan Seldjouqide
Toghroulbek, marcha sur le Sedjestan.76
En 441, Mawdoud, fils de Mas'oud, ayant du rentier a
Ghazneh, malade, fit partir son vizir Abou '1 fath 'Abd
er-Razzaq ebn Ahmad el Mimandy77 avec une nombreuse
armee pour le Sedjestan afin de 1'enlever aiix Ghozz.78
En 444, Toghroul, hadjeb en chef d''Abd er-Rachid,
obtint du sultan Ghaznawide la permission de chasser les
Ghozz du Khorasan et partit a la te'te de mille cavaliers.
II prit la direction du Sedjestan, ou se trouvait Abou'l fadl
en qualite de na'ib de (Fakhr el meulk) Bayghou79 et
assiegea la citadelle de Taq. Puis il envoya inviter
Abou'l fadl a reconnaitre la souverainete d''Abd er-
Rachid. Sur son refus, il continua le siege de Taq
pendant quarante jours ; mais, ennuye de la longueur du
siege, il se dirigea vers la ville de Sedjestan et, apres avoir
inis en deroute Bayghou, qui etait arrive au secours de
son lieutenant, il s'empara de la ville A son retour,
Toghroul se rendit maitre de Ghazneh, tua 'Abd er-
Rachid et epousa, malgre elle, la fille de Mas'oud. II fut
lui-meme assassine bientot apres.80
Sous 1'annee 451, il est fait allusion a la prise du Kho-
rasan, du Tabarestan et du Sedjestan par Toghroulbek.81
75 Ebn el Atir, ix. 333—334.
76 Ebn el Atir, ix. 347 et 349.
77 C'est-a-dire de Mimand. — " .... II y a aussi un Mimand
dans les districts de Ghazneh." — Marased.
78 Ebn el Atir, ix. 382.
79 Prince Seldjouqide, fils de Mikail, frere de Toghroulbek et
oncle paternel d'Alb Arslan. Cf. Ebn el Atir, ix. et x.
80 Ebn el Atir, ix. 399—400.
81 Ebn el Atir, x. 4.
UN FKLS SAFFAIUDE INKIMT. 153
TAKER.82
Ce prince occupa le trone pendant quelque temps, grace
a 1'appui des deux souverains Seldjouqides Alb Arslan et
Malek Chah, ainsi qu'il vient d'etre dit. A sa inort, sur-
venue en 1'ann^e 479, il eut pour successeur son tils
TAI>J ED-niN ABOU'L FADL NASK.83
C'etait un prince juste et modere, savant, vcrtueux et
d'une grande continence. II fut un des partisans de San-
djar et se signala par sa valeur en plusieurs rencontres.
En Tanned 508,84 le sultan Sandjar ebn Malek Chah,
souverain du Khorasan, expedia des troupes sur Ghazneh
centre Arslan Chah,85 fils d''Ala ed-dauleh Abou Sa'd
Mas'oud ebn Abi'l ModafFar Ibrahim ebn Abi Sa'd
Mas'oud ebn Mahmoud ebn Sebuktekin. II avait place a
la tete de son avant-garde 1'emir Onar, general de sea
troupes, et etait accompagne du roi Beliram Chah (frere
d' Arslan Chah). L'armee s'avai^a jusqu'a Bost, ou elle
fut rejointe par Abou'l fadl Nasr ebn Khalaf (sic),
seigneur du Sedjestan.
La rencontre eut lieu a une parasange de Ghazneh,
dans la plaine de Chehrabad.86 Arslan Chah avait sous
ses ordres trente mille cavaliers et un grand nombre de
fantassins ; son armee comprenait en outre cent-vingt
elephants portant chacun quatre homraes. Les elephants
se jeterent sur le centre, ou ^tait Sandjar. Ce corps
82 Munedjdjim Bachi, ii. 427.
. 83 Munedjdjim Bachi, ii. 427 — 428. Ebn el Atir 1'appelle
Nasr ebn Khalaf.
81 Ebn el Atir, x. 853—854. Sandjar regna de 511 a 552,
86 Ce Ghaznawide regna de 508 a 512. Sa mere etait Sel-
djouqide et sceur du sultau Alb Arslan ebu Daoud. Son oucle
paternel, Nasr, avait aussi epouse une princesse Seldjouqide,
soeur de Sandjar.
86 Cette plaine n'est pas mentionnee dans le Maniaed.
VOL. I. TTIIRl) SEKIRS. X
154 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE,
d'armee prenait la fuite ; Sandjar criaa ses pages tares de
lancer leurs fleches centre ces animaux. Aussitot trois
mille pages s'avancerent et, lan^ant a la fois une voice de
traits contre les elephants, ils en tuerent un certain
nombre. Les autres, se detournant du centre, se jeterent
sur 1'aile gauche, commandee par Abou'l fadl, seigneur du
Sedjestan. L'epouvante fut la meme. Abou'l fadl releva
le courage de ses homines et leur fit peur d'une defaite a
une si grande distance de leur pays. Lui-meme descendit
de cheval, se dirigea vers 1'elephant place* en tete et le
chef de la bande, penetra sous la bete et lui fendit le
ventre. II tua encore deux autres elephants. L'emir
Onar, qui commandait 1'aile droite, voyant la lutte
soutenue par 1'aile gauche et craignant qu'elle ne fut
e'crasee, se porta a son secours en chargeant par derriere
I'arme'e de Ghazneh, qu'il tra versa. La victoire se prononca
contre les Ghaznawides et fut due au courage de Tadj
ed-din Le sultan Sandjar en tra dans Ghazneh le
20 chawwalde l'anne*e 510, accompagne* de BehramChah.
II installa ce prince sur le trone et reprit le chemin du
Khorasan. Jamais avant cette epoque, la priere publique
n'avait ^te celebree a Ghazneh au nom d'un Seldjouqide.
En 1'annee 513,87 la guerre eclata entre Sandjar et son
neveu le sultan Mahmoud,88 fils de Mohammad.89 L'armee
du Khorasan comptait 20,000 hommes et 18 e'le'phants.
Au nombre des grands emirs se trouvaient: le fils de
1'emir Abou'l fadl, seigneur du Sedjestan, Khawarezm
Chah Mohammad, 1'emir Onar et 1'emir Qomadj. Elle
fut rejointe par 'Ala ed-dauleh Kerchasef, fils de Feramerz
87 Ebn el Atir, x. 887.
98 II avail epouse la fille de Sandjar.
89 Le sultan Mohammad, fils de Malek Chah, fils d'Alb Arslan,
niourut 1'an 511.
UN PELS SAFFARIDE INEDIT. 155
ebn Kakwayh, seigneur d'Yezd et beau-frere du sultan
Mohammad et de Sandjar dont il avait epouse la sceur. . . .
Sandjar remporta la victoire.
Tadj ed-din se distingua encore par sa bravoure dans
une bataille qui eut lieu en 1'annee 535 : Sandjar ayant
ete mis en deroute par 1'armee des Kheta, il se deVoua90
et adressa au sultan ces paroles : " Vous, sauvez votre
tete ; moi, jedemeurerai a votre place." En effet Sandjar
prit la fuite et Tadj ed-din resta sous le parasol, de sorte
que 1'ennemi etant arrive le fit prisonnier. Puis Kour-
khan91 ayant ete informe de son heroique conduite et du
devouement qu'il avait montre pour Sandjar, le relacha et
le traita honorablement. Ce Tadj ed-din, parvenu a 1'age
de plus de cent ans, mourut en 1'annee 559, apres un regne
de quatre-vingts ans, plein d'equite et de justice. II laissa
le trone a son fils
CHAMS ED-DIN ABOU'L FATH AHMAD.92
Prince injuste et sanguinaire, il egorgea en une seule
nuit quinze de ses freres ; il eut en quelque sorte com-
passion de 1'un d'eux93 et se contenta de lui oter la vue a
1'aide d'un poin9on rougi au feu. Mais le peuple 1'ayant
90 Ebn el Atir le designe dans cette circonstance sous les seals
noms de " roi " et de " seigneur du Sedjestan." D'apres cet
bistorien, la bataille fat livree le 5 safar 536 et " le seigneur du
Sedjestan " fut fait prisonnier. Le Mawara'n-nahr resta aux
mains des Kheta jusqu'^ ce qu'ils en furent depossedes par 'Ala
ed-din Mohammad Khawarezm Chah 1'an 612. (Ebn el Atir, xi.
66—57.)
91 Ebn el Atir (xi. 56 et suiv.) appelle cet emperenr de la
Chine Kourkhan, successeur de Kourkhan ; il mourut en radjab
537.
92 Munedjdjim Bachi, ii. 428. Ebn el Atir, xi. 207.
93 Quoique notre historien ne lo nomme pas, il s'agit de Mo-
hammad 'Ezz el iiaulouk.
156 . NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
pris en haine se mit d'accord avec sa sceur et, profitant
d'une occasion pour le tuer, placa sur le troue le fils de ce
frere aveugle,
TADJ ED-DIN w HARB,
qui parvint egalement a 1'age de pres de cent ans et en
regna cinquante.
En 1'annee 597 les troupes du Sedjestan faisarent partie
d'une armee commandee par Chehab ed-din, frere de
Ghiat ed-din, roi des Ghourides.95
En rabi< ler de l'anne"e 603,96 El Hosayn ebn Khourmil,
seigneur d'Herat, apres s'etre empare d'Asferar,97 envoya
inviter Harb ebn Mohammad, seigneur du Sedjestan, a
reconnaitre la souverainet^ et a faire celebrer dans ses
eHats la priere publique au nom de Khawarezm Chah.
Harb y consentit.
La meme annee, Tadj ed-din Aldoz, qui venait de se
rendre maitre de Tekyabad, de Bost et de tous ces dis-
tricts, y supprima la kheutbeh de Ghiat ed-din et adressa
an seigneur du Sedjestan 1'ordre de faire reciter de
nouveau les prieres de condoleance pour Chehab ed-din et
de cesser la kheutbeh celebree en 1'honneur de Khawarezm
Chah.98
Vers la fin de son regne, Harb se vit enlever une partie
94 Dans sa liste genealogiquc, Munedjdjiin Bachi 1'appelle
Tadj el molouk Harb.
95 Ebn el Atir, xii. 108. Chehab ed-din Abou'l Modaffar
Mohammad ebn Bam, le (jhouride, roi de Ghazneh et d'une
partie du Khorasau, fut assassine en 1'an 602.
86 Ebn el Atir, xii. 163.
97 II faut lire Asiezar. " Asfezar ou Asfozar, ville des dis-
tricts du Sedjestan, du cote d'Herat." — Mardsed. Cette ville
et Bost composaient le fief de Ghiat ed-din Mahmoud, fils de
Ghiat ed-din. Of. Ebn el Atir, xii. 140.
98 Ebn el Atir, xii. 164.
UN FELS SAFFAR1DE 1NLDLT. 157
de ses etats par Khawarezm Chah.99 II mourut Tan 612
et eut pour successeur son petit-fils
YAMIN ED-DIN CHEHRANCHAH.IO°
Ce prince tomba martyr sous les coups d'un fedevi aposte
par la secte des Bateniens, dont il s'etait attire rinimitie
par ses nombreuses incursions sur leur territoire. Son fils
NASlR ED-DIN BEHRAMCHAH101
lui succeda et perit au milieu de 1'invasion de Djenguiz.
Le trone echut alors i son frere
REUKN ED-DIN MAHMO^D CHEHRANCHAH.
Mais ce prince ne tarda pas a perir de la main des Tatars
et les Djenguizides s'emparerent du Sedjestan.102
Vous me pardonnerez, cher confrere et ami, d'etre entre*
dans de si longs details. II m'a semble que rhistoire de
cette petite dynastie, dont les monuments monetaires
sont rares, n'etait pas entierement depourvue d'iuteret.
Agreez, &c.
H. SAUVAIRE.
ROBERNIER PAR MONTFORT (VAfi), U 10 dVril 1881.
99 Ebn el Atir s'exprime ainsi (xii. 198, sub anno 611):
" Abou Bakr (que Khawarezm Chah avait invest! du gouverne-
ment du Zouzan) ayant ofFert au sultan, s'il lui envoyait des
troupes, de s'euiparer du pays de Kerman, voisin de sa resi-
dence, Khawarezm Chah lui expedia une arniee nombreuse
avec laquelle Abou Bakr marcha sur le Kerman, dont le souve-
rain se nommait Harb, fils de Mohammad, fils d'Abou'l fadl qui
etait seigneur du Sedjestan a 1'epoque du sultan Sandjar. Harb
lui livra bataille ; mais il ne put tenir centre Abou Bakr et ce
general s'empara de la province en tres peu de temps."
100 Munedjdjim Bachi, ii. 428.
101 Ibid., ibid.
102 Ebn el Atir dit (xii. 234) que le Sedjestan fut envahi par
les Tatars en 1'annee 617. Cette province etait anterieurement
tombee au pouvoir d''Ala ed-din Mohammad ebn 'Ala ed-diu
Tokoch Khawarezm Chah (Do. xii. 242).
XIII.
NOTES ON A FORBES PENNY OF ALEXANDER II.
I SEND for inspection a long double cross penny of Alex-
ander II. of Scotland, struck at the Forres mint. The
coin is of extreme rarity, and I know of only two other
specimens, both of which are now in a cabinet in Renfrew-
shire. In all three the moneyer is WALTGR,, but in
the coin now submitted the name of the mint is more
distinctly rendered than in the others, and appears as
FUGS. Whether these four letters are intended to repre-
sent in full the ancient name of the modern town of
Forres, or are simply a contraction of it, I cannot say, but
from inquiries made, I find that in old records the town
occasionally appears as " Fores," thus showing but an
additional letter, viz., 0, in the spelling. There is no
other Scottish mint to which these coins can be attributed ;
and as Alexander II. was for some time in Forres (where
he held courts), and as the combination of letters FUGS,
when pronounced with a stress upon the second letter,
gives a very fair sounding of the modern name Forres, it
NOTES ON A FORRES PENNY OF ALEXANDF.R II. 159
may be conceded that the appropriation of these coins to
the Forres mint is correct.
The two coins in the Renfrewshire cabinet above re-
ferred to will be found figured in Mr. Lindsay's book on
the Coinage of Scotland, in Plate III. Fig. 63, and second
supplement to same work, Plate I. Fig. 6, so that it
is unnecessary to do more than to refer to these represen-
tations for comparison with the present coin. It is remark-
able that all the three coins have differences in the
legends, and must, therefore, have been struck from dif-
ferent dies — a circumstance indicating either a protracted
stay of the King at Forres, or a sudden demand upon his
treasury while there, necessitating a multiplication of
dies for an immediate and extensive coinage. The die
from which the obverse of the coin now exhibited was
struck would seem to have done much previous service,
for the impression is blurred, and has none of the sharp-
ness to be expected from a newly cut and slightly used die.
On the other hand, the reverse is very much clearer, and
very probably was prepared in Forres for this special coin-
age, and so may be regarded as an undoubted example of
native handiwork of a very early period.
The obverse of the coin is of the usual type, and repre-
sents the King with an old, haggard face —
ALEXANDER EEX.
But the reverse legend is rendered differently from those
on the coins already published, and is
WA LTE HOW EES
The weight, too, is considerably above the standard, being
no less than 26 grains; but this is not an exceptional
instance in the long double cross pennies of the Alex-
160 NUMISMATIC CHRONTCT/E.
anders, and in no way detracts from the genuineness of
the coin.
I have attributed this piece to Alexander II., for I have
long held the opinion that these long double cross pennies
of the Scottish series were begun to be struck in 1247,
during his reign, and that the mature portrait upon them
represented the appearance of the King as he then was, a
man well advanced in life. The same type of coinage was
doubtless continued after his death, in 1249, during the
commencement of the reign of Alexander III., who, at
his accession, was a child of but eight years of age. I am
aware that Mr. Lindsay has attributed all these long
double cross pennies to Alexander III., and has divided
them into three classes or coinages, viz. : —
First. Those with bare head to left.1
Second. Those with crowned head to left ;2 and
Third. Those with crowned head to right.3
But Mr. Lindsay has ignored the fact that these long
double cross pennies were first coined in 1247, during
Alexander II. 's reign, and from the appearance of the old
face on the coins of Class 3 (which are the most nume-
rous), I am inclined to think that that type, viz., Lindsay's
third coinage or class, was the type of the original coinage
in Alexander II. 's days, and being struck then and during
his successor's minority, it naturally formed the great
bulk of the long double cross coinage which has come
down to us. Mr. Lindsay's first and second classes of the
long double cross coinage (which are comparatively so
scarce) I would attribute to Alexander III., and account
for them as perhaps having been but the attempts of the
1 Lindsay, Plate III., Fig. 51. 2 Ibid., Fig. 54.
3 Ibid., Fig. 58.
NOTES ON A FORRE8 PENNY OF ALEXANDER II. 161
moneyers to strike a new and distinctive coinage for Alex-
ander III. when he arrived at years when he might
be expected to have such a distinctive coinage of his own ;
and these attempts may have been of short duration, and
not persisted in, in consequence of the introduction of the
long single cross coinage, which undoubtedly forms the
bulk of the third Alexander's coinage,4 and which presents
us with the likeness of a youthful king, as Alexander III.
then was.
This theory would reconcile the numerous difficulties
presented by the different presentments of the King's
portrait on Lindsay's first, second, and third double cross
pennies. By regarding the third coinage type as antece-
dent to the other two, and as struck by both Alexander
II. and III., the difficulties attending the present appro-
priation of all these coinages to Alexander III. are got rid
of, and the plan is one which noways outrages proba-
bility.
THOMAS MACKENZIE, M.A., F.S.A.ScoT.
DORNOCH, SUTHERLANDSHIBE.
4 Lindsay, Plate III., Fig. 68.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES.
XIV.
ADDENDA TO DEVONSHIRE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
TOKENS, NOT DESCRIBED IN BOYNE'S WORK.
Continued from N.C., N.S., Vol. XVI., page 266.
DURING the five years that have passed since my previous
list of ninety-six unpublished tokens appeared in our
Num. Chron., seventeen new to myself, and to several
large collectors elsewhere, have been found in different
parts of the county. Four of them belong to Ply-
mouth, making forty in all issued from that old port.
Three others in the following list were sent out from
places not represented in Boyne, viz., Dodbrooke, Halber-
ton, and Hatherleigh.
I have the two latter in my collection ; that of Halberton
is brass, having for device the Clothworkers' Arms (see
Boyne's Introduction, page xiv., for description), with the
chevron carefully engraved as ermine, showing five spots
on the fur.
The Hatherleigh farthing is copper, having only the
date on the obverse, instead of a device.
As Devonshire is but poorly illustrated in Boyne's
plates, none of the town-pieces (the most interesting of
the series) being shown, I have had three of them en-
graved that are imperfectly or incorrectly described by
Boyne, for the benefit of our members who are interested
SEVENTEENTH CENTURY DEVONSHIRE TOKENS. 163
in these local tokens, and do not possess, or have not seen
them.
The first engraved is the Ashburton l town- piece, which
in Boyne (see page 48, No. 1) is described as having on
the reverse inter alia, a " branch with acorns," whereas it
is a fuller's teasel, Dipsacus fullonum.
This plant was introduced into the arms of the old
borough because the manufacture of woollen cloth was the
staple trade of Ashburton for several centuries, and the
teasel has always been used for raising the nap on the
surface of cloth, as no mechanical contrivance has yet been
found to equal it for that purpose. Part of the old trade
lingers yet in Ashburton, the manufacture of serges being
still extensively carried on there.
The Church was probably represented in the arms as
being the most important building in the town, and the
saltire because it is dedicated to St. Andrew. The sun in
splendour and the crescent moon are said to refer to the
metallurgy of the district, although gold and silver, of
which those two heavenly bodies were formerly the sym-
bols, are only to be found there in infinitesimal quantities.
The Bideford town-pieces (B., page 49, No. 15, 16) are
described as having for device on obverse " an antique
ship under a bridge ;" but they both have also a frame for
a beacon light over the centre arch of the bridge, and both
have on the reverse, under the dates, a small R, showing
they were engraved by Thomas Rawlins, the same
artist whose initial appears on most of the Corporation
pieces of Bristol, of the Mayor of Oxford, Luke Nourse of
Gloucester, and some others.
The beacon frame points to earlier times than the dates
1 See Plate VII., which is kindly presented by Mr. H. S. Gill.
164 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
of the tokens, but it might be remaining over the bridge,
— built in the fourteenth century — when Rawlins engraved
his dies, as there is one still preserved on the top of Hadley
Church, near Barnet, the shape of which is very similar to
the one shown in the engraving of the Bideford farthing.
(See Plate VII. No. 2.) It is singular that this farthing
town- piece is quite as large, and somewhat heavier, than the
halfpenny town-piece issued in 1670, or eleven years later.
The farthing weighs If dwt., or 42 grains, the halfpenny
four grains less. Evidently the Corporate authorities were
dissatisfied with the small profits arising from the earlier
issue.
I have been favoured by Mr. S. Shaw, of Andover, with
the following curious extracts from the Corporation
records of Henley-on-Thames, by which it will be seen
there must have been a large profit accruing from the
issue of town-pieces in those days. " 1669, May 13. The
farthings and halfpence made of late years by several
inhabitants of Henley, ordered to be cried down, and the
"Wardens to procure a stamp for the Corporation like that
on the Borough Seal, and procure to be immediately
stamped as many farthings and halfpence of copper as can
be bought with £7 10s. Od. of silver." " 1670, April 8,
the stamps for the tokens delivered to the Churchwardens
to be put into the Vestry with the Town Seal. The stamps
(dies) for the farthings cost 10s." " 1671, Jany. 26. Mr.
W. Bridgman received the profits of 21 Ibs. of farthings
and 44 Ibs. of halfpence, viz. £46 Os. Od., which was laid
out in repairing the bridge." The weight of these two
town-pieces is 14 grains for the farthing, or exactly a
third of the large honest Bideford one, and 18 grains the
halfpenny.
The Moretonhampstead town-piece (see Boyne, page 55,
SEVENTEENTH CENTURY DEVONSHIRE TOKENS. 165
No. 135) has i over the Church to show its value ; this is
not noticed by him. The eight men in the legend were the
Wardens and Sidesmen of the Parish Church (Plate 3).
It seems strange that so small a town should have had
two town-pieces, for besides the one now engraved, there
was another, unknown to Boyne, described in my previous
paper on Devonshire Tokens in vol. xvi., page 255, No.
49. As the former emanated from the Churchwardens
and " Feeffees," it may be the latter was issued by the
Overseers. They both claim it to be " FOR YE BENEFIT OF
YE POOR."
A similar occurrence took place at Peterborough, be-
tween two apparently rival bodies of that old city, " the
Overseers' halfpenny " appearing in 1669, and " a halfe
penny to be changed by the Tonme bailife" doubtless as repre-
sentative of the Corporation, came out in 1670. (See
Bpyne, page 361, Nos. 82, 83.) The same page contains
the two Oundle town-pieces, Nos. 67, 68, one " TO BE
CHANGED BY YE FEEFEES," undated, the other " FOR . THE
VSE . OF . THE . POOR," struck in 1669, probably by the
Overseers.
I am informed by a local collector, Mr. Thos. Beal, of
that town, the latter is much the rarer of the two.
No. 4 on the plate illustrates the token described in my
former list, vol. xvi., N.S., page 250, No. 8 ; it is an
early date for a halfpenny, very few being issued before
1660.
No. 5 has been engraved, not only because of its rarity,
but of its being the only id. known of Exeter ; it is de-
scribed in N.S., vol. xvi., at page 253, No. 31.
No. 6, described in N.S., vol. xvi., page 258, No. 69,
was engraved as being an unique specimen, and also the
only rhyming Devonshire token known.
166 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
BARNSTAPLE.
97. Obv. RICHARD . WEBER . IN. A Castle.
Rev. BARNSTABLE . 1669. HIS HALFEFENY.
This token was issued two years after R. W.'s farthing,
described in B., page 49, No. 14. It is in the possession
of Mr. T. Wainwright, Grammar School, Barnstaple.
CHUMLEIGH.
98. Obv. HVMPHREY . MORGAN. — Pair large scissors.
Rev. IN . CHVLMLEY. — H. M. 1658. (See Plate, No. 7.)
This token was issued ten years earlier than any other
of that place. It belongs to Mr. W. Gill, of Tapstock,
who kindly lent it for the purpose of engraving.
CREDITON.
99. Obv. IOSEPH . MEDLTON. — A full-blown rose.
Rev. OF . CBEDDYTON. 1. M. 1667.
This token is in the author's collection. The spelling
of the town on it exactly represents its pronunciation by
the natives. " Medlton " may be a corruption of Middle-
ton.
DODBROOKE.
100. Obv. WILLIAM . MASKELL. 1666.
Rev. (No legend.) An ancient galley (filling the field).
The issuer, a merchant of Dodbrooke, was buried in the
centre aisle of his parish church, where a stone slab is
inscribed to his memory.
EXETER.
101. Obv. IOHN . MABER. — The Grocers' Arms.
Rev. IN . EXON . 1668. — i. R. M.
Kindly transferred from the extensive collection of
SEVENTEENTH CENIURY DEVONSHIRE TOKENS. 167
Col. Harding, F.G.S., TJpcot House, Pilton, Barnstaple, to
that of the author.
HALBEKTON.
102. Obv. SIMON . HVSSEY . 1667. — Clothworkers' Arms.
Rev. OP . HALBEBTON. IN . DEv(on). — s. D. H. (Plate, No. 9.)
In the Church Register of his parish is this entry,
" Simon Hussey and Dorithy Osmond were married the
6th daie of July, 1659." The name of the issuer still
exists in the village. The token was found in Tiverton.
HATHERLEIGH.
103. Obv. IOHN . GIDLEY.— 1665. (Plate, No. 10.)
Rev. OF . HATHEKLEIGH. — I. A. O.
It is probable other issuers may yet be found in this old
town ; its two nearest neighbours, Great Torrington to the
north, and Okehampton to the south, have each seven
tokens of the period. The coin was kindly presented to
me by Mr. F. Goulding, Plymouth.
KINGSBBIDGE.
104. Obv. HEAD . OP . THE . MAYDEN. — The Mercers' Arms.
Rev. KINGS . BBIDGE . 1657. 1. M. H.
The singular, if not unique, legend on the above,
evidently refers to the device, viz. the bust of the Virgin
Mary crowned. It was found in the town, and described
in Miss Fox's " History of Kingsbridge," Appendix, page
268. The name of the issuer, who was married, is un-
known.
105. Obv. IOHN . TBIPE . 1659.— A ship. (Plate, No. 11.)
Rev. IN . KINGS . BBIDGE. 1. 0. T.
By a mistake of the engraver the obv. and rev. are
168 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
transposed. The Tripe family still exists in South
Devon.
MODBUEY.
106. Obv. IONATHAN . ELLE. — A full-faced bust with crowned
broad-brimmed hat and pointed beard.
Rev. OF . MODBVRY . 1662. — A roll of tobacco.
This variety of Boyne, page 55, No. 133, was issued two
years before that published specimen, and four years after
it the following was issued : —
107. Obv. Legend and device same as No. 106.
Rev. OF . MODBVRY . 1668. — IE (filling the field) pro-
bably meaning i. H. E.
I am indebted to George Fox, Esq., Kingsbridge, for
the two last descriptions, and for the sight of two pen-and-
ink drawings of the tokens by him.
OTTERY ST. MARY.
108. Obv, RICHARD . NESBITT. — (Device not stated.)
Rev. IN . OTTERY . ST. . MARY. R. R. N.
This imperfect unpublished description was found by the
writer in a MS. list of coins and tokens, in the library of
our London Numismatic Society.
PLYMOUTH.
109. Obv. MAXEMILLIAN . BovsH. — A trefoil. (Plate, No. 12.)
Rev. IN . PLYMOVTH . 1658. — Three cinquefoils pierced.
The above was bought by Mr. R. N. Worth, F.G.S., of
Plymouth, at a curiosity shop in London, who kindly lent
it to the writer for engraving.
110. Obv. RALPH . GORDGE (sic.) — Three fishes ? palewise.
Rev. IN . PLYMOVTH. — R. M. G. (Plate, No. 8.)
This token belongs to Mr. Gill, of Tavistock, and I have
SEVENTEENTH CENTURY DEVONSHIRE TOKENS. 169
again to record his kindness in lending this, and No. 105,
to be engraved.
111. Obv. RICHARD . HAMLYN. — A bunch of grapes.
Rev. IN . PLYMOVTH . 1659. — R. P. H.
This description was sent from Limerick to Mr. R. N.
Worth, by a gentleman who took the token with him from
Plymouth, several years ago.
112. Obv. IOSIAS . PICKES. — An anchor with cable.
Rev. PLYMOVTH . 1657. — i. E. p.
Mr. R. N. Worth has this specimen, and kindly sent me
the description.
TORRINGTON.
113. Obv. THO' . POWELL . IN . GREAT. — The Mercers' Arms.
Rev. TORINGTON . MERCER . 71. — T. E. P.
Recently dug up in a garden in that town. It is of a
later date than any other issued there.
The token of " Richard Huchings in Tavistock," partly
described in N.C., vol. xvi., page 259, No. 74, has lately
been acquired by the writer, and the arms are those of the
Incorporated Grocers' Company.
The token assigned by Boyne to Austrey, Co. Warwick,
(B. page 468, No. 18), has lately been found at Ottery St.
Mary (locally pronounced Autry}, and is now in the pos-
session of the writer, so that my suggestion that it should
be transferred to Devonshire has proved correct. It reads
thus,
Obv. NATHANIELL . SWEET. — A man smoking.
Rev. OF . AVTRY . 1658. — N. M. s.
It is among the proposed transfers to Devon, see N.C.
vol. xvi., page 265. H. S. GILL.
VOL. 1. THIRD SERIES. Z
MISCELLANEA.
NOTICES OF SALES OF COINS AND MEDALS. — YOUNG COLLEC-
TION.— On the 7th to the 12th April last the collection of Early
British, Anglo-Saxon, and English coins belonging to Mr. James
Halliburton Young was sold by Messrs. Sotheby, Wilkinson,
and Hodge, 13, Wellington Street, Strand. This collection
contained many rarities, as well as a large number of very fine
patterns and proofs selected from the Cuff, Thomas, Howard,
Jackson, Murchison, Chetwynd, Bergne, Wigan, Marshall, and
other well-known cabinets. The more notable lots were the
following : — A gold coin of the British chief Verica, obv.
VI — RI divided by leaf, rev. CO . F ., horseman r. with spear
and shield (Ev. pi. ii. 9), £5 5s. ; an unpublished penny of
Egbert, + EEEBEARHT REX, head r., rev. + AENRED .
MONET A, king's name in monogram, £7; a penny of Alfred,
ALFRED REX SAX, bust diademed r., rev. HEAHSTAN
MONETA, long cross extending to edge of coin, with pellets in
angles, the centre composed of a lozenge enclosing small cross
("Num. Chron.," vol. v., pi. i. n. 4), £15 15s. (This coin
was originally in the Cuerdale find, and had passed through the
Kenyon, Huxtable, Murchison, and Bergne cabinets.) Another
penny of same monarch, with rev. TILEVINE . MONETA,
and LONDINI . in mon. (Rud. pi. xv. n. 8), £-i 15s. ; a penny
of Edward the Elder, with rev. HEREMOD, and above, a flower
(Rud. pi. xvi. n. 9), £5 5s. ; a penny of Athelstan, with head of
king and rev. + LEOFRIE . MO . WIN— LI, Winchester,
and small cross in centre, from the Wigan cabinet (Rud. pi. xvii.
n. 11), £5 7s. 6d. ; a penny of Eadmund, with bust r. and rev.
MANTILEN . MO . NOPL . , Norwich, and Bmall cross in
centre (Rud. pi. xviii. n. 2), £4 ; a penny of Eadred, with bust
r. and rev. 4-VALTER . MONETA, and small cross in centre,
from the Bergne cabinet (Rud. pL xix. n. 3), £\ 16s. ; a penny
of Eadgar, with rev. + PVLFH^ER . MO . HEORT ., Hert-
ford, and small cross in centre (Rud. pi. xx. n. 7), £4 ; a
similar coin of Harthacanut, with bust r., and rev. + PV •
LNOD . ON EXEE, Exeter (Rud. pi. xxiv. n. 1), £7 7s. (This
coin was from the Dymock, Murchison, and Bergne cabinets.)
Pennies of Edward the Confessor, all in fine condition, realised
sums varying from £\ to £2 17s. ; and similar coins of
William I. from 14s. to £1 13s^ the canopy and bonnet types
being the rarest. The same pieces of William II., of the
London, Wilton, and Exeter mints, sold for JC2 7s., £2, and
MISCELLANEA. 171
£1 19s. respectively. A penny of Henry I., having full face
with annulets, and rev. + LIFPORD . ON . SVDE, South-
wark, £5 10s. ; a pattern groat of Edward I., with rev. CIVI .
LONDONIA (Hks. 290), £5 10s. Nobles of Edward III., all
in fine condition, £3 Is. to £4 6s. ; that of the twenty-seventh
year of the usual type, but with small Us at head of lion in
second curve of tressure, selling for the higher price. Nobles
of Richard II., with and without flag, and with AQT, £3 13s.
to £4 ; the half noble of same monarch, without flag, £4 6s. ;
and quarter nobles, with and without French title, £2 2s. each.
A noble of Henry IV., after thirteenth year, without flag, with
trefoil over ship and above head of lion in last curve of tressure
(Rud. pi. xi. n. 6), £14 6s. ; and like coins of Henry VI., but
varying in type, £2 9s. to £3 lls. ; a Rose noble of Edward IV.
of the usual type (Rud. pi. iii. n. 4), £3 10s. ; an angel of
Edward V., m.m. rose and sun conjoined of the usual type,
St. Michael slaying the dragon, £9 15s. ; and a similar coin of
Richard III., with m.m. rose and sun on both sides, £7 12s. 6d.
Of Henry VII. a shilling, with m.m. lis, fjanRIdVS+DI'GRTV,
&c., profile head, and rev. POSVI, &c., and small lis in each
angle of cross (Rud. pi. vi. n. 18), £12 ; the " Septim " groat,
with tyffnRId' SffPTim'DI'GRTC. &c., profile head to r. and
rev. m.m. lis, POSVI, &c. (Hks. 384), a very rare coin, £12 ;
a sovereign or double rial with king seated under a canopy, the
field ornamented with fleurs-de-lis, m.m. lis, and rev. royal
arms in centre of expanded rose within a double tressure of ten
curves, with stars in the outer angles, m.m. dragon (Rud.
pi. iv. n. 4), £26. (This coin was from the Dimsdale, Thomas,
and Wigan cabinets.) Of Henry VIII., a sovereign, eighteenth
year, with king seated on throne, holding sceptre and orb, at his
feet, portcullis, m.m. lis, and rev. royal arms in centre of rose,
same m.m. (Rud. pi. v. n. 2), £10 15s. ; a similar piece with
king seated, ty&nRICC + 8 + &c-> ni.m. lis, and rev. royal arms
supported by lion and dragon, below H. R. on tablet (Rud.
pi. vi. n. 1), £13 13s. ; and a " George Noble," ship with rose
on mast, at the sides I] — K, and rev. T7VLI*, &c., St. George
on horseback slaying the dragon (Rud. pi. v. n. 8), £25 10s.
(from the Dimsdale, Thomas and Wigan Cabinets). Crowns in
gold of the same monarch realised sums varying from £1 9s. to
£3 4s. Of Edward VI. a sovereign, third year, with m.m. Y
on both sides, king seated holding long sword and orb,
EDWARD VI., &c., and rev. arms supported by lion and
dragon (Rud. pi. vii. n. 2), £12 ; and a similar coin of the sixth
year, m.m. y. on both sides, three-quarter length figure of the
king in armour (Rud. pi. viii. n. 6), £9 15s. A silver penny of
Mary with bust to 1., rev. CIVITAS LONDON, and arms (Rud.
172 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
pi. xi. n. 3), £13 5s. ; also a sovereign of same queen, 1553, obv.
queen on throne with sceptre and orb, at her feet portcullis,
rev. arms within a full-blown rose (Rud. pi. ix. n. 1), £10 10s. ;
and a noble or rial of same year, queen standing on a ship
holding sword in r. hand and resting 1. on shield with arms
(Bud. pi. ix. n. 2), £20 10s. (This coin usually sells for £60 to
£70, but this specimen being cracked and only in a fair state of
preservation went for a lower sum than general.) Of Philip and
Mary a shilling, with their busts and arms without date or mark
of value, £11 11s. ; and a penny with rev. CIVITAS LONDON
and arms (Rud. pi. xi. n. 7), £8 10s. ; also an angel with obv.
legend ending REOrlNA . A ., St. Michael and the dragon, and
rev. royal arms on mast, above, P. M., £6 12s. 6d. Of Elizabeth
a crown with m.m. 2 (Rud. pi. xiv. n. 12), £7 2s. 6d. ; a similar
coin of the portcullis money with m.m. annulet on both sides,
ELIZABETH, &c., arms crossed with E . R., crowned at sides,
rev. POSVI, &c., portcullis crowned, £12 ; also a half-crown,
shilling, and sixpence of same coinage for £9, £9 5s., and
£3 17s. 6d. respectively ; and of same monarch, a sovereign
with queen seated holding orb and sceptre, rev. royal arms,
£6 10s., and a rial with queen standing on ship holding orb and
sceptre, rev. radiated rose and m.m. escallop (Rud. pi. ix. n. 7),
£13 10s. ; the angels, half- angels and quarter-angels sold for
£2 2s. to £2 10s. each, and milled crowns for £9 and £9 9s.
each. Of the crowns in silver of James I. one with m.m. thistle
and EXVRGAT DEVS, &c., sold for £7 7s. ; and another with
m.m. lis and QV^ DEVS, &c., for £5 7s. 6d. ; and of the gold
coins of the king were sold a rose rial, or sovereign, third year,
m.m. rose on both sides, king seated holding orb and sceptre, at
his feet portcullis, rev. A . DNO . FACTVM, &c., royal arms
in centre of expanded rose (Rud. pi. xii. n. 1), £9 10s. ; a thirty-
shilling piece of similar type, m.m. spur-rowel, and rev. royal
arms with XXX above the shield, with garter composed of
roses, lions, and fleurs-de-lis, £9 10s. ; a sovereign, second
coinage, m.m. lis on both sides, bust in armour to r., with orb
and sceptre, rev. FACIAM . EOS., &c., £6 5s. ; a noble with
king standing in a ship, rev. radiated rose, £13; also a fifteen-
shilling piece, lion crowned and holding sceptre and supporting
royal shield, at sides X— V, rev. A . DNO . FACTVM, &c.,
radiated rose within a dotted tressure, m.m. spur-rowel on both
sides, £14. In the silver series of Charles I. the local mints, as
well as that of London, were well represented. Of the Tower
mint a crown in fine condition, with plume on the horse's head
and rump, sold for £5 2s. 6d., and similar pieces with m.m.
harp, eye, &c., for £4 6s., £3 12s., and £3 each. Of Briot's
coinage a crown, £5 ; a half-crown, £5 5s., and another, £5. Of
MISCELLANEA. 173
the Oxford mint a pound piece (1643), with plume behind the
horse, beneath, military arms, m.m. plume, £20 5s. ; another
similar and of same year, £19 5s.; a similar coin of 1644
with rev. EXVRGAT, &c., and within the compartment RELIG .
PHOT, &c. ; above, XX under large plume ; below, 1644,
OX (Rud. pi. xxiii. n. 8), £37. (This coin was from the Cuff,
Murchison, and Bergne cabinets, and is in a very fine state of
preservation.) Also a half-pound piece, of 1643, usual type
(Rud. pi. xxxiii. n. 3), £4 2s. Of the Exeter mint, crowns of
1644 and 1645, with m.m. rose on both sides (Rud. pi. xxv. n.
2, 3), £2 2s. and £2 each ; and a half-crown with king on horse-
back, beneath, arms, rev. oval shield garnished, and 1642 (Rud.
pi. xxv. n. 1), £32. And a similar coin of the Combe Martin
mint, with royal arms and supporters, below, 1645 (Rud.
pi. xxvi. n. 8), £5 12s. 6d. Of an uncertain mint, a half-crown,
with globe beneath horse, m.m. lis, and rev. oval shield, with
arms and lion's paws in garniture, m.m. helmet, £10 10s.
Among the patterns in silver were several by Briot, of which
a crown, with head of king to 1. bare, rev. HAVD . VLLI
VETERVM, &c., king on horseback, 1., sold for £20; a half-
crown, king on horseback to r., 0 REX . DA . FAC1LEM &c.,
rev. royal arms, 1628, ATQVE . AVDACIBVS, &c., and
signed by artist, £8 10s. ; also a shilling, with bust crowned to
1., above, B., rev. m.m. St. George and Dragon, AVSPICIIS .
REX . MAGNE . TVIS . B., 1680, shield with square top,
with arms, garnished, £15 10s. Of the gold coins of Charles I.
were sold, a sovereign, Tower mint, with rev. FLORENT, &c.,
oval shield with arms crowned, at sides, C — R, m.m. plume,
£7 15s. ; and a similar piece with square-topped shield, crowned,
£7 5s. ; also a sovereign and half-sovereign, by Briot (Rud.
pi. xiv. n. 1, 2), £8 10s. and £8 15s. each; a three-pound
piece, Oxford mint, 1644, with OXON on rev. (Snelling, pi. vi.
n. 10), £15; and a pattern sovereign, m.m. lis, bust bare in
high relief to 1., rev. same m.m. FLORENT, &c., garnished
oval shield with arms crowned (Snelling, pi. vi. n. 4, but no
mark of value), £18. Of the Commonwealth the more important
silver coins were a half-crown, pattern, by Ramage, m.m. mullet,
THE COMMONWEALTH . OF . ENGLAND, St. George's
cross, rev. GVARDED . WITH . ANGELES . 1651, angel
supporting the arms of the Commonwealth, on edge TRVTH .
AND . PEACE . 1651 (Rud. pi. xxxii. n. 2), £27 ; a pattern
shilling by same artist, but no inscription on edge, £35 10s.
(this coin was from the Tutet, Tyssen, Trattle, Durrant, and
Bergne cabinets) ; a pattern sixpence also by Ramage, m.m.
mullet, TRVTH . AND . PEACE, St. George's shield, rev.
same legend as half-crown, and Irish harp, on edge TRVTH .
174 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
AND . PEACE, 1651 (Rud. pi. xxxii. n. 1), £18 10s.; a
pattern half-crown by Blondeau (Snelling, pi. vi. n. 18), on edge
TRVTH . AND . PEACE . 1651 . PETRVS . BLOND^EVS .
INVENTOR . FECIT., £25 ; another by same artist (Snelling,
pi. Ti. n. 14), on edge, IN . THE . THIRD . YEARE . OF .
FREEDOME . BY . GODS . BLESSING . RESTORED . 1651.,
£11 15s.; and a like shilling, with engrailed edge (Snelling,
pi. vi. n. 12), £1 10s. Of the Protector's coinage of 1658, with
rev. PAX . QV^ERITVR . BELLO, a crown, half-crown,
shilling, and crown (Dutch) in silver, all of same type, realised
£5, £3 3s., £2 18s., and £8 15s. respectively; and a two-
shilling piece, 1656, with bare neck, and with &c. before PRO.,
edge plain, £25 ; and of the gold coins a fifty -shilling piece,
1656, laureate head to 1., neck bare, rev. PAX . QV.ERITVR .
BELLO., edge inscribed + PROTECTOR . LITERIS .
LITERS! . NVMMIS . CORONA . ET SALVS, £77. (This
com was from the Hollis, Edmonds, Duncombe, and Wigan
cabinets.) Of the hammered coins of Charles II. were sold a
half-crown, m.m. crown, without value and inner circle,
£9 2s. 6d. ; and a similar coin, with value XXX and inner
circle, £1 7s.; also a half-sovereign, gold, of the usual type and
without value, £14 10s. Of the milled coinage of Charles II.,
a five-guinea piece, 1668, with elephant under bust, realised
£8 17s. 6d. ; a similar coin of James II., 1687, with elephant
and castle, £15 10s.; and another of William and Mary, of same
type, dated 1691, £13 10s.; the two-guinea piece, of 1694, was
sold for £10 Is. Five guinea pieces, of succeeding sovereigns,
were sold as follows, of William III., £9 ; of Anne, £15 ; of
George I., £11 ; and of George II. £9 5s. and £8 10s. Of Anne
a pattern guinea, 1702, undraped bust to 1., with lock of hair
on shoulder, rev. legend and type as on current guinea, £15 15s.
Among the rarer coins of George III. there were, in silver, a pat-
tern crown, 1818, by Pistrucci, very large head laureate to r.,
rev. St. George and Dragon within garter, £20 ; in gold, a pattern
five-guinea piece, 1773, by Tanner, young bust, with long hair,
but not curling below truncation, rev. M . B . F . ET . H . REX,
&c., garnished shield of arms, crowned, £23 10s. ; a similar
piece, 1777, by Yeo, bust different with hair curling below the
truncation, edge plain, £25 10s. ; and a pattern two-guinea
piece, 1768, by Tanner, of the same type as his five-guinea piece,
£8 15s. ; the pattern five-pound piece, 1820, by Pistrucci, large
head of king to r., below, PISTRUCCI, rev. St. George and the
Dragon, with artist's name, on edge, DECUS, &c., £31. The
pattern five-pound piece of George IV., 1826, by Wyon, arms
on mantle crowned, sold for £8 ; and a pattern crown in gold,
1831, of William IV., rev. royal arms encircled by the collar of
MISCELLANEA. 175
St. George, with pendant badge turned to 1., edge plain, £3 10s.
Of the gold coins of Victoria there were sold a pattern five-pound
piece, 1889, by Wyon, bust of Queen to 1., with ornamented
diadem and plain fillet, rev. DIRIGIT . DEVS, &c., Queen as
Una leading lion, no garter on shoulder, £13 10s. ; another of
same date, but with fillet ornamented, rev. DIRIGE . DEVS .,
similar type and garter on shoulder, £12 10s.; a pattern quarter-
sovereign, 1853, rev. QUARTER . SOVEREIGN, royal arms,
crowned, dividing date, £14 ; and a five-shilling piece, 1853,
rev. FIVE . SHILLINGS . 1853, in three lines, under a crown,
below, rose, thistle and shamrock, £14 10s. There were a few
Greek coins, among which was a fine Syracusan medallion or
decadrachm of the usual type, but no artist's signature, £30.
BALE COLLECTION. — In the large collection of works of art
formed by Mr. Charles Sackville Bale, recently sold by public
auction by Messrs. Christie, Hanson, and Woods, there were
some rare Greek and English coins, as well as a few English
medals, and a very fine series of cinque-cento Italian medals.
This portion of the collection was sold at King Street on the
30th and 81st May last, and comprised the following remark-
able lots. Among the Greek coins, a medallion or decadrachm
of Syracuse, with scallop shell behind head of Persephone, no
artist's name, £18 ; another, with scallop shell, and very fine,
£48 ; another, with hair in sphendone and A0AA on reverse,
£56 ; also a tetradrachm of same place, with [APE0JOZA,
full-faced head of Arethusa, with KIMflN on diadem, rev.
ZYPAK . ZlflN, quadriga, and Victory on two of the horses'
heads, in ex. ear of corn, £185. Of gold coins a stater of
Bruttii, with head of Neptune to 1., behind, trident, rev.
BPETTIflN, nereid seated on hippocamp, in front, cornu-
copia, £24 10s. ; and another of Nicocles, King of Cyprus,
BA, female head to 1., diademed, &c., rev. NI . , female head
turreted to 1., £117. Among the English coins there was only
one coin of particular note. This was a specimen of Simon's
Petition Crown, which realised £215. (This coin was originally
presented to the Lord Chancellor Clarendon, and was in its
original case.) The only English medal of any particular note
was one in gold of General Monke as Lord General, by Thomas
Simon, obv. head of Monke, rev. name and date 1660 in seven
lines, £78 10s. Among the Italian there were some very fine
specimens of early castings, of which were a medal of Vittoriuo
da Feltre, the mathematician, by Pisano, with rev. pelican
feeding its young ones, £49 7s. ; a fine casting of a medal of
Nicolo Piccinino by Pisano, with rev. winged griffin with
PERVSIA inscribed on collar, but with no legend on obv.,
£19 19s. ; others of Bartolommeo Colleone, by Guidiziani, rev,
176 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
IVSTITIA . AVGVSTA, &c., nude man seated on cuirass,
£40 19s. ; of Galleazzo Marescotti, Senator of Bologna, by
Antonio Marescotti, with bust to 1., rev. LOIALMENT, &c.,
broken column surrounded by plaited hair, £157 10s. ; of
Constantio Sforza, Lord of Pesaro, by Enzola, with his bust
to 1., rev. bust of his father, Alessandro Sforza, £102 IBs. ; of
Filippo Maria Visconti, Duke of Milan, by Pisano, rev. duke
on horseback attended by two soldiers, £157 10s. ; of Giovanni
Francesco Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua, by Pisano, rev.
Gonzaga on horseback attended by knight, OPVS . PISANI,
&c., £105 ; of Alfonso V. the Magnanimous, King of Aragon
and Sicily, by Pisano, bust to r. between helmet and crown,
rev. eagle and vultures, LIBERALITAS . AVGVSTA . ,
£68 5s. ; of Sigismondo d'Este, by Sperandio, rev. winged
Genius holding palm and scales, £182 14s. ; of Borso d'Este,
Duke of Ferrara, by Amadio da Milano(?), rev. flower, from
centre of which rises serpent, £50 8s. ; of Francesco
Sforza, Duke of Milan, by Pisano, rev. horse's head, be-
neath, sword, £42 ; of Vergilio Malvezzi, Bolognese Am-
bassador, by Sperandio, rev. nude bearded man seated,
holding sword and left foot on hound, £159 12s. ; of Isotta
da Rimini, by M. de Pasti, rev. elephant, £22 la. ; of
Filippo Maselano, Venetian poet, by Giov. Boldu, rev. Arion
on dolphin, £173 5s. ; of Prisciano de Prisciani, by Sperandio,
rev. Prometheus holding arrow and plumes, under his feet, dead
vulture, £236 5s. ; of Vittorio Pavoni, Orator and Scribe, and
his wife Tadea, with their portraits, by Sperandio, £372 15s. ;
of Aretino, the poet, by Augustino Veneziano, rev. VERITAS .
ODIVM, &c., angel crowning Truth, £27 6s. ; of Elisabetto
Gonzaga Feltre, Duchess of Urbino, rev. Danae receiving
golden shower, £186 10s. ; of Aemilia Pia Feltre, of Urbino,
rev. a pyramid, £94 10s. ; a square plaque which appears to be
a portion of a medal with male bust to 1. dividing A . — F . ,
£215 5s. ; of Louis XII. of France and Anne of Brittany,
marriage medal, bust of king surrounded by fleurs-de-lis, £42 ;
and another of same king, with rev. soldier on horseback with
firebrand, followed by hounds riding towards group of women,
£134 8s. ; of Rabelais, with rev. winged Genius stepping out
of ship, £19 19s. ; a shell with portrait of Charles V., Emperor,
wearing golden fleece, £21 ; and a medal of Mazarin, with rev.
Hercules and Atlas suj porting globe, £20 2s. It will be seen
from the above quotations that the prices realised by the artistic
medals in this sale are higher than those of any previous sale of
this class of medals, and that the taste for these works of art is
much on the increase.
H. G.
Num.
I. B.C. 600-550
II B.C. 550-480
•
15
E
'
III. B. C. 480-457
COINAGE OF BOEOTIA. PLATE I.
XV.
ON THE CHRONOLOGICAL SEQUENCE OF THE
COINS OF BCEOTIA.
INTRODUCTION.
THE basis of a scientific arrangement of the Coins of
Boeotia has already been laid by Dr. Imhoof-Blumer in
his two admirable articles in the Numismatiscke Zeit-
schnft of Vienna, vols. iii. and ix. In endeavouring to
follow out in greater detail the study of the Numis-
matics of the Boeotian Confederacy, especially with the
view of classifying the coins of the various epochs in
chronological order, I shall not be accused of encroach-
ing upon Dr. Imhoof's field. The object which he had
chiefly in view was the correct attribution of the coins
to the various Boeotian cities, a subject which numis-
matists, not possessed of the requisite knowledge either of
the palaeography or of the peculiarities of the Boeotian
dialect, had allowed to fall into the direst confusion.
It is not too much to say that Dr. Imhoof-Blumer's two
papers contain all that is necessary for a minute study of
Boeotian numismatics.
In attempting to arrange the materials collected by
him in a more strict chronological sequence, I do so rather
in the hope of eliciting further criticism than with the
idea that my classification will prove to be in all points
final.
Boeotian coins, owing to the fact that the shield, which
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. A A
178 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
as a rule they bear, offers, from first to last, the slightest
possible indication of the progressive changes in the style
of art, form, as a class, an extremely difficult series to
arrange ; and when, as is frequently the case, the coins of
Bceotia have on one side a shield and on the other an
amphora, the task becomes still more difficult. The
amphora, like the shield, affords very slender scope for
the display of those methods of work which often enable
us to fix the date of a coin with a very near approach to
certainty. Nevertheless, there are not wanting among
the coins of Bceotia some few well-marked and character-
istic reverse types which can only belong to certain
definite epochs, and around these, upwards and downwards,
we must find place as best we may for the various groups
of coins with which we have to deal, keeping well and
constantly in view fabric, style, palaeography, and the
historical possibilities of the period under consideration.
Among these fixed points or notes of time may be men-
tioned the Herakles types, circ. B.C. 446 — 426, with the
well-defined incuse square ; the gold coins of circ. B.C.
395 — 387 ; and the silver coins, with the infant Herakles,
but without the incuse square, of the same period ; a type
which was at this time adopted by the cities of Ephesus,
Samos, Rhodes, and Cnidus after the battle of Cnidus,1
and especially the local Separatist currency of various
Boeotian towns which obtained their autonomy on the
temporary dissolution of the Boeotian League after the
Peace of Antalcidas in B.C. 387.
The coins which bear the name of the illustrious
Epaminondas are also very valuable, as indications of the
date of the whole class to which they belong.
1 Waddington, Melanges, ii. p. 7 seqq.
CHRONOLOGICAL SEQUENCE OF THE COINS OF BCEOT1A. 179
These, together with some others, are the landmarks
around which I have attempted to arrange the coins in
the following sixteen historical periods, extending from
about B.C. 600 down to the time of the Empire.
EPOCHS OF BCEOTIAN HlSTORY AND COINAGE.
Period. Circ. B.C.
I. 600-550. Orchomenus and the Boeotian League.
Coinage of Orchomenus modelled upon that
of Aegina. The earliest Boeotian federal
coinage also consisting of Aeginetic
diachms and smaller divisions, -issued
at Thebes, Haliartus, and Tanagra.
Its characteristic type, the shield of
Herakles, commonly called the Boeotian
shield.
II. 550-480. Apparent advance in commercial ac-
tivity.
First issue of the didrachm or stater in
Bceotia. Coinage distinguished by
initial letters of Acrcephium, Coroneia,
Haliartus, Mycalessus, Pharce, Tana-
gra, and Thebes, which cities, with
Orchomenus, were the leading mem-
bers of the Union before the Persian
wars.
III. 480-457. Effect on Bceotia of the Persian wars
and humiliation of Thebes.
First introduction of reverse - types.
Coinage struck at Tanagra in the
name of the Boeotians ' in yenere.'
Origin of the wheel as a Tanagrsean
180 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Period. Giro. >.o.
coin-type in the worship of Apollo as
a Sun-god at Delium (?), and of the
amphora as a Theban type in that of
Dionysus.
The coinage of Orchomenus remains un-
important.
IV. 456-446. Athenian influence in Boeotia. Establish-
ment of Democratical Constitutions.
Coinage in this period at Acrcephium,
type, kantharos ; Coroneia, type, Gor-
gon-head ; Haliartus, types, amphora,
kantharos; Tanagra, type, half-
horse ; Thebes, type, amphora.
V. 446-426. Renewed ascendancy of Thebes.
No coinage in Bo3otia in this period
except that of Thebes. Plentiful issue
of Theban staters bearing various
types, mainly representations of
Herakles, of great artistic merit, re-
sembling in style the contemporary
works of the school of Pheidias.
VI. 426-395. Continued hegemony of Thebes.
The coinage of Boaotia still monopolised
by Thebes; principal types, head of
Herakles, head of Dionysus, am-
phora, &c.
VII. 395-387. Anti-Spartan alliance between Thebes,
Corinth, Argos, &c. Influx into
Greece of Persian gold.
Gold coined at Thebes, obv. head of
Dionysus ; rev. infant Herakles.
Silver coinage ; types, amphora, infant
Herakles, head of Dionysus facing, &c.
CHRONOLOGICAL SEQUENCE OF THE COINS OF BCEOTIA. 181
Period. Circ. B.C.
Abandonment of all traces of the incuse
square.
VIII. 387-374. Peace of Antalcidas : Its effect in
Bceotia. Dissolution of the Boeotian
League, and establishment of oli-
garchies under Spartan patronage in
the various Boeotian cities. Seizure
of the Cadmeia by the Spartans, B.C.
382 ; its recovery, B.C. 379.
Coinage in this period at Chceroneia, &
and M, type, club ; Copce, -3t, 2E, half
bull, &c. ; Coroneia, 1R, Gorgon-head,
• head of Athena; Haliartus, A\, Posei-
don Onchestius; Lebadeia, JB., thunder-
bolt ; Mycalessus, JR, thunderbolt, &c. ;
Orckomenus, 1R, horse, amphora, wheel,
corn wreath, ear of corn, &c., M, star ;
P/tarce, -3J, amphora ; Platcea, M, head
of Hera, M, head of Hera, bull, &c. ;
Tanagra, M, half-horse, half- galley,
&c. ; Thebes for Bceotia 'in genere,'
£ drachms with BO — I, &c. ; Thespice,
JR, crescents, head of Aphrodite with
crescents, amphora with crescent ; Un-
certain, archaistic, -31, with amphora
and various letters, A — P, A — I,
A— II, H— I, &c.
IX. 379-338. Thebes the leading State in Greece.
Age of Felopidas and Epaminondas.
Institution circ. 378 of a new federal
currency. The coinage signed by one
of the Bocotarchs (?) but not by the
eponymous archon of the League.
182 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Period. Circ. B.C.
More probably by the three annual
Polemarchs in rotation. Silver staters
known with names of about forty
magistrates. Small JR and ^E, with
head of young Herakles, and magis-
trates' names also struck in this
period.
X. 338-315. Battle of Chseroneia. A Macedonian
garrison in the Cadmeia (B.C. 338).
Restoration of Orchomenus, Thespiee,
and Platsea. Destruction of Thebes
by Alexander (B.C. 335), and parti-
tion of its territory.
Coinage during this period forSosotia ( in
grenere' probably at Orcko menus and
Tkespice. Staters with BO — III;
Hemidrachms and obols with BO — I
and crescent ; M, with BOIHTUN,
type, trident ; also large JE, of various
BoBotian towns (Thebes excepted) with
API, OE^, AEB, OPX, PAA,
TAN.
XI. 315-288. Restoration of Thebes by Cassander.
The Cadmeia his stronghold in Boa-
otia. Demetrius Poliorcetes expels
Cassander's garrison (B.C. 304), but
afterwards adopts his policy when he
becomes king of Macedon. Finally,
in B.C. 288, he presents Thebes with
her liberty.
Coinage in N, JR., and M, with types of
Alexander the Great, struck at Thebes
under Cassander and Demetrius. Also
CHRONOLOGICAL SEQUENCE OF THE COINS OF BCEOTIA. 183
Period. Circ. B.C.
JE, with OHBAIflN, probably of this
period.
XII. 288-244. Reconstruction of the Boeotian League.
Repulse of the Gauls (B.C. 278).
Alliance with the Acheeans. Inva-
sion of BoBotia by the JEtolians (B.C.
245). Failure of the Achaeans to
defend their allies. Bocotia turns for
protection to Macedon.
Coinage of tetradrachms of the Attic
standard ; obv, head of Zeus, rev.
BOIflTjQN, Poseidon seated; M, head
of Pallas, rev. trophy ; head of Herakles,
rev. winged Pallas ; head of Dionysus,
rev. Apollo seated.
XIII. 244-197. Boeotia subject to Macedon under An-
tigonus Gonatas, Demetrius II., and
Antigonus Doson (B.C. 244 — 221).
During this period Macedonian coins
current in Bceotia.
Accession of Philip V., B.C. 22O; his
policy of non-interference. Boaotia
adheres to the Macedonian alliance.
Wars with the Romans.
Coinage B.C. 220—197, JB, head of Per-
sephone facing, rev. Poseidon standing;
M, similar types restruck on coins of
Antigonus Doson.
XIV. 197-146. Plamininus master of Thebes. He allows
the Boeotians to retain their freedom.
Boeotia sides first with Antiochus and
then with Perseus against Rome, but
again submits in B.C. 172. The
184 NUMISMATIC CHUONICLE.
Period. Circ. B.C.
Boeotian League formally dissolved
by Borne, B.C. 146.
Coinage, -31, head of Zeus, rev. Nike ; M,
same types ; also M, obv. shield, rev.
Nike, trident.
XV. 146-27. Boeotia under the Romans. A nominal
autonomy permitted.
Autonomous copper coinage in this period
at Lebadeia, Orckomenus, Thebes, and
Thespice.
XVI. B.C. 27- Boeotia under the Empire.
A.D. 192. Copper coinage of Thebes, with magis-
trates' names; of Tanagra, Augustus
to Commodus, often without the Em-
peror's head ; of Thespice, only known
under Domitian.
PERIOD I. CIRC. B.C. 600 — 550.
The coinage of Bceotia begins in the sixth century B.C.,
probably about the same time as that of Athens. In very
early times the Minyan Orchomenus, once the first city in
Bo3otia, had been a member of the naval confederation of
Calauria, on the Saronic gulf. This fact points to the ex-
istence of commercial relations between Orchomenus and
Aegina, the centre of trade in those waters, which is fully
borne out by an examination of the ancient money of
Orchomenus, which is as it were modelled upon that of
Aegina.
It seems indeed probable that, as at Athens before the
time of Solon, so also in Boaotia, the Aeginetan staters
were at first the only circulating medium. Hence, per-
haps, in these remote times there was no need felt in
Bceotia for any local coinage excepting for small denomina-
tions such as the obol.
This small money appears to have been provided in the
first instance by the city of Orchomenus. The grain of
corn, which is the type of the obols of Orchomenus,
although referring more or less directly to the unrivalled
productiveness of the Orchomenian Plain, may yet have
been selected as a coin-type from its close resemblance, as
represented on the coinage, to the well-known tortoise on
the money of Aegina, which island still contributed in all
probability by far the greatest portion of the currency in
the Bo3otian markets. The incuse square on the reverse
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. B B
186 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
of these earliest Orchomenian obols is also identical with
that of the Aeginetan money, and it is curious to observe
that as time goes on this reverse undergoes precisely the
same developments at Orchomenus as at Aegina.
Shortly after circ. B.C. 600, the Boeotian coinage, pro-
perly so called, commences. Even if we had known
nothing from other sources of the Boeotian Confederacy,
its coinage would be alone sufficient to throw some light
upon the subject, for no ancient money is more clearly
federal in character.
The distinguishing type of the coinage of this league is
the so-called Boeotian buckler, a round or oval shield with
a semicircular opening at either side. As, among others,
Herakles is commonly represented on vase paintings bear-
ing a shield of this peculiar form, it is probable that the
coin-type originated at Thebes in the worship of Herakles,
the national divinity of that city.
The most ancient coins bearing on the obverse this
shield, are characterized by an incuse square on the reverse,
of the ancient Aeginetan pattern, that is to say, divided
into eight triangular compartments, often of very rude
and irregular form, four of which are in relief, the other
four being deeply indented. The obverse or shield side is
either without any inscription (in which case it is presum-
able that the coin is Theban), or else it has within the
openings of the shield on either side the letters ^ — ^ ,
T — T, or T — A, the mint-marks of the towns Haliartus
and Tanagra.
These three cities, Thebes, Haliartus, and Tanagra,
seem to have been the only minting places of the Boeotian
Confederacy during the first half of the sixth century, the
obols of Orchomenus above mentioned not being con-
sidered as federal money.
B(EOTIA. PERIOD I. CIRC. B.C. 600 550.
187
(i.) THEBES. — The following uninscribed coins being of
very frequent occurrence may be ascribed to Thebes.
Drachm.
95—90 grs.
Boeotian shield.
[Brit. Mus.
Incuse square, in eight tri-
angular compartments, of
which four are deeply in-
dented.
PI. I. 1.]
i Drachm. 1 Same. 1 Same.
45-8 grs. |
[Brit. Mus.]
Obol.
15 grs.
Same.
Same.
[Brit. Mus.]
Half shield.
Same.
[Brit. Mus.]
Boeotian shield. I Same.
Heml-obol.
I'l grs.
Tetartemorion.
2-7 grs.
[Brit. Mus.]
(ii.) HALIARTUS, on the southern shore of the Lake
Copai's, was in early times one of the chief cities of the
Boeotian Confederation, and the only one which remained
faithful to the Hellenic cause in the struggle with Persia.
On the following coins, which are certainly as early as
any in Boeotia of the federal type, the mint-mark, consist-
ing of the initial letter of Haliartus, the aspirate, is
evidently not intended to attract notice, being half-
concealed in the openings on either side of the shield.
Drachm.
95 grs.
Drachm.
93-5 grs.
Boeotian shield, within
the openings in either
side of which,
3K — 2ZZ-
[Brit. Mus.
Similar, but ty — ^
Incuse square, in eight tri-
angular compartments, of
which four are deeply in-
dented.
PI. I. 2.]
Similar.
[Brit. Mus.]
188
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
(iii.) TAN AGRA. — This city, which stood on the left bank
of the Asopus, not far from the borders of Attica, was in
importance second only to Thebes, among all the members
of the Boeotian League. Its earliest coins are, saving the
mint-mark, identical with those of Haliartus, and with
the anepigraphic coins of Thebes.
Drachm.
88'5 grs.
Drachm.
92 grs.
Drachm.
98 grs.
Hemi-drachm.
41*5 grs.
Obol.
15'5 grs.
Boeotian shield,
in either opening
H-h
[Brit. Mus.]
Similar, but one Similar.
h.
[Num. Zeit. iii. p. 379.]
Similar, but Similar.
Z7-K
[Brit. Mus. PL I. 3.]
Similar, but Similar.
H-K 1
[Brit. Mus.]
Similar, H — H- . Similar.
[Brit. Mus.]
Incuse square, in eight com-
partments, of wbich four are
deeply indented.
PERIOD II. CIRC. B.C. 550 — 180.
During the half century or thereabouts which preceded
the Persian invasion, Boeotia, if we may judge from its
coinage, must have made a great advance in com-
mercial activity. Now for the first time the stater or
didrachm makes its appearance, and the incuse reverse
becomes more symmetrical, the alternate incuse triangles
assuming the form of a conventional device which has
been compared to the sails of a wind-mill.
The mint-mark also now takes up a more conspicuous
position, being placed generally in the centre of the
reverse instead of being half hidden in the narrow open-
ings of the shield on the obverse.
The obols have the mint letter prominently placed in the
centre of an incuse square. Of this type coins are known
of the following towns.
(i.) ACRJEPHIUM, a town on the eastern shore of the Lake
Copais, which is said by Pausanias (ix. 23, 3) to have be-
longed from the earliest times to Thebes. It would seem,
however, that before the Persian wars, and indeed down to
about the middle of the fifth century, it must have
enjoyed at any rate certain intervals of autonomy. The
coins of Acrsephium, B.C. 550 — 480 are : —
Stater.
192 grs.
Boeotian shield.
in the centre of mill-sail,
mcusc.
[Paris. Xroii. Zdt. ix. Taf. i. 85.]
190
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Obol.
12-5 grs.
Hemi-obol.
7-5 grs.
Boeotian shield.
P>j in incase square.
[Brit. Mus.]
Half - Boeotian
shield.
/v
[Brit. Mus.]
in incuse square.
(ii.) CORONEIA, which stood on a hill at the entrance of
a valley leading upwards to Mt. Helicon, visible at the
head of the valley in the south, while towards the north
is a broad level plain, and beyond this the Lake Copa'is.
The coins of this city of the time before the Persian
wars are : —
Drachm.
93 grs.
Obol.
15-7 grs.
Hemi-oboL
7-5 grs.
Tetartemorion.
4-2 grs.
Boeotian shield.
cuse.
[Bunbury Collection.]
(j) in centre of mill-sail, in-
Boeotian shield.
with 9-
[Brit. Mus.]
Half - Boeotian <p, similar,
shield.
[Num. Zeit. ix. p. 19.]
Boeotian shield, (j) , similar.
[Num Zeit. I.e.]
O in incuse square ; others
• . <• t~\
(iii.) HALIARTUS, in B.C. 480, was utterly destroyed by
the Persians on account of her having remained faithful to
the Hellenic cause. The following coins are anterior to
that event : —
Stater.
190-5 grs.
Drachm.
94 grs.
Boeotian shield. ^ in centre of mill-sail, in-
cuse ; others with Q
[Brit. Mus. PI. I. 4.]
Boeotian shield.
Similar.
[Brit. Mus.]
B(EOTIA. PERIOD II. CIRC. B.C. 550 — 480. 191
He mi-drachm.
47-2 grs.
Obol.
15 grs.
Tetartemorion.
2-7 grs.
Boeotian shield.
Similar.
[Brit. Mus.]
Boeotian shield.
in incuse square.
[Brit. Mus.]
Boeotian shield.
Similar.
[Num. Zeit. ix. p. 17.]
(iv.) MYCALESSUS, a Bceotian town mentioned in Homer
(II. ii. 498), was situate not far from the Euripus. Of
its coinage before the Persian wars the following specimens
have come down to us : —
Stater.
189 grs.
Drachm.
93 grs.
Hemi-oboL
4-5 grs.
Boeotian shield.
centre of mill-sail, in-
cuse.
[Paris. Num. Zeit. ix. Taf. i. 60.]
Same.
Same.
[Berlin. Num. Zeit. I.e. p. 21.]
Half - Bceotian
shield.
in ncuse square.
[Num. Zeit. ix. p. 22 ; Cat. Margaritis, No. 34.]
(v.) PHARJE. — As to this town, which was probably
situate about four miles north-west of Tanagra, we have
very little information. From the number of its coins which
are still extant, it would seem to have ranked as one of
the most prosperous members of the Confederacy during
the flourishing period before the invasion of the armies of
Xerxes.
Stater.
192-1 grs.
Boeotian shield.
0 in centre of mill-sail, incuse.
[Brit. Mus. PI. I, 5.]
192
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Stater.
189 gr3.
Stater.
200 grs.
Drachm.
95 grs.
Hemi-
drachm.
47 grs.
Obol.
16 grs.
Similar, but ® in Mill-sail, incuse,
one of the open-
ings of the shield.
[Num. Zeit. iii. No. 57a]
Same die. <D in centre of a star or floral
pattern, the whole in incuse
square.
[Num. Zeit. ix. Taf. i. 85.]
Boeotian shield. 0 in centre of mill-sail, incuse.
[Num. Zeit. iii. Taf. ix. 11.]
Same. Same.
[Munich. Num. Zeit. I.e. p. 872.]
Same.
0 in incuse square.
[Paris. Num. Zeit. I.e.]
(vi.) TANAGRA. — The only coins of this city which cer-
tainly belong to Period II., being later in style than
those described under Period I., are the following : —
Drachm.
90-2 grs.
Boeotian shield,
Incuse square, within which four in-
in one open- cuse compartments, symmetrically
ing, K- . arranged ; in the alternate ones,
I 1.
[Brit. Mus. PI. I. 6.]
(vii.) THEBES. — Of Thebes the coinage of the conclud-
ing years of the sixth and early parts of the fifth centuries
is very plentiful.
Stater.
192-7 grs.
Boeotian shield.
[Brit. Mus.
@ in the centre of an incuse
square, irregularly divided
into eight compartments, of
which four deeply indented
(mill-sail pattern).
PI. I. 7.]
BCEOTIA. PERIOD II. CIRC. B.C. 550 480. 193
Drachm.
95-5 grs.
Same.
[Brit. 1
Same.
Has.]
Hemi-drachm.
46'5 grs.
Same.
[Brit. 1
Same.
lus.]
Obol.
16'4 grs.
Same.
[Brit. ]
^ in the centre of
square.
Hus.]
an incuse
Hemi-obol.
8-8 grs.
Half shield.
[Brit. :
Same.
Kus.]
Tetarte morion.
4 grs.
Boeotian shield. 1 Same.
Stater.
190-2 grs.
Boeotian shield.
[Brit. Mus.
^ in centre of mill-sail incuse,
within the four sunken com-
partments Q — ^ — [£ — |^ .
PI. I. 8.]
Stater.
190 grs.
Boeotian shield.
[Num. Zeit. ii
0 in the centre of
floral pattern, the
incuse square,
i. pi. x. 19.]
a star or
whole in
The obverse of this coin being, according to Dr. Imhoof-
Blumer, from the same die as one of those previously
described, it must belong to the same period.
From a consideration of the above-described coins, all
presumably issued before the Persian wars, it may be in-
ferred that the Boeotian League at this time consisted of
at least the seven cities, Acrsephium, Coroneia, Haliartus,
Mycalessus, Pharee, Tanagra, and Thebes. The number
of confederate cities, however, varied from time to time,
and whether or not the towns which possessed the right of
coining their own money represent only the leading
members of the union, we are unable at present to decide.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. C C
194 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
On the whole question of the constitution of the Boeotian
League the evidence is only too scanty. All that we are
able to affirm with confidence is that the more important
cities were autonomous members of the League, and that
the smaller towns and villages were comprised in the
territories of the larger and subject to their jurisdiction.
The probability is, therefore, that those cities of which we
possess the larger denominations of the silver money of
any given period, were during that period the principal
members of the Boeotian League.
With regard to the coins of Orchomenus the case is
somewhat different. Of all the cities in Boeotia Orcho-
menus is the only one of which the coinage does not, in
early times, bear the shield, the type of all the contem-
porary federal money of the other allied cities, but its own
peculiar and distinct type, the grain of corn, referring, as
a religious symbol, to the extraordinary productiveness of
the Orchomenian plain, the fertility of which even in our
own days is so remarkable that Leake was able to count as
many as 900 grains in a single ear of corn. The stem of this
plant is very strong and large, and when plastered with
mud forms the most common material of the present
cottages near the Cephissic marshes. (Leake, N. Greece,
p. 158.)
The fact that none of the early coins of Orchomenus are
of the Federal type would seem to indicate that Orcho-
menus, still perhaps the richest town in all BoBotia, con-
tinued to stand aloof from the confederacy. On the other
hand, as there are no large silver coins of Orchomenus of
the sixth and fifth centuries, it is probable that this inde-
pendence of Orchomenus was not complete. The city
doubtless retained certain privileges, forms rather than
BCEOTIA. PERIOD II. CIRC. B.C. 550 — 480. 195
realities, which may have served the useful purpose of
recalling to the minds of the people the memory of their
ancient prestige.
The following are some of the principal varieties of the
coinage of Orchomenus which appear, on account of their
globular fabric, to belong to the sixth and earlier part of
the fifth centuries.
The thinner and flatter coins of the next half-century
will be described in the next Period.
OboL
16-5 grs.
Sprouting corn-grain on
one side of which 5 .
Incuse square divided into
eight triangular compart-
ments as on the earliest
coins of Aegina.
[Brit. Mus. PL I. 9.]
The reverses of these obols are not always identical, the
most frequent variety has three of the triangles in relief
and five incuse.
Hemi-oboL
Half of eprouti g
Incuse, as above.
7-3 grs.
corn-grain.
[Brit. Mus.]
OboL
3 — R sprouting
Aeginetan incuse of later form
15-3 grs.
corn-grain.
thus l^sj
[Brit. Mus.]
OboL
51 — E, similar.
Similar.
13- grs.
[Brit. Mus.]
OboL
No inscr., similar.
Similar, in two of the divi-
18-5 grs.
sions, 3 — R.
[Brit. Mus.]
OboL
Similar.
Similar, but E — fc .
14-5 grs.
[Brit. Mus.]
OboL
Similar.
Incuse square, within which,
13-8 grs.
in large characters, E te •
[Brit. Mus. PI. I. 10.]
PERIOD III. CIRC. B.C. 480 — 457.
Perhaps no district of Hellas suffered more from the
Persian wars, both at the time and afterwards, than
Bceotia. With the exception of the Platseans and Thes-
pians, the Boeotians were generally looked upon as traitors
to the cause of freedom, and treated accordingly. Not
only was Thebes humiliated before all Greece, but her
authority in Bceotia itself received a serious check. She
was no longer able as formerly to assert her undisputed
claim to the hegemony of the League.. Unfortunately,
we know very little of the internal affairs of Bceotia
during the twenty years which elapsed between the battle
of Platasa in 479 and the expedition of the Lacedsemonians
into Boeotia in 457, the principal object of which was to
restore Thebes to her old position as chief of the Boeotian
confederacy, with the view of counterbalancing the grow-
ing influence of Athens in Central Greece.
In the absence of other evidence concerning the affairs
of Boeotia during the time of the humiliation of Thebes,
B.C. 479 — 457, the coinage comes to our aid, not as
affording direct information, but rather as suggesting an
inference. This inference is that Tanagra, relying perhaps
on the support of Athens, aspired for a time to the leader-
ship of all Boeotia. Of this fact, if it be one, I am not
aware that there is any hint whatever in history, but the
money of Tanagra struck in the name of the Boeotians
BCEOTIA. PERIOD III. CIRC. B.C. 480 — 457. 197
'in genere^ can hardly be accounted for on any other hypo-
thesis.
The following are the coins to which I allude : —
TANAGRA.
Stater.
190-8 grs.
Boeotian shield in
the openings of
^ in a circle in the centre of a
mill-sail incuse.
which H
[Brit. Mus. PL I. 13.]
The reverse type of this coin being (but for the letter
[5 in the middle) identical with those of Period II., we
may confidently place it soon after the year B.C. 479, for
before the fall of Thebes Tanagra would hardly have
ventured to strike coins in the name of all Boeotia.
Stater.
Boeotian shield, on
^ — O — 1 in three quarters
186-7 grs.
the rim of which at
of a wheel of four spokes,
one end a small T,
the whole in incuse circle.
in the side open-
ings H— >.
[Brit. Mus. PI. I. 14.]
Stater.
Boeotian shield, on
^ — O in two quarters of a
189-6 grs.
the rim of which
wheel of four spokes, the
at both ends i.
whole in incuse circle.
T
[Brit. Mus. PL I. 15.]
Obol.
Boeotian shield.
B in incuse square.
15-5 grs.
[Brit. Mus.]
The following coins of Tanagra belong apparently to
the same period as those struck in the name of the
Boaotians.
Stater.
184 grs.
Boeotian shield, in
the openings of
which H — \J.
[Brit. Mus.]
Wheel of four spokes in incuse
circle.
198
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Stater.
187-2 grs.
Stater.
187 -4 grs.
Stater.
186 grs.
Hemi-
drachm.
45-5.
Hnni-
drachm.
47-8 grs.
Obol.
14-5 grs.
Similar, but
only.
[Brit. Mus.
Similar, no letter.
Similar wheel, in two quarters
PI. I. 16.]
A — T in two quarters of similar
wheel.
[Brit. Mus. PL 1. 17.]
Boeotian shield, Wheel of four spokes, no inscrip-
on rim of which tion, the whole in incuse
, . ,, j I circle,
at both ends ±.
[Brit
Similar shield, in
the openings of
which — | — H •
[Brit.
Similar, but in
one opening H.
[Brit.
Boeotian shield.
[Brit
Mus.]
Wheel of four spokes in incuse
circle.
Mus.]
Wheel of four spokes, in two
quarters of which T — A.
Mus.]
Wheel of four spokes (not letter
^) in incuse square.
Mus.]
The wheel as a Tanagrsean coin-type may have been
borrowed from the wheel on the archaic coins of the
neighbouring Eubrean town of Chalcis, which was distant
from Tanagra only about 100 stadia (circ. 12 English
miles), and which must have been in constant commercial
relations with Aulis, the port of Tanagra on the opposite
bank of the Euripus. This interchange of coin-types
between Tanagra and Chalcis is further exemplified by a
remarkable stater of Chalcis of the Euboic standard in
the cabinet of Dr. Imhoof-Blumer, having on the obverse
a Boeotian shield and the letter Np'j the initial letter of
Chalcis, and on the reverse a wheel in an incuse square.
Another type which may also be borrowed £by
Tanagra from Euboca, in this instance perhaps rather
BCEOTIA. PERIOD III. CIRC. B.C. 480 457. 199
from Eretria than from Chalcis, is the Gorgon-head on
the following rare obol : —
Obol. Gorgon-head. Fore-part of horse springing r., in
10'8 grs. incuse square.
[Brit. Mus.]
As, however, the weight of this piece does not exceed
that of the Euboic obols, it may be attributed with equal
probability to Euboea, and to a somewhat later date (circ.
B.C. 456 — 445), in which case the reverse type might be
borrowed from the coins of Tanagra of the next period.
There can. be little doubt that the wheel both on the coins
of Chalcis and Tanagra is symbolical of the cultus of
Apollo, as a sun-god, and that the Gorgon-head symbo-
lizes moon-worship.
THEBES B.C. 480 — 457. — The coinage of Thebes which I
would assign to the time of her humiliation, compared
with that of Tanagra, is far from plentiful. Here also, as
at Tanagra, the mill-sail incuse of the period before the
Persian wars gives place to an artistic though simple
reverse type, in this case the amphora, symbolical of the
worship of Dionysus, in the same way as the wheel on the
coins of Tanagra indicates that of Apollo.
Stater.
182-2 grs.
Drachm.
94 grs.
Obol.
15-5.
Boeotian shield.
Amphora in incuse square.
[Brit. Mus. PI. I. 18.]
Same. Same.
[Brit. Mus. PI. I. 19.]
Same. Same.
[Brit. Mus. PI. I. 20.]
ORCHOMENUS. — The following small coins of Orcho-
menus clearly belong to the same period as the foregoing.
200
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
They are much flatter in fabric than the obols of this
town previous to the Persian wars. The incuse ' reverses
are identical in style with the latest obols of Aegina,
which ceased to coin silver when it surrendered to the
Athenians in 456.
Obol.
12-5 grs.
f obol or
tritemorion.
10-2 grs.
Tetartemorion.
8-5 grs.
E — P, sprouting grain
of corn.
Aeginetan incuse of the
later form fQ
[Brit. Mus. PL I. 11.]
E — P, three sprouting
corn-grains.
Same.
[Brit. Mus.]
E — R , sprouting corn- Same,
grain.
[Brit. Mus. PI. I. 12.]
PERIOD IV. CIRC. B.C. 456 — 446.
The disorganization of the ancient Boeotian confederacy
which was the result of the victory of the Greeks over the
Persians, and of the consequent lowering of the influence
of Thebes, lasted about twenty years (circ. B.C. 479 — 459),
during which the Athenian ascendency in Boeotia was
continually on the increase.
At length, however, Sparta awoke to the consciousness
that the time was come to take active steps to reinstate
Thebes in her old position as the effective ruler of all
Bceotia, in order to prevent the various autonomous com-
munities in Central Greece from joining the Athenian
alliance. The Lacedaemonians accordingly sent a force
into Bceotia, nominally to chastise the Phocians for an
aggression upon the territory of the Dorians, but in
reality to compel the Boeotian cities to submit to the
headship of Thebes. This result they brought about by
rebuilding the fortifications of Thebes on a larger scale,
and by establishing oligarchical governments in all the
Boeotian towns.
At first Sparta was entirely successful, the Athenians,
who marched across their borders to meet them, being
vanquished at the battle of Tanagra (B.C. 457), but in the
following year Athens not only retrieved on the field of
Oenophyta, near Tanagra, all she had lost, but became
absolute mistress, not merely of Boeotia, but of all Central
Greece. The Spartan policy was thus at once reversed,
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. D D
202 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
free democracies being substituted in all the towns for
close oligarchies and the leading oligarchs driven into
exile.
This state of affairs lasted for a period of about ten
years, 456 — 446, during which it is probable that the
principal democratical municipalities were eager to cele-
brate the recovery of their autonomy by the issue of coins
in their own name and bearing their own types.
We can point without hesitation to the following
coinages as almost certainly inaugurated during this
decade of Bo3otian democratical government.
CIRC. B.C. 456—446.
ACR^EPHIUM.
Stater.
180-5 grs.
Boeotian shield.
A — K. Kantharos, above which
laurel leaf, the whole in incuse
square.
[Brit. Mus. PI. II. 1.]
Acrscphium possessed a temple and a statue of Dionysus
(Paus. ix. 23, 3), to whose cultus the type of the stater
refers.
CORONEIA.
Hemi-
drachm.
Boeotian shield.
K — O Gorgon-head in incuse
— O. square.
44'7 grs.
[Brit. Mus. PI. II. 2.]
Epigraphically this coin is of importance as showing that
the 9* °f tne coins before 480 has now given place to K.
It will be observed that the Rho still retains its ancient
form. The Gorgon-head on the coins of this town may
perhaps refer to the worship of Athena Itonia, whose
temple stood within the territory of Coroneia, and was
the meeting place of the council of the Boeotian League
BCEOTIA. PERIOD IV. CIRC. B.C. 456 446. 203
(Paus. ix. 34, 1). Compare the story of lodama, priestess
of Athena Itonia (Paus. I.e.), to whom, when one night
she entered the sacred temenos, the goddess appeared with
the Gorgon-head upon her chiton, and transformed lodama
into stone. The custom of daily kindling fire upon the
altar of lodama was still kept up at the time when Pau-
sanias visited Coroneia.
HALIARTUS.
Stater.
188-4 grs.
Boeotian shield, of
which the rim is
studded with nails.
Obol. .
16-5 grs.
Tetartemorion .
3-4 grs.
[Brit. Mus. PI. II. 3.]
Boeotian shield. * '
I — 51 — A. Amphora
wreathed with ivy, the
whole in incuse square.
A. Kantharos in
incuse square.
[Berlin. Prok. Osten.]
Boeotian shield. A. Kantharos in incuse
square.
[Berlin.]
Haliartus was, as we have seen, destroyed by the
Persians in 480. It must have been rebuilt in the first
half of the fifth century : the exact date we do not know.
Although the above coinage can hardly have commenced
before B.C. 456, there is nothing to show that it ceased
in 446 ; it may therefore in part belong also to the next
period.
TANAGRA.
Stater.
188 grs.
Stater.
Stater.
183 grs.
Boeotian shield, rim
divided into twelve
sections.
[Brit. Mus.
Similar.
T — A. Forepart of horse
springing 1., the whole in
incuse square.
PI. II. 4.]
A — T Similar type r. ,
N- A-
[Prok. Ost. InetL, 1854, pi. ii. 59.]
Similar, rim plain.
[Brit. Mus.
T — A. Similar horse, bridled.
PI. II. 5.]
204
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Stater.
189-5 grs.
Stater.
189 grs.
Hemi-
draclnn.
47-3 grs.
Hemi-
dracJun.
47 grs.
Obol.
15-5 grs.
Hemi-
obol.
6-5 grs.
Similar.
Similar.
Similar.
Similar.
Similar.
T — A« Similar horse, bridled,
around hia shoulder, wreath.
i. Zeit. iii. pi. x. 15.]
TAW. Similar.
[Brit. Mus.]
TAW. Similar.
[Brit. Mus.]
T — A. Similar.
[Brit. Mus.]
T A- Horse's head r., in in-
cuse square.
[Brit. Mus.]
Half Boaotian shield. T — A. Similar.
[Brit. Mus.]
At Pherae in Thessaly the forepart of a horse springing
from a rock perhaps represents the fountain Hypereia-
It may be then that at Tanagra a similar horse (where,
however, the rock does not appear) symbolizes the
river Asopus, which is seen from Tanagra, forcing its
way through a rocky ravine from the Parasopia into the
Tanagraean plain (Leake, N. Gr. ii. 424).
Another and far more probable explanation of the horse
may be sought in the worship of Apollo as a sun-god. In
this case it would express the same idea as the wheel on
the older coinage of Tanagra. The famous temple of
Apollo at Delium, which belonged to Tanagra, was doubt-
less the centre from which this worship spread.
BCEOTIA. PERIOD IV. CIRC. B.C. 456 — 446. 205
THEBES.
Stater.
187-5 grs.
Stater.
186-6 grs.
Henri-drachm.
46-2 grs.
Hemi-Obol.
5'6 grs.
Boeotian shield.
3 — © . Amphora in incuse
square.
[Brit. Mus. PI. II. 6.]
Similar.
— E. Similar.
[Brit. Mus. PL II. 7.]
Similar.
). Similar.
[Brit. Mus.]
Similar.
. Similar.
[Brit. Mus.]
PERIOD V. CIRC. B.C. 446 — 426.
During the years of democratical government which
followed the success of the Athenians at Oenophyta,
the exiled oligarchs, no inconsiderable body, mustered
their forces and had obtained possession of Orcho-
menus and some neighbouring towns of smaller import-
ance. The Athenians then dispatched a force to expel
them, a force, however, too hastily got together, and eager
more to show their mettle than to follow the wise counsels of
Pericles, who advised delay. The result was a disastrous
defeat in the neighbourhood of Coroneia. A counter-
revolution throughout Boeotia was the immediate effect
of this repulse of the Athenians, the democracies sustained
by Athens were overthrown, the exiled oligarchs were
reinstated, and Thebes was once more the leading state in
Bceotia (B.C. 446).
From the battle of Coroneia to the commencement of
the Peloponnesian war (B.C. 431), Thebes was occupied in
consolidating her authority throughout Bceotia. Plataea
alone of all the Boeotian townships remained faithful to
Athens, and though only about nine English miles distant
from Thebes, steadily refused to join the League. The
treacherous attack of a body of Thebans upon Plataea in
431, the subsequent two years' siege of the brave little
town by the united forces of the Peloponnesian s (B.C.
429 — 427), the heroic defence, the hair-breadth escape of
half the garrison, the surrender when at the point of
starvation, the cold-blooded execution, man by man, of
B(EOTIA. PERIOD V. CIRC. B.C. 446 — 426. 207
the sturdy defenders, and the ultimate destruction of the
city B.C. 426, need only be mentioned to recall to our minds
a thrilling chapter of history. With the fall of Plateea
Thebes becomes the undisputed ruler of a united Boeotian
Confederacy.
Stater.
185-9 grs.
Stater.
188-2 grs.
Stater.
194-5 grs.
Stater.
195-2 grs.
Stater.
195 grs.
Stater.
187 grs.
Stater.
185 grs.
COINAGE OF THEBES B.C. 446 — 426.
Boeotian shield. ® Herakles, naked, advanc-
| ing r., holding club and
m — ^ bow, the whole, in incuse
square.
[Brit. Mus. PL II. 8.]
Similar.
Similar.
Similar.
Similar.
Similar.
Herakles naked,
kneeling r. on one knee and
stringing his bow, the whole in
incuse square.
[Brit. Mus. PI. II. 9.]
Similar, but club behind him.
[Brit. Mus.]
Similar, but club in front.
[Brit. Mus.]
Same inscr., Herakles kneeling r.
on one knee and shooting an
arrow from his bow, the whole
in incuse square.
[Brit. Mus.]
©]EgAIOfl. Herakles naked,
stooping and stringing bow, in
front club, the whole in incuse
[Coll. Bompois.
Similar.
square.
Num. Zeit. ix. p. 88.]
Herakles naked,
striding towards r., carrying off
the Delphic tripod and wielding
his club, the whole in incuse
square.
[Brit. Mus. PI. II. 10.]
208
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Stater.
189-8 grs.
Stater.
192-7 grs.
Stater.
180 grs.
Stater.
Stater.
185 -6 grs.
Hemi-
drachm.
47 grs.
Obol
16-8 grs.
Obol.
15 grs.
Similar. GEfcAlO^- Infant Herakles
kneeling 1., strangling serpents,
the whole in incuse square.
[Brit. Mus.]
Similar. Similar, but infant Herakles kneel-
ing in a more upright attitude,
the whole in incuse square.
[Brit. Mus. PL II. 11.]
Similar. Similar, but above to 1. a large
ivy-leaf.
[Brit. Mus.]
Similar. ©EfcAlO N. Herakles wearing
short chiton and chlamys, kneel-
ing r. and looking back, both
hands raised, his r. holding club,
the whole in incuse square.
PL II. 12.]
Similar. OE fc &. Female figure seated r.
on chair without back, holding a
helmet in her hand, the whole in
incuse square.
[Brit. Mus. PL II. 13.]
[Paris.
Similar.
CO
3—0
Kantharos,
square.
in incuse
[Brit. Mus. PL II. 14.]
Similar. I Similar.
[Brit. Mus.]
Similar. I 0 in incuse square.
[Brit. Mus.]
Concerning the attribution of the above-described
series of coins to the period of about twenty years preceding
the outbreak of the Peloponnesian war, there can hardly
be much doubt. Nevertheless, it must not be assumed
that all Boeotian coins with the archaic forms j^, £ , D,
CD* R > ^ > Y» &c-> ^c-» are necessarily anterior to others
BCEOTIA. PERIOD V. CIRC. B.C. 446 426. 209
with the later forms of those letters. The introduction of
the more modern forms was a gradual process, and some
of the archaic letters are met with on the coins as late as
circ. 370.2 D, fc, ^, and Y seem to have continued in
occasional use in Bceotia for many years after f^, )\, and
® had ceased to be employed. A surer note of time is
offered by style of art than by epigraphy. Fabric also,
where both fail us, must not be overlooked, and is indeed
always of the utmost value. But a wide experience is
needed before the eye attains the power of accurate dis-
crimination which, when once acquired, becomes almost
an instinct.
The style of the art of the Theban coinage here given to
the period B.C. 446 — 426 resembles in so many respects
that of the Metopes of the Parthenon, which are generally
believed to be rather earlier than the frieze, and to date from
about 450 — 445, that I have no hesitation in making them
almost contemporary works. After Pheidias a remarkable
change took place in Greek art, of which there are no indica-
tions in the Herakles t ypes above described. The style of the
seated female figure on the stater reading OE^A is quite
consistent with that of the Herakles types, and notwith-
standing the O certainly contemporary with them. With
regard to the question as to whom this figure may repre-
sent there is much doubt. I would suggest that it may
be Hannonia, daughter of Ares and Aphrodite, and wife
of the Theban hero Cadmus.
2 See Kirchhoff, Studien, 3rd edition, p. 133.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. E E
PERIOD VI. CIRC. B.C. 426—395.
Once more did the Athenians make an attempt to
regain their lost ascendency in Boeotia, in compliance with
the wishes of the repressed democratic parties in the
various Boeotian towns, but it was all to no purpose. Near
Delium, which they had seized and garrisoned, they sus-
tained a crushing defeat which put an end for ever to all
hopes of recovering Boeotia. From this time until the
close of the Peloponnesian war and the fall of Athens,
Thebes was reckoned among her bitterest enemies.
But after the close of the Peloponnesian war and the
humiliation of Athens, B.C. 404, a complete revolution took
place in the sentiments and policy of the previous allies
of Sparta. Thebes especially, which so long as Athens
was a formidable rival was her bitterest foe, now afforded
a refuge to the Athenian fugitives, and supplied sub-
stantial aid to Thrasybulus in his noble struggle against
the Thirty, in gratitude for which he dedicated in the
Herakleion at Thebes statues of Athena and Herakles,
said to be by Alcamenes (Paus. ix. 11, 4). This timely
assistance and sympathy was more than requited by
Athens in 396, when she sent an army into Boeotia to help
Thebes against the Spartans, who had invaded their ter-
ritory from both sides at once. The result of this
' Boeotian war,' as it is usually called, was the defeat of the
Spartans and the death of their great general Lysander
under the walls of Haliartus. Orchomenus, as the rival
BCEOTIA. PERIOD VI. CIRC. B.C. 426 395. 211
of Thebes, took the side of the Spartans in their struggle.
From this time forward we find Thebes occupying a much
more prominent position in the international policy of the
Grecian states than heretofore.
During the whole of the period B.C. 426 — 395, of which
the above is a slight sketch, there is no indication of any
Boeotian coinage except that of Thebes. This is entirely
in accordance with what we should expect from all that
we know of the history of the growth of the dominion of
Thebes, whose harsh treatment of the other confederate
towns is exemplified by her conduct towards Thespiae after
the battle of Delium (Xenophon, Memorabilia, iii. 5, 6).
Stater.
182-2 grs.
Stater.
188-2 grs.
Stater.
186 grs.
Hemi-obol.
6*5 grs.
Hemi-olol.
7 grs.
Hemi-obol.
6-5 grs.
Tetartemorion.
8 grs.
CLASS (a)
Boeotian shield. 0 — E. Head of bearded
Herakles r., in lion's
skin ; the whole in in-
cuse square.
[Brit. Mus. PL III. 1.]
Similar. O — E. Similar head 1.
[Brit. Mus. PI. III. 2.]
Similar. 0 — E. Head of bearded
Herakles facing.
[Num. Zeit. ix., Taf. ii., No. 129.J
Half Boeotian shield OEfcA- Club
beneath, ivy-leaf.
[Brit. Mus. Pi. III. 3.]
L,
I Similar, but on it a
half-club.
Similar.
[Num. Zeit. ix., No. 149.]
Similar (no club).
[Brit. Mus.]
Boeotian shield.
GEBA. Club 1., above
ivy-leaf.
O — E. Club diagonally
in incuse square.
\'\IDH. Zeit. ix., p. 46., No. 147.]
212
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Tetartemorion.
3-5 grs.
Tetartemorion.
3-3 grs.
Stater.
190-2 grs.
Stater.
189-7 grs.
Similar.
0— E. Club.
[Num. Zeit. iii. PI. X. 21.]
Similar.
[Brit. Mus.]
Club between 0 and
ivy-leaf.
CLASS ((3).
Boeotian shield.
[Brit. Mus.
Boeotian shield on Similar,
which club.
[Brit. Mus. PI. III. 5.]
0 Head of bearded
Dionysos r. in incuse
3 square.
PI. III. 4.]
Similar.
Stater.
187-7 grs.
[Brit. Mus. Pi. III. 6.]
Of these staters numerous varieties exist.
0— E. Similar.
Hemi-drachm.
39-8 grs.
Boeotian shield.
[Brit. Mus.
Similar.
0 — EB- Kantharos,
above which club, the
whole in incuse square.
PI. III. 7.]
Similar, in field 1. battle-
axe.
Hemi-drachm.
38-5 grs.
[Brit. Mus.]
The hemi-drachms reading 0 — EB seem to be some
years earlier than others of the same type reading GEBH.
Stater.
CLASS (y).
Boeotian shield on
which sometimes
a club.
[Brit. Mus., 8 specimens.
0 — E. Amphora of
which the upper part is
ribbed or fluted ; to one
or both handles an
ivy-leaf is sometimes
attached : the whole in
incuse square.3
PI. III. 8.]
3 The coin engraved by Dumersan, Cat. Allier de Haute-
rnche, PI. VI. 6. Obv. 3 — ©• Amphora, an ivy-leaf hanging
]?<EOTIA. PERIOD VI. CIRC. B.C. 426 395. 213
Stater.
187-7 grs.
Stater.
184 grs.
Hemi-drachm.
40-3 grs.
Hemi-obol.
8 grs.
Tetartemorion.
3 grs.
Tetartemorion.
3 grs.
Boeotian shield.
0 — E. Similar am-
phora ; incuse square.
[Brit. Mus.]
Similar. 0 — E. Similar amphora;
in field r., bunch of
grapes, incuse square.
[Brit. Mus. J
Similar. 0E — BH. Kantbaros,
above which club ; in-
cuse square.
[Brit. Mus. PI. III. 9.]
Half Boeotian shield O — E. Bunch of grapes.
[Brit. Mus.]
Boeotian shield. 0 — E. Bunch of grapes.
Similar.
[Brit. Mus.]
0-E.
Bunch of grapes
and two ivy-leaves.
{Cat. Margaritis, No. 44.]
With the exception of the staters of class (a) with the
head of Herakles, all the coins of this period are of
frequent occurrence. The incuse square is still plainly
visible upon every well-preserved specimen. During this
period a remarkable innovation takes place in the spelling.
Instead of the form 0EBAION we now find0EBH[ON],
the letter H having been adopted to take the place of
the diphthong A I some time before the introduction of the
other letters of the Ionian alphabet. An intermediate
method of representing this same diphthong was AE for
from one handle. Rev. Incuse of the early Corinthian Swas-
tica type, is probably false. The obverse appears to be from a
die by Bekker ; the reverse is certainly not Boeotian in type,
and seems to be much too archaic for the obverse. A speci-
men of this coin in the Bibliothcque Nationale at Paris weighs
82-4 grs.
214 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
a short time towards the close of the fifth century, but up
to the present this form has only been noticed in inscrip-
tions of Tanagra (P. Foucart, Bull, de Corr. Hell. iii. p.
136). Possibly the inscription 0E [£ A on coins which I
would place between those with "(BE^ A I ON and those
with OEBH may point to a similar transitional ortho-
graphy at Thebes.
The staters of this period are of three types : (i.) the
head of bearded Herakles in profile or facing, which pre-
serves much of the archaic treatment ; (ii.) the head of
bearded Dionysus ; and (iii.) an amphora. Of the two
last mentioned it is hard to say which is the more recent,
but probably it is the amphora, as this is the type which,
as we shall see, was ultimately adopted to the exclusion of
all others.
In these series the drachm is wanting ; the half-drachm
is distinguished by the kantharos; and the obols, &c.,
by the club of Herakles or the bunch of grapes.4
On all the coins of this period except the smallest the
ancient incuse square is still retained, but is less sharply
cut than on the more archaic series. In the next period
it gradually disappears altogether, at first on the staters
and afterwards on the hemi-drachms.5
4 Dr. Imhoof-Blumer engraves in the Rum. Zeit. iii., PL X. 20,
a hemi-obol in the Munich cabinet, wt. 8 grs. Obv. © — E, head
of Dionysus r., bearded and with wreath, the whole in dotted
circle, an, ©E in monogram in dotted square within incuse
square.
This remarkable little coin, if it be Theban at all, would be-
long to this period.
8 A very sharply denned incuse square occurs, however, upon
a series of coins which I am compelled on other grounds to as-
sign to a later period (B.C. 887 — 374). See page 288.
PERIOD VII. CIRC. B.C. 395—387.
The first offensive movement undertaken by Thebes
against the Spartan Empire in Northern Greece was the
expedition into Thessaly to expel the Lacedocmonian
harmosts and garrisons in those regions. This object was
effected by the Theban leader Ismenias.
Thebes now became one of the principal states of a
great anti-Spartan alliance, including among its members
Athens, Corinth, Argos, and nearly the whole of Central
Greece.
The events of the next few years are in brief as
follows : —
395. Formation of the anti-Spartan alliance by Thebes,
Athens, Corinth, and Argos.
394. Spartan victory over the allies near Corinth.
394. Defeat of the Lacedemonian fleet off Cnidus by
Conon.
Agesilaus, recalled from Asia, crosses the Hellespont
and invades Boeotia from the north.
Battle of Coroneia. Hard-won victory of Agesilaus.
The result not unfavourable to the Thebans.
Agesilaus withdraws his forces into Pelopon-
nesus.
393 — 387. Corinthian war and other campaigns.
391. Abortive peace negotiations. Thebes offers to recog-
nise the autonomy of Orchomenus.
216
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
387. Conclusion of the Peace of Antalcidas, by which the
Boaotian confederacy was for a time dissolved, each
city in Bceotia being recognised as autonomous.
PALE GOLD.
Half-drachm.
46-3 grs.
Obol.
15-8 grs.
Head of beard-
ed Dionysus
right, wearing
wreath of ivy.
[Brit. Mus.
Similar.
[Brit. Mus.
O — E. Infant Herakles
seated, facing, head towards
left, strangling serpents ; be-
neath club : traces of incuse
square.
PL III. 10.]
O — E. Similar type,
wards right ; no club.
PL III. 11.]
io-
SlLVEB.
Stater.
191 grs.
Stater.
191-3 grs.
Stater.
191 grs.
Stater.
185-6 grs.
Stater.
184-2 grs.
Boeotian shield.
[Brit.
Similar.
[Brit.
Similar.
[Brit. Mus.
Similar.
[Brit.
Similar.
[Brit. Mus.
0. Amphora of which the
upper part is ribbed or
fluted ; concave field.
Mus.]
B
0 — E. Similar ; in field 1.
bow ; concave field or cir-
cular incuse.
Mus.]
0 — E. Similar ; in field,
bow, club, or bunch of
grapes ; concave field.
PL III. 12.]
0 — E. Similar amphora, an
ivy-leaf above attached to
handle ; in field 1. oenochoe,
concave field.
Mus.]
0 — E. Similar amphora,
the whole in wreath of ivy ;
concave field.
PL III. 13.]
B(EOTTA. PERIOD VII. CIRC. B.C. 395 387. 217
Stater.
186-8 grs.
Stater.
188-2 grs.
Tritemonon.
10-2 grs.
Similar. 0 — E. Infant Herakles
seated, facing, head to r.,
strangling serpents ; in field
r. on one specimen a bow ;
concave field.
[Brit. Mus. PI. III. 14, 15.]
Similar.
[Brit. Mus.
Three half-
shields, in the
centre Q.
[O — E]. Head of bearded
Dionysos facing, wearing
ivy wreath ; field nearly
flat.
PL III. 16.]
Same type as obverse, but on
each half-shield a club ;
concave field.
[Brit. Mus. PI. III. 17.]
Hemi-obol.
5-7 grs.
Half - Boeotian
shield, on
which club.
03
O — E. Amphora, in field L,
club ; concave field.
[Brit. Mus. PL III. 18.]
Hemi-oboL
5-2 grains.
Similar, with-
out club.
03
O — E. Similar; no club.
[Brit. Mus.]
Tetartenwrion.
3-5 grs.
Boeotian shield.
0 — E. Kantharos, above,
club ; concave field.
[Brit. Mus. PI. III. 19.]
The introduction of a gold, or rather electrum, coinage
at Thebes during this period is doubtless due to the inti-
mate relations which commenced about this time between
the Persians and certain states of Greece, and the conse-
quent influx into Greece of Persian gold. The Rhodian
envoy Timocrates visited this year (B.C. 395) Thebes,
Corinth, Argos, and other cities with the sum of 50 talents,
which he was directed by the Satrap Tithraustes to expend
in the promotion of the anti-Spartan alliance.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. F F
218 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
It is noteworthy that Athens begins to coin gold money
about the same time as Thebes. The Theban coins of this
period are easily distinguishable from earlier coins of the
same types, first by the total disappearance of the incuse
square, and next by the much more infantile appearance
of the Herakles.
PERIOD VIII. CIRC. B.C. 387—374.
The condition of Boaotia after the signing of the Peace
of Antalcidas was greatly changed. Though all the cities
of that land, with the exception of Orchomenus and
Thespise, appear to have been sincerely attached to the
time-honoured form of government, of which their elected
representatives the Boaotarchs, formed the executive ; and
although they were on the whole content with the federal
head-ship of Thebes, nevertheless there was in each of them
a Separatist minority favourable to the independent auto-
nomy of the individual communities, and this party was
now won over to the Spartan alliance.
Oligarchies under Spartan patronage, and upheld by the
presence in most of the towns of a Spartan harmost and
garrison, were now set up throughout Boaotia, while at the
same time Plataea was rebuilt as a dependency of Sparta,
nominally, like the rest, autonomous.
From the time of the signing of this peace there were
no longer any general assemblies of the BoBotians, or any
elections of the Bo3otarchs. The ancient confederacy was
broken up into its constituent parts.
At Thebes itself there was a Spartan faction headed by
Leontiades, one of the Polemarchs. This was the man
who betrayed the Theban citadel into the hands of the
Spartans under Phoebidas in B.C. 382, and drove into exile
his fellow Polemarch, Ismenius, together with Pelopidas
and many others. Sparta was now supreme, and for three
220 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
years her will was law in every Boeotian town. Then
came the reaction. The carefully contrived conspiracy of
Pelopidas and his friends was completely successful ; the
Cadmeia was recovered ; the Spartans expelled ; and the
ancient institutions, at least in Thebes, were restored (B.C.
379 — 8). The other Bceotian towns remained in the hands
of the Spartans for some years longer, until the Thebans
under Pelopidas gained a victory over the Lacedaemonians,
B.C. 376, which enabled them to restore the ancient con-
federacy, and by the year B.C. 374 Orchomenus was the
only Boeotian town not included in the League. This city,
the ancient rival of Thebes, remained faithful to Sparta
down to the battle of Leuctra, B.C. 371.
This period of disintegration, B.C. 387 — 374, has left
marked traces upon the coinage. At no other epoch in
the history of Boeotia can we point to such a variety of
coin-types, the issue of so many independent mints. The
BoDotian shield on the obverse is, however, still retained as
a matter of custom, rather perhaps than as the symbol of
any actual union between the different Boeotian cities.
The following are the coins of the non-Theban mints
which, perhaps with a few exceptions, can only belong to
this period. The coinage of Thebes itself is less easily
distinguished, and will be discussed later on.
CHAERONEIA.
Henri-drachm.
36 grs.
Boeotian shield.
X in two lines, between
A I. them a club r.
[Pro*. Ost., 1854, Taf. ii. 49.]
Bronze. Similar. 1 XAI in two lines, be-
Size 4, Mion. I PflNE. tween them club
[Frok. Ost., 1. c. No. 50.]
Cbaeroueia, which was formerly included in the terri-
B(EOT1A. PERIOD VIII. CIRC. B.C. 387 374. 221
tory of Orchomenus, probably obtained autonomy at the
Peace of Antalcidas.
COP^E.
Obnl.
10-8 grs.
Bronze.
ISize l.
Boeotian shield.
rushing r.
[Brit. Mus. PL IV. 1.]
KHPAIft/V. Forepart of bull,
Boeotian shield.
K — £!• Bull's head, facing.
[Prok. Ost., 1854, PL II. 51.]
The town of Copse stood on the edge of the Lake
Copais, not far from the Katabothra, into which the
Cephissus flows on emerging from the lake. The rushing
bull may symbolise that river.
CORONEIA.
Obol. I Boeotian shield .
14 grs.
K — O- Gorgon-head in circular
incuse.
Obol
10-2 grs.
Obol.
13-5 grs.
Obol.
16 grs.
[Brit. Mus.]
Similar. No inscription ; similar.
[Brit. Mus ]
Similar. Q — M- Head of Athena Itonia
facing, wearing helmet with
three crests.
[Brit. Mus. PL IV. 2.]
Similar. O— K (?)• Head of Athena Itonia
helmeted, r., in circular incuse.
[Brit. Mus.]
These are the latest-known coins of Coroneia. It is not
probable that this city continued to strike money after B.C.
374, although it remained for about ten years after that
date a member of the confederacy, when it appears to have
been destroyed by the Thcbans arid its territory appro-
222 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
priated, about the same time that Orchomenus was
similarly treated, circ. B.C. 364.
HALIARTUS.
Stater.
182 grs.
Boeotian shield,
on which tri-
dent.
AR I ARTIO^ • Naked Poseidon
advancing right, striking with
trident.
[Imhoof Coll., .Vi«n. Zeit. iii. Taf. ix. Fig. 8. PL IV. 3.]
This remarkable stater is attributed by Dr. Imhoof-
Blumer to the same period as the early Theban staters
reading ©E^AIO^. I venture to give it to a later
time, first, because it has a symbol on the shield, which
I believe never occurs on any of the Theban coins of that
early date ; next, because there are no traces of an incuse
square on the reverse, while on the Theban coins B.C.
446 — 426 the incuse square is always clearly defined ; and
in the third place, because the figure of Poseidon is far
less archaic than any of the figures on the Theban coins
in question. The similarity in the form of the inscription
does not, in my judgment, outweigh the other considera-
tions, for it is well known that many archaic forms of
letters remained in use in Boeotia even down to the time of
Epaminondas. 6 The type of this coin refers to the cele-
brated temple and grove of Poseidon at Onchestus in the
territory of Haliartus, which was the meeting-place of the
Amphictyonic Council of the Boeotians (Strab. ix. 2, 33).
The statue of Poseidon Onchestus was still standing there
in the time of Pausanias (ix. 26, 5).
LEBADEIA.
Di-obol. | Boeotian- shield.
29-3 grs.
A — E In two lines, between
B — A. them, a thunderbolt.
[Arch. Zeit., 1848, PI. XVIII. 6.]
6 See Kirchhoff, Stialicn, third edition, p. 183.
BCEOT1A. PERIOD VIII. CIRC. B.C. 387 374. 223
This is the only known silver coin of Lebadeia. Cave-
doni (Arch. Zeit. 1851, p. 384j takes the thunderbolt to
be a symbol of the worship of Zeus 'YeVtos, whose statue
stood in the grove of Trophonius in the open air (Paus.
ix. 39, 3).
MYCALESSUS.
Obol.
13 grs.
Obol.
12-5 grs.
Boeotian shield.
— - Thunderbolt.
[Brit. Mus. PL IV. 4.]
Similar.
[Brit. Mus.]
Hewi-obol.
7 grs.
Half Boeotian
shield.
M— Y.
T— M. Similar.
Thunderbolt.
[Imhoof, Num. Zeit. ix. No. 63.]
Tetartoiwrion.
2-7 grs.
Tetartemorion.
4 grs.
£ Obol.
2-5 grs.
Boeotian shield.
M— Y. Thunderbolt.
[Num. Zeit. iii. Taf. ix. No. 4.]
Bunch of grapes between ivy-
leaf, and
Similar.
[Num. Zeit. iii. Taf. x. 18.]
Similar. M over a kantharos, in in-
cuse square.
[Num. Zeit. ix. No. 64.]
Mycalessus was utterly destroyed by some Thracian
mercenaries in B.C. 413. I do not know whether there is
any evidence as to its having been restored other than the
coins above described, which are too recent in style to be
attributed to the time before the destruction. Although
this town does not seem to have ever attained to any impor-
224
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
tance, it probably enjoyed a few years of autonomy
between B.C. 387 and 374.
ORCHOMENUS.
| Obol or
Tritemorion.
Obol.
Obol.
Obol.
J Obol 01
Tetartemorion.
E — P. Three sprouting FreeJiorse.
grains of corn.
[Brit. Mus. PI. IV. 10.]
Similar, beneath, ER. Wheel of
spokes.
[Num. Zeit. iii. Taf. ix. 8.]
four
Similar.
Wreath composed of
two ears of corn.
[Num. Zeit. iii. Taf. ix. 9.]
Half - sprouting corn-
grain in field, some-
times ivy-leaf.
[Brit. Mus. PL IV. 11.]
E — R. Ear of corn.
E — R. Sprouting grain
of corn.
[Brit. Mus. PL IV. 12.]
E — R. Ear of corn.
Many slight varieties of the above coins are known with
the letters 3, 9 3, ER, EP, and in one instance Op, on
one or both sides. These small coins of Orchomenus
probably extend over the whole period between B.C. 395,
when Orchomenus revolted from the League and joined
the Spartans, and 364, the year of its destruction.
The following larger coins, having on the obverse the
Boeotian shield, belong to the latter part of the same
period, the stater with the amphora being closely copied
from the new Federal coinage first issued at Thebes about
B.C. 379—8 (see below, p. 237. PI. V. 1—5).
Stater.
183-2 grs.
Boeotian shield.
EPX. Free horse galloping r.,
above, YAOPO and ear of
corn.
[Brit. Mus.; Millingen, Anc. Coins, PI. IV. 6. PL IV. 5.]
BOJOTIA. PERIOD V11I. CIRC. B.C. 387 374. 22-J
Stater. \ Similar. | Similar, without EPX.
[Mion. Suppl. iii. 520, 97.]
Hemi-
drachm.
Similar.
EPX within a wreath composed
of two ears of corn.
38-3 grs.
[Brit. Mus. PI. IV. 9.]
Stater.
186 grs.
Boeotian shield.
EP — XO. Amphora, of which
the upper half is fluted, in
field r. ear of corn.
[Brit. Mus. Pi. IV. 6.]
Stater.
167 grs.
Similar.
O — X Similar amphora ;
E — P. above, EVD.
[Num. Zeit. ix. Taf. i. 83.]
Stater.
189-5 grs.
Similar, on shield
ear of corn.
EP — XO. Similar amphora ;
above, EY.
[Brit. Mus. PL IV. 8.]
Stater.
shield
Similar,
plain.
[Cat. Allier de Hauteroche, PI. VI. 2.]
EP— X. Similar ; above, EYDO,
in field 1. ear of corn.
Stater.
183-2 grs.
Stater.
187 grs.
Stater.
168 grs.
Similar.
EP— [X?]. Similar; above,
, in field r. ear of corn.7
[Brit. Mus. PI. IV. 7.]
Similar. E — P- Similar amphora; above,
EYAO.
[Prok. Ost. Inecl., 1859, p. 14.]
Similar. E — P Similar amphora ;
O-X. above, EYAO.
[Prok. Ost. Ined., 1859, p. 15.]
The above-described coins have the appearance of having
been issued by the Separatist party in power at Orcho-
meims as a sort of protest against the arrogance of the
Federal party at Thebes, who were endeavouring to cen-
tralise the government of all BoDotia in Thebes alone.
The magistrate whose name appears on these Orcho-
7 Traces of the ear of corn are visible on the original coin,
but not on the Plate.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. G O
226
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
menian coins, variously spelt YAOPO, EVD, and EYAO,
may be supposed to have held in that city the same post
(perhaps that of a Polemarch) as the magistrate at Thebes,
who is responsible for the contemporary Federal money.
The following bronze coin may also belong to this
period : —
Boeotian shield on
which ear of corn.
E— P— X— O between
the eight rays of a star.
4> — A. Amphora.
M., size 3.
Average wt.
40 grs.
[Brit. Mus. PL IV. 13.]
PHAR^E.
Obol. Boeotian shield.
12 grs.
[Brit. Mus.]
OboL Similar. j 4> — A- Amphora, to left of
12'5 grs. which, ear of corn.
[Brit. Mus.]
Between the Persian wars and the Peace of Antalcidas,
a period of nearly a hundred years, Pharse struck no coins.
At the Peace of Antalcidas its autonomy, like that of the
other Boeotian cities, was restored.
PLAT^EA.
Hemi-drachm.
88-7 grs.
Di-obol.
28-5 grs.
OboL
9-7 grs.
Hemi-draclim .
37-2 grs.
Boeotian shield. PAA. Head of Hera r.,
wearing Stephanos.
[Brit. Mus. PL IV. 14.8]
Similar.
Similar.
[Rev. Num., 1860, p. 270.]
Similar.
No inscription. Similar.
[Bev. Num. 1. c.]
Similar.
PA A. Head of Hera facing,
wearing Stephanos.
[Brit. Mus. PI. IV. 15."]
Nos. 14 and 15 are by an oversight marked M on the Plate.
BrEOTIA. PERIOD VI11. CIRC. B.C. 387 374. 227
There are no coins of Plataea which can be attributed
either to the time before the Persian wars or even to the
remaining portion of the fifth century. After its destruc-
tion by the Peloponnesians in 426 no coinage is possible
until the Peace of Antalcidas, B.C. 387, when it was
restored by the Lacedemonians, to be again destroyed by
the Thebans in B.C. 372. This is the period to which the
above-described silver coins appear to belong. Some of
the copper coins may belong to this period, others are
apparently subsequent to the restoration of the town for
the third time by Philip of Macedon after the battle of
Chaeroneia.
The head of Hera on these coins may be that of the
statue by Praxiteles in the Herzeum (Paus. ix. 2, 7). .
BRONZE B.C. 387—374?
.52. 8. | Boeotian shield. | P in laurel- wreath.
[Proh. Ost. Ined., 1854, Taf. ii. 56.]
M. Size H.
27 and 18 grs.
m. 2.
16'4 grs.
Head of Hera r.,
wearing stephane.
[Brit. Mus.]
Similar.
PAA. Bull walking r.
Similar type 1.
[Num. Zeit. iii. PI. IX. No. 12.]
Of the following two coins, the first seems to belong to
a later period than the foregoing ; but as it stands alone
I have not thought it necessary to remove it from the
other pieces. The second coin is very probably not
Plataoan at all.
PAA
TAI
Head of Apollo,
Dionysus, or Zeus
Eleutherios (?) 1.,
with flowing hair.
[Prolt. Ost. Ined., 1854, Taf. ii. 58.]
in circle of dots.
228
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
m. 4.
TANAGRA.
Head of Pallas, hel-
meted r., F1AAT-
El/////.
//////AATIO////////////.
Owl r., in front ot olive-
branch.
[Rev. Num., 1843, PI. X. 5.]
182-7 grs.
Obol
10-8 grs.
Stater.
180 grs.
Boeotian shield.
T — A. Forepart of horse spring-
15-4 grs.
ing r., his neck hound with laurel-
wreath, the whole in concave field.
[Brit. Mus. PI. IV. 16.1
Similar. Similar.
[Brit. Mus.]
Similar. TA- Similar, but beneath horse
bunch of grapes.
[Num. Zeit. iii. 381.]
Boeotian shield. TA- Forepart of horse r., in
concave iield.
[Brit. Mus,]
Of these obols there are many varieties reading T — A,
TA — A/A, ^T , &c., the horse 011 the reverse being
sometimes to the left. A specimen described by Mionnet,
ii. p. 107, has the letter <|> in the field.
Hemi-obol.
6-7 grs.
Half Boeotian shield.
T — A. Horse's head r.,
in concave field.
[Brit. Mus.]
Tetartemorion.
4 gre.
Tetartemorion.
2* grs.
Boeotian shield.
Similar, r. or 1.
[Num. Zeit. vs.. No. 95.]
Similar. T — A. Forepart of horse
1., in concave field.
[Num. Zeit. ix. No. 100.]
On all the above coins the square incuse is replaced by
BCEoriA. PERIOD vin. CIRC. B.C. 387 — 374. 229
a circular one, which little by little disappears altogether.
The coinage of small silver coins at Tanagra during this
period appears to have been very plentiful ; among the
most recent specimens are the following.
Obol.
13-7 grs.
Obol
14 grs.
Obol.
12-7 grs.
Obol.
14 grs.
Obol.
14'5 grs.
Obol.
18 grs.
Obol.
18-7 grs.
Hemi-oboL
6 grs.
Boeotian shield.
Forepart of bridled horse, beneath
ivy- spray.
[Brit. Mus.]
Similar. I T — A- Similar; beneath, ivy-
I -leaf.
[Brit. Mus.]
Similar. T — A. Similar; beneath, grapes.
[Brit. Mus.]
Similar. T — A. Similar; beneath, pellet.
[Num. Zeit. iii. No. 75.]
Similar. T — A. Similar; in field, H.
[Num. Zeit. iii. No. 76.]
Similar. AT- Stern of galley, in concave
field.
[Num. Zeit. ix. No. 101.]
Similar.
TA. Stern, r. or 1.
[Brit. Mus.]
Half Boeotian
shield.
TA. Stern 1.
[Brit. Mus.]
Tanagra was not, like many of the Boeotian towns, cut
off from the sea, for its harbour of Aulis was, according to
Strabo (ix. 403), capable of containing fifty galleys. Hence,
perhaps, the above coin type.
230 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
THEBES. — It now remains to be considered what was
the coinage of Thebes herself during this period of Spartan
supremacy in Boaotia, B.C. 387 — 379. The provisions of
the Peace of Antalcidas investing with autonomy the
various members of the Boeotian confederacy were a blow
to the Theban influence throughout the length and
breadth of the land such as had not been felt since the
Persian wars. The effect which this loss of supremacy
had upon the coinage was probably a very considerable
diminution in the quantity of money issued from the
Theban mint, but it does not seem certain that any change
was made in the types.
There is, however, a class of hemi-drachms and smaller
coins, reading BOIH and BOI (PL IV. 17), distinctly
later in style than those of the same type described above
(p. 212 tq.}t reading 0EB and 0EBH (PL III. 7, 9), while
they are earlier than another series of similar coins with-
out the incuse square which I have attributed to a subse-
quent period (see p. 254 and PL V. 12). These coins,
struck in the name of Bceotia ' in genere,' fall naturally
therefore into this intermediate period when, it will be
remembered, Thebes put in a claim to sign the peace on
behalf of the whole of Boeotia.
Although this claim was not admitted by Sparta, it
does not seem improbable that Thebes may have issued
coins in assertion of some such claim about this time.
The following are the coins in question : —
llemi- drachm.
88 grs.
Hemi-drachm.
Boeotian shield
BO — IfL Kantharos, above
which, thunderbolt.
[Brit. Mus.]
Similar.
32 grs.
[Brit. Mus.]
Similar; above, club.
BCEOTIA. PERIOD VIII. CIRC. B.C. 387 374. 231
Hemi-drachm.
Similar.
B— Ol. Similar.
41-3 grs.
[Brit. 1
lus.]
Hemi-drachm.
Similar.
B — O- Above kantharos a
89-7 grs.
[Brit.
club ; in field r., ivy-leaf.
Mus.]
Hemi-drachm.
Similar.
B— Ol. Similar.
40'5 grs.
[Brit. Mus.
PI. IV. 17.]
Hemi-drachm.
Similar.
BO— 1. Similar.
41 grs.
[Brit. 1
d us.]
Hemi-drachm.
Similar.
BO— 1 . Similar, but in field
37-7 grs.
[Brit, ft
r., grapes,
[us.]
The above coins all have traces more or less distinct of
the incuse square on the reverse.
Tetartemorior.
8-1 grs.
THESPIJE.
Boeotian shield
[Brit. 1
B — O. Bunch of grapes in
concave field,
lus.]
Hemi-drachm.
43 grs.
Boeotian shield
Noinscr. Amphora; in field r.,
crescent, the whole in incuse
[Brit. Mus. :
square.
PI. IV. 21.]
Obol.
Boeotian shield
O — E — ^ — PI around two
15-2 grs.
crescents back to back, the
whole in concave field.
[Brit. Mus. PI. IV. 18.]
Obol
14'4 grs.
Similar. 1 OE^. Crescent, horns up-
wards.
[Brit. Mus. PI. IV. 19.]
Hemi-obol.
Half Boeotian
OE ^. Similar.
5-7 grs.
Prokescb
shield.
-Osten. Arch. Ze
it., 1849., Taf. ix. 18.]
Tetartemorion.
3 grs.
Boeotian shield
OE£. Similar.
[Brit. Mus.]
Note. — On the above coins the
versed ^ .
is sometimes re-
232
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Stater.
191-5 grs.
Boeotian shield
Henri-drachm.
435.
[Brit. Mus. ]
Similar.
OE^P— IKON. Head of
Aphrodite r., wearing earring
and necklace ; in front and
beneath, a crescent ; the
whole in concave field.
PI. IV. 20.]
O — E — 3?- Similar head ; in
front, crescent.
[Brit. Mus.]
Obol
14-2 grs.
Boeotian shield,
on which cres-
cent.
[Brit. Mns.]
O- Similar head, no cres-
cent.
Thespiao, like Platsea, an ancient enemy of Thebes,
became, after the peace of Antalcidas, B.C. 387, one of the
strongholds of Sparta in Boootia. When, therefore, Thebes
in 379 — 8 shook off the foreign yoke and began to recon-
stitute the old confederacy, ThespisB and Plataca were
among the last of the Bceotian. towns to submit, and did
so in the end only by constraint when their friends the
Spartans had been finally driven out of the country, circ.
B.C. 376.
It is probable that all the above-described varieties of
silver coins of Thespiae fall into the ten or dozen years
between B.C. 387 and circ. 376 — 4, for subsequently the
Thespians were, however unwillingly, attached to the
League and no longer in the enjoyment of autonomy.
At the battle of Leuctra, in B.C. 371, this hostility of the
Thespians to the Boeotian cause was evidenced by their
retirement en masse from the ranks before the engage-
ment ; after which the Thebans refused to readmit them
as members of the League and expelled them from
Bocotia.
The coins of this city are epigraphically very instruc-
tive, as indicating the exact period of the introduction of
BCEOTIA. PERIOD VIII. CIRC. B.C. 387 374. 233
the ^ in place of the older form ^ , and should be com-
pared with the contemporary coin8 of Orchomenus, which
show the substitution of A for the older D, and P for R,
and with those of Haliartus with ARIARTIO^, &c.
Mythologically also the coins of Thespiae are of value,
as they prove that in addition to Eros, who was the god
especially revered at that city, Aphrodite Melainis
(Pausanias, ix. 27) was there worshipped as a moon goddess.
The crescent-moon is more constant as a mint-mark on the
coins of Thespiae than the club on those of Thebes, the
ear of corn on those of Orchomenus, or the trident on
those of Haliartus.
UNCERTAIN.
Hemi-drackm.
CIBC. B.C. 387—374.
36grs.
Boeotian shield.
/\ — q. Amphora in in-
cuse square.
Hemi-drachm.
40 grs.
Stater.
186 grs.
[Num. Zeit. ix. No. 48. Coll. Soutzo, Athens.]
Similar. A — P. Similar.
[Berlin. Prokesch-Osten Coll.]
_ (M
Boeotian shield. A — I. Amphora in in-
cuse square ; above
amphora, pellet.
[Num. Zeit. iii. p. 826, No. 9.]
Drachm.
90-8 grs.
Boeotian shield, on
which caduceus.
[Brit. Mus. PI. I
A — 1. Amphora in in-
cuse square.
7. 22.]
Hemi-drachm.
44-2 grs.
Similar, no cadu-
ceus.
[Brit. Mus.;
A — 1. Similar.
Tetartemorion,
3-7 grs.
Similar.
A — 1- Kantharos in in-
cuse square.
[Brit. Mus.]
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES.
H H
234
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Hemi-draclnn.
34 grs.
Henri-drachm.
Boeotian shield. A — O. Amphora in in-
cuse square.
[Cat. Margaritis, PI. I. 36.]
Similar.
A — 11. Similar.
36-5 grs.
[Paris and Berlin. Prokesch-Osten Coll. PI. IV. 23.]
Hemi'drachm .
(40
Boeotian shield.
No inscr. Amphora, in
43 grs. field c » the whole in in-
cuse square.
[Brit. Mas. PI. IV. 21.]
(Probably struck at Thespiae, see p. 283).
Drachm.
87 grs.
Hemi-drachm.
44-5 grs.
Boeotian shield.
[Brit. Mus.]
Similar.
No inscr. Amphora in
incuse square.
Similar.
[Brit. Mus.]
Boeotian shield.
H — I. Bunch of grapes.
Tetartemorion .
4 grs.
[Rev. Num., 1869, PI. VI. 15.]
(9-)
Tetartemorion. Boeotian shield. ^. Bunch of grapes, in
4 grs. field 1. ivy-leaf.
[Num. Zeit. iii., PI. X. 13.]
(Perhaps struck at Mycalessus, if ^ = M> see P« 223).
To what town or towns the above described series of
coins belong it is difficult to decide. Dr. Imhoof-Blumer
has proved most satisfactorily that none of the old attri-
butions, such as Delium, Dionysia, Olmium, &c. (Num.
Zeit., iii. p. 326, sqq. ix. p. 15), can be accepted, although
BCEOTIA. PERIOD VIII. CIRC. B.C. 387 — 374. 235
he has no objections to offer to Haliartus as the place of
mintage of the coins with A — P.
For my part I am inclined to attribute the whole series
to a later period than has hitherto been usual, and to look
upon the letters on the reverse as the initials not of towns
but of magistrates.
That they are not contemporary either with the anepi-
graphous coins of Haliartus and Thebes, with the amphora,
(B.C. 480—456, PI. I. 18, 19), or with those reading
l£| A and g — ®, which I have given to Period IV.
(B.C. 456—446, PI. II. 3, 6, 7), will be evident to any
one who examines the two classes side by side. Not
only are they of a much flatter and more recent
fabric, but some of them bear a symbol (caduceus) upon
the shield, an indication that they cannot well be earlier
than the latter end of the fifth century, after which time
a symbol very commonly appears in this position. More-
over the n on the two hemi-drachms in the Bibliotheque
Nationale and in the Prokesch-Osten Collection now at
Berlin is quite distinct, and this brings them down at any
rate to B.C. 400. At this time, however, and as late as the
Peace of Antalcidas, B.C. 387, there was no coin in Bo3otia
except that of Thebes. Is there any reason, then, why
they should not be brought down to the period of auto-
nomy subsequent to B.C. 387 ? I know of none except
the presence of the well-defined incuse square on the
reverses ; and although as a general rule there is no better
indication of date than the presence or absence of the
incuse square, no numismatist will deny that there are
exceptions to this rule [cf. my " Coinage of Syracuse,"
PI. V. 13].
I would suggest, therefore, that these coins may have
been struck at various Boeotian cities B.C. 387 — 374,
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
among which the crescent may stand for Thespiae and
the caduceus for Tanagra (?),9 not yet brought under sub-
jection by Thebes. The magistrates' names, as at Orcho-
menus and Thebes during the same period, are doubtless
those of the local superintendents of the currency at the
cities in question.
9 The worship of Hermes at Tanagra is referred to by several
of the late bronze coins. — Num. Zeit. ix. p. 29, sqq.
PERIOD IX. CIRC. B.C. 379—338.
THEBES. — Next follows a long series of Boeotian di-
drachms which, judging by style, certainly commences
early in the fourth century — obv. Boeotian shield, rev. am-
phora and the three or four first letters of a magistrate's
name. Of these names a very large number is known, so
many indeed that there can be no doubt that this series must
extend down to the capture of Thebes by Philip in B.C.
338. The point to be settled is the exact date of its com-
mencement.
The total number of names handed down to us by these
coins is about forty. It is also, on other grounds, tole-
rably certain that this coinage lasted about forty years.
The temptation to regard the names on the coins as
those of the eponymous archons of the Boeotians is doubt-
less very strong. Nevertheless, when we bear in mind
how improbable it is that the number of names now
known can be anything like the complete list, I think it
is safer to reject the theory that they are the names of the
annual eponymi, either of the Boeotian League or of the
city of Thebes, for there was an eponymous archon in
each town as well as an eponymous archon of the whole
League.
It seems to me that it is, on the whole, more reasonable
to suppose that certain municipal (or federal) magistrates,
perhaps the three Polemarchs (concerning whose duties
see Foucart, Bull, de Carr. Hell, iv., Inscriptions d'Orcho-
238 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
mene), who were elected annually, formed themselves into
a committee for the regulation of the currency, and that
the president of this board placed his name upon the coin
struck during his term of office.
Supposing, therefore, that of the three Polemarchs each
was in turn president of the board of currency for a term
of one month, and that there were several issues from the
Theban mint during the year, it might so happen that
the names of all three Polemarchs appeared on the coinage
during their year of office, or, on the other hand, it might
happen that all the issues took place quarterly, and in
those particular months during which the same man hap-
pened to be president. In this case of course only one
name would appear on the coinage for the year in ques-
tion. It is thus manifest that when once the eponymous
character of the signature on the coins is not provable
the number of names can be but a very rough test of the
duration of any given series of signed coins.
We must, therefore, have recourse to other methods of
fixing the date of the commencement of this series of coins.
It should be noted : 1st, that the coinage in question
forms a single and unbroken series ; 2nd, that it is federal
in character, not bearing the name of any one city in
particular ; 3rd, that it is closely imitated by certain coins
of Orchomenus above described (see p. 225, PL IV., 6 — 8).
It would seem, therefore, that it must have been in circu-
lation before the destruction of that city, B.C. 364.
Now, as we have already traced the Theban coinage
down to about B.C. 387, we may take it for granted that
the new federal coinage can hardly have commenced
before that date ; and from B.C. 387 — 379, as the Boeotian
confederacy had ceased to exist, no general coinage on a
large scale such as this is possible. But with the appoint-
IHEOTIA. PERIOD IX. CIRC. B.C. 379 — 338.
239
ment of the new BoGotarchs, Pelopidas, Mellon, and Charon,
in B.C. 379 — 8, the reconstitution of the League com-
menced, and by the year B.C. 374 it was again generally
recognised throughout Boeotia, excepting at Orchomenus.
The year of the restoration of the old order by Pelopidas
and his friends, B.C. 379 — 8, seems therefore to be the
date when the new federal money was first issued, and the
fact that it does not bear the name of Thebes is an addi-
tional argument for its having originated at a time when
the Theban authority was not generally recognised by
the other cities.
That there is a difference in style and palaeography
between the earliest and latest specimens of this long
series of didrachms is indisputable. By patient and pro-
longed study and comparison of minute points of detail,
one might even arrive, perhaps, at an approximately correct
chronological classification of the whole series. This, how-
ever, is a task which it is hardly worth while to undertake.
I proceed, therefore, to give a list of all the names on this
class with which I am acquainted, arranged in alphabetical
order : —
Obv. Boeotian shield. | Rev. Amphora, in concave field.
NAME.
ABOVE.
ON HANDLE.
IN FIELD.
AT— AA
B. M., Mion. torn. ii.
13.
AM— 01
Mion. 15.
AN— AP10
B. M., Mion. 17.
AN— AP
Wreath
Mion. 16.
T— 1
B. M.
A-/V
A-/V
Club
B. M.
T— 1
Amphora with tall stem.
240
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
NAME.
ABOVE.
ON HANDLE.
IN FIELD.
AN— Tl
Dolphin
Mion. S. iii. 10.
IT— >AA
L. MuUer, Cat. Thor-
waldsen, 293.
AP— OA
Grapes
B. M., Mion. 18.
AR— KA
Leake, p. 28.
AP— KA
two ivy-
B. M., Mion. 19.
leaves on each
handle
FA— ^T
Cat. Allier, p. 45.
FA— ^T
Corn- grain
B. M., Mion. 46.
FA— ^T
FA-^T
Ivy-branch
Bucranium
Bull's head
[PL V. 4.]
B. M., Mion. 47.
Num. Zeit. ix. p. 7, 15.
Cat. C. Roma, 1863,
n. 101.
A— £
r. grapes
B. M.
A— £
Club
crescent
Mion. S. iii. 11.
n
Club
B. M.
fl P
AA-IM
B. M.
AA— IM
Club
ivy-leaf
Sestini, Descr. p. 172,
8.
AA-MO
Cat. Allier, p. 45.
AA-M[O
Ivy-wreath
B. M.
AA— MO
Club
1. ivy-branch
B. M.
[PL V. 3.]
AA— MO
Club
1. ivy-leaf
Num. Zeit. p. 7, 17.
AA— Mn
Club
1. ivy-branch
B. M.
AA— Mil
Wreath
Mion. 21 ; M. Six,
AA— MO ?
AA— MO
Club
B. M.
K A
A-l
Club
B. M.
o r
Al— O[K?
Al— OK
B. M.
Mion. 22.
Al— fl[N?
B. M.
EP— PA
Dr. Imhoof-Blumer.
EP-PA
Boeotian shield
Mion. 24.
EP-AMI11
Rose
B. M.
[PL V. 2.]
Altered in the die from coin, reading EP- — PA.
BCEOTIA. PERIOD IX. CIRC. B.C. 379 338.
241
NAME.
ABOVE.
ON HANDLE.
IN FIELD.
EP— AM
B. M.
E]P-AM12
B. M.
FE— Pf
B. M.
EY— FA
P A
Club & grapes
B. M.
[PI. V. 5.]
EY— FA
Crescent
Mion. 28.
P A
EY— FA
Grapes
r. club
Pembroke, 736; Mion.
P A
S. 16.
EY— n
Mion. S. 15; Pem-
broke, 740.
E— E
Club
r. & 1. ivy-
B. M.
T-XE
Club
leaf
r. & 1. ivy-
B. M.
leaf
E— XE
B. M., Mion. 26.
OE-or
Caducous
B. M.
OE-or
Club
Leake, Sup. p. 117.
QE-OP
Prokesch. Ined. 1859,
p. 16.
OE-OT3
Mion. 34.
HI— KE
Club
r. ivy-leaf
B. M.
HI— KE14
Club
r. & 1. ivy-
1. olive-
Mion. 31.
leaf
sprier
HI-KE
[Club ?]
r. & 1. ivy-
.
r. olive-
B. M.
leaf
sprig
HI-KE
Laurel-wreath
B. M.
Hl£— ME
B. M.
HI2>-
Eckhel, ii. p. 196.
MEN
KA— Bl
B. M.
KA— Al
Mion. 36.
KA— AA
Hunter, No. 14.
KA— AAI
B. M.
Kl/— EE
r. thymia-
Fox, Uned. Coins, i.,
terion
No. 88, pi. viii.
K>-EE£
r. thymia-
Num. Zeit. ix. p. 8,
terion
n. 19.
K]A-EE^
Laurel-wreath
Paris.
KA-E[£
Laurel-wreath
B. M., M. Six.
KA-IH
B. M.
12 Plated.
13 Probably misread for 0EOP.
14 Cast, weighing only 164 grs.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES.
I I
242
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
NAME.
ABOVE.
ON HANDLE.
IN FIELD.
KAI— HN
Mion. 38.
KA-li7N15
B. M.
KP— AT
B. M.
AY-KI
v. Prokesch. Ined.,
1859, p. 16 & 21.
HE— NO6
Arrow
Mion. 39; Rec. pi.
72,6.
OA— YM
Laurel-leaf ?
B. M.
OA-YNT
Spear-head P
Eckhel. M. Cass., p.
110, 6.
ON— A^
B. M.
PE— Al18
M. Six.
PT-0[I
T— I19
r. club
B. M., Mion. 42.
Num. Zeit. ix. p. 8, 20.
M
T-l
r. club
B. M.
1. club
B. M.
Tl— Ml
Club
1. ivy-leaf
B. M.
TI-MO
B. M.
<N-AO
Grapes
B. M.
$1— AO
Grapes
M. Six.
YA— RO
Laurel-wreath
B. M.
[PI. V. 1.]
YA— RO
Ivy-wreath
Mion. 48 ; Pellerin,
Rec. i., pi. 24, 6.
YA— RO
i
r. & 1. ivy-
wreath
B. M.
YA— RO
Num. Zeit. ix. p. 9,
No. 23.
QCI AY
Ivy -leaf in
Num. Zeit. ix. p. 9,
ivy-wreath
No. 22.
XAP
Prokesch. Ined., 1859,
p. 16.
Concerning some of these names a few remarks are
called for. Above all, we must be careful not to strain
15 A plated specimen at the Hague has a fish on the shield
on the obv.
16 Amphora entirely fluted.
17 These two are probably identical.
19 Amphora entirely fluted.
19 On shield on obv. club.
B(EOTIA. PERIOD IX. CIRC. B.C. 379 338. 243
the classification, which should rest upon style, for the
purpose of identifying any of the names with those of
persons mentioned in history. Thus, for instance, although
HI^ME doubtless stands for an Ismenias, it would be
rash to assert that it is the great Ismenias, one of the
Polemarchs of Thebes in B.C. 382, the victim of the
treachery of his colleague Leontiades, and judicially mur-
dered by the Spartans in the same year.
Not only is the coin reading HI^ME later in style
than is consistent with such a supposition, but there is
every reason to suppose, as I have already remarked, that
the signed money did not commence for some three or
four years after the death of that distinguished Thebau.
ANAP also, on another coin, for the same reasons can
hardly stand for Androkleidas, who was murdered while
in exile at Athens, by an assassin hired for the purpose,
by the usurping rulers of Thebes, circ. B.C. 379. Again,
KABI cannot be the eponymous archon of Thebes for the
year B.C. 379, named Kabeirichos, who was slain together
with the two Polemarchs, Archias and Philippos, by
Pelopidas and the other Liberators (Plutarch, De Gen.
Soc. c. 30), since the coin which bears this name is not
by any means one of the earliest of the series.
On the other hand, there is no absolute objection to the
identification of the YARO on ^e coins with the Charon
of history, one of the Liberators and a Boeotarch in B.C.
379 — 8, the very year in which I suppose this coinage to
have commenced, although, as Dr. Imhoof-Blumer has
remarked,20 this is an abbreviation more conformable to
such a name as Xapo7ru/os.21
20 Num. Zeit. ix. p. 9,
21 Of. BcBckh, C. 1. G., 1575, XAPOniNn APXONTOE
BOIHTOIZ.
244 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Nor does there seem to be any objection to a recognition
of the name of the illustrious Epaminondas in the EP PA,
EP AMI, and EP AM of the coins. Epaminondas was a
Bceotarch in 371, 370, 369, 367, 363, and 362.
AAMO, OEOP, and HI^ME may also stand for
Damokleidas, Theopoinpus, and Ismenias, all friends of
Pelopidas (Plutarch, Pelop. c. 7, 8 ; Diod. xv. 78), the last-
mentioned perhaps a son of the great Ismenias, and on
more than one occasion a colleague in office with Pelo-
pidas.
It is unfortunate that among so many names we have
no precise information as to what offices excepting that of
Boeotarch, in the cases of Charon and Epaminondas, the
men who bore them held.
It is extremely unlikely that all the seven (or more)
Boeotarchs were in the habit of placing their names upon
the coinage qua Boeotarchs. The large number of names
on the coins as compared with the possible number of
years during which this coinage can have lasted, makes it
also very improbable that the signatures are only of those
particular Boeotarchs who held the office of eponymous
archons of Boeotia. The same fact precludes the idea that
they are those of the eponymous archons of Thebes, or of any
other single city. All that we can say about them, there-
fore, is that they seem to be the names of the presiding
magistrates of a board or committee, consisting of some of
the Boeotarchs and entrusted with the supervision of the
mints.
SMALL SILVEB AND BRONZE CURRENCY. B.C. 879 — 338.
To the same period as the foregoing didrachms we must
attribute the following obols : — obv. shield, rev. head of
young Herakles ; and bronze : — obv. head of Herakles, rev.
club, &c.
BCEOTIA. PERIOD IX. CIRC. B.C. 379 - 338. 245
The occurrence of many of the same magistrates' names
on the coins of both these series, as on the didrachms, is a
sufficient proof that they are contemporary. It is notice-
able that some of these coins bear two magistrates' names.
The names common to the two classes are —
EP
0E
|£
KAE
Bronze.
FEpr
0EOTI
OAYM
ONA^I
<I>EIAO
Didraehms.
? EPAM.
OEOF, OEOP, or QEOT.
? HITMEN.
KAE£.
Dldrtichnit.
FEpr.
0EOT.
AYKI.
OAYM.
The following is a description of the coins :-
OBOLS.
Obol.
14 grs.
Obol.
13 grs.
Obol.
14 grs.
Obol.
Obol.
Boeotian shield
on which club.
lion's skin ; in front
[Num. Zeit. iii. 386, 91.]
Similar. Similar, but
[Brit. Mus. PI. V. 6.]
Similar. Similar, but
[Brit. Mus.]
Similar. | Similar, but
[Prokesch-Osten. Lied. 1859, p. 1C.]
Similar. | Similar, but
[Mion. S. III., No. 58.]
r., in
EP
0E
KAE
KO
2-46 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
BRONZE COINAGE.
Average Size, 2£. Average weight, 83 grs.
Type fa), It. Club.
Head of young Herak-
Club AYK— 1 Nfl Brit. Mus.
les, 1.
[PI. V. 7.]
,,
M >>
OAYM-EPI
Num. Zeit.
ix. p. 11.
Mo. 80.
„
„ r.
0EO^TI
Leake, p. 29.
„
M »
OEO-P:;-?
M us. Kotsch-
oubey, i. p.
277.
Type (b), R. Club and Arrow.
Head of young Herak-
Club and Arrow
Brit. Mus.
les, r.
0EO— Tl
ii
»» »
„ AAAN-0E
Brit. Mus.
Type (c), R. Club and Bow.
Head of young Herak-
Club and Bow API ^
Brit. Mus.
les, 1.
»> »»
„ API ^— <I>EIAO
Brit. Mus.
• »
i» '•
„ 5lqA— <I>EIAO
Cited by M.
Six.
1.
<I>EIAO
Brit. Mus.
„ EHI?— OAYM
Brit. Mus.
II
» »
OAYM
Cited by M.
Six.
>»
0EO-TI
M
1.
PYP— PI
ii
||
^A-FEPf
Brit. Mus.
II
i> »»
>p— Are
Cited by M.
Six.
» ^
A— 0IHN
Brit. Mus.
M
»> *"•
H— OlflN
Brit. Mus.
||
0E-01QN
Cited by M.
Six.
1.
A-0IHN
Munich.
, |
» r>
IM-0IHN
Munich.
»>
„ Kantbaros— 0IHN
Paris.
n
ii
0HNA
Baretta, No.
50.
r.
,, and Star ; no inscr.
Prok. - Ost.,
1854, p. 24.
1.
<frA-PAI
\uiii. Zeit.
iii. p. 874.
BCEOTIA. PERIOD IX. CIRC. B.C. 879 338. 247
Type (d), R. Club and Thyrsus.
Head of young Herak- Club and Thyrsus API
les, 1.
Type (e), R. Club and Grapes.
Head of young Herak-
les, r.
Club and Grapes
ON A—
Type (f), R. Club and Caduceus.
Head of young Herak-
les, 1.
Club and Caduceus
OAYM
OAYM-Eni(?)
4>EIAO
Brit. Mus.
[PL V. 8.]
Brit. Mus.
Brit. Mus.
Brit. Mus. cf.
Num. Zeit.
ix., No. 30
Brit. Mus.
Type (g), R. Club and Boeotian Shield.
Head of young Herak-
les, r.
Club and Boeotian shield
PYP— PI
Brit. Mus.
[P1.V. 9.]
Whether these bronze coins are ckalkoi, of which the
Boeotian obol was worth twelve and the Attic obol eight,22 or
only three-fourths of the chalkous, it is difficult to decide. If
the contemporary Phokian bronze coins, weight 135 grs.,
marked with a T and three bulls' heads, are trichalkoi,
the chalkous ought to weigh 45 grs. The Theban coins,
however, of this period do not weigh on the average more
than 33 grs.
The Boeotian coinage from B.C. 378 — 338 consisted,
therefore, of didrachms, obols, and bronze coins bearing
the signature of a magistrate, but without the name of
Thebes.
As there is nothing in the history of this period which
bears upon the coinage, it is only necessary to recall to
our minds the principal events.
K Foucart, Inscriptions d'Orchomene.
p. 90.
Bull. corr. Hell. iv.
248 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
B.C.
872. Destruction of Platjea by Thebes.
871. Battle of Leuctra. Commencement of Theban supremacy.
871. Expulsion of the Thespians from Bceotia.
864. Destruction of Orchomenus.
362. Battle of Mantineia and death of Epaminondas.
858. Eubcea recovered from Thebes by Athens.
357. Irritation of the Thebans against the Phokians. The Am-
phictyonic Council under Theban influence consecrates
the Phokian territory to Apollo.
356—846. Sacred war.
353 — 2. Successes of Onomarchus. Embarrassment of the
Thebans. The Phokians come into conflict with Philip
of Macedon.
846. Philip victorious, and appointed President of the Amphic-
tyonic Council.
338. Second expedition of Philip into Greece. Battle of
Cheeroneia.
PERIOD X. CIRC. B.C. 338—315.
Whether Thebes made any further resistance after the
battle of Chaeroneia we are not informed, but it is certain
that the city fell almost immediately into the hands of the
conqueror.
The leading citizens were now either put to death or
driven into exile, and a council of 300 Thebans, partizans
of Philip, was invested with absolute power and supported
by a Macedonian garrison in the Cadmeia.
Thebes was now degraded from her proud position as
head of all Boeotia, her ancient enemies, Orchomenus,
Thespia), and Platsoa, were restored, and autonomy was
conferred once more upon all the more important Boeotian
towns, such as Orchomenus, Thespiee, Haliartus, Leba-
deia, and Plataea.
The constitution of Bceotia was once more very much
what it had been in the days when the Spartans held the
land half a century before. Now, as then, Thebes was
the greatest sufferer, and galling in the extreme were the
insults and personal injuries which her citizens were
compelled to submit to at the hands of the barbarous
Macedonian soldiery.
Driven at length to despair they rose against their
oppressors, B.C. 335, slew Timolaus, one of the leading
partizans of Philip, proclaimed themselves autonomous,
and proceeded to the election of Boeotarchs. But the
Macedonian garrison in the Cadmeia was not to be so
VOL. I. THIRD SKR1ES. K K
250 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
easily expelled, and as no adequate assistance was forth-
coming, the Thebaus were driven to blockade their own
citadel.
In time, no doubt, they would have been successful, had
not Alexander, whose reported death had encouraged them
to revolt, suddenly appeared in Bceotia at the head of an
army of relief. The tables were now again turned, and
Thebes, although she made a brave resistance, was taken by
storm, and her whole population given over by her conqueror
to indiscriminate slaughter. Orchomenus and Plataea
were now more than revenged. Thebes was levelled with
the ground, the Cadmeia being alone spared as a con-
venient fortress by means of which all Boeotia might be
held in subjection.
The Theban territory was now divided among the
cities of Orchomenus, Thespiae, and Plataea, and for twenty
years to come the site of Thebes was a desert.
In the Lamian war (323) the Boeotians held fast to the
Macedonian alliance, as there was nothing they dreaded
so much as the restoration of Thebes, which would im-
mediately have followed the success of the Greeks ; never-
theless, in B.C. 315, when Cassander advanced into Boeotia
at the head of a formidable army, and announced his
intention of rebuilding the ruined city, they thought it
more politic not only to abstain from all resistance, but
actually to assist in the restoration of their ancient enemy.
Thus after lying in ruins twenty years, the walls of Thebes
once again rose at the bidding of Cassander, amid general
rejoicing throughout Hellas.
It is interesting to observe how, as history repeats
itself, the coinage, so to speak, reflects the history. There
are three distinct periods in which the influence and
importance of Thebes had sunk to the lowest point : first,
BCEOTTA. PERIOD X. CIRC. B.C. 338 315. 251
after the battle of Plataea, B.C. 479 ; second, after the
Peace of Antalcidas, B.C. 387 ; and third, after the battle
of ChaBroneia, B.C. 338. Now on each of these three several
occasions a considerable portion of the currency appears to
have been issued in the name of the Boeotians, with the
inscription B, BO, BOI, or BO 112, while the coinage of
Thebes itself either sank for the time being into insignifi-
cance or ceased to be issued altogether.
With the battle of Chaeroneia and the Macedonian
occupation of the Cadmeia it is probable that the long
series of didrachms bearing the names of (presumably
Theban) Bceotarchs was brought to an abrupt close, after
lasting with little or no change for just forty years. The
revolution in the municipal organization of Thebes which
then took place is sufficient to account for the omission
henceforth of the magistrate's name on the coinage, sup-
posing the didrachms reading BOII2 to have been struck
at Thebes, but that they are Theban at all is a point which
is exceedingly doubtful. Granting that a portion of them
may be earlier than the destruction of Thebes by Alex-
ander in B.C. 335, it seems certain from the number of
varieties which have come down to us that the majority of
them must belong to the twenty years between the devasta-
tion of Thebes in B.C. 335 and its restoration by Cassander in
B.C. 315. They must in this case have been struck at one
or more of the other Bo3otian towns which were restored
by Philip after the battle of Chaeroneia.
The hemi-drachms with the same inscription BOIJ1,
which I would also attribute to this time, are all marked
with a little crescent in the field beside the kantharos.
This I take to be the mint-mark of Thespiae (see above,
p. 233). However closely these coins may resemble the series
of similar hemi-drachms previously described (p. 230),
252 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
there are, nevertheless, differences in style and fabric,
such as the final disappearance of all traces of the
incuse square, which have led me to bring them down
to a later period.
It may be, then, that in 338 or 335 B.C. Orchomenus
began the issue of didrachms for the whole of Bojotia,
while Thespise undertook to supply the smaller
currency in silver. In addition to the silver staters
and herni-drachms reading BO IH, certain small copper
coins reading BOIHTUN appear to belong to this
period. These copper pieces have on the reverse the
trident, the symbol of Poseidon Onchestios.
At the same time a new local bronze coinage was com-
menced, in which most of the leading towns of Boeotia
took part. These coins bear the inscriptions API, 0E^f
AEB, OPX, PAA, TAN (Haliartus, Thespiae, Leba-
deia, Orchomenus, Plataea, and Tanagra), but no types
whatever on the reverse. The absence of the name of
Thebes on the coins of this class is a strong argument
that they belong to the period when Thebes was not in
existence. In fabric, these bronze coins resemble the
didrachms reading BO III, the surface of the reverse being
slightly concave. The shield on the obverse is in very low
relief, and has a narrow double rim. In weight they are
somewhat lighter than the Phocian trichalkoi, averaging
about 120 grains. It is probable, however, they are also
pieces of 3 chalkoi, and if so they would be equal in value
to the tetartemorion, or £ obol (the Bosotian obol being
equal in value to 12 chalkoi), which had ceased to be
coined in silver when the chalkous was introduced
into Bocotia in the first half of the fourth century.
Supposing the early bronze money of Greece to have been
real money corresponding approximately in value to its
BCEOTIA. PERIOD X. CIRC. B.C. 338 315. 253
weight in metal, and not (as it afterwards became) merely
a token currency,23 the proportionate value of bronze to
silver would have been in those days about 30 to 1 in
Central Greece, or about twice what it was in Egypt
shortly afterwards under the Ptolemies.
OBCHOMENUS ?
B.C. 338—315.
Staters.
Stater.
186 grs.
Stater.
189-5 grs.
Stater.
190 grs.
Stater.
191 grs.
Stater.
190 grs.
Stater.
187 grs.
Stater.
189-5 grs.
Stater.
188 grs.
Stater.
184-2 grs.
Boeotian shield.
BO — ill- Amphora; above,
club and grapes.
[Brit. Mas.]
Similar. BO — IH. Amphora; above,
grapes.
[Brit. Mus.]
Similar. BO — 111. Amphora; above,
bow.
[Brit. Mus.]
Similar. BO — 111. Amphora wholly
fluted ; above, bow.
[Brit. Mus. PL V. 10.]
Similar. BO — 111. Amphora ; above,
bow and arrow.
[Brit. Mus.]
Similar. BO — 111- Amphora; above,
club and bow.
[Mion., No. 58.]
Similar. BO — 111- Amphora ; above,
club.
[Brit. Mus.]
Similar. BO— 111- Amphora; ivy-leaves
on one handle ; above, club.
[Berlin. Miinzkabinet, No. 179.]
Similar. BO — 111- Amphora ; above,
dolphin.
[Brit. Mus. PL V. 11.]
See below, p. 267.
254
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Stater.
Stater.
189-5 grs.
Stater.
187 grs.
Similar (on shield,
club).
BO — IH. Amphora ; above,
dolphin and corn-grain.
[Cadalvene, p. 152.]
Similar.
HI — OB- Amphora ; above,
grapes.
[Brit. Mus.]
Similar (club on
shield).
8O — III- Amphora ; above,
bow.
THESPIJE ?
[Num. Zeit. ix., PI. I. 18.]
Hemi- drachms.
Hemi-drachm.
45-2 grs.
Obol.
13 grs.
Boeotian shield.
BO — I. Kantharos; above,
club; in field r., crescent;
concave field.
[Brit. Mus. PL V. 12.]
Similar.
BO— I. Similar.
[Brit. Mus.]
UNCERTAIN MINT.
Bronze.
JR., size 2
30 grs.
Boeotian shield.
BOIHTftN. Ornamented tri-
dent, beside which, dolphin ;
in field r. ivy-leaf.
[Brit. Mus. PI. V. 14.]
/E., size 2
30 grs.
HALIARTUS.
M., 6, 133 grs.
Similar.
Similar, but in field r. grapes.
[Brit. Mus.]
Boeotian shield.
API in large letters, con-
cave field.
[Brit. Mus.]
THESPI^E.
JE., 5£, 125 grs. | Similar. | OE^. Similar.
[Brit. Mus. PI. V. 13.]
LEBADEIA.
M.} 5. | Similar. | AEB. Similar.
[Num. Chron. i. p. 248.]
BCEOTIA. PERIOD X. CIRC. B.C. 338 315. 255
ORCHOMENUS.
&., 5, 101 grs. | Similar. | OPX. Similar.
[Brit. Mus.]
PLAT-SA.
2B., 5i, 119 grs. | Similar. | PAA. Similar.
[Brit. Mus.]
TANAGRA.
J3., 5i, 120 grs. | Similar. | TAN. Similar.
[Brit. Mus.]
PERIOD XI. CIRC. B.C. 315—288.
The Boeotians as a body now again stood in opposition
to Thebes, which, with its Macedonian garrison in the
Cadmeia, remained faithful to Cassander. The Boaotians,
therefore, welcomed Demetrius as a deliverer when he
landed in Greece in B.C. 304, drove out Cassander's
garrisons, and proclaimed freedom in Hellas. Foremost
among the flatterers of Demetrius was Thebes, herself so
lately the stronghold of Cassander. The Thebans even
went so» far as to dedicate a temple to Lamia, the mistress
of Demetrius, under the name of Lamia Aphrodite (B.C.
302).24
Notwithstanding all this, Boeotia, including Thebes,
turned against Demetrius when, in B.C. 294, he took the
place of Cassander, and necessarily adopted his policy as
King of Macedon. In the campaigns which followed
Thebes was twice taken by Demetrius, once in B.C. 293,
and again in B.C. 290, but on each occasion he used his
victory with moderation, allowing the city to retain its
municipal institutions, although he took care to keep the
Cadmeia well garrisoned with Macedonian troops. This
garrison does not appear to have been withdrawn until
B.C. 288, when Demetrius, who had then fallen from
the height of his power, presented Thebes with her
freedom, hoping perhaps thereby to attach Boeotia to his
cause.
24 See Xinn. C'hron. N.S. vol. xviii. p. 2G7.
BCEOTIA. PERIOD XI. CIRC. B.C. 315 288. 257
The coins which clearly belong to the period of the
Macedonian occupation of Thebes, first by Cassander and
then by Demetrius, are the following, with Macedonian
types : —
Jf. Stater. | Alexandrine types. | Symbol, Boeotian shield.
[Miiller, No. 751.]
JR. Tetradrachm. \ Alexandrine types. | Symbol, Boeotian shield.
[Miiller, No. 752, Cl. IV.]
. Obol. Alexandrine types. Symbol, half Bosotian
shield.
[Miiller, No. 753.]
.. size 8i.
G2 grs.
JR. Tetradrachm.
JR. Tetradrachm.
M. Tetradrachm.
JR. Tetradrachm.
Young male head
r., laur.
AAEHANAPOY.
Prancing horse r., be-
neath, Boeotian shield.
[Miiller, No. 753b.]
Alexandrine types.
and serpent.
[Miiller, No. 754, Cl. IV.]
Symbol, Boeotian shield
Alexandrine types.
Symbol, Boeotian shield
and thyrsus.
[Miiller, No. 755, Cl. IV.]
Alexandrine types.
Symbol, Boeotian shield,
in front thyrsus.
[Miiller, No. 756, Cl. IV.]
Alexandrine types.
Symbol, Boeotian shield,
in front thyrsus and E.
[Brit. Mus.]
The two coins which follow seem also to fall into this
period, the head of Herakles being later in style than
that which occurs on the somewhat similar M. coins of
Period IX.
M.t size 2.
Head of young
Thyrsus ai
85 grs.
Herakles, r.
them OHI
[Brit. Mus. PI. V. 15.]
J2., size H.
Boeotian shield.
GHBAIHf
23 grs.
T»l tl 1 f> 1
[Brit. Mus. PL V. 16.]
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES.
L L
PERIOD XII. CIRC. B.C. 288—244.
From this time the Boeotian League began to recon-
struct itself, and of the seven Boaotarchs, the representa-
tive of Thebes appears to have been chosen as the archon
of the League.
Ten years afterwards (B.C. 278) we hear of the Boeotians
as taking an active part in the struggle with the
Gauls.
About B.C. 246 they entered into an alliance with the
Achaean League, but in the very next year the Aetolians
invaded Boeotia and gained a signal victory near Chae-
roneia, in which the Boeotians lost their general,
Aboeocritus or Amaeocritus, and a thousand men. They
were now compelled to ally themselves with their con-
querors, the Aetolians, but this did not prevent them
from being fallen upon by an armed band of Aetolians
while they were peacefully celebrating the festival of the
Pamboeotia in B.C. 244. This perfidious attack threw
Bceotia once more into the hands of the King of Macedon,
Antigonus Gonatas, to whom alone they could look for
protection against the Aetolians (B.C. 244).
The coins which on stylistic grounds seem to me to
belong to this interval of independence and autonomy
(B.C. 288 — 244), which was the free gift of Demetrius
Poliorcetes, are the following : —
BCEOTIA. PERIOD XII. CIRC. B.C. 288 244. 259
JR. Tetra-
Head of Zeus r.,
BOI— {THIN. Poseidon
drachm.
laur.
holding dolphin and trident,
268 grs.
seated 1. on throne, on the
side of which, Boeotian
shield.
[Paris. Mion. ii. 'p. 108, No. 59.]
&. Tetra-
drachm.
Similar.
TflN. Similar*
238-4 grs.
(worn).
[Brit. Mus. PL VI. 1.]
/E., size 5.
Head of Pallas r.,
BOIirrnN. Trophy of
Average 110
wearing crested
arms.
grs.
Corinthian hel-
met.
[Brit. Mus.
PL VI. 2.]
M.t size 4.
Head of young
BOIimiN. Winged Pal-
Average 75
Herakles r., in
las standing r., wielding
grs.
lion's skin.
thunderbolt and holding
aegis. In field, r., Boeotian
shield.
[Brit. Mus.]
JE., size 4.
Similar.
Similar in field, 1., 1 •
[Brit. Mus. P1.VI. 3.J 1*
/E., size 4.
Similar.
Similar, without shield or
monogram. Pallas helmeted
and without wings.
[Brit. Mus.]
^E., size 5.
Similar.
BOirrrniM. winged pai-
las running r., wielding
thunderbolt and holding
aegis. In field, r., wreath.
[Brit. Mus.]
M., size 4.
Head of young
BOIHT.QN. Apollo, naked,
Av. 53 grs.
Dionysus
holding bow, seated left on
crowned with
cippus marked with trident,
ivy.
on which and behind Apollo,
tripod. In field, left, wreath.
[Brit. Mus. PL VI. 4.]
PERIOD XIII. CIRC. B.C. 244—197.
The quarter of a century which follows the second
absorption of Bceotia into the orbit of Greek states de-
pendent upon and virtually subject to Macedon (B.C. 244) is
marked by the total absence of any coins issued either in
the name of the Boeotian League or of Boeotian towns.
Nevertheless, the anti-Macedonian party was not idle,
and in B.C. 229, on the death of Demetrius II., an attempt
was made to renew the Aetolian alliance. But Antigonus
Doson had many and faithful adherents in Boaotia, among
whom the names of Ascondas and Neon are conspicuous.25
The latter of these, who held the office of Hipparch, was
enabled to confer a signal favour upon Antigonus, by
persuading his countrymen to spare him on one occasion
when the king and his fleet, stranded by stress of weather
on the Boeotian coast, were entirely at the mercy of the
Boeotian horse (B.C. 228).26
The influence of Antigonus Doson became now para-
mount, and was openly acknowledged in a formal congress
held at Aegium, consisting of Achseans, Boeotians with
Megarians, Epirots, Acarnanians, Phocians, and Thessa-
lians. These were the allies of Antigonus when in B.C.
221 he fought the battle of Sellasia and conquered the
Spartans under Cleomenes. In this engagement the
Boeotian contingent consisted of 2,000 foot and 200 horse.
25 Polyb. xx. 5. 26 Polyb. xx. 5.
BCEOTIA. PERIOD XIII. CIRC. B.C. 244 197. 261
Immediately after this Antigonus appointed Brachyllas,
the son of Neon, to be Epistates of Thebes in acknow-
ledgment of the fidelity of all his family to the Mace-
donian cause.
In B.C. 220 Philip V., a youth of seventeen, succeeded
his uncle Antigonus, and it was not long before he gave
evidence of a remarkable talent for governing. It appears
to have been his policy to interfere as little as possible
with the domestic concerns of the allied states, and to
allow them considerable freedom of action, provided always
that it was not detrimental to the general interests of the
confederacy.27
It may be taken for granted that Bosotia, now virtually
governed by members of the family of Neon, on whom
Philip could implicitly rely, was treated with especial
generosity. It is, therefore, no matter for surprise that
about this time we find the Boeotians once more beginning
to coin money in their own name after an interval of some
five-and-twenty years or thereabouts, during which the
Macedonian coinage was probably the recognised cur-
rency of Boeotia. That this was the case is at any rate
to be inferred from the fact that nearly all the copper coins
which I would attribute to the period commencing about
B.C. 200 are restruck on pitces of Antigonus Doson : obv.
head of Herakles; rev. B — A, youth on horse, beneath
which is the monogram /^ (ANTI). During the reign of
Antigonus himself a general recoinage of the royal money
in Boeotia is, to say the least, highly improbable. Such
a proceeding would have been tantamount to an act of
rebellion. Neither does it seem at all likely that these
bronze pieces were restruck in Boeotia for the first time
31 Folyb. iv. 24.
262
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
after the general declaration of freedom in Hellas by
Flamininus in B.C. 197, for had this been the case the
coins restruck would assuredly have been those of Philip
and not those of Antigonus, who died in B.C. 220.
All things considered, it seems, therefore, safer to attri-
bute to the reign of Philip and to the period before B.C. 197
the bronze coins in question, as well as the silver with the
same obverse type, viz. the head of Persephone facing,
which cannot be separated from the bronze.
These silver coins weigh about 80 grains, and may be
called drachms of a standard, to which for distinction's
sake we may give the name of Aetolian, The origin of
this standard is doubtful (perhaps it is simply the
Aeginetic reduced). In the coinage of the Aetolian
League we find it combined with the Attic, the various
Aetolian denominations weighing 260 grs. (Attic tetra-
drachm), 160 grs., 80 grs., and 40 grs. The same coin-
standard is also prevalent during the same period in
Corcyra, Epirus, Acarnania, and Euboea.
SILVER AND BRONZE, CIRC. B.C. 220 — 197.
78 grs.
M. Size 4.
Average 57
grs.
Head of
phone
wearing
wreath.
Similar.
Perse-
facing,
corn-
BOIfrmiSI. Poseidon,
naked, standing r., resting
on trident and holding dol-
phin ; in field, Boeotian
shield and various letters or
monograms, among which
are the following, Al >AT,
I |'/ 4—1 •— •' L*-\. 7
[PL VI. 5.]
BOIQTfiN. Poseidon,
naked, standing 1., resting
one foot upon a rock and
leaning on trident.
[PL VI. 6.]
BCEOTIA. PERIOD XIII. CIRC. B.C. 244 197. 263
A large majority, if not all, of these bronze coins are
restruck on bronze of Antigonus Doson : obv. head of
Herakles in lion's skin ; rev. B — A ; youth on horse r.
beneath, monogram A|.
M., size 8.
28grs.
Head of Pallas r., BOIfTTON. Poseidon
helmeted. standing 1., resting on tri-
dent and holding dolphin.
[Num. Zeit. iii. p. 825.]
PERIOD XIV. CIRC. B.C. 197—146.
In the wars which ensued, B.C. 214 — 197, between the
Romans and Philip, the Boeotians were among the allies
of the latter; but when Flamininus, in B.C. 197, made
himself master of Thebes by stratagem, a decree was
carried, without a single dissentient voice, of alliance with
Rome, in a general assembly of the Boeotians, convoked
by the Bceotarch Antiphilus the day after the entry of
Flamininus into the city.
Notwithstanding this nominal alliance, a number of
Bosotians fought on Philip's side at the battle of Cynos-
cephaloD under the command of Brachyllas, who was taken
prisoner on that occasion, but released by Flamininus soon
afterwards. Brachyllas was immediately elected archon
of the Boaotian League by his fellow-countrymen, who
thus openly displayed their Macedonian tendencies. Not
long after, Brachyllas was assassinated with the con-
nivance of Flamininus, which so incensed the Boeotians
that they wreaked their vengeance on Rome by privately
murdering about 500 Roman soldiers as they passed either
singly or in small bodies through Bosotia.
Flamininus next laid siege (B.C. 196) to the cities of
Acraephium and Coroneia, which he supposed to be chiefly
responsible for the murders which had been committed,
and all Boeotia became again subject to Rome, being con-
demned also to pay a fine of thirty talents. The Romans
nevertheless still abstained from any active interference
BCEOT1A. PERIOD XIV. CIRC. B.C. 197 146. 265
with the internal government of Boeotia, which yet
remained in the hands of the party opposed to Rome.
When, therefore, Antiochus the Great landed in Greece,
B.C. 192, the Boeotians were among the foremost to join
the coalition against Rome, but were once more compelled
to surrender on the defeat of Antiochus in the following
year.
Boeotia now became a prey to internal dissensions and
disorders of every description, and it became evident that
the old League was rapidly falling to pieces.
On the occasion of the rupture between Rome and
Perseus, the new king of Macedon, B c. 173, two at least
of the Boeotian cities, Haliartus and Coroneia, sided with
the latter, so also did Neon, Hippias, and Ismenias, one of
the Bceotarchs. But when the Roman envoy demanded
an explanation, the government of the confederacy repre-
sented what had occurred as merely the work of a faction.
The Romans, however, gladly seized the opportunity
which now offered of breaking up the League without
resorting to open force. A mere hint that it would best
appear which cities adhered to Rome and which to
Macedon if they would severally and separately declare
their decisions was all that was necessary. The federal
body immediately broke up into a number of helpless
communities, each anxious to obtain for itself the most
favourable terms. This was in B.C. 172. Henceforth we
hear little of Boeotian affairs until B.C. 146, when, after
the destruction of Corinth, the Boeotian confederacy,
which had practically ceased to exist B.C. 172, was legally
and formally dissolved. Some of the Boeotian cities, with
Pytheas, who had been elected Bceotarch, had joined the
Achseans in this final struggle, and Thebes was now
punished by the demolition of her walls.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. M M
266
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
The following are the coins which fall into the period
between the declaration of freedom in Hellas by
Flainininus in B.C. 197, and the legal dissolution of the
Boeotian League in B.C. 146 : —
. 78 grs.
Head of Zeus r.,
laur. border of
dots.
Nike stand-
ing 1., holding wreath, and
resting on trident; in front,
various monograms, &c., of
which the folio wing are in the
Brit. Mus. and Paris collec-
tions, ^, ps^, grapes and
K, % 2S A fir »
M , bipennis and F, & and
crab ? thyrsus and M,
ffl , thyrsus and /\/,
and I,,
., size 5.
[Brit. Mus. PL VI. 7.]
Similar. | Similar.
[Hunter, PL XIII. 14.]
JE., tdze 2.
Av. 27 grs.
Boeotian shield,
on which club.
[Brit. Mus.
Boeotian shield.
BOIHTHN. Similar type.
Trident and
.33., size 3.
Av. 44 grs.
PL VI. 8-]
BOIHTON.
dolphin.
[Brit. Mus. PL VI. 9.]
These coins are much ruder in style and fabric than the
previous series of this type attributed to Period X.
(PI. V. 14).
With regard to the respective values of the silver and
bronze money of Bosotia during this period, B.C. 197— 146,
some light may be gained from a very remarkable in-
scription now in the museum at Thebes,28 by which it
28 Hermes, 1874, p. 431.
BCEOTIA. PERIOD XIV. CIRC. B.C. 197 116. 267
appears that a certain Hipparch named Pompidas, being
insufficiently supplied with funds by the State, and being
obliged to pay the salaries of his officers in silver, was
compelled to buy, or rather borrow, 110 silver drachms of
the federal currency from a banker named Kaphisodorus,
and that subsequently he repaid the amount borrowed in
the same number of bronze drachms plus 25 per cent.
agio, in all 137i -^S drachms.
C7rpia/x,e#a Trapa Ka<£t<ro8a>/30v . . . arvp.fj.a^LKov HA (== 110
& drachms). Thus he records the sum borrowed. The
repayment is noted in the following terms : —
Ka<£uroSo>/3o» apyvpiov trv/A/aa^iKou Spa^jjiwv CKCITOV SCKO, TI/X.IJV
.... XaA*ov HAAAPI-HII (= 137 drachms 3 obols of
bronze, or 137| M drachms).
It is thus evident that the bronze drachm must have
been treated simply as a money of account, and that it had
been rendered legally equivalent to the silver drachm.
At the same time it would seem that although the
Hipparch was able to obtain silver in exchange for
bronze at the banker's by paying him 25 per cent, on the
transaction, he was obliged to pay his officers in silver.
This looks as if in the general financial disorganization
which prevailed at this time in Bceotia, the State had
commenced the issue of drachms in bronze, and had
enacted a law to make them legal tender in the place of
the silver drachms, but that the salaries of the troops
continued to be paid in good silver.
The three denominations referred to in the inscription
would seem, therefore, to be the following, which are more
fully described above.
1st. The silver drachm, weighing about 80 grs. Ohv.
head of Zeus. Rev. BOIHTUN, Nike, &c.
Called tifryvptov trvfiftn^iKov or pouariWt
268 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
2nd. The copper drachm, identical in size and types
with the silver. [Cf. Hunter, PI. 13, ix. and xiv.]
Called Spaxuri \a\Kov.
3rd. The obol, probably the smaller copper coin with
the shield on the obverse, and either Nike or a
trident' on the reverse, six of which were equi-
valent to one drachm.
PERIOD XV. CIRC. B.C. 146—27.
Not many years after the dissolution of the League in
B.C. 146, Pausanias tells us,29 the Romans, repenting of
their severity, restored to the Greeks (the Boaotians we may
suppose among the rest) their ancient republican institu-
tions, «Te<n Se 6v TroAAoir v&rcpov erpaTrovro es iXeov ol Pw/xaiot TJ/S
EAAaSos Kal <ruve8/cna re Kara I0vos aTroStSoaertv e/caorots TO. ap^aia.,
Of course these so-called dpxa'a crwe'Spia were mere empty
forms and shadows of what had in the olden days been
living realities.
Between 146 and the time of the early empire, the
coins which were struck in Bceotia are neither numerous
nor of any great interest. The following bronze coins of
Bo3otian towns appear to belong for the most part to this
period. Some of them may, however, be of imperial
times, but as they are without the head of an emperor it
is more convenient to include them all under one
heading : —
LEBADEIA.
JE,., size 3.
Head of Pallas
AE in olive wreath.
40 grs.
wearing crested
helmet, 1.
[Brit. Mus. PI. VI. 10.]
JK.t size 3.
Similar head, r.
Similar, but ruder.
42 grs.
[Brit. 1
fas.]
'* Faus. vii. 16, 7.
270
ORCHOMENUS.
88 grs.
27 grs.
THEBES.
M., size 2.
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Bust of Hera r.,
veiled, over her
shoulder,sceptre,
border of dots.
[Brit. Mus. PI. VI. 11.]
EP— XO. Tripod, the whole
in laurel- wreath.
Similar.
Similar, no wreath.
[Num. Zeit. iii. p. 869, No. 55.}
Boeotian shield,
on which club.
OHBAIftN. Nike stand-
ing 1., holding patera and
resting on trident.
[Num. Zeit. ix. p. 47.]
This coin may have been struck before the total dis-
solution of the League between B.C. 172 and B.C. 146.
Torch between
two ears of corn
and two poppy-
heads.
[Brit. Mus. PL VI. 12.]
0HBA— HIM. Lyre; bor-
der of dots.
THESPI^B.
yE., size 3-2.
Female head r.,
EflN.
laur. wearing
Stephanos (?)
and veiled ; bor-
der of dots.
[Brit. Mus. PI. VI. 13.]
Lyre; the whole
in laurel wreath.
sze
Head of Pallas 1.
wearing Co-
rinthian helmet
without crest.
[Sestini, Mus. Font, ii., PI. IV. 17.]
Artemis huntress,
COM advancing 1., hold-
ltiilN> ing bow.
PERIOD XVI. IMPERIAL TIMES.
There can be little doubt that the following coins, even
those which are without the emperor's head, belong to
imperial times.
THEBKS.
M.t size 4.
sze .
0HB —
Head of bearded
Herakles.l.laur.
border of dots.
eniApxi-neMmriAO
— Y. Club and arrow (or
rather thyrsus) crossed.
[Brit. Mus. PI. VI. 15.]
0HBAI— UN.
Female headr.,
turretted and
laureate.
eni APXI — neMrm
AO — Y30. Dionysus wear-
ing long robes standing r.,
holding kantharos.
[Sestini, Mus. Font., PI. IV. 16.]
With Head of Galba, A.D. 68—69.
AYTOKPATHP
TAABAC C€B
ACTOC. Head
of Galba r.
eni APxmeMrm
AOY and in an inner
\Berl. Bldtt.
0HBAIHN. Nike on
prow, 1., holding wreath
and palm.
Bd. III. p. 167.]
30 The reading here given is conjectural. Sestini both in his
Plate and in his text has GHBAIHN MFITIAO, which
must, I think, be a misreading. Proke h-Ost. Ined., 1859,
p. 16, in describing a coin which evidently bears the same
name, gives it as €111 APXIH— eMPlflAOY. Mion. ii.,
p. 110, has another coin, obv. head of Herakles, r. laur. ; rev.
272
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Whether the Magistrate's name on the above coins is
Archipemptides or Peraptides we cannot positively decide.
Such a name as Archipemptides, although of course
possible, is quite new. Pemptides, on the other hand, is
a known Theban name.31 If, therefore, we read Pemp-
tides, the legend of the coins must be completed thus € R I
APXI [epews] neMFITIAOY, and we must suppose
Pemptides to have been high priest of the Imperial
cultus (TW Se/?aoroiv) at Thebes in the time of Galba. No
is, however, known on any coin of Greece proper.
2E., size 4.
M., size 4.
0HBAI— HIM.
Female headr.,
turreted and
laur.
[Prok.-Ost., 1859, PI. II. 32.]
eni noAeM. r. K.
MAKPOY. Dionysus
wearing long robes, standing
r., holding kantharos.
0HB— AIHN.
Head of bearded
Herakles, 1.,
laur.
[Kenner, Stift St. Florian, p. 57.]
en noAGM r.K. MAK-
POY. Club and arrow
crossed, border of dots.
These two coins may be attributed to a Roman of tne
name of Gaius Calpurnius Macer. It does not seem im-
probable that he may be identical with the Calpurnius
Macer who lived in the reign of Trajan, and was a corre-
spondent of the younger Pliny's.
Whether he issued money in virtue of his office of
Polemarch of Thebes, or whether the mention of his
magistracy is, as is sometimes the case, merely a state-
ment of the fact that while holding the office of moneyer
he was at the same time Polemarch, is a point which there
WNOKAETIAC, club and arrow. This, I think, must
be anothor misreading for €11 1 APXI HEM DTI AO— Y.
31 Plut. Erot. XII., seqq. See also Keil's restoration of the in-
scription in Boeckh, C. I. GK, 1636, where the name also occurs.
BCEOTIA. PERIOD XVI. IMPERIAL TIMES.
372
is no evidence in this instance to decide. 32 This
remark applies also to the coins reading 6FII APXI[ept'o>s?]
neMFlTIAOY. It is not probable that Pemptides
struck money qua archiereus, but there is no reason why
he may not have been also a monetarius (Polemarch ?) at
the same time.
With Head of Trajan, A.D. 98—117.
AYTOKPAT
UPTPAIAN
OC. Head of
Trajan laur.
eni MAPKOY noAe-
MA eHBAiniM. Nike
on globe with wreath and
palm.
[Sestini, Lett. Num. Cont., t. ix., PI. I. 4.]
The above coin is thus described by Sestini. It does
not seem at all unlikely (when it is remembered how in-
accurate Sestini's descriptions often are) that we should
read MAKPOY for MAPKOY, in which case this coin
would help us to date those of the Polemarch C,
Calpurnius Macer. I would, therefore, in this case
conjecture the true reading to be 6F1I MAKPOY
nOA€MAPXOY.
In addition to the above-described coins of Thebes
which belong to Imperial times, there are numerous coins
of this period struck at the two cities of Tanagra and
Thespiao, the only towns of any importance remaining in
Bosotia in the time of Augustus. The Tanagrsean coins,
like the Theban, are frequently without the emperor's
head.
TANAGRA.
JE., size 3.
T — A Beardless
N — [A. head r.,
border of
dots.
[Num. Zeit. ix. p. 30.]
A]QinpC. Bearded head
of the river Asopus r.
32 Cf. Lenorinant, Mon. dans Vantiquite, torn. iii. p. 103.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. N N
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
.32., size 3.
TANA •
• ,.
IE., size 3,
M., size 3,
[Brit,
size 3
sze
T— A Winged caducous.
[Brit. Mus.]
Pegasus flying r. | T — A. Winged caiuceus.
[Num. Zeit. ix. p. 29.]
Youthful bust r.,
draped, at shoul-
der crooked
staff, in front,
ear of corn ?
Mus. Cf. Num. Zeit. ix. p. 30.
Laureate head r. T — A
N— A.
[Prok.-Ost., 1854, PI. II. 62.]
TANA f PAIO)N. Her-
mes Kriophoros standing,
facing, carrying a ram across
his shoulders.
PL VI. 14.]
Similar.
TANAfP-AinN. Similar.
noiM AN
APOC. Beard-
ed bust of Poe-
mander r.
[Num. Zeit. ix. p. 29.]
.33., size 3. Female head r. T — A Artemis running r.
N — A. holding torch.
[Prok.-Ost., 1859, taf. ii. 81.]
sze £. TANA— FPAI. Avtemis running with torch.
Turreted female
head r.
[Num. Zeit. ix. p. 29.]
Near Tanagra was Mount Kerukion, where it was
related that Hermes was born. Of this god there were two
temples at Tanagra, where he was worshipped respectively
as Kriophoros and Promachos. Concerning the statue of
Hermes Kriophoros, Pausanias (ix. 22) tells us that it was
the work of Calamis. On the festival of Hermes, the
Tanagrsean youth who surpassed all the rest in beauty
was in Pausanias's time still wont to carry round the walls
a ram upon his shoulders, in remembrance of the deliver-^
ance of the city from a pestilence which the god himself
was believed to have thus expelled.
BCEOT1A. PERIOD XVI. IMPERIAL TIMES. 275
With regard to Pccmander, all that we know is that
he was the founder of Tanagra and the spouse of the
nyraph of that name, who was a daughter of the river
Asopus (Paus. ix. 20).
Imperial coins of Tanagra bearing the head of the
emperor are known of Augustus, Tiberius, Drusus, Ger-
manicus, Trajan, Antoninus Pius, M. Aurelius, and
Commodus. The most interesting types have been
already fully explained by Dr. Imhoof-Blumer in the
Num. Zeitschrifty ix. p. 30, sqq.
THESPI.E.
Of this town there are Imperial coins of the Emperor
Domitian only. See Mion. Supp., torn. iii. p. 533.
BARCLAY V. HKAD.
NOTICES OF RECENT NUMISMATIC PUBLICATIONS.
In the Zeitschrift fur Nitmismatik, Band VIII. Heft IV., are
the following articles : —
1. A. v. Sallet. On the oldest Numismatics and History of
Brandenburg.
2. J. Friedlaender. On a denarius of Albert the Bear, Mar-
grave of Brandenburg.
8. A. v. Sallet. On the same.
4. S. Bergsoe. On Danish coins of the eleventh century.
5. F. Bardt. On the Find of coins at Frankfort-on-Oder.
6. H. Oldenberg. On the dates of the older Indian coins
and inscriptions.
7. K. Weil. King Saumakos.
8. R. Weil. On the Parthenos Statue of Pheidias.
9. A. v. Sallet. The denarii of Margrave Albert the Bear, as
Schutzi-oyt of Halberstadt.
Band IX. Heft I., contains the following articles : —
1. J. Friedlaender. The acquisitions of the Berlin coin-
cabinet during the year 1880. The number of coins added to
the collection is not so large as of late years. In the Greek
series is a heavy Aeginetic stater weighing 212 grs. Dr. Fried-
laender supposes this piece to have weighed originally about
224 grs,, and to be in fact a didrachm of the earliest unreduced
Aeginetic standard. If this be so, the reduction of the drachm
from 112 to 96 grs. must have taken place considerably before
the time of Solon, when 100 Attic drachms of 67^ grs. were
equal in value to 73 of the prae-Solonian Aeginetic drachms
averaging about 92£ grs,
The Berlin cabinet has also been fortunate enough to acquire
a good specimen of the didrachm of Alexander of Pherje, in
Thessaly, of which hitherto the British Museum specimen
(Guide to Ancient Coins, PI. XXII. Fig. 21) was the only
example known. The fine head of Hecate or Artemis on this
coin, Dr. Friedlaender, in spite of the ear-ring, ihinks may be
an Apollo.
Among the Imperial coins are two of Antoninus, struck at
Alexandria, the one representing the cleansing of the Augean
stables, the other the slaying of the Amazon Hippolyte.
NOTICES OF RECENT NUMISMATIC PUBLICATIONS. 277
Among this year's acquisitions is a fine Roman medallion of
Antoninus Pius, with, on the reverse, an Artemis of archaistic
style, standing beside her stag, and holding one of its horns,
clearly copied from some Greek original. A large gold medal-
lion of Constans, weighing £ of a pound, has also been pur-
chased by the Berlin Museum.
2. R. Weil. On Arcadian coins. A paper of considerable
interest. The author gives us a complete sketch of the history
of Arcadia, pointing out the various circumstances in which
coins were issued. The earliest Arcadian money was probably
issued from the sanctuary of Zeus Lycaeus at Lycosura, the
religious centre of the loosely connected Arcadian cantons.
The splendid didrachms, with the head of Zeus and seated
Pan, date from the time of Epaminondas, and were struck
perhaps at Megalopolis, the political capital of the newly united
Arcadia. Those on the other hand of Pheneos and Stymphalos
belong to a rather later period (circ. B.C. 362), and represent
the reaction of the Federalists against the Centralists.
Among other points of interest Dr. Weil remarks that the
type of the coins of Tegea, a fighting warrior, in which Otto
Jahn saw Telephos, is in fact Kepheus, an ancient king of
Tegea, and an ally of Heracles against Sparta.
3. P. Larnbros. On an inedited coin of Hypate, the chief
town of the Aenianes. Obv. Head of Zeus, r., laur. Rev.
YHATAiriN, Pallas standing facing, holding Nike and spear,
by her side a shield.
4. P. Lambros. On an inedited coin of Michael Palaeologus,
Emperor of Nicsea.
This coin, which is of copper, bears upon the reverse the
figure and name of St. Tryphon, the patron saint of Nicaea,
who suffered under Trajan Decius.
5. A. D lining. On a Groschen of Sophia, Countess of Glei-
chen and Abbess of Essen.
6. Th. Stenzel. On a Find of mediaeval coins at Grochewitz,
in Anhalt.
7. F. Friedensburg. Tobias Wolff, the goldsmith of Breslau.
8. F. Friedensburg. Tbe Silesian coin cabinet at Breslau.
9. H. Grotc. Sophia or Petrissa. A protest.
10. M. Hartmann. On an inedited silver coin of the Khalif
and Sultan Abu'1-fadl El-'Abbus Ibn Mohammad, and on two
dinars of the JVlamluks.
11. H. Oldenberg. On the chronology of the Kshatrapa and
Gupta Dynasty.
12. G. Hoffmann. On two coins of Ashdod.
278 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE,
BRITISH MUSEUM GUIDES.
A Guide to the Italian Medals exhibited in the Kings Library.
By C, F. Keary, M.A., F.S.A.
A Guide to the English Medals exhibited in the Kind's Library.
By H. A. Grueber.
By the publication of these two works, the Trustees of the
British Museum have, at length, done something towards making
known to the public at large some of those hitherto neglected
works of art which have remained for years safely stowed away
in the innermost recesses of the Department of Coins and
Medals.
Collectors of coins, both ancient and modern, are comparatively
numerous, but until quite recently amateurs have rather fought
shy of Italian medals. There are signs, however, that this in-
difference to a class of works, no less beautiful than historically
interesting, is on the wane, and we think that Mr. Keary 's
delightful little handbook will do much to popularize the medals
of the Cinque-cento period and of the following century among
all students of the history of Italian art.
Mr. Keary's Guide is divided into three parts, devoted
respectively to the medals of the fifteenth century, those of the
sixteenth century, and those of the Popes down to the end of
the seventeenth century. There is also in each of the first two
paits a double classification, (A) under artists, and (B) under
persons represented on the medals. A short introduction gives
the history of the medallic art in Italy from the time of its
founder, Vittore Pisano, who flourished in the middle of the
fifteenth century, down to its decline in the next century. The
process of casting as it was understood and practised by the Cinque-
cento medallists is also here described. This was a process
which fell into disuse when, in the sixteenth century, medals
began to be struck instead of cast, and this is perhaps the
reason why the later casts, made by a less perfect method, are
generally very inferior to the original casts as produced in the
fifteenth century.
Short biographies of all the well-known medallists precede
the descriptions of their works, and useful genealogical tables
enable us to see at a glance what members of the great Italian
families, such as the Medici, the Sforzas, the Gonzagas, the
Estes, and the Farneses, are represented on the medals described
in the work.
This Guide is accompanied by seven excellent autotype plates,
on which forty-five select medals are beautifully reproduced.
Owing, however, to the great size of some of the originals, it
NOTICES OF RECENT NUMISMATIC PUBLICATIONS. 279
has been found necessary in some cases to reduce them by
photography.
Among the medals represented on the plates are the large
pieces of Alfonso V., King of Aragon, by Pisano. The one with
the reverse, VENATOR INTREPID VS, and the king as a naked
youth hunting the boar, upon the back of which he is leaping,
is grandly conceived. The reverse of No. 8, LIBERALITAS
AVGVSTA, is also one of Pisano's most famous works. Here
we see the royal eagle seated on the stump of a tree encircled
by vultures and other inferior birds of prey, to whom he is
magnanimously yielding up his share of the spoil.
Pisano's portraits of Sigismondo di Malatesta (No. 4), of
Malatesta Novello (No. 6), that of Lorenzo de' Medici (the
Magnificent), by Nicolo Fiorentino, and of Savonarola, by an
unknown artist, are some only among many which are equally
deserving of notice.
Among the best medals of the sixteenth century, Pomedello's
charming portrait of Jacoba Corregio, with the inscription,
IACOBA . CORRIGIA . FORME AC MORVM DOMINA, is
a work of the highest excellence.
Benvenuto Cellini's two medals of Clement VII., CLAV-
DVNTVR BELLI PORTAE (No. 86) and VT BIBAT POPV-
LVS, Moses striking the rock (No. 87), are both mentioned by
Cellini himself in his Trattati sopra Voreficeria e la ecultura.
No. 94, of Paul III., reverse, Ganymede watering lilies, by
II Greco, is a striking type, sculpturesque in style. No. 93, by
the same artist, representing Alexander the Great kneeling before
the High Priest of Jerusalem, is, unfortunately, not one of those
selected for illustration. This is the medal of which Vasari
relates that Michelangelo declared, when he saw it, that the hour
for the death of art had arrived, since it was not possible that a
better work could be seen.
Mr. Grueber's Guide to the English Medals, if less interesting
to the artist, will be found invaluable as a companion to the
history of England from the beginning of the sixteenth century
to the end of the eighteenth.
The series of English Medals may be said to commence with
the reign of Henry VIII., whose portrait after Holbein (No. 8) is
a work of some merit. Other medals of this time bear the
portraits of Sir Thomas More, Thomas Cromwell, Anne Boleyn,
&c., &c.
The medals of Philip and Mary are by the Spanish artist,
Trezzo, of whom Vasari says, " This master has no equal for
portraits from life, and is an artist of the highest merit in other
respects."
280 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
During the reign of Elizabeth a great improvement took place
in the medallic art as practised by English artists. This is
manifested in the medals commemorating the defeat of the
Spanish Armada, all of which are supposed to have been pro-
duced by native artists. Among the works of this period by
foreign artists is the beautiful portrait of Mary, Queen of Scots,
by Primavera (No. 27).
The medals of the Stuart family form a very fine series ; but
perhaps the most interesting records of this time are the numerous
private medals, which furnish us with a whole gallery of portraits
of the leading statesmen of the age, both royalist and parliamen-
tarian.
The works of the two brothers, Thomas and Abraham Simon,
consisting of portraits of the Protector and his family, are un-
equalled among all the English medals for the beauty of their
execution.
During the reigns of William and Mary and of Anne it is not
too much to say that there is hardly an event of any public
interest which has not left us a commemorative medal.
"With the accession of the House of Hanover the English
medallic series suddenly loses nearly all its interest, for, with the
single exception of Pistrucci's great Waterloo Medal, there is
not one of any merit between that time and the present day.
The military and naval decorative medals, commonly known
as war medals, commencing with the Battle of Culloden, form a
separate class, and are doubtless interesting in their way,
though they cannot take high rank as works of art.
The chief value of Mr. Grueber's Guide to English Medals
lies, to our mind, not in the intrinsic merit of the medals so
much as in the vast store of historical information yielded by
the inscriptions and grotesque types of many of the specimens,
and in the curious side-lights thus thrown upon events and
characters, by means of which they are often lifted out of the
category of bare facts and names, and become inspired for us
with a living interest.
We note that it is proposed, when the first issue of these two
excellent little guides is exhausted, to bring out a second, which
will be, as far as the text is concerned, identical with the present
edition, but will be accompanied by a different set of plates.
This plan has already been adopted in the case of the British
Museum Guide to the Coins of the Ancients, which, published in
June last, has already passed through three issues, each with a
new set of plates.
Num.
IV. B.C. 456-446
|4
V. B C. 446-4-26
COINAGE OF BOEOTIA. PLATE II.
VI. B.C. 426-395
VII. B.C. 395-387
COINAGE OF BOEOTIA. PLATE: IJJ.
N
um.
VIII B C. 387-374
COINAGE OF BOEOTIA. PLATE IV.
Num. Gban.
13
X B.C. 338-315
XI B.C 315-288
13
K.
16
COINAGE OF BOEOTIA. PLATE V.
Num. aw. SeKfflWJ.Pl.J3n.
XII. B.C. 288-244
XIII B.C 24-4 -197
XIV. B.C. 197-146
10
1
12
XV. B.C 146-27
13
COINAGE OF BOEOTIA. PLATE VI.
Num.
MEDALS BY POMEDELLO
SILVER COINS OF TIBET.
I
XVI.
POLLUX' ACCOUNT OF ANCIENT COINS.
IN offering to the members of the Numismatic Society a
translation, with notes, of the valuable chapter of Pollux
(ix., 51 — 67, and 70 — 93) which deals with ancient coins,
I have found myself confined within very narrow limits.
Anything like a detailed or textual criticism of the author
would have been unsuited to the pages of the Chronicle.
Nor could I hope within a small compass to compress
the discussions and criticisms which occupy 166 pages
(pp. 947 — 1113) of the complete edition of Pollux by
Dindorf (Leipzig, 1824). I have, therefore, taken the
text of Pollux as it stands in the edition of Hultsch
(" Metrologicorum Scriptorum Reliquiae," vol. i., pp.
280 — 297), who, being distinguished as a scholar and at
the same time as a metrologist, is in every way most
competent to settle it. The translation is by my brother,
Mr. E. A. Gardner, of Gonville and Caius College, Cam-
bridge, and revised by myself with the kind aid of
Mr. J. S. Reid and Mr. I. Bywater. I have added notes
which are concerned almost solely with the subject-matter,
and wherein one thing only is attempted, to bring into
closer relations the statements of Pollux and his authorities
on the one hand, and existing coins and the researches of
recent metrologists on the other hand. And this task I
have endeavoured to accomplish within the briefest possible
limits of space.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. O O
282 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
There is, however, one preliminary question of such
importance that I am bound to briefly discuss it. It is
this : What are the authorities of Pollux for his state-
ments in this section ? There can be little doubt that one
of the principal of these was Aristotle, whom Pollux
frequently cites by name, and whose iroXirctat is unques-
tionably the source whence many of his statements are
taken. Other writers, such as Xenophanes, Aristophanes,
and Hyperides, are also quoted by name. Hultsch, how-
ever, maintains that the statements of Pollux, in cases
where he cites professed writers on coins, are taken from two
sources only — Aristotle, and a writer who lived shortly after
the time of Tiberius. The date of this unknown writer is
inferred by Hultsch from his statement as to the Egyptian
talent (see p. 300). And this passage may suffice to prove
that Pollux does in that particular case quote a writer of
the period named. But I have endeavoured to show that
the other statements which occur in the same passage are
probably taken from another and much earlier authority.
This, if it be so, would be enough in itself to invalidate the
theory of Hultsch. And even if I am wrong in this
particular case, there are several statements in para-
graphs 84 and 85 which seem taken from early writers on
the subject of coins, so that there seems no sufficient
evidence to prove that Pollux cites from one author only.
Rather it is probable that he combines the statements of
a number of writers on the subject, taking from each,
without much discrimination, statements which struck
his attention. On this supposition are my notes written.
PERCY GARDNER.
POLLUX' ACCOUNT OF ANCIENT COINS. 283
OF THE KINDS AND DIVISIONS OF COINS; THE TALENT,
THE MlNA, THE STATER, THE DRACHM, THE PENTE-
CONTADRACHM, THE PfiNTADRACHM AND THEIR D I VI-
SIONS.
(51.) It will be worth while to say a few words about
coins also. As regards bankers you have already heard,
as well as about spurious and stamped coin, and there is
nothing to prevent us from defining the kinds and divi-
sions of coins. For Plato1 mentions an art and a
business of money-changing. (52.) If the talent is the
largest denomination2 of gold and silver money, Demos-
thenes' expression, "pentecontatalent,"3 too, would in this
case be fitting. And it is easy to increase and to diminish
the sum according to the established measure ; for we can
speak of a hecatontalent,4 as suggested by the form just
mentioned, and a decatalent, and so with every number,
greater and smaller, where such a course is not hindered
by difficulty in pronunciation or harshness to the ear.
The talent was also a name for a weight,5 whence we find
in Aristophanes — "But will they judge of music by the
talent? "6 and in Homer — " And then the Father stretched
1 Sophistes, 223, B.
2 I.e. the largest unit of account which has a special name.
3 This word does not seem to be found in our text of Demos-
thenes.
4 The adjective 'E/caTovTaXavros occurs in the Knights, line
442 ; SeKaraAavTos is used by Aristophanes, Aeschines, and
others.
5 This bare statement is somewhat misleading ; of course the
talent as a weight is much the older use, but at a later time,
as has happened in the case of our English pound, the word
talent was applied specially to a certain weight of silver, and so
became a measure of value. The older use was never, how-
ever, abandoned.
6 Pollux seems to be quoting incorrectly from memory the
line of the Frogs (1. 797). Kai yap raAai/TO) /U.OVO-IKT; OTaOp.rj<r€T<n.
284 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
out golden scales."7 (53.) Here, it is the name of the
scales themselves. On the other hand, in the Ventures
of Crates — " First of all tell me which of the men comes
up to a talent " — it is uncertain whether the reference is
to value or to weight ; so again when Alcaeus, the comic
poet, speaks in the Endymion of diseases of a talent.
For the talenting (raXavToxris) of Antiphon indicates
weight; so does the ten-talent stone of Aristophanes
in the Dramata or the Centaur. The talent of gold
was worth three Attic gold pieces,8 and that of silver,
sixty Attic minas. (54.) The term was also applied to
number,9 as when the rich man is called a man of many
talents, and what is expensive, a thing of many talents.
Also in Homer — "And there lay in the midst of them
two talents10 of gold." You may speak of a ditalent,
7 Iliad 6, 69, and x> 209. This must be the correct trans-
lation, but " spread forth golden talents " would better suit the
context, with " weights " for " scales " in the next line.
8 Didrachms in gold were issued at Athens for a short period
during the fourth century, B.C. That the term talent was
applied at Athens to six drachms of gold is in itself unlikely,
and we have no proof of the fact beyond the assertion of Pollux.
9 The instances cited by Pollux scarcely bear out this asser-
tion ; the reference in them is to talents as money not as
number. He probably means that there is in that reference a
notion of general quantity rather than a denned sum.
10 II. <r, 507. The Scholiast ad II. j3, 169 (cf. ad ^, 269),
quotes with approval the statement of Aristotle that in the time
of Homer the term talent was applied to any bar of gold in-
dependently of the weight. The opinion of Aristotle, however,
can in such a matter as this have little authority. It cannot in
any case be accepted, because long before the invention of coin-
age bars of metal of fixed weight were the medium of exchange
in Asia Minor, and such have been found among extremely early
remains at Hissarlik. (Academy, xvi. 376.) Moreover, weighing
is especially implied in the word talent. That, however, the
Homeric talent was of small weight is certain, as Pollux shows
farther on.
POLLUX' ACCOUNT OF ANCIENT COINS. 285
as does Demosthenes,11 a tritalent, and a decatalent,
and a hemitalent, as, in Homer,12 " But I will add for thee
a hemitalent of gold."
An ancient usage also was that of the "fifth hemi-
talent " and " third hemitalent " and " seventh hemi-
talent," i.e. four and a half and two and a half and six
and a half talents. In short, whatever be the number of
the hemitalent mentioned, the number before this must
be an integer ; (55) if the seventh, six ; if the third, two ;
and to this must in every case be added the half. The
ancients also liked to call one talent and a half three
hemitalents, as also one mina and a half three hemi-
minas. That the talent was worth little among Homer's
contemporaries can be seen from the horse-race,13 in which
the prize for the third is a caldron, and for the fourth,
two talents of gold.
(56.) The mina14 is the largest division of the talent —
to come down, in the subdivisions of the talent, to one
which has a name of its own ; since you could also speak
of the third part and fourth part, the third and quarter of
a talent ; but such divisions as these are expressed in terms
of number, and not by a name of their own. The mina
also15 was at the same time the name of a weight and of
a coin ; its half is a hemimina ; and if you speak of
11 De Corona, p. 829.
12 II. ijt, 796.
13 II. {ff. 262. This passage has been overlooked by Sir H.
Maine and Mr. P. Laurence (Journ. of Pkilol. viii. 125), who
suppose the Homeric talent to have been a large sum.
14 Talent is a Greek word, but mina is taken direct from a
Semitic language, probably that of the Phoenicians. The Greeks
adopted it from this latter people in the course of their mercan-
tile transactions with them, and adopted not only the name but
the weight also. See Brandis, Miinzwesen.
14 I.e. as well as the taleiit.
286 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
the third hemimina, you will mean two minas and a half.
They used the word mina to form part of compound
words, as Herodotus in his fifth book uses the term —
St'/x.j/a>s ; 16 (57) and Lysias, in his Speech against Autocrates,
writes — " There has fallen to my lot also a contribution of
twenty minas (ciKoo-f/Avus).
The gold stater was worth a mina.17 For in the case of
things weighed they call a mina used as a weight a stater,
and when they speak of the weight of five staters, they are
thought to mean five miuas, as in the Deposit of Sosicrates
— " For when, I suppose, a pale, fat, lazy man, accustomed
to luxury, takes up a mattock of five staters, his breath
gets short." (58.) The stater is, however, also a coin,18
as when Aristophanes says19 — " And we servants play at
odd and even with staters." In the words in the Eccle-
siazmae?® " a salvation of four staters," it is uncertain
whether the reference is to weight or to number. But
16 c. 77.
17 There seems to be only one gold stater known worth a
mina, the gold octadrachm of the Ptolemies of Egypt. If the
proportion of value of gold to silver was 12 £ to 1, these would
be worth 100 silver drachms or one mina. Mommsen, E.M.,
p. 41 ; E. S. Poole in Num. Chron. 1867, p. 163. The statement,
however, may be only an assumption of Pollux made to explain
what follows, which in fact needs no explanation. The stater,
whether of money or weight, is the regulating unit of account,
and that the mina was in weighing such a unit will be readily
understood if we consider the convenience of its weight, about
an English pound. Scaliger amends the passage by omitting
Xpvo-ovs : but this renders it too trite.
18 In many coinages if not all, the coin which was used as
the unit of reckoning was called the stater. Thus the stater
was of gold in the kingdom of Alexander, ofelectrum at Cyzicus,
of silver in Greece. At Athens it was a tetradrachm, at Corinth
a tridrachm, at Thebes a didrachm.
19 Plutw, 1. 817.
20 1. 413.
POLLUX* ACCOUNT OF ANCIENT COINS. 287
Eupolis, in the Demes, clearly refers to the coin — " "With
three thousand staters of gold ; " 21 while, in the Taxiarchs,
he refers to the weight — " Yet, when he was younger, he
had on five staters of cloth, he had by Zeus ; now he has
a good two talents of dirt." (59.) Some staters were
called Darics, others Philippine, and others Alexandrine,
all being of gold. If you speak of a gold piece, the
stater is implied ; but if of a stater, it need not necessarily
be gold. And Anaxandrides, in the Anchises, also men-
tions half pieces22 of gold. You may call a thing of the
value of a stater a stater's worth, as Theopompus, in his
Callaeschrus — " He says the general run of Hetaerae
are not a stater's worth."
The Attic mina contained a hundred drachms, as
is most accurately shown in the Flatterers of Eupolis
— "Put down — dinner, a hundred drachms; well;"
then he adds, "Put down — wine, another mina." (60.)
Clearly, he calls the other hundred drachms a mina.
The drachm contained six obols ; and hence the assess-
ment of an obol in the drachm (tTrw/fcAia) is the sixth of the
value of the damages claimed. And what is of the value
of a drachm is a drachm's worth, as in the Merchantmen of
Aristophanes. Not only was the drachm a coin, but also
the terms pentecontadrachm and pentadrachm were used
by the Cyreneans, and tetradrachm and tridrachm and
21 In the age of Eupolis only one class of gold coin was in use
in the civilised world, the Persian Daric ((rrarrjp Aapcucos). But
the Cyzicene staters of electrum, not pure gold, were also
called xpveroi by the Greeks, and their circulation commenced
as early as B.C. 450 (Num. Chron. xvi. 292), so that the allusion
may be to them.
82 These must have been halves of Philippi, for half- Darics are
not extant, nor the halves of Cyzicene and Lampsacene staters.
288 KUMI8MAT1C CHRONICLE.
didrachm.23 This (didrachm) was of old the coin of the
Athenians, and was called a bull, because it had a bull
stamped upon it.24 And it is supposed that Homer knew of
23 This translation appears to me exact, although the mean-
ing is, like that of the text, obscure. In the time of Aristotle,
who was probably the authority for this statement as well as
for that below as to the stater of Gyrene, the standard in use for
silver coin was the Phoenician, on which standard were struck
tetradrachms of 216 — 192 gr., drachms of 54 — 48 gr., and
smaller divisions. It is also highly probable, as Brandis sug-
gests (Miinzw. p. 125), that the Attic tetradrachms (270 gr.)
struck at an earlier period, passed current among these pieces
as pentadrachms. It is noteworthy that the people of Gyrene
did not issue tridrachms and didrachms in silver, so far as we
know. It seems certain that they cannot have issued pieces of
so large denomination as a pentecontadrachm. Is it, however,
implied in the text that they did so ? This is at least doubtful.
Perhaps we should alter the punctuation so as to make the
passage translate thus : — " Also the pentecontadrachm and pen-
tadrachm (which was also called a tetradrachm at Gyrene) and
tridrachm and didrachm." Ptolemy I. of Egypt struck gold
pentadrachms which may have passed as the equivalent of
fifty drachms of silver and been called pentecontadrachms.
Didrachms in gold on the Attic standard (135 gr.) were issued,
and probably in the age of Aristotle ; but it does not seem
possible that they can have passed as the equivalent of 50
drachms of silver. For Brandis's theory that the drachm at
Gyrene was only in weight half of the Attic drachm (Miinzw.
p. 124) there seems no sufficient justification.
24 So also Plutarch in the Life of Theseus. There is reason
to suppose that this is an imagination of later times, based on a
misunderstanding of the fact that in old Greece, as in early
Italy, before the introduction of coins, sums of money were
calculated in oxen and sheep. So in Homer in the passages
quoted by Pollux. At all events it is reasonably certain that
neither at Athens, nor at Delos, was a didrachm in use stamped
with the figure of a bull. In Phocis and Euboea coins marked
with a bull's head were issued in early times, but it is not likely
that these gave rise to the sayings quoted by Pollux. It is
barely possible that so late as the time of Draco (B.C. 620) fines
were calculated in oxen, as coins were certainly current in
Greece early in the sixth century, and for some time before that
a currency of bars of metal must have been in use. Probably
all early Attic laws were in late times quoted as Draco's.
POLLUX' ACCOUNT OF ANCIENT COINS. 289
this when he said,25 " Arms worth a hundred bulls for those
worth nine." (61.) And in fact we find even in the laws
of Draco, "to pay twenty bulls' worth." And in the
festival at Delos they say the herald announces, when-
ever a gift is awarded to any one, that so many bulls
shall be given to him, and two Attic drachms are
given for each bull. Hence some suppose that the bull
was a coin peculiar to the Delians, and not to the Athe-
nians, and that this is also the origin of the proverb — " A
bull stands on his tongue," when one keeps silence
for a bribe.26 (62.) In Gyrene, however, according to
Aristotle, there were tetrastaters and staters and hemi-
staters, all gold coins.27 Half a drachm is called a hemi-
drachm, and two and a half drachms the third hemidrachm.
You may call the hemidrachm also a triobol.28 Eight
obols, however, were called29 a half-hecte, as Crates says
25 II. £ 236.
28 This saying seems to be a mere oriental hyperbole (cf.
Num. Chron. N.S. xiii. 179). In the passage of Aeschylus
(Agam. 86) where the proverb occurs, the man who utters it
keeps silence not because he is bribed, but from fear. Possibly
/3ovs may have been a cant name for a gag of leather. Cf. too
Menander's saying vs CTTI WTO/AO.
27 This statement is puzzling. At Gyrene in the time of
Aristotle gold was minted on the Attic standard : didrachius
185 grs., drachms 67'5, hemidrachms 83-75, and coins weigh-
ing about 13 grs., of which the denomination is uncertain. Of
these the didrachms would naturally be the staters and the
drachms hemi-staters ; but there are certainly no contemporary
tetrastaters known, for the gold octadrachms struck in the name
of Arsinoe, queen of Ptolemy II., and perhaps current in Gyrene,
date from a time much later than that of Aristotle. They may
have been called tetrastaters.
28 The drachm containing six obols.
29 o>vo/«i£ovTo. They were certainly not called & half-hecte,
but may have been equivalent to one. The half-ltecte or twelfth
part of a stater of Cyzicus or Phocaea was a small coin of pale
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. 1' P
290 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
in his Lamia — " It is a half-hecte of gold, do you see ?
Eight obols."
The triobol and the diobol also were kinds of Attic
coins, (63) the diobol having an owl stamped on it, and
on the other side a head of Zeus ; and the tetrobol, the
head the same, but the owls two.30 The terms tetrobol
and triobol have been much in use ; but the diobol
they generally spoke of divisim as two obols, for instance
Demosthenes31 — " But they would have seen the show in
the two obol seats, but for this decree." The diobol also
occurs in the Aeolosicon of Aristophanes — "And the only
thing I had left in my mouth, a diobol, has become a
dicollybon." 32 (64.) Further, in the Female Campaigners
of Theopompus, to receive a tetrobol is called to tetro-
bolize (to serve in an army) — "Yet who would not
be likely to be prosperous, when tetrobolizing, if now
with merely a diobol he keeps a wife ? " Half an obol is a
hemiobol,33 and what can be bought for that, a hemiobol's
worth, as Aristophanes pays in the Frogs 34 — "And, besides,
electrum, weighing about 20 grs. That such pieces should have
passed at Athens in the middle of the fifth century for only
8 obols (90 grs.) of Attic silver shows that they were held in
low esteem, an opinion justified by the inferiority of their metal.
In the time of Demosthenes the value of a Cyzicene stater had
fallen to 28 Attic drachms of silver (Demosth. in Phormionem,
p. 914). In the Treasurer's list at Athens for the year B.C.
434, we find special mention of a Cyzicene IKTT;.
30 This requires correction. All the silver coins of Athens
bear on the obverse the head of Athene. The tetrobols have
on the reverse two owls, the triobols an owl standing, the
diobols two owls with but one head. This is in the pre-Alexan-
drine coinage. The tetrobol is scarce, the other coins common.
31 De Corona, 234.
" As to the Ko\\v/3ov, see below, p. 293.
M Athenian hemiobols and trihemiobpls are both extant.
" 1. 554.
POLLUX* ACCOUNT OF ANCIENT COINS. 291
twenty bits of boiled meat, of a hemiobol's worth each."
And, in the Anagyrus, he calls three hemiobols a trihemi-
obol — " "With a triheraiobol in his mouth." (65.) Again,
the obol contained eight coppers (x<&KoT), and two coppers
were called a quarter, Terapn/fiopioi' ; and, by apocope,
Toprrnj.6ptov ; [this may also be called a two-copper piece,
StxaA/cov],35 because they were a fourth of an obol, and
four coppers a hemiobol, and six a tritemorion, because they
are three-fourths of an obol. Some also called them tri-
tartemorion, as they contain three-fourths. But, that they
called six coppers tritemorion, can be found in Philemon's
Sardian — " You owe me five coppers, you remember ? I
owe you five coppers ; and you owe me a triternorion ; pay
me my six, and take your five coppers." (66.) And
clearly also in the Pittocopumenus — " Here it is, as you
see. Each of you has paid for entrance a tritemorion ; he
has taken a triobol from us for the four." For, there being
twenty-four coppers in the triobol, there are six coppers
for each of the four, and these six he calls a tritemorion.
When, however, Thucydides says36 — " But about a third
(rpi.Trjfj.6piov) were cavalry," he means the third part ;
and so Herodotus speaks of a third (rp^/topis). But
what Philemon calls Tpirrj^opiov, is sometimes called by
Plato three-quarters (rpiTapT^/xo'pioi'). (67.) That four
coppers are a hemibol, is shown by the same play of
89 Of the extant Athenian copper coins a few only are earlier
than the time of Alexander, and none would seem to belong to
an earlier time than the beginning of the fourth century. The
denomination of these coins is matter of doubt ; but it would
seem probable, from the analogy of the silver tetrobols and
diobols that the copper pieces with type of two owls are tetr.i-
chalci and those with the type of two owls with one head are
diclialci.
36 II. 98.
292 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Philemon — "He poured us out wine at first for an obol,
and after that for four coppers. That makes up three
hemiobols ; the warm water cost a copper."
*****
(70.) We also find five coppers named a five-copper
piece37 (TrcvTExaXxov) in Aristophon's Tnins, or Pan of coals
— " Then he added some liver and tripe, I think, getting
a five-copper piece extra." The <rv/A/?oAov is apparently a
small coin, or the half of a coin.38 (71.) At any rate
Hermippus, in his Porters, says — " I will get the symbolon
from the hucksters ; " and in the Demesmen — " Alas !
what shall I do now with my head shaven in symbolon
fashion ? " 39 Here the half seems to have been shaved,
so that we must either suppose that this little coin was
only stamped on one side, or else that it was divided so
that each party had one portion, the seller and the buyer,
as a pledge that the one had received a deposit, and
that the other still had more to pay (or, that the one
party has received something before payment, and that
to the other party payment for it is still due). (72.)
That its value was small is demonstrated by the
words of Aristophanes, in the Anagyrus — "That very
thing I am troubling about, two obols and a symbolon
under the couch. Has any one picked them up?" and
37 This was probably a silver coin, five-eighths of an obol.
38 M. Beule (Monn. d'Athenes, p. 76) suggests that Pollux is
here in error, and that the o-vp.(3o\ov was really any coin divided
as pledge by the two parties to an agreement, a proceeding
lately common between lovers in some parts of England. This
interpretation would suit the passages quoted.
39 trv/jt-ftoXov KfKapp.evost the meaning of this phrase is rather
obscure ; but Dobree is probably right in referring the phrase
to the appearance from above or in front of a head of which one
was shaven, which would look like half a coin.
POLLUX' ACCOUNT OF ANCIENT COINS. 293
by those of Archippus, in Hercules' Wedding — "The
best of men, and my dearest friend ; but when he was
with me he had not even a symbolon." The KoAAv/?oj/40
was also, probably some trifling coin ; at any rate Calli-
machus says, speaking about those in Hades — " From the
regions where they sell a bull for a collybon," as one
would say, " for an old song." The poets also mentioned
some tricollybon, a small coin. (73.) Those who suppose
that Homer, too, shows knowledge of the " bull," the coin
so called from its design,41 or type, in the words — " worth
a hundred bulls for those worth nine," reckoning the
value of the arms as if by the number of drachms, are
foolish in attributing such a thought to Homer, who
himself testifies that he supposed that exchange did not
formerly take place by coins, but by bartering one thing
for another, as when he says42 — "Thence did the long-
haired Achaeans get them wine, some for bronze, some for
bright iron, others for hides, others for the^cows them-
selves ; " (74) for by opposing the cows to the hides, he
clearly refers to the animal, and not to the coin."43
Some, again, have thought the Peloponnesian coin was
called a tortoise, from its type;44 whence comes the
proverb — "Virtue and wisdom are conquered by tor-
toises;" and in the Helots of Eupolis, there are the words
— " the fair-tortoised obol."
40 The value of this coin is quite doubtful. M.Beule (p. 76)
agrees with Prokesch-Osten that it was a lepton, one-seveuth of
a chalcus, but the latter gives no valid reason for the theory.
42 II. 77, 472.
43 See above, p. 288.
44 The coinage of Aegina, of which the type was a tortoise,
the symbol of the Phoenician Aphrodite, was in early times
(sixth century) universally current in the Peloponnese and the
Greek islands.
294 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
The Athenians also had a coin called a " maiden "
(Kopij), as Hyperides shows, saying that there were offered
to the child of the priestess at Brauron, when receiving
some offering, a " maiden " and a tetradrachm,45 to test
its intelligence, (75) and that, by choosing the tetradrachm,
it seemed already to have some discrimination as to
profit. It may be a Kopr? which Euripides mentions as the
" virgin " coin (TrapOtvos) in the Sciron, speaking of the
hetaerae in Corinth — " Some you will win if you give one
horse (TTUJXOS), some by a pair ; some come for four silver
horses ; but what they really like is virgins from Athens,
when you bring many ; " by the virgins he seems to
mean the maidens, on which was stamped a head of
Athene; (76) whence Eubulus calls this coin in the
Anchises a Pallas. By horse is meant the Corinthian coin,
because it had Pegasus struck upon it.
The Aeginetan drachm being larger than the Attic (for
it was worth ten Attic obols),46 was called by the Athe-
nians a thick drachm, they being unwilling, from their
hatred of the Aeginetans, to call it Aeginetan.
It can easily be seen from the Deposit of Menander
that gold was ten times the value of silver.47 Having first
45 Hence it would seem that the term maiden, which might
well be applied to any of the coins of Athens, seeing that they
all bear as type the head of Athene Parthenos, was in practice
applied not to the usual currency, the tetradrachm, but to a
smaller coin, no doubt the drachm.
46 This statement is not quite correct ; the Aeginetan drachm
was worth rather less than 9 Attic obols, which weighed 101 grs.
Here, as elsewhere, Pollux may be quoting some local rate of
exchange.
47 Not having the context of Menander we cannot say whether
or not his words imply this. But Brandis (Miinzicesen, p. 86)
has shown it to be probable that a relation of 10 to 1 between
the value of gold and that of silver existed in the time of Alex-
ander the Great, and was, in fact, the basis of his coinage.
POLLUX* ACCOUNT OF ANCIENT COINS. 295
said — "I am ever keeping the weight of a gold talent for
you, boy," (77) he afterwards brings in the same thing —
" Happy is he ; for he has eaten ten talents." As to the
name of the obol, some say that spits (6/3eXoi), fit for
spitting beef48 were once used for exchange,49 and that the
quantity of these which would fill the grasp (fy>a£) used
to be called a drachm ; the names, however, even after
the custom had changed to our present usage, survived
from remembrance of ancient custom. Aristotle, making
the same statement in the Sicyonian Commonwealth,
takes a slightly new course, saying they were once
called ofaXoi, 6<j>e\\fiv meaning "to increase," and they
being so called because they were stretched out in
length. (78.) Whence, too, he says 6<^>€<Aeiv is derived
in some way or other. Yet, in the case of 6/3eXos, the
<£, he says, has changed into the kindred letter ft.
The Byzantians having, in fact, an iron coinage, pos-
sessed a small coin called an iron (o-iSapeos),50 so that
instead of "buy it me for three coppers," they said
" buy it me for three irons." Whence also we find in
the Myrmidons of Strattis — " In the baths the day of the
journey (?) all the world, armies of irons." (79.) The
Lacedaemonians also use an iron coinage, of great weight
48 Obviously, spits to roast pieces of beef on ; in the passage
of Herodotus (II. 185) L. and S., following Stephanus and
Kawlinson, translate, " fit for roasting oxen whole on," but the
reason for this rendering does not appear (s.v. /Sourropos).
49 This statement of Pollux, which is confirmed by Etym.
M. s.v. o/JeA/ovcos, has been generally accepted. It should,
however, be noted that on Egyptian monuments the precious
metals occur always in the form of rings ; and our Celtic ances-
tors also used rings in exchange (N. C., 1854, p. 150).
50 No trace of Byzantine or Lacedaemonian iron-money has
reached us. But this may be explained from the perishable
nature of the metal.
296 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
and small value. They blunt its edge with vinegar so as
not to cut (?). Dionysius once compelled the Syracusans to
use as currency tin instead of silver ; and the coin was
worth four Attic drachms instead of one.51
As to the " nummus/' the name of the coin seems to be
Roman, but it is really Greek, belonging to the Dorians both
in Italy and Sicily.52 For Epicharmus, in the Pitchers,
says — " But yet, being goodly fat lambs, they will fetch me
ten nummi (vo/*.oe) by sale ; so good was their dam ;" and
(80) again — " Crier, go and straightway buy me a goodly
heifer for ten nummi." Aristotle, too, in the Tarentine
Commonwealth, says that a coin was called a nummus53
amongst them, on which was represented Taras the son of
51 This statement has much perplexed numismatists, because
the reign of Dionysius is the most flourishing period of Syra-
cusan numismatics, and his money remarkable for weight as for
beauty (Num. Chron. 1874, p. 20). Possibly, during the Siege
of Syracuse by the Carthaginians, a money of necessity was
made of tin, but afterwards called in or destroyed.
82 Varro agrees as to the Sicilian origin of the word nummus,
VOV/A/X.OS being a dialectic form of the Greek vo/xo?, i.e. i/d/x«r/xa.
The term among the Romans was applied originally to the ses-
tertius. Among the Greeks of Sicily, as Mommsen has shown
(Rom. Miinzw. p. 78), the nummus was tbe equivalent of the
litra of silver, which was in its turn equal to a litra or pound of
copper. As to the litra of Syracuse see Num. Chron. 1874,
p. 8 sqq.
63 Mommsen (p. 101) asserts that the type here mentioned is
peculiar at Tarentum to the didrachm (120-8 grains), and hence
supposes that at Tarentum the nummus, which elsewhere is a
small silver coin like the Sicilian litra or tbe Roman sestertius,
the equivalent of a pound of copper, was exceptionally a far
heavier coin. But tbis supposition is not strictly necessary, as
tbe type of Taras is also found on small coins of the weight of
the Roman sestertius, probably diobols. (Cat. Gr. Coins ; Sicily,
p. 209.) The Tarentine nummi are mentioned in the Tabulae
of Heracleia, C.I.G. 5774, 1. 123. It appears to me that the
value as there given, if reckoned on the basis of the equivalence
of nummus and didrachm, is excessive.
POLLUX* ACCOUNT OF ANCIENT COINS. 2!>7
Poseidon borne upon a dolphin. In the Acragantine Com-
monwealth, Aristotle says that some people were fined
30 litrae, and that the litra was worth an Aeginetan obol.M
One might also find the names of other Sicilian coins men-
tioned by him in the Himeraean Commonwealth, such as the
uncia, worth one copper ;r>5 (81) the hexas, two ; the trias,
three ; the hemilitron, six ; and the litra, worth an obol.
The decalitron, he says, is worth ten obols, and is a
Corinthian stater.56 It has been stated above, in speaking
of weights, that some comic writers also mention litrae ;
for not only the Dorians, but also some Attic poets do this,
as Diphilus, in the Sicilian™ — " As to sell all, and have
nothing at all left, except curls, to the amount of two
litrae." And with the litrae Epicharmus mentions other
54 This is not strictly accurate, as the Aeginetan obol weighed
about 16 grs., and the litra 13'5 only, but in Sicily this obol
being foreign may have been tariffed below its value. Below,
Pollux gives again on the authority of Aristotle the value of
the litra as an (Attic) obol and a half, which is almost exactly
the equivalent of an Aeginetan obol. In what follows the litra
and the Aeginetan obol are assumed by Pollux to be equivalent.
55 That is, worth one ounce or one-twelfth of a pound of copper.
But the copper coins of Sicily, as we may see from their marks
of value, were not usually struck at anything like their nominal
weight. They were mere money of account. The copper at
Athens, ^aA/covs, being one-eighth of an obol, was assimilated to
the Sicilian uncia, one-twelfth of a litra. We must accept the
statement of the text with caution, for if the trias is three
unciae, the hexas ought according to analogy to be six : perhaps,
as Jungermann suggests, 8i£a.vra. should be read instead of
56 Ten litrse, 185 grains, are equivalent to one of the Corin-
thian staters or tridrachms, bearing the type of a Pegasus, which
are found in large quantities in Sicily and S. Italy. The Sicilian
litra is fully discussed by Mommsen (Gesch. d. Rom. M., p. 77),
and Head (N. C. 1874).
M This being the name of the play, the word litra would
seem to be introduced as a piece of local colauring. The litra
as a weight was two-thirds of the Roman as, or about 8,875 grs.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. Q Q
298 NrMTSMATTC CHRONICLE.
names of coins in the Robberies — (82) " Like worthless
fortune-tellers, who deceive silly women, getting a silver
pentuncion, others a litra, others a hemilitron,58 and know
everything;" and again — "For I [ — ? placed — ] in my
purse a litra, a stater, a hexantion, and a pentuncion."
The knowledge of these things has something interesting
in it, and perhaps even may not be without use, if even
Xenophon did not hesitate to speak of "sigli," 59 the name
of a barbarian coin. And some say that the danaces,60
too, is a Persian coin. (83.) " Crapatalus " (a fish), too, is a
name of a coin, whether Pherecrates mentions it in jest or
earnest in the play of that name. He says the crapatalus
is a drachm in Hades, and contains two psothiae (crumbs),
the psothia being a triobol, and worth eight ciccabi
(mites ?).
Perhaps some would think it ambitious to investigate
the question regarding coinage, whether coins were first
struck by Pheidon the Argive, or by the Cymsean Demo-
58 These coins can be identified by the marks of value which
they bear, six pellets for a hemilitron, five for a pentuncion,
three for a trias, two for a hexas ; and so forth. The pentun-
cion was actually struck in silver (Cat. Gr. Coins; Sicily, p. 88),
and probably passed current as half an obol of Attic standard,
which was of nearly the same value.
89 The siglos or shekel was the ordinary current silver coin
of the Persian Empire. Originally it was one-sixtieth of a
mina. The type of the Persian sigli is the King kneeling, and
the weight about 86 grs.
60 Or danace. This word, according to Dindorf, comes from
a Persian root signifying one-sixth. Hesychius (s.v.) says that
it was somewhat greater than an obol. It was doubtless the
sixth of the Persian siglos, which is a denomination not existing
in the regular Persian coinage, but among the coins issued
in Cilicia by Persian satraps. Hesychius also says that this was
the coin put in the mouths of corpses to pay Charon with. On
several occasions an obol has been found in the mouth of
corpses.
POLLUX' ACCOUNT OF ANCIENT COINS. 299
dice, wife of the Phrygian Midas, who was daughter of
Agamemnon, King of the Cymajans, or by the Athenians,
Erich thonius and Lycus, or by the Lydians, as Xenophanes
asserts, or the Naxians, according to the opinion of
Aglosthenes.61 (84.) For no one will expect us to
go out of our way to inquire whether the Mityle-
neans struck Sappho on their coins ; the Chians, Homer ;
the lasians, a boy riding on a dolphin ; the Dardans, a
cock-tight ; the Aspendians, a wrestling-match ; the Rhe-
gians, a hare ; the Cephallenians, a horse ; the Thasians,
a Persian ; the Argives, a mouse.62 For such a digression
would be outside the plan of this book, and, besides, others
61 The opinion of modern writers is that the Lydians first issued
coins of electrum early in the seventh century B.C., or at the
end of the eighth ; but that the first silver coins were issued by
Pheidon, King of Argos, as to whose date there is considerable
doubt (cf. Num. Chron. N.S., xv., where is a paper by Mr. Head,
with chronological table). There are no known coins of Athens
older than the Solonic reduction of standard, about B.C. 594.
The earliest coins of Naxos seem to be copied from those of
Aegina. No early Phrygian money has as yet been identified.
62 These statements are of various degrees of accuracy. The
ordinary type of lasus is a youth on a dolphin, that of Darda-
nus a fighting-cock, or cocks fighting, that of Aspendus a
wrestling-match. The coins of Rhegium of the age of Auaxi-
laiis bear a hare. All these are town-arms or civic devices.
The head of Sappho at Mytilene (unless we recognise it on
electrum hectae of doubtful attribution) and the figure of Homer
at Chios appear in Koman times only, and then with the idea of
producing a memorial of eminent citizens, not of giving the
official stamp to the coin. With regard to the Cephalleuians,
Thasians, and Argives, Pollux would seem to have been mis-
informed, unless his text is corrupt. An usual type at Argos
is a wolf, in Cephallenia a ram or a hound, in Thasos a figure
of Heracles shooting. Possibly the Authority of Pollux mis-
took this last figure for a Persian -bowman ; or it may be, as Diu-
dorf suggests, that IlepffTjv is a false reading for 'HpuKA^. In
the same way Kpiov for l-mrov • and \VKOV for /AIT would not be
very violent corrections.
1500 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
have already made collections of such facts. But perhaps
an account of coins should include Croesean, Philippine,
and Doric staters, and the Berenicean, (85) Alexandrine,
Ptolemaic, and Damaretean pieces,63 those whom they are
named after being universally known ; Damarete was the
wife of Gelon, who, when that ruler was in straits in his
war against the Libyans, asked the women for their
ornaments, and melted them down to make coins.
It is at any rate not out of place to mention that the Attic
talent was worth 6,000 Attic drachms ; the Babylonian,
7,000; (86) the Aeginetan, 10,000; the Syrian, 4,500;
the Cilician, 3,000 ; the Egyptian, 1,500, reckoned accord-
ing to the Attic drachm, as also the Attic miiia.64 The
63 All these pieces are extant and well known. Croesus in-
troduced into his kingdom, in the place of the previous coins
of electrum, staters of gold bearing as type the fore-parts of a
bull and a lion (Num. Chron. N.S., xv. 257). In imitation of
these coins, and of the same weight, were the official gold pieces
of the Persian Empire, issued first by Darius Hystaspis, and
called from him Darics. These were in the middle of the fourth
century superseded as the main currency of the world by the
coins of Philip and Alexander. The Ptolemaic tetradrachms
had a wide circulation in the third century, but the hexadrachms
and other coins issued in the name of Berenice II. are com-
paratively rare. Conclusive arguments lead us to see in the
Daniareteia the noble silver deoadrachms of Syracuse of early
style (Xum. Chron. N.S., xiv. 9). For Diodorus expressly
states (xi. 26) that the Damareteion was equal to ten Attic
drachms or fifty litreo (grs. 675), which is just the weight of
the coins in question.
w As the full elucidation of this passage would require a
treatise, I must in the main content myself with references. It
is asberted by Hultsch (Metrohgici Graci, p. 154) that the
author whom Pollux here follows must have lived after the
time of Tiberius, in whose reign the Egyptian tetradrachm,
being much adulterated, passed as a denarius or an Attic drachm,
in which case the statement of the text that the Egyptian talent
was worth only one-quarter of the Attic would hold good. But
jn those times neither Babylonian nor Aeginetan weights were
POLLUX' ACCOUNT OF ANCIENT COINS. 301
Attic talent contained b'O of these minas, the Babylonian
70, the Aeginetan 100, and so on. And as the mina
amongst the Athenians contained 100 Attic drachms, so
amongst the rest did it contain 100 local drachms, whose
in use for coins. And moreover the weights given by Pollux for
the talents of Babylon, Aegina, and Syria (Phoenicia), although
not exact, are more nearly those of an early than those of a late
period. This will appear from the following table : —
Attic
Babylonian
Aeginetan .
Syrian
Wt. accordg. to Pollux.
(Attic dr. =67 J gr.)
405000 gr.
472000
675000
303750
True weight.
(B.M. Guide.)
405000 gr.
507000
582000
336000
Here the weights given for the various talents are those ascer-
tained by induction to have been usual in the fifth century B.C.
Pollux had no such means as we have for arriving at accuracy ;
he had to rely upon writers who probably misled him because
they calculated by the rate of exchange in their own cities. I
mean something of the following kind. At Athens the Baby-
lonian drachm may have passed with the money-changers as
only seven-sixths of an Attic drachm. And any person who
calculated the value of a Babylonian talent on that basis would
make it, as does Pollux or his Authority, equal to 70 Attic
minae, though in reality the value was greater. lu the same
way, in Boeotia, and other districts where the Aeginetan stan-
dard was used, an Attic drachm might pass as six-tenths of one
of the local drachms, and so a local talent be calculated at 100
Attic minae. Of course the amount of agio charged by ancient
money-changers was far greater than it would be now. Yet
even in our days in the Levant it is very heavy. In 1869 Mr.
li. S. Poole found by experience that a Turkish beshlik was worth
at Smyrna 5 piastres, in Cyprus 5£, at Beyrout 6, at Acre 6£,
at Jaffa 7, and at Port Said did not pass at all. It should,
however, be observed that the enumeration of Pollux, though
inaccurate in details, is right as to general proportions. He,
rightly arranges in order of weight the Aeginetan, Babylonian,
Attic, and Syrian (or Phoenician) talents.
The above statement is true only if Pollux' Authority wrote
as early as the days of Alexander. After that time the Aegine-
tan standard fell and was much less in use ; the Babylonian, at
least for coins, also went out of use. Hultsch, who supposes
302 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
value, whether more or less, was proportionate in each
case to the local talent. (87.) The Sicilian talent was of
least value,65 the old one, as Aristotle states, being worth
24 of their numini, and the later one 12, the numrnus being
worth an obol and a half.66
There is nothing to prevent our adding to our discussion
of coins that the Attic writers would speak of xpwaTa (as
money), but that xP^t^ (in the singular) is used by them
for a thing or possession, but by the lonians also for
money ; (88) as also it is Attic usage to speak of Kcp/xara
(change), and not *ep/ua, while Ktpju,a also is used by the
Dorians. It may also be found in Attic writers, as in the
Vine-dresser of Amphis — " a little change (KCP/WX)," and in
Pollux' Authority to be late, is obliged to suppose that by
Aeginetan talent he means the Hebrew, which is excessively
unlikely (Metr. Gr.,p. 154).
It remains to speak of the Cilician and Egyptian talents of
the text. What the former may be, there is no clue ; we know of
no Cilician drachm of 33 grains ; although the later drachm of
Rhodes practically weighed no more. The explanation of
Mommsen (R. M., p. 47) seems to me inadmissible. The
Egyptian talent, which was worth one-fcnuth of the Attic,
may, as already stated, be that of the time of Tiberius ; iii
that case Pollux' Authority for his statement with regard to
it must of course be quite late.
65 The reason of this small value is that while the Greek
talent was reckoned in silver, that of Sicily was reckoned in
copper. The history of the Sicilian talent has been traced by
Mommsen (R. M., 77 sqq.) and Head (AT«m. Chron. N.S. xiv.,
p. 13). Boeckh had already proved (Metrol. Unters. p. 294) from
Sicilian inscriptions that the Sicilian talent was originally equal
to 120 litrae of copper. As the litra was 3,375 grs., or half an
Attic mina in weight, the Sicilian and Attic talents were iden-
tical as to actual weight, only one was reckoned in silver, the
other in copper. Oi the two reductions in weight of the Sicilian
talent, both of which must have taken place before the time of
Aristotle, the first reduced the talent to 24, the second to 12
litrae or numini.
66 See above, p. 296.
POLLUX' ACCOUNT OF ANCIENT COINS. 303
the Cyclops of Antiphanes — " for I happen (to have) some
change." But in the Phil-Euripides of Philippides we
find — " He thinks to rob him of his small change
(icep/x,aTtov) ;" and Plato uses KaTaKCKepfjMTio-Oai (to be turned
into small change) of argument, and Aristophanes of silver
in the Banqueters — " There is not even any silver in small
change ;" (89) and in the Wasps*1 — " The day before yester-
day, having received a drachm (to share) with me, he went
and changed it in the fish-market." In the Aeolosicon he
calls want of change dxep/AaTta. And as in the case of
Kf.pp.ara the old Attic writers very rarely used the singular,
so in that of apyvptov, they avoided the plural. For
rapyvpia, for silver, can be very rarely found in them ; I
have seen it in the Islands of Aristophanes, only that
the play is suspected of being spurious. (90.) But there
is no doubt about the Flatterers of Eupolis, in which he
8ay8 — " They seize and carry from the house the gold ;
the silver (rapyvpia) is plundered." lu the Triphalev,
Aristophanes has apyvp&iov, too — " I asked the women for
some silver (dpyvpuW) ." What is now called a copper
(xttA/cd?), the Attic writers usually call xa^ov, like apyvpiov
from apyvpo9, arid xpvo-iw from xPuo"°St As Aristophanes
savs in the Frogs — "For we do not use these at all,
though they are free from alloy, and the best of all
coin, as I think, (91) the only ones true-struck and
with the right ring, but those wretched coppers
,68 struck but yesterday from the worst die."
w 1. 788.
68 1. 721. This is a very interesting passage, and explains
much in the history of Athenian money. The silver coin of
Athens which has come down to us is almost pure from alloy,
and is very cleanly and strongly struck. It is, however, very
304 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
And more clearly, Eubulus, in the Pamphilns — " First,
taking from him the two coppers (xoAxi'w),69 he sponged
the rust from his hand." And so Oratinus, in the
Thracian Women, seems to have called gold xPl><n/a> —
" Because they stopped the crows stealing the gold (xp^o-ia)
from Egypt." 70 (92.) The copper was a small coin, as we
see from Demosthenes71 — "Not even a single copper yet
up to this day." But common and popular usage calls
the silver coin a copper, as " I have not a copper," "I owe a
copper." This is found, too, in the Persae of Epicharmus —
" Owing gold and copper." Perhaps in case of necessity (?)
one might quote as an instance of the same use in Attic
writers the passage of Aristophanes referring to money in
the Ecclcsiazusae,™ when he says — " I came away with my
mouth full of coppers;" (93) but what follows is clear
enough — " The crier proclaimed that none should in future
receive copper ; for we use silver."
Thucydides73 calls some staters Phocaean, and there
was a kind of coin so called. At any rate Callisthenes
says in his Apophthegtns, that he was surprised by the poet
Persinus writing, when, neglected by Eubulus the Atar-
nian, he had gone away to Mytilene, that he could change
poor from the artistic point of view: it is evident that the
Athenians kept their types unimproved from generation to
generation from a commercial prejudice against any innovation
in a currency which passed in all Greece and Western Asia. It
does not appear that any of the copper pieces used for a short
time during the Peloponnesian War are extant.
" * See above, p. 291.
70 These would probably be the Daric staters, the only gold
coins allowed to circulate in any part of the Persian Empire.
71 In Meidiam.
72 1. 818.
73 IV. 52.
POLLUX' ACCOUNT OF ANCIENT COINS. -305
the Phocaean coins (<£w*ai8a?) which he had brought with
him to greater advantage in Mytilene than in Atarna.74
74 Pollux would seem to be here a little confused, for the
word 0w/caiSas cannot agree with orarijpas, the word orar^p
being masculine. We are probably justified in substituting for it
?KTas, hectae, Phocaean hectae being still very abundant. As
their name implies, they are the sixth part of a stater. They
are of pale electrum much alloyed with silver, and bear besides
a type, which varies, the mint-mark of a seal (phoca). Of the
saying of Persinus we have a curious illustration in an inscrip-
tion published by Mr. Newton (Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit.,vm. 549).
This inscription records an agreement between Phocaea and
Mytilene, whereby the same gold (or electrum) coin shall circu-
late in both cities, and both share the profit. This being the
case, it is clear that Phocaean hectae would circulate at greater
advantage in Lesbos than at Atarna, where they would be sub-
ject to a considerable agio, not being hi general favour on
account of the impurity of their metal. The Phocaean staters
are mentioned not only by Thucydides, but hi Inscriptions, as
C.I.G. 150, but no known specimen is extant.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES.
XYIL
NOTE ON A FIND OF ROMAN COINS NEAR
NUNEATON.
SOME few years ago the workmen engaged in digging a
railway cutting near Nuneaton came upon a small urn,
which was at once broken in order that its contents might
be ascertained. It proved to contain a considerable
number of Roman silver coins, but the exact number can-
not now be determined. What I was at first assured was
that the whole deposit came into my hands during the past
autumn, but on subsequent inquiry I found reason to be-
lieve that some portion of the hoard had fallen into other
hands. Those which I have examined consisted of thirty-
nine Imperial denarii, and with them were sent two coins
of the Cassia and Livineia family (both Cohen, No. 7)
which not improbably came from some other source. The
following list gives the names of the various Emperors and
Empresses whose coins were present in the hoard, the
figures annexed referring to the types as numbered by
Cohen.
VESPASIAN, No. 12, 86.
NEEON, No. 8.
TRAJAN, No. 22, 43 (2 specimens), 93, 104, 106, 145, 175,
228, 255.
A variety of No. 89 in which the figure on the reverse
holds a short wand instead of a caduceus.
Another not in Cohen —
Obv.— IMP. TRAIANO AVG. GER. DAC. P.M.T.R.P.
Rev.— SAL. AVG. in exergue P.M. TR.P.COS. III. Salus
seated, in her r. a patera, in her 1. a serpent.
A FIND OF ROMAN COINS NEAR NUNEATON. 307
Matidia as No. 1, but reading on obverse DIVA MATIDIA
AVGVSTA.
Hadrian, No. 137, 156, 189, 233, 298, 345,368, 476, 514.
Supp., No. 35.
.Elius, No. 22.
Antoninus Pius as No. 108, but TR.P.X. 109, 134, 166,
276.
Antoninus and Aurelius, No. 4.
Faustina the Elder, No. 14, 34.
Marcus Aurelius, No. 40, 213, 288, 353.
The latest of these coins is that of Aurelius (Cohen,
No. 288), which is of his twentieth year of Tribunitian
power or A.D. 166, so that the hoard cannot have been
deposited until after that date. History, however, does
not seem to record any special circumstances in Britain
such as might naturally lead to the concealment of hoards
of money about that period. The deposit was therefore
probably a treasure belonging to some private person who
after having buried it was from some cause or other un-
able to recover it. The district around Nuneaton must
have been fairly peopled in Roman times. The Watling
Street runs within a few miles of the place, and the
Roman Station of Manduessedum, now Mancetter, is also
not far off, where coins have frequently been found.
There are, as will have been seen, a few rather scarce
coins in the hoard. Both the Matidia and the JElius are
in good condition, especially the latter, and it is a remark-
able circumstance that among these coins found in central
Britain there should be one of Matidia presenting a fresh
arrangement of the obverse legend. The coin of Anto-
ninus Pius (Cohen, No. 134) with the Emperor standing in
a temple, and the legend COS II II is also of a scarce
type. With but few exceptions the other coins are of
common occurrence ; but the Trajan with the reverse of
SAL. AVG is, I think, a new variety.
JOHN EVANS.
XVIII.
ACCOUNT OF COINS OF HENRY III. FOUND AT
NEWARK IN JTNE, 1881.
8, AUTHUR STREET, NOTTINGHAM, 27th June, 1881.
DEAR SIR, — I have much pleasure in reporting to you
a small find of coins at Newark made in this county on
the 7th day of June last, upon the premises of Messrs.
Caparn, Hankey & Co., the eminent brewers. Through
the kindness of these gentlemen I have been enabled to
examine a dozen of the pieces, particulars of which are
annexed. The jar or urn under which they were found
(for it was upside down) is quite perfect, as will be seen in
woodcut above. It is of light red, somewhat gritty ware,
turned on a wheel. On the outside are one or two acci-
dental patches of a bottle-green glaze. The coins were as
usual very much oxidized and corroded, but have cleaned
very well, and are, with perhaps one exception, of the
London and Canterbury mints, long-cross pennies struck
in the reign of Henry III. They are of the same class
and types as the hoard of coins found on Tower Hill and
reported upon by you to the Numismatic Society in 1869.
ACCOUNT OF COINS FOUND AT NEWARK. 309
Messrs. Caparn, Harikey & Co., for the purpose of enlarg-
ing their premises, had purchased and were taking down
a portion of what once had been the old gaol at Newark,
and it was in that part and perhaps six feet from the sur-
face where they and the jar were discovered. I under-
stand originally there were in all twenty-eight pennies,
eleven halfpennies, and some broken pieces of coins.
Several of the coins were given by the firm to friends, but
these which I have had the pleasure of examining and the
jar are still in their possession.
I am, dear sir, yours very respectfully,
JOHN EVANS, ESQ. J- ToPLIS.
LIST OF COINS FOUND AT NEWARK.
IIP. Sceptre.
London.
^GNRIONLVK) ....... 2
NldOLa Of LVN) ....... 1
R9TOVD W LVN) ...... .1
Canterbury,
GILBffRT (N CCNT ....... 1
IOf]S CN aWTffl ....... 1
ION ON ....TGR ...... . . 1
RSX IIP. No Sceptre.
London.
ON LVND ...... 1
Canterbury.
WILLGM CN dSN ....... 1
...Tffl ON ..T ......... 1
...... ON ....N ......... 1
Newcastle.
........ Niawa ........ i
12
Halfpence ...... 11
Broken pieces ..... 1"
XIX.
ON THE IRISH COINS OF RICHARD III.
MY first intention in writing this essay was merely to
describe an unpublished groat having Richard's name on
the obverse, and Waterford on the reverse, it being the
only coin known of that mint.
On considering how little information has been pub-
lished respecting Richard's Irish coins, I determined to
describe those I have seen, and to attempt to show how
far they agree with the records which have been preserved.
James Simon, F.R.S., in " An Essay towards an His-
torical Account of Irish Coins," first published at Dublin
in 1749, 4to, describes only one groat with three crowns
on the reverse (PI. V. fig. 96) ; and since his time no
further contributions have been made to the history of
Richard's Irish coins, except the engravings of a few
which will be noticed hereafter.
Simon describes the Roll 1 Ric. III., Anno 1483, as
being t( partly destroyed by time or vermin;" and as
I had reason to suspect that he had printed " troy- weight
of London," instead of Tower- weight, I went to the Record
Office, Dublin, to inspect the original Roll from which he
made his abstract, and my suspicion was confirmed by
finding the words, " pois de la Tour de London."
The heading of the Roll is in Latin, and the text in
Norman-French. In one margin there are many semi-
circular gaps, apparently caused by the gnawing of rats
ON THE IRISH COINS OF RICHARD III. 311
or mice when the roll was closely tied up, and not by
damp. Otherwise it is in sufficiently good preservation,
but the writing is pale.
In the Record Office there are several folio volumes of
translations of the Irish Rolls made in the first quarter of
the present century for the use of the Irish Record Com-
mission. I obtained the translation of the Roll (1 Ric.
III.), and finding it to be more complete than I expected,
I was courteously permitted to copy so much of it as
relates to the coinage. The defective portions are indicated
in the translation by brackets, within which are words
supplied by the official translator with the aid of the
context ; and I satisfied myself that the translation is
correct in all essential particulars.
Simon's abstract is generally correct, but it is too brief;
and as he overlooked some important matter, it is necessary
to publish in extenso the only record of Richard's coinage
which exists in Ireland.
Richard succeeded to the throne on the 26th of June,
1483, and was crowned on the 6th of July. He was prompt
in attending to the coinage, as appears by a writ dated
the 17th of that month, he " appointed Robert Blacken -
bury, Esq., master worker of the money in the Tower,
realm of England, town of Calais, and marches of the
same/'1 and on the day following a " Proclamation touch-
ing the Irish Coinage/' was issued for the instruction of
the authorities in Ireland.
PROCLAMATION TOUCHING THE IRISH COINAGE.
[MS. Harl. 488, f. 238.]
BY THE KING, —
[A.D. 1488, 18th July.] Right trusty and welbeloved, we
1 Ruding, vol. i. p. 291, third edition.
312 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
grete you wele, and woll and charge you that under oure prive
scale, being in your warde, ye make our letters in forme
following : —
Forsomoche as we doubt not but afore this tyme ye have
herd and understande of the grete clamor, grugge, and
complaints which our liege people of this our reyalme have
made, of and upon the coigne of silver, made in our lande of
Irelande, for discording both in weight and in alloy frome the
coigne of sylver of this our reyalme, and the which for lak of
expresse difference that shuld have be graved upon the same,
hath be ignorantly received here within this our royalme, in
stede of suche substantciall coigne as is by good auctorite
coigned within the same, to the universall losse and hurt of all
thoo to whose handes it hath comyn in wey of payment.
Which inconvenience, by subtill and crafty rneanes of coveties
persons, as wele bringing out of this our royalme sylver bullion
in grete quantite to our mynte of Ireland, as ther forging and
streking of the same unto the said deceavable prynte, daily
encreseth more and more, and is like to bring this our royalme,
by process of tyme, to extreme poverte and desolacion, enlesse
that then other due provision be had thereupon in all hast.
We therfore woll and charge you, and everie of you, as to
him it shall or may apperteigne in the straytest wise, that
incontynent upon the rescept of thise our lettres ye see and
provide that on either side of every pece of sylver to be coigned
hereafter within our said land of Ireland, ther be prynted and
set in the mydell thereof a clere and expresse difference fro
that sylver that is coigned here within this our royalme, that is
to say, on the one side the armes of England, and on the other
side iij corones ; damning and utterly destroying all the stamps
and irons, as touching the graving that is in them, wherwith
the sylver coignes of that our land hath hiderto be made and
stryken at any place or tyme ; revoking also and utterly setting
aside all maner power of coynyng in any place within the same
our lande, except our cite of Dy velyn and our cite of Waterforde,
upon payne of forfaitur of all that shall happen to be coigned
elleswhere within our said land, or otherwise, then is afore
expressed, unto the tyme we have otherwise ordeigned in this
behalve. And that ye certifie us and our counsaill, by writing
from you in all spede possible, how ye shall have put you in
devoir touching the premisses ; not failling herein as ye love
and tendre the honnour, wele, and profite of us and of alle our
subgettes. Yoven the xviijth day of Juylle, the first yere of
our reigne.2
2 See " Letters and Papers illustrative of the Reigns of
ON THE IRISH COINS OF RICHARD III. 313
This document, the existence of which was unknown to
me when I entered on the investigation of Richard's
Irish coinage, is important, as its date is eight months
previous to the first meeting of the Irish Parliament
in March, 1483, O.S. ; and it will serve in some
degree to remove the obscurity in Simon's abstract from
the Eoll of 1483, in which he says, "All that can be
gathered from it relating to coin is, that the coin struck
within the Castle of Dublin, or elsewhere in Ireland, by
the king's officers according to the print described (which
cannot be read), shall pass and be current among all the
subjects."3
Mr. Lindsay also was unable to understand (from
Simon's account) the Act, which in his opinion " is
evidently composed of parts of two Acts, and relate to coin
of very different description." 4
There is also a document from which I have copied only
the following items " concernyng the mynte of Ireland."
GOVERNMENT OF IRELAND.
[MS. Harl. 488, f. 242.]
[A.D. 1488, August.] INSTRUCCIONS yeven by the King
our soverayn lord to his trusty welbeloved maister William
Lacy, sent from his highness unto his saide lande in Irland.
Item, the said maister William shall have with him a lettre
undre the kinges prive seall concernyng the mynte of Irlande,
the whiche lettre is directe unto the lordes of the counsaille
there, and he shal ensiste that in al possible hast the content of
that lettre be put in execucion.
Item, to appoynt officers besides the maister of the mynte,
Kichard III. and Henry VII." (edited by James Gairdner).
Published under the direction of the Master of the Rolls,
8vo, 1868, vol. ii., Appendix B, page 286.
3 Simon, Appendix, No. xviii. cap. 7.
4 Lindsay's " View of the Coinage of Ireland," Cork, 4to,
1889, p. 47.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. S S
314 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
with the advise of the kinges counsaill, as shal finde sufficient
suerte for the said office, that is to say, wardeyn and comp-
troller, &c., of the said mynt.
Item, the said maister William shall have with him a copy
of the last indentur and therupon commune with the said erle
by protestacion that nothirg shalbe takyn for concluded in that
matier without the kinges especiall advise and assent, soo and
in suche wise that the mater of the said endenture may be wele
ripe afore. And as for any certain terme to be assigned therin,
the king woll that it be for one yere, to begynne the first day
of Octobre next to coname, and so furthre at the kinges plea-
sure, the charges and emolymentes to be borne and perceyved
rately for suche a tyme above the said yere according to the
said indenture.5
OFFICIAL TRANSLATION FKOM THE ROLL, 1 Eic. III., 1483.
At a Parliament held at Dublin on the Friday next after the
feast of St. Patrick [17 March, O.S.], in the first year of
Richard III., before Gerald Earl of Kildare, Lord Deputy.
Adjourned to Naas to the Monday next after the feast of [the
decollation] of St. John the Baptist [29th August].
Cap. 7. — Also at the request of the Commons. For that
whereas the King's coin is to be made and coined in his land of
Ireland, as well by command [of the King as by ordinance] of
Parliament established and ordained, under a certain impression
and form different from the impression of his coin of his King
[dom of England, having] the arms of England on the one side
with a cross trefoil at each end, and three crowns on the other
side with a [cross trefoil at each end], as is more fully specified
in the said command, act and ordinance, to the intent that it
should remain and rest within [the said land for the benefit] and
good of his subjects in the same. In consideration thereof, it
is ordained enacted and established by authority of this Parlia-
ment, that [the King's coin] in the Castle of Dublin and else-
where in any other place, that shall be legally appointed to be
made and worked by the legal officers or [any of them] under
this stamp, shall be taken and passed among all the King's
subjects, and by the same authority it is ordained and estab-
lished [that if any] person or persons of whatever degree or
condition he or they be refuse, or shall be found refusing to
take in payment [the said coin] legally made, and to be made
and coined in the aforesaid form in any manner of city town
5 "Letters and Papers illustrative of the Reigns of Richard
III. and Henry VII.," 1863, vol. i. p. 45.
ON THE IRISH COINS OF RICHARD III. 315
or market-place or elsewhere in this land [of Ireland], he shall
lose for the value of every halfpenny of the said money so re-
fused twelve pence, one moiety to the King and the other moiety
to the party who will s[ue for the] same, and if it shall happen
that any manner of person of the said persons shall be found
or proved refusing the said coin for payment as is aforesaid, in
any of the said cities or townes, that then the said penalties and
forfeitures of every twelve pence in form aforesaid shall be
received and levied, one moiety thereof to the King, and the other
moiety for murage and pavage of that city or town where any
such offence or offences shall happen to be committed, and the
body or bodies of every of them so found offending shall be
arrested and put into custody and prison, there to remain with-
out bail or mainprise, until the said penalties and every part of
them shall be lawfully contented and paid, or agreement made
for the same, and that by the same authority if any manner of
person or persons of the inhabitants or citizens or burgesses
in any of the cities or towns of Waterford, Wexford, Ross,
Kilkenny, Dungarvan, Youghall, Cork, Kynsale, Kilmallock,
Limerick, Galway, Athenry, and elsewhere in these parts of
this land, in the aforesaid form shall be found or duly by
credible witnesses proved refusing the said lawful money, that
they or he of those who shall be found thus offending shall
forfeit or lose [the sum of] twenty pounds, to be levied and
received of all their goods and chattels wheresoever they be
found, one moiety to the King, and the other moiety [to such]
as sue or will sue for the same on behalf of the King or on his
and their behalf, and if shall happen that any of the said
[persons] and inhabitants or citizens or burgesses of any of
the said cities or towns for the time being, shall resist this
present act and ordinance, or refuse and will not suffer the said
lawful coin in form as it is ordained in payment and currency
amongst them, that upon due proof thereof made by due exami-
nation and sufficient credible witnesses before the King in his
Chancery in Ireland, that such citizens and burgesses of them
who shall thus be proved [offending] shall forfeit and lose their
franchise, until they shall have made fine to the King for such
contempts [at the will and] discretion of the said court, and
that by the same authority it is ordained that this act and ordi-
nance shall not extend in any manner [in prejudice] to the
citizens of Dublin, nor to the burgesses of the town of Drog-
heda.
Cap. 8. — Also at the request of the Commons. For that
316 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
and striking of silver, the current money then ordained [for the]
common profit of the King's liege people in the same, hath been
tor the space and time aforesaid surceased and not exercised in
the land, by which all manner [of strangers] as Portuguese,
Spaniards, Brittons, people of France, and Flemings, frequent-
ing these parts in course of trade who [used] to bring as well the
silver coin used in their parts as other bullion to be stricken in
the King's mint here, and substituting therewith their exchanges
in merchandize by which the common profit of this land was
greatly increased, and especially in regard to the current money
of this [land] conveniently had, and current money among them
the faithful liegemen of the King in the same, and whereas by
the stoppage of the said mint and restriction of the bringing
of such money and bullion by the said strangers during the
aforesaid time, such dearth and failure of the King's coin and
money, and in the currency aforesaid has and does happen
among the common people in the same, that it cannot now be
had either for buying or selling in markets for exchange,
now without great losses for exchange to pay small parcels to
servants, labourers, or artificers, whereby divers and many of
the King's liegemen have gone hence, and daily do depart this
land and leave their habitations desolate and waste, and whereas
the inconvenience and injury of the public good is, nor can it in
any thing be remedied by the order of that kind of mint which
was sent out of England, and limited to the weight of thirty-
seven shillings and sixpence to every pound weight of the Tower
of London to be so used in this land,6 and the causes whereof more
fully appear by a certain ordinance of late made in the great
council lately holden in this land before the said Parliament,
and whereas for this cause as also for the reformation thereof
by virtue of the said ordinance, it is established and ordained
that the weight of every such pound shall be stricken and
[coined] into the number of four hundred and fifty7 pieces which
are thirty pieces in every ounce, and every such piece to be
current and taken among the [liege] people for two pence, still
the said inconvenience is not fully remedied nor the public good
in anything increased thereby, [because that no] manner of
bullion brought to the said mint in cups, spoons, and other
silver worked in goldsmith's work could be received [to be]
coined according to the said ordinance without that the bringer
of the said bullion was put to very great losses to stand the
refining thereof, [and further that the] tranquillity and good of
6 From the word land the following eighteen lines to parlia-
ment are omitted in Simon's abstract.
7 In the Roll, 450 is expressed in Roman numerals.
ON THE IRISH COINS OF RICHARD III. 317
the common people, still by virtue of the said ordinance is
nothing increased but diminished, that in consideration [of the]
inconveniences aforesaid by authority of this said Parliament
it is ordained, enacted, and established that it shall be lawful
for the master or masters of the [mint for the] King's coinage
in this land for the time being to forge, strike, stamp, coin,
caused to be forged, stricken, coined aud stamped for the
[benefit of the] people, and increase as well of the public good
four kinds of silver or monies, to wit, groats, half-groats, pence,
halfpence [in the same] manner as well as in every such place and
places as it is ordained to be stamped by the statute in this
matter made in the Parliament late [holden] on the Monday
next after the feast of St. Katherine the virgin, in the tenth
year of the reign of King Edward the fourth late King of
England, [and by the same] authority that the said four kinds
of coins so to be forged, stamped, and coined, shall be forged,
stamped, and coined, and of the fineness in [and of] such
assay with all such manner of remedies in the weight of
every twenty shillings thereof, for the master or masters afore-
said, the forging, stamping, [coining], and workmen thereof,
as by the statute, act, and ordinance in a parliament of
the said late King, holden at Dublin in the twelfth year of
his reign, was [enacte !] to be used for the right standard
of the groat, half-groat, penny, and halfpenny of the coin then
ordained and called the groat, half-groat, [penny and] half-
penny of the coin of the Doubles, as under the stamp lately
sent out of England by the command of our sovereign lord the
King is [made], used, aud stricken for the said coin and money,
and the same so to be uttered, received, and passed current
among his subjects of this land, different from the stamps of his
coin of his kingdom of England, to wit, the groats, half-groats,
the pence, the half-pence, according to the said command to
have on one side the arms of England with a cross trefoil on
each end with inscription •' Ricardus dei gratia Rex Angliaa et
Doininus Hiberniae," and on the other sideof the same three crowns
one above the other with a cross trefoil in each end bearing in
the circumference of the same the name of the place where in
the aforesaid form it shall be legally forged, stricken, and
coined, of which groats in form as it is aforesaid specified to
be made and coined two hundred and twenty-five pieces with
the remedies aforesaid shall make the pound of Troy weight,
and every of them not cut nor clipped by the same authority
shall be taken and shall pass among all the King's subjects
through and in all this land at and in the value of four pence,
and the half-groat by the same authority shall be made with like
manner of stamp as is before specified of the said groats, with
318 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
the same inscription, or as far as it can be comprehended in the
same, according to the discretion of the said master or masters
or gravers of the said coins, of which half-groats four hundred
and fifty pieces shall make the pound of T[roy] weight, with
the remedies aforesaid, and every such piece of them not cut nor
clipped, by the same authority shall be taken, and shall pass
among all the King's [subjects] through and in all the land at
and in the value of two pence, and the penny by the same
authority shall be made in similar stamps with the said half
[groats with] the same inscription as far as .can be contained
in them according to the discretions of the master or masters
and gravers aforesaid, and of which pence [900 pieces] shall
make the pound of Troy weight with the remedies aforesaid,
and every of these not cut nor clipped, by the same authority
shall be taken [and shall pass among] all the King's subjects of
this land at and in the value of one penny, and the halfpenny by
the same authority shall be made in like [manner] of the said
pence with the same inscription as far as can be contained in
them according to the discretions of the said master or masters
and gravers, of which halfpence eighteen hundred pieces shall
make the pound of Troy weight, with the remedies aforesaid,
and for the tranquillity of the common people it is ordained
[and enacted by] the [same] authority to strike at least the
fifth part thereof and of every such pound into small pieces,
to wit, half-groats, pence, and halfpence, and also by the [same]
authority it shall be lawful for the said master or masters in the
presence of the comptroller or comptrollers of the King's mint
or the deputy or de[puties] of any of them for the time being,
to receive their stuff and all lawful bullion brought to the same
mint in cups, spoons, and other work of [silver] for the tran-
quillity of the common people, which shall be understood of the
fineness of the said standard of the Doubles, and the same to
forge, strike, and coin, or cause to be forged, stri[cken, and
coined] in manner and form aforesaid, and the bringer and
merchants shall have for every ounce of their bullion and silver
out of the mint four shillings and sixpence, and the master and
[masters] twopence, and the residue of every ounce shall be
reserved, perceived, and received by the King, and that by the
same authority it shall be lawful for the governor of this land
for the time being under his attestation as often as it is requisite,
to direct the King's gracious writs to such person or persons
who may know how to engrave dies for the stamps of the afore-
said money, commanding them or him to execute the King's
command in this behalf directed, and that every such writs or
writ by the same authority shall be adjudged a lawful authority
and discharge in law for the sculpture of the same, and by the
ON THE IRISH COINS OF RICHARD III. 319
same authority all and every manner of pieces of silver and
sums of money which have been forged, stricken, and coined,
and the sculpture of the same stamps by the master or masters
gravers and workmen aforesaid, or any of them at any time
from the first day of January last past to the day of the making
of this present act and ordinance in groats, half-groats, pence,
and halfpence, in and of the fineness of the standard of the
money aforesaid, shall be adjudged good and sufficient in law,
and that all and every manner of indictments in any of the
King's courts or before any of his officers or ministers, as -well
against any of the said masters or gravers as also against
any of the said workmen, bringers of the bullion to any
of the King's mints, or any officers or officer employing them-
selves in the said ways, [or] the utterers of the said money for
this cause and occasion in any manner had, and all and every
manner of writs, processes, exigents, and outlawries against
any manner of the said persons on this account made pro-
nounced, or had by the same authority, shall be adjudged void
and of no effect in law.
Cap. 9. — Also at the request of the Commons. For that in
consideration of the great and chargeable costs and expenses
which the good Lord Gerot [Earl] of Kildare, Deputy Lieutenant
of Ireland, and daily trouble which he has in defence of the
King's subjects against the Irish E[nemies] and the rebels, it is
ordained, enacted, and established by authority of this Parlia-
ment, that it shall be lawful for the said deputy during the time
which he has h[ad or] so shall have the government of this land
daily and annually to take, perceive, and receive the issues,
profits, and revenues [daily] and annually coming from the
King's mint or mints, used or to be used in this land of Ireland
by the h[ands] of the master or masters of the said mint or
mints for the time being, or any other manner of officer or
officers of the [mints] for the time being, and that by the same
authority all and every manner of acquittances made and to be
made and delivered by [the said] Earl, under his signet or seal
of aims, to any of the said master or masters, officer or officers,
aforesaid, and for every several parcel or full receipt in their
and for every of their acquittal and discharge of the said issues,
profits, and revenues perceived [and] received, and to be per-
ceived and received in form aforesaid, of the same shall be
adjudged good and effectual in law, and that by the same
authority all such his acquittances thereof severally to every of
the said master or masters, officer or officers, so made and
delivered shall be adjudged and allowed for every of them a
lawful and full discharge of the debt thereof, and of all manner
of accounts to be had thereof, and also in every of the King's
320 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
courts against the King, his officers and ministers, according to
the purport and tenor of all such acquittances, any manner
of thing in any manner to the contrary had, and to be made
and had notwithstanding.
'Cap. 18. — Also at the request of the Commons. For that
whereas there is daily made much counterfeit and false money
and coin, without lawful authority, as well by Germyn Lynch,
late coiner in and very near the purlieus of Waterford, as by divers
Irish kerds,8 in those parts and elsewhere in this land, and by
divers persons of their affinity uttered among the King's liegemen
and subjects within his land contrary to the King's laws, and in
deceit and very mischievous injury to the public good of this
land. Whereupon the premisses being considered. It is or-
dained, enacted, and established by authority of this Parliament,
that it shall be lawful for every of the King's subjects that shall
see or find such false and counterfeit money with any manner
of person, or any such to be uttered in payment among or to
any of the King's subjects or liegemen, to break it and to deliver
it to the possessor back again, and that all and every manner
of letters patent, gifts, grants, and all and every manner of
Acts and Statutes of Parliament heretofore in any manner made
to and for the said Germyn of and concerning the office of
master of the King's mints or mint in Ireland be by authority
of this present Parliament revoked, repealed, and annulled, and
adjudged void and of no effect in law, and that by the same
authority every manner of lord, gentleman, and other persons
who from henceforward shall suffer or be found and lawfully
proved abetting [to] the said Germyn or any manner of kerd
without any lawful authority to strike and make such counterfeit
coin and false money shall be ad[judged in] law as principal maker
or makers of the same, and shall be adjudged in such execution
as the law directs should be executed against them and every of
them for the same.
Cap. 23. — Also at the request of the Commons. For that
whereas James Collynge Clerk has counterfeited the great
seal of our sovereign Lord the King of his land of Ireland, and
by the same has given the King's letters patent and pardon
under the said counterfeited seal to one Geoffrey Arthur, by the
name of the same Geoffrey Arthur, Treasurer of the Cathedral
of Lymerick. All letters under such seal declared to be void,
and Collynge to be outlawed if he did not appear before the
Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas in Ireland.
In Irish cepb, a workman, a tinker.
ON THE IRISH COINS OF RICHARD III. 321
The first type of Richard's coins is the one with VILLA
DROGHEDA on the reverse.
FIRST COINAGE.
GKOATS.
1. Obv. — King's head crowned, a small sun at the right side
of the crown and left side of the King's neck, a
small rose at the left of the crown and right of
the neck, surrounded by a tressure of nine double
arches within a beaded circle. Mint mark, a
rose. Legend, KldTTRDVS x D6U GE7T DRS
EICC7T punched over the letters 6CDW7T, the out-
lines of which are visible.
This coin was struck from an altered die of Edward
IV. ; its type corresponds in every particular with
Edward's Drogheda groat, engraved in Smith's Irish
coins of that king, PI. II. fig. 29, published in the Trans-
actions of the Royal Irish Academy, 4to, vol. xix. 1840.
This coin is of so much importance in the present
inquiry I may relate how it came to my knowledge. It
was as a duplicate in the cabinet of James D. Cuff, Esq.,
and passed in exchange to the Rev. J. W. Martin, who
sent it to me for my opinion as to its genuineness, when I
at once detected the alteration of the die. At the sale of
Mr. Martin's coins it was purchased by the Rev. Henry
Christmas, by whom it was presented to me in 1859, and
now it rests in the Royal Irish Academy.
jfot,. — In the centre a large rose surmounting a plain cross
the arms of which extend to the outer circle.
Legend | a rose POSVI | Dff VJH7V | DIVTOR |
axmeCV | , in the inner circle | VILL | * 7fDR|
OGJ} | GCDA | . Weight 80 grains.
Two groats from the same dies as No. 1 are in the
cabinet of William Gillespie, Esq., Dublin.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. T T
322 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
2. Obv. — Same as No. 1 except that the termination of the
legend is tyYB, instead of tyYBS.
Rev. — Same as No. 1. Weight 28'8 grains.9
This coin is engraved in Lindsay's " View of the Coin-
age of Ireland," PI. VI. fig. 131.
8. Obv.— Mint mark, a rose. Legend, RldTVKDus dGCIxGRTS
XDHS x I] YES. Small rose at right side of the
crown and left side of the neck, small sun at left
of the crown and right of the neck.
Rev. — Legend | a rose POSVI | dGCVma ( diutor |
exmaVJft | , in inner circle | VILL | TV* DE |
OG1} | G.nn I . Weight 31 grains.10
This coin differs from Nos. 1 and 2 in the position of
the small suns and roses on the obverse, and in this
variety of type it corresponds with the Drogheda groat of
Edward IV.,11 and on the reverse it has JRQTStt, instead
of JH€CV» at the end of the legend in the outer circle.
PENNY.
Obv. — King's head within a beaded circle, suns and roses
as on the groat No. 1, no tressure. Mint mark, a
rose. Legend, EIGCar dns+f]YB€CE.
Rev. — In the centre a large rose within a beaded circle
surmounting a cross. Legend, | VILL | 7VDE |
eda | . Weight 5-2 grains.12
Similar to the penny in Snelling's Supplement to Simon,
published soon after 1760, PI. I. fig. 27, which was
republished by Ruding, Supplement, part ii., PI. IV. fig.
20. In the description of the plate, vol. ii. p. 387, the
weight of the penny is stated to be eight and a half
grains.
9 B. I. Academy.
10 George Coffey, Esq., Dublin.
11 Smith, PI. II. fig. 30.
18 R. I. Academy.
ON THE IRISH COINS OF RICHARD III. 323
As there is not in the preceding records any mention
of Drogheda as a mint, or of the type of the groats struck
from three different dies, it is necessary to investigate the
circumstances under which those coins were issued.
The proclamation issued the 18th of July, 1483, within
one month after Richard's accession, appears to be ad-
dressed to the King's Council in Ireland. It mentions
the defect " both in weight and in allay " of the Irish
coins, and charges the Council immediately on receipt of
the proclamation to provide that the money to be coined
in Ireland shall have " a clere and express difference,'*
from the English money ; the new coin to have on one
side the arms of England, and on the other side three
crowns, and " all the stamps and irons " previously
employed in Ireland to be utterly destroyed. No money
to be coined except in Dublin and Waterford, and finally
" that ye certifie us and our counsaill," by writing in all
speed possible, what had been done " touching the pre-
misses."
In the instructions given to William Lacy, in the
month after the issue of the proclamation, he was to insist
that a letter under the King's privy seal, which he was
to deliver to the Council, concerning a new mint in
Ireland, should be put in execution " in al possible haste."
He was also to have " a copy of the last indenture," and
thereupon to commune with the Lord Deputy " by pro-
testation" that nothing concerning it should be done
without the King's assent. The indenture to be in opera-
tion from the first of October next for one year, and
further at the King's pleasure, all charges and emolu-
ments to be according to said indenture.
Those documents show that the King was very desirous
to establish a new mint in Ireland, and at the same time
324 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
to maintain his prerogative that nothing should be done
without his assent.
The Drogheda groat struck from the altered die of
Edward is very important, because it establishes the fact
that the authorities in Ireland were in haste to issue new
money which should differ clearly from the English
money, and so far they put in execution the King's
commands ; it also proves that they did not, at that time,
adopt the type with the arms of England on one side, and
on the other three crowns, and that they disregarded the
injunction to utterly destroy the stamps and irons pre-
viously employed in the Irish mints, and also not to coin
money except in Dublin or Waterford. They not only
coined money immediately at Drogheda, but continued to
do so for some time, as appears from the groats Nos. 2
and 3, and the penny, which were struck from new
dies. It is evident from these facts that the authorities
in Ireland disregarded the letter under the King's privy
seal, the contents of which Lacy was instructed to insist
should be put into execution with all possible haste.
This extraordinary defiance of the King's authority can
only be accounted for by attributing it to the influence
exercised by the Lord Deputy.
The Earls of Kildare for a long period possessed great
power and authority in Ireland. In the reign of Edward IV.
the seventh Earl of Kildare " summoned a Parliament
in defiance of an explicit prohibition from the King, and
that Parliament had passed Acts and levied a subsidy.
His son, the eighth earl, succeeded him as Lord Deputy in
the latter years of Edward IV., and was continued in it
by Richard III." This same earl when summoned by
Henry VII. to appear before him on a certain day,
demanded " written assurances under the seals of the
ON THE, IRISH COINS OF RICHARD III. 325
King and some of the nobles for his security while in
England." On another occasion when " Henry sum-
moned him to England, he took no notice of the letter for
ten months, and at last sent an excuse backed by the
lords of the Irish Parliament, stating that his presence
was so essential to the peace of the country that he could
not be spared." " The story, whether true or not, of his
burning Cashel Cathedral, and pleading, when called to
answer before the Council, that he had only done it
because the archbishop was inside, gives us a notion of
utter irresponsibility, which is borne out by the most
authentic documents." 13
The Lord Deputy from time to time was invested with
authority over the mint in Ireland. In 1467, when the
double groats were coined, it was enacted " that the half-
pence and farthings may be alloyed at the discretion of
the Lord Lieutenant or Lord Deputy." 14 In 1477 Edward
granted at Westminster to Henry, Lord Grey, Lord
Deputy, " the offices of seneschal and treasurer of Heath,
during the life of the said Henry, which was confirmed
by the Irish Act, 18 Edward IV. By this Act the said
Henry, by himself or his officers, may for the future strike
and coin all manner of coins of silver within the Castle
of Trym, according to such fineness and alloy, as in the
Statute for that purpose is provided." 15
In 1479, Gerald, Earl of Kildare, succeeded Henry,
Lord Grey, as Lord Deputy, and that he exercised autho-
rity over the mint is evident by the small shield bearing
a saltire, the arms of the Earl, at each side of the large
13 Letters and Papers of the Reigus of Richard III. and Henry
VII., vol. i., 8vo, Preface, pp. 81, 82.
14 Smith, " Coins of Edward IV.," p. 16.
15 Simon, Appendix, No. xvi.
326 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE*
shield with the royal arms, on the three crown groats and
half-groats of Edward IV.16 The Lord Deputy's arms
are in like manner on a groat of Henry VII.17
Any doubt arising from the preceding account of the
Lord Deputy's authority over the Irish mints is entirely
removed by cap. 9, 1 Ric. III., from which it appears, the
King finding that he could not control his Lord Deputy
or dispense with his services, conferred on "the good
Lord Gerot, Earl of Kildare," during his term of office,
unlimited power over the mints and officers of the mint in
Ireland, in consideration of the costs and trouble he had
in defending the King's subjects against the Irish rebels,
and vested in the Earl all the profits and revenues arising
daily and annually from the mints.
Further provisions in favour of the Lord Deputy are
made in cap. 13, 1 Ric. III. Germyn Lynch, late master
of the mint, and divers other persons are charged with
having made much counterfeit and false money, and it
enacts that the King's subjects, when in the course of
trade they meet with false money, may break it and
return it to the owner. It also revokes all letters patent,
&c., granted tc Lynch and declares them to be void, and
that any lord, gentleman, or other person who shall be
found abetting Lynch or kerds to make false money,
shall in law be dealt with as principals.
The only other matter for consideration is the type of
Edward's Drogheda groat, which was selected for the first
coinage after Richard's accession. This type was ex-
pressly different from the English coins, and had on the
reverse a large rose, the badge of the house of York.
Every other type with Edward's head had the York rose
16 Smith, PI. IV. figs. 82 to 85, and 92.
17 Smith, "Irish Coins of Henry VII.," PI. II. fig. 20.
ON THE IRISH COINS OF RICHARD III. 327
associated with a large sun, the special badge of Edward,
or a cross and pellets on the reverse like the English
coins.
No record is known relating to Edward's Drogheda
groats, but from their type and weight they seem to have
been coined after the double groats of 1467, and before
the introduction of the English type in 1470. The full
weight of the single groat coined in 1467 was 22| grains,
and that of 1470 was 43 '6 grains.
The preamble of the 10 Edw. IV. attributes the
impoverished condition of the people and the dearness of
provisions to the coinage of 1467.18
It seems that when the Drogheda type was coined the
standard weight of the groat was raised from 22 i as it
was in 1467 to at least 30 grains, or in the exact pro-
portion of 4 to 3, with the view of relieving the public
distress. The average weight of Edward's Drogheda and
Dublin groats of the same type is about 30 grains, which
accords with the weight of Richard's first coinage, and
also of the second coinage to be presently described.
SECOND COINAGE.
GROATS.
1. Qbv. — Arms of England on a large shield with a beaded
border, surmounting a cross trefoil, within a
beaded circle. Legend \ RldTTR j DoRSX j
fiRGLI | franc |
Rev. — Three crowns, the arms of Ireland in pale, within a
beaded circle, surmounting a cross. Legend |
domi I FITS : j t2YbaR | nia a rose | . Wt.
80'3 grains.
2. 061;.— | RIOTER | D * Rax | nnGLi | FRTtna |
Rev.— DOJRI : | RVS * | J]YBff | miff | . Wt. 29-5 grs.
18 Simon, Appendix, No. x.
328 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
8. Obv.— Kldft | E * R6CX
Eev.—DOSm : | RVS * ^YBeC | miff | . Weight 28'8 grs.
These three varieties are in the Royal Irish Academy.
The type is engraved in Simon, PI. V. fig. 96, and in
Lindsay, PL VI. fig. 130. No. 3 is engraved in
Sainthill's Olla Podrida, vol. i., PI. XIII. fig. 5.
Those coins have on " one side the armes of England,
and on the other side iij crowns," the type mentioned in
the Proclamation of July 18th, 1483, in addition to which
they have the King's name and titles, as ordered in the
Act for the new coinage, but they do not bear "in the
circumference of the " reverse the name of the place where
they were coined (see p. 317).
The tenor of the entire Act shows that the King was
determined to have a new coinage in accordance with his
express commands, and to put an end to the frauds and
abuses which existed in the mint and elsewhere.
Cap. 7, which is only a preamble, ignores all previous
coinages by stating " that whereas the King's coin is to
be made and coined in Ireland," by command of the King,
and by ordinance of Parliament, " as is more fully specified
in the said command and ordinance " in cap. 8, and
imposes very heavy penalties for refusing the said coin.
Cap. 8 describes the general distress in Ireland,
" within these three years passed," and attributes to the
stoppage of the King's mint, and to the restraint on
foreigners bringing bullion to the mint, the " dearth
and Failure of the King's coin " among the common
people, and also that the public good could not be
remedied by " that kind of mint (i.e. money) which was
sent out of England and limited to the weight of thirty-
seven shillings and sixpence to every pound weight of the
ON THE IRISH COINS OF RICHARD III. 329
Tower 19 of London," as appears from an ordinance of the
great Council lately holden in Ireland.
The type of these coins with the arras of England on
one side and three crowns on the other side is first
mentioned in the proclamation of July 18th, 1483, which
forbids any money to be coined except in the cities of
Dublin and Waterford, and in the instructions to Lacy in
the following month he was to insist that a master of the
mint and other officers should be appointed. The copy of
the indenture which Lacy brought with him probably
contained full instructions for establishing the new mint,
which was " to begynne the first of October next to
come."
It seems that the Council in Ireland did establish a mint
in Dublin, and that the three-crown groats were issued
before the meeting of Richard's first Parliament in
Ireland, the 17th of March, 1483, O.S.
The portion of the Roll now first published shows that
the groat was to weigh 30 grains, which corresponds with
the weight of the existing coins and also with the
Drogheda groats, and that these were the coinages which
failed to increase and did not diminish the tranquillity and
good of the common people.
19 The words in Simon's abstract are " Troy- weight of
London," and in the line following " (the rest of the preamble
is destroyed)," Appendix, No. xviii. But, as already stated, the
actual words are "pois de la Tour de London." The words
"of London" in Simon prove that he had read the Roll, and
his clerical error of Troy-weight was probably suggested by its
occurrence in subsequent parts of the Act, which is correct, for
when Troy weight is mentioned it is never followed by the
words " of London." The next portion of the Act which Simon
says " is destroyed " is important, for without the information
it supplies the coinage under consideration could not be accounted
for.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. U U
330
NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
THIRD COINAGE.
WATERFOKD MINT.
GROAT.
In the year 1858 I obtained this coin, which I believe
is the only one known, and it is now in the Royal Irish
Academy.
Obv. — A shield with plain border bearing the arms of
England and France, surmounting a "cross
trefoil," within a tressure of four single arches,
outside which is a beaded circle, and in the cir-
cumference the legend Elcar j DVS Dei | gETVI |
TCRffX |
Rev. — Three broad flat crowns "one above the other"
surmounting a cross trefoil, within a tressure of
eight double arches, outside which is a beaded
circle, and in the circumference the legend (II VI |
W7Vt | tOOE | FOOED | . Weight 22-2 grains.
PENNY.
Snelling in his Supplement to Simon published a
Waterford penny of Richard, which is reproduced in
Lindsay, PL VI. fig. 132. The type is the King's head
on obverse, cross and pellets with an open quatrefoil in
the centre on the reverse ; it is similar to the Waterford
penny of Edward IV. in Smith, PL IV. fig. 73.
So much of the Act as has been considered is only a
preamble to the ordinance for a new coinage to be made
according to the statute passed 10 Edward IV., and of
the standard to be the same as the double of 1467, with
ON THE IRISH COOS OF RICHARD III. 331
the same remedies as are ordained by the 12 Edward IV.,
" under the stamp lately sent out of England " by the
King's command. This new coin to have on one side the
arms of England with a cross trefoil, and the inscription,
"Ricardus dei gratia Rex Anglife et Dominus Hiber-
niae," and on the other side three crowns one above the
other, with a cross trefoil, and in the circumference the
name of the place of mintage ; 225 groats to make the
pound Troy in weight, and each to pass for four-
pence, a fifth part of the pound to be coined into small
pieces.
Bullion of the standard of the double of 1467 to be
received at the mint.
One pound weight of the new coin was current by tale
for £3 15s., or 6s. 3d. an ounce. The merchant in return
for one ounce of bullion received from the mint 4s. 6d. in
coin, the mint master was allowed 2d., and the King had
a profit of Is. 7d.
The Lord Deputy had authority to issue writs to persons
to engrave dies for the new coin, and all coin made since
the 1st of January last past of due fineness was to be
good in law, and all indictments against persons who held
writs from the Lord Deputy were to be void and of no
effect in law.
This is the only coin of the three-crown type which has
the place of mintage " in the circumference " on the side
with the three crowns, as directed by the ordinance for
the new coin, but the legend on the obverse is not in
accordance with the specification, as the words " Anglise
et Dominus Hibernise " are omitted. It was not possible
to place such a long legend on the die, and the mint
master took advantage of the discretion which he was
permitted to exercise in making the half-groats " with the
332 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
same inscription, or as far as it can be comprehended."
The broad flat crowns are peculiar and very different
from the crowns on the second coinage, from which it
also differs in having a tressure of four single arches
round the shield, and a tressure of eight double arches
round the crowns. The name of the mint, " Wattoor-
foord," is remarkable, because the groats of Edward IV.
and Henry VII. always have Waterford. The full
weight of the new groat, made according to the standard
of 1467,20 should be 22*5 grains, and this Waterford groat,
which appears to be of good silver, weighs 22*2 grains.
Ruding mentions Trim as a mint of Richard, but does
not give any authority.21
Cap. 9. — The King knowing that he could not control his
Lord Deputy or dispense with his services, adopted a policy
of conciliation, and in consideration of the great expense
and trouble of the Lord Deputy in defending the King's
subjects against the Irish rebels, he granted to "the
good Lord Gerot, Earl of Kildare," all the profits arising
from the mints in Ireland, as well as absolute control over
the master of the mint and all other officers ; and in order
to put an end to the issuing of counterfeit money by
Germyn Lynch, master of the mint for many years, and
by divers Irish kerds or tinkers, it is ordained by cap.
13 that every one of the King's subjects who should
in the course of business meet with any false money
might break it and return it to the owner, and that all
letters patent and grants by Germyn Lynch were " re-
voked, repealed, and annulled " in law, and that every
lord, gentleman, or other person found abetting the said
20 Simon, Appendix, No. ix., and page 817 ante.
21 Ruding, vol. i. p. 293.
ON THE IRISH COINS OF RICHARD III. 333
Lynch or any kerd to make money without lawful
authority, shall be dealt with as principal offenders and
be punished according to law.
Cap. 20 was overlooked by Simon when he made his
abstract from the Roll. It gives the name of the priest
who counterfeited the great seal of Ireland, and gave
false letters patent and pardon to the treasurer of the
Cathedral of Limerick and to makers of false coins in the
south of Ireland, one of whom, John Fannin, in 1472,
showed letters patent which were not of record, and were
declared to be void.22
Soon after I commenced this investigation I was dis-
posed to abandon it altogether on account of the difficulties
I experienced ; but after my attention was directed to the
proclamation, and subsequently on finding the instructions
to Lacy, I was stimulated to pursue the inquiry.
In my attempt to give a more complete account of
Richard's Irish coins than Simon was able to render with
the knowledge of only one coin, and a somewhat imper-
fect abstract of the Act of Parliament, I may have failed
in some respects, but the putting together authentic
documents and describing unpublished coins may enable
others to correct the defects in this contribution to the
history of the coinage of Ireland.
AQUILLA SMITH.
K Simon, Appendix, No. xii.
XX.
MEDALS BY G. M. POMEDELLO.
THE medals of Giovanni Maria Pomedello are always
justly admired for their remarkable beauty even among
the many excellent works of his contemporaries, and as
the number of his known productions is limited, and
original specimens are extremely rare, any new discovery
of his authorship can hardly fail to be of interest. I am
anxious, therefore, to make known a medal in my posses-
sion which has not before been traced to him, but which
bears upon it his " sigla," l or device, hereafter to be
described.
The person represented is Charles V., but before he became
Emperor and when he was as yet only King of Spain. Suffi-
cient evidence of this is given by the terms of the legend
— KAROLYS . REX . CATOLICYS-with no further
title ; and as he succeeded to the Spanish crown on the
death of Ferdinand in 1516, and did not attain the empire
till 1519, the period of the portrait must lie between these
two dates. The young King (bust to r.) wears a cap, the
order of the Golden Fleece, &c. Rev., VICTORIA. A
1 Cicognara says, " Aveva egli in uso di porre una Sigla in
quasi tutte le sue medaglie, oltre 1'indicar chiaramente il suo
nome, e per consequenza noi abbiamo argomento di credere, che
alcune medaglie, cui manca il nome, possano essere per la Sigla
existente opere di lui." — Stor. delta tjcultura, vol. v. p. 407.
MEDALS BY G. M. POMEDELLO. 335
winged genius, kneeling on one knee, writes on a shield
suspended from an oak-tree ; above, an eagle bears a
wreath ; in the exergue appears the artist's device. The
diameter of the piece, which is cast in bronze, is 35 milli-
metres. The medal is of some importance, as being the
first of the long series executed for this monarch, and it is
also interesting on the side of the artist, inasmuch as it is
probably one of his earliest works, his first dated medal
being of the year 1519. It is figured in Van Mieris
(vol. ii. p. 49), and is assigned by him to the date 1517, in
which year Charles first went to Spain to enter on his
sovereignty. The medal, according to Van Mieris, cele-
brates the victories gained by the troops of Charles over
those of Gelderland. The Duke of this province had been
almost constantly at war with Maximilian, the grandfather
of Charles.
The singular device which alone affords the clue to the
authorship of the medal appears to be an apple (pomello,
pomedello) traversed by a monogram, varying slightly in
form in different specimens, but which can only be con-
strued into the five letters— Z, V, I, A, and N. As
Pomedello appears to have worked much in Venice, it has
been plausibly suggested that the combination may mean
ZAN or ZVAN, the Venetian pronunciation of the name
Giovan. It is, however, quite as likely that it may
stand for NANNI, an abbreviation of the same name.
In addition to the device and monogram, a small instru-
ment, perhaps a chasing-tool, is to be seen lying on either
side. The form of the apple is so unnatural, and the
monogram is so obscure, that its ownership could hardly
have been traced but for the fact that it is accompanied by
Pomedello's full signature in the case of three of his
medals, representing (1) a certain Canossa ; (2) Stefano
336 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Magno, a patrician of Venice ; and (3) Giovanni Erao,
also a Venetian, and " Veronae Prater."
M. Armand publishes (Med. ItaL, 1879) eight medals
by Pomedello, to which total M. Friedlaender, in the last
number of the Jahrbuch, has added two, one of these being
a small portrait of the artist himself, but unsigned. M.
Friedlaender has also been the first to give a plate of the
Canossa medal (in the Imperial collection at Vienna), the
previous knowledge of which had only been derived from
the account of Cicognara. On this piece the device, which
always appears on the reverse side, is not accompanied by
the chasing-tools.
There is still another medal to be added to the list, the
discovery of which was made at the time of the sale of the
His de la Salle collection last year — a collection singularly
rich in fine specimens by Pomedello. This represents
Charles the Fifth's great rival, Francis I. It is figured in
the Tresor de Num. Mid. Fran., PI. VII., 4, having on
the reverse a vase containing a salamander in the flames —
NVTBISCO . EXTINGVO— under which appears the
same Pomedello mark, quite distinguishable in the
illustration. As Francis is styled King, the medal
cannot be earlier than 1515, and as he, like Charles, is
represented without hair on the face, it is probably not
later than 1521, at which time he is said to have worn
a beard to hide the scar of a wound.
Having, then, portrait-medals of these two foreign
potentates by a Veronese artist, we are led to inquire
how he came to be employed in their execution. There
seems to be no trace of Charles having been in Italy
before he became Emperor, so that we must conclude
that Pomedello was engaged at his court either in the
Netherlands or in Spain. If so, he probably produced
MEDALS BY O. M. POMEDELLO. 337
other medals of distinguished persons at the same time
and place. On page 46 of the same volume, and under
the same date, Van Mieris gives another larger medal of
Charles with the same legend, having on the other side a
portrait of Maximilian. This work may not improbably
have come from the hand of Pomedello, for it resembles to
some extent the Canossa medal, which is the only signed
example of Pomedello's reaching the dimensions of a
medallion.
It remains to be ascertained whether this portrait of
Francis was executed in Italy, or at the French Court.
Taking eleven, then, as the present limit of Pomedello's
authenticated works, we find three bearing both his
signature and device, four with his signature without the
device, and four with the device only, these last being
two of Isabella Sessi, a Venetian lady, one of Francis I.,
and one of Charles V. The medalet of Pomedello himself,
without either, must remain for the present in the rank of
attributions.
It should be added that some engravings by Pome-
dello, bearing the date 1534, are signed with the apple
and monogram, without the chasing- tools. These en-
gravings, executed later in his life, are said to be far
inferior to his medals.
Fig. 1 in the accompanying plate (XIV.) is the medal
of Charles V. Figs. 2 and 3, also taken from specimens
in the writer's collection, represent Pomedello's larger
medal of the Isabella Sessi above-mentioned, and that of
Frederick II., fifth Marquis of Mantua. Of this Isabella
little is known, but it appears from the legend —
ISABELLA . SESSA . MICHAEL . VENETA— that
she was the wife of one of the Michieli, a distinguished
family of Venice. The seated figure, personifying
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. X X
338 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
Fortune, on the reverse, holds in her right hand three
large nails, and in the left a horse's bit, her right foot
resting on a skull, and her left on a richly ornamented
helmet. The treatment of the hair, floating forwards in
a tress fastened above the forehead, is exceptional, as also
the Greek legend, EK HALAI MOI MHNIZOMENH.
In the exergue, the " sigla," corresponding to that on
the medal of Charles, is plainly distinguishable. The
diameter of this fine example is 46 mm.
In the smaller medal (diameter 30 mm.} of the same
person, published by Friedlaender (Taf. xix. 6), the head
is turned to the right, and the AETERNA . FORTVNA
is undraped and standing, but all the peculiarities and
accompaniments are repeated. The apple and monogram
here appear in the field, instead of in the exergue.
Cicognara speaks of the medal of Isabella as " degna
de' primi artisti del secolo," and regards the "figura
ignuda " of the reverse as a representation of Temperance.
He evidently refers to the larger medal, for though the
figure is only partially nude, the legend in the smaller
piece shows the personification of Fortune to be intended.
" E riscontrarsi/' he adds, " in questa la sigla indicata
senza che siavi il nome dell' autore ; ma non tanto per la
cifra come per lo stile sembra doverglisi assegnare senza
alcun dubbio." He reserves, however, his highest praise
for the medal of Stefano Magno, executed in 1519, which
he describes as Pomedello's chef d'ceuvre, and as being
unsurpassed in this branch of art.
The third medal (diameter 40 mm], of which an illustra-
tion is given, is that of Frederick II., of Gonzaga, who
was born in 1500, and became fifth Marquis of Mantua
in 1519t In 1530 he was created Duke of Mantua by
Charles V., and he lived till 1540. It is clear, then, from
MEDALS BY G. M. POMEDEI.LO. 339
his title in the legend— FEDERICVS . II . MARCIIIO .
MANTVAE . V — that the medal was executed between
the years 1519 and 1530. The reverse exhibits a temple
on the summit of a mountain (Olympus), above which is
inscribed FIDES. In the exergue the artist has placed
his name, IOANES . MARIA . POMED . F. The whole
is enclosed within an olive- wreath.
The reverse in each case is seen by turning the medal
from right to left, and is not placed in an inverse position
to the portrait, after the manner of some medallists of
this time. The relief employed is remarkably low, and
like the rest of Pomedello's works of the kind, all the
medals are cast from the model. This operation has been
so skilfully performed that they have not needed subse-
quent chasing, a fact which should not be lost sight of in
estimating the almost incomparable merit of the artist.
T. WHITCOMBE GREENE.
XXI.
THE SILVER COINAGE OF TIBET.
NEPAL and China have always provided for the wants of
Tibet in regard to the coinage, and their influence is
conspicuous even when the coins were struck within the
Tibetan frontiers. As the series of these coi ns illustrates
in the most interesting manner the chief political events
of the end of the last century in those countries, the
present notice has been compiled from the coins which
I have classified in preparing my catalogue of the Coins
of Far-Eastern Asia in the Collections of the British
Museum.
Previously to the extension to Tibet of the Indian
Rupee, which gradually supersedes the old system, the
silver currency consisted of ancient mohurs (= 8 anna
piece, the Mohammedan half rupee) of the last century,
struck in Nepal by the former Rajas of Kathmandu, Bhat-
gaon, and Patan,1 of rare silver pieces Tibeto-Nepalese,
1 For practical purposes the Nepalese mohurs were in Tibet cut in pieces
of 3, 2, I, and Father Hue has brought back in 1847 to the Cabinet des
Medailles, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, a set of the fractions and an
entire monur. The impressions, which have been kindly sent to me by Mr.
Ernest Babelon, of the Cabinet des Medailles, with their names, Karmanga,
Tcheptchet, Chogan, and Tcfianyka, as written by Father Hue (in French
orthography), show that the parts are from Patan coins, and the entire is
a Bhatgaon one. The British Museum Collection contains a set of the same
kind, one entire and three pieces, but without indication as to the traveller
who brought them back. Pundit Nain Singh, in the report of his journey to
Lhasa (1867), says : " The current coin of the country is a silver piece called
Naktang, 2^ of which pieces being the equivalent of one rupee. The silver
pieces are cut into halves or into three pieces, the half-pieces are called Chikyah,
and £ of the Naktang is called Karma, and f of the Naktang is called
ShnJcang or Miscal. There is also a large lump of silver, bearing the seal of
the Chinese Emperor, the value of which is equal to 333 Naktangs called
Dojfih or Kuras." See Report of a Route- Surrey mi'de by Pundit * * * —
from Nepal to Lhasa, and thence through the Upper Valley of the Brama-
poutra to its source, by Capt. T. G. Montgomerie, iujourn. It. Geogr. Hoc. vol.
THE SILVER COINAGE OF TIBET. 341
of silver pieces Tibeto-Chinese, and of silver lumps of
Chinese origin used by weight.2
xxxviii. p. 173. This information from independent sources is so far exact,
that with the help of the two dictionaries of Rev. II. A. Jaeschke (A Romanized
Tibet/in and English Dictionary, Lith. Kyelang in British Lahoul, 1866, 8vo.,
and A Tibetan and English Dictionary with special reference to the prevailing
dialects ; prepared and published at the charge of the Secretary of State for
India in Council, London, 1881, 4to.), I have been able to trace hack to their
written original form, these spoken words so widely differentiated from their
orthography. TchangJca (Hue) or Tchran-ka (Baber) is (with the phonetic
decay of the lingual t) the word tdng-ka borrowed from Hindustani, used in
Eastern Tibet for a coin having a value of about six annas. (See Rom. Diet.
p. 129). On the extension of the word, see the interesting remarks of a
well known scholar Mr. A. Wylie, in Journ. Shanghai L>t. and Scient. Soe.
(Shanghai, 1858, 8vo.) pp. 68-69. — Naktang of the Pundit is Nags-tkydng
used in Western Tibet for cash . (See Jaeschke, Rom. Diet. p. 82) . — Karmanga
of F. Hue, Karma of the Pundit, show the process by which the real word
skar-lnd = % rupee (see Diet. Tibet, p. 20), receives a popular etymology by
attraction from skdr-ma = star.—Tcheptchet of F. Hue, Chikyah of the
Pundit, is p'yed-brgyad for p' yed-dan-brgyad, hence subst. half a rupee,
in central provinces (ibid. p. 352). The extraordinary alterations of this word
are regular according to the phonetic laws of alteration on the two sides of
the country.— Chogan of F. Hue, Shokang of the Pundit, is zo-gan = § rupee
(ibid. p. 478). Miscal is probably according to Col. Yule a transfer of the
Arabic.— Doja h of the Pundit is the Tdo-t'sdd (= yam- bit, ita-Tinig-tna), a bar
of silver- bullion, of about 156* tolas (4 pounds) in weight, the common
medium of barter in Central Asia (ibid. p. 287.)
2 Csoma Korosi in 1833 states that the English rupee circulates freely
through Western Tibet. (Prinsep and Thomas, Indian Antiquities, vol. ii.
S. 31, U.T.) Father Desgodins on the Eastern side writes: "La Chine rec,oit
u Thibet : de 1' argent en grande quantite, et dans cet argent beaucoup de
roupies anglaises de 1'Inde qui sont fondues et remises en globules ou lingots
par les Chinois; elles n'ont plus cours a 1'Est de Ta-tsien-lou. Sur la
grande route du Thibet elles ne se pesent pas ; elles comptent pour A d'once
chinoise, ce qui vont 2 fr. 25, 2 fr. 30 ; ailleurs elles se pesent comme tout
autre argent." See La Mission du Thibet de 1855-1870 (Verdun, 1872,
8vo.), p. 304. — Mr. Colborne Baber, of H. B. M. Legation at Peking, who
has travelled lately on the Eastern borders of Tibet, says (MS. note of Col.
Yule): "A coin is called in Tibetan Tchran-Ka. Rupees are called Pei-
ling Tchran-Ka, i.e. English coins." I find in Rev. H. A. Jaeschke's
Dictionary of the Tibetan Language, art. rgya, p. 106, an interesting note on
this expression, spoken pei-ling, written p'yi-glin. He writes : raya-p i-
lin name of the country, rgya-p1 i-lin-pa name of the people, through which
the Tibetans heard first (probably at the beginning of the eighteenth century)
of the civilized nations of the Occident, hence name for British India, for
Englishman, or European resident of British India, and also (sometimes
A 1 W uiv^co, aiuug n ivu H0v **' — • & & f . . f .
improbable that p'i-lin represents only the more vulgar pronunciation o
genuine Tibetan word p'yi-olin,tm out-country, a distant foreign country, and
especially Europe." On tchrangka, see note above.
342 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
1. No.palese Coins.
By special agreement 3 which had been imposed by the
Nepalese Rajas, the silver lumps were sent by the
Tibetan to the Nepalese mints,4 with a small proportion
of gold dust,5 to be exchanged weight for weight against
the mohurs of Nepal. The profit derived from the
3 The date of the beginning of this agreement does not appear, but it was
in force in the early years of the seventeenth century.
4 " The silver anna piece now called Mohr, and Addheeda, was formerly
denominated Mehnder Mulie, after the Prince who first struck it, and by
treaty established its currency in the neighbouring kingdom of Tibet ; this
prince would appear to have been one of the successors of Hur sing Deo
and of the dynasty of Khatmanda, which city is said to have exclusively
enjoyed for some time the privilege of supplying Tibet with coin, a privilege
the more singular as it was from this very country that Nepaul obtained
her silver bullion. The origin of this practice is ordinarily referred to the
superstitious reverence in which the Valley of Nepaul, and .more especially
the North -West parts of it (highly celebrated for their sanctity), has been
wont to be held by the spiritual sovereigns of Tibet The Mehnder
Mulie exhibited anciently a representation of Lehassa on one side, and on the
reverse the name, titles and emblems of the reigning sovereign of Khatmanda.
Since the conquest of Nepaul by Purthi Nerain, no allusion to Lehassa has
been preserved " See Kirkpatrick's An Account of Nepal, pp. 217,
218 (London, 1811, 4to.). — Mehnder Mulie is Mahindra Malla, Purthi
Nerain is PrithwI-Narayana Sab.. — In the History of Nep&l by Vamsavali,
translated from the Parbatiya, edited by Dr. "Wright (Cambridge, 1877, 8vo.),
we read, p. 207 : "He (Mahindra Malla, Rajah of Khatmandu) went to
Delhi with a present of a swan and hawks for the Emperor, who being much
pleased therewith, granted him permission to strike coins in his own name,
in weight six mashas. He struck this coin and called it mohar, and made
it current in every part of his country.'' — The British Museum Collection
does not contain any coin of this Raja, who, according to the above quoted
History of Nepal, was ruling in N.E. 669 and 686 ( = A.D. 1548 and 1565).
As to the plan of Lhasa, it is difficult to know, on the old Nepalese coins,
which shape is intended to represent it. According to PunditNain Singh the
city of Lhasa is circular, with a circumference of 2J miles (see Journ. S.
Geogr. Soc. vol. xxxviii. p. 167). But the plan published by Klaproth from
Chinese sources does not answer to that shape (see his Notice sur ITLassa,
capitate du Tibet, in Nouv. Annul, de Voyag. vol. xi. 1829, pi.). Now
besides the eight flower-leaf lotus pattern which occurs everywhere, and a
complicated Svastika, we find the star with eight points ( = two squares crossing)
or one square and two triangles intermingled, a simple square, a circle, and
on the Patan coins a square having the four corners smaller, which may
have been intended for the said plan.
5 Gold dust separated into Phetangs, each tied up in a bit of cloth, still figures
in the Trans-Himalayan commerce with Northern India and with Indo-China.
In Trail's Beport on the Bhotea Mahals of Kumaon (Asiat. Res. xvii. p. 24),
we read that those curious little bags filled with crude gold to the amount of
one phetang ( = Sarswo = 7i Masas) are current as coin at eight rupees. See
Edw. Thomas, Ancient Indian Weights, pp. 25, 33, in Marsden's Numismata
Orientalia, new edition, Part I. — The British Museum collections possess
THE SILVER COINAGE OF TIBET. 343
transaction was very satisfactory to the Rajas, amount-
ing to 12 per cent., four per cent, being derived from
the gold dust, and eight per cent, arising from the alloy
of the mohur.6
Before its conquest by the Gurkhali (Newar Era 888
= A.U. 1768), the Valley of Nepal was governed by three
dynasties of Rajas, who all coined money.7 These coins
were generally distinguished by a shell for Bhatgaon, a
trisul (trident) for Patan, and a sword for Kathmandu.
We have a proof of the use of coins of the Nepalese
Rajas in Tibet, by the engravings of so-called Tibetan
coins published in 1736 by Du Halde8 from information
given to him by the Missionaries.9 The three coins
figured on his plate, which I have compared with those
in the British Museum Collection, are : the first, of
Bhatgaon,10 of Jaya Bhupati Indra Malla, Newar Era
815 ( = A.D. 1694); the second, of Kathmandu, Jaya
Bhaskara Malla, N.E. 821 (=A.D. 1700); the third, of
Patan, Yoga Narendra Malla, N.E. 810 ( = 1689).
three of these little bags, one only is entire.— On one of the water-coloured
drawings of rude tribes of China in an album lent to me by Dr. "W. Lockhart,
formerly of Peking, I see that the JJg fjjr; Sih-Ko in the prefecture of K'ai-
hwa (Yun-nan) use the same gold-bag currency.— Capt. Jules Favre, formerly
of Hai-phang (Tong-King), has reported to me that such little bags were
found on the junks captured in November, 1874, at Pun-lun from the
pretender Le".
• Kirkpatrick, An Account of Nepal, pp. 212-213.
7 The British Museum Collection contains specimens of : the Khatmandu
series from Newar era 739 to 874 = A.D. 1618—1753 ; Bhatgaon series from
Newar Era 782 to 842 = A.D. 1661—1721 ; Patan series from Newar Era
771 to 873 = A.D. 1650 — 1752. After the Gurkha conquest the old system of
reckoning years from the Newar Era (= A.D. 879—880), was superseded by
the Vikrama Era for ordinary purposes, and the Suka commonly used in
Industan has been introduced upon the cbins.
8 Description de V Empire de la Chine, t. iii. p. 268 (ed. fol.)
9 Father Desideri, writing from Lassa, 10 April, 1716, to F. Ildebrand,
says that the coins used are those of the Mogol, and are worth five Jul. Rom.
See Lettres Edifiantes, 1722, t. xv. p. 194.— Father Desideri was not aware
that the coins in use were struck in Nepal.
1° Bhatgaon or Bhaktapur, Kuthmaudu or Kantipur, Patan or Lalitapur.
344 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
The custom was kept till the time of the last reigning
Raja of Bhatgaon, Ranjit Malla,11 who sent such base
coins 12 as to cause a decrease of nearly half of the value
of the mohurs, a decrease which led to a desertion of the
Nepalese mints.13
As soon as he had his authority established in Nepal,
the first Gurkha PrithwT Narayana Sah endeavoured to
introduce his coin into Tibet, and to avail himself of the
important profits which ancient custom had procured to
the old Rajas of Nepal. For this purpose, he sent
a deputation to Lhasa with a large sum in rupees struck
in his name, and requested the sanction of Govern-
ment to circulate them through the country. The
merchants, aware of the Gurkha Raja's bad faith,
refused to accept them.14
2. Tibetan Coinage.
Thus matters came to a stand-still, and nothing more
seems to have been done as long as the first of the
Gurkhali lived ; the Tibetans being intimidated by his
power. But soon after his death we see a change in the
situation. Availing themselves of the comparative weak-
ness of his successor, Pratapa Sinha Sah, the Tibetan
rulers issued, in 1772, a fine silver coin,'5 which was
11 He ruled from N.E. 842 ( = A.D. 1721), and -was the first to treat with
Gurkhas, who finally overthrew him after more than 40 years reign.
12 The amount contracted for on this occasion was ten lakhs of silver
mohurs, exactly similar to those current in Nepal (see Frinsep, ed. Thomas,
Indian Antiquities, vol. ii. p. 32, U.T.). The Parhatya History of Nepal,
6196, says only this: " Kan jit Malla was very prudent and economical,
e sent a great quantity of his coins to Lhasa, in exchange for which he
got a large quantity of gold and silver."
13 Kirkpatrick, An Account of Nepal, p. 170.
11 See Markham, Narratives of the Mission of G. Bogle to Tibet, pp.
128-129.
15 Three specimens exist in the British Museum, and four in the India
Office Collections. But two of the B.M. Coll. are of a lower standard, and
weigh only 81 dwt. 80 gr., and as metal are more like the Tibeto-Nepalese
coinage. See below. They have the appearance of bad casts of the good coin.
THE SILVER COINAGE OF TIBET. 345
struck at the Palace of Galdan, near Lhasa (pi. xv. fig. 1),
iu imitation of the good mohurs of the former Rajas,
but with sufficient alterations to show their independence.
They chose the pattern16 used by Jaya Bhaskara Malla
of Kathmandu in N.E. 821 ( = \.D. 1700), bearing on
the obverse eight fleurets containing the eight Vitaragas
or Mangals,17 and on the reverse in the same number of
fleurets the Devanagari characters of his name and date.
The shape of the fleurets of the obverse had been borrowed
from the linga pattern. The Tibetan coin is in general
character the same. With the exception of several of
the Buddhist symbols which are different, and the legend
in Tibetan letters, it is the same design drawn with
the remarkable skilfulness and taste which is conspicuous
on the Nepalese coins, and which we fail to find in any
other Tibetan production. The flowery emblem of the
gada (mace) in the centre of the obverse exhibits
a delicacy and harmony which are perfect. It is
certainly not of Tibetan workmanship, but the work of
a Nepalese artist. The size is 8 of Mionnet's scale, and
the average weight of five specimens is 83*5 grains. The
legend, which is more or less defaced on any single
specimen, can be restored by comparing several of them. It
reads as follows : ^ ' $* ' ^ ^ ' ^ ^ ' Si "^ ' mam rgyal
^g ah \dan pho \>rang phyogs las.
"mam rgi/al" is the name of the twenty- seventh year
16 The same pattern has been partially used on their coins by the Rajas
Jaya Mahindra Sinha Malla of Katmandu in N.E. 836 ( = A.D. 1715),
and by Jaya Yoga Prakasa Malla of Patan iu N.E. 862 ( = A.D. 1731).
We do not find it on any coins of Bhatgaon, probably because of the discredit
which had fallen on that name.
17 On the Vitaragas, see B. H. Hodgson, Naipdliya Devata Ealyana, p.
401, in /. As. Soc. Beng. 1843, vol. xii. pp. 400 409. The late H. A.
Oldfield has given a list of the eight Mangals in his Sketches from Nipal
(London, 1880, 8vo.), vol. ii. p. 179.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES. Y Y
346 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
of the Vrihaspatitchakra or Jovian cycle, and the Tibetan
translation of the Sanscrit Vidjaya.18 This cycle was
introduced into Tibet from India in A.D. 1025.19 So
taking 1025-6 as the first year for the sake of the current
year of the events, we find that a twenty-seventh year
happened during the last century, the only one possible,
in 1711-2 and 1771-2. The first is out of the question,
as we know from the Missionaries at Lhasa20 that
no special coinage existed at the time, and that the
specimens communicated to Du Halde have proved to be
Nepalese. Besides this fact, we know that Tibet was too
narrowly entangled under Nepalese yoke during these
years to have issued any coinage when the Nepalese
currency was altogether satisfactory. Later on, this last
reason, as we have seen, disappeared by the avidity of the
Rajas, and the death of the bold and energetic Prithwi
Narayana Sah in Saka year 1693 (=A.D. 1771) was the
occasion of the new issue of money in Tibet. The very
year therefore after this they issued (in all probability
not without some sort of an approval on the part of his
successor Pratapa Sinha Sah) the coin we now describe,
and of which no other issue is known in later years,
perhaps because there was a new Gurkha ruler, the said
Raja's reign lasting only three years, as he died in
Saka year 1697 (=A.D. 1775).
" Agah Idan "=" Celestial beatitude," is one of the great
monasteries near Lhasa at 50 li E. on the mountain
18 See Ph. Ed. Foucaux, Grammaire ..... Tibetaine, p. 152 (Paris,
1858, 8vo.). — Csoma Korosi, A Grammar of the Tibetan Language, p. 149.
19 See Prinsep, ed. Thomas, Essays on Indian Antiquities, vol. ii. U.T.
p. 161.— E. Schlagintweit, Buddhism in Tibet, pp. 47, 276.
20 Father Desideri, in 1716, from Lassa, writes: "il n'y a point de
monnaie particuliere." Cf. trad. Du Halde, Lettres Edifiantes, loc. cit. —
Cf. Stewart, Account of the Kingdom of Tibet (Philosophical Transactions,
1111, p. 486).
THE SILVER COINAGE OF TIBET. 347
of the same name, founded by Tsongkhapa, uncle of the
first Dalai Lama, about the year 1407.21 The other words
of the legend on the coin, "pho-brang phyogs-las" mean
"palace region from." So the whole legend is to be
read: "(In the year) mam rgyal from the palace of
dgah Idan."
3. Tibeto-Ncpalese Coinage.
During the fifteen following years there is no evidence
of coins in the Collections of the British Museum and
India Office. We have specimens dated 1788-9, 1790-1,
1791-2, 1792-3, of which we shall speak further on, of
another pattern (pi. xv. fig. 2), and progressively inferior
in workmanship and quality of the metal. They are
imitations of the preceding one, more roughly made with
the following differences : — The eight fleurets of the
obverse have no longer the linga pattern ; they are like
those of the reverse, and contain the same eight Buddhist
emblems as does the coin of Galdan. The flowery emblem
of the gada (mace) is very roughly and more simply
drawn, even hardly recognizable in the two last ones,
the most base of all as the proportion of alloy is con-
siderable in them. The weights of those dated 1788-9,
1790-1, are 80'5, 81, and 83'5 grains, and of the two last
dated 1791-2, 1792-3, are 66 and 66 grains, but with
no diminution of the size, which is still 8 of Mionnet's
scale. The reverse no longer has the flower with eight
petals nor the eight fleurets of the Galdan coin. The
design is a square surrounded by a pattern imitating the
21 See J. Klaproth, Description dn Ttibel, pp. 275, 290, in Journal
Asiatique, 1829. — Csoma Korosi, Geographical Description of Tibet, p. 123,
in Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, April, 1832.— Kiippcn, Die Religion des DiuMAa,
ii. p. 345. — Jaeschke, Dictionary of the Tibetan Language (1881, 4to.), p.
83. — Schlfigintweit, Buddh'mm in Tibet, p. 152, says 1417.
343 NUMISMATIC CHRONIC], F.
Sri, Sri, Sri 2* of former Nepalese coins, and in the square
under a fanciful form of (?j dm, the mystical interjection, are
in Tibetan figures the numbers of the year according to
the cycle of sixty, but noted in a peculiar manner, viz.
92 92 92 92 13 13 13 13 23
«/*» <s/vs cf^ <a/4. = 44 46 47 48
The upper figures indicate the running cycle, and the lower
ones the number of the year of that cycle during which
the coin was issued. Thus we have the 44th, 46th, 47th,
and 48th years of the 13th cycle. Of the 45th year I have
not seen any specimen, and I do not know if that coinage
began earlier than the 44th year. We may be pretty sure
that the specimen of the 48th year is the last, for it was
superseded by the Sino-Tibetan coinage the following year
or at the end of the same year. The first year of the first
cycle of 60 in Tibet being, as we have seen, A.D. 1025,
we have to add 720 years to 1024—5 for twelve cycles
elapsed since that date, and respectively 44, 46, 47, 48
years for each specimen, making A.D. 1788-9, 1790-1,
1791-2, 1792—3 as the years of emission of these coins.
Their general Nepalese appearance speaks for itself, and
their progressive baseness confirms what we know from
Kirkpatrick, Hamilton, and others24 that the war of
Nepal against Tibet was occasioned by the rapacity of
the Nepalese Rajas, which culminated by the plunder of
Tashilunpo.
22 The British Museum possesses a coin or rather a medal or token with
that pattern and nothing else.
2J The figure <J = 3 is very well drawn on the specimens 13j »3} but on the
two others so badly made as to resemble 9 za with a tail.
24 Speaking of the Nepalese Mintage for Tibet, Kirkpatrick says: "There
is not a doubt that the present Nepaul Government made the departure of
the Tibetans from ancient usage in this respect, the pretext for the war which
it waged about four years ago against the confederated Lamas ; as evidently
appears from a memorial transmitted to me from Nepaul on this subject, an
cxtractof which is given in the Appendix." See his Account of . . . . Nepal,
p. 217— Cf. Francis Hamilton, An Account of the Kingdom of Nepal (1819,
4to ), p. 213.— S. Turner, Ace. of an Embassy in Tibet (ISOff, 4to.), p. 438.
THE SILVER COINAGE OF TIBET. 349
After the death of Pratapa Sinha Sah in Saka year
1697 (=A.D. 1775), his son Ran Bahadur was the legal
Raja, but being under age, his mother Rajendra Lakshml
devl assumed the regency. She seems to have ruled very
quietly without interfering with Tibet. After nine years
she died, and the regency was in the hands of the uncle
of the young Raja, Bahadur Sah, whose restless rapacity
caused the evils of the war against Tibet, and eventually
of China succouring the Dalai-lama against his own
country, which was obliged to submit to the Chinese rule
after several defeats, and a humiliating treaty at the
beginning of 1793.25 It is obvious that these coins are
those which were the occasion of the war waged by
Bahadur Sah, who imposed them upon Tibet, as they
show by their increasing baseness the growth of his armed
influence. The specimens of 1788-9 and 1790-1 are not
of so low a standard as those dated 1791-2 and 1792-3,
issued after his victories over the Tibetans. The last is
the worst of all.
4. Tibeto- Chinese Coinage.
The intervention of the Chinese, who endeavoured to
repair the disasters caused by the last base standard, is
illustrated by the coinage they issued, iu 1793, from
a mint they established at Lhasa.26 It is a pure silver
25 The Chinese army was twenty miles from Kathmandu in September, 1792.
Captain Kirkpatrick arrived the 1st of March, 1793, when the Treaty by
which the Nepalese recognized their vassalage to China was signed. The
Parbatiya Histoi y for that period is nothing but lies. The Britisn, to whom
they had applied to interfere, are represented several times as trembling in
the south, and the Chinese, who inflicted upon them a terrible defeat, ore
represented as cut in pieces
26 These coins are not altogether unedited. Prinsep-Thomas in their Indian
Antiquities have published one of the second size. Dr. Eushell of Peking,
a distinguished Numismatist, has also published one of the same size, with
description, in the China Review, 1878, vol. vi. pp. 348-340, and the smallest
one in the same periodical, 1880, vol. viii. p. 302.
350 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
coinage, of which specimens until 1822 exist in the British
Museum and India Office Collections. The first issue was
made of four sizes, but of three different weights, and
the following issues seem to have been made only of the
second weight, if we may infer this from the absence
of any other in the said collections. According to the
Regulations of the Chinese Board of Works,27 which are
not applicable to the issues of the first year, but only
to those of the years after, two series of coins only
ought to be regularly issued, one coin weighing one
tsien = 58'3 grains, and another one smaller weighing
five fon=29-l grains. It is this last one which is
wanting.
The first coins issued, in 1793, are beautifully cast, the
others of the following years and reigns are very bad.
An ornamental characteristic of this last coinage is, on
the obverse and reverse, four fleurets like those of the
Tibeto-Nepalese base coins, but turned, by the usual
Chinese process of modifying the emblems, into the early
shape of their character for nose, symbolizing the begin-
ing, the ancestor. It bears all around the border a
pearled ornament like all the other three coinages here
mentioned.
27 The rules of this Mintage are detailed in the regulations of the Board of
Works $£ Jj? ^ -*J5 glj $J ch. xxxiv. ff. 35-36. It is under the
superintendence of four officers jointly appointed hy the Chinese Eesident
and the Dalai Lama. The coins directed to be cast from standard sycee
silver, unmixed with other ingredients, and to be of two sizes respectively,
one Mien and five fen respectively ; one tael of silver to exchange for nine
of the former, eighteen of the latter, the difference being retained to pay for
the expense of coinage, so that the seignorage amounts to ten per cent. The
inscription on the obverse in Tanguth (Tibetan), and on the rim the date of
the year. See Bushell, China Review, 1878, vol. vi. p. 348.
THE SILVER COINAGE OF TIBET. 351
The specimens I have seen are the following :
I.— Obv. •Y3K**V.^*R Ch'anZunffpaugt8ang"=TsmS
(= Tibet) coinage of Ch'an Lung. Ou the rim
^ z I 3? ^D^ inga ichu rfsa £r^/rtrf= Fifty-eight.
Rev. l|£ H Jl ^ Kien Lung pao Tsang (same meaning
as the Tibetan legend). On the rim jEL -p A ^£
Wu shih pah nien= Fifty-eighth year (of the Em-
peror's reign begun in 1736)= 1793.
(PI. xv. fig. 3). Size 8-5. Average weight 86 grains.
4 specim. India Off. Collect.
II. — Obv. and Rev. same as preceding.
(PI. xv. fig. 4). Size 75. Weight 85-5 gr. India
OS. Coll.
III. — Obv. and Rev. same as I.
(PI. xv. fig. 5). Size 6. Wt. 57 gr. Ind. Off. Coll.
IV.29 — Obv. and Rev. same as I.
(Plate xv. fig. 6). Size 4-5. Weight 28 gr. Ind.
Off. Coll.
These four coins are exactly the same and of excellent
casting.
V. — Obv. and Rev. same as I., but of an inferior casting, and
do not seem to have been issued with the preceding
ones.30
Size 7-5. Weight 2 spec. 57 and 55 gr. B.M.
VI. — Obv. CKan Lung pau gt&nng (as I.). On the rim :
£J ^5 ^ ^\3 Inga Ichu rtsa dgu= Fifty-nine.
Rev. Kien Lung pao tsang (as I.). On the rim : 5GL Hh
^L, $£ Wu shih kiii nien= Fifty-ninth year (=1795).
Size 7. Weight 5 spec. 58, 57, 53, 59, 56. 4 B.M.
1 Ind. Off.
28 The central legends are to be read from top to bottom and from right
to left, those of the rim from left to right.
29 Published by Dr. Bushell, see note 26.
30 This peculiarity is explained by the fact that for the mint of I-li as well
as for the silver coinage of Tibet, the regulation was made in succeeding
reigns that one-fifth of the coins issued should have the inscription Kien
Lung in memory of the great Emperor's conquest. Cf. S. W. Bushell, Coins
of the present dynasty of China, p. 197, in Journ. North China Branch ft.
As. S., 1880, vol. xv. pp. 195-308.
352 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
VII.— Obv. Same. On the rim : ^ ' f ' W ' * drug chu tham
pa= Sixty.
Rev. Same. On the rim: "/^ -p ^ Luh shih nien=
Sixtieth year ( = 1796).
Size 7. Weight 52-5. B.M.
VIII.— Obv. ** ' °^ ' ^3 ' *1^ cha htsin™ paufftsanff^Taang
coinage of Cha Ts'in. On the rim : ^i Jj^ ' ^ brgyad pa
= Eighth.
RGV- jOi Si 5S HI Eia K'ing pao Tsang. Same
meaning with the difference of pronunciation of the
proper name. On the rim: /\ £f pahnien= Eighth
year (of the Emperor's reign begun in 1796) =1803.
Size 7. Weight of 3 spec. 57, 57, 57. B.M.
(PI. xv. fig. 7.)
Those coins of the eighth year of Kia King are the
worst of all this coinage, as castings. On the Chinese
side the four fleurets have been dropped altogether.
IX. — Obv. ZJ*(V0>*^ icha htsing .... the remaining pan
o\
gtsang as the preceding.32 On the rim : ^ * Jj * 3" ^J
ni shu rtsa lnga= Twenty-five.
Rev. Same as preceding. On the rim : ""1 -f» jfc ^
(El shih wu nien™= Twenty-fifth year ( = 1820).
Siz 7. Weight 3 spec. 56, 57, 58 gr. B.M.
X. — Obv. ^°* * vJ^ ' ^5 '1*^ rdao guong pau gisang = Coinage
of Dao Guong for Tsang.31 On the rim: *|^*l**l
gnis pa= Second.
Rev. ?E 5^ ^ |^ Tao Kuang pao Tsang. Same
meaning as Tibetan obverse. On the rim: ^ ££.
CE\ nien= Second year (of Tao Kuang's reign begun
1821)- 1822.
Size 7-5. Weight 6 spec. 57, 58, 56, 58, 59, 58.
3 B.M. 3 Ind. Off. (PL xv. fig. 8.)
31 The orthography of the first two words is wrong, cf. No. IX., but there
is no doubt about the reading. The analysis of one of these coins is given in
Prinsep-Thomas, Indian Antiquities, vol. li. U.T. p. 130, as weight 58 grains ;
touch 79'2 ; pure contents 45'91 grains ; intrinsic value of 100, 27'827
Furukhabad rupees.
32 On some issues of this coin the last letter of gtsang ^ ng is missing.
33 In contradistinction with the others, reads top, bottom, right, left.
34 Dr. Bushell, loc. cit., has published the coin No. VI., and also a specimen
-/-
of Tao Kuang, but dated on the Tibetan side ^^'*J dang po = first, and on
the Chinese side Tr* /ffc yucn nien = first year.
THE SILVER COINAGE OF TIBET. 353
The Tibetan transcriptions of proper names on these
coins exhibit, when compared with the Mandarin pro-
nunciation and with the present pronunciation of the
Pekinese, the rapidity of the progressive phonetic decay
of this dialect. Of course the Chinese officers brought
with them to Tibet the pronunciation of the Court. So
-BT/ew-Lung in Mandarinic is Ch'an Lung35 on the Tibetan
coins in 1793-96, and is now Ch'ien Lung in present
Pekinese pronunciation. Kia K'ing (M.) was Cha Ts'ing
(T.C.), and is now Chia Ch'ing in the more and more
corrupted pronunciation of the Court dialect.
TERRIEN DE LA COUPERIE.
LONDON, Dec. 1881.
35 Wrappers with coins sent from Peking the last century have Chin Lung.
VOL. I. THIRD SERIES.
NOTICES OF RECENT NUMISMATIC PUBLICATIONS.
Anglo-Saxon Coins in the Royal Swedish Cabinet of Medals at
Stockholm, all found in Sweden. Arranged and described by
Bror Emil Hildebrand. (New augmented Edition, with 14
Plates. Stockholm, 1881. Pp. viii. and 502.)
It will be with great satisfaction that all English numisma-
tists will hail the appearance of this second and enlarged
edition of Hildebrand' s important work. After an interval of
thirty-five years it was to be expected that the collection of
Anglo-Saxon coins at Stockholm would be somewhat increased ;
but the actual increment surpasses any reasonable expectation
and may almost be characterized as startling, being very nearly
150 per cent. Already in 1846 when these coins found in
Swedish soil numbered 4,232, it was constantly the case that
the English student had to refer to the Swedish Catalogue for
details of the English coinage of the tenth and eleventh cen-
turies, but this enlarged list, comprising as it does some 10,458
coins, will be absolutely indispensable to all those who wish to
be familiar with the coins of that period. The restriction in
time of the coins found in the Swedish hoards is very remark-
able. Of Eadweard I., ^Ethelstan, and Sihtric of Northum-
berland, the coins are not unknown, but the examples of the
three reigns taken altogether may be reckoned upon a single
hand. Eadgar's coins are about 60, and Eadweard II. 's under
80 ; but of JEthelred II. there are nearly 4,400, of Cnut nearly
3,900, of Harold I. 1,050, of Harthacnut over 200, and of
Edward the Confessor about 800. These are the different
varieties described ; of actual coins, Prof. Hildebrand reckons
that more than 22,000 have been found in Sweden. The
preponderance of the coins belonging to the time of Cnut, or a
little before or after that time, seems to show that a large pro-
portion of this treasure may have arisen from trade rather than
from plunder, as at that time the relations between this country
and Scandinavia were of the closest, and one king occupied
the throne of both Denmark and England. The fact of nearly
half the coins having been found in the Island of Gotland, the
emporium of northern trade, also, as Prof. Hildebrand observes,
points to this conclusion. Of the ravages of the Danes in
England in the eighth and ninth centuries few or no numismatic
records appear to be found in Scandinavia.
But to return to the book before us. The arrangement
NOTICES OF RECENT NUMISMATIC PUBLICATIONS. 355
followed is the same as in the first edition, the coins of each
reign being placed under the different mints arranged in alpha-
betical order, the different types being numbered. A list of the
names of the moneyers and the towns at which they exercised
their calling is appended to the catalogue of the coins of each
reign. The Plates showing the different types are increased in
number from ten to fourteen, but the map showing the localities
of the numerous finds and the original Introduction are not
repeated in this second edition, which is, moreover, a large
octavo instead of a quarto. The identification of the places of
mintage with their modern representatives has been carefully
considered, but in some few cases the attribution has not been
decided, so that some puzzling questions are still left for the
English reader. Including those of the Irish coins struck in
imitation of the pennies of ^thelred II. and Cnut, to which a
section is dedicated, the mint towns are upwards of a hundred
in number ; but it would be beyond the province of this notice
to discuss them. It may, however, be suggested that the
Ricyebyrig of the coins may quite as probably be Richborough
near Sandwich as Rising Castle in Norfolk, or Richborough
(Risborough ?) in Buckinghamshire. Although the site of this
once famous town is now a mere mass of ruins, it was still
occupied in Saxon times, as is proved by coins from the reign
of Offa * to that of ^Ethebred II. having been found there. It is,
indeed, said to have been the port at which St. Augustiu landed
in A.D. 597.
In conclusion we cannot do better than cite a few words from
Prof. Hildebrand's new Preface which all our readers will
endorse. " This collection is of its kind the largest that exists,
and therefore has special historical importance, not alone for
Sweden, in whose soil these coins were deposited, but also for
the country from which they were carried away." J. E.
The Numismatische Zeitsclirift, Band XII. 1st Semester,
contains the following articles : —
1. Address of the President, A. Ritter von Pawlowski.
2. F. Kenner. Review of the first decade of the Numis-
matic Society of Vienna.
3. The Medal of the Society.
4. C. v. Ernst. The art of coining, from the earliest times
till the present day.
5. H. C. Reichardt. On the coins of Canatha in Decapolis_
i C. Roach Smith, " Richborough, Reculver, and Lymne,"
p. 157.
356 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.
6. F. Kenner. On the portraits of Constantino the Great,
and his sons, with upturned faces.
7. J. Neudeck. On the coins of the Quadi.
8. E. Bahrfeldt. Contributions to the Numismatics of
Brandenburg.
9. H. Dannenberg. On gold gulden of the Florentine type.
10. C. Schalk. On the standard of the Vienna pennies from
1424—1480.
11. A. Luschin v. Ebengreuth. On coins reading Alemani,
R Marsal. ,'i
Band XII. 2nd Semester contains: —
12. J. H. Mordtmann. On new Himyaritic coins. This
article is an important contribution to the rapidly increasing
literature of Himyaritic Numismatics. Dr. Mordtmann's read-
ing of the mysterious inscription on the coins of the San' a Find,
first published in the Numismatic Chronicle (N.S., Vol. xviii.) as
Vlagash or Vologeses, is, however, anything but convincing.
13. A. Missong. On an unpublished coin of the Emperor
Tacitus.
14. C. Schalk. On the standard of the Vienna pennies from
1424—1480.
15. A. Luschin v. Ebengreuth. On the so- called Rollbatzen.
16. C. F. Trachsel. On some unpublished coins of Appen-
zell and St. Gallen.
17. M. Donebauer. The forgeries of Bohemian coins and
their dies.
18. C. F. Trachsel. Notice of the coins and medals of the
Counts and Princes of Ettingen.
19. A. Meyer. On coins with the portraits of the Emperor
Francis I. and his wife Maria Theresa.
20. J. Haas. On Siamese coins.
The Part concludes with a General Index of the first twelve
volumes of the Numismatische Zeitschrift.
INDEX.
A.
Acraephium, coins of, 189, 202
Ahmad Shah, coin of, 114
Alcinoiis, gardens of, 6
Alexander II. of Scotland, Forces
penny of, 158
AH Sulaiman. coin of, 128
Allah Ud'din Shah, coin of, 114
Andragoras, coin of, 8
Anglo-Sixon coins found in Swe-
den, 354
Antiochi, coins of the, 1 1
Apollo worship, 2
Apollonia, coins of, 1
Archaic Greek coins, floral pat-
terns on, 1
Athens, coins of, 73
Attic writers on coinage, 302
B.
Bahmani Dynasty, gold and silver
coins of, 91
Beule, M., cited, 73
Bu?otian coinage, 177 ; its epochs,
179 ; uncertain coins of, 233,
254 ; magistrates' names, 239 ;
with Alexandrine types, 257 ;
autonomous coins of, 259, 262,
266
Biitiah Museum catalogues and
guides, 71, 278
Bukhara, bilingual coins of, 116
BUNBUKY, E. H., Esq., M.A. :—
On some unpublished coins of
Athens, and one of Eleusis, 73
C.
Chaoronoia, coins of, 220
Chalcous, the, 291
Charles V., medal of, 334
Cistophori of Ephesus, 21
Copse, coins of, 221
Corcyra, coins of, 1
Coroneia, coins of, 190, 202, 221
COUPERIE, M. TERKIEN DB LA : —
The silver coinage of Tibet, 340
Cyme, coin of, 5
Gyrene, coin of, 5
D.
Defaced coins of Stephen, 39, 41
Devonshire tokens, 162
Drachma, the, its multiples and
parts, 287
Drogheda coins of Richard III., 321
Dukes money, the, 44
Dyrrhachium, coins of, I
E.
Edward VI., Irish coins of, 48
Elousis, coins of, 73, 89
Ephesus, coins of, 13
EVANS, JOHN, D.C.L., F.R.8. :—
Note on a Find of Roman coins
near Nuneaton, 306
F.
Finds of Coins ; —
11. -ii well on the Roman wall, 26
Blancbardiere, 28
Kast bourne, 27
Jul>laiiis, 24
Netlny Abbey, 28
Newark, 308
Nottingham, 37
N unburnholme, 26
Nuneaton, 306
OXUB River, 12
Firoze Shah, coins of, 10->, 113
358
INDEX.
Floral patterns on Greek coins, 1
Forres, penny struck at, 158
Francis I., medal of, 336
Frederic II. of Mantua, medal of,
338
G.
Galba, Bo30tian coin of, 271
GARDNER, PHOF. PERCY, F.S.A. : —
" On Floral Patterns on Archaic
Greek Coins," 1
" Coins from Central Asia," 8
" Pollux' Account of Ancient
Coins," 281
GIBBS, THE HON. JAMES : —
Gold and Silver Coins of the
Bahmani Dynasty, 91
GILL, H. J., ESQ. :—
Addenda to Devonshire 17th cen-
tury Tokens not described in
Boyne's work, 162
Greek coinage, Pollux' account of,
281
GREENE, T. WHITCOMBE, ESQ. : —
Medals by G. M. Pomedello, 334
GRUEBER, H. A., ESQ.: —
Guide to English Medals in the
British Museum noticed, 278
H.
Haliartus, coins of, 187, 190, 203,
222, 254
Hasan Gango, coins of, 111
HEAD. BARCLAY V., ESQ. : —
Coinage of Ephesus, Addenda et
Corrigenda, 13
On the Chronological Sequence
of the Coins of Bceotia, 177
Henry I., coins of, 38 '
Henry III., coins of, 308
Herbst, Prof. C. F., Note upon
penny of Cnut the Great, a rec-
tification, 65
Hildebrand, Prof. Bror Emil. The
new edition of his Catalogue of
Anglo-Saxon coins found in Swe-
den, noticed, 352
Hucher, M. E., quoted, 28
Humayun Shah, coin of, 115
I.
Irish coins of Edward VI., 48
„ „ of Richard III., 310
K.
Keary, C. F., Esq.,F.S.A., his guide
to Italian medals in the British
Museum, noticed, 278
Kildare, Earls of, Lords Deputies in
Ireland, 324
L.
Lebadeia, coins of, 222, 254, 269
Lerch, M. Pierre, quoted, 116
M.
MACKENZIE, J., ESQ., F.S.A.Scot. :
Notes on a Forres Penny of Alex-
ander II., 158
Mahmud Shah, coin of, 112
Matidia, coin of, 307
Matilda, the Empress, coins of, 41
Miletus, coins of, 5
Mina, the, 285
Mithradates, coins of, 85
Monetarius, the Saxon, 32
Muhammad Shah I., coin of, 111
„ „ II., coin of, 115
Mujahid Shah, coin of, 112
Mycalessus, coins of, 191, 223
N.
Nepalese coins, 342
Numismatische Zeitschrift, notice
of, 355
0.
Obol, the, its multiples and part?,
290
ON, the meaning of, on Saxon
coins, 33
Orchomenus, coins of, 185, 195,
199, 224, 253, 255, 270
P.
Pharae, coins of, 191, 226
Platsea, coins of, 226, 255
Pollux' account of ancient coins,
281
Pomedello, G. M., medals by, 334
POWNALL.THEREV. CANoN.F.S.A.:
Defaced coins of Stephen, 42
Have we no Irish coins of Ed-
ward VI.? 48
R.
Richard III., Irish coins of, 310
Roman coins, finds of, 24 to 28, 306
S.
Sales of coins and medals, 170
SAUVAIRE, Mons. H. : —
Sur un Fels Saffaride Inedit de la
Collection de M. Ch. de 1'Ecluse,
129
Seleucid coins, 10
Sessi, Isabella, medal of, 337
INDKX.
359
Shams-ud-din, coin of, 112
SMITH, AQUILLA, ESQ., M.D.,
M.B.I.A. :—
On the Irish coins of Richard III.,
310
SMITH, C. ROACH, ESQ., F.S.A. :—
Note on some discoveries of Ro-
man coins in Gaul and Britain,
24
Societe Franchise de Numismatique,
Annuaire de, noticed, 70
Stater, the, 289
Stephen, coins of, 37, 41
Sweden, Anglo-Saxon coins found
in, 352
T.
Talent, the, 283
Tana^ra, coins of, 188, 192, 197,
203, 228, 255, 273
Tetrici, the barbarous coins of, 30
Thebes, coins of, 187, 192, 199, 207,
211, 216, 230, 257, 270, 271
Thespise, coins of, 231, 254, 270, 275
THOMAS, E., Esq., F.R.S. :—
Bilingual coins of Bukhara, 116
Tibet, silver coinage of, 340
Tibeto-Chinese coinage, 347
Tibeto-Nepalese coinage, 347
Tokens, Devonshire, ll>2
TOPLIS, JOHN, ESQ. : —
Coins of Stephen and others found
at Nottingham, 37
Coins of Henry III. found at
Newark, .308
Trajan, Boeotian coin of, 273
„ coin of, 306
Types of Greek coins mentioned by
Pollux, 299
V.
Varahran Chobin, coins of, 118
W.
Waterford coins of Richard III.,
330
WBRERIC, coins inscribed, 41
WILLETT, ERNEST, ESQ., F.S.A. : —
On the resident character of the
office of Monetarius in Saxon
times, 32
Z.
Zeitschrift fiir Numismatik, notice
of, 67, 276
THE END.
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