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THOUGHTS 


ON 


AFRICAN     COLONIZATION 


OR 


AN     IMPARTIAL     EXHIBITION 


OF    THE 


DOCTRINES,  PRINCIPLES  AND  PURPOSES 


or    THE 


^mcticau  (toloni^atimx  <Siw(ftfi, 


TOGETHER    WITH    THE 


RESOLUTIONS,  ADDRESSES  AND  REMONSTRANCES 


OF    THE 


FREE    PEOPLE    OF    COLOR. 


'  Out  of  thine  own  mouth  will  I  condemn  thee.' 
'  Prove  all  things  ;  hold  fast  that  which  ii  good.' 


BY  WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON. 


BOSTON : 

PRINTED  AND  PUBLISHED  BY  GARRISON  AND  KNAPP, 
NO.  11,  merchants'  hall. 

1832. 


Entered  according  to  the  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  Year  1832, 

BY    GARRISON    AND    KNAPP, 

in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  Massachusetts. 


PREFACE. 

I  DEDICATE  this  vvorlv  to  my  countrymen,  in  whose  intelligence,  magnanim- 
ity and  humanity  I  place  the  utmost  reliance.  Although  they  have  long  suffered 
themselves  to  be  swayed  by  a  prejudice  as  unmanly  as  it  is  wicked,  and  have  de- 
parted widely  from  the  golden  rule  of  the  gospel,  in  their  treatment  of  the  people 
of  color,  to  suppose  that  they  will  always  be  the  despisers  and  persecutors  of  this 
unfortunate  class  is,  in  my  opinion,  to  libel  their  character.  A  change  in  their 
feelings  and  sentiments  is  already  visible — a  change  which  promises,  ere  long,  to 
redeem  their  character  from  the  bloody  stains  which  slavery  has  cast  upon  it,  and 
to  release  the  prisoner  from  his  chains.  JVIay  they  be  ashamed  to  persist  in  a 
mean  and  thievish  course  of  conduct,  and  afraid  to  quarrel  with  the  workmanship 
of  God  I  May  a  righteous  indignation  be  kindled  in  their  breasts  against  a  com- 
bination which  is  holding  them  up,  for  the  scorn  and  contempt  of  other  nations, 
as  incorrigible  oppressors,  whom  neither  self-respect,  nor  the  opinions  of  mankind, 
nor  the  fear  of  God,  can  bring  to  repentance  !  Their  duty  is  plain,  and  it  may 
easily  be  done.  Slavery  must  be  overthrown  either  by  their  own  moral  strength, 
or  by  the  physical  strength  of  the  slaves.  Let  them  imitate  the  example  of  the 
people  of  Great  Britain,  by  seeking  the  immediate  overthrow  of  the  horrid  sys- 
tem. Let  a  National  Anti-Slavery  Society  be  immediately  organized,  the  object 
of  which  shall  be,  to  quicken  and  consolidate  the  moral  influence  of  the  nation, 
so  that  Congress  and  the  State  Legislatures  may  be  burdened  with  petitions  for 
the  removal  of  the  evil — to  scatter  tracts,  like  rain-drops,  over  the  land,  on  the 
subject  of  slavery — to  employ  active  and  eloquent  agents  to  plead  the  cause  in- 
cessantly, and  to  form  auxiliary  societies — to  encourage  planters  to  cultivate  their 
lands  by  freemen,  by  offering  large  premiums  ;  to  promote  education  and  the 
mechanical  arts  among  the  free  people  of  color,  and  to  recover  their  lost  rights. 
Religious  professors,  of  all  denominations,  must  bear  unqualified  testimony 
against  slavery.  They  must  not  support,  they  must  not  palliate  it.  No  slave- 
holder ought  to  be  embraced  within  the  pale  of  a  christian  church  ;  consequently, 
the  churches  must  be  purified  '  as  by  fire.'  Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia 
is  sustained  in  our  national  capacity  :  it  ought,  therefore,  to  be  prostrated  at  a 
blow.  The  clause  in  the  Constitution  should  be  erased,  which  tolerates,  greatly 
to  the  detriment  and  injustice  of  the  non-slaveholding  States,  a  slave  representa- 
tion in  Congress.  Why  should  property  be  represented  at  the  impoverished 
south,  and  not  at  the  opulent  north  .' 

To  impair  the  force  of  this  exposition,  the  ardent  advocates  of  the  Coloniza- 
tion Society  will  undoubtedly  attempt  to  evade  the  ground  of  controversy,  and 
lead  uncautious  minds  astray  in  a  labyrinth  of  sophistry.  But  the  question  is  not, 
whether  the  climate  of  Africa  is  salubrious,  nor  whether  the  mortality  among  the 
emigrants  has  been  excessive,  nor  whether  the  colony  is  in  a  prosperous  condi- 
tion, nor  whether  the  transportation  of  our  whole  colored  population  can  be 
effected  in  thirty  years  or  three  centuries,  nor  whether  any  slaves  have   been 


IV  PREFACE. 

emancipated  on  condition  of  banishment  ;  but  whether  the  doctrines  and  princi- 
ples of  the  Society  accord  with  the  doctrines  and  principles  of  the  gospel,  whether 
slaveholders  are  the  just  proprietors  of  their  slaves,  whether  it  is  not  the  sacred 
duty  of  the  nation  to  abolish  the  system  of  slavery  now,  and  to  recognise  the 
people  of  color  as  brethren  and  countrymen  who  have  been  unjustly  treated  and 
covered  with  unmerited  shame.    This  is  the  question — and  the  only  question. 

With  such  a  mass  of  evidence  before  them,  of  the  pernicious,  cruel  and  delu- 
sive character  of  the  American  Colonization  Society,  I  leave  the  patriot,  the 
philanthropist  and  the  christian  to  judge  of  the  fitness  of  the  following  inflated 
and  presumptuous  assertions  of  its  advocates  : —  '  The  plan  is  of  heavenly  origin, 
against  which  the  gates  of  hell  shall  never  prevail  ' — '  a  circle  of  philanthropy, 
every  segment  of  which  tells  and  testifies  to  the  beneficence  of  the  whole  ' — 
'  addressing  its  claims  alike  to  the  patriot,  and  the  christian,  it  being  emphatically 
the  cause  of  liberty,  of  humanity,  of  religion  '  * — '  so  full  of  benevolence  and  the 
hallowed  impulses  of  Heaven's  own  mercy,  that  one  might,  with  the  propriety 
of  truth,  compare  its  radiant  influences  to  a  rainbow,  insufterabiy  bright,  span- 
ning the  sombre  clouds  of  human  wrong,  that  have  accumulated  on  the  horizon 
of  our  country's  prosperity,  and  beating  back,  with  calm  and  heavenly  power, 
the  blackening  storm  that  always  threatens,  in  growling  thunders,  a  heavy  retri- 
bution '  t— '  that  citizen  of  the  United  States  who  lifts  a  finger  to  retard  this  in- 
stitution, nay,  that  man  who  does  not  use  his  persevering  eflbrts  to  promote  its 
benevolent  object,  fails,  in  our  opinion,  to  discharge  his  duty  to  his  God  and  his 
country'  t  (1) — '  nothing  but  a  distinct  knowledge  and  a  calm  consideration  of 
the  facts  in  the  case,  is  wanting  to  make  every  man  of  common  intelligence,  com- 
mon patriotism,  and  common  humanity,  the  earnest  friend  of  the  Colonization 
Society  '  !  !  § 

There  is  one  important  consideration,  which,  owing  to  the  contractedness  of 
my  limits,  I  have  omitted  to  enforce  in  this  work.  It  is  this  :  the  serious  injury 
which  our  interests  must  inevitably  sufier  by  the  removal  of  our  colored  popula- 
tion. Their  labor  is  indispensably  necessary  and  extremely  valuable.  By  whom 
shall  the  plantations  at  the  south  be  cultivated  but  by  them  .'  It  is  universally 
conceded  that  they  can  resist  the  intensity  of  a  southern  sun,  and  endure  the 
fatigues  attendant  on  the  cultivation  of  rice,  cotton,  tobacco  and  sugar-cane,  bet- 
ter than  white  laborers  :  at  least,  their  bodies  are  now  inured  to  this  employ- 
ment. I  do  not  believe  that  any  equivalent  would  induce  the  planters  to  part 
with  their  services,  or  white  laborers  to  occupy  their  places.  In  the  great  cities, 
and  in  various  parts  of  the  southern  States,  free  persons  of  color  constitute  a  la- 
borious and  useful  class.  In  a  pecuniary  point  of  view,  the  banishment  of  one- 
sixth  of  our  population,— of  those  whom  we  specially  need,— would  be  an  act 
of  suicide.  The  veriest  smatterer  in  political  economy  cannot  but  perceive  the 
ruinous  tendency  of  such  a  measure. 


*  African  Repository.  t  Rev.  Mr  Mafiit's  '  Plea  for  Africa.' 

t  Western  Luminary.  §  Christian  Spectator. 

(1)  The  clerical  gentleman  who  presumes  to  utter  this  opinion  is  the  same 
who  has  also  the  hardihood  to  assert  that  '  many  of  the  best  citizens  of  our  land 
are  holders  of  slaves,  and  hold  them  in  strict  accordance  with  the  principles 
of  humanity  and  justice  ' .' .' 


THOUGHTS 


ON 


AFRICAN      COLONIZATION 


iPiiias  as> 


INTRODUCTORY    REMARKS. 

In  attacking  the  system  of  slavery,  J_clearly  foresaw  all  that 
has  happened  to  me.  J  knew,  at  the  commencement,  that  my 
motives  would  be  impeached,  my  warnings  ridiculed.,  my  person 
-persecuted,  my  sanity  doubted,  my  life  jeoparded  :  but  the 
clank  of  the  prisoner's  chains  broke  upon  njiy  ear — it  entered 
deeply  into  my  soul— J!^  looked  up  to  Heaven  for  strength  to  sus- 
tain me  in  the  perilous  work  of  emancipation — and  my  resolution 
was  taken. 

In  opposing  the  American  Colonization  Society,  I_  have  also 
counted  the  cost,  and  as  clearly  foreseen  the  formidable  oppo- 
sition which  will  be  arrayed  against  jme.  Many  of  the  clergy 
are  enlisted  in  its  support  :  their  influence  is  powerful.  Men 
of  w^ealth  and  elevated  station  are  among  its  contributors  : 
wealth  and  station  are  almost  omnipotent.  The  press  has  been 
seduced  into  its  support  :  the  press  is  a  potent  engine.  More- 
over, the  Society  is  artfully  based  upon  and  defended  by  popular 
prejudice  :  it  takes  advantage  of  wicked  and  preposterous  opin- 
ions, and  hence  its  success.  These  things  grieve,  they  cannot 
[Part  I.]  1 


2  Introductory  Remarks. 

deterge.  •  Truth  is  mighty,  and  will  prevail/  It  is  able  to 
make  falsehood  blush,  and  tear  from  hypocrisy  its  mask,  and 
annihilate  prejudice,  and  overthrow  persecution,  and  break 
every  fetter. 

J  am  constrained  to  declare,  with  the  utmost  sincerity,  that  I 
look  upon  the  colonization  scheme  as  inadequate  in  its  design^ 
injurious  in  its  operation,  and  contrary  to  sound  principle  ;  and 
the  more  scrupulously  J[  examine  its  pretensions,  the  stronger  is 
my  conviction  of  its  sinfulness.  Nay,  were  Jehovah  to  speak 
in  an  audible  voice  from  his  holy  habitation,  I  am  persuaded 
that  his  language  would  be,  '  AVho  hath  required  this  at  your 
hands  .'" 

It  consoles  me  to  believe  that  no  man,  who  knows  me  ner- 
sonally  or  by  reputation,  will  suspect  the  honesty  of  my  skepti- 
cism. If  I  were  politic,  and  intent  only  on  my  own  prefer- 
ment or  pecuniary  interest,  I  should  swim  with  the  strong  tide 
of  public  sentiment  instead  of  breasting  its  pow^erful  influence. 
The  hazard  is  too  great,  the  labor  too  burdensome,  the  remune- 
ration too  uncertain,  the  contest  too  unequal,  to  induce  a  selfish 
adventurer  to  assail  a  combination  so  formidable.  Disinterested 
opposition  and  sincere  conviction,  however,  are  not  conclusive 
proofs  of  individual  rectitude  ;  for  a  man  may  very  honestly  do 
mischief,  apd  not  be  aware  of  his  error.  Indeed,  it  is  in  this 
light  J^  view  many  of  the  friends  of  African  colonization.  I 
concede  to  them  benevolence  of  purpose  and  expansiveness  of 
heart  ;  but  in  my  opinion,  they  are  laboring  under  the  same  de- 
lusion as  that  which  swayed  Saul  of  Tarsus — persecuting  the 
blacks  even  unto  a  strange  country,  and  verily  believing  that 
they  are  doing  God  service.  I  blame  them,  nevertheless,  for 
taking  this  mighty  scheme  upon  trust  ;  for  not  perceiving  and 
rejecting  the  monstrous  doctrines  avovved  by  the  master  spirits 
in  the  crusade  ;  and  for  feeling  so  indifferent  to  the  moral,  polit- 
ical and  social  advancement  of  the  free  people  of  color  in  this 
their  only  legitimate  home. 

In  the  progress  of  this  discussion  I  shall  have  occasion  to  use 
very  plain,  and  sometimes  very  severe  language.  This  would 
be  an  unpleasant  task,  did  not  duty  imperiously  demand  its 
application.      To  give   offence  I  am  loath,  but  more   to  hide  or 


Introductory   Remarks.  3 

modify  the  truth.  I  shall  deal  with  the  Society  in  its  collective 
form — as  one  body^and  not  with  individuals.  Whilel^  shall 
be  necessitated  to  marshal  individual  opinions  in  review,!^  pro- 
test, ab  origine,  against  the  supposition  that  indiscriminate  cen- 
sure is  intended,  or  that  every  friend  of  the  Society  cherishes 
similar  views.  He  to  whom  my  reprehension  does  not  apply, 
will  not  receive  it.  It  is  obviously  impossible,  in  attacking  a 
numerous  and  multiform  combination,  to  exhibit  private  dissim- 
ilarities, or  in  every  instance  to  discriminate  between  the  various 
shades  of  opinion.  It  is  sufficient  that  exceptions  are  made. 
My:  warfare  is  against  the  American  Colonization  SociExy. 
If  X- shall  identify  its  general,  preponderating  and  clearly  devel- 
oped traits,  it  must  stand  or  fall  as  they  shall  prove  benevolent 
or  selfish. 

I  bring  to  this  momentous  investigation  an  unbiassed  mind, 
a  lively  sense  of  accountability  to  God,  and  devout  aspirations 
for  the  guidance  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  Unless  He  '  in  whom 
there  is  no  darkness  at  all,'  pours  hght  upon  my  path,  I^  shall 
go  astray.  J^  have  taken  Him  at  His  word  :  '  If  any  man  lack 
wisdom,  let  him  ask  of  God,  and  it  shall  be  given  him.'  Con- 
fessing my  own  foolishness,  I  have  sought  that  knowledge  which 
cannot  err. 

I  would  premise,  that,  like  many  others,  I  formerly  supposed 
the  Colonization  Society  was  a,  praiseworthy  association,  al- 
though J[  always  doubted  its  efficiency.  This  opinion  was 
formed  for  me  by  others,  upon  whom  I  placed  implicit  confi- 
dence :  it  certainly  was  not  based  upon  any  research  or  knowl- 
edge of  my  own,  as  I  had  not  at  that  time  perused  a  single 
Report  of  the  Society,  nor  a  page  in  its  organ,  the  African 
Repository.  M^  approval  was  the  ofFspring  of  credulity  and 
ignorance.  I  am  explicit  on  this  point,  because  my  opponents 
have  accused  me  of  inconsistency — though  it  ought  not  surely 
to  disgrace  a  man,  that,  discovering  himself  to  be  in  error,  he 
promptly  turns  to  the  embrace  of  truth.  As  if  opinions,  once 
formed,  must  be  as  irrevocable  as  the  laws  of  the  Medes  and 
Persians  !  If  this  were  so,  accountability  would  lose  its  hold 
on  the  conscience,  and  the  light  of  knowledge  be  blown  out,  and 
reason  degenerate  into  brutish  instinct.      Much  stress  has  been 


4  Introductory   Remarks. 

laid  upon  the  Tact,  that,  in  1828,  I  deliveretl  an  address  in  Park- 
street  meeting-house  on  the  Fourth  of  July,  on  which  occasion 
a  collection  was  made  in  behalf  of  the  American  Colonization 
Society.  It  is  true — but  whereas  I  was  then  blind,  now  I  see. 
My  address,  however,  was  far  from  being  acceptable  to  the 
Iriends  of  colonization  who  were  present,  not  only  on  account 
of  my  denunciation  of  slaveholders,  but  because  I  inserted  only 
a  single  sentence  in  favor  of  the  Society.  In  all  my  writings, 
I  have  never  commended  this  combination  in  as  many  senten- 
ces as  I  have  used  in  making  this  explanation.  So  much  for 
my  marvellous  apostacy  ! 

It  is  only  about  two  years  since  I  was  induced  to  examine  the 
claims  of  the  Colonization  Society  upon  the  patronage  and  con- 
fidence of  the  nation.  _!  went  to  this  examination  with  a  mind 
biassed  by  preconceived  opinions  favorable  to  the  Society,  and 
rather  for  the  purpose  of  defending  it  against  opposition  than 
of  bringing  it  into  disrepute.  Every  thing,  apart  from  its  prin- 
ciples, was  calculated  to  secure  my  friendship.  Nothing  but  its 
revolting  features  could  have  induced  me  to  turn  loathingly  away 
from  its  ejiibracc.  I  had  some  little  reputation  to  sustain ; 
many  of  my  friends  were  colonizationists  ;  I  saw  that  eminent 
statesmen  and  honorable  men  were  enlisted  in  the  enterprise  ; 
the  great  body  of  the  clergy  gave  their  unqualified  support 
to  it  ;  every  fourth  of  July  the'  charities  of  the  nation  were 
secured  in  its  behalf ;  wherever  I  turned  my  eye  in  the  free 
States,  I  saw  nothing  but  unanimity  ;  wherever  my  ear  caught 
a  sound,  I  heard  nothing  but  excessive  panegyric.  No  individ- 
ual had  ventured  to  blow  the  trumpet  of  alarm,  or  exert  his 
energies  to  counteract  the  influence  of  the  scheme.  If  an  as- 
sailant had  occasionally  appeared,  he.  had  cither  fired  a  random 
shot  and  retreated,  or  found  in  the  inefiiciency  of  the  Society 
the  only  cause  for  hostility.  It  was  at  this  crisis,  and  with  such 
an  array  of  motives  before  me  to  bias  my  judgment,  that  I  re- 
solved to  make  a  close  and   candid  examination  of  the  subject. 

I  went,  first  of  all,  to  the  fountain  head — to  the  African  Re- 
pository and  the  Reports  of  the  Society.  I  was  not  long  in 
discovering  sentiments  which  seemed  to  me  as  abhorrent  to 
humanity  as  contrary  to  reason.     I  perused  page  after  page,  first 


Introductory   Remarks.  5 

with  perplexity,  then  with  astonishment,  and  finally  with  indig- 
nation, r  found  little  else  than  sinful  palliations,  fatal  conces- 
sions, vain  expectations,  exaggeratisd  statements,  unfriendly 
representations,  glaring  contradictions,  naked  terrors,  decep- 
tive assurances,  unrelenting  prejudices,  and  unchristian  denun- 
ciations. I  collected  together  the  publications  of  auxiliary 
societies,  in  order  to  discern  some  redeeming  traits  ;  but  I  found 
them  marred  and  disfigured  with  the  same  disgusting  details.  1 
courted  the  acquaintance  of  eminent  colonizationists,  that  1 
might  learn  how  far  their  private  sentiments  agreed  with  those 
which  were  so  offensive  in  print  ;  and  I  found  no  dissimilarity 
between  them.  I  listened  to  discourses  from  the  pulpit  in  favor 
of  the  Society  ;  and  the  same  moral  obliquities  were  seen  in 
minister  and  people. 

These  discoveries   affected  my  mind   so   deeply  that  I  could 
not  rest.      I  endeavored  to   explain  away  the  meaning   of  plain 
and  obvious   language  ;    I    made   liberal  concessions    for  good 
motives  and  unsuspicious  confidence  ;  I  resorted  to  many  expe- 
dients to  vindicate  the  disinterested  benevolence  of  the  Society  ; 
but  I  could  not  rest.     The  sun  in  its  mid-day   splendor  was  not 
more  clear  and  palpable  to   my   vision,    than  the   anti-christian 
and  anti-republican  character  of  this   association.      It  was  evi- 
dent to  me  that  the  great  mass  of  its  supporters  at  the  north  did 
not  realise  its  dangerous  tendency.     They  were  told  that  it  was 
designed  to  effect   the   ultimate   emancipation  of  the  slaves — to 
improve  the   condition   of  the   free  people  of  color — to  abolish 
the  foreign   slave  trade — to   reclaim    and  evangelize   benighted 
Africa — and   various  other  marvels.     Anxious  to  do  something 
for  the  colored  population — they  knew  not  what — and  having  no 
other  plan  presented  to  their  view,   they   eagerly  embraced  a 
scheme  which  was  so  big  with   promise,  and  which   required  of 
them  nothing  but  a  small  contribution  annually.      Perceiving  the 
fatality  of  this  delusion,  I  was  urged  by  an   irresistible   impulse 
to  attempt  its  removal.      I  could  not  turn  a  deaf  ear  to  the  cries 
of  the  slaves,  nor  throw  ofi'  the   obligations   which  my  Creator 
had  fastened  upon  me.     Yet  in  view  of  the   inequalities  of  the 
contest,  of  the   obstacles  which   towered   like  mountains  in  my 
jiath,    and  of  my  own   liuleness,  I   trembled,  and   exclaimed  in 


^ 


6  Introductory    Remarks. 

the  language  of  Jeremiah, — '  Ah,  Lord  God  !  behold  1  cannot 
speak  :  for  I  am  a  child.'  But  I  was  immediately  strengthened 
by  these  interrogations  :  'Is  any  thing  too  hard  for  the  Lord  ?' 
Is  Error,  though  unwittingly  supported  by  a  host  of  good  men, 
stronger  than  Truth  ?  Are  Right  and  Wrong  convertible  terms, 
dependant  upon  popular  opinion  ?  Oh  no  !  Then  I  will  go  for- 
ward in  the  strength  of  the  Lord  of  Hosts — in  the  name  of 
Truth — and  under  the  banner  of  Right.  As  it  is  not  by  might 
nor  by  power,  but  by  the  Spirit  of  God,  that  great  moral 
changes  are  effected,  I  am  encouraged  to  fight  valiantly  in  this 
good  cause,  believing  that  I  shall  '  come  ofi"  conqueror,  and 
more  than  conqueror' — yet  not  I,  but  Truth  and  Justice.  It  is 
in  such  a  contest  that  one  shall  chase  a  thousand,  and  two  put 
ten  thousand  to  flight.  '  The  Lord  disappointeth  the  devices  of 
the  crafty,  so  that  their  hands  cannot  perform  their  enterprise.' 
He  taketh  the  wise  in  their  own  craftiness  ;  and  the  counsel  of 
the  froward  is  carried  headlong.'  '  Because  the  fooUshness  of 
God  is  wiser  than  men  ;  and  the  weakness  of  God  is  stronger 
than  men.' 

Little  boldness  is  needed  to  assail  the  opinions  and  practices 
of  notoriously  wicked  men  ;  but  to  rebuke  great  and  good  men 
for  their  conduct,  and  to  impeach  their  discernment,  is  the  high- 
est effort  of  moral  courage.  The  great  mass  of  mankind  shun 
the  labor  and  responsibility  of  forming  opinions  for  themselves. 
The  question  is  not — what  is  true  ?  but — what  is  popular  ?  Not 
— what  does  God  say  .''  but — what  says  the  public  ?  Not — 
what  is  my  opinion  .''  but — what  do  others  believe  ?  If  people 
would  pin  their  faith  upon  the  bible,  and  not  upon  the  sleeves  of 
their  neighbors,  half  of  the  heresies  in  the  world  would  instantly' 
disappear.  If  they  would  use  their  own  eyes,  their  own  ears, 
their  own  understandings,  instead  of  the  eyes,  and  ears,  and  un- 
derstandings of  others,  imbecility,  credulity  and  folly  would  be 
as  rare  as  they  are  now  common  in  community.  But,  unhap- 
pily, to  borrow  the  words  of  Ganganelli,  a  large  majority  of 
mankind  are  '  mere  abortions  :'  calHng  themselves  rational  and 
intelligent  beings,  they  act  as  if  they  had  neither  brains  nor 
conscience,  and  as  if  there  were  no  God,  no  accountability,  no 
heaven,   no  hell,  no  eternity. 


Introductory   Remarks.  7 

'  My  minister,'  says  one,  '  is  a  most  worthy  man.  He  sup- 
ports this  Society  :  therefore  it  is  a  good  institution.'  '  Chris-, 
tians  of  all  denominations  are  enlisted  in  this  enterprise,'  says 
another  :  '  therefore  it  cannot  be  wrong.'  '  Do  you  think,'  says 
a  third,  '  that  honest,  godly  men  would  countenance  a  scheme 
which  is  not  really  benevolent  ?'  But  it  is  unwise  for  beings, 
who  are  accountable  only  to  God,  to  reason  in  this  manner.  All 
the  good  men  upon  earth  cannot  make  persecution  benevolence, 
nor  injustice  equity  ;  and  until  they  become  infallible,  implicit 
reliance  upon  their  judgment  is  criminal.  Ministers  and  chris- 
tians, a  few  years  since,  were  engaged  in  the  use  and  sale  of 
ardent  spirits  ;  but  they  were  all  wrong,  and  they  now  acknowl- 
edge their  error.  At  the  present  day,  a  large  proportion  of  the 
professed  disciples  of  the  Prince  of  Peace  maintain  the  lawful- 
ness of  defensive  war,  and  the  right  of  the  oppressed  to  fight 
and  kill  for  liberty  ;  but  they  hold  this  sentiment  in  direct  oppo- 
sition to  the  precepts  of  their  Leader — '  I  say  unto  you  which 
hear.  Love  your  enemies,  do  good  to  them  which  hate  you,  bless 
them  that  curse  you,  and  pray  for  them  which  despitefuUy  use 
you.'  Surely  'the  time  is  come  that  judgment  must  begin  at 
the  house  of  God.' 

I  must  pause,  for  a  moment,  and  count  the  number  of  those 
with  whom  I  am  about  to  conflict.  If  1  had  to  encounter  only 
men-stealers  and  slaveholders,  victory  would  be  easy  ;  but  it  is 
not  the  south  alone  that  is  to  be  subdued.  The  whole  nation  is 
against  me.  Church  after  church  is  to  be  converted,  and  the 
powerful  influence  of  the  clergy  broken.  The  friendship  of  good 
men  is  to  be  turned  into  enmity,  and  their  support  into  opposi- 
tion. It  is  my  task  to  change  their  admiration  into  abhorrence  ; 
to  convince  them  that  their  well-meant  exertions  have  been  mis- 
directed, and  productive  of  greater  evil  than  good  ;  and  to  in- 
duce them  to  abandon  an  institution  to  which  they  now  fondly 
chng. 

To  those  who  neither  fear  God  nor  regard  man — who  have 
sworn  eternal  animosity  to  their  colored  countrymen,  and  whose 
cry  is,  '  Away  with  them,  we  do  not  want  them  here  ! ' — I  make 
no  appeal.  Disregarding  as  they  do  that  divine  command, 
'  Thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbor  as  thyself,'  it  would  be  idle  for 


8  Introductory    Remarks. 

me  10  direct  my  arguments  to  them.  I  address  myself  to  high- 
minded  and  honorable  men,  whose  heads  and  hearts  are  sus- 
ceptible to  the  force  of  sound  logic.  I  appeal  to  those,  who 
have  been  redeemed  from  the  bondage  of  sin  by  the  precious 
blood  of  Christ,  and  with  whom  I  hope  to  unite  in  a  better 
world  in  ascribing  glory,  and  honor,  and  praise  to  the  Great 
Deliverer  for  ever.  If  I  can  succeed  in  gaining  their  attention, 
I  feel  sure  of  convincing  their  understandings  and  securing  their 
support. 

Besides  the  overwhelming  odds  which  are  opposed  to  me,  I 
labor  under  other  very  serious  disadvantages.  My  efforts  in  the 
cause  of  emancipation  have  been  received  as  if  they  were  in- 
tended to  bring  chaos  back  again,  and  to  give  the  land  up  to 
pillage  and  its  inhabitants  to  slaughter.  My  calls  for  an  altera- 
tion in  the  feelings  and  practices  of  the  people  toward  the  blacks 
have  been  regarded  as  requiring  a  sacrifice  of  all  the  rules  of 
propriety,  and  as  seeking  an  overthrow  of  the  established  laws 
of  nature  !  I  have  been  thrust  into  prison,  and  amerced  in 
a  heavy  fine.  Epithets,  huge  and  unseemly,  have  been  show- 
ered upon  me  without  mercy.  I  have  been  branded  as  a  fana- 
tic, a  madman,  a  disturber  of  the  peace,  an  incendiary,  a  cut- 
throat, a  monster,  &c.  &c.  &c.  Assassination  has  been  threat- 
ened me  in  a  multitude  of  anonymous  letters.  Private  and  pub- 
He  rewards  to  a  very  large  amount,  by  combinations  of  individ- 
uals and  by  legislative  bodies  at  the  south,  have  been  offered 
to  any  persons  who  shall  abduct  or  destroy  me.  '  Yea,  mine 
own  familiar  friend,  in  whom  I  trusted,  which  did  eat  of  my 
bread,  hath  lifted  up  his  heel  against  me.'  This  malignity  of 
opposition  and  proximity  of  danger,  however,  are  like  oil  to  the 
fire  of  my  zeal.  I  am  not  deliriously  enthusiastic — I  do  not 
covet  to  be  a  martyr  ;  but  I  had  rather  die  a  thousand  deaths, 
than  witness  the  horrible  oppression  under  which  more  than  two 
millions  of  my  countrymen  groan,  and  be  silent.  No  reproaches, 
no  dangers  shall  deter  me.  At  the  north  or  the  south,  at  the 
east  or  the  west, — wherever  Providence  may  call  me, — my 
voice  shall  be  heard  in  behalf  of  the  perishing  slave,  and  against 
the  claims  of  his  oppressor.  Mine  is  the  frank  avowal  of  the 
excellent    Wilberforce  : — I    can   admit    of  no    compromise 


Introduclonj    Remarks.  9 

when  the  commands  of  equity  and  philanthropy  are  so  imperi- 
ous. I  wash  my  hands  of  the  blood  that  may  be  spilled.  1 
protest  against  the  system,  as  the  most  flagrant  violation  of  every 
principle  of  justice  and  humanity.  I  never  will  desert 
THE  CAUSE.  In  my  task  it  is  impossible  to  tire  :  it  fills  my 
mind  with  complacency  and  peace.  At  night  I  lie  down  with 
composure,   and  rise  to  it   in     the    morning    with   alacrity.      I 

NEVER    WILL    DESIST    FROM    THIS    BLESSED    WORK. 

Now  that  the  concentrated  execration  of  the  civilized  world 
is  poured  upon  those  who  engage  in  the  foreign  slave  trade, 
how  mild  and  inefficient,  comparatively  speaking,  seem  to  have 
been  the  rebukes  of  Pitt,  and  Fox,  and  Wilberforce,  and  Clark- 
son  !  Yet  these  rebukes  were  once  deemed  fanatical  and  out- 
rageous by  good  men — yea,  like  flames  of  fire,  threatening  a 
universal  conflagration  !  So  the  denunciations  which  I  am  now 
hurling  against  slavery  and  its  abettors, — which  seem  to  many 
so  violent  and  unmerited, — wall  be  considered  moderate,  perti- 
nent and  just,  when  this  murderous,  soul-destroying  system 
shall  have  been  overthrown. 

Fanaticism  has  been  the  crime  alleged  against  reformers  in 
all  ages.  'These,'  it  was  said  of  the  apostles,  'that  have 
turned  the  world  upside  down,  come  hither  also.'  Luther 
was  a  madman  in  his  day  :  what  is  he  now  in  the  estimation  of 
the  friends  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  .''   One  of 

'  Those  starty  lights  of  virtue,  that  diffijse 
Through  the  dark  depths  of  time  their  vivid  flame.' 

That  base  and  desperate  men  should  thus  stigmatize  those  who 
endure  the  cross  as  good  soldiers,  and  walk  as  pilgrims  and 
strangers  here,  is  not  wonderful ;  but  that  the  professed  follow- 
ers of  Jesus  Christ  should  join  in  this  hue-and-cry  is  lamentable. 
Singular  enough,  I  have  been  almost  as  cruelly  aspersed  by 
ministers  of  the  gospel  and  church  members,  as  by  any  other 
class  of  men.  Unacquainted  with  me,  and  ignorant  of  my  sen- 
timents, they  have  readily  believed  the  accusations  of  my  ene- 
mies. The  introduction  of  my  name  into  conversation  has 
elicited  from  them  contemptuous  sneers  or  strong  denunciations. 
1  have  a  right  to  complain  of  this  treatment,  and  I  do  strongly 
[Part  I.]  2 


10  Introductory   Remarks. 

protest  against  it  as  unchristian,  hurtful  and  ungenerous.  To 
prejudge  and  condemn  an  individual,  on  vague  and  apocryphal 
rumors,  without  listening  to  his  defence  or  examining  evidence, 
is  tyranny.  Perhaps  I  am  in  error — perhaps  I  deserve  unquali- 
fied condemnation  ;  but  I  am  at  least  entitled  to  a  privilege 
which  is  granted  to  the  vilest  criminals,  namely,  the  privilege  of 
a  fair  trial.  I  ask  nothing  more.  To  accuse  me  of  heresy, 
madness  and  sedition,  is  one  thing  ;  to  substantiate  the  accusa- 
tion, another. 

Should  this  work  chance  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  those  who 
have  thus  ignorantly  reprobated  ray  course,  I  appeal  to  their 
sense  of  rectitude  whether  they  are  not  bound  to  give  it  a  can- 
did and  deliberate  perusal  ;  and  if  they  shall  find  in  my  writ- 
ings nothing  contrary  to  the  immutable  principles  of  justice, 
whether  they  ought  not  to  be  as  strenuous  in  my  defence  as  they 
have  been  hitherto  in  seeking  my  overthrow. 

To  show  that  !  do  not  vacate  any  pledge  which  I  have  given 
to  the  public,  I  shall  here  insert  all  the  specifications,  which, 
from  lime  to  time,  I  have  brought  against  the  American  Colo- 
nization Society.  In  '  The  Liberator '  of  April  23,  1831,  is 
tlie  following  serious  compend  : 

'  I  am  prepared  to  show,  that  those  who  have  entered  into  this  conspihact 
AGAiKST  HUMAN  KiGHTs  are  unanimous  in  abusing  their  victims;  unani- 
mous in  their  mode  of  attack  ;  unanimous  in  proclaiming  the  absurdity,  that  our 
free  blacks  are  natives  of  Africa  ;  unanimous  in  propagaiing  the  libel,  that  they 
cannot  be  elevated  and  improved  in  this  country  ;  unanimous  in  opposing  their 
instruction  ;  unanimous  in  exciting  the  prejudices  of  the  people  against  them  ; 
unanimous  in  apologising  for  the  crime  of  slavery  ;  unanimous  in  conceding  the 
right  of  the  planters  to  hold  their  slaves  in  a  limited  bondage  ;  unanimous  in 
their  hollow  pretence  for  colonizing,  namely,  to  evangelize  Africa  ;  unanimous 
in  their  true  motive  for  the  measure — a  terror  lest  the  blacks  should  rise  to 
avenge  their  accumulated  wrongs.  It  is  a  conspiracy  to  send  the  free  people  of 
color  to  Africa  under  a  benevolent  pretence,  but  really  that  the  slaves  may  be 
held  more  securely  in  bondage.  It  is  a  conspiracy  based  upon  fear,  oppression 
and  falsehood,  which  draws  its  alimenl  from  the  prejudices  of  the  people,  which 
is  sustained  by  duplicity,  which  really  upholds  the  slave  system,  which  fascinates 
while  it  destroys,  which  endangers  the  safety  and  happiness  of  the  country, 
which  no  precept  of  the  bible  can  justify,  which  is  implacable  in  its  spirit,  which 
should  be  annihilated  at  a  blow. 

•  These  are  my  accusations  ;  and  if  I   do  not  substantiate  them,  I  am   willing 
to  be  covered  with  reproach.' 


Introductory  Remarks.  1 1 

The    following  is  copied  from  an  editorial  article  of  July  9, 
1831  : 

*  The  superstructure  of  the  Colonization  Society  rests  upon  the  following  pil- 
lars : 

'  1st.  Persecution.  It  declares  that  the  whole  colored  population  must  be 
removed  to  Africa  ;  but  as  the  free  portion  are  almost  unanimously  opposed  to 
a  removal,  it  seems  to  be  the  determination  of  the  Society  to  make  their  situa- 
tions so  uncomfortable  and  degraded  here,  as  to  compel  them  to  migrate  :  con- 
sequently it  discourages  their  education  and  improvement  in  this  their  native 
home.     This  is  persecution. 

2d.  Falsehood.  It  stigmatises  our  colored  citizens  as  being  natives  of  Africa, 
and  talks  of  sending  them  to  their  native  land  ;  when  they  are  no  more  related 
to  Africa  than  we  are  to  Great  Britain. 

3d.  Cowardice.  It  avows  as  a  prominent  reason  why  colored  citizens  ought 
to  be  removed,  that  their  continuance  among  us  will  be  dangerous  to  us  as  a 
people  !  This  is  a  libel  upon  their  character.  Instead  of  demanding  justice 
for  this  oppressed  class,  the  Society  calls  for  their  removal  ! 

4th.  Infidelity.  It  boldly  denies  that  there  is  power  enough  in  the  gospel  to 
melt  down  the  prejudices  of  men,  and  insists,  that,  so  long  as  the  people  of  color 
remain  among  us,  we  must  be  their  enemies  ! — Every  honest  man  should  abhor 
the  doctrine.' 

In  '  The  Liberator '  of  July  30,  1831,  alluding  to  the  pres- 
ent work,  I  used  the  following  language  : 

*  I  shall  be  willing  to  stake  my  reputation  upon  it  for  honesty,  prudence,  be- 
nevolence, truth  and  sagacity.  If  I  do  not  prove  the  Colonization  Society  to  be 
a  creature  without  heart,  without  brains,  eyeless,  unnatural,  hypocritical,  re- 
lentless, unjust,  then  nothing  is  capable  of  demonstration — then  let  me  be  cov- 
ered with  confusion  of  face. ' 

The  following  paragraph  is  extracted  from  '  The  Liberator ' 
of  November  19,   1831  : 

'  It  is  the  enemy  of  immediate  restitution  to  the  slaves  ;  it  courts  and  receives 
the  approbation  of  notorious  slave  owners  ;  it  deprecates  any  interference  with 
slave  property  ;  it  discourages  the  improvement  ef  the  colored  population,  ex- 
cept they  are  removed  to  the  shores  of  Africa  ;  it  is  lulling  the  country  into  a 
fatal  sleep,  pretending  to  be  something  when  it  is  nothing  :  it  is  utterly  chime- 
rical, as  well  as  intolerant,  in  its  design  ;  it  serves  to  increasr  the  value  of  the 
slaves,  and  to  make  brisk  the  foreign  and  domestic  slave  trade  ;  it  nourishes  and 
justifies  the  most  cruel  prejudices  against  color  ;  it  sneers  at  those  who  advocate 
the  bestowal  of  equal  rights  upon  our  colored  countrymen  ;  it  contends  for  .an 
indefinite,  dilatory,  far-off  emancipation  ;  it  expressly  declares  that  it  is  mors 
humane  to  keep  the  slaves  in  chains,  than  to  give  them  freedom  in  this  country  I 
In  short,  it  is  the  most  compendious  and  best  adapted  scheme  to  uphold  the  slave 


12  Introductory   Remarks. 

system  that  humau  ingenuity  can  invent.  Moreover,  it  is  utterly  and  irrecon- 
eileably  opposed  to  the  wishes  and  sentimente  of  the  great  body  of  the  freo 
people  of  color,  repeatedly  expressed  in  the  most  public  manner,  but  cnielly 
disregarded  by  it.' 

The   following  passages   are  taken  from  my  Address  to  the 
People  of  Color,   delivered  in  various  places  in  June,  1831  : 

•  Let  me  briefly  examine  the  doctrines  of  colonizationists.  They  generally 
agree  in  publishing  the  misstatement,  that  you  are  strangers  and  foreigners. 
Surely  they  knovi^  better.  They  know,  that,  as  a  body,  you  are  no  more  na- 
tives of  Africa,  than  they  themselves  are  natives  of  Great  Britain.  Yet  they 
repeat  the  absurd  charge  ;  and  they  do  so,  in  order  to  cover  their  anti-republican 
crusade.  But  suppose  you  were  foreigners  :  would  such  an  accident  justify  this 
persecution  and  removal  ?  And,  if  so,  then  all  foreigners  must  come  under  the 
same  ban,  and  must  prepare  to  depart.  There  would  be,  in  that  case,  a  most 
alarming  deduction  from  our  population.  Suppose  a  philanthropic  and  religious 
crusade  were  got  up  against  the  Dutch,  the  French,  the  Swiss,  the  Irish,  among 
us,  to  remove  them  to  New  Holland,  to  enlighten  and  civilize  her  cannibals  .' 
Who  would  not  laugh  at  the  scheme — who  would  not  actively  oppose  it  ?  Would 
any  one  blame  the  above  classes  for  steadfastly  resisting  it  ?  Just  so,  then,  in 
regard  to  African  colonization.  But  our  colored  population  are  not  aliens  ;  they 
.were  born  on  our  soil ;  they  are  bTane  of  our  bone,  and  flesh  of  our  flesh  ;  their 
fathers  fought  bravely  to  achieve  our  independence  during  the  revolutionary  war, 
without  immediate  or  subsequent  compensation  ;  they  spilt  their  blood  freely 
during  the  last  war  ;  they  are  entitled,  in  fact,  to  every  inch  of  our  southern, 
and  much  of  our  western  territory,  having  worn  themselves  out  in  its  cultivation, 
and  received  nothing  but  wounds  and  bruises  in  return.  Are  these  the  men  to 
stigmatize  as  foreigners  ? 

'  Colonizationists  generally  agree  in  asserting  that  the  people  of  color  cannot 
be  elevated  in  this  country,  nor  be  admitted  to  equal  privileges  with  the  whites. 
Is  not  this  a  libel  upon  humanity  and  justice — a  libel  upon  republicanism — a 
libel  upon  the  Declaration  of  Independence — a  libel  upon  Christianity?  "All 
men  are  born  equal,  and  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable 
rights — among  which  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness."  What  is  the 
meaning  of  that  declaration  ?  That  all  men  possess  these  rights — whether  they  are 
six  feet  five  inches  high,  or  three  feet  two  and  a  half— whether  they  weigh  three 
hundred  or  one  hundred  pounds — whether  they  parade  in  broadcloth  or  flutter  in 
rags — whether  their  skins  are  jet  black  or  lily  white — whether  their  hair  is 
straight  or  woolly,  auburn  or  red,  black  or  gray — does  it  not .'  Wc,  who  aro 
present,  differ  from  each  other  in  our  looks,  in  our  color,  in  height,  and  in  bulk  ; 
we  have  all  shades,  and  aspects,  and  sizes.  Now,  would  it  net  be  anti-republi- 
can and  anti-christian  for  us  to  quarrel  about  sitting  on  this  seat  or  that,  because 
this  man's  complexion  is  too  dark,  or  that  man's  looks  are  too  ugly  ?  and  to 
put  others  out  of  the  house,  because  they  happen  to  be  ignorant,  or  poor,  or 
helpless  ?  To  commit  this  violence  would  be  evidently  wrong  :  then  to  do  it  in 
2  large  assemblage — in  a  cnmmnnity,  in  a  «tatc,  or  in    a  nation,  M  i»  oqoiilly  un- 


Introductory   Remarks.  1 3 

just.  But  is  not  this  the  colonization  principle  ?  Who  are  the  individuals  that 
applaud,  that  justify,  that  advocate  this  exclusion  ?  Who  are  they  that  venture 
to  tell  the  American  people,  that  they  have  neither  honesty  enough,  nor  patri- 
otism enough,  nor  morality  enough,  nor  religion  enough,  to  treat  their  colored 
brethren  as  countrymen  and  citizens  ?  Some  of  them — I  am  sorry  to  say — are 
professedly  ministers  of  the  gospel  ;  others  are  christian  professors  ;  others  are 
judges  and  lawyers  ;  others  are  our  Senators  and  Representatives  ;  others  are 
editors  of  newspapers.  These  ministers  and  christians  dishonor  the  gospel  which 
they  profess  ;  these  judges  and  lawyers  are  the  men  spoken  of  by  the  Saviour, 
who  bind  heavy  burdens  and  grievous  to  be  borne,  and  lay  them  on  men's  shoul- 
ders ;  but  they  themselves  will  not  move  them  with  one  of  their  fingers.  These 
Senators  and  Representatives  ought  not  to  receive  the  sulirages  of  the  people. 
These  editors  are  unworthy  of  public  patronage. 

'  Colonizationists  too  generally  agree  in  discouraging  your  instruction  and  ele- 
vation at  home.  They  pretend  that  ignorance  is  bliss  ;  and  therefore  't  is  folly 
to  be  wise.  They  pretend  that  knowledge  is  a  dangerous  thing  in  the  head  of  a 
colored  man  ;  they  pretend  that  you  have  no  ambition  ;  they  pretend  that  you 
have  no  brains  ;  in  fine,  they  pretend  a  thousand  other  absurd  things — they  are 
a  combination  of  pretences.  What  tyranny  is  this  !  Shutting  up  the  human 
intellect — binding  with  chains  the  inward  man — and  perpetuating  ignorance. 
May  we  not  address  them  in  the  language  of  Christ  ?  "  Wo  unto  you,  scribes 
and  pharisees,  hypocrites  !  for  ye  shut  up  the  kingdom  of  heaven  against  men : 
for  ye  neither  go  in  yourselves,  neither  suffer  ye  them  that  are  entering  to  go  in  ! 
Ye  pay  tithe  of  mint  and  anise  and  cummin,  and  have  omitted  the  weightier 
matters  of  the  law,  judgment,  mercy  and  faith." 

'  Colonizationists  generally  agree  in  apologising  for  the  crime  of  slavery. 
They  get  behind  the  contemptible  subterfuge,  that  it  was  entailed  upon  the  plan- 
ters. As  if  the  continuance  of  the  horrid  system  were  not  criminal  !  as  if  the 
robberies  of  another  generation  justify  the  robberies  of  the  present  !  as  if  the 
slaves  had  not  an  inalienable  right  to  freedom  !  as  if  slavery  were  not  an  indi- 
vidual as  well  as  a  national  crime  !  as  if  the  tearing  asunder  families,  limb  from 
limb, — branding  the  flesh  with  red  hot  irons, — mangling  the  body  with  whips 
and  knives, — feeding  it  on  husks  and  clothing  it  with  rags, — crushing  the  intellect 
and  destroying  the  soul, — as  if  such  inconceivable  cruelty  were  not  chargeable 
to  those  who  inflict  it  ! 

'  As  to  the  efiect  of  colonization  upon  slavery,  it  is  rather  favorable  than  inju- 
rious to  the  system.  Now  and  then,  indeed,  there  is  a  great  flourish  of  trumpets, 
and  glowing  accounts  of  the  willingness  of  planters  to  emancipate  their  slaves 
on  condition  of  transportation  to  Africa.  Now  and  then  a  slave  is  actually 
manumitted  and  removed,  and  the  incident  is  dwelt  upon  for  months.  Why, 
my  friends,  hundreds  of  worn-out  slaves  are  annually  turned  oft'  to  die,  like  old 
horses.  No  doubt  their  masters  will  thank  the  Colonization  Society,  or  any  one 
else,  to  send  them  out  of  the  country  ;  especially  as  they  will  gain  much  glorifi- 
cation in  the  newspapers,  for  their  disinterested  sacrifices.  Let  no  man  be 
deceived  by  these  manoeuvres. 

'  My  time  is  consumed — and  yet  I  have  scarcely  entered  upon  the  threshold 
of  my  argument.     Now,  what  a  spectacle  is  presented  to  the  worid  I — the  Amer- 


14  Introductory    Remarks. 

ican  people,  boasting  of  their  free  and  equal  rights — of  their  abhorrence  of  aris- 
tocratical  distinctions — of  their  republican  equality  ;  proclaiming  on  every  wind, 
"  that  all  men  are  born  egi<a/,  and  endowed  with  certain  inalienable  rights," 
and  that  this  land  is  an  asylum  for  the  persecuted  of  all  nations  ;  and  yet  as 
loudly  proclaiming  that  they  are  determined  to  deprive  millions  of  their  own 
countrymen  of  every  political  and  social  right,  and  to  send  them  to  a  barbarous 
continent,  because  the  Creator  has  given  them  a  sable  complexion.  Where 
exists  a  more  rigorous  despotism  ?  What  conspiracy  was  ever  more  cruel  ? 
What  hypocrisy  and  tergiversation  so  enormous  ?  The  story  is  proclaimed  in 
our  pulpits,  in  our  state  and  national  assemblies,  in  courts  of  law,  in  religious 
and  secular  periodicals, — among  all  parties,  and  in  all  quarters  of  the  country, — 
that  there  is  a  moral  incapacity  in  the  people  to  do  justly,  love  mercy,  and  to 
walk  uprightly — that  they  must  always  be  the  enemies  and  oppressors  of  the 
colored  people — that  no  love  of  liberty,  no  dictate  of  duty,  no  precept  of  repub- 
licanism, no  dread  of  retribution,  no  claim  of  right,  no  injunction  of  the  gospel, 
can  possibly  persuade  them  to  do  unto  their  colored  countrymen,  as  they  would 
that  they  should  do  unto  them  in  a  reversal  of  circumstances.  Now,  to  these 
promulgators  of  unrighteousness,  with  the  Declaration  of  Independence  in  one 
hand,  and  the  Bible  in  the  other,  I  fearlessly  give  battle.  Rich  and  mighty  and 
numerous  as  they  are,  by  the  help  of  the  Lord  I  will  put  them  to  open  shame. 
They  shall  not  libel  me,  they  shall  not  libel  my  country,  with  impunity.  They 
shall  not  make  our  boasted  republicanism  a  by-word  and  a  hissing  among  all 
nations,  nor  sink  the  christian  religion  below  heathen  idolatry  ;  and  if  they  per- 
sist in  publishing  their  scandalous  proclamations,  they  shall  be  labelled  as  the 
enemies  of  their  species  and  of  the  republic,  and  treated  accordingly. 
/"■  ■'  The  Colonization  Society,  therefore,  instead  of  being  a  philanthropic  and 
'  religious  institution,  is  anti-republican  and  anti-christian  in  its  tendency.     Its  pre- 

\^  t«nces  are  false,  its  doctrines  odious,  its  means  contemptible.  If  we  are  to  send 
away  the  colored  population  because  they  are  profligate  and  vicious,  what  sort  of 
missionaries  will  they  make  .'  Why  not  send  away  the  vicious  among  the  whites, 
for  the  same  reason  and  the  same  purpose  ?  If  ignorance  be  a  crime,  where  shall 
we  begin  to  select  ?  How  much  must  a  man  know  to  save  him  from  transporta- 
tion .'  How  white  must  he  be  .'  If  we  send  away  a  mixed  breed,  how  many 
will  be  left  ?  If  foreigners  only,  then  the  people  of  color  must  remain — for  they 
are  our  countrymen.  Would  foreigners  submit  ?  No — not  for  an  instant.  Why 
i?hould  the  American  people  make  this  enormous  expenditure  of  life  and  money  ? 
Why  not  use  the  funds  of  the  Society  to  instruct  and  elevate  our  colored  popula- 
tion at  home  ?  This  would  be  rational  and  serviceable.  Instead  of  removing 
men  from  a  land  of  civilization  and  knowledge — of  schools,  and  seminaries,  and 
colleges — to  give  them  instruction  in  a  land  of  darkness  and  desolation — would  it 
not  be  wiser  and  better  to  reverse  the  case,  and  bring  the  ignorant  here  for  cul- 
tivation ?' 

The  foregoing  accusations  are  grave,  weighty,  positive — in- 
volving a  .perilous  responsibility,  and  requiring  ample  and  irre- 
fragable proof.     They  are  expressed  in   vehement  terms  :    but 


^ 


Introductory    Remarks.  16 

to  measure  the  propriety  of  language,  we  must  first  examine 
the  character  of  the  system,  or  the  nature  of  the  object,  against 
which  it  is  directed.  If  we  see  a  person  wilfully  abusing  the 
goods  of  an  individual,  we  inay  reprehend  him,  but  with  com- 
parative mildness.  If  we  see  him  maiming,  or  in  any  way  mal- 
treating another  man's  cattle,  we  may  increase  the  severity  of 
our  rebuke.  But  if  we  see  him  violating  all  the  social  and  sacred 
relations  of  life, — daily  defrauding  a  number  of  his  fellow  crea- 
tures of  the  fruits  of  their  toil,  calling  them  his  property,  selling 
them  for  money,  lacerating  their  bodies,  and  ruining  their  souls, 
— we  may  use  the  strongest  terms  of  moral  indignation.  Nor  is 
plain  and  vehement  denunciation  of  crime  inconsistent  with  the 
most  benevolent  feelings  towards  the  perpetrators  of  it.  We  are 
sustained  in  these  positions  by  the  example  of  Christ,  and  the 
apostles,  and  the  prophets,  and  the  reformers. 

So,  also,  if  there  be  an  institution,  the  direct  tendency  of 
which  is  to  perpetuate  slavery,  to  encourage  persecution,  and 
to  invigorate  prejudice, — although  many  of  its  supporters  may 
be  actuated  by  pure  motives,— it  ought  to  receive  unqualified 
condemnation. 

It  is  proper  to  call  things  by  their  right  names.  What  does 
the  law  term  him  who  steals  your  pocket-book,  or  breaks  into 
your  dwelling,  or  strips  you  on  the  bighvs^ay  i^  A  robber  !  Is 
the  charge  inflammatory  or  unjust  .''  or  will  it  please  the  villain  ? 
The  abuse  of  language  is  seen  only  in  its  misapplication.  Those 
who  object  to  the  strength  of  my  denunciation  must  prove  its 
perversion  before  they  accuse  me  of  injustice. 

Probably  I  may  be  interrogated  by  individuals,^'  Why  do 
you  object  to  a  colony  in  Africa  ?  Are  you  not  willing  people 
should  choose  their  own  places  of  residence  .''  And  if  the  blacks 
are  willing  to  remove,  why  throw  obstacles  in  their  path  or 
deprecate  their  withdrawal  ?  All  go  voluntarily  :  of  what,  then, 
do  you  complain  ?  Is  not  the  colony  at  Liberia  in  a  flourishing 
condition,  and  expanding  beyond  the  most  sanguine  expecta- 
tions of  its  founders  .'" 

Pertinent  questions  deserve  pertinent  answers.  I  say,  then, 
in  reply,  that  I  do  not  object  to  a  colony,  in  the  abstract — to 
use  the  popular  phraseology  of  the  day.      In  other  words,  I  am 


16  Introductory    Remarks. 

entirely  willing  men  should  be  as  free  as  the  birds  in  choosing 
the  time  when,  the  mode  how,  and  the  place  where  they  shall 
migrate.  The  power  of  locomotion  was  given  to  be  used  at 
will  ;  as  beings  of  intelligence  and  enterprise, 

'  The  world  is  all  before  them,  where  to  choose 
Their  place  of  rest,  aud  Providence  their  guide.' 

The  emigration  from  New-England  to  the  far  West  is  constant' 
and  large.  Almost  every  city,  town  or  village  suffers  annually 
by  the  departure  of  some  of  its  adventurous  inhabitants.  Com- 
panies have  been  formed  to  go  and  possess  the  Oregon  territory 
— an  enterprise  hazardous  and  unpromising  in  the  extreme. 
The  old  States  are  distributing  their  population  over  the  whole 
continent,  with  unexampled  fruitfulness  and  liberality.  But  why 
this  restless,  roving,  unsatisfied  disposition  ?  Is  it  because  those 
who  cherish  it  are  treated  as  the  offscouring  of  all  flesh,  in  the 
place  of  their  birth  ?  or  because  they  do  not  possess  equal 
rights  and  privileges  with  other  citizens  ?  or  because  they  are 
the  victims  of  incorrigible  hate  and  prejudice  ?  or  because 
they  are  told  that  they  must  choose  between  exilement  and  per- 
petual degradation  ?  or  because  the  density  of  population  ren- 
ders it  impossible  for  them  to  obtain  preferment  and  compe- 
tence here  ?  or  because  they  are  estranged  by  oppression  and 
scorn  .''  or  because  they  cherish  no  attachment  to  their  native 
soil,  to  the  scenes  of  their  childhood  and  youth,  or  to  the  insti- 
tutions of  government  .''  or  because  they  consider  themselves 
as  dwellers  in  a  strange  land,  and  feel  a  burning  desire,  a  fever- 
ish longing  to  return  home  ?  No.  They  lie  under  no  odious 
disabilities,  whether  imposed  by  public  opinion  or  by  legislative 
power  ;  to  them  the  path  of  preferment  is  Avide  open  ;  they 
sustain  a  solid  and  honorable  reputation  ;  they  not  only  can  rise, 
but  have  risen,  and  may  soar  still  higher,  to  responsible  stations 
and  affluent  circumstances  ;  no  calamity  afflicts,  no  burden  de- 
presses, no  reproach  excludes,  no  despondency  enfeebles  them  ; 
and  they  love  the  spot  of  their  nativity  almost  to  idolatry.  The 
air  of  heaven  is  not  freer  or  more  buoyant  than  they.  Theirs 
is  a  spirit  of  curiosity  and  adventurous  enterprise,  impelled  by 
no  malignant  influences,  but  by  the  spontaneous   promptings  of 


IiUroductovy   Remarks.  17 

the  mind.  Far  different  is  the  case  of  our  colored  population. 
Their  voluntary  banishment  is  compulsory — they  are  forced  to 
turn  volunteers,  as  will  be  shown  in  other  parts  of  this  work. 

The  following  proposition  is  self-evident  :  The  success  of 
an  enterprise  furnishes  no  proof  that  it  is  in  accordance  with 
justi<ie,  or  that  it  meets  the  approbation  of  God,  or  that  it  ought 
to  be  prosecuted  to  its  consummation,  or  that  it  is  the  fruit  of 
disinterested  benevolence. 

I  do  not  doubt  that  the  Colony  at  Liberia,  by  a  prodigal  ex- 
penditure of  life  and  money,  will  ultimately  flourish  ;  but  a  good 
result  would  no  more  hallow  that  persecution  which  is  seeking 
to  drag  the  blacks  away,  than  it  would  if  we  should  burn  every 
distillery,  and  shut  up  in  prison  every  vender  of  ardent  spirits, 
in  order  to  do  good  and  to  prevent  people  from  becoming  drunk- 
ards. Because  Jehovah  overrules  evil  for  good,  shall  w^e  there- 
fore continue  to  do  evil  ? 

If  ten  thousand  white  mechanics,  farmers,  merchants,  &c. 
&c.  were  to  emigrate  to  Africa,  does  any  man  doubt  whether 
permanent  good  would  result  from  the  enterprise — good  to  that 
benighted  continent,  which  would  counterbalance  all  the  sacri- 
fices and  sufferings  attending  it  ?  And  yet  is  there  a  single  me- 
chanic, farmer  or  merchant,  who  feels  it  to  be  his  dut}^,  or 
would  be  willing  to  go  .-'  Suppose  the  2:)eople  of  color  should  get 
the  power  into  their  hands  to-morrow,  and  should  argue  that  the 
w^hites  must  not  be  admitted  to  equal  privileges  with  themselves  ; 
but  that,  having  so  long  plundered  Africa,  and  oppressed  her 
children,  justice  demanded  that  they  should  be  sent  to  that 
desolate  land  to  build  up  colonies,  and  carry  the  light  of  civil- 
ization and  knowledge,  as  a  sort  of  reparation — and  that,  having 
superior  instruction  in  literature  and  science,  they  were  pecu- 
liarly qualified  for  such  a  mission — how  would  this  doctrine 
relish  .''  '  It  is  a  poor  rule  that  will  not  work  both  ways,'  says 
the  proverb.  Yet  this  logic  would  be  more  sound  than  is  our 
own  with  regard  to  the  colonization  of  the  blacks. 

On  this  point,  deception  is  practised  to  a  great  extent.     The 

advocates  of  the  Colonization    Society  are  constantly  aiming  to 

divert   public  attention  from  the  only  proper  subject  of  inquiry, 

namely,   '  Is  it  based  upon  benevolence  and  justice  ?' — to  the 

[Part  I.]  3 


18  Introductory   Remarks. 

success  of  the  colony.  Granting  all  that  they  assert,  it  proves 
nothing  ;  but  of  this  success  I  shall  have  occasion,  doubtless, 
to  speak  hereafter.  Fine  stories  are  trumpeted  all  over  the 
country,  of  the  happiness,  intelligence,  industry,  virtue,  enter- 
prise and  dignity  of  the  colonists  ;  and  changes,  absolutely  mi- 
raculous, are  gravely  recorded  for  the  admiration  and  credulity 
of  community.  '  The  simple,'  says  Solomon,  '  believeth  every 
word  :  but  the  prudent  man  looketh  well  to  his  going.' 

The  doctrine,  that  the  '  end  sanctifies  the  means,'  belongs,  I 
trust,  exclusively  to  the  creed  of  the  Jesuits.  If  I  were  sure 
that  the  Society  would  accomplish  the  entire  regeneration  of 
Africa  by  its  present  measures,  my  detestation  of  its  principles 
would  not  abate  one  jot,  nor  would  I  bestow  upon  it  the 
smallest  modicum  of  praise.  Never  shall  the  fruits  of  the  mercy 
and  overruling  providence  of  God, — ever  bringing  good  out  of 
evil  and  light  out  of  darkness, — be  ascribed  to  the  prejudice 
and  sin  of  man. 

It  is  certain  that  many  a  poor  native  African  has  been  led  to 
embrace  the  gospel,  in  consequence  of  his  transportation  to  our 
shores,  who  else  had  lived  and  died  a  heathen.  Is  the  slave 
trade  therefore  a  blessing  ?  Suppose  one  of  those  wretches 
who  are  engaged  in  this  nefarious  commerce  were  brought  be- 
fore the  Supreme  Court,  and  being  convicted,  should  be  asked 
by  the  Judge,  whether  he  had  aught  to  say  why  sentence  of 
death  should  not  be  pronounced  upon  him  .''  And  suppose  the 
culprit  should  espy  some  of  his  sable  victims  in  court,  whom 
he  knew  had  made  a  profession  of  faith,  and  he  should  boldly 
reply — '  May  it  please  your  Honor,  I  abducted  these  people 
away  from  their  homes,  it  is  true  ;  but  they  were  poor,  miser- 
able, benighted  idolaters,  and  must  hav^e  inevitably  remained 
as  such  unto  the  hour  of  their  death,  if  I  had  not  brought  them 
to  this  land  of  Christianity  and  bibles,  where  they  have  been 
taught  a  knowledge  of  the  true  God,  and  are  now  rejoicing  in 
hope  of  a  glorious  immortality.  I  therefore  offer  as  a  conclu- 
sive reason  why  sentence  should  not  be  pronounced,  that  I  have 
rescued  souls  from  perdition,  and  thus  enlarged  the  company  of 
the  saints  in  light.'  AVould  the  villain  be  acquitted,  and,  instead 
of  a  halter,  receive  the  panegyric  of  the  Court  for  his  conduct  ? 


Introductory   Remarks^  19 

Our  pilgrim  fathers,  not  being  able  to  worship  God  according 
to  the  dictates  of  their  own  consciences  in  the  mother  country, 
were  compelled  by  ecclesiastical  despotism  to  seek  a  refuge  in 
this  rude  and  barbarous  continent.  Wonderful  have  been  the 
fruits  of  their  expulsion  !  A  mighty  republic  established — the 
freest,  the  wisest,  the  most  religious  on  earth  ! — influencing  the 
world  by  its  example,  and  exciting  the  emulation  of  all  nations  ! 
Now  suppose  we  should  occasionally  find  in  the  pages  of  the 
Edinburgh  or  Quarterly  Review,  or  in  the  columns  of  the  Eng- 
lish newspapers,  not  only  a  full  justification  of  this  oppressive 
treatment  in  view  of  its  astonishing  consequences,  but  a  claim 
to  approbation  on  account  of  its  exercise.  Would  not  such 
efirontery  amaze  us  ?  Would  not  an  honest  indignation  burn 
within  us  .'*  Should  we  look  with  a  more  complacent  aspect 
■upon  the  bigots  who  kindled  those  fires'  of  persecution  around 
the  Puritans,  which,  but  for  the  interposition  of  Heaven,  had 
consumed  them  to  ashes  ? 

The  death  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  was  essential  to  the 
salvation  of  the  world.  Suppose  Judas,  at  the  judgment  day, 
should  build  upon  this  fact  in  extenuation  of  his  dreadful  crime. 
What  would  be  the  decision  of  the  assembled  universe  ?  Yea, 
what  w^as  the  condemnation  passed  upon  him  by  the  Illustrious 
Sufferer  ?  '  Wo  to  that  man  by  whom  the  Son  of  man  is  be- 
trayed !  good  were  it  for  that  man  if  he  had  never  been  born  !' 

Let  not,  then,  any  imaginary  or  real  prosperity  of  the  settle- 
ment at  Liberia  lead  any  individual  to  applaud  the  Colonization 
Society,  reckless  whether  it  be  actuated  by  mistaken  philan- 
thropy, or  perverted  generosity,  or  selfish  policy,  or  unchristian 
prejudice. 

I  should  oppose  this  Society,  even  were  its  doctrines  harm- 
less. It  imperatively  and  effectually  seals  up  the  lips  of  a  vast 
number  of  influential  and  pious  men,  who,  for  fear  of  giving 
offence  to  those  slaveholders  with  whom  they  associate,  and 
thereby  teading  to  a  dissolution  of  the  compact,  dare  not  expose 
the  flagrant  enormities  of  the  system  of  slavery,  nor  denounce 
the  crime  of  holding  human  beings  in  bondage.  They  dare  not 
lead  to  the  onset  against  the  forces  of  tyranny  ;  and  if  they 
shrink  from  the  conflict,    how  shall  the  victory  be  won  ?     I  do 


20  Introductory  Remarks. 

not  mean  to  aver,  that,  in   their   sermons,  or   addresses,  or  pri- 
vate conversations,  they  never  allude  to  the  subject  of  slave  ry  ; 
for   they  do  so  frequently,   or  at  least   every   Fourth   of  July. 
But  my  complaint  is,  that  they  content  themselves  with  repre- 
senting slavery  as  an  evil, — a  misfortune, — a  calamity  which  has 
been  entailed   upon   us  by  former  generations, — and  not  as  an 
individual  crime,  embracing  in  its  folds  robbery,   cruelty,  op- 
pression and  piracy..     They  do  not  identify  the  criminals  ;  they 
make  no  direct,  pungent,  earnest   appeal  to  the  consciences  of 
men-stealers  ;  by  consenting  to  walk  arm-in-arm  with  them,  they 
virtually  agree  to  abstain  from  all  offensive  remarks,  and  to  aim 
entirely   at   the    expulsion   of  the   free   people   of  color  ;  their 
lugubrious    exclamations,    and   solemn   animadversions,  and  re- 
proachful reflections,  are  altogether  indefinite  ;  they   '  go  about, 
and  about,  and  all   the  way  round  to  nothing  ; '  they  generalize, 
they  shoot  into  the  air,  they  do  not  disturb  the  repose  nor  wound 
the   complacency  of  the  sinner  ;  '  they  have  put   no  difference 
between  the  holy  and  profane,  neither  have  they  shewed  differ- 
ence between  the  unclean  and  the  clean.'    Thus  has  free  inquiry 
been  suppressed,  and  a  universal   fear  created,   and  the  tongue 
of  the  boldest  silenced,  and  the  sleep  of  death  fastened   upon 
the  nation.      '  Truth  has  fallen  in  the  streets,  and  equity  cannot 
enter. '     The   plague   is  raging  with  unwonted  fatality  ;  but  no 
cordon    sanitaire   is   established — no  adequate   remedy    sought. 
The  tide  of  moral  death  is  constantly  rising  and  widening  ;  but 
no  efforts  are  made  to  stay  its   desolating  ^career.     The  fire  of 
God's    indignation   is   kindling   against   us,   and  thick   darkness 
covers  the  heavens,  and  the  hour  of  retribution  is  at  hand  ;    but 
we  are  obstinate  in  our  transgression,  we   refuse  to  repent,   we 
impiously   throv\-   the   burden   of  our  guilt   upon  our  predeces- 
sors, we  affect  resignation  to   our  unfortunate  lot,  we  descant 
upon  the  mysterious  dispensations  of  Providence,  we  deem  our- 
selves objects  of  God's  compassion  rather  than  of  his  displeas- 
ure.    '  Shall  1  not  visit  for  these  things  ?  saith  the  Lord.    Shall 
not^  my  soul  be  avenged  on  such  a  nation  as  this  .'" 

Were  the  American  Colonization  Society  bending  its  ener- 
gies directly  to  the  immediate  abolition  of  slavery  ;  seeking  to 
enlighten   and   consolidate  pubhc  opinion,    on   this   momentous 


Introductory  Remarks.  21 

subject  ;  faithfully  exposing  the  awful  guilt  of  the  owners  of 
slaves  ;  manfully  contending  for  the  bestowal  of  equal  rights 
upon  our  free  colored  population  in  this  their  native  land  ;  assid- 
uously endeavoring  to  uproot  the  prejudices  of  society  ;  and 
holding  no  fellowship  with  oppressors  ;  my  opposition  to  it  ^ 
would  cease.  It  might  continue  to  bestow  its  charities  upon 
those  who  should  desire  to  seek  another  country,  and  at  the 
same  time  launch  its  thunders  against  the  system  of  oppression. 
But,  alas  !  it  looks  to  the  banishment  of  the  free  people  of  color 
as  the  only  means  to  abolish  slavery,  and  conciliate  the  feelings 
of  the  planters. 

The  popularity  of  the  Society  is  not  attributable  to  its  merits, 
but  exclusively  to  its  congeniality  with  those  unchristian  preju- 
dices which  have  so  long  been  cherished  against  a  sable  com- 
plexion. It  is  agreeable  to  slaveholders,  because  it  is  striving 
to  remove  a  class  of  persons  who  they  fear  may  stir  up  their 
slaves  to  rebellion  ;  all  who  avow  undying  hostility  to  the  people 
of  color  are  in  favor  of  it  ;  all  who  shrink  from  acknowledging 
them  as  brethren  and  friends,  or  who  make  them  a  distinct 
and  inferior  caste,  or  who  deny  the  possibility  of  elevatmg  them 
in  the  scale  of  improvement  here,  most  heartily  embrace  it. 
Having  ample  funds,  it  has  been  able  to  circulate  its  specious 
appeals  in  every  part  of  the  country  ;  and  to  employ  active  and 
eloquent  agents,  who  have  glowingly  described  to  the  jjeople  the 
immense  advantages  to  be  reaped  from  the  accomplishment  of 
its  designs.  With  this  entire  preoccupancy  of  the  ground,  and 
these  common  though  unworthy  dispositions  in  its  favor,  the 
wonder  is,  that  it  is  not  more  popular. 

Much  cleverness  is  not  requisite  to  tell  a  fine  story  ;  and  a 
fine  story  is  always  agreeable  to  a  credulous  listener.  An  agent 
of  the  Society  goes  into  a  place,  and  finds  no  difficulty  in  pro- 
curing a  pulpit  from  which  to  address  a  congregation.  The 
benevolent  pastor,  who,  perhaps,  has  had  neither  time  nor  op- 
portunity to  examine  the  principles  of  the  Society,  readily 
officiates  on  the  occasion,  and,  in  the  fulness  of  his  heart,  be- 
lieving that  he  is  not  asking  amiss,  supplicates  the  benediction 
of  Heaven  upon  the  object  of  the  meeting.  This  co-operation 
of  the  pastor  with  the  agent  makes  an  impression  decidedly  fa- 


22  Litroductory    Rema7'k$. 

'  vorable  to  the  latter  upon  the  irihids  of  the  audience,  and  pre- 
pares them  to  receive  his  statements  with  confidence.  He  first 
dwells  upon  the  miserable  condition  of  Africa — desolated  with 
civil  wars — the  prey  of  kidnappers — given  up  to  idolatry — full 
of  intellectual  darkness  and  spiritual  death — and  bleeding  at 
every  pore.  He  next  depicts  the  horrors  of  the  slave  trade, 
and  shows  how  inefficient  have  been  the  laws  enacted  for  its 
Suppression.  He  finally  expatiates  upon  the  evils  and  .dangers 
of  slavery  ;  and  is  particularly  minute  in  describing  the  degra- 
dation of  the  free  people  of  color,  which  he  declares  to  be 
irreclaimable  in  this  land  of  gospel  light.  '  Now,  my  christian 
brethren  and  friends,'  he  continues,  '  the  object  of  the  American 
Colonization  Society  is  to  stay  the  effusion  of  blood,  to  give 
light  to  them  who  sit  in  darkness,  and  to  make  reparation  fox. 
the  wrongs  which  have  been  inflicted  upon  the  sable  sons  of 
Africa.  As  the  people  of  color  must  evidently  be  a  distinct 
and  degraded  class  while  they  reside  in  this  country,  and  as  they 
are  threatened  with  universal  proscription,  the  Society  benevo- 
lently pi'oposes  to  send  them  back  to  their  native  country,  by 
their  own  voluntary  consent,  together  with  those  slaves  who  may 
be  emancipated  for  this  purpose,  where  they  may  enjoy  equal 
rights  and  privileges,  nor  longer  retain  any  sense  of  inferiority 
to  the  whites.  Every  emigrant  will  go  as  a  missionary  to  re- 
claim the  poor  natives  from  their  barbarism,  and  to  spread  the 
tidings  of  salvation  throughout  the  African  continent.  By  form- 
ing a  chain  of  colonies  along  the  coast,  a  speedy  check  will  be 
given  to  the  accursed  slave  trade, — a  trade  which  cannot  be 
destroyed  in  any  other  manner.  Who  does  not  desire  to  see 
Africa  civilized  and  evangelized  .''  Whose  heart  does  not  leap 
in  view  of  the  suppression  of  the  slave  trade  .'  Who  does  not 
pray  for  deliverance  from  the  evils  of  slavery  .''  Who  does  not 
wish  to  behold  the  free  people  of  color, — cursed  with  ineffec- 
tual freedom  here, — recalled  from  their  banishment,  and  placed 
where  no  obstacles  will  impede  their  march  to  affluence,  pre- 
ferment and  honor  ?  The  Colonization  Society,  then,  power- 
fully commends  itself  to  the  christian,  the  philanthropist  and 
the  patriot — to  every  section  of  our  country  and  to  all  denomi- 
nations of  men.' 


Introdutiory  Remarks.  2o 

Exquisite  !  The  picture  is  crowded  with  attractions,  delight- 
ful to  the  eye.  The  story  is  skilfully  told,  and  implicitly  be- 
lieved ;  but,  like  every  other  story,  it  has  two  sides  to  it.  So 
complete  is  the  delusion,  however,  that  many  good  people  are 
ready  to  class  those  who  denounce  the  Colonization  Society, 
among  the  opposers  of  foreign  missions,  bible  and  tract  socie- 
ties, and  the  other  benevolent  operations  of  the  age  ! 

Far  be  it  from  me  to  accuse  the  agents  of  the  Society  of 
intentionally  perverting  the  tmth  or  deliberately  imposing  upon 
the  credulity  of  the  public.  Some — perhaps  all  of  them,  are 
men  of  sincerity  and  probity  ;  but,  deluded  themselves,  they 
help  to  delude  others.  Their  vision  is  imperfect  ;  and  '  if  the 
blind  lead  the  blind,'  we  may  expect  to  find  them  in  the  same 
ditch  together. 

Great  complacency  has  been  manifested  on  various  occasions, 
by  the  advocates  of  the  Society,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  at 
first  suspected  of  sinister  designs,  both  at  the  north  and  the 
south,  but  is  now  receiving  the  countenance  of  both.  This 
exultation  is  premature.  The  opposition  formerly  manifested 
to  the  Society  by  the  holders  of  slaves,  grew  out  of  their  igno- 
rance of  its  purpose  ;  but  a  very  large  majority  of  them  now 
perceive  that  it  is  their  devoted  servant,  crouching  down  at  their 
feet,  shielding  them  from  reproach,  dragging  those  away  whom 
they  dread,  allowing  lhem  to  sin  with  impunity,  and  generously 
granting  them  and  their  children  whole  centuries  in  which  to 
repent,  and  to  surrender  what  they  have  stolen  !  It  dissuades 
them  from  emancipating  their  slaves  faster  than  they  can  be 
transported  to  Africa  ;  and  thus  regards  their  persistance  in 
robbery  and  oppression  as  evidence  of  wisdom,  benevolence 
and  sanity  !  It  is  natural,  that,  discovering  their  mistake,  they 
should  now  rally  in  a  body  around  the  Society  ;  and,  conse- 
quently, we  find  that  the  legislatures  of  the  several  slaveholding 
States  are  passing  encomiums  upon  it,  and  in  some  instances 
appropriating  sums  of  money  to  be  paid  over  to  it  by  instal- 
ments. 

The  people  of  the  north  have  been  shamefully  duped  by  this 
scheme  ;  but,  like  the  slaveholders,  they  begin  to  discover  their 
error.     Unlike  them,  however,  they  are  withdrawing  their  sup- 


24  Introductory   Remarks. 

port,  in  obedience  to  the  injunction  of  the  Apostle  :  'Be  ye  not 
unequally  yoked  together  with  unbelievers  :  for  what  fellowship 
hath  righteousness  with  unrighteousness  ?  and  what  communion 
hath  lidit  with  darkness  ?  and  what  concord  hath  Christ  with 
Belial  ?  Wherefore  come  out  from  among  them,  and  be  ye 
separate,  saith  the  Lord,  and  touch  not  the  unclean  thing  ;  and 
I  will  receive  you.' 

To  Africa  this  country  owes  a  debt  larger  than  she  is  able  to 
liquidate.     Most  intensely  do  I  desire  to   see  that  ill-fated  con- 
tinent transformed  into  the  abode  of  civilization,  of  the  arts  and 
sciences,    of  evangelical  piety,  of  liberty,  and  of  all   that  adds 
to  the  dignity,  the  renown,  and  the   temporal  and  eternal  happi- 
ness of  man.      Shame   and   confusion   of   face  belong    to    the 
Church,  that  she  has  so  long   disregarded  the  claims  of  Africa 
upon    her  sympathies,    and   prayers,   and  liberality — claims  as 
much   superior   as   its   wrongs  to  those  of  any  other  portion  of 
the  globe.     It  is  indeed  most  strange  that,  hke   the   Priest  and 
the  Levite,  she  should  have    '  passed  by  on  the  other  side,'  and 
left  the  victim  of  thieves  to  bleed  and  sicken  and  die.     As  the 
Africans  were   the  only   people  doomed  to  perpetual  servitude, 
and  to  be  the  prey   of  kidnappers,  she  should  have   long  since 
directed   almost   her   undivided   efforts   to  civilize   and   convert 
them, — not  by  establishing  colonies  of  ignorant  and  selfish  for- 
eigners among  them,  who  will  seize  every  opportunity  to  over- 
reach  or  oppress,   as   interest  or  ambition  shall  instigate, — but 
by  sending  intelligent,   pious   missionaries  ;    men  fearing   God 
and  eschewing  evil — living  evidences  of  the  excellence  of  Chris- 
tianity— having  but  one  object,  not  the   possession  of  wealth  or 
the  obtainment   of  power  or  the  gratification  of  selfishness,  but 
the  salvation  of  the  soul.     Had  she  made  this   attempt,  as  she 
was  bound  to  have  made   it  by  every  principle  of  justice  and 
every    feeling  of  humanity,  a   century  ago,  Africa  would   have 
been,  at  the  present  day,   '  redeemed,  regenerated,  and  disen- 
thralled,' and   the  slavery  of  her   children  brought   to   an  end. 
No  pirates  would  now  haunt  her  coast  to   desolate  her  villages 
with  fire  and  sword,  in   order  to   supply  a  christian  people  with 
hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water.     How   much  has  been 
needlessly  lost  to  the  world  by  this  criminal  neglect  ! 


Introductory    Reinarki.         '  25 

The  conception  of  evangelizing  a  heathenish  country  by  send- 
ing to  it  an  ilhterate,  degraded  and  irrehgious  population,  be- 
longs exclusively  to  the  advocates  of  African  colonization.  For 
absurdity  and  inaptitude,  it  stands,  and  must  forever  stand, 
without  a  parallel.  Of  all  the  offspring  of  prejudice  and  op- 
pression, it  is  the  most  shapeless  and  unnatural.  But  more  of 
this  hereafter. 

History  is  full  of  instruction  on  the  subject  of  colonization. 
The  establishment  of  colonies,  in  all  ages,  with  scarcely  an 
exception,  has  resulted  either  in  their  subversion  by  the  vices 
or  physical  strength  of  the  natives,  or  by  a  fatal  amalgamation 
with  them  ;  or  else  in  the  rapid  destruction  of  the  natives  by 
the  superior  knowledge  and  greedy  avarice  of  the  new  settlers. 
It  is  presumption  to  suppose  that  the  colony  at  Liberia,  com- 
posed of  the  worst  materials  imaginable,  will  present  an  exam- 
ple of  forbearance,  stability  and  good  faith,  hitherto  unwitnessed 
in  the  world. 

Soon  after  its  establishment,  the  colony  narrowly  escaped  a 
bloody  extirpation,  and  was  the  cause  of  a  murderous  warfare 
in  which  several  of  the  colonists  and  a  large  number  of  the  na- 
tives were  slain.  The  steady  growth  of  the  colony  excited  the 
jealousy  and  alarm  of  some  of  the  neighboring  tribes  ;  and, 
accordingly,  a  consultation  was  held,  at  which  Kings  George, 
Governor,  and  all  the  other  head  men,  contended  that  '  The 
Americans  were  strangers  loho  had  forgot  their  attachment  to 
the  land  of  their  fathers ;  for  if  not,  why  had  they  not  renounced 
their  connexion  with  white  men  altogether,  and  placed  them- 
selves under  the  protection  of  the  kings  of  the  country  ?  King 
George  had  already  been  under  the  necessity  of  removing  from 
his  town,  and  leaving  the  Cape  in  their  hands.  This  was  but 
the  first  step  of  their  encroachments.  If  left  alone,  they  must, 
in  a  very  few  years,  master  the  Avhole  country.  And  as  all  other 
places  were  full,  their  own  tribe  must  be  without  a  home,  and 
cease  any  longer  to  remain  a  nation.'*  This  appeal  (which  evin- 
ces an  intimate  acquaintance  with  human  nature  and  much  fore- 
sight) induced  the  attack  to  which  allusion  has  been   made.     A 

*  Memoir  of  American  Colonists — vide  '  The  African  Repository,'  vol.  2,  p. 
174. 

[Part  I.]  4 


26  Introductory  Remarks. 

single  paragraph  from  the  Rev.  Mr  Ashmun's  account  of  the 
battle  with  the  natives  may  suffice  to  give  the  reader  an  idea  of 
its  destructiveness  : 

'  A  few  musketeers  with  E.  Johnson  at  their  head,  hy  passing  round  upon  the 
enemy's  flank,  served  to  increase  the  consternation  which  was  beginning  to  per- 
vade their  unwieldy  body.  In  about  twenty  minutes  after  the  settlers  had  taken 
their  stand,  the  front  of  the  enemy  began  to  recoil.  But  from  the  numerous  ob- 
structions in  their  rear,  the  entire  absence  of  discipline,  and  the  extreme  difficulty 
of  giving  a  reversed  motion  to  so  large  a  body,  a  small  part  only  of  which  was 
directly  exposed  to  danger,  and  the  delay  occasioned  by  the  practice  of  carrying 
off  all  their  dead  and  wounded,  rendered  a  retreat  for  some  minutes  longer,  im- 
possible. The  very  violence  employed  by  those  in  the  front,  in  their  impatience 
to  hasten  it,  by  increasing  the  cenfusion,  produced  an  effect  opposite  to  that  in- 
tended. The  Americans  perceiving  their  advantage,  now  regained  possession  of 
the  western  post,  and  instantly  brought  the  long  nine  to  rake  the  whole  line  of 
the  enemy.  Imagination  can  scarcely  figure  to  itself  a  throng  of  human  beings 
in  a  more  capital  state  of  exposure  to  the  destructive  power  of  the  machinery  of 
modern  warfare  !  Eight  hundred  men  were  here  pressed  shoulder  to  shoulder, 
in  so  compact  a  form,  that  a  child  might  easily  walk  upon  their  heads  from 
one  end  of  the  mass  to  the  other,  presenting  in  their  rear  a  breadth  of  rank  equal 
to  twenty  or  thirty  men,  and  all  exposed  to  a  gun  of  great  power,  raised  on  a 
platform,  at  only  thirty  to  sixty  yards  distance  !  Every  nhot  literally  spent 
its  force  in  a  solid  mass  of  living  human  flesh  !  Their  fire  suddenly  ter- 
minated. A  savage  yell  was  raised,  %vhich  filled  the  dismal  forest  with  a  mo- 
mentary horror.  It  gradually  died  away;  and  the  whole  host  disappeared.  At  8 
o'clock,  the- well  known  signal  of  their  dispersion  and  return  to  their  homes  was 
sounded,  and  many  small  parties  seen  at  a  distance,  directly  afterwards,  moving 
off  in  different  directions.  One  large  canoe,  employed  in  reconveying  a  party 
across  the  mouth  of  the  Montserado,  venturing  within  the  range  of  the  long 
gun,  was  struck  by  a  shot,  and  several  men  killed.'* 

The  above  (which  cannot  be  perused  without  a  thrill  of  hor- 
ror) is  one  of  the  legitimate  fruits  of  foreign  colonization. 
Subsequent  to  this  bloody  affair,  another  battle  took  place, 
which  resulted  in  the  defeat  of  the  natives  and  the  loss  of  many 
lives.  It  is  true,  the  colony  since  that  period  has  received  little 
molestation,  and  has  succeeded,  moreover,  in  making  some 
amicable  treaties  with  the  natives  ;  but  in  proportion  to  its 
means  of  defence  and  numerical  force  will  be  its  liability  to 
encroach  upon  the  rights  of  the  Africans,  and  thus  to  provoke 
hostilities.      If  this  prophecy  should  not  be  fulfilled,  history  will 


*  African  Repository,  vol.  2,  p.   179. 


Inlroduclonj   Remarks.  '  27 

have  spoken   in  vain,    and  human  nature   experienced  a    total 
regeneration. 

No  man  of  refined  sensibihty  can  contemplate  the  fate  of  the 
aborigines  of  this  country,  without  shuddering  at  the  conse- 
quences of  colonization  ;  and  if  they  melted  away  at  the  pres- 
ence of  the  pilgrims  and  their  descendants,  like  frost  before  the 
meridian  blaze  of  the  sun, — if  they  fell  to  the  earth,  like  the 
leaves  of  the  forest  before  the  autumnal  blast,  by  the  settlement 
of  men  reputedly  humane,  wise  and  pious,  in  their  vicinage, — 
what  can  be  our  hope  for  the  preservation  of  the  Africans,  asso- 
ciated with  a  population  degraded  by  slavery,  and,  to  a  lament- 
able extent,  destitute  of  religious  and  secular  knowledge  ?  The 
argument,  that  the  difference  of  complexion  between  our  fore- 
fathers and  the  aborigines  (which  is  not  a  distinctive  feature 
between  the  settlers  at  Liberia  and  the  natives)  was  the  real 
cause  of  this  deadly  enmity,  is  more  specious  than  solid.  Con- 
duct, not  color,  secures  friendship  or  excites  antipathy,  as  it 
happens  to  be  just  or  unjust.  The  venerated  AVilliam  Penn 
and  his  pacific  followers  furnish  a  case  in  point. 

I  avow  it — the  natural  tendency  of  the  colony  at  Liberia  ex- 
cites the  most  melancholy  apprehensions  in  my  mind.  Its  birth 
was  conceived  in  blood,  and  its  footsteps  will  be  marked  with 
blood  down  to  old  age — the  blood  of  the  poor  natives — unless 
a  special  interposition  of  Divine  Providence  prevent  such  a 
calamity.  The  emigrants  will  be  eager  in  the  acquisition  of 
wealth,  ease  and  power  ;  and,  having  superior  skill  and  discern- 
ment in  trade,  they  will  outwit  and  defraud  the  natives  as  often 
as  occasion  permits.  This  knavish  treatment  once  detected, — 
as  it  surely  will  be,  for  even  an  uncivilized  people  may  soon 
learn  that  they  have  been  cheated, — will  provoke  retaliation, 
and  stir  up  the  worst  passions  of  the  human  breast.  Bloody 
conflicts  will  ensue,  in  which  the  colonists  will  be  victorious. 
This  success  will  serve  to  increase  the  enmity  of  the  natives, 
and  to  perpetuate  the  murderous  struggle.  The  extirpation  of 
one  generation  may  put  the  colonists  in  undisputed  possession 
of  the  land. 

This  is  not  a  fancy  sketch — it  is  not  improbable  :  on  the  con- 
trary, it  is  the  obvious   and   hitherto   certain   consequence    of 


28  Introductory  Remarks. 

bringijig  hastily  together  large  bodies  of  civilized  men  with 
unlettered  barbarians. 

Jealousy  will  be  another  fruitful  source  of  contention.  The 
population  of  Africa  is  divided  into  a  vast  number  of  tribes, 
governed  by  petty  kings, — sometimes  indeed  united  by  an  ami- 
cable league,  but  commonly  distinct  and  independent.  Some 
of  these  tribes  will  form  alliances  with  the  colonists,  either  to 
obtain  protection  from  their  more  formidable  rivals  or  from  mo- 
tives of  fear,  curiosity  or  selfishness.  In  this  manner,  tribe 
will  be  arrayed  against  tribe  throughout  that  vast  continent  ;  the 
tide  of  commotion,  gathering  fresh  impetuosity  in  its  headlong 
career,  will  rush  from  the  mountains  down  to  the  ocean,  devas- 
tating all  that  is  beautiful,  and  swiftly  defacing  that  which  will 
require  the  labors  of  centuries  to  restore  to  its  pristine  excel- 
lence ;  there  will  be  wars  and  rumors  of  wars,  succeeded  by 
deceitful  and  unstable  treaties  ratified  only  to  be  broken  at  a 
favorable  moment  ;  and  these  collisions  will  not  cease  until  the 
colonists  obtain  an  undisputed  mastery  over  the  natives. 

Would  to  Heaven  these  fears  might  prove  to  be  but  the  off- 
spring of  a  distracted  mind  !  May  the  colonists  be  so  just  in 
their  intercourse  with  the  Africans,  as  never  to  impeach  their 
X)wn  integrity  ;  so  pacific,  as  to  disarm  retaliation  and  perpetu- 
ate good  will  ;  so  benevolent,  as  to  excite  gratitude  and  diffuse 
joy  wherever  their  names  shall  be  known  ;  and  so  holy,  as  to 
exalt  the  christian  religion  in  the  eyes  of  an  idolatrous  nation  ! 
But  he  must  be  grossly  ignorant  of  human  nature,  or  strangely 
infatuated,  who  believes  that  they  will  always,  or  commonly, 
exhibit  this  unexceptionable  conduct. 

It  is  my  sober  conviction,  that  no  contrivance  or  enterprise 
could  possibly  be  planned  more  fatally  calculated  to  obstruct 
the  progress  of  Christianity  in  a  heathenish  country,  than  the 
establishment  of  a  colony,  or  colonies,  of  selfish,  ignorant,  or 
even  intelligent  and  high-minded  men,  on  its  shoves.  In  every 
settlement  of  this  kind, — no  matter  how  choice  the  original  ma- 
terials,— vice  will  soon  preponderate  over  virtue,  intemperance 
over  sobriety,  knavery  over  honesty,  oppression  over  liberty, 
and  impiety  over  godliness.  The  natives  will  see  just  enough 
of  Christianity  to  hate   and  shun  it  ;  finding   that    its   fruits    are 


Introductory  Remarks.  29 

generally  bad — that  it  has  no  restraining  influence  upon  the 
mass  of  its  nominal  professors, — they  will  not  easily  comprehend 
the  utility  of  abandoning  their  own  idolatrous  worship  ;  looking 
only  to  the  pernicious  examples  of  the  intruders,  they  will 
spurn  with  contempt  the  precepts  of  the  gospel.  Their  confi- 
dence will  be  abused — their  lands  craftily  trafficked  for  nought 
— their  ignorance  cheated — their  inferiority  treated  oppressively  ; 
and  then  what  must  naturally  follow  ?  Why — war — a  war  of 
retaliation.  All  the  vices,  and  few  of  the  virtues,  of  the  in- 
structors, will  be  faithfully  copied  ;  and  thus  barriers  will  be 
erected  against  the  progress  of  the  christian  religion,  not  abso- 
lutely insurmountable,  it  is  true,  but  sufficiently  tall  and  strong 
to  retard  its  noble  career — barriers  not  only  of  superstition  and 
ignorance,  but  of  hatred  and  revenge.  These  reflections  might 
be  extended  to  the  size  of  a  volume  ;  but  they  are  probably 
sufficient  to  convince  every  unprejudiced,  discerning  mind,  that 
the  establishment  of  foreign  colonies  in  a  barbarous  land  is  the 
surest  way  to  prevent  its  speedy  evangelism  and  civilization. 

In  reply  to  this  reasoning,  some  of  the  advocates  of  African 
colonization  may  argue,  that  schools  and  houses  of  worship, 
multiplying  with  the  growth  of  the  settlement  at  Liberia,  will 
check  the  evil  propensities  and  passions  of  the  emigrants,  and 
qualify  them  to  act  as  missionaries  or  instructors  among  the 
natives  ;  and  thus  great  good  will  be  bestowed  upon  Africa. 
This  is  at  least  a  summary,  if  not  a  sure  mode  of  obviating 
these  difficulties. 

In  the  first  place,  it  is  by  no  means  certain — nay,  it  is  not 
probable,  especially  if  the  number  of  emigrants  annually  ex- 
ported to  Liberia  swell  from  hundreds  to  thousands,  (and  this 
increase  of  transportation  is  positively  promised  by  the  Parent 
Society,  and  absolutely  necessary  to  cause  a  perceptible  dimi- 
nution in  the  annual  enlargement  of  our  colored  population) — I 
say,  it  is  neither  certain  nor  probable  that  the  multiplication  of 
literary  and  religious  privileges  will  keep  pace  with  the  unnat- 
ural and  enormous  growth  of  the  colony.  Nine  years  after  the 
'first  settlement  of  Liberia,  it  appears  by  the  following  extract 
of  a  letter  from  a  highly  respectable  colored  emigrant,  (the 
Rev.  George  M.  Erskine,)   there   was   but    the  '  remnant  of  a 


30  Iniroduclory   Remarks. 

school '  left  !     This    letter   is  dated  '  Caldwell,  Liberia,  Jlpril 
3,  1830.' 

'  Sir,  the  state  of  things,  with  regard  to  schools,  is  truly  lamentable.  The  only 
school  in  the  Colony  at  this  time,  is  a  remnant  of  one  at  the  Cape. 
Among  the  present  emigrants,  there  are  seventeen  out  of  forty-eight  that  can  read 
the  Holy  Scriptures,  leaving  thirty-one  that  cannot.  Now,  Sir,  suppose  each 
company  of  emigrants  to  this  place  bring  a  like  proportion  of  illiterate  persons 
into  the  Colony,  then  what  state,  think  you,  it  must  be  in  ?  But  again,  Sir  :  I 
am  greatly  mistaken  if  this  Colony  is  not,  for  several  years  yet  tor  come,  mostly 
to  be  peopled  with  slaves  sent  out  liy  their  present  owners,  without  any  educa- 
tion themselves,  and  without  means  and  very  little  desire  to  have  their  children 
instructed  ;  and  add  to  the  above,  that  this  people  is  planted  in  the  midst,  and 
are  daily  conversant  with,  a  people  that  are  not  only  heathen,  but  a  people  ex- 
tremely partial  in  favor  of  their  grovelling  superstition.  My  dear  Sir,  this  being 
the  case,  whether  is  it  probable  that  they  will  come  over  to  us,  or  we  go 
down  to  them  1  To  me  the  latter  is  the  most  likely,  as  it  is  the  very  essence 
of  human  nature  to  seek  the  loivest  depth  of  degradation.  Permit  me  to 
say,  Sir,  there  must  be  a  great  revolution  in  this  Colony  before  it  can  have  a  salu- 
tary influence  on  the  surrounding  natives  ;  that  is,  before  it  can  have  a  moral  in- 
fluence over  them.'  *, 

Subsequent  accounts,  I  am  happy  to  state,  present  a  better 
aspect  in  relation  to  the  education  of  this  outcast  and  persecu- 
ted people  :    their  wants,  however,  are  only  partially  supplied. 

The  annual  increase  of  the  free  colored  and  slave  population 
in  the  United  States  is  variously  estimated  from  sixty  to  seventy - 
five  thousand.  The  American  Colonization  Society  proposes 
the  annual  removal  of  this  vast  body, — and  more,  if  it  be  pos- 
sible,— provided  the  energies  and  patronage  of  the  General 
Government  be  enlisted  in  this  expulsive  crusade.  Now, 
suppose  the  entire  transportation  effected,  let  any  candid  man 
decide  how  extremely  difficidt,  not  to  say  impracticable,  it 
would  be  to  discipline  and  instruct  such  an  overwhelming  mass 
of  ignorance,  or  any  considerable  portion  of  it — and  how  per- 
nicious must  be  the  consequences  to  the  colony  and  the  natives, 
if  it  should  not  receive  immediate  culture  ! 

Secondly.  It  is  neither  certain  nor  probable  that,  allowing 
all  that  is  assumed  by  colonizationists,  the  influence  of  secular 
and  religious  instruction  would  be  sufficient  to  restrain  the  selfish 
desires  and  knavish  propensities  of  those  whose  main  object  is, 

*  African  Repository,  vol.  6,  p.   121. 


Inlroduclory   Remarks.  31 

not  to  evangelize  the  natives,  but  to  secure,  by  a  summary 
process,  competence  and  power  for  themselves.  Indeed,  their 
juxtaposition  with  the  natives  would  be  eminently  calculated  to 
induce  the  fever  of  avarice,  and  to  generate  the  lust  of  domin- 
ion. It  is  well  known  that  so  eager  are  the  colonists  to  acquire 
a  rapid  accumulation  of  wealth,  by  trafficking  their  paltry  beads 
and  poisonous  rum  and  tobacco  for  ivory,  camwood  and  gold 
dust,  it  is  with  the  utmost  difficulty  any  considerable  por- 
tion of  them  are  persuaded  to  cultivate  the  soil  and  engage  in 
agricultural  pursuits.  Thus  we  are  presented  with  the  disgrace- 
ful, if  not  singular  spectacle  of  a  rivalry  in  cunning  and  trick- 
ishness  between  a  colony  of  soi-disant  missionaries  (really  ava- 
ricious and  unscrupulous  foreigners)  and  the  tribes  who  are  to 
come  under  their  pious  pupilage.  If  equal  dexterity  in  trade 
is  not  apparent,  each  party  is  equally  pleased  with  its  successful 
attempts  at  deception,  and  both  renew  the  fraudulent  commerce 
with  fresh  alacrity — the  one  to  gain  a  new  triumph,  and  the 
other  to  retrieve  an  old  defeat.  And  this  is  the  mode  of  colo- 
nizationists  to  evangelize  Africa  !  and  this  their  mode  to  sup- 
press the  slave  trade  !  and  this  their  mode  to  elevate  the  free 
people  of  color  !  and  this  their  mode  to  emancipate  the  slaves! 
It  combines  the  folly  and  absurdity  of  a  farce  with  the  solem- 
nity and  murderment  of  a  tragedy. 

Far  be  it  from  me  to  leave  the  impression  upon  the  mind:  of 
the  reader,  from  these  representations,  that  all  the  colonists  are 
actuated  by  the  same  selfish  motives,  or  that  they  have  exhibited 
any  new  and  extraordinary  traits  of  character  in  their  commerce 
with  the  Africans.  Many  of  them,  I  believe,  are  men  who  fear 
God  and  desire  the  welfare  of  his  creatures  :  all  of  them  have 
behaved  as  honorably,  perhaps,  and  trafficked  as  equitably,  as 
any  other  body  of  men,  white  or  yellow,  would  have  done  in 
the  same  situation  and  under  the  same  circumstances.  Dishon- 
esty in  trade  is  no  prodigy,  even  in  this  country.  To  bring 
accusations  of  fraud,  cupidity  and  cunning  against  human  nature, 
is  not  libellous.  I  am  persuaded  that  robbery, — well  contrived, 
deliberately  executed  robbery, — is  perpetrated  in  every  com- 
munity among  ourselves,  without  any  due  estimate  of  its  moral 
turpitude,    by  reputable   merchants    and    traders  upon  their  cus- 


32  Introductory   Remarks. 

tomers,  to  a  larger  extent  than  all  llie  avowed  and  heinous  thefts 
collectively,  which  are  committed  against  society.  It  is  lament- 
able to  see  how  studiously  conscience  and  fair  dealing  are  ex- 
cluded from  the  secular  business  of  the  world.  If  we  .see, 
every  day,  illustrations  of  this  dishonest  conduct,  given  by  men 
of  refinement,  intelligence  and  good  character,  what  should  we 
expect  from  those  whose  fetters  have  hardly  fallen  from  their 
limbs  ;  who  have  been  systematically  degraded  by  slavery  ;  who 
have  not  consequently  that  hvely  sense  of  moral  obligation 
which  accompanies  intelligence  ;  who  are  beyond  the  influence 
of  public  sentiment,  and  surrounded  by  a  barbarous  people  .'' 

The  establishment  of  a  colony  of  speculators,  then,  to  evan- 
gelize Africa,  does  not  discover  much  wisdom  or  promise  much 
success  ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  exhibits  a  total  blindness  of  vis- 
ion and  a  most  unfavorable  aspect. 

Let  it  be  remembered,  however,  that  rum  and  tobacco  (two 
poisons  which  are  exactly  adapted  to  destroy  both  soul  and 
body)  are  the  principal  articles  given  to  the  natives — because 
pertinaciously  demanded  by  them — in  exchange  for  their  own. 
Their  appetite  for  spirituous  liquor,  first  created  by  the  slave 
traders  and  subsequently  excited  by  the  colonists,  is  insatiate. 
Even  the  justly  lamented  Ashmun,  if  I  do  not  mistake,  for  I 
have  not  his  letter  now  before  me,  'was  so  imprudent  in  one  of 
his  epistles  to  the  Board  of  Managers  as  to  concede  the  fatal 
necessity  of  selling  rum  freely  to  the  natives,  in  order  to  main- 
tain a  commercial  intercourse  with  them.  Rum  they  would 
have,  or  nothing  ;  and  rum  they  obtained  then,  and  do  now 
obtain.  Any  one  who  will  take  the  trouble  to  read  the  adver- 
tisements in  the  Liberia  Herald  will  discover  that  ardent  spirits 
form  a  prominent  item  in  the  list  of  articles  offered  for  sale. 
Of  the  sobriety  of  the  colonists,  however,  common  report 
speaks  in  the  most  gratifying  manner  ;  but  as  their  number  is  to 
be  increased  by  a  redundant  importation,  we  have  reason  to  fear 
a  declension  of  morals. 

Thirdly.  Colonizationists  strenuously  contend  that  our  col- 
ored population  are  destined  always  to  remain  a  degraded  class 
in  this  country.  If  educated  any  where,  they  must  be  educated 
in  Africa.     We  must  take   them    in    their  ignorance,  and  just 


Introductory  Reniarkt.  33 

released  from  bondage,  and  translate  them  to  another  continent 
on  the  wings  of  the  wind.  Delay  would  be  injurious  to  our- 
selves, and  calamitous  to  them.  They  must  go  in  large  bodies 
— by  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands  annually — till  the  whole 
be  expelled  from  our  shores.  For  it  seems,  according  to  the 
logic  of  colonizationists,  every  individual  tainted  with  black 
blood  must  be  transported,  to  insure  the  regeneration  of  Africa  ! 
Neither  fifty  thousand,  nor  one  hundred  thousand,  nor  half  a 
million  of  these  missionaries  will  be  able  to  accomplish  the  task; 
but  two  millions  of  slaves  and  four  hundred  thousand  free  peo- 
ple of  color,  and  all  their  descendants  in  time  to  come,  here — 
even  little  babes  (pretty  prattling  reformers  !)  and  children — 
the  maimed,  the  halt,  and  the  blind — all  must  be  sent  off — else 
alas  !  alas  !  for  poor  benighted  Africa  !  This  is  no  caricature. 
An  ugly  face  is  sure  to  quarrel  with  its  own  likeness.  But 
what  is  the  portrait  worth,  if  it  bear  no  resemblance  to  the  liv- 
ing original  ?  They  who  place  themselves  in  a  ridiculous  atti- 
tude must  not  claim  exemption  from  ridicule. 

Let  us  turn  to  the  picture  once  more.     It  is  worth  our  while 
to  contemplate  it  a  few  moments  longer. 

What  do  wc  see  ?  More  than  one-sixth  portion  of  the  Ameri- 
can people — confessedly  the  most  vicious,  degraded  and  dan- 
gerous portion — crowded  on  the  shores  of  Africa,  by  means 
which  are  hereafter  to  be  considered,  and  at  an  expense  which  we 
shall  not  stop  now  to  calculate,  for  the  purpose  of  civilizing  and 
evangelizing  Africa,  and  of  improving  their  own  condition  ! 
Here,  then,  are  two  ignorant  and  depraved  nations  to  be  regen- 
erated instead  of  one  ! — if  we  may  call  all  the  natives  that  oc- 
cupy that  vast  continent  a  nation — two  huge  and  heterogeneous 
masses  of  contagion  mingled  together  for  the  preservation  of 
each  !  One  of  these  nations  is  so  incorrigibly  stupid,  or  un- 
fathomably  deep  in  pollution,  (for  such  is  the  argument,)  that, 
although  surrounded  by  ten  millions  of  people  living  under  the 
full  blaze  of  gospel  light,  and  having  every  desirable  facility  to 
elevate  and  save  it,  it  never  can  rise  until  it  be  removed  at 
least  three  thousand  miles  from  their  vicinage  ! — and  yet  it  is 
first  to  be  evangelized  in  a  barbarous  land,  by  a  feeble,  inad- 
equate process,  before  it  can  be  qualified  to  evangelize  the  other 
[Part  I.]  5 


34  Intrpductoi'y   Remarks. 

nation  !  In  other  words,  men  who  are  intellectually  and  mor- 
ally blind  are  violently  removed  from  light  effulgent  into  thick 
darkness,  in  order  that  they  may  obtain  light  themselves  and 
diffuse  light  among  others  !  Ignorance  is  sent  to  instruct  igno- 
rance, ungodliness  to  exhort  ungodliness,  vice  to  stop  the  pro- 
gress of  vice,  and  depravity  to  reform  depravity  !  All  that  is 
abhorrent  to  our  moral  sense,  or  dangerous  to  our  quietude,  or 
villanous  in  human  nature,  we  benevolently  disgorge  upon  Af- 
rica for  her  temporal  and  eternal  welfare  !  We  propose  to  build 
upon  her  shores,  for  her  glory  and  defence,  colonies  framed  of 
materials  which  we  discard  as  worthless  for  our  own  use,  and 
which  possess  no  fitness  or  durability  !  Admirable  consistency  ! 
surprising  wisdom  !  unexampled  benevolence  !  As  rationally 
might  we  think  of  exhausting  the  ocean  by  multiplying  the 
number  of  its  tributaries,  or  extinguishing  a  fire  by  piling  fuel 
upon  it. 

Lastly.  Any  scheme  to  proselytize  which  requires  for  its 
protection  the  erection  of  forts  and  the  use  of  murderous  wea- 
pons, is  opposed  to  the  genius  of  Christianity  and  radically 
'  wrong.  If  the  gospel  cannot  be  propagated  but  by  the  aid  of 
the  sword, — if  its  success  depend  upon  the  muscular  power  and 
military  science  of  its  apostles, — it  were  better  to  leave  the 
pagan  world  in  darkness.  The  first  specimen  of  benevolence 
and  piety^  which  the  colonists  gave  to  the  natives,  was  the 
building  of  a  fort,  and  supplying  it  with  arms  and  ammunition  ! 
This  was  an  earnest  manifestation  of  that  '  peace  on  earth,  good 
will  to  man,'  which  these  expatriated  missionaries  were  sent  to 
inculcate  !  How  eminently  calculated  to  inspire  the  confidence, 
excite  the  gratitude,  and  accelerate  the  conversion  of  the  Afri- 
cans !  Their  'dread  of  the  great  guns  of  the  Islanders,'  (to 
adopt  the  language  of  Mr  Ashmun,)  must  from  the  beginning 
have  made  a  deep  and  salutary  impression  upon  their  minds  ; 
and  when,  not  long  afterward,  'every  shot'  from  these  guns 
'  spent  its  force  in  a  solid  mass  of  living  human  flesh  ' — their 
own  flesh — they  must  have  experienced  a  total  regeneration. 
Bullets  and  cannon  balls  argue  with  resistless  efiect,  and  as  easily 
convert  a  barbarous  as  civilized  people."  One  sanguinary  con- 
vict was  sufficient  to  spread  the  glad  tidings  of  salvation  among 


Introductory   Remarks.  35 

a  thousand  tribes,  almost  with  the  rapidity  of  hght  ! — But  even 
irony,  though  appropriate,  is  painful.      I  forbear. 

Byt — says  an  objector — these  reflections  come  too  late.  The 
colony  is  planted,  whatever  may  be  its  influence.  What  do 
you  recommend  ?  Its  immediate  abandonment  to  want  and 
ruin  ?  Shall  we  not  bestow  upon  it  our  charities,  and  commend 
it  to  the  protection  of  Heavea  ? 

I  answer — Let  the  colony  continue  to  receive  the  aid,  and 
elicit  the  prayers  of  the  good  and  benevolent.  Still  let  it  re- 
main within  the  pale  of  christian  sympathy.  Blot  it  not  out  of 
existence.  But  let  it  henceforth  develope  itself  naturally. 
Crowd  not  its  population.  Let  transportation  cease.  Seek  no 
longer  to  exile  millions  of  our  colored  countrymen.  For,  as- 
suredly, if  the  Colonization  Society  succeed  in  its  efforts  to 
remove  thousands  of  their  number  annually,  it  could  not  inflict 
a  heavier  curse  upon  Africa,  or  more  speedily  assist  in  the 
entire  subversion  of  the  colony. 

But — the  objector  asks — how-  shall  we  evangelize  Africa  ? 

In  the  same  manner  as  we  have  evangelized  the  Sandwich 
and  Society  Islands,  and  portions  of  Burmah,  Hindostan,  and 
other  lands.  By  sending  missionaries  of  the  Cross  indeed,  who 
shall  neither  build  forts  nor  trust  in  weapons  of  war  ;  who  shall 
be  actuated  by  a  holy  zeal  and  genuine  love  ;  who  shall  be  qual- 
ified to  instruct,  admonish,  enlighten,  and  proselyte  ;  who  shall 
not  by  their  examples  impugn  the  precepts,  or  subject  to  sus- 
picion the  inspiration  of  the  Word  of  Life  ;  who  shall  not  be 
covered  with  pollution  and  shame  as  with  a  garment,  or  add  to 
the  ignorance,  sin  and  corruption  of  paganism  ;  and  who  shall 
abhor  dishonesty,  violence  and  treachery.  Such  men  have 
been  found  to  volunteer  their  services  for  the  redemption  of  a 
lost  world  ;  and  such  men  may  be  found  now  to  embark  in  the 
same  glorious  enterprise.  A  hundred  evangelists  like  these, 
dispersed  along  the  shores  and  in  the  interior  of  Africa,  would 
destroy  more  idols,  make  more  progress  in  civilizing  the  natives, 
suppress  more  wars,  unite  in  amity  more  hostile  tribes,  and  con- 
vert more  souls  to  Christ,  in  ten  years,  than  a  colony  of  twenty- 
thousand  ignorant,  uncultivated,  selfish  emigrants  in  a  cen- 
tury.   Such  a  mission  would  be  consonant  with  reason  and  com- 


36  Introductory   Remarks. 

mon  sense  ;  nor  could  it  fail  to  receive  the  approbation  of  God. 
How  simple  was  the  command  of  our  blessed  Saviour  to  his 
disciples  ! — '  Go  ye  forth  into  all  the  world,  and  preach  the 
gospel  to  every  creature.'  Not — '  Send  out  from  among  your- 
selves those  whom  you  despise  or  against  whom  you  cherish  a 
strong  antipathy  ;  those  who  need  to  be  instructed  and  convert- 
ed themselves  ;  tfo)se  who  are  the  dregs  of  society,  made  vicious 
and  helpless  by  oppression  and  public  opinion  ;  those  who  are 
beyond  the  reach  of  the  gospel  in  a  christian  land  ;  those  whose 
complexions  are  not  precisely  like  yours,  or  who  have  any  per- 
sonal blemishes  whatever  that  excite  your  dislike  ; — send  out 
all  these  to  evangelize  the  nations  which  sit  in  darkness  and  in 
the  regions  of  the  shadow  of  death  !' 

Denham,  Clapperton,  and  Lander,  travellers  in  Africa,  rep- 
resent the  natives  in  a  light  most  favorable  for  the  introduction 
of  Christianity  ;  as  eager  to  learn  and  become  a  civilized  and 
great  people  like  the  Europeans.  Excepting  the  followers  of 
Mohammed,  they  are  not  tenacious  of  their  forms  of  rehgious 
worship  ;  and  a  considerable  portion  of  them  are  totally  indif- 
ferent to  devotional  exercises.  It  seems  apparent,  that  the 
fruits  of  a  mission  in  Africa  would  be  thrice  as  numerous  as 
those  of  one  in  India,  because  the  obstacles  to  be  surmounted 
are  far  less  formidable. 

But — says  the  objector — the  climate  of  Africa  is  fatal  to 
white  men. 

So  is  the  climate  of  India.  But  our  missionaries  have  not 
counted  their  lives  dear  unto  themselves  ;  and^  as  fast  as  one  is 
cut  down,  another  stands  ready  to  supply  his  place. 

I  do  not  believe  that  the  Creator  has  immoveably  fixed  the 
habitations  of  any  people  within  a  boundary  narrower  than  the 
circumference  of  the  globe.  I  believe  that  rapid  transitions 
from  intensity  of  heat  and  cold,  and  cold  and  heat,  are  destruc- 
tive to  animal  life  ;  but  I  also  believe  that  the  human  body  is 
easily  acclimated,  in  any  region  of  the  world.  I  believe  the  time 
IS  swiftly  approaching  when  empires  and  continents  shall  as 
freely  commingle  their  population  as  do  states  and  neighbor- 
hoods. To  limit  or  obstruct  this  intercourse,  is  to  impoverish 
and  circumscribe  human  happiness.      Civilization   will   remove 


Introductory    Remarks.  37 

those  causes  which  now  engender  pestilence  and  death,  and  neu- 
tralize the  effects  of  atmospherical  contagion. 

Hence  it  will  be  seen  that  I  do  not  assail  the  Colonization 
Society,  as  many  others  have  done,  simply  because  the  settle- 
ment at  Liberia  is  unhealthy.  It  is  true,  the  mortality  among 
the  emigrants  has  been  excessiv^e  ;  and  so  it  was  among  the 
first  settlers  of  New-England.  But  the  climate  of  New-Eng- 
land is  no  longer  pestiferous  ;  and  the  climate  of  Africa  will 
grow  sweet  and  salubrious  as  her  forests  disappear,  and  the 
purifying  influences  of  Christianity  penetrate  into  the  interior. 
I  expressly  contend,  however,  that  it  is  murderous,  indiscrimi- 
nately to  colonize  large  bodies  of  men,  women  and  children,  in 
a  foreign  land,  before  the  natives  are  to  some  extent  elevated  by 
missionary  effort  :  and  therefore  I  consider  the  Colonization 
Society  as  responsible  for  the  lives  of  those  who  have  perished 
prematurely  at  Liberia. 

But  the  objection  is  fallacious.  If  white  missionaries  cannot, 
black  ones  can  survive  in  Africa.  What,  then,  is  our  duty  ? 
Obviously  to  educate  colored  young  men  of  genius,  enterprise 
and  piety,  expressly  to  carry  the  '  glad  tidings  of  great  joy '  to 
her  shores.  Enough,  I  venture  to  affirm,  stand  ready  to  be 
sent,  if  they  can  first  be  qualified  for  their  mission.  If  our  free 
colored  population  were  brought  into  our  schools,  and  raised 
from  their  present  low  estate,  I  am  confident  that  an  army  of 
christian  volunteers  would  go  out  from  their  ranks,  by  a  divine 
impulse  and  under  the  guidance  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  to  redeem 
their  African  brethren  from  the  bondage  of  idolatry  and  the 
dominion  of  spiritual  death. 

Whatever  may  be  the  result  of  this  great  controversy,  I  shall 
have  the  consolation  of  believing  that  no  efforts  were  lacking, 
on  my  part,  to  uproot  the  prejudices  of  my  countrymen,  to  per- 
suade them  to  walk  in  the  path  of  duty  and  shun  the  precipice 
of  expediency,  to  unloose  the  heavy  burdens  and  let  the  prison- 
ers go  free  at  once,  to  warn  them  of  the  danger  of  expelling 
the  people  of  color  from  their  native  land,  and  to  convince  them 
of  the  necessity  of  abandoning  a  dangerous  and  chimerical,  as 
well  as  unchristian  and  anti-republican  association.  For  these 
efforts  I  have  hitherto   suffered  reproach   and  persecution,  and 


38  Introductory    Remarks. 

must  expect  to  suffer  till  I  perish.  This  book  will  doubtless 
increase  the  rage  of  my  enemies  ;  but  no  torrent  of  invective 
shall  successfully  whelm  it,  no  sophistry  impair  its  force,  no 
activity  destroy  its  influence,  no  misrepresentation  defeat  it^ 
usefulness. 

I  commend  it,  particularly,  to  the  candid  attention  of  the  two 
most  powerful  classes  in  this  country — editors  of  newspapers 
and  the  clersirv.  It  is  not  a  lisht  matter  for  either  of  them  to 
propagate  false  doctrines  and  excite  delusive  hopes,  on  the  sub- 
ject of  politics  or  religion.  Although  the  press  is  committed  to 
a  wide  extent,  I  place  too  much  reliance  upon  the  good  sense 
and  liberal  patriotism  of  its  conductors  to  believe  that  the  evi- 
dence which  is  presented  in  these  pages  of  the  inefficiency  and 
injustice  of  the  colonization  scheme,  will  fail  to  convince  their 
understanding.  I  cherish  still  higher  expectations  of  its  salutary 
influence  upon  ministers  of  the  gospel.  It  may  grieve  them  to 
discover  that  they  have  been  misled  themselves,  and  that  they 
have  unwittingly  misled  others.  To  say  to  their  flocks — 'We 
have  erred  in  this  matter  ;  we  have  solicited  your  charities  for 
an  institution  which  is  built  upon  prejudice  and  persecution  ;  we 
have  hastily  adopted  the  mistaken  opinions  of  others  ' — such  a 
confession  may  indeed  require  much  grace  in  the  heart,  but  this 
grace,  I  am  persuaded,  they  will  obtain.  As  apostles  of  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  sustaining  high  and  awful  responsibilities, 
and  exerting  an  influence  which  measurably  decides  the  eternal 
destiny  of  the  souls  of  men,  they  will  not  shut  their  eyes,  or 
stop  their  ears,  or  refuse  to  examine,  or  disregard  the  truth,  in 
a  case  involving  the  temporal  and  eternal  happiness  of  millions 
■of  their  fellow  creatures. 


SECTION     I. 


THE      AMERICAN     COLONIZATION      SOCIETY     IS      PLEDGED    NOT 
TO    OPPOSE    THE     SYSTEM    OF    SLAVERY. 

Having  concluded  my  introductory  remarks,  I  now  proceed 
to  substantiate  my  accusations  against  the  American  Coloniza- 
tion Society,  by  marshalling  in  review  the  sentiments  of  those 
who  first  originated  it,  and  who  are  its  efficient  managers 
and  advocates.  It  is  obvious  that,  with  my  limited  means, 
and  in  a  book  designed  for  a  cheap  circulation,  I  shall  not  be 
able  to  enter  into  so  minute  a  detail  as  the  present  exigency 
demands,  or  make  those  comments  which  might  serve  more 
fully  to  illustrate  the  character  of  this  association.  It  should 
be  stated,  moreover,  that  I  have  not  made  any  particular  effort 
to  procure  materials  for  this  work,  being  satisfied  that  those 
which  have  almost  accidentally  fallen  into  my  hands,  contain 
ample  and  conclusive  evidence  of  the  unworthiness  of  the  So- 
ciety. A  vast  number  of  the  Reports  of  auxiliary  bodies  in 
various  parts  of  the  country,  of  orations  and  sermons  and  essays 
in  favor  of  African  colonization,  are  beyond  my  reach,  and  must 
remain  unconsulted.  If  more  proof  be  demanded,  it  shall  be 
given  to  the  public.  There  is  not  a  sound  timber  in  this  great 
Babel  :  from  the  foundation  to  the  roof,  it  is  rotten  and  defec- 
tive. 

I  shall  not  stop  to  interrogate  the  motives  of  those  who  plan- 
ned the  Society.  Some  of  them,  undoubtedly,  were  actuated 
by  a  benevolent  desire  to  promote  the  welfare  of  our  colored 
population,  and  could  never  have  intended  to  countenance  op- 
pression. But  the  question  is  not,  whether  their  motives  were 
good  or  bad.  Suppose  they  were  all  good — would  this  fact 
prove  infallibly  that  they  could  not  err  in  judgment  .''  Do  we  not 
almost  daily  see  men  running  headlong  into  wild  and  injurious 
enterprises   with    the  very  best   intentions  ?     There  is   a   wide 


40  The  ^^mencan   Colonization   Society 

difierence  between  meaning  well  and  doing  well.  The  slave 
trade  originated  in  a  compassionate  regard  for  the  benighted 
Africans  ;  and  yet  we  hang  those  who  are  detected  in  this 
traffic.  I  am  willing  to  concede  that  Robert  Finley  and  Elias 
B.  Caldwell  were  philanthropic  individuals  ;  and  that  a  large 
number  of  their  followers  are  men  of  piety,  benevolence  and 
moral  worth.  AVhat  then  ?  Is  the  American  Colonization  So- 
ciety a  beneficial  institution  ?    We  shall  see  hereafter. 

The  history  of  this  Society  is  familiar  to  the  public.  It  was 
organized  about  the  commencement  of  the  year  1817.  The 
first  public  meeting  to  consider  the  expediency  of  such  an  or- 
ganization was  held  on  the  21st  of  December,  1816,  at  which 
the  Hon.  Henry  Clay  presided  ;  but  I  have  never  seen  its  offi- 
cial proceedings.  It  was  addressed  by  Mr  Clay,  J\Ir  Ran- 
dolph, Mr  Caldwell,  and  other  gentlemen,  from  whose  speeches 
extracts  will  shortly  be  given. 

It  is  my  purpose  in  this  section  to  show,  first,  the  original 
design  of  the  Society  ;  secondly,  that  it  is  still  strictly  adhered 
to  ;  and,  lastly,  that  the  Society  is  solemnly  pledged  not  to  in- 
terfere with  the  system  of  slavery,  or  in  any  manner  to  disturb 
the  repose  of  the  planters.  Upon  the  rigid  observance  of  this 
sinful  pledge  depends  its  existence  ;  a  single  violation  of  it 
would  be  fatal.  I  want  no  better  reason  than  this,  to  wage  an 
uncompromising  warfare  against  it.  No  man  has  a  right  to  form 
an  alliance  with  others,  which  prevents  him  from  rebuking  sin 
or  exposing  the  guilt  of  sinners.  Every  individual  is  bound  to 
oppose  the  system  of  slavery  in  the  most  direct,  strenuous,  un- 
faltering manner — bound  by  the  ties  of  brotherhood,  by  the 
spirit  of  Christianity,  by  the  genius  of  repliblicanism,  by  the  dic- 
tates of  humanity,  by  the  requirements  of  justice,  by  the  love 
of  country,  by  duty  to  his  God.  He  cannot  suppress  his  voice, 
nor  stop  his  ears  to  the  groans  of  the  prisoners,  and  be  inno- 
cent. If  he  hide  the  truth  because  it  may  give  orffence — if  he 
strike  hands  in  amity  with  a  thief — if  he  leave  the  needy  and 
oppressed  to  perish — God  will  visit  him  with  plagues.  Now 
the  language  of  the  non-slaveholding  members  of  the  Coloniza- 
tion Society  to  the  owners  of  slaves  is  virtually  as  follows  : — 
'  The  free  people  of  color  are  a  nuisance  to  us,  and  plotters  of 


h  not    Hostile  to   Slavery.  41 

sedition  among  your  slaves.  If  they  be  not  speedily  removed, 
your  property  will  be  lost,  and  your  lives  destroyed.  We  there- 
fore do  solemnly  agree,  that,  if  you  will  unite  with  us  in  ex- 
pelling this  dangerous  class  from  our  shores,  we  will  never 
accuse  you  of  robbery  or  oppression,  or  irritate  your  feelings 
by  asserting  the  right  of  the  slaves  to  immediate  freedom,  or 
identify  any  one  of  you  as  a  criminal;  but,  on  the  contrary, 
we  will  boldly  assert  your  innocence,  and  applaud  you  as  wise 
and  benevolent  men  for  holding  your  slaves  in  subjection  until 
you  can  cast  them  out  of  the  country.'  I  say,  this  is  virtu- 
ally their  language,  as  I  shall  soon  indisputably  show.  Thus 
we  are  presented  with  the  strange  spectacle  of  a  procession 
composed  of  the  most  heterogeneous  materials.  There  go, 
arm-in-arm,  a  New-England  divine  and  a  southern  kidnapper  ; 
and  there  an  ungodly  slaveholder  and  a  pious  deacon  ;  each 
eyeing  the  other  with  distrust,  and  fearful  of  exciting  a  quarrel, 
both  denouncing  the  poor,  neglected,  despised  free  black  man 
as  a  miserable,  good-for-nothing  creature,  and  both  gravely 
complimenting  their  foresight  and  generosity  in  sending  this 
worthless  wretch  on  a  religious  mission  to  Africa  ! 

I  cannot  exhibit  the  folly  and  wickedness  of  this  alliance  in  a 
clearer  light  than  by  inserting  the  following  extract  of  a  letter 
from  Capt.  Charles  Stuart,  of  the  English  Royal  Navy,  one 
of  the  most  indefatigable  philanthropists  in  England  : 

'  The  American  Colonization  Society  loolis  abroad  over  its  own  country-,  and 
it  finds  a  mass  of  its  brethren,  whom  God  has  been  pleased  to  clothe  with  a 
darker  skin.  It  finds  one  portion  of  these  free  !  another  enslaved  !  It  finds  a 
cruel  prejudice,  as  dark  and  false  as  sin  can  make  it,  reigning  with  a  most  ty- 
rannous svvav  against  both.  It  finds  this  prejudice  respecting  the  free,  declaring 
without  a  blush,  "  Vv'c  are  too  wicked  ever  to  love  them  as  God  commands  us 
to  do — we  are  so  resolute  in  our  wickedness  as  not  even  to  desire  to  do  so — and 
we  are  so  proud  in  our  iniquity  that  we  will  hate  and  revile  whoever  disturbs  us  in 
it — We  want,  like  the  devils  of  old,  to  be  let  alone  in  our  sin — We  are  unalter- 
ably determined,  and  neither  God  nor  man  shall  move  us  from  this  resolution, 
that  our  free  colored  fellow  subjects  never  shall  be  happy  in  their  native  land." 
The  American  Colonization  Society,  I  say,  finds  this  most  base  and  cruel  preju- 
dice, and  lets  it  alone ;  nay  more,  it  directl}'  and  powerfully  supports  it. 

'  The  American  Colonization  Societj'  finds  2,000,000  of  its  fellow  subjects 
most  iniquitously  enslaved — and  it  finds  a  resolution  as  proud  and  wicked  as  the 
very  spirit  of  the  pit  can  make  it  against  obeying  God  and  letting  them  go  free 
in  their  native  land.  It  lets  this  perfectly  infernal  resolution  alone,  nay 
more,  it  powerfully  supports  it ;  for  it  in  fact  says,  as  a  fond  and  feeble  father 
might  say  to  some  overgrown  baby  before  whose  obstinate  wickedness  he  quail- 
ed,  "  jN'cver  mind,  my  dear,  I  don't   want  to   prevent  your  beating  and  abusing 

[Part  I.]  6 


42  Tht   Amencan    Colonization    Society 

jonr  brothers  and  sisters — let  that  be — but  here  is  a  box  of  sugar  plums — do  pray 
give  them  one  or  two  now  and  then."  The  American  Colonization  Society 
says  practically  to  the  slaveliolders  and  the  slave  party  in  the  United  States, 
"  We  don't  want  to  prevent  your  plundering  2,000,000  of  our  fellow  subjects 
of  their  liberty  and  of  the  fruits  of  their  toil  ;  although  we  know  that  by  every 
principle  of  law  which  does  not  utterly  disgrace  us  by  assimilating  us  to  pirates, 
that  they  have  as  good  and  as  true  a  right  to  the  equal  protection  of  the  law  as 
we  have  ;  and  although  we  ourselves  stand  prepared  to  die,  rather  than  submit 
even  to  a  fragment  of  the  intolerable  load  of  oppression  to  which  we  are  sub- 
jecting them — yet  never  mind — let  that  be — they  have  grown  old  in  suffering, 
and  we  in  iniquity — and  we  have  nothing  to  do  now  but  to  speak  peace,  peace 
to  one  another  in  our  sins.  But  if  any  of  their  masters,  whether  from  bepevo- 
lence,  an  awakened  conscience,  or  political  or  personal  fear,  should  emancipate 
any,  let  us  send  them  to  Liberia — that  is,  in  fact,  let  us  give  a  sugar  plum  here 
and  there  to  a  few,  while  the  many  arc  living  and  dying  unredressed — and  while 
we  are  thus  countenancing  the  atrocious  iniquity  lieneath  which  they  are  per- 
ishing." In  this  aspect  I  find  the  American  Colonization  Society  declaring  itself 
a  substitute  for  emancipation,  and  it  is  in  ihis  aspect  that  I  contend  with  it,  and 
that  I  proclaim  it,  as  far  as  it  has  this  character,  no  fiirther,  a  bane  to 
the  colored  people,  whether  enslaved  or  free,  and  a  snare  and  a  disgrace  to  its 
country.' 

The  second  article  of  the  Constitution  of  this  ^ociety  is  in 
the  following  language  : 

'  The  object  to  which  its  attention  is  to  be  exclusively  directed,  is  to  pro- 
mote and  execute  a  plan  for  colonizing  (with  their  consent)  the  free  people  of 
color  residing  in  our  country,  in  Africa,  or  such  other  place  as  Congress  shall 
deem  most  expedient.  And  the  Society  shall  act,  to  effect  this  object,  in 
co-operation  with  the  General  Government,  and  sucii  of  the  States  as  may  adopt 
regulations  upon  the  subject.' 

The  following  citations  abundantly  sustain  the  charge,  that 
the  Society  has  not  swerved  from  its  original  design,  and  does  not 
oppose  the  system  of  slavery  : 

'  Whilst  he  was  up,  he  would  detain  the  Society  for  a  few  moments.  It  was 
proper  again  and  again  to  repeat,  that  it  was  far  from  the  intention  of  the  Society 
to  affect,  in  any  manner,  the  tenure  by  which  a  certain  species  of  property  is 
held.  He  was  himself  a  slaveholder  ;  and  he  considered  that  hind  of  prop- 
erty as  inviolable  as  any  other  in  the  country.  He  would  resist  as  soon, 
and  with  as  much  firniness,  encroachments  upon  it  as  he  would  encroachments 
upon  any  other  property  w-hich  he  held.  Nor  was  he  disposed  even  to  go  as  far 
as  the  gentleman  who  had  just  spoken,  (Mr  Mercer)  in  saying  that  he  would 
emancipate  his  slaves,  if  the  means  were  provided  of  sending  them  from  tho 
country.' — [Speech  of  Henry  Clay. — First  Annua!  Report.] 

'  It  was  proper  and  necessary  distinctly  to  state,  that  he  understood  it  cx)nsti- 
tnted  no  part  of  the  object  of  this  meeting,  to  touch  or  agitate  in  the  slightest 
degree,  a  delicate  question,  connected  with  another  portion  of  the  colored  pop- 
ulation of  our  country.  It  was  not  proposed  to  deliberate  upon  or  consider  at 
all,  any  question  of  emancipation,  or  that  which  was  connected  with  the  aboli- 
tion of  slavery.  It  was  upon  that  condition  alone,  ho  was  sure,  that  many  gen- 
tlemen from  the  South  and  West,  whom  he  saw  present,  had  attended,  or  could 
bo  expected  to  co-operate.  It  was  upon  that  condition  only,  that  he  himself 
had  attended.' — [Speech  of  Mr  Clay  before  the  Society,  Jan.  1,  181S. — Second 
Annual  Report.] 


/*  not   Hostile  to    Slavery.  43 

*  It  had  been  properly  observed  by  the  chairman,  as  well  as  by  the  gentlemen 
from  this  District  (Messrs  Clay  and  Caldwell)  that  there  was  nothing  in  the 
proposition  submitted  to  consideration  which  in  the  smallest  degree  touched 
another  very  important  and  delicate  question,  which  ought  to  be  left  as  much 
out  of  view  as  possible,  (Negro  slavery.)  *  *  *  Mr  R.  concluded  by  say- 
ing, that  he  had  thought  it  necessary  to  make  these  remarks,  being  a  slaveholder 
himself,  to  shew,  that,  so  far  from  being  connected  with  the  abolition  of  slavery, 
the  measure  proposed  would  prove  one  of  the  greatest  securities  to  en- 
able the  master  to  keep  in  possessio)i  his  own  property.' — [Speech  of  John 
Randolph  at  the  same  meeting.] 

'  Your  committee  would  not  thus  favorably  regard  the  prayer  of  the  memo- 
rialists, if  it  sought  to  impair,  in  the  slightest  degree,  the  rights  of  private  prop- 
erty, or  the  yet  more  sacred  rights  of  personal  liberty,  secured  to  every  descrip- 
tion of  freemen  in  the  United  States. 

'  The  resolution  of  the  legislature  of  Virginia,  the  subsequent  acts  and  declara- 
tions, as  well  as  the  high  character  of  the  memorialists  themselves,  added  to  the 
most  obvious  interest  of  the  states  who  have  recently  sanctioned  the  purpose,  or 
recognized  the  existence  of  the  American  Colonization  Society,  exclude  the  re- 
motest apprehension  of  such  injustice  and  inhumanity.' 

— [Report  of  the  committee  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States,  on  the  memorial  of  the  President  and  Board  of  Managers  of  the  Colo- 
nization Society. — Second  Annual  Report.] 

'An  effort  for  the  benefit  of  the  blacks,  in  which  all  parts  of  the  country  can 
unite,  of  course  must  not  have  the  abolition  of  slavery  for  its  immediate 
object.  Nor  may  it  aim  directly  at  the  instruction  of  the 
BLACKS.  In  either  case,  the  prejudices  and  terrors  of  the  slaveholding 
States  would  be  cscited  in  a  moment  ;  and  with  reason  too,  for  it  is  a  well-es- 
tablished point,  that  the  public  safety  forbids  either  the  emancipation  or 
the  general  instriiction  of  the  slaves.'  *  *  *  '  It  [African  Colonization] 
is  an  enterprise  in  which  all  parts  of  the  country  can  unite.  The  grand 
objection  to  every  other  effort  is,  that  it  excites  the  jealousies  and  fears  of  the 
south.  But  here  is  an  effort  in  which  the  southern  i)eople  are  the  first  to  engage, 
and  which  numbers  many  of  their  most  distinguished  men  among  its  advo- 
cates and  efficient  supporters.' — [Review  of  the  Reports  of  the  Society,  from 
the  Christian  Spectator. — Seventh  Annual  Report.] 

'  It  will  be  seen  at  home  and  abroad,  that  the  American  Colonization  Society, 
while  it  properly  enough  stands  aloof  from  the  question  of  slavery,  and  the 
abolition  of  slavery,'  &c. —  [Report  of  William  McKenney. — Eighth  Annual  Re- 
port.] 

'  The  objects  of  this  institution  are  well  known  to  the  world  ;  for  no  conceal- 
ment whatever  has  ever  been  intended.  The  Society  aims  at  the  removal  of 
free  persons  of  color  ;  it  interferes,  in  no  way  vohatever,  with  the  rights  of 
property.' — [Speech  of  G.  W.  Custis,  Esq. — Ninth  Annual  Report.] 

'  We  are  reproached  with  doing  mischief  by  the  agitation  of  this  question. 
The  Society  goes  into  no  household  to  disturb  its  domestic  tranquillity  ;  it  ad- 
dresses itself  to  no  slaves  to  weaken  their  obligations  of  obedience.  It  seeks  to 
affect  no  man's  property.' — [Speech  of  Mr  Clay. — Tenth  Annual  Report.] 

'The  Committee  to  whom  was  referred  the  memorial  of  the  American  Colo- 
nization Society,  have  had  the  subject   under  consideration,  nnd  now  report  : 

'That  upon  due  consideration  of  the  said  memorial,  and  from  all  olher  iiifor- 
mation  which  your  committee  has  obtained,  touching  that  subject,  they  ;iri>  fully 
satisfied  that  no  jealousies  ought  to  e.xist,  on  the  part  of  this  or  any  other  slave- 
holding  State,  respecting  the  objects  of  this  Society,  or  the  eflects  of  its  lahori. 
— [Report  of  a  eommitteo  of  the  Legidatnre  of  Delaware,  Feb.  8th.  1827.] 


44  Tilt  American   Coloaizalion   Society 

'  The  Society  has  reiterated  the  declaration  that  it  has  no  ulterior  views  diverse 
from  the  object  avowed  in  the  constitution  ;  and  having  declared  that  it  is  in 
nowise  allied  ta  any  Abolition  Society  in  America  or  elsewhere,  is  ready  when- 
ever there  is  need  to  pass  a  censure  upon  such  Societies  in 
Amehica.' — [Speech  of  Mr  llairison  of  Virginia. — Eleventh  Annual  Report.] 

'  We  have  the  same  interests  in  this  subject  with  onr  southern  brethren — the 
same  opportunity  of  understanding  it,  and  of  knowing  with  what  care  and  pru- 
dence it  should  be  approached.  What  greater  pledge  can  we  give  for  the  mod- 
eration and  safety  of  our  measures  than  our  own  interests  as  slaveholders,  and 
the  ties  that  bind  us  to  the  slavcholding  communities  to  which  we  belong.'' — 
[Speech  of  .Mr  Key. — Same  Report.] 

'  Tlie  second  objection  may  be  resolved  into  this  ;  that  the  Society,  under  the 
specious  pretext  of  removing  a  vicious  and  noxious  population,  is  secretly  un- 
dermining the  rights  of  private  property.  This  is  the  objection  expressed  in  its 
full  force,  and  if  your  memorialists  could  for  a  moment  believe  it  to  be  true  in 
point  of  fact,  they  would  never,  slaveholders  as  they  are,  have  associated 
themselves  together  for  the  purpose  of  co-operating  with  the  Parent  Society  ;  and 
far  less  would  they  have  appeared  in  the  character  in  which  they  now  do,  before 
the  legislative  bodies  of  a  slavcholding  State.  And,  if  any  instance  could  be  now 
adduced,  in  which  the  Society  has  ever  manifested  even  an  intention  to  depart 
from  the  avowed  object,  for  the  promotion  of  which  it  was  originally  instituted, 
none  would  with  more  willingness  and  readiness  wuhdraw  from  it  their  counte- 
nance and  support,  lint,  from  the  time  of  its  formation,  down  to  the  present 
period,  all  its  operations  have  been  directed  exclusively  to  the  promotion  of  its 
one  grand  object,  namely,  the  colonization  in  Africa  of  the  free  people  of  color 
of  the  United  States.  It  has  always  protested,  and  through  yjour  memorialists 
it  again  protests,  that  it  has  no  wish  to  interfere  with  the  delicate  but  im- 
portant subject  of  slavery.  It  has  never,  in  a  solitary  instance,  addressed  itself 
to  the  slave.  It  has  never  sought  to  invade  the  tranquillity  of  the  domestic  cir- 
cle, nor  the  peace  and  safety  of  society." — [Memorial  of  the  Auxiliary  Coloni- 
zation Society  of  Powhatan,  to  the  Legislature  of  Virginia. — Twelfth  Annual 
Report.] 

'  Therefore  she  looked,  and  well  might  she  look,  to  colonization  and  to  colo- 
nization alone.  To  abolition  she  could  iiot  look,  and  need  not  look.  What- 
ever that  scheme  may  have  done,  heretofore,  in  tlie  States  now  free,  it  had  done 
nothing  and  could  do  nothing  in  the  slave  States  for  the  cause  of  humanity.  This 
subject  he  rejoiced  to  know  was  now  better  understood,  and  all  began  to  see  that 
it  was  wiser  and  safer  to  remove,  by  colonization,  a  great  and  otherwise  in- 
superable impediment  to  emancipation,  than  to  act  upon  the  subject  of 
emancipation  itself — [Speech  of  !Mr  Key. — Thirteenth  Annual  Report.] 

'  Our  Society  has  nothing  to  do  directly  with  the  question  of  slavery.'  *  *  ♦ 
•  Whilst  the  Society  protests  that  it  has  no  designs  on  the  rights  of  the  master  in 
the  slave — or  the  property  in  his  slave,  which  the  laws  guarantee  to  him,'  &c. — 
[Speech  of  (ierrit  Smith,  Esq. — Fourteenth  Annual  Report.] 

'  Its  primary  object  now  is,  and  ever  has  been,  to  colonize,  with  their  own 
consent,  free  people  of  color  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  or  elsewhere,  as  Congress 
may  deem  expedient.  And,  Sir,  I  am  unwilling  to  admit,  under  any  circum- 
stances, and  particularly  in  this  Hall,  that  it  ever  has  swerved  from  this  cardinal 
object.' — [Speech  of  Mr  Benham. — Fourteenth  Annual  Report.] 

'  Something  he  must  yet  be  allowed  to  say,  as  regarded  the  object  the  Society 
was  set  up  to  accomplish.  This  object,  if  he  understood  it  aright,  involved  no 
intrusion  on  property,  nor  even  upon  prejudice.' — [Speech  of  Mr 
Archer  of  Virginia. — Fifteenth  Annual  Report.] 


Is  not  Hostile  to   Slavery.  45 

•That  the  eftbrt  made  by  the  Society  should  be  such  as  to  unite  all  parts  of 
the  country — such  as  to  be  in  any  degree  ultimately  successful,  it  was  necessary 
to  disclaim  all  attempts  for  the  immediate  abolition  of  slavery,  or  the 
instruction  of  the  gi'eat  body  of  the  blacks.  Such  attempts  would  have 
excited  alarm  and  jaalousy,  would  have  been  inconsistent  with  the  public  safety, 
and  defeated  the  great  purposes  of  the  Society.'  *  *  *  '  It  is  pleasing  to 
learn  that  the  Friends,  who  at  first  were  not  favorable  to  the  Society,  having 
been  inclined  to  the  immediate  abolition  of  slavei~y,  are  coming  into  what 
we  deem  the  more  wise  -policy  of  encouraging  emancipation  by  colonization.' 
— [Speech  of  Harmanus  Bleecker,  Esq.  at  the  Second  Anniversary  i\Ieeting  of 
the  New-York  Colonization  Society,  April  14,  1831.] 

'  The  plan  of  colonization  seems  the  only  one  entitled  to  the  least  con- 
sideration.'— [Speech  of  M.   C.   Paterson,  Esq.  on  the  same  occasion.] 

'  Nor  will  their  brethren  of  the  North  desire  to  interfere  with  their  constitu- 
tional rights,  or  rashly  to  disturb  a  system  interwoven  with  their  feelings,  habits, 
and  prejudices.  A  golden  mean  will  be  pursued,  which,  at  the  same  time  that  it 
consults  the  wishes,  and  respects  the  prejudices  of  the  South,  will  provide 
for  the  claims  of  justice  and  Christianity,  and  avert  the  storm  of  future  desola- 
tion.'— [Speech  of  Lucius  Q.  C.  Elmer,  Esq. — First  Annual  Report  of  the  New- 
Jersey  Colojiization  Society.] 

'  Views  are  attributed  to  us,  that  were  never  entertained,  and  our  plan  is  tor- 
tured into  a  design  to  emancipate  the  Slaves  of  the  South.  We  are  made 
to  disregard  this  description  of  property,  and  to  touch  without  reserve  the  rights 
of  our  neighbors.  We  are  said  to  tread  this  almost  forbidden  eround  with  firm 
step,  and  a  hardihood  of  efibrt  is  imputed  to  us,  which,  if  true,  might  well  excite 
the  indignation  of  our  southern  citizens. — But,  Sir,  our  Society  and  the  friends  of 
colonization  wish  to  be  distinctly  understood  upon  this  point.  From  the  begin- 
ning they  have  disavowed,  and  they  do  yet  disavow,  that  their  object  is  the 
emancipation  of  the  slaves.  They  have  no  wish,  if  they  could,  to  interfere 
in  the  smallest  degree  with  what  they  deem  the  most  interesting  and  fearful  sub- 
ject which  can  be  pressed  upon  the  American  public'  *  *  *  '  There  is  no 
people  that  treat  their  slaves  with  so  much  kindness  and  with  so  little  cruelty. 
Nor  can  I  believe  that  we  shall  meet  with  any  serious'  opposition  from  that  quar- 
ter, when  our  object  is  distinctly  understood — when  it  is  known  that  our  ojier- 
ations  are  confined  exclusively  to  the  free  black  population.  That  this  is  our*soZe 
object,  I  appeal  with  entire  confidence  to  the  constitution  of  our  Society  and  to 
the  constitution  and  Annual  Reports  of  the  Parent  Institution.  '*•**«  We 
again  repeat — that  our  operations  are  confined  to  the  free  black  population,  and 
that  there  is  no  ground  for  fear  on  the  part  of  our  southern  friends.  We  hold 
their  slaves  as  we  hold  their  other  property,  sacred.  Let  not  then  this  slan- 
der be   repeated.' — [Speech  of  James  S.  Green,  Esq.  on  the  same  occasion.] 

'  Nothing  has  contributed  more  to  retard  the  operations  of  the  Colonization 
Society  than  the  mistaken  notion  that  it  interferes  directl}'  with  slavery.  This 
objection  is  rapidly  vanishing  away,  and  many  of  the  slaveholding  States  are  be- 
coming efficient  supporters  of  the  national  society.  In  the  Senate  of  Louisiana 
during  its  last  session,  resolutions  were  adopted  expressive  of  the  opinion  that 
the  object  of  this  Society  was  deserving  the  patronage  of  the  general  govern- 
ment. An  enlightened  community  now  see,  that  tliis  Society  infringes  upon  no 
man's  rights,  that  its  object  is  noble  and  benevolent — to  remedy  an  evil  which 
is  felt  and  acknowledged  at  the  north  and  south — to  give  the  free  people  of  color 
the  privileges  of  freemen.' — [From  a  Tract  issued  by  the  Massachusetts  Coloni- 
zation Society  in  1831,  for  gratuitous  distribution.] 

'  This  institution  proposes  to  do  good  by  a  single  specific  course  of  me»sures. 
Eta  direct  and  specific  purpose  is  not  the  abolition  of  slavery,  or  the  relief  of 


46  The  American   Culonization    Society 

pauperUm,  or  the  extension  of  cointnerce  and  civilization,  or  the  enlargement  of 
science,  or  the  conversion  of  the  heathen.  The  single  object  which  its  constitu- 
tion prescribes,  and  to  which  all  its  efforts  are  necessarily  directed,  is,  African 
colonization  from  America.  It  proposes  only  to  afford  facilities  for  the  voluntary 
emigration  of  free  people  of  color  from  ihis  country  to  the  country  of  their  fa- 
thers.'— [Review  on  African  Colonization. — Christian  Spectator  for  September, 
1830.]  - 

'  It  interferes  in  nowise  with  the  right  of  property,  and  hopes  and  labors  for 
the  gradual  abolition  of  slavery,  by  the  voluntary  and  gradual  manumission  of 
slaves,  when  the  free  persons  of  color  shall  have  first  been  transferred  to  their 
aboriginal  climate  and  soil.' — [G.  W.  P.  Custis,  Esq. — African  Repository, 
vol.  i.    p.    39.] 

'  Does  this  Society  wish  to  meddle  witli  our  slaves  as  our  rightful  property  .' 
I  answer  no,  I  think  not.' — [African  Repository,  vol.  ii.  p.  13.] 

'  They  have  been  denounced  by  some  as  fanatical  and  visionary  innovators, 
pursuing  without  regard  to  means  or  consequences,  an  object  destructive  of  the 
rights  of  property,  and  dangerous  to  the  public  peace.'  *  *  *  '  The  sole  object  of 
the  Society,  as  declared  at  its  institution,  and  from  which  it  can  never  be  al- 
lowed to  depart,  is  '  to  remove  with  their  own  consent,  to  the  coast.^of  Africa, 
the  free  colored  population,  now  existing  in  the  United  States,  and  such  as  here- 
after may  become  Aee.'  *  *  *  '  In  pursuing  their  object,  therefore,  (although 
such  consequences  may  result  from  a  successful  prosecution  of  it,)  the  Society 
cannot  be  justly  charged  with  aiming  to  disturb  the  rights  of  property  or  the 
peace  of  society.  Your  memorialists  refer  with  confidence  to  the  course  they 
have  pursued,  in  the  prosecution  of  their  object  for  nine  years  past,  to  shew  that 
it  is  possible,  without  danger  or  alarm,  to  carry  on  such  an  operation,  notwith- 
standing its  supposed  relation  to  tiie  subject  of  slavery,  and  that  they  have  not 
been  regardless,  in  any  of  their  measures,  of  what  was  due  to  the  state  of  soci- 
ety in  which  they  live.  They  are,  themselves,  chiefly  slaveholders,  and  live, 
with  all  the  ties  of  life  binding  them  to  a  slaveholding  community.  They  know 
when  to  speak  and  when  to  forbear  upon  topics  connected  with  this  painful  and 
ditficult  subject.  They  put  forth  no  passionate  appeals  J>efore  the  public,  seek 
to  excite  no  feeling,  and  avoid,  with  the  most  sedulous  care,  every  measure  that 
would  endanger  the  public  tranquillity.'  *  *  *  <  -pj^g  managers  could,  with 
no  propriet}^  depart  from  their  original  and  avowed  purpose,  and  make  eman- 
cipation their  object.  And  they  would  further  say,  that  if  they  were  not  thus 
restrained  by  the  terms  of  their  association,  they  would  still  consider  any  at- 
teinpts  to  promote  the  increase  of  the  free  colored  population  by  manumission, 
unnecessary,  premature,  and  dangerous.'  *  *  *  '  Jt  seems  now  to  be  ad- 
mitted that,  whatever  has  any  bearing  upon  that  question,  must  be  managed 
with  the  utmost  consideration  ;  that  the  peace  and  order  of  society  must  not  be 
endangered  by  indiscreet  and  ill-timed  efforts  to  promote  emancipation  ;  and  that 
a  true  regard  should  be  manifested  to  the  feelings  and  the  fears,  and  even  the 
prejudices  of  those,  whose  co-operation  is  essential. '^ — [Memorial  of  the  Society 
to  the  several  States. — A.  R.  vol.  ii.  pp.  57,  58,  60.] 

'  To  found  in  Africa  an  empire  of  christians  and  republicans  ;  to  recon- 
duct the  blacks  to  their  native  land,  without  disturbing  the  order  of  society,  the 
laws  of  property,  or  the  rights  of  individuals;  rapidly,  but  legally,  silently, 
gradually,  to  drain  them  off;  these  are  the  noble  ends  of  the  colonization 
scheme.' — [African  Repository,  vol.  ii.  p.  375.] 

'  Nor  have  I  ever  been  able  to  see,  for  my  part,  why  the  patronage  of  Con- 
gress to  a  benevolent  and  patriotic  Society,  which,  without  interfering,  in  the 
flmallest  degree,  with  that  delicate  interest,  only  aims  to  remove  what  we  all 
consider  as  a  great  evil — our  free  people  of  color — (and  which  evil  doe$  inter- 


Is  not    Hostile  to    Slavei-y.  47 

fere  with  that  interest.)  should  excite  the  jealousy  or  spleen  of  our  most  watch-f 
ful  and  determined  advocates  of  state  rights.' — [Idem,  p.  383.] 

'  Recognising  the  constitutional  and  legitimate  existence  of  slavery,  it  seeks 
not  to  interfere,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  with  the  rights  which  it  creates. 
Acknowledging  the  necessity  by  ivhich  its  present  continuance  and  the 
rigorous  provisions  for  its  maintenance  are  justified,  it  aims  only  at  fur- 
nishing the  States,  in  which  it  exists,  the  means  of  immediately  lessening  its 
geveriues,  and  of  ultimately  relieving  themselves  from  its  acknowledged  evils.' — 
[Opimius  in  reply  to  Cuius  Gracchus. — African  Repository,  vol.  iii.  p.  16.] 

'  It  is  710  abolition  Society ;  it  addresses  as  yet  arguments  to  no  master, 
and  disavo-ws  with  horror  the  idea  of  offering  temptations  to  any  slave.  It  de- 
nies THE  DESIGN  OF  ATTEMPTING  EMANCIPATION,  EITHER  PAR- 
TIAL OR  GENERAL  ;  it  denies,  with  us,  that  the  General  Government  have 
any  power  to  emancipate  ;  and  declares  that  the  States  have  exclusively  the 
right  to  regulate  the  whole  subject  of  slavery.  The  scope  of  the  Society  is 
large  enough,  but  it  is  in  nowise  mingled  or  confounded  with  the  broad  sweeping 
views  of  a  few  fanatics  in  America,  who  would  urge  us  on  to  the  sudden 
and  total  abolition  of  slavery.'  *  *  *  'The  first  great  material  objection  is 
that  the  Society  does,  in  fact,  in  spite  of  its  denial,  meditate  and  conspire  the 
emancipation  of  the  slaves.  To  the  candid,  let  me  say  that  there  are  names  on 
the  rolls  of  the  Society  too  high  to  be  rationally  accused  of  the  duplicity  and  in- 
sidious falsehood  which  this  implies  ;  farther,  the  Society  and  its  branches  are 
composed,  in  by  far  the  larger  part,  of  citizens  of  slaveholding  States,  who 
cannot  gravely  be  charged  with  a  design  so  perilous  to  themselves.  To  the  un- 
candid  disputant,  I  Say,  let  him  put  his  finger  on  one  single  sentiment,  declara- 
tion or  act  of  the  Society,  or  of  any  person,  with  its  sanction,  which  shows  such 
to  be  their  object  :  there  is  in  fact  no  pretext  for  the  charge.'  *  *  *  '  Let 
me  repeat,  the  friends  of  the  Colonization  Society,  three-fourths  of  them  are 
SLAVEHOLDERS  ;  the  legislatures  of  Maryland,  Georgia,  Kentucky  and  Ten- 
nessee, all  slaveholding  States,  have  approved  it  ;  every  member  of  this  aux- 
iliary Society  is,  cither  in  himself,  or  his  nearest  relatives,  iiiterested  in 
holding  slaves.'  *  *  *  '  Once  more  ;  this  Society  is  no  way  connected 
with  certain  Abolition  Societies  in  the  country.  To  these  the  Colonization  So- 
ciety would  say,  "  Your  object  is  unattainable,  your  zeal  dangerous,  and  noth- 
ing can  give  it  the  right  direction  or  the  right  temperature,  but  your  surrendering 
your  plan  to  ours  :  be  convinced,  that  if  the  blacks  are  ever  to  be  removed 
from  us,  it  will  be  by  the  free  will  of  the  owners,  and  by  means  of  the  opportu- 
nity which  our  imiocent  plan  of  an  asylum  for  such  as  may  be  sent  will  af- 
ford." '— ['  The  Col.  Society  Vindicated,'— Idem,  pp.  197,  200,  202,   203..] 

'  They  can  impress  upon  the  southern  slaveholder,  by  the  strength  of  facts, 
and  by  the  recorded  declarations  of  honest  men,  that  the  objects  of  the  Coloniza- 
tion Society  are  altogether  pure  and  praiseworthy,  and  that  it  has  no  intention 
to  open  the  door  to  universal  liberty,  but  only  to  cut  out  a  channel,  where 
the  merciful  providence  of  God  may  cause  those  dark  waters  to  flow  off.' — 
[Idem,  vol.  iv.  p.  14.5.] 

'  About  twelve  years  ago,  some  of  the  wisest  men  of  the  nation,  {mostly 
slaveholders,)  formed,  in  the  city  of  Washington,  the  present  American  Colo- 
nization Society.  Among  them  were  men  high  in  ofHce,  who  had  spent  many 
years  in  studying  the  interests  of  their  country,  and  who  could  not,  therefore, 
be  suspected  of  short-sighted  enthusiasm,  or  any  secret  design  of  disturbing  the 
rights  or  the  safety  of  our  southern  citizens.'  *  *  *  «  You  will  observe, 
first,  that  there  is  to  be  no  intermeddling  with  property  iii  slaves.     The 

RIGHTS      OF      MASTERS      ARE      TO      REMAIN      SACRED     IN     THE    EYES    OF 

THE  Society.     The  tendency    of  the  scheme,    and   one  of  its  objects,  is  to 
secure  slaveholders,  and  the  whole  southern  country,  against  certain   evil 


48  The  American   Colonization   Society 

consequences,  growing  out  of  the  three-fold    mixture  of  our   population.' [Ad- 
dress of  the  Rockbridge  Col.  Society. — Idem,  p.  274.] 

'  It  is  true,  their  operations  have  been  confied  to  the  single  object,  coloniza- 
tion.— They  do  nothing  directly  to  eti'ect  the  manumission  of  slaves. — They  think 
nothing  can  be  advantageously  done  in  favor  of  emancipation,  but  by  means  of 
colonization,  of  which  emancipation  will  be  a  certain  consequence  that  may  be 
safely  and  quietly  awaited.' — [Mr  Key's  Address. — Idem,  p.  303.] 

'  The  Colonization  Society,  as  such,  have  renounced  wholly  the  name  and  the 
characteristics  of  abolitionists.  On  this  point  they  have  been  unjustly  and  inju- 
riously slandered.  They  need  no  such  barrier  to  restrict  them,  as  the  sentiment 
of  Mr  Harrison,  for  their  operations  are  entirely  in  a  different  department.    Into 

THEIR     ACCOUNTS    THE     SUBJECT     OF     EMANCIPATION      DOES       NOT       EN- 
TER  AT   ALL.' — [' N.  E.' — Idem,  p.  306.] 

'  Being,  chiefly,  slaveholders  ourselves,  we  well  know  how  it  becomes  us  to 
approach  such  a.  sulijcct  as  this  in  a  skiveholding  state,  and  in  every  other.  If 
there  were  room  for  a  reasonable  jealousy,  we  among  the  first  should  feel  it  ; 
being  as  much  interested  in  the  welfare  of  the  community,  and  having  as  much  at 
heart,  as  any  men  can  have,  the  security  of  ourselves,  our  property  and  our  fam- 
ilies.' *  *  *  «  Our  object  is,  not  to  prevail  upon  the  master  to  part  with  his 
slave,  for  that  we  leave  to  his  own  reflection  and  convenience  ;  but  to  afford 
to  those  masters  who  have  determined,  or  may  determine,  to  manumit  their 
slaves  ;  provided  they  can  be  removed  from  this  country,  the  means  of  removing 
them  to  a  place  where  they  may  be  really  free,  virtuous,  respectable  and  happy. 
— Nothing  can  be  more  innocent  and  less  alarming.' — [Review  of  Mr  Tazewell's 
Report. — Idem,  p.  341.] 

'  The  American  Colonization  Society  has,  at  all  times,  solemnly  disavowed 
any  purpose  of  interference  with  the  institutions  or  rights  of  our  Southern  com- 
munities.'— [Idem,  vol.  v.  p.  307.] 

'  From  its  origin,  and  throughout  the  whole  period  of  its  existence,  it  has  con- 
stantly disclaimed  all  intention  whatever  of  interfering,  in  the  smallest  degree, 
with  the  rights  of  property,  or  the  object  of  emancipation,  gradual  or  immediate. 
It  is  not  only  without  inclination,  but  it  is  without  power,  to  make  any  such 
interference.  It  is  not  even  a  chartered  or  incorporated  company  ;  and  it  has  no 
other  foundation  than  that  of  Bible  Societies,  or  any  other  christian  or  charitable 
unincorporated  companies  in  our  country.  It  knows  that  the  subject  of  emanci- 
pation belongs  exclusively  to  the  several  States  in  which  slavery  is  tolerated, 
and  to  individual  proprietors  of  slaves  in  those  States,  under  and  according  to 
their  laws.'  *  *•  *  '  The  Society  presents  to  the  American  public  no  project 
of  emancipation.''  *  *  *  'Its  exertions  have  been  confined  exclusively  to  the 
free  colored  people  of  the  United  Stales,  and  to  those  of  them  who  are  willing 
to  go.  It  has  neither  purpose  nor  power  to  extend  them  to  the  larger  portion  of 
that  race  held  in  bondage.  Throughout  the  whole  period  of  its  existence,  this 
disclaimer  has  been  made,  and  incontcstibls  facts  establish  its  truth  and  sincerity. 
It  is  now  repeated,  in  its  behalf,  that  the  spirit  of  misrepresentation  may  have 
no  pretext  for  abusing  the  public  car.' — [Mr  Clay's  Speech. — African  Repos- 
itory, vol.  vi.  pp.  13,   17,  19.] 

'  The  Society,  from  considerations  like  these,  whilst  it  disclaims  the  remotest 
idea  of  ever  disturbing  the  right  of  property  in  slaves,  conceives  it  to  be  possible 
that  the  time  may  arrive,  when,  with  the  approbation  of  their  owjiers,  thev  shall 
all  be  at  liberty  ;  and,  with  those  already  free,  be  removed,  with  their  own  con- 
sent, to  the  land  of  their  ancestors.' — [African  Repository,  vol.  vi.  p.  69.] 

'  It  is  not  the  object  of  this  Society  to  liberate  slaves,  or  touch  the  rights 
of  properly.     To    set   them    loose    among    us   would   bk    an    evil 


Is  not   Hostile  to    Slavery.  49 

MORE    INTOLERABLE    THAN    SLAVERY    ITSELF.       It  WOuld  make  OUF  situa- 
tion insecure  and  dangerous.' — [Report  of  the  Kentucky  Col.  Soc. — Idem,  p.  81.] 

'  It  contemplates  no  purpose  of  abolition  :  it  touches  no  slave  until  his  fetters 
have  been  voluntarily  stricken  off  by  the  hand  of  his  own  master.' — [Speech  of 
John  A.  Dix,  Esq. — Idem,  p.  163.] 

'  What  has  awakened  that  spirit  of  suspicion  and  enmity  which  is  now  mani- 
fested by  these  men  in  every  form  of  open  and  active  hostility .'  Can  it  be  attrib- 
uted to  any  departure  of  the  Society  from  its  avowed  original  design  and  princi- 
ples .'  We  maintain  that  it  cannot  ;  wc  maintain  that  the  character  of  the  So- 
ciety has  from  the  commencement  been  uniformly  the  same,  and  that  its  pro- 
ceediuffs  have  been  consistent  with  its  character.  Were  or  are  the  design  and 
principles  of  the  Society  hostile  to  the  rights  and  interest  of  the  Southern  States? 
We  maintain  that  they  were  and  are  not  ;  but  on  the  contrary,  are  worthy  to 
be  cherished  by  the  citizens  of  these  States,  and  to  be  sustained  with  all  their 
energies  as  means  of  their  political  and  moral  strength-'  *  *  *  '  The  free 
people  of  color  alone  are  to  be  colonized  by  the  Society,  and  whether  the  ben- 
efits of  its  scheme  are  ever  to  be  extended  to  others,  is  a  question  referred  t^ 
those  to  whom  it  pertains  as  a  matter  of  right  and  duty  to  decide.'  *  *  *  '  The 
Colonization  Society  would  be  the  last  Institution  in  the  world  to  disturb  the  do- 
mestic tranquillity  of  the  South.' — [Defence  of  the  Society. — Idem,  pp.  197, 
207,   209.] 

'  This  Society,  here  in  the  outset,  most  explicitly  disclaims  all  intention  to  in- 
terfere in  the  smallest  degree  with  the  slave  population.  It  is  with  the  free  col- 
ored population  alone,  and  that  too,  with  their  own  consent,  that  this  Society 
proposes  to  act.' — [Address  of  the  Maryland  State  Colonization  Society  to  the 
People  of  Maryland.] 

'  To  the  slaveholder,  who  had  charged  upon  them  the  wicked  design  of  inter- 
fering with  the  rights  of  property  under  the  specious  pretexts  of  removing  a 
vicious  and  dangerous  free  population,  they  address  themselves  in  a  tone  of  con- 
ciliation and  sympathy.  We  know  your  rights,  say  they,  and  we  respect  them — • 
we  know  your  dilliculties,  and  we  appreciate  them.  Being  mostly  slavehold- 
ers ourselves,  having  a  common  interest  with  you  in  this  subject,  an  equal  op- 
portunity of  understanding  it,  and  the  same  motives  to  prudent  action,  what  bet- 
ter guarantee  can  be  afforded  for  the  just  discrimination,  and  the  safe  operation 
of  our  measures  .'  And  what  ground  for  apprehension  that  we,  who  are  bound 
to  you  by  the  strongest  tics  of  interest  and  of  sympathy,  should  intrude  upon  the 
repose  of  the  domestic  circle,  or  invade  the  peace  and  security  of  society  .'  Have 
not  the  thirteen  years'  peaceful,  yet  efficient,  operations  of  our  Society  attested 
the  moderation  of  our  vieivs  and  the  safety  of  our  plans  ?  We  have  protested 
from  the  commencement,  and  during  our  whole  progress,  and  we  do  now  pro- 
test, that  we  have  never  entertained  the  purpose  of  intermeddling  with  the  pri- 
vate property  of  individuals.  We  know  that  we  have  not  the  power,  even  if  we 
had  the  inclination,  to  do  so.  Your  right?,  as  guarantied  by  the  Constitution,  are 
held  sacred  in  our  eyes  ;  and  we  should  be  among  the  foremost  to  resist,  as  a 
flagrant  usurpation,  any  encroachment  upon  those  rights.  Our  only  object,  as 
at  all  times  avowed,  is  to  provide  for  the  removal  to  the  coast  of  Africa,  with 
their  own  consent,  of  such  persons  of  color  as  are  already  free,  and  of  such  oth- 
ers as  the  humanity  of  individuals,  or  the  laws  of  the  different  states,  may  here- 
after liberate.  Is  there  any  thing,  say  they,  in  this  proposition  at  war  with  your 
interest,  your  safety,  your  honor,  or  your  happiness  ?  Do  we  not  all  regard  this 
mixed  and  intermediate  population  of  free  blacks,  made  up  of  slaves  or  their  im- 
mediate descendants,  as  a  mighty  and  a  growing  evil,  exerting  a  dangerous  and 
baneful  influence  on  all  around  them  ?  ' — [Address  of  Cyrus  Edwards,  Esq.  of 
Illinois. — African  Repository,  vol.  vii.  p.  lOO.] 

[Part  I.]  7 


60  T/ia  American   Colonization   Society 

'  It  was  never  the  intention  of  the  Society  to  interfere  with  the  rights  of  the 
proprietors  of  slaves  ;  nor  has  it  at  any  time  done  so. ' — [Address  of  R.  J.  Breck- 
enridge  of  Kentucky. — Idem  p.  176.J 

'  The  specific  object  to  which  the  entire  funds  of  the  Institution  are  devoted, 
is  simple  and  plainly  unexceptionable  in  this  respect,  that  it  interferes  with  no 
rights  of  individuals,  and  with  no  law  of  the  land.'  *  *  *  'It  embraces  in  its 
provisions  only  the  free.  It  does  not  interfere — it  desires  not  to  interfere,  in  any 
way,  with  the  rights  or  the  interests  of  the  proprietors  of  slaves.  It  condemns 
no  man  because  he  is  a  slaveholder  ;  it  seeks  to  quiet  all  unkind  feelings  be- 
tween the  sober  and  virtuous  men  of  the  North  and  of  the  South  on  the  subject 
of  slavery  ;  it  sends  abroad  no  influence  to  disturb  the  peace,  and  endanger  the 
security  and  prosperity  of  any  portion  of  the  country.' — [Character  and  Influence 
of  the  Colonization  Society. — African  Repository,  vol.  vii.  pp.  194,  200.] 

'  Can  it  be  a  ruthless  scheme  of  political  speculation,  which  would  trample, 
with  rude  and  unhallowed  step,  upon  the  rights  of  property,  to  gratify  the  vision- 
ary and  fanatical  projects  of  its  authors  ?  No  :  this  is  impossible.  Yet  such  is 
the  language  of  intemperate  opposition,  with  which  this  Society  has  been  as- 
sailed by  its  enemies.'  *  *  »  t  Equally  absurd  and  false  is  the  objection, 
that  this  Society  seeks  indirectly  to  disturb  the  rights  of  property,  and  to  inter- 
fere with  the  well-established  relation  subsisting  between  master  and  slave.  The 
man  who  avows  such  monstrous  purposes  as  these,  and  seeks  to  shelter  himself 
under  the  sanction  and  authority  of  the  American  Colonization  Society,  is  a  base 
traitor  to  the  cause  which  it  seeks  to  advance — an  enemy  of  the  worst 
AND  MOST  DANGEROUS  STAMP,  bocause  he  assumes  the  specious  garb  of  a 
friend  and  coadjutor.  Let  him  stand,  or  let  him  fall,  by  the  verdict  of  an  insult- 
ed and  outraged  community — but  do  not  make  liable  for  his  acts  a  great  In- 
stitution, whose  real  friends  will  be  the  first  to  leject  and  discountenance  him, 
and  to  mark  upon  his  forehead  in  indelible  characters,  "  This  is  a  traitor  to  the 
cause  of  his  country  and  the  cause  of  humanity." — It  is  true  that  the  friends  ofthe 
American  Colonization  Society  have  permitted  themselves  to  entertain  the  high 
and  exalted  hope,  that,  by  its  influences,  ultimate  and  rcinote,  the  burdens  which 
are  incident  to  slavery  may  be  greatly  mitigated,  and  possibly  the  evil  itself  at 
some  future  day  be  entirely  removed.  But  mark,  I\Ir  President,  and  mark  well, 
ye  hearers,  the  grounds  upon  which  this  hope  is  founded.  It  could  not  be  sus- 
tained by  any  elTort,  direct  or  indirect,  to  invade  the  rights  of  the  slaveholding 
community,  for  the  plain  and  palpable  reason,  that  the  eflbrt  itself  would  furnish 
the  most  certain  means  of  defeating  the  object  in  view,  even  supposing  the  friends 
of  the  Society  reckless  enough  to  entertain  it.  It  would  denote  on  the  part  of 
those  who  made  it,  an  extremity  of  madness  and  folly,  wholly  unprecedented  in 
the  history  of  the  world,  and  if  persevered  in,  would  dissolve  the  government 
into  its  original  elements,  even  though  the  principle  of  union  which  holds  it  to- 
gether were  a  thousand-fold  stronger  than  it  is.'  *  ^  *  'Surely  the  friends 
of  the  Colonization  Society  have  done  nought  either  to  alarm  the  honest  fears  of 
the  patriot,  or  excite  the  morbid  sensibilities  of  the  slaveholder.' — [Address  de- 
livered before  the  Lynchburg  Auxiliary  Colonization  Society,  August  18,   1831.] 

'  While,  therefore,  theif  determined  to  avoid  the  question  of  slavery ,  they 
proposed  the  formation  of  a  colony  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  as  an  asylum  for  free 
people  of  color.'  *  *  *  <  The  emancipation  of  slaves  or  the  amelioration  of 
their  condition,  with  the  moral,  intellectual,  and  political  improvement  of  peo- 
ple of  color  within  the  United  States,  are  siihjects  foreign  to  the  jwtvers  of 
this  Society.'' — [Address  of  the  Board  of  Managers'of  the  American  Coloniza- 
tion Society  to  its  Auxiliary  Societies. — African  Repository,  vol.  vii.  pp.  290, 
291.] 

'The  American  Colonization  Society  was  formed  with  special  reference  to  the 
free  blacks  of  our  country.      With  the  delicntc   subject  of  slavery  it  presumes 


Is  nol   Hostile  to    Slavery.  51 

not  to  interfere.  And  yet  doubtless  from  the  first  it  lias  cherished  the  hope  of 
being  in  some  way  or  other  a  medium  of  relief  to  the  entire  colored  population 
of  the  land.  Such  a  hope  is  certainly  both  innocent  and  benevolent.  And  so 
long  as  the  Society  adheres  to  the  object  announced  in  its  constitution,  as  it 
hitherto  has  done,  the  master  can  surely  find  no  reasonable  cause  of  anxiety. 
And  it  is  a  gratifying  circumstance  that  the  Society  has  from  the  first  obtained 
its  most  decided  and  efficient  supiiort  from  the  slavcholding  States.' — 
[Sermon,  delivered  at  Springfield,  Mass.,  July  4th,  1829,  before  the  Auxiliary 
Colonization  Society  of  Hampden  County,  by  Rev.  B.  Dickinson.] 

'The  American  Colonization  Society  in  no  way  directly  meddles  with  sla- 
very. It  disclaims  all  such  interference.' — [Correspondent  of  the  Southern  Re- 
ligious   Telegraph.] 

'  This  system  is  sanctioned  by  the  laws  of  independent  and  sovereign  states. 
Congress  cannot  constitutionally  pass  laws  which  shall  tend  directly  to  abolish 
it.  If  it  ever  be  abolished  by  legislative  enactments,  it  must  be  done  by  the 
respective  legislatures  of  the  States  in  which  it  exists.  It  never  designed  to  in- 
terfere with  what  the  laws  consider  as  the  rights  of  masters — it  has  made  no 
appeals  to  them  to  release  their  slaves  for  colonization,  nor  to  their  slaves  to 
abandon  their  masters.  With  this  delicate  subject,  the  Society  has  avowedly 
nothing  to  do.  Its  ostensible  object  is  necessarily  the  removal  of  our  free  colored 
population.' — [Middletown   (Connecticut)   Gazette.] 

'  With  slaves,  however,  the  American  Colonization  Society  has  no  concern 
whatever,  except  to  transport  to  Africa  such  as  their  owners  may  liberate  for 
that  purpose.' — [Oration  delivered  at  Newark,  N.  J.,  July  4th,  1831,  by  Ga- 
briel P.  Disosway,  Esq.] 

'  It  disclaims,  and  always  has  disclaimed,  all  intention  whatever,  of  interfer- 
ing in  the  smallest  degree,  direct  or  indirect,  with  the  rights  of  slaveholders,  the 
right  of  property,  or  the  object  of  emancipation,  gradual  or  immediate.  It 
knows  that  the  otcners  of  slaves  are  the  mvners,  and  no  one  else — it  does 
not,  in  the  most  re^note  degree,  touch  that  delicate  subject.  Every  slave- 
holder may,  therefore,  remain  at  ease  concerning  it  or  its  progress  or  objects.' — r 
[An  advocate  of  the  Society  in  the  New-Orleans  Argus.] 

It  were  needless  to  multiply  these  extracts.  So  precisely  do. 
they  resemble  each  other,  that  they  seem  rather  as  the  offspring 
of  a  single  mind,  than  of  many  minds.  A  large  majority  of 
them  come  in  the  most  official  and  authoritative  shape,  and  their 
language  is  explicit  beyond  cavil. 

Here,  then,  is  a  combination,  embracing  able  and  influential 
men  in  all  parts  of  the  country,  pledging  itself  not  only  to  respect 
the  system  of  slavery,  but  to  frown  indignantly  upon  those  who 
shall  dare  to  assail  it.  And  what  is  this  system  which  is  to  be 
held  in  so  much  reverence,  and  avoided  with  so  much  care  } 
It  is  a  system  which  has  in  itself  no  redeeming  feature,  but  is 
full  of  blood — the  blood  of  innocent  men,  women  and  children  ; 
full  of  adultery  and  concupiscence  ;  full  of  darkness,  blasphemy 
and  wo  ;  full   of  rebellion   against  God  and  treason  against  the 


52  The  Jlmwican   Colonization   Society 

universe  ;  full  of  wrath — impurity — ignorance — brutality — and 
awful  impiety  ;  full  of  wounds  and  bruises  and  putrefying  sores  ; 
full  of  temporal  suffering  and  eternal  damnation.  It  is,  says 
Pitt,  a  mass,  a  system  of  enormities,  which  incontrovertibly  bid 
defiance  to  every  regulation  which  ingenuity  can  devise,  or 
power  effect,  but  a  total  extinction  ;  a  system  of  incurable  in- 
justice, the  complication  of  every  species  of  iniquity,  the  great- 
est practical  evil  that  ever  has  afflicted  the  human  race,  and 
the  severest  and  most  extensive  calamity  recorded  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  world.  Fox  calls  it  a  most  unjust  and  horrible 
persecution  of  our  fellow  creatures.  The  Rev.  Dr.  Thomson 
declares  it  is  a  system  hostile  to  the  original  and  essential  rights 
of  humanity — contrary  to  the  inflexible  and  paramount  demands 
of  moral  justice — at  eternal  variance  with  the  spirit  and  maxims 
of  revealed  religion — inimical  to  all  that  is  merciful  in  the  heart, 
and  holy  in  the  conduct — and  on  these  accounts,  necessarily 
exposed  and  subject  to  the  curse  of  Almighty  God.  It  is,  says 
Rowland  Hill,  made  up  of  every  crime  that  treachery,  cruelty 
and  murder  can  invent.  Wilberforce  says,  it  is  the  full  meas- 
ure of  pure,  unmixed,  unsophisticated  wickedness  ;  and  scorn- 
ing all  competition  or  comparison,  it  stands  without  a  rival  in 
the  secure,  undisputed  possession  of  its  detestable  pre-eminence. 
In  this  country,  slavery  is  a  system  which  leaves  the  chastity  of 
one  million  females  without  any  protection  !  which  condemns 
more  than  two  millions  of  human  beings  to  remediless  bondage  ! 
which  authorises  their  sale  at  public  vendue  in  company  with 
horses,  sheep  and  hogs,  or  in  a  private  manner,  at  the  pleasure 
of  their  owners  !  which,  under  penalty  of  imprisonment,  and 
even  death,  forbids  their  being  taught  the  lowest  rudiments  of 
knowledge  !  which,  by  the  exclusion  of  their  testimony  in  courts, 
subjects  them  to  worse  than  brutal  treatment  !  which  recog- 
nizes no  connubial  obligations,  ruthlessly  severs  the  holiest  rela- 
tions of  life,  tears  the  scarcely  weaned  babe  from  the  arms  of 
its  mother,  wives  from  their  husbands,  and  parents  from  their 
children  !  But  who  is  adequate  to  the  task  of  delineating  its 
horrors,  or  recording  its  atrocities,  in  full  ?  Who  can  number 
the  stripes  which  it  inflicts,  the  groans  and  tears  and  impreca- 
tions which  it  extort?,  the  cruel   murders    which  it  perpetrates  .'' 


Is  not   Hostile  to   Slavery.  53 

or  who  measure  the  innocent  blood  which  it  spills,  or  the  degra- 
dation which  it  imposes,  or  the  guilt  w^hich  it  accumulates  ?  or 
who  reveal  the  waste  of  property,  the  perversion  of  intellect,  the 
loss  of  happiness,  the  burial  of  mind,  to  which  it  is  accessary  ? 
or  who  trace  its  poisonous  influence  and  soul-destroying  tend- 
ency back  for  two  hundred  years  down  to  the  end  of  time  ? 
None — none  but  God  himself  !  It  is  corrupt  as  death — black  as 
perdition — cruel  and  insatiate  as  the  grave.  To  adopt  the  ner- 
vous language  of  another  : — The  thing  I  say  is  true.  I  speak 
the  truth,  though  it  is  most  lamentable.  I  dare  not  hide  it,  I 
dare  not  palliate  it  ;  else  the  horror  with  which  it  covereth  me 
would  make  me  do  so.  Wo  unto  such  a  system  !  wo  unto  the 
men  of  this  land  who  have  been  brought  under  its  operation  ! 
It  is  not  felt  to  be  evil,  it  is  not  acknowledged  to  be  evil,  it  is 
not  preached  against  as  evil  ;  and,  therefore,  it  is  only  the  more 
inveterate  and  fearful  an  evil.*  It  hath  become  constitutional. 
It  is  fed  from  the  stream  of  our  life,  and  it  will  grow 
more  and  more  excessive,  until  it  can  no  longer  be  endured  by 
God,  nor  borne  with  by  man. 

And  this  is  the  system,  with  which,  as  the  reader  has  seen, 
the  American  Colonization  Society  is  resolved  not  to  interfere  ; 
and  with  the  upholders  of  which,  ministers  of  the  gospel  ai)d 
professors  of  religion  of  all  denominations  have  made  a  treaty 
of  peace  !  Tell  it  not  abroad — publish  it  not  in  the  capitals  of 
Europe — lest  the  despots  of  the  old  world  take  courage,  and 
infidelity  strengthen  its  stakes  ! 

If  men  who  are  reputedly  wise  and  good — if  religious  teach- 
ers and  political  leaders,  those  whose  opinions  are  almost  im- 
plicitly adopted,  and  whose  examples  are  readily  followed  by 
the  mass  of  the  people — if  such  men  suppress  their  voices  on 
this  momentous  subject,  and  turn  their  eyes  from  its  contempla- 
tion, and  give  the  right  hand  of  fellowship  to  the  buyers  and 
sellers  of  human  flesh,  is  there  not  cause  for  lamentation  and 
alarm  ?     The  pulpit  is  false  to  its  trust,  and   a  moral   paralysis 

*  The  term  evil  is  used  here  in  a  criminal  sense.    I  know  that  colonizationists 

regard  slavery  as  an  evil  ;  but  an  evil  which  has  been  entailed  upon  this  land, 

for  the  existence  of  which  we  are  iio  more  to  blame  than  for  the  prevalence 
of  plague  or  famine. 


54  The  American   Colonization   Society 

has  seized  the  vitals  of  the  church.  The  sanctity  of  religion  is 
thrown,  like  a  mantle,  over  the  horrid  system.  Under  its  aus- 
pices, robbery  and  oppression  have  become  popular  and  flour- 
ishing. The  press,  too,  by  its  profound  silence,  or  selfish  neu- 
trality, or  equivocal  course,  or  active  partizanship,  is  enhsted  in 
the  cause  of  tyranny — the  mighty  press,  which  has  power,  if 
exerted  aright,  to  break  every  fetter,  and  emancipate  the  land. 
If  this  state  of  things  be  not  speedily  reversed,  '  we  be  all 
dead  men.'  Unless  the  pulpit  lift  up  the  voice  of  warning, 
supphcation  and  wo,  with  a  fidelity  which  no  emolument  can 
bribe,  and  no  threat  intimidate  ;  unless  the  church  organise  and 
plan  for  the  redemption  of  the  benighted  slaves,  and  directly 
assault  the  strong  holds  of  despotism  ;  unless  the  press  awake 
to  its  duty,  or  desist  from  its  bloody  co-operation  ;  as  sure  as 
Jehovah  lives  and  is  unchangeable,  he  will  pour  out  his  indig- 
nation upon  us,  and  consume  us  with  the  fire  of  his  wrath,  and 
our  own  way  recompense  upon  our  heads.  '  Ah,  sinful  nation, 
a  people  laden  with  iniquity,  a  seed  of  evil  doers,  children  that 
are  corrupters  !  When  ye  spread  forth  your  hands,  I  will  hide 
mine  eyes  from  you  ;  yea,  when  ye  make  many  prayers,  I  will 
not  hear  :  your  hands  are  full  of  blood.  Wash  you,  make 
you  clean  ;  put  away  the  evil  of  your  doings  from  before  mine 
eyes  ;  cease  to  do  evil  ;  Jearn  to  do  well  ;  seek  judgment,  re- 
lieve the  oppressed,  judge  the  fatherless,  plead  for  the  widow. 
If  ye  be  willing  and  obedient,  ye  shall  eat  the  good  of  the  land  : 
but  if  ye  refuse  and  rebel,  ye  shall  be  devoured  with  the  sword  : 
for  the  mouth  of  the  Lord  hath  spoken  it.' 

I  know  the  covert  behind  which  colonizationists  take  refuge. 
They  profess  to  be — and,  doubtless,  in  many  instances  are — 
aiming  at  the  ultimate  emancipation  of  the  slaves  ;  but  they  are 
all  for  gradual  abolition — all  too  courteous  to  give  ofilence — too 
sober  to  be  madmen — too  discreet  lo  adopt  rash  measures. 
But  T  shall  show,  in  the  progress  of  this  work,  that  they  not 
only  shield  the  holders  of  slaves  from  reproach,  (and  thus,  by 
assuring  them  of  their  innocence,  destroy  all  motives  for  re- 
pentance,) but  earnestly  dissuade  them  from  emancipating  their 
slaves  without  an  immediate  expulsion.  Fine  conceptions  of 
justice  !    Enemies  of  slavery,  with  a  vengeance  ! 


Is  not   Hostile  to   Slavery.  65 

Suppose  a  similar  course  had  been  pursued  by  the  friends  of 
Temperance — when  would  have   commenced  that  mighty  refor- 
mation which  has  taken  place  before  our  eyes — unparalleled  in 
extent,  completeness  and  rapidity  ?   Suppose,  instead  of  expos- 
ing the  guilt  of  trafficking   in   ardent  spirits,  and  demanding  in- 
stant  and   entire    abstinence,    they   had   associated    themselves 
together  for  the  exclusive   purpose  of  colonizing  all  the  drunk- 
ards in  the  land,  as  a  class  dangerous  to  our  safety  and  irreme- 
diably degraded,    on  a   spot   where  they   could  not  obtain   the 
poisonous   alcohol,  but  could  rise  to  respect  and  affluence — how 
would  such  an    enterprise   have  been  received  ?     Suppose  they 
had  pledged  themselves   not  to    '  meddle  '  with  the  business  of 
the  traders  in  spirituous  liquors,  or  to  injure  the    '  property  '  of 
distillers,  and   had   dwelt  upon  the  folly  and  danger  of  'imme- 
diate '  abstinence,  and  had  denounced  the  advocates  of  this  doc- 
trine  as    madmen  and  fanatics,  and  had  endeavored,  moreover, 
to   suppress    inquiry  into    the  lawfulness    of    rum-selling — how 
many  importers,  makers  and  venders  of  the  liquid  poison  would; 
have    abandoned    their    occupation,    or   how  many  of  the  four 
hundred  thousand   individuals,  who  are  now   enrolled  under  the 
banner   of  entire    abstinence,   would    have   been   united  in  this 
great  enterprise  ?   Suppose,   further,  that,    in   a  lapse  of  fifteen 
years,  this   association  had  transported  two  thousand  drunkards, 
and  the  tide  of  intemperance  had  continued  to   rise  higher  and 
higher,  and  some   faithful  watchmen   had  given   the   alarm  and 
showed  the  fatal  delusion  which  rested  upon  the  land,   and  the 
Society  should  have  defended  itself  by  pointing  to  the  two  thou- 
sand sots  who  had  been  saved  by  its  instrumentality — would  the 
public  attention   have  been  successfully  diverted   from   the  im- 
mense evil  to  the  partial  good  9  Suppose,  once  more,  that  this 
Society,   composed   indiscriminately  of  rum-sellers  and   sober, 
pious  men,  on  being  charged  with  perpetuating  the  evils  of  in- 
temperance, with  removing  only  some  of  the  fruits  thereof  instead 
of  the  tree   itself,  should  have  indignantly  repelled  the  charge, 
and  said — '  We  are   as   much  opposed  to  drunkenness,   and   as 
heartily  deprecate  its  existence,  as  any  of  our  violent,  fanatical 
opposers  ;  but  the   holders  of  ardent  spirit   have  invested  their 
capital  in  it,  and  to  destroy  its   sale   would   invade   the   right  of 


50  The  American   Colonization   Society 

property  ;  policy  at  least,  bids  us  not  to  assail  their  conduct,  as 
otherwise  we  might  exasperate  them,  and  so  lose  their  aid  in 
colonizing  the  tipplers.'  What  would  have  been  accomplished  ? 
But  no  such  logic  was  used  :  the  duty  of  immediate  reform  was 
constantly  pressed  upon  the  people,  and  a  mighty  reform  took 
place. 

Colonizationists  boast  inordinately  of  having  emancipated 
three  or  four  hundred  slaves  by  their  scheme,  and  pontemptu- 
ously  inquire  of  abolitionists,  '  What  have  you  effected  .'"  Many 
persons  have  been  deceived  by  this  show  of  success,  and  deem 
it  conclusive  evidence  of  the  usefulness  of  the  Colonization  So- 
ciety. But,  in  the  first  place,  it  is  very  certain  that  none  of 
these  slaves  were  liberated  in  consequence  of  the  faithful  ap- 
peals of  the  Society  to  the  consciences  of  the  masters  ;  for  it 
has  never  troubled  their  consciences  by  any  such  appeals.  Sec- 
ondly, it  is  obvious  that  these  manumissions  are  the  fruits  of  the 
uncompromising  doctrines  of  abolitionists  ;  for  they  are  calcu- 
lated to  bring  slaveholders  to  repentance,  and  they  will  yet  lib- 
erate other  slaves  to  be  caught  up  and  claimed  by  the  Society 
as  trophies  of  its  success.  Thirdly,  it  has  been  shown  that 
while  this  Society  (allowing  it  the  utmost  that  it  claims)  is 
effecting  very  little  and  \^y  doubtful  goodj  it  is^  inflicting  upon 
the  nation  great  and  positive  evil,  by  refusing  to  arraign  the 
oppressors  at  the  bar  of  eternal  justice,  and  by  obstructing  the 
formation  of  abolition  societies.  It  rivets  a  thousand  fetters 
where  it  breaks  one.  It  annually  removes,  on  an  average,  two 
hundred  of  our  colored  population,  whereas  the  annual  increase 
is  about  seventy  thousand.  It  releases  some  scores  of  slaves, 
and  says  to  the  owners  of  more  than  two  millions — '  Hold  on  ! 
do  n't  emancipate  too  fast  !' 

What  have  the  abolitionists  done  9  They  have  done  more, 
during  the  past  year,  to  overthrow  the  system  of  slavery,  than 
has  been  accomplished  by  the  gradualists  in  half  a  century. 
They  have  succeeded  in  fastening  the  attention  of  the  nation 
upon  its  eaormities,  and  in  piercing  the  callous  consciences  of 
the  planters.  They  are  reforming  and  consolidating  public 
opinion,  dispelling  the  mists  of  error,  inspiring  the  hearts  of  the 
timid,  enlightening  the    eyes    of  the   blind,    and   'Sisturbing   the 


/*  not   Hostile  to    Slavery.  67 

slumbers  of  the  guilty.  Colonizationists  gather  a  few  leaves 
which  the  tree  has  cast  ofF,  and  vaunt  of  the  deed  :  abolition- 
ists '  lay  the  axe  at  once  to  its  roots,  and  put  their  united  nerve 
into  the  steel ' — nor  shall  their  strokes  be  in  vain — for  soon  shall 
'  this  great  poison-tree  of  lust  and  blood,  and  of  all  abominable 
and  heartless  iniquity,  fall  before  them  ;  and  law  and  love,  and 
God  and  man,  shout  victory  over  its  ruin.' 

Has  the  reader  duly  considered  the  fatal  admissions  of  the 
advocates  of  the  colonization  scheme,  presented  in  the  preced- 
ing pages  ?  Some  of  them  it  may  be  serviceable  to  the  cause  of 
truth  and  justice  to  recapitulate. 

1 .      The    Society   does  not  aim   directly  at   the  instruction  of 
the   blacks^  their  morale   intellectual  and  political  improvement 
within  the  United  States,  is  foreign  to  its  powers. 
.  2.      The  public  safety  forbids  either  the   emancipation  or  the 
general  instruction  of  the  slaves. 

3.  The  Society  properly  enough  stands  aloof  from  the  ques- 
tion of  slavery. 

4.  It  is  ready  to  pass  censure  upon  abolition  societies. 

5.  It  involves  no  intrusion  on  property,  nor  even  upon 
prejudice. 

6.  It  has  no  tvish,  if  it  could,  to  interfere  in  the  smallest- 
degree  toith  the  system  of  slavery. 

7.  It  acknowledges  the  necessity  by  which  the  present  continu- 
ance of  the  system  and  the  rigorous  provisions  for  its  mainte^ 
nance  are  justified. 

8.  It  denies  the  design  of  attempting  emancipation  either  par- 
tial or  general  :  into  its  accounts  the  subject  of  emancipation 
does  not  enter  at  all  :  it  has  no  intention  to  open  the  door  to 
universal    liberty. 

9.  The  rights  of  masters  are  to  remain  sacred  in  the  eyes  of 
the  Society. 

10.  It  condemns  no  man  because  he  is  a  slaveholder. 

Each  of  these  particulars  deserves  a  volume  of  comments,  but 
I  am  compelled  to  dismiss  them  in  rotation  with  a  single  remark. 

1.  One  reason  assigned  by  the  Society  for  refusing  to  pro- 
mote the  education  of  our  colored  population,  is,  a  dread  of 
exciting  '  the  prejudices  and  terrors  of  the  slaveholding  States  ' ! 
Is  it  credible  ?  As  far,  then,  as  this  Society  extends  its  influ- 
[Part  I.]  8 


68  The  American  Colonization   Society 

ence,  more  than  two  millions  of  ignorant,  degraded  beings  in 
this  boasted  land  of  liberty  and  light  have  nothing  to  hope  : 
their  moral,  intellectual  and  political  improvement  is  foreign 
to  its  powers  !  Cruel  neglect  !  barbarous  coalition  !  A  sinful 
fear  of  rousing  the  prejudices  of  oppressors  outweighs  the 
claims  of  the  contemned  blacks,  the  requirements  of  the  gospel, 
the  dictates  of  humanity,  and  the  convictions  of  duty.  AVill 
this  plea  avail  aught  at  the  bar  of  God  ?  Millions  of  our  coun- 
trymen purposely  kept  in  darkness,  although  we  are  able  to  pour 
daylight  upon  their  vision,  merely  to  gratify  and  protect  their 
buyers  and  sellers  ! 

2.      There  never  was   a  more   abominable  or  more    absurd 
heresy  propagated,  than  the  assumption   that   the   public  safety 
would  be  jeoparded  by  an  immediate   compliance  with  the  de- 
mands of  justice  :   yet  it  has  obtained  among  all  orders  of  soci- 
ety.     Even  ministers  of  the  gospel,  who  are  bound  to  cry  aloud, 
and  spare  not, — to  lift  up  their  voices  like  a  trumpet,  and  show 
this  guilty   nation   its  sins, — to    say  to  the   holders    of  slaves, 
'  Loose  the  bands  of  wickedness,  undo  the   heavy  burdens,  let 
the  oppressed  go  free,  and  break  every  yokt,' — even  they  fly  to 
this  subterfuge,  and  deprecate  a  general  emancipation.      On  this 
subject,   '  they  know   not  what  they  do  ;'  they  reason  like  mad- 
men or  atheists  ;    they  advance   sentiments    which  unhinge  the 
moral  government   of  the   universe,  and  directly  encourage  the 
commission  of  the  most  heinous  crimes.      How  long  would  any 
one  of  their  number  retain  his  situation,  if  he  were  to  preach  in 
explicit  terms  to  his  congregation  as  follows  ? — '  My  dear  hear- 
ers, if  any   among  you   are    daily  oppressing  the  weak,   or  de- 
frauding the  poor,  do  not   cease  from  your  robbery  and  cruelty 
dt  once,  as  you  value   your  own  happiness  and  the  welfare  of 
society  !     Relax  your  tyrannous  grasp  gradually  from  the  throat 
of  your   neighbor,  and   steal  not  quite   so   much  from  him  this 
year  as  you  did  the  last  !' — But  they  emphatically  hold  this  lan- 
guage whenever  they  advise  slaveholders  not  to  repent  en  masse, 
or  too  hastily.      The  public  safety,  they  say,  forbids  emancipa- 
tion !   or,   in  other  words,  the  public  safety  depends   upon  your 
persistance  in  cheating,  whipping,  starving,  debasing  your  slaves  ! 
Nay,  more — many   of  them,   horrible  to  tell,   are   traffickers  in 
human  flesh  !     '  For  this  thing  which  it  cannot  bear,  the  earth  is 


Is  not  Hostile  to   Slavery.  59 

disquieted.  The  gospel  of  peace  and  mercy  preached  by  him 
who  steals,  buys  and  sells  the  purchase  of  Messiah's  blood  !  — 
rulers  of  the  church  making  merchandize  of  their  brethren's  souls  ! 
— and  Christians  trading  the  persons  of  men  !  '  * 

3.  The  system  of  slavery  is  full  of  danger,  outrage,  deso- 
lation and  death — '  a  volcano  in  full  operation  ' — a  monster  that 
is  annually  supplied  with  sixty  thousand  new  victims,  devoured 
as  soon  as  born — and  yet  the  Colonization  Society  '  properly 
enough  stands  aloof  '  from  it  !  !  It  utters  no  lamentations — 
makes  no  supplications — gives  no  rebukes — presents  no  motives 
for  repentance  ! 

4.  The  Society  is  not  only  ready  to  pass,  but  it  is  con- 
stantly bestowing  its  censure  upon  abolition  societies.  It  rep- 
resents their  members  as  guided  by  a  visionary,  wild  and  fanat- 
ical spirit,  as  invaders  of  rights  which  are  sacred,  incendiaries, 
disturbers  of  the  peace  of  society,  and  enemies  to  the  safety 
and  happiness  of  the  planters.  Determining  itself  to  avoid  the 
question  of  emancipation — to  leave  millions  of  human  beings 
to  pine  in  bondage  without  exposing  the  guilt  of  the  oppressors 
— it  endeavors  to  prevent  any  other  association  agitating  the 
subject.  Hence  between  colonization  and  abolition  societies 
there  is  no  affinity  of  feeling   or  action  ;     and  hence  arises  the 


*  '  If  the  most  guilty  and  daring  transgresisor  be  sought,  he  is  a  Gospel  Minis- 
ter, who  solemnly  avows  his  belief  of  the  Presbyterian  Confession  of  Faith,  or 
the  Methodist  Discipline,  and  notwithstanding  himself  is  a  Negro  Pedler,  who 
steals,  buys,  sells,  and  keeps  his  brethren  in  slavery,  or  supports  by  his  tacitur- 
nity, or  his  smooth  prophesying,  or  his  direct  defence,  the  Christian  professor 
who  unites  in  the  kidnapping  trade.  Truth  forces  the  declaration,  that  every 
church  officer,  or  nsember,  who  is  a  slaveholder,  records  himself,  by  his  own  creed, 
a  hypocrite  I'  *  *  '  To  pray  and  kidnap  !  to  commune  and  rob  men's  all  ! 
to  preach  justice,  and  steal  the  laborer  with  his  recompense  I  to  recommend 
mercy  to  others,  and  exhibit  cruelty  in  our  own  conduct  !  to  explain  leligious 
duties,  and  ever  impede  the  performance  of  them  !  to  propound  the  example  of 
Clirist  and  his  Apostles,  and  declare  that  a  slaveholder  imitates  them  !  to  enjoin 
an  observance  of  the  Lord's  day,  and  drive  the  slaves  from  the  temple  of  God  ! 
to  inculcate  every  social  affection,  and  instantly  exterminate  them  !  to  expatiate 
upon  bliss  eternal,  and  preclude  sinners  from  obtaining  it  !  to  unfold  the  woes  of 
Tophet,  and  not  drag  men  from  its  fire  !  are  the  most  preposterous  delusion, 
and  the  most  consummate  mockery.'  *  *  *  'The  Church  of  God  groans. 
It  is  the  utmost  Satanic  delusion  to  talk  of  religion  and  slavery.  Be  not  deceived  : 
to  affirm  that  a  slaveholder  is  a  genuine  disciple  of  .lesus  Christ,  is  most  intelli- 
gible contradiction.  A  brother  of  Flim  who  went  about  doing  good,  and  steal, 
enslave,  torment,  starve  and  scourge  a  man  because  his  skin  is  of  a  diflerent 
tinge  !  Such  Christianity  is  the  Devil's  manufacture  to  delude  souls  to  the  regions 
of  wo.' — Rev.  George  Botjrne. 


60  The  American   Colonization   Society 

cause,   inexplicable    to    many,    why   they   cannot   pursue   their 
objects  amicably  together. 

5.  The  attempt  of  the  Society  to  conciliate  the  holders  of 
slaves  must  result  either  in  disappointment,  or  in  an  abandonment 
of  the  path  of  duty.  If  they  are  guilty  of  robbery  and  oppres- 
sion, they  must  be  arraigned  as  criminals,  or  they  never  will 
reform  :  for  why  should  honest,  benevolent  men  change  their 
conduct  ?  If,  through  a  false  delicacy  of  feeling  or  cringing  pol- 
icy, their  wickedness  be  covered  up,  alas  for  the  slaves,  and 
alas  for  the  regeneration  of  the  south  !  all  hope  is  lost. 

6.  The  Society  has  no  wish,  if  it  could,  to  interfere  with 
the  system  of  slavery  !  Monstrous  indifference,  or  barbarous 
cruelty  !  And  yet  it  presumes  to  occupy  the  whole  ground  of 
the  controversy,  and  to  direct  the  actions  of  the  friends  of  the 
blacks  throughout  the  land  !  By  the  phrase  ^interfere,'  is  meant 
no  desire  to  contest  the  claims  of  the  planters  to  their  bond- 
men, or  to  kindle  the  indignation  of  the  people  against  their 
atrocious  practices. 

7.  It  appears  that  all  those  terrible  enactments  which  have 
been  made  for  the  government  of  the  slaves — such,  for  exam- 
ple, as  forbid  their  learning  to  read  under  the  penalty  of  stripes, 
and  even  death — are  acknowledged  by  the  Society  to  be  neces- 
sary for  the  maintenance  of  order  !     What  a  concession  ! 

8.  Sometimes  W'C  are  told  that  the  Society  is  aiming  at  the 
liberation  of  all  the  slaves,  and  then  that  it  lias  no  design  of 
attempting  either  partial  or  general  emancipation  :  so  contra- 
dictory are  its  assurances  !  It  is  manifest  that  it  does  not  mean 
to  touch  the  question  of  slavery  ;  and  hence  the  imperious  ne- 
cessity of  forming  abolition  societies. 

9.  The  rights  of  masters  are  to  remain  sacred  in  the  eyes 
of  the  Society  !  What  rights  ?  Those  by  which  the  intelligent 
creatures  of  God  are  bought  and  sold  and  used  like  cattle  .'* 
those  which  are  founded  upon  piracy,  cruelty  and  outrage  ?* 
Yes  !  This,  then,  is  an  abandonment  of  the  ground  of  right  and 
justice,  and  ends  the  controversy  between  truth  and  error. 


*  ( 


We  are  told  not  to  meddle  with  vested  rights  :  I  have  a  sacred  feeling 
about  vested  rights  ;  but  when  vested  rights  become  vested  wrongs,  I  ana  lew 
iscrnpulous  about  them.' — Speech  of  Rev.  Mr.  Burnett,  of  England. 


Apologises  for   Slavery  and   Slaveholders.  61 

10.  It  condemns  no  man  because  he  is  a  slaveholder  !  Cer- 
tainly, then,  it  allows  that  slaveholders  are  upright  men — not 
guilty  of  fraud — not  oppressors — not  extortioners  !  and  that  the 
slaves  are  truly  and  justly  their  property — not  entitled  to  free- 
dom— not  better  than  cattle — not  conscious  of  evil  treatment — 
not  worthy  of  remuneration  for  their  toil — not  rational  and 
accountable  beings  ! 


SECTION     II. 

THE      AMERICAN      COLONIZATION      SOCIEJy      APOLOGISES      FOR 
SLAVERY    AND    SLAVEHOLDERS. 

My  charges  against  the  American  Colonization  Society  ac- 
quire breadth  and  solemnity  as  I  progress  in  my  task.  I  have 
fairly  and  abundantly  sustained  my  first, — that  the  Society  is  not 
the  enemy  of  the  slave-system  ;  and  I  now  proceed  to  prove  my 
second, — that  it  apologises  for  slavery  and  slaveholders. 

'  There  is  a  goldea  mean,  which  all  who  would  pursue  the  solid  interest  and 
reputation  of  their  country  may  discern  at  the  very  heart  of  their  confederation, 
and  will  both  advocate  and  enforce — a  principle,  of  justice,  conciliation  and  hu- 
manity— a  principle,  sir,  which  is  not  inconsistent  with  itself,  and  yet  can  sigh 
over  the  degradation  of  the  slave,  defend  the  wisdom  and  prudoice  of  the 
South  against  the  charge  of  studied  and  pertinacious  cruelty,'  &c. — 
[Address  of  Robert  F.  Stockton,  Esq.  at  the  Eighth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Parent 
Society.  ] 

'  It  is  a  fact,  given  us  on  the  most  unquestionable  authority,  that  there  are 
now  in  the  southern  States  of  our  union,  hundreds,  and  even  thousands  of  pro- 
prietors, who  would  gladly  give  liberty  to  tlieir  slaves,  but  are  deterred  by  the. 
apprehension  of  doing  injury  to  their  country,  and  perhaps  to  the  slaves  them- 
selves.'— [Discourse  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Dana. — African  Repository,  vol.  i.  p.  145.] 

'  Guarding  that  system,  the  existence  of  which,  though  unfortunate,  they 
DEEM   NECESSARY.' — [African  Repository,  vol.  i.  p.  227.] 

'  We  all  know  from  a  variety  of  considerations  which  it  is  unnecessary  to 
name,  and  in  consequence  of  the  policy  which  is  obliged  to  be  pursued  in  the 
southern  States,  that  it  is  extremely  difficult  to  free  a  slave,  and  hence  the  en- 
actment of  those  laws  which  a  fatal  necessity  seems  to  demand.'' — [.'African 
Repository,  vol.  ii.  p.  12.] 

'  They  are  convinced,  that  there  arc  now  hundreds  of  masters  who  are  so 
only  from  necessity.' — [Memorial  of  the  Society  to  the  several  States. — A,  R. 
Tol.  ii.  p.  60.] 


62  The  Jlmerican   Colonization   Society 

'  /  do  noi  condemn,  let  me  be  understood,  their  detention  in  bondage 
under  the  circumstances  which  are  yet  existing.' — ['  The  Colonization  Society 
Vindicated.' — Idem,  vol.  iii.  p.  201.] 

'  A  third  point  in  which  the  first  promoters  of  this  object  were  united,  is,  that 
few  individual  slaveholders  can,  in  the  present  state  of  things,  emancipate  their 
slaves  if  they  would.  There  is  a  certain  relation  between  the  proprietor  of 
slaves  and  the  beings  thus  thrown  upon  him,  which  is  far  more  complicated, 
and  far  less  easily  dissolved,  than  a  mind  unacquainted  with  the  subject  is  ready 
to  imagine.  The  relation  is  one  which,  where  it  exists,  grows  out  of  the  very 
structure  of  society,  and  for  the  existen'-e  of  which,  the  master  is  ordinarily  as 
little  accountable  as  the  slave.' 

'  He  [the  planter]  looks  around  him  and  sees  that  the  condition  of  the  great 
mass  of  emancipated  Africans  is  one  in  coinparison  toith  lohich  the  condition 
of  his  slaves  is  enviable  ; — and  he  is  convinced  that  if  he  withdraws  from  his 
slaves  his  authority,  his  support,  his  protection,  and  leaves  them  to  shift  for 
themselves,  he  turns  them  out  to  be  vagabonds,  and  paupers,  and  felons,  and  to 
find  in  the  work-house  and  the  penitentiary,  the  home  which  they  ou<rht  to 
have  retained  on  his  paternal  acres. — Hundreds  of  humane  and  Christian  .slave- 
holders retain  their  fellow-men  in  bondage,  because  they  are  convinced  that 
they  can  do  no  better.' — [Address  of  the  Managers  of  the  Colonization  Society 
of  Connecticut. — Af  Rep.  vol.  iv.  pp.  119,  120.] 

'I  AM  NOT  COMPLAINING  OF  THE  OWNERS  OF  SLAVES  ;  they  cannot 
get  rid  of  them. — /  do  not  doubt  that  masters  treat  their  slaves  with  kind- 
ness, nor  that  the  slaves  are  happier  than  they  could  be  if  set  free  in  this  coun- 
try.'— [Address  delivered  before  the  Hampden  Col.  Soc,  July  4th,  1828,  by 
Wm.  B.  O.  Peabody,  Esq.] 

'  Policy,  and  even  the  voice  of  humanity  forbade  the  progress  of  manu- 
mission ;  and  the  salutary  hand  of  law  came  forward  to  co-operate  with  our 
convictions,  and  to  arrest  the  flow  of  our  feelings,  and  the  ardor  of  our  desires.' 
— [Review  of  the  Report  of  the  Committee  of  Foreign  Relations. — Af.  Rep. 
vol.  iv.  p.  268.] 

'  When  an  owner  of  slaves  tells  me  that  he  will  freely  relinquish  his  slaves, 
or  even  that  he  will  relinquish  one-half  of  their  value,  on  condition  that  he  be 
compensated  for  the  other  half,  and  provision  be  made  for  their  transporta- 
tion, I  feel  that  he  has  made  a  generous  proposal,  and  /  cannot  charge  him 
with  all  the  guilt  of  slavery,  though  he  may  continue  to  be  a  slaveholder.' — 
£Af  Rep.  vol.  v.  p.  63.] 

'  Even  slavery  must  be  viewed  as  a  great  national  calamity  ;  a  public  evil 
entailed  upon  us  by  untoward  circumstances,  a7id  perpetuated  for  the  want 
of  appropriate  remedies.^ — [Idem,  vol.  v.  p.  89.] 

'  Slavery  is  an  evil  which  is  entailed  upon  the  present  generation  of  slavehold- 
ers, which  they  must  suffer,  whether  they  will  or  not.' — [Idem,  p.  179.] 

'  Our  brethren  of  the  South,  have  the  same  sympathies,  the  same  moral  senti- 
ments, the  same  love  of  liberty  as  ourselves.  By  them  as  by  us,  slavery  is  felt  to 
be  an  evil,  a  hindrance  to  our  prosperity,  and  a  blot  upon  our  character.  But  it 
was  in  being  when  they  were  born,  and  has  been  forced  upon  them  by  a  previous 
generation.' — [Address  of  Rev.  Dr.  Nott. — Idem,  p.  277.] 

'  With  a  writer  in  the  Southern  Review  we  say,  <'  the  situation  of  the  people 
of  these  States  was  not  of  their  choosing.  When  they  came  to  the  inheritance, 
it  was  subject  to  this  mighty  incumbrance,  and  it  would  be  criminal  in  them  to 
ruin  or  waste  the  estate,  to  get  rid   of  the  burden  at  once."     With  this  writer 


Apologists  for   Slavery  and    Slaveholders.  63 

we  add  also,  in  the  language  of  Captain  Hall,  that  the  "  slaveholders  ought  not 
(immediately)  to  disentangle  themselves  from  the  obligations  which  have  de- 
volved upon  them,  as  the  masters  of  slaves."  We  believe  that  a  master  may 
sustain  his  relation  to  the  slave,  with  as  little  criminality  as  the  slave  sustains  his 
relation  to  the  master.'  *  *  *  '  Slavery,  in  its  mildest  form,  is  an  evil  of 
the  darkest  character.  Cruel  and  unnatural  in  its  origin,  no  plea  can  be  urged 
in  justification  of  its  conthiuance  but  the  plea  of  necessity.' — [Af.  Rep.  vol.  v. 
pp.  329,  334.] 

'  How  much  more  consistent  and  powerful  would  be  our  example,  but  for  that 
population  within  our  limits,  whose  condition  {necessary  condition,!  will  not 
deny)  is  so  much  at  war  with  our  institutions,  and  with  that  memorable  national 
Declaration — "  that  all  men  are  [created  equal."  ' — [Fourteenth  Ann,  Report.] 

'  It  [the  Society]  condemns  no  man  because  he  is  a  slaveholder.'  *  *  * 
'  They  [abolitionists]  confound  the  misfortunes  of  one  generation  with  the 
crimes  of  another,  and  would  sacrifice  both  individual  and  public  good  to  an 
unsubstantial  theory  of  the  rights  of  man.' — [A.  R.  vol.  vii.  pp.  200,  202.] 

'  Many  thousand  individuals  in  our  native  State,  you  well  know,  Mr  Presi- 
dent, are  restrained,  said  Mr  Mercer,  from  manumitting  their  slaves,  as  you  and 
I  are,  by  the  melancholy  conviction,  that  they  cannot  yield  to  the  suggestions  of 
humanity,  without  manifest  injury  to  their  country.'  *  *  *  '  'Vhe  laws  of 
Virginia  now  discourage,  and  very  wisely,  perhaps,  the  emancipation  of  slaves.' 
— [Speech  of  Mr  Mercer. — First  Annual  Report.] 

'  We  are  ready  even  to  grant,  for  our  present  purpose,  that,  so  far  as  mere 
animal  existence  is  concerned,  the  slaves  have  no  reason  to  complain,  and  the 
friends  of  humanity  have  no  reason  to  complain  for  them.'  *  *  *  «  There 
are  men  in  the  southern  states,  who  long  to  do  something  effectual  for  the  benefit 
of  their  slaves,  and  would  gladly  emancipate  them,  did  not  prudence  and  com- 
passion alike  forbid  such  a  measure.' — [Review  of  the  Reports  of  the  Society, 
from  the  Christian  Spectator. — Seventh  Annual  Report.] 

'  Such  unhappily  is  the  case  ;  but  there  is  a  necessity  for  it,  [for  oppressive 
laws,]  and  so  long  as  they  remain  amongst  us  will  that  necessity  continue.' — 
[Ninth  Annual  Report.] 

'  I  MAY  BE  PERMITTED  TO  DECLARE  THAT  I  WOULD  BE  A  SLAVE- 
HOLDER  TO-DAY   WITHOUT   SCRUPLE.' — [Fourteenth  Annual  Report.] 

'  For  the  existence  of  slavery  in  the  United  States,  those,  and  those  only,  are 
accountable  who  bore  a  pan  in  originating  such  a  constitution  of  society.  The 
bible  contains  no  explicit  prohibition  of  slavery.  There  is  neither  chapter  nor 
verse  of  holy  writ,  which  lends  any  countenance  to  the  fulminating  spirit  of  uni- 
versal emancipation,  of  which  some  exhibitions  may  be  seen  in  some  of  the 
newspapers.'  *  *  *  '  The  embarrassment  which  many  a  philanthropic  pro- 
prietor has  felt  in  relation  to  his  slaves,  has  been  but  little  known  at  the  north, 
and  has  had  but  little  sympathy.  He  finds  himself  the  lord  of  perhaps  a  hundred 
human  beings  ;  and  is  anxious  to  do  them  all  the  good  in  his  power.  He  would 
emancipate  them  ;  but  if  he  does,  their  prospect  of  happiness  can  hardly  be  said 
to  be  improved  by  the  change.  Some  half  a  dozen,  perhaps,  in  the  hundred,  be- 
come industrious  and  useful  members  of  society  ;  and  the  rest  are  mere  vaga- 
bonds,  idle,  wicked,  and  miserable.' 

— [Review  on  African  Colonization. — Vide  the  Christian  Spectator  for  Sep- 
tember, 1830,  in  which  the  reader  will  find  an  elaborate  apology  for  the  system 
of  slavery,  and  this,  too,  by  a  clergyman  !] 

*  The  existence  of  slavery  among  us,  though  not  at  all  to  be  objected  to  our 
southern  brethren  aa  a  fault,  is  yet  a   blot   on    our  national   character,  and  a 


64  The  American   Colonization    Society 

mighty  drawback  from  our  national  strength.' — [Second  Annual  Report   of  the 
N.  Y.  State  Col.  Soc] 

'  Entertaining  these  views  of  this  fearful  subject,  why  should  our  opponents 
endeavor  to  prejudice  our  cause  with  our  southern  friends  ?  And  we  are  llie  more 
anxious  on  this  point,  for  we  sincerely  entertain  exalted  notions  of  their  sense  of 
right,  of  their  manliness  and  independence  of  feeling — of  their  dignity  of  deport- 
ijjent— of  their  honorable  and  chivalrie  turn  of  thought,  which  spurns  a  niean 
act  as  death.  And  if  I  was  allowed  to  indulge  a  personal  feeling,  I  \yould  say 
that  there  is  something  to  my  mind  in  the  candor,  hospitality  and  intelligence  of 
the  South,  which  oharms  and  captives,  which  wins  its  way  to  the  heart  and  gives 
assurance  of  all  that  is  upright,  honorable,  and  humane.  There  is  no  people 
that  treat  their  slaves  with  so  little  cruelty  and  with  so  much  kindness.  There 
is  nothing  in  the  condition  of  slavery  more  congenial  with  the  feelings  of  the 
South  than  with  the  feelings  of  the  North.  Philanthropy  and  benevolence  flour- 
ish with  as  much  vigor  with  them  as  with  us — their  hearts  are  as  warm  as  ours — 
they  feel  for  the  distresses  of  others  with  as  much  acuteness  as  we  do — their  ears 
are  as  open  to  the  calls  of  charity  as  ours — they  as  deeply  regret  as  we  do  the 
existence  of  slavery — and  oh  !  how  their  hearts  would  thrill  with  delight,  if  the 
mighty  incubus  could  be  removed  without  injury  or  destruction  to  every  thing 
around  them.' — [Speech  of  James  S.  Green,  Esq.  on  the  same  occasion.] 

'  Many  of  the  best  citizens  of  our  land  are  holders  of  slaves,  and  hold  them 
IN  STRICT  ACCORDANCE  WITH  THE  PRINCIPLES  OF  HUMAN- 
ITY AND  JUSTICE.' — [Rev.  Thomas  T.  Skillman,  editor  of  the  Western 
Luminary,  an  ardent  supporter  of  the  Col.   Soc] 

'It  is  a  very  common  impression  that  a  principal  evil  of  the  condition  of  the 
southern  blacks,  is  the  severity  of  their  treatment.  This  is  an  error. 
It  is  almost  every  w^here  disreputable  to  treat  slaves  with  severity  ;  and 
though  there  arc  indeed  exceptions,  yet  in  most  cases  in  the  South,  even  tyran- 
ny itself  could  not  long  withstand  the  reproaches  of  public  opinion.  A  STILL 
GREATER  AND  MORE  DANGEROUS  EVIL,  IS  THE  VERY  RE- 
VERSE. It  is  indulgence ;  not  only  in  such  things  as  are  proper  and  mno- 
cent,  but  in  indolent  habits  and  vicious  propenshies.' 

[From  an  address  prepared  for  the  use  of  those  who  advocate  the  cause  of 

the  African  Education  Society  at  ■\Vashington— a   Society  which   educates  none 
but  those  who  consent  to  remove  to  Liberia.] 

'  How  should  a  benevolent  Virginian,  in  view  of  the  fact,  that  out  of  thirty- 
seven  thousand  free  people  of  color  in  his  State,  only  two  hundred  were  propri- 
etors of  land,  how  should  he  be  in  favor  of  general  emancipation  ?  But,  show 
him,  that  if  he  will  emancipate  his  slaves,  there  is  a  way  in  which  he  can  with- 
out doubt  improve  their  condition,  while  he  rids  himself  of  a  grievous  burdeii, 
and  he  will  promptly  obey  the  demands  of  justice — he  will  then  feel  that  his 
generous  wishes  can  with  certainty  be  fulfilled.  While  he  knows  that  scarcely 
any  thing  is  done  to  meliorate  the  condition  of  those  now  free,  and  reflects  on 
the  many  obstacles  in  the  wav  of  doing  it  in  this  land,  he  feels  bound  by  a  re- 
gard to  what  he  owes  himself— his  children— his  country,  and  even  his  slaves 
themselves,  not  to  emancipate  them.  For  he  is  sure,  that,  by  emancipation,  he 
will  only  add  to  the  wretchedness  of  the  one,  and  at  the  same  time  put  at  im- 
minent hazard  the  dearest  interests  of  the  other.  Thus  he  is  forced  to  refram 
from  manumission,  and  not  only  so,  but  against  all  his  benevolent  inclinations, 
he  is  forced  to  co-operate  with  his  fellow-citizens  in  sustaining  the  present  system 
of  slavery.  Ho  would  most  cheerfully  follow  the  impulse  of  his  noblest  feelings 
—he  would  remove  the  curse  which  the  short-sighted  policy  of  his  fathers  en- 
tailed upon  him  ;  but  he  cannot  disregard  the  first  law  of  nature  ;  especially  not, 
when,  were  he  to  do  it,  he  would  render  the  curse  still  more  calamitous  in  its 
consequences.'— [An  advocate  of  the  Colonization  Society  in  the  Middletown 
(Connecticut)  Gazette.] 


Jlpologises  for    Slavery  and  Slaveholders.  65 

'  Slavery  is  indeed  a  curse  ;  and  bitter  is  the  lot  of  him  who  is  born  with 
slaves  on  his  hands.  And  now,  instead  of  denouncing  as  inhuman  and  unmer- 
ciful monsters  and  tyrants,  those  who-are  thus  unfortunate,  I  say,  let  the  com- 
miseration and  pity  of  every  good  citizen  and  christian  in  the  land  be  excited, 
and  let  fervent  prayers  be  offered  in  their  behalf,  and  that  God  would  direct  the 
whole  American  mind  to  the  adoption  of  the  most  eiTectual  measures  for  the 
accomplishment  of  the  total  abolition  of  slavery.' — [New-Haven  Religious  In- 
telligencer for  July  16,   1S31.] 

'  Special  reference  will  also  bo  had  to  tho  condition  and  wishes  of  the  slave 
States.  In  most  of  them  it  is  a  prevailing  sentiment,  that  it  is  not  safe  to  furnish 
slaves  with  the  means  of  instruction.  Much  as  we  lament  the  reasons  for  this 
sentiment,  and  the  ajiparent  necessity  of  keeping  a  single  fellow  creature  in 
ignorance,  we  willingly  leave  to  others  the  consideration  and  the  remedy  of  this 
evil,  in  view  of  the  overwhelming  magnitude  of  the  remaining  objects  before  us, 
— [Address  of  the  Board  of  Managers  of  the  African  Education  Society  of  the 
United  States.] 

'  And  when  we  [of  New-England]  did  emancipate  our  slaves,  we  were  driven 
to  the  measure  by  the  force  of  example  ;  and  we  did  not  do  it  until  it  was  found 
quite  convenient  ;  and  then  what  provision  was  made  for  the  poor  blacks  ?  Let 
our  State  Prison  records  answer  the  question.  Our  Southern  brethren  have  been 
moi-e  kind:  they  will  not  emancipate  them  until  they  send  them  where  they 
can  enjoy  liberty,  more  than  in  name.  As  a  Northern  man  I  feel  it  my  duty, 
and  I  take  pleasure  in  giving  the  meed  of  praise  to  my  Southern  brethren.' — 
[Speech  of  Rev.  Mr  Gallaudet,  at  a  colonization  meeting  in  New-York  city.] 

'  The  slave  works  for  his  master,  who  feeds  and  clothes  him,  defends  him  from 
harm,  and  takes  care  of  him  when  he  is  sick.  The  free  colored  man  works  for 
himself,  and  has  nobody  to  take  care  of  him  but  himself 

— [From  a  little  colonization  work,  published  in  Baltimore  in  1828,  '  for  the 
use  of  the  African  Schools  in  the  United  States '  !  !  entitled  '  A  Voice  from 
Africa.'] 

'  The  slaveholder  will  tell  you,  that  he  did  not  take  liberty  from  the  African — 
he  was  a  slave  when  he  found  him,  and  he  is  no  more  than  a  slave  yet.  The 
man  who  owns  one  hundred  acres  of  land  more  than  he  can  cultivate  himself,  is 
as  much  a  slaveholder  as  he  who  owns  a  slave.'— [An  advocate  of  colonization 
in  the  Richmond  (Indiana)   Palladium  for  Oct.  1,  1831.] 

'I  DO  NOT  MEA>f  TO  SPEAK  OF  SLAVERY  AS  A  SYSTEM  OF  CRU- 
ELTY AND  OF  SUFFERING.  On  this  poiut  I  am  free  to  sav,  from  personal 
observation  and  occasional  residences  for  some  years  at  the  South,  there  has 
been  much  misapprehension  among  our  fellow-citizens  of  the  North.  And  I 
rejoice  to  add,  that  the  condition  of  the  slaves  generally  is  such  as  the 
friends  of  humanity  have  no  reason  to  complain  of — [Oration  delivered  at 
Newark,  N.  J.  July  -ith,  1831,  by  Gabriel  P.  Disosway,  Esq.] 

'  Slavery,  it  is  true,  is  an  evil — a  national  evil.  Every  laudable  effort  to  ex- 
terminate it  should  be  encouraged.  And  we  presume  that  nine-tenths  of  the 
slaveholders  themselves,  would  rejoice  at  the  e^'ent,  could  it  be  accomplished, 
of  the  entire  freedom  from  the  country  of  every  person  of  color,  and  would  wil- 
lingly relinquish  every  slave  in  their  possession.  But  the  slaves  arc  in  their 
possession — they  are  entailed  upon  them  by  their  ancestors.  And  can  they  set 
them  free,  and  still  suffer  them  to  remain  in  the  country  .'  Would  this  be  policy? 
Would  it  be  safe  .'  No.  When  they  can  be  transported  to  the  soil  from  whence 
they  were  derived — by  the  aid  of  the  Colonization  Society,  by  Government,  by 
individuals,  or  by  any  other  means — then  let  them  be  emancipated,  and  not  be- 
fore.'—[LoweH'CMass.)  Telegraph.] 

[Part  I.]  9 


(56  The  American   Colonization   Society 

It  is  a  self-evident  proposition,  that  just  so  far  as  you  allevi- 
ate the  pressure  of  guilt  upon  the  consciences  of  evil  doers, 
you  weaken  the  power  of  motive  to  repent,  and  encourage  them 
to  sin  with  impunity.  To  descant  upon  the  wrongs  of  the  slave- 
system,  and  yet  exonerate  the  supporters  of  it  from  reprehen- 
sion, is  to  deal  in  absurdities  :  we  might  preach  in  this  manner 
until  the  crack  of  doom,  and  never  gain  a  convert.  Paradoxes 
may  amuse,  but  they  never  convince  the  mind. 

Now,  I  defy  the  most  ingenious  advocates  of  perpetual  sla- 
very to  produce  stronger  arguments  in  its  favor  than  are  given 
in  the  foregoing  extracts.  What  better  plea  could  they  make  ? 
what  higher  justification  could  they  need  ?  Nay,  these  apolo- 
gies of  colonizationists  represent  oppression  not  merely  as  inno- 
cent, but  even  commendable — as  a  system  of  benevolence, 
upheld  by  philanthropists  and  sages  ! 

'  I  do  not  condemn  the  detention  of  the  slaves  in  bondage 
under  the  circumstances  which  are  yet  existing,'  says  an  advo- 
cate ;  by  which  consolatory  avowal  we  are  taught  that  the  crmi- 
inality  of  man-stealing  depends  upon  circumslances,  and  not 
upon  the  fact  that  it  is  a  daring  violation  of  the  rights  of  man  and 
the  laws  of  God. 

'  The  planter  sees  that  the  condition  of  the  great  mass  of 
emancipated  Africans  is  one,  in  comparison  with  which  the 
condition  of  his  slaves  is  enviable,'  assert  the  Board  of  Man- 
agers ! — a  concession  which  transforms  robbery  into  generosity, 
cruelty  into  mercy,  and  leads  the  slaveholder  to  believe  that, 
instead  of  deserving  censure,  his  conduct  is  really  meritorious  ! 
— a  concession  which  is  at  war  with  common  sense,  and  con- 
trary to  truth. 

'  I  am  not  complaining  of  the  owners  of  slaves — I  do  not 
doubt  that  the  slaves  are  happier  than  they  could  be  if  set  free 
in  this  country,'  declares  an  apologist,  even  in  Massachusetts  ! 
Stripes  and  servitude  \rould  doubtless  soon  alter  his  opinion. 
With  him,  to  sell  human  beings  at  public  auction,  and  to  sepa- 
rate husbands  and  wives,  and  children  and  parents,  is  not  a  sub- 
ject of  complaint !  and  to  be  a  slave,  to  be  fed  upon  a  peck  of 
corn  per  week,  unable  to  possess  property,  liable  to  be  torn 
from  the  partner  of  his  bosom  and  children  at  a  moment's  warn- 


Apologises  for   Slavery  and   Slaveholders.  67 

ing,  mal-treated  worse  than  a  brute,  &c.  &c.  &c.  is  more  de- 
sirable than  to  be  a  free  man,  able  to  acquire  wealth,  unrestricted 
in  his  movements,  from  whom  none  may  wrest  his  wife  or  chil- 
dren, and  who  can  find  redress  for  any  outrage  upon  his  person 
or  property  ! 

'  Policy,  and  even  humanity,^  cries  another,  'forbid  the  pro- 
gress of  manumission  '  !  Indeed  !  But  is  it  right  to  hold  our 
fellow  creatures  as  chattels,  and  to  perpetuate  their  ignorance 
and  servitude  ?  O  no  !  this  is  icrong^  but  it  would  be  a  greater 
wrong  to  emancipate  them  !  Is  this  folly  or  villany  ?  To  op- 
press our  brother  is  wrong,  but  to  cease  from  oppressing  him 
would  not  be  right  ! 

'  I  would  be  a  slaveholder  to-day  without  scruple,'  says 
another  advocate. 

'  Many  owners  of  slaves,'  another  declares,  '  hold  them 
in  strict  accordance  with  the  principles  of  humanity  and  jus- 
tice '  !  !  !  Yes,  to  deprive  men  of  their  inalienable  rights  is  to 
do  unto  them  as  we  would  have  them  do  unto  us  ! 

Finally,  another  boldly  declares  that  the  slaves  are  treated 
too  indulgently  ! — The  laws  which  regard  them  as  beasts,  but 
punish  them  for  the  commission  of  crime  as  severely  as  if  they 
possessed  the  knowledge  of  angels,  he  must  suppose  are  too 
lenient.  Their  allowance  of  corn  is  too  liberal  ;  they  ought  not 
to  wear  any  raiment  ;  to  sleep  in  their  wretched  huts  is  calcu- 
lated to  make  them  effeminate — the  open  field  is  a  more  suita- 
ble place  for  cattle  ;  no  religious  instruction  should  be  granted 
even  orally  to  them  !  The  slaves,  as  a  body,  too  kindly  treated  ! 
The  Lord  have  compassion  upon  any  of  their  number  who  shall 
come  under  the  control  of  him  who  holds  this  opinion  ! 

Sentiments,  like  these,  act  upon  the  consciences  of  slave 
owners  like  opiates  upon  the  body,  lulling  them  into  a  slumber 
as  profound  and  fatal  as  death.  It  were  almost  as  hopeless  a 
task  to  attempt  to  arouse,  alarm  and  animate  them,  so  long  as 
they  repose  under  the  stupefying  effects  of  this  poison,  as  to 
raise  the  dead.  This  must  not  be.  Slaveholders  are  the  ene- 
mies of  God  and  man  ;  their  garments  are  red  with  the  blood 
of  souls  ;  their  guilt  is  aggravated  beyond  the  power  of  language 
to  describe  ;  and  they  must  be  made   to   see  and   realise    their 


^^ 


OS  The  American   Colonization   Society 

awful  condition.  Truth  must  send  its  arrows  into  their  con- 
sciences, and  Terror  rouse  them  to  exertion,  and  Conviction 
bring  them  upon  their  knees,  and  Repentance  propitiate  the  anger 
of  Heaven,  or  they  perish  by  the  sword.  The  slaves  must  be 
free  ;  and  He  who  is  no  respecter  of  person  is  now  holding  out 
to  us  this  alternative — either  to  wait  until  they  burst  their  chains 
and  wade  through  a  river  of  blood  to  freedom,  or  to  liberate 
them  willingly  ourselves.  Can  we  hesitate  in  our  choice  ?  Be 
this  our  only  reply  to  those  who  apologise  for  the  oppressors, 
and  fix  the  standard  of  policy  higher  than  that  of  duty  :  '  Wo 
unto  them  that  call  evil  good,  and  good  evil  ;  that  put  darkness 
for  light,  and  light  for  darkness  ;  that  put  bitter  for  sweet,  and 
sweet  for  bitter  !  Wo  unto  them  that  are  wise  in  their  own 
eyes,  and  prudent  in  their  own  sight  !  which  justify  the  wicked 
for  reward,  and  take  away  the  righteousness  of  the  righteous 
from  him  !' 


SECTION     III. 

THE    AMERICAN    COLONIZATION    SOCIETY   RECOGNISES    SLAVES 

AS     PROPERTV. 

The  heresies  of  this  combination  are  flagrant  and  numerous. 
A  larger  volume  than  this  is  needed  to  define  and  illustrate  them 
all.  Much  important  evidence,  and  many  pertinent  reflections, 
I  am  compelled  to  suppress. 

My  next  allegation  against  it  is,  that  it  recognises  slaves  as 
property.  This  recognition  is  not  merely  technical,  or  strictly 
confined  to  a  statutable  interpretation.  I  presume  the  advo- 
cates of  the  Society  will  attempt  to  evade  this  point,  by  saying 
that  it  never  meant  to  concede  the  moral  right  of  the  masters  to 
possess  human  beings  ;  but  the  evidence  against  them  is  full  and 
explicit.  The  Society,  if  language  mean  any  thing,  does  une- 
quivocally acknowledge  property  in  slaves  to  be  as  legitimate 
and  sacred  as  any  other  property,  of  which  to  deprive  the  own- 
ers either  by  force  or  by  legislation,  without  making  restitution, 
would  be  unjust  and  tyrannical.      Here  is  the  proof: 


Recognises  Slaves  as  Property.  69 

'  It  interferes  in  no  wise  with  the  rights  of  ■property.''  *  *  'It  is  utterly 
opposed  to  any  measures  which  might  infringe  upon  the  rights  of  property.'' 

*  *  '  We  hold  their  slaves  as  we  hold  their  other  projterty,  sacred.' — 
[African  Repository,  vol.  i.  pp.  39,  225,  283.] 

'  Does  this  Society  wish  to  meddle  with  our  slaves  as  our  rightful  property  ? 
I  answer  no,  I  think  not.'  *  *  '  The  Society  cannot  be  justly  charged  with 
aiming  to  disturb  the  rights  of  property  or  the  peace  of  society.'  *  *  «  Jt 
seeks  to  affect  no  man's  property.''  *  *  '  To  found  in  Africa,  an  empire  of 
christians  and  republicans  ;  to  reconduct  the  blacks  to  their  native  land,  with- 
out disturbing  the  order  of  society,  the  laws  of  property ,  or  the  rights  of  indi- 
viduals,' &c. — [African  Repository,  vol.  ii.  pp.  13,  58,  334,  375.] 

'  They  are  also  convinced,  that  the  Society  have  conducted  their  operations 
with  so  much  prudence,  as  to  give  no  cause  of  alarm  to  the  holders  of  slaves, 
for  the  security  of  this  property.^ — [African  Repository,  volume  iii.  p. 
341.] 

'  The  rights  of  masters  are  to  remain  sacred  in  the  eyes  of  the  Society.' — [Af- 
rican Repository,  vol.  iv.  p.  274.] 

'  The  Society  has  never  interfered,  and  has  no  disposition  to  interfere  with  the 
rights  of  private  property.'  *  *  '  The  alarm  for  the  rights  of  property  ap- 
pears to  have  subsided,  and  the  Society  is  no  longer  charged  with  any  sinister  or 
insidious  design.  It  has  constantly  disclaimed  any  intention  of  disturbing  the 
rights  of  others  ;  and  its  conduct  entitles  its  declaration  to  credit.'  *  *  '  The 
American  Colonization  Society  has,  at  all  times,  solemnly  disavowed  any  pur- 
pose of  interference  with  the  institutions  or  rights  of  our  Southern  communities.' 

*  *  '  Our  friends,  who  are  cursed  with  this  greatest  of  human  evils  (slavery) 
deserve  our  kindest  attention  and  consideration.  Their  property  and  safety  are 
both  involved. '• — [African  Repository,  vol.  v.  pp.  215,  241,  307,  334.] 

'  It  has  constantly  disclaimed  all  intention  whatever  of  interfering,  in  the 
smallest  degree,  with  the  rights  of  property.'  *  *  'The  Society,  from  con- 
siderations like  these,  whilst  it  disclaims  the  remotest  idea  of  ever  disturbing  the 
right  of  property  in  slaves,'  &c.  *  *  'It  is  not  the  object  of  this  Society  to 
liberate  slaves,  or  touch  the  rights  of  property.'  *  *  '  Honorable  instances  might 
be  adduced  oi  disinterested  benevolence  on  the  part  of  the  owners  of  slaves, 
and  of  their  sacrificing  property  to  a  large  amount,  in  their  enfranchisement 
and  restoration  to  the  land  of  their  ancestors.'  *  *  '  The  American  Society 
Jias  disclaimed  from  the  first  moment  of  its  institution,  all  intention  of  interfering 
w'lth  rights  of  property.'  *  *  '  The  federal  government  has  no  control  over 
this  subject  :  it  concerns  rights  of  property  secured  by  the  federal  compact,  upon 
which  our  civil  liberties  mainly  depend  ;  it  is  a  part  of  the  same  collection  of 
political  rights  ;  and  any  invasion  of  it  would  impair  the  tenure  by  which, 
every  other  is  held.'  *  *  'It  is  equally  plain  and  undeniable,  that  the  Soci- 
ety in  the  prosecution  of  this  work,  has  never  interfered  or  evinced  even  a  dis- 
position to  interfere  in  any  way  with  the  rights  of  jtroprictors  of  slaves.'  *  * 
'  The  slaveholder,  so  far  from  having  just  cause  to  complain  of  the  Colonization 
Society,  has  reason  to  congratulate  himself,  that  in  this  Institution  a  channel  is 
opened  up,  in  which  the  public  feeling  and  public  action  can  flow  on,  without  do- 
ing violence  to  his  rights.' — [African  Repository,  vol.  vi.  pp.  13,  69,  81,  153, 
165,   169,   205,   363.] 

'  It  was  proper  again  and  again  to  repeat,  that  it  was  far  from  the  intention  of 
the  Society  to  affect,  in  any  manner,  the  tenure  by  which  a  certain  species  of 
property  is  held.  He  was  himself  a  slaveholder  ;  and  he  considered  that 
kind  of  property  as  inviolable  as  any  other  in  the  country.' — [Speech  of 
Henry  Clay. — First  Annual  Report.] 


70  The  Jlmerican  Colonization   Society 

'  Your  committee  would  not  thus  favorably  regard  the  prayer  of  the  memori- 
alists, if  it  sought  to  impair,  i7i  the  slightest  degree,  the  rights  of  private 
property.'' — [lleport  of  the  committee  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States,  on  the  memorial  of  the  President  and  Board  of  Managers  of  the 
Colonization  Society. — Second  Annual  Report.] 

'  The  Society  has  at  all  times  recognised  the  constitutional  and  legitimate 
existence  of  slavery.' — [Tenth  Annual  Report.] 

'  The  Society  protests  that  it  has  no  designs  on  the  rights  of  the  master  in  the 
slave — or  the  property  in  his  slave,  which  the  laws  guarantee  to  him.' — [Four- 
teenth Annual  Report.] 

'  Something  he  must  yet  be  allowed  to  say,  as  regarded  the  object  the  Soci- 
ety was  set  up  to  accomplish.  This  object,  if  he  understood  it  aright,  involved 
no  intrusion  on  property,  nor  even  upon  prejudice.' — [Fifteenth  An- 
nual Report.] 

'  To  the  slaveholder,  who  had  charged  upon  them  the  wicked  design  of  inter- 
fering with  the  RIGHTS  of  property  under  the  specious  pretext  of  removing 
a  vicious  and  dangerous  free  population,  they  address  themselves  in  a  tone  of 
conciliation  and  sympathy.  We  know  your  rights,  say  they,  and  we  respect 
them.'  *  *  '  Equally  absurd  and  false  is  the  objection,  that  this  Society  seeks 
indirectly  to  disturb  the  rights  of  property,  and  to  interfere  with  the  well  estab- 
lished relation  subsisting  between  master  and  slave.' — [African  Repository,  vol. 
vii.  pp.   100,  228.] 

'  I  repeat,  that  though  not  a  slaveholder,  yet  I  think  that  every  man  ought  to 
be  protected  in  his  property,  and  as  the  laws  of  our  country  have  decreed  that 
negroes  are  property,  every  person  that  holds  a  slave,  according  to  these  laws, 
ought  to  be  protected.' — ['  A  new  and  interesting  View  of  Slavery.'  By  Hu- 
mauitas,  a  colonization  advocate.     Baltimore,  1820.] 

'  We  are  made  to  disregard  this  description  of  property,  and  to  touch  without 
reserve  the  rights  of  our  neighbors.' — [Proceedings  of  the  First  Annual  Meet- 
ing of  the  New-Jersey  Colonization  Society.] 

Thus  the  American  Colonization  Society  shamelessly  surren- 
ders the  claims  of  justice,  and  leaves  the  enemies  of  oppression 
weaponless  !  Hence  it  rejects  the  proposition,  that  man  can-' 
not  hold  properly  in-man  ;  and  we  are  called  upon  to  prove  that 
which  is  self-evident.  No  accidental  differences  of  condition  or 
complexion — no  vicissitudes  of  fortune — no  reprisal  or  purchase 
or  inheritance,  can  justly  make  one  individual  the  slave  of  an- 
other. When  God  created  man,  he  gave  him  dominion  over 
the  fowls  of  the  air  and  the  beasts  of  the  field  ;  but  not  over  his 
fellow  man.  '  All  men  are  born  free  and  equal,'  and  are  '  made 
of  one  blood.'  Shall  we  look  to  wealth  as  giving  one  a  title  to 
the  labor  and  freedom  of  another  }  Wealth  is  the  creature  of  cir- 
cumstances, and  not  an  arbitrary  law  of  nature.  It  takes  to  it- 
self wings,  and  flies  away  ;  and  he  who  is  an  opident  tyrant  to- 


Recognises  Slaves  os  Property.  71 

day,  may  on  this  principle  be  an  impoverished  slave  to-morrow. 
Does  physical  strength  make  valid  this  claim  ?  This,  too,  is 
evanescent  :  sickness  and  age  would  ultimately  degrade  the  most 
muscular  tyrants  to  servitude  ;  and  mankind  would  be  composed 
of  but  two  parties — the  strong  and  the  weak.  Can  high  birth 
annul  the  rights  of  the  lower  classes  ?  There  is  no  difference  at 
their  birth,  between  the  children  of  the  beggar  and  those  of 
the  king.  '  We  brought  nothing  into  this  world,'  says  an  in- 
spired apostle,  '  and  it  is  certain  we  can  carry  nothing  out.' 
/'  Man  is  created  a  rational  being  ;  and  therefore  he  is  a  subject 
of  moral  government,  and  accountable.  Being  rational  and  ac- 
countable, he  is  bound  to  improve  his  mind  and  intellect.  AVith 
this  design,  his  Creator  has  outstretched  the  heavens,  and  set 
the  sun  in  his  course,  and  hung  out  the  burning  jewels  of  the 
sky,  and  spread  abroad  the  green  earth,  and  poured  out  the  seas, 
that  he  might  steadily  progress  in  knowledge.    ' 

The  slaves  are  men  ;  they  were  born,  then,  as  free  as  their 
masters  ;  they  cannot  be  property  ;  and  he  who  denies  them  an 
opportunity  to  improve  their  faculties,  comes  into  collision  with 
Jehovah,  and  incurs  a  fearful  responsibility.  But  we  know  that 
they  are  not  treated  like  rational  beings,  and  that  oppression 
almost  entirely  obliterates  their  sense  of  moral  obligation  ta 
God  or  man. 

I  fully  coincide  in  opinion  with  the  authoress  of  a  work  enti- 
tled, '  Immediate,  not  Gradual  Abolition,'  that  the  holder 
of  a  slave,  whether  he  obtained  him  by  purchase  or  by  inher- 
itance, is  as  guilty  as  the  original  thief.*  The  wretch  who  stole 
him  could  by  no  possible  means  acquire  or  transmit  the  light  to 
make  a  slave  of  him,  or  to  keep  him  in  slavery.  He  has  a 
right  to  his  liberty  : — through  whatever  number  of  transfers  the 
usurpation  ♦f  it    may  have  passed,  the   right  is  undiminished. 


*  The  owners  of  slaves  are  licensed  robbers,  and  not  the  just  proprietors  of 
what  they  claim  :  freeing  them  is  not  depriving  them  of  property,  but  restorins 
it  to  the  right  owner  ;  it  is  suffering  the  unlawful  captive  to  escape.  It  is  no\ 
wronging  the  master,  but  doing  justice  to  the  slave,  restoring  him  to  himself. 
Emancipation  would  only  take  away  property  that  is  its  own  property,  and  not 
ours  ;  property  that  has  the  same  right  to  possess  us,  as  we  have  to'possess  it  ; 
property  that  has  the  same  right  to  convert  our  children  into  dogs  and  calves 
and  colts,  as  we  have  to  convert  theirs  into  these  beasts  ;  property  that  may 
transfer  our  children  to  strangers,  by  the  same  right  that  we  transier  theirs. — 
Rice. 


72  The  American   Colonization   Society 

No  man,  says  Algernon  Sidney,  can  have  a  right  over  others, 
unless  it  be  by  them  granted  to  him  :  That  which  is  not  just,  is 
not  law  ;  and  that  which  is  not  law,  ought  not  to  be  in  force  : 
Whosoever  grounds  his  pretensions  of  right  upon  usurpation  and 
tyranny,  declares  himself  to  be  an  usurper  and  a  tyrant — that  is, 
an  enemy  to  God  and  man — and  to  have  no  right  at  all  :  That 
ivhich  ivus  unjust  in  its  beginning,  can  of  itself  never  change  its 
nature  :  He  who  persists  in  doing  injustice,  aggra- 
vates   IT,    AND    TAKES    UPON     HIMSELF     ALL    THE    GUILT    OF 

HIS  PREDECESSORS  :  The  right  to  be  free  is  a  truth  planted  in 
the  hearts  of  men,  and  acknowledged  so  to  be  by  all  who  have 
hearkened  to  the  voice  of  nature,  and  disproved  by  none  but 
such  as  through  wickedness,  stupidity,  or  baseness  of  spirit, 
seem  to  have  degenerated  into  the  worst  of  beasts,  and  to  have 
retained  nothing  of  men  but  the  outward  shape,  or  the  abihty  of 
doing  those  mischiefs  which  they  have  learnt  from  their  master 
^  the  devil. 

The  following  is  the  indignant,  emphatic,  eloquent  language  of 
Henry  Brougham,  on  the  subject  of  slave  property  : 

'  Tell  me  not  of   rights — talk  not  of    the   property  of  the   planter  in 
his  slaves.     I  deny   the   right — I    acknowledge     noI-    the     prop- 
erty.    The  principles,  the  feelings   of   our  common   nature,  rise    in   rebellion 
against  it.     Be  the  appeal  made  to  the  understanding  or  to   the  heart,  the  sen- 
tence is  the  same  that  rejects  it.     In  vain  you  tell  me  of  the  laws  that    sanction 
such  a  claim  !     There  is  a  law  above  all    the  enactments  of  human   codes — the 
same  throughout  the  world,  the  same  in  all  times — such  as  it  was  before  the  dar- 
ing genius  of  Columbus  pierced  the  night  of  ages,  and  opened   to  one  world  the 
sources  of  power,  wealth  and   knowledge  ;  to  another,  all  unutterable  woes  ; — 
such  it  is  at  this  day  :  it  is  the  law  written  by  tlie  finger  of  God  on  the  heart  of 
man  ;  and  by  that   law,  unchangeable  and  eternal,  while  men  despise  fraud,  and 
loathe  rapine,  and  abhor  blood,  they  shall  reject   with  indignation  the  wild  and 
guilty  fantasy,  that  man  can  hold  property  in  man  !     In  vain  you  appeal  to  trea- 
ties, to  covenants  between  nations.     The   covenants  of  the    Almighty,  whether 
the  old  or  the  new,  denounce  such  unholy  pretensions.     To  those  laws  did  they 
of  old  refer,  who  maintained  the  African  trade.     Such  treaties  did  they  cite,  and 
not  untruly  ;    for    by  one  shameful  compact,  you  bartered  the    glories    of  Blen- 
heim for  the  traffic  in  blood.     Yet,  in  despite  of  law  and   of  treanes,  that   infer- 
nal traffic  is   now  destroyed,    and  its   votaries   put   to   death   like    other  pirates. 
How  came  this   yhange  to  pass?     Not  assuredly  by  parliament  leading  the  way; 
but  the   country     at    length  awoke  ;    the  indignation   of  the    people    was   kin- 
dled ;  it  descended  in  thunder,   and   smote  the    traffic,    and    scattered  its    guilty 
profits   to  the  winds.     Now,  then,  let  the   planters  beware — let  their  assemblies 
beware — let  the   government  at  home  beware — let  the  parliament  beware  I    the 
same  country  is  once  more  awake, — awake  to   the  condition  of  negro  slavery  ; 
the  same  indignation  kindles   in  the   bosom  of  the  same  people  ;  the  same  cloud 
is  gathering  that  annihilated  the  slave  trade  ;  and,  if  it  shall  descend  again,  thev, 
on  whom  its  crash  shall  fall,  will  not  be  destroyed  before  I    have  warned  them  ; 
but  I  pray  that  their  destruction  may  turn  away  from  us  the  more  terrible  judg- 
ments of  God  r 


Recognises  Slaves  as  Properly.  73 

Is  this  the  language  of  fanaticism  ?  Is  Henry  Brougham  a 
madman  ? 

The  following  extracts  must  close  the  evidence  in  support  of 
my  third  allegation,  that  the  Colonization  Society  disregards  the 
fundamental  principle  of  human  liberty  and  equality,  that  man 
cannot  hold  property  in  man  : 

'  Let  me  ask,  who  can  wish  under  existing  circumstances  that  the  constitution 
should  be  altered,  when  it  must  bring  with  it  a  violation  of  property — and 
when  that  violation  of  private  property  must  engender  such  hostility  of  feelings, 
and  elicit  such  bitter  vituperation  ?  The  whole  Union  would  feel  a  concussion, 
and  no  one  can  count  the  costs  of  the  contest.'  *  *  *  'By  means  of  our 
colony,  they  may  remove  their  slaves  and  restore  them  to  freedom — and  at  the 
same  time  no  way  jeopardize  the  safety  of  themselves  or  their  property.'' — 
[Proceedings  of  the  First  Annual  Meeting  of  the  New-Jersey  Colonization  So- 
ciety.] 

'  The  establishment  of  our  colony  will  afford  facilities  to  proprietors  for  com- 
pleting in  Africa  the  exercise  of  the  right  which  can  only  he  j)artially  exer- 
cised in  this  country,  of  disposing  of  our  property,  in  our  own  way, 
tvithout  injury  to  the  community.' — [Fourteenth  Annual  Report.] 

What  audacity  do  those  advocates  of  the  Society  exhibit, 
who  use,  in  reference  to  beings  made  a  little  lower  than  the 
angels,  language  like  this — '  disposing  of  our  properly  in  our  oxen 
way  ' — '  we  hold  their  .slaves,  as  we  hold  their  other  property^ 
SACRED  '  !  !  *  If  they  really  mean  and  believe  what  they  say, 
it  is  something  more  heinous  than  impertinence  to  urge  the 
planters  to  dispossess  themselves  of  their  property  by  coloniza- 
tion ;  and  if  the  slaves  belong  of  right  to  them, — are  on  a  par 
with  goods  and  chattels, — how  idle,  how  supremely  ridiculous 
it  is  to  mourn  over  their  wretched  condition,  to  sigh  for  their 
emancipation,  to  declaim  against  the  evil  and  wickedness  of 
slavery,  or  even  to  denounce  the  slave  trade  !  But  the  unfortu- 
nate blacks  are  not  now,  and  never  can  be,  the  property  of  the 
planters  ;  consequently  the  claims  of  their  pretended  owners 
are  no  better  than  those  of  the  pirate  or  highway  robber.  . 


*  Is  there  no  diflerence  between  a  vested  interest  in  a  house  or  a  tenement, 
and  a  vested  interest  in  a  human  being  ?  No  difference  between  a  right  to  bricks 
and  mortar,  and  a  right  to  the  flesh  of  man — a  right  to  torture  his  body  and  to 
degrade  his  mind  at  your  good  will  and  pleasure  .'  There  is  this  difference, — 
the  ri^ht  to  the  house  originates  in  law,  and  is  reconcilable  to  justice  ;  the  claim 
(fori  will  not  callita  right)  to  the  man,  originated  in  robbery,  and  is  an  outrage 
upon  every  principle  of  justice,  and  every  tenet  of  religion.' — Speech  of  Fowell 
Buxton  in  the  British  Parliament. 

[Part  I.]  10 


Th&  American   Colonizaiion   Society 


SECTION     IV. 

THE      AMERICAN      COLONIZATION       SOCIETY     INCREASES      THE 

VALUE     OF     SLAVES. 

I  COME  now  to  my  fourth  charge, — which,  although  not  more 
serious  or  consequential  than  any  of  the  foregoing,  may  possi- 
bly create  more  surprise, — namely,  that  the  Society  increases 
the  value  of  slaves,  and  adds  strength  and  security  to  the  system 
of  slavery.  It  is  the  discovery  of  this  fact  that  is  so  wonder- 
fully, and  to  many  superficial  observers  so  inexplicably,  increas- 
ing the  popularity  of  the  Society  at  the  south.  It  would  require 
more  pages  of  this  work  than  its  necessarily  contracted  limits 
permit,  to  sum  up  minutely  the  evidence  on  this  point,  and  to 
give  those  illustrations  which  might  serve  more  clearly  to  es- 
tablish its  validity.  The  most  common,  as  it  is  the  most  po- 
tent, argument  used  by  colonization  agents  among  slave  owners, 
to  secure  their  patronage,  is, — '  The  successful  prosecution  of 
our  scheme  will  remove  the  chief  source  of  danger  to  your- 
selves, and  enable  you  to  hold  your  property  in  greater  secu- 
rity :  the  presence  of  free  persons  of  color  among  your  slaves 
is  eminently  calculated  to  make  them  insubordinate,  and  to 
procure  their  violent  emancipation.'  This  argument,  I  say,  is 
introduced  into  every  conversation,  and  every  public  address, 
and  every  essay  ;  and  whoever  carefully  consults  the  numbers 
of  the  African  Repository,  through  seven  volumes,  will  find  it 
repeated  in  almost  every  appeal  to  the  south. 

I  choose  to  consider  the  testimony  of  southern  men,  in  regard 
to  the  invigorating  efiects  of  the  colonization  enterprise  upon 
the  system  of  slavery,  conclusive.  Here  is  a  very  small  por- 
tion of  it:  more  may  be  found  under  the  sixth  section  of  this 
work. 

'  The  object  of  the  Colonization  Society  commends  itself  to  every  class  of 
society.  The  hmded  proprietor  may  ENHANCE  THE  VALUE  OF  HIS 
PE.OPER,TY  by  assisting  ihe  enterprise.' — [African  Repository,  vol.  i.  p.  67.] 

'  But  is  it  not  certain,  that  should  the  people  of  the  Southern  States  refuse  to 
^dopt  the  opinions  of  the  Colonization  Society,  [relative  to  the  gradual  abolition 


a 


Increases  the    Value  of  Slaves.  75 

of  slavery,]  and  continue  to  consider  it  both  just  and  politic  to  leave,  untouched, 
a  system,  for  the  termination  of  which,  we  think  the  whole  wisdom  and  energy 
of  the  rotates  should  he  put  in  requisition,  that  they  will  CONTRIBUTE  MORE 
EFFECTUALLY  TO  THE  CONTLXUAXCE  A.\D  STRENGTH  OF  TH13 
SYSTEM,  by  removing  those  now  free,  than  by  any  or  all  other  methods  which 
can  possibly  be  devised  ?  Such  has  been  the  opinion  expressed  by  Southern  gen- 
tlemen of  the  first  talents  and  distinction.  Eminent  individuals  have,  we  doubt 
not,  lent  their  aid  to  this  cause,  in  expectation  of  at  once  accomplishing  a  gen- 
erous and  noble  work  for  the  objects  of  their  patronaae  and  for  Africa,  and 
GUARDLNG  THAT  SYSTEM,  the  existence  of  which,  though  unfortunate, 
they  deem  necessari/,  by  separating  from  it  those,  whoso  disturbing  force  aug- 
ments its  inherent  vices,  and  darkens  all  the  repulsive  attributes  of  its  character. 
In  the  decision  of  these  individuals,  as  to  the  effects  of  the  Colonization  Society^ 
we  perceive  no  error  of  judgment :  OUR  BELIEF  IS  THE  SAME  AS 
THEIRS.'— [Idem,  p.   227.] 

'  THE  EXECUTION  OF  ITS  SCHE.ME  WOULD  AUGIVIENT  INSTEAD 
OF  DIMINISHING  THE  VALUE  OF  THE  PROPERTY  LEFT  BEHIND.' 

— [Idem,  vol.  ii.  p.  344.] 

'  The  removal  of  every  single  flfee  black  in  America,  would  be  productive  of 
nothing  but  safety  to  the  slaveholder,  nor  would  the  emancipation  of  as  many  as 
the  benevolence  of  individual  masters  would  send  off,  as  far  as  I  can  see,  be 
productive  of  disaffection  among  the  remainder,  more  than  the  example  of  such 
as  are  every  day  set  free,  and  sent  to  the  Ohio  or  elsewhere  ;  and  if  so  large  a 
part  should  ever  be  set  free  as  to  create  discontent  among  the  remainder,  (and 
nothing  but  the  emancipation  of  a  great  majority  can  do  this,)  yet  that  remain- 
der must  then,  from  the  terms  of  the  proposition,  be  so  much  diminished,  as  to- 
be  easily  kept  down  by  superior  numbers.' — [Idem,  vol.   iii.  p.  202.] 

'  The  tendency  of  the  scheme,  and  one  of  its  objects,  is  to  secure  slave- 
holders and  the  whole  Southern  country,  against  certain  evil  consequences,, 
growing  out  of  the  present  threefold  mixture  of  our  population.' — [Idem,  vol.  iv- 
p.   274.] 

'  We  all  know  the  effects  produced  on  our  slaves  by  the  fascinating,  but  de- 
lusive appearance  of  happiness,  exhibited  in  persons  of  their  own  complexion, 
roaming  in  idleness  and  vice  among  them.  By  removing  the  most  fruitful  source 
of  discontent  from  among  our  slaves,  we  should  render  them  more  industrious 
and  attentive  to  our  commands  ;  and  by  rendering  them  more  industrious  and 
obedient,  we  should  naturally  secure  their  better  treatment — we  should  ameli- 
orate their  condition.  Our  enemies  have  admitted  that  good  would  result  from 
the  removal  of  this  class.  Caius  Gracchus  declares,  that  if  the  Society  could 
attain  "  this  single  object  in  good  faith,  (the  removal  of  the  free  people  of  (;olor) 
he  should,  perhaps,  be  among  the  last  citizens  in  the  commonwealth — who. 
would  raise  his  voice  against  it,"  and  the  author  of  the  Crisis  (who  is  doubt- 
less resrarded  as  authority  in  South  Carolina)  acknowledges,  "  that  there  is  nO' 
doubt  but  that  if  we  in  the  South,  were  relieved  of  this  population,  it  would  be 
better  for  our  southern  cities,  where  they  princijjally  reside."  Nothing  can  be 
more  plain  then,  than  that  the  Colonization  Society,  in  its  efforts  to  remove  the 
free  people  of  color,  is  accomplishing  a  work  to  which  the  citizens  of  the  South,, 
whether  friends  or  foes  to  the  Society,  have  given  their  decided  approbation.'' — 
[Idem,  vol.  vi.   p.   205.] 

'  If,  as  is  most  confidently  believed,    the   colonization   of  the    free   people  oP 
color  will  render   the   slave  who   remains  in  America  more  obedient,  more  faith- 
ful, more  honest,  and,   consequently,  more  useful  to  his  master,'  &c. — [Sec-.. 
ond  Annual  Report.] 


76  The  American  Colonization   Society 

'  There  was  but  one  way,  [to  avert  danger,]  but  that  might  be  made  effectual, 
fortunately  !  It  was  to  PROVIDE  AND  KEEP  OPEN  A  DRAIN  FOR  THE 
excess' BEYOND  THE  OCCASIONS  OF  PROFITABLE  EMPLOYMENT. 

Mr  Archer  had  been  stating  the  case  in  the  supposition,  tliat  after  the  pres- 
ent class  of  free  blacks  had  been  exhausted,  by  the  operation  of  the  plan  he  was 
recommending,  others  would  be  supplied  for  its  action,  iu  the  proportion  of  the 
excess  of  colored  population  it  would  be  necessary  to  throw  off,  by  the  process 
of  voluntary  manumission  or  sale.  This  effect  must  result  inevitably  from  the 
depreciating  value  of  the  slaves  ensuing  their  disproportionate  multiplication. 
The  depreciation  ivould  be  relieved  and  retarded  at  the  same  time,  by 
the  process.  The  two  operations  would  aid  reciprocally,  and  sustain  each  other, 
and  both  be  in  the  highest  degree  beneficial.  It  was  on  the  ground  of  interest, 
therefore,  the  most  indisputable  pecuniary  interest,  that  he  addressed  himself 
to  the  people  and  Legislatures  of  the  slaveholding  States.' — [Speech  of  Mr 
Archer. — Fifteenth  Annual  Report.] 

'  Every  motive  which  operates  on  the  minds  of  slaveholders,  tending  to  make 
the  colonization  of  the  free  blacks  an  object  of  interest  to  them,  should  operate 
in  an  equal  degree  to  secure  the  hearty  co-operation  of  the  government  of  every 
slaveholding  State.' — [.African  Repository,  vol.  vii.  p.  176.] 

'  None  are  obliged  to  follow  our  example  ;*AND  THOSE  WHO  DO  NOT, 
WILL  FIND  THE  VALUE  OF  THEIR  NEGROES  INCREASED  BY 
THE  DEPARTURE  OF  OURS.'— [An  advocate  of  colonization  in  the  West- 
ern  (Ky.)   Luminary.] 

'  So  far  from  its  having  a  dangerous  tendency,  when  properly  considered,  it 
will  be  viewed  as  AN  ADDITIONAL  GUARD  TO  OUR  PECULIAR 
SPECIES  OF  PROPERTY.'— [An  advocate  of  the  Society  iu  the  New- 
Orleans  Argus.] 

'  The  slaveholder,  who  is  in  danger  of  having  his  slaves  contaminated  by  their 
free  friends  of  color,  will  not  only  be  relieved  from  this  danger,  but  THE 
VALUE  OF  HIS  SLAVE  WILL  BE  ENHANCED.'— [A  new  and  in- 
teresting View  of  Slavery.  By  Humanitas,  a  colonization  advocate.  Balti- 
more, 1S20.] 

It  is  perfectly  obvious,  that  whatever  tends  to  weaken  and 
depress  the  present  system,  must  render  the  holding  of  slaves 
less  desirable,  and  the  prospect  of  emancipation  more  auspi- 
cious. Cherishing  this  conviction,  thousands  of  individuals  in 
this  country,  and  tens  of  thousands  in  Great  Britain,  are  led  by 
conscientious  motives  to  abstain  from  the  use  of  productions 
raised  by  slave  labor,  and  to  prefer  those  only  which  are  the 
fruits  of  the  toil  of  freemen.  They  believe  in  the  soundness 
of  the  axiom,  that  '  the  receiver  is  as  bad  as  the  thief;'  and 
knowing  that  the  slaves  are  held  in  bondage  not  on  the  ground 
of  benevolence,  or  because  their  liberation  would  endanger  the 
public  safety,  but  because  they  are  proftable  to  their  owners,  they 
also  believe  that  the  consumers  of  slave  goods  contribute  to  a 
fund  for  supporting  slavery  with  all  its  abominations  ;    that  they 


Increases  the    Value  of  Slaves.  77 

are  the  Alpha  and  the  Omega  of  the  hushiess  ;  that  the  slave- 
trader,  the  slave-owner,  and  the  slave-driver,  are  virtually  the 
agents  of  the  consumer,  for  hy  holding  out  the  temptation,  he 
is  the  original  cause,  the  first  mover  in  the  horrid  process  ;  that 
we  are  imperiously  called  upon  to  refuse  those  articles  of  luxu- 
r}^,  which  are  obtained  at  an  absolute  and  lavish  waste  of  the 
blood  of  our  fellow  men  ;  that  a  merchant,  who  loads  his  ves- 
sel with  the  proceeds  of  slavery,  does  nearly  as  much  in  help- 
ing forward  the  slave  trade,  as  he  who  loads  his  vessel  in  Africa 
with  slaves — they  are  both  twisting  the  same  rope  at  different 
ends  ;  that  our  patronage  is  putting  an  immense  bribe  into  the 
hands  of  the  slaveholders  to  kidnap,  rob  and  oppress  ;  that, 
were  it  not  for  this,  they  would  be  compelled  by  sheer  neces- 
sity to  liberate  their  slaves — for  as  soon  as  slave  labor  becomes 
unprofitable,  the  horrid   system   cannot   be  upheld. 

None  of  these  scruples,  to  my  knowledge,  are  entertained 
by  colonizationists  :  their  only  aim  and  anxiety  seem  to  be,  '  to 
prune  and  nourish  the  system, — not  to  overthrow  it ;  to  increase 
the  avarice  of  the  planters  by  rendering  the  labor  of  their  bond- 
men more  productive, — not  to  abridge  and  starve  it ;  to  remove 
the  cause  of  those  apprehensions  which  might  lead  them  to 
break  the  fetters  of  their  victims, — not  to  perpetuate  it  ;  'to 
provide  (I  quote  the  confession  of  the  last  distinguished  pro- 
selyte to  the  Society,  Mr  Archer  of  Virginia)  and  to  keep  open 
a  drain  for  the  excess  of  increase  beyond  the  occasions  of  prof- 
itable EMPLOYMENT,' — not  to  make  slave  labor  ruinous  to  the 
planters. 

By  removing  whatever  number  of  slaves  it  be,  from  this  coun- 
try, the  number  which  remains  must  be  diminished — and  the 
more  the  number  which  remains  is  diminished,  the  more  help- 
less will  they  become,  the  less  will  be  the  hope  of  their  ever 
recovering  their  own  liberty,  and  the  more  and  the  longer  they 
will  be  trampled  upon. 

The  greater  the  number  of  slaves  transported,  the  greater 
icill  be  the  value  of  the  labor  of  those  loho  remain  ;  the  more 
valuable  their  labor  is,  the  greater  will  be  the  temptation  to  over- 
labor them,  and  the  more,  of  course,  they  will  be  oppressed.* 


*  Stuart'i?  Circular. 


7S  The  American  Colonization  Society 

The  increase  of  the  free  colored  population  disturbs  the  se- 
curity of  the  planters,  and  forces  many  to  manumit  their  slaves 
through  sheer  terror.  The  e:spatriation  of  this  class,  therefore, 
manifestly  tends  to  quiet  the  apprehensions  of  the  oppressors, 
to  rivet  more  firmly  the  chains  of  the  slaves,  to  make  their  ser- 
vices in  higher  demand,  and  to  render  even  their  gradual  eman- 
cipation impracticable. 

Thus  the  American  Colonization  Society  is  the  apologist,  the 
friend,   and  the  patron  of  slaveholders  and  slavery  ! 


S  E  C  T  I  0  N    V  . 

the    AMERICAN    COLONIZATION     SOCIETy    IS    THE      ENEMY    OF 

IMMEDIATE    ABOLITION. 

It  follows,  as  a  necessary  consequence,  that  a  Society  which 
is  not  hostile  to  slavery,  which  apologises  for  the  system  and 
for  slaveholders,  which  recognises  slaves  as  rightful  property,* 
and  ^\hich  confessedly  increases  their  value,  is  the  enemy  of 
immediate  abolition.  This,  I  am  aware,  in  the  present  corrupt 
state  of  public  sentiment,  will  not  generally  be  deemed  an  ob- 
jectionable feature  ;  but  I  regard  it  with  inexpressible  abhor- 
rence and  dismay. 

*  The  slaves,  they  say,  are  their  property.  Once  admit  this,  and  all  your  argu- 
ments for  interference  are  vain,  and  all  your  plans  for  amelioration  are  fruitless. 
The  whole  question  may  be  said  to  hang  upon  this  point.  If  the  slaves  are  not 
property,  then  slavery  is  at  an  end.  The  slaveholders  see  this  most  clearly  ;  they 
see  that  v^'hile  you  allow  these  slaves  to  be  their  property,  you  act  inconsist- 
ently and  oppressively  in  intermeddling,  as  you  propose  to  do,  with  what  is  thf:irs 
as  much  as  any  other  of  their  goods  and  chattels  :  you  must  proceed,  therefore, 
in  your  measures  for  amelioration,  as  you  call  it,  with  '  hesitating  steps  and 
slow  ;'  and  there  is  nothing  you  can  do  for  restraining  punishment,  for  regulating 
labor,  for  enforcing  manumission,  for  introducing  education  and  Christianity, 
which  will  not  be  met  with  the  remonstrance,  undeniably  just  by  your  own  con- 
cessions, that  you  are  encroaching  on  the  sacred  rights  of  property, — the  slave- 
holders see  all  this,  and  they  can  employ  it  to  paralyse  and  defeat  all  your  cfl'orts 
to  get  at  emancipation,  and  to  prepare  for  it.  It  is  on  this  account,  that  I  wish 
it  settled  in  your  minds,  as  a  fixed  and  immutable  principle,  that  there  is  and  can 
be  no  property  of  man  in  man.  Adopt  this  principle,  and  give  it  that  ascend- 
ency over  your  minds  to  which  it  is  entitled  ; — and  slavery  is  svi^ept  away. — 
Speech  of  Rev.  Dr  Thomson  of  Edinburgh. 


Is  the  Enemy  of  Immediate  Abolition.  79 

Since  the  deception  practised  upon  our  first  parents  by  the  old 
serpent,  there  has  not  been  a  more  fatal    delusion  in  the  minds 
of  men  than  that  of  the  gradual  abolition  of  slavery.      Gradual 
abolition  !    do  its  supporters  really  know  what  they  talk  about  ? 
Gradually  abstaining  from  what  ?    From   sins   the  most  flagrant, 
from   conduct    the   most  cruel,  from  acts  the  most  oppressive  ! 
Do  colonizationists  mean,   that   slave-dealers  shall  purchase  or 
sell   a  few  victims   less   this   year  than   they  did  the  last  ?  that 
slave-owners  shall   liberate  one,  two  or  three  out  of  every  hun- 
dred slaves    during    the    same  period  ?  that   slave-drivers  shall 
apply  the  lash  to  the   scarred   and  bleeding  backs  of  their  vic- 
tims  somewhat   less    frequently  ?     Surely   not — I  respect   their 
intelligence  too  much  to  believe  that  they  mean  any  such  thing. 
But  if  any  of  the   slaves  should  be  exempted  from  sale  or  pur- 
chase, why  not  all  ?  if  justice  require  the  liberation  of  the  few, 
why  not  of  the    many  ?     if  it  be  right  for  a   driver  to   inflict   a 
number  of  lashes,  how  many  shall  be  given  ?    Do    colonization- 
ists mean  that  the  practice  of  separating  the  husband   from   the 
wife,  the  wife  from  the  husband,  or  children  from  their  parents, 
shall  come  to  an  end  by   an  almost  imperceptible  process  ?     or 
that  the  slaves  shall  be  defrauded  of  their  just  remuneration,  less 
and  less  every  month  or  every  year  ?  or  that  they  shall  be  under 
the  absolute,  irresponsible  control  of  their  masters  ?     Oh  no  !  I 
place  a  higher  value  upon  their   good  sense,  humanity  and    mo- 
rality than  this  !  '  Well,  then,  they  would  immediately  break  up 
the  slave  traflic — -they  would   put  aside   the  whip — they  would 
have  the  marriage  relations  preserved  inviolate — they  would  not 
separate  families — they  would  not  steal  the  wages  of  the  slaves, 
nor  deprive  them  of  personal   liberty  !     This   is   abolition — im- 
mediate  abolilion.      It  is  simply  declaring  that  slave  owners  are 
bound   to   fulfil — now,  without    any    reluctance    or   delay — the 
golden  rule,  namely,  to  do  as  they  would  be  done  by  ;  and  that, 
as  the  right  to  be  free  is   inherent  and  inalienable  in  the  slaves, 
there  ought  now  to  be  a  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  people  to 
break  their  fetters.     All  the  horrid  spectres  which  are  conjured 
up,  on  this  subject,  arise  from  a  confusion  of  the  brain,  as  much 
as  from  a  corruption  of  the  heart.  — 

I   utterly  reject,  as  delusive    and   dangerous    in  the    extreme, 
every   plea   which  justifies   a  procrastinated   and   an    indefinite 


80  The  American   Colonizalion   Society 

emancipation,  or  which  concedes  to  a  slave  owner  the  right  to 
hold  his  slaves  as  property  for  any  limited  period,  or  which  con- 
tends for  the  gradual  preparation  of  the  slaves  for  freedom  ;  be- 
lieving all  such  pretexts  to  be  a  fatal  departure  from  the  high 
road  of  justice  into  the  bogs  of  expediency,  a  surrender  of  the 
great  principles  of  equity,  an  indefensible  prolongation  of  the 
curse  of  slavery,  a  concession  which  places  the  guilt  upon  any 
but  those  who  incur  it,  and  directly  calculated  to  perpetuate  the 
thraldom  of  our  species. 

Immediate  abolition  does  not  mean  that  the  slaves  shall  im- 
mediately exercise  the  right  of  suffrage,  or  be  eligible  to  any 
office,  or  be  emancipated  from  law,  or  be  free  from  the  benev- 
olent restraints  of  guardianship.  We  contend  for  the  immediate 
personal  freedom  of  the  slaves,  for  their  exemption  from  pun- 
ishment except  where  law  has  been  violated,  for  their  employ- 
ment and  reward  as  free  laborers,  for  their  exclusive  right  to 
their  own  bodies  and  those  of  their  own  children,  for  their  in- 
struction and  subsequent  admission  to  all  the  trusts,  offices, 
honors  and  emoluments  of  intelligent  freemen.  Emancipation 
will  increase  and  not  destroy  the  value  of  their  labor  ;  it  will 
also  increase  the  demand  for  it.  Holding  out  the  stimulus  of 
good  treatment  and  an  adequate  reward,  it  will  induce  the  slaves 
to  toil  with  a  hundred  fold  more  assiduity  and  faithfulness.  Who 
is  so  blind  as  not  to  perceive  the  peaceful  and  beneficial  results 
of  such  a  change  ?  The  slaves,  if  freed,  will  come  under  the 
"ivatchful  cognizance  of  law  ;  they  will  not  be  idle,  but  avari- 
ciously industrious  ;  they  will  not  rush  through  the  country,  firing 
-dwellings  and  murdering  the  inhabitants  ;  for  freedom  is  all  they 
ask — all  they  desire — the  obtainment  of  which  will  transform 
them  from  enemies  into  friends,  from  nuisances  into  blessings, 
from  a  corrupt,  suffering  and  degraded,  into  a  comparatively 
virtuous,  happy  and  elevated  population. 

Nor  does  immediate  abolition  mean  that  any  compulsory 
power,  other  than  moral,  should  be  used  in  breaking  the  fetters 
of  slavery.  It  calls  for  no  bloodshed,  or  physical  interferencQ  ; 
it  jealously  regards  the  welfare  of  the  planters  ;  it  simply  de- 
mands an  entire  revolution  in  public  sentiment,  which  will  lead 
to  better  conduct,  to  contrition  for  past  crimes,  to  a  love  instead 
of  a  fear  of  justice,  to  a   reparation  of  wrongs,  to  a  healing  of 


Is  the  Enemy  of  Immediale  Abolition.  81 

breaches,  to  a  suppression   of  revengeful   feelings,   to  a  quiet, 
improving,  prosperous  state  of  society  ! 

Now  see  with  what  earnestness  and  inveteracy  the  friends 
of  the  Colonization  Society  oppose  imi;nediate  abolition  ! 

'  It  appears,  indeed,  to  be  the  only  feasible  mode  by  wliich  we  can  remove 
that  stigma  as  well  as  danger  froni  among  us.  Their  sudden  and  entire  freedom 
would  be  a  fearful,  and  perhaps  dreadful  experiment,  destructis'e  of  all  the  ends 
of  liberty,  for  wiiich  their  condition  would  unlit  them,  and  which  they  would 
doubtless  greatly  abuse.  Even  their  release,  at  apparently  proper  intervals,  but 
uncontrolled  as  to  their  future  habits  and  location,  would  be  a  very  hazardous 
charity.  Their  gradual  emancipation,  therefore,  under  the  advantages  of  a  free 
government,  formed,  in  their  native  land,  by  their  own  hands,  oti'ering  all  the 
rewards  usual  to  industry  and  economy,  and  atibrding  the  means  of  enjoying,  ia 
comfort,  a  reputable  and  free  existence,  is  the  only  rational  scheme  of  relieving 
them  from  the  bondage  of  their  present  condition.'  *  *  *  '  To  eradicate 
or  remove  the  evil  immediately,  is  impossible  ;  nor  can  any  law  of  conscience 
govern  necessity." — [Af.  Rep.  vol.  i.  pp.   89,   258.] 

'  Vaunt  not  over  us,  dear  brethren  of  the  north,  we  inherited  the  evil  from 
our  forefathers,  and  we  really  do  not  think  you  do  your  brethren  any  good,  or 
that  you  serve  the  interests  of  the  people  of  color,. when  you  recommend  and 
enforce  premature  schemes  of  emancipation.'  *  *  *  «  xhe  operation,  we 
were  aware,  must  be — and,  for  the  interests  of  our  country,  ought  to  be  gradual.' 
*  *  *  «  According  to  one,  (that  rash  class  whicii,  without  a  due  estimate  of 
the  fatal  consequence,  would  forthwith  issue  a  decree  of  general,  immediate, 
and  indiscriminate  emancipation,)  it  was  a  scheme  of  the  slaveholder  to  per- 
petuate slavery.' — [Idem,  vol.  ii.  pp.    12,  2.51,  336.] 

'  'Slavery,  in  its  mildest  form,  is  an  evil  of  the  darkest  character.  Cruel  and 
unnatural  in  its  origin,  no  plea  can  be  urged  in  justitication  of  its  continuance, 
but  the  plea  of  necessity — not  that  necessity  which  arises  from  our  habits,  our 
prejudices,  or  our  wants  ;  but  the  necessity  which  requires  us  to  submit  to  ex- 
isting evils,  rather  than  substitute,  by  their  removal,  others  of  a  more  serious  and 
destructive  character.  It  was  this  which  produced  the  recognition  of  slavery  in 
the  constitution  of  our  country  ;  it  is  this  which  has  justified  its  continuance  to  the 
present  day;  and  it  is  in  this  only  that  we  can  find  a  palliation  for  the  rigors  of  our 
laws,  which  might  otherwise  be  considered  as  the  cruel  enactments  of  a  dark  and 
dismal  despotism.  There  have  not,  I  am  aware,  been  found  wanting  individu- 
als to  deny  both  the  existence  and  the  obligations  of  such  a  necessity.  There 
are  men,  actuated  in  some  instances,  by  a  blind  and  mistaken  enthusiasm,  and 
in  others,  by  a  spirit  of  mischievous  intent,  loudly  calling  on  us.  in  the  names 
of  justice  and  humanity,  for  the  immediate  and  unqualified  emancipation  of  our- 
slaves.  To  men  of  this  description,  it  is  in  vain  to  point  ovC  the  inevitable  ef- 
fects of  such  a  course,  as  well  on  the  objects  of  their  real  o--  pretended  solicitude, 
as  on  the  community  in  which  they  exist.  It  is  in  vaf'n  to  assure  them,  that 
while  the  preservation  of  the  latter  would  require  a  policy  even  more  rigorous 
than  pertains  to  slavery  itself,  the  short-lived  and  nominal  freedom  of  the  former 
must  end  in  their  ultimate  and  utter  extinction.  All  this  is  of  no  consequence. 
Provided  slavery  be  abolished  in  name,  it  matters  not  wliat  horrors  may  be  sub- 
stituted in  its  room.'  *  *  *  '  The  scope  of  the  Society  is  large  enough,  but 
it  is  in  no  wise  mingled  or  confounded  with  the  broad  sweeping  views  of  a 
few  fanatics  in  America,  who  wouW  urge  us  on  to  the  sudden  and  total  aboli- 
tion of  slavery.' — [Af.  Rep.  vol.  i^i-   PP-  15,   197.] 

*  What  is  to  be  done  .'    Irnmediate   and  universal    emancipation  will  find  few, 
if  any  advocates,  among  judicious  and    reflecting  men.'     *      *     *       'There 

[Part  I.]  11 


32  The  American   Colonization   Society 

is  a  portion  of  our  brethren,  who  have  beea  laboring  for  many  years,  with  the 
most  benevolent  intentions,  but,  as  I  conceive,  with  erroneous  views,  in  the 
cause  of  abolition.'  *  *  *  «  "phg  Colonization  Society,  as  such,  have  re- 
nounced wholly  the  name  and  the  characteristics  of  abolitionists.'  *  *  * 
Into  their  accoitnts  the  subject  of  emajjcipation  does  not 
ENTER  AT  ALT..'  *  *  *  '  Here,  that  race  is  ia  every  form  a  curse,  and 
if  the  system,  so  long  contended  for  by  the  uncoinpromising  abolitionist,  could 
prevail,  its  effect  would  be  to  spread  discord  and  devastation  t>oiu  one  eud  of 
the  Union  to   the  other.'— [Idem,  vol.  iv.  pp.  202,  303,  306,  363.] 

'With  a  writer  in  the  Southern  Review  we  say,  "  the  situation  of  the  people 
of  these  States  was  not  of  their  own  choosing.  When  they  came  to  the  iidier- 
itance,  it  was  subject  to  this  mighty  incumbrance,  and  it  would  be  criminal  in 
them  to  ruin  or  waste  the  estate,  to  get  rid  of  the  burden  at  once."  ^\'ith  this 
writer  we  add  also,  in  the  language  of  C'apt.  Hall,  that  the  "  slaveholders  ought 
not  (immediately)  to  disentangle  themselves  from  the  obligations  which  have 
devolved  upon  them,  as  the  masters  of  slaves."  We  believe  that  a  master  mai/ 
sustain  his  relation  to  the  slave,  with  as  little  criminality  as  the  slave  sustains  his 
relation  to  the  master.  But  we  feel  little  symj)athv  for  those  who,  in  the  lan- 
guage of  Mr  Harrison  of  Virginia,  "  still  look  upon  their  slaves  in  the  light  in 
which  most  men  regarded  them  when  the  slave  trade  was  legitimate.  Of  those, 
where\er  they  are,  who  hold  their  slaves  with  that  same  sentiment  which  impelled 
the  kidnapper  when  he  forcibly  bore  them  off,  I  know  not  how  morality  can  dis- 
tinguish them  from  the  oiiginal  wrong-doers,  pirates  by  nature,  and  pirates  by 
civilized  law."  That  the  system  of  slavery  must  exist  temporarily  in  this  coun- 
try, we  as  firmly  believe,  as  that  for  its  existence  a  single  moment,  there  can  he 
offered  justly  no  plea  but  necessity.  \V'ere  the  ver)'  spirit  of  angelic  charity  to 
pervade  and  fill  the  hearts  of  all  the  slaveholders  in  our  land,  it  would  by  no 
means  require  that  all  the  slaves  should  be  instantaneously  liberated.' — [Af.  Rep. 
vol.  v.  p.   32!).] 

'  Tlie  long  established  habits  of  the  South,  the  attachments  which  are  frequent- 
ly found  subsisting  between  the  proprietor  and  his  servants,  together  v^-ith  the 
difficulty  of  substituting  at  once  white  for  slave  labor,  and  the  derangement 
which  would  ensue  in  the  domestic  concerns  of  life,  would  not  merely  make 
genera!  emancipation  at  once  inexpedient,  but  the  attempt  would  denote  the 
extremity  of  madness  and  follv,  and  convulse  this  government  to  its  centre.' — 
[Idem,  vol.   vi.  p.  291.] 

*  The  Society,  meeting  the  objections  of  the  abolition  enthusiast,  in  a  like 
spirit  of  mildness  and  forbearance,  assures  him  of  their  equal  devotion  to  the 
pure  principles  of  liberty  and  the  powerful  claims  of  humanity.  We  know,  say 
they,  and  we  deplore  the  evil  Of  slavery  as  the  deadliest  curse  to  our  common 
country.  'We  see,  and  we  lament  its  demoralizing  eflects  upon  the  children  of 
our  affections,  from  the  budding  innocence  of  infancy,  to  the  full  maturity  of 
manhood.  But,  we  l.^ve  not,  wo  do  not,  and  we  will  not  interfere  with" this 
delicate,  this  important  .vibject.  There  are  rights  to  he  respected,  prejudices  to 
be  conciliated,  fears  to  be  "tjuelled,  and  safety  to  be  observed  in  all  our  opera- 
tions. 'And  we  protest,  7nost  solemnly  'protcnt,  against  the  adoption  of  your 
views,  as  alike  destructive  of  tfi«  ends  of  justice,  of  policy,  and  of  humaiiity. 
No  wild  dream  of  the  wildest  enth-jsiast  was  ever  more  extravagant  than  that  of 
turning  loose  upon  society  two  millions  of  blacks,  idle  and  therefore  worthless, 
vicious  and  therefore  dangerous  ignorant  and  therefore  incapable  of  appreciating 
and  enjoying  the  blessings  of  freodom.  Could  your  wishes  be  realized,  your 
gratulation  would  be  quickly  changed  into  rr.ourning,  your  joy  into  grief,  and 
your  labor  of  love  into  visits  of  mercy  to  our  jc^ils  and  our  penitentiaries,  to  the 
abodes  of  vice  and  the  haunts  of  poverty.  Come,  yc  abolitionists,  away  with 
your  wild  enthusiasm,  your  misguided  philanthiumy .'' — [African  Repository, 
xol.  vii.  p.   101.] 


/*■  the  Enemy  of  IinmediuU  Jibolilion.  8^ 

'  The  Colonization  Society  is  removing  the  greatest  obstacles  in  the  way  of 
emancipation  ;  but  none,  we  think,  who  is  acquainted  with  the  circumstances  and 
condition  of  our  southern  States,  and  ivho  has  any  conscience  or  humanity , 
would  deem  it  expedient  or  christian  to  dissolve  instantaneously  all  the  ties 
which  unite  masters  and  slaves.' — [Idem,  vol.  vii.  p.   186.] 

'It  is  not  right  that  men  should  be  free,  when  their  freedom  will  prove  inju- 
rious to  themselves  and  others.'  *  *  '  He  has  encountered  determined 
opposition  from  several  individuals,  who  are  so  reckless  and  fanatical  as  to  require 
the  instantaneous  remedying  of  an  acknowledged  evil,  which  may  be  remedied 
gradually,  with  safety,  but  which  cannot  be  remedied  inniiediately  without 
jeopardizing    all   the  interests  of  all  parties  concerned.' — [Idem,  p.  202,   280.] 

'  He  was  quite  sure  that  in  the  Northern  States,  there  was  no  opinion  generally 
prevailing,  that  inniiediate,  absolute,  and  universal  emancipation  was  desirable. 
There  might  be,  said  Mr  Storrs,  some  who  are  actuated  by  pure  motives  and 
benevolent  views,  who  considered  it  practicable  ;  but  he  might  say  with  confi- 
dence, that  very  few,  if  any,  believed  that  it  would  be  truly  humane  or  expedi- 
ent to  turn  loose  upon  the  community  more  than  a  million  of  persons,  totally 
destitute  of  the  means  of  subsistence,  and  altogether  unprepared  in  every  moral 
point  of  view,  to  enjoy  or  estimate  their  new  privileges.  Such  a  cotemporane- 
ous  emancipation  of  tlie  colored  population  of  the  Southern  States  could  only 
bring  a  common  calamity  on  all  the  States,  and  the  most  severe  misery  on  those 
who  were  to  be  thus  thrown  upon  society,  under  the  most  abject,  helpless  and 
deplorable  circumstances.' — [Speech  of  Hon.  ]\Ir  Storrs. — Twelfth  Annual  Re- 
port.] 

'The  condition  of  a  slave  suddenly  emancipated,  and  thrown  upon  his  own 
resources,  is  very  far  from  being  improved  ;  and,  however  laudable  the  feeling 
which  leads  to  such  emancipation,  its  policy  and  propriety  are  at  least  question- 
able.'— [Report  of  the  Pennsylvania  Colonization  Society.] 

'  We  may,  therefore,  fairly  conclude  the  object  of  immediate  universal  eman- 
cipation wholly  unattainable,  or,  if  attainable,  at  too  high  a  price.' — [Mathew 
Carey's  Essays.] 

'  Observation  has  fully  convinced  them  that  emancipation  has  often  proved  in- 
jurious to  both  :  consequently  laws  have  been  enacted  in  several  of  the  States  to 
discourage,  if  not  to  prevent  it.  The  public  safety  and  interest,  as  well  as  indi- 
vidual happiness,  seemed  to  require  of  legislatures  the  adoption  of  such  a  meas- 
ure. For,  it  appeared  highly  probable  that  the  manumitted  would  not  only  be 
poor  and  wretched,  but  likewise  a  public  nuisance  ;  and  perhaps  at  some  future 
day,  form  the  nucleus  of  rebellion  among  those  unhappy  persons  still  in  slavery.' 
— [A  colonization  advocate  in  the  Middletovvn  (Connecticut)  Gazette.] 

'  To  our  mind,  it  is  clearly  the  doctrine  of  the  Bible,  that  there  may  be  cir- 
cumstances, in  which  the  immediate  and  universal  emancipation  of  slaves  is  Jiot 
a  duty.  Demanding  instantaneous  and  universal  emancipation,  and  denouncing 
every  instance  of  holding  slaves  as  a  crime,  is  not  the  way  to  bring  it  to  pass. 
If  such  a  course  proceeds  from  a  right  spirit,  it  is  from  a  right  spirit  misinform- 
ed.'—  [Vermont  Chronicle.] 

'  When  the  writer  visited  England  from  the  colonies,  he  was  constantly  aston- 
ished to  find  the  Wilberforceans,  or  saiiits,  as  they  were  called,  influenced  by 
the  wildest  enthusiasm  upon  the  sublime  theory  of  liberty  ;  urging  immedi- 
ate e»i««c2'/)ah'o/i  of  the  slave,  and  yet  totally  uninformed  as  to  its  destriictive 
consequences  to  their  future  welfare,  in  their  present  uneducated  condition,  with- 
out some  provision  being  made  to  so  enlighten  them  that  they  njay  be  enabled 
to  estimate  religious  obligations  and  distinguish   between  right  and  wrong  ;    oth- 


84  The  Jimcricmt   Colonization   Society 

erwiae  it  would  be  indispensable  to  have  strong  military  posts  and  constant  mar- 
tial law  to  preserve  order,  and  prevent  a  murderous  anarchy  and   lawless  confu- 
sion.    It  is  not  anticipated    that  this  state  of  things  could  ever  be  consummated 
in  the  United  States  ;  but   it  may  afford   a   very  salutary    lesson  in  guiding  our 
consideration  of  similar  occurrences  that  may  take  place.' 

— [From  a  colonization  pamphlet,  entitled  'Remarks  upon  a  plan  for  the  total 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  LTnited  States.     By  a  Citizen  of  New- York.] 

'We  do  not  wish  to  be  understood,  as  sanctioning  the  measures  now  pursued 
with  respect  to  the  subject  of  slavery,  by  some  misguided  enthusiasts  in  the 
northern  and  eastern  sections  of  the  United  States.  Were  the  measures  they 
advocate  wiih  so  much  heat,  to  be  adopted,  a  heavier  curse  could  hardly  fall 
upon  our  country.  Their  operation,  we  feel  fully  satisfied,  would  work  the  ruin 
of  those,  whom  these  imprudent  advocates  of  instant  and  total  emancipation, 
wish  primarily  to  benefit.  We  have  always  regarded  these  advocates  for  the 
instantaneous  abolition  of  slavery,  in  all  cases,  as  doing  more  injury  to  our  col- 
ored population  than  any  other  class  of  men  in  the  community.  The  slaves  of 
this  country  cannot  be  at  once  emancipated.  It  is  folly,  it  is  madness  to  talk  of 
it.  From  the  very  nature  of  the  case,  in  justice  to  that  deeply  injured  class,  ia 
justice  to  ourselves,  the  work  must  be  gradual.'  *  *■  *  '"  We  cannot  doubt 
the  ultimate  success  of  the  American  Uolonization  Society.  And  however  much 
some  of  the  clamorous  advocates  of  instant,  immediate  abolition  may  vent  their 
rage  agauist  this  noble  institution,  it  will  jjrosper,  it  will  flourish.  Our  intelligent 
community  are  beginning  to  see  that  the  American  Colonization  Society  presents 
the  only  door  of  hope  to  the  republic.'— [Western  Luminary.] 

'  But  u'Sai  shall  be  done  ?  Some — and  their  motives  and  jjliilanthropic  zeal 
are  worthy  of  all  honor-^plead  for  immediate  emancipation.  But  Mr  Ladd  had 
eeen  enough  to  know  that  that  would  be  a  curse  to  all  parties.  He  acknowl- 
edged a  dilKculty  here  ;  hut  it  is  a  dijjiculty  that  often  occurs  in  morals. 
When  we  have  gone  far  in  a  wrong  road,  it  often  happens  that  we  cannot  in  a 
moment  put  ourselves  in  the  right  one.  One  penalty  of  such  a  sin  is,  that  it 
clings  to  us,  and  cannot  be  shaken  off  at  once  with  all  its  bitter  consequences  by 
a  mere  volition."— [Speech  of  William  Ladd,  Esq.] 

'  The  warmest  fiiend  to  the  abolition  of  slavery,  while  he  deplores  the  exist- 
ence of  the  evil,  must  admit  the  necessity  of  cautious  and  gradual  measures  to 
remove  it.  The  inhabitants  of  the  South  cannot,  and  ought  not,  suddenly  to 
emancipate  their  slaves,  to  remain  among  them  free.  Such  a  measure  would  be 
no  blessing  to  the  slaves,  but  the  very  madness  of  self-destruction  to  the  whites. 
In  the  South,  the  horrid  scenes  that  would  too  certainly  follow  the  liberation  of 
their  slaves,  are  present  to  every  inmgination,  to  stifle  the  calls  of  justice  and 
humanity.  A  fell  spirit  of  avarice  is  thus  invigorated  and  almost  justified,  by  the 
plea  of  necessity.'— [First  Annual  Report  of  the  New  Jersey  Col.  Soc] 

'  The  impropriety  and  impolicy  of  manumitting  slaves,  ill  any  case,  in  our 
country,  one  would  suppose,  must  be  apparent  to  all.  It  is  not  a  little  astonishing 
that  individuals  acquainted  wiih  the  facts,  and  the  evils  brought  upon  society  by 
the  free  black  population,  should  persist  in  declaring  that  duty  and  humanity  call 
upon  us  to  give  the  slaves  their  freedom.  It  really  appears  to  me  that  there  is 
entirely  too  much  "  namby  pamby  sentimentality  "  and  affected  feeling  exhib- 
ited respecting  the  condition  of  slaves.  Do  these  individuals  believe  that  benev- 
olence and  humanit)'  command  us  to  turn  loose  upon  society  a  set  of  persons 
who  confessedly  only  serve  to  swell  the  amount  of  crime,  while  they  add  nothing 
to  the  industry,  to  the  wealth,  or  the  strength  of  the  country  .'  Because  abstract- 
edly considered,  man  has  no  right  to  hold  his  fellow  man  in  bondage,  shall  we 
give  up  our  liberty,  and  the  peace  of  society,  in  order  that  this  principle  may 
not  be  violated  ?  The  fact  is.  the  itei^roes  are  happier  ti'hen  kept  in  bond- 
age.    In  their  master  they  find  a    willing  and  eflicient  protector,  to  guard  them 


Is  the  Enemy  of  Immediate  JlbolifAon.  85 

from  injury  and  insult,  to  attend  to  them  when  sick  and  in  distress,  and  to  pro- 
vide for  tlieir  comfort  and  support,  when  old  age  overtakes  them.  When  in 
health,  they  are  well  fed  and  clothed,  and  by  no  means,  in  common  cases,  are 
they  hardly  worked.' — [A  warm  advocate  of  African  Colonization  in  the  Alex- 
andria Gazette.] 

'  But  there  are  other  dithculties  in  the  way  of  immediate  emancipation.  We 
believe  that  no  one,  who  has  taken  charge  of  an  infant,  and  made  a  cripple  of 
him,  either  in  his  feet,  his  hands,  or  his  mind,  so  that  when  he  is  of  mature  age, 
he  is  unable  to  take  care  of  himself,  has  a  right  to  turn  him  out  of  doors,  to 
perish  or  destroy  himself,  and  call  it,  giving  him  his  liberty.  After  having  re- 
duced him  to  this  condition,  he  is  bound  to  afford  him  the  support  and  protec- 
tion, which  he  has  rendered  necessary. 

'  This  appears  to  us  to  he  the  true  relation  of  the  southern  planters  to  their 
slaves.  Not  that  the  southern  planters  have  generally  been  guilty  of  personal 
cruelty  ;  but  such  has  been  the  general  result  of  the  system  acted  upon,  and  such 
the  relation  growing  out  of  it.  The  slaves  have  grown  up,  under  the  eye  of 
their  masters,  unable  to  take  care  of  themselves  ;  and  their  masters,  for  whose 
comfort  and  convenience  this  has  been  done,  are  bound  to  provide  for  them. 

'  Nor  do  we  think  that  the  exhortation,  to  "  do  right  and  trust  Providence," 
applies  at  all  to  this  case  ;  for  the  very  question  is,  "  what  is  right  .'"  Would  it 
be  right  for  the  slave  merchant,  in  the  midst  of  the  Atlantic,  to  knock  the  man- 
acles from  his  prisoners  and  throw  them  overboard,  a.nd  call  this,  giving  them 
their  liberty  and  trusting  Providence  with  the  result  ?  But  how  else  could  he 
reduce  the  doctrine  of  immediate  and  complete  emancipation  to  practice  ?' — 
[Vermont  Chronicle.] 

The  miserable  sophistry  contained  in  the  foregoing  extracts 
scarcely  needs  a  serious  refutation.  '  To  say  that  immediate 
emancipation  will  only  increase  the  wretchedness  of  the  slaves, 
and  that  we  must  pursue  a  system  of  gradual  abolition,  is  to 
present  to  us  the  double  paradox,  that  we  must  continue  to  do 
evil,  in  order  to  cure  the  evil  which  we  are  doing  ;  and  that  we 
must  continue  to  be  unjust,  and  to  do  evil,  that  good  may 
come.'  The  fatal  error  of  gradualists  lies  here  :  They  talk  as 
if  the  friends  of  abolition  contended  only  for  the  emancipation 
of  the  slaves,  without  specifying  or  caring  what  should  be  done 
with  or  for  them  !  as  if  the  planters  were  invoked  to  cease  from 
one  kind  of  villany,  only  to  practise  another  !  as  if  the  manu- 
mitted slaves  must  necessarily  be  driven  out  from  society  into 
the  wilderness,  like  wild  beasts  !  This  is  talking  nonsense  :  it 
is  a  gross  perversion  of  reason  and  common  sense.  Abolition- 
its  have  never  said,  that  mere  manumission  would  be  doing  jus- 
tice to  the  slaves  :  they  insist  upon  a  remuneration  for  years 
of  unrequited  toil,  upon  their  employment  as  free  laborers,  upon 
their  immediate  and  coefficient  instruction,  and  upon  the  exer- 
cise of  a  benevolent  supervision  over  them  on  the  part  of  their 
employers.      They  declare,  in  the  first  place,  that   to  break  the 


86  The  American  Colonization  Society 

fetters  of  the  slaves,  and  turn  them  loose  upon  the  country, 
without  the  preservative  restraints  of  law,  and  destitute  of  occu- 
pation, would  leave  the  work  of  justice  only  half  done  ;  and, 
secondly,  that  it  is  absurd  to  suppose  that  the  planters  would  be 
wholly  independent  of  the  labor  of  the  blacks — for  they  could 
no  more  dispense  with  it  next  week,  \Aere  emancipation  to  take 
place,  than  they  can  to-day.  The  very  ground  which  they  as- 
sume for  their  opposition  to  slavery, — that  it  necessarily  pre- 
vents the  improvement  of  its  victims, — shows  that  they  contem- 
plate the  establishment  of  schools  for  the  education  of  the  slaves, 
and  the  furnishing  of  productive  employment,  immediately  upon 
their  liberation.  If  this  were  done,  none  of  the  horrors  which 
are  now  so  feelingly  depicted,  as  the  attendants  of  a  sudden 
abolition,  would  ensue. 

But  we  are  gravely  told  that  education  must  precede  emanci- 
pation. The  logic  of  this  plea  is,  that  intellectual  superiority 
justly  gives  one  man  an  oppressive  control  over  another  !  Where 
would  such  a  detestable  principle  lead  but  to  practices  the  most 
atrocious,  and  results  the  most  disastrous,  if  carried  out  among 
ourselves  .''  Tell  us,  ye  hair-splitting  sophists,  the  exact  quan- 
tum of  knowledge  which  is  necessary  to  constitute  a  freeman. 
If  every  dunce  should  be  a  slave,  your  servitude  is  inevitable  ; 
and  richly  do  3^00  deserve  the  lash  for  your  obtuseness.  Our 
white  population,  too,  would  furnish  blockheads  enough  to  sat- 
isfy all  the  classical  kidnappers  in  the  land. 

The  reason  why  the  slaves  are  so  ignorant,  is  because  they 
are  held  in  bondage  ;  and  the  reason  why  they  are  held  in  bond- 
age, is  because  they  are  so  ignorant  !  They  ought  not  to  be 
freed  until  they  are  educated  ;  and  they  ought  not  be  educated, 
because  on  the  acquisition  of  knowledge  they  would  burst  their 
fetters  !  Fine  logic,  indeed  !  How  men,  who  make  any  preten- 
sions to  honesty  or  common  sense,  can  advance  a  paradox  like 
this,  is  truly  inexplicable.  '  I  never  met  with  a  man  yet,'  says 
an  able  writer  in  Kentucky,  '  who  impliedly  admits  the  en- 
slaving of  human  beings  as  consistent  with  the  exercise  of  chris- 
tian duties,  who  could  talk  or  write  ten  minutes  on  the  subject, 
without  expressing  nonsense,  or  contradicting  himself,  or  ad- 
vancing heresy  which  would  expose  him  to  censure  on  any  other 


fs  the  Enemy  of  finmedialc  JihoUtion.  87 

subject.'  In  this  connexion,  I  make  the  following  extract  from 
the  Report  of  the  Dublin  Negro's  Friend  Society,  of 
which  WiLBERFORCE  is  President,  and  Clarkson  Vice 
President  :  ■:  « 

'  They  do  not  recognize  tlie  false  principle,  that  education,  as  a  preparation 
for  freedom,  must  precede  emancipation  ;  or  that  an  amelioration  of  the  slaves' 
condition  should  he  a  suhslitute  for  it  :  on  the  contrary,  TIIEY  INSIST  UPON 
UNPROCRASTINATED  EMANCIPATION,  as  a  right  which  is  unrighteous- 
ly withheld,  and  the  restoration  of  which  is,  in  their  opinion,  the  first  and  most 
indispensable  step  to  all  improvement,  and  absolutely  essential  to  the  application 
of  the  only  remedy  for  that  moral  debasement,  in  which  slavery  has  sunk  its  vic- 
tims.' 

I  cannot  portray  the  absurdity  of  the  doctrine  of  gradual 
abolition,  and  the  danger  and  folly  of  attempting  to  mitigate  the 
system  of  slavery,  more  strikingly,  than  by  presenting  the  fol- 
lowing eloquent  extracts  from  a  speech  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Thom- 
son of  Edinburgh,  one  of  the  most  learned  and  able  divines  in 
Great  Britain,  whose  sudden  death  was  recorded  in  the  news- 
papers a  few  months  since  : 

'The  word  immediate  may  no  doubt  be  considered  as  a  strong  word;  but 
you  will  observe  that  it  is  used  as  contrasted  with  the  word  gradual.  And  were 
I  to  criticise  the  term  gradual  as  certain  opponents  have  treated  the  term  im- 
mediate, I  could  easily,  by  the  help  of  a  little  quibbling,  bring  you  to  the  con- 
clusion, that  as  hitherto  employed  it  means  that  the  abolition  is  never  to  take 
place,  and  that,  by  putting  it  into  their  petition,  they  are  to  be  understood  as 
deprecating  rather  than  asking  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves.  "  Immediate,''' 
they  argue,  "  evanishes  as  soon  as  you  utter  it  ;  it  is  gone  before  your  petition 
reaches  parliament."  Mow  absurd  I  If  I  should  say  to  my  servant  while  en- 
gaged in  work,  '•  You  must  go  to  the  south  side  of  the  town  with  a  message  for 
me  immediately,"  is  it  indeed  implied  in  the  order  I  have  given  him,  that  he 
could  not  fulfil  it,  unless  he  set  off  without  his  hat,  without  his  coat,  without  his 
shoes,  without  those  habiliments  which  are  recpiisite  for  his  appearing  decently 
in  the  streets  of  Edinburgh,  and  executing  the  task  that  I  had  assigned  him  r 
The  meaning  of  the  word  as  used  by  us  is  perfectly  clear,  and  cannot  be  mis- 
apprehended by  any  one  :  it  is  not  to  be  made  a  subject  of  metaphysical  ani- 
madversion :  it  is  to  be  considered  and  understood  under  the  direction  of  com- 
mon sense,  and  especially  as  modified  and  expounded  by  those  statements  with 
which  it  is  associated  botli  in  our  resolutions  and  in  the  petition  ;  and  viewed  in 
that  light,  immediate  abn'ifion  is  not  merely  an  intelligible  phrase,  but  one  that 
does  not  warrant  a  particle  of  the  alarm  which  some  have  affected  to  take  at  it, 
and  is  not  liable  to  any  one  of  those  objections  which  some  have  been  pleased 
to  make  to  it. 

'  To  say  that  we  will  come  out  of  the  sin  by  degrees — that  we  will  only  for- 
sake it  slowly,  and  step  by  step — that  we  will  pause  and  hesitate  and  look  well 
about  us  before  we  consent  to  abandon  its  gains  and  its  pleasures — that  we  will 
allow  another  age  to  pass  by  ere  we  throw  off  the  load  of  iniquity  that  is  lying 
so  heavy  upon  us,  lest  certain  secularities  should  be  injuriously  affected — and  that 
we  will  postpone  the  duty  of  "  doing  justly  and  loving  mercy,"  till  we  have  re- 
moved every  petty  ditficulty  out  of  the  way,  and  got  all  the  conflicting  interests 
that  are  involved  in  the  measure  reconciled  and  satisfied  ; — to  say  this,  is  to 
trample   on  the  demands  of  moral  obligation,  and  to  disregard   the  voice  which 


88  The  American   Colonization   Society 

speaks  to  us  from  heaven.  The  path  of  duty  is  plain  before  us  ;  and  we  have 
nothing  to  do  but  to  enter  it  at  once,  and  to  walk  in  it  without  turning  to  the 
right  hand  or  to  the  left.  Our  concern  is  not  with  the  result  that  may  follow  our 
obedience  to  the  divine  will.  Our  great  and  primary  concern  is  to  obey  that 
will.  God  reigns  over  his  universe  in  the  exercise  of  infinite  perfection  :  he 
C0nimauds  us  to  let  the  oppressed  go  free,  and  to  break  every  yoke  ;  and  sub- 
mitting, without  procrastination,  and  without  any  attempts  at  compromises  to 
that  command,  we  may  be  assured  that  he  will  take  care  of  all  the  effects  that 
can  be  produced  by  compliance  with  his  authority,  and  give  demonstration  to 
the  truth  that  obedience  to  his  behests  is  our  grand  and  only  security  for  a  pros- 
perous lot. 

'  We  are  by  no  means  indifferent  to  the  expediency  of  the  case.  On  the  con- 
trary, we  think  ourselves  prepared  to  prove,  by  fair  reasoning  and  by  ascertained 
fact,  that  the  expediency  of  the  thing  is  all  on  our  side  ;  that  immediate  abolition 
is  the  only  secure  and  proper  way  of  attaining  the  object  which  we  all  profess  to 
have' in  view  ;  that  to  defer  the  measure  to  a  distant  period,  and  to  admit  the 
propriety  of  getting  at  it  by  a  course  of  mitigation,  is  the  surest  mode  of  frus- 
trating every  hope  we  might  otherwise  entertain,  and  giving  over  the  slaves  to 
interminable  bondage.'  *  *  * 

'  I  do  not  deny,  Ssir,  that  the  evils  of  practical  slavery  may  be  lessened.  By 
parliamentary  enactments,  by  colonial  arrangements,  by  appeals  to  the  judgment 
and  feelings  of  planters,  and  by  various  other  means,  a  certain  degree  of  meli- 
oration may  be  secured.  But  I  say,  in  the  first  place,  that,  with  all  that  you 
can  accomplish,  or  reasonably  expect,  of  mitigation,  you  cannot  alter  the  nature 
of  slavery  itself.  With  every  improvement  vou  have  superinduced  upon  it,  you 
have  not  made  it  less  debasing,  less  cruel,  less  destructive,  in  its  essential  char- 
acter. The  black  man  is  still  the  jiroperty  of  the  white  man.  And  that  one 
circumstance  not  only  implies  in  it  the  transgression  of  inalienable  right  and  ever- 
lasting justice,  but  is  the  fruitful  and  necessary  source  of  numberless  mischiefs, 
the  very  thought  of  which  harrows  up  the  soul,  and  the  infliction  of  which  no 
superintendence  of  any  goverment  can  either  prevent  or  control.  Mitigate  and 
keep  down  the  evil  as  much  as  you  can,  still  it  is  there  in  all  its  native  virulence, 
and  still  it  will  do  its  malignant  work  in  spite  of  you.  The  improvements  you 
have  made  are  merely  superficial.  You  have  not  reached  the  seat  and  vital 
spring  of  the  mischief.  You  have  only  concealed  in  some  measure,  and  for  a 
time,  its  inherent  enormity.  Its  essence  remains  unchanged  and  untouched,  and 
is  ready  to  unfold  itself  whenever  a  convenient  season  arrives,  notwithstanding 
all  your  precaution,  and  all  you  vigilance,  in  those  manifold  acts  of  injustice  and 
inhumanity,  which  are  its  genuine  and  its  invariable  fruits.  You  may  white-wash 
the  sepulchre, — you  may  put  upon  it  every  adornment  that  fancy  can  suggest, — 
you  may  cover  it  over  with  all  the  flowers  and  evergreens  that  the  garden  or  the 
fields  can  furnish,  so  that  it  will  appear  beautiful  outwardly  unto  men.  But  it  is 
a  sepulchre  still, — full  of  dead  men's  bones  and  of  all  uncleanness.  Disguise 
slavery  as  you  will, — put  into  the  cup  all  the  pleasing  and  palatable  ingredients 
which  you  can  discover  in  the  wide  range  of  nature  and  of  art, — still  it  is  a  bit- 
ter, bitter  draught,  from  which  the  understanding  and  the  heart  of  every  man,  in 
whom  nature  works  unsophisticated  and  unbiassed,  recoils  with  unutterable  aver- 
sion and  abhorrence.  AVhy,  Sir,  slavery  is  the  very  Upas  tree  of  the  moral 
world,  beneath  whose  pestiferous  shade  all  intellect  languishes,  and  all  virtue 
dies.  And  if  you  would  get  quit  of  the  evil,  you  must  go  more  thoroughly  and 
effectually  to  work  than  you  can  ever  do  by  any  or  by  all  of  those  palliatives, 
which  are  included  under  the  term  "mitigation."  The  foul  sepulchre  must 
be  taken  away.  The  cup  of  oppression  must  be  dashed  to  pieces  on  the 
ground.  The  pestiferous  tree  must  be  cut  down  and  eradicated  ;  it  must  be, 
root  and  branch  of  it,  cast  into  the  consuming  fire,  and  its  ashes  scattered  to  the 
four  winds  of  heaven.  It  is  thus  you  must  deal  with  slavery.  You  must  anni- 
hilate it, — annihilate  it  now, — and  annihilate  it  for  ever. 

'  Get  your  mitigation.     I  say  in  the  second  place,  that  you  are  thereby,  in  all 
probability  farther  away  than  ever  from  your  object.     It  is  not   to  the  Govern- 


h  the  Enemy  oj  Immediate  Abolition.  89 

ment  or  the  Pailiameiit  at  home  that  you  are  to  look — neither  is  it  to  the  legis- 
latures and  planters  aliroad  that  you  are  to  look — for  accomplishing  the  abolition 
of  negro  slavery.  Sad  experience  shows  that,  if  left  to  themselves,  they  will  do 
nothing  efficient  in  this  great  cause.  It  is  to  the  sentiments  of  the  people  at 
large  that  you  are  to  look,  to  the  spread  of  intellectual  light,  to  the  prevalence 
of  moral  feeling,  to  the  progress,  in  short,  of  public  opinion,  which,  when  rest- 
ing on  right  principles  and  mo\ing  in  a  right  direction,  must  in  this  free  and 
Christian  country  prove  irresistible.  But  observe,  Sir,  the  public  mind  will  not 
be  sufficiently  affected  by  the  statement  of  abstract  truths,  however  just,  or  by 
reasonings  on  the  tendencies  of  a  system,  however  accurate.  It  must  be  ntore 
or  less  influenced  by  what  is  visible,  or  by  what  is  easily  known  and  understood 
of  the  actual  atrocities  which  accompany  slavery,  wherever  it  is  left  to  its  own 
proper  operation.  Let  it  be  seen  in  its  native  vileness  and  cruelty,  as  exhibited 
when  not  interfered  with  by  the  hand  of  authority,  and  it  excites  universal  and 
unqualified  detestation.  But  let  its  harsher  asperities  be  rubbed  oft' ;  take  away 
the  more  prominent  parts  of  its  iniquity  ;  see  that  it  look  somewhat  smoother  and 
milder  than  it  did  before  ;  make  such  regulations  as  ought,  if  faithfully  executed, 
to  check  its  grosser  acts  of  injustice  and  oppression  ;  give  it  the  appearance  of 
its  being  put  under  the  humanizing  sway  of  religious  education  and  instruction  ; 
do  all  this,  and  you  produce  one  effect  at  least, — you  modify  the  indignation  of  a 
great  number  of  the  community  ;  you  render  slavery  much  less  obnoxious  ;  you 
enable  its  advocates  and  supporters  to  say  in  reply  to  your  denunciations  of  its 
wickedness,  "  O,  the  slaves  are  now  comfortable  and  happy  ;  they  do  not  suffer 
what  they  did  ;  they  are  protected  and  well  treated,"  and  in  proof  of  all  this, 
they  point  to  what  are  called  "  mitigations."  But  mark  me.  Sir  ;  under  these 
mitigations,  slavery  still  exists,  ready  at  every  convenient  season  to  break  forth 
in  all  its  countless  forms  of  inhumanity  ;  meanwhile  the  public  feeling  in  a  great 
measure  subsides  ;  and  when  the  public  feeling — such  an  important  and  indispensa- 
ble element  in  our  attempts  to  procure  abolition — is  allowed  to  subside,  tell  me. 
Sir,  when,  and  where,  and  by  what  means  it  is  again  to  be  roused  into  activity.  I 
must  say,  for  one,  that  though  I  sympathize  with  my  sable  brethren,  when  I  hear 
of  them  being  spared  even  one  lash  of  the  cart-whip  ;  yet  when  I  take  a  more  en- 
larged view  of  their  condition — when  I  consider  the  nature  of  that  system  under 
which  they  are  placed,  and  when  I  look  forward  to  their  deliverance,  and  the 
means  by  which  alone  it  is  to  be  effected,  I  am  tempted,  and  alnwst  if  not  alto- 
gether persuaded,  to  deprecate  that  insidious  thing  termed  "  mitication,"  be- 
cause it  directly  tends  to  perpetuate  the  mighty  evil,  which  will  by  and  by  throw 
off  the  injprovements  by  which  it  is  glossed  over  as  quite  unnatural  to  it,  will 
ultimately  grow  up  again  into  all  its  former  dreadfulness,  and  continue  to  wither 
and  crush  beneath  it,  all  that  is  excellent  and  glorious  in  man.' 

'  But  if  our  rulers  and  legislators  will  undertake  to  emancipate  the  slaves,  and 
do  it  as  it  ought  to  be  done,  immediatel}',  I  beg  those  who  set  themselves  against 
such  a  a  measure,  to  point  out  the  danger,  and  to  prove  it.  The  onus  lies  upon 
them.  And  what  evidence  do  they  give  us  ?  W'here  is  it  to  be  found  ?  In  what 
chxumstance  shall  we  discover  it  ?  From  what  principles  and  probabilities  shall 
we  infer  it  ?  We  must  not  have  mere  hypothesis — mere  allegations — mere  fan- 
cied horrors,  dressed  up  in  frightful  language.  We  must  have  proof  to  substan- 
tiate, in  some  good  measure,  their  theor}'  of  rebellion,  warfare,  and  blood.  If 
any  such  thing  exists,  let  them  produce  it.  *  *  *  But  if  you  push  nie,  and 
still  urge  the  argument  of  insurrection  and  bloodshed,  for  which  you  are  far  more 
indebted  to  fancy  than  to  fact,  as  I  have  shown  you,  then  I  any,  be  it  so.  I  re- 
peat that  maxim,  taken  from  a  heathen  book,  but  pervading  the  whole  Book  of 
God,  Fiat  jiistitia — rtiat  ccelmn.  Righteousness,  Sir,  is  the  pillar  of  the  uni- 
verse. Break  down  that  pillar,  and  the  universe  falls  into  ruin  and  desolation.  But 
preserve  it,  and  though  the  fair  fabric  may  sustain  paitial  dilapidations,  it  nuiy 
be  rebuilt  and  repaired — it  loill  be  rebuilt,  and  repaired,  and  restored  to  all  its 
pristine  strength,  and  magnificence,  and  beauty.  If  there  must  be  violence,  let 
it  even  come,  for  it  will  soon  pass  away — let  it  come  and  rage  its  little  hour, 
since  it  is  to  be  succeeded  by  lasting  freedom,  and  prosperity  and  happiness*.  Give. 

[Part  I.]  12 


90  The  Jimerican   Colonization   Society 

me  the  hurricane  rather  than  the  pestilence.  Give  me  the  hurricane,  with  its 
thunder,  and  its  lightning,  and  its  tempest  ; — give  me  the  hurricane,  with  its  par- 
tial and  teinporary  devastations,  awful  though  they  be  ; — give  me  the  hurricane, 
with  its  purifyirrg,  healthful,  salutary  etlects  ; — give  me  that  hurricane,  infinitely 
rather  than  the  noisome  pestilence,  whose  path  is  never  crossed,  whose  silence  is 
never  disturbed,  whose  progress  is  never  arrested,  by  one  sweeping  blast  from 
the  heavens  ;  which  walks  peacefully  and  sullenly  through  the  length  and  breadth 
of  the  land,  breathing  poison  into  every  heart,  and  carrying  havoc  into  every 
home,  enervating  all  that  is  strong,  defacing  all  that  is  beautiful,  and  casting  its 
blight  over  the  fairest  and  happiest  scenes  of  human  life — and  which,  from  day 
to  day,  and  from  year  to  year,  with  intolerant  and  interminable  malignity,  sends 
its  thousands  and  its  tens  of  thousands  of  hapless  victims  into  the  ever-yawning 
and  never-satisfied  grave  !' 

It  is  said,  by  way  of  extenuation,  lliat  the  present  owners  of 
slaves  are  not  responsible  for  the  origin  of  ihis  system.  I  do 
not  arraign  them  for  the  crimes  of  their  ancestors,  but  for  the 
constant  perpetration  and  extension  of  similar  crimes.  The 
plea  that  the  evil  of  slavery  was  entailed  upon  them,  shall  avail 
them  nolhing  :  in  its  length  and  breadth  it  means  that  the  rob- 
beries of  one  generation  justify  the  robberies  of  another  !  that 
the  inheritance  of  stolen  property  converts  it  into  an  honest  ac- 
quisition !  that  the  atrocious  conduct  of  their  fathers  exonerates 
them  from  all  accountability,  thus  presenting  the  strange  ano- 
maly of  a  race  of  men  incapable  of  incurring  guilt,  though  daily 
practising  the  vilest  deeds  !  Scarcely  any  one  denies  that  blame 
attaches  somewhere  :  the  present  generation  throws  it  upon  the 
past — the  ptist,  upon  its  predecessor — and  thus  it  is  cast,  like 
a  ball,  from  one  to  another,  down  to  the  first  importers  of  the 
Africans  !  '  Can  that  be  innocence  in  the  temperate  zone,  which 
is  the  acme  of  all  guilt  near  the  equator  .''  Can  that  be  honesty 
in  one  meridian  of  longitude,  which,  at  one  hundred  degrees 
east,  is  the  climax  of  injustice  ?'  Sixty  thousand  infants,  the 
offspring  of  slave-parents,  are  annually  born  in  this  country,  and 
doomed  to  remediless  bondage.  Is  it  not  as  atrocious  a  crime 
to  kidnap  these,  as  to  kidnap  a  similar  number  on  the  coast  of 
Africa  .'' 

It  Is  said,  moreover,  that  we  ought  to  legislate  prospectively, 
on  this  subject  ;  that  the  fetters  of  the  present  generation  of 
slaves  cannot  be  broken  ;  and  that  our  single  aim  should  be,  to 
obtain  the  freedon^  of  their  offspring,  by  fixing  a  definite  period 
after  which  none  shall  be  born  slaves.  But  this  is  inconsistent, 
inhuman  and  unjust.  The  following  extracts  from  the  speech 
of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Thomson  are  conclusive  on  this  point  : 


la  the  Enemy  of  Immediate  Jlbolition.  91 

*  In  ttie  first  place,  it  amounts  to  an  indirect  sanction  of  the  continued  slavery 
of  all  who  are  now  alive,  and  of  all  who  may  be  born  before  the  period  fixed 
upon.  This  is  a  renunciation  of  the  great  moral  principles  upon  which  the  de- 
mand for  abolition  proceeds.  It  consigns  more  than  800,000  human  beings  to 
bondage  and  oppression,  while  their  title  to  freedom  is  both  indisputable  and 
acknowledged.  And  it  is  not  merely  an  inconsistency  on  the  part  of  the  peti- 
tioners, and  a  violation  of  the  duty  which  they  owe  to  such  a  multitude  of  their 
fellow-men,  but  it  weakens  or  surrenders  the  great  argument  by  which  they  en- 
force their  application  for  the  extinction  of  colonial  slavery. 

'  Besides,  it  is  vain  to  expect  that  the  planters  will  acquiesce  in  such  a  pros- 
pective measure,  any  more  than  in  the  liberation  of  the  existing  slaves,  for  the 
progeny  of  the  existing  slaves  must  be  considered  by  them  as  much  a  part  of  their 
property  as  these  slaves  themselves.  And  they  would  regard  it  equally  unjust 
to  deprive  them  of  what  is  hereafter  to  be  produced  from  their  ■own  slave  stock, 
as  it  would  be  to  deprive  a  farmer,  by  an  anticipating  law  of  all  the  foals  and  of 
all  the  calves  that  might  be  produced  in  his  stable  and  in  his  cow-house,  after  a 
given  specified  date. 

'  We  must  be  true  to  our  own  maxims,  which  are  taken  from  the  word  of 
God  ;  and  ask  for  all  that  we  are  entitled  to  have  on  the  ground  of  justice  and 
humanity,  and  be  contented  with  nothing  less. 

'  In  the  second  place,  the  plan  objected  to  is  not  merely  an  acquiescence  in 
the  continuance  of  crime,  it  is  a  violation  of  the  best  feelings  of  our  nature. 
For,  let  any  man  but  reflect  on  the  circumstance  of  children  being  born  to  sla- 
very, merely  because  they  came  into  the  world  the  last  hour  of  December  1830, 
instead  of  the  first  hour  of  January  1,  1831 — and  of  children  in  the  same  fam- 
ily, brothers  and  sisters — some  of  them  destined  to  bondage  for  life,  and  others 
git'ted  with  freedom,  for  no  other  reason  than  that  the  former  were  born  before, 
and  the  latter  after,  a  particular  day  of  a  particular  year — and  of  parents  being 
unjustly  and  inhumanly  flogged  in  the  very  sig^ht  of  their  ofl'spring  arbitrarily  made 
free,  while  they  are  as  arbitrarily  kept  slaves — let  any  man  but  reflect  on  these 
things,  and  unless  the  sensibilities  of  his  heart  be  paralysed  even  to  deadness,  he 
must  surely  revolt  at  such  a  cruel  and  cold  blooded  allotment  in  tlie  fortune  of 
those  little  ones,  and  be  satisfied  with  nothing  short  of  the  emancipation  of  the 
whole  community,  without  a  single  exception. 

'  In  the  third  place,  supposing  all  children  born  after  January  1,  1831,  were 
declared  free,  how  are  they  to  be  educated  ^  That  they  may  be  prepared  for 
the  enjoyment  of  that  liberty  with  which  you  have  invested  them,  they  must  un- 
dergo a  particular  and  appropriate  training.  So  say  the  gradualists.  Very 
well  ;  under  whom  are  they  to  get  this  training  ?  Are  they  to  be  separated  from 
their  parents  I  Is  that  dearest  of  natural  ties  to  be  broken  asunder?  Is  this  ne- 
cessary for  your  plan  ?  And  are  not  you  thus  endeavoring  to  cure  one  s|)ecies  of 
wickedness  by  the  instrumentality  of  another.-'  But  if  they  are  to  be  left  with  their 
parents  and  brought  up  under  their  care,  then  either  they  will  be  imbued  with  the 
faults  and  degeneracies  that  are  characteristic  of  slavery,  and  consequently  be  as 
unfit  for  freedom  as  those  who  have  not  been  disenthralled  :  or  they  will  be  well 
nurtured  and  well  instructed  by  their  parents,  and  this  implies  a  confession  that 
their  parents  themselves  are  suthciently  prepared  for  liberty,  and  that  there  is  no 
good  reason  for  withholding  from  them,  the  l)oon  that  is  bestowed  upon  their 
children. 

'  Whatever  view,  in  short,  we  take  of  the  question,  the  prospective  plan  is 
full  of  difficuity  or  contradictions,  and  we  are  made  more  sensible  than  ever  that 
there  is  nothing  left  for  us,  but  to  take  the  consistent,  honest,  uncompromising 
course  of  demanding  the  abolition  of  slavery  with  respect  to  the  present,  as  well 
as  to  every  future  generation  of  the  negroes  in  our  colonies.' 

We   are  told  that  '  it  i.s  not  right  that   men  should   be  free, 
when  their  freedom   will  prove  injurious  to  themselves  and  otlv 


92  The  American   Colonization   Society 

ers.'  This  has  been  the  plea  of  tyrants  in  all  ages.  If  the 
immediate  emancipation  of  the  slaves  would  prove  a  curse,  it 
follows  that  slavery  is  a  blessing  ;  and  that  it  cannot  be  unjust, 
but  benevolent,  to  defraud  the  laborer  of  his  hire,  to  rank  him 
as  a  beast,  and  to  deprive  him  of  his  liberty.  But  this,  every 
one  must  see,  is  at  war  vv'ith  common  sense,  and  avowedly 
doing  evil  that  good  may  come.  This  plea  must  mean,  either 
that  a  state  of  slavery  is  more  favorable  to  the  growth  of  virtue 
and  the  dispensation  of  knowledge  than  a  state  of  freedom — (a 
glaring  absurdity) — or  that  an  immediate  compliance  with  the 
demands  of  justice  would  be  most  unjust — (a  gross  contradic- 
tion.) 

It  is  boldly  asserted  by  some  colonizationists,  that  '  the  ne- 
groes are  happier  when  kept  in  bondage^'  and  that  '  the  condition 
of  the  great  mass  of  emancipated  Africans  is  one  in  comparison 
with  which  the  condition  of  the  slaves  is  enviable.''  What  is 
the  inference  .''  AVliy,  either  that  slavery  is  not  oppression — 
(another  paradox) — or  that  real  benevolence  demands  the  return 
of  the  free  people  of  color  to  their  former  state  of  servitude. 
Every  kidnapper,  therefore,  is  a  true  philanthropist  !  Our  legis- 
lature should  immediately  offer  a  bounty  for  the  body  of  every 
free  colored  person  !  The  colored  population  of  Massachu- 
setts, at  $200  for  each  man,  woman  and  child,  would  bring  at 
least  one  million  three  hundred  thousand  dollars.  This  sum. 
would  seasonably  replenish  our  exhausted  treasury.  The  whole 
free  colored  population  of  the  United  States,  at  the  same  price, 
(which  is  a  low  estimate,)  would  be  worth  sixty-five  millions  of 
dollars  !  !  Think  how  many  churches  this  would  build,  schools 
and  colleges  establish,  beneficiaries  educate,  missionaries  sup- 
port, bibles  and  tracts  circulate,  railroads  and  canals  complete, 
&c.  &c.  &c.  !  !  ! 

The  Secretary  of  the  Colonization  Society  assures  us,  (vide 
the  African  Repository,  vol.  v.  p.  330,)  that  '  icere  the  very 
spirit  of  angelic  charity  to  jjervade  and  fill  the  hearts  of  all  the 
slaveholders  in  our  land,  it  toould  by  no  means  require  that  all 
the  slaves  should  be  instantaneously  liberated'! ! — i.e.  should 
the  slaveholders  become  instantaneously  metamorphosed  into 
angels,  they  would  still  hold   the  rational  creatures  of  God  as 


Is  the  Enemy  of  Immediate  Jlbolition.  93 

their  property,  and  yet  commit  no  sin  !  Think,  for  one  moment, 
of  an  angel  in  the  capacity  of  a  man-stealer — feeding  his  vic- 
tims upon  a  peck  of  corn  per  week,  or  three  bushels  of  corn 
and  a  few  herrings  every  '  quarter-day,'  as  a  compensation  for 
their  severe  labor — flourishing  a  cowskin  over  their  heads,  and 
applying  it  frequently  to  their  naked  bodies  !  Think  of  him  sell- 
ing parents  from  children,  and  children  from  parents,  at  private 
sale  or  public  auction  ! 

Many  slaveholders  are  giving  up  their  slaves  from  conscien- 
tious motives  ;  they  cannot,  they  dare  not  longer  keep  them  in 
servitude  ;  they  believe  that  the  law  of  God  has  a  higher  claim 
upon  their  obedience  than  the  laws  of  their  native  State.  Now 
suppose  all  the  owners  of  slaves  in  our  land  should  be  suddenly 
and  simultaneously  convicted  of  sin,  and  moved  to  repentance 
in  a  similar  manner,  and  should  say  to  their  slaves,  '  God  forbid 
that  we  should  longer  call  you  our  property,  or  place  you  on  a 
level  with  our  cattle,  or  defraud  you  of  your  just  dues,  or  sell  you 
or  your  wives  or  children  to  others,  or  deny  you  the  means  of 
instruction,  or  lacerate  your  bodies  !  henceforth  you  are  free — 
but  you  want  employment,  and  we  need  laborers — go  and  work 
as  freemen,  and  be  paid  as  freemen  !' — suppose,  I  say,  a  case 
like  this  should  happen,  and  a  troop  of  gradualists  should  sur- 
round these  penitent  oppressors,  and  cry,  '  Were  the  very 
spirit  of  angelic  charity  to  pervade  and  fdl  your  hearts,  it  would 
by  no  means  require  that  all  your  slaves  should  be  instantane- 
ously liberated — your  throats  will  be  cut,  your  houses  pillaged, 
and  desolation  will  stalk  through  the  land,  if  you  carry  your 
mad  purpose  into  effect — emancipate  by  a  slow,  imperceptible 
process  ! ' — how  would  this  advice  sound  ?  What  should  be 
their  reply  ?  Clearly  this  :  '  Whether  it  be  right  in  the  sight 
of  God  to  hearken  unto  men  more  than  unto  God,  judge  ye." 
Here  would  be  presented  a  strange  spectacle  indeed — one  party 
confessing  and  resolving  to  forsake  their  sins,  and  another  urging 
them  to  disregard  the  admonitions  of  conscience,  and  to  leave 
off  sinning  by  degrees  !  To  be  sure,  a  (ew,  a  very  few,  would 
be  generously  allowed  to  reform  instanter  ! 

Those  who  prophesy  evil,  and  only  evil,  concerning  immedi- 
ate abolition,  absolutely  disregard  the  nature  and  constitution  of 


94  The  American   Colonization   Society 

man,  as  also  his  inalienable  rights,   and  annihilate  or  reverse  the 
causes  and  effects  of  human  action.      They  are  continually  fear- 
ful lest  the  .slaves,  in  consequence  of  their  grievous  wrongs  and 
intolerable   sufferings,  should   attempt   to  gain  their  freedom  by 
revolution  ;  and  yet   they  affect  to  be  equally  fearful  lest  a  gen- 
eral emancipation  should   produce   the   same    disastrous   conse- 
quences.     How    absurd  !    They    know    that    oppression    must 
cause   rebellion  ;    and   yet  they  pretend  that  a   I'emoval  of  the 
cause    will  produce   a   bloody  effect  !     This   is   to   suppose  an 
effect  without  a   cause,    and,  of  course,   is  a    contradiction  in 
terms.     Bestow  upon  the  slaves  personal  freedom,  and  all  mo- 
tives for  insurrection  are  destroyed.      Treat   them  like  rational 
beings,  and  you  may  surely  expect  rational  treatment  in  return  : 
treat  them  like  beasts,  and  they  will  behave  in  a  beastly  manner. 
Besides,  precedent  and   experience  make  the  ground  of  abo- 
litionists invulnerable.     In  no  single  instance  where  their  princi- 
ples have  been  adopted,  has  the  result  been  disastrous  or  violent, 
but   beneficial   and   peaceful  even  beyond   their  most    sanguine 
expectations.     The  immediate  abolition  of  slavery  in  Mexico, 
in  Colombia,  and  in  St.  Domingo,*  was  eminently  preservative 

*  The  history  of  the  Revolution  ia  St  Domingo  is  not  generally  understood  in 
this  country.     The  result  of  the  instantaneous  emancipation  of  the  slaves,  in  that 
island,  by  an  act  of  the  Conventional  Assembly  of  France  in  the  month  of  Feb- 
Tuary,  1794,  settles  the  controversy  between  the  immcdiatists  and  gradualists. 
'  After  this  public  act  of  emancipation,'  says   Colonel  Malenfant,  who  was  resi- 
dent in  the  island  at  the  time,    '  the  negroes  remained  quiet  both  in  the  South 
and    in  the  West,  and  they  continued  to  loork  iij)on  all  the   plu7itations.' 
■^  Upon  those  estates  which  were  abandoned,  they  continued  their  labors,  where 
fthere  were  any,  even  inferior  agents,  to  guide  them  ;  and  on  those  estates,  where 
no  white  men  were  left  to  direct  them,  they  betook  themselves  to  the  planting  of 
3)rovisions  ;    but  upon  all  the  plantations  where  the  whites  resided,  the  blacks 
^continued  to  labor  as  quietly  as  before.''     '  On  the  Plantation  Gourad,  con- 
sisting of  more  than  four  hundred  and  fifty  laborers,  nof  a  single  negro  refused 
to  work ;  and  yet  this  plantation  was  thought  to    be  under  the  worst  discipline 
and  the  slaves  the  most  idle  of  any  in  the  plain.'     (ieneral  Lacroix,  who  pub- 
lished his  '  Memoirs  for  a  History  of  St  Domingo,'  at  Paris,  in  1819,  uses  these 
remarkable  words  :   '  The  colony  marched,  as  by  enchantment,  towards  its  an- 
cient splendor  ;  cultivation  prospered  ;  every  day  produced  perceptible  proofs 
of  its  progress.     The  city  of  the  Cape  and  the  plantations  of  the  North  rose  up 
again  visibly  to  the  eye.'     General  Vincent,  who  was  a  general  of  a  brigade  of 
artillery  in  St  Domingo,  and  a  proprietor  of  estates  in  that  island,  at  the  same 
■period,  declared  to  tlie  Directory  of  France,  that '  every  thing  was  going  on  well 
in  St  Domingo.     The  proprietors  were  iii  peaceable  possession  of  their  estates  4 
cultivation  was  making  rapid  progress  ;    the  blacks  were  industrious,  and  be- 
yond example  happy.'     So  much  for    the  horrible  concomitants  of  a  general 
emancipation  !     So  much  for  the   predicted  indolence  of  the   liberated    slaves  ! 
X.et  confusion  of  face  cover  all  abolition  alarmists  in  view  of  these  historical  facts  ! 


Is  nourished  by  Fear  and   Selfishness.  95 

and  useful  in  its  effects.  The  manumitted  slaves  (numbering 
more  than  two  thousand,)  who  were  settled  in  Nova  Scotia,  at 
the  close  of  our  revolutionary  war,  by  the  British  government, 
'  led  a  harmless  life,'  says  Clarkson,  '  and  gained  the  character 
of  an  industrious  and  honest  people  from  their  white  neighbors.' 
A  large  number  who  were  located  at  Trinidad,  as  free  laborers, 
at  the  close  of  our  last  war,  '  are  now,'  according  to  the  same 
authority,  '  earning  their  own  livelihood,  and  with  so  much  in- 
dustry and  good  conduct,  that  the  calumnies  originally  spread 
against  them  have  entirely  died  away.'  According  to  the  Anti-  ♦ 
Slavery  Reporter  for  January,  1832,  three  thousand  prize  ne- 
groes at  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  had  received  their  freedom — 
four  hundred  in  one  day  ;  '  but  not  the  least  difficulty  or  disor- 
der occurred  :  servants  found  masters,  masters  hired  servants — 
all  gained  homes,  and  at  night  scarcely  an  idler  was  to  be  seen.' 
These  and  many  other  similar  facts  show  conclusively  the 
safety  of  immediate  abolition.  Gradualists  can  present,  in 
abatement  of  them,  nothing  but  groundless  apprehensions  and 
criminal  distrust.      The  argument  is  irresistible. 


SECTION    VI. 

THE      AMERICAN    COLONIZATION      SOCIETY     IS    NOURISHED     BT 
PEAR    AND    SELFISHNESS. 

The  reader  will  find  on  the  fifth  page  of  my  introductory 
remarks,  the  phrase'  '  naked  terrors  ;'  by  which  I  mean,  that, 
throughout  all  the  speeches,  addresses  and  reports  in  behalf  of 
the  Society,  it  is  confessed,  in  language  strong  and  explicit,  that 
an  irrepressible  and  agonizing  fear  of  the  influence  of  the  free 
people  of  color  over  the  slave  population  is  the  primary,  essen- 

This  peaceful  and  prosperous  state  of  affairs  continued  from  1794,  to  the  inva- 
sion of  the  island  by  Leulerc  in  1802.  The  attempt  of  Bonaparte  to  reduce  the 
island  to  its  original  servitude  was  the  sole  cause  of  that  sanguinary  conflict  which 
ended  in  the  total  extirpation  of  the  French  from  its  soil. — [Vide  Cbrkson's 
'  Thoughts  on  the  Necessity  of  Improving  the  Condition  of  the  Slaves  in  the 
British  Colonies,'  &c.] 


96  The  American   Colonization    Society 

tial  and  prevalent  motive  for  colonizing  them  on  the  coast  of 
Africa — and  not,  as  we  are  frequently  urged  to  believe,  a  desire 
simply  to  meliorate  their  condition  and  civilize  that  continent. 
On  this  point,  the  evidence  is  abundant. 

'  In  reflecting  on  the  utility  of  a  plan  for  colonizing  the  free  people  of  color, 
with  whom  our  country  abounds,  it  is  natural  that  we  should  be  tirst  struck  by 
its  tendency  to  confer  a  benefit  on  ourselves,  by  ridding  us  of  a  population  for 
the  most  part  idle  and  useless,  and  too  often  vicious  and  mischievous.'  *  *  * 
'  Such  a  class  must  evidently  be  a  burden  and  a  nuisance  to  the  community  ;  and 
every  scheme  which  aflbrds  a  prospect  of  removing  so  great  an  evil  must  de- 
serve to  be  most  favorably  considered. 

'  But  it  is  not  in  themselves  merely  that  the  free  people  of  color  are  a  nuisance 
and  burthen.  They  contribute  greatly  to  the  corruption  of  the  slaves,  and  to 
aggravate  the  evils  of  their  condition,  by  rendering  them  idle,  discontented  and 
disobedient.  This  also  arises  from  the  necessity  under  which  the  free  blacks  are, 
of  remaining  incorporated  with  the  slaves,  of  associating  habitually  with  them, 
and  forming  part  of  the  same  class  in  society.  The  slave  seeing  his  free  com- 
panion live  in  idleness,  or  subsist  however  scantily  or  precariously  by  occasional 
and  desultory  employment,  is  apt  to  grow  discontented  with  his  own  condition, 
and  to  regard  as  tyranny  and  injustice  the  authority  which  compels  him  to  lalior.* 

'  Great,  however,  as  the  benefits  are,  which  we  may  thus  promise  ourselves, 
from  the  colonization  of  the  free  people  of  color,  by  its  tendency  to  prevent  the 
discontent  and  corruption  of  our  slaves,'  &c.  *  *  '  The  considerations  stated 
in  the  first  part  of  this  letter,  have  long  since  produced  a  thorough  conviction  in 
my  mind,  that  the  existence  of  a  class  of  free  people  of  color  in  this  country  is 
highly  injurious  to  the  whites,  the  slaves  and  the  free  people  of  color  themselves  : 
consequently  that  all  emancipation,  to  however  small  an  extent,  which  permits 
the  persons  emancipated  to  remain  in  this  countrj-,  is  an  evil,  which  must  in- 
crease with  the  increase  of  the  operation,  and  would  become  altogether  intoler- 
able, if  extended  to  the  whole,  or  even  to  a  very  large  part  of  the  black  popula- 
tion. I  am  therefore  strongly  opposed  to  emancipation,  in  every  shape  and  de- 
gree, unless  accompanied  by  colonization.' — [General  Harper's  Letter — First 
Annual  Report,  pp.  29,  31,32,  33,  36.] 

'  The  slaves  would  be  greatly  benefitted  by  the  removal  of  the  free  blacks, 
who  now  corrupt  them  and  render  them  discontented.' — [Second  An.  Rep.] 

'  What  are  these  objects  .'  They  are  in  the  first  place  to  aid  ourselves,  by  re- 
lieving us  from  a  species  of  population  pregnant  with  future  danger  and  present 
inconvenience.' — [Seventh  Report.] 

'  They  are  dangerous  to  the  community,  and  this  danger  ought  to  be  removed. 
Their  wretchedness  arises  not  only  from  their  bondage,  but  from  their  political 
and  moral  degradation.  The  danger  is  not  so  much  that  we  have  a  njillion  and 
a  half  of  slaves,  as  that  we  have  in  our  borders  nearly  two  millions  of  men  who 
are  necessarily  any  thing  rather  than  loyal  citizens — nearly  two  millions  of  igno- 
rant and  miseral)le  beings  who  are  banded  together  by  the  very  same  circum- 
stances, by  which  they  are  so  widely  separated  in  character  and  in  interest  from 
all  the  citizens  of  our  great  republic' — [Seventh  Annual  Report.] 

'  It  may  be  safely  assumed,  that  there  is  not  an  individual  in  the  community, 
who  has  given  to  the  subject  a  moment's  consideration,  who  does  not  regard  the 
existence  of  the  free  people  of  color  in  the  bosom  of  the  country,  as   an  evil  of 

*  How  very  strange  that  the  slave  should  '  regard  as  tyranny  and  injustice 
the  authority  which  compels  him  to  labor  '  without  recompense  !  !  ! 


Is  nourished  by   Fear  and   Selfishness.  97 

immense  magnitude,  and  of  a  dangerous  and  alarming  tendency.  Their  abjeci 
and  miserable  condition  is  too  obvious  to  be  pointed  out.  All  must  perceive  it, 
and  perceiving  it,  cannot  but  lament  it.  But  their  deplorable  condition  is  not 
more  obvious  to  the  most  superficial  observer,  than  is  (what  is  far  worse,  and 
still  more  to  be  dreaded,)  the  powerful  and  resistless  influence  which  they  exert 
over  the  slave  population.  While  their  character  remains  what  it  now  is,  (and 
the  laws  and  structure  of  the  country  in  which  they  reside,  prevent  its  permanent 
improvement,)  this  influence  must  of  necessity  be  baneful  and  contaminating. 
Corrupt  themselves,  like  the  deadly  Upas,  they  impart  corruption  to  all  around 
them.  Their  numbers  too,  are  constantly  and  rapidly  augmenting.  Their  annual 
increase  is  truly  astonishing,  certainly  unexampled.  The  dangerous  ascendency 
which  they  have  already  acquired  over  the  slaves,  is  consequently  increasing 
with  every  addition  to  their  numbers  ;  and  every  addition  to  their  numbers  is  a 
subtraction  from  the  wealth  and  strength,  and  character,  and  happiness,  and 
safety  of  the  country.  And  if  this  be  true,  as  it  unquestionably  is,  the  converse 
is  also  true  ;  the  danger  of  their  undue  influence  will  lessen  with  every  diminu- 
tion of  their  numbers  ;  and  every  diminution  of  their  numbers  must  add,  and 
add  greatly,  to  the  prosperity  of  the  country.'— [Twelfth  Annual  Report.] 

'  Another  reason  is,  the  pressing  and  vital  importance  of  relieving  ourselves,  as 
soon  as  practicable,  from  this  most  dangerous  element  in  our  population.'  *  * 
'  We  all  know  the  ettects  produced  on  our  slaves  by  the  fascinating,  but  delusive 
appearance  of  happiness,  exhibited  in  some  persons  of  their  own  complexion, 
roaming  in  idleness  and  vice  among  them.  By  removing  the  most  fruitful  source 
of  discontent  from  among  our  slaves,  we  should  render  them  more  industrious 
and  attentive  to  our  commands.' — [Fourteenth  Annual  Report.] 

'  What  is  the  free  black  to  the  slave  .'  A  standing  perpetual  incitement  to 
discontent.  Though  the  condition  of  the  slave  be  a  thousand  times  the  best — 
supplied,  protected,  instead  of  destitute  and  desolate — yet,  the  folly  of  the  con- 
dition, held  to  involuntary  labor,  finds,  always,  allurement,  in  the  spectacle  of 
exemption  from  it,  without  consideration  of  the  adjuncts  of  destitution  and 
misery.  The  slave  would  have  then,  little  excitement  to  discontent  but  for  the 
free  black.' — [Fifteenth  Annual  Report.] 

'  The  evils  which  arise  from  the  communication  of  the  free  people  of  color 
with  our  slaves,  must  be  obvious  to  every  reflecting  mind  ;  and  the  consequen- 
ces which  may  result  from  this  communication  at  some  future  day,  when  circum- 
stances are  more  favorable  to  their  views,  are  of  a  more  alarming  character.  Sir, 
circumstances  must  have  brought  us  to  the  conclusion,  if  our  observation  had 
not  enabled  us  to  make  the  remark,  that  it  is  natural  for  our  slaves,  so  closely 
allied  to  the  free  black  population  by  national  peculiarities,  and  by  relationship, 
to  make  a  comparison  between  their  respective  conditions,  and  to  repine  at  the 
difference  which  exists  between  them.  This  is  a  serious  evil,  and  can  only  be 
removed  by  preventing  the  possibility  of  a  comparison. 

'  By  removing  these  people,  we  rid  ourselves  of  a  large  party  who  will  always 
be  ready  to  assist  our  slaves  in  any  mischievous  design  which  they  may  conceive  ; 
and  who  are  better  able,  by  their  intelligence,  and  the  facilities  of  their  commu- 
nication, to  bring  those  designs  to  a  successful  termination.' — [African  Reposi- 
tory, vol.  i.  p.  176.] 

'  The  labors  of  the  Colonization  Society  appear  to  us  highly  deserving  of 
praise.  The  blacks,  whom  they  carry  from  the  country,  belong  to  a  class  far 
more  noxious  than  the  slaves  themselves.  They  are  free  without  any  sense  of 
character  to  restrain  them,  or  regular  means  of  obtaining  an  honest  livelihoods 
Most  of  the  criminal  offences  committed  in  the  southern  States  are  chargeable  tO' 
them,  and  their  influence  over  the  slaves  is  pernicious  and  alarming.'  *  *  * 
'  What  is  the  true  nature  of  the  evil  of  the  existence  of  a  portion  of  the  African 
race  in  our  population  ?  It  is  not  that  there  are  some,  but  that  there  are  so  many 

[Part  I.]  13 


98  The  American   Colonization   Society 

among  us  of  a  different  caste,  of  a  different  physical,  if  not  moral,  constitution, 
who  never  can  amalgamate  with  the  great  body  of  our  population.  In  every 
country,  persons  are  to  be  found  varying  in  their  color,  origin  and  character,  from 
the  native  mass.  But  this  anomaly  creates  no  inquietude  or  apprehension,  be- 
cause the  exotics,  from  the  smalhiess  of  their  nunjbcr,  are  known  to  be  utterly 
incapable  of  disturbing  the  general  tranquillity.  Here,  on  the  contrary,  the 
African  part  of  our  population  bears  so  large  a  proportion  to  the  residue  of  Eu- 
ropean origin,  as  to  create  the  most  lisely  apprehension,  especially  in  some  quar- 
ters of  the  Union.  Any  project,  therefore,  by  which,  in  a  material  degree,  the 
dangerous  element  in  the  general  mass,  can  be  diminished  or  rendered  stationary, 
deserves  deliberate  consideration.' — [African  Repository,  vol.    ii.    pp.  27,    338.] 

'  jMade  up,  for  the  most  part,  either  of  slaves  or  of  their  immediate  descend- 
ants ;  elevated  above  the  class  from  which  it  has  sprung,  only  by  its  exeniption 
from  domestic  restraint  ;  and  effectually  debarred  ly  the  law,  from  every  pros- 
pect of  equality  with  the  actual  freemen  of  the  country  ;  it  is  a  source  of  per- 
petual uneasiness  to  the  master,  and  of  envy  and  corruption  to  the  slave.'  *  * 
'  To  remove  these  persons  from  among  us,  will  increase  the  itsefulness,  and 
improve  the  moral  character  of  those  who  remain  in  Servitude,  and  icith  U'hose 
labors  the  country  is  u/iab/e  to  dispense.  '1  hat  instances  are  to  be  found  of 
colored  free  persons,  upriglit  and  industrious,  is  not  to  be  denied.  But  the 
greater  portion,  as  is  well  known,  are  a  source  of  malignant  depravity  to  the 
slaves  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  corrupt  habits  to  many  of  our  white  population 
on  the  other.  The  arts  of  subsistence  with  many  of  them,  are  incompatible  with 
the  security'  of  property."  *  *  *  '  I  am  a  \'irginian — I  dread  for  her  the 
corroding  evil  of  this  numerous  caste,  and  1  tremble  lor  the  danger  uf  a  disaffec- 
tion spreading  through  their  seductions,  amoirg  our  servants.'  *  *  *  'Are 
they  vipers,  who  are  sucking  our  blood  ?  we  will  hurl  them  from  us.  It  is  not 
sympathy  alone, — not  sickly  sympathy,  no,  nor  manly  sympathy  either, — which 
is  to  act  on  us  ;  but  vital  policy,  self-interest,  are  also  enlisting  themselves  on  the 
humane  side  in  our  breasts.' — [African  Jfepository,  vol.  iii.  pp.  10,  67,  197,  201.] 

'All  must  concur  in  regarding  the  present  condition  of  the  free  colored  race 
in  America  as  inconsistent  with  its  future  social  and  political  advancement,  and, 
where  slavery  exists  at  all,  as  calculated  to  a£sravate  its  evils  without  any  aton- 
mg  good.  Among  those  evils,  the  most  obvious  is  the  restraint  imposed  upon 
ema!icipation  by  the  laws  of  so  many  of  the  slaveholding  States  :  laws,  deriving 
their  recent  origin  from  the  obvious  manifestation  which  the  increase  of  the  free 
colored  population  has  furnished,  of  the  inconvenience  and  danger  of  multiply- 
ing their  nunjber  where  slavery  exists  at  all.'  *  *  *  '  By  the  success  of  this 
scheme,  our  coiwitry  will  be  enriched.  The  free  blacks  constitute  a  material 
spoke  in  that  wheel  which  is  crushing  down  the  wealth  of  our  land.  The  mo- 
ment we  carry  this  plan  ir.to  vigorous  prosecution,  we  shall  call  many  of  our 
countrymen  to  a  state  of  comparative  wealth.  The  removal  of  the  annual  in- 
crease of  our  colored  population,  would  give  to  our  mariners  a  considerable  scope 
of  employment,  v.'hilst  the  trade  of  the  Colony  would  be  a  source  of  profit. 
'  It  places  the  attainment  of  the  grand  object  in  view,  that  is,  to  withdraw 
from  the  United  States  annually,  so  many  of  the  colored  population,  and  provide 
them  a  comfortable  home  and  all  the  advantages  of  civilization  in  Africa,  as 
will  make  the  number  here  remain  stationarij.'  *  *  *  «  Lgt  u^  recur  to 
the  principle  abovementioned — that  every  black  family  occupies  the  room  of  a 
white  family.  On  this  principle  we  are  lost,  if  we  suffer  the  colored  population 
to  multiply,  unchecked,  upon  eur  hands  ;  because  they  will  increase  faster  than 
the  whites,  and  will  crowd  them  out  of  all  the  Southern  country.  But  on  the 
same  principle  we  are  saved,  if  by  any  means  of  colonization,  we  can  retard  the 
increase  of  the  blacks,  and  gain  ground  on  them  in  the  South.  That  we  can  do 
with  ease,  if  our  people  will  unite  in  prosecuting  the  scheme.  Every  family 
taken  fiom  the  blacks,  will  add  also  a  family  to  the  whites,  and  make  an  actual 
difference  of  two  families  in  our  favor.     This  exchange  will  leave  fewer  black* 


* 


Is  nourished  by   Fear  and   Selfishness.  ,  99 

to  remove,  while  it  will  increase  our  ability  to  remove  tliem.  Self-interest  and 
self-preservation  furnish  motives  enough  to  excite  our  exertions.'  *  *  'By 
thus  repressing  the  rupid  increase  of  blacks,  the  white  population  would  be  en- 
abled to  reach  and  soon  overtop  them.  The  consequence  would  be  security.'— 
[African  Repository,  vol.  iv.  pp.  53,  141,  271,  276,  344.] 

'  The  existence  of  a  class  of  men  in  the  bosom  of  the  community,  who  occupy 
am  ijdie  rank  between  the  citizen  and  the  slave — who  encountering  every  posi- 
tive evil  incident  to  each  condition,  share  none  of  the  benefits  peculiar  to  either, 
has  been  long  clearly  seen  and  deeply  deplored  by  every  man  of  observation. 
The  master  feels  it  in  the  unhappy  influence  which  the  free  blacks  have  upon  the 
slave  population.  The  slave  feels  it  in  the  restless,  discontented  spirit  which  his 
association  with  the  free  black  ^engenders.'  *  *  *  *  .  gm^  tl^ere  is  yet  a 
more  important  and  alarming  view,  in  which  this  subject  necessarily  presents 
itself  to  the  mind  of  every  Virginian.  A  community  of  the  character  that  hag 
been  described,  with  this  additional  peculiarity,  that  it  differs  from  the  class  from 
which  it  has  sprung,  only  in  its  exemption  from  the  wholesome  restramts  of 
domestic  authority,  is  found  in  the  midst  of  a  numerous  and  rapidly  increasing 
slave  population  ;  and  while  its  partial  freedom,  trammelled,  as  it  is,  by  the  ne- 
cessary rigors  of  the  law,  is  nevertheless  sulhciently  attractive,  to  be  a  source  of 
uneasiness  and  dissatisfaction  to  those  who  have  not  attained  to  its  questionable 
privileges,  its  exemption  from  the  prompt  and  etHcient  inquisition  appertaining 
to  slavery,  makes  it  an  important  instrument  in  the  corruption  and  seduction  of 
those,  who  yet  remain  the  property  of  their  njasters.'  *  *  *  '  Who  would 
not  rejoice  to  see  our  country  liberated  from  her  black  population  ?  Who  would 
not  participate  in  any  efforts  to  restore  those  children  of  misfortune  to  their  na- 
tive shores,  and  kindle  the  lights  of  science  and  civilization  through  Africa  ? 
Who  that  has  reflection,  does  not  tremble  for  the  political  and  moral  well-being 
of  a  country,  that  has  within  its  bosom,  a  growing  population,  bound  to  its  insti- 
tutions by  no  common  sympathies,  and  ready  to  fall  in  with  any  faction  that  may 
threaten  its  liberties  ?'  *  *  *  '  The  existence  of  this  race  anjong  us  ;  a  race 
that  can  neither  share  our  blessings  nor  incorporate  in  our  society,  is  already  felt 
to  be  a  curse  ;  and  though  the  only  curse  entailed  on  us,  if  left  to  take  its  course, 
it  will  become  the  greatest  that  could  befal  the  nation. 

'  Shall  we  then  cling  to  it,  and  by  refusing  the  timely  expedient  now  offered 
for  deliverance,  retain  and  foster  the  alien  enemies,  till  they  have  multiplied  into 
such  greater  numbers,  and  risen  into  such  mightier  consequence  as  will  for  ever 
bar  the  possibility  of  their  departure,  and  by  barring  it,  bar  also  the  possibility  of 
fulfilling  our  own  high  destiny?'  *  *  '  The  object  of  this  Society  is  two-fold  ; 
for  while  it  immediately  and  ostensibly  directs  its  energies  to  the  amelioration  of 
the  condition  of  the  free  people  of  color,  it  relieves  our  country  from  an  un- 
profitable burden,  and  which,  if  much  longer  submitted  to,  may  record  upon  our 
history  the  dreadful  cries  of  vengeance  that  )nit  a  few  years  since  were  register- 
ed in  characters  of  blood  at  St.  Domingo.'  *  *  '  It  is  the  removal  of  the 
free  blacks  from  among  us,  that  is  to  s;ive  us,  sooner  or  later,  from  those  dread- 
ful events  foreboded  by  Mr  Jefferson,  or  from  the  horrors  of  St.  Domingo.  The 
present  number  of  this  unfortunate,  degiaded,  and  anomalous  class  of  inhabit- 
ants cannot  be  much  short  of  half  a  million  ;  and  the  number  is  fast  iHicreasing. 
They  are  emphatically  a  mildew  upon  our  fields,  a  scourge  to  our  backs,  and  a 
stain  upon  our  escutcheon.  To  reiriove  them  is  mercy  to  ourselves,  and  justice 
to  them.'— [African  Repository,  vol.  v.  pp.  28,  51,  SS,   278,  304,  348.] 

'  All  admit  the  utility  of  the  separation  of  tiie  free  people  of  color  from  the 
residue  of  the  population  of  the  United  States,  if  it  be  practicable.  It  is  desira- 
ble for  them,  /or  the  slaves  of  the  United  States,  and  for  the  white  race. 
The  vices  of  this  class  do  not  spring  from  any  inherent  depravity  in  their  natural 
constitution,  but  from  their  unfortunate  situation.  Social  intercourse  is  a  want 
which  we  are  prompted  to  gratify  by  all  the  properties  of  our  nature.  And  as 
they  cannot  obtain  it  in  the    better  circles  of  society,  nor  always  among  them- 


iOO  The  American   Colonization   Society 

selves,  they  resort  to  slaves  and  to  the  most  debased  and  worthless  of  the  whites. 
Corruption,  and  all  the  train  of  petty  offences,  are  the  consequences.  Proprie- 
tors of  slaves  in  vihose  neighborhood  any  free  colored  family  is  situated,  know 
how  infectious  and  pernicious  this  intercourse  is.'  *  *  *  '  Who,  if  this  pro- 
miscuous residence  of  whites  and  blacks,  of  freemen  and  slaves,  is  for  ever  to 
continue,  can  imagine  the  servile  wars,  the  carnage  and  the  crimes  which  will 
be  its  probable  consequences,  without  shuddering  with  horror  r'  ^  *  '  It  were 
madness  to  shut  our  eyes  to  these  facts  and  conclusions.  This  rapid  increase  of 
the  blacks  is  as  certain  as  the  progress  of  time.  The  fatal  consequences  of  that 
increase,  if  it  be  not  checked,  are  equally  so.  Something  must  be  done.  The 
American  Colonization  Society  proposes  a  rertiedy — the  removal  to  Africa  of  the 
blacks  who  are  free,  or  shall  hereafter  become  so,  with  their  consent.'  *  * 
'  The  colored  population  is  considered  by  the  people  of  Tennessee  and  Alabama 
in  general,  as  an  immense  evil  to  the  country — birt  the  free  part  of  it,  by  all,  as 
the  greatest  of  all  evils They  feel  severely  the  effects  of  the  dele- 
terious influence  which  the  free  negroes  exert  upon  the  slaves — and  they  look, 
moreover,  into  futurity,  and  there  they  behold  an  appalling  scene — in  less  than 
one  hundred  years,  (a  short  time,  we  should  hope,  in  the  life  of  this  republic,) 
16,000,000  of  blacks.'           *          "  '  'Since    the    recent    revolu- 

tion in  the  island  of  St.  Domingo,  which  has  placed  it  in  the  hands  of  the  Afri- 
can race,  it  was  thought  by  some  that  there  an  asylum  might  be  found  for  this 
part  of  our  population.  But  to  that  place  there  were  also  serious  objections, 
which  would  prevent  its  adoption  to  any  considerable  extent.  The  nearness  of 
that  Island  to  our  southern  borders,  and  the  evil  consequences  that  might  result 
from  embodying  the  free  persons  of  color  in  the  vicinity  of  those  parts  of  the 
United  States,  where  slaves  are  so  numerous,  forbade  the  friends  of  humanity  to 
provide  a  home  for  them  in  that  Island.' — [African  Repository,  vol.  vi.  pp.  17, 
23,  68,  77,  226.] 

'The  existence,  within  the  very  bosom  of  our  country,  of  an  anomalous 
race  of  beings,  the  most  debased  upon  earth,  who  neither  enjoy  the  blessings  of 
freedom,  nor  are  yet  in  the  bonds  of  slavery,  is  a  great  national  evil,  which  every 
friend  of  his  country  most  deeply  deplores.  They  constitute  a  large  mass  of 
human  beings,  who  hang  as  a  vile  excrescence  upon  society — the  objects  of  a 
low  debasing  envy  to  our  slaves,  and  to  ourselves  of  universal  suspicion  and  dis- 
trust.' *  "■  '  If  this  process  were  continued  a  second  term  of  duplication, 
it  would  produce  the  extraordinary  result  of  forty  white  men  to  one  black  in  the 
country — a  state  of  things  in  which  we  should  not  only  cease  to  feel  the  burdens 
whicli  now  hang  so  heavily  upon  us,  but  actually  regard  the  poor  African  as  an 
object  of  curiosity,  and  not  uneasiness.'  *  "  '  Enough,  under  favorable  cir- 
cumstances, might  be  removed  for  a'  few  successive  years — if  young  females 
were  encouraged  to  go — to  keep  the  whole  colored  population  in  check.' — 
[African  Repository,  vol.  vii.  pp.  230,  232,  246.] 

'  The  existence  of  such  a  population  among  us  is  a  most  manifest  evil.  And 
every  year  adds  to  its  threatening  aspect.  They  are  more  than  a  sixth  of  our 
population  I  Their  ratio  of  increase  exceeds  that  of  the  whites..  They  have  all 
the  lofty  and  immortal  powers  of  man.  And  the  time  must  arrive,  when  they 
will  fearlessly  claim  the  prerogatives  of  man.  They  may  do  it  in  the  spirit  of 
revenge.  They  may  do  it  in  the  spirit  of  desperation.  And  the  result  of  such 
a  mustering  of  their  energies — who  can  look  at  it  even  in  distant  prospect  with- 
out horror  .'  Almost  as  numerous  are  they  now,  as  our  whole  population  when 
this  nation  stood  forth  for  freedom  in  a  contest  with  the  mightiest  power  of  the 
civilized  world.  And  if  nothing  is  done  to  arrest  their  increase,  we  shall 
have  in  twenty  years  four  n)illions  of  slaves  ;  in  forty  years  eight  millions  ;  in 
sixty  years  sixteen  millions,  and  a  million  of  iree  blacks  ; — seventeen  millions  of 
people  ;  seven  millions  more  than  our  present  white  population  ; — enough  for 
a  powerful  empire  I  And  how  can  they  be  governed  ?  Who  can  foretel  those 
^c«nes  of  carnage  and  terror  which  our  own   children  may  witness,  unless  a  sea- 


Is  nourished  by  Fear  and   Selfishness.  101 

sonable  remedy  be  applied  ?  The  remedy  is  now  witliin  our  reach.  JVe  can 
stop  their  increase;  we  can  diminish  their  number.' — [Rev.  Baxter  Dickin- 
son's Sermon  delivered  at  Springfield,  Mass.  in  1829.] 

'  We  have  a  numerous  people,  who,  though  they  are  among  us,  are  not  of  us  ; 
who  are  aliens  and  outcasts  in  the  land  of  their  birth.  A  people  whose  condi- 
tion is  degraded  and  miserable  ;  who,  so  far  from  adding  to  our  national  strength, 
are  an  element  of  weakness,  and  detract  from  the  amount  of  human  effort.  A 
people,  whose  condition,  while  it  excites  our  commiseration,  must  awaken  our 
fears.'  *  *  '  Those  persons  of  color  who  have  been  emancipated,  are  only 
nominally  free  ;  and  the  whole  race,  so  long  as  they  remain  among  us,  and 
whether  they  be  slaves  or  free,  must  ncceihsarili/  be  kept  in  a  condition  full  of 
wretchedness  to  them  and  full  of  danger  to  the  whites.  This  view  of  the  sub- 
ject is  rendered  the  more  alarming  by  the  rapid  increase  of  this  portion  of  our 
population.' — [Second  Annual  Report  of  the  New-York  State  Colonization  So- 
ciety, pp.  4,   34.] 

'We  would  ask,  whence  have  the  troubles,  which  have  taken  place  among 
the  slaves  of  Louisiana,  originated  ?  Trace  the  causes,  and  we  will  invariably 
find  them  to  have  proceeded  from  the  suggestions*and  officious  interferences  of 
the  free  blacks.  Their  very  existence  in  our  limits,  enjoying  supposed  inde- 
pendence, excites  the  envy  and  dissatisfaction  of  ihe  slaves.  The  latter  naturally 
inquire,  why  is  it,  that  persons  of  the  same  color,  are  permitted  to  possess  more 
privileges  than  they  do  ?  .  .  .  We  know  the  danger  to  which  we  are  ex- 
posed from  such  a  class  of  beings  living  in  the  very  heart  of  our  population,  and 
increasing  greatly  every  year.' — [An  advocate  of  the  Society  in  the  New-Or- 
leans Argus.] 

'  Among  us  the  free  negroes  are  multiplying  rapidly  ;  both  conscience  and 
religion,  as  well  as  propagation,  increase  them,  and,  unless  instant  and  decisive 
steps  are  taken  to  prevent  their  iiicrease,  you  will  soon  have  -50,000  determined 
and  vrnsieful  enemies  in  the  heart  of  your  country,  protected  there  by  the 
constitution,  forsooth,  by  which  it  seems  we  are  forbidden  to  expel  the  free  ne- 
groes, or  to  prevent  farther  importations  of  this  deadly  pest  in  the  persons  of 
slaves.' — [Louisville  Focus.] 

'  Will  not  the  people  of  the  United  States  bo  induced  to  do  something  to  re- 
move their  colored  population  ?  I  refer  to  their  condition,  whether  bond  or  free. 
They  are  wretched  and  dangerous,  and  should  be  removed.  And  the  danger 
arises,  not  because  we  have  thousands  of  slaves  within  our  borders,  but  because 
there  are  nearly  two  millions  of  colorwl  men,  who  are  by  necessity  any  thing 
rather  than  loyal  citizens.' — [Address  by  Gabriel  P.  Disosway,  Esq.] 

*  It  is  not  now  a  novel  or  a  debatcable  proposition,  that  slavery  is  a  great 
moral  and  political  curse.  It  is  equally  clear  that  its  nmltitudinous  evils  are 
greatly  increased  by  the  existence  among  us  of  a  mongrel  population,  who,  freed 
from  the  shackles  of  bondage,  yet  bear  about  them  the  badge  of  inferiority, 
stamped  upon  them  indelibly  by  the  hand  of  nature,  and  are  therefore  deprived 
of  those  rights  of  citizenship,  without  which  they  mugt  necessarily  be  a  degraded 
caste — depraved  in  morals  and  vicious  in  conduct,  and  exercising  a  mischiev- 
ous and  dan'rerous  influence  over  those  to  whom  they  arc  nominally 
superior.  Their  mere  existence  among  the  slaves  is  sutlicient,  of  itself,  to  ex- 
cite in  the  bosoms  of  the  latter  a  feeling  of  dissatisfaction  with  their  own  condi- 
tion, a[)pnrently  worse,  because  of  the  coercion  to  labor  which  it  imposes  ;  but 
essentially  better,  because  of  the  comforts  which  that  labor  procures,  and  of 
which  the  idle  and  dissolute  habits  of  fhe  free  negro  almost  invariably  deprive 
him.  The  slave,  however,  is  not  capable  of  reasoning  correctly,  if  he  reasons 
at  all,  on  these  truths.  He  envies  the  free  negro  his  idleness,  and  his  free- 
dom from    restraint,  with  all  its  attendant  disadvantages  of  poverty  and  disease, 


102  The  American   Colonization   Society 

crime  and  punishment- — and  hence,  he  will  sometimes  indulge  the  delusive 
dream  of  effecting  his  own  emancipation  by  the  murder  of  those  who  hold  him 
in  bondage.  Take  away  from  him  this  cause  of  dissatisfaction,  and  this  incen- 
tive to  insurrection,  and  then  these  "  impracticable  hopes,"  which  now  some- 
times flit  before  his  imagination,  will  no  longer  embitter  his  hours  of  labor,  and 
urge  him  to  the  commission  of  those  horrid  deeds  of  massacre,  which,  though 
they  may  glut  a  momentary  revenge,  must  result  disastrously,  not  only  to  the 
slaves  engaged  immediately  in  their  perpetration,  but  to  all  that  unfortunate  race. 
Our  true  interests  require  that  they  shall  remove  from  among  us — and  no  longer 
be  a  source  of  disquietude  to  the  whites,  of  eni>/  to  the  slaves,  and  of  degra- 
dation to  themselves.' — [Lynchburg  (Va.)  Virginian.] 

'  For  the  most  conclusive  reasons  this  removal  should  be  to  Africa.  If  it  be  to 
the  West  Indies,  to  Texas,  to  Canada,  then,  how  strong  and  various  the  objec- 
tions to  building  up,  in  the  vicinity  of  our  own  nation,  a  mighty  empire,  from  a 
race  of  men,  so  unlike  ourselves  ?  But,  if  the  removal  be  to  Africa,  then  it 
is  to  a  happy  distance  from  us  and  to  their  father  land.  .  .  .  Then  let  it 
aid  in  removing  that  population,  wliich,  under  its  peculiar  relation  to  the  whites, 
and  under  its  degrading  sociatand  civil  disabilities,  is  a  most  fruitful  source  of 
national  dishonor,  demoralization,  weakness  and  horrid  danger.'' — [Memorial 
of  the  New-York  State  Colonization  Society.] 

'The  males  removed  should  be  persons  between  16  and  17  years  of  age  ; 
the  females  between  13  and  14.  Now  as  a  number  would  be  annually  removed 
equal  to  the  whole  increase,  and  as  that  number  would  be  composed  of  individ- 
uals, of  such  ages  that  their  removal  would  affect  the  future  increase  of  the  race 
in  the  greatest  possible  degree,  I  believe  that  their  numbers  would  not  only  not 
increase,  but  would  diminish.  And  the  number  removed  might  be  increased  as 
the  proportion  of  white  persons  in  the  State  became  greater,  until  the  removal 
reached  a  point  at  which  all  the  males  who  attained  the  age  of  sixteen,  and  all 
the  females  who  attained  the  age  of  fourteen,  in  any  given  year,  would  during 
that  year  be  removed.' — [Petersburg  (Va.)   Times.] 

'  They  are  well  calculated  to  render  the  slaves  sullen,  discontented,  nnhappy 
and  refractory — and  the  masters  suspicious,  fearful  of  consequences,  and  disposed 
to  enhance  the  rigor  of  the  condition  of  their  slaves,  in  order  to  avert  the  dan- 
gers that  appear  to  impend  over  them  from  the  promulgation  of  the  anti-slavery 
doctrines  ;  thus,  in  this  case,  as  in  so  many  others,  the  imprudent  zeal  of  friends 
is  likely  to  produce  as  much  substantial  injury  as  the  animosity  of  decided  ene- 
anies  could  accomplish.' — [Mathew  Carey's  Essays.] 

'  Hatred  to  the  whites  is,  with  the  exception  in  some  cases  of  an  attachment  to 
the  person  and  family  of  the  master,  nearly  universal  among  the  black  popula- 
tion. We  have  then  a  foe,  cherished  in  our  very  bosoms — a  foe  willing  to  draw 
•our  life-blood  whenever  the  opportunity  is  offered,  and,  in  the  mean  time,  intent 
ypon  doing  us  all  the  mischief  ia  his  power.' — [Southern  Religious   Telegraph.] 

Does  the  reader  wish  for  any  additional  proof  that  the  gov- 
erning motive  of  the  American  Colonization  Society  is  fear — 
undisguised,  excessive  pear  ?  Language  is  altogether  inade- 
quate to  express  my  indignation  and  contempt,  in  view  of  such 
a  heartless  and  cowardly  exhibition  of  sentiment.  There  is  a 
deep  sense  of  guilt,  an  awful  drefid  of  retribution,  manifested  in 
the  foregoing  extracts  ;  but  we  perceive  no  evidence  of  contri- 
tion for   past  or  present  injustice,  on  the  part   of  those  terror- 


Is  nourished  by   Fear  and    Selfishness.  103 

stricken  plotters.  Instead  of  returning  to  those,  whom  they 
have  so  deeply  injured,  '  with  repenting  and  undissembling 
love  ;  '  instead  of  seeking  to  conciliate  and  remunerate  the  vic- 
tims of  their  prejudice  and  oppression  ;  instead  of  resolving  to 
break  the  yoke  of  servitude  and  let  the  oppressed  go  free  ;  it 
seems  to  be  their  only  anxiety  and  aim  to  outwit  the  vengeance 
of  Heaven,  and  strengthen  the  bulwarks  of  tyranny,  by  expelling 
the  free  people  of  color  from  our  shores,  and  effecting  such  a 
diminution  of  the  number  of  slaves  as  shall  give  the  white  popu- 
lation a  triumphant  and  irresistible  superiority  !  '  Check  the  in- 
crease !  '  is  their  cry — '  let  us  retain  in  everlasting  bondage  as 
many  as  we  can,  safely  ;  but  the  proportion  must  be  at  least  ten 
millions  of  ourselves  to  two  millions  of  our  vassals,  else  we  shall 
live  in  jeopardy  !  To  do  justly  is  not  our  intention  ;  we  only 
mean  to  remove  the  surplus  of  our  present  stock  ;  we  think  we 
shall  be  able,  by  this  prudent  device,  to  oppress  and  rob  with 
impunity.  Our  present  wailing  is  not  for  our  heinous  crimes, 
but  only  because  our  avarice  and  cruelty  have  carried  us  be- 
yond our  ability  to  protect  ourselves  :  we  lament,  not  because 
we  hold  so  large  a  number  in  fetters  of  iron,  but  because  we 
cannot  safely  hold  more  !  ' 

Ye  crafty  calculators  !  ye  hard-hearted,   incorrigible  sinners  ! 
ye  greedy  and  relentless  robbers  !  ye  contemners  of  justice  and 
mercy  !  ye   trembling,    pitiful,    pale-faced    usurpers  \  my    soul 
spurns  you  with  unspeakable  disgust.      Know  ye  not  that  the  re- 
ward of  your  hands  shall  be  given  you  ?     '  Wo   unto   them  that 
decree  unrignteous  decrees,  and  that  write   grievousness   which 
they  have  prescribed  ;  to  turn  aside  the  needy  from  judgmenty 
and  to  take  away  the  right  from  the  poor,    that  widows  may  be 
their  prey,  and  that  they  may  rob  the  fatherless  !    And  what  will 
ye  do  in  the  day  of  visitation,  and  in  the  desolation  which  shall 
come  from  far  ?    to  whom  will  ye  flee  for  help  ?  and  where  will 
ye   leave  your  glory  ?  ' — '  What  mean  ye  that  ye  beat  my  peo- 
pJe  to  pieces,  and  grind  the  face  of  the  poor  ?  saith   the   Lord 
God  of  hosts.' — '  Behold,  the  hire  of  the  laborers  which  have 
reaped  down  your  fields,  which  is  of  you  kept  back  by  fraud, 
crieth  ;  and   the   cries  of  them  which  have  reaped  are  entered 
into  the    ears    of   the    Lord   of   Sabaoth.'     Repent!    repent! 


104  The  American    Colonization   Society 

now,  in  sackcloth  and  ashes.  Think  not  to  succeed  in  your 
expulsive  ci'usade  ;  you  cannot  hide  your  motives  from  the 
Great  Searcher  of  hearts  ;  and  if  a  sinful  worm  of  the  dust,  like 
myself,  is  fired  with  indignation  at  your  dastardly  behaviour  and 
mean  conspiracy  to  evade  repentance  and  punishment,  how  must 
the  anger  of  Him,  whose  holiness  and  justice  are  infinite,  burn 
against  you  ?  Is  it  not  a  fearful  thing  to  fall  into  the  hands  of 
the  living  God  ?  You  may  plot  by  day  and  by  night  ;  you  may 
heap  together  the  treasures  of  the  land,  and  multiply  and  enlarge 
your  combinations,  to  extricate  yourselves  from  peril  ;  but  you 
cannot  succeed.  Your  only  alternative  is,  either  to  redress  the 
wrongs  of  the  oppressed  noiv,  and  humble  yourselves  before 
God,  or  prepare  for  the  chastisements  of  Heaven.  I  repeat 
it — Repentance  or  Punishment  must  be  yours. 

There   are  several   points   upon    which   I  wish   to  fasten   the 
attention  of  the  reader  : 

1.      The  inhumanity  and  craftiness  of  these  propositions   for 
the  removal  of  the  free  people   of  color. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  conspirators  have  taxed  their  ingenuity 
to  the  utmost,  to  ascertain  the  exact  number  of  emigrants  which 
must  be  transported  annually,  the  amount  of  money  that  must  be 
raised,  the  persons  that  must  be  selected,  the  number  of  vessels 
that  must  be  employed,  &c.  &c.  It  is  their  determination,  if  the 
necessary  means  can  be  obtained,  to  transport  the  annual  increase 
of  our  colored  population  ;  but  in  this  calculation  we  find  no  al- 
lowance made  for  unwillingness  or  resistance  on  the  part  of  those 
who  are  the  objects  of  their  supervision.  It  is  taken  for  granted 
that  all  will  be  induced  to  go  into  exile,  or  must  be  made  will- 
ing compulsorily.  Nothing  else  is  contemplated  but  their  entire 
expulsion.  In  order  to  insure  a  reduction  of  this  '  alarming 
increase,'  and  effectually  to  check  the  fruitfulness  of  generation, 
even  the  unmanly  and  scandalous  proposition  is  made  to  remove 
principally  those  of  both  sexes  who  are  just  come  to  the  age  of 
puberty  !  The  system  of  espionage,  established  by  Napoleon  to 
prevent  the  possibility  of  a  successful  conspiracy,  was  not  more 
detestable  and  observant  than  is  this  violent  and  unnatural 
project.  '■  l(  young  females  were  encouraged  to  go'! — why, 
then  they  could  not  propagate  here  !     Infamous  calculation  ! 


fs  nourished  by  Fear  and   Selfishness.  105 

2.  The  principal  object  avowed  for  the  removal  of  the  free 
people  of  color,  is,  their  corruptive  and  dangerous  influence 
over  the  slave  population. 

It  is  demonstrated,  then,  beyond  disputation,  that  this  removal 
will  infuse  new  strength  into  the  tottering  system  of  slavery, 
tighten  the  grasp  of  the  masters  upon  the  throats  of  the  slaves, 
lull  them  into  a  profound  and  quiet  sleep,  postpone  the  hour  of 
emancipation,  and  enhance  the  security  and  value  of  slave  prop- 
erty. The  terror  of  mind  which  calls  for  this  separation  cannot 
be  benevolence,  and  the  combination  which  seeks  to  effect  it 
cannot  merit  support.  It  were  folly  to  hope  that  the  owners  of 
slaves  will  ultimately  emancipate  them,  from  conscientious  mo- 
tives. In  the  first  place,  they  affect  lo  be  innocent  in  holding 
their  victims  in  servitude  ;  secondly,  they  are  assured  by  their 
colonization  brethren  that  they  are  not  guilty  of  oppression,  but, 
on  the  contrary,  are  watchful  guardians  ;  and  lastly,  they  are 
obstinate  in  shutting  their  eyes  upon  the  light,  and  kindle  into  a 
rage  on  being  arraigned  for  their  tyrannous  conduct.  Our  only 
ground  of  hope,  then,  is  in  increasing  the  difficulty  of  holding 
their  slaves,  in  multiplying  the  causes  of  their  apprehensions, 
in  destroying  the  value  of  slave  labor,  and  in  making  their  situ- 
ation full  of  disquietude  and  distress.  Such  a  course  is  not 
inconsistent  with  bnenevolence — such  a  course  we  are  obligated 
to  pursue,  as  we  value  the  present  and  everlasting  welfare  of 
the  oppressor  and  the  oppressed,  and  desire  to  have  a  con- 
science void  of  offence  toward  God  and  toward  man.  It  may 
— it  must  be  effected  by  a  scrupulous  abstinence  from  the  pro- 
ductions of  slavery  ;  by  encouraging  planters  to  cultivate  their 
lands  by  the  hands  of  free  laborers  ;  by  educating  our  free 
colored  population,  and  placing  them  on  an  equality  with  our- 
selves ;  and  by  constantly  exhibiting  the  criminality  of  holding 
rational  and  immortal  beings  in  servile  bondage.  Thus,  and 
thus  only,  shall  we  be  able  to  liberate  our  enslaved  countrymen. 

3.  Consider  the  inevitable  consequence  of  these  reiterated 
and  malignant  statements,  with  regard  to  the  habits  and  designs 
of  the  free  people  of  color. 

First,  it    deters    a  large  number  of  masters   from  liberating 
their  slaves,  and  hence  directly  perpetuates  the  evils  of  slavery  : 
[Part  I.]  14 


106  The  American   Colonization   Society 

h  deters  them  for  two  reasons — an  unwillingness  to  augment  the 
wretchedness  of  those  who  are  in  servitude  by  turning  them 
loose  upon  the  country,  and  a  dread  of  increasing  the  number 
of  their  enemies.  It  creates  and  nourishes  the  bitterest  ani- 
mosity against  the  free  blacks.  It  has  spread  an  alarm  among 
all  classes  of  society,  in  all  parts  of  the  country  ;  and,  acting 
under  this  fearful  impulse,  they  begin  to  persecute,  believing 
self-preservation  imperiously  calls  for  this  severe  treatment. 
The  legislative  enactment  of  Ohio,  which  not  long  since  drove 
many  of  the  colored  inhabitants  of  that  State  into  Upper  Cana- 
da, was  the  legitimate  fruit  of  the  anathemas  of  the  Colonization 
Society.  A  bill  has  been  reported  in  the  same  legislature  for 
preventing  free  people  of  color  from  participating  in  the  benefit 
of  the  common  school  fund,  in  order  to  hasten  their  expulsion 
from  the  State  !  Other  States  are  multiplying  similar  disabili- 
ties, and  hanging  heavier  weights  upon  their  free  colored  pop- 
ulation. The  Legislature  of  Louisiana  has  enacted  that  whoso- 
ever shall  make  use  of  language,  in  any  public  discourse,  from 
the  bar,  the  bench,  the  pulpit,  the  stage,  or  in  any  other  place 
whatsoever  shall  make  use  of  language,  in  any  private  discourses, 
or  shall  make  use  of  signs  or  actions  having  a  tendency  to 
produce  discontent  among  the  colored  population,  shall  suffer 
imprisonment  at  hard  labor,  not  less  than  three  years,  nor  more 
than  twenty-one  years,  or  death,  at  the  discretion  of  the 
court  !  !  It  has  also  prohibited  the  instruction  of  the  blacks  in 
Sabbath  Schools — $500  penalty  for  the  first  oflence — death 
for  the  second  !  !  The  Legislature  of  Virginia  has  passed  a  bill 
which  subjects  all  free  negroes  who  shall  be  convicted  of  re- 
maining in  the  commonwealth  contrary  to  law,  to  the  liability  of 
being  sold  by  the  sheriff.  All  meetings  of  free  negroes,  at  any 
school-house  or  meeting-house,  for  teaching  them  reading  or 
writing,  are  declared  an  unlawful  assembly  ;  and  it  is  made  the 
duty  of  any  justice  of  the  peace  to  issue  his  warrant  to  enter 
the  house  where  such  unlawful  assemblage  is  held,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  apprehending  or  dispersing  such  free  negroes.  A  fine 
is  to  be  imposed  on  every  white  person  who  instructs  at  such 
meetings.  All  emancipated  slaves,  who  shall  remain  more  than 
twelve  months,  contrary  to  law,  shall  revert  to  the  executors  as 


ts  nourished  by   Fear  and   Selfishness.  107 

assets.  Laws  have  been  passed  in  Georgia  and  North  Carolina, 
imposing  a  heavy  tax  or  imprisonment  on  every  free  person  of 
color  who  shall  come  into  their  ports  in  the  capacity  of  stew- 
ards, cooks,  or  seamen  of  any  vessels  belonging  to  the  non- 
slaveholding  Stales.  The  Legislature  of  Tennessee  has  passed 
an  act  forbidding  free  blacks  from  coming  into  the  State  to  re- 
main more  than  twenty  days.  The  penalty  is  a  fine  of  from  ten 
to  fifty  dollars,  and  confinement  in  the  penitentiary  from  one  to 
two  years.  Double  the  highest  penalty  is  to  be  inflicted  after 
the  first  offence.  The  act  also  prohibits  manumission,  without 
an  immediate  removal  from  the  State.  The  last  Legislature  of 
Maryland  passed  a  bill,  by  which  no  free  negro  or  mulatto  is 
allowed  to  emigrate  to,  or  settle  in  the  State,  under  the  penalty 
of  fifty  dollars  for  every  week's  residence  therein  ;  and  if  he 
refuse  or  neglect  to  pay  such  fine,  he  shall  be  committed  to  jail 
and  sold  by  the  sheriff  at  public  sale  ;  and  no  person  shall  em- 
ploy or  harbor  him,  under  the  penalty  of  twenty  dollars  for  every 
day  he  shall  be  so  employed,  hired  or  harbored  !  It  is  not  law- 
ful for  any  free  blacks  to  attend  any  meetings  for  religious  pur- 
poses, unless  conducted  by  a  white  licensed  or  ordained  preach- 
er, or  some  respectable  white  person  duly  authorised  !  All  free 
colored  persons  residing  in  the  Statte,  are  compelled  to  register 
their  names,  ages,  &c.  &c.  ;  and  if  any  negro  or  mulatto  shall 
remove  from  the  State,  and  remain  without  the  limits  thereof 
for  a  space  longer  than  thirty  consecutive  days,  unless  before 
leaving  the  State  he  deposits  with  the  clerk  of  the  county  in 
which  he  resides,  a  ivrilten  statement  of  his  object  in  doing  so, 
and  his  intention  of  returning  again,  or  unless  he  shall  have  been 
detained  by  sickness  or  coercion,  of  which  he  shall  bring  a  cer- 
tificate, he  shall  be  regarded  as  a  resident  of  another  State,  and 
be  subject,  if  he  return,  to  the  penalties  imposed  by  the  fore- 
going provisions  upon  free  negroes  and  mulattoes  of  another 
State,  migrating  to  Maryland  !  .It  is  not  lawful  for  any  person 
or  persons  to  purchase  of  any  free  negro  or  mulatto  any  arti- 
cles, unless  he  produce  a  certificate  from  a  justice  of  the  peace, 
or  three  respectable  persons  residing  in  his  neighborhood,  that 
be  or  they  have  reason  to  believe,  and  do  believe,  that  such  free 
negro  or  mulatto  came  honestly  and  bona  fide  into  possession  of 


108  The  American   Colonization   Society 

any  such  articles  so  offered  for  sale  !  A  bill  has  been  reported 
to  the  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  Avhich  enacts,  that  from 
and  after  a  specified  time,  no  negro  or  mulatto  shall  be  per- 
mitted to  emigrate  into  and  settle  in  that  State,  without  enter- 
ing into  bond  in  the  penal  sum  of  Jive  hundred  dollars,  condi- 
tioned for  his  good  behavior.  If  he  neglect  or  refuse  to  comply 
with  this  requisition,  such  punishment  shall  be  inflicted  upon 
him  as  is  now  directed  in  the  case  of  vagrants.  Free  colored 
residents  are  not  to  be  allowed  to  migrate  from  one  township  or 
county  to  another,  without  producing  a  certificate  from  the 
Clerk  of  the  Court  of  Quarter  Sessions,  or  a  Justice  of  the 
Peace,  or  an  Alderman  !  The  passage  of  a  similar  law  has  been 
urged  even  upon  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts  by  a  writer 
in  the  Salem  Gazette  ! 

All  these  prescriptive  measures,  and  others  less  conspicuous 
but  equally  oppressive, — which  are  not  only  flagrant  violations 
of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  but  in  the  highest  de- 
gree disgraceful  and  inhuman, — are  resorted  to,  (to  borrow  the 
language  of  the  Secretary  in  his  Fifteenth  Annual  Report,)  'for 
the  more  complete  accomplishment  of  the  great  objects  of  the 
American  Colonization  Society  '  !  ! 

I    appeal  to   the  candor  and  common  sense  of  the  reader,  if 
this  grievous  persecution  be  not  justly  chargeable  to  the  Society  ? 
It  is   constantly  thundering  in   the  ears   of  the   slave    States — 
'  Your  free  blacks   contaminate   your  slaves,  excite   their  dead- 
liest hate,  and  are   a   source   of  horrid   danger    to   yourselves  ! 
They   must   be   removed,   or   your  destruction  is    inevitable  !' 
What  is  their  response  ?    Precisely  such   as  might  be  expected 
— '  We  know  it  ;    we  dread  the  presence  of  this   class  ;    their 
influence  over  our  slaves  weakens   our   power,    and  endangers 
our  safety  ;   they  must,  they  shall  be  expatriated,  or  be  crushed 
to  the  earth  if  they  remain  !'    It  says  to  the  free  States — '  Your 
colored  population  can  never  b£  rendered  serviceable,    intelli- 
gent or  loyal  ;    they  will   only,  and  always,    serve  to  increase 
your   taxes,    crowd  your  poor-houses   and   penitentiaries,   and 
corrupt  and   impoverish   society  !'     Again,   what  is   the  natural 
response  ? — '  It  is  even  so  ;   they  are  offensive  to  the  eye,  and 
a  pest  in  community  ;    theirs   is  now,   and  must  inevitably  be, 


Is  nourished  by  Fear  and   Selfishness.  109 

without  a  reversal  of  the  laws  of  nature,  the  lot  of  vagabonds  ; 
it  were  useless  to  attempt  their  intellectual  and  moral  improve- 
ment among  ourselves  ;  and  therefore  be  this  their  alternative — 
either  to  emigrate  to  Liberia,  or  remain  for  ever  a  despicable 
caste  in  this  country  !' 

Hence  the  enactment  of  those  sanguinary  laws,  to  which  ref- 
erence has  been  made  :  hence,  too,  the  increasing  disposition 
which  is  every  where  seen  to  render  the  situation  of  the  free 
blacks  intolerable.  Never  was  it  so  pitiable  and  distressing — 
so  full  of  peril  and  anxiety — so  burdened  with  misery,  despon- 
dency and  scorn  ;  never  w-ere  the  prejudices  of  society  so  viru- 
lent and  implacable  against  them  ;  never  were  their  prospects  so 
dark,  and  dreary,  and  hopeless  ;  never  was  the  hand  of  power 
so  heavily  laid  upon  their  limbs  ;  never  were  they  so  restricted 
in  regard  to  locomotion  and  the  advantages  of  education,  as  at 
the  present  time.  Athwart  their  sky  scarcely  darts  a  single  ray 
of  light — above  and  around  them  darkness  reigns,  and  an  angry 
tempest  is  mustering  its  fearful  strength,  and  '  thunders  are  ut- 
tering their  voices.'  Treachery  is  seeking  to  decoy,  and  violence 
to  expel  them.  For  all  this,  and  more  than  this,  and  more  that 
is  to  come,  the  American  Colonization  Society  is  responsible. 
And  no  better  evidence  is  needed  than  this  :  their  persecu- 
tion, TRADUCEMENT  AND  WRETCHEDNESS  INCREASE  IN  EXACT 
RATIO   WITH    THE    INFLUENCE,    POPULARITY    AND    EXTENSION 

OF  THIS  Society  !  The  fact  is  undeniable,  and  it  is  conclu- 
sive. For  it  is  absurd  to  suppose,  that  as  the  disposition  and 
ability  of  an' association  to  alleviate  misery  increase,  so  will  the 
degradation  and  suffering  of  the  objects  of  its  charities. 

The  assertion  that  the  free  blacks  corrupt  the  morals  of  the 
slaves,  is  too  ludicrous  to  need  a  serious  refutation.  Corrupt 
the  morals  of  those  who  are  recognized  and  treated  as  brutes, 
and  who  know  as  little  of  the  laws  of  God  as  of  the  laws  of  the 
land  !  Immaculate  creatures  !  The  system  of  slavery  is  con- 
stantly developing  new  excellencies  :  it  is,  w'e  now  perceive,  the 
protector  of  virtue,  the  enemy  of  vice,  and  a  purifier  of  the  soul  ! 

But  something  more  indiscreet  and  preposterous  than  this,  is 
advanced  for  our  admiration.  We  are  gravely  assured,  first,  by 
a  New-England  clergyman,  that,  generally,  the  condition  of  the 


no  The  Aiyiericari   Colonization   Society 

free  man  of  color  '  is  one  in  comparison  with  which  the  condition 
of  the  slave  is  enviable  ;  '  and,  secondly,  by  the  last  distinguish- 
ed convert  to  the  Colonization  Society — the  Hon.  Mr.  Archer 
of  Virginia — '  the  condition  of  the  slave  is  a  thousand  times  the 
best,  [*the  disparity  is  wonderful  !] — supplied,  protected,  instead 
of  destitute  and  desolate  '  /  *  Let  us  draw  a  brief  comparison. 
The  limbs  of  the  free  black  are  fetterless  ;  he  is  controlled  by 
no  brutal  driver  ;  he  bleeds  not  under  the  lash  ;  he  is  his  own 
master  ;  his  wife  and  children  cannot  be  torn  from  his  arras  ; 
he  enjoys  the  fruits  of  his  own  labor  ;  he  can  improve  his  own 
mind,  make  his  own  bargains,  manage  his  own  business,  go  from 
place  to  place,  and  assert  his  own  rights.  The  situation  and 
privileges  of  the  slave  are  exactly  the  reverse.  Reader,  are 
they  '  enviable  '— '  a  thousand  times  the  best  ' — in  comparison 
with  those  of  the  former  ?  I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  there  are 
no  instances  in  which  the  slave  fares  as  well  as  the  free  man  of 
color  ;  but  the  argument  of  these  apologists  implies  that  a  stale 
of  slavery  is  superior  to  a  state  of  freedom,  or  it  is  worthless. 

4.  It  appears,  from  the  quotations  that  have  been  given,  that 
the  only  reason  why  the  free  blacks  are  not  colonized  in  the 
'  far  West,'  or  in  Canada,  or  Hayti,  or  Mexico,  is,  because  their 
proximity  to  the  slave  States  might  prove  detrimental.  If  they 
couW  be  sent  to  any  or  to  all  these  places,  without  any  danger 
to  ourselves,  why  then  all  objections  would  cease.  This  con- 
fession places  the  hypocrisy  of  this  Society  in  bold  relief.  It 
pretends  to  be  anxious  to  evangelize  benighted  Africa,  and  stop 
Jhe  slave  trade  ;  but  only  assure  it  that  the  blacks  may  be  safe- 
ly colonized  nearer  home,  and  Africa  might  still  continue  to 
grope  in  darkness,  and  the  slave  trade  to  increase  in  enormity, 
and  its  bowels  of  compassion  would  speedily  cease  to  yearn  ! — 
Hence  it  is  that  the  rapid  enlargement  of  the  Wilberforce  Settle- 
inent  in  Upper  Canada  so  disturbs  the  repose  of  the  advocates 
of  African  colonization  ;  and  many  of  them  would  rejoice  at  its 
overthrow. 


*  Paupers  and  criminals  are  supplied  and  protected.  How  invidious  to  treat 
them  so  generously,  and  leave  honest,  hard-working  men  exposed  to  destitution 
and  abandonment  !  They  ought  to  be  sent  to  the  poor-house  or  penitentiary 
forthwith. 


Aims  at  the  utter  Expulsion  of  the    Blacks.  Ut 


SECTION     VII. 

THE      AMERICAN     COLONIZATION      SOCIETY     AIMS      AT      THE 
UTTER    EXPULSION     OF    THE     BLACKS. 

The  implacable  spirit  of  this  Society  is  most  apparent  in 
its  determination  not  to  cease  from  its  labors,  until  our  whole 
colored  population  be  expelled  from  the  country.  The  follow- 
ing is  the  evidence  in  confirmation  of  this  charge  : 

'  How  came  we  by  this  population  ?  By  the  prevalence  for  a  century  of  a 
guilty  commerce.  And  will  i.ot  the  prevalence  for  a  century  of  a  restoring  com- 
Jnerce,  place  them  on  their  own  shores?  Yes,  surely  I  ' — [.\frican  Repository, 
vol.  i.  p.   347.]  •      . 

'  For  several  years  the  subject  of  abolition  of  slavery  has  been  broirght  before 
you.  I  am  decidedly  opposed  to  the  project  recommended.  NO  SCHEME 
OF  ABOLlTFOiN  WILL  MEET  MY  SUPPORT,  THAT  LEAVES  THE 
EMANCIPATED  BLACKS  AMONG  US.  E.xperience  has  proved,  that  they 
become  a  corrupt  and  degraded  class,  as  burthensome  to  themselves  as  they  are 
hurtful  to  the  rest  of  society.  To  permit  the  blacks  to  remain  amongst  us,  after 
their  emancipation,  v.'0uld  be  to  aggravate  and  not  to  cure  the  evil.' — [Idem, 
vol  ii.  pp.  188,   189.] 

'  We  would  say,  LIBERATE  THEM  ONLY  ON  CONDITION  OF  THEIR 
GOING  TO  AFRICA  OR  TO  HAYTI.'— [Idem,  vol.  iii.  p.   26.] 

'  /  am  not  complaining  of  the  owners  of  slaves  ;  IT  WOULD  BE  AS 
HUMANE  TO  THROW  THEM  FROM  THE  DECKS  IN  THE  MIDDLE 
PASSAGE,  AS  TO  SET  THEM  FREE  IN  OUR  COUNTRY.'      *      *      *- 

'  The  Colonization  Society,  I  undertake  to  show,  presents  sach  a  scheme.  Slave- 
holders have'  given  it  their  approbation  ;  they  will  approve  it,  and  they  can  ap^ 
prove  of  no  other.  Any  scheme  of  emancipation  without  colonization,  they 
know  and  see  and  feel  to  bo  productive  of  nothing  but  evil  ;  evil  to  all  whom  it 
affects  :  to  the  white  population,  to  the  slaves,  to  the  manumitted  themselves.^ 
*■  *  '  Throughout  the  .slaveholding  States  there  is  a  strong  objection,  even 
among  the  warmest  friends  of  the  African  race,  to  slaves  being  liberated  and  al- 
lowed to  remain  among  us  ;  and  some  States  have  enacted  laws  against  it.  The 
objection  is,  in  our  individual  opinion,  well  founded.' — [Idem,  vol.  iv. 
pp.   226,  300,  340.] 

'  In  connexion  with  this  subject,  your  memorialists  beg  leave  to  mention,  that 
by  an  act  of  the  Virginia  Legislature,  passed  in  1805,  emancipated  slaves  forfeit 
their  freedom  by  remaining  for  a  longer  period  than  twelve  months,  within  the 
limits  of  the  Commonwealth.  This  law,  odious  and  unjust  as  it  may  at  first 
view  appear,  and  hard  as  it  may  seem  to  bear  upon  the  liberated  negro,  was 
doubtless  dictated  by  sound  policy,  and  its  repeal  would  be  regarded  by  none 
with  more  unfeigned  regret,  than  by  the  friends  of  African  Colonization. 
It  has  restrained  many  masters  from  giving  freedom  to  their  slaves,  and  has  thereby 
contributed  to  check  the  growth  of  an  evil  already  too  great  and  formidable.'' 
*  *  '  Underthe  influence  of  a  policy,  already  referred  to,  and  justified  by  the 
necessity  from  which  it  sprung,  the  laws  of  Virginia  have  prohibited  emancipa- 


112  The  American   Colonization   Society 

tioa  within  the  limits  of  the  State,  but  on  condition  of  the  early  removal  of  the 
individual  emancipated.'  *  *  '  VVhile  hundreds,  perhaps  we  might  say  thous- 
ands, of  the  free  colored  people,  are  seeking  a  passage  to  Liberia  ;  hundreds  who 
hold  slaves,  would  willingly  set  them  at  liberty,  were  the  means  of  their  removal 
provided.  And  till  those  means  are  provided,  the  liberation  of  the  slave  would 
neither  be  a  blessing  to  himself,  nor  the  public.  His  liberty  under  any  circum- 
stances may  be  a  debt  due,  in  the  abstract,  to  the  claims  of  human  nature  ;  but 
when  applied  to  him  individually,  it  would  be  a  calamity.  We  cannot  conceive 
of  a  more  deplorable  state  of  society,  than  what  our  slavehokling  states  would 
present,  with  their  black  population  afloat,  without  a  home,  without  the  means 
of  subsistence,  and  without  those  self-relying  habits,  which  might  lead  them  to 
obtain  an  independent  livelihood.  It  is  not  therefore  incumbent  upon  those 
who  hold  slaves,  to  set  them  at  lihcrty,  till  some  means  are  ■provided  for 
their  removal,  or  at  least  for  their  subsistence.  They  owe  it  neither  to  them- 
selves, to  their  country,  nor  the  unfortunate  beings  around  them.'  *  *  * 
'  Those  slaves  still  in  mv  possession,  I  cannot  conscientiously  emancipate,  un- 
less they  shall  be  removed  by  the  Society  to  Liberia.' — [Idem,  vol.  v.  pp.  20, 
53,  89,  177.] 

'  If  the  question  were  subinitted,  whether  there  should  be  either  immediate  or 
gradual  emancipation  of  all  the  slaves  in  the  U*iited  States,  withottt  their  re- 
moval or  colonization,  painful  as  it  is  to  express  the  opinion,  I  HAVE  IVO 
DOUBT  THAT  IT  WUL  LD  BE  I  NWISE    TO    EMANCIPATE  THEM.' 

*  *  'Is  our  posterfty  doomed  to  endure  forever  not  only  all  the  ills  flowing 
from  the  state  of  slavery,  but  all  which  arise  from  incongruous  elements  of  pop- 
ulation, separated  from  each  other  by  invincible  prejudices,  and  by  natural 
causes?  Whatever  may  be  the  character  of  the  remedy  proposed,  we  may  con- 
fidently pronounce  it  inadequate,  unless  it  provides  ethcaciously  for  the  total  and 
absolute  si-paratioii,  by  an  extensive  space  of  water  or  of  land,  at  least,  of  the 
white  portion  of  our  population  from  that,  which  is  free,  of  the  colored.'  *  * 
'Who,  if  this  promiscuous  residence  of  whites  and  blacks,  of  freemen  and  slaves, 
is  forever  to  continue,  can  imagine  the  servile  wars,  the  carnage  and  the  crimes 
which  will  be  its  probable  consequences,  without  shuddering  with  horror  ?'    *     * 

*  Gentlenjen  of  the  highest  respectability  from  the  South,  assure  us,  that  there  is 
among  the  owners  of  slaves  a  very  extensive  and  increasing  desire  to  emancipate 
them.  Their  patriotism,  their  humanity,  nay  their  self-interest,  prompt  to  this  ; 
but  it  is  not  expedient,  it  is  not  safe  to  do  it,  without  being  able  to  rejnove 
them.'  *  *  '  How  important  it  is,  as  it  respects  our  character  abroad,  that 
we  hasten  to  clear  our  land  of  our  black  population  I' 

*  Some  benevolent  minds  in  the  overflowings  of  their  philanthropy,  advocate 
amalgamation  of  the  two  classes,  saying,  let  the  colored  class  be  freed,  and  re- 
main among  us  as  denizens  of  the  Empire  ;  surely  all  classes  of  mankind  are  alike 
descended  from  the  primitive  parentage  of  Eden,  then  Why  not  intermingle  in  one 
common  society  as  friends  and  brothers.  JVo,  Sir,  no.  I  hope  to  prove  at  no 
very  distant  day,  that  a  Southron  can  make  sacrifices  for  the  cause  of  Coloniza- 
tion beyond  seas  ;  but  for  a  Home  Department  in  those  matters,  I  repeat,  7io, 
Sir,  no.  What  right,  I  demand,  have  the  children  of  Africa  to  an  homestead  in 
the  white  man's  country  ?'* 

'  Let  the  regenerated  African  rise  to  Empire  ;  nay,  let  Genius  flourish, 
and  Philosophy  shed  its  mild  beams  to  enlighten  and  instruct  the  posterity'  of 
Ham,  returning  "  redeemed  and  disenthralled,"  from  their  long  captivity  in  the 
New  World.  But,  Sir,  be  all  these  benefits  enjoyed  by  the  African  race  under 
the  shade  of  their  native  palms.     Let  the  Atlantic  billow  heave  its   high  and 

**  What  right  have  we  to  an  homestead  in  the  red  man's  country  .'  Let  us  re- 
turn to  the  land  of  our  fathers,  and  leave  this  soil  untarnished  by  the  footprint  of 
him  who  hath  a  white  skin  !  What  right  have  the  hosts  of  foreign  emigrants, 
who  are  flocking  to  our  shores,  to  an  homestead  among  ourselves  ? 


^ims  at  ike  utter  ExputsioJt  of  the   Blacks.  113 

everlasting  barrier  between  their  country  and  ours.  Let  this  fair  land, 
which  the  white  man  won  by  his  chivalry,  which  he  has  adorned  by  the  arts  and 
elegancies  of  polished  life,  be  kept  sacred  for  his  descendants,  untarnished  by  the 
footprint  of  hiin  who  hath  eser  been  a  slave.' — [Idem,  vol.  vi.  pp.  5,  12,  23, 
110,  364,  371,  372.] 

'  The  idea  of  emancipating  our  slaves,  and  permitti7ig  them  to  remain  with- 
in the  lioiits  of  the  U.  S.  whether  as  a  measure  of  humanity  or  of  policy,  is 
most  decisively  reprobated  by  universal  public  sentiment  .  .  .  Does  any  man 
in  his  senses  desire  this  population  to  remain  among  us  ?  If  the  whole  commu- 
nity could  reply,  IT  WOULD  RESPOND  IN  ONE  UNIVERSAL  NEGATIVE.' 
— [Idem,  vol.  vii.  pp.  230,  231.] 

*  In  reflecting  on  the  utility  of  a  plan  for  colonizing  the  free  people  of  color, 
with  whom  our  country  abounds,  it  is  natural  that  we  should  be  first  struck  by 
its  tendency  to  confer  a  benefit  on  ourselves,  by  ridding  us  of  a  population 
for  the  most  part  idle  and  useless,  and  too  often  vicious  and  mischievous  . 
All  emancipation,  to  however  small  an  extent,  which  permits  the  persons  eman- 
cipated to  remain  in  this  country,  is  an  evil,  which  must  increase  with  the 
increase  of  the  operation,  and  would  become  altogether  intolerable,  if  extended 
to  the  whole,  or  even  to  a  very  large  part,  of  the  black  population.  I  am  there- 
fore strongly  opposed  to  emancipation,  in  every  shape  and  degree,  unless  ac- 
companied by  colonization.' — [First  Annual  Report.] 

'  They  will  annex   the  condition  that  the  emancipated  SHALL  LEAVE  THE 

COUNTRY.'— [Second  Annual  Report.] 

'  They  require  that  the  lohole  niass  of  free  persons  of  color,  and  those  who 
may  become  such  with  the  consent  of  their  owners,  should  be  progressively  re- 
moved from  among  us,  as  fast  as  their  own  consent  can  be  obtained,  and  as  the 
means  can  be  found  for  their  removal  and  for  their  proper  establishment  in  Afri- 
ca. Nothing  short  of  this  progressive  but  complete  removal  can  accomplish  the 
great  objects  of  this  measure,  in  relation  to  the  security,  prosperity,  and  happi- 
ness of  the  United  States.' — [Seventh  Annual  Report.] 

'  Is  it  either  safe  or  prudent  to  retain  amongst  us  a  large  population,  on  whonr 
we  can  place  no  reliance,  but  from  the  control  which  the  laws  exercise  over  it  ? 
Can  this  class  be  animated  by  any  feelings  of  patriotism  towards  a  country  by 
which  they  feel  themselves  oppressed  .'  ' — [Ninth  Annual  Report.] 

'  Colonization,  to  be  correct,  must  be  beyond  seas — Emancipation,  ivifh  the 
liberti/  to  remain  on  this  side  of  the  .Itlantic,  IS  BUT  AN  ACT  OF 
DREAMY  MADNESS  !  '—[Thirteenth  Annual  Report.] 

'  Has  our  country  the  resources  demanded  for  the  accomplishment  of  an  object 
of  such  magnitude  ?  The  transportation  of  more  than  two  millions  of  souls  to  a 
remote  country  is  indeed  an  object  of  formidable  aspect.  It  obviously  cannot  be 
accomplished  at  once.  But  that  the  number  can  be  gradually  diminished,  till  ut- 
terly extin<^uixhed,  may  be  made  to  appear,  it  is  believed,  from  a  little  arith- 
metical calculation.'  .  .  '  It  has  been  said  that  ths  entire  shipping  of  th& 
country,  both  public  and  private,  would  hardly  be  competent  for  an  object  of  this 
magi^'tudj.  But  careful  calculation  has  proved,  that  one  eighteenth  of  the  mer- 
cantile shipping  alone,  entirely  devoted  to  the  enterprise,  is  competent  to  carry 
it  into  complete  consummation.  And  why  might  not  our  brilliant  and  growing 
navy  aid  to  some  extent  the  humane  and  patriotic  cause  .'  If  necessary,  why 
might  not  the  marine  of  other  lands  be  chartered  .'  Strange  indeed  it  is  if 
shipping  enough  could  be  found  half  a  century  ago  to  reduce  hundreds  of  thous- 
ands of  this  race  in  a  single  year  to  a  wretched  vassalage,  and  in  this  age  of  aug- 

[Part  I.]  15 


114  The  American   Colonization   Society 

mented  light,  and  wealth,  and  improvement  in  every  art,  enough  cannot  be  found 
for  the  single  benevolent  object  before  us  !'— [Rev.  Baxter  Dickinson's  Sermon 
delivered  in  Springfield  in  1829.] 

'  How  much  soever  we  may  regret  that  so  little  is  done  for  the  intellectual  and 
moral  improvement  of  the  free  colored  population,  as  the  surest  preventive 
against  crime,  still  we  must  acknowledge  it  is  in  vain  to  attempt  raisin^  their 
character  to  a  level  with  that  of  the  other  inhabitants.  They  must  find  an  asy- 
lum beyond  the  influence  of  the  white  population,  or  the  majority  of  them  will 
ever  be  found  unworthy  of  the  boon  of  freedom.  There  mnst  be  that 
asylum  for  them,  or  we  despair  of  ever  being  able  to  improve  materially  their 
condition,  or  to  eradicate  slavery  from  our  soil,  and  thus  prevent  the  awful  cataa 
trophe  which  threatens  our   republic.      They  must  be   furnished  with  facilities  to 

leave  this   country  and   establish    themselves  in   a  community  of  their   own.' 

'  I  have  alluded  to  the  dilHculties  which  are  presented  to  the  minds  of  benevo- 
lent and  conscientious  slaveholders,  wishing  to  manumit  their  slaves.  From 
what  has  been  said,  it  is  evident  that  unless  sonie  drain  is  opened  to  convey  out 
of  the  country  the  emancipated,  the  laws  which  relate  to  emancipation,  must 
continue  in  force  vvith  all  their  rigor.  Without  this  drain,  we  can  hope  for  no 
repeal,  or  relaxation  of  those  laws  where  the  slaves  are  very  numerous.  The 
mass  of  slaveholders  can  never  let  go  their  hold  on  their  slaves,  and  suffer  them, 
ignorant,  vicious  and  treacherous,  to  roam  at  large.  If  no  drain  is  opened,  ne- 
cessity will  compel  them,  as  their  slaves  increase,  and  consequently  the  danger, 
to  add  statute  to  statute  in  regard  to  their  slaves,  until  it  be  found  necessar/  to 
arm  one  part  of  the  population  to  control  the  other.  I  may  add,  that  as  bitter 
an  enemy  as  I  am  to  slavery,  I  cannot  greatly  desire  that  these  laws  should  be 
relaxed — that  slavery  should  be  abolished,  un/css  its  unfortunate  and  de- 
graded subjects  can  be  removed  from  the  country.  If  this  is  not  eflected, 
whatever  may  be  our  views  and  wishes  on  this  subject,  I  am  confident  that  slave- 
holders will  justify  themselves  in  resorting  to  almost  any  measures  to  keep  their 
slaves  in  entire  subjection.' — [An  advocate  of  the  Society  in  the  Middletown 
(Ct.)  Gazette.] 

'  To  talk  of  emancipating  the  slave  population  of  the.se  States  without  provid- 
hig  them  with  an  asylum,  is  truly  idle.  The  free  Macks  already  scattered 
through  the  country,  are  a  dangerously  burthensome  order  of  people.  Tiiey 
cannot  amalgamate  with  the  population — the  ordinances  of  nature  are  against  it. 
They  must,  in  the  main,  be  a  degraded  order,  hanging  loosely  upon  society.'  — 
[Idem.] 

'The  slaves  are  in  their  possession — they  are  entailed  upon  them  by  their  an- 
cestors. And  can  they  set  them  free,  and  still  suffer  them  to  remain  in  the 
country  ?  Would  this  be  policy  ? — Would  it  be  safe  ?  NO.  When  they  can 
be  transported  to  the  soil   from    whence    they  were   derived — by  the    aid  of  the 

Colonization    Society,    by  government,  by  individuals,  or  by  any  other  means 

then  let  them  be  emancipated,    and   not  before.' — [Lowell   (Mass.)   Telegraph.] 

•  Avarice  and  iniquity  have  torn  from  that  injured  continent,  within  thirty 
years,  no  less  than  1,500,000  slaves  ;  and  cannot  humanity,  religion,  and  justice, 
restore  an  equal  number  in  the  same  time  .'  If  we  desire  to  accomplish  this 
work,  it  is  plain  that  we  can  do  it,  and  that  too  with  a  sum  contemptible  when 
compared  with  the    magnitude  of  the  evil.' — [Address  of  Gabriel  P.  Disosway.] 

'  We  thank  God  that  the  ultimate  accomplishment  of  the  great  st'heme  of  col- 
onization is  now  placed  beyond  a  doubt,  in  Maryland  ;  and  that  the  day  is  not 
even  distant  when  the  u>hole  of  our  colored  population  will  have  trans- 
ferred themselves,  by  our  assistance,  from  slavery  or  degradation  here,  to 
peace,  and  plenty,  and  power,  and  prosperity,  and  liberty,  and  independence, 
in  a  land  which  Providence  originally  gave  them.' — [Baltimore  Gazette.] 


Aimi  at  the  utter  Expulsion  of  the  Blacks.  115 

*  It  tends,  and  may  powerfully  tend,  to  rid  us  gradually  and  entirely,  in  the 
United  States,  of  slaves  and  slavery  :  a  great  moral  and  political  evil,  of  in- 
creasing virulence  and  extent,  from  which  much  mischief  is  now  felt,  and  very 
great  calamity  in  future  is  justly  apprehended.' — [First  Annual  Report.] 

'  What  can  be  done  to  mitigate  or  prevent  the  existing  and  apprehended  evils, 
resulting  from  our  black  population  ?  EMANCIPATION,  WITHOUT  RE- 
MOVAL FROM  THE  COUNTRY,  IS  OUT  OF  THE  QUESTION.'  *  * 
'  As  long  as  our  present  feelings  and  prejudices  exist,  the  abolition  of  slavery 
cannot  be  accomplished  without  the  removal  of  the  blacks — THEY  CANNOT 
BE  EMANCIPATED  AS  A  PEOPLE,  AND  REMAIN  AMONG  US.'— 
[Second  Annual  Report  of  the  New- York  State  Col.   Soc] 

'  It  would  gladly,  however,  grasp  at  a  still  grander  object — that  of  restoring  to 
the  land  of  their  fathers  the  whole  colored  race  within  our  borders.  Nor  pro- 
bably will  it  be  satisfied  to  rest  from  its  labors,  till  this  object,  in  all  its  magni- 
tude, is  accomplished.' — [Rev.  Baxter  Dickinson's  Sermon.] 

'  It  must  appear  evident  to  all,  that  every  endeavor  to  divert  the  attention 
of  the  community,  or  even  a  portion  of  the  means,  which  the  present  crisis  so 
imperatively  calls  for,  from  the  Colonization  Society,  to  measures  calculated  to 
bind  the  colored  population  to  this  country  and  seeking  to  raise  them  {an  iin- 
pussibility)  to  a  level  with  the  whites,  whether  by  founding  colleges  or  in  any 
other  way,  tends  directly  in  the  proportion  that  it  succeeds,  to  counteract  and 
thwart  the  whole  plan  of  colonization.  Although  none  would  rejoice  more  than 
myself  to  see  this  unhappy  race  elevated  to  the  highest  scale  of  human  being, 
it  has  always  seemed  to  me  that  this  country  was  not  the  theatre  for  such  a 
change.  Far  happier  they,  far  happier  we,  had  they  never  touched  our  soil,  or 
breathed  our  air.  As  it  is,  to  attain  solid  happiness  and  permanent  respecta- 
bility, they  should  now  remove  to  a  more  congenial  clime.' — [New  Haven  Re- 
ligious Intelligencer  for  July,   1831.] 

*  The  recent  murderous  movements  of  the  people  of  color  in  some  of  the 
southern  States,  evinces  the  dreadful  consequences  of  slavery,  and  the  absolute 
necessity  of  colonizing  all  free  blacks  immediately,  and  of  manumitting  and  col- 
onizing slaves  as  fast  as  circumstances  will  justify  the  measure.  We  believe, 
and  have  for  many  years,  that  this  is  the  only  course,  which  will  ensure  pros- 
perity and  safety  to  our  southern  brethren.' — [New-Hampshire  Observer.] 

'  The  removal  annually  of  one  hundred  thousand,  it  may  be  safely  calculated, 
would  sink  the  parent  stock  forty  thousand  in  each  year,  and  this  in  thirty  years 
would  reduce  the  blacks  of  the  Union  to  a  very  small  number — perhaps  not  one 
would  remain.' — [National  (Ohio)  Historian.] 

'  We  will  demonstrate,  that  the  conveyance  of  the  present  annual  increase 
would,  in  less  than  thirty  years,  remove  the  whole  to  Africa.  Let  all,  for  in- 
stance, born  in  any  single  year,  say  of  the  age  of  twenty,  be  removed  to  Africa  ; 
and  in  each  succeeding  year,  let  all  of  that  age  be  removed  in  the  same  man- 
ner.— Then,  admitting,  what  is  far  too  much  to  admit,  that  a  generation  lasts 
fifty  years,  on  an  average,  the  generation  on  the  stage  when  the  process  com- 
menced, would  have  become  extinct  at  the  end  of  thirty  years,  and  all  their  in- 
crease or  offspring  would  have  been  removed  to  Africa.  Thirty  years  would, 
even  in  this  way,  clear  them  entirely  from  this  country. — But  there  are  two  cir- 
cumstances which  would,  in  fact,  make  the  time  much  shorter. 

'1.  It  is  known  that  a  generation  lasts  but  a  little  more  than  thirty  years.  The 
generation,  then,  on  the  stage  at  the  commencement  of  the  process,  would  vir- 
tuallv  be  extinct  in  a  little  more  than  ten  years.  2.  By  the  removal  of  the  most 
prolific  part,  the  annual  increase  would  itself  be  diminished  more  than  a  thirtieth 
part,  in  each  successive  year  ;  that  is,  it  would  be  diminished  in  in  arithmetical 


il6  The  American   Colonization   Society 

ratio,  so  that  it  would  be  reduced  to  nothing  before  the  arrival  of  the  thirtieth 
year.' — [American  Spectator.] 

'  It  is  "  a  consummation  devoutly  to  be  wished,"  that  we  should  get  clear  of  " 
the  free  people  of  color  now,  and  as  they  are  .successively  liberated,  as  well 
on  their  own  account  as  ours  ;  and  I  trust  and  hope,  we  shall  both  have  the 
pleasure  to  see  a  moral  certainty  of  the  removal  of  all  these  poor  people  back 
to  the  same  country  from  which  their  ancestors  were  taken.' — [African  Re- 
pository, vol.  iii.  p.  311.] 

'  Neither  do  we  consider  liberty  worth  their  acceptance,  unless  they  can  be 
sent  out  of  the  country.  There  is  no  doubt  that  a  large  proportion  of  the 
slaves  enjoy  life  quite  as  well  as  those  who  are  free.' — [O.xford  (Me.)  Observer.] 

'  It  is  estimated  that  there  are  2,350,680  blacks  in  the  United  States,  339,360 
of  whom  are  free  denizens  of  this  republic.  The  object  of  this  Society  is  the 
REMOVAL   OF  THESE   TO  Africa.' — [New-York  Standard.] 

'  We  hope  to  make  it  for  the  interest  of  the  owners,  in  some  way,  to  part  with 
their  slaves  ; — not  to  be  let  loose  among  our  white  population,  but  to  be  carried 
back  to  the  land  of  their  fathers.' — [IN.  Y.  Journal  of  Conunerce.] 

•  If  they  are  to  be  placed  above  their  present  degraded  condition,  they  must  be 
removed  to  a  country  where  they  can  rise  as  high  as  any  man — be  eligible  to  any 
office — then  you  will  see  them  rise  with  the  rapidity  of  the  tide.' — [Southern 
.Religious  Telegraph.] 

'  God  has  put  a  mark  upon  the  black  man.'  .  .  '  The  God  of  Nature  in- 
tended they  should  be  a  distinct,  free  and  independent  community.' — [New- 
Haven  Palladium.] 

'  VVe  do  not  ask  that  the  provisions  of  our  Constitution  and  statute  book  should 
be  so  modified  as  to  relieve  and  e.xalt  the  condition  of  the  colored  people,  whilst 
they  remain  u-ith  us.  '  LET  THESE  PROVISIONS  STAND  IN  ALL 
THEIR  RIGOR,  to  work  out  the  ultimate  and  unbounded  good  of  this  people. 
Persuaded  that  their  condition  here  is  not  susceptible  of  a  radical  and  permanent 
improvement,  we  would  deprecate  any  legislation  that  should 
ENCOURAGE  THE  VAIN  AND  INJURIOUS  HOPE  OF  IT.'- — [Memorial  of  the 
New-York  State  Colonization  Society.] 

'  Let  the  wise  and  good  among  us  unite    in   removing  the    blacks    from   the 
country.      Would  it  .not    be  expedient  for   the  properly  constituted  authorities  to 
prevent  the  manumission  of  slaves  in    every  case,    unless  provision   is  made,   at      • 
the  same  time,  to  secure  their  removal  from  the  country  ?' — [Alexandria  Gazette.] 

'  We  should  be  in  favor  of  the  abolition  of  slavery,  if  its  abolishment  could 
be  effected  with  safety,  and  the  colored  population  sent  bat-k  to  Africa  ;  but 
merely  to  have  them  obtain  freedom  and  let  loose  upon  society,  would  be  the 
greatest  curse  that  could  befal  them  or  comtnunity.' — [Essex  Chronicle  and 
County  Republican.] 

'  THE  ABOLITION  OF  SLAVERY  WAS  NO  OBJECT  OF  DESIRE 
TO  HL\J,  UNLESS  ACCOMPANIED    BY  COLONIZATION.     So    far  was 

he  from  desiring  it,  unaccompanied  by  this  condition,  that  HE  WOULD  NOT 
LIVE  IN  A  COUNTRY  WHERE  THE  ONE  TOOK  PLACE  WITHOUT 
THE  OTHER '  !  !  !— [Mr  Mercer's  Speech  in  Congress.] 

la  order  to  wipe  off  the  reproach  due   to   this  riolent  expul- 
eiorij  it  waffe  necessary,  on  the  part  of  the  Society,  to  find  some 


Jlims  at  the' utter  Expulsion  of  the  Blacks.  117 

pretext  that  would  not  only  seem  to  justify  but  confer  credit  on 
the  measure.  Accordingly,  it  agreed  to  represent  the  colored 
inhabitants  of  the  United  States  as  aliens  and  foreigners,  who, 
cast  upon  our  shores  by  a  cruel  fatality,  were  sighing  to  return 
to  their  native  land.  '  Poor  unfortunate  exiles  !' — how  touch- 
ing the  appeal,  how  powerful  the  motjve  to  assist,  how  likely  to 
excite  the  compassion  of  the  nation  !  Ah  !  what  an  air  of  dis- 
interested benevolence,  of  generous  compassion,  of  national 
attachment,  must  such  an  enterprise  wear  in  the  eyes  of  the 
world  !  Who  that  loved  his  own  country,  and  deprecated  an 
eternal  absence  from  it,  could  refuse  to  help  in  restoring  the 
unfortunate  Africans  to  their  long-estranged  home  ?  Such  was, 
and  is,  and  is  likely  to  be,  the  artifice  resorted  to,  in  order  to 
cover  a  cruel  conspiracy,  and  give  popularity  to  one  of  the  wild- 
est and  most  disgraceful  crusades  the  world  has  ever  witnessed. 
Let  the  following  evidence  suffice  : 

'  At  no  very  distant  period,  we  should  see  all  the  free  colored  people  in  our 
land  transferred  to  their  own  coiinlr)/.''  *  *  '  Let  us  send  them  back  to 
their  native  land.'  *  *  '  By  returning  them  to  their  own  ancient  land 
of  Africa,  improved  in  knowledge  and  in  civilization,  we  repay  the  debt  which 
has  so  long  been  due  them.' — [African  Repository,  vol.  i.  pp.  65,  146,  176.] 

'  And  though  we  may  not  live  to  see  the  day  when  the  sons  of  Africa  shall 
have  returned  to  their  native  soil,'  &c.  *  *  '  To  found  in  Africa  an  empire 
of  christians  and  republicans  ;  to  reconduct  the  blacks  to  their  native  land,' 
&c. — [Idem,  pp.   13,   375.] 

'  Who  would  not  rejoice  to  see  our  country  liberated  frorr>  her  black  popula- 
tion .'  Who  would  not  participate  in  any  efforts  to  restore  those  children  of  mis- 
fortune to  their  native  shores  ?'  *  *  '  The  colored  population  of  this  coun- 
try can  never  rise  to  respectability  here  ;  in  their  native  soil  they  c;in.'  *  * 
*  The  only  remedy  afforded  is,  to  colonize  them  in  their  mother  country.'  *  * 
•They  would  go  to  that  home  from  which  they  have  been  long  absent.'  *  * 
^  Shall  we  .  .  retain  and  foster  the  alien  enemies  ?' — [Idem,  88,  179,  185, 
237.] 

'  Be  all  these  benefits  enjoyed  by  the  African  race  under  the  shade  of  their 
native  palms.' — [Idem,  vol.  vi.   p.   372.] 

^'  We  have  a  numerous  people,   who,    though  they  are  among  us,  are  not  of 
us.' — [Second  Annual  Report  of  the  N.  Y.  State  Col.  Soc] 

'  Among  us  is  a  growing  population  o(  strangers.'  "  *  '  It  will  furnish 
the  means  of  granting  to  every  African  exile  among  us  a  happy  home  in  the 
land  of  his  fathers.' — [Rev.  Baxter  Dickinson's  Sermon.] 

'  Africa  is  indeed  inviting  her  long  exiled  children  to  return  to  her  bosom.' — 
[Circular  of  Rev.  Mr  Gurley.] 

Nothing  could  be  more   invidious   or  absurd  than  the  fore- 
going representation.     The   great  mass  of  our  colored  popula- 


118  7Vie  American   Colonization   Society 

tion  were  born  in  this  country.     This  is  their  native  soil  ;   here 
they  first  saw  the  light  of  heaven,  and  inhaled  the  breath  of  life  ; 
here  they  have   grown   from  infancy  to  manhood  and  old  age  ; 
from  these  shores  they  have  never  wandered  ;  they  are  the  de- 
scendants of  those  who  were  forcibly  torn  from  Africa  two  cen- 
turies ago  ;  their  fathers  assisted  in  breaking  the  yoke  of  British 
oppression,  and  achieving'that  liberty  which  we  prize  above  all 
price  ;  and  they  cherish  the  strongest  attachment  to  the  land  of 
their  birth.     Now,    as  they  could   not  have   been  born  in  two 
countries,  and   as   they  were  certainly  born  here,  it  follows  that 
Africa  is  not  their  native  home,  and,  consequently,  that  the  So- 
ciety  has    dealt   in   romance,  or   something   more   culpable,   in 
representing  them  as   strangers   and  aliens.     It  might  as  ration- 
ally charge  them  with  being  natives  of  Asia  or  Europe,  or  with 
having  descended  from  the  regions  of  the  moon.     To  see  our- 
selves gravely  represented  in  a  British   periodical   as  natives  of 
Great  Britain,    I    doubt  not  would  create  great  merriment  ;  and 
a  scheme  for  our  transportation   would    add    vastly  to  our  sport. 
'  But,'  we  are  told,   '  God   has   put  a   mark   upon  the   black 
man.'     True;  and   he    has   also  put  a  mark   upon    every  man, 
woman  and  child,    in   the  world  ;  so  that  every  one  differs  in 
appearance  from  another — is  easily  identified — and,  to  make  the 
objection  valid,  should  occupy  a  distinct  portion  of  territory,  be 
himself  a  nation,  enact  his  own  laws,  and  live  in  perpetual  sol- 
itude !   The  difference  between  a  black  and  a  white  skin  is  not 
greater  than  that  between  a  white   and   a  black  one.      In  either 
case,  the  mark  is  distinctive  ;  and  the   blacks  may  as   reasona- 
bly expel  the  whites,  as  the  whites  the  blacks.     To  make  such 
a  separation  we  have  no   authority  ;  to   attempt   it,   would   end 
only  in   disappointment  ;  and,   if    it   were   carried   into    effect, 
those  who  are  clamorous  for  the   measure   would  be  among  the 
first  to  be    cast   out.      The    all-wise   Creator,  having  '  made  of 
one   blood  all  nations   of  men   to   dwell  on  all  the  face  of  the 
earth,'  it  is  proper  for  them  to  associate  freely  together  ;  and 
he  is  a  proud  worm  of  the  dust  who  is  ashamed  to  acknowledge 
this  ccfmmon  relationship. 

Again  we  are  told  :  '  The  God  of  Nature  intended  the  blacks 
should  be  a  distinct  community.'     But  has  he  been  frustrated  in 


^ims  at  the  utter  Expulsion  of  the   Blacks.  119 

his  intentions  ?  Where  is  the  proof  of  such  purpose  ?  Let  us 
have  something  more  than  the  ipse  dixit  of  the  Society.  Yes, 
we  are  seriously  assured  that  Nature  has  played  falsely  !  Col- 
ored persons  were  born  by  mistake  in  this  country  :  they 
should  have  been  born  in  Africa  !  We  must  therefore  rectify 
the  error,  with  all  despatch,  by  transporting  them  to  their  native 
soil !  Truly,  a  most  formidable  enterprise  !  There  occur  at 
least  sixty  thousand  of  such  mistakes,  annually  ;  while  the  So- 
ciety has  corrected  only  about  two  thousand  in  fourteen  years  ! 
But — courage!  men  engaged  in -a  laudable  enterprise  should 
never  despair  ! 

There  are  some  difficulties,  however,  in  the  accomplishment 
of  this  mighty  task,  which  cannot  be  easily  overcome.  Grant- 
ing the  position  assumed  by  colonizationists,  that  the  blacks  and 
the  whites  should  occupy  different  countries,  how  do  they  intend 
to  dispose  of  that  numerous  and  rapidly  increasing  class  who 
are  neither  white  nor  black,  called  raulattoes  ?  We  have  not 
been  informed  to  what  country  they  belong  ;  but  the  point  ought 
to  be  settled  before  any  classification  be  made.  Colonization- 
ists must  define,  moreover,  the  exact  shade  of  color  which  is 
to  retain  or  banish  individuals  ;  for  every  candid  mind  will  ad- 
mit, that  it  would  be  as  unnatural  to  send  white  blood  to  Africa, 
as  to  keep  black  blood  in  America.  '  If  the  color  of  the  skin 
is  to  give  construction  to  our  constitution  and  laws,  let  us,  at 
once,  begin  the  work  of  excision.  Let  us  raise  an  army  of  pure 
whites,  if  such  an  army  can  be  found  ;  and  let  us  drive  out  and 
transport  to  foreign  climes,  men,  women  and  children,  who 
cannot  bring  the  most  satisfactory  vouchers,  that  their  veins  are 
flowing  with  the  purest  English  blood.  Indeed,  let  us  shut  up 
our  ports  against  our  own  mariners,  who  are  returning  from  an 
India  voyage,  and  whose  cheeks  and  muscles  could  not  wholly 
withstand  the  influence  of  the  breezes  and  tropics  to  which  they 
were  exposed.  Let  us  make  every  shade  of  complexion,  every 
difference  of  stature,  and  every  contraction  of  a  muscle,  a  Shib- 
boleth, to  detect  and  cut  off  a  brother  Ephraimite,  at  the  fords 
of  Jordan.  Though  such  a  crusade  would  turn  every  man's 
sword  against  his  fellow  ;  yet,  it  miglit  establish  the  right  of 
precedence  to  different  features,  statures  and  colors,  and  oblige 


120  The  American   Colonization   Society 

some  friends  of  colonization  to  test  the  feasibility  and  equity  of 
their  own  scheme.' 

If  I  must  become  a  colonizationist,  I  insist  upon  being  con- 
sistent :  there  must  be  no  disagreement  between  my  creed  and 
practice.  I  must  be  able  to  give  a  reason  why  all  our  tall  citi- 
zens should  not  conspire  to  remove  their  more  diminutive  breth- 
ren, and  all  the  corpulent  to  remove  the  lean  and  lank,  and  all 
the  strong  to  remove  the  weak,  and  all  the  educated  to  remove 
the  ignorant,  and  all  the  rich  to  remove  the  poor,  as  readily  as 
for  the  removal  of  those  whose  skin  is  '  not  colored  like  my 
own  ;'  for  Nature  has  sinned  as  culpably  in  diversifying  the 
size  as  the  complexion  of  her  progeny,  and  Fortune  in  the  distri- 
bution of  her  gifts  has  been  equally  fickle.  I  cannot  perceive  that 
I  am  more  excusable  in  desiring  the  banishment  of  my  neighbor 
because  his  skin  is  darker  than  mine,  than  I  should  be  in  de- 
siring his  banishment  because  he  is  a  smaller  or  feebler  man  than 
myself.  Surely  it  would  be  sinful  for  a  black  man  to  repine  and 
.  murmur,  and  impeach  the  wisdom  and  goodness.of  God,  be- 
cause he  was  made  with  a  sable  complexion  ;  and  dare  I  be 
guilty  of  such  an  impeachment,  by  persecuting  him  on  account 
of  his  color  ?  I  dare  not  :  I  would  as  soon  deny  the  existence 
of  my  Creator,  as  quarrel  with  the  workmanship  of  his  hands. 
I  rejoice  that  he  has  made  one  star  to  differ  from  another  star 
in  glory  ;  that  he  has  not  given  to  the  sun  the  softness  and  tran- 
quillity of  the  moon,  nor  to  the  moon  the  intensity  and  magni- 
ficence of  the  sun  ;  that  he  presents  to  the  eye  every  conceiv- 
able shape,  and  aspect,  i.nd  color,  in  the  gorgeous  and  multifa- 
rious productions  of  Nature  ;  and  I  do  not  rejoice  less,  but 
admire  and  exalt  him  more,  that,  notwithstanding  he  has  made 
of  one  blood  the  whole  family  of  man,  he  has  made  the  whole 
family  of  man  to  differ  in  personal  appearance,  habits  and 
pursuits. 

I  protest  against  sending  any  to  Africa,  in  whose  blood  there 
is  any  mixture  of  our  own  ;  for,  I  repeat  it,  white  blood  in  Af- 
rica would  be  as  repugnant  to  Nature,  as  black  blood  is  in  this 
country.  Now,  most  unfortunately  for  colonizationists,  the  spirit 
of  amalgamation  has  been  so  active  for  a  long  series  of  years, — 
especially  in  the  slave   States, — that  there   are   comparatively 


^^ims  at  the  utter  Expulsion  of  the   Blacks.  12T 

few,  besides  those  who  are  annually  smuggled  into  the  south 
from  Africa,  whose  blood  is  not  tainted  with  a  foreign  ingredi- 
ent. Here,  then,  is  a  difficulty  !  What  shall  be  done  ?  All 
black  blood  must  be  sent  to  Africa  ;  but  how  to  collect  it  is  the 
question.  "What  shall  be  done  !  Why,  we  must  resort  to  phle- 
botomy ! 

'.  Therefore,  prepare  thee  to  cut  off  the  flesh. 

nor  cut  thou  less  nor  more, 

But  just  <i  pound  of  flesh  :    if  thou  tak'st  more. 

Or  less,  than  just  a  pound, — be  it  but  so   much 

As  makes  it  light,  or  heavy,   in  the    substance,. 

Or  the  division  of  the  twentieth  part 

Of  one  poor  scruple  ;    nay,  if  the  scale  do  turn 

But  in  the  estimation  of  a  hair. 

Thou  diest,  and  all  thy  goods  are  confiscate  !' 

The  colonization  crusade  cannot  now  fail  of  being  popular. 
Phlebotomy  being  agreed  to  as  a  dernier  resort,  I  shall  briefly 
enumerate  some  of  the  various  professions  and  classes  which 
may  expect  to  derive  no  inconsiderable  gain  from  its  execution  ; 
for  as  our  government,  in  conjunction  with  benevolent  associa- 
tions, is  to  appropriate  millions  of  dollars  to  accomplish  this 
object,  the  pay.  will  be  sure  and  liberal. 

In  the  first  place,  there  will  be  more  than  a  million  patients, 
for  whose  accommodation  hospitals  must  be  erected.  These 
hospitals  will  employ  brick-makers,  masons,  carpenters,  paint- 
ers, glaziers,  &c.  &lc.  &.c.  ;  of  course,  the  approval  of  a  large 
body  of  mechanics  is  readily  secured. 

Physicians  will  next  obtain  an  extensive  practice.  Their  pa- 
tients, in  consequence  of  a  free  application  of  the  lancet,  must 
necessarily  be  debilitated,  and  can  be  kept  '  quite  low '  until  a 
long  score  of  charges  be  run  up  against  the  government. 

Among  so  many  patients  and  so  much  unavoidable  sickness, 
druggists  and  apothecaries  will  obtain  a  profitable  sale  for  their 
medicines.  Nurses  will  be  next  in  demand,  who  may  expect 
high  wages.  Even  the  lowly  washers  of  soiled  clothes  will  find 
the  life-blood  of  the  victims  '  coined  into  drachms  '  for  their 
reward.  It  is  highly  probable  that  many  of  the  patients  may 
die  under  the  expurgatory  process,  and  hence  sextons  and 
[Part  I.]  16 


122  The  American   Colonization   Society 

coffin-makers  may  calculate  upon  good  times.  With  death  come 
mourning  and  lamentation,  and  'weeds  of  wo.'  Dealers  in 
crape  will  doubtless  secure  a  handsome  patronage.  Lawyers 
may  hope  to  profit  by  the  demise  of  those  who  possess  prop- 
erty. Indeed,  almost  every  class  in  community  must,  to  a 
greater  or  less  extent,  feel  the  beneficial  effects  of  this  philan- 
thropic but  novel  experiment.  The  blood,  taken  from  the  veins 
of  the  blacks,  may  be  transfused  into  our  own,  and  the  general 
pulse  acquire  new  vigor. 

Supposing  a  majority  of  the  patients  should  recover,  three 
other  classes  will  thrive  by  their  expulsion — namely,  sliip-build- 
ers,  merchants  and  seamen.  As  our  vessels  are  all  occupied  in 
profitable  pursuits,  new  ones  must  be  built — freights  will  rise — 
and  the  wages  of  seamen  be  proportionably  enhanced. — But  a 
truce  to  irony. 

The  American  Colonization   Society,  in  making  the   banish- 
ment of  the  slaves  the  condition  of  their   emancipation,    inflicts 
upon  them  an  aggravated  wrong,  perpetuates  their  thraldom,  and 
disregards   the    claims    of  everlasting    and    immutable    justice. 
The  language  of  its  most  distinguished  supporters  is,  '  Emanci- 
pation, with  the   liberty  to  remain  on  this    side  of  the  Atlantic, 
is  but  an  act  of  dreamy  madness' — '  Emancipatien,  without  re- 
moval from  the  country,  is   out  of  the  question  ' — '  All  emanci- 
pation, to  however   small  an    extent,   which   permits  the  person 
emancipated    to   remain    in   this    country,   is    an    evil.  ' — '  They 
cannot  be  emancipated  as  a    people,    and   remain   among    us.' 
Thus  the  restoration  of  an    inalienable    right,   and   an    abandon- 
ment of  robbery  and  oppression,   are  made  to  depend  upon  the 
practicability   of  transporting   more   than    one   sixth  portion    of 
our  whole  population  to  a  far   distant  and  barbarous  land  !   It  is 
impossible  to   imagine    a  more  cruel,  heaven-daring   and    God- 
dishonoring  scheme.      It  exhibits  a  deliberate  and  perverse  dis- 
regard   of  every    moral   obligation,    and   bids   defiance    to    the 
requisitions  of  the  gospel. 

Listen  to  the  avowal  of  Mr  Mercer  of  Virginia,  one  of  the 
main  pillars  and  most  highly  extolled  supporters  of  the  Soci- 
ety :  '  The  abolition  of  slavery  was  no  object  of  desire  to  him, 
unless  accompanied  by  colonization.      So   far  was  he   from    de- 


Aims  at  the  ulter  Expulsion  of  the  Blacks.  123 

siring  it,  unaccompanied  by  this  condition,  that  he  would  not 
live  in  a  country  where  the  one  took  place  without  tlie  other  '  / 
This  language  may  be  correctly  rendered  thus  :  '  I  desire  to 
see  two  millions  of  human  beings  plundered  of  their  rights,  and 
subjected  to  every  species  of  wrong  and  outrage,  ad  infinitum^ 
if  they  cannot  be  driven  out  of  the  country.  I  am  perfectly 
willing  to  live  with  them  while  they  are  treated  worse  than  cat- 
tle,— ignorant,  vicious,  and  wretched, — and  while  they  are  held 
under  laws  which  forbid  their  instruction  ;  and  not  only  am  I 
willing  thus  to  live,  but  I  am  determined  to  practise  the  same 
oppression.  But,  if  they  should  be  emancipated  with  liberty  to 
remain  here,  and  placed  in  a  situation  favorable  to  their  moral 
and  intellectual  improvement — a  situation  in  which  they  could 
be  no  longer  bought  and  sold,  la^rated  and  manacled,  defrauded 
and  oppressed — I  would  abandon  my  native  land,  and  never 
return  to  her  shores.'  And  this  is  the  language  of  a  phi- 
lanthropist !  and  this  the  moral  principle  of  the  boasted  cham- 
pion of  the  American  Colonization  Society  !  Whose  indigna- 
tion does  not  kindle,  whose  astonishment  is  not  profound,  whose 
disgust  is  not  excited,  in  view  of  these  sentiments  .'' 

But  this  is  not  the  acme  of  colonization  insanity.  The  assertion 
is  made  by  a  highly  respectable  partisan,  and  endorsed  by  the 
organ  of  the  Society,  that  '  it  would  he  as  humane  to  throw 
the  slaves  from  the  decks  in  the  middle  passage,  [i.  e.  into  the 
ocean,]  as  to  set  them  free  in  our  country  '!! !  And  even  Henry 
Clay,  who  is  an  oracle  in  the  cause,  has  had  the  boldness  to 
declare,  that  the  slaves  should  be  held  in  everlasting  servitude 
if  they  cannot  be  colonized  in  Africa  !  !  And  this  sentiment  is 
echoed  by  another,  who  says,  '  Liberate  them  only  on  condi- 
tion of  their  going  1o  Africa  or  Hayti '  ! 

I  will  not  even  seem  to  undervalue  the  good  sense  and  quick 
perception  of  the  candid  and  intelligent  reader,  by  any  farther 
endeavors  to  illustrate  the  sacrifice  of  principle  and  inhumanity 
of  purpose  which  are  contained  in  the  extracts  under  the  pres- 
ent section.  With  so  strong  an  array  of  evidence  before  him, 
no  one,  who  is  not  mentally  blind  or  governed  by  prejudice,  can 
fail  to  rise  from  its  perusal  with  amazement  and  abhorrence,  and 
a  determination  to  assist  in  overthrowing  a  combination  which  is 


124  The  American   Colonization   Society 

based    upon    the    rotten  foundation    of   expediency    and     vio- 
lence. 

The  Colonization  Society  expressly  denies  the  right  of  the 
slaves  to  enjoy  freedom  and  happiness  in  this  country  ;  and  this 
denial  incontestibly  tends  to  rivet  their  fetters  more  firmly,  or 
make  them  the  victims  of  a  relentless  persecution. 


SECTION     y  I  I  I . 

THE       AMERICAN      COLONIZATION      SOCIETY      IS      THE      DISPAR- 
AGER   OF     THE     FREE     BLACKS. 
• 

The  leaders  in  the  African  colonization  crusade  seem  to 
dwell  with  a  malignant  satisfaction  upon  the  poverty  and  degra- 
dation of  the  free  people  of  color,  and  are  careful  never  to  let 
an  opportunity  pass  without  heaping  their  abuse  and  contempt 
upon  them.  It  is  a  common  device  of  theirs  to  contrast  the 
condition  of  the  slaves  with  that  of  .this  class,  and  invariably 
to  strike  the  balance  heavily  in  favor  of  the  former  !  In  this 
manner,  thousands  are  led  to  look  upon  slavery  as  a  benevolent 
system,  and  to  deprecate  the  manumission  of  its  victims.  Noth- 
ing but  a  love  of  falsehood,  or  an  utter  disregard  of  facts,  could 
embolden  these  calumniators  to  deal  so  extensively  in  fiction. 
What  !  the  slaves  more  happy,  more  moral,  more  industrious, 
more  orderly,  more  comfortable,  more  exalted,  than  the  free 
blacks  !  A  more  enormous  exaggeration,  a  more  heinous  libel, 
a  wider  departure  from  truth,  was  never  fabricated,  or  uttered, 
or  known.  The  slaves,  as  a  body,  are  in  Ihe  lowest  state  of 
degradation  ;  they  possess  no  property;  they  cannot  read  ;  they 
are  as  ignorant,  as  their  masters  are  reckless,  of  moral  obliga- 
tion ;  they  have  no  motive  for  exertion  ;  they  are  thieves  from 
necessity  and  usage  ;  their  bodies  are  cruelly  lacerated  by  the 
cart-whip  ;  and  they  are  disposable  property.  And  yet  these 
poor  miserable,  perishing,  mutilated  creatures  are  placed  above 
our  free  colored  population  in  dignity,  in  enjoyment,  in  privi- 
lege, in  usefulness,  in  respectability  !  ! 


[s  the  Disparager  of  the  Free  Blacks.  125 

'  There  is  a  class,  however,  more  numerous  than  all  these,  introduced  amongst 
us  by  violence,  notorious)}'  ignorant,  degraded  and  miserable,  mentally  diseased, 
broken-spirited,  acted  upon  by  no  motives  to  honorable  exertions,  SCARCE- 
LY REACHED  IN  THEIR  DEBASEMENT  BY  THE  HEAVENLY 
LIGHT  ;  yet  where  is  the  sympathy  and  etrort  which  a  view  of  their  condition 
ought  to  excite  ?  They  wander  unsettled  and  unbefriended  througii  our  land,  or 
sit  indolent,  abject  and  sorrowful,  by  the  "  streams  which  witness  their  captiv- 
ity." Their  freedom  is  licentiousness,  and  to  many  RESTRAINT  would 
PROVE  A  BLESSING.  To  this  remark  there  are  exceptions  ;  exceptions  prov- 
ing that  to  change  their  state  would  be  to  elevate  their  character  ;  that  virtue  and 
enterprise  are  absent,  only,  because  absent  are  tiie  causes  which  create  the  one, 
and  the  motives  which  produce  the  other.' — [African   Repository,  vol.  i.  p.  68.] 

'  Free  blacks  are  a  greater  nuisance  than  even  slaves  themselves.'  *  *  * 
'  They  knew  that  where  slavery  had  been  abolished  it  had  operated  to  the  ad- 
vantage of  the  masters,  not  of  the  slaves  :  they  saw  this  fact  most  strikingly 
illustrated  in  the  case  of  the  free  negroes  of  Boston.  If,  on  the  anniversary 
celebrated  by  tlie  free  people  of  color,  of  the  day  on  which  slavery  was  abol- 
ished, they  looked  abroad,  what  did  they  see  .'  Not  freemen,  in  the  enjoyment 
of  every  attribute  of  freedom,  with  the  stamp  of  liberty  upon  their  brows  !  No, 
Sir  ;  they  saw  a  ragged  set,  crying  out  liberty  !  for  whom  liberty  had  nothing  to 
bestow,  and  whose  enjoyment  of  it  was  but  in  name.  He  spoke  of  the  great 
body  of  tile  blacks  ;  there  were  some  few  honorable  exceptions,  he  knew,  which 
only  proved  what  might  be  done  for  all.' — [African  Repository,  vol.  ii.  p.  328.] 

'  Although  there  are  individual  exceptions  di-tlnguished  by  high  moral  and 
intellectual  worth,  yet  the  free  blacks  in  our  countr}'  are,  as  a  body,  more  vi- 
cious and  degraded  than  auy  other  which  our  population  embraces.'  ie  ^  * 
'  If,  then,  they  are  a  useless  and  dangerous  species  of  population,  we  would 
ask,  is  it  generous  in  our  southern  friends  to  burthen  us  wiih  them  ?  Knowing 
themselves  the  evils  of  slavery,  can  they  wish  to  impose  upon  us  an  evil  scarcely 
less  tolerable  .'  ^Ve  think  it  a  mistaken  philanthropy,  which  would  liberate  the 
slave,  unfitted  by  education  and  hibit  for  freedom,  and  cast  him  upon  a  merci- 
less and  despising  world,  where  his  only  fortune  mu.st  be  poverty,  his  only  dis- 
tinction degradation,  and  his  only  comfort  insensibility.'  *  *  *  'I  will  look 
no  farther  when  I  seek  for  the  most  degraded,  the  most  abandoned  race  on 
the  earth,  but  rest  my  eyes  on  this  people.  ^Vhat  but  sorrow  can  we  feel  at 
the  miso;uided  piety  which  has  set  free  so  many  of  them  by  death-bed  devise 
or  sudden  conviction  of  injustice  .'  Better,  far  better,  for  us,  had  they  been  kept 
in  bondage,  where  the  opportunity,  the  inducements,  the  necessity  of  vice  would 
not  have  been  so  great..  Deplorable  necessity,  indeed,  to  one  borne  down  with 
the  consciousness  of  the  violence  we  have  done.  Yet  I  am  clear  that,  whether 
we  consider  it  wiih  reference  to  the  welfare  of  the  State,  or  the  happiness  of  the 
blacks,  it  were  better  to  have  left  them  in  chains,  than  to  have  liberated  them  to 
receive  such  freedom  as  they  enjoy,  and  greater  freedom  we  cannot,  must  not 
allow  them.'  *  *  '  There  is  not  a  State  in  the  Union  not  at  this  moment 
groaning  under  the  evil  of  this  class  of  persons,  a  curse  and  a  contagion  where- 
ever  they  reside.'  *  *  '  The  increase  of  a  free  black  population  among  us 
has  been  regarded  as  a  greater  evil  than  the  increase  of  slaves.' — [African  Re- 
pository, vol.  iii.  pp.  24,  2.5,  197,  203,  374.] 

'  Mr.  IMercer  adverted  to  the  situation  of  his  native  State,  and  the  condition 
of  the  free  black  population  existing  there,  whom  he  described  as  a  horde  of 
miserable  people — the  objects  of  universal  suspicion  ;  subsisting  by  plutider.' 
— [Idem,  vol.  iv.  p.  363.] 

'  They  leave  a  country  in  which  though  born  and  reared,  they  are  strangers 
and  auens  ;  where  severe  necessity/  places  them  in  a  class  of  degraded  beings  ; 
where  they  are  free  without  the  blessings  and  privileges  of  liberty  ;  where  in 


126  The  American   Colonization   Society 

ceasing  to  be  slaves  of  one,  they  have  become  subservient  to  many  ;  where, 
neither  freemen  nor  slaves,  but  placed  in  an  anon)alous  grade  which  they  do  not 
understand  and  others  disregard  ;  where  no  kind  instructer,  no  hope  of  prefer- 
ment, no  honorable  emulation  prompts  them  to  virtue  or  deters  from  vice  ;  their 
industry  waste,  not  accumulation  ;  their  regular  vocation,  any  thing  or  nothing 
as  it  may  happen  ;  their  greater  security,  surterance  ;  their  highest  reward,  for- 
giveness ;  vicious  themselves  and  the  cause  of  vice  in  others  ;  discontented  and 
exciting  discontent ;  scorned  by  one  class  and  foolishly  envied  by  another  ; 
thus,  and  worse  circumstanced,  they  cannot  but  choose  to  move.' — 
[Idem,  vol.  v.  p.  238.] 

'  Of  all  the  descriptions  of  our  population,  and  of  either  portion  of  the 
African  race,  the  free  people  of  color  are,  by  far,  as  a  class,  the  most  cor- 
rupt, DEPRAVED,  AND  ABANDONED.  The  laws,  it  is  truc,  proclaim  them 
free  ;  but  prejudices,  more  powerful  than  any  laws,  deny  them  the  privileges  of 
freemen.  They  occupy  a  middle  station  between  the  free  white  population  and 
the  slaves  of  the  United  States,  and  the  tendency  of  their  habits  is  to  corrupt 
both.'  *  *  «  I  That  the  free  colored  population  of  our  country  is  a 
gre;it  and  constantly  increasing  evil  must  be  readily  acknowledged.  Averse 
to  labor,  with  no  incentives  to  industry  or  motives  to  self  respect,  they  maintain 
a  precarious  existence  by  petty  thefts  and  plunder,  themselves,  or  by  inciting  our 
domestics,  not  free,  to  rob  their  owners  to  supply  their  wants.'  *  *  *  <  ]f 
there  is  in  the  whole  world,  a  more  wretched  class  of  human  beings  than  the 
free  people  of  color  in  this  country,  I  do  not  know  where  they  are  to  be  found. 
They  have  no  home,  no  country,  no  kindred,  no  friends.  I'bey  are  lazy  and 
indolent,  because  they  have  no  motives  to  prompt  them  to  he  industrious.  They 
are  in  general  destitute  of  principle,  because  they  have  nothing  to  stimulate  them 
to  honorable  and  praise-worthy  conduct.  Let  them  be  maltreated  ever  so  much, 
the  law  gives  them  no  redress  unless  some  white  person  happens  to  be  present, 
to  be  a  witness  in  the  case.  If  they  acijuire  property,  they  hold  it  by  the  cour- 
tesy of  every  vagabond  in  the  country  ;  and  sooner  or  later,  are  sure  to  have  it 
filched  from  them.' — [Idem,  vol.  vi.  pp.  12,  135,  228.] 

'  The  existence,  within  the  very  bosom  of  our  country,  of  an  amomalous  race 
of  beings,  the  most  debased  upon  earth,  who  neitlier  enjoy  the  bless- 
ings of  freedom,  nor  are  yet  in  the  bonds  of  slavery,  is  a  great  national  evil, 
which  every  friend  of  liis  country  most  deeply  deplores.  .  .  .  Tax  your 
utmost  powers  of  imagination,  and  you  cannot  conceive  one  motive  to  honorable 
effort,  which  can  animate  the  bosom,  or  give  impulse  to  the  conduct  of  a  free 
black  in  this  country.  Let  him  toil  from  youth  to  age  in  the  honorable  pursuit 
of  wisdom — let  him  store  his  mind  with  the  most  valuable  researches  of  scifnce 
and  literature — and  let  him  add  to  a  highly  gifted  and  cultivated  intellect,  a  piety 
pure,  undefiled,  and  "  unspotted  from  the  world  " — it  is  all  nothing  :  he  would 
not  be  received  into  the  very  lowest  walks  of  society.  If  we  were  constrained 
to  admire  so  uncommon  a  being,  our  very  admiration  would  mingle  with  disgust, 
because,  in  the  physical  organization  of  his  frame,  we  meet  an  insurmountable 
barrier,  even  to  an  approach  to  social  intercourse,  and  in  the  Egyptian  color, 
which  nature  has  stamped  upon  his  features,  a  principle  of  repulsion  so  strong  as 
to  forbid  the  idej  of  a  communion  either  of  interest  or  of  feeling,  as  utterly  ab- 
horrent. Whether  these  feelings  arc  founded  in  reason  or  not,  we  will  not  now 
inquire — perhaps  they  are  not.  But  education  and  habit,  and  prejudice  have  so 
firmly  riveted  them  upon  us,  that  they  have  become  as  strong  as  nature  itself — 
and  to  expect  their  removal,  or  even  their  slightest  modification,  would  be  as 
idle  and  preposterous  as  to  expect  that  we  could  reach  forth  our  hands,  and  re- 
move the  mountains  from  their  foundations  into  the  vallies,  which  are  beneath 
them.' — [African  Repository,  vol.  vii.  pp.  230,   331.] 

'  We  have  been  charged  with  wishing  only  to  remove  our  free  blacks,  that  wo 
may  the  more  effectually  rivet  the    chains  of  the  slave.     But  the  class  we  first 


h  the  Disparager  of  the  Free  Blacks.  127 

seek  to  remove,  are  neither  freemen  nor  slaves  ;  but  between  both,  and 
MORE  MisEUABLE  THAN  EITHER.'  *  *  *  '  Who  is  there,  that 
does  not  know  something  of  the  condition  of  the  blacks  in  the  northern  and 
middle  States  ?  They  may  be  seen  in  our  cities  and  larger  towns,  wandering 
like  foreigners  and  outcasts,  in  the  land  which  gave  them  birth.  They  may  be 
seen  in  our  penitentiaries,  and  jails,  and  poor-houses.  They  may  be  found  in- 
habiting the  abodes  of  poverty,  and  the  haunts  of  vice.  But  if  we  look  for 
them  in  the  society  of  the  honest  and  respectable — if  we  visit  the  schools  ia 
which  it  is  our  boast  that  the  meanest  citizen  can  enjoy  the  benefits  of  instruc- 
tion— we  might  also  add,  if  we  visit  the  sanctuaries  which  are  open  for  all  to 
worship,*  and  to  hear  the  word  of  God  ;  we  shall  not  find  them  there.'  *  * 
'Leaving  slavery  and  its  subjects  for  the  moment  enlirely  out  of  view,  there  are 
in  the  United  States  238,000  blacks  denominated  free,  but  whose  freedom  con- 
fers on  them,  we  might  say,  no  privilege  but  the  privilege  of  being  more  vi- 
cious and  miserable  than  slaves  can  be.' — [Seventh  Annual  Report,  pp.  12, 
87,  99.] 

'  Placed  midway  between  freedom  and  slavery,  they  know  neither  the  in- 
centives of  the  one,  nor  the  restraints  of  the  other  ;  but  are  alike  injurious  by 
their  conduct  and  example,  to  all  other  classes  of  society.' — [Eight  Annual  Re- 
port.] 

*  Of  all  classes  of  our  population,  the  most  vicious  is  that  of  the  free  colored. 
It  is  the  ine\  itable  result  of  their  moral,  political,  and  civil  degradation.  Con- 
taminated tliemselves,  they  extend  their  vices  to  all  around  them,  to  the  slaves 
and  to  the  whiles.' — [Tenth  Annual  Report.] 

'  The  question  arises,  where  shall  these  outcasts  go  ?  Ohio,  and  the  free  States 
of  the  West,  which  formerly  invited  them  into  their  bosom,  no  longer  otler  them 
a  welcome  home.  Disgusted  with  their  laziness  and  vice,  the  inevitable  con- 
comitants of  the  anomalous  relation  in  which  they  stand  to  society,  the  authori- 
ties of  those  States  are  seeking  to  get  rid  of  what  they  find,  too  late,  to  be  a 
curse  to  any  settlement  of  whites — a  thriftless  race  of  vagabonds,  whose  foot- 
steps are  the  sure  precursors  of  indigence  and  crime.  One  of  the  most  intelli- 
gent gentlemen  of  Ohio,  (.Mr  Charles  Hammond,)  in  a  recent  notice  of  this  sub- 
ject, says,  "  This  dangerous  class  of  population  has  increased  considerably  within 
a  few  years  past,  and  the  slaves  States  cannot  too  soon  adopt  etHcient  measures 
to  get  rid  of  it.  Emigrations  to  Liberia  ought  to  be  provided  for,  and  insisted 
upon,  and  the  legislatures  should  p:iss  laws  to  prevent  emancipation,  without  ade- 
quate provision  for  the  transportion  of  the  manumitted."  ' — [Lynchburg  Vir- 
ginian.] 

*  A  cruel  taunt.  The  wonder  is  not  that  colored  persons  do  not  more  gen- 
erally visit  our  sanctuaries,  but  that  they  ever  should  attend.  If  they  go,  they 
are  thrust  into  obscure,  remote  and  unseemly  pens  or  boxes,  as  if  they  were  not 
embraced  in  the  offers  of  redeeming  love,  and  were  indeed  a  part  of  the  brute 
creation.  It  is  an  awful  commentary  upon  the  pride  of  human  nature.  I  never 
can  look  up  to  these  scandalous  retreats  for  my  colored  brethren,  without  having 
my  soul  overwhelmed  with  emotions  of  shame,  indignation  and  sorrow.  No 
black  man,  however  virtuous,  respectable  or  pious  he  may  be,  can  own  or 
occupy  a  pew  in  a  central  part  of  any  of  our  houses  of  worship.  And  yet  it  is 
reproachfully  alleged — by  a  clergyman,  too  I — that  '  if  we  visit  the  sanctuaries 
which  are  opc?i  to  all  (.')  to  worship,  and  to  hear  the  word  of  God,  we  shall 
not  find  them  there  '  !  No — I  hope  they  will  respect  themselves  and  the  religion 
of  Jesus  more,  than  to  occupy  the  places  alluded  to. 


128  The  American   Colonization   Society 

•  As  it  is  now,  they  are  for  the  most  part  in  a  debased  and  wretched  condition. 
They  have  the  vices  of  our  community  without  its  virtues.  And  wliat  is  worse, 
I  speak  of  the  majority,  they  have  no  desire  to  rise  from  their  state  of  abject  de- 
pression— no  wish  to  gain  a  respeclahle  elevation  of  character.  Consequently 
it  is  diiHcult,  if  not  impossible,  to  present  them  motives  whicli  shall  incite  them 
to  enter  on  a  course  of  industry  and  virtue.'  *  *  *  s  Bound  by  no  political 
ties  to  the  community  in  which  they  dwell,  and  excluded  for  the  most  part  from 
exercising  the  rights  and  privileges  of  freemen,  on  the  ground  of  their  alleged 
inferiority  and  vvoitlilessness,  they  have  no  inducements  to  abandon  lives  of 
indolence,  sensuality  and  recklessness,  or  to  support  the  laws  and  institutions  of 
the  government  placed  over  them.  Nothing  but  the  fear  of  suffering  the  penalty 
of  violated  law,  can  prevent  them  from  preying  on  those  among  whom  they 
live.' — [Middletovvn  (Ct.)  Gazette.] 

'  They  have  taken  the  free  black  that,  as  a  class,  dwells  among  us  a 
living    nuisance,    nominally  free,    but  bowed  to    the  ground    by  public  opinion — 

IN       ONE       PART       OF       THE      COUNTRY     DULL.    AS    A     BRUTISH     BEAST,       IN 
ANOTHER    THE    WILD    STIRRER      UP    OF    SEDITION    AND     INSURRECTION 

— they  have  shewn  him  to  be  capable  of  quist  and  judicious  self-government. — 
We  cannot  shut  our  eyes  any  longer  upon  the  disadvantages  of  our 
black  population,  whether  in  slavery  or  freedom.  It  is  a  sword  perpetually  sus- 
pended over  our  heads  by  a  single  hair  ;  it  is  the  fountain  of  bitter  waters  that 
poisons  all  our  enjoyments.' — [Speeches  of  J.  11.  Townsend,  Esq.  and  VV.  W. 
Campbell,  Esq.    Nevv-Yoik  city.] 

'  The  fact  was  most  glaring,  without  an  inquiry,  that  the  same  aliackles  which 
bound  them,  fastened  them  also  to  the  resources  of  the  soil,  and  the  interests  of 
the  communily  ;  and  vvheii  these  were  broken,  and  the  incentives  of  authority 
removed,  the  weight  of  ignorance,  the  want  of  better  incentises,  and  the  fatal 
and  untried  power  of  grateful  but  ruinous  idleness,  sunk  them  to  a  state,  which, 
however  elevated  in  theory,  was  in  fact  more  degraded  and  more  miserable  than 
that  of  bondage.  In  addition  to  all  this,  pauperism,  with  the  numerous  evils  of 
corrupt  and  corrupting  indolence,  threatened  to  iujpose  its  sluggish  weight  upon 
a  groaning  community.  Hence,  the  progress  of  emancipation  was,  for  the  time, 
most  righteously  arrested.' — [.Address  of  the  Board  of  .Managers  of  the  African 
Education  Society.] 

'  Who  are  the  free  people  of  color  in  the  United  States  .'  In  what  circum- 
stances does  philanthropy  find  them  .'  There  are  indeed  individuals  and  families, 
who  are  sober,  industrious,  pious.  But  what  are  the  remainder,  the  mass  ? 
Every  one  knows  that  their  condition  is  deep  and  wretched  degradation  ;  but, 
only  a  few  have  ever  formed  any  accurate  conception  of  the  reality.  The  fact 
is,  that  as  a  class  they  are  branded.  They  have  no  home,  no  country,  no  such 
personal  interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  community,  as  gives  a  certain  degree  of 
manliness  to  almost  every  white  man.  .  .  .  Three  hundred  thousand  free- 
men in  this  country,  are  fieemeu  only  in  name,  forming  only  little  else  than  a 
mass  of  pauperism  and  crime.  .  .  .  Here  the  black  man  is  paralysed  and 
crushed  by  the  constant  sense  of  ii.reriority.  He  has  no  effectual  incentives  to 
manly  enterprise.  He  stands  in  a  degraded  class  of  society  ;  and  out  of  tiiat 
class  he  never  dreams  of  rising.' — [Christian  Spectator.] 

'  This  is  the  true  condition  of  the  free  colored  population  of  our  land.     They 
are  placed  mid  wav  between  freedom    and  slavery  ;  they  feel  neither  the  moral 
I  stimulants  of  the  one,  nor  the  restraints  of  the  other,  and   are  alike  injurious  to 

f  every  other  class  of  the  connnunity.' — [Southern  Religious  Telegraph.] 

I  I  repel  these  charges  against  the  free  people  of  color,  as  iin- 

I  merited,  wanton  and  untrue.      It  would   be   absurd   to  pretend, 


Is  the  Disparager  of  the  Free  Blacks.  .    129 

that,  as  a  class,  they  maintain  a  high  character  :  it  would  be 
equally  foolish  to  deny,  that  intemperance,  indolence  and  crime 
prevail  among  them  to  a  mournful  extent.  But  I  do  not  hesi- 
tate to  assert,  from  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  their  condi- 
tion, that  they  are  more  temperate  and  more  industrious  than 
that  class  of  whites  who  are  in  as  indigent  circumstances,  but 
who  have  certainly  far  greater  incentives  to  labor  and  excel  ; 
that  they  are  superior  in  their  habits  to  the  hosts  of  foreign  emi- 
grants who  are  crowding  to  our  shores,  and  poisoning  our  moral 
atmosphere  ;  and  that  their  advancement  in  intelligence,  in 
wealth,  and  in  morality,  considering  the  numberless  and  almost 
insurmountable  difficulties  under  which  they  have  labored,  has 
been  remarkable.  I  am  informed  that  twenty-five  or  thirty 
years  ago,  the  colored  inhabitants  of  Philadelphia  scarcely 
owned  a  dollar's  worth  of  real  estate,  whereas  they  now  own 
enough  to  amount  to  hundreds  of  thousands  of  dollars.  This 
fact  speaks  volumes  in  praise  of  their  industry  and  economy  ; 
for,  be  it  remembered,  they  have  had  to  accumulate  this  prop- 
erty in  small  sums,  by  shaving  the  beards,  cleaning  the  boots 
and  clothes,  and  being  the  servants  of  their  white  contemners, 
and  in  other  menial  employments.  In  Baltimore,  Philadelphia, 
New-York,  and  other  places,  there  are  several  colored  persons 
whose  individual  property  is  worth  from  ten  thousand  to  one 
hundred  thousand  dollars  ;*  and  in  all  those  cities,  there  are 
primary  and  high  schools  for  the  education  of  the  colored 
population — flourishing  churches  of  various  denominations — and 
numerous  societies  for  mutual  assistance  and  improvement,  &c. 
In  Philadelphia  alone,  I  believe,   there  are  nearly  fifty  colored 

*  Francis  Devany,  the  colored  sheriff  of  Liberia,  is  repifted  liy  colonization- 
ists  to  be  worth  property  to  the  value  of  twenty-five  thousand  dollars  ;  and  they 
have  trumpeted  the  fact  all  over  the  country,  and  so  repeatedly  as  almost  to  lead 
one  to  imagine  that  he  is  the  greatest  and  wealthiest  man  in  all  the  world  ! 
James  Forten,  the  reputable  colored  sail-maker  of  Philadelphia, — a  gentleman 
of  highly  polished  manners  and  superior  intelligence, — with  whom  Devany 
worked  as  a  journeyman,  can  buy  him  out  three  or  four  times  over.  Joseph 
Cassey,  another  estimable  and  intelligent  man  of  color,  or  the  widow  of  Bishop 
Allen,  both  of  Philadelphia,  can  purchase  him.  I  mention  their  names,  not  to 
extol  them,  but  simply  to  show,  that  what  begets  fame  in  Liberia  is  unproduc- 
tive here. 

[Part  I.J  17 


130  The  ,/lmerican   Colonization   Society 

associations  for  benevolent,  literary,  scientific  and  moral  pur- 
poses.* Yet  these  are  the  people  of  \vhom  it  is  said,  '  they 
are  acted  upon  by  no  motives  to  honorable  exertions  ;'  that  they 
are  '  scarcely  reached  in  their  debasement  by  the  heavenly  light ' 
(almost  a  denial  of  the  power  of  the  Holy  Ghost)  ;  that  '  their 
freedom  is  hcentiousness  ;'  that  '  they  are  a  greater  nuisance 
than  even  the  slaves  themselves  ;'  that  they  are  '  the  most  de- 
graded, the  most  abandoned  race  on   the   earth  ;'  that  they  are 

*  The  following  statement,  recently  published  in  the  Philadelphia  « Friend  and 
Advocate  of  Truth,'  is  very  creditable  to  the  colored  inhabitants  of  that  city  : 

*  Many  erroneous  opinions  have  prevailed,  with  regard  to  the  true  character 
and  condition  of  the  free  colored  people  of  Pennsylvania.  They  have  been  rep- 
resented as  an  idle  and  worthless  class,  furnishing  inmates  for  our  poor-houses 
and  penitentiaries.  A  few  plain  facts  are  sufficient  to  refute  these  gratuitous  alle- 
gations. In  the  city  and  suburbs  of  Philadelphia,  by  the  census  of  1830,  they 
constituted  about  eleven  per  cent.,  or  one  ninth  of  tlie  whole  population.  From 
the  account  of  the  guardians  of  the  poor,  printed  by  order  of  the  board,  it  ap- 
pears that  of  the  out-door  poor  receiving  regular  weekly  supplies,  in  the  first 
month,  1S30,  the  time  of  the  greatest  need,  the  people  of  color  were  about  one 
to  twenty-three  whites  ;  or  not  quite  four  per  cent.,  a  disproportion  of  whites  to 
colored,  of  more  than  two  to  one  in  favcrr  of  the  latter.  When  it  is  considered 
that  they  perform  the  lowest  offices  in  the  community — that  the  avenues  to  what 
are  esteemed  the  most  honorable  and  profitable  professions  in  society,  are  in  a 
great  measure,  if  not  wholly  closed  against  them,  these  facts  are  the  more  cred- 
itable to  them.  One  cause  of  this  disproportion,  which  we  presume  is  but  little 
known,  but  which  is  worthy  of  special  notice,  will  be  found  in  the  numerous 
societies  among  themselves  for  n)utual  aid.  These  societies  expended,  in  one 
year,  about  six  thousand  dollars  for  the  relief  of  the  sick  and  the  indigent  of  their 
own  color,  from  funds  raised  among  themselves.  Besides,  the  taxes  paid  by  the 
colored  people  of  Philadelphia,  exceed  in  amount  the  sums  expended  out  of  the 
funds  of  the  city  for  the  relief  of  their  poor.' 

It  is  also  a  fact  that  the  proportion  of  whites  in  the  alms-house  in  New-York 
is  greater  than  that  of  the  blacks.  I  am  aware  that  other  evidence,  of  a  differ- 
ent kind,  may  be  adduced  in  other  places  ;  but  it  is  in  the  highest  degree  unfair 
to  measure  the  whole  body  of  blacks  by  the  whole  body  of  whites — for  the  pri- 
vileges and  advantages  of  the  whites  are  as  ten  thousand  to  one  :  they  monopo- 
lise almost  every  branch  of  business  and  every  pursuit  of  life — they  have  all  the 
means  necessary  to  make  men  virtuous,  intelligent,  active,  and  opulent.  Far 
different  is  the  situation  of  the  free  blacks.  How  slender  are  their  means  ! 
how  mean  and  limited  their  occupations  !  how  inferior  their  advantages  !  Almost 
every  avenue  to  wealth,  preferment  and  usefulness,  is  closed  against  them. 
How  are  they  persecuted  !  how  avoided  in  the  streets  !  how  excluded  from  the 
benefits  of  society  !  To  point  at  them  the  finger  of  scorn,  to  taunt  them  for  their 
inferiority  or  helplessness,  is  like  putting  out  the  eyes  and  clipping  the  wings  of 
the  eagle,  and  then  reproaching  him  because  he  can  neither  see  nor  fly.  To 
boast  of  our  superior  refinement,  intelligence  and  virtue,  is  the  extreme  of  vain- 
glory, and  adding  insult  to  injury.     Shame  !    shame  I 


Is  the  Disparager  of  the  Fret  Blacks.  131 

'  worse  circumstanced  than  the  slave  population  ;'  that  they  have 
'  no  privilege  but  the  privilege  of  being  more  vicious  and  mis- 
erable than  slaves  can  be  ;'  and  that  they  are  '  a  thriftless 
race  of  vagabonds,  whose  footsteps  are  the  sure  precursors  of 
indigence  and  crime.'  And  these  false  and  infamous  charges  are 
brought  against  them  by  a  Society  which  professes  to  cherish 
for  them  the  highest  regard,  and  to  be  anxious  to  give  them 
respectability  in  the  eyes  of  the  world  ! 

The  truth  is,  the  traducers  of  the  free  blacks  have  no  ade- 
quate conception  of  the  amount  of  good  sense,  sterling  piety, 
moral  honesty,  virtuous  pride  of  character,  and  domestic  enjoy- 
ment, which  exists  among  this  class.  The  spirited  remarks  of 
the  colored  citizens  of  New-York,  in  their  address  to  the  pub- 
lic,  {vide  Fakt  II.  p.  16,)  in  reference  to  their  calumniators, 
are  exceedingly  apposite  :  '  Their  patrician  principles  prevent 
an  intercourse  with  men  in  the  middle  walks  of  life,  among 
whom  a  large  portion  of  our  people  may  be  classed.  We  ask 
them  to  visit  the  dwellings  of  the  respectable  part  of  our  peo- 
ple, and  we  are  satisfied  that  they  will  discover  more  civilization 
and  refinement,  than  will  be  found  among  the  same  number  of 
white  families  of  an  equal  standing.'  A  personal  examination 
enables  me  to  say  that  this  challenge  is  neither  presumptuous  nor 
boastful.  I  confess,  I  have  been  most  agreeably,  nay,  won- 
derfully disappointed,  in  my  intercourse  with  them,  which  is 
daily  elevating  them  in  my  estimation.  Many  of  their  number  I 
proudly  rank  among  my  most  familiar  friends  and  correspondents. 

With  regard  to  the  '  ragged  set  in  Boston,  crying  out  lib- 
erty !'  every  candid  resident  will  testify  that  this  is  a  libellous 
representation  ;  that  our  free  blacks  are  a  quiet,  orderly,  well- 
dressed,  and  (as  far  as  they  can  obtain  employment)  industrious 
class  of  citizens  ;  and  that  their  improvement  is  rapid  and  con- 
stant. Every  curious  observer  who  visits  their  houses  of  wor- 
ship, will  be  surprised  at  the  general  neatness  of  attire  and  pro- 
priety of  manners  of  the  worshippers.  '  A  ragged  set,'  for- 
sooth !  The  slander  may  be  uttered  in  the  city  of  Washington, 
at  an  anniversary  of  the  American  Colonization  Society  ;  but 
no  man,  who  regards  his  character  for  veracity  and  intelligence, 
dare  publish  it  in  Boston. 


132  The  American   Colonization   Society 

The  effects  of  this  reiterated  abuse  are  eminently  mischiev- 
ous. It  serves  to  kindle  the  fires  of  persecution,  to  strengthen 
prejudice.,  to  drive  its  victims  to  despair,  and  to  increase  the 
desire  for  their  banishment.  '  Tax  your  utmost  powers  of  im- 
agination,' says  one  of  the  colonization  advocates,  '  and  you 
cannot  conceive  one  motive  to  honorable  effort,  which  can  ani- 
mate the  bosom,  or  give  impulse  to  the  conduct  of  the  free 
black  in  this  country  ' !  Is  this  language  calculated  to  allay 
animosity,  or  beget  confidence,  or  suppress  contempt,  or  heal 
division,  or  excite  sympathy  ?  Far  otherwise.  Are  there  not 
thousands  of  living  v.itnesses  to  prove  the  falsity^f  this  asser- 
tion ;  thousands  who  adorn  the  doctrine  of  God  their  Saviour, 
and  whose  '  motives  to  honorable  efibrt '  are  higher  than  heaven 
and  vast  as  eternity  ;  thousands,  who,  though  their  enemies 
spare  no  efix)rts  to  crush  them  in  the  dust,  and  in  despite  of 
mountains  of  difficulties,  rise  up  with  a  giant's  strength  to  re- 
spectability and  usefulness  ?  '  No  motive  to  honorable  effort ' ! 
Perish  the  calumny  ! 

Again,  they  are  stigmatized  as  the  '  wild  stirrers  up  of  sedi- 
tion and  insurrection.'  This  charge  is  even  more  malignant 
than  the  other,  and  utterly  groundless.  Its  ])ropagation,  how- 
ever, tends  directly  to  excite  a  persecution  which  may  diive  the 
accused  to  sedition,  in  self-defence.  There  is  no  evidence  that 
any  free  man  of  color  was  enlisted  in  the  late  bloody  struggle 
in  Virginia,  or  in  any  manner  accessary  thereto.  On  the  con- 
trary, it  was  deprecated  by  our  colored  citizens  generally,  not 
only  on  account  of  its  sanguinary  acts,  but  because  they  knew 
it  would  operate  to  their  own  disadvantage  by  being  placed  to 
their  account.  The  following  honorable  expression  of  feeling 
was  made  at  a  public  meeting  of  the  people  of  color  in  Wil- 
mington, Delaware,  about  that  period  : 

'  The  subscribers,  having  a  knowledge  of  the  alarm  which  prevails  in  the 
minds  of  some  of  the  citizens  of  this  place,  on  account  of  various  reports  which 
some  mischievous  person  or  persons  have  circulated,  in  regard  to  the  colored 
population,  beg  leave  to  represent,  on  behalf  of  themselves  and  brethren,  that 
having  made  inquiry  into  the  subject,  they  have  found  said  reports  to  be  without 
the  least  foundation  ;  and  they  owe  it  to  themselves  further  to  declare,  that,  so 
far  from  any  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  colored  people  to  disturb  the  peace 
and  good  order  of  the  community,  they  are,  on  the  contrary,  fully  aware  that  it 
consists  not  less  with  their  interests  than  their  duty  to  refrain  from  every  act  that 
would  excite  commotion  or  disorder,  m  which  the  colored  people  would  ha\  e 


Is  the  Disparager  of  the  Free  Blacks.  133 

every  thing  to  lose  and  nothing  to  gain.  We  have  been  treated  by  the  citizens  . 
of  \Vihningtoii  and  its  vicinity  with  kindness,  for  which  we  ougJit  to  be  grateful, 
and  it  is  our  solcnni  purpose  to  pursue  such  a  course  of  conduct  as  may  merit  a 
continuance  of  their  favor  and  conlidence.  Should  any  among  us  be  found  so 
wicked  and  blinded  as  to  enter  into  plots  and  contrivances,  inimical  to  the  pres- 
ent harmony,  we  thus  solemnly  pledge  ourselves  to  our  white  friends  and  neigh- 
bors, that  we  will  be  among  the  first  to  sound  the  alarm,  and  unite  ia  effecting 
their  apprehension  and  suppression.' 

The  free  colored  citizens  of  Baltimore,  Maryland,  also  came  ' 
out  unitedly  in  the  following  pacific  and  truly  exemplary  spirit  : 

'  Whereas,  there  has  prevailed  in  this  city,  during  the  past  week,  a  very  un- 
pleasant excitement,  originating  from  suspicions  and  reports  totally  without  foun- 
dation, and  highly  derogatory  to  our  good  sense  ;  and  whereas  this  excitement, 
though  unnecessarily  created,  may,  in  its  ultimate  tendency,  prove  prejudicial  to 
the  interests  of  the  free  colored  population  of  this  State.     Therefore, 

Resolved,  That  we  challenge  the  most  rigid  investigation  as  to  the  truth  of 
those  evil  reports,  which  have  recently  been  so  industriously  propagated  in  this 
city  by  the  credulous,  and  those  who  are  totally  unacquainted  with  the  character 
of  colored  Baltimoreans. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  not  so  reckless  of  our  true  interest,  so  blind  to  utter 
helplessness — not  to  saj'  so  devoid  of  humanity,  as  to  entertain  the  hostile  designs, 
or  to  cherish  the  fiendish  passions,  which  it  seems  have  been,  by  the  unthinking, 
so  unjustly  attributed  to  us. 

Resolved,  That  we  have  been  too  long  in  the  land  of  bibles,  and  temples,  and 
ministers,  to  look  upon  blood  and  carnage  with  complacency — that  we  liave  been 
too  long  in  this  enlightened  metropolis,  to  think  of  the  amelioration  of  our  condi- 
tion, in  any  other  way  than  that  sanctioned  by  the  Gospel  of  Peace. 

Resolved,  That  we  rely  upon  a  peaceable  and  uprigju  conduct,  for  a  continu- 
ance of  that  favor  and  protection  which  we  have  hitherto  enjoyed,  and  which, 
the  liberal,  the  wise,  and  the  good,  are  ever  ready  to  accord.' 

How  impolitic,  then,  as  well  as  unjust,  to  brand  this  meek 
and  magnanimous  class  as  '  the  wild  stirrers  up  of  sedition  and 
insurrection '  ! 

This  treatment,  I  repeat,  is  impolitic — nay,  suicidal.  To 
abuse,  proscribe  and  exasperate  them,  to  trample  them  under 
our  feet,  to  goad  them  on  the  right  hand  and  on  the  left,  is  not 
the  way  to  secure  their  loyalty,  but  rather  to  make  them  re- 
vengeful, desperate  and  seditious.  Our  true  policy  is,  to  meli- 
orate their  condition,  invigorate  their  hopes,  instruct  their  igno- 
rant minds,  admit  them  to  an  equality  of  privileges  with  our- 
selves, nourish  and  patronise  their  genius,  and,  by  giving  them 
mechanical  trades  and  mercantile  advantages,  open  to  them  the 
avenue  to  competence  and  wealth.  AVc  shall  thus  make  them 
contented  and  happy,  and  place  them  in  a  situation  which  will 
lead  them  still  more  heartily  to  deprecate  any  insurrectionary 
movements  among  our  slave  population.      The   following  is  the 


134  Thi  Ameriean   Colonization   Society 

conciliatory  and  generous  language  of  a  man,  who  has  been 
denounced  as  a  blood-hound  and  a  monster.  It  will  be  well  for 
us  if  we  profit  by  it. 

'  Americans  !  notwithstanding  you  have  and  do  continue  to  treat  us  more 
cmel  than  any  heathen  nation  ever  did  a  people  it  had  subjected  to  the  same  con- 
dition that  you  have  us,  let  us  reason.  Had  you  not  better  take  our  body,  while 
you  have  it  in  your  power,  and  while  we  are  yet  ignorant  and  wretched,  not 
knowing  but  little,  give  us  education,  and  teach  us  the  pure  religion  of  our  Lord 
and  Master,  which  is  calculated  to  make  the  lion  lie  down  in  peace  with  the 
lamb,  and  which  millions  of  you  have  beaten  us  nearly  to  death  for  trying  to 
obtain  since  we  have  been  among  you,  and  thus  at  once  gain  our  affection  while 
we  are  ignorant  ?  Throw  away  your  fears  and  prejudices  then,  and  enlighten  us 
and  treat  us  like  men,  and  we  will  like  you  more  than  we  do  now  hate  you. 
And  tell  us  now  no  more  about  colonization  ;  for  America  is  as  much  our  coun- 
try as  it  is  yours.  Treat  us  like  men,  and  there  is  no  danger  but  we  will  all 
live  in  peace  and  happiness  together  ;  for  we  are  not,  like  you,  hard-hearted,  un- 
merciful, and  unforgiving.  AV'hat  a  happy  country  this  will  be,  if  the  whites 
will  listen  !  What  nation  under  heaven,  will  be  able  to  do  any  thing  with  us, 
unless  God  gives  us  up  into  its  hand  .'  But,  Americans,  I  declare  to  you,  while 
you  keep  us  and  our  children  in  bondage,  and  treat  us  like  brutes,  to  make  us 
support  you  and  your  families,  we  cannot  be  your  friends.  Vou  do  not  look  for 
it,  do  you  .'  Treat  us  then  like  men,  and  we  will  be  your  friends.  And  there  is 
not  a  doubt  in  my  mind,  but  that  the  whole  of  the  past  wilt  be  sunk  into  ob- 
livion, and  we  yet,  under  God,  will  become  a  uuited  and  happy  people.'* 


SECTION       IX. 

THE     AMERICAN    COLONIZATION      SOCIETY    DENIES    THE    POSSI- 
BILITY    OF     ELEVATING    THE     BLACKS     IN    THIS    COUNTRY. 

The  detestation  of  feeling,  the  fire  of  moral  indignation,  and 
the  agony  of  soul  which  I  have  felt  kindling  and  swelling  within 
me,  in  the  progress  of  this  review,  under  this  section  reach  the 
acme  of  intensity.  It  is  impossible  for  the  mind  to  conceive, 
or  the  tongue  to  utter,  or  the  pen  to  record,  sentiments  more 
derogatory  to  the  character  of  a  /epublican  and  christian  peo- 
ple than  the  following  : 

'  Introduced  as  this  class  has  been,  in  a  way  which  cannot  be  justified,  injuri- 
ous in  its  influence  to  the  community,  degraded  in  character  and  miserable  in 
condition, /orcwer  excluded,  by  public  sentiment,  by  law  and  by  a  physical  dis- 
tinction, from  the  most  powerful  motives  to  exertion,'  &c.  *  *  'In 
addition  to  all  the  causes  which  tend  to  pollute,  to  degrade  and  render  them  mis- 
erable, there  are  principles  oi repulsion  between  them  and  us,  which  can  never 


Walker's  Appeal. 


Prevents  the  Instruction  of  the  Blacks.  135 

be    overcome.'  *  *  '  Their    bodies    are    free,    their    minds  enslaved. 

They  caa  neither  bless  their  brethren  in  servitude,  nor  rise  from  their  own  ob- 
scurity, nor  add  to  the  purity  of  our  morals,  nor  to  our  wealth,  nor  to  our  politi- 
cal strength.'  *  *  '  Let  us  recollect  that  our  fathers  have  placed  them 
here  ;        ■    •    •                ■    '•  "    '•        ■        '         ■     '  ,■      .    ,       ,   ,.< 


re 


;re  ;  and  that  our  prejudices,  prejudices  too  deep  to  be  eradicated  while  they 
.vjinain  among  us,  have  produced  the  standard  of  their  morals.'      ^  "       '  Nor 

will  it  be  questioned  that  their  establishment  on  the  African  coast  .  .  .  will  con- 
fer on  them  invaluable  blessings  which  in  this  country  they  can  never  enjoy.' 
*         *  '  They  must  be  hewers  of  wood   and  drawers   of  water.     Do  what 

they  will,  there  is  but  this  one  prospect  before  them.' — [African  Repository,  vol. 
1,  pp.  34,   144,  162,  ITfcf,  226,  317.] 

'  Shut  out  from  the  privileges  of  citizens,  separated  from  us  by  the  insur- 
mountable barrier  of  color,  they  can  never  amalgamate  with  us,  but  must  re- 
main for  ever  a  distinct  and  inferior  race,  repugnant  to  our  republican  feelings, 
and  dangerous  to  our  republican  institutions.'  ^  *  *  '  It  is  not  that  there 
are  some,  but  that  there  are  so  many  among  us  of  a  different  physical,  if  not 
moral,  constitution,  who  never  can  amalgamate  with  the  great  body  of  our  pop- 
ulation.'— [African  Repository,  vol.  ii.  pp.  ISS,  189,  338.] 

'  In  consequence  of  his  own  inveterate  habits,  and  the  no  less  inveterate  pre- 
judices of  the  whites,  it  is  a  sadly  demonstrated  truth,  that  the  negro  cannot,  in 
this  country,  become  an  enlightened  and  useful  citizen.  Driven  to  the  lowest 
stratum  of  society,  and  enthralled  tliere  for  melancholy  ages,  his  mind  becomes 
proportionably  grovelling,  and  to  gratify  his  animal  desires  is  his  most  exalted 
aspiration.'  *  *  '  The  negro,  while  in  this  country,  will  be  treated  as  an 
inferior  being.'  *  *  'Our  slavery  is  such,  as  that  no  device  of  our  philanthropy 
for  elevating  the  wretched  subjects  of  its  debasement  to  the  ordinary  privileges 
of  men,  can  descry  one  cheering  glimpse  of  hope  that  our  object  can  ever  be 
accomplished.  The  very  commencing  act  of  freedom  to  the  slave,  is  to  place 
him  in  a  condition  still  worse,  if  possible,  both  for  his  moral  habits,  his  outward 
provision,  and  for  the  comnmnity  that  •embosoms  him,  than  even  that,  deplora- 
ble as  it  was,  from  which  he  has  been  removed.  He  is  now  a  freeman  ;  but  his 
complexion,  his  features,  every  peculiarity  of  his  person,  pronounce  to  him 
another  doom, — that  every  wish  he  may  conceive,  every  effort  he  can  make, 
shall  be  little  better  than  vain.  Even  to  every  talent  and  virtuous  impulse 
which  he  may  feel  working  in  his  bosom,  obstacles  stand  in  impracticable  array  ; 
not  from  a  defect  of  essential  title  to  success,  but  from  a  positive  external 
law,  unreaso7iin^  and  irreversible.'  *  *  '  The  elevation  of  a  degraded 
class  of  beings  to  the  privileges  of  freemen,  which,  though  free,  they  can  never 
enjoy,  and  to  the  prospects  of  a  happy  immortality.'  *  *  '  They  again  most 
solemnly  repeat  to  the  free  colored  people  of  Virginia  their  belief,  that  in  Af- 
rica alone  can  they  enjoy  that  complete  emancipation  from  a  degiading  ine- 
quality, which  in  a  greater  or  less  degree  pervades  the  United  States,  if  not  in 
the  laws,  in  the  whole  frame  and  structure  of  society,  and  which  in  its  effects  oa 
their  moral  and  social  state  is  scarcely  less  degrading  than  slavery  itself — AfrL- 
can  Repository,  vol.  iii.   pp.  2-5,  26,  66,  68,  345.] 

'  But  there  is  one  large  class  among  the  inhabitants  of  this  country — degraded 
and  miserable — ^^wliom  none  of  the  efforts  in  which  you  are  accustomed  to  en- 
gage, can  materially  benefit.  Among  the  twelve  millions  who  make  up  our  cen- 
sus, two  millions  are  Africans — separated  from  the  possessors  of  the  soil  by  birth, 
by  the  brand  of  indelible  ignominy,  by  prejudices,  mutual,  deep,  incurable, 
by  an  irreconcileable  diversity'  of  interests  They  are  aliens  and  outcasts  ; — 
tbey  are,  as  a  body,  degraded  beneath  the  influence  of  nearly  all  the  motives 
which  prompt  other  men  to  enterprise,  and  almost  below  the  sphere  of  virtuous 
affections.  Whatever  may  be  attempted  for  the  general  improvement  of  society, 
their  wants  are  untouched. — Whatever  may  be  effected  for  elevating  the  mass  of 
the  nation  in  tho  scala  of  happiness  or  of  intellectual  and  moral  character,  theif 


136  -   The  American   Colonization   Society 

degradation  is  the  same — dark,  and  deep,  and  hopeless.  Benevolence  seems  to 
overlook  them,  or  struggles  for  their  benefit  in  vain.  Patriotism  forgets  them, 
or  remembers  them  only  with  shame  for  wliat  has  been,  and  vvitli  dire  forebod- 
ings, of  what  is  yet  to  come.'  *  *  '  It  is  taken  for  granted  that  in 
present  circumstances,  any  effort  to  produce  a  general  and  thorough  amelioration 
in  the  character  and  condition  of  the  free  people  of  color  must  be  to  a  great  ex- 
tent fruitless.  In  every  part  of  the  United  States  there  is  a  broad  and  imj^assi- 
hle  line  of  demarcation  between  every  man  who  has  one  drop  of  African  blood 
in  his  veins  and  every  other  class  in  the  community.  The  liabits,  the  feelings, 
all  the  prejudices  of  society — prejudices  which  neither  refinement,  nor  argu- 
ment, nor  education,  nor  religion  itself  can  subdue — mark  the  people  of  color, 
whether  bond  or  free,  as  the  subjects  of  a  degradation  inevitable  and  incurable. 
The  African  in  tiiis  country  belongs  by  birth  to  the  very  lowest  station  in  socie- 
ty ;  and  from  that  station  he  can  never  rise,  be  his  talents,  his  enter- 
prise, his  virtues  WHAT  they  may.  .  .  They  constitute  a  class  by 
themselves — a  class  out  of  which  no  individual  can  be  elevated,  and  below 
which,  none  can  be  depressed.  And  this  is  the  dilliculty,  the  invariable  and  in- 
superable difficulty  in  the  way  of  every  scheme  for  their  benefit.  Much  can  be 
done  for  them — much  has  been  done  ;  but  still  they  are,  and,  in  this  country, 
ALWAYS  MUST  BE  a  depressed  and  abject  race.' — [African  Repository,  vol.  iv. 
pp.  117,  118,  119.] 

'  The  distinctive  complexion  by  which  it  is  marked,  necessarily  debars  it 
from  all  familiar  intercourse  with  the  more  favored  society  that  surrounds  it,  and 
of  course  denies  to  it  all  hope  of  either  social  or  political  elevation,  by  n)eans 
of  individual  merit,  however  great,  or  individual  exertions,  however  unremit- 
ted.' *  *  'It  is  deemed  unnecessary  to  repeat  what  has  already  been  said, 
of  the  character  of  the  population  in  question,  of  its  hopeless  degradation, 
and  its  baneful  influence,  in  the  situation  in  which  it  is  now  placed.'  *  .  *  * 
'  The  colored  population  of  this  country  can  7ievcr  rise  to  respectability  and 
happiness  here.'  *  *  '  It  was  at  an  early  period  seen  and  acknowledged,  that 
neither  the  objects  of  benevolence  nor  the  interests  of  the  nation  could  be  ma- 
terially benefitted  by  any  plan  or  measures  that  permitted  them  to  remain  within 
the  United  States.' "  *  *  '  They  leave  a  country  in  which  though  born  and 
reared,  they  are  strangers  and  aliens  ;  where  severe  necessity  places  them  in  a 
class  of  degraded  beings.'  *  *  '  With  us  they  have  been  degraded  by  slavery, 
and  still  further  degraded  by  the  mockery  of  nominal  freedom. 
We  have  endeavored,  but  endeavored  in  vain,  to  restore  them  either  to  self- 
respect,  or  to  the  respect  of  others.  It  is  not  our  fault  that  we  have  failed; 
it  is  not  tiieirs.  It  has  resulted  from  a  cause  over  which  neither  they,  nor  we, 
can  ever  have  control.  Hire,  therefore,  they  must  be  for  ever  debased:  more 
than  this,  they  must  be  for  ever  useless  ;  more  even  than  this,  they  must  be 
FOR  EVER  A  NUISANCE,  from  which  it  were  a  blessing  for  society  to  be  rid. 
And  yet  they,  and  they  only,  are  qualified  for  colonizing  Africa.'  *  *  ,  '' 
'  Whether  bond  or  free,  their  presence  will  be  for  ever  a  calamity.  Why 
then,  in  the  name  of  (iod,  should  we  hesitate  to  encourage  their  departure  ? 
The  existence  of  this  race  among  us  ;  a  race  that  can  neither  share  our  blessing.s 
nor  incorporate  in  oar  8ocictv,  is  already  felt  to  be  a  curse.' — [African  lleposi- 
"tory,  vol.  V.  pp.  51,  .53,  179",  234,  238,  27«,   278.] 

'  Is  our  posterity  doomed  to  endure  for  ever  not  only  all  the  ills  flowing  from 
the  state  of  slavery,  but  all  which  arise  from  incongruous  elements  of  population, 
separated  from  each  other  by  i/it'Mip/i/f  prejudices,  and  by  natural  causes  .'  ' 
«  *  'Here    invincible   prejudices    excrude   them  from   the  enjoyment  of 

the  society  of  the  whites,  and  deny  them  all  the  advantages  of  freemen.  The 
bar,  the  pulpit,  and  our  legislative'halls  are  shut  to  them  by  the  irresistible  force 
of  public  sentiment.  No  talents  however  great,  no  piety  however  pure  and  de- 
voted, no  patriotism  however  ardent,  can  secure  their  admission.  They  con- 
fitantly  hear  the  accents,  and  behold  the  triumphs,  of  a  liberty  tohich  here  they 


Prevents  the   Inslruction  of  the   Blacks.  137 

can  never  enjoy.'  **  *^  '  It  i:^  against  tliis  increase  of  colored  persons, 
wiio  tiiko  but  :i  nominal  freedom  here,  and  cannot  rise  from  their  degraded  con- 
dition, tint  this  Society  attempts  to  provide.'  '  *  '  They  may  be  eman- 
cipated ;  bnt  emancipation  cannot  elevate  their  conditinn  or  augment  their 
capacity  for  self-preservation. — Want  and  sutVering  will  gradually  diminish  their 
numbers,  and  they  will  disappear,  as  the  inferior  has  always  disappeared,  before 
the  superior  race.'  *  *  '  Our  groat  and  good  men  purposed.it  primarily 
as  a  system  of  reffcf  for  two  millions  of  lellow  men  in  our  own  county — a  popu- 
lation dangerous  to  ourselves  and  ncressarili/  degraded  here.''  *  *  '  The 
free  blacks,  by  the  moral  necessity  of  their  civil  disabilities,  are  and  must  for 
ever  be  a  nuisance — equally,  and  more  to  the  owner  of  slaves,  than  to  other 
members  of  the  community.'— [African  Repository,  vol.  vi.  pp.  12,  17,  82,  168, 
295,  368.]     - 

'  Incorporated  into  our  country  aa  freemen,  yet  separated  from  it  by  odious 
and  degrading  distinctions,  they  feel  themselves  condetnned  to  a  hopeless  and 
debasing  inferiority.  They  know  that  their  very  complexion  will  for  ever  ex- 
clude them  from  the  rank,  the  privileges,  the  honors,  of  freemen.  No  matter 
how  great  their  industry,  or  how  abundant  their  wealth — no  matter  what  their 
attainmdjits  in  literature,  science  or  the  arts — no  matter  how  correct  their  de- 
portment or  what  respect  their  characters  may  inspire,  they  can  never,  no, 
NEViiR  be  raised  to  a  footing  of  equality,  not  even  to  a  familiar  intercourse 
with  the  surrounding  society.'  ""  *  '  To  us  it  seems  evident  that  the  man  of 
color  may  as  soon  change  his  complexion,  as  rise  above  all  sense  of  past  in- 
feriority and  debasement  in  a  community,  from  the  social  intercourse  of  which, 
he  must  expect  to  be  in  a  great  measure  excluded,  not  only  until  prejudice  shall 
have  no  existence  therein,  but  until  the  freedom  of  man  in  regulating  l.is  social 
relations  is  proved  to  be  abridged  by  some  law  of  morality  or  the  gospel.  .'  .  . 
Is  it  not  wise,  then,  for  the  free  people  of  color  and  their  friends  to  admit, 
what  cannot  reasonably  be  doubted,  that  the  people  of  color  must,  in  this  coun- 
try, remain  for  ages,  probably  for  ever,  a  separate  and  inferior  caste,  weighed 
down  by  causes,  powerful,  universal,  inevitable  ;  which  neither  legislation 
nor  Christianity  can  remove  ?  ' 

'  Let  the  free  black  in  this  country  toil  from  youth  to  age  in  the  honorable  pursuit 
of  wisdom — let  him  stare  his  mind  with  the  most  valuable  researches  of  science 
anil  literature — and  let  him  add  to  a  highly  gifted  and  cultivated  intellect,  a  piety 
pure,  undefiled,  and  "  unspotted  from  the  world  " — it  is  all  nothing  :  he  would 
not  be  received  into  the  very  lowest  walks  of  society.  If  we  were  constrained 
to  admire  so  uncommon  a  being,  our  very  admiration  would  mingle  with  disgust, 
because,  in  the  physical  organization  of  his  frame,  we  meet  an  insurmountable 
barrier,  even  to  an  approach  to  social  intercourse,  and  in  the  Egyptian  color, 
which  nature  has  stamped  upon  his  features,  a  principle  of  repulsion  so  strong  as 
to  forbid  the  idea  of  a  communion  either  of  interest  or  of  feeling,  as  utterly  ab- 
horrent. Whether  these  Tieliiigs  are  founded  in  reason  or  not,  we  will  not  now 
inquire — perhaps  they  are  not.  But  education  and  habit  and  prejudice  have  so 
firmly  riveted  them  upon  us,  that  they  have  become  as  strong  as  nature  itself— 
and  to  expect  their  removal,  or  even  their  slightest  modification,  would  be  as 
idle  and  preposterous  as  to  expect  that  we  could  reach  forth  our  hands,  and  re- 
move the  mountains  from  their  foundations  into  the  vallies,  which  are  beneath 
them.'— [African  Repository,  vol.  vii.  pp.  100,   195,   196,   231.] 

'  And  can  we  not  find  some  spot  on  this  large  globe  which  will  receive  them 
kindly,  and  where  they  may  escape  those  prejudices  which,  in  this  country, 
must  ever  keep  them  inftrior  and  degraded  members  of  society  V — [Tliird 
Annual   Report.] 

'  A  population  which,  even  if  it  were  not  literally  enslaved,  must  for  ever 
remain  in  a  state  of  degradation  no  better  than  bondage.'  *  *  '  Here  the 
thing  is  impossible  ;    a  slave  cannot  be  really  emancipated.     You  may  call  hiua 

[Part  I.]  18 


138  The  AmeiHcan  Colonization   Society 

free,  you  may  enact  a  statute  book  of  laws  to  make  him  free,  but  you  cannot 
bleach  him  into  the  enjoyment  of  freedom.'  *  *  '  The  Soodra  is  not  farther 
separated  from  the  Brahmin  in  regard  to  all  his  privileges,  civil,  intellectual,  and 
moral,  than  the  negro  is  from  the  white  man  by  the  prejudices  which  result  from 
the  difference  made  between  them  by  the  God  of  nature.  A  bariier  more  ditfi- 
cult  to  be  surmounted  than  the  institution  of  the  caste,  cuts  off,  and  while  the 
present  state  of  society  continues  must  always  cut  off,  the  negro  from  all  that 
is  valuable  iu  citizenship.' — [Seventh  Annual  Report.] 

'  Let  the  arm  of  our  government  be  stretched  out  for  the  defence  of  our  Afri- 
can colony,  and  this  objection  will  no  longer  exist.  There,  and  there  alone, 
the  colored  man  can  enjoy  the  motives  for  honorable  exertion.' — [Ninth  Annual 
Report.] 

'  In  the  distinctive  and  indelible  marks  of  their  color,  and  the  prejudices  of  the 
people,  an  insuperable  obstacle  has  been  placed  to  the  execution  of  any  plan 
for  elevating  their  character,  and  placing  them  on  a  footing  with  their  brethren 
of  the  same  common  family.' — ['I'enth  Annual  Report.] 

'  Far  from  shuddering  at  the  thought  of  leaving  the  comfortable  fireside  among 
US,  for  a  distant  and  unknown  shore  vet  covered  by  the  wilderness,  they  have 
preferred  real  liberty  there,  to  a  mockery  of  freedom  here,  and  have  turned  their 
eyes  to  Africa,  as  the  only  resting  place  and  refuge  of  the  colored  man,  in  the 
deluge  of  oppression  that  surrounds  him.' — [Eleventh  Annual  Report.] 

•The  race  in  question  were  known,  as  a  class,  to  be  destitute,  depraved — the 
victims  of  all  forms  of  social  misery.  The  peculiarity  of  their  fate  was,  that 
this  was  not  their  condition  by  accident  or  transiently,  but  inevitably  and  im- 
mutably, whilst  they  remained  in  their  present  place,  by  a  law  as  infallible  in 
its  operation,  as  any  of  physical  nature. '  *  *  '  Their  residence  amongst  us  is 
attended  by  evil  consequences  to  society — causes  beyond  the  control  of  the 
human  loill  must  prevent  their  ever  rising  to  equalitv  with  the  whites.'  *  * 
'  The  iManagers  consider  it  clear  that  causes  exist,  and  are  operating  to  prevent 
their  improvement  and  elevation  to  any  considerable  extent  as  a  cla.ss,  in  this 
country,  which  are  fixed,  not  only  beyond  the  control  of  the  friends  of  human- 
ity, BUT  OF  ANY  HUMAN  POWER.  Christianity  cannot  do  for  them  here, 
what  it  will  do  for  them  in  Africa.  This  is  not  the  fault  of  the  colored 
man,  nor  of  the  ivhitc  man,  nor  of  Christianity  ;  but  an  ordination  of 
Providence,  and  no  more  to  be  chana;ed  than  the  laws  of  nature.  Yet, 
were  it  otherwise,  did  no  cause  exist  but  prejudice,  to  prevent  the  elevation,  in 
this  country,  of  our  free  colored  population,  still,  were  this  prejudice  so  strong 
(which  is  indeed  the  fact)  as  to  forbid  the  hope  of  any  great  favorable  change 
in  their  condition,  what  folly  for  them  to  reject  blessings  i,i  another  land,  be- 
cause it  is  prejudice  which  debars  them  from  such  blessings  in  this  !  Rut  in 
truth  no  legislation,  no  humanity,  no  benevolence  can  make  them  insensible  to 
their  past  condition,  can  unfetter  their  minds,  can  relieve  them  from  the  disad- 
vantages resulting  from  inferior  tneans  and  attainments,  can  abridge  the  right  of 
freemen  to  regulate  their  social  intercourse  and  relations,  which  will  leave  them 
for  ever  a  separate  and  depressed  class  in  the  community  ;  in  fine,  rothin<r 
can  in  any  way  do  much  here  to  raise  them  from  their  miseries  to  respectability, 
honor  and  usefulness.' — [Fifteenth  Annual  Report.] 

'That  no  adequate  means  of  attaining  this  great  end  existed,  short  of  the  se- 
gregation of  the  black  population  from  the  white — that  an  impassible  bar- 
rier existed  in  the  state  of  society  in  this  country,  between  these  classes that 

whatever  might  be  the  liberal  sentiments  of  some  good  men  among  us,  the 
blacks  were  marked  with  an  indelible  note  of  inferiority — they  saw  placed 
high  before  them  a  station  which  here  they  could  never  reach,  and  by  a  nat- 
Bral  reaction  they  fell  back  into  a  position  where  self-respect  lent  them  no  stim- 


Prevents  the  Instruction  of  the  Blacks.  139 

nlus,  and  virtuous  principles  and  actions  lost  move  than  half  their  motive — that 
in  fact  they  were  a  branded  and  degraded  caste — the  Pariahs  of  the  United 
States,  and  destined  as  long  a.s  they  rcvifiincd  ivith  us  to  be  hewers  of  wood 
and  drawers  of  water — th.U  tlie  increase  of  tliis  popuhition  in  a  greater  ratio  than 
the  whites,  was  calculated  to  excite  just  apprehension — that  no  one  could  say 
that  when  a  few  more  millions  should  be  added  to  their  numbers,  the  example  of 
Hayti  might  not  rouse  them  to  an  effort  to  break  their  chains  ;  and  he  would  ask 
what  man  could  contemplate,  without  shuddering,  all  the  complicated  atrocity 
and  bloody  revenge  of  such  a  revolt  ?'  *  *  '  Those  persons  of  color  who 
have  been  emancipated,  are  only  nominally  free,  and  the  whole  race,  so  long  as 
ihey  remain  among  us,  and  whether  they  be  slaves  or  free,  must  necessarily  be 
kept  in  a  condition  full  of  wretchedness  to  them  and  full  of  danger  to  the 
whites.' — [Second  Annual  Report  of  New- York  State  Colonization  Society.] 

*  Many  of  those  citizens  who  ardently  wish  for  the  removal  of  such  of  the 
free  colored  population,  as  are  willing  to  go,  to  any  place  where  they  could  en- 
joy, what  they  can  never  enjoy  here,  that  is,  all  the  advantages  of  society,' 
&c.  *  *  '  That  the  free  colored  population  in  this  country  labor  under  the 
most  oppressive  disadvantages,  which  their  freedom  can  by  no  means  counter- 
balance', is  too  obvious  to  :idmit  of  doubt.  I  waive  all  inquiry  whether  this  is 
right  or  wrong.  I  speak  of  things  as  they  are — not  as  they  might,  or  as  they 
ought  to  be.  They  are  cut  off  from  the  most  remote«chance  of  amalgamation 
with  the  white  population,  by  feelings  or  prejudices,  call  them  what  you  will, 
that  are  ineradicable.  Their  situation  is  more  unfavorable  than  that  of  many 
slaves.  "  With  all  the  burdens,  cares  and  res|)onsibilities  of  freedom,  they  have 
few  or  none  of  its  substantial  benefits.  Their  associations  are,  and  must  be, 
chiefly  with  slaves.  Their  right  of  suffrage  gives  them  little,  if  any,  political 
in^fluence,  and  they  are  practically,  if  not  theoretically  excluded  from  representa- 
tion and  weight  in  our  public  councils."  A^'o  merit,  no  services,  no  talents 
can  elevate  them  to  a  level  with  the  whites.  Occasionally,  an  exception  may 
arise.  A  colored  individual,  of  great  talents,  merits,  and  wealth,  may  emerge 
from  the  crowd.  Cases  of  this  kind  are  to  the  last  degree  rare.  The  colored 
people  are  subject  to  legal  disabilities,  more  or  less  galling  and  severe,  in  almost 
every  state  of  the  Union.  Who  has  not  deeply  regretted  their  late  harsh  expul- 
sion from  the  Slate  of  Ohio,  and  their  being  forced  to  abandon  the  country  of 
their  birth,  which  had  profited  by  their  labors,  and  to  take  refuge  in  a  foreign 
land  .'  Severe  regulations  have  been  recently  passed  in  Louisiana,  to  prevent  the 
introduction  of  free  people  of  color  into  the  State.  Whenever  they  appear,  they 
arc  to  be  banished  in  sixty  days.  The  strong  opposition  to  a  negro  college  in 
New-Haven,  speaks  in  a  language  not  to  be  mistaken,  the  jealousy  with  which 
they  are  regarded.  And  there  is  no  reason  to  expect,  that  the  lapse  of  centuries 
will  make  any  change  in  this  respect.  They  will  always  unhappily 
BE  REGARDED  AS  AN   INFERIOR   RACE.' — [Mathcw  Carey's  'Reflections.'] 

*  Instances  of  emancipation  have  not  essentially  benefitted  the  African,  and 
probably  never  will,  while  he  remains  among  us.  In  this  country,  public 
opinion  does,  and  will,  consign  him  to  an  inferiority,  above  which  he  can 
never  rise.  Emancipation  can  never  make  the  African,  while  he  remains  in 
this  country,  a  real  free  man.  Degradation  biust  and  will  press  him  to  the 
earth  ;  no  cheering,  stimulating  influence  will  he  here  feel,  in  any  of  the  walks 
of  life.' — [Circular  of  the  Massachusetts  Colonization  Society  for   1832.] 

'  With  us  color  is  the  bar.  Nature  has  raised  up  barriers  between  the  races, 
which  no  man  with  a  proper  sense  of  the  dignity  of  his  species  desires  to 
see  surmoimted.''  *  *  '  What  effects  does  emancipation  produce  without 
removal  ?  A  discontented  and  useless  population  ;  having  no  sympathies  with 
the  rest  of  the  community,  doomed  by  immoveable  barriers  to  eternal  de- 
gradation. I  know  that  there  are  among  us,  those  of  warm  and  generous  hearts, 
who  believe  that  we  may  retain  the  black  man  here,  and  raise  him  up  to  the  full 


140  The  American   Colonization   Society 

and  perfect  stature  of  human  nature.  That  degree  of  improvement  can  never 
take  place  except  the  races  be  amalgamated  ;  and  amalgamation  is  a  day-dream. 
It  may  seem  strong,  Iiut  it  is  true  that  "  a  skin  not  colored  like  our  own  "  will 
separate  them  from  us,  as  long  as  our  feelings  contimie  a  part  of  our  na- 
ture.'— [Speeches  delivered  at  the  formation  of  the  Young  Men's  Auxiliary  Col- 
onization Society  in  New- York  city.] 

'  These  [subsistence,  political  and  social  considerations]  they  can  never  enjoy 
here.'  *  *  '  You  may  manumit  the  slave,  but  you  cannot  make  him  a  white 
man.  He  still  remains  a  negro  or  a  mulatto.  The  mark  and  the  recollection  of 
his  origin  and  former  state  still  adhere  to  him  ;  the  feelings  produced  by  that 
condition,  in  his  own  mind  and  in  the  minds  of  the  whites,  still  exist  ;  he  is  as- 
sociated by  his  color,  and  by  these  recollections  and  feelings,  with  the  class  of 
slaves  ;  and  a  barrier  is  thus  raised  between  iiim  aiiJ  the  whites,  that  is  between 
him  and  the  free  class,  which  he  can  never  hope  to  transcend.'  *  *  'A  vast 
majority  of  the  free  blacks,  as  we  have  seen,  are  and  must  be.,  an  idle,  worth- 
less and  thievish  race,' — [First  Annual  Report.] 

'  Here  they  are  condemned  to  a  state  of  hopeless  inferiority,  and  consequent 
degradation.  As  they  cannot  emerge  from  this  state,  they  lose,  by  degrees, 
the  hope,  at  last  the  desire  of  emerging.' — [Second  Annual  Report.] 

• 
'  The  existence  in  any  community  of  a  people  forming  a  distinct  and  degraded 
caste,  who  are  forever  excluded  by  the  fiat  of  society  and  the  laws  of  the 
land,  from  all  hopes  of  equality  in  social  intercourse  and  political  privileges, 
must,  from  the  nature  of  things,  be  fraught  with  unmixed  evil.  Did  this  com- 
mittee believe  it  possible,  by  any  acts  of  legislation,  to  remove  this  blotch  upon 
the  body  politic,  by  so  elevating  the  social  and  moral  condition  of  the  blacks  in 
Ohio,  that  ihey  would  be  received  into  society  on  terms  of  equality,  and  would 
by  common  consent  be  admitted  to  a  participation  of  political  privileges — were 
SUCH  A  THING  POSSIBLE,  even  after  a  lapse  of  time  and  by  pecuniary 
sacrifice,  most  gladly  would  tliey  recommend  such  measures  as  would  subserve 
the  cause  of  humanity,  by  producing  such  a  result.  For  the  purposes  of  legis- 
lation, it  is  sudicient  to  know,  that  the  blacks  in  Ohio  must  always  exist  as 
a  separate  and  degraded  race,  that  when  the  leopard  shall  change  his  spots 
and  the  Ethiopian  his  skin,  then,  but  not  till,  then,  may  we  expect 
that  the  descendants  of  Africans  will  be  admitted  into  society,  on  terms  of  social 
and  political  equality.' — [Report  of  a  Select  Committee  of  the  Legislature  of 
Ohio.] 

'  No  possible  contingency  can  ever  break  down  or  weaken  the  impassable  bar- 
rier which  at  present  separates  the  whites  from  social  conununion  with  the  blacks. 
Neither  education,  nor  wealth,  nor  any  other  means  of  distinction  known 
to  our  communities,  can  elevate  blacks  to  a  level  with  whites,  in  the  United 
States.' — [American  Spectator.] 

'  However  unjust  may  be  the  prejudices  which  exist  in  the  whites  against  the 
blacks,  and  which  operate  so  injuriously  to  the  latter — they  are  probably  too 
deep  to  br  obliterated  ;  and  true  philanthropy  would  dictate  the  separation  of 
two  races  of  men,  so  different,  whom  nature  herself  has  forbidden 
to  mingle  into  one  ;  but  of  whom,  while  they  remain  associated,  one  or 
the  other  jnust  of  necessity  have  the  superiority.  For  the  future  welfare 
of  both,  we  trust  that  the  project  of  colonizing  the  Africans,  as  they  shall  grad- 
ually be  emancipated,  although  a  work  of  time,  may  not  be  altogether  hopeless.' 
— [Brandon  (Vt.)   Telegraph.] 

'  The  character  and  circumstances  of  this  portion  of  the  community  fall  under 
every  man's  notice,  and  the  least  observation  shows  that  they  cannot  be  useful 
or  happy  among  us.' — [Oration  by  Gabriel  P.  Disosway,  Esq.] 


Prevents  the  Instruction  of  the  Blacks.  141 

'  It  is  of  vast  importance  to  these  people,  as  a  class,  that  their  hopes  and  ex- 
pectations of  tenipoial  prosperity  should  be  turned  to  Africa,  and  that  they 
should  not  regard  our  country  as  their  permanent  residence,  or  as  that  country 
in  wliich  they  will  ever,  as  a  people,  enjoy  equal  privileges  and  blessings  with 
the  whites.' — [Rev.  Mr  Gurley's  Letter  to  the  Rev.  S.  S.  Jocelyn.] 

'  To  attain  solid  happiness  and  permanent  respectability,  they  should  now  re- 
move to  a  more  congenial  clime.  .  .  .  To  raise  them  to  a  level  with  the 
whites  is  an  impossibility.' — [New-Haven  Religious  Intelligencer.] 

'  In  Liberia — the  land  of  their  forefathers,  they  will  be  restored  to  real  free- 
dom, which  they  have  never  yet  enjoyed,  and  which  it  is  folly  for  them  to  expect 
they  can  ever  enjoy  among  the  whites.' — [Norfolk  Herald.] 

'  My  bowels,  my  bowels  !  I  am  pained  at  my  very  heart  ; 
my  heart  raaketh  a  noise  in  me.'  Are  we  pagans,  are  we  sav- 
ages, are  w'e  devils  ?  Can  pagans,  or  savages,  or  devils,  exhibit 
a  more  implacable  spirit,  than  is  seen  in  the  foregoing  extracts  .'' 
It  is  enough  to  cause  the  very  stones  to  cry  out,  and  the  beasts 
of  the  field  to  rebuke  us. 

Of  this  I  am  sure  :  no  man,  who  is  truly  willing  to  admit  the 
people  of  color  to  an  equality  with  himself,  can  see  any  insu- 
perable difficulty  in  effecting  their  elevation.  When,  therefore, 
I  hear  an  individual — especially  a  professor  of  Christianity — 
strenuously  contending  that  there  can  be  no  fellowship  with 
them,  I  cannot  help  suspecting  the  sincerity  of  his  own  repub- 
licanism or  piety,  or  thinking  that  the  beam  is  in  his  own  eye. 
My  bible  assures  me  that  the  day  is  coming  when  even  the  '  wolf 
shall  dwell  with  the  lamb,  and  the  leopard  shall  lie  down  with 
the  kid,  and  the  wolf  and  the  young  lion  and  the  fatling  togeth- 
er ;'  and,  if  this  be  possible,  I  see  no  cause  why  those  of  the 
same  species — God's  rational  creatures — fellow  countrymen,  in 
truth,  cannot  dwell  in  harmony  together. 

How  abominably  hypocritical,  how  consummately  despica- 
ble, how  incorrigibly  tyrannical  must  this  whole  nation  appear 
in  the  eyes  of  the  people,  of  Europe  ! — professing  to  be  the 
friends  of  the  free  blacks,  actuated  by  the  purest  motives  of 
benevolence  toward  them,  desirous  to  make  atonement  for  past 
wrongs,  challenging  the  admiration  of  the  world  for  their  patri- 
otism, philanthropy  and  piety — and  yet  (hear,  0  heaven  !  and 
be  astonished,  0  earth  !)  shamelessly  proclaiming,  with  a  voice 
louder  than  thunder,  and  an  aspect  malignant  as  sin,  that  while 
their  colored   countrymen    remain   among  them,   they  must  be 


142  The  American   Colonization   Society 

trampled  b.eneath  their  feet,  treated  as  inferior  beings,  deprived 
of  all  the  invaluable  privileges  of  freemen,  separated  by  the 
brand  of  indelible  ignominy,  and  debased  to  a  level  with  the 
beasts  that  perish  !  Yea,  that  they  may  as  soon  change  their 
complexion  as  rise  from  their  degradation  !  that  no  device  of  phi- 
lanthropy can  benefit  them  here  !  that  they  constitute  a  class  out 
of  which  no  individual  can  be  elevated,  and  below  which,  none 
can  be  depressed  !  that  no  talents  however  great,  no  piety  how- 
ever pure  and  devoted,  no  patriotism  however  ardent,  no  indus- 
try however  great,  no  wealth  however  abundant,  can  raise  them 
to  a  footing  of  equality  with  the  whites  !  that  '  let  them  toil 
from  youth  to  old  age  in  the  honorable  pursuit  of  wisdom — let 
them  store  their  minds  with  the  most  valuable  researches  of  sci- 
ence and  literature — and  let  them  add  to  a  highly  gifted  and  cul- 
tivated intellect,  a  piety  pure,  undefiled,  and  unspotted  from  the 
world,  it  is  all  nothing — they  would  not  be  received  into  the 
very  loicest  walks  of  society — admiration  of  such  uncommon 
beings  would  mingle  with  disgnst  /'  Yea,  that  '  there  is  a  broad 
and  impassible  line  of  demarcation  between  every  man  who  has 
one  drop  of  African  blood  in  his  veins  and  every  other  class  in 
the  community  '  !  Yea,  that  '  the  habits,  the  feelings,  all  the 
prejudices  of  society — prejudices  which  neither  refinement,  nor 
argument,  nor  education,  nor  religion  itself  can  subdue — 
mark  the  people  of  color,  whether  bond  or  free,  as  the  subjects 
of  a  degradation  inevitable  and  incurable  '  /  Yea,  that  '  Chris- 
tianity cannot  do  for  them  here,  what  it  will  do  for  them  in 
Africa  '  !  Yea,  that  '  this  is  not  the  fault  of  the  colored  man, 
NOR  OF  THE  AVHiTE  MAN,  nor  of  Christianity  ;  but  an  ordi- 
nation OF  Providence,  and  no  more   to  be  changed  than  the 

LAWS    OF    NATURE  '  !  !  ! 

Again  I  ask,  are  we  pagans,  are  we  savages,  are  we  devils  ? 
Search  the  records  of  heathenism,  and  sentiments  more  hostile 
to  the  spirit  of  the  gospel,  or  of  a  more  black  and  blasphemous 
complexion  than  these,  cannot  be  found.  I  believe  that  they 
are  libels  upon  the  character  of  my  countrymen,  which  time 
will  wipe  off.  I  call  upon  the  spirits  of  the  just  made  perfect 
in  heaven,  upon  all  who  have  experienced  the  love  of  God  in 
their  souls  here  below,  upon  the  christian  converts  in  India  and 


Prevents  the  Instruction  of  the  Blacks.  143 

the  islands  of  the  sea,  to  sustain  me  in  the  assertion  that  there 
is  power  enough  in  the  rehgion  of  Jesus  Christ  to  melt  down 
the  most  stubborn  prejudices,  to  overthrow  the  highest  walls  of 
partition,  to  break  the  strongest  caste,  to  improve  and  elevate 
the  most  degraded,  to  unite  in  fellowship  the  most  hostile,  and 
to  equalize  and  bless  all  its  recipients.  Make  me  sure  that 
there  is  not,  and  I  will  give  it  up,  now  and  for  ever.  '  In  Christ 
Jesus,  all  are  one  :  there  is  neither  Jew  nor  Greek,  there  is 
neither  bond  nor  free,  there  is  neither  male  nor  female.' 

These  sentiments  were  not  uttered  by  infidels,  nor  by  worth- 
less wretches,  but  in  many  instances  by  professors  of  religion  and 
ministers  of  the  gospel !  and  in  almost  every  instance  by  repu- 
tedly the  most  enlightened,  patriotic  and  benevolent  men  in  the 
land  !  Tell  it  not  abroad  !  publish  it  not  in  the  streets  of  Cal- 
cutta !  Even  the  eminent  President  of  Union  College,  (Rev. 
Dr.  Nott,)  could  so  far  depart,  unguardedly  I  hope,  from  chris- 
tian love  and  integrity,  as  to  utter  this  language  in  an  address  in 
behalf  of  the  Colonization  Society  : — '  With  us  they  [the  free 
people  of  color]  have  been  degraded  by  slavery,  and  still  further 
degraded  by  the  mockery  of  nominal  freedom. '  Were  this  true, 
it  would  imply  that  we  of  the  free  States  are  more  barbarous  and 
neglectful  than  even  the  traffickers  in  souls  and  men-stealers  at 
the  south.  We  have  not,  it  is  certain,  treated  our  colored  breth- 
ren as  the  law  of  kindness  and  the  ties  of  brotherhood  demand  ; 
but  have  we  outdone  slaveholders  in  cruelty  ?  Were  it  true,  to 
forge  new  fetters  for  the  limbs  of  these  degraded  beings  would 
be  an  act  of  benevolence.  But  their  condition  is  as  much  su- 
perior to  that  of  the  slaves,  as  happiness  is  to  misery.  The 
second  portion  of  this  work,  containing  their  proceedino-s  in  a 
collective  capacity,  shows  whether  they  have  made  any  progress 
in  intelligence,  in  virtue,  in  piety,  and  in  happiness,  since  their 
liberation.  Again  he  says  :  '  We  have  endeavored.,  but  endeav- 
ored iu  vain,  to  restore  them  either  to  self-respect,  or  to  the  respect 
of  others.'  It  is  painful  to  contradict  so  worthy  an  individual  ; 
but  nothing  is  more  certain  than  that  this  statement  is  altogether 
erroneous.  We  have  derided,  we  have  shunned,  we  have  neg- 
lected them,  in  every  possible  manner.  They  have  had  to  rise 
not  only  under  the  mountainous  weight  of  their   own  ignorance 


144  The  American  Colonization   Society 

and  vice,  but  with  the  additional  and  constant  pressure  of  our 
contempt  and  injustice.  In  despite  of  us,  they  have  done  well. 
Again  :  '  It  is  not  our  fault  that  ive  have  failed  ;  it  is  not 
theirs.'  We  are  wholly  and  exclusively  in  fault.  What  have 
we  done  to  raise  them  up  from  the  earth  ?  What  have  we  not 
done  to  keep  them  down  .''  Once  more  :  '  It  has  resulted  from 
a  cause  over  which  neither  they,  nor  we,  can  ever  have  con- 
trol.' In  other  words,  they  have  been  made  with  skins  '  not 
colored  like  our  own,'  and  therefore  we  cannot  recognise  them 
as  fellow-countrymen,  or  treat  them  like  rational  beings  !  One 
sixth  of  our  whole  population  musl^  tor  ever,  in  this  land, 
remain  a  wretched,  ignorant  and  degraded  race, — and  yet  no- 
body be  culpable — none  but  the  Creator  who  has  made  us  inca- 
pable of  doing  unto  others  as  we  would  have  them  do  unto  us  ! 
Horrible — horrible  !  If  this  be  not  an  impeachment  of  Infinite 
Goodness, — I  do  not  say  intentionally  but  really, — I  cannot 
define  it.  The  same  sentiment  is  reiterated  by  a  writer  in  the 
Southern  Religious  Telegraph,  who  says — '  The  exclusion  of 
the  free  black  from  the  civil  and  literary  privileges  of  our  coun- 
try, depends  on  another  circumstance  than  that  of  character — a 
circumstance,  which,  as  it  was  entirely  beyond  his  control,  so 
it  is  unchangeable,  and  will  for  ever  operate.  This  circum- 
stance is — he  is  a  black  man' ! !  And  the  Board  of  Managers 
of  the  Parent  Society,  in  their  Fifteenth  Annual  Report,  de- 
clare that  '  an  ordination  of  Providence  '  prevents  the  general 
improvement  of  the  people  of  color  in  this  land  !  How  are  God 
and  our  country  dishonored,  and  the  requirements  of  the  gospel 
contemned,  by  this  ungodly  plea  !  Having  satisfied  himself 
that  the  Creator  is  alone  blameable  for  the  past  and  present  de- 
gradation of  the  free  blacks,  Dr.  Nott  draws  the  natural  and 
unavoidable  inference  that  '  here,  therefore,  they  must  be  for 
ever  debased,  for  ever  useless,  for  ever  a  nuisance,  for  ever  a 
calamity,'  and  then  gravely  declares  (mark  the  climax  !)  '  and 
yet  THEY,  [these  ignorant,  helpless,  miserable  creatures  !]  and 
THEY  ONLY,  are  qualified  for  colonizing  Africa  '  !  !  '  Why 
then,'  he  asks,  '  in  the  name  of  God,' — (the  abrupt  appeal,  in 
this  connexion,  seems  almost  profane,) — '  should  we  hesitate  to 
encourage  tl>eir  departure  .'' ' 


Prevents  the  Instruction  cf  the  Blacks.  145 

Nature,  we  are  positively  assured,  has  raised  up  impassable 
barriers  between  the  races.  I  understand  by  this  expression, 
that  the  blacks  are  of  a  difierent  species  from  ourselves,  so  that 
all  attempts  to  generate  offspring  between  us  and  them  must 
prove  as  abortive,  as  between  a  man  and  a  beast.  It  is  a  law 
of  Nature  that  the  lion  shall  not  beget  the  lamb,  or  the  leopard 
the  bear.  Now  the  planters  at  the  south  have  clearly  demon- 
strated, that  an  amalgamation  with  their  slaves  is  not  only  possi- 
ble, but  a  matter  of  course,  and  eminently  productive.  It 
neither  ends  in  abortion  nor  produces  m.onsters.  In  truth,  it  is 
often  so  difficult  in  the  slave  Slates  to  distinguish  between  the 
fruits  of  this  intercourse  and  the  children  of  white  parents,  that 
witnesses  are  summoned  at  court  to  solve  the  problem  !  Talk 
of  the  barriers  of  Nature,  when  the  land  swarms  wiih  living 
refutations  of  the  statement  !  Happy  indeed  would  it  be  for 
many  a  female  slave,  if  such  a  barrier  could  exist  during  the  pe- 
riod of  her  servitude  to  protect  her  from  the  lust  of  her  master  ! 

In  France,*  England,!  Spain,  and  other  countries,  persons  of 
color  maintain  as  high  a  rank  and    are   treated  as   honorably  as 

"Why  is  it  that  the  free  people  of  color  are  now,  iii  almost  every  part  of  our 
country,  threatened  with  lj;inishmeiit  from  State  to  State,  and  with  hunting  from 
city  to  city,  until  there  shall  be  no  place  for  the  soles  of  their  feet  in  this  their 
native  land  ?  Is  it  because  they  are  in  reality,  as  slaveholders  tell  us,  an  inferior 
race  of  beings  ?  No,  my  friends  :  their  consistent  conduct,  "their  polished  man- 
ners, and  their  great  respectability,  wherever  they  have  enjoyed  the  advantages 
of  equality  of  education  and  equality  of  motives,  proclaim  the  contrary.  The 
true  cause  of  this  almost  universal  prescription  is  to  be  found  in  the  melancholy 
fact  that  we  have  been  guilty  of  the  most  atrocious  injustice  to  their  forefathers 
and  to  themselves.  We  would  therefore  now  banish  the  evidence  of  our  guilt 
from  before  our  eyes  :  for  whom  a  mari  has  injured,  he  is  almost  sure  to  hate. 
Some  of  the  finest  men  I  met  with,  during  a  residence  of  three  years  in  London 
and  Paris,  were  the  offspring  of  African  mothers.  There  no  distinction  is  made  in 
any  grade  of  society,  on  account  of  color.  I  have  repeatedly  seen  black  gentle- 
men sittintr  on  the  sofas,  conversing  with  the  ladies,  at  the  hospitable  mansion  of 
that  universal  philanthropist,  Lafayette  ;  and  there  were  no  persons  pre.«ent 
who  appeared  more  respectable,  or  who  were  more  respected. — [Address  of  Ar- 
nold Butium,  President  of  the  New-England  Anti-Slavery  Society,  delivered  in 
Boston,  Feb.  16,  1832.] 

t  In  England,  it  is  common  to  see  respectable  and  genteel  people  open  their 
pews  when  a  black  stranger  enters  the  church  ;  and  at  hotels,  nobody  thinks  it  a 
degradation  to  have  a  colored  traveller  sit  at  the  same  table.  We  have  heard  a 
well  authenticated  anecdote,  which  illustrates  the  diti'erent  state  of  feeling  in  the 
two  countries  on  this  subject.  A  wealthy  American  citizen  was  residing  at  Lon- 
don for  a  season,  which  time  the  famous  Mr  Prince  Saunders  was  there.  The 
London  breakfast  hour  is  very  late  ;  and  Prince  Saunders  happened  to  call  upon 
the  American  while  his  family  were  taking  their  mornii^g  repast.  Politeness  and 
native  good  feelings  prompted  the  lady  to  ask  her  guest  to   take  a  cup   of  cofleo 

[Part  I.]  19 


145  The  American   Colonization   Society 

any  other  class  of  the  inhabitants,  in  despite  of  the  '  impassable 
barriers  of  Nature.'  Yet  it  is  proclaimed  to  the  world  by  the 
Colonization  Society,  that  the  American  people  can  never  be  as 
republican  in  their  feelings  and  practices  as  Frenchmen,  Span- 
iards ov  Englishmen  !  Nay,  that  religion  itself  cannot  subdue 
their  malignant  prejudices,  or  induce  them  to  treat  their  dark- 
skinned  brethren  in  accordance  with  their  professions  of  repub- 
licanism !  My  countrymen  !  is  it  so  ?  Are  you  willing  thus  to 
be  held  up  as  tyrants  and  hypocrites  for  ever  ?  as  less  mag- 
nanimous and  just  than  the  populace  of  Europe  ?  No — no  ! 
I  cannot  give  you  up  as  incorrigibly  wicked,  nor  my  country 
as  sealed  over  to  destruction.  My  confidence  remains,  like  the 
oak — like  the  Alps — unshaken,  storm-proof.  I  am  not  discour- 
aged— I  am  not  distrustful.  I  still  place  an  unwavering  rehance 
upon  the  omnipotence  of  truth.  I  still  believe  that  the  demands 
of  justice  will  be  satisfied  ;  that  the  voice  of  bleeding  humanity 
%vill  melt  the  most  obdurate  hearts  ;  and  that  the  land  will  be 
redeemed  and  regenerated  by  an  enlightened  and  energetic  pub- 
lic opinion.  As  long  as  there  remains  among  us  a  single  copy 
of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  or  of  the  New  Testament, 
I  will  not  despair  of  the  social  and  political  elevation  of  my  sable 
countrymen.  Already  a  rallying-cry  is  heard  from  the  East  and 
the  West,  from-  the  North  and  the  South  ;  towns  and  cities  and 
states  are  in  commotion  ;  volunteers  are  trooping  to  the  field  ; 
the  spirit  of  freedom  and  the  fiend  of  oppression  are  in  mortal 

— but  then  the  prejjidices  of  society — how  could  she  overcome  theTn  7  True, 
he. was  a  gentleman  in  character,  manners  and  dress  ;  hot  he  had  a  black  skin  ; 
and  how  could  white  skins  sit  at  the  same  table  with  him  ?  If  his  character 
had  been  as  black  as  perdition,  the  difficulty  might  have  been  overcome,  how- 
ever reluctantly  ;  but  his  skin  being  black,  it  was  altogether  out  of  the  question. 
So  the  Itdy  sipped  her  coffee,  and  I'riiice  iSaunders  sat  at  the  window,  occasion- 
ally speaking  in  reply  to  conversation  addressed  to  him.  At  last  all  retired  from 
the  breakfast  table — and  then  the  lady,  with  an  air  of  sudden  recollection,  said, 
*  I  forgot  to  ask  if  you  had  breakfasted,  Mr  Saunders  !  Won't  you  let  me  give 
you  a  cup  of  coffee  ?  '  'I  thank  you,  madam,'  he  replied,  with  a  dignified  bow, 
'  I  am  engaged  to  breakfast  with  the  Prince  Regent  this  morning  !' 

We  laugh  at  the  narrow  bigotry  of  the  lAIahometan,  who  feels  contaminated 
if  a  Christian  shares  his  dinner,  and  who  will  not  give  his  vile  carcass  burial,  for 
fear  of  pollution.  Is  our  prejudice  against  persons  of  color  more  rational  or  more 
just?  The  plain  fact  is,  our  prejudice  has  the  same  foundation  as  that  of  the 
Mahometan — both  are  grounded  in  pride  and  selfishness.  A  law  has  lately  passed 
in  Turkey,  imposing  a  fine  upon  whoever  shall  call  a  Christian  a  dog.  Let  ns 
try  to  keep  pace  ivith  the  Turks  in  candor  and  benevolence. — [Massachu- 
setts Journal  and  Tribune.] 


Prevents  the  Instruction  of  the  Blacks.  147 

conflict,  and  all  neutrality  is  at  an  end.  Already  the  line  of 
division  is  drawn  :  on  one  side  are  the  friends  of  truth  and 
liberty,  with  their  banner  floating  high  in  the  air,  on  which  are 
inscribed  in  letters  of  light,   'Immediate  Abolition' — 'No 

COMPROMISE   WITH   OPPRESSORS   ' '  EqUAL    RiGHTS  ' '  No 

Expatriation  ' — '  Duty,  and  not  Consequences  ' — '  Let 
Justice  be  done,  though  the  heavens  should  fall  !  ' — 
On  the  opposite  side  stand  the  supporters  and  apologists  of 
slavery  in  mighty  array,  with  a  black  flag  on  which  are  seen  in 
bloody  characters,  'African  Colonization' — 'Gradual 
Abolition' — 'Rights  of  Property' — 'Political  Expe- 
diency ' — '  No  Equality  ' — '  No  Repentance  ' — '  Expul- 
sion OF  THE  Blacks  ' — '  Protection  to  Tyrants  ! ' — 
Who  can  doubt  the  issue  of  tiiis  controversy,  or  which  side  has 
the  approbation  of  the  Lord  of  Hosts  ? 

In  the  African  Repository  for  September,  1831,  there  is  an 
elaborate  defence  of  the  Colonization  Society,  in  which  occurs 
the  following  passage  : — '  It  has  been  said  that  the  Society  is 
unfriendly  to  the  improvement  of  the  free  people  of  color  while 
they  remain  in  the  United  States.  The  charge  is  not  true.'  I 
reiterate  the  charge  ;  and  the  evidence  of  its  correctness  is  be- 
fore the  reader.  The  Society  prevents  the  education  of  this 
class  in  the  most  insidious  and  effectual  manner,  by  constantly 
asserting  that  they  must  always  be  a  degraded  people  in  this 
country,  and  that  the  cultivation  of  their  minds  will  avail  them 
nothing.  Who  does  not  readily  perceive  that  the  prevalence  of 
this  opinion  must  at  once  paralyze  every  effort  for  their  im- 
provement ?  For  it  would  be  a  waste  of  time  and  means,  and 
unpardonable  folly,  for  us  to  attempt  the  accomplishment  of  an 
impossible  work — of  that  which  we  know  will  result  in  disap- 
pointment. Every  discriminating  and  candid  mind  must  see 
and  acknowledge,  that,  to  perpetuate  their  ignorance,  it  is  only 
necessary  to  make  the  belief  prevalent  that  ihey  '  must  be  for 
ever  debased,  for  ever  useless,  for  ever  an  inferior  race,'  and 
their  thraldom  is  sure. 

I  am  aware  that  a  school  has  been  established  for  the  educa- 
tion of  colored  youth,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Society  ;  but 
it  is  sufficient  to  state  that  none  but  those  who  consent  to  emi- 
grate to  Liberia  are  embraced  in  its  provisions. 


148  7'/ie  American   Colonization   Society 

In  the  Appendix  to  the  Seventh  Annual  Report,  p.  94,  the 
position  is  assumed  that  '  it  is  a  well  established  point,  that  the 
public  safety  forbids  either  the  emancipation  or  general  instruc- 
tion of  the  slaves.'  The  recent  enactment  of  laws  in  some  of 
the  slave  States,  prohibiting  the  instruction  of  free  colored  per- 
sons as  well  as  slaves,  has  received  something  more  than  a  tacit 
approval  from  the  organ  of  the  Society.  A  prominent  advocate 
of  the  Society,  (G.  P.  Disosv/ay,  Esq.,)  in  an  oration  on  the 
fourth  of  July,  1831,  alluding  to  these  laws,  says, — '  The  public, 
safety  of  our  brethren  at  the  South  requires  them  [the  slaves] 
to  be  kept  ignorant  and  uninstructed.'  The  Editor  of  the 
Southern  Religious  Telegraph,  who  is  a  clergyman  and  a  warm 
friend  of  the  colonization  scheme,  remarking  upon  the  instruc- 
tion of  the  colored  population  of  Virginia,  says  : 

'  Teaching  a  servant  to  read,  is  not  teaching  him  the  religion  of  Christ.  The 
great  uiajority  of  the  white  people  of  our  country  are  taught  to  read  ;  but  proba- 
bly not  one  in  five,  of  those  who  have  the  Bible,  is  a  christian,  in  tlie  legiti- 
piate  sense  of  the  term.  If  black  people  are  as  depraved  and  as  averse  to  true 
religion  as  the  white  people  are — and  we  know  of  no  difference  between  them 
in  this  respect — teaching  them  to  read  the  Bible  will  make  christians  of  vcri/  few 
of  them.  [What  a  plea  I]  .  .  If  christian  masters  were  to  teach  their  ser- 
vants to  read,  we  apprehend  that  they  would  not  feel  the  obligation  as  they 
ought  to  feel  it,  of  giving  them  oral  instruction,  and  often  impressing  divine  truth 
on  their  minds.  [  !  I]  .  .  If  the  free  colored  people  were  generally  taught  to 
read,  it  ?7ii<rht  be  an  inducement  to  them  to  remain  in  this  country.  WE 
WOULD  OFFER  THEM  NO  SUCH  INDUCEMENT.  [!  !]  .  .  A  know- 
ledge of  letters  and  of  all  the  arts  and  sciences,  cannot  counteract  the  influences 
under  which  the  character  of  the  negro  ?«!«sf  be  formed  in  this  country. 
It  appears  to  us  that  a  greater  benefit  may  may  be  conferred  on  tlie  free  colored 
people,  by  planting  good  schools  for  them  in  Africa,  and  encouraging  them  to 
remove  there,  than  by  giving  them  the  knowledge  of  lelters  to  make  them  con- 
tented in  their  present  condition.' — [Telegraph  of  Feb.  19,  1831.] 

Jesuitism  was  never  inore  subtle — Papal  domination  never 
more  exclusive.  The  gospel  of  peace  and  mercy  preached  by 
him  who  holds  that  ignorance  is  the  mother  of  devotion  !  who 
would  sequestrate  the  bible  from  the  eyes  of  his  fellow  men  ! 
who  contends  that  knowledge  is  the  enemy  of  religion  !  who  de- 
nies the  efticacy  of  education  in  elevating  a  degraded  popula- 
tion !  who  would  make  men  brutes  in  order  to  make  them  better 
christians  !  who  desires  to  make  the  clergy  infallible  guides  to 
heaven  !  Now  what  folly  and  impiety  is  all  this  !  Besides,  is 
it  not  mockery  to  preach  repentance,  and  faith  in  the  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  to  the  benighted  blacks,  and  at  the  same  time  deny  them 
the  right  and  abihty  to  '  search  the  scriptures'  for  themselves  .^ 


Prevents  the   Instruction  of  the  Blacks.  149 

The  proposition  which  was  made  last  year  to  erect  a  College 
for  the  education  of  colored  youth  in  New-Haven,  it  is  well 
known,  created  an  extraordinary  and  most  disgraceful  tumult  in 
that  place,  (the  hot-hed  of  African  colonization,)  and  was  gen- 
erally scouted  by  the  friends  of  the  Society  in  other  places. 
The  American  Spectator  at  AVashington,  (next  to  the  African 
Repository,  the  mouth-piece  of  the  Society,)  used  the  follow- 
ing language,  in  relation  to  the  violent  proceedings  of  the  citi- 
zens of  New-Haven  :  '  We  not  only  approve  the  course^  which 
they  have  pursued,  but  we  admire  the  moral  courage,  which 
induced  them,  for  the  love  of  right,  (/)  to  incur  the  censure  of 
both  sections  of  the  country.' 

As  a  farther  illustration  of  the  complacency  with  which  col- 
onizationists  regard  the  laws  prohibiting  the  instruction  of  the 
blacks,  I  extract  the  following  paragraph  from  the  '  Proceed- 
ings of  the  New-York  State  Colonization  Society,  on  its  second 
anniversary  :' 

'  It  is  the  business  of  tlie  free — their  safety  requires  it — to  keep  the  slavea 
in  ignorance.  Their  education  is  utterly  prohibited.  Educate  them,  and  they 
break  their  fetters.  Suppose  the  sla\es  of  liie  south  to  have  the  knowledge  of 
freemen,  they  would  be  i'ree,  or  be  exterminated  by  the  whites.  This  renders 
it  necessary  to  prevent  their. instruction — to  keep  them  from  Sunday  Schools,  and 
other  means  of  gaining  knowledge.  Rut  a  few  days  ago,  a  proposition  was 
made  in  the  legislature  of  Georgia,  to  allow  them  so  much  instruction  as  to  ena- 
ble them  to  read  the  bible  ;  which  was  promptly  rejected  by  a  large  majority.  I 
do  not  mention  this  for  the  purpose  of  condemning  the  policy  of  the  slave- 
holding  States,  but  to  lament  its  necessity.' 

Elias  B.  Caldwell,  one  of  the  founders,  and  the  first  Secre- 
tary of  the  Parent  Society,  in  a  speech  delivered  at  its  forma- 
tion, advanced  the  following  monstrous  sentiments  : 

'  The  more  you  improve  the  condition  of  these  people,  the  more  you  cultivate 
their  minds,  the  more  miserable  you  make  them  in  their  present  state.  You 
give  them  a  higher  relish  for  those  privileges  ivkich  they  can  never  attain,  and 
turn  what  you  intend  for  a  blessing  into  a  curse.  No,  if  they  must  remain  in 
their  present  situation,  keej)  them  in  the  lowest  state  of  ignorance  and  de- 
gradation. The  nearer  you  bring  them  to  the  condition  oi  brutes,  the  better 
chance  do  you  give  them  of  possessing  their  apathy.' 

So,  then,  the  American  Colonization  Society  advocates,  and 
to  a  great  extent  perpetuates,  the  ignorance  and  degradation  of 
the  colored  population  of  the  United   States  ! 

In  a  critical  examination  of  the  pages  of  the  African  Repos- 
itory, and  of  the  reports  and  addresses  of  the  Parent  Society 
and  its  auxiliaries,  I  cannot  find  in  a  single  instance  any  im- 
peachment of  the    conduct   and   feelings   of  society  toward    the 


150  The  American   Colonization   Society 

people  of  color,  or  any  hint  that  the  prejudice  which  is  so  pre- 
valent against  them  is  unmanly  and  sinful,  or  any  evidence  of 
contrition  for  past  injustice,  or  any  remonstrance  or  entreaty 
with  a  view  to  a  change  of  public  sentiment,  or  any  symptoms 
of  moral  indignation  at  such  unchristian  and  anti-republican 
treatment.  On  the  contrary,  I  find  the  doctrine  every  where 
inculcated  that  this  hatred  and  contempt,  this  abuse  and  pro- 
scription, are  not  only  excusable,  but  the  natural,  inevitable  and 
incurable  effects  of  constitutional  dissimilitude,  growing  out  of 
an  ordination  of  Providence,  for  which  there  is  no  remedy  but 
a  separation  between  the  two  races.  If  the  free  blacks,  then, 
have  been  '  still  further  degraded  by  the  mockery  of  nominal 
freedom,'  if  they  '  must  always  be  a  separate  and  degraded 
race,'  if  '  degradation  must  and  will  press  them  to  the  earth,' 
if  from  their  present  station  '  they  can  never  rise,  be  their  tal- 
ents, their  enterprise,  their  virtues  what  they  may,'  if  '  in  Africa 
alone,  they  can  enjoy  the  motives  for  honorable  ambition,'  the 
American  Colonization  Society  is  responsible  for  their  debase- 
ment and  misery  ;  for  as  it  numbers  among  its  supporters  the 
most  influential  men  in  our  country,  and  boasts  of  having  the 
approbation  of  an  overwhelming  majority  of  the  wise  and  good 
whose  examples  are  laws,  it  is  able,  were  it  willing,  to  effect  a 
radical  change  in  public  sentiment — nay,  it  is  at  the  present 
time  public  sentiment  itself.  But  though  it  has  done  much,  and 
may  do  more,  (all  that  it  can  it  will  do,)  to  depress,  impover- 
ish and  dispirit  the  free  people  of  color,  and  to  strengthen  and 
influence  mutual  antipathies,  it  is  the  purpose  of  God,  I  am 
fully  persuaded,  to  humble  the  pride  of  the  American  people 
by  rendering  the  expulsion  of  our  colored  countrymen  utterly 
impracticable,  and  the  necessity  for  their  admission  to  equal 
rights  imperative.  As  neither  mountains  of  prejudice,  nor  the 
massy  shackles  of  law  and  of  public  opinion,  have  been  able  to 
keep  them  down  to  a  level  with  slaves,  I  confidently  anticipate 
their  exaltation  among  ourselves.  Through  the  vista  of  time, 
— a  short  distance  only, — I  see  them  here,  not  in  Africa,  not 
bowed  to  the  earth,  or  derided  and  persecuted  as  at  present, 
not  with  a  downcast  air  or  an  irresolute  step,  but  standing  erect 
as  men  destined  heavenward,  unembarrassed,  untrammelled, 
with  none  to  molest  or  make  them  afraid. 


Deceives  and  JMisleads  the  jyation.  151 


SECTION      X. 

THE      AMERICAN      COLONIZATION      SOCIETY      DECEIVES       AND 
MISLEADS     THE     NATION. 

It  is  now  about  fifteen  years  since  the  American  Colonization 
Society  sprang  into  existence — a  space  of  time  amply  sufficient 
to  test  its  ability.  In  its  behalf  the  pulpit  and  the  press  (two 
formidable  engines)  have  been  exerted  to  an  extraordinary  de- 
gree ;  statesmen,  and  orators,  and  judges,  and  lawyers,  and 
philanthropists,  have  eloquently  advocated  its  claims  to  public 
patronage.  During  this  protracted  period,  and  with  such  pow- 
erful auxiliaries,  a  careless  observer  might  naturally  suppose 
that  much  must  have  been  accomplished  towards  abolishing  sla- 
very. But  what  is  the  fact  ?  Less  than  one  hundred  and  fifty 
souls  have  been  removed  annually  to  Africa — in  all,  about  two 
thousand  souls  in  fifteen  years  !  ! — a  drop  from  the  Atlantic 
ocean — a  grain  of  earth  from  the  American  continent  !  In  the 
mean  time,  the  increase  of  the  slaves  has  amounted  to  upwards 
oi  half  a  million!  and  every  week  more  than  owe  thousand  new- 
born victims  are  added  to  their  number.  Before  a  vessel,  with 
one  hundred  and  fifty  passengers,  can  go  to  and  return  from  Af- 
rica, more  than  ten  thousand  slave  infants  will  have  been  added 
to  our  population  :  while  she  is  preparing  to  depart,  or  waiting 
for  a  fair  wind,  the  increase  will  freight  her  many  times. 

The  following  eloquent  and  comprehensive  Circular  (publish- 
ed last  year  in  London  by  Capt.  Charles  Stuart,  in  consequence 
of  the  visit  of  Elliott  Cresson,  an  agent  who  was  sent  out  to 
dupe  the  philanthropists  of  England)  exhibits  the  inefficiency 
and  criminality  of  the  Society  in  a  striking  light  : 

'  America!*  Colon-ization  Society.  Liberia. — This  Society  was 
formed  in  the  United  States,  in  1817. 

Its  Thirteenth   Annual  Report  has  just  reached  this  country. 

Its  object,  as  expressed  by  itsulf,  (see  the  Thirteenth  Report,  page  41,  app. 
9,  art.  2,)  "  Is  to  promote  and  execute  a  plan  for  colonizing  the  free  people  of 
color,  residing  in  '  the  United  States  '  in  Africa,  or  such  other  place  as  Con- 
gress shall  deem  most  expedient." 

The  facts  of  the  case  are  these  : 

1.  That  the  United  States  have  about  2,000,000  enslaved  blacks. 

2.  That  they  have  about  .500,000  free  blacks. 

3.  That  both  these  classes  are  rapidly  increasing. 

4.  That  both  are  exceedingly  depressed  and  degraded. 


152  The  American   Colonization   Society 

The  duty  of  the  United  States  to  them,  is  the  same  exactly  as  we  owe  to  our 
colored  lelJow-subjects  in  our  slave  colonies,  viz.  to  obey  God,  by  letting  them 
go  free,  by  placing  them  beneath  wise  and  equitable  laws,  and  by  loving  them 
nil,  and  treating  them  like  brethren  ;  that  is  to  say,  the  unquestionable  duty  of 
the  people  of  the  United  States  is  to  emancipate  their  2,000,000  slaves,  and  to 
raise  the  500,000  free  colored  people  to  that  estimation  in  their  native  country 
which  is  due  to  ihem. 

But  the  American  Colonization  Society  deliberately  rejects  both  of  these  first 
great  duties,  and  confines  itself  to  the  colonization  in  Africa  of  the  free  colored 
people.  They  say,  in  page  5,  of  their  Thirteenth  Report,  "  To  abolition  she  could 
not  look — and  need  not  look."  It  "  could  do  nothing  in  the  slave  States  for 
the  cause  of  humanity  ;"  and  in  page  8,  "  Emancipation,  with  the  liberty  to 
remain  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic,  is  but  an  act  of  dreamy  madness." 

Now  in  thus  deliberately  letting  the  great  crime  of  negro  slavery  aloi>e  ;  and  in 
thus  substituting  a  little  restricted  act  of  very  dubious  benevolence  to  a  few,  for 
the  great  and  sacred  duty  of  right  which  they  owe  to  all, — they  hurt  the  great 
cause  of  everlasting  truth  and  love,  in  the  following  particulars  : 

1.  By  offering  to  the  nation  a  hope,  at  which  many  of  their  best  men  seem 
eagerly  grasping,  of  getting  rid  of  the  colored  people  abroad — they  conduce 
more  and  more,  as  this  hope  prevails,  to  keep  out  of  mind  the  superior,  unalter- 
able, and  immediate  duty  of  righting  iliem  at  home. 

2.  By  removing  whatever  number  it  be,  from  their  native  country,  the  num- 
ber which  remains  must  be  diminished, — and  the  more  the  number  which  re- 
mains is  diminished,  the  more  helpless  will  they  become — the  less  will  be  the 
hope  of  their  ever  recovering  their  own  liberty — and  the  more  and  longer  will 
tliey  be  trampled  upon. 

3.  The  more  the  people  of  the  United  States  (and  this  is  equally  true  of 
Great  Britain)  substitute  a  half-way  duty,  difficult,  expensive,  and  partial  as  it 
must  be,  and  criminal  as  it  unquestionably  is — for  the  whole  dut}'  which  they 
owe  their  negro  fellow-subjects,  of  putting  them,  before  the  law,  upon  a  par 
with  themselves — the  less  will  they  be  likely  to  feel  their  sin  in  contiiming  to 
wrong  them  ;  and  the  less  they  feel  their  sin,  the  less  likely  will  the\-  be  to  re- 
pent of  it,  and  to  do  their  duty. 

4.  The  greater  the  number  of  slaves  transported,  the  greater  will  be  the  value 
of  the  labor  of  those  who  remain  ;  the  more  valuable  their  labor  is,  the  greater 
will  be  the  temptation  to  over-labor  them,  and  the  more,  of  course,  they  will 
be  oppressed. 

5.  The  American  Colonization  Society  directly  supports  the  false  and  cruel 
idea  that  the  native  country  of  the  colored  people  of  the  United  States,  is  not 
their  native  countrv,  and  that  they  never  can  be  happy  until  they  either  e.xile 
then)selves,  or  are  exiled  ;  and  thus  powerfully  conduces  to  extinguish  in  them  all 
tiiose  delightful  hopes,  and  to  prevent  all  that  glorious  exertion,  which  would  make 
them  a  blessing  to  their  country.  In  this  particular,  the  American  Colonization 
Society  takes  up  a  falsehood,  as  cruel  to  the  colored  people,  as  it  is  disgraceful 
to  themselves  ;  dwells  upon  it,  as  if  it  were  an  irrefragable  truth  ;  urges  it,  as 
such,  upon  others  ;  and  thus  endeavors  with  all  its  force,  to  make  that  practi- 
cally true,  which  is  one  of  the  greatest  stains  in  the  American  character  ;  which 
is  one  of  the  greatest  scourges  that  could  possibly  alUict  the  free  colored  people  ; 
and  which,  in  itself,  is  essentially  and  unalterably  false.  For  be  the  pertinacity 
of  prejudice  what  it  may,  in  asserting  that  the  blacks  of  America  never  can  be 
amalgamated  in  all  respects,  in  equal  brotherhood  with  the  whites,  it  will  not  the 
less  remain  an  everlasting  truth,  that  the  wickedness  which  produced  and  per- 
petuates the  assertion,  is  the  only  ground  of  the  ditficulty,  and  that  all  that  is  re- 
quisite to  remove  the  whole  evil,  is  the  relenting  in  love  of  the  proud  and  cruel 
spirit  which  produced  it.  Could  the  American  Colonization  Society  succeed  in 
establishing  their  views  on  this  subject,  as  being  really  true  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  it  would  only  prove  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  were  past 
repentance  ;  that  they  were  given  over,  through  their  obstinacy  in  sin,  finally  to 
believe  a  lie  ;  to  harden   themselves,   and   to  perish  in   their  iniquity.     But  they 


Deceives  and  Misleads  the  JWttion.  153 

have  not  succeeded  in  establishing  this  fearful  fact  against  themselves  ;  and  as 
long  as  they  continue  capable  of  repentance,  it  never  can  be  true,  that  the 
proud  and  baneful  prejudices  which  now  so  cruelly  alienate  them  from  their  col- 
ored brethren,  may  not,  will  not,  must  not,  yield  to  the  sword  of  the  Spirit,  to 
the  Word  of  God,  to  the  blessed   weapons  of  truth  and  love. 

Tlie  American  Colonization  Society  is  beautiful  and  beneficial  as  far  as  it  sup- 
ports the  cause  commenced  at  Sierra  Leone,  by  introducing  into  Africa,  civiliza- 
tion, commerce,  and  genuine  Christianity — by  checking  the  African  slave  trade 
— and  by  serving  in  love  the  emigrants  who  choose  to  pass  to  Libeiia. 

But  it  powerfully  tends  to  veil  the  existing  and  outrageous  atrocity  of  negro 
slavery  ;  and  it  corroborates  against  the  people  of  color,  whether  enslaved  or 
free,  one  of  the  most  base,  groundless,  and  ciuel  prejudices,  that  has  ever  dis- 
graced the  powerful,  or  alHicted  the  weak. 

The  following  calculations  may  throw  further  light  upon  the  subject. 

The  United  States  have  about  2,000,000  slaves,  and  about  500,000  free  col- 
ored people. 

The  American  Coloiiization  Society  has  existed  for  thirteen  years,  and  has 
exported  yearly,  upon  an  average,    about  150  persons. 

Meanwhile  the  natural  yearly  increase  has  been  56,000  souls  ;  and  nearly  a 
million  have  died  in  slavery  !  ! 

But  it  may  be  said,  this  is  only  the  beginning — more  may  be  expected  hereaf- 
ter.— Let  us  see. 

The  average  price  of  transporting  each  individual  is  calculated  at  30  dollars  : 
suppose  it  to  be  reduced  to  20,  and  then,  as  56,000  must  be  exported  yearly,  in 
order  merely  to  prevent  increase,  1,120,000  dollars  would  be  yearly  requisite 
simply  for  transportation.  Where  is  this  vast  sum  to  come  from  ?  Or  suppose 
it  supplied,  still,  in  the  mass  of  crime  and  wretchedness,  as  it  now  exists,  there 
would  be  no  decrease!  Two  millions  of  human  beings  every  30  years  would 
still  be  born  and  die  in  slavery  I  ! 

But  perhaps  you  wish  to  extinguish  the  crime  in  thirty  years. 

Then  you  must  begin  by  transporting  at  least  100,000  yearly.  In  order  to  do 
this,  you  must  have  an  annual'income  of  upwards  of  2,000,000  dollars  ;  and  if 
you  have  not  only  to  transport,  but  also  to  purchase,  you  would  piobably  want 
yearly,  twenty   millions    more  !  ! 

Where  are  you  to  get  this  ? — 

Or  suppose  it  got,  and  still  one  generation  would  perish  in  their  wretched- 
ness ;  2,000,000  of  immortal  souls — plundered  by  you  of  the  most  sacred  rights 
of  human  nature  ;  of  rights  always  the  same,  and  everlastingly  inalicnabley 
however  plundered — would  have  perished  unredressed,  aiid  gone  to  confront 
you  at  the  bar  of  God. 

And  will  He  not  make  inquisition  for  blood  ?  And  what  will  it  avail  y6\x  to 
say,  '•  Oh,  we  satisfied  ourselves,  and  traversed  land  and  sea,  and  spent  thou- 
sands to  satisfy  others,  that  if  we  transported  a  few  hundreds  or  thousands  of  our 
oppressed  fellow-subjects  to  a  distant  country,  yearly,  with  care,  we  might  guilt- 
lessly leave  the  remaining  hundreds  of  thousands,  or  the  millions,  in  slavery,  and 
harmlessl)'  indulge  the  invincible  repugnance  which  we  felt  to  a  colored  skin. 
We  really  thought  it  better,  to  exile  our  colored  brethren  from  their  native  coun- 
try, or  to  render  their  lives  in  it,  intolerable  by  scorn,  should  they  obstinately 
persist  in  remaining  in  it  ; — we  really  thought  this  better,  than  humbling  our- 
selves before  our  brother  and  our  God,  and  returning  to  both  with  repenting  and 
undissembling  love." 

Is  not  such  language  similar  to  the  swearer's  prayer  !  I 

Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  the  two  most  favored,  and  the  two  most 
guilty  nations  upon  earth,  both  need  rebuke.  They  ought  to  be  brethren,  mu- 
tually dear  and  honorable  to  each  other,  in  all  that  is  true  and  kind.  But  never, 
never,  let  them  support  one  another  in  guilt. 

People  of  Great  Britain,  it  is  your  business — it  is  yovr  duty, — to  give  to 
negro  slavery  no  rest,  but  to  put  it  down — not  by  letting  the  trunk  alone,  while 
you  idly  busy  yourselves  in   lopping  off,  or  in    aiding    others  to  lop  off,  a  few  of 

[Part  I.]  20 


154  The  JJmcrican   Colonization   Society 

the  straggling  branches — but  by  laying  the  ase  at  once  to  its  roots,  and  by  put- 
ting your  united  nerve  into  the  steel,  till  this  great  poison-tree  of  lust  and  blood, 
and  of  all  abominable  and  heartless  iniquity,  fall  before  you  ;  and  law,  and  love, 
and  God  and  man,  shout  victory  over  its  ruin. 

Hearken — thus   saiih    the  Lord,   "  Rob    not    the   poor,  because  he   is  poor  ;> 
neither  oppress  the  afflicted  in   the  gate.     For  the   Lord    will   plead  their  cause, 
and  spoil  the  soul  of  those  that  spoiled  them."     Prov.  xsii.  22,   23. 

London,  July  15,  1831.  C.  STUART.'  * 

Sometimes  the  Society  professes  to  be  able  to  remove  the 
whole  colored  population  in  less  than  thirty  years  !  and  the  be- 
lief is  prevalent  that  the  project  is  feasible.     Again  it  tells  us — 

'  Admitting  that  the  colonization  scheme  contemplates  the  ultimate  aboli- 
tion of  slavery,  yet  that  result  could  only  be  produced  by  the  gradual  and 
slow  operation  of  CETiTvniEs.'  *  *  '  How  came  we  by  this  pop- 

ulation ?  By  the  prevalence  for  a  century  of  a  guilty  commerce.  And  will  not 
the  prevalence  for  a  century  of  a  restoring  conimerce,  place  them  on  their  own 
shores  ?     Yes,  surely  !'  *  *  '  There  are  those.  Sir,  who  ask — and 

could  not  a  quarter  century  cease  and  determine  the  two  gieat  evils  .'  You  and  I, 
my  dear  Sir,  on  whom  the  frost  of  time  has  fallen  rather  perceptibly,  would  say 
a  century.  And  now,  let  me  ask,  could  ever  a  century,  in  the  whole  course  of 
human  affairs,  be  better  employed." — [African  Repository,  vol.  i.  pp.  217, 
347  ;  vol.  V.  p.  366.] 

*  It  is  not  the  work  of  a  day  nor  a  year,  it  is  not  a  work  of  one  time,  nor  of 
two,  nor  of  three,  but  it  is  one  which  will  now  commence,  and  may  continue 
for  ages.' — [A  new  and  interesting  Wnw  of  Slavery.  By  Humanitas,  a  coloni- 
zation   advocate.     Baltimore,  1820.] 

Wild  enthusiasts  in  the  cause  may  respond — '  The  Society 
never  expected  to  accomplish  much  single-handed  :  it  is  about 
to  enlist  the  energies  of  the  General  Government — and  doubtless 
Congress  will  appropriate  several  millions  of  dollars  annually  for 
the  purchase  and  colonization  of  the  slaves.' 

But  are  they  sure,  or  is  it  probable,  that  Congress  will  make 
this  appropriation  .'  And  if  it  should,  what  can  they  do  with- 
out the  consent  of   the  people  of  color  to  remove  .''     That  con- 


*  '  We  think  the  annual  increase,  as  computed  by  Capt.  Stuart,  too  low  by  10 
or  15,000.  The  estimate  also  of  the  expense  of  transportation  is  much  below 
the  actual  cost.  Besides,  there  is  no  provision  made  for  the  support  of  these 
helpless  beings  after  their  arrival  in  Africa,  until  they  could  provide  for  their  own 
wants.  Double  the  cost  of  transportation  would  be  required  for  their  subsistence 
till  they  could  maintain  themselves,  without  making  any  provision  for  implements 
of  husbandry,  mechanics'  tools,  &c.  &c.  without  which  they  would  all  perish, 
even  without  the  help  of  a  pestiferous  climate.  But  yet  the  table  shows  atone 
view  the  utter  futility  of  the  whole  scheme  of  African  Colonization.  Slavery  can 
no  more  be  removed  by  these  means  than  the  waters  of  the  Mississippi  can  be 
exhausted  by  steam  engines.  And  the  removal  of  slavery  is  the  great  consum- 
mation to  which  all  benevolent  efforts  for  benefitting  the  African  race  in  this 
country,  should  ultimately  tend.  All  schemes  that  do  not  promote  this  end  will 
prove  futile,  and  will  end  in  disappointment.  The  axe  must  be  laid  to  the  root 
of  the  corrupt  tree.  It  is  a  system  that  admits  of  no  palliation,  no  compromise.' 
— P  Herald  of  Truth,'  Philadelphia.] 


Deceives  and  jyiisleads  the  jSTation.  155 

sent  can  never  be  obtained.      Is  it,  then,    proposed    to  buy  the 
slaves  of  their  masters,  as  if  the  claim  of  property  were  valid  ? 
It  were  better  that  the  money  should  rust  at   the  bottom  of  the 
deep  ! — better  to  buy  bank-notes,  and  convert  them   to   ashes  ! 
To  purchase  slaves  would  only  serve  to   make  brisk  the  slave- 
market.      Their  value   would  immediately  rise  in  all  the  slave 
States  ;  especially  in  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  Kentucky, 
and  North  Carolina,  where   they  are   now  comparatively  worth- 
less— and  there  would  be -an  end  to  voluntary  emancipation  :  for 
who  would  sacrifice  his   '  property,'   when  he   might  obtain  an 
equivalent  for  it  ?   Slave  traders  and  slave  owners  would  be  zeal- 
ous to   prevent   any  lack   of  miserable   objects   for   the   bounty 
offered  by  government  :  if  the   natural   increase  were  not  suffi- 
cient, they  would  be  careful  to  make  the  importation  from  Africa 
exceed  the  exportation  to  that  ill-fated  continent.      Such  a  pur- 
chase would  be  directly  patronising  the  slave  trade,  at  home  and 
abi'oad,  and  bribing  masters  to  keep  their  slaves  for  the  highest 
bidder.      Besides,  it  would  be  a  gross  violation  of  the  great  fun- 
damental principle,  that   'man  cannot  hold  property  in  man.' 

I  know  it  is  easy  to  make  calculations.  I  know  it  is  an  old 
maxim,  that  '  figures  cannot  lie  :'  and  I  very  well  know,  too, 
that  our  philanthropic  arithmeticians  are  prodigiously  fond  of  fig- 
uring, but  of  doing  nothing  else.  Give  them  a  slate  and  pencil, 
and  in  fifteen  minutes  they  will  clear  the  continent  of  every 
black  skin  ;  and,  if  desired,  throw  in  the  Indians  to  boot. 
While  they  depopulate  America,  they  find  not  the  least  difficulty 
in  providing  for  the  wants  of  the  emigrating  myriads  to  the  coast 
of  Africa  :  we  have  ships  enough,  and,  notwithstanding  the 
hardness  of  the  limes,  money  enough.  O,  the  surpassing  utility 
of  the  arithmetic  !  it  is  more  potent  than  the  stone  of  the  phi- 
losopher, which,  tchen  discovered,  is  to  transmute,  at  a  touch,  base 
metal  into  pure  gold  ! 

In  one  breath,  colonization  orators  tell  us  that  the  free  blacks 
are  pests  in  the  community  ;  that  they  are  an  intemperate,  ig- 
norant, lazy,  thievish  class  ;  that  their  condition  is  worse  than 
that  of  the  slaves  ;  and  that  no  efforts  to  improve  them  in  this 
country  can  be  successful,  owing  to  the  prejudices  of  society. 
In  the  next  breath  we  are   told  what  mighty  works  these  miser- 


156  The  ^American   Colonization   Society 

able  outcasts  are  to  achieve — that  they  are  the  missionaries  of 
salvation,*  who  are  to  illumine  all  Africa — that  they  will  build  up 
a  second  American  republic — and  that  our  conceptions  cannot 
grasp  the  result  of  their  labors.  Now  I,  for  one,  have  no  faith 
in  this  instantaneous  metamorphosis. f  I  believe  that  neither  a 
sea  voyage  nor  an  African  climate  has  any  miraculous  influence 
upon  the  brain.  I  believe  that  ignorant  and  depraved  black 
men,  who  are  transported  across  the  ocean,  will  be  ignorant  and 
depraved  black  men  on  reaching  the  coast  of  Africa.  I  believe, 
also,  that  they  who  are  capable  of  doing  w^ell,  surrounded  by 
barbarians,  may  do  better  among  a  civilized  and  christian  people. 
It  is  stated  in  a  Circular  put  forth  by  the  Society  last  year, 
that  '  from  the  actual  experience  of  the  Society,  it  has  been 
found  that  $20,  or  less,  will  defray  the  whole  expense  of  trans- 
porting an  individual  to  the  Colony.'  This  is  a  very  deceptive 
statement.  The  receipts  of  the  Society  from  1820  to  ISoO, 
amounted  to  ^<^1 12,841  89  ;  the  expenses  during  the  same  pe- 
riod were  $106,457  72  ;  balance  on  hand,   55,6,384   17.    Nine- 

*  '  Every  emigrant  to  Africa  is  a  misfsionary  carrying  with  him  credentials  in 
the  holy  cause  of  civilization,  religion,  and  free  in^^titutions"  !  I — [Speech  of  H. 
Clay — Tenth  Annual  Report.] — Why  does  not  Mr  Clay  increase  this  band  of 
missionaries,  by  sending  out  some  of  his  own  slaves  ?     Is  he  consistent? 

t  'As  to  the  morals  of  the  colonists,  I  consider  them  tniich  better  than  those  of 
the  people  of  the  United  States.  That  is,  you  may  take  an  equal  number  of 
inhabitants  from  any  section  of  the  Union,  and  you  will  find  more  drunkards, 
more  profane  swearers  and  Sabbath  breakers,  &c.,  than  in  Liberia.  Indeed  I 
liuovv  of  no  country  where  things  are  conducted  more  quietly  and  orderly  than 
in  this  colony  ;  you  rarely  hear  an  oath,  and  as  to  riots  or  breaches  of  the  peace, 
I  recollect  of  but  one  instance,  and  tliat  of  a  trifling  nature,  that  has  come  under 
my  notice  since  I  assumed  the  government  of  the  colony.  The  Sabbath  is  more 
strictly  observed  than  I  ever  saw  it  in  the  United  States.' — [Letter  from  J.  Mech- 
lin, Jr.  Governor  of  the  Colony  of  Liberia.] 

'  I  saw  no  intemperance,  nor  did  I  hear  a  profane  word  uttered  by  any  one.' 
— [Letter  of  Capt.  \Villiam  Abels.] 

If  these  statements  be  a  true  representation  of  the  moral  condition  of  the  col- 
onists ;  if  '  their  morals  are  much  better  than  those  of  the  people  of  the  L^nited 
States  ;'  let  us  immediately  bring  back  these  expatriated  missionaries  to  civilize 
and  reform  ourselves  ;  for,  according  to  our  own  confession,  we  need  their  in- 
struction and  example  as  much  as  any  heathen  nation.  If  these  '  missionaries,' 
who,  in  this  country,  could  '  scarcely  be  reached  in  their  debasement  by  the 
heavenly  light  ;'  if  these  '  most  degraded,  most  abandoned  beings  on  the  earth,' 
have  actually  risen  up  to  this  e.xalted  height  of  intelligence  and  purity,  in  so  brief 
a  period  after  a  separation  from  ourselves,  how  desperately  wicked  and  corrupt 
Aom  the  fact  make  our  own  conduct  appear  I 


Deceives  and  Misleads  the  J\^ation.  157 

teen    expeditions  had   been  fitted   out,    and   1,857   emigrants,* 
including  re-captured  Africans^  landing  on  the  shores  of  Africa 
— averaging  annually,  for   the  ten  years,  about  186  persons,  or 
since  the  organization  of  the  Society,  about  124  persons.   '  The 
emigrants,'  the    Board  of  Managers   inform  us,  in  a  recent  ad- 
dress to  Auxiliary  Societies,   '  for  the  last  three    years,   average 
about  227,  while  the  expenses,  exclusive  of  transportation^  and 
temporary  subsistence  of  the   neio   colonists,   exceed   ten  thou- 
sand  DOLLARS  '  !  !     In  the   very   last  number    of  the    African 
Repository,  (for  April,  1832,)   the  Vice-Agent   at   Liberia,    A. 
D.  Williams,   writes  to   the    Rev.  R.  R.  Gurley  as  follows  : — 
'  I  think  the   price,   say  $S5,  fixed   by  the  Board  for  the  trans- 
portation of  each  emigrant,  is  entirely  too  low  :  it   should   be  at 
least  $40,  if  not  $45.'     Why,  then,    does  the  Society  attempt 
to   impose   upon    public  credulity,    by  stating  that  only  $20  are 
requisite   for  every  individual    transportation,   when    the    actual 
cost  has  been  more  than  thrice,  and  is    likely  to   be   more  than 
double  that  amount  }  f 

"  Of  this  number,  nearly  three-fourths  wore  free  persons  of  color.  If  the  So- 
ciety is  anxious  to  emancipate  the  slaves,  why  does  it  not  confine  its  efforts  ex- 
clusively to  their  transportation,  seeing  so  many  are  offered  for  that  purpose  ? 
Doubtless  the  reply  will  be — '  O,  it  is  important,  in  the  incipient  state  of  the 
colony,  to  send  free  persons  of  color,  because  they  are  more  intelligent  and  vir- 
tuous.' Ah  I  is  it  so  ?  What  !  give  the  preference  to  those  whom  it  elsewhere 
brands  as  '  more  corrupt,  depraved  and  abandoned  than  the  slaves  can  be,'  and 
who  '  contribute  greatly  to  the  corruption  of  the  slaves  ?  '  '  O  !  '  it  may  re- 
ply, '  a  careful  selection  is  made  between  the  virtuous  and  vicious — none  are  sent 
whose  character  is  not  reputable.'  But  what  is  to  become  of  this  choice  selec- 
tion, when  it  is  able  (as  it  hopes  to  be)  to  send  off  even  as  many  as  seventy 
thousand  annually  ? 

t  The  expense  of  transporting  such  persons  from  the  United  States  to  the  coast 
of  Africa,  has  been  variously  estimated.     By  those  who  compute  it  at  the  lowest 
rate,  the  mere  expense  of  this  transportation  has  been  estimated  at  $20  per  head. 
In  this  estimate,  however,  is  not  comprehended    the  expense  of  transporting   the 
persons  destined  for  Africa,  to  the  port  of  their  departure  from  the  United  States, 
or  the  necessary  expense  of  sustaining  them,  either  there  or   in  Africa,  for   a  rea- 
sonable time  after  their  first  arrival.     All  these  expenses  combined,  the  Commit- 
tee thinU  they  estimate  very  low,  when  they  compute  the    amount   at   $.100    per 
head.     It  has  been  estimated  by  some  at  double  this  amount  ;  and   if  past  expe- 
rience may  be  relied  upon  as  proving  any  thing,  the  official    documents  formerly 
furnished  to  the  Senate  by  the  Department  of  the  Navy,  show  that  the  expenses 
attending  the  transportation  of  the  few  captured  slaves   who  have  been   returned 
to  Africa  by  the  United  States,  at  the  expense  of  this  government,  far  exceeds 
even  the  li/rs;est  estimate.     But  taking  the  expense  to    be  only  what   the  Uom- 
mittee  have  estimated  it  :  Then  the  sum  requisite  to  transport  the  whole  number 
of  the  free  colored  population  of  the  United  States,    would    exceed   twenty-eight 
millions  of  dollars  ;  and  the  expense  of  transporting  a  number,  equal    only  to  the 
mere  annual  increase  of  this  population,  would   exceed  seven  hundred  thousand 


158  The  American   Colonization   Society 

The  Society  has  succeeded  in  making  the  people  beheve  that 
the  estabhshment  of  a  colony  or  colonies  on  the  coast  of  Africa 
is  the  only  way  to  abolish  the  foreign  slave  trade  :  on  this  ac- 
count it  has  secured  an  extensive  patronage.  Here  is  another 
fatal  delusion.  I  shall  show  not  only  that  it  has  not  injured  this 
trade  in  the  least,  but  that  the  trade  continues  to  increase  -in  ac- 
tivity and  cruelty.      Let  us  look  at  its  own  admissions. 

•  We  regret  to  say,  that  the  slave  trade  appears  to  be  carried  on  to  a  great 
extent,  and  with  circumstances  of  the  most  revolting  cruelty.'  *  *  » 

The  French  slave  trade,  notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  the  government,  ap- 
pears to  be  undiminished.  The  number  of  Spanish  vessels  employed  in  the 
trade  is  immense,  and  as  the  treaty  between  England  and  Spain  only  permits  the 
seizure  of  vessels  having  slaves  actually  on  board,  many  of  these  watch  their 
opportunity  on  the  coast,  run  in,  and  receive  all  their  slaves  on  board  in  a  single 
day.'  *  *  '  By  an  official  document  from  Rio  de  Janeiro,  it  appears  that 
the  following  importations  of  slaves  were  made  into  that  port  in  1826  and  1827. 

1826,  landed  alive,   35,966. ...died  on   the  passage   1,905 

1827,  landed  alive,  41, 384. ...died  on  the  passage   1,643 

Thus  it  would  seem,  (says  the  Boston  Gazette,)  that  to  only  one  port  in  the 
Brazils,  and  in  the  course  of  two  years,  seventi/scven  thousand  three  hun- 
dred and  fifty  human  beings  were  transported  from  their  own  country,  and 
placed  in  a  state  of  slavery.' — [African  Repository,  vol.  i.  v.  pp.    179,  181.] 

'  It  is  not  by  legal  arguments,  or  penal  statutes,  or  armed  ships,  that  the  slave 
trade  can  be  prevented.  Almost  every  power  in  Christendom  has  denounced  it. 
It  has  been  declared  felony — it  has  been  declared  piracy  ;  and  the  Heets  of 
Britain  and  America  have  been  commissioned  to  drive  it  from  the  ocean.  Still, 
in  defiance  of  all  this  array  of  legislation  and  of  armament,  slave  ships  ride  tri- 
umphant on  the  ocean  ;  and  in  these  floating  caverns,  less  terrible  only  than  the 
caverns  which  demons  occupy,  from  sixty  to  eighty  thousand  wretches,  received 
pinioned  from  the  coast  of  Africa,  are  borne  annually  away  to  slavery  or  death. 
Of  these  wretches  a  frightful  number  are,  with  an  audacity  that  amazes,  landed 
and  disposed  of  within  the  jurisdiction  of  this  republic' — [Idem,  vol.  v.  274.] 

'Notwithstanding  all  the  efforts  that  have  been  made  to  suppress  the  slave 
trade,  by  means  of  solemn  treaties  and  laws  declaring  it  to  be  piracy  ;    and  not- 


dollars  per  annum.  Sums  which  would  impose  upon  the  people  of  this  country, 
an  additional  burthen  of  taxation,  greater  than  this  Committee  believe  they  could 
easily  bear  ;  and  much  greater  than  ought  to  be  imposed  upon  them  for  any  such 
purpose.'  *  *  '  The  annual  increase  of  the  slave  population,  at  present,  is  at 
least  57,000.  Now  allow  the  same  sum  per  head  for  the  transportation  of  these 
persons,  that  has  been  estimated  for  the  transportation  in  the  other  similar  case  ; 
and  the  sum  requisite  to  defray  the  expense  of  the  transportation  of  all  the  slaves 
in  the  United  States,  would  be  one  hundred  and  ninety  millions  of  dollars  i  and 
that  requisite  to  defray  the  expense  of  the  transportation  of  a  number  only  equal 
to  their  mere  annual  increase,  would  be  five  millions  seven  hundred  thousand  dol- 
lars per  annum.  But  to  either  of  these  sums  must  be  added  the  reasonable  equiv- 
alent, or  necessary  aid,  to  be  paid  by  the  United  States  to  humane  individuals, 
in  order  to  induce  them  voluntarily  to  part  with  their  property.  The  Committee 
have  no  '  data  '  by  which  they  can  measure  what  this  might  be.  But  any  sum, 
however  small,  will  make  so  great  an  augmentation  of  the  amount,  as  almost  to 
baffle  calculation,  and  to  exhibit  this  project  at  once,  as  one  exceeding,  very  far, 
indeed,  any  revenue  which  the  United  States  could  ever  draw  from  their  citizens, 
even  if  the  object  was  to  increase  and  multiply,  instead  of  reducing  the  numbers 
of  the  class  of  productive  labor.'— [Mr  Tazewell's  Report— U.  S.  Senate,  1828.] 


Deceives  and  Misleads  the  J\\tion.  159 

withstanding  the  attempts  to  exterminate  it  by  the  naval  forces  of  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain,  the  inhuman  traffic  is  still  pursued  to  as  great  an  extent 
as  at  any  former  period,  and  with  greater  cruelty  than  ever.' — [African  Repos- 
itory, vol.  vi.  p.  345.] 

'  The  slave  trade,  which  many  suppose  has  been  every  where  abolished  for 
years,  there  is  reason  to  believe  is  still  carried  on  to  almost  as  great  an  extent  as 
ever.  It  has  been  recently  stated  in  the  papers,  that  an  association  of  merchants 
at  Nantz,  in  France,  had  undertaken  to  supply  the  island  of  Cuba  with  thirty 
thousand  fresh  negro  slaves  annually  I  And  in  Brazil,  it  is  well  known,  that  for 
several  years  past,  the  importations  have  even  exceeded  this  number.' — [Idem, 
vol.  vii.  p.  248.] 

'  Africa,  for  three  long  centuries,  has  been  ravaged  by  the  slave  trade.  Not- 
withstanding all  that  has  been  done  to  suppress  that  traffic,  notwithstanding  its 
formal  abolition  by  all  civilized  nations,  it  is  carried  on  at  the  present  hour,  with 
all  its  atrocities  unmitigated.  The  flags  of  France,  Portugal,  Brazil,  and 
Spain,  with  the  connivance  of  those  governments,  aflbrd  to  the  slave  trader,  in 
spite  of  laws  and  treaties  and  armed  cruisers,  a  partial  protection,  of  which  he 
avails  himself  to  the  utmost.  And  with  what  cruelty  he  carries  on  his  war  against 
human  nature,  every  year  affords  us  illustrations  sufficiently  horrible.' — [Chris- 
tian Spectator  for  Septernber,   1830.] 

*  This  horrible  traffic,  notwithstanding  its  abolition  by  every  civilized  nation  in 
the  world,  except  Portugal  and  Brazil,  and  notwithstanding  the  decided  measures 
of  the  British  and  American  governments,  is  still  carried  on  to  almost  as  great  an 
extent  as  ever.  Not  less  than  60,000  slaves,  according  to  the  most  moderate 
computation,  are  carried  from  Africa  annually.  This  trade  is  carried  on  by 
Americans  to  the  Amcricafi  states.  And  the  cruelties  of  this  trade,  which  always 
surpassed  the  powers  of  the  human  mind  to  conceive,  are  greater  now  than 
they  ever  were  before.  We  might,  but  we  will  not,  refer  to  stories,  recent 
stories,  of  which  the  very  recital  would  be  torment.'— [Seventh  Annual  Report.] 

'  Notwithstanding  the  vigilance  of  the  powers  now  engaged  to  suppress  the 
slave  trade,  I  have  received  information,  that  in  a  single  year,  in  the  single  island 
of  Cuba,  slaves  equal  in  amount  to  one  half  of  the  above  number  of  fifty-two 
thousand  have  been  illicitly  introduced.'  *  *  'Mr  Mercer  submitted 

the  following  preamble  and  resolutions  : — AV'hereas,  to  the  affliction  of  the  Chris- 
tian world,  the  African  slave  trade,  notwithstanding  all  the  efforts,  past  and  pres- 
ent, for  its  suppression,  still  exists  and  is  conducted  with  aggravated  cruelty, 
by  the  resources  of  one  continent,  to  the  dishonor  of  another,  and  to  an  extent 
little  short  of  the  desolation  of  a  third,'  &c. —  [Tenth  Annual  Report.] 

'  It  is  painful  to  state,  that  the  Managers  have  reason  to  believe  that  the  slave 
trade  is  still  prosecuted,  to  a  great  extent,  and  with  circumstances  of  undimin- 
ished atrocity.  The  fact,  that  much  was  done  by  Mr  Ashmun  to  banish  it  frona 
the  territory,  under  the  colonial  jurisdiction,  is  unquestionable  ;  but,  it  novy 
exists,  even  on  this  territory  ;  and  a  little  to  the  north  and  south  of  Liberia, 
it  is  seen  in  its  true  characters — of  fraud,  rapine,  and  blood  1  In  the  opinion  of 
the  late  Agent,  the  present  efforts  to  suppress  this  trade  must  prove  abortive.' — 
[Thirteenth  Annual  Report.] 

•  Some  appalling  facts  in  regard  to  the  slave  trade  have  come  to  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  Board  of  Managers  during  the  last  year.  With  undiminished 
atrocity  and  activity  is  this  odious  traffic  now  carried  on  all  along  the  Af- 
rican coast.  Slave  factories  are  established  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the 
Colony,  and  at  the  (jallinas  (between  Liberia  and  Sierra  Leone)  not  less  than 
nine  hundred  slaves  vvere  shipped  during  the  last  summer,  in  the  space  of  three 
weeks.' — [Fourteenth  Annual  Report,  1831.] 

'  In  defiance  of  all  laws  enacted,  it  is  estimated  that  no  less  than  fifty  thou- 
sand Africans  were,  during  the  last  year,  (1831,)  carried  into  foreign  slavery. 
During  tho  months  of  February  and  March  of  the  same  year,  two  thousand  were 


160  The  American   Colonization   Society,  S^c. 

landed  on  the  island  of  Cuba.' — [Circular  published  by  the  Massachusetts  Colo- 
nization Society  for  1832.] 

Here,  then,  is  the  acknowledgment  of  the  Society,  that  it  has 
accomplished  nothing  toward  the  suppression  of  the  slave  trade 
in  fifteen  years  !  Nor  has  the  settlement  at  Sierra  Leone  effected 
aught  in  thirty  years  !  Nor  have  the  untiring  labors  of  Wilberforce 
and  Clarkson,  for  a  longer  period,  produced  any  visible  effect  ! 
The  accursed  traffic  still  continues  to  increase — and  why  .'' 
Simply  because  the  market  for  slaves  is  not  destroyed.  Break  up 
this  market,  and  you  annihilate  the  slave  trade.  Keep  it  open, 
and  you  may  line  the  shores  of  Africa  and  America  with  naval 
ships  and  armed  troops,  and  the  trade  will  continue.  No  pro- 
position in  Euclid  is  plainer.  So  long  as  there  is  a  brisk  mar- 
ket for  goods,  that  market  will  be  supplied.  The  assertion  has 
been  made  in  Congress  by  Mr  Mercer  of  Virginia,  (one  of  the 
Vice-Presidents  of  the  Society,)  that  these  horrible  cargoes 
are  smuggled  into  our  southern  states  to  a  deplorable  extent. 
In  1819,  Mr  Middleton,  of  South  Carolina,  declared  it  to  be 
his  belief  '  that  13,000  Africans  were  annually  smuggled  into 
our  southern  slates.'  ISlr  Wright  of  Virginia  estimated  the 
number  at  15,000!!! — [Vide  Seventh  Annual  Report — app.] 
— This  number  is  seven  times  as  great  as  that  which  the  Col- 
onization Society  has  transported  in  fifteen  years  !  *  By  letting 
the  system  of  slavery  alone,  then,  and  striving  to  protect  it,  the 
Society  is  encouraging  and  perpetuating  the  foreign  slave  trade  ! 

*  The  following  amusing  anecdote  is  a  capital  illustiatlon  of  the  folly  of  those 
colonizationists,  who  are  endeavoring  to  suppress  the  rising  tide  of  our  colored 
population  by  extracting  a  few  drops  annually  with  their  '  njop  and  pattens?.' 
Dame  Partington  is  clearly  outdone  by  them,  in  regard  to  pertinacity  of  purpose 
and  feebleness  of  execution.  Rev.  Sidney  Smith,  in  his  speech  at  the  Taunton 
meeting,  (England,)  said  : 

'  The  attempt  of  the  House  of  Lords  to  stop  the  progress  of  Reform,  reminded 
him  of  the  conduct  of  the  excellent  Mrs.  Partington,  during  the  great  storm  at 
Sidmouth,  in  1824.  The  tide  rose  to  an  incredible  height  ;  the  waves  rushed 
in  upon  the  houses,  and  every  thing  was  threatened  with  destruction.  In  the 
midst  of  the  fearful  commotion  of  the  elements,  Dame  Partington,  who  lived  upon 
the  sea  beach,  was  seen  at  the  door  of  her  house,  with  mop  and  pattens,  trund- 
lin"  her  mop  and  sweeping  out  the  sea  water,  and  vigorously  pushing  back  the 
Atlantic.  The  Atlantic  was  roused,  and  so  was  Mrs.  Partington  ;  but  the  con- 
test was  unequal.  The  Atlantic  beat  Mrs.  Partington.  She  was  excellent  at  a 
slop  or  a  puddle,  but  she  could  do  nothing  with  a  tempest.' 

END   OF   PART   I. 


THOUGHTS 


ON 


AFRICAN      COLONIZATION. 


IPillBS    Wl^ 


SENTIMENTS  OF  THE  PEOPLE  OF  COLOR. 

If  the  American  Colonization  Society  were  indeed  actuated 
by  the  purest  motives  and  the  best  feelings  toward  the  objects 
of  its  supervision  ;  if  it  were  not  based  upon  injustice,  fraud, 
persecution  .and  incorrigible  prejudice  ;  still  if  its  purposes  be 
contrary  to  the  wishes  and  injurious  to  the  interests  of  the  free 
people  of  color,  it  ought  not  to  receive  the  countenance  of  the 
public.  Even  the  trees  of  the  forest  are  keenly  susceptible  to 
every  touch  of  violence,  and  seem  to  deprecate  transplantation 
to  a  foreign  soil.  Even  birds  and  animals  pine  in  exile  from 
their  native  haunts  ;  their  local  attachments  are  wonderful  ;  they 
migrate  only  to  return  again  at  the  earliest  opportunity.  Per- 
haps there  is  not  a  living  thing,  from  the  hugest  animal  down  to 
the  minutest  animalcule,  whose  pleasant  associations  are  not  cir- 
cumscribed, or  that  has  not  some  favorite  retreats.  This  univer- 
sal preference,  this  love  of  home,  seems  to  be  the  element  of 
being, — a  constitutional  attribute  given  by  the  all-wise  Creator 
to  bind  each  separate  tribe  or  community  within  intelligent  and 
well-defined  limits  :  for,  in  its  absence,  order  would  be  banished 
[Part  II.]  J 


2  Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color. 

from  the  Vv-orld,  collision  between  the  countless  orders  of  crea- 
tion would  be  perpetual,  and  violence  would  depopulate  the 
world  with  more  than  pestilential  rapidity. 

Shall  it  be  said  that  beings  endowed  with  high  intellectual 
powers,  sustaining  the  most  important  relations,  created  for  so- 
cial enjoyments,  and  made  but  a  little  lower  than  the  angels — 
shall  it  be  said  that  their  local  attachments  are  less  tenacious 
than  those  of  trees,  and  birds,  and  beasts,  and  insects  ?  I 
know  that  the  blacks  are  classed,  by  some,  who  scarcely  give 
any  evidence  of  their  own  humanity  but  their  shape,  among  the 
brute  creation  :  but  are  they  beloio  the  brutes  ?  or  are  they  more 
insensible    to  rude  assaults  than  forest-trees  ? 

'  Men,'  says  an  erratic  but  powerful  writer* — 'men  are 
like  trees  :  they  delight  in  a  rude  [and  native]  soil — they  strike 
their  roots  downward  with  a  perpetual  effort,  and  heave  their 
proud  branches  upward  in  perpetual  strife.  Are  they  to  be  re- 
moved ? — you  must  tear  up  the  very  earth  with  their  roots,  rock 
and  ore  and  impurity,  or  tliey  perish.  They  cannot  be  trans- 
lated with  safety.  Something  of  their  home — a  little  of  their 
native  soil,  must  cling  to  them  forever,  or  they  die.' 

This  love  of  home,  of  neighborhood,  of  country,  is  inherent 
in  the  human  breast.  It  accompanies  the  child  from  its  earhest 
reminiscence  up  to  old  age  :  it  is  written  upon  every  tangible 
and  permanent  object  within  the  habitual  cognizance  of  the  eye 
— upon  stone,  and  tree,  and  rivulet — ^upon  the  green  hill,  and 
the  verdant  plain,  and  the  opulent  valley — upon  house,  and 
garden,  and  steeple-spire — upon  the  soil,  whether  it  be  rough 
or  smooth,  sandy  or  hard,  barren  or  luxuriant. 

'  Like  ivy,  where  it  grows,  't  is  seen 
To  wear  an  everlasting  green.' 

The  man  who  does  not  cherish  it  is  regarded  as  destitute  of 
sensibihty  ;  and  to  him  is  applied  by  common  consent  the 
burning  rebuke  of  Sir  Walter  Scott  : 

'Breathes  there  the  man,  with  soul  so   dead, 
Who  never  to  himself  hath  said, 


John  Neal. 


Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color.  3 

This  is  my  own,  my  native  land  ! 
Whose  heart  hath  ne'er  within  him  burned, 
As  home  his  footsteps  he  hath  turned, 

From  wandering  on  a  foreign  strand  ! 
If  such  there  breathe,  go,  mark  him  well  ; 
For  him  no  Minstrel  raptures  swell  ; 
High  though  his  titles,  proud  his  name, 
Boundless  his  wealth  as  wish  can  claim  ; 
Despite  those  titles,    power,   and  pelf, 
The  wretch,  concentred  all  in  self, 
Living,  shall  forfeit  fair  renown, 
And,  doubly  dying,  shall  go  down 
To  the  vile  dust,  from  v.'hence  he  sprung. 
Unwept,  unhonored,  and  unsung.' 

Whose  bosom  does  not  thrill  with  pleasurable  emotion  when- 
ever he  hstens  to  that  truest,  sweetest,  tenderest  effusion, — • 
'  Home,  sweet  home  ?' 

^  'Mid  pleasures  'and  palaces  though  we  may  roam. 
Be  it  ever  so  humble,  there  's  no  place  like  home  ; 
A  charm  from  the  skies  seems  to  hallow  us  there, 
Which,  seek  thro'   the  world,  is  ne'er  met  with  elsewhere. 

Home — home  ! 
Sweet,  sweet  home  ! 
There  's  no  place  like  home  !^ 

An  exile  from  home,  splendor  dazzles  in  vain — 

O  give  me  my  lowly  thatched  cottage  again  ; 

The  birds  singing  gaily  that  came  at  my  call — 

Give  me  them,  with  the  peace  of  mind  dearer  than  all  \ 

'  Home — home  ! 
Sweet,  sweet  home  ! 
There  's  710  place  like  home/' 

No  one  will  understand  me  to  maintain  that  population  should 
never  be  thinned  by  foreign  emigration  ;  but  only  that  such  an 
emigration  is  unnatural.  The  great  mass  of  a  neighborhood  or 
country  must  necessarily  be  stable  :  only  fractions  are  cast  off 
and  float  away  on  the  tide  of  adventure.  Individual  enterprise 
or  estrangement  is  one  thing  :  the  translation  of  an  entire  peo- 
ple to  an  unknown  clime,  another.  The  former  may  be  moved 
by  a  single  impulse — by  a  love  of  novelty,  or  a  desire  of  gain, 


4  tSenliments  of  the   People  of  Color. 

or  a  hope  of  preferment  :  he  leaves  no  perceptible  void  in 
society.  The  latter  can  never  be  expatriated  but  by  some 
extraordinary  calamity,  or  by  the  application  of  intolerable 
restraints.  They  must  first  be  rendered  broken-hearted  or 
loaded  with  chains — hope  must  not  merely  sicken  but  die — 
cord  after  cord  must  be  sundered — ere  they  will  seek  another 
home.  Our  pilgrim-fathers  were  driven  out  from  the  mother 
country  by  ecclesiastical  domination  :  to  worship  God  accord- 
ing to  the  dictates  of  their  own  consciences,  was  the  only  cause 
of  their  exile.  Had  they  been  permitted  to  enjoy  this  sacred 
right, — no  matter  how  great  were  their  temporal  privations,  or 
their  hopes  of  physical  enjoyments, — they  would  not  have  per- 
illed their  lives  on  the  stormy  deep,  to  obtain  an  asylum  in  this 
western  hemisphere. 

It  may  be  said,  in  rep!)-  to  the  foregoing  remarks  upon  the 
love  of  home  and  of  country,  that  the  people  of  color  cannot 
cherish  this  abhorrence  of  migration,  because  here  they  have 
no  '  continuing  city,'  and  are  not  recognised  as  fellow-country- 
men. In  Part  I.,  I  have  shown,  by  copious  extracts,  that 
colonizationists  artfully  represent  them  as  aliens  and  foreigners, 
wanderers  from  Africa — destitute  of  that  anioi'  patrice.,  which 
is  the  bond  of  union — seditious — without  alliances — irresponsi- 
ble— unambitious — cherishing  no  attachment  to  the  soil — feehng 
no  interest  in  our  national  prosperity — ready  for  any  adventure 
— eager  to  absent  themselves  from  the  land — malignant  in  their 
feelings  towards  society — -incapable  of  local  preference — con- 
tent to  remain  in  ignorance  and  degradation — &c.  &c.  &c. 

Every  such  representation  is  a  libel,  as  I  shall  show  in  sub- 
sequent pages.  The  language  of  the  people  of  color  is, — '  This 
is  our  country  :  here  were  we  born — here  will  we  live  and  die 
. — we  know  of  no  other  place  that  we  can  call  our  true  and  ap- 
propriate home — here  are  our  earliest  and  most  pleasant  associ- 
ations— we  are  freemen,  we  arc  brethren,  we  are  countrymen 
and  fellow-citizens— w'e  are  not  for  insurrection,  but  for  peace 
and  equality.'  This  is  not  the  language  of  sedition  or  alienated 
affection.  Their  amor  palrice.  is  robust  and  deathless  :  like 
the  oak,  tempests  do  but  strengthen  its  roots  and  confer  victory 


Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color.  5 

upon  it.     Even  the  soil  on   which  the  unhappy  slave  toils  and 
bleeds,  is  to  him  consecrated  earth. 

African   colonization   is  directly  and  irreconcileably  opposed 
to   the    wishes   of  our  colored    population  as  a    body.     Their 
desires   ought  to   be   tenderly  regarded.     In  all  my  intercourse 
with  them  in  various  towns  and   cities,   I  have   never  seen    one 
of  their  number  who  was  friendly  to  this  scheme — and   I  have 
not  been  backward  in  canvassing  their  opinions  on  this  subject. 
They  are   as   unanimously  opposed  to  a  removal  to  Africa,  as 
the  Cherokees  from  the  council-fires  and  graves  of  their  fathers. 
It  is  remarkable,    too,  that  they  are  as   miited  in  their  respect 
and  esteem  for  the  republic  of  Hayti.     But  this  is  their  country 
— they  are  resolute  against  every  migratory  plot,  and  willing  to 
rely  on  the  justice   of  the  nation  for  an  ultimate   restoration  to 
all  their  lost  rights  and  privileges.     What  is  the  fact  ?  Through 
the   instrumentality   of  Benjamin   Lundy,*  the    distinguished 
and   veteran  champion   of  emancipation,   a  great  highway  has 
been  opened  to  the   Haytien  republic,  over   which  our  colored 
population   may  travel  toll  free.,  and   at  the  end  of  their  brief 
journey  be  the  free  occupants  of  the  soil,  and  meet  such  a  re- 
ception as  was  never  yet  given  to  any  sojourners  in  any  country, 
since  the   departure   of  Israel   into  Egypt.      One  would  think, 
that,  with  such  inducements  and  under  such  circumstances,  this 
broad  thoroughfare  would  present  a  most   animating  spectacle  ; 
that  the   bustle   and  roar  of  a  journeying  multitude  would   fall 
upon  the  ear  like  the  strife  of  the  ocean,  or  the  distant  thunder 
of  the  retiring  storm  ;    and  that  the   song  of  the  oppressor  and 
the  oppressed,   a  song   of  deliverance  to  each,  would  go  up  to 
heaven,   till  its   echoes  were  seemingly  the  responses  of  angels 
and  justified  spirits.      But  it  is  not  so.      Only  here  and  there  a 
traveller  is  seen  to  enter  upon   the  road — there   is    no   noise  of 
preparation  or  departure  ;  but  a  silence,  deeper  than  the  breath- 
lessness  of  midnight,  rests  upon  our  land — not  a  shout  of  joy  is 
heard  throughout  our  borders  ! 


*   Vide  the    Fourth  Volume   of  the  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation  for 
1829. 


6  l^entiments  of  the   People  of  Color. 

How  shall  we  account  for  this  amazing  apathy  but  on  the 
ground  that  our  colored  population  are  unwilling  to  leave  their 
native  homes,  no  matter  how  strong  soever  are  the  inducements 
held  out  to  them  abroad  ? 

If  it  be  said  that  they  are  not  compelled  to  emigrate  against 
their  wishes — I  answer,  it  is  true  that  direct  physical  force  is 
not  applied  ;  but  why  are  they  induced  to  remove  ?  Is  it  be- 
cause they  instinctively  prefer  Africa  to  their  native  country  ? 
Do  they  actually  court  the  perils  of  the  sea, — the  hostilities  of 
a  savage  tribe, — the  sickening  influences  of  an  African  climate  ? 
Or  are  they  not  peremptorily  assured  that  they  never  can,  and 
never  shall,  enjoy  their  rights  and  privileges  at  home — and  thus 
absolutely  compelled  to  leave  all  that  is  dear  behind,  and  to  seek 
a  shelter  in  a  strange  land — a  land  of  darkness  and  cruelty,  of 
barbarism  and  wo  ? 

The  free  people  of  color,  and  even  the  slaves,  have  on  nu- 
merous occasions  given  ocular  demonstration  of  their  attachment 
to  this  country.  Large  numbers  of  them  were  distinguished  for 
their  patient  endurance,  their  ardent  devotion,  and  their  valorous 
conduct  during  our  revolutionary  struggle.  In  the  last  war,  they 
signalized  themselves  in  a  manner  which  extorted  the  applause 
even  of  their  calumniators — of  many  who  are  doubtless  at  the 
present  day  representing  them  as  seditious  and  inimical  to  the 
prosperity  of  the  country.  I  have  before  me  a  Proclamation 
in  the  French  language,  issued  by  General  Andrew  Jackson,  of 
which  the  following  is  a  translation  : 

'Proclamation  to  the  Free  People   of  Color. 

'  Soldiers  ! — When  on  the  banks  of  the  Mobile,  I  called  you 
to  take  up  arms,  inviting  you  to  partake  the  perils  and  glory 
of  your  white  fellow  citizens,  /  expected  much  from  you  ;  for  I 
was  not  ignorant  that  you  possessed  qualities  most  formidable 
to  an  invading  enemy.  I  knew  with  what  fortitude  you  could 
endure  hunger  and  thirst,  and  all  the  fatigues  of  a  campaign.  / 
kneiv  icell  how  you  loved  your  native  country,  and  that  you 
had,  as  well  as  ourselves,  to  defend  what  man  holds  most  dear 
— his  parents,  relations,  wife,  children  and  property.  You 
HAVE  DONE  MORE  THAN  I  EXPECTED.  In  addition  to  the 
previous  qualities  I  before  knew  you  to  possess,   I  found,  more- 


Sentiments  of  the   People  of  Color.  7 

over,  among  you  a  noble  enthusiasm  which  leads  to  the  perform- 
ance of  great  things. 

Soldiers  ! — The  President  of  the  United  States  shall  hear 
how  praisevvorthy  was  your  conduct  in  the  hour  of  danger,  and 
the  Representatives  of  the  Amefican  people  will,  I  doubt  not, 
give  you  the  praise  your  exploits  entitle  you  to.  Your  General 
anticipates  them  in  applauding  your  noble  ardor. 

The   enemy  approaches  ;  his  vessels   cover  our  lakes  ;  our 
brave  citizens  are  united,  and  all   contention  has  ceased  among 
them.      Their  only  dispute  is,  who  shall  win  the  prize  of  valor, 
or  who  the  most  glory,  its  noblest  reward. 
By  order. 

THOMAS  BUTLER,  .^id  de  Camp.' 

In  commenting  upon  the  above  Proclamation,  an  intelligent 
writer  in  the  New-Orleans  '  Liberalist  '  of  March  15,  1830, 
very  expressively  remarks  : — '  Those  who  served  in  the  mem- 
orable campaign  of  1814  wnll  know  if  the  hero  of  the  west  was 
guilty  of  exaggeration.  Just  as  fatal  as  was  every  glance  of  his 
keen  eye  to  the  English  lines,  so  is  every  word  of  this  Procla- 
mation a  killing  thunderbolt  to  the  detractors  of  this  portion  of 
our  fellow  beings,  now  so  inhumanly  persecuted.'  Yes — when 
peril  rears  its  crest,  and  invasion  threatens  our  shores,  then  pre- 
judice is  forgotten  and  the  tongue  of  detraction  is  still — then 
the  people  of  color  are  no  longer  brutes  or  a  race  between  men 
and  monkeys,  no  longer  turbulent  or  useless,  no  longer  aliens 
and  w-anderers  from  Africa — but  they  are  complimented  as  intel- 
ligent, patriotic  citizens  from  whom  much  is  expected,  and  who 
have  property,  home  and  country  at  stake  !  Ay,  and  richly  do 
they  merit  this  compliment. 

A  respectable  colored  gentleman  in  the  city  of  New-York, 
referring  to  this  famous  Proclamation,  makes  the  following  brief 
comment  :  '  When  we  could  be  of  any  use  to  the  army,  we 
possessed  all  the  cardinal  virtues  ;  but  now  that  time  has  passed, 
we  forsooth  are  the  most  miserable,  worthless  beings  the  Lord 
in  his  wise  judgment  ever  sent  to  curse  the  rulers  of  this  trou- 
blesome world  !  I  feel  an  anathema  rising  from  my  heart,  but 
I  have  suppressed  it.' 

How  black  is  the  ingratitude,  how  pitifi.il  the  hypocrisy,  man- 
ifested ill  our  conduct  as  a  people,  toward  our  colored  popula- 


8  Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color. 

tioa  !    Every  cheek   should   wear   the   blush   of  shame — every 
head  be  bowed  in  self-abasement  ! 

From  the  organization  of  the  American^Colonization  Society, 
down  to  the  present  time,  the  free  people  of  color  have  pub- 
licly and  repeatedly  expressed  their  opposition  to  it.  They 
indignantly  reject  every  overture  for  their  expatriation.  It  has 
been  industriously  circulated  by  the  advocates  of  colonization, 
that  I  have  caused  this  hostility  to  the  African  scheme  in  the 
bosoms  of  the  blacks  ;  and  that,  until  the  Liberator  was  estab- 
lished, they  were  friendly  to  it.  This  story  is  founded  upon 
sheer  ignorance.  It  is  my  solemn  conviction  that  I  have  ndP\ 
proselyted  a  dozen  individuals  ;  for  the  very  conclusive  reason 
that  no  conversions  were  necessary.  Their  sentiments  were  1 
familiar  to  me  long  befoi*e  they  knew  my  own.  My  opponents 
abundantly  overrate  my  influence,  in  acknowledging  that  I  have 
overthrown,  in  a  single  year,  the  concentrated  energies  of  the 
mightiest  men  in  the  land,  and  the  perpetual  labors  of  fifteen 
years.  They  shall  not  make  me  vain.  Such  a  concession 
affords  substantial  evidence  of  perverted  strength  and  misap- 
plied exertion. 

If  the  jieople  of  color  were  instantly  to  signify  their  willingness 
to  emigrate,  my  hostihty  to  the  American  Colonization  Society 
would  scarcely  abate  one  jot  :  for  their  assent  could  never  jus- 
tify tlie  principles  and  doctrines  propagated  by  the  Society. 
Those  principles  and  doctrines  have  been  shown,  I  trust,  to  be 
corrupt,  selfish,  proscriptive,  opposed  to  the  genius  of  republi- 
canism and  to  the  spirit  of  Christianity. 

The  first  public  demonstration  of  hostility  to  the  colonization 
scheme  was  made  in  1817,  by  the  free  colored  inhabitants  of 
Richmond,  Virginia.  The  proceedings  of  their  meeting,  copies 
of  which  were  printed  for  distribution,  I  have  accidentally  mis- 
laid. To  the  sentiments  of  the  people  of  color,  as  expressed 
in  the  following  pages,  I  cannot  too  earnestly  solicit  the  serious 
attention  of  every  good  man  and  true  philanthropist.  After 
such  an  exhibition,  persistance  in  expelling  this  portion  of  our 
population  from  our  shores  must  be  productive  of  aggravated 
guilt  and  the  most  dreadful  collisions. 


Sen,thneulfi  uf  the    People  of  Color,  0 

A  VOICE  FROM  PHILADELPHIA. 

Philadelphia,  January,    1817. 

At  a  numerous  meeting  of  the  people  of  color,  convened  at 
Bethel  church,  to  take  into  consideration  the  propriety  of  re- 
monstrating against  the  contemplated  measure,  that  is  to  exile 
us  from  the  land  of  our  nativity  ;  James  Forten  was  called  to 
the  chair,  and  Russell  Parrott  appointed  secretary.  The  intent 
of  the  meeting  having  been  stated  by  the  chairman,  the  follow- 
ing resolutions  were  adopted,  without  one  dissenting  voice. 

Whereas  our  ancestors  (not  of  choice)  were  the  first  suc- 
cessful cultivators  of  the  wilds  of  America,  w^e  their  descend- 
ants feci  ourselves  entitled  to  participate  in  the  blessings  of  her 
luxuriant  soil,  which  their  blood  and  sweat  manured  ;  and  that 
any  measure  or  system  of  measures,  having  a  tendency  to  ban- 
ish us  from  her  bosom,  would  not  only  be  cruel,  but  in  direct 
violation  of  those  principles,  which  have  been  the  boast  of  this 
republic. 

Resolved,  That  we  view  with  deep  abhorrence  the  unmerited 
stigma  attempted  to  be  cast  upon  the  reputation  of  the  free  peo- 
ple of  color,  by  the  promoters  of  this  measure,  '  that  they  are 
a  dangerous  and  useless  part  of  the  community,'  w^hen  in  the 
state  of  disfranchisement  in  which  they  live,  in  the  hour  of  dan- 
ger they  ceased  to  remember  their  wrongs,  and  rallied  around 
the  standard  of  their  country. 

Resolved,  That  we  never  will  separate  ourselves  voluntarily 
from  the  slave  population  in  this  country  ;  they  are  our  brethren 
by  the  ties  of  consanguinity,  of  suffering,  and  of  wrong  ;  and 
we  feel  that  there  is  more  virtue  in  suffering  privations  with 
them,  than  fancied  advantages  for  a  season. 

Resolved,  That  without  arts,  without  science,  without  a 
proper  knowledge  of  government,  to  cast  into  the  savage  wilds 
of  Africa  the  free  people  of  color,  seems  to  us  the  circuitous 
route  through  which  they  must  return  to  perpetual  bondage. 

Resolved,  That  having  the  strongest  confidence  in  the  justice 
of  God,  and  philanthropy  of  the  free  states,  we  cheerfully  sub- 
mit our  destinies  to  the  guidance  of  Him  who  suffers  not  a 
sparrow'  to  fall,  without  his  special  providence. 

Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  eleven  persons  be  appointed 
to  open  a  correspondence  with  the  honorable  Joseph  Hopkin- 
son,  member  of  Congress  from  this  city,  and  likewise  to  inform 
him  of  the  sentiments  of  this  meeting,  and  that  the  following 
named  persons  constitute  the  committee,  and  that  they  have 
power  to  call  a  general  meeting,  when  they  in  their  judgment 
ma)'  deem  it  proper. 

[Part  II.]  2 


10  Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color. 

Rev.  Absalom  Jones,  Rev.  Richard  Allen,  James  Forten, 
Robert  Douglass,  Francis  Perkins,  Rev.  John  Gloucester, 
Robert  Gorden,  James  Johnson,  Quamoney  Clarkson,  John 
Summersett,   Randall  Shepherd. 

JAMES  FORTEN,  Chairman. 

Russell  Parrott,   Secretary. 

At  a  numerous  meeting  of  the  free  people  of  color  of  the  city 
and  county  of  Philadelphia,  held  in  pursuance  of  public  notice, 
at  the  school  house  in  Green's  court,  on  the  evening  of  August 
10th,  for  the  purpose  of  taking  into  consideration  the  plan  of 
colonizing  the  free  people  of  color  of  the  United  States,  on  the  ^ 
coast  of  Africa,  James  Forten  was  appointed  chairman,  and 
Russell  Parrott,  secretary. 

Resolved  unanimously.  That  the  following  address,  signed  on 
behalf  of  the  meeting,  by  the  Chairman  and  Secretary,  be  pub- 
lished and  circulated. 

To  the  humane  and  benevolent  Inhabitants  of  the  city  and  county 

of  Philadelphia. 

The  free  people  of  color,  assembled  together,  under  circum- 
stances of  deep  interest  to  their  happiness  and  welfare,  humbly 
and  respectfully  lay  before  you  this  expression  of  their  feelings 
and  apprehensions. 

Relieved  from  the  miseries  of  slavery,  many  of  us  by  your 
aid,  possessing  the  benefits  which  industry  and  integrity  in  this 
prosperous  country  assure  to  all  its  inhabitants,  enjoying  the 
rich  blessings  of  religion,  by  opportunities  of  worshipping  the 
only  true  God,  under  the  light  of  Christianity,  each  of  us  ac- 
cording to  his  understanding  ;  and  having  afforded  to  us  and  to 
our  children  the  means  of  education  and  improvement  ;  we  have 
no  wish  to  separate  from  our  present  homes,  for  any  purpose 
whatever.  Contented  with  our  present  situation  and  condition, 
w'e  are  not  desirous  of  increasing  their  prosperity  but  by  honest 
efforts,  and  by  the  use  of  those  opportunities  for  their  improve- 
ment, which  the  constitution  and  laws  allow  to  all.  It  is 
therefore  with  painful  solicitude,  and  sorrowing  regret,  we  have 
seen  a  plan  for  colonizing  the  free  people  of  color  of  the  United 
States  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  brought  forward  under  the  auspi- 
ces and  sanction  of  gentlemen  whose  names  give  value  to  all 
they  recommend,  and  who  certainly  are  among  the  wisest,  the 
best,  and  the  most  benevolent  of  men,  in  this  great  nation. 

If  the  plan  of  colonizing  is  intended  for  our  benefit  ;  and 
those  who  now  promote  it,  will  never  seek  our  injury  ;  we 
humbly  and   respectfully   urge,    that  it    is  not  asked  for  by  us  ; 


Sentiment$  of  the  People  of  Color.  11 

nor  will  it  be  required  by  any  circumstances,  in  our  present  or 
future  condition  ;  as  long  as  we  shall  be  permitted  to  share  the 
protection  of  the  excellent  laws  and  just  government  which  we 
now  enjoy,  in  common  with  every  individual  of  the  community. 

We,  therefore,  a  portion  of  those  who  are  the  objects  of  this 
plan,  and  among  those  whose  happiness,  with  that  of  others  of 
our  color,  it  is  intended  to  promote  ;  with  humble  and  grateful 
acknowledgments  to  those  who  have  devised  it,  renounce  and 
disclaim  every  connexion  with  it  ;  and  respectfully  but  firmly 
declare  our  determination  not    to  participate  in  any   part  of  it. 

If  this  plan  of  colonization  now  proposed,  is  intended  to  pro- 
vide a  refuge  and  a  dwelling  for  a  portion  of  our  brethren,  who 
are  now  held  in  slavery  in  the  south,  we  have  other  and  stronger 
objections  to  it,  and  we  entreat  your  consideration  of  them. 

The  ultimate  and  final  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  United 
States,  by  the  operation  of  various  causes,  is,  under  the  guidance 
and  protection  of  a  just  God,  progressing.  Every  year  wit- 
nesses the  release  of  numbers  of  the  victims  of  oppression, 
and  affords  new  and  safe  assurances  that  the  freedom  of  all  will 
be  in  the  end  accomplished.  As  they  are  thus  by  degrees  re- 
lieved from  bondage,  our  brothers  have  opportunities  for  in- 
struction and  improvement  ;  and  thus  they  become  in  some 
measure  fitted  for  their  liberty.  Every  year,  many  of  us  have 
restored  to  us  by  the  gradual,  but  certain  march  of  the  cause  of 
abolition — parents,  from  whom  we.  have  been  long  separated — 
wives  and  children  whom  we  had  left  in  servitude — and  broth- 
ers, in  blood  as  well  as  in  early  sufferings,  from  whom  we  had 
been  long  parted. 

But  if  the  emancipation  of  our  kindred  shall,  when  the  plan 
of  colonization  shall  go  into  effect,  be  attended  with  transporta- 
tion to  a  distant  land,  and  shall  be  granted  on  no  other  condition; 
the  consolation  for  our  past  sufferings  and  of  those  of  our  color 
who  are  in  slavery,  which  have  hitherto  been,  and  under  the 
present  situation  of  things  would  continue  to  be,  afforded  to  us 
and  to  them,  will  cease  for  ever.  The  cords,  which  now  con- 
nect them  with  us,  will  be  stretched  by  the  distance  to  which 
their  ends  will  be  carried,  until  they  break  ;  and  all  the  sources 
of  happiness,  which  affection  and  connexion  and  blood  bestow, 
will  be  ours  and  theirs  no  more. 

Nor  do  we  view  the  colonization  of  those  who  may  become 
emancipated  by  its  operation  among  our  southern  brethren,  as 
capable  of  producing  their  happiness.  Unprepared  by  educa- 
tion, and  a  knowledge  of  the  truths  of  our  blessed  religion,  for 
their  new  situation,  those  who  will  thus  become  colonists  will 
themselves  be  surrounded  by  every  suffering  which  can  afflict 
the  member?  of  (he  human  family. 


12  Sent liu oils  of  Ihc    Ptopk  of  Color. 

Without  arts,  without  habits  of  industry,  and  unaccustomed 
to  provide  by  their  own  exertions  and  foresight  for  their  wants, 
the  colony  will  soon  become  the  abode  of  every  vice,  and  the 
home  of  every  misery.  Soon  will  the  light  of  Christianity, 
which  now  dawns  among  that  portion  of  our  species,  be  shut  out 
by  the  clouds  of  ignorance,  and  their  day  of  life  be  closed, 
without  the  illuminations  of  the  gospel. 

To  those  of  our  brothers,  who  shall  be  left  behind,  there  will 
be  assured  perpetual  slavery  and  augmented  sufferings.  Di- 
minished in  numbers,  the  slave  population  of  the  southern  states, 
which  by  its  magnitude  alarms  its  proprietors,  will  be  easily 
secured.  Those  among  their  bondmen,  who  feel  that  they 
should  be  free,  by  rights  which  all  mankind  have  from  God  and 
from  nature,  and  who  thus  may  become  dangerous  to  the  quiet 
of  their  masters,  will  be  sent  to  the  colony  ;  and  the  tame  and 
submissive  will  be  retained,  and  subjected  to  increased  rigor. 
Year  after  year  will  witness  these  means  to  assure  safety  and 
submission  among  their  slaves,  and  the  southern  masters  will 
colonize  only  those  whom  it  may  be  dangerous  to  keep  among 
them.  The  bondage  of  a  largo  portion  of  our  brothers  will  thus 
be  rendered  perpetual. 

Should  the  anticipations  of  misery  and  want  among  the  col- 
onists, which  with  great  deference  we  have  submitted  to  your 
better  judgment,  be  realized  ;  to  emancipate  and  transport  to  Af- 
rica will  be  held  forth  by  slaveholders  as  the  worst  and  heaviest 
of  punishments  ;  and  they  will  be  threatened  and  successfully 
used  to  enforce  increased  submission  to  their  v.ishes,  and  sub- 
jection to  their  commands. 

Nor  ought  the  sufferings  and  sorrows,  which  must  be  produ- 
ced by  an  exercise  of  the  right  to  transport  and  colonize  such 
only  of  their  slaves  as  may  be  selected  by  the  slaveholders, 
escape  the  attention  and  consideration  of  those  whom  w'ith  all 
humility  we  now  address.  Parents  will  be  torn  from  their  chil- 
dren— husbands  from  their  vvives — brothers  from  brothers — and 
all  the  heart-rending  agonies  which  were  endured  by  our  fore- 
fathers when  they  were  dragged  into  bondage  from  Africa,  will 
be  again  renewed,  and  with  increased  anguish.  The  shores  of 
America  w^ill,  like  the  sands  of  Africa,  be  watered  by  the  tears 
of  those  who  will  be  left  behind.  Those  who  shall  be  carried 
away  will  roam  childless,  widowed,  and  alone,  over  the  burning 
plains  of  Guinea. 

Disclaiming,  as  we  emphatically  do,  a  wish  or  desire  to  inter- 
pose our  opinions  and  feelings  between  all  plans  ef  colonization, 
and  the  judgment  of  those  whose  WMsdorn  as  far  exceeds  ours 
3s  their  .situations  are  exalted  above  ours  ;    loe  humbly.,  respect- 


Sentimenls  of  tht   People  of   Color.  13 

fully,  and  fervently  intreat  and  beseech  your  disapprobation  of 
the  plan  of  colonization  now  offered  by  '  the  American  Society 
for  colonizing  the  free  people  of  color  of  the  United  States.' — 
Here,  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  where  the  voice  of  the  suf- 
fering sons  of  Africa  was  first  heard  ;  where  was  first  com- 
menced the  work  of  abolition,  on  which  heaven  has  smiled,  for 
it  could  have  had  success  only  from  the  Great  Maker  ;  let  not 
a  purpose  be  assisted  which  will  stay  the  cause  of  the  entire 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  United  States,  and  vvhich  may  defeat 
it  altogether  ;  which  proffers  to  those  who  do  not  ask  for  them 
what  it  calls  benefits,  but  which  they  consider  injuries  ;  and 
which  must  insure  to  the  multitudes  whose  prayers  can  only 
reach  you  through  us,  misery,  sufferings,  and  perpetual  sla- 
very. 

JAMES  FORTEN,  Chairman. 
Russell  Parrott,   Secretary. 


A  VOICE  FROM  NEW-YORK. 

New-York,  January,  1831. 

At  a  public  meeting  of  the  colored  citizens  of  New- York, 
held  at  Boyer  Lodge  Room,  on  Tuesday  evening,  the  25th  ult. 
Mr  Samuel  Ennals  was  called  to  the  chair,  and  Mr  Philip  Bell 
appointed  secretary.  The  chairman  stated  that  the  object  of 
the  meeting  was  to  take  into  consideration  the  proceedings  of 
an  association,  under  the  title  of  the  '  New-York  Colonization 
Society.'  An  address  to  the  '  Citizens' of  New-York  '  relative 
to  that  Society,  was  read  from  the  Commercial  Advertiser  of 
the  8th  ult.  ;  whereupon  the  following  resolutions  were  unani- 
mously adopted. 

Whereas  a  number  of  gentlemen  in  this  city,  of  mistaken 
views  with  respect  to  the  wishes  and  welfare  of  the  people  of 
this  state,  on  the  subject  of  African  colonization,  and  in  pursu- 
ance of  such  mistaken  views  are  using  every  exertion  to  form 
'  African  Colonization  Societies  ;'  and  whereas  a  public  docu- 
ment, purporting  to  be  an  address  to  the  people  of  the  '  city  of 
New-York  '  on  this  subject,  contains  opinions  and  assertions 
regarding  the  people  of  color  as  unfounded  as  they  are  unjust 
and  derogatory  to  them — Therefore 

Resolved,  That  this  meeting  do  most  solemnly  protest  against 
the  said  address,  as  containing  sentiments  with  respect  to  the 
people  of  color,  unjust,  illiberal  and  unfounded  ;  tending  to 
excite  the  prejudice  of  the  communil}  . 

Resolved,  That  in  our  opinion  the  sentiments  put  forth  in  the 


14  Sentitnents  of  the  People  of  Color. 

resolution  at  the  formation  of  the  '  Colonization  Society  of  the 
city  of  New- York, '  are  such  as  to  impress  this  community  with 
the  belief  that  the  colored  population  are  a  growing  evil,  im- 
moral, and  destitute  of  religious  principles. 

Resolved,  That  we  view  the  resolution  caUing  on  the  wor- 
shippers of  Christ  to  assist  in  the  unholy  crusade  against  the 
colored  population  of  this  country,  as  totally  at  variance  with 
true  Christian  principles. 

Resolved,  That  we  claim  this  country.,  the  place  of  our  birth, 
and  not  Jlfrica.,  as  our  mother  country,  and  all  attempts  to  send 
us  to  Africa  we  consider  as  gratuitous  and  uncalled  for. 

Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  three  persons  be  appointed 
to  draft  an  address  to  the  people  of  New- York,- and  to  be  pub- 
lished, together  with  these  resolutions,  and  the  same  be  signed 
by  the  Chairman  and  Secretary. 

SAMUEL  ENNALS,  Chairman. 

Philip  Bell,   Secretary. 

Jin  Address  to   the   Citizens  of  J\'^eiv-York. 

In  protesting  against  the  sentiments  and  declarations  to  our 
prejudice  with  which  the  above  noticed  '  address  '  and  '  reso- 
lutions '  abomid,  we  are  well  aware  of  the  power  and  influence 
we  have  attempted  to  resist.  The  gentlemen  named  as  officers 
of  the  '  Colonization  Society  '  are  men  of  high  standing,  their 
dictum  is  law  in  morals  with  our  community  ;  but  we  who  feel 
the  effect  of  their  proscription,  indulge  the  hope  of  an  impartial 
hearing. 

We  believe  many  of  those  gentlemen  are  our  friends,  and  we 
hope  they  all  mean  well ;  we  care  not  how  many  Colonization 
Societies  they  form  to  send  slaves  from  the  south  to  a  place 
where  they  may  enjoy  freedom  ;  and  if  they  can  '  drain  the 
ocean  with  a  bucket,'  may  send  '■with  their  oum  consent,'  the 
increasing  free  colored  population  :  but  we  solemnly  protest 
against  that  Christian  philanthropy  which  in  acknowledging  our 
wrongs  commits  a  greater  by  vilifying  us.  The  conscientious 
man  would  not  kill  the  animal,  but  cried  'mad  dog,'  and  the 
rabble  despatched  him.  These  gentlemen  acknowledge  the 
anomaly  of  those  political  ethics  which  make  a  distinction  be- 
tween man  and  man,  when  their  foundation  is,  '  that  all  men  are 
born  equal,'  and  possess  in  common  '  unalienable  rights  ;'  and 
to  justify  the  withholding  of  these  '  rights  '  would  proclaim  to 
foreigners  that  we  are  '  a  distinct  and  inferior  race,'  without 
religion  or  morals,  and  implying  that  our  condition  cannot  be 
improved  here  because  there  exists  an  unconquerable  prejudice 
in  the  whites  towards  us.     We  absolutely  deny  these  positions, 


Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color.  15 

and  we  call  upon  the  learned  author  of  the  '  address  '  for  the 
indications  of  distinction  between  us  and  other  men.  There 
are  different  colors  among  all  species  of  animated  creation.  A 
difference  of  color  is  not  a  difference  of  species.  Our  struc- 
ture and  organization  are  the  same,  and  not  distinct  from  other' 
men  ;  and  in  what  respects  are  we  inferior  ?  Our  political  con- 
dition we  admit  renders  us  less  respectable,  but  does  it  prove 
us  an  inferior  part  of  the  human  family  ?  Inferior  indeed  we 
are  as  to  the  means  which  we  possess  of  becoming  wealthy  and 
learned  men  ;  and  it  would  argue  well  for  the  cause  of  justice, 
humanity  and  true  religion,  if  the  reverend  gentlemen  whose 
names  are  found  at  the  bottom  of  President  Duer's  address, 
instead  of  showing  their  benevolence  by  laboring  to  move  us 
some  four  thousand  miles  off,  were  to  engage  actively  in  the 
furtherance  of  plans  for  the  improvemont  of  our  moral  and  po- 
litical condition  in  the  country  of  our  birth.  It  is  too  late  now 
to  brand  w^ith  inferiority  any  one  of  the  races  of  mankind.  We 
ask  for  proof.  Time  was  when  it  was  thought  impossible  to 
civilize  the  red  man.  Yet  our  own  country  presents  a  practical 
refutation  of  the  vain  assertion  in  the  flourishing  condition  of 
the  Cherokees,  among  whom  intelligence  and  refinement  are 
seen  in  somewhat  fairer  proportions  than  are  exhibited  by  some 
of  their  white  neighbors.  In  the  language  of  a  writer  of  ex- 
panded views  and  truly  noble  sentiments,  '  the  blacks  must  be 
regarded  as  the  real  authors  of  most  of  the  arts  and  sciences 
which  give  the  whites  at  present  the  advantage  over  them. 
While  Greece  and  Rome  were  yet  barbarous,  we  find  the  light 
of  learning  and  improvement  emanating  from  this,  by  supposi- 
tion, degraded  and  accursed  continent  of  Africa,  out  of  the 
midst  of  this  very  woolly-haired,  flat-nosed,  thick  lipped,  and 
coal  black  race,  which  some  persons  are  tempted  to  station  at  a 
pretty  low  intermediate  point  between  men  and  monkeys.'*  It 
is  needless  to  dwell  on  this  topic  ;  and  we  say  witb  the  same 
writer,  the  blacks  had  a  long  and  glorious  day  :  and  after  what 
they  have  been  and  done,  it  argues  not  so  much  a  mistaken  the- 
ory, as  sheer  ignorance  of  the  most  notorious  historical  facts,  to 
pretend  that  they  are  naturally  inferior  to  the  whites. 
•  We  earnestly  desire  that  this  address  may  not  be  misunder- 
stood. We  have  no  objection  in  the  abstract  to  the  Coloniza- 
tion Society  ;  but  we  do  protest  against  the  means  which  that 
Society  uses  to  effect  its  purposes.  It  is  evident,  to  any  im- 
partial observer,  that  the  natural  tendency  of  all  their  speeches, 
reports,  sermons,  &c.   is  to  widen  the  breach  between   us  and 

*  Alexander  H.  Everett,  Esq.  vide  his  work  entitled  '  America,  or  a  General 
Survey,'  &c.  &c.^pp.  212,   225. 


iO  Sentiments  of  the    People  of  Color. 

the  whites,  and  give  to  prejudice  a  tenfold  vigor.  It  has  pro- 
duced a  mistaken  sentiment  toward  us.  Africa  is  considered 
the  home  of  those  who  have  never  seen  its  shores.  The  poor 
ignorant  slave,  who,  in  all  probabihty,  has  never  heard  the  name 
of  Christ,  by  the  colonization  process  is  suddenly  transformed 
into  a  '  missionary,'  to  instruct  in  the  principles  of  Christianity 
and  the  arts  of  civilized  life.  The  Friends  have  been  the  last 
to  aid  the  system  pursued  by  the  Society's  advocates.  And 
we  say  (for  we  feel  it)  that  in  proportion  as  they  become  col- 
onizationists,  they  become  less  active  and  less  friendly  to  our 
welfare  as  citizens  of  the  United  States. 

There  does  exist  in  the  United  States  a  prejudice  against  us  ; 
but  is  it  unconquerable  ?  Is  it  not  in  the  power  of  tliese  gen- 
tlemen to  subdue  it  ?  If  their  object  is  to  benefit  us,  why  not 
better  our  condition  here  .''  What  keeps  us  down  but  the  want 
of  wealth  ?  Why  do  we  not  accumulate  wealth  ?  Simply  be- 
cause we  are  not  encouraged.  If  we  wish  to  give  our  boys  a 
classical  education,  they  are  refused  admission  into  your  col- 
leges. If  we  consume  our  means  in  giving  them  a  mercantile 
education,  you  will  not  employ  them  as  clerks  ;  if  they  are 
taught  navigation,  you  will  not  employ  them  as  captains.  If  we 
make  them  mechanics,  you  will  not  encourage  them,  nor  will 
white  mechanics  work  in  the  same  shop  with  them.  And  with 
all  these  disabilities,  like  a  mill-stone  about  us,  because  we  can- 
not point  to  our  statesmen,  bankers  and  lawyers,  we  are  called 
an  inferior  race.  Look  at  the  glaring  injustice  towards  us.  (A 
foreigner,  before  he  knows  one  of  our  streets  from  another, 
mounts  a  cart  under  the  license  of  another  man,  or  is  a  public 
porter,  a  lamp-lighter,  a  watchman,  &c.) 

These  gentlemen  know  but  little  of  a  large  portion  of  the 
colored  population  of  this  city.  Their  opinions  are  formed 
from  the  unfortunate  portion  of  our  people  whose  characters 
are  scrutinized  by  them  as  judges  of  courts.  Their  patrician 
principles  prevent  an  intercourse  with  men  in  the  middle  walks 
of  life,  among  whom  a  large  portion  of  our  people  may  be  class- 
ed. We  ask  them  to  visit  the  dwellings  of  the  respectable  part 
of  our  people,  and  we  are  satisfied  that  they  will  discover  more 
civilization  and  refinement  than  will  be  found  among  the  same 
number  of  white  families  of  an  equal  standing. 

Finally,  we  hope  that  those  who  have  so  eloquently  pleaded 
the  cause  of  the  Indian,  will  at  least  endeavor  to  preserve  con- 
sistency in  their  conduct..  They  put  no  faith  in  Georgia,  al- 
though she  declares  that  the  Indians  shall  not  be  removed  but 
'  with  their  own  consent.'  Can  they  blame  us  if  w^e  attach  the 
same   credit   to    the  declaration  that  they  mean   to  colonize  us 


Sentiments  of  the   People  of  Color.  17 

'  only  with  our  consent  ?'  They  cannot  indeed  use  force  ;  that 
is  out  of  the  question.  But  they  harp  so  much  on  '  inferiority,' 
'  prejudice,'  '  distinction,'  and  what  not,  that  tliere  will  no  alter- 
native he  left  us  but  to  fall  in  with  their  plans.  We  are  con- 
tent to  abide  where  we  are.  We  do  not  believe  that  things  will 
always  continue  the  same.  The  time  must  come  when  the 
declaration  of  independence  will  be  felt  in  the  heart  as  well  as 
uttered  from  the  mouth,  and  when  the  rights  of  all  shall  be 
properly  acknowledged  and  appreciated.  God  hasten  that  time. 
This  is  our  home,  and  this  our  country.  Beneath  its  sod  lie 
the  bones  of  our  fathers  :  for  it  some  of  them  fought,  bled,  and 
died.      Here  we  were  born,  and  here  we  will  die. 


A  VOICE  FROM  BOSTON. 

Boston,  March  12,  1831. 
Pursuant  to  public  notice,  a  meeting  was  held  by  the  colored 
citizens  of  Boston,  February  15th,  at  their  school-house,  for 
the  purpose  of  expressing  their  sentiments  in  a  remonstrance 
against  the  doings  of  the  State  Colonization  Society,  Feb.  10th. 
It  was  called  to  order  by  Mr  J.  G.  Barbadoes.  Mr  Robert 
Roberts  was  elected  chairman,  and  Mr  James  G.  Barbadoes 
secretary.  A  prayer  was  then  offered  up  to  the  throne  of  grace, 
by  the  Rev.  Mr  Snowden.  The  chairman  having  explained 
the  object  of  the  meeting,  sundiy  resolutions  were  offered  by 
Mr  Barbadoes,  and  fairly  discussed.  On  motion,  a  committee 
of  five  was  chosen  to  amend  the  resolutions,  and  to  draft  an 
address  to  certain  white  citizens  who  had  formed  a  State  Soci- 
ety auxihary  to  the  American  Colonization  Society,  and  to  the 
enlightened  public.  John  T.  Hilton,  James  G-.  Barbadoes, 
Rev.  Hosea  Easton,  Thomas  Dalton  and  Thomas  Cole  were 
placed  on  the  committee. 

The  committee,  to  whom  was  referred  the  subject  of  an  at- 
tempt, by  certain  white  citizens,  to  establish  in  this  State  a 
Society  auxiliary  to  the  American  Colonization  Society,  whose 
supposed  object  was  the  removal  of  the  free  colored  population 
to  western  Africa,  have  with  diligence  sought  for  and  obtained 
every  fact  wuthin  their  reach,  relative  to  what  was  enjoined  upon 
them  by  the  respectable  body  by  wliom  they  were  delegated  ; 
and  now  respectfully 

Report  : 

That  they  have  attended  to  the  duty  with  which  they  were 
charged,  with  all  the  wisdom,  prudence  and  fidelity  which  they 
[Part  H.]  3 


18  "    Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color. 

possessed,  and  Avhich  the  merits  of  the  case  required.  They 
therefore  submit  to  the  consideration  of  the  meeting  their  several 
conclusions  on  the  subject. 

The  duty  of  your  committee  seemed  to  be  div  ided  into  three 
general  inquiries  : — 1st.  To  ascertain  whether  the  Society  above 
named  was  tiuly  established  in  this  metropolis.  2d.  By  whom 
it  was  established,  and  for  what  purpose.  3d.  If  established 
for  the  purpose  entertained  by  the  free  colored  population,  what 
method  should  be  adopted  in  regard  to  expressing  their  disap- 
probation thereto. 

As  to  the  first  inquiry,  your  committee  can  state,  that  every 
doubt  is  now  removed  respecting  the  formation  of  such  a  So- 
ciety, the  proceedings  of  the  meeting  being  published,  together 
with  the  names  of  the  officers. 

On  the  second  inquiry,  your  committee  refer  you  to  the  2d 
Article  of  the  Constitution  of  said  Society,  (published  in  the 
Boston  Courier  of  Feb.  16,  1831,)  which  reads  thus  : 

'  The  oliject  to  which  this  Society  shall  he  exclusively  devoted,  shall  he  to  aid 
the  parent  institution  at  Washington,  in  the  colonization  of  the  free  people  of 
color  of  the  I'nited  States  on  the  coast  of  Africa  ;  and  to  do  this  not  only  hy 
the  contrihution  of  money,  but  by  the  exertion  of  its  influence  to  promote  the 
formation  of  other  societies.' 

We  deem  any  explanation  here  unnecessary. 

In  regard  to  the  third  and  most  essential  inquiry,  your  com- 
mittee report,  that  they  know  of  no  better  way  of  expressing 
their  disapprobation  of  such  measures,  than  to  use  ev'ery  exertion 
to  persuade  their  brethren  not  to  leave  the  United  States  upon 
any  consideration  whatever  ;  but  if  there  are  or  should  be  any 
exasperated  in  consequence  of  abuse  from  their  white  country- 
men, and  who  are  deternained  to  leave  the  country,  we  think  it 
desirable  to  recommend  them  to  Hayti  or  Upper  Canada,  where 
they  will  find  the  laws  equal.  Your  committee  deem  it  expedi- 
ent also  to  urge  this  duty  upon  the  several  ministers  of  color 
throughout  the  United  States,  and  all  other  persons  of  color 
whose  influence  may  have  any  bearing  in  preventing  their  breth- 
ren from  yielding  to  a  request  so  unjust  and  cruel. 

And  if  your  respectable  body  should  not  think  your  connnit- 
tee  were  going  beyond  the  bounds  of  their  duty,  they  would 
recommend  the  clerical  order  throughout  the  United  States,  who 
have  had  or  who  are  having  any  thing  to  do  with  the  deceptive 
scheme  above  alluded  to,  to  read  the  13th  chapter  of  Ezekiel. 
Read  it — read  it — and  understand  it.  Your  committee  would 
recommend  those  clergymen,  who  have  not  defiled  their  gar- 
ment with  the  blood  of  the  innocent,  to  read  the  1st,  2nd,  11th 
and  12th  verses  of  the  24th  chapter  of  Proverbs. 

In  support   of   the  sentiments    thus    expressed,  it    becomes 


Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color.  19 

necessary  that  our  reasons  should  accompany  them,  why  we 
object  to  the  plan  of  dragging  us  to  Africa — a  country  to  us  un- 
known, except  by  geography.  In  the  first  place,  we  are  told 
that  Africa  is  our  native  country  ;  consequently  the  climate  will 
be  more  congenial  to  our  health.  We  readily  deny  the  asser- 
tion. How  can  a  man  be  born  in  two  countries  at  the  same 
time  .''  Is  not  the  position  superficial  to  suppose  that  American 
born  citizens  are  Africans  ?  In  regard  to  the  climate,  what  bet- 
ter proof  do  we  want  of  its  salubrity,  than  to  know  that  of  the 
numerous  bodies  Avho  have  embarked,  a  large  portion  of  them 
have  imrfiediately  fallen  victims,  on  their  arrival,  to  the  pesti- 
lence usual  to  that  place  ? 

It  is  again  said,  that  the  establishment  of  a  colony  on  the 
coast  of  Africa  will  prevent  the  slave  trade.  We  might  as  well 
argue,  that  a  watchman  in  the  city  of  Boston  would  prevent 
thievery  in  New-York,  or  any  other  place  ;  or  that  the  custom- 
house officers  there  would  prev'ent  goods  being  smuggled  into 
any  other  port  of  the  United   States. 

We  are  aware,  that  such  an  unnecessary  expense  devoted  to 
the  application  of  a  remedy  so  far  from  the  disease,  is  abso- 
lutely contrary  to  common  sense.  We  are  sensible  that  the 
moral  disease,  slavery^  is  in  America,  and  not  in  Africa.  If 
there  was  no  market  for  the  vending  of  slaves,  there  would  be 
no  inducement  for  the  thief  to  steal  them.  The  remedy  for  this 
evil,  we  humbly  conceive,  consists  of  three  general  prescrip- 
tions, viz.  1st.  Let  him  who  stealeth  obey  the  word  of  God, 
and  steal  no  more.  2d.  Let  him  who  hath  encouraged  the  thief 
by  purchase,  (and  consequently  is  a  partaker  with  him,)  do  so 
no  more.  3rd.  Let  the  clerical  physicians,  who  have  encour- 
aged, and  are  encouraging,  both  the  thief  and  the  receiver,  by 
urging  their  influence  to  the  removal  of  the  means  of  their  de- 
tection, desist  therefrom,  and  with  their  mighty  weight  of  influ- 
ence step  into  the  scale  of  justice  :  then  will  be  done  away 
this  horrible  traffic  in  blood. 

From  the  above  considerations,  we  sincerely  recommend  to 
our  white  countrymen  honor  and  humanity,  which  will  render 
useless  the  transportation  of  the  colored  population  to  the  coast 
of  Africa,  it  being  altogether  gratuitous  and  uncalled  for. 

We  proceed  to  offer  several  objections  to  the  operation  al- 
luded to — one  is,  the  circumstance  of  tlie  project  originating 
with  those  who  were  deeply  interested  in  slavery,  and  who  hold 
slaves  as  their  property.  We  consider  the  fact  no  evidence  of 
the  innocence  of  its  design.  We  further  object,  because  its 
members  admit  slavery  to  be  an  evil,  and  use  no  means  to  de- 
stroy it ;  but  are  exerting  all  their  influence  to  urge  every  free 


20  Sentiments  of  the   People  of  Color. 

person  of  color  to  Africa,  (whose  right  to  this  soil  holds  good 
with  any  other  citizen,)  thereby  rivetting  the  chains  of  slavery 
stronger  than  ever  upon  their  oppressed  brethren. 

Again  we  object,  because  the  whole  spring  of  action  seems 
to  originate  in  the  fear  lest  the  free  colored  people  may  whisper 
liberty  in  the  ears  of  the  oppressed.  We  vrould  suggest,  how- 
ever, that  they  who  are  fond  of  liberty  should  not  be  annoyed 
at  its  sound,  from  v/hatever  source  it  may  come. 

Again  we  object,  on  the  ground  of  there  being  sufficient  land 
in  the  United  States,  on  which  a  colony  might  be  established 
that  would  better  meet  the  wishes  of  the  colored  people,  and  at 
a  much  cheaper  rate  than  could  possibly  be  done  by  sending 
them  to  a  bowline;  wilderness  far  awav,  and  to  them  unknown. 

One  of  the  leaders  of  the  newly  formed  Society  argued  that 
in  case  a  cclony  was  formed  for  the  blacks  in  the  United  States, 
they  would  in  a  short  lime  be  removed,  as  has  been  the  case 
with  the  poor  Indians.  To  obviate  this  objection,  we  here  in- 
form him  that  Ilayli  will  hold  all  the  slaves  he  will  send  her  ; 
and  as  for  the  free  people,  we  expect  they  can  go  where  they 
please,  either  to  Africa,  Hayti  or  Upper  Canada,  or  remain  at 
home,  without  asking  the  consent  of  a  slaveholding  party.  Nor 
can  we  conceive  why  free  citizens.,  acting  this  liberty,  should 
interfere  with  them,  if  they  are — as  they  have  represented  them- 
selves to  be — honest  and  benevolent  men.  We  conceive  that 
the  question  in  view  stands  in  two  distinct  points — the  removal 
of  the  free  colored  population  from  this  country,  or  the  acknowl- 
edgment of  them  as  citizens.  The  former  position  must  be 
acknowledged,  on  all  sides,  a  means  of  perpetuating  slavery  in 
our  land  ;  the  latter,  of  abolishing  it ;  consequently  it  may  be 
seen  who  are  for  the  well-being  of  their  country. 

We  regret  that  our  interest  has  thus  drawn  us  before  the  pub- 
lic, on  account  of  the  regard  we  entertain  towards  many  of  our 
warmest  friends  who  have  been  deceived  by  a  cloak  of  philan- 
thropy, smooth  words,  and  a  sanctified  appearance.  We  remind 
them,  however,  that  the  blood  of  Abel  is  beginning  to  be  heard 
by  many  who  are  willing  to  acknowledge  that  they  hear  it. 

We  cannot  close  our  duty  W'ithout  gratefully  acknowledging 
the  respect  we  entertain  for  those  who  have  defended  our  cause 
with  more  than  Spartan  courage.  It  is  the  opinion  of  your  com- 
mittee, that  they  are  to  be  respected  as  our  countrymen,  our 
brethren,  and  our  fellow  citizens — not  to  say  they  are  to  be 
applauded  as  men,  whose  great  acts  are  based  upon  the  accla- 
mation of  their  fellow  men  ;  but  rather  let  us  hold  up  their 
hands,  and  let  their  works  praise  them.  We  shall  only  add  an. 
expression   of  our   hopes,   that   the    Spirit  of  Liberty,  recently 


ISentimcnls  of  the  People  of  Color.  21 

awakened  in  the  old  world,  may  redouble  its  thundering  voice, 
until  every  t}a-ant  is  seized  with  a  Belshazzar  tremble  at  the 
hand-writing  u2Jon  the  wall  ol"  his  corrupt  palace. 

In  addition  to  the  above,  your  committee  submit  the  follow- 
ing resolutions  for  your  acceptance. 

Resolved,  That  this  meeting  contemplate,  with  lively  inter- 
est, the  rapid  progress  of  the  sentiments  of  liberty  among  our 
degraded  brethren,  and  that  we  will  legally  oppose  every  oper- 
ation that  may  have  a  tendency  to  perpetuate  our  present  polit- 
ical   condition. 

Resolved,  That  this  meeting  look  u))on  the  American  Coloni- 
zation Society  as  a  clamorous,  abusive  and  peace-disturbing 
combination. 

Resolved,  That  this  meeting  look  upon  the  conduct  of  those 
clergymen,  who  have  filled  the  ears  of  their  respective  congre- 
gations with  the  a.bsurd  idea  of  the  necessity  of  removing  the 
free  colored  people  from  the  United  States,  as  highly  deserving 
the  just  reprehension  directed  to  the  false  prophets  and  priests, 
by  Jeremiah  the  true  prophet,  as  recorded  in  the  23d  chapter  of 
his  prophecy. 

Resolved,  That  this  meeting  appeal  to  a  generous  and  enlight- 
ened public  for  an  impartial  hearing  relative  to  the  subject  of 
our  present  political  condition. 

Resolved,  That  the  gratitude  of  this  meeting,  which  is  so 
sensibly  felt,  be  fully  ex2)ressed  to  those  editors  whose  inde- 
pendence of  mind  and  correct  views  of  the  rights  of  man  have 
led  them  so  fearlessly  to  speak  in  favor  of  our  cause  ;  that  we 
rejoice  to  behold  in  them  such  a  strong  desire  to  extend  towards 
us  the  inestimable  blessing  in  the  gift  of  a  wise  Providence 
which  is  demanded  by  all  nature,  and  for  which  their  veteran 
fathers  struggled  in  the  revolution. 

ROBERT  ROBERTS,  Chairman. 

James   G.   Barbadoes,   Secretary. 


A  VOICE  FROiM  BALTIMORE. 

BaltiiMore,  March  21,  1831. 
At  a  respectable  meeting  of  persons  of  color,  convened, 
pursuant  to  public  notice,  for  the  purpose  of  expressing  their 
sentiments  in  regard  to  the  pretensions  of  the  American  Colo- 
nization Society,  William  Douglass  was  called  to  the  chair,  and 
William  Watkins  appointed  secretary.  The  object  of  the  call 
having  been  explicitly  stated,  the  meeting  immediately  pro- 
ceeded to  the  consideration  of  the  following  resolutions,  which 
were  unanimously  adopted  : — On  motion. 


22  Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color. 

Resolved,  That  It  is  the  belief  of  this  meeting,  that  the 
American  Colonization  fSociety  is  founded  more  in  a  selfish 
policy,  than  in  the  true  principles  of  benevolence  ; — and,  there- 
fore, so  far  as  it  regards  the  life-giving  spring  of  its  operations, 
is  not  entitled  to  our  confidence,  but  should  be  viewed  by  us 
with  all  that  caution  and  distrust  which  our  happiness  demands. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  not  insensible  to  the  means  usually 
employed  by  that  Society,  and  its  auxiliaries,  to  effectuate  our 
removal — that  we  sincerely  deprecate  their  gratuitous  and  illib- 
eral attacks  upon,  and  their  too  frequently  exaggerated  state- 
ments of  our  moral  standing  in  the  community — that  such  means 
are  unworthy  of  a  magnanimous  people,  and  of  a  virtuous  and 
noble  cause. 

Resolved,  That  we  consider  the  land  in  which  we  were  born, 
and  in  which  we  have  been  bred,  our  only  '  true  and  appropri- 
ate home.,' — and  that  when  tve  desire  to  remove,  we  will  apprise 
the  public  of  the  same,  in  due  season. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  deeply  sensible  that  many  of  our 
warm  and  sincere  friends  have  espoused  the  colonization  sys- 
tem, from  the  purest  motives, — and  that  we  sincerely  regret 
their  efforts  to  ameliorate  our  condition  are  not  more  in  accord- 
ance with  our  wishes. 

Resolved,  That  the  proceedings  of  this  meeting  be  pubhshed 
in  the  daily  papers  of  this  city,  signed  by  the  Chairman  and 
Secretary. 

WILLIAM  DOUGLASS,  Chairman. 

William  Watkins,   Secretary. 


A  VOICE  FROiM  WASHINGTON. 

Washington,   May  4,   1831. 

Pursuant  to  previous  notice,  a  large  and  very  respectable 
meeting  of  the  colored  citizens  of  Washington,  D.  C.,  con- 
vened at  the  African  Methodist  Episcopal  church  on  Wednes- 
day evening  last,  for  the  purpose  of  expressing  their  views  upon 
the  subject  of  African  colonization.  Mr  John  W.  Prout  was 
called  to  the  chair,  and  Arthur  Waring  was  appointed  secretary. 

The  chairman  briefly  explained  the  object  of  the  meeting,  in 
a  short  speech  well  adapted  to  the  occasion,  which  was  followed 
by  several  neat  and  very  appropriate  addresses  delivered  by 
sundry  gentlemen  present. 

The  following  preamble  and  resolutions  were  offered  and 
adopted,  nearly  unanimously. 

Whereas  we  consider  that  the  period  has  arrived  for  the  col- 
ored   citizens   of  this   place  to   express  their  opinion  upon  the 


Sentimfnls  of  the  People  of  Color.  23 

subject  of  colonization  in  Liberia  ;  a  subject  of  great  import- 
ance to  themselves,  as  well  as  to  the  colored  citizens  of  the 
United  States  generally  ;  and  whereas  our  brethren  at  a  dis- 
tance are  desirous  of  obtaining  information  relative  to  the  object 
and  policy  pursued  by  the  American  Colonization  Society  : 
Therefore,  be  it 

Resolved,  That  this  meeting  view  with  distrust  the  eftbrts 
made  by  the  Colonization  Society  to  cause  the  free  people  of 
color  of  these  United  States  to  emigrate  to  Liberia  on  the  coast 
of  Africa,  or  elsewhere. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  declared  opinion  of  the  members  of 
this  meeting,  that  the  soil  which  gave  ihem  birth  is  their  only 
true  and  veritable  home,  and  that  it  would  be  impolitic,  unwise 
and  improper  for  them  to  leave  their  home  without  the  benefits 
of  education. 

Resolved,  That  this  meeting  conceive  that  among  the  advo- 
cates of  the  colonization  system,  they  have  many  true  and  sin- 
cere friends  ;  and  do  regret  that  their  actions,  although  prompted 
no  doubt  by  the  purest   motives,  do  not  meet   our  approbation. 

Resolved,  That  we  believe  the  press  to  be  the  most  effi- 
cient means  of  disseminating  light  and  knowledge  among  our 
brethren  ;  and  that  this  meeting  do  acknowledge  with  gratitude 
the  efforts  made  in  our  behalf,  by  the  editors  of  the  Genius  of 
Universal  Emancipation,  and  the  Liberator  ; — and  do  most 
earnestly  recommend  their  respective  papers  to  our  brethren 
generally,  for  their  approval  and  support. 

Resolved,  That  the  foregoing  resolutions  be  signed  by  the 
Chairman  and  Secretary,  and  published.  ■ 

JOHN  W.   PROUT,  Chairman. 

Arthur  Waring,   Secretary. 


A  VOICE  FROM  BROOKLYN. 

Brooklyn,    (N.  Y.)   June  3,   1831. 

At  a  numerous  and  respectable  meeting  of  the  colored  inhab- 
itants of  the  village  and  township  of  Brooklyn,  convened  in  the 
African  Hall,  Nassau-street,  for  the  purpose  of  taking  into  con- 
sideration our  views  in  relation  to  the  Colonization  Society — 

The  throne  of  grace  was  addressed  by  the  Rev.  Mr  Hogarth, 
after  which  Henry  C.  Thompson  was  called  to  the  chair,  and 
George  Hogarth  appointed  secretary. 

Appropriate  addresses  were  dehvered  by  Messrs  George 
Hogarth,  James  Pennington,  and  George  Woods.  The  follow- 
ing resolutions  were  then  adopted  : — 


24  Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color. 

Resolved,  unanimously,  That  the  call  of  this  meeting  be  ap- 
proved of;  and  that  the  colored  citizens  of  this  village  have, 
with  friendly  feelings,  taken  into  consideration  the  objects  of 
the  American  Colonization  Society,  together  with  all  its  auxili- 
ary movements,  preparatory  for  our  removal  to  the  coast  of 
Africa  ;>,and  we  view  them  as  wholly  gratuitous,  not  called  for  by 
us,  and  not  essential  to  the  real  welfare  of  our  race  :  That  we 
know  of  no  other  country  in  which  we  can  justly  claim  or  demand 
our  rights  as  citizens,  whether  civil  or  political,  but  in  these 
United  States  of  America,  our  native  soil  :  And,  that  we  shall 
be  active  in  our  endeavors  to  convince  the  members  of  the  Col- 
onization Society,  and  the  public  generally,  that  we  are  men^ 
that  we  are  brethren,  that  we  are  countrymen  nnd  fellow-citizens, 
and  demand  an  equal  share  of  protection  from  our  federal  gov- 
ernment with  any  other  class  of  citizens  in  the  community. 

It  was  also  Resolved,  That  the  following  persons,  viz.  : 
James  Pennington,  Henry  C.  Thompson,  and  George  Woods, 
be  appointed  a  committee  to  draft  an  address  to  the  public,  ex- 
pressing our  views  more  fully  in  relation  to  the  Colonization 
Society  ;  and  that  a  delegate  be  appointed  to  proceed  to  the 
city  of  Philadelphia,  to  represent  us  in  the  ensuing  convention, 
(which  will  commence  its  sitting  the  6th  inst.)  to  co-operate 
with  the  measures  that  may  then  be  adopted  for  the  general 
welfare  of  our  race. 

HENRY  C.  THOMPSON,  Chairman. 

George   Hogarth,   Secretary. 

Address  to  the  Colored.  Citizens  of  Brooklyn,   (J\\  Y.)   and  its 

Vicinity. 

Respected  brethren,  and  fellow-citizens  : — As  men  and  as 
christians,  whose  secular  and  eternal  interests  are  the  same,  we 
are  seriously  called  upon  by  truth  and  reason,  and  every  thing 
of  which  human  action  is  composed,  to  take  into  consideration 
the  objects  of  the  American  Colonization  Society  ;  which  aims 
to  remove  us,  the  free  people  of  color,  from  this,  our  beloved 
and  native  land,  to  the  coast  of  Africa  ;  a  country  unknown  to 
us  in  every  respect. 

As  they  propose  to  remove  us  with  our  own  free  will  and 
consent,  we  do  not  contradict  the  assertion,  that  their  objects, 
in  the  abstract,  are  salutary  and  benevolent  ;  but  when  we  hear 
those  influential  gsntlemen,  who  are  advocating  this  cause,  gen- 
eralize by  language  directly  calculated  to  increase  that  preju- 
dice, which  is  already  one  grand  reason  of  our  wretchedness, 
we  are  moved  by  a  spirit  of  reliance  upon  justice  and  human- 
ity, to  lift  our  positive  and  decided  voice  against  their  proceed- 


Scntinents  of  Ike   P,cople  oj    Color.  25 

ings  ;  and  consider  thein  as  a  stigma  upon  our  morals  as  a  peo- 
ple, as  natives  and  citizens  of  this  country,  to  whom  equal 
rights  are  guaranteed  by  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 

When  we  consider  that  by  abridging  men  in  their  moral  lib- 
erty, we  touch  their  responsibility  to  the  highest  authority  in 
the  universe,  we  should  shudder  at  the  thought  of  retaining  such 
feelings  as  would  lead  to  any  irreligious  or  impolitic  acts  ;  nor 
should  we  be  willing  to  yield  one  particle  of  ours  to  others, 
unless  it  be  on  the  ground  of  expediency,  and  in  some  way 
conducive  to  the  glory  of  God. 

We  are  sorry  to  say  that  those  gentlemen  have  injured  their 
cause,  and  perhaps  caused  much  good  to  be  evil  spoken  of,  by 
making  use  of  improper  language,  in  their  discussions  upon  our 
character  and  condition  in  this  country  ;  without  using  one 
effort  to  improve  or  prepare  us  for  the  posts  of  honor  and  dis- 
tinction which  they  hold  forth  to  us,  whenever  we  set  foot  on 
this  much  talked  of,  and  long  expected  promised  land.  We 
would  ask  the  Colonization  Society,  what  are  they  doing  at 
home  to  improve  our  condition  ?  It  is  a  true  proverb,  that 
'  charity  begins  at  home.'  How  can  they  extend  their  charities 
with  christian  sympathies  and  feeling  some  thousand  miles 
across  the  Atlantic  ocean,  vvhen  they  are  not  willing,  with  a  few 
exceptions,  to  give  us  even  a  christian  instruction  while  among 
them  ?  To  prove  the  assertion,  we  would  inquire,  how  many 
of  our  sable  brethren  have  been  elevated  to  any  post  of  distinc- 
tion in  this  country  ?  Even  in  states,  where  our  numbers  have 
almost  doubled,  have  we  seen  one  statesman,  one  officer,  or  one 
juror  ?  No  !  in  our  village  and  its  vicinity,  how  many  of  us 
have  been  educated  in  colleges,  and  advanced  into  different 
branches  of  business  ;  or  taken  into  mercantile  houses,  manu- 
facturing establishments,  &c.  ?  Are  we  not  even  prohibited 
from  some  of  the  common  labor  and  drudgery  of  the  streets, 
such  as  cartmen,  porters,  &c.  ?  It  is  a  strange  theory  to  us, 
how  these  gentlemen  can  promise  to  honor  and  respect  us  in 
Africa,  when  they  are  using  every  effort  to  exclude  us  from  all 
rights  and  privileges  at  home. 

They  say,  '  that  those  of  our  friends,  who  look  for  the  day 
when  we  shall  have  equal  rights  in  this  country,  are  mistaken.' 
May  we  not  accept  it  as  an  assurance,  that  they  will  do  all  they 
can  to  prevent  us  from  arriving  to  any  degree  of  respectability 
at  home,  in  our  own  land  ?  Away  then  with  such  false  sympa- 
thies and  friendships  !  they  are  as  foreign  to  us  as  the  coast  of  • 
Africa  ! 

We  truly  believe,  that  many  gentlemen  who   are  engaged  in 
the  Colonization  Society  are   our  sincere  friends  and  well-wish- 
[Part  IT.l  4 


26  Sentiments  of  the    People  of  Color. 

ers  ;  they  wish  to  do  something  for  us,  consequently  they  have 
subscribed  largely  to  it,  because  there  was  no  other  plan  on 
foot.  Some  of  them  have  been  deluded  into  its  schemes,  with 
a  view  of  thoroughly  civilizing  and  christianizing  Africa,  by  our 
free  people  of  color  and  emancipated  slaves,  who  may,  from 
time  to  time,  be  colonized  on  its  coasts,  with  their  consent.  We 
conceive  that  such  measures  are  fraught  with  inconsistency,  and 
in  no  way  calculated  to  have  such  an  effect.  To  send  a  parcel 
of  uninstructed,  uncivilized,  and  unchristianized  people,  to  the 
western  coast  of  Africa,  with  bibles  in  their  hands  to  teach  the 
natives  the  truths  of  the  gospel,  social  happiness,  and  moral 
virtue,  is  mockery  and  ridicule  in  the  extreme. 

Missionary  families  should  be  well  instructed  in  the  rudiments 
of  our  holy  religion,  that  their  example  may  shine  forth  as  lights 
in  that  much  neglected  and  benighted  land.  We  are  much  in 
favor  of  christianizing  Africa  ;  but  not  according  to  the  plans  of 
the  Colonization  Society,  to  purchase  their  lands  of  them,  with 
a  few  paltry  guns,  beads,  &c.,  and  then  establish  forts  and  gar- 
risons, to  protect  traders  and  traffickers,  without,  perhaps,  once 
naming  the  religion  of  Jesus  to  them.  We  well  know  that  the 
examples  of  traders  and  traffickers  are  in  no  way  calculated  to 
induce  heathens  to  embrace  our  religion.  For  example,  we 
will  refer  to  the  early  settlements  of  our  American  colonies,  and 
inquire  what  religious  impressions  did  the  settlers  make  (who 
were  wise  and  learned  from  Europe)  upon  the  aborigines  of  our 
country  ?  We  believe  that  a  few  men,  well  instructed  and 
possessing  a  true  missionary  spirit,  are  calculated  to  do  more 
good  in  that  country,  than  a   thousand  on  the  colonization  plan. 

Many  wish  us  to  go  to  Africa,  because  they  say  that  our  con- 
stitutions are  better  adapted  to  that  climate  than  this.  If  so,  we 
would  ask  why  so  many  of  our  hearty,  hale  and  healthy  breth- 
ren, on  arriving  in  that  country,  fall  victims  to  the  malignant 
fevers  and  disorders,  prevalent  in  those  regions  ?  We  would 
observe,  that  none  are  exempt  from  being  touched  with  the  con- 
tagion. It  operates  more  severely  upon  those  from  the  higher 
latitudes. 

Some  of  our  brethren  have  come  to  the  conclusion  to  leave 
this  country,  with  all  its  prejudices,  and  seek  an  asylum  in  for- 
eign climes.  We  would  recommend  to  your  serious  considera- 
tion, the  location  in  Upper  Canada  ;  a  place  far  better  adapted 
to  our  constitutions,  our  habits,  and  our  morals  ;  where  preju- 
dice has  not  such  an  unlimited  sway  ;  where  you  will  be  sur- 
rounded by  christians,  and  have  an  opportunity  to  become 
civilized  and  christianized. 

Brethren,  it  is  time  for  us  to  awake  to  our   interests  ;  for  the 


Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color.  27 

Colonization  Society  is  straining  every  nerve  for  the  accom- 
plishment of  its  objects.  By  their  last  publications  we  see,  that 
they  have  invoked  all  christian  assemblies  and  churches  through- 
out the  Union,  to  exert  their  influence,  by  raising  subscriptions 
to  send  us  (the  strangers  within  their  gates,  as  they  call  us)  to 
the  coast  of  Africa.  They  have  got  the  consent  of  eleven 
states,  who  have  instructed  their  senators  to  do  something  in  the 
next  Congress  for  our  removal.  Maryland  calls  imperatively 
on  the  general  government  to  send  us  away,  or  else  they  will 
colonize  their  own  free  blacks.  They  have,  by  their  influence, 
stopped  the  emancipation  of  slaves  in  a  measure,  except  for 
colonization  purposes. 

We  owe  a  tribute  of  respect  to  the  state  of  New-York,  for 
her  not  having  entered  into  the  confederacy.  Though  she  is 
the  la»t  in  proclaiming  general  emancipation  to  the  slave,  yet 
we  find  her  slow  in  adopting  any  such  unchristian  measures. 
We  may  well  say,  she  is  deliberate  in  her  councils,  and  deter- 
minate in  her  resolutions. 

Finally,  brethren,  we  are  not  strangers  ;  neither  do  we  come 
under  the  alien  law.      Our  constitution  does  not  call  upon  us  to 
become   naturalized  ;  we   are   already  American    citizens  ;  our 
fathers  were   among  the  first   that   peopled   this  country  ;  their 
sweat   and   their  tears  have  been  the   means,   in  a  measure,   of 
raising  our  country   to    its  present    standing.      Many   of  them 
fought,  and  bled,   and  died  for  the  gaining  of  her  liberties  ;   and 
shall  we   forsake    their    tombs,    and    flee    to   an   unknown  land  .'' 
No  !     let  us  remain  over  them   and   weep,    until  the  day  arrive 
when  Ethiopia  shall  stretch  forth  her  hands  to  God.      We  were 
born  and  nurtured  in  this    christian  land  ;    and  are  surrounded 
by  christians,  whose  sacred  creed  is,  to  do  unto  all  men  as  ye 
would  they  should   do  unto    you — to  love  our  neighbors  as  our- 
selves ;  and  which  expressly  declares,  if  we  have  respect  to 
persons,   we   commit   sin.      Let  us,  brethren,  invoke  the  chris- 
tian's  God,  in  our   behalf,    to  do  away  the   prejudices    of  our 
brethren,  that  they  may  adopt  the  solemn  truths    of  the  gospel, 
and  acknowledge  that  God  is  no  respecter  of  persons — that  he 
has  made  of  one  blood  all  the  nations  that  dwell  on  the  face  of 
the  earth — that  they   may   no   longer   bring  their   reasonings  in 
contact   with  the    omniscience  of  Deity;  and  insinuate  to  the 
public,   that  our  intellect  and  faculties   are  measurably  inferior 
to  those  of  our  fairer  brethren.      Because   adversity  has  thrown 
a  veil  over  us,  and  we,   whom  God  has  created  to  worship,  ad- 
mire and  adore  his  divine  attributes,  shall  we  be  held  in  a  state 
of    wretchedness    and    degradation,    with    monkeys,    baboons, 
slaves,  and  cattle,  because  we  possess  a  darker  hue  ? 


28  fientimeiUs   of  tfte    People   of  Color. 

We  feel  ii  our  duty  ever  to  remain  true  to  tlie  constitution  of 
our  country,  and  to  protect  it,  as  we  have  always  done,  from 
foreign  aggressions.  Although  more  than  three  hundred  thous- 
and of  us  are  virtually  deprived  of  the  rights  and  immunities  of 
citizens,  and  more  than  two  millions  held  in  abject  slavery,  yet 
we  know  that  God  is  just,  and  ever  true  to  his  purpose.  Be- 
fore him  the  whole  world  stands  in  awe,  and  at  his  command 
nations  must  obey.  He  who  has  lately  pleaded  the  Indian's 
cause  in  our  land,  and  who  has  brought  about  many  signal 
events,  to  the  astonishment  of  our  generation,  we  believe  is  in 
the  whirlwind,  and  will  soon  bring  about  the  time  when  the  sable 
sons  of  America  will  join  with  their  fairer  brethren,  and  re-echo 
liberty  and  equal  rights  in  all  parts  of  Columbia's  soil. 

We  pray  the  Lord  to  hasten  the  day,  when  prejudice,  infe- 
riority, degradation  and  oppression  shall  be  done  away,  and  the 
kingdoms  of  this  world  become  the  kingdoms  of  our  God  and 
his  Christ. 

Signed  in  behalf  of  a  public  meetins;  in  Brooklvn. 

H.   C.   THOMPSON/ Chairman. 

(Jeorge   Hogarth,   vSecretary. 


A  VOICE  FROM  HARTFORD. 

Hartford,   Ct.,  July  14,    1831. 

At  a  large  and  respectable  meeting  of  the  colored  inhabit- 
ants of  the  city  of  Hartford  and  its  vicinity,  convened  at  the 
vestry  room  of  the  African  church,  on  the  1  oth  inst.  for  the  pur- 
pose of  expressing  their  views  in  relation  to  the  American  Colo- 
nization Society,  Mr  Henry  Foster  was  called  to  the  chair,  and 
Mr  Paul  Drayton  appointed  secretary.  The  object  of  the  meet- 
ing %Yas  then  stated  in  a  brief  and  pertinent  manner,  after  which 
extracts  from  several  speeches  delivered  by  the  founders  of  the 
colonization  scheme,  together  \\ith  the  general  sentiments  of 
Golonizationists  extracted  from  the  African  Repository,  were 
laid  before  the  meeting,  and  the  following  resolutions  were 
unanimously  adopted  : 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that  the 
American  Colonization  Society  is  actuated  by  the  same  motives 
which  influenced  the  mind  of  Pharaoh,  when  he  ordered  the 
male  children  of  the  Israelites  to  be  destroyed. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  belief  of  this  meeting,  that  the  So- 
ciety is  the  greatest  foe  to  the  free  colored  and  slave  population 
Fith  whom  liberty  and  equality  have  to  contend. 


HtntiinenU  uf  the   Feopln  of  Color.  29 

Resolved,  That  we  look  upon  the  man  of  color  that  would 
be  influenced  by  the  Society  to  emigrate  to  Liberia,  as  an  en- 
emy to  the  cause  and  a  traitor  to  liis  brethren. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that  many 
of  those  who  are  engaged  in  this  unjust  scheme  would  be  will- 
ing, if  it  were  in  their  power,  to  place  us  before  the  point  of 
the  bayonet,  and  drive  us  out  of  existence — so  that  they  may 
get  rid  of  that  dark  cloud,  as  we  are  termed,  which  hangs 
over  these  United  States. 

Resolved,  That,  in  our  belief,  we  have  committed  no  crime 
worthy  of  banishment,  and  that  we  will  resist  all  the  attempts 
of  the  Colonization  Society  to  banish  us  from  this  our  native 
land. 

Resolved,  That  we  consider  ourselves  the  legitimate  sons  of 
these  United  States,  from  whence  we  will  never  consent  to  be 
transported. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  resisj:,  even  unto  death,  all  the  at- 
tempts of  this  Society  to  transport  us  to  the  pestilential  shores 
of  Liberia. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  not  countenance  the  doctrine  of  any 
pretended  minister  of  the  gospel,  who  is  in  league  with  those 
conspirators  against  our  rights.  We  would,  therefore,  warn 
them  to  beware  of  following  the  footsteps  of  Balaam,  who 
taught  Balak  to  cast  a  stumbling  block  in  the  way  of  the  chil- 
dren of  Israel  ;  for  we  verily  believe,  that  if  God  almighty  have 
to  deliver  his  people  by  his  mighty  arm  of  power,  they  will 
share  the  fate  of  that  false  prophet. 

Resolved,  That,  though  Ave  be  last  in  calling  a  meeting,  we 
feel  no  less  the  pernicious  influence  of  this  Society  than  the 
rest  of  our  brethren  ;  and  that  w^e  consider  all  their  pretexts, 
whether  under  the  cloak  of  religion  or  philanthropy,  gratuitous 
and  uncalled  for.  We  w^ould,  therefore,  advise  the  Society, 
that  as  we  have  learned  that  there  are  one  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  dollars  in  its  funds,  it  had  better  appropriate  this  sum 
in  meliorating  the  condition  of  our  brethren  the  slaves,  in  this, 
their  native  land,  and  raising  them  from  that  degradation  into 
which  they  are  plunged. 

Resolved,    That  the  thanks   of  the   meeting   be   returned  to 
Messrs  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  Isaac  Knapp,  and  every  friend  " 
of  emancipation,  for  their  benevolent  exertions  in  oin*  behalf. 

Resolved,  That  the  proceedings  of  this  meeting  be  signed  by 
the  Chairman  and  Secretary,  and  sent  to  the  Liberator  for  pub- 
lication. 

HENRY  FOSTER,  Chairman. 

Paul   Drayton,   Secretary.- 


30  ISentiineiits  of  the   People  of  Color. 

A  VOICE  FROM  MIDDLETOWN. 

MiDDLETOwN,  Ct.,  July  ]5,  1831. 
At  a  meeting  of  the  colored  citizens  of  Middletown,  pursu- 
ant to  public  notice,  held  in  the  Lecture  Room  in  the  African 
church — Mr  Joseph  Gilbert  was  called  to  the  chair,  and  Amos 
L.  Beman  appointed  secretary.  The  meeting  being  thus  open- 
ed, it  was  warmly  and  freely  addressed  by  Messrs  Jeffrey, 
Condoll  and  Gilbert,  when,  on  motion,  it  was 

Resolved,  That  the  proceedings  of  our  brethren  in  Brook- 
lyn, N.  Y.,  meet  our  entire  approbation'  :  they  breathe  our 
sentiments  in  full,  and  may  our  voices  cheerfully  accord  with 
them  in  protesting  against  leaving  this  our  native  soil.  Why 
should  we  leave  this  land,  so  dearly  bought  by  the  blood,  groans 
and  tears  of  our  fathers  ?  Truly  this  is  our  home  :  here  let  us 
live,  and  here  let  us  die.  What !  emigrate  to  Liberia,  a  land 
so  detrimental  to  our  health  !  We  have  now  before  us  a  Tetter 
written  by  a  friend  who  emigrated  from  this  place  to  the  burning 
shores  of  Africa,  in  hopes  of  splendor,  wealth  and  ease  ;  and 
he  says  that  '  sickness  and  distress  prevail  to  a  great  extent — 
and  it  is  a  clear  case  that  those  who  come  from  the  United 
States  must  undergo  a  long  and  protracted  sickness  with  this 
country's  fever,  and  I  would  not  advise  mv  friends  to  emigrate.' 

JOSEPH  GILBERT,  Chairman. 

Amos  G.  Beman,   Secretary. 


A  VOICE  FROM  NEW-HAVEN. 

New-Haven,  August  8,    1831. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Peace  and  Benevolent  Society  of  Afric- 

Americans,  held  on  the  7th  inst.,  Mr  Henry  Berrian  was  called 

to  the    chair,  and   Mr  Henry  N.  Merriman  was  appointed  sec- 

^i-etary.      The     following    resolutions    v.^ere    then     unanimously 

;sdopted. 

Resolved,  That  we  consider  those  christians  and  philanthro- 
pists, who  are  boasting  of  their  liberty  and  equality,  saying,  that 
all  men  are  born  free  and  equal,  and  yet  are  endeavoring  to  re- 
move us  from  our  native  land,  to  be  inhuman  in  their  proceed- 
ings, defective  in  their  principles,  and  unworthy  of  our  confi- 
dence. 

Resolved,  That  we  consider  those  colonizationists  and  min- 
isters of  the  gospel,  who  are  advocating  our  transportation  to 
an  unknown  clime,  because  our  skin  is  a  little  darker  than  theirs, 
(notwithstanding  God  has  made  of  one  blood  all  nations  of  men. 


Sentiments  of  the   Ptople  of  Color.  31 

and  has  no  respect  of  persons,)  as  violaters  of  the  command- 
ments of  God  and  the  laws  of  the  bible,  and  as  trying  to  bljnd 
our  eyes  by  their  vain  movements — their  mouths  being  smooth 
as  oil,  and  their  words  sharper  than  any  two-edged  sword. 

Resolved,  That,  while  we  have  no  doubt.of  the  sinister  mo- 
tives of  the  great  body  of  colonizationists,  we  believe  some  of 
them  are  our  friends  and  well-wishers,  who  have  not  looked 
deeply  into  the  subject  ;  but  when  they  make  a  careful  examin- 
ation, we  think  the}^  will  find  themselves  in  error. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  our  earnest  desire  that  Africa  may  spee- 
dily become  civilized,  and  receive  religious  instruction  ;  but  not 
by  the  absurd  and  invidious  plan  of  the  Colonization  Society — 
namely,  to  send  a  nation  of  ignorant  men  to  teach  a  nation  of 
ignorant  men.  We  think  it  most  wise  for  them  to  send  mis- 
sionaries. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  resist  all  attempts  made  for  our  re- 
moval to  the  torrid  shores  of  Africa,  and  will  sooner  suffer 
every  drop  of  blood  to  be  taken  from  our  veins  than  submit  to 
such  unrighteous  treatment. 

Resolved,  That  we  know  of  no  other  place  that  we  can  call 
our  true  and  appropriate  home,  excepting  these  United  States, 
into  which  our  fathers  were  brought,  who  enriched  the  countr}^ 
by  their  toils,  and  fought,  bled  and  died  in  its  defence,  and  left 
us  in  its  possession — and  here  we  will  live  and  die. 

Resolved,  That  we  consider  the  American  Colonization  So- 
ciety founded  on  principles  that  no  Afric-American,  unless  very 
weak  in  mind,  will  follow  ;  and  any  man  who  will  be  persuaded 
to  leave  his  own  country  and  go  to  Africa,  as  an  enemy  to  his 
country  and  a  traitor  to  his  brethren. 

Resolved,  That  we  have  heard  with  pleasure  of  the  proceed- 
ings of  our  brethren  in  neighboring  cities  ;  and  that  a  number 
of  this  Society  will  willingly  become  auxiliary  to  the  parent  So- 
ciety of  Philadelphia,  for  the  mutual  benefit  of  the  Afric-Amer- 
icans  throughout  the  United   States. 

Resolved,  That  the  proceedings  of  this  meeting  be  signed  by 
the  Chairman  and  Secretary,  and  sent  to  the  Liberator  for  pub- 
lication. 

HENRY   BERRIAN,   Chairman. 

Henry  N.   Merriman,   Secretary. 


A  VOICE   FROM    COLUMBIA. 

Columbia,    Pa.,  August  5,   1831. 
At  a  respectable  meeting  of  Afric-Americans  convened  pur- 
suant  to   public   notice,    at   their  school-house,  with  a  view  of 


32  Sentiments  of  the   People  of  Color. 

taking  into  consideration  the  novel  scheme  of  the  American 
Colonization  Society,  Mr  Stephen  Smith  was  called  to  the 
chair,  and  Mr  James  Richards  appointed  secretary.  A  prayer 
was  then  offered  to  the  throne  of  grace,  by  Mr  Smith.  The 
chairman  called  the  house  to  order,  and  explained  the  object  of 
the  meeting  in  a  few  preliminary  remarks ;  after  which,  the 
meeting  proceeded  to  business,  and  adopted  the  subsequent 
resolutions. 

Resolved,  That  we  view  the  country  in  which  we  live  as  our 
only  true  and  appropriate  home  ;  and  let  colonizationists  pour 
contempt  upon  our  race,  and  slaveholders  look  on  our  brethren 
as  a  nuisance^to  the  country,  jet  here  will  we  live,  here  were 
we  born,  this  is  the  country  for  which  some  of  our  ancestors 
fought  and  bled  and  conquered,  nor  shall  a  conspiring  world  be 
able  to  drive  us  hence. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  our  firm  belief,  that  the  Colonization 
Society  is  replete  with  infinite  mischief,  and  that  we  vie.w  all 
the  arguments  of  its  advocates  as  mere  sophistry,  not  worthy 
our  notice  as  freemen.  Being  citizens  of  these  United  States, 
we  could  call  upon  our  brethren  to  awake  from  their  slumber  of 
ignorance,  break  the  chain  of  prejudice  that  has  so  long  bound 
them,  and  in  the  strength  of  the  omnipotent  Spirit  give  their 
hearts  to  God. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  resist  all  attempts  to  send  us  to  the 
burning  shores  of  Africa.  Beware  of  Alexander,  the  copper- 
smith, for  he  hath  done  us  much  harm.  May  the  Lord  reward 
him  !  We  verily  believe  that  if  by  an  extraordina)y  perver- 
sion of  nature,' every  man  and  woman,  in  one  night,  should  be- 
come white,  the  Colonization  Society  would  fall  like  lightning 
to  the  earth. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  not  be  duped  out  of  our  rights  as 
freemen,  by  colonizationists,  nor  by  any  other  combination  of 
men.  All  the  encomiums  pronounced  upon  Liberia  can  never 
form  the  least  temptation  to  induce  us  to  leave  our  native  soil, 
to  emigrate  to  a  strange  land. 

Resojved,  That  we  readily  coalesce  with  our  brethren  in  the 
difierent  towns  and  cities,  and  take  the  liberty  to  say,  that  we 
as  a  little  flock  feel  a  fixed  resolution  to  maintain  our  ground, 
till  the  great  Author  of  our  being  shall  say  to  those  who  deprive 
us  of  our  rights, — Thus  saith  the  Lord,  because  ye  have  not 
hearkened  to  me  in  proclaiming  liberty,  every  one  to  his  broth- 
er, and  every  man  to  his  neigtibor,  behold  I  will  proclaim  lib- 
erty for  you,  saith  the  Lord,  to  the  sword,  to  the  pestilence, 
and  to  the  famine. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  decided  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that 


Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color.  33 

African  colonization  is  a  scheme  of  southern  policy,  a  wicked 
device  of  slaveholders  who  are  desirous  of  riveting  more  firmly, 
and  perpetuating  more  certainly,  the  fetters  of  slavery  ;  who 
are  only  anxious  to  rid  themselves  of  a  population  whose  pres- 
ence, influence  and  example  have  a  tendency  (as  they  suppose) 
to  produce  discontent  among  the  slaves,  and  to  furnish  them 
with  incitements  to  rebellion. 

Resolved,  That  this  meeting  will  not  encourage  a  scheme, 
which  has  for  its  basis  prejudice  and  hatred.  Though  there  may 
be  some  good  wheat,  yet  it  is  to  be  feared  the  enemy  has  sown 
tares  among  it. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  support  the  colony  at  Canada,  the 
climate  being  heahhier,  better  adapted  to  our  constitutions,  and 
far  more  consonant  with  our  views  than  that  of  Africa. 

Resolved,  That  we  unanimously  agree  to  patronize  the  Lib- 
erator, and  use  our  best  endeavors  to  get  subscribers  for  the 
same  ;  and  that  we  are  under  renewed  obligations  to  God,  that 
he  ever  raised  up  such  honest  hearted  men  as  Messrs  Garrison 
and  Knapp. 

Resolved,  That  this  meeting  cause  Its  proceedings  to  be  sent 
to  the  Liberator  for  publication  ;  praying  that  the  Lord  will  suc- 
ceed all  the  lawful  efforts  of  its  conductor  to  meliorate  the  con- 
dition of  our  brethren  in  these  United  States,  trusting  his  wea- 
pons are  not  carnal,  but  mighty  through  God  to  pull  down  the 
strong  holds  of  the  devil. 

Signed  by  the  Chairman  and  Secretary. 

STEPHEN   SMITH,   Chairman. 

James   Richards,    Secretary. 


A   VOICE  FROM  NANTUCKET. 

Nantucket,  August  5,   1831. 

At  a  respectable  meeting  of  the  colored  inhabitants  of  the 
town  of  Nantucket,  convened  for  the  purpose  of  taking  into 
consideration  our  views  in  relation  to  the  American  Coloniza- 
tion Society,  Mr  Arthur  Cooper  was  called  to  the  chair,  and 
Edward  J.  Pompey  appointed  secretary. 

Addresses  were  dehvered  by  Messrs  William  Harris  and  Ed- 
ward J.  Pompey,  in  which  they  took  a  general  view  of  the 
Colonization  Society,  of  its  leading  members,  and  some  of  the 
speeches  and  remarks  made  by  gentlemen  at  the  meetings  of 
said   Society.     The  following  resolves  were  then  adopted  : 

Resolved,  That  the  call  of  this  meeting  be  approved  of,  and 
that  the   colored  citizens   of  this  town  have  with   friendly  feel- 
[Part  II. 1  5 


34  Sentiments  of  the   People  of  Color. 

ings  taken  into  consideration  the  objects  of  the  Colonization  So- 
ciety, together  with  its  movements  preparatory  for  our  removal 
to  the  coast  of  Africa  ;  and  we  view  them  as  wholly  gratuitous, 
not  called  for  by  us,  and  in  no  way  essential  to  the  welfare  of 
our  race  ;  and  we  believe  that  our  condition  can  be  best  im- 
proved in  this  our  own  country  and  native  soil,  the  United 
States  of  America. 

Resolved,  That  we  hold  this  truth  to  be  self-evident,  that  all 
men  are  born  free  and  equal  ;  and  we  are  men,  and  therefore 
ought  to  share  as  much  protection  and  enjoy  as  many  privileges 
under  our  federal  government  as  any  other  class  of  the  commu- 
nity. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  be  zealous  in  doing  all  that  lies  in  our 
power  to  improve  the  condition  of  ourselves  and  brethren  in  this 
our  native  land. 

Resolved,  That  there  is  no  philanthropy  towards  the  people 
of  color  in  the  colonization  plan,  but  that  it  is  got  up  to  delude 
us  away  from  our  country  and  home  into  a  country  of  sickness 
and  death. 

Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  this  meeting  be  returned  to 
every  friend  who  vindicates  our  rights  and  interests. 

Resolved,  That  the  proceedings  of  this  meeting  be  signed 
by  the  Chairman  and  Secretary,  and  sent  to  Boston,  to  be  pub- 
lished in  the  Liberator. 

ARTHUR  COOPER,   Chairman. 

Edward  J.   Pompey,   Secretarv. 


A   VOICE  FROM  PITTSBURGH. 

Pittsburgh,    (Pa.,)    Sept.    1,   1831. 

At  a  large  and  respectable  meeting  of  the  colored  citizens  of 
Pittsburgh,  convened  at  the  African  Methodist  Episcopal  church, 
for  the  purpose  of  expressing  their  views  in  relation  to  the 
American  Colonization  Societv,  Mr  J.  B.  Vashon  was  called 
to  the  chair,  and  Mr  R.  Bryan  appointed  secretary.  The  ob- 
ject of  the  meeting  was  then  stated  at  considerable  length,  and 
in  an  appropriate  manner,  by  the  chairman.  The  following 
resolutions  were  then  unanimously  adopted  : 

Resolved,  That  '  we  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident  : 
that  all  men  are  created  equal,  and  endowed  by  their  Creator 
with  certain  inalienable  rights  ;  that  among  these  are  life,  lib- 
erty, and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  ' — Liberty  and  Equality  now, 
Liberty  and  Equality  forever  ! 


Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color.  35 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  decided  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that 
African  colonization  is  a  scheme  to  drain  the  better  informed 
part  of  the  colored  people  out  of  these  United  States,  so  that  the 
chain  of  slavery  may  be  rivetted  more  tightly  ;  but  we  are  de- 
termined not  to  be  cheated  out  of  our  rights  by  the  colonization 
men,  or  any  other  set  of  intriguers.  We  believe  there  is  no 
philanthropy  in  the  colonization  plan  towards  the  people  of 
color,  but  that  it  is  got  up  to  delude  us  away  from  our  country 
and  home  to  the  burning  shores  of  Africa. 

Resolved,  That  we,  the  colored  people  of  Pittsburgh  and 
citizens  of  .these  United  States,  view  the  country  in  which  we 
live  as  our  only  true  and  proper  home.  We  are  just  as  much 
natives  here  as  the  members  of  the  Colonization  Society.  Here 
we  were  born — here  bred — here  are  our  earliest  and  most  pleas- 
ant associations — here  is  all  that  binds  man  to  earth,  and  makes 
life  valuable.  And  we  do  consider  every  colored  man  who 
allows  himself  to  be  colonized  in  Africa,  or  elsewhere,  a  traitor 
to  our  cause. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  freemen,  that  we  are  brethren,  that 
we  are  countrymen  and  fellow-citizens,  and  as  fully  entitled  to 
the  free  exercise  of  the  elective  franchise  as  any  men  who 
breathe  ;  and  that  we  demand  an  equal  share  of  protection  from 
our  federal  government  with  any  class  of  citizens  in  the  commu- 
nity. We  now  inform  the  Colonization  Society,  that  should 
our  reason  forsake  us,  then  we  may  desire  to  remove.  We  will 
apprise  them  of  this  change  in  due  season. 

Resolved,  That  we,  as  citizens  of  these  United  States,  and 
for  the  support  of  these  resolutions,  with  a  firm  reliance  on  the 
protection  of  divine  providence,  do  mutually  pledge  to  each 
other  our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our  sacred  honor,  not  to  sup- 
port a  colony  in  Africa  nor  in  Upper  Canada,  not  yet  emigrate 
to  Hayti.  Here  we  were  born — here  will  we  live  by  the  help 
of  the  Almighty — and  here  we  will  die,  and  let  our  bones  lie 
with  our  fathers. 

Resolved,  That  we  return  our  grateful  thanks  to  Messrs  Gar- 
rison  and  Knapp,  publishers  of  the  Liberatoi',  and  Mr  Lundy, 
editor  of  the  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  for  their  un- 
tiring exertions  in  the  cause  of  philanthropy. 

Resolved,  That  the  proceedings  of  this  meeting  be  signed 
by  the  Chairman  and  Secretary,  and  published  in  the  Liber- 
ator. 

J.  B.   VASHON,  Chairman, 
R.   Bryan,   Secretary. 

o 


36  Senihnents  of  Ihe  People  of  Color. 

A  VOICE  FROM   WILMINGTON. 

Wilmington,  July  12,  1831. 

At  a  large  and  respectable  meeting  of  the  people  of  color  of 
the  borough  of  Wilmington,  convened  in  the  African  Union 
Church,  July  12th,  1831,  for  the  purpose  of  considering  the 
subject  off  colonization  on  the  coast  of  Africa  : 

On  motion,  the  Rev.  Peter  Spencer  was  called  to  the  chair, 
and  Thomas  Dorsey  appointed  secretary. 

The  meeting  was  addressed  by  Abraham  D.  SJiad,  Junius 
C.  Morell,  Benjamin  Pascal  and  John  P.  Thompson,  after 
which  the  following  resolutions  were  unanimously  adopted. 

Resolved,  That  this  meeting  view  with  deep  regret  the  at- 
tempt now  making  to  colonize  the  free  people  of  color  on  the 
western  coast  of  Africa  ;  believing  as  we  do  that  it  is  inimical 
to  the  best  interests  of  the  people  of  color,  and  at  variance  with 
the  principles  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  and  wholly  incom- 
patible with  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution  and  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence of  these  United  States. 

Resolved,  That  we  disclaim  all  connexion  with  Africa  ;  and 
although  the  descendants  of  that  much  afflicted  country,  we 
cannot  consent  to  remove  to  any  tropical  climate,  and  thus  aid 
in  a  design  having  for  its  object  the  total  extirpation  of  our  race 
from  this  country,  professions  to  the  contraiy  notwithstanding. 

Resolred,  That  a  committee  of  three  persons  be  appointed 
to  prepare  as  soon  as  practicable  an  address  to  the  public,  set- 
ting forth  more  fully  our  views  on  the  subject  of  colonization. 
The  following  persons  were  appointed  :  Abraham  D.  Shad, 
Rev.  Peter   Spencer  and  W.  S.   Thomas. 

Signed  on  behalf  of  the  meeting. 

PETER  SPENCER,   Chairman. 

Thomas   Dorsey,   Secretarv- 

^dddrcss  of  the  Free  People  of  Color  of  the  Borough  of  Wil- 
mington^ Delaware. 

We  the  undersigned,  in  conformity  to  the  wishes  of  our  breth- 
ren, beg  leave  to  present  to  the  public  in  a  calm  and  unpreju- 
diced manner,  our  decided  and  unequivocal  disapprobation  of 
the  American  Colonization  Society,  and  its  auxiliaries,  in  rela- 
tion to  the  free  people  of  color  in  the  United  States.  Con- 
vinced as  we  are,  that  the  operations  of  this  Society  have  been 
unchristian  and  anti-republican  in  principle,  and  at  variance  with 
our  best  interests  as  a  people,  we  had  reason  to  believe  that  the 
precepts  of  religion,  the  dictates  of  justice  and  humanity,  would 


Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color.  37 

have  prevented  any  considerable  portion  of  the  community  from 
lending  their  aid  to  a  plan  which  we  fear  was  designed  to  de- 
prive us  of  rights  that  the  Declaration  of  Independence  declares 
are  the  '  unalienable  rights  '  of  all  men.  We  were  content  to 
remain  silent,  believing  that  the  justice  and  patriotism  -of  a  mag- 
nanimous people  would  prevent  the  annals  of  our  native  and 
beloved  country  from  receiving  so  deep  a  stain.  But  observing 
the  growing  strength  and  influence  of  that  institution,  and  being 
well  aware  that  the  generality  of  the  public  are  •  unacquainted 
with  our  views  on  this  important  subject,  we  feel  it  a  duty  we 
owe  to  ourselves,  our  children  and  posterity,  to  enter  our  pro- 
test against  a  device  so  fraught  with  evil  to  us.  That  many  sin- 
cere friends  to  our  race  are  engaged  in  what  they  conceive  to 
be  a  philanthropic  and  benevolent  enterprise,  we  do  not  hesitate 
to  admit  ;  but  that  they  are  deceived,  and  are  acting  in  a  man- 
ner calculated  most  seriously  to  injure  the  free  people  of  color, 
we  are  equally  sensible. 

We    are  natives  of  the    United    States  ;  our  ancestors   were 
brought  to  this  country  by  means  over  which  they  had  no  con- 
trol ;  we  have  our  attachments  to  the  soil,  and  we  feel  that  we 
have  rights  in  common  with  other  Americans  ;  and  although  de- 
prived through  prejudice   from   entering  into  the  full  enjoyment 
of  those  rights,  we  anticipate  a  period,  when  in  despite  of  the 
more  than  ordinary  prejudice  which   has  been  the  result  of  this 
unchristian   scheme,   '  Ethiopia  shall  stretch  forth  her  hands  to 
God.'     But   that   this  formidable   Society  has  become  a  barrier 
to  our  improvement,   must  be  apparent  to  every  individual  who 
will  but   reflect  on  the  course  to  be  pursued  by  the  emissaries 
of  this  unhallowed   project,  many  of  whom,  under  the  name  of 
ministers  of  the  gospel,  use  their  influence  to  turn  public  senti- 
ment to  our  disadvantage   by  stigmatizing  our  morals,  misrepre- 
senting our  characters,   and  endeavoring  to  show  what  they  are 
pleased  to  call  the   sound  policy  of  perpetuating  our  civil  and 
political  disabilities  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  indirectly  forcing 
us  to  emigrate  to  the  w-estern  coast  of  Africa.      That  Africa  is 
neither  our   nation   nor  home,  a   due  respect  to  the   good  sense 
of  the  community  forbids  us  to  attempt  to  prove  ;  that  our  lan- 
guage, habits,  manners,  morals  and  religion  are  all  different  from 
those  of  Africans,  is  a  fact  too  notorious  to  admit  of  controver- 
sy.     Why  then   are   we  called  upon  to  go  and  settle  in  a  coun- 
try where  we  must  necessarily  be  and  remain  a  distinct  people, 
haying  no  common   interest   with  the  numerous    inhabitants  of 
that  vast  and  extensive  country  ?     Experience  has   proved  be- 
yond a  doubt,  that  the  climate  is  such  as  not  to  suit  the  constitu- 
tions of  the  inhabitants  of  this  country  ;  the  fevers  and  various 


38  Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color. 

diseases  incident  to  that  tropical  clime,  are  such  as  in  most  cases 
to  bid  defiance  to  the  force  of  medicine. 

The  very  numerous  instances  of  mortality  amongst  the  emi- 
grants who  have  been  induced  to  leave  this  their  native,  for  their 
adopted  country,  clearly  demonstrate  the  fallacy  of  those  state- 
ments so  frequently  made  by  the  advocates  of  colonization  in 
regard  to  the  healthiness  of  Liberia. 

With  the  deepest  regret  we  have  witnessed  such  an  immense 
sacrifice  of  life,  in  advancing  a  cause  which  cannot  promise  the 
least  advantage  to  the  free  people  of  color,  who,  it  was  said, 
were  the  primary  objects  to  be  benefitted  by  this  '  heaven-born 
enterprise.'  But  we  beg  leave  most  respectfully  to  ask  the 
friends  of  African  colonization,  whether  their  christian  benevo- 
lence cannot  in  this  country  be  equally  as  -advantageously  ap- 
plied, if  they  are  actuated  by  that  disinterested  spirit  of  love 
and  friendship  for  us,  which  they  profess  .''  Have  not  they  in 
the  United  States  a  field  sufficiently  extensive  to  show  it  in  ? 
There  is  embosomed  within  this  republic,  rising  one  million  free 
people  of  color,  the  greater  part  of  whom  are  unable  to  read 
even  the  sacred  scriptures.  Is  not  their  ignorant  and  degraded 
situation  worthy  of  the  consideration  of  those  enlightened  and 
christian  individuals,  whose  zeal  for  the  cause  of  the  African 
race  has  induced  them  to  attempt  the  establishment  of  a  I'epub- 
lican  form  of  government  amid  the  buining  sands  of  Liberia, 
and  the  evangelizing  of  the  millions  of  the  Mahometans  and 
pagans  that  inhabit  the  interior  of  that  extensive  country  .'' 

We  are  constrained  to  believe  that  the  welfare  of  the  people, 
of  color,  to  say  the  least,  is  but  a  secondary  consideration  with 
those  engaged  in  the  colonization  project.  Or  why  should  we 
be  requested  to  move  to  Africa,  and  thus  separated  from  all  we 
hold  dear  in  a  moral  point  of  vi-ew,  before  their  christian  be- 
nevolence can  be  exercised  in  our  behalf  ?  Surely  there  is  no 
country  of  which  we  have  any  knowledge,  that  offers  greater 
facilities  for  the  improvement  of  the  unlearned  ;  or  where  be- 
nevolent and  philanthropic  individuals  can  find  a  people,  whose 
situation  has  greater  claims  on  their  christian  sympathies,  than 
tlie  people  of  color.  But  whilst  we  behold  a  settled  determin- 
ation on  the  part  of  the  American  Colonization  Society  to  re- 
move us  to  Liberia,  without  using  any  means  to  better  our  con- 
dition at  home,  we  are  compelled  to  look  with  fearful  diffidence 
on  every  measure  of  that  institution.  At  a  meeting  held  on 
the  7th  inst.  in  this  borough,  the  people  of  color  were  politely 
invited  to  attend,  the  object  of  which  was  to  induce  the  most 
respectable  part  of  them  to  emigrate.  The  meeting  was  ad- 
dressed  by  several  reverend   gentlemen,  and  very  flattering  ac- 


Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color.  39 

counts  given  on  the  authority  of  letters  and  statements  said  to 
have  been  received  from  individuals  of  unquestionable  veracity. 
But  we  beg  leave  to  say,  that  those  statements  differ  so  widely 
from  letters  that  we  have  seen  of  recent  date  from  the  colony, 
in  regard  to  the  condition  and  circumstances  of  the  colonists, 
that  we  are  compelled  in  truth  to  say  that  we  cannot  reconcile 
such  contradictory  statements,  and  are  therefore  inclined  to 
doubt  the  former,  as  they  appear  to  have  been  prepared  to  pre- 
sent to  the  public,  for  the  purpose  of  enlisting  the  feelings  of  our 
white  friends  into  the  measui-e,  and  of  inducing  the  enterprising 
part  of  the  colored  community  to  emigrate  at  their  own  ex- 
pense. That  we  are  in  this  country  a  degraded  people,  we  are 
truly  sensible  ;  that  oui  forlorn  situation  is  not  attributable  to 
ourselves  is  admitted  by  the  most  ardent  friends  of  coloniza- 
tion ;  and  that  our  condition  cannot  be  bettered  by  removing 
the  most  exemplary  individuals  of  color  from  amongst  us,  we 
are  well  convinced,  from  the  consideration  that  in  the  same 
ratio  that  the  industrious  part  would  emigrate,  in  the  same  pro- 
portion those  who  would  remain  would  become  more  degraded, 
wretched  and  miserable,  and  consequently  less  capable  of  ap- 
preciating the  many  opportunities  which  are  now  offering  for  the 
moral  and  intellectual  improvement  of  our  brethren.  We,  there- 
fore, a  portion  of  those  who  are  the  objects  of  this  plan,  and 
amongst  those  whose  happiness,  with  that  of  others  of  our  color, 
it  is  intended  to  promote,  respectfully  but  firmly  disclaim  every 
connexion  with  it,  and  declare  our  settled  determination  not  to 
participate  in  any  part  of  it. 

But  if  this  plan  is  intended  to  facilitate  the  emancipation  of 
those  who  are  held  in  slavery  in  the  South,  and  the  melioration 
of  their  condition,  by  sending  them  to  Liberia  ;  we  question 
very  much  whether  it  is  calculated  to  do  either.  That  the 
emancipation  of  slaves  has  been  measurably  impeded  through 
its  influence,  except  where  they  have  been  given  up  to  the- 
Board  of  Managers,  to  be  colonized  in  Africa,  to  us  is  manifest. 
And  when  we  contemplate  their  uneducated  and  vitiated  state, 
destitute  of  the  arts  and  unaccustomed  to  provide  even  for  them- 
selves, we  are  inevitably  led  to  the  conclusion  that  their  situa- 
tion in  that  pestilential  country  will  be  miserable  in  the  extreme. 

The  present  period  is  one  of  deep  and  increasing  interest  to 
the  free  people  of  color,  relieved  from  the  miseries  of  slavery 
and  its  concomitant  evils,  with  the  vast  and  (to  us)  unexplored 
field  of  literature  and  science  before  us,  surrounded  by  many 
friends  whose  sympathies  and  charities  need  not  the  Atlantic 
between  us  and  them,  before  they  can  consent  to  assist  in  ele- 
vating our  brethren  to  the  standing  of  men.      We  therefore  par- 


40  Sentiments  of  the   People  of  Color. . 

ticularly  invite  their  attention  to  the  subject  of  education  and 
improvement  ;  sensible  that  it  is  much  better  calculated  to  re- 
move prejudice,  and  exalt  our  moral  character,  than  any  system 
of  colonization  that  has  been  or  can  be  introduced  ;  and  in 
which  we  believe  we  shall  have  the  co-operation  of  the  wisest 
and  most  philanthropic  individuals  of  which  the  nation  can 
boast.  The  utility  of  learning  and  its  salutary  effects  on  the 
minds  and  morals  of  a  people,  cannot  have  escaped  the  notice 
of  any  rational  individual  situated  in  a  country  like  this,  where 
in  order  successfully  to  prosecute  any  mechanical  or  other  busi- 
ness, education  is  indispensable.  Our  highest  moral  ambition, 
at  present,  should  be  to  acquire  for  our  children  a  liberal  edu- 
cation, give  them  mechanical  trades,  and  thus  fit  and  prepare 
them  for  useful  and  respectable  citizens  ;  and  leave  the  evan- 
gelizing of  Africa,  and  the  establishing  of  a  republic  at  Liberia, 
to  those  who  conceive  themselves  able  to  demonstrate  the  prac- 
ticability of  its  accomplishment  by  means  of  a  people,  numbers 
of  whom  are  more  ignorant  than  even  the  natives  of  that  coun- 
try themselves. 

In  conclusion,  we  feel  it  a  pleasing  duty  ever  to  cherish  a 
grateful  respect  for  those  benevolent  and  truly  philanthropic  in- 
dividuals, who  have  advocated,  and  still  are  advocating  our 
rights  in  our  native  country.  Their  indefatigable  zeal  in  the 
cause  of  the  oppressed  will  never  be  forgotten  by  us,  and  un- 
born millions  will  bless  their  names  in  the  day  when  the  all-wise 
Creator,  in  whom  we  trust,  shall  have  bidden  oppression  to 
cease. 

ABRAHAM  D.   SHAD,    )  ^         .,,      , 
PETER  SPENCER,         (  Committee  to  pre- 

.  WM.    S.   THOMAS,  S    P^'^  '''"  ^^'^'^'''• 


A  VOICE   FROM  HARRISBURG. 

Harrisburg,  Pa.,  October,  1831. 
At  a  large,  well  informed  and  respectable  meeting  of  the  cit- 
izens of  Harrisburg,  convened  at  the  African  Wesleyan  Meth- 
odist church,  for  the  purpose  of  expressing  their  sentiments  in 
a  remonstrance  against  the  proceedings  of  the  American  Colon- 
ization Society,  Rev.  Jacob  D.  Richardson  was  called  to  the 
chair,  and  Jacob  G.  Williams  appointed  secretary.  After  sing- 
ing and  prayer.  Rev.  Mr  Richardson  in  some  concise  remarks, — 
equalled  by  few,  and  exceeded  by  none, — expressed  the  object 
of  the  meeting.  The  chairman  called  the  house  to  order,  and 
the  following  resolutions  were  unanimously  acceded  to  : 


Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color.  41 

Resolved,  That  we  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident,  (and 
it  is  the  boasted  declaration  of  our  indejiendence,)  that  all  men 
(black  and  white,  poor  and  rich)  are  born  free  and  equal  ;  that 
they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable 
rights  ;  that  among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  hap- 
piness. This  is  the  language  of  America,  of  reason,  and  of 
eternal  truth. 

Resolved,  That  we  feel  it  to  be  our  duty  to  be  true  to  the 
constitution  of  our  country,  and  are  satisfied  with  the  form  of 
government  under  which  we  now  live  ;  and,  moreover,  that  we 
are  bound  in  duty  and  reason  to  protect  it  against  foreign  inva- 
sion.     We  always  have  done  so,  and  will  do  so  still. 

Resolved,  That  we  view  the  efibrts  of  the  Colonization 
Society  as  officious  and  uncalled  for  by  us.  We  have  never 
done  any  thing  worthy  of  banishment  from  our  friends  and  home  : 
but  this  we  would  say — if  the  Colonization  Society  will  use 
their  best  endeavors  to  get  our  slave  brethren  transported  to 
Liberia,  when  we  as  a  free  body  of  people  wish  to  go,  we  will 
give  the  colonizationists  timely  notice. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  firm  and  decided  opinion  of  this 
meeting,  that  were  tiiere  no  free  people  of  color  among  us,  or 
if  those  who  are  free  had  remained  in  the  degraded  character  of 
slaves,  (or,  as  they  sometimes  call  us,  monkeys,  apes  and  ba- 
boons,) they  would  never  have  got  up  the  chimerical  scheme 
for  our  transportation  to  the  burning  shores  of  Africa,  with  the 
fancied  vision  of  elevating  us,  as  they  say,  to  dignity  and  afflu- 
ence. 

Resolved,  That  we  cannot  remain  inactive  while  coloniza- 
tionists are  straining  every  nerve  and  racking  their  inventions 
to  find  out  arguments  to  persuade  our  free  colored  brethren  to 
migrate  to  an  unknown  land,  which  we  can  no  more  lay  claim 
to  than  our  white  brethren  can  to  England  or  any  other  foreign 
country. 

Resolved,  That  we  reject  the  inhuman  and  unchristian  meas- 
ures taken  by  the  Colonization  Society,  for  the  illumination  of- 
the  colored  citizens  of  the  United  States,  their  appropriate  home, 
in  a  land  of  sickness,  affliction  and  death,  when  they  are  not 
willing,  with  few  exceptions,  to  give  us  a  christian  education 
while  among  them.  We  would  wish  to  know  of  the  coloniza- 
tionists, how,  in  the  name  of  common  sense  and  reason,  do 
they  expect  to  do  any  thing  for  us  thousands  of  miles  across 
the  Atlantic,  when  they  oppose  almost  every  measure  taken  by 
our  white  friends  and  brethren  to  improve  our  condition  here  ? 
Resolved,  That  it  is  the  united  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that 
the  enemies  of  our  race,  who  are  members  of  the  Colonization 
[Part  II.]  6 


42  Sentiments  of  the   People  of  Color. 

Society,  see  that  the  great  Author  of  universal  existence,  who 
'  is  no  respecter  of  persons,'  who  taught  Balaam's  ass  to  speak, 
and  taught  Solomon  wisdom,  is  now  enlightening  the  sable  sons 
of  America  :  hence  the«-  object  to  drain  the  country  of  the 
most  enlightened  part  of  our  colored  brethren,  so  that  they  may 
be  more  able  to  hold  their  slaves  in  bondage  and  ignorance. 

Resolved,  That  we  object  to  leaving  the  land  of  our  birth, 
as  there  is  sufficient  land  in  these  United  States,  on  which  a 
colony  can  be  established  that  would  be  far  more  consonant  to 
the  wishes  of  the  colored  population  generally,  and  would  be 
more  adapted  to  their  constitution  :  neither  would  it  involve  the 
country  in  such  expense  as  would  be  incurred  by  sending  them 
to  a  howling  wilderness,  far  away  from  the  graves  of  their  fore- 
fathers, unknown  to  us  in  every  respect,  unless  by  geography, 
which  few  of  us  understand. 

Resolved,  That  this  meeting  look  upon  the  Colonization  So- 
ciety as  a  vicious,  nefarious  and  peace-disturbing  combination, 
and  that  its  leaders  might  as  well  essay  to  cure  a  wound  with 
an  argument,  or  set  a  dislocated  bone  by  a  lecture  on  logic,  as 
to  tell  us  their  object  is  to  better  our  condition  ;  because  its 
members  acknowledge  slavery  to  be  a  national  evil,  and  use  no 
means  to  annihilate  it,  but  are  exerting  all  their  energies  and  in- 
fluence to  persuade  the  free  people  of  color  to  remove  to  Africa, 
whose  rights  to  Columbia's  happy  soil  holds  good  with  any 
other  citizen  in  America. 

Resolved,  That  we  look  upon  the  conduct  of  those  clergy- 
men who  have  misled  their  respective  congregations  with  the 
preposterous  idea  of  the  necessity  of  transporting  the  free  peo- 
ple of  color  to  Africa,  as  highly  deserving  the  just  reprehension 
directed  to  the  false  priests  and  prophets  by  the  true  prophets 
of  the  Most  High  ;  yet  we  gratefully  acknowledge  the  respect 
we  entertain  for  those  who  have  defended  our  cause — we  mean 
our  white  friends. 

Resolved,  That  this  meeting  appoint  Mr  George  Chester  of 
Ilarrisburg,  as  agent  for  the  Liberator,  and  will  use  our  utmost 
endeavors  to  get  subscribers  for  the  same. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  support  the  Colony  in  Canada,  the 
climate  being  healthy  and  the  rights  of  our  brethren  secured. 

Resolved,  That  the  gratitude  of  this  meeting,  which  is  so 
sensibly  felt,  be  fully  expressed  to  the  Editors  of  the  Liberator 
and  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  Messrs  Garrison  and 
Lundy,  whose  independence  of  mind  and  correct  views  of  the 
rights  of  man  have  led  them  so  intrepidly  to  speak  in  favor  of 
our  cause. 


Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color.  43 

Resolved,  That  the  proceedings  of  this  meeting  be  signed 
by  the  Chairman  and  Secretary,  and  sent  to  the  Liberator  for 
pubHcation. 

JACOB   D.  RICHARDSON,  Chairman. 

Jacob   G.   Williams,   Secretary. 


A  VOICE  FROM  ROCHESTER. 

Rochester,   N.  Y.,   October,   1831. 

A  large  number  of  the  colored  citizens  of  Rochester  having 
convened  themselves  together,  for  the  important  object  of  tak- 
ing into  consideration  the  anti-republican  principles  of  the 
American  Colonization  Society,  the  Rev.  Mr  Johnson  was  call- 
ed to  the  chair,  and  Mr  A.  Lawrence  was  appointed   secretary. 

The  meeting  was  then  briefly  addressed  by  the  secretary  as 
follows  : 

Countrj'men  and  Brothers — When  viewing  the  inhumanity 
and  anti-christian  principles  of  the  American  Colonization  Soci- 
ety, in  plotting  our  removal  to  Africa,  (which  is  unknown  to  us 
as  our  native  country,)  it  seems  as  though  we  were  called  upon 
publicly  to  express  our  feelings  on  the  subject.  We  do  not 
consider  Africa  to  be  our  home,  any  more  than  the  present 
whites  do  England,  Scotland,  or  Ireland.  This  is  the  land  our 
fathers  have  tilled  before  us  ;  this  is  the  land  that  gave  us  our 
birthright. — The  meeting  then 

Resolved,  That  we  never  will  remove  to  Africa  ;  but  should 
any  of  our  brethren  wish  to  emigrate,  we  would  recommend 
Canada  as  a  country  far  more  congenial  to  our  constitutions  ; — 
that  we  give  our  most  sincere  thanks  to  our  friendly  advocates 
Messrs  Garrison  and  Knapp,  and  Mr  Benjamin  Lundy,  who 
are  crying  unto  their  fellow  men,  night  and  day,  to  let  their 
countrymen  go  free  :  they  will  be  called  blessed  by  many  gen- 
erations yet  to  come.  The  Colonization  Society  say  that  they 
cannot  treat  us  as  men  while  we  are  with  them  ;  but  if  we  will 
go  out  of  their  reach,  they  will  begin  their  charity.  What 
should  we  think  of  such  religion  as  this  ?  Because  our  skin  is 
a  little  darker  than  theirs,  they  say  they  cannot  think  of  treating 
us  as  men.  The  scripture  says,  '  Beware  of  wolves  in  sheep's 
clothing  ' — and  such  they  seem  to  be.  We  earnestly  believe, 
with  our  generous  friend  Garrison,  that  it  would  not  be  a  hard 
matter  to  exceed  them  in  doing  right.  Our  blessed  Lord  said, 
that  we  should  do  to  all  men  as  we  would  have  them  do  to  us. 
Nov/  what  would  they  think,  if  we  should  tell  them  that  they 
would  be  better  off  in  New  Holland  or  in  Tartary  ? 


44  Sentime7its  of  the   People  of  Color. 

Resolved,  Tliat  we  will  do  all  in  our  power  to  support  the 
Liberator,  printed  b}'  Mr  Garrison,  and  all  other  works  in  our 
behalf. 

Resolved,  That  the  foregoing  proceedings  be  published  in 
the  Liberator. 

HENRY  JOHNSON,  Chairman. 
A.  Lawrence,   Secretary. 


A  VOICE  FROxM  PROVIDENCE. 

Providence,  November  1,   1831. 

At  a  respectable  meeting  of  the  colored  people  of  Provi- 
dence, R.  I.,  duly  appointed  and  publicly  holden  at  the  African 
church,  on  the  31st  of  October,  1831,  to  take  into  considera- 
tion the  objects  and  motives  of  the  American  Colonization  So- 
ciety, Mr  George  C.  AVillis  was  called  to  the  chair,  and  Mr  Al- 
fred Niger  appointed  secretary.  The  meeting  was  then  addressed 
at  some  length  by  the  chairman,  stating  their  object  in  assem- 
bling together,  and  exposing  the  injustice  and  prejudice  by 
which  he  believed  the  friends  of  African  colonization!  were 
actuated.  The  following  preamble  and  resolutions  were  read 
by  the  secretary,    and  unanimously  adopted  : 

Whereas  our  brethren,  in  different  parts  of  the  United  States, 
have  thought  proper  to  call  meetings  to  express  their  disappro- 
bation of  the  American  Colonization  Society  ;  we,  concurring 
fully  with  them  in  opinion,  have  assembled  ourselves  together 
for  the  purpose  of  uniting  v.ith  them,  in  declaring  that  we  be- 
lieve the  operations  of  the  Society  have  been  unchristian  and 
anti-republican,  and  at  variance  with  our  best  interests  as  a  peo- 
ple.    Therefore, 

Resolved,  That  we  will  use  every  fair  and  honorable  means 
in  our  power,  to  oppose  the  operations  of  the  above  mentioned 
Society. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  truly  sensible  that  we  are  in  this 
country  a  degraded  and  ignorant  people  ;  but  that  our  ignorance 
and  degradation  are  not  to  be  attributed  to  the  inferiority  of  our 
natural  abilities,  but  to  the  oppressive  treatment  we  have  expe- 
rienced from  the  whites  in  general,  and  to  the  prejudice  excited 
against  us  by  the  members  of  the  Colonization  Society,  their 
aiders  and  abettors. 

Resolved,  That  we  view,  with  unfeigned  astonishment,  th( 
anti-christian  and  inconsistent  conduct  of  those  who  so  strenu 
ously  advocate  our  removal  from  this  our  native  country  to  th: 


Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color.  45 

burning  shores  of  Liberia,  and  who  with  the  same  breath  con- 
tend against  the  cruehy  and  injustice  of  Georgia  in  her  attempt 
to  remove  the  Cherokee  Indians  west  of  the  Mississippi. 

Resolved,  That  we  firmly  believe,  from  the  recent  measures 
adopted  by  the  freemen  of  the  city  of  New  Haven,  in  regard 
to  the  establishment  of  a  College  for  our  education  in  that  place, 
that  the  principal  object  of  the  friends  of  African  colonization 
is  to  oppose  our  education  and  consequent  elevation  here,  as  it 
will  deprive  them  of  one  of  their  principal  arguments  for  our 
removal. 

Resolved,  That  as  our  fathers  participated  with  the  whites 
in  their  struggle  for  liberty  and  independence,  and  believing  with 
the  Declaration  of  that  Independence,  '  that  all  men  are  created 
free  and  equal  ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with 
certain  unalienable  rights,  among  which  are  life,  liberty,  and  the 
pursuit  of  happiness  ;'  and  as  we  have  committed  no  crime 
w'orthy  of  banishment — Therefore 

Resolved,  That  we  will  not  leave  our  homes,  nor  the  graves 
of  our  fathers,  and  this  boasted  land  of  liberty  and  christian 
philanthropy. 

Resolved,  That,  our  unfeigned  and  sincere  thanks  be  tendered 
to  Messrs  Garrison  and  Knapp,  and  to  every  true  friend  to  our 
cause,  for  their  unwearied  and  truly  benevolent  exertions  in  our 
behalf. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  earnestly  recommend  the  Liberator, 
published  in  Boston  by  the  above  mentioned  gentlemen,  to  the 
patronage  of  our  friends  throughout  the  country. 

Resolved,  That  the  proceedings  of  this  meeting  be  signed  by 
the  Chairman  and  Secretary,  and  sent  to  Boston,  with  the  re- 
quest that  they  may  be  published  in  the  Liberator. 

GEORGE  C.  WILLIS,  Chairman. 

Alfred  Niger,  Secretary. 


A  VOICE  FROM  TRENTON. 

Trenton,  November  30,   1831. 

At  a  respectable  meeting  of  the  free  people  of  color  in  Trenr 
ton,  convened  in  the  Mount  Zion  church,  November  30,  1831, 
for  the  purpose  of  considering  the  subject  of  colonization  on 
the  coast  of  Africa — On  motion,  the  Rev.  Lewis  Cork  -was 
called  to  the  chair,  and  Abner  H.  Francis  appointed  secretary. 
The  meeting  was  addressed  by  Messrs  Gardener  and  Thomp- 
son ;  after  which,  the  following  resolutions  were  unanimously 
adopteil. 


46  Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color. 

Resolved,  Inasmuch  as  we,  free  people  of  color,  have  done 
all  that  is  in  our  power  to  convince  the  white  inhabitants  of  these 
United  States,  that  it  is  our  wish  to  live  peaceably  with  all  men; 
and  inasmuch  as  our  general  demeanor  has  been  that  of  indus- 
try and  sobriety,  notwithstanding  there  are  some  among  us  to 
the  contrary,  as  well  as  among  the  whites  ;  therefore  we  do 
most  solemnly  declare,  that  the  statements  made  to  the  contrary 
by  the  Rev.  Mr  Crosby,  in  his  late  addresses  in  this  city,  and 
all  statements  by  petitioners  to  legislative  bodies,  and  by  the 
Colonization  Society,  or  any  thing  of  the  same  nature,  are  a 
positive  libel  on  our  general  character. 

Resolved,  Whereas  Ave  have  lived  peaceably  and  quietly  in 
these  United  States,  of  which  we  are  natives,  and  have  never 
been  the  cause  of  any  insurrectionary  or  tumultuous  movements 
as  a  body,  that  we  do  view  every  measure  taken  by  any  associ- 
ated bodies  to  remove  us  to  other  climes,  anti-christian  and  hos- 
tile to  our  peace,  and  a  violation  of  the  laws  of  humanity. 

Resolved,  That  if,  in  the  opinion  of  government,  our  stay  or 
liberty  can  no  longer  be  granted  in  the  States  in  which  we  live, 
we  see  nothing  contrary  to  the  constitution  of  these  United 
States,  or  to  Christianity,  justice,  reason  or  humanity,  in  grant- 
ing us  a  portion  of  the  Western  territory,  as  a  state,  with  the 
same  franchise  as  that  of  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  or  any 
other  free  State  ;  for  we  challenge  the  Union  to  prove  that,  as 
free  men,  v/e  have  ever  given  the  least  ground  for  the  unchar- 
itable censures  that  have  been  cast  upon  us. 

Resolved,  That  we  view  the  American  Colonization  Society 
as  the  most  inveterate  foe  both  to  the  free  and  slave  man  of 
color  ;  forasmuch  as  the  agents  thereof,  and  its  members  who 
have  petitioned  the  several  legislatures,  have  unequivocally  de- 
clared its  object,  to  wit,  the  extermination  of  the  free  people  of 
color  from  the  Union  ;  and  to  effect  this  they  have  not  failed  to 
slander  our  character,  by  representing  us  as  a  vagrant  race  ;  and 
we  do  therefore  disclaim  all  union  with  the  said  Society,  and, 
once  for  all,  declare  that  we  never  will  remove  under  their  pat- 
ronage ;  neither  do  we  consider  it  expedient  to  emigrate  any 
where,  but  to  remain  in  the  land  and  see  the  salvation  of  God. 
Nevertheless,  if  any  of  our  brethren  should  be  compelled  or  see 
proper  to  emigrate,  we  would  recommend  to  them  Upper 
Canada  or  Mexico. 

Resolved,  That  we  view  with  the  highest  emotion  of  grati- 
tude, the  benevolence  of  Great  Britain  and  that  of  the  Canada 
Company,  in  affording  an  asylum  in  the  Wilberforce  settlement, 
in  Upper  Canada,  for  our  oppressed  brethren  of  the  South,  who 
have  been  or  may  ^^e   forced,  by  unconstitutional  laws,  to  leave 


Seniimr.nls  of  the  People  of  Color.  47 

their  rightful  home   and   place   of  nativity,   without  any  cause 
except  that  of  having  a  dark  skin. 

Resolved,  That  this  meeting  approve  the  establishment  of  a 
college,  as  recommended  by  the  Annual  Convention  held  in 
Philadelphia  last  June,  and  that  we  give  all  possible  aid  to  that 
institution. 

Resolved,  That  we  view  the  Liberator,  edited  by  William 
Lloyd  Garrison,  as  a  great  herald  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  and 
that  we  recommend  to  the  colored  citizens  of  Trenton  the  util- 
ity of  subscribing  to  the  above  named  paper. 

Resolved,  That  there  be  a  committee  of  three  appointed  to 
draft  an  address  more  expressive  of  our  views  on  the  above 
subject. 

Resolved,  That  the  following  persons  compose  that  commit- 
tee— Sampson  Peters,  Robert  Thomas,  George  Cole. 

LEWIS  CORK,   Chairman. 

Abner  H.   Francis,   Secretary. 

ADDRESS. 

We,  the  undersigned,  in  conformity  to  the  above  appoint- 
ment, beg  leave  to  present  to  the  public,  in  a  calm,  unpreju- 
diced manner,  our  decided  disapprobation  of  the  American 
Colonization  Society  and  its  auxiliaries,  in  relation  to  the  people 
of  color  in  the  United  States.  We  are  well  convinced,  from 
the  mass  that  has  been  written  on  the  above  subject  by  those 
who  have  preceded  us,  that  it  will  be  difficult  to  avoid  repeti- 
tion ;  nevertheless,  we  hope  to  touch  some  points  which  have 
not  been  fairly  understood  by  that  Society.  They  have  sup- 
posed that  our  objections  are  to  civilizing  and  evangelizing  Afri- 
ca ;  but  we  beg  leave  to  say,  that  it  is  an  error.  We  are  well 
aware,  that  there  is  no  surer  way  to  efiect  this  great  object  than 
to  plant  among  the  heathen,  colonies  of  christian  missionaries. 
We  wish,  therefore,  to  be  understood,  that  we  highly  approve 
of  the  evangelizing  of  Africa,  but  disapprove  of  the  present 
measures  of  the  American  Colonization  Society,  if  their  motives 
have  not  been  misrepresented  by  their  agents  and  others,  in 
some  previous  addresses  in  this  city  and  elsewhere.  But  view- 
ing them  as  we  now  do,  we  must  say  that,  in  our  opinion,  their 
false  representations  of  our  general  character — their  recom- 
mending our  removal  from  our  native  land — their  opposition  to 
our  having  a  part  of  the  West  appointed  to  us — their  objec- 
tions to  our  proposed  college,  and  of  our  march  to  science — 
their  false  statements  in  relation  to  the  health  of  the  colony  at 
Liberia,  with  a  variety  of  other  subjects  of  the  same  nature — 
all  lead  to  a  conclusion,  that  it  is  our  greatest  foe. 


48  Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color. 

We  would  liere  ask  the  public  a  few  questions.  First — Is 
the  gospel  of  Jesus  Christ  calculated  to  lead  to  insurrectionary 
measures  ?  If  so,  why  then  send  it  to  the  heathen  ?  Second — 
What  gentleman,  who  has  set  his  slaves  free,  has  been  murdered 
by  them  for  so  doing  ?  Third — AVhat  have  those  States,  who 
have  washed  their  hands  clean  of  the  cursed  stain  of  slavery, 
lost  by  it  ?  Fourth — What  neighborhood,  where  education  and 
general  information  have  been  disseminated  among  the  people 
of  color,  is  the  worse  for  it  ? 

In  closing  our  remarks,  we  would  say,  that  we  do  think 
that  the  subjects  looked  to  by  the  Colonization  Society,  to 
civilize  Africa,  are  incompetent ;  for  we  do  suppose  that  men 
selected  for  such  an  important  enterprise,  should  be  men  of 
deed  and  sound  piety — men  of  regular  and  industrious  habits, 
of  scientific  knowledge  and  general  experience  :  that  such  men 
can  be  obtained,  we  have  no  doubt  ;  and  if  there  cannot,  let  us 
first  prepare  some  in  this  country. 

SAMPSON    PETERS, 

ROBERT  THOMAS,    ^  Committee. 

GEORGE  COLE, 


A  VOICE  FROM  LYME. 

Lyme,    Ct.,  January  9,   1832. 

At  a  respectable  meeting  of  the  colored  citizens  of  this  place, 
held  pursuant  to  public  notice — Mr  Luther  Wright  was  called 
to  the  chair,  and  Mr  Daniel  R.  Condol  appointed  secretary. 

After  some  animated  remarks  by  Messrs  Wright  and  Condol, 
it  was 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  sincere  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that 
the  American  Colonization  Society  is  one  of  the  wildest  pro- 
jects ever  patronised  by  a  body  of  enlightened  men  ;  and  fur- 
ther, that  many  of  those  who  support  it  would  be  willing,  if  it 
were  in  their  power,  to  drive  us  out  of  existence. 

Resolved,  That  though  we  be  last  in  calling  a  meeting,  we 
feel  no  less  the  pernicious  influence  of  this  Society  than  the  rest 
of  our  brethren  ;  and  that  we  will  resist  every  attempt  to  banish 
us  from  this  our  native  land. 

Resolved,  That  we  place  unshaken  reliance  upon  the  prom- 
ises of  Jehovah,  and  believe  that  he  will  take  our  reproach 
away,  and  give  freedom  to  those  who  are  held  in  captivity. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  not  for  insurrection,  but  for  peace, 
freedom  and  equality. 


Sentiments  of  the   People  oj'  Color.  49 

Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  this  meeting  be  rendered  to 
Messrs  Garrison  and  Knapp,  for  their  benevolent  exertions  in 
behalf  of  the  oppressed  descendants  of  Africa  ;  and  that  they 
be  requested  to  insert  these  proceedings  in  the  Liberatoi'. 

LUTHER  WRIGHT,   Chairman. 

Daniel  R.   Condol,   Secretary. 


A  VOICE  FROxM  LEWISTOWN. 

Lewistown,  Pa.,  January  9,  1832. 
At  a  numerous  meeting  held  by  the  free  people  of  color  of 
the  borough  of  Lewistown,  in  the  African  Methodist  Episcopal 
church,  Samuel  Johnston  was  called  to  the  chair,  and  Martin 
Johnston  appointed  secretary.  The  following  resolutions  were 
then  read,  and  unanimously  adopted  ■ 

Resolved,  That  we  will  not  leave  these  United  States,  the 
land  of  our  birth,  for  a  home  in  Africa. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  strenuously  oppose 'the  colonizing  of 
the  free  people  of  color  in  Liberia. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  willing  to  emigrate  to  any  part  of  the 
United  States  which  may  be  granted  to  us. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  support  the  Liberator,  a  paper  pub- 
lished in  Boston,  edited  by  William  Lloyd  Garrison  ;  and  also 
the  colony  in  Upper  Canada  as  an  asylum  for  our  oppressed 
brethren. 

Resolved,  That  a  committee  be  appointed  to  prepare  an 
address  to  be  published  in  the  Liberator. 

Resolved,  That  the  proceedings  ofahis  meeting  be  signed  by 
the  Chairman  and  Secretary,  and  forv/arded  to  the  editor  of  the 
Liberator   for  publication.  * 

SAMUEL  JOHNSTON,   Chairman. 

Martin  Johnston,    Secretary. 

ADDRESS. 

We,  the  undersigned,  in  conformity  to  the  above  appoint- 
ment, beg  leave  to  present  to  the  public,  in  a  calm  and  unpre- 
judiced manner,  our  reasons  for  opposing  the  scheme  of  African 
colonization.  This  is  the  land  of  our  birth.  The  Declaration 
of  Independence  declares,  that  '  all  men  are  born  free  and 
equal  :'  it  does  not  say  that  the  ichite  man  or  the  black  man  is 
free, — but  all,  without  respect  to  color,  tongues,  or  nation.  We 
therefore  consider  all  laws  to  enslave  or  degrade  the  people  of 
color  as  contrary  to  the  letter  and  spirit  of  this  Declaration  ; 
[Part  II.]  7 


50  Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color. 

and  that  according  to  it  we  are  freemen,  and  have  as  indisputa- 
ble a  right  to  enjoy  our  liberty  as  any  white  man.  To  deny  it 
to  us,  because  we  differ  in  color,  is  oppression.  To  say  that 
Africa  is  om*  native  country  is  untrue.  Here  we  were  born, 
and  here  we  mean  to  die  ;  for  all  men  are  born  free. 

We  wish  to  return  our  grateful  thanks  to  our  friends,  and  to 
the  friends  of  the  abolition  of  slavery.  We  consider  slavery  a 
national  sin,  which,  if  not  speedily  overthrown,  will  cause  this 
nation  to  mourn  and  weep  ;  for  God  has  declared  that  Ethiopia 
shall  stretch  forth  her  hands  unto  him,  and  he  will  hear  her  cry. 

We  would  say  to  colonizationists  that  we  consider  them  our 
foes  instead  of  our  friends.  It  is  vain  for  them  to  say  that  we 
would  do  better  in  Liberia  ;  for  we  do  not  believe  it.  There  is 
room  enough  in  this  country  for  us  ;  and  if  they  be  our  friends, 
let  them  meliorate  our  condition  here.  Let  them  join  in  the 
work  of  immediate  abolition  of  slavery.  Let*  them  wash  out 
the  stains  which  disfigure  the  national  character.  And  then  let 
them  tell  us  about  Liberia. 

One  reason  why  we  are  opposed  to  leaving  these  United 
States  is  this  :  you  have  so  long  denied  us  the  enjoyment  and 
protection  of  the  laws  of  God  and  man  in  this  country,  that 
you  wish  now  to  oppress  us  still  more.  But  thanks  be  to  Him 
who  holds  all  things  in  his  hand,  we  believe  He  will  plead  our 
cause.  Your  skirts  are  already  dyed  with  the  blood  of  millions 
of  souls.      '  Vengeance  is  mine — I  will  repay,'    saith  the  Lord. 

Awake,  ye  wolves  in  sheep's  clothing.  Your  cup  is  now  full. 
You  are  daily  causing  innocent  blood  to  be  shed.  How  long, 
ye  slavites,  ye  kidnappers,  ye  that  traffic  in  human  flesh,  will 
you  sleep  .''  When  will  you  awake  to  your  best  interests  ?  For 
remember  that  you  will  not  always  be  able  to  bold  your  victims 
in  servile  chains. 

J.  G.   SMITH, 

M.    WALKER,       ^  Committee. 

M.  JOHNSTON, 


A  VOICE  FROM  NEW-BEDFORD. 

New-Bedford,  January  23,   1832. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  people  of  color  in  New-Bedford,  January 
23d,  for  the  purpose  of  considering  and  giving  their  opinion  of 
the  American  Colonization  Society,  and  the  actual  evil  or  ben- 
efit of  that  Society  to  the  objects  of  its  supervision,  the  free 
people  of  color,  Mr  Richard  Johnson  was  called  to  the  chair, 
and   Richard    G.    Overing   appointed    secretary.      After   an  ad- 


Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color.  51 

dress  from  the  chair,  it  was  moved  that  resolutions  expressive 
of  the  views  of  the  meeting,  respecting  the  Colonization  Soci- 
ety, be  drawn  up,  and  published  in  some  newspaper  not  adverse 
to  the  rights  and  well  being  of  all  men,  be  their  color  what  it 
may.     The  following  are  the  resolves  of  the  meeting  : 

Resolved,  That  in  whatever  light  we  view  the  Colonization 
Society,  we  discover  nothing  in  it  but  terror,  prejudice  and 
oppression  ;  that  the  warm  and  beneficent  hand  of  philanthropy 
is  not  apparent  in  the  system,  but  the  influence  of  the  Society 
on  public  opinion  is  more  prejudicial  to  the  interest  and  welfare 
of  the  people  of  color  in  the  United  States,  than  slavery  itself. 

Resolved,  That  the  Society,  to  effect  its  purpose,  the  re- 
moval of  the  free  people  of  color,  (not  the  slaves)  through  its 
agents,  teaches  the  public  to  believe  that  it  is  patriotic  and 
benevolent  to  \vithhold  from  us  knowledge  and  the  means  of 
acquiring  subsistence,  and  to  look  upon  us  as  unnatural  and  ille- 
gal residents  in  this  country  ;  and  thus  by  force  of  prejudice, 
if  not  by  law,  endeavor  to  compel  us  to  embark  for  Africa,  and 
that  too,  apparently,  by  our  own  free  will  and  consent. 

Resolved,  That  as  great  a  nuisance  as  we  may  be  in  the  esti- 
mation of  that  Society,  we  yet  have  a  hope  in  Him  who  has 
seen  fit  to  continue  our  existence  through  days  worse  than  which 
we  do  not  fear,  and  which  emboldens  us  as  peaceable  citizens, 
to  resolve  to  abide  the  issue  of  coming  days  in  our  native  land, 
in  which  we  ask  no  more  than  the  age  in  which  we  live  de- 
mands, and  which  this  nation,  as  republicans  and  christians, 
should  not  refuse  to  grant. 

Signed  in  behalf  of  the  meeting. 

RICHARD  JOHNSON,  Chairman. 

R.    G.   OvERiNG,   Secretary. 


The  foregoing  resolutions  and  addresses  are  given  in  plain,  it 
may  be  occasionally  in  severe  language  ;  and  display  an  intensity 
of  feeling,  a  depth  of  abhorrence,  and  a  firmness  of  purpose, 
honorable  to  men  who  appreciate  their  rights  and  love  their 
country.  Before  I  proceed,  however,  to  comment  upon  these 
importani  proceedings,  I  shall  make  some  quotations  from  the 
essays  and  addresses  of  colored  writers,  in  order  to  sustain  my 
assertion  that  the  American  Colonization  Society  is  directly 
opposed  to  the  wishes  of  our  free  colored  population. 


52  Stniiincnts  of  tkc   People  of  Color. 

'  A  Colored  Baltimorean  '*   records   his    sentiments    in 
the  following  style  : 

'  We  believe,  sirs,  that  the  people  of  color  in  the  United 
States  will  never  be  prevailed  over  to  abandon  the  land  of  their 
birth,  and  every  thing  vernacular  with  them — to  forego  many 
advantages  vv'hich  they  now  possess,  and  many  more  which  they 
have  in  prospect,  for  the  imaginary,  or  if  real,  the  fleeting  and 
short-lived  honors  held  out  to  them  by  our  "  Americc-African 
empire."  Why  should  we  exchange  a  temperate  and  salubrious 
chmate,  adapted  to  our  constitutions  as  Americans,  for  one,  to 
us,  fraught  with  disease  and  death  ?  Why  should  we  leave  a 
land  in  which  the  arts  and  sciences  are  flourishing,  and  which  is 
beginning  to  yield  to.  our  research,  for  one,  where  the  irradiat- 
ing beams  of  the  sun  of  science  have  yet  to  be  announced  by 
the  bright  star  of  hope  ?  Why  should  we  leave  a  land  illumin- 
ated vvith  the  blaze  of  gospel  light,  for  one  enshrouded  in  pagan 
gloom  ?  Why  should  we,  v.ho  are  in  tolerable  circumstances 
in  America,  who  enjoy  many  of  the  comforts  of  life,  and  are 
evidently  on  the  advanced  march  of  mind,  cast  away  these  cer- 
tain, real,  and  growing  advantages,  for  those  v.hich  are  precari- 
ous and  chimerical  ?  Why  should  we  abandon  our  firesides, 
and  every  thing  associated  with  the  dear  name  of  home — undergo 
the  fatigues  of  a  perilous  voyage,  and  expose  ourselves,  our 
wives,  and  our  little  ones,  to  the  deleterious  influences  of  an 
uncongenial  sun,  for  the  enjoyment  of  a  liberty  divested  of  its 
usual  accompaniments,  surrounded  with  circumstances  which 
diminish  its  intrinsic  value,  and  render  it  indeed  "  a  dear  earned 
morsel"?  *  *.-  #  *  *  ^    ^ 

'  But  "  it  is  the  hope  of  accomplishing  the  entire  subversion 
of  the  slave  trade  and  Mahometan  superstition,  and  all  their  sub- 
sidiary concomitants,  that  has  actuated  the  christian  and  stimu- 
lated the  philanthropist."  Noble  objects  indeed  !  And  who  are 
those  christians  and  philanthropists  ?  Our  friend  tells  us,  with- 
out distinction,  that  they  are  "•  those  noble  and  heroic  men  who 
have  enlisted  under  the  banner  of  colonization."  But  how  hap- 
pens it  that  some  of  the  most  distinguished  of  these  christians 
and  philanthropists  are  themselves  slaveholders,  and  so  far 
abettors  of  the  slave  trade  as  to  be  actually  guilty  of  selling  into 
a  cruel  and  interminable  vassalage  the  hapless  victims  of  their 
tender  mercies  ^  Again,  how^  is  it  tliat  none  but  the  free  people 
of  color  have  been  chosen  to  evangelize  Africa  ?  Is  it  because 
they  are  under  an  exclusive  moral  obligation  to  dispel  the  "  gloom 


Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation  for  November  27,   1829. 


Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color.  53 

of  Mahometan  superstition?"  Is  it  because  they  are  pre-em- 
inently qualified  in  point  of  morals  and  information  for  the  mis- 
sionary enterprise  ?  None  will  say  this.  Perhaps  we  shall  be 
told,  that  the  identity  of  their  color  gives  them  a  decided  ad- 
vantage over  every  other  people.  But  how  is  it  that  those 
wicked  Vv'hite  men,  who  axe  in  the  habit  of  resorting  thither  for 
the  most  nefarious  purposes,  have  access  to  these  people  ?  And 
we  have  not  forgotten  that  during  the  visit  of  the  Rev.  G.  R. 
McGill,  in  Baltimore,  he  informed  us  that  colored  men  from 
the  United  States,  being  thought  by  the  natives  to  be  men  of 
information,  are  received  and  treated  as  white  men,  and  de- 
nominated by  the  same  epithet.  Since  then  it  does  not  appear 
that  we  are  pre-eminently  quahfied  for  this  work,  why  should  it 
be  pressed  upon  us  ?  *  *  *  * 

'  Tell  us  not  that  the  .Sovereign  Ruler  of  the  universe,  who 
is  not  a  respecter  of  persons,  whose  "  tender  mercies  are  over 
all  his  works,"  will  never  elevate  us  to  the  dignity  of  men  and 
christians,  unless  we  emigrate  to  Africa.  Tell  us  not  that  in  this 
christian  country,  this  "  land  of  the  free  and  home  of  the  brave," 
we  must  for  ever  remain  a  degraded  and  proscribed  race — 
that  we  must  for  ever  be  treated  as  the  outcasts  of  creation. 
We  are  aware  that  this  doctrine  has  been  asserted  with  all  the 
confidence  of  inspiration  by  some  of  our  gospel  ministers.  We 
have  heard  them  proclaim  it  in  a  tone  calculated  to  strengthen 
the  prejudices  existing  against  us.  ,  They  seem  to  forget  that 
there  is  a  superintending  providence — that  He,  who  "  sits  upon 
the  whirlwind  and  directs  the  storm,"  has  ever  manii^ested  him- 
self a  friend  to  the  oppressed  of  every  clime.  They  seem  to 
forget  that  the  religion  of  Jesus,  wherever  it  reigns  with  unre- 
strained svvay,  demolishes  every  partition  wall,  and  exterminates 
.  out  of  the  heart  all  those  bitter  prejudices  which  impede  the 
march  of  the  Messiah's  kingdom.  We  should  hke  to  have 
these  prophets  give  us  their  ideas  in  relation  to  the  millennial 
reign  of  Christ.  We  should  like  to  have  them  inform  us  whether 
or  not  the  general  prejudices  and  their  inseparable  accompani- 
ments, which  now  lie  upon,  and  operate  against  us,  on  account 
of  our  coloF,  will  be  consistent  with  this  glorious  reign  of  peace, 
and  love,  and  joy.  Let  these  ministers  consider  that  much  of 
our  degradation  is  chargeable  to  the  indifference  (to  say  the 
least)  that  they  manifest  in  regard  to  our  situation — that  if  they 
as  patterns  of  piety  hold  us  at  a  distance,  it  is  but  natural  for 
the  inconsiderate  to  follow  their  example.  Let  them  recollect 
that  wliile  they  are  making  powerful  and  irresistible  appeals  to 
the  humanity  of  the  American  people  in  behalf  of  the  oppressed 
of  other  chraes,  they  have  a  people  among   them  whose   claims 


54  Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color. 

upon  their  liberality  are  paramount  to  those  of  any  other.     Let 
these  ministers  tell  us  how  often  they  make   it  their  business  to 
visit  those  portions  of  their  flocks    whose  crime  is,    their  color. 
Nay,  one  of  them  said  not  long  since,  to  be   familiar   with  the 
people  of  color  would    destroy  his  usefulness  among  the  whites. 
But  whether  they  do  their  duty  in  relation  to   us  or  not,   we  in- 
dulge in  no  fears  in  regard  to  our  future  condition.     We  are  not 
distrustful  of  the  goodness   and  power  of  Him   who  has   over- 
ruled the  evil  designs  of  those  men  that  first  tore  our  ancestors 
from  their  native   shores,   who  is  still  overruling,  and  who  will 
continue  to   overrule  the   designs  of  all  who  would   treat  us  as 
the  oflscouring  of  the  earth,  because  our  Creator  has  not  given  us 
a  color  as  white  as  their  own.     If  ever  there  was  a  people  who 
could  look  up  to'  Heaven  with  unshaken  confidence  for  protec- 
tion, it  is  that  people  whose  sufferings  are  not  the  consequences 
of  their  crimes  ;  it   is   that  people   whose   misfortunes  work  in 
them  the  graces  of  faith,  patience   and  hope.      And  why  should 
we  not  cherish   these  invaluable  graces  ?     We  are  told  by  high 
authority,  that  "  a/Z  things  shall  work  together /or  good  to  them 
that  love   God  " — that  "  He  will  give  grace  and  glory,  and  no 
good  thing  will    He    withhold  from  them   that  walk  uprightly." 
You  see,  sirs,  we  have  one  straight  forward  course  to  pursue — - 
one  marked  out  by  the  hand  of  unerring  wisdom.     This  course 
we  intend  to  pursue,  without  giving  ourselves  any  uneasiness  as 
to  the  issue  ;    this  we  leave  to  Him  who  has  the  administration 
of  the  universe  in  his  hands,  and  who  has   declared  for  our  en- 
couragement, "  even  the  very  hairs  of  your  head  are   all  num- 
bered."    Tell  us  not   of  the  wisdom,  and  power,  and  number 
of  our  enemies  ;  He  who  has   given  us  a   hope,  whjch  at  least 
makes  our  condition   tolerable,  will  say  to   them,  as    He  did  to 
the  tempestuous   billows,   "  Hitherto   shalt  thou  come,   but    no 
further  ;  and  here  shall  thy  proud  waves  be  stayed."  ' 
***  *  #  *  #  ## 

'  What  effect  have  the  evils  of  slavery  in  this  happy  land 
upon  the  mind  of  the  liberal,  the  unprejudiced,  and  philanthro- 
pic Lafayette  .'' 

'  Hear  him,  he  will  speak  for  himself  :  "  When  I  am  indulg- 
ing in  my  views  of  American  prospects  and  American  liberty, 
it  is  mortifying  to  be  told  that  in  that  very  country  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  people  are  slaves.  It  is  a  dark  spot  on  the  face  of 
the  nation.  Such  a  state  of  things  cannot  always  exist.'''  It  was 
a  sight  of  the  evils  alluded  to,  and  their  inseparable  concomi- 
tants, that  extorted  from  the  pen  of  Mr  Jefferson  that  compre- 
hensive and  soul-thrilling  sentence — "  I  tremble  for  my  country 
when  I  reflect  that  God  is  just,  and  that  his  justice  cannot  sleep 


Seniinienls  of  the  Ptople  of  Color.  55 

for  ever."  But  may  we  not  indulge  the  hope  that  the  evils  spoken 
of  will  yet  awaken  the  sympathies  of  the  American  people- 
soften  their  cruel  prejudices — arouse  their  slumbering  energies 
— and  produce  in  them  an  unconquerable  determination  to  wash 
from  their  "stars  and  stripes  "  one  of  the  blackest  spots  that 
ever  cursed  the  globe,  or  stained  the  historic  page  ?  Shall  we 
be  told  that  invincible  prejudices  render  this  great  desideratum 
impracticable  ?  And  what  is  this  but  a  libel  upon  the  American 
people  ?  What  is  it  but  to  say,  there  is  in  them  a  moral  incapac- 
ity to  do  justice,  love  mercy,  and  walk  uprightly  ?  Colonization 
orators,  designing  politicians,  ministers  of  Jesus,  tell  me,  how 
can  you  thus  libel  your  countrymen  ?  Surely,  there  is  a  regen- 
erating, a  redeeming  spirit  in  the  land — a  spirit  transforming 
misanthropes  into  philanthropists — bondmen  into  freemen — 
abettors  of  slavery  into  champions  of  liberty — a  spirit  that  will 
yet  drive  from  America  the  demon  of  slavery,  and  render  it 
indeed  "  the  land  of  the  free  and  the  home  of  the  brave."  '* 
*******  * 

'  I  have  just  found  time  to  notice  a  (ew  very  exceptionable 
features  of  a  communication  over  the  signature  of  "  A  Maryland- 
er,"  published,  a  few  days  ago,  in  the  American  of  our  city. 
The  writer  is  unquestionably  entitled  to  the  credit  of  being  a 
thorough-going  colonizationist.  He  writes  in  the  true  spirit  of 
the  cause.  He  seems  to  be  under  an  excitement  produced  by 
the  publication  of  our  anti-colonization  resolutions.  This  being 
the  case,  it  is  not  to  be  expected  that  he  would,  throughout  his 
communication,  avail  himself  of  the  guarded,  accommodating, 
and  conciliating  language  usual  with  colonization  writers  and  de- 
claimers.  After  being  convinced  that  the  people  of  color  are 
not  to  be  persuaded  to  leave  the  land  of  their  birth,  and  every 
thing  vernacular  with  them,  for  "  regions  "  which  he  tells  us 
are  "  now  dark  as  the  valley  of  the  shadow  of  death,"  he  says, 
"  I  would  propose  then  that  Maryland  should  colonize  her  own 
free  blacks."  He  does  not  add  the  usual  qualification,  "  ivith 
their  own  consent  :"  he  knows  this  will  never  be  obtained.  He 
therefore  says  :  "  I  earnestly  hope  that  the  time  is  now  come 
w^hen  our  state  will  wake  up  to  all  the  importance  of  this  sub- 
ject, and  will  instantly  commence  a  system  of  measures  impera- 
tively demanded  by  the  sternest  principles  [colonization  princi- 
ples ?]  of  sound  policy."  We  would  tell  this  precocious 
statesman  that  we  are  not  to  be  intimidated  into  colonization 
"  measures  "  by  the  angry  effusions  of  his  illiberal  soul  ;  that  we 
had  rather  die  in  Maryland  under  the  pressure  of  unrighteous  and 

*  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  January  29,  1830 


5G  Sentiments  of  the   People  of  Color. 

cruel  lavvs  than  be    driven,  like    cattle,  to  the   pestilential  clime 
of  Liberia,  where   grievous   privation,    inevitable   disease,  and 
premature  death,  await  us  in  all  their  horrors.     We  are  embold- 
ened thus  to   speak,   not  from  a  reliance  on  the  mere  arm  of 
flesh  ;  no — it  is  the  righteousness  of  our  -cause,  a  knowledge  of 
the  attributes  of  Deity,  combined  with  a  consciousness  of  inno- 
cence under  suffering,  that   have  inspired  us  with  a  moral  cour- 
age which  no  oppression  shall  shake,   no  fulminations  overawe. 
Our  limits  will  not  permit   us  to  expatiate,  at  this  time,  on  the 
import  of  the  terms,    "  a  system  of  measures — the  sternest  prin- 
ciples,'' &c.     We  would   barely  remark  that  the  climax  of  in- 
justice and  cruelty,  here   suggested,  nay,   recommended,  is  the 
legitimate  fruit  of  the  operations   of  the   American  colonization 
societies  relative  to  the  free  people  of  color.      We  have  always 
believed  that  the  "  system    of  measures  "  here   recommended, 
would  be  the  dernier  resort  of  these  christian  associations.    The 
unmerited  abuse,  that  has  been   so   unsparingly  heaped  upon  us 
by  colonizationists  for  expressing  our  opinions  of  their  project 
as  connected  with  our   happiness,  their  manifest   determination 
to  effectuate  their  object  regardless  of  our  consent,  abundantly 
corroborate  the   opinion  we  have  long  since  entertained.     We 
turn,  however,  from  the   contemplation   of  the   persecution  and 
oppression,  which,  it  seems,  are  in   reserve   for  us,   to  notice, 
briefly,  the   moving   cause  of  this  virulent  and  relentless  attack 
upon  our  rights  and  happiness.      "  The  census  just  taken,''  says 
A  Marylander,   "  admonishes  us  in  the  strongest  manner,  of  the 
necessity  of  prompt  and  efiicient  measures  to  drain  off  this  de- 
scription of  our  population."     Here   then   is  the  patriotic,  the 
benevolent,   the   christian  principle,  by   which   the   colonization 
societies,  throughout  our  land,  are  actuated.     This  is  the  selfish 
policy  of  which   v:e  complain,  and  which  should  be  execrated 
by  all  true   patriots,    philanthropists,   and    christians.      Our  in- 
crease is  represented  as  an  "  alarming  evil — an  evil,"  said  one 
of  our  colonization  orators  in  the  pulpit,  not  long  since,  "which 
threatens  our  very  existence."     Now,  if  all  this   be   true,   how 
can  they,  on  their  own  principles,  say  we  can  never  be  a  people 
in  this  country  ?     Surely,  they  are  taking  effectual  steps  to  con- 
vince us,  that   the  enjoyment   of  our  rights   in   this,  our   native 
land,  is  not  only  possible,   but  highly  probable.     This  we  have 
always  believed.     And   we  hope  and  pray,  that  it   may  be  ac- 
complished in  a  way  sanctioned  by  the  gospel  of  peace  :  "with- 
out confused   noise,    or   garments  rolled  in    blood."     But    this 
glorious  victory    over  pride   and  prejudice,  by  gospel  weapons, 
will  never   be   accomplished   by  colonization  principles.     Nor 
will  those  ministers  of  the   gospel  have  any  part  or   lot    in   this 


Sentimcnls  of  the   People  of  Color.  57 

matter,  wh©  solemnly  declare,  in  the  face  of  heaven  and 
earth,  that  we  can  never  enjoy.,  in  this  country.^  those  ina- 
lienable rights  of  man,  whose  inviolable  preservation  pro- 
motes the  welfare  of  the  whole  human  family.  Such  minis- 
ters virtually  declare  that  they  do  not  believe  the  doctrines  they 
are  bound  to  preach  ;  that  He,  from  whom  they  profess  to  have 
received  their  commission,  is,  indeed,  "  a  hard  man,  reaping 
where  he  has  not  sown,  and  gathering  where  he  has  not 
strawed  ;"  that  He  requires  of  them  and  their  flocks,  that 
which  they  are  morally  incapable  of  performing  ;  that  they  can- 
not love  their  neighbor  as  themselves,  or  do  unto  others  what 
they  wish  done  unto  themselves,  because  their  Lord,  in  his 
wisdom,  has  given  some  of  their  fellow  creatures  a  difi'erent 
color  from  their  ov.n.  These  temporising,  retrograde  reformers 
are  doing  a  serious  injury  to  the  people  of  color.  They  heed 
not  the  warning  of  Heaven  :  "  Do  my  people  no  harm."  They 
are  doing  more  to  strengthen  the  cruel  and  unchristian  prejudi- 
ces, already  too  powerful  against  us,  than  all  the  slaveholders  in 
the  Union.  They  hesitate  not  to  declare,  that,  in  America,  we 
are  out  of  the  reach  of  humanity.  They  seem  to  think  that 
the  religion  of  the  benevolent  Saviour  which  enjoins,  '■'honor 
all  men,''  and  which  explicitly  says,  "  if  ye  have  respect  to 
persons,  ye  commit  sin,"  is  nothing  more  than  a  dead  letter,  or 
must  for  ever  remain  powerless,  in  the  United  States  [of  Amer- 
ica. And  have  these  men  the  face  to  contend  w^ith  the  infidels 
of  our  land  ?  Why,  one  infidel,  with  the  bible  in  his  hands, 
would  "  chase  a  thousand,  and  two  put  ten  thousand  to  flight." 
But  notwithstanding  these  discouraging  circumstances,  our  cause 
will  yet  triumph.  He  who  is  for  us,  is  stronger  than  all  that 
are  against  us.  "  The  rulers  "  of  the  land  may  "  take  counsel 
together,"  and  some  of  the  professed  ministers  of  Jesus  may 
"come  into  their  secret,"  but  "He  that  sitteth  in  the  heavens 
shall  laugh  :  the  Lord  shall  have  them  in  derision,"  Fear  not 
then,  my  colored  countrymen,  but  press  forward,  with  a  lauda- 
ble ambition,  for  all  that  heaven  has  intended  for  you  and  your 
children,  remembering  that  the  path  of  duty  is  the  path  of  safe- 
ty, and  that  "righteousness"  alone  "  exalteth  a  nation."' 

If  excellence  of  style,  a  dignified  carriage,  sound  logic,  a  high 
and  abiding  faith,  and  fervent  piety,  confer  credit  upon  a  wri- 
ter, few  have  ever  better  illustrated  these  traits  than  '  A  Col- 
ored Baltimorean,'  or  deserved  a  nobler  tribute  of  praise. 
He  who  would  be  ashamed  to  acknowledge  such  a  man  as  his 
countryman  and  brother,  has  yet  to  learn  his  own  insignificance 
and  what  constitutes  the  majesty  of  luiman  nature. 
[Part  U]  8 


58  Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color, 

The  following  is  an  extract  of  a  letter  from  a  colored  gen- 
tleman of  wealth  and  respectability  in  Philadelphia,  whose 
friendship  is  courted  by  honorable  men,  and  whose  usefulness  is 
scarcely  exceeded  by  any  other  citizen  : 

'  Is  it  not  preposterous  to  one,  like  myself,  whose  family  has 
resided  in  the  state  of  Pennsylvania  ever  since  the  great  law- 
giver, William  Penn,  came  last  to  this  state  from  England  ; 
and  who  fought  for  the  independence  of  my  country,  whose 
Declaration  asserts,  that  all  men  are  born  with  free  and  equal 
rights — is  it  not  preposterous  to  be  told  that  this  is  not  my 
country  ?  I  was  seven  months  on  board  of  the  old  Jersey 
Prison  ship  in  the  year  1780,  "  the  times  that  tried  men's 
souls  ;"  and  am  I  now"  to  be  told  that  Africa  is  my  country,  by 
some  of  those  whose  birth-place  is  unknown  ?  Is  it  not  a  con- 
tradiction to  say  that  a  man  is  an  alien  to  the  country  in  which 
he  was  born  ?  To  separate  the  blacks  from  the  whites  is  as 
impossible,  as  to  bale  out  the  Delaware  with  a  bucket.  I  have 
always  been  decidedly  of  opinion,  that  if  the  Colonization  So- 
ciety would  take  but  half  the  pains  to  improve  the  children  of 
color  in  their  own  country,  and  expend  but  half  the  money  that 
they  are  devoting  to  accomplish  their  visionary  scheme  of  chris- 
tianizing Africa,  by  ofiering  premiums  to  master  mechanics  to 
take  them  as  apprentices,  they  would  do  more  to  destroy  preju- 
dice than  any  thing  else.  When  I  look  at  this  globe,  contain- 
ing eight  or  nine  hundred  millions  of  inhabitants,  and  see  that 
they  differ  in  color  from  the  frozen  to  the  temperate  and  torrid 
zones,  and  that  every  thing  is  variegated,  I  am  astonished  that 
any  man  should  be  so  prejudiced  against  his  fellow-man  ;  but 
we  pray  for  the  aid  of  the  Almighty  to  take  the  scales  from 
their  eyes  ;  and  that  the  Liberator  may  be  one  of  the  instru- 
ments in  commencing  the  uork.'* 

'  I  would  ask  some  of  our  pretended  white  friends,  and  the 
members  of  the  American  Colonization  Society,  why  they  are 
so  interested  in  our  behalf  as  to  want  us  to  go  to  Africa  ?  They 
tell  us  that  it  is  our  home  ;  that  they  desire  to  make  a  people  of 
us,  which  we  can  never  be  here  ;  that  they  want  Africa  civil- 
ized ;  and  that  we  are  the  very  persons  to  do  it,  as  it  is  almost 
impossible  for  any  white  person  to  exist  there.  I  deny  it.  Will 
some  of  those  guardian  angels  of  the  people  of  color  tell  me 
how  it  is  that  we,  who  were  born  in  the  same  city  or  state  with 
themselves,  can  live  any  longer  in  Africa  than  they  ?  I  consider 

*  '  The  Liberator  '  for  January  22,  1832. 


Sentiments  of  the   People  of   Color.  69 

it  the  most  absurd  assertion  that  any  man  of  common  sense 
could  make,  unless  it  is  supposed,  as  some  have  already  said, 
that  we  are  void  of  understanding.  If  we  had  been  born  on 
that  continent,  the  transportation  would  be  another  matter  ;  but 
as  the  fact  is  the  reverse,  we  consider  the  United  States  our 
home,  and  not  Africa  as  they  \\ish  to  make  us  believe  ; — and  if 
we  do  emigrate,  it  will  be  to  a  place  of  our  own  choice. 

I  would  also  mention  to  the  supporters  of  the  Colonization 
Society,  that  if  they  would  spend  half  the  time  and  money  that 
they  do,  in  educating  the  colored  population  and  giving  them 
lands  to  cultivate  here,  and  secure  to  them  all  the  rights  and 
immunities  of  freemen,  instead  of  sending  them  to  Africa,  it 
would  be  found,  in  a  short  time,  that  they  made  as  good  citizens 
as  the  whites.  Their  traducers  would  hear  of  fewer  murders, 
highway  robberies,  forgeries,  &c.  &c.  being  committed,  than 
they  do  at  present  among  some  of  the  white  inhabitants  of  this 
country.'  * 

'  Colonization  principles,  abstractly  considered,  are  imob- 
jectio^iable  ;  but  the  means  employed  for  their  propagation,  we 
think,  are  altogether  objectionable.  We  are  deprived  of  our 
birthright,  and  pointed  by  the  colonization  partisans  to  another 
country  as  a  home.  They  speak  of  the  prejudices  which  exist 
against  us,  as  an  insuperable  hindrance  to  the  improvement  of 
our  situation  here.  We  are  sickened  by  the  constant  reitera- 
tion of  "  extraneous  nuiss^"  '■'■  Jifrican  inferiority.,^^  &c.  which 
tends  immediately  to  justify  the  slaveholder  in  his  crime,  and 
increase  already  existing  prejudice.  The  Colonization  Society 
never  will  efiect  the  removal  of  slavery.  The  God  of  justice 
will  never,  in  my  opinion,  let  this  nation  off  so  easily.  It  is  in 
vain  to  hold  back.  The  eyes  of  all  will  ultimately  be  opened 
to  see  that  nothing  but  universal  emancipation  can  possibly  avert 
impending  wrath. 'f 

-  How  long,  oh  !  ye  boasters  of  freedom,  will  ye  endeavor 
to  persuade  us,  your  derided,  degraded  fellow  countrymen,  to 
the  belief  that  our  interest  and  happiness  are  prized  in  high 
estimation  among  you  ?  Be  it  known,  that  we  are  not  all  such 
misguided,  deluded  mortals  as  to  be  duped  by  your  plans  ;  that 
we  will  not  suffer  ourselves  to  become  so  infatuated  as  to  "hurl 
reason  from  her  throne,"  and  succumb  to  your  glittering,  showy, 
'  dissimulating  path  to  eminence.     We  spurn  with  contempt  your 

*  '  A  Colored  Philadelphian  '—vide  '  The  Liberator'  for  Feb.  12,  1831, 
t  Correspondent  of  '  The  Liberator,'  Feb.   26,   1831. 


60  ScnliiiiciUs  oj  Lkt   People  of  Culur. 

unrighteous  schemes,  and  point  the  finger  of  derision  at  your 
fruitless  attempts.  You  have  commenced  them  in  a  day,  when 
liberty,  justice  and  equahty  are  claimed  by  almost  all,  as  na- 
ture's rights  ;  for  behold  !  a  beam  of  science,  lucid  as  the  sun, 
has  divinely  fallen  upon  the  lighdess  intellects  of  a  portion  of 
that  ignoble  part  of  your  fellow  creatures,  who  have  been  so 
long  the  victims  of  your  fell  injustice  and  inhumanity.  Would 
to  God  that  conscience  might  subdue  your  malignant  prejudices. 
Tell  us  not  that  our  condition  can  never  be  bettered  in  the  land 
of  our  birth  :  you  know  it  not.  Make  but  the  attempt  in  con- 
secrating a  portion  of  your  time,  talents  and  money  upon  us  here, 
and  you  would  soon  find  the  cause  of  Afric's  injured  race  vindi- 
cated by  her  descendants  ;  and  the  day  which  now  dawns 
would  be  speedily  ushered  into  blazing  light,  declaring  in  its 
effulgence  the  joyful  sound  of  Liberty — Justice — Equality,  to 
all  mankind.'* 

'  There  is  much  to  be  surprised  at,  little  to  admire,  and  noth- 
ing worthy  of  imitation,  in  the  "bubbles  "  of  our  friends,  the 
colonizationists.  They  ha\  e  enhsted  the  prejudices  and  the 
support  of  the  wealthy  and  influential  in  their  favor  ;  diey  have 
succeeded  in  sending  some  two  or  three  thousand  to  Liberia  ; 
and  they  are  flattered  with  their  partial  success,  and  no  doubt 
look  forward  to  the  time  when  they  will  behold  the  whole  of  the 
colored  inhabitants  of  America,  in  the  far  distant  land  of  Africa. 
But  let  them  not  anticipate  too  much  ;  they  have  yet  one  obsta- 
cle to  overcome  which  threatens  to  overthrow  their  "  baseless 
fabric  ;"  or  at  any  rate  impede  their  progress.  Their  proceed- 
ings have  not  obtained  the  approbation  of  those,  whose  approba- 
tion is  most  needed,  the  colored  people  themselves.  They  are 
most  strangely  mistaken  if  they  suppose  that  it  is  an  easy  mat- 
ter to  win  them,  either  by  sophistry  or  force.  The  press  has 
begun  its  revolutionizing  work,  overturning  in  its  progress  every 
thing  calculated  to  suppress  inquiry  or  to  blind  the  understand- 
ing. Already  have  the  intrigues  of  the  designing  been  exposed, 
and  already  have  the  colored  people  set  their  faces  against 
oppression. 

The  Colonization  Society  has  erred  in  matters  of  policy  ;  for 
instead  of  exerting  themselves  ta  gain  the  confidence  of  the 
colored  people,  and  thus  by  persuasion  to  have  rid  the  country 
of  them,  they  have  acted  in  a  manner  calculated  to  disgust  every 
humane  mind,  and  have  rendered  it  an  utter  impossibility  to 
remove  them  ;  and  it  is  most  fortunate  for   the  unfortunate,  that 


Coircspondeut  of  •  The  Liberator,'  Marcli   12,   1831. 


Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color.  61 

they  have  detected  those  intriguing  spirits  in  their  humane  and 
charitable  undertaking. 

How  many  hours  of  anguish,  how  much  incalculable  misery 
has  been  prevented  ;  in  short,  how  many  human  beings  have 
been  saved  from  an  untimely  grave,  by  the  timely  interposition 
of  the  PRESS  !  It  has  said,  let  it  be  so,  and  it  loas  so  ;  its  thun- 
ders have  been  heard,  and  the  oppressor  trembles  like  the 
earthquake  :  it  has  overthrown,  yea,  totally  dem.olished  the  sharp- 
edged  sword  of  the  Colonization  Society. 

Support  the  press  then,  ye  people  of  color,  and  the  result 
will  be  a  total  overthrow  of  all  the  darling  schemes  of  the  afore- 
said darling  Society  ;  it  has  accomplished  wonders,  yea,  won- 
ders already  ;  much  more  can,  nay,  will  be  done  ;  again  I 
say,  support  the  press.'  * 

'  The  African  Colonization  Society  declares  that  we  the  peo- 
ple of  color  shall  have  no  part  nor  lot  in  the  free  institutions  of 
this  country.  Why  ?  Because  the  Creator  of  all — the  sove- 
reign Ruler  of  the  universe,  who  holds  in  his  hands  the  destiny 
of  nations,  thought  fit  and  proper,  in  his  infinite  wisdom,  to 
tincture  us  with  a  darker  hue  than  the  paler  part  of  community  ! 
or,  if  I  may  say,  because  the  lot  of  our  predecessors  happened 
to  be  cast  in  the  torrid  zone,  beneath  the  scorching  beams  of  a 
vertical  sun  !  These  are  the  objections  the  African  Coloniza- 
tion Society  offer  to  this  community  to  our  remaining  in  this 
country — in  the  land  of  freemen  !  These  are  the  considera- 
tions that  prompt  them  to  tell  us  that  we  the  descendants  of 
Africa  can  never  be  men  unless  we  abandon  the  land  of  our 
birth,  our  homes  and  people,  and  submit  to  that  uncongenial 
clime,  the  barbarous  regions  of  Africa,  amidst  unyielding  conta- 
gion and  mortality  !  O,  that  man  would  remember,  that  knowl- 
edge and  virtue,  not  complexion,  are  the  emblems  that  consti- 
tute the  value  of  human  dignity  !  With  these,  we  are  worthy 
— without  them,  we  are  unworthy.  By  the  acts  and  operations 
of  wicked  men,  shielded  under  a  cloak  of  religion,  we  the  peo- 
ple of  color  are  doomed  to  all  the  miseries  that  the  human  body 
is  able  to  sustain — deprived  of  light,  knowledge  and  social 
intercourse,  by  the  colonization  gentlemen.  With  all  their  pre- 
tended^' zeal  and  love  of  liberty,  manifested  towards  the  Afri- 
can race,  I  count  them  as  enemies,  not  friends.  I  do  not  soKcit 
their  love,  nor  regard  their  friendship.  I  speak  for  one  :  I  never 
did,  and  never  will  court  an  enemy  as  a  friend,  knowingly,  let 
him.be  v>'hom  he  may — let  him  belong  to  church  or  state,  I  feel 

*  '  African  Sentinel, '  Oct.  8,  1831,  printed  at  Albany. 


62  Sentimenls  of  the   People  of  Color. 

the  weight  of  their  predominant  power,  and  the  finishing  blow 
they  are  about  to  strike.  Thus  we  move  by  them,  poor  and 
pennyless,  despised  and  forsaken  by  all ;  creeping  through  your 
streets,  submissively  bowed  down  to  every  foot  whose  skin  is 
tinctured  with  a  lighter  hue  than  ours — thus  we  sojourn  in  sol- 
itude, not  for  our  crimes  but  color. 

'  I  came  here  for  the  purpose  of  showing  to  this  community, 
that  the  people  of  color  of  the  United  States  disapprove  of  the 
African  Colonization  plan.  They  do  not  wish  to  emigrate  to 
Africa.  These  six  hundred  or  more,  that  the  gentleman  tells 
you  are  now  waiting  for  a  passage  to  Liberia,  are  not  the  free 
people  of  color  of  the  United  States  ;  they  are,  if  any,  the 
poor,  old,  worn-out  southern  slaves,  freed  on  the  condition  to 
go  to  Africa,  or  die  in  the  tracks  of  slavery,  no  more  fit  for 
their  cotton  and  rice  fields — for  the  laws  of  those  states  forbid 
the  master,  let  him  be  possessed  of  all  the  fine  feelings  that  the 
human  mind  is  able  to  contaim;  unless  he  banishes  them  to  some 
distant  region,  across  that  "mighty  ocean"  they  speak  of,  they 
cannot  be  free.  According  to  the  laws  of  those  states,  and  the 
basis  on  which  the  Society  is  built,  the  emancipated  slaves  are 
not  free  until  they  stand  upon  the  shores  of  Liberia.  Thus  the 
Northern  and  Middle  States  are  called  upon  for  donations  to 
enable  the  monarch  of  the  south  to  bury  his  slaves  in  the  sands 
of  Africa  ;  thus  far,  northern  capital  is  instrumental  in  parting 
asunder  parents  and  children — no  more  to 'meet,  until  Jehovah 
will  stand  upon  the  four  corners  of  the  earth,  and  proclaim  de- 
liverance to  the  captive  ! — when  the  arm  of  tyrants  shall  cease 
to  sway  the  rod  of  tyranny  over  the  heads  of  their  helpless 
children — until  all  creation  shall  vanish  and  crumble  into  noth- 
ing. 

'  About  the  time  of  the  formation  of  this  Society,  the  people 
of  color,  in  different  sections  of  the  Union,  took  the  alarm — 
they  thought  there  was  something  wrong  in  the  views  of  that 
combined  body.  So,  the  free  people  of  color  of  Richmond, 
convened  themselves  together  in  the  state  of  Virginia,  where 
the  gentleman  says  the  African  Colonization  Society  first  orig- 
inated. They  assembled  themselves  together  for  the  purpose 
of  ascertaining  each  other's  feelings  with  regard  to  that  com- 
bined body,  and  after  mature  reflection,  they  petitioned  Con- 
gress— I  will  give  you  the  words  of  their  memorial,  which  are 
sufficient  evidence  to  substantiate  in  the  mind  of  every  rational 
person,  that  the  people  of  color  wish  to  remain  in  this  country. 

'  "  At  a  meeting  of  a  respectable  portion  of  the  free  people 
of  color  of  the  citv  of  Richmond^  <^n  Friday,  January  24,  1817, 


Senliments  of  tlie   People  of  Color.  63 

William  Bowler  was  appointed  chairman,  and  Lenley  Craw, 
secretary.  The  following  preamble  and  resolution  were  read, 
unanimously  adopted,  and  ordered  to  be  printed. 

'  "  Whereas  a  Society  has  been  formed  at  the  seat  of  gov- 
ernment, for  the  purpose  of  colonizing,  with  their  own  consent, 
the  free  people  of  color  of  the  United  States  ;  therefore  we, 
the  free  people  of  color  of  the  city  of  Richmond,  have  thought 
it  advisable  to  assemble  together  under  the  sanction  of  author- 
ity, for  the  purpose  of  making  a  public  expression  of  our  senti- 
ments on  a  question  in  which  we  are  so  deeply  interested.  We 
perfectly  agree  with  the  Society,  that  it  is  not  only  proper,  but 
would  ultimately  tend  to  the  benefit  and  advantage  of  a  great  por- 
tion of  our  suffering  fellow  creatures,  to  be  colonized  ;  but  while 
we  thus  express  our  approbation  of  a  measure  laudable  in  its  pur- 
poses, and  beneficial  in  its  designs,  it  may  not  be  improper  in 
us  to  say,  that  we  prefer  being  colonized  in  the  most  remote 
corner  of  the  land  of  our  nativity,  to  being  exiled  to  a  foreign 
country — and  whereas  the  president  and  board  of  managers  of 
the  said  Society  have  been  pleased  to  leave  it  to  the  entire  dis- 
cretion of  Congress  to  provide  a  suitable  place  for  carrying  these 
laudable  intentions  into  effect — Be  it  therefore 

'  "Resolved,  That  we  respectfully  submit  to  ihe  wisdom  of 
Congress  whether  it  would  not  be  an  act  of  charity  to  grant  us 
a  small  portion  of  their  territory,  either  on  the  Missouri  river, 
or  any  place  that  may  seem  to  them  most  conducive  to  the  pub- 
lic good  and  our  future  welfare,  subject,  however,  to  such  rules 
and  regulations  as  the  government  of  the  United  States  may 
think  proper  to  adopt." 

WM.  BOWLER,    Chairman. 
Lentey  Craw,   Secretary."'* 

'  The  colonization  craft  is  a  diabohcal  pursuit,  which  a  great 
part  of  our  christian  community  are  engaged  in.  Now,  breth- 
ren, I  need  not  enlarge  on  this  point.  You  that  have  been 
observing,  have  already  seen  the  trap  under  the  bait ;  and 
although  some  of  our  population  have  been  foohsh  enough  to 
sell  their  birthright  for  a  mess  of  pottage,  yet  I  doubt  whether 
the  Colonization  Society  will  entrap  many  more.  It  is  too  bare- 
faced, and  contrary  to  all  reason,  to   suppose,  that  there  is  any 

*  Extracts  from  '  An  Address  to  the  Gentlemen  and  Ladies  of  the  County  of 
Otsego,  N.  Y.,  delivered  on  the  30th  September,  1830,  by  Hayden  Waters, 
a  man  of  color.'  Tiie  proceedings  of  the  colored  inhabitants  of  Virginia,  incor- 
porated into  this  Address,  are  those  referred  to  on  page  S  as  having  been  acci- 
dentally mislaid. 


V 


04  Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color. 

good 'design  in  this  project.  If  they  are  wiUirig  to  restore  four- 
fold for  what  they  have  taken  by  false  accusation,  they  can  do 
it  to  better  advantage  in  the  bosom  of  our  country,  than  at 
several  thousand  miles  off.  How  would  you  do,  brethren,  if 
your  object  was  really  to  benefit  the  poor  ?  Would  you  send 
them  into  a  neighboring  forest,  and  there  deal  out  that  food 
which  they  were  famishing  for  ?  Now  we  stand  different  from 
beggars.  Our  ancestors  were  stolen  property,  and  property 
which  belonged  to  God.  This  is  well  known  by  our  religious 
community  ;  and  they  find  that  the  owner  is  about  to  detect 
them.  Now  if  they  can  slip  away  the  stolen  goods,  by  smug- 
gling all  those  out  of  the  country,  which  God  would  be  likely 
to  make  an  instrument  of,  in  bringing  them  to  justice,  and  keep 
the  rest  in  ignorance  ;  by  such  means,  things  would  go  on  well 
wiih  them,  and  they  would  appease  their  consciences  by  telling 
what  great  things  they  are  doing  for  the  colored  population  and 
God's  cause.  But  we  understand  better  how  it  is.  The  de- 
ception is  not  so  well  practised,  but  that  we  can  discover  the 
mark  of  the  beast.  They  will  steal  the  sons  of  Africa,  bring 
them  to  America,  keep  them  and  their  posterity  in  bondage  for 
centuries,  letting  them  have  what  education  they  can  pick  up 
of  themselves  ;  then  transport  them  back  to  Africa  ;  by  which 
means  America  gets  all  her  drudgery  done  at  little  expense,  and 
endeavors  to  flatter  the  Deity,  by  making  him  a  sacrifice  of  good 
works  of  this  kind.  But  to  the  awful  disappointment  of  all 
such  blasphemers,  they  will  meet  the  justice  of  God,  which 
will  be  to  them  a  devouring  sword.'* 

'  Though  delivered  from  the  fetters  of  slavery,  we  are  op- 
pressed by  an  unreasonable,  unrighteous,  and  cruel  prejudice, 
which  aims  at  nothing  less,  than  the  forcing  away  of  all  the  free 
colored  population  of  the  United  States  to  the  distant  shores 
of  Africa.  Far  be  it  from  me  to  impeach  the  motives  of  every 
member  of  the  American  Colonization  Society.  The  civilizing 
and  christianizing  of  that  vast  continent,  and  the  extirpation  of 
the  abominable  trafiic  in  slaves,  (which,  notwithstanding  all  the 
laws  passed  for  its  suppression,  is  still  carried  on  in  all  its  hor- 
rors,) are  no  doubt  the  principal  motives,  which  induce  many 
to  give  it  their  support. 

But  there  are  those,  and  those  who  are  most  active  and  influ- 
ential in  this  cause,  who  hesitate  not  to  say,  that  they  wish  to 
rid  the  country  of  the  free  colored  population  ;  and  there  is  suf- 


*  '  Address  delivered  before  the  colored  population  of  Providence,  R.  I.,  No- 
vember 27,  1828,  by  Rev.  Hosea  Easton.' 


SentimenJ.'i  of  the  Peof}h  of  Color.  65 

ficient  reason  to  believe  that  with  many,  this  is  the  principal 
motiv^e  for  supporting  that  Society  ;  and  that  whether  Africa  is 
civilized  or  not,  and  whether  the  slave-trade  be  suppressed  or 
not,  they  would  wish  to  see  the  free  colored  people  removed 
from  this  country  to  Africa. 

'  Africa  could  certainly  be  brought  into  a  state  of  civil  and 
religious  improvement,  without  sending  all  the  free  people  of 
color  in  the  United  States  there. 

'  A  few  well-qualified  missionaries,  properly  fitted  out  and 
supported,  would  do  more  for  the  instruction  and  improvement 
of  the  natives  of  that  country,  than  a  host  of  colonists,  the 
greater  part  of  whom  would  need  to  be  instructed  themselves, 
and  all  of  whom  for  a  long  period  would  find  enough  to  do  to 
provide  for  themselves,  instead  of  instructing  the  natives. 

'  How  inconsistent  are  those  who  say,  that  Africa  will  be 
benefitted  by  the  removal  of  the  free  people  of  color  of  the 
United  States  there,  while  they  say,  they  are  the  most  vile 
and  degraded  people  in  the  world  ! — If  we  are  as  vile  and  de- 
graded as  they  represent  us,  and  they  wish  the  Africans  to  be 
rendered  a  virtuous,  enlightened  and  happy  people,  they  should 
not  think  of  sending  us  among  them,  lest  we  should  make  them 
worse  instead  of  better. 

'  The  colonies  planted  by  white  men  on  the  shores  of  Amer- 
ica, so  far  from  benefitting  the  aborigines,  corrupted  their 
morals,  and  caused  their  ruin  ;  and  yet  those  who  say  we  are 
the  most  vile  people  in  the  world,  would  send  us  to  Africa,  to 
improve  the  character  and  condition  of  the  natives  !  Such  ar- 
guments would  not  be  listened  to  for  a  moment,  were  not  the 
minds  of  the  community  strangely  warped  by  prejudice. 

'  Those  who  wish  that  that  vast  continent  should  be  compen- 
sated for  the  injuries  done  it,  by  sending  thither  the  light  of 
the  gospel  and  the  arts  of  civilized  life,  should  aid  in  sending 
and  supporting  well  qualified  missionaries,  who  should  be  wholly 
devoted  to  the  work,  of  instruction,  instead  of  sending  colo- 
nists, who  would  be  apt  to  turn  the  ignorance  of  the  natives  to 
their  own  advantage,  and  do  them  more  harm  than  good. 

'  Much  has  also  been  said  by  colonizationists,  about  improv- 
ing the  character  and  condition  of  the  people  of  colpr  of  this 
country,  by  sending  them  to  Africa.  This  is  more  inconsistent 
still.  We  are  to  be  improved  by  being  sent  far  from  civilized 
society.  This  is  a  novel  mode  of  improvement.  What  is 
there  in  the  burning  sun,  the  arid  plains,  and  barbarous  cus- 
toms of  Africa,  that  is  so  peculiarly  favorable  to  our  im- 
provement ?  What  hinders  our  improving  here,  where  schools 
and  colleges  abound,  where  the  gospel  is  preached  at  every 
corner,  and  where  all  the  arts  and  sciences  are  verging  fast  to 
[Part  II.]  0 


66  Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color. 

perfection  ?  Nothing,  nothing  but  prejudice.  It  requires  no 
large  expenditures,  no  hazardous  enterprises,  to  raise  the  people 
of  color  in  the  United  States  to  as  highly  improved  a  state,  as 
any  class  of  the  community.  All  that  is  necessary  is,  that  those 
who  profess  to  be  anxious  for  it,  should  lay  aside  their  prejudi- 
ces, and  act  towards  them  as  they  do  by  others. 

'  We  are  natives  of  this  country;  we  ask  only  to  be  treated 
as  well  as  foreigners.  Not  a  few  of  our  fathers  suffered 
and  bled  to  purchase  its  independence ;  we  ask  only  to  be  treat- 
ed as  well  as  those  who  fought  against  it.  We  have  toiled  to 
cultivate  it,  and  to  raise  it  to  its  present  prosperous  condition  ; 
we  ask  only  to  share  equal  privileges  with  those  who  come  from 
distant  lands  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  our  labor.  Let  these  mod- 
erate requests  be  granted,  and  we  need  not  go  to  Africa  nor 
any  where  else,  to  be  improved  and  happy.  We  cannot  but 
doubt  the  purity  of  the  motives  of  those  persons  who  deny  us 
these  requests,  and  v.ould  send  us  to  Africa,  to  gain  what  they 
might  give  us  at  home. 

'  But  they  say,  the  prejudices  of  the  country  against  us  are 
invincible  ;  and  as  they  cannot  be  conquered,  it  is  better  that 
we  should  be  removed  beyond  their  influence.  This  plea  should 
never  proceed  from  the  lips  of  any  man,  who  professes  to  be- 
lieve that  a  just  God  rules  in  the  heavens. 

'  The  American  Colonization  Society  is  a  numerous  and  influ- 
ential body.  Would  they  lay  aside  their  own  prejudices,  much 
of  the  burden  would  be  at  once  removed  ;  and  their  example 
(especially  if  they  were  as  anxious  to  have  justice  done  us  here, 
as  to  send  us  to  Africa,)  would  have  such  an  influence  upon  the 
community  at  large,  as  vrould  soon  cause  prejudice  to  hide  its 
deformed  head. 

'  But  alas  !  the  course  which  they  have  pursued,  has  an  op- 
posite tendency.  By  the  scandalous  misrepresentations,  which 
they  are  continually  giving  of  our  character  and  conduct,  we 
have  sustained  much  injury,  and  have  reason  to  apprehend  much 
more. 

'  Without  any  charge  of  crime,  we  have  been  denied  all  ac- 
cess to  places,  to  which  we  formerly  had  the  most  free  inter- 
course ;  the  colored  citizens  of  other  places,  on  leaving  their 
homes,  have  been  denied  the  privilege  of  returning  ;  and  others 
have  been  absolutely  driven  out. 

'  Has  the  Colonization  Society  had  no  effect  in  producing 
these  barbarous  measures  .' 

'  They  profess  to  have  no  other  object  in  view,  than  the 
colonizing  of  the  free  people  of  color  on  the  coast  of  Africa, 
with  their  oicn  consent  ;  but  if  our  homes  are   made  so   uncom- 


Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color.  67 

fortable  that  we  cannot  continue  in  them  ;  or  if,  like  our  breth- 
ren of  Ohio  and  New  Orleans,  we  are  driven  from  them,  and 
no  other  door  is  open  to  receive  us  but  Africa,  our  removal 
there  will  be  any  thing  but  voluntary. 

'  It  is  very  certain,  that  very  few  free  people  of  color  tcisk 
to  go  to  that  Ia7uL  The  Colonization  Society  know  this,  and 
yet  they  do  certainly  calculate,  that  in  time  they  will  have  us 
all  removed  there. 

'  How  can  this  be  effected,  but  by  making  our  situation  worse 
here,  and  closing  every  other  door  against  us  ?'* 

"■  My  attention  was  forcibly  attracted  by  a  communication  in 
Mr  Poulson's  Daily  Advertiser  of  the  IGth  inst.  which  states, 
that  Mrs  Stansbury  of  Trenton,  N.  J.  has  presented  one  thou- 
sand dollars  to  the  Colonization  Society.  Now  I  think  it  is 
greatly  to  be  regretted,  that  this  highly  generous  and  benevolent 
lady  has  been  induced  to  make  this  donation  for  the  purpose  of 
conveying  some  of  the  superannuated  slaves  to  Africa,  wdien 
objects  of  much  greater  importance  could  be  attained  by  offer- 
ing a  premium  to  master  mechanics  to  take  colored  children  as 
apprentices,  so  that  they  would  become  useful  to  themselves 
and  others.  It  is  an  inquiry  becoming  of  the  utmost  importance, 
what  is  to  become  of  those  children  who  are  arriving  at  the  age 
of  manhood  ? 

'  I  am  greatly  astonished  that  the  ministers  of  the  gospel 
should  take  so  active  a  part,  in  endeavoring  to  convey  the  free- 
men of  color  to  Africa.  Even  in  Boston  and  New-York,  they 
have  taken  the  lead  in  support  of  this  object.  They  cannot  be 
aware  of  the  great  injury  they  will  be  the  means  of  inflicting 
on  us  :  instead  of  doing  this,  they  should  endeavor  to  remove 
prejudice,  to  ameliorate  and  improve  the  condition  of  the  col- 
ored people  by  education,  and  by  having  their  children  placed  in 
a  situation  to  learn  a  trade.  I  hope,  through  the  assistance  of 
Divine  Providence,  that  the  Liberator  may  be  the  means  (es- 
pecially in  Boston,  the  Cradle  of  Liberty  and  Independence) 
of  guiding  the  people  of  this  country  in  the  path,  which  equal 
justice  and  the  public  good  so  evidently  indicate. 

'  I  have  never  conversed  wdth  an  intelligent  man  of  color, 
(not  swayed  by  interested  and  sinister  motives,)  who  w^as  not 
decidedly  opposed  to  leaving  his  home   for  the  fatal    clime  of 

*  '  A  Discourse  delivered  ia  St.  Philip's  Church,  for  the  benefit  of  the  colored 
community  of  Wilberforce,  in  Upper  Canada,  ou  the  Fourth  of  July,  1830. 
By  Rev.  Peter  Williams,  Rector  of  St.  Philip's  Church,  New- York.'  Mr  Wil- 
liams is  a  clergyman  of  superior  talents  and  great  moral  worth,  and  beloved  by 
an  extensive  circle  of  acquaintance. 


()8  Seiitime'ntk   of  the   People  of  Colw. 

Africa.  I  am  well  acquainted  with  all  the  masters  of  vessels, 
belonging  to  this  port,  who  have  been  to  the  coast  of  Africa  ; 
and  they  all  agree  in  representing  it  as  one  of  the  most  unhealthy 
countries  in  the  latitude  of  40.  In  the  months  of  June  and  July, 
the  thermometer  is  at  from  88  to  90  degrees.  What  must  it  be, 
then,  in  the  latitude  of  6  or  7,  under  a  vertical  sun,  and  where, 
after  the  rainy  season,  the  effluvium  which  arises  from  the  putre- 
faction of  vegetables  is  productive  of  the  most  fatal  effects  ? 
Sir  James  L.  Yeo  agrees  with  their  account,  in  his  statement 
laid  before  the  Admiralty  of  Great  Britain. 

'  Has  any  one,  in  either  of  our  southern  States,  given  any 
thing  like  a  thousand  dollars  to  promote  emigration  to  Africa  ? 
Not  one  has  shov.n  so  much  compassion  for  the  oppressed  slave. 
General  Mercer, — who  is,  I  believe,  the  President  of  the  Colo- 
nization Society, — promised  to  emancipate  his  slaves,  and  to 
sell  his  large  possessions  in  Virginia,  and  to  remove  with  them 
to  Africa — (my  friends  inform  me,  and  I  believe  him  to  be  one 
of  the  most  humane  and  best  of  masters.)  Mr  Key,  the  great 
advocate,  and  the  late  Judge  Washington,  promised  to  liberate 
their  slaves  :  I  believe  that  neither  of  them  has  performed  his 
promise. 

'  According  to  a  statement  made  by  Mr  Key,  they  have  re- 
moved in  fourteen  years  about  as  many  hundred  emigrants.  I 
will  venture  to  say,  that  at  least  a  half  million  have  been  born 
during  the  same  period.  We  ask  not  their  compassion  and  aid, 
in  assisting  us  to  emigrate  to  Africa  :  we  are  contented  in  the 
land  that  gave  us  birth,  and  for  which  many  of  our  fathers 
fought  and  died,  during  the  war  which  established  our  inde- 
pendence. I  well  remember  that  when  the  New  England  regi- 
rnent  marched  through  this  city  on  their  way  to  attack"  the  Eng- 
lish army  under  the  command  of  Lord  Cornwallis,  there  were 
several  companies  of  colored  people,  as  brave  men  as  ever 
fought  ;  and  I  saw  those  brave  soldiers  who  fought  at  the  battle 
of  Red  Bank,  under  Col.  Green,  where  Count  Donop  the  com- 
mander was  killed,  and  the  Hessians  defeated.  All  this  appears 
to  be  forgotten  now  ;  and  the  descendants  of  these  m^en,  to 
whom  we  are  indebted  for  the  part  they  took  in  the  struggle  for 
independence,  are  intended  to  be  removed  to  a  distant  "and  in- 
hospitable country,  while  the  emigrants  from  every  other  coun- 
try are  permitted  to  seek  an  asylum  here  from  oppression,  and 
to  enjoy  the  blessings  of  both  civil  and  religious  liberty,  equally 
with  those  who  are  entitled  to  it  by  birthright. 

'  I  think  the  ministers  of  the  gospel  might  do  much  tov/ards 
destroying  the  domestic  slave  trade,  which  breaks  asunder  the 
sacred   ties   of  husband,   wife   and    children.     Not   a   voice  is 


Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color.  69 

raised  by  them  against  this  most  cruel  injustice.  In  the  British 
colonies,  this  is  not  permitted  ;  yet  it  exists  in  the  only  true 
republic  on  earth.'* 

'  JVIy  Fnends  and  Countrymen  : — I  trust,  by  this  time,  you 
have  known  well  my  sentiments  in  relation  to  the  American 
Colonization  Society  ;  and  the  great  objects,  which  have  been 
set  forth,  of  a  general  union  of  interest,  in  funds  and  education, 
for  the  permanent  establishment  and  furtherance  of  our  prosper- 
ity, in  this  our  native  country. 

'  In  addition  to  what  has  been  already  said  on  the  subject,  I 
shall  briefly  set  forth  some  of  the  leading  causes  of  our  wretch- 
edness and  misery  ;  and  the  prominent  motives  of  the  Coloni- 
zation Society  in  sending  us  away.  Much  theory  has  been 
used,  in  the  discussions  upon  our  civil  and  political  situation,  in 
this  country.  We  have  been  branded,  in  many  instances, — 
,  may  I  not  say,  in  the  highest  courts  of  the  nation,  courts  of  jus- 
tice and  equity,  in  public  and  family  circles  .'' — as  being  an  infe- 
rior race  of  beings,  not  possessing  like  intellect  and  faculty  with 
the  whites.  We  are  represented  as  being  incapable  of  acting 
for  ourselves  ;  consequently  not  educated  and  qualified  to  be 
admitted  into  public  places,  to  vindicate  the  integrity  of  our 
race,  and  the  qualifications  we  are  capable  of  acquiring.  Many 
of  our  noble  statesmen,  orators  and  lawyers,  have  made  our 
capital  ring  with  the  empty  sound  of  inferiority, — degradation, 
— the  impossibility  of  tolerating  equality  with  the  blacks.  Sa- 
cred writ  has  been  carefully  examined  by  these  gentlemen  of 
science,  and  construed  to  suit  their  narrow  consciences.  Proph- 
ets have  arisen  among  them,  who  hold  forth  to  the  people  the 
continuation  of  our  political  thraldom,  unless  there  be  a  general 
removal  of  all  the  free  among  us  to  the  coast  of  Africa.  Others 
argue,  that,  although  they  have  good  feelings  towards  us,  and 
would  do  any  thing  for  us,  if  we  were  out  of  their  sight  and 
out  of  the  hearing  of  their  slaves,  yet  to  admit  us  into  their  cir- 
cles would  be  to  pervert  the  present  order  of  society,  and  the 
happiness  of  the  good  white  citizens  of  the  country.  These 
are  generally  bible  men,  such  as  hold  forth  the  true  ora- 
cles of  God  ;  yet  deny  him,  in  their  actions  and  words,  the 
supreme  control  over  all  his  creatures.  There  is  hardly  ever 
an  action  performed,  v/hether  good  or  bad,  but  there  is  gener- 
ally a  reason  given  for  so  doing  ;  and  he  is  a  wicked,  daring 
character,  who  cannot  find  a  cloak,  at  any  time,  to  cover  his 

*  From  the  pen  of  the  Colored  Gentleman  ia  Philadelphia,  referred  to  on  page 
58_vidG  '  The  Liberator,'  March  12,   1831. 


70  Se7}time7its  of  the   People  of  Color. 

hideous  crimes.  The  men  who  have  been  foremost,  in  with- 
holding from  us  our  dearest  and  most  sacred  rights,  have  always 
held  out  false  colors  to  the  community  at  large,  (such  as,  infe- 
riority, degradation,  nuisance,  pest,  slaves,  species  of  monkey, 
apes,  &c.)  to  justify  their  inhuman  and  unchristian  acts  towards 
us,  and  to  deaden  the  severe  pangs  of  conscience  that  harass 
them.  They  would  wish  to  appear  innocent  before  the  world  ; 
as  doing  unto  all  men  as  they  would  they  should  do  unto  them. 
Do  they  base  their  objects,  in  full,  upon  such  frivolous  excuses 
as  these  ?  No.  The  truth  is,  actions  speak  louder  than  words. 
It  is  my  candid  opinion,  there  would  have  been  no  Coloniza- 
tion Society  formed  for  our  transportation  to  the  western  coast 
of  Africa,  had  there  been  no  free  colored  people,  and  did  not 
our  numbers  increase  daily.  If  we,  as  a  free  body  of  people, 
had  remained  in  the  same  character  with  slaves,  monkeys  and 
baboons,  there  would  not  have  been  so  much  exchement  in  the 
community  about  us  ;  but  as  they  see  by  our  improvement,  (a 
great  improvement,  indeed,  within  forty  years,)  that  the  period 
is  hastening  on,  when  there  will  be  no  other  akernative  but  we 
must  rank  among  them  in  civilization,  science  and  politics,  they 
have  got  up  this  colonization  scheme  to  persuade  us  to  leave 
our  slave  brethren,  and  flee  to  the  pestilential  shores  of  Africa, 
where  we  shall  be  in  danger  of  being  forced  to  hang  our  harps 
upon  the  willows,  and  our  song  of  liberty  and  civilization  will 
be  hushed  by  the  impelling  force  of  barbarian  despots.'* 

'  And  in  pursuit  of  this  great  object  [the  elevation  of  the  peo- 
ple of  color]  various  ways  and  means  have  been  resorted  to  ; 
among  others,  the  American  Colonization  Society  is  the  most 
prominent.  Not  doubting  the  sincerity  of  many  friends  who 
are  engaged  in  that  cause  ;  yet  we  beg  leave  to  say,  that  it  does 
not  meet  with  our  approbation.  However  great  the  debt  which 
these  United  States  may  owe  to  injured  Africa,  and  however 
unjustly  her  sons  have  been  made  to  bleed,  and  her  daughters 
to  drink  of  the  cup  of  affliction,  still  we  who  have  been  born 
and  nurtured  on  this  soil,  we,  whose  habits,  manners  and  cus- 
toms are  the  same  in  common  with  other  Americans,  can  never 
consent  to  take  our  lives  in  our  hands,  and  be  the  bearers 
of  the  redress  offered  by  that  Society  to  that  much  afflicted 
country. 

'  Tell  it  not  to  barbarians,  lest  they  refuse  to  be  civiHzed, 
and  eject  our  christian   missionaries   from  among   them,  that  in 

*  '  Address  delivered  before  a  Colored  Associ^ition  in  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  Au- 
gust 5.  1831,'  by  George  Hogarth.  Vide  'The  Liberator'  for  August  27, 
1831 


l^eniiments  of  the  People  of  Color.  71 

the  nineteenth  century  of  the  christian  era,  laws  have  been 
enacted  in  some  of  the  States  of  this  great  repubhc,  to  compel 
an  unprotected  and  harmless  portion  of  our  brethren  to  leave 
their  homes  and  seek  an  asylum  in  foreign  climes  :  and  in  taking 
a  view  of  the  unhappy  situation  of  many  of  these,  whom  the 
oppressive  laws  alluded  to,  continually  crowd  into  the  Atlantic 
cities,  dependent  for  their  support  upon  their  daily  labor,  and 
who  often  suffer  for  wimt  of  employment,  we  have  had  to  lament 
that  no  means  have  yet  been  devised  for  their  relief.'  * 

'  The  Convention  has  not  been  unmindful  of  the  operations 
of  the  American  Colonization  Society  ;  and  it  would  respect- 
fully suggest  to  that  august  body  of  learning,  talent  and  worth, 
that,  in  our  humble  opinion,  strengthened,  too,  by  the  opinions 
of  eminent  men  in  this  country,  as  well  as  in  Europe,  that  they 
are  pursuing  the  direct  road  to  perpetuate  slavery,  with  all  its 
unchristianlike  concomitants,  in  this  boasted  land  of  freedom  ; 
and,  as  citizens  and  men  whose  best  blood  is  sapped  to  gain 
popularity  for  that  Institution,  we  would,  in  the  most  feehng 
manner,  beg  of  them  to  desist  :  or,  if  ^ve  must  be  sacrificed  to 
their  philanthropy,  we  would  rather  die  at  home.  Many  of  our 
fathers,  and  some  of  us,  have  fought  and  bled  for  the  liberty, 
independence  and  peace  which  you  now  enjoy  ;  and,  surely, 
it  would  be  ungenerous  and  unfeeling  in  you  to  deny  us  a  hum- 
ble and  quiet  grave  in  that  country  which  gave  us  birth  !'f 

'  Sir,  upon  the  whole,  my  view  of  the  operations  of  the  Col- 
onization Society,  in  relieving  the  slave  States  of  the  evil  which 
weighs  them  down  more  than  a  hundred  tariffs,  is  illustrated  by 
an  old  fable,  in  which  it  is  stated,  that  a  man  was  seen  at  the 
foot  of  a  mountain,  scraping  away  the  dust  with  his  foot.  One 
passing  by,  asked  him  what  he  was  doing  ?  I  wish  to  remove 
this  mountain,  said  he.  You  fool,  replied  the  other,  you  can 
never  do  it  in  that  way.  Well,  said  he,  I  can  raise  a  dust, 
can't  I  .^ 

'  Sir,  I  do  not  wish  to  censure  the  motives  of  this  Society, 
but  surely  they  are  visionary.  Its  supporters  are  bewildered  in 
their  own  dust,  which  is  well  calculated  to  injure  the  vision  of 
good  men.  The  Commercial  Advertiser  says  they  do  indeed 
wish  to  wipe  away  from  the  national  records  the  stain  of  slavery, 
"  but  hope  it  may  be  accomplished  (as  the  Virginia  Enquirer 
has  it)  surely  but  quietly."     Yes,  Sir,  and  quietly  enough  ! 


*  Conventional  Address  of  the  People  of  Color  in  Philadelphia,  iu  1830. 
t   '  Minutes  and  Proceedings  of  the  First  Annual  Convention  of  the  People  of 
Color,  held  by  adjournment  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  in  June,   1831.' 


72  Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color. 

'  Our  ambition  leads  not  to  superiority,  but  to  our  freedom 
and  political  rights.  Grant  this  !  we  ask  no  more  !  If  the 
places  in  which  we  dwell  are  too  straight  for  us  and  the  white 
population,  place  us  in  a  state  far  to  far  the  West — take  us  into 
the  Union — give  us  our  rights  as  freemen.  Let  the  southern  states 
make  all  born  after  a  date  not  two  years  distant,  free  !  and  let 
the  Colonization  Society  turn  its  attention  and  energies  to  the 
removing  of  liberated  slaves  there  :  the  free  people  will  go 
without  their  aid.  But  if  the  Government  is  fearful  of  retalia- 
tion, it  may  allay  its  fears  by  a  consideration  of  the  fact  of  there 
not  being  one  freeman  engaged  in  the  late  insurrections — of 
freemen  informing  against  slaves — the  peaceable  manner  in 
which  we  live  in  the  neighborhoods  of  the  south,  and  throughout 
the  whole  Union.  The  meetings  that  have  lately  been  held, 
and  resolutions  passed  expressive  of  our  disapprobation  of  such 
measures,  may  all  show  that  such  fears  are  groundless.  I  re- 
peat again —  Give  us  our  rights — we  ask  no  more  ! 

'  Yes,  Sir,  if  I  possessed  the  Indies,  I  would  pledge  the  whole 
that  if  such  measures  were  taken,  and  such  grants  made,  no 
retaliation  would  be  made  by  us  as  a  body  for  former  evils.'* 

'  In  no  age  of  our  existence  have  there  been  more  pains  taken 
by  priests  and  people,  in  public  and  private,  in  church  and  state, 
to  give  them  currency,  than  at  present.  The  whole  theme  of 
that  wicked,  persecuting  combination — the  Colonization  Socie- 
ty— is  calulated  to  impress  upon  the  mind  of  the  public  these 
atrocious  maxims  which  every  day  strengthen  a  prejudice  not 
only  cherished  by  the  whites  against  the  blacks,  but  by  the 
blacks  against  the  whites.  That  foul  fiend  of  hell,  that  destroy- 
ing angel  who  hath  power  to  take  peace  from  the  earth,  and  lo 
kill  with  the  sword,  is  gaining  a  commanding  influence  very  fast 
over  both  parties.  And  who,  but  the  advocates  of  the  Coloniza- 
tion Society,  receive  him  as  a  welcome  guest  ?  Who  but  they 
have  built  him  a  temple,  and  cried,  "  Long  hve  Prejudice 
against  free  born  Americans  of  sable  hue  !"  Who  but  they  are 
continually  cr}ing,  "  The  free  blacks  are  dangerous  !  the  free 
blacks  are  dangerous  !  Away  with  them — away  with  them  to 
Africa  !"  Who  but  they  are  the  apologists  for  murder,  theft, 
and  all  the  horrid  concomitants  of  slavery  ?  Who  but  they  have 
defiled  our  temples  of  worship  dedicated  to  God  for  his  ser- 
vice, making  merchandise  of  the  souls  of  men  by  transferring 
them  over  to  the  keeping  of  prejudice  .^'f 


*  '  Philadelphia  Evangelist ' — vide  '  The  Liberator  '  for  November  2G,  1831. 
+  Correspoudeut  of  '  The  Liberator,'  Doceiuber  17,  1831. 


Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color.  73 

Other  extracts  might  be  recorded,  but  these  must  suffice.  I 
have  given  the  sentiments  of  the  people  of  color  as  expressed  in- 
dividually, in  public  orations,  in  conventions  of  delegates,  and  in 
popular  assemblies.  Their  proceedings  evince  a  keen  discrim- 
ination between  true  and  false  philanthropy,  and  an  intellectual 
ability  successfully  to  defend  iheir  cause.  Their  instincts  are 
more  than  a  match  for  the  specious  sophistry  and  learned  sense 
of  colonizationists  :  they  meet  them  on  every  point,  and  on 
every  point  achieve  a  victory.  Conscious  of  the  fact  that  in 
their  comi)lexion  is  found  the  only  motive  for  their  banishment, 
they  clearly  illustrate  the  hypocrisy  and  injustice  of  the  African 
crusade.  Their  union  of  purpose  is  such  as  cannot  be  broken. 
How  intense  is  their  love  of  country  !  how  remarkable  their 
patient  endurance  of  wrongs  !  how  strong  their  abliorrence  of 
expatriation  !  how  auspicious  the  talents  which  they  display  ! 

Every  humane  and  honorable  man  will  assent  to  the  proposi- 
tion, that  no  scheme  for  the  removal  of  a  numerous  people  from 
one  continent  to  another,  ought  to  be  prosecuted  contrary  to 
their  desires.  A  scheme  cannot  be  benevolent  which  thrives 
upon  persecution.      Benevolent  oppression  is  a  solecism. 

Another  self-evident  truth  is,  that  no  such  removal  can  be 
effected  merely  by  the  presentation  of  selfish  inducements,  or 
without  resorting  to  coercive  measures.  To  show  that  coercion 
is  openly  advocated  by  some  of  the  prominent  supporters  of  the 
Colonization  Society,  I  make  the  following  extracts  from  the 
speeches  of  Messrs  Broadnax  and  Fisher,  delivered  during  the 
'  Great  Debate  '  in  the  Virginia  House  of  Delegates  a  short 
time  since.      Mr  Broadnax  said  : 

'IT  IS  IDLE  TO  TALK  ABOUT  NOT  RESORTING  TO  FORCE. 
Every  body  must  look  to  the  introduction  of  force  of  some  kind  or  other — and 
it  is  in  truth  a  question  of  expediency  ;  of  moral  justice  ;  of  political  good  faith 
—  whether  we  shall  fairly  delineate  our  whole  system  on  the  lace  of  the  hill,  or 
ieave  the  acquisition  of  extorted  consent  to  other  processes.  The  reai  question 
— the  only  question  of  magnitude  to  he  settled,  is  the  great  preliminary  question 
— Do  you  intend  to  send  the  free  persons  of  color  out  of  Virginia,  or  not  ?' 

'  If  the  free  negroes  are  willing  to  go,  they  will  go — if  not  willing,  they  must 
be  compelled  to  go.  Some  gentlemen  think  it  politic  not  now  to  insert  this  fea- 
ture in  the  bill,  though  they  piochum  their  readiness  to  resort  to  it  when  it  be- 
comes necessary  ;  they  think  that  for  a  year  or  two  a  suiHcient  number  will  con- 
sent to  go,  and  then  the  rest  can  be  compelled.  For  my  part,  I  deem  it  better 
to  approach  the  question  and  settle  it  at  once,  and  avow  it  openly.  The  intelli- 
gent portion  of  the  free  negroes  know  very  well  what  is  going  on. — Will  they 
not  see  your  debates  .'     Will  they  not  see  that  coercion  is  ultimately   to  be 

[Paiit  n.]  10 


74  Sentimenls  of  the   People  of  Color. 

resorted    to  ?    They  will    perceive  that  the  edict  has  gone  forth,  and   that   it 
MUST   FALL,  if  not  novv,  in  a  short  time  upon  them.' 

'  I  have   already  expressed  it  as    my  opinion  that  few,  very  few,  will    volun- 
tarily    consent   to   emigrate,    if  no  compulsory    measure  be    adopted. — 
With    it — many,    in   anticipation   of  its    sum    and  certain    arrival,    will,  in  the 
mean  time,  go  away — they  will  be  sensible  that  the  lime  would  come  wlien  they 
would  be  forced  to  leave  the  State.     Without   it — you  will  still,  no  doubt,  have 
applicants  for  removal  equal  to  your  means.    Y'es,  Sir,  people  who  will  not  only 
consent,  but  beg    you    to   deport    them.     But  wliat  sort  of  consent — a  consent 
extorted  by  a   series    of  oppression  calculated   to  render  their  situation  among  us 
insupportable.      .Many  of  tlio>e  who  have  already  been  sent  off,  went  with  their 
avowed  consent,   but    under  the  inllucnce  of  a   more   decided  compulsion  than 
any  which  this  bill  holds  out.     I  will  not   express,    in  its  full    extent,  the  idea  I 
entertain  of  what  has    been  done,  or  what  enormities  will    be  perpetrated  to  in- 
duce this  class  of  persons  to  leave  the  State.     Who  does   not  Know  that  when  a 
free  negro,  by  crime  or  otherwise,  has  rendered  himself  obnoxious  to  a  neighbor- 
hood,   bow  easy  it  is  for  a    party  to  visit  him   one    night,  take  him  from  his  bed 
and  family,  and  apply   to   him  the  gentle  admonition  of  a   severe  flagellation,  to 
ind-uce  him  to   consent  to  go  away  .'    In  a  few  nights  the  dose  can  be  repeated, 
perhaps   increased,  until,  in  the  language  of  the  physicians,    qvantnm  stiff,  has 
been    adoiinislered    to    produce    the  desired    ojjeration  ;  and  the  fellow  then  be- 
comes pe?\fecf/i/  viUiuiX  to  move  away.     I  have  certainly  hrard,  if  incorrectly, 
the  gentleman  frotn  Soulliuiipton  will    put    me  right,  that  of  the    large   cargo  of 
emigrants  lately  transported  from  that  country  to  Liberia,  all  of  whom  professed 
to  he  unllin£;  to  go,  were  rendered  so  by  some  such  severe  ministrations  as  those 
I  have  described.     A  lynch    club — a  committee  of  vigilance — could  easily  exer- 
cise a  kind  of  iiKjuisitorial  surveillance  over  any  neighborhood,  and  convert  any 
desired  number,  1  have  no  doubt,  at  any  time,  into  a  willingness  to  be  removed. 
But  who  really  prefers  such    means  as  these  to  the   course    proposed  in  this  bill  ? 
And  one  or  the  other  is  inevitable.     For  no  matter   how  you    change    thi.^  bill — , 
sooner  or  later  the  free  negroes  will   be /»/•<•«/ to  leave  the  State.     Indeed,   Sir, 
ALL  OF  us   LOOK  TO   FORCE  of  somo  kind  or  other,  direct  or  indirect,  moral 
or  physical,  legal  or  illegal.     Many  who  are  opposed,  they  say,  to   any  compul- 
sory feature  in  the  bill,  desire  to  introduce  such  severe  regulations  into  our  police 
laws — such  restrictions  of  their  existing  privileges — such    inability  to  hold  prop- 
erty— obtain  employment — rent    residences,  &c.,    as   to  make  it    impossible  for 
them  to  remain  amongst  us.     Is  not  this  force  ?  ' 

Mr  Fisher  said  : 

'If  we  wait  until  the  free  negroes  consent  to  leave  the  State,  we  shall  wait 
until  "time  is  no  more."  Thei/  never  will  g,ice  their  consent  ;  and  if  the 
House  amend  the  bill  as  proposed,  their  consent  is  in  a  manner  pointed  out  by  the 
gentleman  from  Dinwiddle — and  it  is  a  great  question  whether  we  shall  force  the 
people  to  extort  their  consent  from  them  in  this  way. — He  believed  if  the  com- 
pulsory ))rinciple  were  stricken  out,  this  class  of  people  would  be  forced  to  leave 
by  the  harsh  treatment  of  the  whites.  The  people  in  those  parts  of  the  State 
where  they  most  abound,  were  determined, — as  far  as  they  could  learn  through 
the  newspapers  and  other  sources, — to  get  rid  of  the  blacks.' 

What  a  revelation,  uhat  a  confession,  is  here  !  The  free 
blacks  taken  from  their  beds,  and  severely  flagellated,  to  make 
ihem  willing  to  emigrate  !  And  legislative  compiilsioti  openly 
advocated  to  accoiTiplish  this  nefarious  project  !  Yes,  the  gen- 
tlemen say  truly,  '  few,  very  fev/  will  voluntarily  consent  to 
emigrate  ' — '  they  never  will  give  their  consent  ' — and  there- 
fore they  must   be   expelled   by  force  !    It   is  true,  the  bill  pro- 


Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color.  75 

posed  by  Mr  Broadnax   was  rejected  by  a  small  majority  ;  but 
it  serves  to  illustrate  the  spirit  of  the  colonization  leaders. 

The  editor  of  the  Lynchburg  Virginian,  an  advocate  of  the 
Society,  uses  the  following  language  : 

'  But,  if  they  will  not  consider  for  themselves,  we  must  consider  for  them. 
The  safety  of  the  people  is  the  supreme  law  ;  and  to  that  law  all  minor  con- 
siderations must  bend.  If  the  free  negroes  will  not  emigrate,  they  must  be 
contented  to  endure  those  privations  which  the  public  interest  and  safety 
call  for. — In  the  last  Richmond  Enquirer  we  notice  an  advertisen)ent,  setting 
forth,  that  "  a  petition  will  be  presented  to  the  next  legislature  of  Virginia,  from 
the  county  of  Westmoreland,  praying  the  passage  of  some  law  to  compel  the 
free  negroes  in  this  commonwealth  to  emigrate  therefrom,  under  a  penalty  which 
will  effectually  promote  this  object."  So,  too,  at  a  meeting  of  the  citizens  of 
Prince  (jeorge  county,  in  i\Iaryland,  it  was  resolved  to  "  petition  the  next  legis- 
lature to  remove  all  the  free  negroes  out  of  that  State,  and  to  prohibit  all  per- 
sons from  manumitting  slaves  without  making  provision  for  their  removal."  ' 

I  close  this  work  with  a  specimen  of  the  sophistry  which  is 
used  to  give  eclat  to  the  American  Colonization  Society. 

In  the  month  of  June,  1830,  I  happened  to  peruse  a  number 
of  the  Southern  Religious  Telegraph,  in  which  I  found  an  essay, 
enforcing  the  duty  of  clergymen  to  take  up  collections  in  aid  of 
the  funds  of  the  Colonization  Society  on  the  then  approaching 
fourth  of  July.  After  an  appropriate  introductory  paragraph, 
the  writer  proceeds  in  the  following  remarkable  strain  : 

'  But — we  have  a  plea  like  a  peace  offering  to  man  and  to  God.  We  answer 
poor  blinded  Africa  in  her  complaint — that  we  have  her  children,  and  that  they 
have  served  on  our  plantations.  And  we  tell  her,  look  at  their  returning  !  We 
took  them  barbarous,  though  measurably  free, — untaught — rude — without  sci- 
ence— without  the  true  religion — without  philosophy — and  strangers  to  the  best 
civil  governments.  And  now  we  return  them  to  her  bosom,  with  the  mechan- 
ical arts. ...with  science. ...with  philosoj)hy with  civilization.. ..with  republi- 
can feelings. ...and  above  all,  with  the  true  knowledge  of  the  true  God,  and  the 
way  of  salvation  through  the  Redeemer.' 

'  The  mechanical  arts  !  ' — with  whom  did  they  serve  an  ap- 
prenticeship }  '  With  philosophy  !  ' — in  what  colleges  were 
they  taught  ^  It  is  strange  that  we  should  be  so  anxious  to  get  rid 
of  these  scientific  men  of  color — these  philosophers — these  re- 
publicans— these  christians,  and  that  we  should  shun  their  com- 
pany as  if  they  were  afflicted  with  the  hydrophobia,  or  carried  a 
deadly  pestilence  in  their  train  !  Certainly,  they  must  have  sin- 
gular notions  of  the  christian  religion  which  tolerates — or,  rather, 
which  is  so  perverted  as  to  tolerate — the  oppression  of  God's 
rational  creatures  by  its  professors  !  They  must  feel  a  peculiar 
kind  of  brotherly  love  for  those  good  men  who  banded  together 


76  Sentiments  of  the  People  of  Color. 

to   remove   them   to  Africa,  because  they  were   too   proud   to 

associate  famiUarly  with  men  of  a  sable  complexion  !     But  the 

writer  proceeds  : 

'  We  tell  her,  look  at  the  little  colony  on  her  shores.  We  tell  her,  look  to  the 
consequences  that  must  flow  to  all  her  borders  from  religion,  and  science,  and 
knowledge,  and  civilization,  and  republican  government  !  And  then  we  ask  her 
— is  not  one  ship  load  of  emigrants  returning  with  these  niultiplicd  bless- 
ings, worth  more  to  her  than  a  million  of  her  barbarous  sons  ?' 

So  !  every  ship  load  of  ignorant  and  helpless  emigrants  is  to 
more  than  compensate  Africa  for  every  million  of  her  children 
who  have  been  kidnapped,  buried  in  the  ocean  and  on  the  land, 
tortured  with  savage  cruelty,  and  held  in  perpetual  servitude  ! 
Truly,  this  is  a  compendious  method  of  balancing  accounts.  In 
the  sight  of  God,  of  Africa,  and  of  the  world,  we  are  conse- 
quently blameless — and  rather  praiseworthy — for  our  past  trans- 
gressions. It  is  such  sophistry  as  is  contained  in  the  foregoing 
extract,  that  kindles  my  indignation  into  a  blaze.  I  abhor  cant 
— I  abhor  hypocrisy — and  if  some  of  the  advocates  of  the 
Colonization  Society  do  not  deal  largely  in  both,  I  am  unable 
to  comprehend  the  meaning  of  these  terms. 

Of  the  whole  number  of  individuals  constituting  the  officers 
of  the  Society,  nearly  three-fourths,  I  believe,  are  the  owners  of 
slaves,  or  interested  in  slave  property ;  not  one  of  whom,  to  my 
knowledge,  has  emancipated  any  of  his  slaves  to  be  sent  to  Li- 
beria !  !  The  Presidei.t  of  the  Society,  (Charles  Carroll,) 
owns,  I  have  understood,  nearly  one  thousand  slaves !  And  yet 
lie  is  lauded,  beyond  measure,  as  a  patriot,  a  philanthropist,  and 
a  christian  !  The  former  President,  (Judge  Bushrod  Wash- 
ington,) so  far  from  breaking  the  fetters  of  his  slaves,  actually 
while  holding  his  office  oflered  a  large  reward  for  a  runaway 
female  slave,  to  any  person  who  would  secure  her  by  putting  her 
into  any  jail  within  the  United  States  !  What  a  mockery  it  is 
for  such  persons  to  profess  to  deplore  the  existence  of  slavery,  or 
to  denounce  the  foreign  slave  trade  !  for  they  neither  cease  from 
their  own  oppressive  acts,  nor  act  much  more  honestly  than  the 
slave  dealers — the  latter  stealing  those  who  are  born  on  the  coast 
of  Africa,  and  the  former  those  who  are  born  in  this  country  ! 

END    OF    PART    H.