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XXVIII. A Campaign of Caricature. (1872) 246 

Matt Morgan vs. Thomas Nast. ** Shaking Hands over 
the Bloody Chasm." The Defeat and Death of Horace 

XXIX. Quiet and Congratulations. (1873) 262 

The Power of the Cartoon. Collapse from Overwork. A 
Plan for a Vacation. 

XXX. Credit Mobilier, and Inauguration. (1873) . . . 267 

** Where is Nast?" The Credit Mobilier Cartoon. The 
Louisville Courier Expedition. 

XXXI. A Trip Abroad and an Engagement at Home. (1873) . 275 

London and Old Friends. An Agreement to Lecture. 
The First Cry of Csesarism. 

XXXII. A March op Triumph and Much Profit. (1873) . . 283 

The ** Prince " as a Lecturer. *' The Blackboard Martyr." 
Forty Thousand Profit. 

XXXIII. The Skirmish Line op Events. (1873) .... 286 

The Conviction of Tweed. Panic and Inflation. Butler 
Bottled Again. 

XXXIV. New Symbols and C^sarism. (1874) .... 292 

Nast Champion of the Army and Navy. The One Car- 
toon against Grant. The Fii'st Elephant Symbol. 

XXXV. Various Issues and Opposing Policies. (1875) . . 302 

The Bayonet in Louisiana. The Gliost of Ca?sar Walks. 
'* I Forgive Tom Nast " — Andrew Johnson. 

XXXVI. Politics and a Notable Escape. (1875) .... 309 

Nast Compliments Tilden. The First Rag Baby Symbol. 
Boss Tweed In and Out of Jail. 

XXXVII. The Heavy Burden Laid upon Grant. (1876) . . 319 

Christmas in tlie Nast Household. The Tiger and the 
Lamb. Corruption in High Places. Hamilton Fish, 

XXXVIII. An Exposition, a Campaign and a Capture. (1876) . 328 

Preparations for the Centennial. The " Plumed Knight '' 
Convention. Prophasies Hayes. The Two- 
Hea<led Tiger of Reform. The Dramatic Capture of 


XLVIII. The Great ConventiOxV op 1880. (1880) .... 424 

Grant and a Third Term. Conkling's Great Appomattox 
Speech. Garfield and Arthur. 

XLIX. *' Tariff for Revenue Only." (1880) .... 430 

Mr. Tilden and John Kelly. Hancock and English. 
** Who is Tariff and why is he for Revenue Oiily f " 

L. A National Feud and a Tragedy. (1881) . . . 441 

Garfield and Civil Service. CJonkling's Lost Head. Tlie 
Assassination and Death of Garfield. 

LI. The Dawn of Reform. (1882) 452 

Chester A. Arthur, President. The Death of Garibaldi. 
Grover Cleveland, Governor of New York. 

LII. A Period of Investment and Rest. (1883) . . . 463 

Grant and Ward. Temporary Retirement and a Trip 
Abroad. A Wedding Journey Repeated. 

LIII. The Brewing of Political Revolt. (1884) . . . 473 

The Return to the Weekly. Approval of Grover Cleve- 
land. Criticism of the " Plumed Knight." 

LIV. A Wreck and a Revelation. (1884) .... 483 

The Failui'e of Grant and Ward. The Times, Harpers 
Weekly, and Blaine. A President's Confession. 

LV. A Mighty Making of History. (1884) .... 488 

At Chicago in 1884. The Opportunity of Curtis. The 
Weekly Will not Supi>ort Blaine. 

LVI. For President, Grover Cleveland. (1884) . . . 494 

The Declaration of Revolt. Nast and Curtis Accounted 
Traitors. The Nomination of Cleveland. 

LVIL The Upheaval of 1884. (1884) 500 

A Political Civil War. Nast Assiiled with His Owni 
Weaixms. " Blaine I Blaine I James G. Blaine I '' 
Gillam's "Tattooed Man." Cleveland's Majority in 
New York, 1,047. 

LVIII. Again in the Lecture Field. (1884) .... 509 

Congratulations and Tempting Offei's. Clemens, Cable, 
and Thanksgiving. The Nast-Pelham Combination. 


LIX. Cleveland and Reform. (1885) 514 

General Grant on the Retired List. ** Some Disappoint- 
ment about the OflBces." **The Everlasting Hungry 

LX. The Final Year. (1886) 520 

** Tweed Again." Anarchy in Chicago. The Last Great 
Cartoon. ** Not in Bitterness but in Sorrow they 


LXI. At the End op Power. (1887) 528 

'* Nast Lost His Forum." ** Nast Has about Done Every- 
thing." A Journey to the Mines. The Last Lecture 
Tour. The First Presidential Defeat. 

LXII. A Paper of His Own at Last. (1889-93) ... 534 

Various Engagements. Senator Depew and His Retalia- 
tion. Nast's Weekly, Its Beginning and Its End. 
** A Lincoln, a Grant and a Nast." 

LXIII. The Last Congenlll Occupations. (1894-1901) . 545 

Three Important Paintings. The Later Days of Nast. 
Visits and Acknowledgments to Friends. Mr. Roose- 
velt's Tribute to Nast. 

LXIV. The Consul. (1902) 556 

A Letter from John Hay. The Hour of Surrender. Sail- 
ing Out of the Harbor. Letters that Tell All the Tale. 
Tlie Days of Fever. '*It is coming very near.'' 
'* Last Scene of All." Colonel Watterson's Tribute. 

LXV. At the End of the Long Journey 57(5 

The Friends and Enemies of Thomas Nast. An Elstiniate 
by J. Henry Harper. Nast's Genius and Achieve- 
ments. Cartoons of Then and Now. A Partisan of 
the Right. 

Index to Text i 

Index to Illustrations xvii 


A full Index of lUustrationa will he fmind at the end of this volume 

The Illustrations in this volume, when not otherwise stated, are reproduced from 
the pages of Harper's Weekly, by permission of the publishers, to whom all acknowl- 
edgments are due. 









A SCENE FROM ''OIL BLAS " (1857-8) 






FROM "GIL BLAS" (1857-8) 


• ••••••• 

JIIS8 SARAH EDWARDS (NAST) (1859) ...... 




M\*.l\ii HEENAN-SAYER8 SONGS ..... 


rrrw of the farm house of jacob pocock 




' 38 







GENERAL MEDICI, 1860 .... 





APRIL 19, 1861 


THE "salute of ONE HUNDRED GUNS " 

A ZOUAVE ....... 








"kingdom comin' "...... 



"balloon observations" ..... 
capture of the heights of fredericksburg 

"the RESULT OF THE WAR " . . . . 
























GrDEON WELLE8 ..... 
























THE "union league" VASE 

NOT "love," but justice .... 




THOMAS NA8T, 1871 . 

GEORGE JONF>S, 1871 ..... 






"a friend" 









KX^KLSIOR ...... 




























































"move on!" ......... 

under the thumb ........ 

"some are BOKN great; some achieve GREATNESS*' . 

"the glorious fourth." (an address by tweed as ILLUSTRATED BY NAST) 

the tammany lords and their constituents 

"that's what's the matter" ...... 

THE "brains" ......... 




a group of vultures, waiting for the storm to "blow over " " 

"too thin!" 

why is the treasury empty? 
the american river ganges 
"stop thief!" 

the boss still has the reins 
the only thing they respect or fear 

the tammany tiger loose "what are you going to do about it?" 

"what are you laughing at?" 

mr. sweeny retires from public life 

something that did blow over — november 7, 1871 

what the people must do about it 



HAUL "turned up" . 





"well roared, lion," and "well shone, moon" 

"let us clasp hands over (what might have been) a bloody chasm " 

"children cry for it" 







colonel n. p. chipman, 1872 

senator fenton 

horace greeley, 1872 

carl's boomerang 

the battle-cry of sumner 

"the tower of strength" 

THE ONLY "emergencies" WE NEED FEAR (?) 














''great expectations" .... 
hurrah for horace greelet for president 
A TAG TO Greeley's coat .... 


"drop *EM" 

"plated out!" .... 

what's in a name? ..... 

"something that will blow over" . 

weighed i.n the bala.vce. a morgan cartoon against grant 

anything to get in . 

another feather in his hat 







"none but the BRAVE DF^ERVES THE FAIR" 

carl's position ........ 










CULE) .......... 

SHOO, FLY .......... 

FINE-.\SS Cf:)MMnTEE ........ 









•'THERE IT IS A(;AIN" .... 




, »> 







MAKING A FUSS ....... 



C'A.N A MAN BE A NURSE? ..... 

THE JUBILEE, 1875 ...... 






"l* qui rit" ...... 



OFF THE SCENT ....... 

''the upright bench," which is above CRITICISM 



THE (d. D.) field of GOLD, OR THE LION's LEGAL (?) SHARE 




mS P^LjJv .MAa^* • • • • • • 

HAMILTON FISH .......... 

THE "rag" (baby) at THE MASTHEAD ..... 


GETTING IN TUNE ......... 

SAMUEL J. TILDEN ......... 


HEN (dRICKS) PECKED ........ 

BFrrWEEN TWO FIRFJ* ......... 

CHANGE POLICY .......... 

THE LION — THE LAMB ......... 

iTNC'LE Sammy's bar'l ........ 

A national game THAT IS PLAYED OUT ..... 



"one good 'report' deserves another" ..... 
a modern don quixote ........ 

"another such VICTORY AND I AM UNDONE 


h'all that's left 




























































THOMAS N.\ST, 1S77 ..... 

MRS. N.\ST, 1877 .... 




SAVED (?) . 

WAKIN<1 UP — 1878 ... 


TH.\T DOLLAR ...... 
















ki>r<'\tion. is there no middle course? 
«;eneral butler as the widow of many partii-^v 
the civilization of blaine 


•'<^)\IE INTO MY parlor" 




• .Rr.F.N'HAiK THE WEAVER .... 

whoa! -<;rkenb\<'k the weaver 

THE oirri.ooK ...... 
























































boom!!! — SO NEAR, AND YET SO FAR 





''who is Tariff f and why is he for revenue only?" . 







THE SPOIL-ED ........ 

THE LOST HEAD ........ 

AFTER ALL ........ 

(JIUSEPPE garibaldi; died at CAPRERA, JUNE 2, 1882 

AN INSIDE VIEW ........ 


the new angelic flying machine .... 

deep diplomacy' ....... 

the curious effect of clean linen upon the democratic party 
Egypt's present from Gladstone 


plucked turkey ..... 

regrets from sambourne .... 
a corner in the nast parlor . 
a corner in the nast drawing-room 
the sacred elephant .... 

TIS TRUE, 'tis pity, AND PITY 'tIS, 'TIS TRUE" 









ii r 
































































"slam-bang!" ...... 

BOTH ....... 

laid at his door ..... 
what's in a name? ..... 


"baby" tabor AS THE CHRISTKIND 







MARCH ....... 










BREAD line" 






. 497 

HOTEL 499 

. 500 

. 503 

. 505 

. 506 

. 507 

. 508 

. 514 

. 516 

. 518 

. 519 

. 519 

. 520 

. 521 

/ 522 

. 523 

. 525 

. 527 

. 531 

. 533 

. 536 

. 539 

. 540 

. 541 

. 542 

. 543 

. 545 

. 546 

. 548 

. 549 

. 550 

. 551 

. 551 

. 552 

. 553 

. 554 

. 554 

. 55.5 

. 555 

. 556 

. 5.56 

. 5.57 

. 559 

. 560 

. 573 

. 580 

. 583 


}, • A^/: 



It is nearly forty years ago that a boy of five, whose home 
was a square, white farm-house on one of the big bleak prairies 
of the middle West, was lying flat on the rag carpet before the 
open wood-fire, poring over a wonderful double-page picture in 
Harper's Weekly. 

It was really a combination of several pictures, each of which 
depicted some important scene in the daily life of the merry old 
fellow whose home is at the North Pole, and who toils busily all 
the year through that good children everywhere may be made 
happy on Christmas Day. The little boy had the firmest faith 
in Santa Claus, and this picture, coming as it did just before the 
holidays, was of immense value. 

There was the interior of Santa Claus 's shop, with the old 
chap busily at work and about him a number of finished toys. 
The little boy had tried to imagine this scene. Now here it was, 
all truly set down, and he found a deep and lingering joy in 
wondering which of the articles might be intended for him. Then 
he looked at the other pictures— the one where Santa Claus is 
starting off with his loaded sleigh— another where he is filling 


the stockings, and still another— perhaps the most valuable of 
all— Santa Claus leaning over a high battlement of his icy home/ 
sweeping the world below with a long spy-glass. 

The l)oy knew about spy-glasses, and he understood now how 
it was that Santa Claus could tell the good children from the 
bad. Just opposite, there was a companion picture which 
showed Santa Claus looking through a huge book wherein the 
names of all the children are kept, with good and bad marks 
carefully set down. The boy could not read, but his mother had 
assured him that his name did not appear. Perhaps it would be 
on the next leaf. lie tried to lift the edge of the pictured page 
with a pin. It was no u^e. He turned the paper over and 
looked through from the other side. Then once more he spread 
the paper before the fire that shone bright in the dim win- 
ter afternoon, and forgot everj'thing else in the world in 
them. Indeed, he scarcely realized that they were merely 
l)ictures. The Santa Claus they presented henceforth became his 
Santa Claus through all the coming years. 

One remains a little boy such a brief time. Santa Claus 
becomes careless as we grow older, and the picture, though never 
forgotten, was laid away. The boy became interested in other 
things, even in politics, or at least in such politics as caused him 
to hurrah wildly for Grant and Colfax when a schoolmate sent 
up a shout for Seymour and Blair. Also, he found new pleasure 
in the pages of IIari)er's Weekly, for there were humorous pict- 
ures of these and other public men which his father helped him 
to identify when they looked through the paper together. 

And by and by some of the pictured men were evil-doers who 
needed punishment and (luite often were getting it. The boy 
and his fatlier laughed together at the mishaps of these wicked 
ones, and the boy learned that the caricature pictures which he 
could tell as far as he could see them, and recognize the different 
faces, were the work of a wonderful artist— the great cartoonist, 


Thomas Nast. He still remembered the Santa Claus picture, 
long before laid away, but he never connected it with these — 
never in any way associated it with them for thirty-five years. 

At the Players ' Club of New York, in the comer next the din- 
ing-room, the old cartoonist, whose years were so nearly ended, 
and the writer, who had once been a boy on the prairies of the 
middle West, sat discussing an unwritten book whose purpose 
was to tell the story of Thomas Nast. 

*^ I was brought up on your pictures," the writer said. ** I 
would undertake the work gladly, if you think I am qualified/' 

We considered the possible qualifications of one whose early 
point of view and politics had been shaped by those pictures. 
Presently Nast said, thoughtfully: 

* ^ If we do this thing, I should like to put in some of my Santa 
Claus pictures." 

** Your Santa Claus pictures! I didn't know—" And then, 
all at once, I did know, for the years had rolled backward and 
there rose before me the old farm-house, with its rag carpet, its 
open fire and the boy lying flat before it, poring over the pages 
of Harper 's Weekly. * * Do you mean to say that away back in 
the sixties you did a double-page in a Christmas Harper, entitled 
*' Santa Claus and His Works? " I asked, '* and that it showed 
Santa Claus in his shop, and on the top of his ice-palace with a 
spy-glass? " 

* ^ Why, yes, ' ' he said. * ^ Of course I did ! * * 

Then I told him what that picture had meant to me. ** And I 
will do the book." I said, ^' if you will let me. It shall be the 
story of your work by one who was brought up on it, and that 
the reader may better understand, I will introduce it with that 
farm boy poring over the Christmas Harper, before the open 





In Grermany it is the stork that brings the babies, and it was 
on the 27th of September, in the year 1840, that the stork visited 
the military barracks of Landau, a little fortified town near Al- 
sace, and left in the Nast household a very small baby boy, who 
was called Thomas. The family was not a large one. There was 
only an older sister, and the mother and father— the latter a 
gentle-hearted, outspoken German musician, who played the 
trombone in the Ninth Regiment Bavarian Band. 

It was not often that babies came to the Landau barracks. 
The soldiers found many excuses for seeing this one, and as the 
little fellow grew older and gained daily in size and wisdom, they 
made him their pet. Presently, in the field back of the barracks 
he was playing ** soldier "—a game in which he was always 
** captain,** and the Commandant confided to a proud mother 
that little Thomas, with that head of his, certainly would become 
nothing short of a general officer. Prophecy could go no further 
in Landau. Even the most gracious of commandants could not 
foresee that the ** little captain," with that head of his, was one 
day to attain a rank which generals would regard with awe— 
to which presidents and kings might yield their homage. 

He was to suffer a defeat, however, in this early time. Among 
the sheep that used to feed behind the barracks was a pet lamb 


that had sprouted a pair of horns— also, a desire to use them. 
Ijittle Thomas had nurtured and fostered this lamb as his own. 
Now, all at once, it became ungrateful, and charged and pursued 
its benefactor, much to the entertainment of his soldier friends. 
It was an early lesson in misplaced confidence. 

He acquired other impressions, some of which were to linger 
and perhaps color the coming years. On Sunday afternoons he 
used to walk with his mother and sister past a triangle called 
the ^* Napoleon Hat " to a little graveyard where his two 
brothers lay buried. Box grew about these graves, and its faint 
odor was ever afterward associated with the scene. 

His early religious impressions were confusing. There were 
both Protestants and Catholics in Landau, and once at a Catholic 
church he saw two little girls hustled out rather roughly for 
repeating some Protestant prayers. The incident disturbed him 
deeply. He resented the treatment of these little girls. It may 
have marked the beginning of a bitterness which long after was 
to mature in those relentless attacks upon bigotry which won for 
him the detestation, if not the fear, of Pope and priest. 

But on Christmas Eve, to Protestant and Catholic alike, came 
the German Santa Claus, Pelze-Nicol, leading a child dressed as 
the Christkind, and distributing toys and cakes, or switches, 
according as the parents made report. It was this Pelze-Nicol — 
a fat, fur-clad, bearded old fellow, at whose hands he doubtless 
received many benefits— that the boy in later years was to pre- 
sent to us as his conception of the true Santa Claus— a pictorial 
type which shall long endure 

With his father, when the regiment band made music for the 
local theatre, he attended plays, mostly of a military char- 
acter and strongly French in sentiment. His favorite play was 
*' A Daughter of the Eegiment," whose dashing followers had 
borrowed the musicians' hats to complete their costumes. 

It is but natural that the boy's earliest art impulses should 


have been of a military nature. Everywhere were the soldiers, 
and such pictures as he saw were either portraits of the nation's 
heroes or scenes of war. In his own home hung prints of the 
King and Queen, while in the parlor of an aunt there was an 
engraving of Napoleon's tomb and another of ** Who Goes 
There? " in which Napoleon finds one of his pickets asleep. It 
was not long until the boy 's nimble fingers began to give expres- 
sion to something of what he saw. He fashioned little soldiers 
—not with i)encil or brush, but of beeswax— perhaps from his 
mother's work-basket— and these he pressed against the window 
panes. They attracted the attention of some ladies who often 
looked from the upper windows across the way, and the young 
modeller received his first reward in the form of cookies— brown 
cookies with holes in them— lowered to him at the end of a 

But now came a sudden change in the affairs of the Nast 
household. The German revolution was brewing. Europe was 
in a turmoil. The elder Nast, though far from being a disturber, 
was a man of convictions which he took little pains to conceal. 
Some of his sentiments were not in accord with the existing 
Government. Called aside one day by the friendly Commandant, 
he was advised that America was really the proper place for a 
man so fond of free speech. He took his departure from Landau, 
to join a French man-o'-war. Later he enlisted on an American 

The family remained for a brief time in the old place. Then, 
presently, they, too, made ready to go. They would sail for 
Xew York, to be joined there when the father's enlistment had 
expired. They left Landau by diligence for Paris in the summer 
of 1846, probably in June, as the child noticed fireflies about 
their door for the first time on the night of their departure. 
Now and then a firefly soared high into the zenith. They were 
the shells of military practice. 


The journey to Paris was a rare joy to the Nast children. 
There was the ever-changing scenery— Strasbnrg with its won- 
derful clock— inns and villages where refreshments were to be 
had. Then came Paris, and some friends who took them to 
see the sights. 

Three lasting impressions remained to the little boy from this 
wonderful journey. The first was the distinctly different odors 
of the various cities. The second was the vastness of the Ndtre 
Dame Cathedral. The third and best of all was the memory 
of some daintily dressed little Parisians, who were sailing toy 
boats such as he had never seen in Landau. Then came Havre, 
where, with a cousin, they took passage for New York in a 
beautiful American brig. 

Their stateroom was near the captain's, and the captain's 
wife, who was aboard, became friendly with the little Bavarian 
and doctored him during a brief illness with wine and qninine. 
When America was almost in sight a great storm arose. The 
sea darkened. The vessel rolled and pitched— the cordage 
screamed in the gale. The little German boy saw the American 
captain's wife at her prayers and followed her example in his 
own tongue. Next morning all was clear again. The brig had 
been: little damaged, though other vessels in sight had lost 
masts and rigging. By evening the sea was calm and beautiful. 
Coming up the Narrows, the scenery on either side made an- 
other deep and enduring impression on the lad of six, who now 
for the first time announced himself as glad he had come. Well 
he might have been, for he was entering the world which he 
was to conquer, in his own good time and way. 



They took up tlieir residence in 
Greenwich Street, then a neighbor- 
hood of respectable dwellings. There 
was a school near by, to which the 
little boy, who could not speak a 
word of English, was sent. 

It was all foreign and strange to 
him on that first morning, and he did 
not know where to go. Mischievous 
children directed bim here and there. 
One rogue of a boy pointed to a 
line that seemed to be some sort of a class, and the little Ger- 
man lad took his place in it. Those were the old days of rod 
and ruler, and this was the line marked for punishment. The 
sharp-faced woman principal entered a moment later to perfortn 
her duty. She could not understand German, and the little boy's 
fervid explanation in that tongue was of no avail. He hurried 
home at recess and refused to return to a school wliere the first 
lesson was applied to the patch on a little boy's trousers. His 
mother tried to explain that a mistake had been made. It was 
no use. He had tried to explain that, liimself. He preferred 
not to risk another mistake— at least not in the same spot. 


His second American experience was hardly less discourag- 
ing. It took place next morning when he was strolling down 
Greenw^ich Street, enjoying the sights of the new world. Sud- 
denly, from a cellar directly in front of him, there leaped a 
rude boy w^earing a fireman's hat, and with a long trumpet, 
upon which he blew a blast that carried terror to the heart and 
flight to the heels of the small Bavarian. 

His mother soon removed her little family to the quiet neigh- 
borhood of William Street, near Frankfort. But the house was 
said to be haunted. Some former occupant was believed to 
have acquired the habit of walking about at night, between 
twelve and one o'clock, and these were not peaceful hours for 
a little lad who happened to be awake. Altogether he became 
less sure that he w^as glad they had come to this land of unusual 

Yet there were compensations. Next door to tlie haunted 
William Street house was a man who made crayon sticks for 
artists. Often there were faulty ones, and these he gave to the 
little Nast boy, who took them to school— a new school, where 
German was a circulating medium— and drew pictures for the 
other pupils. One of these— a picture of an African capturing 
a lion— excited their admiration. Also, perhaps, their envy, 
for a larger boy, seizing the slate, hurried with it to the teacher. 
Tt was expected that punishment would fall on the young artist's 
head. Instead of which, there were laurels of praise. The little 
lad of Landau, who was one day to destroy evil-doers and make 
presidents, had won his first triumph in the New World. 

His second concjuest came a few days later, at the same school. 
A big boy— perhaps the one who had exhibited his drawing- 
was in the habit of imposing upon him at play-time. The 
little Nast boy endured this for a season. Then, one day, he 
suddenly turned upon his tormentor with such fury and violence 
that it was found necessary to rescue the big screaming bully 


to save his life. The little boy was not molested again. In- 
deed, he became something of a hero, and decided that perhaps 
America was not sucli a bad place as he had at first thought. 

He found a great joy in running to fires. In Landau he had 
never seen a fire, except once when the coal yard had smoked 
a little and the regiment had paraded with beating drums, as if 
the world were coming to an end. Now, there were fires almost 
daily. The little boy was at first terrified, then fascinated. He 
made a fire engine of his own and became chief of the crew. 
Less than a dozen blocks away the Big Six— the fire company 
of which big Bill Tweed was chief— had its headquarters. On 
the engine of the Big Six was painted a tiger's head— a front 
view with fierce distended jaws, reproduced from a French litho- 
graph, a copy of which hung in an art store on the northeast 
comer of James and Madison Streets.* The boy Nast used to 
regard this tiger's head, as it appeared in the lithograph and 
upon the engine of the Big Six, with admiration and awe. Little 
could he guess then what use he would make of that sinister 
emblem in later days. For it was the Big Six tiger that was to 
go with Tweed into Tammany Hall, and it was Thomas Nast, 
the man and cartoonist, who was first to emblazon it as the 
symbol of rapacious plunder and of civic shame. 

But in that long ago time, the Big Six boys with tneir pol- 
ished engine and glaring tiger meant only excitement and joy. 
He pursued them when fires broke out— running and shouting 
with a crowd of other boys that mingled with a tangle of fright- 
ened teams and a score of yelping curs. The Big Eight, a hated 
rival, also had headquarters not far away, and sometimes it 
happened that the two companies would forget the fire to en- 
gage in a bloody conflict in the public streets. Whatever may 

• The head on tlic engine is holiovod to have boon aotnally painted from another 
copy of thin ti^er lithoj^rapli, l»oiTo\\ed by T\\ee<l from the fatlier of W. C. Mon- 
lanye. in \vhor*e possession the picture still remains. (See pape 9.) 


be the present conditions, New York in those days was hardly 
a model of law and order and good government. The Macready 
and Forrest riot, perhaps the most remarkable event in all 
dramatic history— a city plmiged into lawless bloodshed be- 
cause of a jealousy between two actors— took place at this 
period, an episode which the little boy, now nine and accus- 
tomed to scenes of carnage, both witnessed and enjoyed. He 
also saw the burning of the old Park Theatre— on Park Bow 
opposite the present post-office— a fine big fire from which only 
a wooden statue of Shakespeare survived. 

And all the time he drew-anything and everything. His 
desk at school was full of his efforts, and the walls of the haunteci 
house on William Street were decorated with his masterpieces. 
It may have been for this reason that the ghost gave up its 
nightly rambles. 

Sometimes his love of art led him into difficulties. A 
poster on a dead-wall, at the comer of Houston and Eldridge 
Streets, attracted his attention one quiet Sunday morn- 
ing, when his mother and other good people were at services. 
It was a picture of a beautiful full-rigged ship, and he wished 
to draw it. He cut it out with his knife, though not before a 
big policeman had slipped across the street and seized him 
quite suddenly from behind. But the young artist was versa- 
tile. He voiced a yell that rent the Sabbath stillness and caused 
the terrified policeman to drop him hastily. The captain of 
the district appeared on the scene, also the landlord of the 
haunted house, who interceded for the youthful draftsman. The 
incident closed with a lecture from the captain on the evil of 
over-enthusiasm, even in art. 

But now a very important thing happened. This was noth- 
ing less than the arrival of the elder Nast, whose term of en- 
listment had ended. His coming had been announced by a 
comrade, and great excitement immediately ensued. The little 


boy was despatched hastily to the comer bakery to buy an 
eitra large pfann-kuchen for the great occasion. Returning, 
he was passed by a closed cab which suddenly stopped. Then 
a man leaped out and, seizing him, thrust him quickly inside. 
The little boy thought he was kidnapped, but an instant later 
found himself in his father's arms, with the precious big 
pfann-kuchen being crushed between them. Of course he was 
happy, but the prospect of his mother's grief at sight of the 
ruined cake saddened him. However, the cake did not prove 
a total loss. Its slight damage was quickly forgotten in the joy 
of treasures from afar, and in listening to the father's tales 
of travels in many lands. This was in 1850, when young Thomas 
was ten years old. 

Nasi senior was a skilled musician and a man to make friends. 
He became a member of the Philharmonic Society, and of the 
band at Barton's Theatre in Chambers Street. To the latter 
place, Nast jtmior often accompanied him— sitting, as he had 
done in the little theatre of Landau, in a special seat in the 




orchestra— storing niemories aiid ol'teu making crude sketches 
of Burton and other popular actors of that time. It was from 
these sketches and memories that fifty years later he painted 
the fine character portrait of Burton which hangs in the Play- 
ers' Club to-day. Frequently he carried his father's big trom- 
bone to the theatre, and this was a privilege, as it entitled him 
to remain to the performance. Lester Wallack, Mr. and Mrs. 
Boucicault, Charlotte Cushman, Placide, George Holland— these 
were among his favorites of those days. At Castle Garden he 
heard Jenny Lind. The boy saw and sketched them all in hia 
untrained way, and the influence of those early efforts and sur- 
roundings was continually cropping out in the great .work of 
after years. 

When young Thomas Nast was about thirteen years old, a 
number of foreign military celebrities came to New York City. 
Europe was still disturbed and their recent enterprises there 
had become unpopular. Kossuth was one of those visitors, and 
Garibaldi, whom, a few years later, the boy would join in his 
grand march from Marsala to Naples, but who now was igno- 
miniously making tallow candles on Staten Island. The young 
artist had heard something of these heroes and their struggles 
for freedom. With his father, he saw Kossuth in a parade, after 
which he wore a Kossuth hat and drew pictures of the different 
exiled noblemen. One picture of Kossuth— a copy from Glee- 
son's Pictorial, with a rising sun marked ** Hungary " in the 
background— was praised and framed l)y the school-teacher and 
hung by the principal's desk. This school, it may be said, was 
on Chrystie Street, near Hester— a most respectable neighbor- 
hood at that time. A little later, by advice of his father, ho 
attended a German school, though only for a brief period. He 
left when required to confess, regarding his sins as too many 
and too dark for the confidences of the priest's box. A brief 
period at another German school followed, and a terra at a 

A SKiy L.4.\n AM) A SKJV LIFE 


Forty-seventh Street academy, considered then very far uptown. 
It vas all of no avail. 

" Go finish your picture, Nast," the teacher would say to 
him. " You will never learn to read or figure;" tlie picture in 
fjuestion being usually <i file of soldiers, a pair of prize figliters, 
a oluiracter from " llandet," or perhaps sonietliing rcinemborod 
from far-off Ijaiidnu, such as a little girl leading a pet liunb, or 
old Pelzp-Xicol with his pack. This was his last school. 

Kfforts made by his father to induce liini to Icam mnsic or 
a trade also ended in failure. Tlie hoy was an artist. Attempts 
at any other education did him little good. 



He attended a drawing class taught by Theodore Kaufmann, 
a historical painter, a graduate from a German painting acad- 
emy. Kauf mann taught in his studio at 442 Broadway, and 
on the same floor were the studios of Pratt, Loup and Alfred 
Fredericks— all well-known painters of those days. Of these, 
Fredericks in particular became a valuable friend and adviser 
of the boy artist, who immediately joined in the bohemian life 
and customs of the old building. One day a fire broke out. 
Kaufmann's studio and pictures were ruined— his class aban- 
doned. The boy's art education came to a temporary halt, 
though he pursued his studies at home, aided by a set of * * Hard- 
ing 's Drawing Copies." Through the guidance of Alfred Fred- 
ericks, he entered the Academy of Design, having been admitted 
on a drawing from a cast— the first offered. 

The Academy was then on Thirteenth Street, just west of 
Broadway. Young Nast was soon elected to the life class, of 
which Mr. Cunmiings was the head. Academy methods were 
somewhat primitive in those days, and it was mainly due to 
Fredericks that the young man received proper guidance. 
Fredericks was at the time painting a panorama of the Crimean 
War, and allowed his prot6g6 to help him. Once, when the day 
was cold and both money and fuel were short, young Nast 


painted their stove red, which was regarded as a huge joke by 
visitors. One of these showed his appreciation by inviting both 
Fredericks and his assistant to luncheon. Thus the red stove 
supplied genuine comfort. 

At the Academy with young Nast were a number of students 
who have since become well known. Samuel Coleman was there, 
also Eugene Benson, Hennessy, Whittaker, Walter Shirlaw and 
others destined to make their mark. With Fredericks and his 
fellows he spent many spare moments in visiting the art gal- 
leries—studying, admiring and criticizing, as art pupils do to- 
day—have always done and always will do until the ** last great 
picture is painted." 

It was about this time that a wealthy man, named Thomas 
Bryan, brought to New York a collection of paintings, among 
which were a number of genuine old masters. The collection 
is now the property of the New York Historical Society, and 
considered of great value. Yet for some reason its genuineness 
was questioned at first, and its popularity waned. But to the 
students, and especially to young Nast, it became a mine of 
wealth. Nast was allowed to take his easel there and to copy 
some of the rare paintings. Visitors were attracted by the fat 
little boy's work (he was very fat and German in those days) 
and prophesied well for his future. Bryan himself took an in- 
terest, and eventually made him door-keeper, allowing him all 
he took in over a certain number of admission fees of twenty- 
five cents each. It is possible that Brj^an might have done some- 
thing further for the lad, had not the latter, all at once, created 
an opportunity of his own. 

He gathered up a bundle of his drawings one morning, and 
went over to call on Frank Leslie, who had already founded 
the Weekly which still bears his name. The great publisher 
looked at the round-faced German boy of fifteen and remarked 
that he was pretty young— a fact already known. Then Mr. 


Leslie examined tlie sketches and observed they were pretty 
good— a fact equally obvious. Presently he rose from bis chair 
and stood looking down on the short, moon-faced lad— a scene 
of which Nast has left us a caricature. 
" So you want to draw pictures for my paperf " he said. 
The small German looked up at the great man and nodded. 
" Very well. Go down to Christopher 
Street next Sunday morning, where the 
people are boarding the ferry for the 
Klysian Fields (a resort beyond Hobo- 
ken), and make me a picture 
of the crowd just at the last 
call of * All Aboard! ' Do 
you understand T " 

The fat boy once more 

" Yes, sir," he said. " All 

That was easy to say; but 
the job was not easy, even 
for a skilled man. Leslie 
afterwards told Jamee Par- 
ton that he had " no expectation of the little fellow's doing it, 
and gave him the Job merely for the purpose of bringing home 
to his youthful mind the absurdity of his application.*' 

Nevertheless the boy went early and worked late. Patiently, 
between boats, he drew the details of the scene—the approach 
with its heavy uprights, its cross-pieces and its hoisting chains; 
the huge balance weight; the swinging sign-card; the wide out- 
look to the river, with the hills outlined beyond. Then when 
the boat came, and the gates opened to let the crowd push 
through, he made swift mental pictures, and when all was quiet 
again, added to his drawing the racing boy, the barking dog and 



llie steadier-going men and women, whose holiday attire bas be- 
come so quaint with the lapse of time. There would seem to 
have been some curious foreshadowing in this first assignment, 
for it WHS from this vei-j- spot tliat tbrougli all his later years 
Thomas Nast was to cross into New Jersey to reach his Alorris- 
town home. 

On Monday morning lie appeared once iriore before Mr. Leslie. 
who looked at tlie drawing and then n\ Ihc young iiillst. 

" Do that alone! " he asked. 

" Tes, sir." 

Leslie turned to his desk and took therefrom a half-page 
engraving block. 

*' Take this up-stairs,'* he said. " to ^^r. Alfred Bcrghans, 

\ oor rtaff artist. He will show you how lo whiten it. Then re- 
rlraw your fiictnre on this block." 

Tlie boy went eagerly. Berghans was a large, blond Oerinan 
(ritU tlic arrogant, pompous manner of a Prussian officer. 



" So Mr. Leslie send you, hehT And I was to show you 
how to viten? Vat does Mr. Leslie dink I am here for, hehl 
AVell, here are de dings— I guess you can do it." 
The boy took the things and went at it. Berghaus watched 
^^^^^ his rather awkward at- 

tempts. Tlien, out of pity, 
or impatience, took the 
materials and completed 
the work. 

" Now," he admoDished, 
" make your drawing on 
dis block just der opposite 
as you have it on dot 



Carefully, and with great 
pains, the boy obeyed. 
When it was finished, be 
took the boxwood block 
back to Mr. Leslie, who 
looked at it, smiled, and 

" What do you make where you aret " 
" It differs— sometimes twenty-five cents a week— sometimes 
sis dollars." 

" Will it average four dollars? " 
" Perhaps." 

" Very well, I will g^ve you four dollars a week to come and 
draw for Leslie's Weekly." 

A great lump came into the boy's throat. He could not an- 
swer at once for joy. 
The little lad of Landau had found his place in the New World. 


AT Leslie's 

The Leslie office proved a great practical school to the young 
artist. Photography had not yet become the '* handmaid of 
art/' and on a weekly illustrated paper there was much to do. 
Even before the ferryboat picture was engraved a big fire broke 
out up-town and the new man was assigned to the job. Daily 
papers were not then illustrated, aud fire and flood pictures 
were the favorite material of the weekly press. They took pre- 
cedence over most other features; hence it happened that young 
Xast's first public appearance was made with his fire picture, 
instead of the ** All Aboard '' which had won him his place. 

The Leslie publication office was at that time on Frankfort 
Street, between William and Nassau. It comprised a front and 
a rear building— the front for publishing, the rear for the 
l)resses. In the rear, also, were the editorial offices, and here, 
in a large room, together with Col. T. B. Thorp and Henry 
Watson, editors of that time, worked Alfred Berghaus, the 
arrogant but capable chief of the art staff; Sol Ey tinge, after- 
ward celebrated for his humorous negro drawings of the ** Small 
Breed Family," and young *' Tommy " Nast. Mr. Leslie also 
had a desk there which he sometimes used, perhaps when he 
wished to seclude himself from too pei*sistent callers down-stairs. 

Tlie I^slie editorial office was frequented by most of the illus- 


trators and writers of that period. Miss Croiy, who signed her- 
self * * Jenny June, ' ' was often there. Also came Richard Henry 
Stoddard, then in the fulness of early manhood and power; 
Mortimer Thompson, whose pen-name was ** Doesticks '*; and 
all the rest of that blithe and talented crew. ** Doesticks '' was 
regularly employed on the Tribune, but did frequent assign- 
ments for Leslie's, and Eytinge or Nast, sometimes both, ac- 
companied him. 

Often in their rounds they brought up at Pfaff's beer-cellar, 
on Broadway near Bleecker Street— a bohemian resort, long 
since vanished and now become historic. Here they would find 
** Miles O'Reilly," George Arnold, Frank Bellew, Fitz- James 
O'Brien and a host of other good fellows. The boy was happy 
to be seen in this crowd of notables and felt that he was get- 
ting on. In turn, they doubtless found the ** fat little Dutch 
boy " amusing. They took him to theatres and other cozy re- 
sorts and ** showed him the town." It was not so big a town 
then, but one feels, somehow, that there was more com- 
radeship, more characteristic personality, more of the feeling 
and flavor of art than we find here to-day.* 

Meantime, ** Little Tommy Nast " was in truth progressing. 

• Among the friends made by Nast while at Leslie's was John P. Davis, one of 
America's leading wood-engravers, then of the I^slie employ. In a recent letter to 
the writer Mr. Davis refers to this early acquaintance as follows: 

" With Nast especially I formed the pleasantest relationship. I had but recently 
married, and the little fellow — he was but a lad of seventeen — found pleasure in 
visiting my home a couple of evenings a week. He was seriously inclined for his 
years; with an outlook upon life entirely unsophisticated, a quaint humor brighten- 
ing his expression of opinion or narrative of events, which was partly racial, no 
doubt, but wholly charming to the American sense. He took me to visit his own 
home at this time. The walls of his room were hung with many of Tom's draw- 
ings and the closet drawers were also filled with them. I was surprised by the 
boy's industry. The subjects were generally chosen from plays in vogue; the style 
of drawing a simulation of that of John Gilbert, the English illustrator coupled with 
remnants of Frederick's influence. But industry was the principle master; the only 
token of originality was noticeable in the crudeness with which his pencil had traced 
the lead of his protagonists." 


He rose at four in the morning to practice drawing and labored 
far into the night to complete his work. He was bound to justify 
his employer's good opinion— to fulfil the promise of his begin- 
ning. He well-nigh gave way under the strain but it paid. 
Frank Leslie was likely to be peculiar in his business methods, 
liut he appreciated industry and talent and pushed the boy 
along. He did not always pay salaries, but he always did furnish 
work, which was of vastly more importance. He invited the boy 
to spend Sunday with him at Long Branch, and allowed him to 
put in the day making sketches of the Ocean House, then owned 
by Warren Leland and the most fashionable resort on the coast. 

At times, however, the financial situation became acute. Once, 
when the art department had not been paid for three weeks, 
a general demand was made on the treasurer, an Englishman 
named Angel Wood, who told them to come back after luncheon. 
Kejoicing in the belief that they were to be paid, the staff in- 
dulged in a rather expensive repast, and lingered over it a bit 
longer than usual. The item of delay was fatal. When they 
reached the office. Wood informed them, with averted gaze, 
that Mr. Leslie had just taken what money there was and gone. 

*' Gone! Took the money! " 

*' Yes, he's bought a yacht and needed the money to pay for it." 

There was but one thing to do. The art department struck. 
Two days later, when Mr. Leslie returned from his trip, he 
found the easels empty, and flies crawling over the half-finisheil 
sketches. He promptly sent for the deserters. When they 
api)eared, he made a plea, by the side of which Mark Antony's 
address seemed but a feeble thing. He shed tears himself and 
brought tears to the eyes of his hearers. They went back to 
work, ashamed, and with never a hint of money for a week. 
Then all were paid. Immediately afterward there was a meet- 
ing of I^slie's creditors, and his affairs experienced one of those 
[periodical readjustments which were a necessary part of his 


early career. Nevertheless he was a good general— persuasive 
in his manner, brilliant in his conceptions and methods, fear- 
less of purpose and excellent in discipline. Once young Nast 
returned from an assignment with the report that there was 
nothing there to sketch. 

*' Go back,*' commanded Leslie. *' Do just what I told you. 
I will be the judge of its value." The boy hurried away and 
did not forget this lesson in obedience. 

He was receiving seven dollars a week at this time, which may 
have made him proud. Also he was doing important work. 
Single-handed, Leslie had undertaken to demolish the ** swill 
milk " evil, then the city's bane, and Berghaus and Nast were 
making the sketches. It proved a fight as bitter and as fierce, 
though not so prolonged, as the Tweed Ring battle of later years. 
Leslie 's life and oflSce were threatened by owners of the diseased 
cows that were milked rotting in their stalls. City officials were 
in league with the wretches, and it was hard to get action. 
Leslie did not despair or flinch. He sent his men directly into 
the miserable bams, and each week gave more space to depict- 
ing the vile conditions. The end was a complete triumph for 
the paper. It brought great and deserved credit to Frank 
Leslie, and it gave to young Thomas Nast his first insight into 
corrupt city government, likewise a striking illustration of the 
power of the pencil in correcting evil. 

From Sol Eytinge the boy received much of his technical 
training. Eytinge was a master of his craft, willing to expound 
the gospel of art, allowing his pupil to work as hard as he liked, 
in return. Comradeship and even intimacy existed between the 
two. They planned for the future together, and when in 1857 
the first number of Harper's Weekly appeared, they resolved 
to associate themselves with the new sheet. 

But in October of 1858 Nast was still on Leslie's, assigned 
with Thompson to report the Morrissey-Heenan prisse fight. 


a contest between John Morrissey, the prize-fighting politician, 
and John C. Heenan, the *' Benicia Boy '' (of Benicia, Cali- 
fornia), one of the husbands of Ada Isaacs Menken. 

The battle took place on October 20th, at Long Point, Canada, 
a place of sand — the party on this side embarking from Buffalo 
in three top-heavy, unseaworthy steamers. Nast and *' Doe- 
sticks '* were on the '* Kaloolah," of which '* Doesticks " in 
his account says: 

At 11.30 the floating coflSn left the dock and steamed in a 
dismal manner up the lake. The crowd gave her a mournful 
cheer as she shoved off, and several persons on the shore, who 
knew the boat and had friends on board, bade them a sad fare- 
well and weeping turned away. 

John and Paddy Hughes, Mike Cudney, Tom the Boatman, 
Big-headed Kelly of Buffalo, Izzy Lazarus and many other cele- 
brated and distinguished individuals, now happily dead, were 
aboard, and among these ' * Doesticks ' ' was rather startled to 
see Billy Mulligan, a notorious gentleman whose criminal record 
the journalist had elaborated for the Tribune not long be- 
fore. In earlier days Mulligan had left San Francisco by order 
of the Vigilance Committee, and it may be noted in passing that 
eventually he met his death there for a double murder. 

But Mulligan was ver>" much alive at this particular time, 
aboard the '' Kaloolah,'' and ^^ Doesticks " could think of no 
Kood way to get ashore. That the newspaper man would be 
pointed out to '* Billy " was almost certain, and in that law- 
less crowd the chance of escaping the ruffian's vengeance seemed 
poor. *' Doestick's " concern, however, was chiefly for his com- 
panion, the young artist, whom he cautioned to *^ make himself 
scarce " if he saw Mulligan coming in that direction. 

Tlien suddenly the journalist was seized with an inspiration. 
With jaunty bravado he walked oyer to Mulligan, and holding 
out his hand invited the outlaw to the bar. 


The plan worked perfectly. Mulligan accepted the invitation 
witli good nature, and a little later was confiding to " Doe- 
stieks " the story of his wrongs. It seemed a narrow escape. 

The Aforrissey-Heenan fight was a sanguinary aflfair. Morris- 
sey, being over confident of success, was nearly killed in the first 
round. He was in per- 
fect condition, however, 
and jiresently recovered 
and lasted long enough to 
wear out Heenan, who, 
being ill, became exhansted 
from the very effort of 
pummelling Morrissey. 
The latter closed the con- 
test in the eleventh round, 
a tottering tower of btood, 
but victorious. 

He was too far gone to 
speak, says " Doesticks," 
but he made an attempt to 
smile, which was a most 
ghastly thing to see. His 


eyes were nearly closed, his mouth cut, bis lips and tonguo 
swollen, his nose literally battered flat to his face. Heenan, on 
the contrary, scarcely showed a mark, having been beaten 
throagh sheer weariness. 

*' Doesticks " and Nast, both ardent supporters of the 
'* Benicia Boy," returned to New York disgusted with the affair 
and with pugilism in gen 
eral. Yet it was the pic- 
torial results of the en- 
counter that were to win 
for Xast the more im- 
{tortant assignment — the 
Kreat Heenan-Sayers bat- 
tlc. in England— the fol- 
lowing year. 

For the present he con- 
tented himself with regu- 
lar assignments, complet- 
ing at odd times some 
ratlier ambitious sepia 
sketches— illustrations for 
■■(Jil Bias" begun the 


year before. These he exhibited in the National Academy of 
Design, then on Broadway, between Prince and Spring Streets, 
over a church. 

The young illustrator's art influences at this time were likely 
to be humorous in their tendency. Eytinge was humorous^ at 
his best, while the three great English Johns—Leech, Gilbert 
and Tenniel— were the boy's avowed and exalted models. A 
cartoon— the British Lion and the Bengal Tiger— one of Ten- 
niel 's earliest and be^t, fired him with a desire for like achieve- 
ment. Yet his daily work was purely journalistic— serious and 
prosaic enough— important only in the added skill it gave to 
his pencil and the literal knowledge it brought to him. 

Eytinge meanwhile began to do occasional work for Har- 
per's. Nast helped him on the drawings, and the Harper ambi- 
tion grew. Then at last, Eytinge went to the paper in body and 
spirit, and the boy felt left behind. In any event he could not 
remalin at Leslie 's, for a financial stress was upon the land, and 
the Leslie salaries had been reduced. This was now important, 
as his father, the gentle-souled musician, had recently died, and 
the lad was obliged to contribute to the family's support. 

He gave up, one day, and walked out of the old place where, 
more than three years before, he made his beginning. They 
had been three priceless years, crowded with vital experience 
and valuable instruction. In return, he had rendered faithful 
service, and now, still a boy, being but little past eighteen, he 
felt ready to face the world. 

Naturally he drifted to Eytinge, who worked in a studio of 
his own and allowed Nast to assist on his drawings, with some 
financial result. Yet it was due to Alfred Fredericks, whose 
friendship for the ** litte fat Dutch boy " never wavered, 
that his first entry into the alluring Harper pages was made. 
Fredericks was himself on the Harper staff, and recognizing 
the creative ability of his former pupil, one day said, 



'* Wliy don't you make us a page of ' Police Soandar t " 
Polioe soandal, a perennial development in New York, was 
thpn, as ever, a subjoet of unfailing interest. Nast prepared the 
page and prompt acceptanee followed. Published in Marob, 
lf.W, it was his first appearance in the great weekly where he 
was to make Ins fame. It seems fitting that it should have been 
a protest against eivie abuse. 



More than two years were to elapse before any regnlar oon- 
nection with Harper's Weekly began. Young Nast was not 
idle. Encouraged by the success of the police sketches, he as- 
sailed the gambling houses. With a detective he made the 
rounds, and a paper called the Sunday Courier published his 
work. He also contributed quite frequently to the Comic 
Monthly and to Yankee Notions— the illustrated humorous 
papers of that day. 

But now something wholly unexpected came into the young 
man's life. He fell in love. At 745 Broadway, in the old resi- 
dence later occupied by Charles Scribner and Sons, there dwelt 
in 1859 the ** jolly Edwards family '*— a household wherein a 
lack of wealth was more than offset by an abundance of merry 
entertainment and good will. James Parton was a cousia of 
this family, and the home of the talented Edwards girls and 
their brilliant mother was a favorite meeting place for many 
of the gifted ones of that time. Parton brought his friends, and 
his friends in turn brought others. Books, painting, theatricals 
and even politics were discussed in a lively and exhaustive man- 
ner by the members of that clever, fun-loving circle, which in- 
cluded ** Doesticks,'* Thomas Butler Gunn— a descendant of 
Samuel Butler of ** Hudibras '* fame— J. G. Haney, publisher 




ptitertainmeuts wero 
really very wonderful af- 
fairs, with plays, poems 
and scenery prepared for 
each occasion, and witli 
J ►rogrniniiies very pre- 
tcntious Indeed. 

It was during the 
eariy suiumer of 1 83!) 
that publisher Haney 
one evening introduced 
lii? young contributor, 
Tonnny Xast. to this 
lif i I iiesuiiie crew. They 
jiromptly dubbed him 

of the Comic Monthly, 
and many others, now 
dead and almost for- 
gotten. They were all 
young then and many 
were the festivities they 
planned and carried out 
together. Each year a 
gi'and theatrical perform- 
.■ince was given at the 
Theatre des Edwards 
( .sometimes spelled ' ' Edou- 
;irds " on the printed an- 
iinuncctnenta), and these 

■kelcb by Nut, 1BS8) 




The poem as preserved is in 
the form of a little sketch-book, 
wherein the written lines fall 
exactly beneath the proper 
illustrations, showing that ar- 
tist and amanuensis must have 
worked side by side— perhaps, 
at times, even hand in hand— 
for the amanuensis was no 
other than one of those fas- 
cinating Edwards girls, Sarah, 
with whom the young artist 
had immediately fallen in 

Their courtship must have 
run very smoothly that pleas- 
ant summer of 1859, and on the 

" Roly-poly " — a title sup- 
posed to conform to his 
physical characteristics — and 
set him to work in their 
preparations for a famous 
Fourth of July picnic, which 
took place near Nyack on 
the Hudson, and was sub- 
sequently celebrated in a poem 
by Edward Welles, with pic- 
tares by 

" The young artist friend who 
along with us came, 
And is rushing along on the 
turnpikes of fame." 

(From the Picnic Book) 


Christmas programme of the 
ThMtre des Edwards of that 
year we find the name of one 
" Tliommaso '* Nast set down 
as " Scenic Artist in Chief." 
Farther down appears a cer- 
tain '* Signor Nastonetti " as 
' ' Bibbobobo-bubble, a valet 
and barber," in the piece de 
resistance of the evening, while 
in the Christmas poem he is 
appreciatively referred to as 

" that young artist of high and 
rare promise 
AVhose surname is Nast and 
whose prtenomen Thomas." 


iliiL ,J. fUit-'~- 

(it^U.i..uL.jJ^~^is r ..., M C^:yi^J 

It is recorded that Tommy 
Nast had a most infectious 
laugh in those days, and a rich 
musical voice, and that on this 
evening he gave an impromptn 
imitation of a popular and very 
fat Italian opera favorite, 
Aiiiodio, which " brought 
down the house," and doubt- 
less enshrined him still more 
deeply in Miss Edwards's af- 

Rut the time of matrimony 
was not yet. In November, an- 
other weekly, called the New 



York Illustrated News, had been started, and both Eytinge 
and Nast were members of its staff. Nast had been 
sent out on many important assignments, including the 
funeral of John Brown on December 8th, at North Elba, 
New York, where one of the paJl-bearers was Wendell Phillips, 
who, on the same evening, at Burlington, Vermont, made a speech 
which stirred the young artist to his depths. This was followed 
by '* Backgrounds of Civilization ''—a series illustrating the 
vice and misery of New York tenements— and by other leading 
features of the new sheet. The young artist felt that he was 
really beginning to *' rush along the turnpike," especially as he 
was receiving the comfortable salary— considered really magnifi- 
cent in those davs— of forty dollars a week. 

Perhaps, in spite of his tender years, he now considered him- 
self equal to the responsibilities of a household. Many a boy 
of nineteen with less salary and fewer prospects has assumed 
family cares without a qualm. But just at this point there was 
presented an opportunity which could not be overlooked, even 
for matrimony. Tlie Heenan-Sayers fight— an event of inter- 
national interest, one that overshadowed even the bitter politics 
of that time— was to be ' * pulled off " in England in 1860. It had 
been arranged by George Wilkes, editor of the Spirit of the 
Times, and the News offered Tonuny Nast the assignment 
as '* our special artist " faithfully to picture the great battle. 

He sailed February 15, 1860, with two most important con- 
tracts for contributions— one with the News, the other with 
Miss Edwards. He kept both, faithfully. Every steamer 
brought letters and pictures to his paper (some of the letters 
were published) and, as well, to the lady of his choice. He ar- 
rived safely in London and put up at the Round Table Inn, a 
typical English tavern, frequented by most of the sports. Here 
he prepared a pictorial record of his stormy voyage on the ** City 
of Manchester," a souvenir still carefully preserved. 







Coiioeming the Ileenan-Sayers ei)isode, it may be said here 
that never in the history of nations has there been a sporting 
event tliat even approached it in public importance. America 
and England were not on the friendliest of terms in those days, 
just prior to the Civil "War, and this was to be a grand test of 
physical supremacy. 

Xotwitliatanding his defeat by Arorrlssey, the " Benicia Boy " 
was regarded as America's foremost pugilist, while Tom Sayers 
wore the belt of England. Their names were upon everj* lip. 
Prince, poet, pauper and politician alike could talk and think 
only of the coming event. Two great nations had become mere 
bottle holders, as it were, for their pugilistic favorites. Even 
the staid London Times had articles and editorials on the 
approaching conflict, and most other papers on both sides of the 
water gave up pages, double pages and even entire numlwrs to 


pictures and accounts of the champions, their trainers, their 
training quarters and the smallest details of their daily life. In 
justification, these journals attempted to reconcile pugilistic 
with spiritual development in editorials which have acquired 
humor with age. 

" Our special artist " of the News soon met both Sayers and 
Heenan— the latter at his training quarters, then at Harnham, 
Wiltshire, near Salisbury. Heenan promptly characterized bim 
as " The Little Dragsman "—a play on the word draughtsman, 
and something very nearly approaching friendship sprang up 
between the two. This was most fortunate for Nast, for though 
the News had made a flaming announcement of his departure, 

and boasted 
weekly of " our 
special artist " in 
the field, devot- 
ing almost entire 
issues to his pic- 
tures—pictures in 
which " our spe- 
cial artist " usu- 
ally appeared 
prominently, as 
was the custom of 
those days— they 
failed to send 
" our special ar- 
tist " his remit- 
tances, and with 
his own means ex- 
liiuistpd, he was 
presently in finan- 
cial straits. It 

^^k. _ -^a&^IF; 





(HepEtHlnccfl from a cut 

was Heenan wlio came to the rescue, and entertained the " little 
dragsman " as his ^est at his various lodging houses, for while 
Savers was allowed to train in peace, the upholders of British 
sporting supremacy made life most uncomfortable for the Ameri- 
can pugilist, and officers dogged him from place to place to pre- 
vent his acquiring proper training. 

" They talk about British ' fair play,' " wrote Nast, " but 
I fail to see much of it here. Sayers is at Newmarket, and left 
alone. Poor Heenan is hounded constantly, and has a hard time 
to train at all." 

Sometimes the " Httle dragsman " himself took a tnm at 
training, and managed to hold his own with the " Benicia Boy *' 
in long walks about Harnham, Bath, Winchester, Portsea, 
Xorth and South Wallop, until finally they were left undis- 


turbed. In Derbyshire, Heenan had heen arrested, hut crowds, 
who wanted to see the fight, whooped and called for his release. 

The hattle finally came off at Aldershot, on April 17, 1860. 
Men of every degree were at the ringside. Charles Dickens had 
money laid on the outcome. Even Thackeray is said to have 
been among the spectators, though this he aubseqaently denied. 
Business of every sort was suspended. Parliament adjourned 
for the occasion. 

Lord Palmerston, the Queen's Prime Minister, deplored the 
public importance of a sporting event of so mean an order. 

" Nevertheless," thoughtfully continued his lordship, " if 
the affair mnst come off, I hope Sayers will win." 

On the morning of the event London forgot business to join 
in a general holiday. From the railroad station to the ringside 
there was a wild rush over hedge and marsh. Nohlemen, shop- 
men and professional " sports " raced and scrambled over one 
another in their mad haste to reach the scene of conflict. 


Kruni ■ •ki'tch Ukcn on 

(EfiirtnliicBl from the X* 

English papers had freely eoiideimied Ainericau rowdyism,! 
such as had heeu sliowii at Ihc Morrissey-Heenaii contest, but! 
nothing in America ever outdid the rowdyism displayed on thidi 
occasion. The fight lasted forty-two rounds, and the fair play 
was tiioroughly in keeping with tiiose tactics which had mad 
it hard for the American champion to train. 

From beginning to end it was Ueenan's tight. Sayers wai 
knocked down so i-ontinuously that one only wonders at hial 
ability to stand puninhment. His friends and backers rcpeat-4 
ediy endeavored to take a hand, and called on the police to inters 
fere. More than once his seconds got in Ueenan's way and 
received well-deserved punishment. At last it became simply 
an effort on the part of Sayers to keep alive until the police 
should come to liis rcseue. Tliis they did, at last, in the forty- 
second round, wdien Sayers'a friends nislicd in and Heennn 
promptly and projierly cleaned up the whole ring. 


" It is too bad," said tlic police, " that two sucli good men 
should continao to ' punish each otlier,' " and the " Benicia 
Boy " was dragged from the nifilSe and started for the train 
amid an excitement that was we!i-nigh a general riot. As he 
emerged from the ugly, snarling crowd, he saw Naat. 

" Hello, Dragsman," he said, " wasn't it pretlyf " 

The English sporting public decided that it could not sur- 
render the belt, but awarded one to eacli of the champions in 
appreciation of the great " drawn battle," and permitted them 
to give exhibitions together, which on the wliole were doubtless 
uiore profitable tliaji the fight. 

The News made a vast display of the jiictorial report of 
"our special artist." It devoted an entire issue to the great 
battle, witli i>ortraits of all concerned, including a large one of 
N'art himself, and another of A. V. R. Anthony, the engraver, 
who had harried across with the blocks, eugraviug on ship- 


board as be came. In extenuation they announced that they 
had no choice in the matter. Pugilism had assumed the first 
place in public importance, not only in America, but " in the 
whole civilized world. . . . We must not only be up to the 
mark," they said, " but put all competition under our feet by 
the superiority of our record." Leslie's efforts in the same 
direction they denounced in no feeble terms. Yet Leslie, with 
his usoal enterprise, bad printed a vast " extra " in London, and 
this, with a four-page " authentic " picture (also supposed to 
have been prepared in London, but really in New York), was 
^ , ready to sell when the steamer touched the 

d^. ^T*^'^^- dock. The News shrieked " Fraud! " at 
his achievement and displayed flaring evi- 
dences of its own triumph and prosperity. 
Still it did not remit, and ' ' our special 
artist " was presently wholly without 
means. Doubtless he was greatly sus- 
tained during this trying period by those 
delicate missives which came by every 
(Prom pen akdch) stcamcr; but sucli uotes, however welcome, 

are not negotiable, and there are certain material comforts wliich 
mere sentiment cannot supply. 

And now, all at once, there came news of the invasion of Italy 
by Garibaldi, the Italian " Liberator." In spite of homesick- 
ness and the girl beyond the sea, the young artist who had been 
bom in the barracks of Landau felt all tlie old love of the mili- 
tary revive within him, and with it an eagerness to join the 
legions of the red shirt, whereby lie might draw jjiotures of battle 
on the field itself. 

Tliere was an inviting market for his work, for besides 
the paper in New York, in which lie still had hope, the London 
News was willing to use his sketc-hos, tlioiigli lie did not feel 
justified in asking tlieui for exi>ense money. He was beginning 


to despair, wlien he met Heenan, to whom he confessed his diffi- 

" Why," said Heenan, " we'll fix that. I've no money, but 
I'll get an advance from the fellow that's going to have Sayers 
and me in a public exhibition." 

He did, in fact, produce twenty pounds that same afternoon. 
Nast gave him in exchange an order on the New York News 
for one hundred dollars, and a second for a like amount on his 
mother, in case the one on the News should not be paid. Heenan 
tore up the order on Nast's mother. 

" I'll make them pay me," he said, and he did. When asked 
later how he accomplished it— for the News was in difficul- 
ties—he laughed. " I told them I'd punch their d d Dutch 

heads oflf," he explained, " if they didn't pay," and Nast wished 
he had given Heenan his full account for collection. 



No figure in all tlie world's warfare can be more picturesque 
or noble than that of Giuseppe Garibaldi, a patriot whose religion 
and whose motto were combined in the one word, *' Liberty." 
Brave to the point of rashness, simple-hearted, unselfish and 
pure in spirit, he may be counted the military Sir Galahad of 
modem times, forever seeking the golden grail of Freedom. 

The name of Garibaldi was literally one to conjure with. At 
sound of it, annies e(iuii)ped and eager for war sprang up as if 
by magic. In youth, exiled from his native land for insurrec- 
tion, he had become the foremost hero of South America, where, 
against fearful odds, he had battled on, penniless, half-fed, half- 
f*lothed; captured, imprisoned and tortured^ wounded again and 
again, yet never despairing and never sheathing his sword. 
Triumphant, and a world's hero, he had returned to his native 
land, once more to offer his sword in that cause which of all the 
irifts of earth he held most dear. 

lie had found Italy in a pitiable state. Tliere was no central 
government and no union. Potty dynasties dominated by Aus- 
tria were wrangling among themselves and allowing a beautiful 
<ountr>' to go to ruin. It was for Garibaldi, the fishennan's son, 
to conquer, to abolish and to reform. What Joan of Arc had 
W-en to France, so Garibaldi became to Italy. 



Inspired aud aided by the patriot Mazzlni, -whose pupil aud 
follower he was, he had made a noble aud well-nigh successful 
effort in 1848, defeated only through the treachery of Prance. 
Xow, in 1860, the hour once more seemed propitious. Thougli 


1»U urUBl. Til. >'UT, Elq. 

niiutmlrd KcHt) 

ostensibly discouraged by most of the niouarclis of Europi 
including his own sovereign, the Piediiionteae king, Victofl 
Kiunianuel, he was secretly indorsed by sueli Powers as were not j 
in alliance with Austria, and was assisted to some extent with 1 
money and arms. Characterized as the " Great Filibuster," aud 
with no regular orders from king or country, he set up the Pied- | 
mont banner at Genoa, and the veterans of 1S48, with a horde \ 
of other soldiers of fortune, rallied to his standard. 

Tt was lliis great final attempt for Italian union and freedom | 
which young Thomas Nast had determined to join. The pictur- ' 


esqoe, impetuous Garibaldi was just tlie figure to attract a boy 
artist, fall of romance and military memories. 

Nast 's financial complications had made him late in starting. 
Already, upon his arrival at Genoa, Garibaldi had conveyed two 
shiploads of his recruits to Sicily— the famous " thousand," 
and had conquered at Calatafimi and captured Palermo. 
Throngh the American consul, however, the artist learned that 
two more vessels, the " Washington " and the " Oregon," were 
making ready to follow. At the Cafe della Concordia, the fa- 
vorite resort of Garibaldiana in Genoa, he was introduced to 
Captain (afterwards Colonel) .Tohn W. Peard, one of the veter- 

K original eht'ich) 

aiis of 1H48, and known as " Garibaldi's Englishman "; also to 
otb«»rs of that valiant and variegated band, Nast must have 
made a favorable impression on the Oaribaldians, for he was 
nllnwcd to join the second expedition, which was to be roni- 
mniidod by Colonel Medici, an Italian noblenian, devoted to 



Oaribaldi. On June 9th, with 
Captain Peard, Nast went on 
board the " Washington." To 
nil appearances she was an 
American vessel, for the Stars 
and Stripes floated above lier, 
doubtless with the connivance, 
certainly with the consent, of the 
United States officials. At mid- 
night tliey were under way for 
Sicily and war. 

There was much to enliven 
the voyage. The Garibaldians 
were of every rank and nation. 
Their talk was a babel of 
confused tongues. Men of title 
(K™..iii.i,(,u«riipb) were there— some of them as 

officers, bearing their own names— others as privates, wear- 
ing any name that might suit tlie occasion and perhaps conceal 
a past that was better forgotten. Men had forsaken every pro- 
fession and trade, their lionies and their sweethearts, to engage 
in the trade of war. Men had even broken out of jail to join the 
e-vpedition that was to free Italy. They danced, they gamed and 
tliey sang. Their music floated out over the Mediterranean, and 
brought joy to such as were not too seasick to be happy. 

There were other diversions. An officer who called himself 
De Kolian, a fire-eating soldier of fortune— a brave man bat a 
fretful soul— was constantly hurrying about the deck, giving 
orders and preparing for an attack from those Neapolitan gon- 
boats which he avowed must presently swoop down and destroy 
them. Upon the young artist in particular he strove to impress 
the fierce dangers of war, as well as the desirability of getting 
back to his mother at the first nnportunity. When at last a sus- 


picious vessel really appeared upon the horizon, De Rohan came 
striding aft, shouting, " Make yourself useful, young man I 
Don't flinch! " And the young man promptly made himself 
useful by helping to hoist the Aiuerican flag, kept handy for 
sach emergencies. 

Tliey reached Sicily safely, arriving off Castelamare, on the 
night of June 17th. Karly next morning Nast, standing on the 
bow of the " Washington," saw a fishing boat coming throng 
the mist. It was pulled by sturdy red-shirted men, and one of 
these, as they came under the bow, leaned over to wash his 
hands in the sea. Captain Feard came up just then. 
" Why," he said, " it's Garibaldi! " 

And so it was. The great leader with a few fishermen had 
rowed over from Palermo, a distance of perhaps forty miles, to 
receive his reinforcements, and to make known his commands. 
Amid cheers of welcome, he came on board to confer with 
Medici and Peard. Then, once more, he took his seat in the 
^^^^^^^ fishing boat, laid hold of an oar, 

j^HpSPI like the others, and pulled away 

^^k; tfl^^ ^"^'^ ^^^ mist. The quiet unpre- 

^^Bi i^L^. ^^^k tentioiisness of this man who 

^^ ^W held in liis hand the fortunes of 

a nation made an impression on 
the young artist whirli the years 
never effaced. Garibaldi was his 
liero from that hour. 

Tliey landed and marched 
through the country already pos- 
sessed by the " thousand." It 
was rough life and hard marcli- 
ing. Sometimes the artist had a 
horse, and he learned to sleep in 
tftonis»i..«krfcii.i»ook) the saddle. Once he travelled all 


(From 1 dmnn^vd eki'Irh, liy Nu1> 

night in a springless wagon with Captain Peard, to whom he 
presently became " Joe, tlie fnt boy of Pickwick," and a close 
friend. Yet it was a triumphal march. The Sicilians rejoiced in 
their freedom from the galling yoke of the Neapolitans — the 
troops were greeted with bands of music, and lavishly entertained. 

The expedition reached Palermo and Garibaldi on the 2l8t of 
June. Garibaldi rode out to meet the army and was greeted 
with the wildest entlmsiasm. A little later the patriot chief, 
arrayed only in gray trousers and the red fislierman's shirt to 
which he has given his name, welcomed his ofRcers to the royal 
palace, where he had established headquarters. Upon De Ro- 
han's introduction the Liberator held out his hand to Nast. 

" I am glad to make your acquaintance," he said. " As you 
are a friend of my friend De Rolmn, you are my friend also.'* 



With Peard and other oflScers, Nast stopped at the Hotel Tri 
nacria, and next morning set out early to view the city. And 
now, for the first time, he realized some of the horrors of war. 
There had been a fierce bombardment from the Neapolitan ves- 
selSy also from the Palermo citadel and royal palace, before the 
final surrender. Ruined palaces were on every hand. Whole 
districts were in ashes. In some of the houses, families had been 
burned alive. A multitude of men and women, led by monks and 
armed with pickaxes, were destroying the hated citadel whose 
capture had cost them so much. Of this scene the artist made 
a careful sketch, which appeared in the London News of 
Julv 28th. 

All Palenno was wild with excitement. ** Garibaldi " was 
the name on every lip. Red shirts, red skirts, red feathers and 
red ribbons billowed everywhere like a tossing vermilion sea. 
Tlie price of red cloth doubled, trebled, quintupled. The young 
artist hastened to secure himself a red shirt before the supply 
was exhausted, also the proper trousers, and a hat as nearly like 
(laribaldi's as he could find.* Then he strapped on a large knife, 
such as the Sicilian grocers use to cut cheese, and felt eijuipped 

• GarihaMi onc<» tolil Nast that the idea of usinp the *' red shirt" uniform had l)een 
«t,jr^,^t*^l to him by the dress of the New York City flrcmen. 



for war. At night he attended 
a theatre, where the representa- 
tion was of. recent events, and 
an actor, overcome hy a frenzy 
of excitement, died with the 
name of Garibaldi on his lips. 

Indeed, Garibaldi had become 
to the Sicilians a second Mes- 
siah. Many of them reaily be- 
lieved him to be so. His ene- 
mies declared that he had sold 
his soul to the devil, and could 
shake their bullets from his 
body into his loose red shirt and 
empty them out at his leisure.* 
The artist could never vouch for 
this story, as he did not see the 
bullets. What impressed him most was the simplicity of the 
great commander's life. Calling one morning at the palace, he 
found Garibaldi at a breakfast which consisted of nothing more 
than a little fruit, some bread and a glass of water. 

Through Captain Peard, who had proved a true friend— ad- 
vancing money when remittances were delayed— Nast was per- 
mitted to take a run up to Naples on an English man-o*-war. 
He found Naples in a state of mighty excitement. A review 
of Neapolitan soldiers by their Bourbon king, Francis II., had 
resulted in a sanguinary riot. Everywliere were the portraits 
and colors of Garibaldi. Evidently the inhabitants were ready 
to receive their conquerors with open arms. With the officers 
of the English vessel, Nast went over the city and made a trip 
to Pompeii. Tlien he was low in funds again, and the remittance 
he had expected at Naples did not come. 

• ■■ Life of Garibaldi," by J. Tbcwlnre Bent, 


" Artist of the III. News," he wrote on a card, to identify 
bimself with the landlord, to whom he owed a respectable bill. 
■* When I come back, with Garibaldi, I will pay you." 

The landlord studied the card carefully. 

•' Yon are artist of ze ill news. Dat mean bad news! " 

Xast explained. The landlord took ten piasters from his 
money drawer and laid them before his guest. 

" Do you mean that you will advance me that! " gasped the 

The money was pushed toward him without further comment. 
Two months later, when he returned as he had promised, the 
landlord refused to accept payment or even to remember 
the transaction. It was a Neapolitan way of contributing to the 
Garibaldian cause. 

Nast returned to Palermo just in time to see Garibaldi's troop 
ships leaving for Milazzo, the next point of conquest. He followed 
on another vessel which sailed the same evening, arriving on the 
following afternoon to find that " "!^- ".'■17 ^""'. 

he was once more too late for 
the fighting. Milazzo had fallen 
rin the 20th, after a stubborn 
defence. Only the citadel still 
ri-mained in the enemy's hands. 
Closed shops and the ruin of 
(tattle everywhere confronted 
liim. He went about and made 
pketches, and, tired and with- 
out food, slept that night on 
paving stones. 

Tlie surrender of the citadel 
took place on the 25tli of July, 
instead of the 21st, as has been 
erroneously stated. General ,Krom [«ncu ^eichi 


Bosco, a Neapolitan commander who had really made a fierce 
resistance, marched out, followed by his army. This must have 
been humiliation for the proud Bosco, who but very recently 
had referred to his enemies as " those ragged Uaribaldians." 
Xast made sketches of this and other scenes of the day, and his 
pictures were used on both sides of the water, with pay from 
only one, though the New York News continued to boast of 
" our own special artist with Garibaldi." 

At Milazzo many Neapolitans came over to the C^aribaldian 
ranks— glad to be captured— glad to escape from that terrible 
citadel, where dead men lay unburied in the sun, and where the 
wells were as poison, A powder train was found laid to the 
magazine, ready for explosion, though Bosco denied all knowl- 
edge of this violation of the code of arms. 

The Garibaldians now moved on to Messina, where the in- 
habitants, hardly knowing what to expect, had put out to sea, 
1.— -- . -' in boats of every descrip- 

tion. But the Bourbon 
forces at Messina did not 
care to fight. The very 
name of Garibaldi, and 
the fact of his arrival, 
were sufficient for their 
conquest. Finding there 
was to be no battle, the 
citizens returned and 
pulled down all the Bour- 
bon emblems, including 
a statue of Francis II. 
The streets were quickly 
filled with red costumes 
and dancing. The public 
square became a vast 


ballroom. Nast made many sketches of these characteristic 
From this time on until the siege of Capua, on the Voltumo, 

beyond Naples, the Garibaldian expedition has been termed a 
** military promenade." There was some sharp fighting at 
Keggio, just after crossing the straits, but for the most part the 
awe-stricken and half-starved Neapolitans were only too eager 
to lay down their arms and be taken into camp. 

Support now came from all quarters. English recruits— 
chiefly sportsmen who hoped to bag a few Neapolitans, pheasant 
shooting having been rather poor at home— were constantly ar- 
riving, while the English navy, under Admiral Mundy, was al- 
ways lingering about to get in the enemy's way. When Mundy 
was absent and danger threatened, the American flag did 
good service. The champion of liberty was no longer the 
** Great Filibuster," but the ** Commander of the Army of the 
South " with the three Ms— men, muskets and money— at his 
command. His forces numbered fully forty thousand men, well 
disciplined and well equipped. All his life long, against every 
obstacle, he had yearned and fought for this recognition. Now, 
at last, it had come to him. He was Dictator of Italy, with the 
victor's laurels within reach. 

(From pencil akfelch) 



The march northward was not warfare, save as it may be pre- 
sented iD the opera bouffe. The Neapolitan troops literally fell 
over one another to surrender their arms and be safe. Heavy 
firing sometimes took place, but only for stage effect and at 
very long range. The cannon balls, when they did reach, came 
bounding along like baseballs, and were sometimes caughl by 
the soldiers. At one point, Neapolitan officers who had not as 
yet had a chance to surrender, sent a messenger to apologize for 
the shots of the night before, offering as an excuse that the men 
were restive and difficult to control. Doubtless this was tme. 
They were eager for the moment of surrender, and celebrating 
its approach. 

The Garibaldian officers now travelled as rapidly as they 
pleased. Colonel Peard had been ordered to go ahead and spy 
out the promised land, and Nast accompanied him. Peard rode 


a rather bony horse, while ** Joe, the fat boy,'' was usually 
mounted on a small, but loud-lunged jackass, so that the two 
bore considerable resemblance to Don Quixote and his faithful 
squire. Now and again, weary with riding, the ** fat boy " 
would nod, and Peard would call to him: 

** Now, Joe, you're asleep again," or, ** Don't go to sleep, Joe, 
you rascal! " And so they wiled away the long, hot Italian 
afternoons. Much of the time they were wholly unescorted; yet, 
in the midst of the enemy's country though they were, they did 
not feel especially afraid, for the Neapolitans had been awe- 
stricken by the name of the approaching Garibaldi, and were 
only too anxious to fire their last few shots in the air and come 
capering into their conqueror's camp. 

Sometimes, at the villages, Peard was mistaken for Garibaldi, 
whom he slightly resembled, and the inhabitants flocked about, 
kissing his hand and calling him their preserv^er. Even the fat 
boy on the noisy donkey received attention. 

This mistaking of Colonel Peard for Garibaldi resulted in 
certain incidents that should not be overlooked by the writers of 
opera bouflFe. Arriving one afternoon at the crest of a hill, the 
advance guard of two suddenly found itself face to face with a 
large Neapolitan detachment. Quick volleys of handkerchiefs 
were fired, i. e., waved, on both sides. Then the i)soudo Gari- 
baldi and his loyal squire sallied down and aeeei)ted the joyful 
surrender of an anny, with artillery and side-arms. Still far- 
ther on, when the advance guard had lain down in a vineyard 
for a brief siesta, it awoke to find itself surrounded by a Nea- 
politan army of seven thousand men. Peard promptly asked to 
l)e taken to the commander. This time he did not impersonate 
(raribaldi, but merely said, 

'* You are our prisoners— Garibaldi is close behind." 

Tlie officer regarded him doubtfully— uncertain as to whether 
lie was really their prisoner, or they his. Nast was despatched 



to bring up the General and thus settle the matter. This he did 
without loss of time. 

He found Garibaldi combiDg his hair sailor fashion, before a 
small mirror, while his soldiers rested. 

" Tell them I'll he along to accept their surrender by the time 
they get the papers ready," he laughed. 

Nast returned with the great commander's message, and a little 
later Garibaldi's appearance in person ended all dispute. Far- 

iFnim ptw^ll nketcb) 

ther along, Colonel Peard accomplished the evacuation of Sa- 
lerno merely by sending a telegram over Garibaldi's signature. 

The English sportsmen who had come out to pot a few Nea- 
politans began to complain of their hard luck. They were to 
have their ciiance on the Voltunio, where the Bourbon dynasty 
under Francis II. made its last stand. For the present, however, 
they grumbled at uneventful marches under the hot sun and 
through the miasmatic swamps that set their bones aching and 
filled their veins with fever. 

But to return to our gallant pair of conquerors. Just before 



reaching Salemo, they were informed that some gendarmes were 
coming in that direction, seeking trouble. Here was a real dan- 
ger. The gendarmes were Neapolitan police and under no obli- 
gations to surrender. Feard drew his sword and Nast his trusty 
cheese knife. Then they secluded themselves in the brush and 
waited for the squad to pass. This was humiliating, of course, 
after accepting the surrender of thousands, but the thousands 
had been in a surrendering mood. They lay in breathless silence, 
praying fervently that the donkey would restrain any ambition 
he might have to voice his feelings. Perhaps be was alive to the 
sitnation,for he merely wagged his ears in silence, and the danger 

After Salemo, donkeys, horses and even carriages were no 
longer needed. 
HereGari - 
baldi and bis 
faithful ones 
took the train 
for Naples. 
But it was n 
train that 
moved a t a 
snail's pace, 
(hi either side 

cavalcade of 
rl leering, wav- 
ing men and 
women, .\ I 
times, the 
engineer was 
n )> 11 g e d to 
halt, to avoid 


cnisliiiig the eager ones wiio crowded upon tlie track ahead. At 
every station, a throng swarmed over the coaches and filled the 

Arrived at Nrples, the guard kept a senibUince of order in 
the station but just outside paudenioniuin had broken loose. 
Crowds sliouted and sang and danced in a perfect delirium 
of joy, " Viva Garibaldi! Viva Vittorio Emmanuele! Viva 
ritalia! " was on every lip. Only at the gloomy garrison of 
St. Elmo were those— Bourbon officers and gunners—who as yet 
took no part in the triumph. Their guns were trained on the car- 
riage of Garibaldi and his staff. And Garibaldi knew that they 
were there— that the guns were shotted— that the gunners stood 
by with lighted fuse. 

" Prive slower," he said to the nen-ous coachman. " Stop! " 
and the carriage halted directly before the guns. 


** Fire! " commanded the Bourbon officers. ** Fire! Fire!^^ 
But Garibaldi had risen in his carriage and was looking di- 
rectly at the artillerymen. And then, all at once, the gunners 
threw away their fuses, and flinging their caps high in the air 
shouted with the multitude, 
** Viva Garibaldi! Viva Vittorio Emm<inuele! Viva 1 'Italia! " 

Now came riotous days of rejoicing at Naples, and voting for 
the annexation of Naples and Sicily to Piedmont, with Victor 
Emmanuel as king. The result was almost unanimous for union, 
and the beginning of the great end for which Garibaldi had 
straggled and fought was at hand. Nast made sketches of the 
election, of the streets and of whatever appealed to him as pic- 
turesque or important; also, a number of characteristic water- 
color paintings— striking bits of Italian life and scenery— four 
of wliich are still presen'^ed. He accompanied Garibaldi to the 
shrine of Piedigrotta, and of this made a large drawing for the 
Ijondon News. September 27th being the artist's birthday, his 
military friends gave him a feast to be remembered. 

On October 1st began the fighting before Capua and along 
the Voltumo, where Francis IT., with forty thousand adherents, 
made a final determined stand. Here, at length, was genuine 
warfare. Nast climbed Santa Maria Hill for a view of the field. 
At first there seemed to bo panic among the Garibaldians. Then 
tlio great commander himself arrived and the troops rallied. 
V(»t it seemed to the observer that vast confusion reigned below. 
Runaway horses tore through the ranks. Fallen men were all 
about, and scores of wounded were dragging themselves from 
tlio fray. The Englisii sportsmen had found amusement at last. 

Presently a shell exploded not far away. 

" Pretty close," said an officer who stood near. 

Another shell passed still closer, and fell a few yards distant. 

'" On your faces! " shouted the officer, and the spectators 


rolled over like automatons. " All right! She's dead! " called 
the spokesman a moment later, and once more, though rather 
reluctantly, the audience sat up. 

" Guess I've got sketches enough," said Nast. 

Presently there was a little sally of infantry up the hill, to 

1 ■ --. . 


•■•-.' \ 




capture the spectators. It was a futile attempt. The spectators 
were not handicapped with arms. Even the artist, short and fat 
and laden with a sketch book, escaped. He decided that he had 
seen enough war, and returned to Naples that night. 

A few days later, at Caserta, Garibaldi, victor over all, sat 
to him for his portrait. The great general— foremost figure in 
the public eye, lauded to the skies, besieged and beset for favors 
by thousands of men and women of all nations— was patient and 
polite during the sketching, and left, as usual, the impression 
of being the gentle-hearted patriot that he was. 

And so the war ended. King Francis had retired to the citadel 
of Gaeta, and Garibaldi at last confronted the Army of the North, 


commanded by Victor Emmanuel, king of Italy miited. On a 
morning early, each at the head of his army, these two met— 
the sovereign and the fisherman's son who had won for him a 
crown. It was the supreme moment of Garibaldi's life. The 
vast concourse looking on were for an instant silent. Then, as, 
leaning from their horses, king and soldier clasped hands, there 
arose once more the oft-repeated shout that told of Italy free. 
The conqueror's mission was accomplished. He had defeated 
the invader, he had united a nation, he had crowned a king. 
Alas, that nations are not always just, nor kings often grateful ! 

A few days later the Liberator bade good-by to his friends and 
followers. Among his soldiers he distributed medals. His voice 
failed as he took leave of them, while they, in turn, wept at the 
parting. Then, penniless as he had begun the struggle, having 
borrowed a few pounds with which to pay his debts, he set out 
for his home, Caprera, a small barren island off the Sardinian 
coast. In return for his great gifts to Italy and her king, he 
had accepted only the assurance that his army should be cared 
for— a promise readily made, and never fulfilled. Nast saw him 
for the last time on board the English flagship *' Hannibal," 
where Garibaldi bade farewell to Admiral Mundy, who had ren- 
dered him faithful service. 

It was the ** Liberator's " final word of good-by. The steam- 
ship ** Washington " was waiting for him, and a little later 
was hull-down on the horizon, leaving a free and united Italy 



On Friday, November 30, 1860, the young artist, Thomas 
Nast, bade good-by to his friends of Italy. Colonel Peard kissed 
him, as a father would a son. Their adventurous association 
had made them lifelong friends. 

In his journey northward he passed by Gaeta, where Francis 
n. was still besieged. A feeble and desultory bombardment was 
in progress, and Nast and two travelling companions paused 
to obser\'e it. Nast was sketching, when suddenly they were 
surrounded by soldiers and put under arrest. Friends were far 
behind, at Naples. The strange soldiers jeered at them as they 
were marched away. 

Tliey were taken before the commanding officer, who was din- 
ing in good style on the veranda of a handsome hotel. A band 
near by was making excellent music. The captain explained who 
the prisoners were and added that they seemed hungry; where- 
upon the connnandant invited them to dine. They accepted, 
highly pleased at their capture. Now and then a shell burst 
near by, but the nmsic did not stop, and the dining went on. It 
was the last spectacular touch of a picturesque and theatrical 

After dinner they were discharged, and Nast set out for Rome. 
Here he visited the galleries, also the Coliseum, which made a 


mighty impression on tlie artist, lie made a sketch of the ruins, 
which later became a factor in some of his most important car- 
toons. Florence and Milan followed, and (lenoa, where he re- 
covered a trunk which he had abandoned to join the Garibal- 
dians. From Genoa, via St. Gothard to Switzerland— thence to 
Germany and his childhood's home. How small Strasburg and 
its cathedral had grown since the visit with his mother, fourteen 
years before. 

** What have you under your coat? '' asked the customs offi- 
cer, beyond the Rhine. 

** The other steeple of the cathedral,'' answered Nast. 

He had intended this as a joke, but the officer could not find 
the steeple and the joker narrowly escaped arrest for deception. 

On December 21st he reached Landau by diligence, and found 
the old place just as he had left it, only shrunken in its pro- 
portions. The guard house seemed no longer grim and terrible. 
The drawbridges were miniatures— the city walls almost a joke. 
The parade ground had dwindled to a mere patch. 

He found his aunt alive, and on her walls were the same old 
pictures of Napoleon and his tomb. It was Christmas- time in 
Landau, and while far across the sea, at the ** Theatre des 
Edwards," they were reciting lines about their brave and absent 

** AVe have a friend this year with glorious Garibaldi, 
Of Theatre des Edwards the capital Grimaldi, 
Not least in our esteem, though mentioned last. 
Health and a swift retuni to artist hero, J^ast— " 

the ** artist hero " was being feasted and wined in that tiny 
Bavarian fortress at all hours of the day and night. Tlie hard- 
ships of Italy were forgotten, except as he was called upon fo 
recite them. Perhaps the crowning joy of his Landau visit was 
the payment to him of forty dollars by a distant relative, who 
claimed to have borrowed it from his mother. 

HOME g; 

But he was homesick for America and the girl he had left 
there. From Landau he journeyed to London, by way of Stutt- 
gart, Munich, Nabburg— the last being his father's birthplace— 
where he saw another aunt, whose husband was kapelmeister. 
Here, he remained over night and slept in the little steeple room 
where, as a boy, his father had slept, and in the same hard bed. 
In the evening he was serenaded, and the burgomeister and 
priest called to hear the story of his adventures. 

Through Germany his trip was a succession of art galleries 
and cathedrals. He saw tourists rhapsodizing before pictures 
which to him, fresh from the stirring action of real life, seemed 
crude and unreal. The tourists were worshipping a tradition, 
rather than a reality. He was tired of it all and wanted to get 
home. Crossing the channel, he heard talk of the war brewing 
in his own land. 

Once more he stopped at the Round Table Inn, and remained 
a few days to straighten financial matters with the London 
Xews. W. L. Thomas, an engraver on the News, had looked 
after Nast's pictures and remittances while in Italy, and now 
tried to persuade him to remain with the paper. But £2 2s. per 
double page is not the way of wealth. He sailed on Januarj' 
19th at noon, on the steamer ** Arabia," and on February 1, 
lHf)l, after a year's absence, arrived in New York (^ity with a 
dollar and a half in his pocket. It was the proper financial 
f'ondition for a returned (Jaribaldian. The great patriot him- 
self had bi*en not much i)oorer on his return to Cai)rera. 

His pai)er, the News, was in a very bad way indeed. The 
owners could pay nothing at all. The company was soon re- 
organized by Leggett Brothers, who had lent the finn money, 
and now took charge. The old proprietors had not i)aid, but 
they had been most lavish in their advertising of ** our special 
artist,'* which, on the whole, had been of value. The new com- 
pany employed him at a modest salary, with a quantity of work. 


as nsnaL Take it all in all, he was happy. He was young and 
hopeful and full of health. His sweetheart and friends had re- 
mained faithful. 

He began saving at once for a home, for he was resolved to be 
married on his twenty-first birthday. To this, Miss Edwards' 
parents had given consent, regarding a lack of funds as no ob- 
stacle to a young man of talent, industry and exemplary habits. 
His first purchase was a three hundred and fifty dollar piano, 
on credit. With his fondness for music, he could not resist the 
temptation, and the weekly pajTuents on this joy of the house- 
hold continued through the first year of married happiness. 

The wedding came oflF the day before his birthday, which fell 
on Friday. It was in that dark and gloomy time following the 
outbreak of the Civil War. September 26th was a day of prayer, 
offered for the torn and stricken Union, so they were married 
early in the morning, that their pastor might hurry away to the 
public services. Then, after breakfast, the parents took their 
children, for they were little more than that, to the train and 
started them for Niagara Falls— that Mecca where the honey- 
moon never sets— where, by its light, newly-wed lovers have 
watched the tumbling waters from generation to generation, and 
shall continue so to watch, ** as long as the river flows." 

It was not until they were on the train and the train had 
started that the young man realized what he had done. Those 
older people had gone off and left him with a wife. The dangers 
of Italy suddenly dwindled to a poor thing in comparison. In 
Italy there had been only himself. Now, there were two, and one 
of them a young woman, who was wholly in his charge. This was 
responsibility. This was life. The curtain had fallen upon the 
epoch of early youth. 




** Thomas Nast has been our best recruiting sergeant," said 
Abraham Lincoln near the close of the Civil War. ** His em- 
blematic cartoons have never failed to arouse enthusiasm and 
patriotism, and have always seemed to come just when these 
articles were getting scarce. ' ' 

The emblematic semi-historical drawings referred to by Presi- 
dent Lincoln did not begin until near the end of the second year 
of the struggle, though from the very commencement of his war 
work there had been strong sentiment and pictorial value in the 
young artist's drawings, undoubtedly due to his own intense 
loyalty to the Union; and these did not fail, through the medium 
of his forceful skill, to awaken a wide and eager response. 

Sixty-one was a turbulent time, especially in New York City, 
where Fernando Wood, then Mayor, not only applauded the se- 
ceding South, but advised the secession of the metropolis. Tljere 
was in New York a large element of foreign inmiigrants whose 
natural instinct seemed to be to destroy the nation that had 
sheltered them. Also, there was a multitude of merchants who 
had sold goods south of the Mason and Dixon line, and knew that 
for them war might spell ruin. p]ven the press was inclined to 
be lukewarm in its patriotism, and to argue rather liberally on 
the right of the Southern States to secede. Union talk was 


plentiful enough, but it was likely to be * ' Union without war ' ' 
and '' Peace at any price." Men who were for ** Union before 
all," and especially those who declared for abolition, were apt 
to be roughly dealt with, and at times found police protection 
welcome, not only in New York, but on the streets of patriotic 

The policy of the newly elected President, Lincoln, was eagerly 
awaited. Pfe had declared against slavery, and expressed his 
belief that a nation half slave and half free could not endure. Yet» 
during his debate with Douglas, he had protested mainly against 
extending the evil, offering no definite plans for correcting it. 
His enthusiastic reception in New York City, on his journey to 
Washington, showed that the larger element believed that the 
Man from the West, with his gentle spirit and wide humanity, 
would avoid a war. 

On February 19, 1861, at Thirty-fourth Street and Eleventh 
Avenue, Thomas Nast, a boy not yet twenty-one, awaited the 
arrival of Abraham Lincoln, after that long triumphal journey 
from his home in Springfield. There were poor police regula- 
tions in those days. The President-elect and his companions were 
hustled and almost overwhelmed by the eager crowds. Nast, 
however, got a glimpse of Lincoln, and observed that the latter 
wore a beard and did not nmch resemble the sketches and cari- 
catures which had already appeared. The artist made a sketch 
on his own account and later attended the reception given at 
City Hall. Here he made additional sketches, and was almost 
torn to pieces, trying to get near the guest of honor. 

Being young and strong, he pushed his way through. Sud- 
denly he found himself face to face with Lincoln, who likewise 
had suffered at the hands of the populace. The great man's cloak 
was torn and his hair dishevelled, but he was trj'ing to look 
l)loaso(l. With an air of nnitual commiseration, Nast held out 
his hand. 



" I have the honor, sir." 

Lincolo's face liglited iip as lie acknowledged the salute. He 
smiled, but it ytas a smile of sadness— a tokeu of the underlying 
tragedy of it all, concealed for the moment by the humors of cir- 
cumstance and the fanfare of welcome. 

Nast was ordered by his paper, the News, to proceed to Pliila- 
detphia and on to Washington for the inaugural ceremonies. He 
was near Lincoln during the celebrated speech and flag-raising 
at Independence Hall, where Lincoln laid off lils coat that he 
might with greater ease hoist the Stars and Stripes above the 
birthplace of Liberty. Later, the artist heard the address made 
from the balcony of the Continental Hotel, at which Lincoln and 
his party were staying. 

It was nearly night, and the hotel windows were lit. The 
streets were thronged and jammed. Men were pushed and tram- 
pled by the masses of humanity, half crazed in a desire to see 



(From tlic orlgtul dnwliig} 

Ihe tall rail-splitter of the West, who was to guide them safely 
through a lahyrinth of political bypaths and turnings. The 
hosts were eager to follow, but only a few there were who real- 
ized that the one way of Union lay straight ahead, even though 
it led across the sombre fields of war. 

Nast now liurried to Baltimore. Owing to the disturbed 
conditions there, the definite plans of the Presidential party 
were not made known. It was thought that disorder and 
perhaps open assault might occur in that hot-bed of dis- 
sension, where a crowd of roughs was said to have 
organized in a plot for Lincoln's assassination. Lincoln did 
not credit the report, and it is more than likely that no co::- 
certed plan of action had been formed. Yet there was always a 
mob about the Baltiibore station, and had his presence been 
known, it is by no means unlikely that an attack might have 
been made. Certainly it seems best tliat the Fresideat-elect 
allowed his friends to prevail, and convey him by night tbrouj^ 
the disloyal city. The story of Lincoln 's Scotch cap and plaid 
disguise, however, was wholly a canard, invented by an irre- 
sponsible newspaper man, who later in the war was imprisoned 
on a charge of forgery. 

Nast did not see Lincoln in Baltimore, hut from a description 


sapplied by the railway Buperintendeut there, made a drawing 
more nearly correct in its details than any published at the time. 
Sad to relate, the editors of the News altered It to conform to 
the absurd " Scotch cap and plaid " fraud, which had gained 
credence, Lincoln was much ridiculed in consequence, and con- 
siderably humiliated. 

At Washingfton, Nast stopped at the Willard Hotel. Being 
Idocohi's headquarters, it was thronged with politicians, in- 
clnding an army of office-seekers. The artist made sketches 
about the lobby, also of the arrival of the Peace Conference, 
headed by ex-President Tyler, and of the ' ' salute of a hundred 
guns," fired on the last day of February to ratify the results of 
this meeting. On the 27th he had attended the farewell cere- 
monies between President Buchanan and the city's mayor and 
board of aldermen— a custom of that time— and on the same day, 
in the House of Representatives, made a sketch in which Roger 



,%^ : 




A. Pryor a|>pears prominently in the foreground, though Nast 
did not then know whose was tlie striking faee of that excitable 
advocate of the Soutlieni Cause. 

In his later life Nast remembered much of this Washington 
experience witli tliat feeling of shuddering horror with whicb 
we recall a disordered dream. The atmosphere was cliarged with 
foreboding. Even tlie busy days about the Wiilard Hotel were 
strewn with ominous incidents. 

" I am from Maryland, and stand by my colors! " Nast heard 
a man mutter at his elbow, one evening in the hotel lobby, where 
Horace Greeley and others of the Abolition faith were gathered. 

" I am from Virginia and stand by you! " was the muttered 
answer of another bystander. 

Somewhat later a crowd of Southeniers, with .John Morrisaey, 
suri'ounded Horace (Ireeley and a group of liis friends, and 
expressed their sentiments with an cnipliasis doubtless aug- 
mented by licjuor. 

For it was not a time of loud talking. Knots of men on the 
street coniers conversed in whispers. At night the streets were 
hushed and almost deserted. 

The day of inauguration was one of gloom and mutterings. 
Military was carefully posted to prevent hostile deumnstrations. 


The weather was bleak. With his cane laid across the mana- 
script to keep the sheets from flying away," the President-elect, 
pale and anxious, read that memorable address iu which he said, 
" "We are act enemies, but friends." 

There was not much applause. The city drew a great breath 
of relief when it was over and there had been no outbreak. Yet 
the tension was not relaxed. The men who had sworn tliat Abra- 
ham Lincoln should never take his seat were not gone. Night 
came down, brooding danger. 

*' It seemed to me," said Nast, *' that the shadow of death 
was everywhere. 1 had endless visions of black funereal parades, 
accompanied by mournful music. It was as if the wlible city 
were mined, and I know now that this was figuratively true. A 
single yell of defiance would have inflamed a mob. A shot would 
have started a conflict. In my room at the Willard Hotel I was 
frying to work. I r* ^ 

picked up my pen- 
cils and laid them 
down as many as a 
dozen times, I gut , 
up at last and 
walked the floor. 
Presently in tlie 
rooms ne.\t mine 
other men were 
walking. I could ', ■ *^ .- 

hfiir them in the " "~ ^ ' ' ^■■— .^■^- ■-■ 

silence. My head his uinu 

was beginning to throb, and 1 sat down and pressed my hands 
to my temples, 

" Then, alt at once, in the Ebbett House across the way a win- 
dow was flung up and <) nuin steppod out on the lialrony. The 

•■■Th.. N-.ili.iiuil (.'uiiit.ll." I.y (:.-<.rn.- C. ILi/liluji, .Ir, 



footsteps about me ceased. Everybody had heard the man and 
was ■watcliing breatlilessly to see wliat he would do. Suddenly, 
in a rich, powerful voice, lie began to sing ' The Star Spangled 

" The result was extraordinary. Wiixlows were thrown up. 
Crowds gathered on the streets. A multitude of voices joined the 
song. When it was over the street rang with cheers. The men 
in the rooms next mine joined me in the corridors. The hotel 
came to life. (Jueats wept and flung their arms about one an- 
other. Dissension and threat were silenced. It seemed to me, 
and I believe to all of us, that Wasliington had been saved by 
the inspiration of an unknown man with a voice to sing that 
grand old song of songs." 



And DOW came the long, fierce struggle. 
■ The Nation was in a state of war before 
it was willing to admit the fact. Union 
stores and armament had been seized. 
State after State had seceded. As far 
back as January 9 (1861) the " Star of 
the West," a merchant vessel sent with 
supplies and reinforcements to relieve Fort Sumter, liad been 
fired upon by the guns of Fort Moultrie and compelled to return 
witii her cargo to New York. This had caused great rejoicing in 
the South, where secession was eager for the trial of arms, but it 
was not until the bombardment of Sumter on tlie 13tb of April 
that the North really awoke to tlie ghastly fact of a civil war, the 
end of wiiirh no man could foresee, 

Tlien, suddenly, the lines became sharply drawn. Men were 
either for or against the Union. Hundreds of merchants who 
had favored peace at almost any national sacrifice now came 
forward with funds and offers of service. Even Fernando 
Wood became vice-president of the first great war meeting in 
N'ew York City, and delivered an address full of patriotism, urg- 
ing bis hearers to unite in the common cause of Union, President 
Lincoln Issued a call for volunteers, and they came pouring in. 



Drilling and arming were everywliere. Tbe clamor of fife and 
drom was on the wind. The North was aroused at last. 

The news of the assault on the Sixth Massachueetts by the 
roughs of Baltimore came on April 19th, on the day that the 

mil. IH, im\ 

Seventh of New York— the crack regiment of the New York 
National Guard— marched down Broadway to the ferry for de- 
parture. The city went fairly mad that day. Old and young 
screamed themselves hoarse, and a million banners waved above 
the line of march. Nast made a drawing and, years later, a 
large oil painting of the scene. It hangs to-day in the annory of 
the Seventh, the only pictorial record of an event which New 
York will never forget. 

But marching regiments and a cheering populace are not al- 
ways the prelude of victory. The months following Abraham 
Lincoln's accession were full of dark days for the ITnion. The 
war was almost a succession of defeats for the National forces, 


M'ith the result of fierce exuberance aud augmenting courage in 
the South; while at the North there grew a wide sense of depres- 
sion ihat became well-nigh despair. Of course the Administration 
was attacked. The press and the stay-at-homes began to cry out 
against Lincoln, against the War Department, against the gene- 
rals in the field, against everything, in fact, except themselves 
and their own pet nostrums for the cure of the Nation's sorry 

Horace Oreeley and his Abolition associates attacked Lincoln 
daily, through the Tribune, demanding emancipation, overlook- 
ing the fact that without armed possession he might as easily 
fflnancipate the slaves of the 
Soadan as those of the Secession 
States. Another and larger 
faction advocated Union before 
all, but they wanted it quicker. 
and these also denounced the 
AdminiBtration and abused the 
generals and their armies for 
not ending the conflict without 
further delay. Tliere was still 
another class— smaller, it is 
tme, but more dangerous than 
either of the others— the men 
who cried out for peace at any 
cost, who avowed the war to he 
a failure, who were secessionist !it lic> 
(if our Civil War. 

Amid these besetting factions Lincoln's life was a succession 
of heart-sick days; of joyless nights; of moniings that only too 
often brought ill tidings of defeat. If the President walked the 
Hoor and wept, as he is said to have done when matters were 
going from had to worse; when those like Horace (Jreeley and 

-tlie " Copperheads ' 


tlierefore, you blame me already. 
I think I could not do better; 
therefore, I blame you for blam- 
ing me. I understand you now to 
be willing to accept the help of 
men who are not Republicans, 
provided they have ' heart in 
it.' Agreed. I want no others. 
But who is to be the judge of 
hearts or of 'heart in it 'T 
If I must discard my own judg- 
ment and take yours I must 
also take that of others; and 
by the time I should reject 
all I should be advised to re- 
ject, I should have none left, 
Republicans or others— not even 
yourself. For be assured, my dear 
sir, there are men who have 
' heart in it ' that think you arc 
performing your part as poorly as 
you think I am performing mine. ' ' 

Carl Schurz— who should have 
stood at his right hand instead of 
blinding themselves to his wider 
understanding — were assailing 
his methods and criticising his 
motives, it is no wonder, and 
our hearts ache to-day for that 
sublime, gentle-souled man— the 
wisest the Nation ever chose to be 
its guide. 

Abraham Lincoln seldom made 
any reply to his criticfi, but the 
following extract from a letter 
written by him to Carl Schurz, 
November 24, 1862, may be 
noted : 

You think I conld do better; 




It is easy then to understand Lincoln's appreciation of a man 
like Thomas Nast, who never cavilled at circumstanoe or ridi- 
culed the country's cause in that dark hour, but in his simple and 
untrained way struck home every time. Long afterward, when 
Nast had become a [^ - 
national figure, he 
was accused b y 
his enemies of hav- 
ing caricatured 
Lincoln as a 
drunken sot, but 
the picture referred 
to was done by 
another hand. Nast 
never caricatured 
Lincoln in his life 
—never criticised 
him in a single 
word or line. 

After his mar- 
riage in sixty-one, 
the yoong artist 
continued on the 
News, doing a vast 
amonnt of work, mostly of a journalistic sort, yet always filled 
with a spirit of patriotic fervor. His campaign in Italy had 
prepared him for his work now. He knew how a battle looked, 
how soldiers behaved under fire, all the horrors of the red field. 
Such men were in demand, and one morning early in sixty-two 
Frank Leslie sent for his old protege and offered him a weekly 
salary of fifty dollars. This was more than he was receiving 
from the News, and, after some hesitation, Nast accepted. The 
engagement continued but a brief time. Perhaps Leslie had 



one of his periods of financial stress. He presently reduced the 
artist to thirty dollars, and then let him go altogether. 

For a moment this seemed a calamity. Nast had a young 
wife, and a piano not yet paid for. Also a family was not 
without the range of possibilities. Yet the Leslie incident proved 
a blessing in disguise. Some drawings sent to Harper's Weekly 
were promptly accepted and liberally paid for, as prices went 
in those days. Others followed. In the summer of sixty-two he 
was assigned to regular staff work. And so, quietly enough, 
began a pictorial epoch which was to endure almost unbrokenly 
for a quarter of a centurj' and stand in history without parallel 
in the combined career of any one man and publication. 

Tliomas Nast 's real service to his countrj^ began about at this 
point. Harper's Weekly had become the greatest picture paper 
in the field, with an art department of considerable proportions. 
Nast did not find the art room a satisfactory place to work, and 
was soon allowed to make his drawings at home, with pay at 
space rates. This proved a profitable arrangement, as he was a 
rapid worker, and soon more than doubled his former salary. 
Fletcher Harper, one of the original ** Brothers," who made 
the publication of the Weekly his especial province, took a deep 
interest in the industrious and capable young artist. More than 
once he exhibited the quality and abundance of ** Tommy's *' 
work as a means of stimulating other members of the staff. The 
friendly relations l)etween the future cartoonist and his employer, 
once begun, grew and augmented as the years passed, and it is 
due to P^letchor Harper more than to any other one person that 
the Xast cartoons and Harper's Weekly l)ecame identified with 
the Nation's historv. 

Almost from the first, Nast was allowed to follow his own ideas 
—to make pictures, rather than illustrations— and these, purely 
imaginative and even crude as many of them were, did not fail 
to arouse the thousands who each week scanned the pages of the 



Harper periodical. "Froma 
roving lad with a Bwift pen- 
cil for sale lie had become a 
patriot artist, burning with 
the enthusiasm of the 
time."* "John Morgan 
Sacking a Peaceful Vil- 
lage " would stir to-day 
those whose relatives and 
friends might become fac- 
tors in a similar scene. 
"A Gallant Color Bear- 
er " was a picture stim- 
nlating to patriotism, 
while a " Guerrilla Raic" 
in the West " was cal- 
culated to arouse men to 
frenzy at the inhuman prac- i-"-. ^-»,-l anu ht:.i nHsr mw 

tices of border warfare, 

I'ictures like these made recruits, and were soon recognized as 
u force that would fan many a feehle spark of patriotism into 
a fierce flame of valor, .fohn Homier, tlicn art mamiger of the 
Wwkly, one day said, 

'* N'ast, bow does a field look after the battle? Can you draw 
thai f SupiMJse you make it night." 

So another— a double page, this time— was added to the scenes 
tliat inspired men to go forth and avenge their country's wrongs. 
In Xovember be supplied a drawing entitled " TJttle Mac Mak- 
ing liis Rounds," an adaptation of the old picture " M'bo Goes 
There! " so familiar to his childhood, and this was followed by 
a succession of other fierce portrayals of the bloody trade of war. 

Matters were going very well indeed with the young artist. He 

• SamtK Parton In " Coricaliire and Ollipr rnniie Art." 


was earning what seemed a good deal of money, and his domestic 
venture had proved a happy one. A baby girl had come to the 
little household on West Forty-fourth Street, Number 282, a part 
of a house— there were no flats in those days— and with increased 
prosperity, and the piano— which had been paid for within the 
year— the little family had entered into the possession of a hap- 
piness that was the wonder and perhaps the envy of their friends. 
'* Give my love to Sally," wrote Parton, who, it will be remem- 
bered, was Mrs. Nast's cousin; *' I think you are a lucky fellow 
to have so good a wife, and she is a lucky wife to have so good 
a husband." 

Thomas Xast always loved his home, and preferred to work 
there. In those early days his yoimg wife read to him as he 
worked, and when social demands were made upon them they 
would groan and protest, and yield with great unwillingness. 
They were dubbed *' old grannies " at last, and abandoned to 
their fate. But it was a happy fate, and the close of sixty-two 
found the household of young ** Tonmiy " Nast as peaceful and 
restful a spot as there was in all the great strife-riven nation. 

Sixty-three marked the beginning of those semi-allegorical car- 
toons through which Thomas Nast made his first real fame. The 
earliest of these was entitled '* Santa Claus in Camp," a front 
page of the Christmas Harper, representing the good saint 
dressed in the Stars and Strii)es, distributing presents in a mili- 
tarj' camp. But of far greater value was the double centre page 
of the same issue. This was entitled simi)ly ** Christmas Eve,** 
and was one of those curious, decorative combination pictures so 
popular at that time. In a large Christmas wreath was the 
soldier's family at home, and in another the absent one by his 
camp-fire regarding the pictures of his loved ones. Smaller bits 
surrounded these— well-drawn and full of sentiment. 

Wherever Harper's Weekly went, that picture awoke all the 
tenderness that comes of absence in the dark hour of danger— 


ail the love for home and country that is bom in every haraan 
soul. Letters from every corner of the Union came to the Harper 
office with messages of thanks for that inspired picture. A 
colonel wrote to tell how it had reached him on Christmas Eve, 
and had been unfolded by the light of his own camp-fire, and how 
his tears had fallen ui)on the page. 
" It was only a picture," he said, " but I couldn't help it." 

It was only a picture, but thousands besides the colonel had 
shed tears upon those )i)ij!:es and been ennobled and strcngtliem>d 
in their IiikIi resolve. 

The success of tliis picture meant tlie continuation of Xnst's 
<Ioiil)lc-pagc decorative drawings. " War in the Border States " 
was another grave arraignment of guerrilla warfare, while 


" Emancipation," on January 24th, depicted negro life as it bad 
been, and as it was to be in tbe new day soon to come. For Lin- 
coln, with more successful armies at the front, had at last issued 
the Proclamation that offered freedom to the slaves of every 
State in active warfare which had not returned to the Union 
with the beginning of the year. 
None of these had returned, and 
their slaves were free, so far as a 
Northern edict could be sustained 
in a land still far from conquered. 
Indeed, the successful outcome 
of the war was by no means cer- 
tain at this time. The general 
who was to lead the armies to 
victory was still unidentified. 
Harper's Weekly on January 17, 
1863, asks, " Have we a gen- 
erall '* and enumerates those who have already met with a 
measure of success, with hut a slight mention of Ulysses S. 
Grant, who a year before had taken Fort Dooelson and subse- 
quently saved the armies of Shiloh, but who was not yet recog- 
nized as the military Moses who was to lead to the Promised 
Land of Peace. 

In January also appeared Nast's first caricature cartoon— a 
boy frightening John Bull with the crj' of " Here Comes Qeneral 
Butler! " — the latter having been denounced as " a brute *' by 
the Ijondon Times. The picture was good enough, but it _gave no 
promise of the power and style which would make his individual 
caricature famous. " Southern Chivalry " was another savage 
delineation of the supposed methods of Southern warfare. 

Perhaps never in the history of the world were two sections 
of a nation more bitter in their beliefs aud more violent in their 
thirst for revenge than were the North and South at this mo- 


ment. "Women forgot everything except the fact that husband 
and brother had been shot down — perhaps with horrible muti- 
lation — to die in lingering agony. Guerrilla atrocities were con- 
tinnally reported and magnified in the North. In sections of the 
South a Northern soldier was likely to be regarded as awild beast. 
Sixty-three was a poor time to investigate. Nast simply used the 
material that came to his hand, and each resulting picture 
brought volunteers to the Northern cause. They also brought 
scores of threatening letters to the Harper office from the in- 
furiated South, and Nast would have been burned at the stake 
bad he been captured during the occasional trips he made to the 
front. We cannot consider these pictures fairly at this time. 
Pierce they were, and brutal as were the times and scenes they 
depicted, appealing in their sentiment to those elemental im- 
pulses which always leap uppermost in the hour of impending 
evil, especially during the ever-present dangers of civil war. 
Even the more domestic drawings of this period were done in 
a spirit of homely melodrama little in vogue to-day. They were 



not works of art — Nast did uot so consider them. War is not 
a time of culture and discrimination, but of blows, and those 

dealt by Thomas 
Nast were Swift 
and savage and 
aimed to kill. 

During the 
spring of sixty- 
three, on a trip to 
Fort Moultrie, 
Nast first met 
General Butler, 
and made a sketch 
from life of the 
face he was to 
caricature so fre- 
quently in the 
days to come. He 
also made for his 
paper the " Ar- 
rival of a Federal 
Column," from 
which, somewhat 
later, he painted 
his large picture . 
"'61 to '65." Dar- 
ing these trijis to the front he met trnd became the friend of 
General Sheridan, wiio invited the artist' to' establish head- 
quarters in his cam]). 

In July of sixty-three, Lee was in Pennsylvania, and Nast was 
anxious to get additioniil sketches of armies in action. Through a 
rather humorous complication with one of Mrs. Nast's English 
relatives, under arrest at Harrisburg for wearing as a sash the 



Confederate flag, Nast himself was held for a few days, daring 
which time the battle of Gettysburg was fought. Meantime, he 
enjoyed the freedom of the camp, and upon being discharged 
hurried to the scene of action, meeting at every stage of the 
journey wounded men, painfully making their way northward. 
At Carlisle he was among those who were shelled by the 
Confederate forces, and secured some sketches. The por- 
trayal of this scene api>eared in Harper's for July 25th. The 
front page of the same issue bore a fine portrait of Major- 
General XJ. S. Grant, now styled the " Hero of Vicksburg," 
and " Unconditional Surrender " Grant, and recognized as 
the commander whom the paper had endeavored to point 
out the year before. Nast greatly admired Grant's picture, and 
Iierhaps foresaw in it the nation's hero, but little he guessed how 
closely they were to be allied in the days to come, or what assist- 
ance bis pencil was to render that serene and stalwart man. 

CHAPrEE >;iii 


Returning to New York, Nast found 
himself in the midst of the Draft 
Kiots— the streets of the city a bed- 
lam of insurrection. All the " Cop- 
jjerliead " roughs of the metropolis 
were united — ostensibly to oppose the 
Draft Act, which liad made all men 
between the ages of eighteen and 
forty-five subject to active service — 
but mainly for the purpose of arson 
and plunder, and for the destruction 
of inoffensive negroes and their 

" Down witli the negroes! " " Down with the Abolition- 
ists! " " Hurrah for Jeff Davis! " were cries beard every- 
where. Terrified citizens locked and barred their doors. Those 
who had negro servants concealed tliem, often to have them 
dragged forth and nmrdered before their eyes. 

Nast, mingling with the mob, saw the assault on the Tribune 
oiGce, also the burning of the colored orphan asylum, where 
many of the fleeing inmates were overtaken and beaten — some 
of them slaughtered and left in the streets. At one place he saw 


a dead Union soldier— the ehildren of the rioters dancing about 
him and poking at him with sticks. It would have been mad- 
ness to attempt any interference with the inflamed and drunken 

mobs, which were not unlike those of the French Revolution. 
He made sketches as best be could and hurried home to look 
after the safety of his family. 

Horatio Seymour, Democratic Governor of New York, came 
down from his home in the quiet lake country to quell the mob 
by calling the rioters his " friends," and by assuring them that 
he would " have the draft suspended and stopped." Tliis senti- 
ment, though cheered, was not of a nature to check the reign of 
lawless carnage. The police, aided by the military, at length 
suppressed the insurrection, but not before a thousand persons 
bad been killed or wounded and more than two million dollars' 
wnrth of property destroyed. Houses had been burned and 
buildings sacked. New York showed in this incident the tem- 
l>er of a foreign element which has not improved with time, 


except to become 
more cowardly, 
an<l which, should 
it ever become 
aroused in force, 
may lay waste a 
great city. 

Nast's work had 
now become recog- 
nized as a potent 
factor in the prog- 
ress of events. A 
great number of 
persons subscribed 
toHarper's "Weekly 
mainly to get the 
pictures, and 

NA^TB MIIHT l'i:i>l.lnHBIl -A.NTA . LALM aniOHg tllC illOStrB- 

sidered of chief importance. Yet he was not without able 
associates. A. R. Waud, an artist in the field; Winslow 
Homer, Tlieodore R. Davis, Sol Eytinge, Frank Bellew, W. 
Ij. Sheppard, one or more of the Beard family, AV. S, L. 
.Fewett and C. Ci. Bush — the veteran cartoonist of to-day — 
were all associated with the great " .Jounial of Civilization," 
and their work was masterly, considering the methods of 
those days and the time allowed for its preparation. Yet 
in the drawings of Nast — often less notable for their technique — 
there was a feeling which appealed more directly to the emo- 
tions than could be found in the work of his fellows. It 
must have been the throb of his own fierce loyalty — his deter- 
mination to destroy whatever stood in the path of his convic- 
tion. It was the same quality that a few years later was to 



tlfniolish corrupt politicians and city officials. It was the hand- 
ling of metal at white heat— a trade at which he was the master 
eraftsinan of them all. There was to come a day when the metal 
would cool and tlie workman's liands would fail to shape it to 
tlif puhlic taste. But that time lay far away and concealed be- 
hind the curtain of the years. Now. he was just in the beginning 
of his. triumphs, with the greatest yet to come. 

Many puhlishers began to seek his work. To some of these he 
sold jiaintings which were reproduced in color and sold widely. 
" A l>oine9tie Blockade "—two children fortified in the parlor 
against the domestic of the liouselioUl, became familiar to almost 
every family of 
that period 
For K. and H. 
T. Anthony he 
made n sei 
cari ca t u res 
which were 
in eartes de 
vUite and sold 
br the thoii- 
aand. They are 
only inteiTsting 
now as sliow- 
ing a tendency 
to caricature 
whicli eventu- 
al I y was to 
dominate his 
work. WarhiJ?- 
torii-fS "Trih- 


juvenile publications were illustrated with his designs. A 
volume of Christmas poems presented his first published con- 
ception of Santa Glaus as the Pelze-Nicol of his childhood — the 
fat. fur-clad type which the world has accepted as the popular 
portrayal of its favorite saint. In the Weekly he still continued 

(FroDi Harper'i Weekly) 

his illustrative and half-allegorical cartoon work. " Honor the 
Brave," " Thanksgiving Day at the Union Altar," " The Story 
of Our Drummer Boy," and " A Christmas Furlough," which 
closed sixty-three, added much to the artist's rapidly growing 
fame. Letters came to him from all directions, fondly praising 
or bitterly condemning the pictures, according to the sympathies 
and geographical location of the writers. 


TIIK war's last days 

With the beginning of sixty-four, Thomas Nast showed the 
pity and human sympathy with distress which was always so 
large a part of his nature. The cartoon was '* New Year's Day, 
North and South," and in contrasting the comparative luxury 
of the North with the destitution of the overwhelmed but still 


struggling South, his inner tenderness for those in sorrow is 
clearly manifest. Later in January, Nast contributed a double- 
page, "Winter in Central Park." In the centre of this picture 
is a skating group, wherein a number of portraits of prominent 
persons appear. To introduce public characters into imagina- 
tive drawings seems to have been a custom in those old days. 
From a title page by Nast of a small and short-lived weekly 
entitled ** Mrs. Grundy," one familiar with the faces of that 
time may pick out nearly one hundred notables. 

'* Columbia Decorating Grant," to whom Congress had just 
accorded a vote of thanks and a gold medal in acknowledgment 
of continued victories, was a Harper page of February 6th, sixty- 
four, and this was Nast's first published drawing of the man 
who with Lincoln and Garibaldi sliould claim to the last his 
admiration and his honor. Throughout the year the single and 
double-page cartoons continued, growing more domestic and less 
savage as the South gradually gave up the struggle and the days 



of peace seemed nearer. ** On to Richmond/* published June 
18th, was perhaps the most spirited of the summer's work, But 
as the weeks passed and the presidential campaign grew fiercer, 
there api)eared two cartoons that stirred the Nation more than 
any pictures hitherto published. 

Tlie first of tliese, ** Compromise with the South,'' appeared 
a few days after the Chicago Convention, which had been con- 
trolled by Fernando Wood and Clement L. Vallandigham. The 
latter was an avowed *' ( 'Opperhead, " already once imprisoned 
for treason, and only through Lincoln's generosity allowed to be 
at large. The declared principles of this convention were to ob- 
tain peace at emy price, yielding to the South any point that 
might bring the seceding States back into the fold. It asserted 
that the war was a failure, notwithstanding the fact that the situ- 
ation even then was in the hands of the Union forces, and failure 
could result only through adopting the Chicago platform. The 
cartoon of Nast rej)resented the defiant Southerner clasping 
hands with the crippled Northern soldier over the grave of 
Union heroes fallen in a useless war. Columbia is bowed in 
sorrow, and in the background is a negro family, again in chains. 
In the original design there had been a number of smaller ac- 
companying i)ictures, but Fletcher Harjier considered the central 
idea sufficient and made of it a full page. 

Tlie success of this picture was startling. An increased edition 
of the Weekly was printed to sui)i)ly the demand, and the plate 
was used for a campaign document of which millions of copies 
were circulated. 

As stated, the Chicago Peace Party Convention had been con- 
trolled by Wood and Vallandigham and others of their political 
faith, including Samuel J. Tilden and Horatio Seymour •—both 
jiatriots of the Vallandigham school and future candidates for 
the Presidency. The nominees were George B. McClellan, who 

• Mr. Seymour wns choften to prpside over the Chicago Convention. 


b ud«l 
taanil boii 

nwigned from tlie aniiy to accept— the greatest mistake a gr^al 
man ever made— and (Jeorge H, Pendleton of Oliio. The plat- 
form was " C'opi>erliead " throiigiioiit, and an October IStli 
Harper's Weekly published the second destructive cartoon, <le- 
picting in Nast's most ferocious manner jnst wliat the platform 


meant. It was an intricate double-page affair— a combination 
of something like twenty pictures— interwoven and interwound 
with pertinent extracts from the hated document. 

Nobody can ever estimate what these two cartoons added to 
the majorities of Lincoln and Johnson, but it is believed that 
they gained many thousands of votes for the Union cause. 
Harper's Weekly, in an article somewhat later, referred to them 
as '' prodigious batteries whose influence upon the glorious re- 
sults of the campaign was undeniable. '* 

And then, once more, the gentler spirit of Thomas Nast was 
manifested. In the big Christmas cartoon of sixty-four, Lin- 
coln is represented as pointing to the empty chairs at the Na- 
tional dinner-table, inviting the recreant States to come in 
from the storm and cold and take their seats. And this proved 
a real prophecy, for Abraham Lincoln, who was so soon to lay 
down his life as the price of Union, with that sublime impulse 
of forgiveness which filled every corner of his great and gentle 
heart, did almost pro(Msely what the artist had foreseen. 

The war was not yot ended, but the people of the North had 
declared that it should be pushed to its legitimate conclusion. 
The seceding States would be welcomed back, but the terms must 
be made bv the victors. 

** Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray,** said Lincoln in 
his second inaugural address, *' that this mighty scourge of war 
may speedily pass away. But if God wills that it continue until 
all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty 
years of unrequited toil shall l)e sunk, and until everj'^ drop of 
blood drawn with the lash shall be i)aid with another drawn 
with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it 
must bo said that the judgments of the Lord are true and right- 
eous altogether." 

So the sad, useless struggle* wcmiI on long after the end was in 
sight. Finally a point was readied when the North itself was 


shipping supplies to the starving citizens of Savannah, and the 
papers of the South were assailing JeflFerson Davis, by whom, 
it may be said, they had stood far more loyally than most of 
the so-called Union papers of the North had ever stood by Lin- 
coln. Finally, late in February of sixty-five, colored troops 
singing ** John Brown's Body " marched through the streets 
of Charleston, where the first shots of the war had been fired. 
Then, a few weeks later, came the fall of Richmond, and on 
April 4th Lincoln entered the Confederate capital and was al- 
most overwhelmed with the demonstrations of a rejoicing mul- 
titude. Nast made a large drawing and later a painting of this 
triimiphal hour, and then there appeared from his pencil an 
emblematic page entitled '* The Eve of War and the Dawn of 
Peace.'* Facing this page, drawn by another hand^ was the 
scene of one of the saddest and most dastardly tragedies in all 
history— the assassination of Abraham Ijincoln, on the night of 
April 14tli, at Ford's Theatre, Washington. 

The war had ended, and with it had ended the life of the 
purest, the gentlest, the wisest man whose name has ever been 
written on the page of history. 

The Nation's grief was depicted by Nast in a representation 
of Columbia mourning at Lincoln's bier, and later by another, 
entitled ** Victory and Death." (hi the Fourth of July, there 
followed a fine double-page entitled ** Peace," a scene suggested 
by Grant's magnanimous order — ** Let them keep their mules 
and horses — they will need them for the spring ploughing." 
Later the artist reproduced a portion of this picture in a can- 
vas entitled ** Peace Again," a pleasing and inspiring scene. 

And so the war, with its four years of stress and grief and 
bitterness and martyrdom, had been added to the past. The 
surviving soldier had returned to his farm, his workshop, and 
his office. His sword had been laid down for the pen, his musket 
for the plough imd tli(» tools of trade. 



Geueral Grant, wlien asked " Who is the 
foi-t'itiofit figure in civil life developed by the 
lichfllionT " replied, without hesitation, 
■' / tliink,.Tlionias Nast. He did as much as 
any one man to jireserve the Uuiou and bring 
tlic wiir to an (muI." 

Grant's opinion was echoed by many 
Northern generals and statesmen of that 
time. Letters of thanks came from all quar- 
ters. Yet the majority of men and women to-day do not 
associate Nast with the war period. They remember him 
as the destroyer of Tweed and recall his connection with the 
campaigns of Greeley and Blaine. It is mainly because of this 
that we have dwelt on a period of his work which, if less bril- 
liant, was no less useful to the nation as a whole than his 
later and more startling achievements. We shall consider as 
briefly as possible the bitter days of Reconstruction, which were 
now at hand. 

During the months following the death of Lincoln the artist 
busied himself with painting and book illustrations, including 
a number of juvenile volumes published by Lee and Shepard 
of Boston. But one cartoon appears between July and November 



of 1865, a donble page entitled " Pardon and Franchise," which 
struck" firnily the most strident note of the Reconstruction 
(lififord. On one haial Columbia, 
anxiously regarding tiie leaders of 
(hp Jate Secession, says " Shall I 
tnist thesr-mgu..' " and on the 
(itlier, with iier han)! -qji the erip- 
pli'd negro patriot, adds ''*~^d 
not this mant " 

liefore the appearance of the 
iii'Xt cartoon, November 11th, tlie 
i'jiiinged policy of Andrew Johnson 
liarl become known. When elected 
t cj the Vice-Presidency he had 
l)cen, though a Southern man, 
fificely radical in Union sentiment 
•iiirl an avowed enemy of the slave- 
hulder. It was feared upon his 
idphouvnphi succession to the Presidency that 

he would be unduly severe with the returning States and destroy 
such good-will as had been inspired by Lincoln's policy of gentle- 
ness. The Deniocrafie j)ress denounced liiin savagely as a Nero 
and Caligula— a tyrant who would set his liccl upon tlic con- 
quered. The Kepublican papers hoped for 
the best and waited. 

Tlie waiting was not long. Johnson went 
over, body and soul, to the enemy— to those 
whom he had sought for years to crush and 
destroy— to those who had reviled him in 
words such as newspajiers no longer print. 
Why JoliDson should have done this remain^^ 
an unsolved problem. It would scem,aImost. 
that the suddenness of his elevation hail 



[turned his head and destroyed 
I his mental balance. Such a 

I view is at least charitable. 
It was but natural that this 

; apostasy should result in an 

II altered attitude of the press. 
I Xust illustrated the Democratic 
y change of heart toward Johnson. 
I On the one hand the party is 
I assailing him with missiles, and 
1 01) the other bombarding him 

with bonqnets. It was the first 
I published of the now famous 

" Andy " Johnson cartoons. 
It was not, however, the first 

Johnson picture to be drawn. 
' Tlie President's " Proclamation 
<Fr«m Ki. unuBtd i.««in,u of Amuesty aud Pardon" had 

already suggested a picture which was engraved hot not 
used. In the upper half of the page Johnson is scatter- 
ing pardons to the secession prodignis, while Stanton 
looks grimly on. Below, Seward is wash- 
ing the stains from the battle-flags which , 
Gideon Welles is hanging on the line. I 
Seward was always held, at least in some 
measure, responsible for Johnson 's change ■^ 
of front, while Welles, also, was thought ;| 
to be too freely disposed to promiscuous V 
forgiveness. Tlie Amnesty proclamation ■ * ■ 
was not at first regarded with much favor, 'i 
but it being more fully comprehended, the 
use of this cartoon was deomeil inadvis- 
able. A Thanksgiving illustration ol' 
" IVace " and a large t'hristinas draw- 

RECONSTlt I 'C ri(h\' 

ing which contained one of tlie 
jolliest of Nast's Santa Clans pie- 
tares closed the year. 

Domestic cartoons for the Bazar, 
book illustrations, and a series of 
unsigned caricatures for a paper 
entitled Phunny Phellow occupied 
most of the early part of 1866. The 
Phunny Phellow workwas a secret, 
and the cartoonist was a little sur- 
prised one day when a friend re- 
marked: " You'll have to look to 
your laurels, Nast; that chap o:^ 
Phunny Fellow is after you." 

This evidence of success as his 
own rival encouraged him to con- 
tinue his similar work on the (From »« ma phoiogMphi 

Weekly, and tlie impulse was further strength- 
ened by the success of a series of life-size cari- 
catures exhibited at a grand masquerade opera 
ball given by Max Maretzek on the night of 
April 5fh. This " Opera Hall " was given in the 
old Academy of Music, and sixty of the large 
caricature paintings of public men and women 
surrounded the room, During the i)rei>aration of 
these pictures, especially those of the women, 
iKraiB « pbowgnphi Maretzek, horrified, frequently exclaimed, " Oh, 
she vill kill you! Oh, she vill stab you in ze back!" 

Bat the display proved a great success. Apparently everj- 
guest present enjoye<l hugely the comic cliaracterization of .eacli 
face save, perhaps, his own, which he was likely to declare a 
" rather poor likeness," Men and women seeing their faces 
caricatured for the first time were usually a bit startled at first, 


and then either amnsed or slightly disturbed. The women ac- 
cepted theirs much more meekly and good-naturedly than did 
the men, usually exclaiming " How very clever Mr. Nast is! " 

This mammoth exhibition immediately ranked Nast as the 
foremost American caricaturist and greatly added to his popu- 
larity. Maretzek presented him with a handsome gold watch as 
a special testimonial. 

A week after the ball, the " comics " were auctioned off at 
a good figure. Eventually most of them found their way to 
Thomas's saloon— at that time 
on Broadway, near Twenty-third 
Street— where crowds came to see 
them — men often bringing their 
wives daring the morning hours 
when the place was compara- 
tively «npty. Among the pictures 
appeared the first caricature of 
John T. Hoffman, then Mayor, 
later, as Governor of the State, so ^^__ 

notoriously associated with -■.!?*;^jgi^V" 

" Boss "Tweed and his" Ring." ""'*■' "*''■'' "■■""" "' "** 

A fine " Andy " .Tohnson caricature^ — a double page in which 
.Tohnson as Tago is endeavoring to convince tlie colored man that 
be is still his friend— touched high water mark for ISC}6. The 
picture is notable in the e.Ncellenre of its eonrei)tion and drawing; 
also as being the beginning of Xast's favorite custom of using 
a Shakespearian situation as the setting for his idea. 

Xast had never been an enthusiastic adherent of Johnson, and 
now took especial pains to caricature liini in a manner as care- 
ful as it was severe. He alternated, and often associated, him 
with bitter portrayals of the " Ku-klux " outrages, then dis- 
gracing many of the defeated Southern States. He depicte<l 
him as " St. Andy " the injured— as a bnlly— as a would-be 


king. Yet however bitter bis portrayals, tbey were but the ex- 
pression of a sentiment aroused by the President himself, in his 
attitude toward the party which had elected him. His former 
supporters regarded him as a traitor, and his offensive public 
utterances were considered a national disgrace. He was accused 
of endeavoring to set himself up as dictator — even of being 
concerned in the assassination of Lincoln. Two years later 
(February, 1868), after his attempt to remove Stanton and to 
discredit Grant, he was impeached, and was saved only by a 
single vote from being expelled from office.* 

The *' Andy " Johnson cartoons constituted Nast's great be- 
ginning in the field of caricature. They were by far his most 
important work in 1866, which closed with what the writer of 
this record considers the best of all Santa Claus pictures, be- 
cause for him, then a boy of five, it made ** Santa Claus and His 
Works " something that was real and true and gave to his 
('hristmas a new and permanent joy. 

Through 1867 the struggle over Reconstruction issues con- 
tinued. Jjcgishition with a view to the re-enfranchisement of 
the South, and concerning the social and civil rights of the 
manumitted slaves, was conducted under the most turbulent 
(conditions. These were days less bloody but hardly less bitter 
than those of actual warfare. The situation in many of the 
Southeni States was so dire that one capable authority is re- 
ported to have said that if he owned both hell and Texas, he 
would H(»lcct the former as his dwelling place. 

It was early in 1867 that a caricature of the '* Govemmwit of 
the (^ity of New York " marked the beginning of a crusade 
for civic rofoim, the success of which, alone, would perpetuate 
the name of Thomas Nast. 

• 'rhi« iiii|><*aohiiu>nt of Aiulrow .Tohiii^on was a measure hardly justified under the 
law, niul would iiov»*r have been undertaken but for the President's ijenerally c^f- 
fennive attitude toward (\>nj?re8s. The unprecedented event crowded the galleries of 
the Senate, and npeeial tickets of admission were issued. 


(Tte bq^tDDbiB of KutV UHUHD of Hiiiig Sliduipeulu ■ItUMiaiu Ba MtUnga rot hit Ittnt) 




There were no individual faces in tliis first picture. It merely 
showed the City Govei-nment in the liands of a corrupt element, 
rouglis and gamblers, witlt the " Steal King " suspended behind 
the chair of the cliief officer. It was by no means an able effort 
as compared with the " King " cartoons which were to appear 
a few years later ; but if we except the page of ' * Police Scandal ' ' 
in 1859, it was the earliest of Xast's" corruption "cartoons, and 
constituted a sort of manifesto of a future crusade. During 
the remainder of the year '* Andy *' Johnson pictures predom- 
inated, and further portrayals of those " Ku-klnx " and other 
Reconstruction phases which we may well afford to forget. 

It was in 1867 
that Nast first met 
David R. Locke, 
who as Petroleum 
v. Nasby had been 
doing the ** Con- 
fcdrit CrosBroads'' 
papers— a humor- 
ous political series 
which Nast, in com- 
mon with a multitude of other Northern readers, had followed 
with delight in Locke's jiaper, the Toledo Blade. The two men 
met with great rejoicing and became good friends. The artist 
subseijuently made a drawing of their first meeting, and was 
the ilhistrator of two of Nasby's books—" Swingin' Round the 
f'irkle " and " Kkkoes from Kentucky." " Nast and Nasby " 
made an attractive advertising phrase which the publiBhers used 
with telling effect. 

The cartoonist 's most Important work this year was hia doable 
page " Aniphitlieatrum Jolinsonianuni," wliieh represented 
Jolmson US Xcro regarding witli composure the ' ' Massacre of the 
Innocents," a race riot which had occurred at New Orleans, Julv 



30tli,lS66." The por- 
traits in t)us car- 
toon nre striking 
and unnustflkable, 
as was always the 
case in tlie work of 
Nast. Even among 
the concourse of 
little fignres in the 
d'owtk'd (.'oliweuiii galleries, wo inny to-day pick out the familiar 
faces of history. Nast almost never thought it necessary to label 
his cliaracters, as is the custom now. Johnson was always John- 
son, whatever the guise. Keward, who had kept his place in the 
Cabinet, and lost prestige thereby, was usually prominent ami 
never could be mistaken. Welles, Greeley, Stantwi, and all the 
rest — wherever they appeared and under whatever conditions — 
retained their features and character and needed no cards of 
identitication. Many cartoonists liave found it necessarj* to exag- 
gerate features to obtain results, often at the exiH?use of likeness. 
Xast, on the other hand, merely emphasized cliaracteristics and 
so gained rather than lost, in establishing identity. 

On Jlay 11, 1867, IIari>er's Weekly published a fine full-page 
portrait of Xast himself, with a sketch of 
his life and work. In summing iip his ]iosi- 
tion in caricature, the writer said: 

" (lilray is tlie only politiciil draftsman 
who can be at all namefl with Nasi, Imt (iil- 
ray's work is gross and prosaic caricature, 
compa)-ed with the subtle and suggestive 
touch of Xast." 

Vet this was when the artist was but 
twenty-seven years of age, with his great- 
est work still undreamed. 

op TIIK IM- 



Little of Nast's work appears in Harper's Weekly during the 
latter half of 1867. He was chiefly engaged during this period 
in illustrating a variety of books, including some histories of 
the war, a portion of Mrs. Dodge's ** Hans Brinker,*' and a lot 
of toy books for McLoughlin Brothers— the most popular series 
ever issued by that finn. Also, he was employed in painting 
for exhibition a large series of fierce political cartoons— a ven- 
ture encouraged by the success of the ** Opera Ball " display. 
This * * Caricaturama ' ' was badly managed, for Nast was never 
a financier, and was abandoned after a brief season of New 
York and Boston, during which it excited considerable admira- 
tion, a share of resentment, and resulted in no profit whatever. 

The ambitious cartoonist was not discouraged. He put the 
big failure away and went back to his boxwood and pencils. A 
weekly illustrated paper entitled the News had entered the 
Chicago field, and in order to command immediate attention 
engaged Nast to contribute cartoons. He was not then bound 
by a retainer to draw only for the Weekly, and the Chicago 
work, chiefly Johnson caricatures, proved profitable. This was 
in the early part of sixty-eight, during the great Impeachment 
Trial, for which Nast received one of the special admission tick- 
ets, though he did not attend. In May, when the Republican 


National Convention came along, the artist went to Chicago to 
be present. 

It was settled beforehand that General Grant was to be the 
Republican presidential candidate. The great soldier had main- 
tained a calm and noble dignity through all the trying days of 
conflict between Congress and the recreant Johnson, and was 
now honored almost as much for his diplomacy as for his suc- 
cess at arms. Indeed, the mantle of sweet renown left by Lin- 
coln would seem to have been laid upon the shoulders of Grant, 
and he wore it with becoming grandeur and humility. 

Realizing that the convention would name Grant as its choice, 
Nast prepared a little surprise for the event. He painted upon 
a large curtain the White House entrance, with two pedestals, 
one on each side, bearing the words '' Republican Nominee, 
Chicago, May 20th,'' and ** Democratic Nominee, New York, 
July 4th, ' ' respectively. On the Republican pedestal was seated 
the figure of Grant, while Columbia stood pointing to the empty 
place, opposite. Below, were the words, ** Match Him! '* 

This curtain, with a blank curtain before it, was suspended 
at the back of the convention stage. At tlie instant when Gen- 
eral Grant was announced as the unanimous i)residential choice 
of his party, the blank curtain was lifted and the great cartoon 
*' Match Him " was suddenly exposed to full view. 

The occurrence was so unexpected that the tlirong was silent 
for a moment, taking it in. Then, realizing that it was a spec- 
tacular climax— the pictorial expression of a universal senti- 
ment—the assembled multitude gave vent to an enthusiasm that 
turned the great hall into a pandemonium of exultation. 

This incident added greatly to Nast's popularity. The 
** Match Him " picture was redrawn for publication, and then 
another, entitled ** Matched,'' with Schuyler Colfax, the Repub- 
lican vice-presidential candidate, seated on the opposing pedes- 
tal. Poems and songs called ** Match Him " and ** Matched '* 



■were written and sung, and articles of commerce were given 
these names as mascots. Harper Brotliers urged liim to take up 
his work once more for the Weekly, and promptly advanced 
his rate to one hundred and fifty dollars per douhle page. This 
was a figure five times as great as he had at first received, and 
accounted fabulous, as indeed it was, for that period. 

In fact " Tommy " Nast, as he 
was still called by his old-time asso- 
ciates, was making stout strides 
" along the turnpike of fame." Ho 
was without a rival in his new field. 
The elder Bellew did an occasional 
ciiricature, but his work, though not 
without charm, had little political 
importance. When Nast did not 
contribute, the Weekly confined its 
caricature to small pictures, mostly 
of a domestic nature. 

He no longer lived at his little 
<|iiarters on West 44th Street, but 
liad moved twice— in 1863 to York- 
ville, a pretty countrified place (now 89th Street and Kaat River), 
and a year later to a house of his own in Harlem, on l"25th Street 
near Fifth Avenue— a property that increased rapidly in value 
and proved a fine investment. He had been made a director in a 
well-known savings bank, and had become a member of the Union 
League Club and of the Seventh Regiment. Club and Regiment 
friends were fond of driving in " Harlem Lane " on Sunday 
afternoons, and of dropping in on the clieerful Nast household, 
where the latch-string was aUvays out and the tea-table made 
long, to accommodate all who came. 

To the Harlem cottage came also many friends of former days, 
and among these were comrades of the Garibaldian campaign— 


light-hearted soldiers of fortune, who, following the trade of war, 
had east their lot with the Union— most of them low in purse, 
now that their occupation was gone. Nast bade them welcome 
and helped them with a liberal hand. Among them was the im- 
petuous and fretful De Rohan, reduced but still unsubdued — 
scolding his former protege while accepting his bounty — and a 
certain Colonel Percy Wyndham, once the bravest of the brave, 
now, alas, acting as a dispenser of subscription books until such 
time as the call ** to arms! " should summon him to new fields 
of conquest. 

But with the exception of Sunday the Nast home life was 
usually a quiet one. The artist had built in the rear of his lot 
a large studio where he worked steadily, while the young wife 
cared for the babies— there were three now— or discussed his 
work with him, frequently helping him with the lines that were 
to go beneath his pictures, verbal expression being ever his weak 
point. It was Mrs. Nast who had suggested the words ** Match 
Him! *' for his Chicago curtain; and many other of the terse 
and telling legends beneath his cartoons were due to her. Often 
she read to him as he worked, first the papers, then standard 
fiction (Thackeray by preference) or some book of useful infor- 
mation. At times he engaged certain impecunious college men 
who for a dollar an hour were glad to read and discuss solid 
books of history and science. Thus, in a great measure, did he 
make up for a lack of school education in youth. 

In the matter of historical references— averse as he was to 
research— Nast seemed never at a loss to find his facts or quo- 
tations. He seemed to know as by instinct where to turn, and 
his wife, whose joy it was to transcribe and verify, seldom found 
him wrong. Their union of sympathy and labor made their 
home life ideal. They might have been almost continuously 
entertained by their friends, as well as by social and political 
leaders, who, recognizing in the cai-toonist a new power, were 



anxious to do him honor. Wisely tiiey refrained from these 
things. They preferred to spend tlieir evenings together, she 
with her sewing, lie going over the daily papers, of which he was 
an inveterate reader, keeping always posted and in touch with 
the times— forming his own opinions— always armed and ready 
to strike any head that might be lifted on the wrong side. When 
a new picture would present itself he would walk the floor and 
talk to her. Such gesticulating and earnestness! He was so 
young then— so full of fire and eagerness! He liked to express 
his ideas, he said, and hear how they sounded when put into 
words. The very voicing of them 
often gave him fresh hints. 
Sometimes, when lie seemed to 
have discussed the full round of 
subjects, his listener would say 
to him, 

" AVell, once more the affairs of 
the universe are settled— they 
ought to keep so tilt morning. Xow 
I will put the children to bed." 

Many of Nast's newspaper clip- 
pings are still preser\-ed, with 
their multitude of interlined 
pencillings that as clearly express 
his views as would the most co- 
pious marginal commentarj'. His 
views were bis own— rather than 
those of any particular party or 
faction — and it was Fletelier Harjier who gave him the liberty 
necessarj- to make their pictorial maintenance a national power. 
It has been claimed by detractors of Nast that George William 
Curtis, who in 1866 became the editor of Harper's Weekly, sup- 
plied most of the ideas for the cartoons. So far is this from 

(Fran • pholograpb) 


the fact that Mr. Curtis 's letters, almost from i 
the beginDiug, show his coDtinual attitude of 
protest as to the force and multitude of Nast's 
ideas. Already in June, 1866, we find him ad- | 
vising against the Johnson caricatures, not | 
considering it wise, as he says, " to break 
finally and openly with our own Administra- 
tion," believing, as every writer is prone to I 
believe, that editorial admonition may be 
qualified so as to be withdrawn or forgotten, oboiuiii k 
when a picture would be a blow beyond recall. 

" The pictures you suggest are, as usual, telling arguments 
and hard hits," he says. " Some of them are so bard that I 
hope it may not be necessary to use them." 

It is possible that this letter marked the beginning of the two 
widely different i)olieies which so often distinguish the editorial 
and pictorial pages of tiie great Journal of Civilization. Curtis 
and Nast were allowed to fight civilization's battles, each in his 
own way. One used a gleaming battle-axe snd struck huge 
slaughtering blows— the other, the rapier and the foil, with a 
manual of carte and tierce, of subtle feint and tlirust. When 
the two methods conflicted, as they were bound to do, it was 
Fletcher Harjier who stepped in and made plain a policy that 
was wide enougli to include both. 

" Tlie Weekly is an independent forum," he would explain. 
" Tliere are many contributors. It is not necessary that all 
should agree. Mr. Curtis and Mr. Xast are personally resjwn- 
sible — eacli for Ins own contributions," 

It was seldom tliat he refused to publish any sincere expres- 
sion of opinion, whether written or drawn. It was a time of 
individuals rather than of policies. 

And there were giants in those days. 



Harjjer's Weekly oiwned the Presi- 
dential Campaign of 1868 by reprinting 
on June 6tli the picture of Columbia 
decorating Grant, first published during 
the winter of sixty-four. This was fol- 
lowed by some caricature cartoons 
in which Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase 
—a candidate for the Democratic nom- 
ination—is most prominent. One of the 
first of these depicts Cliase as a parson, 
wedding Democracy to the negro vote. 
In this picture appear Manton Marble, 
tlien editor of tlie World, John T. Hoff- 
man. candidate for Covemor, the elder 
Bennett, John ilorrissey and others of tlie " faithful," including 
Horatio Seymour, whose face lent itself to the sort of caricature 
Nast most loved. Seymour was rather bald and had two little 
side hx'ks which projected upward, like horns. Xast merely 
accentuated these and gave the face a slightly satanic cast. The 
result was as dia])o1ic'al as it was humorous. Seymour, who, in 
good faith, ba<l refused to he a candidate, eventually proved the 
choice of his pai-ty and became the demon-satyr of the campaign. 



The Democratic Conventioa was held at Tammany Hall, then 
just completed on its present site. Many of the prominent lead- 
ers of tlie South were actively present, including General Forrest, 
"W'ade Hampton, and John B. Gordon. Friends had suggested, 
kindly enough, that with their records fresh in the public mind 
these men might properly re- 
main in obscurity. This ad- 
vice they resented with great 
indignation and insisted on 
being foremost in parliament 
and conclave. The result was 
that the decision of the Con- 
vention was not likely to be 
favorable to a man like Gen- 
eral Hancock, who, though a 
Democrat, was a gallant Union 
soldier, nor to Salmon P. 
Chase, who had declared for 
universal suffrage and the 
payment of the government bonds iu gold. " The same 
money for the bond-holder as for the plough-holder ' ' was 
the cry, and " Down with militarj- usurpation! " Wade 
Hampton caused to be embodied in the platform a plank 
which declared " that we regard the Keconstruction Acts 
of Congress as unconstitutional, revolutionary, and void." 

After that there was but one of two things to do. They must 
eitlier nominate a Confederate general or a Xortlieni man of 
similar convictions. They recalled Horatio Seymour's war rec- 
ord, including the Draft liiot episode, and on the morning of 
the fourth day in spite of his protests, in a grand whirl of en- 
thusiasm, selected him to head the ticket. For the second place 
tliey clmse General Frank P. Blair of Missouri, whose chief quali- 
fication, from the Convention 's point of view, seemed to be the 


fact that, having fought bravely for the Union, he was now will- 
ing to engage in an effort to undo most of what as a soldier he 
bad helped to accomplish. Blair not only subscribed to the 
"Wade Hampton idea, but de- 
clared it to be the one real 
issue of the campaign. His 
nomination was received with 
wild acclaim, and incendiary 
speeches followed. Among 
these was one by Governor 
Vance, of North Carolina, who 
declared that all the South 
had lost when defeated by 
Grant, they would regain 
when they triumphed with 
Seymour and Blair. Once 
more, for a brief day, Con- 
federacy was in the saddle. 

Naturally, it was just the 
sort of a campaign to suit 
Thomas Nast. The issues 
were fierce and bitter. The war was to be fought over again. 
Yet he began rather tardily, biding his time. Then, in the 
late summer, he opened with a page cartoon of three elements 
of Democracy clasping hands, each with a foot set heavily on 
the prostrate colored man. But this was mild and general. Sey- 
mour the Satyr, as Lady Macbeth, regarding with awesome ter- 
ror tlie stain left by the Draft Riots, more clearly indicated 
what was to be the real point of attack. Indeed, this pictnre 
was presently included with the old " Compromise " cartoon (rf 
sixty-four in a fierce political pamphlet which was distributed 
broadcast. The campaign grew much warmer presently, and 
Nast always worked better when the issues began to flame and 



sizzJe. By the middle of September be was flinging weekly tbun- 
derboUs into the enemy's ranks. Seymonr tlie demon-satyr 
tempting Columbia— Seymour the satyr leading tlie Ku-klux 
Klan— Seymour wallowing in a sea of troubles as tbe State elec- 
tions began to tell the talt* of defeat, were sliots swift and sure. 
On October 10th appeared " Patience on a Monument "— " Pa- 
tience " being the colored man, and the " Monument " a tower 
reciting the record of his wrongs— the tale of tlie Draft Riots 
and other outrages, in extracts from the public press. The Cin- 
cinnati Gazette reprinted the " Monument " cartoon as a special 
aopplemeut. A campaign publication called the Mirror, issued 
" as often as occasion might require," was made up entirely of 
his pictares, with appropriate extracts. All these told on the 
feelings of men who had battled in the tield for principles which 
now seemed likely to be sacrificed through the hallot-box. Thej 
were aroused to the point of declaring timt they " would vote 
the way they had siiot," and the returns from each State elec- 
tions became fearsome handwriting on the Democratic walls. 



1 ^M 
















One of the final and moat effective pictures (October 31) showed 
Seymour on tlie one liand announoing to the Draft Rioters that he 
is their friend and will have tlie draft suspended aad stopped, 
while on the other stands Grant 
in uniform, and just beneath him 
his letter to General Pemberton 
at Vicksburg— written almost 
at the exact period when the 
Riots were in progress — an-" 
nouncing no terms save those 
of an " unconditional surrender 
of city and garrison. ' ' Even those 
soldiers who had followed gal- 
lant Frank Blair in the march 
" from Atlanta to the sea " grew 
uneasy of conscience when they thought of casting a vote for one 
who was now so fiercely espousing the " lost cause." 

Indeed, though he had been but slightly noticed in the car- 
toons, it was chiefly Blair's campaign. Sej-mour had taken little 
active part in the canvass, while Blair had gone abroad in the 
land, scattering the most alanning utterances. The sad unwisdom 
of this became apparent as the returns for each State election 
came in. In tlie eleventh hour it was determined that Blair was a 
mistake. Those wlio liad shrieked tlieir enthusiasm at the moment 
of his nomination now demanded that he retire to the rear. 
Manton Marble of the World was for dismissing him altogether. 
Seymour went to the front, but to no pur|>ose. His ticket 
was confessedly weak. In the election he obtained but eighty 
of the electoral votes, while two hundred and fourteen were 
secured for Grant. 

Yet it had not been so great a Republican victory as these 
figures would seem to indicate. New York had been carried for 
Seymour. New Jersey and Oregon had likewise gone Democratic, 


while in California and Indiana the results were disturbingly 
close. Had Seymour received the Yote of the " solid South," 
Grant would have been defeated. 

Under the circumstances it was but natural that the success- 
ful candidates should feel grateful to a man like Nast, whose 
cartoons were believed to have materially aided the Republican 
cause. Letters of thanks came from all quarters. From John 
Kussell Young, then managing editor of the Tribune, came a 
hearty line of commendation and unstinted praise. He said: 

I want, as one citizen of this free and enlightened country, 
to thank you for 
your services in 
the canvass. In 
summing up the 
agencies of a great 
and glorious tri- 
umph I know of no 
one that has been 
more effective and 
more brilliant. I 
salute you on the 
threshold of a 
splendid career. 

But it remained 
for Grant himself 
to pay the final 
word of tribute. 

" Two things 
elected me," he 
said: " the sword 
of Sheridan and 
the pencil of 
Tliomas Xast." 

Tammany, it is 
true, through a 
fraud which has 



{Grant (I VIcksburg, Jnlj. ISOS) IBerraout In Nat York. Jul*. lUC 

beromc notorious in our political histor;-, and of which wre shall 
hear again, had triumphed in New York City and State: John T. ■ 
Hotfman had been chosen as Governor, while A. Oakey ITall had I 
been selected to succeed him as Ma.vor. There was a rtwogrnizedl 
need of a crusade for civic refonu, but the conditions were not yet I 
ripe. Once during the campaign (Oct. 10th) Nast had paiwedl 
long enoHgli to issue another manifesto of warning. This was a I 
small cartoon of Hoffman standing before a screen, behind I 
which a gang of thieves is busily rifling the City Treasurj*, ] 
Above them is the legend " Thou shall steal as much as tboil'l 
canst," signed " The Ring." No face but nofTman's was de- ' 
picted, and Hoffman doubtless gave little heed to what he jwr- 
haps considered merely a bit of campaign pleasantry. On Jann- 



ary first lie took his seat at Albany iu the pleasant assurance 
that all was goiog well in city and State, and that for a term 
at least " virtue " must prosper at both ends of the line. 

It was during the summer of 18G8 that Anson Burlinganie, 
one of America's noblest diplomats, then late United States 
Minister to China, was making a tour aroimd the world with a 
retinue of Chinese officials, having been appointed by Prince 
KoDg to a<'t as Special Chinese Ambassador to other nations, 
the only such instance on record. Nasi celebrated the episode 
in a cartoon entitled " The Youngest (America) Introducing 
the Oldest (Cliina) " to the nations of the world. Mr. Burlingame 
admired the picture, and from Washington, in July, wrote: 

My Oear Nast: 

Peniiit me to thank you most cordially for sending to me 
ITarjier's fontniiiinj; youi' wmi'lerful creation entitled, ~ 

<A Riog eutoon ot ieS8-BDlTiiii 


Youngest Introducing the 
Oldest." On all hands it ia 
pronounced the best thing of 
the kind yet seen. I hope to 
meet and talk with vou about 

Pardon this hasty note, and 
believe me, ever. 
Yours truly, 

Anson Bnrlingame.* 

The poet-editor of the New 
York Evening Post, another 
admirer of Nast at this time, 
one morning sent a reqnest 
that the artist drop around 
and meet a young lady who 
had found pleasure in his pictures. Nast agreed but forgot to 
go, and Mr. Bryant wrote a little formally to remind him. 

Dear Sir: 

Miss Hatfield has been here this morning in hope of meeting 
you. As you did not come, she desired to know if it will be 
a^eeable to you to come next Friday, as soon after half-past 
nme in the morning as may suit your convenience. I shall come 
in on that day from the country, and she will be here. 
Yours respectfully, 

To Thos. Nast, Esq. "W. C. Brj-ant. 

Nast went this time and commemorated the occasion to the 
extent of making a good-natured caricature of the poet. That 
the picture did not offend the subject is shown by his comment 
in a subsequent letter to Miss Hatfield. 

As to the caricature, it is very clever, and if the subject were 
any other than myself, I have no doubt that I should like it. 
All that could be asked of me, I think, is that I should not object 
to it. 

* Mr. Burlingame proceeded on his tour, from America, negotiating numerouB 
treaties tor the Chinese Government. But io St. Petersburg he »m taken luddenly 
ill, and died (Febniarj, 1670), mourned in many nations. 


The years of Keconstruction had constituted an epoch of 
chaos and disorder. It was the inevitable transition period, 
when the war— shifted from the field forum— was to rage and 
rankle, and fade into purposeless discussions of no definite be- 
ginning, no climax and no absolute end so long as the issues 
themselves were not wholly dead. The apostasy of Andrew 
Johnson had distorted even snch measures of good as had re- 
sulted from that unhappy interregnum which, viewed in retro- 
spect, seems as a dark smirch 
on the nation's history. 

But with the return of the 
seceding states and the elec- 
tion of Grant, hostilities be- 
came less openly violent. 
They might develop again 
with another presidential con- 
test, but four years must 
elapse between, and the pnblic 
impulse was for peace. 

Kast was in Washington for the inaugural ceremonies, and 
on the morning of March 3d, when everybody was mystified 
as to the members of the new Cabinet, he made a drawing of 
Grant shaking five cats out of a bag. The cats were all com- 
plete except their beads. When the sketch had proceeded thus 
far the artist took it around to Grant's headquarters and sent 
it in with a polite request that the President of to-morrow 
should add the heads. Grant did not comply with the request, 
but good-humorediy promised to do so on Friday at noon, by 
which the public knew that there was to be no delay in his 

It was in April of this year that the artist received a hand- 
some public recognition of his sen'ices. His fellow members of 
the Union League Club under the leadership of Colonel Rush 



C. Hawkins, formerly commander of " Hawkins' Zouaves," 
combined in the presentation of a beautiful silver vase, repre- 
senting loyal Art armed with porte-crayons piercing the open- 
mouthed dragons of Secession. This vase, designed by Colonel 
Hawkins, bore the following inscription: 

Thirty-six members of the Union League Club unite in pre- 
senting this vase to Thomas Nast, as a token of their admiration 
of his Genius, and of his ardent devotion of that Genius to the 
Preservation of his Country from the schemes of Eebellion. 
April, 1869. 
The Union League Club— itself an organization for devising 
ways and means to preserve the Union— thus conferred upon 
Thomas Nast its highest form of recognition. 

The presentation took place on the 
evening of the 27th and was a mem- 
orable affair. Many of the nation's 
leaders gathered to see this public 
honor done to one who less than a 
quarter of a century before had been 
a little Bavarian boy in the meadows 
back of Landau. If only the Com- 
mandant of the barracks might have 
been there to see it all, and to listen to 
the fine things that were said about 
the little lad of whom he had pro- 
phesied so kindly. Senator Henry 
■\VIIson, afterwards Vice-president, 
James Parton, Richard Grant White, 
and others contributed words of 
praise. In Nast's reply to the pres- 
entation speech he refers to himself 
as " standing just beyond the threshold " of his career, and had 
he waited to review his life through the perspective of years, he 
could not have expressed the truth more exactly. 

N nur\tr. tn mas ku. riunrr. 

(NjuCi niutrty of Ihe pencd twgin wlUi thia plclore) 



Tt was during the summer of 1860 that the Alahama claims 
against England for the destruction of Union merchantmen 
by Confederate commerce destroyers built in British ports, 
merited frerjuent pictorial attention. The cartoon of June 2Gth 
relat<?s to this eomplioation and is notable for two reasons- 
first, in showing the better feeling which now existed between 
Kngland and America, and second, the evidence in it of a 
inarkerl change In the artist's method. Drawings for illustration 
were still made on wood blocks and engraved by hand. Most 
of Xast's earlier work liad been done with fluid color, washed 
in with a brush. In the " Not Love but Justice " above men- 
tioned, the artist, inspired by a masterly drawing in London 
I*unch, discarded the brusli and used his i>encil with a care and 
insight scarcely comprehended before. 


It was as if, all at once, he had *' found himself." Former 
methods were used less and less, while his immediate and wonder- 
ful mastery of ** cross-hatch " pencil work resulted in those 
inimitable drawings by which he will longest be remembered. 

Domestic and moral cartoons were continued through 1869. 
The Weekly, on July 19th, published a page picture relating to 
the opening of the Pacific Railroad, and the ** All Hail and 
Farewell " philippic with which Wendell Phillips heralded the 
completion of the great new enterprise. The picture is chiefly 
interesting now in the fact that it recalls the fierce opposition 
of Phillips to this particular step of progress and his violent 
expression of sentiments which long since have been stored amid 
the dust and dusk of archaic things. He says: 

The telegraph tells us that the Indians have begun to tear 
up the rails— to shoot passengers and conductors on the road. 
We see great good in this! . . . Haunt that road with such 
dangers that none will dare to use it. 

Nast drew Phillips as a redskin, knife in hand, lying across 
the track, with a locomotive under full steam, bearing down 
upon him. Long before the end of the year the locomotive had 
passed by and trains across the continent were running on 
schedule time. 

College Athletics and the International Baces were used as 
pictorial material during this year— also the terrible Black Fri- 
day (September 24, 1869) when, through the manipulation of 
Jay Gould and James Fisk, Jr., gold at 11.36 A.M. touched 162J 
and closed at 133f, with a net profit to these ** operators ** of 
something more than ten million dollars. It is true they were 
obliged to get an injunction under a ** Tweed Bing '* judge to 
prevent the Gold Exchange from adjusting the many claims 
against themselves, but these were tactics not unusual to a time 
when the man with money got such justice as accorded with 
his own ideas. Nast's picture shows Wall Street blockaded with 



dead bolls, with the face of " Old Trinity " grimly regarding 
the scene of slaughter. It would seem now that this particular 
phase of plunder might have been entitled to further pictorial 
notice; instead of which, " Sectarianism in the Public Schools " 
and " Cliinese Exclusion "—measures to which Nast was always 
bitterly opposed— claimed his attention. 

But in the light of later events the most notable cartoons of 
1869 were two caricature drawings in which appear portraits of 
*' Boss " Tweed. The first of these was published on September 
11, 1869, to commemorate certain resolutions charging August 
Belmont with party misfor- 
tunes and shortcomings. It 
was a small picture— a cloud 
no bigger than a man's hand 
—in which Belmont is de- 
picted as the Democratic 
scapegoat, while Tweed holds 
the chair of presiding oflScer. 
The second Tweed picture is 
entitled " The Economical 
Council, at Albany, New 
York," and comes at the end 
of the year. Governor Hoff- t™i>..M.i8«i, 

man as high-priest sits on a dais with Peter B. Sweeny at his 
right liand. Facing them are the faithful cohorts of high taxes 
and plunder— conspicuously among them appearing A. Oakey 
Hall, Richard B. Connolly and William M. Tweed. On Tweed's 
mitred headgear appear the words " Big Six " and the Tiger- 
Lead emblem. The members of the famous ring were assembled, 
at last- Xot conspicuously and apart, as they were to appear 
later, but simply as integers of a powerful and corrupt political 
conibination which Thomas Xast and his paper were first to 
denounce and assail. 


Nast's inherent loathing for anything that resembled a com- 
bination for the purpose of unfair advantage is shown in his 
own retirement from the savings bank board of trustees, because 
that institution had voted salaries to himself and other inactive 
officers out of the bank funds. In bis resignation he said: 
*' I have always understood that this was a charitable institu- 
tion and that the trustees willingly gave their service gratni- 
>jv^ tously. But the res- 
Is^ olutions passed at 
' the last regular 
monthly meeting 
itable institution 
for the trustees. 

" You speak elo- 
quently of gather- 
ing the crumbs of 
the poor, but it ap- 
pears to me that 
after they are gath- 
ered you would put 

(The<riti»itoon inwhlcb lli«fn»o["B««"T«:wU tppeiral them In VOUF OWU 

pockets. Therefore, not caring to belong to a Savings Bank 
' Ring,' I tender my resignation, which shall be accepted." 

A combination for looting the public treasury, however power- 
ful might be its members, or whatever pressure might be brought 
to bear, could expect little in the way of mercy from the hand 
which had written that letter. In their ignorance or arrogance it 
may be that the " Ring " did not give much heed to a picture 
paper. Yet tliey must have known of the punishment of Johnson 
and of Seymour— who were as crucified martyrs beside these 
soulless freebooters— and it is likely that the cartoon of 
Deeombor 25th did not escape the notice of Tammany Hall. 
Perhaps if Tweed and Company's attention had been called 
to that communication, and if in the light of its meaning they 
had considered those few early cartoons, they might have read 
in these hints and signs the gradual gathering of a storm that 
would not " blow over." 




" William Marcy Tweed, alias '' Big Bill/' or " The 

Peter Barr Sweeny, also called ** Brains '* and, dis- 
respectfully, '* Pete/' 

Richard B. Connolly, known almost from childhood 
as ** Slippery Dick." 

A. Oakey Hall, often, by himself, written *' 0. K. 
Hall "; and by Nast, *^ O. K. Haul." 

The Ring 

With the beginning of the year 1870, the government of the 
City of New York was wholly in the hands of the four men 
whose names and aliases are bracketed above. Their reign was 
as absolute as if they owned every street, public building and 
park of the city, with most of the inhabitants, body and soul. 

They did, as a matter of fact, own or control every public office 
in New York City, and a working majority in the State Legis- 
lature, while the Tammany governor, John T. Hoffman, was a 
mere figure-head, elected and directed by the Ring. 

Nor did the baleful influence of corruption end with State and 
city officials. Bondholders, contractors, merchants, artisans- 
even ministers of the gospel and philanthropists— were hood- 
winked, intimidated or subsidized into aiding those gigantic pil- 
ferings which in a period of less than thirty months defrauded 
the City of New York of a round thirtv millions of dollars. 


emptied the treasury and added more than fifty millions to the 
public debt which, in the form of taxation, we and the genera- 
tions to follow must pay. 

Considered in retrospect it would seem that one-half of the 
city had combined in a vast alliance to plimder the other half, 
with Tweed, Sweeny, Connolly and Hall as captains of the 
It is difficult to understand the moral and patriotic impulses 
of a community in which such a 
condition could endure. It would 
almost seem that some dire influ- 
ence of the planets was operating 
, upon the lives and minds of those 
1 who, under normal conditions, 
I would be expected to represent and 
f to preserve the city's moral, politi- 
cal and financial integrity. As an 
example of the Ring's supremacy, 
one has but to refer to the files of 
that period to learn that, for a 
time, the great majority of the 
metropolitan daily press was frankly for the municipal govern- 
ment, while the remainder— to pervert an old line — praised itwith 
faint condemnation, or remained silent, when silence was itself 
akin to crime. 

It seems hardly necessary to add that the great journals which 
snn'ive have changed completely, not only in their management 
and personnel, but most of them in politics and ownership, since 
that unhappy period. It is not conceivable that any resjiectable 
metropolitan paper of to-day could be bought or bulldozed, or 
would knowingly become a sharer in city plunder, or in any act 
or word abet a band of public thieves. It has been said of our 
press that it is less individual and less vigorous than in those 


strenuous days, and it may be true; also, thank God! it is less 

But in that evil hour the blight of the Ring had extended to 

every corner of the city's moral and intellectual life. When it 

is remembered that not only men whose political and financial 

ambitions rendered them sensitive to its influence were bought 

or blinded, but that such a venerable and justly venerated man 

as Peter Cooper was for a time misled into public support of 

Tweed and his associates, it may be conceived that the general 

public was hopelessly confused as to facts and principles, while 

those whose clearer vision impelled them to reform, remained in 

what seemed a hopeless minority. 

] '^ven Parton, who had himself assailed the city government,* 

/ tried to dissuade Nast from his efforts against the Bing, declar- 

I ing that he could never win the fight and that it was foolish and 

Quixotic to try. 

* * They will kill off your work, ' ' he said. * * You come out 
once a week— they will attack you daily. They will print their 
lies in large type, and when any contradiction is necessary it 
will be lost in an obscure comer. You can never withstand 
their assaults, much less hope to win." 

Well, indeed, might Tweed ask in the first days of exposure, 
* * A\Tiat are you going to do about it ? " and Mayor Hall, * * Who 
is going to sue? '' 

The Ring itself was a curious assortment of incongruous na- 
tures—its single bond of unity being that of sordid self-interest 
and gain. Tweed, the leader— supervisor and commissioner of 
public works, etc., etc.— who had begun his public career as 
foreman of the Americus or Big Six Fire Company, was a coarse 
and thoroughly ill-bred ward politician, a former member of 

•"The novernment of the City of New York," North American Review, 1868. 
In this article Parton stated that the aldermen, within ten years (1851 to 1861) » 
received not le^s than one million dollars in bribes for granting public franchises 
— an aggregate that seemed trivial enough in the days of later and larger enterprisfli. 



the " forty thieves " Board of Aldermen {I860), a drinking, 
licentious Falstaff, with a faculty for making friends. Sweeny 
— park commissioner, city chamberlain, etc., etc. — was a lawyer 
of education and ability, sombre and seclusive— a man who loved 
to'control great multitudes, unseen— to direct legislation, unsus- 
pected. Connolly, controller of public expenditures (a bank 
clerk who had early acquired the sobriquet of " Slippery Dick "), 
was a shifty human quantity without an honest bone in his 
body; while Mayor Hall—" Elegant Oakey," as they called him 
—was a frequenter of clubs, a beau 
of fashion, a wit, a writer of clever 
tales, a punster, a versatile mounte- 
bank, a lover of social distinction 
and applause. 

Tweed was the bold burglar, 
Sweeny the dark plotter, Connolly 
the sneak-thief, .Hall the dashing 
bandit of the gang. This curious as- 
sembly constituted the great central 
Ring. Other Rings there were, and 
Kings within Rings— each with its 
subsidiaries and its go-betweens— but 
all tributary to the motley aggregation of four whose misdeeds 
have been the one reason for preserving the record of their feat- 
ures and their lives. 

Their methods were curiously simple and primitive. There 
were no skilful manipulations of figures, making detection diffi- 
cult. Tliere was no need of such a course, Connolly, as Con- 
troller, had charge of the books, and declined to show them, 
With his fellows, he also " controlled " the courts and most of 
the bar. The ordinary citizen with a desire to exercise his right 
of inspection of the city's accounts did not fare well. Men with 
claims against the city— Ring favorites, most of them— were 


told to multiply the amount of each bill by five, or ten, or a hun- 
dred, after which, with Mayor Hall's " O. K." and Connolly's 
indorsement, it was paid without question. The money was not 
handed to the claimant 
direct, but paid through a 
go-between, who cashed 
the check, settled the ong 
inal bill and divided the 
remainder (usually sixty 
five, sometimes ninetj per 
cent, of the whole) be- 
tween Tweed, Sweeny 
Connolly and Hall- 
Tweed and Connolly get- 
ting twenty-five per cent. 1 
each, and Sweeny, Hall 
and the anderlings the the " white- washinq cxmiiirrEB" invited bt 
residue.* When the pub- ^^ ""^ to tospect hw booes 
lie began to grumble, as it did at last, it seemed at first no great 
matter. A committee of six of New York's wealthiest and most 
influential citizens were invited to examine the Controller's 

Hall and Connolly picked these men, who showed their ap- 
preciation of this, and of other and more substantial favors, it 

* In Tweed's nrnfeBsion he said that E. A. Woodward, James Sweeny (brother 
to Peter B.), James Watson and Hugh Smith were the Ring's financial agents. Also 
that it was first agreed that each member of the Ring should reeeive ten per oent. 
of the gross amount of the bills presented and paid. When a few iurh bills bad 
been paid, Hall was informed that members of the Ring would have to he content 
with five per eent., after which the Major received only that sum, Woodward and 
Watson beinft directed to pay Hall five per cent.. Sweeny ten per cent., and to pay 

r Connolly and Tweed each twenty-five per cent. This last arrangement was made, 
Tweed said, without the knowledge of Hall or Sweeny, by which it will be seen 
[ that there was not. In this case, even the old proverbial " honor amonf; thieves." 
~^ t John Jacob Astor, Moses Taylor, Marshall O. Roberts, George K. Sistar*. E. D. 
Brown and Edward Schell — afterward known as the " white-waahing committee.'* 


may be, by a published " certificate of good conduct " ic whieb 
they said: 

We have come to the conclusion, and certify, that the financial 
affairs of the city, under the charge of the controller, are ad- 
ministered in a correct and faithful manner. 

Certainly nothing could establish " Slippery Dick's " credit^ 
more firmly than such a document as this, and when we begin 
to look for explanation we cannot help noting the fact that it 
was not necessary in those days for a millionaire to claim resi- 
dence in Newport to avoid his taxes. The accommodating courts 
had a habit of vacating assessments for what, in certain legal 
documents, is described as " love and affection " and a modest 
" sura in band, duly paid." 

Then, when the notorious " Viaduct Job " came along and 
we find the names of most of these gentlemen, as well as those 
of the leading newspaper owners— associated with the names of 
Tweed, Sweeny, Connolly and Hall, and some seventy other good 
men and true— as stockholders and directors, we begin to under- 
stand how the Bing, like a great 
malignant cancer, bad sent its 
fibrous growth through every ten- 
don and tissue of the body poli- 
tic, to possess, to poison and to 

As we have seen, Thomas Nast, 
almost single-handed, had been 
assailing the oormpt municipal 
government, beginning as early 
as 1867, and dropping an occa- 
sional hot shot into the camp of 
the public enemy, until by the end 
of 1869 he had singled out the 
chief malefactors for special assault. Once Manton Marble, 
of the World, had lent a hand so far as to declare of Tweed, 


lie thrives on a percentage of pilfering, grows rich on dis- 
tributed dividends of rascality. His extortions are boundless in 
their sum as in their iniquity. 

And just here, by not standing firm, it would seem that Manton 
Marble missed a priceless opportunity. Somewhat later we find 
him, as champion of the Bing officials, announcing, 

There is not another mimicipal government in the world which 
combines so much character, capacity, experience and energy as 
are to be found in the city government of New York, under the 
new charter. The ten most 
capable men in the National 
Administration at Washington 
would be no match in ability 
and sagacity for the beet ten 
in the New York City gov- 
ernment, although General 
Grant has the whole country 
to select from. 

This from the "World of June 
13, 1871, was written in all seri- 
ousness. Its flavor of humor 
has been acquired with the 
lapse of a generation. 
But another champion of 
good government was ready to take up arms where Marble 
had laid them down. There had been a change of manage- 
ment in the New York Times, which, with George Jones 
at the helm and Louis John Jennings as editor, was to become 
a fierce and uncompromising organ of municipal reform. Jones 
was daring to the point of rashness. Jennings was a capable and 
unyielding Englishman, afterwards a member of Parliament. 
Tlie Times under their direction, with Harper's "Weekly as 
its great pictorial ally, prepared to engage in a mighty work 
of destruction, the end of which no man could foresee. 

We may pause here to consider briefly certain other matters 
of this period. In the issue of January 15, 1870, appeared " A 


always a disturber 
in European affairs 
and was now, as 
usual, on the wrong 
side. Nast did not 
forget the French 
Emperor's treat- 
ment of Garibaldi 
in 1848, and as the 
Franco -Prussian 
war continued, cari- 
catured that sover- 
eign in a manner 
which was at once 
prophetic, severe 
and just. Probably 
the best of the Na- 
poleon cartoons is 
that of "Dead 
Men's Clothes Soon 
■Wear Out" — an ad- 
aptation of " Na- 
poleon I., after Waterloo " — showing the defeated Louis plunged 
in despair, and clad in the tattered uniform of his great 

The Cliinese Labor question likewise received attention, with 
Nast as the avowed champion of the abused and maligned Celes- 
tial, while both in the Weekly and in the Bazar there were occa- 
sional moral and social cartoons which brought the artist many 
words of approval and not a few of reproof— among the latter 
being an open letter in the Bazar from Gail Hamilton— " A 
Woman vs. Mr. Nast "—roundly scoring him for snggest- 
ing, in a drawing entitled " The Lost Arts," that a woman 



\ ' V)' ' ' -'•■ 


- . . : ~ - ^ 





shonid do her own housework and not forget the use of 
the ueedle, the stew-pan and the broom. A Memorial Day 
picture showing the Confederate and the Union graves being 
decorated side by side, brought a protest from a Union 

But though fewer in the aggregate the Ring cartoons were by 
far the most important work of 1S7(J. The first of these, pub- 
lished early in January, was a double page entitle<^l " Shadows 
of Coming Events," and it stands to-day as a prophecy. One 
has but to look it over carefully and then follow the history oi 
tS70 and '71 to see how clear and how exact in detail was the 

artist's forecast. At 
the bottom of the 
page there is shown 
a collection of little 
statues of Tweed, 
Sweeny, Connolly 
iiinl Hall, surround- 
Injr the equestrian 
>tiitue of Hoffman, 
iiTiii in this, also, 
there was a note of 
prophecy, for a peti- 
tion was circulated 
a year later to erect 
a statue of Tweed. 

Xo lengths were 
tun great for the 
li'iii? to go to obtain 
i"'\vcr. With no 
-i>rt of religion 
;(inong its members, 
it lured the good 



will of the clergy with 
gifts and concessioDS — 
most of which went to the 
Catholics, for the reason 
that a large percentage of 
the foreign immigration — 
an important political fac- 
tor — professed that creed. 
The union of Church and 
State, and proselyting in 
the public schools, were 
favorite Ring doctrines 
adopted to win the alle- 
giance of Bomanism. Nast 
' assailed fiercely these phases of political chicanery. He 
was inspired by no antagonism to any church— indeed he 
was always attracted by Catholic forms and ceremonies- 
hut his unconquerable aversion to anything that did not 
savor of complete religious as well as political and personal 
liberty resulted in cartoons against political Romanism 
that brought down upon him bitter and furious denunciations 
and even threats from the Catholic press. Finally a bill was 
presented to the State Legislature— a Ring provision for a 
school-tax levy— but chiefly prepared as an oflScial protest 

" an artist encouraged to send forth in a paper that calls itself 
a ' Journal of Civilization ' pictures vulgar and blasphemous, for 
the purpose of arousing the prejudices of the community against 
a wrong which exists only in their imagination." 

Curiously personal language, this would seem, to be dignified 
by embodiment in Assembly Bill No. 169, of March 31, 1870. 
Probably no other caricaturist before or since has achieved such, 
pecnliar official distinction. The bill was naturally supported 


by the sectarian press, which referred feelingly to the " Nast-y 
artist of Harper's Hell '\^''eekly— a Journal of Devilization. " 

It was early in 1870 that the New York Times joined in the 
fight against the Ring. A Kepublican organ, Tammany was a 
natural enemy whose iniquities, as well as the personal deport- 
ment of Tweed, had received a measure of notice. The Bing 
proper was now marked for special attack. 

The paper began by complimenting the fearless and powerful 
work of Nast. Referring to his " Coming Events," it saidi 

The sketches of New York life under Democratic rule may 
not be entirely welcome to Tammany chiefs, but the great body 
of citizens will sorrowfully admit that they are not in the least 
exaggerated. Mr. Nast ought to continue these satires on local 
and National politics. 

Mr. Nast did continue as did the Times, also, and presently we 
find the latter boldly branding Tweed and his associates as com- 
mon thieves. 

Of course this stirred up a storm on Park Row. The 

(Twcsd trlumpbwit la argcd 


I nform. On Ih* belt of Ihe pnwtimla flgnn ■; 
DemocncT ") 




I bee 

" eontrolled " press 
denounced the 
Times and Harper's i 
"Weekly as d i s - 
fj;runtled organs, in- 
spired by iinwortliy 
motives, and seek- 
ing to create a sen- 
sation. Yet tlie King | 
became a little un- 
easy, for it promptly I 
offered Jones a mil- 
lion dollars for 
silence. A weekly 
paper, with only a 
picture now and 
then, did not, as ypt, 
appear so danger j 
DQS; but a daily ' 
whose editor made a i 
point of branding ' 
tliem everj' moniing 
-in capital letters, '^^''* ^i">"^i"f"tio« .t Tsmu^mj wt,™ ibe u.. uf u..- 
siugly and coUcc- 
ttively— as thieves, seemed worth considering. Joties did not 
take the million, and the offer only strengthened his pur- 
pose. Kditor Jennings double-leaded Ins leaders, and Nast 
increaseil the number and severity of his pictures. Sweeny, who 
liud been most prominent in the earlier drawings, grndunlly 
dropiMjd into second place ns Tweed by skilful " legislation " 
f«eeiired a new city charter which gave the Ring still more 
abiwilutely power of political life and death over almost every 
city official. This was a complete triumph for the King over an 



element calling itself the Young Democracy— an organization 
including James O'Brien, then sheriff; Hany Genet, John Mor- 
rissey and others, whose purpose had been to undermine the 
'* Boss's " power. After this the name of Tweed always came 
foremost, while his great hulking figure dominated the pictures. 
In June a herald of Tammany is shown as having ascended to 
the peak of a high mountain, from which he waves a banner of 
corruption to the world. The locks of this handsome figure 
resemble horns. The cape on his shoulders is blown back to 
suggest diabolical wings. It is a striking picture. 

Just before the fall election Nast contributed two especially 
strong cartoons. One of them was entitled ' * The Power behind 
the Throne " — the ** throne '' being that of Hoffman, the 
*' power " being the sword of Tweed and the axe of headsman 
Sweeny. Here once more the Tiger symbol appears, rather 
more definitely this time — though still merely as a sign manual 
— ^wliile the face of Jim Fisk, an associate and co-worker, is 
discovered in the background. In the second cartoon, ** Fal- 
staff " Tweed is reviewing his anny of ** repeaters,^' consisting 
of roughs, jail-birds and tatterdemalions. Sweeny, Hall, Fisk 
and Gould are looking on, while Hoffman has dwindled to his 
great chief's sword-bearer. Above all is the sign of ** Tanunany 
Inn ' ' with its Tiger emblem. 

It was a good fight that Jennings and Nast were making for 
better government, but the odds were still too great. On elec- 
tion day many respectable but timid voters remained within 
doors while ** repeaters " were marched shamelessly from one 
polling-place to another. Once more the Ring was triumphant, 
and the Tiger banner was flaunted victoriously in the breeze. 

A word here about the Tiger emblem. Originally the symbol 
of the Americus or Big Six Fire Company, of which Tweed had 
been foreman, it had been conferred upon Tammany Hall at the 
time of his accession to power. Nast at first began using it sug- 


d tetMn on; for. iodaad. I had tha 

'a.-~Sha}:ttpeart tiiofutj/ varitd. 

gestively, iu the form of a special Tweed trade-mark or coat-of- 
arms, identifying the Ring and Tammany with Tweed's earlier 
career. But there was a curious fitness in the device. Tammany 
leaders bad shown a tendency toward greed and stripes ever 
since William Mooney, called " the founder of the Tammany 
Society," as far back as 1809, had been superintendent of an 
almshouse and defaulted in the sum of five thousand dollars," 
down through a long line of " financiers " to Fernando Wood, 
who escaped justice by pleading the statute of limitation, and 
Isaac V. Fowler, the great Tammany leader from 1855 to 1860, 
who defrauded the United States Government of upwards of one 
hundred and fifty thousand doUars.t 

• Rpwrd IIS. mimitPB of the Common Coiinci], Vol. 20, pages 303 and 370-302. 

t It is frpply nrimitlcd, of course, ttint Tnnininny had iU period of pood (rovfrn- 
ment nnd mnrnsi^iiH oflieiala. During the corrupt period of the earljr fifties (*&3 
to '.i.*;) one .Inoob A. Wpstprvelt, Mayor, beeanie known aa " Old Veto," becauie of 
hU pprBixtent and nuecpKuful opposition to aldennaoic jobs and steals, and to poti« 
" graft." He was not reelected. 


Tweed's predecessors, however, bad been but petty thieves, 
hardly worthy to be classed with the great sachem. Most of 
them had worked stealthily— stealing as the coyote and the 
hyena steal— avoiding retribution by flight and trickery. 
Tweed, immeasurably the boldest, mightiest plunderer of them 
all, gloried in the fierce emblem of his youth, and emblazoned 
forever on the Tammany banner that symbol of rapacity and 
stripes— the jungle king. 

The beginning of 1871 found the Ring at the apex of its 
power. It is true that the blows already struck by Nast and 
Jennings on the brazen gates of infamy had not only attracted 
public attention but in a measure had alarmed the marauders 
concealed behind. Yet they were in no immediate danger. So 
securely intrenched were the offenders behind cunningly devised 
laws, fraudulent voting machinery and an army of accomplices,. 
composed of capitalists, railway magnates, office-holders, prize- 
fighters, loafers, convicted felons and a subsidized press, that 
even the most ardent reformers almost despaired of ever bring- 
ing them to justice. The Times in an editorial of February 24 

There is absolutely nothing— nothing in the city which is^ 
beyond the reach of the insatiable gang who have obtained pos- 
session of it. They can get a grand jury dismissed at any time, 
and, as we have seen, the Legislature is completely at their 

The Ring had imperial power over every public issue and 
franchise, not only in the city but the State. The Erie Railroad, 
with Tweed and Sweeny as directors and with Fisk and Gould 
as its financiers, was simply a gigantic highway of robbery and 

In the city, vast improvements were projected, some of 
which have since been completed for the public good. Per- 
haps because so little can be set down to the credit of the Ring,. 


the public is inclined to be unduly grateful for these blessings- 
forgetful that they were devised for no othet purpose than to 
afford fresh avenues for a plunder that grew ever more enor- 
mous as the armies of the King increased and demanded ever 
greater largess as the price of 
faithfulness and silence. It 
was this rapacity on the part 
of its followers— those daugh- 
ters of the horse-leech, with 
their insatiable cry of ' ' Give, 
Give! "—the demand for 
more, and yet more, that re- 
sulted at last in the downfall 

and demolition of the Ring; 

In Nast's first shot of the 

year 1871, " Tweedledee and 

Sweedledum," Tweed and 

; Sweeny are shown as giving open-handedly from the public 

treasurj' to the needier of their followers, while they set aside 

\ Btill greater sums for their own account. Tweed's fifteen- 

! thousand-dollar diamond, which has since become historic, was 

ijBrst depicted in this caricature. Tlie picture was a small one, 

but it created a big mischief. ,.- — 

" Tliat's the last straw! " Tweed declared when he saw it. 

"I'll show them d d publishers a new trick! " 

He had already threatened Harpers with an action for libel, 
and had prevailed upon deluded Peter Cooper to use his influ- 
ence in behalf of the city officials. 

He now gave orders to his Board of Education to reject all 
Harper bids for school-books, and to throw out those already 
on hand. More than fifty thousand dollars of public property 
was thus destroyed, to be replaced by books from the New 
York Printing Company— a corporation owned by the King. 



The Harper firm held a meeting to consider this serious blow. 
A majority of the members would have been willing to discon- 
tinue the warfare on so mighty an enemy. Fletcher Harper 
never wavered. When at last the argument became rather bit- 
ter, he took up his hat and said: 

' ' Gentlemen, you know where I live. When you are ready to 
continue the fight against these scoundrels, send for me. Mean- 
time, I shall find a way to continue it alone." 

They did not let him go, and the fight went on. ^ 

The widening and straightening of Broadway was to have 
been one of the most profitable of Ring jobs, but Auditor Wat- 
son, who seems to have had this particular scheme in hand, was 
suddenly thrown from a sleigh one night and instantly killed. 
It was the beginning of the Ring's bad luck, for the result 
was a partial exposure of 
the crookedness of the af- 
fair, and Tweed found it 
necessary to hurry up to 
Albany and pass a bill abol- 
ishing the whole undertak- 
ing. Nast cartooned the 
situation perfectly. Then 
came another sectarian car- 
icature which showed that 
it was not the Catholic 
church alone that he could 
criticise. In this picture 
the Protestant, as well. Is 
shown with his basket laden with Ring favors. 

In the next picture Tweed is declining the statue which, in the 
form of an ass's head, Edward .1. Shandley is trjing to thrust 
opon him. It would be sad, if it were not humorous, to recall 
that while the idea of this statue was generally ridiculed by the 


press, one of the foremost journals of New York City boasted 
that it had been first to propose this honor, and upon the 
" Boss's " refusal of it, commented editorially: 

His (Tweed's) modesty shrinks from so substantial a testi- 
monial as the erection of a statue while he is still living. We 
think Mr. Tweed has acted hastily. He need not have been 
ashamed of such a compliment, nor Deed he fear it because it is 
a novelty. . . . Is it too late to realize so worthy and so ex- 
cellent an ideal * 

Tweed as Louis Napoleon giving Hoffman, the Prince Im- 
perial, his " Baptism of Fire," the shells of reform bursting 
around them, came next, and May 6th the " Political Leper " — 
the llepublican legislator who has sold himself to the Ring. 

The Times meanwhile had been hurling its fierce denuncia- 
tions almost daily into the Bing stronghold, and the public was 
beginning to be aroused. The paper had no absolute proof as 
yet, but with the courage of its convictions it did not hesitate 
to brand Tweed, Sweeny, Connolly and Hall as embezzlers and 
thieves. It is a sorrowful spectacle to find most of the great 

■ The Sun, Uarcli 1 and IS, 1871. 


papers of that day either openly and fiercely abusing Nast and 
Jennings for their vigorous campaign or at most expressing but 
lukewarm commendation. A number of them sought to divert 
public attention from the sins of the Ring by assailing Qrant, 
whose distribution of offices did not please a majority of the 
New York Press.* 

Horace Greeley was in a difficult position. His ambition to 
become President was already formed, yet as a Republican he 
was still supposed to support Grant. Furthermore, if the Ring 
was a bad thing, and it seemed likely that this was true, he felt 

^As an example of the general attitude of the New York papers (both city and 
State) at this period, and to show how difficult it was to make headway against the 
almost universal domination of the Ring, the following brief extracts from three 
foremost journals are given. It must be remembered that at this period these papers 
were either Democratic or at least opposed to the National Administration. Also 
that they were in no sense the papers bearing the same titles to-day. New owner- 
ships, new policies and new principles have given us new journals in everything but 

From the New York Evening Post, March 10, 1871, editorial entitled "Hash": 

The Times and Harper's Weekly, as administration organs looking to the next 
Presidential election and not to the good government of the city of New York, im- 
agine they can help the Republican party by the outcries they raise. " The Even- 
ing Post condemns the administration of President Grant, and praises that of the 
Ring of the city of New York," says Harper's Weekly, and shows us the motive of 
its own abuse and misrepresentations. We do not condemn one or praise the other. 
If we were dishonest or disingenuous partisans we should probably do as the Times 
and Harper's Weekly do, and our praise and our blame would presently count for 
no more than theirs with honest and intelligent men. (It should be added that the 
Post had vigorously condemned the idea of a statue of Tweed as well as the '* Boss " 
himself, personally.) 

From the New York Sun, February 3 and 4, 1871 : 

The decline of the New York Times in everything that entitles a paper to re- 
spect and confidence has been rapid and complete. Its present editor, who was dis- 
missed from the London Times for improper conduct and untruthful writing, has 
sunk into a tedious monotony of slander, disregard of truth and blackguard vitupera- 
tion. . . . I^t the Times change its course, send off Jennings and get some gen- 
tleman and scholar in his place, and become again an able and high-toned paper. 
Thus may it escape from niin. Otherwise it is doomed. 

From the New York Herald, July 4, 1871, editorial entitled "Humbug Reformers": 

Every now and then there springs up, like mushrooms in a night, a crop of 
municipal reformers who assail the authorities with might and main, until obliged 
to desist from sheer exhaustion, or other causes which are not at all difficult to 
explain. These humbug refonners are organized bands of uneasy people who have 
been left out in the cold in the matter of some fat contract or other — ^that of the 
city printing and advertising being not the least of the causes that arouse their 
holy mdignation. It is with the intention of having their silence purchased by what 
they call the " Ring " that all this parade of alleged extravagance, over-taxation 
and fraud is made. 




that he ought to aid in its panishment. Still, there was always 
the chance that the Bing might be better than it seemed, at least 
sections of it, and these sections might nnite and control national 
l>emocracy in 1872. To be snre ilr. Greeley was not a Demo- 
crat, though as surety for Jeflferson Davis he had invited the 
friendship of the " Solid South," and held out the hand of wel- 
come across the bloody chasm. 
If, therefore, it should happen 
that the Bepnblican party should 
conclude to renominate Grant, it 
was just possible that the many 
and various elements remaining 
might onite on Mr. Greeley, and 
of these elements Tammany was 
certain to be one. The Tribune 
criticised the Ring in a manner 
which, under the circumstances, 
doubtless seemed sufficiently 
severe. Yet gentleness had never been regarded as one of Mr. 
Greeley's editorial weaknesses. " Liar " was bis most frequent 
and favorite epithet, and his vocabulary was not lacking in 
special terms of severity. To have led in a great reform and 
denounced a corrupt gang as " thieves " and " villains " would 
ordinarily have given joy to Mr. Greeley 's heart. It seems, there- 
fore, fair to assume that, while lie was never in league with the 
King, he was unconsciously influenced by his ambition to become 
the choice of a great nation. It was clearly a mistake, however, 
for him to have become at this particular time the chair- 
man of what was organized as the " Tammany Republican Gen- 
eral Coniinittee," or of any other committee that exhibited the 
word Tammany in its title. A Tammany Republican is a some- 
what difficult species to define, even in this day of new enlight- 
enment, and Mr. Greeley, who was not supposed to be lacking 



in political aeumeu, must have been blinded indeed by lus desire 
for prefenuent to have linked himself then with an element 
that assumed the meaningless title as a flimsy eoncealuient of 
double-dealing and Ring servitude. 

The writer has thus considered at some length what would 
seem to have been Mr. Greeley's personal attitude at this time, 
for the reason that the great editor himself was very soon to 
become a target for pictorial siitire. It would be injustice not 
to add that whatever his utterances may have lacked in vigor 
and e|iithet, they were delivered on the side of reform, and Mr. 
Greeley's paper, the Tribune, was first to join Ilarjjer's Weekly 
and the Times in the crusade against the Ring. 

And the crusade was making headway. Sections of a hitherto 
inanimate public spirit were aroused to a semblance of life and 
resistance. On April 4th a meeting was held at the Cooper 
Union to protest against a legislative bill which would give to 
the King still further oninlunicnts mid powers. This meeting 



was called to order by William E. Dodge, while William F. 
Havemeyer presided. Among the speakers was Henry Ward 
Beecher, also Senator Evarts, who declared that it was no longer 
a pride to be a New Yorker, 
but a disgrace, if New York- 
ers could not save themselves 
from infamy. 

IT* would seem that many 
leading New Yorkers did not 
wish to " save themselves 
from infamy." Tweed and 
/his friends circtdated a peti- 
/ tion for the passing of the bill 
' and readily obtained the sig- 
THi Bo«-"wwi.iiin^™V^"Iit„A..i~BijM— ' natures of more than three 
^undred citizens of the very first rank— at least so far as wealth 
pnd public influence were concerned." Tweed could well afford 
to ask of the reformers " What are you going to do about iti " 
and Nast's picture of the giant thumb of the " Boss " pressing 
hard on Manliattan Island exactly expressed the condition which 
inspired that famous line. 

Indeed it looked as if the public would be able to do very little. 
" It will all blow over," said Hall. " These gusts of reform are 
all wind and clatter. Next year we shall be in Washington." 

Hall's remark about Washingtou was based on the fact that 
at this particular time Governor Hoffman was the Tammany 
Hall candidate for the Presidency, and was thought to have a 
comparatively clear field. Nast's cartoon of Jime 17th shows 
Hoffman as the Tammany Wooden Indian on wheels being 

* Looked at in the present light one must believe that men of the highest re- 
spectability then allowed their names to be used, provided they would be perraittm] 
to ahare profits, and that the press, which should have been guardian of the people's 
interests, openly fuslained the general degradation of the times. — " New York in 
Bondage," by Hon. John D. Tounsend. 


pushed and pulled toward the White House by the Erie and 
Tweed combination. 

The Ring made a fatal mistake at this point. It would far 
better have let national affairs alone. Samuel J. Tilden, one of 
the shrewdest politicians of that period— skilled at intrigue, re- 
lentless in action and an excellent hater— had presidential am- 
bitions of his own. It was poor policy on the part of the Ring to 
push Hoffman in his way. 

Tilden had been counsel for the Erie directors when Tweed and 
Sweeny were on that board, and knew them intimately. Also, as 
chairman of the Democratic State Committee, in 1868, he had 
been hand and glove with Tweed and his followers throughout 
that notorious campaign. Tilden therefore had an intimate 
knowledge of the Ring and its methods. He knew, too, by signs 
in the sky that the storm, which would not " blow over," was 
getting ready to break. Wisely and furtively he laid his plans, 
and patiently waited the hour when undeniable proof of the 
Ring's guilt and public indignation should make its downfall 
sure. Then he would be ready to strike home. 



It was James O'Brien, a close political friend of Tilden and 
sheriff under the Ring, who secured the proofs which resulted in 
its fall. The writer has never seen any statement connecting Mr. 
Tilden with the inception of O'Brien's scheme for destroying 
the Ring, but in the light of collected facts it seems fair to 
credit the shrewder man— the man with the greater motive— 
with the origin of the idea. 

The Ring was no longer useful to Tilden, but, as we have 
seen, had become a bar to his political progress. It was greatly 
to his interest that it should be destroyed. If he could acquire 
credit in its destruction, so much the better. O'Brien too had 
ambitions of his own and old scores to wipe out. There could 
be no closer political bedfellows at this particular time than 
these two men, and Tilden had just the sort of genius to con- 
ceive the plan; while O'Brien, who was still in the Ring's favor, 
was the man to execute it. O'Brien himself, in a published inter- 
view, has admitted that Tilden was present during a conference 
with George Jones, of the Times, when Jones was urge<l by 
Tildon to make the most of the evidence m his hands. 

Concerning O'Brien's enmity to the Ring, Tweed in his con- 
fession, long afterward, testified that it began when Connolly for 
some reason refused to allow one of the sheriff's exorbitant bills. 


O'Brien, so far as the writer can learn, has never clearly ex- 
plained the inner facts of his defection. At all events there was 
no open break in the spring of 1871,* when Connolly and 
O'Brien still professed mutual friendship. 

One morning O'Brien called at the Controller's office and 
asked that an employee be removed and that a friend of his— 
one William Copeland— be appointed to fill the place. O'Brien 
assured Connolly that Copeland was ** all right " and '* safe." 

Connolly was in a dire state. He was equally afraid to grant 
or to refuse O'Brien's request. Perspiration streamed down the 
fat face of ** Slippery Dick " and he looked pale and old. 
Eventually he consented, and Copeland was installed. No sooner 
was he at the books than, by 'Brien 's orders, he began to make 
a transcript of the items of the Ring's frightful and fraudulent 
disbursements, mainly charged as expenditures on the court- 
house, then building. He worked fast and overtime to get these, 
and within a brief period the evidence of a guilt so vast as to 
be almost incredible was in O'Brien's hands. Another man, one ' 
Matthew O'Rourke, in a similar manner had been installed as ' 
county bookkeeper, and in this position had also fortified him- ! 
self with proofs of enormous frauds, chiefly in connection with 
armory rents and repairs. O'Rourke had been a military editor 
and was especially fitted for this job. 

It was afterward testified that O'Brien used the Copeland 
documents to extort money from the Ring. O'Brien, on the 
other hand, has declared that he immediately took them to the 
leading papers of New York City and that, until he reached the 
Times, not one was to be found who would touch them. That 
O'Rourke has recorded a similar experience, would seem to 
verifv O'Brien's claims. Whatever mav be the facts in the case, 
ihe reports did not reach the Times until July. 

Louis John Jennings, who, as we have noted, had maintained 

♦ It has been claimed that this occurred in 1870. O'Brien has given it as above. 


an unceasing warfare, was one night sitting in his office, wonder- 
ing what move he could make next. Over and over he had 
branded Tweed and his associates as criminals, pointing out the 
frauds that must exist, daring the Bing to produce the city ac- 
counts. His life had been threatened, and more than once he had 
been arrested on trumped-up charges. Like Nast, he had been 
accused of almost every crime in the calendar,* and once a 
'* tough citizen " had suddenly entered the sanctum with the 
information that he had come to ' * cut his heart out. ' ' The dis- 
turber had been promptly kicked into the street, but the experi- 
ence had been far from pleasant. Pondering as to the possibili- 
ties, and the probable rewards, of American reform, the sturdy 
Englishman began writing, when the door suddenly opened, and 
James 'Brien entered. 

The men were known to each other and O 'Brien remarked that 
it was a warm evening. 

** Yes, hot," assented Jennings. 

** You and Nast have had a hard fight," continued O'Brien. 

'* Have still," nodded Jennings rather wearily. 

** I said you have had it," repeated O'Brien, and he pulled 
a roll of papers from an inner pocket. ** Here are the proofs 
of all your charges— exact transcriptions from Dick Connolly's 
books. The boys will likely try to murder you when they know 
you've got 'em, just as they've tried to murder me." f 

Jennings seized the precious roll and sat up till daylight, 
studying it all out. It was only a day or two later that 'Rourke 
came in with the added documents, and was engaged by the 
Times to assist in making the great attack. 

♦ Among other things, Nast was charged with having fled from Germany to 
avoid military service. The reader will remember that he was six years old when 
he reached America. It is a curious fact that this battle for American reform 
should have been conducted by two foreign-born men, Jennings and Xast— one of 
England, the other of Bavaria. 

f Interview with Louis John Jennings, M. P. — London World, 1887. 


Immediately it became known to the Ring that the proofs of 

its guilt were in possession of the Times, and an effort was made 

to buy them. A carefully verified report of this attempt was 

published in Harper's Weekly for February 22, 1890: 

A tenant in the same building (the Times building) sent for 

\Mr. Jones to come to his office, as he wished to see him on an 

important matter. Mr. Jones went to the lawyer's office, and, 

being ushered into a private room, was confronted by Controller 


** I don't want to see this man,'' said Mr. Jones, and he 
turned to go. 

** For God's sake! " exclaimed Connolly, ** let me say one 
word to you." 

At this appeal Mr. Jones stopped. Connolly then made him 
a proposition to forego the publication of the documents he had 
in his possession and offered him the enormous sum of five mil- 
lion dollars to do this. As Connolly waited for the answer, Mr. 
Jones said: 

** I don't think the devil will ever make a higher bid for me 
than that." 

Connolly began to plead, and drew a graphic picture of what 
one could do with five million dollars. He ended by saying: 

** AVhy, with that sum you can go to Europe and live like a 
prince. ' ' 

*' Yes," said Mr. Jones, '* but I should know that I was a 
rascal. I cannot consider your offer or any offer not to publish 
the facts in my possession." 

On July 8 was published the first instalment of those terrible 
figures that, having once been made to lie, now turned to cry 
out the damning truth in bold black type— black indeed to the 
startled members of the Ring. 

The sensation was immediate. The figures showed that an 
enormous outlay had been charged as *^ armory rents and re- 
pairs " which never could have been legitimately expended. 
Ten lofts, mostly over old stables, had been rented at a cost of 
$85,000, and though these lofts had not been used, an additionaf 
$463,064 had been charged for keeping them in repair. Ten 
other armories had been kept in repair for a period of nine 




months at the trifling cost to the county of $941,453.86. The 
upper floor of Tammany Hall, worth at that time about $4,000 
a year, was 
charged in the list 
at nine times that 
sum. The Times 
asserted the abso- 
lute truth of these 
fig:ures, and boldly 
called on the ofB- 
cials to disprove 
them by producing 
their books. 

The Ring stag- 
gered and began to 
drrad a break on 
the part of its con- 
Btitueiits. " Never 
mind." said Hall. 
" AVho is going to 
prosocutef " But, 
heboid, on July \- 
came anotlier 
stroke of ill-for 
tune — a bloody not 
caused by the Orangemen's parade. The Mayor had for- 
bidden the parade, at the behest of the Hibernian Society, 
and public indignation had flamed up at this blow to Amer- 
iran liberties. Leailing papers that bad hitherto supported 
the Ring seized upon the Mayor's edict as an excuse for 
nisbiug to cover— fiercely denouncing Hall. Even Governor 
HofTman rescinded the Mayor's order, though at the eleventh 
hour, promising protection to the little band of Protestant Irish. 



It was too late, however, to avoid bloodshed. The Hibernians, 
encouraged by Mayor Hall 's attitude, declared for open warfare 
if the Orangemen paraded, with general destruction to Protes- 
tant sympathizers, adding a special threat against the house of 
Harper Brothers for its publication of the cartoons of Nast. 
The Governor's belated order had no effect. The warning and 
admonition of priest and bishop went unheeded. The spirit 
of sixty-three was abroad. The mob was ripe for bloodshed, 
and the burning and sacking of stores. 

It proved a brief and sanguinary episode. On Eighth Avenue, 
from Twenty-third to Twenty-ninth Streets, the assault on the 
paraders took place. The military, which had been called out 
to escort the Orangemen, did not immediately open fire, and the 
rioters now boldly appeared from all sides discharging fire-arms 
and missiles of every sort at the procession. A woman who 
waved a handkerchief to the Orangemen was instantly killed. A 
little girl by her side shared the same fate. Then a private was 
shot down, and then, a moment later, the military opened fire 
on the mob. 

The crowd of ruflBans who had made up their minds that the 
soldiers would not shoot, broke wildly and fled, leaving almost 
a hundred dead and wounded behind. The riot was over. The 
prompt and severe militarj^ punishment had avoided a repeti- 
tion of the Draft Riot scenes of 1863. Nast, marching with his 
regiment, had seen the fulfilment of a prophecy in '* Shadows 
of Coming Events," published more than a year before. 

A letter to Nast from General Alfred Pleasanton concerning 
the riot seems interesting in the view it gives us of this gallant 
officer's theory of handling mobs. 

Washington, July 16, 1871. 

My Dear Nast : 

Many thanks for your kind remembrance in Harper of last 
week. 1 fear you have given me an impossible task— to teach 
Tammany arithmetic. Subtracting and dividing are the only 



rules they practise, and the decimal point they disregard alto- 

That was a good lesson you gave them on the 12th, but it 
was only a beginning. You handled them with gloves on. Fight- 
ing a mob requires different tactics from those used in fighting 
in the field. 

Id street fighting, every house from which a shot is fired 
should be gutted, and no one in the house should escape. Had 
the troops taken jwssession of the houses from which sliots were 
fired on the 12th and shot every man in them, you would have 
struck terror into the mob and they would have dispersed dis- 

The next time they will have more experienced leaders and 
will not commit the same mistakes. Remember what I tell yon 
— you Tnust terrorize a mob to subdue zY— simply killing them 
does not answer the purpose. The survivors only run away to 
return with more experience. This thing will be repeated some 
day, when I hope to see it properly handled. I will tell you 
]iow when we meet. Accept my congratulations at your going 
through it safe and sound, and believe me, 

Your sincere friend, 

A. Pteasanton. 

The riot was a hard blow to the Ring. Tlie public in general 
denounced Hall and his associates, according them full blame 
for the city's disgrace and sorrow. Also, the Times each day 
boldly emblazoned in its edito- 
rial page in big black figures 
the added proofs of the be- 
trayal of public trust. Men 
and papers who had stood by the 
municipal government showed 
signs of desertion. There was 
wavering in the ranks. At any 
moment it might become a stam- 
jiede. The tenure of Fraud had 
l)ecome a precarious thing. 


THE ring's battle FOR LIFE 

The excitement over the armory exposures was as nothing in 

comparison with the upheaval that took place on publication of 

the Copeland transcript of the Controller's accounts, the first 

*/ of which appeared as a special sheet in the Times of July 22, 


These figures, carefully tabulated and printed in full clear 
type, showed at a glance where millions upon millions of dollars 
had been paid from the public treasury, with no return to the 
city, worth counting. 

Many of the great sums had been charged as repairs or furnish- 
ings for the new court-house, and most of them had been dis- 
tributed through such ^' contractors " as J. H. Ingersoll & Com- 
pany, Andrew J. Garvey, Keyser & Company and others, who 
had *' arranged " whatever small part was really due for goods 
and labor, and deposited the huge balance to the credit of the 
various members and associates of the Ring. 

The new court-house was still far from complete, and miser- 
ably furnished, yet it had already resulted in the neat outlay of 
$11,000,000, when the most liberal estimate placed its value, 
finished and luxuriously furnished, at less than three millions. 


A few items will be sufficient to show the scale upon which the 
Eing had conducted its financial policy: 

Forty old chairs and three tables had a record value of 

A charge for repairing fixtures, through J. H. Keyser & 
Company, was $1,149,874.50. 

Thermometers, $7,500. 

Another charge for furniture, through IngersoU & Company, 

City and County Advertising— paid to the newspapers of New 
York City, $2,703,308.48— a large proportion of this vast sum 
having been paid in the early months of 1871.* 

A single item of stationery was set down at $186,495.61. What, 
in heaven's name, could the .61 have paid for with stationery 
bought at Ring rates ? Possibly it represented the actual cost of 
the entire outlay. 

Then there were carpets, shades and curtains, also supplied 
by that marvellous firm, IngersoU & Company, at the fairly com- 
fortable figure of $675,534.44. Why always these odd cents? It 
must have been worrisome to make change in those days of opu- 
lence. But one cannot help admiring the two liverj men who in 
a few brief days earned nearly fifty thousand dollars by sup- 
plying the aldermen with carriages, mostly for funerals. That 
must have been a busy season for aldermen, keeping up with 
all those obsequies. Nor must we overlook one G. S. Miller, a 
carpenter who was set down as having received $360,747.61 (an- 
other .61— fatal sum) for one month's work. ** Is not," asks the 
Times, ** this Miller the luckiest carpenter alive f " 

But Garvey, Andrew J. Gar\^ey, the plasterer! Generations 
of plasterers yet unborn will take off their hats to his memory! 
$2,870,464.06 had he earned at his humble trade in the brief 

•The entire amount disbursed by the Ring during a period of about thirty 
months for public advertising and printing was $7,168,212.23 — the greater part of 
which was paid to the New York Printing Company, owned by the Ring. 


period of nine months. Fifty thousand dollars a day was his 
record for an entire month ! Surely never waa a mouth so well 
plastered as that long-ago June! ** As G. S. Miller is the luck- 
iest carpenter alive," comments the Times, '* so is Andrew J. 
Garvey the Prince of Plasterers. His good fortune surpasses 
anything recorded in the Arabian Nights. A plasterer who can 
earn $138,187 in two days (December 20 and 21), and that in 
the depths of winter, need never be poor. With a total of 
$2,870,464.06 for the job, he could afford to donate the .06 to 
charity. ' ' 

It is unnecessary to go further into the details of this monster 
and monstrous fraud, $5,663,246.83 of which had been paid 
through the single * * firm ' ' of IngersoU & Company. An illus- 
trated pamphlet poem, '* The House That Tweed Built,'' dis- 
tributed by the American News Company, contained this stanza, 
which we may add as a final touch: 

^* This is Boss Tweed 

' Nast's man with the Brains. 

The Tammany Atlas who all sustains, 

(A Tammany Sampson, perhaps, for his pains) 

Who rules the city where Oakey reigns, 

The master of Woodward and Ingersoll, 

And all the gang of the city roll. 

And formerly lord of ' Slippery Dick ' 

Who Controlled the plastering laid on so thick, 

By the controller's plasterer, Garvey by name, 

The Garvey whose fame is the little Game 

Of laying on plaster and knowing the trick 

Of charging as if he himself were a brick 

Of the well-plastered house that TWEED built." 

As heretofore stated, during thirty months of Ring rule, thirty 
millions of dollars had been stolen out of hand. The city debt 
had increased more than fifty millions and waa doubling every 
two years. No wonder the shores of Long Island Sound were 
lined with the elegant homes of the city contractors and finan* 
ciers. ^latthew J. O'Rourke, who since that time has made a 


careful study of the city's finances, states that counting the vast 
issues of fraudulent bonds, the swindling of the city by the 
wealthy tax dodgers, by franchises and favors granted, by black- 
mail and extortion— the total amount of the city's loss through 
the Tweed King stands at 
not less than Two Hun- 
dred Millions of Dollars.' 

And now there was in- 
deed excitement. 

The public was up in 
arms, and the papers— 
with the exception of 
such organs as the Leader 
and the Star, established 
and supported by the Ring 
—were either breaking 
for cover or preparing to 
do 80 by maintaining a (Thi*M 
discreet silence until the 
Times's exposures could he veriiied. It is true, they were in- 
clined to display the resentment tliat comes of defeat and to 
belittle the achievement of the rival paper. One leading journal 
made the rather remarkable claim that the Times exposure was 
an old storj', so far as it was concerned, though it failed to 
explain why it had remained the ally of corruption, and why 
it still, though rather feebly, to be sure, defended the Ring from 
the vengeance of an outraged public. 

The Tribune suggested that, if the Ring was not guilty as 
diarged, it should proceed to establish its innocence by suing 
tbe Times for criminal libel. This suggestion the Times eagerly 
welcomed, as it would have forced the city accounts into court. 
It even dared the Ring to sue. It called upon Connolly, Sweeny 

• New York Hrrnld. Ifinuarj- 13, IBOl. 


and Hall to produce the Controller's books and prove its pub- 
lished statements false. 

Tweed was not at first assailed. O'Brien had stipulated that 
** The Boss," who had remained his friend, should be given a 
chance to resign his oflBce and make public acknowledgment of 
his own account. It is perhaps to Tweed's credit that he refused 
to desert his fellows and took his punishment with the others. 
Possibly he believed that, with a share of the press still faithful, 
and with a powerful constituency, the public, after all, could 
really do nothing about it— that nobody would sue— that the 
storm would *' blow over." 

As for Thomas Nast, he was now in his glory. His long beat- 
ing at the gates of brass had finally aroused the whole city- 
even the nation itself to arms! This was just the sort of a savage 
conflict for justice that always filled his veins with fire, and made 
his pencil more to be dreaded than the most ghastly engine of 

He had already humorously illustrated Tweed's Fourth of 
July oration, before the first of the Times disclosures, and had 
depicted Connolly's '* Whitewashing Committee " as blind mice 
whose tails had been amputated by the Times 's sharp editorials. 
Then when the riot had occurred he had contributed a double- 
page which had brought down upon him the fiercest threats and 
denunciations of the Hibernian organs, and he had followed it 
with a caricature of Hall as the ^^ Sick Mare " in the Tammany 
stall. A little later a small cartoon showed Horace Greeley 
weeping over the ^* Mare," in whom, it may be said here, the 
great editor never entirely lost confidence. In this picture Con- 
nolly is fanning '^ Mare " Hall with a '* ten thousand dollar 
city-fan," while Tweed and Sweeny are furtively looking on. 
*' Not a Bailable Case," is the title of the picture, and under- 
neath is an extract from the Tribune of July 21— the day before 
the great exposure of the Controller's accounts. The extract em- 


bodies Mr. Greeley's explanation of his hitherto temperate style 
of attack upon the ring. It proved an unfortunate utterance, for 
the reason that, as a rule, Mr. Greeley's lack of temperate expres- 
sion was one of his most distinguished characteristics. 

But this cartoon was of slight importance as compared with 
the one that followed, this being no less than the now famous 
page, the lower half of which, ^* Who Stole the People's 
Money? " has been so often reproduced. In the upper picture 
Greeley again appears, asking *' Who is IngersoU's Company! " 
and Tweed and his numberless cohorts are there as a reply. In 
the lower picture the Ring and its friends are formed in a cir- 
cle, pointing accusingly, one to the other, as an answer to the 
Times 's pertinent question, ^^ Who Stole the People's Money! " 

** You have never done anything more trenchantly witty than 
the ' Co.' of IngersoU," wrote Curtis, '* and the * 'Twas Him! ' 
My wife and I laughed continuously over them. They are pro- 
digiously good. " 

It is believed that this page, and the certainty of others of 
its kind to follow, did more to terrify the Ring than any previous 

*' Let's stop them d— d pictures," proposed Tweed when he 
saw it. *' I don't care so much what the papers write about me 
—my constituents can't read; but, d— n it, they can see pic- 

Threatening letters were received by Nast, one containing his i 
own {)icture with a thread, as a rope, about his neck. Also, the , 
family began to notice rough characters loitering about the home 1 
premises. But for the personal friendship of Police Captain Ira . 
(Jarland, it is not unlikely that an attack would have been made 
on the artist of refonii. Garland was promptly removed f rom ^ 
that precinct, but Nast, owing to a malarial epidemic then preva- 
lent in Harlem, somewhat later decided to remove his family to 
Morristown for a brief period of change. Nast himself was 


V»im»J.V^«.«lB «W— MB.,„G ' 

' WQ iTOki m rupin fwtr ? - n tell .i 

T.WA5 H>M. 


troubled with a serious throat affection at this time, and 
the higher altitude of the Jersey hills proved generally bene- 
ficial, though he returned to work each day in the Harlem 

The Ring now resorted to new tactics. They determined to 
buy where they could not intimidate. A lawyer friend one day 
intimated to Nast that, in appreciation of his great efforts, a 
party of rich men wished to send him abroad, and give him a 
chance to study art under the world's masters. The friend was / 
probably innocent enough— an unconscious tool of the Ring. _j 

Nast said very little except that he appreciated the offer and 
would be delighted to go, but for the fact that he had important 
business, just then, in New York. He fancied that he detected 
the far, faint odor of a mouse under the idea, but he did not 
mention this to his friend. On the following Sunday an oflBcer 
of the Broadway Bank, where the Ring kept its accounts, called 
on Nast at his home. He talked of a number of things. Then 
he said: 

** I hear you have been made an offer to go abroad for art 
stud v." 

*/ Yes," nodded Nast, ^' but I can't go. I haven't time." 

** But they will pay you for your time. I have reason to 
believe you could get a hundred thousand dollars for the trip." 

** Do you think I could get two hundred thousand! " 

** Well, possibly. I believe from what I have heard in the 
bank that you might get it. You have a great talent; but you 
need study and you need rest. Besides, this Ring business will 
get you into trouble. They own all the judges and jurors and 
can get you locked up for libel. My advice is to take the money 
and get away." 

Nast looked out into the street, and perhaps wondered what 
two hundred thousand dollars would do for him. It would pay 
the mortgage on the house in the city. It would give him years 



of study abroad. It 
would make him 
comfortable for life. 
Presently lie said: 

" Don't you think 
I could get five hun- 
dred thousand to 
make that trip I " 

The bank official 
scarcely hesitated. 

' ' You can. Yoii\ 
can get five hundred \ 
thousand dollars in j 
gold to drop this | 
Ring business and j 
get out of the coun- 
try." _, 

Nast laughed a 
little. He had 
played the game far 

'^^TMi-. "Well, I don't 

think I'll do it," he said. " I made up my mind not long ago to 
put some of tliose fellows behind the bars, and 1' in ffo/nff to 
jput them there ! ' ' 

The banker rose, rather quietly. 

" Only be careful, Air. Nast, that you do not first put your- 
self in a coffin! " he smiled. 

It was not until two years later that he met Nast one day on 
I! roadway. 

" Jly Gml, Nast! " he said; " you did it, after all! '* 



On July 15 Har- 
per's Weekly had 
publisheda portrait 
and biographical 
sketch of Mr. Jen- 
nings, showing his 
highly successful 
career in various 
London editorial 
positions ami estab- 
lishing his absolute 
reliability, clean 
record and eapabit- 
ities beyond ques- 
tion. On August 
26 it republished 
the full-page por- 
trait of Xast and 
referred to him as 
the " most cor- 
dially hated man 
i D New York- 
bated by men 
whose friendship 


would be a dishonor." Fartlier along it added, '* His inventive 
powers seem to be inexhaustible." 

Of his pictures it said, ** His caricatures of Tweed, Sweeney, 
Connolly and Hall are admirable in their grotesque fidelity. 
Each one is so marked that if you catch only the glimpse of an 
eye-glass, the tip of a nose or a straggly bit of hair, you recog- 
nize it." Of the Ring's effort to suppress him: ** Believing that 
' every man has his price ' they have tried to buy him off. To 
their astonishment they found they were dealing with a man who 
was not for sale. Then they tried the efficiency of threats. Let- 
ters of the most violent character have poured in upon him . . . 
threatening violence and even death. . . . The pages of this 
paper show and will continue to show that threats are quite as 
impotent as bribes with Mr. Nast." 

And in good sooth, now, did the thunderbolts begin to fall. 
In the issue containing the above-mentioned sketch, the Bing 
and its accomplices were caricatured as the ** cut and dried " 
national ticket and Cabinet for 1872. On September 2, the Ring 
is shown at one of its palatial resorts, drinking and feasting, 
while their poorer constituents in New York City are starving. 
A little later a similar idea was used to show the ** wholesale " 
tliieves walking out of the city treasury unscathed, while the 
beggar is arrested and beaten for stealing a loaf of bread. 

Hall, still jaunty and defiant, meeting Nast on the street one 
day, said: 

** I have seen your * handwriting on the wall,' of late." 

*' You will see more of it, presently," answered Nast, without 

Tweed; who had earlier declared his intention of horse- whip- 
ping Nast on sight, one morning, driving in Central Park, met 
liirii face to face. The artist smiled and tipped his hat jauntily 
itH was his wont. The ** Boss " forgot his threat and returned 
iUo Malutation. 


And each week the ^' handwriting " becanie more telling- 
more terrible in its clear statement of fact. There was to be 
an election in November, and it must be with wide-open eyes 
tliat the public should render judgment. 

The King was thoroughly frightened at last. Connolly gave 
out inexplicable statements of his accounts, and Hall published 
in his paper—the Leader— -incoherent denials of his responsi- 
bility, and explanations that did not explain. The guilty ones 
were grabbing wildly at straws, and were pres^itly reduced to 
an unverified statement, made through the Star, that they were 
^^ high-toned gentlemen of probity, and of honor— sensitive to 
the stigma upon their party and anxious to redeem it from its 
r>eril/' Tliey added that they were ** representative men of the 
city ''—a remark that at least savored of fact. 

It was all no use. ** High-toned gentlemen '* were going at a 
discount. Ring supporters were making a grand rush for safety, 
trampling their former benefactor in the mad stampede. When 
the citizens ** Committee of Seventy " was appointed to inves- 
tigate, the Mayor, with Tweed and Sweeny, decided to make a 
scapegoat of ** Slippery Dick,'' and asked that an examination 
be made of the Controller's books. 

Tlu» ** liooth Coirnnittee," consisting of eight private citizens, 
four nNh^rinon and one supervisor, with William A. Booth as 
r'liainnnn, was appointed for this purpose, September 6. On 
the following day, Judge George S. Barnard, formerly an 
iiKHocinto of tho King, granted an injunction restraining Tweed 
and liin associateH from further levies or use of public funds. 
This wiiH a Horious blow. Following Barnard's example, recruits, 
by tli(» \vh()l(»HaIe were now added to the ranks of reform. Tho 
flernian IhMiiocrats repudiated the Ring, and Nast's cartoon 
hIiowh tho d(Munod four being flung bodily from the good ship 
** donnania." '* A Group of Vultures Waiting for the Storm 
to ' Hlow Over,' " in tho same issue, was one of the surest hits 
of llio oaini)aign. 


On Saturday, September 9, tlie Booth Committee asked Con- 
troller Connolly to produce certain vouchers on the following 
Tuesday. Curiously enough, before Monday morning these very 
vouchers disappeared from the Controller's office. Somebody 
with a diamond had cut a hole in the window, large enough to 
admit a man's ann. By this means the window had been unfast- 
ened and the intruder had been able to enter aud select the very 




vouchers demanded by the Booth Committee for beginning the 

It seemed a remarkable coincidence, and the general opinion 
expressed when Connolly and his friends protested their inno- 
cence was that the device was * * too thin, ' ' a title adopted by Xast 
for a cartoon that was afterward used as an election document, 
distributed by the thousand. 

Wild Oats, a small illustrated paper, published an adaptation 
of this cartoon, entitled '* Too Thick, '^ showing the Ring, fat- 
tened with plunder, handcuffed together, and in stripes. It has 
been stated that Nast was first to depict the Ring in stripes; 
but the credit is due, not to the great master of caricature, but 
to one of his countless followers, C. Howard. The sale of Wild 
Oats was forbidden on the news-stands by Mayor Hall under 
penalty of revoked licenses, and a similar edict was prepared 
against Harper's Weekly, but never enforced. 

Mayor Hall now made a ludicrous show of virtue, demanding 
Connolly's resignation for gross negligence in allowing his oflSce 
to be robbed. Connolly replied in effect that Hall was as much 
implicated as he was, and declined to abdicate. On September 
13 there was almost a riot in front of his oflBce, caused by the 
unpaid city workmen demanding their wages, which, because 
of Barnard's injunction, Connolly could not distribute. Men 
grew savage and endeavored to force an entrance. 

** Bring out * Slippery Dick,' " they called; ** we'll make him 
sign the rolls." 

Connolly in an interview with his friends was advised to quit 
the countrj^ without more ado. Instead, he took legal counsel of 
Samuel J. Tilden, who had thus far shown but a general interest 
in the movement for reform. 

Tliis was pure luck for Tilden— a play directly into his hand. 
His advice was that Connolly, under promise of protection, 
should resign in favor of Andrew H. Green— a man in whom 


the public had tlie utmost confidence, and a business friend of 
Tilden. This Connolly did, and took heart. 

The remainder of the Ring was now in a bad way. Under 
the leadei-ship of Hall, they endeavored to stir up a riot amongr 
the unpaid street and park laborers. Such journals as were left 
to them declared that there should be a great meeting at the 
Fifty-ninth Street park entrance, and that, failing to get their 
money, the mob should proceed to the homes of the villains who 
had brought about this state of affairs— said villains being the 
leaders in the reform crusade, whose names and addresses were 
carefully given — and " pull their houses down about their 

But the riot did not come off. The laborers were beginning 
to nnderstaod who were the villains that had emptied the pub- 
lic treasur>% and to make this truth still more clear Nast gave 


tlie public a cartoon entitled ** The City Treasury— Empty to 
the Workmen, and the Four Masters who Emptied it/' 

Thousands of workmen who did not read the daily papers 
could understand that picture at a glance, and it was conspicu- 
ouHly displayed on the stands. Later it was included in a cam- 
paign i)amphlet and scattered broadcast. In another cartoon 
Nast summed up the Ring's attempt to retain power through 
(concessions to the Church in the '* American River Ganges '* 
which stands to-day as the most terrible arraignment of secta- 
rianism in the public schools, as well as one of the most power- 
ful pictures that Thomas Nast ever drew. 

<* ^riio Only Way to Get Our Tammany Rulers on the Square," 
t\w ** S(iuare '' being that of a carpenter, set up as a gallows 
with a noose at the end, and '* Honest Democracy Kicking Mayor 
Hall into Space '' were two smaller cartoons in the same issue. 

^riH! shots were dropping thickly now, and the withering fire 
laid waste the ranks of infamy. Every respectable journal in 
Ni'W York was in line at last, and every organization was crying 
*' thi^f." Kven the '' W. M. Tweed '' Association denounced 
tho corruption of the city oflBcials, while the officials themselves 
wiu'o chic^fly engaged in recriminations against one another. It 
wiiM cloarly a case of '* Stop Thief! ^\ and Nast's cartoon of that 
titio, puhlishod October 7, so exactly portrays the situation, 
nnd in withal so full of spirit and action that one feels impelled 
to join in tho mad race and to take up the accusing cry. 

\oi in iho obscure Land of Politics Tweed himself was still a 
powiM*. At Iho State convention held at Rochester he was com- 
|ilitlit miiHtiT. Mr. Tilden did, in fact, make a show of dissent, 
ImiI wmh Hrornfully rebuked, and, realizing that the time was not 
npn Tor hin drnouemerit^ instantly succumbed. In the Weekh^ 
for OrlohiT 1, Xast shows the ''Brains'^ of the Rochester 
fifinvunlion thiit now famous picture of Tweed with a money 
S^m ''<"' ^^ In^ad, and no features save those expressed by the 


dollar mark. The same issue contained '* The Mayor's Grand 
Jury "—twelve pictures of the Mayor himself— and that fearful 
front page— the Ring in the shadow of the gallows— Tweed 
lifting his hat, and the others cringing cravenly at sight of 
** The only thing they respect or fear." 

It is doubtful if caricature in any nation had ever approached 
in public importance such work as this. Certainly America had 
never seen its like. The crushing of the Ring had become a 
national issue and, next to Grant himself, Thomas Nast, as leader 
of the greatest reform movement New York City had ever 
known, had become the conspicuous national figure. Carlyle 
once said : * ' He that would move and convince others must first 
be moved and convinced himself. ' ' Thomas Nast had long been 
moved and convinced in his crusade against the Ring. Now in 
a perfect frenzy of battle he had risen to achievements of attack 
and slaughter hitherto undreamed. 

And just here came Samuel J. Tilden's great moment of en- 
' trance. His appearance on the stage was as dramatic as it 
I was effective. It was the moment in the melodrama when the 
avenger rushes from the wings, holding high the danming proof 
, that makes conviction sure. 

The Booth Committee was ready to make its report. Through 
Andrew H. Green, Mr. Tilden knew precisely what that report 
would be. Two or three days previous he * * happened causually, ' ' 
as he says in his aflBdavit, to drop into Mr. Green's office, and 
was there shown some startling figures from the books of the 
Broadway Bank. Traced through the bank's entries, these 
figures showed just how an account against the city— a 
sum of $6,312,641.37-had netted a clear profit of $6,095,309.17 
to Tweed and his friends, and just in what measure the transac- 
tion had been arranged. TVhy the bank had not rendered so 
important a public service before, does not matter now. Neither 
does it matter why Mr. Tilden, who later acknowledged that he 


^knew as far back as 1869 that the Ring " was opposed to all 
good government,*' should have waited until this particular and 
supreme instant for strenuous action. It is enough that it 
was the supreme instant, and with his affidavit and the clear 
and full statement of the Broadway Bank, Mr. Tilden strode 
into the lime-light, and the 
Public rose up in a concord of 
^heers and commendation. Til- 
den in that moment must have 
believed that the greatest gift 
of the American people would 
be his reward. 

On tiie next day the report 
of the Booth Committee re- 
moved the last breath of 
doubt. On that day William 
Marcy Tweed was arrested, 
and, though released on a million dollar bond, supplied by 
Jay Gould and others, that first arrest marked the beginning 
of the end. Samuel J. Tilden, like an avenging angel, with 
all the skill and knowledge and ambition of his kind, had 
linked his legal acumen with the brilliant daring of the Times 
and the relentless genius of Nastt The glory of dishonor was 
waning dim. In its declining day, long shadows of sombre 
prison walls reached out to enclose the Bing. 

Yet perhaps hope was not wholly dead. In the issue of the 
Weekly prior to election week there was but one small cartoon, 
and this represented Tweed still holding the Democratic reins. 
It may be the Ring gleaned a grain of comfort from this con- 
fession of the " Boss's " strength, and believed it to be the last 
small shot of battle. Little did they guess that with the next 
nuniher— issued two days before the election— Thomas Nasi 
would fling into their midst a pictorial projectile so terrific in 



Its power, so far-reaching in its results, that Ring rule and 
plunder the world over shall never cease to hear the echo of its 

It was a great double page of that Coliseum at Rome which 
the young Garibaldian had paused to sketch on his way out of 


Italy. Seated in the imperial enclosure, gazing down, with 
brutal eager faces are Tweed and his dishonored band, with 
the Americus emblems above and below. But it is only the centre 
of the amphitheatre that we see. There, full in the foreground, 
with glaring savage eyes and distended jaws, its great, cruel 
paws crushing down the maimed Republic, we behold the first 
complete embodiment of that fierce symbol which twenty years 
before had fascinated a little lad who had followed and shouted 
behind the engine of the Big Six. The creature of rapacity and 
stripes, whose savage head Tweed had emblazoned on the Tam- 
many Banner, had been called into being to rend and destroy 
him. In all the cartoons the world has ever seen none has been 
so startling in its conception, so splendidly picturesque, so endur- 
ing in its motive of reform as *' The Tammany Tiger Loose— 
What are you going to do about it ? ' ^ In the history of picto- 
rial caricature it stands alone — to-day as then, and for all time 
— unapproached and unapproachable. 

Two days later the people declared what they would do about 
it. The Ring had plotted to stuff the ballot and use their armies 
of repeaters, but so great was their craven fear at this moment 
that a'Nast picture of citizens voting into a waste-basket, with 
the Ring to do the counting, published with four others in 
the great Tiger issue (six altogether), frightened them into a 
fairly honest count which swept them out of power. The Ring 
was shattered. It existed but in the history of its misdeeds. 

Tlie Nast pictures of the results of the great defeat were 
worthy of the man who had made them possible. Tweed, 
wounded, bandaged, disgusted and disgusting, is shown as 
Marius among the ruins of Carthage. The '* Boss,'* it is true, 
had been reelected to the State Senate — the vote in his district 
not being a matter of moral conviction— but he had lost all de- 
sire to claim his seat. On another page, '* Something That Did 
Blow Over '* graphically and humorously portrayed the ruins of 



the House of Tam- 
many— the Ring 
and its adherents 
either crushed or 
e-<caping, with only 
Hall, whose term 
-' hid not aspired, 
still clinging to a 
tottering fragment. 
Opposite to this is 
e;till another page, 
'■ The Political 
Suicide of Peter 
' Brains' Sweeny'* 
~ Sweeny having 
resigned from office 
and withdrawn 
from public life the 
day following the 
fatal election. In his letter of resignation he declared that hence- 
forth his official duty would be contined to the single act of vot- 
ing. Mr. Sweeny, it may be added, subsequently made a flying 
trip to Canada, later to join his brother James, also concerned 
in Ring financiering, in France. Eventually he paid four hun- 
dred thousand dollars to tlie city and was forgiven.* It has been 

•Mr. Sweeny's "Bill of Health" was oblnined and the money restored to the 
city in the name of Jamm M. Sweeny, who hnd died subsequent to the Ring ex- 
posures. This Biihterfiige wag freely condemned at the time, as the following brief 
extracts nill show: 

Evening Post, June 7, 1877: 

Of eotirHe. nol>ody nlll be deceived by this disgraceful and ofTenMtre sham. Tfa« 
suit of the people was not against .lamps M. Sweeny. He ja dead. The proceed- 
ings are not agHiost the estate. It is not lielipved that he had any estate. It is 
known that he lived by the hrenth of his brother, that he was but a mere miserable 
tool, and that nobody would have been more astonished than himself if it had t>een 
suggested that he should pay to the eity of New York, or to anybody else, Mveral 
hundred thousand dollars, or any other sum. 



said that he never 
really participated 
in the Ring profits. 
If this be true, then 
the writer may be 
permitted to add 
that Mr. Siveeny 
paid a very large 
price for the priv- 
ilege of keeping 
very bad company, 
Mr. Tilden, who. 
with James 
O'Brien, had been 
elected to the 
Legislature, must 
have forgotten hia 
agreement to pro- 
tect Connolly, for 
on November 25tli 
the latter was sud- 
denly arrested on n 
complaint to which 

r RrnRBB ntou ptbuc life 
the only affidavit was made by Tilden himself. Connolly realized 
Evening Exprew, June 8. 18IT: 

n insult to tbe tax- pay en 
t of his doii' 

The TeleoM of Swirrnv un the pnynient of $400,000 i< 
of the ritf Mid an outrHSP on juiticr. ... It is nomtnally pnid a 
brMher's estate, but evvn Lawyer Perkhiun admitH thai this pretence \» ttxs thin l4> 
b^ Wlwvedi and it is ju»tilled on thr sniiindrer« Kround that compoiindinK vrith 
fcloay pay* betWr llian to eJtart si|n« re- handed jiistiee of the felon. And then to 
■[Ire nurrmy a eertifleatc of ehanictFr un top of this trttnMiri.ion, shows that some- 
bady'* idea* uf deivnry are strangelj ilc mora I iced and thnt Lbe " Drains " of the old 
Ring still has his pais where Ihey ran do [he moHl ifumt. 

There wa* mueh more of this, and the sentiment whs echoed \>y the public ami 
tbe pt*as (generally, Several Inlor altenipis have been madf to rehabilitate Mr. 
Sweeny's reputation; but these elTorts have met. and are lilirly to meet, with slight 
HKDuraKcment. The official ohloigny roenrded afcainnt his dead brother's nicniory 
ranains a serious flaw in &tr. Sweeny's tiltc to exoneration. 


tliiii til* litii] boon trapped and offered to settle for a million dol- 
liirH. A inilltoii and a half was demanded. CoddoIIy's wife, who 
wiiH iircHcrit, (Iciriurred. 

•' Kiclmrd, go to jail," she said, and " Slippery Dick " that 
tiif(lit Hlfpt liciiiiid the bars and remained there until January. 
'I'lii'ii hi' Hociin'd bond and joined the " Americans Abroad," the 
ntiiiilicr of whicli increased with each outgoing steamer. Almost 
II Hcorc of iiulictiuents were prepared against Tweed, but it 
wiiM not until the winter of 1873 that he was behind prison bars, 
inid llii'ii for iiiiHdeinoimor. Later he was imprisoned in Ludlow 
Htn'ot jaii in ilt'fniitt of n three-million-dollar bond. Thence he 
i>Hi'iipi><l ti> Knropc, to be captured, as we shall see later, in a 
KuiriiiiT which would add the final touch to a triumphant 

Hall bniWMi, defiant and shameless to the last— clung to the 
wreckHKc until his tcnii of office expired, *' The Last Thorn of 
Sunitncr," n« Nasi depicted him. Neither the Herald nor the 


Tribune was ever fully convinced of his guilt, and Nast, in a 
cartoon, showed the younger Bennett and Mr. Greeley white- 
washing him until his real identity was almost lost. In another 
place Greeley as Diogenes is " discovering " him as the one 
honest man. One reflects that " Elegant Oakey " must have 
had a most winning personality to have inspired ever so little 
confidence in these shrewd journalists, when ruin and wreck 
lay all about him, and only oblivion and exile before. The 
colony of expatriates claimed him in due season, and when, long 
after, he returned to his native land, broken in body and fortimes, 
he eked out a paltrj' living by a petty law practice, and through 
contributing archaic humor to the comic weeklies. 

Of all the fortunes acquired by the Ring and its adherents, 
scarcely the remnants of a single one exist to-day. Less than 
a million of the loss was recovered by the city, but the men who 
had sold themselves for plunder had not the ability to preserve 
their ill-gotten price. Some of them died in exile, others in 
prison. Some were allowed to return and testify against their 
fellows, and all, or nearly all, have perished from the sight of 
men, and left onlj dishonored names behind 



QiTOii keepoD cleaninithe ballot -box, while I g! 

knoic*, Itneediitt" 



Nast had done much besides the Ring work in 1871, for he 
was an indefatigable worker, and two booklets, one entitled 
'* Dame Europa's School," a humorous portrayal of affairs in 
Europe, and anotlier, " Dame Columbia's Public School, or 
Something that did Not Blow Over "—both of which were 
numerously illustrated with Nast drawings — had a world-wide, 
though of course brief, popularity. The first " Nast Almanac " 
also appeared this year, an amusing booklet of the months, to 
which Mark Twain, Josh Billings, Nasby and most of the " funny 
men " of the time contributed. Then there had been regular 
cartoons in Phunny Phellow, also social and moral cartoons in 
both Harper's Bazar and Weekly, and these had not failed to 
arouse discussion, for no matter what the subject might be, the 
cartoons of Thomas Nast were likely to be radical and to com- 
mand attention. 


But with the overthrow of the Ring, all else was forgotten. 
Letters of congratulation and even telegrams poured in. One 
of the latter, from '* Two Patriots of Vermont " said: 

God alone can fully appreciate the blessings you have con- 
ferred upon the country by your noble reform. May your health 
be spared to enjoy the perfect happiness you deserve. 

From the Vice-President came an enthusiastic line. 

Dear Mr. Nast: 

With a heart full of joy over the magnificent results of laat 
Tuesday, I write you again, as I did in the fall of 1868, to recog- 
nize the large share you have had in its achievement. Week by 
week I have looked at and studied your telling and speaking pic- 
tures and wondered how you could find so many new and strik- 
ing ideas for your pictorial bombardment. Everybody I have 
heard speak of the campaign concurs with me that nothing has 
been more effective. Rejoicing with you that these returns prove 
that General Grant can be elected far more triumphantly in 1872 
than in 1868, 1 am, sincerely your friend, 

Schuyler Colfax. 

In an editorial on the Ring^s downfall the Nation said: 

Mr. Nast has carried political illustrations during the last 
six months to a pitch of excellence never before attained in this 
country, and has secured for them an influence on opinion such 
as they never came near having in any country. It is right to 
say that he brought the rascalities of the Ring home to hundreds 
of thousands who never would have looked at the figures and 
printed denunciations, and he did it all without ever for one 
moment being weak, or paltry, or vulgar, which is saying much 
for a man from whose pencil caricatures were teeming every 
week for so long. 

The Post (Nov. 23, 1871), quoted the above, and added. 

The fact is that Mr. Nast lias been the most important singte^^\ 
missionarj^ in the great work, and it is due to him more than to 
any other cause that our municipal war for honesty has, from a 
local contest, widened to a national struggle. 

No respectable paper was bold enough to defame him now. 
Even those who, perhaps in a spirit of rivalr}% refused to accord 



credit to the Times for its great work, united in the most ex- 
travagant praises of Thomas Nast. The Times itself generously 
acknowledged that the pictures of Nast, which even the illiterate 
could read at a glance, had been the most powerful of all the 
engines directed against the stronghold of civic shame. Every 
leading paper in America had an editorial in his honor. Poets 
sang his praises and ministers of the gospel offered blessings 
from the pulpit. The circulation of Harper's Weekly had in- 
creased from one hundred thousand to three times that number, 
a result accredited almost entirely to the Ring cartoons of Nast. 
Collectors began to gather his pictures. Many wrote for infor- 
mation concerning his earlier work. Among them was Augus- 
tine Daly, whose collection was to become world-famous. 

But it was not only in the market-place that his name and 
achievements were recognized. In the most isolated farmhouse 
of the West, in the woodsman's hut and in the miner's cabin, car- 
toons of Tweed and his fellows decorated the walls, and the men 
and women who put them there knew that they were drawn by 
Thomas Nast. They knew that with his marvellous pencil and 
his unfaltering courage he had triumphed over these men who 
had brought a great city to the verge of ruin, and who, but 
for him, might have destroyed the Nation. They told these 
things to each other about the fire at evening and the stories 
grew with the telling. 

Nor was this honor confined to America alone. London papers 
were filled with the story of his achievements and his fame. 
By the Times, the Spectator, and other London journals he was 
hailed as the Hogarth, the Dor6, the Cruikshank, the John 
Leech, of America. Such papers meant to be generous, com- 
plimentary and sincere. But Nast was as none of these. He was 
the Thomas Nast of America, an individuality as absolute, and 
as noble as any of those with whom he had been compared. 
Most of them surpassed him in mere technique, and Nast him- 


self was always the first to make this admission. Bnt in fer- 
tility of thought, in originality of idea, in absolute convictions 
and splendid moral courage, in achievements that shall make 
men revere his name and memory'', Thomas Nast was the peer of 
them all. 

His great triumph had been accomplished in spite of his lack 
of early study and academic training. His mastery of line and 
color value was then, and remains to-day, a matter of discussion 
among artists and critics. It is a matter of small moment. 
Neither then nor later was " The Tammany Tiger Loose " 
studied for its technique or for the lack of it. It was accepted 
without a question as " the most impressive political picture 
ever produced in this country '" and every American cartoonist 
at once appropriated it as his own — not surreptitiously but 
openly, as the pupil copies the master. The symbols and ideas 
of the first American cartoonist became without question the 
property of his followers. In the Weekly for December 2, 1871, 
C. S. Eeinhart, then young and devoted to Nast, made use of the 
Tiger symbol without hesitation. To him and to others it was 
like the sudden discover}- in science of some new element or prin- 
ciple. It belonged to the world— the world of art. 






The bf^nniii; of 1:^72 fovnd 1 
Xa»t snrTOimiJed by eomfortabEe roodi- 
t'umn and a bappy hons^old. His eam- 
ing« for the year just closed had aggre- 
^ated more thao eight tbottsand dollars, 
of which aboat five thonsaod had been 
pnifl to him by Harper and Brothers for 
liin rartooriH against the Ring. The fact 
tliiit he might have had one hundred 
i'um'<* tUi- li)»l iiiiirii-il aiiKiiint for diBcontinuing the cmsade did 
riiil iliolmb liliii. lie luul won the fight, and the approval of 
«'iirHi,v HH'lt, I Mm loyiil wife rejoiced with him in his triumph. 
HIf> iiwu ln-nllli mill that of liis family had been regained. With 
rnir t'iop|M'i'tN alii'ail thoy pliumcd the purchase of the beautiful 
Monixliiwii ImiiH' a place of atii])Ic grounds and spacious rooms 
nil itli'iil alinili" for a Hiicccsuful man with a sturdy and growing 
rniiilly. Tlic new )|()iih<> wnn ao<|iiircd io March, and they took 
|tnititi<nNiori in AiiKiiHt. Mi-H. Nant, who a year before had come to 
1l»» cinnilrv i'\prcliiiK lu ri'inaiii but a brief time, never saw the 
iiml<1i> of )lii> lillli' llnrloin cottage again. 

or \\\o I'hiltltvn thciv wore now four— Julia, Tom, Edith and 
\\n\w\ th«' hiKt ft OeoonilKT baby of the year just gone. " We 


"had a ' glorious 
fourth ' ou the 
Fifth " he had an- 
nounced by tele- 
graph to Fletcher 
Harper, in the char- 
acteristic and ijoy- 
01I8 manner wliich 
remained with liini 
to the end. hc^~ 
than thirty-t" n 
years old, with 
health, fame, an 
ideal household- 
with long years ol' 
prosperity ahiiost 
certainly assured— 
truly fortune had 
smiled upon the 
yonng artist who 
liad begun with the 
beeswax soldiers in 
the dim old bar- 
racks of Landan. 

In the midst of the fierce campaign ngainst Tweed and his 
fellows, the cartoonist liad somewliat neglected tliose who, 
clamoring for reform of another sort, found their interest and 
pleasure in decrying the administration and personality of Gen- 
oral Grant, tiov that tlie Ring was in flight, he began to give 
attention to such individuals and party elements as were assail- 
ing the hero of Donelson, Vicksbiirg and Appomattox Court 
House. Being a presidential year, national affairs were of first 
importance. Besides the natural enemies of the Republican 



party, there had developed a formidable opposition in its own 
ranks. In New York City, the Sun had long been printing a 
daily double-column headed " Useful Horace Greeley " and 
" Useless S. Grant." The Post and the Herald criticised or 
denounced the Administration. The Tribune, which only a little 
time before had declared that Grant was the logical candidate, 
better fitted for the presidency in 1872 than he had been in 1868, 
now united in the outcry against him, asserting that there were 
at least half a dozen better candidates, of which galaxy Mr. 
Greeley perhaps believed himself to be the bright particular star. 

At Washington the anti-Grant faction consisted of a group 
of Republican senators, led by 
Charles Sumner, of Massachu- 
setts, and including such men 
as Carl Schurz, of Missouri; 
Reuben E. Fenton, of New 
York; Thomas W. Tipton, of 
Nebraska, Lyman Trumbull 
and— though somewhat less 
prominently— John A. Logan, 
of Illinois. A curious cabal it 
was, whose able members had 
submerged the various ques- 
tions upon which they dif- 
fered, to unite on the single 
issue and in the hostile battle-cry, " Anything to beat Grant! " 

Tlie causes which had led to this defection were, in the main, 
a personal opposition to the President's foreign policy and to 
his distribution of political patronage. Party leaders, failing to 
obtain profitable oflSces for their chief constituents, were loud 
in their outcries of " corruption " at every reported irregu- 
larity, and eager in their demands for a civil service reform. It 
was inevitable under the prevailing custom that many ofSces 


shonld be filled by anworthy can- 
didates nndaly recommended, 
and the President had made some 
unfortunate appointments. For 
this he was now held personally 
responsible, and when frauds 
developed here and there, as they 
have in every administration 
since the formation of the Be- 
pubtic, Grant was charged as be- 
ing directly to blame if not actu- 
ally a participant in the profits of 

That Charles Snmner, with a 
noble record behind him, should 
have been a leader in this ignoble 

warfare upon America's great- (From«phot<« 

est soldier and one of her most honored Presidents, is not now 
a pleasant recollection for those who would revere that great 
statesman as the embodiment of all that is unselfish, high-prin- 
cipled and splendid— the Bayard of politics, the Chesterfield of 
debate. It was in 1856 that Preston S. Brooks, of South Caro- 
lina, incensed at Sumner's arraignment of slavery', struck him 
down at his desk with a gutta-percha cane. Neither then nor 
afterward did the Massachusetts statesman ever make any re- 
taliation, and when, after a long illness, he returned once more 
to his accustomed place he was welcomed as a martyr and hon- 
ored as a demi-god. It has been said that from the blow of 
" Bully " Brooks he never fully recovered, and perhaps we may 
accept this as an excuse for the fierce intolerance and personal 
vindictiveness of his closing days. 

Sumner was a man of debate and orator>'— a chevalier of 
fiercely passionate eloquence and finely rounded periods. Grant 


was a soldier — a man of deeds — ^with words few and simple. 
Sumner was splendid in physique and bearing. Grant waa small, 
unpretentious, almost uncouth. Sumner was willing to honor 
Grant as a soldier and a hero, but the man from Galena must 
have been weighed and found lacking in much that the Massa- 
chusetts senator would have deemed gratifying in the nation's 
Chief Magistrate. As Chairman of the Committee on Foreign 
Relations, Sumner resented the military simplicity and policy 
of his little commander, and was likely to appear conde- 
scending in their enforced intercourse. On the other hand, 
Grant was altogether willing to pay tribute to Sunmer's 
superior culture and experience, and to accord deference to his 

It was this inclination on the part of the President that led 
to the break in their friendly relations. Grant's West India 
policy tended to the annexation of San Domingo, and in January, 
1870, he had called one evening at Sumner's house to discuss the 
question and secure cooperation. The Senator was at dinner 
and perhaps did not wish to be disturbed during that function. 
Furthermore, though favoring, himself, the annexation of Can- 
ada, he vigorously opposed, as coming from the President, any 
annexation in the direction of the West Indies. He afterwards 
avowed that the President had come to him under the influence 
of liquor. Whatever may have been the details of the meeting, 
it is recorded that from that night Sumner became the bitter 
personal opponent of Grant— decrying in public, and to any 
one who would listen, not only the administration but the char- 
acter of Grant in the most violent and opprobrious terms. 

Those who knew and loved him best were amazed at his 
behavior. One of them, R. H. Dana, wrote: 

Sumner has been acting like a madman. ... If I could 
hear that he was out of his head from opium, or even New Eng- 
land rum, not indicating a habit, I should be relieved. Mason, 


Davis and Slidel! were never so insolent and overbearing as he 
was, and his arguments, liis answers of questions, were boyish or 
crazy, I don't know which. ' 

If Cliarles Sumner's mind was clear at this period, it is not 
easy to apologize for his demeanor. Openly and abusively hos- 
tile, both to the administration and the President, he might 
with perfectly good taste have resigned his post of honor instead 
of using it to impede legislation and to delay the Alabama ad- 
justment, then for the first time made possible. 

For England, who had permitted Confederate privateers to be 
constructed in Brit- 
ish waters and to 
sail through British I 
statutes to destroy 
American shipping, 
had long since real- 
ized that she had 
established a dan- ] 
gerons precedent 
which might be fol- 
lowed to her own 
vast undoing. She 
had made for her- 
self a bed not con- 
ducive to repose, 
especially after 
Grant's declaration, 
in his annual mes- 
sage, 1871, that 
" Our firm and un- 
alterable convictions 
are just the re- 
verse " (of those of 

PxACE TO JcBncx: "AnxR you, madaue" 


England), and his annoimcement that the United States voald 
take over the ownership of all the private claims and thus be 
nationaUy responsible for all demands against Great Britain. 

The eagerness of England to make an end of the matter now 
became acnte. Through Hamilton Fish— Grant's Secretary of 
State— and Sir John Bose, of England, was consummated the 
Treaty of Washington, an international agreement looking to the 
settlement of the Alabama claims and questions concerning 

certain fisheries and 
boundaries. Still 
deferring to the 
Senator, the Presi- 
dent sent Se<Hetary 
Fish with a mem- 
orandum of the 
proposed Alabama 
clause to Sumner's 
house to obtain his 
approval. Sum- 
ner's reply was, 
that as a condition 
of settlement the 
withdrawal of the 
British flag from 
Canada conld not 
be abandoned, and 
added, '* To make 
the settlement complete, the withdrawal should be from this 
hemisphere, including provinces and islands." " 

As this demand would virtually liave stopped negotiations. 
General Grant, who had paid little attention to Sumner's per- 

• AddrM* by Charles Fraocu Adams, N. Y. HUt. Society, November 19, 1901. 


sonal attacks, now made up his mind that the Senator's removal 
from his post of inflaence was not only desirable, but necessary. 
Being a military' man, he did not hesitate to reduce, in any man- 
ner that might prove effective, a subordinate who impeded, and 
was likely to destroy, a measure of such manifest importance. 
On the 9th of March, 1871, in a Kepublican senatorial caucus, 
Charles Sumner was deposed from the chairmanship of the 
Senate Committee on Foreign Belations— a position he had held 
with honor for many years. The Treaty of Washington was 
concluded — the Alabama Claims being finally arbitrated at 
Geneva, Switzerland, in the summer of 1872. For damages 
to American shipping England paid to the United States the sum 
of $15,500,000— an amicable adjustment, due to the combined 
efforts of President Grant, Secretary Fish, and Sir John Rose. 

It will be seen from the foregoing how naturally Sumner 
—still the foremost statesman of the time— had been made leader 
of the anti-Grant senatorial faction of 1872. Carl Schurz, with 
grievances and ambitions of his own, espoused Sumner's 
cause and became his closest adherent and counsellor. Fenton, 
Trumbull, Tipton and oth 
ers, each with his own a\e 
to grind, rallied about them 
rejoicing in the leadership 
of one who for a second 
time had been " struck 
down "—this time, as it 
was then declared, "because , 
of his opposition to the San 
T>oraingo scheme "—a mar 
tyr to "military rule," a 
victim of the ruthless sol- 
dier. Grant. 



Nast began the campaign of 1872 by dividing his attention 
chiefly between the Greeley movement in Printing House Square 
and those who waged war upon the President at the capital. 
Early in January he published a cartoon entitled ** What I 
know about Greeley ^^— on the one hand, the ** Sage of Chap- 
paqua ^^ in the '* sacred old white hat and coat ^' offering bail 
to Jefferson Davis, and on the other, flinging mud at the imper- 
turbable Grant. Later in the month there appeared a picture 
which made a most decided stir. Grant had been by no means 
deaf to the cry for Civil Service Reform. He was, in fact, the 
first President to show any interest in tue theory. In his mes- 
sage he had declared for it in unmistakable terms. Perhaps 
this was not altogether a pleasant surprise for those who had 
been denouncing him as a military despot and spoilsman. Civil 
Service, after all, might not prove a savory broth to Senators 
long accustomed to arbitrary appointments for services 
rendered. Nast's cartoon represents their disgust at being 
compelled to take the potion they had been so clamorously 

The picture was a shot home and contained a humor which 
perhaps the disaffected Senators failed to see. They cried out 
against any such treatment of their dignified body. It also 



hronght a protest from Curtis, himself cliairman of the Civil 
Service Commission at "Washington, editing the Weekly at long 
range. Curtis was the intimate friend of most of the members 
of the anti Grant cabal especnlU of feumner, for whom he 


cherished an aflfection that found expression in a fine enlogy 
after the death of that statesman in 1874. Nevertheless, Curtis 
was at this i>eriod loyal to Grant and did not himself hesitate 
in his carefully worded editorials to mildly reprove the dis- 
senting faction, hoping thereby to lead them step by step back 
into the fold. Already he had sought Nast's cooperation, in 
a pleasant and characteristic letter. 

My Dear * * Nephew ' ' : Washington, Jan. 13, 1872. 

I wrote to Mr. Harper a day or two ago about punching the 
Honorable Horace Greeley. Affairs are taking an aspect not ex- 
actly foreseen, and, in my opinion, there can be no doubt that it 
is not wise to hit any of those with whom we must finally coop- 
erate. The '* President's friends '^ will perhaps be found firing 
on him by and by, for he is fully in earnest about the Civil 
Service, and they are bitterly hostile. You remember what I 
said some months ago about Sumner, Schurz and Greeley, and 
J am of the same mind. It is not with the President's differences 
with itepublicans, but with the Ku-Klux Democracy, that we 
ought to deal in picture^ because it is so much more powerful and 
unmanageable than writing. 

I Hin an old gentleman and my faculties are doubtless clouded, 
))nt think of what I say, and of Your affectionate 

'' Uncle! '' 

Mut tho policy of fair words in no wise suited the resolute and 
aggroHHivo tomporament of Nast. He had little faith in the idea 
of conciliation and he cared not at all for vague and indirect 
pOHHil)iliti(»s. He saw in a straight line very clearly, and he 
Hlnick accordingly. To him Sumner was simply a defamer of 
(}rant, who had mot a well-deser\^ed fate. Greeley was an ** old 
hnnihug " who dressed for effect, and who had pledged a sup- 
port which ho now repudiated. The cartoon *' Children Cry 
For It " was the ** Nephew's " rather startling reply to the 
*' Uncl(»'s " HMpiost, and the shock was general. Curtis wrote 

AIv l>t»nr Nast: 

I am conToundod and chagrined by your picture of this week, 

in which my personal friends and those whom I asked you 



specially to spare are exposed to what I think is not only- 
ridicule but injustice. Your picture implies that the President 
adopts the reform for the purijose of commending a distasteful 
potion to those who have concocted it. 1 think, and therefore 
I say it frankly, that it injures everybody and the cause oon- 
cemed. The one thing for which I liave striven in the conduct 
of the paper is unity of sentiment. I don't think the pictures 
and the text should be at variance, and it is possible to criticise 
a man severely in words without the least ridicule, but it can't 
be done in pictures. I do not know how I can more strongly 
protest than I have already done against the fatal policy of 
tiring upon Bepublicans. Success is not assured by alienating 
those who up to the nomination have exactly the same rights as 
ourselves. Remem- 
ber it is not the 
body known as 
" the President's 
friends " who bate 
the reform,* but it 
is the very men you 
ridicule who have 
really siipjiorted 
the movement and 
who mean what 
they say. 

I do not assume 
any right whatever 
to control your ac- 
tion or to dictate 
in any manner. I 

fifotest to you as ;i 
riend against th<' 
injnstice done to 
other friends and 
in a way of which 
I must bear the 
ppsponsibility. Nor 
is it a personal pro- 
testonly. Tlieeause 
of the party, and 
therefore of the 
country, is in- 
jnred. I support 

• Compare willi tho |>rp- 
Crding letter. 


the President sincerely, but I respect the equal sincerity of 
my friends who differ. The situation is difficult, and our cause 
requires extreme delicacy of treatment. To-day I am to dine with 
Mr. Sunmer, but how can I eat his bread, knowing that the paper 
with which I am identified holds him up to public contempt? Yes- 
terday, when I defended the President to Mr. Schurz, he shook 
my hand warmly, and said, ' ' At least we agree upon the i)oint of 
Civil Service.^' What will his feelings be when he sees ** my 
paper ^' T 

My dear Nast, I am very sorely touched by your want of 
regard for my friendship, for I asked you not to do this very 
thing. I know, if you will excuse me, better than you can 
possibly know, the mischief.* 

Very truly yours, 

George William Curtis, 

However much this rather remarkable letter may have 
appealed to Nast from the personal point of view, it was far from 
convincing him as a guide to warfare. That Curtis should con- 
sider his own personal affiliations before the greater cause of 
the nation ^s welfare was, to a man like Nast, who had never 
considered even life itself as against the cause of justice, a matter 
for scorn and contempt. That the editor should feel any delicacy 
in boldly attacking and satirizing the men who were attempting 
to destroy the President seemed to him silly and ** Miss Nancy- 
ish '' to an extreme degree. Curtis, with all his gifts, never un- 
derstood the value of the open and direct warfare of Nast, while 
Nast found little to admire in the smooth and gentle rhetoric 
of Curtis. 

** When he attacks a man with his pen it seems as if he were 
apologizing for the act," Nast once expressed himself. '* I try 
to liit the enemy between the eyes and knock him down.'' 

Curtis 's was the policy of pacification, while Nast's was that 
of annihilation. 

** Wliat T have written I can modify or recall later,'' Curtis 

• It lA likely that Mr. Curtis overestimated the possible effect of the pictures. 
11 u. /li^nifiH iKxly of senators could be alienated from their party by pictorUl 
uttiirf, their allegiance was hardly worth preserving. 


once said in the midst of a discussion with the artist. ** You 
cannot do that with a picture. ^ ' 

* ' I only draw what I believe to be right, ' ' retorted Nast, * * and 
I do not wish to recall it. ^ ' 

Gradually there grew up between them a definite antagonism, 
which Nast with his usual frankness took little pains to conceal. 
On the other hand, Curtis, the courtier and diplomat, seldom 
displayed any feeling, always greeting the cartoonist with a 
smile, and not infrequently going out of his way to oblige and 
conciliate, as is shown by a number of letters in which he con- 
gratulates Nast on his excellent work, or seeks to arrange for him 
certain profitable engagements. The oft-repeated statements of 
a partisan press that Thomas Nast was merely a tool to serve the 
will, and give expression to the ideas of George William Curtis, 
appear rather absurd in the face of these developments. 

With the beginning of February appeared a cartoon entitled 
*' Cincinnatus ''—one of the best of the year, and, as was so often 
the case, a prophecy. Greeley the editor is offering the com- 
bined Republican and Democratic nominations to Greeley the 
farmer, while in the background appears the Democratic Don- 
key kicking fiercely at being yoked with a rather unhappy ox, 
intended to typify Mr. Greeley's Republican following. It was 
not believed at the time that Greeley was a Democratic presi- 
dential possibility. Nevertheless, Nast, with his usual insight, 
did not fail to strike the precise situation as it developed a few 
months later. 



Nast now made a trip to Washington to look over the situa- 
tion at close range. He had expected to make a brief visit, but 
social events detained him. That he was to be a power in the 
approaching campaign was recognized at the capital. The 
* * Sword of Sheridan ' ' had become as a memory. The * * Pencil 
of Nast '* had never been so keenly and trenchantly alive as at 
this moment. Dinners attended by Cabinet officers and presi- 
dential possibilities were given in his honor. At the White 
House, General Grant and his family received him in their home 
circle, and a life-long friendship began between the artist and 

In frequent letters to the wife at home Nast, now in the 
first full tide of his great fame, tells us of his triumphs at the 
capital. What wonder if he was carried off his feet a little by 
the swing of it all— delighted yet dismayed— made dizzy yet 
keeping his head as best he could — always holding fast to the 
life-line that anchored at his own fireside. In his first letter he 
speaks of his coming, and of the recent difference with Curtis. 

The Harpers wanted me to go, and they did not. They 
thought it would be good to go, and they thought it would not, 
and I came near coming home again. But I decided that if I did 
not go now I would not go at all, and then I might be sorry for 
not going before the nominations. Mr. Curtis sent me another 


note. He was very much hurt. He did not think I would be so 
unkind as to hit his friends. He asked, * * How can I eat the bread 
of Sumner after you have ridiculed him 1 ' ' One of the Harpers 
said: ^^ He must not eat the bread of Sumner.'^ Fletcher, Jr., 
said : * ' Curtis may send in his resignation. ' ' I spoke to Fletcher, 
Sr., about it, and he said the Weekly could stand it if Mr. Curtis 
could, and I do think they would rather have Curtis go than have 
the Weekly not show its strength. He also said he thought I was 
oftener right than Curtis, and he would rather have my opinion 
on this question than Mr. Curtis 's. 

I will call on Mr. Curtis to-day and hear what he has to say, 
but will say very little myself, as he can talk so much better than 
I can. 

The Chipmans dined with General Grant the other day, and 
told him they thought I was coming on soon. The President 
said : * * I would very much like to see Mr. Nast again. ^ ' Grant is 
sure to be nominated, but Curtis 's friends will do all they can 
against him. Grant tells Chipman * it is awful the way the 
politicians try to get him to do this and to do that, and because 
he does not do just as they say he should, they get mad and 
kick him, more than they ever did any President before. 

Later. After I got through with my breakfast I called on Mr. 
Curtis. I found the lion in his den. He didn^t say anything more 
about making fun of his friends, so I didn't say anything, either. 
He tried to explain things as they are in Washington, and it 
seems to me that he is awfully muddled up. However, I didn't 
care, as I am here to see myself how things are— at least as I 
can see them. 

The President found out I was here, and sent word he would 
like to see me. So after I got through with Curtis I called on 
the President. I had a very pleasant chat with him about every- 
thing in general, and I was very much pleased with the open way 
in which he spoke to me. I was with him about an hour. Wlien 
we got through, he asked me to come and dine with him and his 
family at five P.M. 

I went to dine with Grant and his family at five and did not 
get away from the White House until nearly ten. Had a very 
pleasant time. It seemed very homelike indeed. No nonsense, 
no show, but the real thing. I also met the Vice-President there 
—a great diflferenee between him and Grant! 

At the dinner there were only the family and General Wilson 
and wife. General Wilson is the man who captured Jeff. Davis. 
It is thought a great honor to be asked to dine with the President 

at his private table. 

* Col. N. p. Chipman, Congressional Delegate from District of Columbia. 


Everybody knows me, evetybody is glad to see me, every- 
body thanks me for the work I did during the Tammany war. 
The Chipmans are going to have a big man-party to meet me 
here. Colonel Chipman thinks it was a very good thing — my 
coming here— as everybody knows I don't want anything, and 
everybody tells me everything, just as if I was a great peace- 
maker. From the President down, they all have their little 
troubles to pour out, and I listen to them all. 

I was on the floor of the Senate and of the House of Eepre* 
sentatives yesterday, and had quite a reception. Senators to pay 
their respects to me! What do you think of thatT Now, if you 
were only here, it would be all right! '^ 

Feb. 2. Last night Colonel Chipman gave a man's party for 
the big men of Washington to meet me, and I can tell you they 
came! The Vice-President came, judges from the Suprraie 
Court, the Secretary of War, the Secretary of the Treasury, a 
great many senators, some members of the press— in fact, all 
that could come were here. The President was coming, but was 
tired after his reception at the White House; but the gaierals 
that are on his staff came and excused him. Mr. Curtis was asked 
and sent a note of regret, but to our astonishment he came in 
about ten. I do not know what to make of Curtis. I am afraid 
there is going to be a row, but I think the Harpers will be on my 
side. I dine with the Governor of the District to-morrow, witn 
the Speaker, and so on. Nothing but dinners, calls and parties, 
and I cannot do much work, but am getting a great deal of mate- 
rial. Don't be surprised to see me home any day, but they are 
trying to keep me as long as they can. 

Feb. 5. Dined with Speaker Blaine last night. At the din- 
ner I sat between Mrs. Ames (Blanch Butler) and Gail Hamilton 
—the latter very plain, the former very handsome. I think Gail 
Hamilton did not like it that I talked with Mrs. Ames more, and 
afterwards she told me so, but the real reason was that she was 
too strong-minded for me, and the other was not. 

Feb. 6. I send a few lines, but only a few. You have no idea 
how my time is taken up from morning until night— in fact, mid- 
night. Everything here goes so well I am afraid something will 
happen at home. 

The dinner that Mr. Hastings gave me last night was really 
very fine, and the Secretary of State * was on my right, and he 
talked to me so much during the evening that they called it a 
** Nast-y— Fish " dinner. But he told me a great many matters 
of State that I was very anxious to know. 

• Hamilton Fish. 



Yesterday I made calls on ladies with Mrs. Chipman, and it 
does seem strange, bnt they are all as much interested in my 
pictures as the men-folks. 

I see the President nearly everyday, and he is always pleased to 
see me. It certainly is fimny how 
all the senators are in a flutter 
about my being here, and are all 
afraid that I will do them up. 
Senator Trumbull, whom I made 
a picture of in my drawing of 
civil service, is very polite and 
very kind. He wants to be Presi- 

The power I have here fright- 
ens me. But you will keep 
watch on me, won't youT Too 
will not let me use it in a bad 

I want to come home but 
must see what Harpers say 
about it. 

Feb. 8. Last night dinner at 
the Chipmans'. We had a good 
many members of the House of 
Representatives. Kelly, Koose- 
velt of New York, Governor Ash- 
ley and others. Joe Harper is coming on about copyright busi- 
ness, so I must stay. General Grant and family have been 
asked to dine at the Chipmans' with me. They put it off till nest 

But I must stop these goings on. I can't get any work done 
— it is too much of a good thing. 

Feb. 10. This morning I got a telegram from Joe Harper. 
He says stay and see Hubbard. Hubbard is a copyright man. I 
have seen him often, and he thinks I can do a great deal of good 
by staying. I want to go home: not that I am not having a good 
time, but I am getting homesick. 

Yesterday evening called on the President— stayed two 
hours. Was asked to dine with him again on Sunday— an honor 
that even Chipman was sur])rised at. Went to Blaine's recep- 
tion with the Giipmans. Tlie Leslie crowd was there. Mrs. 
Cliipman said they watched me verj- closely. She said Carl 
Srhurz and his wife watched me, too. Penton said he would give 
me another portrait— that the one I was using was not good. 


Each one seems so anxious I should have his best picture to 
work from, 

Feb. 13. Yesterday was the first day of real hard work. I 
was at the copyright meeting all day, listening to the speeches, 
and I was never so played oat in 
my life; but I must stand it till 
Joe Harper comes, which will be 
Wednesday. The President will 
dine here then, and Mr. Harper 

There is a great pressure 
against me for making fun of 
Schurz, Sumner, etc., but I hear 
that the Harpers will stand by 
me, no matter what happens, and 
if things come to the worst, it 
will be Curtis who will go. I am 
anxious to have Mr. Harper come 
on, so I can see him here, and 
then have a long talk as we go 

Dined with the President again 
Sunday— had a fine time. Gen- 
eral Porter told me that no one 
liad been so nicely received at the 
White House as I was. I wanted to go home just for a day or 
so, and then return to end the copyright business, but they were 
afraid I would not come back; and tliey were about right. They 
are all so nice and kind to rae, but I am homesick. 

A few days later he had left the whirl and whisperings and 
tumult of the cai)ital behind. Keading tlie old letters now, one 
cannot but be faintly reminded of the diary of Mr. Pepys amid 
the gayeties of London. What seems surprising is that he 
should so soon have wearied of the iidulation of statesmen and 
the confidences of a nation's chief. For he was little more than 
a boy— not yet thirty-two— and in the first great glory of a 
triumph such as the nation had not seen. 

Of course this AVashington episode did not go unnoticed by 
the opposition press. Nast's victorj- over the Ring was too recent 
to be forgotten, but it was avowed that while Tommy Nast could 


not be boQght with money, he could be inflnenced by adolation 
and fine dinners— and had left Washington, pledged to Grant 
and the Administration. Thomas Nast was indeed pledged to 
Grant; not in words, but in his spirit of loyalty to a hero who, 
with malice toward none and with charity for all, had led the 
nation's armies to victory — unswervingly and uncompromis- 
ingly fighting it out on a single line to l 
that final hour when to a vanquished en- ! 
emy he could say " Let us have peace." I 

And Grant needed the loyalty of just 
such a relentless and unflinching cham- 
pion as Nast. His enemies were legion, 
his assailants fierce and vindictive. The I 
press of the period hesitated at no 
charge that would serve to blacken an 
enemy, and caricature was restricted 
only by the limits of imagination. Frank 
Leslie, who, during the summer and 
autumn of 1871, had repeatedly endeav- 
ored to secure Nast, later had brought 
Matt Morgan from England to oppose him. Morgan, in England, 
had made a successful failure of a small paper called the Toma- 
hawk—successful in the fact that it had given him a reputa- 
tion, a failure from the financial point of view — and was now 
regarded as worthy of his great American opponent. But Mor- 
gan in America was to prove a poor investment. More academic 
than Nast, he lacked conviction and insight and, worst of all, 
humor. Never has the proverbial " English lack of humor " 
been more conspicuously exemplified than in Morgan's Grant 
cartoons. From beginning to end they do not produce a single 
laugh. On the other hand, Nast's portrayals of Horace Greeley, 
however savage, seldom lacked the humorous note. 

It is true Morgan had the weak side of the case. Grant was 


charged with enough crimes and shortcomings to have de- 
stroyed him atteriy, but they were only charges, and had a habit 
of melting into impalpability 
mider the light of investiga- 
tion. He was a despot. He 
had wilfully made corrnpt ap- 
pointments and shared in the 
profits of fraud. He had 
abetted the sale of the nation's 
surplus arms to agents of 
the French Government during 
the Franco-Prussian War — a 
charge made by Schnrz and 
supported by Sunmer. He 
wanted to be President again, perhaps even a third time— 
Simmer and Schurz found it necessary to prepare a bill restrict- 
ing the presidential period to one term only. He owned a stone 
quarr;- in Seneca, New York, whence large quantities of stone 
for government building were said to have been taken. He 
had appointed countless relatives to office, and was therefore 
guilty of " nepotism," a word which did not fail to find place 
in Sumner 's classic vocabulary. He was accused of being 
fond of fast horses and expensive cigars. Worst and most 
heinous offence of all, it was said that he drank whiskey! Sum- 
ner had smelled it on his breath that eventful night of the San 
Domingo quarrel. It was the same charge which bad been made 
against him during the war, and to which Lincoln, who never 
himself touched a drop of liquor, had replied: " Well, if Grant 
drinks whiskey, I wish some of the other generals would get 
hold of the same brand." 

To portray Grant as a besotted despot in the midst of a satur- 
nalia was hardly convincing to those who had followed his 
march from Donelson to Appomattox, and onder his administra- 


tion had seen the national debt reduced at the rate of nearly one 
hondred millions a year. Lacking the touch of humor, such 
a picture was more than likely to become a boomerang, or a 
lighted grenade, tossed straight into the air. ' ' All that goes 
up must come down,*' and the Grant cartoons by Morgan fell 
destructively on the heads of those who had j^ven them flight. 

On the other hand, Horace Greeley was accused of none of 
these sins. It was imnecessary to charge him with anything 
save the fact that he had not remained steadfast in his faith 
and works. His career had been one of brilliant vacillations 
and distinguished credulities. His own printed utterances, re- 
printed categorically, became his aceasation and his conviction. 
Adding together the evidences of bis erratic record, his eccen- 
tricities of dress and manner, his own fondness for fierce invec- 
tive and wordy warfare, with the further addition of Nast's 
unfailing touch of humor, and the Greeley cartoons were bound 
to become the effective weapons of the campaign. Indeed, if 
there was ever an ideal subject for pictorial satire it was foimd 
in the person and career of Horace Greeley. It has been charged 
against Nast that he assailed a feeble old man. On the con- 
trary, Greeley was not yet sixty-two at his death, and certainly 
during the earlier months of the campaign was anything but 
feeble. Even had both charges 
been trae he would have been all 
the more unfit for the high office 
he sought; and, always unspar- 
ing in his own warfare, he could 
Iiardly have hoped for mercy in 
return, esiwcially as Grant, 
Xast's hero, was continuously 
reviled and caricatured as _^^^ 

a drunkard, a loafer, and a ^S*^^ " "*t^5^^, - -Sy^ 



The cartoons of Schurz, Sumner and their associates con- 
tinued, becoming more drastic with each issue. Curtis did not 
protest again, and presently found it necessary to tighten his 
editorial strictures, whether from his own inclinations or because 
of urgent hints from Franklin Square cannot now be known. 
In an editorial of March 28 he said: 

Wlien Senator Schurz declared that the General Order swindle * 
was sustained by a power higher than the Secretary of the Treas- 
ury, he hinted that it was the President, because he is the only 
power which, in that sense, is higher than the Secretary. . . . 
Those who in the investigation of frauds in the Administration 
seem much more anxious to smear the President than to punish 
guilty agents, ought to consider whether by so clear an exhibi- 
tion of personal animosity they do not harm the cause of simple, 
honest refonn. 

Nast had made another trip to Washington earlier in the 
month, and while there, had been presented to Schurz, who 
looked down with sinister contempt on the little man before him. 

** You will not be allowed to continue your attacks upon me, 
he said rather fiercely. 

'' Wliy not. Senator?" queried Nast. 

'* Your paper will not permit them!" 

'* Oh, T think it will," ventured the artist pleasantly. 

•In the New York Custom -house. 



" "Well, then, I will noti " declared the tall 
statesman with a threatening air. " I shall 
publicly chastise you! " 

Nast laughed his happy, infections langh, 
in which many joined. That the man who had 
defied and destroyed the Tweed Ring, with its 
legions of bullies and thugs, could be intimi- 
dated by Senator Schurz perhaps seemed to 
them humorous. In the issue with the Curtis 
editorial above noted appeared " Carl Schnrz 
the Brave " as a " Tower of Strength," the 
most pronounced caricature thus far of the 
Missouri senator. On the same page Roscoe 
Conkling, as Macduff, the fearless defender of 
Grant, makes his first appearance, and a little 
later we find Schurz as Quixote, fighting the 
U. S. Windmill. Logan was left out of the 
cartoons now, or appeared very dimly in 
the background, sometimes turning his back 
on his former associates. 

Colonel Chipman, always a faithful friend 
of Nast, was very close to Grant and in fre- 
quent letters kept tlie artist posted as to the 
situation at the capital. In one of these the 
President had sent word: 

Logan is all right. I remember him in the 
field. He was always critical and fault-find- 
ing until the order came to move. Then he 
was in the front rank and ready to charge. 
Logan is loyal. 

So Logan escaped after one or two hard 
knocks, but as the conventions drew nearer, 
the dissenting faction grew, and its members 
with the Democratic leaders were combined by Nast in a motley 


assembly, of which Horace Gre«ley vas portrayed as gen- 
eral Tfiokesman and chief. Greriey. as Mr. Rckwick, ad- 
flrrr^fiine a cmventioD of disaffected Bepoblicans and a 
nnmber of his former enemies. incladinE Horatio Seymonr, 

■• Andy " Johnson 
and Fern ando 
Wood, was a hn- 
moroos snmmary of 
" liberal " political 

Colonel Chipman 
was a faithfnl eorre- 
sptondeot. Near the 
end of March he 

Your last pictnres 
are excellent I fell 
in with the Presi- 
dent this momiog 
during his morning 
walk. He says yon 
are not only a gen- 
ius but one of the 
greatest wits in the 
country. He says 
your pictures are 
full of fine humor. 

I am glad you are 
1 (?) working on the Su- 

l>onC«Hfiiyiiliirte»nil8»nchoTlploeP«iii« on " Ibe Pilh of Duty " premC COUrt plcture. 

The fact is, (David) 
I )aviH, Fielrl and Chief Justice Cliase are really the only members 
tlint have tlie fever at all. Nelson would have, but he is too old 

I spoke of your idea to Judge Miller; he thinks it excellent, 
hut lie hoiws lie will not be brouglit out as a President-seeker, 
as lie siirelv is not. He is a sturdy, straight-out Grant man 
and Hcpublican, with no ambition beyond the Bench, and with 
fair outlook for the Chief Justiceship in Chase's place. I infer 


from your not asking any points that you have all the informa- 
tion you want on these details. 

Did you see what Greeley said of you the other day, editori- 
ally I Speaking of Harper's he spoke of you as the " blaekgnard 
of the paper, paid to defame, etc., etc." The Patriot has a 

mean attack on 
Harper, Curtis and 
Nast, and quotes 
the Tribune, so yon 
see you catch it all 

I infer that 
Greeley gives up 
the Phila. Conven- 
tion to Grant. So 
far as I can dis- 
cover, the Cin. 
movement does not 

I have very little 
gossip to send you. 

Again in April, 
General Chipman 
wrote to Nast: 

Greeley's con- 
duct is now worth 
studying. His 
daily twistings and 
Yon are looked for 

weekly as the political sensation we are to have. . . . 

The Democrats rely a good deal on Morgan, but I think the taste 

of intelligent people will reject the coarse in caricature as it will 

in writing. 
The Democrats and Liberal Republicans go there (to Leslie's) 

for comfort and to solace themselves after your batteries have 


And once more: 

Just now you must expect severe criticism. Keep a stiff 
upi>er lip and follow your instincts, so unerring as they are, 
and you will not go far wrong. . . . When I state facts you 
may rely upon them but my conclusions will be open to review. 


. . . It is a perilous thing to furnish ammunition to so dan- 
gerous a gunner as you are. 

Perhaps an extract from a long editorial in the Brooklyn 
Eagle, entitled " Harper's Picturesque Insults " (March 22), 
will convey an idea of the feeling of the press on both sides 
concerning Nast's cartoons at this time: 

They do not stir action, affect settled religious or political 
conviction, or influence a man's business, ballot, or other tangi- 
bilities. The prevailing, gushing idolatry of them is as shallow 
as to quote, in an age of Wall Street and steamship, " Let me 
write the ballads of a Nation and I care not who writes its 

It will be seen that the " Campaign of Caricature," or the 
" Battle of the Artists," as it "_---:=,^ ._ 

was variously called, was al- 
ready under way before the 
leaders were officially chosen- 
It seems unnecessary that 
we should enter into the de- 
tails of the several national 
conventions. That of the Lib- 
eral Republicans * was called 
for the 1st of May, and ' ' Rob- 
inson Crusoe " Sumner being 
urged to forsake his " Man „ 
Friday " (the colored man), ''"^"* 
to embark on the boat bound for Cincinnati, was one of the car- 
toons incident to the event. 

Horace Greeley, who, in his paper, had pledged himself to the 
support of the regular Republican candidate, " whether the 
present incuinhont or some other nominee," a little later, aa New 
York member of the National Republican Committee, had re- 
fused to sign a call for the regular Republican convention. He 

• Thp Ro-oallod I.ilirral Itppiililimn movement l>pgan with a convention held at 
Jefferaon City, Mo., Janunrj', 1872. 



bad not, however, hesitated to sign a call for this most irregular 
meeting, which had no plan, no delegates, and no definite prin- 
ciples not embodied in the combined motto and war-cry, " Any- 
thing to Beat Grant!" 

The assembly convened at Cincinnati, May 1 — 3, and after 
selecting Carl Schurz as permanent president, and agreeing to 
disagree on a most important issue— the tariff— it proceeded to 
choose Horace Greeley and Governor B. Gratz Brown, of Mis- 
Bouri, as Its nominees. Later in the day, it is said, Schnrz 
expressed his disgust with American politics, and followed by a 

few sympathizers 
retired to a friend *8 
house, where, being 
a skilled musician, 
he gave vent to his 
true feelings on the 
piano, while the 
assembled guests 
slied tears. The 
' Liberal Moan- 
tain " that had 
rocked and groaned 
and brought forth 
a mouse, was 
Nast 's character- 
ization of the re- 
sult, and through- 
out the Republican 
ranks, on every 
band there was a 
wide smile of 
- - amusement at the 

CHUHDE (BUMNER) forsake HIS MAN FBIDAV? i_ i , i_ ■ 

Tbc b(Mi-i crew tiiii it Eoiug ovu assembly s choice. 


For Horace Greeley, lionored though he was, was beloved 
rather for the lack than the possession of those qualities which 
are supposed to be 
the necessary attrib- 
ntcfl of a good Pres- 
ident. Curtis never 
wrote a truer line 
than when he said: 

If there is one 
quality which is in- 
dispensable to a 
President it is sound 
judgment. If there 
is one public man 
who is totally desti- 
tute of it, it is Hor- 
ace Greeley, 

It was Horace 
Greeley's dogmatic 
and radical earnest- 
ness in any position 
that he assumed, his 
sudden and startling 
changes of base, his 
frequent yieldings 
to impulse and ten- 
derness of heart, his 
simple credulity, 
and, with it all, his brilliant editorial performances, that had 
won for him the fondness, rather than the trust, of the American 

Easily the leading journalist at a time when editors were 
greater than their papers, Horace Greeley's personal following 
was a vast multitude throughout the land. That he should have 
mistaken this popularity for political allegiance is not strange, 




considering his continuous pursuit of public office, which ap- 
parently rendered him oblivious to the immutable taws of cause 
and effect. He had disaolved the " firm of Seward, Weed and 
Greeley ' ' because, as he acknowledged, he felt that he stood a 
better chance of official recog- 
nition alone. He had eagerly 
seized upon any office, small or 
large, that came within his 
reach The possibility of being 
selected as a candidate for the 
Presidency, by any party what- 
soever, was calculated to make 
lum forget that his record, bril- 
liant though it had been, was 
such as to make his election a 
miracle not likely to occur. 
For though a fierce and avowed champion of right, as he 
saw it, Mr. Greeley had been unfortunate in not being able to 
maintain a steadfast point of view. Beginning as a Henry Clay 
protectionist Whig, he had remained with that party even after 
it had accepted the Fugitive Slave Law and the Compromise 
of 1850. Later he had become a powerful element of the Aboli- 
tion Movement, but in the early days of Secession he had been 
willing to let the dissatisfied States "go in peace." Subse- 
quently lie was denouncing the Confederacy — its soldiers, its 
citizens and its women— exasperating Lincoln with the cry of 
'* On to Richmond," and with a demand for immediate emanci- 
pation of the slaves. Still later we see him blundering into the 
disgraceful Niagara Peace Conference, disobeying Lincoln's 
positive orders and putting the President in a false attitude 
before the nation. When the Confederate Army entered Penn- 
sylvania, he had been for fighting one battle and surrendering 
everj'thing if the Union forces were beaten. Again in the dark- 


est hour of the war he had declared in favor of making peace at 
any financial cost, and in 1864, after Lincoln was nominated, he 
had signed a letter to the loyal governors, substantially asking 
why Lincoln should not be set aside and a new candidate chosen. 
In the matter of finance he had been ever full of schemes, vis- 
ionary, experimental and rash. His record was that of a turbu- 
lent and disordered career. 

It is no longer considered good taste to question Mr. Greeley's 
motives. His shortcomings are ascribed to gentleness of heart, 
impulsive action and errors of judgment. Careful examination 
of the evidence may not always convince the impartial historian 
of the justice of these conclusions. But admitting all the virtues 
claimed, and denying all the calumny ever charged, it must 
be acknowledged to-day that Horace Greeley was the last man 
in public life to be selected by any party as its presidential can- 

The first to congratulate Mr. Greeley on his nomination was 
Colonel Wiliam F. Church and John Swinton. 

*' Tliis is all Tom Nast's work,'' declared Greeley, shaking 

His idea was that, Nast having made sport of his candidacy, 
the Convention had vindicated him before the people. 

That the personality of Governor Brown did not appear in 
the cartoons which followed was at first due to the fact that no 
photograph of the Missouri candidate could be procured. When 
another week went by and the photograph had not been obtained, 
Xast was at his wits' end to represent the Vice-Presidential 
candidate, in a picture of the '* old white hat and coat." At the 
last moment he put a tag labelled ** Gratz Brown " on the tail of 
the sacred emblem. Tlie popularity of this cartoon showed that 
the makeshift had made a hit. Brawn's photograph was no 
longer sought. The tag on the old coat represented him through- 


out the campaign, 
much to the Mis- 
souri man's humil- 

The Bepnblican 
National Conven- 
tion assembled at 
Philadelphia on 
Jane 5th. On the 
Friday preceding. 
Charles Sumner 
had aimed bis final 
shaft at Ulyssei! 
Grant. For four 
hours he had ar- 
raigned the Pres- 
ident in a speech 
that has no parallel 
in the annals of 
public denuncia- 
tion. Even Cartia, 
who loved Sumner, 
and whose eulogy 
of him is one of the 

fairest tributes ever laid on a dead man's grave, gave way at 

last, and editorially chastised his friend. 

He (Sumner) said all that anybody ever said and more. 
No charge escaped him. He depicted the patriot whom all men 
know, and the Chief Magistrate who has given us peace and 
security, as a monster of ignorance, indolence, lawlessness and 
incapacity, whose influence is pernicious in the highest degree, 
and whose example degrades the youth of the land. Tlie reply 
of the Republican party was tlie renoraination of the President 
with enthusiastic unanimity by one of the most intelligent con- 
ventions ever assembled in the country. So wholly unjust is the 


spirit of Mr. Sumner's speech that it may be traly said not to 
represent accurately a single fact. 

Judge Settle, of North Carolina, presided at the Republican 
Convention, and Grant's nomination was made without a single 
dissenting vote. Senator Henry "Wilson, of Massachusetts, was 
then selected for the Vice-Presidency, and the old-line B^nbli- 
can party was ready for the campaign. 

The Democratic Convention went into session at Baltimore on 
July 9, and ratified the Cincinnati nominations. It was strongly 
Confederate in tone 
— an assembly of 
the elements which 
Horace Greeley for 
a period of years 
had denounced in 
the severest terms 
he knew. Generals 
Gordon, Harde- 
man, Fitz-Hugh 
Lee and many 
other Secession 
leaders were there. 
Governor Hoffman, 
who in his annual 
message had ex- 
ecrated and repu- 
diated the Ring of 
which he had been 
the figure-head, led 
the delegation 
from Xew York, 
and good Tam- Massachusetts— he i 

, , , TOO OfTB!) 

many and bad (NMf«c«rioitureot3iimii«.fiBrthevi 


Tammany, the white sheep and the black, gathered to Mr. 
Greeley's fold. 

In its desire for a President— in its eagerness to do " any- 
thing to beat Grant " — the convention was willing to go to the 
limits of stultification. Not only did it accept Horace Greeley as 
its candidate, but it indorsed the " enfranchisement of the 
negro; " the " equality of all men before the law " — it remem- 
bered " with gratitude the heroism and sacrifices of the soldiers 
and sailors of the Republic " ; 
it avowed that the Democratic 
party should never " detract 
from their justly earned fame, 
nor withhold the full reward of 
their patriotism "; it de- 
nounced "repudiation in every 
form and guise." In a word, 
I the convention was ready to 
-^-. _ - demolish the existing Demo- 

^ cratic faith, pillar and comer- 

" DROP 'EM ! " stone, for the possibility of aid- 

ing in the election of a man who had applied to most of its 
delegates every opprobious epithet known to the English 

And Horace Greeley promptly accepted their nomination and 
hornnic the leader of legions he had formerly reviled to the 
limilH of his forceful idiom— to the extremes of his marvellous 
voi'iihiijary. His position was only equalled by that of Charles 
Hiniiiu'r, who, as one adding a final evidence of mental disorder, 
now I'liine forward with an open letter addressed to certain 
nnlnn'd voters, ndvising them to repudiate Grant and Wilson 
iind Clint thi'ir hailots for Greeley and Brown. In view of his 
life It'iig dfVdtion to the cause of abolition; the bitter section- 
itlUni iind rai'e pn>judice of that period; the fact of his Civil 


Rights bill — the idol of his heart — then pending, and certainly 
damned before a Democratic Congress, it seems positively in- 
credible that Charles Sumner in his right mind should have done 
this thing. 

He was scored by Nast as a matter of course, also by Curtis, 
though the latter pleaded that the Massachusets Senator might 
be spared. In his letter, dated August 1st, Curtis said: 

My Dear Nast: 

Since Webster's ** Seventh of March '* speech nothing in our 
political history has seemed to me so sad as Mr. Sumner's letter. 
He is my dear friend, a man whose service to the country and to 
civilization have been immense, who deserves all honor and 
regard from all honorable men. The position of such a man 
may be criticized in writing, because in writing perfect respect 
may be preserved. But it is not so with the caricaturing 
pencil. You see what I am coming to. You are your own mas- 
ter, and your name is signed to your work. But it is neverthe- 
less supposed that I, as editor, am responsible for what pains 
me the more because of my friendship and my difference. 
Besides, the caricature puts a false sense upon what is written, 
and covers the expressions of the most sincere regard with an 
appearance of insincerity. There are thousands of goqd men 
who feel as I do about it, and I hope that your friendship for 
me will grant ray request that you will not introduce Mr. Sumner 
in any way into any picture. 

Very sincerely yours, 

George William Curtis. 

Just why Mr. Sumner should have been spared on personal 
grounds, as against the nation's welfare, is not clear. Certainly 
such an argument was likely to avail little with the impetuous 
artist in the midst of a fierce campaign. His reply to Curtis was 
to the effect that the fact of Sumner's heroic past, and the 
prestige derived therefrom, made the Senator's present attitude 
all the more of a menace to the cause of right. He called atten- 
tion to the fact that earlier, Curtis had asked that he should not 
caricature others of the group who were now, as they had been 
from the first, Grant's bitter enemies. To this came a reply on 
August 22: 


My Dear Nast : 

I am very much obliged by your note. I did ask you not to 
caricature Sumner, Greeley, Schurz and Trumbull, because at 
that time I thought it was bad policy— and I think so still! 

The exact diflSculty which I feel is this, that it is wrong to 
represent as morally contemptible men of the highest character 
with whom you politically diflfer. To serve up Schurz and Sum- 
ner as you would Tweed, shows, in my judgment, lack of moral 
perception. And to one who feels as I do about those men, and 
who knows that he is about right! every picture in which you 
defame them is a separate pain. There is a wide distinction 
between a good-humored laugh and a moral denunciation. 

You are very good to have answered me at all. I know how 
I differ from you and from our friends in Franklin Square upon 
this point, and I have wished only to free my conscience by 
protesting. I shall not trouble you any more, and I am, 

Very truly yours, 

G^eorge William Curtis. 

Yet at this time Nast was saying with his pencil almost pre- 
cisely what Curtis was saying with his pen. The difference was, 
that the editorial, to Curtis, was a sort of inductive mode of war- 
fare, with due preliminaries and approaches, whereas the car- 
toon came as a sudden and unqualified blow. To Curtis the car- 
j toon was not a gentleman's weapon, at least not a weapon to 
be used on gentlemen. That he could distinguish no difference 
between Nast's methods of treating Sumner and Tweed would 
indicate that his own *' moral perception '' was more delicate 
than his visual discernment. Like the bomb and the bayonet, the 
cartoon to him seemed brutal. But great battles are not fought 
with the single-stick or even the rapier, and *' those vile guns " 
have persuaded many a man not to be a soldier.* 

Sumner abandoned the campaign and hurried away to Europe 

• In one of the pictures Nast cartooned Sumner as strewing flowers on the grave 
of " Bully " Brooks. As satire this was a failure, for it conveyed the Massachusetts 
Senator's real spirit of forgiveness for the man who had struck him down. Sumner, 
when shown the picture, regarded it sadly. 

"What have I to do with Brooks now?" he said. "It was not he, but slavery, 
that struck the blow." 


for rest. That the blow of " Bully " Brooks, more than a quar- ^| 
ter of a century before, bad left its mark and shadow upon that H 
splendid intelligence can scarcely be doubted. Yet, even had this H 
been realized at the moment, it could not have been considered H 
as a reason for failing to combat a pernicious doctrine, which H 
mnst be crushed all the more promptly and surely because of H 
the fair name and far-reaching influence of its advocate. ^| 



^^^V"** - 

tT# ■ V?,r-,l.- 


"PLAmt ol: 




Meantime the conflict was at 
its height. Upon his nomination, 
Mr. Greeley had promptly sur- 
rendered the editorship of the 
Tribune to Whitelaw Beid, and 
, declaring that his paper was no 
longer a " party organ " had set 
about the business of politics. 
Nast cartooned him as holding 
out the " New York Trombone,*' 
announcing vigorously in his 
characteristic phraseology that the instrument "was not an or- 
gan." Yet, despite his withdrawal, the Tribune did not fail to 
bear the marks of ^fr. Greeley's personality, and with the Sun 
and the World, and such Democratic journals as had not repudi- 
ated the choice of the Baltimore Convention— with Leslie's as 
their pictorial exliibit— tliey made whatever fight was possible 
for their candidate. Tlie World, it is true, had at first declared 
against Greeley; and it must have given joy to General Frank 
Blair to rpo Manton Marble, wlio had been for throwing him 
(Blair) overboard four years before, now turned Sinbad, with 
an " old man of the sea " on his shoulders. 


Of the daily papers in New 
York City, the Times led the 
campaign for Grant, secoiidetl 
h\ the Commercial Advertiser 
ind other regular Kepublican 
lounials. The Post, though it 
h id criticised the Admiuistra- 
ti n, also fell into line. Even the 
i k-rald accorded a lukewarm 
support, for which, it did not 
liesitate to say, it exi>ected to 
tlictate Grant's cabinet policy in 

was dis- 
of caricature — the 
first great hattle of 
pictures ever known 
in America. Mor- 
gan portrayed Grant 
more besotted and 
more villainouswith 
each issue of Les- 
lie's, and each week 
Harper's showed 
some new incon- 
sistency in Mr. 
Greeley's political 
For the most part n. a. a.-. •■ wm. *h»-d h«vr .hnuehi ih" ih- ow nhn^ hw. i»nt«.."«i 

the Nnst pictures, in OVsident nranl depictp.1 aa an intoxicated militanr 

tvmnl, with Secreturv Fish, Senator Morton, " Bo« 
the beginning, were Tweed and others as lingera-on) 



jm ■ 




Our of Uwkaiii* 


not bitter. Greeley the editor hurrahing for Greeley the nom- 
inee— Greeley as Mazeppa— Greeley trying to carry off Grant's 
shoes— Greeley's white hat and coat on a pole, storm-tossed and 
labelled *' Something That Will Blow Over "—Greeley splitting 
the Democratic Log— Greeley as the Trojan Horse in which 
Democracy is trying to enter Washington— these were at once 
good-natured and humorous pictures at which the sage himself 
might have laughed. But the picture battle did not end here. 
Morgan's portrayals of the President became more scurrilous. 
Grant as Belshazzar— Grant leering and sodden on his throne- 
Grant as drunken Jeremy Diddler, dancing before Tweed- 
Grant as an embezzler more than ten times as great as the 
** Boss " — Grant arrested as a dnmken malefactor by the 
Tribune and the Sun — such pictures as these did not tend to 
temper the pencil of Nast,* and presently we find Whitelaw 
Reid grinding the ** Organ " and Horace Greeley as a monkey 
collecting votes from the assembled Democrats of Tammany, 
new and old. As Mr. Greeley's continuous performance in at- 
tempting to justify, or deny, or apologize for his past record, 
furnished daily matter for the amusement columns, this picture 
was pretty generally applauded and but slightly condemned, 
even by the ** Liberal " press. But, such cartoons as Greeley 
shaking hands with the Baltimore rough, over the fallen soldiers 
of the Sixth Massachusetts— Greeley joining hands with the 
worst element of Irish Romanism—*' Old Honesty " marshalling 
his anny of jail-birds and ** Ring " associates— (anything to 
beat Grant)— these brought dovra upon Harper's Weekly and 
the head of Nast a fierce outburst of condemnation from every 
anti-Grant journal and voter in the land. Letters, papers and 
clippings poured in, demanding, threatening and pleading. Dig- 
nified jounials sought to divert Nast by praising his former 

• Ro8coe Conklinfi:, Grant's foremost " champion in the field," characterized the 
struggle as a ** campaign of hate." 


work and pointiug out his mistake in " bolding up to ridicule 
and eondemnation a man so widely respectod as Horace 
Greeley." A letter came snggestiiig that the "Irish vote 
WM likely to be alienated " by introdiiring " Pat *' into 
the pictures. Fletcher IIan>er forwarded tliis It'tler to Nast with 
a note of indorBement on the back : 


If it is right to hit '* Pat,'* hit him hard. Our paper is run 
for the good of our country. It is not a party organ. So go 
ahead. F. Harper. 

To Professor Nast. 

Curiously enough none of these documents of protest fonnd 
anything to condemn in the mendacious editorials and libellous 
caricatures that were daily and weekly directed against the 
serene soldier who had led the nation 's armies to victory. They 
pointed to Horace Greeley's ** splendid record" and reviled 
Nast as a blackguard and Harper's Weekly as a " Journal of 
Degradation. ' ' 

So Nast took up the record of Horace Greeley, as shown by 
editorial expressions from his own paper. ** Another Feather 
in His Hat " depicted the Sage adding the '* Cincinnati Nomina- 
tion " to a collection of other plumes, among which were 
*' Peaceable Secession, 1860," *' On to Eichmond, 1861," 
*' Peace Negotiations at Niagara, 1862," '* Down with Lincoln, 
1864," '' Bailing Jeff. Davis, 1865," and '' Anything to Beat 
Grant, 1872." 

But this was mild. In a single issue there were three terrible 
exhibits. The first, a front page, showed Greeley in charge of a 
whipping-post, swinging the Tribune cat-o '-nine-tails and brand- 
ing '' thief," '' liar," '' convict," and '' black-leg," (his own 
words, formerly applied to Democrats,) on the bare backs of 
those whose suffrage he now sought. The second picture, also 
a full page, entitled *^ Bringing the Thing Home," showed 
Greeley gloating over the ruin of Southern firesides, and, under- 
neath, this extract: 

When the rebellious traitors are overwhelmed in the field, 
and are scattered like loaves before an angry wind, it must not 
\p4f to return to peaceful and contented homes. They must find 
fHpyt*riy at their firesides, and see privation in the anxious eyes 
of mothers and the rags of children. 

liy Monie mischance the date of this cruel expression— cruel 

ih^U^^d lor one reputed as a tender-hearted man — was put down 




as November 26, 1860. Imme- 
diately the Tribune published 
a Bcomfnl denial. Fatal etepl 
Both the Times and Harper's 
Weekly promptly looked up the 
true date {May 1, 1861), the 
picture was immediately re- 
printed as a campaign docu- 
ment, and upon its back four 
columns of other damning ex- 
tracts. The third exhibit of this '' 
memorable issue of Harper's 
Weekly was a small picture on the back page, entitled ' ' Bed 
Hot! " and depicted Greeley eating a porridge of " My Own 
Words and Deeds." And this also, with three others, was re- 
published in a pamphlet, entitled " Greeley Hlustrated," with 
still another series of the Sage's unfortunate utterances, includ- 
ing his famous declaration concerning the Democratic party: 

May it be written on my grave that I never was its follower, 
and lived and died in nothing its debtor. 
In another place: 

A purely selfish interest attaches the lewd, ruffianly, criminal 
and dangerous classes to the 
Democratic party. 
And still farther along: 
What I demand is proof 
that the Southern people 
really desire separation from 
the Free States. Whenever 
assured that such is their set- 
tled wish, T shall joyfully co- 
operate with them to secure 
the end they seek. 

The last sentiment had been 

expressed as late as January, 

"MD HOTi" 1861, and there were columns 



more of a aJmiT^r 
nature. The dray- 
0D*» teetii wfaicb 
Horace Greeierhad 
been so lon^ » nf i 
indastrioaHlT mv- 
ing had c(»ne- to a 
ripe and fibiobb 

It vas not eoD- 
d«iuiation alone 
that Nast leceiTed 
for his tiling wbt- 
fare. Scores and 
hundreds of ]ett»s 
of commendation 
poured in upon 
him. Qrant papers 

"" ■■■'■■'■■■"■ rejoiced and sang 

liin pniiBCH. Kvcry .jininial in tlio hind printed column editorials 
ffpf (pr (iftniiipt liiiii, coiiipjiriiifr his work with that of Mor^n, ac- 
('(irdiiitr (f» flH'ir lij^litH and political ronvictions. General Horace 
l'(prl(M', llii'ii privato Hticrotary to Gnmt, wrote him from Long 
Urniii'li. " Vdiir pichnvHof (Inn'loy branding the Democrats, and 
(if lln' pliirvalion of iiiollicrs and rnga of children, ought to be 
)n llic hinnlH (if every Southoni white man." 
Iti I Ir'tolier. Colonel ('lii)mian, who had jast been reelected to 

tllfl !>i'Ht, Willie: 

Mv iimjofily of ri.4(H) wns a great triumph. 

H|»')il(iiitt <»f Uraiil. I called there yesterday— "Wednesday. 
*riii' I'Mtnecantioti lunii'il on the means of electioneering and he 
(H'Im'iI iiio if I liad w^'ii ihe last IIar)>er's. He went into his 
lintliiioiii mill Initnghl out your" Tidal Wave." He said he was 
wlHi Mill lunl yonr pictures like the fellow who trardled with 



the menagerie because be knew tbat some day tlie lion would 
bite the man's bead otf and be wanted to be there to see. The 
President said be boped never to see you break down, but lie 
felt your services bad been so great and your genius so un- 
precedented that be was looking weekly to see you fall off in 
power, but that you got better and better. 

The campaign of caricature ravaged on. Each week Morgan 
atroye to rise to new heights of vilification — each week Nast 
produced more of the blighting testimony from Greeley's own 
pen, illustrated in a manner more savage and more scathing. 
Greeley whitewashing the Tanuimny Tiger (an idea used many 
times since) — Gree- 
ley with the sacred 
■white hat and coat 
covering the *' Mon- 
mnent of Infamy '* 
erected by hia for- 
mer enemies — Gree- 
ley clasping hands 
across the wide 
grave-fields of An- 
dersonville, the 

Bloodiest of 
Cliasms "—Greeley 
clasping bands with 
the Shade of Wilkes 
Booth over the 
grave of Lincoln: 
pictorial ferocity 
could go no further, 
and the terrible 
shots did not fail of 
ilieir mark — the po- 
litical apostasy 




of Horace Greeley. Men to-day can judge better the crn^ vin- 
dictiveness of that struggle through a contemplation of its eari- 
catares than by the reading of any printed page.* 

It is hardly necessary to say that the pictures went too far. 
They are deplored now, and they were deplored then. The Post 
in a two-column editorial lamented that sach means were con- 
sidered necessary to the end in view. The Atlantic Monthly 
gave Nast credit for " cleverness and effectiveness " bnt cited 
instances as far back as Socrates and the days of the Pelopon- 
nesian War to show why caricature should be good-natured. It 
farther expressed a conviction that, after all^ the " Tammany 

• Nast hiniacif did not p» 
nal, he wan curiratiiri'd nlnn 
do the work. One iif tlii-se 
Mini to FlinK at (iri'i'li'v," »h 



npe. In an illuatTated paper, the Fifth AreDue Jour- 
*t weekly— his friend Ilellew having lieen engaged to 
pictures, entitled " Mi^ing Day at Harper's — Making; 
iwH Ciirtia, prim and immaeuiatc in all save Lis hands. 

;:roijH a bowl of filth: 
it, Tbomtu; it iH not geutlemanly." 


, ' HOV JJ'is li [ 

Tiger Loose " should " never have been drawn," for the reason 
ibat the traditions of the Roman arena were not wholly in keep- 
ing witlt tlie sentiment wliieh the artist had meant to convey. 
Then it gravely adds: " It may be urged in reply to this criti- 
cism that the jieople of Xew York are not classical enough to bo 
affected by such considerations." 

The fierce farcical campaign drew toward its sorrowful end. 
Xear its close, Mr. Greeley himself made a Western tour, ad- 
dressing vast crowds daily, and many times a day, for more than 
a fortnight. His case was a sorrj' one, but he presented it in a 
manner which won liim the vast applause of the multitudes. 

The personal following of Horace Greeley was enormous and 
the Republican managers became alarmed as to the effect of Ins 
superb oratory. Never had he been more brilliant. Never had 
he been more forcible; never more convincing as a debater, a 
mover of masses, a man of ready thought and strong idiomatic 
sjieech. It has been said that " he called out a larger proportion 
of those who intended to vote against him than any candidate 
had ever before succeeded in doing." * 

For the moment, Mr. Greeley must have believed in his 

* BUinei " Twenty Ye«n in Congres* " 


election. The masses 
crowded about him 
and cheered at every 
pause. Even wh«i, 
as at Pittsburg, he 
. was led into some 
nnfortnnate re- 
marks which ver6 
constmed as indi- 
cating a lingning 
belief in seoession 
and a regret of the 
old Abolition creed, 
there was nothit^ 
bat commendation 
for " Old Horace," 
whose paper the 
people bad read and 
loved so long. 

Tlie first blow to his Iiojies came with the State returns from 
Vennont and Maine, which gave increased Republican majori- 
ties. Georgia brightened the horizon for an instant. Then the 
returns from Pt'nnsylvaiiia, Ohio and Indiana came in, three of 
tlic States he had canvassed, and his defeat was sure. 

At this trj'ing moment, his wife, long ill with consumption, 
died. Mr. Greeley spent many hours at lier bedside, and, with 
the burden of the campaign upon him, his own health was under- 
mined. When election day came with its overwlielming defeat 
— when it was reported that Pennsylvania had given more than 
one hundred and thirty-seven thousand majority for Grant, and 
that other States had surpassed any former record— he was 
crushed and Iieart-broken. 
Yet in spite of ever>-thing, he promptly returned to his editor- 


ship of the Tribune, " relinquished," as he stated, " on embark- 
ing in another line of business," and with the added statement 
that it would henceforth be an independeot journal, resumed his 
old work. 

But his strength was gone, and his intellect gave way. Less 
than a month later, on November 29th, be lay in his coffin. Amer- 
ica's greatest editor — erratic in conviction yet matchless in bat- 
tle, courageous and daring, whether right or wrong — ^had slipped 
oat of the tumult and 
sorry warfares of men. 

As was natural, the 
papers that had supported 
Qreeley now took occasion 
to overwhelm Nast with 
his own wickedness, to 
"~^ point out that he had been 
y^ the cause of the great ed- 
itor's death. From no 
possible point of reason- 
ing was this tme. Mr. 
Greeley was in perfect 
health when he set oat on 
his tour. The strain of 
that tour would have pros- 
trated many a younger 
man. Tlie added sleejiless vigils during his wife's illness com- 
pleted bis physical ruin.' 

" I have not slept one hour in twenty-four for a month," he 
said to a friend. " If she lasts, poor soul, another week, I shall 
go with lier," 

On Ilia return if had been rumored that he was ill and Nast 

had sent over to the Tribune office for the facts. Already, upon 

• Sn' nliio tlic Tribuue's reply lo Senator Depew— footnote, pages 53ft-38. 



learning of Mrs. Greeley's illness, he had suppressed a cartoon 
showing Greeley by the open grave of Democracy. Naat had 
considered that its idea and purpose were likely to be mis- 
construed, though Fletcher Harper had written concerning 

" If you say bo, we will publish it, as you and Mrs. Nast and 
your children are the responsible parties." 

Nast was prepared now to discontinue the pictures altogether 
if the rumor of Mr. Greeley's illness was verified. But word came 
back from the Tribune office: 
" The report is a lie. Do your worst." 
It is quite possible that Mr. Greeley was not really ill at that 
time, for this was several days prior to the election. But then 
came the strain of those last days of waiting, the death of his 

wife followed by the 
final crushing real- 
ization that those 
who had admired 
and applauded him 
as an advocate had 
rejected him as a 
counsellor and a 
guide. Horace Gree- 
ley had fallen a vic- 
tim to ambition, self- 
deception and over- 
work; yet more than 
all, perhaps, to his 
own record, which, 
with or without 
Nast, must have ac- 
complished his de- 





The final cartoon 
of the campaign was 
a picture of Nast, by 
himself, puhlishetl 
immediately after 
election, showiDg 
the artist left deso-, 
late — his occupation 
gone. Thenfollowed 
a fine allegorical 
picture on tlie Bos- 
ton fire wliich had 
occurred Xovembcr 
9, and later, his hist 
drawing of the year, 
a cartoon of Sum- 
ner, who had re- 
ttimed from abroad 
with a bill " To 
strike from the U. 
S. Flags and Army 
Register all record <^"'"'"«'^ "^*_* 
of battles fought 
with follow citizens." Tt was for this measure that the Massa- 
chiie«tts senator received a vote of censure from the legislature 
of his own State, though the resolution was rescinded prior to 
bis death in 1874. He did not live to see his Civil Kights Bill be- 
come a law. Sumner's great career, like that of Horace Greeley, 
closed in sorrow and disappointment, and, it is only fair to be- 
lieve, under the shadow of a mental cloud, the price of his mar- 


Ci\Al*TKii XXIX 


With the second election of 
General Grant, the admiration 
of the Republican party for 
Tliomas Nast became something 
near idolatry. His daily mail 
was a vast budget of congratn- 
Intions, invitations, offers of 
gifts and ideas. 

Tlie invitations and gifts he 
raivly accoptod. The ideas for 
"""™"" iiictuiTs ln' did not use, having 

iil\vii,VN \noxv tluni chiMigh of his own. 

'I'Ih'IV I'titu*' lo liiin likewise many ro<inests. Social reformers, 
lifilifviuj; il within liis imwi'r to cornvt any evil, eagerly be- 
moiikIiI lii" «'d. Lejiislntors nrjnsl him to take up his pencil 
ih bi'lmir »>t' tvvtftiii moasuivs, while candidates for official pro- 
im»ti«>ii »'«d(vi\m>Hl llmmjili him to obtain the oar of (.inint. As 
H niiiKov of I'ionuvs ooiKvrm\l with the atTair^ of a great re- 
p(d»lu\ ItiH I'vwiliou was al>solu(c!> lunqHC, Never in the history 
ol' iitit)t>ii> hjid ii K'^'ix u!>j'nv»v*!;»\i, Novor is iI likeJy to be again. 
Vl ilic i'!am> ,«t" lis*" caii'!VH'»;'i tVc Itci'ublicau National Com- 
^^lH^^v l»;t%l c\i>(\'i4w\l its oMUat'os: ;;i a Irtter of thanks. 


We feel that we shall not fully perform our duty (wrote the 
secretary), without thanking you cordially for the efficient aid 
we have derived from your skilful hand and fertile but truthful 

When the results of the election became known, Samuel L. 

Clemens sent an enthusiastic line: 

Nast, you more than any other man have won a prodigious 
victory for Grant— I mean, rather, for Civilization and Progress. 
Those pictures were simply marvellous, and if any man in the 

land has a right to hold his head up and be honestly proud of his 
share in this year's vast events, that man is unquestionably your- 
self. We all do sincerely honor you and are proud of you. 

Yours ever, t.^ i rr. . 

' Mark Twam. 

In another letter Clemens wrote : 

The Almanac has come and I have enjoyed those pictures 
with all my soul and body. Your ** Mexico '' is a fifty years' 
history of that retrograding chaos of a country, portrayed upon 
the space of one's thumbnail, so to speak, and that ** Sphinx in 
Kgypt " charms me. I wish I could draw that old head in that 

I wish you could go to England with us in May. Surely you 
could never regret it. I do hope my publishers can make it pay 
you to illustrate my English book. Then I should have good pic- 
tures. They've got to improve on ** Roughing It." 

I thank you for your kindness to me and my friend Charley. 

The Charley referred to was Cliarles M. Fairbanks, now a 
well-known newspaper man, then a boy with a good deal of 
artistic talent and an unbounded admiration for the work of 
Nast. He had come with a letter from Clemens and the cartoon- 
ist had made him welcome and assisted him with advice and 
encouragement. The boy was most grateful and remained al- 
ways one of Nast's loyal and devotod friends. 

From the first great champion of our dumb companions and 

8er\'itors there came a characteristic word of praise: 

I wish I could determine which of your inimitable pictures 
is best, but I cannot. Tlie one in this week's Harper's Bazar, of 
Santa Claus among the animals, seems to me worthy of a frame 
of solid gold and precious stones. Those two cats upon a bench 
have nothing extant their superior. 



^Vl]enever you should be at a loss for a subject, do illiistrate 
our work with your magic pencil! 

Your profound admirer, 

Henry Bei;gfa. 
James Parton wrote hastily: 

No one has contributed to this Morions and astonnding vic- 
tory of Honesty over Humbug as much as Thomas Nast. Apply 
at ontte fur the Paris consulship, aod please dmCt get iti 
Gratifying as these attentions must have been, they could not 

altogether bring 
happiness to the 
young illustrator, 
who, now that the 
stimalas of battle 
was gone, fonnd 
himself well-nigh 
prostrated from 
the work and 
strain and trag- 
edy of the battle. 
He had averaged 
three drawings a 
week daring the 
year, many of 
them double 
pages, and into 
them he had put 
all the fierce con- 
viction and vital- 
ity of his being. 
The result was 
coIlai>se. and the 
death of Horace 
Greeley added to 
hi$ depreesion. 

I nt\tM Nt^rt* .kuuNAV 


For in the nature of Thomas Nast there was no fibre of cruelty 
or injustice. No man ever lent a more willing ear to the voice 
of the oppressed, or was ever more generous to the needy, more 
tender with the suffering. A letter from Bellew, who had 
caricatured him so fiercely during the campaign, but who later 
was ill and in want, gives us a hint of the personal side of Nast. 

My Dear Nast : 

I have just received an envelope enclosing a cheque for 
twenty-five dollars, signed by you. Although no explanation ac- 
companied the cheque, I suppose I cannot be far wrong in assum- 
ing that, having heard of my illness, you kindly intend it as a 
plank for the bridge to carry me over my present troubles. This 
is very kind of you, and I assure you I heartily appreciate both 
the motive and the money, which came at no inopportune 

At some future day, when I get my harness on, I hope you 
will give me the oppoitimity to repay that part which it is pos- 
sible to repay of a considerate act like yours, by some pen work 
for your Almanac. 

' Very sincerely yours, 


Always a lion in battle, Nast was the gentlest of human beings 
among his friends. That he should now be accused of having 
caused the death of a fellow creature, distressed him sorely. 
Curtis, always thoughtful, wrote him a soothing letter. 

At the old Desk, FeK 4, 1873. 
My Dear Nast: 

I am very sorry to hear from the Major that you are not 
quite well, and I think perhaps the soft sun to-day may cheer 
you. I am so little in Franklin Square that I never meet you, 
but I do not forget the good old days when you used sometimes 
to climb up here and say a word. 

When spring comes perhaps I shall see you, with the other 
bulbs and flowers! But seeing you or not seeing, I shall always 
think of you with the kindest regard, and, as we all do, with 
great admiration. 

Very truly yours, 

George William Curtis. 

Parton, too, wrote again, addressing him ' ' My dear Tommy, ' ' 



and urging seriously his acceptance of an official appointment 
abroad, with a long rest. 

Not inaction — not stagnation (he wrote) but rest and change. 
Don't put this off. Take warning by Greeley. It was forty 
years work and no play that destroyed him. You cannot and 
must not go on working your brain as you have done. Leav- 
ing out all other considerations, you are more valuable to Sally 
and the children than the mortgage paid off. Think seriously 
of this. Think of it as you would a new picture. You will 
answer, you will tell me, I'm another. So I am, but not so bad. 
And there is this difference between us; you can rest, and I can't. 
You have considerable property and I have none. I must plod 
on, but not nearly so hard now as before. The time is near, I 
hope, when I can let up on myself. 

Now, Sally, consider this with all your might. Don't let him 
put it off. * * Husbands, obey your wives, ' ' the Bible says. Do it! 

But consulship with years of rest, afar from the din of battle, 
were little to the taste of a man like Nast, ill though he was. 
He had expected nothing of the Government, and desired nothing 
it could give. His income for the year had aggregated about 
eighteen thousand dollars. Twelve hundred of this was 
royalty from his Almanac, and most of the remainder from 
his cartoons. There was not enough saved as yet to pay 
the mortgage on the big new home, but he felt that he 
was more likely to achieve this end in America than as the 
Nation's representative in a foreign port. Colonel Chipman, 
always his friend, seeking in some way to relieve any anxiety 
as to this debt, started privately in Washington a ten thousand 
dollar testimonial fund, to be made up in subscriptions of one 
hundred dollars each. To this the President, Secretary Fish, 
and a host of others were eager to contribute, but Nast found 
it incompatible with his ideas of independence. He was urged 
to go abroad alone for a j^eriod of complete change, and finally 
planned to sail in March, 1873. 




ffcantimt*, tlie Jirtist liad completed some illustrations for a 
Harper edition of " Pickwick Pajwrs " and had drawn a few 
cartoons for the Weekly. Among the latter was a most pro- 
phetic picture entitled " The Finger of Scorn," aimed at Oakoy 
Hall, who on the first of the year had surrendered his office to 
W. F. Ilavemeyer. the reforai candidate. Ilall had escaped the 
law, through the death of a juror on his firet trial, and a dis- 

* SometimM. M in Ilia ciuie i>t the '* Credit Mobilivr" pit^lure, a CBTtoon beraniD 
ft matter ot discuuiua in th>' Harper rooms. Xort i»rici«Iured the si tiifttion, shoving 
hlmiirlf ilaDiling amid laurcU won Ihroiigh former aohioronieiils, exhiliitiiin; a drawing 
loa cimrl<''"ii|»"»«l "f Ihn heails of Tarioiw dt'|ianiii(>nl». The cliler Flttclicr Harper, 
whm he <bw il, raid U) llaor; M. Aldfn, ediuir of the moDthly: "Wn arc the only 
rraitntablo ones, lie Ie(t uii out." The pictnro hung for luanj jears in the Harper 
, bmineM offlM, biit baa never before been published. 


agreement on the second— seven jnrors having voted for con- 
viction, five for acquittal. No further legal action was taken, but 
his record was to follow him tlirough long years and in far lands. 

The partial ab- 
sence of Nast's 
work from the 
pages of Harper's 
Weekly was quick- 
ly noticed and com- 
mented upon. Oi>- 
position journals 
either gloated over 
what they con- 
ceived to be bis 
downfall, or pub- 
lished mock obitu- 
aries. Some of 
them declared that 
he was lost in 
trackless wilds and 
that an expedition 
should he sent out in search of him. Others maintained 
that he was affected with a disease of the eyes which prevented 
him from seeing the latest Republican frauds. Tliey pointed to 
the scandalous Credit Mobilier developments and asked " Where 
is Nast." They demanded that he assail this chapter of dis- 
grace which was adding shame to what was " already a dis- 
reputable administration." 

Concerning the Credit Mobilier, the cartoonist had been eager 
to do precisely what they demanded, having been withheld by 
his publishers until exact knowledge could be obtained. 

But investigation did not improve the aspect of this sad affair. 
The Credit Mobilier (Credit on movable property) was a cor- 


poration in which George Francis Train, and Oakes Ames, a 
Massachusetts congressman, were prominently interested, and 
was identified with the construction of the Union Pacific 
Railroad. The Company at first assumed great risks, but 
later its stock became immensely profitable. In the later six- 
ties Ames, foreseeing that it was likely to become a legislative 
issue, induced a number of congressmen to take or agree to 
take Credit Mobilier shares. The fact that he was willing to 
sell to his associates, at par, stock paying the enormous div- 
idends of from sixty to eighty per cent., and to allow such pur- 
chasers to pay for their holdings out of accumulating profits, 
would seem to have been a proceeding prompted by some other 
motive than that of mere friendship. Far-seeing men like 
Blaine, Conkling, Wilson, Boutwell and others either declined 
the stock, or returned it, after a brief period of reflection. 
Others, through guilelessness or self-interest, failed to do this, 
and from time to time profited by the generous dividends. Then 
there came an hour when to own Credit Mobilier was incon- 
sistent with impartial legislation, and presently followed the 
inevitable exposure,* which coming in the midst of a campaign 
had made men afraid to tell the truth. Garfield, Colfax and 
other honored names were dragged in the dust. Yet the real 
tragedy lay not so much in the acquisition of the stock, as in 
the fact that the stockholders refused to tell the whole simple 
storj' of the transaction, but persisted in denying their owner- 
ship, even before a court of investigation, until confronted by 
incontrovertible proof. Colonel Chipman, in a letter to Nast, 
January 26, presented a personal view of the matter. 

Mv Dear Friend: 

You will be pained, as all good men are, at the dreadful dis- 
closures in the Credit Mobilier business. Was there ever such 
an exhibition of idiocy and cowardice! With absolutely an inno- 

• In the New York Sun beginning September 4, 1872, continuing through the 
remainder of the year. 


e/ffii irfmn&idimt to ntart with, the aetms in tbe matter luiTe by 
th^fir f'^fuAwi magnifie<l it into a stupendous fraud. 

f \m\i*, fUft UfHi my faith in the honesty and integrity of such 
tuffti HH lyHWfm^ Bingham, Garfield and PatterscHu but we must 
hnvff our idean a« to their sagacity greatly shocked and lowered. 

I wnttt yon to understand this matter precisely as it is. The 
wUoUf nnhiiwi offers a rich theme for your pencil^ but I doubt 
i\io wi^Jom of availing yourself of it. The feeling is one of 
iUntp Hfgret rather than censure, and this I think is the soitiment 

fmmrtiWy, It is this which would make a picture unwelcome, 
t would '^ bring down the house " I admit, but at the same 
ti rrMf w<f would all foi^l ashamed of ourselves for laughing at the 

\U*Vi^ \n tlio way all this was brought about. 

TliMMi? gmitlornon had a little money to invest. They are all 
poor, ancl to turn on honest penny seemed desirable. Hie sly 
anil doviliHli Arncw* gave tliem the opportunity for the invest- 
niinit, without fully ac^}uainting them with the transaction. 

Hi^«»fH» HiK'ond. ^riie campaign comes on; some whisperings 
nbotit (/HHlit Mobilior stock in the hands of well-known Bepub- 
lIcanM. 1^10 V thought a frank confession might hurt Grant and 
that thn public would not admit the investment in the stocks 
to bo a logitiniato thing; hence, they concealed the facts and 
HiiNhMJ iho |)ublic. 

H(M«tM» Ihinl. Tho (\>ngroasional Investigation begins. With 
Iho HMtiH^ Hlupidilv thoy kiH^]) back the simple truth and seek 
again lo coNor up l^aciw. Stop by step the disclosures are brought 
on! utilil Iho oounlry is sliookod, without knowing exactly why 
or how. It has ruintMl (\)lfax and Patterson and some others, 
and givally lowoitMl tho public opinion in their integrity. All 
of thorn must sulTor mon^ or U^s. The whole thing is a matter 
of \niutt<M*ablo ivgM. 1 haven't time to write you the details, 
or to giv<^ you tho viows of individuals in public life. Expecting 
vou \\m\ vo\u*s in Fobruarv, 1 am. 

As ever, 

N. P. Chipman. 

Tho l^nHlit Mobilior invt\5tig?ition ended with a vote of censure 
Uw Oakos .\n\os (Kop»^, of Massiiohusotts, and James Brooks 
(Hoiu.)* t^f Now York tho lattor Innng government director in 
tho Tuitvu PaoifU^ Kivul. Uoth mon were overwhelmed by their 
«ti«U»iitv and ilitnl, Unn^ks tho last day of April and Ames a week 
bdo^\ *rho xvholo wr^^toluM alTair cast a shadow over Grant's 


second inauguration^ while the bitter and gloomy weather did 
not tend to make the occasion more cheerful. 

Both Mr. and Mrs. Nast went to Washington for the event. 
They were the guests of Colonel Chipman, and their visit was 
a succession of gay affairs. They called at the White House 
the evening before the re-inauguration. President Grant re- 
ceived them in his family circle, and Mrs. Nast was struck with 
his timidity of manner. He blushed and his voice trembled like 
that of a bashful boy. When Mrs. Nast spoke of the crowds in 
the city, he said: 

* * Yes, but I feel like a man who is going to be hung to-mor- 
row. ' ' 

The great soldier would rather have faced the legions of Lee 
than the multitudes who had gathered to hear his public address. 

The bitterness of the weather and the crush and tumult of 
entertainment rather dismayed Mrs. Nast, who was of a domestic 
temperament and fond of the family fireside. They returned 
presently to the quieter joys of the Morristown home. 

While in Washington, Nast had met General Garfield, but did 
not take his hand. Garfield reddened, and exclaimed: 

*' I know why you will not shake hands with me— that will 
all be explained some day.'* 

But the explanation was never made, and in the Credit Mo- 
bilier cartoon of March 15 both Garfield and Colfax appear 
among those at whom Justice points the finger of scorn. How- 
ever, the picture was a two-edged sword, for on the other hand 
were collected the editors who had been most '* shocked and out- 
raged ' ' by the exposures, and Justice is saying to these * * saints 
of the press ": 

*' Let him that has not betrayed the trust of the people, and 
is without stain, cast the first stone.'' 

In the same issue ' * The Biggest Joke of the Season ' * showed 
Fernando Wood presenting articles for the impeachment of Vice- 



Pr<«i<Jfint Colfax, A week later, March 22, there appeared 
a final pictorial comment on the snbject, showing Ames and 
Brooks an the " Clierubs of the Credit Mobilier." 

Xast now made preparation for his ocean voyage. 
Fi«h had conferred uiwn him the appointment of IT. & 4 
niixHioner to tlie Vienna Exposition, bat this hOMT ' 
aft the artiHt did not care to attmM flll^..0wt fur. Jnst 

Mtan viling he 
paid a bit of fare- 
well attention to the 
newspaper jokers, 
who had been " or- 
ganizing expedi- 
tions " to discover 
his whereabouts. In 
the issne of March 
29 appeared a 
, double-page car- 
toon entitled " The 
Meeting of Nast 
and Watterson in 
^^~. Central New Jer- 
r sey." Nast, in front 
of his home, is wel- 
coming the "Louis- 

III.INDMAN'H-llt'Fr. lUm* UINU WII.I. THIH (IAMB U8T 7 ■„ ^ - t^ 

viiie Courier txpe- 
dilidii," li'ii liy lli'iny Watterson, and including the editors of 
tlic Xi'w York Sun, llfrnld and Tribune, armed with the Amer- 
icini (IiiK ami hlu.nli'rhus gims. On April 12 appeared a cari- 
ratun- of various uhmiiIkts of the Tweed and Erie rings, playing 
Itliiid Miiu'i* llufT with .lustico. It was Xast's last cartoon for a 
pr>riiMl III" utvirly live numllis, and the artist was already on the 
wutor wlit'ii it ii|)|u'nn'd. 



The cartoonist was now to undergo a new ordeal. On the 
vessel with him was James Bedpath, proprietor of the Bos- 
ton Lyceum Bureau— a lecture agency which later passed into 
the control of Major J. B. Pond. Redpath had been urging Nast 
to undertake a series of illustrated lectures during the coming 
season, and had taken passage on the same vessel for the express 
purpose of persuading the artist's acceptance of the idea. But 
the man of pictures was frightened at the thought of going 
before the public face to face. He finally agreed to consider the 
matter and to decide upon his return. Yet the more he consid- 
ered, the greater became his alarm. Finally he pleaded as an ex- 
cuse that he was thinking of accepting a foreign appointment, to 
which Redpath replied that he would consider the bargain 
<*losed, with the proviso that if his victim abandoned the appoint- 
ment idea, he was to mount the lecture platform; thus leaving 
to the artist the old alternative of the frying-pan or the fire— 
a condition not likely to ease his already troubled state of mind. 

Nevertheless, his vacation was beneficial. He visited old 
friends in London, including W. L. Thomas, the London News 
engraver who had attended to collections and remittances for 
him during the Oaribaldian and Civil War periods. From Lon- 
don the artist journeyed into Cornwall and made an extended 


visit at the home of Colonel Peard, where the old campaign was 
rehearsed, with its glories, its comedies and its results. To his 
old comrade, Nast was still '* Joe, the Fat Boy,'' and it was 
** Joe, you rascal, don't go to sleep," or ** Now, Joe, you're 
asleep again, " as in the old Calabrian days. After his return to 
London, Nast one morning received the following note, which 
would seem to require no explanation: 

Joseph: Thou hast neglected my orders in not sending the 
boots. You must give an explanation of your conduct, or shall 
be tried by court martial. The punishment for disobedience of 
orders is death, and such other punishment as the court may 
award. Thou art also absent from headquarters^ which is a 
grave offence. J. W. Peard, Col. Brigade. 

Nast saw liedpath again in London and gave a partial con- 
sent to the lecture idea. He agreed, if Mrs. Nast approved (his 
last hope of escape), to let the agent send out a hundred letters 
to as many managers in different cities, thus to ascertain if there 
was really a demand for him, which he was loth to believe. 
Redpath did not wait for further permission, but sailed at once 
for America to enter into correspondence with Mrs. Nast, and to 
begin the campaign. 

To say that the agent's expectations were fulfilled would be 
a mild statement. He had calculated on a possible one hundred 
nights, with a net return to the lecturer of as much as ten thou- 
sand dollars for the season. But the desire to look upon the man 
who had dostn)yed Tweed and heli>ed to elect Grant — to watch 
him use his deft crayon and ** make faces " before their very 
eves— was more universal than even an enthusiastic Bureau 
^fanager had dreamed. 

Engagements fairly poured in. Before Nast returned in June, 
liis doiMu as a lecturer was sealed. By July the amount already 
guaranteeil had far excee<leil Redpath 's most liberal calcula- 
tions. Every day brought, from Redpath, some line or telegram 
of new triinnphs. 


** Over thirteen thousand dollars already guaranteed/' he 
wrote, ' * and the cry is still they come. You lead everybody ex- 
cept Gough.* Star of the evening, beautiful star! There is every 
reason to believe that you will be under the painful necessity of 
drawing twenty thousand dollars out of the pockets of your 
countrymen during the coming season. Are republics ungrate- 

* ' Now you are in for it, put yourself under the best training 
at once. It would play the mischief if you should break down. 
You will speak five times a week and therefore should get your- 
self in the best physical condition. Put yourself under the best 
elocutionist, and practise all the time to strengthen your voice.'' 

The mental picture of himself not only writing a speech but 
continuously practising its delivery doubtless amused the artist 
as much as the thought of going before an audience terrified 
him. He engaged Parton to prepare his subject matter, and for 
the rest of the summer lay under the trees studying it and plan- 
ning a programme of the sketches he was to make—** getting in 
condition " for the onset. 

This was a period when many interviewers came and went, 
some to find out why his work no longer appeared, others to 
write about his past, present and future, including the contents 
of his household and the habits and characteristics of his family. 
It was one of the last-named variety who, drawing upon an 
exuberant imagination, rather overdid the matter and somewhat 
annoyed the subjects of his sketch. Other papers promptly cor- 
rected the misstatements, and one of these being mailed to Nast's 
old friend, ** Josh Billings," elicited an amusing reply: 

Dear Tommy: 

I got your paper in which the ** Interviewer *' is handled. I 
will write some sentiments touching the ** Interviewer " before 
long, when I get leisure, and you can illustrate it in your happy 
way, and between us we will scald the ** kuss." Love to all. 

Yours till deth. 


• John B. Gough, temperance lecturer, called by Major Pond " The King of the 
Lecture World." 


TH03IJS \jsr 

The veeks vent 
by and the artist 
rontinned to do 
nothing at all in the 
way of pictoFes. 
Fletcher Haiperwas 
Tilling, not only 
that he shonld rest, 
bat that h«iceforth 
he should receive 
one hnndred and 
, fifty dollars a page, 
' with a yearly re- 
tainer of five thon- 
sand dollars, as a 
iriP|«i fr..Mi N»i<iAini»»<-) bontis— work or 

piny on c'(prniitioii Hint lio drew for no other paper. 

II wiiH Mh' nrili (Iniiit cry of " Cjvsarism "— b^un while Nasi 
wiiN iilinnul wliicli llnnlly, in So))tember, stirred him to pictorial 
(iflivitv. 'I'lic New York Ih'rnld led tlie clamor, and Nasi 
tiiiw I'lirliiotH'il I he yoniincr Itcmiptt as " Nick Bottom " of " A 
MldHUiiihK'r Night 'h Diviun," frislitcned by an ass's ghost of his 

I ivMB hhhJ ffl^ » Birrlffi', li 

Till' )iii'lnn' ltt>uin:lil many wonls of congratulation from those 
liii wnii- (iltid In wi' Ihc artist iit work once more. Tlie Graphic 
iiti ilhiwlrnli'ii ilnily. jtossible by the newly perfected 
'll^^'■'»^ iiitf lionildi'd tlu> cvont with a caricature of the 
>l III liis ol.l Irii'ks again. Marshall Jewell, then Min- 
li>wr.iii. wtsiti' an onthusiastio letter. Jewell had been 
(loM'imiv x\< r.MiiHfti.'nt. aiiiJ later Invanie Postmaster General. 
al---n It pii>->idi>n1ii>I oatuli.lalo. lb- wrote at oonsiilerable length, 
lull .'iiHiiiiK \'\>\\\\ \\\w on tlii> " insi.le of lliings," with an intimate 
|»ni>wlo.l)n> of .Mmblions, ibo lottors^vms iiiiwrtant. 




Legation of the United States. 
St. Petei-sburg, Oct. U, 1873. 
Dear Nast: 11 o'cloeli, P.M. 

I am so tickled to-niglit (glad is no name fur it) that I am not 
going to bed till 1 have written you all about it. I have been 
greatly annoyed all thro' Europe this summer by the question 
'* How about the third termf " " How's L'xsarisml " You know 
the Herald is taken more in Europe than any other paper. I 
scolded Russell Young about it in Vienna, for it's a shame. But 
how to stop it was the question. I have often said if Nast and 
Nasby would take hold of it they could kill it, but I had heard 
you were going to 
lecture and Nasby 
(bless his heart) 
had taken to mak- 
ing money. 

So I refused to 
be comforted. I 
had made up my 
mind it li a d 
got to die a Natural 
I)eatli. I knew they 
couldn 't catch Grant 
—not any. He is 
too wise for tlmt 
whole tribe. To- 
night I got my mail 
just after dinner. I 
first looked over the 
Hartford papers to 
see if I had failed. 
To my great relief I 
found' that I had 
not. Then for the 
Times to see who 
had. and it took my 
breath away to read 
the list. (I wanted 
to send a green-back 
to (lews at once.)" 

Then I went thro' '""""""■* """"' " -■-«"-'--"— —■' 

the Tribune and Herald and saw how splendidly and firmly our 
l^resident withstood the pressure brot to hear upon him 

* Mr. Jrwpll, in liU mention of "fnihiri-?" nnil tho pressurc bmiighl to heir upon 
llt« I^Fsdrnt, rrfprs lo the panic of IST;l, sniiie m-coun* of whiih «ill be found in • 
*u<««eding rhapti-r. 


|The Daily GraphigI 

to do an illegal 

He has the level- 
est old head on his 
shoulders of any 
man living. I gust 
took the papers and 
read them all aload 
to my wife and 
daughters and we 
il gave him three 
^ cheers (mentally, 
for we live in apaii- 
ments) and ex- 
claimed, *' I'll write 
Grant how glad I 
am before I go to 
bed." Madam Jew- 
ell took me down by 
saying, "Yes, you'll 
gush. ' * 

You see, friend 
Thomas, she knows 
me. She said: 

" You had better 
read your religious 
literature and after 
that your magazines 
and write when you 
get cool." I was 
here directed to the 
Independent for my 
religious consolation and to Old and New, the Galaxy, Harper's 
Atontiily, and at tlie bottom of the pile tlie Weekly. I left the 
best for tlie last (as we used to eat pie) as I not only like the pic- 
tures but like Mr. Curtis and what he says. Fancy my delight, 
the greater tiiat it was unexpected. 

The eyes of the Saints of old were not so gladdened by the 
flight of the " Promised Land " as were mine at beholding your 
two cartoons. I tried to take hold of your well-known " phist " 
in the comer and shake it. 

" He'sgoingfor 'oni," screamed I to my quiet family. " He'll 
soon stop this nonsense." I quickly explained and exhibited, 

" You had better gush at Nast." (I thank thee, Mrs. Jewell, 
for teaching me that word.) 


I am so delighted that I forgive the Editor for calling me a 
** pinguid '' gentleman, which he did on page 874 of the same 
paper. I quite shook in my slippers at being called such a dread- 
ful name till I drew consolation from Webster's Unabridged. 

You have a firm grip and now you are back again I have no 
fear of a cessation of hostilities. Do you ever see Locket If 
so say that an exile thinks the * * x roads ' ' should be heard from. 
I value your pencil and his pen more than all the other makers 
of warfare which exist in our party. 

I feel a long way ' * oflf soundings ^ ' now and take to the news 
from America greatly. 

I like the place on the whole very much indeed, tho the cold 
is said to be very disgusting. But the city is clean, well ordered 
and lighted, very attractive and pleasant. A fine looking class 
of people too, the men of the upper classes particularly. 

Wish you could be out here this winter and see and depict 
the festivities. Yours truly, 

Marshall Jewell. 

Mr. Jewell was correct in his belief that there would be no 
** cessation of hostilities " on the part of the cartoonist. 

The first Caesar cartoon was followed up with other pictures 
of a similar nature until the Herald was ready to desist, at which 
point Bennett is cartooned as crying mercy to Nast, who sits 
Harp(er)ing asinine music to the editor's sickened ear.* 

* While the Herald affected to be perfectly serious in its " Csesarism " scare, it 
seems far more likely, now, that Mr. Bennett, who was in those days an irrepressible 
joker, was all the time enjoying the huge burlesque of the outcry. Certainly, to the 
present-day reader the following extracts have the ring of banter: 

"What is the question in the United States? No more, no less than this: Shall 
we have a republican form of government? We dismiss from consideration all 
sentimental and fantastic questions. It is not whether we shall have protection or 
free trade, suffrage to one class or another, centralization or State rights. These 
questions will determine themselves. But shall we have a republican form of gov- 
ernment? .... He (Grant) is as completely master as was ever Jefferson, 
JackKon or Lincoln. Never was a President so submissively obeyed. Never was a 
party so dominant. Every department of the government, nearly every large State, 
the army, the navy, the bench — even this great State and still greater metropolis 
which stood all the assaults of Lincoln when in the fulness and glory of triumphant 
war — all, all are in the hands of his followers. . . . Rome had no more living 
issue than when, on the Supercal, Mark Antony offered the kingly crown to Julius 
CsBsar. And the men who are in authority under General Grant are many of them 
as eager to do him honor as were the shouting Romans who surrounded Ccesar in 
his triumphs. ... To dismiss our President would be a revolution, and while 



no one cares to dismiHs him ne see our><?IvPB drifting upon the rock of Ceaansm, 
smoothly pleasantly Bilentlj swiftly drifting upon a danger eien greater than that 
nhich niPnaced cither Spain or France — ^^e mean the third terra idea We re- 
member that the ero»n was thnce offerel nn the Supercal and although thrice re 
fused each time it nas wilh less and less reUictance And ue can name twenty 
Mark Antonm in our cit\ nho uould Larr\ the cro vn of a third nomination to Gen 
eral Grant u ith pride an 1 sh iftness 

E\pre<8ionB like these tilled manv cohimnB almoit daily and curiously enough 
affected not onU an element of the public, but other leading journals At another 
time referring to the military jualifieations of Trant the Herald in a communi 
cation said 

Grants \i tones were uon b\ a dofrged determination not to know when dis 
aster came and though he was wl ipped seicral times during the march through the 
Wilderness he ne\er knew it Was there am thing brilliant in that*" 

That Grant should have lecn whippel without knowing it seems a fact worth 
preserving CertBin)\ tlere is no record of his enemies ever having made such a 
mistnk One can imagine Mr Bennett an ilmg audilh when he wrote or approved 
Ihit IiK 



But though long postponed the inevitable must come at last. 
Summer waned and died, and with the advent of the entertain- 
ment season the first night of the Nast Lecture Series drew near. 
Long since, his schedule had been arranged, extendftig through- 
out the East and for a distance into the Middle West. His enter- 
prising press agent had advertised him as the ** Prince of Cari- 
caturists," the *' Destroyer of Tammany,*' and a multitude of 
loyal countrymen were waiting the day of his coming. 

But the ** Prince " himself was in a bad way — grievously 
frightened and half ill with the ordeal ahead. It was at Pea- 
body, Massachusetts, on the evening of October 6th, 1873, that 
he made his beginning. To Redpath he said: *' You got me into 
this scrape; you'll have to go on the platform with me." And 
this Redpath did, sitting in a chair close behind the artist. 

Yet it seemed a tragic occasion. Redpath confessed afterward 
that never in his long career had he seen a man so badly fright- 
ened. Tlie hero who had laughed at the threats of desperate 
men and despised the censures and derision of the press, found 
his lips dry and his knees as water before an audience of admir- 
ing friends. He was ghastly pale and there were heavy beads 
of dew upon his brow. Perhaps in that dire moment Redpath 
had visions of the ** twenty thousand profit " slipping away. 


Yet somehow the man of caricature got started. Somehow 
he got confidence— somehow won the goodwill of the audience. 
The spectators sat breathless as they watched the pictures grow 
under his hand, while he told them something of his work and 
its beginnings. Nor did they fail to cheer as each sketch was 
completed, nor to applaud at the proper points of his address.* 

And so the thing was done-the great beginning was made. 
The Peabody Press spoke in terms of praise of the entertain- 
ment, only suggesting that the lecturer speak a little louder 
in future, and this, with growing courage and confidence, he did. 
He had a natural faculty for impersonation. Often at home he 
had amused the juvenile members of the family with imitations 
of the French teacher and eccentric callers. This talent now 
came in good play, and added to the success of his exhibitions. 

Early in November he was in Boston, with a crowded house at 
Tremont Hall, by which time he had gained suflScient courage to 
have Mrs. Nast present, though Redpath had discouraged this 
idea. On the 18th he reached New York City, where, at Stein- 
way Hall (in the language of the Tribune, which would appear 
to have become friendly once more), ** his audience filled every 
inch of space. ' ' 

Of the New York papers, only the Herald was inclined to ridi- 
cule the cartoonist's efforts in the lecture field. Mr. Bennett, 
who perhaps felt that he must have revenge for the Ciesarism 
caricatures, started a mock subscription for the indigent artist 
who was ** obliged to go abroad in the land to relieve his family 
from want.'' '' The Blackboard Martyr," '' Neglected Nast," 
** Abandoned Thomas," **A Distressed Artist," these were some 
of the headings of this daily hoax column, and letters of pseudo- 
commiseration and crocodile lamentation were printed from day 

* From Nast*s letter home : '*It*s done ! The people seemed pleasetl, but I'm not 
When I draw, nil eyes nre on me and the silence is dreadful. But when I get through, 
their pleasure is very loud. There was no backing out. I offered Redpath money — 
begged him to let me off, but all no go. Last night I slept better. Write again coon to 
your travelling circus boy.*' 




to day, with a list of the articles contriboted— old shoes, broken 
umbrellas, cancelled postage stamps, bad pennies and sometimes 
a few cents of genuine money. 

Those were the good old days of give and take personalities, 
and Bennett enjoyed hugely this successful burlesque, which he 
kept going for a considerable period. In one issue the Herald 
facetiously likened Nast's entertainment to Dan Bryant's cele- 
brated singing of '* Shoo, Flyt " 
which suggested to Nast his only 
reply — a small cartoon entitled 
" Shoo, Fly! *' in which he de 
picted himself as brushing away 
the Herald insect, while a canca 
ture of the ' ' Caesar Ghost, ' ' a ear 
icature of a caricature, appears 
on the blackboard near at hand 

All this was good advertismg 
for the lectures, had they needed 
it. But they did not. The name of Nast was enough. For sevMi 
months he went up and down the land in a continuous march 
of triumph. The wildest financial estimates of Kedpath had 
been doubled, and forty thousand dollars was the increase when, 
in May, the long migration ceased. The mortgage on the home 
was no longer a thing of dread. The " Prince of Caricaturists " 
had become a comparatively rich man. 

Of course the delight of Bedpath -was unbounded. He had 
made his word doubly good, and he had earned a large commis- 
sion for himself. In addition to the latter, Nast sent bim a per- 
sonal check for five hundred dollars— a gift which Redpath at 
first regarded as a joke. Tlien one day it was suggested to him 
that he trj' to cash it. He did so and found it a better joke than 
he had thought. No one ever had played so good a joke on him 



Nast'B pencil bad not been idle 
during his lecture tour. His 
days were his own, and the Har- 
per engraving blocks had fol- 
lowed him, to be returned bear- 
ing timely cartoons. It would 
, have been better for him had he 
worked less continuously. The 
use of his hand, night and day, 
resulted in a lameness from which 
he never entirely recovered. Yet 
with the Harpers more anxious 

than ever for his work, it was not easy to refuse. After his 

Boston lecture the firm wrote him: 

What a splendid advertisement the Herald has given you. 
I see they shut up to-day. At this writing, ten A.M,, your 
" comic " has not come to hand. Give us all the time you can 
and let us hear from you as often as convenient. 

Tlie conviction of Tweed and liis sentence to Blackwell's Isl- 
and for twelve years the artist-lecturer recorded in a front page 
entitled " Justice," and among the letters received at this time is 
one relating to this incident wliich seems worth preserving. 


Most Excellent Naat: 

Tweed is convicted, and no one has done more than yon to 
bring this about. 

There is not a good security in the United States that is not 
worth more to-day than it was yesterday. 

There is not a knave in the conntry that has not reason to 
fear you:— there is not an honest man that does not owe you 
thanks. J. B. Brown. 

Newport, R. I., Nov. 20, 1873. 

The Spanish-Cuban question, involving the capture of the 
American steamship Virginius and the shooting of lier officers 
and crew as filibusters by Spanish authorities in Cuba, called 
for liberal pictorial comment. That the Virginius was a fili- 
Iiuster could hardy be doubted, but the slaughter of one hun- 
dred and fifty men, after little or no trial, was a drastic measure 
wliich came near resulting in the war which followed a quarter 
of a century later. 

Tlie panic of 1873, brought about by the failure of Jay Cooke 
& Co.— due to their inabilityto carry an over-burden of Northern 
I'aoific securities through those troublous times— resulted in the 
failure or suspension of a score or more of other innwrtant houses 
and a second " Black Friday " — a day of madness on the Stock 
Kxchange. It also inspire<l Nast to fire a direct shot for his hero, 


Grant. A committee of brokers liad urged the President to re- 
lieve the situation by lending the treasury reserve of $44,000,000 
to the city banks. Tins, Grant had declined to do, as being with- 
out warrant of the law. He offered as a substitute to buy as fast 
as offered the 5-20 bonds of 1881— a wise and conservative 
measure which went far to reduce the financial fevers of an over- 
wrought and over-bought market. Grant, as ' ' Watchdog of the 
Treasury," was Nast'a summary of the situation, with a placard 
bearing the words of his reply to the brokers. 

" You can violate the law; the banks may violate the law and 
be sustained in doing so, but the President of the United States 
cannot violate the law." 

The press united in applauding Grant for this action. The 
Herald forgot its cry of Cffisarism and joined in the general ap- 
proval. In an editorial it said: 

The policy of the government has proved as wise as it was 
moderate. We cannot too much praise the course of President 
Grant, for it has probably saved the country from a great finan- 
cial crash. 

Yet in spite of the President's commendable panic policy, he 
received a liberal share of blame for the depressed financial con- 
ditions which followed. When times are unprosperous, what- 
e\er maj be the cause it is natural to cry out against the 
1 J Government; also to propose cu- 

rious and absurd nostrums of 

Inflation was the popular 
quackery of the moment, a plan 
for the expansion of the national 
currency without increase of se- 
curity, favored by a number of 
well-known senators and coa- 
gressmen, who were prone to 
find a brief comfort in sophistry 



and a day's pleas- 
ure in rainbow pur- 
suits. Against this 
imaginative contin- 
gent were arrayed 
those who were for 
specie payraent,doi- 
lar for dollar, at the 
earliest possible I 

Both Harper's 
"Weekly and Nast 
were firmly for re- " 
sumption, and the 
" Inflation Baby " .^^Sfi; 
— a money bag 
which blows itself 
up until it biii-sts— 
made its appearance : 
on December 20, 
1873. The 8>-ndiol 
thuK invented lias 
been frequently used 
by later cartoonists. "luSSuJ-''^ 

Tiie " Salarj* Grab " bill — a measure championed by General 
Btttler — which increased the pay of congressmen and senators 
from five thousand to seven thousand five hundred dollars a 
year, with back i>ay for time served, had proven a most un- 
popular bit of legislation and its repeal was imminent. The situ- 
ation of certain memliers who had drawn the back jiny and were 
now asked to refund was humorously depicted by Nast. The law 
was abolished early in seventy-four, except in so far as it con- 
cerned the President, whose salary had been doubled, and the 


Supreme Court 
Judges, whose in- 
crease was consid- 
ered just. Many 
members had not 
drawn their back 
pay and most of 
those who had done 
so returned it. Thus 
was public indigna- 
tion appeased. 

Seventy-four was 
a year big with 
events — some of 
them great, others 
small, but often fore- 
shadowing thelarger 
-r^r.,J^r'"^'t^^^^^^^,^ happenings of the 

future. The cartoons were many, and the fact that during the 
first half of the year Xast was on his lecture tour did not 
lessen them either in number or effect. 

Financial conditions continued troublesome. General Butler, 
the genie of tlie " Salary Grab " and Inflation, was portraj'ed 
as a menace to "The Cradle of Liberty," frightening Massa- 
chusetts with his grim and growing power. Again, as one of the 
evil sliydes conjured by the press, he was shown declaring that 
" Grant will not veto the Inflation Bill." But this was a mis- 
taken sentiment on the part of Butler, for the expansion measure 
wliieh, under the lead of Senator Morton of Indiana, Logan of 
Illinois, and General Butler, liad been carried through both 
houses, met with a prompt veto from General Grant, Roscoe 
Conkling, its leading opponent, avowed that the bill " spumed 
the exijerience of all history and trampled upon the plighted 


faith of the nation." Stewart of Nevada added that the 
day of its passage was " the saddest he had ever seen in the 
Senate, and would long be remembered by the American people. ' ' 
Tlie President's veto of this qaestionable financial measure waa 
, declared by Curtis to be the " most important event of the ad- 
ministration." Nasi recorded it in the " Cradle of Liberty 
Out of Danger," showing the genie, Butler, bottled again. Once 
more the New York dailies for a brief moment united in their 
approval of Grant. Even those who had been most critical 
were unstinted in their praises. 

Yet Grant himself was desirous of some measure of financial 
relief. Earlier in the year he had expressed a belief that the 
amount of circulating medium was unnecessarily small, and had 
suggested " free banking " as a possible remedy. To a layman 
it is difficult to un 
derstand how this 
would have helped 
matters, as, indeed, 
it is always difficult 
to understand anv 
method of financial 
easement, whether 
of govemraent or in 
dividual, which does 
not proceed from tlie 
sale or pledge of 
some proi>erty of 
undoubted value in 
exchange for a me- 
dium wliose integ- 
rity is un<]uestioiiGd 
and likely to remain 


I, Morton, Cameron and Carpenter annoyed. TiptOB 
ConLling and othera in the distance) 



l''iiiaiH-ii)l dissensions now divided and weakened botli parties, 
and till' (iropiihacii loaders did not fail to receive punislunent 
from Xast. wlio liad little patience with their theories concerning 
the <'inMihitinj; value of stani])ed pajwr based on a pledge wliicU 
did not exist — a [ironiise never meant to be fulfilled. 

]n till' Weekly for May -H, 1874, is a small cartoon entitled 
" filiation is ' as Kasy as Lyinsi,'" Capital is tearing the dollar 
into two piirts to pay Labor, the latter personified in the square 
eap and apron we have learned to know so well in the cartoons 
of to-day. The labor syiidiol he had made use of earlier in the 
year (Keb. 7) in a small cartoon, entitled "The American 
Twins," Imt the idea of dividing the dollar, which has since 
done duty in a hundred fonns, was here used for the 6rst time. 


The faces of Logan, O. P. Morton, Simon Cameron, and Mat- 
thew H. Carpenter often appeared in the inflation pictures, and 
these statesmen were considerably annoyed in consequence. 

" Little Nast thinks he can teach statesmen how to run the 
government! " Logan growled one day. " Anybody might think 
he runs it himself I " 

"Never mind, Logan," said Colonel Chipman, consolingly, 
" it is a distinction to be really caricatured by Nast. Just think 
what it would be to be indicated by a tag." 

Curtis, with whom Nast was on terms of great amity at this 
moment, wrote an editorial defence of the inflation caricatures, 
while Xast portrayed the " Greenback " group as " Peevish 
Schoolboys, Worthless of Such Honor," though it is doubtful if 
they ever discovered the point of " honor " in his attentions. 

It was in 1874 tliat Nast began a series of pictures in defence 
of the Regular 
Army and Navy 
against those parsi- 
monious legislators 
who sought to gain 
credit with their 
constituents by re 
duoing the expense 
of maintaining the 
country's defenders. 
Such economists 
were quite willing 
that the uneasy In- 
dians should be 

quieted.and that the ^^^J^^F'iJ^S^^^^^Stk -Z^^~^ 
nation's dignity and 
commerce should be '" 
eared for on the 


liigli seas, but tliey saw an opportunity of personal aggrandise- 
ment in offering bills to reduce public expenditures, and Jt mat- 
tered little to them that soldier and sailor went poorly clad and 
meanly fed. 

Nasi symbolized the heroes on sea and shore as the " Skeleton 
Anny and Navy," reduced by the farce of " Retrenchment " 
until they had become a reproach to the government they pro- 
tected. These pictures brought many and grateful letters from 
officers who were battling Indians in the sage-brush of the fron- 
tier, or cruising the high seas, afar from home aad kindred. 
It was just at this time that Nast drew his only picture against 
Grant. It came as the result of a reappointment by the President 
of Alexander R. Shepherd as Governor of the District of Colmn- 
bia, and the overwlieiming rejection of the nomination by the 

Senate. Shepherd, 
known afterwards 
as " Asphalt " Shep- 
herd, had spent vast 
sums in the im- 
provement of the 
capital, and it was 
generally believed 
that he had made a 
personal profit from 
these exjwiiditures. 
As a result, the gov- 
ernment of the Dis- 
trict had been reor- 
ganized, and the 
President's reap- 
pointment of the 
man who liad made 
«^'. o«"c^^rr«17NST oR*NT lliis step necessary 

. It t> ipnillnittoM: 


Tvas regarded as indiscreet, despite the fact of his implicit faith 
in Shepherd— a faith which later years are said to have justified. 
Lavish and even extravagant Shepherd may have been, but it 
is not now believed that he profited by the money he spent, 
■while to him personally is due the fact that Washington, " from 
an ill-paved, ill-lighted, unattractive citj', became a model of 
regularity, cleanliness and beauty."* Yet the truth of this 
could not be known then, and for the President— already held 
responsible for iiuuiy unfortunate 
appointments— to have thrust his 
■sonal friend directly in the 
face of the people who would 
have none of hira, would seem to 
I have justified this single stroke 
censure from his ablest and 
.St faithful defender, Thomas 
; Xast. 

The cartoon made a great stir, 
and it was loudly proclaimed 
that Nast had finally abandoned 
Grant. The Tribune of July 10 printed a column editorial wel- 
coming the artist as the latest recruit to the ranks of " Inde- 
pendent Journal ism," which 
General Butler had character- 
ized as having " a forty jackass 
mud-throwing power." 

Perhaps on the strength of the ' 
anti-Orant cartoon, and the fact ' 
that Nast had taken his family 
for a brief trip abroad, the 
Herald felt safe in renewing its 
noisv crv of C.tsarisra, and its 


protests against a third term — an honor which G-raiit, at that 
time, neither sought nor desired. 

But if Mr. Bennett believed that the cartoonist had forsak«i 
the Administration he was not long deceived. *' There it is 
again " (a block despatched hastily from London), was one of 
Nast's most humorous burlesques of the Cjesarism scare, and 
" Ca?8arphobia " was an effective summary of the situation. 
In this picture, the Herald owner, as Nick Bottom, is prancing 
about Grant, the Lion, and saying to him " Do you insist on run- 
ning for a third term T Do you insist on being a Cffisarl Answer 
quick, or— or— or I'll bray! " Later, whai the Tribune joined 
■ ' -'"'. '' ' - in the cry, Mr. Ben- 

^^ -^ , nett was depicted as 

^\ mounted on the 

' Third Term Hob- 
3\,by," insisting that 
"Whitelaw Keid 
should be content 
with riding behind. 
These were really 
remarkable cari- 
catures, notably 
good-humored, and 
doubtless enjoyed as 
much by the sub- 
jects of them as by 
the public. Henry 
AVatterson, in the 
- Courier- Journal — 
himself opposed to 
Grant and inclined 
to echo the Third 
Term cry— referred 



to them as '* the 
most graphic utter- 
ances from that side 
of thepoliticalalign- 
ment." The Herald 
merely suggest 
that Mr. Nasi 
seemed to have"i 
hausted the gro- 
tesque resources of , 
his trade in endeav- 
oring to show tliat 
the issue {Cssar- 
ism) had no exist- 

Curtis and Nast 
appear to have been 
on excellent terms 

during this period. " 0«rSt.ndtagA™r •■«.=<]. l,<e of poli.l«ltU-«™oinT 

Among the letters we find one from J. "W. Harper, Jr. (known 
as " Joe Brookh-n "), who was always a friend to Nast, 
calling attention to a complimentary editorial by Curtis on 
the recent cartoons, and suggesting that the artist send to the 
editor a word of acknowledgment. That Nast must have 
done so is indicated by a letter to him from Curtis, dated a few 
days later, in which the editor expresses thanks, and asks con- 
cerning the artist's welfare and plans. He adds that he has sent 
a copy of his " Sumner Address," and this copy of that beauti- 
ful eulogj- on the dead statesman is still preser\'ed, 

Keuewed Indian outbreaks and the i»romptness and bravery of 
the Anny of the Frontier, offered occasion for another picture of 
the " skeleton army," hampered by red tape yet still at its post, 
and further letters of appreciation came from oflBcers at the 


front. One of these, from Major John Burke, of Colorado, 
said : 

Your caricatures, in the opinion of the enlisted men of the 
army, do us more real good than all the political speeches made. 
The one representing ** Army Backbone " is super excellent, and 
all men out on the frontier service thank you for it. We expect 
after having silent all our ammunition in target practice, to have 
to put up a large sign-board with the lettering '* All Indians 
Will Please Keep Off the Reservation, as Ammunition is Ex- 
pended. The U. S. being Unable to Allow more than $3.00 per 
Annum for Ammunition." 

General John C. Robinson, Lieutenant Governor of New York, 

As an old oflBeer of the Army and one having its interests at 
heart, I desire to thank you for the admirable illustrations in 
Harper's Weekly. 

In addition to the bill for reductions of the Army, there is now 
pending in the senate a bill to reduce the rank and pay of the 
oflBcers, retired from active service on account of wounds re- 
ceived in battle. How soon the promises made have been for- 
gotten! Very truly yours, 

John C. Robinson. 

As the autumn elections drew on, it became evident that the 
political tide had turned and that Democracy was likely to win 
a measure of triumph. The Nation's financial condition had not 
improved, and the party in power was held responsible for con- 
ditions of agriculture, manufacture and trade. In the South, 
anti-negro societies— known under the name of the Wliite 
Leaguers— were organized to secure a ** white man's govern- 
ment," old kii-klux practices were revived, and reports of riot 
and bloodshed began to disgrace the nation. In New York State 
Samuel J. Tilden was the legitimate candidate for the Governor- 
ship, and his election over Governor Dix seemed probable. His 
active leadership dated from the moment he had so opportunely 
entered the fight against the Tammany Ring three years before, 
and his path to AVashington by way of Albany appeared broad 
and plain. It was believed that he would make a worthy State 



oflBcial and the campaign against him was not severe. Nast car- 
ictured him but once, representing him as ** A Tammany Eat," 
which, having escaped from a tottering structure, had turned 
reformer to kick over the ruins. 

The issue of the Weekly containing this picture, however, is 
chiefly notable for another reason, for in it appears the first * * Re- 
publican Elephant " cartoon. This now familiar symbol, which 
so long has represented the G. 0. P. (Grand Old Party) in Ameri- 
can caricature, was originated by Nast, under the name of * * The 
Republican Vote." The picture shows the collected animals of 
the forest— representing various papers, states and issues- 
being frightened by the donkey in a lion's skin crying ** Caesar- 
ism." Tlie elephantine Republican Vote, alarmed like the 
others, is on the verge of a pitfall which is covered loosely by 
various and deceptive planks. The Democratic party, hitherto 
represented by the Donkey, which eventually became its fixed 
symbol, is here impersonated by a fox, whose face suggests 
that of Mr. Tilden. The cartoon was not only a striking but 
important picture, introducing, as it did, the Republican Ele- 
l)hant into American caricature for all time. It is a curious fact 
that the date of issue, November 7, 1874, was precisely three 
years from the j^ublication of the first Tiger cartoon.* 

Two weeks later, when the results of the various elections 
were known, we find the Republican Elephant plunging head 
first into the pitfall, toward which he had been driven by the 
Donkey's distracting bray. In the same issue of the Weekly 
was presented the assassination of the '' Ca^sarism Ghost" by 
the '* Third Term " editors, now that this bogus spectre was no 
longer needed. 

For Democracv had achieved a victors\ Samuel J. Tilden had 
been elected Governor of New York; William H. Wickham had 

♦ Weekly papers, in that day, were dated considerably in advance of publication. 
Both the Tiger and the Elephant symbols were first given to the public just prior 
to autumn elections. 


sacceeded "W. F. Havemeyer as Mayor of New York City, while 
for the first time since it became a power the Republican party 
had lost control of the House of Representatives at Washiugton. 

Nast closed the year with some pleasantries at the expense of 
Mr. Bennett, who, with liis unfailing fondness for a joke, had 
announced one morning — in startling headlines, followed by six 
columns of solid matter — that the " \Vild Animals" had 
" Broken Loose in Central Park " and that " Terrible Scenes of 
Mutilation " and a " Shocking Sabbath Carnival " had ensued. 

It was an excellent hoax, and fooled and frightened many 
readers, but it 
was Bomewliat un- 
fortunate in the 
opportunity it 
offered for bur- 
lesquing its perpe- 
trator. For months 
to come " The "Wild 
Animals are Loose 
Again " was likely 
to be used by Xnst 
to characterize any 
unusual statement 
in the Herald col- 
nmns and the 
changes were rung 
cm the theme uiiti! 
Mr. Bennett per- 
haps wished lie bad 
kept his imaginary 
" wild animals " 
properly caged and 

*-""** *T. fiTTiitpr w 1 TH.D Tin! nxsULTOF THK TRIRIVIXKll I 



The beginning of 1875 -n-as 
marked by tlie passage of the 
" Resumption Act "—a Repnb- 
- liean measure, providing for the 
payment of the IT. S. currency in 
^^_ specie— to take effect four years 
""" , later. Nast commemorated this 
i important piece of legislation in 
two cartoons which could hardly 
have pleased the opposing De- 
' mocracy, or the two Republican 
HCTiatora mid twenty representatives who had fought the sound 
basis issue. 

Tt wii.H early in seventy-five tliat the Louisiana contention as 
to wlietlicr AVilliaiu Pitt Kellogg (Rep.) or John McEnery 
(Dein.) had been elected to govern the State became especially 
fierce and bitter. The (niestion was complicated by the "White 
l,c'iiKuc element, iind reports of riot and bloodshed, with inter- 
fcn'ricc (if the Military-, under General Sheridan, aroused and 
cx.'ib-ri til.' nation. 

There liad been perjury, briberj- and coercion on both sides 
nri'l it wiiH llie duty of Congress to decide which governor should 



be recognized. But Congress, says Curtis, liad been busy dodg- 
ing tlie Credit Mobiiier investigation and passing tlie " salary 
grab " and refused to do its duty. It then became the duty of 
President Grant to take action and be recognized the Kellogg 
government. In doing so he unluckily gave reasons for his 
actions, and the reasons were unsound. Later, he did not see fit 
to rescind bis own claim and allowed it to stand. 

Grant's recognition of the Kellogg goveniment was not wholly 
approved by his followers, and for a time seemed likely to canse 
a split in the party. This split was especially noticeable in the 
pages of Harper's Weekly. The editorials were distinctly against 
the President's policy, while the pictures of Nast supported it 
throughout. It frequently happened that a cartoon depicting 
Sheridan or Grant as heroes apjieared on a page, while on the 
reverse page was 
printed an editorial 
expressing precisely 
the opposite opinion 
Tlie inevitable con- 
troversy,with a long 
letter from Curtis, 
followed. Xast had 
naturally assailed 
the editors who had 
called upon Grani 
to resign in favor of 
Wilson, caricaturing 
Mr. Bennett as llie 
" Iluax " editor, 
Don Piatt as " Don 
Pirate " and White- 
law Reid as a ban- 
dit, displaying the 

"n^*-, — ^ 

ilni IbX hol» hdTv rlillrokKl mid I 
m ID stn u|i 111* incUnl Joka) 


Tribune of January 9 in which was printed a letter headed 

'^ Bayonets and Legislation," signed J. H. H. and closing with 

this remarkable paragraph : 

If he (Grant) insists on fighting it out on this line, some one 
will play Brutus to his Caesar without fail, which, by the way, 
would be a great blessing to the country. 

It was the bayonet outcry that had suggested to Nast the in- 
troduction of this weapon into his pictures; and this, in tum^ 
brought a characteristic protest from Curtis. 

February 7, 1875. 
My Dear Nast : 

I wish that we met oftener, and I hope that you are quite well 

Mr. Harper showed me your note about the bayonet picture. 
My feeling is that the country feels that there has been rather 
too much bayonet, and there is nothing worse as an educator. 
The sign of health in a free government is jealousy of the bay- 
onet, and it seems to me a fatal error for a party devoted to 
freedom to put forward the bayonet as its symbol, as if it yearned 
to use it. ()f course the bavonet is behind all constitution and 
law and government, but it is the last, not the first, resort, and 
when it is the constant reliance there is a present end of freedom. 
It is true that the bayonet ^^ would, if legal, soon put an end to 
disorder." It did so at Warsaw. But it puts an end to liberty 
also. Ever>^thing depends upon the who, and the when and the 
how. If we accustom the country to the use of the bayonet in 
peace, and for good purpose, as we say, we set the tune for the 
Democrats to use it, without public consternation, for a bad 
])urpose. Besides, I don't doubt that Kellogg rests upon a fraud, 
and to see the army maintaining a fraud in the name of Liberty 
and the Ke]nil)liean party is to me a sin against the holy ghost. 
I don't sav McEnerv^ isn't a fraud, but he isn't our fraud, and 
as T have no doubt that a very large part of the party believes 
with me that Kellogg is a fraud, the policy of defending all that 
he does and of boosting him constantly with the bayonet is the 
sure end of the Republican ascendency and the beginning of 
the Democratic regime. 

I look with great expectation to George Hoar's report. If he 
says tliat the other two committees told the truth, nobody can 
doubt any longer. 

Don't misunderstand me. Tlie army has a right to be in Lou- 
isiana, for it must be somewhere, but it should be used only in 



the strictest conformity to law, and even if Kellogg shonld be 
recognized as Governor, the circumstances under -which he be- 
came so should make the Government very wary of yielding to 
his request. On the first of January he had no more right to 
order the troops than I had, and the President doesn't think or 
say that he had. The kind of 
letter which I answer in my 
leader this week (commg) 
shows how loose and demoral 
ized people have become. The 
man writes just as the tones 
used to write in New England 
a hundred years ago. My dear 
Nast, forgive this long sermon 
and believe me always most 
truly yours, 
An old party named Curtis 

This would seem a " long 
sermon " indeed, to result 
from one small and inoffensive 
looking picture of a personi ; 
fied and strictly non-partisan EjJt^Tt'SsHizSSjSSJ^rrS^S 
bayonet, used to illustrate an "•■»-—-—•■——'— -^ ''-*■•— ft'^— 
extract from the President's message maLntaining that the 
troops in Louisiana had been the means of preser\-iug law and 
order which the police alone could not have enforced. 

But on the week following there were bayonets in plenty, for 
Nast gave pictorial expression to the general outcry of " Bay- 
onet Policy! " by " letting the wild animals loose again," the 
cartoon being an escaped menagerie of many beasts, each with 
a bayonet head. Yet Curtis did not appear to see that Nast, in 
some measure at least, was ridiculing the verj' thing which he 
himself condemned, and felt called upon to anounce that he was 
responsible only for the matter found In the editorial pages. 
Nast would seem to have been in rather bad humor after this and 
retired like Achilles to his tent. It was Fletcher Harper, as 
usual, who pointed the path to peace and usefulness: 


" I sliould like to have a page and two comics from you for 
our next paper. Don't get into a flurrj', but learn to ' stoop to 
conquer. ' Nobody out of Morristown can always have his own 
way. I'm sure you verj- well know that I don't. 

" How is the Baptist minister? " 

liennett letting loose " Hoax " and " Sensation," the two 
" dogs of war," came in response to this letter, and in the same 
issue another sltot is fired for the ' ' Retrenched Skeleton Army." 

In tlie general political upheaval of 1874-5, James G. Blaine, 
who for six yeai-s had been Speaker of the House of Representa-, 
tives, was defeated by ilichael C. Kerr of Indiana, Also, in the 
Senate tliere were many new faces, and among these was that 
of Andrew Johnson, who began in the Senate just where he had 
left off in the Presidency, seven years before. Nast signalized 
the retuni of Johnson with a small good-natured cartoon, entitled 
" The Whirligig of Time," and Johnson in return said, 

" I forgive Tom Nast for all he ever did to me." 

But he did not forgive Grant. He assailed the President and 
the administration in language which was all the more effective 
for being more dignified than his fonuer utterances, but which 
failed to i-estore his lost prestige. On the last day of July, of the 


same year, 1875, he died— perhaps the least regretted of the men 
who by their own efforts have lifted tliemselves from poverty 
and illiteracy to the highest office in the gift of the people. 

LUt-agreenients among tlie Democratic ineinbers supplied 
matter for a cartoon on February 27, which presented for the 
first time the faces of Samuel S. (" Sunset ") Cox, Democratic 
congressman from Ohio, and that of Speaker Blaine. Cox wrote 
good-humoredly to Nast, enclosing a later photograph. 

Loveliest of your sex and most ingenious in your business: 

Allow me to send you a corrected edition of my phiz (made) 
since the one you evidently saw when you put nie to holding 
John Young Brown in. If I am to be spanked, as tlie boy in- 
sisted, let it be with my stoutest panta on. Your picture of the 
Brown perfonnanee was relished all over the House. 
Adieu. I hope soon to be let out of this menagerie. 
Ever of thee, 

S. S. Cox. 
CorioQsly enough tlie same cartoon l)rouglit from T. T. Crit- 

ipBrtTB, Umi wonl« 


tenden, Democratic member from Missouri, a picture of John 
Young Brown. Crittenden said: 

I have seen in Harper's an amusing caricature of my per- 
sonal friend and fellow member, John Young Brown, of Ken- 
tucky. I take pleasure in sending you an excellent photograph 
of him— somewhat better than the picture you have drawn. He 
is a gentleman of much modesty and worth. 

Truly yours, 

T. T. Crittenden. 
The nation's representatives were 
desirous that their faces should he 
truly depicted, whether in approval 
t or censure. 

Preparations for the Philadelphia 
Centennial Exhibition were now in 
progress, and the disgust of Carl 
Schurz, who was reported to have 
said, " Let the Hundredth Aimi- 
versarj' of the Republic be a confession of its failure," once more 
introduced that cynical statesman's face into caricature. Once 
more, too, the bogus Ghost of Caesar walked, to appall Park Row 
and Ann Street with its ghastly " Third Term " eye. The trunk 
of the Republican Elephant appeared from the pitfall, labelled 
" New Hampshire " and breathing " Victorj'." Grant offered 
the Civil Ser\'iee Baby to both party-nurses, who said they 
loved it, but turned away. Tlie Colored Citizen showing the Civil 
Rights Bill to St. Peter as warrant for admission through the 
golden gates, and Columbia exchanging with the White Leag:aer 
the tools of agriculture for the arms of strife— these were a few 
of the pleasantries that furnished the public with amusement 
during that rather quiet spring. 




Meantime, Governor Tilden, 
who was now regarded as the 
logical presidential candidate, 
with the single war cry of " Re- 
form," had attacked the already 
doomed Canal Ring, as in 1871 
he had aided in the final destrac- 
tion of the Tweed combination. 
S Air. Tilden, perhaps more than 
any other politician of recent 
times, was the favorite of fortun- 
ate circumstances. The tottering 
condition of the Tweed Ring; the extinguishment of the war 
debt, which would result in a reduction of the tax rate of nearly 
fifty i>er cent. ; the amendment of the State Constitution (already 
passed) prohibiting any taxation or appropriation for canal ex- 
]»enditures— which meant star\-ation to the Ring by cutting off 
its chief source of revenue— these combined in a predestined and 
inevitable tide which ilr. Tilden had the shrewdness and ability 
to take at its flood. Holding the most important State in his 
jrrasp. and with a political genius of a very high order, he was 
transformed almost in a moment from a respectable figure-head 



of a corrupt political organization into the absolute leader of 
National Democracy, with a policy of Reform. 

As a master of political tactics, Tilden has rarely been 
equalled. His successful efforts in extinguishing the canal 
pirates won for him the respect of those who opposed him polit- 
ically, while his own party rallied to his standard, as the one 
chief who could lead Democracy to National triumph. Even 
Nast, whose clear vision rarely failed to penetrate every political 
pretence, complimented him in a picture which portrayed the 
Governor as assailing freebooters of the canal, and as driving 
vultures from the horse of the tow-path. It is true he attacked 
Tilden 's policy of pardon for certain members of the Tweed 
King,* though this could do little now to stem the current of pub- 
lic favor that was bearing the New York Governor toward Wash- 
ington. Certainly, with the disturbed conditions in the Repub- 
lican ranks, and the general harmony, save perhaps on the issue 
of finance, in the phalanx of Democracy, the prospects of the 
party of Jackson and Jefferson for a President in 1876 grew 
brighter with every passing day. 

Indeed, the Republican Elephant seldom got more than the 
tip of his trunk out of the pitfall during this ^^ off year " and 
more frequently showed the tip of his heels as he dived back, 
upon receipt of news from Connecticut or some other disap- 
pointing region. 

On June 3, 1875, occurred the marriage of General Phil 
Sheridan — an event which Xast did not allow to i)ass un- 
noticed. He wrote early in May to know if the reports of the 
coming event were true, to which inquiry Sheridan sent a feeling 

• On an average al>oui nine out of ten men who were confessedly guilty of 
stealing w"re accepted as witnesses against the other one man, until the time cam€ 
when there was but one man against whom any testimony could be used» and it was 
not considered wise to try him. It was a shameful condition of affairs. — Hon. Jnc 
D. Townsend in " New York in Bondage." 



Dear Nast : 

It is true. I am 
to be married on the 
3d of June, coining:, 
unless there is a slip 
between the cup and 
the lip, which ia 
scarcely possible. I 
wilt not have any 
wedding for many 
reasons, among 
them the recent 
death of my father. 
I am verj' happy, 
but wish it was all 
Yours sincerely, 
P. S. & M. I.-T 
send the enclosed 
{photograph) for 
your eldest. Please 
send me yours to be 
kept for mine. 

P. H. S. 

Sheridan had characterized the "^NHiite Leaguers of Louisiana 
aa " Banditti " and Nast cartooned him now as garlanded and 
led to the altar by little " Banditti " cupids— a picture with 
which General Sheridan was highly pleased. 

It was during this summer that General Grant's letter 
to General IIarr>' White of Pennsylvania, defining the Pres- 
ident's position on the Third Term issue, was made public. It 
vas a simple and noble document, i>enned by an American 
patriot. Tlie following extract conveys fairly the style and sen- 
timent of the wliole: 

In tlie first place, I never sought the office for a second, nor 
even for a first nomination. To the first I was called from a life 
position, one created by Congress especially for me for supposed 
services rendere<l to the republic. Tlie position vacated I liked. 
It would have been most agreeable to me to hare retained it 
until such time as Congress might have consented to my re- 

r LAST (junk S. IKS) 



tirement, with the rank, and a portion of the emolnmMits which 
I so much needed, to a home where the balance of my days might 
be spent in peace and the enjoyment of domestic quiet, relieved 
from the cares which have oppressed me now for fourteen years. 
But I was made to believe that the public good called me to make 
the sacrifice. Without seeking the office for a second term, the 
nomination was tendered me by a unanimous vote of the dele- 
gates of all the states and territories, selected by the Republicans 
of each to represent their whole number for the purpose of 
making their nomination. I cannot say that I was not pleased at 
this, and at the overwhelming endorsement which their action 
received at the election following. But it must be remembered 
that all the sacrifices except that of comfort had been made in 
accepting the first term. Then, too, such a fire of personal abuse 
and slander had been kept up for four years, notwithstanding 
the conscientious performance of my duty to the best of my un- 
derstanding—though I admit, in the light of subsequent events, 
subject to fair criticism— that an endorsement from the people, 
who alone govern republics, was a gratification that it is only 
human to have appreciated and enjoyed. Now for a third 

term, I do not want 
it any more than I 
did the first. I 
would not write or 
utter a word to 
change the will of 
the people in ex- 
pressing or having 
their choice. 
The idea that any 
man could electhim- 
self president, or 
even renominate 
himself, is prepos- 
, terous. It is a re- 
flection on the intel- 
ligence and patriot- 
ism of the jicople to 
suppose such a thing 
possible. Any man 
can destroy his 
chances for the 
office,but no one can 
force an election, or 
even a nomination. 



To recapitulate, I am not, nor have I ever been, a candidate 
for renomination. I would not accept a nomination if it were 
tendered, unless It should come under such circumstances aa 
to make it an imperative duty — circumstances not likely to 

Xast celebrated the publication of the Grant letter with a 
caricature of himself, surrounded by little caricatures of his 
numerous cartoons against 
" Caesarism," his coat decorated 
with a peacock appendage. It 
may be said here that Nast has i 
been charged with conceit, but , 
no one ever charged it against 
him more directly than he did ' 
himself, and no one ever cari- 
catured him more savagely than ] 
he did his own features. 

" Please send us your photo- 
graph," wrote an unknown lady. " Those pictures you make of 
yourself are horrid." 

As the most positive political factor of his time, it will "hardly 
be denied that Nast belonged in many of its pictures. Other 
caricaturists recognized this, and no other maker of pictures 
was ever so continuously and fiercely cartooned as was Thomas 

The Grant letter was variously received by the press. 
Friendly journals declared that it settled the question of his 
non-candidacy. Critical editors protested that it was not 
sufficiently direct. Violent anti-Grant papers avowed that 
it wa.s clearly a bid for the nomination. Nast depicted Mr. Ben- 
nett declaring, " If Grant isn't careful, I'll let the wild animals 
loose again." 

It was just at this period tliat we meet with anotlier jiictorial 
invention of Nast in the Greenback " Bag-baby," which Senator 


Thurman of Ohio, on the morning of September 4th (in Harper's 
Weekly), firds deposited by his party on his door-step. Tlie 
Rag-baby — the lineal descendant of the Inflation Baby killed by 
Grant's veto— became immediately the enduring symbol of fiat 
money and other bodiless and boneless measures. Like Nast's 
former inventions it was immediately adopted by his fellow 
illustrators and became a cartoon property that wonld not die. 
We see it crying " Holy Murder!!! " however, about a month 
later, when Governor Tilden, whose financial instincts prompted 

him to the policy of 
hard money, is dis- 
covered choking it 
at the Ohio sena- 
tor's threshold. A 
little later we find 
the Rag-baby tossed 
into an ash-barrel, 
with the pertinent 
querj- "Is it dead f" 
The serial ele- 
ment in Nast 's work 
is well illustrated 
in this brief comedy. 
He seldom drew one 
picture that others 
of a like nature did 
■ not follow it in a 
logical sequence, 
terminating in a 
climax effective and 

" I follow your 

pictures just as I do 

of ih« lUfi-NihT .Tmt..ii a storj- in parts," a 



correspondent wrote. "I know when you begin a subject it 
will be ' continued in our next,' and the end will be wortii wait- 
ing for." 

Tiuie proved that the Rag-baby was not dead, and with its 
relatives it became an important feature in the political cartoons. 

Meantime Mr. Tilden's war record had been raked up, as of 
course it would be, and it was shown that during 18ri.'J lie 
.had been associated with other doubtful patriots in forming the 

Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge," which issued 

pamphlets decrjing the ' usurpation ' of Lincoln, and eliowiug 
the blessings of ^ 
■ slavery, the failure 
of emancipation, and 
in every way short 
of making an appeal 
to arms, giving aid 
to tliose who were 
engaged in attack- 
ing the Govern- 

These and other 
developments must 
have had their ef- 
lect, for the autumn 
elections of 1875 in- 
dicated Republican 
jiains, and a new ex- 
pression of cou- 
ISdence began to 
manifest itself in 
tliat party. The Re- 
publican Elephant 

•M^nwr'. Weokly. Xo^em- 


climbed out of the pitfall and stood triumphant again amid the 
ruins of Tammany Hall. Had it not been for the '* Wbiskv 
Ring " exposures, which began about this period, the prospects 
of the Elephant remaining out of the pitfall might have been 
more hopeful. 

Tlie Whisky Ring was made up of a number of prominent 
Bepublican officials, who had been assessing the distillers, osten- 
sibly for campaign purposes, but pocketing, themselves, a large 
portion of the funds thus obtained. It is true that Secretary of 
the Treasury, Benj. H. Bristow, 
promptly and mercilessly insti- 
tuted war against the offenders, 
and not only punished them, bnt 
recovered a large portion of the 
stealings. Yet the disgrace was 
regarded as a stain on the Ad- 
ministration, and remains as 
such to tliis day. 

Tlie release of " Boss " Tweed 
after a year's imprisonment, and 
the clutch of the Ring attorney, David Dudley Field, upon Tweed's 
" ' Big Six ' Jlillions " became a part of the pictorial history of 
1875. It is noticeable that even the money bag wore the stripes 
of crime at this period, though this, it would seem, made it none 
the less fascinating to XFr. Field. The hound of justice hampered 
by red tape, and Tweed balancing gleefully upon the upturned, 
though " upright " bench, recorded a brief period of the Boss's 
triuiii])!!. But the State was desirous ftf obtaining for itself 
tiie six millions of stolen money, and ere long we have Tweeil, 
with the striped mouoy bag for a body, about to be s(|ueczed by 
tlie heavy tomes of the law. Ho did in fact presently find liinv 
self oncG more secluded— this time committed to Ludlow Street 
prison, in definilt of a three million dollar bail. 



Yet Nast's prophecy that no prison would be big enough to 
liold the Boss was to he verified again before the end of the 
year. Tweed in Ludlow was allowed all sorts of liberties. He 
had the freedom of the city, and could drive out in the morning 
with a keeper for his coachman and a warden for his footman. 
In the evening he could dine at his Fifth Avenue home with a 
bailiff for his butler." 

It was at Tweed 's home (Dec. 4) that he made his escape. The 
Deputy Sheriff had been invited to dine with him, and Tweed had 
requested that he might go up-stairs to see his wife. He did not 

relam, and after 
hiding about New 
York for a time,fled 
to Cuba and eventu- 
ally to Spain. That 
the great public of- 
fender in whose 
conviction he had 
been a chief instru- 
ment should have 
been allowed to 
escape was a humil- 
iation to Kast. Yet 
the day approached 
which would bring 
that pictorial cru- 
sade, begun so long 
IIS Mi-MMY before, to its dra- 

MvihTw^.I^vl!?-"''' iiiatic and trium- 

])hant close. 

• Hprnlr], DewmLer fl, 1RT5. 



The Centennial year began in Harper's Weekly with one of 
Nast's happy Christmas pictures— two sleepy children, watching 
for Santa Clans. The Christmas spirit was always a distinct 
element in Nast's work and a mighty influence in his household. 
His own childhood in far-off Bavaria had been measured by the 
yearly visits of Pelze-Nicol and the Christkind, while the girl- 
hood of the woman who had become his wife was, as we have 
seen, intimately associated with brilliant and joyous holiday 

At the door of the now prosperous Nast household Christmas 
purchases were delivered in relays far into the dusk of Christmas 
Eve, and these the happy parents took a vast delight in arrang- 
ing in an original and unconventional manner to make glad the 
brood of early risers on Christmas Morning. The children 
remember to-day that there was always a multitude of paper 
dolls — marvellously big and elaborate paper dolls — a race long 
since become extinct. And these the artist father— more than 
half a child himself at the Christmas season — arranged in 
processions and cavalcades, gay pageants that marched in and 
about those larger presents which could not be crowded into the 
row of stockings along the studio mantel. It was a time of 
splendor and rejoicing— the festive blossoming of the winter 


season— and it was a beautiful and sturdy family that made 
merry Christmas riot in the epaeious home. 

But fair and fleeting are the joys of Christmas-tide, while the 
affairs of nations march by in weary multitude. 

The year did not open with perfect harmony in the Harper 
office. The third term spectre had alarmed not only the duly 
press, but Curtis as well, and the first political cartoon of the 
year^ — the " Blighting Effect of the President's Message *' on 
Newspaper Row — was as much to be applied to the editor of 
Harper's Weekly as to those whose faces appeared in the picture. 

In fact, in the same issue Curtis printed a two column leader 
in which he referred to the " evasion of the President's letter 
and ifessage." 

Commenting on tliis fact, the New York Times said: 

The editor of Harper's Weekly is evidently seriously dis- 
turbed by the Third Term talk, and we should judge that Mr. 
Nast's caricatures have not had much effect upon his mind. Re- 
cently an article appeared in the Weekly complaining that th^ 
President in his Message had made no reference to the subject^ 
and in the same number there was a drawing by Mr. Nast, rid- 
iculing the editors who took up the cry. Tlie faces of some were 
shown, but in the background there was one whose back only was 
revealed to the public, thus giving rise to the horrible suspicion 
that this unknown personage must have been the editor of Har- 
per's Weekly himself. 



Nast never denied that the " unknown personage " was in- 
[ tended for Cnrtis, and no correspondence has been preserved 
from that period. Perhaps the controversy had passed beyond 
the mere exchange of letters. 

The Post, reprinting from the Cliicago Inter Ocean, added a 
I line which would seem to sliow that the estrangement had 
I become public and a matter for taking sides: 

Nast and George William Curtis are rival editors on the 
I same journal, Haqier's Weekly. . , . Nast hits the nail on 
f the head every time he strikes, because of his great singleness of 
ipurpose. Curtis strikes wildly, hurting nobody, not even the 
^~^ ^ ■->-. enemy. 

Evidently there 
was a lack of polit- 
ical unity in Frank- 
lin Square. 

But there were 
other isauea than 
that of the Presi- 
dency. Dudley Field 
as a " Lion " claim- 
ing his " legal (T) 
share " of the six 
iriillions of striped 
plimder left behind 
hy Tweed, and 
Field's head as Sat- 
um,encircled by the 
two Rings he had 
defended — the 
" Tweed " and the 
"Erie" — recorded 
phases of this un- 
lovely series of pub- 

(T) BHARs He events. 


It being the year of the Centennial Celebration there was a 
disposition toward harmony between the two parties at "Wash- 
ington, the desire being to make a pleasant showing to such for- 
eign nations as might send emissaries and exhibits to the big 
national show. The " Tiger '* and the " Lamb " made an effort 
to abide comfortably together, but it was no easy matter. Fraud 
and corruption were rife in both parties and in high places, and 
charges and recriminations were not conducive to a semblance 
of that brotherly love which a national Exposition to be held 
at Philadelphia might reasonably have been hoped to inspire. 

The amnesty discussion in January did not help matters. 
There were still a number of prominent leaders of Secession, 
including Jefferson Davis— about seven hundred altogether— 
whose political disabilities had not been removed. Samuel 
Randall of Pennsylvania offered a bill providing for a general 
amnesty, but on a vote it fell a little short of the two-thirds 
necessary to its passage. James G. Blaine then moved to amend 



the bill by excepting Jefferson Davis from its benefits. His 
reasons as given were not tbat Davis bad made war upon tbe 
Union, nor because he had been chosen as President of the Con- 
federacy. Blaine's argument against Davis was that, with 
supreme power, both militarj- and civil, in his hands, he bad 
permitted unusual cruelties to be inflicted upon Northern prison- 
ers of war. Biaine believed that by excepting Davis from its 
provisions the bill would pass; but the opposition refused to vote 
on the measure in its amended form. 

The debate became hostile and humorous by turns. Hill of 
Georgia denied the Andersonville charges. Blaine replied by 
quoting a resolution offered by Hill in the Confederate congress 
to the effect that every Union soldier within the Confederate 
lines should be put to death. S. S. Cox assailed Blaine with 
facetious reference 
to the " colored 
heroes " of the war 
and to the exag- 
gerated reports of 
the Southern prison 
abuses. Blaine 
crushed Cox with 
quotations from one U\ 
of his own old 
speeches on the 
" Crimes of An- 
dersonville." Cox 
shouted back at 
Blaine to " Dry 
up! " and referred 
to him as " tlie hon- 
orable hyena from 
Maine." As a ses- 



sion looking to peace 
and forgiveness it 
was hardly a sne- 
cess. According to 
Nast— in a picture 
entitled "Amnesty" 
— the Tiger was 
1 loose again, in hot 
pursuit of the lamb- 
like Blaine. The 
seven hundred on- 
pardoned ones re- 
mained without the 
pale. Nations look- 
ing on were perhaps 
less gratified than 
diverted by the 


The Democratic party, now more than ever, became the party 
of obstruction. With certain notable exceptions it opposed the 
appropriation of a million and a half dollars for the Centennial 
Fund. When L. Q. C. Laraar of Mississippi spoke in support 
of this measure, Manton Marble of the World went so far as to 
declare that the passage of such a bill would mean the dissolu- 
tion of the Democratic party. 

Democracy also continued its opposition to any measure for re- 
lief of the Armyof the Frontier. "Retrenchment "atthe expense 
of tliose who were keeping the Indians from scalping the settlers 
of tlie West became a Democratic watchword, and, led by Fer- 
nando Wood, who still haunted the halls of legislation, the fol- 
lowers of this peculiar economy were able to handicap and 
obstruct any bill providing for improved military conditions. 
Nast brought his bi^est guns to bear on this " starvation " con- 


tingent, and letters of gratitude from Colouel Guy V. Henry 
(" Fighting Guy ") and other brave officers engaged in sage- 
brush warfare were his reward. 

The crusade of Secretary Bristow against the "Whisky Ring 
continued to be pushed with vigor and severity. Tlie fact that the 
offenders were Republicans — that Bristow himself was a Repub- 
lican, and that a Republican President had said, " Let no guilty 
man escape " — inspired a degree of renewed confidence in the 
Administration. But little did the people, or Secretary Bristow, 
or General Grant, guess in what a high place a guilty iii.iri would 
"be fouud. Not, in- 
deed, in connection 
■with the Wliisky 
Eing, but in what 
■was still worse, the 
receiving of profits 
from the sale of a 
government m i I i - 
tan- trading post- 
profits squeezed 
from the purses of 
the already reduced 
soldiers, who were 
obliged to buy 
■where they could, 
and pay what they 
must. No one but 
the committee knew 
of a secret inves- 
tigation that was in 
■progress, unt i 1 one 
morning General 
"William F. Bel- 


knap, Secretary of "War, and one of Grants most trusted officials, 
called on the President, and in a few broken, agitated sentences 
confessed Ins disgrace and tendered his resignation. 

Tlie President was overwhelmed. It seemed to him that wher- 
ever he turned some new dishonor lay concealed. His adminis- 
tration had become like a nightmare. Strive as he might for 
good men, his search for incorruptibility seemed hopeless. "Well 
for him then that he could lean 
on a patriot like Hamilton Fish, 
in whose honor and integrity 
and moral purity there has 
never been found a flaw. 

Grant was a man to stand bv 
his friends— the last to believe 
in tiielr shortcomings. A Min- 
ister to England he was reluc- 
tant to recall, even after Secre- 
tary Fish had admitted that 
this official was unworthy of bis 
post. The President's own sec- 
retar;-, Babcock, not only had 
been connected with the Whis- 
ky Ring, but had misused his 
opportunities in the matter of 
private papers; yet tlie President was loth to let him go. To 
have wilfully forfeited the trust and friendship of a loyal 
patriot like Ulysses S. Grant is as dark a stain as could be laid 
on the memory of any man. 

Nast's cartoon of Belknap was a terrible arraignment— a 
vulture struck by lightning from a clear sky. Grant being made 
the " Scapegoat " by the howlers of the press, " Tlie Crowning 
Insult to Him "Who Occupies the Presidential Chair " was a 
picture of equal power on the side of the nation's hero. 



During the early summer of 1876 the land was 
filled with preparation. Doabtless owing to the 
interest in the Centennial Exposition, political 
anticipation was somewhat less eager than dar- 
ing previous prMidential years. Certainly there 
" (baby) was less of bitterness than in 1872, and the pic- 
AT THE MASTHEAD ^^^^ ^^^ drawn and the editorials written more 
in the spirit of entertainment than of determined warfare. Of 
the pictures by Nast, the illustrations of the eccentric progress 
of the now rudderless (tail-less) Tiger were perhaps the most 
amusing, though the Rag-baby refused to down in the halls of 
legislation and continued its ludicrous career in the pages of the 

Concerning the Presidential candidates, Mr. Tilden was the 
inevitable selection of the Democracy, while in the Bepablican 
ranks the crusade of Secretary Bristow against the Whisky 
Ring had nuide him a noteworthy antagonist of this New 
York Champion of Kefonn. Yet there were candidates more 
jirominent than Bristow. Senator Conkling, who had led the 
(Jrant campaign in New York in 1872, was regarded as a great 
leader, and was, moreover, favored by the President. Blaine 
of ^[aine was perhaps foremost of all, while Morton of Indiana, 


Governor Hayes of Ohio, and Marshall Jewell of Connecticut 
were all entitled to eousideration. That Grant, even had he so 
desired, could become a candidate in the face of the accumulated 
disgrace of his appointed officials was out of the question. 

The Republican National Convention of 1876 met at Cincinnati 
on Jiine 14, and for a few daj-s rivalled in public interest the 
Centennial Exhibition. The foremost men of the nation were 
among its delegates, including George F. Hoar of Massachusetts, 
George William Curtis of New York, and Robert G. Ingersoll of 
Illinois. The fact that its decision was wholly a matter of 

surmise lent to it a 
vastly added attrac- 

In deferencetothe 
Centennial Celebra- 
tion the Platform 
adopted was highly 
patriotic, contain- 
ing a good deal of 
the Declaration of 
Independence, sup- 
plemented witli rec- 
ommendations as to 
the continued prog- 
ress toward specie 
payment, protection 
of home industries, 
and monogamy in 

Tlie claims of the 
candidates were 
well considered. Mr. 
Thompson, of In- 



diana, offered the name of Senator Morton, whose Inflation 
tendencies had made him acceptable to that wing of the 
party. Judge Harlan nominated Mr. Bristow, who was also 
the candidate of George William Curtis and Richard Hemy 
Dana. The name of Roscoe Conkling was presented by Stewart 
L. Woodford; Governor Hayes of Ohio was advocated by ex- 
Governor Noves and ex-Senator Wade, while Senator James G. 
Blaine was put in nomination by Colonel Robert G. Ingersoll, in 
that celebrated Plumed Knight speech which has never been 
equalled in the nominating speeches of any National Convention, 
and which at once placed Robert Ingersoll at the head and front 
of political oratory in America. 

The fact that it was too late to begin balloting at the close of 
the speeches lost Blaine the nomination. The spell of Colonel 
IngersoU's eloquence was upon the assembly. Had a vote been 
taken then the '* Plumed Knight '^ would have been chosen on 
the first ballot. But the sunlight faded from the west windows, 
and with it died Blaine's moment of opportunity. '* The gather- 
ing shades of evening compelled an adjournment,'' he says, in 
his book of recollections, and the sentence somehow has a 
pathetic sound. 

Yet Blaine led in the balloting next morning, receiving two 
hundred and eighty-five on the first count, increasing the number 
to three hundred and fifty-one as against three hundred and 
eighty-four for Hayes of Ohio, who had begun the battle with 
the trifle of sixty-one.* Hayes's nomination was now made 
unanimous, and on the first ballot William A. Wheeler of New 
York was selected to complete the ticket. 

Thomas Nast was particularly pleased with this ticket, for a 
day or two before the convention he had come out with a front 

♦ On the first ballot Roscoe Conkling of New York obtained ninety-nine votes, 
which figure included sixty-nine of New York's seventy, that of George William 
Curtis having been given to Bristow. Conkling never forgave the defection, and re- 
taliated in due time. 


page caricature of himself " making a slate " upon which Secre- 
tary Fish led, with Governor Hayes as his running mate. Hayes's 
anti-inflation record appealed to Nast forcibly. The ticket made 
good one-half his prophecy— a fair percentage, in view of the 
numerous candidates. The week following the convention tlie 
cartoonist depicted himself again, this time rejoicing over the 
partial fulfilment of his forecast and approving the ticket in 
general. Hamilton Fish said, when he saw the picture: 

" 'Well, I'm glad Nast had to scratch me off. I've got enoagh 
of politics." 

Curtis, likewise, 
indorsed the nomi- 
nation of Hayes, and 
once more the Har- 
per editorials and 
pictures were as one. 
" Harper's Weekly 
emphatically in- 
dorses Hayes, and 
Curtis and Mast arc 
again brethren to- 
gether " was the 
comment of the 
Evening Post. 
Throughout the 
land " Third Term " 
and " Cffisarisni " 
were laid aside and 
forgotten. Tlie Re- 
publican forces were 
united for war. 

Tlie Democratic 
Convention met at 


St. Louis (June 27) with many 
hopes of party success. Bemoo- 
racy was more nearly a unit than 
it had been since the days of 
Buchanan, and it was heartened 
by its victories of 1874. "With 
Samuel J. Tilden, the most able 
political leader of the day, in ab- 
solute control of the party's for- 
tunes, there was every reason for 
anticipating triumph. One of the 
articles of Democratic faith at this 
period was that Mr. Tilden could 
do no wrong. His signature to the 
notorious fraud circular of 1868 
was declared a forgery.* That as 
a member of the ' ' Bam-bumers ' ' wing of the Free-soil party 

• Tlie firciilar referred to was a« follows ; 

Rooina of llic Demoeratie State Committee, Oetober 27, 18S8. 

JIy Deau Sir: I'leaae at oiiei- to conimiinicaln with Bome reliable person, in three 
or four principal towns and in ench eit_y of your cimnty, and roijiiest him (pxpen«>s 
Uiily nrranf-ed for nt this end) to lelegrapli to Willhun M. Tweed, THnimany Hall, 
nl the niinutc of elosinp tlie polls, not waitiiifi for tlie eoiint, Bueh person's esti- 
mate of llie vote. Let the telegram be aa follows: "This town will show a Demo- 
eratie gain (or loss) over last year of — ■," Or this one, if sulTiriently rrrtain: 

"This town will give a Itepiiblican (or Demoeratie) majority of ." There is, 

of course, an imi>ortant object to be attained by a simultaneous transmission at the 
hour of elosing the polls, but not longer waiting. Opportiinily ean be taken of the 
nsiial liulf-hoiir lull in telegniphie eommnnieation over lines before aetual results 
begin to I)c deelared, and before the Aasoeiated Press ab-torb the telegraph with re- 
turns and interfere with individual messages, and give orders to wateh carefully the 
eonnt. Very truly yours, Saiiiki. J. TlLliEN, ClmirmQm. 

Tlie object of lliis eircuiar was to learn approximately at the earliest possible 
moment just how many votes the Ring would neiil lo " raise " in New York City 
to overtop the Repnbliean inujority " lieyond the Hiirlem." 

"Mr. Tilden sul>se<pientl,v deiiieil that lie hnil signed llie certifiealp. Iiut the testi- 
mony he and Mr. A. Oakey Hall eiiili gave on thai aubjeel. in Deeemlier of the aama 
year, before a Cungressionnl commiltee. whieh sat on the eleetion frauds of that 
year, in thin city (New York) makes it apparent that he was well aware Burh » 
circular had been issued." — Hon John D. Toivnsend, in " Xew York in Bondage." 


in 1848 he had been briefly an abolitionist, and later, during the 
Rebellion, a Seymour Democrat, were facts either forgotten or 
remembered, according to the exigencies of the argument for his 
support. His recent brilliant reform career had deified him with 
his admirers, while it had well-nigh silenced his enemies. 

It is true he was opposed to some extent by ** Honest " John 
Kelly, the head of Reformed Tammany, and an attempt was 
made to turn the tide to a Western candidate. Any such effort 
was of small avail. 

When the St. Louis Convention assembled Henry Watterson 
was made temporary chairman, and John A. McClemand of 
Illinois was elected its Permanent President. The names of 
Governor Hendricks of Indiana, General Winfield Scott Hancock 
and others were then put in nomination— the name of Mr. Tilden 
being presented by Senator Francis Keman of New York. Tilden 
led on the first ballot, with 404^ votes, and before a second 
ballot was declared to be the Convention's unanimous choice. 
Governor Hendricks, who had received the second largest vote, 
was now selected to complete the ticket. With the strongest 
man from each of the two most doubtful States, the Convention 
would seem to have redeemed the errors of 1872. 

The platform, said to have been prepared by Manton Marble, 
was a most exhaustive treatise on the subject and necessity of 
Reform. As opposed to the Republican manifest, it declared for 
* * tariff for revenue only, ' ' and denounced the existing schedule 
as '* a masterpiece of injustice, inequality and false pretense. '* 
It also condemned the resumption clause of the Act of 1875 and 
demanded its repeal. Blaine referred to the document as being 
at once ** an indictment and a stump speech. '' The Republican 
Platform was a sort of Fourth of July flag of patriotism. The 
Democratic document was a luminous banner of Reform. 

But although the two foremost Democratic leaders of the 
East and West had been united in the St. Louis ticket, it was 



uofortunate that they were unahle to pull precisely in one direc- 
tion. In fact, they pulled precisely in opposite directions on one 
very important issue — that of finance. Tilden of the Easjt was 
for hard money. Hendricks of the West was for greenbacks. 
The golden calf and the Rag-baby bad been yoked tc^^ther. 

Nast, however, did not use this figure. He supplemented his 
Tiger series with a cartoon of a tiger with two heads, putting in 
opposite directions — the tiger of " Tilden and Deform." 

The Democratic National Chairman did not have altogether 
an easy time in managing this two-headed exhibit. 

*' Talk soft monej' in the West and harden it as you go east- 
ward " is reported to have been his counsel to Western speakers; 
while to those who were of the Atlantic States he said, " Talk 
hard money in the East and soften it as you travel toward the 
sunset." Nast's cartoons of Governor" Hendricks as Mother 
Tilden, making Father Tilden nurse the Rag-baby, while she 
attends to the more active duties of the canvass, such as stirring 
the fire of Reform, were the amusing pictures of the campaign. 

The cartoonist and his family, meanwhile, spent many days 
at the wonderful Philadelphia Exposition, where was displayed 
for the first time in America many of the rare things— aculptore, 


bronze, pottery and antique curios— with which we have since 
become more familiar. Of these Nast, who was now oat of debt 
and earning an income of twenty-five thousand dollars a year, 
bought a large and rather lavish selection. The Morristown 
home became the abode of a luxurious collector able and willing 
to gratify every taste and whim. His expenditures at the Ex- 
position alone ran far into the thousands, and his purchases 
included some of the choice gems of that splendid exhibit. 

As the campaign drew to an end it became evident that the 
results were to be very close. The cartoons came thicker and 
were somewhat more savage. Bellew, no longer on the other 
side, adopted Nast's Rag-baby to good purpose, while Nast, 
with the capabilities of fiercer warfare, was slashing about with 
more vigorous weapons. These political pictures and the Cen- 
tennial displays well-nigh filled the Harper pictorial pages. 

But just here de- , |,u,hS"i 

veloped one of those 
wholly unexpected 
events which make 
complete the great 
drama of human 

In view of the 
" Reform '* policy 
of the Democratic 
Convention, Nast 
had published in the 
AVeekly, at the time, 
a picture entitled 
" Tweed-le-dee and 
Tilden-dum." In 
this picture Tweed, 
in stripes, is demon* 




strating his qualifications for the New York Governorship by 
his willingness to bring to justice any number of lesser thieves 
— the " thieves " being symbolized by two street arabs, whom 
he is dragging to punishment. The picture was of no special 
moment at the time, but being an excellent delineation of Tweed, 
who (as the Boss himself one confessed) had grown to look more 
and more like his caricatures, it was to result in a climax as far 
as possible from any purpose conceived by the artist. 

It had become known that Tweed was somewhere hiding in 
Spanish territory. As early as September 30 Nast cartooned 
him as a Tiger, appearing from a cave marked Spain. Now sud- 
denly came a report— a cable— that one *' Twid '' (Tweed) had 
been identified and captured at Vigo, Spain, on the charge of 
* * kidnapping two American children. ' ' 

This seemed a curious statement ; for whatever may have been 
the Boss's sins, he had not been given to child-stealing. Then 
came further news, and the mystery was explained. Tweed had 
been identified and arrested at Vigo through the cartoon 
** Tweed-le-dee and Tilden-dum," drawn by Thomas Nast. The 
*' street gamins "—to the Spanish officer, who did not read 
English— were two children being forcibly abducted by the big 
man of the stripes and club. The printing on the dead wall they 
judged to be the story of his crime. Perhaps they could even 
spell out the word '' REWARD." 

Absurd as it all was, the identification was flawless. Tweed, 
on board the steamer Franklin, came back to America to die,* 
When his baggage was examined, it was found that he had pre- 
served every cartoon Nast had drawn of him, save the few final 
ones published after his escape, one of which had placed him 
again behind prison bars. On October 7 Harper's republished 
this picture with the story of the Boss's capture. 

The pictorial drama was complete. 

• In Ludlow street Jail, April 12, 1878. 

•N«»t never (ully cptdit^d the account of TweeJ's capture unlil years after, 
whm it was confiriDed in a leir«r fmm Alvey A, Adcr. who huit Iven Secii-tary of 
the American Lejcalion at Madrid. Mr. Adee in his letter (,Tanu»ry 28. iXtH) taya: 

I remember the incident well — in fact, it was I who found the picture amonK 
■ lot of Harper'ii WeeklieH no a Inp Hhelf in a dark cloflet in the hiiiiRe of a friend, 
Don Dcnigno S. Suarez, No. 3, Calle dc la Flora. It made you famous in Madrvl. 
Very truly yours, 

Alvkt a. AtiKK. 


RsroKaiD UaurBUOT— " I— I irw— boajlTi court olUi tSaUnad (bw/* 



There were not many more pictures before election day. The 
Northern and the Southern soldier asking in chorus of Tilden 
*' Whose side were you onT " and Mr. Tilden's reply, *' I— I was 
busy with a railroad case," was the subject matter for one of the 
most effective. Tlie Republican Elephant stepping on the two- 
headed tiger was perhaps the best in the matter of drawing. 
The so-called " Southern Claims " in the balance against bread; 
the preparations to fire again on Fort Sumter; The Democratic 
Wolf stripped of its lambskin of Refortn; Tilden, as Eve, tempt- 
ing Charles Francis Adams with the Democratic nomination for 
the Massachusetts governorship— these were among the final 
shots. The " Southern Claims " referred to consisted of a mat- 



ter of something more than two billion dollars claimed as loss 
and damage by war, for which bills of allowance were expected 
to be passed in the event of Democratic victory. The feeling over 
this possibility became sufficiently strong to induce Mr. Tilden to 
write a letter, pledging himself to resist any such bills— a declara- 
tion accepted by his Southern constituency with sufficient salt to 
make it palatable. It was in reference to these Southern Claims, 
in a small drawing entitled " The Solid South," that Nast first 
used the dollar mark symbol in the spelling of financial issues. 

The " bloody shirt " bannered 
to the breeze in these final days. 
Even Curtis, who had once pro- 
tested against all reference to the 
" bayonet," now filled his edi- 
torial pages with allusions to this 
fierce weapon. 

"Jefferson Davis and the se- 
cessionists merely endeavored to 
enforce with bayonets the doc- 
trines of Mr. Tilden," he says, 
and in another place warmly 
■commends President Grant's order to General Sherman to use 
all military force to protect citizens, " without distinction 
of race, color or political opinion in the exercise of the right to 
vote." Again, of South Carolina, " There is no doubt the Dem- 
ocrats in that State mean to carry it for ' Tilden and Reform ' 
by means of the shot-gun," and he proceeds to denounce the 
" Democratic derringer " means of winning elections, using 
terms as severe as it was ever possible for Curtis to employ. 

Tliis volley was fired in the last issue of the Weekly previous 
to the election, while in the same paper Nast's pictures were a 
front page of Tilden emptying his " barrel " of money into the 
ballot box, and a large double page of Columbia— the fine emble- 



matic figure for which the artist's wife was most frequently the 
model— making ready to turn the political Wheel of Fortune.* 

On the back page appeared tlie " Lion and the Lamb," an 
excellent satire on the citizen who is particularly fierce before 
election day, yet fails to go to the polls on account of bad 
weather. And thus closed the Centennial presidential campaign. 

Vet the struggle was far from ended. Both parties were 
confident of triumph, and on the day following the election both 
claimed success. The party of Tilden was jubilant, for the tele- 
graph on election night brought news favorable to their candi- 
date. But early next morning Zaehariah Chandler, Chairman of 
the Republican National Committee, obtained special informa- 
tion, or counsel,t concerning Florida, South Carolina and Louisi- 
ana which led him to make the public statem^it: 

" Rutherford B. Hayes has received one hundred and eighty- 
five electoral votes, and is elected." 

The Deiiioorats jeered and reviled this report. They had been 

* Once, (luring n viHit to Washington, Mrs. Kaat was presented to Chief Justin 
Drake. "Hail, Columbia! " he auid l>j- way of j^eeting. Judge Drake wa« of the 
tall Yankf-o type, nnil ilrs NastV prompt rpply, " \Ahy, how are you, Uncle SamT " 
greatly amiisnl the eminent jurist. 

f Said to have bevn supplied by John C. ltei<l, editor of the New Vork Times. 


too sure of the Solid South to calmly surrender any portion of it, 
though it was demonstrable that, in addition to the white Ke- 
publican voters in eacli State, there were more colored votere 
(acknowledged Republicaus) in the Southern States tlian of all 
the white suffragists combined. Both parties now vigorously 
claimed the victory and threats of violence became numerous. 


' * The Solid South has gone for Tilden and Hendricks, and by 
the God of Battles they shall be inaugurated! " was the expres- 
sion of one fiery editor— a sentiment widely echoed by men whose 
knowledge of the facts was as nothing in comparison with their 
desire for results. Henry Watterson, in the Courier Journal, 
announced that 100,000 unarmed citizens should march to 
Washington to maintain the rights of Mr. Tilden. Foreign 
delegations that had lingered after the close of the Centennial 
were likely to witness something in American politics really 
worth while. 

The situation did not improve. ** Conspiracy '^ and ** Fraud *^ 
were shouted at Zach. Chandler, and '* Despot '* was hurled at 
General Grant, who had quietly strengthened the military forces 
at the danger points. 

A proposition was finally made and accepted that each party 
should send emissaries to the disputed States to recount the 
ballots. The President issued orders to General Sherman to pre- 
serve peace and good order, and to see that the proper and legal 
boards of canvassers were unmolested in the performance of 
their duties. 

** Should there be any suspicion of a fraudulent count on 
either side," the order ran, '* it should be reported and de- 
nounced at once. No man worthy of the office of President 
should be willing to hold it, if counted in or placed there by 
fraud. Either party can afford to be disappointed in the result- 
The country cannot afford to have the result tainted by sus- 
picion of illegal or false returns." 

In each state the ** Returning Boards " gave the electoral 
votes to the Republican candidates, and a very large portion of 
the Democratic party refused to believe in the fairness of the 
count. Certain inflammatory journals declared that this fraud 
would not be permitted, and that an army of Democrats, armed 
with rifles, and with the war cry of '* Tilden or Blood! '* would 
march to Washington to take possession of the Government. 


It was JQst here that the President's military training and 
quiet temperament came into play. Withoat demonstration he 
strengthened the forces about the capital; whereupon the edi- 
torial desire for war vanished. Whatever may have been the 
estimate of bis capacity as President, there was no man with 
common sense who did not respect General Grant 's honest desire 
for peace and order, as well as his peculiar genius for preserving 
these conditions. 

Nast continued to caricature the situation from various points 
of view. The Ass in the Lion's Skin frightening the foreigners 
about to leave ns, and the Ballot Bos being kicked hither and 
thither, with little regard as to its uprightness, were the most 
telling of these pictures. On 
December 14 he received a sug- 
gestion from the Chairman of 
the Republican National Com- 
My Dear Mr. Nast: 

That " Elephant " is safe. 
Would it not be well to put him 
on his feet, with one foot on the 
Democratic Tiger, with Tilden , 
upon one tusk and Hendncka 
upon the other? 


Z. Chandler. 

But Nast did not follow the suggestion. He was opposed on 
principle to using any idea from the outside. Also this especial 
picture, under the conditions, may have seemed premature. 

Congressional debates were now in order. Propositions and 
counter propositions, with a good deal of acrimony and noisy 
demonstration, ended at last in a bill for an Electoral Conunis- 
sion, which passed the Senate by a vote of forty-seven to seven- 
teen, and the House by a vote of one liundred and ninety-one to 


This bill provided for the selection of five members from the 
Senate, five from the House and five from the Supreme Bench. 
The bill was a Democratic measure, and passed by Democratic 
majorities— there having been in the two houses one hundred 
and eighty-six Democratic and fifty-two Republican votes in its 
favor, while eighty-five Republicans and eighteen Democrats 
voted against the bill. 

In the selection of the commission thus provided for, three 
Republicans and two Democrats were chosen from the Senate; 
and three Democrats and two Republicans were selected from 
the House. From the Supreme Bench, it was ordered that the 
'* Justices assigned to the First, Third, Eighth and Ninth cir- 
cuits shall select, in such manner as the majority of them shall 
deem fit, another Associate Justice of said Court.'' Joseph P. 
Bradley was the fifth Justice finally chosen, all his associates 

A remarkable contest ensued between men skilled in the game 
and craft of politics. In New York City, Abram S. Hewitt, 
Chairman of the Democratic Committee, was most conspicuous 
of the Tilden contingent, and his face appears numerously in the 
caricatures of Nast. 

Henry Watterson likewise continued '* red hot " in his desire 
to win in this '' Great American Game," and on Feb. 3 Murat 
Halstead of the Cincinnati Commercial is shown as pouring ice 
water on the head of the Courier Journal editor, from whose 
sleeves are dropping the cards still unplayed. Tlie cards were, 
of course, purely figurative, but somewhat later, when Nast and 
Watterson met, the latter said: 

** What in the world did you put those cards in my sleeve for, 
Nast? The boys all thought they were real, and I haven't been 
able to get into a game since." 

It may be said here that though Watterson was often and 
severely caricatured by Nast, and while Nast was frequently and 



(Fenonal sketch sent to Col. Wattenon after a period of warfare) 

firmly castigated by Watterson, the two were always the warm- 
est of friends. ** Baby Watterson '* (March 10), a cartoon on 
the advent of a new member in the Watterson household, the 
only one of the 100,000 to arrive, was highly appreciated and 
duly framed by the Kentucky editor. 

The play for the great stake of the Presidency continued 
through the entire month of February, and the day of inaugura- 
tion was near at hand. Tlie Democratic leaders fought with 
startling boldness and amazing tactics. Putting aside the idea 
of obtaining an elector from any one of the three disputed 
Southern States, they sought out what appeared to be a weak 
spot in the North, and attempted to disqualify and displace a 
Republican elector from Oregon. The Electoral Commission, 
however, regarded with disfavor this somewhat doubtful pro- 
ceeding, and on March 2 brought in a verdict for Hayes and 
Wheeler. Mr. Tilden had lost the Presidency by one electoral 



vote, as claimed by Mr. Cbandler. It was the first, and tlius far 
has been the only case of a disputed Presidency in our history. 
Tlie effect of tlie decision upon the Democratic press of the 
comitrj- was extraordiiiar;'. On all hands was renewed the cry 
of " Fraud! " and Hayes was openly charged witli being a 
usurper, profiting by dishonor. The outcry was continued until 
the Democratic party as a whole, as well as a large percentage of 
the Republican party, forgot that the Electoral Commission bill 
had been first re- 
ported from the Ju- 
diciary Committee 
by a Southern Dem- 
ocrat • in a Demo- 
cratic House, and 
had teen supported 
by an overwhelming 
Democratic major- 
ity, "SNTiatever may 
have been the rights 
in the beginning 
{and rights are not 
easily detenuined 
where purchase on 
one side and coer- 
cion on the other are 
regarded as legiti- 
mate methodsf), all 
mast concede that 

■ Prurtor Knott, ol Kentucky. The bill is sa 
McCf»ry. «( Iowa. 

f Tliomft* Nflooii P«ge, who inay be uooi-pled i 
itig to the South, tayt: 

■■ In come {ilBr«« the question was scriouslj* debated Mhether it was worse to uae 
forM or fraud, the BctTMity for one or the other lieinR aimpty assumed. In others, 
Kome negmea suliBtautiatij auctioned olT their votes." — " The DiafranehiBement of 
tlic Negro," Bcribner'a Mogajune, July, ISM. 

OOlcg Id toDnectloii w 

cr making certain eharsva atfalhf t 

iriginated with Mr. 


with the verdict of — -^ 

the Electoral Com 

mission the Presi 

dency belonged to 

Rutherford B 

Hayes. Yet there 

are men to-day, of 

both parties, who 

have not read, and 

who would not care 

to read, a page of 

the official reports 

of the controversy— 

who, with no actual 

knowledge of the 

facts, sincerely 

maintain that Sam 

uel J. Tilden was 

lawfully elected 

President of the 

ITnited States, only 

to be denied his ' 

Bciit through Republican legislative and militarj- power.* 

Xast closed the contest pictorially with a humorous caricature 
of the much battered and bandaged Republican Elephant saying, 
with Pyrrhus: 

" Another such victorj' and I am undone." 

"We may fittingly end this chapter with a letter recently re- 
ceived by the writer of these chronicles from a gentleman con- 
nected with the National Republican Committee of 1876. Nast 
himself never referred to the incident which this letter recalls. 

•Mr. Tildpn rpirived a mnjority of tho popular Presidpntial voU. In thU mum 
h« was thp " pwiplp'fl choicp." Any othpr rlnini of his legal election is b«s«d upon 
nothing more tangible than violent and prolonged assertioD. 



Perhaps it had passed from his memory. Perhaps he did not 
consider it worth recording: 

Roseburg, Ore., July 6, 1904. 
Dear Sir: 

At the close of the Hayes-Tilden campaign I was sent to 
Morristown by the Republican National Committee with a 
check for $10,000 drawn in favor of Thomas Nast as a recog- 
nition of the great services he rendered the committee in that 
famous campaign, and he declined to receive it. 

He said, * * You may tell the committee that I am very grateful 
for the recognition, but as I have been paid by Harper Brothers 
I cannot accept it. ' ' 

After spending a pleasant hour with Mr. Nast, I returned to 
Washington and reported to the committee. To say that Senator 
Chandler was surprised and disappointed is putting it but 
mildly. Mr. Hayes smiled and said, ** He (Nast) was the most 
powerful single-handed aid we had. ' * 

Very respectfully, 

R. W. Mitchell. 

Ijj*^ ADMIT ^^k BEABDt ^^ 





In the midst of the Tilden-Hayes controversy had come 
Grant's last Annual Message— a dignified, though rather sad, 
document of farewell. In it he referred to the mistakes he had 
made in political appointments. In part, he said: 

History shows that no administration, from the time of 
Washington to the present, has been free from these mistakes; 
but I leave comparisons to History, claiming only that I have 
acted in every instance from a conscientious desire to do what 
was right, constitutional, within the law, and for the very best 
interests of the people. Failures have been errors of judgment, 
not of intent. ... It is not probable that public affairs will 
ever again receive attention from me, further than as a citizen 
of the republic, always taking a deep interest in the honor, 
integrity and prosperity of the whole land. 

Nast portrayed Columbia as sorrowfully contemplating the 
patriot's parting words. Later he presented Grant as 
** Ulysses " leaving official honors all behind— a dignified con- 
ception of the hero he had loved so long and defended so well. 
Only once had the artist criticised the soldier, and the soldier 
had long honored the artist with his friendship and his con- 

The bond between them now ripened into intimacy. On May 3, 
just prior to the celebrated ** Trip Around the World,*' the ex- 


President, with Mrs. Grant and young Ulysses, made a family 
visit to the home at Morristown. 

The Nasts gave a quiet dinner in honor of their guests. Josiah 
Fiske and General Corbin were there, and two of the Harper 
firm. Of course an effort was made to have the affair as perfect 
as possible. The table was artistically arranged and decorated, 
the courses had been carefully chosen and came in due sequence, 
the coffee appeared at last to complete the successful round of 

Then all at once the host was seized with a mortal agony of 
spirit. Not being a smoker himself, he had forgotten the cigars! 
With the most celebrated smoker in the nation at his table— 
the man whom he had depicted as puffing serenely when assailed 
by his enemies— with this great visitor at his board, he had for- 
gotten the cigars! Pale, and with beads of perspiration on his 
brow, he glanced appealingly at the guest of honor, who smiled 

* * It 's all right, Nast, ' ' he said. ' ' I remembered that you don't 
smoke. Besides, I never go into action without ammunition,'* 
and he drew forth a handful of his favorite Havanas. 

During the table talk that day the ex-President said: '' I am 
tired of abuse, and of being a servant of the people. I am going 
to feel once more how it seems to be a Sovereign, as every 
American citizen is." 

General Grant was seized with a chill while still seated at 
the table, which made the visit end rather unhappily — all 
the more so as he was obliged to take the train that evening 
and the station platform was crowded with those who were 
anxious to do him honor. He rallied as best he could and his 
visit proved a notable event in the little city, long remembered 
by those who had an opportunity to see, and perhaps to shake 
the hand of, the foremost ** American citizen.'* Two weeks later 
he had begun his long triumphal journey around the world. 


The month of May was to end sadly enough. On the 29thy 
Fletcher Harper, who had been out of the office for several we^s, 
suddenly died. The stalwart, far-seeing man, who for fifteen 
years had been Nast *s truest inspiration and firmest support, was 
no longer to be a part in the policy and guidance of the journal to 
which the artist had given his best years and thought, and whose 
success was so identified with his own. No more serious blow 
than the death of Fletcher Harper could have befallen Thomas 
Nast. Friend, counsellor and champion he had been, with that 
unwavering faith which inspires courage and promotes immortal 
deeds. His successor, J. W. Harper, Jr. (** Joe Brooklyn *') was 
no less a friend to Nast, but he was without the rugged fearless- 
ness and initiative of his uncle. He was more likely to be swayed 
by the pacific policies and culture of Curtis, and to accord with 
the idea that the pictorial pages should reiterate the editorial 
columns. Disagreements were certain to arise, and without the 
intermediation of Fletcher Harper trouble was bound to ensue. 

There was to be no delay in the beginning. Nast 's satisfaction 
in the election of Hayes had been shortlived. The President's 
Southern policy, as declared in his Inaugural Address— that 
of pacifying the South by removing all military protection from 
the colored voter— he firmly opposed. When it further became 
known that Hayes was to recognize the Democratic candidate, 
Nicholls, as Governor of Louisiana, whereas the election of 
Packard, the Republican candidate, rested on a basis similar to 
that of the President, the cartoonist declined to introduce 
Hayes otherwise than unfavorably into the pictures.* Curtis, 
on the other hand, was enthusiastic over the pacification idea, 
which appealed to his own spirit of gentleness and avoidance of 
stringent measures. A break seemed imminent. Yet Nast 
remained good-natured, biding his time. 

• It has been repeatedly asserted, though without proof, that Hayes was party 
to a " bargain " agreeing to seat Nicholls and remove the troops as the price of his 
Presidential seat. 


He coDtented himself for the moment with social and inter- 
national pictures, some of them being done in the old manner- 
drawn with wash instead of pencil. The Army and Navy 
cause he still espoused. Also he noted a final incident of A. 
Oakey Hall's metropolitan career, in a small picture bearing the 
very English legend, ' ' H 'all Tliat 'b Left ' ' — the cartoon being of 
Ifail's glasses only— their owner having taken leave for England 
soon after Tweed's published statement 
that he was ready to bear witness 
against his old associates. Hall's ar- 
rival in England under the name of 
Sutliffe was reported March 31 from , 
London, where, like Tweed, he had i 
been speedily recognized by those ' 
familiar with the Ring cartoons. He 
was not disturbed, however, and lived 
in considerable respectability for a number of ye 
the " Finger of Scorn " did not fail to follow him. 
fessor James Brj'ce published his book, " The American Com- 
monwealth," which contained a chapter contributed by Pro- 
fessor Goodnow, of Columbia College, relating the Tammany 
scandals and Hall's connection therewith. Upon the appearance 
of the book, Hall sued Professor Brj-ee for libel, with damages 
laid at ten thousand pounds. Professor Brj'ce regarded the 
action as a blackmailing scheme and promptly prepared for trial, 
with depositions taken in New York and with files of Harper's 
Weekly supplied by Nast, whose cartoons had resulted in no 
libel suits on this side of the water.* Hall failed to press the 
suit, and in 1897 Professor Br>-ce had it dismissed " for want of 
prosecution," by which time Hall (1891) had returned to 
America. Nast promptly caricatured him again, whereupon 

* It haH hven stated that Profpsaor Rryro u-jthilrew the edition of his book cOn- 
tainin); Ihe Tweed chapter. Thin is not triip. The edition ivbh sold out. In \ 
second edition while the suit wan in roiirt the chapter wan omitted, and subse- 
quently restored in ita preKnt form, written by Profeesor Bryce himself. 


Hall, with the old spirit of bravado, sent him a late photograph, 
marked ** Exhibit 32, for Identification,*' and with it a brief 

Mr. Hall's compliments to Mr. Nast. Since the latter has 
again deemed it necessary to bring the former into pictorial 
prominence, he begs to enclose the last photograph, showing a 
change of appearance rendered necessary by a pending event. 

What the * ' pending event ' ' was cannot now be known. Nast 
replied that a change in appearance made no difference what- 
ever, but that a ** change in principles would." Tlie letter and 
photograph were put in evidence by Professor Bryce to show 
that Hall's tendency was to court rather than to shun the 
notoriety incident to caricature. All this, of course, was long 
after the echoes of the Ring's downfall had died away, and we 
have gone far ahead of our narrative in following out * * Elegant 
Oakey 's ' ' career. He died in New York City, October 7, 1898. 

As the weeks went by and Nast made no pictorial comment 
on the presidential policy, despite the fact that the inside pages 
of the Weekly were filled with complimentary editorials from 
the pen of Curtis, the public began to wonder and to make sur- 
mises. The daily papers commented on the matter, at first 
lightly, then in serious editorials — favorable or otherwise to 
Nast, according to their lights and affiliations. Letters came 
both to the cartoonist and to the publishers, asking why the 
former contented himself with matters apart from those uj^per- 
most in the public mind, and apparently of foremost importance 
to Mr. Curtis. 

** Give us a picture from Nast. Let us hear what Nast has 
to say on the subject," was the general demand from those who 
did not find complete satisfaction in the President's course. 

** I'm ready to give them something when you say the word! " 
the artist said rather shortly to Mr. Harper, who had handed 
him one of these letters. 


" But you want to attack the President, Nast. AVe want 
to give him a chance. We believe he means well." 

" He means well but he doesn't do well," retorted Nast. 

*' But that's just your opinion. The general disposition seems 
to be to stand back and give the President's policy a chance." 

'* Will you let me put that in the form of a cartoon I " 

" Yes, if you keep Hayes out of it." 

So Nast caricatured himself as being in the " Blue " room 
of the White House, held down in the policy chair by Uncle Sani, 
who says, " Our artist must keep cool, and sit down, and see 
how it works." Above on the walls was the sign, " Watch and 
Pray. . . . Stand back and give the President's policy a chance," 
and this was signed " Gen. Disposition." The picture conveyed 
precisely the conditions in Franklin Square, and was widely 
commented upon. 

" Is that fellow 
choking you in- 
tended for me or 
Mr. Curtisf " Mr. 
Harper asked when 
he saw it. 

" Neither," said 
Nast, quietly. " It 
doesn't represent an 
individual, but a 
policy. Policy al- 
ways strangles in- 

In fact, an epoch 
had closed, a new 
era had begun. And 
this was equally 
true in newspaper 


aud in national affairs. Issues were perhaps no less vital, 
but they were less violent. Political differences were be- 
coming academic rather than polemic. Parliamentary matters 
were to be shaped in the committee rooms rather than in 
the halls of eloquence and logic. In journalism the indi- 
vidual would be merged more and more into the policy, and 
policies would become less and less clearly defined. The man 
was to be replaced by the machine, and the machine is not 
a thing of inspired purpose or sublime convictions. The death 
of Horace Greeley, of the elder Bennett and of Fletcher Harper 
marked the decline of the old order and the beginning of the 
new. Such men would not be replaced, for they were the result 
of conditions that had passed, or were swiftly passing away. 
The great mass of the American people, busy with their trades, 
their farms and their ventures in commerce, were beginning 
not to care. With the passing of the great military President 
and the advent of Hayes, the change seems now to have been 
clearly marked. Only during the heat of presidential campaign 
would there be again a semblance of the old fierce strife. Even 
then the bloody shirt would flap rather than wave, and oftener 
in deference to some defunct and buried issue it would be draped 
at half-mast. 

To Xast the change which had already begun meant more 
than to any other living man. More than any other he was a 
knight in armor whose skill lay in dealing swift and hea\'y 
blows, whose purpose was to avenge wrong. When the crusade 
is over the paladin does not lightly put aside his battle-axe 
and buckler to become a harlequin and entertain at the public 
behest. Already there were plenty of such pictorial acrobats — 
men with swift clever pencils, adapted to the new idea, willing 
to draw wliat they were paid for and to use motives supplied 
from any authoritative source. Puck had been starteii, and 
Keppler, a man of great ability, and with few convictions beyond 


those of line and color, had leaped into immediate public favor. 
The people who had ceased to care as in the old days were 
pleased with tiie skilful caricature, and laughed at the 
clever hits so unlike the penetrating thrusts and huge destruc- 
tive blows of Nast. The day of his destiny was by no means 
over. He was to add other triumpiis to his record of victories 
won. But the noon-tide of his glory had slipped by — the sun was 
already dropping down the west. 



The caricature of himself was Nast*s only reference to the 
* * surrender policy * ' of the Administration, and during the early 
summer he continued to occupy his time with social and army 
cartoons, and with pictorial observations on the Turko-Russian 
War, then in progress. He did step aside to pay a negative com- 
pliment to the Civil Service efforts of Hayes, by depicting the 
service as it was under Andrew Jackson, whose administration 
had established the precedent that '* To the victor belongs the 
spoils."* Hayes was making a sincere effort to further the 
needed reform which Grant had favored, and Nast did not 
hesitate to lend aid to the idea. 

Perhaps Nast's friends decided that he needed recreation, for 
we find evidence of a plan arranged by Henry Watterson, Murat 
Halstead, and Samuel Bowles of the Springfield Republican, a 
trio known as the '* j^resident makers,'' to take the artist to 
Kentucky, thence to Nashville, where Watterson was to deliver 
a Decoration Day address. Watterson wrote to Bowles, urging 
the arrangement. 

Whv can't vou and Tom Xast leave New York the 
evening of the 28tli, arrive here next night, spend the 30th 

• A sentiment proclaimed in tlie Senate by William L. Marcy in 1832. In two 
years President Jackson had made ten times as many removals as all his predeces- 
sors had made in forty years. 



liere, go with me that night to Nashville, return the next 
night and then spend two or three days in the Blue Grass f 
Halstead will join j'ou at Cincinnati, and we will make a week 
of it. I mean to make the most eaniest, ungrudgingly national 
siieeeh 1 am able to prepare, and, as it is the iiret instance 
of the kind since the war, I hope to do some good to both 

Nast, when consulted, declared that he could not make such 
a trip until later, which brought a protest from Bowles. 

Wicked Boy! Beholdl 

I cannot wait till it gets summer hot. Cannot you 
arrange to meet us? Tell the great " Josejih " that it 
is necessary for your education in the new politics. We will 
pick up Halstead and we will not read the editorials, either 
of Harper's or the Springfield Republican all the while we are 

Let me have a word at the Brevoort House, where I may be 
on Tuesday. Yours very truly, Sam'l Bowles. 

The " President //^'-^-^^^^'t: 

makers " Lad their 
reunion in the land 
of Blue Grass, but 
this time Nast did 
not make one of the 
happy party. It may 
be that work was 
pressing just then. 
or the artist may 
have had reason to 
think that a little 
later there would be 
more time for recre- 
ative pleasures. In 
•Tnne he presented a 
pretty picture of 
Kate Claxton, whose 



dramatic career in the " Two Orphans " had been marked by a 
number of disastrous fires. The press had made merry over the 
sorrowful circumstance, inventing jokes, incidents and inter- 
views, much to Miss Claxtoo's annoyance and grief. The pic- 
ture represented the mischievous reporters as a cload of little 
donkej's armed with pens and torches, following the actress and 
disporting themselves at her ex- 

pense. In heartfelt acknowledg- 
ment Miss Claxton wrote: 

Thos. Nast-Dear Sir: 

One evening, almost two weeks 
ago now, when feeling weary and 
depressed, Harper's Weekly con- 
taining your cartoon was handed 
me. One must have had an ex- 
perience as sad as mine, and felt 
as keenly the stings of a thought- 
less, and wliat lias seemed to me 
a heartless, word-quibbling over 
it, to know how deeply and truly 
I appreciate your work. I take 
iliis, tlie very first opportunity I have had since my return from 
the "West, to thank you for your great and unexpected kindness 
to me. You have done me, witli a touch of your wonderful 
pencil, a service no words I am clever enough to think of can 
describe. Accept, sir, the assurance of my lasting gratitude. I 
thank you. I thank you! Kate Claxton. 

The picture was commented upon and approved by the better 
class of journals throughout the country, and tlie amusement at 
the cx])ense of Miss Claxton ceased. 

There was to be little more of Nast's work that summer. 
The standing anuy as the shadow of a skeleton was a final 
stroke in that worthy cause, and a double page, showing Grant 
being lionized and crowned hy Britannia, recorded an episode 
in the march of the absent soldier. Following this, we find 
Tilden and Hendricks, who had been presidential possibilities 



since 1»64, embalmed as mummies to be kept " mitil 1880, or 
longer." lu view of the " cipher disclosures " which were to 
occur more than a j'ear later, there would seem to be some 
curious prescience in this picture with its occupaots swathed 
in wrappings and cartonnage, and covered with cabalistic signs. 
It was that element of unconscious presage which is to be found 
again and again in the work of Nast, and was to continue with 
him to the last tragic touch that foretold the final scene. In 
the issue of July 14th, Britannia is shown as wiping the 
eyes of the Egyptian Sphinx, assuring it of protection. Then 
for nearly four months not a line of Nast's appears. 

The "Weekly made 
no explanation of 
this silence and 
everybody was curi- 
ous;. The Harpers 
and Nast were nl- 
t em a tely inter- 
viewed by reporters 
from the Sun, 
"World and other 
journals, but little 
satisfaction was ob- 
tained. All sorts of 
rumors were started 
It was claimed that 
Xast used a coating 
for his engraving 
blocks that had 
poisoned his hand 
Journals whose 
hope inspired the 
prophecy, declared 
that lie would never 



draw again. Others recalled the " Gen. Disposition '* caricature 
and announced ^ith an air of authority that there had been 
trouble in Franklin Square over the President's Southern policy, 
and that Nast had left Harper's for good. The fact that the 
"Weekly now published several pictures complimentarj' to Hayes 
was accepted as proof of this conclusion, though the cartoons 
themselves were compared rather unfavorably with the more 
strenuous work of Nast. The following sequence from the Inter 
Ocean will sen'e as a brief summarj' of many artistic con- 

Oh, give us back Nast! AVe prefer malignant cartoons to 
idiotic ones. Boston Post. 

Amen! Springfield Bepublican. 

And so say a thousand papers. The original article is 

wanted, not an imitation. 
To this the Inter Ocean adds: 

But Nast never agreed with 
the editorial page. Must we not 
"consist " in these perilous 

As a matter of fact, the cause 
of the rupture between the art- 
ist and his publishers had noth- 
ing whatever to do with the 
political situation. Indeed, the 
incident had less of public im- 
portance than interest, and per- 
haps in itself seemed too per- 
sonal and too trivial to be given 
to the press. 

A brief poem written by 
James Russell Lowell in 1876 I 
had been the start of the whole 
matter. Lowell was now Slin- 

Rochester Democrat. 

l!<anior uid Kxt WER f rivaila 



ister to Spain, and to Nast it seemed that bis poetic strictures on 

Iiis own country " might, witli propriety, be repeated to certain 


CoUinibin, piiuti^d what the Bhoiild dUpInj' 

Of true home make on lier Centeuninl Dny. 

Asked liruthcr Jonnthan; he soratchoi hU heiid 

Whittled awhile reflectively and siiid. 

" Vour own invention and own making, tooT 

Whj any child could tell ye what to do — 

Show 'em your Civil Berviee and explain 

How ftll men's loss is everybody's gain; 

Show your new patent to incri'iue your renta 

By paying iiuarteri for collecting centa; 

Show your ahort cut to i-ure financial IIIb 

By making paper dollars current bills; 

Show your new bleaching; process, cheap and brief, 

To wit, B jury chosen by the thief; 

Show your State Legislature; show your Kings, 

And challenge Europe U> produce such thing* 

As high offltJals sitting bnlf in sight 

To share the plunder and to fix things right. 

If that don't fetch her. why you only need 

To show your latest style in martyrs— T^TE ED 

She'll find it hard to bide her spiteful tears 

At such advance in uiic pour hundred years. 

From Me ■•.Vadon." ^J. R. t, 


European nations. The poet-minister was depicted as reading 
iiis lines to drowsy listeners, themselves laden with bigotry and 
debt. Tlie poem seems a eommonplaee production, and the pic- 
ture is of no special merit. Certainly, from an international 
standpoint it seems inoffensive enough, compared with many of 
those which had preceded it, and was hardly a deadly thrust at 
Lowell, who was quite able to laugh at a satire much more severe. 
If Mr. Curtis had objected to the feature as not being worth the 
space, we could think him justified, but the fact that the block 
WQS engraved, the page numbered and the paper ready for the 
]iress would i)reclude this assumption. It must have been, there- 
fore, liis old scruples against admitting a man of parts, like 
Lowell, into any cartoon. At all events, he besought Mr. Harper 
1o leave out both poem and picture, and in spite of the fact that 
Seeretarj- Evarts, who was asked to testify, could see no harm in 
the Teature, it did not appear in the issue for July 14th, for which 

I ■ — ^ 1 it had been intended, nor ever after. This 

■ . I was a triumph for Curtis, and we may 

nssiime that it was the principle involve<l 

^^^^ I rather than the loss of the picture itself 

J^^^k 1 that i-esultod in Xast's voluntary- retire- 

_ J^V nient from the paix'r. 

'^^ Among those who sought infonnation 

on the subject was James Parton. in a 

letter nddi-essed to llrs. Xast: 

Xewburyjiort, Mass., Sept. li). 1877. 
j My DearSiilly: 

In f'onimoii with the peo|>le of tlie 

^_ _ . _ _ T'nilp<l States generally, I miss a certain 

jAjiKs i-AiiTc.v liauil from Haq)er's Weekly. Ploa^" 

write me one line to let me know if any- 
thing serious is the matter. At first I hoiked he had been wise 
enough to take a holiday, and read with i)lea8ure of your being 
at Long Urancli. But many weeks have now passed and I can 
yet sec no trace of him. Meanwhile ini<]uity abounds, the iucom- 




petent masters who drive the 
men to strike by their insolence 
and inhumanity still live. The 
Avenger stirs not. What is the 
matter with our Achilles of the 
pencil f 
Perhaps you are in Europe! 
Sally, we have the nicest, 
I plumpest, merriest baby ever 
seen out of Morristown. She is 
gifted beyond her months. She 
is seven months, but she knows 
how to bump heads,play bo-peep, 
laugh out loud and put everj'- 
thing into her mouth. Her eyes 
are the brightest blue, and her 
hair is of the color of tow. She 
is a perpetual delight and weighs 
eighteen pounds. 

Send me one word if you are in 
lliis hemisphere, and give my love to the Avenger and the 
children. Your affectionate cousin, 

James Parton. 
To this Mrs. Nast replied 
quite fully, enclosing a proof of 
the rejected cartoon. 

At the risk of dwelling too 
long on what would seem no 
great matter, but which, after 
all, was the beginning of those 
trj'ing conditions which ten 
years later were to end in the 
close of a great career — the his- 
toric combination of a man and 
a paper — we may consider in 
full Parton 's second letter: 
Newbun'port, Mass., 

Sept. 25, 1877. 
My dear Sally and Tommy: | 

I have read your letter with 


great interest, and inspected closely the picture, wondering 
where the treason lies in the latter. If that picture is to be 
rejected for any reason, it is plain that Thomas Nast and the 
rejector thereof cannot work in concert. You could never be 
sure of having anything accepted, and that feeling of donbt 
would paralyze your arm in another than the physical sense. 

On the other hand there cannot be two captains to one 
ship, nor two editors to one paper. If Mr. Curtis is to be the 
editor, he must possess all the power of an editor, and in that 
case you could never work under him. I hold him in very hi^ 
esteem, and always have, but between him and you there could 
never be any harmony, no more than there could between a 
nightingale and a falcon. 

My impression is that he mistakes his ground. He prob- 
ably will never be the editor. Keep quiet and enjoy existence. 
Rest, spirit, rest. Do nothing with great assiduity, and all 
will be well. The country needs and desires you both. Amuse 
yourself by writing long letters to me. 

Affectionately yours, 

James Parton. 

Parton's advice was taken, at least in one particular. Nast 
did nothing but enjoy himself, or give enjoyment to his family. 
He was a rich man now, with horses and vehicles of many kinds. 
The children had ponies to ride, and there was always spending 
money in a drawer, into which fifty dollars weekly was put for 
no other purpose. Tlie big house and grounds of the Morris- 
town home were usually filled with a crowd of merry boys and 
girls, and the artist was a boy among them, often on his own 
saddle-horse accompanying them through the Jersey Hills. 

At other times he made little trips and paid brief visits here 
and there, a privilege he had been obliged to forego during busier 
days. The preserved correspondence shows that one such 
journey was made to Philadelphia, to visit George W. Childs— 
always one of Xast's most loyal admirers— and that many other 
valued friendships were renewed or kept wann during this 
period of rest. Certainly he need not be in haste to resume his 
labors, and could afford to wait for happier conditions. 

^leantime, letters continued to come, some of them with offers 



J. B. Pond. 

of positions — two of these being from tbe Daily Graphic and Les- 
lie's AVeekly; many with offers of elaborate entertainment — 
buffalo hunts, camping trips, junketing tours and the like — while 
from Major Pond came frequent and urgent invitations to go out 
once more and harvest in the field of the public lecture. 

In one letter Pond offers a guarantee of twenty thousand dol- 
lars for the season. In another he promises a thousuid dollars 
a week and all expenses paid, this arrangement to continue for 
one week, or as many as the artist will agree upon. 

" "Why can't you send us just one word? " he wrote, in a final 
appeal. Just the word " yes " will do. Our Lyceums all want 
you. The cry is " Nast! 5j^ast! " and we can give them no Nast. 
Can't you put in about ten weeks and take ten thousand dollars 
for it I I have tried to get to see you, but have been called home 
both times. Hoping you are well and in good spirits, with 
kind regards, Yoars truly, - - -- 

Mark Twain, who was 
planning a personally con- 
ducted tour of his own, 
made what would seem to 
have been a still more 
alluring proposition. 

My dear Nast: 

I did not think I should 
ever stand on a platform 
again until the time was 
come for me to say " I 
die innocent." But the 
same old offers keep ar- 
riving. I have declined 
them all, just as usual, 
though sorely tempted, as 

Xow, I do not decline 
because I mind talking to 
an audience, but because 
(1) travelling alone is so 
heart-breakingly dreary, *'' 


and (2) shouldering the whole show is such a cheer-killing 

Therefore, I now propose to you what you proposed to me in 
November, 1867, ten years ago (when I was unknown), viz., that 
you stand on the platform and make pictures, and I stand by you 
and blackguard the audience. I should enormously enjoy 
meandering around (to big towns— don't want to go to the little 
ones) — with you for comi>any. 

My idea is not to fatten the lecture agents and lyceums on 
the spoils, but put all the ducats religiously into two equal piles, 
and say to the artist and lecturer, ** Absorb these." 

For instance— (here follows a plan and a possible list of cities 
to be visited). The letter continues: 

Call the gross receipts $100,000 for four months and a half, 
and the profit from $60,000 to $75,000 (I try to make the figures 
large enough, and leave it to the public to reduce them), 

I did not put in Philadelphia because P owns that town, 

and last winter when I made a little reading-trip he only paid 
me $300 and pretended his concert (I read fifteen minutes in the 
midst of a concert) cost him a vast sum, and so he couldn't 
afford any more. I could get up a better concert with a barrel 
of cats. 

I have imagined two or three pictures and concocted the 
accompanying remarks to see how the thing would go. I was 

Well, you think it over, Xast, and drop me a line. AVe should 
have some fun. Yours truly, 

Samuel L. Clemens. 

Certainly this would seem to have been a fascinating plan. 
But Nast had no inclination for the lecture field at this period, 
at least he did not wish to close an engagement to travel, unless 
the Harper problem remained too long imsolved. 

The solution came soon after the Republican State Convention 
at Rochester, where a specific endorsement of President Hayes 
was urged by George William Curtis and opposed by Roscoe 
Conkling. Conkling had not forgotten that Curtis had fought 
him in the National Convention of the year before, and had 
been biding his time for punishment. He went into the fight 
with all the energy of purpose and bitterness of spirit of 
which he was capable, his head high in air, his nostrils dilating, 


his chest thrown out in splendid and proud defiance of his 
adversary. Yet he might not have descended to personalities if 
Curtis in his opening address had not referred — looking directly 
at Conkling— to those ** blinded by the flattery of parasites, or 
their own ambition." 

When Curtis closed and Conkling rose to reply, the Conven- 
tion forgot the issue of the moment in listening to one of the 
most deadly personal attacks in the history of American politics. 
No man was better suited to such an undertaking than Eoscoe 
Conkling. His powerful frame seemed to thrill with delight in 
the thought that the time had come to repair ancient injuries 
and redress recent wrongs. He spoke to Curtis, he pointed at him, 
he held him up to ridicule as a ** man-milliner," a ** dilettante," 
a '* carpet-knight of politics." When he referred to Mr. Curtis 's 
'* unique and delicate vote," he leaned forward and shouted out 
his sentence with a look and a gesture that carried it straight to 
its mark. He would even bend to one side where he could get 
a full view of Curtis and hurl his words at him with the help of 
his index finger as straight as a boy would fling a stone. 

But the sublime touch was still to come. He referred pres- 
ently to Harper's Weekly, ** — that journal," he said, '* made 

He paused and looked straight at Curtis, that his words might 
sink deeply, and then, with great and fierce deliberation added, 
'* by the pencil— of Thomas Nast! " 

** His (Conkling 's) friends were in ecstacy," says the New 
York Tribune, '* and even some of Mr. Curtis 's friends could not 
refrain from enjoying the skilfulness of the thrust." 

The amendment which had been offered by Curtis was lost, 
and the Convention closed with triumph for Conkling; also, 
incidentally, for Nast. Even if the publishers did not altogether 
approve of Senator Conkling's statement, its effect on the public 
mind was not to be gainsaid. In a few days Nast was at work 



again, following his own ideas, and the ** Millennium,** a comment 
on the President's policy, which had tended to solidify the South 
without pacifying it in any noticeable degree, showed the Lamb 
and the Tiger lying down together. The Lamb does not appear, 
but around the neck of the Tiger is a conspicuous sign which 
says, '* For Republican Lamb Inquire Within.** It was a car- 
toon which would have made an unknown man famous. There 
was a general round of applause from the press; and Nast*s re- 
turn to work was greeted with a universal hurrah and many 
letters from his admirers. The National Republican took occa- 
sion to recall his past achievements. 

We had fears that Harper's Weekly had degenerated into 
a mere picture paper, it said, an every Saturday ladies* maga- 
zine. . . . Harper's has been a great power in the past. No 
man ever so nearly made himself a third estate in this country as 
Thomas Nast. Every line he drew during the dark days of war 
was a line of battle. He was the Grant of the easel. His 
cartoons aroused lagging zeal into fresh enthusiasm. The secret 
of his vast influence was his thorough honesty and his earnest 
purpose. No man except Lincoln ever swayed such political 
power. There is a fly on the chariot wheel. It is called Curtis. 
We feared that the fly had become the charioteer. We are 
glad to see that we were mistaken. Nast is at work again. 
Shoo! Fly! 

It was triumph for Nast, though none realized more clearly 
than himself that, with Fletcher Harper dead, it could not be 
enduring. An idea for a paper of his own — a journal which 
would be absolutely free of clique and independent of clan- 
began to take form, and as the years passed and the situation 
grew always more difficult, this was to become the one great 
ambition of his life. It was for this, and for this only, that 
as years passed he strove to add to his means through business 
investments of which his knowledge was as nothing, and which 
proved always unprofitable in the end. 

As yet, however, he was in the height of his prosperity and 
in the heyday of his fame. He closed the year 1877 with a 



namber o£ fine cartoons, of which the Republican Elephant 
trying to cross the broken " Ohio Bridge " (the President's own 
State having been cari'ied by the Democrats in October), and the 
same Elephant suspended over a precipice, hanging by the tip of 
his trunk to a scrubby bush, unsafely rooted in Republican suc- 
cesses barely gained, appear to have been the most effective. In 




** Thanksgiving on the Other Side,*' the powers are getting 
ready for the Turkey which the Russian cook is still pursuing, 
while in * * Exhumed ' ' Nast fired the final shot of the year in the 
cause of the Army and Navy, ** who bled and died for some- 
thing, but it is of no consequence now." 
If Harper Brothers needed any additional proof of the honor 

and affection with 


> ■ ^ I ■ 

To the Editor tf the Army and Navy Journal: 

Sir:— The Army feel that Mr. Thomas Nast, of Harper's Weekly^ 
has, by his vivid caricatures, in. said paper, exhibited to the country how 
the Army has been and is being treated, and by such action on his part he 
is entitled to the gratitude of both officers and soldiers. It is proposed to 
express our thankfulness and appreciation of his skillful efforts in our be- 
haU; by opening a subscription list, open to all the Army and Navy, and 
limited to twenty-five cents for each individual.. The money so subscribed 
to be sent to Col. Church, of the Army and Naiy Journal, who is re- 
quested to act aj treasurer of same. Wheo the amount is sufficient a suit- 
able testimonial will be purchased and presented to Mr. Thomas Nast, of 
Harfer's Weekly. 


We heartily sympathize with the purpose of this subscription, and 
shall be glad to forward it in any way we can. Mr. Nast has done yeo- 
man's service for the Army by his caricatures in Harper's Weekly, show- 
ing in a popular way the injustice and the criminal folly of those who have 
sought to destroy our military establishment by depriving it of the pecu- 
niary support to which it is entitled by law as well as in justice. We will 
take charge of the subscriptions sent to us with pleasurt* , and would sug- 
gest that a consolidation of amounts contributed at diflerent posts would 
greatly hasten and simplify the collection of the amount required to provide 
a suitable testimonial.— £*</. Army and A'azy Journal 

In order the above may be a success creditable to the Army, will 
you please forward the subscriptions of your officers and men as soon as 
possible ? 

Ft. Sanders, W. T., Dec 1877. 



<^ — ~^^ 






Editor Harper's Weekly, New York City. 

which Nast was re- 
garded by a very 
important element 
of the nation at 
this time, it came 
now at the end of 
December, in the 
form of a letter and 
enclosure from Col. 
Guy V. Henry, one 
of the * * bravest of 
the brave, ' * then at 
Fort Sanders, tn- 
ing to get well of 
injuries received 
in the campaign 
against Crazy 
Horse, under Gen- 
eral Crook. The 
letter ran : 

Ft. Sanders, W. T., 
Dec, 28, 1877. 

Sir: I enclose a circular which was started at this post by 
myself and assisted by the oflBcers of the same. The Army 
as a mass feels most gratefully toward Mr. Nast for his efforts 


in our behalf, and a failure of this scheme can only arise from 
thoughtless inattention to the matter. 

Yours respectfully, 

Guy V. Henrj-, Bvt-Col. U. S. A." 

The circular enclosed was entitled " A Testimonial to Thomas 
Nast," and was a notice to the Army and Navy that a subscrip- 
tion list had been opened for the purpose of raising money to 
purchase a " suitable testimonial," which should express the 
gratitude of soldiers 
and sailors toward 
the man who had 
been battling so long 
for their welfare 
The amount of each 
subscription was 
limited to twenty 
five cents, so that 
none might feel tliat 
he could not afford 
to share in the un 
dertaking. " Tliese 
circulars," said Col 
onel Henrj', in a 
note of comment, 
" have been sent to 
every post in the 

• Seribner's Mngazinc for Oelolicr, 1903, tonti 
Townaend Urady of this feartGits and splendid xotd 
of warfare gave him the nHme of " Fighting Guy." 
in the harness. Itrady in his article says; 

" He wan the knightliost soldier I have ever met, and I have met many. He ir»t 
one of the hiimlileHt ChristinnK I liave ever known, and I have known not k few. 
. . . So, his memory enshrined in the hearts that loved him, bis heroic decda 
the inspiration of his fellow-soldiers, passed to his brighter homSi Gwj V. Hmtf 
— R Captain of the Strong! " 

in^ a graphic sketch hy Cyrus 

er, whose almost incredible deed* 

He died In Porto Rieo, literal)}' 



With the beginning of 1878 the 

'' Turko-Eussian War waa still in 

progress, and in January we find 

John Bull suddenly waking up 

1 and asking, " Who is eating up 

■ My Turkey! " This was followed 

by a grewsome double skull, 

labelled " The Temple of Janus,'* 

and entitled the " Jaws of 

Death," into which the opposing 

^^■o^J!^^^».u.^' armies are steadily marching. 

Criticism of the President's Southern policy was allowed 

to continue in the ])ictorial pages of the Weekly, and even the 

editorial columns began to waver in their allegiance to the Hayes 


" Unfortunately," says Curtis {Jan. 12), " the course of the 
administration has been hesitating, and the consequence is that 
the party opposition is organized, bold, defiant, while the tone 
of the hostile Republican leaders is contemptuous." 

Tlie fact that the fall elections of 1877 had been danger 
signals, doubtless had something to do with Mr. Curtis's gradual 
leaning toward the attitude which Nast had assumed in the 


But whatever may have been their diflferences and debates 
concerning the President's pacification policy, editor and artist 
were as one in their financial views. The restoration of silver 
coinage had become the most important public issue, and both 
Curtis and Nast, in common with President Hayes, were uncom- 
promisingly for gold. 

There had been no stir when the silver dollar had vanished. 
Indeed, nobody seemed to know that it was oflScially gone until 
with a sudden influx of the metal, as a result of the discovery of 
new and almost fabulous lodes, the nation awoke to the fact that 
there was no longer any provision for its coinage. Nobody seems 
to have noticed a piece of legislation that in February, 1873, had 
made the silver dollar no longer a legal issue, with a debt-paying 
power like that of gold. The scarcity of silver at that time had 
made the intrinsic value of the coin greater than its face denomi- 
nation, with the result that silver money had been melted up or 
laid away. Not foreseeing the abundant supply of this precious 
white metal which the future would produce, a measure was 
passed discontinuing its coinage. The act was regarded at 
the time as being of slight moment. Yet in the years to come, 
this seemingly unimportant detail in a day's legislative work 
was to become exalted into an event of gigantic political propor- 
tions, for it was this unnoticed and quickly forgotten act, or the 
efl'ort to obliterate it, that was to put the most important plank 
into more than one Presidential Platform; that was to become 
almost the single issue of more than one national campaign; that 
was to result in the formation of a new national party, with a 
war-cry ^^ IG to 1," and with a fierce demand that the American 
peoi)Ie should rise up and repeal the '* Crime of Seventy-three! *' 
It seems curious now that any piece of legislation providing for 
such enormous i)ossibilities should have gone unlieeded at the 
time of its enactment. Yot so it did, and not even the slightest 
mention of it was made, either editorially or pictorially, in the 


important uses of their metal was gone. Men like General 
Butler, whose desire to increase the circulating finance of the 
countrj' had carried them to any length of proposed fiat legisla- 
tion, promptly rallied to the support of silver, which at least had 
a basis of substantial value. Nor were the inflationists the only 
champions of the white metal. Many of the foremost legislators 
in both Houses favored a return to the traditional ** double 
standard of the Constitution," denouncing gold as the ** money 
of monarchs, the prerogative of tyrants and of kings." 

During 1877 the financial question had been freely discussed in 
Congress, and various measures had been suggested with a view 
to restoring silver to its old place of honor. But in his annual 
Message in December the President had recommended that it 
be used only on a basis of its intrinsic value, at that time 
about ten per cent, less than the face value of the coin. Secretary 
Sherman, of Ohio, concorded with this opinion. It remained 
for Stanley Matthews, a newly elected senator from the same 
state, to secure the passage of a resolution providing for the pay- 
ment of all public debts, including bonds, in silver dollars of 
412^ grains each. Richard P. Bland, of Missouri, had already 
secured in the House the passage of a bill providing for a return 
to free coinage, but this measure was for the time superseded 
by the Matthews resolution. 

During the Presidential controversy, early in 1877, at the 
** Compromise Dinner '' Matthews and Xast had met. The Ohio 
man had regarded the artist with a good deal of curiosity, and 
finallv said: 

** I don't suppose you could caricature a man with regular 
features like mine." 

Nast regarded the rather good-humored countenance, with 
its projecting moustache that shut down on the round beard 
below like a box cover. Then he laughed. 

** Don't give me too good a chance to try," he said. 



The ehaace bad now come, In a carieature of Mattliews as 
a pawnbroker, returning a silver watch for a gold one, there 
was a suggestion of what might be done with tliat mustache 
and beard. But when on tlie 2Sfh of Jaiiuary, 187S, Matthews's 
EcBolutioii was adopted botli in tlie Senate and the House, by 
large majorities, the bearded mouth of Sfatthews heeanie all at 


once the jaws of a steel-trap, fastened to the leg of Uncle Sam. 
The trap was labelled ** St. Matthews' Resolution " and the pic- 
ture entitled, '* The First Step Toward National Bankruptcy." 

It was a remarkable cartoon, showing as it did the artist's 
ability to give human character to an inanimate thing, and this, 
too, without gross caricature. It also exemplified the fact that 
for those who have eyes to see there is a psychological relation 
between the character of any human face and the peculiar deeds 
of its owner. Matthews 's face distinctly suggested a trap. His 
Resolution was a political trap, skilfully set and sprung. A 
proposition by Conkling to make the Resolution ** joint " instead 
of ** concurrent,'' in order that it should require the President's 
signature, did not meet with success. The wily Matthews had 
constructed his trap with such care as to avoid this necessity. 
The play upon the Ohio Senator's name, by which it was made to 
conform to the cartoon idea, was one of those added touches 
which proved Nast great among his kind. The much abused 
pun, so frequently the cheap resort of a shallow wit, was a 
favorite adjunct with Nast, and in his hands was likely to become 
a stroke of genius. The trap of St. Matthews, which so resolutely 
closed on the leg of Uncle Sam, is an excellent example of 
the less violent caricature of Nast. The features disappeared 
presently, but the trap, a trap pure and simple, remained, and 
the meuiorj' of its first appearance remained so clearly estab- 
lished that, to those who had seen it, the trap was still Matthews 
and Matthews was always the trap. Clearly it is not good policy 
to challenge the possibilities of caricature. 

Matthews was not alone in his distinction. Henrv Watter- 
son, who had declared that universal suffrage could ** decree 
soft soap to be money/' if it chose to do so, and Murat Halstead, 
who had announced that what the American people wanted was 
a dollar so big that the eagle on it could, with his right wing, 
fan Washington City, and with his left, waft the dust along the 

(Cul. Wj.ll<:™in moll thr brow »f Maul BiliUad) 

streets of San Franciseo, while bis tail was spread oat over 
Hudson Bay — liis beak dredging the jetties at the Gulf — came 
in for a full share of pleasant satire. On March 9th, we find 
Halstead crushed under his big dollar, while his friend Watter- 
son — the tables reversed, this time— is bathing the Coinmeroial 
man's head with ice-water, and asking him if he doesn't think, 
after all, that a soft soap dollar would be better. 

The disposition toward silver legislafion was ver\- general. 
The Republicans who opposed it were not over zealous. In fact, 
such Democrats as fought the Bland hill, which now came up for 
further consideration, were far more vigorous in their attempts 
to defeat what was to them, in a sense, a party measure than 
most of those who opposed it on the other side of the House. 
Lucius Quintus Cincinnatus Lamar, of Mississippi, the noblest 
Koman of them all, battled with all his heart and soul against the 
silver measure, and this in the face of the fact that his action 


was repudiated by his State, whose legislature forwarded reso- 
lutions demanding that he change his views or resign his seat. 
In refusing to obey he said: 

" I cannot vote as these resolutions direct. I cannot and 
will not shrink from the responsibility which my position im- 
poses. My duty as I see it 
, I will do, and I will vote 
against this bill." ' 
Nast's efforts on the sil- 
^f^^^H^^H^^i^^^^ ver question did not go un- 
recognized. Many letters 
came to him, both of praise 
and condemnation. Colonel 
Robert G. Ingersoll sent an 
appreciative letter (Febm- 


ammoruaviq um.f ^ havelougwished to uiake 

lammoruaiiq um.f, your acquaintance, and shall 

avail myself of the first opportunity. I want to know the man 
who writes such wonderful essays and speeches without words. 
But letters of another sort were more plentiful, for the silver 
sentiment was strong throughout the land. Papers condemned 
him as a fool or a knave. The Graphic having failed to secure 
his sen'ices, now cartooned him on the front page of nearly every 
issue. Its favorite plan was to reproduce by a new process- 
engraving certain of his former cartoons, done in the old " In- 
flation " days— at a time when silver, like gold, had been worth 
intrinsically its face value— and to present Uncle Sam as pointing 
them out to him and taunting him with his present sinfulness in 
rejecting the metal he had once deemed so worthy. 

• In HpLte of Sfnator Lamar's diaregard of his constituency he was reelected to 
the Senate in 188* by a much larger mnjority than he had received sis yeare before. 
In 1685 he was appointed Secretary of the Interior, and in 1S8T an Ajsociate Jus- 
tice of the Supreme Bench. He died in 1B03. 


As a matter of fact Nast did not know that silver had been 
demonetized when he drew those first " specie " cartoons. It 
has been said that Grant himself did not know it, and that those 
who did were very few indeed. In one issue, the Graphic por- 
trayed Uncle Sam as spanking Nast for his persistent wicked- 
ness. When the bill was finally passed, and vetoed by the 
President, and was passed again over his head, the Graphic 
rejoiced in its victory over the " pencil of Nast," and empha- 
sized it with a quotation from the Chicago Tribune, which said: 

The Graphic had the wisdom and sagacity to espouse the 
remonetizing of the old national money. When the caricatur- 
ing pencil of Nast was purchased to traduce the advocates of 
silver, the Graphic portrayed Mr. Tom Nast in cartoons that 
made him wince and his employers squirm. 

The passage of the silver bill was in truth a humiliation. The 
cartoonist cared 
nothing for the 
Graphic's carica- 
tures, or the fact 
that a hundred 
other papers de- 
nounced him and 
rode him down. He 
grieved only in the 
reflection that he 
had fought what 
seemed a great 
wrong and had . 
failed. His first 
comment on the 
matter was a pic- 
ture of the dis- 
carded and half-for- 
gotten Rag-baby, ' 



who having swallowed the silver dollar seemed to be reviving. 
In the same issue he relieved his spirit in a good cause with a 
full-page plea for the skeleton Army and Navy, against which 
new bills of reduction and retrenchment had been devised. 

Uncle Sam, the trap still on his leg, now became a sort of a 
dissolute person who was inclined to disregard his obligations. 
The Fisheries Award of $5,500,000, allowed to England in settle- 
ment of a dispute which had been going on for the better part 
of a century, our National Uncle seemed willing to repudiate, or 
at most to settle in depreciated coin. We find him whittling a 
good deal at this stage, and sitting about the house and being 
abused by Columbia for bis shiftlessness. 

But in sections of the country large masses of the people re- 
joiced greatly, and from the tone of the ' ' silver ' ' press it would 
seem that the time of the millennium drew near. Naturally 
President Hayes fell more and more into disfavor. The few who 
approved his financial policy were likely to condemn his attitude 
toward the South, while the South, whose friendship be bad 
hoped to win, regarded him as a usurper and rejected him 
accordingly. Yet it is probable that no man has ever tried more 
faithfully to be a good President than did Rutherford B. Hayes. 



At frequent intervals Major Pond renewed his endeavors to 
iodace Nast to retnm to the lecture platform. Hathaway and 
Pond was the style of the lecture firm at this time, successors to 
the Bedpath Lycenm Bureau. A single letter will convey an 
idea of the temptations in this direction with which the artist 
was still beset: 

Boston, June 6, 1878. 
My Dear Mr. Nast! 

Beecher said the other day, " Nast is a statesman." We 
want just such a statesman as you to lecture nest season. Can't 
you be prevailed upon to give us a month— a week— a day? We 
will give you $300 a night for four or six weeks, and if yon can 
give us the season we will make it as much of an object as pos- 
sible. We will do everything that can be done to make your 
travels easy, and we will make no more nights a week than yon 
can comfortably fill. I will go with you and take all the care of 
yon that can be taken, will make your yoke easy and your burdwi 
light for you; and heavy for me as you like. Please reply yes. 

Kind regards to Mrs. Nast and the little folks. 
Faithfully yours, 

It wonld seem hard to b*" 

J. B. Pond. 

OS ihea^ 


(The featarcB ot lbs ikall lotioed bj the wnckige) O 

especially as the cartoonist could have continued his work in the 
Weekly, the puhlishers being more than willing that he should be 
thua brought in personal contact with their public. 

Yet he did not go. Money matters were easy with him, and the 
long travel and broken sleep were not to his taste. More than all, 
he was unhappy away from his home and family, in which lie 
foimd ever his greatest comfort. 

The anti-Cliinese prejudice feeling began to manifest itself 
again during the early part of 1878. Uncle Sam still wearing the 
trap, as well as an expression of general disgust at his own 
decline, is made to say, " I hate the nigger because he is a citi- 
zen, and I hate the yellow dog because he will not become one," 

Nast never had the slightest sympathy with any sort of organi- 
zation or movement that did not mean the complete and absolute 
right of property ownership, as well as the permission to labor, 
accorded to everj' human being of whatsoever color or race. His 
first real antagonism to James G. Blaine began with the latter's 
advocacy of Chinese Exclusion. 

Cartoons on Communism and on certain evil results of the 
silver legislation continued through a quiet spring, with here and 
there a comment on European alTairs, a stroke for the Army, 


or a slap at the Income Tas, a measure which Nast bitterly 

The victory of America over Great Britain, achieved by 
the Columbia College crew in the regatta at Henley, July 4 
and 5, was duly recorded in three cartoons, published July 27. 
It had been a great international event, and Columbia's triumph 
occurring so opportunely, added vast joy to the celebrations of 
American independence. 

Turkey as a bone of contention, with Bismarck holding a 
lean hound in the leash, and the same soldier-statesman presid- 
ing at the International Table and observing, to a line of empty 
plates, " Gentlemen, there is really no more Turkey," completed 
the European war pictures, and Nast's summer's work. Already 
with his family he had sailed for Europe when these appeared, 
and for three 
months gave little 
thought to the mis- 
chief of politics or 
the making of pic- 

It was the year 
of the Paris E.\- 
position, where the 
Xasts added a 
number of art ob- 
jects to their Cen- 
tennial purchases. 
AVhilo there Nast 
received through 
his old friend John 
Russell Young, 
then in Paris, a 
rp(|uest from the ■'T..rk..),T.,rt.j,«i!rT«i».«.u«i 



American Minister, Mr. Noyes, that he (Mr. Noyea) be allowed 
to give the artist a dinner at the Legation. In closing his note 
Young says: 

Halstead sends you all kinds of pleasant messages. Pen- 
ton says yon used to make wonderful drawings of his nose and 
shirt collar. 

Halstead and Fenton were both in Paris at the time, the latter 
as chairman of the International Monetary Conference. The 
pleasantries of the Greeley campaign had lost their sting, and 
the happiness of the Legation dinner was unmarred. 

During this trip abroad, the Nast family journeyed through 
Scotland, Ireland and England, to the chief points of interest, 
including Stratford and old Chester, and down into Cornwall for 
a stay at the home of Colonel Peard. At Chester they added a 
number of valuable old relics to their collection of antiques. 

While in London 
they visited Ban- 
bury, of " Banbury 
Cross " fame, where 
dwelt Thomas But- 
ler Gunn, of the old 
nierrj" crowd which 
twenty years before 
\ had gathered at the 
' " Tlu'atre des Ed- 
wards." It was a 
needed vacation, and 
the publishers in 
America were care- 
ful to see that the 
facts of the cartoon- 
ist's absence were 
duly made known to 
the public. 


niE tribune's cipher disclosures 

During Nast's absence in 
1878 a Congressional commit- 
tee had begun investigations in 
Louisiana, with a view of set- 
tling the many charges of elec- 
toral fraud, preferred by Man- 
ton Marble and other friends 
and advisers of Mr. Tilden. 
Ever since the presidential de- 
cision of 1876 a number of men 
and papers had kept up an un- 
ceasing cry of " Fraud " and 
" Corruption " as against the Republican Managers, with an 
equally persistent claim of *' Morality " on the part of Mr. Til- 
den 's cause. Never for a moment had the dissatisfaction been 
allowed to become quiescent. On his return from abroad, 
October, 1877, Mr. Tilden had been serenaded, and from the front 
stoop of his Gramercy Park residence had made an address to 
the Young Democrats on his favorite doctrine, Reform, strenu- 
ously denouncing the methods by which the accession of Presi- 
dent Hayes had been obtained. His words were widdy repeated, 
and kept the fires of indignation brio* " 



Mr. Marble became especially unsparing in his accusations 
and rhetoric, until at last, considerably more than a year after 
the electoral decision, a resolution had been offered by Clarkson 
N. Potter to make still further inquiries into the alleged fraud- 
ulent returns from the three disputed States. It proved to be 
one of the most disastrous political boomerangs ever launched. 
Mr. Tilden had the sympathy 
of his entire party at this period, 
and of many who had opposed 
him in 1876. He was the one 
Democratic candidate for 1880, 
and would almost certainly have 
been chosen had the Ijouisiana 
matter been left undisturbed. 
The organization of the Potter 
Committee had occurred before 
Nast sailed for Europe, and had 
been recorded by him in two car- 

A Bit u( Work jo.t from IhcPoltrr j^j^^g rp|jg fj^^^ ^f ^j^^^^ ^^^ ,.^ 

' jar ' from the Potter," which was to " turn the White House 
upside down "; the other, a caricature of Henrj- Watterson, 
sharpening his pen in readiness for the results. Nast then sailed 
away, little dreaming what those results would be. Certainly 
he expected nothing of very great importance. 

What the friends of Mr. Tilden expected it would be difficult 
to say. As the weeks passed, Mr. Marble became particularly 
bitter in his denunciations of the methods used to seat Uaves 
and Wheeler, and still more persistent in his assertion that Mr. 
Tilden and his friends had relied wholly ui)on moral forces to 
achieve victorj-. 

Tlie situation was therefore somewhat ludicrous, and certainly 
dramatic, when a quantity of Democratic cipher telegrams of 
1876, which had passed into the hands of a Senate Committee, 


were translated by the combined efforts of Colonel W. M. Groe- 
venor and Mr. J. R. G. Hassard, of the New York Tribune, and 
established apparently beyond question that the voluble and vin- 
dictive reformer, Marble, with C. W. Wooley, Smith M. Weed, 
John F. Coyle, Colonel W. T. Pelton, and others, had been en- 
gaged, during the weeks following the election of 1876, in a 
direct effort to purchase the Presidency with money. 

In the beginning, the Potter Committee had reported certain 
Republican irregularities and there had been great rejoicing in 
and about the neighborhood of Mr. Tilden's residence in Gram- 
ercy Park. Early in August Mr. Marble had taken occasion to 
put forth a letter more direct, more bitter and more specific in its 
charges, as well as more exhaustive in its peculiar rhetoric than 
any preceding document. This remarkable manifesto appeared 
at a singularly unfortunate time, for the ink with which it was 
printed was hardly dry when there began to appear, in the pages 
of the Tribune, selections from the mass of cipher despatches 
which had passed between Mr. Tilden^s residence and those 
friends who had looked after his interests in the South during 
the Returning Board period. 

The despatches, as they first appeared, were still in cipher, but 
even in their cryptographic form there was something strangely 
suggestive in certain of the phraseology, and day by day as they 
appeared the interest of the public became ever more intense, 
especially as the Tribune here and there hinted at possible mean- 
ings and word arrangements — a fact which would suggest to-day 
that the cipher experts were already far on their way toward 
actual solutions, and that the Tribune was merely preparing the 
public for one of the greatest newspaper beats on record. 

Indeed, the gradual development of the Tribune's ** Cipher 
Disclosures '^ resembles nothing so much as a cat playing with 
a mouse, or with a number of mice, which, when it is ready for 
the feast, it will slay with great gusto and intense torture. TbQ 


Tribune prolonged its playful enjoyment by quoting despatches 
and parts of despatches having a humorous sound. Such words 
as * * geodesy ' ' and * * ineremable ' ' gave special delight to the 
writer, who declared that no one but Mr. Marble could have 
employed these verbal curiosities. Presently there began to 
appear half -translated cryptograms, such as the following: 

'' To Colonel W. T. Pelton, 15 Gramercy Park, N. Y. 

(15 Gramercy Park was Mr. Tilden's home. Colonel Pelton 
was his nephew and private secretary.) 

* * Bolivia Laura, Finished yesterday afternoon responsibility 
Moses. Last night Fox found me and said he had nothing which 
I knew already. Tell Russia saddle Blackstone. M. M. ' ' 

It became evident, not only to the conspirators, but to the 
public, that if the paper had not already found the key to these 
communications, it would speedily do so, and that a great ex- 
posure of inside history was about to be made.* 

The Tribune now gave Mr. Marble and his associates an oppor- 
tunity to publish, of their own accord, the key to the ciphers, 
and thus clear Mr. Tilden of the suspicion that was rapidly grow- 
ing in the public mind.f Republican ciphers had been translated 
and found to be harmless. If the Democratic desjmtches were 
of the same sort, it was time that the reputation of the party, 
and especially the good name of Mr. Tilden, should be protected. 

For, says the Tribune, there is no man outside of an asylum 
of idiots who will believe that Mr. Tilden did not know anything 
of the despatches in cipher, passing between his house and his 
confidential friend, Manton Marble. 

• In a rocent letter to the writer Mr. Whitelaw Reid says: 

My recollection is that Mr. Hassard and Colonel (Jroavenor worked independently 
of each other for some time on the ciphers, occasionally consulting and comparing 
notes; and that when the clue was finally detected Mr. Hassard gave me his dis- 
covery in the afternoon, and a little later, on the same day, a despatch was received 
from Colonel Grosvenor at Englewood, reporting the same discovery. Practically 
it was simultaneous. 

f Copies of the cipher despatches were also privately offered to Mr. Tilden by Mr. 
Reid during an interview at the United States Hotel in Saratoga. Mr. Tilden de- 
clined them, which might be taken to indicate that he waa already familiar with 
their oontents. 


The Tribune adds: 

If they (the despatches) have an innocent meaning, why 
is it that of at least a dozen friraids of Mr. Tilden who were 
found using the same cipher, not a single one dares to come 
forward with the key. Plain people know what such silence 
means. Dare Samuel J. Tilden make known the key of the 
secret despatches to and from Oramercy Farkf 

The curiosity of the public was now at fever heat and there 
had been awakened a feeling of indignation which had resulted 
in a suggestion that the returned Potter Committee should put 
Mr. Tilden and his friends on the stand to explain the secret 
correspondence. Of 
course, from the 
newspaper stand- 
point, this would not 
do— not yet. The cat 
must kill its own 
mice, and the time 
for the killing was 
close at hand. 

On Saturday, 
October 5, the Trib- 
ime gave notice that 
the first execution 
would take place in 
the Monday morn- 
ing issue. It said : 

We shall show not 
onlywhat the cipher 
despatches mean, 
hot how they were 
made, who wrote 
them, who received 
them, and how we 
discovered the in- 
terpretation of 


them. We shall print the despatches themselves, as well as the 
translations, and we shall give the keys so that anybody can test 
the accuracy of the versions. 

What happened in Gramercy Park over that fateful Sunday 
has not been recorded, but bright and early on Monday morning 
the Tribune made good its promise. In extra pages and in bold 
type a goodly portion of the Florida despatches were set forth, 
with the keys necessary to their solution. Also the explanation 
of how the ingenious * ' Dictionary Ciphers ' ' had been gradually 
and surely worked out until the whole miserable story was clear 
for all the world to read. 

And the world did read, absorbing the strange marvel of the 
tale. The Florida despatches which had passed between Mr. Til- 
den 's residence and Tallahassee showed that one proposition 
from Mr. Marble to pay $200,000 for a favorable decision had 
been held *' too high " because another despatch from another 
agent had promised a cheaper bargain. Mr. Marble's despatch 

was as follows: 

** Tallahassee, Dec. 2. 
** Colonel Pelton, 15 Gramercy Park: 

^^ Have just received a proposition to hand over at any hour 
required Tilden decision of board and certificate of Governor 
for $200,000. Marble.'' 

The '* cheaper bargain " had been offered by C. W. Wooley, 
whose cryptographic name was ' ' Fox, ' ' and had been addressed 
to H. Havemeyer, who would appear to have been in some way re- 
lated to the enterprise. It bore the date of Tallahassee, Decem- 
ber 1. 

'* Board may make necessary expense of half a hundred 
thousand dollars. Can you say will deposit in bank immediately 
if agreed! " 

The reply to this was: 

** Telegram received. Will deposit dollars agreed. (You) 
cannot however draw before vote (of) member (is) received." 

The wary financial end of the enterprise did not wish to 


pay for a vote without tlie goods in hand. To this Wooley 
replied : 

' ' Select some one in whom you have more confidence. ' ' 

Answer : 

*' All here have i^erfect confidence in you. No other has 
power and all applications declined. Stay and do what you 
telegraphed you could do. ' ' 

This was signed ** W," and is supposed to have been sent by 

Colonel W. T. Pelton. Three days later Mr. Marble, who was 

cryptographically ** Moses," and who even in cipher could not 

avoid rhetorical exercise, sent this interesting word: 

*' Tallahassee, Dec. 4. 
'' Col. W. T. Pelton, 15 Gramercy Park: 

** Proposition received here giving vote of Republican of 
Board, or his concurrence in court action preventing electoral 
votes from being cast, for half a hundred best U. S. 
documents. Marble. ' ' 

** Best U. S. documents " were one thousand dollar bills— half 
a hundred of which would be $50,000, the amount already pro- 
posed by Mr. Wooley. Here was a dilemma. Gramercy Park 
could not be certain that the agents were acting in concert and 
ordered them to get together at once. Doubtless this was accom- 
l)islied, for i)resently from '* Moses " came a second cipher which, 
translated, read : 

'* ^fay Wooley give one hundred thousand dollars less half for 
Tilden additional Board member? " 

No reply came to this, and in Tallahassee feverish hours went 
by. The time for action was getting brief. Gramercy Park was 
uncertain, economical and hesitating. It was not altogether 
clear that the same vote was not being twice paid for. With a 
business thrift perhaps inherited from his prudent uncle. Colonel 
Pelton did not care to waste money. Finally he telegraphed: 

** Proposition accepted if only done once." 

But there was some mistake in the transmission of this mes- 
sage and it was unintelligible in Tallahassee. '* Moses " and 


* * Fox ' ' wired again and more precious hours were lost. Then, 
at last, came the long-waited for authority in proper form. The 
order to buy one Presidency for * * half a hundred best U. S. docu- 
ments " was in their hands. Tlie purchasers rushed out aud- 
it was too late. It was then that * * Moses ' ' had sent the * * Black- 
stone ' ' telegram, which, fully elucidated, ran : 

'' Col. W. T. Pel ton, 15 Gramercy Park: 

*' Proposition failed. Finished yesterday afternoon respon- 
sibility as Moses. Last night Wooley found me and said he had 
nothing, which I knew already. Tell Tilden to saddle Black- 
stone. Marble. ' ' 

That is, Mr. Tilden was to resort to legal proceedings. 

Never since the Times exposure of the Tweed accounts had 
there been such a newspaper triumph. From end to end the 
nation was in a mixed state of sorrow and ridicule. Every jour- 
nal of whatever party was full of the matter— every Hayes organ 
and a goodly number of those which had hitherto supported Til- 
den promptly accepting the disclosures as genuine, and as proof 
of Mr. Tilden 's complicity. 

That Thomas Nast would make the most of the Florida revela- 
tions goes without saying. His faith in Tilden had never been 
more than momentary, while Manton Marble had even more 
rarelv connnanded his admiration. He removed Mr. Tilden 's 
mummy from the company of that of Mr. Hendricks, covered 
the casing with cryptograms, and inscribed upon it, '* Tilden and 
Reform," with the pseudonyms, '^ Moses " and *' Fox." Upon 
the brow of the occupant he branded the word '* Fraud "—the 
whole ** Exhumed by the New York Tribune." Marble he 
depicted as a statue with a scroll of ciphers in his hand. Tlie 
issues of the Weekly containing these pictures complimented the 
Tribune's great achievement and gave translations of the ciphers 
on Mr. Tildon's casing. 

It seems hardly necessarj^ to enter into the full details of 
the South Carolina and Oregon attempts to buy or control 


electors. Those who care to dig more deeply into these political 
methods of a bygone day may follow the entire proceedings in 
the files of the New York Tribune during the final months of 
1878 and the early months of 1879, and learn therefrom the whole 
curious aud remarkable storj'. 

The transactions of Smith M. "Weed in South Carolina would 
seem to have been even more open than those in Florida. lie did 
not use a psendonjTii. but wired over bis own initials that he 
could control the Returning Board for $8n,0(X). Tliis proposition 

being accepted, he 
set out for Balti- 
more, where a mes- 
senger was to meet 
him with the money, 
which he had re- 
quested should bo 
, conveniently di- 
vided into three 
l>ackages of $65,(X>0, 
$10,000, and $5,IMX), 
respectively, all in 
bills of large denom- 
inations. But, alas, 
there was the usual 
delay and uncertain- 
ty of all Qramerey 
Park transactions, 
and before the 
necessary funds 
arrived the Can- 
vassing Hoard had 
declared for 


In Oregon, as previously noted (page 346), an attempt was made 
to disqualify a Republican elector on the ground of ineligibility. 
It was necessary, however, to purchase another elector to act 
with Cronin (the Democrat selected) and negotiations to this 
end were conducted through one J. N. H. Patrick and others. The 
Oregon episode is chiefly notable for the celebrated *' Gobble " 
or ** Gabble '' cipher sent by the Democratic Governor of Ore- 
gon, Grover, directly to Mr. Tilden himself. Patrick had already 
telegraphed to Pelton, November 30: 

*' Governor all right without reward. Will issue certificate 
Tuesday. One elector must be paid to recognize Democrat to 
secure majority. Will take $5,000 for Republican elector.'' 

The Governor's cipher despatch to Mr. Tilden next morning 

confirmed the above, at least so far as his own intentions were 

concerned. Translated, it ran: 

'' Portland, Ore., Dec. 1, 1870. ' 
'' To Samuel J. Tilden, 15 Gramercy Park, N. Y.: 

** I shall decide every point in the case of post-office elector 
(the disqualified Republican) in favor of the highest Democratic 
elector, and grant the certificate accordingly on morning of Gth 
instant. Confidential. 

' Gabble ' " (Governor). 

It is presumed that a telegram addressed to Mr. Tilden per- 
sonally at his home would be delivered to him, and that at least 
he received this particular message. Yet the Oregon negotia- 
tions continued and were still in progress on December 6th, five 
days later. The money was sent to purchase the elector, who 
** must be paid," but with that curious fatality which followed 
at the heels of each of these attem])ts it arrived one day too late. 

And it seems a destiny still more strange that the Potter Com- 
mittee should now turn to rend those who had prodded it into 
existence. It held an inquisition at Washington, where it wrung 
confession from Colonel Pelton; also from Mr. Weed, who justified 
his offence by declaring it was ^^ only paying money for stolen 
property." Then, when it had secure<:l a statement from Mr. 


Marble that such telegrams as he had sent had been merely 
*' danger signals/' it came to New York to allow Mr. Tilden to 
testify in his own behalf. The examination took place in Febru- 
ary, 1879, at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, and was of dramatic in- 
terest. The witness was feeble and broken. The sorrow of his 
defeat, the obloquy incident to the exposure, the months of sus- 
pense had told. Commenting editorially on this * * last scene of 
all," the Tribune said: 

In a low dark room, excessively hot and densely packed, 
the whole world sat at the reporters' tables, or crowded close 
with note-book in hand to catch the faint whispers that fell 
from a worn and haggard old man. 

The '' Sage of Gramercy Park " had become a pitiful and 
shrunken figure. His hands shook, his words were almost in- 
audible. The cross-examination of Frank Hiscock of New York 
and Thomas B. Reed of Maine was unusually trying and severe, 
and, shrewd lawyer that he was, Mr. Tilden fared badly in their 
hands. Again, as in 1868, he denied that he had ever taken any 
part in the attempted bribery. He avowed that he would have 
scorned to defend his title by any such means. He referred to 
the '* futile dalliance " of Colonel Pelton, whose sole offence, he 
said, was to offer to bribe men to do their lawful duty. Once, 
when a sharp sally from Mr. Reed provoked laughter among the 
spectators, Mr. Tilden made an effort to join in the mirth. 

He was allowed to go at last, and in the hearts of men censure 
began to give way to a feeling of sympathy for one who so 
recently had been his party's idol and the '' people's choice," 
but who now was but an added wreck among the rocks and 
shifting sands of politics. For, innocent or guilty, with the first 
publication of the cipher disclosures, his career had met death 
at his very threshold, his pennant of Reform had become a rag of 
mockery in his hands. 

AVliile the evidence adduced against Mr. Tilden by the Tribune 


exposures and the subsequent examinations was of a kind purely 

relative and inferential, it was nevertheless of a nature suflS- 

ciently startling. Nor have more recent developments been 

favorable to the assumption of his entire innocence. 

In a recent article in McClure's Magazine (May, 1904) the 

writer, a friend of the late Abram S. Hewitt, in reference to Mr. 

Tilden's conduct during the days of the Electoral Commission 

(January and February, 1877) , says : 

Throughout the controversy there was a continual un- 
certainty as to who was Mr. Tilden's spokesman. Mr. Hewitt 
naturally thought he ought to be, but was often as much in 
doubt as any one. Colonel Pelton, Mr. Tilden's nephew and 
private secretary, sometimes seemed to be the man, sometimes 
Speaker Randall, sometimes Colonel Watterson, who accepted 
election to vacancy at Mr. Tilden's urgent request, and again 
David Dudley Field. In fact this writer is assured that there 
never was a time when any man had the complete confidence of 
Mr. Tilden, whose frequent telegrams were often unsigned, and 
though in general there was a perfect understanding as to 
what should be done, progress in a matter in which Mr. Tilden 
was most concerned was much interrupted by his occasional 
utter refusal to give orders, or by the order being sent to the 
wrong person. 

The reader must see that this coincides exactly with the hesi- 
tations and delays which brought to naught the purchase pro- 
ceedings in the several States where negotiations had been actu- 
ally begun. Many of the cipher telegrams were unsigned, while 
the tendency to dally, to hesitate and to distrust was constantly 
made manifest. If we assume that Mr. Tilden himself was be- 
hind Colonel Pelton, the reason for the peculiar economies and de- 
lays — the ^^ futile dalliance " — becomes immediately apparent. 

That Colonel Pelton did so act for his uncle was the prompt 
conclusion, not only of the Republican Party, but of a suffi- 
ciently large number of Democrats, to destroy utterly the possi- 
bility of his ever obtaining another presidential nomination. 
Most of these did not hesitate to declare that the fact of the 
telegrams having been sent and received at 15 Gramercy Park 


was sufficient evidence that Mr. Tilden knew what was in prog- 
ress—it being his habit and very nature to give extraordinary 
attention to the details of political contests. It developed further 
that the cipher used was one which Mr. Tilden had long em- 
ployed in his business transactions and continued to do up to 
the very time of the Tribune exposure. Also, it may be added, 
a number of the telegrams, like the '* Blackstone " cipher, 
would seem to have been intended for *' Russia " (Mr. Tilden 's 
cryptographic title), such messages having been sent by his 
intimate friends with a full knowledge of all the conditions and 
possibilities, while the '* Gabble " cipher was sent directly to Mr. 
Tilden himself, and could hardly have passed unnoticed. More- 
over, there is recorded evidence that Mr. Tilden was apprised of 
v_ Colonel Pelton's doings while the attempts were still in progress, 

for Colonel Pelton himself, before the Potter Committee, testi- 
fied that he had been censured by his uncle for the South Caro- 
Una attempt in November, which reproof had not prevented him 
from undertaking, through '* Moses " and ** Fox," the Florida 
enterprise, ending with the ** Tell Russia to saddle Blackstone " 
cii^her. He added that throughout all he had been recognized 
by the others as his uncle's accredited agent and that any request 
from Pelton had been virtually a request from Tilden. That 
Mr. Tilden should have retaiiled as friends and intimates of his 
household not only his nephew but those associated with him in 
the undertaking, and had still proclaimed the creed of Reform 
from his doorstep long after he had acquired a full kno^rtedge of 
their misdeeds, was a condition which even his warmest adnm*- 
ers could not overlook. 

Finally, it may be added that as Mr. Tilden 's nephew, Colonel 
Pelton, was believed to, have no amount of funds that were not 
provided by his- uncle, the conclusion was naturally reached that 
the '^ Eighty thousand dollars in three convenient packages " 
and the ^^ Half a hundred best U. S. Documents " were to be sup- 


plied in some manner from " Uncle Sammy's celebrated barrel," 
which had figured so largely during the campaign. 

Concerning the evidence in Mr. Tilden's favor, it may be smd 
that all of those examined by the Potter Committee declared for 
his innocence. Their testimony may be accepted for what it is 
worth. If we do not highly regard it as evid^ice, we may respect 
in it a certain honor and sense of chivalry. That conspiracy and 
fraud could spring up and thrive not only at Mr. Tilden's thresh- 
old, but by his very fireside— all unknown and unsuspected by 
that astute lawyer— was not conceded for an instant by his ene- 
mies, and was admitted with reluctance by his friends. Even 
those who remained loyal and honored him were obliged to 
confess that one so easily hoodwinked could not properly become 
the nation's chief executive. 

Time has softened and forgetfulness destroyed many of the 
old impressions and the old asperities. Sympathy with a feeble 
and disappointed man is characteristic of the American people, 
and in the case of Mr. Tilden the general unpopularity of his 
Buccessfal opponent, President Hayes, told largely in his favor. 
Mr. Tilden to-day is almost universally regarded as a hero and a 
martyr— a great statesman defrauded of his rights— the victim 
not only of his enemies but of his friends. 

lUK oPENUio OF coNanzsa 



The autumn elections of 1878 were directly influenced by the 
cipher exposures. Much of the ground which the Republicans 
had lost the year before was regained, while Democratic possi- 
bility of a President in 1880, which had become clearly defined 
since the inauguration of Hayes, now became daily more 
remote. Nast pictured the Lamb as emerging from the interior 
of the Democratic Tiger, and Henry Watterson as chaining up 
the devil who was not to be turned loose just yet. He closed his 
important work of the year with a companion piece to his ' ' Gen- 
Disposition " caricature of himself, printed more than a year 
before. In this second picture Uncle Sam is shown as fleeing, 
while the bottom has dropped out of the policy chair, and *' our 
patient artist " has fallen through, though he still extends high 
in air the traditional ** scissors," significant of defiance to the 

Nast's position on the President's Southern policy had been 
vindicated by events. The conciliation overtures made by Hayes 
had resulted in making the South scarcely less bitter and cer- 
tainly more solid than at any time since the war. That the 
Harpers permitted the publication of this second picture was 
suflScient notice to the public that their surrender on this point 
was complete. 


The Christmas 
pictTire of 1878 was 
copied by the Pic- 
torial World of 
London, without 
credit, and used as 
a color supplement 
—the only change 
being that the 
American Flag of 
Nast's picture was 
altered by the Eng- 
lish periodical into 
the flag of Great 
Britain. Tliis repro- 
duction and adapta- 
tion of Nast's work 
on the other side 
was now the rule 
with many of the London papers, especially witli tlie holiday 
editions. A single Cliristmas number of " Yule Tide " contained 
both front and double page reproductions of his pictures. 

January 1, 1879, was marked by the resumption in the United 
States of specie payment. Tliere had been considerable doubt 
as to the ability of the Government to maintain its promises, 
even up to the final months, but tlic prices of coin and currency 
drew nearer and nearer together, until, when the final day ar- 
rived, they had merged into one, and those who had been hoard- 
ing greenbacks with the idea of converting them into gold found 
that they did not really want it, after all." The great change 

• There hnJ bpcn unradneKA at \VaiihJti)rloii. owing lo nimora of a gold " cor- 
ner •• uul B poBiiliU run on the Sub-Tres*ury in New Ynrk, but nt I lie vUmv <il Ihibi- 
nesa on the first " rexiimption " day it was found lh«t 9400,000 in gold had been pud 
into the Sub-TreuuT^ and but {135,000 withdrawn. 



took place without a flutter of disturbance. Confidence in our 
national integrity was complete. The chief evil resulting from 
the war had been overcome- 
Perhaps Nast's disgust with the silver situation prevented 
him from taking any pictorial notice of this great financial 
event. Instead he presented " A. Christmas Box "to the Solid 
South— the box containing a'^uew, clean shirt, to be donned iu 
place of the old " bloody ofie " lyhich is suspended on the wall. 
The artist realized that the day of this emblem was about over. 
The tendering to his ancient enemy of the new and speckless gar- 
ment was like holding out the Olive Branch, or, more exactly, 
the Flag of Truce. 

Tlie new year also introduced General Butler — who was neither 
Republican nor Democrat— as " The Lone Fisherman, from 
■ V > . Mass.," angling for 

a new party in 
stormy political 
seas. Secretary 
Scliurz, as a carpen- 
ter, having recon- 
structed his " In- 
dian Bureau " in a 
somewhat hetero- 
geneous fashion, 
calmly invites pub- 
lic inspection to his 
work. " The Ass 
and the Charger," 
one of Nast's telling 
army pictures, came 
the last week in .Tan- 
B OLD MAN nary, and, as if in 
'^ti^^^ immediate acknowl- 

C -^~ 


edginent, tliere fol- 
lowed tlie presenta- 
tion of the Anny 
and Navy testimon- 
ial — the consumma- 
tion of the plan 
which " Fighting 
Guy" V. Henry had 
inaugurated the 
year before. 

This testimonial, 
like that of the 
T'nion LeagiiP Club, 
ill lSfi9. was in the 
form of a beautiful 
silver vase, its pafcr 
teni being that of a 
large army canteen, 
liandsomely chased '^■*™™-'"'i"="'*"'*'"'°,'^'j5|^''^s^;t •"'"'""•''""'''' ""i"* 
and mounted. On one side Columbia is shown as decorating 
the artist in token of his services. On the other is the inscrip- 

Presented to Thomas Nast by his friends in the Army and 
Xavy of the United States, in recognition of the patriotic use 
he has made of his rare abilities as the artist of the people. 
Tlie gift of 3,5fH) offioers and enlisted men of the Army and 
Xavy of the United States. 

The ceremony took place at the home of Colonel William C. 
Cliarch, editor of the 'Army and Navy Journal, 51 Irving Place, 
New York City. General Hancock was to have made the presen- 
tation address, but being ill could not attend, and General Crit- 
tenden acted in his stead. Tlie event was unifjne in military his- 
torj'. Never before had the Anny and Navy made public recogni- 
tion of the services of a private citizen. General Crittenden said: 


At a time when the Army and Navy were in their utmost 
straits you were a friend. When the Army and Navy were as- 
sailed in the rear, when men who had been comrades and had 
got to be politicians, were assailing the army, when its best 
friends were timid or silent, you with a matchless, magic pencil 
spread the truth abroad in the land and filled the minds of 
people with truth, and their hearts with generous sentiments. 
What wonder that all those oflScers and soldiers should now 
turn to you as their steadfast friend, and one most deserving 
to be honored at their hands. . . . Your little finger was 
stronger on our side than the pens and voices of the ablest and 
loudest orators who were against us. What wonder that these 
people should consider you as their friend. In their name I 
tender you this as a token of their admiration, their gratitude 
and their friendship. 

Nast could say but little in reply. He managed to tell them 
that the pencil was the only instrument he could play upon, and 
complimented the bravery and steadfastness of soldier and 
sailor. He added a tribute to the paper which had permitted him 
to champion a worthy cause. Ten years before, at the Union 
League, he had spoken of himself as ' ' standing just beyond the 
threshold ' ' of his career. Had he referred to his progress now, 
he might have said that not only had he entered the house of his 
inheritance, but had mounted to its highest dome and pinnacle. 

Many of the country's bravest defenders were gathered to 
see honor done to the man who had labored in their cause. G^- 
eral Sherman could not be there, but sent Nast a long letter of 
congi'atulation. He closed by saying: 

In 1864, when the existence of our nation, with all its 
cherished memories, and all its promises for the future were 
in great peril, both political parties in asking the votes of the 
people proclaimed their devotion and eternal gratitude to the 
Army and Navy, then struggling for victory and national per- 
petuity. But we have been made to realize that such promises 
are easily forgotten when the danger is past, and peace reigns 
supreme. We are more dependent on the heart of our people 
than any other class of public servants, and your illustrations 
reach direct to the heart of those who look upon them; and 
therefore our deep obligation to you. Should your interest ever 


carry yon to our frontiers, you will realize that you have a place 
in every heart, and a welcome to every military post or camp. 
Truly yours, 

W. T. Sherman. 
Colonel Henry himself was too modest to be present, and Nast 
wrote him a heartfelt letter of thanks, to which the brave 
soldier made a brief and characteristic reply: 

Thomas Nast, Morristown, N. J.: 

Dear Sir: Yours at hand. You have no reason to feel in debt 
to the Army. Tbey owe you one they can never repay. Your 
one picture of a skeleton soldier, standing at present arms, to 
dismounted cannons, demolished fortifications, etc., did more to 
mould public opinion in got favor than bushels of letters. 
I am both glad and proud to have been the one to suggest 
to my brother officers what their 
hearts already prompted them to 
I am, sir, 

Very truly yours, 

Guy V. Henry, 
Bvt.-Colonel, U. S. Army. 

There are perhaps not a hundred 
people alive in the United Slates 
to-day who recall this tribute of 
the nation's defenders to Thomas 
Nast or the pictures which in- 
spired it. "We are a vast and busy 
nation. The curtain of the present 
shuts closely on the spectacle of 
the past. Tlie heroes of yesterday 
fade back into shadow land. Their 
bodies are dust, and their deeds, in 
the words of Sherman, are " easily 




General Grant's march of tri- 
nmph aronnd the world was re- 
corded here and there by Nast, 
as news came of royal welcomes, 
occidental and orioital, and of 
I the consideration everywhere 
accorded to the Ex-President, 
not only because of his nation, 
his former rank and his military 
genius, bnt as a tribute to his 
_ own simple personality and mod- 
DimcDLT PROBLEMS SOLVING THEU8ELVES gg^ iFreatness It is no wonder 
that with such recognition from those abroad, and with a period 
of freedom from care, there should awake in the bosom of the 
soldier a wish to crown his homecoming with a renewal of the 
highest honor which his own nation had to bestow. He knew 
that his triumph abroad had in a great measure vindicated him 
in his on-n land; that the charges and slanders which had 
blighted his last administration had well-nigh died away, and 
that the priceless achievements of his long term of public service 
were once more foremost in the public mind. "With experience 
he could avoid many political snares and pitfalls. He longed to 



redeem old errors by becoming once more the " people's serv- 
ant "—to give his nation a final term— not only of loyal and 
faithful, bat of veteran service. 

John Russell Young, who had joined tim in liis journey, wrote 
to Nast concerning the General's welfare, and of these aspira- 
tions. In a letter dated " On 
the Bed Sea, February 6, 

The General, Mr. Borie * and 
I spent most of our time look- 
ing at the waves and scheming 
for a third term! 1 1 ! 

You never saw such a 
schemer as the General is. He 
sits up hours and hours, late, 
and schemes. Don't tell Mr. 
Hanger about this — it will dis- 
tress him. , , . 

Teli J. " Brooklyn " that 
when I reach India 1 will write 
him the sweetest letter he ever read, praising every one around 
Franklin Square, and telling him of a charming dinner (Wil- 
liam) Black, Brunton and I had the night before I left London, 
and how kindly Black talked of him. 

I left General Grant on deck talking to his wife. He was 
scheming for a third term, I told him I was coming down 
stairs to write to some people— you among them. The General 
sent you his kindest wishes, and his regards to J. W. II. Mrs. 
Grant sent you her love. Please do not tell Mrs. N. of this 

We think of returning home in October. 

Yours sincerely, 

John Russell Young. 

It is likely that Xast was willing to regard this letter through- 
out more as jest than earnest. Seeing the situation as it was, lie 
preferred to believe that Grant did not really want a third term, 
or that at least he would change liis mind upon his return; and 
this, in fact, Grant was to do, as we shall sec later. 

*A. E. Borie, flnt SecretaT,v of tbe Navy u odor Grant. 



The labor question was often uppermost in the public mind 
during the later seventies. Commonism laid its blight apon in- 
dnstry, the aoti-Chinese movement iu California was accom- 
panied with riot and bloodshed. Meetings begmi by Dennis 
Kearney in 1877, on the open sand lot fronting the new City Hall 
in San Francisco, bad started a general war-cry, " The Chinese 
Must Go! " with the result of a combination of riotous foreign 
elements against the most peaceful and industrious of them all. 
Nast, whose sympathies were always with the oppressed, foagfat 
hard and fiercely for the Celestial and, as well, for the red man. 
In a cartoon published in February, 1879, he has them together. 

" Pale-face *fraid you crowd him out, as he did me," says the 
Bidian, and on the dead wall behind is a caricatnre of the red 

man being driven 
westward by the 
locomotive, and an- 
other of the yellow 
man trj-ing to catch 
the locomotive that 
will bear him to the 
east. Of course the 
question at once be- 
came political, and 
those statesmen 
who were willing to 
abrogate the terms 
of the Burlingame 
treaty in order to 
secure a Chinese 
Exclusion measnre 
were severely and 
justly handled by 
Nast. Blaine was 



foremost of these, and was portrayed in a manner that made the 
man from Maine heartsick, rememhering that so soon he might 
he hefore the people as a national candidate, and that Nast, who 
never yet in a campaign had been on the losing side, might refuse 
him his snpport. He attempted to explain and to justify his 
position, bat the artist could see in the Chinese immigrant only 
a man and a brother, trying to make a living in a quiet and 
peaceful manner in a country that was big enough for all. The 
Chinese Exclusion bill, introduced by Mr. Wren of Nevada, 
passed both Houses, but was firmly and bravely vetoed by Presi- 
dent Hayes, who declined to abrogate a treaty fairly made. 
Eventually a new treaty was concluded and Celestial immigra- 
tion restricted. This was defeat for Nast, but Blaine's political 
bid for California was one of the things that cost him the pres- 
idency of the United 

Mr. Tilden still in 
his cryptographic 
casing and Mr. 
Thurman pointing 
out the fiuancial 
graveyard through 
which the nation 
liad passed to reach 
specie resumption 
were the first indi- 
cations of usual au- 
tumn stirring of the 
political palse. In 
New York State 
both parties were 
badly divided, many 
Repnblicans having 




deserted the " machine " controlled by Conkliog, while " Hon- 
est " John Kelly had revolted from the element known as the 
Tilden Demoeraoy, preferring to throw his influence to the Ke- 
publican candidate for Governor, A. B. Cornell, than to sup- 
port Robinson, who represented those still loyal to the " Sage 
of Graraercy." 

It is doubtful whether Mr. Tilden himself took any very deep 
interest in the result. Nast depicted him as smiling at the 
" nionkey-and- parrot " tight of Kelly and liobinson, and as 
still smiling and saying " Bless you, my children," when the 
election was over and both Tammany and Tilden Democracy 
had met defeat. Curtis, in the Saratoga Convention, still at war 
with Conkling, had opposed the nomination of Cornell, and had 
continued to depreciate him in his editorials, to the discontent of 
many readers. As a result, in the issue of October 25th, the pub- 
lishers explained the paper's position. It declared that, as ener- 
getically as it had condcnmod unwise and unpatriotic practices in 


the Democratic ranks, so with equal force would it resist the 
evils developed by his own party. ' ' Only by silence and the slav- 
ish following of unwise and corrupt policies can any journal 
purchase place," it said. " If the success of the Weekly must de- 
pend upon such a saorifiee, we would rather discontinue its pub- 
lication." In the same number Mr. Curtis tendered his resigna- 
tion as Chairman of the Richmond County Convention, These 
incidents, in themselves of no great national importance, were 
among the early beginnings of a dissatisfaction which culminated 
in the great Mugwump defection of 1884. Nast had taken leas 
than usual interest 
in the four-cornered 
fight, in which there 
had appeared little 
principle beyond 
that of office-seek- 
ing. Such sympathy 
as he had was 
against the " ma- ^ 
chine " controlled 
by Conkling, whom 
he caricatured with 
considerable sever- 
ity, notwithstanding 
the personal friend- 
sliip between them. 
Conkling as a jack- 
daw with borrowed 
plumes was the most 
notable of these, and 
was widely re- 

Bat by far the 



chief event of the 
autumn of 1879 was 
the return of Gen- 
eral Grant from his 
trip around the 
world. He had been 
, absent for more 
I than two years, dur- 
ing which he had re- 
ceived an almost 
continuous ovation 
from foreign nations 
and their sover- 
eigns. No American 
abroad ever has 
. been so honored as 
General Grant, and 
no returning Amer- 
ican, except Ad- 
miral Dewey, was ever so extravagantly welcomed. On Sep- 
tember 20, 1879, on the "City of Tokio," the Ex-President 
arrived in San Francisco Bay. 

Tlie entire city was decorated with bunting and flowers, while 
the wild ringing of bells, the blowing of whistles and tlie firing 
of cannons welcomed tlie hero to his native land. " The Return 
of Ulysses," was Nast's allegorical presentation of this episode. 
There had been nothing partisan in Grant's welcome home. 
The feeling with which he was greeted was one of universal 
pride, and a patriotic desire to pay tribute to a great commander. 
It was as an echo from the closing days of the war, when all that 
we knew of Grant was that he had given us victory. 



'* Another stocking to fill '' was the Christmas greeting of 
1879-80. The picture showed Santa Clans bending over the crib 
of the '* new baby '*— the new baby being a late arrival in the 
Nast household, the first for eight years. It was a boy this time, 
Cyril, bom August 28, 1879, and it is said that the baby in the 
crib is a true likeness, while the features of Santa Clans are not 
unlike those of the proud and happy father. 

The new baby completed the family, and with the beginning of 
1880 the fortunes of the Naat household had reached their high- 
est point. The artist still owned the Harlem property, which 
had a valuation of thirty thousand dollars, the price for which 
it was eventually sold. He had accumulated another sixty thou- 
sand dollars in Government securities, while the beautiful Mor- 
ristown home and its rare contents were all his own. Solely by 
the combined work of head and hands, the young man who less 
than twenty years before had begun married life with 
an unpaid-for piano, had acquired no less a fortune than 
one hundred and twenty-five thousand dollars— an amount con- 
sidered rather large in that day. Well for him if he had re- 
mained content with his success, doing such work as agreed with 
his convictions, living on such income, whatever it might be, as 
his work and investments provided. Not that his income had 



appreciably decreased, for it still averaged considerably more 
than twenty thousand dollars a year— five thousand of which 
was the annual retainer from Harper Brothers, while something 
more than an equal amount came from his securities. The re- 
mainder was the additional received for drawings, and while it 
had become somewhat less than it had been prior to the death of 
Fletcher Harper, it was still a very considerable sum, and suffi- 
cient to many needs. 

But the artist grew ever more restive as he found it more diffi- 
cult to express himself fully in the pages so long identified 
with his individual utterances; and the idea of a paper of his 
own— an endowed journal in which every man who had some- 
thing to say, and the ability and courage to say it— a paper un- 
controlled by any party or policy— became more and more a 
dream which he resolved to make real. 

But those to whom he spoke of an endowed paper, while they 
frequently expressed enthusiasm, were reluctant to invest in such 
an enterprise. Theoretically it seemed a good idea. Commer- 
cially it did not appear promising. With a total lack of business 
judgment himself, the artist was impatient with these kindly but 
financially reluctant friends, and resolved to acquire through 
speculative investments sufficient capital eventually to start the 
paper on his own account. For the money itself he did not care, 
beyond the comforts that it would buy. His sole desire for in- 
creased fortune was that he might undertake the publica- 
tion of a journal wherein he could do battle for those 
social and political reforms which seemed to him so needful 
in the city and nation of his adoption. Two things he did not 
realize. First, that the public— so much larger, wealthier and 
less primitive than in those days following the Civil War— had 
grown careless of reform and preferred to be entertained— that 
the time for a paper of the sort he dreamed, if it had not gone by, 
was at least rapidly waning. Second, he did not understand that 


men in the guise of friendship could seek, for their own petty 
profit, to divest hira of liis hard-earned savings. Like his old 
hero. Garibaldi, he was a master Ln his own field— a field of 
action and of honor. Also like Garibaldi, he was guileless and 
easily played upon by those who through friendship won their 
way to his confidence or appealed to his moral and patriotic 
impulses. The lesson of his childhood— learned of the pet lamb 
in the field back of Landau— he had long since forgotten. He re- 
membered only that once, throngli a friend's advice, he had 
bought the Harlem ■ ■' 

lot. which as an in- 
vestment had 
turned out well. 
Other friends— some 
of tliem men whom 
he had known for 
years— learning that 
he wished other 
profitable invest- 
ments, now brought 
]iim thi» and that 
opportunity — a 
mine, perhaps, a 
patent, or a railroad 
undertaking — until 
within a single year 
lie had distributed a 
large part of his 
savings- those pre- 
cious Government 
securities— into va- 
rious channels, al- 
luring streams of <""'''•' 


Pactolus that sparkled by and brought no returning tide. 
He did not lament over these earlier losses. He had earned 
the money once—he could do so again. Neither did he learn wis- 
dom, or become distrustful of mankind in general. It was only 
at last in his final years, when the day of his power and for- 
tunes had passed by, that he ever became suspicious— and, some- 
times, as may be readily supposed, even of those who wished 
his welfare and were his friends in truth. It is one of the curious 
phases of human perception that this man, whose eyes rarely 
failed to penetrate a public sham, was likely to be sadly lacking 
in his estimate of personal friends. 

In Harper's Weekly the presidential year opened with the 
attempted adjustment of an election complication in Maine. 
The matter is of no general importance now, but it resulted then 
in a personal protest to Nast from Senator Blaine, who had be«i 
caricatured as a '* plumed '' Indian, seeking to straighten out 
matters with a war-club. As already mentioned, Blaine had been 
deeply humiliated by the Chinese cartoons, to which he could 
make no satisfactory answer. Now, it seemed to him, he might 
protest with reason, for he had gone to Maine in an attitude of 
peace rather than of war. 

Washington, D. C, Jan. 31, 1880. 
My Dear Mr. Nast: 

I am perhaps as willing a victim as ever was caricatured 
for the entertainment of the public. But, of course, I do not like 
to be totally and inexcusably misrepresented on an important 
issue. Having spent seventy anxious days and nights in Maine, 
for the express purpose of settling all our troubles, without 
violence or the slightest infractions of the law, I do not quite 
see the justice of painting me as an Indian with a war-club, 
anxious to strike and only prevented by the interposition of 
George Chamberlain. I would be glad as a matter of mere per- 
sonal curiosity to learn any fact or rumor or hearsay that justi- 
fied you in thus presenting me. If I was ever widely known for 
any public act or policy, it was for precisely the reverse of that 
which you present. 



I have always had a strong belief in your sense of right 
and justice, and I leave you to do what seems meet and proper 
in your eyes. Very sincerely, 

J. G. Blaine. 

What reply Nast made is not recorded, but concerning the 
cartoon it may be said that it was less effective and individnal 
than any preceding work, very unlike Nast in idea, and it is pos- 
sible that Blaine did not complain without reason. 

Senator Daniel W. Voorhees, of Indiana, the " Tall Sycamore 
of the Wabash," began to make bis appearance in the cartoons of 
'79 and *80 as a silver statesman, and later we find him repelling 
the exodus from the South of colored laimdresses who have ad- 
vanced upon the " great unwashed " Democracy of bis own 

It was about this time that Henry H. Lamb, Acting Bank 
Superintendent, b&- 
gan to look into the ^ 

matter of savings- (^ ^' 
banks voting large 
gifts and salaries to 
trustees, and mak- i 
iug other illegal and 
unnecessary use of 
funds. In the course 
of his investigations 
Snperi n t endent 
Lamb found a copy 
of Nast's letter of 
resignation, written 
in 1869, and applied 
to him for further 
particulars. Nast re- 
plied, giving addi- * 
tional details. With thk invasion of inpuka 


this letter and snch 
other " inside " in- 
formation as he 
could get hold of 
Mr Lamb began hia 
crusade for Savings 
Bank Reform. 

Tlie result was a 
decided upheaval in 
this particular finan- 
cial quarter. Nast*s 
letter of ten years 
before was printed, 
and presently sup- 
plemented with an- 
other, which was 
likewise given to the 
press. In the Week- 
ly of March 6, 1880, 
Nast further helped 
the cause with a car- 
toon, which showed 
the persistent and imperturbable " Lamb " mounted on a large 
Bank safe with a pack of angrj' wolves leaping up from below 
in an effort to destroy the official. It was one of the many curious 
coincidences of Nast's life that the letter, written out of a heart's 
conviction so long ago, should have sent a voice down through 
the years to awake at last an echo of refonn. 

Perhaps one of the best of the early pictures of this political 
year was a caricature of Congressman J. B. "Weaver, of Iowa, 
who several months later was to become the Greenback Party 
candidate for the presidency. Mr. Weaver had prepared certain 
inflation resolutions which he wished to introduce to the House, 



and which Speaker Randall persistently refused to note. He de- 
clined to " recognize " Mr. Weaver, who as persistently arose 
in his place to obtain a hearing. Nast cartooned him in the im- 
personation he had applied to so many (that of " Bottom ") 
and '* Greenback, the Weaver," appeared as an imposingly lu- 
dicrous figure, upon which the back of the Speaker was turned. 

When the paper came out, Weaver folded a copy of it with his 
resolutions, and appeared in his place as usual. He explained 
good-naturedly to the Speaker that he did not object to being 
cast for the part of a donkey, but pointed out the fact that the 
cartoon ofTended in that the Speaker had never yet turned his 
back on him. Speaker Randall smiled. He was quite willing 
to converse with the Gentleman from Iowa, while declining to 
recognize him in the parliamentary. sense. 

" The chair in discharging its duty is unmindful of any criti- 
cism of that sort, ' ' he said. 

The antics of joy displayed by *' Greenback, the Weaver," 
when finally he was recognized, was the sequel to this bit of na- 
tional comedy. 



Ab the national convmtions 
drew on, the political situation 
became more clearly defined. On 
the Bepublican side there was a 
very large element, led by Bos- 
coe Conkling, John A. Liogan, 
and Senator J. D. Cameron of 
Pennsylvania, who were eager 
in their desire to elect General 
Grant to the Presidency for a 
third term. The St. Louis 
Globe-Democrat had long printed a daily column headed, 
" Grant in 1880," and a number of other leading journals 
East and West had accorded with the idea. Another im- 
portant element, of which George William Curtis was a factor, 
opposed such a nomination on the ground that the possibility of 
a third term for any man would alienate many voters. They 
argued that there were many other " strong " men, of whom 
Secretarj' John Sherman of Ohio was by no means the least de- 
sirable. Nast, being loyal to Grant, refused to support any 
editorial expression against him— a fact which aroused com- 
ment and inspired poetry. He also declined to support Blaine 


in event of his nomination, and in order that this might be 
fully recorded he proceeded to caricature most severely the 
* * Plumed Knight ' ' on the eve of the Convention, portraying him 
as the ** magnetic man '' who had attracted many undesirable 
political features ; also as being decorated with many objection- 
able plumes. Nast was not, however, an ardent advocate of 
the third term idea, believing it to be better on the part of Grant 
to let well enough alone. Grant himself, in 1875, had said: 

I would not accept a nomination unless it should come 
under such circumstances as to make it an imperative duty, 
circumstances not likely to arise. 

That such circumstances had not arisen, he must have 
realized, for under date of May 2d he wrote Conkling a long 
personal letter in which he said: 

I fear that the presentation of my name at the conven- 
tion would not only assist in the defeat of Mr. Blaine, but 
seriously affect your future, besides warping my career. Even 
should I be nominated, it could only come ^ter a spirited con- 
test into which much bitterness would be injected; and then I 
doubt if I could be elected. 

The letter contained a plea for reconciliation between Conkling 
and Blaine, and closed as follows: 

I am generous enough to suffer myself rather than to have 
my friends suffer, if I am convinced that any action of mine 
would cause them to suffer. 

This indicated an entirely changed sentiment from that sug- 
gested in the letter written to Nast by John Russell Young, ' ' On 
the Red Sea,'' a year earlier. Evidently General Grant had 
awakened to the insubstantiality of his dream and the unwisdom 
of attempting to make it real. That he allowed himself to be 
re-convinced, or at least re-persuaded, resulted in one of the 
regrettable chapters of our political history. 

The Republican National Assembly convened at Chicago, 
June 2d, though for many days the clans and their leaders had 


been gathering and conspiring for their various candidates. 
Some of the greatest men of the nation were present at this 
historic meeting— the foremost orators and politicians, the most 
eminent leaders in parliamentary tactics. No other national con- 
vention has ever shown a more brilliant display of history 
makers than the one which gathered at Chicago during those 
early days of that memorable Jnne. 

Conkling of New York and Garfield of Ohio were the rec- 
ognized leaders of the two great opposing forces. Senator 
Conkling led those who were united for Grant, the " stalwart 
three hundred " who unwaveringly supported their hero to the 
end. General Garfield had come to Chicago merely as leader of 
the Ohio delegation for Sherman, hut was promptly recognized 
as being the ablest of those who opposed Grant, and his victory 

over Conkling in a 
brief debate on the 
third day of the ctm- 
vention won him the 
favor of the assem- 

Never in the his- 
tory of American 
politics has there 
been a struggle to 
compare with that 
which took place at 
the National Con- 
' vention of 1880. The 
Grant organization, 
under the lead of 
Roscoe Conkling, 
fought ever>' move 
THE sTATEsuAN AT Bou£ ^d contcsted everj' 


inch of ground that promised a possible loss to their candidate. 
The work of the Committee on Credentials was a long and ardu- 
ous labor. A full four days were spent in the various preliminar- 
ies of organization, and it was not until the afternoon of the fifth, 
which fell on Saturday, that the platform was reported, and 
it was Saturday night that nominating speeches were made. 

The night session was an occasion to stir even the oldest 
veteran of politics. Men who had been through every national 
battle of our fiercest political period were aroused and eager 
for the onset. The vast convention hall aflare with lights was 
crowded with spectators, and enthusiasm had reached a pitch 
where outbreak was akin to madness. 

James G. Blaine, once more a candidate for national favor, 
was the first to be placed in nomination by Mr. Joy of Michigan. 
Thousands in that convention wanted an opportunity to vote 
for Blaine, and they welcomed his name with a mighty demon- 
stration. Then Roscoe Conkling arose to offer the name of 

In an instant the New York statesman was caught as in a 
very cyclone of applause. For several minutes he stood there, 
while it whirled and rioted and tossed up and down that vast 
multitude which without regard to policy or candidate, remem- 
bered only that he was about to present America's foremost 
citizen and soldier, Ulysses S. Grant. It seemed indeed, as 
Conkling had predicted, that the name of Grant would carry 
the convention by storm. The handsome, brilliant senator from 
New York smiled approval and waited for the lull. It came, 
at last, and he said: 

When asked what state he hails from, 
Our sole reply shall be 
** He came from Appomattox 
And its famous apple-tree! *' 

Again he was lifted and silenced by a great outbreak of 
emotion. Then followed one of Conkling *s splendid oratorical 


efforts, and had the balloting begun at its dose Grant might 
indeed have been borne in on the high tide of patriotism that 
swept and billowed over the great assembly. 

But General Garfield, with calm and logical mind, rose and 
quelled the seething waters. Somewhere between storm tide and 
low ebb, he said, there was a quiet level of safety. Then having 
allowed the great throng to subside a little, he nominated John 
Sherman in a masterly speech which made a deeper and more 
lasting impression than Conkling's magnificent flight of oratory. 

The speeches that followed were less notable. The names 
of Senator Edmunds, Elihu B, Washburn, and William Windom 
were all presented, and it was close upon midnight when the 
session adjourned. 

The balloting, which began on Monday morning, showed 304 
votes for Grant; 284 for Blaine, and 93 for Sherman. Other 
candidates were honored in lesser measure, and one vote was 
recorded for Garfield. In spite of Conkling, the New York 
delegation was divided, nineteen members under the lead of 
William H. Robertson having voted for Blaine. Then followed 
twenty-seven ballots, during which the * * three hundred * ' rallied 
again and again about their old commander, and it was not until 
Tuesday morning, on the thirty-fourth ballot, that sixteen votes 
from Wisconsin for Garfield showed the break in the opposing 
forces, the end of which would be defeat for Grant. 

On the announcement of the result of this ballot. General Gar- 
field promptly rose and addressed President Hoar, who regarded 
him with some trepidation and considerable sternness. 

** For what purpose does the gentleman rise! *' he asked. 

** I rise to a question of order,'' replied Garfield. 

** The gentleman from Ohio rises to a question of order.'' 

General Garfield then challenged the correctness of the an- 

** No man," he said, ** has a right, without consult of the 


person voted for, to announce that i)erson's name and vote for 
him in this convention. Such consent I have not given '* 

President Hoar promptly interrupted him at this point. 

* * The gentleman from Ohio is not stating a question of order, * ' 
he said. * * He will resume his seat. No person having received 
a majority of the votes cast, another ballot will be taken. The 
clerk will call the roll. * * 

There was now a general break of the anti-Grant delegates 
for Garfield, who received 399 votes on the thirty-sixth ballot, 
the stalwarts, their number increased to 306, remaining loyal to 

A wave of Garfield enthusiasm now rolled over the assembly. 
Banners were seized and waved above the head of the successful 
candidate, who pale and dazed sat as one half stupefied. 

On motion of Senator Conkling the nomination of General 
Garfield was made unanimous, and on the first ballot for Vice- 
President, as a concession to Conkling and his stalwarts, Chester 
A. Arthur, of New York, was chosen. The greatest of conven- 
tions had ended. At last General Grant had met defeat. 

Note: In his "Autobiography of Seventy Years" Senator Hoar oonfesaes his 
great admiration for General Garfield, and in relating the incident of the tatter's 
protest in the convention, states that he (Hoar) purposely interrupted him for fear 
Garfield might say something which would " make his nomination impossible." To 
Senator Hoar, therefore, is due the honor of having *' made a President." It may 
be for these reasons that the good senator in his chapter on the Credit Mobilier 
fails to mention Garfield, except to include his name on Ames's list of those to 
whom the stock was to be offered. Yet General Garfield's relation to thit» unfortu- 
nate episode was identical with that of Schuyler Colfax whose " disingenuousness " 
and ** untruthful story of the transaction " Mr. Hoar does not fail to point out. Both 
Colfax and Garfield owned Credit Mobilier stock, and both failed to confess the fact 
before the Committee of Investigation. The single difference seems to have been 
that Garfield made a statement of general denial and then remained silent, while 
Colfax continued to protest his innocence. Senator Hoar still further states that Col- 
fax died soon after his term of office had expired, and suggests, at least by implica- 
tion, that this event, like the death of Ames and Brooks, was hastened by disgrace. 
As a matter of fact, Ames and Brooks, as we have seen, died immediately after the 
investigation in 1873. Schuyler Colfax did not die until twelve years later (January 
13, 1885), and was no less honored than General Garfield in private life. 


"tariff foe revenue only" 

The Democratic situation in 1880 was complicated by the fact 
that Mr. Tilden had to be disposed of; for while no one believed 
that he could be elected, a failure to nominate him would be 
an acquiescence in the electoral decision of 1876, or, what was 
worse, a confession that he had been unduly associated with 
the attempted purchase of the Returning Boards. The cipher 
disclosures had alienated almost the entire body of independents, 
who had supported the Democratic ticket in 1876, as well as the 
Tammany legion under the lead of John Kelly, who still avowed 
that he preferred the election of a Republican candidate to that of 
Mr. Tilden. The ** Sage of Gramercy Park " had preser\'ed no 
standing whatever as a Reform candidate. Indeed, in 1880, to 
have coupled his name with Reform would have excited only 
derision. It will be seen, therefore, that even had Tilden in 
some manner obtained the nomination, the possibility of his 
election would have been exceedingly remote. 

Rumors of Mr. Tilden 's intended withdrawal came from time 
to time, to the great joy of Tammany, and Xast depicted Kelly 
with an ear trumpet to the lips of the ** Mummy," calling upon 
him to declare it ** Louder! Louder! Louder! " 

Mr. Tilden did so declare it, a few days prior to the con- 
vention in a letter declining the nomination, much to the relief 


he entire party. Samuel J. Kandail, of Pennsylvania; Senator 
Bayard, of Delaware, and General "Winfield Scott Hajicock, of 
Governor's Island, were the foremost remainiDg candidates. 

The Democratic National Convention met at Cincinnati, 
.Time 22, and reached a decision without delay. Its platform 
was a declaration of " Tariff for Revenue Only," and contained 
a severe denunciation of the decision against Mr. Tilden in 1876, 
though the convention carefully failed to disregard his letter 
of withdrawal and nominate him by acclaim. 

On the first ballot General Hancock, who had been a presi- 
dential candidate as far back as 1868, when he had been used 
as a stalking horse for the capture of Seymour, received 171 
votes; Bayard 153i, and so down the list to Mr. Tilden, whose 
number was 38. The convention adjourned to combine next day 
on General Hancock, 
with William H. 
English, of Indiana, 
for se<'ond place. It 
bad been an orderly 
and uneventful epi- 
sode, and the choice 
of General Hancock 
was regarded as 

The result of the 
Itepublican Convcn 
tion had been a dis 
appointment t< 
Thomas Nast. lie 
had hoped, of 
course, for the suc- 
cess of Grant. He 
liad feared for the 


success of Blaine. He would have been satisfied with any one 
of several other candidates, but he had not counted on the 
success of Garfield. His ** Credit Mobilier '* cartoon of May 
15, 1873, had expressed his sentiments concerning those impli- 
cated in that disastrous exposure, and he had seen no reason 
for a change of convictions. He greatly admired General Gar- 
field 's ability and statesmanship, and he was loyal to the 
party represented by the Ohio nominee. He would work for 
that party, as hitherto, but he declined to introduce the Repub- 
lican candidate into any of the pictures. 

With the nomination of Hancock, his difl5culties were more 
complicated than before. General Hancock was one of his friends 
and heroes. He had fought bravely through two wars, and had 
distinguished himself on many fields of conquest. His record 
was that of a splendid soldier, a thorough gentleman, an upright 
and lovable man.* 

* * I hear you are very fond of General Hancock 1 ' * was said to 
Nast, when the news came that the hero of Churubusco, Antietam 
and Gettysburg was likely to be the convention 's choice 

*' The man, yes; his party, no,'' the cartoonist replied with 
some feeling. 

He wrote his troubles to Grant, congratulating him on being 
out of it all, urging him to come to New York to review the 
situation. But Grant had had enough of politics. He replied 
from Galena, June 26th: 

Dear Mr. Nast: 

I have your letter of the 23d. You had better devour the 
proposed luncheon and get another ready sometime in November. 
I start next Thursday for the Rocky Mountains, and may remain 
all summer. At all events, I have no intention of going East 
until after the November election. As you say, I am ** out of 
the Wilderness," and I feel much relieved thereat. But I don't 

• General Sherman once said of Hancock, " If you will sit down and wriU the 
best thing that can be put into language alwut General Hancock as an officer and a 
gentleman, I will sign it without hesitation." 


Bee how you are -^ " 
there. I would like ^^ 
very inueh to see i^*^' 
you, but unless you ;.;=^, 
take a run to Color- " ""^ 
ado. or come out 
here after my re- 
turn, I do not Bee 
how this is to be be- 
fore fall. If yon 
come here bring 
Mrs. Nast with you. 
Mrs. Grant would be 
glad to see you both. 
Give her and the 
children my love. 
Mrs. Grant would 
return hers, but she 
is not yet up. 
Very trulv vours, 
U. S." Grant. 

Perhaps to relieve 
himself, Nast opened 
the campaign with 
another caricature of .lames B. Weaver, who with B. J. Cliam- 
bers, of Texas, had received the " Greenback " nomination. 
" Greenback the Weaver " seemed fair game, and one could at 
least laugh at the vagaries of this midsummer night's dream. 
Tilden's letter of withdrawal, a " lightning rod " that had failed 
to attract the nomination, was likewise a mental explosion which 
helped to clear the air and harmed nobody. 

But at this point trouble began. A cartoon showing a general 
surrender of the various Democratic elements to the brave and 
soldierly General Hancock was rejected at the Harper office, and 
briefly strained relations were the result. Tliere was to be no 
continued break, however, A compromise was effected whereby 
Nast was to attack party principles without severe caricature 
of the Democratic leader, and to leave Garfield ' 



toons altogether. It was upon this basis that the campaign was 
conducted— an arrangement requiring skill on the part of the 
artist, with the result that most of the pictures were notable 
rather for their delicacy than for the customary fierce vigor. 

As the campaign proceeded, the Harpers were not altogether 
satisfied with this idea, and engaged other illustrators to help 
out with the cartoons. Gillam, Worth, Tlmlstnip, Woolf and 
Rogers were tried with varj'ing results. They were all young 
capable men, but Nast had been so long the political cartoonist 
of Harper's that the public did not then receive their work 
kindly, and the press began to comment on the fact that Nast was 
'* no longer allowed full swing." General Garfield's Credit Mo- 
bilier association had, of course, been recalled, and the papers did 
not fail to remember Nast's cartoon on the subject. Neither did 
they fail to explain at great length just why the Bepublican can- 
didate failed to appear in Nast's present drawings. Then half of 

the big Credit Mo- 
bilier cartoon — the 
end which showed 
the victims of that 
conspiracy — was re- 
printed by the Dem- 
ocratic managers, 
with names carefully 
put under each fig- 
ure, and this, with a 
fac-simile of the 
Harper title- head 
and columns of 
newspaper com- 
ments on the inves- 
tigation, was uni- 
oiihEikindof.jiroNwt." " versally circulated 



as a campaign docu- 
ment. The stir that 
tiis made was such 
that for a time it 
would seem as if the 
situation in Frank 
lin Square was of 
more importance 
than the national 
contest. The liar 
per's Weekly eandi 
date being de 
stroyed hy one of its 
own pictures, was 
something to make 
its enemies rejoice 
and temporarily for 
get the larger issue. 
The added fact that 
Nast continued to 
ignore the Republi- 
can candidate was 
an added source of 
gratification. Puck cartooned the situation, caricaturing Nast as 
a bare-back rider on a rocking-horse, blanketed with Harper's 
Weekly. He points to the Republican " Ring," whicli he is ex- 
pected to leap through, and says: 

" I went througii that ring in 1873, but 1 can't go through 
it again. I am not that kind of a Jim Nast." 

Eventually Mr. Curtis found it necessarj' to explain the paper's 
position, and to auuounce as he had done six years before, that its 
real views were to be found in its editorial columns. Some of the 
Republican papers that had been devoted admirers of Nast, now 


took occasion to announce that he never had been mnch of an art- 
ist any way. One excited adherent of Garfield declared that there 
were at least a " thousand better cartoonists than Tom Nasi," 
a statement which would seem to have been unnecessarily large. 
Yet Nast by no means failed to strike blows for his party. 
On August 28 appeared a double page of General Hancock, 
regarding sadly the burial field of tlie Confederate dead at 
Gettysburg, ' ' Tlie silent { Democratic) Majority, ' ' whose ' ' votes 
he would miss on election day." It was a striking picture, 
showing as it did the fine dignity of the Northern general who 
had fought so well, now thoughtfully considering the section 
where he must look for his chief support. Hancock, perhaps 
not grasping it fully at first sight, said, ' ' That picture will elect 
me." But men studying it carefully did not r^ard it as an 

argument in his fa- 
vor, while Wade 
Hampton's declara- 
tion in a speech at 
Staunton, Virginia, 
that General Han- 
cock represented the 
principle for which 
Lee and Jackson 
had battled four 
years, proved so un- 
fortunate that a de- 
nial was considered 
necessary. The tiger 
during the cam- 
paign of 1880 was 
THE EMi^ PAIL rcpreseuted as an 

p»T--wiiere>ihedinniTi- omaciated beast 

Vrin-"Ah1 (Incc rr-ie hid itlddr WDrTk, huFro'l Jt had ipllodld 
dlnnrn I and now ja tlwKyt UlkiDg ibont change, thange, change, and gtarvlng for office, 
■nnl ibonghd'd giro jre wan." 



The September election in Maine was disconra^ng to the 
Hepnblicans, Though by a very slight majority, the State went 
Demoeratic, which was thought to foreshadow the national 
result. Both parties now brought every resource into play. 
That tariff was fully discussed — more fully discussed than un- 
derstood — and became almost the single issue of the campaign. 
Democratic speakers declared that high-tariff meant fortunes 
for the rich at the expense of the workingmen, while Republican 
orators avowed that " Tariff for Revenue only " meant destruc- 
tion to home industries and ruin to labor. Democracy insisted 
that a " change " was necessarj", while its opponents held that 
experiments were dangerous and that no " change " was needed. 
On October 16 the " Workman's Empty Dinner Pail " was 
introduced by Nast, to show a possible change which the laborer 
would not be likely 
to relish. It has 
been said that this 
picture was the most 
effective Republican 
argument put for- 
ward daring the 

As election day 
drew near the battle 
in Ohio and Indian;! 
became very tion''. 
General Grant for- 
got that he had gono 
to the Rocky Moun- 
tains until Novem- 
ber, and Senators 
Tonkling and Piatt 
of New York, who 


had hitherto remained inactive, were conciliated through Arthur 
in a manner which will develop later. Accompanied by Grant, 
Conkling made a personal canvass of the doubtful territory. The 
result was marked by Republican victories at the State elections, 
and the tide had turned. 

General Hancock, alaa, proved as unskilled at politics as he 
had been great in battle. Tariff arguments bored him. When 
he discussed the question he declared it to be a'* local issue "and 
made otherwise so disastrous an attempt that Senator Randolph, 


of New Jersey, wrote to know if he had not beep incorrectly re- 
ported. Nast's cartoon of General Hancock asking Randolph, 
' ' "Who is Tariff and why is he for Revenue Only t ' ' expressed so 
exactly the unfortunate soldier's difficulties that everj'body, 
regardless of party, laughed. 

Democracy was now reduced to 
desperate measures. Conspira- 
tors, one of whom was afterwards 
sentenced to a term of imprison- 
ment, concocted the celebrated 
" Morey Letter," a document 
purporting to have been written 
by General Garfield to one myth- , 
ical H. L. Morey, of Lynn, Massa- 
chusetts. In it the writer de- 
clared in favor of cheap labor, the democratic party should betain 
and assumed an attitude en- «« ohoanization 

tirely at variance with the party doctrines. This letter, though 
a rather clever forgery, was instantly exposed, but not before it 
had obtained universal circulation as a campaign document, 
and the sanction of the Democratic managers and press. Coming 
at so late a date, it is said to have cost the Republican candidate 
a number of electoral votes, though not enough to result in his 

The returns gave 214 electors to Garfield as against 155 secured 
for the Democratic candidate. Well for Hancock that he had 
failed. Like Grant he would have found the hordes at Washing- 
ton harder to combat than had been those at Gettysburg. Nast 
closed this political episode with a fine tribute. The defeated 
candidate sits bowed and gazing into the fire, while the spirit 
of Columbia, her hand laid lightly on his shoulder is saying: 

" No change is necessary. General Hancock; we are too well 
satisfied with your brave record as a Union soldier." 



During the campaign of 1880, process reproduction had largely 
taken the place of the old hand-engraved block. Drawings were 
now made on paper and reproduced by a photo-chemical process. 
Nast's hand did not immediately accommodate itself to the 
change from the soft pencil and smooth hard surface of the box- 
wood to the pen, ink and yielding paper of the new way. Also, 
there was the idea of reduction to be considered— of drawing 
larger than the picture was to appear when published— and the 
chemical engraving process was still far from perfect. Often 
the acid bit into the lines, leaving them hard and harsh, some- 
times altogether destroying the more delicate touches. For a 
time there was what seemed to be a falling off in the quality 
of the cartoonist's work. Journals that had opposed his views 
did not fail to wax critical, to assert that Nast 's hand had degen- 
erated, that he could no longer draw, that his day was, in fact, 

But whatever grounds there may have been for these adverse 
opinions would seem to have vanished by the beginning of the 
new year, for the holiday drawings were never so good— not 
only in spirit but in technique— and were reproduced by the 
London papers, who realized that English as well as American 



children had a special affection for. the merry Santa Clauses 
of Thomas Nasi. 

Politically, the opening months of 1881 were not especially 
interesting, at least not from the pictorial point of view. For- 
eign complications over the Suez Canal and the anti-Jewish agi- 
tation in Germany were matters only slightly noted by the great 
American multitude. At home there were the usual complaints 
against public officials who may never hope to please while 

human nature is em- 
bodied in hnnran 

But if there pre- 
vailed a general 
quiet among the 
public at large, there 
was also a mighty 
quiver of expecta- 
Ltion amid the 
hordes of office- 
seekers who had 
~^ - -=^-^ ^ flocked to Washing- 

"-'— "w--'^^*^'"'— ton in readiness 

for the presidential change. Four years of Hayes and Civil 
Service had proved a severe trial to the great unqualified, who 
were now ravenous for place and rabid in their demands. 

There existed a belief that Garfield would dispense patronage 
somewhat after the ancient fashion— that to those who had 
helped to reap the victorj- would be allotted a share of its fruits, 
not to say spoil. It was understood that certain pledges had 
been given — it was taken for granted that assurances more or 
less positive had been distributed with a liberal hand. The 
Stalwarts, under Conkling and Piatt, with the aid of Grant, had 
rendered incalculable service in the doubtful states, and while 


-?^-e"-o ^,.,s-2^S^ 


the terms of tlie bargain were not known, it was assumed that 
nothing short of the New York state patronage would be ac- 
cepted by its senators as their reward. 

On the other hand, the so-called Half-Breeds, who had been 
responsible for Garfield's nomination and formed the larger por- 
tion of his following, were not to be gainsaid in their claims or 
put off in their deiriands. The circumstances of his election made 
the uew President's position difficult— more difficult than was 
generally realized— and whatever may have been his higher 
(|ualifications, and doubtless they were many, he lacked that 
breadth of ])olitical understanding and diplomacy without which 
the conditions were certain to result in embroilments and did lead 
to tragedy. 

The friends of Gai'field were early concerned for his wel- 
fare. Knowing the man, and the bitterness of the factions with 
which he must deal, they advised extreme caution. An old elass- 
malc— a man in the foremost rank of American letters— wrote, 
urging him to make Civil Service Reform his safeguard. Gar- 
field replied that he believed in the Civil Service idea, but that 


certain things Be«ned to him ** expedient " and therefore necee- 
sary. Yet Garfield would appear to have been the last man to 
carry out a policy of expediency. Prom the beginning it seemed 
his purpose to humiliate the men who had saved him the doubt- 
ful States. His appointment of Blaine as Secretary of State 
was a mortal oflFenee to Conkling, and was regarded with dis- 
favor even by friends of both the President and the Maine Sena- 
tor. Senator Dawes warned Blaine that his position in the 
Cabinet would be a detriment to the Adminiatration and to his 
own career. 

The selection of Charles J. Folger of New York for the Treas- 
ury portfolio in opposition to Conkling's earnest advocacy of 
Levi P. Morton did not improve matters, and though Polger 
declined the appointment the New York senators were not ap- 
peased. When it became known that Thomas L. James, for- 
merly postmaster in New York City, had been chosen for the 
position of Postmaster General, Conkling and Piatt, in company 
with Vice-President Arthur, called at Garfield's apartment in 
the Riggs House, where Conkling, in a furious burst of anger, 
charged the President with unfaithfulness to his word and dis- 


loyalty to bis party. That the President's course had been 
directed by Conkling's deadly enemy, Blaine, cannot be donbted. 
That the President had opened the way to a charge of bad faith 
is equally certain. The four men in that room knew precisely 
what the terms with the Stalwarts had been, and Conkling spoke 
by the card. His rage, violent and unseemly aa it must have ap- 
peared, was politically just. To one of those who listMied — 
Chester A. ArtJinr— the President's repudiation of contract 
meant a sorrow and a humiliation wbidi would go with him to 
bis grave; and of this, later, we shall learn as from his own lips. 

Conkling's wild outbreak did not advance his cause. He 
stormed and threat«ied, while Garfield sat stubborn and un- 
yielding, though filled (as were all present) with gloomy ft>re- 
boding as to the outcome. 

The feud grew and alarm spread through the party. It began 
to look as if the old Bepnblican organization, which had been 
the outgrowth of a 
great national issue, 
was itself to go to 
wreck in a tempest 
of civil strife. When 
the President 
named, as Collector 
of the Port of New 
York, "William H. 
Robertson, leader of 
the nineteen dele- 
gates who had op* 
posed Grant at Chi- 
cago, the fury of 
Conkling rose to 
heights that were 
really appalling. 


A committee of five was appointed to meet and discuss the 
matter with him. Conkling appeared before this committee 
and in his own marvellous manner recited his wrongs. Later, 
the chairman, Senator Dawes, said : * ^ He surpassed himself in all 
those elements of oratorical power for which he was so distin- 
guished. . . . He continued for two hours and a half to 
play with consummate skill upon all the strings known to the 
orator, and through all the notes, from the lowest to the highest, 
which the great masters command.'* 

Conkling ended by declaring that he had in his pocket a letter 
written by the President which he prayed to God he might never 
be compelled in self-defence to make public. *^ But," he cried, 
* ' if that time shall ever come I declare to you, his friends, he 
will bite the dust! " 

The letter in questicm was on^ addressed by Garfield to the 
Chairman of the Congressianal Committee; Hubbell. It began, 
** My Dear Hubbell," and contained an inquiry as to the prog- 
ress of the campaign assessments, including those from govern- 
ment employees. From a political point of view it was not, at 
this period, thought especially reprehensible, and Garfield *s 
friends urged him to forestall Conkling with its publication. 
This he did not do, though its appearance later added little to the 
disorder and scandal which already prevailed. Further efforts 
were made to reconcile Conkling and the President, but without 
success. General Grant undertook to mediate, but to no puri)ose. 
Conkling would agree to nothing short of complete surrender and 
the fulfillment of what he held to be the terms of agreement. 
Arrogant, brilliant and vainglorious, he believed he could rule 
or ruin his party, and it is maintained by those most nearly 
related to him that Senator Piatt encouraged him in this belief. 
On May 16, as a final dramatic coup, he resigned his seat in the 
Senate, believing his state would indorse his action, and rebuke 
the Administration by triumphantly restoring his seat. Senator 

Piatt also resigned, thus earning tlie soLriquet of " Me too," 
which he wns to bear through life. Neither was returned. Two 
Half-Breeds, Warner Miller and E. C. Lapbam, were ohosen, 
and Conkling retired to private life. Piatt, patient, suave and 
skilled at intrigue, bided bis time— making and unmaking public 
offieials — to be returned to the Senate in 18f)6.' 

During the beginning of the party difficulties Nast had said 
but little. Factional quarrels seldom appealed to him. 

In May, liowever, while the fight over Robertson was still on, 
be gave vent to his 
feelings in a picture 
of Conkling and 
Bliune tugging in 
opposite directions 
at the Presidential 
Cliair. A little later, 
Conkling as a bell- 
weather, with Piatt 
as the tail, comes 
galloping back to 
New York, with this 
line of advice below, 
" L#et hira alone, 
now he's come 
borne." . 

For whatever 
may have been 
Nast*8 disgust with 
the situation as a 

• Rmcoa Conkling wii» % {jreat lawyer, and Prcaiilctit Arthur, Id 1883, offered him a 
|ilac« on th« SiipNine Bench, which he declined. He was a talented, Bpecta<<al«r 
tinng-baadod man. Ho was also a patriot, anil il is lu his oredlt that he made no 
nianer out of politics. Ue died iu the great blizwrd u[ 1688, and his (Uttw sUnds to- 
daj In HaduMi Sqiuu*. 


whole, be could not but disapprove of the Conklmg-Platt 
detemiination to control or destroy the party because of a per- 
sonal grievance. Conkling and Piatt as two unruly boys about 
to be chastised significantly follows this, and then that great 
cartoon series, so often used since in idea, the " Lost Head." 
The first of these was a small picture, showing Conkling walking 
proudly away from the Capitol, his head lying behind him in the 


road— a street gamin trying to attract the Senator's attention to 
his loss. In the next picture, General Grant, who had retnmed 
from Mexico for the purpose, is making a futile effort to set the 
lost head in its proper place. The body of Conkling stands stiffly 
erect, and Grant cannot reach high enough to put the head in 
place. No line was put under this picture, but immediately after 
its publication, an up-state editor wrote to the artist that his 
little girl, seeing the picture over his shoulder, had remarked: 

" Papa, why doesn't he stoop a little! " 

Certainly no title could have been more appropriate, and this 
childish comprehension of his idea pleased the cartoonist more 
than all the notice which the picture had attracted. 

But far more at- 
tention and vastly 
more condemnation 
was aroused by a 
picture which ap- 
peared on the first 
of July. Matters 
by this time had be- 
come sufficiently dis- 
turbing. The breach - 
in the party was 
widening every mo- 
ment and the hope 
of reconciliation was 
waning dim. It be- 
came known tbat 
Vice-President Ar- 
thur had recently 
made a trip to Al- 
bany to see Conk-, 
ling and Piatt, sup- 



posedly for the purpose of winning them back to the Admin- 
istration. Nast launched a protest in one of his severest car- 
toons. ** Out-* shining' Everybody in Humiliation at Albany " 
showed the Vice-President polishing the shoes of Conkling and 
Piatt. It naturally awoke a storm of denunciation from such 
journals as had a grievance against Nast, regardless of party. 
Yet the picture was eminently true. Arthur had been humiliated 
to a degree which Nast, then, did not even guess. As had hap- 
pened so many times, he had pictured better than he knew. 

The picture was the more disturbing because of what immedi- 
ately followed its appearance, for on Saturday, July 2, came the 
tragic end— the assassination of President Garfield by Charles 
J. Guiteau, a crack-brained office-seeker, whose disordered intel- 
ligence had been over-wrought by party difficulties and dissen- 
sions. Doubtless he began by believing that the life of Garfiield 
stood between him and political appointment. His statements 
indicated that he had persuaded himself that Garfield 's removal 
was necessary to the preservation of the party. Later he claimed 
that the Lord had commanded him to commit the deed. He pro- 
fessed to be a * ^ Stalwart of Stalwarts. ' ' 

*^ I am a Stalwart and want Arthur for President, *' he said 
when arrested. 

He was, in fact, a wretched human creature of debased and 
deformed intellect. 

Nast had been none too friendly to Garfield, but the tragedy 
appalled him and filled him with sorrow. He portrayed Liberty 
with two stains at her threshold. A smaller picture was entitled, 
'' The Biggest Blot on Our Spoils System— Office or Death.'' 

Anxious days followed. A whole nation forgot all feuds and 
bickerings in waiting for bulletins that told of a strong man's 
battle for life. 

As the summer waned it became evident that the President 
could not survive. Nast's cartoon, a fine double page, entitled, 

*' God Save tLe President," was published but a few days before 
the eud, wliich came September 19. A froiit page, entitled, 
*' After All," was a noble expression of the nation's grief. 

George William Curtis in his editorial estimate of Oar0eld 
says, *' He was a statesman much more than he was a party 
leader "—a conclusion which is likely to stand the test of time. 



The administration of President Arthur did not begin aus- 
piciously. The circumstances of his nomination and of his suc- 
cession were against him in the hour of his inheritance. 
Nor were his record and his affiliations regarded with favor. 
Under Hayes he had been removed from the office of Collector 
of the Port of New York on the grounds that his methods in the 
Custom House had been political rather than businesslike. He 
was regarded as an excellent gentleman, with a weakness for 
his friends. Beckoned as an ally of Conkling, then in deep dis- 
favor, he bad been fiercely caricatured and criticised, as we have 
seen. Curtis, in an editorial more or less sympathetic, referred 
to him as " an amiable gentleman, long engaged in practical 
politics, with no administrative experience except such as he 
acquired as Collector of the Port." Tlie fact that he had main- 
tained a demeanor that was at once discreet, dignified and deli- 
cate, through all the trj'ing weeks of Garfield's illness, was the 
one thing which the majority of the press had to say in his 



behalf. Nast greeted him with an emblematio eartoon, in which 
Justice confers on him the sword of power, with the admonition 
that he 

' ' Use the same 

With the like hold, .iust and impartial spirit 

As you have done against me." 

To which Arthur replies: 

" The tide of blood in me 
Hath proudly flowed in vanity till now; 
Now doth it turn and ebb back to the sea." 

The new President's brief inaugural, address made a good 
impression. It was modest and sympathetic and awakened in 
the American people that responsive sympathy which is the first 
step toward confi- 
dence. Nast never 
again found cause 
to criticise Arthur, -- 
and eventually be- 
<!ame his loyal ad- 
mirer and friend. 

The administiii- 
tion of President Ar- 
thur proved to lie 
one of the most dig- 
nified, careful and 
upright in our his- 
tory. Fairness, firm- 
Dees and calmness : 
were his executive 
attributes. The men 
who had scoffed and 
railed at hi 
learned to honor his tmk ansM or isbcotby: 


integrity and to respect his attainments. We have only to recall 
the succession of Andrew Johnson— under conditions somewhat 
different, it is true, though scarcely less trying— to realize the 
debt of gratitude this nation owes to Chester A. Arthur. 

Yet the autumn elections of 1881 did not bespeak favorable 
conditions. There was a general ** scratching ** and ** bolting '^ 
—a shattering of old idols, the upbuilding of new. Every word 
and act of the President were regarded as significant. It was 
prophesied that the usual fate of Vice-Presidents who succeed 
the Chief Magistrate would overtake him. It was not until his 
annual message in December that the tide really turned in his 
favor. It was a moderate document, full and clear, and distin- 
guished for its elegance of diction. Feuds and factions which 
had threatened to wreck a party and disgrace a nation were— for 
the time at least— relegated to the background. The new year 
opened with the public eye directed at Congress rather than 
toward the President. 

During 1882 the work of Nast became somewhat less positive 
than heretofore. It became more the semi-critical pictorial com- 
ment of to-day than a distinct and dominating force. More and 
more the policy was absorbing the individual, and with an out- 
reach that was circumscribed, and an uncertainty as to the 
acceptance of his work, which now, as in the days of his earliest 
employment, was critically considered and debated upon, the 
time had come which five years before Parton had foreseen, 
when he wrote, ** That feeling of doubt would paralyze your 
arm in another than the physical sense.'* 

It was not that his work was less appreciated by his publish- 
ers, or that the relations betwen them were less cordial. A 
connection which had endured for twenty years had become 
something more than a mere matter of business. The younger 
Harper families and the family of Nast had grown up almost as 
one. They constantly visited back and forth and the intimacy 



between them was that of blood relationship and genuine afFec- 
tion. The diiEculty lay iu the fact that, as the new times were 
not the old times, so the new conditions were rot the old condi- 
tions; the new publishers were not the old publishers; the new 
cartoonist must become part of a policy where the old car- 
toonist had been an individual and a leader of men. His career 
had begun so early in life that he had lived to see the old order 
change while he was yet in the full bloom of manhood and 
power. It was difficult for him to comprehend the situation or to 
consider it fairly. He gi-ew ever more restive under the re- 
straints, and dreamed more continuously of the newspaper which 
was to be his own, and free. He had been an autocrat and a 
leader so long— so firmly sustained and so surely vindicated— 
that he had no doubt of his ability to continue his success on the 
old lines. He yielded with poor grace to this new order of 
things which was to 
make him but a part 
of a vast complex 
mechanism, the 
whole kept in mo- 
tion and whirled and 
driven byareaistless . 
tide of events. Nei- 
ther did he doubt 
that eventually soil!' 
of the money wliii i 
he hod invested, ami 
continued to invest 
as fast as it accu- 
mulated, would re- 
turn to him in great 
increase, when all 
would be well again, the "taix BvcAMoiut" hakduxo imk bkitwh uo« 


The Star Route investigations and prosecutions which had 
been dragging through courts and committee rooms came 
prominently to the fore in 1882. These Routes were mail lines, 
indicated on the postal maps by a star, leading to points not 
reached by the railways. Mail to these points was carried by 
vehicle or on horse-back. A ring of oflBcials controlled the con- 
tracts for payment of the carriers, and, somewhat after the man- 
ner of the old Tweed transactions, arranged to have such con- 
tracts drawn for amounts from five to ten times the cost of 
service. The bills were allowed and the profits, which ran into 
iliillions, were divided— just as the bills of every ring have been 
allowed and allotted and will continue so to be until the millen- 
nium's dawn. 

These frauds had been known for some time and when Post- 
master General James took charge of his department he declared 
that he would push the prosecutions regardless of whom they 
might involve. Thomas W. Brady, Second Assistant Postmaster 
General, was charged with being party to the Star Route trans- 
actions. He was defiant, and announced that he would publish a 
' * Hubbell ' ' letter written by Garfield unless the prosecution was 
brought to a close. Brady declared Garfield had meant that be- 
sides obtaining * * voluntary contributions ' ' from the Government 
employees he was to get funds from the Star Route contractors. 
Brady's trial was postponed and he was not convicted. Ex-Sen- 
ator Stephen W. Dorsey of Arkansas was likewise supposed to be 
a prominent offender, and, among others, was indicted for con- 
spiracy. Colonel Robert G. IngersoU believed Dorsey innocent of 
the charge and became his counsel. It has been claimed that Col- 
onel IngersoU received large sums for his services. On the con- 
trary, he received nothing whatever, but lost a very considerable 
amount through indorsing the notes of the men he defended. He 
was severely criticised, however, and the caricaturists, Nast 
among them, had their way with him. In one of Nast's pictures 


the *' Stars " are asking: " Wliat shall we do to be savedt *' 
and Colonel IngersoU, with a copy of a book entitled " There Is 
No Hell," replies, " Read This." " But I fear it may be made 
hot enough for us here," answers the " Star," looking toward 
the penitentiary. Whatever the truth may have been, the ver- 
dict finally rendered, June, 1883, was not guilty as indicted. 

Perhaps the most important picture of 1882 was a page in com- 
memoration of the life and career of Garibaldi. At his island 
home, Caprera, on June 2, the boy artist's first great hero, 
Garibaldi the Liberator, reached the end of his tumultuous jour- 
ney. He had lived to see his great work accomplished, and died 
beloved and honored of all men. He had made mistakes, bat 
they were errors of judgment, never of intent. During his final 
years, his rock-bound retreat had been the shrine of those de- 
voted to the cause of liberty. Gracious, charitable, pure-hearted 
and brave, he died as he bad lived, a man of and for the people, 
one of the world 's foremost heroes, one of the noblest benefactors 
of mankind. 

In his picture, Nast showed Garibaldi as be had sketched him 
*<,r,H.o«.ir™..i«..c«:«» from life on that day at Ca- 

serta, twenty-two years before. 
No picture of Garibaldi has 
more of the man's simple dig- 
nitj than this one by Nast, and 
no one recalled the hero of 
Marsala and Palermo with 
greater honor and deeper affec- 
tion than the boy who had fol- 
lowed with the red shirts in 
tlieir march of triumph so long 

It was during the summer of 
1882 that European difficulties 


with Egypt, in which France and England were chiefly con- 
cerned, began to assume a serious aspect. The bombardment and 
partial destruction of Alexandria by English ships of war, on 
July 11, was the result. Nast took a rather vigorous interest in 
this enibroglio, and did not miss the occasion to point out the 
inefficiency of our own navy, which President Arthur, through 
Secretary William E. Chandler, was already making an effort 
to rebuild. 

Those " voluntary contributions " to campaign funds, re- 
quested by Mr. Hubbell again became a matter of public interest 
at this time, and a number of the solicitous letters were printed. 
One of them will be sufficient to show the character of these 
invitations. Tlie following is a copy of the form sent to Penn- 
sylvania employees: 

Dear Sir: Our books show that you have paid no heed to 
either of the requests of the committee for funds. Tlie time for 
action is short. I need not say to you that an important canvass 
like the one now being made in an important State like Penn- 
sylvania requires a great outlay of money, and we look to you 
as one of the Federal beneficiaries to help bear the burden. Two 
per cent, of your salary is . Please remit promptly. 

At the close of the campaign we shall place a list of those 
who have not paid in the hands of the head of the department 
you are in. 


It was such insolent demands as this, and the conditions which 
had resulted in the tragic fate of Garfield, that awoke at last 
a genuine response to President Arthur's appeal for Civil Ser- 
vice Reform. The bill introduced under Hayes, by Senator 
Pendleton, an Ohio Democrat, was promptly forwarded and re- 
ceived President Arthur's signature, in January, 1883. It pro- 
vided for competitive examinations and classification of em- 
ployees, find declared that no official could be removed for failing 
to contribute *' voluntary '* assessments. It further provided 
that any Government official convicted of soliciting or receiving 
SQch contributions should be subject to a fine of $5,000, or three 
years' imprisonment, or both. This effectually put a stop to 
most of the transactions of the *' Hubbell " nature, and 

was accounted a 
very long step to- 
ward the better con- 
ditions which have 
since prevailed. 

The veto by Pres- 
ident Arthur of the 
River and Harbor 
Bill, a vast aggre- 
gation of jobs and 
steals, was another 
act which brought 
him the applause 
even of those who 
opposed him politi- 
cally. It would seem 
the President was in 
a fair way to become 
his party's leader 
u«u»j 40 «i .!«».■' during the next cam- 



paign. Yet certain 
party elements 
which had gradually 
crystallized during 
this quiet political 
summer, refusetl to 
assimilate for any 
purpose, however ii 

The Gubernatorial 
election in New 
Tork found Judge 
Folger, who could 
connt on nothing . 
but his own individ- 
nai wing of tlu' 
party, matched 
again&t Qrover 
Cleveland, a Demo- 
crat who, as Sheriff 
and Mayor of Buffalo, had placed himself on record as an up- 
right official, and who could count, not only on a reasonably 
full Democratic support, but also on a ven- large portion of the 
variously disaffected Republican elements. 

In Nast's first picture of Cleveland, October 14, 1882, we find 
the Democratic candidate standing before the mirror, regarding 
with some coniplaisancy his robe of spotleasness, wliile the two 
wings of Democracy are being adjusted to his shoulders. That 
Cleveland was getting ready to fly Nast foresaw. In a second 
cartoon, October 28, he is shown as Governor of New York, 
taking a flyer for the ^NTiite House— another instance of Nast's 
absolute clearness of insight into political conditions. Cleve- 
land was not even Governor as yet, and as a Presidential possi- 
bility had not been named. 

r: TUMlbomhanlbelrwljtiftmelMllon.bal— 


That Cleveland's notions of 
reform had cansed his Demo- 
cratic wings to be turned up- 
side down, as shown in Nast's 
pictures, in no way impeded his 
flight. He carried the State by 
one hundred And ninety thou- 
sand votes, a plurality greater 
than ever had been known in a 
contested State election. In 
Massachusetts, General Bntler 
N was likewise rewarded with the 
governorship, and at Washing- 
ton the House of Representatives once more passed into the con- 
trol of Democracy. Truly the Republican Party had been taught 
that a house divided against itself is in imminent danger. 

Yet the result was not so much an approval of Democratic 
principles, or policies, or measures as a tremendous rebuke 
from the people, administered to bosses and rings and corrupt 
political methods. The Grand Old Party which had put down 
rebellion and abolished slavery 
had become as a rendezvous of 
spoilsmen — a harbor of rascal 
ity. Like an army that has been 
mustered out, yet remains m 
the field, it lacked organization 
and its chief purpose was plun 
der. Jlen not blinded b; par 
tisanship realized this, and that 
the time had come wlien it wan 
not a question of party, but of a 
leader — tlie man who would op 
pMe and defeat the spoilsmen 
and keep his own record clean. 


HiUlU ElSKl ok) B 






With the opening months 
of 1883 Nast began investing 
money with the firm of Grant 
and Ward. This firm was 
■* originally composed of Ferd- 
inand Ward and U. S. Grant, 
Jr., with J. D. Fish, President 
of the Marine Bank as a spe- 
cial partner. The business of 
the firm was supposed to con- 
i AOAiM sist in supplying money for 
carrying out railway contracts, and was believed to be 
profitable. It was " boom " times in railway building. For- 
tunes were made easily and with great expedition. The firm of 
Grant and Ward was presently rated " gilt edge,*' and event- 
ually was regarded as being worth no less than fifteen millions 
of dollars. 

In 1880, General Grant, knowing nothing of the real nature of 
the business, as indeed no one knew except Ward himself, whose 
influence is said to have been little short of hypnotic, invested 
all his savings, $100,000, with the firm, there being an nnder- 
standing that he was to be liable only for the money put in. 


Tliere were many such investors, and among them, in 1883, was 
Thomas Nast, who sold the Harlem lot for that purpose, believ- 
ing that the profits on this last $30,000 would replace all that 
he had lost through former investments. Bad judgment can 
hardly be charged against him in this instance. He knew that 
many of his nearest friends, including General Grant, were re- 
ceiving fine dividends on their money. The firm had existed for 
a number of years, and there had been no hint that would suggest 
even a suspicion as to its integrity, or that the nature of its 
transactions was not wholly legitimate. Some of the greatest 
business firms in New York 
trusted themselves completely 
in Ward's hands, while to be 
permitted to invest in the 
firm's undertakings was a 
privilege accorded only to a 
favored few. 

In fact Nast *8 dividends 
presently became so liberal 
that it seemed to him he mi^t 
now afford to give up the old Harper arrangement, which had 
become less satisfactory as each year the publishers regarded 
rather more doubtfully his tendency to startling reforms and 
radical political views. It is true the political situation was very 
delicate at this time, but delicate situations are rarely improved 
by being avoided, and if it was the paper's purpose to be right 
at whatsoever cost — a conclusion which may be assumed from 
the developments of a year later — it would seem that the keen 
prophetic insight of Nast might have been safely trusted in the 
subject matter of his cartoons. 

Comparing the Weekly of this period with the files of ten 
years before the difference is very marked. It would appear to 
have become less a pai>er for the man than for his family, more 



social and domestic than political in its pictures, partaking some- 
what of the nature of the Bazaar. In the issue of February 17, 
1883, a girPs valentine story, with an appropriate picture, begins 
on the front page. Certainly this was a different journal from 
the one which had been instrumental in destroying Tweed, and 
Nast felt that such work as he could do best had little place in its 
pages. On March 16 he expressed himself on this subject in a 
letter to Mr. John W. Harper, then in charge: 

My dear Mr. Harper: 

Since you have taken exclusive charge of my drawings, 
they have appeared less and less frequently in the Weekly, and 
I think I have observed faithfully the letter of the agreement. 
For some years past my work has been refused at times, but 
some reason has been assigned for it, generally that the subjects 
were adverse to the interests of the house. 

Of late, however, no such motive could apply, for noticing 
how often they were suppressed I have been careful to avoid 
doubtful subjects. Still they have met the same fate persistently, 
and whenever you have selected any for publication you have 
invariably chosen the smallest. 

Hence, I am forced to the conclusion that for some reason 
unknown to me, my drawings are no longer of use to you, and 
that under those circumstances you certainly cannot care to 
continue the arrangement with me. . . . 

Of course, nothing having been said up to January 1, I na- 
turally considered the agreement binding for another year, and 
have refused good offers. But as it is, I have decided that it 
would be best for both parties to bring it to a close at the end 
of the first quarter, April 1. 

The agreement as to the retainer, made ten years ago, may also 
expire at the same date. Yours truly, 

Th. Nast. 

The reply to this proposed resignation came promptly: 

My dear Nast: 

Your dynamite communication of the 16th inst., in which 
you decide to exchange old friends and long friendships for new, 
came to hand, very singularly, on St. Patrick's Day. The con- 
duct which you criticise has not been that of any one member 
of our firm exclusively, but we have advised with one another, 
as is our habit in other business questions. Whenever your work 



has been omitted, there have been good reasons, in our judg- 
ment, for such omissions, and explanations have been made 
frankly when you have given us an opportunity to do so by your 
presence. In many instances, I think, you have agreed with us. 
Recently you have avoided me altogether, but I did not suspect 
it was from any unfriendly feelings; I supposed it merely acci- 
dental. From your point of view, I am not surprised at your ex- 
pressions; but you ought to remember that we have to consider 
these matters from a business standpoint, as well as from their 
artistic merits. 

I shall submit your letter to the firm, for whom it is in- 
tended, and in any event I shall hope that our friendly inter- 
course of so many years may not be interrupted because we differ 
in questions relating wholly to business. 

Yours very truly, 

John W. Harper. 

P. S.— Perhaps you had better not disturb the retainer feature 
just now, but take more time to consider before cutting loose 
from Your Franklin Square Friends, 

H. B. 

This was friendly enough, but it did not adjust the matter. 
Nast chafed under the policy of discussing the pictures to find 
possible flaws. He recalled with fondness the old days when one 
man, Fletcher Harper, had been supreme. ** Too many cooks 
spoil the broth,'' he declared, which old adage differs but little 
from the more recent saying of one of America's foremost news- 
paper owners, ** There's no paper big enough to stand the mis- 
takes of more than one man." The retainer feature, which pre- 
vented Nast from contributing elsewhere, was allowed to remain 
undisturbed, but his drawings for that year ceased with the 
end of March. 

In May he sailed for England, partly on business, but 
chiefly for recreation. General Grant gave him a letter to 
friends in Europe, who eagerly made him welcome. It proved 
a pleasant if not a profitable trip. In London he was variously 
invited and entertained by painters, politicians and men of 
letters. Edwin A. Abbey, already settled abroad, gave him a 



dinner, to which a number of well-known artists and literary 
men were invited. William Black, and Mr. Laffan, now of the 
New York Sun, were present. Samboume of Punch sent char- 
acteristic regrets in picture and rhyme. 


E. Abbey, Esq., 
Poet Laureate, 

54 Bedford Gardens: 
My dearest Abbey, 
Don't think me shabby, 
Your festive kabby. 
Poor me can't nabby, 
I dine with Labby, 
M. P., North Abbey, 
Who sleek as Tabby, 
Black, white or drabby. 
This mouse does grabby. 
That 's all my blabby, 
m awfully sorry but can't be helped. 

Ever thine.'' 

During his stay in London Nast attended a State concert, 
given at Buckingham Palace, ** By Command of the Queen," 
and the pretty, lace-edged, purple-printed programme already 
seems curious and quaint in this day of different print- 
ing. Literary men, painters and members of the nobility enter- 
tained him at their clubs and homes, honors which gratified him, 
no doubt, but tired him rather more, while the high-living in- 
cident to his gay life made him bilious. He sailed for America 
rather early in the summer, and with Mrs. Nast spent some weeks 
at Saratoga, drinking of the beneficial waters. 

Returning to Morristown for a period, they were once more 
visited by General and ^Irs. Grant, accompanied this time by 
Colonel and Mrs. Frederick D. Grant, then living in Morristown. 
After their trip around the world. General Grant and wife 
had presented the Nast household with a pair of rare cloisonne 
vases, bought for that purpose in Japan; but various travels 
and duties had prevented their meeting since the Nast dinner 


given on the eve of departure, six years before. Many changes 
had taken place. Fortune and misfortune had befallen them all. 
Now, once more, with continued and increasing returns from the 
Grant and Ward investments, in which all were interested, pros- 
perity seemed to smile and the family dinner was a cheerful re- 

There was no elaborate service this time. 

'* What would you like for dinner. General! " Nast inquired, 
when he gave the invitation. 

'* Well," said Grant, *' if you knew how tired I am of little 
birds, you would give me corned beef and cabbage.'' 

So this was what they had, and all formality was forgotten in 
the old-fashioned home dinner. Grant has been called a silent 
man, but he was not so on such an occasion as this. He talked 
continuously of his travels and in a most interesting manner. 
When asked what had most impressed him on his trip, he said: 

*' The decay of the Latin races. They are doomed— doomed! '* 

A few days later, during the General's visit, Colonel Grant and 
wife gave the Nasts a return dinner, a similar and no less happy 

In October, 1883, the Nasts resolved to fulfil an old promise to 
themselves to go over their wedding trip again. They journeyed 
to Albany and BuflFalo, thence to Niagara, stopping at the same 
old hotel, the Cataract House, where all day and night may be 
heard the thunder of the Falls. 

Twenty-two years had passed, but the old romance grew young 
again. Other guests believed them lately wed, and when told of 
the four children at home— one of them half as old as her mother, 
and already a young lady— they listened with incredulous ears. 
Thomas Nast, even to his last days, had the air and step of 
youth, and the Nasts were a couple young for their years. 

They continued their journey into Canada, where, at Montreal, 
Mr. Nast contracted a severe cold. They had intended visiting 


Quebec, but re- 
turned home in- 
stead, and none too 
soon, for pneumonia 
developed. and 
though promptly 
taken in hand and 
oombatted, the art- 
ist was left weak 
and prostrated. It 
■was not until he 
made a trip to Flor- 
ida during the win- 
ter—a journey made 
"with the Earl of 
Huntington (Chair- 
man of a Florida 
I-dind and Mortgage 
Company), his son. 
Lord Hastings, and 
a pleasant party of 
investors and pleas- 
sure seekers— that lie recovered his health and was in a condition 
to renew his work. Wliile on this trip he was constantly inter- 
viewed as to liis plans and political views, for his absence from 
the Weekly had not failed to arouse the usual curiosity and 
surmises, while the fact that it was longer than ever before led to 
the belief that the separation was final. 

Such, however, was not the case. The letters which had flowed 
into Franklin Square, calling for the old artist and the old pic- 
tures, had not been without their result. As usual, a number 
of good men had been tried— some of them our foremost car- 
toonists of to-day— but the readers of the Weekly demanded the 


old favorite and would not be gainsaid. Perhaps they did not 
recognize so easily the familiar political faces when portrayed by 
new hands, for it was during this period that we first find 
adopted by the Weekly the practice so prevalent to-day of label- 
ling the different cartoon figures with their names. 

As early as September we find a letter from J. Henry Harper^ 
one of the third generation of this remarkable family and after- 
wards head of the firm, in which he urges the wandering artist 
to return. He had been always fond of Nast, who seemed 
to him almost as a father, or as an elder brother, and he wrote to 
him with the spirit of youth. 

Dear Nast : 

I have thought and worried over what you told me when we 
separated last night. 

I then understood you to say, but I hope my inference is in- 
correct, that you have concluded to sever your connection with 
us. I have not since mentioned the matter to any member of 
the firm, but I think I ought to know what your determination is, 
for they have now apparently given me charge of the Weekly. 
Nothing has been done as yet to fill the void in that journal 
which your absence has created, and I consequently feel that if 
you have irrevocably made up your mind to leave us that we 
must make some attempt to fill that vacancy. I can't add any- 
thing to what I have already said to persuade you again to 
take up your pencil for us, but the Weekly must endeavor to 
forge on again, and if we fail to secure the services of the old- 
experienced and well-beloved staff who have fought with us 
through so many successful campaigns, we will, alas, be com- 
pelled to hunt around among the untried and uncongenial lesser 
lights to prepare for the fight which is hard upon us. 

I write without consulting anyone, and will look for your 
answer, I must own, with sad misgivings. I know, however, 
that whatever decision you may make will be from a con- 
scientious sense of duty, and I remain as ever, 

Faithfully yours, 

J. Henry. 

It was not in Nast 's nature to resist a letter of this sort, though 
he could not, at the time, give a positive answer, leaving the firm 
free to replace him, should this become necessary. Nothing 


definite was done, and on October 30 his old friend, Joseph W. 
Harper, Jr. {" Joe Brooklyn "), wrote, enclosing a letter— an 
example of the very many received at this time. It ran: 

" Will you please answer, either by letter or in yonr personal 
column, what has become of Mr. Thomas NastT I. as well as 
many others, have 
missed his pic- 
tures in Harper's 
Weekly very much 
for the last six 
months. If you have 
made any explana- I 
tion in regard to 
him, it has escaped 
my notice." ' 

In his note accom- 
panying this, Mr. 
Harper wrote: 
My Bear Nast: 

I find on my desk 
the enclosed letter 
from Illinois, which 
gives me the oppor- 
tunity of saying 
frankly and sincere- 
ly that I wish yon 
would resume work 
on the Weekly, and 
of assuring you that 
should you do so we 
woald all of us try 
to make it in every 
waj' pleasant for 

Mrs. Nast writes that though you are suffering from a severe 
Montreal cold, yon will endeavor to be with us at the Henry- 
Irving breakfast on Friday, and I hope you will come. But don't 
expose yonrself, and if you're seriously housed or limited to 
gruel, I will roll down to Morristown to see how yon like it and 
to share your bowl of gruel. 

Yonrs always, J. "W- 



This was followed by Nast's illness and some intimate per- 
sonal letters and visits, during which the old arrangement and 
ties were renewed for another term. On December 27 the Weekly- 
published a small Christmas ** comic/' left over from the year 
before, and printed the following announcement : 

In answer to many inquiries from subscribers, we regret to say 
that Mr. Thomas Nast, who still maintains his connection with 
Messrs. Harper & Brothers, has not yet sufficiently recovered 
from the severe attack of pneumonia by which he was recently 
prostrated to give the public the benefit of his genius. We hope, 
however, that before many months have passed he will be able to 
resume the pencil with which he has done such vigorous and 
noble work in the cause of the Union and in support of an honest 
and enlightened administration of National, State, and Municipal 
government. The public will be glad to learn that, should his 
health permit, Mr. Nast will deliver some lectures during the 

They had hoped to have one of his customary Santa Clans 
pictures, and Mr. S. S. Conant, who then had charge of ** mak- 
ing ' ' the paper, had written, December 3 : 

My dear Mr. Nast: 

The approach of Christmas time reminds me that for many 
years our readers have been favored with delightful holiday 
pictures from your pencil. They, as well as ourselves, would be 
very sorrj^ to miss your contributions this season, and I write to 
ask whether you would feel inclined to favor us with Xmas 
illustrations, either for the Weekly or for each of the three 
periodicals f 

But the artist was not yet equal to the task in the brief time 
allowed, and the young Harper readers missed his jolly St. 
Nicholas that season. 



It was not until March 1, 1884, that Nast made his reappear- 
ance in the Weekly. He had lingered in the South to acquire 
strength for the Presidential campaign, which bade fair to be— 
what it in good sooth became— one of the fiercest and most 
closely contested political battles in history. When in February 
the press reported his return to Morristown, he received from 
Franklin Square a word of greeting and suggestion: 

My dear Nast: 

Have you returned! 

Did you buy ten thousand acres or so t 

And Where's my alligator! 

And when are you to begin in the Weekly! 

The first picture ought to be strong and incisive, for w6 
must remember that while your hosts of friends and the friends 
of the Weekly are ready to welcome you, there are also hosts 
of enemies who will be unfriendly critics, and who will be eager 
to claim that your eye is dimmed and that your hand has lost 
its cunning. 

Tlie boys join me in kind regards to you and Mrs. Nast. I 
hope you have brought back no fever and ague. 

Yours faithfully, 

J. W. Harper, Jr, 

The first picture was one to disarm criticism. It depicted the 
dire need of Cincinnati, where terrible winter floods had wrought 
ruin and desolation. The cartoon was a powerful cry for 
*' Help I '* It was not until a week later that he presented the 


political situation— simply a great, white '* Sacred Elephant,'' 
labeled the Republican Party, carrjing the Presidential Chair, 
and wearing the belt of Civil Service Reform. A small carica- 
ture of Nast himself introduces the exhibit, beneath which are 
the words : 

' ' This animal is sure to win, if it is only kept pure and clean, 
and has not too heavy a load to carry. ' ' 

It was a striking picture, and precisely summarized the situa- 
tion; also the position of Harper's Weekly and of Nast himself. 
With respectability and a proper burden the Republican Party 
could win. Otherwise its case was doubtful and the support of 
Franklin Square most uncertain. 

In this issue of the Weekly, at the head of the editorial column, 
the attention of the public was directed to the fact of Nast's re- 
turn. The notice closed significantly: 

Our readers will recognize the familiar figure of the Repub- 
lican Elephant treated in a manner at once retrospective and sug- 
gestive, recalling the principles by which the Republican Party 
has won the confidence of the country, and by strict adherence to 
which alone it can hope to retain that confidence in the future. 

The cartoonist's welcome back to the old journal was general 
and enthusiastic. The newspapers which had been asking, as 
did the Herald, '^ Why is the public no longer instructed by the 
work of this historic caricaturist in the ' journal made famous by 
Thomas Nast? ' " now accorded him a notice that was, if pos- 
sible, more universal than ever before. The following is a fair 
sample of the comment; also of the frequent misstatements 
which have led to so many false impressions concerning his re- 
lations and diflBculties with the Harper firm: 

The reappearance of the familiar bold signature of Th. Xast 
on a cartoon in Harper's Weekly has produced more of a sensa- 
tion than either Nast or the Harpers could have dreamed of. 
Tliat was a peculiar quarrel, or rather its consequences were pecu- 
liar. Two years ago the artist's vigorous pictures disappeared. 
He was under contract not to draw for any other periodical, and 


i7S ' 

BO every week he sent in a sketch to Harjiers, and they in return 
continued to pay him five thousand dollars a year. During tlie 
two years in his cosy home at Morristown he has drawn the hest 
work of his life, as all tlie friends who have seen the many am- 
bitious pictures stored there unite in declaring, etc., etc. 

Perhaps this is accurate enough for the daily newspaper 
reader, but from a historical standpoint its errors seem impor- 
tant. Nast's absence from the Weekly had been less than one 
year, during which he had remained very little in Lis ' 




home at Morristown ' ' and had drawn no pictures whatever. He 
had received the $5,000 in the stipulated payments, but this had 
been merely a retainer, work or play. Had the writer doubled 
the amount of this annual payment, as many papers did, he 
would have crowded as many misstatements as would seem pos- 
sible into a brief paragraph, which after all contained the ele- 
ments of news. The story that Nast ever went on supplying pic- 
tures to Harper's Weekly during any period of absence from 
its pages may properly be denied here. It was, as we have seen, 
the occasional refusal of his drawings, more or less frequent, 
which resulted in these hiatuses; but during such weeks or 
months he supplied no work and was not expected to do so. His 
retainer merely provided against his contributing to other jour- 
nals. His drawings were always additionally paid for. It is 
probable that altogether, during the twenty-five years of his 
connection with the Harper firm, not more than twenty-five of 
his pictures remained unused. 

The letters of welcome were as kindly and almost as numerous 
as the press notices. From John G. Borden, the great dispenser 
of milk, came this measure of human kindness: 

Good morning! I too want to shake hands! Glad to see you 
back! Certainly! Come to stay, we all hope! Borden. 

From the oflBce all sent greetings. S. S. Conant wrote : ' * I am 
glad to welcome you back. Will you kindly let us know by tele- 
graph what you intend doing for next week ? When you come in 
won't you shed the light of your countenance on yours truly? " 

His old companion in arms forgot all disagreements and held 
out the right hand of fellowship: 

Dear Nast: 

I am sincerely glad to know that you are better, or what is 
better still, quite well, and that we are to go into the old and 
ever new fight again, side by side. AVith everj^ good wish, I am, 

Very truly yours, 

George William Curtis. 

tct ih -ep joei toid therefore jaa tud better let me take 
lut food hu mule me Tei7 kind (nil g«iiUe, and bu dMOgad 
mj nmiurencompletel; ttiati am au eiccJlent elieplieid'a dog now." 

Tliat the " old and ever new fight " was to begin by oppowng 
Blaine is shown by consulting the "Weekly's editorial and pic- 
torial pages, now in perfect unison. Early in March " Blaine 
Leans Toward Logan " was the subject of a cartoon showing 
Logan, bound hand and foot, and being pushed from the steps 
of the White House by the " leaning " Senator. The grouping 
of these two is subject to another interpretation of that 
unconsciously prophetic kind which made the genius of Nast 
something almost uncanny. 

Again, in April, Blaine appears as a book agent, canvassing 
with his new work, the " Twenty Years " record, while a week 
later Grover Cleveland is significantly complimented for his 
excellent work in New York City, carried on with Theodore 
Goosevelt, who now, for the first time, appears in the cartoons. 

It was not that Harper's Weekly seriously contemplated a bolt 
from the Kepublican party. Yet there were constant insurrec- 
tions in the ranks, and anything was likely to occur. Those who 
called themselves Independents were for reform before ' 



and it was to this element that Harper's "Weekly, in common with 
most of the better class of journals, belonged. Curtis and Nast 
did not hesitate therefore to applaud the work of Cleveland in 
city and state, especially as Cleveland himself willingly united 
with a strong-hearted young Kepuhlican like Theodore Roosevelt 
J: in certain legislation for reform. 

Democracy, as a whole, Curtis 
still freely denounced. He de- 
clared that, as a party, it had 
ceased to represent anythiDg 
whatever but opposition — not 
opposition to principle or policy, 
but merely to Republican meas- 
ures because they were such. 

Yet he did not hesitate to 
praise such Democrats as Mr. 
Hewitt, who supported the bill 
for an increased navy against 
the opposition of Samuel J. Randall and the party as a whole. 
Each day it became less a question of party than of men, and as 
the Independent journals pointed out, the man selected must be 
one whose record, long or short, would show a tendency toward 
progress, especially in the direction of impartial allotment of 
public office as a reward of merit and not as the fruits of victory. 
To the editorial above mentioned, Curtis adds: " The interest of 
Grover Cleveland in the cause (Civil Service) has been signal and 
effective, ' ' Curtis did not advocate a new party under the lead of 
the Independents. The administration of Arthur he pronounced 
good. It was his chief concern that the integrity of the party 
should be maintained, with a policy and a candidate in accord 
with tlie better doctrines which the Independent wing was seek- 
ing to establish and hoped to make pennanent. It was his belief, 
as it was that of Nast— and we are dwelling upon the opinions 


of these two because they were in the foremost rauk and were 
presently to become conspicuous in a great party upheaval— that 
the nomination of Blaine would mean simply a continuation of 
the old system of party rewards and a renewal of the feuds and 
wretchedness of 1881. There was a widespread conviction that 
Blaine, who had begun as a patriot and a statesman, had become 
a politician and a spoilsman. It was Blaine who was considered 
the " too heavy a load " for the " Sacred Elei)hant " to carrj'. 

Yet Blaine was a magnetic man— a pillar ol' wisdom and ora- 
tory, and his following was mighty in the nation. With the 
legitimate support -ir— - _ 

of Eepublican press 
and patriot, his suc- 
cess was assured. 
Doubtless he be- 
lieved, and his 
friends believed, 
that with the nomin- 
ation most of those 
who had been his 
critics would swing 
into the old line, and 
if they did not stren- 
uously uphold his 
cause, they would at 
least not cry it 
down. They remem- 
bered tliat such pa- 
pers as the Herald 
and the Post, which 
had been most crit- 
ical of Grant, had, 
upon his renomina- 


tion, wheeled back into the ranks and fought his battle. Per- 
haps they forgot, or refused to remember, an important thing. 
Grant's personal integrity was never for a moment really 
doubted by intelligent men. Whatever may have been the crit- 
icism of his methods, or the slanders inspired by malice, no 
impartial and thinking individual ever suggested that Grant 
was not the soul of honor, that he ever even considered the 
possibility of using his public oflSce for personal gain. On the 
other hand, Blaine had been involved in more than one affair 
of doubtful aspect, and once, in 1876, had been the subject of 
a Congressional inquiry relative to a questionable connection 
with the Little Rock and Ft. Smith Railroad. True, his dramatic 
vindication at this time had appeared suflSciently complete to 
inspire the famous ** Plumed Knight " speech of Colonel Inger- 
soll, but certain facts connected with the denouement, and calmer 
reflection, had left the public mind by no means clear as to his 
entire innocence. The matter would be sifted to the final dust 
if he became a presidential candidate. Blaine of Maine could 
show much that was noble in his record, but a man who could 
show less, even one with no record at all, would have been a safer 

In every issue of the Weekly, Curtis protested with force and 
skill against the nomination of Blaine. He pointed out that it 
would divide the party, that it would debase it by committing 
it to the old creed of spoil and high tariff; that, furthermore, a 
campaign under Blaine must necessarily become one of explana- 
tion and defence. The friendliness of the Democratic papers to 
Blaine he regarded as *' one of the most suspicious signs of the 
situation.'' When finally the old railroad scandal was raked 
over, as it began to be, even before the convention, and William 
Walter Phelps rushed to the fore with a letter of defence, Curtis 
did not hesitate to speak his mind fully: 

** The one fact in this controversy which remains undis- 


turbed," he said, ^^ and which the honest voter everj^iere will 
plainly comprehend, is this: 

'* In the spring of 1869, Mr. Blaine, as Speaker, made a ruling 
in favor of the Little Rock railroad, securing to it a government 
land grant which passed on April 9. Soon afterward it ap- 
peared that Mr. Blaine was very desirous of obtaining an inter- 
est in building the road, and on June 29 he wrote to his friend 
Mr. (Warren) Fisher, the contractor, who had made him some 
offer, asking that Mr. Caldwell, who then controlled the enter- 
prise, should make him (Mr. Blaine) a definite proposition to en- 
able him to acquire the interest he desired. On the 2d of July 
he renewed the suggestion. Mr. Caldwell apparently not re- 
sponding, Mr. Blaine writes again on the 4th of October to his 
intermediary, Mr. Fisher, and tells the story of his ruling, show- 
ing that he, as Speaker, saved the road, and authorizing Mr. 
Fisher to tell Mr. Caldwell that thus, without his knowledge, 
that he (Mr. Blaine) had done him a great favor. On the same 
day he writes another letter to Mr. Fisher, urging him to read 
the Globe, which he sends him, and see how narrowly, by intoaa^ 
of his ruling, the bill aiding the road escaped defeat. In the 
same letter Mr. Blaine expresses his natural anxiety to naa^ 
the most of the arrangement which he had alregd^^^x^omfjdt^ 
with Mr. Fisher, but states that he is bothered by MrrCaldWell 's 
delay. This repeated reference to his oflScial action was ap- 
parently intended to bring Mr. Caldwell to the point. . . . 
Could the party venture upon a campaign which would inevi- 
tably turn upon the question whether its presidential candidate 
had made his official action serv'^e his personal advantage? " * 

It seems proper to explain here that the letters referred to by 
Curtis in the above extract were the celebrated '* Mulligan let- 
ters," which were destined to become a most disturbing quantity 
during the campaign. These letters had fallen into the hands of 
one James Mulligan, who had been a clerk of the Warren Fisher 
mentioned. In the investigation of 1876 Blaine had pleaded 
with Mulligan to surrender these letters. Mulligan at first de- 
clined, but at length yielded them on condition that they were 
to be returned. Blaine did not return the letters, but on June 5, 
1876, read from them himself before the Judiciary Committee. 
A letter from Warren Fisher had been forwarded to this com- 

• Harper's Weekly, May 10, 1884. 



mittee for the purpose of exonerating Blaine; also a cable dis- 
patch, from Josiah Caldwell. This testimony, for some reason, 
the committee liad withheld— perhaps to test its genuineness — 
and Blaine had a moment of splendid triumph, when he 
strode down the aisle, or, as Colonel Ingersoll expressed it, 
' ' Like an armed warrior, like a plumed knight, James G. Blaine 
marched down the halls of the American Congress and threw 
his shining lance full and fair against the brazen foreheads of 
every traitor to his country and every maligner of his fair repu- 

Blaine on that day had flourished in his hand a copy of the 
suppressed cable message, and the sensation had been so great 
when he flung it in the faces of the committee and charged them 
with false dealing that the nation was startled into forgetfulness 
of the fact that, after all, the letters he had himself written re- 
mained unexplained and unjustified, though neither this moment 
of triumph nor Colonel Ingersoll 's eloquence had obtained for 
him the nomination. Now, eight years later, the explanation 
which did not explain must be made all over, while the fact that 
he had broken faith with Mulligan in not returning the letters, 
and that the press and American people would handle his reputa- 
tion in the unsvmpntlietic manner of cimpaign debate could not 
have been a grat f ng reflect oi to tl e Magnetic Man from 
Maine." „ 



It was in the midst of this preparation for a mighty political 
■warfare that the country was shocked by a financial disaster — 
fatal to an extended circle of investors, great and small— includ- 
ing among its victims General XJ. S. Grant, his sons, and Thomas 
Nast. One morning early in May the blighting news of the fail- 
ure of Grant and Ward stared at Nast from the front page of hia 
morning paper. He turned ghastly and the perspiration stood 
upon his forehead. Then, scarcely above a whisper, 

" Grant and Ward have failed," he said. 

It seemed a fatal blow. Not a penny of his savings remained. 
Even the dividends had been largely reinvested. Everything 
except his home had been swept away. His dream of an inde- 
pendent paper melted like the webs of morning. 

The blow fell even harder on General Grant. Not only had he 
lost his savings, but a few days before, through the intercession 
of Ward, he had assisted the Marine Bank with a loan of $150,- 
000, borrowed in hia own name from W. H. VandOTbilt; and this 
additional liability he mnst now pay, " -' ' wm 


penniless; worse, for even the cheques given to shop-keepers 
were returned unhonored. Houses, horses and carriages were 
sold. Vanderbilt promptly called for his loan and General Grant 
unhesitatingly turned over to him everj' bit of property lie had 
left, even to his military trophies: " all the swords presented to 
him by citizens and soldiers, the superb caskets given him by the 
officials of the cities through which he had passed on his way 
around the world, all the curious and exquisite souvenirs of China 
and Japan. He spared nothing." * 

Nast fortunately had lost only the amount he had put in. 
But it was a sad blow in that it struck away the bolster of his 
independence, blighted his fondest hopes and, what was still 
worse, shook his confidence in men. When Grant learned that 
Ward had been a rascal throughout— that there had been no 
legitimate contracts, but that most, if not all, of the divi- 
dends had been paid from the principal investments — when 
he had signed away everj'tliing and realized all, he said: 

" I have made it 
the rule of uiy life to 
trust a man long 
'_ after other people 
gave him up; but I 
don't see how I can 
ever trust any hu- 
man being again." 
These words from 
the old soldier 
whose long trust of 
unworthy officials 
bad been the only 
shadow on his jwiit- 

• Hamlin OarUnd. in ' A 



ical career might have been uttered with equal signifi- 
cance by his faithful friend and supporter, his partner now in 
misfortune, Thomas Nast. And this, after all, may be reckoned 
as the chief sorrow of their crumbled fortimes. 

But though fortunes perish, battles must go on. The Na- 
tional Republican Convention of 1884 was at hand. Nast did 
not lament over the downfall of his hopes, but girded on his armor 
for war. 

The New York Times made it clear that in event of 
Blaine's nomination it would decline to support the ticket. 
George Jones, who was still the owner, endeavored to get the 
publishers of Harper's Weekly to concord in a declaration to 
that effect, and it would seem now a mistake that this was 
not done. It would have precisely suited Nast, while Curtis, 
who was to be a delegate to the Convention, would have been 
able exactly to define his position, and might have avoided 
much of the bitterness and many of the accusations of the 
trying period which followed. It was in deference to Cur- 
tis, however, that the positive position against Blaine was not 
taken at this time. It was the desire that Curtis should enter 
the Convention a free man, accountable to himself only. He 
could hardly have participated in the Convention after such a 
manifesto; also it was hoped that his wide influence might 
avert disaster. Viewed in perspective, it would seem that an 
open declaration made by the paper would have been more 
effective than the influence of Curtis as a delegate, and that the 
mistake made by Curtis was in not insisting upon such a state- 
ment and resigning from the delegation. But Curtis, through- 
out his career, clung to the policy of tactful persuasion and con- 
ciliation. In spite of repeated lessons, it was not in his nature to 
understand that such methods are likely to avail as little in a 
political convention as with a pack of wild hyenas, tearing one 
another in a cage. Had Fletcher Harper been alive it may be 



set down as certain that the radical policy of the Times would 
have prevailed. 

As to an acceptable candidate, opinions in Franklin Square 
were somewhat divided. Curtis was favorable to Senator Ed- 
mimds of Vermont, as were also several members of the Harper 
firm. Nast was firmly for President Arthur, as was J. Henry 
Harper, who had the general supervision of the Weekly at this 
time. It was on the eve of the Convention, during a call made 
by these two on President Arthur at the Hoffman House, that 
certain inner details of the Garfield-Conkling rupture were made 
known to them. 

Mr. Harper and Nast had called for the purpose of urging the 
President to make a more definite personal effort to win the 
nomination. They believed that a combination might be made 
which would defeat Blaine and leave victory in Arthur's hands. 
He listened to all their suggestions and admitted that he greatly 
desired the honor of the nomination, yet he would make no spe- 
cial effort to obtain it. 

** I will accept it of course if it falls to me," he said, '' but I 
can do no more. * * I ought not to do that. I am far from a well 
man, and it is likely that I shall not surv^ive the administration. 
No, I can't do any more. I can't do it! " 

Nobody spoke for several seconds, then Arthur regarded Nasi 

** Do you recall that you once caricatured me as a boot- 
black," he asked, ** polishing the shoes of Piatt and Conk ling T " 

Nast nodded unhappily. 

** I do, Mr. President," he said. 

** It hurt me," continued Arthur. ** It hurt me terribly. Yet 
you were quite right — far more so than you knew — though not 
altogether in the way you thought." 

Tlien he related the circumstances of that political bargain 
whose harvest had been a national tragedy. 


* ' With the Maine election of 1880, ' ' he said, ' ' matters began 
to look bad for our ticket, and Mr. Garfield agreed with me that 
we must in some manner enlist Conkling and Piatt in onr cause. 
I advised that we come to New York to see them, and we did so. 
Meantime, they had heard we were coming, and had taken train 
for Albany. They refused to meet Garfield, who then suggested 
that I see them and make any arrangement that would bring 
them into line. I saw them, and they at first declined to believe 
in my assurance of Garfield's good faith. * Gentlemen,' I said, 
' I pledge you my word as a man of honor that Mr. Garfield made 
me that promise, and that I will undertake to see it carried 

** It was then understood among us that Conkling and Piatt 
should control the New York patronage, and it was with this 
assurance that they worked for the ticket. Grant came back 
from the West and took the stump with Conkling, and everything 
was done by Piatt and Conkling as agreed. You know what 
happened after the election. I need not go all over that. But there 
is one thing you do not know. It is true I went to Albany again 
— ^I did so far descend from the dignity of my office as to go to see 
Piatt and Conkling, but I did not go to conciliate them. It was 
worse than that— much worse. I went to Albany that last time 
because they sent far rne to come. I went on their order to come 
and explain why I had not made good my pledge. They knew I 
would not refuse to come, and I did go, and I humbled myself for 
not having been able to keep my plighted faith. Now you under- 
stand why your picture was even truer than you could know." 

During the final sentences the President's voice had broken, 
and when he finished, the tears were streaming down his cheeks. 
A gentleman of gentlemen— ill, and already nearing the doorway 
of death— the memory of his broken pledge and his humiliation 
he could not calmly recall. 



jl^ corrupti^onT^KJ^^ 


.■^.:."S-5^'^ " 




Tlie Republican National Convention assembled in the Exposi- 
tion Ilall in Chicago on June 3. A larger crowd gathered 
than ever before, and there was more bitterness of feeling. All 
sorts of scandalous stories were told. It was declared that 
" five hundred dollars in money and a good office " were prom- 
ised for Blaine delegates in event of his election. ' ' Everybody is 
aware that Clayton was promised the portfolio of Secretary of 
the Interior if he would deliver the Arkansas delegation to 
Blaine," was the statement of one leading New York corres|>ond- 
ent. The fight of 1880 had been a battle between vast opposing 
forces. This was a civil war, with all its malice and personal 

Theodore Roosevelt was a member of the New York delegation 
and fieorge AVilliam Curtis was selected as its chairman. Thomas 
C. Platf was likewise in attendance, and, strangely enough, had 


so far and so soon forgotten old injuries as to declare for 

That the Blaine sentiment was very general was manifest. 
Curtis said afterwards that it was ** essentially a Blaine con- 
vention," and he must have immediately realized his mistake 
in having hoped to stem the tide. Still, able men who were 
present have thought it not impossible that had a proper com- 
bination been formed, or a startling initiative been taken— some 
seizing of the tide at its flood — there might have been a turn 
which would have caught up and borne a different captain to 

Blaine, Arthur, and Edmunds were ably put in nomination, the 
last-named being gracefully seconded by Curtis. None of the 
speeches equalled Conkling's Appomattox oration of four years 
before, and no such excitement followed, though the name of 
Blaine awoke an enthusiasm which approached frenzy when 
Judge West, the blind speaker of Ohio, presented it to the 
thirteen thousand listening people. 

In fact, politically, it was Blaine's time. He had been faithful 
to party, and had lived long for this hour. More than this, he 
had a definite place in the hearts of the people, who were willing 
to forget or to overlook irregularities all too common to politics 
for the sake of the patriot and statesman of the past. In addi- 
tion to these things, the memory of a murdered President, whose 
tenderness for Blaine had been manifest to the very end, was just 
the sort of sentiment to sway powerfully the American heart. 

An attempt on the second day to pledge delegates to support 
the nominee, whoever he might prove, was promptly opposed by 
Curtis, who asked the Convention *' to assume that every dele- 
gate was an honest and an honorable man." 

'' A Kepublican and a free man I came to this convention," 
he said, * * and, by the grace of God, a Republican and a free man 
I will go. ' ' 


On the first ballot Blaine's vote was 335i, Arthur's 279. 
Edmunds of Vermont and Logan of Illinois had 93 and 67^, 
respectively. It seemed that if a proper combination could be 
made Blaine might be defeated. But this was not altogether 
clear. A large element of the scattering vote was known to be a 
masked Blaine support, which at the slightest signal of alarm 
would be hurried to his rescue. An attempt to combine the 
Arthur and Edmund forces failed. 

By the third ballot Blaine had 375 votes, and it became evi- 
dent that the fourth ballot would be the last. Then, suddenly, 
pandemonium reigned. Everybody seemed to be on his feet at 
once. Theodore Koosevelt, young, eager and athletic, stood up 
in his seat, wildly swinging his arms to attract the chairman's 
attention. Surely, if ever, this was flood tide, and amid the 
riot of it all there were calls for Curtis — Curtis of New York! 

It was the supreme instant in a convention when a dark horse 
may appear. Perhaps it was the psychological moment in the 
life of a wise and able man whose constitutional lack of initiative 
— of doing the bold and unusual thing — lost him that golden 
opportunity which is said to come once into every life. Had 
George William Curtis leaped to his feet in answer to that call 
and made a ringing, patriotic speech for reform, such a speech 
as he could make when aroused, who shall say that the Conven- 
tion might not have been swayed by a man whose life and record 
and purpose were known to be clean, and then and there chosen 
him as its leader. If Curtis was ever a presidential possibility, 
it was in that moment, which passed as the breaking of a billow, 
and was gone. Blaine was chosen on the fourth ballot, and John 
A. Logan was accorded the second place. Confused and dazed, 
Curtis acquiesced in the nominations, thus letting pass another 
opportunity for placing himself oflBcially on record against a 
ticket to which later he must refuse his support. 

Immediately he wired that he would telegraph an editorial 


against Blaine, and added a word for Nast. But presently he 
remembered that he had acquiesced in the nominations. Eoose- 
velt and others who had pursued a like course considered them- 
selves pledged to the ticket. He had said, * ' A free man I came 
to this convention, and, please God, a free man I will go." Ee- 
flecting upon the matter now, he was not so sure. The editorial 
against Blaine was not telegraphed. The situation was very 

Nast called briefly at the Harper office on the morning after the 
nomination, at which time no word from Curtis had been re- 
ceived. Later in the day came the following letter: 

Franklin Square, June 7, 1884. 
My dear Nast : 

As I told you this morning, the firm will talk over the situa- 
tion on Monday, by which time I hope Mr. Curtis will have re- 
turned. Meanwhile he will telegraph from Chicago an editorial 
against Blaine (which has not yet come), and he, Mr. Curtis, 
adds, * * It is now a good time for Nast. ' ' 

Yours faithfully, 

J. W. Harper, Jr. 

By Monday Curtis had returned to face, in the columns of 
numerous journals, severe criticism from those who believed that 
he, with Roosevelt, had precipitated the nomination of Blaine by 
failing to combine with the Arthur forces. The Commercial 
Advertiser characterized them as the ** Holier than thou " Re- 
publicans, who had insisted on Edmunds or nothing, and added 
that it hoped they were satisfied with their work. The Adver- 
tiser, it may be added, eventually allowed party to prevail, and 
supported Blaine. The Times promptly repeated its declaration 
of independence, and prophesied Blaine's defeat. 

** That defeat will be the salvation of the Republican party,'' 
it added. '* It will arouse its torpid conscience; it will stir it to 
purification. ' ' Which may be said to have been a very excellent 
prophecy indeed. 

The Evening Post and the Herald declared against the ticket, 


as well as many of the foremost Bepublican journals East and 
West. The Tribune remained loyal to its party, and Mr. Dana— 
who had supported Greeley, Tilden and Hancock— perhaps to 
maintain his paper's tradition for being always on the losing 
side — advocated the cause of the greenback candidate, General 
Butler, which was equivalent to a support of Blaine. 

Arriving at the Harper oflBce, still dazed and depressed, Curtis 
quickly learned that the Weekly would not give the ticket its 
support. Personally he was glad, but the fact did not lighten his 
burden. Had it been possible to separate his individual from 
his editorial capacity, as it is in these days of impersonal jour- 
nalism, the problem might have been solved by giving a pro- 
fessional support to the journal, while according his personal 
vote and influence to Blaine. With Curtis no such a separation 
was possible or even considered. He must revoke his acquies- 
cence in the Chicago Convention or he must resign his editor- 
ship. In the Saratoga Convention of 1879 he had ** distinctly 
voted against making ComelPs nomination unanimous— the 
only protest then possible,'' as his paper at the time had de- 
clared. He had made no such protest in Chicago on an issue 
of far greater magnitude. Even should he resign, it would be 
to remain comparatively neutral— a position abhorrent to him. 
** A neutral in politics is like a neutral in sex," he had once 
said in a letter to Nast. The more he considered, the more diffi- 
cult seemed his plight. For the first time he seemed inclined to 
lean upon the positive individuality of Xast. 

Two of the firm— John W. Harper and Joseph W. Harper, Jr.— 
with Curtis and Nast, adjourned to a nearby restaurant for lunch- 
eon and further discussion. The situation was fully gone over, 
and it was agreed that Blaine was not entitled to their support. 
Yet Curtis, with the old reluctance to strike a blow beyond recall, 
was willing to temporize — to wait. When the Democratic nom- 
ination was made, it might become a choice of two evils. 


Nast had said very little up to this point. His views were well 
known and needed no emphasis. Now, however, he was gen- 
uinely irritated. 

" It is the business of the Independents to dictate that nomi- 
nation! " he said hotly. " Speaking for myself, I positively 
decline to support Blaine, either directly or indirectly, even if 
the Democrats should nominate the Devil himself." He turned 
to John Harper. " Will you support BlaineT " he asked. 

" No," answered Mr. Harper solemnly. 

Joseph Harper also shook his head. 

" We cannot support Blaine," he declared, " and we must 
state our position immediately. We must have a good strong 
editorial on the subject iu our next issue." 

" Yes, make it as strong as you like, Mr. Curtis," said John 

Nast's irritation was still dominant. 

" Make it stronger than you like, Mr. Curtis," he added. 

Curtis rose and bowed gravely. 

" It shall be prepared immediately," he said. 




You are invited to take part in the consultation in 
regard to the action necessitated by the results of the 
Republican Conventioru to be held at the residence of 
J. Henry Harper. Esq., «^ Madison Avenue, on Tuesday 
evening, June 17th, at eight o'clock. 

As the consultation is private, you are asked to hand this card to the 
attendant at the door, signing it on the back. If it be not possible for 3roo 
to be present, kindly return this card at once, with any expression of your 
opinion, to George Haven Putnam. 27 West 23d Street, New York. 



Tlie declaration of revolt appeared in the Weekly of June 14, 
though on the 9th the position of Franklin Square was announced 
by the press. In the same issue there was a cartoon from Nast 
—the Republican Elephant, its back broken by the weight of the 
political ** magnet." In the issue following there appeared a 
double page— the Republican Party as the daughter of Vir- 
ginius, about to be slain by her father, rather than to submit to 
** Appius Claudius " Blaine. Editorially the Weekly stated its 
position, which, in brief, was Nation before Party. In taking this 
stand the publishers had fully considered the possibility of 
large pecuniary loss. 

No political rebellion ever created such a stir as this. It was 
literally a ** shot heard round the world.'' The apostasy of 
other papers was forgotten in the wild assaults of old and time- 
tried friends on the Journal of Civilization. As for Curtis and 
Nast, they were pilloried and crucified— drawn, quartered, and 


buried at low water mark. Other editors and other cartoonists 
might pass from one policy, or from one paper to another, 
almost without comment. With these two it was diflferent. Cur- 
tis was denounced as a traitor who had broken faith; Nast was 
branded as a hired assassin. Old friends wrote to him, pleading 
or denouncing. Below are a few specimen extracts: 

One more such effort from your pen will sweep away your 
world-wide reputation and make Harper's Weekly accursed 
among men. 

Oh, Nast, how art the mighty fallen! How weak in a bad 
cause has he become, who for years has been such a Sampson 
in a good one. 

Wliy in the name of all that's sacred will you cater to the 
devilishness of George William Curtis, when it is like a dose of 
quinine to you every time? I know well enough you are not in 
sympathy with a single cartoon issued by Harper's Weekly. 

The last was signed ** admirer," and another old ** admirer," 
in pleasanter humor, wrote: 

I will close by asking as much as the man who met the bear. 
** Oh, God, help me to win the fight, but if you can't help me, for 
God's sake don't help the bear! " 

Even Nasby went back on his old friend, and published an 
*' X-Roads " letter in which he said: 

Mr. Nast had better quit taking Roman subjex and fly back 
to the tropix. The best thing he kin do is to fall back on his 
reglar pioiur of a elephant with his back broke by somebody's 
climin' onto it, with the legend under, * Broken at Last.' This 
is his best holt. He has outlived everything else. I wish I'd 
spent mi $4.00 sent Haqier's at Bascoms. 

Tlie change of front likewise inspired numerous vei'ses, of 
which the following from Judge is a fair specimen: 

Poor, poor T. Nast, 

Thy day is past— 
Thy bolt is shot, thy die is cast— 

Tliy pencil point 

Is out of joint— 
Thy pictures lately disappoint. 


It now became important that the Independents should nnlte 
with the Democrats upon some man acceptable to all. Of these 
Grover Cleveland was naturally first choice, with Bayard of 
Delaware as a possibility. Cleveland was far more acceptable 
to the Independents than he was to a large element of his own 
party, but it was believed that for the sake of a President, Democ- 
racy as a whole would support him. It was decided to call a 
meeting of the representative Independent Republicans for the 
purpose of more complete organization, as well as to pass reso- 
lutions that might influence the Democratic choice. This meet- 
ing took place on the evening of June 17, at 269 Madison 
Avenue, the home of J. Henry Harper. Colonel T. W. 
Higginson called the assembly to order, and George William 
Curtis was chosen as chairman. It was a very private affair, 
as the special ticket of admission shows. Some of the foremost 
men of the country were pres- 
ent. Others sent letters of en- 
couragement and approvaL 

Benjamin H. Bristow wrote, 
" As a Republican I feel it is my 
duty not to vote for Blaine." 

Henr>- Ward Beecher said, 
" Put me down against Blaine 
one hundred times in letters 
two feet long." 

Josiah Qnincy, Richard H. 
Dana and Samuel Hoar were 

among those present from Bos- •irKri."!miti;—'Sr2.''rJ^ •*■*"""" 
ton. Several of the Harper firm, E. L. Burlingame, Henry Holt, 
Nast and many other New York representatives were there. 
Men from Chicago, St. Louis and other Western cities likewise 
attended. Carl Schnrz was actively present, and prepared reso- 
lutions condemning the Republican nominees, adding that: 


'* We look with solicitude to the coming nomination of the 
Democratic Party. They have the proper men. We hope they 
will put them before the people. * * 

The names of possible candidates were not embodied in these 
resolutions, but it was orally agreed that such men as Cleveland 
and Bayard would receive the Independent support. The move- 
ment which was to make Grover Cleveland President had crys- 

The Blaine press hailed this beginning with fierce derision 
and ribald epithets. They referred to the ** Nast-y Particular 
Party, ' ' and finally dubbed the Independents * * Mugwumps, * * an 
old word which sprang into renewed existence, and survived. 

Upon the Democratic leaders the effect of the meeting was 
prompt and profoimd. When their National Convention gath- 
ered in Chicago it was pretty evident that Grover Cleveland 
would be the nominee. To be sure, John Kelly declared on the 
day before the balloting that Tammany would not support Cleve- 
land, though the fact that Tammany, with its doubtful tradi- 
tions, opposed the reform candidate, would seem to have made 
more certain his nomination. 

** We love him most for the enemies he has made," was the 
sentiment expressed by General Bragg of Wisconsin, and widely 
echoed throughout the assembly. The voting took place July 11, 
and it required only the second ballot to make Grover Cleveland 
the chosen nominee. As a concession to the old-line Democrats, 
Tliomas J. Hendricks was selected to complete the ticket. 

The latter half of the ticket did not gratify a majority of the 
independents, yet it proved fortunate for Cleveland. Hendricks 
was acceptable to Tanmaany and it was doubtless through 
him that Kelly and his following were eventually brought into 

Throughout June both Curtis and Nast had been assailing 
Blaine— the pictures usually showing him as a canvasser with 


Lis " Twenty Year " record, or perhaps donning a clean sliirt of 
reform, ■which, through lack of familiarity with the ganiient, he 
was inclined to wear topside down. In the issue following tho 
Democratic nominations the editorial column was headed, 

For President, 
Grover Cleveland of New York, 

the name of Hendricks being conspicuous by its absence. Below 
was an editorial in support of Cleveland, !n which Curtis said: 

So firm and clean and independent in his high office haa 
Grover Cleveland shown himself to he, that he is denounced as 
not being a Democrat by the Democrats themselves. 

The same issue contained a page cartoon by Nast conveying 
practically the same idea— a full-length portrait of " A Man 
with a Clean 

Record," stiff and ,-^-.^^ ^J.^ t»i . M©7 ( r 
imbending in his at- -'"^^'^'"^^^^ =~ 
titude for bettor 
government. The 
position o£ Harper's 
"Weekly was thus 
clearly defined, and 
its leading forces, 
Curtis and Nast, 
more closely linked 
than at any time 
since the Tweed cru- 
sade, with the great- 
est good feeling, 
were pulling side by 
side in this their 
last great campaign. 

(Oeoigt Jono, Nut uil Cartli, uurtooiKd bj "CUp") 



Tlie " Mugwump " revolt was a political upheaval without 
parallel in this nation. Even the "War of the Rebellion haJ been 
mainly geographical, and the outgrowth of tremendous issues, 
long debated and clearly defined. The civil revolution of 1SS4 
was universally outspread— a division in hamlets and families— 
a battle of leaders. North, South, East and West it raged, 
and whatever were the points of political difference in the 
beginning, these were presently forgotten in a rancorous con- 
tention as to the personal shortcomings of the candidates. 

Religious communities were divided. Blaine church oflScers 
refused to confer with an Independent church pastor, Blaine 
church members changed their pews to avoid intercourse with 
Independent Republicans. A Blaine newspaper, commenting on 
the fact that Nast had agreed to deliver a lecture in aid of one of 
the Morristown churches, said: "It is possible that some self- 


respecting Bepnblicans may be found among his andience, bnt 
we hope they are not many/' Boycotts against Independent 
merchants were attempted. In some places newsdealers were 
obliged to discontinue handling the Weekly to retain their trade. 

Press comment was vitriolic and filled with malice. The per- 
sonality of the candidates became the only issue. Every previous 
public or private act of either was microscopically scrutinizedi 
and exploited for good or evil. Not only were political flaws 
sought out, but old personal scandals were exhumed and paraded 
in public view. The American people can hardly recall with 
pride a campaign wherein a large number of its newspapers 
and citizens forgot national and party principles in magnify- 
ing and sowing broadcast every manner of detestable report con- 
cerning its presidential candidates. 

Next to these chosen leaders, Curtis and Nast became the 
victims of newspaper violence. Every Blaine organ in the land 
took occasion in almost every issue to point out their iniquity, 
and to prophecy their imminent degradation and downfall. Some 
did not wait for it to arrive. One Pennsylvania editor printed 
at the head of his editorial column: ** Tom Nast, the libellous 
caricaturist, has become a drunken sot and a bar-room loafer,'* a 
statement so wide of any present or future possibility that it 
gave the artist pleasure to exhibit it to his family and friends. 

In the colored caricatures of ' ' Judge, * ' Curtis and Nast rarely 
failed to figure. Curtis, who had always deplored caricature 
as applied to men of attainments, now found himself the victim 
of the grossest pictorial satire. Hamilton and BYank Beard 
never missed an opportunity of presenting him as a saint, a cir- 
cus performer, or a * * Miss Nancy * * in slippers or gaiters, frilled 
trousers and corsets, usually grinding an organ, while Nast, 
as a monkey, performed at his conmiand. Nast's own ideas 
and symbols were turned against him by the picture-makers 
of the other side. His old co-laborer, A. R. Waud, included him 


with Curtis in an array of tatterdemalions, who followed their 
*' Falstaff/' Cleveland. He was associated with the ghost of 
Tweed, who grasps his hand cordially, saying: 

*' Go right along. You are now arrayed against my old enemy, 
the Republican Party/' The caricature in these was carried to 
the extreme limits of grotesque and often vulgar exaggeration. 
They were deadly torture to Curtis. Nast they only amused 
and spurred to greater things. It was the second great ** Cam- 
paign of Caricature/' and this time Nast had more worthy foe- 
men, though he was likewise not without valuable allies. Bern- 
hard Gillam's *' Tattooed Man '* will be long remembered. Its 
first introduction was the result of the Weekly Puck conference, 
where it was decided to caricature the various candidates as 
the freaks in a dime museum. It was Mr. Schwartzmann who 
proposed that Blaine should be tattooed with his record, which 
feature proved a distinct success. Certainly the Independents, 
with Gillam, Keppler, and Nast had the strong side of caricature 
in the campaign of 1884. Speaking of this fact, the London Pall 
Mall Budget, said: ** If caricature decided the election, Mr. 
Blaine's chances would be hopeless. Unfortunately ridicule does 
not kill in the United States.'' 

Among the measures used against Harper's Weekly was the 
reprinting of Nast 's former caricatures of Carl Schurz, who was 
now a co-worker against Blaine. These, with satirical English 
and German text, were scattered broadcast, as were also the 
Cleveland caricatures of 1882, though the latter had been too 
good-natured to prove effective now. A further endeavor was 
made to show that Harper's had been a Blaine organ hitherto, in 
reply to which, the Weekly republished ten of Nast's Blaine car- 
toons, which had appeared during the five preceding years. 

It was essentially a Nast campaign, a battle of fierce onslaught 
and destructive blows, and as the summer waned the onslaughts 
became more frequent and the blows became ever more severe. 


The association of 
Blaine with Jay 
Gould was a matter 
of mach discus 
sion, and the face of 
the great railway 
magnate frequently 
appears in the car 
toons. That Mr 
Gould did not ap 
preciate this is 
shown by the fact of 
his anxiety for a 
personal interview 
with the cartoonist 
Nast finally ac- 
cepted his invitation , 
to a luncheon, dur- 
ing which the man of bonded millions pnt in most of bis time 
explaining that peace has its generals no less than war. They 
were no more to be reprehended, be said, than conquerors 
like Julius Ciesar or the first Napoleon— an argument not 
especially convincing, considering that these great examples 
had spent most of their lives in smearing the world with blood. 
General Butler's nomination by the Greenback and Anti-Mon- 
opoly parties, and that of John P. St. John, of Kansas, by the 
Prohibition contingent, somewhat complicated the political 
situation. St. John it was believed, would draw strength from 
the Blaine forces, while Butler was likely to secure a very consid- 
erable number of otherwise Democratic votes. The affectionate 
attention of the Blaine editors to Butler became the subject of 
an especially humorous cartoon by Nast, and the sudden appaTi7 
tion of St. John before the " Plumed Enight " was sapli 


to depict the alarm inspired by the Prohibition candidate in 
the bosom of Blaine. In another picture Blaine is shown as a 
prestidigitateur making water or beer disappear at will. 

As the day of election drew near the public mind became daily 
more biased in its attitude toward the political leaders, the pub- 
lic vision became constantly more distorted. No epithet was 
so violent or so foul as to be withheld. No chapter was too per- 
sonal or too sacred to be blazoned along the highways and in the 
public prints. Yet fierce as were the cartoons by Nast, they 
adhered strictly to the political situation, touching only upon 
such personalities as were inseparable from Blaine *8 public 

And of these there would seem to have been sufficient. 
Various transactions had already develoi)ed wherein Blaine's 
political deportment had not been wholly independent of personal 
advantage, yet all became as nothing compared with the ex- 
posure which came at the end of September. The Independent 
managers had been at work with James Mulligan and Warren 
Fisher, with the result that they had obtained evidence that the 
letter and telegram of exoneration, sent to the Judiciary Com- 
mittee in 1876 by Fisher and Caldwell, had been written at 
Blaine's own dictation— that the vindication had, in fact, been 
arranged! Mulligan and Fisher now unburdened themselves 
fully in the matter, and Harper's Weekly, of September 27, 
was issued with an extra supplement, which contained four 
full pages of ** New Mulligan Letters," with marginal quota- 
tions from Blaine's statements of 1876. That the Maine senator, 
who had avoided the Credit Mobilier, had become involved in a 
still worse affair of his own devising seemed only too apparent. 
In one of his letters to Fisher (June 29, 1869), referring to a 
bond and railroad scheme, he said: 

I do not feel that I shall be a dead-head in the enterprise. 
I see various channels in which 1 know I can be useful. 


In another letter (November 18, 1869), concerning the estab- 
lishment of a bank at Little Rork: 

It vrill be to some extent a matter of favoritism as to who 
gets the banks in the several localities, and it will be in my jrower 
to cast an anchor to windward in your behalf, if you desire it. 

If anything could have ruined Blaine in the eyes of the Ameri- 
can people it would seem to have been the testimony of his own 
letters, that even so far back as 1869 he had bepn making liim- 
self politically " useful " and " casting anchors to windward " 
in the matter of building railroads and establishing banks. 

But it would appear that nothing could destroy the popularity 
of the " ifagnetic Man." Public orators went mad with elo- 
quence in eulogizing 
the candidate whom 
they compared with 
Lincoln, Clay and 
"Washington. Torch- 
light processions 
filled all the street.^ 
overflowing into 
lanes and byways— 
their step timed to 
the measure of 
" Blaine, Blaine! 
James 0. Blaine 1 
like the tread ol' ;; 
marching ami} 
Mass meetings w< i ■ 
truly named, lOi 
they -were jammed 
by men and women, 

surely magnetized in ^^ "■» "«j' t""^"" *"»'« "^ ""x^ 

their devotion to the ,bi.i«, potfonaiag tafow'st. Joim) 



Kepublican nominee. Women risked their lives to touch liis gar- 
ment or to shake his hand. 

The majority of the Protestant clergy threw their influence in 
his favor, and it was at a reception given him by ministers at 
the Fifth Avenue Hotel, New York, that the Reverend Dr. 
Burchard made his unhappy reference to the three R's of Democ- 
racy, " Rum, Romanism and Rebellion," which is supposed to 
have cost Blaine many Catholic votes. 

The cartoons came very thickly during the final days. Blaine 
trying to collect his record witli a rake— Blaine taking off a 
Butler mask and showing his own face behind, while still behind 
him is Jay Gould — Blaine finally disappearing into his " can- 
vas " bag,— these were a few of the later shots of this historic 


The early election 
returns were mysti- 
fying. Cleveland 
had triumphed in 
the South, and was 
believed to have se- 
cured Indiana, New 
Jersey and Connec- 
ticut of the Nor- 
thern States. Blaine 
had swept tlie rest 
of the North, except 
New York, which 
was claimed by both 
parties. When a day 
or two had passed 
and brought no de- 
cision, there bepau 
to be dangerous out- 


breaks of feeling, 
and it was feared 
that the delays and 
contentions of 1876 
might be repeated. 
Here and there a 
mob broke loose and 
assaulted a news- 
paper oflSce. Bulle- 
tins were discontin- 
ned in Boston and 
Chicago. In New 
York a crowd col- 
lected in front of the 
Western Union 
building and denounced the Associated Press, which was sup- 
posed to be concealing the tme returns. Cries of " Hang Jay 
Gould I " were a part of this demonstration, which was presently 

The suspense was soon over. A careful and closely veri- 
fied count gave New York to Cleveland by ten hundred and forty- 
seven votes. Never before had a presidential election "been so 
nearly tied. 

Rejoicings throughout the country were very great. Splendid 
ratifications took place in every city and town in the nation. 
At Nast's home, Morristown, there was a mighty demonstration, 
and in front of the artist's hoase was displayed a big trans- 
parency, bearing these words: 







BUT WE don't care WHAT DID IT 

it's DONE 



A list of many other things might have been appended, the 
absence of any one of which would have meant the election of 
Blaine. By no means among the least of these causes niigbt 
have appeared Gillam'e " Tattooed Man " and the cartoons of 
Thomas Nast. A change of five hundred and twenty-foar votes 
would have altered the result. That the influence of Nast alone 
swayed many times this number will hardly be denied. So, in a 
sense, it may be fairly claimed that in his last great campaign in 
the land of his adoption, the Little Lad of Landau had " made a 

Yet it had been a costly victory. Friends by the hundred he 
had lost. Enemies by the thousand he had made. It is true he 
had made new friends of old enemies, but viewed from a pnrely 
practical standpoint, counting the loss and gain, the battle of 
principles had not paid. Neither Nast nor Curtis ever recov^ 
ered from the stress and bitterness of that campaign. Nor did 
the house they had so ably served. The Harper Brothers had 
calculated that their stand for good government would cost 
them fifty thousand dollars, but the cost was many times that 
sum. Coraraercially it had been a vast mistake. Morally, the 
nation will never cease to be better for that battle, and for that 










There were to be compensations at the close of this trying 
and turbulent year, other than those of having done righteously 
and with a free conscience. A happy Christmas picture, a little 
maid telephoning to Santa Claus, brought to Harper's a letter 
of grateful acknowledgment from an unknown friend. 

Permit a humble admirer to thank your great artist for his 
greatest and best work in Harper's Weekly. I refer to the two 
full-page pictures of the sweet, trustful little girl on the one 
hand, calling up the great, the good, the mysterious Santa Claus 
through the telephone. This beautiful vision of my own happy 
childhood, my love and trust and reverence for dear old S^ta 
Claus, came so forcibly before me in the picture I could not keep 
back the tears. Yes, tears from a worldly minded and I fear 
somewhat caustic lawyer came at the memory of childhood's 
golden days, and the gladdest of them all, Happy Christmas 
time. I know that his own great heart was full when he pictured 
the love and benevolence of our glorious old Santa Claus, and he 
will understand my gratitude. Wishing him many happy 
Christmas days, I am. Yours truly, 

H. W. Greer. 

Beaumont, Tex. 

In spite of a wide spread condemnation for his political 

action, there was plenty of congratulation over the victory* 

Conant wrote: 

You have done splendid work this year, saying nothing of 
all the other years, and may well feel proud of the result. I wirfi 
you many returns of the season, with years on yean of 
good work as your pencil has ever done. 


His former protege, Charles M. Fairbanks, sent this word : 

Well, youVe won, and it's funny to see how the straight 
Republicans say youVe lost your power, while the Democratic 
papers that have always fought you, begin to see that there is 
something in your pictures, after all. I must say I am not dis- 
appointed in the result, though I didn't expect it, and a new hat 
that I had hoped to wear at Cleveland's expense, will be worn 
by a good Democrat this fall at my cost. 

Among the pleasant letters is still another, from Nast's old 
friend and instructor, Alfred Fredericks. It explains itself: 

New York, Dec. 24, 1884. 
Dear Nast: 

I find that I am indebted to you for the commission for the pic- 
ture, ** Genius and Invention," and I am awfully glad of the find, 
for you are in a position to need no return, and I am afraid I 
shall never be in one where an adequate return will be possible. 
Therefore I am proud to remain your debtor. 

Yours truly, 

Alfred Fredericks. 

There are many men who forget their old benefactors. 
Through all the years the pupil's devotion to Fredericks had 
never waned. The managers of the New Orleans Exposition had 
asked Nast to select for them a capable artist for this important 
commission, with the result noted— a financial salvation to 
Fredericks at this time. 

Yet Nast's own financial position was by no means what 
Fredericks perhaps believed. As we have seen, his entire sav- 
ings had been swept away, leaving him only his home. Neither 
was his income what it had been in previous years, while his 
expense had not much abated. He resolved, therefore, to under- 
take a second lecture tour, for the purpose of restoring in some 
measure his fallen fortunes. 

Major Pond had continued at inten^als to bombard him with 
offers and appeals. In January, 1879, he had written: 

Is it worth while for me to pay you a visit to tell you the 
astounding fact that we are prepared to offer you a larger sum 


for a hundred lectures than any man living? Also to tell you 
how loudly the public are clamoring for youT I will go lay the 
matter before you, if you are come-at-able. 

Again in October, 1883, Pond sent a characteristic word: 

Have you anything to say why judgment of lecturing should 
not be passed upon youT 

Finally, in the summer of 1884, Major Pond, having dissolved 
with Hathaway, and established himself in New York, wrote, 
assuring the cartoonist that he could make another season as 
great as the first, if he only would return to the platform. 

Had Nast yielded and placed himself in Pond's hands at this 
time, he might have made a greater financial success than he 
did. His ideas, however, were otherwise. He returned to the 
old plan, proposed to Mark Twain in 1867, and ten years later 
proposed by Mark Twain to him, that of making pictures to 
illustrate another man's address. He arranged with an English 
impersonator, Walter Pelham, for this part of the entertain- 
ment, and under the management of Hathaway, the legitimate 
successor of his old agent and friend, Redpath, the two were 
booked for an extended tour. Thomas Nast, Jr., now grown to 
man's estate, was press agent and general manager in charge. 

It was the year that Mark Twain was making a tour with 
George W. Cable, and the two gave a reading in Morristown, on 
Thanksgiving Eve, just before the Nast tour began. The car- 
toonist arranged for them a quiet supper after their entertain- 
ment, and they remained over night in the Nast home. Oysters 
on the shell were served at the little repast, and Mr. Clemens ex- 
pressed his delight at the quality thereof. 

*' Won't you have some more? " suggested the host. 

** Don't care if I do," assented Clemens in his deliberate way. 

So another serving was brought, and approved of at the finislu 

*' Have another," said Nast. 

*' Come to think about it, I believe I will," drawled Clemens. 


Another plate was served, and another, and another. At 
the end of the fifth plate the joker called a halt. 

** Look here, Nast," he said sorrowfully, ** I didn't know you 
had an oyster ranche in your cellar. I guess I'll let this job out.'' 
Then noticing some inviting looking apples which the children 
and Mrs. Nast were eating he added: ** Are there any more 
apples in this house? Cause if there is, I'd like one." 

But he was to have his joke, after all. The reading pair were 
to leave next morning, by an early train, and Mrs. Nast had agreed 
to see that they were up in time. When she awoke there seemed 
a strange silence in the house and she grew suspicious. She rose 
and going to the servants' room found them sleeping soundly. 
The alarm clock in the back hall, whose duty it was to arouse 
them, had been stopped at the hour of the guests retiring. The 
studio clock was found to be stopped also— in fact, every 
clock on the premises. The gentle humorist who in the past had 
had his share in ** Roughing It," was determined now to have 
his proper time of rest, regardless of early trains and engage- 
ments. On being accused of duplicity, he said: 

** Wal, those clocks are all overworked, anyway. They will 
feel much better for a night's rest." 

A few davs later both Mr. Cable and Mr. Clemens sent their 
acknowledgments. The former said: 

Dear Mr. Nast: 

Such larks— since we left you! Our jolly evening and morn- 
ing with you in your happy home seem to have given us the true 
Keynote of a platformer's life, to which we have kept true, ever 
since. Our wives at home can hardly keep back the tears for 
thinking of their ** poor husbands, working so hard " (Don't you 
tell). Off we go to Syracuse this morning. I am overflowing 
with all the sunshine and breeze we took in at your house, and 
Clemens 's appetite is widening and deepening as we go. May 
joy and light be with you and yours as naturally as it springs up 
in us at the remembrance of the home that was ours on the day 
of Thanksgiving. Yours truly, 

Geo. W. Cable. 


Mark Twain's letter was no less characteristic: 

Mv dear Nast: 

All these days I have been feeling the thanks I owe you and 
your family for a thoroughly enjoyable night, and for a hos- 
pitality which neither oppressed nor made afraid; and if I 
haven't voiced these thanks before it is only because we have 
been kept too busy by platform and railroad. Be piously grate- 
ful that as yet you are permitted to remain with your house- 
hold and under the shelter of your delightful home; and do 
all your praying now, for a time is coming when you will have 
to go railroading and platforming, and then you will find you 
cannot pray any more, because you will have only just time to 
swear enough. 

Please remember me gratefully to Mrs. Nast and to all the 
scions of your house, and also to their sire, and believe me. 

Truly yours, 
S. L. Clemens. 

Nast's own tour extended this time throughout the East, and 
as far west as Lincoln, Nebraska. As before, it was almost a 
continuous ovation, though there were not lacking those who 
were anxious to make him feel his political change. 

The entertainment given by Nast and Pelham was a rather 
pretentious aflFair. There was a regular programme, which 
was frequently varied to suit the conditions. A popular 
feature was the description by Pelham of some scene 
or personage, while Nast rapidly illustrated his sentences. 
The performance usually ended with scenes in color, by Nast, 
who frequJBntly painted them top-side down, then suddenly re- 
versed them with startling effect. The Nast-Pelham show was 
highly popular and regarded everj- where as a great success. 

Financially it did not equal the venture of eleven years before. 
The receipts were not much less, but the expenses were far 
greater. The record shows a nightly return of from two to four 
hundred dollars, and at one point a thousand dollars for two 
nights. On the whole it was a fairly profitable venture, the more 
so that the Harper contributions had continued throughout. 




If evil prophesy- 
ing could have in- 
jured the newly 
elected President he 
would have needed 
all the good luck 
wished hini by his 
frieuds. Fiunncial 
ills were i)rogiiosti- 
cated by many, and 
the restoration of 
tilavery by a few. 
\othing less than a 
clean sweep of office- 
holders was ex- 
' ]>ected by a majority 
of both parties. For twenty-eight years llie countn>- bad not 
elected a Democratic President. The spoils element of the Re- 
publican party liad been glutted with office, while the same con- 
tingent of the Democracy had been famishing. 

That Nasi did not believe Mr. Cleveland would inaugurate a 
" clean sweep " policy was sliown by continued cartoons where- 


in the President-elect is accustoming himself to the use of a con- 
vincing-looking club, labelled ** Civil Service Reform," this to 
the dismay of the too persistent Tiger. In fact, the newly-chosen 
executive himself had discouraged the idea of partisan patron- 
age, in a ** Christmas Letter " to the National Civil Service Re- 
form League, which document had given universal satisfaction 
to the more progressive element of both parties. He said: 

** The quiet and unobtrusive exercise of individual political 
rights is the reasonable measure of their party service." He 
further declared that no partisan feeling should relax his pur- 
pose to enforce the existing law, and that no incumbent should 
be removed from oflBce, solely upon partisan grounds, except 
such as had abused their privileges for party purposes. Clearly, 
the demand to ** turn the rascals out " had, for Mr. Cleveland, 
a literal rather than a party meaning. 

Early in January the President-elect resigned his post at 

Albany in favor of Lieutenant-Governor David B. Hill, to make 

preparation for his new duties. For there were vast labors aliead 

and the time of preparation seemed brief. In a letter to Nast 

from Albany, February 11, he wrote: 

I am overwhelmed with work and anxiety, and am fright- 
ened whenever I take note of the flight of time and recall how 
much I have to do before the fourth of March. So I shall stay 
here and work and worry, I suppose, until I start for Wash- 

With J. Henrj^ Harper, Nast called on him at the HoflFman 
House a few days before the Inauguration. In the course of the 
conversation Mr. Cleveland turned to Nast, and said: 

** If Arthur had been nominated you would not have sup- 
ported me." 

** No," agreed Nast, ** If Arthur had been nominated I should 
not be here." 

The final acts of President Arthur worthily closed his ad- 
ministration. One of these was the signing of a bill, appropriat- 



ing nearly two miliion dollars for the up-building of the navy, 
a policy continued and enlarged upon by President Cleveland. 
Another last act of Arthur's was the signing of a bill for putting 
General Grant on the retired list, with fall pay, so that he might 
want for nothing during his few final days. Thus a President 
whose administration had begun more inauspiciously than that 
of any of his predecessors, closed a career which had commanded 
the nation's approval, with an act that won for him a nation's 
tender regard. His prophecy that he might not survive another 
administration proved a true one. He died November 18, 1886. 
President Cleveland's inauguration was an impressive event; 
his inaugural address was enthusiastically received and favor- 
ably commented upon. His cabinet was impartially selected 
and was of excellent timber — his early appointments at 
home and abroad were approved by all reasonable and think- 
ing men. They were made with no special regard to 

party or color, but 
on a basis of cjualj- 
fication for place. 
The political revolu- 
tion had resulted iu 
a greater good for a 
greater number. 

Tliaf the ultra 
Democratic wing, 
with a desire for full 
control, should be 
disappointed was 
not surprising. Tlie 
remark of a South- 
em congressman. 
" Gentlemen, we 
have got an ele- 


phaut on our hands. I fear there will be some disappointment 
about the offices," was a comment not overlooked bv Nast. 

The long and last illness of General Grant claimed the chief 
interest of the nation during the summer of 1885. Tlie old soldier 
battling with a deadly disease, yet bravely completing a task 
which he believed was to be his widow's only means of support— 
his book of memoirs— was a figure at once so pathetic and so 
noble that no breath of animosity remained to utter a single word 
that was not kind. The serene old warrior had lived to see his bit- 
terest foes become his staunchest friends, to see those to whom the 
news of his death would once have been welcome now pray- 
ing that he might be spared to complete his task. 

And he did so triumph in this his final battle. He wrote as he 
had fought, simply, nobly and convincingly, and he persisted to 
the end. The storj^ was finished, and at Mount McGregor, New 
York, July 23, 1885, the task of living was likewise made 

And all the nations mourned. Old errors were forgotten, old 
asperities put away. Only the great calm soldier was remem- 
bered and honored and lamented by all who knew his name. 
On August 8, public business throughout the nation was sus- 
pended, and he was laid to rest in a humble tomb on Riverside 
Drive, Xew York City, now replaced by an imposing structure 
where with him his wife sleeps, the two laid side by side. 

Xo man felt the loss of Grant more keenly than Thomas Nast. 
Tlie Soldier President was the last of his great heroes. Gari- 
baldi, Lincoln and Grant— they were all gone— for him the world 
would never know their like again. Though younger than they, 
he had striven in the same sacred cause of right and liberty, 
and the old order of conditions, so nearly vanished away, had 
made them all. He wanted to keep in the march and battle on, 
but he felt lonely and left behind. 

On August 1, he contributed to the Weekly a final tribute, 


" The Hero of Our Age— Dead," a fine emblematic double page. 
Some months later there came a response as from beyond the 
grave. One day the expressman delivered into his hands a pack- 
age containing tlie Grant Memoirs, a finely bound edition. He 
had already subscribed for the book, but this was an especially 
handsome copy — one of twenty-five prepared for the author's 
nearest friends. Upon the fly-leaf was the inscription: 

" Sent to Mr. Thomas Nast by direction of the author, and 
with the compliments of his family." 

National politics were kept well in hand by the firm and dig- 
nified administra- 
tion of President 
Cleveland, and dis- 
gruntled ofiBee seek- 
ers were in no posi- 
tion to disgrace the 
nation with faction- 
al feuds and party 
dissensions. They 
complained as in- 
dividuals rather 
tlian as organized 
bodies, with tlie pos- 
sible exception of 
the Tribe of Tam- 
many, which Xast 
depicted as a lean 
tiger wailing at the 
'\^1lite House door. 

But wliile Xast 
and Curtis sup- 
ported Cleveland 
and his policy they 




Amu THK NEW 1 

failed to support Mr. Hiil's can- 
didacy for the Governorship of 
New York. Hill was elected, 
owever, by a large majority, 
;iiid tbe old-line Deiiioeraey in 
New York rejoiced, for it be- 
lieved that a pressure might 
now be brought to bear which 
Would force the Tiger's en- 
trance through the White 
House door. Cleveland, giimly 
regarding the spoilsmen ap- 
pears in several of the pic- 
tures. Then suddenly there is a " Slam-bang! " and the poor 
8tar\'ed Tiger, his head caught and held fast In the door, sym- 
bolizes the statement—" It looks as if Mr, Cleveland meant 
husiuesa when he ordered the doors closed permanently against 
office seekers." 

A number of happy Christ- 
mas pictures closed the year. 
It had not been distinguished 
by important work, nor per- 
sonal doing— a visit with Mrs. 
Nast to the New Orleans Expo- 
sition being the chief domestic 
incident. The trip was made by 
way of Cincinnati and Mobile in 
a private boudoir car, in which 
Nast had invested money. It 
proved the only dividend he 
ever received from that source. 

(Tnim Ibc otIgIbsI dnwlsa) 



With January 1, 1886, began 

the final year of the combined 

labors of Thomas Nast and the 

old journal which, in the words 

of Koscoe Conkling, he had 

" made famous," and wherein 

he had made his fame. In the 

two dozen years wh i eh had 

elapsed, the nation had passed 

through its most crucial period, 

and in its turbulent histor>' he 

> IS HioHTT Bxnj, iiad played a conspicuous part. 

lodQBboatit" Now the fierce and bitter issues 

were passed. The day of tlie crusader was over— the time for 

the light jester and (lie facile harlequin had come. 

There were still abuses to be assailed. " Tweed Again " ap- 
l)ears in the person of various city officials and contractors who 
for a measure of ill-gotten return, were willing to risk exposure 
and disgrace. The heavy personality of the old " Boss," in 
stripes, was now used as the generic sjTubol of fraud, and Xast 
drew sportive groups of Tweeds somewhat as Mr. Opper to-day 
presents us with his family of mern* trusts. 




The secret sessions, or Star Chamber proceedings of the Sen- 
ate, were freely criticised in the cartoons of 188R. That the Sen- 
ate and the President should be at loggerheads was not condu- 
cive to progress, and there is little to be recorded to the credit of 
those spoilsmen of both parties who made it hard for Cleveland 
to earn- out his purpose of reform. lu an editorial (March 13) 
Curtis says: 

" The Democratic party during the fii-st year of its adminis- 
tration has done little to win popular confidence, not because 
its President has done ill, but beciuiso his views and purposes 
have received no 
hearty support." 

The indiscrimin- 
ate granting of pen- 
sion bills was on^ of 
the abuses which 
Mr. Cleveland pro- 
ceeded to correct. 
Thousands of ]ialpa- 
hle frauds had been 
perpetrated upon 
the Government, 
lien, some of them 
worth fortunes, who 
liad never been near 
the field of battle, 
bad obtained pen- 
sions through dis- _: 
reputable agents, 
who had been allow- 
ed to practice ever;' 
sort of subterfuge to 
gain their ends. 




The numerous vetoes of such bills were made capital of by the 
President's enemies, but were endorsed by fair-minded people 
and were heartily approved in the pictures of Xast. 

The year 1886 became notable for its labor troubles. The 
" chief of these began when a dis- 
charged foreman on the Texas 
Pacific Railroad was refused 
employment by the receivers of 
that corporation, and a strike 
was ordered which extended 
throughout the Gould systems. 
Riots, with bloodshed and the 
destruction of property, fol- 
lowed, especially in St. Louis, 
where one Martin Irons, a local 
leader, incited continued vio- 
lence and resistance. T. V. 
fPowderly was then Cliief Ex- 

U[e. arm give mc an uil' epoua i want, i ii jau apnger- 

wMiyiiiorJie.- ecutlvo of fhc Ivnlglits of 

liabor and in course of time ordered the men to resume work, 
though to little puri>ose. Irons defied the order, and the disturb- 
ance continued. In the end, nothing was accomplished but a vast 
loss ill wages and iiroperty, with a general disturbance of labor 
conditions, East and West. 

In Chicago, anarchy manifested itself in its most nialignaut 
form. During the St. Louis troubles an eight hour labor strike 
had been in progress in Chicago, and Anarchist agitators seized 
upon this opportunity for testing the efficacy of dynamite. 

" Of all the good stuff, this is the stuff," wrote Albert R. 
Parsons, in bis paper the Alarm. " A pound of this good stuff 
beats a bushel of bullets, and don't you forget itl " 

Twenty thousand men were idle in Chicago, and on the even- 
ing of May 4 a meeting of the more turbulent element was 


called together by the publication of an incendiary handbill. 
The crowds assembled in Haymarket Square, where they were 
addressed by August Spies, editor of the Arbeiter Zeitung, Al- 
bert R. Parsons, before mentioned, and Samuel Fielden — all agi- 
tators of the dynamite school. Parsons goaded the crowd to 
desperation, crj-ing, " To arras! To arms! " whereupon Fielden, 
the most incendiary of all the orators, sprang to a wagon and 
with wild gesticulations and shouting, sought to bring the ex- 
citement to a still higher pitch of frenzy. 

A body of policemen marched up at this juncture and com- 
manded the mob to disperse. The command was hardly given 
when 8 spluttering fuse was seen flying through the air toward 
the policemen. It was a dynamite bomb, well aimed, and it fell 
directly in their ,.-,uk.ite[. states 

midst. An instant ^J~t^ 1_ M A c AZIME- W 

later it had exploded 
with a deafening re- jjkM^ 
port, killing and\pY^":~5^ 
wounding twenty- 
nine men. 

The orator closed 
his harangue 
abruptly. The po- 
licemen were for a 
moment thrown into 
confusion. Then 
quickly reforming 
they returned the 
pistol fire of the 
mob, which now has- 
tily dispersed, leav- 
ing, all told, no less "' WHAT'S IN A NAME? 

than seventy-five of- '^ '"«"*"-' '" r.rC^tr^'"""'"^"'*"^ 



ficers and citizens killed and wounded — the victims of the 

Arrests followed. Bombs and dynamite were discovered in 
the editorial offices and homes of the various leaders. August 
Spies and his assistant, Michael Schwab — Fielden, Parsons, 
Louis Lingg, George Engle, Adolph Fischer and Oscar Neebe 
were convicted on August 20— the first seven being sentenced to 
death, the last-named to fifteen years imprisonment. The sen- 
tences of Schwab and Fielden were commuted to life servitude, 
Lingg committed suicide in his cell, while the others were right- 
eously hanged, November 11, 1887. Perhaps Anarchy in Chi- 
cago has been no less flourishing, but certainly it has been less 
flagrant since that day. 

New York likewise had its harvest of disorder and boycott 
that year, resulting in the main from speeches and articles by 
Herr Most, for which criminal agitation he was dragged from 
his hiding under a bed and promptly imprisoned. On the whole, 
it was not a prosperous year for the man of bombs and violent 

Throughout the various labor difficulties Nast had shown the 
ugliness and uselessness of Anarchy, the craven cowardice of 
Afost, and the evil which such agitation brings to the really pro- 
gressive and industrious workmen. None of the pictures had 
been unusual, until, with the conviction of the Cliicago murder- 
ers, he presented a cartoon of the sentenced Anarchists in the 
clutch of the giant hand of Justice — a picture, in its way, one 
of the very best of his whole career. Tlie strength, simplicity 
and startling effect of this drawing are truly mar\'elous. 

It was as the flare of an expiring candle, which burned quietly 
again as the final year went out — closing with some peaceful 
Christmas pictures — one of them, the old sweet kind, an illustra- 
tion of, 


The night before Christmas, when all through the house 
Not a creature was stirring, not even a mouse—'* 


and we have the mice tucked snugly in bed, with holly and mis- 
tletoe hung all about, while the kindly face of St. Nicholas con- 
templates the scene. 

The Bazar that year contained a picture of the Christkind — 
one of the sweetest baby faces Nast had ever drawn. These com- 
pleted his final exhibit in the periodicals he had served so long. 
It is proper that they should have conveyed the spirit of for- 
giveness and goodwill to all mankind. 

And so, peacefully enough, even as it had begun, ended that 
long association of one man with one paper— the like of which 
has not been known in all pictorial history. Who could have fore- 
seen in the boy of twenty-two the patriot, reformer and states- 
man, whose pencil, trained only to depict truth and strike home, 
should leave indelible pages in a mighty nation's story! 

Nast 's retainer continued for a year longer, but it was mider- 
stood that he was to have an extended vacation in which to 
prepare his Christmas pictures and the Bing cartoons for book 
publication. When this work was finished (only the Christmas 
pictures were so published) the editorial conditions were such 
that he did not consider it advisable to continue his contribu- 

His pictures in 1886 had been very numerous, but for the most 

part they had been small, and many of them of a nature which 
seemed to him unimportant. He had arrived at the conviction 
that his natural affiliation with the old firm had ceased to exist— 
that the old Journal of Civilization no longer held a place for 
him. He did not feel able to continue in the half-hearted way, 
so unlike the old fierce days when he had been ** the avenger " 
—a mailed knight with gleaming battle axe to carve out the way 
of reform. 

In 1888, when the Presidential campaign was coming on, the 
firm telegraphed him: ** We await your return for consideration 
of a new contract," but the arrangement was not completed. 




No great career ever came to an end more abruptly and more 
completely. The one man and the one paper had been combined 
too long for either ever to be the same apart. Colonel Watterson 
long afterwards, said : 

** In quitting Harper's Weekly, Nast lost his forum: in losing 
him. Harper's Weekly lost its political importance." 

And this was true. Thomas Nast was the pictorial advocate, 
censor and statesman of his age. Harper's Weekly was his tri- 
bunal. Without Harper's Weekly the work of Nast foimd no 
adequate setting— no permanent audience. He became as a voice 
lost in the multitude. Without Nast the old Journal of Civiliza- 
tion was a platform occupied by vice-presidents. The two had 
been identified through the most tumultuous, if not the most 
vital, period of this nation's history. Their traditions, their 
audience and their fortunes had been as one. Neither Nast nor 
the paper found prosperity apart. 

Yet as the journal did not discontinue publication, neither did 
Nast cease his labors, or his effort to restore his shattered 
fortunes. As we have seen, he made no drawings through 1887, 
but he was not altogether idle. A year before, his hope of the 


endowed paper had revived— it was a hope that never altogether 
died— and he had been led once more to invest a last accumu- 
lation of savings in a western mine. It would seem that he 
never could learn not to bury his money in the ground. He still 
clung to the fond belief that as other venturers had reaped 
marvelous returns from such a sowing of golden seed, so he too 
must harvest sooner or later, when, with the sinews of war pro- 
vided, he could once more make the battle for right and progress 
which would arouse and uplift mankind. The paper was his one 
great purpose. With every year of increased restraint in his 
old field, it had been fostered and magnified until nothing else 
in the world seemed to him worth while. 

He often said: ** Such a paper would do more good than any 
church or library or college ever founded. Why can 't some rich 
man imderstand that and endow it for all time. Of course, it 
would not pay— not at first— perhaps not for years. But its time 
would come, for it would create its own audience, at last. * * 

* * Principles, not Men * * was to be his old-fashioned motto for 
this paper, and when he realized that no man of fortune was 
ready to establish such a journal, he himself was willing to race 
to the rainbow 's end for a buried pot of gold. 

He dreamed marvelous dreams of the new mine. Understand- 
ing nothing of the business himself, he had his son, Thomas, Jr., 
taught assaying, and sent him, with an expensive outfit, to man- 
age the new property. This was in May, 1886. Tlie fact that im- 
mediate returns did not come may have surprised, but did not dis- 
courage, the mine owner. 

In January, 1887, Erastus Wiman took a party of his artist 
friends on a trip through Canada. Keppler, Bemhard Gillam 
and Nast- all dead now— were among those invited. On the eve 
of departure, Nast gave the little company a dinner in his Mor- 
ristown home. Keppler sent regrets ** with bleeding heart,*' 
but Gillam, John W. Alexander, Baron de Grimm, Harry Mc- 


Vickar and others came. Nast 's three daughters served as cook 
and waitresses, and it was a happy affair. All did honor to the 
* * Father of the American Cartoon, ' ' who had given them their 
symbols, elevated prices, and supplied inspiration. 

** I never botlier to think up subjects,'' said Gillam. ** I just 
look up Nast's things in the old numbers of Harper's and get 
what I want. Nast has done about everything." 

On his return from Canada the cartoonist with Mrs. Nast 
journeyed southward, by way of Washington, where at the White 
House they were made welcome, as heretofore. Proceeding on 
their way they visited Jacksonville, Florida ; also St. Augustine, 
and followed the course of the St. Johns, returning by steamer 
the latter part of April. It was the last long journey they ever 
made together. 

It was in September of that year that Nast set out for the West 
to look after his mine. The inflow of wealth had not begun. In 
fact, he had added three thousand dollars to his original invest- 
ment—money borrowed for the purpose— and still there was 
no return. Just what was the process of enlightenment as to the 
true value of his property does not matter. It is enough to say 
that he found the mine was considered worthless, and he re- 
turned to Denver prostrated by a ner\^ous attack. He lay ill 
for a considerable period and upon his recovery did not return 
home. Instead, he sent for his materials and gave a lecture to 
a large audience. From Denver he proceeded with his son to 
the Pacific Coast, lecturing as he went. At Portland, Oregon, be 
was ill again. Later he gave his lecture there before a crowded 
house, and subsequently continued his tour through California 
with varjang success. 

His trip, as usual, was a succession of social triumphs. He was 
welcomed and honored by clubs and associations of many kinds, 
and tendered many testimonials and souvenirs. **Baby" 
Tabor, the little daughter of Senator Tabor, of Colorado, pre- 


sented him with a 
curious locket, made 
for him of the va- 
rious metals of the 
state. At one point 
he travelled for 
distance in company 
with the directors of 
the Midland Rail- 
road, and a lofty 
snow-clad peak on 
the line was chris- 
tened Mt. Nast, in 
honor of the occa- 
sion. One of the 
highest summits of 
the range, it will re- 
main a noble monu- 
ment for all time. 

During this trip he 
renewed acquaint- 
ance with his old 

(Prom Uupcr't B*ur, Cbrli 

friend Colonel Chipman, who had entered the law business at Red 
Bluff, California, and the two had a happy reunion and an ex- 
haustive talk over old times and issues. Later, Colonel Cliipman 
wrote him concerning his political attitude. In part, he said: 

Mr. Blaine has done what you insisted he would not do, to 
wit: he has positively refused to be a candidate. It seems to 
me the Mugwump can now afford to come back, unless, as I 
suspect, the Mugwump is a Democrat at heart, and hasn't the 
courage to say so, and will now go over to the party where he 
belongs. You, however, must not mar your great record by 
joining that party which lampooned you for years. The time 
will not come in your life when you can forsake the party that 
put down the Bebellion. 


John I. Covington, another old supporter, had somewhat pre- 
viously sent a similar letter. A paragraph will indicate its g«i- 
eral tone: 

If ever there was an artist idolized by the people — that i% 
the best of them,— it has been Thomas Nast. I know that I 
understand the sentiment— of the people of the West, at least— 
when I sav this, better than vou can. For I hear them talk 
freely, openly, honestly and without reserve. Ever since yoo 
took* up Cleveland's s(de, I have felt that our boys have been 
whipped, and the old feeling of disaster to our arms has been 
upon me. I am not a politician or related to a politician that I 
know of, and I am down on wrong doings of Eepublicans, bat 
I cannot bring myself to believe that the Democrats are a bit 
better than they were when they would have gloried in your 

From John Russell Young, also, came a political line: 

As to Cleveland, he said, ** I have never really had a definite 
opinion. I have never had a talk with him but one. He has 
done some things I like, though he might have done more. All 
my living interest in politics went into the modest grave at 
Riverside, and I have never known whether I was a Democrat 
or a Republican since." 

Perhaps a good deal of Xast's political interest likewise had 
gone into the modest grave on Riverside Drive, but he was by no 
means ready to retire from the field, and his faith in Cleveland 
was very strong. He returned to New York in June that he 
might be in time for the campaign. 

In spite of financial pressure he had, as we have seen, de- 
clined to renew the Harper arrangement. He concluded, instead, 
a contract with the Democratic Committee to supply cartoons to 
an assortment of papers, the chief of which was the Daily 
(irapliic. He worked hard, and his drawings did not fail of 
appreciation. In September, Don. M. Dickinson wrote: 

I want to express my personal sense of gratitude to you 
for the excellent lessons you are giving our people in the (i raphic. 
You reach hundreds with strong virile teaching, where the stock 
campaign document impresses one. 


Yet on the whole the work of that year was not a success. 
The pictures fell with less effect than in former years. The old 
setting was gone. They were badly reproduced, poorly printed 
and on cheap paper. The serial element, one of Nast 's strongest 
features, counted for little. Divided among various journals it 
lost force and purpose. The defeat of Cleveland in November 
was also the first presidential defeat for Nast. The glory of his 
prestige had waned. The Democratic Committee refused full 
payment for his service. 

True, the Graphic wished to continue his employment, but the 
sum offered was unsatisfactory and the paper being already 
moribund presently died. Tired, heartsiek and half ill, Nast 
sailed for England for a brief trip, taking with him Thomas, Jr., 
who had been of active assistance during tlie campaign. They 
remained six weeks, returning just before Cliristmas. WHiat with 
his lectures, his work for the committee and a few additional 
illustrations it had not been an unprofitable year. But it had 
been a bitter depressing year, and the path ahead seemed uncer- 
tain and obscure. 



From this time forward the cartoons of Thomas Nast, so 
recently a national power, were in a large measure lost to the 
old public and were without national importance. There was 
still a demand for his work, but such connections as he could 
make were neither satisfactory nor enduring. Established 
papers had policies which were controlled by the management, 
and to the support of these every part of the great machine was 
expected to contribute. Nast never could work in that way, and 
it was only a question of a few days, or, at most, weeks, when he 
must either oppose his pencil to his principles or resign. 

** I cannot do it," he once declared sorrowfully, for his need 
had become sore and the temptation great. ** I cannot outrage 
mv convictions; " and he never did. Certainlv if there was no 
place for such a man on the old Journal of Civilization there was 
not likely to be elsewhere. 

New publications, wishing to make a bid for public favor, and 
older ones on the verge of collapse sent for him and with rosy 
promises induced him to fling his power and reputation into the 
balance. In 1889-90 he supplied drawings to a short-lived 
publication called Time and to another called America— the 
latter published in Chicago. Occasionally he contributed some- 
thing to Once a Week, now Collier's Weekly. 


There came a time at last when horses were sold and servants 

let go. Eventually he was obliged to put a mortgage on the home, 

to live. He was advised to sell it, but to this he would never 
consent. It had been the scene of his triumphs and of his great 

domestic happiness. He loved it with every fibre of his heart 

and he clung to it till the end. 

One of his greatest sorrows was that he could no longer afford 
to give with an open hand to those who appealed to his ready 
sympathy and ever ready purse. Men and women in many walks 
of life he had assisted, some of them so wealthy now that they 
had forgotten. His walls were covered with pictur<e8 bought of 
less fortunate fellow craftsmen, among whom were those who, 
because of his success, did not fail to belittle his achievements 
and to ridicule his skill. He had never regretted giving aid, 
whatever followed. His regret was that he could give no more. 

In 1891 he went to Chicago as a judge in the Inter Ocean prize 
contest— the award to be rendered for the best emblematic draw- 
ing of that city. He remained to make some cartoons for the 
paper, then owned by Mr. Kohlsaat, always a true friend. 

It was also during this period that he began work for the 
Illustrated American — an attractive publication in the days of 
its early existence — and his connection with that paper proved 
more important and more enduring than any of this final period 
of his labors. In the Illustrated American he cartooned Matthew 
S. Quay, whose political career has now become an unsavory 
memorj"; also Chauncey M. Depew, for his attitude during the 
investigation of one of those tragic tunnel episodes in New York 
City which have darkened the history of the Harlem and New 
Haven roads. Mr. Depew as a director was inclined to resent 
a summons to appear before the judiciary. With airy manner 
and gay persiflage he referred to the possibility of his imprison- 
ment and ** poked fun *' at the idea of being held in any way 
responsible for the death and cremation of the victims. The 


press was severe on the joke maker, and Nast cartooned him 
with a severity and persistence worthy of the cause. 

Tlie sale of the paper was immediately stopped on tlie Van- 
derl)ilt lines and Depew never forgave the artist, Xeitlier did 
he ever forget, tliough he waited until Nast was safely dead be- 
fore attempting liis revenge." 

•In February, liMia, in tlie Unitpd Stntes Sennte thnnil.iT. SFr. Dp|Rn- ifpUvered 
II 'linmurse or tlir diuractcr and carcpr of Amos .1. Cummings. tlicn liit.'ly dend. It 
win llii:< iiusiiiiioiis oMHMion thut Spnator Depcw iifk-Heil far his rpvpriip upon 
ThoiiiiM Xast for having <':irtooniil liini ns a je-itcr a dojiPn ypar« lipfoTP. I.eadinfr 
iMlck tlirough thp .iir.rr of Mr. Ciiiiiniin^.-s he mi<-li«i Ihat of Horavi' c;rr.-h-y ami 
the fldsp nf t]ip Presidential campaijjn of 1872. Tiien, upon his own aiitlioritr at 
an ey.-witnes^. he said: 

" I havi' '^een miuiy a deatli-liod in my life; I Imve wllne^seil life go nut unln 
(■onililiiins that were Nad or sweet, hopeful or despairin)!. I never hut onw saw * 
man die of ,\ hroken heart, and never ilo I wish to see »ii]eh n tragiily apiin. 

"I m;ide a speech nilh Mr. (ireeley in his Presidential eBm|Hiij;n jn»t liefore it* 
close. We spoke from the same platform, an.l hoth of us knew that he nn* to Ix 
beaten. Wa relumed to hU home, and he was jeered on the train and at the dep^t 


The Illustrated American though lingering for a number of 
years was eventually added to the papers of the past. Others 
likewise came and went, employing the cartoonist for a period 
of their brief existence. The name of Nast was still one to con- 
jure with, but alas, it evoked only genii sinister and parades 
funereal. In the belief that he still had an audience, he was in- 
vited to stand at the christening of many a new publication. But 
if his supporters rallied, they were barely in time to attend the 
obsequies at which Nast himself was likely to be chief mourner. 
Speaking of these things afterwards, with that quaint humor 

when we arrived. We went to his study, which was littered with those famous 
caricatures of Nast, representing him as the embodiment of all that was evil or vile 
in expres.sion or practice in life. Mr. Greeley glanced them over for a moment, and 
then he said : 

" * My life is a failure; I never have sought to accumulate fortune; I never have 
cared for fame; but I did want to leave a monument of what I had done for my 
fellow-men, in lifting them up, in doing away with the curse of slavery and the 
curse of rum; but here I am, at the close of this campaign, so misrepresented to my 
countrymen that the slave will always look u{K)n me as having been one of his 
owners, and reform will believe me a fraud.* 

" Then, his head falling upon his desk, he burst into uncontrollable sobs. I sent 
for his family. The brain that had done such splendid work snapped. The next 
morning he was taken to an asylum, where he died. His heart literally broke at 
the moment when he bowed his head upon his desk." 

Unluckily for Senator Depew, he did not wait long enough. There was stiU 
one man living who could refute the testimony thus solemnly offered and set the 
matter right before the world. Perhaps the Senator did not believe that Whitelaw 
Heid — himself in the old days one of Nast's most frequent victims — would come for- 
ward to defend his old assailant now. Senator Depew had therefore to learn that 
there are men who care more for right and truth than for any annoyance of the 
past. The Tribune of February 18, 1903, in an editorial " To Keep the Record 
Strai;;ht." reprinted the above remarks made by Senator Depew, and then in very 
clear type added: 

"So much for Mr. Depew's vivid recollection. Now for the reality: On Satur- 
day, October 12, 1872, there was a [K)litical meeting in Pleasantville, near Chappaqua. 
which was attended by many of Mr. Greeley's old friends and neighbors, and owin^ 
to that circumstance, as he explained, Mr. Greeley took pains to be present and made 
a speech. Mr. Depew was also there and spoke. At that time Mrs. Greeley, who 
had long been ill, had become much worse, and thereafter she failed rapidly until hei 
death, on October 30, at the house of Mr. and Mrs. Alvin J. Johnson, in this city. 
During the last fortnight Mr. Greeley was with her constantly, refusing to take any 
further part in the campaign, so that, as it happened, the Pleasantville speech was 
the last speech he made. Immediately after the meeting, Mr. Greeley and Mr. Depew 
took the train for New York, but Mr. Greeley got off at Williamsbridge to spend th€ 


which rarely deserted him, even in the dark final days, he said: 
** It kept me busy attending funerals. Finally I started one of 
my own." 

It was not his own in the beginning. In March, 1892, he re- 
ceived a letter carrying the name of the New York Gazette and 
three editors, at the top. The letter was of the old sort, holding 
out the promise of work, remuneration, and a ** free rein.'' 

And Nast— by this time anxious for anything that offered an 
outlet for his expression, as well as monetary reward— allied 
himself with the Gazette. With the usual fortune he presently 
found himself its chief creditor. A little later he had the journal 
itself on his hands. Thus, suddenly, without plan, price or the 
means of conducting it, the paper he had dreamed of so long 
had in some sort become a reality. He established Thomas Nast, 
Jr., as a publisher, employed an editor and put another mort- 
gage on his home for capital. 

There have been a great many bad combinations in publish- 
ing enterprises, but probably never a worse one than that which 
took over the remnants and fortunes of the Gazette. No one 
of those interested had the smallest idea of practical business, 
especially of the business side of publishing. Their advertising 

night with Waldo Hutchins, while Mr. Dopew came on to Xew York. So vanishes 
the touching fable about Mr. Greeley's confession of failure to Mr. Depew, the un- 
controllable sobs, the broken heart, the sending for the family, the snapping of the 
brain that had done such splendid work, the removal to an asylum the next morn- 

** The facts are, that in a signed communication written on the day after the 
election Mr. (Jreeley resumed the editorship of The Tribune in full po^scs.nion of his 
mental faculties, wrote and published several articles in the course of the next few 
days, but after November 12 abandoned the effort to visit the oflice regularly, gradu- 
ally succumbed to exhaustion, due chiefly to his sleepless vigil at hi;^ wife's bi-d- 
side at the end of a hard campaign, and died at the residence of Dr. C hoate, near 
Chappatjua, inflammation of the brain covering having ensued on November 21). more 
than six weeks after the Pleasant ville meeting, at which he made his last speech 
and where Mr. Depew also spoke. Of course Mr. Depew will understand that i>ur 
sole motive in setting him straight is to prevent his speech, preserved in 'The Con- 
gressional Record,' from being carelessly accepted as accurate and possibly to some 
extent supphuiting or confusing the truth."— New York Tribune, February 18, 1903. 


agent demanded, and received, his commission on contracts 
which proved worthless in the end. An attack on police corrup- 
tion resulted in the paper being discontinued by the news com- 
pany and there was no influence sufficient to combat this order. 
True, the measures of reform undertaken by Nast in the Ga- 
zette met with approval, as well as a modicum of moral suste- 
nance at the hands of certain leaders in the cause of Municipal 
Purity. Financial support was thought to be forthcoming. In 
April, Dr. C. H. Parkhurst 
wrote a number of encour- 
aging letters. In one of 
these he said: 

Nothing but the shatter- 
ing of the entire Tammany 
system can accomplish 
thorough results or yield 
issues that you and I can 
ever be satisfied with. I 
am exceedingly pleased at 
the position of the Gazette, 
and hope to be the means 
of extending its circula- 

Again, on May 3, Dr. Parkhurst wrote: 

Tammany is disturbed, and on the whole I think the outlook 
rather promising. (And on May 31:) You can rely upon it 
that a certain number of subscriptions to the Gazette will be 
pledged by us. The very opposition to the Gazette which has 
been displayed on the part of our opponents makes us the 
more anxious to stand by you. If you will see Mr. "Wliitney, 
I am sure he will express himself as feeling exactly as I feel, 
and as ready to commit himself in behalf of the board in the 
matter that I have specified. 

But it was the old story of disappointment and ill-fortune. 
Mr. Whitney died, and the plans to sustain the Gazette fell 
through. In July Dr. Parkhurst wrote from Switzerland, ex- 
pressing his obligations to Naat and his sorrow that the purpose 




to aid the paper had been upset by Mr. "Whitney's death. Noth- 
ing substantial had been accomplished. The borrowed thou- 
sands melted and would have vanished even sooner than they 
did but for the fact that it was a campaign year and a cartoon 
paper was worth keeping alive. Nast with many others believed 
that the old party had been regenerated under Harrison, and in 
the campaign of 1892 accorded him a full support. In apprecia- 

ttion, the Kepublican managers 
guaranteed the paper — now to 
be called Nast's Weekly — a 
circulation of one hundred 
thousand copies, with which 
support it was able to survive 
the winter. Leon Mead and 
Charles M. Fairbanks supplied 
the letter press, and with 
Nast's pictures the paper was 
sufficiently creditable. 

But it could not go on. After 
the presidential defeat in No- 
vember — the second, now, for 
Nast — the fictitious circulation 
slipped away; the advertising 
brought little or no return; the 
editor, artist, and publisher were obliged to earn a living. By 
the spring of 1893, Nast's Weekly, with its dreams and schemes 
and wasted effort, had joined the long procession of dead papers 
that file back through Hbrarj- archives to the catacombs of time. 
Nast was now many thousand dollars in debt and his income 
was less than the cost of living.' He continued work, but his 
efforts were for the most part lost to the old public which had 

•There wa* no iniieliteilnPss li'ft nttninsl thp pnper. Nost pnid evprythinft "nd 
was TntPd .\-l liy tlie mmmpreinl nRpncifs. His chief conaolation in Ms rmriou 
enterprises iias Ihiit lie lust nobody'!* money but his own. 


valued them so long. His pictures were not without purpose 
but they showed a lack of the former spirt of assuredness, and 
with this lack the old care of preparation could not long survive. 
No man who has passed the half-way mark can persist endur- 
ingly in the face of repeated discouragement and defeat. The 
time will come when he must waver and weaken and let go. In 
the fullest sense of the phrase— though hope in him never en- 
tirely perished, and confidence in his power and purpose sur- 
vived to the end— TTiomas Nast while still in the prime of life 
was " out of the running." 

As for the public it could not understand. It could not eom- 
l>rehend that a man who had but recently been so great a power 
could be so completely ef- 
faced. For years after his 
retirement, letters of in- 
quiry came to Harpers and 
to Nast himself, and con- 
tinued to come even after 
it had been made clear that 
the old alliance was really 
ended. Newspapers short 
of items filled their columns 
with belated explanations 
of the Harper-Nast diffi- 
culty — most of them wholly 
imaginary as to details. 
Some, doubtless written by 
a younger generation who 
perhaps never even referred 
to the Harper files, went so 
wide of the mark as to as- 
sert that he had left Har- 
per's Weekly in 1884 be-* 



r. CKdiet'i tMbcr (iriUng 




cause they had asked him to caricature Blaine. Others declared 
he had been bought off. Nearly all repeated the old fiction that he 
had received a retainer for years after his retirement, and in re- 
turn liad been compelled to draw each week a cartoon which did 
not appear. Nast never took the trouble to deny any of these 
things. Neither did he give heed to the old slanders which his 
enemies still circulated, save only to the story that he had once 
_ .. ^ caricatured Lincoln 

as a sot. This lie he 
promptly cheeked 
wherever it ap- 

For years the hit- 
ter, blighting strug- 
gle went on. He 
planned a return to 
the lecture field, but 
to no purpose. Lvt 
ceums that in the 
hour of bis great tri- 
umph had begged 
him for even a few engagements now put him off with pleasant 
words that led to nothing in the end. It was tlie same with his 
drawings. Picture after picture was ='nt out and returned with 
thanks and complimentary excuses. 'Whaps a new editor, not 
comprehending the change in publl' ae, would give him brief 
encouragement. But it never results ' I'liiore than a temporary 
connection. Either the paper died, or i. editor awoke to tlie al- 
tered conditions. In art it would seem tliat the struggle for recog- 
nition must come at one end of life or the other. Many meet it at 
the beginning and sometimes it is long, wearj'ing, and embitter- 
ing to the soul. With Nast it was just the reverse. Success 
crowned his youth. His old age was a heart-breaking effort to 


regain a lost prestige. It became a straggle at last to maintain 
any footing which would keep him in the march he had led so long. 

And he was so ill-fitted to cope with the problem. With 
an entire lack of business training, and with those long years 
of success, when there had been no question as to his market or 
his return, he found himself now far more helpless than the 
unknown youth who goes oat to win recognition with a first 
bimdle of sketches under his ' ._^-:';-^ 

arm. '^'^ ^ 

Of course Nast himself was 
last to comprehend that the 
world no longer wanted his 
work. At first he had been in- 
credulous, then amazed. Fi- 
nally he was heart-broken. 
Once, back in the old Tweed 
days, John Ireland, a relative 
of George Jones, had said to 

" Tommy Nast, some day you will not be so popular as yoa 
are now. People will not understand you, or care." 

Bat Xast, so sure of his purpose of right, so strong in 
his convictions and so deeply in sympathy with human-kind, 
could not understand that -acb an hoar might come. Now it was 
here. Such pictures as , could dispose of appeared in the 
newspaper ^Tiidicates ant *3 journals, his periodical market 
becoming more meagre er ^ar, as each year younger men with 
more nimMe fingers clair- - attention, and with some new trick 
of manner made a snocessful bid for public favor. He did not 
envy them and he was rarely bitter. Perhaps he was sustained 
by meeting on every hand his old s>Tnbols— the Tiger, the Ele- 
phant, and all the others, and by the realization that though bis 
own pen was no longer a power, he still potently sun'ived through 


these successors, who by daily use were making his old-time 
emblems immortal. 

For himself the times were out of joint. The public no longer 
demanded pictorial crusades, but only a pageant of clever bur- 
lesque with the light hits and mock warfare that amused to- 
day and to-morrow were forgotten for all time. The windmills 
had become too powerful for those who would gird on their 
armor and go forth to redress wrong; the day of knight errantry 
was over. Somehow the gentle and pathetic figure of Don 
Quixote cannot fail to present itself to those who in his final days 
were familiar with the dreams, and struggles, and disappoint- 
ments, and with the lovable personality of Thomas Nast. 

In time, he, too, realized that the land of his adoption, for which 
he had striven so fearlessly and well, did not want him any more. 
Yet he never ceased to believe that by some chance his day might 
come again; and it may be that had some burning issue sud- 
denly developed — with the need of great and simple conviction, 
and with some strong human force like Fletcher Harper to swing 
wide the gates of expression— it may be that the old inspiration 
would have come back and with it the deftness of hand and the 
power to achieve mighty things. The crisis will always produce 
the hero, and Thomas Nast, still in his prime, might once more 
have been that man. 

Speaking of Nast's retirement, a New York correspondent said: 

Tlie pressure of the great issues of the war raised up a Lin- 
coln, a Grant and a Nast. Lincoln broad in love, finn in purpose; 
Grant brave and unyielding; Nast an inspired artist to encour- 
age the hearts of the rulers and the soldiers of the i>eople. 

So, with those others, whom he had honored and served, he 
had once filled his niche in the nation's liistor5\ He was not 
old, he had only lived beyond the time of the nation's need and 
never in his day was the hour of his oj^portunity to return. 



The toilsome way was not to remain unilliunined to tlie end. In 
1894 Nast sailed for Europe in the hope that his work might still 
be needed there. He made no permanent arrangement for draw- 
ings, but he met his old friend Kohlsaat in London, and was com- 
missioned by him to paint a large picture of the scene of Lee's 
surrender to Grant. The 

order came like a gift from [ ' 

heaven, for it was the 
thing of all others he 
most wished to do, and the 
price was to be liberal. 

" I should never have 
come back," he wrote, " if 
it had not been for this. 
Now I can take new 

Nor was this all. One 
evening, while still in Lon- 
don, he was with Henrj' 
Irving at the Beefsteak 
Club, where Irving enter- 
tained his friends after the 


theatre, and during tlieir talk the great actor, knowing Nast's 
love of Shakespeare, invited him to make a painting wliich wonid 
convey his devotion to the immortal dramatist. 

So he returned with these two commissions, and all that winter 
worked on the big Appomattox picture, which he finished on 
April 9, 1895, the thirtieth anniversarj' of the scene it presented, 
the last touches being added at the hour when the surrender took 
place. Then he put the date on the palette he had used, hung 
it up and never touched it again. 

The picture was presented by Mr. Kohlsaat to the public 
librarj- at Galena on Grant's birthday, with appropriate cere- 
monies. It was universally reproduced and commended by the 
press. It is Nast's largest and most important painting. 

He did not begin immediately on the Irving picture. Ha 
had worked very hard and rapidly on the larger canvas, and the 


old lameness of his right arm had in a measure returned. He 
perfected his idea, however, and duly submitted it to Irving. 
Inmiediately there came a cablegram of approval : 

London, July 20, 1895. 
Love and greeting, old friend. Shall be delighted (with) 
what you suggest. Henry Irving. 

So that winter he did ** The Immortal Light of Genius ''— 
Jt scene of the interior of the room where Shakespeare was 
bom, with a bust of the poet, his head surrounded by a light 
that radiates from his forehead. The spirits of Comedy and 
Tragedy advance to crown the bard with laurel. It was com- 
pleted on Shakespeare's birthday, April 23, of 1896, and was pre- 
sented to the William Winter Memorial on Staten Island. A 
xeplica of it afterward was made for the Shakespeare Memorial 
at Stratford, and was presented by Mrs. Nast in 1903, in time for 
the birthday celebration. In the report made by the Governors 
of the Stratford Memorial the picture is thus mentioned : 

The conception is in Mr. Nast's best manner. The rich 
sombre tones heighten the effect of the supernatural light sur- 
rounding the poet's image, and the marvellous treatment of 
the ghost-like figures is inimitable. The picture is a finely 
executed work of art, worthy of the high reputation of the 

In 1899 Nast received an order for a third painting— this time 
from William L. Keese, who, with Nast, was one of the remaining 
admirers of the old character actor of their childhood, William 
E. Burton. The painting is a study of Burton in his favorite 
impersonation of ** Toodles," as they both recollected him so 
long before. It was presented by Mr. Keese to his club. The 
Players, and it holds to-day an honored place among the works 
of many of the world's great painters. 

Had Nast received an art education in youth, and had his 
aim not been diverted in the direction of the political cartoon, 
his name, also, might have been recorded with theirs. In Jarvis's 



"Art Idea'** — a volume pubUshed by Hurd and Houghton, 1864, 
—the author includes Nast, then a boy of twenty-four, with 

Innees, Darley and 
Vedder. On page 
242 he says: 

Judging from the 
wood-cuts in Har- 
per's Weekly of 
compositions relat- 
ing to the various 
stages of war, Nast 
is an artist of un- 
common abilities. 
He has composed de- 
signs, or rather 
given hints of his 
ability to do so, of 
allegorical, symbol- 
ical or illustrative 
character far more 
worthy to be trans- 
ferred in paint to 
the wall-spaces of 
our public buildings 
than anything that 
has yet been placed 
on them. Although 
hastily got up for a 
temporary purpose, 
they evince originality of conception, freedom of manner, loftv 
appreciation of national ideas and action, and a large artistic 

But the lack of time and means, and his surging convictions 
concerning public issues, then at white heat, led him to find ex- 
pression in the poiitical cartoon. Here academic draughtsman- 
ship counted for less. Tlie chief purpose was to make pictures 
that would carry the truth and strike home. No man has ever 
done that so ably as Nast. No man of this generation is likely 
to do so. 

•■■The Art Id.'ii," by Juhn Jutkaon Jarvia. 



Jolm A. Mitcliell, of Life, the foremost American authority on 
the subject, speaking of the Tweed cartoons said:" 

Not only the reading public but the entire people— men, 
■women, and children— those who read and those who did not, 
became interested, then angry, and finally determined: and, 
this accomplished, the wrong was speedily righted. It is doubt- 
ful if the power of caricature was ever more forcibly illustrated 
than on this occasion, and the somewhat sudden development of 
this branch of art on our side of the Atlantic was largely 
due to the force and 
courage of Thomas 

The painters are 
few indeed who in 
their chosen field 
have achieved an 
eminence which will 
compare with the 
distinction thus ac- 
corded. It seems 
most unlikely that 
Nast would have 
done so. Often he 
lamented his lack 
of technical train- 
ing. At another 
time, looking at a 
group of pictures, he 
would say, " But 
how much alike 
they are, after all." 
Technical training 
might have made a 

• Contemporarj' Ameri- 
can Caricature, Scribnpr'B 
Slagazine, December, 1889. 


painter of Nast, but it is more than likely that it would have 
lost to us the great master of the cartoon. 

In the later days, the life of Nast became one of contemplation 
rather than activity. Now and then some one came with a plan 
for a publication, or a sjTidicate, or for some other enterprise 
which was to restore him to his old place, but for the most part he 
regarded such schemes with but dubious interest. Not that he 
ever entirely gave up hope, or wholly lost confidence in his fel- 
low men. Neither did he become harsh and disagreeable to 
those about him. No man ever had warmer and more devoted 
friends, and they were drawn nearer to him by the cheerful man- 
ner and gentle resignation of his final 
3.y.^.T^.M^ ^ .,i^^ days. His old seat at The Plavers, 

[/ . , ^^ ^^t where on an occasional evening he 

1; " 3 «-y -^' ' ^ loved to sit quietly, was always sur- 

^^■^^ ^^ rounded by men who knew him for his 

Na«t accepta an Invitation from Charles trUC WOrth, who lOVCd aud hoUOred 

It was in acknowledging kindly attentions of his friends that 
Nast in his last years found the greatest comfort in his art. 
Always averse to letter-writing, throughout his life it had been 
his custom to send a hasty sketch which conveyed his message 
more fully than he could have expressed it in words. Sometimes 
when asked if he ever wrote anything but his signature, he re- 
plied, ** Not if I can help it. My pen won't spell right, anyway." 

So he had nearly always sent a picture, exhibiting himself in 
some appropriate attitude of reply. Sometimes, however, be 
added a line or two to complete the idea. Once, in the old days, 
during very hot weather, there came a letter from Murat Hal- 
stead, whose penmanship was Xast's despair. In rei)ly he sent 
a small caricature showing his state of bewildennent, the i>or- 
spiratioii dri])i)ing from his brow. To this he added: 

** Dear Ilalstead: You write a very running hand. I have 



been running after it ever since. Please don't write any more 
until it is cooler." 

The convenient make-shift of his early life became now his 
chief diversion. His 
friends recollected him in 
many small ways, and the 
quaint little caricature ac- 
knowledgments were al- 
ways highly prized, and 
duly treasured. In a letter 
recently received by the 
writer, one recipient ex- 
presses something of his 
appreciation of a souvenir 
drawing, as well as of the 
artist himself. He says: 
Prom the memorable days of our great Civil War I recall 
the thrill of a boy's delight over the pictures of Th. Nast in 
Harper's Weekly, and of his cheery Christmas pictures— his 
Santa Clans — his Dickens characters, and the annual " pot- 
shot " of fun to be found in his Comic Almanac. It was not 
until I was long come to man's estate that I was blessed by 
meeting this wonderful genial genius himself; and was by him 
humored to refer to my first impressions of his various work 
— but especially I recalled to ^ 
him one little funny tailpiece in *^ 
his Almanac. Tlien he recalled 
it and with me laughed over it 
again. And about two months 
later— wholly to my surprise 
and vast delight— came to me 
this copy of that self-same, 
funny little picture I had so 
liappily for myself recalled to 
the memory of the distinctive 
master of both pathos and humor (God bless him!) and God 
bless us every one! Hastily and very heartily yours, 

James AVliiteomb Riley. 
Biley, in his letter to Nast, expressed a still further obligation: 



Nor would I neglect the acknowledgment of a certain art in- 
fluence of yours that has been not only a constant pleasure to 
me since that far-off time, but has helped and blessed my efforts 
in an humbler yet somewhat kindred line. 

An alien wind that blew and blew: — 
I had blurred my eyes as the artists do, 
Coaxing life to a half-sketched face. 
Or dreaming bloom for a grassy place. 
The hearty appreciation which is balm to the battle-scarred 
veteran was never lacking in 

■^^ co-m^Tk ^v.V■G.^^rMY 

the letters. Mr. Kohlsaat gnat 
after a birthday wrote : 
My dearNast: 

I received yesterday by mail 

yonr little birthday greeting. 

f—r- Many thanks for remembering 

i^~ me. How did you know it was 

4 my birthday I 

I saw a good deal of Irving 

I last week. He is surely a 

l^jT charming man. "We talked 

I I f ) about you and your work and 

e of you in very loving 

terms, I do not know a man 

, ^* whom greatness has spoiled so 
\'^y'' little as Sir Henry. 

I hope you are well and get- 
, ting along nicely. Wishing you 
and yours all the good things of 
life, I remain Sincerely vours, 

H. H. Kohlsaat. 
There are many of the little souvenir sketches in existence. 
Most of Nast's intimate friends treasure one or more. A col- 
lection of them would make an interesting volume. Several are 
possessed by The Players, for he never failed to respond to the 
Founders' Night invitation with a jolly pictorial acceptance. 

He likewise found comfort in calling on old friends, espe- 
cially on those whom he had seen grow up, perhaps had helped 
into a high inheritance. Pushed aside himself, he did not en\7 



these successful ooes who had stepped into public favor, and if 
they had done so honestly it gave him pleasure to do them 
honor. When Theodore Koosevelt, as President of tJie New York 
Police Board, had made his excellent showing, Nast called one 
morning to congratulate him on his work. Mr. Roosevelt smiled 
and in his impulsive mamier said : 

" Well, Nast, I ought to make a good official, I learned my 
politics of your cartoons." 

Naturally this tribute was acknowledged with a sketch, and 
Mr. Koosevelt expressed a further appreciation in his reply. 

Nothing coold pve me more pleasure than your gift. The mere 
fact tliat your name is signed to it gives it such value that I shall 
have it framed and kept in a prominent place for my children tq 
see. I thank you from my heart. 

Faithfully yours, 

Theodore Roosevelt. 

In another letter Mr. Roosevelt said: 

I have always felt that in the fight for civic honesty you 
played as great a part as 
any soldier could possibly 
play in the fight for the 

J 5t)i.i. Live 


INI wmiTi^. 

As years went by there 
grew up an impression in the 
public mind that Thomas 
Nast — the original Nast who 
had destroyed Tweed — was 
dead. The occasional pic- 
tures which appeared signed 
by that name were usually 
attributed to his sod, 
Thomas, Jr., who had inher- 
ited a measure of his father's 
skill. Tlie reports that he 
was dead hurt him deeply, 




■^ V. 


but he seldom let the wound appear. He merely laughed and 
caricatured liimself as being fierce over the matter, or as a 
lively corpse. 

*' What is the use to cry about it," he said. " The paper is 
right — I'm dead enough to the public." 

He was reminded of his great achievements— all the cartoon 
properties he had created, still in daily use — his victories over 
wrong, the things which men would not forget. He nodded with 
a sort of grave satisfaction. 

" Yes," he said, " I was alive enough once — and I really did 
those things. They can't rub that out." 

And the fire in him did not die, and the old keen insight re- 
mained undimmed. Often after reading the papers, he would 
rush out to her who had been his helpmeet through all the years, 
to describe some picture which he wished to make. He would 



talk with all the old enthusiasm— one could see bow apt was the 
idea. Then suddenly he would remember— his face would fall- 
he would add, " and nobody will publish it." 

Sometimes he said: " AVell, I suppose I shall go on like this 
till I am eighty. Who will caref Tommy Nast, you're dead! " 
Again he would say: " I feel like a caged animal — so helpless." 

"When a chance to get something published did appear, his 
need was so great, he was so anxious to please, he became timid. 
Oil, it was hard — the blight of poverty to a spirit like his. 

And curioDsly enough he was to appear once more in the peri- 
odical where forty-five years before he had made his beginning. 
There had been some managerial change in the conduct of Frank 
Leslie's "Weekly, and someone there remembered and still had 
faith in Nast. He was engaged to do the Cliristmas picture for 
1901, and in the holiday edition of that year he made his last 
appearance, where he had made his first, in any literary joaroal. 
Tlie orbit of his labors was complete. 

.-^. «r't"- 


01IT1-«<(F, ^-«^ 




It was one evening in March, 1902 — after Theodore Roosevelt 
had become President of the United States— that Xast received 
a letter from his old friend, John Hay, Secretary of State, offer- 
ing him a consular post. Nast had asked for nothing, for he 
realized that there was no strict political reason why he should 
receive anvtliing at the hands of the Administration. But the 
impulses of Theodore Roosevelt have not always heen repressedj 
even when not politically justified. He recalled those cartoons 
which had been liis political text-books, and it is likely that he 
had learned the needs of their author. The letter ran: 

l)ei)artnienf of State, 

Washington, March ]0, IWi. 
My Dear Xast: 

Tlie President for some months has been anxious to offer 



you some place in the consular service, but no vacancy has 
turned up exactly filling the requirements. There is to be a 
vacancy in Guayaquil on the Pacific coast, Ecuador. It is worth, 
I believe, some four thousand dollars. The President would 
like to put it at your disposition, but if you think it too far away 
and too little amusing to a man with the soul of an artist, please 
say so frankly, and he will keep you in mind if anything better 
should turn up: but it is heartbreaking business waiting for 
vacancies. Our service is so edifying and preservative that few 
die and nobody resigns. 

Please let me know what you think about Guayaquil, and 
believe me always, Sincerely yours, 

John Hay. 

Nast was in a quandary. He needed the position badly, but 
it was far away, among a people whose language and customs 
he did not know, and in a dangerous climate, especially as he 
was no longer young. Yet he could not afford. to decline and 
wait for a more congenial post. Neither had he ever refused 
any service, at whateiver cost , 
or risk, wherein he believed he 
might be of value to the nation. 
His understanding of inter- 
national problems remained 
undimmed. If he could no 
longer serve in his old way, 
perhaps this was an opportu- 
nity to prove his usefulness as 
a diplomat. 

A letter was written, thank- r^ <;- ■ 
ing the powers at Washington 4^"*^^ 
for their kind remembrance, 
asking only a little delay to 
complete the biographical 
notes then in preparation. 
Meantime, if a more con- 
genial post offered he would 

"^'^'^ CM X^ 


be glad. In April he replied to a second letter from Colonel 

My Dear Colonel Hay: 

I thank you for your kind favor of the 5th. I hope to visit 
Washington soon, and will then consult with you in the Giiaya- 
<iuil matter. My desire is only to serve the administration in 
the manner best suited to my capabilities, and at such times 
and seasons as may fall within the requirements of saoh aei^ 
vice. Believe me, 

As ever, 

Th: Nast. 

He made the trip to Washington, still in the hope that a post 
less unsuited might be found for him— something in Bngland, 
I)erhaps, or his native Germany, where the language and cli- 
mate and the people were familiar. He was already far from 
well, and the humid atmosphere of an equatorial port was not 
likely to improve his condition. 

But vacancies were few and the Guayaquil post alone re- 
mained. So, sadly enough, it happened that his old friend, Hay, 
and the President who had learned politics from his cartoons, 
were the ones at last to send him away, to die on a far and fever- 
smitten coast. 

His appointment was heralded far and wide. Those who had 
believed him dead bestirred themselves to congratulations and 
to a recalling of his past. For a brief moment Tommy Nast was 
again in the public eye. 

In the weeks remaining before his departure, he was hur- 
ried and worried with preparation and his health did not im- 

** All that I have put off for years comes on me now,*' he said, 
as he stood amidst a medley of unassorted correspondence and 
business papers. Ill and half distraught, he was less like the 
old Nast during those final weeks than at any other period of 
his life. A photograph, taken just before he sailed, shows 
him worn, old and sad. Beside him is an unfinished painting 


of Lee, showing the hero of 
the Confederacy at Appo- 
mattox, awaiting the ar- 
rival of Grant. It is a pa- 
thetic picture, for with 
Xast, as with Lee, it repre- 
sents the end of a long 
struggle — the surrender. 

The thought of leaving 
the old home grieved him 
sadly. Sometimes he lin- 
gered about the grounds re- 
garding the different ob- 
jects and recalling many 
memories. Everything was 
growingold. Thehousewaa 
in need of paint — the drive- 
gate was rusty on its hinges. 
" It looks as if it hadn't been opened iu years," remarked 
a visitor. 

" It hasn't," said Nast. " General Grant drove out in eighty- 
three. It has never been ojjened since. ' ' 

Yet for the most part he strove to keep up good cheer. He 
gave his friends pleasant souvenirs and spoke gaily of his new 
career. He found amusement in the various pronunciations of 
the name of his new post. 

" A\^lat are you going to that Ood-forsaken place fort " one 
■of his friends asked. 

" I'll tell you," laugJied Nast. " I am going there to find 
out how to pronounce the name of it." 

Sometimes he spoke of wliat he would do on hi a re- 
tam. Perhaps he would again v II 




" It can't be that everything I ever bought was bad," he 
said quaintly. " Something must turn out well. Maybe it will 
be the mines." 
Perhaps he was joking. Perhaps he had never really lost faith. 
But somewhere within him lay the knowledge that he would 
not return. For among the hasty sketches given to reporters jiwt 
before his departure there was one crude drawing of himself con- 
fronting the dangers of the equator, and yellow- jack in the fore- 
.K_ y^ ^*--v.i. ground is the death's head 

which awaits him. It was 
the old touch of unconscious 
prophecy we have so often 
noted in his work. It seems 
^ fitting that it should at last 
, have foretold the end. 

He sailed on the first day 
of July. Friends accom- 
panied him to the dock and 
cheered him as he leaned 
over t!ie rail of the steamer Orizaba waving a little American flag 

" The United States loves peace," he called to them, " so do 
I. I would not be much surprised if we had plenty of peace 
after my arrival in Guayaquil." 

So he sailed out of the harbor which he had first entered as 
a little boy of six, just fifty-five years before. The shores then 
had seemed beautiful to him. Perhaps they seemed even more 
beautiful now that he was leaving them behind. Tlien he had 
been the little lad of Landau, entering the world which he was 
to conquer in his own good time and way. Now the victories 
and the defeats were over. Tlie fanfare of conquest and the 
heart-break of surrender — he was sailing away from it all. 
"With Cassius he could say: 



*' And where I did begin, there do I end: my life is run his 
compass. ' ' 

Did he recall his first sight of America's beautiful shores f 
Did he review the years of labor that had gone between! Did it 
occur to him that as once he had welcomed these green slopes so 
now he might be gazing for the last time on the land of his adop- 
tion? We cannot know what were his thoughts as he sailed 
away, but it is likely that all of this entered into them, and 
much more. 

Benefited by his sea voyage, he arrived at Guayaquil in a 
cheerful frame of mind. A disastrous fire had just occurred, 
destroying a considerable portion of the city, and fearing the 
newspaper reports might alarm those at home he cabled July 
18, '' Safe and well." 

And now almost for the first time since his youth he became 
a writer of letters. Once before— during the brief visit to Wash- 
ington in 1872 — ^he had put by the pencil for the pen. Now, as 
then, he found relief in correspondence, though how widely dif- 
ferent his reported round of events. In his isolation, his com- 
fort was in setting down from day to day his impressions of the 
place, the scope of his duties, his battle with the hard conditions 
of the tropic port. The scourge had been ominously augmented 
by the demoralization following the fire, and mails were irreg- 
ular. Written as occasion permitted and mailed as opportunity 
offered, in these letters home he has told us the final chapter in 
his own way and words better than it could be done by any other 
pen whatever. Beginning, he wrote: 

July 24.* — I don't know what I am about, really. The fire, 
the yellow fever and the dirt do not help to clear one's mind. 
. . . I am having the carpenter make some alterations, to 
get more light, so one can see the dirt and trj' to get rid of 

^ The dates given are those at the head of each letter. A single letter some- 
times covered a period of days. 




it. I am very much tired out, but think I will get along really 
better than I thought. My appetite is so good. 

I send the newspaper. It had a very rough article in it 
about me before I came— said the people ought to rise against 
such Americans as the U. S. sends, and put them out. 

Mr. Jones (his vice-consul) is very kind, wants to please. I 
think they would care for me if I am ill. 

August 3.— Things are working very slowly. I have a bath 
but no water as yet. The cry is, ' * to-morrow, to-morrow, ' * and 
their to-morrow is longer coming than it is in the States. I am 
still well, but the people say here I shall be laid up with a chill. 
I am not afraid. ... I must get a bed. Mr. Jones says the 
hammock will not do (when I get sick). I have engaged a sec- 
retary, he has been in the British service. His name is Morales, 

polite, lame and has a cough. When he 
is late, the cough is worse. 

They told me to be careful of the night 
air. Can't see how it can be kept out. 
There is not a pane of glass in the whole 
city — open day and night. There are 
shades, we can shut them, but the air goes 
through them. The river is so close — the 

^•^^ ^^W^MIZ \\ ^^ tides are very strong, out and in. When 
\ ffUMMi^ .^ |.|^^ ^j^^ jg ^^|. jjjg smell is in; when it 

comes back again, it washes the smell 

The picture of you and the grandchil- 
dren is up. As I look at it and see all 
laughing, I laugh too. It does seem funny 
that I am here, but my greatest happi- 
ness is that vou are not here. 

August 4. — The nights are cool. One 
must be careful about catching cold. . . . Last night the 
bands i)layed in the square for the first time since the fire. 
One very good, the other rather loud and brassy. 

Oh, what a place this is for gossip; it runs wild, like the rats. 

Do you remember saying, ** You will get good coffee, any- 
way? '' The coffee is vile. The nearer one gets to the ])lace it 
gi'ows the worse it is made. . . . Send the semi-weekly 
i]vening Post. Send it to ** our home " first. When you are 
through with it, send it to me. It does not matter how late. 

The papers here make the most of the yellow fever cases. I 
am afraid we won't have any mail. I commence the morning 
with an orange or a melon — even the melons agree with me. 



Limes are good with water. Bananas very fine — pineapples just 
great and pretty cheap. Then there is a fruit called the " pup- 
pie " * — like a melon, but more like the best pumpkin pie ever 
invented. The fruit scare is a humbug, it doesn 't hurt me. 

August 12.— Am well, that's all. No knowing when this will 
reach you. About four dead as near as I can make out, but the 
doctors say it was the genuine yellow fever. One cannot get any- 
thing—delay from day to day, nothing finished. My place still 
in chaos. Am waiting for the carpenter this very minute. 

Mice, rats, bats, mosquitoes, fleas, spiders and dirt all thrive. 
"Water scarce. I haven't had a real bath yet. There is not 
enough to fill the tub. Hot water is un- 
known here, except in coffee, and that is 
nearly all water. 

Have to buy bed, mattress, pillows, 
sheets and so forth, and set up house- 
keeping myself. I don't think I can 
stand boarding. 

Oh, the people are very poor. Times 
are hard — no work, nothing doing. I am 
so glad no one else came. 

My messenger is a colored boy. I as- „ i,i 
tonish him every few minutes; when I ^* 
want anything his expression is sad to^^ 
look at. When I say: " John, I want you /,''i 
to do something," his face falls, he looks '" 
as if he would cry. But when he wants 
anything — to go early — to call on a sick 
friend — any old excuse — his face beams. Forgetfulness is his 
chief virtue. 

The captain of a sailing sliip with lumber from Oregon wants 
one of the sailors arrested. He told me that the man was com- 
ing to see me. The sailor came. He looked like a sober, strai.^ht 
kind of a man, which is more than I can say of the captain. The 
sailor wants to be relieved, paid up, and to go home. The cap- 
tain wants him put in jail while iie is in port, or with my per- 
mission put in irons on board, and then when the vessel sails 
to take him off with him. The captain is a ven,- strong ass and 
says lie wants him so be can give him just one blow. That one 
would finish him, I think. So you see the kind of troubles a 
Consul-General has. 

August 15.— Fete day for some saint — what saint don't know. 
The streets are quiet— a great relief from the dreadful noise that 

• probably the papaya, or South Americao papaw. 


women and animals can make. The nights are not still even. 
The police whistle all night long. Firemen have a special turn- 
out to find a fire, now that a third of the town has been de- 

The army have their drums and bugles every morning at 
half-past four. The church bells begin before that. Then there 
is a toy railroad that the Custom House runs, which begins at 
half-past six. The people are up early— they can't help it. 
Tliey are a sickly set, poor things! . . . The yellow fever is 
not so bad as they make out, but it will do. 

Yesterday, to-day, and to-morrow, feast days for ' ' St. 
Jacinto," who cures all diseases. "We will not have any mail 
from the United States as quarantine is outside the harbor. 
Ships do not stop but go south with the mail on board, and we 
may get the letters in a month when the ship returns. The 
mail goes out to the north. You may get letters from me, 
but there will be none from you for your poor, homesick 
old man. 

August 19.— Well, had to get a coffee-pot; coffee worse and 
worse. Could not stand it any longer. Alcohol lamp does the 
boiling. Washing up is hard. No hot 
water. They don't use hot water here. 
They are in it all the time and need no 
I other. ... I have bread, fruit, coffee, 
milk for my breakfast. At last I am filled 
up. I need not eat so much any more. At 
first I could not get enough I was so liun- 
grj'. Washing is not so dear — nor so clean 
either, but it will have to do, like every- 
thing else. My bed is ready, but I have no 
sheets yet, so I sleep in a room with my 
landlord. He is really very kind. Tliere 
always seems to be somebody to help make 
life so one can stand it and keep up hope, 
^ 'ftv-vwC? "" ~ August 21. — The coffee-pot works well- 

so do I — nothing new — dirt, dust and what 
follows. ... A steamer is outside, but as it comes from 
Panjima is not allowed to land. Oh, I want my mail. It is 
astonishing there is not more sickness. If it were not for the 
tides, there would be a plague. They change everj-thing ami 
make it clean again. Another man gave in to Yellow Jack yes- 
terday at noon. Xo new cases, but the steamer wouldn't wait 
any longer — went south — mail on hoard. 

A month ago I took charge of this office — only a month— 


heavens! How long it seems! Well, I must make the best of 
it. I hate the place, but don't say anything about that! 

August 24. — I put up a line — a rope — to keep my bread and 
fruit from the rats, but behold, they got it ; they thought it was 

a mistake of mine. I see C is going to outdo M in the 

trusts. The trusts are going to make a panic, some day. Tell 
Cyril to make a trust of good boys and see how many will come 
into it. 

August 27.— Just came from mid-day dinner. They call it 
breakfast. It is from half -past eleven till one, but people like 
myself that get coffee at half-past six A.M. are pretty hungry 
about noon. Tea-supper is about seven P.M. 

It would go hard indeed with me if it were not for the Ash- 
tons, because one needs somebody — in case — ^well — trouble of 
any kind. But I must not give in. If sticking will do it, stick I 
will. It does bring more money than I can make at home, and 
time may do something, too. 

The time in the dark is long between six and eight. About 
eight is my bed-time, sometimes even before. I am always glad 
to get into my little bed. I sleep now through all the noise, 
which is nearly all night, and when there is no noise it wakes 
me up to hear what is the matter. 

August 28.— In the last four days, between the rats and the 
captain, my time has been much taken up. The rats come from 
next door through the open window. They did not go for my 
bread last night. I found it in good order to-day. The tin is 

The paper has put in my portrait and an article that made a 
good impression. I think it will help. 

August 29.— The captain came before seven this morning 
and was sober— gave me a letter in which he stated that the sea- 
man went ashore without leave, so he has real trouble. He 
said the sailor had been put in jail by the captain of the port. 
Now we have straight sailing. I told him he had taken the case 
off my hands. After, he rushed in again, said the man refused to 
work because he was sick. I told him he did the right thing by 
placing the case in the hands of the captain of the port, 
and now to do a better one, get a doctor and see if the man is 
sick or not. He said that would cost money. Then he wanted 
to know if he would have to pay the board of the man in jail. 
I told him yes. After paying a few bills he will come to his 

'* La Nacion '' published a sketch I gave them, but put in 
extra lines for reasons of its own. The understanding was not 


to say who did it, and they kept their word. They thought it 
rather strong, and had to explain it in type. Will give them 
another one in a few days about the steamboat whistles, if they 
are not afraid. 

The rats got the best of me again— cut the string and got the 
bread. I will try again to-night. 

August 30.— Captain called again. More trouble. Doctor 
says hard to say whether the man is sick or not. Captain says 
mate saw him dancing. Am afraid he did 
disobey orders by leaving the ship. 
Had to study up on " Seamen and Mas- 
,«sr-- "'■ '" ters," but couldn't find anything where the 

hWft^'i captain " didn't care about having a man 

I jljilj L^f^^^ Jv that was not a sailor and made a great dis- 
LL'x.rpC^'^f^ J J turbance, yet at the same time would take 
i=^^'jS^^i^^ -J him home with him." The poor sailor 
' does not want to go with him if he can 
get out of it. I cannot discharge him. 
The law reads " discharge only by mutual 
consent of master and seaman." 

September 5. — . . . It is such a new 
Jw. UP ^'^®* ^^ takes a little time to get into it. 
'y--^''^'^ , . , Things are settling down though, 

and I see after a while I shall be able to do a good deal of my 
own work. The trouble is one does not know when a i>ersoii 
will come. These r>eople have so much time on their hands, and 
when I paint and tliey do come, it's hai-d. 

.September 10.— Am well — working — signing papers — waiting 
for new rows from sailors or somebody else — ready for any- 
thing — but tired of all things — oh, so tired of this! After ail 
it is very funny, often, in a wa;-, when the ball is over, but not 
while it lasts, and I hope it may not last too long. It hasn't killed 
me so far. I hope I will live to die in some other place. Things 
are bad enough without my being buried here. 

The seaman that was put in jail by the captain of the port, to- 
day made his appearance. I told him if he would like to see \m 
cn])tain ashore he could find him around the comer in a drinking 
place, as lie spent the whole day there. So I sent .John witli him. 
He saw him — .John saw enough to get out before the end of the 
conversation. The seaman left the captain. John tells me that 
he crop'scil the river on tlie ferry and is safe till the slii]) leaves. 
1 am very glad of it. 

Septcnilici- 1.'),^ — The best thing is. T keep so well, T think I am 
too old to ciitcli the fevor. I have a little liope left yet. Let's 



stick on for another year, anyway. You say the summer is damp 
— that is the trouble here, too. No thunder storms, just cloudy. 
People call it " fever weather." 

September 16.— The trouble is, when a person has the slightest 
fever or headache they get so frightened— doctor and patient 
make up their minds that it is yellow fever. The last report has 
put the poor people in a panic. They are just like children. 

September 21.— You say my poor old mocking bird misses me. 
I am very sorry. I do miss him, poor fellow, and his mocking 

September 25. — This change has done me good in spite of 
everything. It is true there is a great deal of fever in this place, 
but I hope I shall escape it. They look at me and say, " Well, you 
have not blue eyes. You are more like a native, and you are too 
old to catch it." What a blessing to be old. One is going to the 
next world soon, anyway, so one is exempt. For the first time I 
feel glad that I am old. 

September 29.— Everything very quiet. The so-called " beet 
people " have made their exits on account of the yellow fever. 
The steamers do not stop here. They go on south. That alarms 
these people still more. We get the mail from the north, after it 
goes south and returns. I believe the next steamer is to stop. 
That should have a good effect. 

October 13. — The fever seemed better 
last week — worse this. It seems to take 
the light-eyed, the light-haired people. I 
do keep well in spite of all. 

They say every dog has its day. They 
have their nights, too. They bark all 
night. They fight on feast nights. It is 
simply unendurable. Tliey have no own- 
ers, but run wild. The people say they eat 
the refuse that is thrown in the street and 
they are glad to have them. Coming home 
after the band plays, I see piles of refuse, 
and dogs eating it and fighting over it." 
The last week has been dog-nights. I do 
long to have a stillness such as we have in 
Morristown. I long to " hear no sound." But I'll get used to 
it. I am getting used to it. Nothing like getting used to every- 
thing ... I am not reconciled, but hate to give in and still 
think I will get a better place. I will make a good record. 

People are hard up here for reading matter. Look over our 
books and send a box of twelve volumes. I think the despatch 


agent will send them on. The Union Club wants books very 
much indeed, poor things! and we can spare them. Send by the 
Government. It will be cheaper. Cheapness is what I have 
to study now, day and night. I have time to think it out. . . . 
The 9th of October is the 4th of July in this warm country. At 
the Union Club they had a fine ball, not exactly the 400, but they 
made a very good show. I was invited and went over for about 
an hour. They did all they could for me, but I did not want to 

//mvw wUcl 7>oq^ Hi/ IV tax the young people, so I left 


The ball broke up about half- 
past six in the morning. The 
ladies got into carriages, the gen- 
tlemen went back and danced as 
only men can dance, but think of 
it, all sober! They greeted me 
most cordially, and I afterwards found out I was the only for- 
eigner asked. They keep up the celebration for days— don't 
know when to stop — all well-behaved and good-humored. They 
are just like children. . . . Well, I ani scratching for a liv- 
ing, and working to keep out of the hands of the fever devil. 

The other night it was so quiet I woke up and could not get to 
sleep again. No noise of any kind. I thought something was 
going to happen, but it did not. It reminded me of being on 
board a sleeper, stopping at a station. There was nothing in 
the room, but some fruit in the air, protected with thick tin, 
so the rats cannot get into it. Their usual ball takes place, 
though. Every little while I clap my hands and they get. They 
seem to like the place. I am growing to think better of rats. 
Even they like a clean place to dance in. 

Everj^ day from two to four cases of yellow fever. Nearly all 
fatal. The Germans have the hardest time. It stays cool. The 
weather is cloudy, and when the sun does get through the clouds 
about noon, it is warm. People say it's cooler than usual. If the 
fever continues while it is like this, I am afraid it will go hard 
with us all. One must hope for the best. There is no help for it. 

At Quito it was reported that Nast already had the fever and 
inquiry came from the American Minister there. Nast refers to 
this and adds: 

Sampson made quite a commotion with his telegram. Many 
people thought the report true. . . . 

1 can save more money now as I don't have dinner at night 
any more. At first I had to, I was so hungrj\ I could hardly get 


filled up. I take rolls and butter— they call it butter. When I 
leave this country I can sell my bed and all. Your plans about 
rata are good, if you were only here to carry them out, but 
thank Qod you're not! 

A steamer came in the night. Delayed outside on account 
of yellow fever on board from Panama. I am anxious to see if 
we get the mail. 

[nie steamer gone. We got no mail. Before the doctors got 
on board a sick man died. The steamer was ordered to go on. 
What will happen? Where will they be allowed to got When 
will we get the mailT Questions I am afraid will not be answered 
soon. I am just thinking how horrible to be on board. Think 
of the well people there. 
My secretary keeps 
about the same — slow — 
lame — romantic — hon- 
est — . He has just come 
hobbling along, was a 
little late, and when late 
he has that cough. It 
does make me smile 
when I hear that cough. 
. . . One great thing 
about my rooms is, they are very airy now. I manage to keep 
things pretty clean, but it is hard work to do it. People notice, 
when they call, what a nice air I have here. 

October 17.— It's too bad to see a steamer on the stream, 
my letters on board, on accoont of a row between the Board of 
Health and the British Steamship Company. Everything at a 
standstill over a childish quarrel. It makes talk at the cafe 
where they get drunk over it. I keep out of it. From the first 
I saw it wonld not do for this old man. 

October 20. — Well — well — what with painting when I am able 
to do it (it dries so very slowly), and what with the Encyclop»dia 
Britannica I manage to kill time. I have been reading it steadily 
and enjoy it very much. Knowledge is a great thing, but what 
a nuisance to find out how little we know, no matter how long we 
live and how much we study. 

October 21.— Your letter just came. You say you have noth- 
ing to write, but write anything, even about the October days, 
the turning of the leaves. It makes me homesick, but I'd rather 
be homesick than have any other kind of sickness. Most of 
the people here look as if they were already dead. 


A German at the Union Club with his secretary didn't turn up 
for two or three days; yellow fever. His secretary then didn't 
turn up; yellow fever. So no one can tell. 

The priests are taking hold of the yellow fever now. Yester- 
day afternoon they had a pious procession, monks, images, etc., 
men, women and children with prayer hooks and candles, end- 
ing up with a regimental brass band. They will talk it over in 
their energetic way, and that will be about all they will do. 

Well, things are coming nearer — ^nearer. During my midday 
meal, "Wheeler, an Englishman, said to me, " Do you remember 

that Englishman by the name of D that was with me so 

mucht "Weil, he went up to Quito with Jones, got as far as 

„ . 3 tw-ewi^ Alasan, took sick and died. I got the 

■«-* Ki~M* news this morning." 

Now that young man was as hearty a 
boy as you would wish to see. He was 
clean and knew how to live in a decent 
way, but he was blonde, blue eyes, fever 
took him. This kind of news is not en- 
couraging. It gives one the blues. 


October 30. — For the last week things 
have looked pretty bad. The German 
that dined at the club died. His secretary, 
who disappeared, wanted to go home on 
the last steamer, but the doctor on board 
would not take him, I am afraid he will 
- follow his master. All of a sudden one 
of our " floorers "^{that is what John calls the Germans that 
live on our floor) kept his door closed. Doctor and nurse came 
and went. They denied that anything was wrong, but I knew bet- 
ter, so we kept our door closed and I put carbolic acid about the 
hall, also chloride of lime. That makes the place smell like a 
hospital. Mr. Miller, my landlord, sniffed it out. I said noth- 
ing. He went in the room, saw that one was sick in bed, and for 
the sake of the other " floorers " had him removed. It was a 
relief. He is better so far, but I must say it is uncomfortable. 
First club, then on our floor. It is coming very near. The 
Geniian Consul's son died of it tliis week. Hut with all tlie^e 
scares I am still well. I do not brag, only for the day that I am; 
nothing more, nothing less. That's a good idea to make Itoosc- 
velt a British Colonel. 

November 21. — You say the money arrived safely and it is \u 
the bank. Just think of it! liills jiaid, and money, real uioncy 
in the bank again. Well, well, T shouldn't have thought such 


a thing possible. And so Mr. T thinks I should get leave 

of absence from a place where I am making money ? No, I must 
stick it out, no matter what takes place. I do think I am 
making an impression, too, on the State Department. They have 
sent no complaints at all, and they may promote me, at least I 
hope so— and leave of absence would cost too much. I must 
stick. Now my job is all right, if we only get a little money 
ahead. Oh, how I do wish the mail was more regular. I must 
go to work. Consular work, for your old boy who is making 
money, money to put in the bank again. ... 

One of the dogs came in the hall to die to-day. John took 
him out. There was a great howling and snapping. He was 
pretty far gone and weak, but very snappy. I have not seen 
a good-looking dog in this town— dirty, starved and wild. They 
carry infection and spread fever and disease. They fight all 
night and eat refuse thrown into the street from the houses. 

Yellow fever people do not say anything about the '* grip " 
they have here. The doctors say there are a great many cases 
of it. I myself know five persons that had it and they all thought 
they had the yellow fever. I find it very crampy, too. My limbs 
get stiff and crampy. It must be the draughts one gets into after 
being so hot and moist. I wake in the night with cramps and 
have such stiffness in shoulders and arms, but I must not for- 
get I am getting old. It is funny, though, no matter what you 
have, the natives all come to the conclusion that it is the yellow 

November 25.— Mails as usual went south. Expect them to 
return by 26th or 27th. 

November 27.— No steamer yet from the south, to bring the 
news from the north. Oh, these English steamers. I should 
think something would have to be done soon. The Government 
and the merchants can't stand it much longer. . . . Steamer 
arrived but no mail from the south, so I have nothing to answer. 
I am anxious to hear from you— something to be thankful for 
on Thanksgiving Day. 

There was but one letter after this— a brief note written on 
the back of a circular announcing a Colombian peace ceremonial 
which he attended. He tells of it, and adds: 

What a lot of tomfoolery there is still in this world all about 
nothing. Now, if the Colom])ians would only strike a bargain 

♦ It is possible that in this paragraph he gives us the earliest symptoms of hii 
own illness. 


with Uncle Sam, let us go to work and stop fooling, all would 
be right. If not, I hope Uncle Sam will take the Nicaragua 

Enclose me a list of the different colleges. A lawyer here 
wants the terms to send his delicate son. If you send them it 
will save him postage. He looks up law information for me and 
has been very kind to your old man. 

The date of this letter was * * Sunday, Nov. 30. * * The next day 
—humid and sultry as so many days are there— he complained 
a little of nausea and lay all day in the hammock. His secretary, 
F. Morales, to whom he had referred in his letters, was attentive 
to his wants. Tuesday Mrs. Morales called, and later sent some 
tea, which the Consul could not swallow. On Thanksgiving 
ievening he had dined with the Ashtons, presenting them with 
the traditional American Turkey. He had seemed in his 
usual good spirits, indeed quite merry. He declared now that 
he was only a little bilious from high living and would be bet- 
ter presently. During the day he got up and attended to hia 
duties of despatching a steamer which had dared the dangers 
of the pest. Vice-Consul Jones, who had been out of the city, 
returned on Wednesday and found him still lying in the ham- 
mock, but very cheerful and fully dressed. Yet the vice-consul 
called a physician, who diagnosed the case as liver trouble. 

The Consul did not improve, and on Friday took to his bed. 
On that day he sent his private keys to the English vice-consul, 
Mr. Ashton. This seemed strange, though Nast still protested 
that he was not seriously ill. Even on Saturday, when a second 
and a third physician were called and pronounced his case the 
fever in its worst form, he smiled and said cheerfully that he 
had been ill with such fever many times before. His secretary 
in a letter tells the final scene. 

** At eleven o'clock (Saturday night) he spoke to me and 
to Mr. Ashton and said that he felt much better. After this he 
became unconscious and he did not speak any more. On Sunday, 

^^^^^^^^ 873 

at 11.35 A.M. he died, iiotwltlistatidiiig the personal care and 
attention of Mr. Jones, Mr. Ashton and myself." 

And so at last it was all over. The little lad who had played 
in the meadows baek of Landau, the youth who had so gaily 
marched with Garibaldi, the man who helped to preser\'e a 
nation and to rid a city of dishonor — who in Iiis old age had 
found only poverty and defeat and surrender — lay dead at last 
in the service of his adopted land. 

Tlien all of those to whom he had endeared himself during the 
few months of his dwelling among them — all the consular corps 
—the Governor and the local aiitlifiritios — tlic staff of the paper 

which had once 
condemned him un- 
Boen. but ■which now 
spread flowers upon 
bis bier— the mem- 
bers of his club — 
the citizens of his 
own land, and a vast 
concourse of natives 
•who, because he had 
been kind to them, 
had learned to love 
tlie " little Ameri- 
can," turned out to 
do him final honor, 
and at five o'clock 
on the day of his 
death bore him to 
his last resting place, 
■wrapped in the flag 
he had loved and 



defended so long. 




The news came to his home — to the big quiet house which 
through all the years he had never let go — to the wife who had 
made his life her life, his battle her battle, who could not now 
follow the path he had taken or know the comfort of being near 
his grave. First there came the oflScial cable, brief, bald and 
hopeless. ** Nast died to-day, yellow fever ''—the story told 
in five words. Then followed the formal letter from the Depart- 
ment at Washington, and by and by came letters from those 
who had been near him at the end. Each told the story of his 
last hours, with words of comfort; each referred to his eflScient 
service and how he had won his way to the hearts of the people. 

In his official letter to the Department at Washington, Vice- 
Consul General Jones closed by saying: 

** His death was very generally regretted, as during his short 
term of office he had made many friends. ' ' 

Mrs. Sampson, wife of the American Minister at Quito, wrote: 

** He seemed to have a gift in dealing with these most pecu- 
liar people." 

British Viee-Consul Ashton, in a letter to Cyril Nast, said: 

** Your father was very popular and considered the best Con- 
sul ever sent to Guayaquil," while Mrs. Ashton, in a letter to 
Mrs. Nast, added: 

** During his short residence here Mr. Nast became a great 
favorite. He was always so genial, and the natives had a great 
admiration and respect for him. I have heard many comment 
on the able way he filled a very difficult position and entirely 
succeeded in diverting the strong focus of attention from the 
American colony. We, personally, have lost an honored and 
dear friend, whom we miss and deplore daily." 

But perhaps the little secretary, lie of the limp and the 
cough, brings us a shade nearer to the Nast we knew host, when, 
in closing his letter, he says: 

** I do not write more, as I am deeply affected by this sad 


affair. During the four and a half months that I have served 
nnder your kind father I had learned to esteem him dearly, and 
he had shown me great kindness and also friendship to my 
family and self/* 

Here is suggested the personal Nast we know — the man who on 
a train would take a sick baby to relieve its jaded mother, who 
was always ready to hold out a helping hand, to make easier a 
toilsome way. 

And now once more the press throughout the land echoed 
the name and deeds of the * * Father of the American Cartoon. * ' 
Old enmities were put aside and old injuries forgotten. North 
and South he was honored and his name linked with the nation 's 
heroes. Once more he held his old place in the ** Journal of 
Civilization "—his portrait on the front page, with reproduc- 
tions of his famous cartoons within. Colonel Watterson, his 
ancient antagonist and friend, paid him a noble editorial tribute. 
He spoke of him as a man of ** surpassing genius and private 
worth," and added: 

** He was a sturdy, undoubting positivist, was Thomas Nast. 
To him a spade was a spade and he never hesitated to call it so. 
He had the simple, childlike faith of the artist, crossed upon 
the full-confident spirit of the self-made man. To the younger 
generations the name of Thomas Nast is but a shade. Yet" a 
century hence his work will be sought as an essential sidelight 
upon the public life in the United States during the two decades 
succeeding the great sectional war. His satire flashed upon a 
rogue and discovered a rascal like a policeman's lantern. 
Always unsparing and direct, sometimes cruel, he was the old 
Saxon warrior over again. Yet to those who knew him with his 
armor off and his battle axe hung upon the wall, one of the 
heartiest and healthiest of men; quick to requite the proven 
wrong; ready to give and take, to live and let live, an ideal 
<;omrade and a model of the domestic virtues.** 



In the making of this book, the writer has not attempted to 
prepare a minute personal biography, or essayed to compile 
a complete catalogue of events. In the main, the effort has been 
to tell the story of a series of pictures which became an impor- 
tant part in this nation 's history. Also to present such episodes 
and conditions as would make clear their meaning to a younger 
generation, with the moral reason of existence which lies behind 
them all. 

For primarily, and before all, Thomas Nast was a moralist. 
One may be a warrior and a patriot, a statesman, even an agi- 
tator of reform, without being wholly free of self-interest - 
ready to lay down life and fortune for a principle, asking for 
no return beyond the earning of his hands. The life of Thomas 
Nast was lived throughout with an unselfishness of purpose 
and a moral purity seldom equalled. He was in the fullest sense 
the arch enemy of evil in every form, never letting pass an 
opportunity to strike it down. He saw in a straight line and 
aimed accordingly. He never lost sight of the end in view, 
and it was to his great singleness of purpose and the increasing 
fierceness of blow after blow landed on the same spot that bis 
startling achievements were due. 

It was natural that such a man should make enemies as well 


as friends. Men concerned in political intrigue and the prac- 
tices of corruption, men seeking to ride down and disregard the 
rights of their fellow men, those who would cloak ill-doing with 
a mantle of righteousness— in a word, every intruder upon 
human privilege and the pursuit of happiness— these were his 

His friends were among the heroes and the benefactors of 
mankind. Lincoln, Grant, Booth, Whitman, Bergh, Henry 
Irving, George W. Childs— such as these honored his genius 
and his integrity and were accounted among his friends. But 
there was a host of others— scores of lesser note, and all the 
vast multitude of burden bearers who recognized in him a cham- 
pion that never failed to strike for humanity and the cause 
of right. Preeminently Thomas Nast was a man to be hon- 
ored for the friends and loved for the enemies he had made. 

His purely political opponents seldom cherished more than a 
brief bitterness. It was the moral offender who had been 
brought within range of his searchlight who never forgave him 
or missed the opportunity of crj'ing down his capabilities and 
his deeds. Sadly enough they were upheld by a small but ven- 
omous coterie of his fellow craftsmen, who, with more of academ- 
ic knowledge in the matter of mere technique, comprehended 
neither his genius nor his success, and hated him according to 
their lights. It was these who gave color and official voice to 
the oft and loudly repeated declaration that Nast was not an 
artist, that he had not the least notion of drawing, that his ideas 
could not be his own but were supplied by George William 
Curtis or Fletcher Harper. It seems hardly necessarj^ to dwell 
upon this now. Throughout the pages of this book are many 
letters which put to ridicule any statement that Xast did not 
conceive his own ideas— those inventions bom of fierce issues 
and fervent and righteous convictions. What Nast did require 
was the sympathy and the confidence of those about him. 



Fletcher Harper understood and gratified this need, and in this 
peculiar and beautiful sense became his surest inspiration. 

As a matter of fact he had ten ideas for every one that he 
used. Nature never created a more fertile brain, a keener mental 
vision or a more absolute individualitv than were combined in 
the person of Thomas Nast. In a recent conversation, Mr. J. 
Henry Harper said to the writer: 

** Nast was one of the great statesmen of his time. I have 
never known a man with a surer political insight. He seemed 
to see approaching events before most men dreamed of them 
as possible. His work was entirely his own, and done in his 
own way. He never could bear interference or even suggestion. 
Sometimes a good idea came in that we thought he might use, 
but he never did so. He always had more than enough without 
it. He was likely to plan a whole campaign of pictures before 
one was drawn. I never knew him to use an idea that was not 
his own." 

As for Nast's ability to draw, the pictures speak for them- 
selves. If they are not academic, they are at least the powerful 
embodiment of an idea and puri)0se— all the more powerful, it 
may be, for their rugged disregard of rule. It is not always the 
trained talker, or the fluent penman, or the perfect draughtsman 
who has the most to say. There is a divine heritage which rises 
above class-drill and curriculum — a God-given impulse which 
will seek instinctivolv and find surelv the means to enter and the 
way to conquer and possess the foreordiuated kingdom. Such 
a genius was that of Thomas Nast. Lacking a perfect mastery 
of line, he yet possessed a simplicity of treatment, an under- 
standing of black and white color values, with a clearness of 
vision, a fertility of idea, and above and l)eyond all a supreme 
and unwavering purpose which made him a pictorial ]>ower 
such as this generation is not likely to know again. Perhaps 
all this is not art. Perhaps art may not be admitted without the 


grace of careful training— the touch that soothes and fills the 
critic's eye. But if it be not art, then, at least, it is a genius 
of no lesser sort. There are men who will tell you that Grant 
was not a general. There are others who will hold that Nast 
was not an artist. Yet these two were mighty warriors — each in 
his own way — and the world will honor their triumphs when the 
deeds of their critics have vanished from the page of memory, 
and their bodies have become but nameless dust. 

And Nast was something more. He was a thoughtful reader, 
a careful student of historj^ a philosopher whose reasonings 
and deductions were rarely to be gainsaid. Research into the 
life and manners of the older civilizations— the uncovering of 
buried cities— the tracing of the way that leads from the mys- 
ter>^ of the past to the mar\^el of the present, always appealed 
to him, and some of his conclusions were strikingly conceived 
and aptly phrased. Once commenting on the statement that 
history repeats itself, he said: 

** It does— but not quite. It travels forward like a cork- 
screw, never returning quite to the same place." 

We need not review Nast's achievements here. The support 
of the Union and of the nation's armies, the triumph over Tweed, 
the continuous battle for political betterment, these have all 
been told. He was the first of those who to-day constitute a 
great and worthy following. In the same spirit that the modem 
playwright goes back to the well-spring of the drama, so the 
American cartoonist turns legitimately for inspiration to the 
pictures of Nast. ** Shakespeare has said it all " is our com- 
mon expression, and it was Bernhard Gillam who declared, 
** Nast has about done ever}'thing. " Being first, it was neces- 
sary for him to establish fundamentals, to construct the alphabet 
of an art. The work was not arbitrarily done, nor were the 
results due to accident. The symbols which to-day confront us 
on every hand were each the inevitable expression of some 


existing condition which by strong, sure mental evolution fouuJ 
absolute embodiment, and became a pictured fact. AVe can no 
more efface them tlian we can alter the characters of our spel- 
ling book. The Brother Jonathan of England we accepted a? 
our Uncle Sani,(tliougli Naat dignified tbe uncouth figure), iiml 
later cartoonists liave added to his Emblems. But the old Tiger. 
Elephant, Donkey, Itag-baby, and all the otliei-s we have noted. 
still do daily service, and the ])ietorial world without llioni would 
be poor indeed. 

Yet while the symbols do not die, certain types of Xast are 
Imppily extinct. In the North, the fighting Irish immigrant 
with bis sbillalah; in tbe South, that benightetl relic of the dark 
ages, tbe illiterate slave-driver, lliey survive now chiefly in 
memory, but they existed once in reality, and it was a part of 
Nast's mission to aid in their extermination. 

Looking through tbe cartoons of that time and comparing 


them with those of to-day we are impressed with something 
more than the difference in types and treatment. 

To-day the merit of our cartoons lies mainly in their technique 
and the clever statement of an existing condition. They are 
likely to be the echo of a policy, a reflection of public sentiment 
or a record of daily events. The cartoons of Thomas Nast were 
for the most part a manifest, a protest, or a prophecy. They 
did not follow public events, but preceded them. They did not 
echo public sentiment, but led it. They did not strive to please 
the readers, but to convince them. They were not inspired by 
a mere appreciation of conditions, but by a powerful convic- 
tion of right and principle which would not be gainsaid. In ^he 
words of Mr. Mitchell,* ** men, women, and children— those who 
read and those who did not ''—were stirred by them to the 
depths of their being. They applauded them or they condemned 
them, but they never passed them by. C. G. Bush recently said 
to the writer: ** Nast more than any other man demonstrated 
that a cartoon is not necessarily a humorous caricature, but a 
powerful weapon of good or evil. ' ' 

The altered attitude of our pictures of to-day is not due to 
the individuals but to the conditions. Nast began when the 
nation was in a flame of conflict. When the fierce heat of the 
battle had subsided, it left the public in the ebullient forma- 
tive state where human passions run high and human morals 
and judgment are disturbed. At such times strong human per- 
sonalities leap forth to seize the molten elements and shape the 
fabric of futurity. Such men have little place to-day. The New 
York Herald not long ago (March 7, 1902) said editorially: 

** The press of America merely mirrors public opinion instead 
of commanding it." 

And it is this that the cartoonist of the present must be con- 
tent to do. He can but mirror the procession of events—not 

• See extract quoted fully, page 549. 


direct them. Yet should the time return when issues once more 
are blazing white, when right and wrong press fiercely upon 
the hearts of men, then from among the craftsmen of to-day 
there will rise those who shall seize the glowing metal and strike 
as firmly and with as sure a blow as did Thomas Nast. 

For nearly a quarter of a century, through the pages of Har- 
per's Weekly, Nast gave his strength to the American people. 
He was profoundly moved by every public question, and his 
emotions found expression in his pictures. Such a man can 
but awaken a powerful response. He was continually in the 
public eye. His every utterance was watched and considered, 
and, as we have seen, there came to him letters of every sort. 
Many of them reviled him— some were like benedictions. 
Women, and men also, often wrote, ** God bless you! " Others 
said, ** God aid you in your work! '* 

Often in the hour of his elevation he was charged with arro- 
gance, self-assurance and conceit. Yet these were never his 
characteristics. It was not self-assurance, but self assuredness; 
not self-conceit, but self-certainty; not arrogance, l)ut a i>roud 
impatience with anything that savored of surrender or ccmii- 

It is true that he realized his power. To his wife he some- 
times said: '* I am overwhelmed with responsibility. I must 
make no mistakes." And when we recall the positive attitudes 
he assumed on everv issue and the number of his pictures, it 
seems marvellous the few mistakes he made. In the twonty-tive 
years of his chief labor he produced no less than three thou- 
sand i)ictures, and not one of them was ever drawn for evil or 
against his convictions in a cause. 

From such a busy life as his, and from such a mass of mate- 
rial as he left behind, there is but a small i)art which we may 
sift out and ))roserve. The writer has tried to do this without 
bias and without neglect. Yet now that the work is finished 


and the labor lies all behind, he feels that be has been helplessly 
unequal to the saered task. For it is the story of a man and a 
period such as this nation may not know again. 

Thomas Nast was a genius of the people and for the people, 
and his impress shall not perish from the world of art. Yet it 
may be that the generations of the future will not write him 
down an artist. Even so, to have been named, by thoughtfal 
and sincere men, with Lincoln and Grant as a benefactor of 
bis people— to have placed a great city and a nation's armies 
in his eternal debt, and to have died at last in his country's 
service, may perhaps be counted enough. He was often charged 
■with being a partisan, and this is a title which I think we may 
accept with honor. I think when the day comes, as it surely 
will, that men shall raise a tablet to bis memory, then reverently 
we may inscribe upon it- 
Thomas Xast, Patriot and Moralist, 
A Partisan of The Right. 


(The Index to Illustrations will be found on pages xvii et seq,) 

Abbey, Edwin A., 466, 467. 

Adee, Alvey A., 337. 

Alabama Claims, 135, 211-213. 

Alexander, John W., 529. 

Anies, Oakes, 269, 270, 274. 

Amnesty (1876), 322-^24. 

Amnesty and Pardon, President's procla- 
mation of, 108. 

Anarchists, the; see Chicago anarchists, 

Andersonville prison charges, 323. 

Anthony, A. V. S., 41, 43. 

Anthony, E. and H. T., publishers, 

Anti-Jewish agitation in Germany, 442. 

Anti-Monopoly Party, 503. 

Arbeiter Zeitung, the, 523. 

Army and Navy, the, defended by Xast, 
293, .324, 353, 360, 372; testimonial to 
Xast, 372, 374, 407-409. 

Arnold, George, 22. 

Arthur, Chester A., nominated for Vice- 
President, 429; elected, 439; part 
played in Stalwart-Half-Breed Quarrel, 
444, 445, 449, 450, 486, 487; beginning 
of presidential term, 452, 453; inaugural 
address, 4.S3; efforts to rebuild navy, 
459 ; veto of River and Harbor Bill, 460; 
administration approved by Curtis, 478; 
favored by Nast, 486; attitude toward 
nomination, 486; name presented to 
Republican National Convention (1884), 
489; close of administration, 515, 516; 
death, 516. 

Astor, John Jacob, 144. 
Atlantic Monthly, 254, 255. 

Babcock, O. E., 326. 

Barnard, George S., 186. 

"Battle of the Artists," 235. 

Bayard, Thomas F., 431, 497. 

Bayonet rule, 304, 305, 339. 

Beard, Frank, 501. 

Beecher, Henry Ward, 164, 497. 

Belknap, WiUiam W., 325, 326. 

BeUew, Frank, 22, 94, 254, 265, 335. 

Belle w (the elder) as a caricaturist, 120. 

Belmont, August, 137. 

Bennett, James Gordon, Jr., 278, 296, 301, 
303; see also New York Herald. 

Bennett, James Gordon, Sr., 124, 356. 

Benson, Eugene, 17. 

Bergh, Henry, 264, 577. 

Berghaus, Alfred, 19, 21, 24. 

Billings, Josh, 202. 

Bingham, John A., 270. 

Black Friday (1869), 136; (1873) 287. 

Black, William, 467. 

Blaine, James G., relation to Credit 
Mobilier, 269; defeated for Speakership 
of House of Representatives, 306; first 
Nast cartoon of, 307; in debate on 
Amnesty Bill, 322, 323; as a presidential 
candidate (1876), 328, 330; advocate 
of Chinese Exclusion, 386, 413; protest 
against a certain cartoon, 420, 421; 
again caricatured by Nast, 425; can- 
didate for presidential nomination 




(1880), 427, 428; Secretary of State, 
444; influence on Garfield, 445; again 
a presidential candidate, 477-482; com- 
pared with Grant, 479, 480; fitness for 
presidency, 480; the Mulligan letters, 
481, 482; opposition of New York Times, 
485; before the Republican National 
Convention (1884), 488-490; nominated, 
490 ; strong opposition to, 491-494 ; 
Cleveland selected as opponent, 497- 
499; the campaign and the Mugwump 
revolt, 500-507; defeat, 507, 508. 

Blair, Frank P., 125, 126, 128. 

Bland Bill, the, 381. 

Bland, Richard P., 378. 

Bonner, John, 83. 

Booth Committee, appointed to examine 
Controller Connolly's books, 186-188. 

Booth, William A., 186. 

Borden, John G., 476. 

Borie, A. E., 411. 

Bosco, General, 53, 54. 

Boston Post, the, 362. 

Boucicault, Mr. and Mrs., 14. 

Boutwell, George S., 269. 

Bowles, Samuel, 358, 359; see also Spring- 
field Republican, the. 

Bradley, Joseph P., 344. 

Brady, Cyrus Townsend, 374. 

Brady, Thomas W., 456. 

Bragg, Edward S., 498. 

Briatow, Benjamin H., 316, 325, 328, 330, 

Broadway Bank, 181. 

Brooks, James, 270, 274. 

Brooks, Preston S. ("Bully"), 209, 244, 

Brown, B. Gratz, 230, 239, 240. 

Brown, K. D., 144. 

Brown, John, funeral of, 34. 

Brown, J. B., 287. 

Brj'an, Thomas, 17. 

Brj-ant, WilHam Cullen, 132. 

Brj'ce, James, 353. 

Burchard, Samurl D., 500. 

Burke, John, 29S. 

Burlin^ame, Anson, 131, 132. 

BurlinKame. E. L., 407. 

Burton, WilHam E., 14, 547. 

Bush, C. G., 94, 581. 

Butler, Benjamin V., denounced by Lon- 
don Times, 88; Nast's first meeting 
with, 90; champion of Salary- Grab Bill, 
279; on independent journalism, 295; 
on Silver Question, 378; seeking a new 
party, 406; elected Governor of Massa- 
chusetts, 462; Greenback candidate 
for President (1884), 492; Greenback 
nominee, 503. 

Butler, Blanche (Mrs. Ames), 224. 

Cable, George W., 511, 512. 

Caldwell, Josiah, 481, 482. 

Cameron, J. Donald, 424. 

Cameron, Simon, 293. 

Campaign assessments, 446. 4.>9. 460. 

"Campaign of Caricature," 235. 

Canada, annexation of, 210. 

Canal Ring, the, 309. 

Carpenter, Matthew H., 293. 

Centennial Exposition, 308, 322, 32S, 329. 

Chambers, B. J., 433. 

Chandler, WUliam E., 439. 

Chandler, Zachariah, 340, 342, 343, 347. 

Chase, Salmon P., 124, 125. 232. 

Chicago Anarchists, 522-524. 

Chicago Inter Ocean, the, 321. 

Chicago News, the, 118. 

Chicago Tribune, the, .383. 

Childs, George W., 366, 577. 

Chinese Exclusion, 148, 386, 412. 413. 

Chipman, N. P., a friend^ of Provident 
Grant, 222; courtesy to Nast. 224. 225; 
suggestions to Nast on j)ubHc affairs, 
231-235; quotes Grant on Nast'> work, 
252, 253; starts subscription for Na>t, 
266; letter to Nast on Cn^lit Mol>ilier, 
209,270; entertains Mr. and Mr>. Na^^t, 
272; estimate of Na.*^t, 29:^. 

Church, William C, 407. 

Church, William F., 2.39. 

Cincinnati, cartoon of flocnls in, 473. 

Cincinnati Commercial, the. 34 4. 

Cincinnati, Gazette, the, 127. 

Cipher exposures, in c<»nn«<t:. n with 
Haves-Tildcn contest, 3Ul-4i>t. 

Civil Service Refonn, 214, 3.',s. 442. 4r>0, 

Civil War, the, 78-91. 97-104. 

Claxton, Kate, 359, 360. 





Clemens, Samuel L., 202, 263, 367, 511, 

Cleveland, Grover, candidate for and elec- 
tion as Governor of New York, 461, 462; 
praised by Nast and Curtis, 478; as a 
presidential possibility, 497, 498; nomi- 
nation for President (1884), 498; sup- 
ported by Harper's, 499; in the cam- 
paign, 502; elected President, 507; 
public sentiment as to his election, 514; 
attitude toward Civil Service Reform, 
515; resigns as Governor of New York, 
515; lett<»r to Nast, 515; inauguration, 
516 ; public sentiment toward, 516, 
517; beginning of administration, 518, 
519; obstacles to reforms, 521 ; pension 
reforms, 521, 522; defeated for second 
term, 533. 

Coleman, Samuel, 17. 

Colfax, Schuyler, 119, 203, 269, 274, 429. 

College athletics, 136. 

Collier's Weekly, 534. 

Comic Monthly, 30. 

Commercial Advertiser, 491. 

Committee of Seventy, to investigate 
Tweed Ring, 186. 

Communism, 386. 

Conant, S. S., 472, 476, 509. 

Conkling, Roscoe, on the Grant-Greeley 
campaign, 248; relation to Credit 
Mobilier, 269; on the Inflation Bill, 290; 
candidate for presidential nomination 
(1876), 328, 330; at New York Republi- 
can State Convention (1877), 368, 369; 
offers amendment to Stanley Matthews' 
Silver Resolution, 380; assailed by Har- 
per's, 414, 415; connection with Repub- 
lican presidential nominations (1880), 
424-429; quarrel with Garfield, 444- 
450; resignation from Senate, 446; 
sketeh of life, 447; on Nast, 520. 

Connolly, Richard B., one of the ** Eco- 
nomical Council " at Albany, 137; a 
member of " the Tweed Ring," 140, 141 ; 
character of, 143; share of plunder, 144; 
in the Viaduct Job, 145; appoints 
William Copeland to position in Con- 
troller's office, 167; attempts to bribe 
proprietor of New York Times, 170; 
called on to produce Controller's books. 

177, 178; investigated by Booth Com- 
mittee, 187, 188; resignation, 189; see 
also Tweed Ring, the. 

Cooke, Jay and Company, 287. 

Cooper, Peter, 142, 158. 

Copeland, William, 167. 

"Copperheads," the, 79. 

Corbin, Henry C, 351. 

Cornell, A. B., 414. 

Covington, John I., 532. 

Cox, Samuel S. ("Sunset"), 307, 323. 

Coyle, John F., 391. 

Credit MobUier, the, 268, 303. 

Crime of '73, 376, 377. 

Crittenden, Thomas L., 407. 

Crittenden, T. T., 307, 308. 

Croly, Miss JaneC, 22. 

Crook, General, 372. 

Cummings, Amos J., 536. 

Curtis, George William, as editor of Har- 
per's Weekly, 122, 123; on two Nast 
cartoons, 179; disagreement with Nast 
as to treatment of anti-Grant faction, 
215-220, 221, 222, 224; on the anti- 
Grant faction, 230; on Horace Greeley, 
237; attitude toward Sumner after 
Greeley's nomination, 243, 244; on 
Sumner's final attack on Grant, 240; 
caricatured by Bellew, 254; letter to 
Nast on Greeley's death, 265; on Grant's 
veto of Inflation Bill, 201 ; on inflation 
cartoons, 293 ; relations with Nast, 297, 
303-305, 321, 331, 352, 354; on bayonet 
nile, 304, 305, 339; effect of third term 
spectre on, 320; delegate to Republican 
National Convention (1876), 329, 330; 
urges Hayes' endorsement at New York 
Republican Convention (1877), 368; at 
the Saratoga Republican State Conven- 
tion, 414; resigns as Chairman of Rich- 
mond County Convention, 415; opposed 
to third term for Grant, 424; on (Jar- 
field, 451; on Arthur, 452; congratula- 
tory letter to Nast, 47(); on Cleveland 
and the (^ivil Service, 47S; on Arthur's 
administration, 478; j^rotosts against 
nomination of Blaine, 4S0, 481, 485; 
Chairman of New York delegation to 
Republican National Convention (18S4), 
488-490; attitude immediatelv after 





Blaine's nomination, 490-493; bitterly- 
attacked, 494, 496; presides at Inde- 
pendent Republican Conference, 498; 
fight against Blaine's election, 498, 499, 
501, 502, 508; supports Cleveland and 
opposes Hill, 518, 519; see also Harper's 
Cushman, Charlotte, 14. 

Daily Graphic, the, 278, 367, 382, 532. 

Daly, Augustin, 204. 

Dame Columbia's Public School, 202. 

Dame Europa's School, 202. 

Dana, Richard Henry, 210, 492, 497, 530. 

Davis, David, 232. 

Davis, Jefferson, 104, 322, 323, 339. 

Davis, John P., 22. 

Davis, Theodore R., 94. 

Dawes, Henry L., 270, 446. 

Democratic National Conventions, New 
York (1868), 125, 126; Baltimore 
(1872), 241, 242; St. Louis (1876), 331- 
333; Cincinnati (1880), 431; Chicago 
(1884), 498. 

Democratic Party, 108, 128, 298, 300-302, 
310, 322, 324, 342, 347, 404, 437, 462, 
478,497,521; see also Democatic Na- 
tional Conventions. 

Depew, Chauncey M., 535, 536. 

De Rohan, 48, 49, 50, 121. 

Dickens, Charles, 39. 

Dickinson, Don M., 532. 

Divided dollar, the, 294. 

Dix, John A., 298. 

Dodge, William K., 164. 

** Doesticks," see Thompson, Mortimer. 

Dorsey, Stephen W., 456. 

Draft riots in New York City, 92-94. 

Edmunds, George F., 428, 486, 489. 
Edwards family, the, 30. 
Mwards, Miss Sarah, 32, 34. 
Egyptian Question, the, 361, 4.58, 4.59. 
Electoral Commission, the, 343, 344, 346. 
Engle, George, 524. 
English, William H., 431. 
Erie Ring, the. 157, 274. 
Evarts, William M., 164, 364. 
Eytinge, Sol, 21, 28, 34,94. 

Fairbanks, Charles M., 263, 510, 540. 

Fenton, Reuben E., 208, 213, 388. 

Field, David Dudley, 316, 321. 

Field, Stephen J., 232. 

Fifth Avenue Journal, the, 254. 

Fischer, Adolph, 524. 

Fish, Hamilton, 212, 224, 266, 274, 326^ 

Fish, J. D., 463. 
Fisher, Warren, 481, 504. 
Fisheries Award, the, 384. 
Fisk, James, Jr., 136, 157. 
Fiske, Josiah, 351. 
Folger, Charles J., 444, 461. 
Forrest, Nathan, 125. 
" Forty Thieves Board of Aldermen," Nei 

York, 143. 
Fowler, Isaac V., 156. 
Fraud circular of 1868, 332. 
Fredericks, Alfred, 16, 17, 28, 510. 

Garfield, James A., in Credit Mobilier 
Affair, 269, 270; meeting with Nasi, 272; 
at Republican National Convention 
(1880), 426, 428, 429; noDainated for 
President, 429; ignored by Nast, 432, 
434, 435; Credit Mobilier record recalled, 
434; relation to the "Morey letter," 
439; elected President, 439; quarrel 
with Conkling and Piatt, 442-450; 
a^assinated, 450; death, 451; Curtis' 
estimate of, 451. 

Garibaldi, Giuseppe, in New York City, 
14; character, 45, 46; career in Italy, 
47-63; Nast compared with, 419; death 
of, 4.58; Nast's cartoon of (1882), 458. 

Garland, Hamlin, 484. 

Garland, Ira, 179. 

Garvey, Andrew J., 174, 175, 176. 

Genet, Harr>', 154. 

Gettysburg, battle of, 91. 

Gillain, Bernhard, 434, 502, 529, 579. 

Gold Standartl, the, 376-384, 405, 406. 

Gordon, John H., 125, 241. 

Goodnow, Frank J.. 353. 

Gough, John B., 277. 

Gould. Jay, 136, 157, 503. 

Grant, Ulysses S.. early in 1863, 88; after 
capture of Vicksburg, 91 ; accorded vote 
of thanks and medal by Congress. 97; 




magnanimity on Lee's surrender, 104; 
on Nast's services to the Union, 106; 
presidential candidate and nominee, 
119; tribute to Nast on election as Presi- 
dent in 1868, 129; assailed by New 
York City papers (1871), 161; opposi- 
tion to second term for, 207-209; 
policies during first administration, 208, 
210; in Alabama Claims Case, 211-213; 
attitude toward Civil Service Reform, 
214-216; courtesies to Nast, 222-226; 
attacks on (1871), 227-229; final attack 
on, by Sumner, 240, 241 ; second nomi- 
nation for presidency, 241 ; pictured by 
enemies in second campaign, 247, 253; 
triumph over Greeley, 256; second 
inauguration, 270-272; received Mr. 
and Mrs. Nast at White House, 272; 
Marshall Jewell on, 279, 280; New York 
Herald on, 281, 282; as "Watchdog of 
the Treasury," 288-291; Nast's only 
picture against, 294, 295; recognizes 
Kellogg government in Louisiana, 303; 
Johnson's assault on, 306; on Third 
Term Question, 311-313; Whisky Ring 
frauds, 325, 326; out of presidential 
race (1876), 329; order of, commended 
by Curtis, 339; measures to preserve 
peace (1876), 342, 343; last annual 
message, 350; visits Nast, 350, 351; 
trip around the world and return, 410, 
416; wish for third term, 411; presi- 
dential candidate for third term (1880), 
424—427; failure to secure nomination, 
429; effort to reconcile Garfield and 
Conkling, 446; second visit to Nast, 
467, 468; Blaine compared with, 479, 
480; ruined by failure of Grant and 
Ward, 483-485; retirement with full 
pay, 516; illness and death, 517, 518. 

Grant, U. S., Jr., 463. 

Grant and Ward, 463, 464, 483. 

Greeley, Horace, at Lincoln's first inaugu- 
ration, 74; attitude toward Lincoln, 79, 
80; faithfulness of Nast's caricatures, 
116; attitude toward Tweed Ring early 
in 1871, 161-163; opposition to Grant's 
second nomination, 208; as a subject for 
caricature, 229; on Nast, 234, 239; re- 
fuses to sign call for regular Republican 

(Convention, 235, 236; candidate for 
President, 236-239, 242; gives up editor- 
ship of New York Tribune, 246; fight 
for the presidency, 246-256; resumes 
editorship after defeat by Grant, 256, 
258; death, 258-260, 264, 536-538; 
influence of death on Nast, 264, 265, 
356; see also New York Tribune. 

Greenback Party, the, 292, 422, 423, 433, 
492, 503. 

Greenback Rag Baby, the, 313, 314. 

Greer, H. W., 509. 

Grimm, Baron de, 529. 

Grosvenor, W. M., 391. 

"Grundy, Mrs.," 97. 

Guiteau, Charles J., 450. 

Gunn, Thomas Butler, 30, 388. 

Hall, A. Oakey, elected Mayor of New 
York, 130; one of the "Economical 
Council" at Albany, 137; a member of 
the Tweed Ring, 140, 141; character 
of, 143; share of plunder, 144; in the 
Viaduct Job, 145; on the Ring's pros- 
pects early in 1871, 164; connection 
with Orangemen's parade riot, 171-173; 
called on to produce Controller's books, 
177, 178; results of his trial, 267, 268; 
on fraud circular of 1868, 332; to Eng- 
land, 353; returned to America (1891), 
353; last caricature of by Nast, 354; 
death, 354; see also Tweed Ring, the. 

Halstead, Murat, 344, 358, 359, 380, 381, 

Hamilton, Gail, 148, 149, 224. 

Hampton, Wade, 125, 436. 

Hancock, Winfieki S., a Democratic presi- 
dential candidate, 125, 333; nominated 
(1880), 431; effect on Nast, 432; on one 
of Nast's cartoons, 436; an unskilled 
politician, 438, 439; defeated, 439. 

Haney, J. G., 30, 31. 

"Hans Brinker" (by Mrs. Dodge), 118. 

Hardeman, General, 241. 

Harlan, John M., 330. 

Harp)er Brothers urge Nast to take up 
work again for the Weekly, 120; bids for 
school-books rejected by Tweed's orders, 
158, 159; building of, threatened in 
Orangemen's parade riot, 172; amoimt 


paid Nast for Tweed Ring cartoons, 206; 
two of, guests of Nast to meet Grant, 

Harper, Fletcher, Jr., 222. 

Harper, Fletcher, Sr., causes Nast to 
identify himself with Harper's Weekly, 
82; action regarding Nast's ** Compro- 
mise Cartoon," 98; lays down policy for 
Harper's Weekly, 122, 123; on con- 
tinuing anti-Tweed Ring fight, 159; 
on Nast vs. Curtis, 222; on attitude 
toward the Irish vote, 249, 250; on one 
of Nast's anti-Greeley cartoons, 260; 
terms given Nast, 278; reconciles Nast 
and Curtis, 305, 306; death, 352; effect 
on Nast, 352, 356; methods compared 
with those of Curtis, 485, 486. 

Harper, J. Henry, urges Nast's return to 
the Weekly, 470; favors Arthur's nomi- 
nation, 486; interviews Arthur with 
Nast, 486, 487; active in opposing 
Blaine's election, 497, 498; with Nast 
calls on Cleveland, 515; appreciation 
of Nast, 578. 

Harper, John W., correspondence with 
Nast as to latter's resignation, 465, 466; 
attitude on Blaine's nomination, 492, 

Harper, Joseph W.. Jr. ("Joe Brook- 
lyn"), suggests acknowledgment by 
Nast of compliment from Curtis, 297; 
successor to Pletcher Harper, Sr., 352; 
urges Nast to return to the Weekly, 471, 
473; attitude on Blaine's nomination, 

Harper's Weekly, first number of, 24; 
Nast's first appearance in, 29; be- 
ginning of N just's connection with, 
82; first appearance of Nast's semi- 
allegorical cartoons, 84; on the Union 
commanders (1863), 88; art staff, 94; 
Nast's semi-allegorical cartoons con- 
tinueil, 96; Niust's cartoons in, during 
the War's last days, 97-104; pub- 
lishes portrait and sketch of Nast's 
life and work (1867), 116; inducements 
offered Niust, 120; George William 
Curtis editor, 122, 123; general policy 
of, 122, 123; in beginning of presi- 
dential campaign of 1868, 124; cartoon 

battle against Seymour and Blair, 126- 
129; official protest against, 150, 152; 
denounced by the "controlled" press, 
153, 161; joined by the Times in the 
anti-Tweed Ring fight, 152; wages 
fierce cartoon battle, 153-201 ; publisheSi^ 
portrait and biographical sketch 
Louis John Jennings, editor, New York. 
Times, 183; praise of Nast's work, 183 
184; attacks sectarianism in the publi 
schools, 190; increase in circulation du< 
to Nast's cartoons, 204; policy regardi 
anti-Grant faction, 214-220, 230, 243 
244; assails Greeley, 214, 216, 220, 227 
232, 246-260; on Sumner's attack 
Grant, 240, 241 ; partial absence of Nasi 
268, 274; supports Grant's Resumpti 
Policy, 289; opposes Inflation, 292, 293r 
split on Grant's Louisiana Policy, 30^ 
305; lack of harmony as to Third 
Question, 320, 321; supports Hayes f( 

presidency against Tilden, 331, 334, 335, 
338-348; connection with Tweed's 
ture, 336, 337; divided as to HsLyeeT 
Southern poHcy, 352, 354, 355, 375, 404^ 
four Months without Nast ,36 1-366 ; Co 
kling's allusion to, 369; Nast's return, 
369, 370; advocates Gold Standard, 
376, 377 ; on the Tilden cipher exposures, 
396; independence as a journal asserted, 
415; attitude toward third term fo 
Grant, 424, 425; caricatures Blaine on 
eve of Republican National Convention 
of 1880, 425; in Garfield-Hancock cam- 
paign, 433—139; much changed in ten 
years (18H3), 464, 465; Nast's changed 
relations with, 465, 466, 470-472: re- 
appearance of Nast (1S84), 47.3-476; 
renewed fight against Blaine, 477, 478, 
480, 481; attitude toward Cleveland, 
477, 478; not yet committed to *' bolt- 
ing" Blaine's nomination, 485, 486; 
revolt against Blaine and support of 
Cleveland for presidency, 491-508; 
continuation of support after inaugura- 
tion, 518, 519; oppose<i to Governor 
Hill of New York, 519; final severance 
of Nast from, 526-528; tribute to Nast, 
Harrison, Benjamin, 540. 




Hassard, J. R. G., 391. 

Havemeyer, H., 394. 

Havemeyer, William F., 164, 267, 301. 

Hawkins, Rush C, 134, 

Hay, John, 556, 557. 

Hayes, Rutherford B., candidate for 
Republican presidential nomination 
(1876), 329, 330; nominated, 330; en- 
dorsed by Harper's Weekly, 331; 
elected President, 340, 346; charges 
against, by Democrats, 347; Southern 
policy, 352, 354, 355; endorsement of, 
urged by Curtis at New York Republi- 
can Convention, 368; difficulties of 
administration, 384; vetoes Chinese 
Exclusion Act, 413. 

Heenan, John C, 25, 26, 27, 36, 40, 41, 44. 

Heenan-Sayers prize fight, 36-44. 

Hendricks, Thomas A., 333, 334, 498. 

Henry, Guy V. ("Fighting Guy"), 325, 
372-374, 409. 

Hewitt, Abram S., 344, 478. 

Higginson, T. W., 497. 

Hill, Benjamin H., 323. 

Hill, David B., 515, 519. 

Hoar, George F., 304, 329, 428. 

Hoar, Samuel, 497. 

Hoffman, John T., first caricatured by 
Nast, 111; Democratic candidate for 
Governor of New York, 124; elected 
Governor of New York, 130, 131 ; one of 
the " Economical Council " at Albany, 
137; a tool of the "Tweed Ring," 140, 
142; Tammany Hall candidate for 
President, 164; action concerning 
Orangemen's parade (1871), 171, 172; 
at Democratic National (Convention 
(1872), 241. 

Holland, George, 14. 


Homer, Winslow, 94. 

Howard, C, 188. 

Hubbcll, Jay, 446, 459. 

Hutchins, Waldo, 538. 

Illustrated American, 535. 
Independents, the, 477, 478, 493, 497, 498. 
Indians, the, 293, 294. 
Inflation, 289-293. 
Inflation Baby, the, 289. 

Ingersoll, J. H., and Company, 174, 175, 

Ingersoll, Robert G., 329, 330, 382, 456, 

International races (1869), 136. 
Inter-Ocean, comment on Nast's silence, 

Ireland, Jolm, 543. 
Irons, Martin, 522. 
Irving, Henry, 545-557, 577. 

Jackson, Andrew, 358. 

James, Thomas L., 444, 456. 

Jarvis, John Jackson, in "The Art Idea," 

Jennings, Louis John, 146, 153, 154, 167, 
183; see also New York Times. 

Jewell, Marshall, 278, 279-281, 328. 

Jewett, W. S. L., 94. 

" Joe Brooklyn," see Harper, Joseph W., Jr. 

Johnson, Alvin J., 537. 

Johnson, Andrew, original attitude toward 
Southern States, 107; reconstruction 
policy, 107 ; Democratic change of heart 
toward, 108; cartooned by Nast, 108, 
111-116; accusations and impeachment 
proceedings against, 112; the apostasy 
of, 133; Senator, 306; death, 307; ad- 
ministration of, 454. 

Jones, George, 146, 153, 170, 485, 543; see 

also New York Times. 
Jones, Mr., American Vice-Consul at 

Guayaquil, 572. 

Kaufmann, Tlieodore, 16. 

Kearney, Dennis, 412. 

Keese, William L., 547. 

Kellogg, William Pitt, 302. 

Keily, "Honest John," 333, 414, 430, 498. 

Keppler, of, 35(), 502, 529. 

Keman, Fnmcis, 3.33. 

Kerr, Michael C, 306. 

Keyser, J. H., and Company, 174, 175. 

Knott, Proctor, 347. 

Kohlsaat, H. H., 535, 545, 552. 

Kossuth, Louis, 14. 

Ku-Klux outrages, 111, 114. 

Labor Question (1877), 412. 
Lal)or troubles in Chicago (1886), 522-524; 
in New York, 524. 




Lamar, L. Q. C, 324, 381, 382. 

Lamb, Henry H., 421. 

Landau (Alsace), birthplace of Th. 
Nast, 5-8. 

Lapham, E. C, 447. 

Lee, Fitz-Hugh, 241. 

liCe, Robert E., 545, 546, 5.59. 

Leslie, Frank, 17, 18, 81, 82, 227. 

Leslie's Weekly, 21-24. 28, 43, 234, 247, 
248, 367. 

Liberal Republican Convention (1872), 

Lincoln, Abraham, on Nast*8 services to 
the Union, 69; reception in New York 
en route to inauguration, 70, 71 ; journey 
to Washington, 71-73; inauguration, 
74-76; issues first call for volunteers, 77, 
78; in the early days of the War, 78-80; 
never caricatured by Nast, 81; issues 
Emancipation Proclamation, 88; atti- 
tude toward seceded states, 102; entry 
into Richmond, 104; assassination, 104; 
attitude of certain papers toward, 104; 
on Grant, 228; a friend of Nast, 577. 

Lind, Jenny, 14. 

Little Rock and Fort Smith Railroad, 

Locke, David R., 114, 202, 279, 281. 

Logan, John A.,208, 231 ,290, 293, 424,490. 

London News, 51, 61, 67. 

London Pali Mali Budget, 502. 

London Pvuich, 135. 

London Times, the, 36, 88. 

Lost Head, the, first use of idea in cartoon, 
448, 449. 

Louisiana election contests, 302, .303, 340, 
389, 390. 

Lowell, James Russell, 362, 363. 

Macroady and Forrest riot, the, 12. 

Marble, Manton, caricatureti by Nast in 
presidential campaign (1868), 124; 
couns<»ls dismissiil of Blair, 128; on 
Tweed and tlie Tweed Ring, 145, 146; 
supports Horace Greeley for President, 
24(); on congressional appropriation for 
Ontennial Exposition, 324; connection 
w^ith Democratic National platform of 
1876, 333; charges fraud in Louisiana 
elections, 389, 390, 391; connection witli 

Tilden cipher exposures, 392, 394, .395, 
396, 399; see also New York World. 

Marcy, William L., 358. 

Maretzek, Max, 109-111. 

Marine Bank, New York City, 483. 

Matthews, Stanley, 378, 379-380. 

Mazzini, Italian patriot, 46. 

McClellan, George B., 98-100. 

McClemand, John A., 333. 

McCrary, George W., 347. 

McEnery, John, 302. 

McVickar, Harry, 529, 530. 

Mead, Leon, 540. 

Medici, Colonel, 47, 48, 49. 

Miller, G. S., 175, 176. 

MiUer, Samuel F., 232. 

Miller, Warner, 447. 

Mirror, the, 127. 

Mitchell, John A., 549,581. 

Mitchell, R. W., 349. 

Mooney, William, 156. 

Morales, F., 572. 

"Morey Letter," the, 439. 

Morgan, Matt, 227, 247, 248, 253. 

Morrissey-Heenan prize fight, 25-27. 

Morrissey, John, 25, 26, 27, 74, 124. i:)4— 

Morton, Levi P., 444. 

Morton, Oliver P. 290, 293, 328, 3:^0. 

Most, Herr, 524. 

Mount Nast, .531. 

Mugwumps, the, 498, .500, 502. 

Mulligan, James, 481, .504. 

Mulligan letters, the, 481, 504. 

Napoleon III, 147, 148. 

Nasby, Petroleum W, nom (U jdumr : »• 
Locke, David R. 

Nast Almanac, the, 202. 

Nast Sr. (father of Th. Nast), 5. 7, 12-1">. 

Nast, Mrs. 122, 3.39, 340. 

Nast, Th. — birth, 5; family and early >'ir- 
roundings, .5-7; first religi<»u- :i!i'l 
artistic impressions, 6, 7; joiini«y tn 
America, 7, 8; location in New Y.Tk 
City, 9; hoyhoo<l expi^riences. 9-l*>; 
early efforts in art, 10, 12, 14. 1.5; at 
school, 10, 11, 14, 15; arrival (»f father. 
12-14; favorite actors, 14; coi;tiniia- 
tion of art studies, 16, 17; admit ttni to 

VI I r 




Academy of Design, 16; first interview 
with Frank Leslie, 17, 18; becomes 
artist on Leslie's Weekly, 18-20; ex- 
periences, 21-24; fight against "swill 
milk" evil, 24; report of Momssey- 
Heenan prize fight, 24; progress in art, 
27-29; death of father, 28; leaves 
Leslie's, 28; first cartoon in Harper's 
Weekly, 29; makes police sketches, 29, 
30; in love, 30, 32; associates and life, 
30-33; on staff of New York Illustrated 
News, 34; assigned to John Brown's 
funeral, 34; worldly prospects, 34; 
special artist for Heenan-Sayers prize 
fight, 34—44; on the way to Garibaldi, 
47-49; with Garibaldi, 50-63 ; sketches 
Garibaldi, 62; farewell to army life, 64; 
arrest and release, 64; through Italy, 
Switzerland and Germany, to Landau, 
his birthplace, 66; visit at Landau, 66; 
to London, thence to New York, 67; 
failure of the News, 67; accepts posi- 
tion in reorganized company, 67, 68; 
marriage, 68; Lincoln's praise of, 69; 
first meeting with Lincoln, 70, 71; ex- 
periences en route to, and at, Lincoln's 
inauguration, 71-76; attitude toward 
Lincoln, 81; journalistic work, 81, 82; 
forms connection with Harper's Weekly, 
82; assigned to regular staff work, 82; 
ideas and methods of work, 82, 83; 
birth of daughter, 84; home life, 84; 
beginning of famous semi-allegorical 
cartoons, 84-88; first caricature car- 
toon, 88; trips to the front, 89-91; in 
the Draft Riots in New York City, 92, 
93; work of, discussed, 94-96; first 
published drawing of Grant, 97; illus- 
trations during the War's last days, 
97-104; services to Union cause, 106; 
miscellaneous illustrations, 1865-'67, 
106-109; the ''Andy" Johnson car- 
toons, 108, 111-116; "opera ball" ex- 
hibit of caricatures, 109-111; beginning 
of New York City "corniption" car- 
toons, 112,114; meeting with "Petro- 
leum V. Nasby," 114; easy identification 
of caricatures, 116; failure of political 
cartoon exhibition, 118; caricatures in 
the Chicago News, 118; at Chicago Con- 

vention of 1868— the "Match Him" in- 
cident, 119, 120; home life, 120-122; in- 
dividuality in work, 122, 123; cartoons 
in presidential campaign of 1868, 124, 
126-128; praise received at close of cam- 
paign, 129; publishes a New York City 
" Ring" cartoon, 130; Anson Burlingame 
and William Cullen Brj'ant episodes, 
131, 132; at Grant's inauguration, 133; 
"Union League" testimonial, 133, 134; 
chief cartoons of 1869, 135-138; resorts 
to pencil in place of brush, 135, 136; re- 
tirement from savings bank directorate, 
138; advised by Parton not to fight 
Tweed Ring, 142; continues the fight, 
145; tlie New York Times a prospective 
ally, 146; first use of donkey to typify 
Democratic sentiment, 147; miscella- 
neous cartoons, 147-149; Tweed Ring 
cartoons of 1870, 149, 153, 154; attitude 
toward sectarianism, 150-152; joined by 
New York Times in anti-Tweed Ring 
fight, 152-154; original use by, of Tiger 
emblem, 154, 156; anti-Tweed Ring car- 
toons of 1871, 158, 159, 160, 164; abused 
by most of New York City papers, 161; 
additional caricatures of the Ring, 178, 
179, 184-201; threats and inducements 
unavailing, 179-182; encomiums from 
Harper's Weekly, 183, 184; a conspic- 
uous national figure, 192; work of 1871 
besides Tweed Ring fight, 202; fame and 
place gained by overthrow of Tweed 
Ring, 203-205;* famUy life, 206, 207; 
disagreement with Curtis as to treat- 
ment of anti-Grant faction, 214-220; 
diary of visit to Wasliington (February, 
1872) — meeting Grant, Blaine, Fish, 
Trumbull, and others, 221-226; return 
home, 226; charge based on Greeley 
cartoons, 229; early cartoons in Grant- 
Greeley contest, 231, 232; suggestions 
from Chipman, 232-235; cartoons 
criticised by press, 235; early attacks 
on Liberal Republicans, 235, 236; the 
"Gratz Brown tag," 239, 240; differs 
from Curtis as to treatment of Sumner, 
243, 244 ; the " Campaign of Caricature " 
— Nast's fight for Grant, 246-261; ad- 
miration of Republican Party for, 262, 




263; general appreciation of, 262-264; 
prostration from overwork, 264; aids 
Bellew, 265; letters from George William 
Curtis and Parton, 265, 266; financial af- 
fairs, 266 ; decision to go abroad (March, 
1873), 266; illustrations for Harper edi- 
tion of *' Pickwick Papers," 267, 268; 
comments made on decrease of his work 
in Harper's Weekly, 268; letter from 
Chipman on the Credit Mobilier, 269, 
270; at Grant's second inauguration, 
272 ; return, 272 ; cartoons on the Credit 
Mobilier, 272-274; sails for Europe, 
274; declines official appointment, 274; 
farewell cartoons, 274; engagement for 
lecture tour, 275-277; visit in London, 
275; experience with interviewers, 277; 
terms arranged with Harper's Weekly, 
278; resumes work, 278; the "Cirsar" 
cartoons, 278, 281 ; letter from Marshall 
Jewell, 279-281; lecture tour, 283-285; 
cartoons on Tweed's conviction, in 
defence of Grant, on financial condi- 
tions in U. S., 286-293; Army and Navy 
cartoons begun, 293; only cartoon 
against Grant, 294, 295; abroad with 
family, 295 ; Caesarism again car- 
tooned, 295-297; relations with Curtis, 
297; another anny cartoon, 297, 298; 
first cartoon of Republican Elephant, 
300; last cartoons of 1874, 30C, 301; 
cartoon on *' Resumption Act" (1875), 
302; against Curtis, supports Grant's 
Louisiana policy, 303-305; more bayo- 
net pictures, 305; cartoons of Andrew 
Johnson, Samuel S. Cox, Blaine, of 
(^ivil Service Reform, Ca»sarism, the 
Republican Elephant, Civil Rights 
Bill, Peace in the South, 306-308; atti- 
tude toward Governor Tilden, 310; on 
Sheridan's marriage, 311; cartoon of 
Grant's third tenn letter, 313; the 
Greenback *' Rag-Baby" cartoon, 313, 
314; use of "serial" pictures, 314, 315; 
Republican Elephant again, 315,316; 
again assails Tweed Ring, 316; prophecy 
about Tweed verified, 318; Christmas 
pictures, 1876, 319; Christmas at home, 
319,320; estrangement from Curtis, 
320,321; cartoons on David Dudley 


Field and on Tweed plunder, 321 ; pict — _- 
ures political harmony, amnesty, arm 
retrenchment, Belknap, 322-326; ca 
toons of Tiger and Rag-Baby (1876 
328; supports Hayes and Wheeler tick^ 
et, 330, 331, 335; again in harmony 
with Curtis, 331 ; cartoons of Tilden an«- 
Hendricks, 334; at Centennial Expos' -i=^Esi- 
tion, 334, 335; " Tweed-le-dee an 
Tilden-dum," cartoon and Tweed 
capture, 335-337; ante-election car 
toons (1876), 338, 342; first use m 
dollar-mark in cartoon symbolism, 
340; cartoons situation on Hayes' el 
tion, 343, 344; friendship for Hena 
Watterson, 344, 346; cartoons result •► 
Electoral Commission contest, 34:- 
refusal of testimonial purse from R 
publican National (Committee, 34* 
cartoons Grant's Tast Annual 
350; visit from General Grant ar" 
family, 350, 351 ; effect on, of Fletch- 
Harper's death, 352; attitude towar^ — ^ 
Hayes' administration, 352, 354, 
relations with Curtis after Fletch 
Harper's death, 352, 353 ; final cartoor 
of A. Oakey Hall, 3.S3, 354; fumisl 
evidence in libel case of Hall rs. Brv 
353; on the threshold of a new era — 
its meaning, 355-357; raiscellanei>' 
work — social and Army affairs, Turk 
Russian War, Civil Service, 358, 
361 ; cartoon of Kate Claxton, 359, 
unconscious prophecy sho^Ti, 361; i 
terruption of four months — causes eo 
sidered, 361-366; life in 1877, 
offers of positions and lecture en 
ments, 367, 368; return to Harper' 
the explanation, 368, 369, 370; cartoo 
Hayes' Southern Policy, 370; in fav 
of gold standard, 370; idea for paper 
his own, 370, 418; cartoons of 18 
370-372; testimonial from Army a 
Navy prop>osed, 372-374; cartoons 
Turko-Rvissian War (1878), 375; ct^»^ 
tinues criticism of President's Southf**-*^^ 
Policy, 375, 376; me<»ting with Stanl^^ 
Matthews, 378; caricature of, 379. 3>^^' 
of Henry Watterson and Murat H^*^- 
stead, 380,381; comment on his fi^/'^ 





for sound money, 382-384; revival of 
the Rag-Baby, 383, 384; declines to 
lecture, 385, 386; on Chinese exclusion, 
386; beginning of antagonism to Blaine, 
386; miscellaneous cartoons, 386, 387; 
visit to Paris Exposition, 387; travels 
til rough Scotland, Ireland and England, 
388; cartoons on Hayes-Tilden election 
investigations, 389, 396; election car- 
toons, fall of 1878, 404; reproductions 
of his work in London papers, 405; car- 
toons early in 1879 — on the ** Bloody 
Shirt," General Butler, Secretary Schurz, 
406; another Army cartoon, 406; re- 
ceives Army and Navy testimonial vase, 
407-409; letter from John Russell Young 
on third term for Grant, 411; cartoons in 
favor of Chinese and Indians, 412; at- 
tacks Blaine on Chinese Question, 412, 
413; cartoons of fall of 1879, 413-416; 
birth of son (Cyril) , 418 ; personal affairs, 
417-420; compared with Garibaldi, 419; 
Blaine's protest against cartoon on 
political situation in Maine, 420, 421; 
cartoons on Money Question and on 
Savings Bank Reform, 421-423; adher- 
ence to Grant for third term, 424; op- 
position to Blaine, 424, 425; assails 
Tilden's record, 430, 433; dilemma as 
to Garfield and Hancock, 431,432; cor- 
respondence with Grant, 432, 433; car- 
toon on the Greenback nominees, 433; 
agreement with Harpers as to cam- 
paign cartoons, 433, 434; Garfield to be 
exempt, 433, 434; public criticism of his 
cartoons and of Harper's Weekly, 434, 
435; General Hancock cartoon, 436; 
caricatures Democratic Cause, 436-440; 
-effect on work of new method of repro- 
ducing pictures, 441; reproduction of 
Christmas drawings in London papers, 
441; cartoons Garfield-Conkling con- 
troversy, 447-450; cartoons on assassi- 
nation and death of Garfield, 450, 451 ; 
cartoon on Arthur's accession to presi- 
dency, 453; work in 1882, 454; family 
intimacy with the Haqjers, 454, 455; 
the new order of journalism, 455; car- 
toon in Star Route cases, 456, 457; 
-cartoon (1882) on Garibaldi, 458; on 

situation in Egypt, 459; cartoons of 
Cleveland, 461, 462; investments with 
Grant and Ward, 463, 464; resignation 
from Harper's, 464-466; visit to Eng- 
land, 466, 467; return home, 467; 
second visit from Grant and family, 
467, 468; travels, 468, 469; illness and 
recovery, 469; reappearance in Har- 
per's Weekly (1884), 469-476; car- 
toons — Cincinnati floods and political 
situation, 473, 474; renewed fight against 
Blaine, 477^79; applauds Grover 
Cleveland and Theodore Roosevelt, 477 ; 
affected by failure of Grant and Ward, 
483, 484; urges President Arthur to 
seek renomination, 485; discusses with 
colleagues policy of Harper's Weekly in 
campaign of 1884, 492, 493; part taken 
by, in Cleveland-Blaine campaign, 494- 
508; bitterly denounced, 494-496, 501, 
502; at Independent Republican Con- 
ference, 497, 498; in harmony with 
Curtis, 499; meeting with Jay Gould, 
503; cartoons Butler and St. John, 503, 
504; demonstration at Morristown over 
Cleveland's election, 507; part played 
in Cleveland's election, 508; praise 
received, 509, 510; second lecture tour, 
511, 513; visit of Mark Twain and 
George W. Cable, 511-513; supports 
Cleveland as President, 514, 515, 518, 
519; calls on Cleveland, 515; effect of 
Grant's death on, 517; opposes Hill as 
Governor of New York, 519; Christmas 
pictures of 1885,519; visit to New Or- 
leans Exposition, 519; later cartoons of 
Tweed, 520; cartoons on secret sessions 
of Senate, 521; supports Cleveland's 
pension policy, 521, 522; on labor trou- 
bles in 1886, 524; final pictures in 1886, 
524,525; end of connection with Har- 
per's, 526-523; no drawings made in 
1887, 528; still planning for paper of his 
own, 528; mine investment, 529, 530; 
journeys in 1887, 529-531; illness in 
Denver, 530; Western lecture tour, 530; 
mountain in Colorado named for, 531; 
renews acquaintance with Col. Chipman, 
531 ; political notes, 532, 533; summary 
of work for 1887, 533; trip to England 



and return, 533; mucellaneous work, 
534; financial lanes, 535; a judge in 
the Inter-Ocean priie contest (1891), 
535; cartoon of Matthew 8. Quay, 535; 
cartoons Cliauncey M. Depew, 535, 536; 
"literary funerals," 537, 538; connec- 
tion with New York Gaiette (after- 
wards Nast's Weekly), 538-^540; finan- 
cial losses and reverses, 541-544; trip to 
Europe in 1894, 545; pictures painted, 
545-547 ; appreciatiotis of his work, 548, 
549; life in later days, 550; method of 
writing letters, 550-^557; notable letters 
received, 551-553; last cartoon in Les- 
lie's (1901), 555; offered a consulship, 
550,557; acceptance, 558; last days be- 
fore departure, 558-560; departure, 560; 
letters home from Guayaquil, 561-572; 
illness, 572; death and funeral, 573; let- 
ters to family, 574, 575; editorial on, by 
Henry Watterson, 575; summaiy of life 
and work, 576-583; his friends, 577; 
notable appreciations of, 578, 579, 581 ; 
realization of his own power, 582. 

Nast, Th., Jr., 511,529. 

Nast's Weekly, 540 

Nation, tlie, 2a3. 

National Civil Ser\'ice Reform League, the, 

New York City, old fire companies, 11; 
conditions in Nast's boyhood, 12, 14, 
16; in 1861, 69, 70; during the Draft 
Riots, 92-94; 1870-1871, under the 
Tweed Ring, 140-146, 157, 158, 161; 
Orangemen's parade riot, 171-173; nee 
alao Tammany, and Tweed Ring, tlie. 

New York City Newspapers — 
Commercial Advertiser, 247, 491 ; Even- 
ing Post, 161. 2a3, 208, 247,491; Ga- 
zette (afterwanls Nast's Weekly), 538- 
540; Herald, 161, 208, 247, 278,491; see 
also Bennett, James Ciordon, Jr.; Illus- 
trated News, 33, 34. 37, 41, 43, 44, 54, 
67,71,73, 81; Leader, 177; St^ir, 177; 
Sun. 160, 161,208,246; Times. 146, 157, 
166-171, 173, 247, 251, 320. 485; see 
also Jones, Cleorgo, and Jennings, Louis 
John; Tribune, 162, 163,177, 208, 246, 
251, 296, 391-396. 399, 492; see also 
Greeley, Horace, and Reid, Whitelaw; 

Worid, 145, 146, 246; see aUo JIarfole, 

New York Printing Company, 158, 175. 
Nicholls, Francis T., 352. 
Noyes, Edward F., 330. 

O'Brien, FiU-James, 22. 
O'Brien, James, 154, 166-168. 
"Opera Ball" caricatures, 109-111. 
Orangemen's parade riot (1871), 171-173. 
O'Rourice, Matthew J., 167, 176, 177. 

Pacific RaUroad, the, 136, 269. 

Packard, Stephen B., a52. 

Page, Thomas Nelson, 347. 

Palmerston, Lord, 39. 

Paris Exposition, 387. 

Parkhurst, Charles H.. 539. 

Parsons, Albert R., 522. 523. 524. 

Parton, James, a relative of Mrs. Nast, 30; 
on young Nast, 83; at presentation to 
Nast of Union League vase, 134; on 
fighting the Tweed Ring, 142; on Grant's 
second election, 264; advises Nast to 
rest, 265, 266; concerning Nast's retire- 
ment from Harper's, 364-366. 

Patrick, J. N. H., .398. 

Peace Conference, the, 73. 

Peace Party, 98-102. 

Peard, John W., 47-52, .56-.59, 64, 276, 

Pelham, Walter, 511. 

Pelton, W. T., 391, 395. 396. 

Pelze-Nicol, see Santa Claus. 

Pendleton, George H., 100. 

Phelps, William Walter, 480. 

Phillips, Wendell, 34, 136. 

^'Phunny Phellow." 10*). 202. 

Pickwick Papers, illustrate<l !>v Nast, 267. 

Pictorial World of London. 40.>. 

Piatt, Thomas C. ("Me Tw"). 446. 447, 
4S8, 4S9. 

Pleasanton, Alfred, 172. 173. 

"Plumed Knight," the, see Bhtine, Jamea 

Pond, J. B., 275, 3<>7, 385. 510, 511. 

Porter, Horace, 2.52. 

Potter Committee, .390, 391. 

Prohibition Party, 503, 504. 

Powderiy, T. V., 522. 





Pryor, Roger A., 73, 74. 
Puck, 356. 

Quay, Matthew S., 535. 
Quincy, Josiah, 497. 

** Rag-Baby/' the Greenback, origin of, 
313-315; see also Inflation Baby, the. 

Randall, Samuel J., 322, 431, 478. 

Reconstruction, 107, 108, 111-116, 133. 

Reconstruction Acts, 125. 

Redpath, James, 275. 

Reid, John C, 340. 

Reid, Whitelaw, 246, 248, 296, 303, 304, 
537, 538; see also New York Tribune. 

Reinhart, C. S., 205. 

Republican Elephant, the, 300. 

Republican National Conventions, Chi- 
cago (1868), 119; Philadelphia (1872), 
240, 241; Cincinnati (1876), 329, 330; 
Chicago(1880), 424-429; Chicago (1884), 

Republican Party, 298, 300-302, 310, 322, 
342, 404, 437, 439, 442-451, 462, 478, 
491, 497; see also Republican National 

Resumption Act, 302. 

Resumption of specie payment, 405. 

Riley, James Whitcomb, 531. 

Roberts, Marshall O., 144. 

Robertson, William H., 428, 445. 

Robinson, John C, 298. 

Robinson, Lucius, 414. 

Rochester Democrat, the, 362. 

Roosevelt, Theodore, work in New York 
City — first appearance in caricature, 
477, 478; delegate to Republican 
National Convention (1884), 488, 490; 
meeting with and praise of Nast's work, 
553; appoints Nast consul, 556-558. 

Rose, Sir John, 212, 213. 

San Domingo, 210. 

Santa Qaus, 1-4, 6, 84, 96, 109, 112, 319. 

Sayers, Thomas, 36, 38, 40. 

Schell, Edward, 144. 

Schurz, Carl, criticism of Lincoln, 80; 
opposed to Grant for second term, 208, 
213; effort to restrict presidential term, 
228; criticised by Curtis, 230; interview 

with Nast, 230, 231; permanent presi- 
dent of Liberal Republican (Convention, 
236; on the failure of the Republic, 308; 
Secretary of Interior, 406; opposed to 
Blaine, 497; in campaign of 1884, 502. 

Sectarianism, 149-152, 159. 

Serial pictures by Nast, 314, 315. 

Seventh New York Regiment, 78. 

Seward, William H., 108, 116. 

Seymour, Horatio, tries to suppress Draft 
Riots in New York, 93 ; influence on Chi- 
cago Peace Party Convention, 98; 
caricatured by Nast, 124-128; nomi- 
nated for President by Democratic 
Party in 1868, 125; campaign and 
defeat of, 128, 129. 

Shandley, Ekiward J., 159. 

Shepherd, Alexander R., 294, 295. 

Sheppard, W. L., 94, 

Sheridan, Philip H., 90, 302, 310, 311. 

Sherman, John, 378, 424, 428. 

Sherman, William T., 339, 342, 408, 409, 

Shirlaw, Walter, 17. 

Silver Question, the, 376, 377. 

Sistare, Geoige K., 144. 

Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, 78. 

Smith, Hugh, 144. 

Southern Claims, 338, 339. 

Spanish-Cuban Question, the, 287. 

Springfield Republican, the, 358, 362. 

Stanton, Edwin M., 108, 116, 147. 

Star Route investigations, 456. 

Stewart, William M., 291. 

St. John, John P., 503, 

St. Louis Globe Democrat, 424. 

Stoddard, Richard Henry, 22, 

Suez Canal, 442. 

Sumner, Charles, opposed to Grant's sec- 
ond nomination, 208, 209; assaulted by 
Brooks, 209; compared with Grant, 
209, 210; course pursued toward Grant, 
210-213; deposed from Chairmanship 
of Senate 0>nmiittee on Foreign Rela- 
tions, 213; effort to restrict presidential 
term, 228; final attack on Grant, 240, 
241; attitude toward Grant-Greeley 
campaign, 242-245; censured by Massa- 
chusetts Legislature, 261 ; close of career, 




Sumter, Fort, 77. 

Sunday Courier, 30. 

Sutliffe, alias of A. Oakey Hall, in London, 


Sweeny, James, 144. 

Sweeny, Peter B. ("Brains"), one of the 

"Ekronomical Council" at Albany, 137; 
a member of the Tweed Ring, 140, 141 ; 
character, 143; share of plunder, 144; in 
the Viaduct Job, 145; loss of power in 
Tweed Ring, 153; a director of the Erie 
Railroad, 157; well known to Tilden, 165; 
called on to produce Controller's books, 
177, 178; resignation, flight, and res- 
titution, 198, 199; see also Tweed Ring, 
Swinton,John 239. 

Tammany, triumph in New York in elec- 
tion of 1868, 129, 130; the Tiger emblem, 
154-157; at Democratic National Con- 
vention (1872), 241, 242; fight with the 
Tilden Democracy, 414; opposed to 
Tilden (1880), 430; supports Demo- 
cratic ticket (1884), 498; opposed to 
Cleveland's nomination, 498; demands 
spoils of office, 518, 519; Dr. C. H. 
Parkliurst on, 5.39; see al.<o Tweed Ring, 

Taniniany-Deinorratic tiper, the, 11, 154- 
157, 19(), 20.'), 254, 255. 

Tammany Kcpiihlican rieneral Coni- 
iiiittoc, 102. 

Taniiiaiiv tif^er, see Tan nanv- Demo- 
f-ratic tiger, tlie. 

Taylor, Moses, 144. 

Thackeray, William M., 3.3, 39. 

Thomas, W. L., 275. 

Thompson, Mortimer, 22. 2:^ 30. 

Thoin|)son, Rieliard W., 32. . 

Thorp, T. B., 21, 22. 

Thiirinan, .\llen ( I., 314, 413. 

Tilden, Samuel J., influeiue over Chicago 
Peace Party Convention (I.S()4), 98; 
plans to overthrow Tweed King, 105, 
1(K>; candidate for (lovernor of New 
York, 298; elected, 300; a reform 
leader, 30i>, 310; financial leanings, 314, 
334; war record, 315, 338; Democratic 
candidate for President, 32S, 332, 333; 

nominated at St. Louis, 333; in the 
campaign, 338; election of, claimed, 
340-342; loses election, 340-348; con- 
nection with cipher exposures, 389-403; 
attitude toward Kelly-Robinson fight, 
414; withdrawal from presidential con- 
test of 1880, 430; decision against, 
denounced, 431. 

Tipton, Thomas W., 208, 213. 

Townsend, John D., in "New York in 
Bondage," 164, 332. 

Train, George Francis, 269. 

Trumbull, Lyman, 208, 225. 

Turkey, 371,372, 387. 

Turko-Russian War situation, 375. 

** Tweed Ring," the, cartooned by Xast in 
"the Economical Council," 137; com- 
position of, 140, 142, 143; power over 
New York City, 140-142; methods em- 
ployed, 143, 144; exonerated hy the 
"Whitewashing Committee," 144, 145; 
in the Viaduct Job, 145; cartooned by 
Xast in 1870, 149; concessions made to 
the clerg\', 149-152; attack on, begun by 
New York Times, 152, 153; failure to 
bribe the Times, 153; secures new City 
charter and victor^' over Young Democ- 
racy, 153, 154; triumphant in election 
of 1870, 154; condition of, early in 1871, 
157, 158; attack on the Harpers, 158, 
159; failure of the Broadway Jol), lo9; 
cartooned by Xast earlv in 1871. lo'^. 
159, 100, 104; branded as embezzlers 
and thieves, 100; attitude toward, of 
most of Xew York City papers, 101 ; of 
Horace (Jreeley, 101-103; ^rowtli t»f 
pul)lic sentiment against, 103, 164; 
support received from influential citi- 
zens, 104; incurs hostility of Samuel .1. 
Tilden, 105; exposure of Armory frauds, 
170, 171, 173; Orangemen's parade riot 
and effect, 171-173; further fraud ex- 
posed, 174-177; attitude of puldic and 
press, 177, 178; elTort to intimidate or 
buy Xast, 179, 181, 182; Xasfs final 
battle against, 184-201 ; tliorouchly 
frightened, 180; investigated by Booth 
Committee, 180-188; see ahu Tweed, 
William M., Sweeny, Peter H., Hall. A. 
Oakev, Connolly, Richard B. 




Tweed, William M. ("Boss"), Chief of 
Big Six Fire Company, New York, 11; 
presiding officer of the "Economical 
Council," 137; leader of the Tweed 
Ring, 140, 141; character and career, 
142, 143, 157; share of plunder, 144; in 
the Viaduct Job, 145; proposed statue 
of, 149, 159, 160; increases his power in 
the Ring, 153, 154; to the reformers, 
" What are you going to do about it? " 
164; well known to Tilden, 165; anger 
at Nast's cartoons, 179; arrested, 194; 
defeated at poUs, 196-198; sentence, 
286; release, 316; reimprisoned — es- 
cape, 316-318; arrest in Spain, 335-337; 
death, 336; see also Tweed Ring, the. 

Tyler, John, 73. 

Union commanders discussed (January 

1863), 88. 
Union League Club, 133, 134. 
Union Pacific Raiboad, 136, 269. 

Vallandigham, Clement L., 98. 
Vance, Zebulon B., 126. 
VanderbUt, W. H., 483. 
Viaduct Job, the, 145. 
Victor Emmanuel, 46, 61, 63. 
Virginius Expedition, the, 287. 
Voorhees, Daniel W., 421. 

Wade, Benjamin, 330. 

Wallack, Lester, 14. 

Ward, Ferdinand, 463. 

Washburn, Elihu B., 428. 

Washington, Treaty of, 213. 

Watson, auditor under the Tweed Ring, 

Watson, James, 144. 

Watterson, Henry, on Naat'8"CJ8Bsarism" 
cartoons, 296, 297; temporary chairman 
of Democratic National Convention 
(1876), 333; in the Hayes-TUden con- 
test, 342,344; relations with Nast, 344- 
346, 358, 359; on the Money Question, 
380, 381; editorial on Nast, 575. 

Waud, A. R., 94, 501, 502. 

Weaver, J. B., 422, 423. 

Weed, Smith M., 391, 397. 

Welles, Edward, 32. 

WeUes, Gideon, 108, 116. 

West, Judge, of Ohio, 489. 

Westervelt, Jacob A., 156. 

Wheeler, William A., 330, 346. 

"Whisky Ring," 316, 325. 

White, Harry, 311, 313. 

White Leaguers of Louisiana, 311. 

White, Richard Grant, 134. 

"Whitewashing Committee," the, 144, 

Wickham, William H., 300, 301. 

"Wild Oats," an illustrated paper, 188. 

Wilkes, George, 34. 

Wilson, Henry, 134, 222, 241. 

Wiman, Erastus, 529. 

Windom, William, 428. 

Wood, Angel, 23. 

Wood, Fernando, 69, 77, 98, 272, 274, 324. 

Woodford, Stewart L., 330. 

Woodward, E. A., 144. 

Wooley, C. W. ("Fox"), 391, 394. 

Wyndham, Percy, 121. 

Yankee Notions, 30. 

Young Democracy, the, of New York, 

Young, John Russell, 129, 279, 387, -J 11, 

425, 532. 



Abbey, Edwin A., 467. 

Alabama Claims Case, 135, 211, 212, 213. 

Amnesty, 323. 

Amphitheatrum Johnsonianum, 117. 

Anarchy, 525. 

Army and Navy, 293, 297, 360, 386, 409, 

Arthur, Chester A., 449. 
Astor, John Jacob, 144. 

Back Pay Grab, 288. 

BaUot Box, The, 343. 

Bamum, P. T., 110, 259, 452. 

Barrel, Master Tilden's, 341. 

Bayaiti, Thomas F., 419. 

Bayonet Rule, 305. 

Beecher, Rev. Henry Ward, 110, 115. 

Belknap, William F., 325. 

Bellew, Frank, Cartoon, 254. 

Belmont, August, 138, 236, 237. 

Bench, The Upright, 317. 

Bennett, James Gordon, Jr., 271, 273, 

279, 282, 285. 295, 296, 303, 307, 313, 

320, 357. 
Billings, Josh, 278. 
Bismarck, Otto von, 387, 388. 
Blaine, James G., 413, 478, 488, 493, 495, 

497, 499, 505, 506, 507, 508. 
Blair, Frank P., 233, 236. 
Blivens, Jacob, 264. 
Booth, Edwin, 110. 
Bosco, General, 53. 
Boston, 290. 
Boston Fire, The, 261. 
Boutwell, George S., 169. 
Bribery, 521. 
Brown, B. Gratz, 233, 240, 249, 252, 257, 

Bryant, William Cullen, 110, 357. 

Burlingame, Anson, 131. 
Burton, William E., 548. 
Butler, Benjamin F., 92, 290, 291, 406,. 
412, 503, 506. 

Cffisarism, 279, 280, 282, 295, 307. 

Caf6 Delia Concordia, Genoa, 46. 

"Calabria, In," 58. 

Cameron, Simon, 292. 

Carpenter, Zachariah, 292. 

Chase, Sahnon P., 125, 234. 

Chicago Platform Cartoon, 101. 


Childs, George W., 367. 

Chinese Exclusion, 150, 410, 413. 

Chipman, N. P., 225. 

Christkind, The, 531. 

Christmas, 85, 96, 103, 527. 

Christopher Street Ferry Scene, 19. 

Cincinnatus, 223. 

CivU Service, 215, 306, 475, 488, 493, 514. 

"Clasping hands over the bloodless- 

(sar)c(h)asm," 259. 
Claxton, Kate, 361. 
Cleveland, Grover, 460, 461, 462, 479, 499, 

514, 522. 
Columbia, 105, 127, 202, 256, 261, 293, 

294, 383, 440, 447, 449, 451. 
Communism, 393. 
"Compromise Cartoon," The, 99. 
Conant, S. S., 267. 
Congress, The Opening of, 403. 
Conkling, Roscoe, 292, 416, 445, 447, 448. 
Connolly, Richard B., 139, 151, 169, 171, 

180, 182, 183, 185, 187, 189, 191, 193,. 

195, 197, 200, 201, 205. 
Copperhead Newspapers, 146. 
Cox, Samuel S., 323. 
Credit MobUier, 271. 




Croker, Richard, 541. 

Curtis, George William, 123, 254, 267. 

Dana, Charles A., 271, 273, 357, 503. 

Davis, David, 233, 234, 236, 382. 

Davis, Jefferson, 233, 236. 

Death in the Tunnel, 386. 

Democratic Donkey, The, 146 (first ap- 
pearance), 223, 260, 286, 327, 419. 

DemocraticParty, 299, 301,306, 477. See 
also Democratic Donkey, The, and 
Tiger, Tammany-Democratic. 

Democratic Tiger, see Tiger, Tammany- 

Depew, Chauncey M., 536. 

Dinner Pail, The Empty, 436. 

"Doesticks," see Thompson, Mortimer. 

DoUar, The Divided, 295. 

Economical Council, The, Albany, New 
York, 139. 

Education, 411. 

Edwards, Miss Sarah, 31. 

Egyptian Question, 459, 462. 

Elephant, Republican, 299 (first appear- 
ance), 301, 308, 309, 315, 348, 374, 419, 
424, 437, 475. 

England, 442, 459, 464. See also John 

Erie Ring, 217, 320. 

Fenton, Reuben E., 215, 219, 223, 226, 

233, 237, 253, 292. 
Field, David Dudley, 217, 274, 317, 320, 

Field, Thomas, 183, 193, 197, 274. 
Fish, Hamilton, 212, 326. 
Fisk, James, Jr., 139, 155, 156, 183, 193, 197. 
France, 442, 443. 
Free Republican, 495. 

Garfield, James A., 434. 

Garibaldi, Ciiuseppe, 48, 50, 54, 58, 59, 60, 

65, 457. 
Garibaldians, 47, 50. 
Gar\'ey, Andrew Jackson, 180, 183, 197. 
German Vote, 235. 
Germany, 359, 444, 464. 
Gil Blas^ Scenes from, 26, 27. 
Gladstone, William E., 459, 462. 
Godwin, Parke, 273. 

Gould, Jay, 139, 156, 217, 223, 274, 506. 
Grant, Ulysses S., 110, 117, 120, 130, 21 

215, 229, 240, 247, 259, 260, 291, 

306, 312, 327, 448, 546. 
Greeley, Horace, 75, 76, 110, 117, 180, 21 

219, 223, 227, 233, 236, 237, 238, 2 

247, 249, 251, 252. 253, 255, 256, 25]^ 

258, 259, 260. 
Grundy, Mrs., (title page), showing man 

public characters, 100. 

HaU, A. Oakey, 137, 151, 156, 159, 

169, 171, 180, 182, 183, 185, 187, 18* 

191, 193, 194, 195, 197, 200, 201, 

206, 249, 259, 260, 274, 353. 
Halstead, Murat, 345, 381. 
Hancock, Winfield S., 433, 435, 438, 44#^ 
Hard Money, 334. 
Hard Times, 315. 
Harper, Fletcher, 122. 
Harper, Fletcher, Jr., 267. 
Harper's Weekly, 357, 434; Nast's 

contribution to, 29; first caricatui ^ 

for, 88. 
Hawley, Joseph R., 488. 
Hay, John, 80. 

Heenan-Sayers Fight, The, 37-44. 
Hendricks, Thomas A., 334, 335. 
Henley Boat Race, 385. 
Hewitt, Abram S., 347. 
Hoar, George F., 488. 
Hoffman, Jolm T., 110, 117, 132, 139, ISTT 

155, 156, 159, 160, 165, 183, 197, 24^ 

257, 259, 260. 
House of Representatives, pencil sketc 

made in, 74. 
Howard, Joe, Jr., 271. 

Independent Vote, 416. 

Indian, The, 163, 443, 483. 

Indian Bureau, The, 407. 

Inflation, 286, 289, 295, 329. 

Ingersoll (his company), 180. 183 19S 

Irons, Martin, 523. 
Irving Hall, 460, 461. 

Jennings, Ix)uis John, 145. 
John Bull, 88, 131, 135, 213, 359, 375, 385, 
458, 462. 







Johnson, Andrew, 106, 107, 108, 110, 113, 
115, 116, 117, 133,233,236,255,257,260. 
Joint High Commission, The, 211. 
Jones, George, 143, 357. 
Jumbo, 452. 
Justice, 271, 274, 317, 318, 397, 521. 

Kelly, Honest Jolm, 414, 415, 431, 461, 

Kins: Cotton, 453. 
'* Kingdom Comin'," 86. 
Kipling, Rudyard, 545. 

Labor, 295. 

Lee, Robert E., 546, 559. 

Legal Trials, 268. 

Leslie, Frank, 17. 18, 76, 357. 

Leslie's Weekly, Xast's first assignment, 

19; cartoon by Morgan, 247. 
Liberty, 115,477,525. 
Lincoln, Abraham, 71, 73, 80, ia3, ia5. 
Lion, The, and the Lamb, 340. 
Locke, David R., 114. 
Logan, John A., 117, 215, 292, 478. 
Louisiana Legislature, 305. 
Lowell, James Russell, 363. 

Marlile, M?»nton, 117, 259, 271, 397. 

March, 543 

Maretzek, Max, 109. 

Marriaze, 278. 

Mattliews, Stanley, 379. 

McClellan, George B., 101. 

McKinley, William, 540. 

Medici, General, 49. 

MedUl, Joseph, 271. 

Morgan, Matt, 247. 

Morrissey, John, 42, 75, 76, .334. 

Morton, Oliver P., 292. 

Mundy, Admiral, 65. 

Napoleon III, 131, 147, 148, 149. 

Nasby, Petroleum V., nom dn plumr, utta 
Locke, David R. 

Xast , Th., cartoons and sketche>», 1 H, 32, Xt, 
36, 52, .56, 110, 114, UA, 2Si), 2H2, 2H.->, 
292, 346, 35.5, 357. 4a5, 4;i4, 475, TM. 
5.51, 5.52, 553. .554. .555. .5.Vi, 5.57, TM, 
560, 566; portraitij. 31 . 79, 1 W, HI, 'MST*. 

Nast, Th., and family, 273. 

Nast, Mrs., 31 (as Mim IvJwanLi^, 'M*9^t; 
and baby, 83. 

Xast's Almanac, 264, 278. 

Nast's Weekly, a cartoon from, 539. 

Ne^ro, The, 113, 129, 236, 306, 410, 413. 

New Hampshire, 308. 

New York, 520. 

New York City, in a few years, 444. 

New York Herald, 299; see alm^ Bennett, 

James Gordon, Jr. 
New York Times, 299. iSfe aim Jonm, 

New York Tribune, 299, 397. i>ee alno 

Greeley, Horace, and Reid, Whit4*law. 
New York World, 299. See also Mariile, 


O'Brien Democracy, 152. 

Ohio, 299. 

"Old Curiosity Shop," a wcnc from, 15. 

Parton, James, 3(^4. 

Peard, Colonel, 5)5^:.. 

"Peevish Hc*hcM)ll>oy8, worthlcHS of such 

honor," 292. 
Phillips, Wendell, 110, 115. 
Picnics, souvenirs of, 32, 'X\. 
Piatt, Thomas C, 445, 447, 448. 
Pleasanton, Alfred, KM). 
Police Scanchil, The Metro|N>litAn, '2SK 
Pomeroy, "Brick," 271. 
Pott4jr (>im-iitt4w, .W). 
Powderly, 1 V., 523. 
Prj'or, RogiT A., 7f 
Puck, first isNUf*, 35'i cnrt<N»ii of NiiNt , AM, 

Rag Baby 314 (fimi iip|H<iiriitit'p). 32N, 

3'2<*, ;i:i5, :iH4, 412, 437. 
Randall, Hatiiui*! J., 122, 423. 
Randolph, Hi*tmt«ir, 43N. 
Ri-id, WhiMiiw, 257, 2m». n\, 273, 2tMJ, 

3*>7, 320, 3:11,357. IU7. /MI3, 
R^'publirfiti i;ii*phiiiit. 'nil*, ,NMI. 301, .'MM, 

lU'publintii Liiiiib. I hit, M), WiW, \\'t\ 
l(<'pilltlu'iili I'litlv, :IIKI St^ nUtt \\v\i\\h 

lit'iin l')lc«p|iiitif , riii*. iiiiil llfpublti'iili 

\,t%\n\t, 'fill* 
Ki'ltdblli'nii llhiK. ^•'H 
, " Kii'lii'llKii," M I'lin riMiii. M\. 
KobwU. Miir«liiill n. lit 
KmIwiiwmi rnioiHi, «piM ititi'ii |1Im«I»mH«'(i 



Robinson, Lucius, 414. 
Roosevelt, Theodore, 479. 
Rum, 162, 483. 

Sands, Nathaniel, 103, 197. 

Santa Claus, 3, 94, 96, 111, 527. 

Sarony, Napoleon, 362. 

Sayers, Thomas, see Heenan-Sayers Fight, 

Schools, Sectarianism in the, 191. 
SchuTZ, Carl, 215, 219, 223, 228, 231, 232, 
233, 235, 236, 237, 241, 245, 249, 253, 
257, 259, 260, 262, 292, 331, 407. 
Seventh Regiment, New York, 78. 
Seward, William H., 108, 109, 113, 115, 

Seymour, Horatio, 124, 126, 127, 128, 130, 


Shadows of Forthcoming Events, 151. 
Shakespeare, William, 580. 
Shandley, Edward J., 160. 
Shepherd, Alexander R., 294. 
Sheridan, Philip H., 117, 311, 546. 
Shirlaw, Walter, 17. 
SUver Question, 379, 381, 384, 443, 482. 
Skyscraper, The, a prophecy, 444. 
" Small Potatoes," 267. 
Smith, Hank, 193, 197. 
Soft Money, 334. 
Solid South, The, 339. 
South, The New, 453. 
Spain, 363. 
Spaniard, The, 287. 
Specie Payment, 302. 
Stanton, Edwin M., 108, 110, 113, 115, 

St. John, John P., 505. 
Stock Market, The, 484 
" Stop Thief," 193. 
St. Peter, 306. 

Suez Canal Question, The, 442. 
Sumner, Charles, 115. 209, 215, 219, 229, 

Sweenv, Peter R., 139, 151, 155, 15G, 1.5S, 
159,^100. 105, 109, 171, ISO, 182, IS:^, 
1.S5. 187, 189. 191, 193, 194, 195, 197, 
199, 200, 201, 205, 259, 200, 274. 

Tammany, ir)3, 315, 437, 400, 4G1, 516, 

Tammany Ring, 320. 

Tammany Tiger, 9, 197, 252, 334, 518. 

519, 539, 541. 
"Tammany Tiger Loose, The." 197. 
Taylor, Moses, 144. 
Testimonials to Nast, 134, 372. 409. 
Thackeray, 33. 
Thurman, Allen G., 314, 335. 
Tidal Wave, 257. 
Tiger, Tammany-Democratic, 322, 323, 

324, 348, 371, 435, 437. 439. 462. 
TUden, Samuel J., 332, .334, 335, 338, 341, 

Tilton, Theodore, 259. 
Tipton, Thomas W., 219, 232, 2.^3, 236^ 

237, 257, 259, 292. 
Train, George Francis, 233. 
Trojan Horse, The, 249. 
TrumbuU, Lj-man, 215, 219. 2.^3, 2.36, 237- 
Turkey, 359, 373, 387. 388, 464. 
Turko-Russian War, 359. .373. 377. 
Tweed, WUliam M. C* Boss "). 1 1, 138, 151, 

152, 155, 156, 158, 159. 160. 164, 16.5. 

169, 171, 173, 177, 180, 182, 183, 18.5. 

187, 189, 191, 193, 194, 195. 197, 19S, 

200, 201, 205, 207, 208. 240. 2.i9. 274. 

317, 318, 337, 401, 415. 4.S1. 519. .ViO. 
"Twelfth Night," a scene from. 13. 

Uncle Sam, 135, 202, 213. 252. 2.V.*. 2s9. 
293, 315, 329, 355, 379, 3^.3. 3v-,. 4a-), 
443, 482, 542. 


Voorhees, Daniel W., 421, 455. 

Wall Street, 137, 287, 484. 

War in the border States, x\u\ ^7. 

Wattcrson, Henr\', 273. 34.->. :U»i. :\\l. 

Weaver, J. H., 422, 423. 437. 

Wellc^s, (Jideon, 108. IW. 11:^. 115. 117. 

"What an* you goinjr to (1«» al»«»'it it?" 

Whisky Rinp, 310. 
"Who stole the i>ooplt'*.- iii«»n»'y — do 

tell," ISO. 
William I, Emperor of (lennany. 149. 
Wisdom, 303. 

Wocxl, Ren., 259, 271.357. 
, Wootl, Foniand<j, 233, 323. 

' Zouave, A, 77. 


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