<y\
Ex Libtis W. P. M. KENNEDY
THOMAS CROMWELL
FROM A PIOTTJRB Ttt THB BODLKTAN LIBRARY
LIFE AND LETTERS OF
THOMAS CROMWELL
BY
ROGER BIGELOW MERRIMAN
A.M. HARV., B.Lnr. Oxox.
\VITH A PORTRAIT AND FACSIMILE
VOL. I
LIFE, LETTERS TO 1535
OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1902
DEC 2 1940
HENRY FROWDE, M.A.
PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD
LONDON, EDINBURGH
NEW YORK
PREFACE
THIS book is an attempt to present the life of
Thomas Cromwell as a statesman, and to estimate
his work without religious bias. Though it would
certainly be difficult to overrate his importance in the
history of the Church of England, I maintain that
the motives that inspired his actions were invariably
political, and that the many ecclesiastical changes
carried through under his guidance were but incidents
of his administration, not ends in themselves. Con
sequently any attempt to judge him from a distinctively
religious standpoint, whether Catholic or Protestant,
can hardly fail, it seems to me, to mislead the student
and obscure the truth. I cannot agree, on the other
hand, with those who have represented Cromwell as
a purely selfish political adventurer, the subservient
instrument of a wicked master, bent only on his own
gain. It seems to me as idle to disparage his patriot
ism and statesmanship, as it is to try to make him out
a hero of the Reformation. He merits a place far
higher than that of most men of his type, a type
essentially characteristic of the sixteenth century, a
type of which the Earl of Warwick in England and
Maurice of Saxony on the Continent are striking
examples, a type that profoundly influenced the des
tinies of Protestantism, but to which theological issues
were either a mere nothing, or else totally subordinate
to political considerations.
IV
PREFACE
It has been justly said that Cromwell s correspond
ence is our chief source of information for the period
immediately following the breach with Rome. To
transcribe in extenso the letters he received would be
almost the task of a lifetime ; for they form the bulk
of the enormous mass of material with which the
editors of the Calendars of State Papers for the years
1533-40 have had to deal. But the number of extant
letters he wrote is, comparatively speaking, extremely
small ; it has therefore been possible to make full
copies of them in every case, and I trust that the
many advantages linguistic as well as historical
that can only be secured by complete, and as far as
possible accurate transcriptions of the originals, will be
accepted as sufficient reason for editing this collection
of documents, twenty-one of which have neither been
printed nor calendared before. The rules that have
been observed in transcription will be found in the
Prefatory Note (vol. i. p. 311). The Calendar refer
ences to the more important letters received by
Cromwell, where they bear directly on those he wrote,
are given in the notes at the end of the second
volume.
My warmest thanks are due to Mr. F. York Powell,
Regius Professor of Modern History in the Univer
sity of Oxford, who has guided me throughout in
matter, form, and style ; and to my friend and master
Mr. A. L. Smith, Fellow of Balliol College, whose
advice and encouragement have been an inspiration
from first to last. It is not easy for me to express
how much I have depended on their suggestions and
criticism. I am indebted to Mr. Owen Edwards,
Fellow of Lincoln College, for indispensable help in
the early stages of my work. The main plan of this
PREFACE v
book is in many respects similar to that of his Lothian
Essay for the year 1887, which I regret that he has
never published. My grateful acknowledgements are
also due to Mr. James Gairdner of the Public Record
Office for information about Cromwell s early life ; to
Professor Dr. Max Lenz, of the University of Berlin,
for helpful suggestions in connexion with the Anglo-
German negotiations in the years 1537-40; and to
Mr. G. T. Lapsley, of the University of California, for
similar services in regard to the Pilgrimage of Grace,
and the reorganization of the North after the suppres
sion of the rebellion.
I beg to express my appreciation of the kindness of
the Duke of Rutland, the Marquess of Salisbury, Earl
Spencer, Lord Calthorpe, William Berington, Esq.,
and Alfred Henry Huth, Esq., in giving me access to
the manuscripts in their private collections.
In conclusion, I wish to thank the officials of the
Public Record Office, British Museum, Heralds Col
lege of Arms, and Bodleian Library, for facilitating
my work in every way ; more especially Messrs.
Hubert Hall, R. H. Brodie, E. Salisbury, and F. B.
Bickley, who have repeatedly aided me in my search
for uncalendared letters and continental documents,
and in deciphering the most difficult manuscripts I
have had to consult.
R. B. M.
BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD.
February, 1902.
A
334
-C3IA5
IM
CONTENTS
VOLUME I
CHAPTER PAGE
I. THE ANCESTRY AND EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS
CROMWELL i
APPENDIX. PASSAGES FROM CHAPUYS, POLE,
BANDELLO, AND FOXE 17
II. THE PARLIAMENT OF 1523 27
III. WOLSEY S SERVANT 47
APPENDIX. THE WILL OF THOMAS CROM
WELL .... 56
IV. THE FALL OF THE CARDINAL 64
V. THE CHARACTER AND OPPORTUNITY OF
THOMAS CROMWELL . . 77
VI. IN THE KING S SERVICE 89
APPENDIX. THE SUPPLICATION OF THE
COMMONS AGAINST THE ORDINARIES . . 104
VII. INTERNAL POLICY 112
VIII. IRELAND, WALES, SCOTLAND, CALAIS . . 147
IX. THE MONASTERIES . * 6 5
X. THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE, 1536 . . .180
XL CARDINAL POLE 202
XII. THE FOREIGN POLICY -213
XIII. THE CATHOLIC REACTION AND THE AL
LIANCE WITH CLEVES . .242
APPENDIX. REPORTS OF THE LUTHERAN
AMBASSADORS TO ENGLAND IN 1539 AND
1540 ....
viii CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
XIV. THE FALL OF THOMAS CROMWELL . .281
APPENDIX. PASSAGES FROM FOXE: CROM
WELL S SPEECH AND PRAYER ON THE
SCAFFOLD 303
XV. THE WORK OF THOMAS CROMWELL . . 305
PREFATORY NOTE TO CROMWELL S LETTERS . .311
CROMWELL S LETTERS : 1523-30 . . 313
J53 1 - . . 335
!53 2 . ; . . . 343
1533 . 352
v X 534 ... . . 372
, . . 396
VOLUME U .
CROMWELL S LETTERS : 1536 . . . . . i
i537 ... 50
1538 . . . . . in
1539 . . . -. . 166
1540 244
AN ITINERARY OF THOMAS CROMWELL, 1523-40 , 279
A LIST OF THE MINOR PREFERMENTS OF THOMAS
CROMWELL, AND A DESCRIPTION OF HIS -ARMS
AND CREST / . . ... . . . . 283
NOTES TO LETTERS . . . . . . 285
LIST OF AUTHORITIES . . . . . . 313
INDEX . . . . . . . . . . 319
ILLUSTRATIONS
PORTRAIT OF THOMAS CROMWELL . Frontispiece to vol. i
FACSIMILE OF A LETTER FROM THOMAS CROMWELL
TO LORD LlSLE, AUG. 30, 1538 . Frontispiece to vol. ii
LIFE OF THOMAS CROMWELL
CHAPTER I
THE ANCESTRY AND EARLY LIFE OF THOMAS CROMWELL
THE manor of Wimbledon comprises the parishes of Wim
bledon, Putney, Roehampton, Mortlake, and East Sheen, and
parts of Wandsworth and Barnes l . In West Saxon times it
was one of the estates of the see of Canterbury, but after
the Conquest it was seized by Odo, the high-handed Bishop of
Bayeux: in 1071, however, it was recovered by Lanfranc, and
with one trifling interruption in the reign of Richard II, it
remained in the possession of the archbishopric until 1535.
In that year Cranmer surrendered it to Henry VIII in ex
change for the priory of St. Rhadegund in Dover, and a little
later the King granted it to Thomas Cromwell 2 , who was
born there some fifty years before, the son of a well-to-do
blacksmith, brewer, and fuller. The early history of the
manor of Wimbledon is almost unknown, for we do not
possess its Court Rolls prior to the year 1461 : they were
probably lost or destroyed during the Wars of the Roses.
After 1461, however, they are continuous, with the exception
of the years 1473 an( ^ J 474-
An entry in these rolls, written in the year 1475, states that
Walter Smyth and his father keep thirty sheep on Putney
Common, where they have no common 3 . A number of sub
sequent mentions of this same Walter Smyth shows that he
1 Antiquarian Magazine, Aug. Manor, 15 Edw. IV. These rolls
1882, vol. ii. p. 57. are now in the possession of Earl
a Manning and Bray, History Spencer, lord of the manor. They
and Antiquities of the County of were made accessible to me through
Surrey, vol. iii. p. 268. the courtesy of his steward, Mr.
3 Court Rolls of Wimbledon Joseph Plaskitt.
MERRIMAN. I B
THOMAS CROMWELL
was also called Walter Cromwell. The name Walter Crom
well occurs more than ninety times in the rolls, and the name
Walter Smyth at least forty times. That both these names
stand for the same person is proved by one entry written,
Walter Cromwell alias Walter Smyth/ by two written,
Walter Smyth alias Cromwell/ and by five written, Walter
Cromwell alias Smyth/ Who then was this Walter Crom
well, whence did he come, and how did he acquire this double
name?
The Cromwell family did not originate in Wimbledon. An
entry in the Close Roll of Edward IV states that in the year
1461 John Cromwell, son of William Cromwell, late of Nor-
well in Nottinghamshire, surrendered his right in Parkersplace,
Kendalsland and other property there to Master John Porter,
prebendary of Palishall 1 . Mr. John Phillips of Putney further
informs us that nine years before John Cromwell gave up
his lands in Norwell, he was granted the twenty-one years 5 lease
of a fulling-mill and house in Wimbledon by Archbishop
Kempe, lord of the manor, and had moved there with his
family 2 . It would be interesting to know what Mr. Phillips
authority for this statement is : unfortunately he has given no
reference for it. But whatever the precise date and circum
stances of their change of home, there can be little doubt
that the Cromwells migrated to Wimbledon from Norwell
some time before 1461. There is plenty of evidence in
the Court Rolls to show that Walter Smyth alias Cromwell
was the son of John Cromwell, and the entry of 1475 proves
that they were both in Wimbledon in that year. The family
in Nottinghamshire from which they sprung was well-known
The original entry reads :
Johannes Cromwell films et heres
^Nilelmi Cromwell nuperde North-
well in comz /a^ Nottingham re-
misit totum jus c. in quodam
messuagio vocattf Parkersplace et
in quodam tofto et v acris temze
et in uno tofto cum crofto et vii
acris terrae dudum nuper vocatis
Kendalisland et in viii acris terrae
et dimid/0 jaczntidus in villa et
campis de North well magz .y/ro
johanni Porter prebendario pre-
bende de Northwell voc/<? pre-
bende de Palishall in eccl^ria
collegzY bmtae Marine Suthwell et
successortbus suis (Dods. MSS.
in Bibl. Bodl., vol. xxxvi. p. 97,
I Edw. IV).
2 Antiquarian Magazine for
August, 1882, vol. ii. p. 59.
ANCESTRY AND EARLY LIFE 3
and well-off; both John Cromwell s father William and
his grandfather Ralph were persons of wealth and position
there 1 .
Several entries in the Court Rolls indicate that John Crom
well s wife was the sister of a certain William Smyth, who is
often mentioned as William Smyth armourer/ and sometimes
as William Armourer. It seems probable that this William
Smyth came with John Cromwell to Wimbledon from Nor-
well, and the entries in the manorial records show that he
lived there with his brother-in-law. There is also reason to
believe that the latter s son Walter was apprenticed to him
during his younger days, and so acquired the name Smyth.
Walter Cromwell grew up as a brewer, smith, and fuller in
Putney. He had an elder brother named John, who moved
to Lambeth and settled down there to a quiet and prosperous
life as a brewer, later, according to Chapuys, becoming cook to
the Archbishop of Canterbury 2 . Walter, however, remained
in Wimbledon, and appears to have been a most quarrelsome
and riotous character. Most of the entries in the Court Rolls
concerning him are records of small fines incurred for petty
offences. Forty-eight times between 1475 and 1501 was he
forced to pay sixpence for breaking the assize of ale. In
order to prevent the sale of bad beer in those days,
an ale-taster was appointed to pass, or condemn as unfit,
all brewing in the parish. Walter Cromwell did not go
to the ale-taster before he drew and sold his beer, and for
failing so to do was fined as aforesaid. There is also record
that he was not seldom drunk. In 1477 a penalty of twenty
pence was inflicted on him for assaulting and drawing blood
from William Michell, and he and his father were very often
brought before the court on the charge of * overburthening
the public land in Putney with their cattle, and cutting more
than their share of the furze and thorns there 3 . But in spite
1 Dods. MSS., vol. xi. pp. 193 a, 2 Cf. Appendix I at the end of
248 a ; vol. xxxvi. p. 103. Thorold this chapter.
Rogers, in his Histoiy of Agriculture 3 The following are some of the
and Prices, vol. iv. p. 3, refers to more common entries concerning
Ralph Lord Cromwell as one of the Walter Cromwell :
richest men of the fifteenth century. Presentant quod Gualterus
B a
4 THOMAS CROMWELL
of all these petty misdemeanours, Walter Cromwell appears
to have been a man of property and influence in Wimbledon,
and the Court Rolls" in 1480 show that he then possessed two
virgates of land in Putney parish. To these were added six
more virgates in 1500 by grant of Archbishop Morton l .
Walter Cromwell was also made Constable of Putney in
1495 2 , and his name constantly occurs in the Court Rolls
as decenarius and juryman 3 . Towards the end of his life,
however, his character appears to have become so bad that
he forfeited all his position and property in Wimbledon. In
1514 he falsely and fraudulently erased the evidences and
terrures of the lord/ so that the bedell was commanded to
seize into the lord s hands all his copyholds held of the lord
and to answer the lord of the issue V This is the last mention
of the name of Walter Cromwell in the Wimbledon Manor Rolls.
Walter Cromwell s wife was the aunt of a man named
Nicholas Glossop, of Wirksworth in Derbyshire 5 . Mr. Phil
lips gives no reference for his statements that she was the
daughter of a yeoman named Glossop, and that she was residing
Cromwell est communis braczator 20 May, II Hen. VII : ~Elegerunt
de here et fregit ass/jam and in officz co;zstabul<2rz z de Putten-
quod Gualterus Cromwell et . . . hith Gualterum Smyth qui )\irafus
sunt communes tipellarn seruisie est in eodem offic/0.
et fregerunt ass/ram ideo ipsi in 3 As by an entry of 20 May,
imsericordia. vid. (Court Rolls, 19 Hen. VII : Gualterus Smyth et
17 Nov., 10 Hen. VII ; 17 Oct., 15 ... ibidem jura// presentant ownia
Hen. VII ; 28 Oct., 17 Hen. VII). b^ne.
Item presentcmt quod Gualterus 4 The entry in full reads : ( Item
Smyth alias Crumwell nimis exces- presentant quod. W . . . Crumwell
s/z/e supount communam pas/z/- alias Smyth false et fraudulent^
ram dommi . . . cum avz z s suis ad rasuravit evidence et terrures
commune nocumentz/wz ideo ipj-e dommi in diverszs parcelh s ad per-
in mlsericordfa vi d. turbac/o/zem et exheredacz owem
< Item presentant quod j Gualterus dommi A tenenciuw ejus ut plenius
(Johannes apparet in eisd<?m. laeo co//so-
Smyth de Puttenhith succidz/wt lendz/;;z est cum domino et medio
spinas in communa. pasher^. domi\\\ temporz prefatum est bidell<? seisir^
apud Puttenhith. Ideo ip^i in in mam^y dommi om^ia terras et
rmsericordiz. iiiid. (Court Rolls, tenement sua tenta de domino per
28 Oct., 17 Hen. VII). copiam, et de exitz* eorum dommi
L Court Rolls, 20 Edw. IV and respondere (Court Rolls, 10 Oct.,
16 Hen. VII. 6 Hen. VIII ; also Extracts, p. 74).
1 According to the record of 5 Cal. vi. 696.
ANCESTRY AND EARLY LIFE 5
in Putney at the house of an attorney named John Welbeck,
at the time of her marriage with Walter Cromwell in 1474 1 ;
but we have no evidence that these assertions are incorrect.
At least two daughters and one son were born to Walter
Cromwell. He may have had other children, but as there
was no registration of births, marriages, or deaths in England
until 1538, we can only be certain of these three, of whom
there are mentions in the Court Rolls and in other contem
porary records. The eldest daughter Katherine, who was
probably born about the year I477> g re w up and married
a young Welshman named Morgan Williams 2 , whose family
had come to Putney from Llanishen in Glamorganshire. The
Williamses were a very important family in Putney, and John,
the eldest of them, was a successful lawyer and accountant,
and steward to Lord Scales, who was then in possession of
a residence and some land in Putney parish. The youngest
daughter of Walter Cromwell was named Elizabeth. She
married a sheep-farmer named Wellyfed, who later joined
his business to that of his father-in-law 3 . Christopher, the
son of Elizabeth Cromwell and Wellyfed, grew up and was
later sent to school with his cousin Gregory, son of his
mother s brother Thomas 4 . We are now in a position to
examine the many conflicting statements concerning the son
of Walter Cromwell, the subject of this essay.
The traditional sources of information about Thomas Crom
well s early life are the characteristic but somewhat confusing
stories of the martyrologist Foxe, founded to some extent
upon a novel of the Italian author Bandello, the meagre
though probably trustworthy accounts contained in Cardinal
Pole s Apologia ad Carolum Quintum, a letter of Chapuys to
Granvelle written November 21, 1535, and a few scattered
1 Antiquarian Magazine, vol. ii. concerning Morgan Williams, they
p. 178. are without value, and for the most
a Cal. iv. 5772. Cf. also Noble, part have been superseded by docu-
Memoirs, vol. i. pp. 4-5, 238-241. mentary evidence, discovered at a
The statements in Noble about the later date.
Williamses and Crom wells are most 3 Court Rolls, 10 Oct., 5 Hen.
confusing and contradictory. Ex- VII, and Cal. iv. 5772.
cept for the information afforded 4 Cal. iv. 5757.
6 THOMAS CROMWELL
statements in the chroniclers of the period. To these were
added in 1880 and 1882 the results of the researches of
Mr. John Phillips in the Wimbledon Manor Rolls 1 . Mr.
Phillips has certainly brought to light a large number of
interesting facts about the ancestry and family of Thomas
Cromwell : it is the more unfortunate that he should have
gone so far astray in some of his statements concerning the
man himself. He is surely correct in assuming Thomas to
be the son of Walter Cromwell ; the evidence afforded by
the State Papers leaves no doubt of this. He is also right
in stating that the name Thomas Cromwell does not occur
in the Court Rolls. But it is more difficult to believe the
theory which Mr. Phillips has evolved from these data. As he
finds no entry concerning Thomas Cromwell in the manorial
records, he seeks for some mention of him under another
appellation, and hits upon that of Thomas Smyth as the most
likely, owing to the fact that his father was called by both
surnames. He finds two entries in the Court Rolls concern
ing Thomas Smyth, and assumes that they refer to Thomas
Cromwell. These entries occur in the records of Feb. 26,
1504, and of May 20 in the same year. The first states that
Richard Williams came to the court and surrendered into
the hands of the lord two whole virgates of land in (Roe)-
hampton, one called Purycroft and the other called Williams,
to the use of Thomas Smyth, his heirs and assigns ; the
second, that Richard Williams assaulted Thomas [Smyth]
and beat the same Thomas against the peace of the lord the
King, and further that Thomas Smyth came to the court
and surrendered into the hands of the lord two whole virgates
of land in Roehampton, one called Purycroft and the other
called Williams, to the use of David Doby, his heirs and
assigns V Mr. Phillips has made these entries the basis
1 Antiquary for October, 1880, manus dommi duas mtegras vir-
vol. ii. p. 164. Antiquarian Maga- gatas terrae in Hamptone . . . qua-
zine for August and October, 1882, rum una vocata Purycroft . . . et
vol. ii. pp. 56 and 178. alia virgata vocata Williams ad
The original entries read as opz/J Thomae Smyth heredz/;;z et
follows : assignaforum (Court Rolls, 26 Feb.,
i. Ad hanc cuu am venit Riazrd- 19 Hen. VII).
us Williams et sursft7;z redzWz/ in 2. Ricardus Williams fecit injul-
ANCESTRY AND EARLY LIFE 7
for an attack on the veracity of many of the best-known
stories of Bandello and Foxe concerning the early life of our
subject, but his whole case hangs on the assumption that
Thomas Smyth and Thomas Cromwell were one and the
same man, and until he can prove this ingenious but some
what improbable theory his arguments cannot be supported.
He discusses at length the two entries in the Court Rolls,
adducing them as a proof of the falsity of the accounts
which assert Cromwell to have been in Italy previous to
1504, but concluding that the record that Thomas Smyth
disposed of his lands in Putney in May of that year in
dicates that Thomas Cromwell left England at that time.
To corroborate this last theory he refers to the story
of Chapuys that Cromwell was ill-behaved when young,
and was forced after an imprisonment to leave the coun
try, and also asserts, in order still further to strengthen
his case, that the Court Rolls contain nothing more
respecting Thomas Cromwell than what we have already
stated V
It seems very extraordinary that Mr. Phillips should make
this last statement in view of his readiness to jump at the
conclusion that Thomas Smyth and Thomas Cromwell are
identical. * Thomas Smyth, as a very cursory examination
of the Court Rolls will show, is mentioned therein every year
from 1493 to I 5%9 (inclusive), except in 1494 and 1516. As
there is certain evidence that Thomas Cromwell was in other
places during many of the years that Thomas Smyth was in
Wimbledon, it is clear that the two names cannot always
stand for the same man. The question which now arises
is this : were there two Thomas Smyths, one of them Thomas
Cromwell and the other some other member of the Smyth
family, perhaps a descendant of William Smyth, armourer?
ttim Thomae [Smyth] et eundem virgata vocata Purycroft et alia
Thomam verberavit contra, p&cem virgata vocata Williams ad opz^y
domim Regis . . . * Ad hanc Davidii Doby heredzwz et as-
curiam venit Thomas Smyth et signatorum (Court Rolls, 20 May,
suicsutn redidit in mam/j &omim 19 Hen. VII).
duas i^tegras virgatas terrae in x Antiquarian Magazine for Oo
Rokhamptone . . . quanm una tober, 1882, vol. ii. p. 183.
8
THOMAS CROMWELL
Or Is the Thomas Smyth mentioned in the Court Rolls one
man, and not Thomas Cromwell at all ?
The second theory seems on the whole more probable than
the first. There are no contradictory statements about
Thomas Smyth in the rolls, nor is the name mentioned twice
in any of the lists of the Homage or Frank Pledge. More
over had there been two Thomas Smyths, one of whom was
entitled to the name Cromwell, he would almost certainly
have been called so, in order to avoid confusion. On the
other hand, it scarcely seems likely that the son of Walter
Cromwell should not be mentioned at all in the Court Rolls.
But this may be partially explained by Chapuys account
of his youthful wildness and early imprisonment ; it seems
quite probable that he was a mere boy when he left his home.
The evidence which we possess certainly seems to strengthen
the conclusion that there was but one Thomas Smyth : the
man mentioned in the Court Rolls by that name was probably
a descendant of William Smyth, armourer 1 . Surely none
of the entries in the manorial records concerning Thomas
Smyth can be said to prove anything conclusive concerning
the early life of the subject of this essay. It has been the
fashion to decry Bandello and Foxe and to disbelieve all
their stories, because of the undoubted confusion of dates
1 It is possible that the Thomas
Smyth, whose name occurs so fre
quently in the Court Rolls, was
identical with a certain tryumphant
trollynge Thomas Smyth, who, in
1541, wrote several ballads de
claring the despyte of a secrete
sedycyous person, by name Wil
liam Graye, who had composed
certain verses very derogatory to
the memory of Thomas Cromwell.
This Thomas Smyth describes him
self as servaunt to the Kynges
royall Majestye, and clerke of the
Quenes Graces Counsell, though
most unworthy ; he had perhaps
obtained his position through the
influence of the King s minister.
He was supported in his tirade
against Graye by the ryght re
dolent and rotunde rethorician
R. Smyth ... in an Artificiall
apologie articulerlye answerynge
to the obstreperous obgannynges
of one W. G. evometyd to the
vituperacyon of the tryumphant
trollynge Thomas Smyth . . .
to thende that the imprudent
lector shulde not tytubate or hal
lucinate in the labyrinthes of
this lucubratiuncle. R. Smyth
was probably another member of
the Smyth- Cromwell tribe. The
name Ricardus Smyth occurs
frequently in the Court Rolls (Cal.
xvi. 423).
ANCESTRY AND EARLY LIFE 9
/
which vitiates their testimony. But if no reliance can be
placed on them, or on Pole, Chapuys, and the chronicles of
the period, must we not confess that our knowledge of the
early years of our subject s life must reduce itself to an
interrogation point? Let us guard ourselves against accepting
with implicit faith the statements of these authors, but let
us not cast them aside as utterly worthless. Let us rather
recognize that they still remain our most trustworthy sources
of information concerning the early life of Thomas Cromwell,
and therefore make a careful attempt to glean from their
very confusing statements the more probable facts con
cerning him.
None of the different accounts sheds any light upon the
date of Cromwell s birth, but it is doubtful if it occurred later
than 1485, in view of his probable age at the time of his
sojourn abroad. That he had a quarrel with his father seems
very likely : Bandello s statement that he came to Italy,
fleeing from his father, and Chapuys assertion that he was
ill-behaved when young, together with the many entries in
the rolls concerning the tempestuous and disorderly conduct
of Walter Cromwell, all point to the truth of this story l .
Foxe moreover asserts that Cromwell told Cranmer in later
years what a ruffian he was in his younger days. Pole
informs us that he soon became a roving soldier in Italy,
a statement which is borne out by the tales of Bandello
and Foxe that he was at the battle on the Garigliano (Dec.
28-39, 1503), in the service of the French army 2 . The
well-known story of the Italian novelist about Cromwell and
Frescobaldo the Florentine merchant, may well have some
foundation in fact : there are several mentions of Frescobaldo
in the State Papers of the years 1530-1540, which prove that
Cromwell was intimate with an Italian of that name 3 . Some
1 See Appendices I and III at maybe a mistake for Marignano 3
the end of this chapter. is scarcely plausible. The great
2 See Appendices II and IV at victory of Francis I occurred in
the end of this chapter. The 1515, when there is every reason
suggestion of Mr. Galton (The to suppose that Cromwell was in
Character and Times of Thomas England.
Cromwell, p. 22) that Garigliano 3 Cal. v. 1197; vii. 923-
10 THOMAS CROMWELL
scholars have gone so far as to refuse to believe that Cromwell
ever went to Italy at all ; but this must be the incredulity
of madness in face of the fact that all our contemporary
witnesses agree that he went there, and of the evidence afforded
by his wide acquaintance with Italians, and by his knowledge
of their language and literature.
From the date of the tale of Bandello up to 1512, the
most probable story concerning Cromwell s life is that
contained in Pole s Apologia. It is there stated that after
his brief military career he became a merchant, but did not
remain a merchant long ; and that he later attached himself
as accountant to a Venetian, whom Pole knew very well.
Bandello informs us that Cromwell returned to England after
his stay in Florence ; it seems more probable, however, that
he first went to Antwerp and engaged in trade there ; for
Foxe and Chapuys both agree that he was in Flanders, and
the former asserts that he was in the service of English
dealers in the Flemish marts. Another singular but character
istic and not improbable story of the martyrologist strengthens
the theory that Cromwell was in Antwerp some time after the
battle on the Garigliano. One Geoffrey Chambers was sent
to Rome as a representative of the Gild of Our Lady in
St. Botolph s Church in Boston, to obtain from the Pope
certain pardons or indulgences by which the severe rules
concerning Lenten observances might be relaxed ; and passing
through Antwerp he fell in with Cromwell, whom he persuaded
to accompany him. The latter entered into the spirit of the
enterprise ; arrived at Rome, he procured some choice sweet
meats and jellies, and armed with these lay in wait for the
Pope on his return from hunting. The delicacies were offered,
Julius was delighted with them, and granted the desired
indulgences without delay. Foxe states that this episode
took place about the year 1510 l .
The fact that this tale so active as Cromwell s agent,
concerns itself with Foxe s native and as Survey or- General of the
town of Boston increases the pro- King s purchased lands. Cf. Cal.
bability of its authenticity. It xii. (ii), 490, 783, 835, 852, 857,
was probably this same Geoffrey and Ellis, 3rd Series, vol. iii.
Chambers who in later years was p. 168.
ANCESTRY AND EARLY LIFE 11
This story seems to indicate that Cromwell went to Italy
a second time. It fits in well with Pole s statement that after
his military experience he became first a merchant, and then
a clerk to a Venetian trader. The absence of any trustworthy
chronology, however, prevents us from regarding any of the
accounts of these different writers as really historical ; and
when at last we meet with a date on which we can rely, it
is most tantalizing to find that the evidence which is afforded
us in connexion with it is of such a nature as to leave us
almost as much in the dark as before. In a letter written in
June, 1536, a certain mercer, by name George Elyot, addresses
Cromwell as follows l : Ryght onourabyll sir my dewty Con-
sethered as to youre Masterscheppe apertayneth that hyt may
piece your Masterscheppe For the love off god to Exceppe
my Rewd Maneres in thes behalf of wrytyng vnto you butt
hyt ys onely to schowe yowre Masterscheppe my pore mynd
furste for the onour of god & secondly For the god love &
trew hartt that (I) have howtt vnto you sensse the syngsson
Martt at medelborow in anno 1512. This quotation does
not prove that Cromwell was at the Syngsson Mart at Middel-
burg in 1512, nor does it shed much light on the position he
occupied at that time ; still the probabilities strongly favour
the conclusion that he was either a merchant or a clerk to
a merchant in the Low Countries in 1512 : the accounts of
Foxe and Chapuys agree that he was in the Netherlands in
his younger days, and the letter of the mercer seems to fix
the date. We have also reason to believe that he was in
London soon after this practising as a solicitor. There
exists in the Record Office a document dated November,
1512, and endorsed, in a hand which certainly resembles that
of Cromwell s later correspondence, The tytle of the manour
Whityngham for Mr. Empson V The endorsement may of
course be of a very different date from that of the document
itself ; still the evidence which it affords is not utterly value
less, especially as another reason for supposing that Cromwell
returned to England in 1512, or soon after, is afforded by the
fact that his marriage must have taken place about this time :
1 Cal. x. 1218. z Cal. i. 3556.
12 THOMAS CROMWELL
the age of his son Gregory being such that it could scarcely
have occurred much later. The State Papers of 1513 give
us more information . concerning the early life of Thomas
Cromwell than those of any other year up to 1523. The
sum total of the evidence which they afford seems to indicate
that he was in England and in the Netherlands, that he was
occupied both as a merchant and as a solicitor, and that he
was married in that year or soon afterwards.
Cromwell s wife, to whom Chapuys refers as the daughter
of a shearman, was Elizabeth Wykys, descended from one of
an ancient family of esquires, who was gentleman-usher to
Henry VII 1 . A reference in Cromwell s will of July 12,
1529, to one Mercye Pryo//r as his mother-in-law 2 has led
some writers to suppose that he married Elizabeth, daughter
of Sir John Pryor, and widow of Thomas Williams, a Welsh
gentleman ; but a letter to Cromwell from one Harry Wykys
of Thorpe, near Chertsey, dated November 2, 1523 3 . disproves
this theory, and corroborates the other. The most probable
explanation of the entry in the will is that Mercy Pryor
married twice, and that she was the mother of Elizabeth
Wykys by her first husband 4 . Cromwell s wife was probably
a woman of some property. He was exactly the sort of man
who would seek a wife with an eye to the financial advantages
of the match, and the theory that Elizabeth Wykys was rich
fits in well with the evidence that her mother was married
a second time. Moreover Cromwell s property increased so
fast during his years of service under Wolsey, that even his
notorious accessibility to bribes could not account for it, had
it not been augmented from some outside source.
Chapuys goes on to say that for some time after his
marriage Cromwell kept servants in his house, carrying on the
business of his father-in-law ; a statement corroborated by
his correspondence, which shows that he plied his trade as
[ Appendix I to this chapter; Pryor both had rooms in Crom-
Antiquary for Oct. 1880, vol. ii. well s house, at Austin Friars Gate,
p. 164. where he lived after the year
2 Appendix to chapter iii. p. 59. 1524. Before that date he resided
3 Cal. iii. 3502. near Fenchurch (Cal. iii. 2624 ;
* Mr. Pryor and Mistress iv. 3197).
ANCESTRY AND EARLY LIFE 13
a cloth and wool merchant at least as late as 1524. There
can be little doubt, however, that he continued his business
as a solicitor at the same time, for it would be impossible to
explain his sudden advance in legal prominence in the years
1520 to 1525, if he had not had long practice in the law
beforehand. The strange combination of employments in
which Cromwell was engaged fitted in well with the peculiar
versatility of the man, and brought him into close contact
with diverse sorts of men, in diverse conditions of life. A
more detailed account of his career during the seven or eight
years which followed his probable return to England it is
impossible to give, for between 1512 and 1520 there occurs an
other extraordinary gap in the life of Thomas Cromwell, during
which we do not possess a single trustworthy contemporary
record concerning him. In 1520 there is certainly evidence
that he was known to Wolsey, but precisely how or when his
connexion with the Cardinal began, it is impossible to tell.
The statement in the Dictionary of National Biography
that Wolsey appointed Cromwell collector of his revenues
in 1514 is apparently unfounded x , and no reference is given
for the assertion in Singer s Cavendish 2 that the Cardinal
first met his future servant in France. Another unverified
story is that Lord Henry Percy, who had been an intimate
of the Cardinal s household in his early years, borrowed
money from Cromwell, and conceiving a high opinion of his
creditor, introduced him to Wolsey 3 ; while Mr. Phillips
informs us that Robert Cromwell (the son of Walter Crom
well s brother John), who was vicar of Battersea under the
Cardinal, gave to his cousin Thomas the stewardship of the
archiepiscopal estate of York House, after Wolsey had been
made archbishop there. Though Mr. Phillips has again
failed to cite his authority for this last statement, it is but
fair to say that the probabilities are strongly in its favour:
the theory that Cromwell owed his appointment as Wolsey s
servant to his cousin Robert seems particularly plausible, as
1 Mr. Gairdner kindly informs 2 Singer s Cavendish, vol. i.
me that he was misled by a record p. 193 n.
concerning Robert Cromwell (Cal. 5 Ellis, Thomas Cromwell, p.
ii. (i) 1369). 12.
14 THOMAS CROMWELL
the latter was certainly well known to the Cardinal. It is
possible that the origin of the connexion had something to
do with the young Marquis of Dorset, who later became
Cromwell s patron. Wolsey had long been acquainted with
the Marquis ; he had been the friend and tutor of his father
when he was principal of Magdalen School, and had been
given the living of Limington in Somerset by a still older
member of the family in I5QO 1 . The date of the origin of
Cromwell s connexion with Wolsey must remain as much
a matter of conjecture as its cause. It seems probable that
those historians who have placed it as far back as 1513 or
1514 have been at fault, for had Cromwell entered the
Cardinal s service as early as that there would almost cer
tainly have been more entries in the State Papers to show it.
As it is, we possess only one piece of evidence in contem
porary records to show that he was known to Wolsey before
October, 1520, and that is of such a nature that little reliance
can be placed on it. On the back of a letter, written in
August, 1514, by the Abbot of W T inchcomb to Wolsey 2 , are
some lines in a hand which bears some resemblance to Crom
well s, apparently intended as an exercise in penmanship ; the
similarity of the handwritings, however, is not so striking that
it can be regarded as affording any very conclusive proof:
moreover as the words on the back have no connexion with
the letter itself, it is quite likely that they were written at
a much later date. It is safe to say that the lack of infor
mation on the subject in the State Papers makes it probable
that if Cromwell s connexion with Wolsey began much before
1520, it was certainly of very minor importance.
In the autumn of that year, however, we possess a record
which leaves little doubt that Cromwell had at least become
known to the Cardinal. An appeal had been made to the
Papal Court at Rome against the sentence of the Prerogative
Court of Canterbury, in a suit between the vicar of Cheshunt
and the Prioress of the nunnery there. Wolsey, as Papal
Legate, soon afterwards received a copy of the citation and
Life of Wolsey, Dictionary of National Biography, vol. Ixii. p. 325.
2 Cal. i. 5355.
ANCESTRY AND EARLY LIFE 15
inhibition with other information by the letters of Thomas
Cromwell, making clear the rights and wrongs of the case,
and the best method of handling it 1 . No other mention of
Cromwell in connexion with the Cardinal occurs until 1523,
when he drafted a petition to Wolsey in Chancery for a certain
John Palsgrave 2 . But these two records are enough to prove
that he was known to the Cardinal in the capacity of a soli
citor and clerk from a period at least as early as 1520. The
gap between that date and 1512 is more difficult to fill. The
supposition that Cromwell was in Wolsey s service as early
as 1513 is perhaps the easiest method of disposing of these
years, but it certainly cannot be regarded as more than
a theory, unless some new document is found which corro
borates it.
Most of the letters addressed to Cromwell during this
period from 1520 to 1524 concern themselves with legal
business, and request his aid as a practised lawyer in some
suit for the collection of debts or the decision of a title to
lands 3 . In August, 1522, he acted as an indifferent person
in a dispute between Richard Chauffer, alderman of Calais,
and Lord Mountjoy. In December, 1523, he served on the
inquest of wardmote in the ward of Bread Street. But it is
also evident from his correspondence that he had by no
means lost interest in his business as a cloth merchant and
wool-dyer 4 . It may have been in this capacity that he first
became known to the family of the Marquis of Dorset. The
old lady Marques writes to him in August, 1522, as her
sonne marquys servaunt, and desires him to send in haste
the trussynn bed of cloth of tyssewe and the fether bed wyth
the ftistyons, and amateras longyng to the same wyth the
covvnterpoynt .... tentes pauylyons & hales 5 . There is also
record that Cromwell was a great lender of money at high
1 In the original document (Cal. the case had already reached the
iii. 1026) the name of the Cardinal Papal Court,
is not expressly mentioned. The 2 Cal. iii. 3681.
copy of the citation, however, was 3 Cal. iii. 1026, 1940, 1963, 2441,
sent by his chaplain, Clerk, and 3657.
can scarcely have been intended 4 Cal. iii. 2624.
for any one but Wolsey, since 6 Cal. iii. 2437.
16 THOMAS CROMWELL
rates of interest. His friendship and reputation with foreign
merchants brought him an enormous amount of business,
and his property increased to a great extent. The training
he received during and after his journey on the Con
tinent was probably the best that he could have had to
fit him for the difficult life-work that was given him to
perform. The spirit of the Italy of Machiavelli and Caesar
Borgia stamped itself deeply upon his youthful character.
It gave him his ideas, his theories. The hard school of adver
sity (at first almost a struggle for existence), through which
he passed during his early years, afforded him the intimate
knowledge of men and things, the wonderful insight into
human nature, and the ability to turn every event to the
advancement of his own purposes, that enabled him at
a later day to mould the destinies of the English nation.
And my experience happily me taught
Into the secrets of those times to see,
From whence to England afterward I brought
Those slights of state deliu red vnto mee,
In t which were then but very few that sought,
Nor did with th umour of that age agree,
After did great and fearful things effect,
Whose secret working few did then suspect.
Michael Drayton. The Legend of Great Cromwell, p. 13.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I
PASSAGE FROM A LETTER OF CHAPUYS TO GRANVELLE,
NOV. 21, 1535 l
M e Cremuel . . . est filz dung poure marechal lequel en son
vivant se tenoit en vng petit villaige pres dici dune lieue et demye
et est sepulture au cemetiere de lad. parroiche dud. villaige de plus
pouurement que soient la son oncle 2 pere dung syen cousin qui(l)a
desia fait fort riche estoit cousinier du feu euesque de Conturberi
led. Cremuel en sa jeunesse fust assez mal condicionner, et apres
quelque emprisonnement il fut contrainct vuider le pays et senpasser
en flandres et dois la en rome ou et ailleurs en italic il demeura
quelque temps, estant de retour il se maria a la fille dung ton-
deur de draps, et tint quelque temps en sa maison semiteurs
exercent led. art apres il devint solliciteur de causes et par ce
moyen se feit congnoistre au cardinal de york, lequel congnoissant
la vigilance et diligence dud. Cremuel et habilite et promptitude
tant a mal que a bien, il le tint on nombre de ses serviteurs, et
Femploya principalement quant il fut question de ruyner et demoler
cinq du 3 six bons monasteres. Venant a descherir led. cardinal
il ny eust personne que saquittast myeulx enuers led. cardinal que
luy. Apres le decez dud. cardinal maistre valloup a present ambas-
sadeur en france le poursuyuant de injures et menasses le plus fort
du monde, et non voyant autre reffuge ne remede que de recourir
au roy, il fait tant par prieres et presens quil eust audience dud. roy
auquel il deust promettre de le faire le plus riche que oncques fut en
angleterre, et luy parla si bien et beaul qui le retint des lors de son
conseil, sans autre aduis et ne le decouurit led. roy a personne des
siens deans quatre moys apres Maintenant il a empiete de telle sorte
quil a bailie le bout a toute la reste (si) ce nest a la dame, et le tient
1 The original is in the Vienna Thomas, The Pilgrim, p. 107.
Archives. This copy was made l John Cromwell of Lambeth,
from the official Record Office 3 sic, read ou.
transcript. Cf. Cal. ix. 862, and
MERRIMAN. I
18 THOMAS CROMWELL
tout le monde ( auoir plus de credit auprez de son maistre, que neust
oncques le cardinal du temps duquel en y auoit questoient en con
currence de credit comme maistre Conton l et le due de suffocq et
autres, mais maintenant il n y a personne que face riens que luy, et
ne sert le chancellier synon pour mynistre et organe dud. Cremuel,
lequel jusques yci na voulu accepter led. office de chancellier, mais
Ion pense bien tost il se layra persuader de lempoigner. II est
home bien parlant en sa langue et mediocrement en la latyne
francoyse et italyenne, home de bonne chiere liberal et de ses
biens et de bonnes et gracieuses parolles, home manifique en trayn
et batissement . . .
II
PASSAGE FROM CARDINAL POLE S APOLOGIA AD CAROLUM
QUINTUM. Pars I. p. 126, c. xxviii.
Sic ergo, si tale nomen quaeratur, Cromvellum eum appellant,
si genus, de nullo quidem ante eum, qui id nomen gereret, audivi.
Dicunt tamen, viculum esse prope Londinum, ubi natus erat, & ubi
pater ejus pannis verrendis victum quaeritabat, sed de hoc parum
refert. Nunc si conditio quaeratur, sic quidem de eo intellexi,
aliquem in Italia fuisse gregarium militem, fuisse etiam mercatorem,
nee tamen longius progressum in mercatura fuisse, quam ut scriba
esset mercatoris, & libros rationum servaret, optime vero novi ilium
mercatorem, qui Venetus erat natione, cui operas suas locabat.
Tandem hujus conditionis pertaesus, domum reversus, causidicis se
immiscuit, his qui jura Regni profitentur. In quo eo magis se
proficere sperabat, quod versuti & callidi ingenii sibi conscius esset
ad defendendum tarn iniquum, quam aequum, quod ex externorum
commercio valde acuerat, cum nostrorum hominum ingeniorum
simplicitatem semper contemneret. Nee tamen in hoc genere valde
crevit, antequam ad Monasteriorum ruinam perventum est. Quod
incoepit vivente adhuc Cardinali Eboracense, dum Monasteria quae-
dam pene a suis deserta, & illorum bona ac praedia in subsidium
pauperum, qui in Gymnasiis literis operam dabant, essent conversa.
Hie vero notus esse coepit, idque ostendit ad hanc artem solam se
natum fuisse, ad ruinam & vastationem, id quod crebra aliarum
artium mutatio declaravit, in quibus nihil crevit, in hac vero statim
1 Sir William Compton. See Dictionary of National Biography, vol. xi.
P. 453-
BANDELLO S TALE 19
Celebris esse coepit, & pluribus notus, ita tamen in illis initiis hujus
suae artis notus, ut cum Cardinalis, cujus assecla fuit, & ex cujus
authoritate et imperio illam suam artem exercebat, ab administratione
Reipublicae remotus esset, et dignitate privatus, ipse omnium voce,
qui aliquid de eo intellexerant, ad supplicium posceretur. Hoc
enim affirmare possum, qui Londini turn adfui, & voces audivi, adeo
etiam ut per civitatem universam rumor circumferretur, eum in
carcerem fuisse detrusum, & propediem productum iri ad supplicium.
Nee vero populus ullum spectaculum libentius expectabat, nee ille
rumor ex alia re nascebatur, nisi quod omnes eum sciebant omni
supplicio dignum . . .
Ill
NOVELLA XXXIV BELLA SECONDA PARTE DE LE NOVELLE
DEL BANDELLO, Tomo quinto, p. 251.
Francesco Frescobaldi fa cortesia ad uno straniero, e n e ben
rimeritato, essendo colui divenuto Contestabile d Inghilterra.
Ne la famiglia nobile et antica de i Frescobaldi in Firenze fu,
non sono molti anni, un Francesco, mercadante molto leale et
onorevole, il quale, secondo la costuma de la patria, essendo assai
ricco, trafficava in diversi luoghi e faceva di gran faccende, e quasi
per 1 ordinario dimorava in Ponente, in Inghilterra, e teneva la stanza
in Londra, ove viveva splendidissimamente et usava cortesia assai ;
non la veggendo si per minuto come molti mercadanti fanno, che la
contano fin a un picciolo quattrino, come intendo dire che fa
Ansaldo Grimaldo Genovese, che tien conto fin d un minimo foglio
di carta e d un palmo di cordella da legar i pacchetti de le lettere.
Avvenne un giorno che essendo Francesco Frescobaldi in Firenze,
se gli paro dinanzi un povero giovine, e gli domando elemosina
per 1 amor di Dio. Veggendolo il Frescobaldo si mal in arnese
e che in viso mostrava aver del gentile, si mosse in pieta, e tanto
piu, quanto che lo conobbe esser Inglese; onde gli domando
di che contrada di Oltramontani fosse. Egli gli rispose che era
Inglese ; e chiedendogli alcune particolarita, il Frescobaldo, d Inghil
terra, come colui che assai pratico n era, il giovine molto accomo-
datamente al tutto sodisfece, dicendogli : lo mi chiamo Tomaso
C 2,
20 THOMAS CROMWELL
Cremonello, figliuolo cli un povero cimatore di panni, che fuggendo
da mio padre son venuto in Italia col campo de i Francesi, che
e stato rotto al Garigliano, e stavo con un fante a piedi, portandoli
dietro la picca. II Frescobaldo la menb in casa molto domestica-
mente, e quivi alcun di se lo tenne per amor de la nazione Inglese,
de la quale egli aveva ricevuti di molti piaceri ; lo trattb umana-
mente, lo vesti, e quando volse partirsi per ritornar ne la patria, gli
diede sedici ducati d oro in oro fiorentini et un buon ronzino. II
giovine veggendosi esser stato messo in arnese si bene, rese al
Frescobaldo quelle grazie che seppe le maggiori, e se n andb ne
T isola a casa.
[The next four pages are devoted to a more or less accurate account
of Cromwell s life in London, his connexion with Wolsey, and his
entrance into the King s service. The events narrated in the fol
lowing passage may be supposed to have taken place about 1535
or 1536.]
*- *
. . . Dico adunque che in quei di che il Cremonello era padrone
e governatore de 1 isola, che Francesco Frescobaldo si ritrovava in
Italia, ove, < ome spesso a mercadanti interviene, avendo patiti molti
disastri e di gran danni ne la perdita de le sue mercadanzie, restb
molto povero ; percib che essendo uomo leale e da bene, pagb tutti
quelli a cui era debitore, e non puotb ricuperar cib che da gli altri gli
era dovuto. Veggendosi egli ridutto a cosi povero stato, e fatto i suoi
conti e benissimo calculati, trovb che in Inghilterra aveva crediti per
piu di quindici migliaia di ducati ; onde si deliberb passar quindi,
e veder di ricuperar piu che gli fosse possibile, e mettersi a viver
il rimanente de la sua vita quietamente. Cosi con questo pensiero
passb d Italia in Francia, e di Francia in Inghilterra, e si fermb in
Londra, non gli sovvenendo percib mai del beneficio che egli fatto
gia in Firenze aveva al Cremonello ; cosa veramente degna d un vero
liberale, che de le cortesie che altrui fa, memoria mai non tiene,
scolpendo in marmo quelle che riceve, per pagarle ogni volta che
T occasione se gli offerisce. Attendendo adunque in Londra a
negoziar i fatti suoi, e caminando un giorno in una contrada,
avvenne che il Contestabile passava anch egli per la strada mede-
sima, venendo a V incontro del Frescobaldo. Cosi subito che il
Contestabile lo vide e gli ebbe gli occhi fermati nel viso, si ricordb
costui certamente esser quello, dal quale cosi gran cortesia aveva in
Firenze ricevuta, et essendo a cavallo, dismontb, e con meraviglia
BANDELLO S TALE 21
grandissima di quelli che seco erano, chi v erano piii di cento
a cavallo de i primi del regno che gli facevano coda, F abbraccib con
grande amorevolezza, e quasi lagrimando gli disse : Non sete voi
Francesco Frescobaldo Fiorentino? Si sono, signer mio, rispose
egli, e vostro umil servidore. Mio servidore, disse il Contestabile,
non sete gia voi ne per tal vi voglio, ma bene per mio grande amico,
avvisandovi che di voi ho giusta ragione di molto dolermi, perche
sapendo voi cib che io sono e dove era, devevate farmi saper la
venuta vostra qui che certamente io averei pagato qualche parte
del debito che confesso aver con voi. Ora lodato Iddio che ancor
sono a tempo ; voi siate il benissimo venuto. Io vado ora per affari
del mio Re, e non posso far piu lunga dimora vosco, e m averete per
iscusato ; ma fate per ogni modo, che in questa mattina vegnate
a desinar meco, e non fate fallo. Cosi rimontb il Contestabile
a cavallo e se n andb in Corte al Re. II Frescobaldo, partito che
fu il Contestabile, s ando ricordando che cotestui era quel giovine
Inglese che egli gia in Firenze in casa sua raccolse, e comincib
a sperar bene, pensando che il mezzo di cosi grand uomo molto gli
giovarebbe a ricuperar i suoi danari. Essendo poi 1 ora di desinare,
se n ando al palazzo del Contestabile, e quivi nel cortile poco attese
che egli rivenne. II quale smontato che fu, di nuovo amicabilmente
riabbraccib il Frescobaldo, e volto a F armiraglio, et ad altri prencipi
e signori che con lui erano venuti a desinare, disse : Signori, non vi
meravigliate de le amorevoli dimostrazioni che io faccio a questo
gentiluomo Fiorentino, perche queste sono parte di pagamento
d infiniti obblighi che io conosco e confesso di avergli, essendo nel
grado che sono per mezzo suo, et udite come. A F ora, a la presenza
di tutti, tenendo sempre per mano il gentiluomo Fiorentino, narrb
loro in che modo era capitate a Firenze, e le carezze che da lui
aveva ricevute ; e cosi tenendolo sempre per mano, se ne salirono le
scale, e giunti in sala si misero a tavola. Voile il Contestabile
che il Frescobaldo gli stesse appresso, e sempre F accarezzb amore-
volissimamente. Desinato che si fu e quei signori partiti, voile il
Contestabile saper la cagione, per la quale era il Frescobaldo ritor-
nato a Londra. Narrogli a F ora tutta la sua disgrazia il Frescobaldo,
e che non gli essendo rimaso, de la casa in fuori in Firenze et un
podere in contado, quasi niente, se non quei quindeci mila ducati
che in Inghilterra deveva avere, e forse duo mila in Ispagna, che per
ricuperargli s era ne F Isola trasferito. Or bene sta, disse il Contesta
bile. A le cose passate, che fatte non sieno, non si pub trovar
rimedio ; ben mi posso con voi dolere de gF infortunii vostri, come
22 THOMAS CROMWELL
con il core faccio ; al rimanente si dara tal ordine, che voi ricupera-
rete tutti i vostri danari che qui devete avere, e non vi si manchera
di quello che io potro, assicurandovi, che la cortesia che m usate, non
mi conoscendo altramente, mi vi rende di modo ubbligato che
sempre sarb vostro, e di me e de le mie faculta potrete disporre
come io proprio, e non lo facendo, il danno sara vostro, ne piii faro
offerta alcuna, parendomi che sarebbe superflua. Basti che questo
vi sia ora per sempre detto. Ma leviamoci et andiamo in camera,
ove il Contestabile serrato 1 uscio, aperse un gran coffano pieno di
ducati, e pigliandone sedeci gli diede al Frescobaldi, e gli disse :
Eccovi, amico mio, i sedeci ducati che mi donaste al partir di
Firenze, eccovi gli altri dieci che vi costb il ronzino che per me
comperaste, et eccovene altri dieci che spendeste in vestirmi. Ma
perche essendo voi mercadante, non mi par onesto che i vostri
danari debbiano esser stati tanto tempo morti, ma s abbiano gua-
dagnato, come e il costume vostro, eccovi quattro sacchetti di ducati,
in ciascuno de i quali sono quattro mila ducati. Voi in ricompensa
de i vostri ve gli pigliarete, godendogli per amor mio. II Fresco-
baldo, ancor che da grandissime ricchezze fosse caduto in gran
poverta, nondimeno non aveva perduto la sua generosita d animo,
e non gli voleva accettare, ringraziandolo tutta via di tanta sua cor
tesia ; ma a la fine astretto per viva forza dal Contestabile, che gli
desse tutti i nomi in nota de i suoi debitori; il che Frescobaldo fece
molto volentieri, mettendo il nome dei debitori e la somma che gli
devevano. Avuta questa cedula, chiamo il Cremonello un suo uomo
di casa, e gli disse : Guarda chi sono costoro, che su questa lista
sono scritti, e fa che gli ritrovi tutti, siano dove si vogliano in questa
isola, e farai loro intendere che se fra quindici giorni non hanno
pagato tutto il lor debito, che io ci porro la mano con lor dispia-
cere e danno, e che facciano pensiero, che io sia il creditore. Fece
T uomo il comandamento del suo padrone molto diligentemente, di
maniera che al termine statuito furono ricuperati circa quindici mila
ducati. E se il Frescobaldo avesse voluto gl interessi, che in cosi
lungo tempo erano corsi, tutti gli averebbe avuti, fin ad un minimo
denaio ; ma egli si contento del capitale, ne volse interesse alcuno,
che di piu in piii gli acquisto credito e riputazione appresso tutti,
massimamente sapendosi gia da ciascuno de 1 isola il favore che egli
aveva appresso la persona del Contestabile. In questo mezzo, fu di
continovo esso Frescobaldo commensale del Cremonello, il quale di
giorno in giorno si sforzava d onorarlo quanto piu poteva. E deside-
rando che di continovo egli rimanesse in Londra, piacendogli molto
FOXE S HISTORY 23
la pratica sua, gli offerse di prestargli per quattro anni sessanta mila
ducati, a cio che mettesse casa e banco in Londra e gli trafficasse,
senza volerne profitto d un soldo, promettendogli oltra questo ogni
favore ne le cose de la mercadanzia. Ma il Frescobaldo che desiderava
di ritirarsi a casa, e viver il resto de la sua vita in quiete et
attender solamente a se stesso, infinitamente lo ringrazib di tanta
suprema cortesia, e con buona grazia del Contestabile, rimessi tutti
i suoi danari in Firenze, a la desiderata patria se ne ritornb, dove
essendo ritornato assai ricco, si mise a viver una vita quietissima.
Ma poco tempo visse in quiete, perche quell anno istesso che da
Londra era partito, in Firenze se ne mori.
IV
.
PASSAGES FROM THE LIFE OF LORD CROMWELL AS CON
TAINED IN FOXE S ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY, vol. ii.
pp. 4I9-434-
* Thomas Cromwell although born of a simple Parentage and
House obscure, through the singular excellency of Wisdom and
dexterity of Wit wrought in him by God, coupled with like industry
of mind, and deserts of life, rose to high preferment and authority ;
* *
1 First as touching his Birth, he was born at Putney or there
about, being a Smiths Son, whose Mother married after to a
sheerman.
As touching the order and manner of his coming up, it would
be superfluous to discourse what may be said at large : only by
way of story it may suffice to give a touch of certain particulars
and so to proceed. . . . Nothing was so hard which with wit and
industery he could not compass. Neither was his capacity so good
but his memory was as great in retaining whatsoever he had
attained. Which well appeareth in canning the text of the
whole new Testament of Erasmus Translation without Book, in
his journey going and coming from Rome, whereof you shall hear
anon.
* Thus in his growing years, as he shot up in age and ripeness,
a great delight came in his mind to stray into forreign Countries to
see the World abroad, and to learn experience, whereby he learned
24 THOMAS CROMWELL
such Tongues and Languages as might better serve for his use
hereafter.
And thus passing over his youth being at Antwerp, he was
there retained of the English Merchants to be their Clerk or
Secretary, or in some such like condition placed pertaining to
their affairs.
It happened the same time that the Town of Boston thought
good to send up to Rome for renewing of their two pardons, one
called the great pardon and the other the lesser pardon. Which
thing although it should stand them in great expences of money
(for the Popes Merchandise is always dear ware) yet notwithstanding
such sweetness they had felt thereof, and such gain to come to their
town by that Romish Merchandise (as all Superstition is commonly
gainful) that they like good Catholick Merchants and the Popes good
customers, thought to spare for no cost, to have their leases again
of their pardons renewed, whatsoever they paid for the fine. And
yet was all this good Religion then, such was the lamentable blindness
of that time.
* This then being so determined and decreed among my Country
men of Boston to have their pardons needs repaired and renewed from
Rome, one Geffery Chambers, with another Champion was sent for the
messengers, with writings and money, no small quantity, well furnished,
and with all other things appointed necessary for so chargeable and
costly exploit. Who coming in his journey to Antwerp, and mis
doubting to be too weak for the compassing of such a weighty piece
of work, conferred and perswaded with T. Cromwel to associat him
in that legacy, and to assist him in the contriving thereof. Cromwel
although perceiving the enterprise to be of no small difficulty to
traverse the Popes Court, for the unreasonable expences amongst
those greedy Cormorants, yet having some skill of the Italian
Tongue, and as yet not grounded in the judgement of Religion
in those his youthful days, was at length obtained and content to
give the adventure, and so took his journey towards Rome.
Cromwel loth to spend much time, and more loth to spend his
money ; and again perceiving that the Popes greedy humour
must needs be served with some present or other (for without
rewards there is no doing at Rome) began to cast with himself
what thing best to devise wherein he might best serve the Popes
devotion.
At length having knowledge how that the Popes holy tooth
greatly delighted to new fangled strange delicates and dainty dishes,
FOXE S HISTORY 25
it came in his mind to prepare certain fine dishes of gelly, after the
best fashion, made after our Countrey manner here in England, which
to them of Rome was not known nor seen before.
* This done, Cromwell observing his time accordingly, as the Pope
was newly come from hunting into his pavillion, he with his com
panions approached with his English presents brought in with
a three mans song (as we call it) in the English tongue and after
the English fashion. The Pope suddenly marvelling at the strange
ness of the song, and understanding that they were English men, and
that they came not empty handed, willed them to be called in.
Cromwel there shewing his obedience, and offering his jolly junkets,
such as Kings and Princes only, said he, in the Realm of England
use to feed upon, desired the same to be accepted in benevolent part,
which he and his companions, as poor suters unto his Holiness had
there brought and presented, as novelties meet for his recreation etc.
* Pope Julius, seeing the strangeness of the dishes, commanded by
and by his Cardinal to take the assay. Who in tasting thereof liked
it so well, and so likewise the Pope after him, that knowing of them
what their sutes were, and riquiring them to make known the making
of that meat, he incontinent, without any more adoe, stamped both
their pardons as well the greater as the lesser : ... it seemeth
that Cromwell obtained this Pardon aforesaid about the year of
our Lord, 1510. . . .
[The rest of the story deals for the most part with Cromwell s
career in the service of the Cardinal and of the King. Historically
it is almost worthless nearly every paragraph contains statements
which the more trustworthy sources prove to be impossible. A
curious legend of Cromwell s saving the life of the Earl of Bedford
at Bologna is followed by a more plausible account of the latter
afterward commending his preserver to the King. Foxe also states
that Sir Christopher Hales, a violent papist, but a friend of
Cromwell s, took an opportunity to say a good word for him to
Henry after Wolsey s fall, that the King at last had an interview
with his future minister in Westminster Gardens, and was advised by
him to shake off the yoke of Rome. The latter part of this story
follows closely the account of Cardinal Pole (see chapter vi. p. 92).
Foxe goes on to an exhaustive defence of Cromwell s actions during
his ministry, especially the suppression of the monasteries and
the measures adopted for the promotion of the new religion. The
story of the loss of Cranmer s Book Against the Six Articles at the
bear-baiting on the Thames (see chapter xiii. p. 255) and the account
26 THOMAS CROMWELL
of Frescobaldo s kindness to Cromwell in Florence are related at
length. Many other minor incidents of Cromwell s life are also
recorded : we are told how he stopped a skirmish in Paternoster
Row, how he prevented a friar from wearing his cowl in the
streets, how he imprisoned a ruffian with long hair, and how
he aided a poor man whose father had once befriended him in
distress. The story closes with an account of Cromwell s fall,
sentence and execution, and gives the speech and prayer he is
supposed to have made on the scaffold. (See Appendix at the
end of chapter xiv.)]
CHAPTER II
THE PARLIAMENT OF 1523
THE heavy veil that shrouds in mystery the early life of
Thomas Cromwell is not completely lifted until after he
becomes counsellor to the King, but even before and during
his service with Wolsey, we catch several interesting glimpses
of him. Especially important is the information we possess
concerning the part he played in the Parliament of 1523. We
have no means of knowing how he obtained a seat there, but
there are fortunately preserved two documents of undoubted
authenticity that shed much light on the attitude he assumed
towards the problems which came up for discussion. The first
is a speech which exists to-day at the Public Record Office in
the hand of one of Cromwell s clerks, and contains a distinct
and careful enunciation of the policy which the future minister
actually pursued in after years. The second is a letter from
Cromwell to a friend, John Creke, in Biscay, in which he
tells how he * amongyst other indured a parlyament V This
epistle is in itself an excellent index to the character and
political ideals of its author. Cromwell s ill-concealed con
tempt for the vague discussions and fruitless arguments of the
Commons, who finally in disgust left off where they began,
his evident disappointment that the right large subsydye
had been granted in spite of his disapproval, and his sneering
statement that this Parliament had failed as signally as its
predecessors had, to do anything of real practical value to
King or realm, but had wasted its time in foolish theorizing
and useless debate all are perfectly consistent with the
characteristics revealed by his later policy and actions.
In order to understand the speech which Cromwell wrote
to deliver in this Parliament, a preliminary survey of some of
1 Letters, I.
28 THOMAS CROMWELL
the business that lay before the House may be helpful. The
period immediately previous to the session of 1523 had been
occupied by Henry and Wolsey in sending messages to the
powerful and traitorous Duke of Bourbon, to obtain from him
a recognition of the King s title to the throne of France.
The breach between England and Francis was becoming
wider every day. Charles V had of course seized the favour
able opportunity to ally himself with Bourbon and Henry, and
had as usual succeeded in making the latter do the lion s
share of the work, and pay practically all the bills. Loans
to the Emperor and to the Duke, and the expense of keeping
up the defences in the north, where Scotland daily threatened
to break out into open war, had drained the country s resources
to their lowest ebb.
Under these circumstances Henry thought it fit to summon
a Parliament, the first since December, 1515. The policy of
Wolsey, in regard to the great legislative body of the king
dom, had up to this time been very closely followed. He
had not reached the point which Cromwell at a later day
was destined to attain ; that is, he had not so completely
obtained the upper hand of the Commons that he could use
them as a tool to accomplish his will. He rather regarded
Parliament as a dangerous power to be suppressed at all costs,
than as a means to attain his own ends. Consequently it
had not met for nearly eight years. But the present crisis
was one which called for more than the ordinary resources of
the nation ; nothing could be accomplished against France
unless an enormous subsidy was granted ; that subsidy could
only be granted by Parliament, and Wolsey, rather unwillingly,
was forced to consent to the King s summoning it, relying
on Henry s great personal popularity, and the peculiarly
bitter national hatred of France, to make it accomplish for
him what he could not do for himself 1 .
Sir Thomas More was chosen Speaker, probably because
of his high favour with Henry, who did not scruple to
give Parliament broad hints of his pleasure in all matters
in which he was interested, and though, as Roper says,
1 On this paragraph cf. Creighton s Wolsey, pp. 128-130.
THE PARLIAMENT OF 1523
29
More was very loath to take this room upon him 1 / yet
the King would not consent to his resignation. And the
story goes on to tell how Wolsey found himself much
grieved with the burgesses of this Parliament, for that nothing
was so soon done or spoken therein but that it was immediately
blown abroad in every ale-house 2 / and how, fearing that the
subsidy bill might not pass, he determined to be present at
the debate himself, and was received, at Sir Thomas More s
suggestion, with all his pomp, with his maces, his pillars, his
poleaxes, his crosses, his hat, and his great seal too. But
Wolsey need not have been so anxious about the passage of
his bill. Though at first the House would not deign to con
sider the subsidy in his presence, alleging that there was
not so much money out of the King s hands in the whole
realm, it had been out of practice too long to realize its own
power, and after a great deal of haggling and fruitless
endeavours by the members to beg off for less than the
;8oo,coo at first demanded, Wolsey carried his point 3 , and
by the end of June was able to announce to Henry that there
was no further hindrance to the proposed invasion of France.
While -the debate was in progress, however, Cromwell was
Roper, Life of More, pp. 34-35.
Ibid. pp. 35-38.
3 On the 29th of April Wolsey
entered the House and proposed a
subsidy which he thought should
not fall short of ^800,000, to be
raised by a tax of four shillings in
the pound on all men s goods and
lands. The principal provisions of
the Act to which the Commons were
finally induced to give their consent
were as follows : for two years { a
rate of 5 per cent, was imposed on
all lands and goods of the value
of 20 and upwards ; i\ per cent,
on goods between 20 and 2 ;
if per cent on goods of 40^., or on
yearly wages averaging 20.?. In the
third year 5 per cent, on all lands
of ^50 and upwards ; and in the
fourth and last year, 5 per cent.
on personal property of ,50 and
upwards. These rates were doubled
in cases of aliens. The Act was not
to extend to Ireland, Wales, Calais,
to the counties of Northumberland,
Cumberland, or Westmoreland, to
Chester, to the bishopric of Dur
ham, or to Brighton in Sussex.
(Cf. Introduction to vol. iii of the
Calendar, pp. 243, 253, 270.) Brewer
informs us that it had been com
puted that the subsidy granted
by the Commons would produce
,800,000, though he confesses that
we are ignorant of the data on which
this estimate was based. Lingard
does not discuss the amount of the
subsidy, but lays stress on the fact
that the Commons asserted their
right to debate on the measure alone.
(Hist, of England, vol. vi. pp. 91-92.)
30 THOMAS CROMWELL
one of the strongest opponents of the Cardinal s scheme. The
following speech, which he wrote to deliver on this occasion l ,
clearly reveals his attitude on the questions before the House.
To recou^r agayne by the sworde the Realme of Fraunce,
belongyng to vur most Redowbtid Souerayne by good and
iuste tytle, and to chaunge the Sums of monay whiche we haue
in sundrey yeres Receyued from thens into the hole and iust
Reuenues that myght there from yere to yere be Leuyed yf
we did peasibly enioye the same, who ys here present that
wold not gladly dispend not oonly all his goodys but also his
lyffe yf euery of vs had ten thowsand lyues to help to obtayne
vnto our most benygne souerayne and his most noble Succession
besydys the high honour and wyde spredyng of his most
glorious fame, whiche while this world endured shuld euer be
had in memory, suche yerely reuenues and wellyng spryngg^y
as 2 treasure as shuld by thyse means contynually be browght
into this Realme, Whereoff there were no dowte but that ryght
haboundant stremys shuld from his most liberall magnyfysence
be dereuyed into eu^ry parte of this his Realme to the grete
Inryching and enprosperyng of vs and all suche as hereafter
showld lyue vnder hys obeysaunce and subieccion. And that
this high and Magnanyme enterpryse ys at this present by
otir saide Souerayne not only in secret wyse in his high
cowrage conceyued, but also vttred to his most prudent coun-
sayll, and at sundrey tymes by his grace and them rypely
dygested debated ye and fynally concluded as the thyng by
his most high wysdome and thens thowg/2/ not only possible
but also very apparaunt and lykely, ail reasonable dowtes
auoyded, we All haue clerely persayued as well by the mowth
and reporte of my lorde legattey good grace as by the Re-
capitulacion of the Right w^rshipfull best Assuryd and discrete
Speker, in so moche that we haue ben^ adu^rtised of the
1 Cal. iii. 2958. There can be p. 52), says, Die Rede selbst kann
no reasonable doubt concerning schlechterdings keinen anderen
the authorship of this speech. Urheber haben, und ist spaterhin
Neither Brewer nor Gairdner ques- bei der Confiscation der Papiere
tion it, and Pauli, in an article on Cromwell s in das Staatsarchiv
Wolsey and the Parliament of 1523 gekommen.
(Historische Zeitschrift for 1889, 2 sic, for of.
THE PARLIAMENT OF 1543 31
Indentures all reddy passed bytwene our said most noble
Souerayne and the Emparoz/rs Magesty, conteynyng not
oonly the nombre of horseme;/ and Fotemen, estemed
sufficient for the saide enterpryse, but also the day pr^fixid
for the Arryuall beyond the see of the saide Army. Whyche
thyng sythyns our most Redowbted Souerayne hathe so
depely myndyd, that for the more effectuall puttyng in
execucion of the same, his high enterpryze, he hathe promysed
in the saide endentures, to goo ou^r in his owne noble p^rsone
Whoo ys here present in this ryght \w?rshipfull assemble, or
any other his subiet Whatsoeuer he be whiche to the vtterest
of his power wold not payne and endeu^r hymself, that this so
glorious, so profyttable and so wysshefull an enterpryse myght
properously be atcheuyd and our souerayne wz t/2 assuryd
honour to Retoz/me agayne after this grete acte well and
victoryously p^rfynysshed. But for somoche As yt hathe
pleased oz/r most Redowbtid Souuerayne of his most high
and haboundant goodnes, to declare vnto vs by the mowthe
of my saide Lorde Cardinallis grace, not only this his purpose,
but also the manyfold pr^uocacions and hainous iniures done
aswell to his noble highnes, as to his most dere sister the
qtiene Douriere of Fraunce, in wrongus l w/t/zholding of her
Dowre, and also the grete vexacion of his subiecter by
robbyng and spoylyng of them, to theire vtter vndoyng, by
Francoys now raynyng there, and on the other side the
manyfold policies and gracious meanes studied by o>ur saide
most noble Souuerayne, and hys Counsayll, to establysshe
a generall peace amongyst all Crysten Prynces and to stay
the saide Frauncoys yf yt had bene possible by ma^nys
industry from his synyster wayes and disturbyng of all
Regions abowte hym. Me semyth that his highnes hathe
heryn Declared vnto vs the grettest loue that euer did noble
prynce vnto his humble and obeysaunt subiect^, seyng that
his high wysdome doth not disdayne to communicate and
declare vnto vs his waighty entrepases and affayres, in this
autentyk man^r assemblyd by the mowthe of so notable
a parsonage, beseching god of his haboundant goodnes and
1 sic, for wrongous or wrong. 5
32 THOMAS CROMWELL
ynfynyte mercye whiche wzt/^drawyth not his lyght from the
poore and low estate but vnto humble harttey departyth of his
grace, that this notable benygnete of our saide Souerayne be
not amongyst vs all frustrate, but that sum of vs here present
may say in this weyghty matier the thyng vaylable and
worthye in his most highe Juggement to be regarded whiche
by the Mowthe and report of the ryght wyse dyscrete and
excellently lettred speker may be benyng Interpretacion And
as we meane cum vnto his most gracious Erys. Whiche my
perfyte trust ys that his noble grace wyll not so vtterly regecte,
but that yt may oons entre into his noble harte byfore the
tyme come that he shall put hys high entrepryse in execution
seyng yt ys yet oon hole yere therunto and all thowgh
I reckyn myselff of all other the most vnworthy to haue in
the awdience of so many sauge and notable persons, any
manner saiyngg^y, especially in this weighty mattier whiche
makyth me to tremble, for fere, whan I thyncke upon hyt and
represent vnto my fantasy How the thre gouernours of
Crystendom, accompanyed wit/i so grete nombr^ of prync^r
noble men and other their Subgietter shuld after so manyfold
pr0uocacions of dedely hattred encounter togyder with theire
Swordys in theire hand^j, to trye where the pleasure of god
shalbe to stryke, and shew his indignacion, Of whiche slawghter,
most nedis ensue, the moste Lamentable cryes, and sorowfull
wryngyng of handys, that hath happened in Cristendome
many yeres. Neu^rthelesse after my symple and yngnorant
man^r, I shall humbly beseche yow all of your benygne
Supportacion that I may here with your fauours vtter my
poore mynde whose intent ys none other but to geue vnto
yow, whiche be of far more assuryd Wysdom, Lernyng and
experience then I, occasion to vtter jour wyse counsaylW, for
yn myself I know well ys nought ell^r but the intent of good
wyll, and entier desyre, of the Contenuaunce yn prosperite of my
most redowtyd souerayne, with the most frutefull con.seru3.cion
of the polytyk weall of this his noble Realme, and the good
fertheryng of all the enterprysys and affayres in any wyse
belongyng to the same.
To speke of peace certeynly as now hit ys no tyme, Albe
THE PARLIAMENT OF 1523 33
ta
hit that I doo in my hart therfore ryght sore lament, but want
of trowth ys so depely in the Frenche Nacion enrotid, and theire
insaciable apetite to extent theire bondes and to accroche from
other their Domynyons and possessions to the grete molestyng
and trowbelyng of all the nacions abowte theym, ys so manyfest
and notorys to all the word *, wzt//oute any regarde hauyng
ether to godde or Justyce, that thowgh we Hadde for our
owne ptfrticuler causes no manner quarell&j 1 vnto them, yet
cowld we not but haue in detestacion their false and fleyghty
Dealyng Wherwzt/J other Cristened prync^ be by them so
sore molestyd. But now ys hyt soo that our most Drad
Souerayne ys soo notably prouoked by the manyfold Iniuryes
done aswell to hymself as to his most derest Syster, and
sundrey his Subiect^ that me thynckyth, there be none, his
true and faythefull Subiettey, that can refrayne to bere towards
them a worthy haatred and fast inpryntyd groutche, as vnto
the nacion, whiche euer ys onrestful, And of suche malicious
nature that there ys no remedy, but other they most be
skowrgyd or ellys they wyll suerly be a skowrge to other, and
other their possessions must be ruffilled and dymynysshed or
ellys they wyll not cesse to Dymynysshe and take away from
other their possessions, of whiche Arogant Nacion thowgh we
haue of our selves by goddys Ayde and sufferance ben the
Chastners and terryble stronge yet at this present tyme All-
myghty god ys so benygne vnto vs that we haue now a muche
grete aduauntage to compell them not oonly to syt in rest but
also gladly to com^ to Reason seyng that by theyre sayde
mysprowde arregancy the * Haue in. so sundry Wayes prouoked
the saide Emparoz/rs magestye vnto iust hatered and dys-
pleasure agaynst them with whome our most Redowbted
Souerayne ys most assurydly confederate and alied, Whose
high and myghty power ys so great that Joyned vnto owers
they be enverouned on eu^ry syde wyth the nacions, whiche
by goddes grace shall afflycte them and abate their pryde.
Whiche thyng the emparo//rs maiesty hath full well for his
partie shewyd in Recoueryng agayne of Nauerne Where they
had no smale ou^rthrow and also by Wynnyng from theym
1 sic, for < world. z sic, for they.
MERR1MAN. I
34 THOMAS CROMWELL
the Cytte of To^ney and the hole Countrey Tornasyes
adiacent therunto, and farthermore to the more sorar encresyng
of their A^guysshefull abasshement and shame haue dryuen
them quyte owte of Ittaly and dispossessed them of the noble
Dowchye of Millayne, the gettyng and defendyng wherof
hath bem? so maruaylous chargeable vnto theym and also to
the Cyttyes of Genes wit/i the Terretoryes therunto belongyng.
And we for our partye haue spoyled and brent Morkesse,
Destroyed also a grete Contrey wM sundry village and
Townes therin, and to the grete and high honour of our
soueraigne and his valiaunt nacion, and the grete Lawde and
Prayse of the well fortunate and sawge Capetayn, the yerle of
Surrey, whiche taryed in the Domynyons of the saide
Francoyse wzt// a smale N ombre of men in comparyson by the
space or vj or vij wekys where all the power of Fraunce durst
not geue hym battayll whiche sayde valiant Capeteyne, I trust
by goddes help, shall ou<?rthrow and subdue also the Skottes,
whome the Frenche men haue so custuously intertayned,
and of so long tyme mayntayned agaynst vs, whiche thingg^j,
yf almyghty god of his goodnes, wyll suffre to contynue this
a while, there ys no dowte but that their hawlte and mys-
prowde Cowrage shall or owght long abate, and that we shall
constrayne theym to be glad to entret for pease as men dryuen
in to grete and extreme Dyspayre, seing their pec^r whiche
they haue bene so long in gettyng bene so valiauntly and
wzt//owt any hardynesse in theym to make Resystance
pullid away from theym, and they dare not trye hyt by the
sworde, nother with vs, nor wM the saide Emparo&rs Subiectey
for whan soeuer they so doo, they wyn nowght ellys but
a shamefull overthrow, as we all know, by good experyence.
But now myght yt be in questyon whyther hyt showld be for
the more aduaunsyng of our most Rodowtyd Souerayns
Honour and the Emperoz/rs Mageste also, and more vayllable
for the spedy acheuyng of bothe their desiryd purposys other
to contynew styll thys kynde of warre whyche hytherto god
be thancked hathe so prosperously succedyd or ellys to chaunge
our warre in to another kynde, more sharper, more violent and
also more terable, that is to say, where he hathe not bene so
THE PARLIAMENT OF 1523 35
hardy as to mete A meane Armyee, other of owers or of the
Emperors, to conuey now in to hys Realme on eyther of
our sydys, so grete and myghty a puyss^/mce as shalbe able
by goddys ayde, clerely to vanquysshe hym vtterly and to
subdue hym.
To this question I beseche god that sum sauge and well
experte man here amongyst vs present may say the thyng
that may be honorable to our most Redowted souerayne and
proffyttable this to his noble Realme, As for myne owne partye
knowyng my most redowtyd Souerayns high pleasure Whereof
we haue all by my saide lorde Cardinality grace ben so clerely
enfoz/rmed, I am at a poynt suche as dothe become an humble
and obeysant subiect to be, beyng adu^rtisid of his Souerayns
most redowtyd pleasure, especially by the mowthe of hys
most nere and cheffest Counsayloz/r, declaryd, oonly oon
thyng there ys whiche puttyth me in no small agonye, me
thowght I harde my lorde Cardynall^r grace say that our
most gracious Souuerayne, more derer vnto any of hys Subiecter
that hathe any maner zele to our cowmen welthe then hys
owne propre lyfe, indendyth to go ouer in his Royall persone,
Whyche thyng I pray god for my partie I neuer lyue to see,
Most humbly beseching hys haboundant and tendre benygnyte
of m^rcy and p^rdone of this my saiyng, for the humble and
obeysant loue I ow vnto his noble person, causyth me in this
case to forget obeysance, and I cannot consent to obey vnto
this hys pleasure wheryn lyith the hazardyng of this his
noble Realme, and apon the whiche myght follow (whiche
god defend) the grettyst Calamyte and afflation 1 that euer
happynned ther vnto by cause I am desyrous to be owte of
all dowttey that I may all my lyfe dayes hereafter be his
humble and obeisant subiet, and see wz t/z the prosperite and
suretye of his noble parson, his Realme and power subiect^
to lyue assuryd in tranquylyte and to be reconforttid wM his
noble presence, whose welthe and prosperyte ys so vrgently
necessary vnto vs all that I am sure their ys no good Englysshe
man whiche can be mery the day whan he happenyth to thynk
that his grace myght perchatmce be dystempmd of his helthe
1 sic, for affliction.
D 2,
36 THOMAS CROMWELL
so that albe hyt I say for my partie, I stomak as a sory
Subiect may doo, the high Iniures done by the saide Francoys,
vnto his most dere souerayne, yet rather then the thyng shuld
goo so ferre forth I cowld for my partie be contented to forget
altogyther soo that I may know the parson of my souerayne
to be yn helthe, and suretye owte of the thowsand Daungiers
whiche chaunce in warre, and lyue at his high Pleasure and
assuryd myrth for yf the Frenche men haue establysshed an
ordena^nce amongyst theym that their kyng in hys owne
p^rsone shall neu^r com^ in Raungyd Battayll agay^st our
nacion bycawse of the sundry hazardys that their saide prync^r
haue suffred in their owne parsons, notwzt^standyng their
maruelous pollecy deuysed amongest them for the certayn and
the establysshid succession of their Crowne, how neidfull ys
hyt for us consideryng in what case we be to make the
humblest sewyt that euer did pore Subjects to theyre Souue-
rayne, that he wyll for our sak^y and specially for the tendre
and Fathyrly loue he beryth to his most dere and oonly
dovvghter upon whose wele and sircumspecte bestowyng next
his noble parson dependyth all our welthis som^thyng to
RefTrayne his high magnanyme Courage and for our assuryd
welthe and quyet and specially of her noble person desyst
from that Dawngerows entrepryse, And whereas his highnes
hath the Reno^m to be the most faythefull and substauncyall
prynce, Crystayned yn the trew perfourmyng of all his pro-
myses that hyt may lyke his grace to lay the wyte on vs his
poore Subiecto thowgh that he breke in that poynt the tenour
of his Indenture, For yf his highnes wold so farre presse vs by
our allegence that he wold nedys cary ouer with hym the
Armay in the same Endentures expressed, I am suer there
showld not be oon amongest them all that had any reason in
his hed but he shuld be more metar to wayle and wryng hys
handes than assuryd to fyght, whan he consydered that yf
otherwyse then well showld fortune to that prescious Juell
whiche he had for hys partye, in custody, yt were more
metar for hyrn to departe in to Turkey than to Reto&rne
agayne in to his naturall Contray to hys wyffe and chyldren.
And now as yt fortunyth naturally where as a man ys fully
THE PARLIAMENT OF 1523 37
p^rswadyd in any matter as I am trewly that our most
Redowtid soueraygne showld in no wyse passe the Sees in his
owne noble person consideryng the ihynges aforsaide to fayne
Reasons to make for His purpose, soo doo I now Fantasye
syns I am so extremely desyrows that the noble parson yf l
my saide Prynce showlde tarry withyn Hys Realme that hit
were better to trayne owre warre and by lyttyll and lyttyll to
attempte wery the saide Francoys then at oons to send ouer
agaynst hym the power Royall of this noble Royalme.
In the reasonyng of whiche matter I shall but vtter myne
ygnoraunce afore Hanyball as our ryght wyse spekar rehersid
now of late, but syns I am wadyd thus far vnder your benygne
supportacion I shall here vtter my pore mynde yf thys grete
and puysaunt armaye of xxx Thowsand foteme^ and ten
Thowsand horsemen showld be co^ueyed in to the partyes of
beyond see I ymagyn wzt& myself whiche wayes they myght
take to noy our enemyes most Consideracion fyrst had vnto
their owne saufegarde, How they myght suerly be victualled
and thus I reason yf they shuld so invade Fraunce that they
myght eu^r wM suretye haue victayles owte of the Arche-
dukedome, than put I no dowbter but they showld saufely
Retowrne agayne, for any daungyer that showld com^ vnto
theym by their enemyes, for synse they durst not this yere
last past set vpon the Hardy and valiaunt Capetayn the
Yerle of Surrey notwzt^standyng any prouocacions that he
Cowld by hys exp^rte wysedome in the Feattey of warre
Imagyn to bryng them thervnto how moche more wold they
beware to mete wz t^ so howge an Armye whose bruit
I suppose god beyng indyfferent the poore of Fraunce were
not hable to susteyne, but by this meanes lyke as our saide
Armye shuld be in saftye soo showld the harme whiche they
showld doo to the Realme of Fraunce be nothyng so moche
as the harmys whiche we oz/rselffer showld susteyn in
sowldyng of so great an army which were hable or iii
Somers were expyred to exhawste and vtterly consume all
the Cogne and bolyon wzt//yn this Realme whiche I con-
iecture can not passe moche aboue a Million For yf all the
1 V,for of?
38 THOMAS CROMWELL
valew of the hole Realme excede not iiii Millions as my lorde
Cardinally grace Declaryth playnly vnto vs all of whiche
the possessions were estemyd to amount to oone Hole
Million, me thynkyth that there ys no dowbte but that the
Cornes, Cattails our owne Co;;zmodeties vtensllles Apparayll
for man and women whiche was neuer soo sumptuous and
also the wares not oonly made of our owne co//zmodetyes
but also conveyed from the partyes of beyond the see Hyther
wherof was neu^r so grete Haboundaunce Dothe amount at
the lest vnto other ij Millions This yf we showld take thys
way or eu^r we showld doo to our enemy any hurt that were
worthy to be regardid we showld be brought in to that case
that we showld neu^r be hable neuer to hurt hym ne none
other, nor to help our Prynce, nor this his noble Realme
What adu^rsyte soeu^r shuld fortune to Hap ye and what
showld we then Doo, but sit in peace with the highest
ignomine and Desperat confusion that eu^r did nacion and
be constraynyd for the maynten^z/nce of cowmutacion and
biyng and sellyng amongyst o^rselffes to koyne lether agayne,
lyke as we oons haue done, whiche as for me I could well
ynowgh be content with but yf yt showld fortune our most
Redowtyd Souerayne, yf he wold nyedys go ou^r yn hys
owne p<?rsone to happyn by any adu^rse fortune, whiche
almyghty god defend to cum into the hanctay of our enemyes,
how shuld we then be hable to Redeme hym agayne yf they
wyll nought for their wynes but golde they wold thynck
grete skorne, to take lether for our prynce, ye and how moche
the Inhabitaunter of the saide Archedukedome be desirows to
haue moche of our monaye for Lytyll of their victuaylis
whiche showld the sonner bryng this inconuenyence to passe,
we haue hadde ryght good experyence aswell whan our
moste Redowbtid Souerayne last went ouer in His owne
Royall parson as in the last yere, whan my lorde of Surrey
was sent by our saide Souerayne in to those parties whose
Soldyers at their Rettoz/rne made of the raryte and high
prysed victuales no lytyll complaynt. But yf we nedys wold
conuaye our armye by their possessions and to make our
way as short as myght be, to goo the most nere and dyrect
THE PARLIAMENT OF 1523 39
way to Parrys where vndowbtyd were no small spoylle to
be gotten and in manner the place self not hable in strength
to kepe vs owte Assone as euer we were Departyd owte of
the Marchys of the saide Archedukedome, we showld then
clerely p^rsayue whatt manner warre the Frenche men wold
vse ayenst vs whiche neu^r wyll offer to medyll wz t/z our
Armye, but lye yn wayte yf any of our saide Armye
happened to straye or stragle abrode or to destroye the
Conductors of our victuayle. And as for victuaylys in our
waye we shuld be sure none to fynde that other hadde legges
to convey hyt sylf from vs or elles by the diligence of the
paysans myght convaide l to the next strong holdys and then
myght we perchatmce (whiche god defend) p^rsayue what
high daunger to leue any strong holdys behynde vs,
whiche the most Saugge and Poletyke Pry nee Kyng Henry
the vij th of gracious memory thowght not best to doo.
For when he passed the Sees to wyn the ryght in Fraunce
he began fyrst to lay Seige to Bolayn, or euer he wold enter
anye farther in to the land. And o>ur most Redowtyd
souerayne now raynyng beyng in purpose as I harde reportid
goo as farre as Parres after the occupacion of his sawge
Counsayle began Fyrst at Tyrouenne and the Empero^rs
mageste Imployed A whosoeu^r be in Toz/rnay bycawse yt
was thowght to his high wysedome and hys noble councellers
euydently dawngerous yf he wold at any tyme hereafter
passe any farder by that way in to Fraunce, to leue suche
strong hold in the possession of his enemyes behynde hym
at hys bakke, and soo yf we showld for any dyspleasure
done vnto vs ammuse our Coscions armye abowte the
wynnyng of any those holdys, what maruelous Inconueny-
ences Let of purpose and Importable Charge we showld
sustayn therbye our most drad souerayne lorde hathe theryn
to good experyence in the wynnyng of Tyrouen which cost
his highnes more then xx tj suche vngracious Dogholes
cowld be worthe vnto hym But yf we wold vtterlye leue
this waye, and Determyn to Invade Normandie Bretayn or
sum other Contraye in the possession of his enemye vpon
1 sic, for be conveyed.
40 THOMAS CROMWELL
the Ryvage of the see and make our preparations here
wzt/zyn this noble Realme suche as showld be thowght
conuenable for suche an armye Royall Thys thyng passith
the streche of my pore wyt to speke for oone thing
I suppose, beside the Inestymable molestacion and charge
whiche I ymagyn this noble Realme showld sustayne for
theyr preparation for ware I can se nothyng but manyfest
dawngier on euery syde to be towards the saide Armaye
not onely at their Arryvall amongest their enemyes at all
tymes and so long as they shall there tarry Whiche to shew
theym their saide enemyes showld have no smale aduauntage,
and that in sundry wyse, but also how they should surely
be victayled for thowgh we made here neuer so good
dylygence to prepare victailes for them in due tyme yet
stode bothe we and they in daungier of the wynde in whose
oncerteynte god defend that the Flower, nay in manner the
hole Chyualry of this noble Realme showld so be hazardid
for thereby myght Chaunce the most lamentable losse ye
and wz t^out Recouery that euer heretofore to me happenyd
For thowgh we be indowtyd ryght sore dymynysshed of
our Treasure, We haue yet a farr gretar want of defensable
men whiche to any good Englysshe man that ys not
affeccionat to his owne pryuat lucre but wzt^ good harte and
true zele louyth the Commen wele ys to moche manyfest at
the yee, and hyt pleasid god of the contrary Wherby Supposid
that Almyghty god sent our souerayne his desiryd purpose
how showld we be Able to possede the large Cuntreye of
Fraunce whiche haue our owne Realme so meruelous rarely
storyd of inhabytaunter and hable men, but there paraad-
venture yt myght be saide vnto me Why puttyst thow so
many dowtter ayenst this my most redowtyd souerayns
enterpryse, he beyng so high in courage of maruelous
wysdome and well tryed experyence in all marcia.ll Cond utter
seyng other his progenitoz/rs of farre lesse graces with an
handfull of men in comparyson to his armye haue geuyn
them soo notable ou^rthrowes To thys question breuely to
show my pore mynde Trewly the manyfold victoryes that we
haue had ayenst theym bryngyth theym in playne dyspayre
THE PARLIAMENT OF 1533 41
to trye hyt anye more wzt/z vs In raunged battayll and to the
experyence that they haue of our Condicions bothe in warre
and pease hathe geuyn the saide Francoys hardynes thus
haynowsly to prouoke our Souerayne as he doyth for lyke
as he knowyth that in Armys oiir nacion ys ynvincible so
knowyth he our Impacience to Contynew in warre many
yeres and in especiall in wynter for we desier nowght elles
but to trye hyt w/t/z our handes at ones and that the
Maruelous charge far aboue any other nacion that we most
nedys continually be at for victuayles and other necessaryes
ys so grete that at the length we most nedys wery owrself
as oftyn as we be assemblyd to fyght yf We soo togyther
assemblyd long contynew thowgh none other nacion fyght
wz t^ vs I cowld here also towche what polecye we haue to
kepe things when we haue gottyn theym, but I let that
passe and wyll now shew the notable adu^/ntag^ that our
sou^rayns progenitoz/rs had ouer that we haue now, the
mean warre ayenst Fraunce yn tymes past we had euer
plac^- surlye to Lond in other of our owne, or of our assured
confederate and alies as Gascoyne Gwyen Bretayn and
sumtyme Normandie and at the lest we had Sum assuryd
freynd^ there whiche wern grete men of power and further
more their Townes and holdes were nothyng of the m^ruelous
strength that they be of at this present but now all thyse
thynges be chaunged places. We haue none to lond in any
of the saide Countrays but suche as we may be sure to haue
allema^n^r dyspleasure shewyd vnto vs that they dare or
may doo and as for any frend^j W T e haue that I dare not
presume to speke in, but as ferre as my pore conjecture
ledyth me there was neuer nacion more maruaylusly Lynkyd
togyder then they be amongyst theymselfoy nor more sundry
prouysyons found how suche A x nature hath made of high
courage beyng borne amongyst them myght be prouyded
of welthful lyuynges vnder their obeysaunce to consent to
any Dysturbyng of their Cowmen Welth thowgh he showld
for that intent be ofTeryd a great and notable Treasoure
But how by 2 Coruptable all the worlde w/t/z the mmielows
1 sic, for as. 2 sic, for be, possibly meaning very.
42 THOMAS CROMWELL
in excessyff gyftes the Emperoz/rs maiestye hathe
for his partie had of late ryght euydent experyence, For whyle
he was here in thise parties occupied abowte the wynnyng
of Tourney and other his affayres they had corrupted iij or
iiij of the grettest nobles of Spayne, apon whiche parsonages
for their euydent ontrewth the Emperoz/rs Magestye was
constraynyd to do Justyce at his Retoz/rnyng thyther,
whiche was no small losse onto hym yf they had lyke trew
subgiettey accordyngly regarded their allegiaunce and that
is to be m^ruayled at my lorde of Sheuerys 1 the most
bounden creature of the sayde Emparoz/rs Maieste that eu^r
was subiect to his Souuerayne, me thowght I harde my lorde
Cardinal!^ grace reporte, that he was also by their m^uelous
subtyle pollice and gyfies corrupt, and also yt ys euydent
that synse the saide Emperoz/rs Maiestie Retoz/rnyd in to
Spayne agayne the gouernours of his Archedukedome haue
grauntyd dyuers of safecondut vnto merchauntes of the
Frenche nacion ye and for their Sakys vnto Skotter also,
whiche ys a maruelous hyndraunce after my pore Jugeme;/t
to our souueraynes and the saide Emperows warres. For
yf our cowmodeties had aswell ben^ kepte from theim as
their cowmodeties be from vs many a thowsand artyfycer
lyuyng vnder the saide Francoys Domynyon whiche hathe
none other lyuyng but by workyng of our wollys haue
ben constrayned to haue made to their kyng lamentable
sute for peace, as people browght to extreme distresse and
not wottyng how to lyue.
Thus haue I here vttred my pore and symple mynde ryght
hartylly thanckyng yow all of your benygne Supportacion
and how that yow haue Wytsaufe to here so pacientlie my
ignorance most humbly beseching the tender benygnyte of
my most dere and most redowtyd souuerayn whiche wz t//-
drawyth hys m^rcifull yee from Wylfull offenders yf they
humbly make sute vnto his grace for pardon, that he wyll of
his haboundaunt goodnes wytsaufe to take me as I meane
whiche am as desyrous that all his most noble entrepases
should prosperously go forward as any symple creature that
1 William de Croy, Lord Chievres.
THE PARLIAMENT OF 1523 43
eiur was borne vnder his obeisaunce thinckyng after my
Ignorant Jugement that yi yt wold please his magnanime
Courage to conuert Fyrst and chief his hole intent and
purpose not only to the ouer ro;myng and subduyng of
Skotland but also to Joyne the same Realme vnto his,
Soo that both they and we myght lyue vnder oone
Bessaunce Law and Pollecy for euer. He shold therby
wyn the highest honour that euer dyd any noble pro
genitors synse thys Hand was fyrst Inhabyt to Joyne
vnto his noble Realme so populus a Cuntray wherby his
strength shold be of no small parte e^cresid and of this acte
should follow the highest abasshement to the saide Francoys
that euer happened to hym or any his pr^geneto^rs afore
hym not oonly for that he Left the saide Skottey his auncie^t
allies and which haue for hys and their Sak^j pr^uokyd our
nacion so notably heretofore at thys tyme vndefended by
reason of our souerayns naiuye whiche he dare not encounter
with nor neuer dare send theim socottr so long as he shall
know the narrow sees substansially to be kept, but also for
somoche as he shall vnderstand that we haue chaunged our
manner of warre, whiche were wont nought else to doo but
to skore the nacions abowt, but whan he shall p^rsayue that
by the hygh and pollytyk wysdome our saide most redowtid
Souerayne they be Joyned vnto vs in oone politik boddye
what fere shall we then stand in to Lose his possessions
wzt^out any hope of Recou^re agayne, and thowgh hit be
a commen sayng that yn Skotland ys nought to wyn but
strokes, for that I alledge another cowmen sayng, who that
entendyth Fraunce to wyn wzt/z Skotland let hym begyn,
Whiche enterpret thus truely hyt ys But a Symplenesse for
vs to thyncke to kepe possessions in Fraunce, (which) ys
seuowryd from vs by the ocean see, and suffre Skotland
Joyne(d) vnto vs by nature all in oon Hand, vnto which
we may haue Recourse at all tymes whan we woll, whiche
also to subdue, god beyng indifferent lyeth euer in our hand
to lyue vnder a nother pollecy and to Recognyse another
Pry nee send god that o>ur most Redowty Souuerayne (may
conquer Scotland) whiche whan we haue ones Joyned vnto
44 THOMAS CROMWELL
our polecy as a membra by nature dyscendyng apon the
hole, than shall we therby have the experyence how to
wyn and kepe other possessions of our most redowtyd
souerayne of due ryght and enherytaunce belonging to his
noble Crowne whiche we (have) in the parties of beyond the
see in whyche entrepryses I beseche god send our most dere
and most redowtyd souuerayn prosperous Succession and
fortunat atcheuyng of all this his noble entrepryse.
There is no record that this speech was ever delivered ;
even if it was, it certainly had no effect in this unwieldy and
unpractical session of Parliament. But the accuracy and
force of the speaker s reasoning were destined to be proved by
the subsequent course of events. For the student of the
present day, who is enabled to glance at the whole picture
from a distance, so that the various facts assume more or less
their proper proportion and perspective, Cromwell s words on
this occasion will always remain as one of the strongest proofs
of his political wisdom and foresight.
After touching on the subject of the war, and assuring the
House of his conviction that any one present would give
goods and life ten thousand times over to recover France for
the King (a shrewd beginning, for if Henry was not present
in person, no one knew better than Cromwell how accurately
every word spoken in the Parliament would be reported to
him, and how important it was for one who would gain the
royal favour to put his loyalty to the Crown first of all), he
goes on, after a few commonplace remarks about the war s
being waged with energy, to crave the pardon of the House
for addressing so noble an assembly. This preface is eminently
characteristic of the speaker. When not perfectly certain
of his ground, and in the presence of those whom he wished
to conciliate, none could be a more adroit flatterer than
he ; it was only when he was completely master of the
situation (and he had a peculiar gift of discovering just what
his position was in relation to other people) that he became
contemptuous, overbearing, and cruel.
But not even yet had he said enough to prove his loyalty
to the King. He agrees that war is inevitable, and that the
THE PARLIAMENT OF 1523 45
question now is how it may be most effectually carried on,
but when he foresees that the King will go in person, he is
greatly distressed. He talks loudly about the danger of
the King being killed, hints that Henry possessed a courage
and a self-sacrifice to the interests of England which would
render him impervious to any argument about personal risk,
and then launches himself into the heart of his discourse.
The King is an absolute necessity to the welfare and progress
of the State. If the King were removed, the country would
probably be brought face to face with the horrors of a civil
war. Cromwell thus brings his hearers to the first great
principle of the policy that he was destined later to pursue,
namely, concentration of power in the hands of the Crown, as
a sine qua non of unity at home and safety abroad. This
principle he enforces with many other arguments. The
danger from the hostility of Scotland was enormous ; let the
King Reffrayne his high magnanyme Courage and remain
ing at home, so direct the movements of his forces, that
England and Scotland may together move as a unit. France
has bought off many who may seem to be England s allies
on the Continent. The consequence of an invasion of France
would be the scattering of the army ; it might be cut off in
an attempt to capture Paris, and England would be left to
the mercy of its first invader. The country must make sure
of its own safety, before entering upon a war of aggression.
He brings up other points to prove his case, and here
speaks against the proposed subsidy. He saw, as a merchant,
that the amount proposed was excessive ; his fear was that
all the coin and bullion in the realm would be exhausted by
three summers of fruitless warring, so that the nation would
be forced to koyne lether agayne, as it had done once
before. His appreciation of the importance of sound finance,
and the evils of a depreciated currency show a knowledge of
economic principles far in advance of his time. Yf yt showld
fortune vur most Redowtyd Souerayne, yf he wold nyedys
go ouer yn hys owne p^rsone to happyn by any adu^rse
fortune, whiche almyghty god defend to cum into the hand^
of our enemyes/ says Cromwell, * how shuld we then be
46 THOMAS CROMWELL
hable to Redeme hym agayne yf they wyll nought for their
wynes but golde they wold thynck grete skorne,to take lether
for Gur prynce. Cromwell had early learned the lesson that
money and brains were rapidly becoming far more important
factors in winning battles, than mere superiority in brute
strength or numbers. In his ingenious argument against the
subsidy, he had pleaded the cause of the poor people, on
whom the taxes fell most heavily, and had at the same time
avoided arousing the opposition of the other party, by his
adroit flattery at the outset.
His appreciation of the increased difficulty of waging war
abroad compared with that in previous ages, because of lack
of bases of supplies and friendly towns on the Continent,
which before had been numerous, betokens great foresight
and knowledge of details. Though he expressly declares, at
the beginning of his speech, his intention to leave to sage
persons the task of deciding how the war should be carried
on, he hints that it would be better to play a waiting game
and weary the French, while things were consolidated at
home, than to try to conquer France by invasion. His
attitude about Scotland is repeated with great vigour at the
close of his speech. For the King to unify England and
Scotland would secure him greater honour than his pre
decessors had ever attained, and would in the end prove
a much more telling blow against France, than a direct
invasion. The question of gaining possessions across the sea
is of secondary importance : the first thing is to obtain control
of a country which belongs to the same island.
Thus Cromwell succeeded in clearly enunciating the main
principles of the policy by which he was so soon to guide the
affairs of England, while he so flattered King, nobles, and
people, that he made many friends, and avoided the enmity
of those opposed to him. The man who could make such
a speech as this, would not be likely to escape the notice of
such an astute man as Henry VIII. It was probably within
the walls of this Parliament, that Cromwell laid the first stone
of his future greatness as servant and counsellor of the King.
CHAPTER III
WOLSEY S SERVANT
AFTER the year 1524, there is no further mention of
Thomas Cromwell as the cloth-merchant and wool-dyer.
He probably realized that his business as a lawyer brought
him into much more prominence as a public man, but his
term in Parliament doubtless aroused in him a desire for even
greater things than the life of a successful solicitor. His
advance in legal prominence, however, is marked by his
admittance in 1524 as a member of Gray s Inn, and by his
appointment in the same year as one of the Subsidy Com
missioners for the Hundred of Ossulton in Middlesex 1 ; but
such petty distinctions fade into the background in the face
of a matter of far more absorbing interest, that is, his rapidly
growing favour and intimacy with Cardinal Wolsey.
During the years 1524-5 he was actively engaged in the
Cardinal s service, and received many letters on legal business
which he transacted for his master 2 . Seekers for Wolsey s
mercy or patronage invariably came to him, as a likely means
of getting their wishes granted. In several cases requests
to the Cardinal are addressed directly to the right worshipful
Mr. Cromwell. It is evident from the tone of the letters
which he received, that to obtain his favour was the first and
most important step towards gaining that of his master. He
was usually spoken of as Councillor to my Lord Legate/ and
was pre-eminent above all the rest of Wolsey s advisers. It
has been thought by some that the Cardinal employed him
in connexion with his political schemes, but this is an error.
Cromwell began modestly, as befitted his lowly birth and
humble origin, and at this time, at any rate, was employed
1 Cal. iv. 969 ; Doyle s Baronage, 2 Cal. iv. 294, 388, 979, 1385-6,
vol. i. p. 689. 1620, 2347-8, 2379.
48 THOMAS CROMWELL
*
merely as an agent, chosen for his wonderful knowledge of
human nature and his great capacity for business.
In the beginning of 1525, however, Wolsey felt that he had
in Cromwell a servant sufficiently capable to be trusted with
the performance of a work which was nearest the Cardinal s
heart, namely the destruction of some of the smaller
monasteries to furnish funds for the building of his college
at Oxford. So on the 4th of January of that year, he com
missioned Sir William Gascoigne, William Burbank, and
Thomas Cromwell, to survey the monasteries of Tykford,
Raveneston, Poghley, Medmenham, Wallingford, and Fynch-
ingbroke and their possessions, and on the same day he
appointed Thomas Cromwell and John Smyth as attorneys
for the site and circuit of Thoby. Blakamore, Stariesgate, and
Tiptree, which had been granted to John Higden, Dean of
Cardinal s College 1 .
It may seem strange that Wolsey s suppression of the
smaller religious houses brought him so much unpopularity.
It was certainly true that the monasteries had long since
ceased to observe the strict traditions of religious asceticism,
which had been the watchword of their foundation. Some of
them had become resorts of the idle and worthless, who were
permitted by supine or indulgent superiors to exchange a life
of monastic discipline for one of luxury and indolence, if not of
downright vice. But there were a few, seemingly unimportant
facts, which outweighed all these charges. In the first place
the monks were the easiest of landlords. In their practically
defenceless state, it was surely for their advantage to
conciliate their fellow men in every way, and to avoid disputes
at any cost. They consequently suffered themselves to be
imposed upon by their neighbours and tenants, in preference
to risking their popularity by asserting themselves. So
Wolsey s measures, which brought in stricter landlords, in
creased rents, and did away with the good old slipshod
management of so many years standing, met with ill-concealed
dislike. The monks, moreover, were the most hospitable of
people ; the poor were never turned away unfed, the traveller
1 Cal. iv. 989, 990.
WOLSEY S SERVANT 49
could always find shelter beneath their roof, and this fact,
coupled with the rooted opposition of the less educated class
to any sweeping measure of reform adopted apparently
without reason, while the old system appeared to all intents
and purposes to work well, explained the rest. Wolsey s
measures to suppress the smaller monasteries, and confiscate
their possessions to the use of his own colleges, may justly be
described as universally unpopular 1 .
The first requisites for the accomplishment of such a design
as the suppression of the monasteries were an intimate know
ledge of law, especially as related to lands and property, and
a far-seeing, harsh, and rather unscrupulous nature. These
qualities Cromwell possessed in the very highest degree, and
as he had been eminently successful in carrying on all
Wolsey s legal business up to this time, and as the Cardinal
was too busy with his foreign policy to give his own attention
to this favourite scheme, it is no wonder that he chose
Cromwell to supervise it for him. The work consisted in
surveying and estimating the value of the property of the
condemned monasteries, making careful inventories thereof,
and finally in stripping them of all their transportable riches,
which usually meant altars, furnishings, bells, and tapestry,
while their lands and permanent possessions were sold or
leased on the spot. The transfer of property, settlements
with tenants, and adjustment of claims were a task of far
greater intricacy than Wolsey had expected, and Cromwell s
success in carrying it out was little short of marvellous. He
was usually present in person at the surrenders and dissolu
tions ; when this was impossible one of his many and faithful
agents sent him an exact account of the proceedings in his
absence. The number of monks and nuns that were suddenly
turned out upon the world with small and irregularly paid
pensions was not the least evil feature of the ruthless
way in which the suppressions were carried on ; but it was
nothing to what was to follow a decade later 2 .
In addition to surveying and confiscating monastic property,
1 Cf. Preface to volume iv of the Calendar, pp. 368-9.
2 Cal. iv. 1833-4, 2365, 5117, 5145.
MERRIMAN. I
50 THOMAS CROMWELL
Cromwell was employed directly in connexion with the
new buildings at Oxford and Ipswich. He drew up all the
necessary deeds for both foundations, and was appointed
receiver-general of CardinaFs College by Wolsey in 1537.
He kept account of all the incomes from the suppressed
houses and all the expenses incident to the building of both
colleges. He was continually superintending the workmen
at Oxford and Ipswich, and reported their progress to his
master. The Dean of the college at Ipswich wrote to the
Cardinal, Sept. 26, 1528, how Cromwell came thither with
copes, vestments, and plate, and took great pains to see
all the stuff carried in safely, and to prepare hangings and
benches for the Hall. Long lists of the manors and
monasteries, the incomes of which were devoted to the build
ing and establishment of the two colleges, are to be seen
to-day at the Record Office, and attest the gigantic amount
of labour that he performed 1 .
Cromwell s efficiency in carrying on this work was only
equalled by his notorious accessibility to bribes and presents
in the disposal of monastic leases. Adding to this the fact
that the measure was radically unpopular in itself, and that
when no bribes were offered, Cromwell and most of Wolsey s
other agents were harsh and overbearing in the extreme, the
reader ceases to wonder at the outburst of popular indignation.
The minute Wolsey s back was turned Cromwell and his
companion Dr. Alen, a hard and grasping man equally well
trained in business, proceeded to use the power given into
their hands to enrich themselves by every possible means,
some of which were utterly unjustifiable. The monastery
which could pay a large bribe was often left untouched ;
of those that were suppressed, probably a certain proportion of
the spoils was never employed at Oxford or Ipswich, but
went straight into the pockets of the suppressors 2 . Petitions
to save farms for poor people, or to get benefices for those
whose property was gone, were answered by Cromwell favour
ably, if granting them meant a substantial reward for him ;
1 Cal. iv. 3461, 4778, 5330; Letters, 6, 8.
2 Cal. iv. 3360.
WOLSEY S SERVANT 51
unfavourably, if the reverse. He became so generally hated
that in August, 1527, it was said that a sanctuary man lay
in wait to slay him, and Cardinal Pole, who was then in
London and knew him well, informs us that it was commonly
reported that he had been sent to prison, and would be
punished for his crimes as Wolsey s agent 1 .
But in spite of all this, instead of being removed from his
important post, Cromwell kept on rising to higher favour and
more importance. In April, 1527, Henry Lacy writes to
congratulate him on his promotion through Wolsey s favour.
In May of the same year he is mentioned as a granter of
annuities. His position brought him a great amount of
patronage. In 1528 Richard Bellyssis promises him a good
gelding, if he will prefer a friend to the position of mint-
master in Durham. A merchant requests him to get his
son a promotion from the Cardinal. He received many
petitions from poor men, who feared they would lose
house and home through the dissolution of the monastery
from which they were held. But the noble and great, as
well as the lowly and humble, were his correspondents
and suitors. The Abbot of York writes his heartfelt thanks
for his kindness in speaking well of him and his monastery
to Wolsey, and Lord Berners begs for his aid in his dealings
with the Cardinal 2 .
By far the greater portion of Cromwell s correspondence
during the years 1525-1529 is connected with the suppres
sion of the monasteries or the foundation of Wolsey s colleges.
Reports and receipts of money from his agents who visited
the religious houses in various parts of the country at his
orders, or who superintended the works at Ipswich and
Oxford, crowd in upon him with great frequency. Deeds of
the sale of castles and manors, valuations and inventories
of the property of various monasteries, are received by him
in large numbers 3 . In these letters we frequently meet with
the names of William Brabazon and Ralph Sadler, who were
1 Cal. iv. 3334, and Appendix II at the end of chapter i, p. 19.
2 Cal. iv. 3079, 3119, 4201, 5169, 5365, 5456.
8 Cal. iv. 3198, 3475, 3535, 3676, 411?, 4275, 457, 4573, 5399> 54H.
E 2
52 THOMAS CROMWELL
destined in the near future to become so well known as his
agents and commissioners when he entered the King s service.
Before this period he had made the acquaintance of Stephen
Vaughan, his friend and correspondent in later years, who
figured in connexion with Tyndale in the Low Countries.
Vaughan was certainly known to Cromwell at least as early
as 1523*; and in 1526 was employed by the Cardinal s servant
in connexion with the college at Oxford. In April, 1527, we
find Cromwell helping his friend in the recovery of certain
goods lost on the sea, and in the following year Vaughan
addresses a cordial letter to his benefactor, reporting various
things of interest in London, and announcing that he has
found so strong a chain for the wicket of Cromwell s house
at Austin Friars Gate, that it will be impossible for any one
to enter by force 2 . A year later he was employed as Crom
well s agent in the Netherlands.
Though mainly occupied with Wolsey s affairs, Cromwell s
correspondence during the years 1524-1529 shows that he
still kept up his business as a lawyer independently. William
Bareth writes in November, 1525, that he trusts he will
solicit his matter to Mr. Rowe, and sends his wife six plovers
e for to drynke a quart of wyn wzt/zall 3 ; in August, 1526,
George Monoux, alderman, promises Cromwell that if his
* grete matier is brought to a safe conclusion, he shall have
twenty marks 4 . A * lovyng letters from the Aldermen of our
Lady s Gild in Boston, in Dec. 1528, shows that Cromwell
still retained the friendship which he probably made years
before by obtaining for them the indulgences from the Pope
by the offer of choice sweetmeats. It was doubtless through
him that the Gild gained the privilege of supplying rare and
delicate fowls for the Cardinal s sumptuous table 5 . Cromwell
also found time to correspond with Miles Coverdale, who was
then at Cambridge, and who writes with enthusiasm of the
pleasures of a visit to his friend in London 6 .
It is probable that the terrible sweating sickness which
1 Letters, I. 4 Cal. iv. 2387.
2 Cal. iv. 2538, 3053, 4107. E Cal. iv. 5080, 5141.
3 Cal. iv. 1768. " 6 Cal. iv. 3388. "
WOLSEY S SERVANT 53
ravaged England from 1527 to 1528 carried off Cromwell s
wife Elizabeth, as there is no further mention of her in his
later papers and correspondence, except in his will of July,
1529, where she is referred to as his c late Wyff V She left him
one son, Gregory, who appears to have been a dull and
plodding lad, and who, after his mother s death, was sent with
his very precocious cousin, Christopher Welly fed, and several
other boys, to be put under the care of a tutor at Cambridge,
John Chekyng by name, whose correspondence with Cromwell
about the progress of * his scolers is very interesting and
entertaining 2 . Chekyng seems at the very outset to have
been unfavourably impressed with Gregory s talents, declares
that he has been so badly taught that he could hardly
conjugate three verbs when committed to his care, and reports
that he is now studying the things most conducive to the
reading of authors, and spends the rest of the day in forming
letters ; while Christopher does not require much stirring up.
A little later he sends word that Gregory is getting on well
in learning under his care, and desires his father to send
five yards of * marble frieze, for his winter * galberdyne ; and
again, in 1530, he declares that he has been so successful in
his teaching, that Gregory will be loadyd with Latyne
before he comes home again ; but it is evident throughout
that Chekyng considers every step in advance to have been
due to the excellence of his own tuition, rather than to the
aptitude of his pupil. If the tone of Gregory s letters to his
father be taken as a criterion of the boy s character, he must
indeed have been stupid and slow beyond belief 3 . But
Cromwell was too much occupied with his own affairs, to pay
much attention to the remarks of honest John Chekyng.
Indeed there is reason to think that his grasping disposition
showed itself in small ways to such an extent that he did not
always pay the very moderate bills that the tutor sent in for
Gregory s board, lodging, and tuition ; but instead taunted
Chekyng with not having done well with his folks. To
these insults Chekyng replied that he had brought up six
1 Cf. Appendix at the end of this 2 Cal. iv. 4560, 4837, 4916.
chapter, p. 58. 3 Cal. iv. 4561.
54
THOMAS CROMWELL
M.A. s and fellows of colleges, and that the least Cromwell
could do was to pay for the furniture which his scholars had
ruined ; he then goes on to tell how Christopher dyd hynge
a candel in a playt to loyk apone hys boyk and so fell
ascleype and the candell fell into the bed strawe and there
were burnt the bed, bolster, * three overleydes and a sparver V
In spite of his niggardly treatment of John Chekyng, it is
certain that Cromwell was in very comfortable circumstances
during his years of service under Wolsey. An inventory of
his goods at his house at Austin Friars, dated June 26, 1527 2 ,
which exists to-day at the Public Record Office, proves that
his dwelling was furnished handsomely if not luxuriously,
while a draft of his will, written July 12, 1539 3 , indicates that
his property at that time was by no means inconsiderable.
It is to this document that we owe the greater part of our
present information concerning Cromwell s family. It is
written in the hand of Cromwell s chief clerk, and was altered
at a later date by Cromwell himself 4 . The document is for
the most part self-explanatory, but there are a few interesting
facts to be especially noted in connexion with it. The
bequests to Cromwell s daughters * Anne and Grace and to
his Mitill Doughter Grace are our only proof that he had
other children than Gregory ; and the fact that both these
items were crossed out after the year 1529 possibly indicates
that the daughters died when young. We also learn that
Cromwell s nephew Richard, the son of Katherine Cromwell
and Morgan Williams, had followed in his uncle s footsteps,
and was seruaunt with my lorde Marques Dorssett at the
time that the will was first composed ; but he certainly
received other employment soon afterwards, for the name
Cal. iv. 4433, 5757, 6219.
2 Cal. iv. 3197.
3 Appendix at the end of this
chapter. The will is also printed
in Froude, Appendix to chapter vi.
The statement in a footnote that
the names Williams and Williamson
are used interchangeably is scarcely
credible.
4 Cf. footnote I in the Appendix,
p. 56. The will was originally mis
dated, owing to an obviously care
less error by the clerk, whjch was
corrected by him at the time. The
other corrections, by Cromwell, are
written in a different-coloured ink ;
and the handwriting according to
the Calendar (cf. footnote to vol. iv.
no. 5772) indicates that they were
made at a later date.
WOLSEY S SERVANT 55
of his master was scored through in the will by Cromwell
at a later date, and we also know from other sources that
Richard Williams entered his uncle s service and was active
in suppressing the monasteries and in subduing the Pilgrimage
of Grace, during the year 1536 and afterwards 1 . Before this
date he had changed his name to Cromwell, and later became
great-grandfather to the Protector 2 . His mother died before
1529, for Cromwell in his will refers to Elizabeth Wellyfed
as his onlye Suster. Cromwell s wife, as we have already
seen, had also died before the will was made ; her sister
Joan married a certain John Williamson, an old friend of
Cromwell s, who later figured prominently in the latter s
service. We also meet with many of the other names
mentioned in this will, in Cromwell s later correspondence.
Nearly all the friends of his earlier days were employed by
him in one capacity or another as spies, agents, or even minor
ambassadors to foreign Courts, after he had entered the King s
service.
1 Cal. xi. 1016 ; xii. (ii) 646.
2 Cf. the genealogy in the Antiquary, vol. ii. pp. 164 ff.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER III
THE WILL OF THOMAS CROMWELL
R. O. Cal. iv. 5772 (i)
IN THE NAME OF god Amen The xij th Daye of lulie in the yere of
our lorde god Mcccccxxix* 1 1 and in the xxjti yere of the Reigne
of our Souereigne Lorde king Henry the viij th I Thomas Crumwell
of london gentilman being hole in bodie and in good and parfyte
memorye Lauded be the holie Trynytee make ordeyn and Declare
this my present testament conteyning my last will in maner and
(fourme) Folowing. FURSTE I bequethe my Sowle to the grete
god of heuen my maker Creator?* and Redemer beseching the most
gloryous virgyn our blessed ladie Saynct Mary the vyrgyn and
Mother m tfr all the holie companye of heuen to be Medyatours
and Intercessours for me to the holie trynytee So that I may be
able when it shall please Almightie god to call me out of this
miserable worlde and transitorie lif to inherite the kingdome of
heuen amongst the nomber of good christen people. And whan
so euer I shall departe this present lif, I bequethe my bodie to
be buryed where it shall please god to ordeyn me to die and to be
ordered after the discression of myn executours vndernamed And
for my goodly which our lorde hathe lent me in this Worlde I will
shalbe ordered and disposed in maner and fourme as hereafter shall
insue. Furst I gyue and bequethe vnto my Soon Gregory Crumwell
Syx hundreth threscore Syx pounds thirten shelynges foure pens 2
of lawfull money of Englonde With the Whiche Syx hundreth three
score Syx powndes xiij s foure pens 3 I will myn executours vnder
named ymediatlye or assone as they conuenyently may after my
Decesse shall purchase londes tenements and hereditaments to the
clere yerelye value of xxxiij 1 * vj s viij d 4 by the yere aboue all charges
1 Altered at the time from :- Calendar, vol. iv. pt. iii. p. 2573.
* MCCCCC xx viij* 1 by the clerk. All 2 Altered from: Foure hun-
the other changes are in Cromwell s dreth pownd^r.
hand, and were probably made at 8 Altered from: ccccV
a later date. Cf. footnote in the 4 Altered from : xx 11 .
HIS WILL. 1529 57
and reprysys to thuse of my saide Soon Gregorye for terme of his
lif And after the Decesse of the saide Gregorye to the heyres Males
of his bodie lawfully to be begotten And for lacke of heires Males
of the bodie of the saide Gregory lawfully to be begotten to the
heires generall of his bodie lawfully begotten. And for lacke of
suche heires to the right heires of me the saide Thomas Crumwell
in Fee. I will also that ymedyatly and assone as the saide lond^r
tenements and hereditaments shalbe so purchased after my deth
as is aforsaide by myn executours that the yerelie proffytef thereof
shalbe hollie spent and imployed in and aboutes the educacyon and
fynding honestly of my saide Soon Gregory in vertue good lerning
and Maners vntill such tyme as he shall cum to the full age of xxij
yeres. During Which tyme I hertely desir and require my saide
executours to be good vnto my saide Son Gregory and to see he
do lose no tyme but to se him verteously ordered & brought vp
according to my trust Item I gyue and bequethe to my saide Soon
Gregorie When he shall cum to his full age of xxiiij yeres Twoo l
Hundreth pounds of lawfull ynglissh money to order then as our
lorde shall gyue hym grace and discression Which cc ij I will shalbe
put in suertie to thintent the same may cum to his handdf at his
saide age of xxiiij fci yeres. Item I gyue and bequethe to my saide
Soon Gregory of such houseold stuf as god hathe lent me Three 2
of my best Fetherbeddes w/ /A thayr bolsters ij the best 3 payre of
blanket^ of Fustyan my best Couerlet of Tapistrye and my Quylte
of yelow Turquye Saten, x payre of my best Sheter foure 4 pillowes
of downe w/V/fc iiij payre of the best pillowe beres foure 5 of my best
table clothes, foure of my best towelkr Twoo dosen 6 of my Fynest
Naptkynnes and ij dozen of my other Naptkynnes, ij 7 garnyssh
of my best vessell, iij of my best brasse potto, iij of my best brasse
pannes, ij of my best kettilks, ij of my best Spitto, My best ioyned
bed of Flaunders woz/rke wz M the best Syler and tester and other
thappurtenaunces therto belonging My best presse caruen of Flaunders
Mvourke and my best Cupbourde caruen of Flaunders wourk with
also vj Joyned Stoles of Flaunders wo^rke and vj of my best
Cusshyns Item I gyue and bequethe to my saide Soon Gregorye
A Bason vrith a Lewer parcell gilte my best Salt gilt my best Cup
1 Altered from : one. 4 Altered from : two.
2 Altered from : * twoo. 6 Altered from : ij.
3 These last six words are altered 6 Altered from : One Dozen.
from : a Bolster the best. 7 Altered from : * A.
58
THOMAS CROMWELL
gilt, Three l of my best goblettes gilt three other of my best goblettes
parcell gylt, Twelue of 2 my best Syluer spones, Three of 3 my best
Drynking ale potes gilt. All the which parcelles of plate and house-
old stuf I will shalbe savelye kept to thuse of my saide Soonne
Gregorye till he shall cum to his saide full age of xxijti yeres and all
the which plate household stuf Naperye and other the pmnisses
I will myn executors do put in saufe keping vntill my saide Soon
shall cum to the saide yeres or age of xxij fci . And if he die before the
age of xxijti 4 Then I will all the saide plate vessell and houseold
stuf shalbe sold by myn executours And the money thereof cum-
wyng to be gyuen and equallie Deuyded amongst my poure kynnes-
folkes. That is to say amongst the children as well of myn owne
Susters Elizabeth and Katheryn as of my late Wyffes Suster Johane
Wif to John Willyamson, And if it happen that all the children of
my saide Susters and Suster in law Do dye before the particyon and
deuysion be made and none of them to be lyuyng Then I will that
all the saide plate vessell and houseold stuf shalbe solde and yeuen
to other my poure kynnesfolk^ then being on lyue and other poure
and indigent people in Deades of charytee for my Sowle my Father
and Mother their Sowles, and all Christen Sowles 5 Item I gyue and
bequethe vnto my Suster Elizabeth Wellyfed Wif to Wyllyam Welly-
1 Altered from : iij. 3
2 Altered from : * vj of.
3 These last two words are altered
from : * and.
4 Altered from : xxiiij 1 *.
6 Crossed out : c Item I gyue and
bequethe to my Doughter Anne one
hundreth Markes of lawfull money
of Englond when she shall cum to
her lawfull age or happen to be
maryed And xl 11 towards her Fynd-
ing vntill the tyme that she shalbe
of lawfull age or be maryed. Which
xl 1 * I will shalbe Delyuered to my
Frend John Croke on of the Six
clerks of the king his Ch^imcerie
to thintent he may order the same
and cause the same to be imployed
in the best wise he can deuyse about
the vertewous educacyon and bring
ing vp of my saide Doughter till
she shall cum to her lawfull age or
maryage. And if it happen my saide
Doughter to Dye before she cum to
her saide lawfull age or be maryed
Then I will that the said c Marker
and so moche of the said xl 11 as
then shalbe vnspent and vnim-
ployed at the Day of the deth of
my said Doughter Anne, I will it
shall remayne to Gregory my Soon
if he then be on lyue, And if he be
Dede the same c Mark^ and also
so moche of the saide xl 1 as then
shalbe vnspent to be departed
amongst my Sustres children in
ma.uer and fourme forsaid And if it
happen my saide Sustres children
then to be all Dede, Then I will
the saide c Mark^ and so moche
of the saide xl 11 as then shalbe
vnspent shalbe deuyded amongst
my kynsfolk^y such as then shalbe
on lyue.
HIS WILL. 1529 59
fed xpi 1 iij Goblette* without a Cou^r 2 a Macer, And A Nutt Item
I gyue and bequethe to my nephew Rycharde Wyllyams 8 Ixvj 11 xiij 8
iiij d 4 sterlings my best B gowne Doblett and Jaquet lie m I gyue and
bequethe to my nepue C^m/ofer Wellyfed my nephe xl li6 my v tb -
gowne doblett and Jaquett Item I gyue and bequethe to my nephew
Wyllyam Wellyfed the Yonger xx 11 7 Item I gyue and bequethe to my
nece Alice Wellyfed to her Maryage xx 1 * And if it happen her to
Dye before maryage then I will the saide xx 11 shall remayne to her
brother Chrtstofer And if it happen him to Dye the same xx 11 to
remayne to Willyam Wellyfed the yonger his brother. And if it
happen them all to Dye before their lawfull age or maryage, then
I will that their parte-f shall remayne to Gregory my Soon. And
if it happen him to Dye before them then I will all the said paries
shall remayn to Rychard Wyll/Vzms and Water Willzams my nephews 8
And if it happen them to Dye then I will that all the said partes
shalbe Distributed in Deader of charytee for my Sowle my Father
and Mothers Sowles and all christen Sowles. Item I gyue and
bequethe to my Mother in law Mercye Pryour xl 11 of lawfull yng-
lissh money and her chaumber with certen houseold stuf, That is
to saye A Fetherbed, a Bolster ij pillowes with their beres vj payre
of Shete.? A payre of blankettes, A garnyssh of vessell, ij potter,
ij pannes, ij Spytte5 with such other of my houseold stuf as shalbe
thought mete for her by the Discression of myn executours And
suche as she will reasonablye Desire not being bequethed to other
vses in this my present testament and last will. Item I gyue and
bequethe to my said mother in law a lytill Salt of Syluer a Maser,
vj Siluer Spones and a drinking pot of Syluer And also I charge
myn executours to be good vnto her duryng her lyffe. Item I gyue
and bequethe to my brother in law Willyaw Wellyfed xx 11 my thurde
gown Jaquet and Doblet. Item I gyue and bequethe to John
Wyllyamson my brother in law c markes* a gown a Doblet and
a Jaquet, A Fetherbed, A bolster vj payre of Shetes ij table clothes,
ij Dozen Naptkynnes, ij towellw ij brasse potter, ij brasse pannes,
1 Altered from : * xx u I Saye 5 Altered from : * Fourth.
Twentye pounds sterling : and 6 Altered from : xx 11 .
this is altered from : * xxx li which 7 Altered from : x h .
she oweth me. 8 Altered from : shall remayne
2 Crossed out : and. to Anne and Grace my dough-
3 Crossed out: seruaunt with ters.
my lorde Marques Dorssett. 9 Altered from: xl 11 : and this
4 Altered from : xl 11 . is altered from : xx 11 .
60
THOMAS CROMWELL
a Syluer pott A Nutte parcell gilt, and to Iohan<? his wyf x 15 J . Item
I gyue and bequethe to Johane Wyllyamson their Doughter to her
maryage xx ]i and to eu^ry other of their children vj u xiij 8 iiij d2 .
Item I bequethe to Walter Wyllyams my nephue 3 xx 1 * Item I gyue
and bequethe to Rafe Sadleyer my seruaunte cc 4 Marker of lawfull
ynglissh money my Seconde 5 gowne Jaquet and Doblet and all my
bok^y Item I gyue and bequethe to Hugh Whalley my Seruaunt
vj ]i xiij 8 iiij d . Item I gyue and bequethe to Stephen Vaughan sum-
tyme my seruaunte c markes 6 a gowne Jaquet and Doblet. Item
I gyue and bequethe to Page my Seru^zmte otherwise called John
du Fount vj 1 * xiij 3 iiijd 7 and also to Thomas Auerey my seruauntt
vj 11 xiij 8 iiij d 8. Item I gyue and bequethe to John Horwood vj ]i xiij 8
iiijd 9 Item that the rest of myn apparell before not gyuen ne be-
quethed in this my testament and last will shalbe yeuen and equally
Departed amongst my Seruauntes after the order and discression
of myn executours Item I will also that myn executours shall take
the yerely profytte.y aboue the charges of my Ferme of Canberye
8
VJ" XIIJ
; * iij 11 vj 8
: * Cosyn.
: c.
1 Altered from
2 Altered from
3 Altered from
4 Altered from
6 Altered from : Best.
6 Altered from : x 11 .
7 Crossed out : Item I gyue
and bequethe to Elizabeth Gregory
sumtyme my Seru<2nt xx 11 vj payre
of Shetej A Fetherbed A payre of
blankette.? A Couerlet ij table
clothes, One Dozen Naptkynnes ij
brasse potter, ij pannes, ij Spytte-y.
! Crossed out : Item I gyue
and bequethe to John Croke one
of the vj clerkly of the Chtfuncerye
x li my Second gowne Doblet and
Jaquet. Item I gyue and bequethe
to Roger More Seruaunt of the king
his bakehouse vj u xiij 8 iiij d iij yard^j
Saten and to Maudelyn his wyf iij 11
vj 8 viij d .
9 Crossed out : Item I gyue
and bequethe to my litill Doughter
Grace c Marker of lawfull ynglissh
money when she shall cum to her
lawfull age or maryage and also
xl 11 towards her exhibucyon and
Fynding vntill suche tyme {as} she
shalbe of lawfull age or be maryed
Which xl 11 1 will shalbe delyueredto
my brother in law John Willyamson
to thintent he may order and cause
the same to be imployed in and
aboutej the vertewous educacyon and
brynging vp of my saide Doughter
till she shall cum to her lawfull age
or Maryage. And if it happen my
saide Doughter to Dye before she
cum to her lawfull age or maryage
then I will that the saide c markes
and so moche of the saide xl 11 as
then shalbe vnspent and vnimployed
aboutej the fynding of my saide
Doughter at the Day of the Deth
of my saide Doughter shall remayne
and be Delyuered to Gregory my
Soon if he then shall happen to be
on lyue. And if he be Dede then
the saide c Market and the saide
residue of the saide xl u to be euenlye
Departed amongst my pourekynnes-
folkes, that is to say my Susters
children forsaide.
HIS WILL. 1529
61
and all other things Conteynyd vtithm my sayd lease of Canberye
in the Cowntye of Middelsex 1 And with the proffytej thereof 2 shall
yerelie paye vnto my brother in law Will/am Wellffe(d) and Elysa-
bethe his wyffe myn onlye Suster Twentye powndes duryng thayr lyves
and the longer of them and after the discease of the sayd WilbVzm
and Elysabeth the proffetter of the sayd Ferme ouer and aboue the
yerlye Rentt to be kept to the vse of my Son gregorye tyll he Cum
to the age of xxijt-i and at the yeres of xxij^ the sayd lease and
Ferme of Canberye I do gyue and bequethe to my sayd Son gregorye
to haue the same to hym his executors and assignes 3 and if it
Fortune the saide Gregorye my Soon to dye before he shall cum
to the age of xxij 4 yeres My sayd bruthure^ in lawe and syster being
dede Then I will my Cosyn Rychard Willmms shall (haue) the
Ferme with the appurtenance to hym and his executors and as
signes and yf it happen my sayd Brother in law my Suster 5 my
Son gregorye and my sayd Cosyn Rycharde to dye before the
accoumplyshement of this my wyll touching^ the sayd Ferme then
I wyll myn executors shall Sell the sayd ferme and the moneye
therof Cummyng to Imploye in dedif of charyte to praye 6 for my
Sowle and all Christen. Sowles. Item I will that myn executours
shall conducte and hyre a pryest being an honest person of contynent
and good lyuyng to Syng for my Sowle by the space of vij 7 yeres
next after my deth and to gyue him for the same Fortye Syx pownd^r
thertene sheling&y Foure pens that ys to saye vj^ xiij* iiij d yerlye for
his stypend 8 . Item I gyue and bequethe towards the making of high
wayes in this Realme where it shalbe thought most necessary 9 xx 11
1 The last seventeen words are
altered from : Sutton at Hone
and Temple Dartford in the Countie
of Kent And shall take the pr<?ffyte
of my Ferme of the parsonage of
Sutton/
Crossed out : cuwmyng.
! Crossed out : * in Dead<?j of
charytee ouer and aboue the charges
and reparac/ons gyue and Distry-
bute for my Soule quarterly xl 3
amongst poure people vntill my
Soon Gregorye shall cum to the
age of xxv yeres if he so long do
Lyue And then my saide Soon
to haue my said Fermes During
the yeres conteyned -wit km my
leases.
4 Altered from: xxv.
5 Crossed out : and.
6 Crossed out : my saide ex
ecutours shall sell my said Fermes
to the most proffyte and aduawntage
And the money thereof growing
to bestowe in Deader of charytee
vppon my poure kynnesfolk^ and
other charytable Dead^ to pray.
7 Altered from : iij.
8 The last eighteen words are
altered from : iij yeres xx b .
9 Added and crossed out : * by
the discression of myn executors.
62 THOMAS CROMWELL
to be Disposed by the Discression of myn executours. Item I gyue
and bequethe to Query of the v orders of Freers w/Min the Cytee
of London to pray for my Soule xx s 1 . Item I gyue and bequethe
to Ix poure Maydens Maryages xl li2 That is to saye xiij 8 iiijd 3 to
euerye of the saide poure Maydens to be gyuen and Distributed
by the Discression of myn executours. Item I will that there shalbe
Delt and yeuen after my decesse amongst poure people howseholders
to pray for my Sowle xx 1 * 4 . Item I gyue and bequeth to the poure
parochians Suche as by myn executors shalbe thowght most needffull
of the paroche Where god shall ordeyn me to haue my dwelling
place at the tyme of my Deth x 11 5 to be trewlye Distributed amongst
them by the Discression of myn executours 6 Item I gyue and
bequethe to the poure prysoners of Newgate Ludgate Kynges benche
and Marshall See to be equallye Distributed amongst them x u Wylling
charging and desiring myn executours vnderwrytten that they shall
See this my Will p^Hburmed in euery poynte according to my trew
meaning and intente as they will answer to god and discharge their
consciences.
7 Item I gyue and bequeth to Will/^m brabason my seruaunt XX H
sterling A gowne A dublett A Jaquet and my second gelding.
Item I gyue and bequeth to John averey yoman of the bottell with
the kynges highnes vj 11 xiij 8 iiij d , and doublet of Saten.
Item I bequeth to thurston my Coke vj 1 * xiij s iiijd.
Item I gyue and bequethe to William bodye my seruauntt vj 1 *
xiij 9 iiij d .
Item I gyue and bequeth to Peter mewtes my seruauntt vj lj
xiij 8 iiij d .
Item I gyue and bequeth to Rychard Swyft my seruauntt vj 1 *
xiij 8 iiij d .
Item I gyue and bequeth to george Wylkynson my seruauntt
vj 11 xiij 8 iiijd.
Item I gyue and bequeth to my Frend Thomas alvard x 11 and my
best gelding.
Item I gyue and bequeth to my frend Thomas Russhe x 1 *.
Item I gyue and bequeth to my seruauntt John Hynde my horse-
keper iij 1 * vj 9 viij d .
1 Altered from : xiij 8 iiij* 1 . 6 Crossed out: * Item I gyue and
2 Altered from : * xx li . bequethe to my paroche churche
s Altered from : vj 8 viij d . for my tithes forgotten xx 3 .
4 Altered from : * x 11 . 7 The last eleven bequests are
6 Altered from : v 11 . added in Cromwell s hand.
HIS WILL. 1529 63
Item I wyll that myn executors shall Saluelye kepe the patentt
of the M&nour of Rompney to the vse of my Son gregorye and the
money growing therof tyll he shall Cum to his lawfull Age to be
yerely Retayned to the vse of my sayd Son and the hole revenew
therof Cumyng to be trewlye payd vnto hym at suche tyme as he
shall Cum to the age of xxj yeres.
The residue of all my goodly catalkj and debttw not bequethed
my Funeralk.r and buryall p^rfourmed which I will shalbe Don
w/Mout any erthelye pompe and my Dettes payed, I will shalbe sold
And the money thereof cuwmyng to be Distributed in vtourkes of
charytee and pytee after the good Discression of myn executours
vndernamed whom I make and Ordeyn Stephyn Vaughan ] Rafe
Sadleyer my seruaunttes and John 2 Wyllyamson my brother in law.
Prayeng and Desiring the same myn executours to be good vnto
my Soon Gregorye 3 and to all other my Frend^r poore kynsfolkw
and Seruaunttes before named in this my testament And of this my
present testament and last Will I make Roger More myn Ouerseer
Vnto whom and also to Query of the other myn executours I gyue
and bequethe vj 11 xiij s iiij d4 for their paynes to be taken in the
execucyon of this my last will and testament ouer and aboue suche
legacies as herebefore I haue bequethed them in this same my
testament and last will. In Wytnes Wherof to this my present
testament and last will I haue sett my hand in Query lefe conteyned
in this Boke the day and yere before lymyted
per me Thomam Crumwell 5
Endorsed. Thomas Crumwell a Copy of my Master his Will And
bookes of debtes owinge to him.
1 Altered from: John Croke 3 Crossed out: and to my litill
one of the vj clerkly of the king Doughters Anne and Grace.
his Chrtuncerye. 4 Added and crossed out : ouer
2 The last four words are altered and aboue thayr legacyes beforsayd.
from : my Seruaunt lohn Smyth 5 Every page, except the last two,
and John. is also signed by Cromwell.
CHAPTER IV
THE FALL OF THE CARDINAL
IN October, 1529, Cardinal Wolsey lost the King s favour,
and fell into disgrace. He was forced to give up the Great
Seal, sign an indenture acknowledging that he had incurred
the guilt of Praemunire, forfeit most of his lands, possessions,
and offices, and retire to his seat at Esher 1 . His faithful
biographer, Cavendish, gives a very touching account of the
Cardinal s surrender of his goods, his removal from the scene
of his labours, and his enforced living in estraunge estate 2 .
Few fallen ministers have ever been in a more pitiful position.
To have incurred the ill-will of his master, as he had done,
meant certain ruin in those days ; and besides this he had
turned the people against him by the part he had taken in
the divorce. Anne Boleyn, whose influence at the Court was
at its height, detested him for his failure to 1 bring it about ;
the clergy and common people hated him for attempting it.
The few friends who retained their fidelity to him in his
trouble were prevented from showing it by their conscious
ness of the royal and popular displeasure.
As Wolsey s servant, counsellor, and friend, Cromwell
naturally felt the keenest anxiety lest he should be involved
in his master s ruin. It has been already shown that his
action in suppressing the monasteries had made him very
generally hated ; and now that the prop that had supported
him in his difficult and unpopular task was gone, he had great
need to look to himself, if he did not wish to fall with the
Cardinal. That he was perfectly well informed of the posi
tion in which he was placed is proved by a letter which he
received from his friend Stephen Vaughan, written at Antwerp,
October 30, 1529, which tells him that he is more hated for
1 Cal. iv. 6017. 2 Cavendish, pp. 160-6,
THE FALL OF THE CARDINAL 65
his master s sake than for anything which he has wrongfully
done to any man l . Another letter from his companion in
Wolsey s service, Sir Thomas Rush, who was employed with
him at Ipswich, gave him further warning of the evil reports
that were circulated about him 2 . It is no wonder that he
was seriously alarmed.
Modern investigation has made it certain that there is but
little historical foundation for the touching pictures drawn by
Cavendish, Shakespeare, and, at a later day, Froude, which
represent Cromwell as the faithful servant of his fallen
master, unselfish, and exclusively devoted to his interests 3 .
There is no reason to think that Cavendish, whose testi
mony is most valuable as that of an eye-witness of the
scenes he describes, wilfully distorted the facts, but it is
certain that his directness and simplicity often prevented
him from drawing just conclusions from them, when he had
to do with such astute men as Wolsey and Cromwell. By
comparing his story with the events which followed, we shall
see that while Cromwell kept up the appearance of spending
all his time in helping Wolsey in his disgrace, he really was
occupied in serving his own ends, and in regaining the favour
he had lost as the Cardinal s agent. Though he carefully
abstained from doing or saying anything prejudicial to
Wolsey s cause, for fear of alienating people by laying
himself open to the accusation of faithlessness to his master,
he really did nothing to the Cardinal s advantage that did
not redound, in an infinitely greater degree, to his own profit
and advancement. Let us follow the letters of Cromwell,
the narrative of Cavendish, and the records of the Parliament
of 1529, for our facts, but let us draw our own conclusions
from them.
It chanced me upon All-hallowne day, 1 says Cavendish,
to come into the Great Chamber at Assher in the morning,
to give mine attendance, where I found Mr. Cromwell leaning
in the great windowe with a Primer in his hand, saying our
1 Cal. iv. 6036. 2 Cal. iv. 6110.
5 Cavendish, pp. 175 ff. ; Shakespeare, Henry VIII, iii. 2 ; Froude, vol. ii.
pp. 112 ff.
MERRIMAN. I F
66 THOMAS CROMWELL
Lady mattens : which had bine a strange sight in him afore.
-Well, what will you have more ? He prayed no more ear
nestly, than he distilled teares as fast from his eyes. Whom
I saluted and bad good-morrowe. And with that I perceived
his moist chekes, the which he wiped with his napkine. To
whom I saide, " Why, Mr. Cromwell, what meaneth this dole ?
Is my lord in any danger that ye doe lament for him ? or is
it for any other losse, that ye have sustained by misfortune?
" Nay," quoth he, " it is for my unhappy adventure. For I am
like to lose all that I have laboured for, all the daies of my
life, for doing of my master true and diligent service." " Why
Sir," quoth I, " I trust that you be too wise to do anything
by my lord s commaundement otherwise than ye might doe,
whereof you ought to be in doubt or daunger for losse of
your goods." " Well, well/ quoth he, " I cannot tell ; but this
I see before mine eyes, that everything is as it is taken ; and
this I knowe well, that I am disdained withal for my master s
sake ; and yet I am sure there is no cause, why they should
do soe. An evill name once gotten will not lightly be put
away. I never had promotion by my lord to the encrease
of my living. But this much I will saye to you, that I will
this afternoone, when my lord hath dined, ride to London,
and to the courte, when I will either make or marre, or ever
I come againe. I will put myself in prease, to see what they
will be able to lay to my charge." " Mary," quoth I, " then in
so doing you shall doe wisely, beseeching God to send you
good lucke, as I would myselfe V
Cromwell performed his promise well. He dined with
Wolsey on that All-hallowne Day, and later helped him to
discharge his servants, causing his chaplains to pay part of
the yeomen s wages, in return for the benefices and livings
which they had received from the Cardinal ; setting an
example himself, with unusual liberality, by a contribution
of five pounds to this end. He then desired of Wolsey leave
to go to London, which was granted, and he departed im
mediately with Ralph Sadler, his clerk.
No one knew better than Cromwell that the best place for
Cavendish, pp. 169, 170.
THE FALL OF THE CARDINAL 67
him to make or marre the Cardinal s fortunes and his
own, was in the Parliament which was to meet November 3
(two days later), and, being in London, he devised with
himself to be one of the burgesses V He sat as a member
from Taunton, as the records of Parliament attest 2 , but there
are very contradictory reports about the way in which he
obtained his seat. According to Cavendish he chaunced to
meete with one Sir Thomas Rush, knighte, a speciall friend
of his, whose son was appointed to be a burgess, of whome
he obtained his rome, and so put his fete into the parliament
house/ This may possibly be true, but it is not the whole
truth, for a letter of November i, from Sadler to Cromwell,
the genuineness of which it is impossible to doubt, hints at
a good deal more than is to be found in Cavendish s account,
which must have been made from Cromwell s own story about
his proceedings 3 . This letter reads as follows :
Woz/rshipfull S/r it may please you to be adu^rtised that
a litle before the receipte of yoz/r \ettere I cam from the courte
where I spake wit/i Mr. Gage and according to your com-
maundement moved him to speke vnto my lorde of NorfTolk
for the burgeses Rowme of the parlyament on your behalf
And he accordingly so dyd wzt^out delay lyke a faythfull
Frende, wherevppon my saide lorde of Norffolk answered
the saide Mr. Gage that he had spoken wz t the king his
highnes and that his highnes was veray well contented ye
should be a Burges So that ye wolde order yourself in the
saide Rowme according to suche instructions as the saide
Duke of NornW shall gyue you from the king Adu^rtesing
you ferther that the saide Duke in any wise willeth that ye
do speke vritfo his grace to morow for th[at] purpose. In
token whereof his grace sent you by mr. Ga[ge] your Ryng
wz t// the turques, Whiche I do now sende you by this berer.
As touching mr. Russhe I spake with him also at [the] courte
if I then had knowen your pleasure I could now haue sent
you answere of the same. Howbeit I will speke wit/i him
this night god willing and know whether ye shalbe Burges
1 Cavendish, p. 179. 2 Parliamentary Papers, vol. Ixii. pt. i. p. 37-
1 Cal. iv. App. 238.
68 THOMAS CROMWELL
of Oxforde or not And if ye be not elect there I will then
according to your ferther cowmaundement repayre vnto
Mr. paulet and requiere him to name you to be one of the
Burgeses of one of my lordes townes of his busshopriche of
Wynchester accordingly. Sir me thinketh it were good, So
it may stonde wit/t your pleasure, that ye did repayre hither
to morowe assone as ye conuenyently may for to speke with
the Duke of NorfiW by whom ye shall knowe the king his
pleasure how ye shall order yourself in the parliament house
Assuring you that your Frendes wolde haue you to tary with
my lorde there as litle as might be for many consideraczbns
as Mr. Gage will Shew you who moche desireth to speke wzt^
you. the king his grace wilbe to morow at night at yorke
place. Other newes at the courte I here none but dyu^s
of my lorde his seruaimtes as Mr. Aluarde Mr. Sayntclere
Mr. Forest, Humfrey lisle Mr. Mores & other ben elect and
sworne the king his seruauntes. Mr. Gifforde & I cam from
the courte togither but when we cam into london he departed
from me I knowe not whither. Newes I inquiered of him
but he sayed he knew none other then as I haue wrytten
you here, which Mr. Gage also shewed him. Humblie be-
seching you, if it be your pleasure, to make spede hither.
And thus I most hertely beseche our lorde god to sende you
your hertey Desire and to induce and bring all your good
purposes and affairees to good effecte. From london in
haste this present all Saynctey Day at iiij of the clocke after
none by
Your most humble Seruaunte
RAFE SADLEYER.
From this letter then it seems probable that Cromwell ob
tained his seat in the Parliament of 1529 through the influence
of the Duke of Norfolk. He was keen-sighted enough to see
that at Wolsey s fall all the royal favour had been transferred
to this man and to Gardiner. Both of these were Wolsey s
enemies, and Cromwell, whose name was coupled everywhere
with that of the Cardinal, saw that to gain influence at
Court, it was necessary at all costs to do away with their
hostility, which he must have incurred as Wolsey s agent.
THE FALL OF THE CARDINAL 69
Thus Cromwell s first move at the time of his master s dis
grace was to take steps to get himself into favour with
Norfolk. Cavendish s account is explained by the fact that
Cromwell would not have been very likely to tell Wolsey
how he had gone straight over to his bitterest enemy, but
far more probably sent back to Esher the incomplete tale
about Rush and his son, which the honest and simple-minded
biographer probably never suspected for an instant. One
can hardly doubt that Cromwell would not have been elected
to this Parliament had he not secured the consent of the
Cardinal s worst foe. He had thus killed two birds with one
stone ; he had gained his position in the House of Commons
where his influence would be felt, and he had successfully
escaped the odium of the chief person at the Court, which
would have naturally fallen upon him as Wolsey s servant,
and turned it into at least a temporary friendship.
From the contents of the letter above quoted, we may
also suppose that Cromwell s doings in the Parliament of
1529 were ordered by the King. The bill of attainder or
boke of artikels against the Cardinal was the first business
that lay before the House. It had passed the Lords and was
sent down to the Commons, but it was so violent and so false,
that even Henry and Norfolk relented. It had probably been
very clearly hinted to the Parliament that the King did not
wish it to pass, and royal * hints at this period of English
history were generally respected and obeyed. Cavendish
tells us that when Cromwell had obtained his seat in
Parliament, and the attainder was brought forward, he con
sulted with Wolsey to know what answer he might make in
his behalf ; insomuch that there was nothing alleadged against
my lord but that he was ready to make answer thereto/ and
he inveighed against the bill so discreetly and with such
witty persuasions and depe resons that the same could take
none effect, so that at length his honest estimation and earnest
behaviour in his master s cause grewe so in every man s
opinion, that he was reputed the most faithful servant to his
master of all other, wherein he was greatly of all men com
mended V
1 Cavendish, pp. I79ff.
70 THOMAS CROMWELL
This is all doubtless true, but whether or not he was alone
in the stand he made against the bill is quite another question.
Henry was perfectly satisfied with humbling the Cardinal to
the extent that he had already done, and did not wish him to
suffer any more ; in fact the opposition, consisting of most of
the nobles led by Norfolk and Anne Boleyn, were in constant
fear up to the day of Wolsey s death, lest he should regain
the King s favour. If Cromwell had gone openly over to the
other side at this juncture, he would have gained nothing,
and incurred the odium due to a deserter. He took the only
generous and right side, but in serving his master he served
himself far more 1 . Wolsey, as we have seen, had made a
written confession of all his misdeeds as soon as the first
blow had been struck against him 2 . This confession was
produced by Cromwell, and it gave the proposers of the bill
of attainder an excuse for dropping it. Cromwell supplied
the pretext for abandoning a measure displeasing to the
King, and consequently impossible to carry through this very
subservient Parliament ; by so doing he gained the praise of
a saviour of his master in his extremity.
This was the first step : the second was to win the favour
of other nobles, while still preserving the appearance of loyally
serving his fallen master. It was scarcely less important
than the first, and was carried through by Cromwell with
the greatest rapidity and success. His method of accomplish
ing it, however simple, was eminently characteristic, and
merits description.
It has already been shown how thoroughly Cromwell
realized the importance of money as a political force.
Though the traditional reproach of parsimony and stinginess
so often cast at Henry VII 3 is in great measure unmerited, it
is undeniable that his careful financial management and
accurate audits had served to surround his government
with an atmosphere of ostensible frugality. Henry VIII.
on the contrary, delighted in outward splendour and magni- .
1 Cal. iv. 6098, 6203, 6249. Cf. of National Biography, vol. xiii.
also Dixon, vol. i. pp. 48-9 n. p. 197.
Stubbs Lectures, p. 315, and the 5 Cal. iv. 6017.
ife of Cromwell in the Dictionary 3 Busch, pp. 288, 289.
LIBRARY r
THE FALL OF THE CARDINAL 71
ficence ; his Court was by far the most brilliant that England
had ever beheld, and nobody could play his part there who
was not prepared to lavish vast sums upon his outfit.
But the greater part of the nobles were quite unable to do
this. It had been an important part of the plan of Henry VII
for establishing a strong kingship to keep all possible rivals
of the Crown in a state of financial dependence. Many
items in the State Papers of his son s reign bear witness
to the complete success of these schemes of impoverishing
the nobility l . Only by pawning and selling lands, estates,
goods and chattels could the nobility obtain sufficient
sums to make a good appearance at the brilliant Court of
Henry VIII.
Such a state of affairs was a golden opportunity to a man
in Cromwell s position and of Cromwell s talents. To Wolsey,
whose mind had been intent on the larger schemes of his
foreign policy, the notion of staving off the hatred of the
influential people about the King by gifts of money, would
never have occurred. Cromwell hit upon the scheme in a
moment, as the only sure road to favour at the Court 2 . Now
that Wolsey had surrendered himself almost wholly to the
counsels of his painstaking, watchful, close and wholly un
scrupulous adviser, Cromwell immediately persuaded him to
grant annuities to the Court favourites. The casual reader
must not deceive himself into thinking that this was done
at Wolsey s own suggestion ; the measure was too evidently
Cromwellian to leave any room to doubt its originator, and
if any further proof be needed, it is furnished by evidence in
the Cardinal s papers. In a letter to Cromwell written in
December, 1529, Wolsey says, Yf the desspleasure of my lady
Anne be [somejwhat asswagyd, as I praye God the same
maye be, then yt shuld [be devised t]hat by sume convenyent
meane she be further laboryd [for th]ys ys the only helpe
and remedy. All possyble meanes [must be used for] at-
teynyng of hyr favor I comyt me to yower wyse
handling 3 . In the same month Cromwell made out the
1 Cal. iii. 3694, and iv. 6216, 6792.
2 Cf. Introduction to vol. iv of the Calendar, pp. 549, 550.
1 State Papers, vol. i. p. 35 1
72 THOMAS CROMWELL
draft of a grant by Wolsey to George Boleyn, Knight,
Viscount Rochford, son and heir apparent of Thomas Earl
of Wiltshire and Ormond, bestowing on him an annuity of
300 out of the lands of the bishopric of Winchester, and
a similar gift of 2,00 out of the abbey lands of St. Albans 1 .
Another letter from Wolsey to Cromwell in January, 1530,
says that, according to his servant s advice, he has had
Mr. Norris s fee increased from 100 to 200, and would
like to have Sir John Russell s annuity of 20 made 40 or
50, if Cromwell thinks it expedient 2 .
It is thus clear that these and other similar gifts were
bestowed at Cromwell s advice and suggestion, and that the
inevitable consequence was that the advantage resulting from
them accrued to a far greater extent to the Cardinal s agent
than to the Cardinal himself. Wolsey, in his confinement at
Esher, was forced to trust himself implicitly to the shrewd
and selfish counsellor, who moved about among those whom
it was most important for him to propitiate, and soon found
means to make it appear that Wolsey s favours in reality
emanated from him. Cromwell s selection of those to whom
the presents were made seems also to hint that he was
working in his own interest more than in his master s. He
must have known that the members of the Boleyn party, to
whom the greater part of the grants were made, hated
Wolsey himself too thoroughly to permit them to forget
their grudge for the sake of a few hundred pounds, but the
sums bestowed were sufficiently large to make the recipients
of them very friendly to the Cardinal s agent, who to all
intents and purposes appeared to be the real giver. Hints of
all this must indeed have reached Wolsey s ears. Though
throughout all the period of the attainder his gratitude, as
expressed in his many letters, was, in view of the real facts,
most unnecessarily effusive 3 , he later writes to Cromwell
that he hears he has not done him as good offices as he
might, in connexion with his colleges and his archbishopric/
But Cromwell had by this time got everything into his own
1 Cal. iv. 6115. 2 Cal. iv. 6181.
5 Cal. iv. 6098, 6181, 6204, 6249.
THE FALL OF THE CARDINAL 73
hands, so that Wolsey was forced to do exactly as he was
bidden. Whenever the Cardinal undertook anything on his
own responsibility, without asking his servant s advice, it was
greatly resented. If Wolsey dared to hint that Cromwell
was not wholly devoted to his interests, the latter sent back
a complaining and half-threatening reply 1 . The Cardinal
was even forced to write a humble apology to his agent
for sending Edmund Bonner on some mission without his
advice 2 . The less able Wolsey became to help himself, the
more harsh and imperious was his all-powerful counsellor.
With the whole control of his master s interests at the Court
in his own hands, it was exceedingly simple for a man of
Cromwell s peculiar talents to dispose the funds committed to
his care in such ways as tallied best with his own interests,
while casual onlookers simply regarded him as an honest
servant of his fallen master ; and Wolsey, unable to learn the
true state of affairs at Court, was kept practically ignorant of
his real designs. Cromwell had thus succeeded in attaining
a most enviable position, which was aptly described in a letter
which he received from Stephen Vaughan, who took the
opportunity to congratulate him, and also to warn him against
over-confidence in the following words : A mery semblance
of wether often thrustithe men into the Daungerous sees, not
thinking to be sodaynly opprest wythe tempest when vn.wa.res
they be preuented and brought in great ieop^rdie. The
Wyndes arn mutable vnsure and will not be caryed in mennys
\\andes to blow at a becke. Parell euerywhere followithe
men, from the birthe to the Dethe, And more thretenethe
them whiche entreprise Difficult and vrgent matters, then
those whiche only sekethe easy and light matters ye thoughe
they have great apparance of vertue, such is thinstabilitie of
the worlde, wher we find undique miseriam V
A final opportunity was given to Cromwell to ingratiate
himself with King and nobles when Henry took into his
hands the revenues of St. Albans and Winchester, and of
the colleges at Oxford and Ipswich. In this, even honest
Cavendish could see that Cromewell perceyved an occasion
1 Letters, 13. 2 Cal. iv. 6203. s Cal. iv. 6196.
74 THOMAS CROMWELL
given him by time to helpe himselfe. The intricacies of the
law of the period were such that annuities and fees out of
the revenues of these colleges, granted by the King, after
he had seized them, could only be good while Wolsey was
living, because the King, having obtained his right to them
by Wolsey s attainder in the praemunire, could not retain
that right after the Cardinal s death 1 . Thus, to have the
grants secure during the lifetimes of the recipients, there
was none other shifte but to obtaine my lord s confirmation
of their patents. Then began every man both noble and
gentleman who had any patents out of Winchester and St.
Albans to make suite to Mr. Cromwell to solicit their cause
to my lorde to get therin his confirmation, and for his paines
therin bothe worthily to reward him and every man to shewe
him such pleasures as should be at all times in their small
powers, whereof they assured him. . . . Now began matters
to worke to bringe Master Cromwell into estimation in suche
sorte as was muche hereafter to his increase of dignity; . . .
and having the ordering and disposition of the landes of these
colleges he had a great occasion of suitors, besides the con
tinual access to the King, by meanes whereof and through
his witty demeanour he grewe continually into the King s
favour 2 .
It is hard to realize how deeply Wolsey felt the seizure of
his two colleges. They had been the pride and joy of his
declining years. Instead of working earnestly to avert their
surrender into the King s hands, as a true servant would
have done, Cromwell permitted and almost welcomed it, as
a means to give him a chance to further his own ends, and
wrote empty, and, it would seem, almost contemptuous letters
of consolation to the Cardinal, of which that of August 18 is
an excellent example 3 . Instead of going to his master in his
sorrow and disgrace, as Wolsey repeatedly requested him to
do, he held himself aloof, and under the pretext of looking
after the Cardinal s interests at Court, contrived for his own
rise and advancement. It is true that he stood by Wolsey in
1 Introduction to vol. iv of the Calendar, pp. 584, 585.
2 Cavendish, p. 198. 3 Letters, 18.
THE FALL OF THE CARDINAL 75
the parliamentary crisis in 1529, and that it was largely
through his efforts that Wolsey obtained his temporary
pardon in February, 1530 ; but when, at the last, the Cardinal s
enemies turned against him a second time and secured his
complete downfall, there is no record of Cromwell s saying a
word or doing a thing in his behalf. On November 29, 1530,
Wolsey died, shattered and disgraced.
It is very unfortunate that there still exist so few of
Cromwell s letters during the last two years of Wolsey s life.
There are preserved at present only twelve letters from him
during this period \ seven of which are addressed to Wolsey.
In none of them does he give evidence of a sincere desire to
serve his master at all costs ; the dominant note of the greater
part of them is one of selfish and rather supercilious advice ;
of a morality easy and cheap, because the preacher of it
evidently felt himself beyond the possibility of its ever being
applicable in his own case. There is also very little trust
worthy information about the means he employed to introduce
himself to the King, except what has already been mentioned
in connexion with Wolsey s fall. Foxe asserts that Sir
Christopher Hales, Master of the Rolls, commended him to
Henry, and further affirms that Sir John Russell said a
good word for him, in return for Cromwell s saving his life at
Bologna, so that the latter was enabled to have a private
conversation with the King in Westminster Gardens 2 . Part
of this story is obviously false ; Cromwell could not have been
at Bologna when Sir John Russell was (between 1524 and
1528), because he was occupied in England at that time, as
his correspondence shows. To judge from this, little reliance
can be placed on the rest of Foxe s tale ; and there are no con
temporary documents that bear out his statements. Another
story, which is perhaps more probable, is that of Chapuys 3 ,
who states that at Wolsey s death Sir John Wallop attacked
Cromwell with insults and threats, so that the latter for pro
tection procured an audience with Henry, whom he promised
*
to make the richest king that ever was in England. Henry,
1 Letters, 9-20. 3 See Appendix I at the end of
2 Foxe, vol. ii. pp. 419 ff. chapter i. p. 17.
76 THOMAS CROMWELL
it appears, was so struck with this offer, that he immediately
made Cromwell a member of his Council, but told nobody
about it for four months. This tale is in many respects
similar to the account contained in Pole s Apologia : but the
story of the Cardinal does not mention the quarrel with
Wallop, and the report of Chapuys does not say a word about
the plan for the solution of Henry s grete matier by which
Cromwell, according to Pole, completely fascinated the King.
All the accounts, however, seem to agree that by some means
he managed to secure an interview with Henry soon after
Wolsey s death, at which he clinched everything that he had
already gained, and obtained the favour of the King by one
master-stroke. Pole s story of this interview contains informa
tion which leads us into the thick of Cromwell s political
career. Before we proceed to examine it in detail a brief
chapter must be devoted to a description of the actors and
past events of the great political drama in which Cromwell
was to play a part, and to a further analysis of his own
character and ideals.
CHAPTER V
THE CHARACTER AND OPPORTUNITY OF THOMAS
CROMWELL
THE condition of England at the time of Wolsey s death
was in many ways an extraordinary one. At home and
abroad she had already begun to reap glorious fruits from the
untiring efforts and masterful policy of the first Tudor.
United under a powerful monarchy, which had strengthened
itself at the expense of every other institution in the realm,
she rested secure in the enjoyment of internal peace and of
a high degree of estimation and respect in foreign lands.
That she had lost nearly all those continental possessions
which had been the proudest boast of Edward III and Henry V
now proved an inestimable advantage. The wise Cardinal
had made use of England s insular position to such good
advantage, that she had been able, at least up to the time
when the political situation had been complicated by the
question of the divorce, to keep the Emperor and the King of
France in a state of constant anxiety concerning her real
attitude, and often to force the two rivals to bid against each
other for her alliance. In 1521 Henry had dedicated to
Leo X a treatise which he had written against the heresies of
Luther, and had been rewarded with the proud title of
Defensor Fidei. Success abroad meant popularity at home,
at least for the King, whose enthusiasm and winning manners
endeared him to his subjects, and who usually contrived to
shift the blame for the unwelcome measures of his government
on to the shoulders of the Cardinal. As long as the national
honour was upheld on the Continent without draining too
deeply the resources of the people at home, the country
seemed quite willing to trust the King to the full and to allow
him to rule as well as govern.
78 THOMAS CROMWELL
Such was the bright side of the picture, the side which first
claims the attention of the casual observer. A more critical
examination of the state of the country, however, reveals an
undercurrent of discontent, which was almost lost in the crown
ing years of Wolsey s greatness, but which did not fail to
make itself felt at a later day, when the allegiance of so large
a part of the people had been alienated by the affair of the
divorce. The surest proof that Henry and Wolsey were aware
of this latent hostility is afforded by the infrequent assem
blings of Parliament. Seldom did the King dare to face the
representatives of the nation with the demand for a subsidy ;
he preferred to veil his oppressive financial exactions under
the name of an Amicable Loan. The poverty of the nobles
was notorious ; and the distress of the poor people daily
increased owing to a succession of bad seasons, thin harvests,
and a few outbreaks of a devastating plague. Economic and
agrarian changes contributed to swell the universal discon
tent 1 . The break-up of the old manorial system, the increase
of enclosures for pasturage, and the substitution of conver
tible husbandry for the old three-field system all served to
displace labour, and so temporarily to diminish the demand
for it. Great distress among the agricultural poor was
necessarily the first result of these changes : unfortunately
economic science was not sufficiently advanced to enable men
to discern that it was but a passing phase, and that as soon
as labour had adjusted itself to the new conditions permanent
advantages to it were bound to ensue. The country-folk con
trasted their own wretched condition with the many reports
which reached them of Henry s sumptuous and luxurious
Court : small wonder if the government was wrongly blamed
for a large share of the misery which was inevitably the
first consequence of sudden and great economic development.
Finally all malcontents were united in opposition to the
King s attempts to gain a divorce from his first wife, during
the closing years of Wolsey s ministry ; so that the main
tenance and further strengthening of the powerful monarchy
established at the accession of the House of Tudor promised
1 Cf. Ashley, Economic History, vol. ii. pp. 259-304.
HIS CHARACTER AND OPPORTUNITY 79
in the near future to afford a problem of even greater
difficulty than before.
To turn for a moment to the situation on the Continent.
The House of Hapsburg, under Charles V. seemed to have
attained the acme of its greatness, but its power was not
by any means as real as it appeared. The Emperor s in
satiable desire for foreign conquest had caused him to neglect
affairs in Spain and in the Empire, and to overtax his powers
and drain his resources by continual struggles with his great
rival the King of France. The bone of contention was
ostensibly Italy ; perhaps a truer cause of the struggles of
the two sovereigns is to be found in the geographical position
of the countries over which they ruled. The newly-con
solidated realm of France divided the dominions of the
Emperor into two parts : the dream of Charles was to connect
them ; the object of Francis was to forestall him. Northern
Italy belonged to neither, but it was a rich prize and a fighting-
ground easily accessible to both the combatants, and so it
very naturally became the field of war. Soon after the
Imperial election of 1519 the tide began to set slowly but
surely against Francis ; he was a true soldier, and was not
a man to submit to any encroachment without a struggle ;
still he fought at a terrible disadvantage, betrayed as he was
by the Duke of Bourbon, and in 1525 he was forced to
acknowledge a thorough defeat, at the fatal battle of Pavia l .
Although the first idea that occurred to Henry and Wolsey
after the news of Charles great victory had reached them was
a plan for the conquest and subdivision of the kingdom of
Francis, they soon came to the conclusion that such a scheme
would render the Emperor far too powerful. Charles him
self, moreover, had received with little favour the extrava
gant proposals for an invasion of France which England
had sent him as soon as the result of Pavia was known,
and had consistently refused to allow Henry any share in
his triumph. The Pope also, who had watched with terror
the victorious march of the Imperial army, ventured for
1 On this and the succeeding vi. pp. 296-362, and Mignet, vol. ii.
pages, cf. Creighton s Papacy, vol. pp. 340-358.
80 THOMAS CROMWELL
the last time to present himself as the centre of the oppo
sition to Charles V, and strove in every way to reconcile
England and France. The obstinate resistance that the
Commissioners for the collection of the Amicable Loan had
encountered in the spring of 1525 was certainly no encourage
ment for undertaking a war of aggression, and Henry and
Wolsey soon determined to abandon all plans of invasion, and
to pursue the wiser policy of maintaining neutrality between
the two great continental powers. With this thought in
mind a treaty of peace was made with Francis in August,
and after the escape of the French King from captivity in
January, 1526, the two continental rivals were once more
placed on an even footing. With this restoration of equality
Henry was perfectly satisfied, and he took good care to avoid
committing himself permanently to Francis, by refusing
openly to join the League of Cognac in the following spring.
At this juncture the matter of the divorce began to occupy
his exclusive attention, and the foreign affairs of the next
three years were left almost entirely in Wolsey s hands.
Circumstances now drove the Cardinal temporarily to lose
sight of the policy which he had pursued for the most part
up to this time that of strict neutrality and to attempt to
convert the peace with France into a permanent alliance.
And certainly the events of 1527 seemed to give him every
justification for this new departure. The sack of Rome
appeared to put Italy at the mercy of the Imperialists, and
now the difficulties connected with Henry s matrimonial affairs
pointed to the need of securing a firm ally who would aid him
in persuading the captive Pontiff to consent to the divorce in
opposition to the wishes of his jailor the Emperor. With all
his experience the Cardinal had hardly learned how rapidly the
diplomatic combinations of Europe could change. The last
great venture of his foreign policy resulted in disaster: the
French alliance utterly failed to accomplish what was expected
of it. At first indeed it seemed that the matrimonial projects
which formed the basis of it would succeed, but the crafty
policy of Francis ruined all. His war with the Emperor broke
out again, as was to be expected, immediately after his release
HIS CHARACTER AND OPPORTUNITY 81
from captivity, but secret negotiations for peace were soon
set on foot, and finally, in 1529, took shape in the treaty of
Cambray the news of which came as a stunning blow to
Wolsey s dearest hopes. The lesson which the Cardinal
learned at the expense of his office was by no means lost on
his master. Absorbed in the attempt to obtain a divorce
from Katherine, Henry possibly had not been able to foresee
the course of events abroad any better than his minister;
but when, in 1529, the news of the treaty of Cambray aroused
him to a true appreciation of the state of affairs, he at once
realized how dangerous any permanent alliance with either
Francis or Charles would be, as long as the situation on the
Continent remained so uncertain. He resolved that, as soon
as he could rectify the Cardinal s false step, nothing should
tempt him again to abandon the only safe policy that of
strict neutrality between the two great European powers
as long as the two rivals remained nearly equal. This point
has been purposely dwelt upon here as a foreshadowing of
what was to happen to Cromwell a few years later. Departure f
from the policy of neutrality between France and Spain helped n
to ruin Wolsey: a similar blunder in foreign affairs was {(
destined to lead his successor to destruction.
The entire attention of England was now turned to the
absorbing question of the divorce. The history of Wolsey s
failure to bring about the separation of Henry and Katherine
of Aragon, does not belong to the ground covered by this
essay. Suffice it to say that the Cardinal s ineffectual
attempts to satisfy Henry s chief desire, coupled with the
obvious error in his foreign policy, sealed his doom and
gave Cromwell his opportunity. There is little need to dwell
upon the way in which the attempt to divorce the Queen was
regarded abroad. Henry was looked upon as the disturber
of Christian unity, not only by the Emperor, but also by all
continental Europe 1 . Charles, of course, was the obvious
person to avenge the wrongs of his aunt, but he was far
too busy just then with his schemes for suppressing the Pro
testants in Germany and of checking the advance of the
1 Cal. iv. 6521, 6691.
MERRIMAN. I G
82 THOMAS CROMWELL
Turk into the borders of Christendom, seriously to contem
plate an invasion of Henry s dominions. It was not the only
time that England s fortunes were saved by the turn of affairs
in distant lands.
It now remains only to say a few words about the chief
persons at the Court of Henry VIII, preliminary to a descrip
tion of Cromwell himself. Foremost among these was of
course Anne Boleyn. Born probably in 1507 of a good
English family, a niece of the Earl of Surrey, she had spent
a good part of her early life in France, as one of the French
queen s women, and returned to England in the latter part of
the year 1521 l . At Henry s exceedingly corrupt Court she
did not want for admirers and suitors, foremost among whom
was the King himself, who had formerly been in intimate
relations with her sister Mary. Henry s passion for her
is sufficiently attested by a succession of royal grants and
favours to her father, beginning only two months after her
arrival in England, and continuing for over three years 2 . How
far Anne was responsible for causing Henry to take steps to
divorce Katherine, and how far he was moved thereto by
a conscience that became over-sensitive at suspiciously short
notice, or by more legitimate political considerations, it
is not our business now to inquire ; our best sources of
information are the grants to her father, above mentioned,
and a most remarkable series of love-letters 3 . Though she
temporarily had the King at her feet, no woman of Henry s
Court was really to be less envied. Katherine and Mary, and,
in consequence, the majority of the people, were her bitter foes ;
to protect herself against the popular odium, she gathered
round her a following, known at Court as the Boleyn faction,
the chief person of which was her uncle, now Duke of Norfolk.
Norfolk was fifty-seven years old when Cromwell came
into power. He was a Catholic and against the New Faith.
He had received in his younger days a thorough military
1 For the date of the birth of Anne English Historical Review, vol. viii.
Boleyn see Friedmann, chap, i, p. 58, and vol. x. p. 104.
and Note A in the Appendix; 2 Cal. iv. 1431 (8), 6083,6163.
Round, The Early Life of Anne 3 Cal. iv. 4477, 4383, 4410, 3325,
Boleyn; and Gairdner in the 3326,3218-21.
HIS CHARACTER AND OPPORTUNITY 83
and diplomatic training, and in 1531 was characterized
by the Venetian ambassador, Falieri, as * prudent, liberal,
affable, and astute ; associating with everybody . . . and
desirous of greater elevation. This is a very flattering
description of this crafty and ambitious statesman. The
chief traits that characterized him were a cringing sub
servience to the will of the King, and a bitter hatred
of any rival to his influence with Henry ; a hatred which
first directed itself against Wolsey, for whose downfall he
laboured incessantly, and later against Cromwell, whose
opponent he was during the decade of the former s greatness.
He was the equal of neither of these two as a statesman ;
but his utter lack of honour and consistency, and his willing
ness to break promises in order to please the King, rendered
him an invaluable servant of the Crown at a period when one
startling change followed on the heels of another. He threw
himself heart and soul into the interests of his niece when
Henry s love for her was increasing ; and yet when the royal
passion waned, and Anne was accused in 1536, he was not
ashamed to preside at her trial and sentence her to death l .
The other important person at the Court was Stephen
Gardiner, who in 1531 became Bishop of Winchester. Ten
years Norfolk s junior, he was introduced into political and
diplomatic life by the Duke, and spent a large part of his early
life as Wolsey s servant and ambassador. He did not cherish
any lasting friendship for the Cardinal, however, and he seems
to have been an adherent of the Boleyn faction at Wolsey s
fall ; we find Anne writing to him when the struggle between
the two parties was at its hottest, to thank him for his wylling
and faythefull mynde V Still he took more or less a middle
course on the divorce question, and pleaded warmly, though
vainly, for the restitution of Wolsey s colleges. But when
the Cardinal s fate was settled he certainly expected that his
old master s favour with the King would be transferred to
himself, and when he was disappointed in this by Cromwell s
stepping in, he developed a hatred for him which he never
1 Cf. the Life of Norfolk in the Dictionary of National Biography,
vol. xxviii. p. 65. 2 Cal. iv. 5422.
G 2
84 THOMAS CROMWELL
abandoned. He was less active than Norfolk in his opposi
tion to Rome, and though he lacked the Duke s subserviency,
he was fully as able a diplomat. Neither of the two men
could have played the role of Cromwell : the scope of their
talents was more limited ; they were merely exceedingly
able politicians, but as such they were by no means to be
despised. When, however, they united to procure their rival s
ruin it was difficult to resist them l .
Thus when at Wolsey s fall Cromwell entered the King s
service, the situation of England both at home and abroad
was critical in the extreme. The relations of the government
with Rome were strained, owing to Henry s proceedings
in the divorce ; his * grete matier was unpopular with the
country at large ; France and Spain were both of them very
doubtful quantities, and might become friends or foes at
any moment. At the Court, various factions with different
aims were disputing for the precedence, and the best course
to be steered by one who was about to enter the King s service,
after leaving that of a fallen minister, was not an easy thing
to decide. Before inquiring into Cromwell s action at this
crisis, a brief description of the person and of the character of
the man himself at this time will not be out of place.
Cromwell was a short, strongly-built man, with a large dull
face. He was smooth-shaven, with close-cropped hair, and
had a heavy double chin. His mouth was small and cruel,
and was surmounted by an extraordinarily long upper lip,
while a pair of grey eyes, set closely together, moved rest
lessly under his light eyebrows. He had an awkward, uncouth
gait which lent itself well to the other peculiarities of his
personal appearance, and gave one the idea that he was a
patient, plodding, and, if anything, a rather stupid sort of man.
But this was all merely external. According to Chapuys,
who knew him well, he possessed the most extraordinary
mobility of countenance, so that when engaged in an interest
ing conversation, his face would suddenly light up, and the
dull, drudging, commonplace expression give way to a subtle,
1 Cf. the Life of Gardiner in the Dictionary of National Biography,
vol. xx. p. 419.
HIS CHARACTER AND OPPORTUNITY 85
cunning, and intelligent aspect, quite at variance with his
ordinary appearance. His conversation at such moments was
witty and entertaining to the last degree, and the Spanish
ambassador notes that he had the habit of giving a roguish
oblique glance whenever he made a striking remark. This
extraordinary power of facial control, according to the cir
cumstances in which he was placed, merely reflects one of
the dominant characteristics of the man. He obviously had
remarkable power of quickly adapting himself to his sur
roundings. He rarely failed to realize immediately his relation
to those with whom he came in contact, and his manner,
behaviour, and expression varied accordingly. No one knew
better how or when to flatter than Thomas Cromwell ; on
the other hand no one could be more harsh and cruel than
he, when he was in a position to dictate. He had thoroughly
learned the lesson
To beguile the time
Look like the time.
There are many evidences of his good taste and love of
beautiful things 1 . A long and complicated correspondence
with his friend Stephen Vaughan about an iron chest of very
curious workmanship, which he wanted for his house at Austin
Friars, of such expense that Vaughan was almost afraid to
buy it, is not without interest. There is record of his pur
chasing a globe, with a set of explanatory notes, and the only
two Cronica Cronicarum cum figuris that could be found in
all Antwerp 2 . Especially great was his love of Italian things.
His stay in Italy was of sufficient duration to steep him in the
spirit of the Renaissance ; he read and studied his Machiavelli,
so that it was a guide to his future political career ; we can
well imagine him repeating to himself the sentence in chapter
xviii of The Prince which begins Ma e necessario questa
natura saperla bene colorire, ed essere gran simulatore e
dissimulatore 3 , or the passage in chapter xvii of the same,
* Deve pertanto un principe non si curare dell infamia di cru-
dele per tenere i sudditi suoi uniti ed in fede V He doubtless
1 Cf. Pauli, Thomas Cromwell, p. 301.
1 Cal. iv. 4613, 4884, 5034, 6429, 6744.
3 II Principe, chap, xviii, p. 304. * Ibid., chap, xvii, p. 291.
86 THOMAS CROMWELL
possessed many of the important Italian books in print at
that time. In April, 1530, Edmund Bonner writes to him
to remind him of his promise to lend him the Triumphs
of Petrarch and the Cortigiano, and to make him a good
Italian l .
Of his social gifts and of his charm as a host there is no
room to doubt. There are many proofs that he was a most
magnificent entertainer, and that his personal attraction, when
he wished to make himself agreeable, was such that no one
could resist it. The letters of Chapuys inform us that even
the most careful and experienced politicians were often com
pletely put off their guard by Cromwell s pleasing presence
and address ; and more than once were induced to say things
which should not have escaped them.
But all these manners and externals were simply disguises
to hide the real inward character of the man. The whole
essence of Cromwell s personality consists of different mani
festations of one fundamental, underlying trait, which may
perhaps be best expressed by the common phrase a strict
attention to business. Cromwell worshipped and sought
after the practical and the useful only, and utterly disregarded
everything else. The first evidence of this quality has been
already noticed, as coming in the shape of a contempt for
the vague generalizations of the Parliament of 1523, which
beat about the bush for an entire session without ever coming
to the point 2 . Here it assumes a somewhat negative form.
Another striking instance of it occurs in the conversation
which Pole relates as having taken place between himself
and Cromwell, at Wolsey s house, concerning the proper
duty of a true servant of a Prince 3 . Pole as usual began
theorizing about the best way to bring honour to one s
master, when he was rudely interrupted by Cromwell, who
advised him in few words to forsake the remote learning of
the schools, and devote himself to reading a new book which
took a practical view of the case, and which Pole later found
was the adviser s favourite Prince of Machiavelli. Cromwell
1 Cal. iv. 6346. ! Letters, I.
1 Pole, Apologia ad Carolum Quintum, chap. xxix.
HIS CHARACTER AND OPPORTUNITY 87
at the same time took occasion to tell Pole that the great
art of the politician was to penetrate through the disguise
which sovereigns are accustomed to throw over their real
inclinations, and to devise the most specious expedients by
which they may gratify their appetites without appearing
to outrage morality or religion *. It is not astonishing that
Pole realized that it was dangerous for him to remain in
England, when Cromwell came into power.
Another more positive and striking way in which this
characteristic stood forth, was in his utter lack of emotion.
It was this quality which enabled Cromwell to tick off in
his memoranda the lives of human beings, as if they were
items in an account ; or to send people to trials, of which
the verdicts had been determined beforehand, as the Abbott
of Redyng to be Sent Down to be tryed & excecutyd at
Reding V He totally disregarded the justness or morality
of any action ; its utility was for him its morality, and created
its justification. He never struck at his victims in a moment
of passion, uselessly or capriciously; no personal feeling of
hatred mingled with his crime. On the other hand, had the
sacrifice of one of his nearest or dearest friends been necessary
to the accomplishment of his purposes, he would hardly have
hesitated a moment. Any means that could bring about
the ends he sought were ipso facto for him justifiable.
Whether his desires were attained by fair means or foul,
mattered little to him : he kept his eyes steadily fixed upon
the goal ; the smoothness or roughness of the road to it was
of no consequence in his eyes 3 .
1 This account was drawn up
by Pole in 1538. Canon Dixon
(History of the Church of England,
vol. i. p. 41) questions the truth of
the story on the ground that The
Prince was not published until
1532, several years after the re
ported conversation took place. The
book, however, was written in
1513, as Canon Dixon admits,
and there is every probability, es
pecially in view of his early ex
periences in Italy, that Cromwell
possessed a manuscript copy. Pole,
moreover, expressly states that
Cromwell offered to lend him the
work, provided he would promise
to read it.
2 Cal. xiv. (ii) 399.
3 The chronicler, John Stow, in
his Survey of London, p. 180, gives
the following anecdote, which proves
that Cromwell was no less arbitrary
as a man than as a minister :
88
THOMAS CROMWELL
Finally, and perhaps most important of all, Cromwell
never lost anything that might be turned to good account.
It has been shown how he not only succeeded in freeing
himself from any ill-name at Wolsey s fall, but also actually
used his master s overthrow to further his own ends, and
make himself known and popular at Court. But this is only
a slender hint of what was to follow. It was precisely from
this same practical utilitarian standpoint, that he regarded
and made use of to his own ends the King s amours, the
suppression of the monasteries, the Reformation. Catholicism
and Protestantism passed over his head ; he was not touched
by either of them. He simply used them as pieces in the
great game which he was playing.
Such was the man who, for the next ten years, was to have
almost the sole guidance of the course of English history.
As was his purpose when he rode on the afternoon of All
Hallows Day to London to look after his own interests and
those of his master, so was his mission as minister and coun
sellor of the King, to make or to marre.
1 On the south side and at the
west end of this church (the Austin
Friars) many fayre houses are
builded, namely in Throgmorton
streete, one very large and spacious,
builded in the place of olde and small
Tenementes by Thomas Cromwell
. . . This house being finished, and
hauing some reasonable plot of
ground left for a Garden, he caused
the pales of the Gardens adioyning
to the north parte thereof on a
sodaine to be taken downe, 22 foot
to bee measured forth right into the
north of euery man s ground, a line
there to bee drawen, a trench to
bee cast, a foundation laid, and a
highe bricke wall to bee builded.
My father had a Garden there.
and an house standing close to his
south pale, this house they lowsed
from the ground & bare vpon
Rowlers into my Father s Garden
22 foot, ere my Father heard thereof:
no warning was given him, nor any
other answere when hee spake to
the surueyers of that worke but
that their Mayster Sir Thomas
commaunded them so to doe, no
man durst go to argue the matter,
but each man lost his land, and my
Father payde his whole rent, which
was vi s . viii d . the yeare, for that
halfe which was left. Thus much
of mine owne knowledge haue I
thought good to note, that the sud-
daine rising of some men, causeth
them to forget themselves.
CHAPTER VI
IN THE KING S SERVICE
THE decade which followed Cromwell s appointment as
counsellor to Henry VIII, witnessed some of the most striking
changes that have ever taken place in England. The question
which must obviously occur to every student of the period, is
whether the King himself, or his new minister, was the real
cause of the secular and religious revolution of the years 1530
to 154- The difficulty of the problem is increased by the
fact that Henry and Cromwell made every effort to conceal
their traces ; scarcely any information can be gleaned from
their correspondence. We are therefore forced to draw our
conclusions for the most part from external evidence and the
reports of contemporary writers.
It may be justly said that in general the probabilities point
to Cromwell as the true originator of the startling changes
which occurred soon after his accession to power. The fact
that the ultimate object of all these changes was the con- (
centration of power in the hands of the Crown is not in itself\
^
of great value in determining the identity of their originator ;
for the strengthening of the monarchy was an end which both
King and minister always kept in view : in the methods by
which this object was attained, however, we have a most
valuable clue to aid us in the solution of our problem. These
methods were all intensely Cromwellian : their directness and
efficiency are essentially and distinctively characteristic of the
King s new minister. In the contrast between the dawdling
ineffectiveness of Wolsey s device for solving the problem of
the King s divorce, and the summary, revolutionary process
by which it was finally secured after the Cardinal s fall, lies our
strongest ground for supposing that it was at Cromwell s
instance that the decisive step was taken. It seems almost
90 THOMAS CROMWELL
impossible that Henry, after having suffered himself to be
guided so long by Wolsey, in the management of his * grete
matier should have adopted at the Cardinal s death a plan to
secure his wishes, so thoroughly repugnant to the principles
of his old adviser, unless the idea had been put into his head
by another. When the King had once determined to break
with Rome, it followed as a matter of course that the advice of
the minister who had suggested the first step, should be adopted
in devising measures to secure the King in the new position
which he had assumed. The means employed to attain this
end the intimidation of the clergy and the suppression of the
monasteries, the attacks on the independence of Parliament,
the ruthless execution of those who opposed the late innova
tions all bear the stamp of the sinister genius of Cromwell
as unmistakably as the great revolution that rendered them
necessary. Documentary evidence too comes in to help us
here ; scarcely an important Act was passed in Parliament
between the years 1533 and 1540, of which there is not some
previous mention in Cromwell s papers and memoranda.
Against these reasons it may be urged that none of the foreign
ambassadors at the English Court mentions Cromwell as an
important factor in the government until three years after he
entered the King s service, and that the country in general
certainly regarded the events of the years 1530 to 1533 as the
work of Henry alone ; and that these facts are strong testi
mony that the King s new minister did not attain any high
degree of prominence until the crucial period of the struggle
with Rome had passed. But this paucity of contemporary
information concerning Cromwell s earlier years in the King s
service may be better explained in another way. If Henry s
new minister was the true author of all the revolutionary
measures of this period, it was certainly most unlikely that he
should be paraded before the eyes of the people as such ; it
was, on the contrary, to his own interest, and also to the
King s, that he should be kept in the background. By per
mitting the people to think that Henry was the real originator
of all the new schemes for establishing the Royal Supremacy
in Church and State, the suddenness of the transition between
IN THE KING S SERVICE 91
Wolsey s ministry and that of his successor was disguised.
Moreover, had the people known that Cromwell was at the
bottom of these changes, which were universally unpopular,
nothing would have saved him from their revenge. As long
as the new measures were attributed to the King, respect for
the royal name was enough to prevent a revolt. Cromwell, on
the contrary, who was not even of noble birth, could not have
struck a blow in his own defence, had the people fastened
upon him as the cause of the hated innovations. It was
necessary to keep him concealed until his position was so
secure that the popular odium could not shake him from it.
When, in 1533, the mask was finally thrown off, Chapuys and
the other foreign ambassadors realized all at once that Crom
well s sudden burst into prominence would have been quite
impossible, had not the ground been thoroughly prepared for
it by important services rendered during the first years of his
ministry.
Such, then, are the general reasons for thinking that
Cromwell was the man who planned out and carried through
the various measures which have rendered famous the period
of his ministry. In examining separately the different events
which took place, we shall meet with other evidence which
points to the same conclusion. Most important is the account
contained in Pole s Apologia ad Carolum Quintum, which
describes at length Cromwell s first measure, his plan to secure
Henry s divorce from Katherine of Aragon ; a scheme by
which he won the confidence of the King and irrevocably
committed himself and his master to the policy which he
followed to the end of his days. Henry, it seems from Pole s
story, had become utterly discouraged at the time of Wolsey s
death concerning the prospect of ever obtaining a separation
from his first wife. He had vainly attempted to get an
encouraging reply from the English clergy, and his failure in
this added to his despondency ; his council, which lacked all
initiative, could only rejoice that he intended to abandon his
efforts. At this juncture the Satanae Nuncius, as Pole names
Cromwell, solicited and obtained an audience with the King,
and proposed a plan by which Henry could free himself from
THOMAS CROMWELL
Papal restrictions, marry Anne, divorce Katherine, and yet
ostensibly remain true to the Catholic Faith.
Cromwell introduced himself with his usual tact and skill.
In a few modest and carefully selected sentences he excused
himself for daring to offer an opinion on a subject of which he
felt himself to be so very ignorant but, he continued, his
loyalty to the King would not permit him to be silent when
there was the smallest chance of his being able to serve his
sovereign at this momentous crisis. He was certain, he said,
that the King s troubles were solely due to the weakness of
his advisers, who listened to the opinions of the common herd,
and did not dare to act upon their own responsibility. All
the wise and learned were in favour of the divorce ; the only
thing lacking was the Papal sanction ; was the King to hesitate
because this could not be obtained ? It would be better to
follow the example of the Lutherans, who had renounced the
authority of Rome. Let the King, with the consent of Parlia
ment, declare himself Head of the Church in England, and
all his difficulties would vanish. England was at present
a monster with two heads. If the King should take to himself
the supreme power, religious as well as secular, every in
congruity would cease ; the clergy would immediately realize
that they were responsible to the King and not to the Pope,
and would forthwith become subservient to the royal will.
Henry may have been surprised by the audacity of Cromwell s
scheme, but he was also much pleased, as it promised to
satisfy all his dearest wishes. The Satanae Nuncius received
his hearty thanks, and was further rewarded by a seat in the
Privy Council l .
Cromwell must have realized from the first, that the adop-
1 Pole, Apologia ad Carolum Quin-
tum, chap, xxix, and Lingard, vol. vi.
p. 233. There is every reason
to believe in the veracity of this
report. Pole was in London at
the time, and knew Cromwell inti
mately. He reiterates the truth of
his tale in the following words:
Hoc possum affirmare nihil in ilia
oratione positum alicujus momenti
quod non vel ab eodem nuncio
(Cromwell himself) eo narrante in-
tellexi, vel ab illis qui ejus consilii
fuerunt participes. This interview
was doubtless the one which Cha-
puys describes as due to the quarrel
with Sir John Wallop. According
to both accounts it ended by Crom
well s becoming a Privy Councillor.
IN THE KING S SERVICE 93
tion of his scheme to throw off the Papal authority in England
would encounter the greatest opposition from the clergy, but
he had already devised a plan by which every objection
could be silenced and the refractory ecclesiastics overawed.
His whole policy in this crisis was based on the knowledge
that the position of the clergy since Wolsey s fall was com
pletely altered. They were no longer in any sense popular.
The State Papers of the period contain many lists of the
grievances of the Commons against them 1 . They had re
ceived a severe lesson from the Parliament of 1529 ; they
were now isolated, timid and demoralized. Cromwell was the
first to perceive and make use of their changed condition.
At the same time he realized how completely the House of
Austria had possessed itself of the Papacy ; the failure of
Wiltshire s embassy to the Emperor in Bologna, in 1530 2 ,
assured him, if he needed any assurance, that the day of
compromise with the Pope was passed, and that no divorce
would ever come from the Vatican ; he saw that if a separation
of Henry and Katherine was to be secured at all, the battle
ground on which it was to be won was not the Papal Curia at
Rome, but the Houses of Convocation and Parliament.
So it was conveniently discovered that Wolsey s guilt was
shared by Convocation, the Privy Council and the Lords and
Commons, and indirectly by the nation itself; as all these
had recognized the Cardinal in his capacity of legate, and so
had become, by language of the statute, his fautors and
abettors. Again conveniently, but also most unreasonably,
while the laity, who had eagerly availed themselves of the
Cardinal s jurisdiction, were tacitly passed over, the clergy
who had been the only ones to make a stand in opposition to
the legatine authority, were included in the Praemunire. So
in December, 1530, as Holinshed quaintly puts it, the kings
learned councell said plainlie that the whole cleargie of
England were all in the premunire 3 / and the
Attorney-General was instructed to file a brief against the
entire body in the Court of King s Bench. The clergy then
1 As Cal. iv. 6183. 2 Cal. iv. 6111, 6154-5-
3 Holinshed s Chronicle, p. 766.
94 THOMAS CROMWELL
assembled in Convocation, and offered the King ioo,oco
pounds to be their good lord, and also to give them a pardon
of all offences touching the Praemunire, by act of Parliament.
To their surprise and dismay, however, Henry refused the
bribe, unless, in the preamble to the grant, a clause were
introduced making him to be the Protector and only Supreme
Head of the Church and clergy of England V The whole
plot on the part of the King and the Privy Council was con
ducted with the greatest possible secrecy, and their real
motives were probably not guessed at by the world outside.
Even the astute Chapuys was completely deceived respecting
the King s actual intention. In his letters of the 23rd and
3ist of January, 1531, he informs the Emperor that when the
King has bled the clergy, he will restore to them their liberties,
and take them back into his favour, and later declares that
the whole thing was done to bring about a union between
the clergy and the nobles V It was not until the i4th of
February, when the entire affair had been carried through,
that the Spanish ambassador really understood what was
happening, and discovered that it was all something more
than a striking exhibition of Tudor avarice 3 .
In the meantime a number of Latin manifestoes appeared
favouring the King s divorce, and inveighing against the
Papal Supremacy 4 . But in spite of all these intimidations,
the clergy though weak did not intend to surrender without
a struggle. We are told that * ille de suprematu regis conce-
ptus haud bene placuit praelatis et clero, inde eum modificari
voluerunt. Per tres itaqtie sessiones cum consiliariis regiis
(among whom Cromwell doubtless was most prominent) ratio
inita fuit quomodo regis animum flectere possent ad molliori-
bus verbis exprimendum articulum ilium V At first Henry
announced to the clergy through Rochford that the only
alteration he would accept would be the insertion of the
1 There were to be in all five solus est/ Wilkins, vol. iii. p. 725.
concessions, the first of which was 2 Cal. v. 62, 70.
the really important and crucial Cal. v. 105.
one Ecclesiae et cleri Anglicani, 4 Cal. v. 7, 9; vi. 416.
cuj us protector et supremum caput is 5 Wilkins, vol. iii. p. 725.
IN THE KING S SERVICE 95
words post Deum. In the end, however, he yielded in this
point, and consented to an amendment moved by Archbishop
Warham, so that in its final form the clause read Ecclesiae
et cleri Anglicani, cujus singularem protectorem, unicum et
supremum dominicum, et quantum per Christi legem licet
etiam supremum caput ipsius majestatem recognoscimus.
Both the Canterbury and York Convocations hastened to
accept this compromise, and the latter voted an additional
grant of 18,000. , The only bishop who raised the slightest
objection to the royal demand was Cuthbert Tunstall, of
Durham. It is obvious that if the famous quantum per Christi
legem licet was really enforced, the victory which the King s
party had gained was but an empty one : the amendment has
been characterized as a clause by which all practical value
was taken out of the act V But Henry certainly had no idea
of permitting a restriction as vague as this seriously to
interfere with his schemes ; if the qualification became really
troublesome he was quite prepared to have it expunged.
For the moment he had been willing tacitly to acknowledge
that there was some force in the clause in order to overcome
the obstinacy of his opponents, but Chapuys was certainly
not far wrong in saying that it was all the same as far as the
King is concerned as if they had made no reservation, for no
one will now be so bold as to contest with his lord the
importance of this reservation 2 . The long-deferred pardon
was at last granted : though when it was first sent down from
the Lords, the Commons discovered that the laity were not
mentioned and so were still in the Praemunire : a deputation
from the Lower House, however, waited upon the King and
expressed their doubts, and though at first Henry treated
them harshly, he finally succumbed, and the laity were included
in the pardon 3 .
But the struggle was not yet over. The following year
witnessed a continuation of the attacks on the independence
of the clergy. This time, however, Henry and Cromwell had
determined that the brunt of the battle should be borne by
1 Friedmann, vol. i. p. 142. 2 Cal. v. 105.
3 Cal. v. 171.
98 THOMAS CROMWELL
Parliament, which responded to the mandates of the King
and his minister with gratifying celerity. Shortly after the
opening of the session, in January, 1532, there appeared in
the Lower House that famous document, which is usually
known as the Supplication of the Commons against the
Ordinaries V The designation is certainly misleading : so
preponderant was the part played by one of the Commons
in the preparation of this memorable petition, that it cannot
be fairly regarded as the work of them all. The nature of
the charges of which the c Supplication was composed, its
phraseology and the handwritings in the various drafts of
it which are preserved to us to-day 2 leave little doubt that it
V was originally devised by the genius of Cromwell. It was in
fact the first of a number of measures ostensibly emanating
from Parliament, but in reality prepared by the King s minister
and forced by him upon the very tractable Lords and
Commons. The purport of the supplication was, in brief,
to accuse the clergy of making laws and ordinances without
the assent of the King or his lay subjects, of demanding
excessive fees, of dealing corruptly and unfairly, especially
with cases of heresy, and to request the King to take
measures for the remedy of these abuses. The Ordinaries,
to whom the petition was delivered from the King on
April 12, at once composed a temperate and dignified reply,
in which the injustice and unreasonableness of the charges
preferred against them were courteously but plainly pointed
out 3 . Parliament in the meantime had been prorogued for
three months, but as soon as it had reassembled it was forced
to take up the cudgels again 4 . The clergy had stated their
case so well that Henry, in dread lest the faint-hearted
Commons should abandon too soon a quarrel into which his
minister had led them, thought it advisable to intervene
himself in the dispute. A short interview between the King
and the Speaker was enough to reanimate the drooping
spirits of the House : Henry was even spared the trouble
1 Hall, p. 784. Wilkins, vol. iii. pp. 748, 750.
8 See Appendix at the end of this 4 Hall, p. 788 ; Cal. v. 989.
chapter, p. 104.
IN THE KING S SERVICE 97
of a frank avowal of his attitude in words a gracious promise
to be indifferent between the disputants was quite sufficient
to ensure the continuance of the struggle. The Ordinaries
were not slow to discover that their first reply had been
totally ineffectual, and hastened to compose a second which,
though maintaining in general the position which had
originally been assumed, contained a concession that no new
laws should be published without the royal consent 1 . A good
deal more haggling, however, was necessary before the final
compromise was reached 2 . In fact matters moved so slowly
that the King was obliged to make (or let Cromwell make
for him) another of his suspiciously timely discoveries to the
effect that his sovereign rights as Supreme Head were not
clear, because every bishop at his consecration had made an
oath of allegiance to the Pope. The Commons were asked
to rectify this, and were about to pass severe censure on the
bishops, when they were prorogued once more on account of
the ragings of the plague. Before he let them go, however, the
King had probably ascertained that the clergy intended to sub
mit. Threatened on all sides, Convocation on the i6th of May
finally agreed not to pass any more new regulations without
the King s licence, and to examine and revise, according
to the royal wishes, the canons already made 3 . The most
important result of the controversy for us to notice is that
the King, acting (as he evidently did) on the advice of
Cromwell, had succeeded in reducing Convocation to complete
subjugation, and in making Parliament pliant to his will, as it
had never been before. The scheme of controlling the clergy
is doubly significant, first, as the cause of a great change in
itself; second, as the first step of the dominant policy of
the next ten years, for establishing the Royal Supremacy
in Church and State. It must not be forgotten however
that Cromwell s action, in defiance of Papal authority at this
juncture, arose from no hate of the Romish dogmas nor from
any love of the new religion. He carried out all his schemes
solely from political motives ; the religious, the emotional side
1 Cal. v. 1018. 2 Cf. Dixon, vol. i. pp. 74-111.
8 Cal. v. 1023.
MERRIMAN. I
98 THOMAS CROMWELL
left him absolutely untouched ; the practical, the politically
serviceable aspect of the case, alone appealed to him.
Popular as Henry doubtless was, Cromwell must have
realized, when he thus threw himself heart and soul on the
King s side in the divorce case, that he had staked everything
on the continuance of the royal favour. The best of the
clergy were strongly against the cause of Anne Boleyn, and
there were but few who disagreed with them. The general
sympathy of the nation for Katherine was greater than
ever. Chapuys tells us that Henry was urged by the crowd
in the streets to take back the Queen, and that Anne
Boleyn was not infrequently publicly insulted *. The mob,
and still more the friars, spoke of her openly as a common
prostitute, who ruled the King and beggared spiritualty
and temporalty also. A letter of the imperial ambassador
tells us that the provincial of the Friars Observants at
Greenwich (better known as Friar Peto) preached before
the King, and told him that the unbounded affection of
princes and their false counsellors deprived them of their
knowledge of the truth, and that Henry was endangering his
crown by his marriage, for great and little were murmuring
at it. The King concealed his vexation as best he could,
but later ordered one of his chaplains to preach there in his
presence, and contradict all that Peto had said. At the end
of this sermon the warden arose, and answering for his
minister in his absence, dared to say in Henry s presence
that the royal chaplain had lied. The King was very angry
and had the warden and preacher both arrested 2 . Most of
the Greenwich friars were eager to stand by their brethren,
but some proved less incorruptible, and gave secret information
against the steadfast ones.
The result of all these murmurings among commons and
friars was that Cromwell was kept very busy in finding out
and extirpating sedycyous opynyons as they were termed.
In order to clinch the advantages that were to accrue to
Henry as a result of his newly-assumed ecclesiastical position,
it was as necessary to discover and either destroy or convert
1 Cal. v. 1202. 2 Ca i v . 941.
IN THE KING S SERVICE 99
the laymen opposed to it, as it was to keep in submission the
clergy from whose hands it had been snatched. Henry
could have probably found no abler man in the realm to
accomplish this purpose than his new minister. Early in
1532 Cromwell began to create a system of espionage, the
most effective that England had ever seen, that in a short
time was to render unsafe the most guarded expression of
dissent in politics or religion. The success which this
organized method of reporting treason later obtained, is one
of the most striking proofs of the relentless energy of its
originator. But Cromwell s efforts to extirpate sedition, and
to encourage the new ecclesiastical system, were not confined
to England alone during these first years of his ministry.
The years 1531 and 1532 must not be passed over with
out some slight reference to his connexion with William
Tyndale. There was no counsellor about the King, upon
whom Cromwell could rely as an intelligent and consistent
ally, to help him carry out his schemes of * political Pro
testantism. In this dilemma he turned to William Tyndale,
who was at that time in the Low Countries. The theory
of one King, one law in the realm ; no class of men exempt
from the temporal sword, no law except the law of the land
advocated in The Obedience of a Christian Man, doubtless
struck Cromwell, if he read the book. It was perhaps the
nearest approach he had yet found in writing to the policy he
was steadily pursuing ; he immediately desired to induce the
reformer to return to England and to enlist him in the defence
of his great cause. The fact that Cromwell was able to
persuade the King to permit him to attempt this is a good
proof of his influence with Henry. In May, 1530, Tyndale
had been denounced as a perverter of God s word l ; but so
great was the change which the new minister s accession to
power had wrought in the royal policy, that Henry now
allowed Cromwell to write to his old friend Stephen Vaughan
in the Netherlands 2 , and commission him to try and discover
where Tyndale was, and induce him to return to England.
To this request Vaughan sent a double reply to Henry and
Demaus, p. 257. 2 Demaus, p. 274.
H 2
100 THOMAS CROMWELL
Cromwell, informing them that he had written to the
reformer (three separate letters to different places, not know
ing where he was) and had received his answer, in which
Tyndale said that the news of what had lately happened in
England made him afraid to go there 1 . In a confidential
postscript to the letter to Cromwell, Vaughan writes in most
glowing terms about the reformer, saying that he was of far
greater knowledge than the King s Highness took him for,
as plainly appeared by his works. * Would God he were in
England. As usual Vaughan s enthusiasm had run away
with his discretion. He was the exact opposite of Cromwell
in this respect ; he was ever full of emotion and feeling,
while his master was to the last degree practical and
calculating.
In spite of his first rebuff, Vaughan persevered in his attempts,
and on the 25th of March sent Cromwell another letter, in
which he expressed a little more hope of getting Tyndale to
go to England 2 . Three weeks later his efforts received some
more substantial reward, for on the 1 8th of April he wrote to
Henry 3 , that he had at last obtained an interview with the
reformer, and that though the latter still refused to comply
with his request, his words had been such as to arouse the
enthusiasm of Cromwell s agent more than ever. With this
letter Vaughan sent to Henry the manuscript of Tyndale s
new book against Sir Thomas More, called the Answer,
which the reformer did not wish to put in print till Plenry
had seen it, because the latter had been displeased at the
hasty and unlicensed printing of his former work, The Practise
of Prelates. The letter and the book were not destined,
however, to have the desired effect on the King. The
Answer was sufficiently plain to indicate that Tyndale s
religious beliefs were not of the sort that would ever be
serviceable to Henry; the reformer was altogether too full
of Protestantism for its own sake, to suit either the King or
1 Cal.v. 65. Doubtless Vaughan Tyndale s brother John had been
referred to the steps taken by arrested in London for selling New
Bishop Stokesley and others to Testaments received from abroad,
punish those who favoured the new 2 Cal. v. 153.
religion. It was at this time that 3 Cal. v. 201.
IN THE KING S SERVICE 101
his counsellor. For once Cromwell had mistaken his man.
To say that the King was thoroughly vexed and annoyed,
when he had perused Vaughan s letter, and the enclosed
work, is a mild statement of the facts. The original letter
which Vaughan wrote is not extant, but there is a copy of it
in the British Museum which ends most abruptly with the
words To declare to yow Magyste what In my pore Judge
ment I thynke of the man, I ass^rteyne your grace I haue
not cowmunyd w/ t// A man l ; a fact which suggests the
possibility that the irritable King vented his anger on the un
offending sheet of paper, and tore it in two. The letter with
which Cromwell, at the King s direction, replied to Vaughan,
is a still surer index to the impression which the latter s report
had produced on the King. What with the precipitation of
his emotional, enthusiastic, and unpractical friend, Cromwell
must have been placed in a very awkward position. The
many corrections and interlineations in the draft of the letter
he wrote in reply to Vaughan, sufficiently reveal his great
perplexity and bewilderment 2 . The subject-matter of the
letter will speak for itself. The rage of the King is vividly
described, and Vaughan is repeatedly warned to abandon the
reformer : but in spite of everything he continued to attempt
to persuade Tyndale to return. He had two more fruitless
interviews with the latter, described in his letters to Henry of
the 2oth of May, and to Cromwell on the I9th of June 3 , and
after that came back to England for the summer. In
November he returned to the Netherlands, and wrote again
to Cromwell warmly on Tyndale s behalf, but not a word did
he receive in reply 4 . In the meantime Henry and Cromwell
had dispatched Sir Thomas Elyot to arrest the reformer and
bring him home 5 . Vaughan finally saw the danger he ran in
advocating the cause of the author of the venemous and
pestiferous worker, and dared say no more. The rest of his
letters during these two years do not even once mention him.
The whole Tyndale episode is noteworthy as the nearest
L British Museum, Titus B, vol. i. Cal. v. 246, 303.
p. 67. 4 Cal. v. 533, 574, 618.
2 Letters, 21. 5 Demaus, p. 307.
102 THOMAS CROMWELL
approach to a mistake in Cromwell s internal policy. Henry s
anger probably gave him a clear warning that many more
such would bring him to certain ruin. He was saved from
serious consequences in this case, only because he had amply
atoned for it by his brilliant success in obtaining the submission
of the clergy.
Cromwell was also occupied, during these two years, in
re-establishing Wolsey s foundation at Oxford, under the
new name of King Henry the Eighth s College. He was
appointed receiver-general and supervisor of all the lands
belonging to it ; and the adjustment of claims, transfer of
property, new foundation and charter kept him very busy,
ana gave him an excellent opportunity to display his legal
talent. He also superintended the building of a new palace
at Westminster, regulated the wages of the men working on
the fortifications at Calais, and was also busy with minor
duties in the King s own household the care of the royal
plate and jewels, and even the drawing of patterns for Henry s
robes of state 1 . From the close of the year 1529 until his
fall, the best index to the various occupations in which he
was engaged is afforded by his famous remembrances. These
consist largely of short and usually incomplete sentences,
sometimes even single words, jotted down at odd moments
by Cromwell or his chief clerk, on loose sheets of paper
often on the backs of letters and drafts of important docu
ments. They are for the most part absolutely disjointed
and unconnected in matter, form, and handwriting. Sand
wiched in between apparently careless phrases which later
expand into the most drastic of parliamentary enactments,
we find minute details concerning the wages of labourers,
the cost of New Year s presents at the Court, or even matters
of a private nature : next to a memorandum for the signing of
a letter for some Spaniards occur the significant words, To
Remembre the Auncyent Cronycle of magna Carta and how
libera sit Cam into the Statute V The less important items
are of course by far the more numerous, especially in the first
1 Cal. v. 701, 1548, 1600, 1728; 2 British Museum, Titus B,vol. i.
Letters, 36, 39. p. 422.
IN THE KING S SERVICE 103
six years when the King loaded his new minister with details
of the greatest variety and complexity. Towards the last
the remembrances are fewer in number, and deal less
extensively with minor matters ; but even up to the very end
we find ample evidence that the King s minister carried in
his head an amount of detail of a comparatively unimportant
nature, which would have been quite impossible for a man
like his predecessor. The Cardinal, absorbed in studying the
great diplomatic combinations of continental Europe, had
shamefully neglected minor affairs at home. Cromwell, in
his ten years of power, not only atoned for the errors of
Wolsey, but also familiarized himself with every detail of
domestic administration to an extent that no King or minister
had ever done in England before. It would have been
almost impossible to carry through the tremendous changes
which had followed the divorce, without the aid of a counsellor
of the peculiar talents of Thomas Cromwell.
The thread of our narrative now becomes so complicated,
when the new minister is at last fully installed in the King s
service, that it will be necessary to depart from the chrono
logical order of events hitherto followed, and to treat separately
each phase of Cromwell s policy, up to the reaction of J539-
The Internal and Foreign Administration, Suppression of the
Monasteries, of the Pilgrimage of Grace, &c., all move on hand
in hand, and in order to understand their bearing on one
another, it is only needful to remember that they were all
the work of one man, and were proceeding in general at the
same time.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VI
THE SUPPLICATION OF THE COMMONS AGAINST THE
ORDINARIES
Four drafts of this petition exist to-day in the Public Record
Office. One of them is written in a hand which may be recognized in
the greater part of Cromwell s correspondence of the time, and which
is probably that of his chief clerk ; it is corrected and revised by
Cromwell himself. Of the other three, one, which is uncorrected
and probably a final draft, is also written by the clerk and the other
two, chiefly in a strange handwriting, are filled with interlineations
by Cromwell. The following copy was made from the first of these
drafts (Cal. v, 1016 (4)). The words in brackets are crossed out in
the original manuscript: the words in italics are inserted between the
lines. All the corrections are in Cromwell s hand.
To the King our Sovereigne Lorde
In most humble Wise Shewen vnto your excellent highnes and
most prudent wisedom your faithfull louyng and most humble and
obedient Subiecto The Cowmons in this your p^sente parliament
assembled That where of late aswell thorough new fantasticall and
erronyous opynyons growen by occasion of Frantike sedycious and
ou^rthwartly Framed bokes compiled imprynted publisshed and made
in the englishe tong contrarie and ayenst the veray trew catholique
and Cristen Faith as also by the (vnreasonableand) extreme (rygour
vndiscrete} and vncharytabk behaueour and dealing of dyuers ordy-
naries Ther Commyssaryes and Substytuttzs which haue heretofore
had and yet have thexamynacion in and vppon the saide errours and
hereticall opynyons moche discorde varyaunce and debate hathe
rysen and more and more daylie is like to encrease and insue
emonges the vniu^^sall sorte of your saide Subiectdr aswell spzWtuall
as temporall either ayenst other in most vncharitable maner to the
grete inquietacion vexacion and breche of your peax w/ t^in this your
most catholik realme. The speciall perticuler greues whereof which
most principally concerne your saide Commons and lay Subiecte? and
whiche ar (as they vndoubtedlie suppose) the veray chief Founteyns
occasions and causes that daylie bredeth Fostereth Norissheth and
BOKE AYENST THE CLERGY 105
maynteneth the saide sedycions factyons dedelie hatered and most
vncharitable parte takings either parte and sorte of your saide
Subiecte? spirituall and temporall ayenst thother hereafter Folowing-
lye Do ensue.
Furst where the prelate and spzWtuall Ordynaries of this your
most excellent Realme of Englonde and the clergie of the same
haue in their conuocac/ons heretofore made and caused to be made
and also day lie do make dyuers and manye Facyons <?/" lawes consty-
tuabns and ordena2tunces wz L&out your knowlege or most royal!
assente and w/t/fout the assent and consent of any your lay Sub
jects vnto the whiche lawes your saide lay Subiecto haue not onelie
heretofore and day lie be {boundene} constraynyd to obbeye as well in
their bodies goodes and possessions But also ben compelled daylie
to incurre into the censures of the same and ben contynuallie put
to importable charges and expense ayenst all equytee right and good
conscience. And yet your saide humble subiectar ne their predeces-
sours coulde euer be pryuey to the saide lawes Ne any of the saide
lawes haue ben declared vnto them in thinglisshe tong or otherwise
publysshed By knowlege whereof they might haue extued the daun-
giers censures and penaltees of the same Which lawes so made your
saide most humble and obedyent subjects vnder the supportacion
of your Maiestee Suppose to be not onelie to the dymynucyon and
derogacion of your imperyall iurisdiction and prerogatif royall But
also to the grete preiudice inquietacion and damage of all your
saide Subiectes- And also where now of late there hathe ben deuysed
by the most Reuerende father in god Wyllyam Archebusshop of
Caunterburie that in the Courts whiche he callith his Courtes of the
Arches and Audience shalbe but onelie Ten proctours at his deputa-
cion which be sworn to preferre and promote the onelie iurisdiction
{and preferrement} of the saide Courts. By reason whereof if any
of your lay Subiecte? shoulde haue any lawfull cause ayenst the Judge
of the saide Courts or ayenst any doctor or proctour of the same
or any of their Frend^ or adherents they can ne may in any wise
haue indifferent counsaill. And also all the causes depending in
any of the saide courts may by the confederacie of the saide Few
proctours be in suche wise tracted and delayed as your Subiect^
suing in the same shalbe put to importable charges costes and
expencs. And in case that any matiers there being p^ferred
shoulde touche Your Crowne Regallie Jurisdiction and pmogatif
royall yet the same shall not be disclosed by any of the saide proc
tors for fere of losse of their offices. Wherefore your saide most
106 THOMAS CROMWELL
obedient Subiectes vnder the protexion of your maiestee Suppose
that your highnes should haue the nomynacion of som conuenyent
nombre of proctours to be alwayes attendaunt in the saide courts
of tharches and audience there to be sworne aswell to the preferre-
ment of your iurisdiction and prerogatif royall as to thexpedyc/bn
of all the causes of your Lay Subiectes repayring and suing to the
same.
And Where also many of your saide most humble and obedient
subiecter and specyallie those that be of the pourest sorte w/t/^in
this your Realme ben daylie conuented and called before the saide
sp/Wtuall Ordynaries their Commissaries and Substytutetf ex officio
somtyme at the pleasures of the saide Ordynaries and Substytuter
for malice w/t^out any cause and sumtyme at the onelie pr^mocyon
and accusement of their {false} Somoners and apparitours being
veray light and vndiscrete persons w/t/fout any lawfull cause of
accusacion or credible fame proued ayenst them and wzt/fout any
presentement in the vysitacion ben inquieted disto&rbed vexed
troubeled and put to excessiue and importable charges for them to
bere and many tymes be suspended and excowmunycate for small
and light causes vppon thonelie certificat of the proctours of the
adu^rsaries made vnder a fayned Scale which Query proctor hathe
in his keping where as the partie suspended and excowmunycate
many tymes nQuer had any warning and yet when he shalbe absolued
if it be out of the courte he shalbe compelled to pay to his owne
proctor xxd and to the proctowr which is ayenst him other xxd
and xxd to the Scribe beside a pryuey rewarde that the Judge
shall haue to the grete impouerysshing of your saide poure Lay
Also Your saide most humble and obedient subiecto Fynde them
greued w/t% the grete and excessyue Fees taken in the said spmtuall
courts and in especiall in the saide Courts? of tharches and audience
where they take for euery Cytacyon ii 8 vi d for Query Inhibycyon
vjs viij d , for euerie proxie xvj d for Query certificat xvj d , for Query Libell
iij 3 . iiij d ., for Query answer to any Lybell iij 8 iiij d , for Query acte if it
be but two woord&r to the Register iiij d , for Query personall Cytacion
or decree iij 9 iiij d . for euery sentence or iudgement to the Judge
xxvi 8 . viij d , for Query testiwonyall vppon any suche sentence or iudge
ment xxvj s . viii d for Query significant xij 8 . for Query cowmyssion to
examyn wytnes xij 8 Which is thought to be importable to be borne
by your saide Subiect^ and veray necessarie to be reformed.
And Furthermore Where the saide spyrytuall Ordynaries {many
BOKE AYENST THE CLERGY 107
tymes purposedlie to revenge their inwarde greves and displeasures
and to put their saide lawes in execucion } theyr Commyssaryes 6
Substytuttes sumtymefvr thayr own pleasures Sumtyme by the Synister
procurement of other spmtuall persons vse to make out proces
ayenst dyuers of your saide Subiecto and thereby compell them to
appere before themselffey to answer at a certen day and place to
suche articles as by them shalbe of office afore themselffcf then
purposed and that Secretlye and not in oppen places and fourthwzt/fc
vppon their apparaunce w/t/fout cause or any declaracion then
made or shewed cowmytt and sende them to warde Where they
remayne w/t/fout bayle or mayneprise sumtyme half a yere and
somtyme a hole yere and more or they may in any wise knowe
either the cause of their imprysonement or any name of their accuser
and fynallie their grete coster charges and expenc^r therin when all
is examyned and nothing can be proued ayenst them but they
clerelie Innocente for any Faute or cryme that can be layed vnto
them in that parte ben set ayen at large without any recompence or
amende in that behalf to be towards them adiudged.
And also if percase vppon the saide proces and apparaunce any
p<zrtie be vppon the saide matier cause or examynacion brought
Fourth and named either as partie or wytnes and then vppon the
proffe and tryall thereof not able to prove and verefie his saide
accusacion or testymonye ayenst the p^rtie so accused to be trew
then the person so causeles accused is {clerely} for the more parte
wzUout any remedie for his charges and wrongful vexacyon to be
{in that parte} towards him adiuged and recouered.
Also vppon thexamynacion of the saide accusacion if heresie be
ordynarylie layed vnto the charge of the partie so accused then the
saide ordynaries or their ministres vse to put to them suche subtile
interrogatories concerning the high misteries of our feith as ar able
quyckelye to trappe a simple vnlerned or yet a well wytted lay man
wztfout lerning and bryng them by suche sinyster introduction sone
to his owne confusion And Fourthw/t/^ if there chaunce any heresie
to be by suche subtill polycie by him confessed in vtourdes and yet
neuer cowmytted nor thought in dede, then put they wzUout ferther
fauour the saide person either to make his purgacion and so thereby
to lose his honestie and credence for euer orelkr as som simple sely
Sowle precyselie stonding to the clere testymonye of his owne well
knowen conscience rather then to confesse his innocent trouth to
abyde {thextreme examynacion of deth by the Fyer} thextremyte in
that behalf zn& so is vtterly distroyed.
108 THOMAS CROMWELL
And if it fortune the saide partie so accused to denye the saide
accusacion and so put his aduersarie to proue the {false} same
vntrewlie forged and ymagened ayenst him then for the more parte
suche wytnesses as ben brought fourth for the same be they but
ij in nombre neuer so sore diffamed of litle trouth or credence
aduersaries or enemies to the partie yet they shalbe allowed and
enabeled onlye by Discrecyon of the sayd ordenaryes ther Commyssaryes
& Substytuttes and therevppon sufficient cause to procede to iudge-
ment to delyu<?r the partie so accused either to the seculer hands
{and so to be burned) after abiuracion w/tfcout remedie and afore
if he Submytte himself to compell him when best happeneth to make
his purgacion and bere a Fagotte to his extreme shame and vtter
vndoing.
In Consideracyon whereof most gracious Souereigne Lorde And
Forasmoche as there is at this present tyme and by a Few yeres past
hathe ben outrageous vyolens on thone parte and moche defaulte
and lacke of pacyent sufferaunce charitee and good will on thother
parte, A meruelous Disorder of the godlie quyet peax and tran-
quillyte that this your realm e heretofore euer hitherto hathe ben
in thorough your poletique wisedom in most honourable fame and
catholik feith invyolablye pr^serued. It may therefore most benigne
Souereigne lorde lyke your excellent goodnes for the tender and
vnyuersallye indyrTerent zele benigne loue and fauour that your
highnes berith towarde both the saide parties, the saide articles if
they shalbe by your most clere and perfite Judgement thought any
instruments or causes of the saide variaunce and disorder or those
and all other occasions whatsoeuer accompted by your highnes to
make towards the saide factions depelie and weightylie after your
accustomed weyes and maner serched weyed and considered gra-
ciouslie to prouyde all vyolence on both sides vtterlye and clerelie
set a parte some suche necessarie and behofull remedies as may
effectuallie reconsile and bryng in perpetuall vnytee your saide
Subiects sp/Wtuall and temporall. And for thestablisshing thereof
to make and ordeyn on both sides suche straite lawes ayenst the
brekers transgressours and offendours as shalbe to hevye daungerous
and weightie for them or any of them to bere suffer and susteyne.
Whereunto Your saide Comons most humblie hertelie and entierlie
beseche your grace as the onely hed Souereigne lorde protectour and
Defendour of bothe the saide parties in whom and by whom the
onelie and sole redresse reformacion and remedie herein absolutely
restith and remayneth. By occasion whereof all your saide Comons
BOKE AYENST THE CLERGY 109
in their conscience surelye accompt that beside the meruelous
Feruent loue that yo//r highnes shall thereby (gain) and engendre in
their harts towards Your grace Ye shall do the most pryncelie Feate
and shew the most honourable and charitable president and Mirrour
that Quer did Souereigne lorde vppon his subiects and therew/t//all
merite and deserue of our mercyfull lorde eternall blisse Whose
goodnes graunt your grace in most godlie pryncelie and honourable
astate long to reigne prosper and contynew as the Souereigne lorde
ouer all your saide most humble and most obedyent Subiects.
[Two blank pages herel\
And Where also the said prelatis and ordinaries daily do pmnytte
and suffer the parsons vicars Curates p#rishe presto and other
sp/r/tuall parsons hauing Cure of soule w/t/zin this your Realme
Ministring {vnto your said loving subgietts} to exact and take of your
humble 6 obedyent Sulriecfes dyuers Summys of money for the Sacra-
mentor & sacramentalUs of holy churche { as the holy sacrament of
the Aulter Baptyme, Matrimonye Confession, buriall weddyng
churchings and suche other} Sumtyme denying the same w\t\\out
they Fyrst be payd the sayd Sitmmys of money {6 to take for the
ministracion of the same of your said Subiects diuers and certen
sowmes of money allegging the same to be their dueties. } Whiche
sacraments and sacramentalls yoz/r saide most humble & obedient
subiectes vnder the protection of yoitr highnes doo suppose & think
ought to be in most Reuerent charitable & goodlie wise freely
mynystred vnto them at all tymes requisite w/t^oute denyall or {any
maner somme or} exaccyon of any maner sowmes of money {or other
duetie or contribucion to be asked demaunded or required for the
same \ to be demaundyd or askyd for the same And also where in the
spmtuall courts of the said Prelatis & ordinaries ben lymyted and
appoynted for many Judges Scribes Apparitowrs Somwzers praysours
and other ministres for the approbacion of testaments Whiche
coveting somoche theire owne priuate Lucres and satisfaccion of the
appetits of the said prelats and Ordinaries that when any of your
said loving subiects do Repaire to any of the said Courtis for the
probate of any testamentes they do in suche wise {extorte and}
make long delays or excessively take of theym so large fees and
Rewards for the same as is Importible for theym to beare directly
against all Justice lawe equite and goode conscience
{And also where most gracious soueraigne the Judges Constituted
and appoynted by the said spzWtuall Ordinaries in their said Courts
110 THOMAS CROMWELL
to here and determyne causes there, do in likewise daily take many
grete and excessive fees and rewardes of your said pore subiectdf
having any cause or matier depending before theym as is aforsaid
And ouer that when any Judgement or sentence by the said Judge
shalbe yeven before them wille also have grete sommes of money
for the same. So that no thing is or can be obteyned in any of the
said Courts w/t/^oute money. }
Wherfor Your said most humble and obedient subiecter do
therfore vnder your gracious correction and supportacion suppose
it were veray necessary that the said ordinaries in the deputacion of
suche Judges shulde be bounde to appoynte and assigne suche
discrete gravous and honest persons having sufficient Lernyng witte
discrecion & vnderstonding and also being indewed with such
spmtuall promocions stipend and salarye as they being Judges in
their said Courtermyght and may mynystre to euery parson repairing
to the same Justice wz t/foute taking any mam?;- fee or Rewarde for
any maner sentence or Judgement to be yoven before theym.
And also where as diuerse sp/V/tuall persons being presented aswell
by your highnes and by other patrons w/t^in this your Realme to
{any} dyuers benefices or other sp/r/tuall promocion. The said
ordinaries and there mynystres do not onely take of theym for theyr
Le#<?res of Institucion and Induction many grete and {excessive}
large sommes of money & Rewards But also do pact and coue-
naunte with the same, taking sure bonder for their indempnite to
aunswer to the said ordinaries the first frutes of the said benefices
after their Institucion so as they being ones presented or promoted
as is aforesaid ben by the said ordinaries veray {extremely} vncharyt-
ablye handled to their no litle hynderaunce & impoumsshement
whiche your said subgietto suppose not onely to be against all lawes
right & good consciens but also to be Symony and contrary to the
Lawes of god.
And also where as the said spzWtuall Ordinaries do daily conferre
and geve sundry benefices vnto certen yong folkes calling them their
Nephews or Kynsfolkvs> being in their mynorite and wz"t/in age not
apt ne able to Smie the Cure of any suche benefice Wherby the said
ordinaries do kepe and deteyn the frutes & p^fittes of the same
benefices in their owne handes and therby accumulate to themselffof
right grete and large sommes of money & yerely proftttes to the most
pernicious exsample of all your said lay subiect^ and so the Cures
& other promocions youen vnto suche Infants ben onely {youen
but} Imployedto {enriche} thenryching of the said ordinaries & the
BOKE AYENST THE CLERGY 111
pore sely soules of your people and subjects whiche shulde be
taught in the paroches yoven as aforsaid for lak of good curates do
perisshe w/t/kmte doctrine or any good teaching.
And also where a grete nombre of holy daies whiche nowe at
this present tyme \v/t/fc veray smalle Devocion be solempnised and
kept thorough oute this your Realme vppon the whiche many grete
abhomynable and execrable vices idle and wanton sportes ben vsed
and exercised whiche holy daies if it may stond w/t^ your gracious
pleasure and specyall suche as Fall in the heruest myght by your
maiestie by thadvice of your most honourable counseill prelates and
ordinaries be made fewer in nombre and those that shall herafter
be ordeyned to stond & contynue myght and may be the more
Devoutely religiously & reu^rently obserued to the Laude of
almyghty god and to thencrease of your high honour & fame.
Endd. A boke ayenst the clergy for takyng excessyve Fees
CHAPTER VII
INTERNAL POLICY
FROM the close of the year 1532 until his fall, the entire
domestic administration of England was in Cromwell s hands.
From the moment that he entered the King s service he had
definitely committed himself to the policy which he was to
follow till the end of his days. His own theories of internal
government, the traditions of the Tudor monarchy, and the
situation of the realm at the time of his accession to power,
combined to convince him that the maintenance of an all-
powerful kingship was indispensable to England s safety ; the
nature of the proposal by which he first won Henry s con
fidence was tantamount to an irrevocable declaration of that
principle, and a promise that it should be the guiding thought
of his entire administration. The revolt from Rome was an
incident rather than an aim of his policy. He had suggested
it at first as offering the only possible solution of the immediate
difficulties of the Crown, and as affording golden opportuni
ties for the increase of the power of the monarchy ; but as
soon as the decisive step had been taken, he saw that the
security of his own position had become conditional upon
the permanence of the new ecclesiastical system, which in
turn could only be ensured if the King, for whose sake it
had been created, was rendered supreme in Church and
State. Cromwell s very existence had thus become dependent
on the success of his endeavours to maintain and carry
further the policy initiated by Henry VII, and to elevate
the Crown to sovereign power above every other institution
in the realm. Perhaps no minister has ever had more varied
problems to confront him, than those which Cromwell had to
deal with during these eight years ; and yet his action in
every case is a logical, intelligent application of the theory
INTERNAL POLICY 113
of internal government, which he believed was the only sure
road to national greatness. With this great principle firmly
borne in mind, the history of Cromwell s domestic adminis
tration becomes comparatively simple.
A further assertion of the Supremacy of the Crown in
ecclesiastical affairs was necessary, before Cromwell could
attempt to strengthen its already predominant position in
the State. The chief object of the more important measures
of the years 1533 and 1534 was to utilize the consequences
of the breach with Rome for the benefit of the monarchy,
and to provide that none of the power of which the Pope
had been deprived should be permitted to escape the King.
During the year 1532 Henry had deluded himself with hopes
that his first attack on the liberties of the English clergy
might frighten Clement into acquiescence in the .divorce, but
at last his patience came to an end, and he surrendered
himself entirely to the guidance of Cromwell, who had been
persuaded from the first that nothing further was to be
obtained from the Pope. In January, 1533, the King was
secretly married to Anne Boleyn ; on the loth of May
Cranmer, who had lately been raised to the see of Canterbury,
opened his archiepiscopal court at Dunstable l . With a
promptitude which must have been highly satisfactory to
Henry after the delays of the previous proceedings at Rome,
the sentence of divorce was pronounced. There can be little
doubt that Cromwell gave efficient aid in hastening the
verdict 2 ; but what is far more important, he took effective
measures, even before it was rendered, to prevent its revo
cation. Parliament had been in session during the three
months previous to the assembling of the court at Dunstable :
in anticipation of the coming sentence, it had been induced
to pass an Act 3 to deprive Katherine of the only hope that
remained to her by forbidding appeals to Rome, and by
ordaining that the decision of an archiepiscopal court should
be final, except in cases where the King was concerned, when
appeal might be made to the Upper House of Convocation.
1 Cal. vi. 180, 461. 2 Cal. vi. 461, 469, 496, 525, 526, 527.
3 24 Hen. VIIIj c. 12.
MERRIMAN. I I
\
114 THOMAS CROMWELL
A notable effort was made to conceal the obvious and imme
diate purpose of this statute under a shroud of pious and
patriotic verbiage. The life of the Act, however, was but
short. Though it had dealt the death blow to the juris
diction of the Pope in England, it had not made adequate
provision for the maintenance of the Supremacy of the Crown ;
so in 1534 the statute of the previous year was superseded by
a new one 1 , which enacted that an appeal might always be
made from an archbishop s court to the King s Court of
Chancery, the decision of which was to be final. The abo
lition of the Annates (which will be considered in another
place) occurred at the same time. The effect of these two
measures was to complete the work begun in 1530, and to
sever the last links of the chain which bound the Church of
England to Rome. y
In the meantime the famous Act of Succession 2 , bastardiz
ing the Princess Mary and establishing the offspring of Anne
Boleyn as lawful heirs to the throne of England, had also been
passed in Parliament, and before the year had closed a new
statute 3 had formally recognized the King s ecclesiastical
supremacy for the third time ; for Henry was not satisfied
with the acknowledgements he had wrung from the clergy in
1531 and 1532, nor with the express assertion that the King
was on earth Supreme Head of the Church of England,
contained in the oath to the new succession, which Cromwell s
commissioners began to administer throughout the realm in
the summer of 1534. The last vestige of the independence
of the English bishops was also removed in the course of this
memorable year, by certain provisions of the final Act for the
restraint of Annates 4 . It had not been necessary, however, to
1 25 Hen. VIII, c. 19. received in her place, and that he
2 25 Hen. VIII, c. 22. Mendez was sure that they all loved His
Silva, pp. 14 and 15, asserts that Majesty so much that they would
Cromwell was responsible for the not refuse to do his will. Clergy,
passage of this statute. The King s Lords, and Commons, al peligro
minister appeared in Convocation de la conciencia . . . se reduxeron
and Parliament, and made a speech facilmente.
in which he said that his master 3 26 Hen. VIII, c. I.
desired that Mary be excluded 4 25 Hen. VI 1 1, c. 20.
from the succession and Elizabeth
INTERNAL POLICY 115
introduce any very radical innovation here. The bishops
were already virtually in the King s hands, for the elections by
chapters had long been a mere farce, and the royal nominee
had been almost invariably chosen. So the Act had aimed at
a legalization of the stattis quo merely adding a few new
provisions to strengthen the King s hold on the Church. All
relations with the Pope were of course to cease ; the bishops
were to be consecrated by virtue of a royal commission ; and
if the chapter failed to elect within twelve days, the King
was empowered to fill the vacancy by letters patent. But
even this does not seem to have been enough to satisfy
Cromwell. A letter of Chapuys in the early part of 1535
informs us that the King s Secretary called some of the
bishops before the Council to ask them if the King could
not make and unmake them at pleasure : they were obliged
to say yes, else they should have been deprived of their
dignities : as the said Cromwell told a person, who reported
it to me, and said that the Council had been summoned only
to entrap the bishops V Cromwell followed this up, later in
the year, by causing a Prohibitory Letter to be sent out in
the King s name, forbidding the bishops to visit any monastery
or to exercise any right of jurisdiction during the visitation of
the religious houses then in progress 2 . It appears that even
Cromwell, with all his audacity, was at a loss to devise a
means to silence the objections which were raised against this
high-handed measure. He was not ashamed to take a hint
from the fertile brains of his two blood-hounds, Legh and
Ap-Rice, who suggested an ingenious argument to crush all
opposition, the gist of which is contained in the following
quotation from a letter which they wrote to Cromwell,
Sept. 24, I535 3 -
Yf they (the bishops) had any Jurisdiction, they muste
nedes haue receued (it) either by the lawe of god or by the
busshop of Romes Authoritie or els by the King^j grace
permission. Which is no sufficient discharge ageinst the
statute.
1 Cal. viii. 121. 254; and Strype, Ecclesiastical
Cal. ix. 517. Memorials, vol. i. pt. ii. p. 216.
1 British Museum, Cleop. E. vi.
I 2
116 THOMAS CROMWELL
I
Yf they saye by the Lawe of god, Lett theym bring foorth
scrzptur but I thinke theym not so impudent as to saye so.
Yf they saye by the busshop of Romes Authoritie. Lett
theym exercise it still, yf they thinke it mete.
4 Yf they saye by the Kinges permission why be they more
discontent that the king shuld call agein nowe to his handes
that which came from hym to theym, than they wolde haue
ben^ yf he had never graunted it theym. And surely they
are not able to iustifie thexercise of their iurisdiction hetherto.
Fortified by such reasoning as this did the Royal Supremacy
pass into effect.
Having thus obtained the complete submission of the
greater lights of the Church, Cromwell consistently pursued
his relentless policy with the humbler orders of friars and
monks. His method of dealing with the latter did not differ
materially from his policy with the former, except that it was
perhaps more sanguinary. Priors Lawrence and Webster,
two Carthusians who denied the validity of the King s new
title, were examined by Cromwell, and when they stubbornly
refused to retract their assertions, they were promptly sen
tenced and executed 1 . Three others, Houghton, Hale, and
Reynolds, suffered death a little later, and the latter dared to
tell Cromwell that in spite of the terror he had caused by his
late proceedings, all good men in the kingdom really held the
same opinion, that the Headship of the Church was not the
King s 2 . But notwithstanding the wide popular dissatisfac
tion at the new measures, most malcontents, both lay and
spiritual, kept their thoughts to themselves. Men were be
ginning to discover how dangerous it was to criticize the
doings of the King and his minister. The elaborate system of
espionage and the commissions to seek out and punish treason,
which Cromwell had so laboriously established all over the
country in 1532, had now begun to bear fruit. It was impos
sible to tell who the government spies were : impossible to
know when or against whom the next accusation would be
made. The words which men spoke in the bosom of their
families or to their most intimate friends and neighbours were
1 Cal. viii. 565, 895. 2 Cal. viii. 609, 661.
INTERNAL POLICY 117
as likely to be laid to their charge as their utterances in
public: harmless, obscure and ignorant country folk were
brought before the magistrates as often as those of higher
degree. Edmond Brocke, husbandman, eighty years of age,
of Crowle in Worcestershire, was walking home in the rain
from Worcester market on the Saturday before St. Thomas
Day, in company with Margaret Higons. Yt ys long of the
Kyng that this wedre is so troblous or vnstable, he said, and
I wene we shall nevir haue better wedre vvhillis the Kinge
Reigneth, and therefore it makith no matter if he were
knocked or patted on the heed V These facts were declared
on August 12, 1535, before John Russell Esq., Justice of the
Peace, by Richard Fulke, husbandman, and Joan Danyell of
Crowle. Brocke confessed that he had said that it was
a hevy and grevous wether and that there was neuyr good
wedring^y sithins the King began this busines, but what he
meant by busines he could not tell : as to the rest of his
words, he said, he was mad or drunk if he spoke them more
than this he would not answer. William Ferrall, of East
bourne in Sussex, deposed before Sir John Gage on August 14,
1536, that Sir William Hoo, vicar of Eastbourne, and suffragan
of the diocese of Chichester, walking with him in the church
yard, said that they that rule about the King make him
great bankettey and geve him swete wynes and make him
dronke, and that then they bring him byllis and he puttyth
his sign to them whereby they doo what they will and no
man may Correcte them V Margaret Chanseler, of Senklers
Bradfeld in Suffolk, spinster, was forced to confess before
Sir Robert Drury in February, 1535, that, when drunk and
under the influence of an evil spirit, she had said, in pre
sence of Edmond Tyllet and Anthony Harward, that the
quenes grace had om? child by our sou^reigne lorde the
Kynge, which the seid (child) was ded borne, & she prayed
god that she myght neuer haue other ; also that the quenes
grtfce was a noughtty hoore & that the Kynges grace ought
not to mary within his realme. Tyllet and Harward, when
summoned, made the matter somewhat worse. They declared
1 Cal. ix. 74. 2 Cal. xi. 300 (2).
118 THOMAS CROMWELL
that the spinster had called the Queen a goggyll yed hoore/
and that she had added God save queen Katteryn for
she was ryghtuous queen, & that she trusted to see her
queen Ageyn & that she should warrant the same 1 . All
the magistrates before whom these depositions were laid,
received ample instructions from Cromwell how to deal with
every case ; if the accusation was very heavy, the offender was
usually sent up to the minister himself to answer for his
misdeeds at head quarters. The punishments in these cases
were very severe : there are almost no records of the penalties
inflicted on those against whom the depositions were brought,
but there is reason to believe that comparatively slight mis
demeanours were not seldom rewarded with death.
But of all the devices For the putting the Kyng^ subiecto
and other in more terroure/ as Cromwell once expressed it 2 ,
the most ruthless remains to be mentioned. The execution
of the Carthusians had had its effect, but Cromwell was per
suaded that more blood would have to be spilled before his
victory could be considered complete. As was usual with
him, he laid the axe at the root of the tree, and chose as his
victims the noblest and foremost in the land. The opinions
of Bishop Fisher and Sir Thomas More were well known to
be opposed to the Royal Supremacy, and as such they carried
enormous weight. Cromwell must have seen that it would
be impossible to establish the King in his new position with
any security, until these two men were either converted or
destroyed. So, never once swerving from his purpose, nor
letting the rank and position of these distinguished men
change or deter him, he set about the business of making
or marring, with his usual directness and method. If he
knew More and Fisher at all well, he must have been reason
ably certain that he could never alter their convictions, so it
became necessary for him to look for some adequate pretext
for getting rid of them. Such a pretext soon presented
itself.
In July, 1533, occurs the first mention of serious disturbance
due to the visions and prophecies of Elizabeth Barton, better
1 Cal. viii. 196. 2 Letters, 107.
INTERNAL POLICY 119
known as the Nun of Kent 1 . Her reputation for holiness
and for divine inspiration was so high throughout the land,
that her mad follies were everywhere regarded with almost
superstitious reverence. Cromwell, at the King s command,
caused her to be examined by Cranmer, but apparently did
not succeed in eliciting the information he desired, for the in
vestigation was continued by other interrogators who were
less leniently disposed than the Archbishop 2 . The Nun was
finally obliged to confess that she never Hadd Vision in all
her Lyff, but all that ever she said was fayned of her
owne ymagynaczon, only to satisfie the Myndeis of theym
Whiche Resorted vnto her, and to obtayn worldly prayse V
She and her accomplices were forced to read their public
confessions on a scaffold erected at Paul s Cross, while
a sermon was preached in denunciation of the fraud. In the
following spring she was condemned to death in Parliament,
and in April she was executed with some of her accomplices
at Tyburn 4 .
But the destruction of the Nun was only of secondary
importance for Cromwell s plans ; he was mainly looking for
some mesh in which he could entrap others of whom he was
in much more fear than Elizabeth Barton. Every effort
appears to have been made to elicit from her a confession of
communication with the divorced Queen, but without success.
More and Fisher, however, were not destined to escape so
easily. Because the Bishop of Rochester, after several inter
views with the unhappy woman, had not reported to Henry
her disloyal prophecies (which the Nun had already made in
presence of the King himself), it was taken as a sign of
treason and neglect of duty to the sovereign. The long letter
which Cromwell wrote to Fisher in February, 1534, gives
a detailed account of the numerous and unfounded charges
against him 5 . This letter impresses the reader as having
been written pro forma only. Cromwell must have realized
that he could never hope to overcome two men who were so
1 Cal. vi. 835. 2 Letters, 52 ; Cal. vi. 967, 1445-
3 British Museum, Harl. MSS. 6, 148 f, 40 a.
4 Cal. vii. 54 (31), 522. 5 Letters, 68.
120 THOMAS CROMWELL
much his intellectual superiors as More and Fisher, in an
argument. He therefore carefully avoided having any con
versation with them, and wrote to them only in order to have
some slight outward justification for his arbitrary action.
Fisher sent pathetic letters to the King and the Lords, when
Cromwell refused to accept his excuses or listen to his argu
ments, but in vain. His name was included in the Act of
attainder of Elizabeth Barton and her accomplices which was
passed in March, 1534, but his life was spared until the King
could find a more valid pretext for actually destroying him 1 .
The accusations in the case of Sir Thomas More were even
more groundless than in Fisher s. The only charges that
could be proved against him were an unimportant interview
with the Nun herself, a letter which he confessed to have
written to her, warning her to leave political subjects entirely
alone, and an insignificant conversation about her with a
certain father Resbye, Friar Observant of Canterbury 2 . So
much was made of these slight accusations, however, that
More was forced to write a long letter of excuse to Cromwell.
His explanations about the Nun and about his attitude on
the Papal Supremacy appear to have been satisfactory ;
when he was examined by Cromwell and Audeley, all the in
ventiveness of his accusers seemed to be used to no purpose.
As the King did not find/ says Chapuys, as it seems
he hoped, an occasion for doing him more harm, he has
taken away his salary 3 . But this unfortunately was not
destined to be the end of the affair ; if the King was not
determined on the ex-Chancellor s destruction, his Privy
Councillor was ; but Cromwell was forced to bide his time
and wait for a better opportunity, so that further proceedings
were stayed until the following April.
In the meantime the new Act of Succession had been
passed in Parliament, and the oath of allegiance which it
required was promptly tendered to More and Fisher, who
finally consented to swear to the statute itself but not the
preamble 4 . They were unwilling to give their reasons for
1 Cf. Lewis, chap, xxxii. ! Cal. vii. 296.
2 Cal. vii. 287. * Cal. vii. 499, and Letters, 71,
INTERNAL POLICY 121
rejecting the latter, but Cranmer cannot have been far wrong
when he wrote to Cromwell that the cause of their refusal
to accept it lay in it s attacks on the authority of the Pope and
the validity of the King s first marriage 1 . The Archbishop,
ever on the side of humanity, urged the King s minister to
accept the compromise which More and Fisher offered, but in
vain. The ex-Chancellor and the aged bishop were com
mitted to the Tower, which they never quitted again. For
more than a year they remained there subjected to every
sort of indignity, until on May 5, 1535, they were sum
moned by the King, and told that unless they swore to the
Act of Succession and the Royal Supremacy, they would be
treated no better than the Carthusian monks who had lately
been executed 2 . They were allowed six weeks for reflection,
but they replied that they would not change their opinion in
six hundred years, if they lived so long. So strong was the
popular feeling however, that it is doubtful if Henry would
have dared to execute Fisher, simply because he said that
the King, our sovereign Lord, is not Supreme Head of the
Church of England ; but when it was announced that the
Pope, at a consistory held May 20, had created him a Cardinal,
the King was so enraged that he threw all caution to the
winds. He declared in his fury that he would give Fisher
another hat, and send his head to Rome for the Cardinal s hat
afterwards/ and ordered both his prisoners to swear to his
ecclesiastical headship before St. John s Day, or suffer punish
ment as traitors 3 . Cromwell had endeavoured from the
beginning to keep up the appearance of being reluctant to
punish the aged bishop and his noble companion, and there is
record that when he heard of the latter s first refusal to
abandon his beliefs, he sware a great oath V But in spite of
this there is every reason to think that he was the true cause
of the ex-Chancellor s death. It is not likely that Henry
would have consented to the execution of a man whom he
1 Strype, Cranmer, vol. i. p. 39 ; Lewis, chaps, xxxiv, xxxv, and
vol. ii. p. 693. xxxvi.
Cal. viii. 666. 4 Cal. vii. 575.
! Cal. viii. 742, 876. Cf. also
122 THOMAS CROMWELL
had formerly loved and respected as much as More, unless his
counsellor had poisoned his heart against him. Moreover,
the mentions of More and Fisher in Cromwell s remem
brances are so frequent and of such a character, as to leave
little doubt that he had determined to ruin them from the
first. They both suffered death by beheading in the summer
of 1535 *. It was a terrible evidence of the ruthlessness of
the forward policy to which Henry had now committed
himself by the advice of his new minister. The most brilliant
and cultivated Englishman of the time had been brought to
the block to bear testimony to the King s relentless anger ; the
gentleness and humility of the oldest prelate in the realm had
not shielded him from Henry s wrath and the swift, passion
less blow of his all-powerful agent. Terror had mastered the
country, and men wondered what the end would be 2 .
But though Cromwell s truculent measures had gained the
day in England, they excited the anger and horror of
continental Europe. Sentence of excommunication had been
passed on Henry in the summer of 1534; public opinion
would not have permitted the Pope longer to postpone the
final blow, even if he had wished to do so. It now became
more than ever necessary to defend the position of the King^
and Cromwell was busily occupied in filling the pulpit at
Paul s Cross with preachers who were willing and able to
expound the word of God to Henry s profit and advantage 3 .
In this he was greatly helped by Bishop Rowland Lee of
Coventry and Lichfield, who later played such an important
part in connexion with the subjugation of Wales. In seeking
means to defend the Royal Supremacy Cromwell s knowledge
of the law stood him in good stead. In a letter written in
the year 1538, Sir Thomas Denys tells how Cromwell three
years earlier had advised him to rede in a boke called
Bratton 4 nott vnwrittyn this cccc yer^ where he doth call the
1 Lewis, chap, xxxvii ; Roper, su Corona, sujecion, y terror en
55. los vassallos. Mendez Silva, p.
2 * Obraua Cromuel, estas, y otras 13.
atrocidades libremente, dando a" 3 Letters, 197.
entender ser conueniencia del * Henry de Bracton s De Legi-
Principe, para la estabilidad de bus et Consuetudinibus Angliae.
INTERNAL POLICY
123
Grace Vicarins Christi^ .... wherfor, he continues,
1 1 do rekyn a papiste and a traitow to be one thing V But
the most drastic of the measures which Cromwell adopted to
strengthen the power of the Crown was the famous Act
about Proclamations, which he was able to force the Lords
and Commons to pass in 1539. By this statute, all Proclama
tions made by the King and Council were given the force
of Acts passed in Parliament, save when they touched- the
subject s lives, lands, goods, or liberties, or infringed the estab
lished laws ; and these exceptions were expressly declared
inapplicable to those who should disobey proclamations con
cerning heresy. Cromwell had planned for the passage of this
statute from a period at least as early as 1535. A letter 2
which he wrote to Norfolk in July of that year affords us
interesting information concerning the origin of the measure.
In a controversy about the best means of preventing the
export of coin from the realm, the Chief Justice had delivered
the opinion that * For the avoyding of any suche daungers . . .
proclamacyons and polyces so deuysyd by the King & his
cownsayll for any such purpose sholde be of as good effect as
Any law made by parlyament or otherwyse V The Chief
1 Cal. xiii. (i) 120.
: Letters, 107.
The following passage from a
letter which Gardiner wrote to the
Protector Somerset in the reign of
Edward VI gives a slightly dif
ferent account of the origin of the
Act about Proclamations :
Whether the King may com
mand against the Common Law
or an Act of Parliament there is
never a Judge, or other man in the
realm, ought to know more by ex
perience of that the Lawyers have
said, than I ... being of the Coun
cil, when many Proclamations were
devised against the Carriers out of
Corn ; when it came to punishing
the Offenders the Judges would
answer, it might not be by the Laws,
because the Act of Parliament gave
liberty, Wheat being under a price :
wherupon at the last followed the
Act of Proclamations, in the passing
whereof were many large words.
It will be noticed that this ac
count of the origin of the Act is
in many ways similar to that con
tained in Cromwell s letter : the
chief difference being that accord
ing to the latter the measure was
adopted to prevent the export of
coiri) while Gardiner informs us that
the statute was devised to prevent
the export of corn. It is possible
that the Bishop of Winchester,
writing so many years later, had
forgotten the exact circumstances,
and was really referring to the
same incident as that described
by Cromwell. Burnet has printed
Gardiner s letter in full (Collection
124
THOMAS CROMWELL
Justice probably came to this decision at a hint from Cromwell ;
in any case the latter saw that the good work which had been
already begun could not be considered complete until the
opinion expressed had been given legal form. From this time
onward there occur in his remembrances frequent mentions
of an Act to be passed in Parliament to this effect, but the
measure proposed was so radical, that with all his energy and
unscrupulousness, it was four years before he was able to carry
it through *.
of Records and Original Papers,
&c., part ii, book i, no. 14), but
he does not seem to have made
use of the information it contains ;
for in another part of his work
(part i, book iii, p. 423) he asserts
that the Act about Proclamations
was the result of the great excep
tions made to the legality of the
King s proceedings in the articles
about religion and other injunctions
published by his authority, which
were complained of as contrary to
law. Hallam (vol. i. p. 35 n.) ap
parently agrees with Burnet in this
last statement, and ignores the
evidence supplied by the letter of
the Bishop of Winchester. It is
probable that both writers have
gone astray in this matter. The
opposition aroused by the King s
ecclesiastical proclamations may
have hastened the passage of the
Act, but they can scarcely be re
garded as its origin in the face of
the testimony of Cromwell and
Gardiner. Burnet and Hallam were
perhaps led to ascribe the source
of the statute to religious matters,
by the fact that the Act was passed
almost simultaneously with the Six
Articles, and by the special pro
vision which it contained concern
ing heretics.
1 Canon Dixon (History of the
Church of England, vol. ii. p. 129)
sees in the Act about Proclamations
a timid attempt to draw the pre
rogative within the limits of regular
legislation, 3 and seeks to show that
its true intent was to curtail, while
legalizing, a power which the Crown
had exercised hitherto illegally and
without any restraint. It is doubt
less true that the King had issued
proclamations before, and had en
forced obedience to them, without
the sanction of law ; and it is
equally certain that the intent of
this Act (like that of so many
others which Cromwell devised)
was to legalize a privilege of which
the Crown had already made use.
But it is more difficult to agree
with the reasoning by which Canon
Dixon attempts to show that the true
purpose of this process of legaliza
tion was to restrict and not to con
firm the power of the King. It is
pretty certain that the practical value
of these limitations was in reality
far less than at first appeared ; for,
as Hallam and Burnet justly re
mark, the immediate effect of them
was to confer great power on the
judges, upon whom the duty of
interpreting the statute devolved;
and the judges mere puppets in
the hands of Henry and Cromwell
-were sure to render every verdict
INTERNAL POLICY 125
It is scarcely necessary to state that a legislative body
which could be forced to consent to such a statute as this
retained in practice but few traces of that independence of
the Crown which it theoretically possessed. The passage
of the Act about Proclamations marks the culmination of a
process begun long before Cromwell came into power, but
only perfected at the close of his ministry, by which the
subserviency of Parliament to the royal will was secured.
But though the system did not reach its highest development
until 1539, the earlier years of Cromwell s administration
show such an advance over that of his predecessor in this
particular, that we are justified in regarding the entire period
of his ministry as the golden age of Tudor despotism. From
the time that the Commons permitted the King and his
counsellor to force on them the petition against the clergy
in 1532, it is scarcely too much to say that the sole function
of Parliament was to register the decrees which emanated
from the royal council chamber.
Of course in order to render Parliament as tractable as
it was, it became necessary for Cromwell to regulate the
choice of members for the King s profit, and the success of
his endeavours in this direction is little short of marvellous.
Royal interference in elections was certainly not unknown
in favour of the Crown. The ex- the true significance of the Act are
ceptions in the Act about Procla- certainly correct : The prerogative
mations may well be compared to could not soar to the heights it
the Quantum per Christi legem aimed at, till thus imped by the per-
licet, which had been tacked on fidious hand of Parliament. The
to the recognition of the King s fact that the statute was repealed in
Supremacy. Both were concessions the first year of Edward VI simply
granted merely as a sop to the proves that it was so unpopular
popular feeling : both were so that it was impossible to renew it,
guarded that they could easily when the strong hand of Henry VIII
be rendered nugatory. Finally, had been removed. Cf. Hume, vol.
the fact that Cromwell himself iii. pp. 255, 256 ; Hallam, vol. i.
was so active in assisting the p. 35 ; and Blackstone, vol. i. p. 269.
passage of this statute should be There is a curious passage in Beo-
a conclusive proof that its real aim wulf (11. 67-73), i n which the King
was not to legalize and limit, but rules as he wills, saving his sub-
to legalize and confirm the power jects lives and heritages, that is
of the Crown. The straightforward in striking congruence with this
verdicts of Hume and Hallam on Act.
126 THOMAS CROMWELL
before his time, but it had not attained the proportions which
it was destined to assume under Cromwell, and it was often
strongly resented by the people. It was only with much
difficulty, that Henry VII, in the year 1506, succeeded in
forcing the citizens of London to abandon the right to elect
their own sheriff, which had been granted them by the charter
of Henry 1 1 , and to accept the royal nominee to that office a .
But thirty years later, the Crown had carried its encroach
ment on the popular liberties so far that it seemed to be
usually regarded as a matter of course that a royal nomina
tion should take the place of a fair election. If any protest
was raised against Henry s palpable infringement of ancient
rights and this was very rarely the case the King and
his minister affected to regard the complaint with a^ort
of indignant amazement. Let us examine the details of an
election in Canterbury, which took place when Cromwell was
at the height of his power. Writs had been issued for the
choice of two members to Parliament from that city in early
May, 1536* Between eight and nine in the morning of the
eleventh of that month, the sheriff, John Hobbys, caused the
commonalty of Canterbury to assemble in the accustomed
place, where John Starky and Christopher Levyns were duly
elected burgesses. After the voters had dispersed, about
noon-time, John Alcok, the mayor of Canterbury, came to
Sheriff Hobbys in great perplexity, with a letter from
Cromwell and Audeley, which desired, on the King s behalf,
that Robert Derknall and John Bryges shulde fulfill the seid
1 Stubbs, Const. Hist., vol. i. Maior that he should cause an elec-
p. 439- tion to bee made for a new Sheriffe,
2 * William Copingar, Thomas at which day, came into the Guild
Johnson, Sherifes. These Sherifes Hall Mayster Edmond Dudley the
being on the morrow after Michael- Kings President, and there shewed
mas day by the Maior and Alder- the King s letters, that his corn-
men presented before the Barons mons shoulde name for the Kings
of the Exchequer, only William pleasure, William Fitz William, to
Copingar was admitted and sworne, bee Sheriffe for the peace ensuing,
but Thomas Johnson they woulde which with much difficulty at length
not admitte till they knew far- was granted, which William Fitz
ther of the Kings pleasure. The William kept his feast the Six-
x of October a commandment was teenth day of October. Stow s
brought from the King to the Lord Chronicle, p. 879.
INTERNAL POLICY 127
On the following morning the sheriff directed a humble
letter to Cromwell l , stating the facts, and begging that the
election of Starky and Levyns might be allowed to stand, as
the King s wishes were not known until too late ; if your seid
letters had come to me by fore the seid eleccion, he pleaded,
1 1 wolde haue done the best that had been in my powr to
(have) Accomplished our Souereigne lord the YLinges pleasure
and yoz/rs in the premysses. But the King s minister gave
no heed to the representations of John Hobbys : the fact that
an election had already been held did not trouble him in the
least: the King s will was to be accomplished at all costs.
On May 18 he addressed a significant letter to the Mayor
and Burgesses of Canterbury, which was quite sufficient
to induce the recipients to nullify their former proceedings.
The phraseology of the letter is noteworthy : the King s
minister did not discuss the fact that his first message had
arrived too late. He simply reminded the burgesses that the
King s pleasure had been signified to them, and that they
1 the same litle or nothynge regardynge but rather cotemn-
yg* had elected their own candidates, according to their
owne wylles and myndes cowtrarie to the kingly plesure and
comandemewt in that behalfe. This of course was a thing
whereat the King did * not a lytell marvell, and the burgesses
were admonished notwythstondynge the seyd elecczbn to
1 precede to a new and electe thosse other, accordyng to the
tenure of the former letters : they were also desired to notify
Cromwell at once * if any persone wyll obstynatly gaynsay
the same, so that the King s minister might deal with the
refractory burgess according to his master s pleasure. Two
days later Mayor Alcok replied with the following dutiful
letter. In humble Wise certefie you that the xx th Day
of this present monyth of Maye at vi of the Clok in the
mornyng I John Alcok mayre of Cauntebury receyved your
letters Dyrected to me the seid mayre Sheryf and Comynaltie
of the seid Citie sygnyfying to vs therby the kynges plesure
and co;^maundement is that Robert Darknall and John
Bryges shoulde be burgesses of the P^Hyament for thesame
1 Cal. x. 852.
128
THOMAS CROMWELL
V
Citie of Cauntebury by Vertue wherof accordyng to our bounde
Dutye immedyatly vppon the syght of your seid \ettew and
contend thereof p^rceyved caused the Comynaltye of the
seid Citie to Assemble in the Court Hall ther wher appered
the nombre of Fower score and xvii p^rsones Citizens and
Inhabltauntes of theseid Citie And accordyng to the Kyng^
plesure and Cowmaundement frely with one voyce and with
out any contradiccon haue elected and chosen the fore-seid
Robert Darkenall and John Bryges to be burgesses of the
ptfrlyament for thesame Citie which shalbe duly certefied by
Indenture vnder the scales of the seid Citizens and Inhaby-
taunter by the grace of the blyssyd Trynyte Who preserue
you . . . V Such was the calm way in which parliamentary
suffrage rights were made of no effect and the King s pleasure
enforced. It is important to notice in this connexion how
careful Henry and Cromwell were to cloak their most un
warrantable proceedings by the preservation of ostensible
constitutionalism. Never was the now farcical form of a fair
election abandoned ; never did the King fail outwardly to
observe those legal restrictions by which the Crown was
supposedly fettered, and the liberties of the nation theoreti
cally preserved. The autocracy which Cromwell had done
so much to establish was carried on within and upon the
already existing constitution, and the public protest was thus
in great measure disarmed.
It is no wonder that the invaluable services which Cromwell
rendered to the Crown were rewarded by an almost exclusive
1 The letter of Cromwell to the
Mayor and Burgesses of Canter
bury (Letters, 148) is now in the
British Museum ; it was put into
my hands by the kindness of
Mr. Brodie of the Public Record
Office. It was overlooked at the
time of the compilation of the tenth
volume of the Calendar, and escaped
the search of Fronde and Fried-
mann, both of whom discuss the
details of this election at some
length. Its discovery throws much
fresh light on the history of one of
the most famous cases of arbitrary
interference in the choice of mem
bers to Parliament that has come
down to us from Tudor times.
The reply of the Mayor (Cal. x.
929) is comparatively well known.
Froude has printed it in full (vol. iii.
p. 347), but has misread the name
of one of the burgesses, which is
Darkenall or Derknall, not
Sacknell.
INTERNAL POLICY 129
enjoyment of the royal confidence, which enabled him soon
to do almost what he pleased with his two great rivals,
Norfolk and Gardiner. At first he had cautiously held him
self aloof from these men, but now that he had outstripped
them in the King s favour, his bearing towards them altered
accordingly. It is a very significant fact that in his ten years
of service, he never left the King for any considerable length
of time, but often contrived to get Norfolk and Gardiner sent
away the one to cope with internal troubles, the other to act
as ambassador to France. Cromwell succeeded in harassing
them both while they were at Court, and in making them
abandon every pretence to consistency. Chapuys, in a letter
of December 9, 1533, tells us that Norfolk, hitherto the most
pronounced of Catholics, uttered * a thousand blasphemies
against the Pope, even more shocking than those of the King,
calling him c an unhappy whoreson, a liar, and a wicked man;
and that it should cost him (Norfolk) wife and children
and all that he possessed, or that he would be revenged on him.
He has a good deal changed his tune, for it was he .... who
favoured most the authority of the Pope ; but he must act in
this way not to lose his remaining influence, which apparently
does not extend much further than Cromwell wishes ; for which
reason, I understand, he is wonderfully sick of the Court 1 .
In the spring of 1535 the Duke was forced to surrender
entirely, and retire to his estate at Kenninghall. Gardiner
had to abandon the Secretaryship in 1534 in Cromwell s
favour. The new minister tantalized him in much the same
way as he did Norfolk, and doubtless increased the enmity
of the Bishop of Winchester, which he had first incurred
at the time of Wolsey s fall, and which five years later
was to be such an important factor in effecting his own
destruction.
Cromwell was perhaps the only man at the Court who, in
the early days of his ministry, had the least suspicion that
Anne Boleyn might sometime lose the royal favour. He
was able to comprehend the King s love for her better than
anyone else, and to discern that when the royal passion had
1 Cal. vi. 1510.
MERRIMAN. I K
130 THOMAS CROMWELL
been satisfied, Henry s affection for his second wife would
be a thing of the past. The King s chagrin that Anne had
not brought him a male child, and the rage awakened by her
subsequent miscarriage could not have escaped him. From
thenceforth he must have become convinced that her ruin was
ultimately certain, and he began to throw out hints that he
no longer wished to be reckoned among her adherents. In
April, 1536, it was notorious that there was a marked cool
ness between them, and a month later a very unexpected
turn in foreign affairs brought matters to a head and forced
him to take active measures against her, in order to save his
own reputation with the King l . There is reason to think
that he was the prime mover in the plot which led to her
arrest. He certainly worked against her at her trial, and was
present at her execution ; in fact he took every possible step
to forestall all chances of being included in her fall. His
sudden abandonment of one whom a few years before he had
done so much to support, should be enough to confute those
who have seen in his previous devotion to the cause of
Anne Boleyn an evidence that he favoured the Reformed
faith. Anne was certainly a professed Protestant ; she
possessed the English Bible and read it ; but it was only
because her Protestantism was temporarily useful to Cromwell s
designs, which were to obtain for his master a divorce from
Katherine, that he identified himself with her party during
the first years of his ministry. When the divorce had been
secured, and Henry had been declared Supreme Head of the
Church of England ; when the love which Anne had once
enjoyed had been transferred to Jane Seymour, and
Cromwell saw that to favour the cause of the unhappy
Queen in opposition to the King might mean ruin and
disgrace, he deserted her at once.
Nor can the fact that Cromwell s name figures prominently
in connexion with the publication of the Ten Articles of
1536 be justly urged as a reason for ascribing to him any
real devotion to the cause of Protestantism. Now that the
1 Cal. x. 351, 601, 1069, and Froude, The Divorce of Catherine
footnote to page 232. Cf. also of Aragon, pp. 413-5.
INTERNAL POLICY 131
severance from Rome was complete, the King and his minister
saw that a definition of the faith of the Church of England
had become necessary, in order that the unity of the new
ecclesiastical system might be preserved. The Ten Articles
of 1536 were adopted to make good this deficiency. Circum
stances had rendered them inevitable, and the fact that
Cromwell presented them to Convocation, and signed them
first of all the members proves nothing, except perhaps the
importance of his ecclesiastical office. The Ten Articles
declared the Bible and the three Creeds to be the only Rule
of Faith : Penance, Baptism, and the Eucharist were kept as
sacraments : the veneration of saints, soliciting of their inter
cession, use of images, and the usual ceremonies in the service,
though still held to be highly profitable, and as such worthy
to be retained, were pronounced in themselves powerless to
justify the soul 1 . But though the main aim of these Articles
was doubtless to preserve the integrity of the Church of
England at home, the time and circumstances under which
they were published seem to indicate that they were also
intended to serve a purpose abroad. We shall hear of them
in this connexion in another chapter.
Cromwell s zeal for the publication of the Bible in English,
and also his injunctions to the clergy 2 , must in the same way
be attributed to political rather than to religious motives.
He saw what a powerful weapon the Bible had become in
the hands of the German Reformers, and soon succeeded
in forcing Convocation, on December 19, 1534, to present
a petition to the King for the suppression of treasonable
books in the vulgar tongue, and for a translation of the
Scriptures into English 3 . Less than two years later
Cromwell s efforts were rewarded by the appearance of an
edition of the Scriptures patched together out of Douche 4
and Latyn by his friend Miles Coverdale. There seems
to have been a very general impression current that all
passages which might have been interpreted in favour of
Katherine, had purposely been rendered in the opposite
Wilkins, vol. iii. p. 817. 3 Cal. vii. 1555.
1 Letters, 159, 266, 273. 4 < High Dutch not Low Dutch
K 2
132 THOMAS CROMWELL
sense 1 . But this version was soon destined to be superseded.
The following year witnessed the appearance of the edition
which is usually known as Matthew s Bible, and which con
sisted of a combination of the translations of Tyndale and
Coverdale. It received the official sanction of Cromwell and
Cranmer, but its life was almost as short as that of its
predecessor. In the autumn of 1537 Grafton and Whit-
church, two London printers whose names had been con
nected with the previous editions, received a licence from
the King to publish a new version of the Bible at Paris,
where the facilities for carrying on their trade were better
than in England 2 . At first the work seems to have pro
gressed with great success, and in September, 1538, the King s
minister, in anticipation of its speedy completion, issued
injunctions that a copy of it should be placed in every church
at the cost of the parson and the parishioners, and that no
one was to be discouraged from reading it : he advised,
however, that the explication of obscure plac^ be referred
to men of higher iugement in scripture 3 . But Cromwell
was a little premature with his injunctions. An unforeseen
event occurred, which made the immediate publication of
the new edition impossible. The Royal Inquisition had
apparently got wind of the doings of Grafton and Whitchurch
at Paris, and just as the task was approaching completion,
they and all their subordinates, and the French printer at
whose house the work was being carried on, were suddenly
cited to appear before the Inquisitor-General for the realm
of France 4 . The Englishmen made haste to escape, without
even waiting to collect the implements of their trade or the
Bibles that had already been printed. Cromwell, on hearing
of the disaster, went with a piteous tale to the French
ambassador, telling him that he himself had contributed 600
marks towards the publication of the Bible in Paris, and
begging him to ask his master to permit the work to be
continued there, or at least to allow the copies already
1 Cal. x. 352, 698 ; xiv. (i) i86(v).
2 Cal. xii (ii), Appendix 35, and xii. (ii) 593.
3 Letters, 273. * Cal. xiii. (ii) 1085.
INTERNAL POLICY 133
finished to be sent to England safely, and not to suffer the
Inquisition to confiscate them. But Francis replied that
good things might be printed in England as well as in
France, but that bad things should never be permitted to
be printed in Paris, and he further refused to deliver up the
copies already completed. He was unable, however, to
prevent the final accomplishment of the work in London
in 1539 1 . The new version, commonly known as the Great
Bible, was the last authorized translation completed in the
reign of Henry VIII, but apparently great efforts had to be
made to prevent the publication of unlicensed editions. It
was not long before a royal commission was issued to
Cromwell, commanding him, in order to avoid diversity of
translations, to see that no man printed any English Bible
during the next five years except persons deputed by
himself 2 .
Perhaps the strongest point of Cromwell s domestic ad
ministration was his financial policy. He never forgot the
promise he had made on entering the King s service to make
Henry the richest king that ever was in England, for he
was shrewd enough to see that a full treasury was the first
essential to the attainment of the larger aim of his policy,
the establishment of a royal despotism. He skilfully con
trived that many of the measures of the earlier years of his
ministry, primarily intended to cut the bonds which held
England to Rome, should also serve to increase the wealth
of the Crown. The most noteworthy and successful of these
measures was the abolition of the Annates. There can be
little doubt that it was through Cromwell s agency that
a supplication was addressed to the King early in the year
1532 3 urging him to arrest the payment of First Fruits to the
Papacy : bokes of annates and remembrances concerning
1 Cal. xiii. (ii) 1163; xiv. (i) 37, cation or of Parliament. But the
371. Dixon, vol. ii. p. 77, and question is of minor importance:
Eadie, vol. i. p. 360. it is safe to say that neither body
2 Rymer, vol. xiv. p. 659. originated the Supplication, but that
Wilkins, vol. iii. p. 760. It is it was forced upon the Commons
not clear whether this petition was or the clergy by the King or his
put forth in the name of Convo- minister.
134 THOMAS CROMWELL
them are to be found in large numbers among the minister s
letters and papers 1 , and the petition by which the measure to
abolish the First Fruits was initiated was a method especially
characteristic of him, reminding us in many respects of the
way in which the independence of the clergy had been
attacked but a short time before. But the King was very
cautious in granting the request, which had thus been laid
before him. He had not yet given up all hope of a peaceful
solution of his difficulty with the Pope, and was not yet
prepared, as Cromwell was, openly to defy the Holy See.
So at first he determined to try the effect of a threat. The
immediate result of Cromwell s efforts was the passage in
Parliament of an Act 2 which abolished Annates, but preserved
to the Holy See certain payments on bulls obtained for
the election of bishops : the ratification of this statute by the
Crown, however, was expressly withheld, and the Act conse
quently remained inoperative, while a post was sent to Rome
to frighten the Pope about the Annates V But this plan
failed : Clement refused to be terrorized into submission ;
the King became convinced that a complete break was
inevitable, and, in July, 1533, the Act was ratified and declared
in force by letters patent 4 . The following year saw the
passage of another statute, which abolished all the payments
preserved by the exceptions to the Act of 1532 5 , and a little
later Parliament completed the work which Cromwell had
forced it to undertake by annexing the Annates to the
Crown 6 . Supplementary to these statutes was the Act
concerning Peter s Pence and Dispensations 7 , by which the
Pope was deprived of all contributions that had not already
been arrested by the Acts about Annates. The use to which
the rescued funds were put is aptly described by a significant
remembrance of Cromwell s to the effect that thenhabit-
aunt&y and peple of this realme shall pay yerely vnto the
1 Cal. vi. 299 (ix. x), 1381. In 2 23 Hen. VIII, c. 20.
one place occurs the significant 3 Cal. v. 879.
item To Remembre to make a 4 Cal. vi. 793.
byll for the parlyament touching 5 25 Hen. VIII, c. 20.
the augmentacyon of the Annattey. 6 26 Hen. VIII, c. 3.
British Museum, Titus B. i. 421. 7 25 Hen. VIII, c. 21.
INTERNAL POLICY 135
kyng for ever, in lieu or stede of smoke pence, whiche they
were wont to pay to the busshop of rome, for euery hed or
house a certayne small thyng for and towards the defense
of thys Realme, whiche may be ymployed in makyng of
forteresses throughout the Realme 1 . Another significant
paragraph, from a letter of Chapuys to Charles V, of Dec.
19, 1534, reads as follows: The King, besides the 30,000
pounds which he newly obtained from the clergy, and an
ordinary fifteenth from the laity, which was granted him
last year, and which may amount to 2cS,ooo pounds, has just
imposed a tax by authority of Parliament, of the twentieth
penny of all the goods of his subjects, and that foreigners
shall pay double, which will amount to a great sum. These
are devices of Cromwell, who boasts that he will make his
master more wealthy than all the other princes of Christen
dom: and he does not consider that by this means he
alienates the hearts of the subjects, who are enraged and in
despair, but they are so oppressed and cast down, that
without foreign assistance it is no use their complaining,
and it will not be Cromwell s fault, if they are not oppressed
further 2 .
The King s minister also appears to have been much
occupied with the coinage. He was constantly present at
assayes of gold and silver, and further took active steps to
stamp out the counterfeiters, of whom there appear to have
been a great number 3 . He caused a proclamation to be
issued for the false and clipped Coyne going in this Realme
with a greate punyshment to euery person that is founde with
any false or counterfeit moneye. The systematic debase
ment of the currency that disgraced the reign of Henry VIII
had begun under Wolsey, but appears to have ceased
entirely during Cromwell s ministry : it began again after
Cromwell s death, assuming far greater proportions than
before, and continued till the end 4 . That the King did not
need to resort to such costly methods of replenishing his
1 Cal. ix. 725 (i). 2 Cal. vii. 1554.
3 Cal. vii. 1304; ix. 144, 183; x. ii/o; xii. (ii), 1151.
4 Schanz, vol. i. pp. 535-7.
136 THOMAS CROMWELL
treasury while Cromwell was in power, bears eloquent testi
mony to the wisdom and success of his minister s finance.
The latter s efforts to prevent the conveying of coyne out
of the realme shows that he saw the importance of securing
plenty of good coin for English trade, and that he did not want
to create an artificial cheapness. The statutes of Henry VII
forbidding the export of precious metals had been renewed
by his son in an Act passed in 1511, but this law had
run out in 1523, and from that time onward there was no
legal hindrance to the practice, though the statutes enacted
previous to Tudor times were still considered in force l .
The result was that the earlier laws began to be transgressed,
and Cromwell, in devising methods to prevent further in
fringements of them, hit upon the expedient of a royal
proclamation, as we have already had occasion to notice.
Another most important measure passed during Cromwell s
ministry, was the so-called Statute of Uses 2 . It was at the
same time a legal and a financial reform. In order to evade
the common law, which prohibited testamentary disposition
of landed property and rendered it strictly subject to primo
geniture, the custom had long been prevalent that the owner
should name before or at his death certain persons to whose
use his lands should be held. These persons became to all
intents and purposes the true devisees ; for though the trustee,
or * feoffee to uses/ alone was recognized by the common law,
the beneficiary or cestui que use soon began to receive
strong support through the equitable jurisdiction of the
Chancellor, and so was often able actually to enforce claims
which originally had rested merely on moral obligation. This
was the usual method of circumventing the laws of the realm,
in order to make provision by will for younger children. In
this particular it was perhaps legitimate, but at the same
time it opened the way to a great number of abuses, which
are stated at length in the preamble to the statute just
mentioned. The chief of these were the extraordinary com-
Schanz, vol. i. p. 518. Digby, pp. 267-80, and Reeves,
2 27 Hen. VIII, c. 10. Cf. also vol. Hi. pp. 275-89.
on this and the following pages
INTERNAL POLICY 137
plication of titles to land, which resulted from the secret
methods of devising it, and the loss to the King and the
great lords of the feudal dues on successions, wardships, and
marriages. Two ineffectual attempts had been made to re
medy these evils in the reigns of Richard III and Henry VII J ,
and at Cromwell s accession to power the subject was
brought up again. There is reason to think that the Statute
of Uses was under consideration as early as 1531, and the
main principle of it bears a close resemblance to the measure
devised in the reign of Richard III. A mention of it occurs
in Cromwell s * remembrances of the year 1535-, but it was
not finally passed until 1536, probably on account of the
popular opposition, which, according to Chapuys, was very
pronounced. The upshot of the statute was, that all right
to the estate was taken from the grantee to uses and vested
in the beneficiary, and the distinction between legal and
beneficial ownership was thus entirely destroyed. The
ostensible tenant was made in every case the legal tenant ;
those entitled to the use of land became the actual
holders of it. The Act further was intended to abolish the
right to create further uses in the future : the power of
disposing of interests in land by will was thus removed, and
the King was restored to the enjoyment of his ancient
feudal dues.
Beyond the casual mention in his remembrances 3 there
is no precise record of Cromwell s connexion with this im
portant measure. It is worthy of note, however, that the
attainments needed to plan and draft such a statute were
precisely those which Cromwell possessed in the very highest
degree intimate knowledge of the law, and great shrewd
ness in finance. The bold and effective way in which the
measure struck at the root of the evil, and caused the
extra-legal practice which had grown up to become its own
ruin, is very characteristic of him. Furthermore, Cromwell
was certainly believed to be the originator of the measure
by the rebels in the Pilgrimage of Grace, which was partially
1 I Rich. Ill, c. i ; 4 Hen. VII, 2 Cal. viii. 892.
0.17. 3 Cal. viii. 892; ix. 725.
138 THOMAS CROMWELL
caused by it, and as such his death was demanded. It
therefore seems highly probable that it was he who devised
this scheme in order to deal the death blow to a very annoying
practice of evading the law, and to enrich the royal treasury.
The statute, however, was not entirely successful in attaining
the ends at which it aimed, for by a strained interpretation
of the letter of the Act, the courts managed to evade the spirit
of it, so that it failed to do away with the old distinction
between beneficial and legal ownership, which it had been
intended to destroy. In addition to this, the popular outburst
of indignation aroused by the Statute of Uses was so strong
that a few months before Cromwell s death he saw the actual
right of at least partial testamentary disposition of landed
property obtained by the people. The Act concerning the
willing of land by testament 1 , passed in the spring of 1540,
gave to every tenant in fee simple the right to bequeath
at his pleasure all lands which he held by socage tenure, and
two-thirds of the lands which he held by knight-service. The
force of usage was such that when the King and Cromwell
attempted to abolish a practice, which had rendered the
willing of land possible under another name, the actual right
to bequeath landed property without circumventing the law
was wrested from them.
The King was glad to entrust his capable adviser with the
preservation of that advantageous commercial position which
had been won for England through the masterful policy
of Henry VII. Cromwell s varied experience in foreign
markets and his intimate knowledge of all the details of the
wool-trade, which was by far the most important element
of English commerce, had taught him in his earlier years
many lessons of which the whole nation was to reap the
benefit. In general his administration witnessed but few
departures from the highly successful commercial policy
inaugurated by the first Tudor. His aim was rather to
strengthen the advantages already gained, and to increase
the security of English commerce and industry against the
competition of continental rivals, than to attempt any radical
1 32 Hen. VIII, c. i.
INTERNAL POLICY 139
innovations. The monopoly of the trade in the Mediterranean
which Venice had enjoyed in Lancastrian times, had been
a serious menace to the interests of the English merchants ;
but the Italian wars had now almost totally deprived the
Republic of that prominent political position which she had
occupied at the beginning of the century, and with the loss
of her national greatness her commercial supremacy fell.
The ancient privileges which had been granted to Venetian
merchants and galleys previous to Tudor times, had been
exchanged for a set of stringent enactments, which dealt
a heavy blow to her trade and shipping during the reign
of Henry VII. Cromwell followed the same policy, and
further seized the favourable opportunity afforded by Venice s
decline to foster the interests of English merchants in other
parts of the Mediterranean l . With the towns of the
Hanseatic League the case was slightly different. The
extensive privileges the merchants of the North German
cities had enjoyed in earlier times, had raised them to such
a commanding position that the growth of English com
merce in the north was rendered well-nigh impossible.
Henry VI Ts aim had been to overthrow the supremacy of the
Hanseatic League, by a gradual withdrawal of the concessions
which it had wrung from his predecessors. The early part
of his son s reign had witnessed a continuation of this wise
policy, but during Cromwell s ministry an alliance which the
threatening situation on the Continent had led England to
conclude with Liibeck, necessitated a temporary cessation
of the process of curtailing the privileges of the Hanse
merchants 2 . But the loud outcries of the people against the
destructive competition of the Germans were sufficient to
prevent Cromwell from making any permanent stand in their
favour. Political necessity alone had induced him to postpone
the complete withdrawal of their privileges : he knew that
the tendency of the times was irresistibly against the
Hanseatic towns, and he was perhaps the more willing
to grant them a few temporary concessions in that he realized
that nothing could ever raise them again to the position of
1 Schanz, vol. i. pp. 159, 160. 2 Cf. Schanz, vol. i. pp. 224-7.
140 THOMAS CROMWELL
dangerous rivals to English trade. His foresight was justified
by the event ; the process which Henry VII had begun was
completed by the fall of the Steelyard in the reign of
Elizabeth. A more difficult problem was presented by the
Netherlands. England and the Low Countries were com
mercially indispensable to each other ; the English wool-
market in Flanders was the centre of the mercantile interests
of both nations. The merchants of the Netherlands, however,
had contrived to get the better of their English neighbours
until the accession of the house of Tudor ; but the concessions
which resulted from the temporary removals of the English
wool-mart from Antwerp to Calais by Henry VII, and the
enormously advantageous commercial treaty which that King
was able to wring from the Archduke Philip when fortune
had thrown the latter into his hands in 1506, had completely
altered the situation to England s profit 1 . The efforts of
Henry VIII and Wolsey had been directed towards preserving
the provisions of the agreement of 1506, the validity of which
the Netherlanders were of course unwilling to acknowledge.
Cromwell went further than this ; his administration witnessed
not only the maintenance and increase of all the advantages
which his predecessor had secured, but also the discussion
of a plan for attaining complete commercial independence of
the Low Countries, by bringing home the English wool-mart
to London 2 . This scheme was not carried through, owing to
the unwillingness of the King to offend the Emperor; but the
news of the proposals for it was soon known in the Nether
lands, and was not without its effect there. The merchants
of the Low Countries were greatly alarmed lest they should
lose the English trade, and instead of opposing every move
which their rivals made, now began to grant them all possible
concessions. The Emperor s dread of alienating Henry also
contributed to force them to adopt a more conciliatory attitude
than ever before, and it may be justly said that at the close
of Cromwell s administration the mercantile relations of
England and the Netherlands were so regulated as to secure
every advantage for the former. Cromwell s whole commercial
1 Busch, vol. i. p. 149. 2 Schanz, vol. i. pp. 76-86, 107-8.
INTERNAL POLICY 141
policy was strongly influenced by his desire to increase
and improve English shipping, especially at the last, when
an invasion was threatened from the Continent 1 . His
remembrances are filled with items for appropriations for
building and rigging vessels of various kinds, and for making
and improving harbours 2 . He did his utmost to clear the
Channel of pirates, and was diligent in writing letters to
demand restitution of goods taken from English merchants at
sea 3 . In 1,54 he caused an Act to be passed for the
maintenance of the navy 4 : one of its provisions restricted
the privileges conferred on all foreign merchants by a pro
clamation in the previous year 5 to those who transported
their wares in English ships.
Throughout Cromwell s remembrances occur countless
minor items dealing with miscellaneous questions of internal
reform. Memoranda for the building and improvement of
roads and highways, for bettering the state of the coast
defences, and for the regulation of the rates of wages, are
especially numerous. In 1.538 he aided Norfolk in suppressing
a sort of strike among the Wisbech shoemakers, who had
agreed to stop work unless their wages were raised from
15^. to i8W. per dozen boots sewed 6 . It is perhaps un
necessary to state that this strike was regarded as a revolt
against authority, and that the masters gained an easy victory
over the men. Among Cromwell s injunctions to the clergy
in 1538 is an order to keep parish registers of births, marriages,
and deaths 7 . Apparently this measure was intensely un
popular, especially in the south-west of England, where
people seem to have got the notion that * some charges more
than hath been in time past shall grow to them by this
occasion of registering of these things 8 . Precisely what the
immediate object of the injunction was it is difficult to say,
1 Schanz, vol. i. pp. 372-4. custome and subsidy as the
2 Cal. xiv. (i) 399, 655. subiects. British Museum, Titus B.
Letters, 74, 190, 213. i. 572.
4 32 Hen. VIII, c. 14. 6 Cal. xiii. (ii) 57, 84, 91.
5 This proclamation, issued Feb. 7 Letters, 273.
26, 1539, decreed that for seven 8 Dixon, vol. ii. p. 83.
years straungers shall paye like
142 THOMAS CROMWELL
though there is little reason to think that the fears it aroused
among the people of Cornwall and Devonshire were realized.
It has been grudgingly applauded by one writer, and
characterized as an inadequate attempt to supply the loss
of the registers of various kinds which had been kept by
the monks l ; but its inadequacy, however great, might well
pass unmentioned, in the face of the many benefits which
later resulted from it. However unpopular the measure may
have been at the time, its author certainly deserves the thanks
of posterity for preserving a vast amount of valuable informa
tion which would otherwise have been lost.
A few words remain to be added concerning Cromwell s
zeal for the advancement of learning. As his political schemes
had caused him incidentally to take sides with the Reforma
tion, his object was to strengthen those who favoured the
new religion and opposed Rome. Education is necessary to
reform ; and Cromwell did not intend to leave to ignorant
men the task of carrying on the work he had begun. He
therefore took steps to see that the opportunities for learning
were improved. Among the injunctions which he issued to
the clergy in I536 2 , is a clause providing for an increased
number of exhibitions at the schools and the Universities,
to thintent that lerned men maye hereafter spring the more. 5
His dealings with Oxford and Cambridge do not seem to
have been very important, although in June, 1535, he was
appointed Chancellor of the latter in place of Fisher. He
appears to have been much occupied in suppressing the
various quarrels that constantly took place between the
students and the townspeople, and the letters which he wrote
to the Magistrates of Cambridge deal for the most part with
this problem 3 . In October, 1535* the King appointed him
Visitor to the University, and at the same time promulgated
nine injunctions in which he directed the Chancellor, Masters
and Scholars of Cambridge to abandon the frivolous questions
and obscure glosses of the schoolmen, to read and teach the
Scriptures, and to swear to the Royal Supremacy and the new
1 Dixon, vol. ii. p. 83. ! Letters, 106, 116, 124, 129, 186,
Letters, 159. 206.
INTERNAL POLICY 143
Succession 1 . Henry s minister, as usual, was the instrument
employed to see that the injunctions were enforced. Of
Cromwell s relations to Oxford still less remains to be said.
There are letters from him concerning the admission of a
President of Magdalen in 1535 2 , and the election of a Master
of Balliol in 1539. The latter appears to have been a most
disreputable character, and Cromwell s assertion that he was
chosen without any parcyalyte or corruptyon was certainly
false 3 . A very interesting but comparatively well-known
report from the pen of Dr. Layton gives us a vivid picture
of the state of the University in 1535, and tells of the founda
tion of several new lectures at the various colleges 4 .
As a reward for his success in the management of domestic
affairs, the King conferred on him the many dignities and
titles which, in 1536, marked the height of his power. He
had been raised to the offices of Privy Councillor, Master of
the Jewels, Clerk of the Hanaper, and Master of the King s
Wards in 1531 and 1532. The Chancellorship of the Ex
chequer had followed in 1533. He became Principal Secre
tary to the King in 1534, Master of the Rolls in the same
year, Vicar-general and Visitor-general of the Monasteries in
January, 1535, Lord Privy Seal, Vicegerent of the King in
Spirituals 5 in July, J 536. He was also created Baron Crom-
Cooper, vol. i. pp. 374, 375. In Cootes, formerly of Magdalen. He
the Calendar, ix. 615, these in- was Proctor in 1529. Davis, Balliol
junctions are apparently attributed College, pp. 82-86 ; Wood, Fasti
to Cromwell. But Cooper expressly Oxonienses, pt. i. p. 86.
states that the King promulgated 4 Cal. ix. 350.
them, while Strype (Ecclesiastical 5 On the Commissions to Crom-
Memorials, vol. i. (i) p. 322, and well as Vicar-general and Vice-
vol. i. (ii) pp. 218, 219) seems to gerent cf. Burnet, vol. i. pp. 292-3
think that they were drawn up by n., 342-3 //. ; Collier, vol. ii.
Legh and Ap Rice, though he p. 104 ; Gutch, vol. ii. p. 192 ; Her-
admits that they were issued in the bert, p. 202 ; Dixon, vol. i. pp. 244-
King s name. It seems very im- 247 ; Child, Church and State,
probable then that Cromwell wrote pp. 78, 79. It is probable that the
them, and I have not placed them last writer has confounded the two
among the letters. commissions : certainly there is
2 Letters, 104, and Wilson, Mag- little reason to think that the title
dalen College, p. 80. of Vicar-general was granted later
1 Letters, 325, 326. The name than that of Vicegerent,
of the Master was George Cotes or
144
THOMAS CROMWELL
well of Okeham in the same month, and Knight of the Garter
in August, 1537. During the last seven years of his ministry
he was granted no less than nineteen minor offices, through
which his income must have been very greatly increased J . Just
prior to the outbreak of the Pilgrimage of Grace, Cromwell s
position was almost that of a despot. He was supreme in
Convocation, Privy Council, and Parliament ; he enjoyed para
mount authority in the direction of internal affairs, and next
to the King was by far the most important man in the realm.
A letter of Chapuys in the summer of i536 2 , soon after
Anne Boleyn s execution, tells us that it was even rumoured
that Cromwell might marry the Princess Mary, but the Im
perial ambassador himself was too shrewd to be misled by such
an improbable report 3 . Had Cromwell seriously entertained the
idea of a union with the daughter of the divorced Queen, he
would scarcely have permitted himself to be made use of by the
King as an instrument for breaking down her resolution : he
could scarcely have written her such a brutal letter as that of
June 10, 1536 4 . But the inequality in rank is certainly in
itself sufficient proof of the absurdity of the proposition.
Cromwell was about the last man in the world to become
1 See vol. ii. p. 283.
2 Cal. xi. 41.
3 An event which took place in
July, 1536, may possibly have been
the source of this rumour. It ap
pears that Cromwell had a gold
ring made, with the figures of the
Queen, King, and Princess carved
on it, and the following Latin in
scription :
Obedientia unitatem parit,
Unitas animi quietem et con-
stantiam ;
Constans vero animi quies the
saurus inestimabilis.
Respexit humilitatem
Qui in Filio nobis reliquit
Perfectum humilitatis exemplar.
Factus est obediens Patri.
Et ipsa etiam natura parentibus
Et patrie obediendum docuit.
This ring he intended to bestow on
the Princess Mary, but apparently
the King got wind of the plan and
put a stop to it, taking the ring
away from his minister, on the plea
that he desired to have the honour
of presenting it to his daughter
himself. The episode should have
been sufficient to show that even if
Cromwell had any idea of marrying
the Princess, the King s opposition
to the plan would prove insur
mountable. The inscription on the
ring, moreover, surely indicates that
the gift was intended rather as a
reminder to the Princess of her duty
towards her father, than as a preli
minary to a matrimonial proposal.
Cal. xi. 148.
4 Letters, 150.
INTERNAL POLICY 145
reckless with success ; he never for a moment forgot his low
birth, and the imprisonment of the brother of his rival the
Duke of Norfolk for presuming to wed the King s niece was
a warning of the danger of such a proceeding, which could
not have been lost on him 1 . If such a proposition were put
forward at all, and we cannot believe that it was, it could
only have been as a pretext to prevent the Princess from
leaving the realm and joining with her cousin the Emperor
in an attempt to dethrone the King.
Cromwell was certainly shrewd enough to see that he
could never hope to marry into a reigning house himself,
but he was none the less anxious that his son Gregory
should wed such a wife as would enable him to found a noble
family. In April, 1533, Gregory had been taken from Cam
bridge, and sent to live with his father s friend Dr. Rowland
Lee, with whom he appears to have spent a summer in hunt
ing 2 . In 1535 he came out into public life, and in 1539
he was summoned to Parliament as a peer of the realm.
Two years earlier he had been able to contract an advantageous
marriage with the widow of Sir Anthony Ughtred, sister
of Jane Seymour 3 . This fortunate match must be attributed
to his father s influence, for Gregory seems to have been
entirely without ambition, and such an idea would never
have entered his mind ; his father, on the contrary, was pre
cisely the man to think of it. The number of grants either
made jointly to Cromwell and his son, or providing for the
succession of the latter at his father s death 4 , corroborates
the theory that the King s great minister wished Gregory
to be the heir of all his possessions and emoluments as far
as might be, and desired to raise his family to a permanent
position among the English nobility.
Of course Cromwell was obliged in large measure to abandon
his private business after he definitely entered the King s ser
vice, but his new position brought him far greater riches
than he could possibly have amassed in his old occupations.
The various inventories of his goods indicate great wealth
1 Cal. xi. 147. Cal. xii. (ii) 423.
5 Cal. vi. 913, 981, ion, 1014. 4 As Cal. viii. 571.
MERRIMAN. I L
146 THOMAS CROMWELL
and prosperity. He gave costly New Year s presents at the
Court, and owned several houses, all of them magnificently
furnished l . After October, 1534, when he was made Master of
the Rolls, his correspondence shows him to have been con
stantly in residence at the Rolls House, where he held his
Court. Writing in 1535, the Prioress of Little Marlowe
complained that so great was the crowd of his visitors there,
that it was impossible to gain access to him 2 .
1 Cal. ix. 478, 862 ; xiv. (i) 5. 2 Cal. viii. 108.
CHAPTER VIII
IRELAND, WALES, SCOTLAND, CALAIS
THOUGH Cromwell was so busily occupied in England
itself, he was far from neglecting the adjoining countries.
The subjugation of Ireland, the pacification of Scotland, and
the reform of Wales and Calais, played a very important part
in his political programme. He plainly saw that the English
King s position could not be regarded as secure while these
countries remained in the state in which they were at Wolsey s
fall, and he determined as soon as possible to deal with them
in such a way that they should cease to be a menace to the
English Crown in the future.
When he entered the King s service he probably found
little difficulty in persuading Henry that, in order firmly to
establish his supremacy, he must take Ireland in hand as he
had never done before. Throughout Wolsey s administration
the tranquillity of the country had been continually disturbed
by the feuds of two rival Anglo-Norman families, the Fitz-
geralds under the Earl of Kildare, and the Butlers under the
Earl of Ormond. To repress these quarrels the Cardinal had
taken the office of Lord Deputy from the young Earl of Kil
dare, and created the Earl of Surrey Lord Lieutenant. After
a year s hard service in Ireland, however, Surrey was recalled
at his own request, and the Deputyship devolved on Sir
Piers Butler. He in turn was forced to resign his office to
his rival Kildare, who passed it on to Sir William Skeffington
of Leicestershire, just at the time of Wolsey s fall l .
The affairs of Ireland had naturally been thrown into con
fusion by these numerous changes, and Cromwell became
convinced that subjugation by the sword was absolutely
essential, before any attempt could be made to govern the
1 Bagwell, vol. i. pp. 124-52.
L 2,
148 THOMAS CROMWELL
country, or to draw revenues from it. This policy brought
him into collision with his rival Norfolk, but he seems to
have succeeded in convincing the King of the superiority
of his plan to that of the Duke, whose idea had been to
conciliate the Irish chieftains, and to pacify rather than
subjugate the country l .
During his first two years in the King s service, Cromwell
was so busy in establishing the Royal Supremacy, that he
could not pay much attention to Irish affairs. The three
years of Skeffington s administration, moreover, appear to
have been fairly quiet. In 1532, however, a change came.
The Earl of Kildare, by craftily misrepresenting Skeffington s
doings at the English Court, secured the latter s recall, and
obtained for himself the post of Lord Deputy for the third
time 2 . On regaining the coveted office, however, he returned
to Ireland, and instead of following out the King s instructions,
proceeded to stir up his adherents into open rebellion, and
neglected the English at Dublin. Unmindful of his hole
duetie to the Kingis Highnes, he used the royal authority
deputed to him, as a cloke or habyte to cover his crueie
persecutions, mynding utterly to extynguyshe the fame and
honor of any other noble man within that lande V It is
possible that he thus served Henry s and Cromwell s ultimate
purpose of subjugation better than he knew, as he certainly
weakened the power of many of the wildest clans, who hated
the English rule as much as his. But his use to the Crown
in this direction, if it amounted to anything, was only tem
porary, and things became ripe for his dismissal. Continual
complaints of him reached the King and Cromwell. Dublin
was almost the only place in the country, which remained
perfectly loyal to England. The neighbouring tribes were so
hostile, that the citizens were hard put to it for food, and its
inhabitants almost perished from starvation. John Deythyke,
a priest, wrote sarcastically to a friend in the autumn of 1533,
that although it was the custom to refrain from meat on
Wednesdays as well as Fridays, provisions were so scarce
1 Cal. vii. 1141. 2 Bagwell, vol. i. pp. 152-5.
3 State Papers, vol. ii. p. 167.
IRELAND, WALES, SCOTLAND, CALAIS 149
that people had become more devout still, and abstained
also on Sundays, Mondays, Tuesdays, and Thursdays. * This
is a very sore abstenaunce . . . the country is so quiett that
they dare nott ryde one myle owte of the towne, to by
any maner of vytteyles ; and they make there complaynt to
the Deputie and the wynde hath blowen hym soo in the erys
that he can nott here them. But yt is a comon sayinge
"whoo is so defe as he that lyst not to here 1 ." Things
went on from bad to worse, and finally John Alen, Master
of the Rolls in Ireland, was sent over by the Council there to
report Kildare s doings at the English Court, and further
to submit to the King a set of articles for the reformation
of the abuses which had become prevalent in the country 2 .
Alen finally succeeded in procuring Kildare s recall ; and the
Deputy arrived in London in April, 15345 having left his
eldest son, Lord Thomas Fitzgerald, in his place. Efforts were
made to induce the young man to come to England also ; and
when he persistently refused to put himself into the King s
hands, his father was arrested and sent to the Tower. These
vigorous measures, according to Chapuys, were due to Crom
well ; they were the beginnings of his policy of subjugation 3 .
The arrest of Kildare, coupled with a premature report of
his death, set half Ireland aflame, and his son, making up
a slight quarrel he had had with his kinsmen the Desmonds
threw off his allegiance. All the English were ordered out
of the Geraldines land before a certain day. The Archbishop
of Dublin attempted to flee the country, but encountering
a storm, was driven back on the Irish coast, fell into young
Thomas hands, and was murdered with most of his following 4 .
A formidable revolt against the royal authority was evidently
pending. Henry and Cromwell were seriously alarmed, and
the extraordinary popularity of the rebellion among the people
in England, who, as Chapuys said, thought it a very good be
ginning to remedy matters at home/ greatly increased their
fears 5 . Cromwell had to bear the brunt of all the blame,
1 State Papers, vol. ii. p. 180. 4 Cal. vii. 1057.
2 Cal. vi. 1586. 5 Cal. vii. 1095.
8 Cal. vii. 957, 1141.
150 THOMAS CROMWELL
and the Duke of Norfolk seized the opportunity to speak
ill of his successful rival. According to Chapuys, the Duke
had left the Court to be away when the affairs of Ireland
were discussed, and this out of disdain that the King
despised his advice, and at the suggestion of Cromwell and
Skeffington had ill-treated the earl of Kildare. and ruined the
affairs of Ireland. On this subject the Duke and Crom
well had reproached each other with many things . . . which
shows the ill-will they have borne each other a long time,
however much they have dissembled it 1 . But Norfolk s
efforts to undermine the influence of his rival were as yet un
availing. The time for pacific measures had now passed ;
Henry would have been only too glad to grant Kildare peace
on any terms, but the latter refused every offer. Skeffington,
who was Cromwell s friend, was sent over again as Deputy to
quell the rebellion. After many delays he crossed on the
i4th of October, with troops which the King had secretly
raised for him 2 .
Meantime the rebels had gained a decisive victory, and
were just outside the walls of Dublin. Piteous entreaties
from the inhabitants, begging him to come to the relief of
the beleaguered city, reached Skeffington, and after some
delay he advanced. His arrival made the rebels retreat,
but instead of pursuing them vigorously, and striking a telling
blow, he remained at Dublin, and wasted time in trying to
get a sentence of excommunication passed against the mur
derers of Archbishop Alen 3 . But in spite of the Deputy s
dallying inefficiency, the superiority of Cromwell s policy to
Norfolk s was destined to be made evident by succeeding
events. A new complication in Irish affairs arose when
young Kildare, taking advantage of Skeffington s inactivity,
sent an embassy to the Emperor, promising to hold Ireland
as a fief of the Holy See, on condition that he would offer
him protection against the English schismatics 4 . An ambas
sador, Dominick Power by name, was sent by Charles to
Ireland and Scotland, but Henry soon discovered it, and
1 Cal. vii. 1141. s Cal. vii. 1418.
2 Cal. vii. 1193, 1257, 1366, 1389. * Bagwell, vol. i. p. 172.
IRELAND, WALES, SCOTLAND, CALAIS 151
complained l ; Charles was not quite ready as yet to do
anything active in aid of the rebels, and so the affair came
to nothing. Meantime, at the request of Cromwell, Skeffing-
ton was induced to shake off his apathy, leave Dublin and
Drogheda, and move after the rebels 2 . The Lord Privy
Seal s boast that the young Kildare would soon be a prisoner
in the Tower, was not as empty as Chapuys thought. May-
nooth Castle, a rebel stronghold, was besieged and taken 3 ;
many rebels were executed, others fell away from Kildare,
the young Earl finally surrendered, and was sent a prisoner
to London. Two years later he was hanged with five uncles
at Tyburn 4 . With his surrender other chieftains came to
terms ; many districts became comparatively quiet, and by
the end of 1535 Ireland seemed further on the road to
tranquillity than she had been for some time. This was
a significant triumph for Cromwell s policy over that of
Norfolk, and did much to increase his influence with the
King. On the last day of December, 1535, Skeffington
died, and Lord Leonard Grey was made Deputy in his
place 5 .
Before Cromwell could hope to derive much benefit from
Ireland, it was necessary to establish some sort of government
in the country, as well as to subjugate it. To this intent,
Lord Grey summoned a Parliament, which met at Dublin in
the spring of 1536 6 . Its first act was to pass a bill securing
the succession of Anne Boleyn s issue: the report of this
came to Cromwell in London in June, two weeks after Anne s
execution 7 . He must have been somewhat puzzled, when he
heard the news ; events were moving so rapidly, that even an
ordered* Parliament could not keep pace with them. He
finally wrote back that in case the act for the succession was
not passed thoroughly they were to staye the same tyl
further knowleage of his graces pleasure V It was too late,
however, to do this ; but when the report came that Anne had
1 Cal. vii. 1297; viii. 140.
3 Cal. vii. 1573, and Bagwell, vol. i. p. 173. Cal. viii. 448.
* Bagwell, vol. i. p. 1 80. 6 Cal. x. 15 n.
6 Cal. x. 822. 7 Cal. x. 897, 937-
8 Letters, 179.
152 THOMAS CROMWELL
been executed, and that Jane Seymour had become Queen, the
Parliament was ready enough at once to rescind the old statute,
and pass a new one in favour of the issue of Henry s third
wife. Later there were enacted a series of measures to loosen
the bonds that held the Irish Church to Rome 1 , and George
Browne, Provincial of the Austin Friars, who had already
made himself useful in forcing the oath of succession on his
brethren in the south of England, was nominated in 1535,
by Cromwell s influence, to succeed Alen as Archbishop of
Dublin. The Deputy meantime carried on the subjuga
tion steadily and consistently in the wilder portions of the
country.
Everything in Ireland was now proceeding to the complete
satisfaction of Henry and Cromwell, except the finances.
Few could equal Cromwell s ideal, or satisfy Henry s avarice
in this respect. Ireland had never paid its expenses before ;
and it was largely in the hope of deriving revenue from
a land which had hitherto been only a burden, that the King
and his minister had undertaken to subjugate it. A letter
from Henry to the Deputy and Council in 1537 blames them
for taking excessive fees, thinking only of private gain, and
not taking care of the royal income 2 . To remedy this
Cromwell appointed and sent over Commissioners, who were
ordered to try to reduce expenses and increase revenue, and,
to this end, to inquire into the conduct of every royal officer
in Ireland, learn all the particulars of the local government,
and cut down the retinue of the Deputy and Treasurer to
340 men 3 . In the list of Commissioners occurs the name of
William Brabazon (Cromwell s old friend and fellow servant
under Wolsey), who later attained a very important posi
tion in Irish affairs. The extant letters of Cromwell to
the Commissioners deal for the most part with the adjustment
of petty land claims. The most interesting of them is the
one concerning the policy to be pursued towards that
traytor Bryan OconorV
There are significant depositions against some of these Com-
1 Bagwell, vol. i. pp. 196, 197.
2 Cal. xii. (i) 503. s Cal. xii. (ii) 382.
4 Letters, 198-205, 207, 208, 211, 212, 214, 215, 232.
IRELAND, WALES, SCOTLAND, CALAIS 153
missioners who dared to murmur at Cromwell s notorious
accessibility to bribes, which seems to have been more notice
able in his dealings with Ireland than anywhere else. He
appears to have received enormous sums from the rich
and powerful family of the Butlers, kinsmen of Anne Boleyn
and of the Duke of Norfolk, in return for a promise to
protect their castles from the search of the royal agents.
There was a great deal of discontent among the Com
missioners on account of his rapacity, and though they openly
flattered him, they continually spoke ill of him behind his
back. My Lorde Pryvee Scale hathe wrought to his awne
confusion and dethe/ said one, and of late tyme was veray
nere the same, and escapid veray narrowly . . . noo lorde or
gentilman in Englande berith love or favor to my Lorde
Pryvee Scale by cause he is soo great a taker of money, for
he woll speke, solicite, or doo for noo man, but all for money.
... I wold not be in his case for all that ever he hathe,
for the King beknaveth him twice a weke, and sometyme
knocke him well aboute the pate ; and yet when he hathe
bene well pomeld about the hedde, and shaken up, as it
were a dogge, he will come out into the great chambre,
shaking of the bushe with as mery a countenaunce as thoughe
he mought rule all the roste 1 . We may well believe that
Henry was willing that Cromwell should make some private
gains, provided he brought money to the royal treasury
as well.
The subjugation of the country, however, had not yet been
thoroughly accomplished. Though 1537 was comparatively
quiet, the following year witnessed a fresh outbreak. Taking
advantage of the precarious condition of England s foreign
affairs at the time, young Gerald, brother of the late Earl
of Kildare, and heir to his power, stirred up various chief
tains, and baffled all the attempts of the Deputy to lure him
into the King s hands. Letters for aid were written to the
Pope and to Cardinal Pole, and were sent by a certain monk,
as the safest means of transmitting them to their destination 2 .
The monk sailed from Scotland in a French ship, which was
1 State Papers, vol. ii. pp. 551, 552. 2 Cal. xiii. (ii) 999.
154 THOMAS CROMWELL
blown ashore on the English coast at South Shields ; the
messenger was captured, and the letter intercepted 1 . In
September, 1539, there were several skirmishes between the
various forces of the rebels and the Deputy ; but the latter
was generally victorious, and another crisis was tided over 2 .
Young Gerald was forced to flee into Brittany, and the rebels
were left without a leader. The Deputy, Lord Grey, appears
to have become very unpopular during his term of service,
however, and in the spring of 1540 he was recalled , on the
accusations of violence to the King s Council, extortion,
injustice, and maintaining the King s enemies. Affairs were
in a bad state after he left ; Scotch intrigues, even an invasion
of the country by James, were rumoured 4 , and Sir William
Brereton, who temporarily filled Grey s place, had a very hard
time. Grey was finally condemned and executed a year
after Cromwell s fall, and Sir Anthony St. Leger, the dis
creet/ who had been the Chief of Commissioners of 1537, was
sent over as Deputy in 1541 5 .
It may be said that from 1534 until his fall, Cromwell
was the virtual ruler of Ireland. His significant triumph
over Norfolk and his policy of pacification, mark the beginning
of his influence. From that time onward the King left to him
the entire direction of Irish affairs ; he appointed the officers,
regulated the revenues, and in short managed everything con
nected with the country until 1540. From the instructions
which the Commissioners received in 1537, we gather that
the main object of the Crown was to get a revenue from
Ireland, and the plan which Cromwell pursued in order to
attain this end is noteworthy, in that it differed so entirely
from his policy in all the rest of England s dependencies.
Realizing that the country was worse than useless to the
King, while it remained in the state in which it was when
he came into power, he saw that it was so wild and dis
organized, that subjugation by force would be possible and
profitable, if attempted vigorously, and in time. He there-
1 Letters, 297, 298. 4 State Papers, vol. v. p. 178.
2 Cal. xiv. (ii) 137. 5 Bagwell, vol. i. p. 249. .
3 Cal. xv. 441.
IRELAND, WALES, SCOTLAND, CALAIS 155
fore pursued a most aggressive policy, which in Scotland, for
instance, where the conditions were so different, he would
never have dared to adopt.
In Wales he was confronted with a problem of a very
different nature. What was needed there was thorough legal
reform. The country was not large enough to render an
insurrection there very formidable, but the wild and law
less state of the Welsh Marches, which afforded hiding-places
for criminals of all kinds, was a source of much evil. One
Thomas Philips wrote to Cromwell in May, 1532 1 , that the
whole country was in great decay, and that the King s repre
sentatives there took fines for felony and murder, and used
the money for their own purposes ; he begged that such
a council might soon be established in Wales, that the best
officer should * quake, if found in fault. The Bishop of
Exeter, who was President of the Marches, was an inefficient
ruler and took no pains to remedy the existing evils. The
crimes of making and uttering counterfeit money seem to
have been extremely common 2 . Cromwell saw that it was
high time measures were taken to rectify this lawlessness,
and his remembrances are full of items for the reform of
Wales. He replaced the Bishop of Exeter by his own friend
Rowland Lee, Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, who in his
younger days had served with him under Wolsey 3 . Lee s
energetic and business-like methods rendered him a fit man
for the place, and he set about reorganizing and reforming
Wales in earnest. It was probably at his instance that
Cromwell devised several Acts, passed in the Parliament of
1534, to establish justice and maintain order 4 . As the King s
writ did not run in Wales, it was next to impossible to get
a case fairly heard there ; so Royal Commissioners were sent
thither, with authority to punish crimes and felonies (which
were to be tried in the next English court), and to establish
Justices of the Peace. Chapuys, in a letter written in
December, 1535, describes the distress of the Welsh at
1 Cal. v. 991. Cal. vi. 946 ; vii. 1026 (28).
Ruding, vol. i. p. 308; Cal. vii. 4 26 Hen. VIII, c. 4, c. 6, c. n,
1225. c. 12.
156 THOMAS CROMWELL
these measures as incredible, saying that Parliament has
just taken away their native laws, customs, and privileges,
which is the very thing they can endure least patiently 1 . He
further states that the Welsh were violently in favour of the
cause of Katherine and Mary, and longed for an opportunity
to declare themselves. A rising was probably prevented by
the fact that the King himself was of Welsh descent.
Cromwell was exceedingly active in his endeavours to stamp
out all sedition of this sort, and was ably seconded by Lee,
who, when the clergy in 1535 were required to preach in
favour of the Royal Supremacy, and against the power of the
Pope, declared himself ready to ride into his diocese in his
own person and carry out the decree, though, as he confessed,
he had never before been in a pulpit 2 . But Lee adopted
other measures to extirpate sedition, far more vigorous than
preaching in favour of the Royal Supremacy ; he never
failed to enforce his words by deeds. He hung and beheaded
offenders and criminals right and left, and sent full reports
of his doings to Cromwell, who must have rejoiced to
find an agent whose energy corresponded so closely to his
own 3 .
But in spite of Lee s good-will, the state of Wales was not
satisfactory, until Cromwell s great statute of 1535 was passed 4 .
By this Act, Wales was formally declared to be incorporated
with England, to be entitled to the same privileges, and to be
subject to the same laws. The Marches were declared to
be in disorder, and were annexed or divided into shires.
The King was further empowered by the Act to erect courts
in Wales every five years. These fundamental reforms laid
the basis for an entirely new method of administration of
justice there, and the country henceforth ceased to cause
anxiety to its prince.
In striking contrast to Cromwell s vigorous policy in Ireland
and Wales, was his conciliatory attitude towards Scotland.
The strength and proximity of this country, and the weak
defences of the northern marches of England, were a con-
1 Cal. vii. 1554. 3 Cal. viii. 133, 195, 240, 509, 91$, 1058.
3 Cal. viii. 839. 4 27 Hen. VIII, c. 26.
IRELAND, WALES, SCOTLAND, CALAIS 157
stant source of alarm, which was rather increased than
diminished by Henry s strained relations with those continental
powers who were on the best of terms with James. It was
obvious that in case of a foreign invasion of England from
the Continent, the enmity of Scotland would be the only thing
lacking, to render disaster certain. It is also not improbable
that an attack from the north would have been welcomed
by some of Henry s more disaffected subjects. In his speech
in the Parliament of 1523 Cromwell had advocated a policy
of unification with Scotland: from this principle he never
departed, but he saw that it was now no time to gain his
ends by force. He therefore adopted a pacificatory attitude
towards Scotland at the opening of his ministry, and con
sistently followed it until the end. He began by persuading
his master to make every effort to strengthen the rather
precarious truce which, owing to French mediation, had been
concluded between the Commissioners of the two countries
upon the Borders, Oct. i, 1533 l . Anxious to show all pos
sible courtesy to the Scottish delegates who were finally sent
to London to open negotiations, the King prepared for them
a house, which had been occupied by the Grand Master of
France, and, contrary to his custom with most ambassadors,
supplied it with choice wines and provisions 2 . The Scots
were not slow to realize the strength of their position, and
in proportion as Henry s desire to conclude a permanent
peace increased, their movements grew more and more de
liberate. After long delays, which exasperated the King
greatly, an alliance was finally made, to continue during the
joint lives of the two sovereigns, and one year longer. During
the two following years Henry continued his pacific policy
by making James a Knight of the Garter, and by sending an
embassy to induce him to abandon the Pope. The latter
plan was doubtless a suggestion of Cromwell s ; a mention
of the ambassadors Barlow and Howard occurs in his * remem
brances/ and Barlow later wrote him continual reports of
his progress. The mission was unsuccessful in attaining its
1 Cal. vi. 1196. Cf. also Hume Brown, vol. i. p. 381.
2 Cal. vii. 296.
158 THOMAS CROMWELL
purpose ; but there were no signs that James leaning to
Rome would render him an active enemy of England l .
The year 1537 brought with it new developments of Scottish
policy. James had gone abroad to marry Madeleine of Valois,
an alliance highly displeasing to Henry, after all his efforts
to counteract his nephew s tendency to lean upon the good
will of Francis. The King proceeded to express his vexa
tion in an emphatic manner, and, contrary to the advice of
his Council, refused to permit James to return to Scotland
from France through England 2 . James marriage and Henry s
outspoken wrath stultified all Cromwell s efforts to bring
about a cordial personal feeling and a lasting peace between
the two sovereigns. The Scots King was forced to travel
by sea ; but events took place on the voyage which filled
Henry with suspicion. Twelve Englishmen boarded the
Scottish ship when it touched at Scarborough for provisions,
welcomed James, and promised their aid if he invaded Eng
land. This episode was repeated at another town further
north, and it was even reported that the Scottish King had
boasted, that if he lived a year longer, he would himself
break a spear on one Englishman s breast V Such incidents
must have been unpleasant, coming as they did just after
a serious northern revolt had with difficulty been quelled,
and while the Borders were still in a wild and lawless state.
But any thoughts James may have entertained of an in
vasion were interrupted by the sudden death of his young
French Queen. Henry perhaps had hoped that his nephew
would come to him with offers of peace and a petition for
the hand of the Princess Mary, but, if so, he was rudely
disappointed. In October it was announced that James was
engaged to marry a second French wife, Mary of Guise 4 ;
and though Henry, at that time a widower, made every effort
to prevent the match by putting himself forward as a rival
to his nephew, his proposals were courteously set aside 5 .
1 Cal. ix. 178, 730; x. 75, 227, 8 Cal. xii. (i) 1286.
482, 863, 944, and Pinkerton, vol. ii. * Cal. xii. (ii) 829.
pp. 327-8. 6 Cal. xii. (ii) 1201.
2 Cal. xii. (i) 398, 399.
IRELAND, WALES, SCOTLAND, CALAIS 159
That the King of France should have distinctly preferred
a Scottish to an English alliance when the choice lay open,
stung Henry to the quick ; but he was quite aware that he
could not afford just then to quarrel with Francis or James,
and he may have regretted that he had not taken his mini
ster s advice to conciliate the latter. The history of Henry s
relations with his nephew from this time until Cromwell s
fall, yields ample proof of the complete triumph of the
English minister s pacificatory policy. Attempts made in the
past to stir up Border jealousies were completely abandoned,
and England seemed almost suspiciously desirous to show every
courtesy to her troublesome northern neighbour. A letter
of Cromwell to Sir Thomas Wharton *, deputy Warden of
the West Marches, directs him to hand over to the Scottish
officers an arrant traitor who had made his escape to England,
even if the Scots failed to doo the sernblable. Actions as
gracious as this were a new thing on the Borders : the usual
policy in the past had been for each nation to give shelter
to the outlaws who had fled to it from the other. The news
that David Beton, Abbot of Arbroath, had been raised by
the Pope to the cardinalate and was working at the Scottish
Court in the interests of Rome, made Henry still more anxious
to preserve friendship with his nephew, and to preclude all
chances of his being induced to join a continental league
against England 2 . So in January, 1540, we find him sending
Ralph Sadler, Cromwell s old friend, to James, to counteract,
if possible, the effect of the visit of Beton 3 . By the capture
of certain letters in a Scottish ship which had been wrecked
on the Northumbrian coast, Henry had been furnished with
the means of misrepresenting the objects of the Cardinal
at his nephew s Court. Sadler was instructed to hint that
Beton was plotting to usurp all the authority of the King
of Scotland, and to advise James to be on his guard. The
ambassador was further directed to conciliate the Scottish
King by a present of six geldings, to assure him of Henry s
friendship, and to suggest that James augment his revenue
1 Letters, 330. " Cf. Pinkerton, vol. ii. pp. 352-3.
8 Cal. xv. 136.
160 THOMAS CROMWELL
by suppressing the monasteries in his kingdom as his uncle
had done in England. Finally Sadler was to represent to
the Scots King the advantages of an alliance with England
over one with France, and to request him to ponder on the
desirability of eradicating the ancient enmity of the two
peoples, especially in view of the fact that he might some
day himself succeed to his uncle s crown. The result of the
mission taken as a whole was satisfactory. Though James
refused to accede to any of Henry s more definite requests,
and would not listen to any proposals to abolish the old
religion or to suppress the monasteries, he still assured Sadler
that no alliance he made on the Continent would lead him
to break with England, and further enlarged on the benefits
that would result from a meeting with his uncle, though he
puzzled the envoy by suggesting that Francis should also be
present J . The mission of Sadler marks the last stage of
the relations of England and Scotland during Cromwell s
ministry; and the fact that war between the two countries
broke out so soon after his fall, furnishes a final reason for
believing that it was by the able and unceasing efforts of
the Privy Councillor that an open rupture was so long
averted.
Lastly, a few words remain to be said on the subject of the
government of Calais. If the name of that town were graven
on the heart of Mary Tudor at her death, from the grief
which its loss during her reign caused her, it must have been
also graven upon the minds of her father and his minister,
from the trouble its maintenance gave them during the last
seven years of the latter s power. In March, 1533, Arthur
Plantagenet, Viscount Lisle, was nominated successor to that
learned soldier, Lord Berners, as Deputy there, and took the
oaths at the town, on the loth of June 2 . The choice was
certainly unfortunate, and Lisle s unfitness for his new position
was destined soon to be made evident. He seems to have
been a man completely lacking in the qualities necessary
for a good ruler of such a place as Calais was in those
1 Cal. xv. 248. Cf. also Hume 2 Cal. vi. 300 (21), 619, and
Brown, vol. i. pp. 388-9. Rymer, vol. xiv. p. 452.
IRELAND, WALES, SCOTLAND, CALAIS 161
days : he possessed small discrimination in judging what things
he could deal with by his own authority, and what things
it was necessary to report to head quarters. Hence there are
many mild rebukes among Cromwell s letters to him l , in
some of which he chides him for bothering the King about
such a trivial thing as a private quarrel between two minor
officials in Calais, while in others he mervayles not a litel
that he should be so negligent as not to make immediate
report of sacrilegious preaching. Calais was by no means
an easy post to manage; Henry and Cromwell kept its
officers and garrison exceedingly short of money ; the soldiers
wrangled and mutinied, and religious conferences amongst
the townspeople sometimes took most violent forms, and not
seldom resulted in dangerous riots. Placed as a sort of spy
on the movements of Francis and the Emperor, in a town,
the government of which on a small scale presented all the
difficulties of that of a great kingdom, the Deputy was in
a position which demanded resources greater than his own.
The first part of Lisle s administration seems to have been
comparatively uneventful. Cromwell, always keenly alive to
the necessity of having the country in an adequate state of
defence, at once caused him to repair all breaches in the
ramparts, a task which Lisle set about without competent
men or supplies ; and the immediate result of his ill-judged
attempts^to lay a new foundation for one of his walls was the
fall of the small part of the old fortification which was yet
standing 2 . Lisle was of course continually busied in pre
venting his neighbours, French and Flemish, from meddling
with the King s Pale, especially throughout the year 1536, when
the war between Francis and the Emperor broke out afresh 3 .
He tried to keep the town well victualled and in good defence,
and was zealous to do as he was bidden by Cromwell, though
seldom successful, for he lacked ability. After 1537 he was
confronted with a new and more difficult problem.
In the spring of 1538, Cranmer heard that there were seven
or eight persons in Calais, who manifestly denied Christ.
1 Cf. Letters, 86, 260. 2 Cal x
8 Cal. xi. !8.
MERRIMAN. I M
162 THOMAS CROMWELL
His Commissary there, John Butler, asserted that this report
was false, but in a later epistle advised the Archbishop that
there were three papists in the town, who slandered those
who applied themselves to God s word ; the letter went on to
suggest that Cromwell be requested to write to Lisle to have
them punished 1 . The minister, however, had heard of the
existence of certayn Sacramentaryes or deniers of transub-
stantiation there, before this report arrived, and had written
the Deputy a severe reproof for not informing him about
them 2 . The state of foreign affairs at that moment was such
as to render it indispensable for the King to preserve the
appearance of being zealous for orthodoxy, and he had called
on his efficient minister to aid him in his attempts to extirpate
heretical doctrines. The rebuke which the latter had ad
ministered to the Deputy seems in this case to have been
undeserved, for Lisle, who apparently was more on the watch
than usual this time, had certainly sent home information
about the Sacramentaries before he received Cromwell s
epistle : the two letters perhaps crossed on the way. That
of the Deputy reported the arrival in Calais of a young
English priest, lately come from Germany, who had uttered
opinions about the Eucharist which the King would not
tolerate, and which had shocked the good people of Calais
beyond measure. This young priest can have been none
other than Adam Damplip, originally a strong papist, who
(according to Foxe) had been chaplain to Fisher, and at the
Cardinal s execution had left England and travelled in France,
Germany, and Italy. His sojourn in foreign lands must have
altered his opinions completely, for when he came to Calais
his doctrines were so advanced J and heretical, that as a result
of a warning of Cromwell s, in his letter to Lisle of May 14 3 ,
a decree was made out by the Council of the town that Butler,
the Commissary who had given Damplip licence to preach }
would be held responsible for any false opinions that the
priest expressed 4 .
Determined as he was to extirpate unlawful and treasonable
J Cal. xiii. (i) 813, 934. ! Letters, 263.
2 Letters, 260. * Cal. xiii. (i) 1219.
IRELAND, WALES, SCOTLAND, CALAIS 163
doctrines both at home and abroad, Cromwell was too much
absorbed in the maintenance of his foreign policy, and the
prevention of the pressing dangers which threatened the
country from without, to pay much attention to Damplip at
Calais during the latter part of 1538 and 1539. He was far
more anxious to have the town well victualled and defended,
in case of a sudden attack from France or Spain. Damplip
himself, however, had gone over to England to answer to the
charges brought against him before Cranmer l . The result of
the examination seems to have been very favourable to him,
and the Archbishop, in a letter to Cromwell about it, supported
the position which the priest had taken up in only denying
Transubstantiation while admitting the Real Presence 2 .
But the accusations from Calais against the Sacramen-
taries did not cease. Lisle and the Council, now thoroughly
roused, kept sending in depositions against Damplip, until
Cromwell, in May, 1539, rebuked them for uncharitable
behaviour, saying that the affair was being made too
much of, and that the King was busy about other things 3 .
Exhortations to charyte and myld handeling were not
Cromwell s usual style ; and in this case at least they were
superseded within ten days by instructions of a very different
nature. The cause of the sudden change is doubtless to be
found in the debate on the Six Articles, just then at its
height. Cromwell saw the trend things were taking, and
understood that as the doctrine of Transubstantiation was
evidently about to be confirmed at home, it would be ex
tremely dangerous for him to urge leniency towards those
who opposed it at Calais. He consequently sent another letter
to Lisle 4 , in which he retreated from his former position, and
ordered the Commissary and the parish priest of Our Lady
Church to be sent in custody to England. The subsequent
appearance of these men before the Privy Council seems to
have resulted in their acquittal, and a public recantation in
the Market Place at Calais was deemed sufficient to prevent
a recurrence to the heresy. The recall of Lord Lisle in the
1 Cal. xiii. (i) 1446, 1464. 3 Letters, 312.
2 Cal. xiii. (ii) 97. * Letters, 314.
M 3
164 THOMAS CROMWELL
spring of 1540 was probably less due to his inefficiency in
handling the affair of the Sacramentaries, than to the many
proofs he had given of general incompetence. He was com
mitted to the Tower, where he remained a close prisoner till
January, 1542, when a message was sent to him that he was
pardoned and restored to favour. The story is that his joy
at hearing this news was so great, that he died of excitement
that same night 1 .
That Calais was not lost to England under the incompetent
management of Lisle (whose actions from first to last were too
much influenced by the whims of a foolish wife), was solely
due to the guidance which he received from Cromwell. The
brilliant success of the great minister s administration in
England was fully equalled by the wisdom and skill of his
dealings with her immediate neighbours and dependencies.
In every case the dominant principle of his policy had been
the same ; the completion of the work begun by Henry VII
the elevation of the Crown to absolute power on the ruins
of every other institution which had ever been its rival. In
attaining this end, which (as we must not forget) was one that
commended itself to most patriotic Englishmen of the time,
Cromwell had been confronted by a multitude of problems of
great difficulty and infinite diversity : he handled them all with
uniform success; and the monarchy, under his guidance, passed
safe through one of the gravest crises in the history of the
realm, finally to emerge triumphant, absolute, supreme in
Church and State.
1 See Life of Arthur Lord Lisle in the Dictionary of National Biography,
vol. xlv. p. 400.
CHAPTER IX
THE MONASTERIES
THE suppression of the English monasteries, though in one
sense but a single branch of Cromwell s internal administra
tion, still deserves to be considered in a separate chapter.
Of all the changes that followed the breach with Rome, none
bears as plainly as this the stamp of Cromwellian origin.
The sinister genius of the King s minister particularly fitted
him for this task of destruction, and his title of malleus-
monachorum is thoroughly well deserved. Cromwell s intent
in suppressing the monasteries was obviously, like that of
all the rest of his internal administration, the strengthening
of the Crown : how far his measures were successful in
accomplishing what was expected of them must be deter
mined not only from their immediate effects, but also from
the developments which later resulted from them.
It has been pointed out in an earlier chapter that the state
of the lesser monasteries was far from satisfactory in Crom
well s time ; but that in spite of this, when Wolsey s agents
suppressed a few of them in order to convert their revenues
to the use of the Cardinal s cherished colleges, a loud cry
of indignation was immediately raised among the rural
population. During his first few years in Wolsey s service
Cromwell had acquired sufficient experience to master at least
the elementary principles of monastic confiscation, but before
he had gone half as far as he had probably intended, his
master s attainder and his own consequent change of life had
temporarily interrupted the work. We have seen that as soon
as the King had arbitrarily assumed the Headship of the
Church of England, Cromwell immediately cast about for
means to secure him in his new position. To this end he had
166 THOMAS CROMWELL
weakened the bishops and also the lesser clergy ; the dissolu
tion of the monasteries immediately presented itself to him as
a consistent method of following up these measures. It all
tended in the same direction of severing England s connexion
with Rome and of establishing the Royal Supremacy. The
scheme of suppressing the monasteries also promised great
things from a financial point of view ; Cromwell could have
hit upon no better plan than this to aid him to fulfil his
promise to make Henry the richest King that ever was in
Christendom. If the idea of dissolving the religious houses
in order to increase the wealth of the Crown, had occurred to
Henry during Wolsey s administration, he would hardly have
dared to carry it out while there was any chance of avoiding
a breach with the Pope ; but now the course of events had
converted the only objection to the plan into an argument in
Its favour. There was certainly nothing in the conscience of
the King or of his minister to deter them from such a step,
when so much advantage both political and financial promised
to result from it.
In January, 1535, two documents appeared the first, a
royal commission to Thomas Cromwell authorizing him as
the King s Vicar-general to undertake a general visitation
of churches, monasteries, and clergy, and to depute others
to act as his agents ; the second consisting of a series of
formal inquiries to be made concerning the state of the
religious houses, and royal injunctions for their reform. The
latter is written in a strange hand, copiously interlined and
corrected by that of the King s minister *. The decrees were
quickly put in operation. By the month of August in the
same year Cromwell s two agents, Legh and Ap-Rice. were
hard at work among the Wiltshire monasteries, and sent in
their reports to their master full of ludicrously pathetic
lamentations, when unable to trump up any plausible charges
against the monks 2 . Doctor Richard Layton, who had come
under Cromwell s notice at the time of the trials of More
and Fisher, sent him a request for employment on the same
mission, and eventually got permission to go to Gloucester-
1 Cal. viii. 75, 76. 2 Cal. ix. 139.
THE MONASTERIES
167
shire 1 . He had made a preliminary visitation at Bath and
Farley, and while there had aroused the jealousy and hatred
of Legh, who wrote to Cromwell complaining that he was
not sufficiently severe, and urging the necessity of uniformity
of action 2 . A great many grumbling letters of this kind
were sent to Cromwell by his visitors. Layton and Ap-Rice
were not slow to revenge themselves on Legh by reporting
to the Vicar-general the pride, arrogance, sumptuus vsage,
and roughe fasshyon of their hated colleague 3 .
The bad character of Cromwell s agents, and the devices
to which they were forced to have recourse in order to extort
from the monks the information they desired, furnish ample
proof of the unfairness of many of the reports which they made.
The Commissioners found means, as it has been significantly
stated, * to make divers monasteries obnoxious V Cromwell
had taken special pains that the efforts of his agents should
not be hindered by any external interference : it was to this
end that he had issued the Prohibitory Letter to the bishops
in the month of September 5 . Legh, Layton, and Ap-Rice
were left a perfectly clear field, and devoted themselves to
examining into the monastic discipline, and to inducing
discontented monks to accuse their fellows. The arrogant
Legh was especially efficient in this particular, as is shown
by the letters Cromwell received from the monasteries he
had visited. One monk wrote to the Vicar-general that
the inmates of his house cared nothing for true religion, but
came to mattins as dronck as myss and [played] sume at
cardes, sume at dyyss 6 -and finally imparted the significant
piece of information that Cromwell s visitors had ordered
1 Cal. viii. 822, 1127. The King
and Cromwell were both absent on
a tour in the west and south of
England from the end of July until
the beginning of October, 1535.
Chapuys states that the object of
this trip was to win the affection
of the people on the Borders of
Wales, and to enjoy the excellent
hunting which that region afforded.
It is probable that Henry and
Cromwell were also desirous per
sonally to inform themselves con
cerning the religious houses in the
south and west counties, before
permitting their agents to com
plete the visitation. Cal. ix. 58.
: Cal. ix. 138.
3 Cal. ix. 621, 622.
4 Herbert, p. 186.
5 See ante, chap, vii, p. 115.
6 Wright, p. 133. A tag of verse.
168 THOMAS CROMWELL
him to write these opinions to head quarters. Another, John
Placett by name, sent cringing letters to the Vicegerent,
begging that his zeal in advancing the new doctrines and in
reporting those who opposed them, might be rewarded by
official exemption from rising at midnight and from observing
the customary fasts 1 . Epistles of this sort form the bulk of
Cromwell s correspondence during the years 1535 and 1536.
The chief reason why the Vicar-general did not protest
against this flood of defamatory information, which through
the efficiency of the zealous Legh continually poured in upon
him, lay probably in the fact that along with these reports
there came also letters of a somewhat different nature which
afforded him excellent opportunities for private gain. I sub-
mytt myselfe, wrote the Abbot of Rewley, fulle and nolle
to your mastershipp, as all my refuge, helpe, and socor is yn
yow, glad of my voluntarye mynde to be bounde in obligacion
of one hunderd powndes to be payed to your mastershipp, so
that our house may be savyd V We may well believe that
this proposal did not fall on deaf ears. Though we do not
possess the reply of Cromwell in this particular case, the
letters which he sent to the Priors of St. Faith s and of
Coxford in the same year, indicate that he was as willing to
accept bribes from the heads of monasteries as from any
one else 3 .
Less crafty but scarcely less efficient than the untiring
Legh was his brutal colleague Lay ton. The Sussex monas
teries which he visited in October, 1535, were so unfortunate
1 Cal. ix. 321, 322. Warwickshire, Yarmouth in Nor-
2 Wright, p. 73. folk, and Laund in Leicestershire.
3 Letters, 163, 180. Cf. also Gas- Sir Richard Cromwell, his nephew,
quet, English Monasteries, vol. i. and great-grandfather of Oliver,
pp. 413, 421. Cromwell also took received Ramsey Abbey, Hinchin-
good care that some of the sup- brooke Nunnery, Sawtry Abbey,
pressed houses also should fall to his St. Neot s Priory, and a house of
portion. He appropriated to his Austin canons in Huntingdonshire,
own share the rich Priory of Lewes with Neath Abbey in Glamorgan-
in Sussex (including its cell of Mel- shire, and St. Helen s Nunnery in
ton-Mowbray in Leicestershire), the London. Blunt, vol. i. p. 377- See
Priory of Michelham in the same also note 4 at the bottom of the
county, that of Modenham in Kent, same page.
of St. Osythe in Essex, Alceter in
THE MONASTERIES 169
as to incur his particular displeasure. He does not appear
to have troubled himself, like Legh, with devising means
to make the monks accuse one another : he reported every
thing to head quarters on his own responsibility, and wrote
to Cromwell how at one place he found the abbot the
* varaste hayne betle and buserde and the aranttes chorle
he ever saw, while at another he swore that his master would
scarcely believe quanta sit spurcities. He concluded with
two philosophic reflections that sacerdotes omnes non creati
ex natura angelica, sed humana/ and that the blake
sort of dyvelisshe monkes ... be paste amendment V He
possibly bore a personal grudge against these southern
houses ; at least this seems a likely explanation of the fact
that later investigation showed them to be no worse than
ordinary, and especially popular with their neighbours 2 .
Lay ton, however, found willing listeners to his accusations
in the King and Cromwell, and a commission was sent
down to confiscate the property of the monasteries of
Dover, Langdon, and Folkestone, and to take the surrender
of these houses into the King s hands. It was the first
step of the great devastation which was to ensue during the
following four years.
The next scene of the visitors operations was in the
northern counties. Early in 1535 Lay ton had taken occasion
to inform Cromwell that he and Legh were particularly
competent to carry on the work there. Ther ys nother
monasterie, selle, priorie, nor any other religiouse howse in
the north/ he wrote, * but other doctor Lee or I have familier
acqwayntance within x or xii mylles of hit. . . . We knowe
and have experiens bothe of the fassion off the centre and
the rudenes of the pepull . . . ther is matter sufficient to
detecte and opyn all coloryde sanctitie, all supersticiouse
rewlles of pretensyde religion, and other abusys detestable
of all sorttesV Cromwell certainly had no reason to be
dissatisfied with the results which his agents had already
accomplished, and doubtless welcomed their zeal to continue
their labours in a new field. With most astounding rapidity
1 Cal. ix. 509, 632. 2 Cal. ix. 829. s Wright, p. 156.
170 THOMAS CROMWELL
the visitation was carried through : all the houses in the north
had been reported on by the end of February. There was
certainly an object in having the work completed so quickly,
for Parliament had already met, and was prepared to take
action on the comperta or catalogue of offences sent in by
Cromwell s agents. The extraordinary hurry in which the
latter part of their task was accomplished, and the suspicious
uniformity of the offences reported, furnish a last and most
cogent reason for doubting the truth of the statements of
the visitors. There must of course have been some im
morality in the monasteries : the abbots and heads of houses
were elected by the monks themselves, who were sure to
have an eye to their own ease, and would tend to choose
those whose discipline was lax. But it must be a prejudiced
person indeed who will accept word for word the catalogues
of the religious persons reported guilty of the lowest and most
degrading forms of vice, which Legh and Layton seemed to
delight in sending to their master. Parliament, however, was
too completely in Cromwell s hands fairly to judge of the
character of the visitors, or of the circumstances under
which they drew up their comperta, and the report was
strong and clear ; so it was not long before the first Act for
the dissolution of the smaller monasteries was passed. The
statute declared that all Relygeous Houses of Monkes
Chanons and Nonnes, whiche may not dyspend Manors,
Landes, Tenementes, & Heredytamentes above the clere
yerly Value of ij C li. are geven to the Kinges Highnes, his
heires and successours for ever V Another Act was passed
at the same time establishing a Court of Augmentations of
the King s revenue 2 . Power was given to this court to
collect the spoils, lands, and buildings of the suppressed
abbeys, and dispose of them in the way most profitable to
the Crown. It consisted of a chancellor, treasurer, solicitor,
and thirty subordinates. The chief persons in it were friends
and hirelings of Cromwell s. In April commissions were
sent to the principal men in every county 3 , authorizing them
to inquire further into the state of each house, to make
27 Hen. VIII, c. 28. 2 27 Hen. VIII, c. 61. 3 Cal. x. 1191.
THE MONASTERIES 171
inventories and estimates of their property, and to ascertain
the number of monks who desired capacities for entering
secular life, and the number who intended to remove to some
other religious house. It is significant that the reports of
these men, concerning the character and morality of the
inmates, are uniformly of a more favourable description than
those of Layton and Legh.
The process of the surrender immediately followed the
first visit of the Commissioners. They sent in their report
to the Court of Augmentations, which then issued its final
orders for the dissolution of the house, and its conversion
to the King s use. A receiver was appointed to plunder
the church, and sell the lead, bells, &c. An interesting
letter, from an agent of Cromwell s to his master, sheds some
light on the usual methods of these officials. * We ar
plucky ng down an hygher vaute, writes the receiver, borne
up by fower thicke and grose pillars xiiij fote fro syde to
syde, abowt in circumference xlv fote . . . we browght
from London xvij persons, 3 carpentars, 2 smythes, 2 plum-
mars, and on that kepith the fornace. Euery of these
attendith to hys own office : x of them hewed the walles
abowte, amonge the whych ther were 3 carpentars : thiese
made proctes to undersette wher the other cutte away,
thother brake and cutte the waules V Coupled with reports
like this, came curiously confused accounts of the saleable
articles of the house, which had been disposed of, such as
Item ij brasse pottes sold to Edward Scudamor . iiij 8
Item a vestment and ij tynakles of old prest
velvet sold to Johan Savage baylyf . . xiij 3 iiij d
Item ij pannes vi d
Item a cope of tawny damaske xij d
Item a image of Seynt Katerine sold to Lee . . vj d
Item sold to John Webbe the tymber worke
of the hyegh quyer, and a auter of alablaster
in the body of the churche . . . . ix 8 viij d2 .
It will be noticed that the sums for which these articles were
1 Wright, pp. 1 80- 1. 2 Wright, pp. 267-9.
172 THOMAS CROMWELL
sold, were very small. It is said that not more than 100,000
were obtained from the sale of the jewels, plate, lead,
bells, and other valuables, which were seized in the first
suppression of the monasteries. The annual incomes of the
three hundred and seventy-six houses which were suppressed,
however, probably amounted to about 32,000, a sum
which was quite sufficient to render the measure a successful
one from a financial point of view.
In spite of the Act of Parliament, which declared that the
monks were either to be pensioned, or else moved to some
other religious house, there is no doubt that great misery
and wretchedness invariably accompanied the dissolutions.
Chapuys writes : It is a lamentable thing to see a legion of
monks and nuns, who have been chased from their monasteries,
wandering miserably hither and thither, seeking means to live,
and several honest men have told me, that what with monks,
nuns, and persons dependent on the monasteries suppressed,
there were over 20,000, who knew not how to live V The Act
for the protection of the exiled inmates cannot have been at
all strictly enforced, and there were certainly many monks, to
whom no homes or means of living were assigned. Sir
Henry Ellis has printed a document, concerning the dissolu
tion of some of the monasteries, which was written in 1591
by one whose father and uncle witnessed the scenes he
describes. It tells how it would have made an heart of flint
to have melted and wept to have seen the breaking up
of the House, and their sorrowful departing ; and the sudden
spoil that fell the same day of their departure from the
House. And every person had everything good cheap ;
except the poor Monks, Friars, and Nuns, that had no money
to bestow of any thing. The people entered the church, and
took what they found, and filched it away It would have
pitied any heart to see what tearing up of the lead there was,
and plucking up of boards, and throwing down of the sparres ;
.... and the tombs in the Church (were) all broken, and all
things of price either spoiled, carped away, or defaced to the
uttermost V Nor is this tendency of the people of the neigh-
1 Cal. xi. 42. ? Ellis, 3rd Series, vol. iii. pp. 33, 34.
THE MONASTERIES 173
bourhood to plunder in the least to be wondered at. They
knew that as the monasteries were to be pulled down they
would lose all the old charities, easy rents, and other advantages
to which they had so long been accustomed, and they naturally
wished to make good the loss. Cromwell probably did not
object to this ruthless waste as much as one would expect,
for he saw that if he attempted to stop it, the feeling against
the suppression would be so strong, that it would be impossible
to continue it. As it was, the famous rebellion of the
Pilgrimage of Grace, which broke out in the northern counties,
just as the first houses were being suppressed, gave him
a terrible warning of the general unpopularity of the change.
The insurrection, however, was soon quelled, and Cromwell s
genius was able to turn it to his own advantage, and make it
the pretext for carrying out the scheme which had probably
been part of his original plan, namely the suppression of all
the monasteries ; a step which, without some valid excuse, he
would have hardly dared to take.
In 1537 the visitors began to go to the larger monasteries,
and intimidate their inmates into surrender, mainly by threaten
ing them with punishment for complicity in the rebellion
which had just been put down. An excellent example of the
way in which this was done, is given by the story of the
suppression of the two large Cistercian abbeys in Lancashire,
Whalley and Furness 1 . John Pasleu, Abbot of Whalley,
had been executed in March, 1537, by the Earl of Sussex
for his treason in taking part in the Pilgrimage of Grace.
The Earl was commended for this action by the King, who
further desired him with good dexteritie to laye unto the
charges of all the monkes there their grevous offences,
and therwith assaye their myndes, whither they woll conforme
themselfes gladly for the redubbing of their former trespaces
to goo to other houses of their cote ... or rather take
capacities and soo receyve seculer habite 2 . The Abbot of
Furness was doubtless threatened with death if he refused to
surrender his house, for a month after the execution of his
brother at Whalley, he signed a document, by virtue of which
1 Cal. xii. (i) 632, 668. 2 State Papers, vol. i. p. 540.
174 THOMAS CROMWELL
he handed over to the King his abbey, and all its lands and
possessions, knawyng the mysorder and evyll liff both unto
God and our prynce of the bredren of the said monasterieV
Another method of intimidation was to threaten punish
ment for superstition and image worship. Against the latter
Henry s minister was particularly zealous. Some of the
images were very valuable, and could be sold for a high price.
Two of the most extraordinary of the venerated relics found
in the defacement of the monasteries have become famous
to posterity, under the names of the Rood of Grace, and the
Blood of Hailes. The former was a wonder-working crucifix,
held in great veneration at Boxley Abbey, which Geoffrey
Chambers 2 , an agent of Cromwell s, found full of certen
ingynes and olde wyer wyth olde roton stykkes in the backe
of the same, that dyd cause the eyes of the same to move and
stere in the hede thereof lyke unto a lyvelye thyng 3 / It
was seized and exhibited, first in Kent, and then in London,
and the abusion thereof dyvulged. The Blood of Hailes
was a phial of liquid, which a tradition of three centuries
asserted to have been the blood of the Saviour 4 . The head
of the monastery brought it to Cromwell in great perplexity,
swearing that he was willing to suffer the most shameful
death, if the phial had been meddled with in his day. A
commission, appointed to inquire into it, took the liquid out
of the phial, and found it to be a thick, red, sticky substance.
They then gave it back to the abbot, to keep until he heard
the King s pleasure concerning it. Meantime Bishop Hilsey
had preached a sermon in denunciation of the fraud, in which
he asserted that a former abbot had told his paramour that the
phial contained only drake s blood ; but he was later compelled
to take back this last statement, as a result of the Commissioners
inquiry. What ultimately became of the Blood of Hailes has
remained a mystery, but it is noteworthy that Cromwell was
so annoyed, at having unearthed a relic which proved value-
1 Wright, p. 153. 3 Ellis, 3rd Series, vol. iii. p.
2 This was perhaps the man 168.
whom Cromwell years before had 4 Introduction to vol. xiii. of the
helped to obtain from the Pope the Calendar, pp. 8-14 ; Wordsworth s
indulgence for the Boston Gild. Cromwell, pp. 346-7 nn.
THE MONASTERIES 175
less from a financial point of view, that when the bluddy
abbot, as Latimer called him, came to consult him about it,
he was forced to pay 140, his best mitre, cross, and
another thyng or two, to make good the amount which
Cromwell had expected to obtain from the relic. The icono
clastic zeal of the Vicar-general varied in proportion to the
value of the image l .
The first Act of dissolution had only given to the King
the monasteries of which the annual income was less than
200. But now that Cromwell, on the plea of com
plicity in the late rebellion, had contrived to bring in all the
larger religious houses, so that a general suppression had in
fact begun, a fresh Act was needed to legalize his proceedings.
So in the spring of 1539, a new statute was passed for the
dissolution of all monasteries and abbeys 2 . But long before
this the main part of the work had been accomplished. When
the monks refused to be terrorized into submission, attainder
and death invariably followed. It is but justice to Cromwell s
agents to say, however, that their methods of intimidation
were so highly effectual that attainder was the exception,
and surrender the rule. The Commissioners may well have
been surprised that any of the abbots dared to stand out
against them.
From 1537 to the end of 1539, the story of the suppres
sion of the monasteries is simply a catalogue of houses
surrendered or confiscated, on more or less unjust pretexts.
So rapidly and thoroughly did Cromwell and his Com
missioners accomplish the work, that by the end of Decem
ber no monastery in the country had been left untouched,
except Westminster Abbey, and a few other larger houses.
The climax of cruelty and injustice was reached in the
executions of the Abbots of Glastonbury and Reading.
Cromwell s famous remembrance concerning the latter was
literally obeyed. There was no pretence of a fair hearing of
his case. He was sent down to be tryed and excecutyd} as
Cromwell had ordered it 3 . The punishment of the Abbot of
1 Wriothesley s Chronicle, vol. i. pp. 76, 90. Cal. xiii. (i) 347 ; xiii. (ii)
1 86, 709-10.
2 31 Hen. VIII, c. 13. 3 Cal. xiv. (ii) 399.
176 THOMAS CROMWELL
Glastonbury was, if possible, even more unjust. Though
weak and broken with age and illness, he was arrested and
sent up to the Tower, simply on the charge of having in his
monastery a book against the King s divorce, divers pardons
and bulls, and a printed life of Becket 1 . It is stated that on
examination Cromwell discovered that he had lent money to
the rebels in the Pilgrimage of Grace, but it mattered little
whether this serious charge was proved or not. His execution
was determined on long beforehand, and his rich and ancient
abbey was plundered immediately after his arrest. His
fate was sealed long before his mock trial at Wells took
place; the verdict of the worshypfull jury was of course
guilty, and he was executed two days later on Glastonbury
Tor 2 .
Hand in hand with the suppression of the monasteries
came the fall of the various houses of the friars. This had
probably been a part of Cromwell s scheme from the very
first ; it will be remembered that several houses suffered in
the early part of his ministry, as a penalty for permitting
their inmates to preach against the King s divorce. A sort
of preliminary visitation had been carried on in 1534, at
Cromwell s command, by his agents Browne and Hilsey 3 : but
a far more energetic person was found in Richard Ingworth,
Bishop of Dover, who, on the 6th of February, 1538, was
commissioned by the Vicar-general to carry on a second
investigation, in which he was to visit all the houses of the
various orders of friars in England, to examine into and cor
rect abuses, and to expel and punish the guilty inmates 4 . As
he refers to the King s Vicegerent, as his synguler helper for
XII yeres past 5 / there is reason to think that he had been an
intimate of Cromwell s before the latter had entered the royal
service : it is possible that they had worked together in the sup
pression of the monasteries which furnished funds for Wolsey s
colleges. A greater traveller than Ingworth could scarcely
1 Cal. xiv. (ii) 206. 4 Cal. xiii. (i) 225.
2 Cal. xiv. (ii) 530, 531. Cf. 8 Cal. xiii. (ii) 102 1. Cf. also
also Gasquet, The Last Abbot of the Introduction to vol. xiii of the
Glastonbury, chaps, vi and vii. Calendar, p. 23.
3 Cal. vii. 587 (18).
THE MONASTERIES 177
have been found in those days. The number of houses he
visited during the first six months of 1538 is perfectly amazing,
but with all his energy, Richard of Dover was far less efficient
than his terrible master. When he hesitatingly wrote to
Cromwell to ask whether he should meddle with the White
Friars of Winchester, he received a smart rebuke for his
doubts, and was told that though he had changed his friar s
habit, he had not changed his friar s heart 1 . The Vicar-
general found it necessary to give him a coadjutor, and chose
a singularly apt man for his purpose in Dr. John London,
Warden of New College, Oxford, who received a special com
mission with the mayor and two others to loke vpon the
friars of that town 2 . The friars gave the Commissioners
more trouble than the monks. They seemed to have secret
ways of learning when the visitors were going to arrive, and
either carefully hid, or else sold all their valuables beforehand,
a fact which affords the most probable explanation of the
amount of poverty reported by the visitors. Still the houses
fell without ceasing ; if not by voluntary surrender, by com
pulsion. Nor did the visitors hesitate in the case of nunneries,
to resort to the most shameful devices to elicit a surrender.
London s conduct was so disgraceful, that Cromwell was
obliged to recognize the justice of the complaints of the
Abbess of Godstow against him, and * steye his procedinges V
Doctor Londone/ wrote the abbess to the Vicar-general/ whiche
. . . was ageynste my promotyon and hathe ever sence borne me
greate malys and grudge like my mortall enmye, is sodenlie
cummyd unto me withe a greate rowte with him, and here
dothe threten me and my susters, sayeng that he hathe the
kynges commyssyon to suppres the house spyte of my tethe V
It appears that London himself wrote to Cromwell the day
after to beg him to favour the abbess and her sisters 5 . Did
he perhaps feel that he had gone too far, or are we to
infer that his usual methods were even more brutal than
this?
Wright, pp. 195, 197. * Wright, p. 230.
1 Cal. xiii. (i) 1335. 5 Cal. xiii. (ii) 767.
1 Cal. xiii, (ii) 758, 911.
MERRIMAN. I N
178 THOMAS CROMWELL
And thus the work was finished. Within five years of the
time that the first visitation of the monasteries had begun,
a complete devastation of all the religious houses had been
accomplished, and a torrent of wealth had been poured in
upon the Crown, such/ says Hallam, as has seldom been
equalled in any country, by the confiscations following a
subdued rebellion 1 . The suppression which included the
larger houses was evidently a far greater financial success
than the first. A new device for gaining revenue had been
invented, and put in operation during the last few years. It
consisted in imposing a fine on every place in which a religious
house had existed, * for the toleracyon and contynuaunce of
the monastery ther 2 ; an ingenious device, which yielded
a most substantial income. The King had then in his hand,
says Burnet, the greatest opportunity of making royal and
noble foundations that ever King of England had. But
whether out of policy, to give a general content to the gentry
by selling to them at low rates, or out of easiness to his
courtiers, or out of an unmeasured lavishness of expense, it
came far short of what he had given out he would do. . . .
He designed to convert 18,000 into a revenue for eighteen
bishoprics and cathedrals. But of these he only erected six. . . .
Great sums were indeed laid out on building and fortifying
many ports in the Channel, and other parts of England V
Lacking any evidence from the sources on the subject
of the use to which the revenues from the suppression of the
monasteries were put, one must judge from this passage, and
from subsequent events. An Act giving Henry the power
to erect bishoprics by letters patent, was passed in Parliament,
May 23, 1539*. It was by the authority of this statute, that
the King founded the six new bishops sees above mentioned,
and also converted some of the old houses, such as Beverley,
Ripon, and Manchester, into collegiate churches. But the
passage in Burnet also hints at other methods of employing
the money gained from the suppression of the monasteries,
which it seems likely that Cromwell suggested. The use
1 Hallam, vol. i. p. 76. 3 Burnet, vol. i. p. 431.
2 Cal. xiii. (ii) 457 (3). 4 31 Hen. VIII, c. 9.
THE MONASTERIES 179
of the funds to strengthen the coast defences along the
Channel was always one of his favourite schemes ; it is
probable that he found no difficulty in persuading the King
how necessary such a precaution was, in view of the danger
of foreign invasion, which threatened England at the close of
1539. But the plan of selling the lands of the confiscated
houses to the nobles at low prices, is even more Cromwellian.
It immediately reminds the reader of the course which
Wolsey, ten years before, had pursued at his servant s advice,
when he bought off the popular hatred by grants out of his
own lands and revenues. Cromwell plainly saw that after the
suppression, steps must be taken to ensure the permanence
of the reform he had effected. By judicious grants he turned
aside the hatred of some of the rural gentry, who were at first
opposed to the destruction of the monasteries, and thus,
by rendering the work popular at home, he secured himself
and it from the attacks of Catholic potentates abroad. But
his action at this juncture had another more subtle and more
important result. For by the grants which he made to the
rural gentry, he laid the basis for the foundation of a territorial
aristocracy, destined at a later day to wrest from the Crown
the power which he had wrung from the older nobility, lay
and clerical. This after-effect of Cromwell s policy, which was
in direct opposition to the aims of his government, did not take
place till long after his fall. It was rendered possible solely
by the movement of events over which he had no control,
and he could have scarcely anticipated it. But it is only
fair to mention it here, in order that we may be able to look
on the suppression of the monasteries and its after-effects as
a connected whole. If we do this, the cruelty and treachery
of Cromwell and his agents in gaining their ends will not
make us blind to the fact, that in the end the destruction of
the religious houses in England certainly accomplished
other and better results than those it was originally intended
to compass.
N 2
CHAPTER X
THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE. 1536
WHEN Cromwell entered the King s service, it was inevitable
that the policy he adopted should force him to abandon all
hope of popularity with the people at large, as soon as
his real position became generally known. The efforts
Henry and his minister made to conceal the identity of the
true author of the sweeping changes of the years 1530-34,
bear testimony to the fact that they were both perfectly well
aware of the opposition the new measures must arouse in the
minds of those who were outside the Court circle and
consequently could not see the reason of them. For a long
time these efforts were crowned with success. We have seen
that it was not until the year 1535 that those who were in
close proximity to the King discovered what a power Cromwell
had become in Church and State. It was even longer before
the country people began to realize the true state of affairs.
News of the extraordinary revolution in ecclesiastical matters,
of the King s divorce and second marriage, of the packed
Parliaments, and of the ruthless execution of so-called heretics,
slowly spread among the rural population. The changes were
certainly unwelcome, but they were universally thought to be
the work of the King alone, and traditional English respect
for royalty was sufficient to check any serious outbreak. The
common people contented themselves with vague murmurings
and disloyal speeches which were soon suppressed through
the efficiency of Cromwell s agents ; and by the opening of the
year 1535 the King and his minister began to hope that the
crisis had been tided over.
But they were destined to be disappointed. At the very
moment when he began to think himself secure in his almost
exclusive enjoyment of his master s favour, Cromwell took a
measure which was destined to conduce directly to the formid-
THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE 181
able rising that nearly hurled him from his hard-won place.
The moment the Vicar-general sent out his agents to visit the
monasteries, the Englishman of the country began to realize
that the puzzling changes, of which he had hitherto under
stood so little, were going to have an important and also a
disagreeable effect on his own life. Up to this time he had
been unwilling actively to express his dissatisfaction at the
new measures, because they had seemed but remotely
connected with his own fortunes : but now there came an
evidence to the contrary which he did not fail to appreciate.
The army of outcast monks and nuns, from whom in old days
he had been accustomed to receive every sort of kindness,
now passed his door, begging for food and shelter. The spoil
which he had perhaps filched from the monastery suppressed
near by, had not been sufficient to repay him for the injury
to the inmates whom he had been taught to love and respect.
His griefs are vividly described in the following verses of a
song written for the Yorkshire rebels in the autumn of 1536 :
I. for clere it is
Crist crucifyd the decay of this
for thy wounds wide how the pore shall mys
vs commons guyde no tong can tell.
which pilgram^j be
thrughe godes grace
for to purchache for ther the y hade
olde welth & peax boith ale & bre y de
of the sp/rzVualtie. at t y me of nede
and succur grete
^ in alle distresse
Gret god^r fame
, .,, , , and hevynes
doith church pr^clame
, . * # * *
now to be lame . .
, c u j and wel intrete.
and fast in bounds
robbyd spoled & shorne 5.
from catell & corne In troubil & care
and clene furth borne where that we were
of howsez landes. in man^ all bere
3. of our substance
alacke alacke we founde good bate
for the church sake at churche me gate
pore comons wake without checkmate
& no irarvell or vary^zmce 1 .
1 Cal. xi. 786 (3).
182 THOMAS CROMWELL
Such were the complaints which arose among the country
folk as a result of the suppression of the monasteries. And
just at the moment that this intensely unpopular measure
began to be carried out in earnest, and largely as a result
of it, the veil which had hitherto prevented the people from
recognizing the true author of the hated innovations was torn
away, and a pretext was offered for a revolt, which had it
been directed against the King, would have been no better
than treason. The people fastened on Cromwell as the author
of all their troubles ; and the thought that a man whom they
knew to be low-born, of no better or more noble origin than
themselves, had been able to cause them such misery, was
enough to kindle a smouldering fire of discontent into
a brilliant blaze. A crusade against Cromwell, they argued,
could not be regarded as a revolt against the royal authority.
They had no complaint against the King, or even against any
of the nobles, but they were determined to rid themselves
at one blow of the plebeian minister whom they thoroughly
detested and whom they had no cause to respect : with the
destruction of Cromwell and his agents, they were certain
that the good old days would return. The last verse of their
war- song contained a frank avowal of their object :
Crim l crame 2 & riche z
w/t/z thre 111* and ///e liche 5
as sum men teache
god theym amend
And that aske may
wz t/^out delay
here make A stay
and well to end 6 .
The reasons why the rising against the authority of Crom
well, known to posterity by the suggestive name of the Pil
grimage of Grace, was organized, and set afoot in the northern
counties, are not far to seek. In the first place devotion to
the Old Faith, and to the cause of Queen Katherine, was
far stronger in the north than in the south of England.
i Cromwell. 2 Cranmer. 3 Richard Riche.
The Bishop of Lincoln, Dr. Legh, and Dr. Layton.
5 The Bishop of Lichfield. 6 Cal. xi. 786 (3).
THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE 183
A comparison of the comperta of the northern and southern
monasteries, or of the details of the different visitations,
will easily convince the reader of this discrepancy. In the south
occur constant complaints by the monks that their superiors
failed to observe the canons of religious asceticism ; and
on the other hand, whenever an abbot refused to acknowledge
the Royal Supremacy, his subordinates were always sure
to report him to head quarters, in the hope of gaining favour
with the King or Cromwell l . The letters of Dr. Legh from
the south of England contain frequent reports of towardness
among the inmates, and willingness to adopt the New Faith 2 .
In the north one finds none of this. The reports concerning
the monasteries there are of a very different sort : immorality
and unnatural crimes are the principal charges against the
inmates 3 . There is scarcely a record of apostasy ; scarcely
a case of mutual accusation among the monks. The abbots
and their subordinates almost invariably supported each other,
and their loyalty to the Old Faith and their hatred of those
who tried to disestablish it, gave the Commissioners a far
harder task in the north than in the south. There is also
reason to think that Cromwell s spy system operated less
perfectly there, partly owing to this spirit of conservatism
and love of the old usages permeating every sort and
condition of life, and partly owing to the great spaces of wild,
uninhabited land.
This is only the religious side. But there were other almost
equally valid reasons for the localization of the revolt in the
north. The south was thickly populated, and to a certain extent
commercial ; the north sparsely populated, and for the most
part pastoral and agricultural. Cromwell had done everything
that he could to facilitate trade, and his efforts in this direction
had been rewarded by comparative popularity in the com
mercial counties. The discontent in the agricultural north,
however, was most pronounced. The Statute of Uses had
not been in all cases correctly interpreted. It was said that
the King made such laws that when a man died his wife and
Cal. ix. 314, 321, 322. Cal. ix. 694.
3 Cal. x. 364.
184 THOMAS CROMWELL
children had to go a-begging l . Lastly, the proximity of the
Scottish Borders, which were in a continual state of disorder,
offered great encouragement for undertaking a rebellion in
the north. Cromwell was constantly occupied with the
suppression of minor disturbances there 2 , owing to the very
lax administration of the Courts and Wardens of the three
Marches, while across the Tweed an attitude of more or less
active hostility to the English government was always
maintained. There was every probability that a revolt in the
northern counties of the realm would receive substantial aid
from Scotland.
But though the Pilgrimage of Grace was locally restricted
to the northern counties, it embraced all classes, animated
by the most varied interests 3 . The objects of the insurgents
were secular and religious, their mottoes conservative and
progressive. On their banners were borne the emblems of
the five wounds of Christ, a chalice and a host, a plough, and
a horn. The first of these symbols indicated that the
insurrection had been undertaken for the defence of the
faith ; the second was to remind the commons of the spoils
of the Church. The plough was to encourage the husband
men, and the horn was in token of Horncastle : for the
banner was brought among the rebels by the commons of
Horncastle 4 . The watchwords of the rebels were of the
very most diverse nature. Some of them cried out for the
restoration of the suppressed monasteries ; others for the re
newal of guarantees against exorbitant taxation, for remedies
for the agrarian discontent, or for legal permission to leave
land by will to daughters and younger sons. All of them
united in demanding the destruction of Cromwell, whom the
people regarded as the cause of all their woes 5 . The leaders
and participants in the revolt were not of any one rank or
station in life ; the popular and aristocratic elements were
almost equally mixed. It is no wonder that a rising,
1 Cal.xi. 705, 780 (2) ; xii. (i) 70; also A. L. Smith in Social England,
xiii. (ii) 307. vol. Hi. pp. 21 ff.
2 Letters, 105. 4 Cal. xii. (i) 70 (13).
3 Cal. xii. (i) 138, 786, 900. Cf. 5 Cal. xii. (i) 163.
THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE 185
supported by men of such various classes, which aimed at
the extirpation of abuses of so many different sorts, and
which yet was united by the feeling that all these abuses
were due to one man alone, was regarded as the daungerest
insurrection that haith ben seen V
On September 29, 1536, when the Commissioners for the
suppression of the monasteries came to Hexham in Northum
berland, they were rudely surprised by finding the house
there fortified, and prepared to defend itself to the last.
The Commissioners left the town and reported the affair to
the King, who ordered them to assemble all the forces they
could muster, and if the monastery did not yield, to treat
the monks like arrant traitors 2 . But scarcely was this danger
past when news came that the Commissioners for levying the
lay subsidy, the collection of which was superintended by
Cromwell, had met with a similar experience at Caistor in
Lincolnshire. It seems they had feared some disturbance
at their arrival, and had invited several country gentlemen
to join them in case of any danger. A large force had
meantime assembled to resist the payment of the subsidy.
The country gentlemen were pursued, taken, and forced to
write to Lord Hussey at Sleaford, to summon him to join
the rebel commons, unless he wished to be treated as an
enemy, and also to send to the King to seek a general
pardon 3 . Hussey promptly reported the state of affairs to
Cromwell, and though he put a bold face on the matter in
presence of the rebels, it is evident that he was seriously
alarmed 4 . The King meantime himself received the letter
the captured gentlemen had been forced to send him, caused
the bearers of it to reveal the names of the ringleaders, and
wrote to the Commissioners for levying the subsidy, express
ing his distress at the vnnatural vnkyndness of his subjects,
and marvelling that he that is worth xxli sholde rebell for
the payment of x s 5 . But this sort of letter of mild surprise,
with which Henry had sometimes successfully warded off
1 Cal. xi. 585. 2 Cal. xi. 504, 544.
Cal. xi. 533-4, 536-9, 552-3, 567-8.
1 Cal. xi. 547. s Cal> xi<
186 THOMAS CROMWELL
pressing danger, did not prove to be sufficient in this case.
He was relieved from any apprehension on his own account ;
the rebels had expressly denied any desire to be disloyal to
the King : they only wished that the Church of England
should have its old privileges, without any exaction, that
the suppressed houses of religion be restored, and that they
should not be taxed, except for defence of the realm in time
of war. Again and again did they repeat their demands for
the surrender or banishment of Cromwell, Audley, Cranmer,
Riche, and others of the Privy Council. That the King did
not throw over his ministers in their hour of need, surely
shows that Henry was committed to them and to their policy,
and believed in it.
The situation was certainly alarming. It was very fortunate
that at the time of the outbreak the position of the King was
otherwise so strong, and England s foreign affairs in such
good condition, that every effort could be centred on the
suppression of the revolt. The insurgents evidently meant
business. Sir Christopher Ascugh, gentleman usher to the
King, wrote to Cromwell, October 6, The rebels ar in nombre
of men of armys well harnesyd x or xii m spars and bows ; &
xxx m other sum harnesyd and sum not harnesyd and
all the contrey Rysys holly as they goo before them
Mellessent your seruauni they have hanged & Baytyd Bellowe
to deth wyth Dogg^ wyth a bull skyn vpon his bake wyth
many Regorous word^ agaynst your lordeshepp V Letters
were sent to the principal men in the county, asking them to
use all their efforts to check the revolt, and the King later
declared his intention to take the field himself 2 . Cromwell s
nephew Richard 3 got all the arrows and implements of war
out of the Tower, and dispatched a number of men to
Lincolnshire, among them sixty or eighty masons and
carpenters, who were at work on his uncle s house. Cromwell
himself was in great fear. The Imperial ambassador informs
us 4 that the whole blame for the insurrection was laid
1 Cal. xi. 567. and Katherine Cromwell. Cf. chap.
8 Cal. xi. 579-80. iii. pp. 54-5.
3 The son of Morgan Williams 4 Cal. xi. 576.
THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE 187
on him. Norfolk was recalled to the Court, whence he
had been banished at Cromwell s suggestion, and the Duke
arrived at London, happy as he had never been before in the
thought that the first step towards the ruin of his rival had
been taken. But in this he was doomed to disappointment,
for Cromwell retained his ascendancy ; the King, according
to Chapuys, had been very reluctant to send for the Duke,
and when the latter was dispatched again to raise men and
prevent the spreading of the revolt, he was overtaken by
a most discomfortable message from the Court, ordering
him to send his son in his place while he himself remained at
home l . Cromwell had not only succeeded in getting him
away from the Court, but had also prevented his having
a hand in the suppression of the rebellion. The Lord Privy
Seal himself was content with maintaining his position at
the King s side. It would have been sheer madness for him
to have marched against the rebels in person. If the Lincoln
shire men could have murdered him, they probably would
have been induced to return quietly to their homes. Nor
did Cromwell even dare to give orders at arm s length, or
in any way to undertake the management of the royal forces.
He kept himself consistently in the background ; almost all
our information concerning the rebellion is contained in
the correspondence of the King with Norfolk and Suffolk. The
few letters which Cromwell did write in connexion with the
Pilgrimage of Grace are quite unimportant 2 . They consist
for the most part of messages of profuse and almost hysterical
thanks to the leaders of the King s party for their loyal
service. It was not until the revolt had been thoroughly
suppressed that Cromwell ventured again to assume the
general direction of public affairs.
Meantime the Duke of Suffolk and the Earl of Shrewsbury
had been sent against the rebels, who were waiting in Lincoln
shire for the King s answer to their first letter. Richard
Cromwell had found great difficulty in conveying to the
scene the arms and artillery he had got out of the Tower,
because the people were at first unwilling to furnish the
1 Cal. xi. 601-2, - Letters, 165, 167, 169.
188 THOMAS CROMWELL
requisite number of horses, owing to sympathy with the
insurgents, if one may believe the report of Chapuys nephew l .
Finally, however, he succeeded in overtaking the Duke of
Suffolk, who was marching with an army against the rebels
from the south, at Stamford on October 10. The Earl of
Shrewsbury, according to the King s orders, was advancing
at the same time from Nottingham. Caught between two
armies supplied with the ordnance which the insurgents so
much dreaded, the Lincolnshire men, further frightened by
a proclamation from the Earl of Shrewsbury transmitted to
them by one Thomas Miller, Lancaster Herald, began to lose
heart and finally consented to surrender, on condition that
they should receive assurance of merciful treatment. The
King was pleased, ordered the rebels to deliver up their
arms, and commanded Shrewsbury and Suffolk to examine
the country gentlemen who had aided them, and report to
him 2 . He further wrote an answer to the insurgents,, calling
them the rude commons of one shire, and that one of the
most brute and beestelie of the hole realme 3 , expatiating on
the trouble he had given himself in their defence, and assuring
them that they had no grounds to complain of any of the
new measures, either secular or religious. He was just
thinking that the worst part of the danger was over, when
suddenly news came from Lord Darcy, who was the chief
person in the north, that all Yorkshire had risen in a
similar way 4 .
The news of this outbreak was even more disquieting than
that of the first. Besides being much further from London,
where the King s armies could only reach them with great
difficulty, the Yorkshire rebels were nearer the lawless and
hostile Scottish borders. They had from the very first been
in sympathy with their neighbours in the south, and had
communicated with them by means of beacons burned on
the banks of the Humber 5 . The same motives had prompted
them to rise in arms. They elected as captain a young
1 Cal. xi. 714. * Cal. xi. 6ll.
2 Cal. xi. 674, 694, 706, 715, 717. 5 Cal. xi. 563, 622.
3 State Papers, vol. i. p. 463.
THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE 189
barrister named Aske, who issued a proclamation for all men
to assemble on Skipworth Moor, and take oath to be faithful
to the King s issue and noble blood, to preserve the Church
from spoil, and be true to the commonwealth a clever
euphemism for demanding the death of Cromwell and his
adherents. The Yorkshiremen had gone about their revolt
with far more method and system than the Lincolnshire
rebels. The latter had been easily conquered, mainly because
they lacked a head ; but the Yorkshiremen promised to
give far more trouble. They made musters by scrolls and
bills nailed to the door of every church in the county, and
proclaimed that any one who refused to take their oaths
and rise with them should be put to death, whether he
was lord or peasant. It was even rumoured that they in
tended to send an embassy to Flanders, to ask for aid in
money and armed men, and to petition the Pope for abso
lution for all offences committed in the course of their holy
pilgrimage \
The King replied at once to Darcy s letter, commanding
him to arrest all seditious persons, and promising so to treat
the originators of the revolt in Lincolnshire that all York
should soon learn that they had got their deserts 2 . Darcy
wrote to the Lord Mayor of York, warning him to be
prepared to resist the insurgents, while he himself proceeded
to Pomfret Castle to hold it against the rebels, and there
awaited further instructions from the King 3 . He succeeded
in maintaining his position at Pomfret for only ten days
however, for on October 20 he surrendered the town to
the rebel army under the leadership of Aske, and together
with the Archbishop of York, who had sought refuge there,
swore to take part with the insurgents 4 . At his trial in the
following year he pleaded that he was unable to hold out
any longer because the provisions had run short, and further
stated that he had been compelled to side with the rebels
under pain of death. He also alleged as an excuse for his
conduct that he thought that if he got in touch with the
1 Cal. xii. (i) 163, 259, 1080. 3 Cal. xi. 627.
2 Cal. xi. 611. 4 Cal. xii. (i) 900, 944.
190 THOMAS CROMWELL
insurgents, he could the more easily induce them to lay
down their arms. How loyal he really was to the King
must remain a matter of conjecture, but there is strong
reason to think that he had much sympathy with the
revolt 1 .
For a time the rebels seemed to carry all before them.
Shrewsbury had been ordered to go to Yorkshire and engage
the insurgents there, now that Lincolnshire was regarded as
safe. Meantime Thomas Miller, Lancaster Herald, who had
been so successful in obtaining the submission of the Lincoln
shire men, was sent by the King from Scrooby, on October
21, to read a royal proclamation to the rebels at Pomfret,
upbraiding them for their conduct, but promising them pardon
on condition that they should immediately disperse. When
he arrived at his destination the town had been surrendered.
Aske, although he treated the royal envoy with all due
respect, entirely refused to let him read his proclamation in
public, and sent him away with two crowns and his errand
unaccomplished 2 .
Meantime the Duke of Norfolk, who two weeks before had
returned sadly to Kenninghall with all his hopes of regaining
the royal favour blighted, had been hurried to and fro in the
south of England by a continued stream of conflicting orders
from Cromwell and the King, until he finally heard of the
disturbances in Yorkshire from Shrewsbury 3 . He imme
diately turned his steps with a small company of men towards
Doncaster, in the hope of regaining the King s favour by
a prompt suppression of the new outbreak. So anxious was
he to recommend himself to Henry, that he spent .1,500
of his own in paying the wages of the King s soldiers ; and
when this was not sufficient, and Henry refused to advance
any money, he asked for a loan to meet the expenses, and
took the responsibility for its payment upon himself 4 . Nor
folk s whole proceeding in this crisis was eminently character
istic. He never hesitated to spend money or to tell lies, if he
thought that by so doing there was any possibility of gaining
1 Cal. xii. (i) 853, 1087. ; Cal. xi. 626, 671, 758.
2 CaJ. xi. 826. 4 Cal. xi. 793, 800.
THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE 191
the royal favour. He assured the King that, in treating with
rebels, he would pay no respect to what others might call his
honour distayned, for he considered it perfectly permissible
to break promises in order to serve the Crown l . Henry,, it
would seem, did not take Norfolk s treacherous proposals to
sacrifice his own honour in the royal service in as good part
as the Duke had hoped, and wrote back hinting that if Nor
folk made promises to the rebels that he could not keep, he
must make them on his own responsibility, and take great
care that the King s name remained unsullied.
When the Duke arrived in the rebel country he issued
a proclamation to the insurgents, commanding them in proud
and haughty terms to submit, and promising to be an inter
cessor for them with the King. This was on October 27.
But the very next day he wrote to Henry that he had been
forced to declare to the insurgents the royal pardon, in order
to sparple them, and get them to return to their homes ~.
It is evident that in the meantime a meeting must have taken
place between the Duke and the rebels, in which the latter
succeeded in convincing their enemy that they, and not he,
were in the position to dictate terms. A general truce was
arranged, and Lord Darcy was ordered to cease to molest
the insurgents 3 . The dread with which Norfolk awaited his
first interview with the King is vividly described in the letter
in which he announced to the Council his prospective return
to the Court. * I come, wrote the Duke, -with my hert nere
bresten .... inforced to appoynt with the rebelltfj .... and
fearing how his maieste shall take the dispeachyng of our
bande V
Norfolk finally arrived at Windsor with two emissaries
from the insurgents, who were to report their grievances
and receive the King s answer. Henry was just composing
his reply when news came that Aske had attempted to stir
up the rebels in the other northern counties. Norfolk wrote
to Darcy that the King suspected him of treachery in deliver
ing up Pomfret to Aske, and advised him to do his best to
1 Cal. xi. 864. 3 Cal. xi. 901.
2 Cal. xi. 887, 902. * Cal. xi. 909.
192 THOMAS CROMWELL
extinct the ill bruit, by taking the rebel leader dead or
alive l . Meantime the King detained Ellerker and Bowes,
the two rebel envoys, as hostages, while Darcy attempted
to allay any fears of a third outbreak. The King in fact
was so seriously alarmed at the danger in the north, that
he dreaded that his letter to the Lincolnshire men in early
October might not prove sufficient to prevent their joining
a new revolt, if such occurred. So seeing their maner, im-
plieng a great repentance, and contrasting it with the rebel
lious attitude of the Yorkshiremen, he sent them on the i4th
of November a full pardon 2 . Meantime the report of the
probability of a fresh insurrection passed by, and Ellerker
and Bowes returned with the King s answer, with which
Henry had taken much trouble, and had endeavoured to
disguise the fact that he was really suing for peace, by pro
mising to pardon those who were truly penitent. A conference
for discussion of terms was arranged to assemble at Doncaster
on the 5th of December, in which Lords Scrope, Latimer,
Lumley, Darcy, and others were to represent the rebels, and
Norfolk, Suffolk, Shrewsbury, Rutland, and their subordinates
the King a .
Henry laid his plans carefully in preparation for this
meeting. He instructed Shrewsbury to do his utmost to
prevail upon Aske and Darcy to betray the rebels, upon
promise of a free pardon for themselves. He also ordered
the Duke of Suffolk to hold himself in readiness with a large
force in case of another outbreak 4 . There was probably far
less danger that the truce would be broken by the rebels
than by the King ; but the former certainly had no intention
of returning to their homes without at least an assurance of
a general amnesty. Henry soon realized that they were in
earnest, and reluctantly instructed Suffolk, in a second letter,
to yield to their demands for a free pardon and a Parliament
as a last resort, if all other expedients to induce them to
disperse should fail 5 . The conference at Doncaster lasted
: Cal. xi. 995. 4 Cal. xi. 1224, 1225.
2 Cal. xi. 1061. 5 Cal. xi. 1236.
3 Cal. xi. 957, 995, 1115, 1206.
THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE 193
four days, but in the end the rebels were successful in gaining
their wishes, and the desired pardon was proclaimed on the
9th of December l . Henry had never before been forced to
acknowledge such a complete check at the hands of his
subjects, and the sensations of the proud King must have been
as disagreeable as they were novel. Still it was impossible
for him to give vent to his rage until he had once more
obtained the upper hand.
So he wrote to Aske requesting an interview with him in
London. The tone of the letter is noteworthy. Though
evidently beaten, Henry spoke as if he were master of the
situation, and began by stating that he had learned that
Aske was sorry for his offences in the late rebellion. The
King also did his utmost to stop any rumours on the Con
tinent which might give the impression that the rebels had
come off victorious. He instructed Cromwell to write a full
account of the revolt to Gardiner and Wallop at the French
Court, ordering them to tell all people that though at first
the insurgents made peticzon to haue obteyned certain
articles, .... in thende they went from all and remytted all
to the kinges highnes pleasure only in moost humble and re-
uerent sorte desiring their pardon, -with the greatest repentance
that could be deuised V But Henry was a little premature
with his boasts that peace had been concluded on terms so
favourable to himself. Aske indeed came up to London,
had what certainly appeared to be a most successful interview
with the King, and returned to the North, January 5, 1537,
to confirm the royal pardon, and to promise that all reason
able petitions should be heard by Parliament 3 . But the other
rebels did not seem by any means as sure of Henry s good faith.
Aske wrote to the King a letter containing six * marvilus
congectures of the people, among which were the dread
with which they regarded the fortifying of strongholds, and
their distrust that Cromwell and his adherents were as high
in favour as ever 4 . Henry of course paid no attention to
these complaints, with the result that many of the insurgents,
1 Cal. xi. 1276. 3 Cal. xii. (i) 44.
2 Letters, 174. 4 Cal. xii. (i) 67.
MERRIMAN. I O
194
THOMAS CROMWELL
who saw plainly, as the Court historian writes, that the
King did constantly follow the reformation of the abominable
Church . . . incontinently renewed the old practice of rebelling
again 1 . 5 A plan was evolved by Sir Francis Bigod and a
certain John Hallam, to attack and take both Hull and Scar
borough : the whole country was ready to rise again, and they
anticipated an easy victory 2 . But the success of this last out
break was very short-lived. The attempt which Hallam made
against Hull failed, owing to the fact that the plot had been
reported to the mayor there, and Hallam himself was cap
tured 3 . At Scarborough Bigod was scarcely more fortunate.
He had succeeded in calling out the people of the East Riding,
and had harangued them ; ( Ye are deceaued by a colour of
a pardon; he said, for it is called a pardon that ye haue, and
it is none But a pr^clamacion. The commons responded to
his words with a great shout, and he marched off with a large
following to repair his comrade s disaster at Hull, leaving
the son of Lord Lumley with a handful of men to attack
Scarborough 4 . But Lumley deserted his post, abandoning
the command to two subordinates, who attempted to lay siege
to the castle of Scarborough in the absence of its keeper, Sir
Ralph Evers ; the latter, however, soon returned, and they
gave up the enterprise, only to be captured and imprisoned.
Bigod s second attempt on Hull had meantime also failed,
and Bigod himself fled 5 .
Meantime the Duke of Norfolk had returned into the
north, no longer as a peace commissioner, but as a messenger
of death and destruction 6 . Now that the tide of affairs had
turned and the rebels were weakened, the King thought it at
last safe to inflict the long-deferred punishment on the leaders
of the revolt. It is true that Norfolk was accompanied by a
few persons, who together with certain gentlemen in the north
were to compose a council to aid him in carrying out a general
pacification : this arrangement, however, was obviously tem
porary, and it was soon to be replaced by a more stable form
1 Thomas, The Pilgrim, p. 53.
2 Cal. xii. (i) 201, 370.
3 Cal. xii. (i) 104.
4 Cal. xii. (i) 369.
5 Cal. xii. (i) 234, 3^9 (? 166).
6 Cal. xii. (i) 86, 98.
THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE 195
of government. The true mission of the Duke was to do
dreadful execution. Before a permanent reorganization of
the north could be attempted, it was absolutely essential
that the chief rebels should be dealt with in such a way
as would deter others from attempting a fresh insurrec
tion. The situation demanded severity, and there can be
no doubt that the inclination of the King tallied closely
with the dictates of political expediency. Norfolk justified
to the full the confidence that Henry reposed in his
ruthlessness. He reported that he thought that so great
a number had never before been put to death at one time,
and confessed that had he proceeded by jury, not one in five
would have suffered 1 . All the rebel leaders were taken and
sent up to London, and by the end of July, 1537, Aske,
Darcy, Hussey, Bigod, and many others had been condemned
to death as traitors. Darcy at his mock trial had dared to
tell Cromwell : f It is thow that art the verey originall and
chif causer of all thies rebellyon and myschif . . . and dust
ernestly travell to bring vs to owr end and to strik of our
hedd^ and I trust that . . . thought thow Boldest procure
all the nobell mens hedd^y within the Realme to be striken
of, yet shall ther one hedde remayn that shall strike of thy
hede 2 . But the Lord Privy Seal was still in too secure
a position to be harmed by any such words as these. He
seemed in higher favour than ever. If Norfolk had enter
tained the notion that he had begun to supplant his rival
in the royal favour, when the King chose him rather than
Cromwell to carry out the dreadful execution, he was
again doomed to disappointment. The reason why the
King had not been willing to employ his favourite instru
ment of destruction in this case, lay for the most part in
the fact that he needed his aid in a far more important
task, to which Norfolk s proceedings were merely
a necessary preliminary. For the moment had now arrived
for the long-contemplated reform of the government of the
north, a matter in which the Duke vainly attempted to
give advice. His proffered counsel was consistently rejected :
1 Cal. xii. (i) 498. 2 Cal. xii. (i) 976.
O 2,
196 THOMAS CROMWELL
in dealing with this problem the King preferred to consult
Cromwell.
The Border Counties of England had never been governed
like the rest of the kingdom l . The institution of the three
Scottish Marches, which at first included the greater part of
Northumberland and Cumberland, took its rise as early as
the middle of the thirteenth century. Each of these three
Marches was placed in charge of a Warden, who, aided by
a special court, exercised general authority, judicial, military,
and administrative, according to his commission. There
appears also at a very early date a kind of informal confer
ence or Council of the Marches, composed of the ordinary
March authorities, sitting in conjunction with local magnates.
When the war with Scotland broke out at the end of the
thirteenth century, the King attempted through the Privy
Council to increase his personal influence in the north. He
did not disturb the existing organization however. By special
commissions he strengthened the power of the Wardens, and
later gave the government of the Marches a definite head in
an officer called the Lieutenant of the North, who represented
the King s interest, and derived his authority from the Crown
and Council and not from Parliament. The Border Counties
were thus placed under a special jurisdiction and outside the
ordinary administration of the kingdom. The tendency of
the Privy Council to mingle in the affairs of the north in
creased during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and (as
a result of the strained relations between England and Scot
land in the early part of the reign of Henry VIII) reached
its culmination under Wolsey. The Lieutenant s control had
meantime been extended southward into Yorkshire.
It may perhaps seem strange that the Tudors, with their
special genius for centralization and conciliar government, had
not yet succeeded in rendering the condition of the north
more satisfactory, when its administration lay so completely
in their own hands. But the ever-threatening danger of a
1 On this and the succeeding rican Historical Review for April,
pages, cf. G. T. Lapsley, * The 1900, pp. 440-66.
Problem of the North, in the Ame-
THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE 197
raid from the Scots, coupled with the bitter feuds of the local
baronage, tended so far to disorganize the region that the
problem of the north had remained unsolved. The attempt
of Wolsey to reform the government of the Border Counties
had consisted in a thorough rehabilitation of the old Council
of the Marches. He replaced the ill-defined, loosely-con
structed body which had hitherto done service by a secret,
permanent organization, composed principally of northern
gentlemen, but still entirely dependent on the Privy Council.
His reluctance to grant the local organ a sufficient degree of
autonomy was the cause of the failure of his plan. The
renovated Council of the Marches was forced to confess itself
incompetent to deal with even the simplest problems which
presented themselves for solution, and the old unsatisfactory
state of affairs continued with little change, until after the
Pilgrimage of Grace.
The problem of the reorganization of the north was now
vigorously attacked by Henry and Cromwell during the
absence of Norfolk. The question which presented itself
after the suppression of the revolt was whether it would
be better to create an entirely new form of government
for the north, or to reconstruct, readapt, and strengthen the
old. The principle of control by a permanent local council,
first definitely established by Wolsey, was essentially charac
teristic of the Tudor policy, and Henry and Cromwell saw
no reason to depart from it. It had been one of the chief
sources of the strength of their rule, that though they never
shrank from any change, however radical, which the demands
of a royal despotism in Church and State rendered necessary,
they carefully avoided any gratuitous innovations which they
knew would be unwelcome to the people at large. An
entirely fresh organization of the north would have been
exceedingly unpopular, especially in that most conservative
portion of England : it was far less obnoxious, and equally
effective, to infuse new life into the old regime, by granting
the Council of the Marches a sufficient degree of independence,
and above all by changing its composition. The problem
was in many respects similar to that with which Cromwell
198 THOMAS CROMWELL
had been confronted in connexion with the election of bishops.
No radical innovation was needed in either case ; the status
quo, when fortified by official sanction, was perfectly satis
factory, save for a few trifling readaptations. It was on this
basis accordingly, that Henry and Cromwell resolved to re
construct the government of the Border Counties. The old
forms were retained though under different names. The
jurisdiction of the Council of the North (merely a new version
of the old Council of the Marches) was extended so as to
include the counties of Northumberland, Cumberland, West
moreland, York, and Durham. It was given wider competence
in general administration, and its judicial authority in certain
cases was so strengthened as to exclude that of the ordinary
courts in the districts in which it exercised its functions l .
Far more interesting for our purpose than the jurisdiction
of the newly-organized Council, is its composition, especially
as revealing the identity of its originator. It seems that the
new body was largely composed of men of low birth, a certain
indication that Cromwell s was the guiding hand in its
organization 2 . The .base-born knave at whose feet England
lay had succeeded in proving to the King, that he and others
of humble origin had as much power and willingness to serve
the Crown as any nobleman in the land. Moreover the
personal character of many of the members of the new
Council was not above reproach, and though this fact does
not seem to have disturbed the King, a bitter protest was
evoked from Cromwell s rival, the Duke of Norfolk, who,
from his isolated position in the north, had watched with
increasing impatience the success of the Lord Privy Seal
in maintaining his influence at Court, and in organizing a
body obviously intended to supplant the temporary council
composed in the previous January. Norfolk s anxiety to
recommend himself to the King had alone induced him
to take upon himself the task of punishing the revolt ; now
that he discovered that with all his subserviency Cromwell
had again stepped into the place which he had coveted for
himself, his enthusiasm for executing rebels gave place to
1 Cal. xii. (i) 595. * Cal. xii. (ii) 914.
THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE 199
petitions to be permitted to return to Court. But Cromwell
was strong enough to keep him in the north till September,
and the Duke was forced to content himself with writing
letters to the King and Council, to complain of the new
arrangements for the government of the Borders which had
been made in his absence 1 . He and Cromwell came into
collision here, just as they had done before over Irish affairs :
each had his own idea as to the best method of government
in both cases, and the antagonism of the two men was the
sharper in that each knew that his favour with the King
depended on the success of his plan of administration. The
Duke from the very first was convinced that the wylde
peple of all the Marches wolde not be kept in order vnles
one of good estimacz on and nobilitie have the ordering
therof, while Cromwell and the Council asserted that the
King had already been ill served on the Borders by the.
reason of controversy & variaunce depending between the
great men that ly upon the same ; but, they continued, if
it shal please his Majesty to appoynt the meanest man . . .
to rule & govern in that place ; is not his Graces aucthoritie
sufficient to cause al men to serve his Grace under him w/th-
out respect of the. very estate of the personage ? 2 The
dispute on this point began in early February, when Norfolk
wrote to protest against certain names in a list of officers
for the north which the Privy Council had sent him.
More arraunt theves and murderers be not in no Realme,
asserted the Duke, then they haue of Long tyme been
and yet ar . . . and the same shall not only cause Light
persounes to saye and beleve that the Kingly Highnes
is fayne to Hire with Fees the moost malefactors (in
order) to syt in rest, but also not to Loke vppon theire
most detestable offence 3 . An animated correspondence
on this topic continued for several months, the dispute
finally centering about the Presidency of the new Council
and the Wardenships of the three Marches ; Norfolk insisted
that only noblemen were fitted to hold these offices 4 . In
1 Cal. xii. (i) 318, 319, 321, 3 Cal. xii. (i) 319.
594, 651. 4 Cal. xii. (i) 651, 667, 916,
2 Cal. xii. (i) 594, 636. 919.
200 THOMAS CROMWELL
May the discussion was finally closed by the King, who had
steadily supported the position adopted by Cromwell and
the Council. Henry now took the matter into his own hands,
and sent a peremptory letter to the Duke. We doo accept
in good parte, wrote the King, the declaraczbn of your
opinion for the Marcher. Neuertheles we doubt not but you
woll both conforme your owne mynde to fynde out the good
order whiche we haue therin determyned and cause other by
your good meane to p^rceyve the same For surely we woll
not be bounde of a necessitie to be smied there with lordly,
But we wolbe s^rued with such men what degre soeuer they
be of as we shall appointe to the same V The Presidency
of the Council was finally conferred on Cuthbert Tunstall,
Bishop of Durham. The death of the Earl of Northumber
land in June, 1537, served as a convenient pretext for the
suppression of the Lord Wardenship of the East and Middle
Marches, which that nobleman had previously enjoyed ; and
the Earl of Cumberland, who had hitherto held a similar
office on the West Marches, was not permitted long to retain
it. Three Deputy Wardens, Sir William Evers, Sir John
Witherington, and Sir Thomas Wharton, were appointed in
their places by the King and Cromwell 2 ; the three March
Courts were revived, and exercised concurrent jurisdiction
with the new Council 3 , which was also composed as Henry
and his minister had originally planned it 2 . In every point
the advice of Cromwell had been taken in preference to that
of Norfolk, and when the Duke finally obtained leave to
return to Court in September, it must have been with the
feeling that he had again suffered defeat at the hands of his
plebeian rival. The rebellion, which eleven months before
had threatened to hurl Cromwell from his place, had been
completely quelled, and the country had been again reduced
to internal quiet. The danger while it lasted had indeed
been pressing, but so firmly had Cromwell been established
as the King s chief minister by the events of the years 1530
to !53^5 that the storm passed over him and left him scath-
1 Cal. xii. (i) 1118. 2 Cal. xii. (ii) 254, 914.
s Cf. Gneist, pp. 513-4.
THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE 201
less. The failure of the Pilgrimage of Grace and the process
of reconstruction which followed it, bore witness to the
thoroughness with which he had carried out his main aim
in internal government, and to the security of the position
to which he had elevated himself by his temporary success
in establishing a royal despotism.
CHAPTER XI
CARDINAL POLE
THE story of the life of Reginald Pole and of the destruc
tion of his illustrious family will always be inseparably bound
up with the history of Thomas Cromwell. It affords the
most striking example of the unscrupulous policy of the
King s minister towards those who stood in the way of
the royal despotism in Church and State. It forms moreover
a valuable connecting link between the internal and foreign
administration of the time, as it concerns itself with nearly
all the great problems which Cromwell had to face.
To turn for a moment to the earlier history of Pole ; he
was born in March, 1500, the fourth son of Sir Richard Pole,
and his wife Margaret, Countess of Salisbury 1 . In his youth
Henry had helped him forward in his education, paying
twelve pounds for his maintenance at school, and later obtain
ing for him a pension from the Prior of St. Frideswide s,
while he was an undergraduate at Magdalen College 2 . Sub
sequently, by the royal munificence Pole was enabled to go
to Italy, where he worked with the foremost scholars of the
time 3 . He returned to England in 1527 and there received
many marks of distinction, but wishing to continue his studies,
he soon removed to Paris. Henry was particularly anxious
that the University there should pronounce in favour of the
divorce, and with some difficulty induced Pole to carry on
negotiations with it to that intent. When the University
finally came to the decision that the King desired, Pole
received a hearty letter of commendation and was subse
quently induced to return to England 4 .
1 Phillips, Pole, p. 3. Cf. also 2 Cal. i. 4190.
the genealogy at the beginning of s Cal. iii. p. 1544.
the book. 4 Cal. iv. 6252.
CARDINAL POLE 203
Henry now urged him openly to support the divorce, and
offered him as an inducement the archbishopric of York,
which had been left vacant at Wolsey s death, but in vain.
Pole firmly refused to approve of the King s new measures,
saying that to do so would be inconsistent with his prin
ciples \ A little later he witnessed the concessions wrung
from the clergy concerning the Royal Supremacy, and was
not slow to perceive that it was by Cromwell s agency that
the entire ecclesiastical system of the country had been
overthrown. He called to mind the conversation he had
held years before with the Satanae Nuncius, when the latter
had dared to uphold the superiority of Machiavelli s doctrines
to the scholastic learning, and soon became convinced that
England was not a safe place for a man of his ideas, while
such a person as Cromwell was in power. He accordingly
requested leave to continue his study of theology abroad, and
obtained Henry s consent 2 .
He settled down at Padua, and there lived the quiet life
of a scholar until 1535, when the King determined to find
out -about him. He sought information concerning Pole and
his beliefs from one Thomas Starkey, who had long been
an intimate of the future Cardinal. In answer to the King s
inquiries Starkey sent back an imaginary dialogue between
Pole and his companion Lupset, in which the former was
represented as opposed on principle to a royal despotism,
but still personally faithful to Henry VIII. The King, how
ever, was not contented with this vague and half-contradictory
reply, and caused Starkey to write again to Pole and ask
him honestly to express his views about the divorce and the
Royal Supremacy 3 . To this Pole responded in May, 1536,
with a letter enclosing his famous treatise, De Unitate
Ecclesiae, which he sent by his faithful servant Michael
Throgmorton 4 . This work fulfilled all too perfectly Henry s
request for a candid opinion ; so plain were its expressions
of disapproval, that even Starkey himself felt obliged to write
to the King to say how much he had been shocked by its
Poll Epistolae, i. 251-62. * Cal. viii. 217-9.
2 Cal. v. 737. * Cal. x. 974-5.
204 THOMAS CROMWELL
violence 1 . Henry dissembled his anger, and sent Throg-
morton back to Pole with a message urging him to come
home in order that he might talk with him more fully. The
King took good care to make Throgmorton himself promise
to return in any case 2 . Coupled with the King s message
came a letter of reproof from Pole s mother, which had
evidently been written at Henry s command 3 . This letter
aroused Pole s suspicions and he refused to return, alleging
as his excuse the fact that the King enforced with sore
severitie a law by which any man who would not consent
to his supremacy was declared a traitor. It appears from
Pole s reply that Cromwell had also written to him, to styrr
hym the more vehemently. If the letter of the King s
minister was half as savage and threatening as those which
he later wrote, it is no wonder that Pole was alarmed.
On the 22nd of December, 1536, Pole much against his will
was created Cardinal at Rome,, and two months later was
appointed Papal legate to England 4 . It appears that in spite
of the Ten Articles the Pope had not yet given up all hope
of re-establishing his power in Henry s dominions, and had
determined to make use of Pole as the most likely means of
accomplishing this end. The news of the latter s new dignity
and of the Papal intentions against England was received with
dread at the King s Court. It was remembered that as far
back as 1512 a prophecy had been made to the effect, that
one with a Red Cap brought up from low degree to high
estate should rule all the land under the King, .... and after
wards procure the King to take another wife, divorce his lawful
wife, Queen Catherina, and involve the land in misery ; and
that further that divorce should lead to the utter fall of the
said Red Cap . . . and after much misery the land should
by another Red Cap be reconciled, or else brought to
utter destruction 5 . We are told that Cromwell knew this
prophecy well, and that he often discussed it, and sought to
learn whether the last part of it should some day come to
pass, as he had seen the first fulfilled in his own time. Had
1 Cal. xi. 156. 2 Cal. xi. 229. 4 Cal. xi. 1353 ; xii. (i) 779.
3 Cal. xi. 93. 5 Cal. xiv. (i) 186.
CARDINAL POLE 205
Pole been able to arrive in England promptly, so that he
could have taken advantage of the disturbance caused by
Bigod s rebellion, it is possible that Cromwell s fears might
have been realized before his death, and that a reconciliation
with Rome might have taken place in 1537 instead of in
1554. But the bull of legation was unaccountably delayed
till the 3ist of March 1 . Meantime the northern revolt had
been crushed, Francis and Charles were still at war, and
Pole s chance had gone. By this time Henry had doubtless
perceived that the new-made Cardinal could never be induced
to support his cause, but would certainly oppose it as long as
he lived. As reconciliation seemed impossible, the King
turned his thoughts to arrest or execution. The foreign affairs
of England at that juncture were in such a favourable con
dition that Henry felt strong enough to dictate both to the
Emperor and to the King of France. Informed by the latter
(who was just then in terror of losing England s friendship
because of his war with Charles) that Pole was coming
through France with money to help the northern rebels,
Henry was bold enough to demand in answer that he should
not be received as a legate, and also that he should be
extradited as a traitor ; he also wrote to Gardiner at Paris to
keep good espyall on his movements 2 . A letter from
Sir Thomas Palmer, a somewhat quarrelsome knight at Calais,
would seem to indicate that a plot to apprehend or assassinate
Pole had been set on foot as early as the spring of 1537, and
Cromwell in a letter to Gardiner of May 18 further discusses
the matter 3 . Pole, however, had been advised of these
treacherous schemes, and had escaped first to Cambray and
later to the palace of the Cardinal of Liege, where he remained,
grieved and mortified at the failure of his mission, but per
fectly safe from Cromwell s assassins 4 . Returning thence to
Rome at the Pope s command, he reported the unsuccessful
result of his journey in October.
Meantime in January, 1537, Michael Throgmorton had
1 Cal. xii. (i) 779. 4 Life of Pole, Dictionary of
Cal. xii. (i) 625, 939. National Biography, vol. xlvi.
1 Cal. xii. (i) 1219; Letters, 187. p. 38.
206 THOMAS CROMWELL
fulfilled his promise and returned to England 1 . If Henry
had once thought that Pole s servant would put his loyalty
to the Crown before his faithfulness to his master 2 , he must
have been convinced of his mistake by this time ; but
Throgmorton was saved from punishment for the present by
Henry s temporary failure to subdue the Pilgrimage of Grace,
and anxiety lest fresh hostility should be aroused abroad ; and
was soon sent back to carry to his master a final warning
to desist from attacking the Royal Supremacy 3 . From this
errand Throgmorton did not return ; it would have been the
act of a madman to do so, considering the way in which
events were moving. Instead, he wrote two long and con
ciliatory letters to Cromwell, one from Rome on February 15,
the other from Liege on August 20 4 . In the first he
attempted to appease the anger of the King, which had
been aroused by Pole s acceptance of the Cardinalate. In the
second he insisted that Pole had always done his utmost for
the advancement of the King s honour and good name, except
in matters which concerned the unity of the Church. Further
more he pointed out that though Henry had treated him as
a rebel and put a price upon his head, the Cardinal had shown
great forbearance in not leaving his book against the King
in the hands of the Pope, who would infallibly have published
it, and in refusing the exercise of certain censures which had
been prepared against Henry in Rome. Throgmorton added,
moreover, that the Pope had just called Pole back to Italy to
take part in the General Council appointed for the following
November, at which it was inevitable that strong measures
would be taken against England. He assured Cromwell that
if the King desired to avoid this danger it would be indispens
able for him to become reconciled to Pole, on whose attitude
at the Council so much depended. Throgmorton appears to
have supplemented this letter with a verbal suggestion that
a conference should be arranged between the King s chaplain
Dr. Wilson and the Cardinal, before the latter s departure for
1 Cal. xii. (i) 34, 249. the King. Cf. Letters, 218.
2 There is reason to think that 3 Cal. xii. (i) 249, 296, 313.
Throgmorton had promised to be 4 Cal. xii. (i) 429; xii. (ii)
a spy on Pole s movements for 552.
CARDINAL POLE 207
Rome, in the hope that some final agreement might be reached.
He promised to use his own efforts to induce Pole to do his
part, and seized the opportunity to excuse himself for not
returning to England, by observing in this connexion that he
could best further the King s interests by tarrying with his
master. At first the plan which Throgmorton proposed
seems to have found acceptance with Henry. A favourable
reply was drawn up by Cromwell, and Dr. Wilson and his
companion, Dr. Nicholas Heath, received instructions prepara
tory to a conference with Pole 1 . But though Henry,
discouraged as he was by his failures to kill or capture the
Cardinal, appears to have been momentarily persuaded that
Throgmorton s suggestion was feasible, his minister from the
first was strongly opposed to it. The first draft of the reply
to the letter of Pole s servant bears every evidence of having
been written under compulsion, and Cromwell must have
succeeded, before it was actually sent, in persuading the King
that a mission which was to meet the Cardinal on his own
ground could only result in failure, and that the sole
thing to do was openly to menace Pole and his family with
assassination. Such at least seems the most probable
explanation of the fact that Wilson and Heath never started
on their errand, and of the singularly abusive and malevo
lent letter with which Cromwell finally replied to that
of Throgmorton 2 . The last hope of reconciliation with the
Cardinal had vanished ; not he alone, but also his aged
mother and brother in England, had been threatened with
destruction. Another obstacle to Henry s despotism was
to be annihilated, as every attempt to surmount it had
failed.
Pole meanwhile remained in Italy, assured of his personal
safety but grieved to the heart that his mother and brother
were still in England, where the King could take vengeance
on them for his own alleged treason. In August, 1538, his
brother, Sir Geoffrey Pole, was arrested and placed in the
Tower, where he was examined on the charge of having had
treacherous correspondence with his brother Reginald, and
1 Letters, 216-7. 2 Letters, 218.
208
THOMAS CROMWELL
having interfered with the King s endeavours to arrest him 1 ..
His replies to the questions put to him implicated many
others, and before the close of the year the heads of the
powerful families of Montague, Courtenay, Delawarr, and
Nevill had been arrested and sent to the Tower 2 . There is
reason to believe that the confessions of Sir Geoffrey Pole
were extorted from him by threats of torture, to serve as an
excuse for the arrest of these noblemen, and a letter of
Castillon to Montmorency asserts that their destruction had
been decided on long before, on account of their connexion
with the Yorkist dynasty 3 . Cromwell s activity in procuring
matter for the various indictments is sufficiently attested by
an enormous number of notes of evidence and memoranda for
prosecution in the hand of his chief clerk. The apparent
difficulty which he had in trumping up any plausible charges
against his victims, would seem to show that no adequate
proof of any really disloyal intent could be found. Indeed,
in order to have any sort of excuse for the arrests of the
Marquis and Marchioness of Exeter, Cromwell had to exhume
a long forgotten episode, and accuse the latter of having
ridden in disguise three years before to confer with the Holy
Maid ; while it was remembered that the Marquis had been
put in the Tower in 1531 on the charge of assembling the
commons of Cornwall for an insurrection, with intent to
depose the King. An unfortunate remark of Courtenay s
that * Knavys rule about the Kyng, and that he hoped to
gyue them a buffet oone day, was brought up against him as
a treasonable sentence ; it certainly could not have been
pleasing to Cromwell, who was doubtless the arch- knave
referred to 4 . But it is very unlikely that any of the un-
1 Cal. xiii. (ii) 232 (p. 91).
2 Cal. xiii. (ii) 695, 770, 771.
! Cal. xiii. (ii) 804, 805, 954-60.
4 Cal. xiii. (ii) 802, 979 (7). It is
said that Cromwell, in the course
of these prosecutions, contrived to
deprive the victims of all chance
of escape by inquiring of the judges
whether, if a man were condemned
to death for treason in Parliament
without a hearing, the attainder
could ever be disputed. He finally
succeeded in obtaining the reluc
tant but correct reply that an at
tainder in Parliament, whether or
not the party had been heard in his
own defence, could never be reversed
in a court of law. Cf. Hallam,
CARDINAL POLE 209
fortunate noblemen had been guilty of crimes which could
fairly be interpreted as treason. The French ambassador had
hit upon the real secret of their offences when he remarked
that they all were adherents of the White Rose l . In fact the
whole plot against Pole may in one sense be regarded as
preparatory to a final attack on the Yorkist nobles, whose
position had never been secure since the accession of the
House of Tudor. Blow after blow had been struck against
them by Henry VIII and his father, but still some vestige of
them seemed always to remain, to threaten the King s position
and endanger his succession. There can be no doubt that
Cromwell, whose action in the case was certainly influenced
more than usual by personal animosity, found little difficulty
in persuading the King that the existence of Courtenay was
a serious menace to the security of the reigning dynasty, on
account of the claim that he had to the throne as grandson of
Edward IV. At any rate, Henry seemed resolved on a whole
sale destruction of all nobles who could possibly be regarded
as rivals of the Crown, and the relationship of most of his
victims to the family of the persecuted Cardinal afforded him
a pretext of which he did not fail to take advantage. Exeter,
Montague, and Nevill were beheaded in December, on Tower
Hill, while Sir Geoffrey Pole, who had been tried and con
demned with them, was spared, mainly, as Cromwell frankly
told Castillon at the end of December, because the King
expected to get something more out of him 2 . He was
ultimately pardoned, but passed the rest of his life in musing,
going about, says a contemporary writer, like one terror-
stricken all his days V
The Marchioness of Exeter and the Countess of Salisbury
were meantime held prisoners in the Tower. On May 12,
vol. i. pp. 29-30. Coke, Fourth In- whereupon that erroneous and vul-
stitute, p. 38, adds, * The party gar opinion amongst our historians
against whom this was intended grew, that he died by the same law
was never called in question, but which he himself had made.
the first man after the said reso- 1 Cal. xiii. (ii) 753.
lution, that was so attainted, and 2 Cal. xiii. (ii) 986, 1 163.
never called to answer, was the said 3 Wriothesley s Chronicle, vol. i.
Earl of Essex (Thomas Cromwell) : p. 92.
MERRIMAN. I P
210 THOMAS CROMWELL
1539, the moste tractable parlament that Henry ever had
passed a sweeping bill of attainder, to legalize the wanton
massacres of the preceding year and to destroy the victims
who still remained 1 . The Marchioness of Exeter was sub
sequently pardoned, but the Countess "dragged on a miserable
existence in prison for more than two years after her attainder.
The only evidence of her treason was a cloth which had been
found in her house, embroidered on one side with the arms
of England and on the other with the five wounds of Christ,
the emblem carried by the rebels in the Pilgrimage of Grace.
Still execution was delayed, and it was not until the spring
of 1541, almost a year after the death of Cromwell, that an
insurrection in Yorkshire under Sir John Nevill sealed her fate,
and she was barbarously beheaded by a clumsy executioner
on May 28 2 .
Meantime the Cardinal at Rome, powerless as he was to
prevent the ruin of his family, was contriving in some way
to humble the arrogant King and the ruthless minister who
had caused him so much woe. The Pope saw that what
Henry dreaded most of all was a coalition of Francis and
Charles, and as there was a good prospect of this event at the
close of 1538, he sent Pole to each of these two sovereigns
to urge them to agree to stop all trade with England and lay
the foundation for a continental league against her. Pole
gladly accepted the task, and careless of his own safety,
though he knew that his path would be full of Henry s hired
assassins, he set out for Spain and reached the Emperor s
Court at Toledo in safety in February, 1539. When the
King heard of his arrival there, he wrote to Charles in very
much the same way that he had addressed Francis two years
before, accusing Pole as a traitor, and demanding his
extradition as such, or at least insisting that Charles should
not grant him an audience 3 . But unfortunately Henry was
now no longer in a position to dictate, and the Emperor,
realizing this, saw no reason to accede to his request, and
answered, as Cromwell later wrote to Wriothesley, that if
1 Cal. xiv. (i) 867, .15. 2 Cal. xvi. 868.
3 Cal. xiv. (i) 279-280.
CARDINAL POLE 211
Pole were his owne traytoz/r, cowmyng from that holy
father he could not refuse him audience l . But in spite
of all this, the Cardinal s mission was a failure. Charles for
the present was content with the slight rebuke that he had
given Henry for his bullying ways ; cautious as ever, he did
not propose to put himself in a position from which he could
not retreat until he was sure of his ground, and intimated
to the legate that the Pope had made a great mistake in
publishing censures which he could not enforce. Pole could
not obtain his consent to the Papal proposals and left Toledo
much discouraged 2 . He was also exceedingly suspicious
of some design of Sir Thomas Wyatt s to cause his assassina
tion, and mentioned it in a later letter to Cardinal Contarini :} .
That his fears were not entirely groundless is shown by
a cipher letter from Wyatt to Cromwell containing many
passages pregnant with hidden meaning which can only be
explained if such a design is premised 4 . Pole soon betook
himself to his friend Sadolet at Carpentras, whence he sent
a messenger to Francis on the same errand as that on which
he himself had gone to Charles. The French King s reply was
as unsatisfactory as the Emperor s had been, and in 1540 the
Cardinal returned to Rome with his mission unaccomplished,
and deriving only small consolation from the thought that he
had been successful in baffling the attempts of Henry s and
Cromwell s assassins.
The story of Pole s life between 1535 an< 3 1540 is the
thread which binds together the foreign and domestic, secular
and religious history of Cromwell s administration. The
Cardinal s attempts to make the King renounce his title
of Supreme Head and the other insignia of the despotism
to which Cromwell had raised him at home were an absolute
failure, and were punished with the shockingly unjust and
cruel destruction of his family. Still his efforts to thwart
the main aim of the foreign policy of the time, namely the
separation of the interests of France and Spain, though not
directly successful, were instrumental in bringing about the
1 Letters, 301. 8 Cal. xiv. (ii) 212.
2 Cal. xiv. (i) 603. 4 Cal. xiv. (i) 560.
P 2
212 THOMAS CROMWELL
fall of his arch-enemy Cromwell. For the endeavours of
the Cardinal were one of a number of things which combined
to persuade the minister that the catastrophe which seemed
imminent throughout the year 1539 could not be averted
without external aid, and thus to induce him to take a step
on his own responsibility which soon led him into disastrous
conflict with the King.
CHAPTER XII
THE FOREIGN POLICY
DURING the ten years of Cromwell s ministry, the relations
of England with the great continental powers presented
a problem fully as difficult as that afforded by the course of
events at home. Cromwell s efforts to cope with the dangers
which threatened England from without were far less success
ful than his internal administration : in the latter he never
failed to render invaluable service to the Crown, while in the
former he made the mistake which finally lost him the royal
favour and brought him to the block. As the results of the
minister s external policy thus led directly to his fall, we may
now return to the chronological order of events, which was
abandoned while the various phases of his home government
were under consideration.
Cromwell had entered the King s service in 1530 with
training and talents which rendered him far more competent
to undertake the domestic administration of the country than
to guide its foreign affairs. His acquaintance with different
trades, his legal ability, and his experience in the suppression
of the smaller monasteries for Wolsey s purposes were of
inestimable value to him throughout his ministry in dealing
with problems at home. But in the management of affairs
abroad he was still very inexperienced. He had borne no part
in the great schemes of external policy which had occupied the
Cardinal, and though his speech in the Parliament of 1523
showed a very just appreciation of the situation of England
abroad, he had had no opportunity to put his ideas into
practice. Thus at the outset we find him cautiously remaining
in the background and awaiting the development of the
King s foreign policy. In this he was wise, for at Wolsey s
fall Henry had resolved to take the external administration
214 THOMAS CROMWELL
of England Into his own hands. We have seen that the
Cardinal s failure had taught him the danger of concluding
any definite alliance with either France or Spain, while the
two great continental rivals remained at war. He had learned
that England s best security lay in maintaining a position
of neutrality between Charles and Francis, and in balancing
one against the other, while all disputes betwe en them were
encouraged under cover of offers of mediation. It was along
these lines that Henry had determined to guide the foreign
affairs of England, as soon as order could be brought out
of the chaos caused by the divorce. How correct his decision
was is proved by the utter collapse of the Imperial alliance
of 1543, the only really permanent departure from the policy
of neutrality which Henry ever made after the death of
Wolsey. A complete change of the political horizon led him
into it, only to be left in the lurch by the Emperor at the
peace of Crepy l in the same way that he had been abandoned
before by Francis at the treaty of Cambray. But during the
life of Cromwell the King made no such blunder as this.
Though he sometimes wavered, he never definitely renounced
the policy of neutrality, although his minister, who sometimes
doubted its efficacy, made several efforts to induce him to
^abandon it. There can be no doubt that, from the very first,
Cromwell over-estimated the danger of a foreign invasion and
failed to appreciate the real strength of England s isolated
position : he was deceived by constant menaces which never
really bore fruit. A more intimate acquaintance with the
practical and calculating nature of Charles V would certainly
have convinced the King s minister that however much the
Emperor threatened, he would never actually embark on
the somewhat remote project of a crusade against England,
until a great many affairs in his own scattered dominions on
the Continent had first been settled to his satisfaction. But
\CromweH s inexperience in the management of foreign affairs
Blinded him to this important fact : and his over-eagerness to
seek means for England s defence proved his ultimate ruin.
After successfully co-operating with Henry for seven years on
1 Cf. Robertson, vol. ii. p. 135.
THE FOREIGN POLICY 215
the basis of maintaining strict neutrality between France and
Spain, and of encouraging all disputes between them, he
abandoned the wise policy of his master in favour of an
alliance in Germany which, in. one form or another, had been
under consideration on several occasions before, but which
had been abandoned every time as unnecessary. This new
alliance turned out disastrously. At the moment of its
completion, the situation on the Continent which had called
it into existence suddenly changed ; it was thrown over,
together with the minister who had originated it. Such
is the outline of the history of England s foreign affairs
from 1530 till Cromwell s fall. We can now take up the very
complicated story in detail.
Although Henry ardently desired at once to put in practice
the policy of neutrality which he had learned from Wolsey s
failure, the affair of the divorce had thrown everything into
such confusion that an immediate application of the new
principle was impossible. In fact it was not until the
beginning of the year 1536 that the King was able to assume
the position he desired in his relations with France and Spain.
The alliance with France which Wolsey had bequeathed to
Henry was so close that the King saw that he must at least
partially withdraw from it, before he could hope to come
to such terms with the Emperor as would enable him to act
the part of a neutral and benevolent mediator between the
foreign powers. But at this juncture the King s anxiety
to obtain a legal justification for his second marriage was
paramount in his mind. In fact it almost seems to have
blinded him temporarily to the policy that he doubtless
intended ultimately to pursue. His energies were all bent
towards securing the aid of Francis in his grete matier ;
and for the moment he postponed his policy of conciliating
the Emperor, who was of course at that time in league with
the Pope. Each pair of allies had interviews and counter-
interviews, but with very different results. While Henry and
Francis were at first most cordial, Clement counted Charles
proffered friendship as of slight weight, against the prospect
of losing the support of the two most powerful kings of
216 THOMAS CROMWELL
Christendom, and of being forced to submit to the summoning
of the General Council by which the Emperor proposed to
rectify the abuses which had crept into the Holy Church 1 .
The visit at Bologna of Francis ambassadors, Cardinals
Tournon and Grammont, undid all that Charles threats had
accomplished 2 , and Clement, although he feebly menaced
Henry with excommunication in case he proceeded with his
second marriage 3 , refused to accede to the Emperor s wishes
that he should take more active measures against England.
Meantime Henry had endeavoured to come to an under
standing with the See of Rome concerning the hearing of his
case before a Council, in the hope that by giving the Pope
fair words, he might still obtain a favourable decision 4 . The
King s confidence in the ultimate success of his efforts was
so high at the opening of the year 1533, that ne dared to give
it expression by increasingly harsh treatment of Katherine.
She was moved further away from the Court than ever
before, and hardly a day passed without seeing her subjected
to some new indignity. Every effort which her friends made
on her behalf seemed unavailing. As petitions to Henry
himself were unanswered, Chapuys in despair turned to
Cromwell, whom he had by this time recognized as the man
who managed all the King s affairs 5 . But Cromwell succeeded
in evading the demands of the Imperial ambassador also ; in
fact he displayed such ability in beknaving Chapuys that
Henry always employed him in future to answer the perfectly
justifiable complaints of the Spanish representative. Cromwell
delayed the interview which the ambassador had requested
until he had had time to consult with the King 6 : and when
he finally met Chapuys, he spent much time in applauding
all the efforts that had been made to maintain friendly
Ranke, Popes, vol. i. p. 77. illness. Cf. Cal. vii. 959. Though it
Cal. vi. 64, 92. is certain that he suffered at times
! Cal. v. 1545. from violent attacks of ague, it is
Cal. vi. no. doubtful if it was always his ill-
Cal. vi. 465. health which prevented him from
6 Cal. vi. 508. Cromwell often fulfilling his engagements to the
begged to be excused from a pro- Imperial ambassador,
mised interview on the plea of
THE FOREIGN POLICY 217
relations between Spain and England. But when urged to do
his best to protect the Queen and Princess from the ignominies
to which they were subjected, Cromwell s replies were evasive,
if not absolutely untruthful. Chapuys was so exasperated at
the cool way in which his claims to justice had been set aside,
that he took occasion to hint that Charles and Francis might
some day join forces against England, to * which Cromwell
assented, but showed no great joy thereat. The threat,
however, had no lasting effect. The treatment of the Queen
went on from bad to worse, and two months later the same
conversation took place all over again, with the same
unsatisfactory result 1 . As long as Cromwell consented to
obey his master s commands implicitly, and to devote himself
solely to finding means to carry out the plans which the
King s riper experience told him were feasible, without trying
to take the lead himself, the two were an almost invincible
combination.
But the time was soon to come when Chapuys prophecy
of a coalition of France and Spain seemed more likely to be
fulfilled. Henry s impatience to conclude his matrimonial
troubles finally led him to throw caution to the winds. He
had, as we have already seen, postponed the application of
his wise policy of neutrality in the hope of obtaining aid from
France. But the French King did not move quickly enough
to suit him, and in the summer of 1533 he committed such
a breach of diplomatic courtesy that he completely alienated
his nere and dere brother. He had overtaxed his friendship
with the King of France by requiring him to support every
move he made, and to threaten the Pope, if his Holiness
refused to do the same. Francis only partially acceded to
Henry s wishes. Meantime all hope of obtaining the divorce
from Rome had been abandoned owing to Cromwell s advice ;
the affair was tried in England, and Anne Boleyn was
publicly proclaimed Queen. A provisional sentence of ex
communication was passed on Henry in July, giving him
till September to decide whether he would take Katherine
back or not. A few months before, Francis and Henry had
1 Cal. vi. 918 ; viii. 263, 327, 355, 948 ; ix. 594.
218 THOMAS CROMWELL
together endeavoured to win over the Pope against the
Emperor : now that the bull of excommunication had come,
Francis continued his good offices by offering to mediate
for Henry with the Holy See. Henry, however, blusteringly
assured him that he was not in need of any mediation he
hoped that Francis would not trouble himself 1 . But the
latter would not take the hint that England s policy towards
the See of Rome had changed from conciliation to open
hostility, and invited Clement to meet him at Marseilles, to
see if he could not bring about an agreement. The .Pope,
who needed Francis aid in the furtherance of his own plans
for the prevention of the dreaded Council, readily accepted
the opportunity which had been offered 2 . Henry was of
course unable to prevent an interview between the two
potentates, but he attempted to throw cold water on the
whole affair by sending an embassy to Clement while the
latter was the guest of the King of France, to announce to
his Holiness that he intended to appeal against his sentence
to the very General Council which the Pope was attempting
to forestall. The chief result of this extraordinary proceeding
was simply to deprive the King of the only ally that he had.
Francis was naturally exceedingly angry, and flatly refused
to fight Henry s battles for him any more 3 . Such was the
reward reaped from the alliance which Wolsey six years
before had been at such pains to bring about, in the hope of
obtaining much-needed support in the matter of the divorce 4 !
So far it certainly seemed as if Henry s foreign policy,
Cal. vi. 614, 641. Neither writer produces any very
1 Ranke, Popes, vol. i. p. 77. conclusive evidence in support of
1 Cal. vi, 1426, 1427. his theory: but Mr. Friedmann s
1 Mr. Friedmann (Anne Boleyn, view is certainly, on the face of it,
vol. i. pp. 225, 250 fF.) believes that the more plausible. It may be too
this break with France was due to much to say that it was by Crom-
the influence of Cromwell, who had well s advice that Francis was in-
urged the King to strike out an suited at Marseilles, but it is certain
independent policy as regards the that the King s minister evinced
Pope. M. Bapst (Deux Gentils- a decided preference for an Imperial
hommes, pp. 97, 113), on the other alliance long before the year 1535.
hand, thinks that the King s minister Cf. Froude, The Divorce of Cathe-
originally favoured the French alii- rine of Aragon, p. 308.
ance, and adhered to it until 1535.
THE FOREIGN POLICY 219
instead of gaining him his desired position as neutral and
pretended mediator between France and Spain, had only
served to alienate both. As his cruel treatment of Katherine
and Mary had not improved his position with Charles, he
had to cast about for other allies to counterbalance the effect
of his tiff with Francis. It is at this juncture that Cromwell
first steps into prominence in connexion with foreign affairs.
There can be little doubt that the negotiations with the
Lutheran princes, which began in July, 1533, were planned by
him. It is of course natural to look to the man, whose
name six years later became inseparably associated with a
German alliance, as the originator of the scheme ; in addition
to this there is documentary evidence. A letter which
Chapuys wrote to the Emperor, July 30, 1533, informs us that
two of Cromwell s men (one of whom later turned out to be
his trusty Stephen Vaughan) had been sent to Germany pre
sumably to embroil all they could l ; and on August 3,
a letter reporting the progress of the ambassadors was written
by them to Cromwell from Antwerp 2 . Vaughan and his
companion, a certain Christopher Mont, arrived in Niirnberg
on the 22nd, whence they sent home minute accounts of the
state of religion in Germany ; the one observing, with apparent
regret, that the country was not nearly as disturbed as had
been thought, while the other assured Cromwell that he had
never seen a land whose towns were so much divided 3 . Some
time in the autumn Cromwell sent a reply to Mont, praising
his diligence, and urging him above all things to discover the
state of feeling in Germany towards the King of England
and the Emperor 4 . The envoy appears to have returned
from his preliminary tour of investigation before the close of
the year, for in January, 1534, he was sent back again to
Germany, this time accompanied by Nicholas Heath, with
instructions to convey to the Lutheran princes the sym
pathy of the King of England, as being also an enemy of
the Pope, and to express his willingness to unite with them
for the extirpation of false doctrines 5 . England s overtures,
1 Cal. vi. 918. 2 Cal. vi. 934. 3 Cal. vi. 1039-40.
* Letters, 64. 5 Cal. vii. 21.
220 THOMAS CROMWELL
however, were not received with as much enthusiasm as
Henry perhaps had expected, and nothing definite resulted
from the mission of Heath and Mont for a long time. The
Germans probably had serious misgivings about the genuine
ness of Henry s Protestantism, and their suspicions of his
sincerity were confirmed by a new development of England s
foreign policy in the same year.
As one of the consequences of an unwarrantable act of
piracy near the English coast in the autumn of 1533, Henry
had been able to get hold of a prominent young man of
the violently Protestant town of Liibeck, by name Mark
Meyer. At London he was treated with the greatest courtesy
by the King and Cromwell, and returned to his native city
invested with the honour of knighthood l . Such bounty was
seldom showered on anybody by Henry VIII without some
ulterior purpose, and Meyer s case was no exception to the
general rule. It soon transpired that proposals had been
made for a close alliance between England and Liibeck 2 .
Ever since the peace of Stralsund in 1370, the cities of the
Hanseatic League had claimed a decisive voice in the affairs
of the neighbouring realm of Denmark 3 : the death of the
king of that country in April, 1533, had left the throne vacant,
and Liibeck was at this moment bent on obtaining the dis
posal of it. Henry signified his willingness to aid the
Liibeckers in this enterprise, on condition that they would
promise that if they were successful they would be guided by
him in the final bestowal of the Danish crown. In May,
1534, the Liibeckers sent an embassy to England 4 , and the
proposals of the previous year were accepted.
The new alliance had a very important bearing on the
larger issues of Henry s foreign policy. The social and
political revolution which had been in progress in Liibeck
since 1530 had placed the power in the hands of a party
whose anti-papal tendencies were fully as violent as those of
the Wittenberg theologians, and whose conscientious scruples
were of less weight, when thrown into the scales of political
[ Cal. vi. 1510. 3 Schafer, p. 512.
! B. M. Nero B. iii, 105. 4 Rymer, vol. xiv. p. 539.
THE FOREIGN POLICY 221
expediency 1 . The treaty concluded with England contained
certain doctrinal statements which lay suspiciously close
to the needs of Henry s immediate position 2 , and the
King must have been at least temporarily convinced that
he had obtained a valuable ally against the See of Rome.
The treaty with Liibeck was also a very distinct move against
the Emperor, for an Imperial candidate had been proposed
for the vacant throne of Denmark, and by supporting the
Liibeckers Henry necessarily opposed Charles. But the new
alliance failed to accomplish what was expected of it : in
fact it actually worked to England s disadvantage. Before
its conclusion, George Wullenwever, the demagogue whom
the recent upheaval had rendered temporarily supreme in
Liibeck, had offered to support the claims of the Lutheran
Duke of Holstein to the Danish throne ; but when Holstein,
unwilling to gain his ends by force, prudently refused the
proffered aid, the friendship of the Liibeckers was converted
into bitter enmity. They soon invaded his lands, but were
repulsed and besieged in turn in their own city : a peace
of a most extraordinary nature finally resulted, by which an
agreement was reached in regard to the affairs of Holstein,
though both parties reserved the right of continuing the war
for the disposal of the crown of Denmark. That country
in the meantime, seeing that its sole chance of safety lay
in obtaining a strong and capable leader, elected the Duke
of Holstein to the vacant throne, under the title of Christian III
a severe blow to the pretensions of the Liibeckers, who
were now robbed of their best excuse for interference in
Danish affairs, namely their professed desire to introduce
pure religion there 3 . Liibeck, however, had now gone too
far to draw back, and prepared to attack the new King in
1 Waitz, vol. i. p. 83. dispensatio. Entwurf eines Ver-
2 One of the provisions of the trags zwischen Konig Heinrich
proposed agreement was : * Ducere und Liibeck ; Sommer, 1534. Tran-
uxorem fratris mortui sine liberis est scribed from the original in the
jure divino et naturali prohibitum. Archives at Weimar ; Waitz, vol.
Contra prohibitiones divinas inva- ii. pp. 319-25.
lida ac prorsus nulla est Romani 3 Ranke, vol. iii. pp. 406-425.
pontificis vel cujuscumque alterius
222 THOMAS CROMWELL
connexion with England. Henry must have been much
annoyed at the complication into which his new alliance had
led him it seemed doubly foolish, in view of his attempts to
conciliate the German Protestants, that he should get himself
entangled with the enemies of those whom he wished to
make his friends. But though the King was advised by
Dr. Barnes, the English ambassador at Hamburg, to drop
Liibeck and conciliate Christian 1 , he was as usual too proud
to acknowledge that he had made a mistake. He soon
reaped the reward of his obstinacy, as the Liibeckers, in their
new attempt to overthrow Christian, were again completely
defeated. Henry had aided them with the services of two
skilled engineers, and the Danish King sent an embassy to
demand an explanation of his conduct 2 . Christian s envoy
was treated with scant courtesy by the King and Cromwell,
the latter vainly attempting to conceal his master s anxiety
by several preposterous lies 3 . But still the King was un
willing to consent to a complete reversal of his Liibeck
policy, and finally sent the ambassador home with an answer
which Chapuys characterizes as obscure and ambiguous.
Several subsequent victories of Christian, in which certain
English ships which had been sent to aid the Liibeckers were
captured, were sufficient however to convince Henry that he
had unduly despised the power of the new Danish King ;
and though his relations with Liibeck continued to be
friendly, he carefully abstained from any further active
measures on her behalf. But he had already done enough at
least temporarily to alienate his Lutheran friends, who were
shocked at the way in which the King of England attached
himself to people whose religious principles were as extreme
as those of the Liibeckers, and who had dared to attack one
of their own number.
Thus each of the two alliances with which Henry had
sought to fortify himself against France and Spain had
rendered the other worthless. The King probably bitterly
regretted that his matrimonial difficulties had led him to stray
so far from the policy which he originally intended to pursue.
1 Cal. vii. 970. 2 Cal. viii. 72, 327. 3 Cal. viii. 556, 1178.
THE FOREIGN POLICY 223
Had he been able to secure his desired position as neutral
and pretended mediator between France and Spain, he could
have relied on this eminently advantageous situation alone to
secure safety for England abroad, without troubling himself
about any outside alliance. But to attain this position was
impossible, as we have seen, until he became reconciled to
Charles, and reconciliation with Charles was out of the
question as long as Katherine remained subjected to such
indignity. Here lay the key to the whole situation. The
treatment of the divorced Queen was the sole hindrance to
a cordial relation between Spain and England, and con
sequently to the final application of the policy which Henry
so ardently desired. But there could be no hope of an
alleviation of her sufferings, for the King and Cromwell were
by this time irrevocably committed to a brutal attitude
towards Katherine and her daughter by the course of events
since the first trial of the divorce. The inference was obvious.
As long as Katherine lived, a reconciliation with Charles, with
all its attendant benefits, was impossible : her death alone could
pave the way for it. That these thoughts had already taken
shape at least in Cromwell s mind is proved by a hint which
the King s minister dropped in Chapuys presence in August,
1534, to the effect that the death of the Queen and Princess
would remove all occasion for a quarrel between their masters l .
But the autumn of 1534 saw several events which served to
encourage the King and his minister, and seemed temporarily
to postpone the necessity of coming to terms with the
Emperor. The first of these events was the death of the
Pope in September, an occurrence which, according to
Chapuys, caused Henry and Cromwell such joy that the
latter was unable to refrain from saying several times in
public that this great devil was dead, and it seemed as if he
was very sorry that he could find no worse name for him
than devil V Francis moreover, solely on account of his very
strained relations with Charles, had slowly begun to recover
from the effects of Henry s discourtesy at Marseilles, and had
made fresh efforts to come to terms with England again ;
1 Cal. vii. 1095. 2 Cal. vii. 1257.
224 THOMAS CROMWELL
while Henry, unwilling as yet to proceed to extremities in
order to gain the friendship of Charles, welcomed the prospect
of a renewal of amity with France. But the satisfaction
which the King derived from the attitude of Francis was
rudely dispelled in a few months. Several interviews which
had been arranged between the two sovereigns had failed, for
various reasons, to take place, but the Emperor meantime
had not been idle. Imbued with the idea of vindicating the
rights of the Princess Mary by some decisive stroke, he had
actually sent the Count of Nassau to the French Court to
suggest that Francis should ask Henry to give her to the
Duke of Angouleme 1 . Francis considered the Emperor s
plan worth a trial, and in October sent over an embassy under
Admiral de Brion to propose it to the King of England.
Henry had little idea of the unpleasant surprise that was in
store for him, and made great preparations for the reception
of the Frenchmen, and Cromwell sent for a number of beautiful
young ladies to come to the Court to entertain them 2 . There
seems to be some doubt whether de Brion first proposed that
Mary should be given to the Duke of Angouleme or to the
Dauphin 3 , but both suggestions were equally disagreeable to
Henry. An acceptance of either proposal would of course
involve retracting his declaration that Mary was illegitimate,
and annulling his hard-earned invalidation of his first marriage,
and yet he dared not insult Francis a second time. His first
reply, according to Chapuys, was that he would agree to give
Mary to Angouleme if both would make a solemn renuncia
tion of all claims that they could bring forward to the English
throne 4 . But the Spanish ambassador seemed to think that
this proposal would not prove satisfactory, and we gather
from the official report of Henry s answer that the suggestion
was dropped. Instead, however, the King finally replied that
if Francis could obtain from the new Pope a decision that the
sentence of Clement was void, he might be induced to renounce
his claim to the French throne in exchange for certain lands
1 Cal. vii. 1060, and Baumgarten, 3 Cal. vii. 1483, 1554.
vol. iii. pp. 145-6. 4 Cal. vii. 1554.
2 Cal. vii. 1437.
THE FOREIGN POLICY 225
and titles in the Netherlands, and further hinted that it might
be possible to arrange a match between Elizabeth and the
Duke of Angouleme 1 . But this proposal amounted to little
more than a diplomatic refusal of Francis request. De Brion
went away disappointed, and forgetting his usual caution, and
the fact that England was still in a stronger position than
France, determined to avenge himself for the failure of his
mission by parading before the eyes of Cromwell and his
master the probability of the dreaded alliance of France and
Spain, in much the same way that Chapuys had done in the
previous year. When Cromwell appeared in the great hall
to make the farewell present, the Admiral disengaged himself
from the crowd, and came to the Imperial ambassador with
the greatest civility, expressing his regret at not having seen
the Princess Mary, * the principal gem of the kingdom/ and
finally declaring that if he and Chapuys could only bring their
masters to accord, all would go well -.
In spite of Cromwell s boasting, we may well believe that
de Brion had succeeded in making Henry feel very uncomfort
able. The inferences which the King must have drawn from
the conduct of the ambassador at his departure were further
confirmed by the ominous silence from France which followed
the Admiral s return. But Francis himself was in too pre
carious a position to afford to throw away any chances, so
after a couple of months delay, he pocketed his pride and sent
over another embassy under Palamedes Gontier, Treasurer of
Brittany, to continue negotiations on the basis of a marriage
between Elizabeth and the Duke of Angouleme. Henry was all
the more annoyed that Francis should take him at his word,
and entertain seriously the somewhat chimerical proposal
with which he had dismissed de Brion ; and the mission of
Gontier failed as signally as its predecessor had done, in
coming to any definite conclusion 3 . But Henry had chosen
a very poor moment to administer this final rebuff; for the
Emperor had departed on an expedition against Tunis, and
thus left Francis a comparatively free hand on the Continent.
The advantage of position had hitherto lain with England,
1 Cal. vii. 1483. 2 Cal. vii. 1507. 3 Cal. viii. 174, 557.
MERRIMAN. I Q
226 THOMAS CROMWELL
but the absence of Charles totally altered the aspect of affairs.
The French King felt himself once more master of the situa
tion, and was not slow to inform Henry that he did not
propose to be dallied with any longer. The reconquest of
Milan was at this moment his heart s desire ; to accomplish it
he needed English aid. So he commissioned the Bailly of
Troyes to convey to Henry a Papal brief which had been
sent to the French Court, and which required all Christian
princes to cease to hold intercourse with the heretical King
of England ; he further instructed his ambassador to make it
clear that the sole consideration which would induce the King
of France to disregard the brief, would be a liberal contribu
tion of English gold, whenever he saw fit to make war on the
Emperor. This announcement, which was practically an
ultimatum, took Henry completely by surprise : angry words
passed between him and the French envoy, but there was no
use disguising the fact that Francis had the upper hand J .
The King finally sent Gardiner to Paris to answer the French
claims ; the instructions which the ambassador received reveal
a much more conciliatory attitude than Henry had yet adopted
towards France 2 . The gravity of the situation was further
confirmed by the seizure and detention at Bordeaux of several
English ships, for the recovery of which Cromwell kept writing
urgent letters to the Bishop of Winchester 3 . It was at this
juncture that the King and his minister made a feeble effort
to reap some reward from the mission of Heath and Mont to
the Lutherans in the preceding year. Attempts were made
to bring the reformer Melancthon to England, or at least to
prevent his going to Francis, who had sent for him in order
to obtain the support of his followers against Charles 4 . The
latter effort was superfluous ; the former failed. Melancthon
had no intention of going to France, but the King and
Cromwell could not persuade him to come to England either.
Henry s agent, Dr. Barnes, however, informed the Lutherans
that the King would not refuse to join in an alliance with
them for the defence of the Gospel, provided they would
1 Cal. ix. 148, 205, 594, 595. Letters, 126, 128, 135.
2 Cal. ix. 443. 4 Letters, 113.
THE FOREIGN POLICY 227
support him against the Pope, and he promised them that
another ambassador, the Bishop of Hereford, would come and
talk further with them 1 . At the close of the year the envoy
was received in Germany. Long negotiations followed, at
first with some hope of success. A request by the English
ambassador that the Germans would unite with his master in
a refusal to recognize a General Council convoked by the
Pope, was favourably received ; and the plenipotentiaries of
the Lutherans drew up a response in which they expressed
themselves as entirely in accord with Henry in regard to the
See of Rome, and offered the King of England the proud
title of Defender and Protector of their league. As long as
the Bishop of Hereford restricted himself to theological dis
cussion and abuse of the Pope all went well, but when he
made the more practical demand for aid to his master in
money and ships in case of an invasion, the Germans drew
back : they were not prepared to go as far as this until a more
complete agreement had been reached in matters of religion.
Trouble arose also over the question of the King s divorce :
the Lutherans acknowledged that marriage with a brother s
widow was wrong, but they refused to admit, if such a union
had taken place, that it was right to break it 2 . The news of
the executions of More and Fisher, moreover, had caused
great consternation in Germany, where every effort was being
made to introduce the new doctrines without bloodshed ; and
the Bishop of Hereford was finally sent away empty-handed,
the negotiations having resulted in a failure which plainly
foreshadowed the events of 1538 and 1539. Taken as a whole,
the year 1535 had simply been occupied in playing over again
the game of 1534- Twice had the French alliance been
tested, and it had failed. Twice had Henry and Cromwell
sought security in a league with the Lutherans without
success. Two proofs had been afforded that a reconciliation
with Charles was the surest road to England s safety ; and
this time the alternative of a closer alliance with France,
which, in 1534, had offered the King and his minister
L Cal. ix. 390, 1016. Reformatorum, vol. ii.pp. 1028 ff.; Hi.
2 Cal. x. 771. Cf. also Corpus pp. 46-50.
Q2
228 THOMAS CROMWELL
a temporary escape from an ultimately inevitable conclusion,
was out of the question. But a reconciliation with the
Emperor, as we have already seen, was impossible during the
lifetime of Katherine.
Under these circumstances then, we can scarcely wonder
that the Imperial ambassador reported to his master that the
death of the Queen, which occurred on January 7, 1536, was
due to foul play 1 . Chapuys also possessed other evidence,
which tended to strengthen him in this conclusion. He had
not forgotten the sinister hint which Cromwell had let fall
in his presence in August, 1534; and he had apparently
discovered that in November, 1535, the King had plainly told
his most trusted counsellors that he must be rid of the Queen
and Princess at the next Parliament 2 . Nor did Henry s
unseemly conduct when he received the news of the death
of his first wife escape the notice of the Imperial ambassador.
Chapuys wrote to Charles how the King clothed himself in
yellow from head to foot, and spent the day in mirth and
revelry. c God be praised/ had Henry exclaimed, that we
are free from all suspicion of war 3 . The ambassador also
dwelt at length on the suspicious secrecy and almost indecent
haste with which the body of the Queen was opened,
embalmed, and enclosed in lead ; on the very significant
testimony extracted from the chandler of the house who
did the work, and on the statements of the doctor and of
the Queen s confessor. The verdict of the best modern
medical authorities on the post-mortem examination as
reported by the chandler strongly favours the conclusion
that Katherine was not poisoned 4 , but died of a disease
called melanotic sarcoma, or, more popularly, cancer of the
heart : the testimony of a sixteenth-century artisan, however,
is but a poor basis for a modern scientific investigation. If
the Queen was murdered, there is every reason to think that
Cromwell was chiefly responsible for the crime.. To a man
1 Cal. x. 59. 4 Cf. Dr. Norman Moore, on the
2 Cal. ix. 776, and Friedmann, Death of Katherine of Aragon, in
vol. ii. pp. 169-73. the Athenaeum for Jan. 31 and
Cal. x. 141. Cf. also Fried- Feb. 28, 1885.
mann, vol. ii. p, 176.
THE FOREIGN POLICY 229
of his character and training such a step would have been far
less repugnant than to Henry, had he once assured himself
tha 
