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Full text of "Threats to the peaceful observance of the bicentennial : hearing before the Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Ninety-fourth Congress, second session, June 18, 1976"

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JUNE 18, 1976 

Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 


75-425 WASHINGTON : 1976 


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JUNE 18, 1976 

Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary 


75-425 WASHINGTON : 1976 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office 
Washington, D.C. 20402 - Price $1.65 

ibrary J 


Concord, New Hampsliii:e Qi3Ql 


Boston "'•^^^iic Library 
Boston, Mk 02116 


JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 

JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arl^ansas ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska 

PHILIP A. HART, Michigan HIRAM L. FONG, Hawaii 

EDWARD M. KENNEDY, Massacliusetts HUGH SCOTT, Pennsylvania 

BIRCH BAYH, Indiana STROM THURMOND, South Carolina 


ROBERT C. BYRD, West Virginia WILLIAM L. SCOTT, Virginia 
JOHN V. TUNNEY, California 

Subcommittee To Investigate the Administration of the Internal 
Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws 

JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman 
JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas STROM THURMOND, South Carolina 


Richard L. Scholtz, Chief Counsel 

Caroline M. Courhois, Assistant to the Chief Counsel 

Alfonso L. Tarabochia, Chief Investigator 

Robert J. Short, Senior Investigator 

Mary E. Doolet, Research Director 

David Martin, Senior Analyst 



Testimony of: -^"^^ 

Miss Martlia Rouutree, president, Leadership Foundation 3 

Dr. William Kiutuer, president of the Foreign PoUcy Research Insti- 
tute, Inc. of Philadelphia and Professor of Political Science at the 

University of Pennsylvania 4 

Inspector George Fencl, Philadelphia, Pa., Police Department 38 

Deputy Chief Robert L. Rabe, Metropolitan Police Department. Wash- 
ington, D.C 42 

Appendix 51 



FRIDAY, JUNE 18, 1976 

U.S. Sexate, 
Subcommittee To Investigate the 
Admixistration of the Ixterxal Security Act 

AXD Other Ixit^rxal Security Laws 


Washington, B.C. 

The subcommittee met, piirsnant to notice, at 10:43 a.m., in room 
2228, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Senator Strom Thurmond 

Present: Senators Thurmond and Scott of Virginia. 

Also present : Richard L. Schultz, chief counsel ; David INIartin, sen- 
ior analyst; and Robert J. Short, senior investigator. 

Senator Thurmoxd. The subcommittee and spectators will come to 

The chairman requests that the room be cleared. I would like f or " 
the record to show that when the chairman opened the meeting this 
morning there was a group of people present with placards, singing, . 
cheering, and appeared openly defiant. Upon recognizing that, the 
chairman requested that those people be cleared from the hall, but 
given an opportunity to leave their placards and come back if they 
would remain peaceful and quiet. 

They are being given that opportunity. If they return here and dis- 
turb this meeting, then they will be asked to leave. 

I just want the record to show the situation and to show what existed 
at the time this meeting began this morning. The officers have notified 
them that they can come back if they remain quiet. If the}' decide to 
come back, \\\q\\ we Avill proceed with the meeting. 

Have you notified all present, Mr. Officer, tliat they must leave their 
placards ouside ? 

The Officer. That is correct. 

Senator Thurmox'd. Have j-ou notified them they have a right to 
return and will be welcome and will be ejected if they disturb this 
meeting ? 

The Officer. That is correct. 

Senator Thurmoxd. We will now proceed with the meeting. Recog- 
nizing that acts of terrorism, and efforts to incite acts of terrorism, 
serve to obstruct tlie Government of the United States in the execution 
of policies and laws pertaining to the internal security of tlie United 
States, the Subcommittee on Internal Security, by resolution adopted 
on March 9, 1976, committed itself to the conduct of investigations 
and hearings for the purpose of receiving testimony and evidence illus- 
trative of the origin, nature, extent, and effect of acts of terrorism, or 


the incitement thereof, upon the internal security of tlie United States. 

The subject of today's hearing is "Threats to the Peaceful Observ- 
ance of the Bicentennial." We believe this to be a timely subject matter 
and one which has a great bearing on the internal security of our 

Although there are many organizations in our country which 
legitimately employ demonstrations for the purpose of bringing to the 
public attention a particular issue or cause ; unfortunately, there are 
also many organizations in our country that have in recent years been 
engaged in counterclemonstrations which have included acts of 

The number of individuals involved may not be great — but their 
capacity for crime bears no relationship to their niunbers. In recent 
years there have been hundreds of terrorist bombings in our country, 
which have taken many lives and resulted in tens of millions of dollars 
worth of damage. 

One need not be paranoid to observe the obvious — there are those 
who see our Bicentennial Celebration and perhaps our two political 
nominating conventions as historic opportunities to test the strength 
of our fiber. 

These terrorist groups have become more dangerous over the past 
2 years because they have organized in the classic guerrilla cell struc- 
ture ; and at the same time they have been able to devise and enjoy the 
shield of public-support organizations. 

FBI Director Clarence Kelley has warned that there is a serious 
possibility that stepped-up terrorist activities will occur during the 
Bicentennial period. 

It is the hope of the subcommittee, in taking today's testimony, that 
bringing the facts to the attention of the Congress and the public 
about the various organizations involved in the upcoming Bicentennial 
counterdemonstrations will contribute to the keeping of the peace, not 
only on July 4, but throughout the Bicentennial period. 

Our witnesses today are Miss Martha Rountree, perhaps best known 
as the originator of "INIeet the Press" discussion feature, and a great 
patriot, I might add, selected Time "Woman of the Year" in the early 
1950's and currently president of the Leadership Foundation; Dr. 
William Kintner, recent Ambassador to Thailand, and currently 
president of the Foreign Policy Research Institute, Inc. of Phila- 
delphia and professor of political science at the ITjiiversity of 
Pennsylvania; Inspector George Fencl, of the Philadelphia Police 
Department ; and Deputy Chief Robert L. Rabe, of the Metropolitan 
Police Department, Washington, D.C., who is well known for his 

I would ask all of the witnesses to rise and be sworn at this time. 
Do you swear that the testimony you will give will be the truth ? 

Witnesses. We do. 

Senator Thurmoxd. The subcommittee is extremely pleased to have 
such a distinguished panel of witnesses and we welcome you to the 
committee; and Miss Rountree, I would ask that you proceed with 
your prepared remarks at this time. 

Thank you. 



Miss RouNTREE. Mr. Chaimian, I am honored to have the opportunity 
to appear before your subcommittee today. By way of identifying my- 
self briefly, my name is Martha Rountree — and I am president of the 
Leadership Foundation, a national research-information center (an 
umbrella organization) embracing thousands of women's clubs, groups, 
and organizations across the Nation. The great majoiity of our mem- 
bers will be participating actively in events marking the celebration 
of the Bicentennial over this coming July 4th weekend. Like all patri- 
otic Americans, we believe we have much for which to be grateful — 
that every American, indeed, may proudly celebrate the fact that he or 
she lives in one of the freest and most productive and culturally pro- 
lific societies that has ever existed on the face of this Earth. 

The great majority of the American people regard the Bicentennial 
as the grandest birthday party that any nation has ever had an oppor- 
tunity to celebrate. But there are tiny extremist minorities in our so- 
ciety who regard their own country with hatred, who do not under- 
stand the meaning of freedom, and who regard totalitarian dictator- 
ships in the style of Russia, Cuba, and the People's Republic of China 
as the ultimate social utopia. To these people, our Bicentennial cele- 
bration is anathema — and some of them, therefore, are making active 
plans to spoil it. 

As a private citizen, I am concerned over the growing body of evi- 
dence that these extremist minorities, which are encouraged and abet- 
ted by certain foreign governments, are planning to disrupt the official 
Bicentennial celebration in various ways, and there exists a serious 
possibility of the kind of violence that occurred in Chicago at the time 
of the 1968 Democratic Convention, as well as the bombing and other 
terrorist actions. 

My own statement will be very brief, Mr. Chairman. Essentially, I 
want to tell you how the presentation that is being made to your sub- 
committee today came about — and then I want to hand over to Dr. 
William Kintner, a distinguished diplomat as well as a distinguished 
political scientist, who has been responsible — with me — for directing 
the research that has resulted in today's hearing. 

Some months ago, it became apparent that certain groups in this 
country — including some which have very close connections with ter- 
rorist organizations — were planning to disrupt, or to spoil, the U.S. 
Bicentennial celebrations, particularly the 4th of July events planned 
for Philadelphia and Washington. In a situation such as this, it is a 
good rule of thumb that public disclosure of the spoiler's plans may 
help to deter their execution. There had been some items in the press 
referring to the possibility of disruption and terrorism during the Bi- 
centennial. All of these items, however, were fragmentary and 

Roughly 2 months ago. I discussed this problem with Dr. Kintner, 
president of the Foreign Policy Research Institute, Inc., of Philadel- 
phia. We found ourselves in agreement on the point that the situation 
called for a comprehensive, in-depth examination of all threats to the 


peaceful observance of the Bicentennial, including an examination of 
the public statements put out by the major organizations participating 
in the plans for the Bicentennial counterdemonst ration, the track rec- 
ords of these organizations, the records of their leaders, and so on. At 
this point, we jointly decided to support the research which will be 
presented by Dr. Kintner at today's hearing. 

One of the problems that confronted us was how to get the infonna- 
tion out in time to alert the American public in time to inform our au- 
thorities. This problem was solved for us when the Senate Subcom- 
mittee on Internal Security, having learned of the research that was 
underway, invited Dr. Kintner and me to present our findings in a 
]3ul>lic hearing under its auspices. I believe that Dr. Kintner agrees 
with me that there could not be a more appropriate fonam for such a 

I note that Dr. Kintner in his prepared remarks has spelled out 
some of his background qualifications by way of explaining his strong 
personal interest in this problem. Witliout taking any more of your 
time, therefore, I shall turn the proceedings over to Dr. William Kint- 
ner at this point. 

Senator Tiiurmoxd. Dr. Kintner, we will be glad to hear from j-ou 


Dr. KiNTXER. Mr. Chairman, it is also my privilege to appear be- 
fore 3'our distinguished subcommittee to discuss the various threats to 
tlie peaceful observance of the Bicentennial. For many years I have 
been interested in study of revolutionary warfare. I did my doctor's 
dissertation at Georgetown in 1948 on the subject of the Organization, 
Stiiicture, and Training of the Communist Party. 

At that time I read extensively in Communist literature including 
the collected works of Lenin, Stalin, and others. It seems to me we wit- 
nessed at the beginning of this session a classic technique, namely to 
use the general revolutionary symbols of our past to create psychologi- 
cal sympathy for a counterrevolution can be imposed upon the 
majority of the people. This is an old trick. 

I think we have to take a look at the sources of our information. 
These are publications of a number of terrorist groups. Osawatomie is 
a publication of the Weather Undergroimd. We have the publication 
here called TUG, The Urban Guerrilla, which is published by a west 
coast organization, the New World Liberaton Front. 

Both the Weatherman Underground and the Urban Guerrilla group 
claim to have been responsible for many, many bombings of a terror- 
istic nature in the United States. In addition to these open publications 
which you can buy in the far-left bookstores, in most major cities or 
occasionally obtain by subscription, we also have access to internal 
publications which come to us either because the members are careless 
or occasionally through disaffected members who finally decide that 
they are not "with the jnovemenf' to the extent that they once thought 
thev were. We also ixet self-eritici:-^m from these groups. 

With this background information, collected through the assistance 
of a number of people, to whom I would like to pay particular atten- 

tion and tribute, we prepared a statement which I plan to put into the 
record. I am not going- to road it all, but I hope it can be inserted in 
the record. 

Senator Thurmoxd. AVithout objection, the entire statement will be 
placed in the record as though read. 


Dr. KixTXER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, 

I am honored to have this opportunity to appear before the Senate 
Subcommittee on Internal Security for the purpose of testifying on 
"Threats to the Peaceful Observance of the Bicentennial." Before I 
embark on my presentation, I believe it would be in order to say some- 
thing about my qualifications to discuss this matter and about the com- 
bination of circumstances which led to the preparation of the paper I 
shall be presenting to you today. 

Currently, I am a professor of Political Science of the University of 
Pennsylvania and President of the Foreign Policy Eesearch Institute, 
Inc. From November 1973 to March 1975, 1 was the U.S. Ambassador 
to Thailand. From 1940 to 1961, 1 served in the U.S. Army, retiring as 
a colonel. During that time I held many responsible positions in cliiier- 
ent agencies of the U.S. Government. 

I have had a long-standing interest in revolutionary and political 
warfare. The dissertation for which I received my doctorate from 
Georgetown University in 1949 focused on the organization and oper- 
ation of the Communist Party. After some moflification, the disserta- 
tion was later published by the University of Oklahoma Press under 
the title, "The Front Is Everywhere." In the dozen or so books I have 
written or coauthored, I have attempted to analyze many aspects of 
the strategy and tactics of human conflict. In one book in particular, 
"The New Frontier of War," I examined the range of activities em- 
braced by the term "political warfare." My coauthor, Joseph Z. Korn- 
fedder, was a student at the Lenin School in Moscow during 1929 and 
organizer of the Communist Parties of Venezuela and Colombia. He 
left the Communist movement in the late thirties for moral reasons but 
I received many practical insights from him on the finer points of 
revolutionary activity. 

As Miss Rountree has pointed out, the research on which my pres- 
entation today is based stems from a conversation we had some 2 
months ago. We were both concerned over the evidence that there 
might be destruction and violence during the July 4 celebrations, and 
we proceeded on the assumption that a public disclosure of all of the 
available information might serve to discourage those who are plan- 
ning the disruptions. Accordingly, we have sought in our research to 
create an intelligence mosaic embracing the available information 
alx)ut the organizations involved in the Bicentennial counterdemon- 
st rations. 

What are the sources of our information ? 

In the first place there are many public documents. By public. I 
don't mean that you can purchase them at your neighborhood news- 
stand or your neighborhood bookstore. There are documents like Osa- 
watomie, theoretical organ of the Weather Underground; Dragon, 
organ of the Bay Area Research Collective which serves as a kind of 


collective theoretical publication for the entire complex of terrorist 
groups on the west coast; and a more recent publication. The Urban 
Guerrilla (TUG), published by one of the major terrorist groups on 
the west coast, the New Worlcl Liberation Front. "V^Hiile the general 
public does not have access to these publications, they can be pur- 
chased — ^legally — sometimes by subscription, or always at far-left 
bookstores in our major cities. Carefully read, the publication tells us a 
tremendous amount about the thinking and the planning of the ter- 
Torist groups in our country and about the interlocking relationships 
between them. On top of this information, much information is avail- 
able from internal discussion bulletins that occasionaly leak out of the 
terrorist underground, either because some of their members are care- 
less or because — as is inevitably the case with such groups — certain of 
their members become disaffected. I have here some samples of such 
interaal discussion bulletins. 

Finally, there are the valuable and heavily documented hearings on 
terrorist groups and other extremist groups, conducted by your sub- 
committee in recent years. 

The problem was to pull all this information together and try to 
create a meaningful pattern. Although a number of people have aided 
this work, I particularly want to recognize the meticulous research and 
the tireless efforts of Harvey Sicherman and Adam Garfinkel of the 
Foreign Policy Research Institute. I have gone over their material 
most carefully in the preparation of the statement which follows. 


Over the past decade, political terrorism on an international scale 
has become one of the ugliest and most pressing problems confronting 
the community of free nations. Most of the organizations involved 
internationally belong to the far left. A few of these organizations 
consider themselves anarchist or would have to be considered an- 
archist. By far the majority of the left-wing terrorist organizations, 
however, regard INIarx and Lenin as their principal patron saints, 
even though they may divide in their worship of auxiliary saints like 
Mao. Che Guevara. Regis Debray, Carlos jSIarighella, and Leon Trot- 
sky. TeiTorism is also a weapon of the far right — especially in a num- 
ber of Latin American countries. 

The use of force to achieve political objectives is, of course, nothing 
new ; this is what every war in history has been about. But there are im- 
portant differences between the force employed by armies in time of 
war, and the force employed by modern terrorists. In the conduct of 
war, an effort has been made by civilized nations, particularly in re- 
cent centuries, to limit the horror by distinguishing between com- 
batants and noncombatants, by recognizing the deliberate killing of 
noncombatants as "war crimes," and by entering into conventions 
governing the mutual protection of prisoners of war. Modern terror- 
ism, in contradistinction, recognizes no such moral limitations on its 
actions. With the terrorists, such a thing as noncombatant status does 
not exist. Prisoners taken — most of them noncombatants by any stand- 
ard — are frequently murdered in cold blood. And in many cases tlie 
terrorists have deliberately massacred innocent men, women and chil- 
dren, as they did in the Loci Airport shooting, in the LaGuardia bomb- 

ina". ill the bombinjii of crowded pubs and restaurants in Eno:land, and 
in their several attempts to slioot down passenger aircraft. The in- 
discriminate and merciless nature of the force applied by modern 
terrorists in pursuit of their political objectives is something which 
flies in the face of all civilization. 

Terrorism opei-ates at two dili'erent levels. Sometimes it is directed 
ao-ainst physical objectives like banks or utilities— often under circum- 
stances that may involve a heav}^ loss of life. ]More frequently, it is 
directed against human targets, using kidnapings, assassinations and 
bombings as weapons. ^\'hile terrorists may consider kidnapings and 
assassinations to be discriminating weapons because the victims are 
generally corporate executives or government otHcials, even such ac- 
tions are basically undiscriminating in the sense that the victims are 
selected only on the basis of their membership in the "enem}' class." 
As for the bombings of public places, or the mass shootings, or attacks 
on aircraft, even the terrorists do not pretend that they are exercising 
any discrimination. 

\Yhether they attack physical objectives, or whether they engage 
in kidnapings, assassinations or bombings, the teiTorists pursue the 
same objectives. Essentially their actions, as the word implies, are 
calculated to "terrorize." 

First, they seek to make what they call "armed propaganda," and 
in this way to build their movements. As a corollary of this, they seek 
either to provoke an excessively harsh reaction on the part of the au- 
thorities — which plays into their hands by alienating large numbers of 
people; or else to compel the authorities or business corporations to 
capitulate to their demands — which obviously, also plays into their 
hands; or else to reduce the government to a floundering or paralytic 
reaction — which, again, is grist to the mill of extremist exploitation. 
In their assault on the authority of government, they seek essentially 
to create an image of a government unable to protect its people or its 
society. And by destabilizing the government in these ways, the num- 
erous IMarxist terrorist groups at large in the free world hope to pave 
the way for a Marxist takeover, while in certain countries right-wing 
terrorist groups may be thinking in terms of a rightist dictatorship. 
To put things in balance, however, it must be noted that right-wing 
terrorism is a much more limited phenomenon than left-wing terror- 
ism, less cohesive, less ideological, and national rather than interna- 
tional in its outlook. To the extent that there is some kind of loose 
terrorist "international" today, it is a Marxist-Leninist terrorist 

"While political terrorism predates the industrial revolution, its 
practice has been facilitated increasingly by the spread of m.odern 
technology. The modern terrorist relies upon four major features of 
the modern world to advance his work : ( 1 ) the intrinsic vulnerability 
of modern democratic industrial societies, (2) the speed of modern 
transport and communications, which give him quick access and escape 
and ease of plamiing, (3) the power and convenience of modern 
v.caponi'y and explosives which enhances his capacity to destroy and 
(-1) above all, the huge audience created by the electronic media, which 
insures that the fear and loathing his crimes inspire will be felt by 
wast numbers. Particularly in free societies, where gi-eat value is placed 

upon eape of movement and imfetterecl communications, the terrorist 
enjoys si<rnificant advantages. Furthermore we are living^ in a time 
wJien people can travel o-reat distances in a matter of hours and count- 
less millions are aware of distant events. Thus, it is no surprise that 
a distinctive characteristic of modern terror is the "slaughter of inno- 
cents,'* for there are many more innocents accessible to terrorists than 
there were before and the tarj^et of the terrorists — often in a different 
part of the world than the victim — is more easily frightened through 
the media. The impression produced by the crime is the link between 
the terrorist, victim, and target. And the target's reaction will deter- 
mJTie the success or failure of the terrorist's cause. 

There is one other characteristic of modern terrorism I should like 
to emphasize. Some observers try to distinguish between domestic and 
international terror. The technologies of transport and communica- 
tions make this distinction dubious. Unless the reporting of an event 
is censored and the affairs of a single state can be hidden from the 
view of the rest of the world, a politically motivated terror attack 
automatically engenders international consequences. Furthermore, the 
terrorists rely heavily on access to foreign training, arms, and sanc- 
tuaries; their effect upon international "public opinion" is critical to 
their success. A world where political disputation is rife, general war 
is too dangerous, and a common consensus on minimal political values 
is lacking, provides an ideal breeding gi'ound for terrorism. Modern 
political terrorism is international virtually by definition. 


All events which enjoy heavy international media coverage must be 
considered "terrorist prone'' events because they provide the terrorists 
with supreme opportunities to make their presence known to the world 
through "armed propaganda'' and to spread terror and uncertainty 
among free nations and free men. This is true of the Olympics because 
of the lieavy international coverage they receive in the press and on 
TV; and it is also true of the upcoming celebration of our Bicentennial 
in ^Washington and Philadelphia. 

From everything we know about their thinking, there is reason to 
be concerned that the terrorist elements in our society will find the 
Bicentennial an irresistible attraction — not only because the eyes of 
the world will be focused on the Bicentennial festivities, but also be- 
cause they regard the celebration itself with consuming hostility, since 
it stands for everything they are opposed to. 

The theme of our Bicentennial Celebration is "freedom." This July 4, 
to celebrate our freedoms, millions of American citizens, in every city 
of our country, will be participating in Bicentennial observances — 
nationally sponsored in the case of Washington and Philadelphia, 
locally sponsored in the case of other cities. The July 4 observances 
celebrate the 200th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of 
Independence, one of the great historic documents of human liberty. 
The Declaration and the struggle which brought about these United 
States of America two centuries ago established "government by the 
jicople, of the people, and for the people.'' It is our proud achievement 
as a Nation that we have not betrayed the promise of the American 
Revolution and that we live in one of the freest, most productive soci- 
eties on Earth. 


America has not achieved perfection, and vSome of our imperfections 
are all too obvious. But we have presen-ed the democratic process 
which allovA's for the expression of the majority will while protecting 
the minority's rights. This process remains the surest and best route 
for the remedy of just grievances. It was for the sake of this process 
that our forefathers waged war against Great Britain ; and we shall 
continue to enjoy liberty so long as this process forms the heart of our 
political system. 

The celebration o,f our Nation's birth is obviously distasteful to 
those who do not believe in democracy, who would impose the will 
of a minority upon the majority, and who prefer the logic of force 
because their tortured arguments have failed to convince their fellow 

Xot very surprisingly, therefore, the extremist minorities which 
hate America and everything it stands for have been talking in terms 
of disrupting, or spoiling, the Bicentennial. A leader of the Puerto 
Rican Socialist Party has talked about "turning the Bicentennial 
upside down." A leader of the American Indian Movement told a 
Chicago conference in February of this year, "when they light the 
candles on the 200 3'ear birthday cake, we will be there to blow them 
out." The terrorist Weather Underground has talked about ''bringing 
the fireworks," and this slogan has been repeated by some of those 
in charge of a planned mass demonstration in Philadelphia. 

It does not take great imagination to conceive of the possible conse- 
quences abroad if scenes of mass disorders and maj-hem in Philadel- 
phia and Washington seem to confirm recent impressions that the 
United States is an irresolute society paralyzed by domestic dissension. 

It is my hope that none o,f this will come about, that the organi- 
zations in question will abstain from violence on July 4, out of the 
simple realization that nothing could more effectively turn the Ameri- 
can people against them. But a prudent regard for public safety 
requires that we pay some credence to the statements of these organi- 
zations and that we carefully examine their track records so that we 
will be better able to anticipate their intentions and their capabilities. 

That is what I propose to do today. 


Terrorist actions by revolutionai'v groups have taken place in the 
United States sporadically since 1968 but they increased dramatically 
during the past few years. In 1973. there were 24 bombings attribut- 
able to terrorists; this increased to 45 in 1974 and 89 in 1975. Violence- 
prone revolutionaries have boasted publicly that they intend to expand 
their violence during the 1976 Bicentennial celebration, beginning in 
1976 and nmning through 1980. FBI Director Clarence Kelley has 
warned us that terrorist activities during the Bicentennial are being 
planned, and only 2 weeks ago Attorney General Levi instructed 
the FBI to do an intelligence round-up on the Jnly 4 Coalition, which 
is planning a mass demonstration in Philadelphia on July 4. 

The celebrations in Washington and Philadelphia on July 4 offer 
particularly tempting targets for the terrorists to engage in "armed 
propaganda" — the euphemism they use to justify their deadly ac- 
tions — because on that occasion the eves of the entire world will be 


focused oil them. As one of tlie leaders of the Puerto Ivican Socialist 
Party, which plays a central role in the July 4th Coalition, put the 
matter : 

For the Puerto Ricans in the U.S. the Bicentennial is important in many 
ways * =" * tliey have invited the Pope and QTieen Elizabetli, the King of 
Spain, etc. * * * the eyes of the whole world will be riveted on the answer that 
we all iiive to the shameless pretenses of the North American ruling class 
(Claridad, Mar. 5, 1976). 

, The organizations plannino; to disrupt the Bicentennial come from 
both the so-called Old Left and New Left. and. despite some very 
real differences, almost all of them consider themselves Marxist- 

There is a widespread belief that Lenin disapproved o.f terrorist 
actions and that the Communist Party and other Marxist-Leninist 
organizations, for this reason, still shun political terrorism in favor 
of mass action. This should not mislead us. 

All groups that consider themselves Marxist-Leninists defend the 
use of terrorism at some stage of the revolutionary process. Lenin 
taught the utility of terrorist actions in these words: 

The propagandists must supply each group with brief and simple recipes for 
making bombs, give them an elementary explanation of the type of work, and 
then leave it all to them. Squads must at once begin military training by launch- 
ing operations immediately, at once. Some may at once undertake to kill a spy 
or l»low up a police station, others to raid a bank, to confiscate funds for the 
insurrection, others again may drill or prepare plans of localities, and so forth. 
But the essential thing is to begin at once to learn from actual practice. Have 
no fear of these trial attacks. They may, of course, degenerate into extremes, but 
that is the evil of the morrow, whereas the evil of today is our inertness, our 
doctrinaire spirit, our learned immobility, and our senile fear of initiative.^ 

Your subcommittee only a year ago took testimony from a distin- British citizen, Mr. Brian Crozier, dirertor of the London 
Institute for the Study of Conflict, who establislied tliat Moscow 
operates a number of trainina; schools for guerrillas and terrorists 
from other countries — both for Communists and non-Comnnmists. 
North Korea, North Vietnam, Czechoslovakia, and Cuba also operate 
terrorist training centers and provide logistical support for them. 

Dissident INIarxist-Leninist oro-anizations also support or engage in 
terrorism. The major American Trotskvite organization, the Socialist 
Workers Party, for example, is part of the terrorist Fourth Interna- 
tional. "While they do not advocate terrorism in the United States right 
now, they do not rule it out as a future tactic. The SWP gives financial 
and other support to the Fourth International and to sections of the 
Fourth International which openly engage in terrorist actiA'ities in 
other coinitries. All this has been massively documented in hearings 
before your subcommittee. 

Tlie mass demonstrations tliat are beino; planned for July 4 could 
provide dramatic platforms for ]\Lirxist-Leninist terrorists. Marxist- 
liCTiinist theory condemns individual aots of terrorism if they are not 
linked to a mass movement. However, it justifies the acts of terrorism 
wlien they are linked to mass revolutionai"y movements. Because of 
this, it becomes incumbent upon the sup]>ort apparatus for the under- 
ground terrorists to organize the mass movements which will justify 
their terrorist acts. 

1 Lenin, "Collected Works," vol. 9, pp. 345, 346. Progress Publishers (In English), 
Moscow, 1972. 


Pe.iliaps it is for this reason the primary targets are in AVasliington 
and Pliiladelpliia, where presumably the greatest "masses" Avill be 
found. Because of the significance attached to mass actions as the 
forum for terror by these gr-oups, it may be useful to examine the 
demonstrations planned for July 4 and possible involvement of vio- 
lence prone organizations. 


Major demonstrations and marches are planned for both Wash- 
ington and Philadelphia on July 4. Demonstrations are also being 
planned for Los Angeles, San Francisco, San Antonio, and other cities 
on July 4; and a followup demonstration is being planned in New 
York City at the time of the Democratic Party Convention. 

The Philadelphia demonstration gives the greatest reason for con- 
cern because the July 4 Coalition, which is planning the demonstration, 
is commanded by the Prairie P^ire Organizing Committee, a support 
organization for the Weather Underground, and by the Puerto Rican 
Socialist Part}^ a Castroite organization which supports the terrorist 
activities of the Puerto Rican Armed Forces of National Liberation 
(FxVLX). Also involved in the plans for the Philadelphia demonstra- 
tion are other radical groups, ranging from the Connnunist Party,- 
Socialist Workers Party, Guardian. Workers World Party, and the 
Tippies (the Youth International ]*arty). to an array of violence 
prone organizations like the Black Panthers, the American Indian 
^lovement. and the Palestine Solidarity Committee. Heading the 
July 4th Coalition is Alfredo Lopez, a leader of the Puerto Rican 
Socialist Party, fonnerly identified with the proterrorist tendency in 
the Socialist Workers Party. 

A. The Weather Z^nderground Organization and the Prairie Fire 
Organizing Committee 

The Weather Underground is without question the most important 
organization we have to consider because of the key role being played 
by its public support organization, the Prairie Fire Organizing Com- 
mittee, in the planning of the Philadelphia rally and in coordinating 
the activities of the participating groups.' 

The AYeather Underground terrorist organization evolved out of the 
Weatherman faction of the Students for a Democratic Society when 
that organization split in 1969. 

- The Communist Party representative to the July 4th Coalition is Grace Mora, Chairman 
of the CPUSA Puerto Rican Commission and a member of the Party's Central Committee. 
Some of the literature put out by the July 4th Coalition su^sests that It is a formal coalition 
of organizations. Other literature lists names, with a notation that organizational affilia- 
tion is intended for purposes of identification only. However this may be. it can be taken for 
granted that Grace Mora, as a member of the CP Central Committee, would not be 
participating in the July 4th Coalition without the complete approval of the central 

In lf)68 the CP had provided logistical support to the demonstrations against the 
Democratic Party Convention in Chicago. However, no CPUSA members were arrested 
in the violence. Legal and medical facilities were organized months In advance by members 
and friends of the Communist Party. The office set up in Chicago to organize the demon- 
strators, was paid for by the Communist Party. This was first revealed in hearings before 
the House Committee on Un-American Activities held in December 1968. The information 
was recently confirmed in confidential FBI reports released by the Church committee. 

' Most of the information contained in this section is documented in the extensive 
hearings of the Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security dealing with "The Extent of 
Subversion in the New Left" and the hearings of the House Internal Security Committee 
on the subject of the SDS. 


The reasons for the split were complex, but they had little to do 
with the relative militancy of the contending- factions. On the one 
hand, there was the Worker-Student Alliance, a Maoist tendency which 
sought control of SDS. On the other hand, there was the Weatherman 
faction and the Revolutionary Youth ISIovement II, both considering 
themselves Marxist-Leninist and both supporting the use of violence. 
E.YM II subsequently splintered into half a dozen revolutionary 
grouping;s, and some of these split again. The most infamous oH'spring 
of RYM II, incidentally, was the Symbionese Liberation Army.^ In 
contrast, the Weatherman faction has survived mostly intact, despite 
changes in outlook and activity. 

In October 1969, approximately 600 members of the Weatherman 
faction came together in Chicago for 4 days of violent street demon- 
strations. The "Days of Rage," as they haA^e become known, ran from 
October 8 to 11. With slogans such as "Bring the War Home" and 
"We're going to burn the city down," the Weathermen broke windows 
and attacked the Chicago Police Department and passers-by on the 
streets. A Weathennan leaflet distributed in New York City high 
schools after the Chicago action said, "In Chicago, we attacked the 
homes and businesses of the rich bastards who profit oft' war and op- 
pression. We did a million dollars' worth of damage and sent 60 pigs 
to the hospital, including Richard Elrod, Corporation Counsel for 
Chicago * * *." 

The first act of violence perpetrated during the "Days of Rage" was 
the bombing of a statue of a policeman at Haymarket Square. This is 
the first known bombing incident connected with the Weather 

xVs a result of effective undercover work by the Chicago Police De- 
partment, the Weathermen did not succeed. Apf)roximately half of 
the 600 members who came to Chicago were under arrest by the time 
the demonstrations were over. Many Weathermen were injured in the 
course of fighting with the police. 

On October 22, 1969, the leadership of the Weatherman faction, 
which called itself the "Weather Bureau," met in a motol in Oregon, 
Illinois. The most prominent members of the Weather Bureau at that 
time were Bernardine Dohrn and Mark Rudd.^ The discussion ap- 
parently concluded that confrontations with the police could not work 
and the Weatherman faction, now to be called the Weather LTnder- 
ground, began organizing clandestine terrorist activities. 

Another "war council," held from December 27 to 31, 1969, in Flint, 
Mich., brought together approximately 500 supporters and niembers 
of the Weather movement. The conference ratified the decision that 
the Weathermen should go underground and begin acts of violence 
and terrorism. Subsequent to the "war council," Weather cadres were 
dispersed to various key locations around the country to build under- 
ground collectives and above-ground support groups to aid the work 
of the underground. Weatherman bombings began in various parts 
of the country, particularly on the two coasts. The bombings were 
directed both against property and against individuals, particularly 
police officers. 

* See "The West Coast Terrorist Movement," p. 127. 

» Other members of the We.nther Bureau at that time included John G. Jaoobs. Linda 
livans. William Charles Ayers. Jeffrey Jones, Terry Robbins, James Gerald Mellon, Gerald 
\v. Long, and Howard Machtinger. 


Among the more spectacular terrorist acts committed by the Weather 
Underground have been — 

The bombing of the San Francisco Park Police Station on 
February 16, 1970, with a dynamite bomb loaded with staples. 
This bombing killed one police officer and injured eight others; 

The bombing of the New York City Police headquarters on 
June 9, 1970 ; 

The bombing of the U.S. Capitol on February 28, 1971 ; 

The bombing of the Department of Corrections in California 
on August 30, 1971 ; 

The bombing of the State Department on January 29, 1975. 
The March 6, 1970, explosion of a townhouse in New itork in which 
three members of the Weather Underground were killed while making 
antipersonnel bombs, caused a great deal of dissension and discussion 
within the movement. Many of the Weather Underground supporters 
were shocked b}' the antipersonnel nature of the bombs. Because the 
Weather Underground had not taken responsibility for the San Fran- 
cisco Park Police Station bombing, the supporters were unaware that 
such bombs had already been used. Despite dissension and a number 
of defections, the hard core members remained, however, and they 
boast that thej' have been responsible for more than 25 bombings since 

It is of interest to note that a number of the leaders of the Weather 
T'ndergionud met witli the Vietcong officials in Havana or Eastern 
Europe prior to going underground. It is also worth noting that all 
of the leaders and most of the members of the Weather Underground 
have been to Connnunist Cuba,^ some of them with the so-called Ven- 
ceremos Brigade, a continuing organization which purports to be a 
movement of enthusiastic volunteer sugar cane cutters, but which, in 
reality — as evidence before j'our subcommittee has documented — has 
been an instrument of the Cuban General Directorate of Intelligence 
for indoctrinating young Americans, training some of them in the art 
or urban guerrilla warfare, and recruiting others for the DGI. 

One of the researchers who helped prepare this paper was recently 
able to conduct a series of in-depth interviews with a former member 
of the Weather Underground organization. This individual was able 
to provide details of the discussions that took place within the leader- 
shi)) of the Weather Underground, both during the planning stages 
and the operational stages of their terrorist actions, and his revela- 
tions provide important insights into their operational mentality. 

For the Weather Underground leaders, the most important results 
of terrorist actions in the initial stages of the operation was media cov- 
erage. They wanted to show people both in the United States and 
around the world that there was a network of revolutionaries willing 
to take personal responsibility, to carry out terrorist acts within the 
"belly of the monster" and in solidarity with revolutionary move- 
ments throughout tlie world. T]iey believed that a sustained campaign 
of bombings and other terrorist acts would give them legitimacy as 
the_ leader of the revolutionary movement in "the United States. Ter- 
rorist acts, referred to as "armed propaganda," could obtain large- 

« This bonst is mado repeatedly in Osa-watomie. inside cover. 

• AnioTisr tbe Weatlier leaders wbo have visited Cuba are James Mellen. Gerald Lnnsr. 
Bernardme Dohrn. Karen Ashley, Howie Emmer, Arlene Bergman, and Julio Nicbamin. 
l.mnier and Dobru have met with the Vietcong. 

7r,-r,2ri — 76 2 


scale free media coverage that mere rhetoric could not obtain. The use 
of terrorist activities was also seen as linking the Weather Under- 
ground with the Third World revolutionary movement at home and 

As the movement developed, the Weather Underground leaders be- 
lieved that the escalating destruction of American lives would disil- 
lusion more and more people with life in the United States and cause 
them to lose confidence in the ability of the U.S. (jovernment 
to protect them from violence. This disillusionment and loss of confi- 
dence would become increasingly important factors — while the ability 
of the Government to cope with the violence would decrease. The 
Weather Underground would achieve the status of leader of the revo- 
lutionary movement, and other groups would emulate their terrorist 
actions and help to further destabilize American society. 

At the same time, the Weather Underground leaders believed that 
it was necessary to build an above-gi-ound party more openly revolu- 
tionary than the Communist Party U.S.A., which would advance 
propaganda justifications for the violent actions of the terrorist under- 
ground. The above-ground movement— to be called the Prairie Fire 
Organizing Committee — would also have the responsibility of orga- 
nizing mass struggles that could be linked with the terrorist actions 
of the Weather Underground. Specific acts of bombings and other 
forms of terrorism are being carried out both by fugitive Weather 
people who are operating imderground and, as revealed by a defector, 
by publicl}' active individuals ostensibl}', above-ground.^ 

Since the disruption of the Weather Underground support appa- 
ratus early in 1970, the organization has slowly rebuilt its network. 
Supporters range from former members of the Weatlierman faction 
of SDS to radical chic entertainment figures. Most important, how- 
ever, is the support supplied by counterculture communes, which sup- 
ply safe houses, forged or stolen identification material, and other 
items helpful to the outlaws. 

Tlie Weather Underground is not a legal organization for the simple 
reason that all of its leaders are on the FBI's most wanted list. But 
by 1974, the support network felt strong enough to organize a public 
above-ground apparatus. The first action of this group was the publi- 
cation of Prairie Fire, a political statement of the Weather Under- 
ground running 152 pages. The distributing apparatus, which was first 
called the Prairie Fire Distribution Committee, soon changed its name 
to Prairie Fire Organizing Committee. The responsibility for print- 
ing and distributing Prairie Fii-e was undertaken hy Howie Emmer, 
who had been active in the Weatherman faction of SDS, and his wife, 
Nancy Kurshan. Nancy is the former wife of Jerry Rubin, a counter- 
culture personality. Emmer and Kurshan served on the National Com- 
mittee of the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee until December 1975, 
when they resigned for personal reasons. However, they remain mem- 
bers of the organization in the San Francisco Bay area.^ 

8 It Is my understanding that law enforcement authorities have now been alerted to this 

"Accordinj; to the minutes of a rerent nipetins: of the Prairie Fire Orsanizinar Com- 
mittee. National Committee, its current membership includes Jennifer Dohrn (sister of 
Rprnardine), Russell Nenfeld. Alan Berkman. Laura Whitehorn (at larire members). Diana 
Block, Nancy Barrett (Bay area). Susie Wavsdorf. Liz Horowitz (Boston), Sylvia Baral- 
dlni. Shelly Miller (New York), Lance Pustln (Philadelphia), and Miles Pustln (Vermont). 


PFOC hfis distributed Osawatomie, the magazine of the Weather 
Underiri'oiind organization, live issues of wliich hav^e appeared.^'' Osa- 
watoniie operates as a theoretical journal of terrorism in which the 
Weatherinen seek to explain, justify and encourage the kind of terror- 
istic activity in which they have been engaged. 

PFOC sees itself as a ''cadre organizaton" which has as its purpose 
drawing together other Marxist-I^eninist groups to establish a "revolu- 
tionary Communist Party." The immediate tasks, according to their 
west coast unit are "1. Build a mass base, 2. Build unity on the left, 
3. Build relationships with Third World groups." 

As a part of this program, PFOC organized the '"Hard Times Con- 
ference" which took place in Chicago on January 30 to February 1, 
1976. According to a PFOC internal document, three PFOC National 
Committee meml^ers — Russell Neufeld, Susie Waysdorf and Shelly 
Miller — were sent to Chicago to organize the Hard Times Conference. 
They obtained $2,700 to help pay for the Conference from the Amer- 
ican Issues Forum of Chicago — an organization which is funded by 
the federally supported Xational Fndowmeut for the Humanities. This 
is an example of the ability of such groups to obtain taxpayers' money 
for their activities. Although controlled by PFOC. the Conference 
brought together a wide range of groups, including the Puerto Rican 
Socialist Party, the "Workers World I'arty, the New York Black 
Panther Party, the American Indian Movement, the National Interim 
Committee for a Mass Party of the People. 

Over 2,000 activists took part in the Hard Times Confei-ence, One 
of the most important actions taken by the conference was the ap- 
proval of a proposal by the Puerto Rican Socialist Party for a mili- 
tant mass demonstration in Philadelphia on July 4th. I offer for the 
i-ecord a cojiy of a letter fiom the .Tidy 4t]i Coalition establishing the 
founding role played by the Hard Times Conference. 

The Central Committee of the Weather Underground Organization 
has announced that "* * * we dedicate ourselves to solidarity with 
the Jidy 4th mobilization in Pliiladolphia Avhich will raise the Jbanner 
of independence for Puerto Rico and unite this struggle with that of 
the workers and oppressed people of the United States. This is an 
urgent priority." (Osawatomie, April-May 1976). The same issue, it is 
to be noted, gives public support to the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, 
tlie American Indian ^lovement. and t]ie Palestine terrorists. The pos- 
sibility exists that Weather Underground terrorism during the Bi- 
centennial may take place on behalf of Puerto Rican, American Indian, 
and Palestinian terrorist movements. 

In line with its concept that it must function as a cadre organization, 
the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee has placed its cadres in key 
positions in a large number of militant and violence prone organiza- 
tions, many of which are planning to participate in the July 4 Coali- 
tion demonstration in Philadelphia— which, as I have already pointed 
out, is under the joint command of the Prairie Fire Organizing Com- 
mittee and the Puerto Rican Socialist Party. 

10 PFOC Is also propagandizinfT on behalf of a 90-mlnute film, called "Underground" 
recently shown at the Inner Circle Theater in Washington, D.C. and the Regency Theater 
in New York City. It was made in coojieration witli Weather Underground fugitives. See 
the interview with producer Emlle de Antonio in "Rolling Stone," Nov. 6, 1975. See also 
tlie New York Tlme.s, June 22, 1975. 


In the paragraphs that follow. I propose to deal with a few of the 
numerous interlocks that tie together many of the organizations of the 
far left and the terrorist left. The story is a much longer one, but I 
believe these few examples will help to establish that the Prairie Fire 
Organizing Committee has become cooi'dinator of many extremist or- 
ganizations in the year since it was founded. 



Julie Nichamin, one of the old SDS and Weatherman leaders, a re- 
peated "visitor" to Cuba, and a leader of the Prairie Fire Organizing 
Committee, serves as a coordinator for the Puerto Rican Solidarity- 
Committee. The Puerto Rican Solidarity Committee is the propa- 
ganda arm of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party and defends terrorist 
and other violent activities on behalf of Puerto Rican independence. 
Alfredo Ix)pez, who heads the Puerto Rican Solidarity Committee, is 
also a leader of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party and is the coordi- 
nator for the July 4th Coalition. 


The Native American Solidarity Committee operates from a post 
office box in St. Paul, Minn. It propagandizes in favor of violent activ- 
ities by American Indians. The organization grew out of the apparatus 
organized by the National Lawyers Guild in support of the American 
Indian Movement's armed occupation of Wounded Knee, S.D. Jed 
Proujansky of the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee serves on the 
National Interim Coordinating Committee of the Native American 
Solidarity Committee. Proujansky, a former SDS-Weatherman activ- 
ist, was convicted of mob action as a result of the violence during the 
•'Days of Rage"' in Chicago in October 1969. The Vermont chapter 
of the Native American Solidarity Committee is run by Miles Pustin, 
who also serves on the National Committee of the Prairie Fire 
Organizing Committee. 


The Palestine Solidarity Committee, whicli was established in 
November 1975, is run by PFOC activitists George Cavaletto and 
Sheila Ryan. They operate this organization from a post office box in 
Manhattanville Station. Noav York. Cavaletto was a member of the 
Weatherman faction of SDS. He was identified by the Flint, ]\lich. 
Police Department as having been in attendance at the Weatherman 
"War Council" in Flint, INIich. in December 1909. He visited Havana 
in July 1969, presimiably to meet with representatives of the Vietcong 
and the North Vietnamese. Ryan, who had also been active in the 
Weatherman faction of SDS, was one of the first members to visit 
Cuba with the Venceremos Brigade. Ryan and Cavaletto both spent a 
year in Jordan and Lebanon writing propaganda articles for the 
Palestine Liberation Oriranization. 

The first meeting on the Palestine Solidarity Committee took place 
at Cohnnbia University in New York City' on January 20, 1976. 
Securitv for the meeting was very extensive. Each participant was 


g'iven a ticket with liis name on it, countersigned by the person from 
whom he had received the ticket. When the ticket was presented at 
the door, its number and the name of the participant was checked 
against a master list. The name of the individual's organization was 
also on the list. After sui-rendering his ticket, each participant re- 
ceived a body search before being permitted to enter the room. 

Among the groups participating in the meeting and providing se- 
curity guards for the meeting were the Prairie Fire Organizing 
Committee, the Communist Party U.S.A., and the Socialist Workers 
Party. The main speaker at the meeting was Shafik al Hout, of the 
Palestine Liberation Organization in Lebanon. During the question- 
and-answer period, some questions were answered by Basil al Aql, 
member of the Palestine Liberation Organization Delegation to the 
T'nited Nations, and Yasser Abd al Rabdou, member of the Palestine 
Ijiberation Organization Executive ('ommittee and head of the PLO's 
Information Department. Also on the platform, but not answering 
(luestions was Plassan Abdul Kahman, Deputy Permanent Observer of 
PLO at the LTnited Nations. Al Hout and al Aql spoke strongly in 
favor of armed struggle. Both also stressed the importance of the 
support they had received from the Soviet Union and Communist 

On May 16, 19TG, tlie Palestine Solidarity Comniittee was able to 
bring together almost 900 people to a demonstration in Brooklyn, 
N.Y. Approximately 500 of tliose were radicals from outside the area, 
and about 400 were local people." 

It is interesting to observe the generally increased interest in the 
Palestinian terrorists by the American terrorist movement and sup- 
port groups. In March 1975, the Associated Press reported a threat by 
the Palestine Liberation Organization to carry out terrorist acts in 
the United States. The AP quoted Zouheir Mohsen, leader of the 
military section of PLO, as saying in an interview in Damascus, "We 
will strike at any Israeli strategic target wherever we can reach it, in 
Israel or in Japan or in the United States."' (Chicago Sun-Times, 
March 1?>, 1975). The PLO has committed acts of terrorism against 
British Jews involved in pro-Israel activity. Political considerations 
have reduced PLO terrorist actions in recent months. However, we 
should not overlook the possibility that domestic terrorists may seek 
to target American Jews during the Bicentennial, in solidarity with 
the PLO. 



Another organization with which the Weather Underground and 
the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee have worked very closely is 
the National Lawyers Guild. The National Lawyers Guild in the old 
days was frequently identified as a legal front organization for the 
Communist Party. More recently, I note that testimony before con- 
it Amnnsr the orsmnizations and Individual radicals that sponsored this demonstration 
were the Puerto Rico Solidarity Committee. El Comlte-MINTP. Friends of Haiti, Gnardian. 
International Indian Treaty ifouncil (AIM). Irish Republican Clnhs of the TTSA nnd 
Tnna'ia. Li^prntion Support Movenipnt. Part'do Cnmnn'sta Dominlcana. Prairie Fire 
Or?ani7inp Committee. Puerto Rioan Socialist Party. Socialist Workers Party, Venceremos 
Brigade, and the Young Socialist Alliance (this Is the Trotskyite youth organization). 


gressional committees evaluates the guild as an organization whicli is 
still heavily involved in support of revolutionary activities, but which 
appears to operate as an old left-new left coalition, offering its services 
to virtually all revolutionary and terrorist elements. Not very sur- 
prisingly, the guild has from the first provided legal support for the 
Weather Underground. 

The guild publishes a magazine called Midnight Special, aimed at 
convicts in prisons. One of the editors of tliis publication is Judy 
Clark, former Weather Underground fugitive, now active in the 
Prairie Fire Organizing Committee. The^ August-Septemxber 1975 
issue of Midnight Special explained that : 

All black and Third World people who are incarcerated in maximum security 
penitentiaries are political prisoners — victims who have responded to racist de- 
humanization and political and economic oppression in their daily lives. Any 
time oppressed people move to destroy this reality of their daily lives, the Fascist 
state defines it as "crime." We must see that any acts against our oppressor 
can never be a crime but are clearly legitimate attempts to free ourselves; in 
essence they are political acts. 

For this reason, tlie guild said, they supported the Black Liberation 

Their statement read further : 

This brings ns to the question of why we support the BLA, but more im- 
portantly what they represent. As we have said, we do not believe that the 
phenomenon of a black liberation army is without historical justification and 
necessity. We do not believe that revolutionary action as long as it takes a 
military form has the quasi-miraculous capacity of mileashing a great revolu- 
tionary process. But we adhere to this principle that revolutionary war is the 
continuation of politics by violent means : that strategy must be subordinated to 
politics, or better said, that politics and strategy are conjoined in revolutionary 
and guerrilla warfare. 

In December 1975, a National Lawyers Guild delegation traveled 
to Puerto Rico to attend the Congress of the Puerto Eican Socialist 
Party. They are expected to send a delegation to the Middle East 
some time this year to meet with the Palestine Liberation Organiza- 
tion. This trip is being organized in coordination wnth the Palestine 
Solidarity Committee, a group closely linked to the Prairie Fire Or- 
ganizing Committee. 

Not very surprisingly, the National Lawyers Guild is participating 
in the July 4 coalition together with the Prairie Fire Organizing Com- 
mittee and its otlier legal proteges, and it lias offered its services in 
advance to all those demonstrators who fret themselves in trouble with 
the law in Philadelphia. The Philadelphia chapter of the National 
Lawyers Guild, which M'orks closely Avith the Prairie Fire Organizing 
Committee, placed a notice in the Liberation News Service Bulletin of 
April 3, 1976, v/hich read : 

The Philadelphia chapter of the National Lawyers Guild is planning on pro- 
viding emergency legal service to the various groups and individuals who will 
be demonstrating in Philadelphia this summer. This will include helping to 
secure parade permits, fighting injunctions against demonstrations, counseling 
groups on first amendment rights and providing legal observers for demonstra- 
tions and lawyers for emergency situations. Any group planning on coming to 
Philadelphia this summer should notify the guild as soon as possible so that 
It can estimate the dimensions of the legal assistance necessary and can con- 
tact groups plaiming to participate. 




The Weather Underground and the Prairie Fire Organizing Com- 
mittee liave also pi'ovided propaganda support for the Symbionese 
Li)>eration Army. At the time of the capture of Patricia Hearst and the 
ITarri;res, BernaVdine Dohrn signed a statement on behalf of the WUO. 
She said. "The capture of several SLA members in September was 
a victory for the enemy and a defeat for everyone struggling against 
imperialism. Tliey are comi'ades who share the conviction that only 
Socialist revolution will end the misery and oppression of imperialisjn." 
But Dohrn went on to criticize the SLA for not organizing a political 
movement to cari'y out their aims. She referred to the SLA's theory of 
operation as the ''foco theoi-y" — which the A^'eather Underground now 
believes is wrong. This theory, which originally was developed from 
the Latin-American terrorist experience, has been criticized by ter- 
rorists who consider themselves 5'Iarxist-Leninists because it does not 
link terrorist attacks to mass movements. Dohrn ended her statement 
by saying, "We should proceed at once to build the kind of political 
organization capable of leading the armed struggle and the powerful 
discontent of the oppressed and exj^loited." (Osawatomie, winter, 1975- 
Tf>). Li Berkeley, the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee, together 
Avitli the National Lawyers Guild, organized a rally in support of the 
SLA on September 27, 1975. (For more on the west coast movement, 
see p, 121.) 


A rival radical group, the Revolutionary Communist Party (form- 
erly the Revolutionary Union) also plans demonstrations in Phila- 
del))hia on the Fourth of July under the slogan. "Get the rich off our 
backs!'' The RCP. a Maoist-Communist group, says it hopes to orga- 
nize thousands of demonstrators for their own action. The RCP youth 
organization, the Revolutionary Student Bi'igade, and the Vietnam 
Veterans Against the War, which some consider an RCP front opera- 
tion, are also activeh' recruiting demonstrators for Philadelphia. 

B. The Puerto Rlcan Socialht Party 

Sharing the command of the July 4th Coalition with the Prairie 
Fire Organizing Committee are the Puerto Rican Socialist Party and 
the Puerto Rican Solidai-it}- Committee, an umbrella support opera- 
tion for the PSP. Juan ]\Iari Bras, the leader of the Puerto Rican 
Socialist Party, was quoted roughly a year ago by Claridad, his paity 
organ, as saying: 

The slogan of the Bicentennial without Colonies means that we are going to 
turn the Bicentennial celebrations upside down, if. hy that time, the United 
States has not ended its colonial regime in Puerto Rico. Thousands of Puerto 
Ricans, Blacks, Mexican-Americans, Indians and other racial minorities will 
invade the city of Philadelphia on July 4, 1976. 

How seriously do we have to take such threats ? 

In December 1974. Mari Bras promised, ". . . sabotage and bomb- 
ings of all kinds will take place with increasing frequency." {Claridad^ 
Dec. 3, 1974) Less than 2 months later, a bomb ex])loded in New York 
City's Fraunces Tavern, killing four innocent diners. And on Oc- 
tober 27, 1975, ten almost simultaneous bomb explosions took place in 


goveinmont buildings, corporations and banks in New York, Chicago, 
and Washington. The FALN — the Armed Forces of Puerto Rican 
Liberation — claimed credit for all these actions, while the PSP, in its 
own name, simply condoned them. 

Available intelligence about these organizations, including the docu- 
mented testimon}' that has been presented to your subcommittee in 
several hearings, established beyond challenge that both are heavily in- 
fluenced and may be controlled by the Cuban intelligence service, the 
so-called DGI, wliich stands for Directoria General de Inteligencia. 
Tlie leaders of both of these organizations flamboyantly support Fidel 
Castro and have frequently visited Cuba. While both of these organiza- 
tions are ostensibly non-terrorist, they miss no opportunity to proclaim 
their admiration for the Puerto liican terrorists and their solidarity 
witli them. 

The Puerto Rican Socialist Party publicly maintains a large office in 
Havana — and Plavana was the locus of tlie so-called ''International 
Conference of Solidarity with the Independence of Puerto Rico"' in 
September of 1075. where representatives of all the Communist parties 
internationally and Third World governments and movements declared 
their moral support for the Puerto Rican Socialist Party. 

The Puerto Rican Socialist Party is not a reformist organization 
like the European Social Democratic parties. It is a Castro Communist 
party — and the use of the name "Puerto Rican Socialist Party"' was 
simply intended to give their organizing greater acceptability, na- 
tionallv and internationally. This was made very clear by Juan Mari 
Bras, the leader of the PSP", who said in Claridad, on Januaiy 2, 1975 : 

We are Communists because the objective of all socialists around the world is 
the eventual transformation of the socialist society into a Communist society . . . 
But in the specific context of our national reality, we decided to call our party 
'socialist party' because it defines with suflicient precision our strategic objec- 
tives for the forseeable future. 

The leaders of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party view themselves as 
revolutionary Davids destined to destroy the U.S. imperialist Goliath. 
This theme emerges over and over again from a reading of their 
literature. For example, a supplement to Claridad published in Xo- 
vember 1974 stated : 

We are at the very center of the continental revolution. Every revolutionary 
process in the Third World, and particularly in Latin America, deepens the con- 
tradictions in the heart of American society. At the same time, the deeper the 
struggles in the heart of this society, the bigger will be the possibilities of victory 
for the Third World. 

The same article bore a photograph of the damage done by a bomb 
set by Puerto Rican terrorists in New York City. The caption stated : 
"Puerto Rico must be tlie spearhead to bring the anti-imperialist war 
to tlie very heart of the American society." 

The most significant of the Puerto Rican terrorist gi'oups is the 
Puerto Rican Armed Forces for National Liberation (FALN). The 
first publicly aclaiowledged bombings claimed by the FALN were in 
October 1974. The advertised purpose of these bombings was to demand 
freedom for Puerto Rican teiTorists in Attica Prison and to declare to 
the world that the FALN "supports the demonstration at Madison 
Square Garden on October 27 (1974) in support of the independence 
of Puerto Rico." Since tliat time, tliev have been involved in some 30 


or more bombinfjs on tlie U.S. mainland and many more bombings in 
Puerto Rico itself. 

The Madison Square Garden rally was sponsored by the Puerto 
Rican Socialist Party, and the feature si>eaker was Juan Mari Bras, 
its leader. Mari Bras told the rally that the FALN bombings were 
iustified. "There is a diversity of forms and means by which the Puerto 
Rican people struggle for inde])endence and national liberation," he 
said. "This is one of our means." 

I think it worth noting that among the other speakers at the rally 
were Angela Davis, an official of the Communist Party, U.S.A., actress 
Jane Fonda, and Russell Means of tlie American Indian Movement. 

As a result of a grand jury probe into the FALN actions, a number 
of PSP activists have been subpenaed. According to Chicago Ti'ibune 
reporter Ron Koziol, one of the FALX activists is a Cuban-trained 
Puerto Rican terrorist by the name of Filiberto Ojeda Rios, who Avas 
being sought by the FBI in connection with FALX terrorist bombings 
in Chicago (Chicago Tribune, June 13, 1975) . 

"Wliile there are few leads to the identity of the FALX terrorists, 
there are many people who believe that the members of tlie FALX are 
simply disguised membei"s of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party. Wheth- 
er this is so or not, there can be absolutely no question that the Puerto 
Rican Socialist Party has repeatedly and militantly defended the ac- 
tions of the terrorists. For example, in your hearing of last year on 
Puerto Rican terrorism, your witness, Francisco Martinez, quoted 
Angel Agosta, the secretary of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, as 

The Armed Commandos for Liberation are perhaps the most substantial and 
effective armed pro-iudepeudence organization in Puerto Rico. Their actions are 
framed within the conception of an armed struggle as the blasting cap and a 
supplement for legal open struggle. 

The FALX, for its part, has made no effort to disguise the fact that 
it receives — and welcomes — support from the Castro government, and 
from sympathetic organizations in the LTnited States and the Amer- 
icas. The FALX communique Xo. 6 (October 27, 1975) said in part: 

The FALN welcomes the support given the Puerto Rican national liberation 
struggle at the Solidarity Conference in Cuba (September 1975) and- the meeting 
of nonaligned nations in Peru in September. We esi)eciall.y acknowledge tlie 
moral support given our organization by the Cuban people and government, in 
a speech by Premier Fidel Castro in August, in which he said the Cuban govern- 
ment would do all it could to support the FALN. 

The Puerto Rican Solidarity Committee, is for all practical purposes, 
an extension of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, set up for the purpose 
of bringing together all of the organizations of the revolutionary left 
in this country in a single movement supporting the objective of "in- 
dependence" for Puerto Rico. The founding conference took place on 
the campus of Rutgers Univei'sity in Xewarlc, X.J. The hundred or 
more delegates at the conference represented a broad array of orga- 
nizations, including the Communist Party, U.S.A., the Xational LaAv- 
yers Guild, the Xational Emergencj^ Civil Liberties Committee, tlie 
October League, the Congress of African People, the American Com- 
mittee of the World Peace Council, and other similar organizations of 
the Old Left and Xew Left. 


The testimony given before your subcommittee last Juh' oO by Mr. 
Alfonso Tarabocliia, established the fact that most of tlie leaders of 
the Puerto Rican Solidarity Committee had been in Cuba at least one 
time and some several times, and that some of them had been in contact 
M'ith identified members of the DGI.^^ 

I have already pointed out that Julie Nichamin serves as the co- 
ordinator for the Puerto Pican Solidarity Committee. Hearings held 
before this subcommittee have reproduced a letter from Julie Nichamin 
written from Havana on January 26. 1069, to Bernardine Dohrn, the 
leader of the Weather Underground. Tliis letter wound up with a 
postscript: "I (Julie) will be down here at least until the middle 
of April. If any help or information is needed, just get the letter to 
Jimenez at the Mission to forvrard down here."' "Jimenez"' was identi- 
fied in testimony before your subcommittee as Jesus Jimenez Escobar, 
who was expelled from this country on February 19, 1969, for engag- 
ing in espionage activities against the United States. 

To sum all this up, here you have the present coordinator of the 
Puerto Rican Solidarity Committee, which has the status of a legal 
organization, writing a letter from Havana to Bernardine Dohrn, now 
the leader of the illegal Weather Underground and one of the FBI's 
10 most wanted criminals, urging her to establish contact with a mem- 
ber of the Cuban Mission to the U.N. — who, not very surprisingly, 
also happened to l)e a member of the Cuban DGI. I tliink this teils us 
a good deal about the nature of the Puei-to Pican Solidarity Committee. 

A discussion of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, the Puerto Rican 
Solidarity Committee and the influence of the DGI would be incom- 
plete without a further reference to the role played by tlie so-called 
Venceremos Brigade. As I have already pointed out, the Venceremos 
Brigade, a continuing movement which was launched in 1968, purports 
to be an organization of young Americans who want to manifest their 
sympathy for the so-called agricultural reform in Cuba by participat- 
ing as volunteers in the sugarcane harvCvSt. To date, a grand total of 
some 2,400 young Americans have traveled to Cuba, in annual contin- 
gents, under the auspices of the Venceremos Brigade. Your own sub- 
committee, in a series of hearings, has accumulated specific evidence 
that the Venceremos Brigade has, from the beginning, been a creation 
of the Cuban DGI, which uses it for purposes of indoctrination, espio- 
nage and political activities in the United States. 

In testimony before your subcommittee last year, Mr. Alfonso L. 
Tarabochia, your chief investigator, made the apt commentary that the 
evidence pointed to a triangular relationship between the Venceremos 
Brigade, the Puerto Rican Socialist Party and the DGI, with the DGI 

1- A whole series of interestins: interlocking relationships exist between the PRSC the 
VenrereJiins Urisade, nnA idontiflpd members of the DGI. "Puerto Rico, Libre, the official 
mouthpiece of the PRSC, lists as its national staff, the following individuals : Maggie Block, 
Rosa Borenstein, David Burd, Bill Henning, Sally Hamann, Lally Lopez, Liz Mestres. and 
Vieki Wheeler. In addition, Julie Nichamin, Ted GMck. Roger Geller, Frank Christopher, 
and Dana Biberman are listed as members of the PRSC. Of these, Margaret Phyllis Block 
was n memlier of the senond Venceremos Brigade which was in Cuba for 6 weeks, from 
mid-February 1970 to mid-April 1970 ; Borenstein was a member of the First Brigade 
which traveled to Cuba from December 1969 to February 1970. In addition. Rosa Boren- 
stein made another trip to Cuba in Jul.v 1971 where she visited the Cuban Institute 
of Friendship with Peoples dCAP). a notorious cover for the DGI. There she met with 
an ICAP operative who had worked on the Cuban contingent of the First and Second 
Brigades . . . His name is Jose Antonio Pedroso. There was an exchange of information 
about activities of brigade veterans in the United States and Rosa Borenstein gnve 
Pedroso details about members in the Northeastern United States." Paragraph In quotes 
taken from p. 358, Terroristic Activity, part 6, "The Cuban Connection in Puerto Rico ; 
Castro's Hand in Puerto Rican and U.S. Terrorism." Hearing of the Senate Subcommittee 
on Internal Security, July 30, 1975. 


at the apex of tlio triangle. He pointed out that, as of the time of his 
testimony, some 60 to 70 Puerto Ricans had traveled to Cuba with the 
Venceremos Brigade and that, of the 40 individuals listed as members 
of the U.S. Zone Committee of the Puerto Eican Socialist Partj', 10 
were veterans of the Venceremos Brigade. 

The kind of sugarcane cutting that the Venceremos Brigade mem- 
bers engaged in while they were in Cuba has been s[)elled out in public 
documents. For example, the official Cuban news agency Prensa 
Latina, on October 30, 1970, carried this item on the education of the 
Venceremos Brigade members: 

"The most useful part of the trip, up to now, has been the lectures," commented 
a Puerto Rican (Brigade member), "we are really learning. And they ask ques- 
tions constantly, v/ith great eagerness. Susan wants to clear up some confused 
points of Marighella's •Minimauual of the Urban Guerrilla'; Bob would like to 
know how the Tupamaros function and organize themselves because 'we could do 
the same in many cities of the United States' ; a blond long-haired young man 
worries about 'What actions could we carry out to cooperate with Latin American 
revolutionaries in their struggle against Yankee imperialism?' " 

Further insights on the Venceremos Brigade can be obtained from 
a book entitled, "Venceremos Brigade," edited by Sandra Levin- 
son and Carol Brightman, published by Simon and Schuster in 1971. 
The book contains 6 interviews with a Cuban, Julian Torres Rizo, 
and a photograph that bears the following caption: "Jidian Rizo, di- 
rector of the Cuban delegation in the brigade camp, addressing the 
brigade on International Women's Day." 

The book, in addition, included some remarks delivered by Torres 
Rizo to applicants for the Third Venceremos Brigade contingent to 
Cuba in New York City in July of 1970. 

Torres Rizo is currently serving as first secretary of the Cuban Mis- 
sion to the United Nations in New York. In addition to his long asso- 
ciation with the Venceremos Brigade and young Americans, Torres 
Rizo has been identified in a report put out by your subcommittee as 
a member of the U.S. section of the DGI, and he was more recently 
so identified in a nationally syndicated column. 

Mr. Chairman, in the light of the evidence of the ties between the 
DGI on the one hand and the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, the Puerto 
Rican Solidarity Committee, and the Venceremos Brigade on the other 
hand, as well as the evidence of ties between the DGI and the Weather 
Underground-Prairie Fire Organizing Committee complex, it is 
difficult to believe that the Castro government is completely unaware 
of the plans that are being made for July 4 under the auspices of the 
July 4th Coalition. 

C. PBG and the Washington demonstration 

To complete the romidup of possible July 4 disruptions, T should 
mention the demonstration planned for Washington, under the aegis 
of the Peoples Bicentennial Commission. 

The May 1976 report issued by the Subcommittee on Internal Se- 
curity described the PBC as "a propaganda and organizing tool of a 
small group of New Left political extremists whose pantheon of po- 
litical heroes includes such Marxist luminaries as Fidel Castro, Mao 
Tse-tung, Che Guevara, and Regis Debrav, and who seek to pervert 
the meaning of the American Revolution and to exploit the Bicenten- 
nial celebration in order to further their own revolutionary goals." I 


believe this is a very apt characterization, and that it was well docu- 
mented in your printed report. 

While there is no evidence that the PBC is planning mass violence 
or acts of terrorism, they talk about bringing some 250,000 demon- 
strators to Washington on July 4 and staging a mass march from the 
Jefferson Memorial to the Capitol. The scheduled speakers include 
Jane Fonda, who is given top billing; Phil Foner, a Marxist historian 
long associated with the CPUS A's Jeiferson School in New York City ; 
Sam Love joy. wlio publicly took responsibility for the sabotaging in 
February 1974 of a power facility in Montague, Mass.; Dr. Benjamin 
Spock ; Rubin "Hurricane" Carter ; and others. 

As far as the PBC itself is concerned, the chances are their Washing- 
ton demonstration will not go further than the rowdiness and disrup- 
tion which characterized tlieir counterdemonstration in Concord on 
April 19, 1975. On that occasion, according to newspaper accounts, 
the crowd of 30,000 demonstrators assembled under PBC auspices, 
booed and heckled President Ford incessantly', and succeeded in turn- 
ing what was supposed to have been a happy and inspiring commemo- 
rative ceremon}^ into an unpleasant, unhapp}^ occasion. 

I hope the PBC's demonstration in Washington on July 4 will be 
peaceful even if it does not turn out to be pleasant. 

There are some reasons for concern, however. The major reason 
is that even if the PBC tries to keep its coi-e demonstration peaceful 
in accordance with its assurance, the PBC does not exercise direct 
control over the numerous terrorists and violence prone groups in our 
country, and there is a danger tliat some of these groups may decide 
to take advantage of the PBC's mass demonstration against the "estab- 
lishment" to engage in some spectacular act of terrorism or violence, 
also directed against the "establishment." 


The picture that emerges from this discussion is the following: A 
variety of groups, most of them basically Marxist -Leninist; and some 
openly terrorist, have discussed plans to disrupt the bicentennial. 
Their efforts will probably be concentrated on July 4 largely in Phil- 
adelphia and Washington where they can expect the largest crowds 
and the greatest publicity. They will also be sponsoring demonstra- 
tions in toher cities, however. Among these groups, the July 4th Coali- 
tion, in particular, bears the most careful watching because of (a) 
the links between the influential Prairie Fire Organizing Committee 
and the Weather TTnderground ; and (h) the links between the 
Puerto Rican Socialist Party and the FALN — both linked, in turn, 
to the Cuban DGI (whicli is believed by most intelligence specialists 
to be controlled by the KGB). 

Presented with these possibilities, what has been the reaction of 
law enforcement authorities? Counterterrorist action ideally includes 
})reventive intelligence, physical protection of facilities, and the de- 
terrence of possible punishment. The Bicentennial and especially 
July 4 present some serious problems from the standpoint of these 
requirements. First, it will be difficult if not impossible to "protect" 
the historic sites in those cities with measures of the kind used in 
airports. Second, our domestic law enforcement intelligence orga- 


iiizations are opercatiiig with drastically reduced capabilities. This is 
a matter your subcommittee has considered in two previous liearings, 
and it is my understanding that you are planning further liearings 
on the subject. What emerges from your hearing records and from 
information that has come to me from other sources is that in many 
of our major cities and States law enforcement intelligence files deal- 
ing with subversive and extremist organizations have been wiped 
out, and that law enforcement officers now find themselves almost 
paralj'Zed by the pyramiding restrictions on intelligence operations. 

At the risk of repetition, let me repeat a few of the facts which 
have been made public : 

In New York State, law enforcement intelligence files painstak- 
ingly built up over a 30-year period have been locked up since last 
September and most of the 24 members of the intelligence unit have 
been assigned to other duties. 

In the State of Texas, as a result of a law suit, the Public Safety 
Division has destroyed over 1 million card entries — salvaging only 
tliose cards where convictions or indictments on criminal charges were 
involved. These were transferred to the criminal files. 

In New York City, almost 98 percent of approximately 1 million 
card entries were destroyed, leaving the intelligence unit with a re- 
l)orted 20,000 cards covering perhaps a third of this number of in- 

In Chicago, the files of the police intelligence unit have been im- 
pounded since March 28 of last year leaving the unit without access 
to its own records. 

In Michigan, a Federal judge has ordered the State police to des- 
troy the files of their intelligence unit and disband the unit. This 
ruling is currently being contested. 

In Pittsburgh, the intelligence unit has been wiped out, and in 
other cities they have been reduced to levels which make it impossible 
for them to operate effectively. 

In Los Angeles, New York and other major cities, the controlling 
criterion governing law enforcement intelligence is that no entry may 
be made about any person simply on the basis of membership in the 
Communist Party or the Trotskyist or Maoist organizations or even 
in .violence-prone groups such as the Black Panthers, the Jewish De- 
tense- League, and the Palestine Liberation Organization-.. An in- 
dividual must have a record of conviction or indictment on a'.c.riminal 
charge before any entry can be made about him. This is sometJiing that 
violates aU the rules of commonsense and intelligence gathering and 
whicli virtually deprives our law enforcement agencies ofl.any pre- 
ventive capability. 

No wonder the Yugoslavian Ambassador denounced U.S. security 
precautions after his Embassy had been bombed for the tiird time 
on June 9, 1976. The State Department's "profound regrets" are no 
substitutes for sound intelligence procedures, which are the chief 
arm of domestic security. 

I note in this connection that when your subcommittee last October 
took testimony from four of this country's top police experts on ter- 
rorist bombings, they all complained about the difficulties under which 
they were operating because of the destruction or inactivation of in- 
telligence files and the increasing restrictions on their intelligence 


capabilities. Sergeant Arleigh ISIcCree of the Los Angeles Police 
Department told your subcommittee that — I quote — "Intelligence is 
relatively nonexistent among our major police departments today." 
I undei*stand that the situation has become measurably worse since 
this testimony was given. 

In the old days, whenever there was a demonstration in Washington 
or some other city that brought together extremist elements from all 
over the country, the police department in the target city would be 
able to build some kind of intelligence mosaic from the reports it 
received from other police departments around the country. This 
gave it some idea of how many people to expect, what organizations 
w^ould be participating, who the leaders were, what elements had 
to be considered particulary dangerous, and what plans there were, 
if any, for violence. Armed with this infonnation, the department 
was in a position to do some intelligent planning. But as matters stand 
this July 4, I am afraid the police departments in Washington and 
Philadelphia are operating largely in the dark. They have bits and 
pieces of information, but not enough to do any meaningful con- 
tingency planning. This is a chaotic situation — and it could be very 
dangerous. It is worthwhile recalling Avhat a difficult time the Wash- 
ington and Chicago police departments had in dealing with some of 
the violent demonstrations that took place in the late 1960's — despite 
the fact that thej^ then possessed excellent intelligence. 

How has this situation come about? It is, as your hearings have 
pointed out, a product of a complex of circumstances — the Watergate 
scandal, the revelations that there had been certain abuses by both 
our domestic and foreign intelligence agencies, a widespread antip- 
athy towards police intelligence, and an organized campaign of 
legal harassment against the intelligence units of our major law en- 
forcement agencies by left-wing organizations. 

I wholeheartedly agree with Senator Thurmond's observation that 
if there have been abuses in the field of law enforcement intelligence, 
the sensible thing to do is to correct the abuses — and not to destroy our 
entire intelligence capability. 

I am all in favor of granting the widest possible freedom of expres- 
sion to dissenting groups, including the most radical dissenters. But 
this does not mean that we must, in the name of the first amendment, 
prohibit the gathering of intelligence about conspiratorial activities 
designed to overthrow our Government and destroy our freedoms, or 
to inflict mass violence or acts of terrorism on our communities which 
could take innocent lives. The line must be drawn somewhere. And to 
me it seems clear that the first purpose of the law in any free society 
must be the protection of the community against violent and subver- 
sive minorities that seek to terrorize, intimidate, and slowly destroy 
the capacity of the Government to govern. 


Revolutionary terrorism is a deadly political weapon and from my 
own observatioiis, I am inclined to "believe that no fi-ee society has 
yet developed an effective strategy for dealing with the problem. Ter- 
rorists have become infinitely more sophisticated, and they now have 
access to long-range weapons like mortars and heatseeking antiaircraft 
missiles. ^loreoever, we may soon have to confront the problem of nu- 


clear terrorism or nuclear blackmail by terrorist elements. To further 
complicate matters, there is evidence of increasing collaboration be- 
tween domestic terrorist groups and transnational cooperation between 
terrorist groups operating in different parts of the free world. The case 
of the Lod Airport massacre is an illustration of this kind of coopera- 
tion. The group of Japanese Red Army terrorists who j^erpetrated the 
massacre were acting on behalf of their Palestinian terrorist comrades. 
The evidence established that they had received their basic training in 
terrorism in North Korea ; that they had been then transported across 
the Soviet Union to East Germany ; and that from East Germany they 
were moved down to Italy wdiere friendly terrorists provided them 
with their weapons, and that they then moved on to Israel for the final 
act in their international escapade. 

According to more recent information it has now become an increas- 
ingly commonplace occurrence for terrorist groups in one European 
country — for example. West Germany — to contact terrorist groups in 
another European country — for example, France — with a request that 
they carry out a terrorist action against a designated "German" target 
in the second country. Such requests are honored on a reciprocal basis. 

There is every reason for fearing that the situation in the United 
States will become much worse before it becomes much better, and that 
we may yet experience terrorist kidnapings and assassinations on the 
Latin American model. 

Totalitarian societies find it relatively easy to cope with the problem 
of terrorism — indeed, there is no serious problem of terrorism in totali- 
tarian societies — because they are inhibited by few humanitarian or 
legal scruples. While they are themselves immune to this deadly 
scourge, there is much evidence that they abet, directly aiid indirectly, 
terrorist activities in other countries. 

A free society cannot behave like a totalitarian society, even in deal- 
ing with a problem as grave as the growing epidemic of terrorism. It 
will, therefore, take all of our ingenuity and all of our determination 
over the coming period to devise a strategy that simultaneously respects 
the rights guaranteed under our constitution and places more effective 
restraints on the terrorist elements in our countr}'. 

I do not pretend to have all the answers. But there are a few pre- 
liminajy thoughts and suggestions I would like to offer. 

Let us recall that the fundamental purpose of the terrorist is to 
frighten his adversary. He needs innocent victims and he needs pub- 
licity. But, on top of this, the act itself is intended either to provoke the 
government into excessive reactions or to force its acceptance of teri*or- 
ist demands or to reduce the government to a state of paralysis. 

By reacting with excessive force borne of horror, outrage and frus- 
tration, a society may play into the terrorist's hands. Excessive force, 
indiscriminately applied, breeds its own fear and erodes the fabric of 
civic stability. Because the terrorist seeks to destroy a g-overnment using 
very limited physical means, he is greatly aided if he can provoke that 
government to compromise its legitimacy. 

A democracy which abridges basic liberties and abandons its con- 
stitution in order to pursue terrorists does their work for them. On 
the other liand, the danger is also increased when a government 
charged with the protection of its citizens is unable to guard against 
terrorism either capitulates to terrorist demands or fails to take ef- 
fective measures against them. 


The first requirement of an effective antiterrorist program is. a com- 
prehensive intelligence operation. Intelligence includes not only pre- 
cise information but also an analytical capability which yields criti- 
cal clues about the ideology, motivation, and likely action patterns of 
the terrorists and about the changing patterns of interlocks between 
the terrorist groups, nationally and internationally. The possession 
of facts alone still does not solve the problem, but without the facts, 
the authorities are condemned to act in a blind and sometimes arbi- 
trary or indiscriminate fashion, doing the terrorist's work for him. 

My first suggestion is, therefore, that the American people and their 
elected representatives must do some serious rethinking on the matter 
of law enforcement intelligence. Adequate intelligence is reqidrement 
number one in coping with the problem of terrorism — and in the ab- 
sence of such intelligence the most dedicated police force in the world 
would not be able to effectively protect its community. Our society 
is bound to remain extremely vulnerable to terrorism so long as the 
present paralyzing restrictions on intelligence gathering capabilities 
]3ersist. Furthermore, since terrorism frequently crosses natural fron- 
tiers, the intelligence capabilities of both the CIA and the FBI will 
have to be reinforced. I agree that there is a need for guidelines. But 
the existence of guidelines does not require the kind of near total 
wipeout that now exists. 

Second, there must be timely arrest and punishment of the terrorist. 
Unfortunately, the international nature of modern terrorism has en- 
feebled this essential deterrent. Too many governments abroad give 
sanction and support to terrorists. This includes not only those, such 
as Libya, which train and supply terrorists, but governments which 
give in to terrorist demands again and again. 

I would favor the rewriting of the laws covering terrorist actions, 
to provide for prompt trials, mandatory minimum ]3enalties for all 
terrorist crimes, and mandatory death sentences in all action^ result- 
ing in the loss of life. And I would also raise the question of whether 
the first amendment was ever intended to cover the assumed freedom 
to engage in the publication and mass distribution of how-to-do-it 
terrorist manuals. ' 

.., My third proposal is that, because of the international nature of the 
problem, we must seek to persuade free nations to embark tipon a 
combined international war against the transnational terrorists', bring- 
ing t.o bear both classic intelligence and modern com.pntcr technology. 
Aniong other things this would involve the pooling of inteJTigence. 
This, I must point out, gets into a very sticky area because it i's a mat- 
ter of reasonably common knowledge that some of our staunchest 
allies have serious misgivings about sharing classified information 
with American intelligence agencies, out of the fear that this intel- 
ligence will somehow find its way into the print through some mem- 
ber or some staff member of some congressional committee'. ' 

Fourth, there should be public exposure of both the groups iTivolved 
and the danger they represent. There is no substitute for public alert- 
ness in making it difficult for terrorists to function. This includes 
information for both the media and schools. 

Fifth, the United States must do what it can to prevent explosives 
and dangerous weapons from falling to the hands of terrorists. The 
laws governing the production, distribution, and use of explosives 


can stand a ^ood deal of tightening, with a view to reducing the 
j)ossibilities of theft, or the even greater possibility that explosives 
which are purchased legally under the present loose regulations may 
be used for illicit purposes by criminal or terrorist elements. I under- 
stand that your subcommittee is already looking into this matter, 
iiiid I want to compliment you on this. 

Sixth, and finally, the time has come for the media to examine 
anew" their responsibilities to the public. While it is the duty of the 
leporter to report the facts where acts of terrorism are involved, the 
selection of these facts to emphasize sensational brutality serves the 
terrorists and not the news])aper reader or the TV viewer. The guar- 
antee of page 1 or prime-time coverage remains essential to the ter- 
rorists' success and constitutes an invitation to the terrorists to repeat 
their actions and to others to emulate their actions. The thought has 
occurred to me that the American media might respond affirmatively 
to such a proposal if the President called them together for a special 
conference on the role of the media in limiting civil violence, and 
asked for their voluntary cooperation. 

I would like to close this presentation by reiterating that the ter- 
rorist can succeed only if his target is paralyzed with fright or fright- 
ened into self-destructive blunders. From what we have been able to 
analyze, it seems likely that the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee 
and the Puerto Kican Socialists and their partners hope to distract 
us from our pursuit of the balance between liberty and law, symbol- 
ized by the Bicentennial and July 4. 

July 4 will take place on a Sunday 16 days from noAv. Let us hope 
that this memorial Sabbath will not be marred by the mayhem en- 
gendered by terror, but will instead be an opportunity for the Amer- 
ican people to rededicate themselves to the values that have made and 
kept us as a nation. 

The use of force to achieve political objectives is not new. That is 
what every war is all about. But modern warfare among civilized 
nations is conducted with some respect to the difference between com- 
batant and non-combatant. The modern terrorists prefer to not limit 
themselves by any moral restrictions as to their actions. 

For them there is no such thing as a noncombat status and prison- 
ers taken by them in many cases are murdered in cold l)lood. Our 
Ambassador to Sudan was killed in that fashion by the PLO. We are 
aware of innocent women and children being shot down at the airport 
in Tel Aviv several years ago and also the LaGuardia bombing and 
the senseless bombing of pubs and restaurants in London. 

Whether they attack physical objectives or people, the terrorists 
have one primary aim, namely to exploit the media in order to make 
what they call armed propaganda and in this way to give the im- 
j^ression that their movement has greater support than it has in reality. 

This benefits them in several ways. One, the government may react 
with indiscriminate and excessive force, increasing opposition to it. 
On the other hand they may force the government to capitulate to 
their demands. 

The terrorist depends on four major features of the modern world 
to advance his work. First is the intrinsic vulnerability of modern 
industrial democracies. 



Second, the speed of modern transport and communications, w]ii<h 
gives him quick access and escape and ease of planning. Third, the 
power and convenience of modern weaponry and explosives which 
enhance his capacity to destroy, and fourth, above all, the huge au- 
dience created by the electronic media, v/hich insures that the fear 
and loathing his crimes inspire will be felt by vast numbers. 

There is one other characteristic of modern terrorism which I would 
like to comment on and that is the fact that it is almost impossible 
to distinguish betvreen domestic and international terrorism. All tlie 
groups whose publications you see there on the display board identify 
themselves with either Vietnam, Castro's Cuba, or the PLO. They 
have a common sympathy wath what they are trying to achieve — tlie 
overthrow of the American system. 

Now let's take a look at the Bicentennial celebrations planned for 
"Washington and for Philadelphia. Any event which is going to enjoy 
major international media coverage is an ideal terrorist event because 
it provides opportunities for the terrorists to make their presence 
known through the media to the world and to spread terror and un- 
certainty among free men and nations. 

There is a reason to be concerned that the terrorist elements in 
our society will find the Bicentennial irresistible as an attraction not 
only because the eyes of the world will be focused on our birthday 
party but because they regard the celebration itself with deep hos- 
tility since it stands for everything they oppose. 

They are opposed to freedom because they favor what they euphe- 
mistically call the dictatorship of the proletariat. The theme of our 
Bicentennial is freedom. We plan to celebrate our freedom on the 4th 
of July. 

Nationally sponsored celebrations in the ease of Washington and 
Philadelphia and locally sponsored in the case of the rest of the 
country are excellent opportunities for these terrorists to make them- 
selves better known. Two centuries ago, it was established that the 
United States would have government of the people, by the people, 
and for the people. We have not betrayed the American Kevolution 
as these detractors claim we have. 

We live in the only true modern revolutionary society. America has 
not achieved perfection. Some of our imperfections are all too ob- 
vious. But y»e have preserved the American process which allows for 
the expression of majority will while protecting minority rights. 

This process remains the surest and Ijest route for the reinedy of 
just grievances held by any American. But the extremist minoritv 
hate America and everything it stands for. They have been talking 
in terms of disrupting and spoiling the Bicentennial. The leaders have 
talked about turning the I3icentennial ui^side down. 
^ A leader of the American Indian Movement said in February of 
this yeai-, that when ''they [the ruling classes] light the candles oji 
the 200th birthday cake we will be tliere to blow them out." 
^ The terrorist Weather Underground has been talking about light- 
mg the fires. It does not take great i)nagination to conceive of the 
possible consequences. It would seem to confirm that the United States 
is an irresolute society paralyzed bv domestic dissension. It is mv 
hope they will not succeed— that this will not come about. 

We must pay some credence to the statements of these organizations 
and carefully examine the track records so we will be better able to 
anticipate their intentions and their capabilities. . 


Terrorist actions by revolutionary groups have taken place in the 
United States sporadically since 1965, but they increased dramatically 
during the past few years. 

In 1973 there were 24 bombings attributable to terrorists; this 
increased to 45 in 1974 and 89 in 1975. Violence-prone revolutionaries 
have boasted publicly that they intend to expand their violence during 
the 1976 Bicentennial celebration period, beginning in 1976 and 
running through 1980. 

FBI Director Clarence Kelley has warned us that terrorist activ- 
ities during the Bicentennial are being planned, and only 2 weeks 
ago Attorney General Levi instructed the FBI to do an intelligence 
roundup on the July 4th Coalition, which is planning a mass dem- 
onstration in Philadelphia on July 4tli. 

The celebrations in Washingion and Pliiladelphia on July 4th ofler 
particularly tempting targets for the terrorists to engage in armed 
propaganda, the euphemism they use to justify their deadly actions 
because on that occasion the eyes of the entire world will be focused 
on them. As one of the leaders of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party 
which plays a central role in the July 4th Coalition put the matter: 

For the Puerto Ricans in the United States the Bicentennial is important 
in many ways — they have invited the Pope and Queen Elizabeth, the King of 
Spain, etc. * * * the eyes of the whole world will be riveted on the answer 
that we all give to the shameless pretenses of the North American ruling class. 

The organizations planning to disrupt the Bicentennial come from 
both the so-called Old Left and Xew Left, and despite some very real 
differences, almost all of them consider themselves Marxist-Leninist. 

All groups that consider themselves Marxist-Leninist defend the 
use of terrorism at some stage of the revolutionary process. Lenin 
taught the utility of terrorist actions in these words : 

The propagandists must supply each group with brief and simple recipes for 
malving bombs, give them an elementary explanation of the type of work, and 
then leave it all to them. 

Senator Thurmond. Could I ask 3^ou this question at this point? 
You have said that the m-eat majority of the terrorist groups in our 
country consider tliemselves as Marxist-Leninists. Is this your own 
opinion — or is this something that can be documented? 

Dr. KiNTNER. Some of them consider themselves ISIarxist-Leninists- 
Maoists. It can be documented. I am going to read from a publi- 
cation from Berkeley, Calif., New Study Groups. It comments on the 
publication "Osawatomie," the publication of the Weather Under- 

They are talking about courses wliich will be 

Senator TiTURaroND. I am going to have to leave and go OA'er and 
vote. We will take a short recess. In the meantijne Senator Scott, 
another member of this subcommittee, will probably come in and 
proceed. Please take a short recess for a few minutes.' 

[Voting recess.] 

Senator Scott [presiding]. The committee will resume. Doctor, I 
believe you were responding to a question by the chairman. If you 
will, please continue. 

Dr. KiNTNER. That is correct. I wanted to read further &hont the 
courses being offered on the contemporary revohition by the New 
Dawn organization which is connected with the AVeatlier LTnder- 


Basic communism will be studied. The basic works of Lenin, Stalin, 
and Mao, State and Eevoliition, What Is to Be Done, and then there 
is another publication put out by Politics in Command on the ques- 
tion of armed struggle by the Weather Underground organization. 

Here is where they state : "Our goal is to build Communist organi- 
zations toward the stage where armed struggle becomes a mass 
phenomena led by a Marxist-Leninist party." I think those quotations 
do indicate exactly what they have in mind which is to create in 
the United States the type government comparable to those under 
which the people in the Soviet Union live or in Cuba or in the 
People's Republic of China. 

There are some differences between China and the Soviet Union. 
Your subcommittee only a year ago took testimony from a distin- 
guished British citizen, Mr. Brinn Crozier, director of the London 
institute for the Study of Conflict, who established that INIoscow 
operates a number of training schools for guerrillas and terrorists 
from otlier countries — both for Communists and non-Comm.unists. 

Dissident INLnrxist-Leninist organizations also support or engage 
in terrorism. The major American Trotskyite organization, the So- 
cialist "Workers Party for example, is part of the terrorist Fourth 
International, Wliile they do not advocate terrorism in tlie United 
States right now, they do not rule it out as a future tactic. 

The mass demonstrations that are being planned for July 4th could 
provide dramatic platforms for Marxist-Leninist terrorists. Marxist- 
Leninist theory condemns individual acts of terrorism if they are not 
linl:ed to a mass movement. However, it justifies the acts of terrorism 
if they are linked to mass revolutionary movements. Because of tliis, 
it becomes incumbent upon the support apparatus for the imder- 
ground terrorists to organize the mass demonstrations which will 
justify terrorist acts. 

Major demonstrations and marches are planned for both Washing- 
ton and Philadelphia on July 4th. Demonstrations are also being 
planned for Los Angeles, San Francisco, San Antonio and other 
cities on the 4th; and followup demonstrations are being planned in 
New York City at the time of the Democratic Party Convention. This 
is being developed in a different fashion than some of the others. 

I quote a donnment called 76 United Eevolutionary Front which 
indir^ates that their task during the Democratic Convention, July Tth 
to 18th, 1976, is to secure Central Park. They are to encourage the 
people to airitate and to orcfanize, to join in every way possible the 
people's day-to-day struggle. 

Xew York can look for a little party after Washington and 

The Philadelphia demonstration is being planned by the July 4th 
Coalition which is commanded by the Prairie Fire Organizing Com- 
mittee, a support organization — an above ground organization — for 
the Weather Underground, and by the Puei-to Rican Socialist Party, 
a Castroite organization which supports the terrorist activities of tlie 
Puerto Rican Armed Forces of Natioual Liberation (FALX). Also 
involved in the plans for the Philadelphia demonstration are other 
radical groups ranaing from the Community Party, Socialist Workers 
Party, Guardian, Workers World Party, and the Yipi:)ies, to an array 


of violence prone organizations like the Black Panthers and the 
American Indian ^Movement, and the Palestine Solidarity Committee. 

Heading the July 4th Coalition is Alfredo Lopez, a leader of the 
Puerto Rican Socialist Party, formerly identified with the proterrorist 
tendency in the Socialist "Workers Part3^ 

Senator Scott. These demonstrations that you speak of, do you see 
a single issue that is developing out of them or is there a multiplicity 
of issues? 

Dr. KixTXER. There is a multiplicity of issues. The ones in Phila- 
delphia will be stressing immediate independence for Puerto Rico 
because the Puerto Rican organization will be there and the others 
deal with the standard conTplaints which they raise about many 
aspects of our society. 

Senator Scott. Are they seriously interested in these specific issues 
in your opinion? 

Dr. Kintxer. I think there are some seriously interested in them 
but they use them as they do most of their activities as a proselytizing 
slogan, as a mode of recruitment trying to arouse emotional passion 
among people that they will then try to bring into their movement. 

They are more tactical than substantive. 

Senator Scott. Xone of us would favor police brutality and I 
believe the law says that police officers are only warranted to use such 
force as may be necessary to sustain an arrest. Now this is something 
that I believe the American people generally agree on. 

There would be no need for a demonstration with regard to this. 
But are they going beyond the legitimate protest ? In regard to mat- 
ters of this nature ? 

Dr. KiNTNER. I can answer by returning to the so-called Days of 
Rage, which the Weathermen put on in Chicago from October 8 to 11, 

Senator Scott. Actualh', I would prefer that you go ahead in your 
own manner. 

Dr. KiNTXER. I think this does answer exactly your question. "With 
slogans such as bring the war home and we are going to burn the city 
down, the Weathermen broke windows and attacked the Chicago 
Police Department and passers-by on the street. 

A Weatherman leaflet said : "In Chicago we attacked the homes and 
businesses of the rich bastards who profit off war and oppression. W^e 
did 1 million dollars' worth of damage and sent 60 pigs — police offi- 
cers — to the hospital, including Richard Elrod, corporation counsel 
for Chicago." You see that they use these incidents to try to discredit 
the law enforcement agencies in the United States. 

On October 22, 1969 the Weathermen faction met in a hotel in 
Oregon, 111. The prominent members were Bernardine Dohrn and 
Mark Rudd. Discussions concluded that confrontations could not work 
and they began organizing clandestine organizations, terrorist 

Among the most spectacular terrorist acts committed by the 
Weather Underground have been the bombing of the San Francisco 
Park Police Station on February 16, 1970, with a dynamite bomb 
loaded with staples. This bombing killed one police officer and injured 
eiwht others. 


The bombino; of the New York City Police headquarters on June 9, 
1070; the bombing of the U.S. Capitol on February 28, 1971; the 
bombing of the State Department on January 29, 1975. The March 6, 
1970 explosion of a townhouse in Xew York in which three members 
of the Weather Underground were killed while making antipersomiel 
bombs, caused a great deal of dissension and discussion within the 
movement. INIany of the Weather Underground supporters were 
shocked by the antipersomiel nature of the bombs. 

The hardcore remained, however, and they boast that they have 
been responsible for more than 25 more bombings since 1970. 

For the Weather Underground leaders, the most important result 
of terrorist actions in the initial stages of the operation was media 
coverage. They wanted to show people both in the United States and 
around the world that there was a network of revolutionaries willing 
to take personal responsibility, to carry out terrorist acts "within the 
belly of the master" and in solidarity with revolutionary movements 
throughout the world. 

They believed that a sustained campaign of bombings and other 
terrorist acts would give them legitimacy as the leader of the revolu- 
tionary movement in the United States. Terrorist acts, referred to as 
armed propaganda, could obtain large-scale free media coverage that 
mere rhetoric could not obtain. The use of terrorist activities Avas also 
seen as linking the Weather Underground with the Third World 
revolutionary movement at home and abroad. 

At the same time Weather Underground leaders believed that it was 
necessary to build an aboveground party m.ore openly revolutionaiy 
than the CommAuiist Party, U.S.A., which would advance propaganda 
justifications for the violent actions of the terrorist underground. 

The aboveground movement, to be called the Prairie Fire Organiz- 
ing Committee — would also have the responsibility of organizing mass 
struggles that could be linked with the terrorist actions of the 
Vreatlier Undergroimd. 

The Weatlier Underground is not a legal orn-anization for the simple 
reason that all of its leaders are on the FBI's most wanted list. But 
by 1974 the support network felt strong enough to organize a public 
aboveground apparatus. The first action of this group was tlie publica- 
tion of Prairie Fire, a political statement of the Weather Underground 
running 152 pages. The distributing apparatus, which was first called 
the Prairie Fire Distribution Committee, soon changed its name to 
Prairie Fire Organizing Committee which subsequently orjranizcd the 
Hard Tim.os Conference held at Chicago in Fe]-)iTiary 1976. 

Over 2,000 activists took part in the Hard Times Conference. One 
of the most important actions taken by the Conference was the ap- 
proval of a proposal by the Puerto Kican Socialist Party for a mili- 
tnnt mass demonstration in Philadelphia on .Tuly 4. I offer for the 
record a copy of a letter from the July 4th Coalition establishing a 
founding role played by the Hard Times Conference. 

The central committee of the Weather Undergroimd organization 
has announced that "we dedicate ourselves to solidarity with the 
July 4 mobilization in Philadelphia which will raise the banner of 
independenr*e for Puerto Rico and unite this struggle with that of the 
workers and oppressed people of the United States. This is an urgent 
priority." The same issaie it is to be noted, gives public support to the 


Puerto Eican Socialist Party, the American Indian Movement and 
tlie Palestine Terrorists. 

In line with its concept that it must function as a cadre organiza- 
t ion, the Prairie Fire Oro;anizing Committee has placed its cadres in 
key positions in a large number of militant and violence prone organ- 
izations, many of which are planning to participate in the July 4th 
Coalition in Philadelphia, which as I have pointed out is under the 
joint command of the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee and the 
Puerto Eican Socialist Party. 

The Puerto Eican Solidarity Committee is the propaganda arm of 
the Puerto Eican Socialist Party and defends terrorist and other vi- 
olent activities on behalf of the Puerto Eicaii independence. Alfredo 
Lopez, who heads the Puerto Eico Solidarity Committee, is also a 
leader of the Puei-to Eican Socialist Party and is the coordinator for 
the July 4th Coalition. 

The Native American Solidarity Committee operates through a 
post office box in St. Paul, Minn. It propagandizes in favoi- of violent 
activities by Amei'ican Indians. The organization grew out of the 
apparatus organized by the National Lawyere Guild in support of the 
American Indian Movement's armed occupation of Wounded Knee, 
S. Dak. 

The Palestine Solidarity Committee, which was established in No- 
vember 1975, is run by PFOC activists George Cavaletto and Sheila 
Evan. They operate this organization through a post office box in 
^Manhattanville, N.Y. Cavaletto was a member of the Weatherman 
faction of SDS. He was identified by the Flint, Mich., Police Depart- 
ment as having been in attendance at the Weathermen War Council in 
Flint in December 10(^0. 

Evan and Cavaletto both spent a year in Jordan and Lebanon writ- 
ing propaganda articles for the Palestine Liberation Organization. 
Tlie first meeting of the Palestine Solidarity Committee took place at 
Columbia University in New York City on January 20, 1976. 

Among the groups participating in the meeting and providing 
security guards for the meeting were the Prairie Fire Organizing 
Committee, the Communist Party USA, and the Socialist Workers 
Party. I mention these to show the interconnection between these 

It is interesting to observe the generally increased interest in the 
Palestinian terrorists by the American Terrorist Movement and sup- 
port croups. In March i975, the Associated Press reported a threat by 
the Palestine Liberation Organization to carry out terrorist acts in 
the LTnited States. 

The AP quoterl Zouheir Mohsen, leader of the Military Section of 
the PLO, as saying: in an interview in Damascus, "We will strike at 
any Israeli strategic target wherever we can reach it, in Israel or in 
Japan or in the United States." 

Another organization with which the Weather Undererround and 
tlie Prairie Fire Organizing Committee have M'orked very closely is 
the National Lawyers Guild, which in the old days was identified as 
the legal front for the Communist Party USA. 

Senator Scott. Let me interrupt briefly once more. We would hope 
to liear from all the witnesses. All of your testimony of course is in- 


eluded in the record. If you could take about 10 more minutes and 
then let's go to the next witness so we won't run out of time. 

Dr. KiNTNER. I would be happ^' to do so. There is also a rival 
July 4 group meeting- in Philadelphia called the Revolutionary Com- 
munist Party which has the slogan "Get the Rich Off Our Back." 
That is a INIaoist-Communist group. 

Now I mentioned the Puerto Rican Socialist Party which is plan- 
ning a significant role in Philadelphia. Their group has in the past 
threatened sabotage and bombings of all kinds and claimed responsi- 
bility for tlie bomb which exploded in New York City's Fraunces 
Tavern in the early part of 1975 in which four innocent diners were 

There was also a meeting of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party in 
Havana where the Socialist Party maintains an office. They met in 
September 1975 with representatives from Communist parties else- 
Avhere and support was given to the Puerto Rican Socialist Party's 
demands for immediate independence. The leaders of the Puerto 
Rican Socialist Party view themselves as revolutionary Davids 
destined to destroy the imperialist U.S. Goliath. 

Also the Puerto Rican Armed Forces for the National Liberation 
is involved. 

They have been involved in some 30 bombings since 1974, 30 in the 
United States and many more bombs in Puerto Rico. They have also 
appreciated the support given to them by the Cuban Government. 
For example, they noted publicly, "we respectfully acknowledge the 
moral support given our organization by the Cuban people and Gov- 
ernment in a speech by Premier Fidel Castro in Augiist 1975." 

There is also some linkage between the Puerto Rican Solidarity 
Committee and the Cuban Diplomatic ISIission of the UN, which is 
in the prepared testimony. I would also like to call attention to tlie 
utilization of the Venceremos Brigade to take people to Cuba to help 
in its sugar harvest. But there they receive indoctrination in carrying 
on war against "Yankee imperialists." 

I would like then to mention the planning of the demonstration of 
the Peoples Bicentennial Commission in Washington which I assume 
we will hear more about. The PBC is talking about trying to bring 
250,000 demonstrators to Washington that day. I hope that the PBC's 
demonstration in Washington will be peaceful as they claim it will. 
But they cannot control all the activities of their supporters and there 
is a possibility that some development of an unpleasant nature will 
take place here. 

Now on the face of these prospects what can be done about them ? 
Activities to suppress the terrorist requires intelligence, physical pi'o- 
tection of facilities, and deterrence provided by possible punishment. 
The Bicentennial and especially the July 4 events present serious 
problems from the standpoint of these requirements and particularly 
because of what has happened to many of our law enforcement intel- 
ligence organizations in many of our major cities. 

In New York State, law enforcement intelligence files have been 
locked up since last September and most of the 24 members of the 
city's intelligence units have been assigned to other duties. In the 
State of Texas, as a result of a lawsuit, over 1 million files have been 
destroyed. In New York City, almost 98 percent of the 1 million card 


entries have been destroyed. A requirement lias been established that 
no ejitry may be made about any person simply on the basis of mem- 
berehip in an oroanization even if it is violence prone. The individual 
must have a criminal conviction or an indictment. 

This requirement is somethin.ii- which violates all rules of common 
logic reo-ardino- intelligence gathering which deprives our law enforce- 
ment of any preventive capability. Xo wonder that the Yugoslav 
Ambassador earlier this month denounced U.S. security precautions 
after his Embassy had been bombed, for the third time. 

I am all in favor of granting the widest possible expression of 
opinion about any issues. But this does not mean that Ave must in the 
nam.e of the first amendment prohibit the gathering of intelligence 
about conspiratorial activities. 

The line must be drawn somewhere and it seems to me clear that the 
first purpose of the law in any free society must be the protection of 
the community against violent minorities that seek to terrorize, intimi- 
date, and destroy the capacity of the Government to govern. 

A free society cannot behave like a totalitarian society and remain 
free, even in dealing with the problem as grave as the growing- 
epidemic of terrorism. It will take great ingenuity to produce a 
strategy that places more effective restraints on terrorists in our 

I do not pretend to have all the answers but I would like to make 
a few preliminary suggestions. The first requirement of an effective 
antiterrorist program is an effective intelligence operation. Intelli- 
gence includes not only precise information but also analytical capa- 
bility which yields critical information about the patterns of the ter- 
rorists and about the changing patterns of interlocks between the 
terrorist groups nationally and internationally. 

The possession of facts alone does not solve the problem. Without 
the facts, the authorities are condennied to act in a blind and arbitrary 
fashion. My first suggestion therefore is that the American people 
and their representatives must do some very serious rethinking about 
law enforcement intelligence. 

Adequate intelligence is requirement No. 1. Our society is bound to 
remain extremely vulnerable as long as the present paralyzing restric- 
tions on intelligence gathering capabilities persist. 

Furthermore, since terrorism frequently crosses natural frontiers, 
the intelligence capabilities of both the CIA and the FBI will have 
to be reinforced. I agree that there is a need for guidelines. But the 
existence of guidelines does not require the kind of near total wipeout 
that now exists. 

Second, there must be timely arrest and punishment of the terrorist. 
Unfortunately, the international nature of modern terrorism has en- 
feebled this essential deterrent. Too many governments abroad give 
sanction and support to terrorists. This includes not only those such 
as Libya which train and supply tei-rorists, but governments wliich 
give in to terrorists demands again and again. 

My third proposal is that because of the international natuiv of 
the problem, we must seek to persuade free nations to embark upon a 
conibined international war against the transnational terrorists, 
bringing to bear both classic intelligence and modern computer tech- 
nology. Among other things this would involve the pooling of intelli- 


gence. This I must point out gets into a very sticky area because it is 
a matter of reasonably common knowledge that some of our staunch- 
est allies have serious misgivings about sharing classified information 
with American intelligence agencies, out of the fear that this intelli- 
gence will somehow find its way into the print through some member 
or some staff member of some congressional committee. 

Fourth, there should be public exposure of both the groups involved 
and the danger they represent. There is no substitute for public alert- 
ness in making it difficult for terrorists to function. 

I would also like to raise the question whether the first amendment 
was intended to allow terrorist manuals, some of which I have here, 
which give you detailed plans for building your own bomb in j^our 
own backyard. 

Fifth, and finally, the time has come for the media to examine 
anew their responsibilities to the public. While it is the dutv of the 
reporter to report the facts where acts of terrorism are involved, the 
selection of these facts to emphasize sensational brutality serves the 
terrorists and not the newspaper reader or the TV viewer. 

The guarantee of page 1 or prime time covera.^re remains essential 
to the terrorists' success and constitutes an invitation to the terrorists 
to repeat their actions and to others to emulate their actions. 

The thought has occurred to me that the American media might 
respond affirmatively if the President called them together for a 
special conference on the role of the media in limiting civil violence, 
and asked for their voluntary cooperation. 

I would like to close this presentation by reiteratinsr that the ter- 
rorist can succeed only if his target is paralyzed with fright or fright- 
ened into self-destructive blunders. 

In conclu^'ion. from what we have been able to aiialvze, it seems 
likely that the Prairie Fire Organizinar Committee and the Puerto 
Rican Socialists and their partners hope to distract us from our 
pursuit of the balance between liberty and law, symbolized by the 
Bi<"^ntennia1 and 4. 

July 4 will take placo on a Sunday 16 days from now. Let us hope 
that this memorial Sabbath will not be marred by the mavhem en- 
gendered bv terror, but will instead be an opportunity for the Amer- 
ican people to rededicate themselves to the values that have made and 
kcTit us as a Nation. 

Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. 

Senator Scott. Dr. Ivintner, we appreciate your fine statement and 
your abbreviation of a portion of it. In your summary at the end, you 
conclude that a Nation has a right to protect itself, to take such action 
as may be necessarv ? 

Pr. Ktntts'ei^. Absolutely. 

Senator Scott. All right. If we could hear from Inspector Fencl. 



Mr. FE^^CL. I want to thank you for inviting me here to testify 

Senator Scott. You are verv TrpVome here, sir. Please proceed. 

Mr. Fencl. The Philadelphia Police Department first received in- 
formation regarding specific plans of various groups to disrupt the 


Bicentennial activities in Pliiladelphia during the period of July 1 
to 4, 1976 when a so-called National Hard Times Conference was held 
in Chicago from January 30 to February 1, 1976. 

Representatives of the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee and 
others issued a call for mass demonstrations and disruptions of the 
July 4 activities in Philadelphia. Numerous articles then began to 
appear in newspapers, leaflets, position papers, et cetera, from over 80 
organizations and individuals sponsoring this activity. 

On ]March 13 and 14, 1976, an east coast conference of the July 4th 
Coalition was held at the University of Pennsylvania. About 300 per- 
sons attended and discussed plans for the period July 1 to July 4 in 
Philadelphia and to be known as "Four Days of Raising Hell," and 
that the slogan "We've carried the rich for 200 years — let's get them 
off our back," would be used as a rallying cry. 

Plans were also announced at that time for a "tent city" to be 
erected and used from July 1 to 4, 1976, by the group. It was also 
stated by various speakers that during the "Four Days of Raising 
Hell attention should be focused on museums, statues, forts, and so 
forth, aiid physical action should be taken against them and that every 
time the rich celebrate, we should be there and be visible for the 4 

The main organizer of this conference was the Vietnam Veterans 
Against the War (VVAW) although other organizations were 

On March 27 and 28, 1976, at New York University in New York 
City, a July 4th Coalition conference was held and attended by about 
200 persons. 

This conference stated that its goal was to have at least 60,000 
persons in Philadelphia on July 4 to march, rally, and so forth, and 
"v>"e will do what we have to." 

At this period of time it was learned thta the July 4th Coalition was 
having problems, in that certain groups were not going along with 
the coalition idea but splintered o^' into a separate coalition. After a 
period of time the main groups that came to the front were: 

1. The July 4tli Coalition with attorney David Kairys as negotiator; 
2. The Rich Off Our Back Jidy 4th Coalition with June Cohen, Roger 
Tauss. Glen Kirby and Barrv Romo as spokesmen. 

Following a series of meetings the July 4 Coalition was granted a 
]iarade permit and rally site outside the center city Bicentennial ac- 
tivity area and present plans call for between 20,000 and 40,000 
marchers to demostrate on July 4 in that area. At least 300 bus loads 
of participants are expected as of June 16, 1976. 

The Rich Off Our Back July 4th Coalition, after negotiation sessions 
and meetings as well as Avritten requests, has firmly stated that its 
participating £>Toups will be the Vietnam Veterans Against the War, 
Unemployed Workers Organizing Committee, Revolutionary Com- 
munist Party. Revolutionary Student Brigade, and May 1st Work- 
ers Organization, and will not settle for any march and rally site except 
one in the center citv Bicentennial activity area. The group has also 
stated that a "tent city" will be erected July 1 to 4, 1976. 

After negotiation sessions with city officials, the Rich Off Our Backs 
July 4th Coalition were denied their demands of: tent city — July 1 to 
July 4 ; rock concert — July 3 ; pavilion — June 14 to Jnly 4. 


But tlie march and rally sites Avere open to discussion. The group 
refused to further discuss tlie above issues but all the Avhile circulated 
literature and eventually erected a billboard announcing ''Meet 10 a.m. 
July 4, north side of city hall, Philadelphia— Tent City July 1 to 4." 

A civil action was filed in Federal court by the above group to force 
the city of Philadelphia and commissioners of Fairmont" Park to issue 
permits for all their activity listed above. A hearing was set for 
:Monday, June 7, 1976 at 9 :.30'a.m. in front of Judge Joseph McGlynn 
and on that date testimony was heard regarding the case. 

It may be noted at this time that even though the case was before 
the Federal court, the group on June 7, 1976, at 8 p.m., held a meet- 
ing at its headquarters and announced plans as follows: 

Wednesday, June ;](), 1976— Eally in Washington, D.C. and then a 
caravan to Pliiladelphia to participate in opening tent city for which 
a permit had been denied. 

Thursday, July 1, 1976 — Official opening of tent city. 

Friday, July 2, 1976 — ]\Iiniral]ies to be" held across the city urging 
everyone to join a demonstration called for the same day at an unen> 
ployment office to be selected. 

Saturday, July 3. 1976 — Tn t]ie morning hours more minirallies and 
agitation to result in a three-pronged march from different sections 
of the city to converge on city hall for a rally and then to a rock 
concert. (Permit had been denied for the concert.) 

Sunday, July 4. 1976 — All to assemble at the north side of city hall 
at 10 a.m. and participate in a militant march led by a forklift truck 
carrying petitions and a rally near Independence Plall where Bicen- 
tennial activity is taking place. 

The group also asked its followers to donate tents, sleeping bairs, 
walkie talkies, and sound equipment, scanners for police frequencies,, 
pots and pans, food, first-aid and medical supplies, cars, station 
wagons, and van trucks, generators, et cetera, and those planning ta 
stay 4 days in tent city to contribute $5. 

All of the above plans are being promoted and organized even 
though on June 15, 1976 Judge McGlynn issued a memorandum 
opinion and order No. 76-1711 denying the group their tent city, rock 
concert, center city march route and rally site, but authorizing a 
pavilion and march and rail}- site outside the center city Bicentennial 

After carefully evaluating all information from all sources re- 
garding both the July 4th Coalition and the Pich Off Our Back 
Julv 4th Coalition and other groups, it is apparent that there is a 
great potential for disruption and violence in Philadelphia during* 
the period June 30, 1976 to July 4, 1976, particularly during the 
July 4, 1976 Bicentennial activity scheduled for the center city area. 

This violence and disruption could happen between the two coali- 
tion grouj)s as well as others. Based on the Rich Off Our Backs 
July 4th Coalition statements and participating group statements, 
this group is looking for and expecting direct confrontation with 
police and Bicentennial speakers, groups, et cetera. 

Senator Scott. Thank you, Insj^ector. We appreciate your testi- 
mony. The self-styled Four Days of Raising Hell — this sounds like 
a very childish thing. What would they hope to accomplish by such 
activity — "raising hell'' ? 


Mr. Fexcl. Their avowed aims and ^^oals are to disrupt violently 
any Bicentennial activity whatsoever, sir. 

Senator Scott. jNIv thonirht was, Would they gain any general sup- 
port by any such activity as this'^ 

Mr. Fexcl. Well, tlie}^ hope then to gain general support. 

Senator Scott. By raising hell ? 

Mr. Fencl. By raising hell, yes, sir. 

Senator Scott. Inspector, have you had an opportunity to study 
the full testimony of Dr. Kintner — because he did present an abbre- 
viated form and inserted the rest in the record. 

Mr. Fexcl. Yes. sir, I have. I think Dr. Kintner's testimony is very 
accurate. I would like to have him work for us. 

Senator Scott. Would you start him as a private on the force or 
would you make him a corporal ? 

jMr. Fencl. Private first class. 

Senator Scott. From an examination of his testimony, do you find 
the same evidence of interlocks between the participating organiza- 
tions that the doctor referred to? Do they have the same people 
participating in diti'erent capacities in 2 or 3 organizations? 

]Mr. Fex'cl. That is correct. You come across the same literature, 
the same handb<ioks, as well as others, such as the ""Anarchist Cook- 
book,'' which tells how to make bombs. 

Senator Scott. You are saying all of them have these books on 
how to make bombs ? 

yiv. Fex-^cl. That is correct. 

Senator Scott. Has there been any evidence that any of the groups 
are engaging in tlie kind of intelligence gatliering activities that might 
indicate or suggest an intention to engage in terrorist activities? 

Mr. Fexcl. The groups that are listed as part of the July 4th 
Coalition, I think Dr. Kintner aptly put it, are verj^ prone to terrorist 

Senator Scott. Xow have any of the elements belonging to the 
July 4th Coalition disassociated themselves from it because of concern 
over the possibility of violence? 

~Mv. Fexcl. Yes, sii'. We had one of the main spokesmen in Phila- 
delphia and one of the leaders, a man by the name of Keverend 
^Mohannned Kiliama, Avho was a supporter of the July 4th Coalition, 
became fearful of some of the activities he hnd heard about and even 
went down to the Federal court case which I mentioned in my testi- 
mony and presented his views and his fears for what might happen 
in Pliiladelphia on July 4th to the Federal judge. 

Senator Scott. You have referred to the Get the Rich Off Our 
Backs July 4th (^oalition which lias taken court action against the 
City of Philadelpliia for the purpose of obtaining approval for its 
request for permits, to parade and demonstrate. Does this involve 
much of youi' time ? 

Mr. Fexcl. Yes. sir. much of our time. 

Senator Scott. Is this a part of the ))attern? 

JMr. Fexcl. This is a direct part of the pattern. 

Senator Scott. Ai'e there any other instances where the city has 
been sued or brought into court by organizations claiming that their 
civil rights have been denied? 


Mr. Fexcl. Yes, sir. One was when we got President Nixon and 
Vice President Agnew in Philadelphia at the same time on the 
revenue-sharing signing ceremony at Independence Hall. We got in- 
formation that groups were going to disrupt this affair and we took 
preventive police action and were taken to Federal Court and sued for 
our action. 

Senator Scott. Do you feel, Inspector, that the Philadelphia Police 
Department will be able to control the situation with its own resources 
over the July 4tli weekend or do you think it may need some additional 
assistance ? 

Mr. Fencl. Based on the information we have, the Police Commis- 
sioner Joseph O'Neill, and jNIayor Frairk Eizzo, have already requested 
of the President the use of Federal troops in Philadelphia on July 4th^ 
period July 1st to 4th. Based on the two different groups, their march 
routes and the over 1 million people we will have in Philadelphia. 

Senator Scott. Is that regular Federal troops or national guard 
units ? 

Mr. Fencl. The request has been made for regular Federal troops.. 

Senator Scott. We appreciate your testimony. 

Chief Eabe? 


Deputy Chief Robert L. Rvbe. Mr. Chairman, I wish to thank the 
committee for the opportunity to appear here today as a representative 
of Metropolitan Police Department and Chief of Police Maurice J. 

It Ls my understanding that my principal function during this hear- 
ing will be to comment on the testimony presented so my remarks will 
be bi'ief. 

While there has not been a clear-cut rallying point since the Vietnam' 
war, the Bicentennial lias provided an arena for many groups to unite 
under the slogans of "Bicentennial Without Colonies." '"Jobs and In- 
come," '"Get the Rich Off Our Backs." Because of our basic freedoms 
and the pj-esent economic conditions, these points have appeal to many 

Any disruptive action by any group during the Bicentennial period 
will surely get front page and prime time television coverage, just 
what these groups need to further their cause. 

As most planners involved in Bicentennial activities Avill no doubt 
verify, there now appears to be solidarity between the, various radical 
groups to unite under a single leadership such as the July 4th Coalition 
in Philadelphia. 

]Many aboveground groups have their more militant underground 
units which carry out the OT-ders of the leaders, issuing more disrup- 
tive tactics, such as bombings and tei-rorist activities. 

There have been reports that ra.dical elements will be causing dis- 
niptions during the Bicentemrial period of July o and 4 i-anging f rom 
mass civil disobedience to multiple random bombings, all across the 
country, particidarly in Washington, PhilacleljJiia, Chicago. New- 
York, and Los Angeles. I must stress that many of these reports have 
not been confirmed. In addition, there is no hard intelligence available 
from any source at my disposal. 


Our current domestic intelligence organizatiojis are limited in their 
scope of activities, making the collection of information difficult and 
in most cases impossible. 

Senator Scott. Are you saying the police department intelligence 
units have limited funds ? Is it the police department intelligence units 
you are talking about now ? 

Deputy Chief Rabe. Our police departments intelligence unit is re- 
duced down to 1 person for intelligence only. 
Senator Scott. There has been a cutback? 
Deputy Chief Rabe. Yes, sir. 
Senator Scott. Go ahead. 

Deputy Chief Rabe. It is difficult for a free society to defend itself 
against these groups when, in turn, the groups use the same society's 
freedoms for its own protection. Without adequate intelligence, there 
will be little leadtime, if any, leaving little specific forewarning of a 
terrorist attack or other disruptive activities. 

We in law enforcement would be neolio-ent in our duties not to rec- 
ognize that the potential and opportunity for violence exists and that 
tlie most critical period will occur over the Fourth of July weekend. 
Our task is twofold. First, we must insure that all preventative 
measures possible are taken in order to minimize the opportunity for 
anj' person or group to commit acts of violence; and, second, we must 
plan for an immediate and positive response to any threat of violence 
in order to prevent the commission of these acts. 

Senator Scott. Chief, we are glad to have you here and appreciate 
your testimony. Let me ask you the same question that I did the in- 
spector. Have you had an opportunity to see the full text of Dr. Kint- 
ner's presentation '? 

Deputy Chief Rabe. Yes; I have. I would also say, as Inspcv-^+or 
Fencl has. that it is a factual and revealing account of the various 
dissident groups. 

Senator Scott. What is your impression as to his testimony as it 
relates to what may be expected in the District of Columbia on the 
July 4 Aveekend ? 

Deputy Chief Rabe. Dr. Ivintner's account of the PBC activity in 
Washington i-einforces what we have been led to believe. While the 
PBC may not be involved in the activities, other groups gatherino; 
under their umbrella will be involved. The PBC continues to indicate 
that they will have a peaceful demonstration. 

Senatoi- Scott. Let me thank all of you for the testiniony that you 
have given and ask counsel, who is niore intimately acquainted with 
this matter, if he might ask some questions with the hope of develop- 
i]ig some facts or emphasizing some facts that may not have been 
brought out as fully as we would like. 

]\[r. ScHi'LTz. Di-. Kintner, in your study of terrorist organizations 
and activities — and this may be a bit philosophical — but I am wonder- 
ing whether or not you have been able to make an assessment as to 
vrhether or not domestic terrorist groups have crossed the threshold 
of what the pul^lic will tolerate? 

Dr. ivTXTXER. That is a philosophical question. The United States 
has become the most tolerant, and. in fact, in a jrenuine sense of the 
word, the most revolutionary society on Earth. We have had a revo^i- 
tion in dress styles, in personal behavior, in consumptions of drugs 


and behavior wliicli ^YO^lld not have been anticipated 30 or 40 years ago. 
The tolerance level is extremely high. On the other hand, I think 
there is an automatic rejection against the slaughter of innocent people 
when perpetrated by the terrorists. That is the level which if they 
should go beyond, should bring a very decisive public antipathy and 
di:^dain and loathing for their activities which mav circumscribe their 

Mv. ScHULTZ. Do you see it affecting their ability to recruit? 
Dr. KixTXER. The recruitment pattern does not indicate a diminish- 
ing capability. There are many people who are alienated with our so- 
ciety for deep-rooted psychological reasons who feel that they don't 
have a place in it. 

They go to these false messiahs, the jSIarxist-Leninists who say, 
"Look, if you cooperate with us, we will straighten things out, but 
first you have to destroy the present system." There is an attraction 
for some people there. 

Islr. ScHULTz. Is there any connnon thread tliat pervades these 
organizations other tlian the ^Marxist-Leninist ideology? 

Dr. KixTXER. Well, I think that there is also — as a result of their 
alienation there is a willingness to prove themselves. The Symbionese 
Liberation Army, for example. There is a high excitement in it, 
danger and risk and the satisfaction of what they regard as an 
ar'hievement which I personally think is very negative. 

But they find it positive. Anything that destroys for tliem is a 
po-itive value. 

]Mr. ScHULTZ. Directing inquiry to Inspector Fencl and Deputv 
Chief Rabe; is there any requirement that those organizations seek- 
ing permits to demonstrate or rally to post a bond so that they might 
be held accountable for any property damage that is incurred? 

Deput}^ Chief Rabe. I can answer that for ithe District of Columbia. 
There is no such provision for the posting of a bond. 

'Mr. ScTiULTz. What are they required to furnish in the way of 
information to obtain a permit? The number of jieople involved ?'The 
leaders? The names of the organization? The jiurpose for which they 
want to demonstrate? 

Senator Scott. Let me intercede. You are speaking of the District 
of Columbia government requirements. I am just relying on my 
memory and it may be bad because sometimes in the Congress we 
consider matters but we don't pass them. I was wondering if the same 
thino; is true insofar as the Federal property, permits by the National 
Park Service is concerned. 

Is there any requirement that a bonding be posted ? 
Deputy Chief Rare. To the best of my recollection, there is not. 
The PBC Bicentennial demonstration is on the 'Mn]] area between 
Third and Seventh Streets. To the best of my knoAvledge, there is no 
bond requirement. 

Senator Scott. Well, I know it was considered in tlie Congress. 
Possibly it did not pass. Go ahead. 

'Mr. SririLTz. My question is. what information is required to be 
fu^^nished bv those groups seeking permits. 

Deputy Chief Rabe. It is more or less basic information. As it goes 
through, it is the name of the group, the leaders, who is speaking. 
You are asking for the attendance, you are asking them is there any 


potential for violence, marshals, and so forth. It is more general infor- 
mation than anything- else. 

Mr, ScHULTz. I would assume that this is a two-way street. The 
reason for providing this information is not only to insure that there 
is no violence and that the public is j)rotected but also to protect the 
demonstrators. Is that true ? 

Deputy Chief Babe. That is correct. To go one step further, through- 
out the years Washington has been the scene of many mass demon- 
strations and with the potential to gather intelligence we had years ago, 
it was a big help in planning to handle demonstrations, both to protect 
the demonstrators and the public itself. We no longer have that 

Senator Scott. Are you saying that the Department of Justice and 
intelligence gathering agencies from around the country used to give 
you information that is not now available ? 

Deputy Chief Rabe. In the early sixties there w^as "nformation avail- 
able from the various governmental agencies responsible for monitor- 
ing civil disobedience. There was also information available from the 
various police departments. But due to guidelines, this information 

Senator Scott. Guidelines established — who so established the guide- 
lines that prevent you from getting this ? 

Deputy Chief Eabe. Many departments have been forced to establish 
their own guidelines. 

Senator Scott. Are you talking about the District of Columbia de- 
partments or Federal departments? 

Deputy Chief Eabe. It applies to both. 

Senator ScoT'r. Our chairman has returned. He may have some ques- 
tions. I would hope that each of you after the questions are completed, 
if you have something that perhaps you feel should be brought out. that 
has not been brought out, perhaps the chairman in turns can ask you 
for any additional comments you have to wrap up our hearing. 

Senator Thurmond ? 

Senator Thurmoxd. I have got to leave again in a few minutes. I 
suggest you proceed. 

Senator Scott. All right, sir. Ms. Rountree, would you have anything 
to add ? You have listened since making your presentation to the three 
gentlemen and possibly something else has occurred to you that you 
would like to contribute. 

Ms. Rountree, I have to concur with all that I have heard and I 
agree with what Dr. Kintner said, I certainly think that the citizens 
have a right to be protected. We can't do that if we don't know what is 
threatening the public. 

Senator Scott. Thank you Dr. Kintner. Does your testimony imply 
that the Communist Party of the United States is playing a central 
role in the conspiracy to spoil our Bicentennial ? 

Dr. Kintner. I would not believe so. The old Communist Party, 
U.S.A. has become a rather staid, rigid organization. Most of what we 
are dealing with are the modern offshoots of it, which are Marxist- 
Leninist in character and which have the same objective as the Com- 
munist Party, namely, to overthrow the existing form of society and 
Government in this country and impose their own dictatorship over it. 

But as I mentioned in my testimony, the Weather Underground 
believes that we shall have a far more active and revolutionary type 
Communist Party than the present one. 

75-425 0—76 4 


We mi^ht consider that this present Communist Party is not nearly 
as revohitionary oriented as it was during tlie early thirties. I have 
read the literature of that period, and I would say the literature of 
these groups now is much closer to the open literature of the Com- 
munist Party in the early thirties than it is to the literature of the 
Communist Party, U.S.A., since the end of the Second World War. 

Senator Scott. In the July 4th Coalition, I miderstand that they 
have boasted that tliey will have 50,000 people in Philadelphia for their 
demonstration. Do you feel that this is a realistic assessment of their 
potential or is it an exaggeration ? 

Dr. KixTNER. It is a difficult question to answer because you need 
specific information and the material that I looked at was what you 
might call operational guidelines but not the specific langiuige. For 
example, the inspector here commented on the fact that there are 
roughly 300 to 400 busloads planned to come into Philadelphia on 
July 4th. 

That is the type of information you can only obtain by calling the 
bus companies of the major cities and seeing how many buses have 
been booked. I assume you have — or someone else working for you — 
has done that kind of thing. The reservations made on the trains, the 
number of hotel reservations, the number of tents that are being 
brought together for tent cities, so to speak, the arrangements that 
have been made for messing and housing the people, this type of 
specific operational information has to be obtained by somebody. 

I think the point made here by the chief of the Metropolitan Police 
Force previously, is that the police departments used to cooperate with 
one another much more closely. Chicago would call in and say, for 
example, "We expect so many busloads or trainloads or plaiieloads to 
show up." Now that does not exist because the intelligence collecting 
information of our police departments and the FBI has been so evis- 
cerated that there is no possibility — no capability of doing it. Tlie 
police department has to start on its own and begin to do this careful, 
bit by bit, mosaic analysis, required to answer specifically the type of 
question you pose. 

Senator Scott. Do you have. Doctor, the kind of hard evidence that 
any of the groups that you referred to plan to engage in terrorist 
activities during the Bicentennial ? 

Dr. KiNTNEK. No; I have no hard intelligence whatsoever. In other 
words, I don't have a pipeline into one of these organizations, over- 
hearing one of their secret meetings in which they say, well, in Phila- 
delphia what we are really going to go after is the grandstand area 
w^here President Ford is gong to speak. 

That information is unobtainable. What we have is generalized in- 
formation. We know the track record. We know that they have com- 
mitted violence. We know that they are violence prone. We know that 
rhe scene would, from their point of view, make an ideal theater for 

Whether they, in fact, are planning to engage in violence or dis- 
ruption, we have no firm intelligence. I think that is a severe handicap 
for the authorities who are responsible for maintaining the public 
safety during occasions of this kind. 

Senator Scott. Doctor, I would ask you the same question that we 
asked Miss Rountree. After hearing the testimony of the others, is 


there anything else that you feel the committee — you would like to 
bring to the attention of the committee that you have not yet brought 
to our attention? 

Dr. KiNTNER. I think one thing your committee might well look 
into in the future is the nature of the guidelines whicli are being im- 
posed on both the FBI and the metropolitan and State police forces 
with regard to this type of activity. 

For example, I have heard some police departments are restraining 
their people from even taking pictures of the demonstrators. I per- 
sonally believe that this would be a deterrent. Demonstrators are very 
cool al30ut police photographers. They are warm about the TV photog- 
raphers. They like to see themselves on the "tube." They don't like to 
see themselves on the dossier. This is just one example. 

I would favor a review of whether the self-imposed guidelines under 
which our public safety people are operating now are too restrictive in 
terms of the type of problems we are dealing with. 

Senator Scott. As I understand ^Nliss Rountree's comments a few 
minutes ago, she expressed some concern about the right of the citizens 
generally to be protected and she put some emphasis on that. Is that 
your thought also, that perhaps we are leaning over backwards too so 
that the law-abiding citizen is not adequately protected? Or do you 
have any comment on that ? 

Dr. KiNTXER. Well, I think it is the aim of our society to protect 
the law-abiding citizen. I think even though we are the freest society 
on Earth., our citizens are quite well protected. 

There have been cases where the citizen's rights have been violated 
by groups of this kind and not enough has been done at a particular 
time to protect them. But I would then say it is a difficult problem for 
the same reason that the urban guerrillas as some of them call them- 
selves have the freedom of initiatives, the freedom of striking where 
they choose. 

As a rule of sound military tactics you cannot protect every point. 
You can only protect what you regard as the most vital points. If a 
citizen is in an area where protection does not exist, he might be sub- 
jected to unfortunate consequences. 

Senator Scott. Do you have anything further to add ? 

Dr. Kixtxer. ]Mr. Chairman, I think I have made as many observa- 
tions as are appropriate. 

Senator Thurmond. Dr. Kintner, in your remarks you indicated, I 
believe, that the July 4 period might be a rigorous one for Philadelphia 
and AYashington. Is it your reconmiendation that ordinary Americans 
who want to go to Philadelphia or Washington to celebrate the Bicen- 
tennial — that they stay away on the Fourth of July in order to protect 

Dr. Kintxer. Not at all. That would be a goal which these terrorists 
would devoutly wish to be achieved. It is our party — it is not their 
party. They don't want anything to do with it excej^t to disrupt it. 
Another factor to bear in mind is that even though there is a possibility 
of unpleasantness, the number affected would be relatively small. 

I hope that no Americans will be dissuaded from joining in the great 
festivities planned by our State and local and Federal Government on 
this occasion. 


Senator Thurmond. I would like to ask you this question. From 
what I have been able to ascertain about these groups, is their purpose 
to butfalo, so to speak, the good citizens from attending these patriotic 
rallies because it may instill more Americanism in them ? Is that their 
purpose — or do you feel they have some other objective in mind? 

Dr. KixTNER. No. I think their primary objective is to see that cer- 
tain incidents are created by them which will give them very major 
media coverage not only in the United States but tliroughout the 
world, indicating that the United States is not a united society and 
that there is far more dissension w^ithin our i-anks than is actually the 

They plan to exploit the media to magnify their relatively minuscule 

Senator Thurmond. In other words, you feel that they are seeking 
news media coverage, TV, radio and newspaper coverage that they 
are hopeful will be carried in other countries of the world for 
the purpose of portraying the United States as a divided country 
and that there are uprisings and riots here and the people are dissatis- 
fied with our Government and with the opportunities they have here ? 

Dr. KixTXER, I think that is absolutely correct and I think their 
phrase which they use to describe terrorism, namely, armed proj^a- 
gancla, is very explicit and precise. 

Senator Thurmond. Even though those who participate may not 
know about that big objective, they are being used by leaders who have 
the goal in mind that you mention ? 

Dr. KiNTNER. I think most of these groups are relatively small and 
they are fairly cohesive and both the leaders and the led understand 
what they are up to. , 

Senator Thurmond. Furthermore do you feel that they are trying — ( 
is what you said the main puropse, do you think, or do they also have 
in mind, an idea of conveying to the public that they are dissatisfied 
with the Government in America, too, even to lead other people here 
to believe that we don't have the right kind of government? 

Dr. KiNTNER. I think that is also true. They hope by their actions 
that they will convince others of our citizens that this country is not 
such a good place to be in and requires some rather drastic changes in 
order to make it a more livable America. 

I think that is secondary to their first goal. 

Senator Thurmond. And yet those people who wish to convey that 
belief and those who wish to be volatile and violent don't live here 

Dr. KiNTNER. That is a very good point. The United States with all 
of its faults still attracts more people from around the world than any 
other country on earth. I think the number of new citizens that have 
joined the United States numbers around 4 or 5 million in the last few 

This is still the land of promise and achievement. It is the most 
exciting and the most remarkable country on earth and they are glad 
that their actions can take place here rather than some of the more 
unfortunate countries of the world. 

Senator Thurmond. Isn't it true that thousands and tliousands of 
people from other countries wish to come to the United States every 


Dr. KixTNER. That is correct. 

Senator Thurmond. Because of the immigration quotas, they can't 
come. They look upon this as a hind of freedom, opportunity and a 
land where they would like to live and rear their families? 

Dr. Kixtner! All you have to do is visit the visa departments of 
our missions in Jamaica or Thailand or Mexico and many other coun- 
tries and see this is the place they want to come. 

Senator Thurmond. Isn't it^rue that those who have gone to the 
Soviet Union or Red China and other places have been disheartened 
and have been discontented, and most of those who went have 
returned ? 

Dr. KiNTNER. Most of those Americans who have looked to the 
Soviet Union or the People's Republic of China as the promised land 
have returned disillusioned to what is sometimes referred to as the 
land of the great PX. 

Senator Thurmond. Do you know of any country in the world 
where the people have as good schools, as good churches, as good 
homes, are as well fed, as well clothed and have the opportunities to 
rear their families and their children, as they do in the United States ? 

Dr. KiNTNER. Well, I have been around most of the world a num- 
ber of times. There are countries like Canada, Australia, and some of 
the countries in Western Europe that now have many of the things 
that we have. We have a common cultural symbiotic relationship with 
them. But among all of the countries, this is the most successful and 
largest industrial society and furthermore it has pioneered in making 
these benefits available "to the masses of our population before somo 
of the countries that are allied with us. 

Senator Scott. Before another subconnnitee of the Judiciary, it 
was brought out that between 4 and 12 million illegal aliens are in 
this country today. I think that brings out what the distinguished 
Senator from South Carolina is mentioning. They would not be here 
if they did not want to be. They even come here by illegal means. 

Senator Thurmond. That is a good point. In other words they have 
even run tlie risk of being put in prison because they have sought the 
opporcunit / to live in this country. Isn't it true that people over the 
world — you have traveled a lot — I remember you in Thailand as Am- 
bassador several years ago and you have been to many other places — - 
you are a vorld traveler so to speak — isn't it true that the people over 
the world generally feel that to be an American citizen is a very de- 
sirable status and that the}^ would prefer to live here, most of them, 
than any other place ? 

Dr. KiNTNER. I think that many people throughout the world do 
look to the United States that way — which suggests another objective 
of these terrorists. They want to tarnish the American image abroad 
by these activities. That is a goal which is closely related to their 
desire to get public exposure for their troubles that they may create. 

Senator Thurmond. I want to thank you all very much for your 
appearance here today. You have made a splendid contribution. I am 
with the Joint Committee of the House and the Senate which is mark- 
ing up the defense procurement bill. I will have to return there now. 

Senator Scott. You have my proxy. Counsel had some questions 
that he wanted to ask of the chief and the inspector. 


INIr. ScHULTZ. I would like to have a response from the Inspector 
concerning the requirement if any, for a bond to be furnished by those 
requesting permits to demonstrate. 

Mr. Fencl. a parade permit is required in the city of Philadelphia 
if the function takes place within the streets — for example, a parade 
on the street. Xo bond is required. I might add that in the Federal 
court proceeding which I mentioned with the "Rich Otf Our Back," 
it was requested by the city that a bond l^e required, but it was denied 
by the Federal court, 

Mr. ScHULTz. Would you outline the information required in seek- 
ing a permit ? 

Mr. Fencl. Names of groups, officers, expected attendance, the pur- 
pose of the demonstration or march and the route. The route has to 
be approved according to traffic conditions and time of day and so 
forth. But it is not in-depth information. 

Mr. ScHULTz. This is the only information the judge has as the 
basis for the granting or denying of a permit, in the public interest? 

Mr. Fexcl. That is correct. 

Senator Scott. Inspector, do you have anything further you would 
like to say for the benefit of the committee ? 

Mr. Fexcl. No, sir. Just, thank you for inviting me. 

Senator Scott. Chief ? 

Deputy Chief Babe. No, sir. 

Senator Scott. Let me thank all of you on behalf of the subcom- 
mittee. "VVe appreciate your testimony. 

The subcommittee is adjourned. 

[Whereupon, at 12 :30 p.m., the subcommittee adjourned subject to 
call of the Chair.] 


The following exhibits were submitted by Dr. Kintner and Inspector 
Fencl subsequent to the hearing and were ordered into the record by 
the chairman. 







V-.TATliEP 'J'.'DFP'^PrUN'D 





(By the Weather Underground Organization) 

The only path to the final defeat of imperialism and the building of socialism 
is revolutionary war. Revolution is the most powerful resource of the people. 
To w-ait, to not prepare the people for the fight is to seriously mislead about what 
kind of fierce struggle lies ahead. 

Revolutionary war will be complicated and protracted. It includes mass strug- 
gle and clandestine struggle, peaceful and violent, political and economic, cul- 
tural and military, where all forms are developed in harmony with the armed 

Without mass struggle there can be no revolution. Without armed struggle 
there can be no victory. 

There are many on the left who selfrighteously condemn all violence of revo- 
lutionaries. They are keeping their own hands clean by avoiding the full conse- 
quences of revolutionary ideas. For these people, the revolution will happen only 
some day and hopefully be made by somebody else. But power concedes nothing 
without a demand. Armed struggle is an extension of political struggle, just as 
war is politics with bloodshed. Under certain historical conditions political strug- 
gle leads necessarily to armed confiict. When a small ruling class maintains it- 
self in power by force and violence, \\hen the masses of people are forced to work 
and live in brutalized and violent conditions, political struggle both peaceful and 
violent is the inevitable result. 

Violence is not a thing to want or a thing not to want. It cannot be called into 
being or wished out of existence. Violence is a monopoly of the U.S. state. It is 
woven into the very fabric of capitalism ; in Rap Brown's words, "as American 
as cheri-y pie." U.S. official policy is violent and brutal ; the brutal imperialist war 
of aggression in Viet Nam, the fascist coup in Chile, the colonial hold on Puerto 
Rico. Capitalism is a violent system having at its center the violent relationship 
of exploiter and exploited, worker and boss, a relationship of oppression and con- 
stant struggle. Uneler capitalism, armies of wome»n are forced into prostitution. 
Black people's life expectancy is ten years less than that of white folks, old 
people are discarded after they've worked away the better part of their lives. The 
status quo is murder. 

Fighting for the future will be painful, but in the long run it is the only thing 
that can end pain. As Jose Marti said of Cuba eighty years ago : "The island, 
like a resurrection, lifts herself in her agony, sees the mud which covers her and 
the bloody road leading to liberty anel prefers the l)lood to the mud." 

Reactionary capitalist violence is ciiminal ; revolutionary violence will bring 
about the new society. Marxism-Leninism holds that "the fundamental question of 
every revolution is the question of power." Marx considered violence as "the 
midwife of all old societies about to bring forth a new one." The capitalist sys- 
tem of private property is protected forcibly by a group of violent, dangerous 
men. The development of mass revolutionary A'iolence is essential to smash the 
state of the exploiters and to wrest power from the armed defenders of im- 

Organized armed struggle shows people their great strength and potential for 
seizing and holding power and shows the weaknesses of the government, corpo- 
rate capitalism, and the military. Armed struggle can inspire and organize, carry 
on the tradition of resistance and train fighters by fighting. The capacity to carry 
out successful armed struggle in liarmony with political struggle must be built 
at every stage of the revolution and cannot be put off on the excuse that it is 
always premature. For the seizure of power from the imperialists, armed strug- 
gle will be decisive. 

A generation of fighters was produced by the movements of the lOGOs. Opposi- 
tion to the violence of everyday life led to organized popular violence. The re- 
bellions of urban Black communities were training grounds for revolution. Rob- 
ert Williams, Rap Brown, Malcolm X, the Black Panther Party, forced the recog- 
nition of the necessity of violent revolution. 

Resistance to the Viet Nam war included thousands of people who participated 
in militant protest, clandestine or armed actions against the warmakers, burning 
draft boards, destroying corporate and military files. Sabotage grew and spread 
thru the armed forces. Bombings of war-related targets were understood and 
welcomeel and built the popular movement : the bombing of power lines into 
defense plants in Colorado in 1968 (an action for which Cameron Bishop is on 
trial now), the Sam Melville bombings in New York in 1989, the destruction 


of the Army Math Research Center in Madison in 1970, and the bombings of 
the Capital and the Pentagon by the Weather Underground Organization. 

With the development of popular and guerrilla warfare against U.S. imperial- 
ism on three continents our movement could not hang back from armed struggle, 
nor could its leaders say "not us." 

Revolutionary armed struggle is a fact of life in the US, conceived and carried 
out by a wide diversity of people and groups and organizations. This is a sign 
of maturity in our movement. Armed action is an integral part of the left, as 
varied and' creative as the nations and peoples which exist inside the borders 
of the US. Although the guerrilla forces are decentralized and follow different 
and sometimes contradictory strategies, we are unified in our spirit of love 
for the people of the world, hatred of imperialism and determination to make 
riivolution by every means necessary. There have been serious losses — comrades 
killed and imprisoned — but still the guerrilla community survives, grows and 
renews. We greet and support other revolutionary groups waging armed struggle 
and beheve that the struggle over the strategy for revolution among these foi'ces 
is a critical one. 


Our job is not only to carry out action — that is comparatively simple. Our job 
is to succeed in making a revolution. The guerrillas, like all revolutionaries, 
bear the responsibility of developing full political strategy, and a mistake in 
military strategy can be deadly. The .stakes are high, not only for the people 
and organizations carrying out military work, but for the course of the revolu- 
tion. Ho Chi Minh .said, "a military without politics is like a tree without roots — 
useless and dangerous." That is why we use the slogan "Politics in Command." 

The critical task of all the diverse forces now engaging in some form of 
armed struggle in our country is to learn the laws of revolutionary warfare 
and apply them to the concrete conditions of the US today. We must learn from 
the revolutionary experiences of Viet Nam, Guine-Bissau, Cuba, China. Rus.sia. 
There is a tremendous literature to .study such as The Militanj Art of People's 
War by Vo Nguyen Giap and Benin's On Partisan Warfare. We also have a rich 
although hidden history of guerrilla warfare in our own land to draw upon : 
the resistance wars of the Native Americans, the underground railroad, John 
Brown's attempt to create a freed-slave army in the mountains of the border 
states, Emma Goldman and the anarchist fighters, the labor battles and Abraham 
Lincoln Brigade of the thirties, Tijerina in New Mexico. Most of all we must 
familiarize ourselves thoroughly with all aspects of the enemy's situation and 
all aspects of our own : we must analyze the strengths and weakne.sses of the 
enemy's forces and of our own forces with ruthless honesty. 

We are at an early stage of a protracted revolutionary war. We need strategy 
to last, to grow and organize for many years to come, a strategy to preserve 
and expand our forces, armed revolutionary forces and political movement : a 
strategy for study as well as training, tactical retreat as well as escalation. 
AVe evaluate action by analyzing the extent to which it reflects and builds 
organization, reflects accountability to a mass base, whether actions win people 
and encourage them to act or develop passivity among people. It's not a popu- 
larity question : at this point a comparatively small sector of the population 
actively supports armed struggle. Action which is advanced should pull forward 
the people's understanding of the enemy and people's willingness to fight. People, 
gi'oups and organizations engaged in action must take all of these factors into 
account. This is the meaning of "Politics in Command." 

"Our goal is to build communist organization toward the stage where armed 
struggle becomes a mass phenomenon led by a Marxist-Leninist party : a revolu- 
tionary stage." Organization is the strongest resource of the people. Organiza- 
tion unites and builds, and means that each day's efforts add up. Organization 
is made up of individuals, but is bigger and longer lasting than any one individ- 
ual. Individuals are precious, but organization is decisive. Only organization 
allows continuity of experience and leadership, and carries the deeds of the 
individual fighters beyond themselves into the future. Organization capable of 
waging full internal political struggle around direction, and capable of uniting 
in action directs people's energies like a spear. Only combative organization 
can resist infiltration and repression and combat the highly organized and 
trained forces of the state. 

"The strategic necessity for this period is to mobilize the oppressed and ex- 
ploited people against U.S. imperialism. Militarily this is the stage of armed 
propaganda ; the test of action is primarily the ability to win the people." 


Because imperialism is in decline, whole sectors of the poor and working popula- 
tion can be won to a radical perspective. In Viet Nam the seeds of the liberation 
army were called armed propaganda units — Ho Chi Minh insisted on emphasiz- 
ing the word propaganda. Viet Nam teaches that in revolutionary war firepower 
is only one factor, and not the key factor in determining who wins and who 
loses. Consciousness is decisive." At this point, timing is critical because timing 
helps make action comprehensible. Guerrillas must integrate armed struggle 
with mass political struggle thru precision and timing, to point out to the move- 
ment and to the people the strategic and political necessity for armed struggle 
and for revolution. In this stage armed action provides a consistency of militant 
opposition and action over time and is a beacon of hope to the hopeless. 

The bombing of the State Department by the AVUO in January 1975 is one 
example of effective integration of military and political struggle — millions of 
people opposed increasing aid to South Viet Nam and Cambodia, and thousands 
demonstrated in active opposition to U.S. policy ; the target and tactic and 
action were clear. The beauty of the SLA food distribution program a year ago 
was that it brought thousands of people into direct touch with the guerrilla 
struggle, served the people and both exposed the scale on which hunger exists in 
the U.S. and pointed to the enemy who cause it. The active and aware support 
of thousands on the food lines was an enormous accomplishment. The attack by 
the Black Liberation Army on Manhattan district attorney Frank Hogan's armed 
guard in May 1971 was built on years of demonstrations and hatred against 
that corrupt tyrant who was responsible for the unjust imprisonment of thou- 
sands of Black people, and the action was widely understood. All these actions 
represent the effective combination of military and political struggles." 


There are three theories of guerrilla warfare which we reject as the path to 
revolution in the U.S. : the war against fascism theory, the foco theory and the 
retribution theory. 

Terrible fascist conditions prevail for Third World peoples living in the US : 
intolerable prison life. Indian reservations, mass deportation for Mexicans, wide- 
spread sterilization without consent of Black and Third World women. Of these 
conditions of repression and subjugation there can be no doubt. But this is differ- 
ent from characterizing the present stage of the development of imperialism as a 
fascist system, and therefore the stage of the struggle as the war against fascism. 
Any view of the power of the state as monolithic is wrong and self-defeating. 
The cracks within the system are also widening. It is our job to put pressure on the 
cracks, to make a class analysis of the forces in opposition to imperialism and to 
develop all of those forces on the appropriate level. Every means of struggle 
must be uitilzed. We have by no means reached the end of mass political struggle 
and public movements — not unless we declare it so. instead of mobilizing it. While 
the state is increasingly computerizing and centralizing its repressive apparatus, 
it is also subject to major setbacks which the left should be organizing and push- 
ing. Watergate was one of these. Other factors hold back the full force of the 
state — mass consciousness of government illegality, suspicion of informers, the 
power of a strong noncollaboration stand in the face of grand juries. 

Based on the war against fascism analysis of this period is a primarily 
military conception of the role of action : that the criterion of a good action is the 
damage it does to the state, the toM th-^t can be tfiirpn, the fpit blow. This is one 
aspect but not primary. It becomes more significant as contention for poAver 
develops, but it is wrong to conclude that the revolution is contending for state 
power now. 

The foco theory holds that a revolutionary group proves and establishes itself 
only through armed action, that action alone gives a group leadership in the move- 
ment — that is, action in command ; the guerrilla foco is the little motor which 
sets in motion the big motor, the mass movement. That is, the existence of the 
guerrilla struggle in and of itself politicizes the masses. We reject this theory for 
the concrete conditions of the US today. 

Revolutionary action inspires and helps mobilize the people but there is no 
maeicnl relationshin between guerrilla a ration in nnd of itself and successful 
revolution. jVLany factors are necessary; the people must be organized and pre- 
pared as well as inspired. These things do not happen by them.selves. The moments 
when dualitative leaps of con.sciou«ness and leaps into mass action nre taken are 
built on years of struegle and organizing. To survive the hunt of the repressive 
apparatus, the guerrillas must be protected by an organized and combative 


movement, by the political organization of the people, by mass political action. 
All of these forms help lay the basis for the eventual mobilization of the revolu- 
tionarized people against the state— the armed struggle of the oppressed, people's 
war. The guerrilla groups have a critical role to play but the gun cannot lead. 
Tlie gun is necessary, but its usefulness is only realized when politics are in 
command, when it is part of the correct revolutionary strategy. 

Even a far higher level of military organization and action than any group in 
this country has yet achieved gives no automatic guarantee of sparking organized 
mass movement. The Tupamaros, whose brilliant actions over ten years almost 
paralyzed Uruguay, criticized their own overly military approach. The people re- 
mained imorganized spectators and supporters of the war of the guerrillas 
against the state, not full participants. The pro-imerialist bourgeoisie has been 
able to regain and consolidate their power, to institute a terrible dictatorship 
which the Tups and the Uraguayan people continue to fight. 

Armed action, even when it does not succeed, even when those who carry it out 
are defeated, even if it is not part of an overall strategy, provides a revolutionary 
example for those who will come later, and enters into the heart of the people. 
This is true. Action is exemplary, and the beginnings of armed struggle ax*e a 
challenge to the comfortable left. It is a laying of self on the line for the struggle, 
and sparks the imaginations and courage of thousands of people. Fighters who 
have given their lives are much loved and live on. But this is not enough. Action 
must be planned to succeed : the object is to wdn. Revolutionary examples always 
have arisen and will always arise. They spring from the depths of the people's 
subjugation. But the task of the armed revolutionary organization at this point 
is to make a plan to help ensure the victory of the people in a long and costly war. 
The people need success, need victories, need power. 

That is why the rationale of the exemplary foco is inadequate. Each action, 
each risk, must be taken for good reason. Guerrillas can seldom afford to go 
into battle which they know they will lose. This is an axiom of Vo Xguyen Giap. 
Of this is never entirely within our own control. There are a hundred 
factors involved in every action — we can only take care of a certain number of 
them, and sometimes the enemy forces us to act. But choosing our own time 
and battlefield is one of the great strengths of the guerrillas. That is how we 
preserve and build our forces. 

Finally we reject the conception that the role of the guerrillas force is to 
create chaos inside the belly of the beast, the oppressor nation, to bring about 
disorder through action. We are not pacifists. "We know very well that life will 
be taken and lost in the process of revolution, and that the birth of the new 
society, like the birth of a new human being, is bloody and painful. But revolu- 
tionary violence must be specific, comprehensible to the people, and humane. 
The violence of the revolution must be clearly distinguishable to the oppressed 
and exploited people, from the violence of capitalist society. People do not need 
us to be fearful, or to create chaos. Chaos prevails. Our task is to show the 
way out of the madness. All revolutionary communists love peace. We must win 
the trust of the people that the revolution represents a real alternative, a love 
of human life unlike the carelessness of life that characterize imperialism. 

That is the fault of the strategy of an eye for an eye in our country at this 
time : we can never match the violence of the enemy one for one, or avenge 
each death. We retalite in order to educate people and to exact a price for 
imperial crimes, to sow, confusion, doubt and fear in the enemy camp. 
Our job is always to distinguish between the violence of the empire and the 
violence of the revolution. This will be true even when we are engaged in day 
to day warfare. This is also the only way to prevent the enemy from carrying 
out false murderous acts in the name of the guerrillas. In the mountains, when 
the Fidelista prisoners were being tortured and summarily executed by the dic- 
tatorship, Fidel's doctors healed the wounded enemy soldiers, disarmed them and 
set them free. Fidel taught the difference between the army of Batista and the 
army of the people. 

We must never hesitate to fight, but we must never build any mystification 
around violence. We must be a force of armed militants, not militarists. Another 
important aspect of this is that revolutionaries have to tell the truth : We cannot 
make inflated claims about who we are and what we represent. We must win 
the trust of the people and this will only develop through our own consistency 
of practice over time. 

We do not condemn violence that originates from the left, just as we do not 
condemn violence that originates from the working class. The oppressed peoples 


and the working class have a right and an obligation to develop armed struggle 
as a means to liberation. 

It is a right wing error to argue that only legal forms of struggle are legitimate. 
For some, no level of mass struggle will justify armed struggle ; these are naive 
and irresponsible people, never ready to raise the question of violence or of 
the need to fight and ultimately win state power. They play into the state's 
strategy to separate out the warriors from the other parts of the revolution- 
ary movement. Guerrillas and the fighters who are in prison must be supported 
and struggled with, taught and learned from. Our revolution will need both 
open and clandestine movements legal and illegal struggle, peaceful and armed 
struggle — and we will need harmony and organization among all levels of the 
struggle toward the goal of a revolutionized and fighting people. 



VOL. 2 NO. 1 

APRIL- MAY 1976 





This morning we attacked the Banco de Ponce in Rockefeller Center, a bank 
controlled by the multimillion dollar Ferre Enterprises of Puerto Rico. AVe act 
in solidarity with the 500 striking cement workers and their families at the 
Ferre-owned Puerto Rican Cement in Ponce, who have withstood all forms of 
company and police terror in the course of their courageous four-and-a-half 
month strike. The strike has become a rallying point for the militant inde- 
pendent trade union movement in Puerto Rico — a movement which the US, the 
Puerto Rican colonial government, the big corporations and the top leadership 
of the AFL-CIO are trying to crush. We say to the cement workers of Ponce : 
we are with you companerosy companeras. 

The cement strike directly challenges the Ferre family, which owns iron 
works, hotels, newspapers, banks and construction companies and functions as 
a full partner in the U.S. plunder of Puerto Rico. Luis A. Ferre — President of 
Ferre Enterprises — is a former colonial governor of Puerto Rico, a close friend 
of Nixon and Rockefeller and the head of the right-wing pro-statehood New 
Progressive Party. The Operators and Cement Workers Union went on strike 
after Ferre tried to cut pension payments for retired workers in half and at- 
tempted to wipe out a medical plan from the workers' contract. The Union 
fought back, demanding a restoration of the cuts, higher wages, an end to forced 
overtime, a cost-of-living clause and better working conditions. 

The strike has received the full backing of the United Workers Movement 
(MOU), a federation of 40 progressive unions in Puerto Rico. On May Day 
10,000 workers marched in a MOU-sponsored demonstration dedicated to the 
cement workers and two other striking unions, to the Puerto Rican woman 
worker and to the Vietnamese victory. The Puerto Rican Socialist Party (PSP) 
has launched a major drive for funds and strike support. Acts of sabotage have 
also taken place on the Island against operations of Puerto Rican Cement and 
other Ferre-owned companies. 

Ferre has gone all out to break the strike, hiring professional strikebreakers 
and thugs from a US firm (Security Associates). Puerto Rico's secret police 
(the C.I.C. ) have arrested and tortured union members. The FBI has openly 
intervened in a Puerto Rico strike for the first time, harrassing striking workers 
and threatening their families. Strike leader Efrain Fernandez was arrested 
on a phony charge (later dropped) of violating the Federal Explosives Act. The 
Seafarers International Union — an AFL-CIO international — has started sign- 
ing up the strikebreakers into a scab union.The company has waged an unsuc- 
cessful redbaiting campaign to divide the workers from their union leaders and 
from their supporters in the pro-independence movement. 

Since 1898, when the US grabbed Puerto Rico as a colony, US corporations have 
used Puerto Rico as a profit paradise while distorting and wrecking its economic 
life. US investments return more profit per year than the entire annual budget 
of the Puerto Rican government. These profits come from the superexploitation 
of Puerto Rican workers, who work long hours under dangerous conditions and 
receive % the wages of US workers at comparable jobs. The recent wave of 
strikes by telephone workers, waterworks employees and the cement workers are 
threatening this system — and in the process shaking the very foundations of 
US colonialism in Puerto Rico. 

An incorruptible, fighting workers movement in Puerto Rico terrifies the US 
rulers not only because of its impact on Puerto Rico but also because of its 
effect here. With two million Puerto Ricans now living in the US and a broad 
movement of solidarity with the Puerto Rican struggle emerging, the lessons of 
the cement strike can be brought home to further challenge the imperialists' rule 
in the US. Solidarity with the cement workers is part of the class struggle here. 
With the US testing out its anti-worker, strikebreaking tactics on our Puerto 
Rican brothers and sisters, this is the time to show militant support for the 
Ponce strike. 

Victory to the Ponce Cement Strike ! 

Puerto Rico Libre ! 

Weather Undeeground Organization. 



armed forces of puerto rican national liberation 

October 27, 1975. 
Communique # 6. 

Today, armed units of the FALN commemorate the 25th Anniversary of the 
October 30, 1950 revolution in Puerto Rico against yanki domination, and marks 
tlie first anniversary of our existence as an organization, by launcliing a simul- 
taneously coordinated attack against Yanki government and monopoly capitalist 
institutions in New York, Washington D.C., Chicago, and Puerto Rico. 

We demand the immediate independence of Puerto Rico and the unconditional 
release of the five Puerto Rican Nationalist prisoners ; Oscar CoUazo, Lolita 
Lebron, Rafael Cancel Miranda, Andres Figueroa Cordero, and Irving Flores, as 
well as other Puerto Rican Political Prisoners in Yanki colonial and neo-colonial 

We extend our friendship and solidarity to the United States working class, 
our allies in the struggle against Yanki fascism, who like Puerto Rican workers 
are being pushed out of work and forced to the unemployment lines while Yanki 
corporations, and especially the banks, are reaping billions in profits. While the 
rich and their puppets in government eat and drink well off the sweat of 
workers, more and more people are being pushed into the unemployment lines. 

We also wish to draw attention to the just cause of the Panamanian people 
who wish to recover their canal zone. We express our unconditional support for 
them in the realization that the removal of the Y'anki colonialists from the area 
is just as important as our national independence. Should the Panamanian people 
be forced to resort to arms, the FALN will give them whatever support is 

The FALN welcomes the support given the Puerto Rican National liberation 
struggle at the solidarity conference in Cuba and the meeting of Non-aligned 
nations in Peru in September. 

We especially acknowledge the moral support given to our organization by 
the Cuban people and government in a speech made by Prime Minister Fidel 
Castro in August in which he said that the Cuban government would do all it 
could to support the FALN. Although we have acquired everything we need at 
this time from our own efforts, as the struggle intensifies and the needs, 
we may have to claim concrete expression of such support, not only from the 
revolutionary government of Cuba, but from all supporters of Puerto Rican 

Tliese developments, combined with the recent victory of the Puerto Rican 
cause at the United Nations where the Yanki gorillas were fo'-ced to expose their 
claws to the world by resorting to facist arm twisting of their own allies in 
order to prevent a committee discussion of the case of Puerto Rico, reaffirms our 
position : 

Only a protracted, organized armed struggle can force the Yanki invaders out 
of Puerto Rico. 

At a time when our cause is rooted in the international community, the im- 
perialists are undergoing a political and economic crisis in the U.S. and else- 
where, and our historical legacy of struggle is given living proof by the existence 
of the FALN and the political prisoners. Any organization entering parliamen- 
tary politics within the colony is only surrendering to colonialist tactics. 

The role of Vanguard and progressive organizations now in Puerto Rico is to 
organize the armed struggle, telescope the contradictions and establish the 
Peoples' Army of National Liberation. 

We wish to extend our solidarity with all the organizations waging armed 
struggle within the U.S. against ynnki imperialism abroad and capitalist exploi- 
tation of the North American working class. We support the definition of a 
sinsle working class to which everyone living in the United States and working 
within it belong, despite cultural and ethnic differences which actually enrich 
your country. 

Finally, we send our warmest and most affectionate greetings to the freedom 
fighters of our Latin American homeland from Argentina's Tierra del Fuego to 
the South, to Mexico in the north where the struggle, continues to end facist 


oligarchies and their Yanki masters, and who are creating the many Viet-Nams 
necessary for the total destruction of imperialism and the victory of democracy, 
justice, and equality. 

Independence for Puerto Rico, now ! 

Free the Puerto Rican Political prisoners ! 

F.A.L.N., Central Command. 


July 4, 1975. 

On July 26, 1974 Prairie Fire was given to the left at a press conference In 
New York. The coverage by the press, the excitement of the left, converged 
In many people's minds as a time to reevaluate. This process started with 
formation of four distribution committees, one of which was in Philadelphia. 
A couple of us, after reading Prairie Fire, and giving it to many friends, decided 
to distribute it in Philadelphia. We made an insert with the idea of forming 
a group of people interested in studying the book. The study was a group of 
friends who were interested in developing ourselves and struggling with 
politics. We decided to study to separate this from being activists. During this 
period of distributing we made many contacts with different groups who were 
excited about the politics of Prairie Fire, and the desire to know who were 
the people that were distributing the book. 

The study group helped us to define the objective condition of the left and 
the conditions of our country. We began to understand our politics, thus start- 
ing a strategy. Obviously to some of us, study wasn't enough, we lacked a 
practice ; the reason to study and the blood of struggle — to organize. 

The interest and struggle that Prairie Fire generated, stimulated us to 
develop a program or what we called projects. New York Prairie Fire in mid- 
December held an open forum covering the economic crisis. Many of us went 
and we were among a group of 500 people. The direction we were going became 
clearer. Jennifer Dohrn's speech showed us the necessity of doing mass work, 
broadening a very small class base, and beginning to do organizing. We felt 
part of a much larger group and a responsibility to become part of the anti- 
imperialist left. We already formed a working relationship with two Philadelphia 
black groups who constantly pushed us to activism. 

The study group was still meeting, constantly struggling with the idea of 
doing projects or remaining just as we were. There was also the main con- 
tradiction of women who were working with Prairie Fire who were not sure 
they wanted to work with mixed groups. 

The first project we decided to do was an open Forum on Cuba, an evening 
of slides and discussions. A comrade from New York who was on the Brigade 
brought a slide show to Philadelphia. We printed a very effective leaflet and 
as a study group, worked collectively to build for the slide show January 17. 
We involved numerous friends to work with us on this project. The collective 
energy that came together was a great leap forward and showed some of us 
why this process was the best way to work. People were pleased with the way 
we worked. After much work and propaganda, 150 people attended. The collec- 
tive work pnid off and P.F.O.C was introduced to the Philadelphia left. We 
considered this a victory for the people that were there and a much needed 
success for our first project. We criticized ourselves later for a lack of follow-up 
on the mailing list obtained. Now, we have contacted all those people, and have 
developed a structure to keep outreach going. We see using this kind of program 
throughout the next year to build for Bicentennial Resistance. 

We then wrote a book review of Prairie Fire which was published in a 
Philadelphia Radical paper. Our contact with groups grew to include the Puerto 
Rican Socialist Party (PSP), and many more individuals through this article. 

At this time the study group disbanded because of differences in politics. 
The question grew from a lack of trust with each other, and certain 3rd 
world groups we had relationships with, whose line on feminism some thought 


was non-existant. Our lack of practice caused a very ugly struggle, and our 
study together stopped. Many of our group and sympathizers left the city. We 
were no longer a committee, but a few individuals who continued study, dis- 
tribution and tried to keep Prairie Fire politics alive. We did this. The 
righteousness of our politics and the deeper understanding of them concretized 
a more realistic strategy for the coming months. 

We were a young group and luckily for us we were held together by close 
bonds so the struggle continued. It seems in retrospect that we spent the next 
several weeks in evaluation of what we wanted to do, how to work to do it. 
and why. We were still distributing the book and some of the people were 
forming alliances as individuals with some of the other revolutionary groups 
here in Philadelphia, such as the East Coast Panthers, Community Assistance 
for Prisoners (CAP) and the PSP. 

Early in 1975 GROUXDSWELL appeared from the National committee. The 
appearance of the newsletter and thei nformation within was another sparke to us 
in Philadelphia. We gained strength reading about and talking to people who were 
doing work in other parts of the country. 

The second coming of a Philadelphia P.F.O.C. was initiated in mid-March. On 
March 28, Susan Saxe was busted in Philadelphia. The next day we responded 
with a large group of us going to her arraignment. Our group and a coalition of 
women were her main supporters at this time. We immediately got together a 
pamphlet on how to deal with the FBI which we distributed in the next couple 
of weeks. This event uncovered and pushed the Philadelphia left to action. Five 
such pamphlets about Susan Saxe came out simultaneously. At this time we were 
in planning discussions about forming a Philadelphia Network. This idea was to 
bring the Philadelphia left together so they could respond to emergencies 
(repression of black people for example) and to begin to support each other 
and build unity. We liked the idea and began to work with other groups towards 
making it a reality. Several of us were committed from mid-March to May 31, 
when we had a city-wide conference where 30 groups attended. This work we 
did showed a high degree of commitment, and leadership. We initiated many 
things and our consistent work proved to be part of a very important leadership 
status. We have continued with this network to date, constantly evaluating our 
role, the role of Third World groups, and pushing for actions and development. 

The first week in April we had a meeting with the PSP. We defined very 
quickly what we wanted to do together. This work was to be a coalition to 
organize for Mayday in New York. AVe made leaflets, distributed posters, 
supported each other constantly. We worked with them on a fundraising party 
in Camden, N.J. along with the Camden PSP members PFOC sponsored a fund- 
raising party where we were successful enough to hire a bus with money left 
over. We held many events together, all of which were great organizing tools. 
We involved other groups and many individuals in this work. The work we did 
for Mayday was amazing. We took a bus load of people to New York to be part 
of a very spirited Mayday-Vietnamese victory celebration. Ten people from 
PFOC worked together on this project all the way through. We learned a great 
deal from the PSP concerning collectivity, discipline, commitment and leader- 
ship. We had an evaluation together and we came to these conclusions : 

(1) Our politics were in agreement enough to work together ; 

(2) Oiu- groups could work together collectively in a principaled manner: 

(3) We should work together on the Bicentennial (cement workers strike etc.). 
At this time our group was consolidating and regrouping. The critical victory 

of Vietnam guided our work, showed us a winning strategy and pushed our 
development ten years forward. 

We made a leaflet concerning Vietnam refugees in solidarity with the many 
other groups who did the same around the country. A mailing was sent out of the 
Vietnam refugee and the How to deal with the FBI leaflets. We took part in a 
local demonstration along with the PSP concerning Vietnam refugees. Simul- 
taneous demonstrations were held throughout the country. 

This whole period of time was most important for us. New people began to 
show interest and work with us on a regular basis. Some of us traveled to Boston 
and New York. We saw other committees work which gave us a broader sense of 
ourselves and ignited the idea of a National conference and organization. We 
began to meet consistently and to work out our purpose and new projects. Since 
Mayday people's commitment and development has been amazing. Many of us 



were completely new to politics and have taken on leadership roles and shown 
exemplary work. 

Still a very loose group of people, individuals continued to take leadership 
in forming the Philadelphia Network. We attended two meetings of the Mass 
Party of the People representing PFOC. A women's union in Philadelphia was 
forming and we have taken part in these planning sessions. Also People wrote 
to us in a larger quantity and with a higher quality. 

We had numerous meetings trying to decide on a focus we could pick. We 
wanted to chose an issue where we thought organizing potential existed, a 
chance to do consistent mass work. Philadelphia Bicentennial flunkies were plan- 
ning a day called the "American Way" where a million and a half people showed 
up. We decided to go there to talk with some of these people. We made a sticker 
and a leaflet to present to folks there. The sticker we posted throughout the 
area, a couple of nights before the event. Ten of us went there on Sunday with a 
couple of thousand leaflets, armed with its politics. These politics were to con- 
front people with the Victory in Vietnam, the state of our economy, and to find 
out what people thought about their lives in terms of the Bicentennial. We 
talked to hundreds of people that day. It was encouraging the interest people 
showed in a group that had something to say about their lives. We made con- 
tacts with many individuals and schools who wanted our propaganda for their 
children. This was the first time we tried this and we thought of it as a victorious 
day. We worked collectively, plus had the experience of finding out the real 
consciousnesses of people we were attempting to organizing this was a white 
affair. A conglomerate of Rizzo, Flyers, American way supporters. Even among 
this highly reactionary element, we found support for our politics. We wrote an 
article for Common Sense, a Philadelphia Movement paper, explaining why we 
went there, and some of our future plans. Three people who went with us that 
day joined our committee and have continued to work with us. 

On May 18, we had a meeting in Philly with representatives from New York 
and Boston committees which proved to have far out vibes and was productive. 
Our group and many Philadelphia sympathizers attended. Each city went 
through its evaluations of all their work. We could identify with problems other 
cities had and celebrate the work we have accomplished together, in a very broad 
sense rather than just our community. Because of the brilliant victory in Viet- 
nam we wanted to give people something to propagandize the celebration. We 
learned th^^ process of silk screening and made our first poster. We gave some to 
Laura Whitehorn to take to Vietnam. We spent hours discussing pre-conference 
ideas, why a national organization and all three cities left feeling high and a 
real sense that we could form a national organization this summer. 

This meeting made us strive for a complete re-evaluation. We decided to 
become a committee of activists and to use a structure to help us carry out our 
work. We organized into committees to distribute our work and assure the 
consistency of day to day organizing. Because of our smallness and the work 
of the National conference, we had to pick priorities which we will always be 
in the process of doing. Our coalition work includes relationships with the 
following groups : Philadelphia network. Women's union. East Coast Panthers, 
PSP, Susan Saxe Defense Comm., Mass party, PRSC, People's 76. We want to 
follow through with our commitments, but have learned differences in jpolitics, 
and priorities for ourselves. Our work with the PSP has always been an ex- 
tremely principled relationship. We accomplish good work together, struggle 
over problems, but define our priorities as unity. We have grown together, and 
plan to do work in the future. The PSP has pushed us forward more than any 
other group we have worked with. One criticism we have of ourselves is the 
diffusion of coalition work we have done. We see ourselves as doing support 
work, and pushing our politics to those that want to struggle and work together. 
We must use this past year to reevaluate our work with others and coalitions. 
We must decide which relationships we want to continue, where there is poten- 
tial, and what does our analysis call for at this time. This is always hard, and 
the faster we grow the more resources we have to send out, the more people we 
have to make input. Many of our people being new don't feel strong enough to 
represent us in coalitions. This problem we are dealing with by initiating con- 
stant study for our members, with the realization that political development is 
a process. This we see happening by theory and practice, and the constant 
criticism-self criticism of the collective. 

75-425 0—76- 



1. In evaluating our work for the past year we saw vast need for organization. 
We decided to divide up into committees. This will help each of us focus on 
specific work, rather than try to do everything. Our coordinating committee will 
organize our work, and set up meetings. This committee has done much of the 
work for the National Conference. Its other responsibilities are treasury, 
strengthen up military, and most important to implement and take leadership 
in our study group. The Education-Propaganda Committee is responsible for 
distribution of WUC literature, our literature, and responding to mail. Its other 
aspect is propaganda work. This has taken the form of setting up an art com- 
mittee, that can produce leaflets, posters, T-shirts, and stickers. They also do the 
designing. Our third work committee is the Bicentennial committee which wrote 
the bicentennial proposal, and is trying to form our strategy and program for 
the next year. We are a collective so no committees decisions are separate from 
the whole. We are in the process of picking leadership, and people to be on the 
National Committee. For the past year this was an unstructured role, which we 
are defining as we develop better understandings of Marxist-Leninist theory and 

2. We have seen the need to put less energy into supporting other groups and 
coalitions, but rather to focus on our own work. We must see ourselves deciding 
on goals and pushing them through. 

3. We are critical of our relationshipi to mass work. Much of our time and 
energy has been kept internalized, dealing with our own problems or solely 
within the left. We have realized this error, and have defined the strategy to 
work consistently within the people. We have alienated certain new members 
with political rhetoric. This was caused by a gap in our recognition of how 
people develop. It is a process. We are finding it easier to be critical of each 
other, and have dealt with this in some correct ways. 

a. To study constantly and involve other new people in our group. 

b. To have open meetings to bring new people in our group. 

c. To be constantly aware and critical of our rhetoric, always being welcome 
to questions and criticisms. 

d. To develop revolutionary patience — that doesn't mean to be liberal, hut to 
push people at a correct time and pace in their lives. 

e. To constantly evaluate our roles in terms of feminism, and to initiate femi- 
nist studies and discussions for the whole, especially the men. 

4. We have been strong in producing literature and propaganda. We must con- 
tinue to develop this of our work. We are hoping to set up an art studio 
which is now in the process. AVe see those who know the skills to take leadership 
and to teach the rest of us these very useful tools. 

5. We have taken good leadership roles in a number of coalitions in Phila. 
The Phila. network, formerly mentioned, we helped start and continue to work, 
to its establishment and projected goals. We have started to work in the women's 
union, and the group called People's 76. Phila. PFOC has given aid and support 
to the Susan Saxe defense committee. We hope to join a coalition to support the 
Pine Ridge Resistance. 

6. Our most important strength is the strong relationship we have built with a 
number of Third World groups in Phila. The PSP and PFOC plan to do much 
work together in the next year. The East coast Panthers and PFOC support each 
other, struggle together, and will continue to advance our relationship. These 
two groups have had the .strongest ties to us, both of which we plan to continue. 
We have learned a lot about our discipline and these groups us to always 
think we can do more. This unity has been hard, with weekly struggles but has 
advanced our committee a great deal, giving credence to our politics and strategy. 

To write an end to this propo.sal is impossible. We have become a force in 
Phila. We .see the next couple months for us, concentrating on growth in num- 
bers, and political development. We accompli-sh things this year to only show us 
the vast work for the coming one. We have lived the Vietnamese celebration, but 
Chile remains in jail. We have seen our political development, but Wounded 
Knee, Boston schools and the Bicentennial Bureaucrats have grand resistance in 
store for them. Phila. PFOC has developed and intimate and collective spirit 
which brings us great energy. To be part of this conference planning has added a 
lot to our faith. We have taken many leaps forward. We have developed the 
process of criticism, and evalmtion on a daily bfisis. We are determined to ex- 
pand our committee and to push the politics of Prairie Fire throughout Phila. 
We are winning rapidly. 



This paper is an attempt to evaluate the working of the New Yorlv Prairie 
Fire Organizing Committee. The process of doing this evaluation has pushed 
us all to think critically about our practice, has allowed our real accomplish- 
ments to surface, and has clearly pointed out areas of weakness. The frame- 
work of this paper will be to briefl.v describe the work committees (why they 
were chosen and what concrete work each committee expected to do), the co- 
ordinating committee, the women's caucus, as well as an overview of the New 
York organization as a whole. We have divided our analysis into three areas cor- 
responding to our goals for this period : doing mass work ; developing ourselves 
as cadre ; building unity on the Left. 

Li January we chose to begin building an organization which would be rooted 
in mass struggles and in which we could develop ourselves and others as leaders 
in those struggles. We initially chose three areas of work. They were a campus 
organizing committee to be based at Lehman College ; a community organizing 
committee on the low East Side of Manhattan, and an education and propaganda 
committee to serve the whole organization and do limited mass work in Park 
Slope in Brooklyn. 

Lehman college is a white and third world working class college in the 
Bronx. Understanding the economic necessities of imperialism in decline and 
the revolutionary potential of working class students, we chose Lehman to be 
one of our first organizing projects. 

School district one on the Lower East Side is a racially mixed working class 
community. It is a community that has been under attack, suffering cuts in jobs, 
social services and especially educational services. This community has waged 
a militant struggle to wrest control of the school from the UFT/Shanker machine 
and establish a representative community board. This work provided us an op- 
portunity to v.'ork with a community coalition of third world and white people 
and organizations, an opportunity to take leadership in an anti-racist struggle 
for self determination from third world people, and to squarely confront racism. 

We viewed the Education and Propaganda committee as the propaganda arm 
of the PFOC. In addition to ensuring the wide distribution of Prairie Fire, we 
wanted to use study groups as an outreach tool on campuses and in communi- 
ties. We saw setting up literature tables on the streets and at movement events 
as a way to meet and rap with people and distribute the book. We were respon- 
sible for setting up open forums which would be a dependable source of political 
education for people who are activists and for the people they are organizing. 

The coordinating committee was to be the leadership body for the PFOC. The 
coordinating collective was to be made up of 2 people elected by each com- 
mittee, the PFOC national travellers, and a representative from the women's 
caucus : in addition three members were to be elected at large. This group 
was to give overall direction to the organization, be responsible for international 
solidarity work, and coordinate our relation.ships with other groups. Each mem- 
ber was responsible for communication between the leadership body and the 
separate work committees. 

The women's caucus came together because of our feelings of isolation as a 
small number of women in Prairie Fire, to deal with areas of sexism, and to 
push forward our own understandings of sexism and the role that women must 
play at all stages of the struggle. One of out tasks was to bring a consciousness 
of the absolute necessity of women's leadership in the committee. We recognize 
that all our work involves the oppression of women, and that we need to struggle 
with activists and other women around the politics of the PFOC. We recognized 
the opportunity for us to build strong ties with women's groups, schools, unions 
and to argue for an understanding of sexism and imperialism as the common 
enemy of all women. 

In May we were joined by the Friends of As.sata and Suudiata a group of 
women and women actively involved in the prison support movement. They are 
doing anti-racist organizing to l)roaden an undei-standing of the conditions within 
prisons, the use of prisons in this country and the need for all of us to join 
in common struggle to make this struggle our own. They to join with 
Prairie Fire to increase their outreach and to formulate strategy and priorities 
for their organizing within the framework of a broader anti-imperialist strategy. 
It has raised the of many of us about the importance of doing 
prison work and making these important connections for people. 



We have survived, grown larger and stronger. 

We have distributed 6,000 copies of Prairie Fire. 

We have initiated 5 study groups for new people ; we taught a course on Im- 
perialism at the New York Women's School. 

We held a forum on the economic crisis that 500 people attended. 

We spoke in two classes at Richmond College on Staten Island. 

We spoke on a panel at the Regional URPE Conference. 

We took part in a benefit for Judge Wright in New York. 

We participated in a radio show on WBAI on grand juries. 

We had a cable TV show on the Politics of Revolutionary Anti-imperialism. 

We participated in the December 14 Anti-Racism demonstration in Boston. 

We participated in the January 23 conference to implement the Peace Accords 
in Washington. 

We participated in Puerto Rican Solidarity Day. 

We sent 2 representatives to Cuba with the Venceramos Brigade. 

We sent a representative to the Viet Nam/U.S. Women's Conference in Mon- 

We participated and played a role in International Women's Day, Mayday, a 
Cambodia demonstration around the Mayaquez incident, joined other women in 
a take-over of Senator Javits office, many Indochina demonstrations both before 
and after the victory. 

We produced 1 issue of Groundswell in coordination with Prairie Fire in other 
cities and have distributed 3,000 copies. 

We have distributed 2,000 copies of Osowatomie. 

We have presented forums in the following areas : 

Situation in the Middle East, on Indochina prior to the victory, a presenta- 
tion of Sokum Hing (a member of the Kamir Residents of the U.S.) on the 
situation in Cambodia before the victory, on the politics of women's liberation, 
on the Montreal Women's Conference, on the situation in Puerto Rico, and a pres- 
entation on organizing in the south by Walter Collins former Executive Director 
of SCEF. 

We held a fund-rasing party, picnic, and slide show of Women of ^"iet Nam. 

We have met formally with 12 groups to share our work, plans, their sug- 

We set up three working committees, later to be joined by a prison collective. 

We have a strong and growing women's caucus which has begun to exert more 
and more leadership within the organization and within the women's movement. 

We have initiated a men's study group on the politics of women's liberation. 


Two of our committees initiated base building work — the group on the Lower 
East Side and the group at Lehman. 

At Lehman we made significant progress. We were able to cohere as a group, 
engage in consistent mass work, and take preliminary steps toward developing 
a base and initiating program. The struggle against cutbacks was initiated and 
led by Third World students, particularly by Latin students. Objectively, they 
were the group most attacked by the cutbacks and firings ; subjectively, they 
have the highest level of revolutionary consciousness of any group on campus. 
Organizationally, they are the strongest. The demands that they formulated 
concretized the class interests of all working class students, both Third World 
and white, on the campus. 

Racism is a very real obstacle in trying to mobilize the white students to 
follow Third World leadership, but it can definitely be overcome. There is a 
need for con.stant education and ongoing struggle; when we did this work well, 
we found that students would listen carefully and could be won over. We were 
uneven in doing this work and had to combat our own cynicism about white 

We also learned some le.ssons about dealing with sectarianism during the year 
at Lehman. During the fall, representatives from the Revolutionary Union and 
the Progressive Labor Party successfully destroyed attempts to organize on 
the campus by pushing a narrow sectarian line and by adopting a racism posi- 
tion toward the Third World groups on campus. Their success w:ts proportionate 
to the lack of strong nonsectarian leadership being offered. When the Latin 


students gave strong leadership during the Spring semester, tlie struggle on 
the campus escalated enormously. The battle against sectarianism was won 
by offering good leadership, not by engaging in sterile political debate. 

Another issue that came to the fore at Lehman but which we are sure to 
encounter on the Lower East Side and in other areas is how" to relate to mass 
organizations. Should the PFOC try to function as a mass form on the campus or 
should we take the responsibility for working in and helping to build separate 
organizations. As we have functioned more collectively at Lehman, it has 
seemed clear that there must be other transitional forms that new people can 
join more easily and with less initial commitment. 

Many of the same lessons were learned while doing the work on the Lower 
East Side. Leadership was given by a strong Third World community group ; 
the UFT used overt racist attacks in an attempt to mobilize a reactionary white 
base. Because For Los Ninos decided that a correct strategy for winning was 
to concentrate on mobilizing the Third World community rather than trying 
to neutralize and win over the white community, we did not deal with the issue 
of racism as strongly or as consistently as we would have liked. Howevei', it is 
clear that it will be the major issue in our future attempts at building a base 
in this community. We will work hard to solidify the relationships that we have 
begun to establish with Third World groups and individuals there. 

It seems that the greatest opportunity to concretely combat racism exists 
when there is a clear contradiction for white people between their own objective 
interests and their racism. At Lehman it was possible to point out that the 
struggle against cutbacks in the Black studies, Puerto Rican studies, and SEEK 
programs was the leading edge of the struggle against tuition, larger class- 
rooms, and smaller faculty. Such situations give concrete form to our under- 
standing of how the struggles of Black and other Third World people gives 
leadership to the class struggle as a whole. 

We did not develop program designed to reach out to new women during 
this year, and we believe that this is a programmatic priority during this com- 
ing period. In addition we need to develop and strengthen ties with Third World 

Education and Propaganda was unable to develop a clear strategy for how 
to use education work as an effective outreach tool. As a result, we started only 
one study group for new people during the spring. 

Overall, we have begun to root ourselves in two areas. They offer a great 
opportunity for us to build anti-imperialist bases. We must be a stronger pres- 
ence, be consistently where people are struggling, be dependable when we are 
needed, and provide leadership that is responsible and responsive to the needs 
of the community. We intend to continue our mass work at Lehman on the 
Lower East Side. We will develop program to reach out to women. We must 
review and restructure the Education and Propaganda work. 


This has been a year of considerable political growth for us both as individuals 
and as an organization. We have tried to grapple with the large and hard ques- 
tions concerning base building, racism, sexism, internal contradictions in our 
organizing, establishing good relationships with Third World groups. Together 
we have deepened our understanding of the strategy necessary to move for- 
ward. There has been an increasingly higher level of participation within the 

Several factors have influenced our ability to function collectively. We func- 
tion best when we have concrete work to do and a clear political understanding 
of why that work is important. This was most clearly seen during the past few 
months at Lehman and during the past six weeks of preparing for the confer- 
ence in the PFOC as a whole. During those periods and in those committees 
where we were less clear about our direction, work tended to become bureau- 
cratic, responsibilities became centralized to a few people and passivity devel- 
oped among the membership. 

The women's caucus did not function as a collective, but did function collec- 
tively. We presented a collective PE and provided support for each other. We 
attempted to analyze our role as leader.ship within the organization and the 
movement. However, we did not always bring in new women who came to 
meetings or deal with particular problems of women working on committees 
alone (like Lehman and the Lower East Side). 


Like the work committees, the coordinating committee functioned most col- 
lectively when we had a clear sense of directions and delineated responsibilities. 
We have been pushed by the need to give leadership to the PFOC around the 
national conference. We are just beginning to view ourselves as a leadership 
body and so did not give strong direction to the various work committees early 
in the year. 

Overall, we have not taken on internal political education as seriously as we 
should have. There is a great unevenness among us in our understanding of 
Marxism-Leninism, and we have often not been successful in getting those who 
know more to share that knowledge with others in a good way. We have been 
erratic in our collective study, although well done PE's have always pushed for- 
ward both our theory and our practice. 

We have tended to be liberal with each other. We have not consistently criti- 
cized each other's work. We have not pushed each other to take on responsibility 
and assert leadership where it might well have been possible. We have not fully 
utilized the tool of criticism/self-criticism. We've been protective of ourselves 
as individuals. 

However, we believe that identifying these errors enables us to start moving 
forward to correct them. Preparing for this conference has broadened and deep- 
ened our level of mutual accountability and responsibility. 


During the past year we have worked on many coalitions and have gradually 
learned how to maximize both our contribution to tliese coalitions and what we 
get out of them. At first we tried to worlc actively in every coalition whose goals 
we supported. The result was that we became overextended and did not take 
full re.-pon.sibility for their .success. We did not fully grasp that coalitions should 
not have as their sole purpose a rally or a march, but should also be an area 
for groups to struggle constructively with each other towards higher levels of 
unity. Toward the end of the year we have tried to be more strategic in our 
choice of coalition work. 

We have taken the initiative to get together to discuss our politics and prac- 
tice with other groups on the left. We believe that we have established good 
relations with and are respected by the Black and Third World groups with 
whom we have met and shared practice. We have sometimes not been consistent 
about following-up initial meetings and have not always fully struggled out 
differences with other gi'oups. We hope to develop more solid working relations 
with other groups in the immediate future. 

In addition to evaluating the lessons we have learned through the practice 
of the various committees and through the women's caucus, we would like to 
evaluate the functioning of the organization as a whole. As a first step toward 
such an evaluation, we should try to broadly define our.selves in terms of func- 
tion, line, objectives. 

Our conception of our function as an organization has changed over the past 
ten months. We were initially a distributing committee, a group of people with 
diverse backgrounds who shared a common belief in the importance of distribut- 
ing Prairie Fire. Our line during that period is best summed up by the three 
slogans .suggested by the national travellers: 1) distribute the book widely 
2) deepen our understanding of the politics 3) broaden the class base. Our 
objectives were to get the book widely read and discussed by activists and by 
people who had never defined themselves as part of the left. We wanted to wage 
principled ideological struggle with other organizers while helping to educate 
new people via study groups, forums and group discussions. 

Our primary contradiction during that period was between our theory — 
Prairie Fire — and our practice as an organization. Prairie Fire called for 
going to the people, for mass work, for winning people over to the side of 
revolution ; a line on self-determination was only an abstraction unless coupled 
with an active anti-racist program. Many of us had done good work as indi- 
viduals over the years, but clearly the PFOC as a whole had not. This con- 
tradiction appeared everywhere. When we talked with Black and other Third 
World organizations and individuals, we usually found that a real receptivity 
and high level of agreement with the nolitics was often coupled with a com- 
radely push to develop a base around those politics. When meeting with other 
predominantly white groups in New York and around the country, we some- 
times found a skepticism about whether antisexist, anti-racist, internationalist 


politics could really be put into practice. Within the committee itself, many of 
us felt the same contradiction as individuals. We wanted to be an organizating 
as well as talking. Clearly the dominant aspect of the contradiction was practice, 
and the development of that contradiction pushed us to become an organizing 

As we transformed ourselves as an organization, our function as a group 
changed ; we were now becoming an organization which was trying to imple- 
ment the politics of Prairie Fire. We were/are trying to give concrete organi- 
zational form to the politics of revolutionary anti-imperialism. Our line for this 
past 6 mouths incorporated the line of the past period but added a fourth 
and decisive slogan : reach out and organize. Our goals for this period have 
been (1) Build a mass base; (2) develop ourselves as cadre; (3) struggle for 
unity within the Left. We have tried to evaluate our progress towards each 
of these goals. 

Our primary contradiction during this period has again been that of theory- 
practice, but now the dominant aspect of the contradiction has been theory. 
This has taken the form of a lack of development of strategy in almost all areas 
of our work. The lack of a stratearic direction for the PFOC makes it difficult 
for work committees to see the importance or relationship of their mass work 
to the committee as a whole. This was probably Education and Propaganda 
never developed their mass work, why the Lower East Side committee did not 
get as much out of their work as they could have, and why the relationship 
between the group at Lehman and the PFOC was strained for a long period. 
It helps us to understand why the women in the organization had a difficult 
time at first in arguing for the strategic importance of building a mixed 

This contradiction was at the root of our difficulty in doing coalition work 
well and in our attempts at building unity on the Left. We have already 
evaluated the results : unevenness in our practice with other groups and only 
the beginnings of solid working relationships. 

This lack of strategy also led us to underestimate the importance of cadre 
development. On one level, this was reflected in our unevenness around political 
education, criticism-self-criticism, and constant evaluation. But it also was 
manifested in the relative lack of collectivity that characterized Education 
and Propaganda and the Lower East Side committee. In our experience, collec- 
tivity was built most strongly when thei-e was (1) shared goals; (2) defined 
strategy; (3) concrete tasks to be coordinated and performed. 

This lack of a developed strategy helps to define all the other contradictions 
and problems we faced as an organization both internally and externally. We 
have often not recruited actively to build our membership; we have not tried 
to get other groups to develop programs with us. We have not pushed ourselves 
forward as an organization in coalitions and rallies. 

Our primary internal contradiction has been sexism. This has been both a 
cause and a result of the lack of participation of women in the distributing 
committee. This was reflected in our failure to address sexism politically, 
.structurally, and programmatically as fully as we should have. We did not 
fully understand the vital necessity of or guarantee the full participation and 
leadership of women. The struggle against sexism had been led by the women's 
caucus, which itself has been pushed to better clarify the nature of the women's 
caucus and its role in the organization as a whole. 

There has been an ongoing contradiction between the work projects and the 
organization as a whole. This has been most acute when the group as a whole 
was meeting infrequently and doing little collective work ; it has receded during 
those times when we have had concrete work to do. We must try to develop on- 
going programmatic work for the organization as a whole as well as improving 
the quality of our meml)ership meetings and of the communication between the 
coordinating committee and the general membership. 

There has been a contradiction between our knowledge of Marxism-Leninism 
and our ignorance of it. Our ignorance has so far been the dominant aspect, but 
this is changing as we begin to take political education more seriously. 

There has been a contradiction between the PFOC as a local organization and 
the PFOC as a national organization. The work around the current conference 
has done much to increase our sense of a national organization. 

Some brief lessons we've learned : evaluation is crucial to any group ; it allows 
us to more scientifically plan our future work. Evaluation is an organizational 
way of implimenting the dialetical method of thinking: from specific to the 


general and back to the specific. Critical evaluation must become an integral 
part of all our work. 

WE have learned better to be where the people are and not to isolate ourselves. 
It was right for us to go to the Conference on the Paris Peace Accords in Wash, 
liut it was wrong to concentrate our energies on a small and isolated "anti- 
imperialist" march. 

We believe that we have taken great strides forward in the past months. The 
decision to develop organizat^ional practice was a right one. We never woiild 
have faced or learned from the above if we hadn't tried to implement our politics. 
We need to learn these lessons, remain open and critical and move forward col- 
lectively. We believe that we can play an important role in the I^ft and the Left 
can play the decisive role in the future. 


Why PFOC Should Work on the Bicentennial? 

On July 4, 1976 America will celebrate its 200th birthday. The plans for this 
celebration have been in the works for years. Massive expenditures totalling 
more than 100 million dollars have already been allocated or spent on the 
planning and implementation of this chauvinistic birthday party. There are some 
very good reasons why the rulers of this country are channelling huge amounts 
of money and energy into it. 

The quality of American life is rapidly changing. Our country is in the midst 
of a crisis affecting all sectors of our society, especially third world and work- 
ing people. In the wake of the glorious peoples victory in Vietnam, our foreign 
policy and presence has lost all its credibility. The blind respect and trust that 
many Americans felt towards our system of government has been whittled 
away by Watergate, the fake energy cri.sis, CIA abuses, and by our first clear 
and overwhelming military defeat. A feeling of mistrust and disillusionment is 
growing, penetrating to the very roots of our society. 

The ruling class has been quick to recognize all this. They know that not 
since the 30's, has the imperialist, capitalist system been at such a weak and 
vulnerable point. In the face of this, they are desperately trying to firm up sup- 
port and cooperation for their continuing oppression of the working class and 
aggression against the third world. 1976 is an election year. Every capitalist 
bureaucrat in the country will be running amuck, flapping their mouths about 
unemployment and inflation while simultaneously trying to pacify the people 
with a gross birthday party, making full use of the media to spread their bogus 
ideology. They see 1976 as a year to convince people to remain patriotic and 
loyal. Their greedy and decaying way of life is in danger. 

All this presents a clear challenge to the anti-imperialist movement. We see 
the policies of Prairie Fire as being diametrically opposed to a happy birthday 
party, sponsored by Ford, Rocky, Kissinger and their flvuikies. We cannot allow 
their arrogance to go unanswered. The opportunities for agitating, educating and 
organizing people in 1976 will historically be critical in terms of building mass 
organizations, and the whole revolutionary movement in general. We, as an 
organizing committee, are faced with a major opportunity to broaden our class 
base. The time is ripe to organize and educate large sectors of the working 
class in lite of the severe depression. Many people are being bombarded with 

patriotic rhetoric which they now know is bull . It is our turn to present 

alternatives and build a base among the people. 

The racism of celebrating what white people have gained in 200 years thru 
repression and exploitation of Blacks, Native Americans, Chicanos, Puerto Ricans 
and Chinese people here is something we as an anti-imperialist revolutionary 
organization must clearly and openly oppose. We must fight for an affirmation 
of our people's history and our just struggles, including the right to self-deter- 
mination for black and native American people and freedom for Puerto Rico. We 
can point to the myth of liberty and justice for all. We can call on people to 
examine and resist the anti-life policies of the capitalists. We can expose the 
oppression of women as an integral part of the destructive machine called 

Clearly, the bicentennial is the ruling class's celebration of imperialism, racism 
and sexism. It is a glorification of a sick and dying system, an all encompassing 


garbage heap of contradictions. The rulers have set the time for the party. Let 
us bring the fireworks ! 

We propose that PFOC adopt a national strategy of working around the 
bicentennial. We see this happening in 3 ways : 

1. Put forward and push the slogans "For a Bicentennial Without Colonies" 
and "Restore Native American Rights" — This would mean organizing support 
for the independence of Puerto Rico and resistance to the neo-colonial defense 
policies of the government relating to Africa, Latin America and the mid-east. 
It would mean doing concrete work on the restoration of Native American rights, 
support for their self-determination and an end to the Fascist policies of the 
BIA and FBI. 

2. Using these two slogans and possibly others to help organize and build for 
a national mobilization/demonstration in Phila. on July 4, 1976. We believe we 
can build (along with other groups who already have some initial plans for 
this) a massive, militant people's celebration which will place demands on the 
pigs doorstep. Ford, the pope and the Queen of England will all be in Phila. 
the summer of 1976. 

3. Focus on exposing historical distortions of american history. Reclaim and 
affirm the history of the people's movement in Amerika. Educational fonuns, 
pamphlets and cultural events are some ways in which we could do this. 

We in Phil, feel very strongly about the possibilities of doing mass w-ork 
around the Bicentennial. Our city expects 20-30 million people next summer. We 
are dealing with possibly the most fascist mayor in the country, Frank Rizzo. 
We see the city extracting thousands and thousands of dollars from social 
service, health, and educational programs to fund this wasteful enterprise. We 
see the very same people who brouglit us Vietnam and the fake energy crisis are 
now using millions to pad their iK)ckets with dollars which should be used to 
meet the needs of many, many people. 

To give some content to this proposal, here are some of the ways we are 
considering moving on this in Phila. 

1. Propaganda campaign : making a poster. ix)sting specific communities and 
then leafleting and talking with people about priorities for our city. 

2. Open community forums with speakers on peoples hi.story, corruption in 
city government, police abuse. 

3. Program and pamphlets for children about native americans and Indian 
killers ; a .statement regarding the colonization of Puerto Rico. 

4. Bibliography of readings about peoples history. 

5. Weekly city wide demonstrations voicing people's needs. 



This report of the National Committee meeting will focus on the major politi- 
cal struggles we had at the meeting, and it will try to provide the information 
about the state of the organization that has been requested by PFOC members. 
The report should provide a basis for discussion and struggle in ever> chapter ; 
each chapter should read and discuss the report and respond to it. 

The National Committee of the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee held its 
third meeting on December 26, 28, and 28 in New York. Since our last meeting, 
two of the at-large members of the committee, Nancy Kurshan and Howie 
Emmer (from the Bay Area) have resigned from the NC. We missed Nancy and 
Howie at the meeting, but accepted their resignation. Attached to this report 
is a copy of the letter of resignation. Everyone is urged to read it carefully 
and respond to it. We also wish Howie and Nancy good luck with their imminent 
baby ! 

The NC members at the meeting were : Russell Neufeld, Jennifer Dohrn, 
Alan Berkman, and Laura Whitehorn, who were elected at large at the July 
conference, and Diana Block and Nancy Barrett (Bay Area reps.), Susie Ways- 
dorf and Liz Horowitz (Boston), Silvia Baraldini and Shelly Miller (New 
York), Lance Pustin (Philadelphia), and Miles Pustin (Vermont), Bill Montross 


(Columbus, Ohio) and Ellen Afterman (Chicago) also attended the meeting as 
observers. We welcomed their participation in the meeting as a sign of the 
growth of the PFOC. In the course of the weekend, the Columbus chapter 
became part of the national organization, representing a significant addition 
to the PFOC. 

The agenda for the meeting was : Friday — PE on .strategy for building revolu- 
tionary organization, and evaluation of PFOC chapters and the NC. Saturday— 
the Hard Times Conference (all day), and a women's caucus. Sunday — consoli- 
dation and growth of the organization : Groundswell and the political statement, 
two tools for organization ; Chicago and Columbus, growth and recruitment ; 
security and finances. 

The National Committee meeting represented a sigiiificant step forward in 
building the NC as a leading collective in the PFOC. We are getting to know 
each other better, and functioning more effectively as a collective. The sign of 
this growth was a higher level of political struggle throughout the meeting, 
which will help us to lead the entire organization in the process of building 
communist organization. The higher level of the struggle means that our 
decisions are more fully understood and agreed to, so we will be better able to 
implement decisions, and to move forward from the extensive criticisms we have 
made of our practice since the July conference. 

The primary questions to which we addressed ourselves were the development 
of our organization as a revolutionary organization of communist.s, and the 
implementation of our mass program for the economic crisis, the Hard Times 
Conference. We recognized the limitations in our understanding of the need to 
build revolutionary organization, and of our strategy for building the PFOC 
into such an organization. We noted the importance of waging full, open political 
struggle throughout the organization over questions of practice and theory. And 
we committed ourselves to developing the dialectical relationship of theory to 
practice in the process of formulating our full political line in the PFOC. 

Our meeting began with a political education .session, for which we read 
chapter 4 of Lenin's WHAT IS TO BE DONE (The of the 
Economists and an Organization of Revolutionaries). The Discussion focussed 
on a presentation by Alan Berkman about the recent Second Congress of the 
Puerto Rican Socialist Party (PSP). Alan was the PFOC representative in a 
delegation of invited observers to the Congress. The delegation included the 
Ambassador to Cuba from the Congo-Brazaville, and members of the KDP 
(Union of Democratic Philipinos resident in US), CASA (Centro de Accion 
Social Autonoma, a Mixicano organization in the US), the New American Move- 
ment, the Puerto Rican Solidarity Committee, and the Guardian newspaper. The 
Congress itself represents the consolidation and tremendous growth of the Puerto 
Rican struggle for independence and for socialism. The Puerto Rican liberation 
struggle is a high point of confrontation between the people of the world and 
US imperialism. The growth of this struggle — and the repression it faces — 
necessitates the support of every revolutionary and progressive organization in 
the US for the cause of Puerto Rican independence. The PFOC should address 
this issue in all our work. We urge every member to read PUERTO RICO LIBRE 
(newsletter of the Puerto Rican Solidarity Committee), as well as Irwin Silber's 
report on the PSP Congress in the Guardian newspaper. 

The purpose of our PE was to set the development of our strategy for building 
the PFOC in the context of the strategies of other revolutions. Lenin and the 
PSP emphasize the importance of building revolutionary organization — what 
Lenin calls an organization of professional revolutionaries. The building of the 
class — conscious working class movement cannot be left to spontaneity ; it cannot 
grow and succeed without leadership and organization. In 1959, the Pro-Inde- 
pendence Movement (MPI) was born in Puerto Rico, an organization based in 
the student movement. In 1971, Marxist-Leninists in the MPI led its transforma- 
tion into the PSP, with about 250-300 members. Now the Party includes about 
1800 militants and several thousand more affiliates (a category of full mem- 
bership with somewhat different qualifications of discipline and responsibility 
from those of the militants). 20% of the Party consists of workers in the indus- 
trial proletariat of Puerto Rico— of 15 new members elected to the Central 
Committee, 13 are trade union leaders. 

What has been the strategy that has produced the enormous growth— growth 
into strategic sectors — of the PSP? 

In 1971, the Party formulated a four-pillared strategy : 1. Build revolution- 
ary party. 2. Build a base in the industrial proletariat. 3. Develop a national 


liberation front, a united front for independence. 4. Develop a movement of in- 
ternational solidarity for the independence struggle. The primary responsibility 
of each PSP member has been to build the revolutionary party in order to carry 
out the entire strategy. Each militant attends two collective meetings every 
week — one for political education, and one for business. In addition, each militant 
leads a study group outside the collective (with the aim of bringing the study 
group into the party), and spends six hours every Saturday distributing CLARI- 
DAD, the Party newspaper. This is how people from the base are brought into 
the Party. 

The unity between building the Party and building a base in the industrial 
proletariat is exemplified in the Party's strategy for the Ponce region of Puerto 
Rico, a key industrial area comprising the cement and petrochemical industries. 
PSP cadres working in the cement industry were involved in building the Ponce 
Cement workers strike. Then the PSP as a whole took on the issue of the strike, 
generating massive support on the island and in the US for the workers — collect- 
ing money for a strike fund, publicizing the strike widely, and denouncing the 
Ponce Cement Company boss, Luis Ferre, in the legislature of PR where PSP 
member Galliza is a representative. This organizational support both strengthened 
the strike itself, and strengthened the revolutionary organization of the PSP 
among the cement workers. In recent union elections, a PSP cadre was elected 
head of the Ponce Cement Worker's Union. 

The PSP's commitment to building a base in the industrial proletariat is sci- 
entific, not in the least moralistic. People struggle through organization. Trade 
unions are mass ^^■orking class organizations through which to struggle for im- 
mediate demands and better conditions, and w^ithin which to organize a base for 
revolution. To make a revolution, it is necessary to attack the bourgeoisie, the 
ruling class. The sectors the PSP chose to concentrate on are those that most di- 
rectly can attack the ruling class, the sectors with the most economic imi>ortauce. 

The PSP strategy is a challenge to us to formulate our own strategy scien- 
tifically, and to recognize the building of revolutionary organization as a fore- 
front of a strategy for building both the mass struggle and the long-term revolu- 
tionary struggle. 

As we evaluate the work of the PFOC over the last period, we are confronted 
with the need to clarify and strengthen our strategy for building towards com- 
munist organization. To build communist organization we must have political 
unity and a program. Without political unity built through waging political 
struggle among us, we cannot implement our programs. And without the ability 
to implement program, we can neither grow nor act effectively in helping to build 
the class struggle. 

Political struggle in the PFOC has not been sharp and full in the last 
period. NC members and chapter leadership have not opened up debate and dis- 
cussion in the chapters over our line and practice. As a result, unity has not been 
reached on the importance of organizational work, and the mass program of the 
PFOC for the economic crisis is being implemented by too few PFOC members. 

In the Bay Area PFOC, there is a lot of practice going on. Steps have been 
made to overcome the problem of factionalism in the Committee (a problem 
which appeared cleai-ly at the July conference). In addition to the steering com- 
mittee, there are a workplace organizing committee, an unemployment commit- 
tee (which has initiated the building of a mass organization of the unemployed), 
a prison committee (which is not actively engaged in implementing the national 
prison program adopted at the July Conference), a Hard Times Conference com- 
mittee (which is doing a lot of work but does not meet regularly as a PFOC col- 
lective), a new International Solidarity committee (with the goal of rooting its 
work in a working class base), and a women's caucus. Although most of the 
committees are mobilizing for the HTC, there remains a separation between the 
practice of the work committees and the practice of building the organization 
as a whole ; organizational issues are not struggled out in the work committees. 
As a result, there is no uniform, effective recruitment procedure, and the waging 
of full political struggle has waited on the appearance of the draft political 
statement from the NC. 

A letter was written to the NC by the Bay Area steering committee (attached 
to this report). We perceived in this letter several important political disagree- 
ments with the PFOC strategy as it has been developing. The letter reflects a 
tendency to separate theory from practice in the desire to have a fully-artic- 
ulated political line before engaging our organization in the struggles of the 


people. We accept the criticism for our failure to put out the draft of a political 
statement as we said we would do. But with or without such a draft, political 
struggle and the development of political positions must happen in the context 
of ongoing practice. The Bay Area letter also downplays the role of our work 
on the HTC as an important facet of our ability to develop a correct class analysis 
and a correct political line. These political differences had not been fully strug- 
gled out in the Bay Area PFOC, and NC members had signed the letter without 
a clear understanding of the positions it puts forth. The letter provoked politi- 
cal struggle among the National Committee throughout our meeting. 

In the Boston PFOC, the lack of full political struggle shows up in the fact 
that the entire PFOC is not mobilizing for the HTC strategy, and indeed does 
not fully agree with that strategy. Recent membership meeting having illustrated 
that we do not have unity on the importance of building a national organization 
of revolutionaries, or in the strategy for building such an organization. It is 
only recently that these questions have emerged clearly — in the past, political 
differences have been muted, holding back our ability to implement our program. 
The national study guide has helped to cohere the politics of the Boston PFOC, 
yet a separation remains between the work committees and the organization as 
a whole (Anti-racism committee has been actively supporting the Black Students 
at South Boston High School and Black families who continue to be attacked 
by racists in Boston's neighborhoods ; workplace organizing committee is largely 
composed of hosptial workers and provides support and help for each member's 
work ; a small prison committee meets to work on events about prison struggles ; 
women's caucus has met infrequently. 

The work on the HTC in Boston has built and deei>ened the PFOC's relations 
to the Black and Third World communities, to bases of working class people 
with whom we had no previous contact, and to the Left in General. But it has 
not built the PFOC internally, as unified work on amass program should do. 
PFOC leadership in Boston has not opened up discussion on the political issues 
involved in the HTC in the correct way, so some members feel distant from 
the process of building for the conference, and some do not agree with the 
strategy of the conference. 

In the Philadelphia PFOC, "easy agreement" is a problem — members agree 
with the strategy and priorities set forth at the July conference and the XC 
meetings, but don't discuss these things fully enough to be able to implement 
plans creatively rather than mechanically. The Philadelphia PFOC hasn't grown 
at all in size since July, despite the fact that the mass organizations that PFOC 
works in have grown a lot (Puerto Rican Solidarit.v Committee, Native American 
Solidarity Committee, HTC coalition). There is a workplace organizing commit- 
tee beginning, made up of hospital workers in the PFOC. Although there is agree- 
ment with the goal of building a communist party to lead the revolutionary 
struggle, there is not an understanding of the role of communist organization 
NOW to lead toward the formation of a party. As a result, the connection be- 
tween mass organization and communist organization is not grasped. A major 
problem in Philadelphia is the lack of full-time organizational workers. 

In the Vermont PFOC, work on the HTC has opened the doors to drawing 
together a group of people from all over the state who want to organize in the 
rural setting of Vermont. The Vermont PFOC feels the lack of a strategy 
for rural organizing to draw on. As our only rural chapter, it needs to bring 
the overall PFOC strategy down to the concrete realities of life in Vermont. The 
study has been useful in addressing the lack of political experience in the com- 
mittee as a whole. HTC work hns brought PFOC members into contact with 
peonle in other parts of the state who are interested in the PFOC. The HTC 
work in Vermont will help us to assess a strateg.v for Vermont, and whether 
we are organizationally strong enough at this point to help bviild the Vermont 

In New York, the PFOC has actively organized for the HTC, holding forums 
and a demo for various constituencies affected by the economic crisis. Yet mem- 
bers fell dissatisfied with the participation in formulating and evaluating the 
strategy. Some members fplt they have been implementing the stratpgy rather 
than engaging in the political struggles at each nnint over issues like what a 
camnaign should be, who should be brought to the HTC, etc. 

Major inroads into base-bu'lding in New York have been made in PFOC 
work in four city collesre campuses (where struggles are going on bv working 
class student bodies against the cutbacks in a mass organization of Workers and 
Parents United for Daycare (which has a PFOC member on its board), in a 


coalition of hospital worker, and in the New York women's movement (especially 
among YWCA women). The prison committee is initiating a strategy for activat- 
ing prisoners in the building of a hard times strategy. There is also a workplace 
organizing committee in New York, a womens caucus and an Education and 
Propaganda committee. 

Through the wide-spread and active work for the HTC in New York, includ- 
ing organizing around local issues, the PFOC has the potential to grow into 
strategic bases ; a recruitment strategy is being worked out that will be cir- 
culated among the entire organization. 

In every committee, our failure to carry the full political struggle over the 
HTC strategy into the PFOC has produced a criticism that our leadership has 
been pulled out of PFOC work into HTC work. This formulation is incorrect, 
since it draws a false distinction between the PFOC and the HTC, which is our 
program for this period for building the class struggle. Organizationally, our 
work committees and the process of building a base in working class struggles 
through the work of these committees is the means for putting into practice the 
Hard Times program. If we formulate our organizational strategy for this 
period in this way, the relationship between the PFOC as an organization of 
revolutionaries and the HTC as a mass program can be developed more clearly 
and more effectively. Thus the criticism of our practice in the last few months 
is more correctly stated as a failure to establish the unity between our organiza- 
tion-building and our program of the HTC. 

Another problem that has arisen in many committees is a gap between the 
work and concerns of the work committees and the overall work of building the 
PFOC as an organization. This problem has two aspects : one side is the failure 
of the leadership to argue well for organization priorities, and to raise the or- 
ganizational questions among the membership in time for full discussion to pro- 
ceed decision-making. The other side is the resistance of the membership to 
taking on more responsibility for the building of the organization, a resistance 
which takes the form of the argument that taking work committee time to dis- 
cuss organizational questions (like GROUNDS WELL or National Committee 
reports) "takes away" from time which should be spent on tlie work of the 
particular committee. Both these errors militate against the building of de- 
mocracy within the organization. We must correct both aspects in order to move 
our organization forward towards healthy and effective eommimist 

The NC takes responsibility for many of these criticisms. We have not, for 
example, built an internal communications network to facilitate full political dis- 
cussion or organizational issues like GROUNDSWELL and the development 
of the workpiece organizing committees. We dkl not produce the political state- 
ment draft on schedule, thus inhibiting the development of our political line. 
We have not successfully developed a strategy for building the leadership of 
other members of the PFOC. Finally, a general criticism of the entire organiza- 
tion is that no examples stand out of our practice in building the militancy 
of the class struggle over this last period of time. 

These are serious criticisms, and we must lay the basis for the healthy reso- 
lution of our problems. At the same time, the PFOC, through the HTC work, has 
built relationships with .strategic forces in the class struggle and national libera- 
tion struggles. The principled relationships we are building with Black and 
other Third World groups, grass roots organizers, and union organizers, will 
help us in developing our class analysis and in situating organization in work- 
ing class struggles. These relationships also provide a basis for building unity 
among communist forces in the countrv. movine us closer to the time when the 
PFOC will join with other communist organizations to build a deei:>er and 
broader communist movement. For the immediate future we have received work 
from groups of working class organizers in several parts of the country — in- 
cluding Syracuse. Buffalo and Los Angeles — that they want us to travel to those 
cities to work with them and help them to build PFOC chapters. 

We .spent the entire day Saturday discussing the Hard Times Conference. 
What is the nature of the HTC work at this point, in relation to building the 
PFOC? How has the HTC work helped our attempts to develop a full class 
analysis of the US and to develop a base in the working class? 

At this moment, the HTC offers more than the potential for creating a mas- 
sive, multinat'onal comnaign based in the working class. The work on the HTC 
has built a strong, growing coalition of forces fighting the hard times, a coalition 
based in common practice and political struggle, and capable of mobilizing 


masses of people in a responsible program for working class struggle. The HTC 
represents a coalition of community and grass roots organizations, an increas- 
ing number of labor organizers, and some of the leading revolutionary organiza- 
tions in the country. Through the l.uilding of this people^' coalition, we have 
come to understand better the nature of the working class struggle in the U.S. 
as well as the potential for the growth of this struggle. The response to the 
Conference is still growing from every corner of the country. 

At the July PFOC Conference, we had a minimal understanding of a HTC 
strategy^ — times are hard, we must be active in the class struggle, there is a need 
for unity and for an end to isolation. At the same time, we were starting to 
study Marxism-Leninism, and attempting to make a class analysis of the U.S. 
We knew that by ourselves we didn't have the base or the forces to develop such 
an analysis correctly, But, if we could link up with other forces, together we 
could develop a program to fight the hard times. The key here is our attempt to 
develop our political line through practice as well as theory. The process of 
"from the people to the people" this is a different approach than the one sug- 
gested in the letter from the Bay Area Steering Committee, which states, "With- 
out a revolutionary line for ourselves we can't develop a revolutionary line for 
the masses." 

What has happened since July? A National Board was formed that repre- 
sented the breadth of the people's struggles in the U.S. That Board met, and 
from their practice various bases of people, formulated a set of demands that 
reflects the full nature of the economic crisis in the U.S. — depression (unem- 
ployment-jobs demand), inflation (roll back prices demand), and social serv- 
ices cutbacks. Then these demands were taken out to people in struggle and 
People's organizations everywhere. Over a period of several months they have 
been filled out and focussed into the Bill of Rights. The Bill itself will be w^orked 
over at the HTC. The end product will be a program to fight the economic 
crisis. The danger we have faced in this process is to bow to spontaniety — we 
have learned over and over the necessity of giving strong leadership to the proc- 
ess. And we have avoided the other error of developing an abstract program re- 
moved from the real demands and needs of the people. 

Why does the PFOC need a mass, intermediate program? Should the Bill of 
Rights be our intermediate program for the economic crisis? 

An intermediate program is a means for building the class-conscious working 
class movement at a stage prior to the seizure of power by the working class. 
Such a program is "intermediate" in relation to a long-term program for revolu- 
tion. Such a program arises from an analysis of the conditions within the work- 
ing class and the conditions under which we live in a given period of time. An 
intermediate program is designed to heighten the level of consciousness in the 
working class as a step in building the revolutionary movement. This is the job 
of communists in every period. We must be able to hold out the vision of social- 
ism, but we must also be able to help build a fighting movement for more im- 
mediate gains — and it is in the course of fighting for these gains that we offer 
the vision of a final solution. 

What are the current conditions of life for the working class in the U.S. ; what 
are the conditions of consciousness within the working class? 

The crisis of imperialism is causing the increased emiseration of the entire 
working class in the U.S., and it is hitting white workers more heavily and more 
widely than ever before. At the same time, the crisis hits Black and other Third 
World people in the U.S. hardest. And racist attacks hit Black and other Third 
World people across class lines, while the gap In the standard of living widens 
between Black and Third World people and white people. 

Class consciousness — the consciousness that the working class must and can 
seize control of the means of producing the society's wealth — necessistates 
solidarity within the working class, the con.sciousness of a class that is brofider 
than on workplace or neigborhood or industry or race. In the US working class. 
racism among white worker is the key obstacle to this soMdaritv — bi«toric^lly, 
it has been racism that has prevented a united class struggle from being built. 
International proletarian consciousness is another aspect of true class con- 
sciousness, and again it is the national chauvinism of US workers that is the 
major obstacle to overcome — a chauvinism that would differentiate between the 
interests of the US workers and our sifters and brothers in Viet Nam and Puerto 
Rico. A demand for an end to imperialist war is a class conscious demand. 
Our intermediate program must be designed to confront these obstacles as 
well as those of sexism and defeatism. An intermediate program mvist build a 


powerful and united working class movement that can go beyond the intermediate 
goals and demands for survival, a movement capable of fighting for power. 
This is where the difference between a reformist and a revolutionary demand 
becomes clear : a demand for an immediate change can build the revolutionary 
movement if it builds the organization, militancy, and solidarity within the 
working class, if it builds a movement that does not stop with the winning 
of a few immediate goals. 

These issues should be debated in every PFOC chapter over the next month, 
leading up to the Hard Times Conference. We should examine the draft Bill 
of Rights — does it help us to build the kind of working class movement we want 
to build? Does it analyze and confront racism correctly*.' Is it strongly anti- 
sexist? Every PFOC chapter and work committee should examine and rework 
the Bill of Rights so that it can be our intermediate program for the economic 

The view of the Bill of Rights we are putting forward is different from the 
view expressed in the Bay Area steering committee letter. We are suggesting 
that the point is not to differentiate our line and our organization from the HTC 
program, but to struggle to make that program as effective as possible in building 
the class struggle. Within this, we are also building an organization with a 
maximum program — a program for full revolution. This should be reflected and 
offered to people through our newsletter and the opportunity for more and more 
people in struggle to join the PFOC. The main danger we face as an organizatiou 
is not the danger of compromise, of watering down our politics in the interest of 
unity, but rather the danger of failing to build a strong base in the working class 
for our politics. The development of the Bill of Rights as a program — an analysis 
and set of demands capable of mobilizing a working class base — along with the 
growth of our workplace organizing committees and other base organizing com- 
mittees will put our organization in a stronger position to organize a base 
for revolution. That is our goal. 

In addition to the discussions on the Bill of Rights, each PFOC should dis- 
cuss who we are bringing to the HTC, how we are going to present our orga- 
nization to the people we talk to at the conference (Groundswell will be an 
important tool in this), and how we can participate in making the HTC a mas- 
sive, militant, angry gathering of people in struggle, a gathering with historical 
importance. Are we bringing people to the conference who represent the key 
struggles in each region? Has our practice in building for the HTC anti-racist? 
What racist errors have we committed? What campaigns do we want to see cre- 
ated to implement the demands in the Bill of Rights? Let's get ready! 

The WOMEN'S CAUCUS at the NC meeting based our discussion on the 
agreement that part of our mass strategy is the building of a working class 
women's movement, and working c^ass women's organizations. This is a goal 
we must be involved in working out and discussing both within the PFOC and 
with many other w'omen. Some of the questions we raised in the women's caucus 
meeting were, is it idealist to think that women's organizations that cross class 
lines can be built before a stronger base is built specifically among working class 
women? Should we take on the issue of the ERA (Equal Rights Amendment), 
mobilizing support for the ERA among the most oppressed sectors of women? 

The HTC is a step towards the development of a working class women's 
movement. The conference must address the issues that directly affect women's 
lives — sexist institutions as well as economic oppression. We agreed to two 
methods of insuring that the HTC addresses these issues. One is to have a 
w^omen's caucus at the conference. In our criticisms of the errors the women's 
movement of the past ten years has made, we should never throw out the 
strengths of the movement, or forget the need for separate women's organiza- 
tions and meetings. On the other hand, if we do not recognize that there are 
historical reasons, based on the past errors of the women's movement, why poor 
and Third World women might hesitate to attend a women's caucus meeting, we 
will be perpetuating these same errors. Therefore, the caucus meeting must be 
planned carefully and prepared for by a letter to all the women who will be par- 
ticipating in the HTC. The caucus itself should consider the Bill of Rights — does 
it reflect the real needs and demands of women in the hard times? Does it pro- 
vide a program for organizine a militant women's movement? One idea for a 
campaign to come out of the HTC is for a national mobilizing focus on March 8, 
Internationa^ Women's Day. This idea could also be discussed at a women's cau- 
cus at the HTC. A powerful March 8 mobilization could be a concrete step in 
building a working class women's movement. 


The other plan we formulated is to prepare a draft of a separate article on 
women in the Bill of Rights. We did not reach agreement on whether a separate 
article on the oppression of women is necessary — we considered the possibility 
that a strong statement on women's oppression could appear throughout the 
various articles in the Bill. The draft of a separate article will provide a basis 
for determining what is the best way to strengthen the BiU's treatment of wom- 
en. The draft article should be ready soon to be circulated among the PFOC 
women's caucuses ; also the New York women's caucus is planning to write an 
economic analysis of women's oppression in the hard times, to bring to the 

At the last NC meeting, we agreed to set up a women's commision of the 
PFOC to oversee the participation and development of women's leadership in 
the organization, as well as to raise questions for discussion of our analysis 
of women's oppres.sion, including gay oppression, and to suggest steps towards 
the building of a working class women's movement. The criticism for the failure 
of the commission to get going falls partly on the individual NC members 
responsible for initiating it, and partly on the weakness of our strategy for 
building the commission. For instance, the plan for the commission should have 
included a plan for developing women's participation in the HTC — reaching out 
to women in every region who are hardest hit by the hard times, and ensuring 
that the HTC program be strongly anti-sexist and pro women. 

Liz Horowitz (Boston), Diana Block (Bay Area), and Silvia Baraldini (NY), 
are the members responsible for building the women's commission. Eve Rosahn 
from NY is also working on it, and one or two women from each region should 
take on this task also. We fell that the issues of the women's commission, and 
the various questions it involves, should be taken up by the entire PFOC, not 
just the women's caucuses. At the next NC meeting, we plan to take these 
questions up within the entire NC, as ivell as in the women's caucus meeting. 

* :|: Hi 4< >!< H: >i< 

Where Saturday's discussions focussed on the minimum, or intermediate 
program of our organization, the Hard Times Conference, Sunday's discussions 
focussed on the political unity and organizational strength we need in order 
to successfully implement our programs. The breakthrough on Saturday was in 
our understanding of the role of intermediate demands and intermediate pro- 
gram in building the PFOC towards communist organization ; on Sundav we 
grappled with the building of our maximum program and the organizational 
growth necessary to put our line into practice. 

The organizational tools for the growth and consolidation of the PFOC are 
internal communications, the development of a political statement, and the 
development of our organizational voice, GROUNDSWELL. 

Internal communications have been requested by members everywhere. Tho 
National Committee reports should be one form of internal communication, and 
the reports should be discussed and responded to. In addition, we want to 
circulate short reports from each chapter once a month — what work are the 
committees doing, and what are the main political struggles going on in each 
chapter. NC members in each chapter will make sure that a short rejwrt Is 
sent to Laura Whitehorn (212 Brookline Street, Cambridge, Mass. 02139) by 
the third week in every month, for circulation throughout the PFOC. Eventually, 
this will evolve into an internal newsletter. 

The draft of the political statement is ready to be senth out. Each chapter 
should make a plan for the study and rewriting of the draft, iupluding supple- 
mentary reading li.sts to lay the ba.sis for full understanding and discussion of 
the statement. The process of struggle over the statement should raise the level 
of political understanding throughout the organizat^ion, as well as producing 
the best possible political statement for our or.o-anization. Responses and changes 
and additions should be sent to the Boston NC members, c/o Laura Whitehorn, 
to be circulated through the organization. Responses should try to inchide the 
analytical basis for the changes .sugspsted, in order to provoke full st^ruggle and 
a deep understandinar. By the next NC meeting, we want to be ready to produce 
a second draft of the statement (beginning of April), which would then bo 
further circulated and reworked. A final draft shouVl be readv for ratification 
at our next national conference (summer or fall). It wi'l be a great step forward 
for the PFOC to engage in the process of full struggle over a program for 
revolution, and then to have a polit'fal statement that has been studied, written, 
and ratified by the entire membership. We also want to take the statement as 


it is being reworked to other comrades outside the PFOC— to use it as a tool 
for engaging in struggle with and learning from other comrades. 

GROUNDSWELL was a topic of much struggle among us at the ^L meeting. 
We all agreed that we need a piece of propaganda putting forth our full pohtical 
perspective and explaining what the PFOC is to take to the Hard Times Con- 
ference But whether this piece of literature should be the first issue of our 
newspaper was the subject of much debate. Are we ready to produce a paper tliat 
reflects our politics, before we have developed a full political statement? Can 
we begin to reach out on such a broad scale before we have solidified our orga- 
nization internally? As a young organization, in the beginning stages of develop- 
ing a base, can we report on mass struggles around the country and offer the 
PFOC as a organization for others to join? Are we capable of putting out a 
newsoaper that will involve more than a handful of PFOC members in the 

process? - -.^ ,. *. * 

The resolution of these questions involves an agreement on a bold strategy tor 
the growth of the PFOC and the development of our political line, as well as 
on the importance of a healthy process In the organization for putting out the 
newspaper. . 

To develop a correct political line, based in the concrete and varied conditions 
of life throughout the US, we must put the emphasis on the aspect of struggle in 
the contradiction between unity and struggle. Full, open political struggle, ex- 
changing ideas and working out differences, must go on among all PFOC mem- 
bers. The political statement will provide one tool for such struggle; the point 
of view expres'-ed in the news articles and organizational columns of GROUND- 
SWELL will provide another. Moreover, the newspaper will present our views to 
people outside the PFOC — to the people in our workplaces and other bases, and to 
the people in the mass and cadre organizations we work with. So the newspaper 
will push us to carry on the political struggle beyond the PFOC membership. This 
outward push will prove decisive in our ability to develop a correct analysis of 
conditions in the US and of a strategy for revolution. What is involved here is 
a strategy for developing our political line in practice with bases of people beyond 
our own organization. The newspaper will be a tool for gathering feedback on 
the positions we develop. Does our view of racist attacks in Boston make sense 
to Black teachers in San Francisco? Do our arguments against racism win over 
white workers in a hospital in Philadelphia ? These things will help us to under- 
stand and develop the analysis of racism underlying the articles in GROUNDS- 
WELL, and help us to develop a political analysis that will stand up to the 
test of practice. 

GROUNDSWELL, by building from local stories and local work into a news- 
paper with a national perspective, will push us to ground our political analysis 
in the concrete conditions of life in each part of the US, while at the same time 
pushing us to generalize from local conditions moving from the particular to the 
general, militating against subjectivity. 

An organizational newspaper will be a tool for growth of the PFOC. It will 
offer our growing organization as a form for others to join. It will help us to 
recruit strategically, from working class bases. To grow in this way at the same 
time that we are developing our political line means that the PFOC can become 
the organization of a broader sector of revolutionaries than it is now, and that 
the line we develop will be developed by a broader sector. 

To bring this potential to life, we need full participation among PFOC mem- 
bers in creating and distributing the paper. In the next month, we will circulate a 
paper putting forth a full conception of the newspaper^ — a step beyond the threo 
page progress report sent out last month. Every chapter should consider and 
deepen the approach that will be set out, offering ideas and advice, and evaluat- 
ing the first issue, which will appear before the Hard Times Conference. Wo 
plan to have the second issue of the newspaper appear on April 1, two month* 
after the HTC, in order to give ourselves enough time to develop a staff in the 
various regions, and to develop the conception and plan for the paper. Silvia 
Baraldini is editor ; since she has to go away on family bu.siness for the month 
of January, Alan Berkman and Laura Whitehorn have responsibility for the issue and for developing the conception and the staff. (Any ideas for a 
different, more serious name than GROUNDSWELL should be telephoned to 
Alan or Laura immediately . . . ) 

The dialectical relationship between th<^ growth of the PFOC and the develop- 
ment of our political line was a theme running through the NC meeting. The more 
75-425 — 76 6 


„e can grow Into strategic bases, the deeper will be our P««f^| '!",''(,o™erence 


^^The^ addition of the Columbus chapter to the PFOC is a strategic one both 
beLuse it brings us into a Midwest city which is a erowins: commercial center 
wiS a lar-e Third World population, and because the eleven people who con- 
Ttltute the PFOC in Columbus are active organizers with a community and 

""'SrofThl' people in the Columbus chapter attended the July PFOC con- 
ference in Boston and soon after they nnllerl together a committee of people who 
hid noVprevfously worked together. They began by trying oim^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
of the programs passed at the conference, but after a while they felt ^*^e group 
was ge?thig weaker because they were trying to do too many things, and they 
reorganized themselves into a distributing committee. Their work consisted of 
dSSg Prairie Fire and Osawatomie to bookstores and prisons, organizing 
sudy groups, and working on the Hard Times Conference. In November two 
Nationll Committee members visited Columbus for two days, and opened up 
discussions about the Columbus chapter joining the national organization. We 
felt that the work of the members of the Columbus committee— work which 
includes organizing in the Communications Workers of America union locals, 
putting out a community newspaper, working in community food co-ops and 
tenants unions, and in the National Lawyers' Guild, and actively supporting the 
Ganienkeh strusgle and the Puerto Rican inden^ndence movement— is both a 
strong contribution to the work of the PFOC nationally, and can be deepened 
and made more effective by the building of collectives and linking up with the 

national organization. ^ , , a. i. i ^^^^ 

The struggles that must take place in the Columbus chapter— struggle over 
building towards communist organization, forming a workplace organizing com- 
mittee and formulating political line— are the same struggles that must go on in 
the entire organization. By bringing the Columbus PFOC into the national orga- 
nization, we can help to provide a basis for carrying on these struggles. We wel- 
come the Columbus chapter as an important new chapter of our organization. 

The process of deciding to bring the Columbus PFOC into the national orga- 
nization pointed up the need for us to develop a fuller policy for admitting new 
chapters. We want to be flexible and have politicnl rather than mechanical or 
formalistic criteria for admitting chapters, and we don't want to create criteria 
for new chapters that are not met by existing chapters. On the other hand, we 
don't want to be overly loose. 

The next period will be one of great potential for growth and recruitment into 
the PFOC, largely due to the Hard Times Conference. This means that strategy 
for recruitment and growth has to be planned. At this point in the development 
of the PFOC, expansion is important, so we should strive for flexibility and 

Already we have received requests to travel to several places to help form 
PROC chapters. And the HTC work has begun to open up some exciting possibili- 
ties for future mergers with other communist groups. The most exciting and 
challenging relationships for us to pursue are those with Black and other Third 
World groups with whom we should be having ongoing discussions about the 
strategy for building toward multinational communist organization. We also 
want to develop a uniform recruitment strategy, focussing especially on recruit- 
ing from the working das'* bases in which we are orfirnnizine — this will be a way 
to transform the class nature of our organization ; it is also a way to organize 
for our maximum program in the context of organizing for intermediate demands. 
The Chicago PFOC is not ready to join the organization. The main problems 
this group faces are the lack of collective practice and a shaky commitment 
among the members to building a national organization. Through the work of 
building for the HTC in Chicago, we will be better able to formulate a strategy 
for building a chapter in Chicago, as well as to help the members of the PFOC 


there. For the same reasons that we want to have the HTC in Chicago, we also 
want to have a PFOC chapter there at some point. It was very helpful to us to 
have a representative from the Chicago group at the National Committee Meet- 
ing. Three NC members have relocated themselves temporarily in Chicago to 
v/ork on the HTC (Susie Waysdorf, Shelley Miller, Russell Neufeld), and they 
will continue to work with the Chicago PFOC. 

There will be full discussions on security and finances in every chapter, in 
order to build a secure and financially solvent organization. We agreed that the 
dues structure we have now is more typical of a mass than a cadre organiza- 
tion, and that we would like to change the dues structure to a proportional one, 
where members give a percentage of their monthly income as dues, instead of the 
small, across-the-board rate we have now. The immature level of our financial 
arrangements is untenable for the work we want to take on. Finances will be 
centralized, with Diana Block (Bay Area) as Financial Secretary. 

The next NC meeting is tentatively scheduled for the day after the PITC in 
Chicago — a meeting to evaluate the conference and to plan for the implementa- 
tion of the HTC program. We want the PFOC local HTC coordinator to be pres- 
ent at the meeting, both to help evaluate the impact of the conference on the 
PFOC, and to recognize the contributions their work has made. 

The next full meeting (NC), will be sometime early in April. At that meeting 
we will be planning the time for the next national PFOC conference. We want 
to be well prepared as an organization for that next conference. 



9 :00-10 :15 a.m. — Plenary session, Illinois Room. 

Jennifer Dohrn, a member of the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee and a 
Board member of the Hard Times Conference, will give a welcoming address 
and explain the goals of the Conference. The next three speakers, Kathy Dorsey, 
Pedro Grant and Pete Kelley, will provide a context for the work of the Confer- 
ence from the perspective of some of the leading struggles in the current crisis : 
10 :30 a.m.-l :00 p.m. — Workshops — First session, (see separate handout for room 

1 :00-2 :30 p.m. — Lunch time available for Caucuses to meet. 
2 :30-4 :30 p.m. — Workshops — Second session. 
4 :30-6 :30 p.m. — Plenary session, Illinois Room. 

Two speakers will address this session : Vernon Bellecourt, National Coordi- 
nator of the American Indian Movement and Wilbur Haddock, Director of the 
United Black Workers. 

The second part of this session will debate and ratify the Preamble to the 
Bill of Rights : 
6 :30-8 :30 p.m.— Dinner. 
8 :30-ll :00 p.m. — Cultural Program, Illinois Room. 


8 :80-10 :00 a.m. — Workshops — Third session. 

1. Labor Sessions to begin by meeting separately, then to come together during 
the last part of this session. 

2. Health, Drugs, and Anti-Sterilization will meet separately. 

3. International Solidarity will meet as a whole during this session. 

4. Other areas meet as before : 

10 :00-l :30 — ^Plenary session, Illinois Room. 

1 :30-2 :30— Lunch. 

2 :30-5 :00 p.m. — Closing plenary session. 


Welfare — Cafeteria No. 1 — Panelists : Rosa Negron, Major Owens. 
Anti-Repression— Cafeteria No. 1— Panelists : Michael Deutsch, Truman Nelson, 

Alberto Marez, Winslow Peck. 
Tenants — Cafeteria No. 2 — Panelists : Arnold Townsend, David Duboff. 
Anti-Racist organizing— (busing)— Cafeteria No. 2— Panelists : Nancy Ryan, 

Fred Hobby, Jane Kaatz. 


Chile — Room 329 — Panelists : Bobbye Ortiz, Kevin Duncan. 

Health Care ; Drugs ; Anti-sterilization — Room 322 — Panelists : Shiela Gruchala, 

Rob Brinkman, Panama, Ellen Afterman, Yicki Wheeler, Rosa Alverez. 
The Fight against inflation — Room 323 — Panelists: Claudette Furlonge, Fred 

Stover. \ 

Daycare — Room 324 — Panelists: Sylvia Warren, Danny Alpert, Nick Sanchez, 

Louie Sweeney. 
Education — Room 324 — Panelists : Eugene Clancy, Annie Stein, Georgiaa Hog- 

Military — Room 509 — Panelists : Jerry Condon, George Simpson. 
Cultural Workers — Room 510 — Panelists : Bev Grant, Betty Garcia, Bernice 

Reagan, Rev. Kirkpatrick. 
The prison struggle— Room 605 — Panelists : Tom Sooto, David Saxner, Brooks 

AVhiting, Akil Mafundi, Willie Tate. 
Struggle of the elderly — Room 613 — Panelists : Ted Dostal, Ruth Dear. 
Students — Room C-1 — Panelists: Miguel Alvarez, Charles Isaacs. 
Unemployed struggle — Room C-3 — Panelists : Jim Haughton, Leo Fletcher, 

Evelyn Weiner. 
Unions — Room C-4 — Panelists : Kathy Dorsey, Deb Dunfield, George Bowens, 

Pete Kelley. 
Organizing the Unorganized — Room C-6 — Panelists : Susan Klug, Tom Gardner, 

Joel Myron, Juan Irizarry. 
Undocumented Workers — Room B-1 — Panelists : Rudolfo Lasano, Enrique Flores. 
Indochina — Room D-2 — Panelists: Vu Ngoc Con, Sokhom Hing, Cora Weiss, 

Donna Futterman, Antonio Villara. 
Angola — Room D 4 Panelists : Nick De Freitas, Prexy Nesbit, Irving Davis, 

Mohammed Kenyatta. 
Puerto Rico — Room D-5 — Panelists : Olga Sanabria. Jose Lopez, Julie Nichamin. 
Native Americans — Room E-1 — Panelists : Ann Durham, Ellen Moves Camp, 

Robert Mendoza, Melinda Rorick, David TiLsen, Jed Proujansky. 




July 4th Coalition 

P O. Box 998. Peter Sluyvesani Sia. 
NewYork. NY. 10009 
Tel. 12121673-1776 


LIfMluv Aud«n Nfw York Coatidon Aaamsi S-t 

8l«v« Ajit. Naironai Coalition o' Gay Activists 

Ella Baiiaf. civii rignis acnvist 

Norm* Racktf , War Resisieri Loague 

B«n Badall. The Guardian 

Varnon Bailaeourt, Amedcan Indian Mov^maot 

Roaa Boranaialn. Puerto Rican Solidarity Commmaa 

Owan iroMrrOetVa Minigtrv 

Juan Chacon, t.oc«i 890. Uniied Stavi MofKarsol 

Alan Chamay, N«w Amancan Movemant 
Marilyn Ctamtnl, Inter-rallglout Foundation lor 

Community Organtiatlon 
turn Colaman, National Tenants Organization 
Virginia C<>:i!.u. civil rigMs aciivlsi 
Bun CorT>nt. National Aliianu Againat Racist ano 

^llticai nepreu<on 
Aana Crui Union of Oamoo'atic Plllpmoi 
Tat O'Ameto, M^dntgnt Special 
Ba/lMra Dana, cultural worker 

Ivy Oavli. L^*, Students Civii Rigrtts Research Council 
Dava Oalllrma^ Seven Oayg Mogszine 
EmIladI AnIoriK), filmmaker 
JlmfnlaOurtucn. United Nations Oliicsol the 

International Indian Trasiv Council 
Arm Oaal. Nai-sra American Sondanly Commiliaa 
Qavrrtlla Oamfria, Workers World Pady 
Wilbur Haddoc*, Umied Black Workers 
Saralaa Hamlllon, Nallonwide Women a Program. 

American Fnenda Sarvice Comminae 
Moaaa Harris. Black Economic Survival 
Jlin Haughion, Pightback 
Ronnia Sue Janaa. Rank and File. Dislricl 1199. 

Hoipiia: WorkafB Union 
R«v Muhammad Kanyalta, Slack Eoononnic 

Development Donleftnca 
Anhur Kinoy. Man Parly Organizing Committee 
ftav Fradarick Oouglaas Klrkpalrlck. lolkainger 

Oeaconi lor OelenM and Justice 
Patnek Knight, Local 371 . Social Service Empioyaea 

UrMon, Dfatrlct Council 37. AFSCME 
VgrI Kochli^ma. National Committee for Oefenae o< 

Political Priscners 
Karan Kolllaa. Quest alaminlsi guarlerly 
Bob Lawti. labor attorney 

Allrado Lopez. National Coordinator. July 4th Coalition 
Don Luce. Clergy and Laity Concerned 
Harry MeffdoM. Montniy Raview 
Alberto Msrai, Cru&ade lor Justice 
Kay Martin Towt^ Against War and Faacism 
Rav- Paul Mayac . New York Theological Saminary 
OavaMcRaynold), War Reolateri League 
(atadlna Muhatnmad. Alrican Peoples Pany 
Ed NakAwaiaoa, Native American AMairs. Community 

Reiaiiona Division. American Friends Service Comm. 
Henh Weuiile^n Rank and File Telephone Wo'kBfs 
Ifflarl Obadala. Provliionel Government o' (he Republic 

of New Africa 
tuun Ortaga. U S Commlttea lor Panamanian 

tidnay Pack, anti-war activist 
OatTon Partlns, Black Panther Pmrly 
Waller Pletach, ARISE 
Milton Pohoma, Taxi Rank and File 
Lartea Puilln, Prairie Fire Oroaniimg Commdiee 
Arlurfl fiivara, Federal ion of Sociafni Puano Rican 

UnlversHy SludeniF 
Jevalino Ramos. Commiaaion on Justice and 
Liberat'oo National Cojr^cil of Cnurches 
Anienio Rodrlguax, Center lor Autonomous Social 

Action (CASA) 
Halan Radrlguaz. Committee to End Sianination 

Mia Ayan, Palestine Solidarily Commiitee 
' Bhabau. vouih Against VJu and Faacism. Phila. 
■ Sparartaae. Vsnceremos Brigade 
Waaiv. Monthly Review 
VanOalll. D<str>ctfi£ Qistribultve Workers of 
■lea. Boilon. Mau 
W0aa, American Faderaiior of Taachara 
1. Conn 
«e, Dominican Repubi'C Task Force 
Mnhan Peoples Socialist Party 
fliaatofl. Ecumenical Program lor 
VI Communicalion and Action 
It. Paopiaa Party 

nad for Uanitf icattofi purpetaa only 

April 27, 1976 

Dear Hard Times Participant, 

This July 4, the U.S. government is planning a cele- 
bration in Philadelphia , at our expense, featuring 
Gerald Ford and the Queen of England. 

It is staging this action in the midst of a hard- 
hitting crisis that has affected the majority of 
people in this country. , .a crisis to which it has 
offered no solutions except further attacks on all 
of us . 

But the government will not be in Philadelphia this 
year to offer solutions. Instead, it will try to 
make one thing clear: that its policies express the 
will of the people. 

The slashing cutbacks and lay-offs, the S-1 Bill, the 
resurgence of racist violence, the movement against 
the rights of women. U.S. intervention around the 
world — all this, it will attempt to make the world 
believe, has our full acceptance. 

We will be there, tens of thousands of us, to show 
that the U. S. government does not have the people 
behind it. To raise our demands nationally for jobs, 
for equality, independence, freedom and peace. To 
give life to our history and demonstrate our unity 
in common struggle. 

We're calling upon you, who came from all over the 
country to the Hard Times Conference, to nake ynur<^ 
endorsement of a people's July 4 concrete, and join 
with us in building a mobilization that will take 
national action now. 

Call or write us immediately if you can distribute 
literature, posters, buttons; form a mobilizing 
committee in your school, workplace or community; help 
build a city-wide mobilizing coalition (we can put you 
in touch with coalitions in 30 major cities); contri- 
bute money or organize a support committee to raise 
funds for this crucial action. 

All Out to Philadelphia: 

Alfrido Lopez '' <f 
National Coordinator 


July 4th Coalition 

P.O. Box 998, Peter Sfuyvesant Sta. 
NewYork.N.Y. 10009 
Tel. 12121673-1776 


Dear Friend, 

This July 4, the U.S. government is planning 3 cele- 
bration in Philadelphia, at our expense, featuring 
Gerald Ford and the Queen of England. 


It is Staging this event in the midst of a hard- 
hitting crisis that has affected the majority of 
people in this country... a crisis to which it has 
offered no solutions except further attacks on 
all of us. 

The government will not be in Philadelphia this 
year to offer solutions. Instead, it will try to 
make one thing clear: that its policies express 
the will of the people. 

Jote Arb»fto AlvarM, Puerto Rican Socialist Party 

Akil AlJundl, Attica Now 

LlndMV Aud«n, New Yofk Coalition Against S-1 

Slwve Aull. National Coalition ol Gay Acllvists 

Ella Bakvr. civil rights activist 

Norma Backvr, War Reslslers League 

Ben Bwtell. The Guardian 

V«rr>on B«ll«court, Amsrican Indian Movement 

Rom Boren»t»ln, Puerto RIcan Solidarity Committee 

Owen Brooks. Delta Ministry 

Juan Chacon. Local 890. United Steel Workers of 

AlanCharney, New American Movement 
Marilyn Clement, Inter -religious Foundation (or 

Communiiy Organization 
Slim Coleman. National Tenants Organization 
Virginia Coltlrts, civil rights activist 
Burl Corona, National Alliance Against Racist and 

Political Repression 
Rene Cruz, Union ot Democratic Filipinos 
Tel D'Amalo, Midnight Special 

f^'S:.\°tr;S;nravHfl,gh,,R«^chcounc,,The slashiog cutbacks and lay-offs, 

Dave Delllnger, Seven Days Magazine 

Emile dl Antonio, filmmaker 

JImmIe Durham. United Nations Office ot the 

International Indian Treaty Council 
Ann G^, Native American Solidarity Committee 
QavrMleOemma. Workers World Party 
Wilbur Haddock. United Black Workers 
Saraleo Hamilton. Nationwide Women's Program, 

Amedcan Friends Service Commlllee 
Moeas Harris, Black Economic Survival 
Jim Hauohton, Fightback 
Ronnte Sue Jatfee, Rank and File, District 1199. 

Hospital Workers Unton 
Rev. Muhanunad Konyatta, Black Economic 

Development Conference 
Arthur Klnoy. Mass Party Organizing Committee 
Rev. Frederick Douglass Klrkpatrtck, folkslnger. 

P.SSTKnJ.M^^iSrizT'sictl'S^ic.Empioy.e. for equality, independence, freedom and peace. To 

the S-1 Bill, 
the resurgence of racist violence, the movement 
against the rights of women, U.S. intervention 
around the world — all of this, it will attempt to 
make the world believe, has our full acceptance. 

vie will be there, tens of thousands of us, to show 
that the U.S. government does not have the people 
behind it. To raise our demands nationally for jobs. 

give life to our history and demonstrate our 
unity in common struggle. 

Union. oTwrtct Council 37, AFSCME 
Yuri Koehl«mj. National Committee for Defense ol 

Political Prieonora 
Keren Kolllei. Quest, a lemlnlBt quarterly 
Beb Lewis, laixir attorney 
Alfredo Lopez, National Coordinator. July 4th Coalition 
Don Luce, Clergy and Laity Concerned ... ^ i • ^ a- *. 

Harry Mtoodon. Monihiy BeviBw We are Calling upon you, to make a committment 

Alberto Marai. Crusade tor Juellce -" . .,.,,. 

Key i^riin; Youth Aoainsi War and Faacism^ to July 4th, and join With US in buildmg a 

mobilization that will take national action now. 

Rev. Paul Mayer. New York Theological Seminary 
Dave McRoynolda. War Reslsters League 

Saladtite Muhammad. African Peoples Parly 
Ed Nakawalaee, Native American Affairs. Community 
Relations Dtvlslon , American Friends Service Comm 

Hank Neoealein, Rank and File Telephone Workers /-»:» l 1 ,-.^ tj»- i 1- .:> tlQ i mm*=»r] i A f (=»1 V if 
. ^vlalonal Oovernmenl of the BepubllWa i 1 Or Write US imiHeCJld t eiy i. 1. 


of New Africa 
Suaan Orteoa. U S Committee for Panamanian 

Sidney Peck, anti-war activist 
Oanon Pertlns. Black Panther Party 
Walter Pletach. A RISE 
Milton PoliorTte, Taxi Rank and File 
Lenee PusKn. Prairie Fire Organizing Committee 
Arturo Rivera. Federation of Socialist Puerto RIcan 

University Students 
Jovollno Rarnoe, Commission on Justice and 

Liberation. National Council of Churches 
Anionh) Rodriguez, Center for Autonomous Social 

Action (OASA) 
Helen Rodriguez, Committee to End Sterilization 

Shelle Ryen, Palestine Solidarity Committee 
All Shefattzz. Youth AgaJnat War and Fascism. Phlla 
Ann Sparanaee, Venceremos Brigade 
Paul Sweezy, Monthly Review 
Peter Van Oeitt, Dlstrlcl 65. Distributive Workers of 

America, Boston, Maes 
Edwin Varoae. Amerlcen Federation of Teachers. 

ChlquI VIcloeo. Dominlcar Ftepublk; Task Force 
Joe Waller. Afrlkan Peoples Socialist Party 
Rev. Plillllp Wheelon. Ecumenical Progrem lor 

Interamerlcan Communlcetion ei>d Action 
Cora Welsa, Frlendahlpment 
Margaret Wr1g»«. Peoples Party 

Organizations Hated lor Identlllcatlon purpoaaaonly 

you can distribute 
literature, posters, buttons; form a mobilizing 
committee in your school, workplace or community,- 
help build a city-wide mobilizing coalition (we 
can put you in touch with coalitions in 30 major 
cities) ; contribute money or organize a support 
committee to raise funds for this crutial action. 

All out To Philadelphia 



Alfredo Lopez ^i 
National Coordinatqt 


July 4th 
C<H>rdiiiatoi**s Report; 

P O Box 998, P«:ter Stuyvesaiit Station, MIcw York, N.Y, 10009 

What Impmsses one most about the demonstration, and Ite relation to 
people organiting in this country, Is Its growing urgency. 

People In every city we've vlaltdd agree with and support the national 
program but discussions often begin "but how do we go to people with It and 
what makes this demonstration more than a glueing together of a number of 
•single issue' actions we've had in the past?" 

The question they are asking is simply: "What Is our focus?" Our focus, 
as we view it now, can be defined in two statements: 

1. We are answering attacks being made against us in a coordinated 
^J^ashion, on a national level. These attacks are both economic and political. 
.t>||bey are aimed at crushing the progressive movement In this country, at 
ft^'^iiminatlng any real opposition to the government's disastrouo policies at 
' l^e and a^'road. 

We are taking advantage of those attacks to build a national movement 
to overcome the localism and parochialism which are our greatest weaknesses. 


Unemployment and inflation are, of course, attacks. So is the con- 
tinuation of a military budget syndrome, etc. But these attacko are made 
possible by other kinds of more direct attacks designed to weaken or even 
break the people's movement in this country. 

Three major examples come to mind: 

1. The racist attacks in Boston, where the unprecedented ugliness of a . 
Black man's face being pushed In with an American flag acts as a symbol of 

a growing racist movement; the emergence of three different groups of the 
Ku Klux Klan, which the Federal government recently called ";he fastest 
growing organization in the country," and the emergence o? the American 
Nazi Party Which has been implicated in various recist attzicks on 
the Minneapolis Black community. 

What is Important to see is that a racist attack is the first step of 
a fascist attack. As Black activists have told me so many times: "first 
they get the 'niggers' and then they go after tha 'nigger' j lovers." 

2. The attacks on the Equal Rigjits Ammendment and the abortion laws 
are clear attempts to weaken the women's movement. Add to this the stubborn 
refusal to deal with the question of massive sterilization of women. All of 
these trends must be seen as attacks on the nomen's moveisent. 

^. The trend toward police statism with S.l and other repressive le- 
gislation and the attacks on unions (union busting) . 

We have presented this picture to people all over the country and we have 
put it in simple terms: there is one analysis which says the crisis of all 
our major cities is an Isolated phenomenon, that the economy alvays goes up 



and down and Chat tinion busting and racism are merely a natural reactlot^ 
to this crisis. 

But Isn't that analysis kind of naive? Can we really believe, can we 
afford to believe that there la not a nationally coordl«ated attack to 
cripple the people's novenient and to make possible economic and social 
attacks (like unemployment) on the people of this country? 

And since the system Is International In scope, the plan also Is | 

International. This Is the Importance of Puerto Rico, a strategic strong- ' 

hold of U.S. Imperialism, Its major base In t&is hemisphere. This is the 
importance of colonialism as a whole. This is the importance of taking on 
the imperialist policies of the U.S. throughout the world. 

This is, without exaggeration, a life and death necessity for 
struggling movements in this country. 


.'^hat's the problem on our side? It is simply that we are not ready a 
to ^^p|;' the government on in these attacks. We are localized, in many cases 
demb;^atized. But we are struggling. We are struggling around Important local 
issues: jobs, housing, social services, and so many other things that 
affect our daily lives. 

July Fourth gives us the Ipportunlty to place In national and inter- 
national context many of those struggles. It gives us the opportunity to talk 
face to face with people In our local areas about the Importance of building 
something national. It gives us the opportunity to intensify our local organ- 
izing by raising the level of struggle from the local to the national level. 

A national movement gives people a greater possibility of winning. We are 
a part of something which is having national impact, not isolated. We can each 
learn from struggles in other cities and be energized by each other's victories. 

A key question is this: imagine if we allowed the government to put on its 
demonstration on the Fourth, trying to unify the people around its politics 
without us doing something around our own message? And imagine if there were 
hundreds of thousands of people from your own city coming back to that city 
after a strong national demonstration around such a wide program? How 
would this affect your local organizing? 

t'^iat we learned on our recent trip was this: that national organizing is 
impossible unless it is locally based; the dichotomy is simply non-existant 
but local organizing becomes Infinitely more effective when it has a national 

July Fourth is a demonstration toward building a strong unified anti- 
Imperialist movement. It is not a demonstration around a static list of 
demands. It is a call to Unity around what affects each of us deeply in our 
daily lives at a moment when only that unity can move us forward, 




Goal for whole campaign: the mobilization of at least 60, COO 
people to Philadelphia on July 4. 

Concept: We wish to do two things on July 4 in Philadelphia, 
both geared to the concept that this is a battle of ideas between 
the progressive movement and the government of the United States. 

The government is claiming that the bicentennial is a cele- 
bration of the great things it has done and of the gre:^t indivi- 
duals v;ho have led the government. It is an analysis absent of 
any popular content, of any historical vision; it is not true. 

Our analysis concentrates not on dates, nor individuals, nor, 
for that matter, the government. It concentrates on the people 
who have lived and fought in this country — who have built this 
country and who have been robbed, over hundreds of years, of the 
benefits of their work. Ours is a history of struggle. 

The government would like to represent unity behind its 
policies in the bicentennial celebration. 

In our action we want to show unity in struggle. 

So, while the government will feature Gerald Ford, the Pope 
and the Queen of England, followed by a march of the states and 
a giant carnival in Philadelphis, we will do What we have to- 

Our march will also be a march of the various geographical 
sectors of this country, contingent by contingent, with banners 
identifying them and, when possible, with some type of impres- 
sive production — perhaps a float, small marching band. . .whatever. 

The march could also contain specific contingents from speci- 
fic organizations and should be led by the large contingent -Ahich 
we hope will be mobilized by the American Indian Movement. 

It will end with a rally... but not with Ford... with the t_ue 
leaders of the people of this country, the leaders of their strug- 
gles. There will also be alot of cultural activities — the ratio 
should be two speakers to each cultural presentation. 

We must emphasize two things in order to make this a succesr. : 

1, The absolute necessity of concentrating on the develop- 
ment of coalition work., or local organizing and of mobilizing from 
those areas, 

2. The importance of mobilizing by numbers, by lists, sqier.- 
tifically. We must, in fact, talk to and commit face-to-fa<^:^. 


2/;:atioiul tork plan 

60,000 people, "'e cannot rely on mass leafletting^and hope that the thing 
i.'orks out. There are simply too many factors which are in the balance.. 

'.'ork plan by month 

n?ril — consolidation of coalitions 

1. The org'anizing focus 

a., a tour by the i'ational coordinator of all established coalitions 
and coalitions in formation todiscuss this plan and concentrate 
on coalition-tghteningf.nd work methods. 

b. A .later tour by ilational^^oard members to major coalitions for a 
round of build-up activities,, press conferences and nork i.'ith 
people for out-reach. 

c. - 3eginninG of mass ticket sales. These tickets, technically for 

transportation, are methods of tallying to and committing people 
to the action. Although ue have not established a price, i;e 
believe it should be merely symbolic. The local coalitions can 
cl^rge a higher price and une the money tohelp 'jith transportation. 

It i.ould be a political mistake to vieu the tickets as a transportation 
fundraiser, however. These are nays of ijutting together physical 
lists, names and addresses, of people uho are goinf, to Miiladelphia , 
of committing those people and giving follou-up. 

2. Logistics. This month is the. time to ireserve transportation, be^Lcd on 
the mobilization goal. It is essential that this be done immediately, 

3. Publicity and literature 

a. In order tp project the final -irogran, uith all its slogans, of the 
action, "e will publish an eight-page bilingual ne'.rspaper (:^nglish- 
Spanish) , to be raassivoly distributed by local coalitions. It should 
be a free han^rout piece of literature. 

b. Slide-shoi: — twelve to fifteen copies will be made available for 
, local conference, meetings, talks, etc. 

c. /\ button, with a mobilizing call, •. ill be used throughout the campaign. 

d. It is understood that in April coalitions should also rork on 
street activities^ particularly Icafletting and even participating 
in official bicentennial activities throughout the campaign. 

o. The national office -ill begin 'lork on a N.Y. Times ad. 



May — the loohth of massive reach-out 

During the first week of May, the National ^Board will meet 
to discuss the agenda for the 4th and go over plans and work. 

It will approve a ter>tative speaker^ list. 

1 V ■•. ■■ ■ r v-;-'. 

1. Organizing 

a. Organizers tour — 25 to 30 Ip^iders of progressive and left 
organisations will tour ihe^tountry attempting to estab- 
lish nev? ppalitions,^. Th©y..ffiil concentrate mainly on 4 
- small cities, where perhaps four or five groups of peo- 
ple could get together and mobilize a few busloads of 
people, we are hoping to establish 40-60 new coalitions 
■'■■" '■ from this 'tovir. ~. 

■' b. The real Vork b^ tickets and outreach^.will continue and 
build up on the part of local coalitions, 
c. The final logistical questions must be decided by May 15. 

2. Literature 

a. A national poster 

b. "Constituency brochures" — these are brochures focused 
on particular constituencies which would be used to 
mobilize from those sectors based on their particular 
interests; e.g., women. Blacks, Mexicans, etc. 

c. A leaflet, which would be done by each coalition, 
focusing on what it feels are the strongest issues in 
its locality. This should be massively done and leat- 
letting should be a part of all work from now on, 

d. The New York Times ad should be published by the first 
week in June. 

June—the month of mobilization 

There should be a round of build-up activities, an intensi- 
fication of mass work, and follow-up to those who already have 

1. One final tour by the National Board. 

2. Another newspaper on the mobilization, with all pertinent 
details and the agenda for the day. 

3. Major coalitions should buy radio spots on progressive and/or 
mass radio stations, to round out the mobilizing effort, l-.^- 

4. One final press conference, to announce the departure o0 •<>* 
the delegation from the city. ^!r 



5. Banners, floats, and special features should be finally 
:■■■ ■■trpreparecli- '; - • •. . —-,:. 


This will be the greatest educational push of all. 

. . We. will pvdjlish another newspdtielr fS)^ the event, with 
.histo.ry^ with th^ '^ogram for the ^ay ahd bblitical program and 
a xall to cotttiittJfef fftrugVling (in the form 'of a statement by the 
:.Hational Board)'. .conu. ::•:. ■..:.-.. f . 



For mor« Intormallon eonlwt Iht July 4Ki Coallttan In 

your araa: 

PWlKMphla; 137 S eth SI . PhUadslptilk, Pa. 10106 

(Tel 2l5-92><763) 
N«w Vorh: P Box 883. MadtMn Squve Station. 

New York. NY 10010 (Tel 212-53W)030) 
WuMnglon.DC: 1737 17lh3l.. NW, WtghlnQton. 

(X 20009 (Tel 202-23*-16l8) 
Boston: (Tel 6l7-2a8-4940» 


After SOO Tears, 
What Do We Have 
To Celebrate? 


• 14 million of us thrown out of work while the government and corporattons step 
up their union-busting; a million more injured or killed each year bccw^liArofits 
are placed before safety and health ^^''4r- 

• Cutbacks in hospitals, schools, day care centers and other vital S€rvlo^"^\ 

• Racist assaults on our Black and Third World communities ' ? -,fi" 

• Coordinated campaigns against the Equal Rights Amendments and thfefwh^ of 
women to control their own bodies . ?Fs 

• Brutal treatment of prisoners under the pretext of "rehabilitation" -i 

• Repressive Supreme Court rulings against Gay people v^^- 

• FBI/CIA police state tactics aided by Congressional cover-ups and the S^fiill 

• A military budget of $115 billion that robs us of needed resources and will lead to 
war if not checked ^ 

AND: after 200 years of independence from British colonialism, the U S^ 
government maintains its unjust rule over the colony of Puerto Rico and intervenes 
in the lives of other countries around the world. Even within its own bord^s. the 
US government oppresses Blacks, Native Americans. Mexicans and other peoples 
and nationalities. 


For Jobs, Equality, Freedom, Independence, Peace 

July 4, 1976 PWIadelphl. 

We are under attack because the government sees us as divided and weak But tens 
of thousands of us will march In Philadelphia on July 4th to show that we are 
outgrowing our divisions; that our many struggles are part of a powerful movement 
for change in this country and the world; and to show that only a unified response 
can defeat these attacks 


and Parade of the People - to tell the truth about America, and to take a giant step 
forward in our common struggle for justice and freedom. 

For a Biccxfteimial witliout Clokndes— 
Freedom for afl Oppressed Nations 
For full Democracy and Eqnaitty 
For Jobs and a Decent Standard of U 

July 4 Coalition. P.O. Bii^g. Peter Stuyvesant Station. N.Y.. N.Y. 10009 (Tel. 212-673-1776) 







Joiy^ pliiiedeipiiaa 






ne^i^ioraei c^ 

eO^ oafchredral BAT. 



bal-fcimore juSy ^-th ooalit^ion 
P.O. box "7^13 balt;imoreHlHlB 


[From the Guardian, April 7, 1976 ] 

Defends Indian rights 




The Native American struggle is for the fffst time being placed on 
the agenda of the non-Indian left in a systematic, nationally 
coordinated way. 

Non-Indians are mobilizing in the support of I^tiy^e American 
political activists in pris«fi or facing trials, such asDchinis Banks, 
the Oglala 4, Kamook Banks and Joanna Le Deaux; are taking up 
the defense of Native American land rights and struggles for 
political power; and are opening broad discussions on the relation- 
ship of the Native American struggle to the class struggle and other* 
oppressed nationality struggles in the U.S. 

This is the significance of the rapid emergence in the last seven 
months of the Native American Solidarity Committee (NASC). 
Though founded only last September, NASC already has chapters in 
20 U.S. cities. Many of the chapters are being pressed immediately 
into urgent defense work, as they are coming into existence at a 
time when Native Americans arc under intensifying attack. 

The concept for NASC grew out of the lessons learned in the 
course of Wounded Knee defense work and the work of certain local 
Native American support committees since 1973. Although such 
work served an important function, it suffered from a number of 
shortcomings: the tendency to restrict itself to one issue, instead of 
linking individual cases in an overall fight against the whole system 
that attacks Indians; the tendency toward duplication of effort and 
lack of communication, in the face of government and corporate 
attacks that are devastatingly coordinated on a national scale; and 
the lack of an organizational framework within which could be 
carried on the kind of broad discussion and struggle over political 
questions that is necessary to form principled unity. In addition, the 
work from 1973-75 continued to suffer somewhat from some of the 
same patterns that have traditionally beset whites seeking to aid 
Indians: the paternalism and charity syndrome that has tended to 
persist so long as work is conceived primarily as an act of support 
rather than of mutually beneficial solidarity. 


The word "solidarity" was, therefore, deliberately chosen at the 
time of the founding of the Native American Solidarity Committee to 
reflect the new political context within which work was to be taken 

NASC National Interim Committee members Ann Gael and Jed 
Proujansky explained in a March 29 interview with the Guardian 
that the concept of "solidarity" between the non-Indian masses and 


the Native American people has a firm, objective historical basis. 
Indians always made a distinction even as their continent was being 
invaded by non-Indians between the white ruling class that was 
directing the pillage of Indian lands and white working people, 
whom Indians always aided in obtaining the wherewithal to make a 
living, Gael explained. And even now, she continued, it is not 
individual white settlers on Indian land that are the target. Indian 
people treat these individuals with reject as fellow human beings, 
more so than does the U.S. government. It is from the big banks and 
corporations and the government that the Indians want to take their 

■ land back. And it is this same ruling elite that steals from the 
non-Indian masses, she pointe d out. 

'~ Hence the "solidarity" NASC is working to build is the 
non-Indian masses taking up the defense of Indian people's 
struggles — not out of some kind of moral burden but out of an 
understanding that this is the "same struggle, many fronts." 

The primary principle of unity of NASC is, "We support all the 
struggles of Native American people for self-determination, inde- 
pendence and sovereignty." This principle, like all NASC policies, 
was arrived at in close consultation with Native American political 
leaders from the American Indian Movement (AIM) and other 
groups. The principle was chosen, Proujansky explained, because 
"we want to convey that we defend the right of Indians to decide 

for themselves" what to do with their land and what political 
status they desire. He distinguished this approach from one that 
might specify some formula for "how independent" Indians should 
ultimately be or how they should relate to non-Indians *oth within 
and outside their land. He expressed confidence fliat Native 
Americans "are not trying to go back to 1870" and will deal 
humanely and intelligently with the question of the best form for 
their self-determination and the treatment of non-Indians on Indian 
land. He pointed out that there was every indication that land-use 
planned by the Indian people would be much more beneficial to all, 
Indian and non-Indian than the current devastation of such sacred 
Indian areas as the Black Hills of South Dakota by the government 
and the monopolies. 


One of the major areas of work of the fledgling NASC chapters is 
around the defense of the many Native American activists who are 
on trial or in prison. In particular, NASC is building for the defense 
of four Indians — Leonard Peltier, James Eagle, Robert Robideau 
and Dino Butler — being charged with the deaths of two FBI agents 
on the Pine Ridge, S.D., reservation last June. The agents were part 
of the notorious 150-man occupation army that has terrorized the 
reservation population for two years. The government's case 
against the four is full of contradictions. It appears that the only 
reason they were targeted was their past history of activism with 
AIM. • , 

The trial is scheduled to begin April 19. The federal government 
is going to be pushing hard for the execution of all four, Gael 
explained. This is why NASC and AIM see this case as one that 
should command particular attention. NASC has in the past month 
been working to force a change of venue — a transfer of the trial out 
of the 8th Federal Circuit on the basis that an Indian cannot get (and 
never has gotten) a fair trial in this district, particularly in South 
Dakota. NASC activists have done a mass canvassing in South 
Dakota to give evidence of prejudgement of the four that has taken 
place due to the FBI and police's media campaigns. 

NASC locals across the country are also taking up the defense of 
Dennis Banks who was arrested two months ago in California and is 
fighting extradition to South Dakota on the basis that his life would 
be in danger in South Dakota prisons. The extradition hearing is set 
for April 5 in San Francisco. The local NASC will pack the 
courtroom, along with AIM. and also hold a demonstration outside. 
There will also be NASC-sponsored demonstrations around the 
country during the week of April 3-8 for the Oglala prisoners. Banks 
and a group of prisoners in Portland, Ore. 


The Portland prisoners are activists Russell Redner, Kenneth 
Loudhawk and Kamook Banks (Dennis's wife). They were 
ambushed by police on an Oregon highway last November and 
charged first with harboring Dennis Banks, who was then 
underground; but when he couldn't be found, a trumped-up fire- 
arms charge was substituted. Kamook Banks bore a child, Iron Door 
Woman, in prison Dec. 30. The government is now trying to make 
her pay $2700 for medical expenses related to the birth. The Port- 
land trial will begin May 12. 

A fourth person who was arrested with Redner, Loudhawk and 
Banks was Pine Ridge activist Anna Mae Aquash. She was found 
murdered, with a bullet hole through her head, Feb. 24, near 
Wamlee, S.D. The FBI withheld the identity of her body for 10 days 
afters its "discovery." At first the agency claimed she had died of 
exposure. NASC, AIM and others demanded an independent 
autopsy which found the bullet lodged in her head. 

A second major focus of NASC currently is a petition campaign 
for Native American treaty rights. There are three demands on the 
petition: (I) "All treaties that the U.S. has signed with the Indian 
nations, and which the traditional Indian leaders accept as valid, 
must be honored and enforced. All of the Indian nations must 
receive control of and sovereignty over their treaty-determined 
lands. ..." (2) "The Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 (which took 
away Indians' right to political power over their lands) must be 
repealed. ..." (3) "The Bureau of Indian Affairs must be removed 
from the Department of Interior and restructured as an independent 
agency, controlled by and accountable to American Indian people." 

The second and third demands, Gael and Proujansky explained, 
are seen as interim demands. The first is the main demand, and if 
this were to be won, the other two would be unnecessary. 

Thousands of signatures have already been secured. NASC sees 
the main aspect of the petition campaign as its being a tool in the 
building of a mass movement. The secondary aspect, will be the 
actual presenting of the petition to Congress. 

A third focus of NASC is building for th^ July 4 Coalition 
counterbicentennial demonstration in Philadelphia^ "" ' " ."' " 

For more information, contact the NASC National Office at P.O. 
Box 3426, St. Paul, Minn. 55165 or c/o Treaty Council, 777 UN 
Plaza. lOF, New York, N.Y. 10017. 

75-425 O - 76 - 7 





c/o JiJn Jordan- 

"Rooai 21€^ 

Stuflent tJriion , 

Dnii-elsity of .'Massachusetts 

Amherst, Massachusetts 010D2 

Jin Jordan 


c/o'Vander Kail 
2222 Fullerr-R<^ad 1204 
Ann Arbor, ."Michigan 

Rita Baruscb 


c/o Cathy" Beiinetc 
619 Myrtle-Street 
Atlanta, Georgia 30308 

Cathy Bennett 


Cosas y ^lata 
36' Boylston Street* 
Harvard Sguare 
CambriSge, . Massachusei-uS 

Rubin <;aJ.aviz_:, 
617-354-1630. •"" or 
Carol Dinezio 
617-373-0693 -{w3 
: «; 45-0 478 (h) 


c/o Happy" Mathiesonj 

411'n. Harvard 

Villa Park, Illinois 6018a 



P.O. Box 6 512 
Washinqtori;. D'.C. 20009 

Suzanne -Gxof f 



405 Westcott Street 
Syracuse/ New Yorlt 13210 


c/o David Cain 

970 N. Olney S'reet 

Indiaiiapolis, .-'.oiana 46201 


c/o Terry Bisson 
RR|6, Box" 212A 
Scottsvllle, Kentucky "42161 


c/o 'international Tnflian' Treaty 


.777Dnrtea Nations Plaza 

New York City, New York 10017 


Sue Robeson 


c/o Shelly Tenenbaua 

StuSerit Mailrocni 

Antloch College" . 

Yellow Springs, "Ohio 45387 

Shelly TeneniTaua 
513t767-7112 - 

• ■ -. ■ _ "'—-•* ■- . ' " "^ 
137 South Eighth Street 
Phil^aelphia, Pennsylvania 19106 


Karel Kilijonik - 
215-241-7126 Iw) 
■561-42 30 "(h), 


c/o Diana "Werner 

.1.705 South Cutler Drive, ; Apt. J 

Tempe, "Arizona 8 52 81 



o/o Steve Suagee 
T.03 Northeast 29th 
Portland, Oregon 97232 



c/o Chris. Melroe. 
924 Korth 35th r. 
Seattle, Washington. 

Chris Melroe 


T>.0. "Box 8205 __ ^.. .. :^- 
Sti "I-ouis; Kissouri' 6 3156 

liaison: ^, ^..^ 

'Lucky flollanaer;, 
' 773-3566. 

NO. Staff 

David Tilsen - •--.' 
Xaren 'Northcott 
KicharS Boover 
Rachel Tils&n 
Kathi Jajnes 


• •.■,-••• - ■ ' - 

P.O. "Box 40538 

S^n .Francisco; California 94140 

'3418" 22na Street 

San Trancisco, California 94114 


Robin Xv^Ln■ 
'415-64 8-1977: 


P.O. Box ^564 . 

raXe Street Statiom'^ 

Minneapolis". Minnesota 55408 

Xava Zaharwa 




c/o PFOC 
Box 33 

Barre, Vermont 05641 

Miles Pustih 


P.6". '3aJc"342i6 

St,"PauT.,'MLnnesota 55165 
612-227-1973 * 


Kacliel Tilsen 

1653 South Victoria Roafl 

St, PauT.> Minnesota- 


40D Minnesota Building 
St. Taxol, Minnesota 55101 

Suzanne Groff 

1737 17th Street NW 

Washington,, D.C, 20009 


Melinda Tiorick. 

661 Anflerscxn Street 

San, Trin'cisco^ California 


Je<3 P r 6u3 an s"ky 

July 4th Coalition 

Box '205 

Cooper Station 

TJew York City,"^ New "York- 10003 

Kathi James 

604 Holly. -Apt. 202 

St.' Paul^ Minnesota 55102 

612-224-0908'" '■■" ■-' 

Ann Gael 

228 Eighth "Xvenue #7 
Jlew. York City,~T;ew York 10011 
212-691-9051 - • 


Palestine Solidarity Committee 

P.O. Box 1757 Manhattanville Station, N.Y., N.Y. 10027 

May 11, 1976 

Dear friends, 

The Palestinian and Arab community has Invited all progressive 
people in the city to be with them in Brookl:,Ti this Sunday, May 
16, to observe the International Day of Solidarity with the 
Palestinian People. 

The Palestine Day Mobilizing Committee, based in the Arab cohubu- 
nity, is organizing a march from the Boro Hall Subway Stn t^ gi^ at. 
11 a.m. to At lantic Avenue, where there v^^^ be a rally In ^ r.n-r ^ 
" Uoned T)f f bl(5"CK OI Atlair ti c Avenu"ft~bfttwi»i»n nnnrt nnii-ry i-nt-.f^n 

^r^ftts. Mr. Zuhdi Taj:a_zi, the Palest ingLiberati Organization ' s 
Permanent O bs erver at the United jJat ionSf will' s^eakT ' There wiTl" 
be Palestinian music, dancing anJ" poetry, and~a8%reet festival 
with a bazaar featuring Palestinian food and crafts. 

This is not "just smother demonstration," but an opportunity to 
become acquainted t*ith the Palestinian community, its struggle 
and its culture. We strongly urge you to participate, and bring 
your children and other friends. 

Many organizations and activists have joined in the Palestini- 
Action Coalition to mobilize people outside the Arab community 
to support this Day of Solidarity. In addition to tne Palestine 
Solidarity Committee, the following have endorsed the activities f 
Rosa Borenstein, Puerto Rico Solidarity Committee*; El Comite- 
MINIP; Friends of Haiti; Guardian; International Indian Treaty 
Council (AIM); Irish Republican Clubs of the USA end Canada; 
Charles Isaacs, PARE*; Liberation Support Movement; Partido Com- 
munista Dominicana; Prairie Fire Organizing Committee; Puerto 
Rican Socialist Party; Marty Rothenberg, Mass Party Organizing 
Committee*; Socialist Workers Party; Third World Newsreel; War 
Tax Resistance; Venceremos Brigade; Young Socialist Alliance. 
(♦Organizations listed for identification purposes only.) 

It is crucial at this time — when US weapons are being wielded 
by Israeli soldiers against Palestinian uprisings in the West Bank 
and Galilee — that we show our solidarity with the Palestinian 
struggle. It is also a time when we need to show clearly that not 
all the people of New York City are behind the US government in 
sending billions of dollars in military and other aid to tho racist 
and repres sive state of Israel.^- ' ' 

We hope to see you in Brooklyn on Sunday. Please call us (850-5296) 
if you can do some last minute leafleting. 

In struggle. 


Palestine Solidarity Committee 




The history of the United States is a history of struggle that does not begin 
in 1776 but many years before with the development of British colonialism and 
its consolidation over the laud and peoples of the continent. As this system ex- 
panded and matured, it required greater sacrifices of the people under its dom- 
ination and its political and economic structures proved incapable of resolving — 
except temporarily through repressive measures — the periodic crises it faced. 

On July 4, 1776, the people of the thirteen colonies declared that the conditions 
imposed on them by British colonialism denied their right to life, liberty and 
the pursuit of happiness, that such conditions were intolerable, and that the 
time had come to dissolve those political ties to the British empire. 

The first American revolution had begun. 

But from the very beginning, great sectors of the population were excluded 
from the democratic vision of the United States of America : the Native Ameri- 
cans, whose land was stolen, whose people were slaughtered and whose sovereign 
rights were trampled upon ; African people, kidnapped from their homelands and 
brought to this country as slaves, their families torn apart, their labor exploited, 
their very humanity denied ; women, whose labor went unpaid, the majority ex- 
cluded from full citizenship. And soon after the triumph of the revolutionary 
forces, the small farmers, artisans, mechanics, and other workers joined the 
ranks of those to whom the ideals of equality would not be applied. 

There were the waves of European immigrants driven from their own coun- 
tries by political oppression and economic deprivation ; they came here in search 
of freedom and opportunity, and while a few prospered, the vast majority spent 
their lives toiling in the factories, sweatshops and slums, and in the mines and 
fields of the country. 

Two hundred years have gone by, years of struggle punctuated by civil war, 
years of rapid industrial developmest built on the sweat and blood of the i)eople 
and workers of this country and other countries of the world, years illuminated 
with victories and scarred with defeats in the fight for the universal application 
of those rights proclaimed to the world from Philadelphia two hundred years 

A^ctories like the abolition of slavery, the vote for women, the organization 
of labor unions and the end of the war in Indochina. 

Defeats like the massacre of the Haymarket workers in Chicago and Native 
Americans at Wounded Knee, the tens of thousands of lynchings and the murder 
and imprisonment of our political leaders. 

Today, the original thirteen colonies have grown into a great world power, 
which, like the British Crown of 1776, has colonized other nations like Puerto 
Rico and the Native American nations ; a power which squanders enormous 
human and financial resources to support dictatorial regimes around the world ; 
a power which threatens its o^^^l citizens with intolerable economic hardships, 
social disintegration and the denial of political rights. Today, the abuses and 
crimes committed by the U.S. government and the giant corporations it serves 
against the people of the United States and the world exceed in their inhumanity 
those committed by the British against the people of the thirteen colonies. 

The United States celebrates its Bicentennial in the wake of A^ietnam and with 
the stench of Watergate still in the air; with 11 million workers unemployed, 
our housing, schools and entire cities in decay ; with constantly rising prices and 
taxes designed to guarantee profits to rich corporations while impoverishing the 
ordinary people. 

The system is in crisis and those who control it demand that we, the people, 
pay for its defects. 

The fiscal problems of the cities are used to break whatever strength our votes 
had by reducing the city governments to mere administrative entities com- 
pletely unresponsive to our needs, and to break the strength of unionized city 
employees who are fired by the thousands in defiance of their contracts. 

Health, education and welfare services, that are the minimal right of any 
person, are cut as billions are poured into the pockets of "defense" contractors 
to build ever greater instruments of destruction. 

And because those who control our lives know that the struggle between work- 
ers and the great corporations over the fruits of labor can only became more in- 
tense, they prepare the road for greater attacks against those who fight for their 
fundamental rights : Senate Bill No. 1, for instance, is geared to fatally restrict 
our political rights. 


It is time for action by all the people : the Native Americans who have always 
lived in this land and suffered genocidal repression from British colonialists and 
the present U.S. government and whose will to survive as a people, to struggle 
and preserve their national sovereign rights must be asserted by all of us ; the 
Blacks whose labor was unpaid for centuries except in the form of insufficient 
food and shelter during the days of slavery, and whose labor remains underpaid 
after creating the wealth upon which this country was built and industrialized ; 
the Mexicans whose borders were swallowed up by war and conquest by this 
expanding nation, whose people by the millions are enlisted into the labor stock- 
piles, who are hounded in their homes and places of work and denied the most 
elementary rights ; the Puerto Ricans who live both the reality of workers in this 
country and that of a direct colony of the United States; Asians and Latin 
Americans from every single country in the "Western Hemisphere. 

A time for action by all the people around the rights of women whose inferior 
wages and unpaid labor in the home continue to produce enormous profits for 
the corporations and who continue to be denied equal rights. 

And it is a time for action by the many millions of white working people who 
reject the racist ideas that attempt to separate them from their natural and 
most important allies in the struggle against those who oppress and exploit all of 

It is to assert the long and heroic tradition of our people's resistance to all 
forms of tyranny, a tradition which today takes the form of the battle for demo- 
cratic rights, against the effects of the system's economic crisis and for an end 
to colonialism, that we will observe the Bicentennial in Philadelphia on July 4 
in protest and in celebration of our unity in struggle. 

We must build a movement around these three areas of concern : 

1. A program that will begin to deal with the basic economic and social needs 
of the people of this country : full employment at decent wages, the right to 
organize representative, democratic and militant unions with full representation 
of women and oppressed nationalities and minorities in leadership, the right 
to collective bargaining, to equal pay for equal work, to strike. 

2. The right to food and housing at prices that we can afford, to quality edu- 
cation and health care and to welfare without humiliation ; the right to the 
fullest political and social equality of all oppressed people, for the complete 
equality of women in all aspects of society : an end to all repression and re- 
pressive legislation, to the deportation of undocumented workers. 

3. An end to the current foreign policy of the U.S. government, to its colo- 
nial domination over Puerto Rico and the Native American nations, to its 
interventions in countries like Angola, to its overthrowing of governments like 
that of Chile, its subversive "intelligence" activities in virtually every country 
of the world, to it«; support — politica^ economic and military — of facist re- 
gimes like of Brazil and the Philippines or racist regimes like that of 
South Africa, to the constant intervention which has prevented stability and 
peace in Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Middle East. ' 



Jayma Abdoo, National Lawyers Guild, Rosa Borenstein, Executive Secretary, 
Philadelphia, Pa. Puerto Rican Solidarity Committee. 

Frank Aekerman, Dollars and Sense. Susan Borenstein, National Coordinat- 

Angelo Alicea, Council of Latinameri- ing Center in Solidarity with Chile, 

can Trade Unionists. Carl Broege, National Lawyers Guild. 

Jose Alberto Alvarez, Puerto Rican Marilyn Clement, National Council of 
SociaMst Party. Churches. 

Harry Amana, Journalist, Philadelphia Ernie Chanes, Puerto Rico Decoloniza- 
Tribune. tion Committee. 

Esta Armstrong. Health Worker. Allan Charney, Executive Director, As- 

Rev. Cecilio Arrastia, Presbyterian sociation of Legal Aid Lawyers. 

Church. Douglas Chin. Pre.sident, Chinese for a 

Frances Beal, Third World Women's Sane Society. 

Alliance. Prof. Johnetta Cole, Venceremos Bri- 

John Beckwith, Science for the People. gade. 

Clyde Bellecourt, American Indian Robert Chrisman, Black Scholar Mag- 
Movement, azine. 

Rev. Milo Billman, Camden, N.J. Dave Dellinger, Seven Days Magazine. 

♦Organizations for identification purposes only. 


PHILADELPHIA, JULY 4, 197G — Continued 

Joan Drake, Independent Socialists of 
Lancaster, Pa. 

Jennifer Dohrn, Prairie Fire Organizing 

Jeffrey Fogel, National Lawyers Guild, 

Eva Gladstein, Tenants Action Group, 

Rafael Gonzalez, Trade Unionist. 

Larry Gossett, Chairman, Inter-City 
Youth Organizing Committee, Seat- 
tle, Wash. 

Father David Grade, Philadelphia. 

Saralee Hamilton, National Women's 
Program, American Friends Service 

Oom Harrison, Community Organizer, 

Jim Haughton, Fightback. 

Paul Irish, American Committee on 

Charles Isaacs, People Against Racism 
in Education. 

David Kairys, Emergency Civil Liber- 
ties Committee, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Rev. Muhammed Kenyatta, Black Eco- 
nomic Development Conference. 

Arthur Kinoy, Mass Party Organizing 

Yuri Kochiyama, New Y'ork, N.Y. 

William Kunstler, Center for Constitu- 
tional Rights. 

Luis Lopez, Secretary, Local 264, 
Transport Workers Union. 

Federico Lora, El Comity — Puerto 
Rican National Left Movement. 

Roberta, Lynch. National Committee, 
New American Movement. 

Roberto Maestas, Director, La Raza 
Center, San Francisco, Cal. 

Mel Madden, Co-founder Liberty Vil- 

Rev. Paul Mayer, New York Theologi- 
cal Society. 

Prof. Phillip Meranto, Chairman, Polit- 
ical Science Caucuses, U. of Wash- 

William Mandel, Writer. 

Holly Maguigan, Lawyer, Philadelphia, 

Ruth Messinger, College for Human 

Sid Mills, Chairman, Survival of the 
American Indian Association. 

Howard Moore, Lawyer, San Francisco, 

Grace Mora, Communist Party. 

Leora Mossten, Civil Liberties Educa- 
tion and Action Fund, N.J. 

David McReynolds, War Resisters 

Joseph Miller, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Ed Nakawatase, National Representa- 
tive Native American Affairs, Ameri- 
can Friends Service Committee 

Ruben Nieves, Trade Unionist 

Sam Perez, Vice Chairman, Council of 
Hospital Community Boards 

Alex Quinonez, Ti-ade Unionist 

David Rammler, Neighborhood Resour- 
ces, Philadelphia 

David P. Richardson, Pennsylvania 
House of Representatives 

Antonio Rodriguez, C.A.S.A., Los An- 
geles, Cal. 

Dr. Helen Rodriguez, Committee to End 
Sterilization Abuse 

David Rudovsky, Emergency Civil 
Rights Committee, Philadelphia 

Tyree Scott, Director, United Construc- 
tion Workers Association, Seattle, 

David Sola, Trade Unionist 

Father Antonio Stephens, PADRES 

Rachel Tilsen, Native American Solidar- 
ity Committee 

Chiqui Vicioso, United Methodist OflSce 
at the United Nations 

Lynn Weickart, District Leader, Dem- 
ocratic Party, New York 

Doron Weinberg, President, National 
Lawyers Guild 

Cora Weiss, Friendship 

Rev. Roger Zpernick, Pastor, Kingsway 
Lutheran Church, Philadelphia 

♦Organizations for identification purposes only. 

[From the Guardian, Apr. 28, 1976] 

(By Ben Bedell) 

"In the year 1976, 'life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness' means jobs, 
equality, liberation and peace." 

With these words, the anti-imperialist July 4th Coalition is planning to inject 
some life into the sagging Bicentennial by calling for a mass demonstration in 
Philadelphia on Independence Day when President Ford, the Queen of England 
and even, it is rumored, the Pope, are scheduled to participate in celebrations 


of the nation's 200th anniversary. (A simultaneous protest action is planned 
for Los Angeles.) 

"July 4 . . . presents the progressive movements of this country with one of the 
greatest challenges and one of the greatest opportunities we have faced in dec- 
ades," states the July 4 Coalition. From the smallest community organization 
to the most powerful labor union, July 4th in Philadelphia is an opportunity 
to tell the men who run this country, and to tell the world, that there are many 
thousands of poeple, representing millions more, who are not talien in by the 
official lies of the Bicentennial. 

"It is an opportunity to . . . demonstrate the great strength of our united 
forces and our determination to struggle until our just demands are met." 

The action aims to unmask the hypocrisy of the official Bicentennial in this 
post-Watergate, post-Vietnam era of economic crisis and increasing impoverish- 
ment for the masses of people. 

The political tone of the demonstration will reflect both the strengths and the 
weaknesses of the progressive movement — but its main impact will likely be the 
focusing of an anti-imperialist set of demands on the government at a moment 
of maximum national attention. 

The political initiative for forming the coalition came from the U.S. section 
of the Puerto Rlcan Socialist Party (PSP). An organizing conference March 
27-28 In New York City attracted 200 people from a variety of political, regional 
and national groups. 

Reflecting the diversity of forces Involved in the coalition, the groups were 
unable to narrow the focus to some of the most pressing issues of the day but 
instead broadened its political demands almost to the point of absurdity. 

Grappling with the problem of formulating slogans for the action, the coalition 
agreed to nearly 100 demands, including everything from independence for Puerto 
Rico to "childrens' liberation;" from ending the oppression of women to "total 
worker control of all institutions now." A unified sense of whnt constituted the 
principal demands appropriate to this period of the anti-imperialist struggle was 
not immediately apparent. 

The conference suffered from many of the weaknesses of the Hard Times 
conference, initiated by the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee and held in 
Chicago in February. In an effort to achieve "broad unity." many shades of 
social-democracy, anarchism and narrow nationalism were represented at the 

A national board was elected, charged with the task of formulating a political 
program. The unity arrived at tended to give prominence to an anti-imperialist 
vision of the action and reduced the slogans to three groups of demands. 

"For Jobs and a decent standard of living ; For full democracy and equality ; 
and For a Bicentennial without colonies — Freedom for Oppressed Nations," 
emerged as the core of the political direction of the conlition's thinking. 

One weakness of the program and the organizational efforts so far has come in 
the projection of a program that speaks forcefully to the national oppression 
of Black Americans. The three demands raised in the coalition's political state- 
ment reflect this weakness. They are: "national independence for colonized 
Black people in the U.S. ; self-determination for all Black and oppressed people ; 
and support the right of independent organizing for Black workers." The slogans 
mirror the lack of input hy a wider spectrum of Afro-American militants and 
progressives in the planning of the action thus far. 


Key roles in the building and defining of the demonstration have been played 
by the American Indian Movement (AIM). Prairie Fire, Mass Party Organizing 
Committee, New American Movement (NAM), Centro de Accion Social Au- 
tonomo (CASA) and the Afrikan People's Socialist Party, in addition to the 
PSP. The revisionist Communist Party, while nominally reprpsented in the 
coalition, has had a scant impact on the formulation of its political program. 

For these organizations and the scores of others that are working on the 
project, the July 4 demonstration is the first opportunity in several years to 
unite sections of the left movement in a campaign of a national scope around a 
political view that is not subject to corruption by reformism or revisionism. 

The prime flaw is that the unity of the coalition on some questions has been 
created by "stringing together a series of demands," as one conference partici- 
pant put it, rather than locating the common denominator of agreement. In the 


process, the coalition has glossed over some differences of principle in the interest 
of maintaining the participation of divergent viewpoints. 

Regardless of shortcomings, the action will probably be the largest mass and 
militant cliallenge to the bourgeoisie's Bicentennial climax July 4. 

The government has already expressed its dismay over the plans for the 
Philadelphia demonstration by refusing to grant a permit. The coalition has 
asked for a site in Fairmont Park near downtown Philadelphia. Permit negotia- 
tions are continuing, and the coalition expects that the government will yield 
to mass pressure and be obliged to grant a permit. 

For more information contact : July 4 Coalition, P.O. Box, 205, Cooper Square 
Station, N.Y. 10003. (212) 673-1776. 


Revolutionary Student Brigade 

PO Box A3423 Chicago, Illinois 60690 

The Revolutionary Conmunlst Party has forwarded to us your request for 
copies of the "Fight Back July 4!..." pamphlet. We have enclosed some 
copies for you and any of your friends who are interested. We have also 
enclosed a few posters for you to put up where you think other students 
will see them and a copy of the most recent issue of our national news- 

We will be going to Philly for four days of demonstrations, July 1-4. During 
those four days we will be staying in a tent city set up in one of the parks 
and we will be having demonstrations on many of the different issues that 
people coming to the demonstration are concerned about, for example, jobs 
and unemployment, the growing threat of world war initiated by the ruling 
classes of the U.S. and capitalist Soviet Union, cutbacks In social services, 
etc. Each of the four days more and more people will be coming into Philly 
to join the demonstration and we will also be talking to many of the people 
coming to the "official" event, getting them to join us. On the 4th, veterans, 
students, young people, and others will join with members of the working 
class - people from the mines, mills and factories who produce the great 
wealth of this society - to march against the rich class of capitalists 
on the day they, are trying to celebrate the way of life that keeps them 
on top of the rest of us. Ne will be marching with the slogan "We've 
carried the rich for 200 years, let's get them off our backs!" 

We think the demonstration is going to be pretty exciting because it really 
focuses a lot of the anger people feel about the way things are going in 
the society - the way the profits of the rich get ripped out of us as we 
pay higher and higher bills and taxes, the way people live in terrible 
housing in the cities while buildings are allowed to mn down and sit 
abandoned cause there is no profit in keeping them up - you can go on and 
on. The demonstration will focus that anger because in it people will be 
coming together to unite against the rich, coming together to say that the 
working people and others in the society have no common bond with the rich 
on their day of celebration and that we are looking to the day when we get 
rid of them once and for all. 

In Chicago there is work going on to get the word of this demonstration out 
broadly to workers, sttidents and young people all over the city. Particularly 
on Saturdays people are getting together to go to shopping centers, knock on 
doors and talk to people as they come out of work. It would be great if you 
could have the time to take some of the enthusiasm you show in your letter 
and join with us in this work. To find out times and places call 772-6785. 

Transportation to Philly for the demonstration is being arranged as people 
get together to share the costs of getting there. To sign up for the bus 


trip you can also call 772-6785. I am forwarding your name and address 
to the Brigade in Chicago and they will probably try to get in touch 
with you. 

If you would like to continue to receive FIGHT BACK! on a regular basis, 
we encourage you to subscribe ($4 a year, 9 issues). 

In struggle, 

National Office, RSB 




As all know, the bosses and the politicians are having a big 
Bicentennial celebration and want everybody to come out July 4 to cele- 
brate the first 200 years of life in this country. 

The owning class and their politicians all have a thousand things 
to say why we working people should go. They page through the history 
books (the ones they wrote) and say how great things have been, how 
Washington defeated the British, how Lincoln freed the slaves, how Roos- 
evelt gave us unemployment benefits and unions and economic security 
and on and on. They point to all that's been built in this country-- 
the buildings, cars, railways, planes, bridges--and claim that it's been 
the Rockefellers and Fords who've created the wealth of this country. 

And then they take a look at the country now and say "Of course 
unemployment is high, and everything is_ falling apart, but at least 
you're free." Constantly the "common interests" we have in the system 
is drummed out as they call on us "to rekindle the spirit of '76, make 
sacrifices, bite the bullet and produce more, so we can all get out of , 
the present crisis." 

Fellow workers, to all this we say No, No, a thousand times No! 
Everything right and decent that has ever been done in this country has 


On July 4th, 1974 WAW marched on Washington demanding an 
end to the war, kick Nixon out and decent benefits. 

been done by us, the working people who, in fact, make up the real back- 
bone and the great majority of society. Yes, we working people fought 
the battles and sacrificed our lives to both defeat the British and end 
slavery. It has been our hard work and labor that has built up all the 
wealth in this country. And if we accomplished all this in the past, 
forced to do it under the conditions of their crazy dog eat dog set up, 
imagine what we workers could accomplish now if we were free of that. 

But we've been robbed of the fruits of our labor by that class of 
parasites that runs the government and all of society for their profits 
and luxury. And even the gains of our struggle, like our unions, they 
try to turn against us. V\Tiat is this "common interest" between us and 
the owners? For 200 years our hard work and all it has produced has car- 
ried a small handful of bosses and enabled them to live in riches and 
luxury, while this constant drive for profit has held back our labor 
from being used to meet the needs of millions. Nothing has ever been 
handed to us by them, everything we ever got we had to fight for, even 
in so-called "good times". 


Yes, fellow workers, we have worked and struggled hard for 200 
years and what is our lot? Increasing crisis, in which want and misery 
lie heavily on our shoulders, unemployment is our constant companion, 
and once again the threat of war, yes even world war, hangs menacingly 
over our heads. Now in this 200th year the bosses and politicians are 
hoping they can cool off our anger and struggle against these conditions 
by trying to play off our genuine feelings of pride in our hard work and 
its accomplishxents. This is what's really the point of their Bicent- 
ennial blitz and the calls for us to come to a July 4th festival in 
Philadelphia to celebrate life under this system which enables them to 
live like kings. 

We will be in Philly on July 4th, but not to celebrate this system 
that keeps us locked in their chains of profits. For on this day of the 
their glorious celebration, the so-called high and mighty will be con- 


On April 26, 1975 outraged employed and unemployed workers 
stormed onto the field at AFL-CIO Jobs Rally. 

fronted by those they rob and rule. Thousands of workers employed and 
unemployed, veterans, youth, students and many others will be coming 
together to unite their struggles against the common enemy. Coming out 
of the different struggles we wage every day throughout the country-- 
in the factories, unemployment centers and communities--to unite around 
the slogan and banner that truly reflects the sentiments of the American 
people toward the bosses and politicians, "We've carried the rich for 200 
years. Let's get them off our backs." 

It is in this spirit that the Vietnam Veterans Against the War put 
out the original call for a nationwide march and rally on July 4th in 
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. The Unemployed Workers Organising Committee 
has since endorsed the rally, along with many other fighting workers' 
organizations. Mow a July 4th Coalition has been formed, made up of the 
Vietnam Veterans Against the War, Unemployed Workers Organizing Committee, 
Revolutionary Communist Party, Revolutionary Student Brigade and others-- 
to build for a rally and demonstration that will unite thousands of peo- 
ple from all parts of the country to take on the rulers on their supposed 
day of glory and celebration. The two key demands to be raised at the 
rally are "Jobs or Income Nowl" and "We Won't Fight in a Rich Man's War!" 


As an important first step in building for the rally the Coalition 
is calling regional conferences in Philadelphia and Cincinnati. Confer- 
enceV'tha.t".v.'ill .unite^Korkers from many cities, industries and different 
bat!g^'rf"^n*<;. Gc'n?;n: . ' '""''^he many battles we wage day after day, we 
can'(Ii5cut<. and sum up how tt^ build a powerful July 4th rally that will 
bring out thousands of working people and truly reflect the hatred and 
anger of the millions of the American people for these rotten rulers. 
The^*^i!ll be working-if'.'^f^rences, organized mainly into workshops to 
com^up'VJit'h concrete pla.ii>* for building struggle among unemployed wor- 
kers, employed workers, veterans and youth--summing up our experiences 
in building tfI'r''^^ihnti:lfc-i:-Q«7«« 'Jy^'^^we can build for the rally as part of 
continuing to \':..:'o' those ■titi'^,.^<^s forward. Throughout the discussions, 
workshops and the entire conference we'll seek to forge the unity nee- 


essary lu %u ua<^r^ «.« i^L>.,t^i. ^^.w^^^ 

and unemployment ceni 5 throughout the country while tiding towards 
a powerful rally and c on in Philly on July 4th. A , My that will 
further develop the unicy and common struggle of the wc .ing class 
throughout the country so we can continue to move forward our movement 
and struggle against the bloodsuckers who rule over us. 

. Fellow workers, these den.ands are just demands, our fight is a just 
1 fight. 

We are the only ones who can push things forward, and we are deter- 
mined to break through. 

"We've Carried the Rich for 200 Years. Let's Get Them Off Our 
Backs!" Come to the regional conference! 

Agenda fcr CorEferoTice 


11:00 a.m. REGISTRATION 



Statement from National July 4th Planning 
Committee and general discussion on state of 
our struggle and the importance of a strong 
working class statement on the July 4th 

Conference will break down into workshops 
to discuss the best way to build our struggle 
and unite our forces for the July 4th demon- 
stration. The workshops will take up questions 
around organizing employed workers, the unem- 
ployed, vets, youth and others as well as 
building U^VOC and WAW into strong fighting 
national organizations. 







ISSION ON PLANS. U..-f l\>4h FflcJ 

Food, housing and needed t-ansportatiJKi will be provided. A small 
registration fee will be charged to cove*, expenses. 

LOCATION University of Pennsylvania 

David Rittenhouse Laboratories 
(33rd Street below Walnut) 

h^l-nir.i "jF 

75-425 O - 76 


L^'TS Ci^'T -r/-/e M OFF O^il Q./)"C /< S .' I 

On July [|. the United States celebrates its 200 th r.nniversaryt ?• 
celebrate th e event the rich and their govornment are sending us 
greetings in the forn of a general attack on the living standards *r 
every Anorican v/orking person i 

Millions are un.craployed. Hospitals, firehouscs and community centers 
are closed. Needed construction is halted. At the City University, 
Open Admissions has been eliminated, tuition is probable and enrollment 
will be. reduced by the tens of thousands. All over the country, social 
services are being slashed while the military budget slcyrockets and 
giant corporations and superbanlcs continue to rake in the profits. 
VJhile working people contend vrith unemployment, inflation and continued 
social degeneration in the middle of dying cities, the rich are plan- 
ning a nation-wide bicentennial put-on and they intend to send us the 
bill. But v.'e won't take itl We vjon't celebrate 200 years of blood and 

Fer two centuries vjorking people have had to fight hand, tooth and 
nail to maintain decent lives. Every advance that vjas wonj from the 
end of slavery to the 8 hour day oi^'the establishment of a strong 
labor movement, came through a long, hard fight with the lords of 
profit. And every time the economy went "bust" (like nov7)j the v;orkers 
lost some of v;}iat they had vjon as they fought poverty and unemployment, 
US history is the story of 200 ycai's o£ struggle, of sv;eat and toll 
and nearly constant war. During that- time, the masses, black, white, 
brovm, red and yellov;, man and ^^foman, broke their backs and spilled 
their blood producing v.^ealth for the few, bare existence and small com» 
fort for themselves. Those who rode the backs of the v/orklng class, 
arid those who keep profits in command now, want us to celebrate those 
years ef turraoil as "the glory of the American free enterprise system"^ 
VJc oay NO I 

On July lith in Philadelphia, thousands of unemployed vjorkers, vet» 
erans, students and anyone else determined to »^^irovi the lies @f the 
politicians and thoir masters back In their faces, will unite t» shew 
•ur "rulers" that we've had"*fenough. As we vjatch the dollar 3hrin]<, 
while unemployment insvirance is reduced, while there are no Jobs, we 
will make it impassible for the capitSS-ists • drea.m to come tyue, ft 
da^Qff.m wf a 'nation, passive and obedient, unified in celebration of 
thoir rule. Thousands of us will indict the capitalist system for ijjs 
•rimes against the masses, in particular tlio crimes of unemployment 
and war, VJe vjill demand "Jobs or Income Nowl". As the capitalists bg^t 
the druins of v;ar we will show them that "V/e vjon't fight in another 
rich manis ivarj". DEMONSTMTE IK PHILLYll 


SP^r^K i^ /^ $ -+- D / S C vj S S ' OAv/^ SLlDt S A/ O W 


■It ' 

J U 1:11:33 

1 PTp^fl^ fnff'Ti^ "77- 

■ V 

iiiLj Li ^) 

^■' ''^p^'"'^ 



1976 — millions walking the streets looking for jobs and still more shoved out the door while plants close down. Those still at work 
worked to death chained to the bosses' machinery. Our cities falling apart. Our schools, hospitals, firehouses shut down. Half- 
finished construction sites next to burnedout tenements. And the drums of another war beating louder and louder. All this amidst 
lies of recovery and fireworks of celebration. 

No, this is not what we worked so hard for. No, this is not the future we want for our children. One thousand outrages slap us in the 
face. No, we can't live like this. And we won't. 

Our class, the working class, men and women of all nationalities, we build and produce. Their class, the capitalist class, takes it all. 
They own what they have never built — the mills, the mines and banks. Owning all, they take all we produce. And for us. only 
enough to keep us alive to slave for them some more. 

They take our hard work and twist it. We work together. They steal, each as much for himself as he can, and keep us apart. Every- 
thing has a price to them. Their uncontrollable drive for profit makes this whole society run like it does. Crisis after crisis, war after 
war, injustice upon injustice. Ten generations of profits bled out of ten generations of our lives. 

Our whole history proves this. We have fought for all that is worthwhile in this country. We are not animals. That's how they would 
have us live. No — not in 1776, 1876 or 1976. Our whole history is filled with storms of resistance. Battling back . .. standing tall . . . 
we are men and women ... we will not be slaves. We are the backbone of the whole country. . . millions strong. They are a hand- 
ful of murderers and slave drivers rotting even as they claw to grab more. 

1976 — these thieves call all of us to celebrate with them. National unity. . . all together and many happy returns. No. We will not 
celebrate their rule. Fight all their sickening lies and broken-record hoopla. We have nothing in common with them. For them, 200 
years of plunder. For us, 200 years of slavery and oppression. All they have they took from us. All we need we've wrenched from 
them in bitter battle. It is they and their never satisfied thirst for profits that stands between us and our fight for a better life and a 
brighter future for our children. 

Fellow workers! Today as before our class battles every last abuse ... on picket lines ... on shop floors ... in neighborhoods and 
communities . . . and everywhere throughout society. Our fight is a just fight, our demands are just demands. In building this 
struggle on July 4th in Philadelphia, we will proclaim especially our demand for "Jobs Or Income Now!" and our determination that 
"We Won't Fight Another Rich Man's War!" ! 

We have the strength to mobilize. We have the ability to unite all the battles, all the people, all the anger at the wajr we have to live. 
The future belongs to us. We are the only ones that can push things forward and we are determined to Break through. 

Now is the time to pull it together. All our forces. All our battles. As we have always fought them, we will fight them on the day 
they choose to celebrate their blood-soaked rule. We will come together thousands strong to expose their crin)es and build our 
movement, on that day and for the great battles ahead. ' 

On to Philadelphia! 

We've Carried the Rich for 200 Years, Let's Get Them Off Our Backs! 

Coses tefiLikil 

s? ir"''^! 

JULY 4th COALITION Vietnam Veterans Against the War, Unemployed Workers Organizing Committee, 

Revolutkjnary CommuniGt Party.Revolulionary Student Brigade. United Workers Orga-iizationlNY-NJ for more infokmation call !2ldM26-1505 


PHUJyJUlY 1-4 

We'ye Camed the Rich 

for 200 Ystars. Let^ Gef 

ThemOff OurBocfcs.' 

On July 4 in Philadelphia the rich will be celebrating the 
Bicentennial, 200 years of capitalism and their rule in this 
country. At the same time, thousands of veterans, unemployed 
people, workers from the mines, mills and factories, youth 
and students will be marching under one banner against that 
class, with one message ringing out clear--"We've Carried 
the Rich for 200 Years. Let's Get Them Off Our Backs!" 

The July 4 Coalition, including Vietnam Veterans Against 
the War, Unemployed Workers Organizing Committee, Revolution- 
ary Student Brigade and Tlevolutionary Communist Party, has 
called for demonstrations July 1-4. Thousands of people from 
^ ^^ hundreds of different struggles will be coming together in an 

D|^M ^Mftn^C lAACfff* important step towards unifying our struggles and build a 

■~'^" ''■^'■* ^ Ww%mM movement against the rich. We will be demanding "Jobs or 

Income Now!" and "We Won't Fight Another Rich Man's War!" 

The rich will be using the Bicentennial to say "On to 200 
more years of capitalism." NO WAV; Join us in Philly July 1-41 


Jobs or Income Now! 
Ws Won't Fight Another 

Revolutionary Student Brigade 

For Mora Informatioii Contact Us At RSB RO. Box A3423 Chicaga Illinois 60690 or LacaKAt #««« 

Cl^U. ^C CISC 


U ui V c: 

fe Ve earned The Rich 

The attempt to close PGH Is an outrageous and vicious attack on the people of 
tills city who rely on It for health care. 

It Is an attack on the PGH workers who for years have poured their sweat and < 
Mood Into providing this care - sometimes (llk^ now) under the most difficult 
; Added to the soaring layoffs, vicious speed up, cuts In services and other 
assaults, the closing of PGH Is another shot fired by the bosses at the working 
class. The closing of PGH means fewer jobs. 

We cannot live with these conditions. We need everything we can produce, every 
'service we can render to others of our class. 
.;:; """and jobs - we win not be without. 

The move to close PGH is the result of the economic crisis that is ravaging 
our standard of living all across this country. 

Philadelphia is in a crisis, and Rlzzo, like Mayor Beame of New York, has been 
I told by the bankers and businessmen who run the show to cut the "fat" from the 
city's budget. (And Rizzo, like any other politician, does what he is told). The 
"fat" to them is anything that doesn't produce enough profit. That means health 
care, education, public transportation, day care, city services, and jobs. What'* 
"fat" to these bloodsuckers is a question of life and death to us! ■ ' 

Well, we fought to win these things and we're going to have to fight to keep . 

That's why we're all out here today - to organize and fight for what we need. 

We're out here because only one thing standfe in the way of all the plans of 
these attackers - the resistance of the people. Today shows clearly how we can 
win. We can't let up. We have to build off of today's demonstration. Build our 
movement bigger and stronger. Not only to keep PGH open but to take on every 
attack they have in store for us - to build a movement that will finally get 
these leeches off our backs. 

The Dnemployed Workers Organizing Committee (WTOC) calls on working people, \ 
employed and unemployed to join us in building for a demonstration on July 4th . \ 
to build our struggle against the present economic crisis, unemployment, and th« / 
new threats of war by the capitalist class. While they're celebrating 200 years V 
of sucking our blood, and looking forward to 200 years more - wa'll b* Baying /' 
we've had enough! They are unfit to rule! _,.. : y' 

Unemployed Workers Organizing Committea 
2440 Kensington Avenue 
CA 3-7720 

Labor Donated 





Revolutionary Greetings to our Brothers and Sisters both atove and underground, 

We are a group with the joy of revolution in our hearts and a 
love for the people that words can not express. We desire to creat-i a solid- 
arity of all revolutionary and progressive forces to form a strong, radical 
United Action Front. 

The reason for sach a United Action Front is to secure Central 
Park during the DeiLOcratic Convention, July 7 - 18, 1976. It is to take place 
at Madison Square Garden, New York City. We wish to use the park as a base to 
"encourage the people, provoke leaps in c^onfidence and couVage, to stir the 
imagination, to popularize power, to agitate, to organize, to join in every 
way possible the people's day to day struggles". 

The purpose of the United Action Front is to oppose, on the 
streets, the candidates and system of capitalism, imperialism, repression and 
injustice . 

Without your help and participation this can not be a United 
Action Front. Your immediate response to this appeal for revolutionary solid- 
arity will make it possible to arrange our next meeting. Please send us your 
name, mailing address, what organization you belong to, and or represent, and 
your phone number. 

With revolutionary love, yours in solidarity and struggle. 

P.S. The United Action Front does not have membership dues. The Front is en- 
tirely dependent on the voluntary contributions of its members and friends. 
Conscientious pledging will make possible strong financial support of the 
Front's program. 

PO BOX 237 
212 331-002r~ 


Done al Come! Unity Press (13 E 17 Street. NYC 10003 (212) 
675-3043), a cooperaiive where we 'earned ic do ihis printing The 
press ooes not demand S Irom us or other movement people who 
pnnl materials that provide equal access to the poor The press 
needs the broad support of many donations monthly pledges ol 
$2. S5. $■*. energy, tood. skills loint benefits etc to continue 
movement access to printing facilities. Don't let this be the last 
month' YOUR MOVE?ment 






BIvltNTliNNIAIi Tjjg ECONOMY" to be major themes. 


1346 Connecticut Avenue, NW For more information call, 

Washington. DC 20036 toll free, (800) 424-1130 

(202) 833-9121 

On July 4th, the Peoples Bicentennial Commission will hold a rally on the steps 
of the U. S. Capitol building, raising a renewed challenge against the Tories 
of our time: Big Business and Big Government. 

Between 150,000 and 250,000 new patriots will proclaim their rededication to the 
democratic principles of the Declaration of Independence by calling for the 
fulfillment of economic, political and social justice in all American institu- 
tions. "Democracy for the Economy" and "Independence from Big Business and 
Big Government" will be the major themes of the day. 

The activities will begin at 8 AM with an inter-religious service at the Jefferson 
Memorial which will commemorate the men and women who, for 200 years, have demanded 
that the democratic vision of the American Revolution be carried out. The theme 
of the service will be "The Year of Jubilee" which comes from a Biblical prescrip- 
tion for redistribution of the wealth every 50 years for the purpose of achievement 
of a just, humane, and equitable society. A march is planned from the Jefferson 
Memorial to the Capitol Building, where the main rally will be held. 

At 11 AM, the main rally will begin at the U.S. Capitol Building. Nationally rec- 
ognized spokespeople from each major issue and interest area will speak to the 
general economic theme of the rally from the perspective of their particular area 
of concern. Among the speakers will be: 

REV. JESSE JACKSON - Executive Director, P.U.S.H. 

JANE FONDA - actress and activist 

RUBIN "HURRICANE" CARTER - Prisoner-victim; founder. Freedom For All Forever 

DOLORES HUERTA - Vice President of the United Farmworkers 

DR. BARRY COMMONER - leading environmentalist 

JOHN HENRY FAULK - CBS radio personality blacklisted during the McCarthy era 

ED SADLOWSKI - President of the largest Steelworkers' District in the U.S. 

DR. BENJAMIN SPOCK - author and political activist 

FLO KENNEDY - founder of the Feminist Party 

TOM HAYDEN - activist and candidate for U.S. Senate 

CAROLE TUCKER-FOREMAN - Director, Consumer Federation of America 

NICK JOHNSON - former FCC Commissioner; founder of N.C.C.B. 

JONATHAN KOZOL - revolutionary educator and author 

EQBAL AHMED - authority on Third World Revolution 

PHIL FONER - leading American Labor historian 

SID LENS - author, historian and Labor Organizer 

SAM LOVEJOY - nuclear power critic and activist 

JEREMY RIFKIN - founder. Peoples Bicentennial Commission 

TED HOWARD - co-director. Peoples Bicentennial Commission 

The PBC Washington Rally will proclaim to the nation and to the world that the 
Revolutionary Spirit of '76 is still alive on our 200th anniversary. 



B6f;¥ TBiiikBi ®v> an 

Peoples Bicentennial Commission 
of Chicago 

Tune 1, 1976 



I am enclosing further Infonnatlon about the ]Vily 4th Coalition. You should 
be getting our newsletter this week as well ( 3rd class Is slo«4 , The PBC of 
Chicago is orgalnlzlng a PBC contingent at the Philadelphia demonstration, PBC's 
in New York, New Ha mpshire and Connecticut are also going to fPhiladelphla 
In solidarity with other progressive movements. We have a Chicago Bus 
reserved for PBC members . 

We sm > pe rt 4m Washington Rally for Economic Democracy called for by 
Jeremy Rifkin, also. We debated going to Washington as a group but when tfie 
slogan "A Bieeotennial without CUonies" was summarily rejected by the Washington 
office of PBC wtthout consulting other PBCs we dropped out of active partioipatlon . 
Your next issue of Comon Sense should be out soon with Information on the 

If you decide to go with us to Philadelphia the Bue tickets are $50. The 
buses are going to leeve on Saturday at Ce:00 PM arriving in Philadelphia the 
next morning. They will return that night so that accomodations will not 
be necessary. A deposit of $10 or more is required immediately In order to 
reserve a seat. 

The coalition In Chicago Includes 25 groups so far. You are welcome to 
attend the cOaltlon meetings held every Saturday at 1:00 at Liberty Hall , 2440 
N. Lincoln. We are planning a demonstration in ffont of Standard Oil whan 
the elite of CMcago's society and corporate families hold th4r Bicentennial 
Ball Tune I2th at 8:00. Some of the groups in the Coaltion so far are Veterans 
for Peace, Du Sable Leave, Womens Liberation Union, Rising Up angry. Hard 
Times Prison Project, Soujoumer Truth Organisation, New American Movement, 
New World Resource Center, Native American Solidarity Committee, Puerto 
Rlcan Socialist Party and CASA. We have the support of church people such es 


Joe Mulligan, head of Jesuit Project for Third World Awareness, Bill Hogan 
of Clergy and Laity Concerned, and many cQmjntanlty churches In Pilsan 
supporting Chica no parlticlpotlon . We.have the endorsement of Jack Splegal 
of the United Shoe workers Union. ■ .- - - • 

Please send in a deposit Immediately for Philadelphia. If you can spare 
a donation to help subsidize the PBC contingent: some of our members are ^^ 
unemployed and cannot meet the full price. We feel it is essential that wei'' 
b e there with American revolutionary flage to show what patriotism on the 
4th of July really means. It is essential that PBC min i >«il|W|||^ MiPM>i> 
Philadelphia as wellas Washington in order to oppose AHHHIi^MMiftiht- 
propaganda celebration and to bring to the demonstration a sense of continuity 
with the American Revolutionary Heritage with eur ban 

Hope you can make it to the Standard Oil demonstration and July 4th in 

Sincerely , 
Elizabeth Idrls-Swen 


"■^'JD I The Chicago Patriot 

1 THE MONTHLY NEwsi .■TTER cr THE CHICAGO "EOPi E'i Bic[.;:Ti;::r.iA: i ■• ■.r.n. -.J 

Vol 2 , No. I ""nw Amrrican war if. ovrr. but this is far from bfing the rasr with thr Amfrican rrsotution On thr 
Tune 1976 ««ittary. tKithing but th<fit« act ot the eirai drama is closed. Benjamin Rush , I'S? 



For Jobs ' 
and a Decent Standard of Living 

For Full Democracy and Equality 

For a Bicentennial Without Colonies — 
Freedom for all Oppressed Nations 


On July 4,1776, th* paopi* of th« thlrtean 
eelofilM dodarad that tha conditions Imposad on 
Itiam by Brttlth colonlallam danlad thair right to 
Ilia, libarty and tha purtull ol happlnat*, that 
auch eofidlllons wara Inlolarabia, and that the 
lima had coma to diaaolva thoaa political tias to 
tha ftrlllah amplra. 

Tba ilnl Amarican tavolullon had bagun. 

Bui from the very beginning, great sectors of 
the population were excluded from the democratic 
vision of the United States of America: the Native 
Americans, whose land was stolen, whose people 
were slaughtered and whose sovereign rights were 
trampled upon; African people, kidnapped from 
their homelands and brought to this country as 
slaves, their families torn apart, their labor 
exploited their very humanity denied; women, 
whose labor went unpaid, the majority excluded 
from full citizenship. And soon after the triumph 
of the revolutionary forces, the small farmers, 
artisans, mechanics, and other workers joined the 
ranks of those to whom the Ideals of equality 
would not be applied. 

There were the waves of European immigrants 
driven from their own countries by political 
oppression and economic deprivation; they came 
here in search of freedom and opportunity, and 
while a; few prospered, the vast majority spent 
their lives toiling in the factories, sweatshops and 
slums, and in the mines and fields of B^ country. 

Two hundred years have gone by, years of 
struggle punctuated by civil war, years of rapid 
industrial development built on the sweat and 
blood of the people and workers of this country 
and other countries of the world, years 
illuminated with victories and scarred with defeats 
in the fight for the universal application of those 
rights proclaimed to the world from Philadelphia 
two hundred years ago. 

Victories like the abolition of slavery, the vote 
(or women, the organization ol labor unions and 
the end of the war in Indochina. 

Defeats like the massacre ol the Haymarket 
workers In Chicago and Native Americans at 
Wounded Knee, the tens of thousands of 
lynchings and the murder and Imprisonment of 
our political leaders. 

Today, the original thirteen colonies have 
grown into a great wortd power, which, like the 
British Crown of 1776, has colonized other 
nations like Puerto Rico and the Native American 
nations; a power which squanders enormous 
human and llnanclal resources to support 
dictatorial regimes around the wortd; a power 
which threatens Its own citizens with Intolarabia 
economic hardships, social disintegration aQlftfie 
denial ol political rights. Today, the abut 
crimes committed by the U.S. govemmenti 
giant corporations it serves against the | 
the United States and the worid exceed I'n 
inhumanity those committed by the British 
against the people ol the thin^en colonies. 


We Must All Hong Togelher 

• •• 

... or most assuredly we will all hang separately," said Benjamin Franklin , l"7t. 
A coalition has been formed in Chicago and in 60 other cities throughout the 
tiatlon to organize for the Peonies July 4th demonstration In Philadelohia. The 
official celebration will feature Pnasident Ford and a parade of giant corporate- 
sponsored floats. Peoples Bicentennial Commission of Chicago has joined the 
July 4th Coalition of hundreds of progressive organizations, which includes 
here in Chicago such groups as the Womens Liberation TJnior. , Concerned Rush 
Students, Irish Against Daley, Campaign for a Democratic Foreign Policy, Veteranis 
for Peace , Intercommunal Survival Committee, New World Resource Center, NewJ^' 
American Movement, and many others. Substantial Chicano, Puerto Rican and V',' 

Black participation Is expected around the issue of self-determination. Womens *C; . 
groups, anti-repression groups, workers, churches and students see the need for 
a nations! demonstration in Philadelphia. As Arthur Kinoy , well-known attorney/ • ^■,: 
toljd us, "We have begun to find a way of merging the strength of our various \r-t:^ ■ 
sments , the key to victory. And we have learned that this unity must be based 
jspect for the integrity of our common struggles. . . . Now, let's get on with the 
VfWii." Join scores of thousands in the greatest coalition of forces since the anti-- 
w^r movement . 

Other July 4th Demonstrations Peoples Bicentennial Commission of Chicago supports 
the July 4th Coalition for a demonstration in Philadelphia and Los Angelos, as well 
as the national Peoples Bicentennial Commission rally in Washington, D.C. for 
Economic Democracy ("Own your own Job!") . The Washington Rally will feature 
many noted figures such as Ed Sadlowski of the Ifnttad Steel Workers, Rev. Jesse 
Jackson, Jane Fonda, and entertainers such as Pete Seeger and Arlo Guthrie. For 
Information call the Washington PBC toll free at 800-424-1130. A local 
rally Is being planned for Chicago as well. 

The Revolution Continues A Chicago PBC bus is among the 18 Chicago buses going to 
Philadelphia. Our contingent with American Revolutionary Banners and Flags will bring 
color and life to the demonstration. We come with a sense of our history. We come 
to declare our independence from the corporations and modem day Tories in govern- 
ment who threaten our well-being and our rights. 

Buy a Tlckeit Now For Philadelphia Tickets cost $50 roundtrip. Buses leave at 
2:00 P.M. Saturday, July 3 and return (no over night stay) Monday afternoon, 
July 5. Call our number, 327-1976, for tickets or stop by the office at 2440 North 
Lincoln. Put down a deposit immediately to hold a seat and pay the rest when 
you can. 

A Peoples Bicentennial Ball in opposition to the Chicago Bicentennial Committee's 
Costume Ball for Corporate Leaders (see enclosed leaflet) is being held by the 
July 4th Coalition, Saturday, June 12, at 10:30 P.M. at Liberty Hall, 2440 North 
Lincoln Ave. A donation of $2.00 (as compared to the $500 a head ball at Standard 
Oil) Is requested to help support the Coalition's work. Protest the elitiet Blcent| 
Ball at C:00PM at Standard Oil, then join us for a Peoples Ball at Bberty Hall. 
That night Chicago PBC will be hosting Rob Kruner as he begins his tour perfor 
Tom Paine's Common Sense . He'll do some guerilla theatre at Standard Oil an<| 
form at the party . i ■-, 


$S00,000.00 Costume Ball 

Bonnie Sweanngen, socialite and wife of the President of 
Standard Oil (annual salary over $400,000.) has invited 
1000 of her dearest friends to a . . . $600 -a ticket BI- 
CENTENNIAL COSTUME BALL! These Fstcats will roll 
up to the door of the Standard Oil Building in their chauf- 
feur-driven limousines on the night of June 12, and shell 
out $500. dollars per person to eat , drink, and be merry 
on the 19th floor. Believe it or not, these pilltrt of the 
establishment intend to celebrate the American Revolu- 

Super-Rich Party 

' 7^0 coo/ifry J going to f/W dogi Happiff, 

... are not just well-off. They don't just own Cadillacs. 
They own the factories where they are made and the 
banks that repossess them. They own, control, or direct 
some of the biggest multi-natiopal corporations and banks 
in the world. 

They are the ones who created the "Energy Crisis". 
They can raise prices at will, force shortages, and buy 
whole governments to do what they say. 

They can pay you too little, then take their factory 
and leave town, if it looks like you might be getting organ- 
ized to win better wages. 

You may never have seen those people, but they are 
behind the cops who beat up Black people on the'streets. 
They decided that the Black Panther Party was a threat 
and are responsible for the murder of Fred Hampton and 
Mark Clark. They are behind the Immigration agents who 
round up undocumented Mexican workers and ship them 
back to Mexico for trying to make a living. 

Their great-grandfathers made fortunes stealing land 
from Native Americans (Indians), now the grandsons 
order the FBI and U.S. Troops onto the Reservations 
when Native Americans organize to regain their land. 

They are responsible for driving 40% of the Puerto 
Rican people out of their homeland so that their island 
can be the source of maximum profit. 


. . . are ordinary people, who work long hours for wages 
that are too low, who are out of work and trying to get by 
on Unemployment or Welfare. We own nothing but the 
bare necessities. We are in debt, can't afford to take a 
vacation, or to be sick. 

We are women, children and men. We are old and 
young. We are Black, Puerto Rican, Mexican, Native 
American and white. We live in this country and around 
the world. We are the people who produced the half- 
million dollars to pay for this "BALL". WE PROTEST! 

People's Protest 

'^ 7.00pm Sat. June 12 

idtrl, Bufowi Keep ti up' 

StarKJard Oil BIdg, 200 E Randj^bh 

Initiated by the July 4th Coalition Join us in Philadelphia July 4th For further info call: 327-1976" 




V,- > 


:/-M -'-'Jm-iKi^^ 

OoawQ^cnlo la tha quarterly rausnslno of tho Wcr.thor 
Ondergrounil OrE^nl ration, It is publlrhod for tho purpooe 
of educntlas tho people Into tha tyranny of Amorlknn inper- 
lalicm, and to provide axcmplOB of pooplo who have fought 
asalnat It. Pooent artlclea have included WORKINO WOMEN, 
OF THE ECOHO^ac CRISIS, end othars. No^f Daim doos a veokly 
• Btudy croup on Oecwatomla and other material? froa tha 
Woathar Undorsround, SUNDAY at 5iOO P.M. at our office. 

Contcnporary HoTOlutlon Id Not Dara'o atudy croup of 
current rovelutionciry thln!-.crB. Uo viXl to otudylns Latin 
Anorlcan guerrlUB thcsriota ouch co Cho, Dobroy, Ccrloa 
ttorlcholQ, /lbrr>iu Guillen, tbo Cnilccn MIR, vsrlio froa 
the North AnorH::n rc%-olutlor^r/ nsovCTont, Vo Kyvon Oic-y. 
end fm cr.t;l=l3p3riellot covc? eround tho vorld. 
Tas eleos nczto Tuciiay n'chto at 7i30 P.M. at ou? orflco. 

Baalc Connunlcn t'lU bo otudylng tf^o hcalc vorka of 
MarxlDn-I,8nlnlc3-!!ar,tB0 Tuns Thovaht Inclurtlns 
13 TO BE DONE, and othor vor;:B. 
Tha claas meote Thursday nid'nts at 7tG0 P.M. at our office. 








^vyv:tij iiji p "P »'"|. '! i» 'B ; 'i '" ' ^" 'i' ' ." '"""" ~">w 


the spring of 1974 largely as a response to the 
Symbionese Liberation Army and reactions to it 
by the police, the media both movement and 
straight, the left and the populace. We were 
aware that the SLA and more generally armed re- 
sistance to the ruling system had support and 
sympathy from many people, but that there was 
little -organized support. We intended (and have, 
attempted) to help fill that gap. We try to give 
a voice to popular support and constructive 
criticism of clandestine groups and actions. We 
also try to build support by circulating inform- 
ation by and about these organizations. We 
feel that by opening this dialogue — too closed 
by hysteria, media distortions and lies — we 
can be of benefit to the aboveground and clan- 
destine movements. 

2. Our general aim is the demystification/dis- 
alienation of "illegal" resistance and of the 
people who practice it. Our primary, though not 
our only, tactic has been the printing and dist- 


ribution of written material: communiques, anal- 
yses and information about groups, actions and 
areas highlighted by actions (eg. school ID 
systems and General Motors). We welcome creative 
ideas about how to better aid the demystifica- 
tion/disalienation process. 

3. We understand that mystification/alienation 
isn't simply a phenomenum occurring, b^etween the 


aboveground and the underground, but a very' per- 
sonal fact of daily life. Therefore we see it as 
essential to and inseparable from our political 
activity to try to break the barriers of per- 
sonal and inter-personal alienation and myst- 
ification. This continual struggle is fundamental 
to the choices we have made in our lives and in 
our politics. 

4. We need the support of everyone who feels 
that she or he has anything to offer. We need 
encouragement, analyses and opinion relevant to 
our poll tics, -as well as ideas relating to how 
we can function more effectively. We desire. 


and will cansider criticisms of our politics 
and practice. Also, we need money because vfe 
currently have no source of funds except dona- 
tions and what comes from our own pockets. 


BERKELEY, calif: 94704 

75-425 O - 76 - 9 


[From the Dragon, June 1976] 

Q f.ji^^^^^'r^ 




Ori July 4tn of this year, tTiere 
will be people's bicentennial de- 
monstrations to counter the myths 
inheicnt in the official "celebra- 
tion". The demonstrations are 
being planned by the July 4th Coa- 
lition and will take place in Phila- 
delphia, San Francisco, Los An- 
geles, Seattle, and San Antonio^ 
The Coalition is a nationally- 
based and very broad coalition of 
over a hundred organizations. 
The principles of unity are: For 
jobs and a decent st^-ndard of li- 
ving; for fvill democracy and equa- 
lity; for a bicentennial without co- 
lonies- -freedom for all oppressed 
nations, BA^RC has joined the Bay 
Area. July 4th Coalition, and v/e 




U.S. Gos'i. 


To laVe counsel together in 
the impendirg 


urge everyone who can nriake it to 
attend one of the demos. The 
Bay Area address of the Coalition 
is 362 Capp St. San Francisco, 
CA, 94110, 


: W W W J 

^Tliel^Bafi &3t*rjlk "^feBueNo.! ^'Z^dQx^ 



[Appendix to Statement by Dr. Kintner] 

Thanks to a proliferation of terrorist organizations and support groups, there 
have been more acts of terrorism on the West Coast than in any other part 
of the country. Some of these groups probably intend to get in on the Bicenten- 
nial Act. 

The most publicized terrorist movement in the United States was the Sym- 
bionese Liberation Army. At this point, most of the members of the group are 
dead, some are in police custody, and a few remain underground. The arrest 


in September 1975 of William and Emily Harris Patricia Hearst, Steve Soliah, 
and Wendy Yoshimuro all but destroyed the Symbionese Liberation Army. How- 
ever, a programmatic statement entitled "History will absolve us", was dis- 
tributed shortly after their arrest by the Bay Area Research Collective. The 
statement gives us an indication of the thinking of the terrorists and again 
shows the link-up in the terrorist minds between the underground activities 
and the above-ground support. The SLA statement reads in part : 

The Potentials and Effects of Guerrilla Actions Now 

Imaginative, well-executed armed actions arouse the spirit of resistance of 
the masses of oppressed and exploited people in this country. The thousands of 
poor who stood in line waiting for free food during the kidnapping of Patricia 
Hearst, the large numbers of Blacks who attended the funeral of murdered 
Black Liberation Army leader Zayd Malik Shakur, the 25,000 copies which 
have been distributed of Prairie Fire, the political statement of the Weather 
Underground Organization, are ample evidence of the positive political effects 
of guerrillas. Yet, still when armed actions do occur most leftists' only response 
is a comprehensive condemnation of 'terrorism'. This divides the revolutionary 
movement. The above-ground must use the political energy generated by guer- 
rilla actions to broaden its base among the masses. The above-ground must 
provide the clandestine movement with the support and criticism necessary to 
help guerrilla actions mobilize the largest number of people in a potentially 
revolutionary way. The underground must respect and respond to criticism from 
comrades who work among the masses. The underground must root themselves 
among the masses as much as possible, so as to accurately reflect the popular 
will in their actions. 

As the struggle moves forward, the political effect of guerrilla actions will 
increase if there is mutual criticism/self-criticism between the above ground 
and clandestine movements. The armed elements can then evolve into a powerful 
source of political support and military support for the masses. But if armed 
actions are simply ignored or denounced by people in the movement, the under- 
ground will remain isolated, the propaganda potential of armed actions will be 
greatly diminished, and most importantly, a revolutionary movement which has 
the military possibility for winning a revolutionary war will not develop. 

In March of 1976 four fugitive members of the Symbionese Liberation Army 
issued a statement entitled "Communique from Four Political Fugitives." The 
statement was signed witli the authentic sismatures of Kathleen and Josephine 
Soliah, Bernie J. Wilder, and Jim Kilgore The Soliah girls are sisters of Steve 
Soliah who was arrested together with Patricia Hearst. The statement said in 
part, "We are not ashamed. We are proud to be among those fighting against 
the U. S. Empire. We are proud to have uncompromisingly supportive people 
who have taken up arms against the enemy. We will continue the struggle no 
matter what the personal consequence will be." The statement ended with, "We 
send special greetings of love, friendship and political solidarity to Bill and 
Emily Harris, Steve Soliah, Wendy Yoshimura and all our friends and family 
who have been harassed, imprisoned or driven underground as a result of the 
FBI dragnet in this case" 

Prior to going underground, Kathleen Soliah and James Kilgore had been 
active in the West Coast group called the Bay Area Research Collective. Origi- 
nally -set up to support the SLA, it now supports all of the terrorist groups on 
the West Coast. This organization issues a photo-offset publication called Dragon 
which reprints communiques from a variety of terrorist groups, ranging from 
the New World Liberation Front to the Red Guerrilla Family. After the dis- 
appearance of Soliah and Kilgore, the Bay Area Research Collective continued 
to function, and it still publishes the magazine. The Dragon tells us a lot about 
the mentality and activities of the terrorists, and from this standpoint, it is 
well worthwhile running through some of the articles featured in this obscure 

Dragon regularly carries the communiques of the various West Coast groups 
involved in terrorist activities — the SLA, the New World Liberation Front, 
the Red Guerrilla Family, the Emilio Zapata Unit, the Black Liberation Army, 
etc. The first issue, for example, carried a chronology of the terrorist acts 
of the New World Liberation Front which beean in May 1974, along with the 
New World Liberation Front communique on the December 1974 bombing of the 
San Francisco office of General Motors. The third issue carried a communique 


from the George Jackson Brigade dated September 18, 1975, announcing that it 
had bombed a Safeway store and another communique dated June 1, 1975, claim- 
ing the bombing of the Washington State Department of Corrections in Olympia. 
The sixth issue of Dragon carried a communique from the Red Guerrilla Fam- 
ily on their bombing of the Iranian Consulate in San Francisco (Dragon noted 
that the Red Guerrilla Family made its debut on March 28, 1975, when it bombed 
the Berkeley FBI office. ) 

Issue number eight of Dragon, dated April 1976 was jam-packed with com- 
muniques and statements put out by various terrorists groups, including the 
New World Liberation Front, the Red Guerrilla Family and the Black Liberation 
Army. Most of the issue, however, was devoted to the George Jackson Brigade, 
which operates in the state of Washington. 

The Jackson Brigade had taken responsibility for bombings of FBI and 
Bureau of Indian Affairs offices in that state. On January 23, 1976, three mem- 
bers of the Brigade attempted to rob the Tukwila branch of the Pacific National 
Bank of Washington. In a shoot-out with the police, one hold-up man, Bruce 
Seidel was killed, and two others, John Sherman and Ed Mead, were captured. 
On March 10, other members of the gang rescued Sherman from the jail in which 
he was being held and shot a police officer who had been guarding him. Accord- 
ing to Dragon. Mead has been convicted of state charges of first-degree assault 
for shooting at police officers, and at the time of publication still faced federal 
bank robbei-y charges. 

Dragon No. 6, dated January 1976, carried an analysis of the guerrilla activity 
in the area and linked up the terrorist actions with mass movements. The state- 
ment, written by the Bay Area Research Collective said, "Guerrilla struggles are 
neither more nor less important than aboveground organizing. In fact, the two 
must work together for either to succeed in the long run in making the revolution." 

From time to time, Dragon also carries diagrams and instructions on the 
making of various types of bombs. 

Dragon has heavily supported the SLA and has featured statements and 
discus.sions by SLA leaders. For example, the fifth issue of Dragon, dated 
December 1975, contained a statement from Emily and Bill Harris. Joe Remero 
and Russell Little disagreeing with the position taken by the pamphlet, "History 
Will Absolve Us", which was signed by the Symbionese Liberation Army. The 
pamphlet had apparently been published by the Soliah sisters without consulta- 
tion with the imprisoned SLA members. It turned out that the imprisoned SLA 
members specifically disagreed with the concept of SLA's operations being used 
to build a "Marxist-Leninist Party at some future date". The issue also carried a 
statement purporting to come from the Ashanti Tribe, Freedom Fighters of the 
Black Liberation Army. Then there was an extremely significant statement 
by the Weather Underground entitled, "Politics in Command on the Question 
of Armed Struggle". Another significant document published in the December 
1975 Dragon was a November 25, 1975, statement of the New World Liberation 
Front in which they identify themselves as Marxist-Leninist-Maoist. Other New 
World Liberation Front material in the same issue took responsibility for threats 
against the lives of members of the Board of Supervisors of San Francisco. 

Dragon also goes in for listing terrorist targets. For example, issue No. 7 
dated February-March 1976 carried a New World Liberation Front communique 
listing twenty individuals. cori>orations. and utilities who are referred to as 
"scumlords". The bank on the lisr, the Bayview Federal Savings and Loan, 
which had had several New World Liberation Front bombings, has now com- 
pletely capitulated to the organization and has agreed to renovate certain build- 
ings originally bought for demolition in favor of a parking lot. The other 
ninteen targets, most of whom are individuals, may be subject to future bomb- 
ings ; this concern is supported by the fact that in January of this year the New 
World Liberation Front took credit for the bombing of the home of a woman 
and the car of a man, both of whom they had identified as "scumlords". 

Although it is unknown to the general public, Dragon has had considerable 
impact on extremists and extremist groups nationwide. Copies of Dragon are dis- 
played for sale as far away from the San Francisco Bay area as the 31st Street 
Store (425 East 31st Street) in Baltimore, Maryland. This store, while ostensibly 
a legitimate book store, also serves as a major outlet for terrorist propaganda 
in general, and for materials put out by terrorist support groups such as the 
Prairie Fire Organizing Committee (PFOC). the Organizing Committee for a 
Fifth Estate (OC-5), the July 4th Coalition (J4C), and the Bay Area Re- 
search Collective. 


In the early part of this year, another terrorist magazine, the Urban Guer- 
rilla (TUG), was published in California. This publication, which is specifically 
oriented toward the New World Liberation Front, is published by Jacques 
Rogiers, whom I mentioned earlier. Its first issue, like Dragon, reprinted a 
statement of the Zapata Unit explaining why they had been bombing Safeway 
stores — apparently the reasons this time included the fact that Safeway was 
stocking Coors beer and Gallo wine. There is some indication in the article that 
the Zapata Unit had been part of the New World Liberation Front, but was no 
longer affiliated. TUG also published the same "scumlords" list that had appeared 
in Dragon. There is, however, some reason for believing that the Zapata Unit 
has split with the New World Liberation Front on the question of StaUn, the 
New World Liberation Front having been critical of Stalin. 

The arrest of the members of the Zapata Unit also put out of business a group 
called the New Dawn Party, and its newspaper the People United. 

The New Dawn Party has distributed communiques from Emily and Bill 
Harris, the George Jackson Brigade, the New World Liberation Front, and other 
terrorist groups. They had also organized study groups to study such things as 
Osawatomie, the magazine of the Weather Underground Organization, con- 
temporary revolution and "basic Communism". In November of 1975, they had 
joined with other groups to stop Central Intelligence Agency and National Se- 
curity Agency recruitment on campus. Among the groups with w^hich the New 
Dawn Party collaborated were the Young Socialist Alliance, the youth group of 
the Socialist Workers Party ; the Spartacus Youth League ; Militant Action 
Caucus of the Communications Workers of America : and a number of individ- 
uals including Larry Bensky, the station manager of KPFA, the Pacifica FM 
station in the Bay Area. 

Most of the New Dawn Party activity, however, consisted of giving propa- 
ganda support to the Zapata Unit. The reason for this was soon learned when 
the Zapata Unit people were arr-^sted — and it turned out that these terrorist 
cadres were also the principal acivists of the "lefiral" New Dawn Party ! This is 
another example of how a group operating ostensil)ly above ground and engaging 
in propaganda activity is also secretly operating within the framework of a ter- 
rorist underground group. 

The story of the arrest of the Zanata Unit, aMas the New Dawn Party, is 
instructive. In the early morning of February 17, 1976, a man and a woman 
were arrested bv the Marin Coun*^y Sheriff's DeJ^artment a^ter a shoo^-nnt 
at a house in Lagunitas, California. Two companions escaned. however. The 
two arrested were identified as Dianna Lee Harmon and Lawrence Allan Kis- 
singer. Kissinger was immediately identified as a member of the New Dawn 
Collective, also known as the New Dawn Party. He carried a driver's license 
with the name James Connors, which save 2.515 Dewit Wav, Berkelev. a« his 
address. That was the address of the New^ Dawn Party headouarters. Kissinger 
was soon identified as Larry Allan, an alias for the person who rented the New 
Dawn office. It became apnnrent to the nolice at this point that the New Dawn 
Party was a coverup for the Zapata Unit. On February 21, the FBI and Special 
Weanons and Tactics teams raided two E-^st Bav and arrested seven more 
members of the Zapata Unit. These included Steven Robert Scipes, also known 
as Lawrence Steve Harter, who was one of the prime movers in the New Dawn 
Collective. On February 23, the San Francisco Examiner reported that Scipes 
had visited Wendy Yoshimura in jail after she had been arrested with Patricia 
Hearst. At the time of Scipes' arrest, police seized almost 150 pounds of explo- 
sives and bomb components. Scipes and his companions were accordingly charged 
with federal counts of possessing unregistered explosives. 

Among the documents found by police as a result of the arrest was a plan to 
blow up a large city's water system. Police stated that they believed that the city 
was Portland, Oregon. The explosives were soon identified as part of an eleven 
hundred pound batch of dynamite stolen more than a year aeo. Police also 
discovered a considerable cache of narcotics, although the Zapata Unit claimed 
to be against the use of drugs. 

One of the members of the ring, identified as Gregg Daniel Adornetto, also 
known as Alfonso Garcia, turned state's evidence, and has been cooperating with 
the Government. 

On March 19, 1976, Chicago Tribune reporter Ronald Koziol reported that 
Adornetto had identified a picture of a Cuban Communist Intellisence Agent as 
a person he bad known as Andres Gomez, one of the people who had been active 
in the Zapata Unit. Gomez fled to Mexico shortly after the other members of 


the Zapata Unit had been arrested. According to Koziol, Latin-American intelli- 
gence experts identified him as a member of the Cuban DGI, the intelligence 

Adometto had once been a member of the Youth International Party (YIP). 
He told Federal Investigators that the Zapata Unit were planning to kill Gerald 
Ford and Ronald Reagan at the Republican Convention. Adornetto also advised 
authorities that the Zapata Unit had been meeting with Jeff Jones, one of the 
five top fugitive leaders of the Weather Underground. 

In this one case, therefore, we have indicators of interlocks between the 
Weather Underground and an active and ostensibly independent terrorist group, 
and evidence of an individual tie-in with the Cuban DGI. 


Another organization with ties to the July 4 Coalition is the Black Liberation 
Army. The Black Liberation Army developed out of the Eldridge Cleaver faction 
of the Black Panther Party. Cleaver, who has now returned to the United States 
and repudicated his radical past, had led the BLA from a refuge in Algeria. 
Donald Cox, who accompanied him to Algeria, remains a fugitive from murder 
charges in Maryland and California. 

In October 1970, Cox wrote a pamphlet entitled, "On Organizing Guerrilla 
Units." The pamphlet advocated assassinations, kidnappings, and hold-ups. It 
gave details on how to carry out such actions. According to Cox, the police should 
be made a special target of the terrorists. This pamphlet was published in Algeria 
and copies were smuggled into the United States where it was reprinted in large 
numbers by members of the BLA in New York. 

In May 1971, four New York City police officers were shot, two of them 
fatally, by members of the BLA. During the next two years, numerous police 
ambushes' and robberies were committed by the BLA. Police estimated at that 
time that the entire membership was approximately one hundred, but that only 
about half of these were actually involved in the violent crimes ; the others 
played a support role. In the past four year, almost all of the BLA activists 
have been either apprehended or killed in shootouts with the police. A small 
group continues to function in New York. A smaller group, exists on the West 
Coast, where it is believed to be in contact with local terrorist organizations. 
BLA members in prison have worked closely with other terrorists that they 
have met there. 

In a pamphlet entitled "break de chains" written by two BLA members in 
prison, we read. 

Many people are asking what is the Black Liberation Army? We are small 
urban guerrilla units, waging armed struggle against the agents of death — the 
united states government, operating throughout Babylon. We are niggers, who, 
having grown tired of the defensive posture of the past, have decided to stand 
up, finally coming to the conclusion that the best defense is a good offense. We 
'view guerrilla war as an embryonic form of the National Liberation Army.* 
We are the Babylonian equivalent to the Tupamaros of Uruguay, Frelimo of 
Mozambique, or the NLF of Vietnam. In other words, we are the embryonic 
form of the people's army. 

This pamphlet w'as written by Joanne Chesimard and Clark Squire, both of 
whom have been in recent contact with the prison project of the Prairie Fire 
Organizing Committee. 

The BLA has had a long history of anti-semitism, which they call "anti- 
Zionism". As early as February 1971, Don Cox told a Palestinian conference, 
"The Zionist menace is no stranger to us inside the United States. Our black 
communities, especially New York, are plagued by domination from this same 
enemy. The legal system of injustice that oppresses our people daily is full of 
hanging judges and Iienchmen for the ruling class who are Zionists. . . The 
nr^ss media in the United States is largely controlled by Zionist interests . . ." 

Decimated by death and imprisonment, the Black Liberation Army does not 
pose a major threat at this time. It should be noted, however, that their prison 
organization functions as part of a nationwide prisoners underground, which has 
extensive contacts with terrorist and extremist groups on the outside. 


A generous participation of West Coast terrorist elements in the demonstra- 
tions scheduled in our major cities seems virtually assured. Dragon, which 


serves as a kind of central theoretical publication for the numerous terrorist 
groups on the West Coast, has just called upon all of its readers and supporters 
to participate in "the demonstrations . . . being planned by the July 4 Coalition 
in Philadelphia, San Francisco, Los Angeles, Seattle, and San Antonio." The 
art work illustrating the editorial note reads : "Grand Mass Meeting ! All 
Opposed to the U.S. Gov't AVill Meet at San Francisco, to take counsel together 
on the impending Crisis." (Dragon, June 1976). 



[From the Washington Post, Sunday, Sept. 7, 1975] 

(By Don Cook) 

Paris. — ^Shortly after darkness settled over the Latin Quarter on the sultry 
evening of June 27, three agents of the French counterintelligence organization, 
the Direction de la Surveillance du Territoire (DST), drove up to a nondescript 
apartment building on the Rue ToulUer. 

They were seeking a man known to them only as "Carlos" — a shadowy South 
American suspected of terrorist activities. The agents had obtained his cover 
name and probable whereabouts from a Lebanese informer named Michel Mou- 
karbel, who was accompanying them. 

They were not armed. 

The four men mounted the stairs to the apartment where the door was opened 
by a stocky man in his late 20s about 5 feet 10. He had a round, full face, swarthy 
complexion and dark hair and wore tinted glasses. Two of the agents entered, 
leaving the informer in the hall with the third DST man. 

They told "Carlos" who they were and said they wanted to ask a few questions. 
He appeared to offer no resistance, and the two agents signaled for the others to 
come in. When Moukarbel identified "Carlos," the DST men asked that he accom- 
pany them to headquarters for questioning. He shrugged somewhat resignedly, 
turned away to pick up a jacket and then spun around firing a revolver. 

He first put two shots into the informant, killing him instantly. He then killed 
two of the agents and seriously wounded the third. 

Seconds later Carlos raced down the stairs and out into the rabbit-warren 
streets of the Latin Quarter. He is still on the run. 


The DST agents had been fatally lax in estimating either the importance of 
the man they were going to question or the danger they were getting into. But 
in the weeks since the killings, the investigation of Carlos and his activities 
has been like a jigsaw puzzle in which the pieces suddenly start falling into 


Around the figure of Carlos, diverse and distant terrorist operations through- 
out the world have begun to form a small picture. 

Carlos emerges as a connecting link — not just a French connection, but a Lon- 
don connection, a ]Middle East connection, a Japanese connection, an arms con- 
nection and ultimately, perhaps, a Moscow connection. 

Ten days after the shootings, three Cuban diplomats were ordered by the 
French government to leave France. Tliey had been operating in Paris as "cul- 
tural attaches" arranging student travel and study grants in Culia, using a travel 
agency as a cover for their activities. The DST had established that the three 
were "agents of the Cuban secret .service, the Direction General de Inteligencia. 
The DGI works so clo.sely with the Russian KGB that it is regarded in the West 
as completely controlled by the Russians. 


The three Cubans had been in regular contact with Carlos both in and out of 
Paris and with others of his entourage uncovered by DST investigations. 

The first break in the Carlos case after the Rue Toullier shootings came unex- 
pectedly in London, where Carlos' identity was established and details of his 
contacts and activities began to unfold. 

The break came on the Monday following the shooting from a young Britisher 
named Barry Woodhams living in an apartment in the Bayswater section with a 
Spanish girlfriend, Angela Otaola. AYoodhams concluded from newspaper descrip- 
tions of Carlos that the killer probably was the same "Carlos Martinez" whom he 
and Angela had known for some months as a "Venezuelan economist." 

Carlos had first gotten acquainted with Angela, who worked as a waitress in a 
Bayswater pub, and soon the three became friends. Carlos seemed to have plenty 
of money, was a good conversationalist and said that he kept moving in and out 
of London because he could only get a visa to stay a montli at a time. 

The time he had visited Woodhams' apartment, in early May of this year, 
he left behind a black suitcase, asking that it be stored for him. 

A week or two after Carlos' departure from London, Woodhams was moving 
a chest of drawers in the apartment. Slipped in beneath one of the drawers 
he discovered a passport with a photo of Carlos but a different name and na- 
tional identity. There also was a list of names and newspaper clips from the 
London Jewish Chronicle, together with photos, private addresses, private phone 
numbers, nicknames, etc. Police later decided this was a list of potential 
assassination targets. 

When Woodhams read of the Paris shootings, he turned to the black bag. 
He noticed that something had begun to leak. He broke the bag open and found 
a 9-mm. Browning pistol, a 7.65-mm. automatic pistol with .silencer, a 7.65 
Mauser pistol, ammunition for the pistols and three hand grenades. There was 
also a quantity of gelegnite, an explosive, which had begun to deteriorate in 
the heat. 

Woodhams got in touch first with the Guardian, a leading British newspaper, 
but Scotland Yard was into the act quickly, and two DST agents flew over from 

Both Woodhams and Angela were taken into custody, and she is still being 
held on charges of possessing dangerous weapons. 

With the false passport and various other identity leads, the British estab- 
lished that Carlos Martinez was in reality a Venezuelan named Ilich Ramirez 
Sanchez. He was the son of a prominent, wealthy Venezuelan lawyer, a strong 
supporter of the Communist Party who had given each of his three sons one of 
Lenin's names : Ilich. Vladimir and Lenin. 

The Sanchez family had lived for several years in London in the fashionable 
Kensington district, but went back to Venezuela last February. More important, 
it was established that Ilich, at age 21, had been a student in Moscow at the 
Patrice Lumumba University. 

Ever since its founding about 15 years ago, this has been the Soviet training 
center for "young revolutionaries" from Africa and other parts of the Third 
World. It is run as an appendage of the Central Committee of the Soviet Com- 
munist Party, though osten.sibly a branch of Moscow University. 

Ilich was apparently expelled from Russia for indulging in "anti-Soviet 
activities" and leading a dissolute life. One intelligence analyst points out, 
however, that the Russians often use the technique of expelling and smearing 
someone they intend to utilize at a later time, thus providing him with extra 
cover when his real work on behalf of the KGB begins. 

Ilich, or Carlos, left Moscow in 1969. Just when and where his terrorist 
activities began is still not known, but there is evidence of his involvement in 
a number of headline going back at least three years. 

These include an assassination attempt against J. Edward Sieff, a prominent 
English Jew and clothing-store chain magnate, in December, 1973 ; an a.ssassina- 
tion attempt against a Yugoslav consular otficial in Lyons in March of this year ; 
the bombing of a popular Paris Left Bank hangout, le Drugstore, in 1974 ; and 
the Japanese Red Army sei^^ure of the French embassy in The Hague in Sep- 
tember, 1974, when the French ambassador was held hostage for the release of 
a Japanese terrorist in jail in France. 



About 10 days after the Paris shooting, the Middle East connection between 
Carlos and the Palestinian terrorists was publicly proclaimed in Beirut by a 
spokesman for the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. A high-ranking 
PFLP member, insisting on anonymity but agreeing to quotation, told several 
British and French journalists in early July that Carlos was "a long-standing 
member" of the PFLP's extensive terrorist network and that Michel Moukarbel 
had been its Paris paymaster. 

According to this version, Carlos was in Paris to prepare a new series of terror 
strikes in London and other European capitals while Moukarbel was picked 
up by the Lebanese police at the Beirut airport on June 9 as he was about to fly 
to Paris to join Carlos to complete their plans. 

Moukarbel was carrying incriminating documents with him when he was 
seized, the PFLP man said, and after first being held incommunicado he was 
then "questioned and tortured" for five days by the Lebanese police, with French 
DST agents and a CIA agent sitting in. At the end of the questioning, the PFLP 
man said, Moukarbel was put on a plane to Paris where the DST watched him. 

Apparently, the French chose to let him move about for a few days, but he 
managed to get word back to Beirut about what had happened to him while 
in the hands of the Lebanese authorities. He also indicated that the plans for 
future operations with Carlos had been blown. Finally, the DST picked him 
up and forced him to lead them to the apartment on the Rue Toullier. 

When Moukarbel was brought into the apartment by the DST agents to con- 
front Carlos, according to the PFLP version, he "managed to make a secret 
sign" to Carlos, and by unspoken agreement Carlos shot him dead so he could 
not again be made to talk. 

The DST in Paris refuses all comment on the PFLP version of events. There 
is some logic to the story, howev^er. Certainly, it seems that Moukarbel success- 
fully avoided alerting the DST agents that they were about to face a trained 
killer or explaining the importance of Carlos in the terrorist network. 

With Moukarbel dead and Carlos on the run, the DST turned up a checkbook 
in Moukarbel's possession. On the back of one of the check stubs he had written 
the address of an apartment on the Rue Amelie, on the Left Bank. 

At the apartment about a week after the shooting, the agents picked up a 
24-year-old Colombian woman working at a Paris bank, Ampara Silva-Masmela. 
They also arrested a British woman working as a secretary at the College de 
France, Angela Armstrong, 29, who was Carlos' last known contact in Paris. 

More important, they found a mass of documents involving both Carlos and 
Moukarbel — primarily Moukarbel's "paymaster records" for the ring. 

Moukarbel had records of hotel bills, ariline tickets, restaurant receipts, travel 
agency bills and car rental bills. These and other receipts and documents estab- 
lish Carlos' movements and presence in such places as Amsterdam, The Hague, 
Paris, Lyons, London and elsewhere at or around the time when terrorist actions 
either took place or would have been in preparation in those cities. 


About the time DST agents in Paris were picking up Ampara Silva-Masmela, 
Scotland Yard detectives in London visited another apartment in the Bays- 
water Road area not far from where Barry Woodhams had stored Carlos' arms- 
laden suitcase. 

A second cache of arms was discovered, and Scotland Yard took into custody 
another young Colombian woman known variously as Maria Romero, Maria 
Tonbon de Romero and Lydia Tonbon. The last appears to be her true name. 

She has since been further identified as a member of the secretariat of the 
Colombian Communist Party and the former wife of a senior man in its 
hierarchy named Alonso Romero Buj. He also has worked for the World Federa- 
tion of Democratic Youth, a Communist-front organization. 

Miss Tonbon was said to have had contacts both with Carlos and with a 
second secretary of the Cuban Embassy in London. She is still in custody. 

Next Scotland Yard put out a wanted notice for a 45-year-old Ecuadorian 
named Antonio Dages Bouvier. He was said to have shared a London apartment 
with Carlos and to have been involved with Carlos in joint plotting of attacks 
on British Jewish leaders— probably including the assassination attempt on Sieff. 

Meanwhile, the trail on Carlos himself went cold. He apparently spent Friday 
night after the killings at Miss Silva-Masmela's Rue Amelie apartment. The 


next day he wrote a brief note in Spanish to Angela Otaola in London, which 
was intercepted by Scotland Yard. The letter said : 

"I'm going on a trip for an undetermined time. But I hope I won't be long 
in returning. As for the chiquitin [little baby], I've sent him to a better life 
for his treachery." 

Angela Armstrong, the British woman who was picked up in Paris by the 
DST, added further details of Carlos' last known day in Paris when she 
appeared for a hearing in late July. 

Miss Armstrong told her French magistrate that on the Saturday morning 
after the shooting, she went to the Invalides air terminal in Paris to buy a 
ticket to send her small daughter to London. Carlos, whom she knew through 
a former roomate, suddenly appeared. She had no explanation as to how Carlos 
learned that he might find her at the terminal. 

She told the judge that Carlos first asked if she had read the newspapers, 
and then said : "It's not my habit to kill, but a dirty Arab betrayed me — I only 
kill those who betray me." 

He told her he was leaving for the Middle East. 

The pattern which emerges is that Carlos operated with a mixed entourage 
of tough, trained professional Latin-American accomplices. He was also assisted 
by a lot of women friends, who were ready to help with hideouts but who 
probably had little knowledge of what was really going on. 


In July, 1974, a young Japanese terrorist named Yoshiaki Yamada, traveling 
as n .student under the alias of Koji Susuki, was arrested at Orly airport when 
he tried to enter France with three false passports and 100 counterfeit U.S. 
dollar bills. 

Two months later, on Sept. 13, three terrorists of the Japanese Red Army 
invaded the French embassy in The Hague. For two days they held 11 hostages, 
including French Ambassador Jacques Senard. They demanded the release of 
Yamada, an airplane to fly them to Syria and $1 million. 

Carlos, it is now known, was the planner and mastermind of the whole 

The Japanese connection with the Palestinian terrorists, which in turn spills 
over into terrorist operations in Europe, is one of the more bizarre aspects of 
the picture. A counterintelligence man who has followed many a terrorist trail 
in the Middle East and Europe for the past seven or eight years opts for a very 
simple explanation of how and why the Japanese Red Army got involved. 

Things were getting too hot for them in Japan, he says, so a few of them 
took off to the Middle East— where they could find terrorist soul mates, arms, 
equipment, money and, above all, targets. Others joined the first arrivals in the 
Middle East, and the infamous raid on Lydda airport in Tel Aviv in May, 1972, 
was their first big job. They killed 26 people and wounded more than 70 others 
there. One terrorist was killed by the Israelis, one killed himself and the third 
is serving a life sentence. 

The linkup of the Red Army with the Palestinian terrorists was thus sealed 
in Israeli blood. And the Lydda shoot-out certainly built up "cash in the bank" 
in Beirut for the Japanese. 

When it came to drawing on this with the terrorist PFLP to force the 
release of Yamada from French custody, the PFLP passed the problem to Carlos 
in Paris and to his Lebanese associate and paymaster Moukarbel. 

Among Moukarbel's papers and documents, found in Silva Masmela's apart- 
ment after Moukarbel's death, were notebooks which carried surprising details 
about operations the two had planned and carried out together. 

The papers showed that the two traveled several times to The Hague and 
to Zurich in August and September, 1974, just before the attack on the French 
embassy. There was a note dated Sept. 3 concerning a meeting in Switzerland 
"with the Japanese" at which final plans were worked out. And on Sept. 12, 
the day before the attack, the Moukarbel notebooks recorded that Carlos had 
left for Amsterdam. 

Further investigation by the Dutch security police has uncovered evidence 
that Carlos changed a large sum of money in Amsterdam that same day. He 
appears to have taken no active part in the assault or the overall action, but 
he must have been close at hand. 



Beginning with the disruption of the Free University of West Berlin by leftist 
student leaders in 1967-68, terrorism has come closer to "destabilizing" political 
life in West Germany than anywhere else in Europe. 

Some terrorism has come from the outside — thus, the Palestinian seizure of 
the Israeli athletes at tlie 1972 Munich Olympic Games whicli ended in a shoot- 
out at Munich airport with captors and hostages Ivilled. 

But central to terrorism in West Germany for at least seven years has been 
a gang named after a 41-year-old woman, Ulrike Meinhof, and a 32-year-old 
man, Andreas Baader. 

At present, approximately 30 Baader-Meinhof gang members or accomplices 
are scattered in German jails in top security condition. A trial of the two 
leaders along with two others opened in May in an especially built, super- 
security prison court house outside of Stuttgart. 

The terrorist acts of the Baader-Meinhof gang run the gamut of bombings, 
bank robberies, assassinations, attacks on U.S. army installations, arson, police 

Last April the gang kidnaped the leader of the Berlin Christian Democratic 
Party at the height of a municipal election campaign and successfully got five 
of their members sprung from jail and flown to South Yemen in exchange for 
his life. 

In early August, West German security officials alerted the French DST to 
the possibility that a new coordinated attack may be in the making some- 
where — possibly involving Palestinians, Japanese. South American and German 
urban guerrillas. It would be staged both to demonstrate solidarity with the 
Germans and to try once more to force release of members of the Baader-Mein- 
hof gang from prison. The warning is being taken seriously right now. 

The "Carlos connection" with the Baader-Meinhof gang has been identified 
primarily through arms, ammimition and grenades. But there is a second, some- 
what more shadowy connection— and that is communism. 

As the West German police finally closed in on the two gang leaders in 1973, 
the story of Commimist financing and Communist involvement in its operations 
began to emerge. 

Ulrike Meinhof's divorced hiisband of the 1960s, Klaiis Rainer Rohl, disclosed 
that both he and his wife were secret party members, and that he received 
something like $400,000 in secret Communist funds through East Berlin and 
Prague. The money financed an influential leftist revolutionary magazine which 
he was then editing. It also financed leftist student movement which began the 
disruption of the Free University and then went on to general terrorism under 
Baader-Meinhof leadership. 

Moreover, gang members and student terrorists were constantly supported by 
the KGB-controlled East German secret police with houses in East Berlin, 
false papers and identity cards, money, arms, ammunition and terrorist training. 
They also got transportation from East Berlin to the Middle East where they 
were in contact with the PFLP and other terrorist groups. 

The evidence of the stolen ammunition and arms is circumstantial, not totally 
provable, but sufficiently solid to satisfy the French DST, the Scotland Yard 
specialist, the West German police and the American Army in Germany. In 
every case, the grenades and certain guns or ammimition were the same types 
as munitions stolen by the Baader-Meinhof gang from U.S. Army installations 
in West Germany. There is no conclusive proof in the form of exact serial 
number records, for example, but it nevertheless seems certain that Carlos 
was getting arms through his German connection. 

When Carlos disappeared, he left behind a curious and somewhat confusing 
batch of notes, clippings and documents that were assumed to be a potential 
list of assassination targets and projects for terrorist operations. The list 
included British Minister Anthony Wedgwood-Benn. British playwright John 
Osborne and his actress wife, Jill Bennett ; singer Vera Lynn and the Earl of 
Droeheda, former chairman of London's Covent Garden Opera House. Farther 
afield, some of the activities which Carlos appears to have been contemplating 
would seem at odds with his mainly Jewish targets in Britain. 

In the Middle East, thf targets in his paners included Saudi Arabia's oil min- 
ister, Shpik Ahmed Zaki Yamani : ]VTo«;lem Prime INIinister Ali Arpf of the former 
French Somaliland and tlie wife of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat. His croup 
also had prepared plans to place an explosive device in a ship in the Suez Canal, 
timed to sink the vessel at a point where it would block the canal again. 


Nobody knows how good a communist Carlos might still be or how close his 
connections with the KGB have been since he left Moscow in 1969. The Middle 
East tai-gets on his list could be construed as serving the Palestinian cause by 
disrupting Egypt and Saudi Arabia — two of the least militant Arab nations in 
the confrontation with Israel. But blowing up a ship to block the Suez Canal 
could scarcely be regarded as serving the interests of the Soviet Union. 

It is difficult to deduce from the known evidence in the Carlos case — as well as 
the evidence of the Baader-Meinhof gang and other international terrorist opera- 
tions — that the KGB is drawing up lists of targets and masterminding terrorism 
on a world-wide scale. The targeting almost always has served a precise political 
aim of one of the diverse groups, such as the PFLP or the Red Army or Baader- 
Meinhof gang. 


The Rand Corp. carried out a study of international terrorism in 1974. Its 
report says : 

"Unless we try to think like terrorists, we are also liable to miss the point, for 
the objectives of terrorism are often ob.scured by the fact that specific terrorist 
attacks may appear to be random, directed against tai'gets whose death or destruc- 
tion does not appear directly to benefit the terrorist cause. But the objectives of 
terrorism are not those of conventional combat. Terrorists want a lot of people 
watching and a lot of people listening, not a lot of people dead. Terrorism is 
publicity, theater and may be aimed at causing widespread disorder, demoralizing 
society and breaking down social order." 

Therefore, even though terrori.'-m may not appear to serve direct Soviet aims, 
that does not mean that the KGB is not taking a benevolent interest in what is 
going on. By giving terrorist groups a little causal help and a distant blessing 
without trying to control operations, or tell the terrorists what to do, the KGB 
may well be building up a position where it might one day collect its investment 
by telling a "Carlos" it has a epecial job to be done. 

The Rand study records that there were 507 incidents of international terrorism 
from January. 1968, to April, 1974. The figure is for international terrorism and 
does not include national terrorism such as that in Ireland. 

While this total is not large (there are about 18,000 murders or killings in 
the United States alone every year), the disruptive effect is out of all proportion 
to the number of incidents. In this sense, terrorism certainly works. 

And Carlos on the run has friends, money and a whole world in which to hide. 
Counter-terrorism is rapidly overtaking counter-espionage as the biggest problem 
facing the intelligence services of the West. It is not very reassuring how fre- 
quently communism and terrorism are intertwined. 


(Note. — The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance 
to the mere fact of the appearance of the name of an individual or organization 
in this index. ) 



A Terrorist's Many "Connections" (article) 132 

Abdoo, Jayma 100 

Abraham Lincoln Brigade 53 

Ackerman, Frank 100 

Adornetto, Gregg Daniel (aka: Alfonso Garcia) 130,131 

AF]>CIO 57 

Africa 69, 100,133 

African Peoples Party 81, 82 

Afrikan Peoples Socialist Party 81, 82, 102 

Afterman, Ellen 70, 80 

Agnew, Spiro 42 

Agosta, Angel 21 

Ahmed, Eqbal 115 

AIM. (See American Indian Movement.) 

al Aql, Basil 17 

al Hout, Shafik 17 

al Rabdou, Yasser Abd 17 

Algeria 131 

Alicea, Angelo 100 

AlJundi, Akil 81, 82 

Alpert, Danny 80 

Alvarez, Jose Alberto 81, 82, 100 

Alvarez, Miguel 80 

Alverez, Rosa 80 

Amana, Harry 100 

American Committee on Africa 101 

American Federation of Teachers 81, 82 

American Friends Service Committee 81, 82, 101 

American Indian Movement (AIM) 9, 

11, 15-17, 21, 30, 33, 35, 79, 81, 82, 85, 92, 93, 98, 100, 102 

American Indians 16 

American Issues Forum 15 

American Nazi Party 83 

American Revolution 8, 23, 30, 99, 115 

American Terrorist Movement 35 

Amsterdam 134 

Anarchist Cookbook 41 

Aquash, Anna Mae 93 

Aref, Prime Minister Ali 136 

ARISE 81, 82 

Armed Commandos for Liberation 21 

Armstrong, Angela 134, 135 

Armstrong, Esta 100 

Army Math Research Center (Madison) 53 

Arrastia, Rev. Cecilio 100 

Ashanti Tribe 129 

Ashley, Karen 13 

Asia 100 

Associated Press (AP) 17,35 

Association of Legal Aid Lawyers 100 




Attica Now g^ §2 

Attica Prison II_ZI""II ' 20 

Auden, Lindsay "I'~ 81, 82 

Ault, Steve I_III_II 8l! 82 

Ayers, William Charles 12 


Baader, Andreas 136 

Baader-Meinhof gang 136, 137 

Baker, Ella 81, 82 

Baltimore, Md 90, 129 

Banco de Ponce 57 

Banks, Dennis 91, 92 

Banks, Kamook 91, 93 

Baraldini, Sylvia 14,69, 76 

Barrett, Nancy 14, 69 

Barusch, Rita 94 

Batista 55 

Bay Area 76 

Bay Area Research Collective (BARC) 5, 122, 123, 125, 126, 128, 129 

Bay Area Steering Committee 74, 75 

Bayview Federal Savings and Loan 129 

Beal, Frances 100 

Becker, Norma 81, S2 

Beckwith, John K)0 

Bedell, Ben 81, 82 

Beirut 134, 135 

Bellecourt, Clyde 100 

Bellecourt, Vernon 79, 81, 82 

Bennett, Cathy 94 

Bennett, Jill 136 

Bensky, Larry 130 

Bergman, Arlene 13 

Berkeley, Calif 19, 31, 121, 125, 130 

Berkman, Alan 14, 69, 70, 77 

Biberman, Dana 22 

Bill of Rights 74-76 

Billman, Rev. Milo 100 

Bishop, Cameron 52 

Bisson, Terry 95 

Black Economic Development Conference 81, 82, 101 

Black economic survival 81, 82 

Black Hills (South Dakota) 92 

Black Liberation Army (BLA) 18, 54, 125, 128, 129, 131 

Black Panther Party 15, 52, 81, 82, 120, 131 

Black Panthers 11, 25, 33 

Black Scholar Magazine 100 

Block, Diana 14, 69, 76, 79 

Block, Margaret Phyllis 22 

Borenstein, Rosa 22, 81, 82, 98, 100 

Borenstein, Susan 100 

Boston, Mass 14, 60-62, 64, 69, 76, 77, 83 

Bowens, George 80 

Bras, Juan Mari 19-21 

Brazil 100 

Brightman, Carol 23 

Brinkman, Bob 80 

Broege, Carl 100 

Brooklyn, N.Y 17,98. 114 

Brooks, Owen 81, 82 

Brown, Rap 52 

Buffalo, N.Y J. 73 

Burd, David 22 

Bureau of Indian Affairs 93, 129 

Butler, Dino 92 



Cain, David 95 

California 92, 130, 131 

Department of Corrections 13 

Cambodia 54, 64 

Camden, N.J ' 60 

Camp, Ellen Moves 80 

Campaign for a Democratic Foreign Policy 119 

Canada 49 

Cancel Miranda, Rafael 58 

Carlos. (See Ilich Ramirez Sanchez.) 

Carter, Rubin "Hurricane" 24, 115 

CASA. (iSee Centro de Accion Social Autonomo.) 

Castro, Fidel 20, 21, 23, 30, 36, 55, 58 

Castroite 11 

Cavaletto, George 16, 35 

Cement Workers Union 57 

Center for Autonomous Social Action. (See Centro de Accion Social 

Center for Constitutional Rights 101 

Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) 28,37,68,89,130,134 

Central Park 32 

Centro de Accion Social Autonoma (CASA) Center for Autonomous Social 

Action 70, 81, 82, 101, 102, 116 

Chacon, Juan 81, 82 

Chanes, Ernie 100 

Charney, Alan 81, 82, 100 

Chesimard, Joanne 131 

Chicago, Ill___3, 12, 15, 16, 20, 21, 25, 26, 33, 42, 46. .58, 70. 79, 99, 104, 105, 116, 119 

Police Department 12, 33 

Chicago Patriot ( new.sletter ) 118 

Chicago Sun-Times 17 

Chicago Tribune 21, 130 

Chile 62, 100 

Chin, Douglas 100 

China, People's Republic of 3, 17, 32. 49, 53 

Chinese for a Sane Society 100 

Chrisman, Robert 100 

Christian Democratic Party (Berlin) 136 

Christopher, Frank 22 

Church committee 11 

CIC (Puerto Rican secret police) 57 

Cincinnati 108 

Civil Liberties Education and Action Fund 101 

Clancy, Eugene 80 

Claridad (publication) 10, 19, 20, 71 

Clark, Diane 105 

Clark, Judy 18 

Clark. Mark 120 

Cleaver, Eldridge 131 

Clement, Marilyn 81, 82. 100 

Clergy and laity concerned 81, 82, 117 

Cohen, June 39 

Cole, Johnetta 100 

Coleman, Slim 81, 82 

Collazo, Oscar 58 

Collected Works (book) 10 

College de France 134 

College for Human Services 101 

Collins, Virginia 81, 82 

Collins. Walter 64 

Colorado 52 

Columbia University 16, 35 

Columbus, Ohio 70 

Committee to End Sterilization Abuse— ,,,,,,iv-, — 81, 82, 101 

75-425 O - 76 - 10 



Common Sense (publication) 61 

Commoner, Dr. Barry 115 

Communications Workers of America 78, 130 

Communist 4, 5, 20, 32, 136 

Communist Party 4, 5, 10, 11, 15, 17, 25, 32, 45, 46, 101, 102, 133 

Colombia 5, 134 

Soviet, Central committee 133 

United States (CPUSA) 14,17,21,24,34,35,45,46 

Central committee 11 

Puerto Rican Commission 11 

Venezuela 5 

Communists 32 

Community Assistance for Prisoners (CAP) 60 

Concerned Rush Students 1 119 

Condon, Jerry 80 

Congo-Brazaville 70 

Congress of African People 21 

Connecticut 116 

Connors, James 130 

Consumer Federation of America 115 

Cook, Don 132 

Corona, Burt 81, 82 

Council of Hospital Community Boards 101 

Council of Latinamerican Trade Unionists 100 

Cox, Donald 131 

Crozier, Brian 10, 32 

Crusade for Justice 81, 82 

Cruz, Rene 81, 82 

Cuba 3, 10, 13, 16, 20, 22, 23, 30, 32, 36, 52, 53, 58, 59, 64, 70, 132 

Cuban Embassy (London) 134 

Cuban Institute of Friendship With the People (ICAP) 22 

Cullinane, Chief Maurice J 42 

Czechoslovakia 10 

Dages, Antonio Bouvier 134 

Damascus 17 

D'Amato, Tal 81, 82 

Dane, Barbara 81, 82 

Davis, Angela 21 

Davis, Irving 80 

Davis, Ivy 81, 82 

Days of Rage 12,16,33 

Deacons for Defense and Justice 81, 82 

de Antonio, Emile 15 

Dear, Ruth 80 

Debray, Regis 6, 23 

De Freitas, Nick 80 

Dellinger, Dave 81,82, 100 

Democratic Party Convention 3, 11,32 

Deutsch, Michael 79 

DGI. (See General Directorate of Intelligence.) 

di Antonio, Emile 81, 82 

Dinezio, Carol 94 

Direction de la Surveillance du Territoire (DST) 132-136 

Directoria General de Inteligencia. (See General Directorate of Intelli- 
gence, DGI). 

Distributive Workers of America 81,82 

Dohrn, Bernardine 12, 13, 19, 22, 33 

Dohrn, Jennifer 14, 59, 69, 101 

Dollars and Sense 100 

Dominican Republic Task Force 81,82 

Dorsey, Kathy 79, 80 

Dostal, Ted - 80 


Dragon (publication) 5, 126, 128-132 

Drogheda, Earl of 136 

Drake, Joan 101 

DST. {See Direction de la Surveillance du Territoire.) 

Duboff, David 79 

Duncan, Kevin 80 

Dunfield, Deb 80 

Durham, Ann 80 

Durham, Jimmie 81, 82 

Du Sable League 116 


Eagle, James 92 

East Coast Panthers 60-62 

Ecumenical Program for Interamerican Communication and Action 81, 82 

Egypt 137 

El Comite 101 

El Comite-MINIP 17, 98 

Elrod, Richard 12, 33 

Emergency Civil Liberties Committee 101 

Emergency Civil Rights Committee 101 

Emmer, Howie 13, 14, 69 

England 7 

Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) 75,83,89 

Europe 13, 135, 136 

Evans, Linda 12 

Evans, Robin 96 

Extent of Subversion in the New Left, The (SISS publication) 11 


Fairmont Park 40, 103 

FALN. (See Puerto Rican Armed Forces of National Liberation.) 

Faulk, John Henry 115 

Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) 9, 

11, 14, 21, 22, 28, 31, 34, 37, 46, 47, 57, 60, 89, 92, 93, 120, 128, 129 

Federation of Socialist Puerto Rican University Students 81,82 

Feminist Party 115 

Fencl, Inspector George 2, 51 

Testimony of 38-42, 50 

Fernandez, Efrain 57 

Ferre Enterprises 57 

Ferre, Luis A 57,71 

Fightback (publication) 81,82, 101, 105 

Figueroa Cordero, Andres 58 

Fletcher, Leo 80 

Flint, Mich 12, 35 

Police Department 16 

Flores, Enrique 80 

Flores, Oscar 58 

Fogel, Jeffrey 101 

Fonda, Jane 21,24, 115, 119 

Foner, Phil 24, 115 

Ford, President Gerald 24, 46, 69, 82, 85, 89, 90, 101, 131 

Foreign Policy Research Institute, Inc 2-6 

Four Days of Raising Hell 39 

Fourth International 10, 32 

France 27, 132, 133. 135 

Fraunces Tavern 19, 36 

Free University of West Berlin 136 

Freedom Fighters 129 

Freedom For All Forever 115 

Frelimo 131 

Friends of Assata and Sundiata 63 

Friends of Haiti _ ...._...* ^ 17, 96 


Friendshipment 81, 82, 101 

Front Is Everywhere, The (dissertation) 5 

Furlonge, Claudette 80 

Futterman, Donna 80 


Gael, Ann 81, 82, &1-93, 97 

Galaviz, Rubin 94 

Galliza 71 

Ganienkeh 78 

Ganienkeh Support Committee 95 

Garcia, Betty 80 

Gardner, Tom 80 

Garfinkel, Adam 6 

Geller, Roger 22 

Gemma, Gavrielle 81, 82 

General Directorate of Intelligence (Directoria General de Inteligencia ) 

(DGI) 13, 20, 22, 23, 131 

General Motors 124, 128 

George Jackson Brigade 129, 130 

Georgetown University 4, 5 

Germany 27, 136 

Gladstein, Eva 101 

Glick, Ted 22 

Goldman, Emma 53 

Gomez, Andres 130 

Gonzalez, Rafael 101 

Gossett, Larry 101 

Gracie, Rev. David 101 

Grant, Bev 80 

Grant, Pedro 79 

Great Britain 9 

Groff, Suzanne 94, 97 

Groundswell (newsletter) 60, 64, 73, 76, 77 

Gruchala, Shiela 80 

Guardian (publication) 11, 17, 32, 70, 81, 82, 91, 98, 101, 133 

Guevara, Che 6 

Guinea-Bissau 53 

Guthrie, Arlo 119 


Haddock, Wilbur 79, 81, 82 

Hague, The 133-135 

Hamann, Sally 22 

Hamilton, Saralee 81, 82, 101 

Hampton, Fred , 120 

Hard Times Conference (HTC) 15,34,39,70-79,81,102 

Hard Times Prison Project 116 

Harmon, Dianna Lee 130 

Harris, Bill 19, 128-130 

Harris. Emily 19, 120^130 

Harris, Moses 81, 82 

Harrison, Oom 101 

Haughton. Jim 80-82, 101 

Havana 13, 16, 20, 22, 36 

Hayden, Tom 115 

Haymarket Square 12 

Hearst, Patricia 19, 128, 130 

Henning, Bill 22 

Hing. Sokum ~_ 64, 80 

Ho Chi Minh 53,54 

Hobby, Fred I__I ' 79 

Hogan, Bill I_I__I I_ 117 



Hogan, Frank :.__ 54 

Hoggard, Georgiaa 80 

Hollander, Lucky 96 

Horowitz, Liz 14, 69, 76 

Hospital Workers Union (District 1199) 81,82 

House Committee on Un-American Activities 11 

House Internal Security Committee 11 

Howard, Ted 115 

HTC. (See Hard Times Conference.) 

Huerta, Dolores 115 

Idris-Soven, Elizabeth ^_^ 117 

Independence Hall 40, 42 

Independent Socialists of Lancaster, Pa 101 

Indochina 64, 99 

Inner Circle Theater 15 

Institute for the Study of Conflict 32 

Intercity Youth Organizing Committee (Seattle) 101 

Intercommunal Survival Committee 119 

Interior Department 93 

International Conference of Solidarity With the Independence of 

Puerto Rico 20 

International Indian Treaty Council 81, 82, 98 

International Treaty Council 95 

International Women's Day 23,64,75 

Interreligious Foundation for Community Organization 81, 82 

Ireland 137 

Irish Against Daley 119 

Irish, Paul 101 

Irish Republican Clubs of the United States of America and Canada 17, 98 

Irizarry, Juan 80 

Iron Door Woman 93 

Isaacs, Charles 80, 98, 101 

Israel 17, 35, 137 

Italy 27 


Jacobs, John G 12 

Jackson, Rev. Jesse . 115, 119 

Jaflfee, Ronnie Sue 81,82 

Jamaica 49 

James. Kathi 96, 97 

Japan 35, 135 

Japanese Red Army 27, 133, 135, 137 

Javits, Senator 64 

Jefferson Memorial 24, 115 

Jefferson School 24 

Jesuit Project for Third World Awareness 117 

Jewish Defense League 25 

Jimenez Escobar, Jesus 22 

Johnson. Nick 115 

Jones, Jeffrey 12. 131 

Jordan 16, 35 

Jordan, Jim 94 

July 4th Coalition 10, 

11. 15. 16, 19, 23, 24. 31, 33-35, 39-41, 81, 82, 89, 90, 93, 97, 101-104, 

108, 110, 112, 116, 119, 120, 131, 132 
Justice Department 45 


Kaatz, Jane ;_^ 79 

Kairys, David 39. 101 

Kamir Residents of the United States 64 

Kelley, Clarence (FBI Director) „ ^_._ 2,9,31 



Kelley, Pete 79, 80 

Kennedy, Flo 115 

Kenvatta, Rev. Mohammed (Muhammad) 80-82,101 

KGB 24, 132, 133, 136, 137 

Kiliama, Rev. Mohammed 41 

Kilimnik, Karel 95 

Kilgore, James (Jim) 128 

Kingsway Lutheran Church 101 

Kinoy, Arthur 81, 82, 101, 119 

Kintner, Dr. WUliam R 2,3,41,51,127 

Testimony of 4-38, 43-47 

Kirby, Glen 39 

Kirkpatrick, Rev. Frederick Douglass 80-82 

Kissinger, Lawrence Allan (aka: Larry Allan) 130 

Klug, Susan 80 

Knight, Patrick 81,82 

Kochlyama, Yuri 81, 82, 101 

Kollias, Karen 81, 82 

Kornfedder, Joseph Z 5 

Koziol, Ron 21, 130, 131 

Kozol, Jonathan 115 

Ku Klux Klan 83 

Kunstler, William 101 

Kurshan, Nancy 14 


LaGuardia Airport 6, 29 

Lagunitas, Calif 130 

La Raza Center 101 

Lasano, Rudolfo 80 

Latin America 20, 69, 100 

Law Students Civil Rights Research Council 81,82 

Leadership Foundation 2, 3 

Lebanon 16, 17, 35 

Lebron, Lolita 56, 58 

Le Deaux, Joanna 91 

Lehman College 63-65, 67 

Lenin 4, 6, 10, 31, 32, 53, 70 

Lenin School (Moscow) 5 

Lens, Sid 115 

Levi, Attorney General 9,31 

Levinson, Sandra 23 

Lewis, Bob , 81> 82 

Liberation News Service 18 

Liberation Support Movement 17, 98 

Liberty Village 101 

Libya 37 

Little, Russell 129 

Lod Airport 6, 27 

London 29,32, 133, 135 

London Institute for the Study of Conflict 10 

London Jewish Chronicle 133 

Long, Gerald W 12, 13 

Lopez, Alfredo 11, 16, 33, 35, 81, 82, 90 

Lopez, Jose . 80 

Lopez, Lally 22 

Lopez, Luis 101 

Lora, Federico 101 

Los Angeles 11, 25, 42, 73, 102, 126, 132 

Police Department • 26 

Loudhawk, Kenneth 93 

Lovejoy, Sam 24, 115 

Luce, Don 81, 82 

Lydda Airport 135 



Lynch, Roberta 101 

Lynn, Vera 136 

Lyons, France 133, 134 


McCree, Arleigh 26 

McGlynn, Judge Joseph 40 

McReynolds, Dave 81, 82, 101 


Machtinger, Howard 12 

Madden, Mel 101 

Madison Square Garden 20,21,114 

Maestas, Roberto lOl 

Mafundi, Akil 80 

Magdofif, Harry 81, 82 

Maguigan, Holly 101 

Malcolm X ^ 52 

Mandel, William 101 

Manhattanville, N.Y 35 

Manhattanville Station, New York 16 

Mao Tse-tung 6, 23, 32 

Maoist 12, 25 

Maoist-Communist 19, 36 

Marez, Alberto 79, 81, 82 

Marighella €arlos 6, 23 

Marin County Sheriff's Department 130 

Marti, Jose 52 

Martin, David 1-50 

Martin, Key 81, 82 

Martinez, Carlos. (See Ilich Ramirez Sanchez.) 

Martinez, Francisco 21 

Marx, Karl 6, 52 

Marxist 7 24 

Marxist-Leninist 1 7,12, 15, 24, 31, 45, 53, 62 

Marixst-Leninist-Maoist 129 

Marxist-Leninists 19, 44, 70 

Marxist-Leninists-Maoists 31 

Marxism-Leninism 52, 66, 67 

Maryland 131 

Mass Party Organizing Committee 81, 82, 98, 101, 102 

Mass Party of the People 61 

Mathieson, Happy M 

May 1st Workers Organization 39 

Mayday 60, 64 

Mayer, Rev. Paul 81, 82, 101 

Mead, Ed 129 

Means, Russell 21 

Meet the Press 2 

Meinhof, Ulrike 136 

Mellen, James Gerald 12, 13 

Melroe, Chris 96 

Melville, Sam 52 

Mendoza, Robert 80 

Meranto, Phillip 101 

Messinger, Ruth 101 

Mestres, Liz 22 

Mexico 49, 58, 130 

Michigan 25 

Middle East 64, 100, 132, 135, 136. 137 

Midnight Special (magazine) 18,81,82 

Militant Action Caucus 130 

Military Art of People's War, The (book) 53 


Miller, Joseph 101 

Miller, Shelly 14, 15, 69, 79 

Mills, Sid 101 

Minimanual of the Urban Guerrilla 23 

Mohsen, Zouheir 17, 35 

Montague, Mass 24 

Monthly Review 81, 82 

Montross, Bill 69 

Moore, Howard 101 

Mora, Grace 11, 101 

Moscow 10, 32, 133, 137 

Moscow University 133 

Mossten, Leora 101 

Moukarbel, Michel 132, 134, 135 

Mozambique 131 

Muhammad, Saladine 81, 82 

Mulligan, Joe 117 

Myron, Joel 80 


Nakawatase, Ed 81, 82, 101 

NASC. (See Native American Solidarity Committee.) 

National Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression 81,82 

National Coalition of Gay Activists 81, 82 

National Committee for Defense of Political Prisoners 81, 82 

National Coordinating Center in Solidarity With Chile 100 

National Council of Churches 81, 82, 100 

National Emergency Civil Liberties Committee 21 

National Endowment for the Humanities 15 

National Interim Committee for a Mass Party of the People 15 

National Lawyers Guild 78, 100, 101 

National Liberation Front (Vietnam) 131 

National Park Service 44 

National Security Agency 130 

National Tenants Organization 81,82 

Native American Solidarity Committee (NASC) 16, 

35, 72, 81, 82, 91-96, 101, 116 

Negron, Rosa 79 

Neighborhood resources 101 

Nelson, Truman 79 

Nesbit, Prexy 80 

Neufeld, Russell 14, 15, 69, 79 

Neussiein, Hank 81, 82 

New American Movement (NAM) 70, 81, 82, 101, 102, 116, 119 

New Dawn 31, 121, 130 

New Frontier of War, The (book) 5 

New Hampshire 116 

New Left 9, 21, 23, 31 

New Mexico 53 

New Progressive Party 57 

New Study Groups (publication) 31 

New World Liberation Front (NWLF) 4, 6, 128-130 

New World Resource Center 116, 119 

New York City 11, 

12, 14-16, 19, 20, 23-25, 32, 34, 36, 42, 52, 58-61, 66, 69, 72, 73, 76, 

102, 131 

Police Headquarters 13, 34 

New York Coalition Against S-1 81,82 

New York State 25. 36. 116 

New York Theological Seminary 81, 82, 101 

New York Times 15.86 

New York Univer.sity 39 

New York Women's School 64 

Nichamin. Julie 13, 16, 22. 80 

Nieves, Ruben ,-_ 101 



Nixon, Richard . 42,57, 107 

North Korea 10, 27 

Northcott, Karen 96 

Obadele, Imari 81, 82 

October League 21 

Oglala 92 

Oglala 4 91 

Ojeda Rios, Filiberto 21 

Old Left__ 9,21,31 

Olympics 8, 136 

On Organizing Guerrilla Units (pamphlet) 131 

On Partisan Warfare (book) 53 

O'Neill, Police Commissioner Joseph 42 

Oregon, III 33, 93 

Organizing Committee for a Fifth Estate (OC-5) 129 

Orly Airport—— 135 

Ortega, Susan 81, 82 

Ortiz. Bobbye 80 

Osawatomie (pubUcation) 4, 5, 13, 19, 31, 56, 64, 78, 121, 130 

Osborne, John 136 

Otaola, Angela 133, 135 

Owens, Major 79 


Pacific National Bank of Washington 129 

Padres 101 

Palestine Action Committee 98 

Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) 17, 18, 25, 29, 30, 35, 98 

Palestine Solidarity Committee 11,16,18,19,23,33.35.81,82,98 

Palestine terrorists 15. 35, 134, 135 

PARE 98 

Paris 133-135 

Paris Peace Accords 68 

Partido Communista Dominicana 17,98 

Patrice Lumumba University 133 

PBC. (See Peoples Bicentennial Commission.) 

Peck, Sidney 81, 82 

Peck, Winslow 79 

Pedroso. Jose Antonio 22 

Peltier, Leonard 92 

Pennsylvania, University of 2,5,39,109 

Pentagon 53 

People Against Racism in Education 101 

People United (newspaper) 130 

People's Army of National Liberation 58 

Peoples Bicentennial Commission (PBC) 23, 24, 36, 43, 44, 115-117, 119 

People's Party 81, 82 

People's 76 61, 62 

Perez. Sam 101 

Perkins, Darron 81, 82 

Peru 21 

PFLP. (See Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine.) 
PFOC, (See Prairie Fire Organizing Committee.) 

Philadelphia 3, 

8, 9, 11, 14, 15, 18, 19, 24, 26, 30-34, 36, 38-42, 46, 47, 59-61, 69, 
77. 81, 82. 84, 85, 89, 93, 99, 100, 102-104, 107-112, 117-119, 126. 

Police Department 2, 38, 42 

Philadelphia Tribune 100 

Philippines 100 

Pine Ridge, S. Dak._ _ 92,93 

Pittsburgh, Pa - - 25 



Plans Laid for July 4 Protest (article) 101 

Plata, Cogas y 94 

Pletsch, Walter 81, 82 

PLO. {See Palestine Liberation Organization.) 

Pokorne, Milton 81, 82 

Politics in Command (publication) 32,51,52 

Political Science Caucuses (University of Washington) 101 

Ponce Cement Co 71 

Ponce Cement Worker's Union 71 

Ponce, Puerto Rico 57 

Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) 134-137 

Por Los Ninos 65 

Portland, Oreg 92, 93, 130 

Prague 136 

Prairie Fire (publication) 14,64,65,68,78 

Prairie Fire Distribution Committee 14, 34 

Prairie Fire Organizing Committee (PFOC) 11, 

14-19, 23, 24, 29, 32, 34, 35, 38, 39, 59-63, 65-71, 73-79, 81, 82, 98, 
101, 102, 129, 131 

Bay Area— _ 71, 72, 79 

Boston 72 

Chicago 78, 79 

Columbus 78 

National Committee , 69 

New York . 63 

Philadelphia 72 

Vermont 72 

Prensa Latina (Cuban news agency) 23 

Progress Publishers 10 

Progressive Labor Party 64 

Pro-Independence Movement (MPI) 70 

Proujansky, Jed 16, 80, 91-93, 97 

PRSC. {See Puerto Rican Solidarity Committee.) 

Public Safety Division (Texas) 25 

Puerto Rican Armed Forces of National Liberation (FALN) 11, 

20, 21, 24, 32, 36, 58, 59 

Puerto Rican Cement Co 57 

Puerto Rican National Left Movement 101 

Puerto Rican Socialist Party (PSP) 9-11, 

15-20, 22, 24, 29, 31-36, 38, 57, 59-61, 70, 71, 81, 82, 98, 100, 102, 116 

Second Congress 70 

U.S. Zone Committee 23 

Puerto Rican Solidarity Committee (PRSC) 16, 

17, 21, 22, 35, 36, 61, 72, 81, 82, 98, 100 

Puerto Rican Solidarity Day 64 

Puerto Rico 15, 18-21, 33, 34, 36, 52, 57, 58, 68-70, 74, 89, 99, 100, 102 

Puerto Rico Decolonization Committee 100 

Puerto Rico Libre 70 

PUSH 115 

Pustin, Lance 14, 69, 81, 82 

Pustin, Miles 14, 16, 69, 97 


Queen Elizabeth 10, 31, 81, 82, 101 

Quest (publication) 81, 82 

Quinonez, Alex 101 

Rabe, Deputy Chief Robert L 2 

Testimony of 42-45 

Rahman, Hassan Abdul 17 

Rammler, David 101 

Ramos, Jovelino 81, 82 

Rand Corp___ — 137 

Reagan, Bernice '. 80 

Reagan, Ronald _^ . 131 

Red Guerilla Family _ _ 128, 129 



Redner, Russell 93 

Regency Theater 15 

Remero, Joe 129 

Republican Convention 131 

Revolutionarv Communist Party (RCP) 19,36,39,104,108.109,112 

Revolutionary Student Brigade 19, 39, 104, 108, 110, 112 

Revolutionary Union (RU) 19,64 

Revolutionary Youth Movement II 12 

Richardson, David P 101 

Richmond College (Staten Island) &4 

Rifkin, Jeremy 115, 116 

Rising Up Angry 116 

Rivera, Arturo 81, 82 

Rizo, Julian Torres 23 

Rizzo, Mayor Frank 42, 61, 69, 113 

Robbins, Terry 12 

Robeson, Sue 95 

Robideau Robert 92 

Rockefeller - 57 

Rockefeller Center 57 

Rodriquez, Antonio 81,82, 101 

Rodriquez, Dr. Helen 81,82,101 

Rogiers, Jacques 130 

Rohl, Klaus Rainer 136 

Rolling Stone (publication) 15 

Romero, Alonso Buj 134 

Romo, Barry 39 

Rorick, Melinda 80, 97 

Rosahn, Eve 76 

Rothenberg, Marty 98 

Rountree, Martha 1, 5 

Testimony of 3, 4, 45 

Rubin, Jerry 14 

Rudd, Mark 12, 33 

Rudovsky. David 101 

Russia 3, 53, 133 

Rutgers University 21 

Ryan, Nancy 79 

Ryan. Sheila 16, 35, 81, 82 


Sadat, Mrs. Anwar 136 

Sadlowski, Ed 115, 119 

St. Paul, Minn 16,35 

San Antonio 11, 32, 126, 132 

San Francisco 11, 32, 77, 126, 128, 129, 132 

Board of Supervisors 129 

Park Police Station 13,33 

San Francisco Bay area 14, 129 

San Francisco Examiner 130 

Sanabria, Olga 80 

Sanchez, Ilich Ramirez 132-135, 137 

Sanchez, Nick 80 

Saudi Arabia 137 

Saxe, Susan 60 

Saxner, David 80 

Schultz, Richard L 1-50 

Science for People 100 

Scipes, Steven Robert (aka : Lawrence Steve Harter) 130 

Scotland Yard 133-136 

Scott, Tyree 101 

Scott, Senator William L 1-50 

SDS. {See Students for a Democratic Society.) 

Seafarers International Union . 57 

Seattle, Wash , .___^_...^^^^^___ 126, 132 



Security Associates 57 

Seeger, Pete 119 

Seidel, Bruce 129 

Senard, Jacques 135 

Seven Days Magazine 81,82,100 

Shabazz, Ali 81, 82 

Sliakur, Zayd Malik 128 

Sherman, John 129 

Short, Robert J 1-50 

Sicherman, Harvey 6 

Sieff, J. Edward 133 

Silber, Irwin 70 

Silva-Masmela, Ampara 134, 135 

Simon and Schuster 23 

Simpson, George 80 

Socialist Workers Party (SWP) 10,11,17,32,33,35,98 

Sola, David 101 

Soliah, Josephine 128, 129 

Soliah, Kathleen 128, 129 

Soliah, Steve 128 

Solidarity Conference (Cuba) 21 

Sooto, Tom 80 

Soujerner Truth Organization 116 

South Africa 100 

South Boston High School 72 

South Dakota 92 

South Yemen 136 

Soviet Union 17, 27, 32, 49 

Spain, King of 10,31 

Sparanese, Ann 81, 82 

Spartacus Youth League 130 

Spiegel, Jack 117 

Spock, Dr. Benjamin 24, 115 

Squire, Clark 131 

Stalin 4, 32, 130 

Standard Oil 117, 119 

State Department 13, 25, 34, 54 

State and Revolution (book) 32 

Stein, Annie 80 

Stephens, Rev. Antonio 101 

Stover, Fred 80 

Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) 11, 12, 14, 16,35 

Suagee, Steve 95 

Sudanese Ambassador 29 

Suez Canal 136 

Survival of the American Indian Association 101 

Susan Saxe Defense Committee 61 

Swearingen, Bonnie 120 

Sweeney, Louie 80 

Sweezy, Paul 81. 82 

Switzerland 135 

Symbionese Liberation Army (SLA) 12,19,54,123,125.127-129 

Syracuse ]^ 

Syria 135 


Tarabochia, Alfonso 22 

Tarazi, Zuhdi ^8 

Tate, Willie — 80 

Tauss, Roger ^z 

Tel Aviv - — — ' Jm 

Tenants Action Group (Philadelphia)--—'-— 101 

Tenenbaum, Shelly ,VJ-_— _- _______ . 95 

Terroristic Activity, pt. 6 (SISS publication)—— ——-——- 22 

Texas — ^-— ll— J— -J— — — 36 



Thailand 49 

Ambassador to 2, 5 

Third World 14, 15, 18, 20, 34, 54, 60, 64-66, 68, 72-75, 78, 89, 133 

Third World Newsreel 98 

Third World Women's Alliance 100 

Thurmond, Senator Strom 1-50 

Tierra del Fuego 58 

Tijerina 53 

Tilsen, David 80, 96 

Tilsen, Rachel 96, 97. 101 

Time (magazine) 2 

Woman of the Year 2 

Tonbon. Lydia (aka: Maria Romero, Maria Tonbon de Romero) 134 

Townsend, Arnold 79 

Transport Workers Union (Local 264) 101 

Trotsky, Leon 6 

Trotskyist 25, 32 

Tucker-Foreman, Carole 115 

TUG (The Urban Guerrilla) (publication) 4,6,127,130 

Tupamaros 23, 55, 131 


Underground (motion picture) 15 

Unemployed Workers Organizing Committee (UWOC) 39,108.112,113 

Union of Democratic (KDP) 70,81,82 

United Action Front 114 

United Black Workers -^79, 81, 82 

United Construction Workers Association (Seattle, Wash.) 101 

United Farmworkers 115 

United Nations 17, 23, 58, 98 

Cuban Mission 22, 23, 36 

United Methodist Office 101 

United Revolutionary Front 1 32 

United Shoe Workers Union ^_ 117 

United States 1, 

2, 4, 8-10, 13-15, 17, 21-23, 27, 30-37, 43, 49, 53, 54, 57, 58, 90, 90, 
100, 110, 127, 131, 137 

Army 5 

Capitol 13, 24. 34, 53, 115 

Government 1, 5, 14 

Supreme Court 89 

U.S. Committee for Panamanian Sovereignty 81. 82 

United Steel Workers . 119 

Local 880 ^ 81, 82 

United Workers Movement (MOU) 57 

University of Oklahoma Press__ 5 

Urban Guerrilla group 4 

Uruguay 55, 131 

Van Delft 1 81. 82 

Vargas. Edwin !__. 81, 82 

Venceremos Brigade ^_^ 13, 16, 17, 22, 23, 36, 64, 81. 82, 98, 100 

First J_J 22 

Second '. 1.1 22 

Third :_: 23 

Venceremos Brigade (book) ;_^ 23 

Venezuela , 133 

Vermont ,_: 14. 16; 69 

Veterans for Peace ._, 116, 119 

Vicioso. Chiqui _, 81, 82/101 

Vietcong . i_ j. 13, 16 

Vietnam _.„ „-._^_^_^._^ 30, 52-54. 61, 38, 69, 74, 99 

North . . ii ,._. 10 

South ^ ,1 ..j.iii**iii *- ,,,— 54 



Vietnam/U.S. Women's Conference (Montreal) 64 

Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW) 19, 39, 107, 108, 111, 112 

Villara, Antonio 80 

Vo Nguyen Giap _ 53,55 

Vu Ngoe Con 80 


Wall, Vander 94 

Waller, Joe 81, 82 

Wamice, S. D 93 

War Resisters League 81,82,101 

War Tax Resistance 98 

Warren, Sylvia 80 

Washington, D.C 3, 

8, 9, 11, 15, 20, 23, 24, 26, 30-32, 36, 40, 42-45, 47, 58, 64, 116, 117, 119 

Metropolitan Police Department 2,42,46 

Washington Post 132 

Washington State, Department of Corrections 129 

Watergate 99, 102 

Waysdorf, Susie 14, 15, 69, 79 

Weather Bureau 12 

Weather Underground Organization 4, 

5, 9, 11-17, 19, 22-24, 30-35, 51-57, 121, 125, 126, 129-131 
Weatherman 12, 16, 35 

War Council 16, 35 

Wedgwood-Benn, Anthony 136 

Weickart, Lynn 101 

Weinberg, Doron 101 

Weiner, Evelyn 80 

Weiss, Cora 80-82, 101 

Werner, Diana 95 

What Is to Be Done (book) 32, 70 

Wheaton, Rev. Phillip 81, 82 

Wheeler, Vicki 22, 80 

Whitehorn, Laura 14, 61, 69, 76, 77 

Whiting, Brooks 80 

Wilder, Bernie J 128 

Williams, Robert 52 

Women's Conference 75 

Womens Liberation Union 116, 119 

Woodhams, Barry 133, 134 

Worker-Student Alliance 12 

Workers and Parents United for Daycare 72 

Workers World Party 11,15,32,81,82 

World Federation of Democratic Youth 134 

World Peace Council (American Committee) 21 

World War II 46 

Wounded Knee, S. Dak 16,62,99 

Wright, Judge 64 

Wright, Margaret 81, 82 


Yamada, Yoshiaki (alias Koji Susuki) 135 

Yamani, Shell Ahmed Zaki 136 

Yippies (Youth International Party) 11,32,131 

Young Socialist Alliance (YSA) 17,98,130 

Yoshimuro, Wendy 128, 130 

Youth Against War and Fascism : . 81,82 

Yugoslavian Ambassador , - ,.,—.,-— 25, 37 

25 ■■ 

Zabawa, Kava__ ^ 96 

Zapata Unit.,. _ 128, 130, 131 

Zjperhick, Bev. Roger ^.-..... 101 

Zurich - - . . .^ w- . .. , 135 

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