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Cimes 

DOCUMENTARY HISTORY 
OF THE WAR 

VOL. IX 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY 
OF THE WAR 



VOLUME IX 



DIPLOMATIC PART 3 




LONDON 

PRINTING HOUSE SQUARE 
1919 



505" 



PREFACE 

THE contents of this volume fall into three groups. The first 
relates, as did the two previous volumes in the Diplomatic 
division of this work, to the outbreak of the war (pp. 1-63) ; 
the second concerns the rupture with Turkey (pp. 64-309) ; 
the third consists of the second Belgian Grey Book, a miscel- 
laneous collection of despatches and reports dealing in part 
with these same two subjects, but by no means confined to 
them (pp. 310-501). 

In the first group the chief item is Prince Lichnowsky's 
My Mission to London, 1912-1914, of which a special transla- 
tion has been made (pp. 1-39). This belongs to the earliest 
period, although it was not published until the spring of 1918. 
The next two items, an article from the North German Gazette 
of October 12, 1917 (pp. 40-46), and a passage from Herr von 
Bethmann Hollweg's speech in the Reichstag of August 19, 
1915 (pp. 47-48), supply information respecting telegrams 
that passed between Berlin and Vienna in July, 1914. The 
disclosures are, of course, fragmentary, and more may be 
looked for. The original German text of the instructions 
embodying the demand for the surrender of Toul and Verdun 
(p. 49) has been supplied through the courtesy of the French 
Foreign Office. M. Sazonof 's speech in the Duma of August 8, 
1914 (pp. 52-55), is taken from a Russian official source which 
^as not available when the first two volumes of The Times 
Documentary History of the War were prepared. The text of 
the German Emperor's telegram to President Wilson (pp. 56- 
58) is copied by permission from the facsimile in Mr. James 
W. Gerard's My Four Years in Germany. Mr. Bonar Law's 
letter promising support to Mr. Asquith's Government (pp. 59- 



vi DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

60), and certain official British statements (pp. 61-63), conclude 
this group. 

Among the documents relating to the rupture with Turkey 
is the British diplomatic Correspondence (pp. 67-240). This 
has already appeared, for reasons explained at the time, in 
the second volume of the Naval division of this work ; but 
the text alone was printed, without the useful Table of 
Contents or the editorial notes and references now supplied. 
Of the Russian Orange Book, which deals with the same 
period and events, an English translation, with an Appendix 
containing M. Sazonof s speech of February 9, 1915, was 
issued in Petrograd by the Imperial Ministry of Foreign 
Affairs, and this is the version here reproduced (pp. 241-309). 

The second Belgian Grey Book, which forms the third 
group (pp. 310-501), ranges over many subjects and a con- 
siderable stretch of time. The partial translation prepared 
by the British Foreign Office has been used so far as it goes ; 
the remainder has been specially translated. A few of the 
documents have been given already in the first two volumes 
of the Military division ; some of the others bear a date which, 
had they stood alone, would not have led to their inclusion 
here. But it is one of the aims of the Diplomatic division 
to present official publications in a complete form wherever 
this can be done without excessive repetition, and a strictly 
chronological arrangement is in any case unattainable. 

A few errors have been found in the printed text of the 
official documents. Most of these are trivial and have been 
put right without remark. In one or two cases of greater 
importance the correction has been recorded in a note. 



CONTENTS 



PAGE 



PRINCE LICHNOWSKY'S PAMPHLET: 'MY MISSION TO 

LONDON, 1912-1914 ' i 

CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN GERMANY AND AUSTRIA IN 

JULY, 1914 . . 40 

TOUL AND VERDUN AS GUARANTEE OF NEUTRALITY . 49 

SPEECH OF M. SAZONOF IN THE DUMA, JULY 26 (AUGUST 8), 

1914 ... . . . . 52 

THE GERMAN EMPEROR AND PRESIDENT WILSON: 

TELEGRAM OF AUGUST 10, 1914 56 

MR. BONAR LAW'S LETTER TO MR. ASQUITH, AUGUST 2, 1914 59 

BRITISH OFFICIAL STATEMENTS : 

JAPAN AND THE WAR . . . . . . 61 

EXCHANGE OF BRITISH, AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN AND GERMAN 

SUBJECTS . . . . . , . . 61 

WAR WITH TURKEY : 

BRITISH FOREIGN OFFICE STATEMENT . . . . . 64 

CORRESPONDENCE RESPECTING EVENTS LEADING TO THE RUPTURE 

OF RELATIONS WITH TURKEY . . . . ' . 67 

DESPATCH FROM H.M. AMBASSADOR AT CONSTANTINOPLE . . 225 

SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK NEGOTIATIONS PRECEDING THE 

WAR WITH TURKEY . . . . . . . 241 

SPEECH OF M. SAZONOF IN THE DUMA, JANUARY 27 (FEBRUARY 9), 
. 1915 . ... , . . .300 

SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 310 

INDEX . -.503 



vii 



'MY MISSION TO LONDON, 1912-1914.' 

BY PRINCE LICHNOWSKY (LATE GERMAN 
AMBASSADOR IN ENGLAND).* 

My Appointment. 

IN September, 1912, Baron Marschall died, after having been 
at his post in London for only a few months. His appoint- 
ment, which probably came about principally on account of 
his age and the desire of his junior officer to go to London, 
was one of the many blunders of our policy. 

In spite of a striking personality and great reputation, he 
was too old and too tired to settle down happily in the Anglo- 
Saxon world, which was completely strange to him, and he 
was rather an official and a lawyer than a diplomatist and 
statesman. He at once strove zealously to convince the 
English of the harmlessness of our fleet, whereby naturally 
only the opposite effect was produced. 

To my great astonishment, the post was offered to me in 
October. After several years' activity as an official in the 
Personal Section of the Foreign Office, I had retired to the 
country, there being no suitable post available for me at 
that time, and had spent my time between flax and turnips, 
among horses and in meadows, also in miscellaneous reading, 
and occasionally publishing political essays. 

Thus eight years had passed, and thirteen since I had left 
Vienna with the rank of Envoy. My last sphere of political 
activity had really been there, since in official work at that 
time there was no scope for activity, unless one was prepared to 
draft whimsical despatches with complicated instructions under 
the directions of a man who suffered from crazy delusions. 

* [' Meine Londoner Mission, 1912-1914. Von Fiirst Lichnowsky, 
ehemaliger deutscher Botschafter in England. (Originaltext.) ' Druck 
und Verlag : Art. Institut Orell Fiissli, Zurich, 1918. Preis 40 centimes.] 

DIPLOMATIC 3. A I 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

Who was really responsible for my appointment to London 
I do not know. Certainly not His Majesty alone, for I did 
not belong to his intimate circle, although he always received 
me graciously. By experience also I know that his nominees 
were usually successfully opposed. Herr von Kiderlen * had 
really wished to send Herr von Stumm to London ! He 
immediately showed unmistakable ill-will towards me, and 
tried to intimidate me by his incivility. Herr von Bethmann 
Hollweg at that time manifested a friendly disposition towards 
me, and he had shortly before visited me at Gratz. Therefore 
I believe that they agreed on me because no other candidate 
was at their disposal at that moment. If Baron Marschall 
had not unexpectedly died, I should not have been called out 
of my retirement then, any more than in the many past 
years. 

Morocco Policy. 

The moment was undoubtedly favourable for a new 
attempt to get on a better footing with England. Our 
enigmatical Moroccan policy had repeatedly shaken confid- 
ence in our peaceful disposition, and at the very least it had 
aroused the suspicion that we were not quite sure what we 
wanted, or that our intention was to keep Europe in suspense 
and, when occasion served, to humiliate the French. An 
Austrian colleague, who had been long in Paris, said to me, 
' Whenever the French began to forget revanche, you always 
kicked them violently to remind them of it.' 

After having repelled M. Delcass6's attempt to come to 
an agreement with us in regard to Morocco, and having, before 
that, declared that we had no political interests there an atti- 
tude which was in full accordance with the traditions of the 
Bismarckian policy we suddenly recognised in Abdul Aziz 
a second Kruger. To him, also, as to the Boers, we promised 
the support of the powerful German Empire with the same 
display and with the same result. For both demonstrations 
ended as was inevitable in retreat ; unless, indeed, we were 
already resolved to undertake the world-war then. Neither 
could the distressing Congress at Algeciras alter this in any 
way, still less the fall of Monsieur Delcasse. 

* [Herr von Kiderlen - Waechter, German Secretary of State for 
Foreign Affairs.] 



PRINCE LICHNOWSKY'S PAMPHLET 

Our attitude promoted the Russo-Japanese, and later the 
Russo-British rapprochement. In face of ' the German peril ' 
all other conflicts fell into the background. The possibility 
of a new Franco-German war had become evident, and such 
a war could not, as in 1870, leave either Russia or England 
unaffected. The worthlessness of the Triple Alliance had 
already shown itself at Algeciras, while that of the agreements 
which had there been concluded became apparent soon after- 
wards through the collapse of the Sultanate, which, of course, 
could not be prevented. Among the German people, however, 
the belief gained ground that our foreign policy was feeble and 
was giving way before the ' encirclement/ and that grandilo- 
quent airs were followed by faint-hearted obsequiousness. 

It is to the credit of Herr von Kiderlen, who is otherwise 
overrated as a statesman, that he liquidated our Moroccan 
inheritance and was content to accept as they were facts 
which could not now be altered. Whether, indeed, it was 
necessary to alarm the world by the Agadir coup I leave to 
the opinion of others. In Germany the incident was joyously 
acclaimed ; in England, however, it had caused all the more 
disquiet because the Government for three weeks waited in 
vain for an explanation of our intentions. Mr. Lloyd George's 
speech, which was intended to warn us, was the consequence. 
Before the fall of Delcasse, and before Algeciras, harbours 
and territory might have been had on the West Coast, but 
thereafter this was no longer possible. 

Sir Edward Greys Programme. 

When I came to London, in November 1912, public opinion 
had calmed down concerning the Morocco question, since in 
the meantime an agreement with France had been reached 
in Berlin. It is true that Mr. Haldane's mission had failed, 
since we had demanded a promise of neutrality instead of 
contenting ourselves with a compact which would secure us 
against British attacks and attacks with British support. 

Sir Edward Grey, however, had not given up the idea of 
reaching an agreement with us and, in the first place, made 
an attempt in this direction in the economic and colonial 
spheres. With Herr von Kiihlmann, the capable and busi- 
ness-like Envoy, as intermediary, an exchange of views was 

3 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

in progress concerning a renewal of the Portuguese Colonial 
Agreement and concerning Mesopotamia (the Bagdad Rail- 
way), theunavowed object of which was to divide the colonies 
in question, as well as Asia Minor, into spheres of interest. 

The British statesman desired, after the old disputes with 
France and Russia had been settled, to reach a corresponding 
agreement with us. His aim was not to isolate us, but to 
get us to take part as much as possible in the concert already 
established. As he had succeeded in bridging the Anglo- 
French and Anglo-Russian differences, he wished also, as far 
as possible, to remove the Anglo-German, and, by a network 
of agreements to which might well have been added eventu- 
ally an agreement on the troublesome naval question to 
secure the peace of the world, after our former policy had 
led to an association the Entente which represented a 
mutual insurance against the risk of war. 

This was Sir Edward Grey's programme. In his own 
words : Without prejudice to the existing friendly under- 
standings (with France .and Russia), which pursue no aggres- 
sive aims, and involve in themselves no binding obligations 
for England, to reach a friendly rapprochement and under- 
standing with Germany. ' To bring the two groups nearer/ 

In England, as in Germany, there were at that time two 
schools of opinion concerning this matter the optimists, who 
believed in the possibility of an understanding, and the 
pessimists, who regarded war as inevitable sooner or later. 

To the former belonged Mr. Asquith, Sir Edward Grey, 
Lord Haldane, and most of the members of the Radical 
Cabinet, as well as the leading Liberal organs, such as the 
Westminster Gazette, Manchester Guardian, Daily Chronicle. 
To the pessimists belonged especially Conservative politicians 
like Mr. Balfour, who repeatedly made this clear to me ; 
also leading soldiers, like Lord Roberts, who preached the 
necessity for universal military service (' The Writing on 
the Wall ') ; further, the Northcliffe press, and the eminent 
English journalist Mr. Garvin (Observer). During my period 
of office, however, they refrained from all attacks and main- 
tained both personally and politically a friendly attitude. 
But our naval policy and our behaviour in 1905, 1908, and 
1911 had created amongst them the belief that some day it 
would after all come to war. The first school, exactly as 
4 



PRINCE LICHNOWSKY'S PAMPHLET 

with us in Germany, are now accused of short-sightedness and 
simplicity, while the second are regarded as the true prophets. 

The Albanian Question. 

The First Balkan War had led to the collapse of Turkey, 
and consequently to a defeat of our policy, which had for 
years been identified with Turkey. When it became impos- 
sible to save Turkey in Europe, there were two possible 
ways of dealing with the inheritance : either we might 
announce our complete disinterestedness with regard to the 
delimitation of the frontiers in the Balkans and leave the 
settling of these to the Balkan peoples, or we might, on the 
other hand, support our ' Allies ' and carry on a Triple Alliance 
Policy in the Near East, thereby withdrawing from the role 
of mediator. 

From the very beginning I advocated the former solution ; 
the Foreign Office, however, all the more decidedly supported 
the latter. 

The vital point was the Albanian question. Our Allies 
desired that an independent Albanian State should be estab- 
lished, since Austria did not want the Serbs to obtain access 
to the Adriatic, and Italy did not want the Greeks to get to 
Valona indeed not even north of Corfu. In opposition to 
this, Russia, as is well known, was furthering Serbia's wishes, 
and France those of Greece. 

My advice was to look upon this question as outside the 
scope of the Alliance, and not to support either the Austrian 
or the Italian claims. Without our assistance, however, it 
would have been impossible to establish an independent 
Albania, whose inability to maintain its existence could be 
foreseen. Serbia would have extended to the sea and the 
present world-war would have been avoided. France and 
Italy would have fallen out seriously over Greece, and the 
Italians, if they did not wish to fight France alone, would 
have had to put up with the extension of Greece to the north 
of Durazzo. The civilisation in the greater part of Albania 
is Hellenic. The towns in the south are entirely so, and 
during the Ambassadors' Conference delegations from the 
most important towns came to London, in order to secure 
annexation to Greece. Even in Greece as it is to-day there 

5 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC [191 

are Albanian elements, and the so-called Greek national dress 
is of Albanian origin. The incorporation in the Greek state 
of Orthodox and Moslem Albanians, who form the majority, 
was therefore the best solution, and the most natural, if you 
left Scutari and the north to the Serbs and Montenegrins. 
This solution was also favoured by His Majesty, for dynastic 
reasons. When in writing I supported the Monarch in this 
view, I received agitated reproaches from the Imperial 
Chancellor, who said I was looked upon as an ' opponent of 
Austria/ and he must prohibit such interference and direct 
correspondence on my part. 

The Near East and the Policy of the Triple Alliance. 

Our proper course was to break at last with the fatal 
tradition of pursuing a Triple Alliance policy in the Near 
East also, and to recognise the mistake of identifying our- 
selves in the south with the Turks and in the north with the 
Austro- Magyars ; for persistence in this policy, which we 
had begun at the Berlin Congress and had since pursued 
with zeal, was bound to lead iirHime to a* conflict with 
Russia and to a world-war, especially if there was a lack of 
the necessary skill among the leaders. Instead of coming to 
terms with Russia on a basis of the independence of the 
Sultan whom, even in St. Petersburg, they did not want to 
remove from Constantinople and of limiting ourselves to 
economic interests in the Near East by renunciation of all 
military and political interference, and contenting ourselves 
with the division of Asia Minor into spheres of influence, our 
political ambition was bent on dominating the Bosphorus. 
In Russia the notion sprang up that the way to Constantinople 
and into the Mediterranean lay via Berlin. Instead of pro- 
moting the vigorous development of the Balkan States, which, 
once liberated, are anything rather than Russian, and with 
which we have had most satisfactory experiences, we placed 
ourselves on the side of the Turkish oppressors. 

The fatal mistake of our Triple Alliance and Near East 
policy, which had driven Russia, naturally our best friend 
and neighbour, into the arms of France and England and 
away from the policy of Asiatic expansion, was all the more 
apparent since a combined attack from Russia and France, 
6 



PRINCE LICHNOWSKY'S PAMPHLET 

the only hypothesis which justified a Triple Alliance policy, 
could be left out of our calculations. 

Concerning the value of the Italian alliance, a further 
word must be added. Italy will want our money and our 
tourists, even after the war, with or without an alliance. That 
the latter would fail in the case of war was to be fore- 
seen. The alliance was therefore worthless. Austria needs 
our protection in war and in peace, and has no other support. 
Her dependence upon us is based on political, national, and 
economic considerations, and the more intimate our relations 
with Russia, the greater this dependence becomes. The 
Bosnian crisis taught us this. No Vienna Minister since 
Count Beust has assumed such a self-confident attitude 
towards us as did Count Aehrenthal during the last years of 
his life. With a German policy conducted on right lines, 
and promoting our relations with Russia, Austria-Hungary 
is our vassal and dependent upon us, even without alliances 
and compensations ; with a policy conducted on wrong lines, 
we are dependent upon Austria. The alliance, therefore, 
served no purpose. 

I knew Austria too well not to realise that a return to the 
policy of Prince Felix Schwarzenberg or of Count Moritz 
Esterhazy was inconceivable. Little though the Slavs there 
love us, they wish just as little to return to a German Empire, 
even with a Habsburg-Lorraine ruler. They are striving for 
federalism within Austria on national lines, a state of things 
which would have even less prospect of realisation within the 
confines of the German Empire than under the Double Eagle. 
The Germans of Austria, on the other hand, recognise in 
Berlin the centre of German might and kultur, and know 
that Austria can never again become the leading power. 
They desire as close a connection as possible with the Empire, 
but not an anti-German policy. 

Since the seventies, the situation had fundamentally 
changed in Austria, as indeed in Bavaria. Just as in the 
latter there is no fear of a return to Great German particu- 
larism and old Bavarian policy, so in the former a revival of 
the policy of Prince Kaunitz and Schwarzenberg was not to 
be expected. Our interests would, however, suffer by a 
political union with Austria, which, even without Galicia and 
Dalmatia, is only half-populated by Germans and represents 

7 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC [19: 

a kind of big Belgium, just as, on the other hand, they would 
suffer by a subjection of our policy to the views of Vienna 
and Budapest thus espousing Austria's quarrels (' d'epouser 
les querelles de FAutriche '). 

Therefore we had no need to take the wishes of our ' Allies ' 
into consideration at all ; they were not only unnecessary, 
but also dangerous, as they would lead to a conflict with 
Russia if w r e looked at Oriental questions through Austrian 
spectacles. The conversion of the alliance from a union 
formed on one single hypothesis for a specific purpose into a 
general syndicate, a community of interests in all spheres, 
was calculated to bring about the very thing which the 
original contract was intended to prevent war. Such an 
alliance policy was, moreover, bound to alienate the sym- 
pathies of the young, strong, and aspiring communities of 
the Balkans, who were ready to turn to us and to open their 
markets to us. 

The difference between the polity of a Ruling House and 
that of a National State, between the dynastic and the demo- 
cratic idea of the State, had to come to a decision, and, as 
usual, we stood on the wrong side. 

King Carol told one of our representatives that he had 
concluded the alliance with us on the assumption that we 
retained the leadership ; should it, however, pass to Austria, 
that would alter the foundation of the relationship, and, in 
such circumstances, he would no longer be able to continue 
the alliance. 

Things were similar in Serbia, where, against our own 
economic interests, we supported the Austrian policy of 
strangulation. 

We have always backed the horse whose breakdown could 
be foreseen Kruger, Abdul Aziz, Abdul Hamid, William of 
Wied and finally the most fatal mistake of all we made 
the great ' plunge ' on Berchtold's stable. 

The Conference of Ambassadors. 

Soon after my arrival in London, at the end of 1912, Sir 
Edward Grey suggested an informal conversation, in order to 
prevent the Balkan War from developing into a European 
War, after we had unfortunately, on the outbreak of the war, 
8 



PRINCE LICHNOWSKY'S PAMPHLET 

refused the invitation of the French Government to join in a 
declaration of disinterestedness. The British statesman from 
the first took up the position that England had no interest 
in Albania and therefore did not desire to run the risk of 
war over this question. He only wished to mediate as ' honest 
broker ' between the two groups and to remove difficulties. 
He therefore by no means took sides with the Entente, and 
during the eight months or so of the negotiations he contri- 
buted not a little towards the agreement through his good- 
will and authoritative influence. We, instead of assuming an 
attitude analogous to that of England, invariably took up 
the standpoint which was prescribed to us from Vienna. 
Count Mensdorff led the Triple Alliance in London ; I was 
his ' second/ My task consisted in supporting his proposals. 
In Berlin the shrewd and experienced Count Szogyeny was in 
control. 'Then the casus fcederis will arise/ was his refrain, 
and when I once ventured to question the correctness of this 
conclusion I received a serious warning against ' Austro- 
phobia/ It was also hinted that I had an 'hereditary taint/ 
the allusion being to my father. 

On all occasions concerning Albania, a Serbian ,port on 
the Adriatic, Scutari, and further, concerning the delimitation 
of the frontiers of Albania we made the views of Austria and 
Italy our own ; whereas Sir Edward Grey hardly ever sided 
with Russia or France. Rather did he, for the most part, 
take the side of our group, in order not to furnish any pretext, 
such as a dead archduke was to supply later on. Thus 
with his assistance we managed to entice King Nikita out of 
Scutari again. This question alone would otherwise have 
led to the world-war, as we should certainly not have dared 
to induce ' our ally ' to give way. 

Sir Edward Grey conducted the negotiations with circum- 
spection, coolness and tact. When a question threatened 
to become involved, he drew up a formula for agreement 
which met the difficulty and always found acceptance. His 
personality won equal confidence from all the members of 
the Conference alike. 

As a matter of fact, we had once again surmounted with 
success one of the many trials of strength which characterise 
our policy. Russia had been obliged to give way to us on 
all points, as she was never in a position to give effect to the 

9 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC [ 

aims of Serbia. Albania was set up as a vassal state of 
Austria, and Serbia was pressed back from the sea. Thus 
the outcome of the Conference was a new humiliation for 
Russian self-esteem. As in 1878 and 1908, we had already 
opposed the Russian plans, although no German interests 
were involved. Bismarck knew how to lessen the mistake of 
the Congress by means of the secret treaty and by his attitude 
in the Battenberg question ; but the dangerous path which 
had been followed again in the Bosnian question was pursued 
still further in London, and later, when it led to the abyss, it 
was not quitted in time. 

The ill-humour which prevailed in Russia at that time 
found expression in the Russian press during the Conference, 
in the shape of attacks upon my Russian colleague and 
Russian diplomacy. His German origin and Roman Catholic 
faith, his reputation as a friend of Germany, and the accidental 
circumstance that he was related both to Count Mensdorff 
and to me supplied material for the dissatisfied circles. 
Without possessing a very distinguished personality, Count 
Benckendorff has a number of qualities which go to make a good 
diplomatist : tact, polished manners, experience, a courteous 
demeanour, and a natural eye for men and affairs. He 
constantly endeavoured to avoid an uncompromising posture, 
and was, moreover, helped in this by the attitude of England 
and France. 

Later on I once said to him : ' The feeling in Russia must 
be very anti-German/ He replied: 'There are also very 
strong and influential pro-German circles, but everybody is 
anti- Austrian ! ' 

It remains for me to add that our Austrophilie a entrance 
(friendship for Austria through thick and thin) was not 
exactly calculated to loosen the Entente and to guide Russia 
towards her interests in Asia ! 

The Balkan Conference. 

n 1913.] At the same time x the Balkan Conference was sitting in 
London, and I had the opportunity of getting in touch with 
the leaders of the Balkan States. The most distinguished 
personality among them was M. Venizelos. He was at that 
time anything but anti-German ; he repeatedly came to see 
10 



PRINCE LICHNOWSKY'S PAMPHLET 

me, and was particularly fond of wearing the ribbon of the 
Order of the Red Eagle, with which he appeared even at 
the French Embassy. With his winning amiability and 
savoir-faire he could always secure sympathy. Next to him, 
a great part was played by M. Daneff, who was then Prime 
Minister of Bulgaria and confidant of Count Berchtold. He 
gave the impression of being a crafty and energetic man, and 
it is probably only due to the influence of his friends at 
Vienna and Budapest, of whose homage he sometimes made 
fun, that he allowed himself to be drawn into the folly of 
the Second Balkan War and refused Russian intervention. 

M. Take Jonescu also was often in London, and on these 
occasions visited me regularly. I had known him since the 
time when I was Secretary at Bukarest. He was also one 
of Herr von Kiderlen's friends. His endeavour in London 
was to secure concessions for Rumania by negotiations with 
M. Daneff. In this he was supported by the very capable 
Rumanian Minister, M. Misu. That these negotiations were 
frustrated by the opposition of Bulgaria is well known. 
Count Berchtold and we, of course, with him was entirely 
on the side of Bulgaria ; otherwise we should probably 
have succeeded, by pressure on M. Daneff, in obtaining the 
desired satisfaction for the Rumanians, and have bound 
Rumania to us ; she was definitely estranged from the 
Central Powers by Austria's attitude during and after the 
Second Balkan War. 

The Second Balkan War. 

The defeat of Bulgaria in the Second Balkan War and the 
victory of Serbia, as well as the Rumanian invasion, naturally 
constituted a humiliation for Austria. The idea of making 
up for this by a military coup against Serbia seems to have 
presented itself in Vienna soon after. This is proved by the 
Italian disclosures, and it may be presumed that Marquis 
San Giuliano, who characterised the plan very aptly as a 
pericolosissima aventura (extremely risky adventure), saved 
us from being involved in a* world- war as far back as the 
summer of 1913. 1 l [See . 

Owing to the intimacy of Russo-Italian relations, the lomatic 
Vienna initiative must, no doubt, have been known in St. PP- 39: 
Petersburg also. At all events, M. Sazonof openly declared 

ii 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC [ic 

at Constanza so M. Take Jonescu told me that an Austrian 
attack on Serbia meant war with Russia. 

In the spring of 1914, one of my staff, on returning from 
leave in Vienna, said that Herr von Tschirschky * had declared 
that war would soon come. But, as I was always kept in 
the dark regarding important events, I looked upon this 
pessimism as unfounded. 

As a matter of fact, ever since the peace of Bukarest it 
seems to have been the intention in Vienna to effect a revision 
of this treaty single-handed, and apparently only a favour- 
able occasion was awaited. The statesmen in Vienna and 
Bukarest could, of course, count upon our support. This 
they knew, for they had already been reproached more than 
once for their slackness. Berlin was, in fact, urging a ' re- 
habilitation ' of Austria. 

Liman von Sanders. 

When I returned to London in December 1913, after a 
long leave, the Liman von Sanders question had led to our 
relations with Russia again becoming acute. Sir Edward 
Grey, not without apprehension, called my attention to the 
excitement about this in St. Petersburg : ' I have never seen 
them so excited/ 

I received instructions from Berlin to request the Minister 
to exercise a moderating influence in St. Petersburg and to 
help us in settling the quarrel. Sir Edward was very willing 
to do this, and his intervention contributed in no small measure 
to smooth matters over. My good relations with Sir Edward 
and his great influence in St. Petersburg were turned to 
account in like manner on several occasions, when something 
was to be accomplished there, since our representative proved 
quite unfit for this purpose. 

During the critical days of July 1914, Sir Edward said to 
me : ' When you want something done in St. Petersburg 
you regularly apply to me ; but if ever I appeal for your 
influence in Vienna you refuse me your support/ 

The Colonial Treaty. 

The good and confidential relations I succeeded in estab- 
lishing, not only in society and with the most influential 
* [German Ambassador in Vienna.] 

12 



PRINCE LICHNOWSKY'S PAMPHLET 

personages, such as Sir Edward Grey and Mr. Asquith, but 
also with people generally at 'public dinners/ had brought 
about a marked improvement in our relations with England. 
Sir Edward honestly devoted himself to the furtherance of 
this rapprochement, and his intentions were especially notice- 
able on two questions the Colonial Treaty and the Bagdad 
Railway Treaty. 

In 1898 a secret agreement had been signed by Count 
Hatzfeldt * and Mr. Balfour which divided the Portuguese 
colonies in Africa into economic-political spheres of interest 
between us and England. As the Portuguese Government 
possessed neither the power nor the means to open up or 
adequately to administer its extensive possessions, it had 
already at an earlier date thought of selling these possessions 
and thereby putting its finances in order. Between us and 
England an agreement had been reached which defined the 
interests of the two parties, and which was of all the greater 
value because Portugal, as is well known, is completely 
dependent upon England. 

This treaty was, no doubt, ostensibly to secure the 
integrity and independence of the Portuguese empire, and it 
only expressed the intention of giving financial and economic 
assistance to the Portuguese. Consequently it did not, 
according to the text, conflict with the old Anglo-Portuguese 
alliance, dating from the fifteenth century, which was last 
renewed under Charles n. and which guaranteed the territories 
of the two parties. 

Nevertheless, at the instance of Marquis Several, who 
presumably was not ignorant of the Anglo-German agree- 
ment, a new treaty the so-called Windsor Treaty, confirming 
the old alliance, which had never lost its force was concluded 
in 1899 between England and Portugal. 

The object of the negotiations between us and England, 
which had begun before my arrival, was to alter and amend 
our treaty of 1898, which contained many awkward features 
for example, with regard to the geographical delimitation. 
Thanks ft> the conciliatory attitude of the British Govern- 
ment, I succeeded in giving to the new treaty a form which 
entirely accorded with our wishes and interests. All Angola 
as far as the 20th degree of longitude was allotted to us, so 
* [At that time German Ambassador in London.] 

13 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

that we extended to the Congo territory from the south. More- 
over, the valuable islands of San Thome and Principe, which 
lie north of the Equator, and therefore really belonged to the 
French sphere of interest, were allotted to us a fact which 
caused my French colleague to make lively, though vain, 
representations. 

Further, we obtained the northern part of Mozambique ; 
the frontier was formed by the Likungo. 

The British Government showed the utmost readiness to 
meet our interests and wishes. Sir Edward Grey intended to 
prove his good will to us, but he also desired to promote our 
colonial development, because England hoped to divert the 
development of Germany's strength from the North Sea and 
Western Europe to the Ocean and Africa. ' We don't want 
to grudge Germany her colonial development/ a member of 
the Cabinet said to me. 

Originally, at the British suggestion, the Congo State was 
to be included in the treaty, which would have given us a 
right of pre-emption and a possibility of economic penetration 
in the Congo State. But we refused this offer, out of alleged 
respect for Belgian susceptibilities ! Perhaps the idea was to 
economise our successes ? With regard also to the practical 
realisation of the real but unexpressed object of the treaty 
the actual partition at a later date of the Portuguese Colonial 
possessions the new formulation showed considerable advan- 
tages and progress as compared with the old. Thus the 
treaty contemplated circumstances that would empower us 
for the protection of our interests to enter the territories 
assigned to us. These conditional clauses were so wide 
that it was really left to us to decide when ' vital ' interests 
were concerned, so that, in view of the complete depend- 
ence of Portugal upon England, we merely needed to go 
on cultivating our relations with England in order, later 
on, with English assent, to realise the intentions of both 
parties. 

The sincerity of the English Government in its effort to 
respect our rights was proved by the fact that Sfr Edward 
Grey, even before the treaty was completed or signed, referred 
to us English men of business who were seeking opportunities 
of investing capital in the territories allotted to us by the 
new treaty and desired British support. In doing so he 
14 



PRINCE LICHNOWSKY'S PAMPHLET 

remarked that the undertaking in question belonged to our 
sphere of interest. 

The treaty was practically complete at the time of the 
King's visit to Berlin in May 1913. A conversation then 
took place in Berlin, under the presidency of the Imperial 
Chancellor,* in which I took part, and at which certain further 
wishes were laid down. On my return to London I succeeded, 
with the help of my Counsellor of Embassy, Herr von 
Kiihlmann, who was working upon the details of the treaty 
with Mr. Parker, in putting through our latest proposals also ; 
so that it was possible for the whole treaty to be initialled 
by Sir Edward Grey and myself in August 1913, before I 
went on leave. 

Now, however, new difficulties were to arise which pre- 
vented the signature ; and it was only a year later, shortly 
before the outbreak of war, that I was able to obtain autho- 
risation for the final settlement. Signature, however, never 
took place. 

Sir Edward Grey was willing to sign only if the treaty was 
published together with the two treaties of 1898 and 1899. 
England, he said, had no other secret treaties, and it was 
contrary to her existing principles that she should conceal 
binding agreements. He could not, therefore, be a party to 
any treaty without making it public. He said, however, that 
he was ready to take account of our wishes concerning the 
time and manner of publication, provided that publication 
took place within one year at latest after the signature. 

In the [Berlin] Foreign Office, however, where my London 
successes aroused increasing dissatisfaction, and where an 
influential personage, f who played the part of Herr von 
Holstein, was claiming the London Embassy for himself, it 
was stated that the publication would imperil our interests in 
the Colonies, because the Portuguese would then give us no 
more concessions. 

The hollowness of this objection is clear, when one reflects 
that, in view of the intimate relations between Portugal 
and England, the old treaty had in all probability been for 
a long time just as well known to the Portuguese as our new 

* [Herr von Bethmann Hollweg.] 

t ['The reference is apparently to Herr von Stumm.' The Times, 
March 28, 1918.] 

15 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

agreements ; and that, owing to the influence which England 
possesses at Lisbon, the Portuguese Government is completely 
powerless in face of an Anglo-German understanding. 

Consequently it was necessary to find another pretext 
for wrecking the treaty. It was said that the publication 
of the Windsor Treaty, which was concluded in the time of 
Prince Hohenlohe and was merely a renewal of the treaty of 
Charles n., which had never lapsed, might imperil the position 
of Herr von Bethmann Hollweg, as being a proof of British 
hypocrisy and perfidy ! On this I pointed out that the pre- 
amble to our treaties said exactly the same thing as the 
Windsor Treaty and other similar treaties namely, that we 
desired to protect the sovereign rights of Portugal and the 
integrity of its possessions. In vain ! In spite of repeated 
conversations with Sir Edward Grey, in which the Minister 
continually made fresh proposals concerning publication, the 
[Berlin] Foreign Office persisted in the position it had taken 
up, and finally came to an agreement with Sir Edward 
Goschen * that everything should remain as it had been. 

So the treaty, which gave us extraordinary advantages 
and was the result of more than a year's work, was dropped 
because it would have been a public success for me. 

When in the spring of 1914, at a dinner in the Embassy 
at which Mr. Harcourt f was present, I happened to mention 
the matter, the Colonial Secretary said that he was embar- 
rassed and did not know how to act : the present state of 
affairs was intolerable, because he, Mr. Harcourt, wanted to 
respect our rights, but, on the other hand, he was in doubt 
as to whether he should follow the old treaty or the new. 
He said that it was therefore extremely desirable to clear 
matters up and bring to a conclusion an affair which had 
been dragging on for so long. 

When I reported to this effect I received an order, in 
terms more excited than polite, bidding me refrain from any 
further interference in the matter. 

I now regret that I did not go straight to Berlin in order 
to offer His Majesty my resignation, and that even then 
I had not lost my belief in the possibility of an agreement 
between myself and the leading personages. That was a 

* [British Ambassador in Berlin.] 
t [Secretary of State for the Colonies.] 
16 



PRINCE LICHNOWSKY'S PAMPHLET 

disastrous mistake, which was to be so tragically avenged 
some months later. 

Slight as was the extent to which I then still possessed 
the goodwill of the highest official of the Empire because 
he feared that I was aiming at his office I must do him the 
justice to say that at the end of July 1914, in our last con- 
versation before the outbreak of war to which I shah 1 return 
later he gave his consent to the signature and publication. 
Nevertheless, it required further repeated suggestions on my 
part, which were supported by Dr. Solf * in Berlin, to obtain 
official permission at last, at the end of July. But as the 
Serbian crisis was by that time threatening the peace of 
Europe, the completion of the treaty had to be postponed. 
It also is one of the victims of this war. 

The Bagdad Treaty. 

Concurrently [with the African agreement] I was negoti- 
ating in London, with the effective support of Herr von 
Kuhlmann, the .so-called Bagdad Treaty. This aimed, in 
effect, at the division of Asia Minor -into spheres of interest, 
although this expression was scrupulously avoided in con- 
sideration of the Sultan's rights. Sir Edward Grey, more- 
over, repeatedly declared that there was no agreement with 
France and Russia aiming at a division of Asia Minor. 

With the assistance of a Turkish representative, Hakki 
Pasha, all economic questions connected with the German 
undertakings were settled mainly in accordance with the 
wishes of the Deutsche Bank. The most important concession 
Sir Edward Grey had made to me personally was the extension 
of the railway to Basra. This point had been surrendered 
on our side in favour of the connection with Alexandretta : 
hitherto Bagdad had been the terminus of the line. Naviga- 
tion on the Shatt-el-Arab was to be in the hands of an 
international commission. We also obtained a share in the 
harbour works at Basra, and acquired, further, rights of navi- 
gation on the Tigris, which up to then had been a monopoly 
of the firm of Lynch. 

By this treaty the whole of Mesopotamia as far as Basra 
became our sphere of interest (the existing British right of 
* [German Colonial Secretary.] 

DIPLOMATIC 3. B 17 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

navigation on the Tigris and the Wilcox irrigation works being 
left untouched), as well as the whole region of the Bagdad 
and Anatolian Railway. 

The coasts of the Persian Gulf and the Smyrna-Aidin 
Railway were recognised as the British economic sphere, 
Syria as the French, Armenia as the Russian. Had both 
treaties been concluded and published, a definite agreement 
would have been reached with England putting an end 
to all doubts as to the possibility of ' Anglo-German co- 
operation/ 

The Naval Question. 

The thorniest question of all still remained, the question 
of the Navy. It is not always quite rightly judged. 

The creation of a powerful fleet on the opposite coast of the 
North Sea, the development of the greatest continental mili- 
tary Power into the greatest continental naval Power also, 
was bound to be felt in England as, at least, an inconvenience. 
This cannot reasonably be doubted. In order to maintain 
the necessary lead and avoid sinking into dependence, and to 
preserve the supremacy of the sea, which Britain must possess 
if she is not to starve, she was obliged to undertake arma- 
ments and expenditure which weighed heavily on the tax- 
payer. Yet the British world-position was threatened, if 
our policy allowed warlike developments to seem possible. 
This possibility had come well within sight during the Morocco 
crises and the Bosnian question. 

People had become reconciled to our Fleet on the lines then 
laid down. It certainly was not welcome to the British, and 
it constituted one of the motives, although not the only one, 
nor perhaps the most important, for England's joining hands 
with Russia and France ; but on account of our fleet alone, 
England would no more have drawn the sword than on 
account of our trade, which, it is alleged, called forth her 
jealousy, and ultimately brought about war. 

It was my conviction from the very first that, in spite of 
the fleet, it would be possible to come to a friendly under- 
standing and rapprochement, if we produced no new naval 
programme, and if we pursued a policy indubitably pacific. Also, 
I avoided all mention of the fleet, and between Sir Edward 
Grey and me the word was never uttered. Sir Edward Grey 
18 



PRINCE LICHNOWSKY'S PAMPHLET 

declared on one occasion at a meeting of the Cabinet : ' The 
present German Ambassador has never mentioned the fleet to 
me/ 

During my tenure of office Mr. Churchill, the then First 
Lord of the Admiralty, suggested, as is well known, a so 
called ' naval holiday/ and proposed, for financial reasons, 
and also probably to meet the pacifist inclinations in his 
party, a pause in armaments for a year. The suggestion was 
not supported officially by Sir Edward Grey. He never 
mentioned it to me, but Mr. Churchill repeatedly spoke to 
me about it. 

I am convinced that his suggestion was made in good 
faith, as trickery is no part of the Englishman's nature. It 
would have been a great success for Mr. Churchill to be able 
to come before the country with a reduction of expenditure 
and to lighten the burden of armaments, which weighed 
heavily on the people. 

I replied that for technical reasons it would be difficult 
to meet his views. What was to become of the workmen 
recruited for this purpose, and what of the technical personnel ? 
Our naval programme was definitely fixed, and it would be 
difficult to alter it in any way. On the other hand, we did 
not intend to exceed it. But he reverted to the matter again, 
and maintained that the means spent on portentous arma- 
ments could be better used for other and useful purposes. 
I replied that this expenditure, too, benefited home industries. 

I also succeeded, through conversations with Sir William 
Tyrrell, Sir Edward Grey's principal private secretary, in 
removing that subject from the agenda without causing any 
ill-feeling, although it came up again in Parliament, and in 
preventing an official proposal from being made. But it was 
a favourite idea with Mr. Churchill and the Government ; 
and I think that, if we had fallen in with his suggestion and 
with the formula of 16 to 10 for battleships, we should 
have given a tangible proof of our goodwill and materially 
strengthened and promoted the prevailing inclination in the 
Government to get into closer touch with us. 

But, as I have said, it was possible to come to an under- 
standing in spite of the fleet and also without a ' naval holiday/ 
It was in this spirit that I had conceived my mission from the 
beginning, and I had even succeeded in realising my pro- 

19 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

gramme, when the outbreak of the war destroyed everything 
that had been achieved. 

Commercial Jealousy. 

The commercial jealousy, so much talked of among us, 
is due to an erroneous judgment of existing conditions. It 
is a fact that Germany's rise as a commercial power after 
the war of 1870 and during the following decades threatened 
the interests of British commercial circles, which possessed 
a kind of monopoly with their industries and export houses. 
Nevertheless, the growing interchange of merchandise with 
Germany, which stood at the head of all European countries 
as regards British exports a fact I always pointed out in 
my public speeches had created the desire to maintain good 
relations with England's best customer and business friend, 
and had gradually driven all other considerations into the 
background. 

The Briton is ' matter-of-fact/ he takes things as they are, 
and does not tilt against windmills. It was precisely in com- 
mercial circles that I met with the friendliest spirit and the 
endeavour to promote our common economic interests. It 
is a fact that nobody there takes an interest in the Russian, 
Italian, Austrian, no, not even in the French representative, 
in spite of his distinguished personality and his political 
successes. Only the German and the American Ambassador 
attracted public attention. 

In order to get into touch with the important commercial 
circles, I accepted the invitations of the United Chambers of 
Commerce and also of the London and Bradford Chambers, 
and was the guest of the cities of Newcastle and Liverpool. 
Everywhere I was received with marks of cordial respect. 
Manchester, Glasgow, and Edinburgh had also invited me, 
and I intended to go there later. 

People who are not familiar with British conditions and 
do not appreciate the importance of ' public dinners/ and 
also those to whom my successes were unwelcome, reproached 
me with having done harm by my speeches. I believe, on 
the contrary, that by appearing in public and emphasising 
our common commercial interests I contributed in no small 
measure to the improvement of relations, quite apart from 

20 



PRINCE LICHNOWSKY'S PAMPHLET 

the fact that it would have been unmannerly and discourteous 
to refuse all invitations. 

In all other circles also I had a most amiable reception 
and a warm welcome at Court, in society, and from the 
Government. 

The Court and Society. 

The King, though not exactly a man of special weight 
or education, but simple and well-meaning, with sound 
'common sense/ was at pains to show his goodwill towards 
me, and was genuinely desirous of furthering my mission. 
In spite of the restricted power which the British Constitu- 
tion leaves to the Crown, the King, by virtue of his position, 
can greatly influence the views both of society and of the 
Government. The Crown is the apex of the social pyramid, 
and sets the fashion. Society, which is predominantly 
Unionist (Conservative), has always, the ladies included, taken 
a keen interest in politics. It is represented both in the House 
of Lords and in the House of Commons, and consequently in 
the Cabinet also. 

The Englishman either belongs to society, or would like 
to belong to it. His constant endeavour is to be a man of 
good standing, a ' gentleman/ and even men of modest 
origin, such as Mr. Asquith, delight to move in society and 
among beautiful and elegant women. 

The British 'gentleman' of both parties enjoys the same 
education, frequents the same colleges and universities, engages 
in the same sports golf, cricket, lawn-tennis, or polo. All have 
played cricket and football in their youth, all have the same 
habits and spend the week-end in the country. There is no 
social cleavage between the parties, only a political one, 
which of late years has developed into a social cleavage in 
so far as politicians in the two camps avoid one another in 
society. Not even on the neutral territory of an embassy 
could the two camps be amalgamated, for since the Home 
Rule and Veto Bills the Unionists have ostracised the Radicals. 
When, a few months after my arrival, the King and Queen 
dined with us, Lord Londonderry left the house after dinner 
in order not to remain in company with Sir Edward Grey. 
But it is not a difference of caste and education, as in France. 
They are not divided into two separate worlds, but belong to 

21 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

the same world, and opinion about a foreigner is a common 
opinion, and is not without influence on his political position, 
whether Mr. Asquith or Lord Lansdowne is in power. 

Difference of caste has ceased to exist in England since 
the time of the Stuarts, and since the Guelphs and the Whig 
oligarchy, in opposition to the Tory landed gentry, encouraged 
the rise of an urban middle-class. The difference is rather one 
of political opinions on constitutional questions or on methods 
of taxation. Aristocrats who joined the Radicals or popular 
party, such as Grey, Churchill, Harcourt, Crewe, were specially 
hated by the Unionist aristocracy. One never met any of 
these gentlemen in the great aristocratic houses, except at 
those of their few party friends. 

We were received in London with open arms, and the 
two parties vied with one another in amiability towards us. 
It would be a mistake to undervalue social connections, in 
view of the close relations that exist in England between 
society and politics, even when the great majority of the 
upper ten thousand are in opposition to the Government. 

Between Mr. Asquith and the Duke of Devonshire there 
is no such unbridgeable gulf as there is, for example, between 
M. Briand and the Due de Doudeauville. It is true that in 
times of great tension they do not forgather ; they belong 
to two separate social groups : nevertheless they are only parts 
of the same society though on different steps the centre 
of which is the Court. They have friends and habits in 
common, they have in most cases known each other from 
youth, and are also frequently related or connected by 
marriage. 

Phenomena like Mr. Lloyd George, man of the people, 
small solicitor and ' self-made man/ are exceptions. Even 
Mr. Burns, Socialist, Labour Leader, and self-educated, sought 
contact with society. In view of the endeavour, met with 
on all sides, to obtain recognition as a ' gentleman ' of 
whom the great aristocrat is still regarded as the unrivalled 
exemplar the verdict of society and its attitude are not to 
be undervalued. 

In no place, consequently, do an envoy's social qualifica- 
tions play a more important part than in England. A 
hospitable house with friendly hosts is worth more than the 
profoundest scientific knowledge, and a learned man with 

22 



PRINCE LICHNOWSKY'S PAMPHLET 

provincial manners and too restricted means would acquire 
no influence in spite of all his learning. 

What the Briton hates is a ' bore/ a ' schemer/ a ' prig ' ; 
what he loves is a ' good fellow/ 

Sir Edward Grey. 

Sir Edward Grey's influence in all questions of foreign 
policy was almost unlimited. True, on important occasions 
he used to say : ' I must first bring it before the Cabinet ' ; but 
the latter invariably fell in with his views. His authority was 
undisputed. Although he has no personal acquaintance with 
foreign countries, and, except for one short visit to Paris, had 
never left England, he had a mastery of all important questions, 
owing to his many years' experience in Parliament and his 
natural insight. He understands French, although he does not 
speak it. Elected at an early age to Parliament, he soon began 
to interest himself in foreign affairs. Parliamentary Under- 
secretary of State at the Foreign Office under Lord Rosebery, 
he became, in 1906, Secretary of State under Mr. Campbell- 
Bannerman, and has now filled this post for ten years. 

Sprung from an old North of England landed family, 
which had already produced the well-known statesman Grey, 
He joined the left wing of his party and sympathised with 
socialists and pacifists. He may be called a socialist in the 
ideal sense ; for he applies the theory even in his private life, 
which is characterised by the greatest simplicity and unpre- 
tentiousness, although he is possessed of considerable means. 
All display is foreign to him. He had only a small pied-a- 
terre in London and never gave dinners, except an official 
one at the Foreign Office on the King's birthday. If, now 
and again, he asked a few guests to his house, it was to a 
simple dinner or lunch in quite a small circle, with women 
servants to wait on them. He also avoided large functions 
and banquets. 

Like his colleagues, he spends the ' week-end ' regularly 
in the country, but not with large, fashionable parties. He 
usually stays alone in his cottage in the New Forest, where 
. he takes long walks in order to study birds, being a passionate 
lover of nature and ornithologist. Or he went to his estate 
in the north, where he fed the squirrels that found their way in 
through thfe window, and bred various kinds of water-fowl. 

23 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

He was very fond of going occasionally to the Norfolk 
marshes in order to observe in their breeding-season rare 
species of herons, which nest only in those parts. 

In his youth he was a famous cricketer and tennis player ; 
his chief sport now is salmon and trout fishing in the Scottish 
waters in company with his friend Lord Glenconner, Mr. 
Asquith's brother-in-law. ' All the rest of the year I am 
looking forward to it.' He has published a book on angling. 

Once, when we were spending a week-end alone with him 
at Lord Glenconner's, near Salisbury, he arrived on a bicycle, 
and returned in the same way to his cottage about thirty 
miles away. 

The simplicity and uprightness of his character won for 
him the esteem even of his opponents, who were to be found 
in the sphere of home rather than of foreign politics. Lies 
and intrigues are alike foreign to his nature. 

His wife, whom he tenderly loved, and from whom he 
was inseparable, died as the result of a fall from a carriage 
which she was driving herself. As is well known, one of 
his brothers was killed by a lion. 

Wordsworth is his favourite poet, and he could recite him 
from memory. 

The calm repose of his British nature was not wanting in 
a sense of humour. Once when he was lunching with us and 
the children, and heard their German conversation, he 
remarked : ' I can't help thinking how clever these children 
are to talk German so well/ and was pleased with his jest. 

Such is the man who is decried as ' Liar-Grey ' and as 
originator of the world- war. 

Mr. Asquith. 

Mr. Asquith is of quite a different stamp. A jovial man, 
fond of good living, a friend of the ladies, especially of the 
young and beautiful, he likes cheerful society and a good 
cuisine, and is seconded in all this by his cheery wife. 
At one time a leading barrister with a large income and 
many years' Parliamentary experience, then a Minister under 
Mr. Gladstone, a pacifist like his friend Grey, and favourable 
to an understanding with Germany, he treated all questions 
with the serene equanimity and confidence of an experienced 
24 



PRINCE LICHNOWSKY'S PAMPHLET 

man of affairs whose good health and excellent nerve have 
been fortified by constant exercise at golf. 

His daughters went to German boarding-schools and spoke 
German fluently. We soon became friends with him and his 
family, and were his guests at his little country house on the 
Thames. 

Only on rare occasions did he concern himself with foreign 
affairs, when important questions came up ; then, of course, 
the final decision rested with him. During the critical days 
of July Mrs. Asquith came to us repeatedly to warn us, and 
in the end was quite in despair over the tragic turn of events. 
Mr. Asquith also, when I called on him on August 2nd in 
order to make a final attempt in the direction of a watchful 
neutrality, was completely broken down, although quite self- 
controlled. Tears were coursing down his cheeks. 

Nicolson. 

In the Foreign Office the two most influential men, after 
the Minister, were Sir A. Nicolson and Sir W. Tyrrell. 

The former was not a friend of ours, but his attitude 
towards me was always perfectly correct and courteous. Our 
personal relations were of the best. He also did not desire 
war, but when we advanced against France, he undoubtedly 
used his influence in favour of an immediate participation on 
her side. He was the confidant of my French colleague, with 
whom he was in constant touch ; also he wished to relieve 
Lord Bertie in Paris. 

As is well known, Sir Arthur was formerly Ambassador 
in St. Petersburg, and he had concluded the treaty of 1907,* 
by which it was made possible for Russia to turn her attention 
again to the West and to the Near East. 

Tyrrell. 

A far greater influence than that of the Permanent Under- 
secretary of State was exercised by Sir Edward's chief of 
the cabinet, or private secretary, Sir W. Tyrrell. This highly 
intelligent man had been to school at a German ' gymnasium ' 
and had afterwards turned to diplomacy, but he had been 

* ['Convention between the United Kingdom and Russia relating to 
Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet/ signed at St. Petersburg, August 31, 1907.] 

25 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

only a short time abroad. At first he embraced the anti- 
German policy which was then in fashion among the younger 
British diplomatists, but later on became a convinced sup- 
porter of an understanding. In this direction he also influ- 
enced Sir Edward Grey, with whom he was very intimate. 
Since the outbreak of the war he has left the [Foreign] 
Office and found a place in the Home Office, probably on 
account of the criticisms directed against him for his 
Germanophil tendency. 

Attitude of the [German Foreign] Office. 

The fury of certain gentlemen at my London successes, 
and at the position which in a short time I was able to make 
for myself, was indescribable. Vexatious instructions were 
devised to make my office more difficult ; I remained in 
complete ignorance of the most important matters, and 
was restricted to the drawing up of unimportant, tedious 
reports. The confidential information of secret agents, con- 
cerning matters which I could not ascertain without espionage 
and the necessary funds, was never available for me, and only 
in the last days of July 1914 did I accidentally become aware, 
through the Naval Attache, of the Anglo-French agreement 
concerning the co-operation of the two fleets in the event of 
war.* Other important incidents which had long been known 
1 [Diplo- to the [Berlin Foreign] Office, such as the Grey-Cambon 1 

matic, i, correspondence, were kept from me. 
pp. 170-2.] 

In Case of War. 

Soon after my arrival I had become convinced that in 
no circumstances had we to fear a British attack or British 
support for any foreign attack, but that in all circumstances 
England would protect the French. This view I expressed 
repeatedly in despatches, laying great stress upon it and 
giving my reasons for it very fully, without, however, obtain- 
ing credence, although the rejection of the formula of neutrality 
by Lord Haldane and the attitude of England during the 
Morocco crisis were very obvious indications. And in addi- 
tion there were the secret agreements already mentioned, 
which were known to the [Berlin Foreign] Office. 

* [The reference, presumably, is to the arrangement referred to in ' the 
Grey-Cambon correspondence/ See next sentence.] 
26 



PRINCE LICHNOWSKY'S PAMPHLET 

I was constantly pointing out that, in any war between 
European Powers, England, as a commercial state, would 
suffer enormously, and that for this reason she .would do her 
utmost to prevent it ; but that, on the other hand, she could 
never suffer a weakening or annihilation of France, because of 
the importance of maintaining the European balance of 
power, and of preventing German ascendancy. This Lord 
Haldane had told me soon after my arrival. All the leading 
people had expressed themselves in the same sense. 

The Serbian Crisis. 

At the end of June 1914 I proceeded to Kiel by order 
of the Kaiser. A few weeks previously I had been given the 
honorary degree of Doctor at Oxford, a distinction conferred 
upon no German Ambassador since Herr von Bunsen. On 
board the Meteor * we heard of the death of the Archduke, 
the heir to the Austrian throne. His Majesty expressed 
regret that his efforts to win the Archduke over to his ideas 
had thus been rendered vain. Whether the plan of pursuing 
an active policy against Serbia had already been determined 
upon at Konopischt I cannot be sure. 

As I was uninformed about views and events at Vienna, 
I attached no far-reaching importance to this occurrence. Not 
until later was I able to establish the fact that among the 
Austrian aristocrats a feeling of relief outweighed other senti- 
ments. One of His Majesty's other guests on board the 
Meteor was an Austrian, Count Felix Thun. Although the 
weather was splendid, he had lain all the time in his cabin, 
suffering from sea-sickness. But when the news arrived he 
was well. He had been cured either by the shock or by joy ! 

When I arrived in Berlin I saw the Imperial Chancellor, 
and told him that I regarded the foreign situation as very 
satisfactory for us, since our relations with England were better 
than they had been for a long time past. I also remarked 
that a pacifist Ministry was in power in France. 

Herr von Bethmann Hollweg seemed not to share my op- 
timism, and complained about Russian armaments. I tried to 
reassure him, and especially laid stress on the fact that Russia 
had no interest in attacking us, and, moreover, that such an 

* [The German Emperor's yacht.] 

27 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC [19 

attack would never obtain the support of England and 
France, since both countries desired peace. I then went to 
Dr. Zimmermann,* who was representing Herr von Jagow,f 
and from him I learnt that Russia was about to raise 
900,000 fresh troops. His words showed unmistakable ill- 
humour with Russia, which, he said, was everywhere in our 
way. Difficulties about commercial policy were also involved. 
Of course I was not told that General von Moltke J was 
pressing for war. I learnt, however, that Herr von Tschir- 
schky had received a rebuke because he reported that he 
had advised moderation in Vienna towards Serbia. 

On my return from Silesia, on my way back to London, 
I spent only a few hours in Berlin, where I heard that Austria 
intended to proceed against Serbia in order to put an end 
to an intolerable state of affairs. 

Unfortunately I underestimated at the moment the 
momentous importance of the news. I thought that this 
time also nothing would come of it, and that, if Russia 
threatened, the trouble could easily be composed. Now I 
regret that I did not stay in Berlin and say at once that I 
would have no share in any such policy. 

Subsequently I learnt that, at the decisive conversation 
at Potsdam on July 5, the inquiry addressed to us by Vienna 
found absolute assent among all the personages in authority ; 
indeed, they added that there would be no harm if a war 
with Russia were to result. So, at any rate, it is stated in 
the Austrian protocol which Count Mensdorff [| received in 
London. Soon afterwards Herr von Jagow was in Vienna, 
to discuss everything with Count Berchtold.U 

I then received instructions that I was to induce the 
English Press to take up a friendly attitude if Austria gave 
the ' death-blow ' to the Great Serbian movement, and, as far 
as possible, I was, by my influence, to prevent public opinion 
from opposing Austria. Recollections of the attitude of 
England during the annexation crisis, when public opinion 
showed sympathy for the Serbian rights in Bosnia, recollec- 

* [Under-Secretary of State.] 
f [Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.] 
j [Chief of the Great General Staff.] 

[German Ambassador in Vienna.] || [Austro-Hungarian Ambassador.] 
If [Austro-Hungarian Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.] 
28 



PRINCE LICHNOWSKY'S PAMPHLET 

tions also of the benevolent promotion of national movements 
in the time of Lord Byron and of Garibaldi these and other 
facts made it so unlikely that support would be given to the 
projected punitive expedition against the murderers of the 
prince, that I deemed it necessary to give an urgent warning. 
But I also uttered a warning against the whole project, which 
I described as adventurous and dangerous, and I advised that 
moderation should be recommended to the Austrians, because 
I did not believe in the localisation of the conflict. 1 l [Ci.Dip- 

Herr von Jagow told me in reply that Russia was not ready ; loma ^ c > x 
there would doubtless be a certain amount of bluster, but 
the more firmly we stood by Austria, the more would Russia 
draw back. He said that Austria was already accusing us of 
lukewarmness, and that we must not shirk. On the other 
hand, feeling in Russia was becoming ever more anti-German, 
and so we must simply risk it. 

In view of this attitude based, as I learnt afterwards, 
upon reports from Count Pourtales * to the effect that Russia 
would not move in any circumstances which caused us 
to stimulate Count Berchtold to the greatest possible energy, 
I hoped for salvation through English mediation, because I 
knew that Sir Edward Grey's influence in St. Petersburg could 
be turned to account in favour of peace. So I used my 
friendly relations with the Minister, and in confidence begged 
him to advise moderation in Russia, if Austria, as seemed 
likely, should demand satisfaction from the Serbs. 

At first the attitude of the English Press was calm and 
friendly to the Austrians, because the murder was condemned. 
But gradually more and more voices were heard insisting that, 
however necessary punishment for the crime might be, an 
exploitation of it for political purposes could not be justified. 
Austria was strongly urged to show moderation. 

When the ultimatum appeared, all the newspapers, with 
the exception of the Standard, which was always in low water 
and apparently was in the pay of the Austrians, were at one 
in their condemnation. The whole world, except in Berlin 
and Vienna, understood that it meant war, and indeed world- 
war. The British fleet, which chanced to be assembled for 
a review, was not demobilised. 1 1 [See Dip- 

At first I pressed for as conciliatory an answer as possible hmatic, i, 

* [German Ambassador in St. Petersburg.] 

29 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



1 [Diplo- 
matic, i, 
P- 740 

2 [Diplo- 
matic, i, 

p. 112.] 



lomatic, i, 
p. in.] 



4 [Diplo- 
matic, i f 
pp. 151-2.] 



on the part of Serbia, since the attitude of the Russian 
Government left no further doubt of the seriousness of the 
situation. 

The Serbian reply was in accordance with British efforts ; 
M. Pashitch had actually accepted everything, except two 
points, on which he declared his readiness to negotiate. If 
Russia and England had wanted war in order to fall upon 
us, a hint to Belgrade would have been sufficient, and the 
unheard-of Note x would have remained unanswered. 

Sir Edward Grey went through the Serbian reply 2 with 
me, and pointed to the conciliatory attitude of the Govern- 
ment at Belgrade. We then discussed his proposal for media- 
tion, which was to arrange an interpretation of the two points 
acceptable to both parties. M. Cambon,* the Marquis 
Imperiali,t and I should have met under Sir Edward Grey's 
presidency, 3 and it would have been easy to find an accept- 
able formula for the points in dispute, which in the main con- 
cerned the participation of Austrian officials in the investiga- 
tion at Belgrade. Given goodwill, everything might have been 
settled in one or two sittings, and the mere acceptance of the 
British proposal would have relieved the tension and would 
have further improved our relations with England. I urgently 
recommended the proposal, saying that otherwise world-war 
was imminent, in which we had everything to lose and nothing 
to gain. In vain ! I was told that it was against the dignity 
of Austria, and that we did not want to interfere in the 
Serbian business, but left it to our Ally. I was told to work 
for ' localisation of the conflict/ 

Of course it would only have required a hint from Berlin 
to make Count Berchtold content himself with a diplomatic 
success and accept the Serbian reply. But this hint was not 
given. On the contrary, we pressed for war. It would have 
been such a fine success. 

After our refusal Sir Edward asked us to come forward 
with a proposal of our own. 4 We insisted upon war. I 
could get no other answer [from Berlin] than that it showed 
an extremely ' conciliatory spirit ' on the part of Austria to 
contemplate no annexation of territory. 

Thereupon Sir Edward justly pointed out that even with- 
out annexations of territory a country can be reduced to 
* [French Ambassador in London.] f [Italian Ambassador in London.] 
30 



PRINCE LICHNOWSKY'S PAMPHLET 

a vassal, 1 and that Russia would regard this as a humiliation l [Ci.Diplo- 
and therefore would not tolerate it. matic, i, 

The impression became constantly stronger that we desired p P* I 57~ 8 -] 
war in all circumstances. Otherwise our attitude, in a question 
which after all did not directly concern us, was unintelligible. 
The urgent appeals and definite declarations of M. Sazonof,* 
later on the positively humble telegrams of the Tsar, 2 the 
repeated proposals of Sir Edward, the warnings of the Marquis _ 

San Giuliano f and of Signor Bollati,{ my urgent advice it 443> j 
was all of no use, for Berlin went on insisting that Serbia 
must be massacred ! 

The more I pressed, the less willing they were to alter 
their course, if only because they did not wish me to have 
the success of preserving peace in conjunction with Sir 
Edward Grey ! 

So, on July 29, the latter resolved upon his well-known 
warning. 3 I said in reply that I had always reported that we 3 [Diplo- 
should have to reckon upon English hostility if it came to matic, i, 
war with France. The Minister said to me repeatedly : ' If P- I56> J 
war breaks out, it will be the greatest catastrophe the world 
has ever seen/ 

Soon after that events moved rapidly. When Count 
Berchtold, who hitherto had played the strong man on in- 
structions from Berlin, at last decided to change his course, 4 4 [Diplo- 
we answered the Russian mobilisation after Russia had for matic * 
a whole week negotiated and waited in vain with our ulti- p * 
matum and declaration of war. 

English Declaration of War. 

Sir Edward Grey still looked for new ways of escape. On 
the morning of August i, Sir W. Tyrrell came to me to say 
that his chief still hoped to find a way out. Would we 
remain neutral if France did the same ? I understood him 
to mean that we should in that case be willing to spare France, 
but his meaning was that we should remain absolutely neutral ' 
neutral therefore even towards Russia. That wa's the well- 
known misunderstanding. 5 Sir Edward had given me an * [$ce Dip 
appointment for the afternoon, but as he was then at a Iomatic t 2, 

pp. 360-5.] 

18 [Russian Foreign Minister.] t [Italian Foreign Minister.] 

{ [Italian Ambassador in Berlin.] 

31 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

meeting of the Cabinet he called me up on the telephone, 
after Sir W. Tyrrell had hastened straight to him. But in 
the afternoon he spoke no longer of anything but Belgian 
neutrality, and of the possibility that we and France should 
face one another armed, without attacking one another. 

Thus there was no proposal whatever, but a question 
possessing no binding character, because our interview, as I 
had already reported, was to take place soon afterwards. 
Berlin, however without waiting for the conversation used 
this news as the foundation for a far-reaching act. Then 
came Poincare's letter, 1 Bonar Law's letter, 2 and the telegram 
from the King of the Belgians. 3 The hesitating members 
of the Cabinet were converted, with the exception of three, 
who resigned.* 

Up to the last moment I had hoped that England would 
take up a waiting attitude. My French colleague also felt 
by no means confident, as I learnt from a private source. 
As late as August i the King replied evasively to the French 
President. 4 But in the telegram from Berlin which announced 
the threatening danger of war, England was already men- 
tioned as an opponent. In Berlin, therefore, they already 
reckoned with war against England. 

Before my departure Sir Edward Grey received me on 
August 5 at his house. I had gone there at his desire. He 
was deeply moved. He said to me that he would always be 
ready to mediate : ' We don't want to crush Germany/ 
Unfortunately, this confidential conversation was published. 
Thereby Herr von Bethmann Hollweg destroyed the last 
possibility of reaching peace through England. 

Our departure was thoroughly dignified and calm. Before 
we left the King had sent his Equerry, Sir E. Ponsonby, to 
me, to express his regret at my departure and that he could 
not see me himself. Princess Louise wrote to me that the 
whole family lamented our going. Mr. Asquith and other 
friends came to the Embassy to say good-bye. 

A special train took us to Harwich. There a guard of 

* [The members of the Cabinet who resigned were only two namely, 
Viscount Morley, Lord President of the Council, and Mr. John Burns, 
President of the Board of Trade. The third Minister who resigned was Mr. 
C. P. Trevelyan, Parliamentary Under-Secretary of the Board of Educa- 
tion.] 
32 



PRINCE LICHNOWSKY'S PAMPHLET 

honour was drawn up for me. I was treated like a departing 
sovereign. Thus ended my London Mission. It was wrecked 
not by the perfidy of the British, but by the perfidy of our 
policy. 

At the railway station in London Count Mensdorff * 
appeared with his staff. He was cheerful, and gave me to 
understand that he might perhaps remain there [in London]. 
But to the English he said that it was not Austria, but we, 
who had wanted the war. 

Retrospect. 

When now, after two years, I survey it all in retrospect, 
I say to myself that I realised too late that there was no 
place for me in a system which for years has lived only on 
tradition and routine, and which tolerates no representatives 
except those who report what their superiors wish to read. 
Freedom from prejudice and an independent judgment arouse 
opposition, want of ability and of character are extolled and 
esteemed, but successes excite hostility and uneasiness. 

I had abandoned opposition to the mad Triple Alliance 
policy, because I saw that it was useless and that my warnings 
were represented as Austrophobia and as an idee fixe. In a 
policy which is not mere gymnastics or playing with docu- 
ments, but serious business of the firm, there is no such 
thing as ' phil ' or ' phobe ' (likes or dislikes) ; there is 
nothing but the interest of the community. But a policy 
which is based merely upon Austrians, Magyars, and Turks 
must end in hostility to Russia, and ultimately lead to a 
catastrophe. 

In spite of former aberrations, everything was still possible 
in July 1914. Agreement with England had been reached. 
We should have had to send to St. Petersburg a representa- 
tive who at any rate reached the average standard of political 
ability, and we should have had to give Russia the certainty 
that we desired neither to dominate the Straits nor to throttle 
the Serbs. M. Sazonof was saying to us : ' Lachez TAutriche 
et nous lacherons les Francois' (Drop Austria and we will 
drop the French), and M. Cambon f said to Herr von Jagow : 

* [Austro-Hungarian Ambassador in London.] 

f [M. Jules Cambon, French Ambassador in Berlin.] 

DIPLOMATIC 3. C 33 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

' Vous n'avez pas besoin de suivre Y Autriche partout ' (You 
need not follow Austria everywhere). 

We needed neither alliances nor wars, but merely treaties 
which would protect us and others, and which would safeguard 
an economic development for which there was no precedent 
in history. And if Russia were relieved of trouble in the 
West, she would be able to turn again to the East, and then 
Anglo-Russian antagonism would arise automatically without 
our interference and Russo-Japanese antagonism no less 
than Anglo- Russian. 

We could also have approached the question of limitation 
of armaments, and should have had no further need to trouble 
ourselves about the confusions of Austria. Austria-Hungary 
would then have become the vassal of the German Empire 
without an alliance, and, above all, without labours of 
love on our part, leading ultimately to war for the liberation 
of Poland and the destruction of Serbia, although German 
interests demanded exactly the contrary. 

I had to support in London a policy which I knew to be 
heresy. That has brought down vengeance upon me, for it 
was a sin against the Holy Ghost. 

Arrival. 

On my arrival in Berlin I saw at once that I was to be 
made the scapegoat for the catastrophe for which our Govern- 
ment had become responsible in opposition to my advice and 
warnings. 

The report was designedly circulated from official quarters 
that I had allowed myself to be deceived by Sir Edward 
Grey, because if he had not wanted war Russia would not 
have mobilised. Count Pourtales, whose reports could be 
reckoned upon, was to be spared, if only because of his family 
connections. He was said to have behaved ' splendidly,' and 
he was enthusiastically praised, while I was all the more 
sharply blamed. 

' What has Russia got to do with Serbia ? ' this statesman 
said to me, after eight years of official activity in St. Petersburg. 
It was made out that the whole business was a perfidious 
British trick which I had not understood. At the Foreign 
Office I was told that it would in any case have come to war 
34 



PRINCE LICHNOWSKY'S PAMPHLET 

in 1916 ; then Russia would have been * ready/ and so it was 
better now. 

Question of Guilt. 

All official publications show and the facts are not 
controverted by our own White Book, which, owing to its 
poverty and gaps constitutes a grave self-accusation 

1. That we encouraged Count Berchtold to attack Serbia, 
although no German interest was involved and the danger 
of a world-war must have been known to us whether we 
knew the text of the ultimatum is a question of complete 
indifference ; 

2. In the days between July 23 and July 30, 1914, when 
M. Sazonof emphatically declared that Russia could not 
tolerate an attack upon Serbia, we rejected the British pro- 
posals of mediation, although Serbia, under Russian and 
British pressure, had accepted almost the whole ultimatum, 
and although an agreement concerning the two points at issue 
could easily have been reached, and Count Berchtold was 
even prepared to content himself with the Serbian reply ; 

3. On July 30, when Count Berchtold wanted to give way 
and Austria had not been attacked, we replied to Russia's 
mere mobilisation by sending an ultimatum to St. Petersburg, 
and on July 31 we declared war on the Russians, although 
the Tsar pledged his word that as long as negotiations con- 
tinued not a man should march ; so that we deliberately 
destroyed the possibility of a peaceful settlement. 

In view of these indisputable facts, it is not surprising 
that the whole civilised world outside Germany attributes to 
us the sole guilt for the world-war. 

The Enemy Point of View. 

Is it to be wondered at that our enemies declare they 
will not rest until a system which constitutes a permanent 
threat to our neighbours is destroyed? Must they not 
otherwise fear that in a few years they will again have to 
take up arms, and again see their provinces overrun and 
their towns and villages destroyed ? Were those people not 
right who declared that the spirit of Treitschke and Bernhardi 
dominated the German people the spirit which glorifies war 

35 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

as an end in itself and does not abhor it as an evil ; that 
among us it is still the feudal knights and Junkers, the caste 
of warriors, who rule and fix our ideals and our values not the 
civilian ' gentleman ' ; that the love of duelling, which inspires 
our youth at the universities, lives on in those who guide 
the destinies of the people ? Had not the events at Zabern 
and the Parliamentary debates on that incident shown foreign 
countries how civil rights and freedom are valued among 
us when questions of military power come up against 
them? 

Cramb, a gifted historian who has since died, an admirer 
of Germany, put the German point of view into the words of 
Euphorion : 

' Traumt Ihr den Krieg [sic] ? * 
Traume wer traumen mag ! 
Krieg ist das Losungswort ! 
Sieg, und so klingt es fort.' 

Militarism, which, properly, is a school for the nation 
and an instrument of policy, turns policy into the instru- 
ment of military power, if the patriarchal absolutism of a 
soldier-kingdom renders possible an attitude that would not 
be permitted by a democracy freed from military- Junker 
influences. 

That is what our enemies think, and that is what they 
are bound to think, when they see that, in spite of capitalistic 
industrialisation, and in spite of socialistic organisation, the 
living, as Friedrich Nietzsche says, are still governed by the 
dead. The principal war aim of our enemies, the democratisa- 
tion of Germany, will be achieved ! 

Bismarck. 

Bismarck, like Napoleon, loved conflict as an end in 
itself. As a statesman he avoided new wars, the folly of 
which he recognised. He contented himself with bloodless 

* [The correct line is ' Traumt ihr den Friedenstag ? ' The quotation is 
from Goethe's Faust : 

' Dream ye of War [Peace] ? 
Let him dream who may ! 
War is the watchword ! 
Victory, that is the refrain/] 

36 



PRINCE LICHNOWSKY'S PAMPHLET 

battles. After he had in quick succession vanquished 
Christian, Francis Joseph and Napoleon, it was the turn of 
Arnim, Pius, and Augusta. That did not satisfy him. 
Gortschakoff, deeming himself the greater man, had repeatedly 
annoyed him. He was opposed almost to the verge of war, 
and was even deprived of his railway saloon. Thus the 
miserable Triple Alliance came into existence. Finally ensued 
the conflict with William, in which the mighty one was 
vanquished, as Napoleon was vanquished by Alexander. 

Political marriages for life and death succeed only in 
civil and not in international relations. They are the more 
hazardous if the partner is feeble. Nor did Bismarck ever 
intend an alliance of that kind. 

But the English he always treated with forbearance ; he 
knew that this was wiser. He behaved with marked respect 
towards the old Victoria, notwithstanding his hatred of her 
daughter and of political Anglomania ; to the cultivated 
Beaconsfield and the experienced Salisbury he paid court, 
and even that singular man Gladstone, whom he did not 
like, had really no cause to complain. 

The ultimatum to Serbia was the culminating point of 
the policy of the Berlin Congress, the Bosnian crisis, the 
Conference of London ; but there was still time to turn 
back. 

The thing that was above everything else to be avoided 
a breach with Russia and with England that we have 
successfully achieved. 

Our Future. 

To-day, after two years of the war, there can be no 
further doubt that we cannot hope for an unconditional 
victory over the Russians, the English, the French, the 
Italians, the Rumanians, and the Americans ; that we can- 
not reckon upon the overthrow of our enemies. But we 
can achieve a peace of compromise only upon the basis of 
the evacuation of the occupied territories, the possession of 
which, in any case, signifies for us a burden and weakness 
and the danger of new wars. Consequently everything 
should be avoided which hinders a change of course on the 
part of those enemy groups which might perhaps still be 

37 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

won over to the idea of compromise the British Radicals 
and the Russian reactionaries. Even from this point of 
view our Polish project is just as objectionable as any in- 
terference with Belgian rights, or the execution of British 
citizens to say nothing of the mad submarine war scheme. 

Our future lies upon the water. True ; therefore it does 
not lie in Poland and Belgium, in France and Serbia. That 
is a reversion to the Holy Roman Empire, to the aberrations 
of the Hohenstaufens and Habsburgs. It is the policy of the 
Plantagenets, not the policy of Drake and Ralegh, Nelson 
and Rhodes. Triple Alliance policy is a relapse into the past, 
a turning aside from the future, from Imperialism, from 
world policy. ' Middle ' Europe is the Middle Ages ; Berlin- 
Bagdad is a cul-de-sac, not a road into the open, to un- 
limited possibilities, to the world mission of the German 
people. 

I am no enemy of Austria, or Hungary, or Italy, or Serbia, 
or any other State ; only an enemy of the Triple Alliance 
policy, which was bound to divert us from our aims, and to 
land us on the inclined plane of continental policy. It 
was not German policy, but Austrian dynastic policy. The 
Austrians had accustomed themselves to regard the alliance 
as an umbrella under whose protection they could make 
excursions at pleasure into the East. 

And what result have we to expect from the struggle of 
peoples ? The United States of Africa will be British, like 
those of America, Australia, and Oceania ; and- the Latin 
States of Europe, as I said years ago, will fall into the same 
relationship to the United Kingdom as the Latin sisters of 
America to the United States. The Anglo-Saxon will domi- 
nate them. France, exhausted by the war, will link herself 
still more closely with Great Britain. In the long run, Spain 
also will not resist. 

And in Asia, the Russians and the Japanese will expand 
with their limitations and their customs, and the South will 
remain to the British. 

The world will belong to the Anglo-Saxons, the Russians, 
and the Japanese, and the German will remain alone with 
Austria and Hungary. His sphere of power will be that of 
thought and of trade, not that of the bureaucrats and the 
soldiers. The German appeared too late, and the world-war 
38 



14] 



PRINCE LICHNOWSKY'S PAMPHLET 

has destroyed the last possibility of making good the omissions 
of the past and founding a colonial empire. 

For we shall not dispossess the sons of Jahve ,' the pro- 
gramme of the great Rhodes, who saw the salvation of man- 
kind in British expansion, in British Imperialism, will be 
realised. 

' Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento. 
Hae tibi erunt artes : pacisque imponere morem, 
Parcere subject is et debellare superbos.' 



39 



CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN GERMANY 
AND AUSTRIA IN JULY, 1914. 

(Translated from the ' Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung,' 
October 12, 1917) 

POLITICAL REPORT OF THE DAY. 

Berlin, October n. 

The English and French Press, as well as the enemy 
wireless messages, obstinately maintain that in the critical 
days of July 1914 the German Government suppressed a 
telegram from Vienna which, if communicated to London in 
time, would have prevented the outbreak of the world-war. 

On the German side no telegram was suppressed, or even 
delayed. The archives of the Foreign Office in Berlin conceal 
no surprises of this kind. The essential outlines of the 
events of that date have long been exposed in the White 
Book 1 and also on other occasions from competent quarters. 
It is true that, in consequence of the subterfuges of our 
opponents, the negotiations of that period look as if they were 
confused and hard to grasp. The German attitude has, 
however, never been anything but frank and consistent, 
whereas the same cannot be said of the proceedings of our 
opponents. Thus Ribot no doubt promised, on June ist of 
this year, to publish the Franco-Russian secret agreements 
which are of such eminent importance for a knowledge of the 
causes of the war. But M. Painleve recently informed the 
French Chamber that, by the special desire of the young 
Russian Republic, this publication must not take place a 
statement which the Russians deny. 

The senseless charge that the German Government did 

not pass on an Austrian telegram of great importance is 

deduced from the utterances of the German Emperor to the 

[See post, American Ambassador on August 10, J-9I4. 2 The Kaiser 

57-] said to Mr. Gerard, in similar terms to those in which, as is 

40 



GERMANY AND AUSTRIA 

well known, he telegraphed to King George, that simul- 
taneously with the proposal of the King of England that 
Austria-Hungary should content herself with the occupation 
of Belgrade and of a strip of Serbian territory as a pledge for 
the fulfilment of its demands, a telegram arrived from Vienna 
which conveyed the impression that Austria was ready to 
agree to a proposal of that kind. 1 This telegram was sent on * [See Dip- 
to London, just as the King of England's telegram was sent lomatic, 2, 
on to Vienna. Already before this St. Petersburg had been PP-359- 60 -] 
informed in a similar sense. In these circumstances it might 
have been considered, on the evening of July 30, that the 
crisis would be got over. 

Against the doubts which have been raised as to these 
facts by our opponents, we reproduce below the telegrams 
which were exchanged, and which were mentioned by His 
Majesty the Emperor. 

When, on July 28, 1914, the war-fever was at its height 
in Russia, German mediation was exercised with more intense 
activity. As is known from the White Book, St. Petersburg 
was informed from Berlin 2 that Germany, despite the state 2 [See Dip- 
of war which had arisen between Austria and Serbia, was lomatic, 2, 
continuously endeavouring to induce Vienna to make clear p< I 
in St. Petersburg in an incontestable manner and one which, 
it was hoped, would satisfy Russia, the object and the extent 
of her action against Serbia. 

Moreover the German Government on the same day, 
without waiting for a suggestion from London to that effect, 
addressed proposals to Vienna for the basis of an under- 
standing with Russia. The telegram from the Imperial 
Chancellor to the Imperial Ambassador in Vienna on the 
evening of July 28 ran as follows : 

' The reply of the Serbian Government to the Austrian 
ultimatum, which is now to hand, indicates that Serbia 
has met the Austrian demands. The Imperial and 
Royal (Austro-Hungarian) Government will, therefore, 
no longer be able to maintain its former reserve towards 
our proposals for mediation and those of the other Cabinets. 

' On the other hand, M. Sazonof , in his last conversa- 
tion with Count Pourtales, has already admitted that 
Serbia must receive " the lesson she deserves/' Alto- 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

gether the Minister no longer maintained an attitude of 
such absolute rejection towards the Austrian standpoint 
as heretofore. It is accordingly permissible to infer that 
the Russian Government will likewise not decline to 
recognise that, the mobilisation of the Austro-Hungarian 
Army having once begun, military honour, if nothing 
else, demands the advance into Serbia. That Govern- 
ment will, however, be able to reconcile itself more easily 
to this idea, if the Austro-Hungarian Government repeats 
in St. Petersburg the definite declaration that it has 
absolutely no thought of territorial acquisitions in 
Serbia, and that the sole object of its military measures 
is a temporary occupation of Belgrade and other definite 
points of Serbian territory, in order to compel the Serbian 
Government completely to fulfil its demands and to 
provide guarantees for future good behaviour, to which 
Austria-Hungary, after the experiences she has had of 
Serbia, has certainly a right. The occupation, it should 
be added, was intended, like the occupation in France 
after the peace of Frankfurt, to be a security for the 
claim to a war indemnity. As soon as the Austrian 
demands were fulfilled, evacuation would follow. 

' Your Excellency will at once express yourself in this 
sense to Count Berchtold, and suggest that corresponding 
steps be taken in St. Petersburg. The object now is to 
find a means which will secure the fulfilment of Austria- 
Hungary's aim, namely, to put a stop at its very source 
to the Great Serbia propaganda, and to prevent the 
outbreak of a world- war/ 

It afterwards turned out that, at that time, Berlin and 
London took an almost identical view of the situation. On 
the evening of July 29, the German Ambassador in London 
reported by telegraph Sir Edward Grey's mediation proposals, 
which were of a similar character to the German suggestions 
in Vienna. These English proposals were at once trans- 
mitted to Vienna, as the telegram of the British Ambassador 
1 [Diplo- in Berlin on July 30 (Blue Book, No. 98) shows. 1 The urgent 
mahc, i, manner in which the acceptance of the English proposals 
was recommended is plain from the speech of the Imperial 
Chancellor of November 9, 1916, in which attention is also 
42 



GERMANY AND AUSTRIA 

called to the conciliatory Austrian reply (Austrian Red Book, 

No. 51 l ). l [Diplo- 

On July 29 it was realised in Berlin that the Russian matic, 2, 
mobilisation against Austria gravely imperilled the success of P- 282 -l 
the German mediation. The Imperial Government therefore 
once more called the attention of the St. Petersburg Govern- 
ment to the steps which had been taken in Vienna with a 
view to settling the conflict between Austria and Russia, and 
at the same time entered a serious warning against hasty 
and dangerous measures. 

This telegram of the evening of July 29, from the Imperial 
Chancellor to the Imperial Ambassador in St. Petersburg, was 
to the following effect : 

'The Russian mobilisation on the Austrian frontier 
will, I presume, entail a corresponding measure on the 
part of Austria. It is difficult to say how far the stones 
thus set rolling can then be stopped, and I fear that 
the pacific intentions of M. Sazohof will then no longer 
be capable of realisation. In order still to avert, if 
possible, the threatening catastrophe, we are endeavour- 
ing in Vienna to get the Austro-Hungarian Government, 
in confirmation of its former assurances, formally to 
declare once more to Russia that it has no intention of 
making territorial acquisitions in Serbia, and that the 
object of its military measures is solely a temporary 
occupation, in order to constrain the Serbian Government 
to future good behaviour. 

'If Austria-Hungary makes such a declaration, then 
Russia has attained all that she desires. For M. Sazonof 
has himself admitted to Your Excellency that Serbia 
must receive the " lesson she deserves/' In the event of 
our action in Vienna being successful, we expect that 
Russia will not bring about any warlike conflict with 
Austria. 

' Your Excellency will express yourself immediately to . 
M. Sazonof to this effect/ 

The formal Russian reply to this German proposal for 
mediation was the production of the so-called ' Sazonof 
Formula/ 2 which maintained unaltered the presumptuous 
demands of Russia for intervention in the Austro-Serbian 

43 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

dispute and declined to postpone military measures. It is 
Sir George Buchanan, as is shown by the report of the French 
Ambassador, who is responsible for the irreconcilable and 
fatal attitude of Russia. (French Yellow Book, No. H3. 1 ) 
Even Grey, who otherwise did nothing to deter Russia from 
her decision to make war, recognised the necessity of altering 
this formula in the sense of the German suggestions. Sazonof , 
however, was not concerned to effect an understanding. 
Russia's real answer to the Berlin proposals for mediation 
was general mobilisation. 

A provisional reply from the Austrian Government to the 
German proposal of July 28 reached Berlin on July 29. 
This telegram from the German Ambassador in Vienna ran 
as follows : 

' Instruction carried out. Count Berchtold thanks you 
for the suggestion. The Minister is prepared to repeat 
once more the declaration about territorial disinterested- 
ness which he has already made in St. Petersburg and 
also through the Russian representative here. As regards 
the further declaration respecting military measures, 
Count Berchtold stated that he was unable to give me 
an immediate reply/ 

On the same day (July 29) Sazonof had declared in St. 
Petersburg that Vienna declined to have any direct com- 
munication with St. Petersburg. 2 Before the exchange of 
telegrams, which was at once opened from Berlin, could clear 
up this obvious misunderstanding, as it could still be con- 
sidered to be, there arrived on the evening of July 30 the 
final Austrian reply to the German proposal a reply which 
in large measure took account of German desires and supplied 
the hoped-for basis for a pacific settlement of the Austro- 
Russian conflict. 

The telegram in question from the German Ambassador 

3 [Cf.Diplo- in Vienna was to the following effect 3 : 
matic, i, 

PP- I 7 6 ' Count Berchtold has requested me to make the fol- 

370 ; and 2, lowing communication : In consequence of our sugges- 
tion, which has been accepted with thanks, instructions 

4 [Diplo- have been sent to Count Szapary 4 to begin conversation 
matic, 2, with M. Sazonof. Count Szapary is empowered to ex- 
pp. 279-80.] 44 



GERMANY AND AUSTRIA 

plain to the Russian Minister the Note to Serbia, which, 
it is true, has been overtaken by the state of war, and 
to receive any further suggestion which may yet be 
made by the Russian Government, and also to discuss 
with M. Sazonof all questions which directly affect 
Austro- Russian relations. 

' If the Russian Government should consider that 
they have reason to object to the mobilisation of eight 
corps, as a military measure exceeding what is required 
for the Serbian campaign, Count Szapary has instructions, 
in the event of Sazonof s adverting to this subject of his 
own accord, to say that, as against a Serbian Army of 
400,000 men, 1 the concentration of this number of troops * [Diplo- 
is in accordance with the military view of the situation 
entertained here. 

' Count Berchtold will to-day ask the Russian Ambas- 
sador to come and see him and will speak to him in the 
same sense. 2 Further, the Minister will tell M. Scheb6ko 2 [Diplo- 
that territorial acquisitions in Serbia are altogether matic, 2, 
remote from the intention of the Monarchy, and that PP- 210 ' 11 J 
its sole object is a temporary occupation of Serbian 
territory, in order to force the Serbian Government to 
comply completely with its demands, and to obtain 
guarantees for future good behaviour. The evacuation 
of Serbian territory by the Monarchy will take place 
in the same degree in which Serbia fulfils the conditions 
of peace/ 

A few hours later the well-known telegram from the King 
of England 3 was received, once more in a clearer form 
giving expression to Grey's proposal. It was at once sent on * w ?fjl ?' 
to Vienna. The Austrian reply to the German proposal of ] 
July 28 was likewise communicated to St. Petersburg and 
to London on the evening of July 30, in the latter case with 
the following addition by the Secretary of State for Foreign 
Affairs : 

' This telegram refers to our earlier suggestion of direct 
conversations between Vienna and St. Petersburg. It 
shows such a conciliatory attitude on the part of Austria 
that we hope England will press in St. Petersburg for 

45 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

an equally conciliatory attitude, and especially for the 
cessation of the Russian military measures/ 

That this telegram, notwithstanding assertions to the 
contrary which are now being made in the English and 
French Press, did reach its destination is proved by the 
English Blue Book, in which No. no 1 contains an inexact 
and incomplete reproduction of the Austrian reply. 

It is inexplicable how it can still be disputed that Germany 
did everything in her power to prevent the outbreak of war. 
The threads of a section of the negotiations of that time 
which have here been laid bare prove anew that on the part 
of Germany nothing was left untried in this respect, and 
that the Russian mobilisation alone prevented a peaceful 
settlement . This the Imperial Chancellor has already explained 
to the British Ambassador (on July 31), as No. 108 2 of the 
Blue Book proves. 

' While the efforts of Germany and the discernment of the 
Austro-Hungarian Government would certainly have pre- 
vented the threatening world-conflict by a pacific arrange- 
ment, London, if the English attempts in that direction had 
at that time a really serious intention in all English quarters, 
in nowise succeeded in deterring Russia from mobilising, a 
course which, as no one could doubt, must mean war ; while 
the French Government, actuated by hopes of revanche, 
eagerly fanned the fire which was breaking out. Germany 
most zealously advocated in Vienna her proposals for 
mediation, which were similar to the English proposals, and 
did so with success. Will the English Press assert that 
London exercised similar pressure in St. Petersburg ? The 
telegrams of July 30 and August i to Sir George Buchanan 
(Blue Book, Nos. 103 and 105) 3 create the impression that 
Grey shrank from sending proposals for mediation to St. 
Petersburg. What did Buchanan effect on the strength of 
these communications ? The telegram which contains the 
Russian reply to the English proposals for mediation is 
missing from the English Blue Book, doubtless not without 
reason*! 



GERMANY AND AUSTRIA 

SPEECH OF HERR VON BETHMANN HOLLWEG, 
IMPERIAL CHANCELLOR, IN THE GERMAN 
REICHSTAG, AUGUST 19, 1915. 

(Extract.) 

(Translated from the ' Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung,' 
August 20, 1915.) 

On the evening of July 29 [1914], the following report 
from the Imperial Ambassador in St. Petersburg reached us 
here : 

' Monsieur Sazonof, who has just asked me to call 
upon him, informed me that the Vienna Cabinet had 
replied with a categorical refusal to the desire for direct 
conversations expressed from here. Nothing, therefore, 
remained but to fall back upon Sir Edward Grey's pro- 
posal of a conversation of the four Powers/ 

As the Government in Vienna had in the meantime 
declared itself ready for a direct exchange of views with St. 
Petersburg, it was clear that there was a misunderstanding. 
I telegraphed to Vienna to that effect, and at the same time 
took the opportunity of expressing again very decidedly my 
views on the situation as a whole. My instructions to Herr 
von Tschirschky ran as follows : 

' The announcement of Count Pourtales is not in 
harmony with the representation which your Excellency 
has given of the attitude of the Austro-Hungarian 
Government. Apparently there is a misunderstanding, 
which I request you to clear up. We cannot expect 
Austria-Hungary to negotiate with Serbia, with whom 
she has just entered upon a state of war. The refusal of 
any exchange of views with St. Petersburg, however, 
would be a grave mistake. It is true, we are certainly 
prepared to fulfil our duties as allies, but we must refuse 
to let ourselves be drawn into a world conflagration by 
Austria-Hungary through failure to follow our advice. 
Your Excellency will at once express yourself very 
earnestly and emphatically in this sense to Count 
Berchtold.' 

47 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

Heir von Tschirschky replied on July 30 : 

' Count Berchtold observed that, as Your Excellency 
supposes, there must indeed be a misunderstanding ; but 
on the Russian side. Having already been informed of 
this misunderstanding by Count Szapary, the Austro- 
Hungarian ambassador in St. Petersburg, and receiving 
at the same time our urgent request to enter upon 
conversation with Russia, he at once gave Count Szapary 
the necessary instructions/ 



48 



TOUL AND VERDUN AS GUARANTEE OF 
NEUTRALITY. 

Telegram from the Imperial German Chancellor, Herr von [Cf. Dipfa 
Bethmann Hollweg, to Baron von Schoen, German Am- mat w> 2, 
bassador at Paris. 

Berlin to Paris, $nst July 1914. 

(GERMAN TEXT: SUPPLIED FROM THE FRENCH [ See 

FOREIGN OFFICE.) *g 

Russland hat trotz unserer noch schwebenden Vermit- appended 
telungsaktion und obwohl wir selbst keinerlei Mobilmachungs- on p. 50.] 
massnahmen getroffen haben, Mobilmachung seiner gesamten 
Armee und Flotte, also auch gegen uns, veiiiigt. Wir haben 
darauf drohenden Kriegszustand erklart, dem Mobilmachung 
folgen muss, falls nicht Russland binnen 12 Stunden alle 
Kriegsmassnahmen gegen uns und Oesterreich einstelle. Die 
Mobilmachung bedeutet unvermeidlich Krieg. Bitte franzo- 
sische Regierung fragen, ob sie in einem russisch-deutschem 
Kriege neutral bleiben will. Antwort muss binnen 18 Stunden 
erfolgen. Sofort Stunde der gestellten Anfrage drahten. 
Grosste Eile geboten. 

Wenn, wie nicht anzunehmen, franzosische Regierung 
erklart neutral zu bleiben, wollen Eure Excellenz der franzo- 
sischen Regierung erklaren, dass wir als Pfand flir Neutralitat 
Ueberlassung der Festungen Toul und Verdun fordern miissen, 
die wir besetzen und nach Beendigung des Kriegs mit Russ- 
land zuriickgeben wiirden. 

Antwort auf letztere Frage muss bis Sonnabend nach- 
mittag 4 vier Uhr hier sein. 

BETHMANN HOLLWEG. - 

(TRANSLATION.) 

Russia has ordered mobilisation of her entire army and 
fleet, therefore also against us, in spite of our still pending 

DIPLOMATIC 3. D 49 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

mediation, and although we ourselves have taken no measures 
of mobilisation. We have therefore declared the threaten- 
ing state of war, which is bound to be followed by mobilisa- 
tion, unless Russia stops within 12 hours all measures of 
war against us and Austria. Mobilisation inevitably implies 
war. Please ask French Government whether it intends to 
remain neutral in a Russo-German war. Reply must follow 
within 18 hours. Wire at once time when question was put. 
Utmost speed necessary. 

If, contrary to expectation, French Government declares 
that it will remain neutral, Your Excellency will please de- 
clare to the French Government that we must demand as 
a guarantee of neutrality the handing over of the fortresses of 
Toul and Verdun, which we should occupy and hand back 
on the conclusion of the war with Russia. 

Reply to this last question must be here before four 
o'clock on Saturday afternoon. 

BETHMANN HOLLWEG. 

EXPLANATORY NOTE SUPPLIED BY THE 
FRENCH FOREIGN OFFICE. 

1 [Diplo- The first portion of the text the first paragraph has already been 

malic, i, published in the Yellow Book. 1 It was communicated by Baron von 
p. 382 ; cf. Schoen at seven o'clock in the evening on Friday, July 31, to Monsieur 
id. 2, p. Viviani. Thus the period of eighteen hours allowed to France to 
I 6i.] decide whether or not she would join Russia expired on Saturday, 

August i, at one o'clock in the afternoon. 

In the event (which was not realised) of France dishonouring her 
signature to the treaty of alliance with Russia, the German Ambassador 
was to communicate on the same day, Saturday, at i P.M., the second 
portion of his instructions, and demand, in addition to the abandon- 
ment of Russia, the handing over of .the fortresses of Toul and Verdun 
as a guarantee of neutrality. 

The period allowed by the German Government for the reply to 
this incredible demand would, in fact, have been only three hours, 
since it had to be given by 4 P.M. the same day. 


[The demand respecting Toul and Verdun was made public for the first 
time by M. Stephen Pichon, French Minister of Foreign Affairs, in a speech 
at the Sorbonne, Paris, on Friday, March i, 1918, in the course of which 
he said : 

' The men who [were] not satisfied with having brought on the most 
50 



TOUL AND VERDUN 

appalling of wars endeavoured, on the very day on which they deliberately 
made it inevitable, to dishonour us by a most cowardly complicity in the 
ambush into which they were leading Europe. I place this beyond dispute 
by disclosing a document which the German Chancellery, after drafting it, 
has kept carefully concealed in its most secret archives you will soon see 
why. We have only recently become acquainted with this document, and 
its authenticity is beyond question. It bears the signature of Herr von 
Bethmann Hollweg, and is dated July 31, 1914. It is known, notably 
from one of the documents published officially in the German White Book, 1 1 [Diplo- 
that on that day the Imperial Chancellor, when instructing Baron von matic, 2, 
Schoen to inform us of the declaration of a " state of danger of war "as p. 161, ex- 
regards Russia, had requested his Ambassador to ask us to remain neutral, hibit 25. j 
and to allow us a period of eighteen hours in which to reply. What is not 
known, and what I now reveal, is that the telegram containing those instruc- 
tions concluded with these words : "If the French Government declares 
that it will remain neutral, your Excellency will be good enough to declare 
to it that we must demand as a guarantee of neutrality the handing over of 
the fortresses of Toul and Verdun, which we should occupy and hand back 
on the conclusion of the war with Russia. The reply to this last question 
must be here before four o'clock on Saturday afternoon." That is how 
Germany desired peace at the moment when she declared war. That shows 
her sincerity when she maintains that we forced her to take up arms in her 
own defence. That is the price that she intended to make us pay for pur 
turpitude, if we had had the infamy to betray to her Russia, our ally, and 
to repudiate our signature, as Prussia has repudiated hers by tearing up 
the treaty which guaranteed the neutrality of Belgium.'] 



[For later SPEECH OF M. SAZONOF IN THE DUMA OF 
Ts^oLi THE EMPIRE, JULY 26 (AUGUST 8), 1914.* 

3ooj >P GENTLEMEN, MEMBERS OF THE DUMA OF THE EMPIRE: 
At this trying moment, moment of responsible decisions, 
the Government draws power from the assurance of its com- 
plete harmony with the conscience of the people. 

When the time arrives for history to pronounce its impartial 
judgments, its decision, I firmly believe, will not differ from 
the one which guided us : Russia could not evade the im- 
pertinent challenge of her foes. She could not renounce the 
best traditions of her history. She could not cease to be the 
great Russia. 

Our foes endeavour to throw upon us the responsibility 
1 [See Dip- for the disasters which they brought on Europe. 1 But their 
lomatic, 2, fallacious aspersions cannot deceive any one who conscientiously 
12 *! \ 1 f^ ows * ne policy of Russia of last years and that of the last 
1 3 ' I35 ' J days. 

It was not only since yesterday that Russia, conscious of 
the immense problems connected with her internal develop- 
ment and progress, gave manifold proofs of her sincere love of 
peace. It is solely owing to this love of peace that was pre- 
vented the conflagration which was ready to spread in Europe 
when in 1912-1913 the struggle arose in the Balkans. 

The menace to the European peace was not in the Russian 
policy. The great Russia never placed her dignity in the 
vainglorious clatter of weapons, in the humiliation of other 
peoples' self-respect, in scorning the rights of the weaker ones. 
Still the quiet, peaceful strength of Russia was exciting the 
temper of her foes. 

Is it necessary to remind you of all the attempts of Austria- 
Hungary to undermine the historic position of Russia on the 

* [Printed as an Appendix to the first Russian Orange Book (see 
Diplomatic, i, pp. 445-497), in an English translation thereof published 
officially by the Imperial Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.] 
52 



M. SAZONOFS SPEECH, AUG. 8, 1914 

Balkans ? The hour has arrived when I can state right here 
without any reserve that it was owing to her efforts that the 
murderous difference between Bulgaria and her brotherly 
allies was successfully planned. (Movement in the hall.") 
Nevertheless, with God's help, the cause of uniting the interests 
of the orthodox peoples of the Balkan Peninsula, although 
subjected to severe trials, will not perish. 

You know the motive of this war. Torn by internal dis- 
orders, Austria-Hungary decided to find an exit from them 
by means of some stroke, which would create the impression 
of her strength, while causing at the same time humiliation to 
Russia. For this purpose Serbia was selected, to whom we 
are bound by the ties of history, origin, and religion. 

You are acquainted with the conditions under which the 
ultimatum 1 was presented to Serbia. By giving her consent l \Diplo- 
to it Serbia would have become a vassal of Austria. It was wtfc, i, 
evident that for us not to interfere in the matter would have P- 74-1 
been tantamount not only to renunciation on the part of 
Russia of the part she played for centuries as a defender of 
Balkan nationalities, but also to the recognition that the will 
of Austria and of Germany, which stands behind her back, is the 
the law for Europe. 

To this could consent neither we nor France nor England. 
No less than we, our valiant allies applied all efforts for the 
strengthening of peace in Europe. Our foes made a mistake 
in taking these efforts for signs of weakness. 

And after the challenge made by Austria, Russia did not 
reject any of the attempts which could lead to the peaceful 
solution of the conflict. In this direction all our efforts and 
those of our allies were honestly tried to the end. You will 
convince yourself of this by seeing the documents which will 
be published and which state in consecutive order the progress 
of the negotiations. 2 We firmly stood upon one condition. 2 [See first 
Ready to accept any compromise which, without belittling ^ ussian 
her dignity, could be accepted by Austria, we excluded every- ^^ 
thing which could touch the autonomy and independence of Diplo- 
Serbia. matic,i,pp. 

From the very beginning we did not conceal our point of 445-497-] 
view from Germany. There can be no doubt that, had the 
Berlin Cabinet so desired, it could in proper time, by a single 
weighty word, check its ally in the same way as it did during 

53 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

the Balkan crisis. (Exclamations : * True ! True ! ') In the 
meantime Germany, who during the very last days, did not 
cease to display in words her readiness to act upon Vienna, 1 
rejected one after another the offers made to her, and on her 
own side was proffering empty assurances. The time was 
passing ; negotiations were not progressing. Austria subjected 
Belgrade to severe bombardment. This was an outrage 
organised by the Government, the natural continuation of the 
outrages on the defenceless Serbian population of Serajevo 
after the notorious crime of the I5th of June [June 28, N.S.]. 
The evident purpose of all of this was to gain time, to place us 
and Europe before the accomplished fact of humiliation and 
destruction of Serbia. 

Under such conditions we could not help taking the natural 
steps of precaution, inasmuch as Austria had already mobilised 
half her army. 

When mobilisation of the army and of the fleet was 
declared by Russia, His Majesty the Emperor was pleased by 
His Imperial word to guarantee to the German Emperor 2 
that Russia will not proceed to apply force as long as there is 
hope to reach a peaceful issue of the negotiations on the 
principles, full of moderation, which I have mentioned. This 
voice was not heeded. Germany declared war first against 
us, then against our ally. Having lost self-control, she 
commenced to trample upon the generally recognised rights 
of States, the neutrality of which was solemnly pledged by her 
own among others signature. One cannot help bowing 
down before the heroism of the Belgian people, who are 
struggling against the huge German army. (Impetuous 
applauses from all benches ; the deputies rise up and enthusi- 
astically greet the representative of Belgium, who is in the 
Diplomatic box.) 

Germany's action could not but call forth the deep 
indignation of the whole civilised world, and first of all of the 
noble France, who, together with us, rose up for the defence 
of the trampled rights and justice. (Burst of applause on all 
benches ; deputies rise up from their seats and join in an 
ovation to the French Ambassador ; cheers for France.) 

Is it necessary to say that the same sentiments animated 
England, who, as one man, shared the general sentiment of 
necessity to resist Germany in her design to place upon Europe 
54 



M. SAZONOFS SPEECH, AUG. 8, 1914 

the heavy hand of her hegemony ? (Applauses from all 
benches ; deputies rising to greet the English Ambassador.) 

Now the motive which started the war retreats before the 
significance which the war acquires for each of us and for our 
allies. 

Germany declared war 1 against us on the igth of July l [Diplo- 
[Aug. i, N.S.], and five days later her example was followed by mai \c i, p. 
Austria, 2 who gave as a motive for her decision our interference ^ . 
in her quarrel with Serbia, and also the allegation that we *- ' p * 
started hostile actions against Germany. This latter circum- 
stance is stated to be the real cause of her war against us. The 
troops of the enemy entered the Russian soil. We are fighting 
for our country, we^are fighting for our dignity and position 
as a Great Power. We cannot tolerate the sovereignty of 
Germany and her ally over Europe. The same motives are 
guiding our allies. 

We are not indulging in vainglory. We know that there 
may be heavy trials in our path. 

They are already discounted by our enemies. Not know- 
ing Russia and scorning the lessons of her history, they count 
upon the possibility of weakening on our part. But the Lord, 
who did not forsake Russia during the most severe years of 
her history, will not now forsake our country, who, in her 
entirety, rallied around her Tsar in the general feeling of love 
and self-sacrifice. 

With the humble hope of God's help, with the unshakable 
faith in Russia, the Government turns to you, people's chosen, 
with ardent confidence, convinced that in your persons is 
reflected the image of our great Fatherland, which is not to be 
made light of by our foes. 



55 



THE GERMAN EMPEROR AND PRESIDENT 

WILSON. 

Telegram from the German Emperor to President*Wilson, 
August 10, 1914. 

(From My Four Years in Germany, by JAMES W. GERARD, late 
Ambassador of the United States*in Berlin.) 

For the President 

of the United States 

Personally. lo/VIII 

14- 
i.) H.R.H. Prince Henry was recieved by His Majesty 

King George V in London, who empowered him to transmit 
to me verbally that England would remain neutral if war 
broke out on the Continent involving Germany and France, 
Austria and Russia. This message was telegraphed to me 
by my brother from London after his conversation with H.M. 
the King, and repeated verbally on the 2gth of July. 

2.) My Ambassador in London transmitted a message from 
Sir E. Grey to Berlin saying that only in case France was 
likely to be crushed England would interfere. 

3.) On the 3oth my Ambassador in London reported that 
Sir E. Grey, in course of a 'private ' conversation told him, that 
if the conflict remained localized between Russia not Servia 
and Austria England would not move, but if we ' mixed ' in 
the fray she would take quick decisions and grave measures. 
I.E. if I left my Ally Austria in the lurch to fight alone England 
would not touch me. 

4.) This communication being directly counter to the 

* [The wording of the telegram is here exactly reproduced, with the 
Emperor's own erasures, corrections and underlinings, from the facsimile 
contained in Mr. Gerard's book. The transcript of the telegram printed 
in the text of the book is not in all respects exact.] 
56 



THE KAISER AND PRESIDENT WILSON 

King's message to me I telegraphed to H.M. on zgth or 30th 1 l [See 
thanking him for his message through my brother, and begging telegram 
him to use all his power to keep France and Russia his ^ m 
Allies from making any warlike preparations calculated to H "ry in 
disturb my work of mediation, stating that I was in constant this sense, 
communication with H.M. the Cz. In the evening the King Diplomatic, 
kindly answered 2 that he had ordered his Government to 2, p. 358.] 
use every possible influence with his Allies to refrain from 2 [id., p. 
taking any provocative military measures. At the same 359-] 



time H.M. I should transmit to Vienna the British 



proposal that Austria was to take Belgrade and a few other 
Servian towns and a strip of country as a ' main-mise ' to make 
sure that the Servian promises on paper should be fullfilled in 
reality. This proposal was in the same moment telegraphed 
to me from Vienna for London, 3 quite in conjunction with the 8 t cf - ante > 
British proposal; besides I had telegraphed to H.M. the Zar j^$fcj 
the same as an idea of mine, before I received the two com- ma a Ct 
munications from Vienna and London. As both were of the p. 169 ; ' 
same opinion, I immediately transmitted the telegrams vice and 2,Jp. 
versa to Vienna and London. I felt that I was able to tide the 360-] 
question over and was happy at the peaceful outlook. 

5.) While I was preparing a note to H.M. the Czar the next 
morning, to inform him that Vienna, London, and Berlin were 
agreed about the treatment of affairs I re'cieved the Telephone 
from H.E. the Chancellor that in the night before the Czar had 
mobilized given the order to mobilize the whole of the Russian 
Army, which was of course also meant against Germany, 
whereas up till then the southern Armies had been mobilized 
against Austria. 

6.) In a telegram from London my Ambassador fey a mistake 
informed me 4 he understood British Government would * [Cf. Dip- 
guarantee neutrality of France, and wished to know wether lomatic, 
Germany would refrain from attack. I telegraphed to H.M. 2> P- 36o 'J 
the King personally 5 that, mobilization being allready carried 5 [id., 
out could not be stopped, but if H.M. could guarantee with P- 361.] 
his armed forces the neutrality of France, I would refrain from 
attacking her, leave her alone, and employ my troops else- 
where. H.M. answered 6 that he thought my offer was based 6 [id., 

on a misunderstanding ; and as far as I can make out Sir E. ] 

57 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



1 [Cf . Dip- 
lomatic, 
i, pp. 187, 
202, 397.] 

[*., I, p. 

206.] 

3 [Diplo- 
matic, 2, p. 
31.] 



Grey never took my offer into serious consideration. He 
never answered it. Instead he declared England had to 
defend Belgian neutrality 1 which had to be violated by 



Germany on strategical grounds, 



having been received 



that France was allready preparing to enter Belgium 2 and 
the King of the Belgians having refused 3 my petition for a 
free passage under guarantee of his country's freedom. I am 
most grateful for the President's message.'"" 

WILLIAM I.R. 

* [The circumstances in which this telegram was written are explained 
in the following passage from Mr. Gerard's My Four Years in Germany 
(Hodder and Stoughton) , p. 138 : ' The State Department cabled me a 
message from the President to the Emperor, which stated that the United 
States stood ready at any time to mediate between the warring Powers, 
and directed me to present this proposition direct to the Emperor. I 
therefore asked for an audience with the Emperor, and received word from 
the Chief Court Marshal that the Emperor would receive me at the Palace 
in Berlin on the morning of August 10. . . . I explained to the Emperor 
the object of my visit, and we had a general conversation about the war 
and the state of affairs. The Emperor took some of the large telegraph 
blanks and wrote out in pencil his reply to the President's offer. This 
reply, of course, I cabled immediately to the State Department.'] 



MR. BONAR LAW'S LETTER TO MR. ASQUITH 

AUGUST 2, 1914. 

Extract from Mr. Bonar Law's Speech to Unionist Chairmen 
and Agents, at Hbtel Cecil, London, December 14, 1914. 

I am glad to have the opportunity of meeting representa- Times, 
tives of our party throughout the country in order to put Dec. 15, 
clearly before them the principle upon which we who are I 9 I 4- 
responsible for the party in Parliament have acted since this 
crisis arose. Before the war, as you well know, party differ- 
ences were as acute as they have ever been in this country. 
Party passions were inflamed to such an extent that I saw no 
possible outlet which would not be disastrous to the country. 
In a moment the whole situation was changed. The war 
cloud which had been gathering over Europe, which for years 
we had looked upon with growing anxiety, suddenly burst, 
and we realised that we were face to face with the gravest 
danger which, as a nation, we had ever encountered. We 
realised also that that danger could only' be overcome if 
national resources were utilised to the utmost, and we could 
act as a united nation. Though the Opposition plays a 
recognised part in our form of government, it has no official 
position. We recognised, however, that we represent a large 
proportion of the members of the House of Commons, and 
in the days of suspense, especially in the days between the 
time when war had actually broken out and the position of 
this country became clear, we came to the conclusion that we 
were bound to state plainly what our views were, and what 
action we were prepared to take. 

On the eventful Sunday, the 2nd August, when the 
decision of the Government was still in doubt, a letter was 
sent to the Prime Minister on the joint authority of Lord 
Lansdowne and myself, in which we declared that in our 
belief it was the duty of this country to join her Allies, and 
in which we promised, in that case, to support the Govern- 

59 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

ment. There can be no harm in publishing this letter, and I 
think it might interest you to hear its exact wording. It 
was in these terms : 

August 2, 1914. 

DEAR MR. ASQUITH, Lord Lansdowne and I feel it 
our duty to inform you that in our opinion, as well as 
in that of all the colleagues whom we have been able to 
consult, it would be fatal to the honour and security of 
the United Kingdom to hesitate in supporting France 
and Russia at the present juncture ; and we offer our 
unhesitating support to the Government in any measures 
they may consider necessary for that object. Yours 
very truly, A. BONAR LAW. 

That letter formed the keynote of our subsequent action. In 
it we gave a definite pledge, and I do not think that any one 
will deny that we have kept that pledge, both in the letter 
and in the spirit. 



60 



BRITISH OFFICIAL STATEMENTS. 

JAPAN AND THE WAR. 

Press Bureau, August 17. 

The Governments of Great Britain and Japan, having Times, 
been in communication with each other, are of opinion that it Aug. 18, 
is necessary for each to take action to protect the general I 9 I 4- 
interest in the Far East contemplated by the Anglo- Japanese [Cf. Di/lo 
Alliance, keeping specially in view the independence and matic, 2, 
integrity of China, and provided for in that agreement. P- 2 950 

It is understood that the action of Japan will not extend to 
the Pacific Ocean beyond the China Seas except in so far as 
it may be necessary to protect Japanese shipping lines in the 
Pacific, nor beyond Asiatic waters westward of the China Seas, 
nor to any foreign territory except territory in German 
occupation on the Continent of Eastern Asia. 

EXCHANGE OF BRITISH, AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN 
AND GERMAN SUBJECTS. 

FOREIGN OFFICE STATEMENTS. 

Foreign Office, October 8, 1914. 

Arrangements have been made for the reciprocal exchange Times, 
of British and Austro-Hungarian subjects (civilians) at present Oct. 9, 
detained in Austria-Hungary and the United Kingdom I 9 I 4- 
respectively. 

The Austro-Hungarian Government agree to facilitate the 
departure from Austria-Hungary of the following classes of 
British subjects : 

1. Women and children. 

2. Males outside the limits of military age, i.e. those under 
eighteen or over fifty. 

3. Males of military age who are clearly unsuited for 

61 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC [ocx 

military service or unlikely to serve, such as physicians, 
surgeons, clergymen, priests, and the medically unfit. 

Austro-Hungarian subjects corresponding to these cate- 
gories are now allowed to leave this country. 



Times, The following statement has been issued by the Foreign 

Nov. 9, Office with regard to the exchange of British subjects in 
I 9 I 4- Austria-Hungary and Germany for Austro-Hungarian and 

German subjects in Great Britain and Ireland : 

Arrangements have been made with the Austro-Hungarian 
Government whereby women and children, male British 
subjects under eighteen and over fifty years of age, together 
with doctors, ministers of religion, and invalids even within 
these age limits, are allowed to return from Austria or Hungary 
in return for reciprocal treatment here. Inquiries are being 
made as to the number of Austro-Hungarian subjects in the 
British Isles of military age who have not undergone military 
service, and when these are completed proposals will be made 
for exchange of these persons for the same number of British 
subjects of a similar nature who are now detained in Austria- 
Hungary. 

German women and children have been allowed to return 
from Great Britain to Germany since the war began, and 
British women and children have been allowed to return from 
Germany since September 14, according as suitable arrange- 
ments for their travelling could be made by the representatives 
of the United States Government and the military authorities. 
An agreement has also been made permitting the reciprocal 
return of the male subjects of both countries under seventeen 
and over fifty-five, and of doctors and ministers of religion. 
In spite of this agreement, which was completed on October 
22, four very elderly invalid retired officers, two clergymen, 
and a doctor are still being detained at Bad Nauheim or 
Frankfurt, and several protests against their detention have 
been made through the American Embassies in London and 
Berlin. Proposals were made a month ago for the exchange 
of invalids by the British Government, and of persons who, 
owing to weakness or physical disability, were not likely to 
make useful soldiers, as well as of all persons who had not 
62 



BRITISH OFFICIAL STATEMENTS 

undergone military training. These proposals have been 
refused. 

It is difficult to make any exact statement concerning 
the condition of men detained in Germany. Hitherto they 
have been allowed a limited amount of liberty, and their 
treatment has been reported to be good, except in a few cases. 
Information has been received that they have now been in- 
terned. As to their probable treatment under these conditions 
it can only be stated that Mr. Chandler Anderson, a member 
of the diplomatic staff of the United States, who had visited 
the camps where Germans are detained in this country and had 
reported that he was most favourably impressed with the 
regulations for their treatment, is now in Berlin, and will no 
doubt use his best endeavours to secure for British subjects in 
detention in Germany as favourable conditions as those which 
prevail here. 



WAR WITH TURKEY. 

BRITISH FOREIGN OFFICE STATEMENT. 

(Issued on the evening of October 31, 1914.) 

At the beginning of the war the British Government gave 
definite assurances that, if Turkey remained neutral, her inde- 
pendence and integrity would be respected during the war 
and in the terms of peace. In this France and Russia con- 
curred. 

The British Government have since then endeavoured, 
with the greatest patience and forbearance, to preserve 
friendly relations in spite of increasing breaches of neutrality 
on the part of the Turkish Government at Constantinople in 
the case of the German vessels in the Straits. 

On Thursday, the 2Qth of October 1914, the British 
Government learnt, with the utmost regret, that Turkish 
ships of war had, without any declaration of war, without 
warning, and without provocation of any sort, made wanton 
attacks upon open, undefended towns in the Black Sea of a 
friendly country, thus committing an unprecedented violation 
of the most ordinary rules of international law, comity, and 
usage. 

Ever since the German men-of-war, the Goeben and Breslau, 
took refuge in Constantinople, the attitude of the Turkish 
Government towards Great Britain has caused surprise and 
some uneasiness. Promises made by the Turkish Govern- 
ment to send away the German officers and crews of the 
Goeben and Breslau have never been fulfilled. It was well 
known that the Turkish Minister of War was decidedly pro- 
German in his sympathies, but it was confidently hoped that 
the saner counsels of his colleagues, who had had experience 
of the friendship which Great Britain has always shown 
towards the Turkish Government, would have prevailed and 
prevented that Government from entering upon the very 
64 



WAR WITH TURKEY 

risky policy of taking a part in the conflict on the side of 
Germany. 

Since the war German officers in large numbers have 
invaded Constantinople, have usurped the authority of the 
Government, and have been able to coerce the Sultan's 
Ministers into taking up a policy of aggression. 

Great Britain, as well as France and Russia, has watched 
these proceedings patiently, protesting against the many acts 
which have been constantly committed contrary to neutrality, 
and warning the Government of the Sultan against the danger 
in which they were placing the future of the Ottoman Empire. 
Vigorously assisted by the Ambassadors of Germany and 
Austria, the German military elements in Constantinople 
have been persistently doing their utmost to force Turkey 
into war, both by their activities in the service of the Turks 
and by the bribes of which they have been so lavish. 

The Minister of War, with his German advisers, has lately 
prepared an armed force for an attack upon Egypt. The 
Mosul and Damascus Army Corps have, since their mobilisa- 
tion, been constantly sending troops south preparatory to an 
invasion of Egypt and the Suez Canal from Akaba and Gaza. 
A large body of Beduin Arabs has been called out and armed 
to assist in this venture, and some of these have crossed the 
Sinai frontier. Transport has been collected and roads have 
been prepared up to the frontier of Egypt. Mines have been 
despatched to be laid in the Gulf of Akaba. The notorious 
Sheikh Aziz Shawish has published and disseminated through 
Syria, and probably India, an inflammatory document urging 
Mohammedans to fight against Great Britain. Dr. Prueffer, 1 l [Cf. post, 
who was so long engaged in intrigues in Cairo against the PP- 209, 
British occupation, and is now attached to the German 2I5 *J 
Embassy in Constantinople, has been busily occupied in 
Syria trying to incite the people to take part in this conflict. 
Aggressive action was certain to be the result of the activity 
of the numerous German officers employed in the Turkish 
Army and acting under the orders of the German Government, 
who thus have succeeded in forcing the hands of the advisers 
of the Sultan. 

German intrigue cannot influence the loyalty to Great 
Britain of the seventy millions of Mohammedans in India 
and the feeling of the Mohammedan inhabitants of Egypt. 

DIPLOMATIC 3. E 65 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

They must look with detestation on misguided action under 
foreign influence at Constantinople, which will inevitably lead 
to the disintegration of the Turkish Empire, and which shows 
such forgetfulness of the many occasions on which Great 
Britain has shown friendship to Turkey. They must feel 
bitterly the degeneration of their co-religionists who can thus 
be dominated against their will by German influences, and 
many of them realise that, when Turkey is pushed into war 
by Germany, they must dissociate themselves from a course 
of action that is so prejudicial to the position of Turkey 
itself. 

The Turkish Government summarily and without notice 
on Friday shut off telegraphic communication with the British 
Embassy at Constantinople. This is, no doubt, the prelude 
to further acts of aggression on their part, and the British 
Government must take whatever action is required to protect 
British interests, British territory, and also Egypt from 
attacks that have been made and are threatened. 

The following despatch from His Majesty's Ambassador 
at Constantinople explains how the Turkish Government has 
continually violated its own rules of neutrality. 

[Here follows Sir Louis Mallet's despatch to Sir Edward 
Grey of October 6, 1914, with its two enclosures. Received 
October 19. For text, see post, pp. 190-197, No. 145 and 
enclosures.] 



66 



CORRESPONDENCE 



RESPECTING 



EVENTS LEADING TO THE 
RUPTURE OF RELATIONS WITH 

TURKEY. 



Presented to both Houses of Parliament by Command of His Majesty. 

November 1914. 



[Published as a British White Paper, 
MISCELLANEOUS, No. 13 (1914). Cd. 7628.] 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



No. 


Name. 




Date. 


Subject. 


Page. 








1914 






I 


To Mr. Beaumont 


Telegraphic 


Aug. 3 Turkish ships building in Great 










Britain. To inform Turkish Gov- 










ernment that His Majesty's Gov- 












ernment desire to take over con- 










tract 


91 










2 


Mr. Beaumont 


Telegraphic 


3 Turkish ships in Great Britain. 










Turkish Government annoyed at 










retention by His Majesty's Govern- 












ment . . 


92 


3 





Telegraphic 


4 


Grand Vizier declares that Turkey 












intends to maintain neutrality. 












German military mission offered 












to stay and had consequently been 












retained .... 


92 


4 


To Mr. Beaumont 


Telegraphic 


4 


Turkish ships. To explain why His 












Majesty's Government had to re- 












tain ships, necessity for which is 












much regretted . . . 


92 


5 


> 


Telegraphic 


7 


If Turkey remains neutral His 












Majesty's Government do not pro- 












pose to alter status of Egypt. In- 












structs him to contradict reported 












intention to annex Egypt . 


93 


6 


Mr. Beaumont 


Telegraphic 


9 


Retention of ships is causing excite- 












ment. An assurance that ships 












would be restored at end of war 












would have soothing effect 


93 


7 





Telegraphic 


,, ii 


Goeben and Breslau reported to have 












entered Dardanelles . 


94 


8 


To Mr. Beaumont 


Telegraphic 


ii 


Goeben and Breslau must leave 












within twenty-four hours or be 












interned. To point this out to 













Turkish Government . . -94 


9 


Mr. Beaumont 


Telegraphic 


ii 


Turkey has bought Goeben and 










Breslau. Grand Vizier asks that 






- 




British naval mission may remain 94 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 



No. 


Name. 


i 


Date. 


Subject. 


Page. 


10 


Mr. Beaumont . 


Telegraphic 


1914 
Aug. IT 


Breslau is perquisitioning British 
ships at Dardanelles. British 
vessels are being detained at 
Straits 


95 


II 


To Mr. Beaumont 


Telegraphic 


12 


If German officers and crews are re- 
turned to Germany at once, no 
reason to withdraw British naval 












mission ..... 


95 


12 


Mr. Beaumont 


Telegraphic 


12 


Reports strong representations to 
Grand Vizier against detention, 
etc., of British ships. Minister 
of War is quite out of hand . 


95 


M 


To Mr. Beaumont 


Telegraphic 


,i 12 


He should point out to Turkish 
Government that German ships 
must not be allowed to commit 












acts of war, and ask why British 
ships are detained 


96 


14 


Tewnk Pasha 





" 13 


Declaration that Turkey is deter- 
mined to maintain strict neu- 












trality 


96 


15 


Mr. Beaumont . 


Telegraphic 


14 


Minister of Marine has undertaken 
to hand over Goeben and Breslau 












to Admiral Limpus. No inten- 
tion of sending ships outside Sea 
of Marmora till end of war . 


97 


16 


> 


Telegraphic 


15 


Admiral Limpus and British officers 
replaced by Turkish executive 
officers . . . ' . - 


97 


17 


To Mr. Beaumont 


Telegraphic 


16 


France, Russia, and Great Britain 
will guarantee independence and 
integrity of Turkey if she remains 
scrupulously neutral . 


97 


18 


Mr. Beaumont 


Telegraphic 


16 


Grand Vizier solemnly declares 
Turkey will maintain neutrality. 
His Highness admits Germany is 
trying to compromise her. Goeben 
and Breslau are now off Constan- 












tinople and are flying Turkish 
flag 


98 


19 


ii 


Telegraphic 


16 


Mines have been laid in Dardanelles 


98 



69 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



No. 


Name. 




Date. 


Subject. 


Page. 








1914 






20 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


Aug. 1 8 


Reports interview with Grand Vizier, 












who deeply deplored breach of neu- 












trality in matter of German ships. 












His Highness said Germans were 












exploiting Turkish resentment at 












seizure of ships building in Eng- 


. 










land. He gave assurance that 












Turkey will not side against allies 


99 


21 


To Sir L. Mallet . 


Telegraphic 


18 


Sir E. Grey has told Turkish Ambas- 












sador Turkey has nothing to fear 












from Great Britain, and that her 












integrity would be preserved if 












she remained really neutral, sent 












away German crews, and did not 












impede British vessels 


100 


22 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


19 


Presence of British Fleet at Dardan- 












elles is wise in existing circum- 












stances ..... 


IOO 


3 





Telegraphic 


19 


Has obtained undertaking from 












Grand Vizier that British mer- 












chant vessels may leave. Despite 












this, they have been detained. 












Will protest again . 


101 


24 





Telegraphic 


,, 20 


Minister of Marine has proposed (i) 




r*f 








abolition of Capitulations, (2) re- 












stitution of Turkish ships in 












England, (3) renunciation of any 












interference in internal affairs of 








, 




Turkey, (4) handing back of 












Western Thrace, (5) restoration of 












Greek islands. He promised to 












open Dardanelles to British fleet 












if German crews did not leave 












when told to 


101 


35 




Telegraphic 


> 20 


More mines laid in Dardanelles 


103 


26 




Telegraphic 


21 


Porte gives assurance that British 


J 








It J. 


ships will not again be interfered 












with at Dardanelles . 


103 


27 




Telegraphic 


> 21 


Germans and Minister of War striv- 




/ 








ing to force on war with Russia. 












German garrisons reported to hold 












Dardanelles forts 


104 



70 



4] 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 



No, 


Name. 




Date. 


Subject. 


Page. 








1914 






28 


To Sir L. Mallet . 


Telegraphic 


Aug. 22 


To inform Turkish Government that 












if they promise (i) to dismiss 












German naval officers and crews, 












(2) to give all facilities to British 












merchant ships, (3) maintain strict 












neutrality ; allies will (i) agree to 












abolition of Capitulations as re- 












gards ex- territorial jurisdiction, (2) 












give written guarantee of Turkish 












independence and integrity 


104 


29 


Tewfik Pasha 




,, 22 


Turkish Government will grant free 












navigation of Turkish waters to 












all merchant ships, and will replace 












German officers and crew by crew 












of Sultan Osman when latter reach 












Constantinople . <. .' 


105 












| 


30 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


22 


Turkish crew has now arrived. Has 












pressed Minister of Marine to re- 












place German crews . . . 


1 06 


3i 





Telegraphic 


23 


Further contingent of German offi- 












cers reported to have arrived via 


f 










Sophia 


106 


32 


> 


Telegraphic 


2 4 


Reports stating to Grand Vizier that 












His Majesty's Government will not 












tolerate Germanising of Turkish 












fleet. Grand Vizier declared Tur- 












key had no such intention . 


106 


33 


> 


Telegraphic 


25 


Reports receipt of written assurance 












that merchant vessels may ply 












without hindrance 


107 


34 


To Sir L. Mallet . 


Telegraphic 


> -5 


Message from the King to the Sultan 












expressing regret at necessity of 












detaining Turkish ships in Eng- 












land. Ships will be restored at 












end of war . . 


107 


35 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


25 


Reports seizure of camels from 












Egyptians at Gaza 


108 


36 


f 


Telegraphic 


25 


Has made strong representation re- 












specting seizure of camels. Grand 












Vizier denies all intention of attack- 










ing or intriguing against Egypt . 108 


i 





DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



No. 


Name. 




Date. 


Subject. 


Page. 








1914 






37 


Sir L. Mallet . Telegraphic 


Aug. 25 


Reports further laying of mines in 








^ 




Dardanelles .... 


108 


38 


To Tewfik Pasha 




26 


Sir E. Grey has taken note of assur- 










ances conveyed in his Excellency's 












note of 22nd August . 


108 


39 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


26 


Reports arrival of further German 












sailors. Grand Vizier denies re- 












ported intention to close Dardan- 












elles. Preparations in Turkish 












army and fleet proceeding. Situa- 












tion most unsatisfactory 


109 


40 


Sir G. Barclay . 


Telegraphic 


27 


500 German marines proceeding 












through Rumania to Constantinople no 


41 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


. 2 7 


Germans urging Turks to send 












Goeben into Black Sea, counting 












on attack by Russian warship. 












Now said to be 162 German officers 












in Constantinople 


no 


42 





Telegraphic 


27 


Grand Vizier emphatically assever- 












ates Goeben will never be allowed 












to enter Black Sea so long as she 












is manned by Germans. Sir L. 












Mallet replied that so long as Ger- 












mans remained, Grand Vizier was 












not master of his own house. 












Grand Vizier declared that Turkey 












would never depart from neutral- 












ity, in spite of German machina- 












tions which he fully understood . 


no 


43 


* 


Telegraphic 


27 


Grand Vizier declares his ignorance 












of reported arrival of German 












sailors, who had not been asked 












for by Turkish Government. Sir 












L. Mallet warned his Highness that 












allied Governments would be un- 












favourably influenced by continued 












violation of Turkish neutrality . 


in 


44 


Mr. Cheetham . 


Telegraphic 


28 


There is evidence that Turkey con- 












templates attack on Egypt. Turk- 












ish emissaries are being sent to 












India, the Yemen, Senoussi, and 












Egypt. Reports Turkish military 












activity . 


112 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 



No. 


Name. 




Date. 


Subject. 


Page. 


45 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


1914 
Aug. 28 


Still considers it improbable Turkey 
will make any forward move. 
Germans confident of hostilities. 












Reports German Ambassador's 
activity in circulating misleading 
reports respecting the allies 


112 


46 





Telegraphic 


28 


Area of Dardanelles, Constantinople, 
and Bosphorus will soon form 
German enclave. Probable arrival 












of German and Austrian guns for 
Straits defences 


114 


47 


Sir H .Bax-Ironside 


Telegraphic 


28 


Reports passage of German naval 
officers, men, guns, and artillery 
for Turkey .... 


114 


48 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


3 


Does not regard situation as hope- 
less. Believes Turkish Govern- 












ment are aware of German aims. 












Has warned Grand Vizier of in- 












evitable result of siding against 
allies. His Highness promised to 
send away German sailors . 


114 


49 


., ., 


Telegraphic 


Sept. i 


Minister of Marine has assured Rus- 
sian Ambassador that he will send 












away German sailors in a fortnight, 
and that 200 are leaving to-day . 


115 


5 




Telegraphic 


i 


Grand Vizier gives solemn assurance 
that Turkey will maintain neutral- 
ity. Sir L. Mallet replied that until 
German sailors left His Majesty's 
Government would not be satisfied 


"5 


51 





Telegraphic 


i 


Sulleiman-el-Burouni reported to be 
in Egypt fomenting revolution . 


116 


52 


To Sir L. Mallet . 


Telegraphic 


i 


To avoid misunderstanding Turkish 
Government should be informed of 












British patrol of Suez Canal, and 
that no advance into Sinai is con- 












templated . . . . 


116 


53 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


2 


May he inform Turkish Government 
that Goeben will be treated as 






i 


- 




German ship if she enters Mediter- 
ranean with Germans on board ? 


116 



73 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



[NO 



No. 


Name. 




Date. 


Subject. 


Page. 


54 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


1914 
Sept. 2 


May he announce publicly that 
Turkey has nothing to fear from 
British ships if she remains strictly 
neutral, does not interfere with 













British trade, and dismisses Ger- 












man crews ? 


117 


55 


f 


Telegraphic 


3 


May he let it be known that if Turk- 
ish fleet leaves Dardanelles it will 












be treated as part of German fleet? 


117 


56 


To Sir L. Mallet . 


Telegraphic 


., 3 


Goeben will be treated as German 
ship if she comes out of the Straits 


117 


57 


i 


Telegraphic 


4 


Authorises statement proposed in 
No. 54 . 


117 


58 





Telegraphic 


4 


Approves proposal in No. 55 . 


118 


59 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


5 


Reports Turkish intended intrigues 
in Afghanistan, India, and Persia . 


118 


60 


tt 


Telegraphic 


5 


Has discussed situation fully with 
Minister of Interior. Apparent 
improvement in situation. Has 
received assurance that Turkish 












fleet will not leave Dardanelles 












on any account .... 


118 


61 





Telegraphic 


6 


Reports prospect of improvement in 
public opinion. Growing discon- 
tent at German influence . 


118 


62 


> 





Aug. 19 


Forwards copy of note verbale ad- 
dressed to Turkish Government 












protesting against perquisitions 
made by Breslau on British, ships 
at Dardanelles and detention of 












British ships .... 


119 


63 


>i 




21 


Transmits note verbale from Turkish 
Government expressing regret for 
incidents at the Dardanelles 


120 


64 


i 


Telegraphic 


Sept. f 


Reports conversation with Minister 
of Interior respecting Turkish at- 
titude. Has warned his Excel- 












lency against embarking on mili- 
tary adventure, and impressed 





74 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 



No. 


Name. 




Date. 


Subject. 


Page. 







1914 


upon him unwisdom of Turkish 
attitude. Minister said Turkey 
wished to remain friend of Great 












Britain. He proposed sale of two 
Turkish ships, when Turkish Gov- 
ernment would send away all 
Germans . - . . 


121 


65 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


Sept. 7 


Further evidence that there has been 
no sale of Goeben and Breslau to 












Turkey . . . ... 


122 


66 


Mr. Cheetham . 


Telegraphic 


8 


Turkish intrigues in Egypt. Reports 
attempt by Turkish naval officer 
to corrupt stokers and engineers 
of Khedivial mail steamers 


123 


67 


To Sir L. Mallet . 


Telegraphic 


8 




Requests his views as to recall of 
British naval mission. Admiralty 
wish to withdraw Admiral Limpus 
and staff . 


123 


68 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


8 


Considers moment suitable to with- 
draw naval mission. Great dis- 












content against Germans among 
Turkish naval officers 














124 


69 


. 




Telegraphic 


9 


Turkish Government have decided 
to abolish Capitulations. Reports 
verbal protest to Grand Vizier 


125 


70 





Telegraphic 


9 


Note has been despatched to foreign 
embassies abolishing Capitulations. 
German Ambassador has dis- 












claimed authorship of this move. 
Minister of Interior denies any in- 
tention of hostility against 
foreigners . . . 


125 


7 1 


> 


Telegraphic 


9 


All embassies will send in identic 
notes stating that abolition of 
Capitulations cannot be accepted 


126 


72 


> 


Telegraphic 


10 


Reports amount of munitions of war 
so far traced as having been sent 
to Turkey. German reservists in 












Turkey instructed to report for 
enrolment with Turkish troops . 


126 






75 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



No. 


Name. 




Date. 


Subject. 


Page. 


73 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


1914 
Sept. 10 


Note abolishing Capitulations re- 
ceived. Identic notes of protest 
addressed to Turkish Government 










by all foreign representatives, in- 
cluding German and Austrian 
Ambassadors .... 


127 


74 





Telegraphic 


,. 13 


Reports military movements at 
Alexandretta where Germans are 












dominant ..... 


127 


75 


> > 


Telegraphic 


14 


German Ambassador has received in- 
structions from Berlin to dis- 












seminate report of revolution in 
India and application by His 
Majesty's Government to Japan 
for assistance . ... 


127 


76 


> 


Telegraphic 


15 


Danger of Turkish fleet going into 
Black Sea and of entire closure of 












Dardanelles by mines. German 
and Austrian Ambassadors urging 
this step upon Turkey 


128 


77 


To Sir L. Mallet . 


Telegraphic 


16 


Sir E. Grey suggests pointing out to 
Turkish Government that so long 
as they maintain neutrality under- 
takings already given by His 
Majesty's Government hold good 
and reasonable concessions about 












Capitulations will be considerecj, 
but concessions cannot be ex- 












pected whilst Turkey's irregular 
conduct in matter of German crews 












continues ..... 


129 


78 


United Shipown- 
ers' Freight, 
Demurrage, and 
Protective As- 
sociation . 




16 


Reports case of detention of steam- 
ship Reliance at Dardanelles, and 
requests assistance in recovery of 
compensation .... 


129 


79 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


16 


Minister of Marine is aware of Ger- 
man intrigues. Sir L. Mallet has 
pointed out to him danger of send- 
ing Turkish fleet into Black -Sea 
as long as German officers remain. 
Grand Vizier declares there is no 












intention of sending Goeben into 
Black Sea .... 


131 



76 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 



No. 


Name. 




Date. 


Subject. 


Page. 








1914 






80 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


Sept. 1 8 


Consul at Basra reports intention of 












Vali to request commodore of 












British warship to leave Shatt-el- 












Arab and to seal wireless . 


131 


81 




Telegraphic 


18 


Has instructed consul at Basra that 












Turkish authorities have no right 












to interfere with wireless on His 












Majesty's ship . . * . 


132 


82 


. 


Telegraphic 


,. 19 


Has informed President of the 












Chamber that it would be absolute 












madness to go to war with Russia. 












Sir L. Mallet has urged him most 












strongly against sending Turkish 












fleet into Black Sea. Party in 












favour of neutrality is growing. 












German officers and men continue 












to arrive . Turkish military move- 












ments from Erzeroum to the 












frontier . . . . . 


132 


83 


.. 


Telegraphic 


20 


Minister of War is the only firebrand. 












Party in favour of peace is daily 












increasing. Conversation between 






, 






French Ambassador and Minister 












of Marine. Latter admitted that 












Enver had ordered fleet to go into 












Black Sea, but Cabinet had de- 












cided that two destroyers only 












should do so. Despite this assur- 












ance, Breslau and three smaller 












ships have just entered Black 












Sea 


133 


84 





Telegraphic 


20 


Cabinet are all peaceably inclined 












except Enver. Sir L. Mallet has 












drawn attention of Grand Vizier to 












total disregard by Minister of War of 












Cabinet's decision that fleet should 












not enter Black Sea, and has 












pointed out that Constantinople 












and neighbourhood now form an 












armed German camp, adding that 












between 4000 and 5000 soldiers 












and sailors had arrived up to date. 












His Highness declared with viol- 












ence that he would never allow 












Minister of War to supersede 





77 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



No. 


Name. 




Date. 


Subject. 


Page. 








1914 














him. Has called attention to nu- 












merous cases of anti-British action, 












and to intrigues against Egypt 


134 


85 


Mr. Cheetham . 


Telegraphic 


Sept. 21 


Turkish preparations against Egypt 










continue. Measures for protec- 










tion of Egyptian frontier may be- 












come necessary .... 


135 


86 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


22 


British postmaster at Constantinople 












has received information from 












subordinate Turkish postal official 












that foreign post offices in Turkey 












will be abolished on ist October. 













Has instructed postmaster to re- 












turn letter. Subsequently saw 












Grand Vizier and protested against 












discourteous manner of communi- 












cation and against abolition of post 












offices. His Highness stated that 












similar communication had been 












addressed to all Powers. Sir L. 












Mallet considers that considerable 












modification of existing system 












should not be resisted 


135 


87 





Telegraphic 


22 


Reports audience with the Sultan, 












to whom King's message, author- 












ised in No. 36, has been delivered. 












Sultan expressed earnest desire 












for good relations with Great 












Britain .... 


136 


88 


To Sir L. Mallet . 


Telegraphic 


., 2 3 


His Majesty's Government consider 












situation at Constantinople most 












unsatisfactory. Recapitulates 












grievances in general against 












Turkish Government, and in- 






, 






structs Sir L. Mallet to make re- 












presentations to Grand Vizier 


137 


89 





Telegraphic 


24 


Egyptian frontier has been violated 












by Arabs, who have been en- 












couraged by Turks. To inform 












Grand Vizier and Khedive, add- 












ing that British military authori- 












ties consider breach of {the 












peace on Egyptian! frontier is 












imminent . * 


137 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 



No. 



Name. 



Date. 



Subject. 



Page. 



90 



92 



93 



94 



Sir L. Mallet 



Telegraphic 



1914 
Sept. 24 



Telegraphic 24 



Mr. Cheetham 



To Sir L. Mallet . 



Sir L. Mallet 



Telegraphic 



Telegraphic 



Telegraphic 



Has addressed note to Grand Vizier, 
recapitulating recent information 
respecting Turkish preparations 
against Egypt, and pointing out 
conditional nature of assurances 
given by His Majesty's Govern- 
ment respecting status of Egypt 
(see No. 5). Turkish Govern- 
ment have doubtless been strongly 
urged to attack Egypt by Ger- 
mans. It is circumstantially re- 
ported that Germans are making 
desperate efforts to force Turks' 
hands, but that their efforts are 
being strongly resisted . . 

Grand Vizier has denied intrigues 
against Egypt, but finally ad- 
mitted pressure by Austria and 
Germany. He emphatically dis- 
claimed any complicity in such 
intrigues. His Highness seemed 
more preoccupied with Balkan 
situation than with anything else, 
and said that Turkey could not 
refrain from attempt to regain 
what they had lost in Balkan wars 
if Balkan complications ensued . 

Reports further Turkish preparations 
on Sinai frontier 

He should make best arrangements 
possible with regard to post offices, 
and should put on record that His 
Majesty's Government do not 
agree to abolition 

Has again pointed out most strongly 
to Grand Vizier fatal result of 
hostility towards Great Britain, 
and renewed protests respecting 
German crews of Goeben and 
Breslau. His Highness repeated 
his intention of maintaining peace. 
Has warned His Highness of 
dangers of a repetition of Arab 
raid across the Egyptian frontier. 
Difficult position of Grand Vizier, 
whose party is gaining ground 



79 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



No. 


Name. 




Date. 


Subject. 


Page. 








1914 






95 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


Sept, 25 


Reports further Turkish military 












preparations in Syria, and arrival 












of two Germans there with con- 












signment of explosives 


141 


96 


> 


Telegraphic 


26 


Has informed Grand Vizier of in- 












formation contained in No. 92 












and No. 95, and has warned him 












of serious, consequences if such 










* 


preparations against Egypt con- 












tinue. Has taken steps to en- 












lighten prominent members of 












Cabinet with what is going on . 


142 


97 





Telegraphic 


.. 27 


Turkish destroyer has been stopped 












outside Dardanelles and turned 












back by British fleet. Dardanelles 












were thereupon closed by Turkish 












authorities. Turkish Govern- 












ment much perturbed. Has in- 












formed Grand Vizier of reasons of 












British action, and urged him to 












reopen Straits, and has again 












called his attention to Turkish 












action on the Egyptian frontier. 












Grand Vizier replied that there 












would be no more acts of aggres- 












sion, and that there was no thought 












of attacking Egypt. Bedouins 












had been ordered to withdraw at 












once 


142 


98 





Telegraphic 


27 


Grand Vizier promises reopening of 












Dardanelles if British fleet move 












a little further off (see No. 97) . 


M3 


99 


i> 


Telegraphic 


29 


Germans endeavouring to induce 












Turkey to attack Russia in Black 












Sea. Umbrage caused by German 












Ambassador ordering Breslau to 












the Black Sea. Grand Vizier re- 












peats request as to removal of 












fleet (see No. 98) 


143 


100 


To Sir L. Mallet . 


Telegraphic 


29 


Turkish Minister of War has pro- 












mised military stores and instruc- 










. 


tors to Emir of Nejd and Vali of 












Basra, telling latter that German 












and other emissaries have been 





RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 



tfo. 


Name. 




Date. 


Subject. 


Page. 








1914 














sent to preach ' jehad ' in India, 












Afghanistan, and Baluchistan, and 












that Turkey was prepared to help 












Germany in return for support in 












Balkan War 














144 


[01 


To Sir L. Mallet . 


Telegraphic 


Sept. 29 


In reply to representations by Turk- 












ish Ambassador as to presence of 












H.M.S. Odin in Shatt-el-Arab, it 












has been pointed out that so long 












as Turkey does not observe rules 












of neutrality she cannot appeal to 












them . . . . 


144 


[02 


i 


Telegraphic 


3 


Request for withdrawal of fleet (see 












No. 97) cannot be entertained until 












German officers and crews are re- 












patriated . 


145 


[03 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


Oct. i 


.Reports from Basra of intention of 












Turks to block Shatt-el-Arab, and 












of departure of British man-of- 












war from Turkish waters 


M5 


[04 


> 


Telegraphic 


2 


Information as to movements of 












troops and stores with view to 












eventual attack on Egypt. This 












and movements of certain Ger- 












mans brought to attention of 












Grand Vizier. Calls attention to 












possibility of counter-measures 












being required in Sinai peninsula 


146 


I0 5 





Telegraphic 


3 


Germans long working for closing of 












Dardanelles to be freer in Black 












Sea.. Probability that they have 












mined entrance, the Turks not 












knowing position of mines . 


H7 


106 


> 


Telegraphic 


4 


Report from His Majesty's Consul as 












to demand by Vali of Basra that 












His Majesty's ships should leave 












Shatt-el-Arab within twenty-four 












hours, and asking for instructions 


H7 


107 


To Sir L. Mallet . 


Telegraphic 


4 


May inform Turkey that as soon as 












Turkish Navy ceases to be under 












German control British fleet will 












move away from Dardanelles * 


148 



)IPLOMATIC 3. 



81 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



No. 


Name. 




Date. 


Subject. 


Page. 


108 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


1914 
Oct. 5 


Turkey bankrupt, and short of coal 
and provisions. Thinks that they 
do not desire to go to all lengths 
with Germany, but doubts their 
ability to prevent Germans taking 
matters in their own hands 


148 


109 





Telegraphic 


6 


Conversation of Military Attache 
with Minister of War, who seemed 












to have ambitious schemes as to 












Arab world and Egypt, and denied 
intention of attacking latter coun- 
try, though admitting that mea- 
sures of precautionary character 
were being taken 


149 


no 





Telegraphic 


6 1 


His Majesty's Consul at Basra re- 
ports that Vali has orders to close 
Shatt-el-Arab and sea within 6 













miles of shore to warships, and 
fire on them if they disobey 


151 


j n 


To Sir L. Mallet . 


Telegraphic 


.. 7 


His Majesty's ships are not in Turk- 
ish waters, which only extend 3 
miles from coast. Mohammerah 












does not belong to Turkey. His 
Majesty's Government reserve 
right to pass up and down the 
Shatt-el-Arab at all times . 




112 


Sir L. Mallet 





Sept. 22 


Delivery of message from the King 
(see No. 34) at audience with 
Sultan, and conversation as to 












breaches of neutrality by Turkey 
and the. departure of Admiral 
Limpus ..... 


152 


3 


.. 


Telegraphic 


Oct. 7 


Grand Vizier says Vali of Basra in- 
structed to avoid interference 












with His Majesty's ships in Shatt- 
el-Arab ... 


156 


114 





Telegraphic 


7 


Attacks on Russian frontier by 
Kurds and Turkish troops, and 
arrest of Russian consul. Grand 












Vizier has promised Russian Am- 
bassador to take suitable action, 












but Sir L. Mallet doubts his ability 
to restrain military party under 
Enver Pasha, incited by Germans 
and Austrians .... 


156 



82 



4] 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 



No. 


Name. 




Date. 


Subject. 


Page. 








1914 






"5 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


Oct. 10 


Sending of money to Syria, mainly 












to subsidise Bedouins. Move- 












ments of German officers supposed 












to have money with them. Car- 












riage of dynamite to Beirout and 












troops to Aleppo 


.156 


116 


To Sir L. Mallet . 


Telegraphic 


, ii 


Cannot give way to Turkish demands, 












especially as to Persian Gulf, be- 












yond certain point, but agrees 












that His Majesty's Government 












must continue to avoid giving 












even plausible cause of offence 












to Turkey .... 


157 


117 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


12 


Note received from Porte, claiming 












that passage of His Majesty's ships 












to Mohammerah was breach of 












Turkish neutrality, and request- 












ing that they should go to sea 










within eight days . . . 157 


118 


a 


Telegraphic 


12 


Reply of Porte as to preparations 










against Egypt (see No. 143) points 












out that these are only part of 












general precautionary mobilisa- 












tion. No hostile intentions against 












any Power, but declaration that 












Egypt is in state of war, dismissal 












of German and Austrian agents, 












and arrival of troops from India 












caused anxiety. Sir L. Mallet 












suggests reminding Grand Vizier 












that maintenance of status of 












Egypt is conditional on Turkish 












neutrality .... 


158 


119 


>l H 


Telegraphic 


12 


Turkish fleet has left Constantinople 












and entered Black Sea 


159 


120 


II 


Telegraphic 


12 


Departure of His Majesty's ships 












from Mohammerah now might be 












misinterpreted, though channel 


- 










may be closed if they stay. Re- 












sistance of moderates to German 












endeavours to secure Turkish co- 












operation must not be weak- 












ened by any action on our 












part . . . . . 


159 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



[N 



No. 


Name. 




Date. 


Subject. 


Page. 








1914 






121 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


Oct. 12 


Has expressed surprise at re- 












ceipt of note, as Mohammerah 












is a Persian port. Grand Vizier 






. 






says there was no question of 












an ultimatum. He seems con- 












fident he can resist German 












pressure. Strict orders sent 












to Turkish troops not to cross 












Persian frontier 


1 60 


122 


n 


Telegraphic 


13 


Vali has told consular officer at 












Basra that H.M.S. Espiegle must 






* 






leave Mohammerah within eight 












days or be interned. Dalhousie 












has left .... 


160 


123 


To Sir L. Mallet . 


Telegraphic 


M 13 


To tell Turkish Government (see 












No. 117) that His Majesty's Gov- 












ernment are prepared to discuss 












question of passage through Shatt- 












el-Arab when Porte strictly ob- 












serve their neutrality violated 












with regard to Goeben and Breslau. 












Mohammerah not in Ottoman ter- 













ritory, and so presence of His 












Majesty's ships there does not con- 












cern Turkey ... 


161 


I2 4 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


14 


Deliberate German and Turkish 












falsehoods officially circulated 












amongst Moslems in Aleppo dis- 












trict, leading them to believe 












German Emperor has embraced 












Islam and fighting for it against 












Russia ..... 


161 


125 


Mr. Cheetham 




Septic 


Transmits] interrogatories regarding 












case of Lieutenant Robert Mors, 












of Egyptian Police, showing his 












relations with Germans, Turks, 












etc., and efforts at espionage and 












introduction of explosives into 












Egypt . 


162 


126 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


Oct. 14 


Turkish fleet has returned. As on 












a previous occasion, two German 












steamers have been convoyed, fly- 












ing Turkish flag till inside Bos- 












phorus ..... 


170 



4] 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 



No. 


Name. 


j 


Date. 


Subject. 


Page. 








1914 






127 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


Oct. 14 


Moslem ' fedahis ' sent to numerous 












Syrian towns and proceeding to 












Arabia and Egypt to incite Mos- 












lems against British. Many 












Aleppo sheikhs seem to have been 












gained over to side of Germany . 


170 


128 


a a 


Telegraphic 


14 


Large sums spent in corruption have 












secured control of Turkish Press 












to German Embassy, which emits 












stream of mendacity . 


I 7 I 


129 





Telegraphic 


> 1 5 


Agents sent to conduct anti-British 












propaganda at Basra and in 












Afghanistan . Distribution of gold 












amongst Bedouins. Boats, dyna- 












mite, and mines sent to various 












ports. Hostile preparations under 












German influence 


171 


130 


" 


Telegraphic 


,> I 5 


Possibility of Germans sending per- 












sons disguised as Indians to Egypt 


I 7 2 


131 


Sir H .Bax-Ironside 


Telegraphic 


16 


Bullion, armaments, and stores from 












Germany passing through Rust- 












chuk for Constantinople 


172 


132 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


16 


Rifles and ammunition distributed 












amongst Bedouins at Jaffa. Wells 












prepared and horses and mules 












requisitioned. Expected move on 












Akaba V v . . 


173 


133 


> 


Telegraphic 


16 


German officers with money, guns, 












and ammunition arrived at Aleppo 












en route for Bagdad. Trucks of 












dynamite sent to Damascus and 












Alexandretta, where mines laid by 












officers of Breslau . 


173 


134 





Telegraphic 


16 


Minister of War, controlled by Ger- 












mans, now supreme instead of 












Minister of Interior, who is practi- 












cally powerless . 


173 


135 


a > 


Telegraphic 


I? 


Mines are being sent to Basra 


174 


136 


Sir F. Elliot 


Telegraphic 


J 7 


Bouhadi Sadil, two of whose accom- 












plices were convicted in Egypt, has 












been found buying arms and am- 












munition for importation into that 












country . . . . 


'74 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



No. 


Name. 




Date. 


Subject. 


Page. 








1914 






137 


To Sir L. Mallet . 


Telegraphic 


Oct. 17 


As Esptigle not in Turkish territorial 












waters attack on her would be 












wanton aggression. No present 












intention of her passing down 












Shatt-el-Arab, but we claim right 












of passage so long as Goeben and 












Breslau have free use of Turkish 












territorial waters 


174 


138 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


17 


Gold and war material received in 












Constantinople since end of Sep- 












tember. Submarine and two aero- 












planes reported to have left Rust- 












chuk ..... 


175 


'39 


* 


Telegraphic 


18 


Aeroplane and airmen left Beer- 












sheba. Telegram from Minister 












of War as to action of Com- 












mandant of Jaffa on approach of 












an enemy . . . 


175 


140 


i 


t 1 


2 


Transmits copies of note from 












Grand Vizier demanding closing of 












British post offices in Turkey, and 












reply (see Nos. 86 and 93) re- 












serving all rights, but stating that 












operations will be suspended by 












offices 


176 


141 


> 


.. 


2 


Transmits copy of note to Grand 













Vizier asking if Turkey intends to 












carry out promises of Sultan and 












his Government to dismiss German 












officers and crews, and when this 












would be done .... 


177 


142 


, 


, 


4 


Transmits copy of note denying right 












of Turkey to abolish Capitulations, 












reserving liberty of action, and 












warning Porte of dangers of new 












policy adopted .... 


179 


M3 







4 


Transmits copies of two notes com- 












plaining of the military prepara- 












tions, which are evidently directed 












against Egypt, and of the failure 












of the Porte to reply to the first 












of these notes and to subsequent 












letters 


1 80 












I 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 



No. 


Name. 




Date. 


Subject. 


Page. 








1914 






144 Sir L. Mallet 




Oct. 6 


Transmits copy of note to Grand 












Vizier welcoming the rules of [ 










neutrality drawn up by the Porte 










in so far as they affect wireless 












telegraphy, and demanding their 












application to the Corcovado 


1 88 


145 


it 


^ t 


6 


Transmits copy of a note from the 












Porte communicating regulations 












as to belligerent warships in 












Turkish territorial waters, and 












copy of reply pointing out how 












little Turkish practice has con- 












formed to these regulations, and 












expressing hope that new policy 












will be followed in future 


190 


146 


it 


... 


6 


Transmits copy of note to Grand 












Vizier asking on what grounds 












Turkey objects to His Majesty's 












ships being at Persian port of 












Mohammerah, and requesting in- 












structions to Vali of Basra to 












refrain from any measures against 












British warships 


197 


147 





;. 


6 


Transmits copies of a note to Porte 












and of letter to Talaat Bey com- 












plaining of anti-British and un- 












scrupulous campaign in press, 












which is permitted by the censor 












in spite of the friendly assurances 












of the Government 


198 


148 




Telegraphic 


19 


New Governor-*General of Basra with 












naval and military officers (includ- 












ing Germans) and men, with am- 












munition, arrived at Alexandretta. 












Destination reported as Basra or 












Maan ...... 


202 


149 


> i 


Telegraphic 


iQ 


Reports passage through Adana for 












Syria of officers and men -(includ- 












ing many Germans) and of civilian 












officials . . 


2O2 


150 


Mr. Cheetham . 


Telegraphic 


19 


Departure of Turkish staff officers 












and others from Smyrna to par- 












ticipate in Turcophile propaganda 












in India ..... 203 












87 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



No. 


Name. 




Date. 


Subject. 


Page. 


151 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


1914 
Oct. 19 


Reports movements of German 
and possibly also Austrian naval 
parties to Akaba, Persian Gulf, 
and Syrian coast ports 


203 


152 


> n 


Telegraphic 


21 


Movements of troops at Alexandretta 
and Damascus towards south 


204 


153 


> 


Telegraphic 


21 


Possibility of coup d'tat by Enver, 
backed by Germans, should be 
remembered .... 


204 


154 


a a 


Telegraphic 


22 


Secret manifesto inciting Moslem 
soldiers to revolt against allies is 
being circulated at Beirout. Is at- 
tributed to Sheikh Aziz Shawish . 


204 


155 


a n 


Telegraphic 


22 


Copies of above-mentioned manifesto 
are to be smuggled into Egypt and 
India . . 


204 


156 


To Sir L. Mallet . 


Telegraphic 


22 


German officers on frontier bent on 
forcing matters. Arab raid pos- 
sible at any moment . 


20 5 


J 57 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


22 


Russian Ambassador thinks Turkey 
will declare war on receipt of first 
half of 4,000,000 to be provided 
by Germany. 1,000,000 already 
reported to have arrived. Viru- 
lent anti-British campaign in 












progress ..... 


205 


158 





Telegraphic 


22 


Press campaign aims at proving 
Great Britain is inflicting deliber- 
ate blows at Islam 


205 


159 


To Sir L. Mallet . 


Telegraphic 


,. 23 


His Majesty's Government will re- 
gard mining of Shatt-el-Arab as an 
act of open hostility . 


206 


160 


To Mr. Cheetham 


Telegraphic 


23 


Turkish Minister at Sophia has gone 
to Germany to arrange, it is re- 
ported, for stirring up Moslem 
fanaticism in India, Egypt, Al- 
geria, and Tunis 


206 


161 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


23 


Reports arrival of further consign- 
ments of munitions of war . 


206 



88 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 



No. 


Name. 




Date. 


Subject. 


Page. 


162 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


1914 
Oct. 23 


Reports arrival of large quantities of 
bar gold. Probably between two 
and three millions have now ar- 










rived 


207 


163 


> > 


Telegraphic 


.. 23 


Military movements at Aleppo. 
Arab raid possible . . 


207 


164 





Telegraphic 


23 


Minister of Marine denies to French 
Ambassador intention of war with 












allies, but did not deny desire to 
regain Egypt. Germans are in- 
citing religious fanaticism against 
British . 


207 


165 


a 




Telegraphic 


23 


German and Turkish efforts to cause 
anti-British feeling at Haifa by 
such reports as invasion of India 
by the Ameer of Afghanistan 


208 


1 66 


To Sir L. Mallet . 


Telegraphic 


24 


To enumerate to Grand Vizier hostile 
acts of Turkey and warn him of in- 
evitable result of any attack on 
Egypt or Suez Canal. Summar- 
ises Turkish acts of aggression, etc. 


208 


167 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


25 


Turkish fleet at Kadikeui since 2oth 
October . ; . 


209 


168 


Sir G. Buchanan 


Telegraphic 


26 


Forty-two Germans and naval 
officers, disguised as tourists, said 
to have reached Aleppo . . 


2IO 


169 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


27 


Enver and others making every pre- 
paration for expedition against 
Egypt. Majority of Committee 
are, however, said to be against 
war. Halil has left for Berlin 


210 


170 


> a 


Telegraphic 


27 


With exception of Enver, Turkish 
Government are seeking to tem- 
porise. Austrian Ambassador 
much annoyed at tardiness of 
Turkey. Turkish fleet has gone 
into Black Sea . . . 


2IO 


171 





Telegraphic 


28 


Porte regret they cannot take wire- 
less messages for His Majesty's 
Embassy from England 


211 



89 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



No. 


Name. 




Date. 


Subject. 


Page. 








1914 






172 


Mr. Cheetham 


Telegraphic 


Oct. 28 


Reported unsuccessful attempt of 












German officers to provoke attack 












upon Egyptian post at Kossaimo . 


211 


173 


> 


Telegraphic 


28 


Two thousand armed Bedouins have 












invaded Egyptian territory . 


211 


*74 


To Sir L. Mallet . 


Telegraphic 


28 


To warn Turkish Government that so 












long as Germans remain Turkish 












ships will be treated as enemy ships 


212 


i?5 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


28 


Further movements in Syria of Ger- 












man and Turkish naval officers . 


212 


176 




Telegraphic 


29 


Has made representations to Grand 












Vizier respecting Bedouin raid 












into Egypt, and has warned him of 












possible consequences* 


212 


177 


Sir G. Buchanan 


Telegraphic 


29 


Russian gunboat at Odessa has been 












sunk and Theodosia bombarded 












by Turkish fleet 


213 


178 


Mr. Roberts 


Telegraphic 


29 


Further details of attack upon Odessa 


213 


179 


To Sir L. Mallet . 


Telegraphic 


30 


Russian Ambassador has been in- 












structed to leave Constantinople. 












Unless Turkish Government will 












dismiss German crews within 












twelve hours Sir L. Mallet should 












ask for his passports . 


2I 4 


180 


Sir L. Mallet 


Telegraphic 


30 


Russian, French, and British Am- 












bassadors have asked for their 












passports ..... 


215 


181 


Mr. Cheetham 


t 


20 


Transmits further interrogatories of 












German spy Mors 


215 


182 


CountBenckendorff 


' 


Nov. 2 


Communicates telegram from M. 












Sazonof. Turkish Charge d'Af- 












faires at Petrograd has handed 












in telegram from Turkish Govern- 












ment, insinuating that Russian 












fleet took initiative in hostilities. 












M. Sazonof indignantly denied in- 












sinuation, and told Turkish Charge 












d'Affaires that he would receive 












his passports on 2nd November . 


219 



90 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 



No. 


Name. 




Date. 


Subject. 


Page. 








1914 






183 


To Sir F. Bertie 


. . 


Nov. 3 Informs of interviews between Sir A. 






,, Sir G.Buchanan 


. . 




Nicolson and Turkish Ambassador 






Sir C. Greene 


. . 




on 3ist October and 2nd Novem- 












ber. Transmits telegram com- 












municated by his Excellency, in 












which Turkish Government ex- 












press regret at incident in Black 












Sea, but state that His Majesty's 












Government have ' provoked ' 












rupture of relations. Sir A. 












Nicolson strongly demurred to this 












expression in view of what had, ! 










in fact, happened 


221 


184 


To Sir G.Buchanan 


t . 


4 


Final interview between Sir E. Grey 






Sir F. Bertie . 


. . 




and Turkish Ambassador, who 


- 




Sir C. Greene 


. . 




asked for his passports. It was 












again explained to Tewfik Pasha 












that unless German military and 












naval missions, and especially 












crews of Goeben and Breslau, were 












dismissed, hostilities with Turkey 












must continue . ....?.' 


223 



CORRESPONDENCE RESPECTING EVENTS LEADJNG TO THE 
RUPTURE OF RELATIONS WITH TURKEY. 

No. i. 

Sir Edward Grey to Mr. Beaumont.* 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, August 3, 1914. 

Turkish ships building in Great Britain. 

Arrangements are being made with the firm of Armstrong, 
Whitworth and Co. for His Majesty's Government to take 
over the Turkish battleship Osman I. now building with 
that firm. 

Please inform Turkish Government that His Majesty's 
Government are anxious to take over the contract. 



[British Charg6 d 1 Affaires.] 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

/ 

No. 2. 

Mr. Beaumont to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 4.) 
(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 3, 1914. 

Grand Vizier * and Minister of the Interior f spoke to 
me with some vexation of the detention of Turkish ship, 
which they seemed to consider an unfriendly act as Turkey 
is not at war. Minister of the Interior referred to the very 
heavy financial sacrifices by which this ship had been paid 
for with money borrowed at a rate amounting to interest at 
20 per cent. 

No. 3. 

Mr. Beaumont to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 4.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 4, 1914. 

Grand Vizier to-day renewed assurances that Turkey 
intends to observe strict neutrality. Mobilisation had been 
decided upon only because it would take months to com- 
plete, and because the Government wished not to be taken 
by surprise in case of aggression by Bulgaria, though they 
had also been alarmed by rumours of action by Russia- 
attributable, I think, to German Ambassador. Retention 
of German military mission meant nothing and had no poli- 
tical significance. He regarded them as Turkish employes who 
were doing g6od work, and, as they had offered to remain, 
it would have been ungracious to refuse. 



No. 4. 

Sir Edward Grey to Mr. Beaumont. 
(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, August 4, 1914. 

Your telegram of August 3rd. 1 

I am sure Turkish Government will understand necessity 
for His Majesty's Government to keep all warships available 
in England for their own needs in this crisis. 

Financial and other loss to Turkey will receive all due 
consideration, and is subject of sincere regret to His Majesty's 
Government. You should inform Grand Vizier. 

* [Prince Said Halim Pasha.] t [Talaat Bey.] 

92 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

No. 5. 
Sir Edward Grey to Mr. Beaumont. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, August 7, 1914. 

If Turkey remains neutral and Egypt remains quiet, [Cf.No.gc 
and should no unforeseen circumstances arise, His Majesty's 
Government do not propose to alter the status of Egypt. 

A report has reached me that it is being alleged that the 
annexation of Egypt is under consideration by His Majesty's 
Government. 

You should emphatically contradict this to the Turkish 
Government, and say that we have no intention of injuring 
Turkey, and you should add an assurance in the sense of 
the first paragraph. 



No. 6. 

Mr. Beaumont to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 10.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 9, 1914. 

An official communique was recently published here 
which showed a distinctly hostile tone towards Great Britain. 
This communique dealt with the requisition of the Turkish 
warships by His Majesty's Government. The Grand Vizier 
has told me that Turkish Government had to pretend to the 
Turkish public, as the latter had subscribed towards the 
purchase money for the vessels, that they were taking a 
stronger line than really was the case. He said, however, 
that we should not attach too much importance to pub- 
lications of this kind. 

Public opinion is daily growing more excited, and I think 
that if His Majesty's Government were able to give an assur- 
ance that Turkey would have the ships, if possible, on the 
conclusion of hostilities, such an assurance would have a 
soothing effect. 

I have received a most emphatic assurance from the 
Grand Vizier that nothing will induce Turkey to join Austria 
and Germany as long as he remains in power. His position 
is strong enough to give a certain value to this assurance. 



93 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 7. 
[Cf. No 9.] Mr. Beaumont to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August n.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August n, 1914. 

A report has reached me from Vice-consul at the 
Dardanelles, dated evening of the loth August, that two 
large warships, thought to be the Goeben and the Breslau, 
have entered the Straits, and that the German consul went 
to meet them. Arrival of these vessels at Nagara late on 
same evening was reported in a second telegram. 



No. 8. 
Sir Edward Grey to Mr. Beaumont. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, August n, 1914. 

I learn that at 8.30 P.M. last night Goeben and Breslau 

1 [Cf. No. reached the Dardanelles. 1 These ships should not be allowed 

78, p. 130.] to pass through the Straits, and they should either leave 

within twenty-four hours, or be disarmed and laid up. You 

should point out to the Turkish Government that these are 

the duties entailed upon them by their neutrality, and that 

His Majesty's Government expect that they will act up to 

their obligations. 

No. 9. 
[Reply, Mr. Beaumont to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 12.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August n, 1914. 

1 See No. 7. My telegram of nth August. 1 

The Ottoman Government have bought Goeben and 
Breslau. Officers and men will be allowed to return to Ger- 
many. Grand Vizier told me that purchase was due to our 
detention of Sultan Osman. They must have ship to bargain 
with regard to question of the islands on equal terms with 
Greece, and it was in no way directed against Russia, the 
idea of which he scouted. 

He formally asked that the British naval mission might be 
allowed to remain. 

94 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

No. 10. 

Mr. Beaumont to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 12.) [Reply, 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August n, 1914. 

Following from consul, Dardanelles, to-day : 

' The large German ship has just left for Constantinople. 

' Boats from small German ship have perquisitioned 
our ships here, and destroyed Marconi apparatus on French 
ships under threat of sinking them. 1 i j- Cf p ost> 

' We have protested, demanding disarmament or ex- p . 259.] 
pulsion of German ships before night. 

' It seems that they desire to force Turkey into war/ 

Military authorities seem to have completely lost their 
heads. British ships are capriciously detained at Dardan- 
elles, and port officials here are refusing to issue papers to 
outgoing vessels. 

No. ii. 
Sir Edward Grey to Mr. Beaumont. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, August 12, 1914. 

Your telegram of nth August. 2 2 See No. 9. 

If the crews of the Goeben and Breslau are returned to 
Germany at once and if the transfer of those vessels to Turkey 
is bona fide, so that they can only reappear as Turkish ships 
with Turkish crews, there seems no reason that the British 
naval mission should be withdrawn. 



No. 12. 

Mr. Beaumont to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 13.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 12, 1914. 

I saw the Grand Vizier this morning and made strong 
representations to him against restrictions of free passage 
of the Straits, which the military authorities are now im- 
posing under various pretexts. I said they had been hold- 
ing up passenger and grain ships in the Dardanelles, refusing 
to deliver papers to ships wishing to leave Constantinople, and 
ordering grain ships to return to Constantinople at their caprice. 

The Grand Vizier admitted that the War Office had been 

95 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

most high-handed in their action, in violation of international 
obligations. 

It seems that the Minister of War has now got entirely 
out of hand, and I gather that he alone is responsible for the 
present situation. Matters are undoubtedly becoming serious, 
but a Cabinet Council is being held this afternoon, and I hope 
I may be able afterwards to report some improvement. 

I should add that all foreign shipping is affected by the 
restrictions to which I have alluded above. 



No. 13. 
Sir Edward Grey to Mr. Beaumont. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, August 12, 1914. 

1 See Your telegram of nth August. 1 

No. 10.^ You should at once point out to Grand Vizier 2 that Turkish 

2 [ S 6 ^ TOS Government must not permit German ships to commit acts 

of war in the Straits, and ask why British merchant ships 
are detained. 

No. 14. 
Tewfik Pasha to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 13.) 

L'Ambassadeur de Turquie presente ses compliments a 
Sir E. Grey et a Thonneur de communiquer ci-dessous a son 
Excellence le texte du telegramme qu'il vient de recevoir a 
Tinstant de son Gouvernement : 

' Pour ne laisser subsist er aucun doute sur T attitude 
pacifique que le Gouvernement Imperial a decide d'observer 
dans les conflits actuels, je vous informe derechef qu'il est 
resolu de garder stricte neutralite/ 

Ambassade Imperiale ottomane, Londres, 
le 13 aout 1914. 

(TRANSLATION.) 

The Turkish Ambassador presents his compliments to 
Sir E. Grey, and has the honour to communicate herewith 
the text of a telegram just received from his Government, 
which runs as follows : 

' In order that there may be no doubt as to the pacific 
attitude which the Turkish Government have decided to 
96 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

observe in the existing struggle, I inform you forthwith 
that they are determined to maintain strict neutrality/ 
Turkish Embassy, London, August 13, 1914. 



No. 15. 

Mr. Beaumont to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 15.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 14, 1914. 

Admiral Limpus has received promise from Minister 
of Marine that his Excellency will make crews for the Goeben 
and Breslau. This will take time, but nevertheless it will 
be done ; and his Excellency has undertaken to hand over 
the two ships bodily to the British admiral. 

Admiral Limpus informs me that a month will probably 
elapse before Sultan Selim (late Goeben) can be even moved 
by the Turkish crew ; but the formalities of transfer may be 
complete technically in a day or two. Further delay in 
taking delivery from the Germans is unavoidable. 

Minister of Marine declared there was no intention of 
sending the ships outside Sea of Marmora until the end of the 
war. 

No. 16. 

Mr. Beaumont to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 16.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 15, 1914. 

Admiral Limpus and all officers of British Naval 
Mission have suddenly been replaced in their executive com- 
mand by Turkish officers, and have been ordered to continue 
work at Ministry of Marine if they remain. Although I have 
been given to understand by a member of the Government 
that they are still anxious to get officers and crew of the 
Goeben and Breslau out of Turkey, this will probably mean 
retention of mechanics and technical experts at least, which 
will create most dangerous situation here. 



No. 17. 
Sir Edward Grey to Mr. Beaumont. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, August 16, 1914. 

As soon as French and Russian Ambassadors are similarly 
instructed, you are authorised to declare to Turkish Govern- 

DIPLOMATIC 3. G 97 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

ment l that if Turkey will observe scrupulous neutrality during 
the war England, France, and Russia will uphold her inde- 
pendence and integrity against any enemies that may wish 
to utilise the general European complication in order to 
attack her. 

No. 18. 
Mr. Beaumont to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 17.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 16, 1914. 

This morning Grand Vizier assured me again most 
solemnly that Turkish neutrality would be maintained. 
That Germany was doing her utmost to compromise the 
Turkish Government he did not deny, and he went so far as 
to admit that there was a danger of provoking Russia if 
Turkey lent herself to German designs which it served 
Turkey's interests to acquiesce in. This ambiguous ex- 
pression no doubt refers to the fact that a certain number 
of German experts will be left on the Goeben and Breslau, 
owing to the inability of the Turks to handle those ships 
themselves. It would have been an impossible situation 
for Admiral Limpus, if he had had under his direct orders 
a mixed crew of Turks and Germans, and perhaps reason 
of his withdrawal from executive command may lie in this 
consideration. 

The Goeben and Breslau are at present lying off Con- 
stantinople. The Grand Vizier has assured me that there 
is no intention of moving them from Marmora. They are 
now flying the Ottoman flag under nominal command of 
Turkish officer, and have been transferred. This at least 
is a good sign. 

No. 19. 
Mr. Beaumont to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 17.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 16, 1914. 

I have received the following telegram, dated the 15th 
August, from His Majesty's vice-consul at Dardanelles : 

' A new field of mines has been laid in the zone formerly 
sown with mines of observation type. It may be assumed 
that these latter had previously been removed. 

' The new contact mines, to the number of forty-one, 
98 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

were laid by the Mtibah from Kephez to Suandere in a double 
line. Seven were kept on the ship, and the twenty-four 
from- the Selanik, which is proceeding to Constantinople, 
were also taken on board. 

' The Lily Rickmers, a German ship which has arrived 
here, carries a wireless installation/ 



No. 20. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 18.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 18, 1914. 

I have been accorded most cordial reception upon my 
return to my post by the Grand Vizier, of whom I inquired 
whether the German crews would be removed soon, and 
what guarantee he would give that the Goeben and Breslau 
would be used neither against Great Britain nor against 
Russia. I also expressed my surprise that the Turkish 
Government should be apparently entirely under German 
influence, and that they should have committed such a 
serious breach of neutrality as was involved by their action 
in the matter of the German ships. 

His Highness said that he deeply deplored this br.each of 
neutrality, which he could not deny. He begged me to give 
him time to get rid of German crews, which he promised he 
would do gradually, but, until arrival of Turkish transport 
with crews from London, Turkish Government had no crew 
to replace Germans. 

His Highness added that he had protested against the 
action of the Breslau in boarding British and French ships 
at the Dardanelles, and he expressed the hope that I would 
not take too serious a view of that incident. 

Situation is delicate, but I have great hopes that if His 
Majesty's Government will exercise patience, it may yet be 
saved ; for Grand Vizier solemnly assured me that neither 
the Goeben nor the Breslau would go into the Black Sea or 
the Mediterranean. 

His Highness said that seizure of Turkish ships building 
in England by His Majesty's Government had caused the 
whole crisis, and, as almost every Turkish subject had sub- 
scribed towards their purchase, a terrible impression had 
been made throughout Turkey, where British attitude had 

99 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

been attributed to intention to assist Greece in aggressive 
designs against Turkey. Turkish population would have 
understood if Great Britain had paid for the ships, or if she 
had promised to return them when the war was over ; but 
as it was it looked like robbery. Germans had not been 
slow to exploit the situation, of which they had taken every 
advantage. 

His Highness was much impressed and relieved when I 
informed him of the declaration authorised in your telegram 
of the i6th August. 1 He said that this would be of enormous 
assistance to him, and he assured me that I need not be 
anxious lest Turkey should be drawn into war with Great 
Britain or with Russia. The present crisis would pass. 

I am convinced of the absolute personal sincerity of Grand 
Vizier in these utterances. 



No. 21. 

Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, August 18, 1914. 

I told the Turkish Ambassador, who had expressed 
uneasiness as to our intentions towards Turkey, that Turkey 
would have nothing to fear from us, and that her integrity 
would be preserved in any conditions of peace which affected 
the Near East, provided that she preserved a real neutrality 
during the war, made the Breslau and Goeben entirely Turkish 
by sending away the German crews of these vessels, and 
gave all ordinary facilities to British merchant vessels. 



No. 22. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 19.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August ^19, 1914. 

In view of the possibility that a coup d'Etat may be 
attempted with the assistance of the Goeben, in co-operation 
with the military authorities under German influence, who 
exercise complete control, I wish to make it clear that in 
my opinion the precaution of presence of British fleet at 
the Dardanelles is wise. I am anxious to avoid any mis- 
100 



1 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 



understanding as to the gravity of the situation, notwith- 
standing the assurances received from the Grand Vizier. 



* No. 23. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 20.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 19, 1914. 

I saw the Grand Vizier on the afternoon of I7th August, 
and made strong representations to him with regard to the 
detention of vessels laden with cargoes consigned from Russian 
ports to the Mediterranean. 

He promised to give immediate instructions that ships 
should be allowed to proceed. 

The port authorities were undoubtedly instructed yester- 
day morning to permit seven ships loaded with grain and 
one with petroleum for the Mediterranean, and one ship 
with coal for the Danube, to depart, but this permission 
was cancelled later. 

It appears from this as if the military party, supported 
by the Germans, were determined to reassert themselves, 
and that a serious conflict of authority has arisen. 

I propose to see Grand Vizier, whom I was unable to see 
last night, as early as possible this morning, and to insist 
upon his carrying out of his promise with regard to laden 
ships. 

If these are permitted to leave, only four ships will re- 
main, and no others have arrived since yesterday. 

Of these four ships only one is in a position to leave im- 
mediately, but their case is different to that of the nine ships 
mentioned above, of which the cargoes have never touched 
Turkish soil, and which are covered by treaties guaranteeing 
free passage of the Straits at all times, thus making their 
detention a far more serious matter. 



No. 24. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 21.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 20, 1914. No. 28.] 

Minister of Marine * came to see me to-day, and ex- 
pressed his relief at being able to talk to me freely. 

* [Djemal Pasha.] 



101 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

He put forward the following proposal : 

Firstly, that the Capitulations should be abolished im- 
mediately. I pointed out the difficulty of this, and he sug- 
gested that the Minister of Finance * should come and discuss 
the question with me. 

Secondly, he demanded the immediate return of the two 
Turkish battleships acquired by His Majesty's Government 
at the commencement of the war. I told him that this was 
impossible, but that I would endeavour to obtain as good 
terms as possible for them, and that I hoped they would not 
be needed during the war, and would soon be returned to 
Turkey ; in the meanwhile they should be regarded as a 
loan from Turkey to a friend. 

Thirdly, he asked for renunciation of any interference 
with the internal affairs of Turkey. This need not be taken 
seriously, and is, of course, an absurd proposal. 

Fourthly, he asked that if Bulgaria should intervene 
against the Triple Entente, Western Thrace should be given 
back to Turkey. 

Fifthly, he wanted the restoration of the Greek islands. 
I told him that this was impossible, and he finally agreed to 
the basis arranged just before the present war broke out. 

His final proposal was that the Allied Powers should 
undertake to oblige the Triple Alliance to accept any agree- 
ments which might be reached with respect to the Capitula- 
tions. 

Our conversation was of the friendliest description, and 
at its close the Minister of Marine asked whether I would 
sanction the chartering of a British oil-tank steamer now 
at Tenedos to convey oil from Constanza. I asked him 
the purposes for which this oil was required, and he replied 
that it was for use in Turkish destroyers. I said that I 
thought that such a request, when the German crews of the 
Breslau and Goeben were masters of the situation here, would 
greatly surprise His Majesty's Government, and he replied 
that he did not wish to create any suspicion in their minds, 
and would therefore withdraw his request, adding that any 
suspicion that the German ships would be allowed to attack 
our shipping was absurd. 

* [Djavid Bey.] 
102 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

I said that, although I personally believed in the sincerity 
of his assurances, there seemed to be no doubt that the 
German admiral was now the master here. Minister seemed 
greatly surprised at this, but finally asked me to assure you 
that he would open the Dardanelles to the British fleet, if 
the German crews would not leave the two ships when he 
told them to do so. 



No. 25. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 21.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 20, 1914. 

, Following from His Majesty's vice-consul, Dardanelles, 
dated igth August : 

' Passages were stopped this afternoon, while seventeen 
more mines were laid in a zigzag line along one side of the 
channel, which has been rendered extremely narrow. There 
is a heavy oil-steamer to pass to-morrow, and it may not be 
easy. 

' Mines remain, but I suspect that there are more on 
board Rickmers. 

' Weber Pasha, who has returned with other German 
officers, is believed to be on board the latter vessel. 

' Several Hotchkiss guns have arrived and have been 
mounted on both sides of the Straits commanding mine-field/ 



No. 26. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 22.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 21, 1914. 

Your telegram of I2th August. 1 

Reply to representations received from Porte 2 expresses 2 [See 
regrets for unfortunate incident of which British merchant No. 63.] 
vessels at Dardanelles were object, and gives formal assurances 
that similar acts shall not occur again. Explanation of 
detention of ships given in Porte's note is that in consequence 
of some mines having been detached from their moorings, 
authorities had prevented vessels from continuing their 
voyage until mines had been picked up, in order to avoid 
accidents. 

103 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No mention is made of real reason, which was wish of mili- 
tary authorities to requisition grain and other cargoes. 



No. 27. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 22.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 21, 1914. 

I was informed by the Grand Vizier to-night that he 
wanted all the support that the Triple Entente could give him, 
and that the sooner they could give a written declaration 
respecting the independence and integrity of Turkey the 
better. 

A sharp struggle, which may come to a head at any 
moment, is in progress between the Moderates and the German 
party, headed by the Minister for War, and is meanwhile 
creating anarchy here. 

Marshal Liman * and the German Ambassador are reck- 
lessly striving to force the Turks into declaring war on Russia, 
in which case the Goeben and Breslau would presumably 
sail for the Black Sea. They are^prepared to achieve this 
object, if necessary, by a coup d'Etat, making the Minister 
of War dictator. 

It is said that the Dardanelles forts have German garri- 
sons, and that the Goeben, which has been slightly damaged, 
will be repaired by the 2nd September, or possibly earlier. 



No. 28. 
Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, August 22, 1914. 

Your telegram of 2Oth August. 1 

The demands made by the Turkish Government are 
excessive ; we do not, however, wish to refuse all discussion, 
and you may therefore, as soon as the French and Russian 
Ambassadors have received similar instructions, address 
the following communication to the Porte : 

' If the Turkish Government will repatriate immediately 
the German officers and crews of the Goeben and Breslau, will 
give a written assurance that all facilities shall be furnished 
for the peaceful and uninterrupted passage of merchant 

* Head of the German Military Mission in Turkey. 
104 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

vessels, and that all the obligations of neutrality shall be 
observed by Turkey during the present war, the three allied 
Powers will in return agree, with regard to the Capitulations, 
to withdraw their extra-territorial jurisdiction as soon as a 
scheme of judicial administration, which will satisfy modern 
conditions, is set up. 

'They will further give a joint guarantee in writing that 
they will respect the independence and integrity of Turkey, 
and will engage that no conditions in the terms of peace at the 
end of the war shall prejudice this independence and integrity/ 



No 20 [Reply, 

No. 38.] 
Tewfik Pasha to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 22.) 

L'Ambassadeur de Turquie presente ses compliments a 
Sir E. Grey et, se referant a la conversation qu'il a eu Thonneur 
d'avoir avec son Excellence et dont il avait rendu compte a 
son Gouvernement par un telegramme en date du 18 courarit, 
s'empresse de rinformer que son Altesse Said Halim Pacha 
vient de lui faire savoir par une depeche responsive expediee 
hier et parvenue a I'instant : 

1. Que les ordres necessaires ont ete donnes a qui de droit 
pour le libre commerce dans les eaux ottomanes de tout 
navire marchand ; 

2. Que le Gouvernement Imperial procedera au remplace- 
ment des omciers et equipage allemands par ceux du Sultan 
Osman des qu'ils seront arrives a Constantinople. 

Ambassade Imperiale ottomane, Londres, 
le 22 aofot, 1914. 

(TRANSLATION.) 

The Turkish Ambassador presents his compliments to 
Sir E. Grey, and with reference to the conversation which 
he had with him, and which he reported to the Turkish 
Government in a telegram of the i8th instant, hastens to 
state that His Highness Said Halim Pasha has just replied 
in a telegram dated yesterday, and just received, as follows : 

i. The necessary orders have been given in the proper 
quarter for the free navigation of Turkish waters by all 
merchant vessels ; 

105 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

2. The Turkish Government will replace the German 
officers and men by those of the Sultan Osman as soon as they 
arrive at Constantinople. 



No. 30. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 23.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 22, 1914. 

I saw Minister of Marine, as the Turkish transport has 
now arrived, and asked him when the crews of the Goeben 
and Breslau would be repatriated. 

He said that it depended upon the Grand Vizier. He 
was himself in favour of their repatriation. 

I shall press the matter strongly, but do not know whether 
the Moderates are sufficiently strong to insist upon such a 
step being taken at once. 



No. 31. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 24.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 23, 1914. 

I hear that a further contingent of German officers 
has recently arrived via Sophia for service here. 



No. 32. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 25.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 24, 1914. 

The Minister of War has not yet recovered from his 
illness. I have made it absolutely clear to the Grand Vizier 
that there is evidently no reason for delaying transfer of ships 
now that changes have come, and I said that His Majesty's 
Government would not tolerate that the Turkish fleet, as well 
as the Turkish army, should be in the hands of Germany, 
warning His Highness that the British fleet would not leave the 
Dardanelles until His Majesty's Government were satisfied 
that the Turkish Government had loyally carried out the 
condition laid down, and until British merchantmen could 
navigate Turkish waters without either delay or molestation. 
106 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

It was therefore obvious that if there was any idea of man- 
ning the Turkish fleet with German officers and men it must 
be given up. The situation was already quite humiliating 
enough for the Turkish Empire, which was in peril of total 
ruin if the Turkish Government allowed the domination of 
Constantinople by Germany. The Grand Vizier assured me 
that the Turkish Government had not the slightest intention 
of Germanising their fleet ; and while it is my impression 
that the forces in favour of the maintenance of strict neu- 
trality by Turkey are slowly gaining, I replied that I should 
not be satisfied with less than the actual departure of the 
German crews. 



No. 33. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 25.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 25, 1914. 

I received yesterday a written assurance from Grand 
Vizier that merchant vessels will be allowed to go and come 
in Turkish ports without hindrance in accordance with 
treaties. 

No. 34. 
Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, August 25, 1914. 

His Majesty the King desires that your Excellency should 
convey to His Imperial Majesty the Sultan of Turkey a 
personal message from His Majesty, 1 expressing his deep i [See Nos. 
regret at the sorrow caused to the Turkish people by the 87, 112.] 
detention of the two warships which His Imperial Majesty's 
subjects had made such sacrifices to acquire. His Majesty 
the King wishes the Sultan to understand that the exigencies 
of the defence of his dominions are the only cause of the 
detention of these ships, which His Majesty hopes will not 
be for long, it being the intention of His Majesty's Govern- 
ment to restore them to the Ottoman Government at the 
end of the war, in the event of the maintenance of a strict 
neutrality by Turkey without favour to the King's enemies, 
as at present shown by the Ottoman Government. 

107 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 35. 

Sir L. Mallet to $ir Edward Grey. (Received August 26.) 
(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 25, 1914. 

[See I hear from His Majesty's Consul at Jerusalem that 

No. 36.] forty camels laden with food-stuffs have been seized from 
Egyptians at Gaza. 

No. 36. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 26.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 25, 1914. 

1 See Seizure of camels reported in my telegram of to-day. 1 

No. 35. I am making strong representations to Ottoman Govern- 

ment. The Germans, who are no doubt responsible for the 
activity now reported, are doing their best to embroil us with 
the Turks. 

The Grand Vizier vehemently denies that it is his inten- 
tion to attack Egypt in any way or to attempt any sort of 
intrigues there. In this, I think, he is sincere. He is forming 
a Moderate party genuinely in favour of Turkey remaining 
neutral. 

No. 37. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 26.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 25, 1914. 

His Majesty 's Vice-consul, Dardanelles, reports that 
former channel on the European side of the Straits was 
further mined on the 24th August. More buoys have been 
placed in new channel on the Asiatic side, and that channel 
may now be followed. Passages were prevented on the 24th 
August by the work of laying these buoys, but they have been 
resumed from to-day. 



No. 38. 
Sir Edward Grey to Tewfik Pasha. 

Foreign Office, August 26, 1914. 

YOUR EXCELLENCY, I have the honour to acknowledge 
the receipt of the note which your Excellency was so good 
i See as to address to me on the 22nd instant. 1 

No. 29. 108 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

In reply, I have the honour to state that I have taken 
note that : 

1. The necessary orders have been sent by the Imperial 
Ottoman Government to the competent authorities to allow 
free passage in Ottoman waters to all foreign merchant 
vessels. 

2. That the Imperial Ottoman Government will replace 
the German officers and crew of the late Goeben and Breslau by 
those of the Sultan Osman the moment the latter arrive at 
Constantinople. I have, etc., E. GREY. 



No. 39. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 27.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 26, 1914. 

Ninety German sailors passed through Sophia yesterday 
on their way to Constantinople. 1 I have protested strongly, i [ See 
but Grand Vizier is unable to control the situation, which is NO. 43. 
dominated by the German Ambassador and generals. Weber 
Pasha, who is in command at the Dardanelles, is said to be 
urging closing of the Straits. I have brought this to the 
notice of the Grand Vizier. His Highness most positively 
repudiated any such idea, and begged me to have patience, 
as this situation would not last, and he was gaining authority. 

In the meantime, general mobilisation is proceeding 
feverishly, and preparations are being pushed on in the fleet. 
Eighty pounds' worth of surgical appliances, dressings, etc., 
were bought by doctor of the Corcovado to-day. I am 
informed that there is a 5-inch gun hidden by canvas at her 
stern. She still lies at Therapia. It is not likely that the 
two German men-of-war will come out of the Dardanelles, 
but there are grounds for thinking that German plan is to 
urge Turkey to attack Russia after France is beaten about 
ten days hence, in their estimation. Straits would be entirely 
closed, and, according to the German Ambassador, quite 
impossible to force, since Germans have taken special measures 
to make them impregnable. 

To sum up, the situation is most unsatisfactory, though 
not actually desperate. 

109 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 40. 
Sir G. Barclay to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 27.) 

(Telegraphic.) Bukarest, August 27, 1914. 

Press to-day reports special train from Berlin, carrying 
500 German marines, passed through Bukarest yesterday for 
Constantinople. 

Official communication this evening states that this was 
not a military transport, but that men were workmen, mostly 
Germans, under the direction of several engineers and func- 
tionaries, on the way to Turkey via Bulgaria for work on 
Bagdad Railway. 

Communique adds that in future foreign subjects will not 
be allowed passage through the country in groups of more 
than twenty, even if their individual passports are in order. 



No. 41. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 27.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 27, 1914. 

1 [See German ships. 1 

No. 42.] There are grounds for thinking that Germans are urging 

Turks to send Goeben into Black Sea, where they would argue 

that she has a right to go as a Turkish ship. Germans would 

count upon Russian warship attacking her, and war would 

ensue, seemingly provoked by Russia. 

Object of Germans is to create a diversion here, draw off 

some Russian troops and enemies from Austria, and embroil 

us at the same time. 

There are, it is said, 162 German officers here and many 

reservists. 

No. 42. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 28.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 27, 1914. 

1 See My telegram of 27th August. 1 

No. 41. Russian Ambassador is at present with Grand Vizier, 

whom I have just seen. I again impressed upon His Highness 
my apprehensions lest Goeben should make a raid. I expressed 
my conviction that, should Turkey be so unwise as to provoke 
no 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

the Powers of the Triple Entente, it would mean the end of 
the Ottoman Empire. To these observations on my part, 
His Highness replied that the Goeben, manned as she was 
with German crew, would never be allowed by the Turkish 
Government to enter the Black Sea. His language on this 
point was most emphatic, and I believe that he was sincere 
in what he said. I did not fail, however, to draw His High- 
ness's attention to the fact that, if the Minister of Marine, 
the Minister of War, and the German Ambassador ordered 
the Goeben to go there, I did not quite see how His Highness 
was going to prevent it. If the German Emperor ordered 
the German Admiral to go into the Black Sea, it did not seem 
to me that the two Turkish Ministers could, even if they 
would, prevent the Admiral from obeying those commands. 

Grand Vizier assured me most emphatically that my fears 
were entirely without foundation, but he did not give me 
any reasons to back up this optimistic opinion. His High- 
ness was much upset when I rejoined that, so long as German 
crews remained, his Highness was not master of his own 
house, but at the mercy of the Germans, who had, to all 
intents and purposes, occupied Constantinople. His Highness 
admitted that Germans were urging Turkey to depart from 
her neutrality, and that they wished to embroil her with 
the Russians and ourselves, but he nevertheless solemnly 
assured me that Turkish Government would not depart from 
their neutrality. He fully understood Germany's aims in this 
matter, and all Turkish Government were determined not to 
fall into the trap. 

Grand Vizier is, I am sure, absolutely sincere himself. 
But none the less the situation is as I have described it in the 
preceding paragraphs. 



No. 43. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 28.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 27, 1914. 

My telegram of 24th [26th ?] August. 1 l See 

In reply to my inquiries, Grand Vizier stated that neither No - 39- 

he nor Minister of Marine knew anything about the reported 

arrival of German sailors. They had not been asked for by 

the Turkish Government. 

in 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

I said that, if this really was the case, it furnished yet 
another proof of how completely Germany had obtained 
control here. German merchantmen were, to my knowledge, 
arming in the port of Constantinople, and it was obvious that 
the German sailors were to be put into these ships or on board 
the Turkish fleet. This being so, it was my duty to warn 
His Highness of the unfortunate effect that this continued 
violation of Turkish neutrality in favour of Germany was 
bound to have upon the Governments of the Triple Entente. 



No. 44. 

Mr. Cheetham to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 28.) 

(Telegraphic.) Cairo, August 28, 1914. 

Ottoman forces are being mobilised in Hedjaz and 
further south, and existing military activity in Red Sea 
may thus be explained. About sixty Turkish officers arrived 
at Alexandria recently and passed through Egypt down 
Red Sea. Their destination was the Yemen. 

Twelve thousand Turkish troops are reported in Jeddah 
region. 

Signs are not lacking that, in case of war, an attack on 
Egypt is contemplated by Turkey. A few Turkish officers 
are now in the Delta. Steps have been taken to watch all 
those that are known. I learn from a good source that all 
information of Turkish mobilisation reported from Con- 
stantinople is correct. Meanwhile emissaries are being sent 
to India, the Yemen, Senoussi, and Egypt, to stir up feeling 
against Great Britain. Activity at Gaza is reported, but 
it is uncertain whether this is more than raising of levies 
to replace regulars withdrawn from the north by mobilisation. 



No. 45. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 29.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople , August 28, 1914. 

General situation here. 

It is possible, though I consider it highly improbable, 
that Turks may make a dash out of the Dardanelles when 



112 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

their fleet is better prepared. It is equally possible that 
Turkey may make some forward movement against Serbia 
or Greece on land. Nevertheless, I trust that you will not 
read my various reports to mean that I have abandoned 
last hope that neutrality will be maintained to extent of not 
actually attacking Russia in Black Sea. I still think that 
it is far from probable that Turkey will for the time being 
make any forward move. 

News propagated by German Ambassador here this morn- 
ing is that Germans are marching on Paris, and that they 
have decisively worsted the Allies. This message has without 
doubt come by wireless, as the Ambassador is in direct 
communication with German General Staff. This news 
will, I fear, tend to shake Turks still further, as they now 
confidently expect that Triple Entente will be annihilated. 
There is also no doubt that very active preparations are 
in hand, and that Germans here are confident of hostilities. 
Consignments of gold from Germany have arrived for German 
and Austrian banks, private German residents have sent away 
their wives, and quantities of medical stores have been 
purchased and put on board German ships. 

I hear that German Ambassador is adopting tone of 
friendly commiseration for Great Britain, who, he asserts, 
will never assist Russia in any movement against Turkey. 
He has made the remarkable statement that his Government 
will now offer favourable terms to France, which she will 
certainly accept ; that Germany will then wage a platonic 
war with England, whose heart is not in the struggle, and who 
will make terms to save her fleet ; and that Germany and 
England will then combine against Russia. 

German Ambassador's attitude seems to indicate great 
preoccupation as regards British fleet and as regards Russian 
advance in East Prussia, and a desire to make terms now in 
order to save Germany's resources for a final struggle with 
us under more favourable conditions. I have made it known 
privately in the proper quarter that under no conditions 
would Great Britain abandon her Allies, and that, whatever 
the present situation in the field may be, it is still but the 
beginning of a struggle from which we are firmly resolved to 
emerge victoriously. 



DIPLOMATIC 3. H 113 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 46. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 29.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 28, 1914. 

From information that has reached me, there is no doubt 
that in course of time the whole area of the Dardanelles, 
Constantinople, and the Bosphorus will become nothing 
more nor less than a sort of German enclave. Sailors recently 
arrived from Sophia will be sent to Straits forts and more 
will follow. This is over and above German military reservists 
already allotted to garrison those forts. 

I hear that, although Turks have not yet any ordnance of 
the more modern type for mounting in Straits defences, it is 
very probable that consignment of guns will arrive in the 
near future from Germany and Austria through Constanza. 



No. 47. 

Sir H. Bax-Ironside to Sir Edward Grey. 
(Received August 29.) 

(Telegraphic.) Sophia, August 28, 1914. 

Special train full of German sailors with officers passed 
Sophia last night for Constantinople, making total passed 
about 600. 

I am informed credibly that large consignment of guns 
and artillery material has passed through Roumania to 
Giurgevo and is now being brought across to Rustchuk. 



No. 48. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received August 31.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, August 30, 1914. 

I and my colleagues still do not regard situation as 
hopeless, and are of opinion that we should go on as long 
as possible without provoking a rupture. I find it hard 
to believe that, when it comes to the point, Turks would declare 
war on Russia or on ourselves. 

Eventuality of a general war is doubtless counted on by 
Germany with the object of diverting energies of Russia 
from the main object of European conflict. Germans may 
even argue that, in the event of Russians receiving serious 
114 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

check in Germany, they might be induced to desist from 
struggle by bait of Constantinople. 

There is no doubt that it is object of Germany to involve 
Russia and Great Britain in serious troubles here in the hope 
of general Balkan conflagration and of complications for 
us in India and Egypt. I heard to-day on good authority 
that it is admitted in Berlin that, if necessary, they will 
encourage a ' jehad ' * with this object. 

I have strong impression that Turkish Government, with 
exception of its extreme chauvinists, are aware of Germany's 
objects, which I have not ceased to instil into them, and 
that time may cool their ardour for their German masters. 
I warned Grand Vizier this morning of inevitable results 
of siding with Germany against us, and said that our patience 
was not inexhaustible, and that consequences of allying 
themselves with our enemies would be serious. His Highness 
seemed to be impressed, and promised that German sailors 
should be sent away. 

No. 49. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September i.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September I, 1914. 

Minister of Marine called on Russian Ambassador 
last night and assured him that he was working hard for 
neutrality, that he would send away German sailors in 
fortnight, and that 200 were leaving to-day, truth of which 
we shall verify. He may only be gaining time. 



No. 50. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September i.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September i, 1914. 

I again discussed subject of Turkish neutrality to-day 
with Grand Vizier. His Highness evidently relies on Minister 
of Interior, who returns shortly. He assured me most 
solemnly that Turkish Government would not depart from 
their neutrality. I replied that we should not be satisfied 
until the German sailors left, as Turkish neutrality had already 

* i.e., Holy War. 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

been so gravely compromised already. He reiterated with 
much vehemence that all German sailors should go. 



No. 51. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September i.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September i, 1914. 

Sulleiman-el-Burouni, a highly placed senator, is in Egypt, 
probably in Cairo, engaged in fomenting revolutionary 
movement. 



No. 52. 
Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, September i, 1914. 

In order that there may be no room for misconception, 
you should inform Turkish Government that Egyptian Govern- 
ment are taking measures to patrol Suez Canal on both 
banks, and that this step is necessary to protect the safe and 
proper working of the Canal. You should add that no 
advance into Sinai, nor military operations in that region, 
are under contemplation. 



No. 53. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 2.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 2, 1914. 

I should be glad to learn whether British Admiral has 
instructions in case Goeben went into Mediterranean under 
Turkish flag. Should I tell Turkish Government that, so 
long as she has Germans on board, we shall regard her as a 
German ship and treat her as such, and that, before she goes 
out into Mediterranean, Admiral Limpus must be allowed to 
assure himself that there are no Germans on board ? 

I do not anticipate her going out, but should like to make 
it clear beforehand what our attitude would be in case she 
does so. 

116 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

No. 54. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 3.) [Reply, 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 2, 1914. ^' * 

Am I authorised to make public statement that Turkey 
will have nothing to fear from British ships if she maintains 
strict neutrality and keeps peace during European conflict, 
if British trade is not interfered with, and if German naval 
officers and crews are sent out of the country ? 



No. 55. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 3.) [Reply, 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 3, 1914. No ' 

I should be glad to have discretion to let it be known 
that if Turkish fleet leaves the Dardanelles we shall treat it 
as part of the German fleet, as it has German crews and officers 
on board. 

No. 56. 
Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, September 3, 1914. 

Your telegram of 2nd September. 1 1 See 

So long as German crews have not been sent away, Goeben Na 5 
will certainly be treated as a German ship if she comes out 
of the Straits. It was only on express condition that German 
crews would be sent away that we waived demand, to which 
we were strictly entitled, that ship should be interned until 
the end of the war. 



No. 57. 

Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, September 4, 1914. 

Your telegram of 2nd September. 2 2 See 

You may make statement you propose, but we cannot No. 54. 

restrict movements of British fleet. 



117 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 58. 

Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, September 4, 1914. 

Your telegram of 3rd September : x Turkish fleet. 
Proposal approved. 



No. 59. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 6.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 5, 1914. 

I hear that Inspector from Constantinople of Committee 
of Union and Progress left Erzeroum on the 1st September 
for Persia, where he has previously lived. He was accom- 
panied by three Persian revolutionists from Constantinople, 
one of them named Agha Mehemet Ali. They have ideas 
about Afghan and Indian Moslems, and also intend to stir 
up anti-Russian trouble in Persia. 



No. 60. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 6.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 5, 1914. 

I have to-day gone over the whole ground with the 
Minister of the Interior, who seems more inclined to be 
reasonable. I think there is an improvement in the situation. 

Minister quite understands that Goeben will be treated as 
a German ship if she goes out. They assure me that Turkish 
fleet will not leave the Dardanelles on any account. 



No. 61. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 6.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 6, 1914. 

Surprises are always possible, but I feel fairly confident, 
from what I hear from many prominent people with whom 
I am in touch, that public opinion will change in our favour. 

There is growing discontent among influential people, 
who are now beginning to realise that they are in German 
hands. This they resent, and they are openly declaring that 
they will not allow war. 
1x8 



fl RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

In view of all this, I think I can safely say that there are 
many signs of an improvement in the situation here. 

No. 62. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 7.) 

Constantinople, August 19, 1914. 

SIR, With reference to your telegram of the I2th August x * See 
to Mr. Beaumont, I have the honour to transmit herewith copy No - Z 3- 
of a note verbale addressed by him to the Sublime Porte in the 
sense of your instructions respecting the perquisitions effected 
by the German cruiser Breslau off British ships in the port 
of Chanak and the detention of British ships in the 
Dardanelles. I have, etc., Louis MALLET. 



ENCLOSURE IN No. 62. 

Note verbale communicated to Sublime Porte, Constantinople, [Reply, 

August 14, 1914. No - 6 3 

It having been brought to the notice of His Britannic * en 
Majesty's Government that, while in the neutral port of 
Chanak (Dardanelles), boats of the cruiser Breslau, flying the 
German flag, boarded and effected perquisitions on British 
ships, His Britannic Majesty's Charge d' Affaires has been 
instructed to request that the Imperial Ottoman Government 
will not permit German ships to commit acts of war in Turkish 
ports or in the Straits, the neutrality of which is guaranteed 
by international treaties. 

Mr. Beaumont is instructed at the same time to inquire 
on what grounds British ships have recently been prevented 
from leaving the port of Constantinople, and have been 
detained on arrival at the Dardanelles, in some cases for 
several days. 

According to a telegram received to-day from His Majesty's 
Vice-consul at the Dardanelles, British ships are still being 
help up there, and His Britannic Majesty's Charge d' Affaires 
has the honour to request that immediate orders may be sent 
to allow them to proceed: 

119 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 63. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 7.) 

Constantinople, August 21, 1914. 

SIR, With reference to my immediately preceding de- 
spatch, 1 I have the honour to forward herewith a note verbale 
from the Sublime Porte, expressing regret for the incidents 
at the Dardanelles and offering explanations. I have, etc., 

Louis MALLET. 



ENCLOSURE IN No. 63. 
Note verbale communicated by Sublime Porte. 

Le Ministere Imperial des Affaires Etrangeres a eu Thonneur 
de recevoir la note verbale que TAmbassade de Sa Majeste 
britannique a bien voulu lui adresser en date du 14 courant. 

En re*ponse, le Ministere Imperial des Affaires Etrangeres 
s'empresse d'exprimer tous ses regrets a M. le Charge 
d' Affaires de Sa Majeste britannique pour le facheux incident 
dont furent Tobjet quelques batiments de commerce battant 
pavilion anglais dans le port de Chanak ; la Sublime Porte 
est en mesure de donner les assurances les plus formelles que 
pareil fait ne se repetera plus. 

Quant aux bateaux retenus a Chanak, des torpilles sous- 
marines s'tant detachees, les autorites Imperiales ont cm 
de leur devoir d'empecher ces bateaux de continuer leur 
voyage jusqu'au repechage desdites mines, pour eviter de 
facheux incidents. Cette interdiction provisoire est done le 
resultat d'une mesure generate que le Gouvernement Imperial 
s'est vu oblige de prendre afin d'assurer la securite de la 
navigation dans les eaux Imperiales. 

Le Ministere des Affaires Etrangeres a Thonneur de porter 
a la connaissance de TAmbassade de Sa Majeste britannique 
que les mines, ayant ete repechees, les autorites competentes 
ont ete invitees par le Gouvernement Imperial de lever 
Tinterdiction de passage et de faciliter de leur mieux la 
navigation a tous les navires. 

Le 16 aotit, 1914. 

(TRANSLATION.) 

The Imperial Ministry for Foreign Affairs had the honour 
of receiving the note verbale which His Britannic Majesty's 
120 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

Embassy was good enough to communicate on the I4th 
instant. 

In reply, the Imperial Ministry for Foreign Affairs hastens 
to express great regret to the Charge oY Affaires for the annoy- 
ing incident suffered by some merchant vessels flying the 
British flag in the harbour of Chanak ; the Sublime Porte 
are able to give the most formal assurances that such an 
act shall not be repeated. 

As regards the vessels detained at Chanak, some sub- 
marine mines having become detached, the Imperial autho- 
rities thought it incumbent upon them to prevent those 
vessels from continuing their voyage until the said mines 
had been recovered, in order that annoying incidents might 
be prevented. This provisional prohibition is, it will thus 
be seen, the result of a general measure which the Imperial 
Government have been obliged to take with a view to ensur- 
ing the safety of navigation in Turkish waters. 

The Ministry for Foreign Affairs has the honour to inform 
His Britannic Majesty's Embassy that, the mines having 
been recovered, the competent authorities have been requested 
by the Government to raise the prohibition of free passage, 
and to do their best to facilitate navigation for all vessels. 

August 16, 1914. 

No. 64. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 7.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 6, 1914. 

Minister of Interior yesterday assured me that there 
was no question of Turkey going to war. 

I used every possible argument to dissuade Minister of the 
Interior from leaping on a military adventure, reminding him 
that in the end Turkey would inevitably pay. I told him 
His Majesty's Government regarded Turkish fleet an annex 
of German fleet, and that if it went out into the ^Egean we 
should sink it. He quite realised this, and said that fleet 
had no intention of leaving Dardanelles. 

I went carefully over several infringements of neutrality 
of which Turks had been guilty, and I said that so long as 
a single German officer, naval or military, remained here I 
should consider Turkey as a German protectorate ; that I 

121 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

had been informed that Turkish Government attached no 
importance to written declaration which I and my French 
and Russian colleagues had made them respecting their ^ 
integrity. I was greatly surprised at this attitude, but" 
personally somewhat relieved, as to guarantee integrity 
and independence of Turkey was like guaranteeing life of 
man who was determined to commit suicide. 

We sincerely desired independence and integrity of Turkey, 
but he must not imagine that Great Britain was afraid of 
Turkey, or that we feared to face alternative if forced upon 
us. Most ridiculous stories about insurrections in India 
and Egypt and approaching downfall of British Empire were 
being circulated broadcast, and were apparently believed 
by Minister of War. I hoped that Minister of the Interior 
was not under those and similar dangerous illusions. 

Minister of the Interior said that he understood. 

He then proceeded to state that Turkish Government 
now wished to sell us two Turkish ships outright. They 
wanted money badly, as the economic situation was desperate. 
I replied that I did not know His Majesty's Government's 
views, which I would inquire, but that, personally, I should 
be reluctant to inflict so mortal a stab on the wounded heart 
of the Turkish people, who were already suffering so much 
by temporary detention of their ships. Their purchase 
might give rise to another tempest of indignation. 

Moreover, I doubted whether His Majesty's Government 
would readily pay several millions to a country which was 
entirely in German hands, and which was breathing out 
threats against ourselves and our Allies. 

He replied that His Majesty's Government could make 
what conditions they liked if they bought ships ; and that 
Turkish Government would send away all Germans. I said 
that I would reflect on proposal and repeat it to you. 



No. 65. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 7.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 7, 1914. 

There is fresh evidence that there has been no sale of 
the Goeben and Breslau to Turkey. I learn on unimpeachable 

122 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

authority that German Ambassador has twice sent down 
orders to customs for admission, duty free, of effects for His 
Imperial Majesty's ship Goeben. I have brought this to 
notice of Grand Vizier, and have reminded him that we do 
not recognise sale. 

Should I not tell His Highness that His Majesty's Govern- 
ment will require to be satisfied that the sale is a genuine and 
legal one, before they can recognise the ship as Turkish ? 
I think that this should be done, even if the German crews go. 

I have said to both Talaat and Grand Vizier that if Goeben 
and Breslau leave Dardanelles they will be treated as German 
ships. They fully realise this, and have assured me that 
the ships will on no account leave. 



No. 66. 
Mr. Cheetham to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 8.) 

(Telegraphic.) Cairo, September 8, 1914. 

Presence of numerous Turkish officers in Egypt is 
undoubtedly a danger, and measures against suspected 
individuals may become necessary at any moment. A Turkish 
naval officer recently left Egypt hurriedly for Beirout. A 
letter belonging to him has been found, in which it is stated 
that he has been doing his best to cause a strike amongst 
Moslem stokers and engineers of four Khedivial mail steamers, 
which are to be used as transports for our troops. The letter 
continues that he has not succeeded in his attempts, but that 
he will do his best to sink the vessels after the troops have 
embarked. It is worth noting that a strike on steamers in 
question has now occurred. 



No. 67. 
Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. r See 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, September 8, 1914. No. 68, 

British Naval Mission. note -] 

Before any decision respecting the recall of the mission 
is taken by His Majesty's Government, I wish to have your 
views on the subject. I am reluctant .to take any step, 
however justified it may be, that would precipitate unfavour- 

123 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

able developments, as long as there is a reasonable chance 
of avoiding them. What effect do you consider that with- 
drawal of mission would have upon the political situation ? 

The Admiralty are of opinion that the position of the 
mission may become unsafe, and that it is already undignified. 
They therefore wish it to be recalled and attached to the 
Embassy until you can arrange a safe passage home for 
Admiral Limpus and the other officers. There is clearly ample 
justification for the view taken by the Admiralty. 



No. 68. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey.* (Received September 9.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 8, 1914. 

I have on more than one occasion told Grand Vizier 
that resentment is probable in England, especially in present 
circumstances, at the slight put upon British Admiral, and 
that, much as His Majesty's Government desire to remain 
on friendly terms with Turkey, such proceedings on the part 
of the Turkish Government cannot be indefinitely overlooked. 

In many respects the situation seems to show improve- 
ment, but unless His Majesty's Government wish mission to 
remain indefinitely it seems to me that the present would be 
a suitable moment to withdraw it. The Turks could not 
regard this step as a grievance as it is obviously justified by 
their conduct. The mission are at present treated as non- 
existent, and their position is consequently both false and 
invidious. German hold on the navy is becoming stronger 
daily, and there is no sign of German crews leaving. As a 
matter of fact, far from being disadvantageous to us, this 
is becoming embarrassing to the Turkish Government, who 
are at last beginning to realise that the Germans are not an 
unmixed blessing. Great discontent reigns among Turkish 
naval officers, so Admiral Limpus tells me, as they dislike 
German officers, and they even hint that they would rather 
mutiny than serve under them. 

I am of opinion that the time has come to withdraw the 
mission, and if this can be approved in principle, I will speak 

* This telegram crossed Sir E". Grey's telegram of September 8 ; see 
No. 67. 
124 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

to the Admiral, who feels his position acutely, and ask him 
to make the necessary arrangements. 



No. 69. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 10.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 9, 1914. 

Grand Vizier admitted this morning that the Turkish 
Government were going to abolish Capitulations. 

I said that this information would greatly surprise my 
Government, whom I would at once apprise. 

The Capitulations and conventions were not a unilateral 
agreement ; we had on a former occasion informed the Turkish 
Government that we were willing to consider any request 
they might put forward in a generous spirit, but I did not 
imagine that my Government would acquiesce in their total 
abolition by a stroke of the pen. We were now under martial 
law. Did he expect us to allow British subjects to be judged 
by court-martial, especially so long as army was in hands of 
Germans ? 

His Highness made some ineffectual endeavours to defend 
his action, but I cut them short. 



No. 70. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 10.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 9, 1914. 

Minister of Interior told me to-day that note to 
Embassies on subject of the abolition of the Capitulations had 
already been despatched. German Ambassador had just 
called to protest. Earlier in the day the Italian Ambassador 
had informed me that German and Austrian Ambassadors 
were ready to associate themselves with us in protesting 
against the abolition. 

German Ambassador has disclaimed authorship of this 
move on the part of Turkey, and I think that he may be speak- 
ing the truth ; but every statement he makes must be received 
with caution. Nevertheless, statement by Minister of Interior, 

125 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

to which I have alluded above, seems to bear him out in 
this case. 

I have discussed the proposed abolition with the Minister 
of the Interior, and he maintains that they all feel that the 
time has come to emancipate Turkey from foreign shackles. 
But he disclaimed any intention of hostility against foreigners. 
He had already sent instructions to all Valis and police 
officials not to inflame people against foreigners, and he would 
give strictest orders that no foreigners should be taken before 
courts-martial. 

I told his Excellency that I thought the action of the 
Turkish Government would inevitably lead to greater inter- 
ference than ever in the internal affairs of Turkey. I could 
only regret that they should have acted so precipitately. 



No. 71. 
Sir L. Mallei to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 10.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 9, 1914. 

Abolition of Capitulations. 1 

It has been arranged that all the Embassies shall send in 
identic notes to-morrow, acknowledging Turkish note and 
pointing out that abolition of the Capitulations cannot be 
accepted, as consent of both contracting parties is necessary. 



No. 72. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September n.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople , September 10, 1914. 

Consignments of warlike material from Germany traced 
up to date amount to 3000 rounds of projectiles for 
Goeben, battery of field guns with ammunition, several 
batteries of heavy howitzers, probably for field army use, 
and some thousands of rifles. More consignments are on the 
way. All German reservists who have not been able to leave 
Turkish Empire have been instructed to report for enrol- 
ment with Turkish troops. 



126 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

No. 73. 
Sir L. Mallei to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September n.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 10, 1914. 

My telegram of gth September. 1 J See 

Note abolishing all the Capitulations was received last No - 7 1 - 
night. All my colleagues, including German and Austrian 
Ambassadors, have to-day addressed identic notes 2 to the 2 [See post, 
Sublime Porte stating that, while communicating to our P- 274.] 
respective Governments note respecting abolition of Capitu- 
lations, we must point out that capitulatory regime is not an 
autonomous institution of the Empire, but the resultant of 
international treaties, diplomatic agreements, and contractual 
acts of different kinds. It cannot be abolished in any part, 
a fortiori wholly, without consent of contracting parties. 
Therefore, in the absence of understanding arrived at before 
ist October between Ottoman Government and our respective 
Governments, we cannot recognise executory force after that 
date of a unilateral decision of Sublime Porte. 



No. 74. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 14.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 13, 1914. 

I hear that Germans are now dominant at Alexandretta, 
and secretly suggest and control everything. From 7th Septem- 
ber to morning of I2th September, 24 mountain guns, 400 
horses and mules, 500 artillery troops belonging to service 
of 6th Army Corps, and large quantity of ammunition 
passed through Alexandretta, proceeding by railway to 
Constantinople. 

No. 75. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 15.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 14, 1914. 

German Ambassador has received instructions from 
Berlin to publish widely report of revolution in India, with 
addition that His Majesty's Government have asked Japan 
to assist, and that Japan has agreed, in return for free immigra- 
tion into the Pacific Coast, a free hand in China, and a 

127 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

40,000,000 loan. I was warned in time by the Russian 
Ambassador, and instructed all consuls by telegraph to deny 
it, if published, and wrote to the Grand Vizier. 

Nothing official has appeared here, but the agencies are 
publishing part of the story. 



No. 76. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 16.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 15, 1914. 

Fleet is now entirely in German hands, and Minister 
of Marine is powerless. Germans consider that Dardanelles 
are now impassable, and they are impressing this upon 
military authorities. It is said that, if the Turkish fleet 
moved into the Black Sea, Straits would be entirely closed by 
additional mines, which have just been sent there on the 
Nilufer. 

Though I do not say that this coup will actually come off, 
danger is undoubtedly greater since news has been received 
of the recent successes of the Allies, as the Germans are all 
the more anxious to create a diversion. My impression is 
that majority of the Cabinet and the Grand Vizier himself 
are entirely opposed to any such adventure, and that they 
are doing their utmost to prevent it ; but they are finding 
out, though they will not admit it, that they are powerless 
to stop matters. 

Both I and my Russian colleague have received 
independent information that German and Austrian Am- 
bassadors are making a determined effort to force the Minister 
of War to send the Goeben and the rest of the fleet into the 
Black Sea. Fifty transports have been ready for some time, 
and I understand that everything is prepared for the reception 
on board these vessels of a large number of Turkish troops. 
^[See Abolition of the Capitulations l is now the principal card 

in the hands of the peace party. They would, I think, be 
ready to defer discussion of abolition of judicial Capitulations 
if abolition of fiscal and commercial treaties could be agreed 
to forthwith by the three Powers. 

I hear that 15 per cent, duties will be applied from the ist 
October, but a law is at present under consideration exempting 
128 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

existing contracts. As nothing is at present coming into 
ports, application of these duties is, as a matter of fact, of 
little consequence. The temettu * also will be applied to 
foreigners. 

No. 77. 
Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, September 16, 1914. 

Your telegram of I5th September : x Abolition of Capitu- * See 
lations. No. 76. 

I am inclined to point out to Turkish Government that, 
so long as they maintain neutrality, what we have said to 
them already holds good, and that we shall be prepared to 
consider reasonable concessions about Capitulations ; but 
they must not expect concessions from us while their present 
irregular conduct in the matter of the German officers and 
crews continues. Perhaps we might also say that if they 
break the peace we cannot be responsible for the consequences ; 
that we hope they will keep the peace, but whether they do 
so or not is their own affair. 



No. 78. 

United Shipowners' Freight, Demurrage, and Protective Associa- 
tion to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 17.) 

Vienna Chambers, Bute Docks, Cardiff, 

September 16, 1914. 

SIR, We are instructed by the owners of the steamship 
Reliance to seek your aid for the recovery of compensation 
from the Turkish Government for the detention of their 
steamer by the Turkish authorities. 
The facts of the case are as follows : 

On the ist August last the steamship Reliance sailed from 
Nickolaief with a cargo of barley for Hamburg, and arrived 
off Constantinople at noon on the 3rd. The captain waited 
at Constantinople for orders from the owners of his steamer 
until the 6th, but he received no communication from his 
owners as the Turkish authorities had stopped the delivery 
of telegrams. 

* ("Duties on profession ; a direct tax.] 

DIPLOMATIC 3. I 129 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

On 6th August the captain proceeded on his voyage and 
arrived off Nagara Point> Dardanelles, on the following day 
at 8 A.M. when he sent his permit to pass through the Dar- 
danelles ashore in accordance with the usual practice and 
received a signal from the fort that the canal was 'blocked. 
This blocking signal was kept up on the 8th, gth, and loth 
August ; on the latter date several Italian vessels were piloted 
out and the German warships Goeben and Breslau were piloted 
1 [Cf,No.8,] m by Turkish torpedo craft and anchored in Nagara Bay. 1 
A German merchant vessel, the General, was also piloted in. 

The captain of the Reliance daily saw the British Consul at 
Chanak, but the Consul was unable to obtain permission for 
the Reliance to pass through the Dardanelles. 

On the nth, I2th, I3th, and I4th August the Reliance 
remained off Nagara Point, and on these days Roumanian, 
French, and Italian steamers were piloted in and out, but no 
British ships were allowed to leave. 

At 5.50 P.M. on the I4th August the captain received orders 
from Turkish officials to proceed to Constantinople and remain 
there until the cargo had been discharged. Several other 
British steamers that were waiting received similar orders, 
amongst them being the steamship Hillhouse, the steamship 
Countess of Warwick, and the steamship Barrowmore. 

The captain proceeded to Constantinople and arrived 
there at i P.M. on the 15th August. On arrival he went ashore 
and noted protest against the detention of his steamer and 
also saw the British Consul. On the following day the Goeben 
and Breslau arrived off Constantinople under the Turkish 
flag. On this day the Reliance was boarded by a Turkish 
officer who asked for the displacement of the vessel and for 
information as to the capacity for carrying horses and troops. 

On the i8th the captains of all British ships at Constan- 
tinople were told by the British harbour-master, on instructions 
from the British Consul-general, that they were now allowed 
to proceed and were again to apply for permits. On the same 
day the captain of the Reliance obtained a permit and sailed 
from Constantinople and arrived again off Nagara Point at 
8 A.M. the following morning (igth August), when he sent 
his second permit ashore, but the Turkish authorities cancelled 
the permit and ordered the Reliance to anchor. On the 2Oth 
August one Italian ship and the British ship Ryton, in ballast, 
130 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

were allowed to pass through, and on the following day the 
steamship Bullmouth loaded with kerosene and three other 
steamers were piloted out. It was not until the 22nd ultimo 
at 11.40 A.M. that the Reliance was allowed to sail. 

We respectfully submit that the Turkish authorities 
should be made to pay compensation for their action in de- 
taining British ships, and on behalf of the owners of the 
Reliance we request that their claim of 640, being at the 
ordinary charter-party rate of 40 a day, for the detention of 
their steamer from the 6th to the 22nd August should be made 
against the Turkish Government by the British Ambassador 
at Constantinople. We are, &c. 

DOWNING & HANDCOCK. 



No. 79. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 17.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 16, 1914. 

Minister of Marine has assured me that he is quite 
aware of German intrigues, and that Turkish Government 
are not so innocent as to fall into the trap that has been 
laid for them. His Excellency admitted, however, that 
there had been an idea of sending the fleet to visit Trebizond, 
as he claimed that the Government had a right to do. 

I pointed out, should they do so, as long as German officers 
were on board, there was bound to be a certain risk of some 
incident occurring, in view of well-known desire of Germans 
to provoke trouble between Russia and Turkey. His 
Excellency did not demur to this opinion, and said that he 
would at once see the Grand Vizier in order to stop it. 

I have also seen Grand Vizier. His Highness said there 
was no intention of sending the Goeben into the Black Sea, 
and stated that the Minister of War must obtain the authorisa- 
tion of the Cabinet before he could issue any such order. 



No. 80. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 19.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 18, 1914. 

Following telegram received from His Majesty's consul 
at Basra : 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

' I am informed officially by Turkish commodore that a 
British man-of-war is lying near boundary line in Shatt-el- 
Arab, whole of which is within Ottoman waters. Vali intends 
to ask the captain to allow wireless apparatus to be sealed 
and to leave, as more than twenty-four hours have elapsed 
since ship entered the river. Vali knows that I am informing 
you/ 

No. 81. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 19.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 18, 1914. 

Following sent to Basra : 

' Turkish authorities have, of course, no right to interfere 
with wireless on men-of-war/ 



No. 82. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 19.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 19, 1914. 

Turkish military preparations. 

In conversation with the President of the Chamber * to-day, 
I said that if it was really Turkey's intention to go to war 
with Russia, I considered such a policy absolute madness. 

President said that, even if Turkish fleet went into Black 
Sea, it would not be with any hostile intention towards 
Russia, with whom they were not going to war. I pointed 
out to him that Germany was pressing Turkey to send their 
fleet into the Black Sea with one object only, namely, that 
war might be provoked by some incident. I therefore urged 
him most strongly against any such action. He said that 
he was against it, and that he saw the force of my argument, 
to which I replied that as the Minister of War was supreme 
it was unfortunately no guarantee that it would not be done. 
President told me that the Cabinet had their own policy, 
which was to remain neutral, and that they were all alive 
to the aims of Germany. I pressed him hard as to what was 
the policy of the Minister of War. 

I do not regard situation as hopeless. Party in favour of 

* [Halil Bey.] 
132 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

neutrality is growing, but it would be unsafe to rely on their 
power to restrain war party. 

I hear that 156 more mines and the minelayer Ghairet 
have been sent to Roumeli Kanak, on the Bosphorus. Turkish 
fleet went to Halki yesterday for review, and will probably 
remain there till next week, when the Hamidieh and 
Messudiyeh will be ready. German officers and men continue 
to arrive by train. It is probable that there are German 
reservists resident in Turkey who have been incorporated in 
Turkish army. Two hundred Germans arrived at the Dar- 
danelles on September I7th. 

Cavalry and horse artillery are reported to have moved 
from Erzeroum towards the frontier. 



No. 83. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 20.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 20, 1914. 

I believe that Minister of War is the only firebrand. 
Committee of Union and Progress is exercising a restraining 
influence. I think it is undoubted that party in favour of 
peace is daily increasing. 

French Ambassador had a conversation yesterday with 
Minister of Marine. Latter assured His Excellency that 
Turkish Government were determined not to be drawn into 
war, to which His Excellency retorted that if this assurance 
was correct, it was difficult to understand why preparations 
to send Turkish fleet into Black Sea were being made. Minister 
of Marine replied that Council of Ministers had decided that 
two destroyers only should go into Black Sea and that the 
fleet should not go. He admitted that the Minister of War, 
who was generalissimo of the army and navy, had as a matter 
of fact ordered the fleet to go, but, as all orders had to pass 
through him as Minister of Marine, he had insisted that this 
order should be referred to the Council, with the result above 
stated. 

As an illustration of the entire lack of control possessed 
by the Cabinet over the Minister of War and the Germans, 
if any further illustration is needed, I have to report that, 
despite this assurance from the Minister of Marine, the Breslau 
and three other smaller ships passed us this morning and 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC [ 

entered the Black Sea. My Russian colleague trusts that no 
incident will happen and proposes to ignore this proceeding. 



No. 84. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 21.) 
(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 20, 1914. 

I have just had an animated interview with the Grand 
Vizier, and I am convinced that he is sincere. Other Ministers 
are all peaceably inclined, with the exception of the Minister 
of War. So long as the latter remains supreme an incident 
may occur at any moment. I tackled the Grand Vizier on 
the subject of the Breslau entering the Black Sea. He 
vehemently disclaimed any intention of attacking Russia, 
and said that Turkish Government had a right to send their 
fleet into the Black Sea if they wished to. I reminded him 
that neither the Goeben nor the Breslau were Turkish ships 
according to international law, and said that if they left the 
Dardanelles we would most certainly treat them as enemy 
ships. He replied that I had told him this often beforehand 
there was no question of the ships leaving the Dardanelles. 
I then said that information had reached me that Council of 
Ministers, in order to avoid risk of an incident, had come to the 
wise decision that the Goeben and the Breslau should not go 
into the Black Sea ; and yet, on the very day on which this 
decision had been reached by the Cabinet, it was totally 
disregarded by the Minister of War, as His Highness was 
doubtless aware. This showed how much control His High- 
ness now exercised. Constantinople and the neighbourhood 
formed nothing more nor less than an armed German camp, 
and we all, including -His Highness, were at the mercy of 
Liman Pasha * and the Minister of War. Many more German 
officers and men had arrived, and there must now be between 
4000 and 5000 German soldiers and sailors here. Grand 
Vizier replied that he was determined to maintain peace, 
and that more adherents were joining the peace party every 
day. He would never allow Minister of War or any one else 
to supersede him. Speaking with the utmost energy and 

* General Liman von Sanders, Head of the German Military Mission. 
134 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

even violence he assured me that, in spite of appearances, 
which he admitted looked bad, nothing would happen. 

I said that doubtless peace party was growing, but, 
nevertheless, Minister of War was pushing forward warlike 
preparations uninterruptedly. I was receiving constant in- 
formation respecting British official war news being stopped, 
cases of requisitions, &c., and I knew as a fact that intrigues 
against Egypt were being carried on. If His Highness could 
stop these things, why did he not do so, and when would he 
be able to do so ? His Highness gave me to understand 
that if a crisis did come there would be a means of stopping 
Minister of War. 

No. 85. 
Mr. Cheetham to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 22.) 

(Telegraphic.) Cairo, September 21, 1914. 

Information respecting Turkish preparations against Egypt 
receives fresh corroboration. There has been no slackening 
of military preparation in Palestine and in Syria. 

If Turkish preparations continue, it may become necessary 
to put patrols into Sinai and to support our posts in the 
peninsula. Action of forces in Egypt has been hitherto 
confined, as you are aware, to patrol of Suez Canal, but I 
think that Turkish Government should be warned that 
measures for the protection of the Egyptian frontier may 
become necessary. 

No. 86. 

[Reply, 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 23.) No. 93. 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 22, 1914. ?r ee also -, 

A letter was yesterday received by British postmaster 
from a subordinate official in the Turkish postal administra- 
tion. In this letter postmaster was informed that foreign 
post offic.es in Turkey would be abolished as from ist October 
next. I instructed British postmaster to return the letter, 
and to say that matter had been referred to his Ambassador. 
This discourteous manner of communication was my first 
official information of any intention to abolish foreign post 
offices in Turkey. I accordingly saw Grand Vizier at once, 

i35 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

and said that I resented the manner of communication, and 
had instructed British postmaster to return the letter. Post 
offices did not depend upon the Capitulations, and if Turkish 
Government wished to see the system modified, they should 
approach His Majesty's Government through the usual 
diplomatic channel. I warned him that His Majesty's Govern- 
ment would not allow themselves to be ignored in this manner, 
and I would not, unless by your instructions, consent to 
summary closing of British post offices on ist October unless 
Turkish Government had given guarantees for safeguarding 
British interests. His Highness said that Great Britain was 
not aimed at specially. A similar communication had been 
addressed to all the Powers. I said I was indifferent as to 
view of the matter taken by my French and Russian colleagues, 
nor had I yet had time to ascertain what they thought. Grand 
Vizier assured me that until an understanding had been come 
to with His Majesty's Government nothing further would be 
done in the matter. 

I would observe that, in my opinion, considerable modi- 
fication of existing system cannot properly be resisted. If 
Russian and French Ambassadors agree, may I come to 
some arrangement on the lines of consenting to incorporation 
of the British post office as a section of the Ottoman post, 
if the latter will undertake to take over some of present 
British employes ? I think we might also consent to use 
Turkish stamps. 



No. 87. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 23.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 22, 1914. 

Your telegram of 25th August. 1 

Sultan received me yesterday in audience, 2 when I de- 
livered the King's message. His Majesty expressed his 
earnest desire for good relations with Great Britain, and 
emphatically declared his firm intention of maintaining 
peace. He requested me to thank the King for his message. 
Full report follows by despatch. 



136 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

No. 88. 

Sir Edward Grey to lir L. Mallet. [Reply, 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, September 23, 1914. No - 94-] 

Political situation in Turkey. 

His Majesty's Government regard state of things at 
Constantinople as most unsatisfactory. On behalf of His 
Majesty's Government you should speak in the following 
sense to the Grand Vizier : 

British Government contemplate no hostile act towards 
Turkey by British fleet, and they have no desire to pre- 
cipitate a conflict with her. But the fact that Great Britain 
has not taken any hostile action against her must not mislead 
Turkish Government into supposing that His Majesty's 
Government consider Turkey's attitude is consistent with 
the obligations imposed upon her by the neutrality which 
she has officially declared. German officers and men are 
participating increasingly in Turkish fleet and Dardanelles 
defences, and not only has Turkey failed to send away the 
German officers and crews, as she promised, but she has 
admitted more overland, and they are now in active control 
of the Goeben and Breslau. The capital is undoubtedly now 
under the control of the Germans. If His Majesty's Govern- 
ment so desired, present state of things affords ample 
justification for protesting against violation of neutrality. 
Great Britain has not, however, so far taken action, as she 
cherishes the hope that the peace party will win the day. 
It should, however, be realised by the Grand Vizier and his 
supporters that unless they soon succeed in getting the 
situation in hand and bringing it within the limits of 
neutrality, it will become clear that Constantinople is no 
longer under Turkish but German control, and that open 
hostility will be forced on by Germany. 



No. 89. : 4 ;j '- 

Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, September 24, 1914. 

I hear that Egyptian frontier has been violated by 
armed mounted Arabs said to be encouraged by Turkish 
troops, and also that Hedjaz line is being reserved for troops. 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

British military authorities consider that breach of the 
peace on Egyptian frontier is imminent, whether with or 
without sanction of Turkish Government. You should bring 
these facts to the knowledge of the Grand Vizier and of the 
Khedive, who is at present at Constantinople. 



No. 90. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 25.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 24, 1914. 

Turkish preparations against Egypt. 

I have addressed a note to the Grand Vizier recapitulating 
information recently received on this subject. I reminded 
His Highness of the assurances which I had several times 
1 See No. 5. given him, based upon your telegram of 7th August, 1 and I 
specially pointed out their conditional nature. Finally I 
warned him that the information respecting Turkish pre- 
parations against Egypt would infallibly produce a most 
serious impression upon His Majesty's Government. 

I later communicated the contents of my note to Presi- 
dent of the Council, Minister of Finance, and Minister of 
Interior, and asked them what explanation they could give, 
whereupon they inquired why so many thousand Indian 
troops were being sent to Egypt by His Majesty's Govern- 
ment. To this I answered that it was essential to ensure 
the safety of Egypt and the protection of the Suez Canal, 
and that as the British garrison of Egypt had been sent to 
France, it was necessary to replace it by British Indian 
troops. This seemed to satisfy them. 

I cannot believe that they are not alive to the disastrous 
consequences of going to war with us, or that they seriously 
can contemplate an expedition against Egypt. They have 
undoubtedly been strongly urged to send such an expedition 
by the Germans, and I think that they have allowed pre- 
parations to be made, partly to profit as much as possible 
by German connection and by allowing the Germans to 
think that they will act, and partly in order to be ready, if 
Great Britain sustains a serious defeat by land or sea. 

Danger of the present situation is obvious, and develop- 
ments are not improbable, -and I shall see the Grand Vizier 
138 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

this morning and endeavour to bring him to book. There 
is a circumstantial report that the Germans are now making 
desperate efforts to force the Turks' hands and to compel 
them to fulfil their part of the bargain, but that at the same 
time their efforts are meeting with considerable resistance. 



No. 91. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 25.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 24, 1914. 

I have informed the Grand Vizier that Austro-German 
intrigues to involve Turkey in an expedition against Egypt 
are within my knowledge. Grand Vizier denied that such 
intrigues existed, but he finally admitted that pressure was 
being exerted. He declared that he was firmly resolved to 
keep out of any such intrigue, any complicity in which he 
disclaimed with emphasis. I strongly urged His Highness 
to make his position clearer, for preparations at the Dar- 
danelles showed that he was either guilty of complicity or 
that he was not master in his own house. He answered 
that his intentions were entirely pacific, and that he did not 
mean to engage in any quarrel with Great Britain. 

His Highness seemed more preoccupied with the Balkan 
situation at the moment than with anything else. He said 
that Turkish Government would be unable to refrain from 
an attempt to get back what they had lost in Balkan wars 
if Balkan complications ensued. No arguments of mine 
would induce him to change his attitude in this respect. 
He said he would be powerless to prevent it. 



No. 92. 

Mr. Cheetham to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 25.) t cf - Nos - 

(Telegraphic.) Cairo, September 25, 1914. 

Turkish preparations on Sinai frontier. 

Two thousand men with stores passed Gaza on night of 
iSth September following coast towards frontier. Six more 
battalions are expected at Gaza. In that neighbourhood 
very strong and secret military preparations are being made 
on the frontier. Three battalions of Redif completely mobil- 

139 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

ised have marched to a place one day south of Jaffa on their 
way to the frontier. 

No. 93. 
Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, September 25, 1914. 

1 [See Nos. Abolition of post offices. 1 
86, 140.] You should make the best arrangements you can with 

regard to post offices, but it must be on record that we reserve 

the subject for future settlement, and that we do not agree 

to their abolition. 

No. 94. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 26.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 25, 1914. 

Your telegram of 23rd September. 2 

I have again seen Grand Vizier, and pointed out to him 
as earnestly as is within my power the fatal result to the 
Turkish Empire of persisting in a course of veiled hostility 
and petty intrigue against the British Empire. I recalled 
to him that time and again he had undertaken that the 
German crews of the Goeben and the Breslau should be sent 
out of Turkey, and that not only had these promises been 
broken, but further German officers and men had actually 
arrived. This proved conclusively that he was either in- 
sincere in his assurances or that he was powerless. His 
Highness begged that I would credit him with the fact that 
for eight weeks he had kept the peace. He assured me 
that he had every intention of seeing to it that peace was 
maintained. I replied that it was not his good intentions that 
I doubted, but I did distinctly doubt his ability to control 
the situation. The Germans had evidently gained complete 
control. An incident might happen at any moment, and the 
most serious consequences might be involved. His High- 
ness was evidently nettled at what I said, and angrily replied 
that he was determined to keep the peace, and that, in a 
matter of peace and war, he was absolute master. This I 
met by referring him to the serious character of the pre- 
parations at present on foot, and by pointing out that, 
140 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

whether he wished it or not, a repetition of the Arab raid 
across the Egyptian frontier might lead to incidents which 
would involve him. His Highness said that Minister of War 
was returning to-day, and that he would at once ask what 
the preparations were to which I referred. He asserted with 
violence that no incident would occur. 

I have also seen Halil Bey, to whom news of prepara- 
tions against Egypt seemed to be unknown. He expressed 
astonishment to hear of them, and was evidently horrified 
at the idea of war with us. He promised to go and see the 
Minister of War at once. 

Position of Grand Vizier is difficult, and, to maintain any 
kind of control, he is obliged to shut his eyes to much that 
is going on. I am still strongly of opinion that, unless some 
act of gross antagonism takes place, we should maintain 
policy of reserve and abstain from making categorical 
demands with which His Highness is not yet able to reply, 
continuing to devote all our efforts towards preventing 
Turkey from taking active part in hostilities which German 
and especially Austrian Ambassadors are urging. Main fact 
of the situation is that, in spite of great pressure, Grand 
Vizier has kept the peace, and that his party is gaining 
ground. 

No. 95. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 26.) [Cf. NOS. 
(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 25, 1914. 9 2 9 6 -] 

On 22nd and 23rd September, 183 horses, 112 nizam, 
2 officers, and 88 carts and carriages, all from Aintab, were 
entrained at Aleppo for Damascus. 

Secret notice was given that in six days' time 120 rail- 
way wagons were to be in readiness to convey to Damascus 
troops arriving from Mosul via Tel Abiyat, and that in all 
from 25,000 to 30,000 troops were to be drafted from Mosul 
to Aleppo, of which at least half are destined for Hama or 
Damascus. 

Two Germans connected with Bagdad Railway, one of 
whom is an expert in blasting operations and mine-laying, 
left Aleppo this morning for Damascus, the other telling his 
servant that they were going to Akaba. They had with 

141 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

them 1600 dynamite cartridges and 1500 metres of de- 
tonating wires. They may, perhaps, be commissioned to 
lay mines in Red Sea as there has been talk of Turkish military 
designs regarding Akaba recently. 



No. 96. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 27.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 26, 1914. 

Grand Vizier has been informed of the information re- 

1 See No. ported by Mr. Cheetham in his telegram of 25th September, 1 
92. and in my telegram of the same date. 2 I warned His High- 

2 See No. ness that if these preparations against Egypt were allowed 
95 to continue, serious consequences would ensue. Minister of 

War was with Grand Vizier when I made these repre- 
sentations, and His Highness informed me that he fully 
realised the importance of the question, with which he was 
occupying himself. I have taken steps to enlighten in- 
fluential people with what is being done as regards Egypt, 
and I have seen Minister of Interior and left a memorandum 
with him on the subject ; I have also put the facts before 
other prominent members of the Cabinet. 



[Cf.No. 98. No. 97. 

Reply, 5^ Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 28.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 27, 1914. 

An incident has occurred outside the Dardanelles. At 
6 o'clock this evening I heard that a Turkish destroyer was 
stopped last night outside the Dardanelles and turned back 
by one of our destroyers. Upon this, Commandant of the 
Dardanelles closed the Straits. When the news arrived, the 
Russian and French Ambassadors were with me, and we 
at once went to see the Grand Vizier. When I arrived the 
Grand Vizier was in a state of some perturbation. He said 
sudden action of British fleet had given rise to the belief 
that an immediate attack was contemplated. Having 
reassured His Highness that any such belief was unfounded, 
I said that it seemed to me highly desirable that the Dar- 
danelles should be opened at once, for should the incident 
142 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

become known, it would certainly create the impression that 
some desperate step was intended by Turkish Government. 
I explained to His Highness that we were naturally appre- 
hensive lest Germans on Turkish destroyers might endeavour 
to torpedo or mine our ships, and that it was for that reason 
that British fleet had been instructed to prevent any Turkish 
ships from leaving the Dardanelles, so long as any German 
officers or crews remained. 

Grand Vizier asserted that he, personally, favoured the 
reopening of the Straits, and he requested me to assure 
His Majesty's Government, in the most formal and solemn 
manner, that Turkish Government would never make war 
upon Great Britain. I said that if the accounts that I had 
received were accurate, Turkish action on Egyptian frontier 
required explanation, where they had already committed 
acts of war. He said that facts had been greatly exagger- 
ated ; that I might rest assured that there would be no 
more acts of aggression ; that there was no thought or ques- 
tion of attacking Egypt ; and that orders had been sent 
for the immediate withdrawal of raiding Bedouins. He 
added that mobilisation was general, and therefore included 
those parts of the Empire contiguous to Egypt. He has 
promised to send a formal answer to my representations on 
the subject. 

No. 98. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 28.) 
(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 27, 1914. 

My telegram of to-day. 1 i See No. 

I have just received a message from the Grand Vizier 97. 
that, if His Majesty's Government will move the fleet a 
little farther from the entrance to the Dardanelles, the 
Straits will be reopened. I said that I would ask for your 
instructions. 

No. 99. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received September 29.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, September 29, 1914. 

Dardanelles. 
Germans are making capital out of closure of the Straits, 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

and I hear on good authority that great pressure is being 
exerted by them to induce Turkey to attack Russia in the 
Black Sea. Turks have, however, refused so far to fall in 
with this scheme. 

Great umbrage has been caused to the Turks by fact that 
it was upon the German Ambassador's order that the Breslau 
went into the Black Sea the other day. 

Grand Vizier is most anxious to reopen the Straits, and 
has again begged me this morning to let him know whether 
His Majesty's Government would not consent to move 
British fleet a little further off. 



No. 100. 
Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, September 29, 1914. 

Information has reached His Majesty's Government that 
Turkish Minister of War telegraphed to Bin Saud, Emir 
of Nejd, several times towards the end of July that, owing 
to the imminence of war in Europe, arms, ammunition, and 
officers for training his Arabs were being sent to him. 

Vali of Basra has been informed by Turkish Minister of 
War that thirty-two secret emissaries, including German 
officers, are on their way to preach a ' jehad ' in India, 
Afghanistan, and Baluchistan ; that arms and ammunition 
are being sent to Basra under German flag, and that Turkish 
Government are prepared to help Germany in return for 
assistance received during Balkan war. 



No. 101. 
Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, September 29, 1914. 

Under instructions from his Government, Turkish 
Ambassador has reverted to the continued presence in the 
Shatt-el-Arab of H.M.S. Odin. Tewfik Pasha said that we 
would doubtless observe the rules of neutrality in other 
countries, since we had gone to war to defend the neutrality 
of Belgium. I informed him that, as Turkey had violated 
144 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

the rules of neutrality on her own initiative, and so long as 
she persisted in her present unneutral attitude, His Majesty's 
Government did not admit that she could appeal to those 
rules. 

In the event of your being approached on this matter 
by the Grand Vizier, you should state that His Majesty's 
Government will observe neutrality towards Turkey, if 
Turkey will do so towards us, and you should inform him 
of the reply which has been given to Turkish Ambassador. 



No. 102. 
Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, September 30, 1914. 

Your telegram of ayth September I and subsequent * See No. 
telegrams. 97- 

Dardanelles were closed unnecessarily by Turkish authori- 
ties, and there is no reason why they should not be reopened. 
Turkish Government are well aware that we have no inten- 
tion of initiating any aggressive action against Turkey. 

The watch maintained by British fleet outside Dar- 
danelles cannot be withdrawn so long as German officers 
and men remain in Turkish waters and are in control of 
Turkish fleet. Until, therefore, the German officers and 
crews are repatriated, the request that the fleet should be 
moved cannot be entertained. 

You should inform Grand Vizier. 



No. 103. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 2.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October i, 1914. 

Consul at Basra reports to-day that British man-of-war 
has left Turkish waters. 

He had previously telegraphed that he heard there was 
an intention to block Shatt-el-Arab in order to prevent 
departure of British man-of-war, and I had already called 
Grand Vizier's notice to this report. 



DIPLOMATIC 3. K 145 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 104. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 3.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 2, 1914. 

Information continues to reach me corroborating re- 
ports of Turkish preparations against Egypt. Large trans- 
port camel corps arrived at Jerusalem yesterday, and I 
hear of transport of warlike materials, food-stuffs, and 
military stores on line Jenin-Nablus- Jerusalem, and also 
to Maan. Seven German military officers have been sent 
to Damascus and neighbourhood. This has stimulated pre- 
parations, and it is believed in Syria that Turkish Govern- 
ment has decided upon a movement against Egypt, Damascus 
division being assembled for advance by Akaba, Jerusalem 
division for that by Rafa. Inhabitants at Beirout and 
Haifa are being removed inland as a precautionary measure 
against any action which may be taken by British fleet when 
the advance on Egypt begins. It is reported from Haifa 
that localities along the coast are being garrisoned by newly 
arrived troops. I have brought the gravity of the existing 
situation to the notice of the Grand Vizier in the strongest 
terms in a further note, though I do not view any actual 
movement against Egypt as imminent at the moment. In 
my note I have informed His Highness that the measures 
now undertaken can have no reason except as a threat 
against Egypt, and that they can no longer be regarded 
as incidental to an ordinary mobilisation of troops in their 
peace stations, and I have stated that His Majesty's Govern- 
ment can only view any further preparations at Jerusalem 
or at Maan in a serious light. 

In addition to above-mentioned military measures, move- 
ments of suspicious individuals have now been supplemented 
by those of a German naval officer named Hilgendorf, who 
is at present on his way from Damascus to Petra with a 
party of eight Germans. It is understood that they will be 
joined by a smaller party from Haifa via Amman, and that 
they are conveying a large supply of explosives. I have 
made representations to the Grand Vizier explaining that 
such hostile enterprises against Great Britain cannot be 
allowed in a neutral country, and that these people must be 
arrested. 
146 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

Speaking generally, I am inclined to think that both in 
the neighbourhood of Constantinople, on the Black Sea, 
the Egyptian frontier, and elsewhere, the Turks intend to 
have their troops all ready for action at a favourable point 
should the general European situation afford a good oppor- 
tunity. Should the German admiral take the Goeben into 
the Black Sea and attack the Russian fleet, or should things 
take an unfavourable turn for the Allies, Turkish troops 
would be in a position to cross the Egyptian frontier without 
much further delay. His Majesty's Government will doubt- 
less consider what, if any, military measures are necessary 
for the strengthening of strategical points in the Sinai 
peninsula. 

No. 105. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 3.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 3, 1914. 

Closing of Dardanelles. 

Germans have certainly long been working for the closing 
of the Straits, presumably with the object of obtaining a 
freer hand in the Black Sea. There is every reason to suppose 
that the Dardanelles are closed to shipping not only by 
administrative act, but also effectively by mines. From 
information that reaches me from a reliable source, it seems 
that these mines have been laid by the Germans, and that 
the Turks are unaware of their position. 



No. 106. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 4.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople , October 4, 1914. 

His Majesty's consul at Basra telegraphs as follows, 
dated 3rd October : 

' Warships in Shatt-el-Arab. 

' I have received a letter from the Vali saying that your 
Excellency has been informed by the Turkish Government 
of the measures proposed to be adopted in Turkish waters 
with regard to foreign belligerent warships ; he says that 
the Shatt-el-Arab from Fao to Durna is closed to foreign 
warships, being inland waters just as much as Smyrna and 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

the Dardanelles. British men-of-war must therefore leave 
Shatt-el-Arab within twenty-four hours. Vali ends by say- 
ing that he will have to apply strict measures if I cannot 
induce captains of His Majesty's ships to go outside Fao. 
I told the Vali that I was asking for instructions from your 
Excellency, and I informed His Majesty's Consul at Moham- 
merah of the gist of Vali's communication. 

' It is possible that H.M.S. Lawrence may also be in the 
river/ 

No. 107. 
Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, October 4, 1914. 

Dardanelles. 

It is the Germans who keep the Straits closed, to the great 
detriment of Turkey. If you concur, you may point out to 
the Turks that the British fleet will move away as soon as 
the German officers and crews leave and the Turkish navy 
ceases to be under German control. We should then have 
no fear of hostile action on the part of the Turks. 



No. 108. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 5.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 5, 1914. 

Turkey is now bankrupt. Supply of coal is, I am glad 
to say, cut off. Fresh provisions are not coming in, and 
there is some discontent in the navy and even in the army. 
Situation is doubtless very delicate, but Turks would be 
unlikely to go all lengths with Germany, at any rate until 
German success in the war seems more assured. 1 think that 
Turks are possibly less blind to their interests than is gene- 
rally supposed, and I am still of opinion that situation may 
be saved. Time is now on our side, and I am strongly in 
favour of avoiding all occasion of conflict by temporising. 

The question of reopening the Dardanelles is really no 
longer a practical one, for the Straits are now effectively 
closed by mines, and I am informed that their position is 
unknown to the Turks themselves. 
148 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

Russian and French Ambassadors agree with me that our 
interests are not primarily affected by the closure, as the 
requisitioning and other measures taken by the Turks against 
our nationals had already stopped our trade. This is the 
line I am taking with the Turks. I think they will begin to 
realise the facts before long. Total cessation of imports is 
already causing anxiety to Minister of Finance, and Turkish 
Government will soon become aware that they are the chief 
losers. The Germans have closed the Straits from political 
motives, partly, no doubt, because they believe that, by 
closing the Straits and preventing the entry of the British 
fleet, it will be easier for them to induce the Turks to take 
action against Russia in the Black Sea ; partly, no doubt, 
in order to injure the trade of the allies and to prevent com- 
munication by sea with Russia. 

I think that self-interested designs of Germany are not 
unknown to the Turks, who are playing up to Germany, 
not with the intention of falling in with those designs, at 
any rate for the present, to the extent of making war, but 
in order to extract as much as possible from her. In the 
opinion of many people, Germans are now in a position to 
take matters into their own hands, if they think that German 
interests demand it. If, however, the Turks' game is such 
as I have outlined above, it is undoubtedly a dangerous one. 
As is only natural, Turkish Government profess their ability 
to check any attempt on the part of Germany to take matters 
into their own hands, but it is not quite clear how they would 
be able to prevent it. 

No. 109. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 6.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 6, 1914. 

Military attache had a long interview with Minister of 
War yesterday, from which he derived the impression that 
His Excellency had ambitious schemes in the Arab world 
and in Egypt. These may perhaps refer more to the future, 
and possibly measures are now being taken so as to prepare 
for the eventuality of Great Britain being worsted in war 
with Germany ; meanwhile the way is being paved indirectly 
for present or future action. During the conversation, 

149 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

Minister of War disclaimed any intention on the part of the 
Turks of initiating, themselves, any offensive movements 
against Egypt, and pointed out that ordinary Syrian garrison 
had not been reinforced. He said that, as in the case of other 
troops within the Empire, Syrian garrison had been fully 
mobilised. It was being equipped with necessary transport 
animals, &c., on a war scale, and it was being carefully trained 
with the help of the officers of the German mission as else- 
where throughout Turkey. Everything, he said, depended 
on the political situation, for which he was not responsible 
individually ; and it was quite possible that the Syrian 
army corps might finally be moved in another direction, 
even, perhaps, to Constantinople. He scouted the idea of 
individual Germans undertaking enterprises against the Suez 
Canal or elsewhere, but he admitted that proposals had 
certainly been made to the Bedouin tribes to enlist their 
sympathies as supporters of the Empire in all eventualities. 
He defended the concentration of stores at Maan, Nablus, 
and Jerusalem, and he added that no troops, but only gen- 
darmes, had been moved in the direction of Gaza. Never- 
theless, he could not deny that some of the measures taken 
were certainly precautionary against Great Britain, and in 
justification of this he pointed to the entrance of British 
men-of-war into the Shatt-el-Arab, to the arrival of Indian 
troops in Egypt, and to the presence of the British fleet in 
Turkish territorial waters outside the Dardanelles. Military 
attache said that, as far as the action of the fleet and of his 
Majesty's Government were concerned, this was due to 
infringement of neutrality by Turks, and Great Britain 
certainly had not the slightest intention of making any 
attack upon Turkey. It was quite ridiculous to suppose 
that the arrival of Indian troops in Egypt had anything to 
do with hostility to Turkey. Minister of War at once 
advanced such arguments as that Turkey had maintained 
her neutrality ; that German officers and men on auxiliary 
ships were entirely under Turkish control, indeed they were 
in the Turkish service. Military attache said that Turks 
could not be surprised that Great Britain should be pre- 
occupied if Turkish troops were assembled farther south than 
Jerusalem or Beersheba on the one side, or Maan on the 

other. 

150 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

No. no. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 7.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 6, 1914. 

His Majesty's consul at Basra telegraphs to-day as 
follows : 

' Vali says that he must obey the orders which he has re- 
ceived. He has communicated a copy of these to me. 
They are to the effect that the whole of the Shatt-el- 
Arab and sea within six miles of the shore are closed to warships, 
as they are territorial waters. Any men-of-war disregarding 
this prohibition will be fired upon by the guns at Fao. These 
regulations ,vill be enforced from to-morrow evening, Wednes- 
day, 7th October. They are somewhat obscure, but they 
mean that H.M.S. Espilgle in the Karun and H.M.S. Dal- 
housie at Abadan will be interned, unless they leave before 
the time fixed. No other British man-of-war is this side of 
Fao. H.M.S. Lawrence is in the Shatt-el-Arab to the best 
of my belief. His Majesty's Consul at Mohammerah has 
been informed of the above/ 



No. in. 
Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, October 7, 1914. 

British warships in the Shatt-el-Arab. 

H.M.S. EspiZgle, Odin, and Dalhousie are not in Turkish 
waters. There can be no question of their being ordered out 
of waters which are not Turkish nor of their being interned 
by the Turkish Government. According to generally accepted 
principles of international law, Turkish territorial waters 
extend to 3 miles out to sea from the coast. Two of His 
Majesty's ships are being instructed to keep outside the 
3-mile limit, while the remaining ship is being told to remain 
at Mohammerah, which does not belong to Turkey. Our 
long-established right to pass freely up and down Shatt-el- 
Arab at all times is not in question, and it must be recognised 
that we fully reserve that right. 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 112. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 8.) 

Constantinople, September 22, 1914. 

SIR, Referring to your telegram of 25th August, 1 in 
which I was authorised to convey to His Imperial Majesty 
a message from the King, on the occasion of my reception 
in audience after my return from leave of absence, I have 
the honour to state that I was received in audience by His 
Imperial Majesty yesterday. 

In view of the difficulty of conversing with His Majesty 
in an ordinary way, I prepared a written statement con- 
taining the message, and I read a separate statement of my 
own on the subject of the withdrawal of Admiral Limpus, 
having previously arranged with the Master of the Cere- 
monies, who was to act as interpreter, that this should be 
translated clause by clause as I read it. I enclose a 
copy of these statements which I read as arranged, subject 
to some slight modifications necessitated by the turn which 
the interview took. 

His Imperial Majesty seemed not only fully to grasp the 
sense of the communication, to which he listened with eager 
attention, but responded to it immediately with great vivacity 
and vehemence, showing a considerable grasp of the issues 
with which his country is now confronted. 

I was much impressed with the earnestness of His Imperial 
Majesty's repeated assurances of his desire and determination 
to maintain the ancient friendship between the two Empires 
and to avoid war with any Power. 

A memorandum is enclosed recording what passed at my 
audience. I have, etc., Louis MALLET. 



ENCLOSURE i IN No. 112. 

Communication read to the Sultan by Sir L. Mallet on 
September 21, 1914. 

Mon Souverain m'a charge* d'exprimer a votre Majeste* son 
profond regret de ce que les exigences d'une situation im- 
prevue aient force son Gouvernement a detenir les deux 
vaisseaux de guerre destines a la marine Imperiale. Sa 
Majeste le Roi se rend compte des sentiments douloureux 
152 



. 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

que cet acte a du inspirer a votre Majeste, mais il espere que 
la decision prise par son Gouvernement de rendre ces vaisseaux 
a la Turquie a la fin de la guerre actuelle suffira pour la con- 
vaincre que leur detention ne fut motivee par aucune intention 
inimicale envers T Empire, qui est lie avec le sien par une 
amitie plus que seculaire. C'est parce que cette amitie' n'a 
jamais 6t6 rompue que mon Souverain espere que la Turquie 
ne fera rien qui puisse empecher son Gouvernement de donner 
suite a cette decision, qu'elle gardera une neutralite stricte et 
absolue pendant la guerre actuelle, et que Ton ne tardera pas 
a mettre fin a quelques faits contraires a la neutralite* qui 
ont provoque" quelque inquietude au sujet de 1'attitude du 
Gouvernement ottoman. 

*> 

(TRANSLATION.) 

My Sovereign has commanded me to express his profound 
regret to your Majesty that the exigencies of unforeseen 
circumstances have compelled his Government to detain 
the two warships intended for the Imperial Turkish Navy. 
His Majesty the King is aware of the painful impression 
that this action must have made upon your Majesty, but he 
thinks that the decision of his Government to return these 
vessels to Turkey at the end of the present war will suffice 
to convince you that their detention was due to no unfriendly 
intention towards an Empire bound to his by a friendship of 
more than a century. It is owing to the fact that this friend- 
ship has never been broken that my Sovereign trusts that 
Turkey will do nothing to prevent his Government from 
acting up to this decision, that she will maintain strict and 
absolute neutrality during the present war, and that there 
will be no delay in putting an end to certain facts contrary 
to neutrality which have caused some anxiety as to the 
attitude of the Turkish Government. 



ENCLOSURE 2 IN No. 112. 
Statement by Sir L. Mallet with regard to Admiral Limpus 

on September 22, 1914. 

L'Amiral Limpus, qui, sous les auspices de votre Majeste, 
a rendu de si grands services a la marine Imperiale, m/a prie 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

de faire part a votre Majeste de son regret de ne pas avoir pu 
deposer ses hommages au pied de son trone avant de quitter 
Constantinople. Votre Majeste n'ignore pas les circonstances 
qui ont necessite son depart, du moment que lui et la mission 
navale qu'il presidait ont ete relegues a une position ou ils 
ne pouvaient plus rien faire pour le bien de la marine ottomane. 
Rappele par mon Gouvernement dans ces circonstances 
regrettables, TAmiral Limpus s'est vu force* de se rendre aux 
ordres de ses chefs et a quitter Constantinople dans un delai 
trop court pour lui permettre de .demander une audience de 
votre Majeste. 

(TRANSLATION.) 

Admiral Limpus, who, under your Majesty's auspices, 
has rendered such great services to the Turkish navy, has 
begged me to inform your Majesty of his regret that he was 
unable to pay his respects to your Majesty before leaving 
Constantinople. Your Majesty is .aware of circumstances 
necessitating his departure from the moment when he and 
the naval mission under his command were relegated to a 

Eosition in which they could do nothing further for the wel- 
ire of the Turkish navy. Recalled in these regrettable 
circumstances by my Government, Admiral Limpus was 
obliged to obey the orders of his superiors and to leave Con- 
stantinople within too short a space to be able to request an 
audience of your Majesty. 



ENCLOSURE 3 IN No. 112. 
Memorandum. 

The Sultan listened to my communication in silence 
until the Master of the Ceremonies translated the clause 
containing the words ' quelques faits contraires a la neu- 
traliteY He then broke in with an eager disclaimer of any 
unneutral conduct on the part of Turkey. On my mention- 
ing, as a specific instance, the retention of German officers 
and crews on board the Goeben and Breslau, His Majesty 
explained with some lucidity that they had been kept for 
a short time to train the Turkish crews. The ' captains ' 
available in the Turkish navy were unequal to the task, and 
it was necessary for that reason to do what had been done. 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

The German crews would be sent away in ' five or ten days/ 
and the officers also. Only one or two of the latter would 
be retained. He would speak frankly, he said. Great 
Britain was a great Power with a great navy, and had no 
need of the two ships of the Ottoman fleet. Great Britain 
had taken them, but he knew they would be given back at 
the end of the war. On my remarking that Great Britain 
wished to make absolutely sure of the position at sea, the 
Sultan again said that she was too great a maritime Power 
to need these ships, but he once more stated his conviction 
that they would be given back. Anyhow, he and his Govern- 
ment were not going to depart from their neutrality. His 
Majesty repeated this more than once, saying that they knew 
that that was the only path of safety, and that his great 
desire was to keep the peace. He laid stress on the friend- 
ship between Great Britain and Turkey. This was the 
more striking, because the words were not put into his mouth, 
as might be supposed, by myself, the Master of Ceremonies 
having quite failed to render the parts of my communication 
in which I dwelt on past relations between England and 
Turkey. 

When, referring to what the Sultan had said about the 
need for training his navy, I expressed regret that the British 
naval mission had not been allowed to complete that task. 
His Majesty did not seem to grasp the main point, but on 
my referring to the circumstances of Admiral Limpus's 
departure, he broke in with some emotion, and said twice 
over that it was not by his wish that the Admiral had left 
Constantinople without an audience. The Admiral had not 
asked for one or come to the Palace. Had he done so he, 
the Sultan, would have postponed all other business in order 
to see him. I said I would convey this to Admiral Limpus. 
I also promised to communicate the Sultan's assurances, 
which I said I sincerely believed, to the King, who would be 
gratified at receiving them. 

Just before I took my leave, His Majesty was good enough 
to express his warm personal regard, and made some further 
kind remarks about the value which he attached to his per- 
sonal relations with me. The Sultan spoke throughout in 
the most homely language, but with great liveliness and 
point, and with obvious sincerity. His assurances about 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

his desire to observe neutrality and remain at peace, rather 
lost than gained in force by the way in which the Master of 
Ceremonies (whose mind is slow and whose French is defective) 
translated them. His remarks on the embargo on the two 
ships were plainly, but not discourteously or resentfully, 
worded. 

No. 113. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 8.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 7, 1914. 

British warships in Shatt-el-Arab. 

Grand Vizier assured me this afternoon that Vali of Basra 
had been instructed to avoid all interference with His 
Majesty's ships in the Shatt-el-Arab. 



No. 114. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 8.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 7, 1914. 

There has been fighting during the last few days on 
frontier between Russian troops and Kurds supported by 
Turkish troops. Last night Russian Ambassador made 
strong representations to the Grand Vizier, and said that 
the Turkish Government must restrain the activities of their 
troops on the frontier. Furthermore, Russian Consul had 
been arrested. Replying to these representations, Grand 
Vizier assured Russian Ambassador, in writing, that the 
Consul should be released at once and that the fighting should 
cease. Russian Ambassador has certain information that 
Turks are being incited to fight by Germans and Austrians. 
His Excellency agrees with me that Grand Vizier is honestly 
exercising what influence he has in favour of peace, but it is 
doubtful if he has the power to restrain the military party 
under Enver Pasha. 

No. 115. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October ii.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 10, 1914. 

It is highly probable that for some time past money has 
been sent to Syria mainly with the object of subsidising the 
156 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

Bedouins. It is also supposed that the Germans in Syria 
have had sums of money with them. The following is the 
number of German military officers known to % be in Syria 
at present : Seven who went there some time ago, of whom 
Colonel Kress von Kressenstein is one, four who arrived 
2nd October at Damascus, and five more who arrived there 
on 6th October. My information is to the effect that seven 
more may since have arrived at Alexandretta. Meanwhile, 
another party of Turkish sailors is leaving Constantinople 
overland for Bagdad and the Tigris. Information has just 
reached me from Damascus to the effect that Colonel von 
Kressenstein had gone to Maan to inspect, but only two 
military trains with details and stores had left in the last 
two days. West of the Jordan no movements had taken 
place. Two railway vans of dynamite had left Damascus 
for Beirout ; 4000 Mosul troops had reached Aleppo, but 
were waiting there for the present. 



No. 116. 
Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, October u, 1914. 

It seems to me that the key of the situation lies in Con- 
stantinople. It would be fatal to give way to Turkish de- 
mands beyond a certain point, especially in the Persian 
Gulf, but, nevertheless, I entirely share your view that His 
Majesty's Government should avoid giving even a plausible 
cause of offence to Turkey. I think that our attitude during 
the past eight weeks has shown irrefutably that we desire to 
avoid a rupture with Turkey. 



No. 117. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 12.) rcf 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 12, 1914. No. 121. 

I have received note dated nth October from Porte, of Rep 1 ^ 
which following is substance : No - I23> 

From information received by Porte, two British men- 
of-war have one after the other passed up the Shatt-el-Arab 
to anchor at Mohammerah. 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

According to Treaty of Erzeroum, the town of Mo- 
hammerah and its port belong to Persia, whilst Shatt-el-Arab 
is under Turkish domination. 

This principle was re-affirmed by Turco-British Declara- 
tion of 29th July, 1913, which specifies that from Nahr 
Nazaille, above Mohammerah, frontier follows river to sea, 
leaving under Turkish sovereignty river itself and all the 
islands except ten, and modern port and anchorage of Mo- 
hammerah. This port and the anchorage thus formed an 
enclave in Ottoman waters which must be traversed in order 
to reach them. Consequently men-of-war in question have 
not respected Imperial territory in penetrating into her 
internal waters and have disregarded neutrality of the Porte, 
whose duty it is not to allow passage of foreign men-of-war. 

On these grounds the Porte asks me to cause instructions 
to be sent to commanders of men-of-war in question to leave 
the port of Mohammerah within eight days and to go to sea. 



No. 118. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 12.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 12, 1914. 

Deceived My despatch of 4th October. 1 

on October I have received note from the Porte in reply to my note 
19. See O f 2nd October 2 respecting Turkish preparations against 

aiJ 43 ' E ypt. 

N L e It says that military activity in Syria is common to all 

(enc^li) ] provinces of the Empire, and is natural consequence of mo- 
bilisation, having no other object than to put Turkey on a 
footing to defend her neutrality. Turkey's position being 
one of simple and legitimate precautions, it will be readily 
recognised that it would not be conceivable that she should 
change it in order to attack Egypt, which is one of her own 
provinces. 

The Porte goes on to observe that, although I have on 
several occasions assured Grand Vizier that His Majesty's 
Government have no intention of altering status of Egypt, 
yet declaration that Egypt is in a state of war, dismissal of 
German and Austrian agents, who receive their exequaturs 
from the Porte, and above all arrival in Egypt of important 
158 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

contingents from India as well as other acts, have attracted 
serious attention of Imperial Government and have created 
real anxiety. 

Note concludes by reiterating to me assurance that 
Turkey has no hostile intention towards any Power what- 
ever, and that military preparations have purely and ex- 
clusively defensive character. 

I think that it would be right to remind Grand Vizier 
that I have always made it perfectly clear that undertaking 
not to change the status of Egypt was conditional on Turkey 
maintaining strict neutrality. 



No. 119. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 12.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 12, 1914. 

This morning Turkish fleet left Constantinople and 
steamed into the Black Sea. 



No. 120. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 12.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 12, 1914. 

I do not think that we could now leave Mohammerah 
without loss of prestige. In view of receipt of Vali's note 
respecting presence of British men-of-war in the Shatt-el- 
Arab, effect of moving His Majesty's ships at the request of 
the Turkish Government, once they were sent to Moham- 
merah, might have led the Arabs to misinterpret the action 
of His Majesty's Government. 

I would not regard the note in the light of an ultimatum, 
though it is not impossible that Turks might close the channel, 
and thus prevent His Majesty's ships from going out, except 
in agreement with the Turkish authorities. 

General belief is that Germans are at present applying 
considerable pressure upon the Turks to take part in the 
war, but that the Turks are so far resisting. My anxiety is 
lest the resistance which the Minister of War is encountering 
.from the Moderates should be weakened by any act on our 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

part which could be interpreted as aggressive by the Turks. 
Enver Pasha is said to be in favour of immediate co-operation 
with the Germans. 

No. 121. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 13.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 12, 1914. 

l See My telegram of I2th October. 1 

No. 117. I h ave informed Grand Vizier that I was surprised to 

receive His Highnesses note, inviting His Majesty's ships to 
leave Mohammerah within eight days. I knew His Highness 
had no intention of creating difficulties, but it sounded almost 
like an ultimatum. Mohammerah was, as His Highness 
was aware, a Persian port. Grand Vizier replied at once 
that there was no question of an ultimatum. I explained 
His Majesty's Government's point of view, and he said that 
he was at present awaiting your reply to Turkish note. 

In the course of ensuing conversation, His Highness 
seemed as confident as ever that he was able to resist German 
pressure, and he repeated that he was absolutely determined 
to avoid war in any case. 

In reply to some observations of mine in regard to Turkish 
fighting recently reported in Persia, he said that strict orders 
had been sent that no Turkish troops were to cross the frontier. 



No. 122. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 13.) 
(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 13, 1914. 

Consular officer at Basra telegraphs as follows : 

' I have been notified by Vali that H.M.S. Espiegle must 
be interned until the end of the war unless she departs from 
Mohammerah and the Shatt-el-Arab within eight days from 
the nth instant. If she attempts to leave after the ex- 
piration of the said period, her passage through the Shatt- 
el-Arab will be stopped by force of arms. The Dalhousie 
departed several days ago. 

' I have informed His Majesty's Consul at Mohammerah 
of the Vali's communication.' 

160 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

No. 123. 

Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 
(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, October 13, 1914. 

Your telegram of I2th October. 1 1 See 

Your Excellency should make the following reply to the No - I]C 7 
Turkish note protesting against the presence of British men- 
of-war in the Shatt-el-Arab : 

' As regards the passage through the Shatt-el-Arab to 
and from the port of Mohammerah, His Majesty's Govern- 
ment maintain in principle the legitimacy of such passage, 
but express themselves quite ready to examine in a friendly 
spirit any representation that the Ottoman Government may 
make on the subject, if the Sublime Porte themselves strictly 
observe their neutrality, which they have gravely violated 
by continuing to retain the German officers and crews on the 
Goeben and Breslau, in spite of all assurances and promises 
to the contrary. 

' His Majesty's Government are prepared to respond in 
a conciliatory spirit whenever the Ottoman Government shall 
have conformed, as a neutral, to the principles of international 
law prescribing the duties of neutral Powers. 

' As regards the presence of British warships at the port 
of Mohammerah, 2 this is a matter with which the Sublime 2 [ cf - 
Porte is in nowise concerned, since Mohammerah is not in 
Ottoman territory ; Porte have, therefore, no right to request 
their departure/ 



No. 124. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 14.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 14, 1914. 

Moslems in Aleppo district are reported to have been 
so inveigled and incited by German and Turkish deliberate 
official misrepresentations and falsehoods of every kind that 
masses seem to believe German Emperor has embraced Islamic 
faith, and that Germans are fighting for Islam against Russia. 



DIPLOMATIC 3. L l6l 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORYDIPLOMATIC 

No. 125. 

Mr. Cheetham to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 15.) 

Cairo, September 30, 1914. 

SIR, I have the honour to transmit to you herewith copies 
of two interrogatories x which I have received from the Adviser 
to the Ministry of the Interior, regarding the case of Lieu- 
tenant Robert Mors, a German employe of the Alexandria 
City Police, who was arrested on his return from leave, via 
Constantinople. He explained his return by stating that 
he had been excused from military service in Germany. I 
have, etc., MILNE CHEETHAM. 



ENCLOSURE i IN No. 125. 
Interrogatories of Lieutenant Mors. 



Mulazim Awal Robert Casimir Otto Mors, Egyptian Police, 
examined, states : 

'At Constantinople I was acquainted with a German 
official who was formerly in the German diplomatic agency 
in Cairo. This gentleman, whose name I must refuse to give, 
was in agreement with the Turkish Government on the subject 
of military operations in Egypt, and as he knew that I knew 
Egypt very well, he conducted me to Enver Pasha, the 
Turkish Minister of War. The latter questioned me on the 
military situation ; if it were true that the British had 
disarmed the Egyptian army, &c. I replied that I did not 
know, and thought it unlikely. I then left the presence of 
Enver, and he remained talking with the German official. 
I forgot to mention that he asked me if I would participate 
in operations in Egypt. I replied that I would only participate 
in open military action. I was afterwards informed by the 
German official that Enver had sent officers from the Turkish 
army to Egypt to prepare native public opinion for action 
in favour of Turkey. I also heard from the German official 
that one of Enver's emissaries was an officer of the Egyptian 
army, but I did not know his name then. I must mention 
here that I understood from various things and from conver- 
162 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

sations that I overheard between the said German official 
and various people that he had the intention of sending 
printed matters and explosives to Egypt. I also under- 
stood that it was the Egyptian army officer who was charged 
with the transport of these things. We were held up in the 
Dardanelles for six days owing to the wreck of a cargo boat. 
On the second we were stopped there; the "Bash Reis" 
(boatswain) of the Saidieh brought me a small leather bag 
(which I recognised as being the property of the said German 
official), and told me that somebody on board had given it 
to him to give to the passenger in No. 7 cabin, viz., my cabin. 
At the same time the "Bash Reis " asked me if it belonged to 
me. I said "Yes/' because I began to suspect that the con- 
tents of the bag were the explosives that I had heard about. 
I opened the bag and found it was half full of packing material ; 
and on probing it I found there were hard substances under- 
neath. I thought that if I said that the sack did not belong 
to me it might be handed over to the ship's captain, and it 
would then be discovered what the contents were, and an 
accident might even occur. I did not know at this time that 
the "Bash Reis" had guilty knowledge of the contents of 
the bag, and therefore told him that there was nothing in 
it. I then took it into my cabin to examine it, and found 
the two tin boxes which you seized. Whilst we were still 
in the Dardanelles as far as I can remember it was the fourth 
day there the Egyptian officer came to me and said in 
Arabic : " Are you not the passenger occupying No. 7 cabin ? ' ' 
I said : " Yes ; why ? " and he said : " Have you received the 
things ? " (" Wasal-lak el shay ? "). I replied : " Was it you 
who sent it to me ? " He said : " Perhaps " (" Yimkin "). 
' I then said : " What have such things to do with me ? ' 
He said : " I cannot keep such things myself/' I then asked 
him who gave them to him. He replied: "Fouad." I do 
not know who this Fouad is exactly, but it is possibly Ahmad 
Fouad at Constantinople, whom I have seen with the German 
official, and who is an intimate friend of Sheikh Abd-el-Aziz 
Shawish, according to all reports. He then told me his 
name was Ahmad Hamuda, and that he had fought against 
the Italians in Tripoli. He showed me his card, on which 
was written : " Ahmad Hamuda, Officer of the Egyptian 
Army." I do not remember if the card bore his rank or not. 

163 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

I saw Ahmad Hamuda Effendi after leaving Piraeus, when 
he came and asked me what I had done with the tin boxes. 
I understood, from the way he put it, that he wanted to take 
them from me, but this is only an idea I had. I told him I 
had thrown them overboard. When we were anchored in 
the harbour, he again came and asked me to take his revolver 
ashore. I replied that I had my own revolver, and that I 
should be searched like everybody else. He then asked me 
if they would search his wife. I said : " Naturally ; they 
have female searchers at the Customs/' 

' I had the intention of throwing the tin boxes overboard, 
but I was afraid that they might explode on striking the 
water. I therefore procured some cord with which I meant 
to lower them into the water. I never got a chance, and I 
was afraid that the propeller would catch the cord, and the 
steamer might be blown up or damaged. 

' Another thing which deterred me was that I was afraid 
the boxes might float and be dangerous to shipping, so I 
postponed it until our arrival at Smyrna, where I telegraphed 
to the German official at Constantinople stating that two tin 
boxes with unknown contents had been handed to me, and 
I desired instructions. At Piraeus I received a telegram 
telling me to throw them overboard, which, for the reasons 
I have just given, I again postponed.' 

Q. Have you any witnesses to prove that the boatswain 
gave you the bag containing the tin boxes ? A . Yes, a certain 
Fortunato, the cabin steward, was present, and I gave him 
the bag with the packing after removing the tin boxes, asking 
him to throw the packing overboard. He did so, and returned 
me the bag. 

On arrival hi port here I gave the tin boxes to Mohamed 
All, the purser, and asked him to keep them with him until 
he had a chance to throw them overboard without being 
observed by the various launches. I also recommended him 
not to throw them from the deck, but to descend the gangway 
and drop them into the sea carefully after weighting them 
with a piece of iron. I told him they contained dangerous 
substances, and to be very careful. I noticed he seemed 
afraid, and told him if he did not wish to do it he should give 
them back to me. He said he did not mind doing it, and if 
164 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

I wished he would pass them through the Customs for me 
without difficulty. 

Q. Why did you select Mohamed Ali for the mission ? 
A. Because I heard at Piraeus that he was a Turkish agent. 

Q. From whom did you hear this ? A. From a Turk at 
the German consulate at Piraeus. 

Q. How did you meet this Turk ? A. He was introduced 
to me by the German vice-consul. 

Q. What is his name ? A. I do not remember. He gave 
me his visiting card, and I destroyed it. 

Q. How did you approach Mohamed Ali on the subject ? 
A. I showed him the visiting card of the Turk, to which he 
said at once, salaaming with his hand, ' Ahlan wa Sahlan.' 

Q. Where did you procure the map of the Suez Canal ? 
A. It was given to me by the German official. 

Q. Why did he give you the map ? I do not know. 
We were talking together, and he showed me the map. I 
admired it, and he told me to take it. 

Q. Where did you get the cypher found with your effects ? 
A. I invented it with the assistance of the German official, 
for correspondence with him at Constantinople. 

Q. Where is the key to it ? A. I destroyed it. 

Q. Can you tell me what it was ? A. It was to let him 
know if the Egyptian army had been disbanded ; if there 
were difficulties for me here to enter the country ; by what 
route I intended to return, etc. 

R. MORS. 

Alexandria, September 28, 1914. 



(2.) 

Inquiry into Mors's Case, held on September 28, 1914. 
i. Mors interrogated. 

Q. Can you explain this telegram (telegram addressed 
to ' Prill, Bacos, Bulkely, Alexandria/ from Schneider) ? 
A. No. You must ask the French lady who is staying with 
us (' il faut demander a Mademoiselle chez nous '), as it is 
a private telegram of hers. It seems to be asking news of her 
health. 

165 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

Q. Who is Schneider ? A. I do not know. 

Q. Who is Omar Fawzi 1 [sic] and Suliman Askari ? A. 
Two officers I met in Constantinople whom the German intro- 
duced to me. 

Q. Where did you meet them ? A. At the hotel Tokatlian 
in Constantinople. 

Q. What is the name of this German official ? A. I do 
not know. 

Q. When was he in Cairo ? A. Two years ago. 

Q. Was this your first visit to Constantinople ? A. Yes. 

Q. Did you know this gentleman before ? A. No. 

Q. You realise that your position is a serious one ? A . 
Yes. 

Q. You refuse to give his name ? A. Yes. 

Q. Can you tell me the name of the Turk whom you met 
in Alexandria? A. I must refuse, but if you suggest his 
name I will tell you if you are right or wrong. 

Q. Do you deny that the German official is Baron Oppen- 
heim ? A. Yes ; Oppenheim is at Berlin. 

Q. Do you know Baron Oppenheim ? A . I have never 
seen, but often heard of him. He is over 50 years of age. 
According to Berlin opinion, he is merely a ' blagueur/ and 
of no importance. 

Q. Did you see Ezzedin Fawzi in Constantinople? A. 
No ; he had left before I arrived. 

Q. What did he do there ? A. I do not know. I heard 
from my sister-in-law that he had left for Constantinople. 
He was charged with my private affairs. 

Q. Was not this rather a serious arrangement to make ?- 
A . No ; he was always a great friend of mine. 

Q. Do you know his political opinions ? A. No. 

Q. You appear to have had some previous knowledge 
of the preparation of explosives for use in Egypt ? A . I 
heard in Constantinople that something of the nature of 
explosives were to be prepared and sent to Egypt. 

Q. What was the ultimate destination of these things ? 
A . I don't know. I was only three days at Constantinople. 

Q. Have these explosives penetrated into Egypt ? 
A . I don't know. Perhaps other emissaries arrived in Egypt 
at the same time as I did. 

Q. Who is Fahmy Bey ? A. Mohamed Bey Fahmy, 
166 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

Master of Ceremonies in the Khedive's household, who arrived 
in Constantinople in the Saidieh. 

Q. How did you get to know him? A. He rented our 
house three years ago. 

Q. Who sent you this telegram ? A. It was the answer 
to my telegram. 

Q. Why did you send the first telegram? A. To see 
if it were possible and advisable, in view of the reported state 
of things in Egypt, for me to return here, or if it would be 
better for my family to join me there. 

Q. Is this the bag you brought with you ? A. Yes. 

Q. Who sent it to you ? A . I do not know. The boat- 
swain brought it to me saying it was for whoever occupied 
cabin No. 7. Probably Ahmed Hamuda gave it to him to 
give to me. 

Q. Did you seeEnver Pasha in Constantinople ? A. Yes. 
1 had a conversation with him. 

Q. How was it that you had this conversation ? A. The 
German official introduced me to Enver at the War Office. 

Q. What did Enver Pasha say to you ? A . He questioned 
me as to the state of affairs in Egypt. 

Q. Is the German official a German naval officer ? <A . No. 

Q. Did Enver Pasha express any opinions ? A. He said 
that he wanted a campaign against Egypt, should war break 
out, for which two army corps would be required. 

Q. What did he want you to do here ? A. He asked 
me if I would help. 

Q. What did you reply?- A. I agreed to do so in the 
event of a military expedition. 

Q. Who gave you the idea that explosives were being 
prepared to be sent to Egypt ? A. I suspected the German 
officer, whom I saw with an Egyptian Effendi unknown 
to me. 

Q. How did Ahmed Hamuda get to know you ? A. He 
came to see me on the voyage in the Dardanelles, I think. 

Q. Why did he trust you ? A. I do not know. 

Q. Had you made no previous promises ? A. No. 

Q. Whom did you see at the Piraeus ? A . The consul, 
where I saw the telegrams and the Turkish gentleman who 
told me of Mohamed Ali, the purser. 

Q. Why did you send this telegram ? A. Because I knew 

167 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

something was being prepared, and suspected that the bag 
had some connection with it. Besides, there were several 
emissaries on board, and there had been many circulars in 
the hotels in Constantinople. 

Q. Who were these emissaries ? A. I do not know, but 
I heard that Sheikh Shawish had said there were thirteen 
who had left. 

Q. Will you explain how you knew of these preparations ? 
A. Through the German official and various people I met 
casually at odd times. The German official arrived in Con- 
stantinople from Berlin the day before me. 

Q. Did Omar Fawzi speak to you of Egypt ? A. Yes ; 
he said he had fought in Tripoli and had been to Egypt where 
he had many friends. 

Q. Where did you meet the Turk at Piraeus IA. At the 
German consulate. 

Q. Have you ever visited Tchiboukli Palace ? A. No. 

Q. Why did you write Omar Fawzi* s name in the piece 
of paper? A. Because I had to meet him at the 'Petit 
Champs/ a restaurant in Constantinople, and I wished to 
remember. 

Q. Will you explain what the code found in your tarbush 
was ? A. The references to cotton were information about 
troops, the best quality denoted British and the inferior 
Native soldiers. Kantars referred to the number of men. 
Certain phrases referred to the disarmament of Egyptian 
troops. ' Suis dispose/ I recollect, meant that I should 
return. 

Q. When did you want to leave the country ? A . As 
soon as possible, for I understood that all Germans serving 
under foreign Governments had to resign. 

Q. What did ' venez par le premier bateau ' mean ? 
A . That things were in a dangerous state here. 

Q. And No. 15 IA. ' Don't come to Turkey/ 

Q. ' Ne venez pas tout arrange ' ? A. I have forgotten. 

Q. ' Venez de suite ' ? A. I have forgotten. 

Q. ' Bebe va mieux ' ? A. I have forgotten all this 
was made up hurriedly before I left Constantinople during 
the last half-hour when I was packing my luggage. I did 
not look at it again before I destroyed the key ; it is now 
three weeks since I left Constantinople. 
168 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

Q. How is it that you know some of the expressions and 
not others ? A. In view of what I have explained, it seems 
clear. Those referring to the ' Sante de la famille ' refer to 
Turkish officers, but I cannot remember the details. 

Q. Did it refer to their going to the Red Sea? A. I 
don't know, but I have an idea it was with a view to finding 
out what difficulties were placed in the way of Turkish officers 
in Egypt. 

Q. Who was to have taken charge of the explosives here ? - 
A . The agents of Sheikh Shawish. 

Q. Who ? A. I do not know. 

Q. Did you not know that the German official was going 
to give you these things ? A. No. 

Q. How did you recognise the bag ? A. I saw it in the 
hotel at Constantinople and recognised the repair which 1 
had seen at a restaurant in the hands of an effendi. 

Q. How did you get to know so many people? A. I 
met them casually at the hotel and the German Embassy, 
where I called and learnt that it was difficult to get to Egypt. 

Q. How did you meet the German official ? A. I met him 
at the embassy. 

2. Boatswain interrogated. 

Q. Have you seen this bag before? A. Yes. I first 
saw it on board the Saidieh in Constantinople on the 3rd 
September with a sailor called Ali, who asked me to give it 
to the occupant of cabin No. 7. 

Q. Where was it given to you? A. I think on deck. 
I told Ali that he had better give it to a steward in the first 
class, which he did. The next morning Mors asked me who 
had given me the bag. 

Q. Why should Mors have asked you this ? How was 
it that he connected the bag with you ? A. Because I told 
the steward to give it to him, and perhaps he told Mors so. 

Q. When did Mors speak to you ? A. The next morning 
at about 8 A.M. He brought me the bag and asked me who 
gave it to me, as he wanted to give me a tip. I refused the 
latter as it was not I who brought the bag. 

Q. Who gave Ali the bag ? A. He told me an Arab did 
so. 

Q. Was the latter on the steamer ? A. I do not know. 

169 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

3. Mors and Boatswain confronted. 

Q. (To Mors.) Who brought you this bag? A. This 
boatswain with the steward. 

Q. Did you offer the boatswain a tip ? A. Yes, but he 
refused it. 

Q. Why did you want to give it to him if the bag was not 
yours ? A. I accepted the bag for the reasons I have already 
given you. 

Q. Why offer him a tip ? A. For the sake of my friend, 
and because I did not want the matter exposed. 

Q. Who gave him the bag ? A. I do not know, but it 
must have been Ahmad Hamuda. 

0. (To the Boatswain.) Do you know Ahmad Hamuda ? 
A. No. 

Alexandria, September 29, 1914. 



No. 126. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 15.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 14, 1914. 

The whole of the Turkish fleet has re-entered the 
Bosphorus. 

The Leros and Erissos, two German steamers which have 
been convoyed from Sulina by the Breslau, sailed under the 
Turkish flag until they were inside the Bosphorus. The 
same thing was done on a former occasion, when two ships 
from Black Sea ports were similarly convoyed by the Breslau. 



No. 127. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 15.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 14, 1914. 

About 600 Moslem " fedahis," dressed in various guises, 
have arrived at Aleppo in batches during past fortnight, 
their head being an officer related to Ottoman Minister of 
War ; 400 of these came from Smyrna, where they had incited 
Moslems against Greeks. At Aleppo they intrigued, with the 
aid of Committee of Union and Progress, with sheikhs against 
170 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

Great Britain. Discourses of a guarded anti-British tendency 
were pronounced in mosques. The last batch left Aleppo i2th 
October by rail. Parties of them have proceeded to Kama, 
Horns, Baalbek, Damascus, the Hauran, to incite sheikhs 
against Great Britain, and they are to continue their journey 
south by Hedjaz Railway, and to find their way into Egypt 
to incite Moslems there. Many of the principal sheikhs of 
Aleppo seem now gained over to side of Germany. 



No. 128. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 15.) [Cf. 147, 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 14, 1914. 

With the object of spreading the belief that Great 
Britain is the enemy of Islam, the German Embassy daily 
emits a stream of mendacity and calumny, which is circulated 
throughout the country by the Turkish newspapers, all of 
those in the capital being in the pay of the German Embassy 
as a result of the large sums spent by it in corruption both 
in Constantinople and in the provinces. 



No. 129. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 16.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 15, 1914. 

Son of Kurdish chief Issa, who is stated to have influence 
in Mesopotamia, and who has been in Constantinople for 
instructions, is said to have left for Basra to work anti- 
English propaganda, and other agents, including Germans, 
are said to be on their way to Afghanistan on similar errand. 

I learn that Zekki Pasha, commander of 8th corps, has 
lately received 5000 to distribute amongst Bedouins, and 
that as much as 35,000 in gold left here by train on I2th 
for Syria. Senator Abdurrahman is working among Bedouins 
at Maan and Muntaz Bey on the west by Beersheba and 
Jerusalem. 

Party of Turkish sailors mentioned as having left here 
by train for Basra are now stated to be on the way to Akaba 
with consignment of metal boats. Another lot of boats is 
at Rayak, possibly on the way to Beirout. Quantities of 
dynamite have been sent to the coast towns of Syria, probably 

171 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

to serve for mining purposes of land defence. This is in 
addition to sea mines which have been also forwarded. 
Numbers of ' working battalions ' (soldiers as yet untrained), 
are road-constructing in southern Syria. 

All above and previous reports in a similar sense show 
that there is very considerable activity being directed in a 
sense hostile to us, and this activity is being worked by 
German influence and agents in every conceivable direction. 
Probably Government as a whole have little control over 
these activities, but do not disapprove of them. As regards 
actual military preparations, German element has sufficient 
power to persuade the authorities on certain points. German 
press is directing movement, and has obtained despatch of 
numbers of German officers to Syria to superintend prepara- 
tions and training of corps there for war, concentration of 
stores and supplies at suitable spots, preparation of lines 
of communication and defence of coast. 



No. 130. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey.. (Received October 16.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 15, 1914. 

German plots have been so extensive that it is conceiv- 
able that they may introduce individuals into Egypt who, 
impersonating Indian soldiers, may cause mischief. 

In substantiation of this I have to state that His Majesty's 
Consul at Aleppo has learnt that a tailor in that town has 
been commissioned to make a variety of Indian costumes and 
head-dresses on design and measurement supplied by German 
officers there. 

No. 131. 
Sir H. Bax-Ironside to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 16.) 

(Telegraphic.) Sophia, October 16, 1914. 

Ninety-seven cases of bullion passed through Rustchuk 
yesterday for Constantinople, accompanied by six Germans. 
This consignment was preceded by 200 other cases. In the 
last three weeks many heavy cases and stores have passed 
through same town. 

Armaments are believed to be sent through in the night. 

172 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

No. 132. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 16.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 16, 1914. 

Local authorities at Jaffa have distributed 10,000 
rifles amongst Bedouins, each with 100 cartridges, 5000 
ten-shot to owners of horses and riding camels, and 5000 
single-shot to owners of baggage camels. Bedouins have 
been employed to dig wells, and Germans to fit them with 
motor pumps ; ovens have been built near frontier. 

It is believed that Bedouins' next move is to be towards 
Akaba. 

Horses and mules throughout the whole district are being 
requisitioned most energetically. 



No. 133. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 17.) 

Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 16, 1914. 

Major Omar Fevzi [sic] Bey, 1 son of Arimm Effendi, ex- i [Cf. No. 
Governor-General of Damascus, accompanied by five German 125, end. 
officers, arrived at Aleppo i4th October from Constantinople 2 > No. 181, 
bringing 25,000 liras. The officers passed for engineers, and ( 
are buying saddle horses to proceed to Bagdad via Ana. 
From Ana they are to take two batteries of guns, which, 
together with money and loads of rifles and ammunition taken 
from Aleppo, they are to deliver to Ibn-el-Reshid. 

Railway trucks full of dynamite for Alexandretta and 
Damascus are expected to arrive from Constantinople. Ger- 
man officers of Breslau have already laid thirteen mines at 
Alexandretta according to report that has now reached me. 



No, 134. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 17.) 
(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 16, 1914. 

Minister of War, who is willing tool of Germans, is 
now supreme. Minister of the Interior was most influential 
Minister before mobilisation, but is so no longer. His posi- 
tion now is rather mysterious. Whilst taking advantage of 






DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

European struggle to carry through so-called emancipation 
of Turks from foreign control, he is not supposed to be in 
favour of war, which he thinks would end badly for Turkey. 
If this diagnosis is correct, he and others like him are more 
or less powerless at present, and, though they declare their 
ability and intention to stop military preparations, evidently 
are unable to check them. 



[Reply, NO. 135. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 17.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 17, 1914. 

Reliable information reaches me that mines are being 
sent to Basra, and will reach Bagdad in a day or two. 



No. 136. 
Sir F. Elliot to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 17.) 

(Telegraphic.) Athens, October 17, 1914. 

One Bouhadi Sadil has been discovered buying arms for 
importation into Egypt. He had already bought 700 Gras 
rifles and ammunition. I understand that two of this man's 
accomplices were recently convicted in Egypt. 



No. 137. 
Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, October 17, 1914. 

Any attack upon H.M.S. Espiegle by Turkish authorities 
will be a wanton act of aggression, as she is not in Turkish 
territorial waters. 

You should inform Turkish Government that there is no 
present intention of her passing down the Shatt-el-Arab, but 
His Majesty's Government consider they have a right to claim 
that passage so long as Goeben and Breslau, with German 
crews and officers, have free use of Turkish territorial waters 
and the Straits. 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

No. 138. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 18.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 17, 1914. 

Since end of September following have reached Con- 
stantinople : 

Six thousand nine hundred cases of Mauser ammunition, 
540 cases of Mauser rifles, 13 trucks of war material, and about 
800,000 in bar gold. 1 i [Cf. post, 

Arrival of a submarine in sections is expected shortly, pp. 232-3. 
and I am informed that such a consignment, together with 
two aeroplanes, left Rustchuk on 8th October. 

Two German ships were recently escorted from Sulina by 
Breslau, and are reported to have brought submarine. But 
there is no evidence at present to prove this. 



No. 139. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 18.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 18, 1914. 

Aeroplane, three airmen, and several mechanics left Beer- 
sheba yesterday. 

Governor left Jaffa with a view to allaying panic. 

Following is resume of a telegram from Minister of War 
to commandant at Jaffa which has come to my know- 
ledge : 

'On the approach of enemy warships destroy boats and 
lighters, kill horses, break carriages, and destroy railway. 
Strictly guard telegraph. When surrender of town is de- 
manded, ask for time to consult Jerusalem. If Jerusalem 
instructs you not to surrender, oppose landing of the enemy 
by force of arms. See no looting of town takes place, and 
find suitable place to shelter your archives. Explain above 
to the population and arm them, taking oath from them. At 
signal not to surrender send away women and children. 
Hoist flag on konak and barracks so as not to have other 
places bombarded. Break enemy's flagstaff and remove 
insignia from the door of his consulate/ 

175 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 140. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 19.) 

Constantinople, October 2, 1914. 

1 See SIR, With reference to my telegram of 22nd September * 

No. 86. an( } y 0ur telegram of the 25th September, 2 1 have the honour 

No to forward herewith copies of notes exchanged between the 

Grand Vizier and myself respecting the suppression of the 

British post offices in the Turkish Empire. I have, etc., 

Louis MALLET. 

ENCLOSURE i IN No. 140. 
Grand Vizier to Sir L. Mallet. 

Constantinople, le 27 septembre 1914. 

M. L'AMBASSADEUR, Pour faire suite a ma note du 9 
courant, j'ai Thonneur d'informer votre Excellence que par 
suite de T abrogation des Capitulations a compter du i er 
octobre, 1914, les bureaux des postes etrangeres fonctionnant 
provisoirement dans T Empire devront cesser leurs operations 
a partir de cette date. 

Je prie, par consequent, votre Excellence de vouloir bien 
inviter les directeurs des bureaux de postes anglaises se 
trouvant en Turquie a agir en conformite des communications 
qui leur ont ete faites par le Ministere Imperial des Postes et 
Telegraphes et dont copies ont ete deja transmises a rAm- 
bassade de Sa Majeste britannique en date 24 septembre, 
I9i4.--Veuillez, etc. SAID HALIM. 

(TRANSLATION.) 

Constantinople, September 27, 1914. 

YOUR EXCELLENCY, In continuation of my note of the 
9th instant, I have the honour to inform you that, in con- 
sequence of the abolition of the Capitulations as from ist Octo- 
ber, 1914, the foreign post offices provisionally existing in the 
Turkish Empire must cease working from that date. 

I accordingly request your Excellency to be so good as 
to request the directors of British post offices in Turkey to 
act in conformity with the communications addressed to them 
by the Imperial Minister of Ports and Telegraphs, copies of 
which have already been communicated to His Britannic 
Majesty's Embassy on 24th September 1914. 

176 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

ENCLOSURE 2 IN No. 140. 
Sir L. Mallet to Grand Vizier. 

Constantinople, October i, 1914. 

M. LE MINISTRE, I have the honour tb acknowledge the 
receipt of the note dated 27th September, by which your 
Highness requests me to instruct the directors of the British 
post offices established in the Ottoman Empire to act in 
accordance with the communications which have been 
addressed to them by officials of the Imperial Ministry of 
Posts and Telegraphs with a view to their ceasing their 
operations from to-day onwards. 

The fact that a measure of such importance affecting an 
official department of His Majesty's Government should have 
been adopted in virtue of an unilateral decision of the Sublime 
Porte, and that effect has been given to the measure in so 
precipitate a manner, compels me to formulate the most 
express reservations both as to the procedure followed and 
as to the principle underlying the question. 

With a view to avoiding incidents of a public nature I 
have instructed the British post offices in the Empire to 
suspend their ordinary postal operations from to-day onwards. 
By so doing and by authorising a verbal exchange of views, 
in order to mitigate the inconvenience resulting from this 
suspension, I must not be considered to have prejudiced the 
question of principle. It will be for my Government to 
consider what further action shall be taken in the matter. I 
avail, etc., Louis MALLET. 

No. 141. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 19.) 

Constantinople, October 2, 1914. 

SIR, I have the honour to transmit a copy of a note which 
I have addressed to the Sublime Porte referring to the repeated 
assurances which the Grand Vizier has given me that the 
German crews will be sent back to Germany, assurances which 
were confirmed to me by His Imperial Majesty the Sultan on 
the occasion of my audience of His Imperial Majesty on the 
2ist ultimo, and inquiring whether the Ottoman Government 

DIPLOMATIC 3. M 177 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

have the intention of fulfilling their undertakings, and, if so, 
on what date this will take effect. I have, etc., 

Louis MALLET. 

"ENCLOSURE IN No. 141. 
Sir L. Mallet to Grand Vizier. 

Constantinople, October 2, 1914. 

YOUR HIGHNESS, On the occasion of the audience 
which His Imperial Majesty the Sultan was graciously 
pleased to accord me on the 2ist ultimo, I had the 
honour to convey to His Imperial Majesty a message from 
the King, my Sovereign, respecting the detention in England 
of the two Turkish vessels of war. I had previously com- 
municated to your Highness the substance of this message, 
as your Highness will doubtless remember. His Imperial 
Majesty deigned in reply to charge me with his thanks to the 
King, my Sovereign, and whilst regretting that His Majesty's 
Government should have detained the vessels, which seemed 
unnecessary in view of the large naval supremacy of Great 
Britain, His Imperial Majesty said that he was unalterably 
determined to maintain the historic friendship between the 
two countries and on no account to depart from the neutrality 
which had hitherto been observed by his Government. Re- 
ferring to a passage in the King's message, expressing His 
Majesty's regret at certain events which had seemed to 
impair that neutrality, His Imperial Majesty authorised me 
to inform the King that the services of the German admiral, 
officers, and crews of the German warships had been tem- 
porarily retained in order to train the Turkish officers and 
crews, but that the task was on the point of accomplishment, 
and that they would return to Germany within a few days' time. 

I replied that these assurances which I had also received 
repeatedly from your Highness would not fail to give great 
satisfaction to the King, coming as they did from the lips of 
His Imperial Majesty the Sultan himself. 

I now address myself to your Highness to inquire whether 
the Ottoman Government have the intention of repatriating 
the German officers and crews in accordance with the oft- 
repeated assurances of your Highness, which have now been 
solemnly confirmed by His Imperial Majesty the Sultan. 
178 






4 ] RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

If such is their intention, I should be grateful if I might be 
informed of the date on which their departure will take place. 
I avail, etc., Louis MALLET. 



No. 142. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 19.) 

Constantinople, October 4, 1914. 

SIR, I have the honour to forward herewith a copy of a 
note which I addressed to the Sublime Porte, protesting 
against the abrogation of the Capitulations. I have, etc., 

Louis MALLET. 



ENCLOSURE IN No. 142. 

Note Verbale communicated to Sublime Porte. 

His Britannic Majesty's Embassy has received instructions 
from His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign 
Affairs to make the following statement to the Imperial 
Ministry for Foreign Affairs : 

His Britannic Majesty's Government expressly confirm 
the protest against the suppression of the Capitulations which 
His Majesty's Ambassador addressed to the Imperial Minister 
for Foreign Affairs on the loth ultimo. 

The regime of the Capitulations being founded on synal- 
lagmatic instruments the Porte cannot abrogate them by a 
unilateral act. His Majesty's Government therefore reserve 
their full liberty of action as regards the measures which the 
Ottoman authorities may have taken or may take in violation 
of the Capitulations, and will demand due reparation for any 
prejudice which their subjects may suffer in consequence of 
such measures. 

His Majesty's Government, desirous of maintaining the 
friendly relations which have hitherto existed with the Otto- 
man Empire, feel constrained to call the serious attention of 
the Porte to the consequences which may follow upon the 
adoption of the new policy upon which the Imperial Govern- 
ment would seem to have embarked. 

It is not in the interests of the Ottoman Government to 
alienate the sympathy of Great Britain, which constitutes a 

179 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

guarantee of present tranquillity and a pledge of future 
support. 

Constantinople, October i, 1914. 



No. 143. 

[See Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 19.) 

Constantinople, October 4, 1914. 

SIR, I have the honour to forward herewith copy of a 
note which I addressed to the Grand Vizier protesting against 
certain military preparations in Syria. 

On the 2nd October I addressed a further note, copy of which 
is also enclosed, pointing out that no answer had been received 
either to my previous note or to two letters of the 25th and 
26th on the same subject. I have, etc., Louis MALLET. 

ENCLOSURE i IN No. 143. 
Sir L. Mallet to Grand Vizier. 

Constantinople, le 23 septembre, 191:4. 
ALTESSE, Au cours de notre entretien d'hier matin, j'ai eu 
Thonneur de faire part a votre Altesse de 1'inquietude que 
m'inspiraient les nouvelles que je recevais de la Syrie au sujet 
des preparatifs militaires et des complots contre TEgypte que 
Ton fait dans cette region. Aussi longtemps qu'il s'agissait de 

Freparatifs semblables a ceux qui se sont faits partout dans 
Empire a la suite de la mobilisation g&ierale, je n'en ai rien 
dit a votre Altesse, bien que Ton put attacher une importance 
toute particuliere a tout ce qui se faisait dans ce genre dans le 
voisinage de la frontiere egyptienne. De meme ai-je jusqu'a 
present rejete comme des racontars invraisemblables les bruits 
qui me sont parvenus de plus d'une source, et d'apres lesquels 
on projetterait un coup subit contre le Canal de Suez dans le 
but d'en rendre impossible le passage, quoique je sache que 
les ennemis de la Grande-Bretagne aient mene des intrigues 
ayant pour leur but d'emmener le Gouvernement de votre 
Altesse dans des aventures aussi folles et meme plus folles que 
cela. Cependant, je manquerais a mon devoir envers mon 
Gouvernement, et je puis aj outer envers votre Altesse, si je 
ne la mettais pas au courant des derniers rapports qui me sont 
180 



4] RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 






parvenus. II resulte de ces rapports que les esprits des 
Bedouins sont travailles par des agents provocateurs qui, 
encourages par le Gouvernement ottoman, voudraient les 
exciter centre 1'Angleterre. Les preparatifs militaires, qui 
jusqu'a un certain moment ne differaient pas dans leur 
caractere de ceux faits dans les autres provinces de TEmpire, 
se sont transformed dernierement dans un mouvement vers le 
sud. On fait venir des troupes d'un centre aussi lointain que 
Mosul. Une activite g&i&rale regne partout, de Damas 
jusqu'a Maan. Une accumulation d'indices fait croire a mon 
consul a Jerusalem que Ton projette pour ces jours-ci meme 
une expedition en rgle contre TEgypte. 

JTaime a espeYer que les rapports dont je viens de faire 
un resume pour votre Altesse interpretent mal des faits qui 
en eux-memes sont indiscutables. Mais je repete que je 
manquerais a mon devoir si je ne faisais pas part a votre 
Altesse des graves preoccupations qu'ils m'occasionnent et 
Timpression qu'ils font sur le Gouvernement de Sa Majeste 
britannique, et si je ne la mettais pas en garde contre les 
consequences desastreuses qui resulteraient pour votre Gou- 
vernement s'il suivait une voie si contraire a ses propres 
interets que celle de se faire le complice de TAllemagne dans 
une attaque contre TEgypte. 

Votre Altesse se rappellera qu'au commencement de la 
guerre actuelle Sir E. Grey chargea Mr. Beaumont de lui 
declarer que pourvu que la Turquie gardcit une neutralite 
stricte et absolue pendant la guerre et tant que des circon- 
stances imprevues ne surgissent pas, le Gouvernement de Sa 
Majeste britannique n'avait aucun desir ni intention d'annexer 
rEgypte ni de modifier son regime d'une fagon quelconque. 
J'eus Thonneur de confirmer cette assurance a votre Altesse 
peu de temps apres ma rentr^e a Constantinople. Depuis lors, 
desireux d'eviter toute possibilite de malentendu avec le 
Gouvernement Imperial, j'ai a plusieurs reprises appele 
1'attention de votre Altesse sur le caractere conditionnel des 
assurances donnees par Sir E. Grey. Or, je crois de mon 
devoir de declarer encore une fois a votre Altesse que mon 
Gouvernement voit sous un jour des plus serieux les violations 
de neutrality sans precedent commises deja par le Gouverne- 
ment ottoman en gardant des officiers et des equipages alle- 
mands a bord des vaisseaux de guerre allemands et en prenant 

181 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

dans son service plus tard beaucoup d'autres Allemands 
ayant le meme caractere militaire. 

Je ne trouve pas necessaire en ce moment de recapituler les 
details d'encore autres ecarts de la neutralite commis par la 
Turquie en faveur des ennemis de-la Grande-Bret agne. Je 
n'ai pas besoin non plus d'insister sur des consequences qui 
pourraient en suivre, si pour mettre le comble a une situation 
tellement grave, mon Gouvernement acquerrait la conviction 
que le Gouvernement Imperial envisageait serieusement une 
attaque centre 1'Egypte ou qu'il se pretait a des menees 
deloyales contre la surete du Canal de Suez ou contre le 
regime actuel de 1'Egypte. Votre Altesse peut elle-meme 
apprecier toute Timportance et toute la portee possible de 
ces consequences. 

Votre Altesse trouvera annexe a cette note un memoire 
detaillant les faits qui peuvent etre considered comme le 
prelude d'une attaque contre 1'Egypte. Je profite, etc. 

Louis MALLET. 

(TRANSLATION.) 

Constantinople, September 23, 1914. 

YOUR HIGHNESS, In the course of our interview of yester- 
day morning, I had the honour to inform your Highness of the 
anxiety that the news which reached me from Syria in regard to 
the military preparations and plots against Egypt now going on 
in that province, was causing me. So long as it was a question 
of preparations similar to those made in other parts of the 
Empire, as a consequence of the general mobilisation, I did 
not mention the matter to your Highness, although special 
importance might attach to all such doings in the neighbour- 
hood of the Egyptian frontier. Similarly, I have been able 
up to the present to reject, as improbable tales, the rumours 
which have reached me from more than one source, according 
to which a sudden blow directed against the Suez Canal was 
being planned with the object of rendering it impassable, 
although I am aware that the enemies of Great Britain are 
intriguing with the object of leading your Highnesses Govern- 
ment into adventures as insensate, and even more insensate, 
than this. I should, however, fail in my duty towards my 
Government, and I may add also towards the Government of 
your Highness, if I did not bring to your Highnesses knowledge 
182 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

the latest reports which have reached me. It appears from 
these reports that the minds of the Bedouins are being excited 
by professional agitators, who, encouraged by the Ottoman 
Government, are desirous of inflaming them against England. 
The military preparations, which up to a certain moment 
bore a similar character to those in the other provinces of the 
Empire, have lately changed into a converging movement 
towards the south. Troops are being brought from such 
distant centres as Mosul. General activity reigns everywhere 
from Damascus to Maan, and cumulative evidence leads my 
Consul at Jerusalem to the belief that an organised expedition 
against Egypt is in project for the next few days. 

I trust that the reports, the contents of which I have 
just summed up to your Highness, put a wrong interpretation 
on facts which, as such, cannot be discussed. But I repeat 
that I should fail in my duty, if I did not bring to your High- 
ness's knowledge the grave preoccupation which they cause 
me, and the impression which they make upon His Britannic 
Majesty's Government, and if I did not place you on your 
guard against the disastrous consequences, which would ensue 
for your Highness's Government, if they were to follow a 
course so contrary to their own interests as that of becoming 
the accomplice of Germany in an attack upon Egypt. 

Your Highness will remember that at the beginning of the 
present war, Sir E. Grey instructed Mr. Beaumont to give 
you the assurance that, provided that Turkey maintained 
strict and absolute neutrality during the war, and so long as 
unforeseen circumstances did not arise, His Britannic Majesty's 
Government had no desire to, nor intention of annexing 
Egypt, nor of modifying her regime in any way whatsoever. 
I had the honour to confirm this assurance to your High- 
ness shortly after my return to Constantinople. Since then, 
being desirous of avoiding any possibility of misunderstanding 
with the Imperial Government, I have repeatedly called your 
Highness's attention to the conditional character of the 
assurances given by Sir E. Grey. Now, I hold it to be my duty 
to declare once more to your Highness that my Govern- 
ment take the most serious view of the unprecedented 
violations of neutrality already committed by the Turkish 
Government in retaining German officers and men on board 
the German warship's, and by subsequently taking into 

183 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

their service numerous other Germans in a similar military 
capacity. 

It does not seem to me necessary at this moment to 
recapitulate the details of still further departures from 
neutrality committed by Turkey in favour of the enemies 
of Great Britain. Nor need I insist on the consequences 
which might ensue if, to add the last touch to so grave a 
situation, my'Government were to become convinced that the 
Imperial Government were seriously meditating an attack 
against Egypt, or that they were a party to disloyal intrigues 
against the security of the Suez Canal, or against the present 
regime in Egypt. Your Highness can judge of the whole 
importance and possible extent of these consequences. 

I enclose in this note a Memorandum, enumerating in 
detail the facts which can be considered as indications of a 
forthcoming attack upon Egypt. I avail, etc., 

Louis MALLET. 



Memorandum. 

D'un rapport en date du 18 courant, il resulte que les 
autorites deployaient tous leurs efforts pour exciter les tribus 
bedouines contre TAngleterre, en la represent ant comme 
Tennemi de Tislamisme, et que 30,000 hommes appartenant a 
ces tribus etaient prets a se soulever. Un rapp9rt compl6men- 
taire porte que les instigateurs de ce mouvement sont Muntaz 
Bey, ofncier a Tarmee ; Essad Choucair, deput6 ou ancien 
depute ; et un certain Beheddine Bey, aides de plusieurs autres 
personnes et appuyes par les autorites locales tant civiles que 
militaires. Le rapport ajoute sans reserves qu'apres le bruit 
qui courait, des tribus devaient s'armer tout de suite pour 
marcher contre 1'Egypte. 

II resulte d'un autre rapport du 18 courant qu'un mouve- 
ment militaire de Damas vers le sud etait attendu pour environ 
le 20 septembre ; que les troupes de Mosul etaient en route 
pour Damas ; que Ton preparait de grandes provisions de 
vivres ; que 1'on avait assemble 3000 chameaux a Maan ; et 
que deux officiers d'etat-major etaient rentres d'Akaba apres 
avoir etudie la possibilite d'un mouvement a travers le desert. 
Ce rapport se complete par un autre de la meme date portant 
que Ton proj etait d'envoyer un grand nombre d'hommes de 
184 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

Horns a Damas par chemin de f er, entre le 20 et le 23 septembre, 
et que Ton s'attendait a une grande concentration vers le sud. 
D'un troisieme rapport recu posterieurement il resulte qu'en- 
core 5000 chameaux avaient etc" requisitionnes a Maan ; que 
tout le materiel roulant de la partie sud du Chemin de Fer du 
Hedjaz se trouvait concentre a Deraa ; et que les troupes de 
Mosul etaient parvenues a Tel-Abiad pres d'Alep. 

Un rapport en date du 21 courant declare qu'il y avait une 
accumulation d'indices etablissant presque la certitude qu'une 
attaque contre 1'Egypte sur une grande echelle aurait lieu dans 
un avenir tres proche ; que les troupes marcheraient des deux 
cotes, par Akaba et par El-Ariche ; et que Ton preparait une 
grande quantite de choses n^cessaire pour leur transport a 
travers le desert. Un autre rapport de la meme date porte 
que des chameaux et des hommes sont arrives de Horns a 
Damas ; que Ton s'attendait a Tarrivee de trente bataillons 
au courant de la semaine ; que le chef d'etat-major de Damas 
s'etait rendu a Maan ; et que des chefs des tribus bedouines 
etaient partis pour le-sud apres avoir confere avec le Vali. 

Constantinople, le 23 septembre, 1914. 

(TRANSLATION.) 

From a report dated the i8th instant, it appears that the 
authorities were using all their efforts in order to excite the 
Bedouin tribes against England by representing her as the 
enemy of Islam, and that 30,000 men belonging to these tribes 
were ready to rise. A supplementary report states that the 
instigators of this movement are Muntaz Bey, an officer of 
the army, Essad Shoucair, deputy or former deputy, and a 
certain Beheddine Bey, aided by several other persons, and 
with the support of the local, civil, and military authorities. 
The report adds categorically that, according to current 
rumour, these tribes were to arm immediately in order to 
march on Egypt. 

From a further report dated the i8th instant, it appears 
that a military movement from Damascus towards the south 
was expected about 2Oth September ; that the Mosul troops 
were on their way to Damascus ; that large stores of food- 
stuffs were being prepared ; that 3000 camels had been 
collected at Maan ; and that two staff officers had returned 
from Akaba after studying the possibility of a movement 

185 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

across the desert. This report was supplemented by another 
of the same date to the effect that it was intended to send 
a large number of men from Horns to Damascus by rail, 
between the 2Oth and 23rd of September, and that a great 
concentration converging towards the south was expected. 
From a third report, which was received subsequently, it 
appears that another 5000 camels had been requisitioned 
at Maan ; that all the rolling-stock of the southern section of 
the Hedjaz Railway was being concentrated at Deraa ; and 
that the Mosul troops had reached Tel-Abiad, near Aleppo. 

A report, dated the 2ist instant, stated that there was 
cumulative evidence to show almost certainly that an attack 
against Egypt on a large scale would take place in the very 
near future ; that the troops would advance on both sides 
by way of Akaba and by way of El Arish ; and that a large 
provision of things necessary for their transport across the 
desert was being prepared. A further report of the same 
date stated that camels and men had arrived at Damascus 
from Horns ; that thirty battalions were expected to arrive 
during the week ; that the chief staff officer from Damascus 
had proceeded to Maan ; and that the chiefs of the Bedouin 
tribes had left for the south after a conference with the Vali. 

Constantinople, September 23, 1914. 



ENCLOSURE 2 IN No. 143. 
Sir L. Mallet to Grand Vizier. 

Constantinople, October 2, 1914. 

YOUR HIGHNESS, In my communication of the 23rd Sep- 
tember and subsequent letters of the 25th and 26th, various 
military and other preparations in Syria, initiated by the 
Ottoman Government, were brought to the notice of your 
Highness, as likely to cause apprehension to His Majesty's 
Government. 

To the representations made in these communications, no 
written reply has yet been received, and it appears that not 
only has the verification of the details already given been 
confirmed, but further news of a disquieting nature has now 
arrived. For instance, the transport of food-stuffs, military 
stores, and material of war to Maan continues. As this place 
186 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

is in nowise a Turkish military centre in peace, and has no 
connection with a mobilisation of the Syrian divisions in their 
ordinary stations, but is, on the other hand, in proximity 
to the Egyptian frontier, His Majesty's Government would 
desire to be informed why it is considered necessary to make 
the preparations in question, which are evidently for the 
maintenance of a considerable body of troops, or for their 
transit further in the direction of Akaba. 

2. Similar preparations are also apparently being made 
on the road Jenin-Nablus- Jerusalem, and the collection of 
a camel corps at the latter place was announced yesterday. 
These measures tend to show a projected concentration of 
troops on the limits of Syria to the west, and again in proximity 
to the Egyptian frontier. 

3. The above steps have latterly coincided with the 
sudden arrival of Colonel Kress von Kressenstein and six 
other German officers, with the result that it is openly 
rumoured in Syria that the Jerusalem division is preparing 
to move towards Rafa and that of Damascus towards Akaba. 

4. From Beirout arrive reports that the inhabitants are 
retiring inland, and from Haifa that the customs and railway 
staff have also been transferred from the coast. These 
measures are stated to be taken as precautionary steps against 
the hostile action of the British fleet, which is expected to 
ensue on the movement of Turkish forces against Egypt. 

5. In view of all these circumstances, it is undoubtedly 
the case that it is fully believed in Syria that an offensive 
movement against Egypt is contemplated by the Ottoman 
authorities, and, although His Majesty's Government do not 
necessarily share this view, they cannot but regard any 
continuance of the military movement in anything but the 
most serious light. 

6. Apart from recognised military measures, the move- 
ments of a German engineer belonging to the Bagdad Railway 
with a large consignment of explosives destined for an attempt 
on the Suez Canal has already been brought to your High- 
ness's notice in my letter of the 25th ultimo. 

Not only have the movements of this individual been 
confirmed, but the departure of a German naval officer 
named Hilgendorf is now also announced with the same 
purpose. This individual has left Petra with a party of eight 

187 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

Germans, ostensibly on a shooting expedition, but with a 
large amount of stores, including explosives, and intending 
to meet another similar party journeying via Haifa-Amman. 

As both these parties are acting from neutral territory 
with the avowed intention of committing acts hostile to Great 
Britain, it is incumbent on the Porte to secure their appre- 
hension, coupled with an assurance that all necessary steps 
will be taken to put an end to any enterprises of this nature. 

I have been repeatedly assured by your Highness and 
by other members of the Ottoman Government that Turkey 
is firmly determined to maintain an attitude of strict neutrality 
during the European war. To these assurances I have been 
unfortunately obliged to reply that the Ottoman Government 
have failed in several most essential particulars to maintain 
their neutrality, and I would now desire to point out, with 
all the emphasis at my command, that, if these preparations 
continue, only one conclusion can be deduced namely, that 
the Ottoman Government are taking preliminary steps to 
send an expedition against Egypt and that they are conniving 
at the preparation of a plot against the Suez Canal on the 
part of German subjects, who are either in the Ottoman service 
or are acting independently. 

I cannot too earnestly impress upon your Highness the 
absolute necessity of putting an end to this situation of 
uncertainty at the earliest moment possible, in order that 
those relations of confidence and sincerity may be restored 
between the two Governments which it has constantly been 
my object to foster. I avail, &c., * Louis MALLET. 



No. 144. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 19.) 

Constantinople, October 6, 1914. 

SIR, I have the honour to forward herewith copy of a 
note which I have addressed to the Grand Vizier referring to 
the circular note 1 enclosed in my immediately succeeding 
despatch, recently received from the Sublime Porte, defining 
the rules which they propose to apply during the war in 
order to defend their neutrality, expressing my satisfaction 
that they should have adopted views in regard to the use of 
wireless in neutral waters, by belligerent merchantmen, 
188 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

identical with those of His Majesty's Government, and 
inquiring when they propose to dismantle the wireless 
apparatus on the Corcovado. I have, etc., 

Louis MALLET. 

ENCLOSURE IN No. 144. 

Sir L. Mallet to Grand Vizier. 

Constantinople, October 2, 1914. 

YOUR HIGHNESS, I have received a note verbale 1 from 1 [No. 145, 
the Sublime Porte dated the 28th ultimo defining the rules encl - * 1 
which the Government of your Highness propose to apply 
during the present war in order to secure respect for their 
neutrality and to enable them to perform what they recog- 
nise to be their duty as neutrals. 

I propose to reply to this circular in detail, but in the 
meantime I desire at once to express my satisfaction that the 
Imperial Government should have adopted views which, in 
so far as the installation of wireless stations on land and the 
use of wireless apparatus by belligerent merchantmen in 
neutral ports arid waters are concerned, are identical with 
those of His Majesty's Government. 

I have had the honour to discuss this question on frequent 
occasions with your Highness during the last few weeks, in 
special reference to the notorious case of the German vessel 
Corcovado, 2 amongst others. z [Sec post, 

The Corcovado has since the beginning of the war lain at p- 228.] 
Beicos, almost opposite to the British Embassy, and has, in 
gross violation of the laws of neutrality, which should have 
been enforced by the Ottoman Government, regularly received 
and transmitted, and still, so far as I am aware, continues 
to receive and transmit, wireless messages in such a way as 
to serve as a base of radio-telegraphic communication for the 
general purposes of the German Government. 

In deference to the wishes of your Highness, I have hitherto 
confined my remonstrances to verbal representations, but in 
view of the circular note now received from the Sublime 
Porte defining the attitude of the Government of your High- 
ness in regard to the question, I feel at liberty to address to 
your Highness a formal note asking, on behalf of His Majesty's 
Government, that the Ottoman regulations may be applied 

189 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

without further delay to the Corcovado and other vessels 
which still fly the German flag, or which flew it at the beginning 
of the present war, and that their wireless installations may 
be at once dismantled. 

I feel convinced that your Highness will see the justice 
and the propriety of this step. I avail, etc., 

Louis MALLET. 

No. 145. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 19.) 

Constantinople, October 6, 1914. 

SIR, I have the honour to forward herewith copies of notes 
from and to the Sublime Porte on the subject of the Turkish 
regulations for belligerent warships in Turkish territorial 
waters. I have, etc., Louis MALLET. 



ENCLOSURE i IN No. 145. 
[See Note verbale communicated by Sublime Porte. 

and end ] ^ e Ministere des Affaires Etrangeres, en vue d'observer ses 

devoirs de neutralite pendant toute la duree des hostilites, 
porte les dispositions qui suivent a la connaissance de I'Am- 
bassade d'Angleterre : 

1. L'entree dans les ports, rades et eaux territoriales 'otto- 
mans est interdite aux navires de guerre des Puissances belli- 
gerantes, sauf pour cause d'avarie, ou a raison de Tetat de mer. 
Dans ces cas, Us ne devront resider que le strict temps materiel 
necessaire pour reparer lesdites avaries, ou pour attendre que 
1'etat de la mer soit ameliore. 

2. Tout navire belligerant qui demanderait a entrer dans 
un port ou dans une rade ottomans pour cause de ravitaille- 
ment en combustible ou approvisionnement, pourra y etre 
autorise a la condition d'en obtenir Tautorisation de Tautorite 
Imperiale locale, apres avoir etabli les motifs de son arrivee ; 
de ne resider plus de vingt-quatre heures dans lesdits port ou 
rade et de n'etre a la fois pas plus de trois unites du meme 
pavilion dans le meme port ou rade. 

3. Les ports de Smyrne et de Beyrouth sont interdits aux- 
dits navires, ainsi que les eaux interieures dont Tacces est 
190 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

barre soil par des mines sous-marines, soit par d'autres moyens 
de defense. 

4. Si le navire de guerre ne quitte pas les eaux ottomanes 
a 1' expiration des delais prevus plus haul, le Gouvernement 
Imperial prendra les mesures qu'il jugera necessaires pour 
rendre le navire incapable de prendre la mer pendant la duree 
de la guerre. 

5. Les batiments de guerre sont tenus de respecter les droits 
souverains de I'Empire ottoman, de s'abstenir de tous actes 
contraires a sa neutralite, de ne point se livrer dans les eaux 
territoriales ottomanes a des actes d'hostilite, y compris la 
capture et le droit de visit e. 

6. Si des navires de guerre belligerants ennemis se trouvent 
simultanement dans le meme port ou rade ottoman, il doit 
s'ecouler au moins 24 heures entre le depart du navire d'un 
belligerant et celui du navire de 1'autre belligerant ennemi, 
Tordre de depart etant determine par celui des arrivees, a moins 
que le batiment arrive le premier ne soit oblige de rester en 
raison des causes prevues plus haut sur No. i. De meme un 
batiment de guerre belligerant ne peut quitter un des ports ou 
rades ottomans que 24 heures apres le depart d'un navire de 
commerce sous pavilion de son adversaire. 

7. Dans les ports et rades ottomans non interdits les bati- 
ments de guerre des belligerants ne pourront reparer leurs 
avaries que dans la mesure indispensable a la securite de la 
navigation et ne pourront accroitre, d'une maniere quelconque, 
leur force militaire. Les autorites Imperiales ottomanes con- 
stateront la nature des reparations a faire; elles devront etre 
executees le plus rapidement possible. 

8. Lesdits batiments ne pourront s'y ravitailler que pour 
completer leur approvisionnement normal du temps de paix. 
Toutefois, etant donnees les circonstances exceptionnelles de 
la guerre actuelle, les autorites Imperiales pourront reduire 
cet approvisionnement, suivant les necessites des lieux, au 
stricte necessaire pour sufnre a se rendre dans un port etranger 
neutre le plus proche une premiere fois, et refuser tout appro- 
visionnement en cas de retour une seconde fois de batiments 
d'une meme nation belligerante. 

9. Ces navires ne peuvent prendre de combustible que pour 
gagner le port le plus proche de leur propre pays, ou de celui 
dont Tadministration est confiee a leur Gouvernement, ou du 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

pays allie, au choix de Tautorite Imperiale locale. Les re- 
strictions precedentes concernant les approvisionnements 
seront applicables au combustible. 

10. Les reglements sanitaires, de pilotage, de douane, de 
port et des phares ottomans devront etre observes et respectes 
par les b^timents de guerre des belligerants. 

11. Est defendu d'amener des prises dans un des ports ou 
rades ottomans (non interdits) sauf pour cause d'innaviga- 
bilit6, de mauvais etat de mer, de manque de combustible ou 
de provisions, auquel cas, autorisation devra etre demandee 
aux autorites Imperiales locales ; celles-ci Taccorderont apres 
constatation de la cause precitee. La prise devra repartir 
aussitot que ladite cause aura cesse ; Tapprovisionnement en 
combustible et en provision se fera dans les conditions prevues 
pour les navires de guerre. 

Aucun tribunal des prises ne peut etre constitue par un 
belligerant ni sur le sol de TEmpire ni sur un navire dans ses 
eaux territoriales. 

12. Est interdit aux belligerants de faire des ports et eaux 
ottomans la base d' operations navales contre leurs adver- 
saires ; d'installer sur le sol et dans les eaux territoriales des 
stations radio-telegraphiques ou tout appareil destine a servir 
comme moyen de communication avec les forces belligerantes 
sur terre ou sur mer ; d'etablir des depots de combustible soit 
sur le sol ottoman, soit sur des navires stationnes dans ses eaux 
territoriales. 

13. Les dispositions qui precedent ne derogent en rien au 
regime des Detroits, qui reste le meme, tel qu'il est etabli par 
les traites internationaux. 

14. Le droit international general est applicable dans toutes 
les questions non prevues par les dispositions qui precedent. 

Constantinople, le 28 septembre, 1914. 

(TRANSLATION.) 

The Ministry for Foreign Affairs, with a view to the 
observance of their duties of neutrality throughout the 
hostilities, brings the following regulations to the notice 
of the British Embassy : 

i. Entry to Turkish ports, roadsteads, and territorial 
waters, is forbidden to warships belonging to belligerent 
192 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

Powers, except in the case of damage, or by reason of the 
state of the sea. In these cases they may only remain 
strictly the length of time actually necessary for the repair 
of the said damage, or to wait until the state of the sea has 
improved. 

2. Every belligerent vessel, which shall ask permission 
to enter a Turkish port or roadstead for purposes of refuelling 
or revictualling, may be authorised to do so, on condition 
that the authorisation of the local Turkish authority is ob- 
tained, after having declared the reasons for her arrival ; 
that she does not remain more than twenty-four hours in 
the said port or roadstead ; and that there be not more 
than three vessels under the same flag simultaneously in the 
same port or roadstead. 

3. The ports of Smyrna and Beirout are prohibited to 
the said ships, as are the inland waters, access to which is 
barred .either by submarine mines or by other defensive 
means. 

4. If the warship does not leave Turkish waters within 
the period provided for above, the Turkish Government 
will take such steps as they may deem necessary to render 
the vessel incapable of putting to sea during the war. 

5. Warships are expected to respect the sovereign rights 
of the Turkish Empire, to refrain from all acts prejudicial to 
Turkish neutrality, and not to commit any hostile acts in 
Turkish territorial waters, including capture and the right 
of search. 

6. If enemy belligerent warships happen to be simul- 
taneously in the same Turkish port or roadstead, at least 
twenty-four hours must elapse between the departure of one 
belligerent warship and that of the other enemy belligerent 
warship, the order of departure being decided by that of 
arrival, unless the vessel which arrived first be obliged to 
remain for reasons foreseen above in No. i. Similarly a 
belligerent warship may only leave a Turkish port or road- 
stead twenty-four hours after the departure of a merchant 
vessel under an enemy flag. 

7. In non-prohibited Turkish ports and roadsteads belli- 
gerent warships may only repair their damages to such an 
extent as is consonant with the safety of navigation, and 
may not increase their military strength in any manner 

DIPLOMATIC 3. N IQ3 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

whatsoever. The Turkish authorities will verify the nature 
of the repairs to be made ; these must be carried out as 
quickly as possible. 

8. The said vessels may only re victual up to their normal 
supply in peace time. Nevertheless, in the exceptional 
circumstances of the present war, the Turkish authorities 
may, in the first instance, reduce this supply, according to 
the requirements of the districts, to what is strictly necessary 
to reach the nearest neutral foreign port, and may refuse all 
supplies in the case of a second return by vessels of a like 
belligerent nation. 

9. Such vessels may only take in sufficient fuel to reach 
the nearest harbour in their own country, or of a country the 
administration of which is entrusted to their Government, 
or of an allied country, at the discretion of the local Turkish 
authority. The preceding restrictions concerning supplies 
will be applicable to fuel. 

10. The Turkish sanitary, pilotage, customs, port and 
lighthouse regulations must be observed and respected by 
belligerent warships. 

11. It is forbidden to bring prizes into any of the (non- 
prohibited) Turkish ports or roadsteads, save in the case of 
impossibility of navigation, of roughness of the sea, lack of 
fuel or provisions, in which case permission must be asked 
from the local Turkish authorities ; the latter will grant it 
after verification of the aforesaid cause. The prize shall be 
required to leave as soon as the said cause shall have ceased 
to exist ; the taking in of fuel and provisions shall be carried 
out in accordance with the conditions laid down for warships. 

No Prize Court may be established by a belligerent either 
on Turkish territory or on a vessel in Turkish territorial waters. 

12. Belligerents are forbidden to make Turkish harbours 
and roadsteads a base for naval operations against their 
adversaries ; to erect on land or in territorial waters any 
wireless telegraphy station or installation destined to serve 
as a means of communication with belligerent forces by land 
or sea ; to establish depots of fuel either on Turkish territory 
or on ships stationed in Turkish territorial waters. 

13. The above provisions in no way supersede the regu- 
lations governing the Straits, which remain as established 
by international treaty. 

194 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

14. General international law is applicable in all questions 
not provided for in the above regulations. 

Constantinople, September 28, 1914. 



ENCLOSURE 2 IN No. 145. 
Note verbale communicated to Sublime Porte. 

His Britannic Majesty's Embassy is in receipt of the 
note verbale of the Imperial Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the 
28th September, in which are set forth at length the rules 
laid down by the Imperial Ottoman Government with a view 
to securing proper respect for their neutrality during the 
present hostilities in Europe. 

In the preamble to this note verbale the Imperial Ministry 
states that the rules contained in it have been adopted in 
order to enable the Imperial Government to discharge their 
duties as neutrals. The rules themselves indicate a con- 
ception of those duties closely in accord with the general 
principles held by His Majesty's Government. It is all the 
more, therefore, a matter of surprise to His Majesty's Em- 
bassy that the practice of the Ottoman Government should 
have hitherto been so entirely at variance with these prin- 
ciples. 

Rule i prohibits the entrance into Ottoman ports of 
belligerent warships, except in case of damage or on account 
of the state of the sea, and requires their departure as soon 
as circumstances permit. 

Rule 2 prescribes that no belligerent warship, even though 
authorised for special reasons to enter an Ottoman harbour, 
shall remain more than twenty-four hours. These rules 
were not applied by the Imperial Ottoman Government 
when they allowed the German warships Goeben and Breslau 
to enter the Dardanelles and to remain in Turkish waters 
for an indefinite period, on the pretext that a sale, as to the 
genuineness of which no evidence exists, had taken place. 

Neither did the Imperial Ottoman Government apply to 
these ships the provisions of Rule 4, which requires that 
vessels which have exceeded a visit of twenty-four hours 
should be incapacitated from taking part in any hostilities 
during the war, as both these vessels, which remain under 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

German control, are notoriously in a state of complete pre- 
paration to proceed to sea. 

Rule 5, which prohibits the performance of acts preju- 
dicial to Ottoman neutrality, including acts of capture and 
search, was violated in a flagrant manner by the Breslau, 
when it visited and searched British ships in the Dardanelles 
shortly after its arrival in those waters. The Imperial 
Government have never demanded any public satisfaction 
from the Government whose ship committed this indefensible 
outrage on their neutrality. By thus condoning the act of 
the Breslau, the Imperial Government failed signally in their 
own duties as a neutral. 

The Imperial Ottoman Government have not applied 
the provisions of Rule 7, prohibiting foreign war vessels from 
increasing their military value in an Ottoman port, where 
they are only permitted to make such repairs as their own 
security demands and within the shortest possible period of 
time, nor the provisions of Rule 8, regarding the prohibition 
of all revictualling, &c., of belligerent warships returning a 
second time to the same Ottoman port. The Goeben and 
the Breslau remaining, as has been said above, under German 
control, have been repaired under the auspices of the official 
representatives of the German Government, have put to sea 
under German command, and have been revictualled at Ger- 
man expense on returning from the various cruises in the Black 
Sea. By tolerating these violations of their own rules, the Turk- 
ish Government have again failed in their duty as neutrals. 

The Imperial Ottoman Government have further ne- 
glected the obligation to prevent foreign warships from making 
an Ottoman port a base of naval operations against their 
enemies ; from installing wireless stations on land or in 
territorial waters, to serve as a means of communication 
with the belligerent forces on land or sea, obligations which 
are clearly recognised by the adoption of Rule 12. The 
flagrant violation of this rule by ships like the General, the 
Lily Rickmers, and the Corcovado has not been checked by 
the Imperial Government. They have, indeed, departed 
from their duty as neutrals, not merely by tolerating the 
proceedings of those ships, but they have in some cases 
facilitated them by allowing German ships to fly the Ottoman 
flag, as a result of illegal and fictitious transfers. The special 
196 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

case of the Corcovado has formed the subject of a separate 
communication, to which His Majesty's Embassy trusts 
that an early reply will be returned. 

Finally, Rule 13, which states that the status of the Straits 
is unaffected by the measures taken by the Imperial Govern- 
ment, has been violated by the Ottoman authorities them- 
selves, who, in violation of a series of international acts, 
have interfered with the free passage of the Dardanelles by 
British merchant vessels. 

In the presence of the facts set forth above, it is impos- 
sible for the Imperial Ottoman Government to maintain 
that they have hitherto observed that duty as neutrals, the 
performance of which the Imperial Minister for Foreign 
Affairs declares them to have had in view when drawing up 
the rules embodied in its .circular note of the 28th September. 
If, after consecrating their recognition of these duties by an 
official communication, the Imperial Government should 
continue to tolerate the use of its territory by German ships 
and agents for purposes connected with the war, His Majesty's 
Embassy will feel itself constrained to protest with renewed 
vigour against what it cannot but consider a partial and 
unneutral attitude on the part of the Imperial Ottoman 
Government, and must reserve to His Majesty's Government 
complete liberty of action. If, on the other hand, the object 
of the communication is to prove that the Imperial Govern- 
ment are prepared to embark on a new line of action, His 
Britannic Majesty's Embassy will have the utmost satisfaction 
in taking act of an assurance in that sense and bringing it to 
the knowledge of His Britannic Majesty's Government. 

Constantinople, October 4, 1914. 



No. 146. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 19.) 

Constantinople, October 6, 1914. 

SIR, I have the honour to transmit herewith copy of a note 
I have addressed to the Grand Vizier on the subject of the 
measures the Porte propose to take against British warships 
in the Shatt-el-Arab, expressing the hope that no action be 
taken which might have serious consequences. I have, etc., 

Louis MALLET. 

197 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

ENCLOSURE IN No. 146. 
Sir L. Mallet to Grand Vizier. 

Constantinople, October 4, 1914. 

YOUR HIGHNESS, I have just received a telegram from 
His Majesty's consul at Basra stating that the Vali has 
written to him saying that the Porte have communicated to 
me the measures which they propose to take against a British 
man-of-war which is in the Shatt-el-Arab unless it leaves 
within twenty-four hours, and that the Shatt-el-Arab from 
Fao to Gurna is inland water, like the Dardanelles, and 
closed to foreign warships. 

I am instructed by His Majesty's Secretary of State for 
Foreign Affairs 1 to inquire on what grounds the Sublime 
Porte base their objection to His Majesty's ship remaining 
in Mohammerah, a Persian port ? 

In the meantime I would express the hope that your 
Highness will instruct the Vali without loss of time to avoid 
taking any measures against a British man-of-war which 
might have serious consequences at this critical period. 

As a matter of fact, H.M.S. Odin left the Shatt-el-Arab 
some days ago, and I am not aware what British ship has 
taken her place. I avail, etc., Louis MALLET. 



No. 147. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 19.) 

Constantinople, October 6, 1914. 

SIR, I have the honour to forward herewith copy of a 
note addressed by me to the Imperial Ottoman Government 
on the 5th instant with regard to the hostile attitude of the 
Ottoman press towards Great Britain and British interests. 2 

I also enclose copy of a letter I addressed to Talaat Bey 
on the previous day on the same subject. I have, etc., 

Louis MALLET. 

ENCLOSURE i IN No. 147. 
Sir L. Mallet to Grand Vizier. 

Constantinople, October 5, 1914. 

YOUR HIGHNESS, I have on several occasions complained 
to your Highness of the hostile tone of the Ottoman press 

198 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

towards Great Britain and British interests, and I have 
frequently represented to your Highness and to the Minister 
of the Interior the unfavourable impression which His 
Majesty's Government will derive of the sentiments of the 
Ottoman Government from the deliberate misrepresentations 
and the malicious accusations of the organs of public 
opinion. 

Your Highness has assured me from time to time of your 
regret that the press should display so hostile a spirit to- 
wards my country and to the cause for which we have taken 
up arms, and owing to your Highnesses intervention I most 
willingly admit that there have been short periods during 
which it has displayed a greater moderation in the volume 
and frequency of its abuse. Your Highness has also begged 
me not to attach too great an importance to the newspapers, 
which you have assured me do not influence public opinion 
to any appreciable extent, and are not therefore deserving 
of serious attention. 

In ordinary circumstances I should have been in agree- 
ment with your Highness, except in regard to the extent of 
the harm done by these irresponsible writers, a matter of 
which I am incompetent to judge, but it must be remem- 
bered that the Ottoman Empire is now living under martial 
law, and that vigorous press censorship is enforced ap- 
parently in the interests of Germany which has rendered 
the publication of news from British sources difficult, and 
the public expression of opinion favourable to England im- 
possible both at Constantinople and in the provinces. 

The press articles of which I complain are, therefore, 
authorised and approved by the press censor, or in other 
words by the Ottoman Government, whose views they must 
be held to represent. 

This state of affairs is the more grave, as one of the main 
objects which certain newspapers have had in view has been 
to misinform public opinion in this country as to the true 
character of British rule in India and British control in 
Egypt, and as to the attitude of the populations of those 
countries towards Great Britain. 

It is, however, difficult to reconcile these hostile utter- 
ances with those of your Highness, who has always assured 
me of the friendly sentiments of the Ottoman Government 

199 



DIPLOMATIC HISTORY DOCUMENTARY 

towards Great Britain, and of their desire and intention 
to maintain good relations with His Majesty's Government. 

In these circumstances, I am at a loss to know what I 
should report to my Government, who will doubtless desire 
to know why the Ottoman Government permit the publica- 
tion of inflammatory articles against Great Britain if their 
sentiments are well-intentioned. I would call your High- 
ness's special attention to two articles which have appeared 
in the Terdjuman-i-Hakkikat of the i6th (2Qth) September 
and the igth September (2nd October). The first of these 
articles gives an entirely untrue account of the action of the 
British fleet outside the Dardanelles, which it accuses of 
preventing merchandise from coming into the port. The 
object of these accusations is to mislead public opinion with 
regard to the intentions of Great Britain, and to hide the 
real reason for the presence of the British fleet, which, as is 
well known to your Highness, is the retention of the German 
officers and crews. 

The second article which I enclose * not only misrepresents 
the motives which induced my Government to embark on 
the present war, but characterises England as the enemy of 
small nations, declares that she wishes to drive the Moslem 
Powers into a holy war against Germany, and traduces the 
character of British control in Egypt. Both articles are 
only examples of the innumerable utterances of a similar 
kind in which the Terdjuman-i-Hakkikat and other papers 
indulge. I will not weary your Highness with other speci- 
mens in Turkish, but to prove how varied are the attacks 
made on my country and my Government with the express 
sanction of the authorities responsible for the press, I enclose 
a copy * of a paper called the Defense nationale, a French 
organ which is specially distinguished for its virulent and 
calumnious attacks on Great Britain, and which, while pur- 
porting to represent authorised military opinion, is in reality, 
as your Highness is doubtless aware, produced by a person 
of non-Ottoman and non-Moslem origin and of most dis- 
reputable antecedents. 

I venture to beg your Highness, who has laboured un- 
ceasingly and devotedly in the interests of peace, to give 
instructions to the responsible authorities not to allow the 

* Not printed. 

200 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

publication in future of articles so totally at variance with 
what your Highness has repeatedly declared to be the policy 
of the Imperial Government. I would at the same time beg 
of your Highness to secure publicity for the enclosed state- 
ment which I have prepared, the object of which is, as your 
Highness will see, to correct one of the most specific calumnies 
recently published. I avail, etc., Louis MALLET. 

ENCLOSURE 2 IN No. 147. 

Statement. 

The statement made in the Terdjuman-i-Hakkikat of the 
i6th (2gth) September that the British and French fleets 
outside the Dardanelles have prevented the importation of 
merchandise into the port of Constantinople is an entire 
misrepresentation. The allied fleet has never in a single 
instance interfered with the export or import trade of this 
country. 

The retention of the allied fleets in the neighbourhood 
of the entrances to the Straits is solely due to the continued 
presence of the German admiral, officers, and crews on the 
warships recently sold to Turkey, and to the officering of the 
rest of the Turkish fleet by Germans. 



ENCLOSURE 3 IN No. 147. 
Sir L. Mallet to Talaat Bey. 

Constantinople, le 4 octobre, 1914. 

MON CHER MINISTRE, Sauriez-vous m'expliquer pourquoi 
la censure a supprime une partie importante du discours 
prononce dernier ement par TAgha Khan ? 

Je vous transmets une copie du discours sur lequel est 
marquee la partie supprimee. Voudriez-vous le faire imprimer 
dans les journaux ottomans ? II n'est que juste qu'on public 
dans un pays neutre toutes les opinions. 

Je vous signale aussi un article qui a paru dans le 
Terdjuman-i-Hakkikat du 2 octobre, qui est mensonger et 
plein de malveillance pour la Grande-Bretagne. 

Puisque la presse est censuree, je ne puis qu'en conclure 
que les sentiments d'Agha-olu Ahmed sont approuv6s ou 
inspires par le Gouvernement. Dans tous les cas, le Gouverne- 
ment est responsable tant que la censure existe. Dans les 



201 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

circonstances, a qui dois-je croire ? Car le Gouvernement 
parle avec deux voix differentes, mais toutes deux officielles. 
Bien sincerement a vous, Louis MALLET. 

(TRANSLATION.) 

Constantinople, October 4, 1914. 

MY DEAR MINISTER, Can you explain to me why the 
censor suppressed an important part of the speech recently 
made by the Agha Khan ? 

I enclose a copy * of the speech, showing the part that 
was suppressed. Would you please have it printed in the 
Turkish press ? It is only right that every opinion should 
be published in a neutral country. 

I would also draw your attention to an article which ap- 
peared in the Terdjuman-i-Hakkikat of the 2nd October, which 
is untrue and full of malevolence towards Great Britain. 

As the press is censored, I can only conclude that the 
sentiments of Agha-olu Ahmed are approved or inspired by 
the Government. In any case, so long as the censorship 
exists the Government are clearly responsible. In the cir- 
cumstances, whom can we believe ? For the Government 
speak with two conflicting voices, both of which are none 
the less official. Louis MALLET. 

No. 148. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 19.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 19, 1914. 

New Governor-General of Basra with six army officers, 
including two German officers, also six naval officers, in- 
cluding two Germans, and 150 Turkish sailors with three 
columns of ammunition, arrived at Alexandretta on morning 
of i8th October by railway from Constantinople. Their 
final destination is believed to be Basra. I am also informed 
that Maan is their true destination. 



No. 149. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 19.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 19, 1914. 

Within last few days following have passed through 

* Not printed. 

202 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

Adana in direction of Syria : 450 gendarmes with 600 sailors, 
of whom 200 were German, 52 German naval and military 
officers, a commandant of police, 45 civilian officials, of whom 
two were German, 10 engines, and 3 or 4 automobiles, said 
to contain German officers. 



No. 150. 

Mr. Cheetham to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 19.) 

(Telegraphic.) Cairo, October 19, 1914. 

I am informed that Bimbashi Gamil, staff officer in 
Turkish army, Khoga (Imam) Ali Haider, Khoga (Imam) 
Amin, and Khoga (Imam) Rustom, have left Smyrna in 
order to carry on a Turcophile propaganda in India. 



No. 151. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 20.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 19, 1914. 

It is pretty clear that naval parties are on their way 
both to Akaba and the Persian Gulf, as well as smaller groups 
to Syrian coast ports. There are plenty of German reserve 
mercantile marine officers available, in addition to Goeben 
and Breslau officers and others who have subsequently ar- 
rived. Although there is at present no actual confirmation 
of arrival in Constantinople of Austrian officers and sailors, 
this is regarded as also possible. 

It is very likely now that consignment of mines has 
actually got as far as Maan. 

At Akaba it is not impossible that floating mines may be 
let loose penetrating into the Red Sea ; in Persian Gulf 
defence of waterway will no doubt be prepared. 

Consul at Damascus reports that fifty Germans arrived 
at Akaba quite recently. These are believed to be wounded 
from East Africa. 



203 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 152. 
Sir L. Mallei to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 22.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 21, 1914. 

Battery of six guns which left Constantinople on nth 
instant, and which I think were heavy guns, have, together 
with aeroplane, arrived at Alexandretta and left for the 
south. 

Since i8th October there have been no movements of 
troops to or from Damascus. Some trucks of ammunition 
went round by rail to Nablus Sidi, and cases of rifles arrived 
from Aleppo. 

No. 153. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 22.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 21, 1914. 

It should not be forgotten that one of the elements in 
the situation that cannot be overlooked is possibility of coup 
d'tat by Minister of War, supported by Germans. 



No. 154. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 22.) 
(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 22, 1914. 

x [Cf. A manifesto, 1 the authorship of which is attributed to 

No. 155.] Sheikh Aziz Shawish, is being secretly circulated at Beirout. 
Manifesto bears alleged signatures of ten representatives of 
Moslem countries under foreign rule. It incites Moslem 
soldiers to mutiny in their respective countries in defence of 
Islam, and bids them desert the Allies and join Germany. 
Whole tenor is fanatical and inflammatory. 



No. 155. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 22.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 22, 1914. 

My immediately preceding telegram. 

I understand that several thousand copies of manifesto 
are to be smuggled into Egypt and India and other Moslem 
countries through Syria. 
204 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

No. 156. 
Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, October 22, 1914. 

German officers now on frontier seem bent on forcing 
matters. General Officer Commanding Egypt anticipates 
Arab raid at any moment at their instigation. 



No. 157. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 23.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 22, 1914. 

I have seen the Russian Ambassador again this morning. 
He is sure that, unless Turks mean to betray Germans, the 
possibility of which he does not exclude, they will make war 
on Russia on receipt of first half of a sum of 4,000,000 which 
Germany is providing. 2 2 [Cf. post, 

It is currently reported about 1,000,000 has already PP- 232-3. 
arrived. 

Russian successes on Vistula will spur on Germans to 
further efforts here, but it is difficult to say whether it will 
increase or diminish chance of Turkish participation in the 
war. 

Virulent attacks and propaganda against Great Britain 
seem to show Government are anxious to justify them- 
selves in public estimation if war breaks out, and it may 
indicate that they mean to provoke war themselves, as they 
are aware that we shall not do so. 

No. 158. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 22.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 22, 1914. 

One of objects of press campaign here now is to prove 
that Great Britain is aiming deliberate blows at Islam, as such, 
and a statement is being circulated here that British Govern- 
ment are preventing pilgrimages from Egypt this year. One 
form of this statement is that a Fetva has been issued prescrib- 
ing that as Egyptian Government cannot protect pilgrims 
there shall be no pilgrimage. It is insinuated that this 
Fetva has been extorted by British. 

205 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 159. 
Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, October 23, 1914. 

Mining of the Shatt-el-Arab. 

Your telegram of I7th October. 1 

The ancient right of free navigation of the river was 
solemnly affirmed as late as 2gth July 1913, in Article i 
of the Anglo-Turkish Agreement signed on that day. It 
is a right which His Majesty's Government cannot allow to be 
nullified by the mining of the channel. They will be forced 
to regard any attempt to lay mines in the river as an act 
of open hostility and provocation to this country, and they 
must reserve to themselves the right of taking their own 
measures, if necessary, to maintain the freedom of navigation. 

You should make a representation in these terms to the 
Turkish Government, and add a firm protest against the 
apparent intention of blocking the international waterway 
of the Shatt-el-Arab, which offers the only means of access 
to the port of Mohammerah and the neighbouring Persian 
littoral. 

No. 160. 
Sir Edward Grey to Mr. Cheetham. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, October 23, 1914. 

I hear that Turkish Minister at Sophia has left his post 
for Germany. Reported object is to arrange with German 
Government for stirring up of Moslem fanaticism in India, 
Egypt, Morocco, Algeria, and Tunis. 



No. 161. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 24.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 23, 1914. 

Twenty projectors, 10 electric mines, 4 electric motors, 
-500 cases of Mauser ammunition have arrived via Rustchuk 
in addition to arrivals already reported previously. 



206 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

No. 162. 

Sir L. Mallei to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 24.) 
(Telegraphic.) ' Constantinople, October 23, 1914. 

Very large quantities of bar gold have recently arrived. 
Nearly a million's worth was taken to Deutsche Bank three 
nights ago under escort, and there is information that previous 
consignments have been similarly conveyed. It is probable 
that between two and three millions have arrived altogether. 



No. 163. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 24.) 
(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 23, 1914. 

German named Kellerman has just left Aleppo for Haifa 
or the south. Two thousand camels, 1500 water-skins, 
400 bicycles, all canvas and canvas bags, together with food- 
stuffs, are being requisitioned in Aleppo. 

Information goes to show that an Arab raid has been 
possible during last few weeks, and contingency has certainly 
to be watched. 

No. 164. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 24.) [Reply, 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 23, 1914. Na l66 

Last night Minister of Marine sent me message to say 
that neutrality would be maintained by Turkish Government. 
He gave same assurances in categorical terms yesterday 
to French Ambassador, and said that Minister of Interior's 
views were the same. Ambassador said that it was reported 
that an agreement existed with Germany to go to war on 
certain terms being fulfilled. Minister of Marine denied 
this absolutely, and also declared that Turkey was not going 
to war. My French colleague then inquired what was 
meaning of preparations in Syria and of all the violent talk 
about Egypt. Minister of Marine replied that England was 
treating Egypt as if it belonged to her, whereas it formed 
part of Ottoman dominions. Turks were indifferent about 
India, Tripoli, and Tunis, etc., but Egypt was on their frontier, 
and they felt about it as French did about Alsace-Lorraine. 
They would do nothing officially, but would shut their eyes to 

207 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

any agitation which was directed against English occupation 
of Egypt. Continuing, he referred to a proposal which he 
had made me a fortnight ago, to the effect that England and 
Turkey should now sign convention on lines of Drummond- 
Wolff Convention, providing for evacuation of Egypt by 
British troops at end of war. It is quite true he made this 
suggestion. I did not report it at the time because it was so 
entirely unpractical. This shows that Germans are turning 
all their attention to Egypt, and are inciting the Turks against 
us, so that we must expect to have a considerable amount of 
trouble on frontier. 

Turkish newspapers are full of Egypt just now and of our 
high-handed proceedings. It is, e.g., announced to-day that 
we have closed El Azhar mosque. There is no doubt that 
Germans are at bottom of this, and are inciting religious 
fanaticism of Turks against us. 



No. 165. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 24.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 23, 1914. 

United efforts of Germans and Ottoman Government 
at Haifa are being concentrated on arousing anti-English 
feeling amongst the Moslems ; German consul is touring 
the district with this view. The worst offender is the Otto- 
man Telegraph Agency. Yesterday, for example, it announced 
that the Ameer of Afghanistan will start a Holy War, and that 
he is invading India. 

No. 166. 

Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, October 24, 1914. 

i See Your telegram of 23rd October 1 gives the impression that 

No. 164. Turkey considers sending an armed force over the frontier 
of Egypt as being in some way different from acts of war 
against Russia. You should disabuse the Turkish Govern- 
ment of any such idea, and inform them that a military 
violation of frontier of Egypt will place them in a state of 
war with three allied Powers. 
208 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

I think you should enumerate to Grand Vizier l the hostile * [See 
acts of which we complain, and warn him that, if German No. 176.] 
influences succeed in pushing Turkey to cross the frontiers 
of Egypt and threaten the international Suez Canal, which 
we are bound to preserve, it will not be we, but Turkey, 
that will have aggressively disturbed the status quo. 

The following is a convenient summary of Turkish acts 
of which we complain, and which, combined, produce a most 
unfavourable impression. You might send it to Grand 
Vizier : 

' The Mosul and Damascus Army Corps have, since their 
mobilisation, been constantly sending troops south prepara- 
tory to an invasion of Egypt and the Suez Canal from Akaba 
and Gaza. A large body of Bedouin Arabs has been called 
out and armed to assist in this venture. Transport has been 
collected and roads have been prepared up to the frontier 
of Egypt. Mines have been despatched to be laid in the 
Gulf of Akaba to protect the force from naval attack, and 
the notorious Sheikh Aziz Shawish, v/ho has been so well 
known as a firebrand in raising Moslem feeling against 
Christians, has published and disseminated through Syria, 
and probably India, an inflammatory document urging 
Mohammedans to fight against Great Britain. Dr. Priiffer, 2 2 [Sic, cf. 
who was so long engaged in intrigues in Cairo against the post,p.2i$; 

British occupation, and is now attached to the German ' e . ^^ -, 
-r^ i /^ ,-ii i i ante, p. 05. 1 

Embassy in Constantinople, has been busily occupied in 

Syria trying to incite the people to take part in this conflict/ 



No. 167. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 26.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 25, 1914. 

Whole fleet has been at Kadikeui since 2oth October. 

Breslau took seventy mines on board yesterday, and had 
steam up in company of mine-layers Nilufer and Samsun. 

There is fairly sure evidence that no submarine has yet 
arrived in parts or otherwise. 



DIPLOMATIC 3. O 20g 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 168. 

Sir G. Buchanan to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 27.) 

(Telegraphic.) Petrograd, October 26, 1914. 

Forty-two Germans, disguised as tourists, are said to 
have arrived at Aleppo. They are members of General 
Staff and of crews of Goeben and Breslau. It is believed 
that they have 150 mines with them. Some of the officers 
are bound for Bagdad and Basra, others for Beirout and 
Tripoli. 

No. 169. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 27.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 27, 1914. 

1 [Djemal Enver Pasha, Jemal, 1 and Talaat Bey are making 

Pasha.] every preparation for an expedition against Egypt, which 
is evidently now their uppermost thought. A majority 
of the Committee are, however, said to be against war, and 
are showing considerable opposition to the scheme. I am 
unable to vouch for this, but the news appears to be fairly 
well authenticated. Halil Bey * started for Berlin this morn- 
ing, and he is said to be about to negotiate with the German 
Government. It seems difficult to explain his journey on 
any other hypothesis than that the Turks wish to postpone 
any decisive action. 

No. 170. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 28.) 
(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 27, 1914. 

It is now clear that, with exception of Minister of War, 
Turkish Government are seeking to temporise. 

I have reliable information that on the 22nd October Aus- 
trian Ambassador urged ir/imediate war on Minister of Interior 
and Halil. Both these officials maintained that it would 
be wiser to wait until the situation in Egypt and Caucasus 
cleared before moving, and suggested it would be time enough 
to move in the spring. They were not sure that, if they 
went to war, Italy might not join the Allies. Austrian 

* [President of the Chamber. See post, p. 233.] 

210 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

Ambassador retorted that spring would be too late, and 
that it was essential to Germany and Austria that Turkey 
should declare herself with them at once. His Excellency 
was clearly greatly dissatisfied at their attitude. 

Enver Pasha, on the other hand, whom Austrian Ambassador 
saw subsequently, said that he was determined to have war, 
whatever his colleagues might desire. Turkish fleet would 
be sent into Black Sea, and he could easily arrange with 
Admiral Suchon * to provoke hostilities. 

Fleet has, in point of fact, to-day gone into Black Sea, 
so it is impossible to foretell what is in store. 



No. 171. 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 28.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 28, 1914. 

Porte regrets that owing to pressure of military require- 
ments they are unable to accept wireless telegraphy messages 
sent from England for His Majesty's Embassy. 

No. 172. 

Mr. Cheetham to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 28.) 
(Telegraphic.) Cairo, October 28, 1914. 

I have received reliable information that some German 
officers unsuccessfully endeavoured to persuade commandant 
of Turk post to attack our post at Kossaimo, and that, on 
making further efforts with this object, they were arrested 
and sent to Beersheba. If true, story shows desire of Germans 
to precipitate matters. 

No. 173. 

Mr. Cheetham to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 28.) 
(Telegraphic.) Cairo, October 28, 1914. 

Two thousand armed Bedouins are advancing to attack 
the Canal, and have watered at Magdaba, which is 20 miles 
inside Egyptian frontier, 26th October. 

* [Admiral Souchon thus spelt was the German admiral at Con- 
stantinople.] 



211 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 174. 

Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, October 28, 1914. 

It is reported that four Turkish gunboats are intending 
to proceed from Alexandretta. 

You should warn Turkish Government that, as long as 
German officers remain on Goeben and Breslau and Turkish 
fleet is practically under German control, we must regard 
movement of Turkish ships as having a hostile intention, 
and, should Turkish gunboats proceed to sea, we must in 
self-defence stop them. 

As soon as Turkish Government carry out their promise 
respecting German crews and officers and observe the laws 
of neutrality with regard to Goeben and Breslau, and free the 
Turkish fleet from German control, we shall regard Turkish 
ships as neutrals, but, till then, we must protect ourselves 
against any movements that threaten us. 



No. 175. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 29.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 28, 1914. 

On 26th October a special train left Aleppo for Jerablus 
with two German and four Turkish naval officers and 100 
Turkish sailors, with large quantities of ship's tackle and 
accessories. 



No. 176. 

4 

Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 29.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 29, 1914. 

I have seen the Grand Vizier and informed him that, 

in spite of his assurances, the Bedouins had crossed the 

frontier and were in occupation of wells of Magdaba, 20 miles 

^Cf. post, within Egyptian territory. 1 I reminded him of the warning 

p. 233.] which I had addressed to him on the receipt of instructions 

8 See contained in your telegram of 24th October, 2 and asked 

No. 166. him for explanation. His Highness replied that he had 

212 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

instructed Minister of War, after representations which 
I had made to him, on no account to allow movement of any 
force across the frontier. If it were true, he would give 
immediate orders for recall of Bedouins, but he did not 
believe accuracy of the information. 

I replied that it was necessary at such a crisis that I should 
speak quite frankly, that it was a matter for public notoriety 
that there were divisions of opinion in the Cabinet, that his 
Highness was not master of the situation, and that, if Minister 
of War and extremists had decided upon an expedition against 
Egypt, his Highness could not prevent it. Grand Vizier 
replied that I was absolutely mistaken, and that, if it came 
to that, military party would not act without full assent 
of the Government. I said that in that case the time had 
come to put them to the test, and that unless expedition 
were immediately recalled, I could not answer for the conse- 
quences. As it was, I might at any moment receive 
instructions to ask for my passports, in which case Turkish 
Government would be at war with the Triple Entente at a 
time when German official communiques admitted defeat 
on the Vistula. 



No. 177. 

Sir G. Buchanan to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 29.) [Cf. No. 
(Telegraphic.) Petrograd, October 29, 1914. I 7 8 also 

Russian gunboat at Odessa has been sunk, and Feodosia ^ ost p< 
bombarded by Turkish fleet. Turkish officers who were 
sent on shore to demand surrender of Novorossiisk were 
arrested by prefect and ship left without taking further 
action. 

Above information just communicated by Russian 
Government. 



No. 178. 

Mr. Roberts to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 29.) [Cf. No. 
(Telegraphic.) Odessa, October 29, 1914. ^7 ; also 

Before dawn this morning two or three Turkish torpedo- 234.1 P 
boats raided Odessa harbour and sank Russian gunboat 

213 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

Donetz. French ship Portugal damaged ; two of the crew 
killed, two wounded. Russian steamships Vitiaz and Liazaref 
and Whanpao damaged. Some loss of life was caused in the 
town itself by shell-fire. 



No. 179. 
Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 

(Telegraphic.) Foreign Office, October 30, 1914. 

In view of hostile acts that have been committed, Russian 
Government have instructed Russian Ambassador to leave 
Constantinople with all his staff. 

Should his Excellency leave, you should yourself send in a 
note to the Sublime Porte to say that His Majesty's Govern- 
ment have learnt with the utmost surprise of the wanton 
attacks made upon open and undefended towns of a friendly 
country without any warning and without the slightest 
provocation, and that these acts constitute an unprecedented 
violation of the most ordinary rules of international law, 
usage, and comity. Russia has shown the utmost patience 
and forbearance in face of repeated violations of the rules 
of neutrality by Turkey, and in face of most provocative acts, 
amounting in reality to acts of hostility, and in this attitude 
of restraint her Allies, Great Britain and France, have co- 
operated. It is evident that there is no chance of a return 
to a proper observance of neutrality so long as the German 
naval and military missions remain at Constantinople, and 
such a situation cannot be prolonged. 

Unless, therefore, the Turkish Government will divest 
themselves of all responsibility for these unprovoked acts of 
hostility by dismissing the German military and naval 
missions, and fulfilling their often repeated promises about 
the German crews of the Goeben and Breslau, and will give you 
a satisfactory reply to this effect within twelve hours from 
the date of the delivery of the note, you should ask for 
your passports and leave Constantinople with the staff of the 
Embassy. 

214 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

No. 180. 
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward Grey. (Received October 31.) 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 30, 1914. 

Russian Ambassador asked for his passports this after- 
noon, and I and my French colleague have followed 
suit. 

Minister of the Interior, in conversation with a neutral 
colleague this afternoon, practically admitted that Turkey 
had thrown in her lot with Germany. 

I have had a very painful interview with the Grand Vizier, 1 
who had been kept in the dark as to his colleagues' intentions, P- 2 35 1 
and who will doubtless be set aside to-night. 



No. 181. 
Mr. Cheetham to Sir Edward Grey. (Received November 2.) 

Cairo, October 20, 1914. 

Sir, With reference to my despatch of the 3Oth ultimo, 2 2 See 
I have the honour to submit copies of further interrogatories of No - 12 5- 
the German spy, Robert Mors. I have, etc. 

(For Mr. Cheetham), 

ROBERT GREG. 



ENCLOSURE IN No. 181. 

Further Interrogation of Lieutenant Mors. 

Mulazim Awal Robert Mors, recalled and re-examined, 
states : 

' I arrived in Constantinople on the evening of the 4th 
September 1914, and put up at the Hotel Germania. I met M. 
Curt Priif er 3 there, and he introduced me to Omar Fauzi [sic] 
Bey, 4 the Turkish staff officer who asked me to call upon him at 
the War Office. I did so on the 6th September. He questioned 
me on the state of Egypt and on the chances of success of a 
native rising in this country. He mentioned that the German 
diplomatic and consular officials had been expelled, and that No. 133.] 

215 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

all German subjects had been arrested and were to be de- 
ported. He also asked me if I knew M. Dusreicher, who, 
he declared, had also been sent out of the country. He 
stated likewise that he had heard that the Egyptian army 
and police had been disarmed, and asked me if it were true, 
to which I replied that I thought it was very improbable. 
He then told me he had emissaries in Egypt fomenting trouble, 
to prepare the way for a Turkish invasion, and to compel the 
British to split up their forces. In reply to my inquiry, he 
explained that two bands of native marauders were to be 
organised in each Imdiria, to attack the railway, and commit 
outrages on the property of British subjects, etc. These 
bands were to be recruited from the malefactor class, and 
there would be a Turkish officer in every province to direct 
their operations. Each band would be composed of from 
ten to fifteen men, and when an important coup was con- 
templated in any Imdiria the two bands would unite, the 
idea being to oblige the British to scatter their forces all over 
the country. Fauzi Bey said he had a list of fifty Egyptian 
army and police officers, from whom he expected either active 
or passive assistance. Four strong bands of Bedouins were 
also being formed to operate in the Suez Canal zone, two east 
and two west. Each band was to be fifty strong. Fauzi 
Bey made a rough sketch of the Canal to explain to me the 
role of these Bedouins. He said the British had detached 
posts at intervals along the Canal. Two of the most isolated 
of these would be attacked simultaneously and, if possible, 
annihilated. The intermediate posts would then go to their 
assistance, whereupon the third and fourth troops of 
Bedouins would raid the weakened points and fire on the 
steamers hi the Canal. The instructions given to the 
bands were to retire into the desert if the post attacked 
was strongly reinforced, and then to return and attack 
another post, etc. 

' Fauzi Bey asked me if I would help to carry out these 
plans, and suggested that I should assist a Turkish officer 
who was already in Alexandria to carry out these komitajis 
operations in that district. If not, I could take part in some 
way in the military operations to be undertaken in Egypt. 
I replied that, as an officer, I could have nothing to do with 
the komitajis part of his programme, which, from a German 
216 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

point of view, was beneath the dignity of an officer, but that 
I was quite disposed to participate in military operations 
against Egypt on condition (i) I was granted the rank of 
officer in the Turkish army, (2) that the German Ambassador 
approved of my decision, and (3) that I was not required 
to start before my family arrived from Egypt. At this 
stage of our conversation a Bedawi sheikh arrived, and I 
rose to take my leave, but Fauzi Bey begged me to remain. 
The sheikh talked to Fauzi Bey on the Canal part of the 
programme, and I gathered from their remarks that it had 
already been discussed between them. I should mention 
that the sheikh on arriving asked the Bey if he could speak 
in my presence, to which Fauzi assented. They then discussed 
plans for destroying the embankment between the fresh- 
water canal and the Suez Canal, in order to cut off the drinking 
water supply of Ismailia and Suez. I asked the sheikh how 
he proposed to divert the fresh- water canal into Suez Canal. 
He replied that with 200 men and sufficient dynamite he could 
do it in thirty-four hours. Fauzi Bey interposed that he 
could easily have 1000 kilog. of dynamite if he required it. 
I asked the sheikh sarcastically if he meant to employ Bedouin 
or fellaheen on the job, to which he replied, somewhat nettled, 
that it did not matter which. The sheikh left us, and Fauzi 
Bey and I continued our conversation. I asked him how 
he was going to organise a revolution in Egypt without arms, 
and mentioned that the Arms Law had been vigorously applied 
since two years ago. He replied that he had a sufficient 
quantity of arms in the country, and in any case arms could 
be smuggled through with ease. I reverted to the subject 
of the fresh-water canal, remarking that I thought it an 
absurd project, to which he replied that he believed it quite 
practical and that the sheikh was a man of intelligence and 
sense. He went on to say that it was not the only means 
which he had with which to deal with the Canal problem. 
A wealthy Turk had presented the Government with a steam- 
ship which sailed under the Italian flag and was commanded 
by an ex-officer of the Turkish navy. This ship was to take 
a full cargo of cement from an Italian port and her manifests 
were to be made out for Massowa. The captain was to 
submit to any search by British warships without demur, 
and on reaching Port Said to steam at full speed down 

217 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

the Canal. He was then to sink her by one of three methods, 
viz. : (i) To collide with a British ship ; (2) to provoke a 
British warship to sink her by ignoring signals ; (3) to sink 
her himself. Fauzi Bey told me he had a trustworthy Egyp- 
tian officer who was leaving for Egypt by the first Khedivial 
mail steamer to take part in the operations there and to bear 
instructions to his agents. I afterwards spoke to Dr. Priifer 
about Fauzi's Canal project. He did not seem to approve, 
but gave me the map of the Suez Canal. I met Fauzi again 
at the passport office as I was about to embark on the steam- 
ship Saidia. He only greeted me, and said he hoped to see 
me back soon. He is the officer whom I mentioned in my 
former evidence as having seen me at the quays and who 
may have overheard my cabin number/ 

Q. Who are the police officers in league with Fauzi Bey ? 
A . He did not give me their names. I mentioned the names 
of several officers of my acquaintance, but after scrutinising 
the list he gave me a negative answer. 

Q. Do you know the names of any of the army officers 
who figured on the list ? A. No. 

Q. Who were the officers despatched to Egypt in connec- 
tion with the organisation of the komitaji bands ? A. I do 
not know ; they left for Egypt before me. 

Q. Who was the Bedawi sheikh who discussed the fresh- 
water canal project ? A. I do not know his name. He was 
a man of about fifty years of age, with a full grey beard. He 
was about my height, but broad-shouldered and stout. He 
spoke educated Arabic without a Bedawi or Maghrabi 
accent. 

Q. Who was the officer in Alexandria with whom you 
were to co-operate ? A. He gave me no inkling as to who 
he was. 

Q. Did Enver Pasha speak to you on the subject of 
military operations in Egypt, the destruction of the Canal, 
etc. ? A. Yes, on the day before I sailed, when I called 
upon him with Dr. Priifer and the officer of the Lorelei. He 
questioned me on public opinion here, whether the natives 
would revolt against the English if the Turks marched against 
Egypt, and suggested that I should see Fauzi Bey on the 
subject. 1 replied that I had already seen him, and I recapitu- 
lated what he had told me. Enver Pasha replied that there 
218 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

would be certainly something for me to do in Egypt when 
the time came for action there if I was then still disposed to 
accept. He also asked me if I spoke Arabic. 

Q. Did Fauzi Bey mention the name of the Egyptian 
officer who was leaving for Egypt by the first Khedivial mail 
steamer ? A . No ; but in the light of subsequent events I 
believe it was Hamuda Effendi. 

Q. When you told Fauzi Bey that you were disposed to 
participate in military operations against this country, 
did he accept your offer ? A . Yes ; but it was agreed 
between us that this should take effect after I returned from 
Alexandria with my family. 

Q. Then why were you given the detonators to take to 
Egypt ? A. I do not know. I am convinced that Hamuda 
Effendi was the person designed for the enterprise connected 
with the detonators. I do not think that this mission was 
connected with the subject which Omar Fauzi Bey discussed 
with me. I think it must have been a secret between Sheikh 
Abd-el-Aziz Shawish, Drs. Ahmad Fuad and Priifer, and 
Hamuda Effendi. 

Q. Have you no idea what Hamuda was to do with the 
detonators? A.I knew they were for use with bombs 
to be manufactured in this country. 

Q. How do you know that? A. Because once I found 
Sheikh Shawish sitting with Dr. Priifer in the latter's room 
at the Hotel Germania. They were copying in Arabic a 
receipt for making bombs. The paper from which Sheikh 
Shawish was copying contained directions, a list of the 
component chemicals, and a sketch of a bomb in the right- 
hand bottom corner. I heard them mention that it was 
to be given to the Egyptian officer, and Sheikh Shawish said 
to me in Arabic " Hua zaoit aryak." 

Q. To what use were the bombs to be put ? A . I have 
no idea. R. O. C. MORS. 

No. 182. 
Telegram communicated by Count Benckendorff on November 2. 

M. Sazonof telegraphic en date du i er novembre, 1914 : 
' Le Charge d' Affaires ottoman vient de me lire le tele- 
gramme suivant du Grand Vizir : " Vous prie de dire au 

219 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

Ministre des Affaires litrangeres que nous regrettons infini- 
ment qu'un acte d'hostilite provoque par la flotte russe ait 
compromis relations amicales des deux pays. Vous pouvez 
assurer Gouvernement Imperial de Russie que la Sublime 
Porte ne manquera pas de donner a la question la solution 
qu'elle comport e et qu'elle adopt era des mesures propres a 
prevenir un renouvellement de faits analogues. Vous pouvez 
declarer des a present au Ministre que sommes decides a ne 
plus permettre a la flotte Imperiale de passer dans la mer 
Noire et que nous esperons que la flotte russe, a son tour, ne 
viendra plus croiser dans nos parages. J'ai le ferme espoir 
que le Gouvernement Imperial de Russie voudra bien faire 
preuve en roccurrence du meme esprit de conciliation au nom 
des interets communs des deux pays." 

' J'ai repondu au Charge d' Affaires de Turquie que je 
donne le dementi le plus categorique a ce qu'il venait de 
me dire au sujet d'une initiative d'hostilites a la charge de la 
flotte russe ; je lui dis que je craignais qu'il etait trop tard 
pour negocier ; que pourtant si la Sublime Porte se decidait 
au renvoi immediat de tout le personnel militaire et marin 
allemand, on y pourrait penser et que des pourparlers ne 
seraient pas impossibles pour une satisfaction que la Turquie 
aurait a donner pour Tagression illegitime de nos cotes et les 
degats commis. 

' J'ai autorise Fahr-Eddin a expedier un tlegramme 
chiffre en ce sens, lui faisant pourtant observer que sa 
demarche ne changeait rien a la situation creee. Fahr- 
Eddin recevra demain ses passeports, et la reponse du 
Gouvernement ottoman pourra etre transmise par Forgane de 
TAmbassade d'ltalie.' 

(TRANSLATION.) 

M. Sazonof telegraphs on the ist November 1914, as 
follows : 

' The Turkish Charge d' Affaires has just read me the 

following telegram from the Grand Vizier : " I request you 

to inform the Minister for Foreign Affairs that we infinitely 

1 [Cf. post, regret that an act of hostility, provoked by the Russian fleet, 1 

p. 236.] should have compromised the friendly relations of the two 

countries. You can assure the Imperial Russian Government 

220 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

that the Sublime Porte will not fail to give the question such 
solution as it entails, and that they will adopt fitting measures 
to prevent a recurrence of similar acts. You can declare 
forthwith to the Minister that we have resolved no more to 
allow the Imperial fleet to enter the Black Sea, and that we 
trust that the Russian fleet, on their side, will no longer cruise 
in our waters. I have the firm hope that the Imperial Russian 
Government will give proof, on this occurrence, of the same 
spirit of conciliation in the common interests of both countries/' 

' I replied to the Turkish Charge d' Affaires that I most 
categorically denied what he had just said respecting the 
initiation of hostilities by the Russian fleet ; I told him that 
I feared it was too late to negotiate ; that nevertheless, if 
the Sublime Porte decided upon the immediate dismissal of 
all the German military and naval officers and men, it might be 
possible to consider the question, and that discussion might 
not be impossible to reach some basis of satisfaction to be 
given by Turkey for the illegal act of aggression against our 
coasts and for the damage thereby inflicted. 

' I authorised Fahr-Eddin to send a cypher telegram in 
this sense, but pointed out to him at the same time that the 
representation he had made in no way altered the situation. 
Fahr-Eddin will receive his passports to-morrow, and the 
reply from the Turkish Government can be sent through the 
Italian Embassy/ 



No. 183. 
Sir E. Grey to Sir F. Bertie, Sir G. Buchanan, and Sir C. Greene. 

Foreign Office, November 3, 1914. 

SIR, The Turkish Ambassador called on the 3ist ultimo 
and inquired whether this Department could give his High- 
ness any information regarding the telegrams which had 
appeared in the press on the subject of a Turkish attack 
on certain Russian ports. 

Sir A. Nicolson informed his Highness of what had actually 
occurred in the Black Sea. Tewfik Pasha expressed surprise, 
and inquired what he should do in the extremely difficult 
position in which he now found himself. Sir A. Nicolson 
assured his Highness that His Majesty's Government would 

221 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

treat him personally with all respect and consideration, and 
that he would be given notice if it became necessary for 
diplomatic relations between Great Britain and Turkey to 
cease. . 

On the 2nd instant Tewfik Pasha again called and com- 
municated to Sir A. Nicolson the text of a telegram which he 
had just received from the Grand Vizier, a copy of which is 
enclosed herein. 

Sir A. Nicolson replied, and he was sure that I would agree 
with him, that he strongly demurred to the statement in the 
last paragraph of the Grand Vizier's telegram, to the effect 
that ' His Majesty's Government had provoked a rupture 
of diplomatic relations/ It was absurd to state that we 
had done so in view of the indisputable fact that Turkish ships 
had bombarded the ports of one of our allies, and had burnt 
and sunk a British steamer lying peaceably in a friendly port. 
Furthermore, there were active, not to say feverish, military 
and other preparations directed against the Suez Canal and 
Egypt. If the Ottoman Government were as desirous as they 
asserted of maintaining friendly relations with Great Britain 
they should at once dismiss the German naval and military 
missions. I am, etc., E. GREY. 



ENCLOSURE IN No. 183. 

Text of Telegram to be communicated to Sir Edward Grey on 
behalf of Said Halim Pasha. 

Je suis tres peine de voir que, par suite de Tincident 
deplorable survenu dans la mer Noire, le Gouvernement 
britannique a decide de rappeler son Ambassadeur a Con- 
stantinople. 

Ainsi que je 1'ai declare a maintes reprises a Sir Louis 
Mallet, je tiens fermement au maintien des relations d'amitie 
existant entre nos deux pays et je travaille tou jours a ce 
qu'elles ne soit compromises en aucune fagon. 

Je regretterais done beaucoup, si un incident, du a des 
circonstances imprevues, etait considere par le Gouvernement 
de Sa Majeste britannique comme une cause de conflit entre 
les deux pays. 

Par consequent, j'aime a esperer que le Gouvernement 
222 



RUPTURE WITH TURKEY 

Royal voudra bien, en temoignage de son desir reciproque de 
garder intact les relations amicales des deux pays, mettre fin 
un moment plus tot a la rupture des relations diplomatiques 
qu'il vient de provoquer. 

Constantinople, le i er (14) novembre, 1914. 

(TRANSLATION.) 

I am much grieved that, in consequence of the deplorable 
incident that has occurred in the Black Sea, the British 
Government have decided to recall their Ambassador from 
Constantinople. 

As I have many times declared to Sir Louis Mallet, I am 
deeply desirous to maintain the relations of friendship exist- 
ing between our two countries, and I am working without 
cease in order that they may not be compromised in any way. 

I should therefore much regret if an incident, due to un- 
foreseen circumstances, were to be considered by His Britannic 
Majesty's Government as a cause of conflict between the two 
countries. 

Consequently, I hope that His Majesty's Government 
will be willing, in witness of their reciprocal desire to maintain 
intact the friendly relations of the two countries, to put 
an end at the earliest possible moment to the rupture of 
diplomatic relations which they have just provoked. 

Constantinople, November i (14), 1914. 



No. 184. 

Sir Edward Grey to Sir G. Buchanan, Sir F. Bertie, and Sir 

C. Greene. 

Foreign Office, November 4, 1914. 

SIR, Tewfik Pasha called upon me this afternoon, and 
informed me that he had received instructions to ask for his 
passports, as His Majesty's Ambassador had already left 
Constantinople. 

I expressed to Tewfik Pasha my personal regret at our 
official relations being terminated, as he had always acted 
in a loyal, straightforward, and friendly manner, and I had 
much appreciated the intercourse which we had had together 

223 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

during the past few years. I informed Tewfik Pasha that 
if his Government wished that hostilities between the two 
countries should cease, the only chance was to dismiss the 
German naval and military missions, and especially the 
officers and crews of the Goeben and Breslau. So long as 
German officers remained in complete naval and military 
control at Constantinople, it was clear that they would 
continue to make war against us. I am, &c., 

E. GREY. 



224 



DESPATCH 

FROM 

HIS MAJESTY'S AMBASSADOR AT CONSTANTINOPLE 
SUMMARISING EVENTS LEADING UP TO 

RUPTURE OF RELATIONS 
WITH TURKEY, 

AND REPLY THERETO. 

[In continuation of ' Miscellaneous, No. 13 (1914) ' : Cd. 7628] 



Presented to both Houses of Parliament by Command of His Majesty. 

December 1914. 



[Published as a White Paper, 
* MISCELLANEOUS, No. 14 (1914)' : Cd. 7716.] 



DIPLOMATIC 3. P 225 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



DESPATCH FROM HIS MAJESTY'S AMBASSADOR AT 
CONSTANTINOPLE SUMMARISING EVENTS 
LEADING UP TO RUPTURE OF RELATIONS 
WITH TURKEY, AND REPLY THERETO. 

London, November 20, 1914. 

SIR, I have the honour to report on the circumstances 
which preceded and accompanied my departure from Con- 
stantinople on the ist November. 

On my return to my post on the i6th August, a fortnight 
after the outbreak of the European war, the situation was 
already such as to give ground for the apprehension that 
Turkey would be driven by Germany sooner or later to take 
part in it as her ally. The Ottoman army, under the supreme 
command of Enver Pasha, who was entirely in German hands, 
had been mobilised, and although the Government had de- 
clared their intention of preserving their neutrality, they had 
taken no proper steps to ensure its maintenance. They had, 
on the contrary, jeopardised their ability to do so by the 
admission of the German warships Goeben and Breslau into 
1 [Cf. ante, the Dardanelles on the loth August. 1 Events have confirmed 
PP- 94 what I and my French and Russian colleagues constantly 
-l impressed upon the Grand Vizier and other Ministers at the 

time, that so long as the German admiral and crews remained 
on board the German warships, the German Government 
were masters of the situation, and were in a position to force 
the hand of the Turkish Government if at any given moment 
it suited them to do so. 

So far as the Grand Vizier * was concerned, the warning 
fell upon deaf ears, and it was at no time possible to persuade 
His Highness to admit that he would not be able to control 
developments to which he was himself opposed and which 
had not the approval of the whole Government. It is quite 
possible that he was sincere hi this conviction, but he was 
fully alive to the precarious nature of his own position and 

* [Prince Said Halim Pasha.] 
226 



SIR L. MALLET'S DESPATCH 

to the fact that any real attempt on his part to run counter 
to the policy of Enver Pasha * and the military authorities 
would have meant his elimination. This event would have 
brought matters to a head at once, which would have been 
contrary to the policy of the Allied Powers of postponing for 
as long as possible, if they were unable to avert altogether, 
the intervention of Turkey in the war, with the vast and 
complicated issues involved in the raising of the Eastern 
question, so that my role and that of my French and 
Russian colleagues, with whom I acted in complete accord 
throughout, was necessarily restricted to one of remon- 
strance and to an endeavour to expose and defeat the 
German intrigues. 

In pursuance of a long-prepared policy, the greatest 
pressure was at once exercised by Germany to force Turkey 
into hostilities. German success in the European war was 
said to be assured. The perpetual menace to Turkey from 
Russia might, it was suggested, be averted by a timely 
alliance with Germany and Austria. Egypt might be re- 
covered for the Empire. India and other Moslem countries 
represented as groaning under Christian rule might be kindled 
into a flame of infinite possibilities for the Caliphate of Con- 
stantinople. Turkey would emerge from the war the one 
great Power of the East, even as Germany would be the one 
great Power of the West. Such was the substance of German 
misrepresentations. It is a matter of common consent that 
Enver Pasha, dominated by a quasi-Napoleonic ideal, by 
political Pan-Islamism, and by a conviction of the superiority 
of the German arms, was from the first a strong partisan of 
the German alliance. How far his several colleagues and other 
directing spirits outside the Ministry entered into his views 
is to some extent a matter of speculation ; but it may be 
taken as certain that the Sultan, the Heir Apparent,! the 
Grand Vizier, Djavid Bey,Ja majority of the Ministry, and a 
considerable section of the Committee of Union and Progress 
were opposed to so desperate an adventure as war with the 
Allies. At what moment Talaat Bey, the most powerful 
civilian in the Cabinet and the most conspicuous of the Com- 

* [Minister of War.] f [Prince Youssouff Izzedin Effendi.] 

J [Minister of Finance.] [Minister of the Interior.] 

227 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

mittee leaders, finally threw in his lot with the war party 
cannot be ascertained precisely. His sympathies were 
undoubtedly with them from the beginning, but the part 
which he actually played in the earlier stages is shrouded 
in mystery. I have reason to think that for some time he 
may have thought it possible, by steering a middle course, 
to postpone a decision until it was clearer what would be the 
result of the European war ; and he may well have been 
anxious to gain time and to secure in exchange for Turkey's 
adhesion to the German cause something more solid than 
promises. These were tendered, indeed, on a lavish scale, 
but I am not aware that they were given in a form which 
could be considered binding. It is certain in any case 
that Talaat Bey's hesitations were overcome, and that he 
had definitely joined the conspiracy to bring about war 
v this autumn some three weeks before the crisis was pre- 
cipitated. 

Whatever the views of individual Ministers or others 
may have been, the Turkish Government made no effort to 
emancipate themselves from German influence or to stem 
the tide of its progress. The material hold established by 
the introduction of the two German ships was on the contrary 
allowed to be strengthened. Not only did these ships remain 
under effective German control, but a strong German element 
was imported into the remainder of the fleet, even before the 
British naval mission, which had been reduced to impotence 
by order of the Minister of Marine,* had been recalled by His 
Majesty's Government. Large numbers of Germans were 
imported from Germany as unostentatiously as possible, to 
be employed in the forts of the Dardanelles and Bosphorus 
and at other crucial points. Numerous German merchant 
1 [See ante, vessels, of which the most important were the Corcovado 1 and 
p. 189.] the General, served as bases of communication and as auxili- 
aries to what had become, in effect, a German Black Sea 
Fleet. Secret communications with the German General 
Staff were established at the outbreak of the war by means 
of the wireless apparatus of the Corcovado, which was anchored 
opposite the German Embassy at Therapia, and which was 
continuously used for this among other purposes throughout 

* [Djemal Pasha.] 
228 



SIR L. MALLET'S DESPATCH 

the whole period under review, in spite of my urgent repre- 
sentations and those of my French and Russian colleagues. 
Other German ships played with the Turkish flag as they 
pleased, in order to facilitate their voyages or cloak their 
real character while in port, and a department was constituted 
at the German Embassy for the purpose of requisitioning 
supplies for the use of the German Government and their 
ships. All these things were tolerated by a complaisant 
Turkish Government, who appeared to be indifferent to the 
incessant encroachments on their sovereignty if not to welcome 
them. 

On land, the officers of the German military mission dis- 
played a ubiquitous activity. Their supremacy at the 
Ministry of War, combined with the close co-operation 
which existed between them and the Militarist party, made 
it easy to fortify an already strong position. Acting in con- 
junction with other less accredited agents of their own nation- 
ality, they were the main organisers of those military prepara- 
tions in Syria which so directly menaced Egypt, and which 
became a serious source of preoccupation and a constant theme 
of my remonstrances. 

The evidence of these preparations became daily more 
convincing. Emissaries of Enver Pasha were present on the 
frontier, bribing and organising the Bedouins. Warlike 
stores were despatched south, and battalions of regular 
troops were posted at Rafah, whilst the Syrian and Mosul 
army corps were held hi readiness to move south at short 
notice. The Syrian towns were full of German officers, 
who were provided with large sums of money for suborning 
the local chiefs. As an illustration of the thoroughness 
of the German preparations, I was credibly informed that 
orders were given to obtain estimates for the making of 
Indian military costumes at Aleppo in order to simulate 
the appearance of British Indian troops. Under directions 
from the Central Government the civil authorities of the 
Syrian coast towns removed all their archives and ready 
money to the interior, and Moslem families were warned 
to leave to avoid the consequences of bombardment by 
the British fleet. The Khedive himself was a party to the 
conspiracy, and arrangements were actually made with the 

229 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

German Embassy for his presence with a military expedition 
across the frontier. 

However difficult it would have been for the Ottoman 
Government to regain their control over the armed forces 
of the State after the arrival of the Goeben and Breslau, the 
insidious campaign carried on with their encouragement by 
means of the press, the preachers in the mosques, and the 
pamphleteers, is evidence that its most powerful members 
were in sympathy with the anti-British movement. I had, 
indeed, actual proof of the inspiration by Talaat Bey and 
Djemal Pasha of articles directed against Great Britain. 
Every agency which could be used to stimulate public 
opinion in favour of Germany and to inflame it against 
the Allies was set at work with the connivance, and often 
with the co-operation, of the Turkish authorities. All 
the Turkish newspapers in Constantinople became German 
organs ; they glorified every real or imaginary success of 
Germany or Austria ; they minimised everything favourable 
to the Allies. 

1 [See ante, The enclosures in an earlier despatch l will have shown 
pp. 198- to what depths of scurrility some of the more corrupt and 
unbridled of them descended in their onslaughts on Great 
Britain, and how unequally the censors of the press held 
the balance when exercising their practically unlimited powers. 
The provincial papers were no less enthusiastically pro- 
German ; the semi-official telegraphic agency, which is 
practically worked by the Ministry of the Interior, was placed 
at the disposal of German propaganda. Through these 
agencies unlimited use was made of Turkey's one concrete 
and substantial grievance against Great Britain as distin- 
guished from other European Powers, that is, the detention 
of the Sultan Osman and the Reshadie at the beginning of the 
European war. Other grievances, older and less substantial, 
were raked out of the past ; and the indictment of Great 
Britain and her Allies was completed by a series of inventions 
and distortions of the truth designed to represent them as 
the enemy, not merely of Turkey, but of the whole of Islam. 
Attacks of the latter kind became especially frequent in the 
latter half of October, and were undoubtedly directly inspired 
by Germany. My urgent representations to the Grand 
230 



SIR L. MALLET'S DESPATCH 

Vizier and to Talaat Bey, both verbal and written, had 
hardly even a temporary effect in checking this campaign. 

It may seem strange that, thus equipped and thus abetted, 
those who sought to involve Turkey in the European war 
failed so long to achieve their object. The reasons were 
manifold. As I have already indicated, the party which 
stood for neutrality contained men who, lacking though they 
were in any material means of enforcing their views, could 
not easily be ignored. By whatever various routes they 
may have been arrived at, the ideas of these men coincided 
with a body of less sophisticated and hardly articulate opinion 
which, however wounded by England's action in preventing 
delivery of the Sultan Osman and the Reshadie, could still not 
reconcile itself to a war with England and France. In my 
despatch of the 22nd September x I had the honour to report 1 [See ante, 
how frankly and how emphatically the Sultan himself voiced PP- 1 52-6.] 
this feeling in conversation with me. There can be little 
doubt that the Grand Vizier exercised what influence he had 
in favour of neutrality. Djavid Bey, the Minister of Finance, 
whose influence in favour of neutrality was of weight as 
representing the Jewish element, and whose arguments in 
favour of peace were supported by the fact that Turkey 
was already absolutely bankrupt, and not in a position to 
embark upon war with the Allies, became towards the end 
so formidable an obstacle to the fulfilment of the German 
plan that instructions were sent from Berlin to force his 
resignation. 

Again, seriously convinced as most prominent Turks 
appear to have been of the ultimate success of Germany, 
their confidence could not but be a little dashed by the 
actual course of events in the two main theatres of war ; 
and the more thoughtful realised that even in the event of 
Germany being victorious, the fact of Turkey having fought 
by her side would not necessarily ensure any advantage to 
the Ottoman Empire.. As for the Germans themselves, it 
was true, as I have said, that they could at any moment force 
Turkey to march with them, but to do so before every means 
of suasion had proved useless would obviously not have been 
politic. It was clearly only in the last resort that the Monarch 
whom Pan-Islamic pro-Germans acclaimed as the hope of 

231 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

Islam, and whom the devout in some places had been taught 
to regard as hardly distinguishable from a true believer, would 
run the risk of scandalising the Moslem world, whom he hoped 
to set ablaze to the undoing of England, Russia, and France, 
by using the guns of the Goeben to force the hands of the 
Sultan-Caliph. But the factor which more than any other 
delayed the realisation of the German plans, and which enabled 
me and my French and Russian colleagues to protract the 
crisis until they could only be realised in such a way as to 
open the eyes of the Moslem world to the real nature of the 
conspiracy, was the inherent tendency of Turkish statesmen 
to procrastinate, in the hope that by playing off one side 
against the other they might gain more in the long run. 

However slender the chances in our favour, it was obviously 
my duty, in conjunction with my French and Russian col- 
leagues, to support and encourage by all possible means those 
forces which were obscurely striving for the preservation of 
peace. 

If this policy necessarily involved the acceptance of acts 
on the part of the Ottoman Government which, in ordinary 
circumstances, would have called for more than remonstrance 
and the reservation of our rights, and which it would have 
been easy to make the occasion of a rupture of relations, the 
patience displayed by the allies was justified by the results 
achieved. 

Although unsuccessful in averting war, two objects of 
main importance were gained by delaying its commencement. 
On the one hand, the Allied Powers are now in a position to 
deal with the problem with a freer hand, and, on the other, 
Germany has been forced to show her cards and to act inde- 
pendently of a majority of the Turkish Cabinet. 

Under the stress of events in the main theatre of the war, 
and owing to the vital necessity of providing a diversion in 
the Near East, Germany was constrained to intensify still 
further their pressure on the Turks. During the first three 
weeks of October their pressure took yet another form, and 
a new weight was cast into the scale by the importation into 
Constantinople, with every circumstance of secrecy, of large 
quantities of bullion consigned to the German Ambassador 
and delivered under military guard at the Deutsche Bank. 
232 



SIR L. MALLET'S DESPATCH 

The total amount was estimated at some 4,000,000. This 
sum was far more than was necessary for the maintenance of 
the German military and naval establishments, and I have 
every reason to believe that a definite arrangement was 
arrived at between the Germans and a group of Ministers, 
including Enver Pasha, Talaat Bey, and Djemal Pasha, that 
Turkey should declare war as soon as the financial provision 
should have attained a stated figure. 1 My information estab- l [Cf. ante, 
lishes the fact that a climax was reached about the middle PP- *75 
of the third week in October, when it had been decided to 205 '-" 
confront the Grand Vizier with the alternative of complicity or 
resignation, and that only the Russian successes on the 
Vistula, or some other more obscure cause, prevented this 
plan from being carried out. 

Whatever the exact history of the first three weeks of 
October, it is certain that on or about the 26th of that month 
the German conspirators realised that the pace must be 
forced by still more drastic measures than they had yet used, 
and that any further attempts to win over the Grand Vizier 
and the Turkish Government as a whole to their ideas and 
to induce them to declare war would be useless. On that 
afternoon an important meeting of Committee leaders was 
held, at which Enver Pasha was present, but which only 
decided to send Halil Bey, the President of the Chamber, 
on a mission to Berlin. 2 In the circles in which this decision 2 [Cf. ante, 
became known it was regarded as a partial triumph for the P- 2I0 -] 
Peace party, and as a fresh attempt to gain time for the sake 
either of mere procrastination or of securing more concrete 
offers from Germany. Be that as it may, Halil Bey never 
left on his mission, and it is believed that its abandonment 
was due to a more than usually blunt hint from the German 
representative in Constantinople. Whilst Constantinople 
generally was comforting itself with the reflection that nothing 
could well happen until after the four days' Bairam festival, 
beginning on the 30th October, two events of capital import- 
ance occurred. 

On the morning of the 2Qth I received intelligence from 
Egypt of the incursion into the Sinai peninsula of an armed 
body of 2000 Bedouins, who had occupied the wells of 
Magdaba, 3 and whose objective was an attack upon the Suez 3 [Cf. ante, 

233 p. 212.] 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

Canal. On learning this news I at once proceeded to the 
Yali of the Grand Vizier, to acquaint him of the serious con- 
sequences which must ensue if the expedition were not at once 
recalled. His Highness received the intelligence with every 
appearance of surprise. He emphatically disclaimed all 
knowledge of it, and gave me the most solemn assurance that 
if the facts were as stated he would at once issue orders for the 
withdrawal of the invading party. He assured me once more 
that nothing was further from the intention of the Government 
than war with Great Britain. It was unthinkable, he said, 
that an expedition of this kind could have been organised by 
any member of the Government ; and he felt certain that if 
anything of the kind had occurred, it could only have been 
a raid by irresponsible Bedouins. I told his Highness that 
I feared that he deceived himself. I reminded him of the 
various occasions on which he had given me similar assurances, 
and of the negative results of the instructions which he had 
given on previous occasions. I warned him of the disastrous 
consequences to the Ottoman Empire of a crisis which could 
not now be long postponed unless he and the friends of peace 
were prepared to take some serious stand against the con- 
spiracy of which I was fully cognisant, to involve it irretriev- 
ably in the general war. On this, as on every occasion of my 
interviews with the Grand Vizier, I was impressed with his 
inability to realise the facts or to disabuse himself of the con- 
viction, in spite of his many unfortunate experiences, that 
he would be able, in a really serious crisis, to exert his authority 
with effect. 

The second event of capital importance was the attack 
1 [Cf . ante, on Odessa and other Russian ports in the Black Sea x on the 
pp. 213-14.] morning of the same day, the 2Qth October. It is now certain 
that the actual orders for these attacks were given by the 
German admiral on the evening of the 27th October, but it was 
not until after they had actually taken place, that is, on the 
afternoon of the 2Qth October, when news of the raid on Odessa 
was telegraphed to me direct by Mr. Consul-General Roberts, 
that my Russian and French colleagues and myself realised 
that the die had actually been cast and the crisis that we had 
so long feared and striven to avert had occurred. Imme- 
diately on receiving the news M. Bompard and I called on 
234 



SIR L. MALLET'S DESPATCH 

M. de Giers and decided to ask for authority from our respec- 
tive Governments to confront the Porte with the alternative 
of rupture or dismissal of the German naval and military 
missions. On the morning of the soth, however, I learnt 
from my Russian colleague that he had received instructions 
from his Government immediately to ask for his passports. 1 ! [See ante, 
He had written to the Grand Vizier to ask for an interview, P- 2I 5-1 
which His Highness had begged him to postpone until the 
following day owing to indisposition. The instructions of 
my Russian colleague being in a categorical form, he had 
therefore been constrained to address a note to the Grand 
Vizier demanding his passports ; and I and my French 
colleague, acting on the instructions with which the Am- 
bassadors of the Allied Powers had at my suggestion already 
been furnished to leave Constantinople simultaneously, should 
any one of them be compelled to ask for his passports, owing 
either to a Turkish declaration of war or to some intolerable 
act of hostility, decided without further delay to write to the 
Grand Vizier and ask in our turn for interviews to enable us 
to carry out these instructions. In view of His Highnesses 
indisposition we had not expected to be received that day, 
but a few hours later the Grand Vizier sent us word that he 
would, nevertheless, be glad to see us, and notwithstanding the 
excuse which he had made earlier in the day he received 
the Russian Ambassador also in the course of the afternoon. 
My interview with the Grand Vizier partly coincided with that 
of M. de Giers, and preceded that of M. Bompard. It was 
of a painful description. 2 His Highness convinced me of his 2 [Cf. ante, 
sincerity in disclaiming all knowledge of or participation in 2I 5-] 
the events which had led to the rupture, and entreated me 
to believe that the situation was even now not irretrievable. 
I replied that the time had passed for assurances. The crisis 
which I had predicted to his Highness at almost every inter- 
view which I had had with him since my return had actually 
occurred, and unless some adequate satisfaction were im- 
mediately given by the dismissal of the German missions, 
which could alone prevent the recurrence of attempts upon 
Egyptian territory and attacks on Russia, war with the Allies 
was inevitable. My Russian colleague had already demanded 
his passports, and I must, in pursuance of the instructions I 

235 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

had received, follow the same course. The Grand Vizier 
again protested that even now he could undo what the War 
party had done without his knowledge or consent. In reply 
to the doubt which I expressed as to the means at his disposal, 
he said that he had on his side moral forces which could not 
but triumph, and that he meant to fight on to the end. He 
did not, indeed, hint at a possibility of immediately dis- 
missing the German mission, but he informed me that there 
was to be a meeting of the Council at his house that evening, 
when he would call upon his colleagues to support him in his 
determination to avert war with the Allied Powers. 

The Council was duly held, and, as he had predicted, the 
majority of the Ministers supported the Grand Vizier, who 
made a strong appeal in favour of peace, and was seconded by 
Djavid Bey. But the powerlessness of the Sultan's Ministers 
to do more than vote in the Council Chamber was evident. 
The question of dismissing the German naval officers was 
discussed, but no decision to do so was taken, and no Minister 
ventured even to propose the expulsion of the military mission. 
In the interval the War party had sealed their resolution to 
go forward, by publishing a communique in which it was 
stated that the first acts of hostility in the Black Sea had 
1 [Cf. ante, come from the Russian side. 1 Untrue and grotesque as it 
p. 220.] was ^ t n i s invention succeeded in deceiving many of the 
public. 

It is not possible to establish by proof which of the Ministers 
had pre-knowledge of the German admiral's coup, but it may 
be regarded as certain that Enver Pasha was aware of it, 
and highly probable that Talaat Bey was also an accomplice. 

The story of a Russian provocation was plainly an after- 
thought, and if the official report of the Russian Government 
were not sufficient to disprove it, I could produce independent 
evidence to show that the orders to begin hostilities were 
given at the mouth of the Bosphorus on the evening of the 
27th October, as the result of a conspiracy hatched between 
the German representatives in Constantinople and a small 
and unscrupulous Turkish faction. 

My Russian colleague left Constantinople without incident 
on the evening of the 3ist October. My own departure was 
eventually arranged for the following evening, when I left 
236 



SIR L. MALLET'S DESPATCH 

for Dedeagatch, accompanied by my staff of sixty officials 
and their families, the British advisers in the service of the 
Turkish Government and some other British subjects also 
travelled with me. My French colleague and his staff left 
by the same train. 

Owing to the wanton refusal of the military authorities 
at the last moment to allow the departure of a great number 
of British and French subjects who were to have left by an 
earlier train than that which had been placed at my disposal, 
the station was for some hours the scene of indescribable 
confusion and turmoil. 

My protests and those of the French Ambassador were 
disregarded, and after protracted discussion, we agreed to 
leave matters in the hands of the United States Ambassador, 
who undertook to use all his influence to procure the depar- 
ture of our fellow subjects on the following day. The " sous- 
chef de protocole " of the Sublime Porte and the " chef de 
cabinet particulier " of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs were 
sent to bid farewell to M. Bompard and myself at the railway 
station, and two Secretaries of the Political Department of 
the Ministry accompanied us to the frontier. 

It would be impossible to exaggerate the assistance which 
I have received from Mr. Morgenthau, the United States 
Ambassador. During the last two days especially the 
difficulties arising out of the abnormality of the situation 
would have been immeasurably greater had it not been for 
his invaluable help and his untiring efforts on behalf of myself 
and my staff. We are heavily indebted not only to Mr. 
Morgenthau himself, but to every member of the United States 
Embassy. It is entirely owing to their exertions that the 
British and French subjects who were detained at the station 
on the night of my departure were allowed to leave on the 
following evening. 

Before concluding this despatch I desire also to place on 
record my sense of the cheerful courage displayed by the 
British community in Constantinople, as well as in other 
towns, during the whole of this trying period. A large 
proportion of them have suffered severely in their business 
from the instability of the situation in Turkey. Many have 
suffered heavily and more directly by the military requisi- 

237 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

tions which from the beginning of August were carried out 
in an inconceivably arbitrary manner. By the suppression 
of the Capitulations all saw themselves deprived at a moment's 
notice of the secular privileges which had hitherto secured 
the persons and the property of foreigners against caprice 
and injustice. But they have one and all faced these adver- 
sities with a reasonable and manly fortitude. 

Shortly after my return to my post, I recommended those 
British subjects who applied to me for advice to send home, 
when opportunity offered, those members of their families 
who had no particular reason to stay in the country. 

A certain number left during the autumn, and many have 
left since. Those who have chosen to stay, or who have not 
been in a position to leave, remain under the protection of the 
United States Ambassador. As regards the British com- 
munity at Bagdad, I instructed the acting British Consul- 
general at Bagdad, early in October, to charter a steamer for 
the conveyance to the coast of any British subjects who might 
wish to leave. A large number of British and British-Indian 
subjects availed themselves of this opportunity. 

I cannot conclude this report without calling your atten- 
tion to the zeal shown by the junior members of my staff, 
including Mr. Ovey, Lord Gerald Wellesley, Mr. Charles 
Lister, Mr. Thomas, Mr. Wilson/ Mr. Astell, and by Mr. 
Fuller, Archivist to His Majesty's Embassy, in the perform- 
ance of their duties in the Chancery, as well as to the able 
and conscientious work of the members of the Dragomanate 
and Consulate-general. 

The Chancery was greatly assisted by the voluntary help 
kindly offered to them by Judge Cator, the Rev. Canon White- 
house, Chaplain to His Majesty's Embassy, and by Dr. 
Clemow, Physician to His Majesty's Embassy, as well as 
by Mr. Weakley, Commercial Attache. 

I need not do more than refer to the work of Lieutenant- 
Colonel Cunliffe Owen, Military Attache to His Majesty's 
Embassy, whose information respecting the military prepara- 
tions was often obtained with considerable difficulty. 

I should like to place on record my high appreciation of 
the conduct of His Majesty's consular officers throughout the 
Ottoman Empire during the whole period of the crisis. They 
238 



SIR L. MALLET'S DESPATCH 

one and all performed their often difficult duties with zeal 
and discretion. I ^was especially indebted to Mr. Cumber- 
batch, His Majesty's Consul-general at Beirut, Mr. Heathcote 
Smith, acting British Consul-general at Smyrna, and to 
Mr. Palmer, Vice-consul at the Dardanelles, for the valuable 
information which they supplied. 

I would wish to bring to your particular notice the services 
rendered by Mr. Ryan, Acting First Dragoman of His Majesty's 
Embassy. His ability, knowledge of Turkey, sound judg- 
ment and untiring industry were of invaluable assistance to 
me, and are deserving of your special commendation. I have, 
etc., Louis MALLET. 



No. 2. 
Sir Edward Grey to Sir L. Mallet. 

Foreign Office, December 4, 1914. 

SIR, I have received your Excellency's despatch of the 
2Oth ultimo, in which you summarise the events since your 
return to your post on the i6th August last until your 
departure on the ist November. 

I have read with great appreciation and pleasure of the 
invaluable assistance rendered to your Excellency in the 
difficult circumstances of your departure by the United 
States Ambassador and every member of the United States 
Embassy, and I have already requested the United States 
Government to convey to Mr. Morgenthau the most sincere 
thanks of His Majesty's Government for the valuable services 
rendered by his Excellency on that occasion, and subsequently 
in helping the British community to leave Constantinople. 

I have also been much gratified to receive your Excellency's 
testimony of the cheerful courage of the British community 
in Turkey under exceptionally trying circumstances, and I 
have noted with great satisfaction your Excellency's apprecia- 
tion of the valuable services of the embassy and consulate 
staff, and of the members of His Majesty's consular service 
throughout the Ottoman Empire. 

I desire also to convey to your Excellency my high sense 
of the marked ability, patience, and discretion shown by 

239 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

your Excellency in carrying out, in the face of great difficulties, 
the policy of His Majesty's Government. War was eventually 
forced by wanton and unprovoked hostilities of the Turkish 
fleet under German inspiration and orders, but it was the 
desire of His Majesty's Government to avoid a rupture with 
Turkey ; and your Excellency rightly directed all your efforts 
to encourage those influences at Constantinople that were 
moderate and reasonable. To your efforts it was at any rate 
in some degree due that the inevitable catastrophe did not 
occur sooner. I am, etc., E. GREY. 



240 



IMPERIAL RUSSIAN MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS 



DIPLOMATIC DOCUMENTS 



NEGOTIATIONS 

COVERING THE PERIOD FROM -^^ TO g^ i 9 4 

PRECEDING THE WAR WITH TURKEY 

Translation of the Russian and French Texts 



APPENDIX: 

Speech of Mr. Sazonof, Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, 

in the Duma of the Empire, January 27 

(February 9), 1915 



DIPLOMATIC 3. Q 241 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC [AUG.-N 



TABLE OF CONTENTS.* 



No. 


Name. 


Place and Date 
of Despatch. 


Subject. 


Page. 






1914 




i M. de Giers to 


Constantinople, Confidential information from the 


M. Sazonof 


July 19 (Aug. i) Grand Vizier of Austrian endea- 




(Telegraphic) 


vour to induce Turkey to take 








concerted action with Austria 


252 


2 





Constantinople, 


Grand Vizier's intention to proclaim 






(Telegraphic) 


July 20 (Aug. 2) 


neutrality of Turkey . 


252 


3 




> > 


Turkish complete mobilisation to be 






(Telegraphic) 




ordered ; 200,000 men to be as- 










sembled in Thrace and on the 










Bosphorus . . 


252 


4 





> 


Discussion with the Grand Vizier. 






(Telegraphic) 




Turkey desires success of Ger- 










many. The German military 










commission constantly inciting 











Turks against Russia 


253 


5 


>t 


Constantinople, 


Grand Vizier's assurances concerning 






(Telegraphic) 


July 21 (Aug. 3) 


the general mobilisation 


253 


6 




> 


Berlin has ordered the officers of the 






(Telegraphic) 




German commission to remain in 










Turkey. Enver Pasha values their 










presence .... 


254 


7 





Constantinople, 


Ministers' decision to preserve strict- 






(Telegraphic) 


July 22 (Aug. 4) 


est neutrality. Mines laid in 










Bosphorus and Dardanelles 


254 


8 





Constantinople, 


The Military Agent's conversation 






(Telegraphic) July 23 (Aug. 5) 


with Enver Pasha concerning the 








German officers 


254 










9 


Count Benckendorff London, 


Turkish Ambassador's reassuring re- 






to M. Sazonof July 24 (Aug. 6) 


presentations to Sir Arthur Nicol- 






(Telegraphic) 


son as to designs of Turkey 


255 


10 


M. de Giers to Constantinople, 


Sequestration of Turkish Dread- 






M. Sazonof July 25 (Aug. 7) 


noughts has aroused indignation 






(Telegraphic) 




against England 


255 



242 



[Supplied by the Editor.] 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 



No. 


Name. 


Place and Date 
of Despatch. 


Subject. 


Page. 






1914 






II 


M. Sazonof to 


Petrograd, 


Insist that Goeben and Breslau riiust 






M. de Giers 


July 26 (Aug. 8) 


leave Dardanelles or be disarmed . 


255 




(Telegraphic) 








12 


M. de Giers to 


Constantinople, 


Grand Vizier's assurances as to 






M. Sazonof 


July 26 (Aug. 8) 


Goeben and Breslau and observa- 




(Telegraphic) 




tion of strictest neutrality . Situa- 










tion very grave . . ']">. 


2 5 6 












13 





Constantinople, 


Grand Vizier's continued assertion 






(Telegraphic) 


July 27 (Aug. 9) 


of complete neutrality 


2 5 6 


M 


M. Sazonof to 


Petrograd, 


Instructions to Admiral Eberhardt, 




M. de Giers i July 27 (Aug. 9) 


in case Goeben proceeds through 






(Telegraphic) 




Dardanelles under German ig . 


256 












15 


Count Benckendortf 


London, 


Instructions to the British Charge 




to M. Sazonof 


July 26 (Aug. 8) 


d'Affaires at Constantinople con- 




(Telegraphic) 




cerning belligerent war vessels and 








neutrality . 


257 


1 6 M. Sazonof to 


Petrograd, 


Impress upon Turks that action 




M. de Giers 


July 28 (Aug. 10) 


which has not Russian sanction 




(Telegraphic) 




will jeopardise their existence ; . 


257 


i? 


M. de Giers to 


Constantinople, 


Goeben and Breslau are entering Dar- 






M. Sazonof 


July 29 (Aug. n) 


danelles. Reported purchase by 






(Telegraphic) 




Turkey . 


257 


18 


M. Sazonof to 


Petrograd, 


Protest against purchase of the ships 






M. de Giers 


July 29 (Aug. n) 


as a violation of neutrality 


258 




(Telegraphic) 








19 


Count Benckendorff 


London, 


British Charge d'Affaires instructed 






to M. Sazonof 


July 29 (Aug. n) 


to insist, to Porte, upon strict ob- 






(Telegraphic) 




servance of international law, and 










upon disarmament or departure of 










Goeben and Breslau . . . 


258 


20 


M. de Giers to 


Constantinople, 


Goeben and Breslau at Nogara, coal- 






M. Sazonof 


July 30 (Aug. 12) 


ing. Turkish torpedo boats re- 






(Telegraphic) 




porting to them. German sailors 










searched merchant vessels and 










took wireless outfit from French 










steamer Saghalien by force . 


258 


21 


>i n 


a n 


Serious consequences of arrival of 






(Telegraphic) 




Goeben and Breslau . 


259 



243 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC [AUG.-NO 



No. 


XT Place and Date 
Name " of Despatch. 


i 
Subject. 


Page. 
















1914 




22 


M. de Giers to Constantinople, 


Grand Vizier's answer to protest 




M. Sazonof July 31 (Aug. 13) 


concerning Goeben and Breslau. 




(Telegraphic) 




Admiral Limpus insists that not 








one German shall remain on 








board ..... 259 


23 





Constantinople, British and French warships sta- 






(Telegraphic) 


August i (14) tioned before mouth of Darda- 










nelles. Goeben and Breslau still 








under German flag 


200 


2 4 


a 





Porte's orders for removal of wireless 






(Telegraphic) 




apparatus from foreign merchant 






* 




vessels while passing through the 










Straits. Difficult to expect pro- 








test will achieve results . .260 


25 


M. Sazonof to 


Petrograd, 


Turkey's reaffirmation of intention 




M. de Giers 


August i (14) 


to observe strictest neutrality 


260 




(Telegraphic) 








26 


M. de Giers to 


Constantinople, 


Repairs to Goeben and Breslau. 38 






M. Sazonof 


August 4 (17) 


wounded men put ashore from 






(Telegraphic) 




Goeben. 200 of crews of both 










vessels removed. Assurances as 










to the remainder 


261 


27 


Prince Demidoff to 


Athens, 


Herr von Jagow informed Greek 






M. Sazonof 


August 6 (19) 


Minister at Berlin that purchase of 






(Telegraphic) 




Goeben and Breslau by Turkey had 










never been made 


261 


28 


M. de Giers to 


Constantinople, 


200 men from crews of Goeben and 






M. Sazonof 


August 6 (19) 


Breslau replaced by Turks . Grand 






(Telegraphic) 




Vizier says remainder will be re- 










moved on arrival from England of 










a Turkish crew .... 


261 


29 




Constantinople, 


Situation of greatest gravity. All 






(Telegraphic) 


August 7 (20) 


affairs in hands of the military, who 










openly exert themselves to draw 










Turkey into war with Russia 


262 


3<> 





Constantinople, 


Visit from Minister of Finance, who 






(Telegraphic) 


August 6 (19) 


suggested that Powers of Triple 










Entente should offer Turkey, as a 










weapon against German influence, 










the grant of complete economic in- 





244 



4] 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 



No. 


Name. 


Place and Date 
of Despatch. 


Subject. 


Page. 






1914 












dependence and suppression of 










Capitulations; this could be con- 










ditioned upon removal of German 










commission .... 


262 


3 1 


M. de Giers to 


Constantinople . 


These proposals repeated to French 






M. Sazonof 


August 7 (20) and British Ambassadors. Sup- 






(Telegraphic) 




pression of Capitulations difficult ; 










a limitation possible . 


263 


32 


M. Sazonof to 


Petrograd, 


Ha* requested France and Great 






Russian Ambassa- 


August 8 (21) 


Britain not wholly to reject 






dors at Paris and 




Djavid Bey's proposals . ."', 


263 




London 










(Telegraphic) 








33 


M. Isvolsky to 


Paris, 


M. Doumergue in entire accord. He 






M. Sazonof 


August 9 (22) 


is prepared to discuss a formula to 






(Telegraphic) 




be submitted by the Turks 


264 


34 


M. Sazonof to 


Petrograd, 


Conveys contents of a British memo- 






M. de Giers 


August 10 (23) 


randum with regard to the Turkish 






(Telegraphic) 




demands and consequent negotia- 










tions. Has accepted the British 










proposals as a guide in further 










negotiations with the Porte 


264 


35 


M. Isvolsky to 


Paris, 


M. Doumergue accepts the British 






M. Sazonof 


August ii (24) 


proposals and is giving conform- 






(Telegraphic) 




able instructions 


265 


36 


M. de Giers to 


Constantinople, 


Persistent rumours that Goeben and 






M. Sazonof 


August 14 (27) 


Breslau will enter Black Sea before 






(Telegraphic) 




long. Eighty German seamen and 










20 mechanical engineers have ar- 










rived at Constantinople. Inter- 










view with Grand Vizier, who pro- 










mised again to insist upon prompt 






r* 




removal of German crews. Be- 










lieves Grand Vizier is sincere, but 










his influence greatly waning 


265 


37 


> 


i f 


A German Admiral expected to arrive ; 






(Telegraphic) 





27 German officers have arrived 










for the Dardanelles forts . 


266 


38 


Count Benckendorff 


London, 


Sir E. Grey's anxiety ; if Turkey de- 






to M. Sazonof 


August 15 (28) cides on war, she will have to suffer 






(Telegraphic) the most serious consequences 


266 



245 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC [AUG.-NC 



No. 



Name. 



Place and Date 
of Despatch. 



Subject. 



39 



40 
41 

42 
43 



44 



45 



46 



47 



48 



246 



M. de Giers to 

M. Sazonof 

(Telegraphic) 



(Telegraphic) 
(Telegraphic) 

(Telegraphic) 



(Telegraphic) 



(Telegraphic) 



(Telegraphic) 



(Telegraphic) 



M. Sazonof to 

Ambassadors at 

Bordeaux and 

London 
(Telegraphic) 



1914 

Constantinople, 
August 1 6 (29) 



Constantinople, 
Aug. 19 (Sept. i) 

Constantinople, 
Aug. 26 (Sept. 8) 



Constantinople, 
Aug. 27 (Sept. 9) 



Constantinople, 
Aug. 28 (Sept. 10) 



Petrograd, 
Aug. 28 (Sept. 10) 



German efforts to draw Turkey into 
war more and more apparent. The 
Wolff Agency. Sailors and soldiers 
brought from Germany. German 
officers at Erzeroum, and German 
reservists to join Turkish army . 



Visit from Minister of Marine ; 
assurances and explanations 



his 



Porte about to suppress Capitulations 
and abolish International Sanitary 
Council 

Austrian Ambassador will join in a 
general protest against suppression 
of Capitulations. German Am- 
bassador shares this view . 

Encloses text of Grand Vizier's note 
announcing abolition of Capitula- 
tions from Oct. i ; also of identical 
note of protest in reply. Ger- 
many and Austria have sent a 
similar identical note 

Interview with Grand Vizier and 
Djavid Bey concerning abolition of 
Capitulations. Turks continuing 
to play a double r61e 

German military activity at forts of 



Dardanelles and 
further arrivals 



Bosphorus, and 



Opinion that Turkey is bound to 
Germany by an agreement 

Enver Pasha informed by Germany 
that the time has arrived for Tur- 
key to fulfil her obligations as an 
ally of Germany. Attack on Egypt 
and descent on Odessa suggested . 

Draft of an Identical Note of the 
Powers of Triple Entente . 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 



No. 


Name. 


Place and Date 
of Despatch. 


Subject. 


Page. 


49 


M. Sazonof to 
M. de Giers 
(Telegraphic) 


1914 
Petrograd, 

Aug. 28 (Sept. 10) 


Appearance in Black Sea of Goeben 
and Breslau may cause complica- 
tions 


275 


50 


M. de Giers to 
M. Sazonof 
(Telegraphic) 


Constantinople, 
Aug. 31 (Sept. 13) 


Warning in No. 49 conveyed to Grand 
Vizier ; but his voice has no 
longer any decisive significance 


275 


5i 


(Telegraphic) 


it 


German and Austrian Ambassadors 
have withdrawn from further objec- 
tion to abrogation of Capitulations 


276 


52 


>t 
(Telegraphic) 


> 


Recall of Admiral Limpus and all 
British officers from Turkey p\ . 


276 


53 


(Despatch) 


Constantinople, 
Sept. i (14) 


German and Austrian subsidies to 
the Turkish press ,../;,, r i * 


276 


54 


(Telegraphic) 


Constantinople, 
Sept. 2 (15) 


Talaat Bey and Halil Bey express 
readiness to separate economic from 
juridical side of the Capitulations. 
Refusal to meet them on this might 
play into hands of the Germans . 


277 


55 


(Telegraphic) 


Constantinople, 
Sept. 4 (17) 


Djavid Bey's assurance that Triple 
Entente could bring about de- 
mobilisation of Turkey by making 
this conditional upon consent to 
suppression of both economic and 
juridical Capitulations. Asks in- 
structions and makes suggestions . 


277 


56 


M. Sazonof to 
M. de Giers 
(Telegraphic) 


Petrograd, 
Sept. 6 (19) 


Ready to agree to suppression of 
Capitulations on certain condi- 
tions (specified) . ,* - v 


278 


57 


M. de Giers to 
M. Sazonof 
(Telegraphic) 


Constantinople, 
Sept. 8 (21) 


Interview with Grand Vizier on 
voyage of Goeben into Black Sea. 
The fleet, now in hands of the Ger- 
mans and under Vice-Generalissimo 
Enver Pasha, can sail without con- 
sent of the other Ministers . 


278 


58 


(Telegraphic) 


Constantinople, 
Sept. 9 (22) 


German Ambassador sent Breslau 
into Black Sea and informed Grand 
Vizier that the German vessels were 
only to a certain extent under 
Turkish control. The German 





247 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC [AUG.-M 



No. 


Name. 


Place and Date 
of Despatch. 


Subject. 


Page. 






1914 


officers would not challenge the 
Russian Fleet .... 


279 


59 


M. de Giers to 
M. Sazonof 
(Telegraphic) 


C onstantinople, 
Sept. 9 (22) 


German and Austrian Ambassadors 
endeavouring to arouse Turks to 
action against Russia, but Turks 
apparently fear an open rupture . 


279 


60 


i* 
(Telegraphic) 


a i> 


Transitory law providing for increase 
of customs duties 


280 


61 


M. Sazonof to 
M. de Giers 
(Telegraphic) 


Petrograd, 
Sept. ii (24) 


May confer with colleagues as to 
date after which financial side of 
Capitulations lose validity . 


280 


62 


M. de Giers to 
M. Sazonof 
(Telegraphic) 


Constantinople, 
Sept. !2 (25) 


Publication of transitory law ex- 
tending the law of temettu to 
foreigners 


280 


63 


(Telegraphic) 


a a 


Identical telegram of three Ambas- 
sadors recounting negotiations 
concerning Capitulations . 


28l 


64 


it it 

(Telegraphic) 


Constantinople, 
Sept 13 (26) 


Proposed stoppage of international 
postal service : suggested joint note 


28l 


65 


M. Sazonof to 
M. de Giers 
(Telegraphic) 


Petrograd, 
Sept. 13 (26) 


Communication for Ottoman Govt. 
confirming the protest of the 
Russian Ambassador (see No. 43); 
declaring intention to demand legal 
reparation for damages ; and warn- 
ing Porte as to consequences of its 
line of political action 


282 


66 


M. de Giers to 
M. Sazonof 
(Telegraphic) 


Constantinople, 
Sept. 14 (27) 


Austrian Ambassador is charged to 
use every means to bring about ac- 
tion of Turkish fleet against Russia 


282 


67 


(Telegraphic) 


a a 


Turkish torpedo boat stopped by 
British warship in the ^)gean and 
notified that British squadron will 
open fire on Turkish vessels leaving 
Dardanelles. Commandant of Dar- 










danelles at once closed the Straits 


283 


68 


(Telegraphic) 


a a 

s 


Protest by the three Ambassadors 
against closing of Straits : conver- 
sation with Grand Vizier on subject 


283 



248 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 



No. 


Name. 


Place and Date 
of Despatch. 


Subject. 


Page. 
284 


69 


M. de Giers to 
M. Sazonof 
(Telegraphic) 


1914 
Constantinople, 
Sept. 15 (28) 


Grand Vizier's request to British 
Ambassador to withdraw British 
squadron from entrance to Darda- 
nelles ; he would then open 
Straits. Comment 


70 


M. Isvolsky to 
M. Sazonof 
(Telegraphic) 


Bordeaux, 

Sept. 17 (30) 


French Ambassador's report on the 
closing of the Dardanelles. Otto- 
man promise to re-open if British 
squadron removed to Lemnos . 


284 


7 1 


(Telegraphic) 


Bordeaux, 
Sept. 1 8 (Oct. i) 


Information that British Government 
does not consider it possible to 
withdraw its ships to Lemnos 


285 


72 


M. de Giers to 
M. Sazonof 
(Telegraphic) 


C onstantinople, 
Sept. 17 (30) 


From to-morrow the Russian and 
British post-offices in Turkey will 
discontinue receipt and delivery 
of mails. Will protest 


285 


73 


(Telegraphic) 


Constantinople, 
Sept. 1 8 (Oct. i) 


Our post-offices did not open to-day. 
The three Ambassadors protested 


285 


74 


(Telegraphic) 





Halil Bey's negotiations with the 
Ambassadors concerning suppres- 
sion of the Capitulations 


286 


75 


(Telegraphic) 


Constantinople, 
Sept. 19 (Oct. 2\ 


Austrian Ambassador urging Turkey 
to proceed against Russia with her 
fleet. Grand Vizier's reply . 


286 


76 
(Telegraphic) 


Constantinople, General situation in Constantinople 
Sept. 20 (Oct. 3) \ described. Most probable out- 
come, that the Germans will create 








. 


an incident to precipitate Turkey 
into war . . . ... 


28 7 


77 


(Telegraphic) 


> > 


Porte has decided to abolish the 
Lebanon privileges 


288 


78 


M. Sazonof to 
M. de Giers 
(Telegraphic) 


Petrograd, 
Sept. 21 (Oct. 4) 


Support insistence of French Am- 
bassador upon preservation of the 
Lebanon statute 


288 


79 


M. de Giers to 
M. Sazonof 


Constantinople, 
Sept. 22 (Oct. 5) 


Sir Louis Mallet's audience with the 
Sultan. Sultan's conciliatory de- 
claration and British promise to 
return the two Turkish Dread- 










noughts at close of war 


.288 



249 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC [AUG.-NO' 



No. 


Name. 


Place and Date 
of Despatch. 


Subject. 


Page. 


80 


M. de Giers to 
M. Sazonof 


1914 
Constantinople, 
Sept. 22 (Oct. 5) 


Effects upon Russian Consular ser- 
vice of transfer of authority in 
Turkey from civil officials to the 
military ..... 


289 


81 


(Telegraphic) 





Identical Note concerning the Leb- 
anon statute presented to the Porte 


290 


82 


(Telegraphic) 


Constantinople, 
Sept. 26 (Oct. 9) 


Official German ' Etappen - Kom- 
mando ' in operation. Seizure of 
Russian cargoes, and protest 


290 


83 


(Telegraphic) 


Constantinople, 
Sept. 23 (Oct. 6) 


Austrian Ambassador has informed 
Grand Vizier that Turkish fleet 
should now be attacking the Black 
Sea coast. Grand Vizier's evasive 










answer ..... 


291 


84 



(Telegraphic) 


Constantinople, 
Sept. 28 (Oct. ii) 


Porte about' to subject all foreign 
schools to governmental control . 


291 


85 



(Telegraphic) 


Constantinople, 
Sept. 30 (Oct. 13) 


Germans have received 10 Russian 
and 10 Roumanian war flags for 
the Goeben .... 


291 


86 


(Telegraphic) 


Constantinople, 
Oct. 2 (15) 


Grand Vizier has informed German 
and Austrian Ambassadors that 
the only obstacle to prompt war 
moves is the financial situation . 


292 


87 


> 
(Telegraphic) 


Constantinople, 
Oct. 3 (16) 


On Sept. 28 (Oct. n) Turkey bound 
herself to open hostilities against 
Russia on receipt of financial sub- 
sidy from Germany. First instal- 
ment of subsidy has been received 


292 


88 


(Telegraphic) 


Constantinople, 
Oct. 5 (i 8) 


Another remittance from Germany 
will arrive on Oct. 8. Thereupon, 
if Grand Vizier does not approve 
immediate action, Enver Pasha and 
Talaat Bey will demand his removal 


292 


89 


(Telegraphic) 


Constantinople, 
Oct. 7 (20) 


Attack of Turkey upon Russia pos- 
sible in a few days 


293 


90 


(Telegraphic) 


Constantinople, 
Oct. 1 6 (29) 


Reports of sinking of vessels at 
Odessa by Turkish torpedo boats. 
Suggested declaration to Porte by 
the three Ambassadors 


293 



250 



K 4 ] 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 



No. 


Name. 


Place and Date 
of Despatch. 


Subject. 


Page. 






1914 






; 91 


M. Sazonof to 


Petrograd, 


Turkish hostilities opened against 






M. de Giers 


Oct. 1 6 (29) Theodosia and the gunboat at 






(Telegraphic) 




Odessa. Embassy and Consular 










officers to depart. Russian inter- 










ests to be placed under protection 










of Italian Ambassador 


293 


92 


M. de Giers to 


Constantinople, 


Will carry out instructions in No. 






M. Sazonof 


Oct. 17 (30) 


91 .' ... 


294 




(Telegraphic) 








93 







Reporting himself ill, Grand Vizier 






(Telegraphic) 




could not receive. Instructions 










carried out by letter . 


294 


94 




> > 


Interview with Grand Vizier, who 






(Telegraphic) 




expressed poignant regret for at- 










tack of Turkish fleet : he would be 










able to set the Germans straight. 










He would address Petrograd 










directly. Not his goodwill, but 










his authority doubted 


294 


95 


M. Isvolsky to 


Bordeaux, 


Instructions to M. Bompard re- 






M. Sazonof 


Oct. 17 (30) 


affirmed, to act in co-operation 






(Telegraphic) 




with his Russian and British col- 










leagues 


294 


96 


Count Benckendorff 


London, 


Sir A. Nicolson's information that 






to M. Sazonof 


Oct. 18 (31) 


M. de Giers and French and British 






(Telegraphic) 




Ambassadors are leaving Con- 










stantinople .... 


295 


97 


M. Sazonof to 


Petrograd, 


Text of telegram from Grand Vizier 






M. Isvolsky and 


Oct. 19 (Nov. i) 


read by Ottoman Charge d'Affaires 






Count Benckendorff 


and M. Sazonof 's reply. Fahred- 






(Telegraphic) 




din Bey will receive his passports 


295 








to-morrow .... 




98 


M. de Giers to 


Petrograd, 


Review of recent events in Turkey . 


296 




M. Sazonof 


Oct. 31 (Nov. 13) 








(Despatch) 








APPENDIX 


Speech of M. Sazonof, Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, in the Duma of 


the Empire on the 2yth of January (February 9), 1915 . . . 300 



251 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



No. i. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, July 19 (August i), 1914. 

The Grand Vizier told me confidentially that the Austrian 
Ambassador was endeavouring to induce Turkey to take con- 
certed action with Austria, but he alleged that an actual 
proposal of that kind had not been made. The Grand Vizier 
added that he was convinced of the necessity for Turkey to 
keep out of the conflict. I learn through reliable sources 
that certain members of the Committee desire to induce the 
Government to join the Triple Alliance, but it is thought that 
the Government made it understood that its desire was to 
resign authority rather than to enter upon the path of political 
adventure. For all that, I am convinced that Turkey will 
not fail to take the first favourable opportunity which might 
with impunity further her own interests. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 2. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, July 20 (August 2), 1914. 

The Grand Vizier, upon his own personal initiative, 
declared to the French Ambassador, who had come to inform 
him of the French mobilisation, that it was his intention to 
proclaim the neutrality of Turkey. The question will be 
discussed by the Council of Ministers. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 3. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, July 20 (August 2), 1914. 

Pursuant to information which reached me of the decision 
to effect a complete mobilisation, I visited the Grand Vizier 
252 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

to-day, and interrogated him relative to the object of the 
same. He confidentially declared to me that a mobilisation 
would indeed be ordered, but he did not know what class of 
men would be called out ; that upon my visit to the Porte on 
the morrow he would give me more precise information con- 
cerning the calls ; and that the Porte was resolved to assemble 
an army of 200,000 men in Thrace and on the Bosphorus, 
apprehending a Bulgarian movement. He added that there 
was no intention to concentrate an army on the Caucasian 
frontier. 

Communicated to Sofia and Bukarest. 

(Signed) GIERS. 

No. 4. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, July 20 (August 2), 1914. 

Judging from my discussion with the Grand Vizier, I 
conclude that the Porte, while observing neutrality for the 
present, is firmly resolved to be prepared for, either a modi- 
fication of the Treaty of Bukarest in the interests of Bulgaria, 
or any other circumstance which may accrue to the profit 
of Turkey. There is no doubt that, fearing us, and suspect- 
ing, by reason of the calumnies of our enemies, that we will 
attack her, in her heart she desires the success of Germany. 
This feeling is strongly sustained by the efforts of the officials 
of the German military commission remaining in Turkey. 
This element is a highly undesirable one, as they are constantly 
inciting the Turks against us, but I suppose the Porte will not 
decide to send them away until the result of our struggle with 
Germany is made known. (Signed) GIERS. 



No. 5. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, July 21 (August 3), 1914. 

To-day the Grand Vizier assured me that the Porte, in 
ordering a general mobilisation, will call to the ranks only 

253 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

so many men as may be necessary to organise an army of 
200,000 men in Thrace. The men called to the colours from 
Anatolia will be transported to Thrace, and will under no 
circumstances remain on our frontier. The same assurances 
were given the French Ambassador by Enver Pasha. 

(Signed) GIERS. 

No. 6. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, July 21 (August 3), 1914. 

From the explanations made to me by the Grand Vizier, 
and to the French Ambassador by Enver Pasha, it appears 
as though the latter advised the officers of the German com- 
mission of his readiness to release them if desired, but Liman 
von Sanders replied that Berlin had ordered them to remain 
in Turkey. There is no doubt that this order from Berlin 
was issued with a view to using Turkey for one or the other 
of its purposes, and to sow discord between her and us. I 
am convinced, however, that Enver Pasha, in spite of his 
assurances, fearing us, values the presence of the German 
officers. (Signed) GIERS. 

No. 7. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, July 22 (August 4), 1914. 

The Council of Ministers yesterday decided to preserve 
the strictest neutrality, and with this end in view, among 
other things, decreed that mines should be laid in the Bosphorus 
and Dardanelles, reserving passage-way for commercial vessels 
under pilotage. This morning at ten o'clock the mines were 
laid. (Signed) GIERS. 

No. 8. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, July 23 (August 5), 1914. 

The Military Agent, in conversation with Enver Pasha, at 
my instance expressed his surprise that German officers still 

254 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

remain in the army. Enver Pasha replied that he was not 
holding the Germans, but had no real reason to ask them to 
leave, pending a clearing up of the political situation. It also 
would not be to the best interest of the army to forcibly 
remove them during such a trying occasion as a mobilisation. 
Personally, he does not doubt that the German Government, 
in leaving them in Turkey, is following its own ends, with a 
view to bringing Turkey into its sphere of influence, but that 
that purpose will not be accomplished, for the reason that 
Turkey will follow a course dictated solely by her own interests. 

(Signed) GIERS. 

No. 9. 

Russian Ambassador at London to Russian Minister of 
Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) London, July 24 (August 6), 1914. 

The Turkish Ambassador yesterday gave Mr. Nicolson 1 the 1 [Sir 
most reassuring representations relative to the designs of ^ thur 

Turkey. The latter will remain neutral, and will only take 1CDlson > 
. . J r ,. T . , . , f Jrermanei 

certain measures of precaution. I am inclined to believe under- 

that the Turkish Ambassador is really exerting all his influ- Secretary 
ence at Constantinople to induce Turkey to preserve neutrality, for Forei 

(Signed) . BENCKENDORFF. Affairs.] 



No. 10. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, July 25 (August 7), 1914. 

The sequestration of Turkish Dreadnoughts has aroused 
strong indignation here against England. 

(Signed) GIERS. 

No. ii. 

Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs to Russian Ambassador 

at Constantinople. 

(Telegram.) Petrograd, July 26 (August^), 1914. 

It is reported that the cruisers Goeben and Breslau, having 
rounded Matapan, are apparently headed for the Dardanelles. . 

You will please, in concert with the French and British 

255 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

Ambassadors, make the most earnest representations to the 
Porte, relative to the responsibility it would assume in per- 
mitting the passage of these vessels through the Dardanelles, 
and insist upon their leaving the Straits, or that they shall be 
disarmed, without carrying the matter to an open rupture. 

(Signed) SAZONOF. 



No. 12. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, July 26 (August 8), 1914. 

To-day the Grand Vizier assured me that he would under 
no circumstances permit the passage of the Breslau and 
Goeben through the Dardanelles, and that he would continue 
to observe the strictest neutrality. He requested me to 
telegraph this statement to your Excellency. Nevertheless, 
I consider the situation very grave, in view of the exceed- 
ingly impressionable nature of the Turks, and the strong 
influence of the war party, urged on by the Germans. 

(Signed) GIERS. 

No. 13. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, July 27 (August 9), 1914. 

The Grand Vizier, whom I saw to-day, continues to assert 
that he is observing complete neutrality. He denies that 
the presence of German officers violates that neutrality. 

(Signed) GIERS. 

No. 14. 

Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs to Russian Ambassador 

at Constantinople. 

(Telegram.) Petrograd, July 27 (August 9), 1914. 

If the Goeben proceeds through the Dardanelles under 
the German flag, it will be left to Admiral Eberhardt to use 
all means within his power to bar its exit into the Black Sea, 
256 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

and to destroy the Goeben. Still, the Admiral will be in- 
structed to avoid, except in case of extreme necessity, taking 
any action directly against Turkey. 

(Signed) SAZONOF. 



No. 15. 

Russian Ambassador at London to Russian Minister of 
Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) London, July 26 (August 8), 1914. 

The British Charge d' Affaires at Constantinople has been 
instructed to insist upon the departure or immediate dis- 
armament of the war vessels of belligerent powers which 
might pass the Straits, and likewise to renew energetic repre- 
sentations of the necessity for the observance of neutrality. 

(Signed) BENCKENDORFF. 



No. 16. 

Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs to Russian Ambassador 

at Constantinople. 

(Telegram.) Petrograd, July 28 (August 10), 1914. 

Bear in mind that we do not fear Turkey's activities aimed 
directly against us. 

While preserving an entirely friendly attitude in making 
your statements to the Turks, try to impress upon them the 
fact that in taking action which has not our sanction, they 
are jeopardising their existence, and that they are not in a 
position to do us serious injury. 

Communicated to Paris and London. 

(Signed) SAZONOF. 



No. 17. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 

of Foreign Affairs. 
(Telegram.) Constantinople, July 29 (August n), 1914. 

The Goeben and the Breslau are entering the Dardanelles. 
It is reported that they have been purchased by the Turkish 
Government. (Signed) GIERS. 

DIPLOMATIC 3. R 257 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 18. 

Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs to Russian Ambassador 

at Constantinople. 

(Telegram.) Petrograd, July 29 (August n), 1914. 

Your telegram of even date received. 

If the Porte declares that it has purchased the Goeben 
and Breslau, you will please, after consulting with the French 
and British Ambassadors, energetically protest against that 
act, as a violation of the neutrality of Turkey. 

The 56th Article of the London Maritime Declaration of 
igog, 1 which, although not ratified, was nevertheless adopted 
by all the Powers at the time of the last war, and which 
acquired the standing of a customary maritime law, con- 
siders the transfer, to a neutral flag, of an enemy's merchant 
ship after declaration of hostilities, as null and void. This 
applies with still greater force to war vessels. 

The purchase by Turkey of German war vessels which 
were in undoubted peril in the Mediterranean basin has as its 
object a manifest aid to Germany, and the alleged calcula- 
tions of advantage to Turkey have no juridical standing. 

Communicated to Paris and London. 

(Signed) SAZONOF. 



No. 19. 
Russian Ambassador at London to Russian Minister of 

Foreign Affairs. 
(Telegram.) London, July 29 (August n), 1914. 

The British Charge d' Affaires at Constantinople has been 
instructed to insist, to the Porte, upon a strict observance by 
the Turkish Government of the provisions of international 
law, and upon the disarmament or departure of the Goeben 
and Breslau. (Signed) BENCKENDORFF. 



No. 20. 
Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 

of Foreign Affairs. 
(Telegram.) Constantinople, July 30 (August 12), 1914. 

The Goeben and the Breslau are still at Nagara. The 
cruisers, which were greeted by the Turks with enthusiasm, 
258 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

are taking coal here from the Turkish authorities. Turkish 
torpedo boats are passing out to sea from the Dardanelles, 
and are reporting to the German vessels the result of their 
reconnaissance. The German sailors made a strict search of 
the French, British and Greek merchant vessels lying in the 
Dardanelles, and took a wireless telegraph outfit by force 
from the French steamer Saghalien, under threat of blowing 
up the ship. (Signed) GIERS. 



No. 21. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, July 30 (August 12), 1914. 

The arrival of the Goeben and Breslau changes the situa- 
tion here, not to our advantage. From a military point of 
view it strengthens Turkey's preparedness for war, and 
viewed from a political standpoint it will undoubtedly have 
the most serious consequences, strongly raising the Turkish 
spirit, and it may incite them to the rashest excesses. 

(Signed) GIERS. 

No. 22. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, July 31 (August 13), 1914. 

Having received information from the Dardanelles of the 
entry therein of German vessels, I entered a protest, in support 
of the French and British representatives, against violation 
of neutrality by Turkey. To my repeated representations 
to-day, the Grand Vizier gave me the answer that the purchase 
of the vessels had taken place at the last moment at Germany's 
proposal, after detention of Turkish Dreadnoughts by Great 
Britain. The Grand Vizier asserts that all the German crews 
are now already being removed, and replaced by Turks. The 
British Charge d' Affaires has instructed Admiral Limpus 
to verify the actuality of the substitution. Limpus insists 
that not one German shall remain on the vessels. 

(Signed) GIERS. 

259 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 23. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, August i (14), 1914. 

It appears that the Breslau will come out to Constanti- 
nople this evening. I am informed that the Goeben is coaling 
at the Bay of Ismid. The British and French warships are 
stationed before the mouth of the Dardanelles. At 7 P.M. 
both the Goeben and the Breslau were still under the German 
flag. (Signed) GIERS. 



No. 24. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, August i (August 14), 1914. 

The Porte gave notice through a circular note of the 
issuance of its orders that wireless telegraph apparatus would 
be removed from foreign merchant vessels upon their entry 
into the Straits and restored to them after leaving the Straits. 
I protested, but in view of the existing situation here it is 
difficult to expect that the protest will achieve results. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 25. 

Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs to Russian Ambassador 

at Constantinople. 

(Telegram.) Petrograd, August i (14), 1914. 

This morning the Turkish Charge d' Affaires read to me 
the following telegram from the Ottoman Minister of Foreign 
Affairs, setting forth that Turkey reaffirms her declaration 
of her intention to observe the strictest neutrality. 

' That there may remain no doubt as to the pacific attitude 
which the Imperial Government has decided to maintain 
during the present hostilities, I again inform you that it has 
resolved to observe strict neutrality. (Signed) SAID HALIM, 
Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs/ * 

(Signed) SAZONOF. 

* Translated from the French text. 
260 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

No. 26. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, August 4 (17), 1914. 

The Goeben and Breslau yesterday left Ismid to repair 
damages received : two shot holes on the starboard side of 
the Goeben and on the prow of the Breslau. Repairs will 
require about ten days. Thirty-eight wounded men were 
put ashore from the Goeben. Yesterday, two hundred men of 
the German crews were removed from both vessels. The 
remainder, according to assurances given by the Minister of 
the Marine, will be removed upon the arrival from England 
of the Turkish crew returning on the Turkish cruiser Reshid. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 27. 

Russian Minister at Athens to Russian Minister of Foreign 

Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Athens, August 6 (19), 1914. 

I learn from a confidential source that when the Greek 
Minister at Berlin represented to Herr von Jagow that the 
purchase by Turkey of the Goeben and Breslau was an act 
unfriendly to Greece, the German Minister replied that as a 
matter of fact said purchase had never been made. 

(Signed) DEMIDOFF. 



No. 28. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, August 6 (19), 1914. 

Of the crews of the Goeben and Breslau two hundred men 
have already been put ashore and replaced by Turks. Accord- 
ing to the Grand Vizier, the remainder will be removed upon 
the arrival from England of a Turkish crew belonging to the 
latter's vessels detained there. 

(Signed) GIERS. 

261 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 29. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, August 7 (20), 1914. 

I must say that the situation here is of the greatest gravity 
for the reason that all affairs are in the hands of the military, 
who allow themselves licence in everything and are openly 
exerting themselves, under German pressure, to draw Turkey 
into a war with us. Djavid Bey, the Grand Vizier, and, to 
some extent, Djemal Pasha, oppose this, but I am by no means 
convinced that the last word rests with them. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 30. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, August 6 (19), 1914. 

The Minister of Finance visited me to-day and expressed 
to me his conviction that it was possible to effect an agree- 
ment with the Powers of the Triple Entente. According to 
Djavid Bey, the Germans, especially within the last few days, 
have been lavish with promises, so tempting that they are 
hard to resist. The Minister thinks the Powers of the Entente 
ought to offer the Turks some benefits, even though less than 
those promised by the Germans, nevertheless sufficiently 
substantial, in order to restrain the Government from making 
an imprudent decision and to give the conservative members 
of the Cabinet an effective weapon with which to combat 
their warlike colleagues who are under German influence. 
Among such benefits might be counted the grant to Turkey 
of complete economic independence, and the suppression of 
the regime of [the] Capitulations. In response to my question 
as to whether, under such conditions, the German commis- 
sion could be removed from Turkey, the Minister replied that 
the privileges which might be offered to Turkey could be 
conditioned upon the removal of the German commission. 

Communicated to Paris and London. 

(Signed) GIERS. 

262 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

No. 31. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, August 7 (20), 1914. 

Djavid Bey to-day visited the French and British Ambas- 
sadors and repeated to them the proposal which was made 
to me yesterday. Djemal Pasha yesterday adopted the same 
vein in conference with Sir L. Mallet. The difference between 
the proposals lies in the fact that the Turks evidently did not 
conceal from my colleagues the fact that, in the first place, 
they fear us, and for that reason they would like to arrive 
at a written agreement; not a general one with the Powers 
of the Entente, but with each one separately. 

With regard to the question of [the] Capitulations, my 
colleagues and myself find that their complete suppres- 
sion will be difficult. Nevertheless I admit the possibility 
of curbing \de restreindre] their operation to a considerable 
extent. I would deem it quite possible to limit them by 
requiring guaranty of the inviolability of persons and dwellings 
of foreign subjects, and the assistance of consuls in court 
proceedings. 

Communicated to Paris and London. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 32. 

Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs to Russian Ambassadors 
at Paris and London. 

(Telegram.) Petrograd, August 8 (21), 1914. 

I requested the French and British Ambassadors to advise 
their respective Governments not wholly to reject the plans 
proposed by Djavid Bey. Although it is doubtful that an 
agreement can be reached with Turkey, still we hold that we 
should not rebuff the more moderate element. 

Communicated to Constantinople. 

(Signed) SAZONOF. 



263 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 33. 

Russian Ambassador at Paris to Russian Minister of 
Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Paris, August 9 (22), 1914. 

Your telegram of August 8 (21) received. 

M. Doumergue is in entire accord with your point of view. 
In considering the question of [the] Capitulations, according 
to the opinion of the French Ambassador at Constantinople 
as expressed by him to Djavid Bey, it is necessary to fore- 
shadow [prevoir] certain transitional measures. M. Doumergue 
is in accord therewith, and is prepared to discuss a formula 
which may be submitted to the Turks. 

Communicated to Constantinople. 

(Signed) ISVOLSKY. 



No. 34. 

Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs to Russian Ambassador 

at Constantinople. 

(Telegram.) Petrograd, August 10 (23), 1914. 

In a memorandum handed me by the British Ambassador, 
it is stated that his Government, while deeming the Turkish 
demands excessive, considers it preferable not to reject them, 
viewing them as material for negotiation. 

England is ready to join with us and France in giving 
written guaranty that the inviolability and independence of 
Turkey will be respected by the three Powers, and that the 
treaty of peace shall contain no conditions conflicting with 
those principles. 

Further, so soon as a plan shall have been perfected for 
guaranteeing the administration of justice in a manner to 
meet modern conditions, England agrees to waive territorial 
jurisdiction operating by virtue of [the] Capitulations. 

In exchange therefor, the Turkish Government binds 
itself to give a written pledge to fulfil, during the present 
war, all obligations arising from neutrality, ^ and in every 
way to facilitate the uninterrupted and unhindered passage 
of merchant vessels through the Straits. 

In like manner Turkey will proceed at once to return all 
264 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

German officers and the crews of the Goeben and Breslau to 
their native land. 

Having accepted the said proposals of England, I beg 
of you, all three acting in concert, to be guided by them in 
further negotiations with the Porte. 

If these negotiations should take a favourable turn, 
we calculate that the only certain guaranty of Turkey's 
future action lies in the removal of all German military as 
well as naval officers from her territory. 

Communicated to Paris and London. 

(Signed) SAZONOF. 



No. 35. 

Russian Ambassador at Paris to Russian Minister of 
Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Paris, August n (24), 1914. 

Your telegram of August 10 (23) x received. 

An identical note from the British Ambassador here was 
also received by M. Doumergue, who, accepting the pro- 
posals of England therein laid down, is giving conformable 
instruction to the French Ambassador at Constantinople. He 
is thoroughly in accord with your view that if the negotia- 
tions with Turkey should take a favourable turn, they should 
be followed up by an insistence upon a general removal from 
Turkey of all German officers and men. 

Communicated to London and Constantinople. 

(Signed) ISVOLSKY. 



No. 36. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, August 14 (27), 1914. 

According to persistent rumours, the exit of the Goeben 
and Breslau into the Black Sea will take place before long. 
From another source I learn that eighty German seamen and 
twenty mechanical engineers, dressed as common labourers, 
have arrived at Constantinople. In view of these facts, I 
had an interview to-day with the Grand Vizier, who cate- 

265 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

gorically declared to me that he knew nothing of the arrival 
of the sailors. He gave his word that the Goeben would not 
leave for any point, and promised to again insist upon the 
prompt removal of all German crews from vessels. I believe 
the Grand Vizier is sincere, but his influence is greatly waning, 
and his final fall may come at any time. For that reason I 
freely admit the possibility of the departure of the Goeben 
into the Black Sea under German pressure, with crew part 
German, and flying the Turkish flag. 
Communicated to Paris and London. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 37. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, August 14 (27), 1914. 

A German Admiral is expected to arrive at an early date, 
for service as technical adviser in naval affairs. Twenty- 
seven German officers have already arrived for service in the 
Dardanelles forts. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 38. 

Russian Ambassador at London to Russian Minister of 
Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) London, August 15 (28), 1914. 

Sir Edward Grey expressed to me his anxiety concerning 
the situation at Constantinople. He told me that if Turkey 
decides upon war, she will have to suffer the most serious 
consequences thereof. He believes that the efforts now being 
made by Germany will soon call forth a step by Turkey which 
will prove that Turkey and Germany are openly answerable 
for the war. (Signed) BENCKENDORFF. 

266 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

No. 39. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, August 16 (29), 1914. 

During the past half of August, the efforts of Germany 
to draw Turkey into war and to excite Turkish public opinion 
against the Powers of the Entente have become more and 
more plainly apparent. The Wolff Agency is industriously 
circulating in Turkey a manifesto of the Sultan and a warlike 
order from the army * of Enver Pasha, calling upon the army 
to wash away the shame of the Balkan war. Men of the 
navy and land forces from Germany are being brought into 
Turkey. On August 14, 150 German enlisted men arrived 
at Constantinople under the guise of artisans, and on the 
I5th as many as 800 German soldiers with officers passed 
through Adrianople on a special train. Information from 
Erzeroum is that fifteen German officers arrived there to 
superintend the erection of new forts. German reservists 
and volunteers who did not succeed in returning to Germany 
received orders to enter the ranks of the Turkish army. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 40. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 

of Foreign Affairs. 
(Telegram.) Constantinople, August 19 (September i), 1914. 

The Minister of the Marine, who visited me yesterday, 
assured me upon his word of honour, that not one German 
sailor should remain in the fleet, asking me only to allow him 
some time about two weeks for their gradual removal. 
To-day he will send away the first German detachment by 
land. This gradual separation is alleged to be necessary for 
him to allow the Turkish sailors time to master the technical 
details of running the purchased vessels. Djemal Pasha 
expressed, at the same time, his deep conviction of the neces- 
sity for Turkey to remain strictly neutral, and not to make 
war with any one, in the Balkans or any other theatre of 

* [Should apparently read ' the warlike order to the armies of Enver 
Pasha.' The French reads ' le belliqueux ordre aux armees, etc.'] 

267 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

action. He alleges that he stubbornly carried this point in 
the Council of Ministers. Some caution on his part is neces- 
sary, however, for, although as Minister of Marine he is inde- 
pendent, he is still in a subordinate position, as commander 
of the second army corps. He said he had no information 
concerning the arrival of new detachments of Germans. 
Communicated to Paris and London. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 41. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, August 26 (September 8), 1914. 

I have reason to believe that the Porte proposes, at the 
earliest moment, to declare the accomplished suppression of 
[the] Capitulations [declarer . . . la suppression des capitula- 
tions comme un fait accompli '] . I consider it necessary 
beforehand to define, by mutual agreement with our Allies, 
our relation to such declaration. I also have information 
that, simultaneously with the order for suppression of [the] 
Capitulations, will be issued an irade by the Sultan for the 
abolishment of the International Sanitary Council. 

Communicated to Bordeaux and London. 

(Signed) GIERS. 

No. 42. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, August 27 (September 9), 1914. 

The Italian Ambassador transmitted to me, by instruc- 
tion of the Austrian Ambassador, a statement to the effect 
that the latter in nowise approves the intention of the Porte 
to suppress the Capitulations, and that, in his capacity as dean 
[doyen] of the corps, he is ready to join in a general protest by 
all the ambassadors. This view is, according to the Margrave 
Pallavicini, shared also by the German Ambassador. I told 
the Marquis Garroni I saw no objection to joining in an 
identical note by all the ambassadors to the Porte pointing 
out that [the] Capitulations are a result of international 
268 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

agreement, and cannot be abolished by a single-handed 
act. 

Communicated to Bordeaux and London. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 43. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Despatch.) Constantinople, August 28 (September 10), 1914. 

On the 27th of this August, the Grand Vizier addressed 
a note to all foreign representatives, a copy of which is 
enclosed herewith, giving notice of the abolishment of [the] 
Capitulations, beginning October i (new style) of this year. 

As your Excellency will observe by the above-mentioned 
note, the Sublime Porte claims [the] Capitulations as its own 
individual voluntary act, which may in a like manner be 
abrogated at its personal discretion. 

This line of action by the Ottoman Government, in con- 
travention of treaties concluded with Turkey by all the 
European Governments, and directly injuring the interests 
of the latter, called forth a protest from them, expressed in an 
identical note transmitted to the Grand Vizier on this 28th 
of August, a copy of which I also have the honour to present 
herewith. 

I deem it my duty to add that, as I had the honour to 
inform you by telegraph, 1 a similar identical note was also p cf. No, 
transmitted to the Grand Vizier by the German and Austro- 42-] 
Hungarian Ambassadors. (Signed) GIERS. 

Text of Note of Sublime Porte to Imperial Russian Embassy 
at Constantinople, of August 27 (September 9), 1914.* 

The Imperial Ottoman Government, animated by a spirit 
of hospitality and sympathy toward the subjects of friendly 
Powers, formerly determined in a special manner the rules 
to which foreigners should be subject on coming to the Orient 
to engage in business here, and communicated these rules 

* Translated from the French text. 

269 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

to the Powers. In course of time these rules, which the 
Sublime Porte had promulgated upon its own exclusive 
initiative, came to be interpreted as privileges, strengthened 
and extended by certain practices, and maintained to the 
present under the name of old treaties or Capitulations. 
Meanwhile, these privileges, which on the one hand were at 
complete variance with the juridical rules of the times, and 
with the principles of national sovereignty, constituted, on 
the other hand, a hindrance to the progress and develop- 
ment of the Ottoman Empire, giving rise as well to certain 
misconceptions in the relations with foreign Powers ; thus 
they form an obstacle to the attainment, by these relations, 
of the desired degree of cordiality and sincerity. 

Overcoming all opposition, the Ottoman Empire continues 
to march in the path of regeneration and reform in which 
it was engaged in 1255 by Hatti-Humayoun of Gul-Hane, 
and in order to secure for itself the position to which it is 
entitled in the family of civilised European people [s], adopted 
the most modern juridical principles, and did not depart 
from the plan of resting the edifice of State upon these founda- 
tions. The establishment of the constitutional regime shows 
how happily the efforts of the Ottoman Empire were crowned 
with success on its way of progress. 

However, resulting from [the] Capitulations, interference 
by foreigners with the exercise of the judiciary power which 
constitutes the main basis of State sovereignty ; limitation 
of legislative power upon the pretext that many of the laws 
could not be applied to foreigners ; the fact that a criminal 
having made an attack upon the public safety escapes the 
application of the law for the sole reason that he is of foreign 
nationality ; or again the fact that public procedure is com- 
promised by the necessity of observing all sorts of restric- 
tions and conditions in respect to the delinquent foreigner ; 
and finally, the fact that litigation arising under the same 
contract permits a different mode of filing and procedure 
according to the nationality of the party ; all these facts, 
and other similar restrictive privileges, constitute an insur- 
mountable barrier to any organisation of tribunals insti- 
tuted for the purpose of assuring a perfect administration of 
justice in the country. 

Likewise, the effect of [the] Capitulations which renders 
270 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

foreigners free and exempt from taxes in the Ottoman Empire 
leaves the Sublime Porte powerless not only to secure the 
means necessary to provide for the accomplishment of reforms, 
but even to meet the current needs of the administration 
without having recourse to loans. Similarly, the obstacles 
interposed against the increase of indirect taxation result 
in raising the quota of direct taxation, and oppressing the 
tax-paying Ottomans. The fact that foreigners engaged in 
business in the Ottoman Empire and enjoying here all sorts 
of immunities and privileges are taxed less than the Ottomans, 
constitutes at once an evident injustice and an attack upon 
the independence and dignity of the State. The Imperial 
Government, in spite of all these obstacles, was pursuing its 
reformatory efforts with zeal, when the outbreak of a general 
war rendered the financial difficulties of the country extremely 
acute, endangering the accomplishment of every work begun 
or planned. Now, the Sublime Porte is convinced that the 
only means of salvation for Turkey is to accomplish that 
work of reform and development as soon as possible, as it is 
also convinced that all steps it will take in that direction will 
receive the encouragement of all friendly Powers. 

It was upon the basis of this conviction that a decision 
was reached to abrogate, beginning October i, 1914, the 
Capitulations which have to the present time constituted 
a bar to all progress in the Empire, as well as all privileges 
and tolerances accessory to the Capitulations or arising there- 
from, and to adopt, as a basis of relations with all Govern- 
ments, the general principles of international law. 

While having the honour to announce the present decision, 
which, ushering in an era of happiness for the Ottoman Empire, 
will, therefore, I doubt not, be received with satisfaction by 
the Imperial Russian Government, I deem it my duty to add 
that the Sublime Porte, inspired in its decision only by the 
best interests of the Ottoman fatherland, does not cherish, 
in abrogating the Capitulations, any unfriendly feeling 
toward any Power, and that it stands ready to enter into 
negotiations with the view of concluding commercial treaties 
with the Russian Government, based upon the general prin- 
ciples of public international law. 

(Signed) SAID HALIM. 

271 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

[Cf.No.65.] Text of the Responsory Identical Note of August 28 

(Sept. 10), 1914.* 

I have the honour to acknowledge to Your Highness the 
receipt of your letter of the gth instant, wherein you were 
pleased to inform me of the decision by the Imperial Govern- 
ment to suppress [the] Capitulations in Turkey, beginning the 
ist of next October. 

I shall not fail to bring to the knowledge of my Govern- 
ment this decision and the considerations upon which it is 
based, but deem it my duty just now to call the attention of 
Your Highness, in contradiction of the opening sentences of 
your note, to the fact that the capitulary regime as it operates 
in Turkey is not an autonomous institution of the Empire, 
but a resultant of international treaties, diplomatic agree- 
ments and contractual acts of divers kinds. The regime 
cannot thereafter be modified in any of its parts, much less 
in its entirety be suppressed, without an entente with the 
contracting Powers. 

In the absence, therefore, of a suitable agreement reached 
before the ist of next October between the Ottoman Govern- 
ment and my own Government, I will find it impossible to 
recognise, from that date, the executive force of the one- 
sided decision of the Sublime Porte. 



No. 44. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, August 28 (September 10), 1914. 

To-day I pointed out to the Grand Vizier and to Djavid 
Bey that we could by no means tolerate the self-willed deci- 
sion \un dforet arbitraire] of the Porte ; that by such an arrange- 
ment it had only succeeded in bringing the warring [belli- 
gerantes] Powers together in an identical note of protest 
against it. As a way out of the situation, I advised them, 
without loss of time and before measures were taken for 
suppression to enter into negotiations concerning [the] capitu- 
lary regulations which might be modified, and those without 
which foreigners cannot live in Turkey. Both seemed strongly 

* Translated from the French text. 

272 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

impressed with the identical character of our notes of protest. 
They explained that in order to avoid war they had been 
forced to satisfy public opinion to some extent, and alleged 
that through suppression of [the] Capitulations they had 
secured peace for a month at least. According to their state- 
ment, they had thereby aroused the indignation of the German 
Ambassador. 

There is no doubt that the Turks are continuing to play 
a double role, and are endeavouring to derive as much benefit 
as possible for themselves from the European war. 

Communicated to Bordeaux and London. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 45. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople, to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, August 28 (September 10), 1914. 

According to a communication from the Dardanelles, 
active strengthening of the forts there is going on under the 
direction of Weber Pasha and a newly arrived German high 
officer. Of the German soldiers brought to Constantinople, 
thirty artillerymen have been disembarked in the Dardanelles. 
The rest, according to the statement of a German soldier dis- 
guised in Turkish uniform, have been distributed among the 
forts along the Bosphorus. War supplies and artillery con- 
tinue to arrive from Germany, and a new shipment of seventy- 
five car-loads is expected to arrive in a few days. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 46. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, August 28 (September 16), 1914. 

A person who is in close touch with the Ottoman Ministers 
expresses the opinion that Turkey is bound to Germany by 
an agreement, which is supposed to have been effected mainly 
at the instance of Enver Pasha. This agreement does not, 
however, bind Turkey to an immediate declaration of war 
DIPLOMATIC 3. s 273 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

against us, which explains the position they are now taking, 
notwithstanding all the efforts made by the Germans to hasten 
matters to a conclusion. 

Communicated to Bordeaux and London. 

(Signed) GIERS. 

No. 47. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, August 28 (September 10), 1914. 

I learn through reliable sources that on August 23 
(September 5), Enver Pasha received a letter from the German 
Ambassador pointing out that the German Government con- 
sidered that the. time had arrived for Turkey to fulfil her 
obligations as an ally of Germany. This might be post- 
poned only till the Dardanelles were fortified. Without con- 
clusively determining the line of action to be pursued by the 
Turkish war forces, Germany suggests that it might be 
directed to an attack on Egypt and a descent upon Odessa. 

(Signed) GIERS. 

No. 48. 

Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs to Russian Ambassador 
at Bordeaux and London. 

1 [Cf . ante, (Draft of an Identical Note l of the Powers of the Triple 
p. 127.] Entente.)* 

(Telegram.) Petrograd, August 28 (September 10), 1914. 

The regime of [the] Capitulations having been based upon 
reciprocal pacts, it does not belong to the Sublime Porte to 
declare its abrogation by a simple act of its own will. 

The Russian, French and British Governments are never- 
theless willing to examine at once, and in the most friendly 
spirit, the propositions which the Sublime Porte would deem 
necessary to address to them for the substitution, for the 
present regime, of a regime more in conformity with the 
general principles of international law. The said Govern- 
ments could, in any event, proceed to this examination only 

* Translated from the French text. 
274 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

after having received from the Sublime Porte the assurance 
that it would observe strict neutrality in the present war, 
and that it would likewise abstain from all offensive acts 
against any State that is a neighbour of Turkey. 
Communicated to Constantinople. 

(Signed) SAZONOF. 



No. 49. 

Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs to Russian Ambassador 

at Constantinople. 

(Telegram.) Petrograd, August 28 (September 10), 1914. 

Please warn the Grand Vizier that the appearance in the 
Black Sea of the Goeben and Breslau may give rise to com- 
plications. Trusting that the reasonable element in Turkey 
cannot desire this, we deem it necessary to give friendly 
warning of it to Prince Said Halim. 

(Signed) SAZONOF. 



No. 50. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, August 31 (September 13), 1914. 

Your telegram of August 28 x received. 

I warned the Grand Vizier that the appearance in the 
Black Sea of the Goeben and Breslau might lead to complica- 
tions, the more so because the German officers on board those 
vessels would try to bring about such complications in order 
to draw Turkey into a war with us. The Grand Vizier 
answered me to the effect that he had no information con- 
cerning the departure of the vessels, and he did not see any 
reason for sending them into the Black Sea. I believe the 
Grand Vizier will oppose the departure of the Goeben and 
Breslau into the Black Sea, but, unfortunately, his voice has 
no longer any decisive significance. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 51. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, August 31 (September 13), 1914. 

I learn from trustworthy sources that the German and 
Austro-Hungarian Ambassadors, after having united in an 
identical note of their Governments protesting against the 
abrogation of [the] Capitulations, now have already with- 
drawn from making any further objection to said abrogation. 

(Signed) GIERS. 

No. 52. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, August 31 (September 13), 1914. 

To-day the British Ambassador informed the Grand 
Vizier that England had recalled Admiral Limpus and all 
British officers in view of the impossible situation created 
for the British naval commission in Turkey. 

Communicated to London. 

(Signed) GIERS. 

No. 53. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 

of Foreign Affairs. 
(Despatch.) Constantinople, September i (14), 1914. 

Endeavouring by all possible means to gain the ascend- 
ancy in Turkey, Germany and Austria-Hungary turned their 
special attention to organs of the press at Constantinople. 

The Embassy at Constantinople has information showing 
that the principal newspapers receive from the two Govern- 
ments the following very considerable subsidies : 

The Ikdam receives 2500 Turkish pounds ; the Sabah, 
the Tanin and the Tasfiri-Efkiar 2000 pounds each, and the 
Terjuman 500 pounds, from Germany ; while from Austria- 
Hungary the three first-named papers receive 1000 pounds 
each, and the two last-named 500 pounds each. 

(Signed) GIERS. 

276 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

No. 54. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, September 2 (15), 1914. 

I gather from my interviews to-day with Talaat Bey and 
Halil Bey that the Turks are beginning to realise that they 
were hasty in suppressing [the] Capitulations, and fear the 
con sequences to arise after the close of the war. Both Ministers 
assured me of their desire to enter into an agreement with us. 

They told me, privately, that they were ready to separate 
the economic from the juridical side of the question, delaying 
the suppression of the latter part of the regime for some time. 
They regarded economic freedom as of prime importance at 
present, in view of the impossibility, without it, [of] satisfy- 
ing the demands of the Budget. They would like to see 
immediate action taken toward suspension of the economic 
regulations of [the] Capitulations, to which the Governments 
have not objected in principle. I feel, personally, that we 
should now meet them on this ground, as our refusal might 
play into the hands of the Germans. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 55. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, September 4 (17), 1914. 

Citing the alleged successful contest with the war party 
in the Cabinet, Djavid Bey yesterday expressed his assurance 
that the Powers of the Triple Entente could bring about a 
demobilisation of Turkey if they would make it conditional 
upon their consent to the suppression of [the] economic, as 
well as [the] juridical, Capitulations [I* abrogation des capitu- 
lations tant iconomiques que juridiques}. 

In view of the endeavour of the Turks after the retaking 
of Adrianople to place before Europe an accomplished fact 
from which they afterwards refused to recede ; and in view 
of the fact that, without declaring war against them, the 
Powers at the present time have no means of exerting pressure 
upon them, I ask instructions, with the least possible delay, 

277 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

concerning the attitude the Imperial Government would 
maintain toward the proposal of Djavid Bey, if it were re- 
newed in the name of the entire Cabinet, and with a secret 
clause providing that the regime without Capitulations might 
be applied to foreigners only after the formulation of new 
rules effectually guaranteeing the inviolability of persons and 
dwellings of foreigners. (Signed) GIERS. 



No. 56. 

Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs to Russian Ambassador 

at Constantinople. 

(Telegram.) Petrograd, September 6 (19), 1914. 

55-] Your telegram of September 4 l received. 

We would be ready to agree to the suppression of [the] 
Capitulations, with a clause providing that the new regime 
could be applied only upon the formulation of new rules 
giving sufficient guarantees, if the Ottoman Government will 
make a proposal covering the unconditional neutrality of 
Turkey ; such guarantee might be furnished by demobilisa- 
tion and the removal of all German military officers. 

Communicated to Bordeaux and London. 

(Signed) SAZONOF. 



No. 57. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, September 8 (21), 1914. 

To-day I pointed out to the Grand Vizier that the voyage 
to-day of the Goeben, even for a short time, into the Black 
Sea, did not coincide with his declaration that the Turkish 
fleet would not go there. I reminded him of my previous 
statement, that such a move might lead to incidents and 
results, the responsibility for which would fall upon Turkey. 
I did not fail to call his attention anew to the fact that the 
international position of the Goeben and Breslau under the 
Turkish flag could not be deemed correct. The Grand Vizier 
strove to justify himself on the score that the departure of 
one large vessel for target practice, alleged to be dangerous 
278 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

in the Sea of Marmora, was not the departure of the fleet, 
and that he could only repeat the assurance that a general 
exit of the whole Turkish fleet would not take place. 

His assertions, even if approved by the Council of Ministers, 
do not, however, constitute a serious guaranty, as the fleet, 
now in the hands of the Germans and under the immediate 
command of the Vice-Generalissimo Enver Pasha, can sail 
out even without the consent of the other Ministers. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 58. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, -September 9 (22), 1914. 

In the face of the decision of the Council of Ministers not 
to despatch the fleet to the Black Sea, the German Ambassador 
nevertheless sent the Breslau there, and thereupon informed 
the Grand Vizier that the German vessels were only to a 
certain extent under Turkish control, and that they were 
destined to serve, not only Turkish, but principally German 
interests. The Ambassador, at the same time, promised 
that the German officers would not challenge the Russian 
fleet. (Signed) GIERS. 



No. 59. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, September 9 (22), 1914. 

From information which has reached me, I conclude 
that the German and Austrian Ambassadors are strenuously 
endeavouring to arouse the Turks to action against us, but 
the Turks apparently fear an open rupture with us. At the 
same time, they fear that the fleet under the command of 
Germans may provoke a battle with the Russian fleet. 

(Signed) GIERS. 

279 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 60. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, September 9 (22), 1914. 

The text of a transitory law, affirmed by an irade of the 
Sultan, has been published, providing for the increase, begin- 
ning at midnight on September 30, new style, of customs 
duties to 15 per cent, ad valorem on goods which have hereto- 
fore borne n per cent., and to 12 per cent, ad valorem on 
goods that have borne 8 per cent. Articles of gold, silver 
and jewelry continue to be subject to the special reduced 
tariff now in force. Goods shipped prior to the publica- 
tion of the present law will be subject to the tariff rates in 
force at the time they were shipped. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 61. 

Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs to Russian Ambassador 

at Constantinople. 

(Telegram.) Petrograd, September n (24), 1914. 

You may confer with your colleagues as to the date sub- 
sequent to which the Porte may consider that the financial 
side of [the] Capitulations has lost its validity, it being desir- 
able]^ obtain a postponement of that date as far as possible. 

(Signed) SAZONOF. 



No. 62. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, September 12 (25), 1914. 

The text of a transitory law has been published, extend- 
i [See foot- ing the law of temettu 1 to foreigners engaged in mercantile 
note, p. business and in the crafts, and likewise to those engaged in 

any profession. (Signed) GIERS. 

280 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

No. 63. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Identical Telegram of [the] Three Ambassadors.)* 

Constantinople, September 12 (25), 1914. 
In another interview which we have just had my col- 
leagues of France and England and myself with the Otto- 
man negotiator, the latter adopted a more conciliatory tone. 
Apparently, the Imperial Ottoman Government is better 
aware of the value of the consent of the Triple Entente 
Governments to certain modifications which it desires should 
be made in the capitulary regime. Accordingly it appears 
disposed to give us concessions in the judiciary and penal 
domain of [the] Capitulations which it has abrogated with 
the rest, in exchange for the placing of our nationals and 
Ottomans upon an equal footing in fiscal matters, and for 
an engagement to enter into negotiations for commercial 
treaties with said Government, founded upon the principles 
of public international law, and designed to replace all com- 
mercial and customs regulations of the old treaties. As 
jurisdiction is that which most concerns our nationals, it 
guaranteeing the protection of their persons and property 
against arbitrary procedure, we intend to continue the negotia- 
tions so long as we can hope to secure the maintenance, as 
it operates to-day, of the judiciary and penal regime in force 
relating to foreigners, until such time as it shall have been 
modified with the consent of the Powers. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 64. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 

of Foreign Affairs. 
(Telegram.) Constantinople, September 13 (26), 1914. 

In view of the proposed stoppage of the international 
postal service in conjunction with the suppression of [the] 
Capitulations, I deem it desirable for the Ambassadors of the 
Entente to confine action to a joint note on October i, new 

* Translated from the French text. 

281 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

style, if by that time we shall have arrived at no agreement 
with the Porte in respect to the question of [the] Capitulations. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 65. 

Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs to Russian Ambassador 

at Constantinople. 

(Telegram.) Petrograd, September 13 (26), 1914. 

Please inform the Ottoman Government : 

* The Russian Government confirms the protest which 
the Russian Ambassador submitted to the Sublime Porte on 
August 28 (September 10) last. 1 The capitulary regime having 
been founded upon reciprocal acts of agreement, it is not 
within the power of the Porte to abrogate it by unilateral 
action. The Imperial Government, therefore, protests against 
measures which the Ottoman authorities have taken, or are 
going to take, in violation of [the] capitulary stipulations, 
and declares its resolution from the present moment to demand, 
at the proper time, legal reparation for all damages sustained 
by its subjects through such action. 

The Russian Government holds that it would not be true 
to the trustful friendship which very happily unites Russia 
and Turkey, did it not call the most serious attention of the 
Sublime Porte to the consequences of the line of political 
action in which it seems desirous to engage. The sympathy 
of Russia is at once a guaranty of tranquillity for Turkey and 
a most valuable promise of assistance, which it is not to the 
interest of Turkey to ignore. 

Communicated to Bordeaux, London and Rome. 

(Signed) SAZONOF. 



No. 66. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, September 14 (27), 1914. 

According to entirely reliable information, the Austro- 
Hungarian Government charged its Ambassador to use every 

* Translated from the French text. 
262 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

means at his disposal to call forth an action of the Turkish 
fleet against Russia. (Signed) GIERS. 



No. 67. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, September 14 (27), 1914. 

A Turkish torpedo boat which had gone out into the 
^Egean Sea yesterday evening was stopped by a British war- 
ship which served notice that the British squadron had re- 
ceived orders not to permit the exit of any Turkish vessel 
from the Dardanelles, and to open fire in case of such an 
exit. The Turkish torpedo boat then returned to the Straits. 
The commandant of the Dardanelles, taking the British 
statement for a declaration of war, at once closed the Straits. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 68. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, September 14 (27), 1914. 

Having learned of the closing of the Dardanelles, the 
French and British Ambassadors and myself went at once 
to the Grand Vizier to protest alternately against such action.* 
To our inquiry as to whether it had been done by order of 
the Government or upon the personal initiative of the com- 
mandant, the Grand Vizier replied that some time ago the 
commandant had been given general instructions to close 
the Straits in case of danger, and that, in this case, looking 
upon the British statement as a danger, he had deemed it 
his right to take such a step without apprising the Porte. I 
counselled the Grand Vizier not to uphold this decision of 
the commandant, and to take immediate steps to have 
the Straits opened. The Council of Ministers is considering 
the question at the present moment. In conversation with 

* [In the French text : ' . . . nous nous sommes empresses, les Ambassa- 
deurs de France et d'Angleterre et moi, de nous rendre successivement chez 
le Grand- Vizir pour protester contre cette mesure.'] 

283 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

me, the Grand Vizier complained that the British measures 
had first been made known in the Dardanelles, and affirmed 
to him only in a subsequent note of the British Ambassador, 
and in his opinion it was contrary to the previous declaration 
of England in which only the Goeben and Breslau were for- 
bidden to enter the ^Egean Sea. I told Said Halim that the 
Porte must shoulder the blame, as German officers had also 
been admitted to other vessels. (Signed) GIERS. 



No. 69. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, September 15 (28), 1914. 

Yesterday the Grand Vizier requested the British Ambas- 
sador to withdraw the British squadron to some distance 
from its alleged position at the very entrance of the Dardanelles, 
promising, in the event of compliance, that he would at once 
open the Straits. Sir Louis Mallet transmitted this request 
to London. It is of the highest importance to us that if a 
withdrawal of the British squadron to some distance is deemed 
admissible, the latter shall take place only upon the absolute 
condition of the admission of all decisive measures necessary 
to preclude the possibility of the entrance of any ship of an 
enemy into the Dardanelles. (Signed) GIERS. 



No. 70. 

Russian Ambassador at Bordeaux to Russian Minister of 
Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Bordeaux, September 17 (30), 1914. 

The French Ambassador at Constantinople telegraphs 
that as a result of the subordination of the Turkish fleet to 
German command, the British Government has decided not 
to permit the exit of Turkish vessels into the ^Egean Sea. 
After the British sentry-ship [bateau-vedette] stopped a Turkish 
torpedo-boat destroyer which was issuing from the Dar- 
danelles, and gave notice of the decision, the commandant 
of the Dardanelles closed the Straits to navigation. In 
284 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

response to the protest of the three Ambassadors, the Otto- 
man Council of Ministers stated that the Dardanelles would 
be opened if the British squadron were removed to Lemnos. 

(Signed) ISVOLSKY. 



No. 71. 

Russian Ambassador at Bordeaux to Russian Minister of 
Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Bordeaux, September 18 (October i), 1914.. 

The French Ambassador at London telegraphs that the 
British Government does not consider it possible to with- 
draw its ships to Lemnos, which would render it impossible 
to keep watch over sailings out of the Dardanelles. 

(Signed) ISVOLSKY. 



No. 72. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, September 17 (30), 1914. 

Beginning to-morrow, our post-offices and those of Great 
Britain, in Turkey, will discontinue the receipt and delivery 
of mails, as has been done with the Italian, Austro-Hungarian 
and German offices. The British Ambassador and I will 
make protest against the single-handed decree [decision uni- 
laterale] of the Porte, independent of the general protest 
which will be made in its turn. (Signed) GIERS. 



No. 73. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, September 18 (October i), 1914. 

Agreeably with my instructions, given in good time 
\une disposition que favais prise d'avance], our post-offices 
did not open to-day, and all moneys and mail matter remain- 
ing in the office sub-stations were delivered yesterday evening 
to our nearest Consular offices for safe keeping. The French 
and British Ambassadors and myself, in an identical note, 

285 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

protested against the one-sided decision of the Porte relative 
to closing the foreign mails. (Signed GIERS. 



No. 74. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, September 18 (October i), 1914. 

Yesterday and to-day the President of the Chamber of 
Deputies, Halil Bey, came to me to negotiate relative to 
suppression of [the] Capitulations. As his own hypo- 
thesis [son avis personnel], he suggested that, upon our 
agreement to allow Turkey economic freedom, the Council 
of Ministers might instruct the administrative and judiciary 
authorities to withhold temporarily the execution of the irade 
for the suppression of [the] juridical Capitulations, and at 
such a time, he, Halil Bey, would organise a commission to 
formulate such a regime as might satisfy us. The French 
and British Ambassadors assenting, I answered him that our 
agreement to accord economic freedom to Turkey depended 
directly upon the preservation of [the] juridical Capitula- 
tions henceforth until the institution of an order of things 
that might be recognised by us as sufficiently guaranteeing 
the protection of the interests of our subjects. To-day Halil 
Bey informed me that he had succeeded in inducing the 
Porte to accept his proposal, and alleged that, upon his 
insistence, secret instructions had been sent to each Vali and 
judiciary institution not to put in effect the law suppressing 
[the] juridical Capitulations. Halil Bey proposes to invite 
Europeans now in the Turkish service to join the commission. 
There is but little hope, however, that the work of a com- 
mission, if one should be assembled, will lead to any favour- 
able result. (Signed) GIERS. 

No. 75. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, September 19 (October 2), 1914. 

From absolutely reliable sources I learn that the Austro- 
Hungarian Ambassador declared to the Grand Vizier that 
Turkey ought now to proceed against Russia. The Grand 
286 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

Vizier replied that Turkey was ready to proceed, but did not 
know in what direction action should begin : whereupon, the 
Ambassador pointed out that the fleet should be used, its 
first task being to exert pressure upon Bulgaria and Roumania. 
This end might be attained by destroying the Russian fleet, 
or, if it should shun fight, by establishing Turkish domina- 
tion of the Black Sea. The Grand Vizier objected that Con- 
stantinople would be in peril in case the Turkish fleet suffered 
in a battle with the Russians. (Signed) GIERS. 



No. 76. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, September 20 (October 3), 1914. 

The general situation in Constantinople for the past few 
weeks has developed itself in one direction increased pre- 
paration of Turkey for war. The appearance of the Goeben 
and Breslau completely turned the heads of the Turks, a fact 
of which the Germans and Austrians were not slow to take 
advantage, finally to win Turkey over to their side. As you 
already know through my telegram of August 27,* even a 
treaty was concluded between them. 1 Since that time, the l [Cf. N< 
Minister of War, appointed generalissimo of the army and 46-] 
navy, completely turned them over, the one as well as the 
other, to German hands. Turkey overflowed with German 
officers, men, weapons and ammunition. The Germans 
began with increased activity to prepare her for war with all 
the Powers of the Entente, fortifying the Straits and creating 
difficulties for all of us on the frontiers. The turning of all 
Turkey into an armed camp also had its effect upon the rela- 
tions between the civil authorities and foreigners, and the 
duties involving upon the Ambassadors and Consuls to protect 
the interests of foreign subjects became very onerous. The 
increasingly bad situation of the Germans in the theatre of 
war to some extent sobered the more moderate Ministers, 
and they are apparently beginning to oppose the efforts of 
the Germans immediately to drag Turkey into hostilities. 
A struggle is on in the Council of Ministers between the con- 

* [The French text mentions no date, but reads ' vous savez par mes 
tele*grammes/ etc.] 

287 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

servative party and Enver, sometimes supported by Talaat 
Bey a struggle wavering continually according to the tenor 
of the news received from the seat of war. In the country, 
which is without doubt being plundered for war purposes, 
great dissatisfaction is arising, and in the army discontent is 
growing against the German hegemony. But there is no 
one with energy enough to head the movement. This alarm- 
ing uncertainty of the situation may continue until we shall 
have achieved complete success in the war, when the present 
Ministers will have the hardihood to liberate themselves from 
Enver and from the Germans. But the most probable out- 
come is that the Germans themselves will create an incident 
to precipitate Turkey into war. (Signed) GIERS. 



No. 77. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, September 20 (October 3), 1914. 

According to reliable information I have received, the 
Porte has decided to abolish the Lebanon privileges at a very 
early date. (Signed) GIERS. 

No. 78. 

Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs to Russian Ambassador 

at Constantinople. 

(Telegram.) Petrograd, September 21 (October 4), 1914. 

1 [No. 77. Your telegram of September 20 x received. 
Reply, No. Please support the insistence of the French Ambassador 
J upon the preservation of the Lebanon statute. 

(Signed) SAZONOF. 



No. 79. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 

of Foreign Affairs. 
(Despatch.) Constantinople, September 22 (October 5), 1914. 

A month ago the British Ambassador, Sir Louis Mallet, 
returned to Constantinople. 
288 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

Shortly after his arrival, Sir Louis solicited an audience 
with His Majesty the Sultan. His Majesty gave the Ambas- 
sador an extraordinarily amiable reception l and told him l [See ant 
Turkey desired to observe strict neutrality and did not cherish PP- 152-6. 
the slightest unfriendly design against any of the Foreign 
Powers, and that the German crews brought with the war 
vessels obtained from Germany might be sent away within 
a few days. 

In response to this conciliatory declaration, Sir Louis 
Mallet, in his turn, informed His Majesty that he was autho- 
rised to state that at the close of the war the Government 
of Great Britain would return to Turkey the two Dread- 
noughts which it has under detention. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 80. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Despatch. 2 ) Constantinople, September 22 (October 5), 1914. 2 [ Tele- 
General mobilisation in Turkey, and the placing of the gramme' 
whole country upon a war footing [have] had the direct result the . Fren( 
of a transfer of authority from the civil officials to the hands version ^ 
of the military. This situation heavily taxed the energies of 
our Consular officers in the Ottoman Empire. Governmental 
requisitions called forth by mobilisation and carried out 
without regard to orderly procedure, and in violation of the 
rights of foreign subjects in Turkey, necessarily compelled 
the special attention of Consuls, and aroused them to action 
in defence of the victims. Protests which they made to the 
local civil authorities were of no avail, for the latter pointed 
out that all such measures were taken by order of the military 
authorities. These paid no attention whatever to the pro- 
tests of the Consuls. 

The suppression of [the] Capitulations by the single- 
handed decision of the Porte dealt a still heavier blow to 
the activities of Consuls in defence of their compatriots, 
making it impossible for them to give the latter direct pro- 
tection and defend them from the uncurbed acts [le regime 
arbitraire} of the Turkish authorities. 

DIPLOMATIC 3. T 289 * 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

Under such conditions the activities of our Consuls in the 
matter of protecting the rights and interests of our subjects 
hardly amount to more than fruitless protests ; to the regis- 
tration of cases of violation of rights and interests of their 
compatriots and reporting the same to the Imperial Embassy, 
so that, at the close of the war, when we will have to enter 
into negotiations with Turkey, there will be sufficient material 
in our hands to make a suitable showing for our demands 
upon the Porte [pour presenter a la Porte des reclamations 
que ces cas compprtent]. 

Unfortunately it is only upon rare occasions that the 
Embassy itself succeeds in securing the restoration of rights 
of our subjects, for, admitting the readiness of the Grand 
Vizier upon some occasions to satisfy our demands, it must 
be noted that his orders have seldom, and not very scrupu- 
lously at that, been obeyed by the local authorities. 

(Signed) GIERS. 

No. 81. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, September 22 (October 5), 1914. 
[No. 78.] Your telegram of September 21 x received. 

The Ambassadors' of the Entente Powers yesterday pre- 
sented an identical note to the Porte relative to the necessity 
of preserving the Lebanon statutes. (Signed) GIERS. 



No. 82. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, September 26 (October 9), 1914. 

An official German institution is in public operation here 
under the name of ' Station administration ' (Etappen- 
Kommando), for making requisitions on foreign goods. On 
some receipts issued there is a mark indicating that the 
goods are requisitioned ' for the German Government/ At the 
head of the administration is a German naval officer, former 
commander of the German station ship [stationnaire}. There 

2QO 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

were two cases of seizure of cargoes belonging to Russian 
subjects. I made the proper protest to the Porte. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 83. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, September 23 (October 6), 1914. 

I learn through reliable sources that yesterday the Austro- 
Hungarian Ambassador advised the Grand Vizier that the 
allied German and Austrian Governments deem that the 
time has arrived for hostile action against us, and that the 
Turkish fleet should now be attacking the Black Sea coast. 
The Grand Vizier is alleged to have answered in an evasive 
manner, expressing the opinion that action by the fleet cannot 
have decisive results in the present state of affairs. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 84. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, September 28 (October n), 1914. 

The Porte has decided to promulgate at an early date a 
law for the subjection of all foreign schools, whether secular 
or clerical, to governmental control. I will protest con- 
jointly with the French and British Ambassadors. 

(Signed) GIERS. * 

No. 85. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, September 30 (October 13), 1914. 

Through reliable sources I am informed that the Germans 
ordered and have already received ten Russian and ten 
Roumanian war flags for the Goeben. (Signed) GIERS. 

291 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 86. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, October 2 (15), 1914. 

It has been transmitted to me from entirely reliable 
sources that the Grand Vizier, in answer to the insistent 
demand of the German and Austrian Ambassadors for prompt 
war moves against us, stated that the only obstacle to such 
a step was the difficult financial situation. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 87. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, October 3 (16), 1914. 

I learned from an authentic source that on September 28 
(October n), a meeting took place at the German Ambas- 
sador's, in which Enver Pasha and Talaat Bey took part. A 
special document even was signed, by virtue of which Turkey 
obligated herself to open hostilities against us upon receipt 
of a financial subsidy from Germany. The first instalment 
of the latter has been received. (Signed) GIERS. 



No. 88. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, October 5 (18), 1914. 

According to reliable information which has reached me, 
another remittance of the money promised to Turkey for the 
attack she has obligated herself to make upon Russia will 
arrive in Constantinople from Germany on October 8. There- 
upon, Enver Pasha and Talaat Bey will demand to know 
of the Grand Vizier whether he approves of immediate action, 
and, if not, they will demand his removal. 

(Signed) GIERS. 

292 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

No. 89. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, October 7 (20), 1914. 

In a few days entirely possible attack of Turkey upon us 
in connection with receipt by her of gold from Germany. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 90. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, October 16 (29), 1914. 

In view of the receipt of private reports by telegraph 
alleging that Turkish torpedo boats sunk several vessels at 
Odessa, my French and British colleagues and myself offer 
to our Governments the suggestion that they declare to the 
Porte that it can take the choice between an immediate break- 
ing off of relations with us, or the immediate removal from 
Turkey of all German officers, as well as of the mission of 
Liman'von Sanders, and of the navy.* 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 91. 

Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs to Russian Ambassador 

at Constantinople. 

(Telegram.) Petrograd, October 16 (29), 1914. 

The Turks opened hostilities against the unfortified port 
of Theodosia and the gunboat stationed at the port of Odessa. 

Consequently, you will please take steps for the departure 
of our Consular officers, placing the protection of our interests 
in the hands of the Italian Ambassador. 

In this connection you will inform the Porte that as a 
result of the said hostilities, you have been ordered to leave 
Constantinople with all of your subordinate officers. 

Communicated to Bordeaux, London, Nish, Sofia, Bukarest, 
Rome, Athens and Cettinje. (Signed) SAZONOF. 

* [The French text reads ' aussi bien la mission de Liman von Sanders 
que les marins.'] 

293 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 92. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, October 17 (30), 1914. 

Your telegram received at 3 o'clock in the night ; will 
carry out your instructions in the morning. 

(Signed) GIERS. 

No. 93. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Riissian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, October 17 (30), 1914. 

Urgent. Reporting himself ill, the Grand Vizier could 
not receive me. I carried out your instructions by letter. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 94. 

Russian Ambassador at Constantinople to Russian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Constantinople, October 17 (30), 1914. 

Urgent. Just now I saw the Grand Vizier, who expressed 
to me his poignant regret for the attack of the Turkish fleet, 
affirming that it was entirely contrary to the orders of the 
Porte. He assured me that he would be able to set the 
Germans straight. To my answer that I had been instructed 
to leave and would have to obey orders, he responded that, 
understanding this, he would nevertheless address Petrograd 
directly in the hope of settling the affair. It is not his good 
will, but his authority, that I doubt, and I believe his fall, 
and that of Djavid Bey, are not far distant. 

(Signed) GIERS. 



No. 95. 

Russian Ambassador at Bordeaux to Russian Minister of 
Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) Bordeaux, October 17 (30), 1914. 

The Minister of Foreign Affairs told me that as late as 
yesterday, upon receipt of news from the French Consul at 
294 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

Odessa telling of the attack upon us by the Turks, he had 
reaffirmed his instructions to M. Bompard to act in co-opera- 
tion with his Russian and British colleagues. 

(Signed) ISVOLSKY. 



No. 96. 

Russian Ambassador at London to Russian Minister of 
Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegram.) London, October 18 (31), 1914. 

Mr. [Sir Arthur] Nicolson told me that, according to the 
latest telegrams from Sir L. Mallet, M. Giers had demanded 
his passports, as did also the French and British* Ambas- 
sadors, and they are leaving Constantinople. 

(Signed) BENCKENDORFF. 



No. 97. 

Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs to Russian Ambassadors 
at Bordeaux and London. 

(Telegram.) Petrograd, October 19 (November i), 1914. 

The Ottoman Charge* d' Affaires read to me the following 
telegram from the Grand Vizier 

1 Convey to the Minister of Foreign Affairs our infinite 
regret that an act of hostility, provoked by the Russian fleet, 
has compromised the frienolly relations between the two 
countries. 

' You may assure the Imperial Russian Government that 
the Sublime Porte will not fail to give an appropriate solu- 
tion to this question, and that it will adopt all means necessary 
to prevent the possible recurrence of similar events. 

' You may at once declare to the Minister of Foreign 
Affairs that we have decided not to allow the Imperial fleet 
further passage into the Black Sea, and that we hope that the 
Russian fleet, on its part, will not further come to cruise in 
our waters. 

' I have the firm hope that the Imperial Russian Govern- 

* [So in the Russian and French texts. The English version has ' Italian ' 
instead of ' British,' an obvious error.] 

295 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

ment will show in this affair the same conciliatory spirit 
that we do, in the common interest of both countries.' * 

I replied to the Turkish Charge d' Affaires that I cate- 
gorically denied that the hostile initiative was taken by our 
fleet. Further, that I feared that it is now too late, anyhow, 
to make any sort of negotiations. If Turkey had announced 
the immediate expulsion of all German soldiers and sailors, 
it might then still have been possible to enter into negotia- 
tions looking to reparation for the treacherous attack upon 
our coast and the damages caused thereby. I added that 
the communication presented by him in nowise affected the 
situation that had arisen. 

Fahreddin Bey will receive his passports for departure 
to-morrow. (Signed) SAZONOF. 



No. 98. 

Russian Ambassador to Turkey to Russian Minister of 
Foreign Affairs. 

(Despatch.) Petrograd, October 31 (November 13), 1914. 

Persistently pursuing their purpose of dragging Turkey 
into war with Russia, in the hope that, calculating upon the 
expected rising of our Mussulmans, they could strike us a 
severe blow in the Caucasus and draw off a part of our army 
from our western front, the Germans and Austrians exerted 
every effort to compel the Ottoman Government to adopt a 
line of action finally leading to war with us, and, consequently, 
with all the Powers of the Triple Entente. 

The solemn and repeated declarations of the Porte of 
its decision to observe strict neutrality during the European 
war, and simultaneously an increased general mobilisation ; 
the permission of the German war vessels Goeben and Breslau 
to pass through the Straits, and notwithstanding all pro- 
mises and assurances to the contrary, the leaving on them of 
German officers and crews ; the admission of German soldiers 
into the ranks of the Turkish army ; the movement of Turkish 
troops to our own and the British frontiers, and the demon- 
strative appearance of the Turkish fleet in the Black Sea in all 
these it is impossible not to perceive measures plainly directed 

* Translated from the French text. 
296 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

at the Powers of the Entente, in the hope of calling forth from 
them hostile action against Turkey. Notwithstanding this, 
the diplomatic representatives at Constantinople of the Triple 
Entente directed every exertion toward restraining Turkey 
from taking any rash step, and raised energetic protests at 
the time, against any unlawful measures taken by the Porte. 

On the other hand, even in the midst of the Ottoman 
Government circles disputes arose between parties ; those 
falling under the influence of Germany and having profound 
faith in her ultimate victory, and the more moderate members 
who deemed it necessary to maintain a waiting attitude 
pending developments in the theatre of war. 

Notwithstanding all of the persuasions, promises and even 
threats of Germany, the same indeterminate situation might 
have been maintained for some time, had it not been for the 
culminating stroke, delivered, as might have been expected, 
by the Germans themselves. 

On the i6th (agth) of October, rumours were circulated 
in Constantinople of an alleged encounter between the Russian 
and Turkish fleets in the Black Sea. The source of these 
rumours was apparently a telegram from the Vestnik (Official 
Messenger), which, however, was not transmitted to me by 
the Turkish authorities. 

I received the first authentic information of it through 
the dragoman of the Grand Vizier, sent to me in haste by 
the latter in order to verify the news, which he did not wish 
to believe. I was not in a position to communicate anything 
to him in the matter, although it was hard to doubt the possi- 
bility of a collision coming as a natural result of the political 
situation that had arisen. Shortly afterward my British 
colleague informed me of a telegram he had received relative 
to the bombardment of Odessa by Turkish torpedo-boats. 

Anticipating an inevitable rupture of our relations with 
Turkey, I at once communicated the incident to Marquis 
Garroni, the Italian Ambassador, and requested him to 
prepare to take measures, at the proper time, for the protec- 
tion of our Consuls in Turkey. I did not doubt that the 
Embassy would get out safely, but was much concerned 
about the fate of our Consular representatives. 

At 3 o'clock in the night I received a telegram from Your 
Excellency l instructing me, on account of an attack made 

297 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

upon our Black Sea coast by the Turkish fleet, to leave Turkey 
with all Embassy and Consular officials, and the same night 
I communicated the matter to my French and British col- 
leagues. At the same time, circulars of instruction were pre- 
pared and sent to Consuls, which, however, evidently were not 
forwarded to them, for on the next day the Embassy received 
the usual telegrams from them relating to current business 
which proved that they had not received my instructions. 

On the morning of October 17 (30), I telephoned to the 
Grand Vizier asking him to appoint a time when he could 
receive me. Prince Said Halim responded that he regretted 
to say that because of illness he could not receive me. There- 
upon I sent him an official note in which I gave a brief synopsis 
of the telegram I had received. In a private letter enclosed 
with the note, I expressed my regret at leaving Constanti- 
nople without bidding him adieu, and requesting the Grand 
Vizier to give me my passports and to take measures to facili- 
tate the unhindered departure of our Embassy and Consuls 
from Turkish territory. 

The Ambassadors of France and Great Britain wrote 
to the Grand Vizier in the same spirit. 

The Grand Vizier requested me to come and see him at 
Yenikeui at three o'clock in the afternoon. 

I found the British Ambassador with him, and he was 
present during the greater part of our interview. Leading 
me to an adjoining room, the Grand Vizier began to assure 
me that neither he nor the Government desired war ; that 
his position was becoming stronger every day, and he begged 
me to help him realise his sincere desire not to allow matters 
to arrive at a rupture between us. I reminded him that for 
three months past I had admonished him and Talaat Bey of 
the danger threatening Turkey from the Germans, and had 
also warned them that the patience of Russia might, and 
must, reach a limit. That limit had now been reached, and 
I was now obliged, by reason of instructions received, to leave 
Turkey. I added that the Grand Vizier could at any time 
bring his requests to the attention of the Imperial Govern- 
ment through one or the other channel of communication 
[par telle voie qu'il lui plairait]. 

Prince Said Halim expressed his intention of telegraph- 
ing at once to Fahreddin to convey to the Imperial Govern- 
298 



SECOND RUSSIAN ORANGE BOOK 

ment his deepest regret at what had occurred. In taking 
leave, I again requested Said Halim to give his especial atten- 
tion to the safety of our Consuls, whose fate would determine 
our attitude toward the Ottoman representatives in Russia. 
The Grand Vizier promised that the departure of the Embassy, 
as well as of the Consuls, should take place under the most 
favourable conditions. 

On leaving the Grand Vizier, I met the Ministers in the 
reception-room, gathering for a council, after which, in the 
evening, there was to be a joint conference between the 
Cabinet and a committee of the ' Party of Union and Pro- 
gress/ Djavid Bey, with whom I conferred for a few minutes, 
assured me that he was quite aware of the consequences 
which would follow a war with Russia ; that he would use 
all means to prevent it, but that in case his efforts proved to 
be in vain, he would prefer to retire. 

After me, Sir L. Mallet again went in to the Grand Vizier, 
and he was followed by M. Bompard. 

I then went to the Italian Ambassador and requested 
him to secure a special train for us for Saturday evening. 
Marquis Garroni also availed himself of the opportunity, 
during his interview with Talaat Bey, to call his attention 
to the fact that Ottoman Consuls in Russia would be accorded 
the same treatment as Russian Consuls in Turkey. Talaat 
Bey again mentioned the arrests of the dragoman and imaum 
of the Ottoman Consulate at Batoum, and added that had it 
not been for this occurrence he might have shared our point 
of view, but he was now compelled first to inquire into the 
fate of Turkish Consuls in Russia. 

Marquis Garroni then renewed his proposal to him that 
the Ottoman interests of Russia be confided to the care of 
Italy. In the event of such an arrangement, the Italian 
Embassies at Petrograd and Constantinople might be able 
conjointly to perfect plans for the return of Consuls to their 
native countries, to the satisfaction of both sides. 

On October 18 (31), at 7.15 o'clock in the evening, occurred, 
under quite favourable conditions, the departure of the 
Imperial Embassy, the Consulate General and a majority 
of the members of the Russian colony, altogether about one 
hundred people. (Signed) GIERS. 

299 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

APPENDIX. 

SPEECH OF M. SAZONOF, RUSSIAN MINISTER OF FOREIGN 
AFFAIRS, IN THE DUMA OF THE EMPIRE ON THE 27 
OF JANUARY (FEB. 9) 1915. 

Gentlemen, Members of the Imperial Duma : 

In view of the gravity of the historic times through which 
we are passing, I deemed it my duty to ask the consent of 
His Imperial Majesty to lay before you a general view of 
the present political situation. 

Six months have passed since the time when, turning 

1 [See ante, to you from this tribunal, 1 1 pointed out why Russia, in the 

P- 5 2 -] face of the gross attempts of Austria and Germany upon the 

independence of Serbia and Belgium, could not take any other 

course than the one she did take, standing up for rights that 

had been trampled upon. 

Summoned J?y her great-hearted Emperor to follow this, 
the only course worthy of her, Russia arose as one man, 
without any hesitation whatsoever, and, trusting to Pro- 
vidence, took up arms against the enemy who had forced war 
upon her. The government and the people, moved by one 
feeling and with a common consciousness of their great respon- 
sibility to their native land, acted in unison and with full 
accord ; and you, the representatives of the people, marked 
these historic times by the rare harmony with which, in burn- 
ing words, you gave proof here of your oneness with the 
Government. (Cries of ' Bravo ! Bravo ! ') 

But closely allied Russia did not stand alone, for our 
partisans, France and England, came forth with her, and 
they were soon joined by Japan. 

During the past six months our brave troops, under the 
leadership of their Supreme Commander, have unceasingly 
performed prodigies of valour, weaving new laurels into the 
unfading garland of glory of the Russian arms. (Cries of 
* Bravo ! Bravo ! ') Hand in hand with our Allies, our soldiers 
march forward with firm tread toward their goal, while we, 
proud of their valour and striving to aid them in the fulfil- 
ment of their hard task, await with tranquillity the hour of 
their final triumph. 

Our antagonist, deceived by the hope of a quick and easy 
victory, continues to offer bloody sacrifices on the field of 
300 



M. SAZONOF'S SPEECH, FEB. 9, 1915 

battle, bending every effort and using every expedient to 
cope with us. To that end he scorns no means, and stops 
neither at the deliberate distortion of the truth nor at the 
most unfair and underhanded intrigues. (Exclamations : 
' True ! Right ! ') 

First of all, in order to justify itself in the eyes of its own 
people for the heedless manner in which it brought on the 
war, the German Government shows all eagerness to mislead 
public opinion, declaring, contrary to the facts, that war 
was thrust upon Germany. Once more the old fable has 
been repeated, pretending that Germany, from the time of 
King Edward vii., was threatened with danger by a cordon 
of enemies. Meanwhile the peace-loving character of that 
wise monarch was known to all the world. The excessive 
thirst for power of the governmental circles in Berlin was 
long apparent to him, and he knew that only a rapproche- 
ment of Powers who were bound by a community of peace- 
ful interests could give stability to the political balance in 
Europe. Agreements concluded or prepared by him had 
therefore only the object of defence in view. Germany's 
work, carried on with still more persistence during the past 
few years, had an entirely different purpose. I will not here 
touch upon her strenuous efforts to outstrip England in 
naval power, in which Germany rejected all overtures of Great 
Britain to come to an understanding covering that ground. 
Neither will I touch upon the continual encroachments upon 
the interests of France, as, for example, in the celebrated 
affair of Agadir ; nor upon the thinly veiled ambition of 
Germany to subjugate the neighbouring neutral governments 
to her own will. But I will recall to you a series of signs 
which plainly enough betrayed the hostile attitude of Germany 
toward Russia. At the time when we, true to the traditions 
of centuries, were honestly maintaining the attitude of a 
good neighbour, we came to encounter, more and more, the 
opposition of Germany. As though actuated by a general 
prescription, German diplomacy began to work against us 
in the countries contiguous to us, and especially in those 
to whom we were bound by the most essential interests. At 
first this work was carried on guardedly enough, but it after- 
ward grew more open. In the Scandinavian dominions 
distrust of Russia was instilled by Germans and their satel- 

301 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

lites, in the hope of damaging our friendly relations with 
neighbouring nations. 

In Galicia the so-called Ukraine movement was fostered 
with funds from Berlin for the purpose of carrying schism 
into the very heart of the undivided Russian people there. 

In Rumania, German influence for years lay like a shadow 
upon the perception by our co-religionists of the interests 
binding us together : economic interests growing out of 
contiguity, and those of a political nature arising from the 
fact that so large a portion of our race was under the Austro- 
Hungarian yoke. Every effort is made to bring under German 
influence even Bulgaria, to whom we are especially bound 
by historic ties. 

But most patent of all was the German intrigue with 
Turkey against Russia. I hardly need to remind you of 
how, the day after apparently trustworthy explanations 
were made to me in Berlin, the German Government tried to 
place before us the accomplished fact of the usurpation by 
German officers of the military authority at the Ottoman 
capital. From that hour the definitive enslavement of 
Turkey by Germany advanced with hastening strides. But 
I will reserve a more detailed reference to this matter until 
later ; I only desire here to emphasise with what persistence 
Germany tried to enmesh us in the network of her political 
intrigues along our European frontiers ; and the same in Asia. 

In Persia, in plain violation of the spirit of the Potsdam 
agreement * and of the solemn promises given us in connection 
therewith, the German agents committed themselves to in- 
creased activities in creating all sorts of difficulties for the 
pre-eminent Russian and British interests in that domain. 
We see the same sort of German intrigues in China and Japan, 
where Germany exerted every effort to arouse those realms 
against us happily in vain. 

That which has been said is enough to answer the question : 
Is there not more reason to speak of the attempted invest- 
ment of Russia by Germany than to complain of the imaginary 
investment of Germany by the Triple Entente ? 

It is plain that all assertions of Germany to the effect that 

* [The ' Potsdam agreement ' was the Agreement between Germany and 
Russia with reference to Affairs in Persia, signed at St. Petersburg, Aug. 19, 
1911. See British and Foreign State Papers, vol. 105, p. 657.] 
302 



M. SAZONOF'S SPEECH, FEB. 9, 1915 

the war was not begun with her will have no foundation in 
fact, as authentic documents recently published furnish 
abundant evidence to the contrary. 

To the list of calumnious stories which have been circu- 
lated by Germany with evil intent must also be added the 
accounts of alleged pogroms against the Jews, and wholesale 
murders of the Jewish population, by the Russian armies. 
I use the tribunal of the Duma absolutely to refute that 
slander. If the Jewish population suffered in the war zone, 
that circumstance unfortunately was inevitably associated 
with war, and the same condition applied in equal measure 
to all people living within the region of military activity. 
As for that, eye-witnesses agree in declaring that the worst 
ravages, as, for example, in our Polish districts and in Belgium 
and in Serbia, were the work of Austrian and German hands. 

With particular assiduity the same slander is scattered 
broadcast from German official sources, with the evident 
purpose of arousing hostile sentiment against us in the 
United States of North America. But the sound common 
sense of the Americans will not allow them to be misled by 
such gross deception. I hope that our amicable relations 
with America will suffer no injury through German intrigue. 

But there is still another purpose of Germany's contest 
with us, about which I consider it not out of place to speak 
a few words to you. That is its endeavours to bring about 
divergence of opinion, or even estrangement, among the Allies. 
To this end false reports are circulated ; first, of the alleged 
intention of one or the other of the Allies to enter into nego- 
tiations for the conclusion of a separate peace ; then, of the 
unequal distribution of the war burden among the Allies. 
These fabrications find no acceptance anywhere. In Russia 
every one very well knows that our union with the Allies 
is unshakable, and that it grows closer every day. (Pro- 
longed applause from all benches.) 

Bound by common interest, we march to one goal the 
crushing of the enemy's military power, to bring about an 
order of things which may allow Europe henceforth to enjoy 
the blessings of a lasting peace. (Prolonged applause from i [Sept 5 
all benches.) The Allies are indissolubly bound together, New Style 
and that bond was solemnly confirmed by the London agree- See 
ment of August 23 l of last year. 

303 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

To our common task each one of us puts forth his full 
strength. Our Allies paid the tribute of wonder to the 
efforts of Russia, who sent forth innumerable troops to the 
war and is successfully battling with three empires along a 
front of enormous extent. We, on our part, set an extremely 
high value upon the unexampled valour shown by our Allies, 
and we clearly realise the essential significance of their co- 
operation with us on land and sea. (Prolonged applause. 
Shouts of ' Bravo ! ') 

I cannot forbear mentioning also the service given to the 
common cause by heroic Belgium, who by her sufferings and 
great deeds^gained for herself immortal glory. (Applause 
from all benches.) 

I am glad to take this occasion, here among the represen- 
tatives of the Russian people, to express to our Allies our 
heartfelt gratitude for their sincere and effective co-operation. 
(Deputies arise from their seats and join in ovations to the 
French and British Ambassadors.) 

Our present close union with them has a value which will 
reach far beyond the bounds of to-day. 

Our reciprocal work in the domain of politics and war 
has been broadened in these days by new agreements of a 
financial and economic character. The significance of these 
agreements in their bearing upon the successful accom- 
plishment of the difficult tasks before us will, of course, 
not escape your attention. The fully prepared result 
thereof is that Russia, as well as her Allies, organised the 
matter of their struggle with Germany in accordance with 
their unalterable resolution to carry it to a finish. (Voices : 
' Bravo ! ' General applause.) 

2 [ante, pp. From the recently published Orange Book 2 you were 
2 4i-99-l enabled to learn the details of the happenings on the Bosphorus 
preceding our war with Turkey. I must also emphasise here 
the treacherous role played therein by Germany. 

Having invited into its service German instructors and 
thereafter the military commission of General von Sanders, 
the Turkish Government, of course, intended only to put 
its army on a stronger war footing, and to better secure itself 
against the ' Russian peril/ about which it had heard so 
many assiduous whisperings from Berlin. But Germany 
took advantage of its intromission into the Turkish army 
304 



M. SAZONOF'S SPEECH, FEB. 9, 1915 

gradually to turn it into a tool for its own political designs. 
The admittance of the Goeben and Breslau into Turkish 
waters delivered Turkey definitely into the hands of Germany. 

The actions of Turkey from the time of the Goeben's 
appearance in the Dardanelles must be regarded as having 
been effected by pressure from the German Government. 
The efforts of the Ottoman Government to relieve itself of 
responsibility for the attack made upon our shores could no 
longer serve to stay Turkey upon that fatal downward course 
upon which she was forced by Germany. I hope that occur- 
rences on the Russo-Turkish frontier will open the eyes of 
the Turks and help them to realise that Germany's guardian- 
ship irresistibly leads to their destruction. These occurrences 
not only crowned our arms with fresh glory, but will hasten 
the hour of the solution of economic and political problems 
connected with Russia's free outlet to an open sea. (Cries 
of ' Bravo ! ' and vigorous applause from all benches.) 

As you may convince yourselves by the documents sub- 
mitted to you to-day concerning the introduction of reforms 
into Armenia, the Imperial Government during recent years 
has untiringly striven to alleviate the lot of Turkish Armenians, 
guided by the covenant of disinterested Russian statecraft 
as well as by the interests of our Empire. When they were 
convinced in Berlin of our inflexible design of effecting a 
reorganisation in Armenia, German diplomacy showed a 
readiness to share our labours, with a hidden motive to delay 
their proper inauguration. The Russo-Turkish agreement of 
January 26, 1 1914, is a historic document, in signing which l [Feb. 8, 
the Porte acknowledged our exceptional standing relative to New Style, 
the Armenian question.* At the close of the war this excep- 
tional standing will be utilised by the Imperial Government 
in a manner benevolent to the Armenian population. (Voices : 
' Bravo ! ') 

Having unsheathed her sword in defence of Serbia, Russia 
was true to her traditional sentiments toward the sister 
nation. Only the present war gave us a true idea of the 
greatness of the Serbian spirit and welded the Russian 

* [The text of this agreement is to be found in the Russian Orange Book 
containing Diplomatic Documents on Reforms in Armenia, 26th November 
1912 loth May 1914 (Old Style) : Petrograd, 1915.] 
DIPLOMATIC 3. u 305 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

nation to the Serbian with close bonds. (Voices : ' Bravo ! ' 
Applause.) 

With a feeling of satisfaction I can speak of Montenegro, 
manfully battling with us for the common Slavic cause. 
(Applause.) 

Our relations with Greece, a true and tried friend of our 
ally Serbia, are of the most cordial character. The efforts 
of the Hellenic people to put an end to the sufferings of their 
brethren who are still under the yoke of Turkey cannot but 
call forth the sympathy of the Imperial Government. 

Relations with the Rumanian kingdom preserved the 
friendly character which they acquired after the visit of 
His Imperial Majesty to Constanza last June. The con- 
tinuous manifestations sympathetic to Russia which took 
place during the whole autumn at the capital of Rumania 
itself, as well as in different parts of the country, emphasised 
at the same time the hostile feeling of the Rumanian people 
toward Austria-Hungary. (Cries of ' Bravo ! ') 

Gentlemen, you probably expect from me an answer to 
the question which now occupies the minds of all, namely, 
what is the attitude toward the present war of those countries 
who are not at war, but whose interests, it would seem, should 
long ago have induced them to enter the struggle alongside 
of Russia and her Allies ? Indeed, in those countries public 
opinion, sensitive to everything which is incorporated in the 
national ideal, long since expressed itself in that sense. But 
you will understand that I cannot touch more specifically 
upon this question in view of the fact that the Governments 
of those countries with whom we have friendly relations 
apparently have not yet arrived at a final decision. But it 
behoves them to give such decision, for they alone will be re- 
sponsible to their fellow-countrymen if they fail to utilise the 
opportunity to effect the realisation of the long-felt national 
aspirations. (Movement. Cries of ' True ! True ! ' Applause.) 

Referring to the subject of non- warring countries, I cannot 
fail to remark, with sincere gratitude, upon the services ren- 
dered us by Spain and Italy, who took upon themselves the 
task, which was not a light one, of protecting our fellow- 
countrymen in countries hostile to us. (Applause.) 

Nor can I forbear to speak of the care taken of Russian 
wayfarers in Sweden, through which lay the path of those 
306 



M. SAZONOF'S SPEECH, FEB. 9, 1915 

unfortunate victims of German violence. (Applause.) To 
this cordial treatment by the Swedes, all those returning 
Russians can bear witness, and I hope that it will serve as an 
additional reason for cementing our good-neighbourly rela- 
tions, the development and strengthening of which we, upon 
our part, sincerely desire. (Applause.) 

Regarding our fellow-countrymen now detained in Germany 
and Austria, I deem it my duty to assure you that the Imperial 
Government is taking all measures for the alleviation of their 
lot, and, wherever possible, for their return to their native land. 

With regard to our prisoners of war : the Russian Govern- 
ment has undertaken steps for the betterment of their con- 
dition, and was among the first to respond to the humane 
suggestion of Pope Benedict xv. of the return, upon the basis 
of exchange, at least of those of our soldiers who are unfit 
for military duty, and whose retention in prison would simply 
be a cruel mental torture to them. It only remains to be 
hoped that the great-hearted suggestions of the Pope will be 
accepted by all warring Powers. 

Before the outbreak of the war with Turkey we succeeded, 
though not without difficulty, in concluding the task, begun 
in the autumn of 1913, of fixing the Turko-Persian boundary 
from the Persian Gulf to Ararat, and thereby put an end to 
a dispute centuries old between Turkey and Persia, always 
threatening serious complications. Thanks to the labours of 
the arbitral powers, England and Russia, about 20,000 square 
versts * of Persian territory was restored to Persia, to which 
Turkey had without any right laid claim, and part of which 
she had seized. 

At the beginning of the hostilities with Turkey the Shah's 
Government hastened to announce its intention to observe 
strict neutrality. That, however, did not deter the repre- 
sentatives of Germany, Austria, and Turkey from starting 
an increased agitation in Persia in the hope of winning the 
Persians over to their side. With this end in view, appeals 
purporting to emanate from the supreme head of the Shiite 
clergy in Nedjef and Kerbel were sent broadcast, calling upon 
the Persians to join in a Holy War against Russia and England ; 
false accounts were given of German, Austrian, and Turkish 
victories, and suggestions made to Persians that the oppoi- 
* About 8,800 English square miles. 

307 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

tune moment had arrived to repudiate Anglo-Russian claims 
upon Persia. 

These intrigues were carried on with especial persistence 
in Azerbijan, where the Turks had succeeded in gaining to 
their side, in this manner, a portion of the local .Kurdish 
tribes. Even before the outbreak of the war these tribes, 
together with Turkish Kurds, and with the participation of 
Turkish soldiers, opened hostilities against us in the region 
of Urmiah and Khoi. After the war began Turkish armies, 
in direct violation of Persian neutrality, crossed the Persian 
boundary and, reinforced by multitudinous bands of Kurds, 
moved upon localities where detachments of our troops were 
stationed, in this manner bringing Azerbijan into the arena 
of the Russo-Turkish War. 

It is proper to remark here that the presence of our 
troops in Persian territory by no means involves a violation 
of Persian neutrality. Our detachments were sent to that 
country some years ago for the definite purpose of establishing 
and maintaining order in districts contiguous to our posses- 
sions, of high economic importance to us ; also to prevent 
the seizure of some of these districts by the Turks, who 
openly strove to create for themselves there, especially in the 
district of Urmiah, a convenient base for military operations 
against the Caucasus. The Persian Government, not having the 
actual power to maintain its neutrality, met the Turkish viola- 
tion of the latter with protests, which, however, had no results. 

I must remark with pleasure that our relations with 
England in the Persian affair, more than at any previous time, 
rest upon a basis of full mutual confidence and sincere reci- 
procity. (Voices : ' Bravo ! Bravo ! ') This circumstance 
serves as the best pledge of the successful solution of all, 
and even the most complicated, problems which may in 
future arise in Persian matters. (Cries of ' Bravo ! ') 

The political agreements which we concluded with Japan 
in 1907 and 1910 have recently given an especially clear 
demonstration of their value, and have borne abundant fruit. 
In the present war Japan is on our side, and our relations 
are really those of Allies. (Applause.) The war which Japan 
declared against Germany led to the expulsion of Germans 
from the waters of the Pacific Ocean, and to the transfer to 
Japanese hands of the base of German operation in China, 
308 



M. SAZONOF'S SPEECH, FEB. 9, 1915 

the territory of Kiao-chau. Although the agreement of 
August 23 * did not receive the signature of the Japanese * [Sept. 5, 
Government, still, as the Anglo- Japanese treaty of alliance 2 N.S. ; see 
contains the obligation of the contracting parties not to Dt P lo ~ f 
conclude a separate peace, in the present war the German ^ 
Government cannot reckon upon concluding a peace with 2 ' 
Japan before the conclusion of one with England, and conse- i 
quently with Russia and France. (Cries of ' Bravo ! ' Ap- p . 
plause.) The relations established between us and Japan 
likewise give us the assurance that those demands which the 
Japanese Government has now deemed necessary to make 
upon China do not contain anything contrary to our interests. 

Regarding our relations with China in recent times : I can 
point with pleasure to their further improvement. Negotia- 
tions carried on at Kiakhta between our delegates and those 
of China concerning Mongolia make, it is true, slow but 
amicable progress, and I hope that when I have occasion 
again to lay before you a review of our relations with foreign 
Powers I may be able to report to you the favourable con- 
clusion of these negotiations, and the signing of a tripartite 
Russian-Chinese-Mongolian treaty which shall satisfy the 
desire of the Mongolians of Outer Mongolia to be fully inde- 
pendent in their internal administration. Such a treaty 
would guard Russia's interests in that country ; and there 
would also remain no rancour in the minds of the Chinese. 

Gentlemen, in closing let me express one desire : Half a 
year ago, in the terrible hour of great decisions, the Govern- 
ment and the people, of whom you appear as the representa- 
tives, rallied closely around the Throne and stood together 
united for the defence of the common Russian cause. The 
harmony then displayed exalted and stirred us to high 
endeavour. So let us henceforth work hand in hand for the 
accomplishment of that which has been begun, and when 
the hour has come to square up the account of that which 
has been attained by the prowess of our glorious armies, may 
the Government find in the national representation the same 
unanimous assistance in the solution of the complex political 
problems before it, to the good and glory of Russia ! (Cries 
of " Bravo ! Bravo ! ' Prolonged applause from all benches, 
passing into an ovation. Members of the Duma arise from 
their seats and follow the Minister, with long applause.) 

309 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

INTRODUCTORY. 

[TITLE-PAGE OF OFFICIAL BELGIAN EDITION. ' Royaume de 
Belgique. Correspondance Diplomatique'relative a la Guerre 
de 1914-1915. II. Paris : Librairie Hachette et Cie, 79 Boule-. 
vard St. Germain ; Londres, 18 King William Street, Strand. 
1915. (Prix : o fr. 75.) ' 

This Grey Book is divided into two Parts, and the Second 
Part consists of twenty Sections. The First Part complete, 
together with Section 10 of the Second Part, was officially 
translated into English, printed under the authority of His 
Majesty's Stationery Office, and published as a Blue Book, 
price threepence, in 1915. This official translation is here 
reproduced for the portions to which it relates. The remainder 
of the Grey Book, comprising the Table of Contents and 
Sections i to 9 and n to 20 inclusive, have been specially 
translated for The Times Documentary History of the War. 

The official Blue Book translation, which is entitled The 
Second Belgian Grey Book, Part i and Part 2 (Section 10), 
is introduced by the following Notes : 

PREFATORY NOTE. 

1 [See Dip- The first Grey Book, 1 published by the Belgian Govern- 

lomatic, 2, men t m the month of September 1914, contains the 

principal documents relating to the declarations of war 

made to Belgium by Germany and Austria-Hungary. 

(August 2nd and 28th.) 

The second Grey Book contains in the First Part, 
besides certain documents relating to the war, the 
correspondence on the subject of the rupture of 
diplomatic relations between Belgium and Turkey. 
(November 6th.) 

The Second Part contains the protests addressed by 
310 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

the Belgian Government to the German and Austro- 
Hungarian Governments, up to the ist of May 1915, 
against the violations of the laws of war and of The Hague 
Conventions. 

NOTE TO ENGLISH EDITION. 

The translation contains only those portions of the 
Book which are material to the position of Great Britain, 
namely, the whole of the first part, and Section 10 of the 
second part, which deals with the accusations brought 
against Belgium of having concluded a military agreement 
with Great Britain.] 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
FIRST PART. 



No. 


Date. 


Name. 


Subject. 


Page. 


I 


1913 
Feb. 22 


Baron Guillaume to M. 
Davignon 


M. de Margerie asks whether the new 
military law is not actuated by the fear 
of seeing Belgian neutrality violated by 
France ...... 


323 


2 


1914 
April 2 


Baron Bey ens to M. 
Davignon 


Herr von Jagow would like to come to an 
arrangement with France and Great 
Britain at the expense of the Belgian 
Congo ...... 


324 


3 


July 22 


Count Errembault de 
Dudzeele to M. 
Davignon 


A more warlike spirit is shown at Vienna 
than at Budapest .... 


326 


4 


24 


Baron Beyens to M. 
Davignon 


The violence of the Austro-Hungarian ulti- 
matum exceeds all anticipations ; it will 
attract to Serbia the sympathies of Europe 


328 


5 


25 


Count Errembault de 
Dudzeele to M. 
Davignon 


The Austro-Hungarian ultimatum is drawn 
up with the object of making war with 
Serbia inevitable .... 


330 


6 


25 


Baron Beyens to M. 
Davignon 


Germany approves the demarche of the 
Austro-Hungarian Government at Bel- 
grade 


331 



3*1 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



No. 


Date. 


Name. 


Subject. 


Pag< 


7 


1914 
July 26 


M. de TEscaille to M. 
Davignon (Tele- 
graphic) 


Russia will not allow Austria-Hungary to 
crush Serbia, to whom moderating advice 
has been given ..... 


332 


8 


26 


Baron Beyens to M. 
Davignon 


Germany and Austria-Hungary wish, in 
addition to the annihilation of Serbia, to 
strike a mortal blow at Russia and France 


333 


9 


26 


Count Errembault de 
Dudzeele to M. 
Davignon 


War between Austria-Hungary and Serbia 
is imminent. If all the Powers sincerely 
desired peace, they might yet arrive at a 
compromise. The attitude of Austria- 
Hungary, supported by Germany, makes 
this hope improbable .... 


336 


10 


27 


Baron Beyens to M. 
Davignon 


Herr Zimmermann's opinion on the situa- 
tion ....... 


337 


ii 


27 


M. Davignon to Count 
Errembault de Dud- 
zeele (Telegraphic) 


Please telegraph what stage the mobilisa- 
tion has reached .... 


339 


12 


28 


Baron Beyens to M. 
Davignon 


According to the Italian Ambassador, the 
German and Austro-Hungarian Govern- 
ments were convinced that Russia would 
be an impotent spectator of the execution 
of Serbia ...... 


339 


13 


28 


M. Davignon to Baron 
Beyens (Telegraphic) 


Please telegraph if measures have already 
been taken with a view to mobilisation . 


34i 


14 


,. 29 


Baron Beyens to M. 
Davignon 


The warning given by Sir Edward Grey to 
Prince Lichnowsky might influence the 
German Government by dissipating an 
illusion ...... 


342 


15 
16 


., 


Count Errembault de 
Dudzeele to M. 
Davignon (Tele- 
graphic) 

Count Errembault de 


The rupture appeared imminent, but after 
a friendly conversation between M. Sche- 
b6ko and Count Berchtold, a basis has been 
found for resumption of negotiations 


344 

344 


X \J 




Dudzeele to M. 
Davignon 




O TT^ 


17 


" 3I 


Count de Buisseret to 
M. Davignon 


Germany refuses to influence Austria- 
Hungary, and the latter to discuss with 
Russia. Germany's attitude prevents M. 
Sazonof's efforts from having any result 


345 



312 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 



fo. 


Date. 


Name. 


Subject. 


Page. 




1914 




- 




[8 


July 31 


Baron Guillaume to M. 


In Paris they are much disturbed by the 








Davignon 


situation 


347 


9 


M 31 


Count Errembault de 


There is a very pessimistic feeling caused by 








Dudzeele to M. Da- 


the Austro-Hungarian mobilisation and 








vignon 


Germany's ultimatum to Russia . 


348 





Aug. i 


Baron Bey ens to M. 


The order for mobilisation has been issued. 








Davignon 


Germany seeks to fix upon Russia re- 










sponsibility for the war 


348 


I 


2 


Baron Guillaume to M. 


France is disturbed by the military measures 








Davignon 


that Germany is taking against her 


35<> 


2 


2 


Baron Beyens to M. 


In Berlin they are talking of the invasion 








Davignon 


of Luxemburg . . . . 


35i 


3 


2 


Count Errembault de 


Count Berchtold is astonished at the Dutch 








Dudzeele to M. Da- 


mobilisation 


352 






vignon 






4 


2 





General war is inevitable. Vienna is much 










preoccupied about the attitude of Great 










Britain . . . . . 


352 


5 


4 


Baron Beyens to M. 


Belgium could only return to the German 








Davignon (Tele- 


ultimatum the reply which she has made 








graphic) 


without hesitation . , . , , 


353 


6 


5 


Count de Lalaing to M. 


The support of the British expeditionary 








Davignon 


force is not yet certain 


355 


7 


5 


n i 


The fine resistance of the Belgians will 










render easier the British Cabinet's task 










with regard to public opinion 


356 


8 


,, 6 


Baron Guillaume to M. 


The Belgian Government urges the French 








Davignon (Tele- 


Government to hasten the despatch of 








graphic) 


military forces to Belgium . 


357 


9 


7 


Count de Lalaing to M. 


The heroic example of Belgium has made 








Davignon 


the British people decide for war with 












77 





" 8 , 


Baron Guillaume to M. 


M. Poincare has conferred the Cross of the 


Jj 1 






Davignon 


Legion of Honour on the town of Lidge . 


359 


I 


,, 10 





Rupture of diplomatic relations between 










Austria-Hungary and France 


360 



313 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



No. 


Date. 


Name. 


Subject. 


Page 




1914 








32 


Aug. 12 


M. Davignon to Count 


The military Governor of Antwerp had the 








Errembault de Dud- 


right to expel Austro-Hungarian subjects 


360 






zeele (Telegraphic) 






33 


18 


Count Errembault de 


The Austro-Hungarian Consul at Antwerp 








Dudzeele to M. Da- 


complains of having been sent away under 




j 




vignon 


disagreeable circumstances . 


361 


i 34 


'21 


M. Davignon to the 


Great Britain will, after the war, give her 




i 




Legations at London, 


diplomatic support to Belgium and will 




i 




Paris, and St. Peters- 


do her best to secure for- her compensation 








burg (Telegraphic) 


for the sufferings through which she has 










passed ...... 


362 


35 


,, 22 


M. Davignon to Count 


All measures have been taken to secure that 








Errembault de Dud- 


no Austrian subject should be molested . 


362 






zeele (Telegraphic) 












x 




36 


27 


Prince Kudachef to M. 


Belgium can count, at the end of the 








Davignon 


war, upon the diplomatic support of 










Russia 


362 


37 


28 


Count de Lalaing to M. 


British homage to the heroic resistance of 








Davignon 


the Belgian army and people 


363 


3 8 


29 


M. Davignon to Prince 


Acknowledgment of the communication of 








Kudachef 


August 27 (see No. 36) 


365 


39 


j> 29 


M. Davignon to the 


Instructions given to the Belgian troops of 








Legations at London, 


the Congo 


364 






Paris, and St. Peters- 










burg 






40 


3O 


M. Davignon to Baron 


The Belgian Government protests against 








Grenier (Telegraphic) 


the charges of the Vienna Press concern- 










ing alleged ill-treatment of German and 










Austrian subjects 


365 


4i 


30 


Count F. van den Steen 


Final report as to the departure of the 








de Jehay to M. Da- 


Belgian Minister from Luxemburg 


365 






vignon 






42 


Sept. 4 


M. Davignon to all the 


Note of the Court of first instance at 








Heads of Belgian Mis- 


Antwerp concerning the anti-German de- 








sions abroad 


monstrations of August 4th and 5th 


367 


43 


7 


Baron Moncheui to M. 


The Germans are doing all they can to 








Davignon 


incite the Turks to war against the Triple 










Entente 


37 



3*4 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 



No. 
44 


Date. 


Name. 


Subject. 


Page. 


1914 
Sept. 13 


The King of the Bel- 
gians to the President 
of the French Re- 


Congratulations on the great victory gained 
by the French Army . 


374 






public (Telegraphic) 






45 


v 13 


The King of the Bel- 
gians to the King of 
the United Kingdom 
of Great Britain and 


Congratulations on the superb conduct of 
the British troops at the battle of the 
Marne . . . \ * ', 


374 






Ireland (Telegraphic) 


';- 




46 


,. 13 


The King of the Bel- 
gians to the Tsar 
(Telegraphic) 


Congratulations on the victory gained by 
the Russian Army . . > ?T 


374 


47 


14 


The President of the 
French Republic to 


Thanks for his congratulations . ^* 


375 






the King of the Bel- 
gians (Telegraphic) 






48 


14 


The King of the United 
Kingdom of Great 
Britain and Ireland 


Ditto . ^<~ . , ; . , , a , } , 


375 






to the King of the 
Belgians (Telegraphic) 






49 


i-1 


The Tsar to the King of 
the Belgians (Tele- 
graphic) 


Ditto . , * ,-'". 


376 


50 


16 


Count Errembault de 
Dudzeele to M. Da- 


Report on the departure from Vienna of 
the Belgian Minister . j , 


376 






vignon 






51 


21 


Baron Beyens to M. 
Davignon 


On August 4th Herr von Jagow acknow- 
ledged that Germany had nothing with 
which to reproach Belgium ; and de- 
clared that he understood the reply of 
the Belgian Government 


379 


52 


22 


f 


Herr Zimmermaiin says that the Depart- 
ment for Foreign Affairs was powerless to 
prevent the invasion of Belgium ; since 
the mobilisation all power belonged to 
the military authorities. Return of the 
Legation from Germany to Belgium 


382 


53 


,, 22 


Baron Moncheur to M. 
Davignon 


Turkey is no longer anything but an instru- 
ment of war at the disposal of Germany 


386 



315 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



No. 



Date. 



Name. 



Subject. 



54 
55 

56 
57 

58 

59 

60 
61 

62 

63 
64 



1914 
Sept. 25 



Oct. ii 



12 



21 



Nov. i 



16 



Telegram from Mr. 
Bryan to Mr. Brand 
Whitlock, communi- 
cated by the Ameri- 
can Consul at Antwerp 

Baron Grenier to M. 
Davignon 



Baron Guillaume to M. 
Davignon 

The King of the Bel- 
gians to the President 
of the French Re- 
public 

M. Davignon to Baron 
Grenier (Telegraphic) 



Baron Moncheur to M. 
Davignon (Tele- 

graphic) 



M. Davignon to Baron 
Moncheur (Tele- 

graphic) 

M. Davignon to M. van 
Ypersele de Strihou 
(Telegraphic) 

Jonkheer de Weede to 
M. Davignon 

M. Davignon to all the 
Heads of Belgian Mis- 
sions abroad 

Baron Moncheur to M. 
Davignon 



On August 22nd the German Government 
addressed a note to the American Am- 
bassador at Berlin relating to the neutral- 
isation of the conventional Basin of the 
Congo, to which Germany is willing to agree 

The protest of the Belgian Government re- 
lating to the alleged bad treatment of 
Austro-Hungarian subjects has been 
handed to the Austro-Hungarian Govern- 
ment (see No. 40) 

Transfer of the Belgian Government to 
Havre ...... 

Thanks for the hospitality offered by 
France 



In attacking the Belgian post of Lukuga, 
the German Government has taken, with 
regard to Belgium, the initiative in hos- 
tilities in Africa (see No. 54) . 

Turkey is pushing forward her prepara- 
tions for war 



The Representatives of the Powers of the 
Triple Entente are leaving Constantinople 

Would it not be well to advise Belgians 
to go to the Turkish coast towns ? 



Transmit to your colleague at Constanti- 
nople the order to ask for his passports . 



The Dutch Minister will look after Turkish 
interests in Belgium .... 

Reasons for the rupture of diplomatic re- 
lations between Belgium and Turkey . 



Report as to the departure of the Belgian 
Legation from Constantinople . . 396 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 



No. 


Date. 


Name. 


Subject. 


Page. 


66 


1914 
Nov. 1 6 


Mr. Brand Whitlock to 
M. Davignon 


Transmits the German note of August 22nd 
concerning the neutralisation of the 
conventional Basin of the Congo (see 
No. 54) 


397 


67 


Dec. 5 


M. Davignon to Mr. 
Brand Whitlock 


The Belgian Government has already re- 
plied to the German note (see No. 58) . 


398 



SECOND PART. 

I. GERMAN ACCUSATIONS IN REGARD TO THE ATTITUDE OF THE 
BELGIAN CIVIL POPULATION. 



1914 

Aug. 12 



18 



Oct. 6 



Dec. 30 



M. Davignon to Lega- j The assertion of the Wolff Bureau that the 
tions at The Hague, > inhabitants of Lidge district had taken 
London, Paris, and part in the fighting is false 
Madrid 



M. Davignon to Baron 
Grenier 



Official protest. Belgium deems it a point 
of honour to fight loyally and to observe 
all the laws and customs of war 

Baron Grenier to M. Our protest has been sent to the German 
Davignon Government . . . 

i 

M. Davignon to all | Measures taken by the Ministry of the 
Heads of Missions j Interior to prevent the civil population 
abroad from participating in hostilities 



399 



399 



402 



II. ILLEGAL SEIZURE OF THE CASH OF THE HASSELT BRANCH OF THE 
NATIONAL BANK OF BELGIUM. 



1914 
Aug. 12 



M. Davignon to Baron 



The National Bank is a private institution 



Grenier (Telegraphic) 
III. PROTECTION OF GERMAN BUILDINGS IN BELGIUM. 



409 



73 


1914 
Aug. 1 8 


Mr. Brand Whitlock to 
M. Davignon 


Request to protect German property . 


410 


74 


*. 23 


M. Davignon to Mr. 
Brand Whitlock 


The Belgian Government would be glad 
to hear that Belgians and their property 
are treated with the same consideration 










as German subjects and their possessions 


410 



317 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



IV. BOMBARDMENT BY ZEPPELINS. 



No. 


Date. 


Name. 


Subject. 


Pag< 




1914 








75 


Aug. 25 


M. Davignon to the Bel- 


The bombardment of Antwerp constitutes 








gian Legations abroad 


a violation of Article 26 of tHe Fourth 








(Telegraphic) 


Hague Convention .... 


411 


76 


Aug. 26 


M. Davignon to Lega- 


Details of the bombardment 


411 






tions of the Foreign 










Powers in Belgium 







77 



78 



79 



80 



V. DESPATCH OF AN OFFICIAL MISSION TO THE 
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 



1914 
Aug. 29 


Sept. 


i 


ii 


8 


ti 


18 



M. Davignon to all 
Heads of Missions 
abroad (Telegraphic) 



The Mission is sent to inform President 
Wilson of the atrocities committed by 
the German troops in Belgium 



Count de Lalaing to M. Speech addressed to King George by M. 
Davignon Carton de Wiart, Head of the Mission . 

M. Davignon to M. ! The German armies continue to massacre 
Havenith (Tele- j and pillage in order to terrorise the 

graphic) population ...... 



M. Havenith 
Davignon 



to 



M. ! President Wilson's replies to the Emperor's 
message and to the speech of the Head 
of the Mission. His sympathies are 
entirely with Belgium .... 



414 



415 



416 



417 



VI. CIVILIAN PRISONERS IN GERMANY. 



81 


1914 
Sept. 29 


Mr. Brand Whitlock to 
M. Davignon 


The troops have been ordered to send civil 
prisoners to Germany. Case of Captain 
Menne ...... 


422 


82 


Oct. 2 


M. Davignon to Mr. 
Brand Whitlock 


The transfer of the civil population is con- 
trary to the laws of war. Charge against 
Captain Menne ..... 


423 


83 


Nov. 2 


M. Davignon to Baron 
Grenier 


Renewal of the Protest .... 


425 


84 


Dec. 17 


Baron Grenier to M. 
Davignon 


The Spanish Ambassador's intervention 
has ameliorated, for the moment, the lot 
of belligerent subjects in Germany 


426 



318 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 



No. 


Date. 


Name. 


Subject. 


Page. 


85 


1915 
Jan. 15 


M. Davignon to Baron 
Grenier 


Germany does not reply to our protest 
against the violation of Article 50 of the 
Fourth Hague Convention . 


428 


86 


28 


M. Davignon to Baron 
Grenier 


Further protest ..... 

' 


429 


8? 


Mar. 30 


M. Davignon to Baron 
Grenier 


Note of February 28 from Imperial Foreign 
Office is an avowal by Germany of 
violation of international conventions . 


430 



VII. USE OF ' DUM-DUM 
1914 

i Or.f TO 



88 Oct. 10 



89 



1915 
Mar. 31 



M. Davignon to Lega- 
tions abroad 



M. Davignon to Baron 
Grenier 



BULLETS BY THE GERMAN ARMIES. 

Protest against the use of projectiles not 
authorised by The Hague Convention . 



Use of expanding bullets by German 
colonial troops . . . . 



435 



436 



. EMPLOYMENT OF NATIVES wi: % HAVE NO REGULAR MILITARY ORGANISATION. 



90 


1914 

Oct. 12 


M. Davignon to Baron 
Grenier (Telegraphic) 


Belgian Government will not recognise as 
belligerents negro hordes under native 
chiefs . . . ... 


437 


91 


13 
[No v.i 3?] 


Baron Grenier to M. 
Davignon 


German Government has no means of ascer- 
taining what is happening in Africa 


437 


IX. VIOLATIONS OF THE GENEVA CONVENTION. 


92 


1914 
Oct. 12 


M. Davignon to Baron 
Grenier (Telegraphic) 


The medical officers from Liege and Namur 
have been sent as prisoners to Germany . 


438 


93 


Dec. 15 


M. Davignon to Baron 
Grenier 


The medical officers of Antwerp have also 
been sent to Germany 


439 


94 
95 


18 

1915 
Jan. 8 


M. Davignon to Baron 
Grenier 

Baron Grenier to M. 
Davignon 


Germany should liberate the Belgian 
medical officers on the same terms as 
their French colleagues ... 

The Spanish Ambassador at Berlin has been 
instructed to demand the liberation of the 
Belgian medical officers 


442 
442 



319 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



No. 



96 



97 



Date. 



Name. 



Subject. 



1915 

Jan. 9 M. Davignon to Baron 
Grenier 



German authorities permit return to Bel- 
gium, but not to the army. Refusal of 
medical officers . 



25 I Baron de Groote to M. Germany liberates the Belgian medical 
Davignon officers ...... 



Pag 



44: 



44, 



X. GERMANY ACCUSES BELGIUM OF HAVING CONCLUDED A MILITARY UNDER- 
STANDING WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 



98 


1914 

Oct. 19 


99 


Dec. 4 


TOO 


15 


IOI 


1915 
Jan. 13 


IO2 


Feb. 13 


103 


Mar. 4 



M. Davignon to Belgian 
Legations abroad 



Reply to the article in the Norddeutsche 
Allgemeine Zeitung of October i3th 

Reply to the note in the Norddeutsche 
Allgemeine Zeitung of November 25th . 

Sir E. Grey's despatch to Count de Lalaing 
of April yth, 1913, on the apprehension 
caused in Belgium by rumours concerning 
an eventual violation of Belgian neutrality 
by Great Britain . . . 

The Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung has 
falsified the Ducarne document 

Sir E. Grey replies to the explanations given 
by Herr von Bethmann Hollweg on the 
subject of the alleged Anglo-Belgian 
conventions ..... 

Fresh protest of the Belgian Government 
against the statement that, in 1906, 
Belgium had abandoned her neutrality by 
concluding a treaty with Great Britain . 



44; 



45- 



45: 



45> 



104 



320 



XI. AUSTRIA-HUNGARY SENT BATTERIES OF ARTILLERY TO BELGIUM 

BEFORE THE DECLARATION OF WAR. 



1914 
Oct. 20 



M. Davignon to Baron 
Fallen 



When replying to the declaration of war of 
August 28th, the Belgian Government 
was unaware that heavy Austrian artil- 
lery had been sent against the Namur 
forts . 



461 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 



<Jo. 


Date. 


Name. 


Subject. 


Page. 


35 


1915 
April 5 


Baron Grenier to M. 
Davignon 


When sending the declaration of war to 
Belgium, the Austro-Hungarian Govern- 
ment was equally unaware that the 
Belgian Government had begun negotia- 
tions for military co-operation of Belgium 
with Great Britain and France 


462 


D6 


20 


M. Davignon to Baron 
Grenier 


Reply to Austro-Hungarian Government . 


464 



)8 



XII. LEGEND OF THE PUTTING OUT OF EYES. 



1914 

Nov. 25 j M. Davignon to Belgian 
Legations abroad 



Dec. 18 



M. Davignon to Belgian 
Legations abroad 



Two German commissions, one civil, the 
other military, have declared that in no 
case has it been found that Belgian 
women have put out the eyes of prisoners 
and wounded . . . 

Kolnische Volkszeitung and Vorwdrts contra- 
dict the charges as to mutilation of the 
wounded by Belgian civil population . 



467 



469 



>9 



:i 



[2 



XIII. CANCELLING OF THE EXEQUATUR OF CONSULS IN BELGIUM. 



1914 
Dec. 24 

1915 
Jan. 9 



22 



M. Davignon to Baron 
Grenier 

Baron Grenier to M. 
Davignon 



M. Davignon to Baron 
Grenier 



Feb. i i M. Davignon to Belgian 
Legations abroad 



The occupant must respect the laws in 
force in the country . . 

German Government's note does not in 
any way affect the rights of the Belgian 
Government . . . 

Reply to German Government's note 



Opinion of the American Government 



472 
474 

475 



XIV. ARBITRARY ARREST OF M. MAX, BURGOMASTER OF BRUSSELS. 



3 


1915 
Jan. 5 


M. Davignon to Mr. 
Brand Whitlock 


The detention of M. Max is arbitrary 


476 


4 


14 


Mr. Brand Whitlock to 
M. Davignon 


Acknowledges receipt of letter of January 5 


476 



PLOMATIC 3. 



321 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



XV. FINE IMPOSED ON THE TOWN OF COURTRAI FOR OBEYING THE ORDERS 
OF TWO GERMAN COMMANDANTS. 



No. 


Date. 


Name. 


Subject. 


Page. 


H5 


1915 
Jan. 10 


M. Davignon to Baron 
Grenier (Telegraphic) 


The arms had been deposited in the tower 
of the Broel by the orders of the com- 
mandants, Maxeman and Pschors 


477 



XVI. No FRENCH OR ENGLISH TROOPS ENTERED BELGIUM BEFORE AUGUST 5. 



116 



117 



118 



119 



1915 
Jan. 28 M. Davignon to Belgian Denial of assertion by Norddeutsche Allge- 



Legations abroad 



meine Zeitung 



Feb. 6 j M. Davignon to M. j The French Government will certainly be 



Klobukowski 



able to deny arrival of French troops at 
Erquelines on July 24 



Mar. 13 M. Klobukowski to M. French Government's denial . 
Davignon 

i 

April 10 M. Davignon to Belgian \ The French plan of concentration shows 



477 

479 
481 



Legations abroad 

XVII. TAX ON ABSENTEES. 



that there was no intention of violating 
Belgian neutrality 



120 



1915 
Feb. 8 



M. Davignon to Belgian 
Legations abroad 



The tax imposed on absentees violates the 
Fourth Hague Convention and the solemn 
promise made on December 14, 1914, by 
the German Government that no new 
taxes should be imposed on the country . 



492 



JI2I 



1915 

Feb. 13 



XVIII. REMOVAL OF MACHINERY. 



M. Davignon to Belgian The German authorities are removing the 



Legations abroad 



machinery of private factories 



494 



XIX. GERMAN CHARGES CONCERNING TREATMENT BY THE BELGIAN ARMY 
OF GERMAN PRISONERS, BOTH OFFICERS AND MEN. 



122 



123 



322 



1915 

Feb. 1 8 



1915 
April 6 



M. Davignon to Baron 



Refutation of the German charges 



Grenier 

XX. CREATION OF EXTRAORDINARY TRIBUNALS. 
M. Davignon to Belgian The creation of extraordinary tribunals is 



496 



Legations abroad 



contrary to Article 43 of the Fourth 
Hague Convention . . j 5 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 



FIRST PART. 

No. i. 

The Belgian Minister at Paris to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Paris, February 22, 1913. 

SIR, In the course of the interview which I had this 
morning with M. de Margerie, formerly French Minister in 
China and Assistant to the Director-General of Political 
Affairs, he questioned me on the passing of our military law, 
its importance, its significance, its object, and its chances of 
success in Parliament. 

I gave a suitable reply, remarking, with all necessary 
reservations, that the close relations into which Great Britain 
had recently entered with certain Great Powers did not leave 
her in the same position towards us which she had formerly 
occupied, although the existence of a free and independent 
Belgium continues to be a vital necessity for her policy. Our 
wish is, if possible, to prevent Belgium from again becoming 
the battle-field of Europe, as she has been too often in the past. 

I added that it was the intention of Belgium to possess an 
army which should be strong enough to be taken seriously 
and which would allow her to fulfil completely her duty of 
safeguarding her independence and neutrality. 

'That is excellent/ M. de Margerie replied, 'but are not 
your new armaments actuated by the fear that your neutrality 
might be violated by France ? ' ' No/ I replied, ' they are 
no more directed against France than against Germany ; they 
are intended to prevent any one, whoever he may be, from 
entering the country. M. Poincare has assured me that France 
would never take the initiative in violating our neutrality, 
but that if the German armies should enter Belgium and we 
should not be strong enough to drive them back, the Govern- 
ment of the Republic would consider themselves justified in 
taking whatever steps they thought expedient to defend 
French territory, either upon their own frontier or, if the 
General Staff thought it more expedient, to advance to meet 
the Imperial armies. 

323 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

' I cannot/ I added, ' doubt M. Poincare's word. I place 
every trust in his statements, and I am even bound to say 
that in my humble opinion, and I only speak now as a private 
individual, it seems to me that strategically it would be more 
advantageous to Germany to make use of Belgium as a road 
whereby a blow could be struck at the heart of France not far 
from the capital, than it would be for the armies of the Re- 
public to go and attack the German frontier in the neighbour- 
hood of Aix-la-Chapelle. But, as I have already said, we are 
not relying on any balancing of probabilities ; besides what 
may be true to-day may not be so to-morrow, since new 
circumstances may arise, and our sole object is to prevent, 
so far as our strength allows, any violation of our neutrality/ 

M. de Margerie showed sustained interest in our conver- 
sation as to the defence of Belgium. I have no doubt that he 
will repeat what I said to those whom it concerns. 

(Signed) BARON GUILLAUME. 



No. 2. 

The Belgian Minister at Berlin to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Berlin, April 2, 1914. 

SIR, The French Ambassador this morning communicated 
to me in confidence a conversation which he had had quite 
recently with Herr von Jagow after a private dinner at which 
he was the guest of the latter. 

During a recent absence of M. Cambon, the Secretary of 
State for the Colonies met the French Charge d' Affaires at an 
evening party, and, a few days afterwards, the Naval Attache, 
and said to them that Germany and France ought to come 
to an understanding as to the construction and linking-up 
of the railway lines which those countries proposed to build in 
Africa in order that these lines should not compete with one 
another. 

M. Cambon asked the meaning of these overtures. Herr 
von Jagow replied that the question was still under con- 
sideration, but that he, as well as Herr Solf, thought that an 
understanding between the two countries and also with 
324 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

England would be very useful. 'In that case/ replied the 
Ambassador, ' it would be necessary to invite Belgium to confer 
with us, for that country is building new railway lines in the 
Congo, and in my view it would be preferable that the con- 
ference should take place at Brussels/ 

' Oh no ! ' replied the Secretary of State, ' for it is at the 
expense of Belgium that our agreement would have to be 
reached/ ' How would that be ? ' ' Do you not think that 
King Leopold has placed too heavy a burden on the shoulders 
of Belgium? Belgium is not rich enough to develop this 
vast domain. It is an enterprise which is beyond her financial 
means and her power of expansion. She will be obliged to 
give it up/ 

M. Cambon thought this view altogether exaggerated. 

Herr von Jagow did not consider himself beaten. He 
developed the view that only the Great Powers are in a 
condition to colonize. He disclosed even what was at the 
bottom of his mind, arguing that in the transformation which 
was going on in Europe to the advantage of the strongest 
nationalities, as a result of the development of economic 
forces and means of communication, small States could no 
longer lead the independent existence which they had enjoyed 
up to the present. They were destined to disappear or to 
gravitate into the orbit of the Great Powers. 

M. Cambon replied that these views were by no means 
those of France, nor, as far as he knew, those of Great Britain ; 
that he still thought that certain agreements were necessary 
for the proper development of Africa, but that on the con- 
ditions set out by Herr von Jagow no understanding was 
possible. 

On receiving this reply Herr von Jagow hastened to say 
that he had only expressed his personal views and that he had 
only spoken in his private capacity and not as Secretary of 
State addressing the French Ambassador. 

M. Cambon, none the less, takes a very serious view of the 
opinions which Herr von Jagow did not hesitate to disclose 
in this conversation. He thought that it was in our interest 
to know the views with which the official who directs the 
German policy is animated in respect to small States and their 
colonies. 

3*5 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

I thanked the Ambassador for his confidential communi- 
cation. You will certainly appreciate its full gravity. 

(Signed) BARON BEYENS. 



No. 3. 

The Belgian Minister at Vienna to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Vienna, July 22, 1914. 

SIR, I have the honour to lay before you the information 
which I have been able to collect on the question of the 
relations between the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the 
Kingdom of Serbia. 

Ten days ago the attitude at the Ballplatz was very war- 
like. The Minister for Foreign Affairs and his principal 
advisers used very aggressive language. They appeared 
determined to give to the demarche about to be made at 
Belgrade a very energetic character and, foreseeing a refusal 
on the part of the Serbian Government to submit to all the 
conditions which were to be imposed, they showed no hesita- 
tion in admitting the necessity for armed intervention. 
Already the numbers of the eight army corps to be used for 
the invasion of Serbia were mentioned, and people talked of 
nothing less than applying to this kingdom the treatment 
formerly inflicted upon Poland by dividing her territory 
between the neighbouring states. It seemed that Count 
Berchtold intended at one blow to take his revenge for the 
successive checks which his policy has suffered during recent 
years. It was the practical application of the theory dear to 
those who have been preaching for long ' that the Serbian 
question must be dealt with once and for all/ 

In the inner circles of the Austrian Government there 
does not appear to have been any protest against such designs, 
and if the same view had been taken at Budapest it would not 
have been impossible that the Emperor, in spite of his leanings 
to peace, should have ranged himself with the unanimous 
opinion of his advisers. 

It is the Prime Minister of Hungary, who has twice visited 
Vienna, who tried to rein in these warlike ardours. As a 
3*6 



C4 ] SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

prudent and far-sighted statesman, Count Tisza pointed out 
the great danger which lay in the Austro-Hungarian Govern- 
ment committing itself lightly to such an adventure, and 
insisted vigorously on the adoption of a more moderate 
attitude. 

Indeed, it seems very difficult not to come to the con- 
clusion that an armed conflict between the monarchy and her 
neighbour would contain at least the germ of a European 
conflagration. It is true that the Austro-Hungarian press, 
which talks every day of war with Serbia as not only possible 
but probable, affects to prophesy that the war would remain 
localised between these two Powers. ' We should have the 
moral support of Germany/ they say. ' England and France 
will not be interested in the question, and Russia, far from 
intervening, will on the contrary advise Serbia to give us full 
satisfaction/ This reasoning is evidently the fruit of a very 
exaggerated optimism. 

I cannot admit for a moment that the Serbian Government 
and the enlightened party in that country have any reason 
to reproach themselves for the murder of the Archduke 
Franz Ferdinand and his wife, as many people here allege. 
On the contrary, I am convinced that this unhappy event 
must have produced a painful impression in Serbia, since 
people there were in truth very anxious to maintain good 
relations with Austria-Hungary. 

The Russian Ambassador at Vienna, who goes away to-day 
on leave but declares himself ready to return to his post at 
the least alarm, declares that the Tsar's Government will 
invite King Peter's counsellors to accept every demand 
addressed to them in courteous terms, and having a direct 
bearing on the murder. The same course would be taken with 
respect to the dissolution of certain societies whose irredentist 
tendencies are too much accentuated. ' But/ says M. 
Schebeko, ' we should not allow Serbia to be made the subject 
of a general attack intended to discredit her/ 

I have every reason to believe that M. Pashitch will follow 
the first part of this advice, but that he will show himself 
very determined if there should be any question of con- 
ditions which he could not fulfil legally or which would inflict 
a direct blow upon the national pride. In particular, so far 
as the dissolution of societies is concerned, it is worthy of 

327 






DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

remark that the Serbian constitution, which is very liberal, 
guarantees the right of association, and in addition it is not 
a few societies only which take the reconstitution of ' Greater 
Serbia ' for their political programme, but the whole population 
of the country cherishes this dream. 

What is more, the Prime Minister at Belgrade certainly 
takes into consideration that the whole of the mixture of 
Jugo-Slavs who inhabit the south of the Monarchy is com- 
posed of Serbians, Bosnians, Slovenes, and Croats who are 
favourable to his cause. The latter, in spite of their difference 
of religion, are greatly dissatisfied with the regime to which 
Hungary subjects them, and the great majority of them, in 
spite of what is alleged here on the subject, extend their 
full sympathies to Serbia. 

Apart from the possible intervention of Russia and the 
uncertain part which might be played by Rumania, there is 
in this state of things a very real danger for Austria-Hungary, 
and Count Tisza's moderating words show it sufficiently. 
Will his influence prevail to the last ? Count Berchtold has 
just gone to Ischl to report to the Emperor ; it seems that the 
present uncertain situation cannot continue for long, and 
that an early decision must be taken. 

(Signed) COMTE ERREMBAULT DE DUDZEELE. 



No. 4. 

The Belgian Minister at Berlin to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Berlin, July 24, 1914. 

SIR, The publication of the ultimatum addressed yester- 
day by the Cabinet of Vienna to that of Belgrade goes far 
beyond anything that the most pessimistic anticipations of 
which I informed you in my report of the i6th of this month 
had anticipated. Evidently Count Berchtold and Count 
Tisza, the responsible authors of this sudden blow, have come 
under the influence of the military party and the Austro- 
Hungarian General Staff. The result of such a lack of 
moderation and discretion will inevitably be to attract the 
sympathies of the great mass of European public opinion to 
328 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

Serbia, in spite of the horror caused by the murders of 
Serajevo. Even at Berlin, to judge by the Liberal papers, 
one has the impression that the Austro-Hungarian demands 
are considered excessive. ' Austria-Hungary/ says the 
Vossische Zeitung this morning, ' will have to prove the grave 
accusations which she brings against Serbia and her Govern- 
ment by publishing the results of the judicial inquiry held at 
Serajevo/ 

Herr von Jagow and Herr Zimmermann had assured us 
last week that they did not know the decisions taken by the 
Vienna Cabinet, nor the extent of the Austro-Hungarian 
demands. How can we believe in this ignorance to-day ? 
It is improbable that the Austro-Hungarian statesmen should 
have made up their minds to such a step, the most dangerous 
stroke which their diplomacy has ever ventured against a 
Balkan State, without having consulted their colleagues at 
Berlin, and without having obtained the assent of the 
Emperor William. The fact that the Emperor has given a 
free hand to his allies in spite of the risk of bringing on a 
European conflict, is explained by the fear and horror which 
he has of regicides. 

' What is Serbia going to do ? ' was the question which the 
majority of my colleagues were asking this morning. 'Will 
she turn to Russia and beg for her support by telegram ? ' 
If she does so, she cannot receive any reply before the expiration 
of the time limit in the Austrian ultimatum. Russia will be 
obliged as a preliminary to concert measures with France, and, 
very astutely, the Cabinet of Vienna has postponed the out- 
break of the storm until the moment when M. Poincar6 and 
M. Viviani are on their voyage between St. Petersburg and 
Stockholm. The threatening tone in which the Austro- 
Hungarian note is couched is all the more unfortunate because 
the Russian Ambassador at Vienna, I learn, had recently 
informed Count Berchtold that his Government would 
support the Austro-Hungarian demands with the Pashitch 
Cabinet if those demands were moderate. 

To-day a new crisis has begun, recalling the crisis of 1909 
after the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The best 
we can hope is that it will not develop in a more tragic 
manner, in spite of the bellicose wishes of the Austrian General 
Staff, which are perhaps shared by that at Berlin. The best 

329 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

advice to give to Serbia would be to invite the mediation and 
intervention of the Great Powers. 

(Signed) BARON BEYENS. 



1 [Spelt 
' Patchou 
in earlier 
Blue 
Books.] 



No. 5. 

The Belgian Minister at Vienna to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Vienna, July 25, 1914. 

SIR, The situation has suddenly become very serious. 
It was obvious that an early demarche by Austria-Hungary to 
Serbia was to be expected. But the note delivered on the 
23rd of this month by a representative of the Monarchy at 
Belgrade to Dr. Paccu, 1 Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs, 
puts forward demands which are more excessive and imposes 
conditions which are harder than I had foreseen. 

The press here is unanimous in stating that the conditions 
imposed on Serbia are not of such a nature as to wound her 
national pride and dignity and that, therefore, Serbia can and 
ought to accept them. But at the same time the press 
implicitly admits the rigorous nature of these conditions, 
since it expresses only a very faint hope that King Peter's 
Government will submit to them. Not to mention the 
humiliating declaration to be inserted in the Official Journal 
and the Order of the day to the Army, paragraph 5 would 
evidently constitute an excessive interference with the 
internal affairs of the country. It would amount to a com- 
plete delivery of Serbia to the suzerainty of the Monarchy. 

Certainly, a refusal might have the gravest consequences 
from the international point of view. It may provoke a 
European conflict and cause enormous economic losses. In a 
few hours the purport of the Serbian reply will be known, but 
it is extremely improbable that it will be of such a nature as 
to give satisfaction. Besides, King Peter and his Govern- 
ment would provoke a revolution in the country if they showed 
any tendency to make such concessions. This fact must 
clearly have been taken into consideration at the Ballplatz, 
and it also appears as if such hard conditions had only been 
imposed because it was hoped that they would be refused, 
330 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

because it was wished ' to have done with Serbia once and 
for all.' 

(Signed) COMTE ERREMBAULT DE DUDZEELE. 



No. 6. 

The Belgian Minister at Berlin to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Berlin, July 25, 1914. 

SIR, The situation has grown no worse since yesterday, 
but this does not mean that it has grown any better. 

As unfavourable symptoms, mention must first be made 
of the language used at the Wilhelmstrasse to the members 
of the diplomatic body : The Imperial Government approves 
the demarche made by the Austro-Hungarian Government at 
Belgrade, and does not consider it excessive in form. An 
end must be made of the murder plots and revolutionary 
intrigues which are hatched in Serbia. Herr von Jagow and 
Herr Zimmermann would not talk in this way if they had not 
received orders to this effect from the Emperor, who has 
determined in the interests of dynastic friendship to support 
Austria-Hungary to the last, and who is susceptible to the 
very legitimate fears inspired by outrages against royal 
personages. 

It should, further, be remarked that the German press, 
with the exception of course of the Socialist papers, appears 
to have recovered from [the] first astonishment caused by the 
Austro-Hungarian note. It plays the part of chorus to the 
press of Vienna and Budapest, and contemplates coolly the 
contingency of war while expressing the hope that it will 
remain localised. 

Finally, the view gains ground more and more among my 
colleagues and I believe it to be well founded that it is 
not so much a desire to avenge the death of the Hereditary 
Archduke and to put an end to the pan-Serbian propaganda, 
as an anxiety for a personal rehabilitation as a statesman 
which has induced Count Berchtold to send to Belgrade this 
incredible and unprecedented note. From the moment when 
his personal feelings and reputation are at stake it will be very 
difficult for him to draw back, to temporise and not to put 
his threats into execution. 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

The favourable signs are less evident. However, they 
deserve to be pointed out. Not to mention European public 
opinion, which would not understand the necessity for taking 
up arms to determine a dispute whose settlement is un- 
doubtedly within the sphere of diplomacy, it appears im- 
possible not to notice the general movement of reaction and 
disapproval which manifests itself outside Germany and 
Austria-Hungary against the terms of Count Berchtold's 
ultimatum. The Vienna Cabinet, which was right in sub- 
stance, is wrong in form. The demand for satisfaction is 
just ; the procedure employed to obtain it is indefensible. 

Although Count Berchtold has skilfully chosen his moment 
to act the British Cabinet being absorbed in the question of 
Home Rule and Ulster, the head of the French State and his 
Prime Minister being on a journey, and the Russian Govern- 
ment being obliged to put down important strikes the fact 
that the Austrian Minister has thought himself bound to send 
to the Great Powers an explanatory memorandum, gives to 
those Powers, and particularly those of the Triple Entente, 
the right to reply, that is to say, to open a discussion and 
intervene in favour of Serbia, and enter into negotiation with 
the Cabinet of Vienna. If it is done at the earliest moment 
possible, a great gain in favour of the maintenance of 
European peace will result. Even a hasty military demon- 
stration by the Austro-Hungarian army against Belgrade, 
after the refusal of the Serbian Government to accept the 
ultimatum, might, perhaps, not produce irremediable conse- 
quences. 

Lastly, the three members of the Triplice are not in 
perfect agreement in the present dispute. It would not be 
surprising if the Italian Government should determine to play 
a separate part and seek to intervene in the interests of peace. 

(Signed) BARON BEYENS. 



No. 7. 

The Belgian Charge d' Affaires at St. Petersburg to M. Davignon, 

Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

i rrf nv> (Telegraphic.) 52. Petersburg, July 26, 1914. 

lomatic i Minister for Foreign Affairs stated yesterday that 

p 462 ' Russia will not permit Austria-Hungary to crush Serbia, 1 to 

332 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

whom, however, moderating advice has been given, counselling 
her to give way on the points of the ultimatum which have a 
judicial and not a political character. The Russian Govern- 
ment thinks that the situation is very serious. 

(Signed) BARON DE L'ESCAILLE. 



No. 8. 

The Belgian Minister at Berlin to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Berlin, July 26, 1914. 

SIR, What I have to tell you on the subject of the crisis 
is so serious that I have decided to send you this report by 
special messenger. The reports which I have committed to 
the post, with a fear lest they should be read by the German 
cabinet noir, necessarily contained opinions of a much more 
optimistic nature. 

Repeated conversations, which I had yesterday with the 
French Ambassador, the Dutch and Greek Ministers, and the 
British Charge d' Affaires, raise in my mind the presumption 
that the ultimatum to Serbia is a blow prepared by Vienna 
and Berlin, or rather designed here and executed at Vienna. 
It is this fact which creates the great danger. The vengeance 
to be taken for the murder of the Hereditary Archduke, and 
the pan-Serbian propaganda would only serve as a pretext. 
The object sought, in addition to the annihilation of Serbia 
and of the aspirations of the Jugo-Slavs, would be to strike 
a mortal blow at Russia and France, in the hope that England 
would remain aloof from the struggle. 

To justify these conclusions I must remind you of the 
opinion which prevails in the German General Staff that war 
with France and Russia is unavoidable and near an opinion 
which the Emperor has been induced to share. 1 Such a war, 1 [C 
warmly desired by the military and pan-German party, might bmatic, i, 
be undertaken to-day, as this party think, in circumstances pp - 28 4-5-] 
which are extremely favourable to Germany, and which 
probably will not again present themselves for some time : 
* Germany has finished the strengthening of her army which 
was decreed by the law of 1912, and on the other hand she 
feels that she cannot carry on indefinitely a race in armaments 
with Russia and France which would end by her ruin; The 

333 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

Wehrbeitrag* has been a disappointment for the Imperial 
Government, to whom it has demonstrated the limits of the 
national wealth. Russia has made the mistake of making a 
display of her strength before having finished her military 
reorganisation. That strength will not be formidable for 
several years ; at the present moment it lacks the railway 
lines necessary for its deployment. As to France, M. Charles 
Humbert has revealed her deficiency in guns of large calibre ; 
but, apparently, it is this arm that will decide the fate of 
battles. For the rest, England, which during the last two 
years Germany has been trying, not without some success, to 
detach from France and Russia, is paralysed by internal 
dissensions and her Irish quarrels/ 

In the eyes of my colleagues as well as in my own, the 
existence of a plan concerted between Berlin and Vienna is 
proved by the obstinacy with which the Wilhemstrasse denies 
having had knowledge of the tenor of the Austrian note 
prior to Thursday last. It was also only on Thursday last 
that it was known at Rome, from which circumstance arises 
the vexation and dissatisfaction displayed here by the Italian 
Ambassador. How can it be admitted that this note, which, 
owing to the excessive severity of its terms and the shortness 
of the period allowed to the Cabinet of Belgrade for their 
execution, is destined to render war immediate and unavoidable, 
was drafted without consultation with and without the active 
i r But collaboration of the German Government, 1 seeing that^it will 
No. 52 (p. involve the most serious consequences for that Government ? 
383).] An additional fact, which proves the intimate co-operation of 

the two Governments, is their simultaneous refusal to prolong 
the period allowed to Serbia. After the request for an 
extension formulated by the Russian Charge d' Affaires at 
Vienna had been refused yesterday at the Ballplatz, here, at 
the Wilhelmstrasse, Herr von Jagow evaded similar requests 
presented by the Russian and English Charges d' Affaires who, 
in the name of their respective Governments, claimed the 
support of the Berlin Cabinet for the purpose of inducing 
Austria to grant Serbia a longer interval in which to reply. 
Berlin and Vienna were at one in their desire for immediate 

* [' Defence contribution ' a levy on property to meet the non-recurring 
expenditure for the increase of the German army enacted in 1913. Cf. 
Diplomatic, i, p. 267.] 
334 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

and inevitable hostilities. The paternity of the scheme, as 
well as of the procedure employed, which are, on account of 
their very cleverness, worthy of a Bismarck, is attributed here, 
in the diplomatic world, to a German rather than to an 
Austrian brain. The secret had been well guarded, and the 
execution of the scheme followed with marvellous rapidity. 

It should be observed that, even if the secret aim of the 
statesmen of the two empires is not to make the war general 
and force Russia and France to take part, but merely to destroy 
the power of Serbia and prevent her from carrying on her 
clandestine propaganda, the result is the same. It is impossible 
that that result has not been perceived by the far-seeing 
rulers of the German Empire. On either of these assumptions, 
the intervention of Russia would appear inevitable ; they 
must have deliberately faced this complication, and prepared 
themselves to support their allies with vigour. The prospect 
of a European war has not caused them an instant's hesitation, 
if, indeed, the desire to evoke it has not been the motive of 
their actions. 

Diplomatic relations between Austria and Serbia have been 
broken off since yesterday evening. Events are developing 
rapidly. It is expected here that the Serbian King, together 
with his Government and the army, will withdraw to the newly- 
annexed territories, and allow the Austrian troops to occupy 
Belgrade and the country abutting on the Danube, without 
offering any resistance. Then, however, arises the painfully 
acute question : what will Russia do ? 

We too must put this disquieting question to ourselves, and 
hold ourselves in readiness for the worst eventualities, for the 
European war, of which people were always talking on the 
agreeable assumption that it would never break out, has now 
become a threatening reality. 

The tone of the semi-official German press is more moderate 
this morning and suggests the possibility of a localisation of 
the war, only however at the cost of the disinter essement of 
Russia, who is to content herself with the assurance that the 
territorial integrity of Serbia will be respected. Is not the 
aim of this language to give some satisfaction to England and 
also to German public opinion, which, in spite of yesterday's 
Austrophile demonstrations in the streets of Berlin, is still 
pacific and alarmed ? In any event the denouement of the 

335 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

crisis, whatever it may be, is apparently to be expected soon. 
I am, etc., (Signed) BARON BE YENS. 



No. 9. 

The Belgian Minister at Vienna to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Vienna, July 26, 1914. 

SIR, As I foresaw, the Serbian Government's reply to 
the Austro-Hungarian note has been found insufficient by 
the representative of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy at 
Belgrade. General Baron yon Giesl left immediately with all 
his staff : mobilisation has been ordered on both sides, and 
war appears imminent. 

The very severe terms of the above-mentioned note, the 
refusal to enter into any discussion upon them, and the 
brevity of the period given, seem to show clearly that the 
position arrived at is precisely that which was desired here. 
It is evident that the action undertaken by the Austro- 
Hungarian Government had been fully approved in Berlin. 
Some persons go so far as to maintain that Count Berchtold 
adopted this course under both the encouragement and the 
pressure of the German Government, who would not shrink 
from the danger of a general conflagration, and would prefer 
now to come into conflict with France and Russia, where 
preparations are insufficient, whilst in three years these two 
Powers would have completed their military reorganisation. 

Yesterday the Austrian papers reproduced a communique 
1 [See Dip- published by the telegraphic agency of St. Petersburg, 1 to the 
lomatic, i, effect that Russia could not be indifferent towards the events 
p. 462.] w hich had supervened between Austria-Hungary and Serbia. 

Yesterday, on the other hand, the Russian Charge 
d' Affaires made an official demarche at the Ballplatz with the 
object of gaining an extension of the time limit for Serbia, 
and received a polite refusal. 

These facts in themselves do not enable us to predict with 
absolute assurance that the Tsar will take up arms on Serbia's 
behalf. On the other hand, however, it seems very difficult 
to assume that Russia will remain as a passive spectator of 
the crushing of this Slavonic state. 

At Belgrade, where an unqualified submission would very 
336 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

probably have provoked a revolution and endangered the lives 
of the Sovereign and his Ministers, the object will have been 
to gain time. It is to be supposed that the reply handed by 
M. Pashitch to General von Giesl made important concessions 
as regards a large number of the conditions demanded, 
especially in relation to those referring to the assassination of 
the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, and the possibility of arriving 
at a compromise need not be despaired of if the Powers, 
animated by a sincere desire for the maintenance of peace, 
made all possible efforts to attain that result. It is highly 
desirable that this solution should be found. Unfortunately, 
however, the very resolute attitude of Austria-Hungary, and 
the support accorded to her by Germany, permit of but faint 
hopes on this head. I am, etc., 

(Signed) COMTE ERREMBAULT DE DUDZEELE. 



No. 10. 

The Belgian Minister at Berlin to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Berlin, July 27, 1914. 

SIR, The contradictory opinions which I have gathered 
to-day in the course of my conversations with my Colleagues, 
render it difficult for me to form a precise opinion on the 
situation as it presents itself at the end of the third day of the 
crisis. I thought that it would be safest to speak to the 
Under Secretary of State himself, but I did not succeed in 
seeing Herr Zimmermann until 8 o'clock in the evening, and 
immediately on my return to the Legation (without even 
having time to take a copy of it, for I wish that this letter 
may go by the last train this evening) I am sending you a 
memorandum of our conversation. 

The Under Secretary of State spoke to me as follows : 

' It is neither at our instigation nor by our advice that 
Austria has made the demarche which you know of to the 
Cabinet of Belgrade. The reply has not been satisfactory, 
and to-day Austria is mobilising. She will carry the 
matter through. She cannot draw back without losing 
all her prestige both within and without the Monarchy. 
It is now a question of existence for her, to be or not to 
be. She must cut short the audacious propaganda which 

DIPLOMATIC 3. Y 337 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

aims at her internal disintegration, and at the rebellion 
of all her Slavonic provinces in the Danube Valley. She 
must also avenge in a striking manner the assassination 
of the Archduke. For that a severe and salutary lesson 
must be administered to Serbia by means of a military 
expedition. A war between Austria and Serbia cannot 
then be avoided. 

' England has asked us to combine with her, and with 
France and Italy, with a view to preventing the extension 
of the conflict and the breaking out of hostilities between 
Austria and Russia, or rather the British proposal con- 
templates a peaceful settlement of the Austro-Serbian 
dispute so that it may not spread to other nations. We 
have replied that we desired nothing better than to aid 
in circumscribing the conflict by making representations 
in that sense to St. Petersburg and Vienna, but that we 
would not press Austria not to inflict an exemplary 
punishment on Serbia. We have promised our support 
and assistance to our allies, if any other nation puts 
obstacles in the way of this. We shall keep our promise. 
If Russia mobilises her army, we shall immediately 
mobilise our own, and war will then become general ; it 
will be a war involving the whole of central Europe and 
even the Balkan peninsula, for the Rumanians, the 
Bulgarians, the Greeks, and the Turks will be unable to 
resist the temptation to take part in it, one against 
another. 

' Yesterday I said to M. Boghitschewitsh (the former 
Serbian Charg d' Affaires, who was highly esteemed at 
Berlin but who was unfortunately transferred to Cairo ; 
he is on a short visit here) that the best advice that I 
could give to his country, would be not to oppose Austria 
otherwise than by a pretence of military resistance, and 
to conclude peace at the earliest possible moment by 
accepting all the conditions demanded by the Cabinet 
of Vienna. I added that if a general war breaks out and 
results in a victory for the armies of the Triple Alliance, 
Serbia will practically cease to exist as a nation, she will 
be erased from the map of Europe. She had better not 
expose herself to such a risk. 

' In the meantime I do not wish to conclude this 
338 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

conversation on too pessimistic a note. I have some 
hope that a general conflagration can be avoided. We 
are informed by telegraph from St. Petersburg that 
M. Sazonof is more disposed to consider the situation 
calmly. I hope that we shall be able to dissuade him 
from intervening in favour of Serbia, whose territorial 
integrity and future independence Austria is determined 
to respect, once she has obtained satisfaction.' 

I represented to Herr Zimmermann that according to 
certain of my colleagues who had read the Belgrade Cabinet's 
reply, this was a complete capitulation to the Austrian 
demands, to which satisfaction had been given subject to 
merely formal limitations. The Under Secretary of State 
replied that he had no knowledge of the reply, and, moreover, 
that nothing could prevent a military demonstration by 
Austria-Hungary. Such is the situation. I am, etc., 

(Signed) BARON BEYENS. 



No. ii. 

M . Davignon, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to the 

Belgian Minister at Vienna. 
(Telegraphic.) Brussels, July 27, 1914. 

I have received your report of the 25th inst. 1 Please i [No. 5.] 
telegraph what stage the mobilisation has reached and when 
hostilities may be expected to begin. Your colleague in 
Berlin writes on the 26th 2 that in his opinion Germany and 2 [No. 8 i 
Austria-Hungary have taken stock together of all the conse- 
quences which might follow from the ultimatum addressed to 
Serbia, and have decided to go to any lengths. We ought to 
be properly informed with a view to our own course of action. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 



No. 12. 

The Belgian. Minister at Berlin to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Berlin, July 28, 1914. 

SIR, Events are moving so rapidly that one must be on 
one's guard against making predictions, especially too favour- 
able ones, in case they are falsified by facts. It is more 

339 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

profitable to seek to unravel the causes of the present crisis 
in order to understand its development, as far as possible, and 
forecast its conclusion. 

[No. 8.] This is what I tried to do in my report of the 26th July. 1 

The opinion which I expressed in the first part of it still seems 
to me the soundest. I am bound, however, to submit to you 
to-day a divergent opinion because it comes from a man who 
is in a position to form a good judgment on the situation, 
the Italian Ambassador, with whom I had a conversation 
yesterday. 

According to M. Bollati the German Government, whilst 
agreeing in principle with the Vienna Cabinet as to the 
necessity of striking a blow at Serbia, was ignorant of the 
purport of the Austrian Note, or, in any case, did not know 
that it was couched in terms so violent and so unusual in the 
language of diplomacy. At Vienna, as at Berlin, they were 
persuaded that Russia, in spite of the official assurances 
recently exchanged between the Tsar and M. Poincar on the 
subject of the full preparedness of the two armies of the 
Dual Alliance, was incapable of engaging in a European War 
and would not dare to launch herself upon so formidable 
an adventure disquieting internal situation ; revolutionary 
intrigues afoot ; military equipment incomplete ; means 
of communication inadequate ; all these reasons must force 
the Russian Government to be an impotent spectator of the 
execution of Serbia. The same low estimate is taken, not 
indeed of the French army, but of the spirit which prevails in 
Governmental circles in France. 

The Italian Ambassador believes that a great mistake is 
being made here as to the steps which the Government of the 
Tsar will decide to take. According to him, the Russian 
Government will find itself forced to the necessity of making 
war, in order not to lose all authority and all prestige in the 
eyes of the Slavs. Inaction, in the presence of Austria's 
entry into the field, would be equivalent to suicide. M. Bollati 
has given me to understand that a European War would not 
be popular in Italy. The Italian people has no interest in 
the destruction of the power of Russia, who is Austria's enemy. 
They need at the present moment to remain quiet and aloof 
(se recueillir) in order to solve at their leisure other problems 
which are of more urgent concern to them. 
340 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

The impression that Russia is incapable of meeting the 
strain of a European War prevails not only within the circle 
of the Imperial Government but amongst the German 
industrials who specialise in the production of material of war. 
One of these, whose opinion carries the greatest authority, 
Herr Krupp von Bohlen, has assured one of my colleagues 
that the Russian artillery is far from being good or complete, 
whilst that of the German army has never been of a finer 
quality. It would be madness, he added, for Russia to declare 
war on Germany under these conditions. 

The Serbian Government, taken by surprise at the sudden- 
ness of the Austrian ultimatum has, nevertheless, replied 
before the expiry of the time-limit, to the demands of the 
Vienna Cabinet, and has agreed to give all the satisfactions 
asked for. Its answer has been badly presented, in too 
voluminous a text, accompanied by too many corroborative 
documents ; it Constitutes a bulky document, instead of being 
in short, precise form. It would appear, nevertheless, to be 
very conclusive. It has been communicated to all the 
Cabinets interested yesterday morning to that of Berlin. 
How comes it that no German newspaper has published it, 
whilst they almost all reproduced an Austrian telegram 
declaring that the Serbian answer is quite inadequate ? Is 
not that a new proof of the inflexible resolution, formed both 
here and at Vienna, to go ahead, at whatever cost ? 

(Signed) BARON BEYENS. 



No. 13. 

M. Davignon, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to M. le [Reply, 
Baron Beyens, Belgian Minister at Berlin. No - I 4-l 

(Telegraphic.) Brussels, July 28, 1914. 

Be so good as to telegraph if measures have already been 
taken with a view to the mobilisation of the German army. 
Keep me informed by telegraph of all that you may learn on 
this subject. (Signed) " DAVIGNON. 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 14. 

The Belgian Minister at Berlin to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

i [So dated B "Kn, July 29,' ^1914 

in the I take the opportunity offered me of a safe channel to 

French transmit to you impressions which I would not trust to the 
text.] post. 

The declaration of war by Austria-Hungary on Serbia has 
been judged by public opinion to be an event tending danger- 
ously to compromise the peace of Europe. This is the way 
in which the Cabinet at Vienna responds to the attempts at 
conciliation made in London and Petersburg ; it breaks down 
the bridges behind it, so as to prevent all possibility of retreat. 
There is a fear that this declaration of war may be considered 
by the Tsar as a challenge. 

Hostilities are bound then to commence, but they might 
be of short duration, if Germany would consent to use her 
influence upon her ally, or if, on their side, the Serbs would 
yield to the advice given them, and would retire before the 
invader, without giving him the opportunity to perpetrate 
any useless bloodshed. By occupying Belgrade, without 
striking a blow, Austria would have at the same time a 
moral and material satisfaction and a pledge both which 
things would permit of her not showing herself too obdurate. 
An intervention might then perhaps take place with some 
chance of success. 

Unhappily these are only suppositions inspired by the 

desire to prevent a European catastrophe. But here is a 

fact, which might possibly influence the measures taken by 

the Cabinet of Berlin. Sir Edward Grey declared yesterday 

1 [See Dip- to Prince Lichnowsky x that if a European war broke out, 

lomatic, none of the six Great Powers would be able to keep out of 

i* P- 125.] ft fa the same time the German papers announced that 

the British Fleet had been put on to a war footing. 

It is certain that these warnings will dissipate an illusion 
which every one at Berlin, both in official circles and in the 
Press, found a pleasure in creating for themselves. Articles 
in papers, published during these last few days, even after 
the opening of the conflict, breathed the greatest confidence 
in the neutrality of England. There can be no doubt that 
342 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

the Imperial Government had reckoned upon it, and that it 
will have to modify all its calculations. As in 1911, the 
Berlin Cabinet has been deceived by badly informed agents ; 
to-day, as then, it sees England, in spite of all the advances, 
in spite of all the diplomatic caresses with which Germany 
has been lavish these two years past, ready to go over to the 
camp of its enemies. The reason is that the British states- 
men are well aware of the dangers which the absolute hege- 
mony of Germany on the European Continent would entail 
for their country, and they attach a vital interest, not from 
sentimental motives, but from considerations of the Balance 
of Power, to the existence of France as a Great Power. 

The German papers to-day at last publish the answer of 
Serbia to the note of the Austro-Hungarian Government, 
with the Austrian commentary. Its late appearance is to a 
large extent the fault of the Serbian Charg6 d' Affaires ; he 
had omitted to have the document typewritten in order to 
send copies to the Press. The impression which it will make 
in Berlin, where people persist in looking only with the eyes 
of Austria and where, up till now, with a quite inexplicable 
compliance, they approve everything which Austria has done, 
will be practically nil. 

In your telegram of the 28th inst. 1 you ask me to keep * [No. 
you informed of the measures taken with a view to the 
mobilisation of the German army. Happily, up till now, we 
have not to do with mobilisation, in the strict sense. But, 
as a military attache said to me yesterday evening, every 
State before mobilising takes within its territory certain pre- 
paratory measures, without exciting attention recall of 
officers and men from furlough, purchase of horses for the 
artillery and ammunition wagons, which are not completed 
unless war breaks out, preparation of shells, ammunition, etc. 
There can be no question that these measures of precaution 
have been taken in Germany. It is no less necessary to keep 
a cool head, than it is to be on the alert. We ought to do 
nothing rash ; to recall, at the moment when desperate efforts 
are being made to preserve peace, three classes of our army 
would seem here to be premature, and there is a risk of its 
producing an unfortunate impression. 

(Signed) BARON BEYENS. 

343 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 15. 

The Belgian Minister at Vienna to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegraphic.) Vienna, July 30, 1914. 

I have to advise you that the negotiations which had taken 
place at St. Petersburg between the Austrian Ambassador and 
the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs have been broken off 
for two days. Mobilisation is proceeding on both sides. The 
rupture appeared imminent, but after a long and friendly 
conversation, which took place yesterday between the Russian 
Ambassador and the Austro-Hungarian Minister for Foreign 
Affairs, a basis has been found for the resumption of nego- 
tiations. 

(Signed) COMTE ERREMBAULT DE DUDZEELE. 



No. 16. 

The Belgian Minister at Vienna to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Vienna, July 30, 1914. 

SIR, My reports of the last few days have sufficiently 
shown that I was not successful in getting precise informa- 
tion as to the intentions of Russia, with regard to which 
country the Austro-Hungarian press moreover observes, by 
order, a complete silence. I was wondering whether the 
Government of the Tsar would not maintain an expectant 
attitude and would ultimately intervene only if Austria- 
Hungary made what was in their eyes an extravagant use of 
the victories she was about to gain. 

At last, yesterday evening, I succeeded in gathering from 
a sure source some authentic data. 

The situation is almost hopeless, and the Russian Ambas- 
sador was expecting at every moment to be recalled. He 
has made one last effort which has succeeded in warding off 
the immediate danger. The conversation of His Excellency 
with Count Berchtold has been long and absolutely friendly. 
The Ambassador and the Minister have both recognised that 
their Governments had given orders for mobilisation, but 
they parted on good terms. 
344 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

On leaving the Ballplatz, M. Schebeko repaired to M. 
Dumaine's, where Sir Maurice de Bunsen was also present. 
This interview was profoundly moving, and the Russian 
Ambassador was congratulated warmly by his colleagues on 
the success which he had gained so cleverly. 

The situation continues to be grave, but at any rate the 
possibility of resuming negotiations has been given, and there 
is still some hope that all the horrors and all the ruin which a 
European war would necessarily cause may be avoided. 

I am astounded to see with what recklessness and at the 
same time with what egoism people here have rushed upon an 
adventure which might have the most terrible consequences 
for the whole of Europe. 

I commit this report to a compatriot recalled to military 
service, and I take the opportunity, Monsieur le Ministre, of 
telling you that, whether rightly or wrongly, the Austrian 
post has the reputation of being indiscreet. Under these 
conditions, and in view of present circumstances, you will be 
good enough to excuse me if I sometimes find myself obliged 
to write less openly than I should like to do. 

(Signed) * COMTE ERREMBAULT DE DUDZEELE. 



No. 17. 

The Belgian Minister at St. Petersburg to M. Davignon, 
Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

St. Petersburg, July 31, 1914. 

SIR, On arriving this morning at St. Petersburg I went 
to see the French Ambassador ; M. Palologue spoke to me 
to the following effect : 

' The mobilisation is general. So far as France goes, 
it has not yet been notified, but there can be no doubt 
as to the fact. M. Sazonof is still negotiating. He is 
making the utmost efforts to obviate a war and has shown 
himself ready for all concessions. The German Ambas- 
sador has also, personally, worked his hardest in the 
direction of peace. Count de PourtalSs called on M. 
Sazonof and entreated him to use his influence with 
Austria. The Imperial Minister for Foreign Affairs 
replied to him more than once : " Give me some means 

345 






DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

of doing so : cause some word of conciliation to be 
addressed to me, which makes it possible for me to open 
conversation with Vienna. Tell your ally to make some 
concession, however small, to withdraw those points only 
in the ultimatum which no country could possibly accept/' 
The German Ambassador has always replied that his 
country was no longer able to give any counsels of 
moderation to Austria. It is probable that at Vienna 
it is not admitted that the German Empire is lending to 
its ally anything but an unconditional support/ 

' More than once/ continued M. Paleologue, ' the Imperial 
Minister for Foreign Affairs asked Count de Pourtales 
" Have you any communication to give me from your 
Government ? ' The German Ambassador was obliged 
to answer on each occasion in the negative, insisting over 
again that the initiative must come from St. Petersburg. 
At last M. Sazonof asked for an interview with the 
Austrian Ambassador, and told him that he accepted 
everything, either a conference of Ambassadors at London 
or the conversation " of Four," undertaking not to inter- 
fere in it, and promising to adopt the opinion of the other 
Powers. Nothing had any effect ; Vienna has con- 
sistently refused to discuss : Austria has mobilised eight 
army corps ; she has bombarded Belgrade. Italy, it 
appears, is to be expected to maintain an attitude of 
reserve. 

1 The Russian patriotic press and the military element 
are both maintaining a notable calm. It would not 
appear to be the case that any pressure exerted upon the 
Emperor by his military entourage has determined the 
attitude of the Russian Government. Confidence is felt 
in M. Sazonof. It is the extraordinary attitude of 
Germany which is preventing the efforts of M. Sazonof 
from having any result/ 

I have also just had a talk with the British Ambassador. 
He tells me that M. Sazonof had tried from the outset to 
ascertain the intentions of the London Government, but, up 
till now, in spite of the mobilisation of the British Fleet, Sir 
George Buchanan has not yet been instructed to make any 
communication of this kind to the Pont des Chantres. The 
instructions of the Ambassador are to explain to St. Peters- 
346 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

burg that if Russia desires the support of Great Britain, it 
must carefully avoid even the appearance of any aggressive 
step in the present crisis. 

It is no secret to any one that the Russian means of 
mobilisation are much slower than those of Austria. Buko- 
vina is named as the point at which the Russian Army might 
attempt to enter upon Austrian territory. 

(Signed) COMTE C. DE BUISSERET-STEENBECQUE 

DE BLARENGHIEN. 



No. 18. 

The Belgian Minister at Paris to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Paris, 'July 31, 1914. 

SIR, I have just had a long conversation with M. de 
Margerie. He is very much disturbed by the situation. 
Baron von Schoen had promised to communicate the reply 
given to the overture made in Vienna. He has heard nothing. 
Nevertheless touch is being maintained everywhere between 
the Chancellories ; conversations are going on everywhere, 
but without result. 

M. de Margerie gave me the following military information, 
which I telegraphed to you immediately : Germany is putting 
her army upon the footing of Kriegsgefahr ; that implies a 
notable aggravation of the measures already taken. Russia 
has taken important decisions in the matter of its railways. 
All this does not amount to mobilisation in the strict sense, 
but it comes near to it. 

I asked M. de Margerie what the French Government were 
going to do ; he would answer nothing further than that 
they would not mobilise before Germany, but certain measures 
might be deemed imperative. 

Time does not allow of my writing more. We are being 
besieged by Belgians recalled to Belgium, by those who seek 
various kinds of information, etc. 

(Signed) BARON GUILLAUME. 



347 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 19. 

The Belgian Minister at Vienna to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Vienna 4 July 31, 1914. 

SIR, The Neue Freie Presse of this evening publishes a 
telegram from Berlin which, coming immediately after the 
announcement of general mobilisation, has produced a great 
sensation. It says that Germany has asked Russia for 
explanations as to the motives of her mobilisation and that 
she demands an answer within twenty-four hours. 

I went to the British Ambassador's, whom I found very 
much astonished at the double news. He had no information 
tending to confirm the latter statement. His Excellency had 
had this morning a conversation with the second Depart- 
mental Chief in the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, in the course 
of which the latter had given him the same comparatively 
reassuring explanations which Count Berchtold had given the 
evening before to M. Schebeko, declaring especially that the 
general mobilisation decreed in Austria-Hungary had no 
aggressive character against Russia. 

The question now is, is Germany in her turn going to 
mobilise ? If that were so, the situation would take a turn 
of extreme gravity, since this measure would, I am assured, 
be immediately imitated in France. 

At the Embassy of the French Republic the prevailing 
impression this evening is pessimistic, and the staff are making 
arrangements with a view' to a speedy departure, which 
appears to these gentlemen more and more probable. 

I .write you these lines in great haste, in order to be able 
to entrust them to a compatriot who is leaving for Belgium 
to-night. 

(Signed) COMTE ERREMBAULT DE DUDZEELE. 



No. 20. 

The Belgian Minister at Berlin to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Berlin, August i, 1914. 

SIR, I take the opportunity of a safe channel in order 
to write to you and give you certain confidential information 
as to the latest developments. 
348 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

At 6 P.M. no answer had yet come from St. Petersburg to 
the ultimatum from the Imperial Government. Herr von 
Jagow and Herr Zimmermann went to the Chancellor and to 
the Emperor, in order to secure that the order for general 
mobilisation should not be issued to-day, but they were met 
by the inflexible opposition of the Minister for War and the 
Chiefs of the Army, who must have represented to the 
Emperor the fatal consequences of a twenty-four hours' delay. 
The order was immediately issued and brought to the know- 
ledge of the general public by a special edition of the Lokal- 
Anzeiger. I telegraphed it to you immediately. 

The official and semi-official papers, the brief pronounce- 
ments of the Emperor and of the Chancellor, and all the 
official proclamations which are to appear, will seek to throw 
the responsibility of the war upon Russia. In governing 
circles there is still an unwillingness to doubt the good faith 
of the Emperor ; but it is said that he has been got round 
and skilfully led to believe that he had done all that was 
necessary for the maintenance of peace, whilst Russia was 
resolved absolutely on war. 

I wrote to you that the Ambassador of the Tsar had not 
received any official confirmation of the general mobilisation 
in Russia. He was informed of it at i o'clock yesterday by 
Herr von Jagow ; but having received no telegram communi- 
cating the news to him, he formally threw doubt upon it. Is 
it possible that Count Pourtales took for a complete mobilisa- 
tion what were only preparatory measures of war ? Or can 
it even be that this mistake has been voluntarily made in 
Berlin ? One loses oneself in suppositions. 

It was impossible for Russia to accept the German ulti- 
matum presenting as it did so short a time limit, one almost 
insulting, and the obligation to demobilise, that is to say, to 
cease all measures preparatory to war, both on the Austrian 
and on the German frontiers, at the very time when Austria 
had mobilised half her forces. As for the Government of the 
French Republic, they had no intention of returning any 
answer to Germany, not being bound to give account of their 
conduct to any save their Allies so the French Ambassador 
expressed it to me. 

With a little good-will on the side of Berlin, peace might 
have been preserved and the irreparable catastrophe pre- 
349 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

vented. The day before yesterday the Austrian Ambassador 
declared to M. Sazonof that his Government were willing to 

1 [See Dip- discuss with him the basis of their note to Serbia ; 1 that they 
lomatic, 2, undertook to respect the territorial integrity of their adversary, 
80 ] 279 *kat they did not even cherish any ambition to regain the 

Sandjak, only they would not allow any other Power to take 
its place in dealing with Serbia. M. Sazonof replied that on 
this basis it was possible to come to an understanding, but 
that he preferred that the negotiations should be conducted 
in London under the impartial direction of the British Govern- 
ment rather than at St. Petersburg or at Vienna. At the 
same time, the Tsar and the German Emperor were exchanging 

2 [See Dip- friendly telegrams. 2 The German Government seem to have 
lomatic, i, arranged this scenario in order to lead up to the war, which 
p P' 437 ~ they seek to render inevitable, but the responsibility for 

' which they desire to throw upon Russia. 

(Signed) BARON BEYENS. 



No. 21. 

The Belgian Minister at Paris to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Paris, August 2, 1914. 

SIR, In the course of a conversation which I had yester- 
day evening with M. de Margerie, he said to me : ' The 
situation is certainly very grave, but it would not be considered 
hopeless if we could have more confidence in the attitude of 
Germany. The British proposal, by virtue of which the 
Great Powers would engage to demobilise under certain con- 
ditions has been warmly accepted by France, Russia, and 
Italy ; Austria would come into line, but the Berlin Cabinet 
gives no answer/ 

The military measures which Germany has taken against 
Russia are much less severe and less complete than those 
taken against France. One asks why. I said again to-day 
to Baron von Schoen : ' Are you trying to fasten a German 
quarrel upon us ? Relations between the two countries have 
been good for a fairly long time and there is no incident between 
us. That being so, why does your Government act in this 
35o 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

fashion, if it has no arriere-pensee ? Why have you yourself 
been ostentatiously packing up for several days ? ' 

M. de Margerie, to whom I had made the communication 
prescribed in your telegram of the ist August (see First Grey 
Book, No. 16) x has repeated to me what the French Minister 1 [Diplo- 
told you as to the intentions of the Government of the French "*/;, 2, 
Republic with regard to us. p * 23 *J 

M. de Margerie said to me yesterday evening that it was 
part of the programme of the French Government not to 
decree mobilisation before Germany had done so, but that the 
neighbour on the East was taking measures which were 
equivalent to a state of mobilisation without pronouncing 
the word, and that under these conditions the dangers were 
becoming too great for them to refrain from acting without 
delay. ' All Europe would laugh at our naivete/ said he in 
conclusion of this friendly conversation. 

(Signed) BARON GUILLAUME. 



No. 22. 

The Belgian Minister at Berlin to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Berlin, August 2, 1914. 

SIR, I have the honour to confirm my telegram of 
to-day : 

' I have executed the instructions contained in your 
telegram of yesterday. The Minister for Foreign Affairs 
thanked me for this communication, of which he has kept a 
copy and taken note (see First Grey Book, No. 16).' 2 

I learnt to-day, by the indiscretion of a General Officer, 
belonging to the Emperor's Household, that Luxemburg would p> 23 ' J 
be occupied to-night. Whether it was a question of the 
Grand Duchy or of our Province, I was not able to elicit 
clearly. The Grand Duchy was occupied to-day. Will our 
Province be occupied to-night ? If the news is official to- 
morrow morning, I shall immediately protest to Herr von 
Jagow and Herr Zimmermann. I shall call their attention 
to the disastrous consequences of such an action, but I shall 
wait for your instructions before asking for my passports. I 
telegraphed to you in my state of uncertainty : 

35i 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

' Rumours portending danger to us. I consider that the 
Belgian Army ought to be ready immediately for all even- 
tualities/ 

(Signed) BARON BEYENS. 



No. 23. 

The Belgian Minister at Vienna to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Vienna, August 2, 1914. 
SIR, I had the honour to receive this morning your 

1 [Diplo- telegram of August ist. (See First Grey Book, No. 16.*) I 
matic, 2, immediately communicated with the Imperial and Royal 
p. 23.] Department for Foreign Affairs, and at i o'clock, after having 

2 [See Dip- read to the Minister the note with regard to our neutrality 2 
lomatic, 2, which you have addressed to me, I handed a copy of it to His 
P- 1 4-] Excellency, which he was good enough to acknowledge. 

Count Berchtold expressed his astonishment at Holland 
having also mobilised. He seemed unable to understand 
what reasons could have induced the Government of Queen 
Wilhelmina to take this precautionary measure at the present 
stage. 

(Signed) COMTE ERREMBAULT DE DUDZEELE. 



No. 24. 

*The Belgian Minister at Vienna to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Vienna, August 2, 1915. 

SIR, The die appears to have been cast and the universal 
war seems to have become inevitable. Germany has ordered 
mobilisation, and the Minister for Foreign Affairs told me an 
hour ago that Russian patrols had crossed the frontier of the 
German Empire. 

The news, which came yesterday afternoon from Berlin, 
and the article in the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung have 
produced a great sensation. The Tsar is reproached in lively 
terms in that he asked the intervention of the German Emperor 
in favour of the maintenance of peace, giving his word that the 
352 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

mobilisation would not take place, and then proceeded all the 
same with this operation, whilst attempting to keep it secret. 1 
Viennese papers declare that such a way of acting is un- PP- 438, 
worthy, that it is playing the part of a traitor, and it is now 4 4-J 
proclaimed more loudly than ever that if the war becomes 
general Russia alone will be to blame. 

Following upon the assassination of M. Jaures, a rumour 
was spread here yesterday evening that a revolution had 
broken out in Paris and that the President of the Republic 
had been killed. The French Ambassador, whom I saw at 
ii o'clock, and the Minister for Foreign Affairs, who received 
me at i o'clock, had had no confirmation of this news, no doubt 
circulated by those who hoped that the French Socialists would 
oppose the war. On the contrary, the news has come that 
France in its turn has mobilised. 

Vienna is very much preoccupied about the decision which 
England will take. From the conversations which I have 
had during these last few days with Sir Maurice de Bunsen, 
I imagine that, after having kept up their efforts for concilia- 
tion tUl the last minute, the English Government will maintain 
at the outset a waiting attitude. This is what Count Berchtold 
also told me to-day. 

Public opinion here counts much upon England standing 
completely out, and the newspapers are continually publishing 
articles calculated to corroborate this view. I am afraid that 
on this matter they labour under too many illusions. The 
Ambassador said to me the day before yesterday : ' No one in 
England can yet say at this moment what we are going to do. 
We shall be guided by events, but we should not allow France 
to be crushed without intervening/ 

(Signed) COMTE ERREMBAULT DE DUDZEELE. 



No. 25. 

The Belgian Minister at Berlin to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegraphic.) Berlin, August 5, 2 1914. 2 [Aug. 4, 

I was received this morning at 9 o'clock by the Minister according 
for Foreign Affairs. He said to me : ' We have been obliged to fuUer . 
by absolute necessity to address to your Government the 
DIPLOMATIC 3. z 353 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

request of which you are aware. For Germany it is a matter 
of life and death. In order not to be crushed, she has first 
to crush France and then turn against Russia. We have 
learnt that the French army was preparing to pass through 
Belgium, in order to attack our flank. We are bound to 
forestall it. If the Belgian army abstains from blowing up 
the bridges, allows us to occupy Liege, and retires upon 
Antwerp, we promise, not only to respect the independence 
of Belgium, the life and property of its inhabitants, but also 
to pay you an indemnity. It is only with the utmost anguish 
(la mort dans I'dme) that the Emperor and the Government 
have seen themselves obliged to come to this decision. For 
me it is the most painful one that I have ever had to make 
in the course of my career/ 

I answered that the Belgian Government could only 
return to this proposition the reply which they had made 
without hesitation. What would you say of us, if we yielded 
to a similar threat on the part of France ? That we were 
cowards, unable to defend our neutrality and to live in inde- 
pendence. All Belgium will approve the action of its Govern- 
ment. France, in spite of what you say, has promised to 
respect our neutrality, if you respect it. 

In return for our loyalty, you make Belgium the field of 
battle between France and yourselves. Europe will judge you, 
and you will have against you England, the guarantor of our 
neutrality. Liege is not quite so easy to take as you imagine/ 

The Minister for Foreign Affairs, when pressed by me, 
acknowledged that we could not have replied to the German 
demand otherwise than we had done, and that he understood 
our answer. He repeated more than once the expression of 
his grief that it had come to this. ' It is/ he said, ' a question 
of life and death for Germany/ 

I answered that a people, like an individual, cannot live 
without honour. I then declared myself ready to leave 
Berlin with my staff. 

Herr von Jagow answered that he did not wish to break 
off diplomatic relations with us. 

I said : ' It rests with my Government to make a decision, 
and I await their orders before asking you for my passports/ 

(Signed) BARON BEYENS. 

354 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

No. 26. 

The Belgian Minister in London to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

London, August 5, 1914. 

SIR, You will perhaps be interested to know the views 
of the French Embassy on the situation, and I think it is 
worth while for me to give you a summary of the conversa- 
tions which I have had during these last ^ few days with 
Monsieur de Fleuriau, Councillor of the Embassy : 

The French concentration begins to-day, and has been 
arranged to take place behind the covering troops which are 
massed upon the frontier. The Generalissimo is absolutely 
decided, if necessary, to allow the troops of the first line to 
be crushed, in order to leave time for the army to take up 
the positions which have been assigned to it in the strategic 
plan, in which the Generalissimo does not intend to make 
any modification. Only the event of the British army not 
co-operating would oblige him to extend the French left. 
That is why M. Cambon is exerting himself at the present 
moment to obtain from the British Government a speedy 
decision as to the despatch of a British expeditionary force 
to the Continent. This would require from twelve to fifteen 
days to be in a position to take part in the military operations. 
Everything is ready, the Councillor of Embassy repeated to 
me, for the transport of British troops to the French ports, 
and thence to the Belgian frontier. ' But we must act 
quickly, because it would never do for the British to arrive 
after it is too late/ 

M. Cambon, in an interview which he had yesterday with 
Sir Edward Grey, begged him to note that England had 
decided to go to war because Belgian neutrality had been 
violated. ' But how will you carry on war/ he said, ' if the 
German fleet, as appears very likely, refuses battle and 
remains in the Baltic ? You ought then to send the expedi- 
tionary corps to the Continent immediately/ 

Sir Edward Grey did not answer, but perhaps the decisive 
refusal of Germany to respect Belgian neutrality will give 
the Cabinet in London food for thought, and will enlighten 
it as to German tactics, which consist in acting with an over- 
whelming rapidity and in adopting the most daring plans. 

355 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

I learn that Sweden and Norway have promised Russia, 
France, and England to remain neutral. 

My telegram of to-night asserted that it was Germany 
which had declared war on England. This information was 
first telephoned to me from the Foreign Office and then con- 
firmed by a circular letter. But shortly afterwards the 
Minister for Foreign Affairs took pains to rectify this version, 
which represented the matter somewhat incorrectly, and he 
supplied me with the following communication : 

' A summary refusal having been given by the German 
Government to the British demand for an assurance 
concerning the respect of Belgian neutrality, His Majesty's 
Ambassador at Berlin has received his passports, and 
the British Government has announced to the Imperial 
Government that a state of war existed between the two 
countries as from n P.M. on August 4th/ 
I have summed up this second version in my telegram of 
to-day. I remain, 

(Signed) COMTE DE LALAING. 



No. 27. 

The Belgian Minister at London to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

London, August 5, 1914. 

SIR, I have handed in to Sir Edward Grey Belgium's 

1 [Diplo- appeal * to the three Guaranteeing Powers. Great Britain will 

matic, 2, naturally answer it warmly. Sir Edward will read to-day in 

P- 43-] the House of Commons a despatch of this morning from Sir 

F. Villiers containing the text of that appeal. The fine 

resistance of Belgium, said the Minister to me, will render 

easier the task of the British Cabinet with regard to public 

opinion. Great Britain will help you with all her might. 

Sir Edward Grey told me that you had asked him to assure 

the provisioning of Antwerp by way of the Scheldt, and that 

he had for that reason asked the Dutch Minister to come to 

see him soon, to whom he will explain that for Belgium this 

is necessary under the circumstances, and that he did not 

expect any difficulties concerning the free passage of mercantile 

356 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

vessels. In any case the British First Lord of the Admiralty * 
has told Sir Edward Grey that Belgium could rely on it that 
the British fleet will keep good guard at the mouth of the 
Scheldt. I remain, 

(Signed) COMTE DE LALAING. 



No. 28. 

The Belgian Minister at Paris to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegraphic.) Paris, August 6, 1914. 

I have urged at the Ministry for Foreign Affairs that 
French military action should be accelerated. I was answered 
that considerable forces have already gone ; several detach- 
ments are already in Belgium. 

(Signed) BARON GUILLAUME. 



No. 29. 

The Belgian Minister at London to M. Davignon, 
Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

London, August 7, 1914. 

I have the honour to confirm the fact that Parliament has 
voted 100,000,000 war credits and a levy of 500,000 men. 

The French and Russian Ambassadors have come to 
congratulate the King's Minister on the heroic conduct of the 
Belgian Army, which, by delaying the advance of the Germans, 
compelled them to modify their original plans, and allowed 
the enemies of Germany time to concentrate their forces for 
the general defence. 

The despatch of the Expeditionary Force is being actively 
prepared. The first transports with provisions and ammuni- 
tion will leave for France on Sunday, August gth. The troops 
will then be embarked, and it is expected that by the end of 
next week, that is, about August I5th, the 100,000 men of 
the Expeditionary Force will assemble on French soil ; 
according to what I have been told by the French Ambassador 

* [Mr. Winston Churchill, M.P.] 

357 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

the landing is to be effected at four different points, after 
which the troops are to be assembled. 

The Prime Minister analysed yesterday in the House of 

1 [See Dip- Commons 1 the Blue Book which I had the honour to send you 

lomatic, 2, O n August 6th. He has branded the insidious proposals 

pp. 422- m ade to Great Britain by Germany with a view to obtaining 

her neutrality. 

' Besides matters concerning France and Holland/ said 
Mr. Asquith, ' they wanted us to barter away to the Imperial 
Government our obligations towards Belgium, and that 
without her knowledge. Had we accepted those infamous 
proposals, what reply could we have given to-day to the 
moving appeal which that country has addressed to us, when 
she asked us in these last few days to guarantee her neutrality ? 
I do not envy the man who can read with an unmoved heart 
the appeal of the King of the Belgians to his people. Sir, 
Belgians are fighting and losing their lives. Had we listened 
to Germany and betrayed our friends and our duty, what 
would now be our position ? In return for our dishonour we 
would have received promises from a Power which not only 
has violated its own promises but asks you to do the same. 
We are going to fight, first of all in order to fulfil our inter- 
national obligations, secondly in defence of the small nations. 
The country will understand that our cause is just, and 
I ask the House to vote a credit of 100,000,000 and to 
increase the army to 500,000 men/ 

The House voted the war credits and the men in the same 
sitting. 

Public opinion has moved at last and the change has come 
in a most startling way. Europe had realised that a small 
nation has given an example of honour and honesty without 
considering the consequences. The adherents of peace at any 
price were beaten. Then, people learned that the enemy had 
crossed the frontier, that fighting had begun, and that the 
Belgians had resisted the German colossus. The speech of 
our King was read, every one at last realised the seriousness 
of the situation, and even the most pacific Englishman has 
scrutinised his conscience. He said to himself, ' Can we 
abandon a nation which gives us such an example of loyalty ? ' 
Then came the news of the German atrocities and of the 
heroic defence of Liege. That was decisive. The whole of 
358 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

England asked for war, and was no longer satisfied with the 
naval support which the Cabinet favoured at first. The 
sending of the Expeditionary Force was demanded. The 
Government waited to be given that order by the people. It 
obeyed. Two Ministers who differed resigned office, and their 
resignations were immediately accepted. Lord Kitchener was 
appointed Secretary of State for War, and mobilisation was 
ordered. 

To-day the admiration of this country for Belgium has no 
limit. In the military clubs the health of the brave Belgians 
is drunk, newspapers of all shades praise our nation. We are 
receiving numbers of congratulatory letters and telegrams. 
If the King came over here, he would be carried in triumph 
through the streets of London. 

I have opened a subscription for the families of the 
Belgian soldiers, and for the sick and wounded of our army ; 
Her Grace the Duchess of Vendome is its Honorary President, 
and I shall hold the funds at your disposal. I am, etc., 

(Signed) COMTE DE LALAING. 



No. 30. 

The Belgian Minister at Paris to M. Davignon, 
Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Paris, August 8, 1914. 

SIR, The President of the Republic has done me the 
honour to announce that he conferred the Legion of Honour 
on the town of Liege. I thought this a good opportunity for 
seeing him, and have asked for an interview in order to 
thank him. He received me, and the interview lasted three- 
quarters of an hour, and only ended when the Minister for 
Foreign Affairs asked to speak to him. 

He did not want to accept my thanks, declaring that it 
was he who had to thank me and to congratulate me. I did 
not hide from him my view that France owed to us the value 
of four days' delay in the German mobilisation. He is con- 
vinced of that. I pass over all the flattering things Mich he 
said to me about our country and our valiant army. 

The French Army is in Belgium ; but those are only the 
vanguard ; before four days are passed the bulk of the 

359 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

French Army will be at our side. He expects that the French 
Army has already joined battle with the Germans on our 
territory. The English will also be soon at the front ; they 
need about four more days. A hundred thousand men will 
land and will be joined by another fifty thousand. 

(Signed) BARON GUILLAUME. 



No. 31. 

The Belgian Minister at Paris to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Paris, August 10, 1914. 

The day before yesterday I asked for and obtained an 
interview with the President of the Republic to thank him 
for having conferred the Legion of Honour on the town of 
[No. 30.] Liege. I have sent you account of that interview. 1 I could 
not take a similar step to-day on the occasion of the Military 
Cross being conferred on the King. I, therefore, abstained. " 

M. de Margerie has just told me that the Austrian Ambas- 
sador will leave Paris to-night. It is not yet announced, in 
order to avoid demonstrations. M. Doumergue told him 
during the day that as the explanations given by his Govern- 
ment concerning the movements of troops towards the French 
frontier were not considered satisfactory, M. Dumaine had 
received orders to return to Paris. Count Szecsen answered 
that, in these circumstances, he asked for his passports. 

(Signed) BARON GUILLAUME. 



No. 32. 

M. Davignon, Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs, to Count 
Errembault de Dudzeele, Belgian Minister at Vienna. 

(Telegraphic.) Brussels, August 12, 1914. 

Please communicate the following note to the Minister for 
Foreign Affairs : 

' The necessities of the defence of Antwerp give the 
military authorities &h incontestable right to remove 
360 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

strangers from the fortified district. A great number of 
foreigners and even of nationals have consequently been 
asked to leave the place where Austrian and Hungarian 
subjects have been able to remain. Nevertheless, the 
Consul-General did not telegraph on the subject either 
to the Austro-Hungarian Minister or to me. I am told 
by the Military Governor of Antwerp that the Consul- 
General was warned to be prepared to leave the fortified 
district (but not Belgium), just as were his compatriots 
in his district. At his own request he was conducted to 
the Dutch frontier, and he was accompanied by an officer 
whom he thanked/ 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 



No. 33. 

The Belgian Minister at Vienna to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Vienna, August 18, 1914. 

SIR, I had the honour to speak to Count Forgach about 
the alleged hardship inflicted on Austro-Hungarian subjects 
in Belgium. Our conversation was conducted in a friendly 
manner, and the words of His Excellency can be summed up 
as follows : 

' Our Consul-General at Antwerp arrived here a few 
days ago. He says that he has been sent in a dis- 
courteous manner, and under disagreeable circumstances, 
to the Dutch frontier, with many Germans and Austrians 
resident at Antwerp. The military Commander of the 
fortress seems rather to have lost his head. We have 
received from our Minister at Brussels a report concerning 
those events which seems to confirm the statements of 
Herr von Sponer.' 

I think that the regrettable incident can, fortunately, 
be considered as closed. 

(Signed) COMTE ERREMBAULT DE DUDZEELE. 



361 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 34. 

Monsieur Davignon, Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs, to 
the Belgian Ministers at London, Paris, and St. Petersburg. 

(Telegraphic.) Antwerp, August 21, 1914. 

The British Minister has been authorised to make the 
following declaration to the King : 

'His Majesty's Government will give during the war 
all possible military support to Belgium and, after the 
war, its diplomatic support. The example of patriotism 
given by the Belgians has impressed us all and will 
never be forgotten. At the conclusion of peace, the 
Government will do its best to get for Belgium com- 
pensation for the sufferings through which she had passed/ 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 



No. 35. 

M. Davignon, Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs to the 
Belgian Minister at Vienna. 

(Telegraphic.) Antwerp, August 22, 1914. 

All measures have been taken to secure that no Austrian 
subject should be molested. The President of the Council has 
himself asked the Austrian Minister to let him know of any 
regrettable incident so that the guilty might be punished. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 



No. 36. 

The Russian Minister in Belgium to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Antwerp, August 27, I9I4- 1 

1 [Reply, SIR, I have the honour to inform you of the following : 

No - 38.] ' His Majesty the Emperor has been pleased to order 

me to declare to His Majesty the King that at the end of 
the war, Belgium may count on the fullest diplomatic 
support of Russia/ 

(Signed) PRINCE KOUDACHEFF.* 

* [Prince J. Koudacheff. The Russian First Secretary of Embassy at 
Vienna before the war, mentioned in Diplomatic, i and 2, was Prince Nicholas 
Kudachef (or Koudacheff)]. 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

No. 37. 

The Belgian Minister at London to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

London, August 28, 1914. 

SIR, The day before yesterday, Mr. Asquith announced 
to the House of Commons that at the next sitting an address 
to His Majesty the King will be moved, asking him to transmit 
to the King of the Belgians the sentiments of sympathy and 
admiration with which the House has been inspired by the 
heroic resistance offered by the, Belgian army and nation to 
the brutal invasion of its territory, and the assurance that 
Great Britain was determined to support by every means the 
efforts of Belgium to defend her independence and the public 
law of Europe. 

Yesterday, in fact, Mr. Asquith delivered a speech in the 
House in which he rendered signal homage to the Belgian 
King and Nation. Never has similar praise of a foreign State 
been heard in the English Parliament. The Prime Minister 
added that Belgium can count on Great Britain to the very 
end. 

Mr. Bonar Law, in the name of the Opposition, and Mr. 
Redmond, in the name of the Irish Nationalists, spoke in the 
same sense. 

In the House of Lords, the Marquis of Crewe, in the name of 
the Government, and Lord Lansdowne, as spokesman of the 
Unionists, warmly praised Belgium and her King. 

Time does not allow me to sum up these speeches, the 
tribute of England's gratitude to a country which has rendered 
an inestimable service to Great Britain and to the whole of 
Europe. 

(Signed) COMTE DE LALAING. 



No. 38. 

M. Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs, to Prince 
Koudacheff, Russian Minister in Belgium. 

Antwerp, August 29, 1914. 

SIR, I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of your 
letter of August 27, 2 in which Your Excellency kindly informed 

363 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

me that His Majesty, the Emperor of Russia, had asked Your 
Excellency to assure my august Sovereign that, after the war, 
Belgium will be able to count on the diplomatic support of His 
Government. 

I thank Your Excellency for that gracious communication. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 



No. 39. 

M. Davignon, Minister fo? Foreign Affairs, to the Belgian 
Ministers at London, Paris, and St. Petersburg. 

Antwerp, August 29, 1915. 

SIR, Under date of August 26, the Vice-Governor of 
Katanga telegraphed to the Minister for the Colonies that on 
August 22nd the Germans attacked the harbour of Lukuga 
(Albertville) on Lake Tanganyika. 

My colleague, M. Renkin, addressed, on August 28th, the 
following instructions to M. Tombeur : 

' In view of the direct attacks by the Germans against the 
colony of the Belgian Congo, and specially against the harbour 
of Lukuga, the Government instructs you to take all necessary 
military measures for the defence of Belgian territory. 

' You may therefore authorise the entry of British troops 
into Belgian territory, accept the offer of a free passage for 
Belgian troops into Rhodesia, and undertake in co-operation 
with British troops, or by means of Belgian troops alone, any 
offensive action required for the defence of the integrity of 
our colonial territory. 

' Identical instructions have been addressed to the Governor- 
General of the Congo, at Boma, regarding a possible co-opera- 
tion with the French troops on our frontier in the Basin of the 
Ubanghi for similar defensive measures/ 

I have communicated to the ministers of France, Great 
Britain, and Russia the telegram of the Vice-Governor of 
Katanga and the answer sent to him. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 
(Cf. First Grey Book, No. 57. 1 ) 



364 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

No 40. 

M. Davignon, Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs, to 
Baron Grenier, Belgian Minister at Madrid. 

(Telegraphic.) Antwerp, August 30, 1914. 

The Viennese newspapers, especially the Neue Freie Presse, 
publish alleged accounts by German and Austrian subjects 
expelled from Belgium, stating that our population committed 
the greatest atrocities against them under the eyes of the 
Belgian authorities. A man called Weber is alleged to have 
been massacred by the mob at Antwerp, whilst at Ostend 
the baker Bichof is alleged to have been beaten to death, and 
his hands and feet cut off. 

The Government protest indignantly against these accusa- 
tions, and formally deny that outrages were committed on 
the persons of German or Austro-Hungarian subjects. With 
the exception of the breaking of the furniture of some coffee- 
houses, the perpetrators of which have been severely punished, 
no German or Austrian property has been damaged. 

Please ask the Spanish Government to transmit our 
protest to the Austro-Hungarian Government. 1 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 



No. 41. 

The Belgian Minister at Luxemburg to M. Davignon, 
Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Antwerp, August 30, 1914. 

SIR, You asked me for an account of the conditions 
under which I was obliged to leave my post at Luxemburg, 
although the most friendly relations still existed between the 
Grand Duchy and Belgium. 

On Saturday, August 8th, at 3 P.M., M. Eyschen came 
himself to hand to me the letter of which I enclose a copy, 
together with a copy of a letter which he had received from Herr 
von Buch, the German Minister (see First Grey Book, No. 66). 2 2 [Diplo- 

Saying how much he regretted to have to perform such a watte, %> 
mission, the Minister of State asked me to let him know my P- 6l J 
intentions as soon as possible. 

I immediately addressed to His Excellency the answer 
given below : 

365 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

'Luxemburg, August 8, 1914. 

' SIR, Your Excellency has just given me notice that the 
German military authorities demand my departure. 

' Whatever the courtesy with which the communication 
was delivered, I must bow before a wish which is nothing but 
the expression of force. 

' Your Excellency's letter says that the military autho- 
rities advise me to travel by railway rather than by motor- 
car. I conform to that suggestion, and I am prepared to 
leave Luxemburg to-morrow, at the hour which will be 
indicated to me, and to go by train to Coblentz, provided 
however, that from there I may be authorised to return 
immediately to Belgium by whatever route may seem possible, 
and that diplomatic immunities be guaranteed to me whilst 
on the territory of the Empire. 

' I cannot cease to take an interest in the fate and security 
of the numerous Belgians who inhabit the Grand Duchy, and 
I ask Your Excellency kindly to take measures for their 
protection, as well as for care of the building of the Legation. 

' It is especially painful for me to have to leave the terri- 
tory of Luxemburg without having offered my most respectful 
homage to Her Royal Highness the Grand Duchess in acknow- 
ledgment of the kind reception which the Sovereign to whom 
I had the honour of being accredited has always been pleased 
to give to me. I hope that Your Excellency will kindly 
express my regrets. 

'Taking the opportunity of repeating to you, Sir, my 
most sincere thanks for the very friendly way in which you 
have, in all circumstances, been at pains to facilitate my 
mission, I remain, etc., 

' (Signed) COMTE F. VAN DEN STEEN DE JEHAY.' 

Having again seen Herr von Buch, M. Eyschen came back 
to tell me that the Officer then Commanding Luxemburg 
could not give any undertaking except for the journey from 
Luxemburg to Coblentz, and that in that town it would fall 
to General von Ploetz to instruct me as to what I shall have 
to do. Such an answer did not seem satisfactory to me, and 
I declared that under these circumstances I would remain at 
my post whatever should happen. 

Thereupon it was decided to ask at Berlin for instructions. 
366 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

On Sunday, August gth, at 9.30 A.M., M. Eyschen came 
personally and brought me a passport conforming entirely to 
the wishes which I had expressed. It was signed by the 
German Minister, and by the General Commanding the 
8th Army Corps. A saloon carriage was put at my disposal, 
and the train which I was asked to take was to leave at 
12. 18 P.M. 

Her Royal Highness the Grand Duchess kindly sent to 
the station her Chamberlain and Secretary, M. de Colnet 
d'Huart, to bid me farewell ; he told me that he was sent to 
transmit to me as well as to my wife the farewell of the Grand 
Duchess, and to assure me of the very sincere way in which 
Her Royal Highness sympathised with our feelings. There 
were also at the station M. Eyschen and Major van Dyck, 
A.D.C. of the Grand Duchess and commander of the armed 
forces. 

The line being blocked by military trains, the journey 
proceeded slowly, but without any incident. At Treves, an 
A.D.C. of the General commanding the town came to ask me 
very politely whether I had any wish to express. The same 
happened at Coblentz. I was brought by a special train to 
Cranemburg, the last station of the Gertnan railway system 
on the line Cleve-Nimegue. I remain, etc., 

(Signed) COMTE F. VAN DEN STEEN DE JEHAY. 



No. 42. 

M. Davignon, Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs, to all the 
Heads of Belgian Missions abroad. 

Antwerp, September 4, 1914. 

SIR, The German and Austrian press is spreading through 
the whole world the most misleading rumours concerning the 
attitude of the population of our large towns towards the 
German and Austrian subjects resident in Belgium a*t the 
beginning of the present war. A considerable number of 
them are said to have been molested, women and children to 
have suffered the worst outrages ; at the cemetery of Antwerp 
the German graves are said to have been plundered. 

The Cabinets of Berlin and Vienna, after having published 
these alleged acts of hostility on the part of our population in 

367 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

the official and semi-official press, have invoked them as a 
justification, the one for the atrocities committed by the 
German troops in our country, the other for its declaration of 
war against Belgium. 

In order to throw full light on those allegations the Royal 
Government has ordered the most minute inquiry into the 
subject, and this has been carried out with the greatest 
impartiality by the Court of First Instance at Antwerp. 

You will find enclosed the report addressed by the Pro- 
cur eur du Roi on this subject to the Procureur-General of the 
Court of Appeal. 

As you will see, the population of Antwerp has pillaged 
certain coffee-houses and shops belonging to Germans and 
Austrians, but it has not committed any act of aggression 
against their persons and no damage has been committed on 
German graves, which remain at present as well looked after 
as before the war. 

Please bring this report to the knowledge of the Govern- 
ment to which you are accredited and communicate it to the 
press. I remain, etc., 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 



Enclosure to No. 42. 
Court of First Instance at Antwerp. No. 81,909. 

Antwerp, August 25, 1914. 
To the Procureur-General. 

SIR, I have the honour to transmit to you this report on 
the events which occurred on August 4th and 5th last, after 
the population had learned of the determination of Germany 
to invade our territory, concerning which there recently 
appeared in the Kolnische Zeitung an account wholly at 
variance with the facts. 

At the news of the imminent invasion, the population 
became very much excited, and its irritation was increased 
by the fact that German and Austrian subjects had always 
been treated in our town with the greatest regard and the 
greatest friendship. The anger of the people was such that 
in the afternoon of August 4 huge bands of demonstrators 
began to move through the different parts of the town, 
368 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

singing the Brabanqonne, and hooting in front of the shops and 
houses occupied by German subjects. 

The demonstrators, among whom were many young 
people, began by pulling down German flags in various places, 
including the German school in the Rue Quellin. 

Towards night the bands constantly increased in numbers, 
and soon a considerable number of small retail shops and 
public-houses owned by Germans were pillaged, the windows 
smashed, and the furniture thrown into the street and trampled 
upon. 

Certain evil-doers did not miss the opportunity of appro- 
priating the belongings of other people. 

The police and the civic guard intervened as promptly 
as possible and order was soon re-established ; but the demon- 
strations had broken out so suddenly, and simultaneously at 
so many different points, that it was physically impossible to 
prevent a certain amount of destruction and even some thefts. 

Numerous arrests were, however, made, and I felt it my 
duty to ask for warrants of arrest in all cases which seemed 
in the least serious. The breaches of the law were made at 
once the object of a thorough investigation, and the guilty 
persons brought before the competent courts with as much 
despatch as possible. 

I got in touch with the President of the Court of my 
department in order urgently to arrange for extraordinary 
hearings, so as to be able to secure prompt suppression. 

Enclosed I have the honour to send you a complete list of 
cases sent for trial, both those which have been tried and 
those in which the investigation has not yet been completed. 

In certain serious cases, the Court has rightly considered 
it its duty to show severity against certain hooligans who were 
fishing in troubled waters. 

For the reason given above it was impossible for the 
representatives of public force to determine the identity of 
the pillagers, as on the arrival of the police or civic guard, 
they at once plunged into the crowd. 

With the exception which I shall specify below, no one has 
been beaten or wounded, and all foreigners have remained 
absolutely unharmed as far as their persons are concerned. 

The only wounded are two Belgian subjects who were 
spectators of one of the demonstrations of August 5th. 

DIPLOMATIC 3. 2 A 369 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

At the corner of the Rue Artevelde, a coffee-house leased 
to a German was attacked by a band of rioters when suddenly 
five or six revolver shots were fired from the interior of the 
establishment. A certain Isenbaert and a certain Simons, 
Belgian subjects, the two spectators mentioned above, were 
struck by the revolver bullets, one in the right arm, the other 
in the head ; the latter was not a serious wound, the bullet 
having passed between the skull and the scalp. The perpe- 
trator of that crime was himself also a Belgian subject, a 
certain Meeus, brother-in-law of the German lessee. 

Mr. Justice Denis is charged with the investigation of the 
case of Meeus. 

As to the violation of the cemetery, there is only one 
cemetery at Antwerp, namely, the great necropolis of Kiel, 
which lies about five kilometres away from the place where 
the riots occurred. 

As appears from the Report No. 900 of the Ninth Section, 
enclosed herewith, no damage was done to the graves of the 
Germans or to those of any others who were there buried. 
The graves of the German subjects have remained completely 
intact, and are still at the present moment kept in repair and 
decorated with flowers as they have always been. 

It ought to be noted that the damage done in the public- 
houses has been, as a rule, only partly to the prejudice of the 
German tenants. As a matter of fact, almost all these premises 
belong to brewers, as in most cases does also the furniture of 
the business part of the public-houses. So true is this that 
several civil actions for damages and indemnities have already 
been brought by the brewers before the jurisdiction of the 
Court of my Department. 

Attorney-General, 
(Signed) JACOBS. 



No. 43. 

The Belgian Minister at Constantinople to M. Davignon, 
Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Constantinople, September 7, 1914. 

SIR, Since I had the honour of announcing to you my 
return to Constantinople on i6th August, I have addressed 
370 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

to you no political despatch, finding myself without any 
means of transmitting one to you. 

I entrust the present letter to a special messenger of the 
French Embassy, in the hope that it will reach you. 

On my return here, I found the situation very strained. 
The incident of the Goeben had just taken place. 

The German Ambassador, 1 all-powerful here, to the extent 
that the Ottoman ministers fairly frequently hold their 
Council meetings at his house, used all his efforts to push the g enheim - 
Turks into an imprudent step, which might provoke war with 
the powers of the Triple Entente. 

At this moment, Talaat Bey and Halil Bey, President of 
the Chamber, had just left for Sofia and Bukarest with the 
object, they said, of settling the question of the islands with 
Greece. But the real aim of their journey was to feel the 
ground with a view to constituting a compact group (un 
bloc), which might engage in war against Russia. 

They were soon able to assure themselves that this attempt 
had no chance of success, and it was at that moment that I 
had the honour of telegraphing to you that the Ambassadors 
of the Triple Entente were beginning to hope that the com- 
plication of a war with Turkey would not supervene. 

Since then the situation has gone through different phases 
and more than once has looked dangerous. 

Baron de Wangenheim, and especially General Liman 
von Sanders, are doing all they can to incite the Turks to war, 
and they have succeeded in creating here an absolutely 
German atmosphere in Ottoman circles. 

A week ago a rupture appeared probable. The Govern- 
ment not only did not send back the German crews of the 
Goeben and the Breslau, but hundreds of sailors and artillery- 
men were seen arriving from Germany, to serve both in the 
naval forces and in the batteries guarding the Straits. 

The moment therefore appeared near, when the sense of 
national dignity would oblige the three Allied Powers to put 
a limit to the provocations of Turkey. Their Ambassadors 
then began to prepare for departure, and I had the honour of 
informing you of this by telegraph, adding that in the event 
of my receiving my passports myself, I proposed to entrust 
the protection of the Belgians residing in Turkey to the 
Ambassador of the United States. 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

But in consequence of energetic representations made on 
August 30th to the Grand Vizier, the situation has seemed to 
clear up somewhat. His Highness is personally in favour of 
peace. The same may be said of several members of the 
Cabinet, amongst others Djavid Bey, who sees the abyss 
into which the finances of the State will be hurled. 

Unhappily the power of Enver Pasha is still very great, 
and he would like to launch the country into the maddest 
adventures at any cost. 

The mobilisation which has taken place under his orders 
far surpassed in rigour that which took place during the 
Balkan War. This time, nobody is excepted between the 
ages of 20 and 45. Requisitions have assumed a character of 
a veritable spoliation. The military authorities not only 
require the provisions to be delivered to them which are found 
in the shops of private owners or at the Customs House, but 
also goods of every kind, from motor-cars to ladies' toilet 
articles. 

Numerous boats coming from the Black Sea and going 
past on their way to the Mediterranean, have been stopped at 
the passage [au passage] and unloaded by force. 

These proceedings, which the Minister of a foreign Power 
has not hesitated to term piracy, in a note which he addressed 
to the Porte, have, as their result, made trading ships desert 
the Bosphorus. 

I learn that the receipts of the customs at Constantinople 
have diminished by more than 75 per cent. As to tithes, they 
will amount to practically nothing, according to what I was 
told by a member of the Council of Debt. On the one hand, 
the harvest has been gathered in under adverse conditions, 
in consequence of lack of labour ; on the other hand, the 
military authorities have seized a mass of agricultural pro- 
duce, before there was opportunity for the tithe to be levied. 

It will be possible for the September coupons of the 
Public Unified Debt to be paid, but that will probably not 
be the case with the following coupon, and, for the first time 
since the Decree of Muharram, a suspension of the service of 
the Public Debt will be seen, whilst the deficit, according to 
the British Delegate on the Council of the Debt, will reach 
the figure of T. 16,500,000. 

It is not surprising that under these conditions Djavid 
372 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

Bey, as Minister of Finance, is exerting himself to stop the 
Government on the fatal incline, down which German influ- 
ence and the chauvinism of Enver Pasha wish to drag them. 

For the moment, it is especially war against Greece which 
is contemplated. As I was told yesterday by an Ambassador, 
the Hellenic Government are well aware that they can no 
longer hold without question all that was assigned to them 
by the Treaty of London. The European situation has 
changed and they will have to make some concessions. 
Athens would be willing to make concessions with regard to 
the government in Chios and Mytilene ; for instance, it would 
be prepared to recognise the suzerainty of the Sultan over 
these islands. But the Turks, in accordance with their 
system of bargaining, are now formulating on this head such 
demands that it seems difficult for an understanding to be 
reached. 

There are, nevertheless, various reasons which lead one to 
believe at present that Turkey will not decide to open hos- 
tilities against Greece. 

Turkey could not attack Greece by sea, since England has 
given it to be understood that if the Goeben or the Breslau 
comes out of the Dardanelles, the British squadron has orders 
to sink them. 

As to a campaign on land, that would need the consent 
of Bulgaria, and certain signs seem to indicate that there is 
little disposition at Sofia to yield an assistance which might 
involve the country in grave complications. 

All the Ambassadors at Constantinople are, in fact, con- 
vinced that a rupture between Turkey and Greece will 
inevitably lead to a war with the three great allied Powers. 

To sum up, the danger has diminished, but it is far from 
having disappeared. The Powers of the Triple Entente are 
doing their best to remove it, but German influence may bring 
things to such a pass that the dignity of the three allied 
countries will be compromised. 

Finally, if war breaks out, this will mean political, as well 
as economic, ruin for Turkey, since the persons most com- 
petent to speak are of the opinion that the Turkish Army is x rg o ^ 
incapable of taking the field. in the 

(Signed) BARON MONCHEUR. 1 French 

text.] 

373 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 44. 

His Majesty the King of the Belgians to the President of the 

French Republic. 

(Telegraphic.) Antwerp, September 13, 1914. 

The great victory which the allied army has just gained, 
thanks to its bravery and to the military genius of its leaders, 
has given us profound joy. 

In addressing to you my warmest congratulations I speak 
for the whole Belgian people. 

We keep an unshakable confidence in the final success of 
the struggle, and the abominable cruelties which our people 
has suffered, far from intimidating us, as was hoped, serve 
only to increase the energy and ardour of our troops. 

(Signed) ALBERT. 



No. 45. 

His Majesty the King of the Belgians to His Majesty the King 
of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. 

(Telegraphic.) Antwerp, September 13, 1914. 

I wish to congratulate you very cordially on the superb 
conduct of the English troops in the battle of the Marne. In 
the name of the Belgian nation I express to you our pro- 
foundest admiration for the dauntless courage of the officers 
and soldiers of your army. 

God will certainly help our armies to avenge the atrocities 
committed upon peaceable citizens and against a country 
whose only crime has been that it refused to be false to its 
engagements. (Signed) ALBERT. 



No. 46. 

His Majesty the King of the Belgians to His Majesty 
the Emperor of Russia. 

(Telegraphic.) Antwerp, September 13, 1914. 

The magnificent victory which the troops of Your Majesty 
have just gained fills us, both the Belgian people and myself, 
374 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

with sincere admiration for the courage of the Russian soldiers 
and the talent of their leaders. It is with all my heart that 
I address to Your Majesty my warmest congratulations. 

The cruelties which the country is suffering so unjustly 
do not at all deject it, and its ardour grows at the thought of 
the innumerable armies of Your Imperial Majesty advancing 
triumphantly, uniting their efforts to those of the victorious 
troops of the friendly Powers who are fighting valiantly in 
France. (Signed) ALBERT. 



No. 47. 

The President of the French Republic to His Majesty 
the King of the Belgians. 

(Telegraphic.) Bordeaux, September 14, 1914. 

I return Your Majesty lively thanks for the congratula- 
tions which you have been good enough to address to the 
leaders and soldiers of the French Army. Our troops are 
proud of fighting side by side with the valiant armies of 
Belgium and England for civilisation and for liberty. When 
the hour of remedial justice strikes no one will be able to 
forget what Your Majesty and. the admirable Belgian people 
have done for the triumph of the common cause. 

(Signed) RAYMOND POINCARE. 



No. 48. 

His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain 
and Ireland to His Majesty the King of the Belgians. 

(Telegraphic.) London, September 14, 1914. 

I thank you most sincerely for your kind telegram and 
for your appreciation of the services of my troops. I earnestly 
trust that the combined operations of the allied forces in 
co-operation with your brave army, whose heroic efforts are 
beyond all praise, will meet with continued success and will 
free your much-tried country from the invader. 

(Signed) GEORGE V. 



375 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 49. 

His Majesty the Emperor of Russia to His Majesty the King 

of the Belgians. 

(Telegraphic.) Tsarskoy-Selo, September 14, 1914. 

Touched by the congratulations of Your Majesty, I thank 
you very cordially, and take pleasure in calling to mind on 
this occasion that in the present contest it was Belgium who 
first opposed a heroic resistance to the invaders. The noble 
attitude of the Belgian people and of its valiant army, led to 
glory by its King, has evoked the admiration of the whole 
world. As a testimony of this admiration, which I share 
with all Russia, I beg Your Majesty to accept the Cross of 
Chevalier of my Military Order of St. George, which is not 
given to any but the brave. 

(Signed) NICOLAS. 



No. 50. 

The Belgian Minister at Vienna to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Berne, September 16, 1914. 

SIR, It was on the evening of August 27th that the 
Minister of Foreign Affairs, after making use of certain not 
very lucid phrases as to acts of barbarity alleged to have been 
committed upon Austro-Hungarian subjects in Belgium, 
announced to me the rupture of our relations. 

What was the determining motive which led to this 
change of attitude in regard to us ? 

Was it the fact that the Austro-Hungarian Minister of 
War has placed at the disposal of the German military 
authorities a certain number of siege guns of 30-5 calibre, 
mounted on motors, constructed in the works of the ' Skoda ' 
Society at Pilsen (Bohemia) and served by Austro-Hungarian 
gunners ? 

Was it the desire to have ground for an eventual demand, 
to be put forward at the conclusion of peace, for a war 
indemnity ? 

Was it the feeling that they must satisfy public opinion, 
which had been strongly excited against us by the extremely 
violent language of the press ? 
376 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

Was it finally a yielding to pressure exercised by the 
German Embassy ? 

I imagine that it was a combination of all these motives 
which provoked this decision. 

I have been assured from a good source that a certain 
number of the guns, whose manufacture I mentioned in one 
of my reports last winter, without being then able to give 
the precise figure of their calibre, have been sent to France 
and Belgium. 

In one of the conversations which I had had with Count 
Forgach, the latter had spoken to me of numerous Jewish 
tradesmen and diamond-cutters from Galicia having been 
completely ruined in consequence of their summary expulsion 
from the Place of Antwerp [la place d'Anvers]. 1 His Ex- J [Cf. No 
cellency had not concealed from me that certain demands for 32, \ the 
compensation would be advanced on this head. 

The Austrian journals have not only published numerous 
letters, duly signed, coming from travellers who complain of 
having undergone bad treatment in Belgium, but they have 
reproduced all the German accusations with regard to cruelties 
and atrocities alleged to have been perpetrated by our people 
during the course of the conflict. It is evidently the dis- 
agreeable realisation of the wrong they have committed in 
violating our neutrality, and the lively desire, if not to efface, 
at any rate to weaken, the bad impression produced by those 
proceedings against the rights of peoples, which have prompted 
this particularly bitter campaign against us. 

' We thought the Belgians possessed of a high civilisation 
and culture, and now we see they are worse than Serbians, 
worse than the negroes of the Congo/ This is the dominant 
note. Further, with reference to the violation of our neutrality 
and on the subject of the political side of the question, the 
most serious papers, such as the Neue Freie Presse and the 
FremdenUatt itself, have published articles containing argu- 
ments which are absurd and childish. They could do this 
all the more easily, because no one was in a position to reply 
to them, or, at least, foreign papers which would have refuted 
their arguments could not cross the frontiers of the Monarchy. 

Naturally the public confidently accepted all they read in 
regard to us, and the result was a malevolent and hostile 
disposition towards the Belgians, which has been shown also 

377 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC j 

in the circle of the Police Prefecture of Vienna. Certain high 
functionaries of this administration distinguished themselves 
in this respect. Before the declaration of war had been pre- 
sented to us, countrymen of ours who had just arrived in 
Vienna, or those whose immediate circumstances obliged 
them to pass through the capital, were summoned to the 
police, were questioned, were watched or interned, either 
under the suspicion that they were spies, or because they 
were considered as being of age sufficient for military service 
in their country. Nevertheless, so far as I know, no grave 
abuse has been committed and none of our compatriots has 
been really ill-treated. Thanks to the efforts of our Consul- 
General with the Police Authorities, and thanks to my 
representations at the Imperial and Royal Ministry of Foreign 
Affairs, three men who had been interned were released, but 
kept under supervision. 

After having announced to me that relations were broken 
off, Count Berchtold expressed to me in a very kind way his 
personal regrets, adding that after the end of the war he 
would be pleased to see me once more occupy the same post, 
if the Royal Government wished to appoint me to it. 

In conformity with your telegraphic instructions I put 
myself into communication with the Spanish Ambassador, 
who had already undertaken the protection of Russian and 
Serbian subjects, and who hastened to undertake the defence 
of our interests as well. 

I also addressed to our Consuls-General and Consuls a 
circular in which I thanked them in the name of the Royal 
Government for their whole-hearted co-operation. I told 
them that they could keep their archives for the time being, 
while at the same time they were to put themselves into 
communication with their Spanish colleagues, and I expressed 
the hope that they would continue, even in their private 
capacity, to take an interest in the lot of our countrymen 
who resided in their districts. 

Since a faster train service had been organised to the 
Swiss frontier from the ist of this month, a saloon was put 
at my disposal and attached to the train which left Vienna on 
the 3rd at 10.30 P.M. I left with my daughter and with M. 
and Mme. de Raymond, accompanied by their three children 
and a governess. We reached the Swiss frontier at Buchs 
378 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

on the 5th at 7.30 A.M. Free tickets had been handed to us, 
and the transport of our luggage took place under the same 
conditions. I am, etc., 

(Signed) COMTE ERREMBAULT DUDZEELE. 



No. 51. 

The Belgian Minister at Berlin to M. Davignon, Minister for 

Foreign Affairs. 

Hove (Sussex), September 21, 1914. 

SIR, I had the honour to address to you on the 
4th August 1 (see No. 25) a telegraphic summary of the con- J [Aug. 5 
versation I had had the same day with the Secretary of State according 
for Foreign Affairs, after having received the telegram by to 2 5-J 
which you informed me of the ultimatum of the German 
Government and the reply which the Government had made 
to it. 

The mission which you entrusted to me immediately after 
my return to Belgium prevented me, as you know, from 
sending you a detailed account of this conversation, and now 
that it is ended I am anxious to carry out this duty. 

Your telegram was brought to me on the 3rd towards 

8 P.M. By the time I had deciphered it, it was too late for 
me to go to [the] Wilhelmstrasse. I resolved to postpone until 
the following morning the verbal explanations which it was 
my duty to demand from Herr von Jagow on the subject of the 
German Government's unjustifiable action. Early the next 
day I telephoned to him asking him to receive me as soon as 
possible. He replied, asking me to go immediately. At 

9 o'clock I was shown into his room. The Ministry was 
still empty. 

' Well, what have you to say to me ? ' These were his 
first words as he hurried to meet me. 

' I have to ask you for explanations in regard to the 
ultimatum which the German Minister handed on Sunday 
evening to my Government. I suppose you have some reason 
to give in explanation of such action/ 

' An absolute necessity forced us to present that demand 
to you. It is with mortal grief that the Emperor and his 
Government have had to resign themselves to doing so. To 

379 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

myself it is the most painful resolution and the most cruel 
thing I have had to do throughout my career. But the 
passage through Belgium is for Germany a question of life 
and death. She must be finished with France as quickly as 
possible, crush her completely so as then to be able to turn 
against Russia, otherwise she herself will be caught between 
the hammer and the anvil. We have learnt that the French 
Army was preparing to pass through Belgium and to attack 
us on our flank. We must forestall her/ 

f But/ I answered, ' you are in direct contact with France 
on a frontier of 200 kilometres ; why, in order to settle your 
quarrel, did you need to turn aside and pass through our 
country ? ' 

' The French frontier is too strongly fortified, and we are 
obliged/ he repeated, ' to act very quickly before Russia has 
had time to mobilise her army/ 

' Contrary to what you think, France has given us a 
formal promise to respect our neutrality, provided that you 
respect it too. What would you have said if, instead of 
making us this promise of her own accord, she had presented 
to us the same summons before you, if she had demanded a 
passage through our country, and if we had yielded to her 
threats ? That we were cowards, incapable of defending our 
neutrality and unworthy of an independent existence ? ' 

Herr von Jagow did not reply to this question. 

' Have you/ I continued, ' anything with which to 
reproach us ? Have we not always correctly and scrupulously 
fulfilled the duties which the neutrality of Belgium imposed 
upon us with regard to Germany as well as the other guarantee 
Powers ? Since the foundation of our kingdom have we not 
been loyal and trustworthy neighbours to you ? ' 

1 Germany has nothing with which to reproach Belgium, 
whose attitude has always been correct/ 

' And so, in recognition of our loyalty, you wish to make 
of our country the battlefield for your struggle with France, 
the battlefield of Europe ; and we know what devastation 
modern warfare brings with it ! Have you thought of that ? ' 

' If the Belgian army/ the Secretary of State replied, 
' allows us to pass freely, without destroying the railways, 
without blowing up the bridges and tunnels, and if it retires 
on Antwerp without attempting to defend Liege, we promise 
380 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

not only to respect the independence of Belgium, the lives and 
property of the inhabitants, but also to indemnify you for 
the loss incurred/ 

' Sir/ I replied, ' the Belgian Government, conscious of 
its duties towards all the guarantors of its neutrality, can make 
no reply to such a proposal other than the reply which it has 
made without hesitation. The whole nation will support its 
King and its Government. You must recognise yourself that 
no other reply was possible/ 

As I urged him to speak, Herr von Jagow, in the face of 
my persistence, ended by saying : ' I recognise it. I under- 
stand your reply. I understand it as private individual, but 
as Secretary of State I have no opinion to express/ And 
then he repeated the expression of his grief at having come 
to such a point after so many years of friendly relationship. 
But a rapid march through Belgium was for Germany a 
question of life or death. We in our turn should understand 
that. 

I answered immediately : ' Belgium would have lost her 
honour if she had listened to you, and no nation, any more 
than an individual, can live without honour. Europe will be 
our judge. And besides/ I added, ' you will not take Liege as 
easily as you think, and you will have to meet England, the 
faithful guarantor of our neutrality/ 

At these words Herr von Jagow shrugged his shoulders, an 
action which could be interpreted in two ways. It signified : 
' What an idea ! It is impossible ! ' Or, perhaps : ' The lot 
is cast, we cannot go back/ 

I added, before retiring, that I was ready to leave Berlin 
with my staff and to ask for my passports. ' But I cannot 
break my relations with you in this way/ cried the Secretary 
of State ; ' perhaps there will still be something for us to talk 
over/ ' It is for my Government to take a decision about 
that/ I replied ; ' it does not depend upon you or me. I will 
wait for their orders to ask for my passports/ 

As I left Herr von Jagow after this painful interview, which 
was to be our last, I carried away the impression that he had 
expected something else when I had asked to see him, some 
unforeseen proposal, perhaps the request to allow the Belgian 
army to retire in security to Antwerp after having made a show 
of resistance on the Meuse and having, on the invasion of the 

381 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

country, formally defended the principle of her neutrality. 
After my first words, the face of the speaker seemed to me to 
betray a feeling of disappointment, and his persistence in 
telling me not to break our relations yet strengthened this idea 
which I had had from the start of our conversation. I am, 
etc. (Signed) BARON BEYENS. 



No. 52. 

Baron Beyens, Belgian Minister at Berlin, to M. Davignon, 
Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Hove (Sussex), September 22, 1914. 

SIR, In continuation of my report of yesterday, I have 
the honour to present to you the account of the conversation 
I had on the 5th August with the Under Secretary of State 
for Foreign Affairs. I add to it an account of the return 
journey to Brussels of the Belgian Legation [Mission du Roi] 
at Berlin. 

On August 5th, in the morning, I received the telegram, 
in which you directed me to ask for my passports and informed 
me of the departure of the German Minister from Brussels. 
I went immediately to the Wilhelmstrasse, where I was 
received by the Under Secretary of State, to whom I made 
known your instructions. 

Herr Zimmermann expressed to me, with much emotion, 
his profound regrets for the cause of my departure. But, 
he added, the passage through Belgium is an absolute necessity 
for us a question of life or death (sein oder nicht sein). 
Germany must crush France as quickly as possible in order 
to be able then to turn against Russia. 

Herr Zimmermann sought no pretext to excuse the 
violation of our neutrality. He did not invoke the supposed 
French plan, alleged against France by the Chancellor in the 
speech which he had delivered the evening before in the 

1 [Diplo- Reichstag, 1 of passing through Belgium in order to attack 

matic, 2, Germany on the Lower Rhine, a plan to which Herr vonjagow 

PP- 35 7< J had alluded in his conversation with me. 2 

-j j ee I replied nearly in the same terms that I had used the 

evening before in my discussion with Herr von Jagow ; if 
France had been ready first and had demanded a passage of 
382 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

us on the same conditions as Germany, we should- have made 
the same reply to her. If, in a cowardly way, we had yielded 
to her threats, you would not have had enough words of 
contempt and anger to throw in our faces and we should 
have deserved them, since we should have failed to keep our 
word and have violated our engagement to remain neutral, 
which had been received by the founders of our independence. 
' You must recognise that we could not have acted in any 
other way without forfeiting our honour, and you could not 
imagine for one moment that the Belgian Government would 
throw itself to the ground before the feet of the 'German 
Government and would give up to it the keys of our cities and 
our fortresses. Have you anything with which to reproach 
us ? Have we not been good and loyal neighbours, desirous 
of maintaining with you, as with the other nations bordering 
on Belgium, the most cordial relations ? For 80 years no 
cloud has arisen to darken our relations. And to-day how 
do you recognise the friendship and the confidence of the 
Belgian people which is now nearly a century old ? By the 
intention of making its territory the field of European battle 
and devastation/ 

Herr Zimmermann simply replied that the department 
for Foreign Affairs was powerless. Since the order for 
mobilisation had been issued by the Emperor, .all power now 
belonged to the military authorities. It was they who had 
considered the invasion of Belgium to be an indispensable 
operation of war. ' I hope/ he added with emphasis, ' that 
this war will be the last. It must also mark the end of the 
policy of alliances which has led to this result/ 

From this interview I brought away the impression that 
Herr Zimmermann spoke to me with his customary sincerity 
and that the Department for Foreign Affairs, since the open- 
ing of the Austro-Serbian conflict, had been on the side of a 
peaceful solution, and that it was not due to it that its views 
and counsels had not prevailed. To-day, even, it is my 
belief, contrary to what I wrote you at first, 1 that Herr von i [ See No 
Jagow and Herr Zimmermann spoke the truth when they 8 (p. 334)." 
assured my colleagues and myself that they did not know 
beforehand the text itself of the ultimatum, addressed by 
Austria-Hungary to Serbia. A superior power intervened 
to precipitate the march of events. It was the ultimatum 

383 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

from Germany to Russia, sent to St. Petersburg at the very 
moment when the Vienna Cabinet was showing itself more 
disposed to conciliation, which let loose the war. As to the 
hope expressed by Herr Zimmermann that this war would 
be the last, it is necessary to understand him as speaking on 
the assumption of a victorious campaign by Germany. The 
Under Secretary of State, in spite of the visible fear which the 
coalition of his country's enemies caused him, is too good a 
Prussian to have had at that moment any doubt of final 
victory. 

He was not able to promise me that I should be sent by way 
of Holland ; he feared that the military authorities would 
have me taken to Denmark. Before leaving the Department 
I urged upon Dr. Zahn, Director of the Protocol, with whom 
I had always maintained the best relations, that I should not 
be obliged to take a route so out of the way as that of 
Denmark. Herr Zahn assured me that he would do his best 
and he kept his promise. In fact when Count von Mirbach, 
Councillor at Law, brought me my passport at 3 P.M., after 
having expressed to me his regret at having to undertake such 
a mission, he told me that a special train would be ready to 
take me the following morning with the English Ambassador 
to the Dutch frontier. 

I had only a few hours left to finish my preparations, to 
dismiss my servants, and to entrust the archives of the 
Legation to the care of the Spanish Ambassador, who had 
been authorised by his Government to undertake the pro- 
tection of Belgian interests during the war. I recommended 
the Councillor and the Secretaries to hold themselves in 
readiness to depart the following morning at 7 A.M., and I 
appointed the Legation as our meeting place. 

On the 6th August at the hour named, M. Peltzer, Major 
and Madame de Melotte, M. Adrien Nieuwenhuys, M. Jacques 
Davignon, M. and Madame Rothe and myself, accompanied 
by two Belgian servants, left the Hotel [mansion] of the 
Jagerstrasse in motor-cars sent in part by the Department 
for Foreign Affairs. The roads which led to the Lehrter 
Bahnhof, where we were to join the train, were guarded by 
mounted police. There were few people about in the streets 
at that hour of the morning and our journey did not give 
rise to any demonstrations. 
3^4 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

The special train which was placed under the orders of a 
Colonel of the Reserve, whose attitude towards us was very 
courteous, was provided with a dining car. Before our 
departure Count Botha von Wedel, Minister Plenipotentiary, 
came and greeted the British Ambassador and myself in the 
name of the Under Secretary of State, and inquired if we 
needed anything. The journey took place slowly on the line 
Stendhal-Hanover-Minden, with long stops in order to allow 
the passage of trains full of reservists. At the first stations 
the population watched our journey without animosity, 
perhaps because they were unaware of our identity. At 
Minden on the Weser our identity had obviously been 
divulged, for an assembly of curious people, mostly women, 
approached the dining car in which I was chatting with Sir 
Edward Goschen. They shouted patriotic songs for our 
benefit, put out their tongues, and shook their fists with 
accompanying words to which we paid no attention. 

The German train took the Ambassador to the Hook of 
Holland where he embarked for England. The staff of the 
Belgian Legation and myself got out at The Hague. At the 
Dutch frontier, which we crossed on the 7th at 8 A.M., we were 
able to obtain papers ; they informed us of the events at 
Liege. After passing twenty-four hours without any news, 
in an anguish of patriotism which you will easily understand, 
the telegrams giving an account of the heroic resistance of 
General Leman and of our soldiers made our hearts beat with 
joy and pride. Our travelling companions belonging to the 
British Embassy warmly expressed their admiration for the 
conduct of the Belgian Army. 

At the Hague we found my colleague, Baron Fallon, at 
the station, to whom I had been able to telegraph in the 
course of the journey. He gave us a most cordial reception, 
as likewise did Prince Albert de Ligne, and brought us the 
latest editions of Dutch papers filled with news concerning 
the defence of Liege. Thanks to his extreme obligingness, 
the two railway companies which own the line as far as the 
Belgian frontier, without any charge put at our disposal 
special trains which took us, one to Rotterdam and the other 
to Antwerp. We arrived at Brussels at 6 P.M. 

In conclusion, I am glad to bring to your notice the intelli- 
gence and devotion with which I was assisted by the members 

DIPLOMATIC 3. 2 B 385 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

of the Legation in the course of these difficult days. You 
know already of the indefatigable zeal shown on all occasions 
by M. Peltzer. The two secretaries, the Military Attach^ and 
the Chancellor, have rivalled him in calmness and sang-froid. 
I must give special praise to the courage shown by the ladies 
of the Legation. It was an encouragement and a consola- 
tion to us. 

The few hours which were left me before my departure 
did not allow of my taking with me our Consul-General at 
Hamburg. He would not have been able to reach Berlin in 
time, as the line was crowded by military trains. I should 
have been glad to spare him the fatigue and weariness of 
returning by way of Denmark. I am, etc., 

(Signed) BARON BEYENS. 



No. 53. 

Baron Moncheur, Belgian Minister at Constantinople, to 
M. Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Constantinople, September 22, 1914. 

SIR, In diplomatic circles for the last three days, a more 
decided uneasiness has prevailed with regard to the possi- 
bility of a declaration of war by Turkey. 

The Grand Vizier continues to affirm in the most persistent 
fashion Turkey's intention of remaining neutral. The Sultan 
expressed himself in the same way in the course of the audience 
which he granted yesterday to Sir Louis Mallet. 

But, as I was told yesterday by an Ambassador whose 
judgment in the matter is the less suspect since he does not 
belong to the Triple Entente, it is no longer the Sultan or 
the Grand Vizier who governs ; it is not even Enver Pasha ; 
it is Germany. She rules with a high hand not only the 
Porte, but the Army and the Navy, into which she has sent 
hundreds of officers. 

The Goeben and the Breslau fly the Turkish flag, but the 
crews have not even discarded their German uniforms. On 
the Dardanelles and on the Bosphorus the cannon of the 
forts are manned by German artillerymen. 

Turkey is no longer anything but an instrument of war 
386 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

at the disposal of Germany, and she will make use of it on 
the day she finds it to her advantage to do so. 

It is true that the Turkish Army is much too weak to make 
any effective diversion against Russia. But Rumania seems 
on the point of taking up an attitude hostile to Austria, this 
she could only do after assuring herself of the benevolent 
neutrality of Bulgaria. Perhaps in Berlin there is a desire 
to influence the decisions of Rumania and Bulgaria by causing 
them to fear an attack on their weak side, that is to say, 
their coasts, which they could not defend against a bombard- 
ment by the Turkish fleet. 

On Sunday and yesterday the Breslau and Goeben in 
succession had gunnery drill in the Black Sea. These goings 
and comings have helped to raise apprehensions here. 

On Sunday morning Sir L. Mallet once more declared quite 
frankly to the Grand Vizier that if these two units went out 
into the ^Egean Sea the English fleet which is at the entrance 
to the Dardanelles would sink them immediately. 

(Signed) BARON MONCHEUR. 



No. 54- 

Telegram communicated on 2$th September by the American 
Consul at Antwerp to the Ministry for Foreign Affairs* 1 [See N 

Sept. 24 for Legation Brussels, circular twenty-third. 55 ! !jj so 
At the request of the German Government and on the Diplomat* 
understanding that the department is merely acting as a 2, p. 54.] 
medium of communication and has no comments whatever 
to make, you may bring to the attention of the Foreign 
Office the fact that on August 22nd the German Government 
addressed a note to the American Ambassador at Berlin 
referring to Article n of the Congo Act of February 26, 1885, 
relating to the neutralisation of the Colonies lying within 
the conventional free-trade zone. The note points out that 
chapter three of this Act deals with neutrality and that 
Germany is willing to agree to such neutralisation.* 

(Signed) BRYAN, 
Secretary of State, Washington. 

* [This is the text of the original document, as given in English in the 
Belgian Grey Book.] 

387 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 55. 

Baron A . Grenier, Belgian Minister at Madrid, to M. Davignon, 
Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Madrid, September 30, 1914. 

SIR, I have not neglected to carry out the instructions 
contained in your telegram of August 30 last (see No. 40) 
relating to the alleged bad treatment of which, according to 
the Neue Freie Presse, Austrian subjects had been victims at 
Antwerp and at Ostend. 

The Minister of State has just informed me that the 
Embassy of his Catholic Majesty at Vienna has on the nth of 
this month handed to the Austro-Hungarian Minister for 
Foreign Affairs the protest of the Belgian Government. 
I am, etc., 

(Signed) BARON A. GRENIER. 



No. 56. 

Baron Guillaume, the Belgian Minister in France, to 
M. Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Bordeaux, October 11, 1914. 

SIR, The President of the Republic summoned me this 
morning and received me in the presence of the Minister for 
Foreign Affairs. He said to me in effect : 

' I have during the night and this morning received many 
telegrams from M. Klobukowski informing me of the grave 
situation in which Belgium is placed. It has caused me great 
emotion and sincere regrets. I have also learned that a 
Cabinet Council, at which General Pau and the English general 
were present, has declared that in view of probable attacks by 
the German forces the Belgian Government and its army must 
leave the national territory. King Albert has expressed a 
desire to receive for himself, his Government and his Army 
the hospitality of France. He has named the port of Havre, 
adding that the Army will continue to co-operate in the joint 
action of the Allies. 

' The Government of the Republic required no deliberation 
388 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

on this matter, since at the first word we were unanimous in 
affirming our sentiments of affection and admiration for the 
noble Belgian people and in declaring that the widest hospi- 
tality would be offered to them in France, leaving them their 
full independence and sovereignty. 

' I wish to assure King Albert without delay and I beg you 
to lend me your assistance in conveying the following cipher 
telegram to His Majesty : 

' " His Majesty, King Albert, Ostend. 

" I am informed of the decision made by the Belgian 
Government. The Government of the Republic is pro- 
foundly moved by it and will immediately take the 
necessary steps to assure the sojourn in France of Your 
Majesty and his ministers in full independence and 
sovereignty. I am anxious to say personally to Your 
Majesty how proud France is of offering you, until the 
hour of our joint victory, hospitality in the town which 
you have chosen, and I beg you to accept the assurance 
of my unalterable friendship. 

'" RAYMOND POINCARE." 

The President of the Republic and M. Delcasse have 
omitted nothing to assure me of their sympathy in the mis- 
fortunes which are falling so unjustly upon Belgium. 
M. Poincare laid much emphasis on the measures which will 
be taken in order to safeguard the sovereignty and inde- 
pendence of the country. 

During the day I had an opportunity of being received a 
second time by the President of the Republic, who had charged 
M. William Martin, the Chief of the Protocol, with the duty of 
going at once to Havre in order to look into the question of 
making provision for Their Majesties, the Ministers, and the 
high functionaries of the Belgian State. I had an opportunity 
of conferring several times with the Chief of the Political 
Direction. Everywhere I found a welcome full of sincere 
grief, completely sympathetic and absolutely devoted. I am, 
etc. (Signed) BARON GUILLAUME. 



389 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 57. 

His Majesty King Albert to the President of the French 

Republic. 

Ostend, October 12, 1914. 

M. LE PRESIDENT, I am profoundly touched by the 
hospitality which France is ready to offer so cordially to the 
Belgian Government and by the measures which the Republic 
is taking in order to secure our full independence and 
sovereignty; We await with unshakable confidence the hour 
of joint victory. Fighting side by side for a just cause our 
courage will know no yielding. 

I beg you, M. le President, to accept the assurance of my 
unalterable affection. 

(Signed) ALBERT. 



No. 58. 

M. Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs, to Baron Grenier, 

Belgian Minister at Madrid. 
(Telegraphic.) Le Havre, October 21, 1914. 

Please have recourse to the good offices of the Spanish 
Ambassador in order to forward to the German Government 
the following telegram : 

Under date September 25th, the United States Consul at 
Antwerp sent a telegram (see No. 54) according to which he 
was authorised to draw the attention of the Belgian Govern- 
ment to the fact that on August 22nd the German Government 
addressed a note to the American Ambassador at Berlin 
referring to Article n of the Act of Berlin of February 26, 
1885, with regard to the neutralisation of the Colonies within 
the conventional free-trade zone. The note drew attention 
to the fact that this Act deals with neutrality and that 
Germany is disposed to accept such a neutralisation. 

The Belgian Government cannot explain how this note, 
which was sent on August 22nd to the Ambassador of the 
United States at Berlin, did not reach him until September 25th. 

Under date August 7th the Belgian Government put itself 
into communication with the French and British Governments 
to propose to them the neutralisation of the conventional 
390 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

basin of the Congo, 1 and, in the meanwhile, gave to its agents * [See Di 
the order to observe a strictly defensive attitude. It desired, lomatic, 2 
in fact, that the war should not be extended to Central Africa. P- 54-1 

The British and French Governments could not be parties 2 r See Di 
to this proposal 2 by reason of the acts of hostility which had lomatic, J 
already at this time been committed in Africa. In particular 2, pp.' 6 
German forces had attacked British Central Africa and British 66.] 
East Africa. 

At the same time the Belgian Government was advised 
that the German Colonial forces had from August 22nd been 
attacking the port of Lukuga, on Lake Tanganyika. 

The Belgian Government in consequence draws the 
attention of the Imperial Government to the fact that it was 
they who had taken the initiative in hostilities in Africa, and 
had thus opposed the realisation of the desire of the Belgian 
Government concerning the application of the above-men- 
tioned Article n. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 



No. 59. 

Baron Moncheur, Belgian Minister at Constantinople, to 
M. Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

(Telegraphic.) Constantinople, October 23, 1914. 

In consequence of the Russian successes the Germans are 
increasing their pressure on the Porte with the object of 
bringing about war. 8 The Porte still gives the Ambassa'dors 
assurances of peaceful intentions, but pushes forward its 
preparations for war. 

(Signed) BARON MONCHEUR. 



No. 60. 

Baron Moncheur, Belgian Minister at Constantinople, to 
M. Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Constantinople, October 31, 1914. 

SIR, I had the honour to telegraph to you on the 23rd 
of this month 4 that Germany was increasing her pressure on 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

Turkey to go to war, as her armies are experiencing reverses 
in Poland as well as in France. 

Since then events have been very much hastened. 

The day before yesterday, October 2Qth, the English 
Ambassador came to see me and warned me that according 
to reliable information troops of Beduins, led by German 
officers, had crossed the Egyptian frontier, and that if the news 
were confirmed a casus belli with Turkey would be the result. 

But on the same evening we learnt the still more serious 
fact of the attack on Russian troops and ports by a part of 
the Turkish fleet, commanded, of course, by German officers. 

According to the unanimous opinion of diplomatic circles 
the coup was prepared and executed by the Germans without 
the knowledge of the Grand Vizier and perhaps even of the 
Turkish Naval Minister, Djemal Pasha, with the object of 
forcing the Government, several members of which had a 
well-marked repugnance to war, to decide on it. 

From that moment there was no longer any hope of 
maintaining peace here, and I telegraphed to you on the night 
of the 2Qth-3oth that the Ambassadors of the Triple Entente 
were preparing for departure. 

Yesterday, October 3Oth, they went separately to the 
Grand Vizier to demand their passports. Prince Said Halim 
was in a state of extreme agitation and seemed to be in 
despair at the turn that events were taking. He repeated 
with emphasis to the Ambassadors that he did not desire 
war, and there is reason for believing that he spoke in good 
faith. 

To-day at 2 o'clock the Ambassadors had not yet received 
their passports, and a persistent rumour was even going about 
this morning that all hope of some arrangement was not 
lost. 

But this was not possible. To make good the outrage 
committed on Russia by ships flying the Turkish flag, it was 
not sufficient for the Porte to make excuses and to disavow 
the action of the German admiral who was in command. 
The Powers of the Triple Entente would further require that 
the German crews and, in general, all officers of this nationality 
belonging to the German mission to Turkey should be sent 
back. Now the Young Turk Government, even if it desired 
to have recourse to this measure of safety, would lack the 
392 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

courage and energy necessary to execute it. It is caught in 
the German wheel and will remain there. 

I have just telegraphed to you that the Ambassadors are 
leaving this evening whether they have received their pass- 
ports or not. The French Ambassador has postponed his 
departure till to-morrow evening for reasons of personal 
convenience. 

The press has received an order to publish a communique 
designed to mislead the public and to make it believe that 
Russia commenced hostilities. This manoeuvre will have 
been dictated by Germany, and it recalls that which was 
employed to make France appear responsible for the violation 
of Belgian neutrality. 

Here the city is very quiet. There has been no demon- 
stration against foreigners. There is rather a feeling of 
consternation which prevails among many Turks who do not 
share the ideas of Enver Pasha and his chauvinistic followers. 

It is probable enough that this fresh war will have no 
considerable development, at least for a long time. The 
Powers of the Triple Entente are very much occupied else- 
where and will not make any very great efforts here. 

As I have often written, England and Russia, who did 
not desire any new complications from the East, have here 
shown extreme patience for three months. But if they could 
have known that peace could not be maintained it would 
have been preferable to send an ultimatum to Turkey on the 
arrival of the Goeben in the Dardanelles last August. Since 
that time, in fact, the entry to the Straits, on the side of the 
Black Sea as well as the ^Egean Sea, has been very much 
strengthened by new batteries manned by Germans, and by 
a whole system of mines. And in other respects we must 
recognise that, thanks to the sacrifices which are ruining the 
country and thanks to the millions which have come from 
Germany, the army is much more strongly organised than at 
the outbreak of the European war. 

It is therefore probable that the European fleets will not 
attempt at present to force the Straits. From this point of 
view it is very regrettable that in the Russian Black Sea 
Fleet there is no unit equal in strength to the Goeben. 

I had the honour to telegraph to you on the 30th of this 
month that in accordance with the instructions you trans- 

393 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

mitted by telegram on the Qth August to M. Leclerq, I would 
remain at my post unless the Porte handed me my passports. 

In view of the irregularity of telegraphic communications, 
I thought it advisable to return to this question in my tele- 
gram of to-day, and I asked you to let me know by courier if 
you adhere to your instructions of the Qth August. 

I do not think that the Porte will hand me my passports 
unless the Germans, who, I repeat, rule everything with a 
high hand, consider that my presence here offers danger from 
the point of view of information that I might supply to the 
Allies. 

But, in reference to this question, I think I ought to let 
you know that a German who is connected with the Embassy 
of his country at Constantinople has here evolved the opinion 
that the Belgian Government, having left Belgian soil, is no 
longer considered existent by Germany, and that in conse- 
quence, the Embassy, in order to remain faithful to its theory, 
must prevent the Porte from sending his passports to the 
representative of a Government which no longer exists. 

I should not be able to stay here with dignity if my 
maintenance were based on such a theory. 

I must, nevertheless, add that up to the present nothing 
in the behaviour of the Sublime Porte towards me indicates 
that it has adopted the point of view attributed to the German 
Embassy. I am, etc., 

(Signed) BARON MONCHEUR. 



No. 61. 

M. Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs, to Baron Moncheur, 
Belgian Minister at Constantinople. 

(Telegraphic.) Le Havre, November i, 1914. 

In view of the existing tension you will judge whether it 
is not desirable, through our Consuls, to advise our country- 
men residing in Turkey to go to the coast towns where they 
will have an opportunity of embarking. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 



394 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

No. 62. 

M. Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs to M. van Ypersele 
de Strihou, Belgian Minister at Bukarest. 

(Telegraphic.) Le Havre, November 6, 1914. 

The Turkish Minister has asked for his passports. x Notify i [See No, 
the Belgian Minister at Constantinople either directly or 65.] 
through the Rumanian Legation to do the same and to 
leave Turkey with his staff and the consular officials. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 



No. 63. 

Jonkheer de Weede, Minister of the Netherlands, to 
M. Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Le Havre, November 7, 1914. 

SIR, I have the honour to bring ^to the knowledge of 
Your Excellency that the Government of the Queen has 
authorised me, in accordance with the request of the Turkish 
Minister, to look after Turkish interests in Belgium during the 
rupture of diplomatic relations between Belgium and Turkey. 
I am, etc. (Signed) JONKHEER DE WEEDE. 



No. 64. 

M. Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs, to all the Belgian 
Ministers in Foreign Countries. 

Le Havre, November 9, 1914. 

SIR, The French Government has informed the Belgian 
Government of the state of war existing between France and 
Turkey, and in these circumstances the presence at Havre of 
the Turkish Minister with the Belgian Government became 
delicate. Understanding the situation in which he was placed 
by the course of events, His Excellency Nousret Sadoullah 
Bey took the initiative by asking for his passports and by 

395 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

putting Turkish interests in Belgium under the protection of 
the Minister of the Netherlands. 

Under date November 6th I sent to His Excellency the 
passports which he had asked for, and remarked that, accord- 
ing to the interpretation of the Belgian Government, the 
rupture of diplomatic relations in no way implied a state of 
war between the two countries. 

The Belgian Minister at Constantinople has received 
instructions to ask for his passports and to leave Turkey. 
The care of Belgian interests in Turkey has been entrusted 
to the Ambassador of the United States of America. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 



No. 65. 

Baron Moncheur, Belgian Minister at Constantinople, to 
M. Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Melin, November 16, 1914. 

SIR, On Saturday, the yth of this month, at 4 P.M., I 

1 [See No. received a telegram from my colleague at Bukarest, 1 informing 

62.] me that the Turkish Minister in Belgium having asked for 

his passports, you ordered me to do the same and to leave 

Turkey with rny staff and the officials of- the Belgian Consular 

Service. 

Since receiving your communication, made through M. van 
Ypersele de Strihou, I went to the Ambassador of the United 
States in order to make all arrangements for the protection 
of Belgians remaining in Turkey. 

On his advice I telephoned to the Porte to ask if the 
Grand Vizier could receive me. On receiving the reply that 
His Highness was at a meeting of the Council, I sent the same 
evening to his residence on the Bosphorus a letter setting out 
the reasons why I was asking for my passports and informing 
the Porte that in leaving Constantinople with my staff I left 
Baron de Hubsch and Baron Marghetich [MM. le Baron de 
Hubsch et Marghetich], attached provisionally to the American 
Embassy, to help M. Morgenthau in protecting my country- 
men and their interests. 

396 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

Passports were sent to me twenty-four hours later in an 
envelope of the Sublime Porte, but without any accompanying 
letter. 

I left Constantinople on Tuesday, November loth, at 
7 A.M. The American Ambassador sent me his motor-car, 
and, in spite of the early hour, he came to say good-bye at 
the station. The Grand Vizier had sent his Chief Secretary 
to salute me on the departure of the train. 

My colleague of the Bulgarian Legation having previously 
warned his Government of my passage through Bulgarian 
territory, the Sub-Prefect came to salute me at the frontier 
station in the name of M. Radoslavof. At Dedeagatch the 
authorities also waited upon me, acting under superior orders, 
and facilitated my departure in the most obliging manner. 
From Dedeagatch I telegraphed my thanks to M. Radoslavof. 

The French and English subjects at Constantinople, whose 
protection is also entrusted to the Ambassador of the United 
States, highly praised the efficient way in which he has taken 
their interests in hand. He has already shown much energy 
and decision in this respect. 

It is entirely due to him that several English subjects 
whom Enver Pasha wished to hold back as hostages were 
able to leave the country. Consequently, I am certain that 
our colony will be well protected. 

The Legation is closed, but I have left the staff of kavasses, 
just as has been done in the other Embassies and Legations. 
This is essential for the protection of the house and its con- 
tents. The American flag has been hoisted. I am, etc. 

(Signed) BARON MONCHEUR. 



No. 66. 

The Minister of the United States of America to M. Davignon, 
Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Brussels, November 16, 1914. 

MR. MINISTER, I am in receipt of the following telegram 
from my Government, which I am directed to bring to Your 
Excellency's knowledge : 

* At request of German Government, and on understand- 

397 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

ing that the department is merely acting as a medium of 
communication and has no comments whatsoever to make, 
you may bring to attention of Foreign Office the fact, that on 
August 22nd German Government addressed a Note to 
American Ambassador referring to Article n of the Congo 
Act, February 26, 1883, relating to neutralisation of colonies 
lying within the conventional free trade zone. The Note 
points out that chapter three of this Act deals with neutrality 
and that Germany is willing to agree to such neutralisation/ 
I avail myself, etc., (Signed) BRAND WHITLOCK.* 

54-) * 



No. 67. 

M. Davignon, Minister for Foreign Affairs, to Mr. Brand 
Whitlock, Minister of United States of America. 

Le Havre, December 5, 1914. 

SIR, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt from 
Your Excellency of the letter of November 16, referring to 
the neutralisation of the Conventional Basin of the Congo 
suggested by Germany. 

The proposal of the German Government, which was dated 
August 22nd, was notified to us by the Consul-General of the 
2 [See No. United States at Antwerp on September 25th. 2 
54-1 Your Excellency has learned by reading the Grey Book 

the steps which the Belgian Government has taken with a 
view to maintaining the neutrality of the Congo. (See 
\P]P l - First Grey Book, No. 57.) 3 You will find herewith a copy of 
*ke ^ e l e S ram regarding this matter which I addressed on 
October 2ist to the Imperial Government through the Spanish 
Government (see No. 58). I am, etc., 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 

* [The Belgian Grey Book gives the original English text of this 
document.] 



398 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 



SECOND PART. 

PROTESTS BY THE BELGIAN GOVERNMENT AGAINST 
VIOLATIONS OF THE LAWS OF WAR AND ESPECIALLY 
OF THE HAGUE CONVENTIONS. 

SECTION I. 

GERMAN ACCUSATIONS IN REGARD TO THE ATTITUDE OF THE 
BELGIAN CIVIL POPULATION. 

No. 68. 

M. Davignon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to the Belgian 
Ministers at The Hague, London, Paris, and Madrid. 

Brussels, August 12, 1914. 

Please inform the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the 
press that the Belgian Government indignantly protests 
against the assertion of the Wolff Bureau that the inhabitants 
of the district of Lifege have taken part in the fighting, that 
others have lain in ambush and shot German doctors who 
were attending to wounded men, and that wounded men 
have been cruelly treated. 

Belgium is scrupulously observing The Hague Convention 
on the Laws and Customs of War, 1 of which she was a signatory. * [For its 
The Government has reminded the population that civilians text see 
must abstain absolutely from the use of their arms against 
the invaders, and that only the army and militia forces which p * 
fulfil the necessary conditions have that right and duty. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 






No. 69. 

M. Davignon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to Baron Grenier, 
Belgian Minister at Madrid. 

Antwerp, August 18, 1914. 

SIR, Be so good as to request the Minister of Foreign 
Affairs kindly to communicate the enclosed protest from the 
Belgian Government to the Imperial German Government. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 

399 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



ENCLOSURE TO No. 69. 

Note. 

Belgium, which desired peace, has been compelled by 
Germany to take up arms and legitimately to defend herself 
against an attack that was unjustifiable and contrary to the 
solemn engagements of treaties. She considers it a point of 
honour to carry on the struggle loyally and to observe all the 
Laws and Customs of War. From the moment of the entry 
of German troops into her territory the Belgian Government 
has had posted in every commune, and the newspapers have 
published every day, orders forbidding non-combatant civilians 
to commit any act of warfare against the troops and the 
military invading the country. The information on which 
the German Government believes it can rely to justify its 
assertion that the Belgian population is contravening the laws 
of nations and is quite unworthy of respect, is certainly 
false. The Government enters the most earnest protest 
against the truth of the allegations which have been advanced, 
and against the odious threats of reprisals. 

If some particular act which is contrary to the laws of 
war were to be ultimately established, it would be proper in 
order to appreciate it justly to make allowance for the legiti- 
mate state of nervousness which the cruelties committed by 
the German soldiers have provoked among the Belgian people, 
a people which is thoroughly honourable, but vigorous in 
the defence of its rights and in its respect for humanity. 
Long indeed would already be the list of these atrocities, of 
which we are collecting the first, were we now to publish it. 

Whole regions have been ravaged, and abominable crimes 
committed in their villages. 

A Committee appointed by the Ministry of Justice is 
drawing up a catalogue of these horrors with scrupulous 
impartiality. 

. The following may be quoted as examples illustrating the 
state of mind and the conduct of various German troops : 

(i) A troop of Uhlans occupying Linsmeau was attacked 
by some infantry and by two policemen employed as sharp- 
shooters. A German officer was killed. The German soldiers 
thought that the officer had been attacked by civilians. This 
400 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

is absolutely incorrect ; the Belgian officers knew that the 
German officer had been killed by their men, and they had given 
the burgomaster of Linsmeau the order to bury the German 
pfficer. This point was specially investigated at the inquiry, 
and it was established beyond all possible doubt that the 
inhabitants of Linsmeau scrupulously abstained from any 
act of hostility. The burgomaster of Linsmeau vouched for 
this over and over again to the officer in command of the 
German troops. 

But in vain. The village was invaded in the evening 
of Monday, August loth, by a great number of Uhlans, 
followed by artillery, and machine-guns. 

They opened fire on two farms and six or seven houses, 
and destroyed and burnt them down. They forced all 
the male inhabitants of the village to leave their houses 
and give up their arms. They did not find one that had 
recently been fired. Nevertheless, they divided the men 
into three groups. The men of one of these groups were 
tied with ropes. Eleven of these peasants were placed in a 
ditch, where they were found with their heads battered in by 
the butt ends of rifles. All of them were dead. The others 
were made to walk between horses into the country under 
the constant threat of being shot. They were finally released 
with the threat that the village would be completely destroyed 
if any of them left his house at night. 

(2) During the night of Monday, August loth, great 
numbers of Uhlans went to Velm. The inhabitants were 
asleep. The Germans, without any provocation whatever, 
fired on the house of M. Deglimme-Gevers, then broke in 
and destroyed the furniture, and stole what money they could 
find. 

They set fire to the barn, the crops, the agricultural 
implements ; six oxen and the poultry were burnt to death. 
They took away M. Deglimme-Gevers' wife half naked to a 
distance of over a mile from the house, let her go, and then 
fired on her but did not hit her. They took the husband in 
another direction and put three bullets into him. He is now 
in a dying condition. 

The same Uhlans also sacked and burnt the house of the 
level-crossing watchman. 

(3) At the agency of the National Bank at Lidge, German 

DIPLOMATICS. 2C 401 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

troops have seized 400,000 francs' worth of unstamped five- 
franc notes which ought not to have been stamped except by 
order of the Directors of the Bank in Brussels. The die was 
at the printer's. The German authorities ordered the notes 
to be stamped, and they are now using them. 

(4) The following communication was addressed from 
Haekendevez, on August the I4th, 1914, to the officer in com- 
mand of the ist D.A. at Cumptich : 

Record of information which has been collected in regard 
to the conduct of German cavalry at Orsmael and Neerhespen 
on the loth, nth, and I2th of August : 

(i) Facts sworn to by the farmer Jef Dierickx, of Neer- 
hespen. 

An old man of the district has had his arm cut into 
three parts longitudinally, and was then hung up by the feet 
and burnt alive. 

Certain persons in Orsmael have had their sexual organs 
removed ; young girls and children have been violated. 

A wounded rifleman-cyclist who had been made prisoner 
was hanged, and the Belgian soldier who was looking after him 
was put up against a telegraph-post along the road to Saint- 
Trond and shot. 



No. 70. 

The Belgian Minister at Madrid to M. Davignon, Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

Madrid, October 6, 1914. 

SIR, I have duly executed the instructions contained in 
your letter of August 18, and have requested the Minister 
of State to communicate to the German Government the 
protest of the Belgian Government against the inhuman 
behaviour of the German troops. His Excellency has just 
told me that the Spanish Ambassador in Berlin had informed 
him that immediately after receiving this communication he 
had forwarded it to the German Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

(Signed) BARON GRENIER. 



402 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

No. 71. 

M. Davignon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to all the Diplomatic 
Representatives abroad. 

Havre, December 30, 1914. 

SIR, The German authorities have repeatedly accused 
the Belgian civil population of having everywhere organised 
in a systematic and odious way armed resistance to all the 
operations of the German troops in Belgium. The Com- 
mission of Inquiry, in several of their reports, entirely de- 
molished the fantastic stories which the Germans have 
tried to make foreign countries believe, with the object of 
justifying their own misdeeds. But the German Govern- 
ment has gone further ; it has had the effrontery to maintain 
that the Belgian Government itself had organised this resist- 
ance on the part of the civilian population. 

The Emperor of Germany declared this urbi et orbi in 
his telegram to President Wilson 1 : ' They (the Allies) have * [Cf . 
not only made use of abominable weapons of war (dum-dum Military, 
bullets) but the Belgian Government has openly stirred up the p> 201 '-' 
whole civilian population which had been long preparing for 
the struggle, and in which even women and priests took part/ 

Afterwards details were supplied. The German Lega- 
tion at Bukarest sent to the press in August last a communi- 
cation relative to the destruction of the town of Louvain, 
which says : ' The Belgian Government had long ago or- 
ganised a rising against any enemy that might invade their 
territory. They had arranged stores of arms, where each 
rifle bore the name of the citizen for whom it was destined. 
. . . This attack (at Louvain) was all the more odious since 
it had clearly been prepared beforehand and took place at 
the same time as the sortie from Antwerp. . . .' 

Not long ago the German press raised this question again. 

These accusations must not remain unanswered, however 
absurd they may seem at first sight to any impartial person. 
As early as August 18 I requested the Spanish Govern- 
ment to protest against them in Berlin. I sent you a copy, 
on August the 2ist, of the Note sent to the German Govern- 
ment. 2 I called attention to the circulars and placards which 2 [See ant 
had been posted in all the communes of Belgium at the PP- 399- 
beginning of hostilities in order to deter the inhabitants from 

403 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

any act of hostility against the enemy. The reproduction 
of these circulars and posters issued by our Ministry of the 
Interior and by our communal authorities might still at this 
moment be useful in certain countries. 

The Minister of the Interior has on this subject sent the 
Note of which I enclose herewith a copy. In it you will find 
all the information necessary for giving a formal denial to the 
German accusations. 

I leave it to you to decide when to publish such denials. 
Circumstances will guide you as to the best use you can make 
of the information contained in the note transmitted to me 
by M. Berry er. 

I should be obliged to you if you would inform me what 
action you decide to< take. (Signed) DAVIGNON. 

ENCLOSURE TO No. 71. 

Note. 

To justify their misdeeds in Belgium, and to excuse in 
the eyes of the civilised world their infamous attack on a 
Power so manifestly peace-loving as Belgium, Germany is now 
seeking by every means to spread abroad the vilest calumnies 
against our country. 

After having violated our neutrality with the most brazen 
cynicism, she is now trying to send down to history the absurd 
fable that our country had already taken sides against 
Germany before the beginning of the war. 

The whole of the diplomatic history of our country is an 
answer to this calumny. 

It may nevertheless serve a useful purpose to recall what 
care the Government devoted to the maintenance of the 
strictest neutrality down to the very eve of war, even to the 
moment when that neutrality was about to be violated by 
one of the Powers that had formally guaranteed it. 

On Saturday, August I, 1914, M. Berryer, Minister of the 
Interior, addressed the following telegram to the Governors 
of the Provinces : 

' In the midst of the events that are developing, Belgium 
is determined to defend her neutrality ; it ought to be 
respected, but it is the duty of the nation to take what- 
ever measures to that end the situation may require. It is 

404 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

therefore important that the population should co-operate 
with the Government by avoiding any manifestation that 
might be of a nature to bring the country into difficulties with 
one or other of its neighbours ; thus the Burgomasters should 
at once take steps to forbid all meetings that might have the 
object of showing sympathy or antipathy for one country 
or another. It is also important that, in accordance with 
Article 97 of the municipal law, the Burgomaster and alder- 
men should prohibit any cinematograph exhibition which 
represents military scenes likely to arouse passion and to 
provoke popular excitement dangerous to the public order. 
Please take immediate steps to have these instructions carried 
out without delay. ' PAUL BERRYER, 

' Minister of the Interior.' 

Effect was at once given to the appeal of the Minister of 
the Interior. The Burgomasters hastened to take measures in 
accordance with the instructions contained in his circular. On 
Sunday, August 2, some hours before the ultimatum, M. Carton 
de Wiart, Minister of Justice, the King's Attorney in Brussels, 
had -the newspaper Le Petit Bleu confiscated for definitely 
taking sides with one of the belligerents, in this case France. 

All the laws of warfare have been violated by Germany. 
She does not now even seek to excuse herself, but, realising 
that certain laws of humanity cannot be broken without 
incurring universal reprobation, she is again having recourse 
to calumny. Vaguely, and without any shadow of proof, 
she declares that the murder, pillage, and incendiarism of 
which she has been guilty are justified by the participation of 
the Belgian civilian population in acts of hostility. 

And to make such a general statement credible without 
proofs, she alleges the existence of a regular system, organised 
by her adversaries, and in so many words accuses the Belgian 
Government of having armed the civilian population and 
of having incited them to take part in the struggle. In order 
to refute this facile allegation, which, if only superficial minds 
would accept it as true, would have the advantage of relieving 
the accusers of all necessity to produce specific proof, it suffices 
to give the real facts. On August 4, when war had been 
declared on us, and the enemy had already set foot on our 
soil, the Minister of the Interior, M. Berry er, sent an explicit 

405 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

circular to the 2600 communes of the country concerning 
the duties of the authorities and the attitude of the civilian 
population. The following is an extract : 

' According to the laws of war, acts of hostility, that is, any 
resistance and attack by arms, or the use of arms against 
isolated soldiers of the enemy, or direct intervention in fights 
or skirmishes, are never permitted to those who do not belong 
to the army or the Garde Civique, or to volunteer corps under 
military law, obeying a recognised head and wearing a visible 
distinctive badge. 

f If the population of a territory that has not yet been occu- 
pied by the enemy spontaneously takes arms on the approach 
of the invader without having had time to provide itself with a 
military organisation, it will be deemed a belligerent body if 
it carries arms openly and conforms to the laws of war. 

An isolated individual who does not belong to any of 
these categories, and who commits an act of hostility, would 
not be considered a belligerent. If made prisoner, he is liable 
to be treated more severely than a prisoner of war, and might 
even be put to death. 

' The inhabitants are still more earnestly enjoined to abstain 
from acts that are prohibited even to soldiers : these acts 
are more particularly the use of poison or poisoned arms, 
the treacherous killing or wounding of individuals belonging to 
the army or nation of the invader, the killing or wounding of 
an enemy who, after giving up his arms and depriving himself 
of the means of self-defence, has surrendered unconditionally/ 

The first German authorities to penetrate into the town 
of Liege must certainly have read the notices which had already 
been posted by the Burgomaster of that city, M. Kleyer, on 
August the 5th, which are identical in terms with the circular 
of the Minister of the Interior. 

The text of a poster which the Burgomaster of Brussels, 
M. Max, had posted on the walls of the city is subjoined as 
another example : 

CITY OF BRUSSELS. 
Fire- Arms. 

The laws of war forbid the civil population to take part 
in hostilities, and as any infringement of this rule may 
406 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

be the cause of reprisals, many of my fellow-citizens have 
expressed a desire to get rid of the fire-arms in their posses- 
sion. These arms may be deposited at the police stations, 
where a receipt for them will be given. They will be placed 
in safe custody at the central Arsenal at Antwerp, and will be 
returned to their owners at the end of the war. 

ADOLPHE MAX, 
Burgomaster. 

Everywhere communal authorities took the same precau- 
tions, either by proclamations addressed to the population 
or, what was even better, by providing that all arms should 
be deposited at the town halls or police stations. 

Moreover, one of the first measures taken by the Germans 
in the occupied regions was to repeat this same order with the 
addition of threats of capital punishment. 

Nevertheless, this measure of extreme prudence, which 
exposed defenceless victims to the rage of the invaders, has 
with incredible bad faith been itself used as a weapon against 
us. It is the lowest depth of ignominy. 

A communique from the German Legation at Bukarest, 
printed in the Ind&pendance Roumaine of the 2ist August 
(5th September) 1914, charges the Belgian Government not only 
with having given the civilian population instructions with 
a view to resistance and with having organised beforehand 
a rising against any enemy that invaded our territory, ' but 
especially with having organised depots of arms where every 
rifle bore the name of the citizen for whom it was intended/ 
Does not this last detail prove to demonstration that the arms 
referred to were those which had been collected from private 
individuals and were intended to be returned to them ? In 
arsenals it is not usual to mark the arms beforehand with 
the names of the soldiers who are to bear them. . . . 

By such contradictions and absurdities falsehood stands 
unmistakably revealed. 

While the Belgian communal authorities were thus, in 
accordance with the instructions of their Government, taking 
the most efficacious measures for preventing the civilian 
population from giving way to their instinct to repel by 
any means a powerful and ferocious enemy who was threaten- 
ing their homes, the Minister of the Interior was at pains 

407 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

daily to repeat semi-officially through the channel of the 
press of all parties throughout the country, in large type 
in a conspicuous position, the following recommendations : 



To THE CIVIL POPULATION. 

The Minister of the Interior recommends all civilians 
inhabiting a district in which the enemy makes his 
appearance : 
Not to fight; 

Not to use insulting language or threats ; 
To stay indoors and to shut the windows so that it 
cannot be said that there has been any provocation ; 
If the soldiers occupy a house or isolated hamlet for 
the purpose of defence, to evacuate it, so that it 
cannot be said that shots were fired by civilians. 
Any act of violence committed by a single civilian 
would be a veritable crime contrary to the law and punish- 
able by imprisonment, because it might serve as a pretext 
for sanguinary repression, pillage, and the massacre of 
innocent persons and of women and children. 

Finally, shortly before the capture of Antwerp on September 
30, 1914, when that part of the country which had not yet 
been invaded seemed to be in danger, the Minister of the 
Interior once more sent out a circular in French, Flemish, and 
German to all the communes, so that nobody should be 
ignorant of, and that the German authorities themselves 
might know, the recommendations which had been issued 
by the Government to the communal authorities and to the 
civil population. 

This has not prevented the German papers from saying 
again quite recently that everywhere and always in Belgium 
(the definiteness of this statement should be noted) the civilian 
population have borne arms against German soldiers, and 
that, since the beginning of the war, the Government has done 
nothing to prevent them. 



408 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

SECTION II. 

ILLEGAL SEIZURE OF THE CASH OF THE HASSELT BRANCH 
OF THE NATIONAL BANK OF BELGIUM. 

No. 72. 

M. Davignon, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to the 
Belgian Minister at Madrid. 

(Telegraphic.) Brussels, August 12, 1914. 

Kindly send the following protest of the Board of Adminis- 
tration of the National Bank of Belgium to the Minister of 
Foreign Affairs, begging him to forward it as a matter of 
urgency to the Imperial German Government. 

The Board of Administration of the National Bank of 
Belgium have just learnt during their meeting to-day, August 
12, 1914, that German troops have seized the cash of their 
branch at Hasselt, amounting to more than two million francs. 
The Board of Administration of the National Bank protest 
energetically against this violation of the law of nations, as 
denned in article 53, paragraph i, of The Hague Convention of 
October 10, 1907, respecting the Laws and Customs of War on 
Land. This article * runs thus : x [See 

1 An army of occupation shall only take possession of Military, 
cash, funds, and realisable securities, the reclaimable p * 4 8 4-l 
securities which are strictly the property of the State, 
depots of arms, means of transport, stores, and supplies, 
and, generally, all movable property belonging to the 
State, which may be used for military operations/ 
The protest of the Board of Administration is based on 
this incontrovertible fact, that the National Bank is a purely 
private institution in the form of a joint stock company, the 
capital of which is owned by private individuals. 

In consequence, the Board of Administration of the 
National Bank claim immediate restitution of the sum 
improperly seized at their branch at Hasselt. 

THE GOVERNOR, VICOMTE DE LANTSHEERE. 

I beg you to insist very strongly on the legitimacy of this 
protest. (Signed) DAVIGNON. 

409 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

SECTION III. 

PROTECTION OF GERMAN BUILDINGS IN BELGIUM. 

No. 73. 

The Minister of the United States of America to M. Davignon, 
Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Brussels, August 18, 1914. 

SIR, The German Government requests me, through the 
medium of the United States Legation at The Hague, to take 
the necessary steps for the protection of German buildings 
in Belgium. 

May I ask you, Sir, to have the necessary instructions 
given to the competent authorities in order that public 
buildings, such as banks and other establishments known to 
belong to firms or individuals of German nationality, may be 
specially guarded, in order to prevent their becoming the 
object of attacks directed either against persons or against 
property. I take this opportunity, etc. 

(Signed) BRAND WHITLOCK. 



No. 74. 

M. Davignon, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to Mr. 
Brand Whitlock, Minister of the United States of America. 

Antwerp, August 23, 1914. 

SIR, I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of Your 
Excellency's letter dated the i8th inst., relating to the pro- 
tection of German buildings in Belgium. 

Public buildings such as banks and other establishments, 
known to belong to firms or individuals of German nationality, 
have been kept under the desired supervision since the 
beginning of hostilities. The Government of the King would 
be glad to learn that the German armies in Belgium give the 
same care to our inoffensive subjects and their property 
as we give to German property and to those German subjects 
who have remained in Belgium. 

Instead of that, the German army has in many places com- 
mitted abominable misdeeds, against which the Government 
410 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

of the King, taking their stand on the Fourth Hague Con- 
vention of the i8th October 1907, of which Germany is a 
signatory, has protested to the Imperial Government through 
the medium of the Spanish Embassy at Berlin. 

I have the honour to transmit to Your Excellency a copy 
of this protest, 1 and to request that it may be forwarded to * [See No, 
the Government of the United States. 6 9-l 

( Signed) D AVIGNON. 



SECTION IV. 

BOMBARDMENT BY ZEPPELINS. 
No. 75. 

M. Davignon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to the Belgian 
Ministers in Paris, London, St. Petersburg, The Hague, 
Rome, and Washington. 

(Telegraphic.) Antwerp, August 25, 1914. 

During the night of the 24th-25th, a dirigible balloon of 
the Zeppelin type flew at a low altitude over the town of 
Antwerp and dropped in succession eight bombs of great 
explosive force. The Police inquiry showed that there were 
ten killed, all innocent civilians, of whom four were women, 
and eight wounded, some of them mortally. The material 
damage is considerable. This bombardment constitutes a 
violation of Article 26 of the Fourth Hague Convention of 1907. 2 z [See 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. Military. 



No. 76. 

M. Davignon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to the Diplomatic 
Representatives of Foreign Powers in Belgium. 

Antwerp, August 26, 1914. 

The Belgian Government has the honour of acquainting 
the Legations of the Foreign Powers in Belgium with the facts 
set forth in the enclosed note, which constitute on the part 
of the German authorities a violation of Article 26 of the 

Fourth Hague Convention of I907. 3 

411 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

ENCLOSURE TO No. 76. 

Antwerp, August 25, 1914. 
The Court of First Instance, 
sitting at Antwerp. 

To the Procureur General. 

SIR, I have the honour to submit a report on the grave 
events of last night. 

M. Baucarne, advocate, M. de Duve, of 65 rue du Peage, and 
my colleague, M. Michielsen, agree in declaring that a Zeppelin 
dirigible airship came over the town from the direction of the 
manoeuvre ground. It dropped successively bombs of great 
explosive force: (i) on a glass house belonging to the 
Minerva factory ; (2) on a house in the rue Lozane ; (3) 
rue Verdussen ; (4) rue de la Justice ; (5) rue des Escrimeurs ; 
(6) rue Leopold ; (7) rue des Douze-Mois ; (8) rue du Poids 
Public. 

The evidence above .mentioned shows that this itinerary 
is probably correct. M. Michielsen declares that, after having 
reached a certain point, the airship returned in the same 
direction whence it came. 

The damage done is of two kinds. 

Several people were killed and wounded. The material 
damage done is considerable. 

In the 8th section, M. Leon Peeters and his wife, Sylvie 
Hurnaux, living at 29 rue Verbissem (sic) were slightly 
wounded. At 40 rue des Escrimeurs, a servant was killed 
and another one dangerously wounded. 

In the 2nd section (Poids Public), the number of victims 
is very large. This is the list : 

(1) Van Catthem, Jean- Jacques, policeman, dead, 112 

March6 aux Chevaux. 

(2) Jensen, Jean-Frangois, dead, 20 Poids Public. 

(3) De Bruyn, Jeanne-Marie, innkeeper, 4 Poids Public, 

dead. 

(4) Van Ecke, Arthur, dock labourer, 4 Poids Public, 

dead. 

(5) De Backer, Pierre, dock labourer, 20 Canal Falcon, 

dead. ^ 

412 



SECOND BELGIAN GRY BOOK 

(6) Ramaekers, Hubertine - Edouard - Marie, 13 Poids 

Public, dead. 

(7) Van Vooren, Josephe-Marie, 69 Marche aux Chevaux, 

mortally wounded. 

(8) Gaethof, Pierre-Jean, policeman, 36 rue du Jardinier, 

wounded. 

(9) Devos, Marie-Therese, housewife, 20 Poids Public, 

wounded. 

(10) Coeymans, Leon, innkeeper, i Poids Public, wounded, 
(n) Peynenberg, Jacques-Germain, printer, 38 Canal 

Falcon, wounded. 

(12) De Poeter, Georges, i Poids Public, wounded in the 

right foot. 

(13) Wilsenen, Sophie, 4 Poids Public, slightly wounded 

in the hip. 

(14) Windey, August e, 4 Poids Public, loss of right eye. 

(15) Luyckx, Eulalie, 6 Poids Public, wounded. 

(16) Roulandts, Julia, 24 rue du Bassin, wounded. 

The material damage in the 8th section is : 

38 and 40 rue des Escrimeurs : the entire roof and the 
attics destroyed, windows broken, furniture and household 
utensils damaged. 34 and 36 rue des Escrimeurs, windows 
broken. 

Palais de Justice : numbers of windows broken. 

Rue de la Justice : at no. 13, a lower room damaged ; no. 15 
etc., doors and windows broken; at nos. 15 and 8 the lower 
' rooms have been damaged ; rue Mertens, no. 14 etc., windows 
broken ; rue Willems, no. 9 etc., windows broken ; rue Torf, 
rue de Mey, rue Montebello, rue de rHarmonie, windows 
broken ; rue Verdussen, no. 20 etc., windows broken, doors 
and windows damaged ; rue Albert von Bary, no. i etc., 
windows broken ; rue Longue, rue Lausanne, no. 242 etc., 
windows broken, doors and windows damaged ; avenue du 
Marcgrave, no. 188, three blocks damaged ; rue Karel Ooms, 
no. 40, windows broken and walls cracked ; rue Karel Ooms, 
no. 45, windows broken (Minerva). 

The damage done by the airship in the 3rd section can 
be summed up as follows : 

A bomb exploded in the rue Leopold, close to the rue Guil- 
laume Tell, breaking all the windows of the china shop at the 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

corner of the rue Guillaume Tell, all the windows of the second 
floor, and destroying a large quantity of goods in the shop, 
the windows of the cafe Shakespeare, at present occupied by 
refugees from the province. Nobody was wounded. 

Another bomb exploded in the rue des Douze-Mois, partly 
demolishing no. n, where one person was slightly wounded, and 
whence at about 4.45 A.M., a woman was rescued, who com- 
plained of internal pains and was sent to the Institute Saint- 
Jean-Berchmans, Place de Meir. 

Damage was also done to nos. 19, 7, 28 of the same street. 

The Botanical Garden was found to have suffered im- 
portant material damage, notably among the glass houses 
and frames of the Botanical Museum ; this damage was 
caused by the bomb dropped near the rue Guillaume Tell, 
or perhaps by another bomb which, according to certain 
witnesses, was dropped in the Botanical Garden itself, quite 
near to the wall of the Sainte-Elizabeth hospital. 
(Signed) ANGENOT, 

Deputy of the Procureur du Roi. 



SECTION V. 

No. 77. 

DESPATCH OF AN OFFICIAL MISSION TO THE 
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 

M. Davignon, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
to the Belgian Ministers Abroad. 

(Telegraphic.) Antwerp, August 29, 1914. 

SIR, The Government of the King has decided to send a 
Special Mission to Washington, charged with the duty of 
bringing to President Wilson's knowledge the present painful 
position of Belgium, and to give him precise information 
concerning the damage and the nameless atrocities of which 
German troops have been guilty since they entered Belgium. 

The Mission, which is composed of M. Carton de Wiart, 
Minister of Justice, and of MM. Sadeleer, Hymans, and 
Vandervelde, Ministers of State, will have no other purpose, 
and will not in any circumstances touch upon the question of 
possible mediation by the Cabinet of Washington in the 
conflict which is now dividing Europe. 
414 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

The Mission will visit London, and will ask leave to pay 
its respects to King George and Sir Edward Grey, whom 
it will thank for the valuable help given by England to 
Belgium. 

I have notified the object of the Mission and its composi- 
tion to the Ministers of France, England, and Russia accredited 
to the Government of the King. Receive, etc. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 



No. 78. 

The Belgian Minister at London to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

London, September i, 1914. 

SIR, I have the honour to transmit to you herewith the 
text of the speech made by M. Carton de Wiart, Minister of 
Justice, in the course of the audience which His Majesty the 
King of England graciously accorded to the Belgian Mission 
which is on its way to the United States. 

(Signed) COMTE DE LALAING. 

ENCLOSURE TO No. 78. 

YOUR MAJESTY, When Belgium was confronted with the 
choice of sacrificing her honour or of incurring the perils of 
war, she did not hesitate. She resisted a brutal attack 
committed by a Power who had constituted herself one of the 
guarantors of her neutrality. 

In this critical situation the immediate and resolute 
intervention of the great and powerful England was an 
inestimable help to our country. 

Charged by H.M. the King of the Belgians with a mission 
to the President of the United States, we have considered it 
to be an imperative duty to break our journey in the capital 
of the British Empire in order to bring to your Majesty a 
respectful and warm expression of the gratitude of the 
Belgian nation. 

We have never forgotten that England presided over the 
birth of Belgian independence. She had confidence in the 
wisdom and loyalty of our country. 

We have striven to justify that confidence by remaining 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

strictly faithful to the part assigned to us in international 
politics. In 1870 the Government of Queen Victoria, of 
illustrious memory, intervened spontaneously with the belli- 
gerent Powers to assure respect for the neutrality and 
integrity of Belgium. 

To-day the personal testimony addressed by Your Majesty 
to our Sovereign, the solemn and impressive declarations of 
Your Majesty's Government, the noble language uttered 
in Parliament by the representatives of every party, the 
valiant help of the British forces on land and sea have 
revived our gratitude and strengthened the determination of 
the Belgian nation to defend her rights. 

Compelled to make war for the protection of her institu- 
tions and her hearths, Belgium has desired to observe in her 
armed resistance those principles which international con- 
ventions and the dictates of conscience impose on every 
civilised nation. 

Our adversary, after invading our territory, has deci- 
mated the civil population, massacred women and children, 
carried off into captivity inoffensive peasants, killed the 
wounded, destroyed undefended towns, burnt churches, 
historical monuments, and the celebrated library of the 
University of Louvain. All these facts are established by 
conclusive documentary evidence which we shall have the 
honour to place before the Government of Your Majesty. 

In spite of so many sufferings, Belgium, whose experi- 
ences have constituted the very personification of violated 
right, is resolved to fulfil to the end her duties towards 
Europe. 

Whatever may happen, she will defend her existence, her 
honour, and her liberty. 



No. 79. 

M. Davignon, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to M. 
Havenith, Belgian Minister at Washington. 

(Telegraphic.) Antwerp, September 8, 1914. 

On September 4th the Germans attacked Termonde. A 
violent struggle took place on the 5th at Capelle-au-Bois and 
Breendonck. Breendonck Fort took part in it. The Germans 
416 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

were repulsed with a loss of two thousand men, five hundred 
of whom were killed and were buried by us. Our losses were in- 
significant. Termonde was occupied and a force of the enemy 
advanced towards Ghent, which is threatened. You have 
received the reports of the Commission of Inquiry, dated the 
25th and 3ist of August. Since then a large number of 
localities situated in the triangle Vilvorde, Malines, Louvain, 
an extremely fertile and populous district, have been given 
over to pillage, partially or totally burnt ; the -inhabitants 
have been scattered, while a number of people, among whom 
were women and children, were arrested and shot without 
trial, without any apparent motive, with the simple object 
of inspiring terror. This occurred particularly at Sempst, 
Weerde, Elewyt, Hofstade, Wespelaer, Wilsele, Bucken, 
Eppeghem, Wackerzeele, Rotselaer, Werchter, Thildonck, 
Boort - Meerbeek, Houthem, Tremeloo, Tistelt, Gelrode, 
Herent. At Wavre, which was unable to pay a contribution 
of three millions, fifty-six houses were burnt. A great part of 
Cortenberg has been burnt. In order to excuse these acts, 
the Germans allege that they encountered armed resistance 
on the part of the inhabitants. 

According to conclusive evidence no provocation could be 
proved at Vise, Aerschot, Louvain, Wavre, and in the locali- 
ties situated in the triangle Malines, Vilvorde, Louvain, where 
burnings and massacres took place several days after the 
occupation. 

This telegram is intended for Mission. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 



No. 80. 

The Belgian Minister at Washington 'to M. Davignon, 
Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, 

Washington, September 18, 1914. 

SIR, I have the honour to inform you that the President 
received on Wednesday the Belgian Commission which has 
come here to explain to him the lamentable condition to 
which Belgium has been reduced as a consequence of the 
barbaric and savage deeds committed by the German armies. 
Enclosed herewith is the text of the speeches made by 
M. Carton de Wiart, and Mr. Wilson, together with that of 

DIPLOMATIC 3. 2 D 417 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORYDIPLOMATIC 

the answer sent to the message of the Emperor of Germany. 
A comparison of the last two documents permits us to con- 
clude that the sympathy of the President of the United 
States of America is entirely with us. 

Mr. Wilson was at pains to emphasise the high esteem 
he has for the King ; none of the expressions of respect he 
used exists in the telegram which he addressed to the Emperor 
of Germany. 

At the beginning of his address, the President said, ' Permit 
me to say with what pleasure I receive you as representatives 
of the King of the Belgians, a people for whom the people 
of the United States feel so strong an admiration and friend- 
ship, a King for whom they entertain so sincere a respect, 
and to express my hope that we may have many oppor- 
tunities of earning and deserving their regard/ 

The last sentence in Mr. Wilson's speech is also very 
interesting. He speaks of warm friendship, and of an under- 
standing between his country and ours, based upon mutual 
respect, admiration, and cordiality. ' You are very welcome 
here/ he said, ' and we are much honoured by your having 
chosen us as the friends to whom you could submit any 
question of vital importance to yourselves, with confidence 
that your action would be understood and received in the 
same spirit in which it was conceived and acted upon/ , 

I regard the result of the Mission as a very great success. 

The members of the Mission yesterday laid a wreath on 
the tomb of George Washington at Mount Vernon, and left 
the city this morning. 

(Signed) HAVENITH. 

ENCLOSURE i TO No. 80. 

EXCELLENCY, His Majesty, the King of the Belgians, has 
charged us with a special mission to the President of the 
United States. 

Let me say to you how much we feel ourselves honoured 
to have been called upon to express the sentiments of our 
King and of our whole nation to the illustrious statesman 
whom the American people have called to the highest dignity 
of the Commonwealth. 

As far as I am concerned, I have already been able, 
418 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

during a previous trip, to fully appreciate the noble virtues 
of the American nation, and I am happy to take this oppor- 
tunity to express all the admiration with which they in- 
spire me. 

Ever since her independence was first established, Belgium 
has been declared neutral in perpetuity. This neutrality, 
guaranteed by the Powers, has recently been violated by one 
of them. Had we consented to abandon our neutrality for 
the benefit of one of the belligerents, we would have betrayed 
our obligations toward the others. And it was the sense of 
our international obligations as well as that of our dignity 
and honour that has driven us to resistance. 

The consequences suffered by the Belgian nation were not 
confined purely to the harm occasioned by the forced march 
of an invading army. This army not only seized a great 
portion of our territory, but it committed incredible acts of 
violence, the nature of which is contrary to the Law of Nations. 

Peaceful inhabitants were massacred, defenceless women 
and children were outraged, open and undefended towns were 
destroyed, historical and religious monuments were reduced 
to dust, and the famous library of the University of Louvain 
was given to the flames. 

Our Government has appointed a judicial Commission to 
make an official investigation, so as to thoroughly and impar- 
tially examine the facts and to determine the responsibility 
thereof, and I will have the honour, Excellency, to hand over 
to you the proceedings of the inquiry. 

In this frightful holocaust which is sweeping all over 
Europe, the United States has adopted a neutral attitude. 

And it is for this reason that your country, standing apart 
from either one of the belligerents, is in the best position to 
judge, without bias or partiality, the conditions under which 
the war is being waged. 

It is at the request, even at the initiative of the United 
States, that all civilised nations have formulated and adopted 
at The Hague a law regulating the laws and usage of war. 

We refuse to believe that war has abolished the family 
of Civilised Powers, or the regulations to which they have 
freely consented. 

The American people has always displayed its respect for 
justice, its search for progress, and an instinctive attachment 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

for the laws of humanity. Therefore it has won a moral 
influence which is recognised by the entire world. It is for 
this reason that Belgium, bound as she is to you by ties of 
commerce and increasing friendship, turns to the American 
people at this time to let it know the real truth of the present 
situation. Resolved to continue unflinching defence of its 
sovereignty and independence, it deems it a duty to bring to 
the attention of the civilised world the innumerable grave 
breaches of rights of mankind of which she has been a 
victim. 

At the very moment we were leaving Belgium, the King 
recalled to us his trip to the United States and the vivid and 
strong impression your powerful and virile civilisation left 
upon his mind. 

Our faith in your fairness, our confidence in your justice, 
in your spirit of generosity and sympathy, all these have 
dictated our present mission. 

ENCLOSURE 2 TO No. 80. 

Remarks addressed by President Wilson to the Belgian Com- 
mission at the White flouse, on the afternoon of Wednesday, 
September 16, 1914. 

EXCELLENCY, GENTLEMEN, Permit me to say with what 
sincere pleasure I receive you as representatives of the King 
of the Belgians, a people for whom the people of the United 
States feel so strong a friendship and admiration, a King for 
whom they entertain so sincere a respect ; and to express 
my hope that we may have many opportunities of earning 
and deserving their regard. You are not mistaken in believing 
that the people of this country love justice, seek the true 
paths of progress, and have a passionate regard for the rights 
of humanity. It is a matter of profound pride to me that 
I am permitted for a time to represent such a people and to 
be their spokesman, and I am honoured that your King 
should have turned to me in time of distress as to one who 
would wish on behalf of the people he represents to consider 
the claims to the impartial sympathy of mankind of a nation 
which deems itself wronged. 

^ I thank you for the document you have put in my hands, 
containing the result of an investigation made by a judicial 
420 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

committee appointed by the Belgian Government to look 
into the matter of which you have come to speak. It shall 
have my most attentive perusal and my most thoughtful 
consideration. 

You will, I am sure, not expect me to say more. Pre- 
sently, I pray God very soon, this war will be over. The day 
of accounting will then come, when I take it for granted the 
nations of Europe will assemble to determine a settlement. 
Where wrongs have been committed, their consequences and 
the relative responsibility involved will be assessed. The 
nations of the world have fortunately by agreement made a 
plan for such a reckoning and settlement. What such a 
plan cannot compass the opinion of mankind, the final arbiter 
in all such matters, will supply. It would be unwise, it 
would be premature, for a single Government, however 
fortunately separated from the present struggle, it would 
even be inconsistent with the neutral position of any nation 
which, like this, has no part in the contest, to form or express 
a final judgment. 

I need not assure you that this conclusion, in which I 
instinctively feel that you will yourselves concur, is spoken 
frankly because in warm friendship and as the best means of 
perfect understanding between us, an understanding based 
upon mutual respect, admiration, and cordiality. You are 
most welcome, and we are greatly honoured that you should 
have chosen us as the friends before whom you could lay 
any matter of vital consequence to yourselves in the confi- 
dence that your course would be understood and met in the 
same spirit in which it was conceived and intended. 

ENCLOSURE 3 TO No. 80. 
Reply to the Message from the German Emperor* 

I received your Imperial Majesty's important com- 
munication of the 7th, and have read it with gravest interest 
and concern. I am honoured that you should have turned 
to me for an impartial judgment as the representative of a 

* [The text of this reply is taken from The Times of Oct. 12, 1914 ; the 
Grey Book gives only a French translation from the English. For the text 
of the Emperor's message, see Military, I, p. 201.] 

421 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

people truly disinterested as respects the present war and 
truly desirous of knowing and accepting the truth. 

You will, I am sure, not expect me to say more. Pres- 
ently, I pray God very soon, this war will be over. The day 
of accounting will then come, when I take it for granted the 
nations of Europe will assemble to determine a settlement. 
Where wrongs have been committed their consequences and 
the relative responsibility involved will be assessed. 

The nations of the world have fortunately by agreement 
made a plan for such a reckoning and settlement. What such 
a plan cannot compass, the opinion of mankind, the final 
arbiter of all such matters, will supply. 

It would be unwise, it would be premature, for a single 
Government, however fortunately separated from the present 
struggle, it would even be inconsistent with the neutral 
position of any nation which like this has no part in the con- 
test, to form or express a final judgment. 

I speak thus frankly because I know that you will expect 
and wish me to do so, as one friend should to another, and 
because I feel sure that such a reservation of judgment until 
the end of the war, when all its events and circumstances can 
be seen in their entirety and in their true relation, will com- 
mend itself to you as a true expression of sincere neutrality. 

WOODROW WILSON. 



SECTION VI. 
CIVILIAN PRISONERS IN GERMANY. 

No. 81. 

The Minister of the United States of America to M. Davignon, 
Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Brussels, September 29, 1914. 

SIR, I have the honour to forward to Your Excellency 
herewith a copy of a communication I have just received from 
the German Governor-General concerning Captain Menne. 

(Signed) BRAND WHITLOCK. 

422 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

ENCLOSURE TO No. 81. 
The Government-General in Belgium. 

Brussels, September 26, 1914. 

I beg to make the following request to Your Excellency : 

Through the medium of the Consul of the United States, 
news has been received at Magdeburg, that Captain Menne is 
at Antwerp as a prisoner of war, having been taken prisoner 
on September 9, 1914, and that he is accused of having sent 
civilian prisoners from Aerschot to Aix-la-Chapelle. He is 
required to prove that he acted under superior orders. 

I take the opportunity of informing you that it was, in 
fact, a matter of a service order, for instructions have been 
issued to the troops, once for all, to send civilian prisoners to 
Germany in the interest of their own safety ; for owing to 
the constant and sometimes rapid changing of the General 
Staffs, prisoners cannot be handed over regularly nor their 
cases inquired into regularly and continuously. 

I should therefore be grateful to Your Excellency if you 
would bring this communication to the knowledge of the 
Belgian Government in any way that seems convenient. 

I think, then, that I may safely regard the affair as now 
closed. I should, nevertheless, be grateful if Your Excellency 
would obtain confirmation on this point in the interest of 
Captain Menne. 

(Signed) BARON VON DER GOLTZ. 



No. 82. 

M. Davignon, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs to Mr. Brand 
Whitlock, Minister of the United States of America. 

Antwerp, October 2, 1914. 

SIR, On the 2gth September, Your Excellency kindly 
transmitted to me a note from the Imperial German Govern- 
ment relating to Captain Menne, who was made prisoner on 
September the gth, and is at present detained at Antwerp. 

According to this note, the Belgian authorities asked him 
to prove that the acts of which he is accused were committed 
under superior orders. The note replies to the effect that the 

423 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



Military, 
p. 479- 
o.] 



2 [See 
Military, 
p. 483.] 



matter in question was that of a service order, instructions 
having been given, once for all, to send civilian prisoners to 
Germany in the interest of their own safety. 

It is important to give the actual facts. 

Captain Menne, of the Landsturm battalion quartered at 
Aerschot from August the 3ist to September the gth, 1914, 
is accused of, I, having, at Aerschot, from August 3ist to' 
September gth, 1914, in occupied houses or their outbuildings, 
or on the public roads, stolen various objects by means of 
weapons nd violence or threats, to the prejudice of numerous 
inhabitants of the town ; 2, or at least of having co-operated 
directly in the perpetration of the aforesaid crimes, or lent for 
their perpetration such help that without his assistance they 
could not have been committed ; 3, of having, without the 
order of the constituted authorities, otherwise than is allowed 
by the law, permitted or ordered the arrest or detention of 
private individuals ; of having arrested and detained numerous 
inhabitants of the town, subjecting them to bodily torture, 
acts provided against by Articles 462, 471-434-38, 65 of the 
common penal code. 

The principal count in the indictment refers to the pillage 
which went on for several days at Aerschot ; numerous 
objects were taken away by train to Germany. This pillage 
began before the arrival of Commandant Menne ; it continued 
during his command. 

This pillage constitutes a violation of the penal laws. 

It is, moreover, a flagrant violation of the Regulations 
respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land (Articles 
23 (g), and 28). 1 

The second count in the indictment refers to the treatment 
undergone by the non-belligerent civilian population of Aer- 
schot. The able-bodied men were shut up in the church ; the 
women in a neighbouring establishment. Commandant Menne 
required that all men between 18 and 45 years of age should 
be removed to Germany, and this removal was carried out 
under grievous conditions. 

This arrest and this removal constitute a violation of the 
penal laws. 

They are, moreover, a flagrant violation of the Regulations 
respecting the Laws and Customs of War (Article 50). 2 

Citizens who have not taken any part in the hostilities, 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

and who are not belligerents, cannot be arrested in a body and 
punished collectively for alleged individual acts in which they 
have taken no part, and for which they cannot under any 
pretext he held collectively responsible. 

The Belgian Government takes this opportunity of protest- 
ing once more against the procedure systematically followed in 
Belgium by the commanding officers of the German troops, 
who, without inquiry or hearing any protest, arrest inoffensive 
citizens wholesale, shut up men, women and children, and 
then send able-bodied men far away from their homes to 
Germany, under the cruelly ironical protest that it is done 
' in the interest of their own safety/ 

Such conduct is contrary to the most elementary laws of 
humanity. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 



NOTE. 

In consequence of existing circumstances, the authorities 
have not been able to pursue their inquiry concerning the 
events which occurred at Aerschot. 



No. 83. 

M. Davignon, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to Baron 
Grenier, Belgian Minister at Madrid. 

Havre, November 2, i'9i4< 

SIR, On October 2nd last, the Belgian Government 
earnestly protested through the medium of the Embassy of 
the United States to the Imperial German Government, 
against the orders given to the commanders of the enemy 
forces in invaded Belgium, to send able-bodied men between 
the ages of 18 and 45 into captivity in Germany. 

At Aerschot, at Diest, at Louvain, and in many other places 
besides, the arrest and imprisonment of these men have ben 
carried out in particularly painful circumstances. These 
proceedings constitute a flagrant violation of Article 50 of the 
IVth Hague Convention respecting the Laws and Customs of 
War.i 

I have the honour to request you to resort to the good 

4*5 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

offices of the Government of His Catholic Majesty in order to 
learn what reception this protest has met with from the 
Imperial Government. 

It would also be very useful to us to know whether 
Germany is still keeping civilian prisoners who have been 
carried into captivity, and, if so, their approximate number 
and the names of the leading individuals among them. 

The protest of the Belgian Government was transmitted 
by the Legation of the United States, because the latter had 
sent us a note from the Berlin authorities asking for explana- 
tions on the subject of the commanding officer at Aerschot, 
who had been arrested and charged with responsibility for the 
criminal acts which had been committed by his order. 

I should be glad to receive a reply as early as possible. 

You will find enclosed herewith a copy of the despatch 
of October 2nd. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 



No. 84. 

The Belgian Minister at Madrid to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Madrid, December 17, 1914. 

SIR, The Minister of State has just sent me, and I have 
the honour to enclose herewith, a copy of a letter addressed 
by the Spanish Ambassador at Berlin to the German Secretary 
of State concerning the treatment to which the subjects of 
belligerent countries, and particularly our compatriots, are 
subjected in Germany. 

In communicating this report to the Marquis of Lema, 
M. Polo de Bernabe informed him that the steps taken by 
him have had, at least for the time being, the desired effect, 
by inducing the military authorities to apply with less severity 
the orders given. The Ambassador adds, however, that he 
does not think they will be positively suppressed ; those 
authorities being of opinion that the only way to obtain good 
treatment for the Germans in France and Russia is to be 
rigorous with the French and Russians in Germany, and this 
in spite of the opinion of the Foreign Office and of Professor 
Zittelmann, who have drawn attention to the danger of this 
426 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

practice. The Spanish Ambassador concludes by recognising 
that the reports, no doubt exaggerated, prevalent in the 
country as to the bad treatment to which the Germans in 
enemy countries are subjected have excited public opinion, 
which demands severe measures in order to put an end to 
this state of things. 

(Signed) BARON A. GRENIER. 

ENCLOSURE TO No. 84. 

MY DEAR SECRETARY OF STATE, I have just read that 
the military authorities have taken more severe measures 
than those which were in existence up till now with regard 
to the subjects of enemy countries residing in Germany, and 
which render their life impossible. 

Knowing as I do your enlightened views, I have no doubt 
you will agree with me that these chicanes forgive the word, 
but I cannot find a more diplomatic one may have an 
unfortunate counter-effect on the Germans settled abroad, 
who are infinitely more numerous than the foreigners settled 
in Germany, and I beg you to point out to whoever is respon- 
sible the practical uselessness of the measures adopted and 
the dangers they involve. The existing arrangements are 
especially painful for Belgian subjects who are prevented 
from returning to their country, where, moreover, life would 
be difficult for them because of the state of war; they are 
therefore forced to remain in Germany, and the obligation 
to present themselves twice a day at the police station, not 
to leave the district of their residence, and to remain shut 
up from 8 P.M. till 7 A.M. amounts to imprisonment in 
disguise. 

I beg you, therefore, kindly to point out to the military 
authorities the expediency of reconsidering the utility of these 
measures, which, though not amounting to cruelty, constitute 
an intolerable torment, and make it for many of them an 
impossibility to earn a livelihood, as well as the consequence 
which the measures will not fail to involve. 

(Signed) POLO DE BERNAB^. 



427 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



No. 85. 

M. Davignon, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to 
Baron Grenier, Belgian Minister at Madrid. 

Havre, January 15, 1915. 

SIR, On November the 2nd last I sent you a copy of the 
protest addressed by me on October 2nd to Germany, through 
the kind offices of the Legation of the United States at 
Brussels, against the deportation and detention outside 
Belgium of numerous civilians arrested in our country by the 
German military authorities. 

I begged you to have recourse to the good offices of His 
Catholic Majesty in order to ascertain what reception this 
protest had met with from the Imperial Government. 

I also asked you to endeavour to obtain a list of civilians 
detained in Germany. As a matter of fact, some lists of 
civilians have reached us since then, mixed up with lists of 
prisoners of war.. 

But Germany has never, to my knowledge, replied to our 
protest against the violation of Article 50 of the IVth Hague 
Convention, nor put forward any justification whatever for 
her inhuman behaviour towards numerous civilians detained 
abroad without any definite accusation having been brought 
against them. 

I bg you to renew the effort with the help of the Spanish 
Government to obtain an answer from Germany, while 
reft erating bur protest to Berlin. 

The report you sent me on December 1 7th and its en- 
closure did not escape my attention ; but if they allow us 
to suppose that the treatment of the Belgians in Germany 
has teen somewhat ameliorated^ thanks to the importunity 
df ! tKe Spanish Ambassador at Berlin, they do not contain 
any justification for the detention of our own felloe-subjects; 
or any reply to our protests. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 



428 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

No. 86. 

M. Davignon, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to 
Baron Grenier, Belgian Minister at Madrid. 

Havre, January 28, 1915. 

SIR, In my letter of the I5th of this month, I asked you 
to renew at Berlin through the medium of the Spanish 
Government our strong protest against the deportation of 
Belgian civilians to Germany. 

The German Government transmits to the French Govern- 
ment from time to time lists of prisoners of war who have 
died in Germany. There are often names of Belgian soldiers 
among them. Quite recently one of these lists contained the 
following names of five Belgian civilians, with the subjoined 
particulars : 

Dodemont, Urbain, born February loth, 1839, at Vise 
(province of Liege), died on August 28th, 1914, heart 
failure ; buried at Tanneberg near Saales (Alsace). 
Feyaerts, Franz, died September 3rd, 1914, in the Munster 
Camp Hospital ; buried at Munster ; abdominal bullet 
wound. 

Labeye, EugSne, born at Vise, near Loweri (Brabant) 1 , 
died September T5th, 1914, in the detention camp, 
hut 3. Buried at Munster. Palpitations of the heart. 
Lecremier, Guillaume (pere), born at Hallembaye (Belgium) 
died August 24th, 1914, of old age ; buried at Munster 
camp. 

Wuigts, Felix, died September lyth, 1914, at the pris6nef^ 
hospital, from wounds received in the war ; buried at 
Munster camp. 

I beg you to communicate this information to the Spanish 
Government in order that they may send it to their Ambas- 
sador at Berlin. He will be able by means of it, to recall to 
the Imperial Government, and to add weight to, the note 
that he will not have failed to send to them. 

The laws of war prohibit the collective repression of acts 
committed by the civilian population against an army 
(Article 50 of the IVth Hague Convention, 1997),*' Suppose, i [- See 
what has never been proved, that civilians had fired on Military, 
German troops in Belgium, the military authorities had not p. 483.] ' 
the right to deport innocent people wholesale. This, how- 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC [ 

ever, they have done. It is evident that the five civilians 
whose names are given above had not personally attacked 
the German troops, otherwise they would have been shot. 
And yet two of them were deported, in spite of wounds which 
have caused their death, and two others were of an advanced 
age, since one has died of old age and the other at the age 
of seventy-five. 

These instances not only prove violation of the laws of 
war, but they bring out quite clearly the inhumanity of the 
military authorities in Belgium. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 



No. 87. 

M . Davignon, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to 
Baron Grenier, Belgian Minister at Madrid. 

Havre, March 30, 1915. 

SIR, Baron Fallon has transmitted to me the copy of a 
note from the Auswartiges Amt to the Spanish Ambassador, 
dated February 28th. You will find its text enclosed here- 
with. 

I beg you to request the Spanish Government to transmit 
to Berlin the enclosed note in reply to this last communi- 
cation, the receipt of which will, without doubt, have been 
notified to you at Madrid before .this present letter reaches 
you, (Signed) DAVIGNON. 

ENCLOSURE i TO No, 87. 

Embajada de Espana, Berlin. 
Auswartiges Amt ; Nr. n b 4936/26299. 

Note Verbale. 

To THE SPANISH EMBASSY, In reply to the verbal note 
of the 22nd of this month, the Foreign Office has the honour 
of informing the Royal Spanish Embassy as follows : 

All Belgian subjects who are neither criminals nor sus- 
pected persons will receive permission to return to Belgium. 
They will require a permit issued, outside Germany by the 
430 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

German Consuls, and in Germany by the Stellvertretende 
General -Kommandos. Moreover it will be necessary for 
them to be provided with a passport in accordance with 
the regulations of the Imperial decree on passports, dated 
December i6th last. Belgians coming from abroad will need 
a special identification paper [legitimation] issued by the 
German Consuls. 

BERLIN, February z&th, 1915, 

ENCLOSURE 2 TO No. 87. 

Note. 

The Convention respecting the Laws and Customs of War 
on Land signed at The Hague by the Representatives of 
Germany and Belgium, on October loth, 1907, and ratified 
later by these two Powers, contains the following articles * : l [See 

Article i. ' The Contracting Powers shall issue in- Military, 
structions to their armed land forces which shall be in P- 47?-l 
conformity with the Regulations respecting the Laws 
and Customs of War on Land, annexed to the present 
Convention/ 

Article 3. ' A belligerent party which violates the 
provisions of the said Regulations shall, if the case 
demands, be liable to pay compensation. It shall be 
responsible for all acts committed by persons forming 
part of its armed forces. 1 

The Regulations respecting the Laws and Customs of War 
on Land referred to in Article I of the Conventions contain in 
Article 50 8 the following stipulation ; * [See 

'No collective penalty, pecuniary or otherwise, shall Military, 
be inflicted upon the population on account of the acts P- 4 8 3-] 
of individuals for which it cannot be regarded as col- 
lectively responsible/ 

On October 2nd, 1914, the Belgian Government, taking its 
stand on these texts, sent to the Imperial German Government, 
through the kind offices of the Minister of the United States 
at Brussels, an emphatic protest against the systematic 
removal in Belgium and deportation to Germany of civilians 
innocent of all participation in the war. 

This protest has been several times recalled and brought 
to the notice of the Royal Spanish Government. 

431 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

On February 28th last the Imperial German Government 
sent to the Spanish Ambassador at Berlin a note which has 
been communicated to the Belgian Government, to the effect 
that all Belgian subjects, who are neither criminals nor sus- 
pected persons, will receive permission to return to Belgium. 

If we may congratulate ourselves on this result, due to the 
effective efforts of the Government of His Catholic Majesty, 
we cannot fail to point out that the note of the Auswartiges 
Amt is a complete admission of the violation by Germany of 
law and of international conventions. The Belgian Govern- 
ment notes that the thousands of Belgians now being sent 
back to their homes were neither criminals nor suspected 
persons, and were therefore inoffensive citizens. These un- 
fortunate people were torn away from their families, of which 
they were often the sole support, were deported to Germany, 
and were treated like the vilest criminals throughout the 
journey and during a detention of six months or longer. 

The Belgian Government is again compelled solemnly to 
renew its former protests, and to denounce with the utmost 
energy proceedings which constitute, a flagrant violation 
of Article 50 of the IVth Hague Convention, and which are 
a defiance of the most elementary laws of humanity. 

On the strength of the very information which the Imperial 
Government has itself supplied in communicating the lists of 
Belgian prisoners of war, into which have crept many names 
of civilians, the Belgian Government is in a position to 
affirm that the improper acts exposed above have been com- 
mitted against Belgian civilians of all ages, and of every 
district in Belgium. la certain localities, almost the entire 
male population was taken into captivity. A great number 
of civilians have died in prison. The appended list enumerates 
twenty-eight of these. The names and the information which 
accompany them were supplied by the Imperial Government 
itself. Five men died of senile debility ; two others were 
76 years old. One woman, Mme. Leonie Denorme, was 
"brought dead' to the infirmary of Schneidemiihle. And 
without doubt many other unfortunate innocent persons have 
succumbed under similar conditions. 

The responsibility for these acts will fall upon the Imperial 
German Government. 

432 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

ENCLOSURE TO THE NOTE OF THE BELGIAN GOVERNMENT. 

Civilians taken prisoners in Belgium, interned in Germany, 
and there deceased. 

Beukelaers, Jos., died at the infirmary of Soltau camp, on 

14-9-14, from the effects of arterio-sclerosis ; buried at 

Soltau. 
Cals, Henri, died at the infirmary of Soltau camp, on 7-9-14, 

from the effects of senile debility ; buried at Minister camp. 
Delaure, Edouard, died at Minister camp, on 15-10-14, from 

the effects of senile debility ; buried at Minister camp. 
Denorme, Leonie, brought dead to the infirmary of the 

prisoners of war camp at Schneidemuhle ; buried there. 
De Prinz, Alfred, died at the infirmary of Soltau camp, on 

3-10-14, from the effects of chronic bronchitis ; buried 

at Soltau. 
Dodemont, Urbain, born at Vise (Liege) on February loth, 

1839 i ^ e( i a * Minister camp on 28-8-14. 
Elsen, Louis, died at the infirmary of the prisoners of war 

camp at Minister, on 3-11-14 ; buried at that camp. 
Feyaerts, Franz, born at Rotselaer in 1862 ; died from the 

effects of an abdominal bullet wound, at Minister camp, 

on 3-10-14 ; buried at that camp. 
Hye, Felix, died at the infirmary of Soltau camp on 29- 

10-14, from the effects of arterio-sclerosis ; buried at 

Soltau. 
Kaes, Corneille, of Louvain, 7 Place de la Station; born in 

1857 * di e( l a * tne infirmary of Soltau camp, on 19-9-14, 

from the effects of bronchitis ; buried at Soltau. 
Kraap, Bonaventure, of Louvain, born 31-8-1846 ; died of 

senile debility, on 15-9-14, at the infirmary of Soltau camp ; 

buried at Soltau. 
Labeye, Eugene, of Vise, died at the infirmary of Minister camp, 

on 15-9-14, from the effects of an attack of apoplexy ; 

buried at the said camp. 
Legrenier, Guillaume, died at the infirmary of the prisoners 

of war camp at Minister, on 24-8-14, from the effects of 

senile debility ; buried at the said camp. 
Masenau or Masenon, Octave, died at the infirmary of the 

camp at Soltau, on 16-9-14, from the effects of bronchitis ; 

buried at Soltau. 

DIPLOMATIC 3. 2 E 433 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC [MAK 

Merkens or Meskens, Damian, died at the infirmary of Soltau 

camp, on 8-9-14, from the effects of . . ., buried at 

Soltau. 
Mertens, Jacob, died at the infirmary of Munster camp, on 

11-9-14, from the effects of senile debility ; buried at 

the said camp. 
Minnen, Louis, died at the infirmary of Soltau camp, on 

20-10-14, from the effects of pneumonia ; buried at 

the said camp. 
Schots, Charles, died at the infirmary of Soltau camp, on 

13-11-14, from the effects of pneumonia ; buried at 

Soltau. 
Tourlonte, or Tourlouse, Henry, died at the infirmary of 

Soltau camp (shot for rebellious behaviour) ; buried at 

Soltau. 
Van Den Houdt, Philippe, died at Munster camp, on 2-10- 

14, from the effects of pneumonia ; buried at the said 

camp. 
Van Hoegarden, Joseph, died at the infirmary of Munster 

camp, on 25-10-14, from the effects of pneumonia and 

dropsy ; buried at the said camp. 
Verhoeven, Joseph, died at the infirmary of Soltau camp, on 

28-10-14, from the effects of an attack of apoplexy ; 

buried at Soltau. 
Vermeir, Frangois, of Oppuers ; born on 15-10-1841 ; died, 

on 15-10-14, from the effects of arterial rupture. 
Vermeiren or Vermeit, Frangois, died at the infirmary of 

Soltau camp, on 19-9-14 ; buried at Soltau. 
Vervoort, Alphonse, died at Munster camp, on 13-10-14, 

from the effects of pneumonia ; buried at the said 

camp. 
Vilour, Theodore, died at the infirmary of Munster camp, on 

16-10-14, from the effects of haemorrhage ; buried at 

the said camp. 
Wereck, Amelie, died at the infirmary of Schneidemiihle, on 

16-11-14, from the effects of a wound in the head. 
Wuygts, Felix, born at Wesemael, on 5-7-1845 ; died at 

Munster camp, on 17-10-14 ; and buried there. 



434 



CT. 1914] SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

SECTION VII. 
USE OF ' DUM-DUM ' BULLETS BY THE GERMAN ARMIES. 

No. 88. 

M. Davignon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to all the 
Diplomatic Representatives abroad. 

Ostend, October 10, 1914. 

SIR, I have the honour to send to you herewith a note 
containing the protest of the Belgian Government against 
the use of the so-called ' dum-dum ' bullets by the German 
armies. 

I should be glad if you would transmit this note to the 
Government to which you are accredited. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 

ENCLOSURE TO No. 88. 
Memorandum. 

The Belgian Government has the honour to bring to the 
notice of the signatories of the Hague Conventions the under- 
mentioned facts which constitute on the part of the German 
military authorities a violation of the Conventions signed by 
the Imperial German Government on October i8th, 1907. 

The Commission of Inquiry in session at Antwerp has on 
several occasions had medical certificates submitted to it 
proving that wounds have been inflicted on Belgian soldiers 
by bullets of the ' dum-dum ' type. 

Bullets of this kind were found in the German lines on 
the battle field of Werchter. 

The reports of the Commission have already drawn atten- 
tion to these facts. 

Now a graver fact has just been notified : The Minister 
of War has sent to the Commission a box of cartridges con- 
taining a series of dum-dum bullets among other ordinary 
bullets. These cartridges were found on the ' Hanoverian 
Oberleutnant von Hadeln/ who was taken prisoner by our 
troops at Ninove, on September the 24th last. These car- 
tridges have been submitted by the Commission for examina- 
tion to an expert armourer of Antwerp, whose report is as 
follows : 

' The box with the green label that you sent me (20 

435 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC . 

Patronen, No. 403, fur die Mauser selbstlade Pistole cal. 7.63 
Deutsche Waffen- und Munition-Fabriken, Karlsruhe) was 
intended to contain filled cartridges. One of every three 
racks in it contains expanding dum-dum bullets taken from 
special boxes bearing a yellow label . These bullets are rendered 
expanding in the process of manufacture : they cannot be 
made so by hand/ 

The Belgian Government herewith lodges a vigorous 
protest against the use of such cartridges, with the Powers 
which signed the Hague Conventions. 



No. 89. 

M . Davignon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to Baron 
Grenier, Belgian Minister at Madrid. 

Havre, March 31, 1915. 

SIR, I send you herewith a note which I ask you to 
transmit to the Spanish Government, begging them to forward 
it to the German Government. (Signed) D AVIGNON. 

ENCLOSURE TO No. 89. 
Note. 

State Inspector Tqmbeur, commanding the troops on the 
Eastern Frontier of the Belgian Congo, has sent to the 
Belgian Government a sample of cartridges containing expand- 
ing bullets of the model used for sporting purposes, which 
were found on the positions occupied by German troops on 
November 2Oth, 1914, at the fight of Kasa Kalowe (S.W. of 
Lake Tanganyika). This document has been handed to the 
President of the Commission of Inquiry on the Violations 
of the Laws of War. 

M. Tombeur has furthermore notified the Belgian Govern- 
ment that two non-commissioned officers of our colonial forces 
who were killed during the night of February 25th-a6th, in 
the course of a skirmish with a patrol of Germans between 
Impala and Lukuga, were hit by expanding bullets, known 
as dum-dum. The wounds caused by the bullets were such 
that at first sight they seemed to have been inflicted by 
thirty-seven millimetre shells. 

In consequence of this, the Belgian Government has 
436 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

requested M. Tombeur to protest to the German commander 
against the use by the troops under his command of bullets 
which are forbidden by international conventions. He has 
been also instructed to inform that officer that any German 
or native soldier captured by the Belgian troops on whom 
unlawful weapons of this nature are found will be brought 
before a court-martial and tried as a common criminal. 



SECTION VIII. 

EMPLOYMENT OF NATIVES WHO HAVE NO REGULAR 
MILITARY ORGANISATION. 

No. 90. 

M. Davignon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to Baron Grenier, 
Belgian Minister at Madrid. 

(Telegraphic.) Ostend, October 12, 1914. 

The Vice-Governor of Katanga telegraphs that the Germans 
are employing against the troops of the Belgian Congo natives 
led by their chiefs and entirely uninstructed in the Laws 
and Customs of War. As black troops which have not been 
properly trained and are not under the command of white 
officers are capable of committing the worst excesses, the 
Belgian Government protests against their employment. 

Please bring this protest to the knowledge of the Spanish 
Government, and request that the German Government may 
be informed that the Belgian Government, in accordance 
with the rules of international law, refuses to treat as belli- 
gerents hordes of negroes led by native chiefs. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 

No. 91. 

The Belgian Minister at Madrid to M. Davignon, Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

Madrid, October* (sic) 13, 1914. 

SIR, I have duly carried out the instructions contained 
in your telegram of the I2th of October last concerning the 

:* [Presumably an error for ' November ' ; see date of the enclosure.] 

437 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

protest of the Belgian Government against the employment 
by the Germans in the Congo of undisciplined black troops 
which have received no military training and are not under 
the command of white officers. The Minister of State has 
just sent me, and I have the honour to transmit to you here- 
with, a copy of the answer of the Minister of Foreign Affairs 
at Berlin to the verbal note by which the Spanish Ambassador 
was instructed to notify our refusal to treat as belligerents 
hordes of negroes led by native chiefs. On the pretext that 
communications with countries beyond the seas are inter- 
rupted, the Foreign Office declares that it is unable to give 
any information on the subject. 

(Signed) BARON GRENIER. 

ENCLOSURE TO No. 91 

Auswartiges Ami to the Spanish Embassy. Reply to the Verbal 
Note of October 14, 1914, concerning the alleged employ- 
ment of natives by Germany against the Belgian Congo. 

The Imperial Department of Foreign Affairs regrets not 
to be in a position to give any information concerning the 
alleged employment of natives against the Belgian Congo, as 
the authorities within whose purview the matter lies have no 
news in regard to it. Moreover, there is no possibility of 
obtaining any information on the subject, since the Powers 
actually at war with Germany have interrupted all communi- 
cations with countries beyond the seas. 

Berlin, November 8, 1914. 



SECTION IX. 
VIOLATIONS OF THE GENEVA CONVENTION. 

No. 92. 

M. Davignon, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to Baron 
Grenier, Belgian Minister at Madrid. 

(Telegraphic.) Ostend, October 12, 1914. 

More than forty Belgian military doctors have been made 
prisoners and taken away to Germany, while numerous 
Belgian wounded in Belgium are in want of necessary atten- 
438 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

tion. Moreover numerous Belgian military doctors are being 
kept unemployed in the fortified places of Liege and Namur. 
Kindly have recourse to the intervention of the Spanish 
Government to have our protest against these proceedings, 
which are contrary to the stipulations of the Geneva Con- 
vention, forwarded to Berlin. (Signed) DAVIGNON. 



No. 93. 

M. Davignon, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to 
Baron Grenier, Belgian Minister at Madrid. 

Havre, December 15, 1914. 
SIR, I have the honour to enclose herewith : 

1. A copy of the declaration made by Doctor Stainforth, 

Surgeon-General of the fortified place of Antwerp ; 

2. A copy of a supplementary note from Second-Lieu- 

tenant Fierens of the Reserve. 



It follows from these documents that the military doctors 
who remained at Antwerp hospital after the evacuation of 
that fortified place were sent to Germany, in defiance of the 
international conventions relating to the subject. 

I should be glad if you would bring this urgent matter to 
the notice of the Spanish Government, and point out to them 
that by the terms of Article 9, paragraph i, of the Geneva 
Convention of July 6th, igoG, 1 doctors and hospital staffs 
cannot be treated as prisoners of war. 

Please also insist on the liberation of Surgeon-General P- 4 6 5-] 
Stainforth and his assistants from Antwerp. 

The condition of things which I have just related is not 
unique. Doctor Henrard of Brussels, according to trust- 
worthy information, is interned at Halle, as is his wife also 
(the latter is separated from her husband and cannot com- 
municate with him). Dr. Henrard has been interned since 
October nth with Dr. Van Assche of Brussels, and is reduced 
to inactivity. 

Be good enough to request the intervention of the Spanish 
Government in order to obtain the release of these doctors, 
also in accordance with the stipulations of the Geneva Con- 
vention of 1906 and of The Hague Regulations of July 29, 

439 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

1 [See 1899, and October 18, 1907, 1 respecting the Laws and Customs 
Military, i, o f War on Land which confirm the regulations of the Geneva 
P-479-J Convention. (Signed) D AVIGNON. 

ENCLOSURE i TO No. 93. 

I, the undersigned, Stainforth, surgeon-general of the 
fortified place of Antwerp, who remained at the military 
hospital after the bombardment of the city, make declaration 
that I have been detained at Antwerp at the disposal of the 
German Headquarters, together with the Principal Medical 
Officers Hoevoet and Van Ex and numerous doctors and dis- 
pensers, as well as my orderly, Private Hector Bequaert, of 
the 7th Regiment of the Line. 

After making several attempts to find out what fate the 
German authorities had in store for us, attempts which had 
no result, I yesterday, the 2Oth instant, in company with the 
principal medical officers named above, paid a visit to the 
Commandant, General Von Badenhousen, with the object of 
obtaining passports to rejoin the Belgian Army in France ; he 
has summoned us to receive his reply on Monday next the 23rd 
inst. at 9 A.M. If the reply should be favourable, we should be 
glad if our Government would inform us where we are to go. 

ANTWERP, November zist, 1914. 

(Signed) DOCTOR STAINFORTH, 

Surgeon-General. 

ENCLOSURE 2 TO No. 93. 

Supplementary to the Note sent in by Surgeon-General 
Stainforth, Director of the Medical Service of Antwerp. 

After escaping from the military hospital on the day of 
the arrival of the Germans at Antwerp, I lived successively 
in five different houses in the town with kind-hearted patriots 
and friends, always keeping in touch with the military 
medical officers, Dr. Chevalier Van Havre and Dr. Wattry, 
to whom I confided my intention to leave Antwerp and rejoin 
the Ministry of War at the first opportunity. 

I heard through these gentlemen that our doctors and 
dispensers of a rank below that of major were being forced 
to continue their work at the hospital (the principal German 
medical officer having the rank of major) and that the others 
440 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

(officers of higher rank) were obliged to hold themselves at 
the disposal of the German Headquarters. 

All our doctors and dispensers, who complained bitterly 
of the lack of courtesy on the part of their German colleagues 
(the latter, according to Dr. Wattry, not content with being 
rude, stole the surgical instruments) showed a strong desire 
to rejoin our front. I promised to hasten my departure, and 
on November 2Oth I had an interview with General Stain- 
forth, who gave me the note of which this one is the sequel. 

On November 23rd, at 9.30 A.M., the General let me know, 
through Dr. Clotten, that the doctors and dispensers had 
just been received at German Headquarters and that an 
orderly officer of the German General had told them roughly, 
in the name of his Minister of War, that they were to be at 
the Central Station at 7 A.M. next day, November 24th, and 
that they would be sent to Heidelberg (Germany). 

They were made to sign a declaration by which they 
acknowledged that they had received this order, and that if 
they did not obey they would be treated according to the 
laws of war. One of our doctors asked for some explanation, 
and was told in reply that the order was sufficiently explicit 
and required no explanation. 

I left Antwerp an hour later in possession of my General's 
note and other papers which I had concealed in my bandages. 
I lefWhe town by means of false passports and took the tram 
from Merxem to Bergen-op-Zoom. I arrived in Holland five 
hours later, without having experienced too many difficulties 
at the frontier. 

I took one day's rest in Holland, as I was suffering a good 
deal of pain from my wounds, and then went to our Legation 
at The Hague, where Prince de Ligne handed me, together 
with a proper passport, a diplomatic bag for the Foreign 
Office at Havre. 

Passing through London, where I reported myself to 
the officer in command, M. Maton, I arrived at Havre on 
December 2nd. 

HAVRE, December tfh, 1914. 

(Signed) FIERENS, 

Second-Lieutenant of the Reserve of the 

2nd Chasseurs h Pied. 

441 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 94. 

M. Davignon, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to 
Baron Grenier, Belgian Minister at Madrid. 

Havre, December 18, 1914. 

SIR, I have the honour to inform you that independently 
of the doctors of whose unjustifiable imprisonment I informed 
you through my telegram of the I5th of this month there are 
many others whose names have just been transmitted to me, 
and who are being kept as prisoners of war in Germany in 
violation of Articles 9 and 12 of the Geneva Convention of 
1 [See July the 6th, igoG. 1 

Military, i, They are : Dr. Corbey, regimental surgeon ; Drs. Henri 
P- 463-] Wermer, Gerard, Richard Erpicum, auxiliary surgeons, who 
are detained at Stendal (Prussia) ; assistant surgeons 
Govaerts, Berte, Evrard, and auxiliary surgeon Goemans, 
detained at the camp of Altengrabow (Prussia) ; assistant 
surgeons Destr6e and Boland, detained at Wittemberg. 

These medical men are not looking after any wounded. 

I hear from an authoritative source that French medical 
officers have been set at liberty. 

I beg you will spare no effort to have our medical officers 
similarly released. Not only were they made prisoners 
contrary to Article 9 of the Geneva Convention, but they have 
a right to demand, as they do, that they be sent back to "their 
own army, because it is proved that their services are not 
indispensable; Article 12 of the Geneva Convention is 
explicit on this point. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 



No. 95. 

The Belgian Minister at Madrid to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Madrid, January 8, 1915. 

SIR, I hastened to carry out the instructions contained 
in your letter of December 15th last, concerning the release 
of Surgeon-General Stainforth, of his assistants from Antwerp, 
and of Drs. Henrard and Van Assche. 
442 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

I have been careful to take the same steps on behalf of 
the other doctors enumerated in your letter of December i8th 
last. 

The Minister of State tells me, and I have the honour to 
inform you, that he has instructed the Spanish Ambassador 
at Berlin by telegram to demand the release of our compatriots 
in virtue of the provisions of Articles 9 and 12 of the Geneva 
Convention of July 6th, 1906. 

(Signed) BARON GRENIER. 



No. 96. 

M. Davignon, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to 
Baron Grenier, Belgian Minister at Madrid. 

Havre, January 9, 1915. 

SIR, I have the honour to enclose herewith a copy of a 
letter addressed by the French assistant-surgeon Sevaux to 
the Director of the Belgian Army Medical Service, which was 
transmitted to me in a communication from the Minister of 
War on December 2gth last. 

As you will see, the German authorities refuse to apply to the 
Belgian doctors the rules laid down by the Geneva Convention. 

Be good enough to have recourse to the kind offices of the 
Spanish Government in order to transmit to the German 
Government the protests of the Belgian Government concern- 
ing the non-observance of the Geneva Convention, and 
especially their refusal to allow the Belgian medical officers 
Miest, Ricard, and D'Haese to rejoin the Belgian army. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 

ENCLOSURE TO No. 96. 

Dr. Sevaux, Assistant-Surgeon ist Class, of the 45th Regiment 
of French Infantry, to the Director of the Medical Service 
of the Belgian Army. 

Lorient, December 14, 1914. 

I have the honour to send you the following report in the 
name of the Belgian medical officers Miest, Ricard and 
d'Haese, prisoners at Magdeburg (Prussia), whom I left on 
December ist, 1914. 

These doctors remained with the Belgian wounded during 

443 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

the fighting which took place round Namur. They were 
employed in that city till about September 2Oth. 

On that date the military authorities asked their consent 
to go to Germany in order to look after the Belgian prisoners, 
declaring that it was for them a question of humanity and 
appealing to their consciences. 

The ' Garnisonarzt ' of Namur, Dr. Shilling, promised them 
they should be free, should receive proper board and lodging, 
and should be paid according to the corresponding rank in 
the German army. 

These doctors were sent to Magdeburg. They are still 
there. They are in fact, if not in theory, prisoners. There 
is at Magdeburg a camp of Belgian and French officer prisoners. 
Drs. Miest and d'Haese have never been employed in attend- 
ing their compatriots. They are being systematically kept 
away from any medical duty. Their food is that given to the 
officers who are prisoners, that is to say, very indifferent. 
They sleep on pallets. Drs. Ricard and d'Haese receive 62 
marks. Dr. Miest 141 marks. This pay is not what they 
ought to receive according to the Geneva Convention. 

The German authorities have proposed that they should 
return to Belgium, but they consider that this would be 
desertion. They wish to return to the Belgian army, and are 
surprised to see their colleagues, French medical officers, 
departing from time to time, while it seems desired to keep 
them indefinitely at Magdeburg. 

They have done me the honour to ask me to transmit 
their complaints to you. They beg you respectfully to do 
what is necessary to secure that the Geneva Convention shall 
be applied to them, since the Belgian medical officers ought 
to be released as well as the French medical officers. 

(Signed) DR. SEVAUX. 



No. 97. 

\ v The Belgian Minister at Berne, to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Berne, January 25, 1915. 

SIR, I have the honour to inform you that sixty-four 
officers and men belonging to the Belgian Army Medical 
444 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

Service were liberated by the German authorities and passed 
through Berne on the 22nd of this month. I went to the 
station, accompanied by Messrs, de Raymond and de Diesbach, 
to greet our compatriots and to place ourselves at their 
disposal in case they should have need of anything. 

I have just heard that seven officers of the Army Medical 
Service are passing through, who should arrive from Germany 
this afternoon. 

(Signed) BARON DE GROOTE. 



SECTION X. 

GERMANY ACCUSES BELGIUM OF HAVING CONCLUDED A 
MILITARY UNDERSTANDING WITH ENGLAND. 

No. 98. 

M. Davignon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to all 
Diplomatic Representatives Abroad. 

Havre, October 19, 1914. 

SIR, The Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung has recently 
published an article with the object of gaining credence for 
the view that in 1906 England had, in view of a Franco- 
German war, endeavoured to involve \entratner\ Belgium in 
the Triple Entente. 1 This article has been commented upon * [See Dif 
in The Times of the I4th October. 

You will find enclosed a note refuting the allegations of P- 
the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung. 

I have the honour to request you to be so good as to 
cause it to be inserted in one of the principal newspapers in 
the country to which you are accredited. I am, etc., 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 

ENCLOSURE TO No. 98.* 
Note. 

The Times of the I4th October reproduces a long article 
from the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung commenting on the 
discovery made in the archives of the War Office at Brussels 

* [A different translation of this enclosure will be found in Diplomatic, 2, 
pp. 350-2.] 

445 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



of a document entitled ' Intervention Anglaise en Belgique,' 
and of a memoire addressed to the Belgian Minister of War, 
purporting to prove that in April, 1906, the Chief of the 
Staff, on the initiative of the English Military Attache, and 
with the approval of General Grierson, had elaborated a plan 
of co-operation between the British Expeditionary Forces 
and the Belgian Army in the event of a Franco-German war. 
This agreement would probably have been preceded by a 
similar arrangement concluded with the French General Staff. 

The Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung also reproduces 
certain passages from a report of the Minister at Berlin 
written in December 1911, with regard to another plan of the 
Belgian Staff, in which the measures to be taken in the event 
of a violation of Belgian neutrality by Germany are examined. 
Baron Greindl pointed out that this plan only took stock of 
the precautions to be taken in the single case of an aggression 
by Germany, whereas in view of its geographical situation, 
Belgium might equally well be exposed to an attack from 
France or from England. 

The Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung draws from this dis- 
covery the strange conclusion that England intended to draw 
Belgium into the war, and at a certain moment contemplated 
the violation of Dutch neutrality. 

We have only one regret to express with regard to the 
discovery of these documents, viz., that the publication of 
our military works is maimed and arranged in such a manner 
as to give to the reader the impression of the duplicity of 
England and of an adhesion on the part of Belgium to the 
policy of the Triple Entente in violation of its duties of 
neutrality. We ask the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung to 
publish in extenso the result of their ferretings in our secret 
papers. This would furnish a new and striking proof of the 
loyalty, the correctness, and the impartiality which, for 
eighty-four years, Belgium has brought to the discharge of 
her international duties. 

It was quite natural that Colonel Barnardiston, the 
military agent at Brussels of one of the Powers guaranteeing 
Belgian neutrality, should on the occasion of the Algeciras 
crisis make inquiries of the Chief of the Belgian Staff as to 
the measures which it had taken to prevent every violation 
of this neutrality. 
446 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

The Chief of the Staff then Lieutenant-General Ducarne 
replied that Belgium was in a position to repel an invasion 
from whatever quarter it might come. 

Did the discussion pass these limits, and did Colonel 
Barnardiston, in a conversation of a private and confidential 
character, reveal to General Ducarne the plan of campaign 
which the British General Staff would have desired to 
follow in the event of this neutrality being violated ? We 
doubt it, but what can be solemnly affirmed, and the con- 
trary cannot be proved, is that neither the King nor his 
Government have ever been invited, either directly or 
indirectly, to join the Triple Entente in the event of a 
Franco-German war. 

Further, by their words and their actions, they have 
always shown so categorical an attitude that every supposition 
that they would depart from the most strict neutrality has 
been removed a priori. 

So far as concerns the despatch of Baron Greindl, of the 
23rd December 1911, it has reference to a proposal for the 
defence of Luxemburg, due to the personal initiative of the 
Head of the First Division of the War Office. This proposal 
was entirely private in its character, and had not been 
approved by the War Office. 

There is no ground for astonishment if this proposal had 
in view, above all, an attack from the side of Germany, since 
the great German military writers, and especially von Bern- 
hardi, von Schliefenbach and von der Goltz spoke openly in 
their treatises on the Next War of the violation of Belgian 
territory by the German armies. 

At the beginning of hostilities, the Imperial Government, 
by the mouth of the Chancellor and of the Foreign Secretary, 
did not seek empty pretexts for the aggression of which 
Belgium has been the victim. It justified it on the ground 
of military interests. 

Since then, faced with the universal reprobation which 
this act has aroused, it seeks to mislead opinion by repre- 
senting Belgium as having been subject to the Triple Entente 
from a time preceding the war. 

These intrigues will deceive no one. They will turn to 
the shame of Germany. History will testify that that Power, 
after having bound herself by treaty to defend the neutrality 

447 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

of Belgium, took the initiative in violating it without even 
being able to find a pretext to justify herself. 



No. 99. 

M. Davignon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to all the 
Diplomatic Representatives Abroad. 

Havre, December 4, 1914. 

SIR, Germany having discovered a note on the interview 
which took place in 1912 between General Jungbluth and 
Colonel Bridges, returns to the alleged Barnardiston secret, 
and endeavours to show that the aggression of Germany 
against Belgium was justified because the latter had herself 
failed in her duties of neutrality by negotiating a military 
agreement with England. 

I have thought it my duty to oppose a new dementi to 
this assertion. You will find enclosed a communication on 
this subject. I am, etc., 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 

ENCLOSURE TO No. 99. 

Note. 

[Cf. Dip- In its number of the 26th November, the Kolnische 

lomatic, 2, Zeitung writes : 

PP- 3 l8 ~ ' We were compelled to violate Belgian neutrality 

because Belgium had not observed her duties of neutrality. 
The truth of this forcibly appears from two incontest- 
able documents. There is the one published by the 
Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, proving that there 
existed between Belgium and England a secret agree- 
ment for the co-operation of the military forces of these 
two countries in the struggle against Germany. 

' On the other hand/ adds the Kolnische Zeitung, ' it 
follows, from the report of the confidential conversation 
between Messrs. Jungbluth and Bridges, that the English 
intended to disembark in Belgium, in any case, even if 
their aid was not solicited by Belgium/ 
448 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

The thesis advanced by the German press thus consists 
in justifying the violation by Germany of the neutrality of 
Belgium, on the ground that Belgium herself, by negotiating 
with England a military agreement against Germany, had 
failed in her duties of neutrality. 

This is a false thesis, contradicted by the facts and by 
the very documents which the German press cites. 

When on the I3th October the Norddeutsche Allgemeine 
Zeitung published for the first time the secret Barnardiston 
document, we challenged it to prove the existence of a 
military agreement between Belgium and England. This 
challenge has not been taken up, and the photographic docu- 
ments which it publishes x have no value as to this point. One l [See Di 
would seek in vain to infer from them that Belgium had not Somatic, 2 
observed the obligation of the strictest neutrality. PP- 33*- 

What, in fact, happened in 1906 ? Colonel Barnardiston, 
military attache to the British Legation, went at the end of 
January to the head of the first department at the War 
Office, and had an interview with him. 

Colonel Barnardiston asked General Ducarne if Belgium 
was ready to defend her neutrality. The reply was in the 
affirmative. 

He then inquired as to the number of days necessary for 
the mobilisation of our army. 

' It takes place in four days/ said the General. 

' How many men can you raise ? ' continued the military 
attach^. 

The General confirmed that we would mobilise 100,000 
men. 

After having received this information. Colonel Barnardis- 
ton declared that in the event of the violation of our neutrality 
by Germany, England would send to Belgium 100,000 men 
to defend us. He further pressed the question that he 
should know whether we were ready to resist a German 
invasion. 

The General replied that we were ready to defend our- 
selves at Liege against Germany, at Namur against France, 
and at Antwerp against England. There then followed 
several conversations between the Chief of the Staff and the 
military attach^ on the measures which England would take 
with a view to giving effect to her guarantee. 

DIPLOMATIC 3 2 F 449 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

..; :In devoting himself to this study, the Chief of the Staff 
only performed his most elementary duty, which was precisely 
.to study the dispositions calculated to enable Belgium to 
repel, either alone or with the aid of her guarantors, a violation 
of her neutrality. 

On the loth May, 1906, General Ducarne addressed to the 
Minister of War a report on his interviews with the British 
military attache. In this report it is observed on two occasions 
that the despatch of English help to Belgium would be con- 
ditional on the violation of its territory. Further, a marginal 
note of the Minister,* which by an excess of perfidy the 
Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung does not translate, in order 
that it may escape the majority of German readers, establishes 
incontestably that the entry of the English into Belgium 
would not take place till after the violation of our neutrality 
by Germany. 

The course of events has sufficiently proved that these 
precautions were justified. These very natural conversations 
between the Chief of the Staff and the British military attache 
merely demonstrate the serious apprehensions entertained by 
England on the subject of the violation by Germany of the 
neutrality of Belgium. 

Were these apprehensions legitimate ? To be convinced 
on this point, it is sufficient to read the works of the great 
German military writers of the period von Bernhardi, von 
Schliefenbach, von der Goltz. 

Were the conversations of General Ducarne and Colonel 
Barnardiston followed by a convention or an entente ? 

Germany will herself furnish us with an answer by a 

document which she has caused to be published in the 

Novddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung of the 25th November. This 

1 [See Dip- document, 1 which refers to an interview between General 

lomatic, 2, Jungbluth and Colonel Bridges, furnishes a striking testimony 

P- 339-1 that the conversation on the fulfilment of the guarantee by 

England had had no results in 1912, and was at the same point 

at which it had been left six years before, in 1906. 

No document could justify in a clearer manner the loyalty 
with which the Government of the King fulfilled their inter- 
national obligations. 

* The note is in the handwriting of General Ducarne and not of the 
Minister (see No. 101). 
450 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

Colonel Bridges is reported to have said that, on the occasion 
of the last occurrences [lors des dernier s evenements], as we 
were not in a position to defend our neutrality ourselves, the 
British Government would have disembarked immediately, 
even if we had not asked for assistance. 

To which General Jungbluth is said to have replied imme- 
diately : ' But you could not disembark in our country 
without our consent/ 

Is there any reason for attaching so much importance to 
the views of a military attache which, as we could prove, have 
never been shared by the Foreign Office ? Did he admit the 
thesis, false in our view although supported by some authors, 
that, in the event of a violation of neutrality, the intervention 
of a guarantor is justifiable, even in the absence of any appeal 
from the guaranteed ? We do not know. One thing is 
certain, that the military attache, when faced with the 
objection of the General, did not insist. 

Was Belgium bound to communicate these conversations 
to her guarantors ? As to the first, Colonel Barnardiston was 
not authorised to contract an engagement any more than 
General Ducarne was authorised to take note of a promise of 
assistance. The incriminated conversations had, moreover, 
a purely military character, they could have no political 
bearing, they never formed the subject of deliberation by the 
Government, and they were not known to the Department of 
Foreign Affairs till a much later date. 

So far as concerns the interview between General Jungbluth 
and Colonel Bridges, was it necessary to inform the Powers 
that the latter had given expression to an opinion which the 
Belgian Government would not admit any more than the 
British Government would, and against which General 
Jungbluth had immediately protested, without his interviewer 
thinking it necessary to insist on it. 

The alleged justification of Germany turns against her. 
In his speech of the 4th of August, 1 in his interview in the i [Diplo- 
morning with the English Ambassador, 2 the Imperial Chan- malic, 2, 
cellor declared that the aggression against Belgium was to be pp. 356-7 
attributed only to strategic necessity. The cause is understood. 2 &&^~ 

209.] ' 



45i 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

No. 100. 

M . Davignon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to all Diplomatic 
Representatives A broad. 

Havre, December 15, 1914. 

SIR, In continuation of my letter of the 4th December 
last with reference to the allegations of the German Govern- 
ment regarding an alleged Anglo-Belgian military agreement, 
I have the honour to direct your attention to the publication 
in The Times of the 7th of this month of the account of the 
conversation which took place between Sir E. Grey and 
Count de Lalaing on the 7th April 1913. 

I enclose, for your information and use, a translation of the 
English communique. I am, etc. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 

ENCLOSURE TO No. 100. 

BELGIAN NEUTRALITY. 
Proof of British Sincerity. 

With reference to statements implying that Great Britain 
ever contemplated a violation of Belgian neutrality, the 
Foreign Office issues for publication the following record of a 
conversation with the Belgian Minister on April 7th, 1913. It 
was sent to the British Minister in Brussels and a record was 
communicated by him to the Belgian Minister for Foreign 
Affairs at the time : 

' SIR, In speaking to the Belgian Minister to-day I 
said, speaking unofficially, that it had been brought to 
my knowledge that there was apprehension in Belgium 
lest we should be the first to violate Belgian neutrality. 
I did not think that this apprehension could have come 
from a British source. 

' The Belgian Minister informed me that there had 
been talk, in a British source which he could not name, 
of the landing of troops in Belgium by Great Britain, in 
order to anticipate a possible despatch of German troops 
through Belgium to France. 

' I said that I was sure that this Government would 
not be the first to violate the neutrality of Belgium, and I 
452 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

did not believe that any British Government would be the 
first to do so, nor would public opinion here ever approve 
of it. What we had to consider, and it was a somewhat 
embarrassing question, was what it would be desirable 
and necessary for us, as one of the guarantors of Belgian 
neutrality, to do if Belgian neutrality was violated by any 
Power. For us to be the first to violate it and to send 
troops into Belgium would be to give Germany, for 
instance, justification for sending troops into Belgium 
also. What we desired in the case of Belgium, as in that 
of other neutral countries, was that their neutrality 
should be respected, and as long as it was not violated 
by any other Power we should certainly not send troops 
ourselves into their territory. I am, etc. 

(Signed) ' E. GREY/ 



No. 101. 

M. Davignon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to all Diplomatic 
Representatives Abroad. 

Havre, January 13, 1915. 

SIR, In my despatch of the 4th December 1 I had the i [No. 99 
honour of sending you a -denial of the accusation made by 
the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung against Belgium, to the 
effect that the latter country had deviated from her duty of 
neutrality by negotiating with Great Britain a military 
agreement directed against Germany. 

In this communique I said that a marginal note made by 
the Minister of War 2 established the fact that the entry of 2 [See ant 
British troops into Belgium would only take place after the p. 45-] 
violation of our neutrality by Germany. 

At the time when I prepared the communique I had been 
unable to obtain a copy of the Norddeutsche Allgemeine 
Zeitung containing a photograph of this document. I only 
had before me the German translation of the Ducarne Report 
made by the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung and reproduced 
by the German papers. This translation omits the most 
important phrase in the document, which says 'that the 
entry of the British into Belgium would only take place after 

453 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

our neutrality had been violated by Germany/ It is true 
that the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung in a later portion 
of its article prints this phrase in French, letting it be under- 
stood that it is merely a marginal note. But now it appears, 
as is shown by the photograph, that the phrase forms part 
of the Report of General Ducarne, that it was written by his 
hand, and that its proper place is marked by a reference 
mark. 

In these circumstances it appears to me necessary to call 
the attention of the various Governments and of readers to 
the falsification of the Ducarne document by the Norddeutsche 
Allgemeine Zeitung. I should be obliged if you would be kind 
enough to obtain the publication of this communique, which 
is in the form of a newspaper article, in one of the newspapers 
of your capital. It is unnecessary for you to make it the 
subject of a communication to the Government. I am, etc., 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 

ENCLOSURE TO No. 101. 
THE BARNARDISTON AFFAIR AND HISTORICAL CRITICISM. 

The Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung has a singular way 
of perusing, reading, and translating documents. German 
learned criticism when carried away by the heat of argument 
loses all sense of cold objectivity. Guided by its desires, it 
sees, or fails to see ; it inserts phrases in the text or excludes 
them ; it transposes or invents. 

The Barnardiston. affair is a remarkable example of this. 

On the I3th October the Zeitung mentioned the discovery 
which German searchers made in the offices of the Belgian 
General Staff, and the Ducarne Report, which sets out the 
interviews of Barnardiston with certain Belgian officers. 

It then stated that this report was part of a dossier 
(Mappe) bearing the title ' Intervention Anglaise en Belgique,' 
and it endeavoured to show that from the details of this 
report it followed that a ' convention ' had been concluded 
between Belgium and Great Britain. 

An answer was immediately made that the report and its 
details did not allow of this incorrect conclusion, that there 
were interviews but that there was never an agreement. 
454 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

On the 25th November the Zeitung again took the matter 
up and published facsimiles of the documents. We no longer 
hear of the title ' Intervention Anglaise en Belgique ' : a new 
title appeared. According to the Zeitung, which had suddenly 
become clairvoyante, the famous report had been enclosed 
in a wrapper (Umschlag) with the inscription ' Conventions 
anglo-belges/ 

This second discovery, made just at the right time, and 
at a moment when the Zeitung found itself in a position to 
make no reply, appeared sufficiently strange. How was it 
that this inscription which, being placed at the top, ought to 
have attracted attention at the very first moment, was not 
seen on the I3th October, and could only be seen on the 
25th November ? 

*** 
Suspicious people then examined the documents more 

closely. They compared the photographs and the transla- 
tions, and it was seen that some of the versions were akin to 
forgeries. 

We understand that the Zeitung maintains that the Bar- 
nardiston affair was not limited to pourparlers. It makes out 
that there was an agreement, and this is how it goes about 
to show to its kind readers that it is right. 

The photograph of the Ducarne Report contains the 
following phrase : 

' My visitor (Barnardiston) emphasised the following 
points : (i) Our CONVERSATION WAS absolutely confi- 
dential.' 

The Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung has wonderful eye- 
sight. It stated : 

' Herr Barnardiston betonte : i dass unser ABKOM- 
MEN absolut vertraulich sein sollte.' 

It turned the word ' conversation ' into ' convention/ It 
made Barnardiston say that our CONVENTION would be abso- 
lutely confidential. 1 * [See Di 
How can it then help succeeding in its claims ? Voltaire lomatic, i 
required two lines to hang a man. But Germany has made P- 2 3> foc 
progress since then. To curse a people three letters in a word British^ 
are sufficient. A 'conversation' became [devient] 'convention/ comment 
Could there be a more patent or more shameful forgery ? on this 



* * * P int 'l 

455 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

But that is not all. In the photograph of the official 
record of the report erasures and additions are visible. When 
General Ducarne was reporting the suggestions or the first 
demarche of Barnardiston he perceived that he had omitted 
to mention at the very beginning the hypothesis on which 
the interview was based. He wrote five lines in the margin, 
and by two signs he marked the place where the addition 
ought to figure in his letter. 

Alas, this addition troubled the Norddeutsche Allgemeine 
Zeitung \ The actual words were [Elle dit, en effet] : ' the 
entry of the British into Belgium would only take place after 
the violation of our neutrality by Germany/ What could 
it do to diminish or remove the effect of this ? It was quite 
simple. In its translation the Zeitung does not mention the 
addition. But to give an appearance of perfect loyalty it 
quotes it in its comments. This is the art of detaching 
words from their context. 

Subordinates go on to complete and perfect the manoeuvre. 
They proceed to publish a mutilated text, and so make 
people think that the addition was perhaps a subsequent note 
made possibly by somebody other than the author of the 
Report. 

And that is how history is written in Germany ! 



No. 102. 

M. Davignon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to all the 
Diplomatic Representatives of Belgium. 

Havre, February 13, 1915. 

SIR, I have the honour of sending to you herewith the 
completed translation of a note published by The Times on 
the 27th January last, in which Sir E. Grey replies to the 
explanations given by Herr von Bethmann Hollweg to the 
American Press on the question of the British attitude in the 
present war and the 'violation of Belgian neutrality by 
Germany. I am, etc., (Signed) DAVIGNON. 

ENCLOSURE TO No. 102. 
Sir E. Grey's reply to the Chancellor. 
[Here follows, in a French translation, Sir Edward Grey's 
reply to the German Chancellor, dated January 26, 1915, the 
456 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

English text of which will be found in Diplomatic, 2, pp. 388- 
392. The final paragraph of this reply, as there given, is not 
included in the French version printed in the Grey Book.] 



No. 103. 

M. Davignon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to all the 
Diplomatic Representatives Abroad. 

Havre, March 4, 1915. 

SIR, I have the honour of sending you herewith the 
protest of the Government of the King against the declaration 
of the German Chancellor that Belgium had abandoned her 
neutrality since 1906 by concluding an agreement with Great 
Britain. I would ask you to communicate this protest to 
the Government to which you are accredited and to give it 
as much publicity as possible. I am, etc. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 

ENCLOSURE TO No. 103. 
Communique. 

On December 2nd, 1914, the Chancellor of the German 
Empire declared before the Reichstag that ' on August 4th 
we had already certain indications of the fault committed by 
the Belgian Government, but I had not yet at my disposition 
any formal proofs in writing, though the British Government 
was aware that such proofs existed. Now, by means of 
certain .documents discovered at Brussels, which I have 
caused to be published, 1 it has become clear how, and in what * [For these 
measure, Belgium had abandoned her neutrality in favour P u blica- 
of England. The whole world now realises that when our #/ s ! e 
troops on the night of August 3rd-4th moved into Belgian m atic, 2, 
territory, they were setting foot on the soil of a State which pp. 314- 
had long ago abandoned its neutrality/ 325-] 

Belgium is justly proud of her traditions of honour and 
correct action, and cannot pass over this campaign directed 
against her honour by a Chancery which has made untruth- 
fulness its regular method, without branding the attempt with 
a well-merited stigma. Hard though the sufferings of the 
present hour may be, the Belgian people regards honour as 
a thing precious and immutable. 

457 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

Belgium never allowed her patrimony of national up- 
rightness to be lessened. It was the resolve to keep that 
patrimony intact which dictated her decision on the night of 

1 [See Dip- August 2nd, 1 and the impartial historian will repeat the fact 
lomatic, 2, to future generations still proud of their moral integrity. 

pp. 31- There is a campaign on foot to distort historical truth 

before the eyes of the nations, and no means are too base for 
employment in it. Once more the Belgian Government must 
speak out, and so speaking must address its declaration to 
every land where Right and Honour are still worshipped. 

At the outbreak of the war, the crime perpetrated against 
Belgium was obvious, and the interest of Germany in avowing 
it seemed evident she was trying to exercise a sort of moral 
pressure on her victim. The violation of international law 
was avowed by the Imperial Chancellor from the very tribune 

2 [See Dip- of the Reichstag. 2 At that moment things went so far that 
lomatic, 2, money was offered in compensation for lost honour to the 
P- 356.] nation that Germany was trying to fascinate ! As if honour 

* could be bought back by gold ! But necessity knows no law : 
' Not kennt kein Gebot ! ' It was said that every act was 
permissible even the act of beating down by a lightning- 
stroke a nation that it was necessary to crush. Once more 
the course of war has demonstrated that one initial crime 
infallibly brings about a series of subsequent crimes. 

No sooner had our soil that soil whose inviolability had 
been guaranteed by Germany suffered invasion, than part 
of the invading army began to disgrace itself by the systematic 
perpetration of arson, rape, and murder on a harmless people, 
with incredible details of cruelty, theft, and pillage. And 
while this flood of unparalleled barbarism was being let loose 
on Belgium, no act of Belgium could be found to justify the 
invasion : the spoiler himself confessed it. 

This situation of affairs showed up in a most unfavour- 
able light the Empire which, in order to conquer France, had 
set itself to torture unoifending Belgium. The moral position 
was odious, and Germany had to get out of it at all costs. 
On the one hand the martyrdom of innocent Belgium was 
disturbing the conscience of the whole world. On the other 
hand, there were nations which this menacing triumph of 
brute force exposed to a similar fate, though they had no 
concern with the war. They were asking themselves, and 
458 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

with good reason, the most agonizing questions as to their 
own future security. 

A month after the declaration of war the German 
Chancery discovered at Brussels the reports of certain con- 
versations which fiad taken place in 1906 and in 1912 between 
two British Military Attaches and two Chiefs-of-the-Staff of 
the Belgian Army. 1 In order to transform these reports into l [Bee Dip- 
documents which, would justify Germany's conduct, it was loma h, 2, 
necessary to garble them and to lie. Such was the only way ^ ? 3I ~ 
in which the German action against Belgium could be made fc 
to appear decent. And thus Germany, when she had crushed 
a people that had remained scrupulously neutral, could 
pretend that she was enacting (though she might not have 
known it at the moment) the role of the minister of avenging 
justice. 

Undoubtedly this idea had its advantageous points if .,;..', 

it could be successfully carried out. Moral guilt could be 
heaped upon the Belgian people a people whose loyal and 
vigorous resistance had caused the failure of the first plans of 
the German General Staff. They were in arms for honour 
alone, and they were to suffer their final outrage : it was not 
enough that they were sacrificed they were to be dis- 
honoured also. Thus it came to pass that, with a shameless- 
ness for which history shows few parallels, the German 
Chancery gave out that a convention had existed, by which 
Belgium had betrayed her most sacred pledges and violated 
her own neutrality for the benefit of England. To produce 
an impression on those ignorant of the facts, German 'honesty 
suppressed, when the precis of the above-named conversations 
was published, the clause in which it was set forth that the 
exchange of opinion therein recorded had reference only to 
the situation that would be created if Belgian neutrality had 
already been violated. 2 2 [See No. 

The Belgian Government gives to the allegations of the IOI 
German Chancery the only answer that they deserve they 
are a tissue of lies, all the more shameless because they are 
set forth by persons who claim to have studied the original 
documents. 

But what are the documents which Germany produces 
in order to prove Belgium guilty ? They are two in number : 

(i) The report of certain interviews which took place 

459 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

between Lieut. -General Ducarne and Colonel Barnardiston in 
1906. In the course of these interviews the British officer 
set forth his views as to the way in which England could help 
Belgium in case the latter were attacked by Germany. One 
phrase in the document clearly proves that Colonel Barnar- 
diston is dealing with a hypothetical case, viz., 'the entry 
of English troops into Belgium would only take place after 
a violation of Belgian neutrality by Germany/ The trans- 
lation in the Norddeutsche Zeitung of November 25th omits 
this clause, the phrase which gives its exact scope and signifi- 
cance to the document. Moreover, the photograph of General 
Ducarne's report contains the words ' the officer with whom 
I spoke insists that our conversation has been absolutely 
confidential/ For the word 'conversation' the Norddeutsche 

1 [. Se , e also Zeitung substitutes the word ' convention / 1 Colonel Bar- 

matic'i nardiston is made to say that our 'Convention' would be 

p! 23,' foot- absolutely confidential I 

note.] Such proceedings need no comment. 

(2) The second document is the report of a conversation 
on the same subject in April 1912, between Lieutenant-General 
Jungbluth and Lieutenant-Colonel Bridges. In the course of 
the conversation the former observed to the latter that ' any 
English intervention in favour of Belgium, if she were the 
victim of German aggression, could only take place with our 
consent/ The British Military Attache raised the point that 
England might perhaps exercise her rights and duties, as one 
of the Powers guaranteeing Belgium, without waiting for the 
appeal to be made to her. This was Colonel Bridges' personal 
opinion only. The British Government has always held, as 
did the Belgian Government, that the consent of the latter 
was a necessary preliminary. 

The Belgian Government declares on its honour that not 
only was no ' Convention ' ever made, but also that neither 
of the two Governments ever made any advances or pro- 
positions concerning the conclusion of any such convention. 
Moreover, the Minister of Great Britain at Brussels, who alone 
could contract engagements in her behalf, never intervened 
in these conversations. And the whole Belgian Ministry are 
ready to pledge themselves on oath that no conclusion 
arising from these conversations was ever brought before the 
Cabinet, or even laid before one single member of it. 
460 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

The documents which the Germans discovered give 
evidence of all this. Their meaning is perfectly clear provided 
that no part of them is either garbled or suppressed. 

In face of calumnies repeated again and again, our 
Government, faithfully reflecting Belgian uprightness, con- 
siders that it is its duty to inflict once more on the spoiler of 
Belgium the brand of infamy which so far is his only legiti- 
mate conquest. It also takes the opportunity of declaring, 
in answer to allegations whose malevolence is obvious, that : 

(1) Before the declaration of war no French force, even 
of the smallest size, had entered Belgium. 1 No trustworthy 
evidence can be produced to contradict this affirmation. 

(2) Not only did Belgium never refuse an offer of military tic > 2 > PP- 
help made by one of the guaranteeing Powers, but after the 349-350-J 
declaration of war she earnestly solicited the protection of her 
guarantors. 2 2 [See Dip* 

(3) When undertaking, as was her duty, the vigorous lomati ^ 2 > 
defence of her fortresses, Belgium asked for, and received p * 43 '-' 
with gratitude, such help as her guarantors were able to place 

at her disposition for that defence. 

Belgium, the victim of her own loyalty, will not bow 
her head before any Power. Her honour defies the assaults 
of falsehoods. She has faith in the justice of the World. On 
the day of judgment the triumph belongs to the people who 
have sacrificed everything to serve conscientiously the cause 
of Truth, Right, and Honour. 

(See No. 106.) 



SECTION XL 

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY SENT BATTERIES OF ARTILLERY TO 
BELGIUM BEFORE THE DECLARATION OF WAR. 

No. 104. 

M. Davignon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to Baron Fallon, 
Belgian Minister at The Hague. 

Havre, October 20, 1914. 

SIR, Be so kind as to send the following declaration to 
the Government of His Apostolic Majesty through the inter- 
mediary of the Spanish Legation : 

461 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

'When the Belgian Government replied to the declaration 
of war by Austria-Hungary, they were unaware of certain facts 
that would have modified their answer, or rather that would 
have made them take the initiative in a rupture of diplomatic 
relations. For according to a proclamation by the German 
Lieutenant - General who styles himself Governor of the 
Fortress of Liege, ' the big motor batteries sent by Austria 
have proved their excellence in the fighting round Namur.' 
These fights took place before the declaration of war by 
Austria-Hungary on Belgium, which was based primarily on 
the military co-operation of Belgium with France and Great 
Britain. If the Belgian Government had had knowledge at 
that date of Austro-Hungarian participation in the attack on 
Belgium, they would immediately have recalled the Belgian 
Minister accredited to Vienna. The Austrian declaration of 
the 28th of August declared that Austria-Hungary had been 
compelled to break off diplomatic relations and considered 
herself from that moment in a state of war with Belgium. 

"' It was thus while peace was still undisturbed, and the two 
countries were still maintaining diplomatic relations, that 
Austrian artillery attacked and destroyed the forts of Namur/ 

(Signed) D AVIGNON. 

1 [Diplo- (See First Grey Book, Nos. 77 and 78. x ) 

mafic, 3, 

pp. 67-70.] 

No. 105. 

The Belgian Minister at Madrid to M. Davignon, Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. 

Madrid, April 5, 1915. 

SIR, The Minister of State has just sent me, and I have 
the honour to transmit to you, a note addressed on the 6th 
of February last by the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister to 
the Spanish Embassy at Vienna, in reply to a communica- 
tion from M. Polo de Bernabe concerning the Austro-Hungarian 
batteries which were put at the disposal of the German army 
at the siege of Namur. 

The Marquis of Lema adds that this document, which 
accompanied a letter from the Ambassador dated the nth 
February, reached him after a delay that he is unable to 
explain. (Signed) BARON GRENIER. 

462 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

ENCLOSURE TO No. 105 
Note 

The Belgian Government having pointed out that, when 
they replied to the declaration of war by Austria-Hungary, 
certain facts were unknown to them, and that in particular they 
were unaware that previous to the declaration of war by the 
Monarchy on Belgium Austro-Hungarian batteries had taken 
part in fighting around Namur, the Imperial and Royal 
Government desire to point out that at the moment of declar- 
ing war on Belgium they were themselves in an analogous 
position. 

Thus the Imperial and Royal Government had not at 
that moment been informed authoritatively that, already, 
long before the beginning of the present war and unknown 
to Austria-Hungary, which was one of the States which 
guaranteed the neutrality of Belgium, Belgium had entered 
into negotiations with other of the guaranteeing Powers with 
a view to military co-operation of Belgium with Great Britain 
and France, negotiations which, as is shown by documents 
recently discovered by the German authorities in the Belgian 
archives, finally resulted in the conclusion of arrangements 
of a military nature directed against Germany. It was un- 
doubtedly these tendencies, absolutely contrary to the spirit 
and tenor of the treaties of April 19, 1839* which led the 1 [See Dip- 
Belgian Government to decline the proposals which Germany lomatic, 2, 
had made to them in order to obtain free passage through P- 4 8 7-l 
Belgian territory for German troops proposals which were 
provoked by the hostile attitude of Belgium and dictated 
by the urgent necessity for the German Empire's self- 
preservation and thus to force Germany to make war on 
Belgium. It is precisely by proceeding in this manner that the 
Belgian Government gave ground for the use in the opera- 
tions against the Belgian fortresses of the Austro-Hungarian 
batteries, which from the beginning of the complications 
that led to the war had been placed at the disposal of 
Germany by the Monarchy. 

It is apparent from the above that the Belgian Govern- 
ment themselves provoked the act for which they now 
endeavour to place responsibility on the shoulders of the 

463 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

Imperial and Royal Government. This Government is accord- 
ingly entitled to repudiate this unfounded reproach and to 
state, in its turn, that Belgium acted in a manner contrary to 
the duties devolving on her in her capacity of a permanently 
neutral State. 



No. 106. 

M. Davignon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to Baron Grenier, 
Belgian Minister at Madrid. 

Havre, April 20, 1915. 

SIR, I have the honour to send you herewith the reply of 
the Belgian Government to the note of the Imperial and 
Royal Government which you sent to me in your report of 
April 5. I should be glad if it could be sent to its destina- 
tion through the good offices of the Spanish Government. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 

[Cf. en- ENCLOSURE TO No. 106. 

closure to , T . 

No. 103.] Note. 

By a note bearing the date February n, the Imperial and 
Royal Government pleads the discovery in the Belgian archives 
of documents revealing an alleged Anglo-Belgian military 
understanding directed against Germany, in order to justify the 
participation of the Austro-Hungarian artillery in the destruc- 
tion of the forts of Namur at a time when Belgium and 
Austria-Hungary were at peace. It declares that it was these 
tendencies, contrary to the spirit and tenor of the treaties of 
1839, which led Belgium to decline the German proposals, 
which were provoked by the hostile attitude of Belgium and 
dictated to Germany by the care for her own safety. It 
adds, finally, that the use of the Austrian guns, which from 
the beginning of the hostilities had been placed at the disposal 
of Germany, against the forts of Namur, was due to this 
hostile attitude of the Belgian Government, and that the 
Imperial and Royal Government is entitled to point out that 
Belgium has acted in a manner contrary to the duties devolv- 
ing on her in her capacity of a permanently neutral State. 

The Imperial and Royal Government therefore endeavours 
to justify its having engaged in hostilities against us in time 
464 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

of peace by asserting that we had failed to carry out the 
duties of neutrality by negotiating with England a military 
agreement aimed against Germany. This calumnious accusa- 
tion, which the Belgian Government deeply resents, had no 
influence whatever on the declaration of war which Austria- 
Hungary addressed to Belgium on August the 28th, 1914. 
Indeed, even if the culpability of the Belgian Government 
had been proved, it would still be pertinent to ask how that 
would justify an attack which was made two months before 
the discovery of the incriminating documents. 

But the Belgian Government, which for more than eighty- 
four years has scrupulously observed its international obliga- 
tions, emphatically denies the accusation of the German 
chancellery that it has betrayed them. If the Imperial and 
Royal Government had read the documents found in the 
archives of Brussels, it would have convinced itself that 
these documents did not prove the crime of which the 
Belgian Government is accused. 

These documents are two in number. 1 * [For their 

The first is a report addressed by General Ducarne, chief 
of the Belgian General Staff, to the Minister of War on the 
conversations he had had in the beginning of the year 1906 pp. 
with Colonel Barnardiston, British Military Attach!*. These 
conversations dealt with the pledge of England to guarantee 
Belgium's neutrality. At the beginning of their conversa- 
tion General Ducarne mentions the hypothesis assumed by 
Colonel Barnardiston. ' The entry of English troops into 
Belgium would take place only after the violation of Belgian 
neutrality by Germany ! ' 

This hypothesis, namely, the previous violation of Belgian 
neutrality, is sufficient in itself to exonerate the Belgian 
Government from the wrongful act imputed to it by Germany, 
on the assumption, of course, that the documents are not 
mutilated, and that they are not made to say what they do 
not contain, as has been done in the translation published by 
the North German Gazette. 

The violation of the neutrality of Belgium on the eastern 
frontier being a contingency which numerous signs showed 
to be threatening as far back as 1906, the elementary duty of 
the Belgian General Staff was to study a scheme of help to 
be sent by England to Belgium as guaranteeing Power, under 

DIPLOMATIC 3. 2 G 465 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

this hypothesis, to repel an attack by Germany. The fact 
that this contingency has occurred, with a brutality which no 
one could have conceived, shows that these preoccupations were 
justified. Moreover, Colonel Barnardiston, who was merely 
Military Attach^, had not the authority necessary to contract 
an engagement, any more than General Ducarne, an official of 
the War Office, was qualified to take official cognisance of a 
promise of help. It lay with the Government alone to con- 
clude a convention with a view to fulfilling the promised 
guarantees. Not only has no such convention ever been con- 
cluded, but the conversations on which the accusation is 
based have never been made the subject of deliberation by 
the Government. 

The second document relates to a conversation on the 
same subject, which took place in April 1912, between Military 
Attache Bridges and Lieutenant-General Jungbluth. In the 
course of this conversation General Jungbluth observed to 
Colonel Bridges that an English intervention on behalf of 
Belgium would be possible only with the consent of the latter. 
The British Military Attach6 objected that England would 
perhaps be led to exercise her rights and her duties as one 
of the guaranteeing Powers of Belgium, without waiting for 
the latter to call in her aid. That was a personal opinion of 
Colonel Bridges; it was never shared by his Government, 
and this conversation clearly shows that the intervention of 
England could not have taken place before the violation of 
Belgian neutrality by Germany. This second document would 
in itself destroy any suspicion that a convention had been 
concluded in 1906, as a result of a conversation between 
Ducarne and Barnardiston. As a matter of fact Colonel 
Bridges did not in 1912 even make any allusion to the con- 
versation of Colonel Barnardiston in 1906, and it is evident 
that if a convention had been concluded six years before, 
the speakers, in broaching this subject, could not have failed 
to refer to it. 

The Imperial and Royal Government is clearly wrong in 
ascribing the German aggression to the hostile attitude of 
Belgium. Until August 2, 1914, the date of the ultimatum, 
no difference had arisen between the two countries, their 
relations had not ceased to be cordial, and Germany had 
alleged no grievance against us. It is clear, from the evidence 
466 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

of the official documents already published and from the 
speech delivered by the Imperial Chancellor on August the 1 
4th, 1 that Germany had nothing with which to reproach D [^_ 
Belgium, and if their troops have attacked her, it is for the matic,2 t ' 
purpose of reaching France by the quickest and easiest road, pp. 353-7.] 
so as to strike a decisive blow as soon as possible. ' We 
were forced/ the Chancellor said in his speech on August 
the 4th, ' to ignore the rightful protests of the Governments 
of Luxemburg and Belgium. The wrong I speak openly 
the wrong we thereby commit we will make good as soon as 
our military aims have been attained.' 

To declare war on Belgium, the Imperial and Royal 
Government have invoked every kind of pretext except failure 
to fulfil the duties of neutrality, and they cannot deny that 
while we were entertaining friendly relations with them, and 
were trying to comply with the demands of their representative 
at Brussels, they gave the order to their troops to destroy 
our forts at Namur. 

SECTION XII. 

LEGEND OF THE PUTTING OUT OF EYES. 
No. 107. 

M. Davignon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to all Diplomatic 
Representatives Abroad. 

Havre, November 25, 1914. 

SIR, I request you to be good enough to have the 
enclosed communique published in a paper of the country to 
which you are accredited. 

I should like it to be published as soon as possible. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 

ENCLOSURE TO No. 107 

Note 

We have heard from Berlin through an excellent source 
that two official commissions have been appointed, one of 
them civil and the other military, acting independently, to 
inquire into all acts of cruelty attributed to belligerents. The 

Civil Commission has reported that 

467 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

' In regard to the matter of the putting out of eyes, when- 
ever a case of this kind has been referred to in the newspapers, 
or has been reported from private sources, the Commission has 
sought out witnesses and taken their evidence : in many 
cases, not to say in nearly all, the witnesses admitted that 
they knew the facts only by hearsay ; others either refused 
to come forward or did not put in an appearance. 

'The Commission arrived at the conclusion that no formal 
proofs of wounded men or prisoners having had their eyes 
put out by Belgian women were produced, and that in no 
case is there any official record of this having taken place. 

' Doctors and the Members of the Commission of Inquiry 
stated that, when people's minds are over-excited as they 
now are, it was quite natural that acts of brutality and cruelty 
should be committed by either side, but that generally speak- 
ing these acts had been greatly exaggerated. 

' The stories about the putting out of eyes must have 
arisen from the fact that a large number of wounded men 
have had their eyes put out by fragments of shrapnel which, 
bursting at the height of a man, very often cause wounds in 
the eyes. 

' French and English illustrated papers confirm this. 
You there constantly see, in places where shells are bursting, 
men being wounded in the face, and instinctively protecting 
their faces with their arms or their hands. 

' It seems that thousands of rooks and crows swoop down 
into all the battlefields, and they always attack the eyes of 
the dead and wounded. This may have helped to give rise 
to the story, which medical investigations have in every case 
proved to be untrue. 

' In a Frankfort hospital twenty-nine severely wounded 
men lay, it seems, side by side, all with their eyes put out. 
In not a single case could their wounds be attributed to any 
other cause than that of fragments of shrapnel. 

' In spite of this the legend still survives ; but we have been 
assured that in official circles the acts of cruelty with which 
the Belgians have been reproached are formally denied.' 

The Civil Commission is quite definite on this subject. 

The Military Commission is still pursuing its inquiry, 
but it has reached the same conclusions. It has not yet 
468 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

announced officially its findings, and for that reason the con- 
clusions it has reached are subject to reserve, and should be 
considered as only provisional and of a purely private character. 
We are glad to note that the acts of abominable cruelty 
of which Belgian women were so unjustly accused by the 
most authoritative organs of the Imperial Government have 
been formally denied by the two Commissions appointed by 
that same Government. 



No. 108 

M . Davignon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to all Diplomatic 
Representatives Abroad 

Havre, December 18, 1914. 

SIR, In continuation of my letter of November 25th. last, 
I have the honour to call your attention to an article which 
appeared in the Temps of the I5th of this month under the 
heading 'La 16gende des yeux crev6s/ It quotes, from the 
Kolnische Volkszeitung and the Vorwarts, two notes contra- 
dicting the calumnious accusations of the German semi-official 
press on the subject of the alleged mutilation of the wounded 
by the Belgian civil population. (Signed) DAVIGNON. 

ENCLOSURE TO No. 108 

Berne, December 12. 

The important Catholic paper, the Kolnische Volkszeitung, 
published the following letter in one of its recent issues : 

TO THE EDITOR 

Aix-la-Chapelle, November 26. 

SIR, One of the most ungrateful tasks at the present 
time is to defend the truth against the absurd rumours which 
are circulating in the country. The Kolnische Volkszeitung 
has already on September 30, 1914, published a letter from 
me in which I stated that after inquiry I had not found in 
the thirty-five hospitals in Aix-la-Chapelle a single German 
wounded soldier who had had his eyes put out. Since then 
you have informed me that my letter had by no means put 
an 'end to these reports, and you sent me an article from 
the Kolnische Zeitung of the 3ist October calculated to 

469 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

revive belief in these fantastic stories. It is stated in that 
article in the Kolnische Zeitung that a doctor named 
Saethre has visited the hospitals of Cologne, and the follow- 
ing passage occurs in the translation of his report : ' There 
cannot be any doubt as to the cruelties committed by francs- 
tireurs. I have myself seen at Aix-la-Chapelle a Red Cross 
sister who had had one of her breasts cut off by them, and a 
squadron commander who had his eyes put out while he was 
lying on the field of battle/ 

You have asked me to write to you what I think of this 
report. I have accordingly approached the official autho- 
rities with a view to ascertaining if the facts mentioned by 
Dr. Saethre were correct. I have received the following 
letter, dated November 25, from the Director of the hospital : 
'The atrocities you mention have not been committed, at 
least in so far as Aix-la-Chapelle is concerned. We have 
never seen the Red Cross sister referred to, nor the squadron 
commander either/ 

I do not know where the doctor mentioned in the Kolnische 
Zeitung obtained his information. I think it necessary to 
state once more that there is not in the hospitals in Aix-la- 
Chapelle any wounded man who has had his eyes put out, or 
any Red Cross sister who has been mutilated in the manner 
named above. FR. KAUFMANN, Archpriest. 

Moreover the Vorwarts publishes on December 6 the 
results of an inquiry addressed to the management of the 
hospitals of Hanover and of the big hospital de la Charite 
in Berlin. The authorities in charge of the Hanover hospitals 
sent the following reply to the Socialist paper : 

' After making inquiries among the doctors of the different 
sections of No. 3 Hospital, we are able to inform you that we 
have not at this moment any wounded men whose eyes have 
been put out. We have never had any/ 

Similarly the authorities in charge of the hospital de la 
Charit6 in Berlin sent the following note to the Vorwarts : 

' The hospital de la Charit6 has never had any wounded 
men who have had their eyes put out/ 



470 



14] SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 



SECTION XIII. 

CANCELLING OF THE EXEQUATUR OF CONSULS 
IN BELGIUM. 

No. 109. 

M. Davignon, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to 
Baron Grenier, Belgian Minister at Madrid. 

Havre, December 24, 1914. 

SIR, I have the honour to beg you to be good enough 
to have recourse to the kind offices of the Government of His 
Catholic Majesty to send the following protest to the Imperial 
Government : 

' It has come to our knowledge that a note has been 
recently sent to the neutral States and those allied to 
Germany. The Imperial German Government declares : 

1. That it considers the German occupation has an- 

nulled, and thereby put an end to, the exequatur 
accorded by the Belgian Government to the 
various consuls residing in the occupied districts 
of Belgium. 

2. That, abolishing the former consular jurisdiction, 

it proposes to institute three consular juris- 
dictions only, one at Brussels, one at Antwerp, 
and one at Liege, and to allow the agents at 
these three places of residence at present 
only simple provisional recognition/ 

Military occupation, as defined by Article 42 of the IVth 
Hague Convention, confers on the occupying State over the 
invaded territories only de facto possession. 1 It follows that the i [$ e e 
de jure sovereignty of the invaded State remains, but that it is Military, 
for the time suspended. The German Text-book of War p- 482.] 
confirms this provision of the Act of The Hague and completes 
it : 'The occupation of a part of enemy territory/ it says, 'is 
not an appropriation of the latter. The right of the State, 
previously sovereign, therefore remains ; it is simply suspended 
by a conflict with the superior strength of the conqueror 
during the period of his occupation and in a provisional 
fashion/ If de facto possession justifies the occupant in 

47i 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

taking the necessary measures for the conduct of military 
operations, it imposes on him, on the other hand, the obligation 
of conducting the administration of the occupied territories, 
with due regard to its provisional character, in such a way as 
not to interfere with social and public life, and of respecting 
the laws in force in the country, unless absolutely prevented. 
(Article 43 of the IVth Hague Convention.) 

Thus an occupying Government cannot break up the 
existing judiciary organisation. By destroying this organisa- 
tion it would exceed the limits of the powers of the occupant, 
who is restricted to measures designed to attain the proper aim 
of the war. The respect due to the existing laws, which is 
stipulated for in Article 43 of the IVth Hague Convention, 
implies the maintenance of the functionaries appointed in 
virtue of those laws. 

The occupant may of course believe himself entitled to 
withdraw the exequatur from a Consul whom he believes to 
have committed acts serious enough to seem incompatible 
with the continuance of his mission, even in the eyes of a 
Government dejure. Even then he ought, in the first place, to 
refer to the Power by whom this Consul was appointed. But 
he cannot under his de facto and provisional title claim the 
right, apart from any reason personal to the particular 
individual, to regard as cancelled generally all the exequaturs 
previously granted. 

Such a cancellation is in no way demanded by the exigencies 
of war. It would be an abuse of the occupation. That would 
deprive the subjects of foreign States of their natural pro- 
tectors amidst the vicissitudes of the struggle for occupation 
and resumption, and would increase the disturbance among a 
peaceful population. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 



No. no. 

The Belgian Minister at Madrid to M. Davignon, Belgian 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Madrid, January 9, 1915. 

SIR, In reply to your report of December 24th last, I 
beg to enclose herewith the reply of the German Government 
472 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

to the protest of the Belgian Government concerning the 
cancelling of the exequatur of the consuls in Belgium. 

(Signed) BARON GRENIER. 

ENCLOSURE TO No. no. 

Auswartiges Amt. To the Royal Spanish Embassy. 

The Foreign Office has the honour to reply to the note 
verbale of the Royal Spanish Embassy of December 3ist 
last as follows : 

The Imperial German Government is of opinion that the 
protest of the Belgian Government concerning the exequatur 
of the Consuls in Belgium is without foundation. Article 42 x * [The re- 
of the IVth Hague Convention in particular cannot support ference 
the view taken by the Belgian Government. According to Article 4 
this article, the occupying Government is obliged to maintain $ee 
public order, as far as possible in the occupied districts ; the Military, 
article by no means obliges it to maintain all the officials in P- 482.] 
the exercise of their functions. This, on the contrary, could 
be done only so far as the military interests of the occupation 
permit, and only on condition that those officials are ready to 
submit to the authority of the occupying Government. These 
principles apply to neutral Consuls, so that the latter can 
exercise their public functions only in so far as the occupying 
Power consents, for the exequatur of the enemy does not 
bind that Power. 

The circular note of the Imperial Government relating to 
the Consuls does not in any way affect the rights of the Belgian 
Government ; it concerns only the interests of the Imperial 
Government, which claims the original right and the un- 
questionable duty of regulating the consular protection of 
neutral subjects for the period of the occupation. 

This new regulation, moreover, is necessary, in the first 
place, in the interest of neutral subj ects themselves. Inasmuch 
as no fewer than 300 representatives of allied or neutral States 
were admitted into Belgium, the majority of them of Belgian 
nationality, and a great number of these have left the country, 
it is evident that, in the interest of the neutral subjects them- 
selves, the Imperial Government would not do well if it delayed 
in establishing regulations for effectively assuring their 
protection. 

473 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 



No. in. 

M. Davignon, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to 
Baron Grenier, Belgian Minister at Madrid. 

Havre, January 22, 1915. 

SIR, In answer to your letter of the gth of this month, 
I have the honour to enclose herewith a reply to the note of 
the German Government concerning the withdrawal of the 
exequatur from the foreign Consuls in Belgium. 

Be good enough to beg the Spanish Government to trans- 
mit this note to the Imperial Government. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 

ENCLOSURE TO No. in. 

Note. 

Germany claimed in her communication of December the 
5th that the occupant of an invaded region has the right to 
consider as ' annulled ' (' annules ') in all cases the exequatur 
given previously to Consuls who are discharging their legitimate 
functions under the laws of the country. 

The claim cannot be maintained. 

By reason of the nature of the occupant's power, which 
is derived from simple possession and has no definitive char- 
acter, Article 43 of the IVth Hague Convention sanctions, 
in principle, the maintenance of the civil and administrative 
laws and, consequently, of the existing conditions. 

In vain does Germany, in her note of January the 3rd, invoke 
the military interest and the administrative interest. These 
two interests may justify the withdrawal of the exequatur from 
a consul who committed acts of hostility or behaved in a 
manner inconsistent with the duties of his mission. But they 
cannot justify either the general right of annulment, which 
Germany puts forward, or her claim to overturn the entire 
consular organisation, to reduce to three the number of 
Consuls of each nation, and to exclude from the consulates, 
for the sole reason that they are Belgians, individuals who have 
committed no act contrary to the military interest, and have 
loyally recognised those rights of the occupant which are 
defined by the Hague Convention. 
474 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

If the principle maintained by Germany were admitted, 
it would result in disastrous instability among the consulates 
of districts occupied one day and retaken the next. 



No. 112. 

M. Davignon, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to the 
Heads of Missions A broad. 

Havre, February i, 1915. 

SIR, I have the honour to inform you that the American 
Government have just given their opinion concerning the 
annulment of the exequatur granted to consuls discharging 
their functions within the occupied districts of Belgium. 

According to a telegram from the Belgian Minister at 
Washington, the American Government is of opinion that the 
consuls are not political representatives with a general mission, 
but commercial representatives with a local mission. 

These representatives, in the districts under military 
occupation, can discharge the duties of their mission, only 
where the occupant, being in possession of a legal right of 
control, judges that military operations permit of their 
doing so. 

Germany is of opinion that in the districts occupied by her, 
military operations do not at present permit the discharge of 
consular duties elsewhere than at Brussels, Antwerp, and 
Liege. 

It may therefore be considered that the exercise of their 
functions by the American consuls is not annulled, but simply 
suspended in the districts under military occupation, except 
at Brussels, Antwerp, and Liege. 

As to the consulates of those three localities, which can 
continue their activity, and of other localities which may 
ultimately find themselves in the same situation, there is no 
ground for changing the existing personnel, unless the German 
Government informs the American Government that reasons 
personal to himself prevent any particular individual among 
these consuls from discharging the duties of his office. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 



475 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

SECTION XIV. 
ARBITRARY ARREST OF M. MAX, BURGOMASTER OF BRUSSELS. 

No. 113. 

M . Davignon, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to 
Mr. Brand Whitlock, Minister of the United States. 

Havre, January 5, 1915. 

SIR, The Belgian Government is aware of all the efforts 
Your Excellency has made to lighten the crushing burdens 
borne by Belgium, and in particular by Brussels, in conse- 
quence of the German occupation. The Belgian Government 
is profoundly grateful to Your Excellency for the support 
which you have been kind enough to give to our unfortunate 
population. 

I have the honour to resort again to your kindness with 
the view of obtaining information concerning the fate of 
M. Max, Burgomaster of Brussels, whose health is unsatis- 
factory and who is undergoing, for reasons of which I have no 
official knowledge, a painful imprisonment at Glatz. 

It is understood from correspondence received by his 
friends that M. Max is treated like an ordinary prisoner guilty 
of the most serious offences, that he is confined under the 
constant watch of two soldiers, and that he is not allowed, 
under any pretext, to leave his prison. 

Perhaps Your Excellency could induce the German 
authorities, whilst taking the necessary precautions by super- 
vision, to bring about some amelioration in a regime that 
may well have the gravest consequences for the health of 
M. Max. (Signed) DAVIGNON. 



No. 114. 

Mr. Brand Whitlock, Minister of the United States of America, 
to M. Davignon, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Brussels, January 14, 1915. 

SIR, I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of Your 
Excellency's letter of January the 5th, and I much appreciate 
476 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

the sentiments which the Belgian Government have been 
good enough to convey to me through you. 

I will not fail to seize the first opportunity of discussing 
the fate of M. Max with Baron von der Lancken, and I shall 
have pleasure in communicating to Your Excellency the 
information I obtain on this subject. 

(Signed) BRAND WHITLOCK. 



SECTION XV. 

THE TOWN OF COURTRAI FINED 10,000,000 MARKS FOR 
HAVING OBEYED TWO GERMAN COMMANDANTS. 

No. 115. 

M. Davignon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to Baron Grenier, 
Belgian Minister at Madrid. 

(Telegraphic.) Havre, January 10, 1915. 

The town of Courtrai has just been punished by a fine of 
ten million marks for an alleged hidden depot of arms. The 
municipal authorities are in no way to blame, for they only 
called in the arms and had them deposited in the Broel tower, 
in accordance with two proclamations, issued in succession, 
the first by order of Commandant Maxeman, and the second 
by order of Commandant Pschors. 

Be good enough to request the Spanish Government to 
bring to the knowledge of the German Government the facts 
which prove the unjustifiable character of this punishment. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 



SECTION XVI. 

No FRENCH OR ENGLISH TROOPS ENTERED BELGIUM 
BEFORE AUGUST 5. 

No. 116. 

M . Davignon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to all Diplomatic 
Representatives Abroad. 

Havre, January 28, 1915. 

SIR, As you know, Germany is endeavouring to justify 
her attack on Belgium by alleging facts which, if true, would 

477 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

prove that our country was in collusion with France and 
England, and thereby disregarded our obligations as neutrals. 

Thus, the Wolff Agency, according to an article in the 
Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, telegraphed to the news- 
papers that French troops had already entered Belgian terri- 
tory on the 24th July. 

I thought it my duty to issue a contradiction of this 
audacious assertion. 

I should be much obliged if you would have this contra- 
diction published in the press of the country to which you 
are accredited. (Signed) DAVIGNON. 

ENCLOSURE TO No. 116. 
Note. 

On July 24th a German manufacturer saw two com- 
panies of French troops under arms at Erquelines. He makes 
this statement to the Governor-General of Belgium, and the 
North German Gazette considers the fact established. We 
regret for the anonymous witness who guaranteed under 
oath the truth of this story that his memory has served him 
very ill. Moreover confusion between the names of places 
is very possible in an interval of six months. 

We have already stated, but we are now compelled to 
repeat, that before August 5th no armed troops of any kind, 
whether English or French, entered Belgium. The Govern- 
ment did not appeal to the guarantee of her guarantors, or 
rescind in favour of the troops of France the prohibition to 
enter the territory of the kingdom, until Germany had vio- 
lated the neutrality of Belgium. This violation took place 
on August 4th at 8 o'clock in the morning, and it was on the 
same day at 8 o'clock in the evening that the Government 
1 [See Dip- decided to call France and England to her help. 1 Before that 
lomatic, 2, date not a single French soldier entered Belgium. 
P- 43-] Against the evidence of the German manufacturer we set 

that of officials of the German Empire, that of the German 
Minister at Brussels, of the Secretary of State for Foreign 
Affairs, and even of the Chancellor himself. On the night of 
August 2nd Herr von Below endeavours to find a grievance 
against us to support his ultimatum. At 2 o'clock in the 
morning he goes to the Secretary-General at the Ministry to 
478 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

tell him that a French cavalry patrol has crossed the frontier. 
Baron van der Elst asks him where this has taken place. ' In 
Germany/ is the reply. 1 If a single armed French soldier * [See Dip- 
had crossed our frontier, it would clearly not have escaped lomatic, 2, 
the vigilance of Herr von Below's numerous spies. P- 28 

On August 3rd 2 the Belgian Minister was received by the 2 [Aug. 4. 
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. ' Have you any com- See No. 
plaint to make against us ? ' asked Baron Beyens. ' Have 5*-] 
we not always, during three-quarters of a century, observed 
in respect of Germany, as of all the guaranteeing Great Powers, 
all the duties of our neutrality ? ' ' Germany/ replied Herr 
von Jagow, ' has no complaint to make against Belgium ; her 
attitude has always been perfectly correct/ 

Finally the Chancellor, at the sitting of the Reichstag on 
the 4th August, expressed himself no less frankly. ' Our 
troops/ he declared, ' have occupied Luxemburg and perhaps 
have already entered Belgian territory. This is a breach of 
international law. The wrong I speak openly the wrong we 
thereby commit, we will repair/ 3 But since the Chancellor's 3 [See Dip- 
frankness has been disavowed by the German press because fanatic, 2, 
the cynical disregard of the treaties produced unanimously PP- 356-7-] 
in every neutral country the most unfortunate impression, 
Germany has sought for imputations against the loyalty of 
Belgium. 

Thus Germany, after having attacked us unjustly, ruined 
us, and slaughtered us, seeks to deprive us of the only thing 
we have left, our honour. But these charges made by witnesses 
whose names are not even given, brought forward six months 
after the events, will not alter public opinion. From the first 
day it has condemned the premeditated attack which has 
been made upon Belgium, and it has treated as they deserve 
the abominable calumnies invented to justify that attack. 



No. 117. 

M. Davignon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to M. Klobukowski, 

the French Minister. 

Havre, February 6, 1915. 

SIR, Your Excellency has been kind enough to draw my 
attention to the North German Gazette, setting forth the 
evidence according to which armed French soldiers had 

479 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

entered Belgian territory before the opening of hostilities. 
This manoeuvre forms part of the campaign which aims at 
proving that Belgium, in complicity with France and England, 
had failed to carry out her international obligations, and that 
the first acts of hostility were perpetrated not by Germany, 
but by Belgium. 

The North German Gazette had already published in the 
month of November seven depositions supplied by witnesses, 
and reproduced in the November number of the Journal de 
la Guerre. These seven depositions agreed as to the pre- 
sence in Belgium of French officers and soldiers before the 
war. But they disagreed concerning the spot where the 
officers and soldiers were seen : it was now at Charleroi, now 
at Namur, at Ougres, at Liege. We have not protested against 
these allegations. Your Excellency knows, of course, that 
French soldiers on leave, in uniform, but without arms, were 
often to be seen in Belgium, especially at Dinant, Namur, 
and Liege. Foreigners also mistake Belgian guides, who wear 
red trousers, for French soldiers. But when a witness swore 
to the presence of two French regiments at the Station 
du Midi on August the 2nd, we issued a denial which was 
published in the Petit Havre. 

In its issue of January gth, the Norddeutsche Allge- 
meine Zeitung mentioned, on the authority of a sworn 
deposition, the arrival at Erquelines, on the 24th of July, of 
French armed troops coming from Paris. In a communique, 
of which a summary was published in the Matin, I pointed 
out the lack of foundation for this accusation. Your Excel- 
lency will find this communique enclosed herewith (see En- 
closure to No. 116). It is evident that, if French troops 
had entered Belgium before the latter had appealed to her 
guarantors, the Government would have been informed by the 
officials of the Customs and by the police, as the German 
Minister would have been by his spies. No complaint reached 
me with regard to this, before the German attack. Now that 
our territory has been taken from us, it is not possible for us to 
have the evidence of the German witnesses examined. But 
it will be possible for the French Government to give a denial 
to the accusation mentioned above concerning the arrival of 
troops at Erquelines on the evening of the 24th July. 

We should be very grateful if they would do this. 
480 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

No. 118. 

M. Klobukowski, French Minister, to M. Davignon, 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

Havre, March 13, 1915. 

SIR, Referring to your Excellency's letter of the 6th of 
February last, concerning the alleged violations by France of 
Belgian neutrality which were sworn to before German tri- 
bunals, I have the honour to send you herewith a letter from 
M. Millerand and explicit declarations from our Consuls at 
Liege and at Brussels, with which I fully associate my- 
self. These documents, together with the emphatic denials 
of the Belgian Government, which show the complete 
absence of foundation in the evidence relied upon which 
is full of gross errors and inaccuracies more or less intentional 
will be communicated to the neutral Powers. The Minister 
of Foreign Affairs of the Republic, moreover, proposes to 
have a resume published in the shape of a pamphlet with a 
view to reaching public opinion in various countries. 

The object of the German publications is obviously to 
justify in the eyes of neutrals the attack upon Belgium. 

Although the matter is well known, from the diplomatic 
publications and notably from the Belgian Grey Book and 
the declarations of the German Chancellor in the Reichstag, 
it is nevertheless interesting and instructive to detect the 
Germans once more in the very act of imposture and bad 
faith. (Signed) KLOBUKOWSKI. 

FIRST ENCLOSURE TO No. 118. 

The Minister of War to M. Delcasse, Minister of Foreign 

Affairs. 

Paris, February 16, 1915. 

On February the I3th you were good enough to let me 
know the wish expressed by M. Davignon that the French 
Government should contradict the definite accusation con- 
cerning the arrival of French troops at Erquelines on the 
evening of the 24th July, and to ask my opinion on this 
subject. 

I have the honour to inform you that I think it would be 

DIPLOMATICS 2H 481 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC [M 

a very good thing to give the most formal contradiction to the 
allegations of the German press on this point, as well as on 
those contained in the letters from your representatives in 
Belgium, of which you have sent me a copy. In order to 
facilitate the measures you may think it necessary to take 
to refute these false statements, I think it right to give you 
the following particulars : 

(a) Not only is it impossible to prove any arrival of the 
French at Erquelines on the 24th of July 1914, but at that 
date no step had been taken of any kind not merely no pre- 
paratory step, but not even a precautionary one, such as 
watching the frontier or guarding the railway lines. 

The first precautionary measure, the suppression of leave, 
dates from the 26th of July. 

(b) Even at a later date, at the moment when the disposi- 
tion of the covering troops was under consideration, no 
measures were taken for posting those troops at the Belgian 
frontier, the reason being the respect due to the neutrality 
of that country. 

(c) Moreover, on August the 2nd, the first day of the 
mobilisation, in order to avoid any incident, my predecessor 
gave the following telegraphic order to the general command- 
ing the first district. 

' 2nd August, 214 3/n to ist District, Lille. 

1 It is absolutely necessary, under the diplomatic condi- 
tions of the moment, that no incident should occur on the 
Franco-Belgian frontier, and consequently that the troops 
should not approach within a distance of at least two kilo- 
metres from it. 

' The Custom House officials and foresters will be instructed 
to avoid any incident/ 

This order merely extended to the first district, at the 
moment when it received the telegram ordering mobilisation, 
the orders given to the districts of the Franco-German frontier 
which forbade the crossing of a line which, in view of the chances 
of a conflict, my predecessor had thought right to fix at a 
distance of about ten kilometres from the German frontier. 

Therefore the German allegations are all false ; they have 
not even the excuse of probability. 
482 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 



SECOND ENCLOSURE TO No. 118. 

M. Pallu de la Barriere, French Consul at Liege, now at Havre, 
to M. Klobukowski, Minister Plenipotentiary of the French 
Republic to the Belgian Government now at Havre. 

Havre, February 2, 1915. 

I have the honour to communicate to you the observations 
which suggest themselves to me, as far as the Liege Consular 
district is concerned, after reading the Norddeutsche Allge- 
meine Zeitung of January the gth, 1915, concerning the alleged 
violations of Belgian neutrality by France. 

To the three accusations made on oath before the courts 
of Essen, Eschweiler, and Bonn, I am able to give a formal 
denial. 

I declare that the facts mentioned by the Norddeutsche 
Allgemeine Zeitung are false. 

This newspaper says : ' In the last days of July I often 
saw French soldiers in the neighbourhood of Liege ; together 
with Belgians they were digging trenches round Liege/ 

No French soldiers can have been seen either at Liege or 
in its neighbourhood at that time (nor, moreover, at a later 
date either), for the excellent reason that there was not a 
single one there. Under those conditions it was equally 
impossible to see our soldiers help Belgian soldiers to dig 
trenches in the neighbourhood of Liege ! I can even guarantee 
that, at that date, the Belgians themselves were not digging 
trenches, as I was able to ascertain myself when I walked 
in front and between several forts. On the contrary, I saw 
trees being cut down in the neighbourhood of those forts by 
Belgian soldiers on the very first days after mobilisation 
(2nd August 1914). 

SECOND ACCUSATION. 

Court of Eschweiler, October 20, 1914. 

' During the last days of July I saw French officers and 
soldiers in the streets of Liege, and they were there, contrary 
to custom, in great numbers. They were French infantry 
of the line (red caps), passing through the streets of the 
town.' 

485 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC [MA 

Neither at that date, nor down to the 6th of August, when 
I left Lige, did I see either in the streets of that town, or 
in its neighbourhood, or even at my Consulate, a single French 
officer or soldier in uniform. 

On this subject, I think it also necessary to add that 
from the moment of the French mobilisation I gave strict 
injunctions to the Frenchmen who were called up, expressly 
forbidding them to leave Belgium in military attire, so far 
as the reservists possessed any. This was in order to avoid 
manifestations of any kind whatever from the population, 
and to prevent any act inconsistent with the respect due to 
Belgian neutrality. 



THIRD ACCUSATION. 

Court of Bonn, December 9, 1914. 

' At Namur, on August 2nd, it was said generally : " We 
have help, the French are arriving ; whole trainloads have 
arrived at Li6ge " ; on the road from Namur to Luxemburg, 
one met nothing but French soldiers (cavalry and infantry), 
all the stations were occupied by the French military. We 
were taken from Namur to the frontier under French super- 
vision/ 

I protest indignantly against this new accusation, which 
is as false as the preceding ones. Down to the 6th of August, 
as can be proved by the record of my telephonic messages at 
the Post Office at Liege, I communicated several times a day 
with my consular agent at Namur, who kept me informed 
even of the slightest details. I vouch for it that on 2nd August 
no train had brought any Frenchmen to Namur. Whether 
wrongly informed people declared that ' the French were 
arriving/ I do not know : what is certain is that the in- 
formation was erroneous for Namur as well as for Liege. 

On the other hand, if the French had been found on the 
road from Namur to Luxemburg I should have been informed 
of it at once, as well as of the military occupation of the 
stations of that line by our troops. These statements are 
false. 

It is the same with regard to the conveyance of Germans 
to the frontier under French supervision. 
484 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 



THIRD ENCLOSURE TO No. 118. 

Baron Lahure, French Consul at Brussels, now at Havre, to 
M. Klobukowski, Minister Plenipotentiary of the French 
Republic to the Belgian Government, now at Havre. 

Havre, February 2, 1915. 

You have been good enough to send me the translation 
of the reports published in Germany, notably in the issue of 
the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung for the gth of January, 
concerning the alleged violations of Belgian neutrality by 
France. 

I hasten, as far as Brussels is concerned, to make the follow- 
ing remarks suggested by the reading of these statements. 
I take the quotations in their order. 

(i) Court of Rastatt. ' A regiment in field-grey uniform 
is said to have taken part in the last review on the 26th July at 
Brussels, on the occasion of the visit of the Lord Mayor/ 

The Belgian General Staff, while considering a change in 
their uniforms, caused a company of infantry dressed in the 
new grey blue uniform then under consideration, and with a 
cap of the same colour, to march past at the various reviews 
held in Brussels before the war. The object in view was pro- 
bably to ascertain the opinion of the public as to the uniform 
then on trial. 

I have never heard of an incident said to have occurred in 
the neighbourhood of the Bourse on July 2gth, when an 
officer is supposed to have addressed the crowd. The witness 
asserts that he wore four stars on his collar and that he was a 
cavalry officer. 

This is obviously not true ; no French officer wears stars 
on his collar : only Belgian officers wear stars on their collar, 
three being the maximum. 

(3) Court of Tittlungen. ' Soldiers in uniform were to 
be seen in the streets of Brussels as early as the morning of 
August the 3rd, after the ultimatum had been sent, but before 
the declaration of war. The crowd is said to have cheered a 
French hussar/ 

That is quite possible and entirely normal. Indeed, 
French soldiers on leave whose families resided in Belgium 
were allowed to visit their relations in uniform, but without 

485 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC [MA* 

arms. As the Belgian national fetes take place at the end 
of July, a date coinciding with the Brussels Fair, it is at this 
date that the soldiers were in the habit, before the manoeuvres, 
of asking for leave of a week to a fortnight to visit their families. 
The case in question may perhaps have been that of a soldier 
on sick leave with his family, who was getting ready to rejoin 
his regiment before the expiration of his leave. 

As our French colony in Brussels numbers 25,000, and 
has its activity centred in the heart of the city, it is quite 
natural that a group of Frenchmen should cheer the uniform 
of our army at the moment when war had just been declared 
against our country ; that Belgians should join in cheering 
a soldier belonging to one of the Powers guaranteeing the 
neutrality of Belgium, at the moment when this had just been 
violated by the sending of the ultimatum announced in the 
press, can surprise nobody. 

(5) Court of Diisseldorf . ' Cheering of French soldiers on 
the boulevards at Brussels on August 2nd/ 

As I have just remarked, this is quite normal, in conse- 
quence of the number of French soldiers on leave who were 
in Brussels at that time. August 2nd being the first day of 
our mobilisation, the Legation, which had received notice of 
it during the night, had at once communicated the order of 
mobilisation to the Havas Agency. It had been published 
in the Belgian papers on the morning of Sunday, August 2nd. 
Soldiers in uniform, no doubt, in the course of the day, passed 
through the town to go to the station. 

6. Court of the Reserve battalion of the ngth Infantry 
Regiment of the Landwehr at Stuttgart. ' Several French 
artillery officers were seen on July i6th, and were received 
with enthusiasm by the crowd/ 

The place where this manifestation was said to have 
occurred is not stated exactly. The i6th of July was a 
Thursday. During the festivities, the concourse of people is 
always large in the centre of the city, even on week days. I 
have never heard that a group of officers of our artillery was 
cheered, and I ask how they could have walked about in 
their uniforms without the Legation having been informed 
of it. Our officers would, as a matter of fact, have had to 
ask at the Legation for permission to wear uniform, and this 
is granted only in exceptional cases. May it not have been 
486 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

a group of Belgian musicians, since the members of some 
bands of music wear uniforms somewhat resembling those of 
our artillery officers : a black tunic with red band, cap with 
plume and stripe ? 

(8) Court of Hamburg. ' The crowd sang the Marseillaise 
in front of the Bourse, on August 2nd, and cheered a group 
of French soldiers.' 

Groups of our fellow-countrymen, so numerous in Brussels, 
have indeed sung the Marseillaise and cheered our soldiers 
on leave when they met them on their way back to France. 
As the Bourse is situated on the main road leading to the 
Midi Station, and as war had been declared against France, 
this patriotic manifestation was quite natural. 

That the crowd should have cheered English officers on 
the arrival of the train at the Nord Station at Brussels on 
August the 5th is not at all surprising, as the German troops 
had two days before violated the territory of Belgium, and 
the Government had appealed to England on 4th August. 

(9) Court of Anrath. ' On Sunday, 2nd August, on the 
Boulevard Botanique, at Brussels, a French soldier, in full 
kit, with fixed bayonet, was to be seen walking on the pave- 
ment, his mission being apparently to muster young French- 
men of military age.' The witness is said to have recognised 
him as a French soldier by his ' red breeches.' Here there is 
obviously a confusion, as no soldier on leave had a rifle. One 
cannot see, moreover, how a soldier could have been of any 
use in the Boulevard of the Botanical Gardens, where the 
French colony has no place of meeting from which he could 
have mustered reservists. 

It must have been a Belgian private of one of the Guide 
Regiments, which likewise wear red trousers. As the Belgians 
had on August 2nd been mobilised for several days, one 
frequently met soldiers, even solitary individuals, fully 
equipped, going to the station to join the headquarters of 
their corps. 

None of these facts therefore can be seriously appealed to 
as indications of the violation of Belgian neutrality by France. 
But, on the other hand, there exist proofs of German pre- 
meditation which would be easy to verify if one collected the 
evidence of persons with whom German Reserve officers 
lodged, and of firms engaged in furniture removals ; it could 

487 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC [A 

be proved that, from the month of July, Germany had begun 
the mobilisation of her army by calling up separate indi- 
viduals, and under conditions never previously in force, even 
at the moment of the greatest tension after the demonstra- 
tion at Agadir. 

I was warned of this soon after July I4th, by one of our 
fellow-countrymen belonging to the business world, with 
whom I lunched at the industrial club on the Boulevard 
Anspach. He regarded as a sure sign of an early war the 
fact, ascertained by him, that a great number of Germans, 
especially officers of the Reserve, as if they were obeying a single 
order, had just broken up their establishments in Belgium, 
sent their furniture to Germany, and let their apartments or 
their houses. This had never occurred before, and from it 
might be inferred a presumption of the certainty they felt that 
their country would violate Belgian neutrality. How else 
could be explained their anxiety to place their furniture in 
safety by sending it to Germany ? 

I was much struck by this information, and you will cer- 
tainly remember, Sir, that I mentioned the matter to you. 
I also spoke of it to Lieut.-Colonel G6nie, a certain number 
of Reserve officers of our army having come to see me in order 
to express their surprise at having not yet received personally 
the order of recall to France. 



No. 119. 

M. Davignon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to all Diplomatic 
Representatives Abroad. 

Havre, April 10, 1915. 

SIR, In their ultimatum of August 2nd, the German 
Government tried to justify their aggression against Belgium, 
on the ground of a threat of a French attack which, passing 
through Belgian territory, would have developed against the 
German right wing. 

1 [For ' The German Government/ said the ultimatum, 1 ' has 

text of received trustworthy information to the effect that French 
ultimatum, troops intend to march on the line of the Meuse by Givet and 
matio2 Namur. This information leaves no doubt as to the intention 
iTp. 26-7.] f France to march through Belgian territory against Germany. ' 
488 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

From the very first day it was apparent that these allega- 
tions were contrary to the formal declarations of the French 
Government and to the facts. Nevertheless, in several neutral 
countries, the question was asked whether there was not 
some foundation of truth for them. 

The course of events has dissipated this doubt, so that 
no sensible person could any longer give them the slightest 
credit. 

The fact that the Belgian army found itself alone in the 
face of the German armies during the first period of the cam- 
paign has demonstrated the falsity of the German General 
Staff's assertions. 

The German military writer, General von Bernhardi, 
nevertheless endeavoured some weeks ago, in an article pub- 
lished in the New York Sun, to make the Americans believe 
that, as early as the month of July, France and England were 
making ready to violate the neutrality of Belgium. 

The French Government, wishing to reply categorically 
to these accusations, caused a note to be published in which 
they gave precise information as to the position of the French 
troops at the beginning of the war. You will find a copy of 
this note enclosed. 

This publication in the first place proves conclusively the 
sincerity of the declarations made to us by the French Govern- 
ment, from before the opening of hostilities : secondly, it 
proves that the German allegations were only an idle pretext 
for the purpose of concealing the real object of the Imperial 
General Staff, which was to surprise France by an overwhelm- 
ing advance while she was in the act of general mobilisation. 

An error has crept into the communique. The violation 
of Belgian territory took place on the 4th and not on the 3rd 
of August (First Grey Book, No. 30). l 

ENCLOSURE TO No. 119. 

FRANCE AND THE NEUTRALITY OF BELGIUM. THE REPLY 
OF FRANCE TO THE GERMAN LIES. 

In an article published by an American newspaper, the 
German General von Bernhardi, returning to the subject of 
the origin of the war, claims to prove that the French con- 
centration and the presence on our left wing of our principal 

489 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC [ 

forces demonstrate the fixed resolve of the French Govern- 
ment to violate Belgian neutrality, jointly with Great Britain. 
To this allegation of General von Bernhardi's, the French 
plan of concentration is a categorical reply. 

I. Our Plan of Concentration. 

The whole of the French forces, in pursuance of the plan 
of concentration, were placed, when war was declared, facing 
North-East, between Belfort and the Belgian frontier, that 
is to say : 

ist Army : between Belfort and the general line Mire- 
court Lun6ville ; 

2nd Army : between this line and the Moselle ; 

3rd Army : between the Moselle and the line Verdun 
Audun-le-Roman ; 

5th Army : between this line and the Belgian frontier. 

The 4th Army was in reserve, west of Commercy. In 
consequence, the whole of the French armies were placed 
facing Germany, and facing Germany only. 

II. The Alterations in our Concentration. 

This is so true that, when the violation of Belgian neutrality 
by the German troops was known, the French General Staff 
had to prescribe alterations in the plan of concentration. 

The contingency of these alterations had of course been 
studied, because many indications had prepared us to fear 
the violation of Belgian neutrality by Germany. When this 
violation had taken place and the Belgian Government (4th 

1 [See O f August, Yellow Book, p. 151),* had asked us for support, the 
Diplomatic, S ph e re of action of our 2nd Army was extended as far as 

^"' the Verdun region : the 4th Army was interposed between 

2 [Sic.] the 3rd and the 4th 2 on the Meuse ; the 5th was slipped 

towards the North- West along the Belgian frontier, as far as 
the height of Fourmies. 

Moreover, two corps of the 2nd Army, the i8th and the 
gth, were transferred from the region of Nancy towards 
Mezieres and Hirson. 

In this direction were sent also the two divisions of Algeria 
and the division of Morocco. 

Finally, a cavalry corps received the order to penetrate 
into. Belgium to reconnoitre the German columns and to 
490 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

slacken the speed of their movement (6th August), three days 
after the latter had violated the Belgian frontier. Thanks 
to this alteration, the French General Staff was in a position 
to face the German assault on the west of the Meuse, by 
bringing our principal forces there. 

If there had been premeditation on their part, this sudden 
displacement of our troops would not have been necessary, 
and we could have arrived in time to prevent the enemy from 
crossing the Meuse in Belgium. 

A small detail may serve to illustrate this conclusive argu- 
ment : Our left covering corps, the second, that is the Amiens 
one, was, in pursuance of the plan of concentration, not facing 
the Belgian frontier, but in the Montmdy-Longuyon district. 



III. The Concentration of the English Army. 

As to the English army, its support was assured to us 
only on the 5th of August, that is to say, after the violation 
of the Belgian frontier by the Germans, which occurred on 
3rd August (Yellow Book, p. 151). * * [See 

The concentration of the British army took place behind Diplomatic, 
Maubeuge, from the I4th to the 2Oth August. Ij p - 



IV. Various Orders concerning the intentions of the 
French Government. 

On July 30th the French Government gives the order to 
our covering troops to keep at a distance of ten kilometres 
from the frontier, in spite of the military measures taken by 
Germany. 

On August 2nd a second order is given to our troops, 
instructing them to leave to the Germans the entire responsi- 
bility of hostilities and to restrict themselves to repulsing 
any attacking force that may penetrate into French territory. 

On August 3rd, a further telegram gives peremptory 
orders to avoid any incident whatever on the Franco-Belgian 
frontier. The French troops are to keep at a distance of 
from two to three kilometres away from it. 

On the same day, August 3rd, a new order confirms and 

defines the instructions given on August 2nd. 

491 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

On August 4th, an order of the Minister of War says : 

' Germany will endeavour, by spreading false news, 
to induce us to violate Belgian neutrality. It is strictly 
and most emphatically forbidden, until an order tQ the 
contrary is given, to enter upon Belgian territory, even 
with patrols or single cavalrymen, and airmen are forbidden 
to fly over that territory.' 

On August 5th only, at the request of the Belgian Govern- 
1 [See Dip- ment (formulated on the 4th) * the French aeroplanes and air- 
lomatic, 2, ships are authorised to fly over Belgian territory and our 
P- 43-] reconnoitring troops to penetrate into it. 



SECTION XVII. 

TAX ON ABSENTEES. 

No. 120. 

M. Davignon, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to all 
Belgian Legations Abroad. 

Havre, February 8, 1915. 

SIR, I beg to enclose herewith a copy of the protest sent 
by the Belgian Government to the German Government on 
the subject of the order of the Governor-General dated 
January i6th, imposing an iniquitous penalty on Belgians 
who have left their domicile since the outbreak of hostilities. 
Be good enough to send this protest to the Government 
to which you are accredited. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 

ENCLOSURE TO No. 120. 

The Belgian Government protests against afresh Misdeed 
on the part of the German Government. 

On entering Belgium the German troops did not shrink 
from any form of violence in order to terrorise the popula- 
tion ; they destroyed towns, set fire to farmhouses, ravaged 
the lands, slaughtered inoffensive inhabitants. Flight was 
for many the only means of saving their lives and protecting 
their honour. 

The whole country is terrorised, and now, with a refine- 
ment of irony, the German Government seeks to punish the 
492 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

absentees, that is to say, those who, frightened by the bar- 
barity of their proceedings, have resigned themselves to aban- 
doning their fatherland and their homes, often destroyed by 
fire, in order to live in hardship abroad. 

By an order of January i6th, 1915, the Governor-General 
has now determined that Belgians who have left their domicile 
voluntarily since the outbreak of war and who have not 
returned to Belgium before March ist, 1915, will be subjected 
to an additional and extraordinary tax, fixed at ten times 
the amount of the personal tax to which they were liable in 
the year 1914. 

Inasmuch as it is in conflict with the principles of equity 
and of the fiscal system in force in Belgium, this imposition 
is contrary to Articles 43, 46, 48, and 49 of the Fourth Hague 
Convention. 1 i See Mili- 

It is so ingeniously worded as to wear the appearance of toy, i, pp. 
a personal tax analogous to the personal tax in force under 482-3.] 
the existing laws, whereas it is in reality altogether different. 

Instead of respecting the Constitution and the laws of the 
Belgian people, it doubly disregards them, from the point of 
view alike of equality and of liberty. It draws a distinction 
between the taxpayers, it is aimed at only one class, the 
absentees, and even only at one class of absentees. It denies 
to the citizens the right of judging as to the reasons which 
may call for their absence from the country, reasons of 
health, of business, family reasons, the destruction of their 
homes or their factories, fear of the perils of war. It strikes 
at the exercise of their individual liberty, and it strikes them 
without discrimination. 

Instead of being based on a legitimate estimate of income, 
drawn from obvious signs, which have been observed within 
a limited period (the kind of house occupied, the size of the 
establishment, etc.), it is based upon a list drawn up on 
March ist, 1914, upon data which, in many cases, have been 
completely upset by the subsequent military operations. It 
thus disregards the whole scheme of the Belgian fiscal system. 

Instead of leaving to the judicial authority, in accordance 
with the law of the land, the verification of the conditions on 
which the assessment for the tax should be based, and 
especially in the case of absentees, it leaves the matter 
absolutely to the de facto executive power, that is to say, to 

493 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

the German exchequer, which is directly interested in securing 
the largest returns, and which will fix the amounts summarily 
and without affording any opportunity for public hearing or 
objection. 

Instead of being moderate in its rate, it amounts to 
positive spoliation. It comes as an addition to all the other 
taxes : it has been fixed at ten times the rate of personal 
tax, which was regarded as normal before the war ; it is to 
be levied under penalty of arrest, at a moment when there 
is neither income nor ready money, and when a legal mora- 
torium and the difficulties of the situation are stopping all 
payments. It is, in reality, confiscation in disguise. 

This new burden is all the more odious because the country 
has been ruined by the war, by the requisitions and collective 
fines, by the numerous confiscations and the removal to Ger- 
many of cattle, food-stuffs, and indispensable raw material 
for industry. Whilst ordering collection of the taxes imposed 
by existing laws, the German Government has in addition, 
quite recently, exacted an enormous war-tax, equal to twenty 
times the total of all the taxes and contributions levied 
annually in the nine provinces. They did not obtain the 
vote of the provincial councils to this monthly taxation of 
forty millions of francs until they made, on December I4th, 
1914, the formal declaration that : ' no other taxes would be 
imposed on the country/ It was on the very morrow of 
this declaration and of this vote that the iniquitous provision 
was made regarding absentees. 

Such a tax is, therefore, not only a disregard of the 
Hague Convention, it is also a flagrant breach of a recent and 
solemn engagement. 

SECTION XVIII. 

REMOVAL OF MACHINERY. 

No. 121. 

M. Davignon, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to all 
Belgian Legations Abroad. 

Havre, February 13, 1915. 

SIR, It appears from an appeal addressed to the Governor- 
General of Belgium on January 22nd, by the Federation of 
494 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

Belgian Engineers, that the German authorities entered the 
factories and declared they were going to seize the machine- 
tools which were in use there. These machines were taken 
to pieces, many were removed and sent to Germany, often 
without the owners' receiving any memorandum showing the 
nature, the number, and the value of the plant which had 
been seized. On that date, January 22nd, the value of the 
machinery seized exceeded 16,000,000 francs. 

Moreover, according to the terms of a contract entered 
into between the royal Feldzeugmeisterei of Berlin and the 
firm Sonnenthal Junior of Cologne, the latter places itself at * 
the disposal of the Feldzeugmeisterei to forward the machinery' 
seized in the occupied regions of Belgium and Flanders by 
the quickest route to German factories which have been 
entrusted with orders for munitions. It also undertakes the 
retransport, after the war, of this Belgian and French 
machinery back to the Belgian and French factories to which 
it belongs. 

The firm has the right and the duty, with the assistance 
of the ordnance foundry at Liege, of proving the existence in 
the factories of the occupied territories of machinery suitable 
for the manufacture of munitions, and of suggesting the 
seizure of this machinery. 

The Belgian Government protests indignantly against 
these proceedings, which are a flagrant violation of Article 33 1 1 [A mis- 
of the Regulations annexed to the Fourth Hague Convention, g?,** 
Article 53 is restrictive in its enumeration, and does not 
authorise either the seizure or the transfer to another country' 
of industrial machinery, which must always be respected 
when it is private property (Article 46). 

The removal of machinery puts an end to the efforts of 
manufacturers to maintain a certain activity in their fac- 
tories, it condemns numbers of workmen to unemployment 
and starvation, and it will have the effect of delaying the 
revival of industry after the war. 

Finally, the German authorities also systematically ignore 
the directions of Article 52 of the above-mentioned Regula- 
tions, according to which requisitions in kind shall not be 
demanded from local authorities or inhabitants except for 
the needs of the army of occupation. 

As illustrations I will quote the following : 

495 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

(a) The advertisements in German newspapers of sales to 
German agriculturists of stallions, mares, and foals requisi- 
tioned in Belgium ; 

(b) The removal to Germany and to the Russian front of 
wines taken from private individuals ; 

(c) The systematic felling of walnut-trees, which are sent 
to Germany to be manufactured into butts of rifles ; 

(d) The seizure and removal to Germany of raw materials 
belonging to private individuals, such as cotton, flax, rubber, 
wool, nickel, copper, leather, the value of which amounts to 
several tens of millions of francs ; 

(e) The requisition in the neighbourhood of Jodoigne and 
in the district of Geer of 130 head of cattle and of a great 
number of pigs, which have been sent to Germany. 

These illegal requisitions are all the more odious because 
they affect a population already ruined by the war, and 
deprive it of supplies absolutely indispensable for its sub- 
sistence. 

I have the honour to request you to be good enough to 
present a copy of this despatch to the Government to which 
you are accredited, and which, equally with Belgium and 
Germany, is a signatory to the Fourth Hague Convention. 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 



SECTION XIX. 

THE GERMAN OFFICERS AND MEN TAKEN PRISONERS BY THE 
BELGIAN ARMY HAVE BEEN TREATED ACCORDING TO 
THE REGULATIONS OF THE HAGUE CONVENTION. 

No. 122. 

M . Davignon, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to Baron 
Grenier, Belgian Minister at Madrid. 

Havre, February 18, 1915. 

SIR, In the course of the months of November and 
December, my colleague, the Minister of War, and various 
other Belgian persons received numerous letters from officers, 
prisoners in Germany, making it known that the military 
authorities of that country believed, on the strength of reports 
sent in by, amongst others, a German doctor named Weinstein, 
that the prisoners who had fallen into the hands of the Belgians 
496 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

and French were being ill-treated. The writers of the letters 
in question had been informed that reprisals would be taken 
against them if the treatment of the Germans were not 
promptly improved. 

Identical complaints having reached the French Govern- 
ment, the latter on isth December addressed a note to the 
Spanish Ambassador at Berlin, a note which he was requested 
to transmit to the Imperial Government, concerning the 
prisoners of war in France and in Germany ; in this particulars 
are given of the treatment to which the German prisoners 
in France are subjected. 

The German combatants captured by the Belgian Army 
are subjected to the same treatment, because as they come in 
they are sent on to the French military authorities and kept 
in France under the same conditions as the Germans taken 
by the French troops. 

Certain allegations, however, of the German doctor Wein- 
stein had special reference to the period during which the 
German officers by whom the complaints were made had been 
kept as prisoners in Belgium, and particularly at Bruges. 

The enclosed copy of a report by Lieutenant-General 
Thieman, ex-Inspector-General of the internment depots of 
prisoners of war in Belgium, shows the inaccuracy of the 
allegations in question. 

The French note on the prisoners of war in France and in 
Germany, to which reference has been made above, enumerates, 
on the other hand, many grave matters of complaint as to 
the way in which French prisoners are treated in Germany. 
The Belgian Government have on their side received written 
evidence proving that the treatment given to Belgian prisoners 
in certain German camps is not such as Chapter II. of the 
Regulations annexed to the Hague Convention respecting the 
Laws and Customs of War on Land x ought to secure to l [See Mili 
those within the jurisdiction of the Powers who signed the tary, i, p. 
Convention. They reserve to themselves the right to return 475-] 
to the subject later on. 

You will be good enough to ask the Spanish Government 
to transmit to Berlin, in the form of a note, the text of the 
present letter. You will find enclosed a copy ad hoc which 
you can hand to the Minister of Foreign Affairs.., 

(Signed) DAVIGNON. 

DIPLOMATIC 3. 21 497 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

ENCLOSURE TO No. 122. 

DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERNMENT DEPOTS OF PRISONERS 

OF WAR. 

Declaration. 

In my capacity as Inspector-General of the Internment 
Depots for Prisoners of War, I visited on the nth and i8th 
of August the depot established and occupied at Bruges. 

On my first visit, I ascertained that Major-General Stienon, 
commanding the Province of West Flanders, assisted by 
Lieutenant-Colonel Capoen and Major Lambert, had decided 
upon and put in force an organisation in which I had to make 
only trifling modifications. The measures prescribed were 
embodied in an order which ensured a most generous inter- 
pretation of the Belgian regulations, the humanitarian rules 
of which allow the suffering of prisoners of war to be re- 
duced to a minimum, alike from the moral and from the 
physical point of view. 

A copy of this order should form part of a dossier to be 
found at the War Office. 

On August 18 I had only congratulations to offer ; all 
the rules were observed. 

Officer Prisoners. 

On August the nth I visited each prisoner in the room 
which had been allotted him, and I had a private conversa- 
tion with the occupant, in the course of which I bade him 
make any request he wished, and I assured him that I would 
do my best to grant it so far as I was able. 

The requests I received may be summed up as follows : 
(i) To be prisoners on parole ; 
To be united in groups ; 
To improve the diet ; 



(4 



To increase the lighting and ventilation of the rooms ; 



(5) To increase the time devoted to walks. 

Except as concerns the requests under (i) and (2), satis- 
faction was given immediately to those concerned. In- 
structions received from the War Office prevented me from 
granting the wishes expressed in Nos. i and 2. 

The cost of the daily board was increased from two to three 
498 



SECOND BELGIAN GREY BOOK 

francs, and that with the consent of those concerned, who had 
been consulted by myself. 

At the time of my visit on August the i8th I again saw 
the officer prisoners. To those whom I had seen on the nth 
others had been added, amongst whom were some medical 
officers. I talked to every one of them : I asked each one 
his opinion about the diet, and they all declared themselves 
satisfied. No more wishes were expressed to me. One of 
them thanked me in the name of all for what I had done on 
their behalf. 

Prisoners of the Rank and File. 

The rules to which prisoners of the rank and file had to 
submit were nearly the same as those to which our soldiers 
have to submit in peace time. 

As early as the nth of August, the rank and file (like the 
officers) were supplied with postcards ; between August 
the nth and igth a canteen was established, which is no 
doubt still in working order. 

During my visit on August the igth, I was told by those 
concerned that they had no complaint to make. Everything 
was in fact carried out in accordance with the instructions 
in force. 

The Minister of State, M. Vandervelde, was able to ascer- 
tain by personal inspection, during his visit on August 
the nth to the depot at Brussels, that all the efforts of the 
military authorities were directed to a mitigation in the 
fullest possible measure of the unhappy condition of prisoners 
of war. The Consul of the United States of America, who 
visited the depot during the first ten days of October last 
in company with Captain Vermeire of the General Staff, who 
had been sent by Major-General Bihin, and whom I saw in 
the offices of the ' Place ' at Bruges, assured me that he 
carried away with him an excellent impression, of which he 
would inform his Government. 

From the above, it follows that the German assertions are 
categorically refuted, so far as concerns the rules to which the 
prisoners of war (officers and men) have been subjected at the 
internment depot of Bruges. THIEMAN, 

Lieutenant-General, retired. 
January 21, 1915. 

499 



DOCUMENTARY HISTORY DIPLOMATIC 

SECTION XX. 

CREATION OF EXTRAORDINARY TRIBUNALS. 
No. 123. 

M. Davignon, Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, to all 
Belgian Legations Abroad. 

Havre, April 6, 1915. 

SIR, I have the honour to request you to be good enough 
to transmit the following protest to the Government to 
which you are accredited : 

1 It has been brought to the knowledge of the Belgian 
Government that various decrees of the German authority 
in occupation of the country alter quite unnecessarily the 
domestic legislation of the country. Moreover, recent decrees 
inspired by the desire to grant exceptional treatment to 
German and Austrian subjects who were in the country at 
the outbreak of hostilities modify the decree of the Tenth 
Vendemiaire, Year IV, on the responsibility of the communes, 
and the law relating to contracts of tenancy, and institute 
special jurisdictions for the application of the new regula- 
tions. These proceedings show complete disregard of the 
principles of International Law, of the conventional pro- 
visions, and of the laws and customs of war. 

1 According to these principles, occupation, by reason of 
its provisional character and its being merely possession de 
facto, cannot destroy or modify, as long as the necessities of 
the war do not require it, the civil legislation or the power 
and jurisdiction of the tribunals established in the occupied 
territory. 

* Article 43 of the Regulations annexed to the Fourth 

1 [See Mili- Hague Convention, 1 signed and ratified by Germany, pro- 

tary, i, p. vides that : ' The authority of the power of the State having 

4 82 -] passed de facto into the hands of the occupant, the latter shall 

do all in his power to restore and ensure, as far as possible, 

public order and safety, respecting at the same time, unless 

absolutely prevented, the laws in force in the country/' The 

German military authority had not hitherto contested these 

principles. The Treatise on the laws of continental warfare, 

published in 1902 by the Germ