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historical ^^ 


Vol. I. 

Bulletin No. I. 

C) Makerism on y\antuckel 

nnce 1800, 



Nantucket Historical Association, 






Vol. I. 

Bulletin No. I. 

uakerism on /\anlucket 

ince 1800, 



Nantucket Historical Association, 


1^'^ nJ^ 



The following essay was prepared for the purpose of 
indicating the causes that led to the melancholy disappear- 
ance of Friends from Nantucket. Facts were taken from 
original sources and statements of theological contro- 
versies, were quoted from books of unquestioned au- 

Some historical digressions were necessary to explain 
the movements of the Nantucket Meetings. 

Terms used to designate different bodies of Friends, 
which were derived from the names of prominent leaders, 
are employed not in disrespect, but because no other terms 
are as clear. Henry B. Worth. 

New Bedford, August 1, 1896. 


The Society of Friends on the Island of Nantucket 
reached its highest tide of membership and influence 
a few years prior to the opening of the present century. 

In the year 1792 they were using a meeting house 
located in the corner of their burying ground at the junc- 
tion of Main and Saratoga streets. This building was 
erected in 1730, and here the Friends had met for over 
sixty years. This location was once central and conven- 
ient, but the members had now moved nearer Nantucket 
harbor and their success in business suggested a change. 
"11th mo., 28, 1791. The Friends' Meeting decided that 
the remote situation of our meeting house being found in- 
convenient it gave rise in this meeting to a proposition of 
removing to a place more central and the propriety of 
dividing the body of Friends if a second house should be 
found useful." 

Two months later the committee reported favorably 
concerning both projects, "which being considered of is 
referred for further consideration to the next Monthly 
Meetinor. In the meantime Friends are desired to invest 
their minds with due attention to the subject." 

The next month was taken another cautious step. In 
order that the most careful consideration should be devoted 
to the subject and no feature overlooked, "2 mo., 27, 
1792. This meeting appoints a committee of fourteen 
to investigate the expense of moving their meeting house 
and to enquire for a suitable place to build." 

The next month the committee reported "it would 
cost to move the old building and build a second one 900 
pounds. One piece of land was by David Coffin's and 
the other between Jethro Starbuck and John Gardner." 

This report was accepted, and a building committee of 
" twelve was chosen to receive conveyances of the lots and 
procure materials for a new house." 

The conveyances, dated April 12, 1792, were taken 
in the names of Benjamin Barney, cooper, Jethro Mitchell, 
cooper, and Shubael Coffin, merchant, as overseers. 

One lot was bounded on the north by a highway, on the 
east by another highway, on the south by land of David 
Coffin, and on the west by land of Richard Mitchell. 

The streets of Nantucket were not then named. 

This lot was at the southwest corner of Main and Pleas- 
ant streets, where the dwelling house of the late Benjamin 
Coffin now stands. 

The other lot was "bounded on the south by a wide 
highway, on the east by land of Zacheus Macy, and west 
by land of Jethro Starbuck." 

The " wide highway " is now Broad street, and on this 
lot now stands the residence of the late Eben W. Allen, 
directly east from the Ocean House. 

These proceedings were well known to all the islanders. 
"The Congregational society having heard that the 
Friends were contemplating a change and that they might 
be put to some inconvenience for a place to meet in, 
passed a vote to offer the use of their meeting house to the 
Friends for the purpose of solemn worship whilst said re- 
moval might be accomplishing." 

But that committee of twelve had not overlooked such 
an important contingency. 

The meeting replied: "This meeting imprest with a 
due sense of their friendly intention & desirous to render 
them the acknowledgement do to so liberal & benevolent 
an offer, inform them that the necessity which they appre- 
hend is not likely to take place, this meeting having con- 
cluded to build a new house previous to the removal 
of the old." 

The new meeting house was fifty-six feet long and 
thirty-eight feet wide, and stood on the Broad street lot. 

On the Main street lot the old meeting house was re- 

Before the autumn of 1792 had passed the new house 
had been built and the old one removed. They paid for 
the change in two years. 

" 9 mo., 29, 1794. The building committee reported 
that they had completed building the new house and had 
moved the old one and had paid all the cost." 

At this time the population of Nantucket was about 5600 
and nearly one-half attended Friends Meeting. 


When the Friends had completed the change and had 
two meeting houses ready for use it became expedient to 
divide the membership into two bodies, each of which 
should attend a separate house. 

Meetings for worship were larger than business meet- 
ings, for on First days many attended meeting who were 
not members. While they needed two meeting houses for 
worship, one was enough for business meetings. 

They selected the most natural line for division, although 
it did not divide the members into two equal parts. 

"12 mo., 31, 1792. The society is divided as follows : 
A line from the old wharf as far west as Sylvanus Star- 
buck's dwelling house (including said house with all who 
dwell on the south side of said street) beyond, taking its 
course in that direction to the shearing pen, with all who 
dwell to the south of said limits, to attend at the old meet- 
ing house, others to attend at the new meeting house." 

This line began at the Straight Wharf and extended 
westerly through the entire length of Main street and its 
continuations to the ponds. 

This division, however, was merely for convenience in 
worship. One corporation, the Nantucket Monthly Meet- 
ing, owned both buildings. 

The business meetings were held in the Main street 

Several meeting houses may belong to one Monthly 

Monthly Meetings of a certain section are governed by 
an organization called a Quarterly Meeting. This is 
composed of delegates from each Monthly Meeting. 

The Yearly Meeting is the supreme body and meets 
once a year, and is composed of delegates from the Quar- 
terly Meetings. 

Nantucket Monthly Meeting belonged to the Sandwich 
Quarterly Meeting and to the New England Yearly Meet- 

Not long after the division, those members who were as- 
signed to the Broad Street Meeting for worship desired to 
have a separate business meeting and to manage their 
affairs without connection with the Main Street Meeting. 
They desired to be a Distinct Monthly Meeting. 

" 1 mo., 27, 1794. The subject of a Distinct Monthly 
Meeting being allowed to the Friends who constitute the 
North Meeting referred to a committee." 

"2 mo., 21, 179-i. The committee after solid and weighty 
attention therein are generally of opinion it will be 
best for said Friends to be set off and be a Distinct Monthly 

The consent of the Sandwich Qiiarterly Meeting was 
obtained, and the Nantucket Monthly Meeting for the 
Northern District was duly organized. 

10 mo., 27, 1794. The North Meeting met for the 
first time, with William Rotch as clerk and Jethro Mitchell 
as treasurer. As near as can be ascertained the North 
Meeting included about one-third of the Nantucket 

Friends, but here were more persons of wealth than at the 
old meeting. The Mitchells, Rotchs, Rodmans, Gard- 
ners, Joys and Swifts were members of this meeting. 

When the nineteenth century opened there were two 
Qiiaker meetings largely attended and flourishing, and 
the only other sect on the island was still struggling and 

The Friends had evidently founded an enduring strong- 
hold, and in the future were clear prospects of greater 

" The men and women sat, the elder folk facing the 
younger, from their rising seats, with faces grave beneath 
the stiff straight brim or dusky bonnet. On the highest 
seats, where the low partition boards sundered the men 
and women, there alone sat they whom most the spirit 
visited and spake through them and gave authority." 

Yet unknown to themselves they had reached the pin- 
nacle of their prosperity, and soon would begin the 
decline that would be steady and relentless, until they 
should disappear from the Island. They heeded not the 
clouds that warned them of coming storms, but condemn- 
ing all change as dangerous, they sailed on in the cause 
given them two centuries before by George Fox, until 
stranded, shattered, and wrecked on one rock after 
another, they have almost vanished from the sea, and rival 
sects are now in undisputed dominion on the island. 

If a vision of coming time could have been given them 
with its changes and sad decay, we cannot doubt that 
they would gladly endeavored to avert such a calamity. 
They would never have been willing to permit the labors 
of a century thus to come to naught. It is therefore not 
amiss to assume that they did not appreciate where their 
course would lead. 

To-day a large part of the Friends have seen the errors 
of their ancestors, and have changed their course and are 
having some prosperity. 


But scattered through the world are small struggling 
bodies that claim to keep the faith and practice of their an- 
cestors without change, and although each year growing 
less and less, they cannot see that their forefathers were in 
any error. Such mistaken and misguided zeal seems un- 
accountable. They seem to hope that in some mysterious 
way they will be restored to their former power and pres- 


There were live principal causes that ltd to the decline 
of the Quaker society at Nantucket. 

1. In the early years of this century considerable 
numbers of Nantucketers emigrated to Maine, New York 
and the West. Many of these were Friends, and their 
removal perceptably reduced the Nantucket meetings. 

2. The loss to Nantucket merchants by French 
Spoliations and the war of 1812 caused great financial 
change to the Nantucket Quakers. Their property en- 
tirely disappeared. 

While it is true that Friends are under less expense than 
other people, yet there is great prestige in having wealthy 
persons among the members of a society. The losses by 
the Mitchells and Gardners and others must have had a 
depressing effect on the Nantucket Friends. 

3. The literature of the year 1800 was very hostile to 
religious thought, and members who followed the sea 
could not help feeling its influence. They became in- 
diflerent when at home, and were disowned for not attend- 
ing meetings. 

4. The establishment of a Methodist society on the 
island, which met in the attic of a house on Fair street. 
Here was the same zeal that now characterizes the Salva- 
tion Army, and the place was called "Glory Hole." 

Children of Friends were attracted by this vinorous 
reHgious body and left their parents' meeting. 

"5 mo., 20, 1821. E. S. disowned for attending the 
Methodist church." 

5. But the most potent cause of decline was the en- 
forcement of their discipline. Here the Friends were un- 
relenting in disowning their members for acts not immoral. 
Their treatment was so severe that it brought discredit 
instead of respect, and on this account persons outside were 

There is in mankind a sense of fairness which 
accurately measures all penalties. This sense must not 
be offended if any religious body would obtain additions 
from those outside. 

One Friend wrote : "It has been my lot to see many 
cases of disownment of members from which my own 
feelings revolted, and in which the benevolent feelinos of 
valuable Friends appeared to have been violated to uphold 
the discipline. I have seen men of natural kindness and 
tendencies become hard hearted and severe. I have seen 
justice turned back and mercy laid aside." 

At Nantucket, while the highest penalty was excom- 
munication, it was considered a great loss and disgrace, 
although the accused was conscious of no wrong. Then 
there were no degrees in the penalties. Disownment was 
the only penalty for all offences great and small. 

A few quotations will now be given of accusations for 
which persons were disowned. They are samples of 
large classes. 

" 2 mo., 27, 1800. Henry Barnard had gone to sea in 
an armed vessel." 

If they had known that he joined the Freemasons live 
years before, he would have been disowned sooner for that. 

" 1 mo., 28, 1801. L. H. was disowned for deviating 
from our principles in dress and address." 


He persisted in wearing buckles, and refused to say 
"thee" and "thou." 

"2 mo., 25, 1801. D. C. had married a member of 
another society, and J. J. was keeping company with 
a man not in membership with us and attended a place 
where there was music and dancing." 

" 10 mo., 28, 1801. Levi Joy was living in Hudson, 
New York, though still a member of the Nantucket Meet- 
ing. The Nantucket Meeting requested the Hudson 
Meeting to treat with him on account of a charge that 
he had joined the Freemasons. That meeting replied 
that Joy denied being a member of that society. This 
evasive reply was promptly rejected and the Hudson 
Meeting informed 'that the time and place of his initiation 
among them and the circumstances of the case have been 
ascertained,' and requested them to investigate further. 
Several months afterward the Hudson Meeting replied 
that 'Joy admitted that he was once among the Free- 
masons in their embodied capacity, and never but once, 
and had no desire to meet with them again in like 
manner,' and suggested that he be pardoned, which was 

"7 mo., 6, 1803. H. C. had deviated in dress and 
address from the plainness of our profession, and F. 
H. had deviated from our principles in dress, particularly 
in tying the hair." 

"4 mo., 30, 1806. D. G. had gone out in marriage 
with a woman in New York." 

" 11 mo., 29, 1806. H. B. G. had attended a marriage 
performed by a minister, where there was music and 
dancing, in which he was a partaker." 

" 10 mo., 31, 1810. N. M. attended a marriage per- 
formed by a minister." 

"3 mo., 26, 1812. M. R. had been dealing in and 
handling spirituous liquors." 


" 11 mo., 25, 1815. S. C. had sailed in a privateer." 

" 10 mo., 29, 1818. H. G. had partaken too freely of 
spirituous liquors." 

"5 mo., 31, 1821. W. G. H. joined a company 
at a hall and was concerned in a lottery." 

"7 mo., 25, 1821. A. F. had permitted his daughter 
to be married in his dwelling house by a minister." 

" 5 mo., 30, 1822. C. G. C. had married a woman not 
a member." 

And yet for over half a century afterward he was one of 
Nantucket's most kindly and benevolent citizens and 
prominently connected with the Coffin school and Athe- 

"5 mo., 31, 1824. L. C. had neglected the meetings 
and frequented those of the Methodist societ}^." 

Such were the austerities of their discipline. 

Dishonorable failures were promptly condemned. 

" 3 mo., 26, 1812. E. M. had launched into business 
beyond his ability and cannot pay his just debts." 

"6 mo., 9, 1813. S. M. had failed in the performance 
of his promises and cannot pay but a small dividend." 

It must not be concluded that such severity existed 
solely in Nantucket. It was everywhere the same. 

Persons marrying contrary to the society's rules were 
disowned unless they repented in writing. One woman 
said she was disowned for the best act of her life. 

In one case parents were forbidden to bequeath prop- 
erty to such a child who had been disowned. 

One physician was disowned for cei'tifying that certain 
soldiers were disabled by wounds and suitable for 

At one period Friends thought it justifiable to visit their 
members and with instruments remove ornaments from 

It was common practice for Friends to attend marriages 


of their Gentile acquaintances, if only they were out of the 
room when the marriage ceremony was being performed. 

Once over thirty persons left the room and returned 
after the marriage had been performed by a minister, and 
thus escaped disownment. 

A prominent English Quakeress said : "I cannot deny 
that much as I love the principles of Quakerism, bitter 
experience has proved to me that Friends do rest too 
much in externals, and that valuable as are many of them 
yet there are also serious evils in our society among its mem- 
bers. These cause me real anxiety and pain and reconcile 
me to so many of my children being disowned." 

The far-reaching consequences of these numerous dis- 
ownments were never measured or considered. Ties of 
blood and marriage are always strong. If a member of a 
family was set aside for some frivolous offence, others of 
the family were likely to follow, and those disowned 
usually went to another meeting. 

These losses were not compensated by additions, for 
leaving out of account children of Quaker parentage who 
were members by birth, other additions were not over 
one in five years, while the disownments were often fifty 
a year. 

Although it is difficult to estimate the exact loss to the 
Quaker society on account of any particular cause, yet 
the influential cause was the enforcement of unnatural 
regulations regarding marriage. In this particular, expe- 
rience shows that the human heart generally without 
restraint follows its own inclinations. Sometimes educa- 
tion, public opinion, and persuasion may exert an influence 
on the choice, but compulsory requirements never will 
succeed. It has been stated without objection that fully 
one-third of the Friends who married before 1850 chose 
partners not members of the society, and thus lost their 


Of these almost none are reinstated, for having com- 
mitted no moral offence, and being disowned for an act that 
may have added greatly to their happiness they have no 
wish to return to a body towards which they entertain only 
feelincrs of disgust. 

From the beginning of this century to the present time 
such marriages have increased in frequency, and the fact 
that disownment for this course is now mentioned as a joke 
is a proof of the impotency of the penalty. 

In relation to this discipline it should be stated that in 
New England at this time are three sects of Qiiakers. 

1. The Nantucket Meeting. 

2. The Wilburite Meeting. 

3. The Gurney Meeting, or New England Yearly 

The censorious discipline is now carried out in its full- 
ness by the first two. 

In the Gurney body has been a great change. In the 
last book of discipline published by the New England 
Yearly Meeting marrying non-members is no cause for 
disownment. Attending meetings of other societies is not 
forbidden, and dress is no longer a subject for discipline. 
Members may belong to secret societies if "the cause of 
truth do not suffer," and they can hold public office. 

Before 1852 a Quaker burial ground resembled a pas- 
ture lot or hay field. Now there are seen grave stones 
fifteen inches high. 

Formerly there were twenty-seven causes for disown- 
ment, not including crimes. Now there are eleven de- 
linquencies for which members may be set aside. ^ 

In the Friends school at Providence, Rhode Island, 
which is managed by the New England Yearly Meeting, 
are provided for use of the students nine pianos, and 
music, vocal and instrumental, are on their curriculum. 
All these departures have been made in recent years in 
the New England Yearly Meeting of Friends. 

In a recent number of an English periodical in the 
interest of the strict class of Friends mention was made of 
honors conferred in English universities on children of 
Quaker parentage. One of these had taken first honors 
in insrtumental music. 

Thus they reduced their membership in excess of the 
additions. The interest of members in their meetings 
was sadly declining. 

Instead of two strong flourishing meetings, as at the 
opening of the century, there were at Nantucket two 
remnants, and it was thought best to combine them. The 
weakest body was at Broad street. It was therefore 
decided to discontinue it. 

"5 mo., 13, 1829. The Nantucket Meeting for the 
Northern District was dissolved and its property and mem- 
bers transferred to the old meeting." 

The Broad street meeting house was used as a place of 
worship until September, 1833, when it was sold by the 
Friends. It was afterwards rebuilt and became a part of 
the beautiful Trinity Episcopal church, which was burned 
in the fire of 1846. 

Such was the irony of Fate. A Q^iaker meeting was 
discontinued and its house of worship transformed into 
an Episcopal church, where the High Church ceremonials 
prevailed and the rector was a zealous disciple of Newman 
and the Tractarians. 


During the first thirty years of this century disownments 
were based exclusively on irregularities or omissions 
in conduct. 

None had been disowned on account of doctrinal views, 
but now a new and more insidious foe had appeared and 
was walking about the land. It had paused at Philadel- 
phia and New York, and had carried away captive large 


numbers of Friends. Some of these in New York had 
relatives at Nantucket. Stalwart Friends in New York 
and Philadelphia, who had withstood the enemy, warned 
their brethren at Nantucket, who had time to prepare for 
the expected invasion. Several years they waited, and at 
last in the summer of 1830 it appeared on the island. It 
was merely a Hicksite preacher, but that meant a moun- 

Elias Hicks, a Qiiaker Minister after a long ministry, 
was charged with teaching false doctrines. He lived on 
Long Island and carried on farming. His power as an 
orator has been likened to that of Webster and Everett. 
In his published sermons certain stalwart Friends in Phil- 
adelphia discovered evidences that Hicks doubted the 
inspiration of the Bible, the deity of the Messiah, and the 
.personality of the devil. So they led against him a fierce 
attack, which continued several years and resulted in a 
division of the society in Baltimore and Pennsylvania, and 
New York, in which a larger part approved Hicks' views 
and the smaller body remained orthodox. This was the 
first rift in the Quaker society. Each part claimed to hold 
the truth. 

On the controverted points Hicks denied that he held 
any views different from George Fox, who was the stand- 
ard. Judged by his sermons. Hicks was as orthodox 
as one-half of the Protestant clergy of to-day. 

It seems that in the early summer of 1830 a Hicksite 
minister visited Nantucket and appointed a meeting to be 
held in some building not a church. Qiiite likely he came 
from New York and was welcomed by the relatives 
of his New York Friends. Some of the members of 
the Nantucket Meeting "publicly gave countenance to this 
affair by assisting the minister to procure a meeting house 
other than that of Friends for a meeting called by that 
person not in unity with Friends, and they attended that 


meeting, for which breaches of order no satisfaction was 
obtained from them." 

Friends could punish any disorderly conduct. So 
all that became necessary was to call any objectionable 
act a "disorder" and it could be punished. By the 
experience of several years, Friends in Nantucket were 
advised that this was the only safe way to deal with the 
Hicksite movement. If any member was discovered lean- 
ing that way, call him "disorderly" and disown him. It is 
altogether likely that the minister was known to them as a 
Hicksite by reputation. The only other fact was to ascer- 
tain who gave him any welcome and call it a "disorder" 
and disown them. So eager were they to throttle the in- 
vading monster that they never even charged that their 
members approved the minister's preaching. 

To punish these acts as "disorderly" was easy, summary 
and etTective, even if unjust. A busy summer followed. 

Gilbert Coffin, Silvanus Macy, Roland Hussey, Obed 
Barney, Daniel Mitchell, William B. Coffin, Charles Pit- 
man, Gideon Swain, Matthew Myrick, William Watson, 
Thomas Macy, Peter Macy, Obed Macy, and their wives 
and others had been in some way connected with the 
Hicksite meeting and were disowned. These persons 
were prominent and influential and were a loss to the 
meeting, both in membership and prestige. 

Nowhere else in New England did the Hicksite move- 
ment appear, and the reason for its appearance at Nan- 
tucket may be that the Hicksite leaders in New York City 
had relatives in Nantucket whom they had probably made 
familiar with Hicks' views. 

It is estimated that of the whole Friends society in the 
world two-tifths became Hicksites. In Nantucket the 
number scarcely reached one-fifth. 

The Nantucket Hicksites organized a meeting under the 
Westbury Qiiarterly Meeting on Long Island, and March 


23, 1833, through their overseers, Gilbert Coffin, Obed 
and Peter. Macy, purchased a lot on Main street, where 
now stands the residence of William T. Swain. On this 
lot they erected a large meeting house, where they met 
several years. When their members became reduced the 
meeting house property was sold, and the building was 
afterwards used for the straw business and was called 
Atlantic Hall. A few years ago it was taken down and is 
now the middle section of Hotel Nantucket. The mem- 
bers who were left mostly attended the Unitarian Church, 
lending some credit to the popular impression that Hicks- 
ites are Unitarian Qiiakers. 

Thus the Nantucket Meeting successfully liberated them- 
selves from those they considered heretical parasites. It 
had been done quickly and easily. They did in two 
months what was pending several years in Philadelphia. 

Elias Hicks visited Nantucket in June, 1793, nearly 
thirty years before his name became associated with false 


The Friends had not the control of the island as in former 

The Methodists had two churches, one on lower Fair 
Street and the other on corner of Centre and Liberty 
Streets. Here was fiery preaching, lively music and 
delirious excitement called "slaying power." 

Imagine the horror of those solid Friends at hearing 
that one of their members had attended a revival at the 
"Teaser" meeting house ! 

A Universalist society had become organized and had 
bought land for a meeting house. 

The North Congregational church was crowded and 
they were contemplating building a larger meeting house. 
Here and also at the Second Congregational Meeting 

House on Orange street, now called Unitarian, was cul- 
tured preaching and Puritan music. "Solid men sat 
in the pews. Every Sunday millions of money listened 
to the preachers. The Unitarians were rich enough to 
build their church of mahogany." 

These were powerful forces and drew many from the 
Friends society. 

It was decided in the spring of 1833 to seek a different 
location. The meeting house on Main street was no longer 
convenient. So their overseers, Samuel Macy, Hezekiah 
Swain, Zenas Gardner, Cromwell Barnard, Kimball 
Starbuck, Prince Gardner, Laban Paddock, Peleg 
Mitchell and Charles G. Stubbs, purchased a lot on 
the west side of Fair street, between Ray's court and 
Moore's lane. On the south part of the lot was erected a 
meeting house, and in the building on the north side of the 
lot was maintained a Friends school, where at one time 
John Boadle taught down stairs and Alice Mitchell up- 

The meeting house stood where now is the residence of 
William M. Barrett, and the schoolhouse and lot are the 
property of the Nantucket Historical Association. 

"9 mo., 1, 1833. The new meeting house was used. 
The old meeting house was sold to Charles G. and Henry 
Coffin, and the building removed to the Commercial wharf 
for a warehouse." 

A singular experience befell one of these overseers. 

"6 mo., 27, 1833. Cromwell Barnard was drawn on 
the jury and inadvertently administered a formal oath to a 
witness. The meeting heard of it, and excused him only 
after he had made a written acknowledgement of his 

"4 mo., 26, 1835. A library of one hundred thirty- 
nine books was placed in the meeting house." 

It was evidently thought that if suitable literature could 


be read by Friends some of the hostile influences of that 
day would be counteracted and members held faithful 
to the meeting. 

But notwithstanding all efforts to the contrary, during 
the decade from 1835 to 1845 there was a continually in- 
creasing indifference. Many were disowned for marrying 
contrary to the rules of the society and for not attending 
meetings. Their numbers were fast diminishing. 

" 8 mo., 31, 1843. Maria Mitchell, daughter of Will- 
iam Mitchell, was disowned because she had neglected 
the meetings, and told the committee that her mind was 
not settled on religious subjects and that she had no wish 
to retain her right in membership." 

The beauty of a thousand stars in the canopy of 
heaven was more congenial. 

The meeting was losing its power and prestige. The 
forcfe and influence of Quaker principles were on the 
wane. Some dread catastrophe was casting its shadow 

Those who had met the Hicksite invasion into New 
England, conquered it and seen it disappear from the 
island were now called to a more disheartening conflict. 
Their victory over the Hicksites had been easy, for they 
had the support of all the Friends in New England, 
but in the coming contest ever}^ meeting in New England 
would be against them, and they would themselves be 

The new enemy had already appeared even before the 
end of the Hicksite movement, but the attention of Friends 
was so engrossed by the latter that it for a time over- 
shadowed the former. Thus when the Hicksite struggle 
was ended and the two parties had separated, the Orthodox 
American Friends turned their attention towards the new 
heresy that was progressing in England and America. 

About the year 1818 a systematic study of the Scriptures 


and catechising thereon was introduced in the Friends 
school at Ackworth. Joseph John Gurney is stated to 
have been the chief promoter of this change. His 
attempt to encourage a study of the Scriptures as the sole 
guide in religion brought on him severe attacks by 
Friends, who asserted that the Inner Light being the 
Divine Spirit shedding its light in the human heart was the 
primary guide and the Scriptures were secondary. 

Here began the thirty years' struggle commonly known 
as the Gurneyite movement, although it became well 
defined not before 1832. 


Joseph John Gurney was the son of a wealthy English 
Qiiaker family ; was highly educated in English universi- 
ties, and by his eloquence and polished discourse became 
a preacher of great power in the Quaker society, and 
gained great popularity both in England and America. 
His sermons contained statements from which the stal- 
wart American Friends decided that here was a man 
more dangerous than Elias Hicks. 

They asserted that Friends could not tell beforehand 
what the spirit would direct them to do in a meeting, and 
as they were not moved until assembled in meeting there 
could be no preparation. There was no priest, no sacra- 
ment, no liturgy, no hymn book, not even a Bible. It 
was an assembly of human souls gathered in solemn still- 
ness, waiting until God should speak through one of them to 
the rest. If a minister was discovered making any prepara- 
tion for a meeting, she was said to be " going before her 
guide," and she was deposed and silenced. With this cardi. 
nal principle emphasized and reiterated on all possible oc- 
casions, it was with great uneasiness that American 
Friends learned that Gurney actually carried a Bible 


to meeting and read from it. They also claimed that he 
prepared his discourses beforehand. This was not Quaker 
dependence on the Holy Spirit. The error of Hicks was 
in repudiating the Bible. The error of Gurney was in re- 
pudiating the Spirit. Gurney therefore was as dangerous 
as the other, and in 1838 the American Friends began 
a seven years' conflict with the purpose of having Gurney 
silenced by the London Yearly Meeting, Every move- 
ment must have a leader, and these persons attacking 
Gurney selected John Wilbur of Hopkinton, Rhode Island, 
whose vigor and rigor proved entirely adequate to the 

Gurney visited most of the meetings in America and 
Europe and met with great success. He visited Nantucket 
July, 1838, and was the guest of Cromwell Barnard. 

Wilbur by voice and pen met with less success, for in 
Great Britain all the meetings had approved Gurney's 

The bitterest contest was carried on in New England. 
It seems that Wilbur differed from Gurney in only four 
particulars : 

1. Whether justification precedes or follows sanctifica- 

2. The true reason for observing the first day of the 
week instead of the seventh. 

3. Whether in the next world will be given natural or 
spiritual bodies ? 

4. Whether the Holy Spirit or the Bible is the true re- 
ligious guide? 

The first three points in dispute are entirely unessential 
and any discussion of them would be without profit. 

George Fox taught that the Holy Spirit could be 
received by believers so as to become an Inner Light, mak- 
ing clear the path to follow, and that no other guide was 
as infallible. The Bible was of secondary importance. 


Until the time ot Gurney emphasis was placed on the 
Inner Light, instead of the Bible, but Gurney discovered an 
inconsistency among the Friends. Ministers had been ac- 
cused of teaching false doctrine. They claimed to speak 
what the spirit taught them, and yet they were condemned 
by the society of Friends and their teaching was proved 
to be false by quotations from the Bible. If a man's light 
differed from the Bible, he was judged not to have the 
true light. If, therefore, the Bible was the final authority, 
Gurney recommended that it be so considered ; that it be 
carefully studied by young and old ; that Bible schools be 
estabhshed ; that societies be organized for the wider cir- 
culation of the Scriptures. Some of Gurne3''s friends in 
England joined with a number of Episcopal bishops in the 
formation of a Bible society. This was highly offensive 
to the stalwart American Friends. 

Thus did the bitterest of conflicts proceed, and New 
England became divided into two bitter factions, the Gur- 
neyites and Wilburites. 

The crisis was reached in 1845 at Newport in the New 
England Yearly Meeting. 

In several of the Quarterly and Monthly Meetings, there 
had been divisions into Wilburite and Gurneyite bodies, 
each claiming to be the true organization. These and other 
matters came before the Yearly Meeting, the court of last 
resort for final adjudication. 

The larger part of the prominent Nantucket Friends 
had joined the Wilbur party, and were ready in the 
Yearly Meeting to offer stout resistance to the advance of 
the Gurney party. 

It was evident that the Yearly Meeting had overwhelm- 
ingly adopted the views of Gurney, and if majorities had 
ruled, as in other bodies, the Wilbur party would have 
had little opportunity to be heard. 

Owing to a curious feature in the government of the 


Quaker society, a small minority has an opportunity 
to make a vigorous and often successful contest. It arises 
in the selection of a clerk for the meeting, whose power is 
almost supreme. Usually in secular bodies the first strug- 
gle is to obtain a majority in number, and then the majority 
by vote controls all subsequent matters. But in a Friends' 
Meeting there is no chairman and no voting ; conse- 
quently numbers do not count. 

The clerk decides what is the sense of the meeting and 
then he "makes a minute of it, "or makes a record of it. 

When a Friends' Meeting is to take action the clerk an- 
nounces the subject and awaits the expression of the 
members. After all the members that wish have ex- 
pressed themselves the clerk thereupon decides what is the 
solid weighty sense of the meeting. It may not be the 
view of the majority ; but taking into account the age, 
piety, experience and position of those expressing them- 
selves he decides what is the view of the solid and weighty 
members. This view must be what he thinks most sensi- 
ble. The sense of the meeting may become the view of 
the clerk. 

The difficulty and delicacy of the duty imposed on the 
clerk of collecting and recording the judgment of the 
meeting without a vote being taken is so great that 
in times of excitement and conflicting opinions few persons 
can be found competent to the task, for however impartial 
the clerk it is always difficult for him not to be influenced 
by his own views and sympathies. It therefore follows 
from this that the clerk may declare the judgment of the 
meeting to be according to the view of the minority, and 
so the minority governs the meeting. This actually 
happened in the city of Philadelphia. 

Nor does his power end here, for having decided what 
is the sense of the meetino- whatever record the clerk 
makes is conclusive and can never be altered, corrected or 


changed. With such an opportunity for the minority to 
govern a few are often encouraged to convince the clerk 
that their view is the sensible one, and if successful he 
will make a minute in their favor. It should be stated 
that when there is a great difference of opinion among the 
members an impartial clerk will make a minute postpon- 
ing the subject till the next meeting, but usually the clerks 
in times of excitement are not so impartial but decide in 
favor of one party. 

The first act at the opening of a new meeting is to elect 
a new clerk. For this purpose the old clerk presides. 
Whichever party he favors will thereafter control the 
organization. For with a clerk in their favor a few could 
overcome a multitude. Such a decisive advantage is this 
that the entire contest in a division is waged on this 
point. If a contesting party cannot elect their clerk they 
always withdraw. This is their way of settling a di- 

At this session of the Yearly Meeting the Wilburites, 
under the leadership of Prince Gardner of Nantucket, 
tried to secure the selection of Thomas B. Gould of New- 
port as clerk, but the clerk of the previous year, who was 
to decide the sense of the meeting, being a Gurneyite, 
found the sense of the meeting to be that he himself 
should continue to be clerk. When he made this minute 
the Wilburites withdrew to a Baptist Church near by and 
organized what they called the New England Yearly 

Several years later the Supreme Court of Massachu- 
setts was sought to pass upon the respective rights of these 
two meetings. 

There is in Fall River on North Main Street a plain 
white building, which in 1844 belonged to the Swansea 
Monthly Meeting, which was largely Gurneyite. This 
meeting divided into two bodies, the Gurney body 


being much larger, each claiming to be the true Swansea 
Monthly Meeting, and both selected overseers, who are 
the officers to take charge of the societies' property. 

The Wilburite overseers succeeded in getting control of 
the Fall River meeting house and would not surrender it. 
The matter was carried to the Quarterly Meeting, but here 
was a division. There was a Gurney C^arterly Meeting 
and a Wilbur Quarterly Meeting. So the Yearly Meeting 
was called upon to decide the controversy. But as here 
was also a division a suit was brought in the courts of 
Massachusetts by the Gurney overseers for possession of 
the Fall River meeting house. The Supreme Court, in a 
lengthy opinion, decided that the Gurney Yearly Meeting 
was the true meeting and that the Wilburites were 
seceders, and so not entitled to any of the property of the 
meeting which they had left. Moreover it was there stated 
by Judge Shaw that the unhappy division between the 
Wilburites and Gurneyites arose from an apprehension of 
the former that the latter were disseminating false doc- 
trines, "of which," he said, "there was no evidence." 

The points of difference seem to be exceedingly trivial, 
and one Friend told me that the real cause for the ill will 
which John Wilbur entertained towards Gurney was due 
to the fact that when Wilbur visited England he was not 
allowed to smoke in Gurney 's house. 

Thus was accomplished in the New England Yearly 
meeting a division into two bodies, of which the Gurney 
body comprised about nine-tenths of the meeting. 

After the contest between the two bodies in the Yearly 
Meeting at Newport some of the Wilbur party took a trip 
to Nantucket. At a first day meeting Thomas B. Gould 
arose to preach. Cromwell Barnard, who was the leading 
Gurney advocate at Nantucket, interrupted him, saying : 
"Friend, thee can sit down." Peleg Mitchell then said : 


"Friend, thee can go on." Other elders expressed their 
views. Women were greatly agitated and in tears, and 
some went out. Gould continued and finished his dis- 

This disturbance indicated clearly how the two parties 
were arrayed, although there had been no separation. It 
was evident that a separation would result, and it was also 
certain that Cromwell Barnard, WilHam Mitchell and 
Abram R. Wing would lead one body, and that Prince 
Gardner and Peleg Mitchell the other. Soon after the 
occasion offered and the result was decisive. 

The division took place in July, 1845, when the Sand- 
wich Qiuirterly Meeting, which was largely Gurneyite, 
met in Nantucket, but the Nantucket delegates were Wil- 

When the meeting was opened reports from every 
Monthly Meeting were presented except Nantucket, 
although the Nantucket delegates were present, also John 
Wilbur and some of his Friends. When the report of the 
Nantucket Meeting was requested Hezekiah Barnard 
stated that he had the report but they had concluded 
to withhold it, adding "that a separation must and would 
take place." An attempt was then made to appoint Peleg 
Mitchell as clerk. This was opposed by the Gurney 
party, as he had been identified with the separatists at 
Newport. John Wilbur and his friends when re- 
quested would not leave the hall, so the Qiiarterly Meet- 
ing adjourned until 4 o'clock in the afternoon. In the 
meantime the Wilbur party had remained and organized 
what they called the Sandwich Quarterly Meeting. At 4 
o'clock, when the adjourned meeting reassembled, the 
Wilburites had gone. 

The Nantucket Meeting had thus withdrawn from the 
Qiiarterly Meeting, but there were members of the Nan- 
tucket Meeting that remained loyal. They were in 


sympathy with Gurney. The Quarterly Meeting encour- 
aged them to continue the Monthly Meeting, which was 
accordingly done in July, 1845. 

There was effected a division of the Nantucket Meeting 
into a Gurney body and a Wilbur body. It is stated by 
the Gurney body that they numbered 88 and that the Wil- 
bur body numbered 140, and that 79 were either at sea or 
feeble, and were doubtful. Assuming that the doubtful 
ones were equally divided between the two bodies there 
would have been about 130 Gurney and 180 Wilbur 
Friends. So the stalwarts at Nantucket were in the 
majority, which was not true in any other meeting in New 

The Supreme Court decision in the case of the Fall 
River meeting house leaves no doubt that the Wilbur body 
were separatists and the Gurney body were true continu- 
ing Friends, and as such entitled to all the property. 
The matter of property will be dealt with again in connec- 
tion with the meetings, each of which will now be treated 
separately. Before the separation the meeting had prop- 
erty that cost $21,000. This was held by the Fair Street 
Friends, together with many volumes of records of births, 
deaths, marriages, and doings of the meetings from their 
commencement to that date. These records while on 
Nantucket were not allowed to be examined by any one 
not a member. 


Those Nantucket Friends who continued loyal to the 
New England Yearly Meeting, under the advice of the 
Sandwich Qiiarterly Meeting, met in the house of Crom- 
well Barnard and denominated themselves the Nantucket 
Monthly Meeting of Friends. As Peleg Mitchell had 
identified himself with the other body he was adjudged no 
longer suitable as clerk, and in his place was chosen 


his brother William, and a demand was made to the Fair 
Street Meeting for the records, meeting house and other 
property, to which demand no attention was given. 
They then appointed Cromwell Barnard, Obed Fitch and 
Kimball Starbuck overseers, Abram R. Wing recorder, 
and Seth Mitchell treasurer. 

"8 mo., 2, 1845. The committee reported that they 
had secured the house recently occupied by Elizabeth 
Chase on Winter street, which is in readiness for our 
meeting to-morrow." 

This was the Abner Coffin house and stood where is 
now the Coffin school. 

" 1 mo., 1, 1846. The committee had seen the agent of 
the Main street house built by the Hicksites, and he had 
agreed to let this meeting have it for $150 per year." 

Here they continued to meet until November 28, 1850, 
when the meeting house on Center street had been 

Aside from attending to their own business, the Gurney 
meeting was now required to deal with the Friends who 
had separated. So a book was procured and in it were 
written the names of all the members before the separation. 
They then proceeded to disown those who attended the 
Fair Street Meeting. 

The following were among those disowned because 
they withdrew from fellowship with the New England 
Yearly Meeting : — 

Frederick Arthur, Rachel Hussey, 

Mary Arthur, David G. Hussey, 

James Austin, Elizabeth Hussey, 

John Boadle, Benjamin Hussey, 

Hezekiah Barnard, Gorham Hussey, 

Mary Barnard, Lydia M. Hussey, 

Susan Barnard, Hepsibeth C. Hussey, 

Alexander G. Coffin, Nancy Hussey, 


John L. Coffin, 
Joseph G. Coleman, 
Phebe Coffin, 
Rebecca Coffin, 
Susan Coffin, 
John G. Coffin, 
Elizabeth Coffin, 
John Franklin Coleman 
Eliza Coleman, 
Anna Clark, 
James B. Coleman, 
L3^dia Coleman, 
Elizabeth Clark, 
Sally Easton, 
Eliza Ann Easton, 
John Folger, 
Lydia Folger, 
Hannah Maria Gardner, 
Prince Gardner, 
Mary Gardner, 
Benjamin Gardner, 
Rachel Gardner, 
Elizabeth Gorham, 

Lydia G. Hussey, 
Lydia Monroe, 
Alice Mitchell, 
Moses Mitchell, 
David Mitchell, 
Peleg Mitchell, 
Mary S. Mitchell, 
Susan Mitchell, 
Mary Macy, 
Deborah Paddack, 
Eunice Paddack, 
Laban Paddack, 
Mary Paddack, 
John Paddack, 
Sarah Paddack, 
Micajah Swain, 
Hezekiah Swain, 
Lydia Swain, 
Obed B. Swain, 
Eunice Swain, 
Margaret Swain, 
Joseph B. Swain, 
Richard G. Swain. 

The property held by the Fair Street Meeting com- 
prised the meeting house, poor house, burial ground, the 
old records, and about $7000. Possession could only be 
obtained by a law suit, and this the Yearly Meeting dis- 
couraged, as it would be a contest in which relatives 
would be at strife with relatives. The records were never 
afterwards demanded, and remained in the custody of the 
Fair Street Friends. 

In 1864 the Fair Street real estate was sold and the pro- 
ceeds divided between the two meetings. The money 
was divided by agreement. 


According to the decision of the courts, the Fair Street 
Meeting had lost their rights to the burial ground. But 
this was not enforced, and the Fair Street Friends were 
permitted to use the south end and the others used the 
north end. So there are grave stones in the north part, 
but none in the south part. 

The members of the Gurney Meeting lost heavily by 
the great fire of 1846, and they were compelled to request 
assistance from the Quarterly Meeting. After this they 
improved in financial strength, and in May, 1850, a com- 
mittee was appointed to select the location of a meeting 
house. The next month they reported that a lot on Center 
Street would cost $500 and one on Liberty street would 
cost $350, and considering the cost they recommended the 
Liberty Street lot, where is now the residence of David W. 
Burgess. But for reasons not known the Center Street 
lot was selected, and November 28, 1850, William Mitchell 
and Herman Crocker reported that they had completed 
building the new meeting house, which cost separate from 
the land nearly $1500. 

An important addition to their numbers in 1857 was 
Christopher C. Hussey, who withdrew in 1860, and 
became a prominent clergyman in the Unitarian Church. 

The Center Street Meeting continued until 1866. Its 
membership became so reduced and scattered that it was 
deemed best to discontinue it, and its last meeting was 
held January 10, 1867, when it decided to be disolved and 
transferred with all its property to the New Bedford 
Monthly Meeting. 

This property comprised : — 

1. Meeting house, Center Street. 

2. Interest in Friends' Asylum. 

3. One share in the old North Wharf. 

4. Burial ground held with Fair Street Friends. 

5. Cash, four hundred and fifty dollars. 


The Center Street property is still owned by the New 
Bedford Monthly Meeting, and is used for worship when- 
ever thought desirable. 

During the thirty-two years of its existence five mar- 
riages took place in the Center Street Meeting. 


Edward Sutton to Sarah Gale. 
Moses Farnham to Mary B. Allen. 


Samuel P. Johnson to Martha Hussey. 


Presbrey Wing to Sarah Barker. 
Owen Dame to Eliza C. Mitchell. 

Thomas Macy, who was disowned as a Hicksite twenty- 
eight years before, in 1858 became a member of this 

At the present time there remain but two members who 
were enrolled in the organization in July, 1845 — Matthew 
Barney and William Hosier. 


After the separation in 1845 and the Gurney body had 
organized its meeting, it was at once denominated "spuri- 
ous" by the Fair Street Friends, and all who attended 
it were disowned from the Wilbur body. 

Among those disowned were the following, viz. : 

Elizabeth Austin, Miriam Starbuck, 

Cromwell Barnard, Abigail Allen, 

Susanna Coleman, Matthew Barney, 

Deborah Coffin, Lydia Bunker, 


Lydia Coffin, Robert Coffin, ' 

Lydia Fish, Herman Crocker, 

Hannah Gardner, George Easton, 

Robert B. Hussey, William Hosier, 

Hannah Hussey, Lydia Hosier, 

Judith Hussey, Obed Fitch, 

Cyrus Hussey, Kimball Starbuck,- 

Lydia Hussey, Rachel Swain, 

Benjamin Mitchell, Abram R. Wing, 

William Mitchell, Lydia Worth. 

Having cleared their garments of the spurious Gurney- 
ites the Fair Street Meeting, although reduced in numbers, 
cheerfully travelled on like Gideon's famous army which, 
though reduced from thirty thousand to three hundred, yet 
put the enemy to flight. 

The most prominent minister, Christopher C. Hussey, 
was disowned for doctrinal reasons and afterwards became 
a member of the Gurney Meeting. 

Disownments for all the ancient causes were accom- 
plished as often as an instance occurred. 

In 1856. One member failed to pay his just debts and 
otherwise conducted his pecuniary affairs in a disreputable 

1858. Two brothers had married women not members. 

1862. A member had been sailing in an armed vessel 
and engaged in war. 

1864. A member had neglected the meetings and 
allowed a musical instrument in his house, and permitted 
his daughter to practice thereon. 

1868. Several members neglected the meeting. 

1869. A member married a man out of the meeting. 
1871. Three members were attending meetings of an- 
other society. 

1873. One member for neglecting meetings and one for 
marrying out of the meeting. 


1874. A member had neglected the meetings. 

1877. A member had neglected the meetings. 

1878. A member had neglected the meetings. 

1891. A member had neglected the meetings. 

1892. A member had married a man out of the meet- 

Since 1845 ten marriages took place. 

1847. Samuel D. Otis to Elizabeth Gorham. 

1847. John Folger to Phebe Coffin. 

1849. William MeKeel to Mary Gorham. 

1850. Obed B. Swain to Susan Hussey. 

1854. John Boadle to Hannah M. Heaton. 

1855. Benjamin Tucker to Mary S. Paddack. 
1870. William MeKeel to Martha G. Hussey. 
1876. Thomas Leigh to Elizabeth Foster. 
1878. Morton A. Wamesly to Abbie L. Chase. 
1887. John H. Foster to Mary E. Sinkinson. 

A singular incident is recorded concerning the ministry 
of Narcissa B. Coffin. 

" 10 mo., 24, 1858. This meeting after a time of 
weighty deliberation has united with the women in ap- 
proving the gift and public appearance in the ministry of 
Narcissa B. Coffin." 

"7 mo., 28, 1864. She was deposed and silenced by 
the Nantucket Meeting 'for not keeping on the watch and 
abiding in a state of humility and abasedness ol sell.'" 

She was a woman of a high order of ability, and none 
ever came into her presence without receiving a delight- 
ful impression. The Quaker society at Nantucket was 
fortunate in having a person among their members who 
could so persuasively present the principles of Quakerism, 
and they were indeed rich if they could dispense with the 
services of such a woman. Inquiry was made for the rea- 
son she was deposed. Answer was made that she went 


"before her guide." This may have meant that she made 
preparation beforehand for some sermon. 

8 mo., 28, 1889. After twenty-five years of silence 
Narcissa B. Coffin was restored to her ministry in the 
Nantucket Meeting. 

This was done in a dwelHng house in Lynn, and 
it ought not to remain unrecorded that they were all dead 
who silenced her a quarter of a century before. She 
immediately conducted a most successful missionary tour 
through the Scandinavian peninsular, giving strong evi- 
dence of the great amount of work she had been com- 
pelled to leave undone. 

After the separation in 1845, the Wilbur party organ- 
ized meetings throughout New England wherever their 
numbers would allow, and these were called "smaller 
bodies," in distinction from the large Gurney bodies. 
These "smaller bodies" in Massachusetts, Rhode Island, 
Central New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania were in 
unity with each other, when another curious division took 
place that exerted an important influence on the Nantucket 

The controversy occurred in the Central New York 
Meeting at Scipio in relation to a publication by that 
meeting of the journal of Joseph Hoag. In the original 
work Hoag had made some remarks derogatory to the 
temper and judgment of Job Otis, who lived in New Bed- 
ford during the early part of this century, and then moved 
to Scipio and continued to be one of the strictest of 
American Friends. He was highly respected by those 
whose censorious tastes inclined them toward a rigid and 
severe discipline. Hoag was a Qiiaker minister of great 
fame, whose views were not unlike those of Otis, but 
whose temper and judgment were much more pacific. 

In 1858 the Scipio Yearly Meeting decided to publish 
the journal, and the matter was left to a committee. The 


friends of the Otis family desired to omit the criticism of 
Job Otis. The other members of the committee thought 
it best to piibHsh the book with no omissions. 

When the matter became fully known the members of 
this Yearly Meeting became divided into about two equal 
parties, the one party composed of the Otis family and 
their sympathizers, under the lead of James Otis, desired 
to have suppressed the criticism written by Joseph Hoag. 
The other party, under the lead of John King, claimed 
that if the journal was published at all it should be pub- 
lished entire. These two parties separated in 1859, and 
each party constituted a separate Yearly Meeting, the one 
with James Otis as clerk commonly known as the Otis 
Meeting, and the other with John King as clerk commonly 
called the King Meeting. 

Each of these meetings sought to obtain the support and 
recognition of the Wilbur Meeting in New England. For 
several years the New England Meeting, of which Peleg 
Mitchell was clerk, declined to approve either the Otis or 
the King Meeting, as no point of doctrine or discipline 
was involved. It was a difficult question to decide, for if 
they decided that the book should be published entire, 
there would appear a criticism on one of their leaders. If, 
on the other hand, they approved the suppression, they 
would be discreditably covering up an important statement 
of an eye witness. 

But in 1863 the question demanded decision, and it 
resulted in a division of the New England Meeting. 
About forty of them, a small part of the meeting, withdrew 
and under the leadership of Peleg Mitchell of Nantucket 
and Nathan Page of Danvers, formed a separate Meeting 
that at once approved and recognized the Otis Meeting of 
New York. The Wilburites that remained, recognized 
the King Meeting. The Nantucket Meeting as a whole 
was almost unanimously in favor of the Otis party. No 


other New England Meeting went that way. So that there 
were scattered over New England on the main land, 
Wilburite Quakers who had favored the Otis party in New 
York and were not in unity with their own meetings. 
There was Nathan Page of Danvers, the Oliver fam- 
ily in Lynn, and the Foster family in Rhode Island. The 
Nantucket Meeting alone in New England held their 
views. So these persons joined the Nantucket Meeting. 
Thus the Nantucket Society separated itself from all other 
New England bodies and became in fact the only "Otis" 
Meeting in New England. These additions restored con- 
siderable vigor to the struggling society. For at this time 
it was weak and its numbers few. 

But it was thought best to maintain a smaller Meeting 
House. When they undertook to sell the real estate they 
found that the property was claimed by the Center Street 
Meeting. So they came to an understanding and both 
Meetings joined in the deed, selling the whole Fair 
Street property to Alfred Macy. Then the Fair Street 
Meeting bought back the north part and transformed the 
school house into a meeting house. This change took place 
in the summer and autumn of 186-1. From the beginning 
of the meeting, 4th mo. 28, 1708. Men and Women 
held separate meetings. 11 mo. 26, 1868. As their 
numbers had so diminished it was decided that their meet- 
ings should be held together. 

In the spring of 1894 as only one member of the Meet- 
ing lived at Nantucket it was decided to sell the Meeting 
House. It was therefore sold in June, 1894, to the Nan- 
tucket Historical Society. At this time the membership 
of the Nantucket Monthly Meeting of Friends comprised 
twenty-three persons, only two of whom were born at 
Nantucket. One lived at Nantucket, one in Boston, one in 
Danvers, ten in Lynn, and the same number in Provi- 
dence. If they had not received those additions in 1863, 


the Meeting would now contain but two persons, one man 
and one woman, each well advanced in years. 

When the Meeting House was sold, the books of records, 
containing much valuable information about deaths, births 
and marriages of Nantucket people, were transported from 
the Island and are now in the custody of James W. Oliver 
in Lynn. 

So the Nantucket Monthly Meeting of Friends is now a 
misnomer. It began at Nantucket about the year 1700 
and when the year 1900 opens, there may not be left on 
the Island a single Friend. 

The dominant members of the Nantucket Society, who 
controlled and directed its movements, seemed not to ap- 
preciate why the Creator painted the morning and evening 
sky ; colored the woods ; bestowed on the birds of the air 
matchless gifts of form, color and song ; caused the lilies 
of the field to grow in glory beyond the reach of earthly 
wisdom ; created man in his own image and placed him in 
this fair world with a mind demanding for its happiness to 
behold the splendors that surround him, to listen to the 
music that comes on the wings of the wind and in joy to 
open his heart in song, so they banished from human life 
much innocent and wholesome pleasure and forbid atten- 
tion to the beauties of form, color and song. The penalty 
came and Friends have almost disappeared from Nan- 

If they had adopted more liberal terms of fellowship ; if 
their religious services had been more varied ; if the gift 
of preaching had been more encouraged and less ham- 
pered ; if they had established a better proportioned theol- 
ogy ; if they had not obscured or undervalued any portion 
of Divine Truth, wherever revealed ; if they had abandoned 
their discipline and allowed the laws of the land to deal 
with offenders; if instead of expelling members for trivial 
offences, they had exercised towards them a wise charity ; 


if instead of maintaining their society as an organization 
composed of men and women who never departed from 
rectitude, it had been regarded as a portion of the church 
of Christ, in which were men and women of every degree 
of moral acquirements ; if their beautiful system of sim- 
plicity had been built on the rock and not on sandy foun- 
dations, they might have been as vigorous today as they 
were a century ago. 





Organized May 9, i894 
Incorporated July 9, i894 


No. 2 

Timothy White Papers 







Organized May 9, i894 
Incorporated July 9, 1894 


No. 2 

Timothy White Papers 




Thomas Todd, Printer, 

7-A Beacon St., 



The publication of these Papers was com- 
mitted to the editor by the Council of the Nantucket 
Historical Association., They are issued without 
previous reference to the Council, so that the editor 
assumes responsibility for all statements. He de- 
sires to make cordial acknowledgment to George 
E. Littlefield, Antique Bookstore, Cornhill, Boston, 
who put the editor on the track of these papers ; to 
Miss Helen B. W. Worth for efificient aid in copy- 
ing Mr. White's manuscripts and for searching the 
Town Records ; also to Hon. Samuel A. Green, 
LL.D., librarian of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, for many helpful suggestions. 

There are three hundred and fifty copies in 
this edition. 

(Rev.) Myron Samuel Dudley. 



These Papers came into the possession of the Nan- 
tucket Historical Association, under whose auspices they 
are now published, through the thoughtful consideration of 
the late Reverend Alonzo H. Quint, D. D., as the following 
letter to the editor shows : 

Congregational Library, Boston, Mass., 
June lo, 1895. 
My Dear Mr. Dudley: 

I send herewith to your care the Timothy White Papers which 
you have so persistently reminded me of. The fragment of Church 
record ought to belong to the Church, and I desire you to present 
it to that body. This fragment I printed in the Congregational 
Quarterly some years ago [October, 1872], but the original ought 
to be carefully preserved. 

The diaries cover several years of Mr. White's work, and the 
list of scholars in his day schools ought to interest Nantucket 
people. These documents and the few other papers I think might 
well be preserved by the Nantucket Historical Association, to 
which you called my attention. I desire you to give these diaries 
and papers to that society, with my cordial regards. 

All these Papers were given me, years ago, by Hon. John H. 
White, of Dover, N. H., a gentleman of education and high 
character who honored me with his friendship. He gave me these 
Papers and others to use as I pleased. Timothy White was, I 
believe, his great-grandfather. These Papers should be credited 
to the White family. 

With best regard, yours truly, 

Alonzo H. Quint. 



William White, the first settler of this branch of the 
Whites, according to tradition was a native of Norfolk 
County, England. He was born in 1610. He was among 
the early settlers on the North Shore, landing at Ipswich 
in 1635. Thence he removed to Newbury before 1640. 
His first wife, Mary, was the mother of his only child, John. 
His second wife, Sarah Foster, widow of Reginald Foster, 
died in 1693. Mr. White died September 28, 1690. 

He was a member of the company of first settlers to 
occupy a portion of the territory known as Pentucket, 
which was incorporated as the town of Haverhill, Mass. 
They were twelve in number, and moved from Ipswich and 
Newbury. White was from the latter place.' 

William White, soon after a church was organized in 
the new settlement at Haverhill, became a member, and was 
one of its firmest supporters. He had the honor of the 
town much at heart, and was highly esteemed and trusted 
by its citizens, being frequently put in charge of its most 
important public business. He was a member of the first 
board of selectmen, chosen October 29, 1646. The first 
military company of Haverhill was organized in 1662, and 
William White was chosen captain. The only child of 
William White, John, Sr., was born in 1640, the year of his 
father's removal from Newbury to Haverhill. He married 
Hannah French, of Salem, August 25, 1662, and died Jan- 
uary I, 1669, aged 29, leaving one son, John, Jr., born March 
8, 1664. 

This son married Lydia Oilman, daughter of Hon. John 
Oilman, of Exeter, N. H., October 24, 1687, and had many 

* The Descendants of William White, Haverhill, Mass., by Hon. Daniel 
A. White and Annie F. Richards. Boston, 1889. 

Congregational Quarterly, October, 1872. p. 553, fl. 
Chase's Haverhill (1861), pp. 53, 63. 


sons and daughters, "whose descendants are exceedingly- 
numerous." ' 

John White, Jr., is frequently mentioned in the public 
affairs of Haverhill, and was especially prominent in military 
matters, at a time when there were serious menaces to the 
peace of the struggling colonists from the surrounding 
Indians. In the records he bears the titles of ensign, lieu- 
tenant and captain. He is, also, highly honored in civil 
affairs, holding office as town clerk, representative in the 
General Court, and magistrate of the County Court. 

He had fourteen children. Timothy, the subject of this 
sketch, was the fifth son and the seventh child, born Novem- 
ber 13, 1700. He was graduated at Harvard College in the 
class of 1720. 

An ivory-headed cane, with the initials "T. W." cut 
upon it, and an English dictionary used by Timothy White 
at Harvard College from 1716 to 1720, are now in the 
possession of James Davis White, Haverhill, Mass. The 
book was " Printed by Peter Parker, at Leg and Star, over 
against Royal Exchange, in Cornhill, 1677. Price 2 shil- 

Timothy White married Susannah Gardner, September 
27, 1728. Susannah was daughter of John Gardner, of 
Nantucket, born at Mendon, Mass., January 12, 171 2. Dur- 
ing the later years of his life Mr. White taught school in 
Haverhill, also engaged in business, and occasionally sup- 
plied churches for absent pastors. In a Haverhill enroll- 
ment for military service for the spring of 1757 the name of 
"Timothy White, Cler.," appears on the "Alarm List," 
which included all between sixteen and sixty years of age 
who were exempt from ordinary military duty. In 
emergencies these were liable to be called to do duty in 
their own town.^ 

' Chase's Haverhill, p. 53, note. 
* Chase's Haverhill, p. 347. 


After leaving Nantucket, Mr. White was called to 
Narragansett, R. I., and to Chester, N. H., but ill-health 
prevented his acceptance. He died, suddenly, February 24, 
1765. His children were thirteen in number. Only six 
survived infancy. His widow died in Ipswich, Mass., Octo- 
ber 28, 1789. 

These White Papers were inherited by Timothy White, 
second son of their compiler. He was born, according to 
Dr. Quint's notes, published in connection with the Church 
Record Fragment, October 29, 1733. In the records, a son 
of " Timo. White" was baptized by the name of "Timothy," 
August 24, 1735, Rev. Joseph Baxter, pastor of the church 
at Medfield, officiating. This son, Timothy, married Lydia, 
daughter of Rev. Amos Main, Rochester, N. H., lived and 
died in Dover, N. H. At his death the papers passed to 
his son, Amos, who lived and died in Dover, and they passed 
from him to his grandson, Hon. John Hubbard White. This 
gentleman gave them to the late Rev. Dr. Quint' 

These Papers reveal the variety and scope of Mr. 
White's work while a resident of Nantucket. He had to do 
with the religious instruction of the Indians and the early 
settlers. Among the Indians he entered upon a work 
already begun. His labors in behalf of the newcomers, it 
is probable, was largely initiative, though, if we can place 
reliance upon tradition, there was sufficient organized interest 
in the creed and polity of the New England colonies to lead 
to the erection of a meeting house for the Congregational or 
Presbyterian families many years previous to Mr. White's 

' Congregational Quarterly, October, 1872, p. 559. 

Note. In the " Descendants of William White," the frontispiece is an 
illustration of the " White House," Haverhill, built about 1680, and occupied 
by the descendants of William and Mary White till 1874. At the death of 
William White his property inventoried at £$08 los, "a property far better 
than in those days was the custom with our yeomanry. His descendants 
through John's son John are very numerous, and have been among the most 
numerous and honorable of the land."^ 

^ Descendants of William White. 


appearance at Nantucket. Though called Presbyterian in 
the early days, the church has never been other than a Con- 
gregational organization with marked tendencies toward 
independency — a condition due to its isolation. 

As an introduction to these records of the first preacher 
known to be a resident on the Island, of whose identity his 
papers afford documentary evidence, it is fitting to make 
note of the previous efforts put forth in the behalf of the 
red man and of the new settlers. This is done so far as the 
meager records afford material. 


The Christianizing of the Indians of Nantucket was the 
work of the Mayhews, father and son, and was carried on in 
connection with the missionary work of Martha's Vineyard. 
It is difficult to determine, sometimes, whether the records 
refer to the Vineyard or Nantucket. Probably the work is 
looked upon as one. The Mayhews deserve to share with 
Eliot the title of Apostle to the Indians. They began their 
evangelizing efforts immediately upon occupancy of Martha's 
Vineyard. The father was designated Governor of the 
islands, and was the administrator of affairs. The son was 
devoted to the Indian work. These efforts began about 
1642. This was seventeen years before the occupancy of 
Nantucket by white settlers. Thomas Mayhew, Jr., was lost 
at sea, on a voyage to England in 1656. His father deter- 
mined that the good work of his son should not perish. So 
he devoted much effort to sustaining and extending the 
Indian missions.' 

In a letter written September i, 1674, he describes the 
situation among the Nantucket Indians. "And for Nan- 
tucket there is a church relates to me. They, as I said, first 
joined into full worship here [at the Vineyard], and since be- 

» Mass. His. Coll., Ser. I, Vol. I, p. 205. 


came a church orderly, and is increased. Upon that island 
are many praying Indians. Also the families of that island 
are about three hundred. I have often accounted the fam- 
ilies of both islands, and have often, these thirty-two years, 
been at Nantucket." In 1674 there was on the island one 
Indian church, of which John Gibbs, an Indian (Indian name 
Assasammoogh), was pastor. There were thirty persons in 
full communion, of whom twenty were men. Pastor Gibbs 
was assisted by three native teachers — Joseph, Samuel, and 
Caleb. The last, Indian name Weekochisit, was a Saga- 
more's son.' 

The number of baptized children and youth was about 
forty. At Nantucket, in 1674, there were three places 
where the Indians held their meetings, Oggawame, Wam- 
masquid, and Squotesit, and all the Indians were nominally 
Christian. Gookin says of these Indians : "I have seen and 
spoke with divers of the Indians of those islands [Martha's 
Vineyard and Nantucket] that usually, every summer, come 
up to our parts, about Boston and the towns adjacent, to 
work in the harvest labor and other employ. Many of them 
I have judged pious, and most of them sober, diligent, and 
industrious; which are commendable qualifications."^ 

The next record of the condition of the Indians before 
Mr. White's settlement in Nantucket is twenty years later, 
in 1694, in a letter written by John Gardner to Cotton 
Mather. Mr. Gardner for many years assisted these 
Indians by protecting them from the greed of their white 
neighbors, by instructing them in the lav/s of England, and 
by deciding difficult cases among themselves. Mr. Gardner 
reports great decay among the Indians, especially in num- 
bers, there being in 1694 only about five hundred grown 
persons. We may estimate probably less than one thousand 
in all. There were then three churches among the Indians, 
two Congregational and one Baptist, but the membership 

' Mass. His. Coll. Ser. I, Vol. I, pp. 206, 207. 

* Gookin's Narrative, Mass. His. Coll., Ser. I, Vol, I, p. 207. 


was small. Their physical decay Mr, Gardner attributes 
to their love of drink, their moral and religious decline, 
to growing formalism, and laxity in the observance of the 

In less than one hundred years from the date of Mr, 
Gardner's letter the Indian population was reduced to one 
hundred and thirty-six individuals. In 1806 there were 
twenty, four males and sixteen females.^ 


From the time of the first settlement of the island, in 
1659, till 1698, there is no evidence of any organized or 
even individual work on strictly religious lines. In view of 
the prominent place which religious institutions held in 
the life of the seventeenth century, it is hard to believe 
that the early settlers of this island were wholly destitute 
of these privileges. Especially is it hard to accept this 
conclusion in face of the religious activity among the 
Indians. But, before 1698, all records are absent and 
tradition is for the greater part silent. The earliest record 
of religious work, so far as the editor has been able to 
discover, is contained in the journal of Thomas Chalkley, 
an English friend, who visited the island in 1698. What 
is germane to the purpose of this introduction is quoted. 
His reference to the large attendance at one of his meetings 
certainly leads to the inference that there were other re- 
ligious assemblies. Also, he finds administer, so called," 
residing upon the Island, whose place of residence probably 
was the meeting place of those who inclined to his views. 
After a sail of about ten hours from Cushnet, Friend 
Chalkley and his party landed at Nantucket, remaining 
there several days and holding five meetings. He says in 

' Mather's Magnalia, Book VI, Chap. VI, Sect. 2. 
"^ Mass. His. Coll., Ser. I, Vol. I, p. 207, note. 


his journal: "Some of the ancient people said it was never 
known that so many people were together on the island at 
once. After meeting was over, one asked the minister, 
so called, whether we might hold a meeting at his house ? 
He said, with good will, we might. This minister had some 
discourse with me, and asked what induced me to come 
thither, being so young a man ? I told him I had no other 
view in coming than the good of souls. . . . Then he said, 
' I wish you would preach at my house in God's name.' So, 
next day, we had a meeting at his house, and on the First 
Day we had the largest meeting that we had on the island. 
It was thought there were above two hundred people." 
"The chief magistrate of the Island [probably the Esquire. 
Gardner who withstood Friend Story a few years later] 
desired that I would have a meeting at his house, there 
being no settled meeting of the Friends before I came, 
and after meeting he disputed with me about religion. 
I thought we were both but poor disputants, and cannot 
remember all that passed between us." 

Friend Chalkley claims that from the time of his visit 
"forward, they have continued a meeting, and there is now 
a meeting house and a Yearly Meeting for Worship." I 
am not able to fix the date of writing this journal. Mr. 
Chalkley died September 4, 1740.' 

The next record is that contained in the journal of 
Thomas Story, an English Friend, who arrived at Point 
Comfort, Va., December 8, 1698, and spent nine years 
visiting the colonies from the Carolinas to Massachusetts. 
He reached Nantucket May 13, 1704, and remained till 
the 24th of that month. Friend Story's attitude toward 
the Christian church and its ministry is enlivened with a 
spirit of sharp controversy. In this he is quite the 
opposite of Friend Chalkley. Strangely, too, though Story 
followed the latter by only six years, he makes no allusion 

' Journal of Thomas Chalkley. Edition, Friends' Bookstore, Philadelphia, 
Pa., p. 33, fl. 


to the visit of his EngHsh contemporary, and his record 
gives the impression that his efforts mark the beginning 
of organized Quakerism in Nantucket. Story's journal 
bears witness to the fact that there were attempts to 
establish a Christian church both at and before the 
time of his visit. The visiting ministers found it diffi- 
cult to maintain themselves because of the opposition of 
those inclining to Quaker principles and practices, especially 
the practice which opposed a fixed salary for the ministry. 
The work in behalf of the young settlement was done, 
for the greater part, by these visiting ministers or mis- 

Two of these visiting ministers were on the island at 
the time of Friend Story's visit. The name of one of these 
men, or " Hireling Priests," as it pleased the chronicler to 
call them, was Thomas West. He was present at one of 
Mr. Story's meetings, and remained through it, though he 
received some pretty severe prodding by allusions "con- 
cerning the Hireling Priests, the Merchants of Babylon," 
"their Doctrine and Maintenance," and he showed a very 
charitable, unresentful spirit in commending "the good life 
and power manifest in the meeting," having also a sharp eye 
for the heretical outcroppings. 

Mr. Story finds the people of the island divided in 
sentiment. Some are for a settled minister, but the 

' These men do not seem to have made sojourns of any great length. So 
far no records of their visits have been found among the public or family 
records of the island. They may exist or they may turn up in the family papers 
of these visiting clergymen, or possibly in the church records of eastern 
Massachusetts. There is clear evidence that the ministers and churches of the 
older, more populous and prosperous communities of the New England colonies 
were deeply interested in the outlying frontier districts. "The honored 
ministers of Boston have abundantly testified their sincere desires of gospel iz- 
ing these towns of Freetown, Tiverton, Dartmouth, and Nantucket. . . . Being 
in our Province, if this Province do not take care of their enjoyment of the 
gospel light and privilege, who will or can?" See letter of Rev. Samuel 
Danforth, minister of Taunton, August 8, 1720. [Mass. His. Coll., Series IV, 
Vol. I, p. 255, fl.] 


majority, he thinks, are against it.' It would seem that 
both parties were successful in establishing an organized 
body. For, although there is a singular and lamentable 
absence of records, there is a well-accredited tradition that 
two meeting houses were built at about the same date, 171 1 : 
one for the Quakers, the other for Presbyterian or Congre- 
gational people. This was seven years after Story's visit. 
The date, so far as it refers to the Congregational meeting 
house, rests upon the tradition of a bill for lumber against 
the Congregational Society, to be used for building a meet- 
ing house.^ 

The above is substantially all of note the editor has 
been able to discover that has reference to the religious 
history of Nantucket, in the line of the prevailing religious 
belief and polity of New England before the advent of 
Timothy White. Some of this material, hidden amid 
ancient archives, has been as good as lost. There may 
be still more light to break forth from dusty alcoves and 
corners, old chests and attics, where neglected but precious 
treasures are cast aside. 

As these White Papers, brought forth after many days 
of hiding and now given to the public, add some definite 
information to the times and conditions that were largely 
matters of conjecture or tradition, so may their publication 
be the precursor of richer and fuller discoveries. 

' Journal of Thomas Story, pp. 350-359. 

^ "It is stated by an individual remarkable for his knowledge of primitive 
events that he had seen a bill, dated 1711, found amongst old papers, against 
the Congregational Society, for timber which was used in building the original 
meeting house, and it is not improbable that there was a church organized on 
Congregational principles years before that meeting house was built, and 
might have assembled for divine worship in some private dwelling, or in some 
retired spot under the shade of the forest oaks." Ecclesiastical records of the 
First Congregational Church and Society of Nantucket, by Deacon Paul 
Folger, 1843. [Ss^ Quarterly Register of American Education Society, May, 
1843, P- 499-1 




Timothy White born at Hav' Nov'' 13, 1700 

Susanna Gardner born at Mendon Jan^ 30, 1712 and married 

at Nantucket Frydaj' Evening By M"" Baxter & G. Gardner Esq'' 

Sepf 27, 1728 

Here follows a Record of their children — 

i/" A Son (Immature Birth) born & dy'd Saturday night be- 
tween 10 & II H""^ Apr^ 19. 1729. 

2/'' a Dauter (an Immature Birth) born between 3 & 4 Mon- 
day Morning Aug. 31. 1730 and Dy'd the same morning 

3/ a Daughter (Susanna) born Thursday morning between 7 
& 8* H'-s Nov-^ 11-1731 

4/ a Son (Timothy) born between 6'^ & 7* Hours Monday 
Morning Ocf 29 1733 

5/^ a Son (an Immature Birth & still) born about 4 or 5 after- 
noon Tuesday May 20, 1735 

6/" a son (an Immature Birth) born about n* Hour Thurs- 
day Morning & Dy'd a few hours after Apr^ 15, 1736 

7/ a son (James) born about 8 Monday Morn May 2, 1737 

8'' a son (John) born about 10 Wednesday Morning Feb. 21, 
1738/9 and Dy'd Thursday night about 10 July 24, 1739 

9/ a son (John) born between 12 & i Monday Morning April 
7* 1740 

10/ a Dauter Lydia born between i & 2 Saturday Morning 
March 20* 1742. 

II Mary Born between 6 & 7 Fryday Eve Sept 19. 1746 

12" William born between 2 & 3 Monday Morn. Sept 5- 
1748 & Dy'd Saturday Night Sepf 10* following 

13^ Will"^ born (a little before day) Wednesday, Aug 23-1749 
& Dy'd Thursday Sepf 14 1749 

Lydia Dy'd at Nant. between 10 & 11 o'clock Thursday Ocf 
23"^ 1760 in the 19* year of her age 

M'' Timo^ White Dy'd at Haverill about 11 o'clock Lords Day 


Evening Feb^' 24 1765 aged 64 years & 3 months: 


Susanna Badger Dyed on Fryday Morning August 26* 1768 
about I Clock in the 37"^ year of her age 


M"'® Susanna White departed this Life at Ipswich Ocf 28 

Aged 77 years 8 months & 19 days. 

Note by Editor. — These biographical memoranda are written on the 
opening pages of one of the little home-made notebooks, in size three and 
one-half by five and one-half inches, in which Mr. White kept his records. 
They are not in the handwriting of Mr. White. They were evidently copied 
into this book, very probably from the family records. The writing which 
records the death of Mr. White is the same as that which precedes and follows. 


I preached a Lecture to the Indians at Macoomit July 12. 1728. 

Preached a Second time at the Same Place Aug. 22. 1728, 

The Comission^ for the Indian affairs at Boston made known 
to me their desire of my taking upon me the charge of a Lecture 
to the Indians upon Nantuckett : Upon my understanding of which 
I sent an answer in the afifirmative and accordingly I began Oct. 
3 1728 

Preached a 2^ time Oct. 31, 1728 

Preached at Miac. Nov. 28, 1728, 60. Dec. 26, 1728, 50. Jan. 
23. 172I 50. Feb. 20 172I 40 or 50. Apr^ 17 1729. 30 May 15 
1729 30 or 40. June 12. betw. 40 & 50 July 10. between 20 & 30. 
Aug. 7 at J. M. 20 or 30. Sept. 4 1729. 70 or 80. Feb. 17 17%% 
Recieved 15^ 

Began a new year at J. M. Oct 16 1729 above 20. 


Miac. Dec. 11 1729 about 30. Miac. Jan. 8-30. 

Miac. Feb. 5* 30 or above. 

Miac. March 5 between 50 «S: 60 

Miac. Apr'^ 16 : 30. 

Miac. May 14. about 30. 

Miac. June 11. above 30, 

Miac. Aug. 6. above 30. 

Miac. Aug. 20 about 30. 

Miac. Sept. 3. but too late. 

Feb. 10 1730/1 ReC^ p John Gardner ;^i5 n o 11 o 


Began a ¥■■ at J. M. Oct. i. 1730. 21 
Miac. Oct. 29. above 20. 
Miac. Nov. 26. about 30. upwards. 
Miac. Dec. 24. about 70. 
Miac. Feb. 4. between 40 & 50. 
Miac. Feb. 18. about 40. 
Miac. March 18. about 40. 
Miac. Apr' 15. about 50 
Miac. May 13 upwards of 50 
Miac June 10 between 30 & 40. 
Miac. July 8. between 40 & 50 
Miac. Aug. 5. between 30 &.40 
Miac. Sept, 2. about 20. 

Oct. 1 73 1 Reciev*^ of Col' Winthrop ;i^i5. the which I payed 
to M' Will™ Tyler at the same time. 

Began a new year at Miacoo : 

Nov. 25 1731. about 40 Hearers. 

Jan 20. 40 & upwards. 

Feb. 3. above 50. 

March 2"^ about 40. 

March 16. between 40 & 50. 

March 30. about 50. 

April 13 about 30. 

April 27 above 20. 

June 8* about 30. 

July 6. about 40. 

July 20 about 30 

Oct 1733 Rec"^ ^15. June 22 1733 extraordinary services £10 

Began a 5* year at Miac. 
Dec 7. between 30 & 40. 
Feb. I. 25. 
Feb. 15. above 30. 
March i 30. 
March 19. about 20 
April 12. about 20 
May 10. about 30. 
May 24 about 30 
June 7 above 30 

y Upon the L^^ Day 


June 12. above 40 

June 21 about 40 

July 19 40 or more 

Dec. 1733 Received from the Comission""^ £2c^ 11 o 

Began a Sixth year at Miac. 
Nov. I. 23 Hearers. Dec'' 27. 23 Hearers. 
Jan. 20 about 60 
Feb. 10 about 70 
Feb. 24 about 80 
March 10 about 60 
April 14. 70 or 80 
April 21. 60 or 70 
June 13 about 20 
July II 24 
July 25 about 20 
Oct. 17 27 

Dec"" 1734 Rec^ of Coll Winthrop p. [per] Deacon Phillips 

Began a Seventh year at Miac. 

Oct. 24 Between 40 & 50 Peons. [Persons] 

Dec"" 25 about 20 

Scias. Jan. 2^ 20 

Miac. Feb. 6'^ 17 

Miac. March 6* about 20 

Miac. March 20* 13 

Miac. Jun® 12 about 30 

Miac. July 24 between 20 & 30 

Squam Aug. 6. near 40 

Miac. Aug. 7. 30 or more 

Squam Aug. 11 13 

Miac. Aug 2 1 upwards of 40. 

Sept. Rec^ of Coll. Winthrop £25 .0-0. 

Began the 8* year at Miac. Dec"" 11 about 50 Psons 

Jan. 22, about 30 

March 4*^ 25 

June 3 above 30 

June 24 near 30 

Aug^' 5 about 20 




Aug. II about 30 
Sept. 16 about 30 
Sept. 30 13 

Scias. Ocf 14 upwards of 30 [illegible] to y® Baptissts about 30 
Miac. Oct. 28 — 18 

Rec'd by Father Gardner ^25-0-0 and the cash & Blankets 
for Indians 

Began the 9**^ year Nov"" 25^^ 15 

Feb. 3^^ about 20 

April 14. near 30 

May 12 about 20 

June 23 II 

Aug. 4. between 20 & 30 

Aug. 31. I suppose 100 if not more 

Sept. 8. 16 

Sept. 15. 30 

Sept. 29 20 or more. Rec'^ the usual allowance. 

1737/ Began y^ tenth year at Miohk. Nov"" 24. ab' 40 

Dec"" 8* near 20 

Jan^ 5* 22 

Jan^ 19. between 20 & 30 

May 25 about 20 

June 22 21 

July 6* near 40 

July 20 upwards of 20 

Aug. 17 between 20 & 30 

Sept. 14 14 

Oct^ 12 20 

Ocf 20 upwards of 20 

Feb. Rec'd 15^ ~| 

June lO;^ V . . . . 25-0-0 

£^5 J 

Began the 11* year at Miohkorrs Nov"" 9 1738 to about 20 

Dec"" 7 about 30 
Feb. 15 II. 
July 12 about 20 
Aug. 5 30 only 
Aug. 9. 20 or more 


Aug 2 2 perhaps 3 or 4 Serve. 

Sciass, Sept 20 near 30 

Miach. Oct. 4 about 20. 18 — but no meeting 

Oct. 25 about 20/ June 1740 Rec'^ 2t^£ 

Began y^ 12*'^ Year at agawam 

Dec"^ 6 1739 about 30. 

Miac. Feb. 7. near 20. 

June 19. Went but no Meeting 

July 3. about 20. 

July 31 Upwards of 20 

Aug. 14 Upwards of 20 

Ocf 2 about 20. 

Ocf 9 about a Doz. 

Ocf 23 about 20 

Nov"^ 6 near 20 

March 2 1740/1 Rec^ ^25 

Began y« 13 Y"" at Miohk. 

Nov. 20 12. 

Apr' 30 Upwards of 20 

May 29 Upwards of 20 

June 25 but no meeting 

A. M. to the Baptists -about 30 

P. M. to the Presbyterians at Squam-20 or 30 

July 23^ Miohk. between 20 & 30. 

July 28 Sciask. about 50 

Sept. 3 above 20 Sepf 17''^ above 20 

April 1742 Rec^ 25^ 25-0-0 

Nov"" 1742 Rec^ 1 0-0-0 

i743Recd^io 10 

1744 Rec*^ Do ------- 10 

1745 Rec*^ Do 10 

1746 Rec^ Do 10 

1747 Rec^ ;^i2-io 12-10- 

1748 Rec"^ Do- 12-10- 

NoTE BY Editor. — The names and abbreviations "Macoomit," "Miac," 
"Miacoo.," "J. M.," "agawam," probably "Miohk.," " Miohkorrs.," all, 
undoubtedly, refer to the services held in the Indian village near Miacomet 
Pond on the south shore of the Island, about two miles from town in a south- 
westerly direction. The exact locality is at this date a matter of conjecture. 
The abbreviations "Sias.," "Siask.," "Sciass.," stand for Sciasconset. 

July 2^ 



the Children of Eben"- Calef Sell. 
the Children of Hephzibah Coffin 
Scil. <| Jonathan 
I Ann 
I Mary. 

all these were baptized Sept. 29* 1728 by the hand of the 
Rev<i M'' Joseph Baxter Pasf of the Church at Medfield 

after the above mentioned Persons had owned the Covenant 
& the unbaptized Parents were baptized with the Children, it was 
said to them. 

You have now given up your names to God & in a very 
Solemn manner Subscribed His holy Covenants and you are to 
consider and remember that henceforward the Eyes of the holy 
& jealous God will be upon you, to mark & observe whether you 
do keep this Covenant & perform the vows of the Lord which are 
upon you : — and if you deal falsely in this Covenant, & break this 
Covenant by living in Sin & neglecting duty, what you have now 
done will be a witness against you: — But if you do faithfully keep 
this your Covenant, departing from the ways of Sin & living in the 
exercise of Godliness, you shall without fail inherit the Promises : 
— the good things of this Life will come to you in a Covenant 
way: in love & mercy as tokens of the Divine love and favour: — 
and in the v;orld to come you shall be brought to the possession 
of an Inheritance which is incorruptible & undefiled & which fad- 
eth now away, and that you may be enabled to keep this your 
Covenant & perform the vows of the Lord which are upon you we 
shall now comend you to the Grace of GOD 

On Sept. 26 1 73 1 The Rev^ M'' Sam^ Wiswal administered 
Baptism to the Persons following Scil 

( Lidia ^ 
To } Mary > Children of Joseph & Lidia Chase 

( Rachel ) 


^^ I ep zi a (^hjj^rgn Qf Hephzibah Coffin 
( James ) ^ 

{ Peter ) 
To i ^ ^ [ Children of Eb"- Calef 
( Robert ) 

( Hephzibah } 
To { o i Children of Rob'^ & Susanna Coffin 

( Susanna ) 

To Joseph son of Tho® & Patience Brock 

To Sarah Daughter of Ann (who is wife to Jonathan) Rams- 
dell, a member of the Church at Charlestown. 

at which time the Covenant was owned by the widow Mercy- 
Coffin in order to the Baptism of her children ( Hannah 

I Mary 
as also by Elisabeth (the wife of Peter) Gardner in order to 
the Baptism of herself and her children ( Love 

( Deborah 
and by Priscilla (the wife of Abel) Gardner in order to her 
own Baptism and the ordinance was administered to them all 

Deo Sit Gloria. 

on Sept. 17, 1732 The Rev"^ M"" Brown of Haverhil adminis- 
tered Baptism 

j Susanna Daughter of T. White 

I Elisabeth Dauter of Jos. & Elis. Coffin 

on August 24 1735 the Rev"^ M"" Baxter administered Baptism 
to the following Persons scil 

Timothy son of Timo. White 
Benjamin Son of John & Pris Gardner 
Joshua of Heph. Coffin 
Edward of Josiah & Elisa Coffin 
William of Tho^ & Patience Brock 
Katharine of Susa. Coffin 

And on Aug 31 Margaret of Tho* & Patience Brock 

Abigail ) 

o \ of Mercy Allen (once M. Coffin) 

busanna ) 


Sept. 7. The Widow of Elean^ Coffin 

Cromwell Coffin & his child Susanna 

Mary of Douglas Black who then owned the Convenant 

and their 


Lidia the wife of John Coffin (both of which at the same time 
owned y® Gov') 

{ John 

Sept. 14 

Abigail of Cromwell & Ruth Coffin 
Timothy ^ 

and > of Lois Gardner. 
Mary ) 
Elisabeth \ 

and > of Joseph Hooten who then owned the Gov* 
Sarah ) 

on July 22, 1739 were Baptized Scil. 
Richard of John & Lydia Coffin 

Q , [of Josiah & Elis. Coffin 

Andrew ) 

T , } oi Tho^ & Patience Brock. 

Janet ) 

Elisabeth ) ,^ ^ ^ , n 

■p,, ^ } 01 Eben"" Calf [t. e. Calefj 

Caleb of Cromwell & Ruth Coffin 
Joseph of Mercy Allen 

Thomas of Mercy Newel who then owned the Covenant, 
and in the Evening of the same day were (by reason of bodily 
Indisposition) Baptized in a private House 

Tames ) 

Tohn 1 °^ "Timothy White 

And July 29* 1739 Were Baptized Scil. 
Abigail ) 

Hephzibah i °f ^^^^^y ^'^^^'' 

,, ^ I of Susanna Coffin 

Margaret ) 

By the Rev"^ M"" Hobby of Reading. 


July II* 1742 

Owned the Covenant in order to Baptism. Scil. 

Content (the wife of Daniel) Russel. 

Mary Watson 

Susanna (Dau'ter of Rich*^) Folger. 

Dinah \ 

& > (Dau'ters of John) Clark 
Lidia ) 
Mary Gabriel 

Elisabeth (wife of Paul) Pease 
Jedidah (wife of Jon^) Pitts. 
Hannah (wife of Jn°) Medar. 

and were accordingly Baptized as also three children of 
Cont' Russels [names not given] Scil. 
two children of Elisab. Pease Scil 


at the same time owned the Coven* in order to the Baptism of 
their children Scil. 

Margaret (the wife of Obed) Hussey (and her children Scil. 
Benjamin, Abiel, & Obed were Baptised) 

and Thankful (wife of Dan') Long 

whose children 

were baptized 
Baptized also John & Lidia [of i"] T. White 
Antipas of ]n° & Lidia Coffin. 
Ann of Josi. & Elisab. Coffin. 
Thomas of Tho® & Patience Brock. 
Mary of Susanna Coffin. 

Mary, Phebee & Francis of Joseph Hooten and two children 
of Mehetable (the wife of Jon^) Colman, a member of the Church 
at Falmouth Scil Jane & [blank] 
[Blank] of Mercy Allen. 

July 12 Mary of Mercy Kidder. 

July 18, Owned the Covenant and Baptized Scil. 
Elisabeth (wife of Sam') Maxey 
Rachel (wife of Joseph) Colman 
Margaret (wife of Benja.) Chase 

«> ^ t ^JS- 


•so TO 







1 ^ 

^ 1 
J h 






1^ , 

! ^ 

It' 1 









Eunice (wife of Francis) Brown 

Beulah (wife of Joseph) Daws. 

Abigail (wife of Cornelius) Morselander 

Hephzibah Jones 

Hephzibah Gardner 

Deborah Baxter 

Christian Ellis. 

and at the same time the Covenant was owned by 

George Gardner & Elisabeth his wife & their child Jeremy 
was Baptized 

Baptized also 

Eunice of Cromwel & Ruth Coffin 

Mehetable of Beulah Daws 

Cornelius of Abigail Morselander 

Sarah of Eunice Brown 

Sarah of Susanna Folger 

William, Eunice & Martha of Douglass Black 
July 25 Owned the Covenant and Baptized Scil. 

Israel Luce, Eleanor Long and Mary Dykes — and at the same 
time Baptized the children of Mary Dykes Scil. 

Phebee. Francis. Sarah. John, Martha. Mary 

By the Rev"^ M"" Worcester of Sandwich. 

Oct"^ 31^* \ Baptized Mercy of Mercy Allen 
1742 \ Stephen of Mercy Kidder 
by M'' Worcester, 

Aug. 13 1747 

The Covenant was owned by Abigail Calef and her child 
(Peter) baptized. 

Aug. 16 The Coven* was owned by Benj^ Coffin 3*'"^ who was 
then Baptized. 

as also by Mary (wife of Henry) Coffin & her child (Elisab.) 

and by Priscilla (wife of Jon^ Coffin Jun'') & her Josh, baptized. 

Baptized also at the same time 

Abigail / 

T ^ , of Josi Coffin Esqr 

Janet ) •' ^ 

Ann ) 
p.. , I of Tho^ Brock 


Mary of Jn" & Lydia Coffin 

Ephraim \ 

Jethro > of Susan : Coffin 

Jon^ ) 

Margaret of Eb-- Calef. 

Obed of Crom : & Ruth Coffin 


TT • ( oi Mehetable Colman 

George ) 

,:,,., I oi Geo : & Elisa. Gardner 

Elisha ) 

"' \ of Jos. Hooten 
Richd ■' 

Abigail of Abig^ Morselander 

Lucy of Mary Burridge once Mary Gabriel. 

James of Mercy Kidder 


XT L 1 of Elisa. Pease 

Elisab. ^ 

Judith > of Content Russel 

Silas ) 

Deborah of [blank] Swain 

By the ReV^ M'' Hovey of Metapoiset. 

Nov. 12. 1749 

Baptized by Rev^ M"" Newman Scil 

Mary of Timo'' White 

James of Josiah Coffin 

John of George Gardner 

Henry of Mary (wife of Henry) Coffin 

Judith of Elisabeth Pease. 

Mary of Mary Burridge. 

An accompt of the money given me for preaching the Gospel 

at Nantuckett where I began May 9 1725 

Aug- 18 ( Recieved of Jos. Coffin - - - 13 

1725 I 13 = 00 = 00 

June 27 ( 

^ 1 of G. Gardner Esq'' 20=00 = 00 

1726 ( ^ 


July 27 ( £ 

. { of Eciw'^ Bromneld Esq"" at Boston 32 = 00 = 00 

June 26 ( 

\ Recieved of Jn° Coffin - - - 41; = 00 = 00 

1727 ( -^ 

Aug. 29 Reciev'd of M-" Bromfield zz£ - 32> 


Apr. 1728 

Recieved of Cap* Gardner the Sum of 05 - 00 - 00 

i Recieved of Jn° Coffin Sher. - 05 

' o "! of his Mother 02 = 00 = 00 

1720 i 

V of Robert Coffin 02 = 00 = 00 

Sep' 2 \ Recieved from the Society by y* 

1728 I liands of J. Coffin 18 = 10=00 

18 = 10= 00 

Sep' 14 of Ed. Bromfield Esq"' 69 = 10 = 00 

Nov, 25 £ 

1728 Recieved by Jos. Coffin - - - 15 =05 =00 

Feb. 25 172I By Jn° Coffin 15=00=00 

May 27 

By George Gardner Esq"" - - - 12=00=05 

More 0-07-00 

more about o-io-oo 

Jan. 9 1730 By Capt. Coffin - - - - - 17 11 00 11 00 

More by y^ same hand - - 5 11 00 11 00 

June 23 By John Coffin 20 11 10 11 00 

June 20 By — Hatch 00 11 09 - 6 

Aug. 15 By John Coffin 2 11 10 n 00 

Sept. I. By Eb"" Calef -------- 9 11 10 11 00 

By another hand i 11 15 11 o 

By another 1-6-0 

Feb. 18 1 730/1 p J. G. --.-.-- 31 - o- o 

June 10 1731 p J. Johnson 00 11 10 11 o 

July — p — Hatch 4/6 0-4-6 

Apr^ 1732. p M. G. 20/ i-o-o 

Jan. 24 173! p Jos. Coffin 50 : o : o 

Feb. 2. p E. Calef 60/ 3 11 o 11 o 

March 24 p Jos. Chase 90/ 4 11 10 11 o 

May 10 p Brock 80/ -------- 4110110 

Aug. 1733 of Ebr. Calef 30/ i 11 10 11 o 



of Jonath. Coffin Z. Bunker E. Bennit - 8 ii o ii o 

Dec"" Tho^ Brock i bl Beef 100/ - - - - 5 11 o 11 o 

Bayley about 35/ --- 1-15-0 

Apr^ 1734 p Jos Chase - 6-0-0 

p Calef 9 --- g_o-o 

May 6. p Elis. S. Z-^Z- '^ 

May 8. p Calef ---------- 8-0-0 

May 15 p Calef - --------- 4-10-0 

I from the Society p D. N. - - - 39 n on o 

^^^' ^ \ p. D'l Hay 20/ - - - - - - 01 11 o 11 o 

Dec"" 17. 1734 p J. Chase ------ 2-0-0 

Dec'' — p John White ------- o-io-o 

Jan. 7 1734/5 From the Society - - - - ;^44-3- o 

July 23 p Joseph Skiff 40/ ------ 2-0-0 

Aug. 28* from the Society - 34-12-0 

March i^t 1735/6 Rec<^ i:35 - - - - - - 35" °- o 

Aug. 17 1736 Rec^ ;^ 41 5/0 - - - - - 41-05-0 

of Hagar 13/ --- 0-13-0 

Jan^ of John White 19/6 -- 0-19-6 


March 26* of J. G. about 33 - - - - - 32-17-0 

Sept. 6**^ p J. G. about - 31-15-0 

Aug. 29. 1738 p J. G. about - - - - - - 50-0-0 

p Hagar 10/ ---- o-io-o 

March ) p Kb-- Calef ------- 65 - 

3. 1739/40 \ Ditto 160/ ------ 8-0-0 

Apr' 17* 1741 p Eb"' Calef ------ 50- o- o 

Dec p R. Wyer 37/7 - - - - - - - - 1-17-7 

May 20 1742 p M"" Calef - 62- o- o 

Apr' 14 1743 p M'' Calef - - 55-10-8 

Apr' 18 1744 p M'' Calef 100- 0-0 

Aug. 27 1744 p M"" Brock ------ ^o- o- o 

1745 p M"" Calef ---------20-0-0 


Feb. 8"^ p M"" Brock - - 20-0-0 

Apr' 28 1746 p M"" Brock 100- 0-0 

E. G. 20/ 

1747 May 8*p Capt Coff. -150- 8. 8 

Aug. p M'' Cal.ef of Contribuf^ 200/ - - - 10 . - 

E. G. 20/ ----- I - - 


Dec. 12 1748 

ReC^ of M-- Calef 192 - 

L. C. 20/ - H-r. 3/6 ------ I _ 2 - 

Dec'' 18 1749 ReC^ of M'' Calef - - - - - 31 _ 

Jan. 2^ Rec*^ of Cap* Coffin - - - - - -112-10- 

& to have of M'' Brock - - 50 - - 

1750. May. Rec^ of M"- Calef 140/ - - - 7 - 

1749 from Phillips 120/ 

Rec"^ out of y^ annual Collection at Boston 25- o- 

and from Mr Hubbard ------ ^ - - 

Oct. Rec'^ a Benefaction from Boston to y^ 

Value of - - - - - - - - - - - 57-10- 

1750 Out of annual Collection at Boston [blank] 

Schooling ace* begin 

Jan>' 6 1745/6 @ 2/4 ^ week 


Janet Brock 9 


Tho^ Brock 12 


Calt" Bunker 13 


Jn° Bunker 10 


Geo: Bunker 14 


Tho^ Clark 8 

Jos. Clark 9 


Edwd Coffin 9 

And" Coffin 10 

Richd Coffin 7 

Josh. Coffin 10 


Calb Coffin II 


Bart. Coffin 11 


Uri. Coffin 11 


Ann Cofifin 9 

W™ Ellis 4 

W™ Fitch 8 

Coffin Fitch ix 

Shub^ Folger 7 

Jn° Folger 7 

Nath' Folger 7 


Ben. Gardner 


Enoch Gard"" 


Ann Macy 
Mary Macy 
Joseph Macy 
Henry Macy 
Paul Macy 
Jn° Pinkham 

5 p<^ 10/6 

2 pd 4/8 





Sam. Maxey 


Franc* Worth 


6/Par, Coffin 


27/ Eliph. Coffin 



I Beth Gardner 
3 j Eb>- Coffin 





March ^^ 

Eb. Calef 



Rob* Hunter 



Ob. Hussey 


James Chase 



Jer. Gardner 




Kath. Coffin 



Peter Clark 



Ben. (of D) Clark 
Church Clark 



Jon^ Clark 


Apri 7th 

Seth Worth 



Ben. Folger 
Geo : Smith 



Rebek: Coffin 



22/Jona Fitch 


Uri. Bunk. 


D° 1/2 



Schooling ace* @ 2/ '^ week 
Began April 28 1746 

Tho^ Brock 


Sar. Brown 


Jn° Bunker 


Geo: Bunker 


Uri. Bunker 


Obed Bunker 


Caleb Bunker 


Joseph Clark 


Ben Clark 


Peter Clark 


And"^ Coffin 


Caleb Coffin 


Eliph. Coffin 


Rebek. Coffin 


Josh. Coffin 


Judith Coffin 


Bart. Coffin 


Uri. Coffin 


Eben. Coffin 


Kath. Coffin 

Eben. Calef 


Coffin Fitch 


Jon^ Fitch 


Beth^ Gardner 


Jer. Gardner 


Ben. Folger 


Rob. Hunter 


Isaac Meirack 


Jn° Meirack 


Henry Macy 


Paul Macy 


Jn° Pinkham 


Obed Hussey 


Geo. Smith 


Church Clark 








5 < 


' Christ^'' Coffin 
Ben. Gardner 
Jn° Arthur 
[ Edwd Coffin 


Seth Worth 
12/W" Elles 
Jon=» Clark 
Abel Gardner 
13/Fr. Moors 

( Sam^ Long 
19 I Fr. Hooten 

( Abiel Moors 
26 Fr. Gardner 
Jos. Brock 
Will-" Brock 
And"" Brock 
June 2^ 
Par. Calef 
Elisa Calef 
3./Tho^ Newel 
4/Wn^ Black 
r Abi Allen 
Jos. Allen 
Ren. Allen 
C. Morselander 
Alex"" Coffin 
Chr. Stretton 
( Ant. Stretton 


7 Ben. Stretton 
( Eunice Coffin 

14 ^ Peggy Coffin 
( Mary Coffin 


















Jo. Macy 3 





8@3/ 3 
10 @ 3/ 3 


9 @ 3/ 2 
I Maxey i 

I Dikes I 


Russel I 


{ Abr'n Micah 


( Sam, Micah 



( Jn° Woodbury 


8 I Tho« Clark 


' — Hammond 


Oct. 28 Jn" Folger 


15 Harker of R. Macy 


22^ Joseph Gardner 


( Ann Elles 


^9 I Betty Barker 


Oct 20* 

Sar. Coffin 


j Nat, Folger 


' I Jan* Brock 


Schooling ace* DeC i. 1746 

3/ p Week 


2/6 ^ week. 

W. Black 



Jo. Brock 


W. Brock 


An. Brock 


Jan* Brock 


Tho« Brock 



Jno Bunk"- 



Geo: Bunk"- 



Cal. Bunk"- 



Uri. Bunk, 


Obed Bunk. 

2 (107) 

Eb. Calef 



Tho« Clark 


Jo. Clark 


Ben, Clark 


Pet. Clark 

Ed. Coffin 



An. Coffin 



Sar. Coffin 



Par. Coffin 


Eb. Coffin 


Alex Coffin 


Cal. Coffin 



Eun. Coffin 
Josh. Coffin 
H. Folger 

4 91 



(88) 72 


Jn° Folger 



Nat. Folger 
Ben. Card. 



Jer. Card. 
Fr. Gardner 



Eb. Marker 

Fr. Hooten 

14 — 106 


Jo. Macy 
Hen : Macy 
Paul Macy 
S. Maxey 
T. Newel 








Jo. Gardner 



Ob. Hussey 



Jn° Pink°» 



W. Russel 


Seth Worth 


Abr. Micah 



Sam. Micah 
Dec'- 8/ 
Syl. Bunk' 
Rich^ Coffin 

4 — 124 



@ 3/ p Week 
May Deb Coffin 6 
18/ Ch. Coffin 5 

22/B: Gardner 
Jan. 26 


( Jenkins 
Tho < Jenkins 

( Jenkins 
Matt. Jenk° 




Alex. Moors 



Feb. ij^ 
Ths Wilson 




23<^ Bethnel 6 i 

AbelG-r 6 13 

Josh. Coff. I 

Hunter 5 12 

Trist. G. 4 II 
9 I Elis. Ca 

16. Sus. Coff. I 

( Fr. Moors 3 

M^y '''' Bek. Moors 2 

March 3/ ^ Week 

^ Uri. Bunker 2 

23 ^ Obed Bunker 7 

( Morselander 14 

30 Jn° Arthur 9 


Jane Hunter 4 

Nab. Morsetan 10 

Peter Caleb 10 

Han. (of Jn° Coff.) 6 

Susa : Coffin 3 


27 ^ Geo: Smith 9 

Armstrong 9 

SPinkham 4 

Zach® Swain 8 

Elisha Bunk. 9 

j Isaac Mireck 7 

^^ ( John Mireck 7 

Schooling ace' Began 
July 6 1747 @ 3/ "f week 

Tho^ Brock 


Geo : Bunker 


Elish. Bunk"^ 


Obed Bunk"- 


Eb. Calef 



Peter Caleb 


Deb. Coffin 


Charles Coffin 


Ben : Folger 


Abel Gardner 


Franc. Gardner 


Jer. Gardner 


Jo : Gardner 


Ob. Hussey 


Rob. Hunter 


Ths Jenkins 


Ab"" Micah 


Sam. Micah 


Isaac Mireck 


Jn° Mireck 


C. Morselander 


Ab^ Morsel 


Paul Macy 



Zach^ Swain 


Geo. Smith 


Wm. Smith 


Trist. Gardner 


. Wyer . . . 


. Wyer . . . 


Fr. Hooten 


B. Stretton 


Ch. Stretton 


Ant. Stretton 


Fr. Moors 


Sam: Maxey 


Alex. Moors 


John Jasper 


Caleb Bunk' 


Ben : Jenkins 


Sept' 2 1 

j Mary Coffin 


I Ephr™ Coffin 


Mary of J. G. 



Ocf^ 5. Judith Barn'i 


12/And'' Coffin 


Nov' 2 Dykes 


13/Mary Gardner | i 

ab' 2 

16. Richd Coffin 


Richd Coffin 


Ann Coff. 


Abi Coff 


Josep Bunker 


3° I Jo. Allen 

Dec"" 15*^ 

Ben : Gardner 


Edw<i Coffin 


Eb. Harker 


Dec"" 21. Wilson 


March 21. Fr. Moors 


Tho^ Jenkins 


Geo. Bunker 


Elisha Bunker 


Joseph Gardner 

13 & 

Seth Worth 



{ Isaac Mireck 


\ John Mireck 


( Hunter 


7* j F. Brock 


( Abel Gardner 

8 : 

( Jer. Gardner 


14 I Jer. Prier 


( And' Worth 


Mary Coffin 


Ephr'" Coffin 


Ben : Jenkins 


Caleb Bunker 


Eb. Calef 


2i/Trist™ Bunker 


Love Gardner 5 
Charles Coffin 5 


R. 2 


Schooling Ace' began May 2^ 1748 
@ 3/7 f Week. 

Geo : Bunker 


Elish. Bunker 


Tristram Bunk"" 


Th^ Brock 


Charles Coffin 


Will" Coffin 


Fr. Hooten 


Rob. Hunter 


Ben : Jenkins 

Th^ Jenkins 


Jo : Gardner 


Love Gardner 


Abig' Gardner 


Franc : Gardner 


Abel Gardner 


Natho Gardner 


Jn° Mireck 


Tim : Mireck 


Franc : Moors 


Jer. Gardner 


Seth Worth 


And' Worth 


Geo : Smith 


Arm : Smith 


Jer. Frier 



Zac^ Swain 


Hannah Swain 


Rob* Meader 


Reub° Giles 



. > . 


11*^ Mary Gardner ^ ^ 2 

h i 

16 Obed Coffin 


Will'a Gardner 


June 12. Peter Gardner 


20*^ Abigail Worth 


rec^ 46/6 
reed 35/8 




Nov'' 2 1 


March 6 

Schooling @ 3/7 "^ week 

part of time 4/ "^ week 

Aug. 15* 

Ab' (of Cromi) 6 

Oct: 3. Ann Brock 12 

10 Mary Coffin 17 

3 1 /Dykes of R. G. 11 

Henry Macy 12 
Paul Macy 13 

Jan^ 30 Elles (of El. A) 6 
Feb. 13. Ben : Folger 6 
Geo: Bunker 12 
Elisha Bunker 24 
Tho^ Brock 26 
Ann Brock 26 
Rich (of Jon^) Worth 2 
Gardner 24 

11™ Gardner 30 

John Meyreck 30 

Timo : Meyreck 30 

Apr^ 24. Tristram Bunker 23 







^' Meader 


Reed 42/ D° 6/6 



ReC^ 48/ 

Obed Coffin 






Abel Gardner 


8 ^ 

Nathan Gardner 


Francis Gardner 


Peter Gardner 


' Elias Coffin 



Prince Coffin 



9 ^ 

Zach" Coffin 



James Coffin 



10 Kidder 



86/ p<^ by M^ Br 

June — 



klary Bunker 




Aug. 22 Abner Coffin 


Elisha Bunker 


Thos Brock 


Ann Brock 


Tristram Bunk^ 


Oct. ID Mary (of J. G.) 




1 6. Fr. Hooten 


i8 Bayley (of J G) 

h 4 

Schooling Ace' to June 30 1740 


Timo^ Barnard 


Tho® Brock 



George Bunker 


Dan' Bunker 


John Bunker 



Eb' Calef 


David Clark 


Nathi Clark 


Will'" Clasby 


John Coffin 


Jon^ Coffin 


a sheep 

Josiah Coffin 


I sheep sk. 

Micah Coffin 



Rob' Coffin 


Humphrey Elles 


Mowing 8/ 


Nathan Coffin 



Peter Fitch 



Barz. Folger 



Shubi Folger 


Timo^ Folger 


Zac* Folger 



Peter Folger 



Tho« Arthur 


Abel Gardner 


And"" Gardner 


7/6 ii/ii 

Eb' Gardner 



Grafton Gardner 


John Gardner 


James Gardner 


Lois Gardner 



Reub. Gardner 


Raymond Harker 


Obed Hussey 


Matt. Jenkins 


Isaac Meyrick 


Dan* Paddack 


Leah Paddack 


Caleb Swain 


Rich'i Swain 


Will"" Swain 


9o*b B< 

Peleg Pinkham 


Sam* Russel 


Jon^ Ramsdel 


James Whippey 


Nath* Woodbury 


Richd Worth 


Cal*' Stretton 



Ace* to 


29. 1740 



Tho^ Arthur 


Timo^ Barnard 


Tho^ Brock 

2- 5- 

George Bunker 


John Bunker 



Eb>- Calef 


John Chadwick 



Nath' Clark 


Dan' Coffin 


John Coffin 


Jon^ Coffin 

i_ 3_ 


Jos. Coffin 

I- 6- 

Micah Coffin 


Nathan Coffin 

I - 12 - 








Humphry Elles 


Peter Fitch 


Barzilla Folger 

I - 12 - 

Peter Folger 


Shubi Folger 

8- 9 

Timo'' Folger 


Zaccheus Folger 

I - 12 - 

Abel Gardner 

6- 3 

Andrew Gardner 


21 - I - 


Eb'' Gardner 


Grafton Gardner 


James Gardner 


John Gardner 


Lois Gardner 


Reuben Gardner 


Raym"^ Harker 


Obed Hussey 


Isaac Meyrick 


Dan' Paddack 


Leah Paddack 


Jon^ Ramsdel 


Peleg Pinkham 


Sam' Russel 


Rich'' Swain 

2- 8-0 

Will'" Swain 

I -13-0 

Caleb Stretton 

2- 8-0 

James Whippey 

I - 12 - 

Nath' Woodbury 


Richd Worth 


Will. Smith 


20 - 6-0 

W. Swain 8 Weeks 9-10 

°'- Sum total '^'le-io- 6 

Cr. 15 -II- 6 

o— 19 - o 










Schooling Ace* to Jan^ 3 1740/41 

Timo^ Barnard 


Tho^ Brock 


Geo. Bunker 


Dan' Bunker 


John Bunker 


Eb"- Calef 


Jn° Chadvvick 


Nath' Clark 


Dani Coffin 


John Coffin 


Jona° Coffin 


Josiah Coffin 


Micah Coffin 


Nathan Coffin 


Rob* Coffin 


Humphrey Elles 


Peter Fitch 


W'" Clasby 


Barzil. Folger 


Peter Folger 


Timo" Folger 


Zach® Folger 


19- 14- 8 

Abel Gardner 


And"" Gardner 


Eb-- Gardner 


Grafton Gardner 


John Gardner 


Lois Gardner 


Peter Gardner 


Reuben Gardner 


Obed Hussey 


Isaac Meyrick 


Joseph Macey 


Dan' Paddack 


Elipht Paddack 


Leah Paddack 

1 1/4 





16/ 5t! 





Peleg Pinkham 


Jon^ Ramsdel 


Sam^ Russel 


Rich'^ Swain 


Will'" Swain 


Caleb Swain 


Caleb Stretton 


Jon^ Pitts 


James Whippee 


W°» Smith 


Peter Ray 





Ace* to April 2^ 1741 

Tho^ Arthur 


Time'' Barnard 


Thos Brock 


Geo. Bunker 

I - 17 - 

Dan' Bunker 


John Bunker 

2 - 0-0 

Eb^ Calef 


W'" Clasby 

I - I - 

Jon^ Coffin 

I- 15-0 

John Coffin 

2 - 2-0 Wool 

Josiah Coffin 

2 - 2-0 

Peter Fitch 


Barz. Folger 

10 - 

Peter Folger 


Timo^ Folger 


Zacc^ Folger 


Abel Gardner 


And*" Gardner 


Gr. Gardner 


John Gardner 

I - 10- 

Lois Gardner 

0-17-6 20/ 

Reub. Gardner 


Nath° Coffin 


Rob* Coffin 











23 - 0-6 






Obed Hussey 


Dan' Paddack 


Eliph. Paddack 


Jon^ Pitts 


W°> Oldridge 


Caleb Swain 

I - - 

W"* Swain 


Rich^ Swain 


Henry Woosoo 


Zach. Folger 


as above 



ig Ace' to July 2° 



Tho^ Arthur 



Timo'' Barnard 



Tho^ Brock 



Tho^ Bailey 

I - 2 - 


Geo : Bunker 


Jn° Bunker 




Eb"- Calef 

I- 3- 


Jn° Chadwick 

- 12 - 


Dan' Chadwick 

0- 9- 


John Coffin 


Jon^ Coffin 

I - I - 


Josiah Coffin 


Nath'i Coffin 

I - 12 - 

Joseph Colman 

12 - 


Peter Fitch 


Barzil. Folger 

I - 12 - 

Peter Folger 


Tirno'' Folger 


Zach^ Folger 

I - 12 - 



20 - 9 - 4 




Caleb Stretton 

10 . 

Rich^ Swain 


Will"" Swain 


Jon* Upham 


Rob* Wier 


Timo" Wier 

7- 2 

James Whippey 


Dani Bunker 


Will"> Clasby 

6- 2 

Eliakim Swain 


Henry Woosoo 




Abel Gardner 0/ 

Andrew Gardner 16/ 

Grafton Gardner 9/" 

John Gardner is/ 

Lois Gardner 16/ 

Reuben Gardner i - 3-5 

The* Gardner 12-4 

Dan^ Hussey 6-2 

Obed Hussey 16 

Jn° Johnson 3^9 

Tho^ Jones ^3 - 7 

Peter Jenkins 11 -i ^ 

Tho^ Moors 14/9 

W" Oldridge 16/ 

Peleg Pinkham 8/ 

Jon* Pitts 13/ ^3/ 

Dani Paddack 14/9 

Leah Paddack 16/ 

Sam' Russel 8/ 

Sami Ray 3-9 



28/11 ^ 



.6/ ^ 

7-17 - 


1742/Schooling Accts to Sept^ 25 



Tho^ Arthur 

13 .6. 

Timo^' Barnard 


Tho^ Brock 

I - 10 - 

Tho^ Bailey 

I - 9-6 

Geo : Bunker 


Jn" Bunker 

14-9 17/ 

Eb-- Calef 

1-13 • 3- 

. Jn° Chadwick 


Dani Chadwick 


Jn° Coffin 


Jon^ Coffin 

14 . 9 

Josi. Coffin 

14 . 9 

Nath"! Coffin 

I - 9-6. 

Joseph Colman 


Peter Fitch 

I - 9-6 

Barz. Folger 

I - 9-6 

Peter Folger 


Timo^ Folger 


Zach= Folger 

I - 17 -6 

Abel Gardner 


19 . 6 . 

Grafton Gardner 

14 . 9. 

Jn° Gardner 

13 • 9- 

Lois Gardner 

14 . 9 

Reub° Gardner 


Tho^ Gardner 

14 . 9. 

Obed Hussey 

14 . 9. 

Jn° Johnson 

14 . 9. 

Tho^ Jones 

9 • 7 

Peter Jenkins 

14 . 9. 

Tho^ Moors 

14 . 9. 

W" Oldridge 

14 . 9. 

Peleg Pinkham 

10 . 

Jon^ Pitts 


Dan' Paddack 


Leah Paddack 

2 . 6. 

Sam' Ray 

14. 9 








Peter Ray 


Cal. Stretton 


Rich^ Swain 


W™ Swain 


13 . 04 . 6 



Eleakim Swain 

14- 9 


Jon^ Upham 

13- 6. 


Rob* Wyer 


Timo'' Wyer 

II - II. 

James Whippey 

I - 4 - 6. 


And"" Gardner 

6- 7 

4- 4 
The above Ace*® carry'd off. 

Schooling Ace*® to Feb^ i®' 1 741/2 

Dr/Tho® Arthur 12/4 

12 - 


Tho® Bayley - - - - 



Tho® Brock - - - - 


- 12 - 


Geo. Bunker - - - 


- 7- 


Dan^ Bunker - - - 



John Bunker - - - 




W" Clasby - - - - 



John Coffin - - - - 




Jon^ Coffin - - - - 

I • 

- 10 - 


Josi. Coffin - - - - 

2 ■ 

- 01 - 


Rob* Coffin - - - - 



Barz. Folger - - - 

2 ■ 

- I - 


Peter Folger - - - 

I - 


Timo*' Folger - - - 


Zac® Folger - - - - 

I - 


Graft" Gardner- - - 



]n° Gardner - - - 



Lois Gardner - - - 



Tho® Gardner - - - 

II - 


Peter Fitch - - - - 



20-15- 7 


DVObed Hussey - - 



John Johnson - - - 



Tho^ Moors - - - - 



Leah Paddack - - - 

2 - 


Paul Paddack - - - 

10 - 


Jon^ Pitts - - - - 

12 - 


Sam^ Ray - - - - 

12 - 


Caleb Stretton - - - 

12 - 


W« Swain - - - - 

I- 4- 


Abig' Woodbury - - 



Jon^ Upham - - - 



6- 3-5 
The Ace* above carry'd off 


Ace* to May i 

^* 1742 

Dr/ Old Ten>- 


Tho^ Arthur 21/ - - 

I - I - 

Timo^ Barnard 16/ - 


Tho^ Brock 42/ - - 

2 - 2-0 

Geo. Bunker 28/3 - - 

I- 8-3 

Dani Bunker 8/9 - - 


Jn° Bunker 36/5 - - 


Caleb Bunker 6/3 - - 


Eb"- Calef 20/0 - - - 

I - 0-0 

W"> Clasby 21/- - - 

I - I - 

Jn° Coffin 45/9- - - 

2- 5-9- 

Jon* Cofifin 32/3 • - 

I -12-3 

Josi. Coffin 59/6 - - 


Rob* Coffin 9/6 - - 


Barz. Folger 54/4 - - 


Peter Folger 11/3 - - 


Timo^ Folger 10/ - - 

ID - 

Zach^ Folger 34/ - - 

I - 14 - 

Joseph Colman 3/9 - 





Dr/ Old Tenour 

Grafton Gardner - - 

0- 13 - 

Jn° Gardner 20/ - - 

I - - 

Lois Gardner 21/ - - 

I - I - 

Peter Gardner 9/1 j - 



Tho« Gardner 10/ - 

10 - 

Jn° Johnson 10/6 

ID - 


Tho* Jones 2/6 - - 

2 - 


Abel Gardner 2/6 - - 

2 - 


Obed Hussey 21/ - - 

I - I - 

Tho^ Moors 16/ - - 


Leah Paddack 9/3 - 



Jon^ Pitts 14/ - - - 


Caleb Stretton 14/ - 


Sam^ Russel 5/ - - 


Wn Swain 15/ - - - 


Eliakim Swain 1/3 

I - 


Jon^ Upham 10/ - - 

ID - 

Rob* Wier 2/6 - - - 

2 - 


Abig^ Woodbury 17/6 

- 17 - 


Peter Fitch 1/3 - - 

I - 




ing Acc*^ to Aug. 6 1742 

Old Ten"- 

Dr/Thos Arthur ■ 
Timo^ Barnard - ■ 

■ - - 18 - 

■ - 2 - 14 - 

Thos Brock - - - 

■ - I - 10 - 

Geo. Bunker - ■ 

• - - II - 

Dan^ Bunker - - 

- 0-8-8 

John Bunker - - 
Caleb Bunker - - 

• - - 18 - 
- I - 5- II 

Eb-- Calef - - - 

• - - 18 - 

VV" Clasby - - - 
John Coffin - - ■ 

■ - - 18 - 

■ - - 18 - 

Jon^ Coffin - - ■ 

■ - - 19 - 

Josiah Coffin - ■ 
Joseph Colman 

■ - 2 - 10 - 

■ - - 18 - 


Benja. Coffin - - 

- - 

5 - 

Humphrey EUes - 

- - 

5 - 

Peter Fitch - - - 

I - 


1 1 

Barzil. Folger - - 

- I - 

16 - 

Peter Folger - - 



Timo>' Folger - - 

- - 


Zaccheus Folger - 

I - 





■■ Old Ten"- 

Graf. Gardner - - 

- 15 


John Gardner - - 

- 15 


Lois Gardner - - 

- 16 


Peter Gardner - - 




Obed Hussey - - 

- 16 


Peter Jenkins - - 

- I 


Tho^ Jones - - - 

- 6 


John Johnson - - 

- I 


Tho^ Moors - - - 

- 16 


Sam^ Russel - - 

- 2 


Jos. Rotch - - - 




Cal. Stretton - - 

- 7 

- 4 

Eliak. Swain - - 

■ 13- 


Jon^ Upham - - 

- 16 


Rob^Wier - - - 

- 18 


Timo" Wier - - - 

- 12 


Betty Barker - - 

- 14 


Tho^ Gardner - - 


- 13 



All the Debts which I have yet to demand for Schooling are 
contained in this Book 


March i, 1732/3 

T. White 

Entred y« f Fred. & Stephen of CI. Folger 

School J Wil" of David Clark 

March 5*^ ] Seth of Shubal Folger 

1732/3 I Joshua of John Bunker 



March 13 

March 19 < 

Apr' 2 

Apr' 9 

of Tho* Crook 


two Boys of Dinah Ellis 
two Boys of W. Smith 
Dinah of Jn° Clark 
Rich^ of Im. Gabriel 
Ruth of D' Bunker 
David of Stubbs 1/8 
Silvanus of Jos. Worth 
Ann of Jonath° Coffin 
Peleg of Theodate Coffin 

Schooling Ace* to March i 1732/3 
— Clear — 

Tho® Brock 24/6 - i 

George Brown 95/ Primer 8^ . - . - 4 

George Bunker -- o 

Dan' Bunker -- o 

John Bunker -- o 

Eb"- Calef Sum total - - 13 

Joseph Chase 12/7 Wood 4/ - - - - - o 

John Clark 29/3 wood 10/ i 

Eb-- Coffin 28/9 --------- I 

James Coffin 39/9 wood 4/------ 2 

Jonathan Coffin 19/3 -------- o 

Rich'i Coffin 12/5 - o 

Nath° Coffin 9/10 wood 5/ o 

John Coffin 5/ Paper 1/6 o 

Josiah Coffin 79/11 - 3 

Tho^ Colman ---- o 

Hump. EUes 72/10 -- 3 

Zacheus Folger 3/ wood 2/ ----- - o 

Tho® Brock 26/ - - i 

Carry'd off and paid ye ------- 4 

George Bunker 10/- -- o 

Dan' Bunker 7/1 1 - - o 

John Bunker 25/ i 

E. C H. 13 : 8 : o 

II 4 II 


II 15 II 


II 10 II 

II 4 II 

II 16 II 


II 8 II 

II 16 II 


II 19 II 


II 18 II 


II 3 II 


II 19 II 


- 12 - 




- 6- 


II 19 II 


II 14 II 


II 12 II 


II 5 II 

II 6 II 

II 15 II 


II 10 II 

II 7 II 


II 5 II 



Jos. Chase p^ 
John Clark p'^ 

Eb-- Coffin 38/9 - I II 18 II 9 

James Coffin Rye 24/ Corn 12/ Cash 20/ 2 11 16 11 o 

Jonathan Coffin 19/3 . . o 11 19 11 3 

Richd Coffin p^ 

Nath° Coffin 15/10 --- 0.15. 10 

John Coffin 29/3 --------- 1119113 

Josiah Coffin 9/ Ditto 65/ Wool 2/ Tallow 4^^ 4 11 i 11 o 

Thomas Colman 14/- on 14 

Humphrey Ellis -- 3 11 12 11 7 

Immanuel Gabriel 25/6 ------- i_^_5 

Joseph Gardner 21/2 - 1-1-2 

Eb"" Gardner 42/ Wood 5/ 2-7-0 

Jer. Gardner 12/2 ---- on 12 11 2 

David Gwin 36/7 wood 4/ ----- - 2 11 o 11 7 

Jonath° Moors 5-19-6 - - - - - - 5 11 19 11 6 

Jonath" Ramsdel 31/2 Paper 2/ Ink 2/ - i : 15 : 2 

Sam* Russel 33/1 --------- i h 13 11 i 

Wil'" Stubbs 12/6 wood 3/ ----- - o 11 15 11 6 

Wil" Swain 2/1 --------- 01121I1 

Barn. Pinkham 37/3 Wood 5/ 2 11 2 n 3 

Jonath" Micah 66/ -------- 311 6 no 

Francis Coffin 9/7 ---- 0119117 

David Clark n^ ......... o 11 on 11 

Ishmael Hughes 27/4 ------- 1117114 

Solomon Colman 1/ ------- - o 11 i 11 o 

Keturah Arthur 2/6 0112116 

Jonathan Pinkham 1/6 ------- o n i n 6 

Tabitha Brown 15/ -------- on 15 no 

Sam' Ray 19/6 --- - 01119116 

Immanuel Gabriel 4'^'^ 28/ ------ i n 8 n o 

Joseph Gardner 21/2 -------- i n i n 2 

Eb"" Gardner 47/ 2 n 7 n o 

Jer. Gardner 12/2 - o n 12 " 2 

David Gwin p Jn° Macy 40/7 2 n o n 7 

Jon a. Moors clear. 

Jonathan Ramsdel Labour - i n 10 11 6 

Sam' Russel in Labour i n 13 n i 



Will"" Stubbs 15/6 o II 15 II 6 

Will™ Swain clear. 

Barn. Pinkham clear. 

J. Mic. Cash 20/ wheat 21/ Cash 25/ - - 3 11 6 11 o 

Francis Coffin 9/7 on 9 11 7 

David Clark ii*^ on on 11 

Ishmael 2 Days Labour 14/ i bush' Rye 7/ i - i - o 
Saml. Ray 2 Tubs. 

Schooling Ace** to May 31 1733 D' 

Tho* Brock 10/ 

George Brown 20/ 

Daniel Bunker clear 13/1 

John Bunker clear 11/9. 

Caleb Bunker lo'^ Psalter 2/4 

Eb"" Calef 20/ Paper i/io 

David Clark 10/ 

John Clark 20/ 

Elean"" Coffin 20/ 

John Coffin 33/11. Cheese 8/6 Beef 7/6. 

Jonath" Coffin 10/ 

Josiah Coffin 21/2 

Nathan Coffin 10/ 

Richd Coffin 1/6. 

Theod. Coffin 6/ 

Tho* Crook 18/6 

John Ellis 17/ 

El'' Folger 20/ Primer 8<^ 

Shub' Folger 10/ 

Zach^ Folger 10/ 

Thos. Brock 10/ on 10 no 

G. Brown 20/ 

Dan' Bunker in Beaf 13/1 0-13-1 

John Bunker 2/2 Cash 20/3 i n 2 n 5 

Caleb Bunker 3/2 0H3N2 

Eb^ Calef clear 

David Clark 19/1 onigni 



El^ Coffin 20/ 


John Coffin 38 wool 76/ 

Jonathan Coffin 10/ 

Josiah Coffin Rhum 

Nathan Coffin 10/- 

Rich'^ Coffin clear 

Theodate Coffin 6/ 

Tho^ Crook by Jno Swain Jun>- 18/6 - - 

John Ellis 17/ 

El"" Folger clear 

Shubael Folger 10/ 

Immanuel Gabriel 11/6 

Abel Gardner 2/8 

Jer*^ Gardner 23/ 

Joseph Gardner 10/ 

Eb'' Gardner 10/ 

David Gwin 16/ 

Jonath" Moors 20/ 

Barn^ Pinkham 20/ 

Shubi Pinkham 7/6 

Jon'^ Ramsdel 10/3 pair Hhs /3 over 2^ 

Sam^ Russel 10/ 

Will™ Smith 17/ Paper 2/ 

Will"" Stubbs 1/8 

Joseph Worth 6/10 

Immanuel Gabriel Labour 5/ 5/6 - - 

Abel Gardner 2/8 -------- 

Jer. Gardner 27/10 - 

Joseph Gardner 8/10 Ditto 1/2 - - - 

Eb'' Gardner 10/ 

David Gwin p Jn° Macy 16/ - - - - 

Jona. Moors carry'd off 
B. Pinkham carry'd off. 
Shubael Pinkham 7/6 ------ 

Jona. Ramsdel clear. 

Sam^ Russel 10/ 

Will"" Stubbs 1/8 

Joseph Worth 6/10 - - 



o - 6 - o 

o- 18 - 6 

O II 17 II o 

O II 10 II o 

1 10 


1 2 



' 7 


1 10 


1 16 

7- 6 

o II 10 11 o 
on I II 8 
OH 6 II 10 


Schooling Ace* to Aug. 31. 1733 

This Ace* runs to Sept. 15* 1733/- D"" 

Tho® Brock 10/ Psalter 2/4 1-8 

George Brown 20/ 3/4 

Caleb Bunker 10/ t/8 

Dan' Bunker 20/ Psalter 2/4 3/4 

John Bunker 20/ clear 9/4 3/4 

Eb"' Calef 20/ 3/4 Paper 2/ 

David Clark 10/ Psalter 2/4 1/8 

EK Coffin 20/ 3/4 

James Coffin 5/10 1/8 

John Coffin 20/ Psal. 2/4 Prim 8^ Paper 5/ i 11 19 11 

Jonath° Coffin 10/ 3/4 2/5 

Josiah Coffin 20/ 3/4 Psalf 2/4 Paper 2/ 

Nathan Coffin 10/ 2 Test. 8/ 1/8 

Theodate Coffin 10/ 1/8 

Tho^ Crook 20/ 3/4 Aim. 5^^ 

John Ellis 13/ 1/8 

El'' Folger 20/ 3/4 

Shub' Folger 10/ 1/8 

Zach^ Folger 10/ 1/8 ^^ 

Tho^ Brock 14/ and clear to Dec'' 10. 

G. Brown clear 

Caleb Bunker 16/10 

Dan'BunkerinBeef 25/8 «& clear till Nov. 12* i - 5 - 

Jn° Bunker 26/4 & clear till Jan. i®* 

Eb'' Calef clear, 

David Clark clear 

El'' Coffin 19/6 

James Coffin clear. 

John Coffin clear. 

Jonathan Coffin 10/9 30/ 2 11 o 11 

Josiah Coffin clear 

Nathan Coffin 18/ 

Theodate Coffin 14/5 

Tho^ Crook by Jn° Swain Jun'' 31/6 

John Ellis 13/ 

El'' Folger clear 

Shubael Folger 10/ 



Meervel Gabriel 10/ 1/8. 2 Aim. 10^ 

Abel Gardner 10/ 1/8 

Eb'' Gardner 16/ 3/4 

Jer. Gardner 30/ 5/ 

Joseph Gardner 10/ 1/8 

David Gwin 22/ 3/4 

Jonath° Moors 25/ 3/4 

Barn® Pinkham 12/6 3/4 

ShuW Pinkham 24/7 a Testam* 4/5 

Jonath° Ramsdel 10/ 1/8 Ink 2/ 

Sam^ Russel 10/ 

Caleb Stretton 5/ 

Eliakim Swain o/io 1/8 

Joseph Worth 10/ 

John Clark 6/8 

Manuel Gabriel in Labour 19/6 Ditto 7/ 

Abel Gardner 17/2 

' ' th 

Eb"" Gardner cleared to Dec"" 10 

Joseph Gardner 18/10 

David Gwin p Jn° Macy 25/4 ----- i 11 5 11 4 

Shubael Pinkham 17/6 37/ 

Sam' Russel 10/ - o-io-o 

El. Swain 2/6 o ii 2 11 6 

Joseph Worth 10/ 

I Left off School by reason of Illness the middle of Sept. and 
began again November 5* 1733. 

Here follows a Catalogue of y® Scholars 



Nov'' 5* -i 


Jonathan (Exit — ) & James Coffin. 
Benj. & James Brown. 
Peter, Jethro & Jn° Cofifin. 
Christopher & Josh. Bunker. 
Jonath° & Will™ Moors. 
Joseph Bunker 
William Bunker 
Tho* Crook 
Shubael Pinkham. 
I Josiah Coffin. 




6th ^ 

Paul Rawson 

Elisha Gardner 

Sami Calef & Peter Calef. 

John Brock 

James Gardner 

Peleg Coffin 

7*'^ Peleg. Joseph G. Caleb Gardner. Chr. Gardner 

( J. Ramsdel. Benj. Coffin & Titus. Robbin 

12 < David Lawson. Benj. Pinkham. W™ Clark 

( Seth Folger 

Nov'' 13* Eunice of Eb"" Gardner. 

14* Ann of Eb"" Gardner. 

Ann of Jona° Coffin 

Boston of W™ Swain 

( Christopher Coffin 

^ \ Richd Pinkham. Exit Dec"- 28^ 

( Frederick & Stephen Folger 

Benj. (of G. Bunker exit Feb. 28* 

John of W"' Stretton 

Edward ) , , • , 

of Manuel Gabriel. 


27 1 


4. Will" of Tho» Gardner 

( John Jones 
10 I Mary. Coffin. Exit Jan. 10. 

( Ruth Gardner 

Feb. 28th 

Jon. Coffin exit 
13. Brown. 

P. Calef. 

Will, of S. Gardner 
March 15*!' 

E. Gabriel. 

Jn° & Mir. Stretton 

24. Bartholomew Smith. 

( William ( 
25 < John I of Will" Smith. 

( Abishai ( 
Jan. 7. George Pinkham. 
21. Reuben of Jos. Worth. 
Feb. 4. Deb. & Mir. Stretton. 
Feb. II. Beriah Coffin. 6/ 
Feb. 25 James Russel. 
March 11. Mingo. 

J j W. Ramsdel. 
P ^ I Jos. Bayley 
April 22. Jona° Coffin. Ruth & Deb. Bunker. P. Calef. 

22^ Frederick F. 
Apr' 2. Kesiah 
Elis. Folger. P. Gardner. 


Schooling Ace' to Jan^ 31, 173I 

Tho^ Brock clear 5/ glass 2^ o 11 5 11 2 

George Brown 20/ glass 4^ - 1-0-4 

Caleb Bunker clear 4/10 glass 2^ ..- 0-5-0 

Dan^ Bunker clear 9/3 glass 2"^ - - - - 0-9-5 

George Bunker 6/8 Feb. 28"^ 3/4 - - - o-io- o 

John Bunker 6/8 clear ------- o 11 6 11 8 

Eb"" Calef 20/ glass 4^ ------ - i 11 o ii 4 

David Clark 9/3 glass 2^ ----- - o 11 9 11 5 

Elean"" CofBn 18/6 glass 4^^ o 11 18 11 10 

James Coffin 9/3 glass 2'^ o 11 9 11 5 

John Coffin 30/ 6^^ glass & 6<^ paper paper 7^^ 1 11 11 11 7 

Jonathan Coffin clear 12/5 Legorie 3/4 - o 11 15 11 9 

Josiah Coffin 23/8 glass 4^ ----- - i 11 4 11 o 

Rich'* Coffin 7/6 glass 2^ ----- - o 11 7 11 8 

Rob' Coffin 9/3 - - - . o II 9 II 3 

Theodate Coffin clear 6/6 ------ o 11 6 11 6 

Tho^ Crook clear 2/5 o 11 2 11 5 

Eb"' Folger 15/ glass 4^ - - o 11 15 11 4 

Shub' Folger 9/3 glass 2^ o 11 9 11 5 

Zacheus Folger 9/8 glass 2^ o 11 9 11 10 

Manuel Gabriel 13/4 glass 2** - - - - - o 11 13 11 6 

Abel Gardner 4/4 clear o 11 4 11 4 

Eb'' Gardner clear 23/8 Catach. 6<* glass 4"* i 11 4 11 6 

Jer. Gardner 15/9 glass 4^..---- 01116-1 

Joseph Gardner 3/4 clear ------ o 11 3 11 4 

14 II 7 II 9 
Caleb Bunker 20/ 
George Bunker 10/ 
John Bunker 20/ 

El'' Coffin clear to Jan. 31. except 2/1 
Rob' Coffin 2 bush'^ of corn 

Tho= Gardner 6/6 - o 11 6 11 6. 

Jonath" Moors 20/ i 11 o 11 o 

Barn^ Pinkham 3/2 on 3 11 2 

Shub' Pinkham clear i/io o 11 i 11 10. 

Jonath. Ramsdel 9/3 -------- o 11 9 ii 3 

Wil™ Smith 16/8 --------- o 11 16 11 8. 

Wil«^ Stretton 6/8 - o 11 6 11 8 





Wil" Swain 8/6 o 11 8 11 6. 

Joseph Worth 1/8 0111118 

3 II 

A Whole Share 83 11 

4 W p ■ 

°r m ^ c . w .^ 'c = 

-< ^. 6 ^- H 5 I i 1 

i :S'§oS£S..S:^':UP^ -> .a; 
Will"" Swain Rye 14/ 

0) <u o 

I went into the School Oct. 29 1734 
Entred — Peter, Jethro & John Coffin, 
Benj. Coffin Titus & Mingo. 
Benj. & Shubael Pinkham. 
W™ Ramsdel 
Caleb Gardner. 
Josiah Gardner 
W" Bunker. 
Joseph Bunker. 
Joshua Bunker. 
Richd Gabriel. 
James Coffin. 
Caleb Rand. 
James Brown. 
30/Peter & Sam' Calef. 
James Gardner. 

Jos. Bayley. x John x Ramsdel. 
Chr. Bunker John Brock 

Paul Rawson Jos. Coffin. 



( Peleg Coffin 

1 Robbin. i. week 



Peleg & Jos. Gardner 



James Russel 



B. & A. Smith 



Benj. Bunker. 
David Lawson. 



Ruth Bunker 



Peter Micah. 



Challenge of Carr 

And left off Dec"- 26* 


^ , ,. . ^ This column contains the 

Schoohns; Ace* to , j -• > 

-^/r^. tv, -^ clear money due from the 

respective Psons. 

May lo*"^ 1734 

Tho^ Brock lo/X o 

George Brown 13/4 X 8 

Caleb Bunker 10/ - - - - due to Caleb Bunk 5/ 
Dan' Bunker 15/ -------------i 

John Bunker 20/ X - o 

Eb^ Calef 16/ - 2 

David Clark 10/ X - - - Aim 6^ i 

Elean-- Coffin 26/8 X - - - i 

James Coffin 10/ ....---....-o 
John Coffin 36/2 - - - - - Paper 6^ 15/11 Paper 1/ 

Jonath° Coffin 27/ 2 

Josiah Coffin 20/ Cash 2/ - - 38/ 

Richd Coffin 2/7 X - - 

Rob' Coffin 10/2 Aim. - - except'g y^ Corn - 
Theod. Coffin 10/ ---.....-.. 
Tho^ Crook 10/ X ---..--... 

Eb"" Folger 15/10 X 

Nath' Folger 10/ - - - 

Shub' Folger 10/ ------------ 

Zach^ Folger 8/ - - - - - except'g y« Hair - 

Manuel Gabriel 15/- 

Abel Gardner 10/X---------- 

Eb'' Gardner 30/ X - - - 

Jer. Gardner 10/9 

Jos. Gardner 10/ - 

Tho^ Gardner 3/4 x --------- - 

Jonath" Moors 20/ - - - - - - 

Barn. Pinkham 10/ - - - - excepting y^ Fish 

Shub' Pinkham 20/ 

J. Ramsdel pap"" 9^ 4/ - except'g Bedstead Pap 
Sam' Russel 6/8 2 aim. lo'^ 

Wm Smith 20------- 2 

W" Stretton 13/4 

Jos. Worth 10/ 

Tho^ Bayley 3/4 --. 

15 " 


12 II 


4 II 


6 II 


12 II 


4 " 


8 II 




I 1 

1 4 11 

I 1 

1 14 II 



1 16 II 



1 12 II 


3 " 

1 15 II 



1 10 = 

I = 

= I = 


2 1 

1 4 II 



1 6 II 



1 14 II 


2 1 

1 14 II 


2 II 

17 II 


1 13 II 



1 10 II 

4 II 

19 11 


4 II 






2 II 

9 II 


2 II 

1 IS II 



1 II 


1 II 11 



1 3 II 




The Same continued- 

Jn° Clark - 3 ii 5 11 11 
D. X Gwin X 4- I -II 
W, X Stubbs X 3 - 17 - 2 
C. Stretton 0-5-0 

o - 12 - 

4 11 on 

- 10 - 

1 - 1 - 


Tho^ Brock 15/6 - - - - 3 11 12 11 8 

George Brown 

Caleb Bunker clear 

Dan' Bunker 10/- - - - 2-0-0 

John Bunker 6/8 & clear to Aug. 16 

David Clark 24/9 - - - 1-4-9 

Eb"" Cofifin 28/9 & clear to Aug. 16 1734 

J. C. C 4i Tallow li Kitchen Stuff. 

Jonath" Coffin Cash 40/ 

Jos. Coffin clear to Nov"" 11. except 6/ 

Richd Coffin. 24/ 

Theodate Coffin 16/6 

Tho® Crook 12/5 - - - 

El-- Folger 80/ - - - - 

Nathl. Folger 10/ - - 

Shubael Folger 21/1 

Abel Gardner clear 

Eb"" Gardner clear 

Jer. Gardner 57/ - - - 

Tho^ Gardner 10/ - - 

Jon° Moors cr. p Alex"" Coffin 10/ 

Shub' Pinkham 21/10 

J. Ramsdel clear 

Sami Russel 7/6 - - - o 11 7 11 6 

Jos. Worth 1 1/6 

Began to keep School June 17 1734 on which day the follow- 
ing Psons came in 
Caleb Gardner. 
Chris. & Josh. Bunker 
Joseph Bunker — Wil"" Bunker 
Nath' Gardner — James Brown 
Wil™ Moors — James Russel. 
John Brock, — Josiah Coffin. 
Rich^ Gabriel — Joseph Bayley 
Peleg & Jos. Gardner — Jon. Moors 
Paul Rawson W™ Ramsdel 
jg ( Barth. & Abishai Smith 
\ Peleg Coffin — Mingo 



ig Peter. &. John Coffin. 
20 Jethro Coffin. 

( Peter Sam^ & Joseph Calef exit Aug. i«' 

^ \ James Gardner — Titus 
J ] J Benj, Coffin, — James Coffin 

^ ^ ^' ( Benj. & Shubael Pinkham 
July 8* David Lawson. Wil°i (of Dat.) Coffin 
July 15. Ruth Gardner. 
July 29. Edw"^ Gabriel. Owen. 


Jan" 1745/6 

ii/Pd to John Long 28/ 

1 2 /To Mary Barnard 7/6 

15/T0 Rich"^ Maecy for Corn 12/ 

for Rye 13/ - - - - i _ 5 _ o 
and 75/ over 
Rec^ Wheat 16/ 24/ 
Jan^ 17 cleared with Mary Barnard paying 10/ 

and overp'^ 2/8 
Feb 8* 1745/6 

Ballanc'^ Ace** with Jn° Beard Paying in Cash 5 - 12 - 9 

c qr lb 

Feb. 14 P'^ Obed Hussey for a bl Sugar (2-0-21) 15-6-3 

P"^ to Alice Paddack for 4 y^* cloath (^12/5- 2-8-0 
March x8 1746 

cleared with Dan' Hussey paying 16/2 
Apr' 4* Pd to Rich'i Macy 40/ 
May To Nath^ Macy for Bone 22/ 
June To Rich'^ Macy 60/ 

To M'-s Choke 160/ 

To Will'" Coffin 60/ 
28/Pd to — Chase for Frei't of Cow & Calf 20/ 

and to James Gardner for ^c of Sugar @ 2/6 
p lb 70/ 
July P<J Syl. Hussey for Salt 88/4 

Pd Mary Chadwick 12/ 

To Ann Paddack for 4^ y^* cloath @ 13/ - - 2-18-6 

To Mercy Allen for her Dauters Spining 52/6 

To Lyd. Barney for cloath 42/ 


Aug./Ball. Acc*5 with Maxey. 
Sepf/P'^ Nath"! Coffin (or Spooner) for Beef 
about 30/ 

P^ Susa. Swain for Spining 69/ 

To John Long 12/ 

To for 68'b Beef 53/10 

22^ To Richd Macy Cash £6 
Sepf 24. To Warden ;^8 — 

and to West 18/ for i bl Flower 
26/To Claggan for Butter & cheese — 65/7 

To N. Barney 48/7 
Ocf 3 Ballanc^ Acc*^ with Leah Paddack Pay- 
ing 50/7 

To M''^ Barker for 23"^ cheese @ 2/6 - - - 2-17-6 

29/P'i to Dinah Clark - 1-7-0 

Nov'' 10. To Deacon Norton for Beef & Fat - 7-0-0 
Dec'' To Peggy Gardner -------- ^_o-o 

To Ruth Coffin 6/ 0-6-0 

Jan: 1746/7 

i/pd to Pris. Gardner 80/ 

3 To Rich'^ Macy 42/ - 2-2-0 

16/To Rich"^ Macy 120/ 6-0-0 

24 P«^ To Backhouse 71/3 2> - ^^ - Z 

Feb. 6 to Rich^ Macy --------- 2-0-0 

Borrow'd of D'' Whitney i-o-o 

Feb. 17* P'^ to D'' Whitney ------- 2-0-0 

and to Rich'^ Macy Sent ------- ^-q-o 

Apri Sent to Pris. Calef for Jer Jo. & Will. 
Bunker 16/6 

V^ to Burnels Wife 1-2-6 

May 29 To — Hubbardfor ioy'^^Towcloath@9/ 4- 10 - o 
June 2^ To M''^ Jones for a Cord of Wood 80/ 4 - 0-0 

4./pd to Deb. Burnel -- 3-8-0 

5, To G. Gardner Esq"" for 2 Skins in 1745 - - i - o - o 

June/To — for Cloath -- 5-6-0 

2o/cleared w*^ D'' Whitney Paying 40/ --- 2-0-0 

P"^ to Jn° Beard 3-1-4 

July 25 1747 

Rec'd of Father Gardner on Ace* Benj. Gale 20-12-0 

P^ the Same to s^ Gale in 1750 



July 29 P"^ to Eldridge for a Cord of Wood 95/ 

Aug. to Sister Craigie for J^ Gailix - - . . 20 

Sepf 2 To Pris. Gardner 7/ 
Sent by Pris. G — r £6 — 
Rec^ in Sundries. 

Sepf 8 To a York-man for Flower ----- g _ 

15/P'* Jn° Macy 120/ which was chiefly for Beef 6 - 
For a cheese 22/6- --- i- 

22/ To Caleb (of Rich^) Macy for 2 Bushes Wheat 2 - 
( To Jn° Beard for Sundries 125/ 
P ( To Benja. Stubbs 35/ 


Sent to Couz. W" White (by Benja : Fosdick) 52/ 

Pd to Jn° Beard for ^c Sugar 160/ - - - - 8 - 

P'^ to David Gardner for Beef & Fat - - - 6 - 

p'^ to Benja. Stubbs i- 

To Ch. Gardner 80/ -- 4- 

To Mary Elles 60/ - 3 - 

To Joseph Daws 20/ -- i- 


161?^ to Y}^ Gardner for Leather 68/ - - - - 3 - 
and on former ace** 2I -------- o - 


5/T0 Rich<i Macy 4 - 

j To Sol. Colman --... i_ 

( To Joseph Daws 3- 

31/T0 David Gardner 4- 

Jan^ 1747/8 

gth pd to jQhi^ Macy 4 - 

i P*^ to Sil. Hussey Cash ------- 20- 

29 < «&: by Q. H. on voyage ------ 35 - 

( P^ to Jos. Rotch - . . 4 - 


2/BalIanc'd Acc*^ with Ben : Stubbs paying 6/ 

March 2^ To Rich^ Macy p^ 40 

March Sent by Father 20;^ 
D° by Jon^ X Coffin Jun-" £S. 
Rec^ Corn. 

- 0-0 

2 -6 








5 - i 


March 1747/8 

•j^ To Jo : Daws p^ 14/ 

29th To Jn° Macy 80/ 4 - - 

Apr^ 19 Ballanc'^ Ace'® with Rich^ Macy pay^ 10/ 

30 To EV Coffin 160/ 

May 1748/ 

9 To Mary Elles for Cloath & 101/ 

( For Cheese of Burnel 66/ 
24 < cleared with Pris. Gardner paying 23/ - - 1-3-0 
( P'^toDavidGardnerforaSideofLeather7o/ 3-10-0 
i. e. in Cash 62/ p N^ off. 8/. 
June. To James Gage for 11 y*^^ Cloath @ 17/ 9 - 7-0 

To another for cloath 1-16- 

14 To Jno Macy ^8 
28 To Jos : Rotch 20/ 
1748/July 23d 

To Cromwel Coffin for 4"^ Coffee p^ - - - 2 - 18 - 
Aug. 6 P^ to Rob' Macy (or Jn° Norton) for 

30^^ Beef @ 1/6 - - 2-5-0 

To for cheese @ 4/ 2-19- 

22/To Humphrey Ellis 16/ 

To Mary Ellis 8/4 
Sep'' To M--^ Barker for Cheese 60/ D° 3/ to 

To Rob' Macy for Beef S-4-3 

and for Tallow 30/ --- i-io- 

P"^ to Rich*^ Macy for i bush' Rye - - - - 1-15-0 

I D° Meslins -- 2-0-0 

& for 12 D° Wheat 27 - - 

& s/ over 

To Prise. Pinkham 4-10 

Ocf 1748 

To M. Mayhew on Ace' of Wood fetching 77/6 


lo/To Rob' Barker for 105I Cheese @ 4/ - - 21 - 2 - 

& 15/over, — reed, y^ 15/ 

& To Jon^ Coffin Jun"" 95/ for Books p"^ for in 


P'^ to Robinson for Beef 8-17- 


17/T0 Priscilla Gardner -- 3-8-8 

which is the Ball, of all acc*^ 
Nov"" 5 To Baxter for Cording Wood - - - - 2-7-6 

14/T0 Shub^ Pinkham for Cow-keeping 40/5 
16/T0 Rich'^ Macy 70/ 
21 To Matt: Mayhew 120/ 
Dec 24 To Richd Macy 60/ 
Dec"" 26 1748/ 

F^ to M"- Brock £^3 - - 
Jan" 14th 1748 — 

Josiah Coffin an Handkerchief @ 51/ 
i6/P^ to Jn° Beard the whole due to him Scil. ;^26 - 15 - 6 
26/P'^ to Rich"^ Macy on ace* of Corn had of him 28/ 

and for Corn @ 28/ p Bush' which I am yet to 

Recieve ----- 8-12 

27/P'^ to David Joy 20/ for a Coffin — I Sent it 
by James. 

To bwin To N. Worth 
Feb : To S. H. ;^5o J. M. ;^io ^ 
( P^ to Sylvanus Hussey 20 
March 11 < To John Macy £S 

( To David Gardner 58/ 
all which was Sent by James 

James Perry D"" a Comb 10/ 
April 4* 1749 — 

P^ to James Perry's Wife 80/ 

5*/Sent to S. H. by Timo^ - 22 - 2 - 

May 8. To James Perry 17/ 

30. Ball, all Acc*^ with Sister Priscilla Gardner 


2^ Sold to Rob* Macy 28 Flatt Buttons 21/9 & 

he p"^ 21/10 
17. /Jos. Daws D"" 28 Buttons 23/4 

& for 2 Sticks of Hair @ 5/ 10 

P'^ in Labour .-- 1-12-4 

2i./P'i to Mary Barnard D^^ess 5-1-8 

& for Physick then had 2/ 


July 8* 

P<^ to John Beard for Fatt 20/ 
i4./P<i to Benja. Stubbs's Wife for ^ bbl Flower 

141/ 7-1-0 

18. P*^ to George Brown for Labour on Sloop 

Hav^ ;^9 - 9 - o 

Aug. i*t To Richd Coffin p^ 8-0-0 

tij ( To Nath^ Gardner 123/ 6-3- 

(To Benja. Barney 152/8 7-12-8 

both on Ace* Sloop Hav^ 


Aug : 9* Ball, ace** with Sister Prise : Gardner 

Paying 4_i_3 

Aug. 12 Sent by Sister Pris: Gardner to be Laid 

out in Boston ;^20 

that is — for Couz. W"» White 54/ 

for Sister Craigie on ace* cheese 

for 4 y^* Tow CI oath 

for Cotton & Linen 

to P. Pollard for 2 Candlesticks 17/6 
Aug : 22"^ Sent to Maxcy's two Sheep Skins @ 
Sepf I. P'^ to Rich'* Macy 45/ which was sent 

by Timothy. 

2. P"* to J. Burridge 140/ 7-0-0 

8 Pd to Rob* Macy for Beef 7 - 10 - 

20 P** Jo : Daws 50/ 2-10- 

21 P'* to Peter Clark 20 

Ball: his ace* — & Months Wages ^22 — 

& for Gorham's D° 15 

28 Sent to Rich^ Macy by James 4-10-0 

29 To Jn° Beard for Sugar 14/ - 14 - 

Ocf 2^ Pd Rob* Macy for Tallow ----- 3 _ 13 _ o 
OctV4 To Durphy for Apples 8/ 

D° for cheese @ 4/ 
5. To Paul Hatch for Wood 55/ 
6*5^ to Rob* Macy for Beef ------- 4-19-0 

Sep : 30 P'* to Jos. Colman on ace* of Peter 
Bunker's taking down Riging 10/ 


Ocf P^ to M"" Mayhew (p Abel Gardner) for 

130^'^ Beef @ 1/5 9-4-2 

25/To Charles Gardner p^ 51/ and 

26 To D° p"^ 66/6 for money he p*^ for me in 

Boston which is beside schooling 87/1 
Nov'' 7^ P'^ to Joseph Marshall on Ace' of his 

Indian's Wages 80/ 4-0-0 

10* P^ to Sarah Barney 15 - 18 - 

4* pd to Bethiah Barker for 13^ lb Cheese @ 4/4 
10* Nov"" Rec'^ of Jn° Gardner Cheese, Cyder, 

Apples, to y^ value of - - 13 - 10 - o 

for which I Sent that Sum of money by him 

to Dartmouth 
Nov"" 20 P"^ to Paul Hatch for 10 Cords of Wood 

@ 120/ ;^6o - 

23. P'* to Reuben Swain 2/ w'^'' was Sent by 


27 Sent to Joseph Marshall (by Jn°) and deliv- 
ered to Jos. Marshall's Mother 120/ which 
is for the Indians Wages. 

28/P'i Shub^ Pinkham 50/8 which is for Cow- 
Dec"" 5th pd to Sol. Pinkham 82/6 

7 P^ to Rich^ Macy 70/ -- 3-10-0 

i6./P^ to Jos. Rotch (by James) 10- - 

g j P<^ to Silv^ Hussey ;^i9-io- 

t P<J to Jos. Rotch ;^i3 - 16 - 6 

Jan^ 12th pd to Humphrey Elles 16/ - - - - - 16 - 

15* P<^ to Rich<^ Macy 42/ 2-2-0 

3d Jan : P^ to Sylvanus Hussey 20-10-0 

Jan^ 21. pd to M"" Brock £31 

and by Contribution £5°' 

Feb : 13* pd to M^ Brock ;^32 

To John Macy - ;^i2 

To Steph" Gardner ;^io 

To Richd. Macy 80/ £4 

all Sent by Timothy 
Feb, 28 pd ^Q Chapman Ep. qt and for Fulling 17/ 


March 22. P"^ to John Beard for Molesses & 

Sugar 59/6 
ji/P"^ to Pris. Gardner 33/2 
Apr' II. P'^ to Pris. Gardner 32-12-7 

and to Mary Barnard for Physick 2/4 

D° Salve 1/6 O. T. 
14 Pd to Paul Hatch 60/ O T. ) 

and by N' Office 14/ j 3 - M - 

Sent by Pris. Gardner / ^ 

Reed Striped Holland ('" 6-0-0 

;------- 6-0-0 

Cheese Rec'^ for above in part 
May Pd to Paul Hatch 36/ ------- 1-16-0 

June 8* pd to Freetown Man for Wood - - - 3 - 10 - 
15. To John Long Cutting Breeches - - - - - 4 - 

21 To W" Russel's Wife for Bridle 38/ Stuffing 

Saddle 5/ ----- 2-3- 

July 9 Pd Deborah Coffin Wife of Peter Coffin 
40/ which is equal to ;^i5 O T. 
Sloop Hav' entered into Bay July 18. Dis- 
missed Sepf4*@iJ"i4opmo — 1"^°!^ Days 


17 Days 79-6-8 30 — 140. 17 

i:2i9-6-8 _J1 

31 Daysp mo — ;^2i6 - 15 - 5 ^go 

300 \ 


Sloop Wages for i M° 17 Days ;^2i6 - 15 - 5 

Pd to Clark ^70 
For Sail. — 

Garlix ;!^i4-i7-o 

N° 2. 18/6 N° 3. 23/ 
Tandems — 39/ 41/ 

Garlix in all ;^i4 - 17 - o 

Tandems ---- 16 -12-2 

£3^ - 9 - 2 


i<^Suga>-of J. G. ;^I7 
Iron Sent to Jo. Hovey's 

lb oz lb oz 

Bar 6-9. — old Tongs & handle Shovel 2-10 

Sloop's first cost ^137 - 10. 

Charge made up 40-11-1- - - - - 178- i-i 

Gains already received (except y® Nails) - - 145 - 10 - 5 

Oct. 1734 Sold of Mothers Cloath To T. W. 

2iy'''@i3/ - - - 32/6 I -12 -6 

Sept./Paid on mothers ace* for Books 20/ 
Sold to T. W. above 2 y^^ 29/3 Ditto i^ y'^ 

16/3 -- 2-5-6 

To John Gardner 5J y'^^ @ 13/ 3-8-3 

To Josiah Coffin ^h y^ @ 13/ 0-19-6 

D. Newel xii yd XI 6/3 T, Brock xi^y^ >; 16/3 x i - 12 - 6 

Rob* Coffin 5^ y^^ 66/8 - - Rec^ 16/3 - 3-6-8 
July 1734 Reckoned with Zach. Hoit and Due 

to me 9/ July 22 Lent him 10/ - - - - 0-19-0 

Oct. 14. Lent to Zach. Hoit 10/ o-io-o 

Jan. Rec^ 2 Bushels Corn @ 6/6 
In Cash 16/ 







I - 9-0 

Sept. Lent x to Broth'' John x White 40/ x - - 2-0-0 

1734/Sent to Bro"" Ayer by Edw"^ Clark - - - 35 - o - o 

Oct. James Ayer D"^ i Quintal Fish ---- 1-16-0 
Nov"" or D"" p Deacon Phillips (as he Saith 

22-6 — - - - - - - 22 II 6110 

Oct. 22. 1734 Eb-- Calef D-- 

To 2 Accidences* @, 2/6 0-5-0 

^ ^ ( John Coffin x 2 Accidences ---- 0-5-0 

Oct. 2X < •' -^ ^ 

( Eb-" X Gardner i Ditto x - - - - - 0-5-6 

p. j Joseph Gardner x Esq"" i Ditto June - 0-2-0 

1 Tho^ Brock x i Ditto x - - - - - 0-2-6 

* Accidence: a little book commonly so call'd, which contahis the first 
Principles of the Latin Tongue. The New World of Words. Comp'l'd by 
Edward Phillips. London, 1720. 



Oct. 30 X Shubael x Pinkham x i Ditto x - - 

Dec"" Dan^ Bunker x i John x Bunker i x - - 
J. X Ramsdel x i Eb"" x Barnard i x - - - 

Feb. 173^ Let Eben. Cain have 5/ the which 
he promised to repay in Feathers within 8 
or ten Days 

June 6* Rec^ of Eben. Cain 

July 1735 

Let Zach. Hoit have upon y® ace* of Corn - - 
Aug. 30. Ditto 20/ 

Recieved the above in Corn. 

Josiah Coffin clear to June 16 1735 
Jon* Coffin cred. in wool 31/9 
EK Coffin in wool 26/10 
Eb"" Gardner in wool 1 1/3 
Rob' Coffin in x wool 15/7 
Debt -X- -X- -12-6 

ox 2x6 

o- 5-0 
o - 5-0 

o- 5-0 
o- 5-0 

I - 0-0 

paid - - - 3/- 1 
J. G. I Aim. [Almanack] 6^ W. Stretton Ditto 6'^ 
W. Swain x 2. Draper x i. Jos x Gardner x 2. 
El"" Coffin X I. Jos x Chase x i. El. Swain 2. Calef i. 
Eb"" Gardner i. D. Newel x i. Jos. Coffin i. 
Justin Coffin i. Rob' Coffin i. W x Worth i 
X Clasby x i. Caleb Swain i, J x Rayner x i, 
R. X Macey x i. El. x Coffin x i. J. x Pinkham x i. 
Jon* X Gardner x i, Eb"" Barnard i. 

1735/Laid in for y^ Whaling voyage i bl of Beef, i bl. 2 Ditto 
p T. C. X 4 Ditto. 
Full binding by J. Clark 22 bis 44/ 

1735 Ship'd on board Bark for Boston 10^'* Oyl first Trip. 
I bl to J. G. 
15 b'^ of the 2^ Trip. Ship'd in Nathan Coffin. 

3^ Trip. W. Swain i bl. In the Brigg consigned to Brock 

4'h Trip. 
1734/The Disposal of y^ Whaling Voyage got in mate 
Ship with Bethnel Gardner 


Oyl To Brock on Jn° Coffin's ace' 2 B^^ 

Oyl on Rob* Coffin's ace' ib' 

on David Newel's ace' i.b' 

on Black Andrew's ace' -------- ib' 

May/Ship'd on board Sylvanus Hussey for Boston 33 or 34 b'^ 
May 9. Ship'd onboard Eb"" Gardner for Boston 16 b^^ - 16 b'® 


Sold to Sylvanus 722 Bone which is besides y^ 119 


of his weighing 841 

Shipped aboard Roch 28 b^^ Ditto 22 '''* 50 

D. Newel 2 b'* of oyl. 
J. G I Stick of bone 3^ ^^ 

-' '-' - lb oz 

Simeon Bunker (p D"^ Hay) 3-7 

James Coffin (p D-" Hay) 61^ 7°^ 

Nathan Coffin i Stick of Bone 

T. W. 3^^ D. Newel 25^'^ 

Ship'd aboard Sylvanus 26 b^ of oyl Ditto 37 


Sylvanus Hussey 2 whales bone the one 784 the 

other 778''' -- 1562 

lb oz 

Rob' Coffin (p Young Kerans) 3 2 

Ship'd aboard Peter Folger for Boston 17 Bar'^ of 

Oyl & 4 of Head- ----------- 21 

Put aboard Paul Starbuck 4 b'® of oyl but i leaked out 

Put on board Chase i b^ of y® first Voyage, & 12 of y® new. 
T. W. 2 b's Head. D. Newel i b^ Head. 

T732/My Frei't of Wood (13 load) ----- 2 - 8 - 3 

Reeieved of Cr. Coffin for freight 59/ - - - 2-19- o 
j 16 Cord from ys Viney'J — 48/ - - - - 2-8-0 

(15 from Dartmouth 50/ ------2-10-0 

I am to pay to Sylvanus Hussey on y^ Sloops 

acc'V^S^ltod - - - - 33 II 5 I' II 

To G. Brown ...-_ 6 11 3 11 6 

To John Coffin (or Eb"" Gardner) ----- 6 11 o 11 o 

To Sail makers ----- 5 11 9 11 10 

1730 ( I am to pay to Sylvanus Hussey - - - 5-18-0 

1731 (& have paid to G Brown in Schooling - 5 - 19 - 10 


T733 To draw upon S. Hussey - - - - - - 8- 18 -11 

1 734/1 have to pay to y^ Sloop ------ 2- 13 -i 

toS. H. -------------32-10-6 

Barrels by me put in for Oyl of Bethnel Gardners whale 4. 
— Grafton's whale i. 
July I bar' 

1733/J0S. Daws 2 Almanacks lo'^ 

X Peter Gardner x i Aim. x i Wats's 

Josiah X Coffin 2 Aim 

Clasby i x Aim. 

David X Clark i Aim. 

Theoph. X Pinkham i Aim. 

Rob^ Coffin X 2 Aim. lo'^ 

Jos. Hooten Taken &c : 3/ 

James Coffin x i Aim. 

Sam' Russel 2 Aim. 

X Moab. X old Squaw x at Miac. x Zach. Mother x Sente- 
quadec. x Esther, x Joel, x Tauturagen. x George's x Widow. 
X Squaw at Mattekecham. Old Mashquet's x Widow. 

1734 X Lame Jon. Mother. Old Jo'cls Squaw. Old x Squaw 
at Jn° Chipenore's Sons, x Zach. Mother x [illegible]. Tomy's 
X Mother, x Padshany Jochets x widow x Moab. Betty x Cook. 
X Henry's x Mother in Law Mashquets Widow 

An ace' of my charge about y^ Well. 
To Russel for making a Curb 9/ 
Humphrey Ellis digging Nov. 14. 15 J of 17. 

22 23 24 29. Dec"" 5. 6. 7. 8. - - - - £t) = 13 = 6 
Manuel \ day 22. 23. 24. Dec'' 5. 7 
Stephen Arthur i^ day. i — (i.) 
Sam' Russel part of 19*. 21. 22. 23. 24. 27. 

29. Dec. 5. 6. 7. 8. 14. 15. - - - - - £^- 8- o 
Rails 45/. 8000 Bricks 104/3 
John Jones i. 
Dec"" 14. Borrowed of Jonath" Russel 700 Well 

Aug. 19. P^ to Jon° Russel 500 well Bricks 

Sept. Paid to Jon° Russel 200 700 

Labour in Shoveling Sand 7/6 — Carting 

Pump-Iron Work - - - - - - - - - 3- 16 -11 


Dec"^ 3^^ 1733 Paul Starbuck's Boy Mending the 
Town House glass 5/10 
C iC^ A. G. 2^ Jn° Bunker 4^ Sh. P. 2^ Jos. Gard. 2^ 
May 14. p*^ to Paul Starbuck y® 5/10 

Wood Stoves for 1733/4 

Joseph Gardner i [illegible] Load 

Jonath° Coffin i Cart Load 

El-- Coffin. Jn° Gardner. Cal. Bunker 

April 27 1733 

Recieved from M"" Brown 5 bis Cyder to be disposed of for 
him — which is thus disposed of Scil. 

John Gardner ib^at -------- 22 

John Coffin Jun*" ib' -------- 22 

Josiah Coffin ib^ ---------- 22 

Robert Coffin 2 b'^ - - 42/ 

5 II 8 II o 
Frei't of Cyder 17/6 o 11 17 11 6 

Neat Proceeds ----- 4 11 10-6 

Pai*^ of y^ afores'^ Debts in Wool 50/6 In 

Fish 40/ -.--.-- 4 II 10 II 6 

July 2. Put on board Woodman the above s'^ 

Effects for M"' Brown. 

June 1733/Rec'^ from Mother White i Cov- 

erlett — 
Aug. 1733. Sold the s<^ Coverlett to Josiah 

Coffin, (to be p^ for in wool) at 60/ - - - 3 11 o n o 
Rec^ the above mentioned wool, and Sent it 
by Worcester. 

ReC^ 3 pieces of cloath from my Mother 

— And Sold — 
To Eb"" Gardner 5^ yds @ 13/ - . - 3" 11 
For w'' I've rec^ 20^^* wool at 2/ Cash 13/6 3 n u 
Sold to Clasby 4^^ y^^ (^ 12/5 - - - - 2 11 6 
Rec'^ 25^*^ wool @ 2/ Cash 6/3 - - - 2 11 6 
Sold to D. Newel 3I y^^^ @ 13/6 - - - 2-7 
Paid y^ above Sums except 1/9 

June < 


14- 2-9 
8- Z-Z 


Feb. 3 1732/3 paid to Eb'' Gardner in Cash 60/ 3 11 on o 
Aim. & Books 2/6 — 3 Primers 2/ - - - - o n 4 11 6 
Eb"" Gardner Credit 164 Feet of Joice 
-^"g- 1733 Eb"" Gardner D'' to 63 y'*^ Cloath - 3 11 7 11 6 
Aug. 16. To a Bible 12/ 2 Almanacks - - 12-10 

Dec"" 7 1733 Ballanced ace'* with E. Gardn'' 
but the 18/ for Salt charged to me thro' 
a mistake 2 years before, omitted. 
June 1734 E. G"" D"" x to 15^ yds ticking @ 8/- ^6 11 4 - o 

July 1733 Lent to Little Caleb 4/6 to be paid 
in Wheat the next Wheat Harvest 
Rec<^ by Tho^ Gardner 4/6 

I. Put on board Sylvanus's Schooner for Boston 8 b'* of Oyl, 
3 of Head marked J G 

3. Put on board Andrew Gardner for Boston 18 b'^ of Oyl ; 4 of 
Head J. G. i bi Oyl G. G. Jonath"^ Pinkham i b^ 

Oct. 1732 Paid to Sam' Barker for his Horse to 
Haver' 60/ 

and in the Winter Following 20/ - - - - 
May 9. 1733 Paid to Coker of Stretham for 

Boards 30/ - - 

May II. Paid to the Same Man 15/ - - - - 

May 15. Paid to John Macy for wheat - - - 

T ( Paid to Sam' Barker p Ton"^° Folger- 

June 15 •< . ^ ■' . 

( Paid to Jonathan Folger for a Spit &c 

June Paid to M*" Woodman for boards - - - 

J , ( P^M'' Woodman 22^ lb wool for boards 

^X and for malt 8"' - 2 °" 

•July I. T^ to Jonaf^ Folger 5/ 

Ship'd aboard M'' Woodman for John White 

of Haver', to be paid for in Apples or 

Cyder or both Scil. 

On Jn° Coffins ace* 11"' wool ------ 1-2-0 

on ace' Jn° Gardner lo"' ........ i_o-o 

on ace' T. White 37"^ 3-14-0 

At the Same time Ship'd for Mother for her 

Cloath 166"^ of wool. 

3 1 

1 1 


I 1 

1 1 



1 10 1 



15 ' 


I 1 

1 3 1 


I 1 

1 1 


10 1 


2 1 

1 18 1 

1 6 

2 1 

1 5 1 



1 16 1 

'1 3 


Aug. 7. 1733 P*^ to Joseph Dawes p James 

Russel 65/ 3-5:0 

March -o x Rob* Coffin i hair covering 3/ 

I Primer x S^. Paper 2/ - 5^8 

John X Coffin x i Primer S'^ 

May 4, 1733 Sent to Aunt Elisa. 34/ 

Jos. Coffin thread 3/4 Paper i/io 

Caleb X Bunker A Psalter 2/4 

John Coffin x a Psalter x 2/4 Paper x 6^^ 

D. X Bunker + i Psalter 2/4 T. x Brock x i 

Psalter 2/4 

. ) X Shubael X Pinkham X I Testament 4/ 

Aug. 22. >- ^' 

) Nathan x Coffin x 2 Ditto 8/ 

Weight of Cable 7 11 i 11 25 

April 17 1740 

Ballanc'd Acc*^ with David Newel — paying 

Scil. by W" Clasby 2-0-9 

Cloath 30/ weaving 9/r - - 1-19-1 

Schooling, Paper- Primer 2-11-7 

and in Cash 7~i7~7 

£14- 9-0 

April 30. Isaac Woosoo Corn 2/6 

May 8. Ballanc'd Acc^^ with Abishai Folger 
paying by Schooling 2/6 Cash 66/3 

May 10 Paid to Sylv^ Hussey 60/ 

12 to Pitts's wife for weaving 8/ 

i6/Paid to M"" Brock Cash ^21 and in School- 
ing £^2 

24./Sent to Isaac Woosoo by his Daughter 5/ 

May 31. Paid to the Negro Doctor 5/ 

June 3. /Ballanc'd ace'® with Sister Craigie be- 
ing 84/6 

June 7* Isaac Woosoo 2/6 

June 14 Zachy Hoit D"- i Bushel Corn 8/ 

June 19 to Cap* Woodman for cloath, Rake and 
Basket — 281 ib Wool @ 3/ 


June 25/Recd of M"" Brock the money which he 
bro't from Comiss''^ and y® annual Collec- 
tion (or Deacon Phillips) in Boston Scil. 

89 and paid to Prise. Gardner for Nurs- 
ing 60/ 
July 4 Let Zach. Hoit have 10/ 
July 9 P^ Maxey for Leather 20/ 
July II* Setled Acc*^ w* Martha Joel and Due 

in my Favour 40/3 at which time Rec"^ (in 

part) Hay 30/7 
July 14. Reed of Sam. Benj. i hund of Hay. 
July r5 pd Rich^i Coffin 20/ for y^ Leather 
30 Zach, Hoit D"" to a pair of Shoes 8/ and i 

Bush' Corn 8/6 
Aug. 8. Paid to John Beard for Corn @ 8/ p 

Bushl. 80/ ------.--.- 4_o-o 

9. Paid to Tupper of Rochester for 12^ Cords 

of Wood - - - - - - - - - - - -^17-1^-0 

and Ballanc'd with M. Norton paying 1/ 
Aug. 9 Let Zach, Hoit have a pair of Breeches 

Shirt & Hat Paid by Carting Wood 
Aug. 12 Zach. Hoit D^ for Wood 6/ 
Aug. 14 Zach Hoit D"^ Cash 3/ Isaac Woosoo 10/ 
Aug. 18 Cleared with James Robbin p Hann. 

Peter for the Boy's breaking his window : 

paying 4/ and in y^ Spring 1/ In all 5/ 
( Aug, 21 Let Zach. Hoit have 10/ 
< and 19 day — a pair of Shoes at David 
( Clark's 20/ 

Aug. 26 Let Zach, Hoit have a Jacket; for 

which he is to pay y^ next Fall 6^ Bushels 

of Corn. 
Aug. Pd Richd Coffin (by the Nav^ Officer) for 

for the Sole Leather 12/ 
Sepf I. To Jos. Daws for Labour i pair of 

Knee-Buckles @, 4/ 
5/T0 Joseph Daws for Ditto 20/ 
8/Pd to Obed Japhet for Rye @S/p Bushel 11/ 1 1 - o 


lo/Ballanc'd with Benj. Barney Paying 50/ 

20 Paid to Nathan Coffin for Wheat — Cash 

100/ Schooling 58/5 
Sept. 20 P*^ to Butler for 79 lb Beef @ 7 2-6-1 

and for fat--- 18-4 

Sept. 22 P"^ to y'' Same man for Fat 24/ 
24/P^ to Obed Japheth the Remainder of his 

due for Rye Scil. t^jS 
26/P<^ to Jos. Daws, the (p M"" Brock) the Re- 
mainder of what was due to him for Stitch- 
ing. Scil. 16/ 
26. Rec'' of James Gardner for Schooling Gall. 

of Molasses @ 5/ ^ 

29 Bou't of John Bunker loi of cheese @ 1/ 

and p*^ in Cash 40/ & Schooling 61/ -- 5-1-0 
Put into y® Voyage 9 b'^ (or 10) 
Ocf 3 P^ to Richd Coffin 10/ w'^h is /g more 

than the Ball, of my Ace* 
Ocf Reed of Bailey i bl Cyder 28/ 
Ocf 28 Rec^ of Th. Pinkham 2 Bushels & i 

Peck Apples. 
Nov P^ to M": Wass by M"" Brock for Fatt 10/ 

for I lb Beef @ 6\ d. 
Nov'' 21 P*^ Nathl Paddack 10/ and last y' a 

Primer 1/2 
Feb. 1 740/1 cleared with Nath^ Paddack and 

overpaid him /6. 
June P"^ to Brother Craigie for Sundries — 22^ 

lb Bone 13-4-0 

Cash by Nathan Coffin (Borrow'd) ---- ^-4-0 

June 6* Rep"^ to Nathan Coffin ------ 3-4-0 

June 24 P*^ to Jos. Daws's Wife for Weaving 20/ 
June 24 Let Sam. Pamhame's Wife have toward 

Hay 1/6 
Aug. 1 741 Ballanc'd Acc*^ with Nath^ Paddack 

paying 18/7 
Sepf 1741 Paid to Tho^ Carr for Rice — Cash 

7/ School^ 1/-8/ 


Nov'' 4 1 741 P'^ to W" Russel (or Rob* Gard- 
ner's wife on his Ace*) for fat 45/6 


Nov II* P'^ to Matthew Norton for Beef and 

Fatt 105/8 -- 5-5-8 

Dec"" 12 P"* to B Russel for keeping Cows 25/ - 1-5-0 

March 1742 

P*^ to S. Hussey for Flower @ 70/ p c in 

Cash 122/ 6-2-0 

and p S. Ray 9/3 9-3 

;^6 - 1 1 - 3 

April 24 1742 

P'^ to Jon^ Folger 22/ which is in full --- ;^i-2-o 

Apri F^ to Nath' Coffin 4-0-0 

May P^ to Nathi Coffin 2-0-0 

June to a York-Man for 2 b'^ Flower @ 62/6 pc 11- 0-0 

June P'' to John Harper 3-0-0 

Nov"" II 1742 

P"* to Benja. Coffin on Ace* of John Johnson 

of Hav' 7-3-0 

for which I have his Rec* 
Nov'' 20 1742 

P^ to Mordecai Elles for keeping of Cows 21/ 
Dec^ 5*^ P'^ to John Coffin 3''"= for Frei't of 

wool to Newbury and Apples & Cyder 

from thence Soil. Cash 80/ - - - - ^ _ o - o 
Dec"" P'^ to George Kenny for his part of the 

Hay 5/ at the Same time let him have 

Paper /6. 
Jan. i^* P'^ to old Eve toward Hay 2/ 
Jan>' 24 P'^ to Jn" Coffin 3""= toward Frei't from 

Newbury Cash 40/ Jan^ 25. 4/ --- 2-4-0 
Ballanc'd w* Mord. Elles. 
March P"* to Eve y® Remainder for y® Hay 

Scil. 6/10 
March Ball, with Broth"" Craigie 
14th pd g^Qr Newel for i Piece Garlix* - - - 5-7-6 

* A textile fabric. 


March 14 1742/3 

Sent by Bro'' Craigie (to Pay to Couz. W^ 

White for a Piece of Callico, and to get 

Sundries) Scil. 8. And 10/ for American 


Reed, from Mother Craigie March ^i^^ 1743 

— Sundries to the Value of ----- jj - ^ - q 
Including 70/ p"^ to W. White, and 5/ 
omitted in our last Reckoning : So that 
now due to him .--.--..- g_^_o 
P"^ by S. Hussey y« above Debt 
May P^ to T. Carr for a bl of Flower @ 45/ 

June II 1743 

P"^ on board Capt. Bayley for Still"^' 25/ for 
a Skimer 10/6 Tub. can & cloath 20/ 

and to And'' Mireck - 5-0-0 

Aug. 23 1743 

P'^ to Richd. Macy for 12 Bush'^ of Wheat 

@i6/ - - 9-12-0 

31 P'^ to Martha Potter toward 58^^ Fish (@ 26/) i- 4-6 
Sepf 10* P'' to Deacon Tupper for a cord of 

wood 40/ 
J2thy'pd j^Q ^ Connecticut man for 10 Bush'^ of 

Corn @ii/ 5-10-0 

and to Philip Pollard 40/ 2-0-0 

Sepf 24 P'' (by my Dau'ter) to Silvanus Hussey 10 - 0-0 
26* Sent by Cromwel Coffin to M''Eliak. Willis 5 - 0-0 
Money Return'd 

and for Apples & Cheese 5-0-0 

Reed cheese 60/ apples 15/ charge - - 5-0-0 
Sepf 28 Sent by James Chase for Vin. treacle 
& Cocheneal 20/ 
Reed the Treacle & Cocheneal. 
Ocf 6 1743 

P"* to Dan^ Folger (by his Son) for 161 lb 

Beef @ lo"^ in Cash -------- 6-14-2 

& toward Rye 5-10 



Ocf lo* P^ to M"- Darby for Apples & [illegible] 3 - lo - 2 
Ocf 19 P'l to M-- Tucker for cheese 37 lb @ 1/6 2 - 16 - o 
Ocf 20* Delivered to Nath^ Allen to purchase 

me a Load of Wood £\'j 
Rec<^ the Wood. 
Ocf 31 Sent by Dan^ Vinson (for which I have 

his Receipt) £\Z, to be delivered to Tho^ 

Dagget for a Cow had of him. 
Nov'' i^t P'^ to Harper for bringing the Cow 10/ 
Nov'' i=t Repaid Nath' Allen the money he laid 

out on my ace' at Martha's Vineyard Scil. 2 - 16 - o 
Nov 14. Pd Sam' Coffin for 2 Bush'^ of Turnips 

@ 7/ - - - 14-0 

Feb. 18. 1743/4 

P'' to Cap' Brooks for Bread & Flower - - 7-4-0 
Apr^ 1744 P"^ to David Gardner for 22 lb cheese 

@ 1/8 - - - . - I _ 16 - 8 

and for Currying Leather 5~4 

Sent to M"- Willis 5-0-0 

P'* to Dani Folger 0-4-5 

May for 2 b^^ Flower y_5_o 

May 16 Paid to Cap' Woodman for Boards 47/3 2-7-3 
May 21 Ballanc'd with Sam^ Maxey Paying 36/ 
May 19. P** to Jn° Meader for Pasturing 10/ 
May 25. P'* to Maxey for Linings 15/ and 20/ 

to rectify (as he Saith) a mistake 
May 24 1744/ 

P'^ to Mary Barnard 3/ and 2/ for Rats-bane 
then had. 
May 30 P'^ to M"" Chalker for 10 bush'^ Wheat 

@X4/ 7-0-0 

June I. Sent (by P. Pollard) 80/ to Sister Crai- 
gie for Sundries 
and by Lydia Barney (or Rich'" Mitchel) 120/ 
to Rhode-Island for a piece of Striped Cot- 
ton. — Rec'" 
June 13. P to Jn° Meader 10/ 
June 14 P'" to M''^ Osborne for 11 V'cloath 

8/6 - - - 4-13-6 


June 15 P^ to MI'S Osborne 5^^ of Sperma Ceeti 
@ 7/ for Pot of Butter 

June 18 P'^ Ruth Cromwel for Wool — Cash - g_ o- o 

June 20 1744 This day Tho® Dagget of Edgar- 
town inform'd me that the money (Scil. 
;^i8) which I sent him the last year for a 
Cow was delivered to him. 

Feb: 7th 1756 Due ^86-12- o 

10 Loads Wood @ 40/ 20- 

Hangs ;^66 - 12 - o 

Equal to ;^55 - 10 Mass. ;^55 - 10 - 

1757 Int^t 66/7 3-6-7 

58-16- 7 

1758 Int^t 70/7 3 _ 10 - 7 

62 - 7 - 2 

1759 Int^t 74/10 3 -14 -10 

66 - 2 - o 

1760 Int^* 79/2 3-19-3 

70- I - 3 
Int^t to Sepf 7* 49/ - 2-9-0 

72-10- 3 



Sept. 15 1725 
Sister Abi 

I must confess you did eno' to Shame me, by catcliing at an 
opportunity to write, wliile I was careless to improve the many 
which presented. But you have heard, I conclude, altho' you 
dont know by experience, that, when Persons are Stifly engaged 
in Courting, they are very forgetful of those lesser things. 

I know not to whom you were beholden for your Information, 
but I can inform you that I was not so far gone in it but that I 
had Determined to quit the place & all the things in it, till I heard 
from Boston, when your Letter came ; and have not laid my Self 
under Such Strong obligations yet, but that I can easily let the 
action fall, if you have anything material to object. 

Whether the reason is, because my Company is so very 
delightsome & charming, or what it is, I cant tell, but it has 
been my Portion to be honour'd with Such Suspicions, wherever 
I have yet lived for any time. 

But if this be not true, I could wish it were, for I am no 
Enemy to proceedings of this Nature. 

I am as I have hitherto been in very good health ; Let the 
praise be to whome 'tis due. — And I am, I think, fixt for this 

I hope you are careful to improve every opportunity for the 
advancement of your temporal good, but above all, that you are 
Sollicitous for the prosperity of your Soul, as knowing that to be 
y^ main concern. 

Your advantages are great for which an account must be 
given ; Let your Behaviour be such, in this your State of pro- 
bation as that you may at length be admitted to Spend an eternity 
in the enjoyment of uninterrupted happiness. 

I wrote to M"" Phillips about Some Stockings you are to get 
for me ; if they are to be had, let them be home Spun Stone gray 
worsted ; but if you cant find Such get me a pair or two of cheap 
Sale Stockings 

Kind Service to Lanlady & all Friends 

[Addressed to] 

M« Abigail White 


Boston, Octo. 19, 1727. 
R. & D. Sir. 

Yours of ye 21. Septem. I read to the Hon. & Rev. Gentle- 
men of ye Committee this day, & after consideration had thereof, 
they came unanimously into ye following Votes or Resolves, 

"That one hundred pounds be fortwith advanced to M"" 
Timothy White, now ministering to ye People of Nantuckett, 
to encourage & bring on his Settlement in ye Work of y^ Min- 
istry there ; & Fifty pounds more at the end of two years; Upon 
ye following Conditions. 

First that ye Said M'' White do willingly devote himself to ye 
Service of Christ and Souls on that Island ; Seriously endeavour- 
ing by ye help of God, for ye space of five years to come, to intro- 
duce & establish the Settlement of a Church state there. 

And secondly. That ye People of Nantuckett, to whom he is 
& has been ministring. do signify to us their desire of M'' Whites 
continuing & labouring among them to this end. 

Voted, That M"" Colman be desired to write Letters both to 
M"" White, & also to ye Brethren at Nantuckett, which may signify 
to them what may be proper respecting ye Premises. 

Sir, I do therefore in ye name of ye Committee acquaint you 
with ye Votes above, & pray you to take them into your Serious 

You see that ye moneys to be advanced to you are not 
encumbered with any word of refunding them, provided that 
the Conditions specified be on your part performed by ye will 
of God : For ye performance whereof we expect your very solemn 
profession & promise in writing, as God shal enable you : And ye 
Committee have a special confidence in your truth & fidelity by 
the Grace of God with you. 

Moreover Sir, you must speedily inform ye principal persons, 
your stated hearers & contributors, of our desires to know their 
minds ; Whether they consent & concur with us in desiring your 
continuance & labours among them, in order to a Settlement with 
them in the Ministry of ye Gospel, in Gods time. We therefore 
inclose a Letter, which I pray you to direct unto two or three of 
ye Brethren, to be communicated to ye rest. We know not what 
names to insert in ye Superscription but leave that to you. When 
you have read, Seal it. 


If you receive this hundred & fifty pounds, you apprehend 
(I suppose) that it is all that you must expect from ye Committee ; 
besides ye making up from March last thirty Shillings p Sabbath. 

And I pray God to bless it abundantly to you, & increase it 
a hundred fold, in addition to the spiritual and heavenly rewards 
of Grace here & Glory hereafter. 

Sir, Let us hear from you as soon as may be. I am your 
affectionate Brother 

Benj^ Colman, 

If you undertake ye Service proposed, & it be needful you 
receive Ordination, that you may baptise &c, the Ministers incline 
to encourage it. 

D"" Mather tells me. That he hopes if you continue at Nan- 
tuckett that ye Commissioners for ye Indian Service wil have 
some considerations in your favour. 

I hope you might receive twenty pounds p annum this way. 



M"- Timothy White 

Preacher of the Gospel 


To THE Ministers of the severall Indian 
Congregations on the Island of Nantucket 

This is to signify to you that the Honourable Commissioners 
of whom His Excellency the Governour is one from whom you 
receive your Yearly Salaries, have appointed the Rev"^ M"" Timothy 
White to preach Lectures to you, to oversee counsell & advise you 
from time to time as occasion shall require, and to inspect the 
Schools & Churches & to Catechize the Children & such as are 
proper for it, & you & all concerned are to pay a proper regard to 
him accordingly — 

Pursuant to a Vote of the Commiss''^ 

this is ordered to be sent to you 

Boston Adam Winthrop 

Nov"" 17* 1733. Treasurer &c. 


Rev^ & Dear Sir. Boston 21^' June 1748 

Sometime ago D'' Sewall put into my hands a Letter from 
yourself, representing the low Circumstances of Life your Situa- 
tion in the World had exposed you to, upon which I communi- 
cated the Same to severall of the Members of the Generall Court, 
but found it was beyond their power to help you in a publick 
Station, w"^ I am persuaded they would gladly have done, if they 
could ; whereupon I returned y^ Letter to the Doctor, with four 
pounds Cash from my Self, to be sent you p the first Oppurtunity, 
(which I now crave your Acceptance of). Docf Sewall after this 
communicated your Letter to the Convention of Ministers, who 
readily voted you Twenty pounds (Old Tenor) out of the Collec- 
tion, which the Doctor has been seeking an oppurtunity to send 
you for some considerable Time, at last he put it into my Care, 
& now by M"" Abijah Folger I have sent you Twenty four pounds, 
which I wish safe to hand, and pray your advice of as soon as you 

I heartily wish your health & prosperity, more especially in 
your Lords work & hope that some Door or other may in Time 
be opened for your Comfort & Relief; My hearty Service con- 
cludes me 

D'' Sewall gives his y"" Very humb. Serv* 

Service to You Tho^ Hubbard. 

[Address] To 

The rev'^ M"" Timothy White 


p M"" Folger Nantuckett 

[Abbreviated memorandutn on the blank spaces of Mr. Hubbard' s letter, 
evidently of an anszver to his letter.'^ 

S"" the Unexpected Expresson of your Compass" our love wins. 
Since came to hand (at least y^ Letter — and I Suppose y^ Cash 
only waits my Call) 

But tho' it finds me upon my Bed (to w'' I've been confin'd by 
y*' prevailg malady abt a Week) yet I cant forbear some acknowl. 
of your Goodn. to me & tis by y® opp. w^ now seems to offer, 
tho' I'm Surp. it shd be Encouragg to me to find a Charita' 
Disposit" abr'* yet tis really irksome to think of adding to the 
Burth" of those to wh"" I've heretofore been so much obliged, & 


who have now so many ways to reach out y^ Char. Hand — the 
Ld j-ew"* you and add to y'' work. 

the Enclosed has been for Some time Laying before me — 
(the enc I now break open, — and am Somewhat Encouraged to 
find from a kind Stroke in your Letter. — To your Determination 
S"" I Leave it, whether tis worth y*^ while to trouble y^ D'' witii y^ 
gist of it — or yet or whether it be worthy of any oth"" tr. to you 
than the Pains of Comitt'g it to y^ flames. M"" White 

Boston, August 31, 1749 
Dear Sir, 

I was last Monday Evening in Company with a Number of 
Worthy Gentlemen in Town, when our good Friend John Phillips 
Esq"" coiiiunicated to us a Letter he had lately received from you, 
Giving an Account of your bad State of Health, and of the great 
Discouragments you were under with respect to your Ministry at 

We heartily Sympathize with you undr your bodily Indisposi- 
tions, and hope, by y^ Blessing of God, in y^ Use of proper Means 
Shortly to hear of your Recovery to Health again. 

But our greatest Concern was to hear that your other Dis- 
couragments were So many and great. That you Seem resolved in 
a little Time, to take your Leave of y® poor People in whose 
Service you have Spent a great part of your Life already. 

We are Sensible, indeed, your Services among them have 
been attended with many peculiar Difficulties ; and that you 
have been but poorly requited by Man for your Laborious En- 
deavours to Serve y® Kingdom and Interest of our Lord Jesus Cht 
in y« place where you are. But remember, Dear Brother, we serve 
a good Master, who will one Day richly Reward the little he 
enables us to do in his Service. 

And as you have been long acquainted with that People, and, 
we hope, have a great Interest in y^ affections of many of them ; 
we cant but fear your Leaving them in their present State will 
greatly disserve * y^ Cause of Cht and his holy Religion, which, 
we trust, are exceeding dear to you. 

Wherefore, dear Sir, if your State of Health will, by any 
Means, admit of it, My Request to you in y^ Name of y^ above- 

* Phillips Dictionary, 1720 — Disserve: to do one a prejudice, or injury. 


mentioned Gentlemen, is, That you wou'd, at least for some time 
longer, continue your Preaching, and other good Services, for y^ 
Spiritual wellfare of that people ; Still waiting upon y® Great and 
Glorious Head of y*^ Chh, for y® Success of your Labours. And 
I have Leave to assure you from them That they purpose Speed- 
ily, as God Shall enable, to Send you Somewhat for y« present 
Supply of your and your Families Necessities : and will endeavour 
hereafter to use their Interest, That you may have a more com- 
fortable Support than you have yet had, while you continue in y'^ 
Service of Cht and Souls, in the place where you have for So many 
years been bearing y® Heat and Burden of y'' Day. 

I pray God to restore and confirm your Health ; and that he 
wou'd more abundantly Strengthen, Succeed and Comfort you in 
y® Service of his Dear Son. 

I am, dear Brother, yours most affectionately in our Lord 
Jesus Cht, John Webb. 

[Address] For the Revernd 

M-- Timothy White 

Preacher of the Gospel 



Respecf* friend ) 

Nantucket July 3*^ 1750 

Timothy White 

I Remember that I tould thee I vi^ould write to My friend at 
phelladelphia to fill Cap* Chase up & So I have wrote to John 
Misslen but if thou art affrade to trust to that thou Must tell what 
part of the Veasel I Shal Load & gitt a Charter party write for if 
I know what part I have to Load My friend Can be gifting it 
Reddy while Cap* Chase is doing what he will have to Do but if 
thou means to Load what part thou pleases and not tell what part 
it is I know no other way then to write to my friend to put in what 
is wanting wich I have Done as for Sending orders for Such things 
it is not the way amongst Merchants when I Sent Cap* Chase 
Last year I never had any agreement with any man but Sent him 
to John Misslen & Desir*^ him to Load his bark therefor I must 
have a Certen part of the Veasel or quantity of goods Now be- 
fore She goes on thou Must trust to me & my friend to fill the 
Veasell up 

I am thy friend Jos Rotch 


Boston Feb^y i8* 1752 — 

Your fav""^ of 27'^^ Nov"' & 12* Feb'^ I rec-' & have spoke with 
M"" Prout several times respecting your acco* but have done noth- 
ing as yet, tho he has promised he will do something upon it soon, 
which shall press him to, desire you would give yourself no uneasi- 
ness about the small sum you owe me, but let it lay till this of M"" 
Prouts is settled. 

I am glad to find your inclinations continue still to the Min- 
istry, doubt not some door will soon open to your liking, but in 
case there should not & you should enter upon Trading, doubt not 
my Aunts capacity to manage the business at home. I shall be 
ready to give you any assistance that my business will admit of, 
tho I dispose of no goods for other Governments mony. 

I have spoke with M'' Benj^i Prat respecting the Bonds you 
mention, he thinks it best you should not prosecute them till you 
have moved out of the Province if you desighn it, otherways does 
not see but you must take the Oath. 

Since writing the foregoing respecting M"" Prout have see him 
and he has examined your acco' and gives for Answer he does not 
know how it comes that the Vessell had not Credit till 4*'^ Sep"" but 
thinks there was some reason for it, tho it appears by his acco** 
she was not discharged till then, the Hospital mony he says he 
has nothing to do with for he paid Cap* Clark in full of his port- 
ledge Bill and you must look to him for it as also for the Pitch 
especially as he was a Master of your own puting in, he will make 
no allowance in the demarage but says he ought to have charged 
more and he thinks the Charter partys cost ;^5 . . . • that see no 
prospect of my settling of it with him, therefore have inclosed the 
acco* & Charter party herein 

Please to give my Duty to Aunt &. Love to Couzins 
I remain Y"^ Afifecti : Kinsman & humb^ Serv* 

W"^ Phillips 
M"- Timothy White 

P faV of M"- Herod. 


Haverhill Dec"' 2^ 
Mess""® 1752 

Being about 150 Miles from Nantuckett I can but Seldom get 
any Intelligence from thence of the managements of my Partners 
in the Sloop Susanna — But if (agreeable to my motion) any thing 
has bee-n put into your hands by them, please to Ballance my ace* 
& Send my Dues, in what you think will answer best, directing it 
to Cap* Andrew Craigie in Boston — my Interest is ^ part. 

Having tho'ts of entring into Partnership with one or two 
Skilful & Succesful Traders, I should be glad if it would Suit you 
to trade with us for Shiping of any Sort — 

I'm now Scituated in the Countrey upon merrimack (comonly 
called Newbury) River, about 15 miles above Newbury, where we 
abound with the best of Plank & Ship timber, (Supplying New- 
bury almost wholy with Stuff for building : & Boston in Some 
Measure) — and carry on a large Stroke at building, which in- 
creases Yearly, having expert workmen, and build cheaper than 
either Boston or Newbury — We abound also with Staves, both 
white & Red Oak, & with Boards, clapboards & Shingle, fit for the 
West India trade — and are getting into the Tarr & Turpentine 
trade, — a large Countrey just upon our back, well admitting of it 
— and considerable of plenty of Some kind of Furrs which are 
transported to England. 

If the Proposal Suits, & you See fit to Send over a Quantity 
of Goods either to be disposed of upon Comissions (as I am told 
Some Liverpool Merch'^ do, a few miles below us) or we to receive 
the Goods in England, & you to take the Shiping here, it will be 

readily reed, by — 

Your humble Serv*^ 

Timothy White 

& Comp. 

N. B. My meaning is — Either you to allow Commissions — 
or to Ship the Goods upon our Risque &: charge — receiving your 
pay in Shiping here. 

P. S. What Suits best with us are — 

Woolen's & Linens both for Men's & Women's wear — but 
none high prized white & black Gloves, & other mourning — Soft 
Pewter — Nails but not under 4^ Cutlery — & Haberdashery — 

the Liverpool Merch'^ send over their Iron (as well as Canvas 
& Riging) for what they build here. 


Being very well Scit. for trade upon Merrim. (comonly called 
Newb.) River ab' 15 miles from Newb. I've made a Small begin- 
ning, but find'g money So Scarce here think of entr'g Partnership 
w* one or two Skilful & succesful Trad''^ Especially if it will Suit 
you to trade w* us for Shiping of any kind — Our Countrey ab^* 
w* y*' best of Plank & Ship Timb''® — from us Newb. has almost 
all her Supplies — & Bost. in some measure — So y* we can build 
considerably cheaper here than other Places — 

We've also good w'kmen & a gr* deal of Employ in our Ship 
yds ■y^,h ig increasing Vly — 

We abound also in Staves both white & Red oak, boards, 
clap boards & things fit for y^ W. Ind. trade and y^ Spreading 
Count, upon our back (w'^ Settles to admirat") will probably in 
a few Y''^ yield a large trade in Tarr & Turp. — also Some Furrs. 

Our Trad""^ make good advant. by send'g y"" Lumber to Newb. 
or Boston but especially by purchas'g w'^'^ Silver thr'out of Shops. 

If y^ Proposal Suits & you See fit to Send over a Quant, of 
Goods, either to be disposed of upon Comiss"® (as I'm told Some 
Liverp^ Merch*^ do to Newb.) or y® Goods to be Ship'd by you 
upon our Risque, and we to pay you here in Shiping, you may 
dep"^ upon being faithfully Served by your humble Serv' — 

T. W. & Comp. 

N. B. W' Suits best w* us are — Wool & Lin, both for men's 
& w. wear, but noth'g high prized — White & black Gloves & oth"' 
mourning — Blanketts — Soft Pewter — Nails, but not under 4'* 
Cutlery — & Haberdashery — 

The Liverp' merch*^ Send over y^ Iron as well as Canvas & 
Cordage for what t^ build here 

[Address] For Mess''^ 

Stork & Champion 

in London 

Brother Boston Jan"^ 2^ 1754 

I rec'^ your favours of the 25*Ult: And am very Sorrie to 
hear of Your Presant State, as you Seem to write of your Scarsety 
of Paper - and Hard Labor as Beetle and Wedges, the Last of 
which would Not Agree with My Constetution Soe well as it 
Seems to doe with yours. But I Should rather think that i^ 


you was to take a ride to Boston it would be Belter for your 
health then hard Labour at Home and I could Better Advise you 
by word of Mouth then with Pen and Ink. for it was always My 
thought that you might doe Better in Boston then Haverhill and 
as for a Scool I think you need not Doubt of it . . for if you 
would Come and Bring Sister with you you I dont Doubt but that 
youl find it worth your While — 

Turn Over 
So Come very Soon for if you incline to Setle in Boston its 
better to resolve in time because Piopel will be Moveing from one 
Place to another as the Spring Comes on for I Expect to have 
a House Near by us that the Piopel is goeing out very Soon which 
would be a good Opertunety for you. to have it if you Speak in 
time I Shall Expect you or your Answer as Soon as May be and 
in the Mean time wishing you Health and well Settl'd here in Bos- 
ton which is the Sincere Disire of your Brother 

And™ Craigie 


In the year 1732 I receiv'd a Letter from the Rev<^ D''Colman 

to Inform me that he had a Sett of M'' Baxters Works to bestow 

upon me in Case I look'd upon my Self as Setled at Nantuckett — 

To which my Reply was that tho' I did not think my Self 

to be fixed for Life where I then was yet I should be glad 

of the Books tho' I were obliged to Return them when call'd 

for — Whereupon the D"" Sent me the Books with the following 

Instructions — 

"these four volumns of y^ Practical 

" Works of y« Rev<^ M-" Rich"* Baxter 

" are given by Sam^ Holden Esq"" 

"Governor of the Bank of England 

"by y® Special Disposition of Benjamin 

" Colman, Pasf of a Church in Boston 

" to the Presbyterian Congregation 

"at Nantucket now under the 

" Ministry of the Rev^ M-" Timo^ White 

"on the following Conditions — 
i/"That y^ S^ M"" White & some of the 

" principal Members of y^ Congregation 

" do receive them & keep them Safe 

" for y® benefit of y* Teacher & Society 


" of y^ Presbyterians on S"^ Island, & 
" will be responsible for y"" so as to 
" Return them in Case the public 
" Worship, according to the Presbyterian 
" method fails on y® Island. 
2/" It is also y® Donors Will & Desire 
" that y® minister for y® time being 
" & two of y® members of y*' Congregate 
" Shall be counted Trustees for this Gift. 
3/" If there be a number of People 
" that tarry at the Place of Worship 
" after Sermon, one Volumn shall be 
"kept there for their Use if it may 
"be with Safety. 
4/" The other volumes may be Lent 
" one at a time for three months 
" to any Members that desire to 
"borrow them — 
5/" The Minister or Trustees shall keep an 
" Account of y^ Loan, & Return of S"" Books. 
Now S*" the Books are yet in my hands (there being no 
Preacher upon the Island when I left it, and both the Trustees 
being dead, as well as D"" Colman) and there is a variety of Senti- 
ments about the disposition of them 

One is that the S'' Books ought to be Sent back to Nantucket 
tho there be neither Minister nor Trustee to receive them : 

Another is — that they should be deliver'd up to D"" Colman's 
Successor in that Trust if Such there be And Another is — that 
Inasmuch as I Supplied that Pulpit for more than Eighteen years 
after they were put into my hands, & during this term of years 
Liv'd chiefly upon my own means, I am Justified in accounting 
them my own : — But not being so clear as to what ought to be 
done in the matter I should be glad you would, at some conven- 
ient Season, lay the Case before your association, & favour me 
with their tho'ts upon it which will (probably) be a Guide to the 
Proceedings of — 

Hav' Sepf 13* Your's 

1755 Timo" White 

To the Rev'' 



In the office of the Registrar of Deeds are records of the 
following land transfers : 

1. Deed of John Gardner, and his wife Priscilla, to their 
son-in-law, Timothy White, and his wife Susanna, for a lot of land 
on the corner of what are now known as West Liberty Street and 
Cliff Road. At the date of the deed, August, 1730, Mr. White 
was building a house on this lot. The deed also conveyed a 
garden plot farther from the street, and a right of way to it 
through Mr. Gardner's land. (Book IV, page 134.) 

2. A deed of the above land, and dwellings on it, by Timothy 
White, Jr., through power of attorney from his father, to Edward 
Coffin, dated. (See Town Records — Deeds, Book 5, page 352.) 

The site of the Timothy White house is the vacant lot oppo- 
site the residence of the late Josiah Gardner, Esq., now occupied 
by Captain and Mrs. John Brooks. Mrs. Brooks is a daughter 
of Josiah Gardner, and a descendant of Capt. John Gardner, in 
direct line, and inherits and occupies a portion of the original 
Gardner landed estate. 



The Old North Vestry. (See frontispiece.) 

This picture shows the meeting house, built according to 
tradition in 17 ii, as it appeared on its third site in 1897. Its 
dimensions are 40 by 60 feet. The lean-tos are of later date. 
The building originally had two rows of windows like the one 
showing in the upper left-hand corner of the illustration. The 
sash of this window and those at the north end of the vestry, 
upper row, are of oak and hand made. This building was erected 
on the rising ground north of No-bottom Pond ; moved to Beacon 
Hill on Center Street, in 1765, upon the site of the present church 
building showing in the background of the picture ; moved again 
to present site in 1834. Its entrances, when used as a church on 
Beacon Hill, were on the east side, toward Center Street, and south 
end. From about 1790 to 1834 there was a tower on the south 
end, with entrance through it. This building is now used for the 
Sunday school and the social meetings of the church. 

The Floor Plan. (See illustration opposite page 24.) 

The floor plan of the First Congregational Meeting House 
as originally laid out in 171 1, with the names of the pew owners at 
about 1820. The audience room was fitted with high box pews, 
many of them square, or nearly so. The seats in many cases were 
on hinges. The pulpit was high, with sounding board over it ; 
and there were galleries on the two ends and the side opposite the 
pulpit, with a stairway in the northeast corner ; this was an open 
stairway. This plan was kindly drafted by William F. Codd, from 
a pencil sketch made by Mrs. Anna Chase Derrick and Mrs. Eliza 
Plaskett Mitchell. 


t A