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I 



CAC Document No. 123 

THREE PAPERS ON SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC 
ASPECTS OF THE BLACK COMMUNITY OF 
CHICAGO 

By 
Charles M. Christian 



' h <> I ihrarv of fh< 



MAY 5 1976 



"^ana-Chamnaipn 




CAC Document No. 123 



THREE PAPERS ON SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC ASPECTS 
OF THE BLACK COMMUNITY OF CHICAGO 

by 

Charles M. Christian* 



Center for Advanced Computation 
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 
Urbana, Illinois 61801 



This research was supported in part by the Center for Advanced 
Computation, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, Urbana, 
Illinois; by the Mayor's Committee for Economic and Cultural 
Development; and, the Southern Fellowships Fund. 



*Part III written by Charles M. Christian and Sari J. Bennett. 



j )0 )S4 _ ^ L^ ENGINEERING UBRAK 



PREFACE 

The black community of Chicago is one of the most dynamic and interest- 
ing study areas for numerous social scientists. Frazier, Duncan and Duncan, 
Taeuber and Taeuber, Freedman, Romanov, and other social scientists have 
examined this area at different times and with different perspectives. How- 
ever, these studies have not been integrated to develop any cohesiveness for 
policy implications. Although this paper does not completely fulfill this 
notion of cohesiveness, it does provide a platform for policy making and 
implementation — broader than many previous segregated works. 

Three papers are included concerning the black community of Chicago : 
1) selected social and economic characteristics of the black community and 
their spatial patterns and changes from 1950 to 1960; 2) the occupational 
profile of a selected portion of the black community of Chicago as compared 
with the total city and the nation for 1950 and 1960; and 3) recent trends 
of the relocation of manufacturing from the black community of Chicago, 1969 
through 1971. 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

The author would like to acknowledge those who gave helpful comments 
and suggestions concerning the development and subsequent publication of 
this document. A special acknowledgement is extended to Sari J. Bennett, 
a Ph.D. candidate of the Department of Geography, who assisted with the 
data collection and writing of Part III, and produced the maps for this 
document. Thanks are extended to Professors Richard Roistacher, Center 
for Advanced Computation; Curtis C. Roseman, Department of Geography; 
Sidney Kronus, Department of Sociology; and Donald Kane and Dennis McEvoy, 
administrators of the Mayor's Committee for Economic and Cultural Develop- 
ment of Chicago, Illinois, for their helpful comments and suggestions. 
Special thanks are given to Professor Mike Sher, Center for Advanced Compu- 
tation, who was instrumental in obtaining monetary support. The Center 
for Advanced Computation, the Mayor's Committee for Economic and Cultural 
Development, and the Southern Fellowships Fund are sincerely acknowledged 
for their monetary support. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS: PAET I 

Page 
INTRODUCTION 1 

STUDY AREA 2 

Population Trends 2 

Delimitation of Study Area 2 

METHODOLOGY k 

SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF THE BLACK COMMUNITY, 1950 h 

Factor I : Economic Status 6 

Factor II: Mobility-Segregation Structures 6 

Factor III: Family Structure 9 

Factor IV: Craftsmen-Operative Structure 9 

Factor V: Female Employment Structure .' 11 

Summary 11 

SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF THE BLACK COMMUNITY, i960 12 

Factor I : Economic Status 12 

Factor II: Family Structure 14 

Factor III : Segregation lU 

Factor IV: Mobility 19 

Factor V: Craftsmen-Operative Structure 19 

ANALYSIS OF FACTORS FOR 1950 AND i960 20 

COMPARISON OF SPATIAL PATTERNS, I95O-I96O 2k 

DIMENSIONS OF CHANGE I95O-I96O 26 

Dimension I: Population Change 26 

Dimension II: Income Change 31 

Dimension III: Family Structure Change 31 

Dimension IV: Unskilled Employment Change 31 

Dimension V: Housing Change 32 

Dimensions VI, VII, and VIII: In-Migration Change, Professional- 
Managerial Change, and Unemployment Change 32 

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 32 

REFERENCES 39 



TABLE OF CONTENTS: PART II . 

Page 

THE OCCUPATIONAL PROFILE OF AN URBAN BLACK COMMUNITY OF CHICAGO, 

1950-1960 kl 

STUDY AREA AND DATA. k2 

CHARACTERISTICS OF STUDY AREA kk 

OCCUPATIONAL PROFILES FOR 1950 and i960 .1+5 

OCCUPATIONAL PROFILES DIFFERENTIALS-- I95O-I96O 52 

Professional Managerial Occupations 52 

Sales and Clericals 53 

Craftsmen and Operatives 53 

Private Household Workers 53 

Service Workers 53 

Laborers (Except Mine ) 5U 

Professional and Managerial 5I+ 

Sales and Clericals 5I4 

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 55 

REFERENCES 58 



TABLE OF CONTENTS: PAET III 

Page 

AN EXPLORATORY ANALYSIS OF INDUSTRIAL RELOCATIONS FROM THE BLACK 

COMMUNITY OF CHICAGO, I969 THROUGH 1971 60 

INDUSTRIAL MOVEMENT TRENDS 63 

IN-ZONE MOVEMENTS 66 

BETWEEN- ZONE MOVEMENTS WITHIN THE BLACK AREA 66 

BETWEEN- ZONE MOVEMENTS OUTSIDE THE BLACK AREA ' 68 

MOVEMENTS TO THE SUBURBS AND TO OTHER CITIES WITHIN THE STATE 70 

OUT-OF-STATE MOVEMENTS 73 

UNCLASSIFIED MOVEMENTS 75 

TYPES OF RELOCATING INDUSTRIES 77 

CONCLUSIONS 79 

REFERENCES 81 



PART I: 
SOCIAL AREAS AND SPATIAL CHANGE IN THE BLACK COMMUNITY OF CHICAGO: 1950-1960 

by 
Charles M. Christian 

ABSTRACT 



Factor analysis, social change analysis, and factor congruence analysis 
were applied to the black community of Chicago for 1950 and 1960 to derive 
indices of social structure and spatial changes over time for the black 
population. Derived basic dimensions of the social structure for the black 
population of Chicago are found to be similar to previous studies of applied 
factor analysis for entire metropolitan areas; however, spatial patterns of 
social structure for blacks are quite dissimilar to those presented in previous 
similar studies of metropolitan areas. In essence, this paper shows that for 
both 1950 and 1960, economic status in the black community is concentric while 
family structure is sectorial in reference to the entire city. Social change 
analysis uncovered aspects of change dimensions occurring spatially within the 
black community; population, income, family, unskilled employment, housing, 
and in-migration dimensions explained the greatest proportion of variance. A 
factor congruence analysis suggests no great changes in the social structure 
for the two time periods. These analyses reveal several processes which may 
explain social and spatial structure: (1) urban renewal and public housing 
influences economic and family structure; (2) city-wide discrimination affects 
housing choice, employment, and mobility within the entire city; (3) variations 
in the invasion-succession process determines housing availablility for blacks; 
and (4) the migration of diverse social and economic attributes responds to 
housing availability in the core areas, as well as to the entire metropolitan 
area. 



-1- 



INTRODUCTION 



Population growth in urban areas is accompanied by changes in social 
and spatial form. The analytical approach used most often by geographers 
to delimit the urban structure has been a factor analytic model (King, 1969), 
which is an extension of the social area model formulated by Shevky and 
Bell (1955). This model is based upon three independent dimensions (economic 
status, family status, and ethnic status) that characterize and differentiate 
the urban structure (Shevky and Bell, 1955; Bell, 1959). A review of the 
literature reveals that factor analytic models have rarely been applied to 
the black community to ascertain its internal structure within the central 
city (Frazier, 1932; Taeuber and Taeuber, 1965; and Frueh and Lewis, 1971). 

Recently, black urban communities have increased significantly in 
population — both in absolute number, and as a percentage of the total 
population within the central city. Increasing numbers of blacks and 
decreasing numbers of whites in central cities have had a profound effect 
on the social, economic, and spatial structure of urban areas, and more 
specifically, on the black community. Recognizing that discrimination, 
prejudice, low income, and other constraints on black residential choice 
still exist within the urban environment, the question remains: what is 
the internal social' and spatial structure of the black community? Further- 
more, how has the internal structure of the black community changed over 
time? 

PURPOSE 

Specifically, three questions are to be investigated in this study: 
(l) are the dimensions and the spatial patterns of the internal structure 
of "black Chicago" similar to those derived in previous factorial ecology 
studies of entire metropolitan areas? (2) are the temporal dimensions 
and resultant spatial patterns of the black community similar to those 



-2- 

derived in previous social change studies? and (3) what possible implica- 
tions for uncovering "broader structural and spatial processes can be obtained 
from this study of the black community of Chicago? 

STUDY AREA 

Population Trends 

The rapid increase of in-migration of the nonwhite population to Chicago, 
noted between 19^0 and 1950, continued during the 1950s. Ninety-seven percent 
of the nonwhite resident population in Chicago for both 1950 and i960 
were black residents (Chicago Urban League, 1965); therefore, the non- 
white population is referred to as black throughout this paper. The black 
population of Chicago increased 80.5 percent between 19^+0 and 1950, it 
increased an estimated 2U.3 percent to a total of more than 633,000 (Romanow, 
1959). In the ten-year period from 1950 to i960 , the black population in 
Chicago increased by more than 6h percent from an absolute population of 
509,000 to over 812,000 (United States Census of Population, 1950 and i960). 
A number of metropolitan Chicago suburbs are also experiencing a high rate 
of increase in black population. The black population in the metropolitan 
suburbs increased almost 100 percent from 1950 through i960, from an 
absolute population of U^,958 to 82,3^+5 (Illinois Commission on Human 
Relations, 1962). 

The central city of Chicago is not atypical in having experienced 
a substantial increase in nonwhite population and a decrease in its white 
population. Census data confirm that other large central cities such as 
New York, Detroit, and Baltimore are experiencing similar population changes. 
Delimitation of Study Area 

The study area within Chicago is composed of those census tracts 
containing 250 or more nonwhites in 1950, and U00 or more nonwhites in i960 
according to the United States Census of Population statistics. Map 1 



MAP 1 



AREAS OF BLACK RESIDENCES 



(census tracts with 250 or 
more non-whites in 1950) 



a 



(census tracts with 400 or 
more non-whites in 1960) 



Territorial Expansion 
of the Black Community 
of Chicago 
1950-1960 




Source: Population and Housing Characteristics; 1950,1960 
U.S. Bureau of Census 



-It- 
indicates territorial expansion of the black community between 1950 and i960. 

Data utilized in the analyses consist of twenty-one socioeconomic 
variables for the black community of Chicago taken from the Census of 
Population for 1950 and i960. With minor exceptions, the variables are 
identical for both census periods. These variables were selected to 
provide a general and efficient profile of the socioeconomic characteristics 
of the study area (Table l). Observations include 173 census tracts for 
1950 and 229 census tracts for i960. Census tracts were excluded from the 
study area and subsequently from the analysis if they did not contain both 
demographic and housing characteristics for 1950 and for i960. 

METHODOLOGY 

Four basic analyses were performed: factor analysis for the black 
community in 1950; factor analysis for the black community in i960 ; a factor 
congruence analysis for 1950 and i960 factor structures; and an analysis of 
social area change between 1950 and i960 as measured by the percent change 
in each of the twenty-one variables for 125 census tracts. Only the 125 
census tracts that were comparable in both 1950 and i960 were used in the 
social area change analysis. 

SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF THE BLACK COMMUNITY, 1950 

Principal components factor analysis applied to census tracts within the 
black community of Chicago for 1950 yielded five basic factors with eigen- 
values greater than 1.00, which account for approximately 67 percent of the 
total variance (Table l). Factor loadings greater than +.5 or less than -.5 
are considered in the definition and description of the factors. 



In the 1950 analysis variables eighteen and nineteen are based on 
persons one-year old and older moving inside the county and across county 
boundaries, while variables eighteen and nineteen for the i960 analysis are 
based on persons five years and older moving inside the Standard Metropolitan 
Statistical Area (SMSA) and across SMSA boundaries. 



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Factor I: Economic Status 

The first factor derived is "economic status", accounting for twenty-six 
percent of the total variance, and is characterized by high positive loadings 
with median income, percentage owner occupied dwellings, median education, 
percentage of professional and managerial employees in the labor force, 
percentage of the sound housing, and percentage of the population' with incomes 
over $7,000. High negative loadings on this factor include percentage of 
families with incomes under $2,000, percentage dwellings with 1.01 or more 
persons per room, and percentage of the labor force unemployed. 

Economic status changes from low to high as distance increases from 
the central city (Fig. la). Low economic status is almost totally contained 
within a three mile radius of the Central Business District (CBD), while 
highest economic status of blacks within the city occurs beyond the six mile 
radius of the CBD. Nucleated high economic status settlements are found at 
greater distance beyond more concentrated black residential areas. 
Factor II: Mobility-Segregation Structure 

The second factor extracted is designated "mobility-segregation," and 
accounts for approximately 15 percent of the total variation. This factor 
is characterized by high positive loadings for change in residence from 
inside and outside the county, and high negative loadings for percent of 
blacks in tracts and total black population. 

Census tracts with high positive scores on this factor are characterized 
by a low number and low proportion of blacks, and a high proportion of black 
in-migrants from both inside and outside the county. These tracts are re- 
latively new frontiers of an expanding black community, and tend to be on 
the fringes of the black community (Fig. lb). Conversely, high negative scores 
identify census tracts of high black population density and low percentage 
black in-migration from either inside or outside the county. 



FIGURE la 



FACTOR SCORES 



City Of Chicago 



FACTOR 1 



Status 




Source: Population and Housing Characteristics; 1950 
U.S. Bureau of Census 



FACTOR SCORES 



■ 



IMxj -.50 to -1.50 
I I less than -1.50 



City Of Chicago 



Mobility-Segregation 
1950 




Source: Population and Housing Characteristics; 1950 
U.S. Bureau of Census 



-9- 

The fact that the mobility and density variables loaded together to 
make up this factor suggests an invasion-succession process. This concept 
is further solidified by the pattern of "mobility-segregation" (Fig. lb), 
as high density and low in-migration are found at the center of the southern 
and western populated areas, and lower densities and high in-migration increase 
with distance from these centers . 
Factor III: Family Structure 

Family structure, the third factor extracted by the principal components 
analysis, accounts for slightly more than 12 percent of the total variation. 
Family structure within the black community for 1950 is characterized by high 
factor loadings with population per household, percent population under eighteen 
years of age, and percent of the labor force employed as laborers (Table l). 
High positive scores indicate few people per household, few children under 
eighteen years of age living in the household, and a small proportion of 
the labor force employed as laborers. 

A sector pattern of family structure appears to be quite distinct in 
the southern and western portions of the black community (Fig. lc). A 
somewhat similar sectorial pattern is found in the small cluster settlements 
in the northern black residential areas. In the southern and northern 
portions of the black community, family structure is found sectorially 
distributed in a north-south manner with family size generally increasing 
with distance from the lake front. 
Factor IV: Craftsmen-Operative Structure 

Factor IV is characterized by high loadings of percentage of the labor 
force employed as craftsmen and operatives, plus percentage of the population 
over sixty- five years of age. 

Positive scores on this factor identify census tracts which have a small 
proportion of the population over sixty-five years of age and a high proportion 
of the population employed as craftsmen and operatives. Negative factor 



-10- 
IGURE lc 



City Of Chicago 



FACTOR 3 
Family Structure 



\ 1950 

m 




FACTOR SCORES 

more than 1.50 
.50 to 1.50 

50 to -.50 
j::!:jii:j -.50 to -1.50 

ess than -1.50 



Source: Population and Housing Characteristics; 1950 
U.S. Bureau of Census 



-11- 

scores distinguish census tracts which have the opposite characteristics. 

There appears to be no clear spatial pattern to this factor; both 
high and low factor scores tend to be distributed throughout southern and 
western communities; factor scores were therefore not mapped. 
Factor V: Female Employment Structure 

This factor is principally related to percentage of females in the 
labor force and accounts for 6 percent of the total variation. Since no 
clear identifiable spatial pattern emerged, this factor was not mapped. 
However, it was found that lower proportions of females participating in the 
labor force are found in the northern and upper western black settlements 
than the lower western and southern portions of the black community. 
Summary 

A review of the factors and resulting spatial patterns for 1950 indicates 
that: (l) the factors extracted for the black community are similar to 
those derived by previous studies of applied factor models to entire 
metropolitan areas; economic status and family structure factors (Berry 
and Horton, 1970; Roseman, Christian, and Bull amor e, 1972; Frueh and Lewis, 
1971); (2) the Mobility-Segregation factor was extracted as the second most 
important factor of social structure in the black community; this factor 
suggests that the black community is continuously expanding as a result of 
migration from both inside and outside the county; (3) factors IV and V 
(Craftsmen and Operatives, and Female Employment Structures) are similar to 
factors derived by Murdie (1969) in his analysis of Toronto. 

The spatial patterns derived from mapping the factor scores reveal 
some dissimilarities with previously documented patterns of factors within 
metropolitan areas. Economic status within the black community of Chicago 
(Frazier, 1932). Previous factor analytic studies of metropolitan areas have 
documented economic status as displaying sectorial patterns (Hoyt, 1939; 
Shevky and Bell, 195 5); Anderson (196I) suggests that the sectorial growth 



-12- 



pattern in the black communities is an indication of maturity, whereas 
prematurity is characterized by a more concentric pattern. There is no 
doubt that the sectorial growth patterns are the result of constraints 
which inhibit black residential choice, thereby solidifying the notion that 
the invasion-succession process is in effect within the black community. 

Also, family structure has sectorial tendencies within the western and 
southern portions of the black community. Hence, it is in contrast with the 
typical concentric pattern for family structure dimension derived in analyses 
of entire cities. 

SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF THE BLACK COMMUNITY, i960 

The total population of Chicago decreased almost 2 percent between 1950 
and i960, while the black population increased approximately 65 percent 
during the same period (Kitagawa and Taeuber, 1963) . Although out-migration 
of both whites and blacks to the suburbs occurred, a larger percentage of the 
black population continued to settle in the city, suggesting that the city's 
growth patterns and structure may have been seriously altered by these popu- 
lation changes . 

The principal components analysis of i960 census data again derived 
five basic factors to differentiate and describe the social structure of 
the black community (Table 2). These five factors account for approximately 
69 percent of the total variance, a percentage similar to the 67 percent 
explained variation in 1950 (Table l). 
Factor I: Economic Status 

Economic status for the black community of Chicago for i960 has high 
positive loadings of median income, percent of households with married 
heads, percent of families with incomes over $7,000, owner occupied dwellings, 
median education, and dwellings sound. High negative loadings were percent 



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of families with incomes under $2,000, and percent of the labor force unemployed. 
Factor I accounts for 30.5 percent of the total variation. 

The economic status pattern for i960 is almost identical to the 1950 
economic status pattern (both increasing with distance from the CBD) ; however, 
each level of economic status has undergone some real expansion (Fig. 2a). 
Factor 11: Family Structure 

In i960, the second most important factor is that of family structure, 
explaining IT percent of the total variance, and comprising the percentage 
of population under eighteen years of age, population per household, percentage of 
dwellings with 1.01 or more with 1.01 or more persons per room, and percentage 
of the labor force employed as laborers . 

The family structure pattern appears to be similar to the family 
structure pattern derived for 1950 — small size families sectorially 
distributed, with larger size families located along the inner portions of 
these residential areas (Fig. 2b). 

The patterns for family structure are quite different from the "family 
status" patterns found in previous studies of entire metropolitan areas 
(Sweetser, 1962; Rees , 1969; Brown and Horton , 1969; and Berry and Horton , 
1970). Further research shows that urban renewal and open housing have 
attracted and relocated large size families to the fringes of the black 
community. In almost all areas of large size families (high family structure), 
there is some type of urban renewal, primarily public housing (Chicago 
Urban League, 1957). In essence, it appears that family structure patterns 
within the black community are, to a large extent, the results of political 
policy-making decisions rather than individual residential choices. 
Factor III: Segregation 

The segregation factor accounts for approximately 10 percent of the 
total variance. This factor is identified by high loadings of percent of 
black population in census tracts, total black population, and percent of 



-15 
FIGURE 2a 



City Of Chicago 



FACTOR 1 
Economic Status 




Source: Population and Housing Characteristics; 1960 
U.S. Bureau of Census 



c c 



-16- 

FIGURE 2b 



FACTOR SCORES 
Ulli .50 to -.50 

lii:::-:::l -.50 to -1.50 
less than -1.50 



City Of Chicago 



FACTOR 2 
Family Structure 
1 960 




Source: Population and housing characteristics; 1960 
U.S. Bureau of Census 



-17- 
FIGURE 2c 



c 



FACTOR SCORES 



more than 1.50 
.50 to 1.50 

f; ; :: ' : ;i .50 to -.50 

■ I IUMIIII 

liiiliiiill -.50 to -1.50 

less than -1.50 



^v 



Source: Population and Housing Characteristics; 1960 
U.S. Bureau of Census 



City Of Chicago 



FACTOR 3 
Segregation 
1 960 




c c 



-18- 
FIGURE 2d 



OR SCORES 

more than 1 .50 
.50 to 1.50 
.50 to -.50 
-.50 to -1.50 
less than - 1 .50 



City Of Chicago 



FACTOR 4 



bility Status 



1960 




Source: Population and Housing Characteristics; 1960 
U.S. Bureau of Census 



c c 



-19- 



labor force employed as private household workers , and a positive loading 

of percent of the labor force employed as professional and managerial employees. 

The segregation pattern, with respect to the city, is clearly sectorial; 
however, in the western and southern portions, as well as in northern residential 
clusters, there are high-density cores of black residents (Fig. 2c). Fewer 
black residents and lower densities per tract are found in the northern 
settlement clusters, whereas a high black population density is found at the 
extreme western portion of the black community. Generally, the higher the 
density, the greater the proportion of private household workers and the 
smaller the proportion of professional and managerial employees. 
Factor IV: Mobility 

Mobility is characterized by a high positive loading of change in 
residence from outside the SMSA, and a negative loading of percent of population 
over sixty-five years of age. This factor explains approximately 7 percent 
of the total variation (Table 2). 

The spatial pattern for the mobility factor suggests that there are 
distinguishable reception areas of "migrant zones" (Freedman, 1950) (Fig. 2d). 
In southern, western, and scattered northern residential areas, one or more 
reception zones are noted (high factor scores). Most are found in the far 
western portion and along the lake front of the southern portion of the 
black community. Areas with low factor scores are most often found near the 
CBD and cores of the southern and western portions of the black community. 
Factor V: Craftsmen-Operative Structure 

The craftsmen and operatives structure factor accounts for approximately 
6 percent of the total variance. This factor is identified on the basis of 
one loading — percent of the labor force employed as craftsmen and operatives. 
Since no discernible pattern emerged as a result of mapping the factor scores, no 
map is included. 



-20- 

ANALYSIS OF FACTORS FOR 1950 AND 1960 

The composition of economic status (factor I) appears quite similar 
in both 1950 and i960. Several variables indicating income, employment, 
occupation, owner-occupied dwellings, education, and sound housing have moderate- 
to-high loadings on the economic status dimension for the two time periods. 
However, certain dissimilarities in the variable loadings for the two time 
periods occur. The loadings of variables 11 and 3 (percent of the labor 
force employed as professional and managerial, and percent of households with 
1.01 or more persons per room) on Factor I decreased considerably from 1950 
to i960. In i960, variable 7 (percent of households with married heads) 
loaded highly positive on Factor I, but did not appear under Factor I in 
1950. These changes in the composition of economic status loadings suggest 
that in 1950 the professional and managerial employees and dwellings with few 
children per room helped to differentiate high economic status within the black 
community, but, in i960 these characteristics had decreased in significance in 
helping define high economic status for the black population. Conversely, 
economic status in i960 seems more aligned with percent of households with 
married heads, suggesting a stronger association between this aspect of family 
organization and the economic well-being of black households. 

A family structure factor is derived in both 1950 and i960 (Factor III 
extracted in 1950 explaining 12 percent of the total variance, and Factor II 
in i960 explaining 17 percent of the total variance). The difference in ex- 
plained variance for the two factors indicates the increasing importance of 
family structure as a discriminating characteristic of the social and spatial 
structure of the black community. In 1950, family structure had moderate or 
strong associations with only three variables (9: percent of the population under 
18 years of age; 6: population per household; and 13: percent of the labor force 
employed as laborers), while in i960, it was related to variables 9 and 6, above, 



-21- 

plus variables 3, 10, and l6 (3: percent dwellings with 1.01 or more persons 
per room; 10: percent of the population sixty-five years of age and over; and 
16: percent females in the labor force). 

One surprising result of this comparison is that, in 1950, variable 10 
(percent of the population sixty-five years of age and over) did not load under 
the family structure factor as expected, but loaded weakly under Factor IV 
(craftsmen-operatives structure). A possible reason for this change is that the 
mean distribution of residents sixty-five years and older was U.0U percent of 
the total population, with a standard deviation of less than 1.9 percent. This 
shows the small relative size of the elderly population and its almost even 
distribution throughout census tracts. While the older population is still 
small, h.J percent, in 19&0, the standard deviation has increased to 2.6 
percent showing more concentration in some census tracts than in others. 

In another noteworthy change, variable l6 (percent of females in the labor 
force) loaded moderately negative (-.585) under the family structure factor 
in I960, but loaded highly positive (0.823) under Factor V (female employment 
status) in 1950. Several selected correlations taken from the correlation matrices 
for 1950 and i960 illustrate the change in percentage of females in the labor 
force with respect to other aspects of family status. In i960, it correlates 
negatively with percent dwellings with 1.01 or more persons per room (-.560). 
However, in 1950, lower correlations were found with the same three variables 
(-.203, -.229, and -?3U5 respectively). 

Factor II in 1950 and Factor III in i960 are similar in many respects. 
Both have high negative loadings of variables 21 and 8 (21: percent of black 
population in tracts, and 8: total black population). These two variables 
contribute most to the identification of these factors, and both are pre- 
dominantly black density factors. In 1950, these density variables (21 and 8) 
plus the two mobility variables (l8 and 19, change in residence from inside the 
county, and from outside the county, respectively) loaded together to form 



-22- 



Factor II. In i960 , the mobility variables were absent as loadings under 
Factor III, but instead, variable lU (percent of the labor force employed as 
private household workers) was loaded here. Because of differences in loadings 
the factors are identified as "mobility-segregation structure" for 1950 and 
"segregation" in i960. 

The changing role of migration with respect to the ecological structure of 
the study area can be identified by simple correlations (Table 3). The correla- 
tions indicate that in 1950 the black population expanded in territory as well 
as in population in association with migration from both outside and within the 
county. More illuminating is the fact that both types of migration are channeled 
to areas with smaller black population densities. This suggests that there may 
not be sufficient housing available to accommodate this influx, or that migrating 
blacks tend to avoid densely populated black areas. Furthermore, whenever 
possible, black migrants desiring better housing tend to move to tracts with 
predominantly white populations where better housing is available. 



TABLE 3 

CORRELATION OF SELECTED VARIABLES RELATING TO MOBILITY 
FROM INSIDE AND OUTSIDE THE COUNTY, 1950 



Variables 21 8 18 19 10 2 

21.% black pop/tract 1.00 

8. Total black pop. .575 1.00 

18.% in different house -.534 -.298 1.00 

19.% in different area -.514 -o289 .370 1.00 

10.% pop. over 65 yrs. .421 .232 -.350 -.227 LOO 

2. Median income -.338 -.024 .199 .109 -.238 1.00 

Source: U.S. Bureau of Census, Population and Housing Characteristics, 
1950. 



-23- 

The segregation structure dimension (Factor III) in 1960, without the 
mobility factor loadings, suggests that the black community has undergone 
significant territorial expansion as a result of an invasion-succession pro- 
cess into predominantly white tracts. This is illustrated by variable 21 
(percent of black population in tracts) in 1960, which has a .457 correlation 
with variable 8 (total black population). On the other hand, in 1950 the cor- 
relation of these two variables was .575, indicating a more concentrated black 
population in 1950 than in 1960; this suggests that many tracts were more 
integrated in 1960 than in 1950. No other correlation exists above .350 
between either variable 21 or 8 and other variables, suggesting that the black 
population, regardless of socioeconomic characteristics, was still residentially 
segregated throughout Chicago. Furthermore, the relative independence of the 
migration variables from the black density variables suggests a decreasing 
tendency of both in-migration and intraurban migration to be predominantly 
directed to expansion areas on the fringes of the black area. 

Factor IV (1950) and V (1960) are labeled as craftsmen-operatives factors. 
In each of the factors, the highest loading is variable 12 (percent of the labor 
force employed as craftsmen and operatives) . A significant change in the factor 
from 1950 to 1960 is the disappearance of variable 7 (percent of the population 
over sixty-five years of age) as an important loading. This is another indica- 
tion of the possible impact of a greatly increasing proportion of the population 
in the over sixty-five group. 

The remaining factors, V in 1950 and IV in 1960, are quite dissimilar. In 
1950, Factor V (female employment status) demonstrates the relative independence 
of proportion of females in the labor force from other aspects of family status, 
as discussed earlier. Change of residence from outside the SMSA since 1955, 
and a negative loading of percent of the population sixty-five years and over, 
characterize Factor IV (mobility structure), which is possibly an indication 
of a relatively younger black population migrating to the black community from 



-St- 



outs ide the SMSA since 1955, and a negative loading of percent of the population 
sixty-five years and over, characterize Factor IV (mobility structure), which 
is possibly an indication of a relatively younger black population migrating 
to the black community from outside the SMSA. Since no high positive or nega- 
tive correlation exists (> + .250) between the mobility variable (19) and other 
variables , it appears that black imigrants from outside the SMSA are quite 
diverse in economic, family, and other socioeconomic characteristics. 
COMPARISONS OF SPATIAL PATTERNS, 1950-1960 

Spatial patterns of economic status within the black community for 1950 
are similar to those of i960. In both years economic status clearly increases 
with distance from the Central Business District of Chicago. Hence, the 
economic status of blacks continues to be strongly related to aspects of the 
overall urban structure (especially the nature of the housing market) that 
vary concentrically. 

Several aspects of family structure patterns changed significantly between 
1950 and i960. For example, while the 1950 family structure patterns are 
sectorially distributed within the black community, large size families per 
household decrease with increasing distance from the CBD. On the other hand, 
by i960 family structure patterns had changed slightly so that increasing 
numbers of large families were located on or near the periphery of the black 
community. Family structure areal patterns for i960 appear to be related to 
urban renewal and public housing developments within the black community and 
the city. 

Factor II (mobility-density) in 1950 and Factor III (segregation) in 
i960 exhibit similar patterns. In both cases a core-periphery pattern with 
respect to the black residential area, reflecting invasion-succession processes 
at the periphery of the black community, can be identified. The remaining 
factors (craftsmen-operative status, 1950 and i960; mobility status, i960; 



-25- 

and female service employment status, 1950) lack distinct patterns. Therefore, 
they are not mapped. 

To summarize the overall similarity between factor structures for the two 
time periods, a factor congruence program was performed (Table k) . Based on an 
equation derived by Harman (1967, p. 270), factor congruence compares two factor 
structures by computing coefficients of congruence for all pairs of factors. 
Coefficients of congruence are similar to correlation coefficients because they 
express the degree of association between factor pairs (Rummel, 1970, p. h6l) . 

TABLE 4 
CONGRUENCE OF FACTOR STRUCTURES, 1950 and I960 



1960 



1950 



Econ. 


Family 






Craft sm, 


Status 


Struc. 


Segreg. 


Mobility 


-Oper. 


I 


II 


Ill 


IV 


V 



Econ. 
Status 

Mobility 
-Segreg. 

Family 
Struc. 

Craftsm. 
-Oper. 

Female 
Emplmt . 



II 



III 



IV 



0.309 -0.407 0.121 0.034 



-0.372 0.014 



0.203 



-0.069 -0.758 -0.061 



-0.052 0.440 -0.468 



0.572 



0.125 



-0.093 0.468 0.096 0.577 



0.252 



-0.395 
0.164 

-0.190 
0.160 

-0.054 



The factor congruence analysis of the social structures of the black 
community for 1950 and i960 reveals that the factor structures are dissimilar. 
Based on a scale where -1.00 represents perfect negative similarity, zero 
indicates complete dissimilarity, and +1.00 delineates perfect positive 
similarity, Table h -indicates that both Economic Status (Factor I, 1950) 
and Mobility-Segregation (Factor II, 1950) have a very low degree of 
similarity respectively with Economic Status (Factor I 9 i960) and Mobility 



-26- 

( Factor IV, i960). The factor congruence also indicates that the 1950 
Family Structure dimension (Factor III) has a high inverse relationship 
with Family Structure (Factor II ) in i960. 

The dissimilarity "between the two economic status dimensions is somewhat 
surprising because the previous comparisons of both the composition and 
spatial patterns of the two factors suggested considerable consistency. 
Perhaps the invasion-succession process occurring along much of the periphery 
of the black community, coupled with the outward displacement of each level of 
economic status, considerably revised the ranking of most of the census tracts on 
the economic status dimension. Other dissimilarities, including those involving 
the mobility and employment-related factors, seem consistent with comparisons 
discussed earlier in the paper. 

DIMENSIONS OF CHANGE 1950-1960 

In order to measure the percentage change for each of the twenty-one 
variables in the 125 census tracts (Table 5), a principal components factor 
analysis was employed to derive eight change dimensions with eigenvalues 
greater than 1.00. These dimensions account for 67 percent of the total 
variance . 
Dimension I : Population Change 

The first dimension, explaining 17-5 percent of the total variance, dis- 
criminates census tracts on the basis of their population change between 1950 
and i960. Tracts with high positive factor scores increased in both total black 
population and percent of black population. Negative scores for census tracts 
indicate changes which resulted in smaller increases in total black population 
and decreases in the percent black population. In general, high increases in 
absolute and relative numbers occur along the peripheries of the black community. 
As expected, the opposite characteristics are found in the core areas of the 
black community (Fig. 3a). 



-27- 



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FIGURE 3a 



FACTOR SCORES 



more than .50 
to 50 



I .0 to -.50 
less than - 50 



City of Chicago 



POPULATION CHANGE 



1 950-1 960 




>ource: Population and Housing Characteristics, 1950-1960 
U.S. Bureau of Census 



-28a- 



ERRATA: Insert page 28a, CAC Document No. 123 



FIGURE 3b 



City of Chicago 



INCOME CHANCE 



1950-1960 




FACTOR SCORES 

L .. .] m c? then .50 

I I .0 to .50 

II 3 -0to-.50 

E 3 less than -.50 



Source: Population and Housing Characteristics, 1950-1960 
U.S. 3ure:!u of Census 



-29- 
FIGURE 3c 



FACTOR SCORES 

more than .50 

iliiiil .0 to -50 

[..' 1 less than -.50 



Source: Population and Housing Characteristics, 1950-1960 
U.S. Bureau of Census 



City of Chicago 



FAMILY CHANGE 



19 5 0-1960 




-30- 



FIGURE 3d 



FACTOR SCORES 

more than .50 

\\ | ,0 to - 50 

[ less than - 50 



City of Chicago 

UNSKILLED EMPLOYMENT 
CHANGE 

IV 

r 1950-1960 

v 





[m 





Source: Population and Housing Characteristics, 1 950— 1 960 
U.S. Bureau of Census 




-31- 

Dimension II: Income Change 

The second dimension distinguishes census tracts on the basis of income 
change, and explains 13.3 percent of the total variance. Positive scores 
identify census tracts which have experienced the greatest increase in 
income and a corresponding decrease in the number of families with incomes 
less than $2,000, while negative scores identify opposite characteristics. 
Figure 3b indicates that clusters of high positive scores are dispersed 
throughout the black community, with some tendency for high positive 
factor scores to be located near the periphery. 
Dimension III: Family Structure Change 

The third dimension, family structure change, which explains 10.2 per- 
cent of the total variance (Table 5), has positive scores that identify 
census tracts with large increases in average family size, and negative 
scores which delineate areas with small increases or decreases in average 
family size. No spatial patterns of scores on this factor can be readily 
identified within the northern and western portions of the black community 
(Fig. 3c). However, in the southern portion high values on this dimension 
are found along the lake front, as well as on the peripheries of the black 
community. As was suggested previously, this pattern is in part the result 
of the relocation of families related to public housing and urban renewal 
projects . 
Dimension IV: Unskilled Employment Change 

Service employment change is identified as the fourth dimension, 
explaining 7-3 percent of the total variance. Census tracts with positive 
scores indicate highest increases in the proportion of labor force employed 
as laborers and private household workers in the labor force. Negative 
scores identify census tracts that have experienced smaller increases in 
the proportion of the labor force made up of these two groups. Clustered 
patterns of unskilled employment change are illustrated in Figure 3d. 



-32- 

Census tracts with greatest increases in the proportion of laborers and 
private household workers are located in the southern portion of the "black 
community. Census tracts with smaller increases in unskilled employment 
occur predominantly in the northern area of the black community. 
Dimension V: Housing Change 

The fifth dimension is housing change, which explains 6.9 percent of 
the total variance. Positive scores indicate stability, or a decrease in 
the proportion of sound housing within census tracts (Tahle 5). Zones of 
high or moderate decrease in sound housing occur west of the CBD , in the 
extreme southwestern area, and along the periphery of the south side hlack 
community (Fig. 3e). The relatively low factor scores near the CBD and in 
the core of the south side hlack area may indicate significant urban renewal 
or public housing projects, and/or a large proportion of housing that was 
unsound prior to 1950. 

Dimensions VI, VII, and VIII: In-Migration Change, Professional -Managerial 
Change , and Unemployment Change 

Change dimensions VI, VII, and VIII (in-migration, Professional- 
Managerial Employment, and Unemployment), each explaining 6 percent or less 
of the total variance, are largely related to individual variables (Table 
5). The in-migration change dimension is mapped (Fig. 3f ) , but no clear 
pattern is revealed, illustrating that the location of reception areas has 
shifted from a largely peripheral location in 1950, to scattered locations 
in I960. The spatial patterns of Factors VII and VIII are not clear, so 
are not reproduced here. 

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 
Many processes, both internal and external, effect Chicago's black 
community. While this study is exploratory, several structural characteristics 
of the black community have been identified, suggesting processes which may 
underlie these characteristics. 



-33- 



FIGURE 3e 



Hj less than -.50 



City of Chicago 



HOUSING CHANGE 




Source: Population and Housing Characteristics, 1950-1960 
U.S. Bureau of Census 



- 3 h- 

FIGURE 3f 



FACTOR SCORES 

more than .50 



g| .0 to -.50 

less than —.50 



City of Chicago 



IN-MIGRATION 




Source: Population and Housing Characteristics, 1950-1960 
U.S. Bureau of Census 



-35- 

Social structure within the "black, community is changing but not as 
rapidly as might be expected. Social structure and spatial changes result 
from two processes: (l) those which operate within the black community (e.g., 
migration, stratification, etc.), and (2) city-wide, which operate within the 
entire city and influence the black population (e.g., public housing, 
discrimination, etc.) The net effect of city-wide processes appears to 
moderate or inhibit social processes within the black community. 

Social structure dimensions of the black community seem to be quite 
similar to previous studies applying factor analysis to entire metropolitan 
communities. These similarities suggest that the black community, through 
population, income and other change characteristics, is becoming stratified 
socially and economically, similar to the total metropolitan community. 
However, many processes operating at the city-level inhibit stratification 
within the black community. 

The social structure analysis of the black community for i960 produced 
few significant differences from the 1950 analysis. The principal exception 
concerned certain social and economic variables which did not discriminate 
highly within the social structure of the black community in 1950, and 
conversely did serve as moderate-to-strong discriminators of social 
structure ten years later. This difference suggests that some type of social 
stratification process is taking place in the black community. 

Black communities spatial patterns of social structure differ in 
several ways from patterns discerned in studies of entire urban communities. 
The black community is growing sectorially throughout the city; however, 
economic status is concentric within each of the growth sectors as well as 
concentric in relation to the entire metropolitan area. Frazier (1932) had 
similar findings. This concentric pattern for economic status is quite 



-36- 

different from other studies that postulated sectorial economic status 
patterns for entire cities. Furthermore, family structures for both 1950 
and i960 display strong sectorial patterns, contrary to previous studies of 
entire cities where a concentric pattern was identified. Family structure 
and its spatial expressions within the black community appear to be strongly 
influenced by urban renewal, especially public housing developments 
located throughout the community. 

Another process which underlies the social structure and spatial 
patterns of the black community is migration. Migrants of diverse social 
and economic character have been channelled to specific areas within the 
black community, with certain reception zones receiving a relatively high 
proportion of these migrants. Through a complex invasion-succession process 
operating within the community and adjacent, predominantly white tracts, 
the black community expanded territorially during the decade following 1950. 

The factor congruence test reveals similarities and dissimilarities 
of the social structure of the black community for the two time periods. 
No significant correlation is derived. 

The change dimensions, comparing 1950 and i960 data, suggest a rein- 
forcement of existing social structures within the black community. However, 
that portion of the black core area found on the south side experienced 
more variation in social structure because many large families have been 
relocated to the periphery of the black community. Public housing and 
urban renewal contribute to the pattern change. 

The patterns revealed in this research can best be understood through 
reference to processes operating within the black community. Migration, 
a major process affecting social structure, is in part inhibited by the 



-37- 



ecological aspects of discrimination and prejudice throughout the city of 
Chicago. However, migration (both from within and from without the metropolitan 
area) focused on the periphery in 1950; hence, these areas served as 
reception areas for migrants. The lack of housing for migrants in the core 
area contributed to this push outward to tracts adjacent to the black community. 
The findings indicate the periphery is more diverse in economic and family 
structure than the core. Hence, the migration process going on within the 
black community does not seem to be as economically selective as the usual 
invasion-succession model suggests. In fact, migrant destinations were 
independent of economic and family structure attributes found in these 
locations. Thus, both the changing nature of the housing market and migration 
processes are seen to be important considerations in the explanation of the 
spatial patterns of social structure. Many questions relating to mobility 
and residential selective processes should be geared toward explanation and 
verification of these patterns in Chicago, and other cities with more recent 
data. 

This discussion has focused on social structure dimensions and derived 
patterns for 1950 and i960. Other research is needed to develop an aggregate 
model of stages of black community development. The changing aggregate social 
and spatial form of the black community should be considered in terms of: 
(l) changing relationships between mobility and the social-spatial form of 
the community; (2) density, segregation and social-spatial stratification 
within a growing black community; and (3) types of aggregate changes relative 
to similar changes in the entire urban area. 

Many questions concerning the processes mentioned, and other related 
processes which underlie the social structure and the spatial expression of 
the black community, are still unanswered. It is hoped that this paper will 
stimulate further research concerning the black population, more specifically, 



-38- 

black migration, migrant reception zones, and other processes that influence 
social and economic structure and spatial patterns of black communities. 



-39- 



REFERENCES 



Anderson, T. and Egeland, J. A., "Spatial Aspects of Social Area Analysis," 
American Sociological Review , vol. 26 (1961), pp. 392-298. 

Bell, W. , "Social Areas: Typology of Urban Neighborhoods." In Community 
Structure and Analysis , edited by M. Sussman. New York: Cromwell, 
1959. 

Berry, B. J. L. and Horton, F. E. Geographic Perspectives on Urban 
Systems . Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1970. 

Brown, L. A. and Horton, F. E. "Social Area Change: An Empirical Analysis." 
Urban Studies, vol. 7 (1970), pp. 271-288. 

Chicago Urban League. Chicago's Negro Residential Areas as Related to 
Urban Renewal (map), 1957- 

, Areas of Negro Residence in Chicago (map), 1965. 



Frazier, E. F. The Negro Family in Chicago . Chicago: University of 
Chicago Press, 1932. 

Freedman, R. Recent Migration to Chicago . Chicago: University of Chicago 
Press, 1950. 

Frueh, L. K. and Lewis, L. T. "A Factorial Analysis of the Black Community 
of Detroit." Paper read at the annual meeting, West Lakes Division, 
Association of American Geographers, Iowa City, Iowa, 1971 • 

Harman, H. H. Modern Factor Analysis (rev. ed.) Chicago: University of 
Chicago Press, 1967. 

Hoyt , H . The Structure and Growth of Residential Neighborhoods in American 
Cities . Washington: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1939 • 

Illinois Commission on Human Relations. Nonwhite Population in Illinois , 
1950-1960. Chicago, 1962. 

King, L. J. Statistical Analysis in Geography . Englewood Cliffs, New 
Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1969. 

Kitagawa, E. M. and Taeuber, K. E. Local Community Factbook : Chicago 
Metropolitan Area , i960 . Chicago: Chicago Community Inventory, 
University of Chicago, i960. 

Murdie, R. A. Factorial Ecology of Metropolitan Toronto , 1951-1961 . 
Chicago: University of Chicago, Department of Geography, 
Research Paper Series no. 116, 1969. 

Rees, P. H. "The Factorial Ecology of Metropoligan Chicago." Chicago: 
Master's thesis, University of Chicago, 1968. 



-40- 



Romanow, M. Nonvhite Population Changes in Chicago's Suburbs . Chicago: 
Illinois Commission on Human Relations, 1959 • 

Roseman, C. C, Christian, C. and Bullamore, H. "Factorial Ecologies 
of Urban Black Communities." In Perspectives in Geography , 
vol. II, edited by H. Rose. Dekalb, Illinois: Northern Illinois 
University Press (forthcoming). 

Rummel, R. J. Applied Factor Analysis . Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern 
University Press, pp. 461-471, 1970. 

Shevky, E. and Bell, W. Social Area Analysis . Palo Alto, California: 
Stnaford University Press, 1955. 

Sweet ser, F. L. Patterns of Change in the Social Ecology of Metropolitan 
Boston , 1950-1960 . Boston: Massachusetts Department of Mental 
Health, 1962. 

Taeuber, K. E. and Taeuber, A. F. Negroes in Cities . Chicago: Aldine, 1965. 

U.S. Bureau of Census. U.S. Census of Population and Housing : 1960 Census 
Tracts . Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1962. 

. U.S . Census of Population and Housing : 1960 Census Tracts . Washing- 
ton, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1967. 



-1+1- 

PART II: 

THE OCCUPATIONAL PROFILE OF AN URBAN BLACK COMMUNITY OF CHICAGO, 1950-60 

ABSTRACT 

The occupational profiles of a portion of Chicago's black community, 
of Chicago, and of the United States are analyzed for the period of time from 
1950-60. Selected occupational classifications, Professional and Managerials; 
Sales and Clericals; Craftsmen and Operatives; Laborers; Private Household 
Workers ; and Service Workers are compared according to the percent of 
employees in each occupational classification. The black community's 
occupational structure has changed very little. Craftsmen and operatives, 
making up approximately 50 percent of the labor force of the black community, 
approximated the Chicago and national percentages employed in this 
occupation for the 1950-60 period. Within the black community, professional 
and managerials, and clericals and sales workers composed the smallest percent 
employed of any classification. Compared with Chicago and the nation, 
the black community is clearly underrepresented. However, this classification 
has shown the greatest amount of change during the time period. Through 
the 1950-60s , the black community has remained significantly overrepresented 
in the lower paying job classifications, (e.g. service workers, laborers, 
and private household workers). This study illuminates the inequities in 
the occupational structure of Chicago's black community relative to Chicago 
and the nation. 



-1*2- 



An individual's occupation supposedly reflects some of his innermost 
traits, such as talent, aptitude, IQ, interest, temperament, physical 
powers, education, training, experience, etc. (Wolfbein, 1971: ^-1) • 
Although numerous surveys have focused on aspects of employment, unem- 
ployment, occupational profile, job training, and many other labor force 
related topics, most of these indexes have been analyzed for entire cities 
or for the total U.S. (Wolfbein, 1952, 196U, Blau and Duncan, 1967, and 
numerous Bureau of Census Publications). 

The present study is more limited. It deals with a selected spatial 
unit of the black community of Chicago. Several questions are posed: l) 
what is the occupational profile of this portion of the black community 
of Chicago? 2) how does it compare with the occupational profiles of the 
total city of Chicago and the nation? 3) what have been the temporal 
effects on the occupational profile from 1950 to i960? and k) what social 
processes explain the changing aspects of occupations within the black 
community? 

STUDY AREA AND DATA 

The study area within Chicago is composed of census tracts containing 
250 or more nonwhites in 1950, and U00 or more nonwhites in i960, according 
to the U.S. Census of Population. The nonwhite population in the study 
area consists of more than 97 percent black residents for both time periods 
(Chicago Urban League, 1959> 196 5) anci will be referred to as the black 
community throughout this paper (Map l). 



-1+3- 

MAP 1 



City of Chicago 



STUDY AREA 
1950- 1960 




Source: Population and Housing Characteristics, 1950-1960 
U.S. Bureau of Census 



-Mi- 



Data utilized in the analysis consist of occupational classifications 
for the black community of Chicago, for the city of Chicago and for the 
nation. Observations include 125 census tracts for each of the two time 
periods analyzed. These census tracts were selected for this analysis 
because they were identical in location and size in both 1950 and i960. 
Variables consist of the following occupational groups: Professionals and 
Managerials, Sales and Clericals, Craftsmen and Operatives, Laborers, Pri- 
vate Household Workers, and Service Workers. Several occupational groups 
were combined for the purpose of this study to facilitate ease of data 
interpretation. 

CHARACTERISTICS OF STUDY AREA 

Several changes have taken place within the black community of 
Chicago since 1950. The community has experienced an increase in popu- 
lation, producing a more dense black population, and more importantly for 
the purpose of this paper, there has been a decrease in the number of 
persons employed- -from 161,3^7 in. 1950 to 127,126 in i960, a decrease of 
more than 3^221 employed persons in the labor force. Population density 
per tract, calculated for each of the 125 census tracts considered in the 
study area, increased from a mean of 3, 190 persons in 1950, to 3,732 persons 
in i960. Another density characteristic found in the community was the 
increase in population per household, which rose from a mean of 2.96 persons 
per household in 1950 to over 3-^ persons per household in i960. These data 



-1+5- 



suggest that a major portion of the population increase in the black 
community can be attributed to the increased number of children under 
eighteen years of age living in the household, rather than an increase 
in the total number of employable persons in the community. 

OCCUPATIONAL PROFILES FOR 1950 AND i960 

Approximately 161,3^7 employed residents lived within the black 
community in 1950. The largest percentage of the residents were crafts- 
men and operatives, accounting for more than 39 percent of the total em- 
ployed residents in the community. Lesser percentages worked as service 
workers (20 percent), laborers (ll| percent), sales and clericals (13 percent), 
professionals and managerials, and private household workers, each with six 
percent of the employed residents in the black community. 

A large in-migration of blacks from rural places in the southern United 

States, and urban migrants from both southern and northern cities initiated 
an invasion-succession process (Freedman, 1959)* The invasion-succession 
process plays a major role in creating and perpetuating residential segre- 
gation according to social class throughout the city, as well as in the 
black community. The spread of the black community is described as a 
spatial diffusion in which black in-migrants gradually penetrate the sur- 
rounding white communities and eventually assume dominance. An important 
feature of this process is that the initial penetration is often "spear- 
headed" by high status blacks who are economically best suited to compete 



-in - 



PERCENT OF EMPLOYMENT 



O 



O 



o 



PROFESSIONALS- 
MANA6ERIALS 



SALES AND 
CLERICALS 



CRAFTSMEN- 
OPERATIVES 



PRIVATE HOUSEHOLD 
WORKERS 



SERVICE WORKERS -- 



LABORERS -- 




O 
o 
o 

c 

> 

H 

o 



u 

O 

I - 

m 



m o 

to "n 

w _. 

O " 



o 

1 

o 

J> 

G) 
O 



m 



-47- 



in the white housing market. Generally, the black migrant has equal or 
higher status than the whites have in the invaded area (Taeuber and 
Taeuber, 1965). 

With a population increase of more than 6h percent during the decade, 
from approximately 509>000 to a total of more than 633>000 black residents 
for the total entire city, one would expect many changes have occurred in 
the occupational structure of this segment of the black community; however, 
very little change did occur. Figure 1 shows that some changes are found 
in three occupational classifications of the black community; professional- 
managerials, sales and clericals, and laborers. 

The black community of Chicago increased its percentage of employed 
residents in the professional and managerial occupations. This classifi- 
cation is quite broad, as it encompasses counselors, teachers, technicians, 
draftsmen, doctors, pharmacists, dietitians, dental hygienists, architects, 
lawyers, personnel workers, librarians, social scientists, humanists, and 
"hard" scientists, such as biologists, chemists, physicists, metallurgists, 
geologists, and mathematicians. Salaried managers and officials of busi- 
ness enterprises make up approximately 75 percent of the managerial classifi- 
cation. Independent proprietors, the small businessmen composed the re- 
maining 25 percent (Wolfbein, 1971: ^7)» 

The question posed at this point is what occupations have increased 
their percentages of blacks—biologists, lawyers, doctors? Possibly not. 
Broom and Glenn (1965) note that the black gains in physician, lawyer, and 
dental occupations, and other higher middle-class occupations are significant 



-1*8- 



in terms of what has occurred in Negro life heretofore, but are 
relatively small. The ratio of actual to expected number of blacks in 
middle-class occupations, as measured by the total labor force distri- 
bution, is extremely small. 

Edwards (1959) comments that social mobility of blacks up to the 
present has been determined more by conditions within the black community 
than by those of the broader society. The number and distribution of 
blacks within the professions have been related directly to the needs of 
the black community for certain types of services. In his article entitled 
"Community and Class Realities: The Ordeal of Change," Edwards states 
that clergymen and teachers, functionaries required by the segregated 
black community, have represented at least one-half of all black pro- 
fessional persons at any given period. It is suspected that the same con- 
ditions existed during the decade 1950 to i960. The increase noted for 
the black community of Chicago in the professional and managerial occupa- 
tions is no doubt a reflection of the tremendous increase in the black 
population in the community and surrounding black communities and a com- 
mensurate increase in its needs for service professionals. 

Sales and clerical occupations within the black community show a slight 
increase--from 13 percent to 17 percent of the employed black population 
in the community for 1950 and i960, respectively. Here, the largest groups 
within the sales and clerical occupations are those who work in retail 
outlets, and secretaries and stenographers. Both these subgroups have in- 
creased tremendously throughout the nation. Other subgroups of this 
classification are real-estate and insurance agents, occupations which have 



-1+9- 



increased relative to the increasing overall employment. The clerical 
occupational category includes typists, receptionists, office machine 
operators, telephone operators, shipping and receiving clerks, etc. 
Although sales and clerical employed personnel are considered white 
collar, this occupation almost certainly receives less compensation than 
numerous blue collar occupations. Sales and clerical occupations, unlike 
those of professionals and managerials, are more inclined toward shorter 
journey- to-work and are more responsive to downtown job opportunities. 

The historical and present aspects of discrimination, segregation, and 
the widespread urbanization of the black population have consistently in- 
hibited the economic progress of blacks throughout the country. The inte- 
gration of blacks throughout the society presents both threats and rewards 
for the black community. Threats are presented to those black entrepreneurs 
who have depended so heavily upon the compact and segregated black community 
for their market. With the impact of desegregation and "awareness of self- 
esteem . . . black power, " numerous white and black businessmen previously 
taking the Negro market for granted have become more conscious of the black 
sales market and its purchasing power. This is especially true in large 
cities with large black populations like Chicago. For black and white 
entrepreneurs to develop and continue their control of selected black sales 
markets, it has been consistently necessary to employ blacks in occupations 
not previously open to them. Examples of this are found in the sales and 
clerical occupational classification more than in any other occupational 
groups. 



-50- 



Overall, the increased employment of blacks in the sales and 2lerical 
occupations is a reflection of the increasing purchasing power of an in- 
creasing black population. Other reasons for black gains in this occupa- 
tional classification are accessibility to jobs in the city, social con- 
science, public relations, etc. 

The laborer occupational classification experienced some decline in 
the percentage of employed persons in the black community. However, the 
percentage decline of laborers is suspected to be nationwide as a result 
of increased technology throughout all sectors of our economy. Laborers 
are classified as blue collar occupations — the lowest level. Essentially, 
the lack of a skill, or an outdated semiskill, place these persons in econ- 
omic flux. In periods of a booming economy, the demand for laborers sur- 
passes the supply; however, in times of a stable or declining economy, 
laborers find themselves threatened with high and consistent unemployment. 
It is suggested that this decline in the percentage of laborers employed 
in the black community is a reflection of increasing technology creating 
a decline in the demand for laborers. 

The percentages of blacks employed in craftsmen and operatives, services, 
and private household workers classif icatioas have remained almost stable 
throughout the 1950-1960 decade. Accepting the notion of an invasion- 
succession process occurring in the black community during the decade 
(Christian, 1972; Duncan and Duncan, 1957; Frazier, 1932; Taeuber and 
Taeuber, 1965), where new in-migrants displace the older residents in housing 
and residential space, such moves by older residents (length of residence as 
opposed to age of residents) are most likely based on increasing economic 
gains, possibly as a result of new employment status. Some jobs are left 



-51- 



PERCENT OF EMPLOYMENT 



o 



o 



o 



PROFESSIONALS- 
MANA6ERIALS 



SALES AND 
CLERICALS 



CRAFTSMEN- 
OPERATIVES 



PRIVATE HOUSEHOLD 
WORKERS 



SERVICE WORKERS 



LABORERS -- 




O 
o 
o 

c 

I o 

m z 



-< -o 

± m 
go 

Oo_, 

>£ 

z f 71 

m £ 

Fo 
en o 

' s 

z 

c 
z 



to 



31 

o 

c 

m 
ro 



-52- 



behind within the black community and are readily filled by numerous lower 
skilled craftsmen, operatives, and service workers. Further, the increasing 
black in-migration causes both an increased sales market and subsequently 
new job opportunities within or close to the black community; however, these 
created jobs are often insufficient to compensate for the total number of 
in-migrants seeking employment. 

OCCUPATIONAL PROFILE DIFFERENTIALS— 1950-1960 
The achievement of occupational equality by blacks within the American 
society is a difficult process, as overall discrimination against blacks 
inhibits easy access to high-paying occupational positions. A comparison of 
the occupational profile of the black community with the occupational profiles 
of Chicago and the nation for the decade reflects this notion. Figure 2 
shows the occupational profile of the three spatial units in which distinct 
underrepresentation in high-paying occupations and distinct overrepresentation 
in low-paying occupations tend to predominate. 

Professional Managerial Occupations : The black community of Chicago is 
very much underrepresented in this occupational classification — black com- 
munity, 6 percent; Chicago, 17.4 percent; and the nation, 25.2 percent. In 
professional and managerial employment, blacks lag 11 percent behind the 
population of Chicago as a whole, and 25.2 percent behind the nation. These 
figures are slightly misleading because the professional and managerial 
occupations incorporate a significant percentage of farm owners and farm 
managers, who are nonexistent in the city of Chicago. The continuing ten- 
dency of the middle class (especially professionals and managerials) to 
migrate away from the city to surburbia is another reason for the underrepre- 
sentation of blacks and of Chicago. 



-53- 



Sales and Clericals : In this classification, the black community is 
also highly underrepresented — 13 percent for the black community, 26.3 
percent in the city of Chicago, and 19 percent in the United States. Chicago 
is overrepresented when compared with the nation, approximately 7 percentage 
points underrepresented, when compared respectively with Chicago and the 
nation. 

Craftsmen and Operatives ; Interestingly and surprisingly, the black 
community of Chicago is slightly overrepresented. Approximately 39 percent 
of the black residents in the black community are employed as craftsmen 
and operatives, while the city records 38.1 percent and the nation 33.6 per- 
cent of its employed persons in this occupational classification. The high 
percentage employed in this classification for the black community and Chicago 
is clearly a reflection of the industrial dominance of Chicago. Further, the 
higher percentage shown for the black community may be a reflection of many 
white craftsmen and operatives vacating the city in favor of surburban resi- 
dential locations. 

Private Household Workers : Blacks predominate in this occupational 
classification. In fact, the percentage of blacks as private household 
workers within the black community is six times that of Chicago, and three 
times that of the nation. 

Service Workers : The black community has 20 percent of its employed 
residents in this classification. This is almost two-and-one-half times 
that of Chicago and three times that of the nation. 

Laborers (except mine) : Employed black residents are found overrepre- 
sented in this occupational classification, accounting for more than 14 per- 
cent of the black community's employed residents. Chicago and the nation 



-54- 



have 5.7 percent and 10.3 percent, respectively. Interestingly, the percent- 
age of laborers in the black community is almost three times that of Chicago, 
and less than one and one-half times that of the nation. 

Considering the occupational profiles for the black community, Chicago, 
and the nation, Figure 3 shows that little change has occurred in any of 
these units. A similar occupational profile is found for both 1950 and 1960, 
with few notably significant changes. Changes in professionals and manage- 
rials, sales and clericals, and laborers occupational classifications are 
slightly significant. 

Professional and Managerial Classification : During the decade, the 
percentage employed in professional-managerial occupations decreased approxi- 
mately 2 percent for the nation and for Chicago; however, in the black com- 
munity of Chicago there was an increase of one percent in employed residents 
in this classification. The decline of professionals and managers within the 
nation may be partly attributed to the decline of farm managers throughout 
the nation. This, plus the out-migration of a large number of persons of 
this occupational classification to suburbia and other smaller towns outside 
Chicago, explains in part the decline of professionals and managers within 
Chicago. The small percentage increase in black professionals and managers 
is possibly a reflection of the increasing number of black entrepreneurs in 
services and other small business. However, it is assumed that this increase 
is mostly teachers and clergy, functionaries who are increasing as a result 
of an increasing black population. 

Sales and Clericals Classification ; The total percent of blacks employed 
in this occupation declined approximately 2 points within the black community, 
while Chicago and the nation recorded employment increases in this occupational 



-55- 



classif ication of 1 percent and 3 percent, respectively. The percentage of 
black population employed in the laborer classification remained three times 
that of Chicago and one and one-half times that of the nation. This high 
percentage reflects the low skills and lack of skills of many new rural 
migrants to the black community. Further, the increasing percentage of 
employed laborers in Chicago, and the decreasing percentage of employed 
laborers in the black community, reflect the high number of black laborers 
unemployed and the increased discrimination in a period of low economic 
growth, as both blacks and whites who have no skills compete for the same 
occupations. Although this is not tested, it appears plausible given the 
conditions of Chicago during this period. 

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 

The black community's occupational structure has changed very little 
during the decade from 1950 to 1960. The largest percentage of employed 
residents is found in the craftsmen and operatives occupations, an occupa- 
tional classification which ranges from skilled to semiskilled personnel, and 
with equally wide ranges of occupations and salaries. Craftsmen and operatives 
make up approximately two-fifths of the total employed black population within 
the study area community. Service workers make up the second largest per- 
centage of employed black residents. These two classifications account for 
over 60 percent of the employed black residents within the community. 

White collar occupations (professionals, managerials, sales, and cler- 
icals) account for a smaller percentage of the employed population — approxi- 
mately 24 percent of the employed residents in 1960, compared with only 19 
percent in 1950, an overall increase of 5 percent during the decade. It might 



-56- 



be suspected that a larger percentage of black white collar employees are 
found distributed on the periphery of the study area and dispersed in other 
tracts throughout the city. However, it is suggested that the increase in 
professionals, manager ials, sales, and clericals in the black community is a 
reflection of the overall increase of the black population in the city of 
Chicago rather than a growing demand from the broader society. Essentially, 
this black in-migration represents a growing sales market and an increasing 
purchasing power which blacks are consistently being employed to develop and 
control. 

A comparison of the black community's occupational profile with those 
of Chicago and the nation reveals that blacks have made some gains in several 
of the middle class occupational classification, but for the most part they 
still remain significantly underrepresented in the white collar occupations 
while overrepresented in low-paying occupations such as service workers, 
laborers, and private household workers. 

The craftsmen and operatives occupational classification almost equally 
represented with a slight edge (1 percent) in favor of the black community. 
Future studies many show this to be misleading, as this classification repre- 
sents both a wide range of skills and compensatory rewards. Wolfbein furthers 
this notion by stating that "blacks earn consistently less than whites in the 
same occupational groups" (Wolfbein, 1971) . This suggests very strongly that 
more research is needed in this area. 

This study has illuminated the inequities in the occupational structure 
of a portion of the black community when compared with the city of Chicago 
and the nation. However, different findings may be revealed if the total 
black community of Chicago is compared with the same units utilized herein. 



-57- 



An avenue of research is suggested from this analysis of the black com- 
munity. Further research should seek to incorporate the impact of several 
social organizations operating (in the city of Chicago and other major central 
cities) upon the social and occupational mobility of blacks. This thrust is 
suggested since these organizations propose and work for racial equality in 
middle and higher income occupations. Such organizations as PUSH, OPERATION 
BREADBASKET, and the MAYOR'S COMMITTEE FOR ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL DEVELOPMENT 
are essentially new organizations working toward full and equitable employment 
especially directed at black and minority employment within the city of 
Chicago. It is suggested that an analysis of these organizations and their 
impact on occupational mobility, in light of the 1970 census, may reveal 
significant changes which have occurred since 1960. 



-58- 



REFERENCES 



Blau, P. M. and Duncan, 0. D. The American Occupational Structure . New 
York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1967. 

Broom, L. and Glenn, Norval. Transformation of the Negro American . New 
York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1965. 

Chicago Urban League. "Areas of Negro Residence in Chicago." (Map), 1959. 

. "Areas of Negro Residence in Chicago." (Map), 1965. 

Christian, Charles M. "Social Areas and Spatial Change in the Black Commu- 
nity of Chicago: 1950-1960." Occasional Publications of the Department 
of Geography . University of Illinois. April 1972. 

Duncan, Otis D. and Duncan, Beverly. The Negro Population of Chicago: A 

Study of Residential Succession . Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 
1957. 

Edwards, G. Franklin. "The Negro American — Community and Class Realities: 
The Ordeal of Change." Daedalus , Winter, 1966. 

. The Negro Professional Class . Glencoe, Illinois: The Free 



Press, 1959. 

Frazier, E. F. "Desegregation as a Social Process." In Human Behavior and 

Social Processes , edited by Arnold Rose. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 
1962. 

The Negro Family in Chicago . Chicago: University of Chicago 



Press, 1932. 

Freedman, R. Recent Migration to Chicago . Chicago: University of Chicago 
Press, 1950. 

Taeuber, Karl and Taeuber, Alma. Negroes in Cities . Chicago: Aldin, Inc., 
1965. 

U.S. Bureau of Census. U.S. Census of Population and Housing: 1950 Census 
Tracts . Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1952. 

U.S. Bureau of Census. U.S. Census of Population and Housing: 1960 Census 
Tracts . Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1962. 

Wolfbein, Seymour. "Job Tenure of American Workers." Monthly Labor Review , 
September 1952. 

Employment and Unemployment in the United States . Chicago : 



Science Research Associates, Inc., 1964. 



-59- 



Work In American Society . Glenview, Illinois: Scott, Foresman 



and Company, 1971. 



PART III 



AN EXPLORATORY ANALYSIS OF INDUSTRIAL RELOCATIONS FROM 
THE BLACK COMMUNITY OF CHICAGO, 1969 THROUGH 1971 



by 



Charles M. Christian and 
Sari J. Bennett 



-6l- 

Since World War II, industrial enterprises have been moving away from core 
areas of the nation's metropolitan regions in increasing numbers (Kain, 1970). 
In the wake of this exodus, large blocks of once highly productive land have 
been left to less intensive uses; multistory industrial structures have been 
left to feed urban blight; and aspiring in-migrants have been left without job 
opportunities at traditional sites (Mayor's Committee for Economic and Cultural 
Development, 1966). As a result, burgeoning problems of unemployment, financing 
the city and its public service functions, weakening of the city's tax base, and 
problems resulting from the increasing growth of low-income populations within 
the central city have resulted in both city and federal government giving high 
priority to their solution. Furthermore, industrial decentralization is making 
job sites more inaccessible to residents of the black community resulting in 
lengthening journey-to-work for a population who can least afford it (Kain, 1968; 
Deskins, 1970; and Wheeler, 1971) . Because manufacturing firms are major employ- 
ers of central city residents and because numerous problems result from the out- 
migration of industries, this research will describe and analyze the relocation 
of manufacturing firms and employment opportunities within and from the black 
community of Chicago. 

The black community, as defined in this paper, consists of those postal zip 

1 2 

zones which have 30 percent or more black residents (U.S. Bureau of Census, 

Postal zip code zones were superimposed over census tracts; and the total black- 
white populations were computed for all census tracts enclosed to derive a per- 
centage black population for each postal zip code zone. 

2 
Postal zones of 30 percent or more black residents were used in defining the 

black community for the following reasons: 1) When black occupancy within an 

area attains a level of approximately 30 percent, whites discontinue to seek 

housing in close physical proximity (Rose, 1970); and 2) Chicago has the highest 

racial segregation index of any major U.S. metropolitan city. Over 96 percent 

of the black population in Chicago live in census tracts of 30 percent or more 

blacks (DeVise, 1972). 



Map 1 



■62- 



City of Chicago 




H3 Black Community 
20 Postal Zones 



Bureau of Census: Census of Population and Housing, Chicago and Northwestern 
Indiana Standard Consolidated Area, Reproduced by Chicago Association of 
Commerce and Industry, 1970 



SB 



-63- 



1971) Map 1. Postal zones rather than smaller areal units, such as census tracts, 

3 
were used because most published listings of Chicago industry are so recorded. 

The city of Chicago has experienced an absolute decline in manufacturing 
employment (Northeastern Illinois Planning Commission, 1964). From 1947 to 1963, 
approximately 147,900 net jobs in manufacturing were lost from the central city 
of Chicago, with the greatest and most consistent decline found within highly 
concentrated black residential and adjacent areas (Mayor's Committee for Eco- 
nomic and Cultural Development, 1966). The black areas still are losing the 
major portion of the job opportunities as is substantiated by the reporting of 
the State of Illinois Department of Labor summarized in Map 2a. According to 
this report, the areas that suffered the worst losses during the period 1957 
through 1969 were: 1) the Outer Business Ring; 2) the South; 3) the West Cen- 
tral; and 4) the Southwest. These areas, with the exception of the Southwest, 
are clearly predominantly black (Map 2a and 2b). In contrast, areas which 
gained manufacturing employment during the same period had a small black popu- 
lation. This industrial manufacturing employment trend is probably similar to 
that of most other major metropolitan areas and the conclusions drawn from this 
analysis may apply to black communities in other large metropolitan central cities. 
Industrial Movement Trends 

A questionnaire was constructed and mailed to approximately 2000 industries 
listed in the 1969 Illinois Manufacturers Directory for postal zones of the 
black community. An "Address Correction, Postage Guaranteed" stamp was affixed 
to each envelope to identify industries which had moved. Six hundred and twenty- 
six questionnaires were returned, of which 73.2 percent (458 industries) indicated 
a change of address or change in business status, such as closure. 

3 
Postal zones were also considered valid areal units for analysis because they 

are: 1) sensitive to population density; 2) generally stable; and 3) terri- 
torially inclusive (Abler, 1970). 



Map 2a 



■6k- 



i 



LTV 



J 



I 



NORTHWEST 

+ 30418 



NORTH 

_ +1807 



WEST CENTRAL 
7276 



-~i 







it 



SOUTHWEST 

-4097 



[BLACK COMMUNITY 
DISTRICT BOUNDARY 



1 



miles 




City of Chicago 

GAINS AND LOSSES 
OF 

MANUFACTURING EMPLOYMENT 

by 

District 

1957-1969 



OUTER BUSINESS RING 

:;r\ -18686 




CENTRAL 

+ 11208 



SOUTH 

-50446 



> i i i i I i : I ! ! ! I ! ! ! 






FAR SOUTH 

j:V; +6158 




Source: 

Chicago Area Labor Market Analysis Unit, ' Employment Covered Under The Illinois Unemployment 

Compensation Act: 1957-1969', State of Illinois Department of Labor, 1971. 



Map ?b 
~26\ 



48 



31 



R-t 



/ 



46 



30 



34 



41 



35 



45 



25 



18 



40 



T 



-65- 
City of Chicago 

PERCENTAGE 

BLACK POPULATION 

(by Postal Zones) 
1970 



Black Community 



100 




3% or less 



Sour 




% BLACK POPULATION 



miles 



970 Bureau of Census: Census of Population and Housing, Chicago and Northwestern 
Indiana Standard Consolidated Area, Reproduced by Chicago Association of 
Commerce and Industry, 1970 



SB 



-66- 

Industries which had moved or changed status were classified into six 
categories: 1) In-Zone movements (i.e., within the same Zip zone); 2) Between- 
Zone movements within the black area; 3) Between-Zone movements to zones out- 
side the black area; 4) Movements to suburbs and other areas within the state; 
5) Out-of-State; and 6) Unclassified (movements based on postal departments' 
responses of "moved, address unknown, or out-of-business") . 
In-Zone Movements 

In-zone movements composed almost two percent (9) of the industrial movements 
affecting the black community. Most of these movements within the same zone 
were found on the outer margin of the black area, most particularly in zones 20 
and 28. Because these movements involved short distances, it is hypothesized 
that they are responses to the need for better site facilities and space, while 
maintaining labor and market advantages. 
Between-Zone Movements Within the Black Area 

Between-zone movements within the black area composed 5.6 percent (26) of 
the total movements (Map 3) . These movements appeared to have no specific pat- 
tern either in direction or distance. In general, a greater proportion of these 
movements occurred in the southern part of the black area. Interestingly, zone 
43 received all of its relocated industries from the contiguous zones of 20 and 
28. These movements were short distance moves. 

These industrial relocations involved a movement of 308 job opportunities 

4 
and an estimated capitalization of $1.4 million. Zone 43 clearly received the 

bulk of each — 22 percent of the job opportunities and 22 percent of the estimated 

capitalization relocating between zones within the black area. 

4 
Capitalization is the estimated financial appraisal of a firm's capital outlay. 

This appraisal was estimated by each firm entered in the Illinois Manufacturers 

Directory . 

Employment and capitalization figures were calculated from data listed in the 
1969 Illinois Manufacturers Directory . 



-67- 



Map 3 



City of Chicago 

Between- Zone Movemenis 

Within 

Black Area 
1969 thru 1971 






Black Community 


t 


lumber of 


Migrating Firms 


• « 


#3 


• 2 




• 1 



SB 



-63- 

Between-Zone Movements Outside the Black Area 

Movements to sites in zones outside the black area composed 15.8 percent 
(71) of all moves. These relocations involved the movement of 1705 job opportu- 
nities and approximately $8.4 million in capitalization. 

Destinations for these relocated industries were divided into two general 
categories: 1) relocations near or to the CBD; and 2) relocations to the northern 
postal Zip zones of the city (Map 4) . Twenty-three of these relocations near or 
to the CBD were directed to zones 1, 3, 4, 6, 7, and 16. Origin zones for these 
relocated firms were primarily zones 20, 23, and 24. 

Outer zones 41, 51, 26, and 34 made up the second, large category of indus- 
trial relocation destinations. These zones received twenty industrial relocations. 
Origin areas of these movements were mostly located in zones 12, 24, and 44 which 
supplied sixteen of these relocating industries. Few industrial firms from the 
southern portion of the black area relocated in the northern postal Zip zones of 
the city. Further, of the twenty-eight firms which relocated from the southern 
zones of the black area, only six chose new locations in northern Zip zones, while 
the remaining twenty-two firms from the western zones of the black area relocated 
almost totally in northern zones and the CBD zones, with only two firms relocating 
in southern zones. 

On the basis of these findings, it is observed that between-zone industrial 
relocations to zones outside the black area tend not only to be short distance 
movements, but such movements also indicate some directional biases, as southern 
firms do not generally move to northern zones and western firms show no tendency 
toward moving to southern zones within the city. These hypotheses suggest that 
a firm's distance and direction biases are the results of the entrepreneur's 
information field, which decreases with distance outward and varies with direc- 
tion. In other words, the entrepreneur's site selection decision is influenced 



Map 4 



City of Chicago 

Between- Zone Movements 

Outside The 
Black Area 




Number of 
Out-migrating 

fP over 
£ 10-12 

• 5-9 

• 3-4 

• 1-2 



Number of Movements 

5> 1 



=>4 
5 



miles 



S B 



-70- 

by a more complete knowledge of adjacent zones rather than by more incomplete 

knowledge of more distant zones within the city. 

Movements to the Suburbs and to Other Cities Within the State 

Movements to the suburbs and to other cities within the state were 23 per- 
cent (105) of all movements, of which 93.3 percent were to suburban locations. 
These suburban relocations involved a loss of 3379 job opportunities from the 
black community of Chicago and an estimated capitalization of $17.8 million. 

Table 1 and Map 5 summarize the pattern of relocation to suburban Chicago. 
Outward movements were mainly to the western suburbs. This trend does not coin- 
cide with observations by Reinemann (1960) who analyzed industrial development 
and movement trends for the entire Chicago SMA from 1947 to 1954. He concluded, 
using similar movement classifications, that the major direction of all indus- 
trial relocations and new industrial development had been toward the northern 
and northwestern suburbs immediately adjacent to Chicago. However, in the present 
analysis of the relocations from the black community, the western suburbs, most 
particularly Oak Park and Franklin Park, received the highest number of industries. 
The latter two received about 15 percent of all industrial relocations from the 
black area. A distance bias is again noted as most firms relocated in suburbs 
adjacent to the city boundary. 

Oak Park received seven of the suburban relocations, four of which were 
from the adjacent zone 44. The remaining two moves also had their origin in the 
western portion of the black area, zones 12 and 24. These relocations to Oak Park 
involved 123 job opportunities an estimated capitalization of more than $0.5 
million. Franklin Park, also a western suburb, received seven industrial reloca- 
tions. It is shown that three of the seven moves originated in the proximate 
zone 44, and four relocations originated in zones 12 and 24, located in the adja- 
cent western portion of the black area. Approximately 743 job opportunities and 



Map 5 



-71- 



SUBURBAN 
LOCATION 




NDUSTRIAL RELOCATIONS 
TO CHICAGO SUBURBS 
FROM THE BLACK "AREA 

1969 THRU 1971 



STUDY AREA 
ZONES 




(99) Suburban Towns 



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-73- 



a capitalization of $1.55 million were relocated from the black area to Franklin 
Park. It is also noted that Alsip, a southwestern suburb, received 9.5 percent 
(10) of the total suburban movements. Total employment opportunities moving to 
Alsip were 241 and the estimated capitalization was $1.15 million. Four of these 
moves to Alsip were from zones 20, 28, and 43, zones within the southern portion 
of the black area. 

The ninety-eight suburban relocations involved fifty suburbs within the 
Chicago metropolitan area. The Chicago Department of Development and Planning 
indicated that the factors which make the suburbs more desirable for industrial 
location than many central city locations are: 1) quality and quantity of land 
necessary for straight-line production processes; 2) increasing use of trucks and 
the expressway system; and 3) a growing number of skilled employees moving to the 
suburbs (City of Chicago Department of Development and Planning, 1968) . 

Other cities in the state to receive relocated industries were Joliet, Peoria, 
Fox River Grove, Benton, Champaign, and Urbana. These movements represented a 
loss of 478 job opportunities and a capitalization of approximately $0.8 million 
from the black area. 
Out-of-State Movements 

Approximately six percent (26) of the total industrial movements relocated from 
the black area of Chicago to out-of-state locations from 1969 through 1971 (Map 6) . 
A total of 1078 job opportunities and an approximate capitalization of $5.1 million 
were lost from the city, and more particularly from the black community. Over half 
(57 percent) of these industrial relocations were to the northeastern states. 
One third relocated within two neighboring states — Indiana and Ohio, each receiv- 
ing four relocated firms. 

Ohio received 389 job opportunities, while Indiana received only fifteen. 
Likewise, the estimated capitalization in relocating to Ohio from the black community 



-75- 



of Chicago was $1.66 million, and for Indiana, $0.25 million. Ohio received three 
industries from zone 9 and one from zone 38 , while the origin zones for industries 
moving to Indiana were 28, 20, and 43. These moves tend to reaffirm the pattern 
noted for in-state movements, i.e., that industries tend to move short distances 
to new locations. 

Two relocations were made to each of these states: California, North Carolina, 
Pennsylvania, Tennessee, and Wisconsin; and one relocation each to Florida, Louisi- 
ana, Michigan, Minnesota, New Jersey, New York, Oklahoma, and the Virgin Islands. 
Unclassified Movements 

The existence of many unclassified movements (defined on the basis of post 
office responses of "moved, address unknown, or out-of-business") tend to reinforce 
many of the notions presented earlier, specifically the perceived undesirability 
of the black community for industry. Of the 458 movements, approximately 48 per- 
cent (221) were unclassified. Certain zones of the black area tended to have 
predominant numbers of unclassified movements — zones 12, 9, 44, 24, and 23 
(Map 7). These zones were characterized as zones of rapid transition from white 
to black population (Mid-Chicago Economic Development Study, 1966), and presently 
have a relatively high percentage black residential population concentration 
(Map 2b). 

The number of unclassified movements in particular zones further indicates 
that industries are finding it more difficult to maintain their locations in the 
black community. Zones where riots and fires followed the assassination of 
Dr. Martin Luther King in April 1968 show some evidence of this difficulty (Chicago 
Tribune, 1968) . It is suggested that these incidents have increased the undesir- 
ability of these specific zones (zones 12, 9, 44, 24, and 23), and have also 
created an unfavorable image of other zones within the black community as sites 



76- 



City of Chicago 



INDUSTRIAL RELOCATIONS 



1969 thru 1971 




NUMBER AND TYPE Or MOVEMENT 



40 
36- 

28 

20 

12 



Unclassified 
Out of state 
Suburbs and other cit 

between zone outside 

Study Area 
Between zone within 
Study Area 
tn zone 



1 2 

i I i 



-77- 



for industrial relocations. Because of insufficient data concerning these unclas- 
sified movements, it is impossible to determine the migration of job opportunities 
or estimated capitalization loss from the black community. 
Types of Relocating Industries 

Industrial relocations, by SIC classification, appear to be most generally 
dominated by fabricated metals, wholesaling, chemicals, and printing and publish- 
ing. Because of insufficient and unavailable data representing the type of 
industry existing within each of the zones of the black area, it is impossible 
to make clear-cut inferences about potential types of movers. However, from the 
industrial relocation matrix (Table 2) some generalizations can be made about the 
type of industries and their relocation destinations. 

In general, the same types of industries were found to be moving, regardless 
of destination; however, some variations have occurred. Six of the nine in-zone 
movements involved fabricated metals, wholesaling, and printing and publishing, 
chemicals, and wholesaling. Essentially, these movements were similar to in-zone 
movements as both are suggested to be responses to changes in markets within the 
city. 

The types of industries relocating to sites outside the black community were 
identical to those mentioned above, with the addition of electrical machinery and 
food products. Five categories (fabricated metals, printing and publishing, whole- 
saling, electrical machinery, and food products) encompassed over 54 percent (39) 
of the seventy-one movements to sites outside the black area. Another 14 percent 
(ten relocations) was made up of rubber products and primary metals. 

Fabricated metals and wholesaling activities made up 37.1 percent of the total 
suburban moves. Other industries represented in this suburban out-flow of industry 
from the black area were: printing and publishing, nonelectrical machinery and 
electrical machinery. 



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-78- 



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-79- 

The type of industry seeking out-of-state locations were fabricated metals 
(18.5 percent); wholesaling (14 percent); chemicals (9.5 percent); and food products 
(8.1 percent) . 

Overall, fabricated metals, wholesaling, chemicals, and printing and publish- 
ing appeared to dominate the types of industries relocating within and from the 
black community. In a previous study of industrial movements it was found that 
fabricated metals, electrical and nonelectrical machinery displayed the highest 
number of industrial relocations from the city during the period 1947-1957 (Chicago 
Department of City Planning, 1961) . The present analysis suggests that this trend 
is continuing and that industrial movements from the black community are representa- 
tive of the industrial movements from the entire city of Chicago. 
Conclusions 

Industry and manufacturing employment opportunities are moving out of the 
black community in great numbers. Although industrial movements within and from 
Chicago have been many, industrial firms have avoided relocations within the zones 
of high black population, seeming to prefer other zones within the city. The 
western and southwestern zones of the black community have been the prime sources 
of these relocating industries. It is suggested that this high proportion of 
industry and employment losses from the western and southwestern zones were directly 
influenced by the riots and fires of 1968 which damaged and destroyed numerious 
industrial and commercial buildings in these zones. This hypothesized effect is 
reinforced by the high number of unclassified industries found in zones most affected 
by the 1968 incidents. 

It is also suggested that many of the movements from other zones of the black 
community are the result of the entrepreneur's image of potential racial disruptions 
in areas of high black population concentration, as well as the negative forces 



.■•in- 



exerted upon industry by urban blight, vacant buildings, traffic congestion, inac- 
cessibility to transport arterials, high taxes, and the deterioration of the black 
community itself. 

These findings also show that industrial moves are characterized by a distance 
and directional bias, possibly attributed to the employer's information field. 
Movements within the city tend to favor a northward and CBD direction. 

Finally, approximately 7000 job opportunities and millions of dollars of 
capitalization have been lost from the black community as a result of this small 
number of industrial movements during the period 1969 through 1971. This research 
has been exploratory; however, a more detailed and complete analysis would likely 
reveal a larger number of industrial relocations, a larger number of job oppor- 
tunities and a greatly increased capitalization lost from the black community of 
Chicago. Such an analysis would guide city planners and interested social scien- 
tists toward the development of comprehensive plans for the solution of numerous 
urban problems resulting from industrial decentralization. 



-81- 



REFERENCES 

Alber, Ronald. "Zip Code Areas As Statistical Regions." Professional Geographer . 
Vol. XXII, no. 5 (September 1970) pp. 270-274. 

Chicago Tribune (Chicago), "Looters Have A Grim Carnival on West Side," section 1, 
p. 5, April 6, 1968. 

City of Chicago Department of City Planning. Industrial Movements and Expansions , 
1947-1957, City of Chicago and Chicago Metropolitan Area , Study no. 3, 
January 1961. 

City of Chicago Department of Development and Planning. Vol. II, An Analysis of 
City Systems, Business, Industry, Transportation . Chicago, 1968. 

Deskins, Donald R., Jr. "Residence-Workplace Interaction Vectors for the Detroit 
Metropolitan Area: 1953-1965." Special Publication no. 3, Interaction Pat - 
terns and the Spatial Form of the Ghetto . Department of Geography, North- 
western University, 1970. 

DeVise, Pierre. "Chicago, 1971: Ready for Another Fire?" In Geographical Per- 
spectives on American Poverty , edited by Richard Peet, pp. 47-66. Worcester, 
Mass.: An Antipode, 1972. 

Kain, John F. "Housing Segretation, Negro Employment and Metropolitan Decentrali- 
zation," Quarterly Journal of Economics . 82 (May 1968), pp. 175-197. 

"The Distribution and Movement of Jobs and Industry." In The Metropolitan 



Enigma . New York: Doubleday and Company, 1970, 

Mayor's Committee for Economic and Cultural Development. Mid-Chicago Economic 
Study, Vol. I: Technical Analysis and Findings , 1966. 

Manufacturers News. The Illinois Manufacturers Directory , Chicago, 1969. 

Northeastern Illinois Planning Comission. Industrial Employment Study , 1964. 

Reinemann, Martin W. "The Pattern and Distribution of Manufacturing in the Chicago 
Area," Economic Geography , Vol. 36, no. 2 (April 1960), pp. 139-144. 

Rose, Harold. "The Development of an Urban Subsystem: The Case of the Negro 

Ghetto," Annals of the Association of American Geographers , Vol. 60, no. 1 
(March 1970), pp. 1-17. 

State of Illinois Department of Labor. Employment Covered Under the Illinois 
Unemployment Compensation Act, 1957-1969 . Prepared by the Chicago Area 
Labor Market Analysis Unit, 1972. 

U. S. Bureau of Census. Chicago and Northwestern Indiana Standard Consolidated 

Area: Statistics for Census Tracts . Reproduced by the Research and Statis- 
tical Division, Chicago Association of Commerce and Industry, 1971. 

Wheeler, James 0. "The Spatial Interaction of Blacks in Metropolitan Areas," 
Southeastern Geographer , Vol. XI, no. 2 (November 1971), pp. 101-112.