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Full text of "Tonkawa, an Indian language of Texas"

UNIVERSITY OF PITTSRURGH 



wOF/ 






LIBRARY 



HANDBOOK 
OF AMERICAN INDIAN 

LANGUAGES 



EDITED 
BY 



FRANZ BOAS 



PART 3 



ILLUSTRATIVE SKETCHES 
BY 



HARRY HOIJER, MANUEL J. ANDRADE, GUNTER WAGNER, 
RUTH L. BUNZEL, AND GLADYS A. REICHARD 



COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 
1933—1938 

PRINTED IN OERMANT 






^ 



PRINTED IN GERMANY 
J. J. AUQUSTIN, QLOCKSTADT - HAMBURG • NEW YORK 



CONTENTS 

Tonkawa by Harry Hoijer 1 

Quileute by Manuel J. Andrade 149 

Yuchi by Giinter Wagner 293 

Si Zuni by Ruth L. Bunzel 385 

^ Coeur d'Alene by Gladys A. Reichard 515 



A 



TONKAWA 

AN INDIAN LANGUAGE OF TEXAS 

BY 

HARRY HOIJER 



INDEX. 

PAGE 

INTRODUCTION (1) IX 

CHAPTER I : PHONOLOGY (2—19) 1 

2. Introductory 1 

3. The Vowel 2 

4. The Consonant 3 

A. Theme Elements (5 — 13) 

5. Full and Reduced Forms: Vocalic Elision 4 

a. THE SIMPLE ELEMENT (6 8) 

6. The Simple Element 6 

7. The Simple Element in the Final Position 8 

8. Total Elision of Simple Elements 9 

b. THE COMPLEX ELEMENT (9 — 13) 

9. General Remarks 10 

10. Complex Elements: Types CVw, CVy 11 

11. Complex Elements with Long Vowels 12 

12. Complex Elements with Short Vowels 14 

13. Remarks on the Phonetic Structure of the Complex Element 15 

B. Atfixed Elements (14 — 18) 

14. Prefixed Elements 17 

15. Suffixed Elements: General Remarks 19 

16. Suffixes made up of a Single Element 19 

17. Suffixes having a Contracted Element 19 

18. Suffixes having more than one Element 20 

C. Syllabification and Accent (19) 

19. Syllabification and Accent 21 

CHAPTER II : MORPHOLOGY (20—96) 23 

20. Introductory 23 

Grammatical Processes (21 — 24) 

21. Affixation 24 

22. Compounding 26 

23. Word Order 26 

24. Reduplication 27 

A. The Verb (25—82) 

25. General Remarks 27 

a. the verb theme (26 — 39) 

26. Types of Verb Theme 28 

27. The Two and Three Element Theme 29 

28. The na- Theme 33 



VI HOIJEK TONKA WA 

PAGE 

29. The ne- Theme 35 

30. The ya- Theme 37 

31. The ha- Theme 39 

32. The he- Theme 42 

33. Themes Requiring Theme Prefixes 44 

34. Final Theme Elements, 1 47 

35. Final Theme Elements, 2 53 

36. Theme Compounding 55 

37. Theme Reduplication 61 

38. Auxiliary Themes and Particles 64 

39. Summary and Conclusion 66 

b. THEME AFFIXES (40 — 82) 

(1) The Pronominal Affixes (40—46) 

40. General Remarks 67 

41. The Objective Series 68 

42. Pronoun Object Forms used as the Subject 70 

43. The Reflexive Pronoun 71 

44. The Subjective Series 72 

45. Irregular Third Person Plural Forms 74 

46. The Reciprocal Pronoun 76 

(2) Theme Prefixes (47—51) 

47. General Remarks 77 

48. The Postposition dw- 77 

49. The Causative ya- 78 

50. The Causatives ^lec- and hec- 78 

51. The Adverbial xa-, x- 79 

(3) Thetne Suffixes (52— S2) 

52. General Remarks 80 

53. The Negative Suffix 82 

54. The Mode-less Paradigm 82 

(a) The Tense and Mode Suffixes (55 — 63) 

55. The Declarative Mode 83 

56. The Assertive Mode 86 

57. The Declarative-Assertive Mode 88 

58. The -giva Mode 89 

59. The Interrogative Mode 89 

60. The Intentive Mode 91 

61. The Imperative Mode 92 

62. The Potential Mode 93 

63. The Suffix -e'l 93 

(b) The Svhordinating Suffixes (64 — 71) 

64. General Remarks 94 

65. The Suffix -gaak 94 

66. The Suffix -'ok 95 

67. The Suffix -gica 96 

68. The Gerundial Suffix -'an 97 

69. The Suffix -Vila 97 

70. The Suffix -d 98 

11. The Suffix -da 98 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES VII 

(c) Participial Suffixes (72 — 74) PAGE 

72. General Remarks 99 

73. The -n Suffix 99 

74. The -k Suffix 100 

(d) The Noun Forming Suffix (75) 

75. The Noun Forming Suffix 101 

(e) The Modal Enclitics (76—82) 

76. General Remarks 103 

77. The Declarative -au, -a'we 103 

78. The Interrogative -ye and -ye'lgwa 104 

79. The Resultative -djo' 104 

80. The Hortatory -'e- 105 

81. The Quotative -no'o and -lakno'o 105 

82. The Subordinating Suffixes 106 

B. Themes FmsrcTiONnsro as Nouns, Adjectives, 
AJSTD Adverbs (83 — 88) 

83. General Remarks 106 

84. The Theme 107 

85. Compounded Themes Ill 

86. The Formal Suffixes of the Noun 113 

87. Themes Fimctioning as Modifiers 118 

88. Numerals and Numeral Adverbs 121 

C. The Pronoun (89—92) 

89. General Remarks 122 

90. The Personal and Possessive Pronouns 122 

91. Demonstrative Pronouns and Adverbs 124 

92. The Interrogative and Indefinite Pronouns 128 

D. Kinship Terminology (93 — 95) 

93. General Remarks 129 

94. Kinship Terminology 130 

95. The Linguistic Form of the Kinship Term 133 

E. Interjections and Curses (96) 

96. Interjections and Curses 134 

CHAPTER III : TEXT ANALYSIS 140 



INTRODUCTION. 

The Tonkawa appear to have been an important and warlike 
tribe living in central Texas during most of the 18th and 19th 
centuries. From the scanty accounts of their culture which have 
come down to us through mission and governmental reports, they 
were a nomadic people living on the buffalo. Their myths and 
stories, of which I have collected about thirty, give indications 
of their dependence upon buffalo and deer, and, insofar as this sort 
of evidence is rehable, indicate a Plains type of culture. A more 
complete account of their culture — or, rather, of what little is 
known of their ethnological relations — may be found in the Hand- 
book of the American Indian, B. A. E. Bulletin 30, part 2, under 
the heading "Tonkawa". 

The name "Tonkawa" is supposed by Gatschet to be derived 
from a Waco word tonkaweya meaning "they will stay together." 
I am unable to verify or disprove this etymology. The Tonkawa call 
themselves didjganwa-didj, which may be translated as "the 
people." 

Powell, in his linguistic classification, considered that the Tonkawa 
language formed an independent linguistic stock, i. e., was unrelated 
to any other American Indian language. Certain lesser tribes — the 
Yojuane, Mayeye. and Ervipianne — were certainly associated in 
culture and may have spoken languages related to Tonkawa. I have 
not had access to the material extant on these languages. Certain 
other small tribes, notably the Sana (sometimes written Zana and 
Chana), situated between the Tonkawa and the Coahuiltecan 
speaking groups, may also have spoken a language related to 
Tonkawa. Only fragmentary material on Sana is extant. Relation- 
ship between Tonkawa and the Coahuiltecan languages has been 
postulated: the difficulty of proving any such relationship lies in 
the scarcity of material on the Coahuiltecan languages, a difficulty 
that cannot, unfortunately, be remedied since these languages are 
now extinct. 

The language groups mentioned above are probably the closest 
to Tonkawa. There is also a possibility that it is very distantly 
related to languages of the so-called Hokan group. I have not had 
the opportunity of making an adequate investigation of this 
possibility. So far as this work is concerned, then, it will be necessary 
to consider Tonkawa as an independent language : as one for which 
no cognates have been proven. 



X HOIJER TONKAWA 

Tonkawa is now spoken by only six persons — all of them past 
middle age. There are approximately forty Tonkawa (including 
mixed bloods) who are living at present in the vicinity of Tonkawa, 
Oklahoma. The language is not being learned by any of the yoimger 
people and, with the death of the present speakers, will become 
extinct. 

The following account of the language is based upon about 
360 manuscript pages of text with accompanying grammatical 
forms. All of this material was obtained from one informant, John 
Rush Buffalo, who has the reputation among his people of being 
the best of their story tellers. Most of this information was gathered 
during the summer of 1928: additional material being obtained in 
the winter of 1928 and on two subsequent visits. The work was 
financed by the Committee on Linguistic Research in American 
Indian Languages, and I am grateful to the members of that 
Committee — Dr. Franz Boas, Dr. Edward Sapir, and Dr. Leonard 
Bloomfield — for their interest and cooperation. Dr. John R. Swan- 
ton of the Bureau of American Ethnology very Idndly sent me his 
copy of the Tonkawa material collected by A. S. Gatschet in 1884^. 
The kinship terminology included in this paper was collected by 
Dr. Alexander Lesser of Columbia University. I am particularly 
indebted to Dr. Sapir for his careful reading of the manuscript 
and the constructive criticisms he has unfaiUngly supphed. 



See Sixth Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, p. XXXIII. 



CHAPTER I. PHONOLOGY (2—19) 

2. Introductory. 

The Tonkawa word is composed of two major units or sets of 
units. The first of these is the theme or invariable portion of the 
word form. These rarely stand alone but are completed in meaning 
by several affixes which amplify the meaning of the theme and 
serve to relate it to other words in the sentence. There is never any 
difficulty in distinguishing theme and affix : the technique binding 
them together is prevailingly agglutinative. Thus, in the following 
forms : 

yatnx-o'c I paint his face 

ge-imax-o'' he paints my face 

yamx-a'ha'a I shall paint his face 

the theme is yamx- or -imax- and the affixes, -o'c first person 
singular present tense, declarative mode; ge- first person object 
pronoun; -o' third person singular present tense, declarative mode; 
and -a-ha'a first person singular, intentive mode. 

The theme in this particular case is disyllabic as are the vast 
majority of verb and noun themes of Tonkawa. It is evident, too, 
that it changes in form according to its position in the verb: e. g. 
contrast yamx- of the first example with -imax- of the second. This 
alternation in phonetic form illustrates the most far-reaching 
phonetic law in Tonkawa — that of vocalic ehsion by which every 
other element in the theme (this rule does not apply to affixes) is 
"reduced", i. e., either loses its vowel altogether or has its vowel 
shortened. It follows, then, that themes are built up, phonetically 
at least, of smaller units which we shall call "elements." These 
elements are, roughly speaking, of two types: simple elements, 
composed of consonant plus vowel, and complex elements, composed 
of consonant plus vowel plus consonant. Furthermore, these ele- 
ments vary in form according to their position in the word — the 
odd numbered elements having a "full" form and the even numbered 
elements being "reduced" in form. The details of this phonetic law 
must come later (cf . 5) ; the matter is mentioned here in order to 
illustrate the fact that the phonology of Tonkawa is best considered, 
not as directly affecting the individual phoneme, but as affecting 
combinations of such phonemes or elements. In other words, the 
basic word building unit (phonologically considered) is not the 
individual sound but the element. 

As mentioned above, this pecuUar alternation of elements is true 
only of the theme. Affixes do not vary their form no matter what 

1 



2 HOIJER TONKAWA 

position they hold in the word. Phonologically, then, there are 
three types of element: simple theme elements, complex theme 
elements and affixed elements — the first two sub -classes contrast- 
ing with the last in phonetic treatment. Affixes fall also into two 
divisions : those identical with a single element and those composed 
of two or more elements. Disyllabic affixes are not separable, 
however, and must be treated as units. 

Returning now to the word, we find it composed of several 
element groups rather loosely bound together. The elements of any 
one of these groups form a firmly knit unit — one that is rarely 
(in the case of themes) or never (for affixes) separable. It appears 
Ukely that themes represent the oldest of these structures; in fact, 
as we shall see later (cf. 13) they are "petrified " formations. It is 
not now possible to form new themes on the analogy of the old — 
words in the language that can definitely be said to be new are 
invariably compounds of older themes. Nor is it possible to vary 
the essential structure of the theme except in a few rare cases. 

We shall then, consider the phonetic laws of Tonkawa as they 
apply directly to the three types of word building elements and 
how, in this indirect way, they affect the individual phoneme. 

3. The Vowel. 

Tonkawa recognizes both short and long vowels as basic phone- 
mes. In some cases, it can be shown that long vowels result from 
certain contractions (cf. 9 — 13); in others, contractions cannot be 
demonstrated. In the same way, the diphthongs hsted below are 
basic — i. e., while in many cases diphthongs can be proven to 
result from contractions, other unanalyzable word forms also 
contain diphthongs. 

Vowels Diphthongs 

Short Long -i -u 



The vowels have the following values : 

o as in German 'mann'. a' as in English 'father', 

e as in English 'let'. e" as in German 'weh' 

i as in English 'hit'. r as in English 'bead', 

o as in German 'veil'. o" as in German 'Sohn'. 

The diphthongs are all falling diphthongs; i. e., the second vowel 
is subordinate to the first. In all cases, there is a shght length to the 
first vowel giving the diphthongs a fuU two morae length. 

The vowel e, preceding an element with a vowel a or o takes on the 
quality of the vowel following. Examples: 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGITAGBS 



ga-^adcaw-o'' I revive (ge-'adcaw-o'' ) 

ha-^ adnayew-o'' they love each other (he-'adnayetvo') 

no'oc-o'c I wipe his nose (ne'oc-o^c) 

ho^oxaw-o'c I steal it (he'oxaw-o'c) 

nonco-yaw-6'c I ferry it (ne^ico-yaw-o^c) 

The vowel o, coming directly before an element beginning with 
a vowel or Ji, becomes w. 

to fetch water 

bucket, container (-an noim forming suffix) 

to fill pipe; prepare for smoking 

pipe 

to cause to ripen 

cricket, he who causes pecans to ripen 

to shave oneself 

razor 



ya^o- 

yagw-an 

yadxo- 

yadxw-an 

necnaxo- 

nadj-dam^ axan-necnaxw-an 

hec'ago- 

hec'agw-an 



4. The Consonant. 

The consonantal scheme has the rather unique feature of glottaliz- 
ed nasals, spirants, sibilants and laterals. These glottalized con- 
sonants, as well as the glottalized stops, appear almost exclusively 
as initial consonants of complex elements (cf. 13). The question of 
their being basic consonants is, therefore, contingent upon the 
structure of the complex element. As will be shown later, the 
complex element is not always susceptible to closer analysis: for 
this reason and because of the rarer cases of the occurrence of 
glottalized consonants in unanalyzable forms, these consonants 
have been listed as on a par with the others. The bilabial stop b 
never appears in the glottalized form even when it is the initial of a 
complex element comparable to those requiring a glottahzed 
initial consonant. A unique feature is the glottalized (jiv', in which 
the glottal stop affects not the stop but its labiahzation. This 
feature is, however, congruent with the rest of the system: in all 
cases the glottal closure survives the oral closure and, when the 
nasals, spirants, sibilants, and laterals are glottalized, the glottal 
stop always follows. 

Nasals 





Stops 




V. L. 


Glott. 




Media 


Stops 


Labial 


6 


— 


Dental 


d 


V 


Sibilant 


— 


— 


Palatal 


— 


— 


Guttural 


g 


¥ 


Labial 






Gutturals 


gw 


gw' 


Faucal 


— 


' 



Voiced Glott. 



V. L. 



Spirants 
Voiced 



Glott. 



— — xw 

— — h 
Lateral : I ; glottalized lateral : l' 
Affricative: dj; glottalized affricative: fc 



4 HOIJER TONKAWA 

The voiceless media (b, d, g, gw) are pronounced in a manner 
about halfway between the corresponding English surds and 
sonants; somewhat as the b, d, and g of the central German 
dialects. They occur in aU positions — initially, medially, and 
finally. In the final position, g becomes the surd -k. 

co'bgo'c I swell up 

co'hak nadjgo'c I swell up and die 

yax'ago'c I shovel it 

yax^ak do'xo'c I shovel it all up 

The sibilant c is the sh of EngUsh 'ship' with a forward articula- 
tion: sh pronounced halfway between English s and sh. It occurs 
in all positions, z, xiv, vary in pronunciation between the guttural 
and palatal. Before or after back vowels (a, o,), they are guttural; 
before or after the front vowels (e, i,), they assume the palatal 
pronimciation of the ch of German 'ich'. 

dj varies with dz. It is approximated in pronunciation by the 
j of EngHsh 'judge'. In the final position it is entirely unvoiced, -tc. 



t'caxw yabetc 


thread 


yabdjo'c 


I sew it 


hen'ats 


spring 


ben'atc 


spring 



h, w, y, I, m, and n are jDronounced as in Enghsh. -h-, in the 
medial position is usually absorbed by the preceding element (cf. 8). 
The semi-vowels w and y, in the final position, become -u and -i, 
respectively. 

'e'cj/awo'c I work 

'e'eyau do'xo'c I finish working 

yaxoyo'c I hunt it 

yaxoi ciliwo^c I go about limiting 



A. THEME ELEMENTS (5 13) 

5. Full and Reduced Forms : Vocalic Elision. 

Before entering upon the explanation of vocalic elision — the 
most important single phonetic alternation affecting the theme — 
it will be necessary to define more accurately the various types of 
theme elements. We have already called attention to the fact that 
there are two main types — the simple and the complex. The 
simple element is composed of consonant plus vowel; the complex 
element, generally built up of consonant plus vowel plus consonant, 
has several types. In the following Ust of tj'pes of theme elements, 
C is to be read as any consonant and V as any vowel. The lower 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 5 

case letters refer to specific consonants and vowels and a period 
after a letter indicates length. 



Simple : 


CV 




Complex 


:CVw 
CV- 


CVy 




cvc 


CVC 




CV 


CV- 




cvc 


cv-c 



The first two types of complex element (CVw and CVy) may, under 
certain conditions, appear in the form Co- (cf. 10). They are found 
only in the final theme position; i.e., directly before the first suffix 
position. The others, for the most part, occur only in positions 
other than the final though there are a few cases of a type CVC 
element in the last position. In the examples that follow, the 
complex elements are set in black faced type. 



nahaica- 


(naho--) 


to ask about . . . 


"e'eyaica- 


■ Ce''eyo--) 


to work, to do . . . 


"oigawa- 


Coigo--) 


to put ... in an enclosed space 


xaVoya- 


(xal'o'-) 


to cut . . . 


danxoya- 


■ (danxo'-) 


to take from . . . 


wa-na- 




to fall, pitch forward 


xa-la- 




to be cold, chilled 


tna-ga- 




to cry, weep 


ha'na- 




one person goes off 


calge- 




to pull (sinew) from (meat) 


xeidje 




to rub tr. 


m'aye- 




to set fire to . . . 


&ago- 




to scrape . . . 


&e'da- 




to cut, knife . . . 


xtc'e-la- 




to miss (e. g. a mark in shooting) 


k'am'e- 




to bend aroiuid (e. g. bend soft metal 
into a bracelet) 


c'e I'e- 




to scratch (e. g. a match) 



The criterion for the distinction between simple and complex 
elements is the law of vocalic elision. According to this rule, simple 
elements vary in form according to their position in the word. Those 
elements in odd numbered positions (i. e., first, third, fifth, etc.) 
have the full form (CV ), and those in even numbered positions are 
reduced (C-). Complex elements of types CV-, CVC, CV, and 
C'V'C, in the even numbered position, reduce the length of their 
vowels, becoming CV, CVC, CV, CVC, respectively. The complex 
elements CVw and CVy have the same form in both positions even 
when they have contracted to Co-. The remaining types (CVC, 
CV, and CVC) have the same form in both positions. In the 
following paragraphs the law wiU be considered in its apphcation to 
each type of element and examples of its workings will be given. 



6 HOIJER TONKAWA 

A. THE SIBIPLE ELEMENT (6 8) 

6. The Simple Element. 
The simple element has been defined as consonant plus short 
vowel. It has three forms depending upon its position in the word. 
In the full form, it appears as CV, in the reduced form as C-, and 
when in the final position it takes the form C. It will be noted that, 
in the reduced form, the consonant is lengthened compensatively 
for the loss of the vowel. If the consonant happens to be »«, w. or I. 
this lengthening gives it a syllabic quaUty. The final form of this 
element will be discussed in detail in the following paragraph — 
certain other changes occur which do not directly concern us here. 

ya-d--c(a)-o'c I stab him 

ya-, being in the first position, has the full form; -d--, in the 
second position, has been reduced from da; -c(a)-, in the third 
position, should have the full form but, being followed by the 
theme affix -o- merges with it to form -co- and the full form is 
not evident. The word as it actually appears is, then, yad'co'c 
'I stab him'. 

ya-i -da-c -o'c I stab him repeatedly 

Here, ya- is reduplicated and the repeated portion, in the 
second position, is reduced: -da-, in the third position has the 
full form; -c-, in the fourth position, is reduced from ca but 
again merges with the following -o- affix to form -co-, obscuring 
its actual form. The word: yaidaco'c. It is necessary to note 
here that other theme suffixes besides -o- have certain effects 
upon the final element of the theme obscuring its real form. 
These will be discussed in sections 15 to 18. 

ge-i -da-c -o' he stabs me 

Here the theme affix ge- has been added, causing the first 
element of the theme (but the second with reference to the 
word) to have the reduced form (from ya) and the others to 
take forms suitable to their positions in the word. 

ge-ya-i -da-c -o' he stabs me repeatedly 

Here, ge- is added as in the previous example but, since a 
reduphcated element has the same form in both even and odd 
positions, there is no change. Other examples : 

ya-m -x(a)-o^c I paint his face 

ge-i -ma-x -o' he paints my face 

ne-d -1(e) -o'c I lick him (with tongue) 

ge-7i -da-l -o' he licks me 

ya-l -h(a)-o^c I stick it (in the gromid) 

we-i -la-b -o'c I stick them (in the ground) 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



When reduplicated, simple elements have either the form GVC 
or CVCV. The former is the one we should expect to find. It is 
possible that those elements reduplicating according to the latter 
pattern (CVCV) are older complex elements of the type CV' 
(which, in the reduplicated form, becomes CVCV; cf. 11) which 
have lost all characteristics of that class except the reduplicated 
form. Another explanation would ascribe such forms to analogy 
with complex elements of the type CV-. No proof can be adduced 
for either theory. 

'ego'c I give it to him 

'e'ego'c rep. 

gwedo'c I carry him in my arms 

gwegwedawo'c rep. 

djexo'c I turn him loose ; loosen him 

djedjexo'c rep. 

gomo'c I have it in my mouth; suck it 

gogomo'c rep. 

For this verb there is some doubt as to the status of the element go-. 
Note the following : 



wo-g-m(o)-o^c 
wo-go-m -o'c 



I have them in my mouth 
I have them in my mouth 



In the first example the element -go- is elided as it should be if it is a 
simple element. But the second example can also be used. This fact, 
taken in connection with the reduplicated form of the element, lends 
a certain weight to the theory that -go- is a complex element of the 
type CV' which has lost the vocalic length of the full form and is 
treated in some cases as a simple element. Doublets of this type are 
very rare. 



dobo'c 


I cut it 


dodobo'c 


rep. 


7iauWc 


I spread it out (e. g. a blanket) 


nawewelo'c 


rep. 


yagbo'c 


I hit him 


yagagbo'c 


rep. 


yabxo'c 


I slap him 


yababxo'c 


rep. 


yagwo'c 


I kick him 


yaigmoo'c 


rep. 


yabdjo'c 


I sew it 


yaibedjo'c 


rep. 


djoxno'c 


I sleep 


djodjxa-yewo' 


several sleep together 



It appears, from this list of examples, that, with some excep- 
tions, reduplications of the form CVCV occur most often when the 
element is the first of the theme and that the other type of redu- 
plication is confined to second position elements. This fact is born 
out by the mass of my material: only one element, the ya- as 
illustrated in yagwa- to kick, consistently taking the reduplicated 



» HOIJER T0N1KAWA 

form CVC in the first position. A contradiction, however, to the 
notion that the t3rpe of reduphcation may be dependent upon the 
position of the element is that the redupUcated form of either type 
is consistent no matter how the position of the element may change. 
Thus, in the following examples : 

dodobo'c I cut it (rep) 

gedodobo'' he cuts me (rep) 

yababxo^c I slap him (rep) 

geibabxo' he slaps me (rep) 

nawewelo'c I spread it (rep) 

wenwewelo^c I spread them (rep) 

the reduphcated element has the same form in both even and odd 
numbered positions. 



7. The Simple Element in Final Position. 

Simple elements in final position always have the reduced form 
regardless of whether the position is even or odd in number. The 
final form of the element differs from the reduced form in that the 
consonant is not lengthened. By 'final position' is meant either 
absolute or relative final: in most cases, theme elements can only 
be relatively final since it is necessary to complete a form by means 
of formal suffixes. 

no-w-o^c I lose (gambling) 

nou do'xo'c I lose all 

he-i -la-b -o'c I stand 

he-i -la-b hadjxo^c I stand up, arise 

In the above examples, the final elements happen also to be in even 
numbered positions. If, however, the final element is in odd position, 
the penult is even and should have the reduced form. But, because 
of the rule acquiring the final element to be reduced no matter 
what its position is with reference to the word, the penult re-inserts 
its vowel — takes the full form. Thus: 

no-d -x(a)-o'c I hoe it 

no-do-x hoe 

Here, -do- is in the second position but -xa, which has the third 
position, is reduced because final, causing -do- to re-insert its vowel 
and take the full form. Other examples: 

ya-b -dj(e)-o^c I sew it 

t'caxw ya-be-tc thread 

no-d -c(a)-o' several persons stand 

hw'ago'n no-do-c a group of men standing 

na-xw -dj -o'c I rattle it 

na-xwe-tc rattle 

bi-l -w -o'c I round it, shape it 

bi-la-u didj biscuit (didj like, as) 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 

xa-dj -ya-w -o'c I have gonorrhea 

xa-djo-i gonorrhea 

'a-c -ya-w -o c I am pregnant 

'a-co-i pregnant 



8. Total Elision of Simple Elements. 

Three kinds of simple elements, those with initial consonant h-, 
y-, or '-, are eHded completely under certain circumstances. Since 
the factors governing such ehsion vary for the three element types 
concerned, they must be considered separately. 

h- as Initial Consonant. 
Simple elements with h- as the initial consonant — unless in the 
first position of the word or followed by certain theme affixes — are 
absorbed to the vowel of the preceding element. Thus: 

'e'-da'-we'c I come here 

'e'-dah(a)-a'dono'c I will come here 

nec-^e'-dah(a)- a'we' he makes you come here 

In the first example, -daha- has contracted to -da--; in the second 
and third examples, the addition of the theme suffixes for the 
future tense and second person pronoun object respectively has 
caused a long vowel to follow -ha- whereupon it cannot contract 
with the preceding element -da-. Note, in the last two examples, 
that -ha-, being in the fourth position, should have the reduced 
form but that the theme suffixes following obscure the issue. Other 
examples follow: 

ha-i -X -o'c I ride it 

ga'-yo-x -o' he rides me 

Notice here that the initial ha- of the theme contracts with the theme 
affix ge- me, and that the resulting contracting element has a long 
vowel, compensating for the loss of the element. 

ha-h -I -o' they attack him 

ga'-bi-l -o' they attack me 

ha-i -w -o'c I buy it, him 

ga'-ya-w -o' he buys me 

he-h -dj -o' several fall 

xe'-ba-dj -o' several fall from a distance 

he-u -I -o'c I catch him 

ge'-we-l -o' he catches me 

we'-we-l -o'c I catch them 

y- as Initial Consonant. 
Simple elements with initial consonant y- usually follow the 
regular rule — appearing as CF in the fuU form and C in the reduced 



10 HOIJER TONKAWA 

form. There are, however, a few examples of such an element being 
completely ehded. 

ya-m -g -o'c I call him 

ge'-ma-g -o' or ge-i -ma-g -o' he calls me 

we--rna-g -o^c or we-i -ma-g -o'c I call them 

hengwa'-n -o'c I run away 

hengwai-xa-x -o'c I arrive running 

ga-'a-x-'e'-no' I am thirsty (coiU.j 

ga-'a-x-'ey-o' I am thirsty 

Examples of this type of eUsion are not common : the above list is 
practically exhaustive. 

'- as Initial Consonant. 
There are only two examples of elements of this type in the even 
numbered position. In these two cases, the element is completely 
elided and the vowel of the preceding element is lengthened com- 
pensatively. 



'e-g -o'c 


I give it to him 


ge--g-o' 


he gives it to me 


we--g -o'c 


I give it to them 



In the above examples, the glottal stop of the reduced element 
probably merges with, or drops out before, the following stop 
consonant. 

he-i -'a-djew-o'c I watch it 

ya'-dj -o'c I see it 

There is reason to beUeve that the two themes go back to the same 
source, ya-dje- (* ya-'a-dje-) being the simple form, having elided 
the second element completely. In the second example, the prefix 
he- (and the suffix -wa) have been added, reducing the first element 
of the theme and allowing the second to appear. Curiously enough, 
however, the element ya-- of ya-dje- is no longer felt as ya'a- but 
follows the ehsion pattern of a type CV- element (cf. 11). Thus: 

ya'-dj -o'c I see him 

ge-ya -dj -o' he sees me 



B. COMPLEX ELEMENTS (9 13) 

9. General Remarks. 
We have ah-eady Usted the types of complex elements and given 
examples of them (cf. 5). They may be regrouped as follows: 

CVw (Co-) CV- C'V 

CVy (Co-) C'V- CVC 

CV-C CVC 

C'V-C 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 11 

In the first column will be found those elements having two forms, 
the uncontraeted, CVtv, CVy, and the contracted, Co- in both 
cases. Neither form is affected by the position of the element in the 
word. The elements in the second column are those having a long 
vowel in the full form (i. e., when the element is in the odd num- 
bered position) and a short vowel in the reduced form. The elements 
of the third column do not vary in form at all. 



10. Complex Elements: Types: CVw, CVy. 
These elements appear in the contracted form (Co*), unless: 

a. followed by an element beginning with a vowel or the 
consonant h. 

b. in final position. 

c. reduplicated. 

The form of the element may, then, be summarized in the following 
table : 

Condition a. CVw CVy 

Condition b. CVu CVi 

Condition c. CVCVw CVCVy 

All others Co- Co- 

Examples : 
''e'eyaw -o'c I work 

''e'eyo'-no'c I am working 

^e^eyaw -ardono'c I will work 

^e'eyaw -a'ha'a I shall work 

'e'eyau do'x -o^c I finish working 

yagevi-o'c or yagc'-o'c I transform it 

yagew^a-no'c or yago'^-ono'c I am transforming it 
yagegew'-ano^c re-p. 

In this verb, the alternation between the form CVu^ and Co' is clearlj- 
shown since both are possible. Note, however, that the reduplicated 
form has no variant. 



baw-o'c I touch him 

ge-ndjebaw-o'' he touches me 

ge-ndjebo' -no'' he is touching me 

nedjbo' -no^c I am touching him 

Notice, in the preceding example, that the variation in the position 
of the contracted element -bo'- does not have any effect upon its form. 

xaVoy -o'c I cut him 

xaVo' -no'c I am cutting him 

gexaVo' -no' he is cutting me 

xaVoy -a'we'c I cut you 

xaVoy -a'ha'a I shall cut him 



12 



HOIJEB TONKAWA 



danxoy -o'c 
danxo'-no'c 
danxo'-kla 
danxoy -a'we^c 
danxoy -a-kla 

da'^e' -no c 
da''ey -e-no'c 
da-'e--k 

ga'a'x'ey -o' 
ga'a'x'e' -no'' 
'a'x'ey -e'we' 



I take it from him 
I am taking it from him 
having taken it from him 
I take it from you 
having taken it from you 

I am married 
I marry you 
wife, husband 

I am thirsty 

cont. 

you are thirsty 



11. Complex Elements with Long Vowels. 

These, as has been said, have two forms: the fiill form appearing 
in the odd numbered positions in the word and the reduced form 
(i. e., the element is reduced when its vowel is shortened) in the 
even numbered positions. 



Full 


Reduced 


Reduplicated 


cv- 


CV 


CVCV 


C'V- 


C'V 


C'VC'V 


cv-c 


CVC 


C^CVC 


C'VC 


C'VC 


C'VC'VC 



Final forms cannot be given for these elements because they do 
not appear except in the first position of the theme. It will be noted 
too, that the vowels are shortened in the redupMcated forms. 
Examples follow: 

CV- 



ha'dj -o'c 
we-badj -o'c 


I pile it, stack them 
I pile them 


na-d -o'c 
ge-nad -o' 
nanad -o'c 


I step on it 
he steps on me 
rep. 


ba-b -o'c 
we-bab -o'c 


I set it down 
I set them down 


xa'm -o'c 
ge-xam -o' 


I defeat him 
he defeats me 


ya'dj -o'c 
ge-yadj -o' 
he-yayadje-wo' 


I see him 
he sees me 
several look at it 


ga-n -o'c 
xa-gan -o'c 


I throw it away 

I throw it to a distance 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



13 



ya'lo'n -o'c 
ge-yalo'n -o' 

wa'n -o'c 
ge-wan -o' 
ge-wawan -o' 

ma-g -o'c 
mamaga-no^c 



I kill him 
he kills me 

I fall, pitch forward 

I stumble and fall (invol.) 

rep. 

I cry, weep 
rep. 



G'V- 



c'e'd -o^c 
ge-c'ed -o' 


I cut him 

he cuts me 


c'ec'ed -o'c 


rep. 


xw'e-l'-o'c 


I miss (e. g. mark in shooting) 


ge-xw'el'-o' 


he misses me 


x'e'b -o'c 
ge-x'eb -o' 
x'ex'eb -o'c 


I pull it out 
he pulls me out 
rep. 


y'a-dj -o' 
ge-i'adj -o' 
he-y'ay'adj -o' 


he vomits 
I vomit 
rep. 


t'co'm -o' 
ge-t'com -o' 
t' cot' coma-no' 


he closes his eyes 

I close my eyes 

several are closing their eyes 




GV-C 


ga'lw -o'c 


I gamble 


djo'l'-o'c 

ge-djol'-o' 

djodjol'-o' 


I defecate 

I defecate (invol.) 

several defecate 


co'bg -o' 
ge-cobg -o' 
cocobg -o'c 


he swells up 
I swell up 
rep. 


ge'cxay -o' 


it is evening 



m'e'dn -o' 


ge- 


m'edn -o' 


c'e' 


T-o'c 


we- 


■c'el'-o'c 


t'ca-bx -o'c 


we- 


■t'cabx -o'c 



C'V-C 

lightning strikes him 
lightning strikes me 

I scratch it (e. g. a match) 

I scratch them (several matches 

I put up a bed 

I put up several beds 



14 HOIJER TONKAWA 

ni'e'ln -o' it shines, burns, glows 

ge-m'eln -o' I shine, glow 

m'e'idj -o' he urinates 

ge-m'eidj -o' I urinate 

he-ni'ein'eidj -o'c rep. 

c'e'djx -o' he is satisfied, has has enough 

ge-c'edjx -o' I am satisfied 



12. Complex Elements with Short Vowels. 

Complex elements of this type — i. e., C'V, CVC, C'VC — do 
not alter in form according to their position in the word. They 
appear generally in the first theme position. 



Full or Reduced 


Reduplicated 


C'V 


C'VC'V 


CVC 


cvcvc 


C'VC 


C'VC'VC 



Examples of themes containing such elements follow: 

C'V 

m^ay -o'c 1 set fire to it 

ge-may -o' he sets fire to me 

c'ag -o'c I scrape it 

we-c'ag -o'c I scrape them 

y'odj -o'c I pinch him 

ge-i'odj -a' he pinches me 

y'oy'odjo-no'c I am pinching him (rep) 

x'el'-o'c I sharpen it 

we-x'el'-o' I sharpen them 

x'el'e-no'c I am sharpening it (rep) 

x'en -o'c I sweep it 

we-x'en -o'c I sweep them 

x'ex'en -o'c rep. 

x'ac'ag -o'c I scratch him 

he-x'ac'ag -o'c I scratch myself 



CVC 



calg-o'c 


I pull (e. g., sinew from meat) 


we-calg -o'c 


I pull them out 


cacalge-no'c 


rep. cant. 


xeidj -o'c 


I rub him 


ge-xeidj -o' 


he rubs me 


xexeidj -o'c 


rep. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAaST INDIAN LANGUAGES 



15 



doi'-o'c 
ge-doi'-o' 


I moisten, wet it 
he wets me 


'oigaw -o'c 
wo-'oigaw -o'c 


I put it in an enclosed s 
I put them in an enclose 


'encaw -o'c 
ge-'encaw -o' 


I am jealous of him 
he is jealous of me 


doVaw -o'c 
we-doVaw -o'c 
dodol'aw -o'c 


I knead it 
I knead them 
rep. 


xadljew-o' 
ge-xadjlew -o' 
ge-xaxadjlew -o' 


he is angry 
I am angry 
I am very angry 


ge-xacdew -a' 
xacdew -o' 


I am alone 
he is alone 


ga-'andjew -o' 
'and jew -o' 


I awake 
he awakes 




C'VC 


k'ani -o'c 
we-k'am -o'c 
h'ak'am -o'c 


I bend it in a circle 
I bend them in a circle 

rep. 


x'ax'ai -o'c 
ge-x'ax'ai -o' 


I laugh 

I laugh (invol.) 


ge-c'edxwan -o' 
c'edxwan -o' 


I choke 

he chokes 


c'egwdjaw -o' 
ge-c'egwdjaw -o' 


he is wrinkled 
I am wrinkled 



13. Remarks on the Phonetic Structure of the Complex Element. 

It will be seen from the preceding paragraphs that the complex 
element is, formally, comparable to the simple element. In other 
words, it responds to the law of alternating forms as a unit rather 
than as a combination of separate simple elements. There is reason 
to believe, however, that these units are older combinations — 
perhaps of elements comparable to the extant simple elements. 
One of these reasons is found in the structure of one type of complex 
element — i. e., CVw, which may also appear in the form Co- The 
following examples wiU make this clear. 



naday -o'c 

he-n dadayaw -o' 

hs-n dadayo- -no' 



I choose it 
several choose it 
several are choosing it 



In this example, an element -w has clearly been added to the simple 
element -ya-, forming the complex element -yaw-, -yo'-. 



HOIJER TONKAWA 

doxwn -o'c I smell, sniff it 

doxwnaw -o'c I smell it (i. e., there is a smell about) 

Here, too, a simple element -wo- has been transformed into a complex 
element naw-, -no'-. 



com'ax -o'c 


I skin it 


he-ncocom' axaw -o' 


several skin it 


he-ncoconi'axo--no'' 


cont. 


gwed -o'c 


I carry him (in arms) 


gwegwedaw -o'c 


rep. 


gwegwedo' -no'c 


rep. cont. 


nadj -o'c 


I bite him 


nanadjew -o'c 


rep. 


nanadjo' -no'c 


rep. cont. 


nod -o'c 


I touch it, press it 


nonodaw -o'c 


rep. 


no7iodo- -no'c 


rep. cont. 



These examples, and there are many others, show clearly, I think, 
that at least one of the complex elements may be regarded as a 
combination of simple element and suffix — or, as a combination 
of two simple elements. The combination once made, however, is 
treated as a imit: i. e., CV + CV = Co- is not comparable to the 
ordinary combination of two simple elements. 

This, of course, appUes directly to only one type of the complex 
element. No such demonstration is possible with the others. But it 
is possible that other complex elements were, at one time, formed 
in some such manner. As evidence that processes of this sort have 
not entirely ceased functioning in the language, we may cite those 
combinations of simple elements mentioned in section 8 where, it 
will be remembered, the complete ehsion of an element was accom- 
anied by the compensatory lengthening of the vowel of the element 
ppreceding. Assuming, then, that such processes as are now extant 
in the language may have contributed to the formation of complex 
elements, we can divide the latter into two groups — those composed 
of two parts and those built up of three component parts. 

f These formed by the complete ehsion of the se- 
^,Tr ^.,-cT ^-cT \ cond unit — the process similar to that illus- 

C V- < C V -f CV X 4. J • 4.- o 

<. trated in section 8. 

CV-C < CV + CV + CV / ^^''' *°™f "^ ^J *^ '^''°^ °* JJ^ 
^.-TT ^ ^,x-r ^XT ^XT ■> second umt and the vowel oi the 
CV-C<CV-f CV + CV| thkdunit. 

CVw and CVy are, of course, special cases of the type CV- and 
serve to give weight to our speculations concerning their structure. 
Elements of the type C V, C VC, and C" VC may either be examples 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 17 

of elements further reduced from types C'V', CV'C, and G'V-C, 
respectively, or may be considered as in the same category as type 
CVw. 

:f-,This theory cannot, however, be proved. It must be regarded 
simply as a speculation based upon certain phonological processes 
which may have had, at one time, a wider function. The theory, 
carried to its logical conclusion, would indicate that, at one time, 
the basic phonemic elements of Tonkawa were of two general types: 
the simple element, and certain suffixes functioning to amphfy the 
meaning of the simple element. These then combined to form theme 
elements of two sorts, simple and complex. With the passage of 
time, these phonologic processes became inoperative: themes were 
no longer formed in this manner and came to be felt as indivisible 
units. 



B. AFFIXED ELEMENTS (14 18) 

14. Prefixed Elements. 
These are generaUy of four types: CV. CVG, CV-, CVC. The first 
is the most common and, when added directly to a theme, causes 
its elements to reverse their forms (i. e., those which had the full 
form are reduced and those reduced become fuU). Examples: 

yamx -o'c I paint his face 

ge-i max -o' he paints my face 

we-i max-o^c I paint their faces 

ga'n -o^c I throw it away 

xa-gan -o'c I throw it to a distance 

caxw -o'c I am frightened 

ya-cxaw -o'c I scare him; cause him to be 

frightened 

As a general rule, when prefixes of this type are preceded by other 
single element prefixes, they do not ehde their vowels. Thus: 

xa-gan -o'c I throw it to a distance 

we-xa-gan-o'c I throw them to a distance 

ya-cxaw -o'c I scare him 

ge-ya-cxaw -o' he scares me 

we-ya-cxaw-o' c I scare them 

However, the pronoun object for the first person plural, which 
is a combination of ge- me, and ive- plural object, results in the form 
geu-, the vowel of the second element being eUded. Whether or not 
ge- would behave similarly cannot be determined since it is never 
preceded by a single element prefix. 

Prefixes of type CVC do not cause theme elements to reverse 
their forms. 



18 HOIJER TONKAWA 

yamx -o'c I paint his face 

nec-yamx -o'c I cause him to paint his face 

ge-nec-yainx -o' he causes me to paint my face 

we-nec-yanix -o'c I cause them to paint their faces 

It will be noticed, from the last two examples, that the prefix 
nee- does not change form when preceded by a single element 
prefix. Another prefix of the type CVC, dac-, does, however, alter 
its form. 

dac-edjn -o'c I He down with him 

ge-dc-edjn -o'ga you lie down with me 

we-dc-edjn -o'c I he down with them 

Before themes of certain sorts, this prefix appears as daca- 

daca-dan -o'c I go off with him 

ge-dca-dano' he goes off with me 

daca-yadjox'o-no'c I live with him 

ge-dca-yadjox' o-no' he lives with me 

daca-co' yan -o'c I swim off with him 

we-dca-co' yan -o'c I swim off with them 

Finally, in other circumstances, the prefix takes the form da--. 

da'-he'cogyaw -o'c I fight with him 

ge-d -e'cogyaiv -o' he fights with me 

da'-hegda'w -o'c I play with him 

ge-d -egda'w -o' he plays with me 

da'-he'banew -o'c I discuss it with him 

ge-d -e'banew -o' he discusses it with me 

da'-gon -o'c I search for him 

ge-d -goii -o' he searches for me 

This variation in form is not regular: i. e., there seem to be no 
definite rules governing it. It may be that daca- is the regular form, 
and dac- and da-- are variants produced by phonetic decay. In 
many cases, any of the three may be used. 

The fourth type of prefix, -CV-C-, is illustrated by the followmg: 

hec-'eg -o'c I ask for it ('eg- to give) 

we'c-'eg -o'c I ask for them 

hec-gwadj -o' he likes it 

ge-c-gwadj -o' I like it 

we-c-gwadj -o' they like it 

In these examples, it appears that the pronoun objects, ge- and we- 
have combined with the prefix hec- resulting in ge-c- and we-c-, 
respectively. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 19 



15. Suffixed Elements: General Remarks. 

There are many more theme suffixes than prefixes and their 
phonology is a little more complex. There are three classes of theme 
suffixes: those made up of a single element; those containing an 
element which is contracted to -o- under certain conditions; and 
those built up of more than one element. It will be impossible and 
unnecessary to consider in detail every theme suffix. Type suffixes 
will be discussed in the phonology and the detailed treatment for 
individual suffixes will be given when their moi'phology is discussed . 



16. Suffixes made up of a Single Element. 

These are simple in form and easily disposed of. When in the final 
position they elide their vowels unless preceded by an element 
containing a long vowel. Thus: 

ya'd/j -o-'-c I see him 

ya'dj -o'-ga you see him 

Here, in the first example, the suffix -ce, being in the final position, 
has elided its vowel. The suffix -ga, though also in the final position, 
retains its vowel because of the preceding long vowel. Other cases 
in which the final element retains its vowels are: 



hoxolo'go 


shell 


dan ca'le 


chicken hawk 


ga'la 


mouth 


co'na 


duck 



17. Suffixes with a Contracted Element. 

The declarative -we- suffix; the -we- of the plural subject suffix 
-wee"-; and the -we- of the future tense suffix -a-dewa- become -o- 
except under the following conditions : 

a) When preceded by a long vowel ; 

b) When the vowel of -we- is lengthened by a following element. 

These suffixes appear, then, in the following forms: 

■we- -wee'- -a'dewa- 

Under (a) -we- -wee"- — 

Under (b) -wa'- — -a'dewa'- 

Contracted -o- -ox'- -a'do- 

Examples : 

ya'dje'we'c I see you 

ya'djo'c I see him 

2* 



20 HOIJER TONKAWA 

ya'dje'wec'o'c we see you 

ya'djo'c'o'c we see him 

ya'dja'dewa^no'c I will see you 

ya'dja'dono'c I will see him 

These examples illustrate each of the three suffixes in the contracted 
and uncontracted forms. 



18. Suffixes Containing more than One Element. 

These suffixes are peeuhar in that they all have a definite effect 
upon the preceding element. If the jireceding element happens to 
be a theme element, the addition of the suffix usually obscures its 
form. There are three types of suffixes. 

The first of these types includes only one suffix — that denotmg 
the second person object pronoun. It is unique in that it is always 
ehded and is expressed by simply lengthening the vowel of the 
preceding element. When the preceding element is of the theme, it 
is lengthened whether in the even or odd numbered position. Thus: 

ya'dje'we'c I see you 

Here -dje'- is in the third position and should have the full form — 
its length is due to the addition of the unknown element for the 
second person pronovm object. 

yagwa-we'c I kick you 

In this example, -gwa'- is in the second position and should have the 
reduced form. That it is long indicates that the second person pronoun 
object causes the vowel of the preceding element both to remain and 
be lengthened. That the vowel belongs to the preceding element and 
not to the pronoun object can be seen by the fact that the long vowel 
is -a'- in this example and -e'- in the preceding one. Other examples: 

'adnawa-we'c I like you 

'adnawa'no'c I am liking you 

nadje'we'c I bite you 

^ei-camxe'we^c I break your head 

'ei-wecmaxe'we'c I break your (plural) heads 

A second class of suffixes — including those for the dual and plural 
subject — simply cause the vowel of the preceding element to 
remain. When the preceding element is of the theme — its form is 
thereby obscured. 

necsroftanec'o'c we two shut it 

-ba- is in the fourth position and should have the reduced form were 
it not for the dual subject suffix -nee'- foUowmg. 

henganienec'o'c we two clench our fists 

-me- is also in the fourth position but full because of the following 
suffix. Note, too, that the vowel is -a- in the preceding example and 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 21 

-e- in this one, indicating that it belongs to the preceding theme 
element rather than to the suffix -nee'-. 

ma'ganec'o'c we two weep 

-ga-, in the tliird position, is full botli for that reason and by reason 
of the -nee'- following. 

As was seen in section 17, the plural subject suffix -wee'-, unless 
preceded by a long vowel, always contracted to -ox'-. The long 
-o'- of this contraction is due to the fact that -wee'- also causes the 
retention of the vowel of the preceding element. 

The third class of suffix is always preceded by a long -a-- vowel. 
Added directly to the theme, this -a-- obscures the form of the final 
theme element. A good example of this class is the future tense 
suffix -a-dewa- which appears, except under the condition noted in 
section 17, as -a-do-. 

ya'dja'dono'c I will see him 

nebaxga'dono'c I will smoke 

yala'dono'c I will hit it 

In aU cases, the vowels is a long -«•- so that it can be assumed to 
be part of the suffix rather than the vowel of the preceding element. 
Note how it interferes with the form of the final theme element in 
the above examples. 

Within these three classes fall most of the theme suffixes of this 
tjrpe. There are special cases which wiU be explained when the 
morphology of these elements is discussed. 



C. SYLLABIFICATION AND ACCENT (19) 

19. Syllabification and Accent. 
Each syllable of aTonkawa word must begin with a consonant 
and, if possible, be composed of consonant plus vowel plus con- 
sonant. Where there is a series of sounds of the type CVCVC, the 
first syllable will be CV, the second, CVC. Examples of syllabifica- 
tion: 

ne-bax-gan tobacco 

ne-bax-go'-c I smoke 

yad-co'-c I stab him 

gei-da-co' he stabs me 

If the vowel of a syllable be long, it need not be completed by a 
consonant. 

ya'-djo'-c I see him 

ge-ya-djo' he sees me 

ya'-be-djo'-c I make clothes 



22 HOIJER TONKAWA 

If, however, an element containing a long vowel be followed by a 
consonant plus consonant, the first consonant must be included in 
the first syllable. Thus: 

ga'l-wo'-c I gamble 

ba'b-no'-c I set the table 

Glottalized consonants are treated as are any others in the syllabifi- 
cation of a word. 

ha-trCam- o'-c I burn 

c'e'-Vo'-c I scratch it 

In all of the preceding examples, it will be noted that a final 
consonant may comprise a syllable. 

Accent in Tonkawa is evenly distributed — each syllable receives 
substantially the same accentuation. Occasionally, however, a 
slightly heavier accent may be noted for the penult. Neither sylla- 
bification nor accent seem to have any effect upon the phonology of 
the word nor are any morphological distinctions entirely dependent 
upon them. 



CHAPTER II: MORPHOLOGY (20—96) 

20. Introductory. 

The distinctive treatment accorded theme and theme affix is no 
less important to the study of Tonkawa structure than it is for the 
phonology. The theme, defined as the invariable portion of a word 
form, carries the concrete significance of the word — the affixes 
serve either to amplify (or restrict) this meaning or to relate the 
word to the rest of the sentence. 

The theme can, then, be studied quite apart from the affix. The 
rules governing its structure and the elements composing it, if they 
could be isolated, would give information as to the "prehistory" 
of Tonkawa. That is, variation in theme form is not relevant to the 
grammar of the language. But, the theme, as it exists today, is a 
petrified formation and it is not easy to determine whether or not 
it is analyzable into smaller morphologic units. We shall see later 
that some themes yield to analysis and, on this evidence, it is 
possible to speculate upon its former structure. 

Grammatical variations in Tonkawa words are accomphshed 
chiefly by affixation. The predominant grammatical process is 
suffixation: the definite article, case, number, tense, mode, sub- 
ordination, and aspect are all expressed by suffixes. Prefixes are 
used much more sparingly — there are no more than six altogether. 
They are more concrete in meaning than the suffixes, generally 
adding significance to the word rather than serving to relate it to 
other words in the sentence. 

The degree of cohesion between theme and affix is rather shght: 
there is never any difficulty in breaking up a word form. In other 
words, agglutination is the predominant technique, although there 
is, in the case of a few suffixes, a tendency towards a fusional 
technique. Verb prefixes and the case suffixes of the noun exhibit a 
surprising lack of unity with and dependence on the theme. Between 
a noun and its case suffix may be inserted two, or even three, 
modifiers and there are many examples of such suffixes being quite 
independent of any particular theme; serving, instead, to modify 
whole clauses. To sum up, the variation in combinatory technique 
is from a very loose semi -independent type of affix to a combination 
of theme and affix rather firmly welded with decided dependence 
of affix upon theme. 

To apply the classificatory notion of "parts of speech" to Ton- 
kawa woidd be to do extreme violence to the spirit of the language. 
It is much more in accord with this feeUng to divide aU words into 



24 HOIJEE TONKAWA 

two very general classes: independent themes, i. e., those which 
can stand alone, and themes which must be completed in meaning 
by one or more affixes. These are, of course, purely formal divisions. 
The essential criteria of function are the affixes which may be 
attached to the theme in question and the position that theme may 
occupy in the sentence. Thus, the word, 

xwx-ano' he is arriving 

is composed of the theme xa-x- to arrive, plus certain verbal 
affixes. But this complex may also take noun suffixes; thus, 

xa' x-ano' -'' a'la the one to arrive 

where -a-la is not an agentive or relative suffix but the regular 
noun suffix for the nominative singular definite case. This variation 
in fimction according to suffix and position is even nioi-e clearly 
illustrated by the following where the same theme — fed up, above — 
becomes either nominal, adverbial, or adjectival in function accord- 
ing as these criteria are varied. 

i'ceZ-'o'i/'ifc hwno' he goes to the top 

i'cei ha-no' he goes upwards 

na'don-t'cel-\i-y^ik he goes to the top of the mountain 

In the first sentence, feel, used with a noun suffix is nominal in 
function; m the second, standing directly before the verb, it is 
adverbial; and. in the last, inserted between a noun and its suffix, 
it has adjectival significance. "Parts of speech" in Tonkawa, then, 
are, formally, simply two — independent themes and themes plus 
affixes. The former includes words which may be nominal, adjectival, 
pronominal, or adverbial in function; the latter, words having 
verbal significance and particles. 

The Tonkawa sentence is dominated by the verb complex. It 
includes the subject and object pronouns and defines the tense, 
mode, and aspect of the action. It is rarely, however, that any verb 
is equivalent to a sentence: other words are always necessary to 
complete the proposition. The verb is the most complex in structiu'e 
and is generally synthetic with a tendency towards a polysynthetic 
structure. Nouns generally take only two suffixes; the case suffixes 
and the defmite article. Modifiers, inserted between noun and case 
suffix, comphcate its structure: it is hardly possible, however, to 
regard combinations of noun and modifier as imified word com- 
plexes; they are better described as compovmds. 

GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES (21 24) 

21. Affixation. 
The prefixes are aU mixed relational in character; that is, they 
serve both to add significance to the word and to relate it to other 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN ESTDIAN LANGUAGES 25 

words in the sentence. They are all verbal prefixes — no noun 
prefixes have been isolated. Three of them are pronominal objects, 
ge- me, we- them, and geu- us, the last being a combination of the 
first two (of. 41). There are also two causative prefixes (cf. 50), and 
a transitivizer restricted in usage to particular themes (cf. 36). 
A prefix da-- is used in combination with the pronominal prefixes to 
indicate the indirect object of an intransitive verb. Finally, there 
is an adverbial prefix, xa-, x- to a distance, with force. Examples 
follow : 



yamx -o'c 
ge-imax -o' 
we-imax -o'c 
geu-yamx -o' 


1 paint his face 
he paints my face 
I paint their faces 
he paints our faces 


nec-yamx -o'c 


I cause him to paint his face 


xacdew -o'c 
ya-xacdew -o'c 


I have been left alone 

I take all but one ; leave one 


he'malew -o'c 
da--he-malew -o'c 


I dance 

I dance with him 


ga-n -o'c 
xa-gan -o'c 


I throw it away 

I throw it to a distance 


hedjn -o'c 
xe-edjn -o'c 


I lie down 
I fall down 


gec'adjo' 
'ei-gec'adjo'c 


his (e. g. back) is broken 
I break his (back) 



Suffixes are much more numerous. They, too, are predominantly 
mixed relational in form and, generally, those with greater concrete 
significance come nearer the theme than those having less concrete 
meaning (i. e., the more formal suffixes). Verbal suffixes are much 
more dependent upon the theme than are the noun sirffixes. The 
latter, in fact, appear to have a semi-independent character as 
illustrated in the following examples. 

yadjox'an -'a'lak I see the tipi 

ya'djo'c 
yadjox'an -gwa'lou-awa- I see the very tall, big tipi 

adak-'a'lak ya'djo'c 

In the first sentence, the formal suffix -'a'lak is attached directly to 
the noun yadjox'an, tipi. But, in the second the modifiers gwa-lou 
big, hawai tall, and hadak very are inserted between the noim and 
its formal suffix. 

In the verb, the subject pronouns, number, mode, tense, aspect, 
and subordination are indicated by suffixes. The suffixes of the 
noun express case and the definite article: some demonstratives, 
too, may be regarded as noun suffixes (cf. 91). 



26 HOIJER TONKAWA 

22. Compounding. 

Compounding is very free in Tonka wa. Almost anj^ two verb 
themes may be compounded and compounds of noun and modifier 
are very common. In all such compounds, the second theme is 
subordinate to the first. Examples : 

ga-n-aidjona- to throw (it) up (haidjona- to 

move up) 
yagau-nadjga- to kick to death (-nadjga- to kill ; 

of. 33) 
MdaVo'-he'cogyaw- to join in a fight, war (he'cogyaw- 

to fight) 
yag-xailaba- to shoot (e. g. an arrow) into (the ground) 

(xailab- to stick (a pointed object) 
in (the groiuid) 
gwe' -necdjodan pencil (gwc stick, necdjodan writing) 

t'caxw-yabetc thread (t'caxw cloth, yabetc sewing) 

A classification of compounds according to type and more examples 
of them wiU be found in sections 36 and 85. 

As will appear later, the function of theme formation has been 
lost in Tonkawa. All new ideas are expressed by compounding old 
themes : as far as I can determine, no new themes have been formed 
in the language for a very long time. It wiU appear, however, from 
what little can be told of theme formation, that probably composi- 
tion has always been important in theme formation. Themes seem 
to be composed of smaller morphologic units (cf. 39); in an early 
stage of the language, it may have been that such smaller units were 
compounded to form the present themes. In the present state of the 
language, we find compounds in all stages of growth — those of 
two themes, either of which can stand alone; compounds in which 
only one theme has an independent existence; and, finally, those 
in which both themes have lost independent status. The latter are 
classed as compounds because they follow a definite pattern of 
behavior characteristic of compomids (cf . 36). More detailed material 
will be presented on this subject in section 36: it is only mentioned 
here for the piurpose of showing the importance of composition as a 
grammatical process. 

23. Word Order. 

The normal word order of the Tonkawa sentence is subject, 
object and verb. It is, however, not a necessary order since syntactic 
relations are sufficiently indicated by suffixes. Word order is only 
important in distinguishing the fimctions of certain modifiers. 
That is, the distinction between adjective and adverb depends upon 
the position of the form in question. If the modifier stands between 



HANDBOOK OF AMBEICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 27 

a noun and its formal suffix, it has adjectival function; if it stands 
directly before a verb, it has adverbial function. Examples: 

gwa'n-enox-la a pretty woman 

henox yagnano'' he shoots well 

ha''ago"n-giva'lo'dak-la a very big man 

gwa'lo'dak bandjalo' he opens his mouth very widely 



24. Reduplication. 

The grammatical processes described in the preceding sections 
have all related to alternations of theme with affix or theme with 
theme. Reduphcation is the only grammatical process which varies 
the internal form of the theme itself. The whole theme is rarely 
repeated: generally only one element (i. e. phonologic element) is 
repeated (cf. 37). The function of reduplication is to indicate 
repeated action. Examples: 



dobo- 
dodobo- 


to cut 

to cut repeatedly 


y'odjo- 
y^oy'o'djo 


to pinch 

to pinch repeatedly 


x'ele- 
x'ex'ele- 


to sharpen (e. g. a knife) 
to sharpen repeatedly 



A. THE VERB (25 82) 

25. General Remarks. 

The elements making up a verb complex may be divided into 
three classes according to their position in the word : theme affixes, 
theme, and theme suffixes. The first and last of these classes are the 
same in function; that is, they provide for the grammatical and 
syntactical relations of the verb and also serve to amplify the 
meaning of the theme. The theme itself contains no formal elements ; 
its meaning is the concrete, the basic one of the verb form. An 
example will make this clear. 

ge-nec-xa-ile-nec' -0-' they two cause me to throw it to 

a distance 

Theme: -He-, the reduced form of yale- to throw, hit with a missile. 
Theme prefixes: ge- me; nee- causative; xa- with force, to a distance. 
Theme suffixes: -nee', dual subject; -o, declarative mode; -', third 
person, present tense. 



28 HOIJER TONKAWA 

There are illustrated above three verb prefixes. A complete list in 
the order of their appearance in the verb, is given below. 

ge- first person object pronoun 

we- third person plural object pronoun 

geu- first person plural object pronoun 

nee- causative 

da-- to, with 

ya- causative 

xa-, X- to a distance, with force 

These will be discussed in detail and examples of their use given in 
sections 47 — 51. 

The theme suffixes are much more numerous and express all 
ideas of tense, mode, person (except for the three object pronouns 
prefixed), and number. In general, they have the following order. 

Theme 

Negative suffix 

Future tense suffix 

Second person object pronoun (singular) 

Number suffixes (subject only) 

Continuative suffix 

Tense and mode suffixes 

Subjective pronouns 

There are minor exceptions to this order; these details and others 
will be discussed in section 52. 

It is apparent from this classification that our study of the 
Tonka wa verb will fall rather neatly into two parts: the theme, and 
the theme affixes. The first is to deal with the few variations 
undergone by verb themes and to estabhsh, if possible, the rules 
governing its structure and manipulation. In the second part — the 
study of theme affixes — the grammatical and syntactical varia- 
tions of the verb form will be discussed. 



a. THE VERB THEME (26 39) 

26. Types of Verb Theme. 
Tonkawa verb themes may be divided, roughly, into two classes 
— two element themes (i. e., themes composed of two phonetic 
elements, cf. 5), and three element themes. The latter class may be 
sub-divided, however, according to the character of the first position 
element. That is, certain elements (na-, ne-, ya-, ha-, and Ji^-) 
appear consistently as the first elements in so many of these themes 
that they may be considered as prefixes. The themal types are, 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 29 

then: two element themes, three element themes (placing here those 
three element themes not containing any of the above "prefixes"), 
na- themes, ne- themes, ya- themes, ha- themes, and he- themes. 
Finally, there are a number of two and three element themes which 
always appear with certain theme prefixes (nee-, hec-, ya-, and 
da--). In these cases, the theme prefixes have become so much a 
part of the theme that it cannot be used without them. The whole 
classification may, then, be summarized in the following manner. 

1. Prefix -less Themes; 

a. Two element themes. 

b. Three element themes. 

2. Themes whose first elements appear to be old prefixes. 

a,, na- themes. 

b. ne- themes. 

c. ya- themes. 

d. Jia- themes. 

e. he- themes. 

3. Themes requiring theme prefixes to complete their meanings. 

a. ya- themes. 

b. nee- themes, (hec- themes are a sub-division of this group) 

c. da-- themes. 



27. The Two and Three Element Themes. 

In this section we shall Ust examples of the two and three element 
themes (excluding, of course, those three element themes requiring 
prefixes of any sort). These wiU be presented in order of increasing 
complexity with the simplest types first. Whenever possible, three 
forms will be given for each theme; the full form (i. e., the theme not 
preceded by a theme affix), the reduced form (its form when preced- 
ed by a single element theme prefix, cf. 5), and the reduphcated 
form. 

to give something to . . . tr. 

to roll, wrap tr. 

to carry, pack tr. 

to cut tr. 

to bite tr. (cf. 45) 

to touch, press tr. 

to choke, throttle tr. 

to have in one's mouth tr. 

to carry in arms tr. 

to drink tr. (cf. 45) 

to swallow tr. 

to eat tr. (cf. 45) 

to turn . . . loose tr. 



'eg-, ■ 


■-ge-, 'e eg- 


bil-, ■ 


■ble-, bilil- 




mam- 


dob-. 


-dbo-, dodob- 


nadj- 


, -ndje-, nanadjew- 


nod-. 


■ndo-, nonodaw- 


gob; 


-gbo-, gogob- 


gom-, 


-gmo-, gogom- 


gwed- 


■, -gwde-, gwegwedaw- 


xan-. 


-xne-, hexaxa-new- 




wawana- 


yax; 


-ixa-, heyaxyax- 


djex- 


, -djxe-, djedjex- 



30 



HOIJER TONKAWA 



age-, ■ 
'ale,-, - 


age-, 
'ale-. 


ba-ba-. 


-baba-. 


ba-djo- 


, -badjo-. 


ma'ga- 
na'de-. 


, -maga-, mamaga- 
-nade-, nanade- 


ga-na-, 

ha-na-, 


-gana-, 


he'ca-. 


-e'ca-, he'cacana- 


xa-wa- 


, -xawa-. 



The above is a fair sampling of the simplest form of the two element 
themes; i. e., those composed of two simple elements. It will be' 
noted that, in the redupUcated form, the first theme element is 
oftenest the repeated one and that it has the form CVCV. 

The following lists will illustrate themes in which the first element 
is complex. 

to have sexual relations with. . . 

to pull tr. 

to set. . . on (a table) tr. 

to pile, stack tr. 

to cry, weep inir. 

to step on . . . tr. 

to throw away tr. 

one person goes away intr. 

to point, indicate tr. 

to grow fat intr. 

to be cold intr. 

to look at, see tr. 

to fall, pitch forward intr. 

to drip on . . . tr. 

to set fire to . . . tr. 

to sweep tr. 

to sharpen tr. 

to pinch tr. 

to scrape tr. 

to take . . . off tr. 

to miss (mark in shooting) 

to vomit intr. 

to cut, stab tr. 

to close one's eyes intr. 

to bathe intr. 

to put ... in water tr. 

to drill (a hole) tr. 

to give birth to tr. 

to rub tr. 

to fly away intr. 

to pull (sinew) from (meat) 

several ride two on a horse 

to swell up intr. 

to defecate intr. 

to bend (e. g. bracelet) in a circle tr. 

to laugh i7itr. 

to be jealous of . . . 

lightning strikes. . . 

to urinate 

to be alight, burning 

to be satisfied, have had enough 

(e. g. to eat) 
to mark, scratch tr. 
to put up (a bed) tr. 

In the above list, the first theme element has the complex form : in 
all the examples given, the second theme element has the simple 



y'odjo- 

c'ago-, 

x'e'ba-, 

xw'e'la- 

y'a'dje-, 

c'e'da-, 

fco'ma- 

baiixo-. 



xa'la-, -xala-, 

ya'dje-, -yadje-, heyayadjew- 

wa'na-, -wana-, wawana- 

co'la-, -cola-, cocola- 

m'aye-, -m'aye-, 

x'ene-, -x'ene-, x'ex'ene- 

x'ele-, -x'ele-, x'ex'ele- 

, -y'odjo-, y'oy'odjo- 
-c'ago- 

-x'eba-, x'ex'e'ba- 
-, -xw'ela- 
-y'adje-, hey' ay' adje- 
z'eda-, c'ec'e'da- 
-t'coma-, t'cot'cmna- 
-btmxo-, hebnonowaw- 
doi'o-, -doi'o-, 

neblele- 
gadwe-, -gadwe-, 
xeidje-, -xeidje-, xexeidje- 
yoxna-, -yoxna-, yuyuxa'na- 
calge-, -calge-, cacalge- 
ha'djxa-, ha'djedjexa- 

co'bga-, -cobga-, cocobga- 
djo-l'a-, -djol'a-, djodjol'a- 
k'ani'e-, -k'am'e-, k'ak'am'e- 

x'ax'ai'a- 
t'cei'e-, -t'cei'e-, 
m'e'dna-, -m'edna-, 
m'e'idja-, -m'eidja-, hem'em'eidja- 
m'e'lne-, -m'elne-, 
c'e'djxa-, c'edjxa-, 

c'e'l'e-, -c'el'e-, 
t'ca'bxe-, -t'ca'bxe-, 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



31 



form. The remaining examples of two element themes illustrate, 
first, themes composed of a simple plus a complex element, and, 
secondly, those having two complex elements. 





e eyaw- 
('e'eyo--) 


to work, do to . 




djodjxaw- 
(djodjxo--) 


to be afraid 


nahawa-, -n haw-, 
(naho--) (-11 ho--) 




to ask . . . 


lobaw-, 
(lobo--) 


lolobaw- 
(lolobo--) 


to dive 


na-hew-, 
(na-ho--) 




to build a house 


gani'ow-, -gam'ow- 
(gam'o--) (-garn'o- 


'■-) 


to shingle . . . 


xoVawa-, -xoVawa- 


-, xoxoVawa- 


to wash ... tr. 



(xoVo--) (-xoVo--) (xoxoVo--) 

xaVoya-, -xaVoya-, xaxaVoya- to cut . . . off 

(xal'o--) (-xaVo--) (xaxaVo--) 

xadjyawa-, -xadjyawa-, to have gonorrhea 

(xadjyo--) (-xadjyo'-) 

'adnawa-, -'adnawa-, to like ... tr. 

('adno'-) (-'adno--) 

'acyawa-, -'acyawa-, to be pregnant 

('acyo--) (-'acyo--) 

encawa-, -'encawa-, to be jealous 

('enco'-) (-'encQ--) 

danxoya-, -danxoya-, to take from ... tr. 

(danxo--) (-danxo--) 

nagwdawa-, -nagwdawa- to be close to . . . 

(nagwdo--) (-nagwdo--) 

xadjlewa-, -xadjlewa-, xaxadjlewa- to be angry 

(xadjlo--) (-xadjlo--) (xaxadjlo--) 

c'egwdjawa-, -cegwdjawa-, to be wrinkled 

(c'egwdjo--) (-c'egwdjo--) 

Note that the form of the complex element in the final theme posi- 
tion is invariably CVw or CVy, both of which become Co- under 
certain circumstances (of. 10). 

These, then, illustrate the two element themes. It is probably the 
most common of the theme types comprising perhaps one fourth 



32 



HOIJER TONKA WA 



the total number of verb themes. Next in number and complexity 
are the themes containing three elements. 



bidjtia-, -hdjen-, 
doxwno-, -dxwan-, 
nodxo-, -ndox-, 
nodco-, -ndoc-, 
wexwa-, -uxaw-, 



to cut . . . hair tr. 
to smell, sniff tr. 
to hoe tr. 
several stand intr. 
to grow up intr. 



The above themes are composed of three simple elements. 

The next group of three element themes are characterized by a 
complex first position element. 

ban'oxo-, -ban'oxo-, 

handjale-, -bandjale-, babandjale- 



dol'axe-, -dol'axe-, dodoVaxe- 

nai'oma-, -nai'orna-, 

gaVaxe-, -gaVaxe-, gagai'axe- 

gwan'ace-, -gwan'ace-, gwagwan'ace- 

xem'ace-, -xern'ace-, xexem'ace- 

cmriaxe-, -com'axe-, cocom'axe- 

ge'cxaya-, 

xa'bdjeda-, -xa'bdjeda-, 

xwe'ngoxo-, 

rn'adjxane-, -m'adjxane-, 

c'edxwane-, -c'edxwane-, 

x'obdjodjwa- 



to smell, scent tr. 

to open one's mouth intr. 

to shell corn tr. 

to nurse, suck tr. 

to cut ... at joint tr. 

to dig iTitr. 

to rub tr. 

to skin, flay tr. 

to become dark 

to build a fence tr. 

to put on pants 

to like, love tr. 

to be choking 

to discharge wind 



The first set of themes above is notable in that there appears to be 
a definite distinction in function between the first theme element 
and the second two. Compare, for example. 



dol-'axe- 
gai-'axe- 



to shell corn 

to cut ... at the joint 

to skin 



all having to do with cutting or breaking. Perhaps the combination 
-'axe- means 'to cut, break off', and the first position elements refer 
to the objects of the action, thus: dol- 'corn', gai- 'a joint', and 
com- 'a skin'. We shall refer to this analysis again in sections 
35 and 36. 

Finally, there are a few themes composed of two complex elements 
plus a simple element. 



x ac age-, -x ac age-, 

ya'lo'na-, -yalo-na-, 

xa'weida-, -xa'weida-, 

baViVe-, -baViVe- 

xaidelxa- 

xaidibdje-, -xaidibdje-, 

yalxilna-, -yalxilna-, yalalxilna- 



to scratch tr. 

to kill tr. 

to turn aroimd intr. 

to rub (e. g. brains on skin) tr. 

to come up (in water after a dive) 

several fall down 

to run away 



These, then, are the major forms of the themes of class one — the 
prefix-less themes. It may be significant that reduplicated forms 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 33 

rather consistently repeat only a certain one of the theme elements 
— generally the first. This fact gains in importance when viewed 
in the hght of the tentative analysis made on the preceding page. 
Here, we noted that the second part of the theme seemed to supply 
the verbal comiotation and the first appeared to be an incorporated 
object — or, at least, a class indicator (i. e., a prefix limiting the 
object of the verb to a certain class of noun). In the reduphcated 
form, this "class indicator" was the repeated element. However, 
there is no way of generahzing this tendency — the majority of 
themes cannot be analyzed in this way. 



28. na- Themes 

The themes in this class aU have an element na- in the first 
position. It wiU be seen that this is a simple element (i. e., its vowel 
is ehded when the theme is preceded by a single element prefix) 
and that these themes repeat the second element of the complex 
in the reduplicated form. 



nabga-, ■ 


■nbag-. 


several lie down intr. 


nadgo-, 


-7idog-, 


have an erection intr. 


hang ah-. 


-angaba-, hanangab- 


(e. g. leech) is fastened to . . . ; be 
fastened to . . . 


naxdje-. 


-nxadj-. 


to make a fire 


naule-, - 


nwel-, nawewel- 


to spread (e. g. blanket) out 


naule-, - 


nwel-. 


to roast 


naboxa-, 


, -nboxa-, naboboxa- 


to blow at . . . 


nadaya- 


, -ndaya-, hendadayaw- 


to choose . . . ; pick . . . out 


nahena-, 


, -nhena-. 


to hunt . . . 


nacoxa-. 


-ncoxa-, 


to fry . . . 


nam^ene 


-, -nm'ene-. 


to broil . . . 


nac'oga- 


, -nc'oga-, nac'oc'oga- 


to squeeze . . . 


nabacxa 


-, -nbacxa-, henbaba-cxa'yew- 


to play shinny 


namaiga 


',-, -nmaiga-, iiamamaiga- 


to whirl (e. g. stick, stone) about one's 
head 


nak'am\ 


S-, -nk'am'e-, nak'ak'am^e- 


to bend ... at a joint (e. g. to close a 
clasp-knife) 


nac^oVa- 


, -nc'oVa-, nac'oc'ol'a- 


to have sores, blisters 



The above list, which is exhaustive, does not give any clue to 
either the meaning or function of na-. There are, however, three 
examples of theme variation involving this element. 

na-bacxa- to play shinny 

ya-bacxa- to riui into . . . ; to bump . . tr. 

It appears here that the complex -bacxa- has, in the first example, 
a prefix 7ia- and, in the second, a prefix ya- (for a discussion of the 
ya- prefix, see 30). The difference in meaning between the two forms 
is not, however, sufficiently clear to define na-. 
3 



34 HOIJER TONKAWA 

k'am'e- to bend ... in a circle (e. g. to bend soft metal 

into a bracelet) 
na-Mam'e- to bend ... at a joint; to bend a jointed 

object (e. g. to close a clasp-knife). 

Here, the difference in meaning is of the same character as that 
above : it seems, however, that na- is a derivational element serving 
to expand the meaning of the theme. 

nec-gaba- to close (a door, window, etc) 

hmi -gaba- (e. g. leeches) stick, are fastened to . . . ; to be 

stuck, caught fast (on some sticky 

substance) 
nec-hanan-gaba- to cause several objects to be fastened to . . . 

In this set of examples, the nee- of the first form is the causative 
theme prefix (cf. 50): the form can. then, be translated 'to cause. . . 
to be shut, closed, fastened', whereupon the meaning 'to be closed, 
shut, fastened' can be attributed to -gaba-. hangaba- is conjugated 
as follows : 

ga'ngaho' (e. g. leeches) fasten to me; I am stuck fast, 

caught (by sticky substance) 
hangaba-we' 2nd p. 

hangabo'' 3d p. 

The function of ha- seems to be to establish a relationship between 
-n- and -gaba- (cf. 31). The form ga-ngabo' may then be analyzed as 
follows: g- me plus ha- to; -n- incorporated object of -gaba- to be 
fastened. Tliis analysis receives support from the reduphcated form: 
hanangaba- several objects are fastened to ... ; the element -na- 
being repeated. 

Applying this analysis to the other two examples, na-bacxa- may 
be analyzed: 7ia- object of -bacxa- to strike against, bump, thus; 
to play shinny : whereas ya-bacxa- would simply refer to the bump- 
ing of any object. In short, the latter is universally transitive — the 
former transitive only within itself, i. e., has a limited transitivity. 
na-k'am'-e- illustrates this factor of Umited transitivity even more 
clearly : k'am'e- applying to the bending of any object, na-k'anie- 
only to jointed objects. 

It is evident, of course, that this analysis is far from being a 
thoroughly convincing one. It is to be taken simply as a possible 
explanation: it is obvious that the Tonkawa theme is a very old 
formation and has doubtless imdergone semantic changes since its 
elements lost their independence and that such changes have 
obscured the original meanings of the elements comprising the 
themes. However, partial analyses of this sort (and of the sort 
mentioned in section 27) give a strong indication that the theme must 
have been, at one time, a less complex unit than it is today. Further 
evidences of this fact wUl be found in the sections to foUow. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



35 



29. we- Themes. 

The element ne- is similar to na- in phonetic structure — that is, 
it is a simple element — but it seems to have a different position 
in the verb theme. This point is illustrated by only one example: 
to broil . . . 



na-m ene- 
ne-n -tn^ene- 



to roast, barbecue 



but there are a number of themes similar in structure to the second 
form above. For none of these, however, are the primary forms 
(i. e., those without ne- similar to nam'ene-, above) available, nen- 
is not to be interpreted as a reduplicated form of ne- because, as 
will be seen from the subjoined hst, the reduphcated forms of ne- 
themes repeat the second element of the complex. 





ne- 


themes. 


nedle-, -ndal-, nedadal- 




to lick . . . 


nedjbe-, -ndjeb-, nedjedjebaw- 




to put one's hand on . . . 


>ielde-, -nled- 




to pull out, pluck (e. g. feathers) 


negewa-, -ngewa-, 




to be related to . . . 


nexale-, -nxale-, nexaxale- 




to snore, bellow 


nex'abe-, -nx'abe-, nex'ax'abe- 




to eat hackberries (the word refers 
to the cracking of the seeds of 
the berries) 


ney^edje-, -ny^edje-. 




to milk a cow 


neVaye-, -nVaye-, neVaVaye- 




to spit . . . out 


nebaxge-. 




to smoke 


nedic'e-, -ndic'e-, nedidic'e- 




to press . . . ; jab . . . 


negaw'e-, -ngaw'e-. 




to yawn 


negel'e-, -ngeVe-, 




to drown . . . 


nek'am'e-, -nk'atn'e-, nek'ak'am'e- 


to gnaw . . . 




nen 


- themes 


nendege-, -nendege-. 




to plug . . . ; stop a hole 


nengoxo-, -neiigoxo-. 




to chase . . . 


nenxace-, -nenxace-. 




to light, ignite . . . 


nenxale-, -nenxale-. 




to find . . . 


nenxele-, -nenxele-. 




to poke . . . with burning stick 


nencona-, -nencona-. 




to kiss . . . 


nenm'ene-, -nenm'ene- 




to roast . . . ; barbecue . . . 


(From nam'ene- to broil 


. . . over open fire) 


nengo'na-, -nengo'na- 




to braid . . . 



(From nogo- to pick, gather several objects) 
nenco-yawa-, -nenco' yawa- to swim with a burden, ferry 

(From CO' y ana- to swim away) 

Note, in the above list, that the element ne- does not elide its 
vowel in the reduced form of the theme. This is probably because, 
if it did, the elision of the vowel would result in the total elision of 
the element — i. e., the two consonants n would come together. 
Such combinations are avoided in Tonkawa. 

3* 



36 HOIJER TONKAWA 

There are quite a number of test cases involving ne- but we shall 
see that they help very little in defining the element. 

nam'e7ie- to broil ... (e. g. fat) . . . over an 

open fire 
ne-nm'ene- to roast . . . ; barbecue . . . 

In the texts, the first of the above forms seems confined to the 
cooking of fatty meats over an open fire while the second refers to 
the roasting of any kind of meat. The distinction appears rather 
artificial and the evidence supporting it is scanty. It is evident, 
however, that ne- is a derivational element rather than one adding 
merely formal significance to the theme. 

k'am'e- to bend ... in a circle (e. g. to bend 

soft metal into a bracelet) 
ne-lc'ain'e- to gnaw . . . 

Here, though the forms appear, formally, to be related, the difference 
in meaning casts doubt upon such a connection. 

nogo- to pick up, gather (several objects) 

ne-ngo'na- to braid . . . 

Not only has ne- been added but an element -na has also been 
suffixed to the theme (assuming that nogo- is the original theme). 
-na may be the directive element "off, away (from the speaker)" 
foimd on many verbs and giving a progressive signification to the 
action (cf. 34 for examples of such usages). Thus, the theme could 
be translated "to pick, gather together several objects progressively 
(i. e., off in a Une)" — in other words, "to braid", ne- would, there- 
fore, add derivational significance. The analysis is admittedly 
speculative. 

gelne- to be drowned 

ne-geVe- to drown . . . 

Here we have a clear distinction between a neuter intransitive verb 
and an active transitive verb. It may be well to remark, however, 
that this is but an isolated example — no such verbal distinction 
is generally recognized in theme forms. Nor is it possible, in this 
particular case, to determine how much of this alternation has been 
caused by the change from -ne to -'e and how much is due to the 
addition of ?(e-.The evidence with regard to -ne, -e alternations are 
few but they do indicate that -ne is a characteristic of some — not 
all — neuter verbs and that -e generally appears in an active theme. 
The transitive signification is probably not due to ne- since it is used 
with transitives and intransitives. The only conclusion is that ne- 
cannot be defined from this set of forms. 

ya-dicxc- (e. g. a bull) butts . . . 

ne-dic^e- to press, jab . . . (with finger) 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 37 

In this case, too, we have an alternation of final theme elements 
for which there is little definition possible (cf. 35). In view of this 
fact, the ya-, ne- variation is not definable. 

co'yana- to swim off, away 

co'yada- to swim (towards the speaker) 

nenco'yawa- to swim with a burden; to ferry . . . 

across (e. g., to swim across hold- 
ing a bundle of clothes out of the 
water) 

In this case, two elements have been added, ne- and -n- and the 
final elements of the themes are varied, -na and -da are clearly 
definable as directives, the former referring to direction away from 
the speaker, the latter to direction towards the speaker (cf. 34). 
-wa appears to have a durative function — or, at least, appears in 
a good many themes expressing repeated or long continued action 
(cf. 45). -n- may be the reduced form of na- and ne- is evidently the 
element we have been discussing. If na- is defined as an incorporated 
object (cf. 28), ne- would appear to estabUsh an obhque relation- 
ship between -co-yawa- and na-: thus, the complete analysis, ne- 
with, -n- an object, -co-yawa- to swim duratively. 

The apphcation of this analysis to other ne- themes requires, of 
course, an analysis of the rest of the theme — a thing which is not 
always possible. Thus: ne-gel-'e- could be analyzed: to do to ... by 
drowning — i. e., to drown. . . — if we were sure that -'e- could be 
defined as an active transitive verbahzer — an element empty of 
concrete significance but adding these more formal meanings to the 
verb. This is not always possible (cf. 34). 

Our conclusions with regard to the definition of ne-, then, must 
be that its meaning cannot be deduced with accuracy without 
knowing quite a bit about the rest of the theme. This knowledge 
is not available for all themes: there are simply a few indications 
as to their structure (cf. 39). But we can suggest that ne- has to do 
with the relationship between theme elements — that ne- themes 
are three element themes in which the second and third elements 
are indirectly connected through ne-. 



30. ya- Themes. 

Themes having ya- as the first element are rather more numerous 
than either of the two preceding groups, ya- is also a simple element 
and has the reduplicated form yai-. This alone is unique ; it wiU be 
remembered that neither na- nor ne- were reduplicated. A number 
of ya- themes repeat ya- in the redupUcated form ; some repeat the 
second element of the verb complex, and, for a few themes, both 
types of reduphcation are found. It is not possible to place ya- with 



38 



HOIJEE TONKAWA 



respect to ne- since they do not appear in the same themes. Nor are 
there any test forms to show its relative position with respect 
to na-. 

to slap . . . 

to call, signal . . . 

to paint . . . body 

to be frozen stiff 

to fill a pipe; prepare to smoke 

to stab . . . 

to defeat . . . (gambling) 

to hit . . . (on the head) 

to push . . . 

to kick . . . 

to dance 

several sit down 

to hunt, look for . . . 

to hit . . . with a club 

to put ... in one's mouth 

to crack ... (e. g. nut) 

something is in one's eye 

to bake, boil (solids only) 

to put ... on one's back 

to empty (a receptacle) 

to stand ... up ; place . . . erect 

to strike . . . with hand or fist (not 

with weapon) 
to whistle 
to scream 
to pant, puff 
to hunt, search for . . . 
to tie up; bind . . . 
to cover one's self with a blanket 
to strike fire with flint 
to run into . . . ; bump . . . 
to indulge in sapphism with ... tr. 
to make fry-bread 
to scrape ... (a hide) 
(a bull) butts . . . 

to transform . . . (by magic) 

to chop ... to bits 

to make a war bonnet 

to jab . . . with elbow 

to build a tipi (vide : yadjoxo-) 

to brush . . . off 

(a steer) bellows 

to shovel . . . 

to look for . . . 



yabxa-, -ibax-, yaibax- (or heibabxa-) 

yamga-, -imag-, 

yamxa-, -imax- 

yadge-, -idig- 

yadxo-, -idox- 

ycidca-, -idac-, yaidac- 

yanwa-, -inaw- 

yagba-, -igab-, yaigab- (or yagagba-) 

yagxe-, -igex- 

yagwa-, -igaw-, yaigaw- 

yagwa-, -igaw-, heigagawa- 

yagdja-, -igadj- 

yaxwya-, ixwoy-, yaxwoxwoy- 

yaxwdje-, -ixwedj-, yaixwedj- 

yacna-, -ican- 

yadjba-, -idjab- 

yadjdo-, -idjod- 

yadjxe-, -idjox- 

yadjga-, -idjag-, yadjadjga- 

yadjle-, -idjel- 

yalba-, -ilab-, yalalaba- 

yagona-, -igona-, yaigona- 

yagoca-, -igoca- 
yagodja-, -igodja- 

yaxoxona- 
yaxoya-, -ixoya-, yaxoxya- 
yaweye-, -iweye-, yaweweye- 
yadjoxo-, -idjoxo-, yadjodjoxo- 
yahaxga-, -ibaxga-, 
yahacxa-, -ibacxa- 
yadaVa-, -idaVa- 
yadalba-, -idalba-, 
yadiii'e-, -idin'e-, yadidin'e- 
yadicxe-, idicxe-, yaidicxe- 

(yadidicxe-) 
yagew^a-, -igeiv'a- 

yagegew^a- 
yageuna- 

yagel'e-, -igel'e-, yaigeVe- (yagegeVe-) 
yadjox'a-, -idjox'a-, yadjodjox'a- 
yam'ede-, -ini'ede-, yaim^ede- 
yam'ega-, 
yax'age-, -ix'age- 
yaw'edja-, -iw^edja-, yaiw^edja- 

(heiw'ew^edjaw-) 
yac'ene-, -ic'ene- 
yam'adjxa-, -im'adjxa-, 

yam'am'ad'jxa- 
yax^ecge-, -ix''ecge-, yax^ex^ecge- 

yane'yawa-, -ine'yawa- 



to be cut by . . . 
to sneeze 

to rub one object against another; 

play violin 
to get close to . . . ; catch up to . . 



to 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 39 

There is the same difficulty with the test forms involving the 
ya- element as we f oimd in the case of the other two elements : they 
are not sufficiently definitive. Take, for example, the following 
comparison : 

nec-dige- to be cold, freezing 

ya-dge-, -i -dig- to be frozen stiff 

-dige- is not used alone but, since it appears with nee-, the causative 
theme prefix (of. 50), it can be defined "to freeze, chill, be cold". 
But the use of ya- with the same theme does not alter the meaning 
in a manner helpful to a definition of ya-. 

gw'na'wa- to throw . . . with the hand (e. g. to 

throw a ball, stick, etc.) 

ya-ga'na'wa- to swing (e. g. on a rope swing) 

In this example, it may be seen that ya- appears to estabhsh a 
relation between the other elements of the theme. If we assume the 
complex -'na-wa- to mean "moving through space (as if thrown)" 
and ga-- to refer to an act of propelling or throwing (perhaps related 
to ga'-na- to throw . . . away, and ga--da- to throw . . . towards the 
speaker, where -na and -da are the directives, cf. 34), then ya- 
would appear to establish an instrumental relationship between the 
second and third elements of the theme. Thus, the whole form would 
have the meaning "to move through space by reason of throwing 
(pushing, some means of propulsion)" or, "to swing". The case is 
necessarily weak since we cannot offer any evidence for the meaning 
of the second part of the theme complex. 

yaxwdje- to strike . . . with a club 

yaxw-nadjga- to beat ... to death with a club 

Notice, in this pair of forms, that the third theme element -dje is 
dropped when the theme is compounded with -nadjga- to kiU. That 
seems to imply that ya-xw- means "by means of a club" and -dje 
"to strike". In other words, ya- estabhshes an instrumental relation- 
ship between -dje "to strike" and -xwe- (the fuU form of -xw-) 
referring to a club or stick. Unfortunately, there is no further 
evidence for this analysis. 

In conchision, then, we are left with the feeling that ya- is a 
separable theme element possibly serving to establish a type of 
relationship between the second and third elements of the theme 
similar in form to that postulated for we-, though, in neither case, 
have we conclusive proof. 

31. ha- Themes. 

ha- represents an element of quite a different class from any of 
the preceding — at least, as far as phonetic behavior is concerned. 
In the first place, it precedes both na- and ya- in the verb complex 



40 HOIJER TONKAWA 

and therefore, by impKcation, precedes ne- though there are no test 
forms illustrating its use with ne- themes. 

hangaba- (e. g., leeches) stick, are fastened 

to . . . ; to be stuck, caught fast 
(on some sticky substance) 

hanangaba- several objects (e. g., leeches) stick 

to . . . ; it holds several fast 

These examples, quoted before in section 28, illustrate the use of 
ha- with a na- theme. It will be remembered that, in this case, Act- 
seemed to indicate an indirect relationship between na- and gaba-; 
that the form was tentatively analyzed as: an object (na-) is 
fastened (-gaba- J to (ha-) .... Another curious phase of phonetic 
behavior may be illustrated by this verb. 

hangab -o' (leech) sticks to him 

ga'ngab -o' (leech) sticks to me 

Notice here that the addition of the single element theme prefix Re- 
does not reverse the forms of the theme elements : -n-, -ga-, and -6a- 
have the same form in the second example as they had in the first. 
ha-, of course, is absorbed to the preceding prefix ge-, giving ga-- 
(cf. 8). This behavior is characteristic of aU ha- themes composed of 
more than three elements (including ha-) . Note the following : 

habdjen -o' it is full 

ga'bdjen -o' I am full; I eat or drink until 

satisfied 

hadxec -o'c I know him; am acquainted with 

him 
ga'dxec -o' he . . . me 

haixoy -o'c I doctor him ; make him well 

ga'ixoy -o' he . . . me 

haidjab -o' he is half starved, skinny 

ga'idjab -o' I am . . . 

ha- themes having only three elements behave regularly : 

habl -o' several persons attack him 
ga'bil -o' me 

haix -o'c I mount (a horse) ; ride it 

ga-yox -o' he ... me 

hayoyox -o'c I . . . rep. 

haiw -o'c I buy, sell it 

ga'yaw -o' he buys, sells me 

hawaun -o'c I carry, pack it 

ga'waun -o' he . . . me 

The above are composed of ha- plus two simple elements: below 
are listed the ha- themes having a complex second element. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 41 

ha'en ■o'd I brought it 

ga'^en -o' he . . . me 

hahax -o' he looks up, raises his eyes 

ga'hax -o' I . . . 

hadol -o' he doesn't want it 

ga'dol -o' I . . . 

hagox -o' he is tired, weary 

ga'gox -o' I . . . 

ham^anC -o' it is burning, flaming 

ga'm'arn' -o' I . . . 

Notice, in the last list, that the reduplicated forms repeat the second 
element of the theme. 

This variation in phonetic behavior taken in connection with the 
first example quoted on page 40 would seem to indicate that ha- 
plus another initial theme element of the class of na- does not 
elide according to the law of vocalic ehsion, whereas Jm- attached 
directly to a theme does vary phonetically according to this rule. 
In other words, the themes of the first list seem to contain traces 
of other theme elements of the wa-class : perhaps, at one time, there 
was a complete Ust of such elements classifying various types of 
object. This is, of course, only a suggestion: no further proof of 
such an organization can be adduced. 

The test forms for Jia- are more definitive than any discussed 
heretofore. For example : 

yagona- to hit . . . with the fist tr. 

ha'gona- to box intr. (ha- plus ya- > ha'-) 

yaxgoca- to follow ... tr. 

ha'xaxgoca- several go in single file 

yadca- to stab . . . tr. 

ha.'daca- several stab each other ; a fight with 

knives takes place 

In all of these forms, the addition of ha- appears to confine the 
action to an object expressed within the theme: to make the action 
intransitive as far as the English translation is concerned. We have 
seen, however, that Tonkawa verbs do not fall into definitely 
transitive and intransitive classes: that there appears to be no 
consistently formal distinction between transitive and intransitive 
verbs in Tonkawa. Rather, the question of transitivity seems bound 
up with the analysis of the theme. Thus, while hangaba- is transitive 
in the sense that it may take an object (gcrngabo' it sticks to me; 
hangaba-we it sticks to you), the subject is hmited to a certain 
type of object apparently once clearly defined by na-, and ha- does 
not affect the transitivity of the whole verb theme but expresses an 



42 HOIJER TONKAWA 

indirect relationship between the elements -n- and -gaba- of the 
theme. In other words, the question of the transitivity of the whole 
theme with regard to an object expressed by a theme affix is bomid 
up with the relationship — direct, indirect, or instrumental — 
between elements of the theme. I do not beheve, therefore, that ha- 
is necessarily an element indicating the intransitivity of the whole 
theme (indeed, that point is contradicted by many of the ha- 
themes), but that it has to do with the more important relations 
between elements of the theme in much the same way as ya- and ne- 
appear to serve this function. The curious and apparently con- 
tradictory facts of theme variation discussed so far can, at least 
speculatively, be explained by postulating two theme elements 
either standing in direct relationship one to another (the prefix- 
less themes) or being indirectly related by one or other of the first 
position themes elements (ha-, ne-. ya- themes). It is not necessary 
of course, to assume that all themes have both these elements — 
some of the prefix -less themes may be composed of only one; 
others, which appear transitive, may have a limited transitivity 
due to the inclusion within its structure of an element designating 
or referring to a possible object (cf . 28). This theory of theme struc- 
ture cannot be proven: but, as I have said, it appears to be an 
hypothesis that does justice to the few test forms that exist. In the 
following sections, we shall find further confirmation, or, rather, 
further indications that this theory has some degree of validity. 

32. he- Themes. 

The element he- is on the border line between the first position 
theme elements which have been discussed and the theme prefixes. 
In fact, there is no formal difference between he- and the reflexive 
pronoun he- (cf. 43) except that the themes containing the theme 
element he- cannot be used without it. he- also does not ehde its 
vowel when preceded by a single element prefix, a behavior 
characteristic of theme prefixes. 

hedjn -o' he falls down 

ge-djn -o' I . . . (ge- -\- he- > ge'-) 

There are a great number of themes in this class — it is the second 
largest group of themes in Tonkawa, the largest class being the 
prefix-less themes. The following list is arranged in order of in- 
creasing complexity of theme form, the simplest coming first. Since 
these themes have no reduced forms — or, rather, since their re- 
duced forms are the same as the fuU forms — only two forms will 
be given for each theme — the full form and the reduphcated form. 

hewawa- to be dead, dying 

hehewa- (heho--) to stop dying; recover (from an 

illness) 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



43 



hedjne- 
helne- 

hexale- 

hedjaxa- 

helexa- 

hebai'a-, hebaba'y^ew- 
hegai'e-, hegagai'ew- 

herCoca-, hen'on'oca- 
heVeina- 

hendadabe- 
hengegxa- 
hengwagwde- 
hengawa- (hengo'-) 
hengwa'na- 

hendaidja- 
henxilca-, henxixilca- 

henx^olya-, henx'ox'olya- 



heglaxe- 

hedlawa- (hedlo'-) 

hegdaw- (hegdo'-J, hegegdaw- 

heigeuda- 
heigwidje- 
heixaxale- 

heidicna- 
heiwaxge- 
heicaxwa- 

heidjecaw- (heidjeco'-) 
hedjx'om'a-, hedjodjx^om'a- 
hedjx''ol'o-, hedjodjx'ol'o- 

hebaixwede- 

hedan'aya- 

henengoxo- 

hecangew- (hecango'-) 

hedjal'ane-, hedjadjaVarie- 

heidjanenxoyo- 

hec'egena-, hec'ec'egena- 



several persons sit down 

to lie down 

several things (e. g. snow) fall 

to be happy, glad 

to lie on one's back 

to come up (in the water after a dive) 

to put on beads, a necklace 
to bend one's head 

to blow one's nose 

to Peer about, look around 

to dodge, shrink (as from a blow) intr. 

to cough 

to smack one's lips 

to put (a breechcloth) on 

to run away 

to chew . . . 

to stare in astonishment, open one's 

eyes wide 
to whirl aromid 
to breathe 

to throw . . . off (as a horse throws a 

rider) 
to refuse 
to sing 

several come (in a body) 

to put a ring on 

to put an earring on 

to feel embarrassed 
to be lame 
to rest 

to be frightened 

to draw one's foot back 

to draw one's hands back 

to put on a dress 

to hurry 

to put on gloves 

to put on a shirt, coat 

to open one's hand 

to turn suddenly (while ruiuiing) 

to stretch one's neck 



It will be seen from the above list that he- appears to give a 
medio-passive significance to the theme — limiting the action to 
the subject. It is evident, however, that this factor does not affect 
the ultimate transitivity of the whole theme. For, though most of 
the themes are intransitive or confined to a reflexive object, one 



44: HOIJER TONKAWA 

of them (e. g., hendaidja- to chew) is transitive. It is possible here 
that -n- is the reduced form of -na-, the incorporated object (cf. 28), 
and that the verb is therefore Umited in transitivity. Just to what 
spheres of infhience these different elements are confined and how 
they combine to result in the present meanings, caimot, of course, 
be determined since we are unable to isolate the other theme ele- 
ments. As was the case with ya-, ne-, and ha-, it is quite possible 
that the function of he- is bound up with that of the other theme 
elements and not with the formal relations of the whole theme to 
its object. 

The test forms following confirm the impression that he- gives 
medio-passive significance to the theme. 

dmew- to be one of a group 

he-dai'ew- to join a group 

'ei-daVew- to place . . . with a group 

Here, the first theme is used only passively (i. e., I am one of a 
group; I am in the group; cf. 42), the second, medio-passively, and 
the third is transitivized by the element 'ei- (cf. 33). Other test 
forms f oUow : 

he-m'o'ido- to stretch oneself 

^ei-noc^o'ido- to stretch . . . 

he-ndidxew^a- to move about, tremble 

^ei-nedidxew'a- to move . . . , poke, jab . . . 

It will be noted, in all the above forms, that the themes themselves 
(viz., -dai'eiv-, -noc'o-ido-, and -nedidxeto'a-) are not transitive but 
require the transitivizing element 'ei-. The function of he-, therefore, 
seems to be to direct the action to the subject. If it is the reflexive 
pronoun, it is evident that certain verbs can be confined — as 
regards transitivity — to the reflexive: that the reflexive pronoun 
is not functionally similar in type to the other object pronouns 
(cf. 41). There is a possibihty here that themes requiring he- were 
originally simply transitive themes used exclusively with the re- 
flexive pronoun: that, in harmony with the petrification that has 
affected the Tonkawa themes, this he- prefix has become an irre- 
movable theme element and, that, in the few forms in which the 
theme can dispense with it, the theme is felt as intransitive. What- 
ever the cause, there seems to be Uttle doubt that he- themes 
generally designate an action intransitive except as regards the 
reflexive: i. e., a medio-passive construction. 



33. Themes Requiring Theme Prefixes. 
Theme prefixes, as has been mentioned, are normally used freely. 
A number of themes, however, cannot be used without one or 
another of these prefixes: in them, the free prefix has become 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



45 



indissolubly united to the theme which is no longer able to stand 
without it. There are four classes of such themes: ya- themes (not 
to be confused with the ya- themes of section 30), nee- and hec- 
themes, dcr- themes, and 'e^- themes. 



ya- themes. 
The prefix ya-, which generally adds causative significance to a 
theme (cf. 49), is the least freely used of all the theme prefixes. 
nee-, the other causative (cf. 50), seems to have replaced it and is 
certainly used more freely, ya- causative themes differ from the ya- 
themes of section 30 in that the causative ya- does not eUde its 
vowel when preceded by a single element affix and does not have a 
reduplicated form (these differences in addition to the functional 
difference). 

xacdew -o' 

ya-xacdew -o'c 

ge-ya-xacdew -o' 

The above is, of course, a case in which the theme may be used 
without ya-. Others of this type will be discussed in section 49. 
The following hsts only those themes always appearing with the ya- 
causative element. 



he. is alone, by himself 

I leave him alone; cause him to be alone 

he . . . me . . . 



yadmaxe-, -yadmaxe-, yadidniaxe- 

yadxalga-, -yadxalga-, yadadxalga- 
yadcane-, -yadcane- 
yandjadjaVa-, -yandjadjai'a- 
yagVaxe-, -yagVaxe- 
yagwlaxe-, -yagwlaxe-, yagwagwlaxe- 
yaxmadje-, yaxmadje-, yaxexmadje- 
yaxgoca-, -yaxgoca- 
yalmede-, -yalniede- 



to break ... (e. g., egg, melon, a 

fragile object) 
to hang ... up 
to thinli about . . . 
to meddle with . . . 



to break . . 
to open . . , 
to break . . 
to follow 
to deceive 



(e. g 
tear 



his neck) 
. . . down 



(e. g. stick) 



nec- and hec- themes. 
nee- is the regular causative theme prefix and may be applied to 
practically any verb theme (cf. 50). The themes listed below are 
those which cannot be used without nec-. It wiU be noted that, in 
the reduplicated forms, the prefix nec- is repeated. 
necbedje-, -necbedje-, nececbedjaw- 
necdewe- (necdo'-), -necdewe- 
necdige-, -necdige- 
necgede-, -necgede- 
necgaba-, -necgaba-, nececgaba- 



necgwide-, -necgwide-, nececgwide- 

necwaVe- 

necdjodo- 

nececdjoca- 

neclaxge-, -neclaxge-, nececlaxge- 



to fill . . . 

to name . . . ; call . . by name 

to be freezing 

to count . . . 

to close, fasten (a door, window, 

drawer) 
to tie . . . ; bind . . . 
to fish 
to write 

to use sign language 
to cough, clear one's throat 



46 HOIJER TONKAWA 

Jiec- is also a causative but appears to give medio-passive signifi- 
cance as well. It may be that the prefix is a combination of he- 
plus -c, the former cognate with the he- of section 32, and the later 
with the -c of nee-. In that case, one could assign active significance 
to ne- and perhajDS equate it with the ne- of section 29. This analysis 
is, however, purely speculative: there is no means of proving it. 
There are three test forms involving the alternation of the elements. 

nec-dewe- to name . . . ; call . . . by name 

hec-dewe- to give one's name; to name oneself 

nec-gede- to count 

hec-gegde- to be tied in score ; there is a tie game 

nec-gaba- to shut, fasten . . . (door, window, 

drawer) 
hec-gaba- to be knocked gasping ; out of breath 

The rest of the hec- themes follow : 

hec'ege-, -hec'ege-, hecec^ege- to ask for . . . (probably from 'egre- to 

give to . . . ) 
hecgwadje-, -hecgwadje-, to like . . . 

heeyadjxe-, -hecyadjxe-, to mount ... (a horse) 

heclomo-, -keclomo-, hececlomo- to cover oneself (as with a blanket) 



da-- themes. 

The prefix da-- "to, with" is found with only two themes: 

da-gona-, -dgona- to look for . . . 

da-clew- (da'clo--) several wander about 

It is possible that the first element of the theme da-xa- "to be hot, 
warm" may be cognate with da--. In that case, -xa would mean "to 
be hot" and the whole theme could be translated "to be hot with . . '". 
This analysis cannot be proved. Examples of the free use of da-- 
and the details of its phonetic structure and treatment will be found 
in section 48. 

'ei- themes. 
'ei- is not, properly speaking, a prefix but a theme which only 
exists in compounds — which can no longer be used independently. 
This is shown by its behavior when 'ei- themes are compounded 
with others, viz: 

'ei-diVay -o"c I fall on him, hurting him; press liim 

with my body 
'ei-ge-diVay -o' he . . . me 

da' an-diV ay -o'c I squeeze him, hurting him 

da'an-ge-diray -o' he . . . me 

Notice here that 'ei- is dropped when the 'ei- theme (i.e., 'eidil'aye-) 
is compounded with da'ane- to pick, grasp .... Note, also, that the 



to slice (mea 
to drop . . . 
to fall on . . 
to kill . . . 


t) 

several objects) 

. hurting . . . 


to poke, jab 




to scare . . . 


start ... up 


to get in . . . 
to break . . . 


way; intercept 
head 


to drop . . . 





HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 47 

pronoun object ge- is inserted between 'ei- and -diVaye- as it is 
between da'an- and -dil'aye-. This treatment of the pronominal 
prefixes is characteristic of compounds (cf. 36). 

Whatever the origin of 'ei-, it is obvious that it now adds only a 
transitive connotation to the theme it modifies. It is found with a 
good many themes, but, in most cases, is removable (cf. 36). The 
themes that foUow cannot be used without it, except, of course, 
when compounded with other themes. 

ei-hage- 

ei-bedje-, 'ei- -bdje- 
ei-diVaye-, 'ei- -diVaye- 
ei-nadjga-, 'ei- -ndjag- 
ei-nedxeiv'a-, 'ei- -ndxew'a-, 

. 'ei-nedidxew a- 
ei-necexa-, 'ei- -necexa- 
ei-go'ndjo-, 'ei- -gondjo- 
ei-camxe-, 'ei- -cmax-, 'ei-cacamxe- 
ei-djane-, 'ei- -djne- 



34. Final Theme Elements, 1. 

In the preceding sections, we have discussed the types of verb 
theme from the point of view of their initial elements and have 
succeeded in isolating, with indifferent success, a number of such 
elements. There are a number of themes which can be analyzed 
more fuUy and these analyses affect principally the final elements 
of the theme complex. With few exceptions, the same difficulties 
attend these analyses as were present in the treatment of initial 
theme elements — they are generally isolated cases incapable of 
generalization. 

The best defined of these final theme elements are -na and -da, 
meaning 'direction away from the speaker' and 'direction towards 
the speaker', respectively. In a number of themes, they appear as 
irremovable theme elements. These are listed below. 

'eina- to go away 

'eida- to come 

dana- two persons go off 

na'xcogna- to scout, guide away intr. 

na'xcogda- to guide this way 

ga'na- to throw . . . away 

ga'da- to throw . . . here 

ha-na- one person goes off 

haunana- to move away (i. e., move one's camp) 

haunada- to move back, here 



48 HOIJER TONKA WA 

hengwa'na- to run off 

hengwa'da- to come running 

(This theme in compound appears without the directives: hengwai- 
cilwe- to go about running; cilwe- to go about) 

heigeuna- several persons march off 

heigeuda- several come marching 

wa-na- to fall, pitch forward 

wa'da- to fall backwards 

yoxna- to fly away 

yoxda- to come flying 

co'yana- to swim away 

co'yada- to come swimming 



off 



djegana- to take a step, pace 

djegada- to step this way 

djedxana- to jump away 

djedxada- to jump this way 

A third directive connotation is produced by adding the theme 
prefix xa (x-) to a distance, with force (cf. 51) to forms employing 
-da. This combination gives the meaning 'around, in a circle' to the 
theme. 

xa-gada- to throw ... in a circle, swing (com- 

pare: ga'na- to throw . . . away) 
xe'ngwa'da- to run in a circle (hengwa'da- to come 

rurming) 
xa-yoxda- to fly in a circle 

xa-coyada- to swim in a circle 

xa-djgada- to pace in a circle 

Two of the themes 'to go' employ a suffix -xa giving the connotation 
of arrival at a certain point. In both cases, the themes require also 
the prefix xa- to a distance. 

xa'xa- one person arrives at a distant point 

from ha-na- one person goes off; xa- plus Jut--, giving xa-- and the 
suffix -xa of arrival replacing -na off, away. 

xadxa- two persons arrive at a distant point 

from dana- two persons go off. 

There are also a number of test forms involving these elements — 
themes which can stand without the elements and to which the 
elements may be added. 

ba-ba- to set (a cup, dish) on a table 

ba'b-na- to set (several) in a line 

dobo- to stalk ... (e. g., an animal) 

dob-na- to go along stalking . . . 

dob-da- to come stalking . . . 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN ESTDIAN LANGTTAGES 



49 



nodxog-na- 
nodxog-da- 

he'dxane- 

he'dxan-na- 

he'dxan-da- 

heilaba- 

heilab-na- 

heilab-da- 

he'ca- 

he'ca-na- 

he'ca-da- 

yax^age- 

yax^ag-na- 

yax^ag-da- 

ya-dje- 

ya'dje-na- 

ya'dje-da- 

cogo- 

cog-na- 

cog-da- 



to expectorate 

to expectorate off, away 

to expectorate in this direction 

to talk, discourse intr. 
to telephone, talk off 
to phone from there to here 

to stand up 

to stand over there 

to stand here 

to point at . . . ; indicate . . . 
to point over there 
to point this way 

to shovel . . . 

to shovel . . . over there 

to shovel . . . here 

to see . . . ; look at . . . 

to look off 

to look in this direction 

to put . . . away; hide . . . 
to put . . . away; bury . . . 
to put ... in this direction 



Finally, there are a few themes in which the directives alternate 
with other final elements, -'e and -'a. 



yacyag e- 
yacyagna- 

yag'e- 

yagna- 

yagda- 

yagew'a- 
yagewna- 



to tear . 
to tear . 



. (paper, fabric) 
, . along, be tearing 



djo'Va- 

xa-djolda- 



to shoot ... ; 

to shoot off, away 

to shoot in this direction ' 

to make . . . ; transform ... 
to make ... in a line ; go along mak- 
ing it (as making a war bonnet) 

to make . . . towards this direction 

to defecate 

to go in a circle defecating 

It appears likely, from these examples, that -na, -da, -'e. and -'a 
are of the same class of element (at least, they all seem to have 
the same position in the theme complex) — all possibly giving 
active significance to the verb theme, -'e and -'a appear to be 
empty of any other meaning but -na and -da add directive con- 
notation as well. The functions of -'e and -'a are more clearly ■ 
illustrated by the following themes. 

hegai'e- to bend one's head, put one's head 

down 
hegai-aglana- to bow one's head low ; put . . . down 

(haglana- to go down) 

4 



50 HOIJER TONKAWA 

yadin scraper (novin) 

yadin'e- to scrape ... (a hide) 

bal'il brains (noun) 

haViVe- to smear (brains) on (skin); rub 

(medicine) on . . . 



to drown . . . 
negel-nadjga- to kill ... by drowning (nadjga- to 

kill) 
gelne- to be drowned 

hebai'a- to put on beads, necklace 

hebai-xwede- to put on a dress {xwede- to clasp, 

enfold) 

yadjoxo- to cover . . . with blanket 

yadjox'o- to build a tipi 

yadjox'aw- to build a tipi (no difference in 

meaning). 

Note especially the cases in which -'e makes a verbal form of a nomi 
form; viz., yadin-' e- to scrape. . . from yadin scraper, and bal'il-'e- 
to smear . . . with brains, medicine, from bal'il brains. These 
alternations seem to confirm the theory that -'e serves as a verbali- 
zer, activizing nominal themes. This fact cannot be proved from the 
rest of the themes concerned. 

There are no conclusive test forms for the -'a element. The 
contrast between yadjoxo- to cover . . . with blanket, yadjox'o- to 
build a tipi, and yadjox'aw- to build a tipi, suggests that -'a may 
have a function similar to that of -'e (-'o is probably -'a colored to 
-'o by vocaHc harmony with the preceding vowel. The difference 
between yadjox'aw- and yadjox'o- does not come out in the meanings 
of the two). Since yadjoxo- means "to cover. . . with a blanket", 
yadjox'o- may be translated "to do, make a covering of blankets, 
skins", i. e., to build a tipi. 

Another alternation worthy of notice is that between gel-ne- 
to be drowned and ne-gel-'e- to drown. . .. Here is introduced an 
element -we which appears, in this case, to characterize a neuter 
theme. Only one other test form is available. 

ni'e'lne- (light) shines, glares; (sun) is shining 

m,'e'ldjidjen-'e'- there is sheet lightning; lightning 

plays 

The second form is obviously an old compound : m'e-l- plus -djidjen- 
plus -'e--. Of these, -'e-- alone is definable. It is the auxihary verb 
theme to be (cf. 38). m'e-l-djidjen can exist alone and is defined as a 
noun : sheet lightning, m'e-l-, therefore, appears to be definable as a 
glowing, a shining, but there is no evidence for a definition of 
-djidjen. -ne appears to have the same function here as in the 
preceding example. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 51 

Finally, there are a number of verb themes formed by adding a 
-wa element to a noun theme. These themes seem to be of the same 
type as those having -'e, -'a, and -we verbifiers. The difference, of 
course, lies in the fact that in most of the latter cases the noun 
theme back of the verb has not been retained in active usage — 
has lost its independent existence. For the themes we are about to 
list, we have, in each case, the noun themes. 

^acoi abdomen 

'acya-wa- to be pregnant 

ben'ats spring 

bendza-wa- to be spring time 

daxac day. sun, morning 

daxce-wa- day breaks; morning comes 

noxlul screech owl; the hoot of an owl 

noxlul-wa- an owl screeches, hoots 

ho'^o^ox robbers, thieves 

ho-'oxa-wa- to steal ... 

xa' fat (noun) 

xa--wa- to be fat, corpulent 

xadj'an stingy 

xadjna-wa- to be stingy; unwilling to give 

xadjoi gonorrhea 

xadjya-wa- to have gonorrhea 

yo'tc foam (as from soap or on beer) 

yo'dj-wa- (water, beer) foams 

The same sort of alternation between noun and verb theme may 
be accomplished by adding the auxiliary verb theme -we- to a noun 
theme. For example, calal tears, becomes calal-we- to be in tears, to 
weep, by the addition of the auxihary -we-. This fact leads to the 
belief that -'e, -'a, -ne, -na, -da and -iva exemplify old auxiharies 
which have, in the process of theme petrification, lost independent 
status. Any noun theme of present day Tonkawa can be verbified 
by one or other of the three auxiharies still possessing independent 
status, -'e--, -ye--, or -we- (cf. 38). We have seen that -na and -da 
alternate with -'e and -'a; that -ne alternates with -'e and that -wa 
appears to perform essentially the same function as -'e and -'a. 
For these reasons, it appears hkely that a good many verb themes 
can be explained as having been formed by the addition of a verbi- 
fier to an old noun theme. These old noun themes have gone out of 
existence (as nouns) probably because nouns are today formed by 
adding a suffix to the verb theme (cf. 75). The themes listed below 
are those which seem to agree formally with the test forms for 
-'e, -'a, -ne, and -wa above (the -na and -da themes have already 

4* 



52 



HOIJER TONKAWA 



been given). There is no proof that they have been formed in this 
way but their very numbers add weight to our interpretation. 



nac'ol 'o- 

hendidxew'a- 

hedjx'om'a- 

x'ax'ai'a- 

yadaVa- 

yandjadjaia- 

djo'l'a- 

nak'am'e- 

nedic'e- 

nedx^eVe- 

negaw'e- 

nek'am'e- 

ne'givec'e- 

k'am'e- 

yageVe- 

c'e't'e- 

fcei'e- 



to have sores, blisters 

to move, tremble 

to draw one's foot back 

to laugh 

to indulge in sapphism with . , 

to meddle with . . . 

to defecate 



. (a jointed object) 
(a hide) 



to bend 

to press 

to tan . 

to yawn 

to gnaw 

(a horse) neighs 

to bend ... in a circle 

to jab . . . with elbow 

to mark, scratch . . . 

to be jealous of . . . 



hagne- to be dry 

hawaune- to carry, pack . . . 

haididjne- to fall down 

ha'xeine- to go off, away 

(Compare the above form with ha'xeida- to come back) 
hedjne- to lie down 

(Compare the above form with haididjne- (to fall down) 
he'bne- to tell (a story) 

'e'eyawa- ('e'eyo'-) to work, do to ... 

negewa- to be related to . . . 

nenco'yawa- (nenco'yo'-J to ferry . . . ; swim with a burden 
(Compare: co'yana- to swim off; co'yada- to come swimming) 



nexeldjwa- 

go'wa- 

ha'cicwa- 

heicaxwa- 

x'obdjodjwa- 

wexwa- 

caxwa- 

t'co'iwa- 

djodjxawa- (djodjxo'-) 



to drag . . . 

to be cold 

to be stiff, sore 

to rest 

to discharge wind 

to grow up 

to be scared, frightened 

to have fits; go into a frenzy 

to be afraid 



Not all themes, however, are built up in this manner; i. e., are 
composed of possible old noun themes plus auxiharies. In proof of 
this, there are a number of themes which, when used without 
affixes, have nominal or adjectival significance and are made into 
verbs by simply adding formal verb suffixes. 



nie'dan 

7n'e-dn- 

doVaii 

doVaw- (doFo'-J 



lightning 

lightning strikes . . . 

dough (for making bread) 
to knead . . . 



HANDBOOK OF 


AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGTTAGES 


naxwetc 
naxwdje- 


rattle 

to rattle . . . ; shake a rattle 


nexwa 
nexowa- 


winter 

to be winter time 


nodox 
nodxo- 


hoe 

to hoe . . . 


nodoc 
nodco- 


(a group) standing 
several stand; stop moving 


goloxma-dja 
goloxma'dja- 


fist 

to clench fist 


hogobagxon 
hogobagxon- 


hat 

to put a hat on 


holgam'adjxe 
holgam'adjxe- 


bucking (as of a horse) 
(a horse) bucks 


fcaxw yabetc 
yabdje- 


thread (fcaxw cloth) 
to sew, stitch . . . 


dol'axan yadoc 
yadco- 


pop corn (doVaxan corn) 
to pop 


yagau 
yagwa- 


spurs 

to kick, spur, dance 


yawei 
yauya- 


field 

to plant . . . 


heic'ok 
heic'ogo- 


comb 

to comb oneself 


ya-goxou 
ya'goxow- 


box, barrel 
to make a box 


yo-m'am 


rain 


yo-m'a- 


to rain 



53 



35. Final Theme Elements, 2. 

This section wiU be devoted to the presentation of a few isolated 
cases of theme alternation involving final elements. Some of these 
may be of the same type as those discussed in section 34 but, since 
there appears to be no way of proving them analogous, it was 
thought best to handle them separately. 
daane- 

d(£ ane-ye,' - 

da'an-ge- 

da'an-dje- 

In this case, the elements -ge and -dje are quite clearly added to an 
original theme da'ane- and the meaning definitely changed. These 



to pick 


. . . (one 


1 object) 


up; 


to 


take 












to have . 


. . picked 


up; in 


one's hand 


to take . 


. . away; 


steal . 








to grasp, 


hold . . . 











54 HOIJER TONKAWA 

are, however, isolated cases. From the manner in which they are 
added to the theme (i. e., they are added to the final form of the 
theme, da an-, as contrasted to the form of the theme, da'ayie-, 
to which the auxiUary -ye-- "to be" is added) it is possible that -ge 
and -dje are reduced forms of old themes existing only in composition 
with da'an-. 

hexwe- a noise is heard ; there is a noise 

hexcaca- to yelp, yell, give a cry 

he-exexca'-yew- several persons scream 

-we is probably cognate with the auxiliary -we- to be; therefore hex- 
may be assumed to mean "a noise", -coca appears to be a reduphcat- 
ed element since, in the third form, it appears as -ca (its length is 
due to the influence of the following reciprocal suffix -yew, cf. 46). 
-ca may, then, be an element of the type of -'e, -'a, etc., a verbaUzer 
adding, at the same time, a momentaneous connotation. Thus, 
hex-caca- to (utter) sharp noises repeatedly, to yelp (as a dog). Our 
evidence is Umited to this one form and the analysis must, therefore, 
be judged accordingly. 

yagoca-, -igoca- to whistle 

yagodja-, -igodja- to scream 

These forms, if comparable, show a nice alternation between two 
elements, -ca and -dja, which appears to modify the action deriva- 
tionally. No further evidence is available and even a tentative 
explanation is hardly possible on the basis of these two forms. 

ha'dj-'ida both of them (cf. 86 for -'ida) 

ha'djidj-ai both sides (cf. 87 for -ai) 

ha'djxa- two persons ride (on a horse); several 

ride, two (on a horse) 

This appears to be a clear case of composition: ha-dj- both, two, 
plus -xa to ride (on a horse). An interesting comparison is found in 
word 'egwan-c-xau horse, which appears to be a compound of 
'egwan dog, -c noun instrumental, (cf. 86), and -xau. If the -xa of 
-xau is cognate with the -xa above, 'egwancxau would mean, 
hterally, "dog used for riding". 

he'bne- to tell ... (a story) 

he'babne- rep. 

he'banewa- (he-bano'-) to discuss . . . 

hebage- to tell . . . ; inform . . . 

Here is an alternation between -ne, -newa (-no-), and -ge. he-b-, 
he-bab-, he-ba-. and heba- may be variations of a complex referring 
to speaking, talking, discussing, etc., and the final elements may 
be activizers of various sorts. These are only tentative analyses — 
no other evidence is available. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 55 

m'aye- to set fire to . . . 

m'ai-na- to set fire in a line off 

niai-da- to set fire in a line this way 

ham'ani^a- to burn intr. 

The element -ye appears to be separable from this evidence. The 
question is, what element takes its place in ham' am' a-?; that is, 
is the -'a of the second -m'a- simply a part of that element or the 
verbalizer -'a? The following conjugation bears on the point. 

hain'am'-o'' it burns 

ham'' mn' a- -no' it is burning 

ham' am-do' xa- to burn completely intr. 

Note here the lengthening of the vowel of the second -m'a- and the 
fact that the glottal stop of the second -m drops out when the theme 
is compounded with -do-xa- to do ... completely. This would 
imply, it seems, that ham'am'a- may be regarded as ham' am- a- 
where -'a is cognate with the verbahzer -'a. If this is so, -ye would 
also be a verbalizer. 

These cases conclude our examination of the final theme elements. 
The evidences presented are exhaustive and admittedly weak in 
many instances. The only safe conclusion is that we have only 
indications for the partition of the verb theme and that these 
indications, coupled with those concerning the initial theme ele- 
ments, warrant the hypothesis that the theme was, at one time, a 
less complex organism. 



36. Theme Compounding. 

Another factor affecting theme structure in Tonkawa may be 
found in the process of composition. The language of today is very 
fertile in compounds and it may well be that a number of themes 
now felt as indivisible units are old compounds, the themes of 
which have lost independent status. As a matter of fact, there are 
examples of such formations but, before discussing them, it will be 
necessary to examine the process of composition in general (only, of 
course, as it apphes to verb compounds : noun and other compounds 
will be handled in section 85). 

Verb plus verb is the predominant type of compound involving 
verb themes. In fact, there are only three examples of other types: 
ho-c-daxcew- morning dawns ; to be morning, from ho-c early, before, 
and daxcew- day breaks; hagoxa-adak-we- to be very tired, from 
hagoxa- to be tired, hadak very, and -we- to be (hadak, in all hkeh- 
hood, may be compounded with other themes of a character 
similar to hagoxa- but there are no other examples available) ; and, 
na-x-cogna- to scout, guide, reconnoitre, which seems to be composed 



56 HOIJER TONKAWA 

of the noun na-x road, plus cogna- to put away, have, keep . . . 
— the compounded theme means literally, then, "to put away, 
have the road", i. e., "to know the trail" or "to guide, scout"'. 

In most compounds of verb plus verb, neither theme seems to 
dominate or modify the other: both appear to retain their full 
meanings. 

Where this is not true, the first theme appears to be the domi- 
nant one, the second modifying. The following Ust wiU illustrate 
the type. 

yag-xailaba- to shoot (arrow) into the ground 

yag^e- to shoot ^-'e- dropped in compounds); xailaba- to stick in the 
ground (tr.) 
negel-nadjga- to kill, by drowning 

negeVe- to drown; 'ei-nadjga- to kill . . . 
hawaune-daxga- to carry . . . here 

hawaune- to carry . . . ; daxga- two persons arrive 
yagau-ga'na- to kick . . . away 

yagaw- to kick . . . ; gwna- to throw away 
hedai'o' -he'cogyawa- to join in fighting 

hedai'o'- to join a group; he'cogyawa- to fight (intr.J 
hengwai-cilwe- to wander about running 

hengwa'na- to run off ; cilwe- to wander, go gere and there 
he'm,ania'go--dana- several walk off weeping 

hemama'go'- several weep; dana- several go off 
yac'en-nadjga- to be cut to death (by grass) 

yac'en- to be cut; 'ei-nadjga- to kill . . . 
yamga'da- one person comes to call . . . 

yamga- to call . . . ; ha'da- one person comes 
da'an-aidjona- to pull ... up 

da'an- to grab, take . . . ; haidjona- to go up 

An interesting feature of compounded themes is that the prono- 
minal prefixes are placed between the two themes of the compound 
(the normal position of the pronoun prefixes is the first position in 
the verb; cf. 42). 

xicb -o' he (his sinews) are cut, broken 

nadj-xicb -o'c I bite him cutting a sinew 

nadj- to bite 
nadj-ge-xicb -o' 
nadj-we-xich -o'c 
nadj-geu-xicb -o' 

This would seem to indicate that the compound is not quite felt as a 
complete unity but, rather, as a combination of two independent 
themes. 

There are a number of locative themes most of which have no 
independent usage but are found only in compound with either ha-- 
one person goes (from ha-na- one person goes off) or da- two (or 
more) persons go (fi'om dana- two or more persons go off). 



he . 


. . me 


I .. 


. them 


he . 


. . us 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 57 

ha-idjona- one person goes up 

ha-idjoda- one person comes up 

da-idjona- several persons go up 

da-idjoda- several persons come up 

ha-glana- one person goes down 

ha-glada- one person comes down 

\ da-glana- several persons go down 

da-glada- several persons come down 

ha-gxona- one person goes in 

ha-gxoda- one person comes in 

da-gxona- several persons go in 

da-gxoda- several persons come in 

ha-dxilna- one person goes out 

ha-dxilda- one person comes out 

da-dxilna- several persons go out 

da-dxilda- several persons come out 

ha-ixena- one person goes across 

ha-ixeda- one person comes across 

da-ixena- several persons go across 

da-ixeda- several persons come across 

Only one of the above locatives has independent status: goxna- 
several persons go in, appears to be the locative theme of ha-gxorm- 
one person goes in. These themes, it is evident, illustrate a special 
type of compound: note, first, that Jia.- has lost the length it had 
in Im-na- one person goes off; in short, the form of the first theme of 
the compound has been altered. Secondly, though these themes 
may be compounded with other verbs, they retain the form 
illustrated above; i. e., they do not lose the ha- or da- elements even 
when compounded with other themes. Thus : 

yagex-aidjona- to push it up (yagex- to push) 

yago-daidjona- several fetch up water 

yago- to fetch water 
wa'n-adxilna- to fall out (wa'na- to fall) 

heigew-adxilna- several went out 

heigew- several go, march 

In short, therefore, the ha- and da- elements — though indepen- 
dently used — have, in these compounds, become a part of a new 
verb : the combination ha- plus -gxona-, for example, is not felt as a 
compound but as an indivisible theme. 

The two themes 'ei- and dab- are also found only in compounds. 
'ei- has been discussed in section 33. It was seen there that it 
follows the regular behavior of a compounded theme — i. e., the 
pronoun object comes between it and the theme to which it is 
attached and it is dropped when the theme it modifies is compound- 
ed with another. Thus, 'ei-xicb-o'c I bite his sinews, 'ei-ge-xicb-o' 
he . . . me, nadj-xicb -o'c I bite him cutting a sinew (nadj- to bite . . . ). 
The 'ei- themes are listed in section 33. 



58 HOIJER TONKAWA 

dab- appears in only one compound: dab-edjne- to lie on one's side 
from hedjne- to lie down. This compound also follows the regidar 
pattern : 

dab-ge-edjn -o' I lie on my side 

dab-x -edjn -o' he falls on his side (x- with force) 

dab-ge-x -edjn -o' I fall on my side 

dab-, then, appears to mean "to one's side, on one's side", and may 
be either an old locative theme or an adverb which has been 
"frozen" to the theme hedjne-. It will be noticed, however, that both 
'ei- and dab- are less a part of the themes with which they are found 
then the ha- and da- elements of the locative themes. 

The other secondary themes of this type are always found in the 
second position of the compound. The complex -aye-, for example, 
appears with two themes, as follows ; 

yag^e- to shoot . . . 

yag-ay -o'c I pierce him (as with an arrow); 

pierce him by shooting (with an 

arrow) 
yag-ga-ay -o' he . . . me 

yadca- to stab . . . 

yadac-ay -o'c I pierce him (as with a spear); pierce 

him by thrusting (with a spear) 
yadac-ga-ay-o' he . . . me 

The complex -aye- is not used alone : it appears only in compound 
with these two themes. It may be seen from the examples given that 
it appears to add a connotation "piercing . . . through" to the 
themes it modifies. 

-bel- is another such secondary theme. It is found only with the 
verb hedjne- to he down. 

hedja-hel- to lie on one's abdomen, lie face down 

xe'dja-bel- to fall flat 

Note, here, that the final element -ne of the theme hedjne- has been 
dropped in the compound. This, coupled with the fact that the 
prefix X- with force, is added to the beginning of the form and not 
inserted between the two elements of the compound, makes it 
appear that -bel- can be construed as a final element of the tj'pe of 
-ne rather than as a secondary theme. 

The theme -do-xa- on is found with a number of themes. An 
example of its use appears below : 

co'la- to drip 

co'l-do'x -o' it drops, drips on hbn 

co'l-ge-dox -o' it drips on me 

-dola- in vain, is found with only one theme. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 59 

da'gona- to search for . . . 

da'gona-dol ■o'c I search for it in vain 

da'gona-ge-dol -o' he . . . me 

-yax'oidjo-, -ix'oidjo- is found with only one theme. 

go'm -o'c I have it in my mouth 

go'm-yax'oidj -o'c I suck it 

go'm-we-ix' oidj -o'c I suck them 

The meaning of this secondary theme is not very clear : it appears to 
modify go-ma- to have ... in one's mouth, so that it refers to 
sucking in the sense of sucking stick candy, for example. 
-yabaVa-, -ibaVa-, also found with only one theme. 

yago-n -o'c I hit him with my fist 

yago'n-yabaV -o'c I knock him down with my fist 

yago'-ge-ibaV -o' he . . . me 

The above compounds illustrate the use of an independent theme 
with one not found except in compounds. In the following two 
examples, neither theme can be used independently. 

nebil-djan -o'c I make fire by friction 

nebil-we-djn -o'c I make several fires by friction 

nog-xodj -o'c I pull out his hair 

nog-go-xdj -o' he . . . my . . . 

nog-wo-xdj -o'c I . . . their . . . 

In both of these, the behavior of the pronominal prefixes is the only 
clue to the fact of their being compounds: both themes involved 
have lost independent status. 

The complex naxadj- is found in the following series of themes. 

naxadj-a'na- one person goes to visit (a friend) 

naxadj-a-da- one person comes to visit 

naxadj-dana- two persons go to visit 

naxadj -ic-'e'- to indulge in sexual play with one's 

sweetheart 
naxadj -gan-we- to be married 

In the first three forms, naxadj- is compounded with ha-na- one 
person goes off, ha-da- one person comes, and dana- two persons go 
off, and seemingly adds to those themes the notion of visiting or 
communion with a friend. In the fourth example, naxadj- has the 
noun instrumental suffix -ic (cf . 86) and is coupled with the auxihary 
-'e-- to be, to do (cf . 38). Literally, then, the form could be translated 
"to do by means of a companion; to act as to a friend" — this 
idiomatically referring to sexual play. In the last example, naxadj - 
is used with a noun suffix -gan, implying ownership and the auxi- 
hary -we- to be. Thus, "to be possessed of a companion" is the 
hteral translation. 



60 HOIJER TONKAWA 

nedjyaxe-, -nedjyaxe- , nedjidjyaxe- to shake out (a blanket, 
clothes, etc.), and nedjlegwe-, -nedjlegwe- to wash (a blanket, clothes), 
seem to have the complex element nedj- in common. It may be that 
these two verbs are old compounds but note that the pronouns come 
before the whole complex in each case and not between the two 
elements of the theme. 

ha'nadjidj xile- several persons run away 

yandjidjxile- to run away 

yalxilna- to run away 

ya'ncxile- to run 

In these forms, aU meaning practically the same thing, we notice 
the element -xile- as the only complex common to aU four themes. 
It may be that it is an old theme referring to direction which has 
become fused to these themes expressing running. There is, however, 
no way of proving this analysis. 

^ei-geVaxe-, 'ei-gegel'axe- to smash, shatter . . . 

gaVaxe-, gagai'axe- to cut . . . off at a joint 

doVaxe-, dodoVaxe- to shell com 

'eibac'axe-, 'ei-babac'axe- to break, burst ... by pressure 

'ei-dam'axe-, 'ei-dadaniaxe- to smash . . . (glass, dishes) 

In this set of themes, all have an element of the type CVC in the 
first position and the complex -'axe- in the second two positions. 
Notice, too, that there is enough similarity in meaning to postulate 
a relationship between them. It is quite possible that -'axe- refers 
to breaking in a general sense and that the first position elements 
refine this concept to suit the particular occasion. Thus, gai- may 
refer to cutting or choj^ping and we find it again in the theme, 
'ei-gaidje-, 'ei-gagaidje- to chop. . . : cut. . . with an axe. In the same 
way, the other first position elements may serve to refine the 
meaning of the general complex -'axe- though we cannot adduce 
any proof of this. In short, it is a possible hypothesis that these 
themes are old compounds of smaller morphologic units which once 
had a greater variability. 

To conclude, then, the evidence presented in this section has 
indicated that the origins of some themes at least may be due to 
compounds formed in an earher period in the history of the language. 
In preceding sections, other material has suggested that the theme, 
though now indivisible, may have been, at one time, a combination 
of elements each having certain definite functions and I think that 
the indications presented in this section strengthen that hypothesis 
somewhat. It is evident, however, that we shall not be able to jirove 
conclusively that such a process has occurred: that would require 
either historical material or comparative material from languages 
related to Tonkawa and both of these aids are lacking. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 61 

37. Theme Reduplication. 

Reduplication serves two purposes in Tonkawa: first and most 
often, it indicates repetitive action, and, secondly, it may indicate 
that many persons are engaged in a particular action. Thus: 

hebag -o'c I tell, inform him 

hebabag -o'c I inform him several times 

namaig -o'c I whirl it about my head 

namamaig -o'c several whirl things about their heads 

In rare cases, reduplication serves to intensify the act as in walaba- 
to boil (intr.), walalaba- to boil vigorously. Additional examples of 
these functions will be found in the lists below. 

It is evident, from the examples given in the preceding sections, 
that the whole theme is very rarely repeated in the reduplicated 
form. Generally, only one element of the theme is repeated and, 
in this section, we shall attempt to classify themes according to the 
element repeated — coordinating this classification with our 
earlier classification (cf. 26) of themes according to structure. 

i. Two Element Themes. 
These reduplicate very consistently in the same manner: the 
first position element is repeated and has the repeated form CVCV 
— this, whatever the phonetic form of the element may be. In the 
following hst, the reduplicated forms are to be interpreted as 
repetitive forms of the verb unless otherwise stated. 

dob-, -dbo-, dodobo- to cut . . . 

gob-, -gbo-, gogobo- to choke . . . 

goni-, -gmo-, gogmno- to have ... in one's mouth 

djex-, -djxe-, djedjexe- to loosen 

lobaw-, lolobaw- to dive 

ma'ga-, -maga-, viamaga- to cry, weep 

wa-na-, -wana-, ivawana- to fall forwards 

(Reduplicated form : several fall forwards) 
co-yana-, -coyana-, cocoyana- to swim away 

(Reduplicated form: several swim away) 
co-la-, -cola-, cocola- (water) drips, runs 

x'ene-, -x'ene-, x'ex'ene- to sweep . . . 

x'ele-, -x'ele-, x'ex'ele- to sharpen . . . 

y'odjo-, -y'odjo-, y'oy'odjo- to pinch . . . 

x'e'ba-, -x'eba-, x'ex'e'ba- to take . . . off 

c'e'da-, -c'eda-, c'ec'e'da- to cut . . . 

Note, in the last two examples, that the repeated form preserves the 
length of the vowel. 
xaVoya-, -xal'oya-, xaxaVoya- to cut . . . off 

xadjlewa-, -xadjlewa-, xaxadjlewa- to be angry 

(Reduplicated form: to be very angry) 
xeidje-, xeidje-, xexeidje- to rub 

xoVawa-, -xoVawa-, xoxoV awa- to wash . . . 

calge-, -calge-, cacalge- to pull . . . out 



62 HOIJER TONKAWA 

There are but two exceptions to this rule — i. e., that the first 
element of two element themes is repeated in the reduplicated 
forms: bile-, -ble-, bilele- to roU, wrap ... up; and hexa-, -exa-, 
hexaca- to point to . . . These reduplicate the second element of the 
complex. 

ii. Three Element Themes. 

These vary considerably in form. A majority of them — partic- 
ularly those having a simple element in the first position — repeat 
the second element of the complex and the repeated element has 
the form CVCV. 

nahoxa-, -nboxa-, naboboxa- to blow at . . . 

namaiga-, -nrnaiga-, namamaiga- to whirl . . . about head 

naVam'e-, -nk''am'e-, naValc'am'e- to bend ... at a joint 

naule-, -nwel-, nawewel- to spread . . . out 

nac'oga-, -nc'oga-, nac'oc'oga- to squeeze . . . 

nac'oVa-, -nc''ol''a-, nac'oc'ora- to have sores, blisters 

nedle-, -ndal-, nedadal- to lick . . . 

nedic'e-, -ndic'e-, nedidic'e- to press . . . 

neh'mn'e-, ■nk^am'e-, nek^ak'ani'e- to gnaw . . . 

nexale-, -nxale-, nexaxale- to snore 

nex'abe-, -nx'abe-, nex'ax'abe- to eat hackberries 

neVaye-, -nVaye-, neVaVaye- to .spit . . . out 

haixo-, -ayoxo-, hayoyoxo- to moimt (a horse) 

ha'm'aga-, -a'm'aga-, ha'm'am'aga- to send for . . . 

hebage-, -ebage-, hebabage- to inform . . . 

hen'oca-, -en^oca-, hen' ori' oca- to blow one's nose 

hegai'e-; -egai'e-, hegagai'e- to bend one's head 

walaba-, walalaba- to boil intr. 

(Reduplicated form: to boil vigorously) 
yam'adjxa-, -iin'adjxa-, yani'am'adjxa- to sneeze 

yadine-, -iditi'e-, yadidin'e- to scrape . . . 

yadicxe-, -idicxe-, yadidicxe- (a bull) butts 

(Reduplicated form: several (bulls) butt . . .) 

yageVe-, igeVe-, yagegeVe- to jab . . . with elbow 

yax'ecge-, -ix'ecge-, yax'ex'ecge- to rub two objects together 

yaweye-, -iweye-, yaweweye- to tie ... up 

yadjoxo-, -idjoxo-, yadjodjoxo- to cover . . . with blanket 

yalba-, -ilab-, yalalaba- to stand ... up 

This list, it will be noted, contains all the ne- and na- themes and 
quite a few ya- themes. Just as many ya- themes, however, repeat 
the ya- in the reduplicated form and it has the form yai-. 

yabxa-, -ibax-, yaibax- to slap . . . with hand 

yadca-, -idac-, yaidac- to stab . . . 

yag'e-, -ig'e-, yaig^e- to shoot . . . 

yagba-, -igab-, yaigab- to pound . . . (with hammer) 

yagioa-, -igaw-, yaigaw- to kick . . . 

yagona-, igona-, yaigona- to hit . . . with fist 

yaxwdje-, -ixwedj-, yaixwedj- to hit . . . with a club 

yale-, -He-, yaile- to hit . . . with a missile 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 63 

Certain three element themes repeat the second element of the 
complex in the redupHcated form but differ from those in the first 
list in that the repeated element has the form CVC. Note that this 
Ust contains three ya- themes. 

yaxoya-, -ixoya-, yaxoxya- to hunt . . . 

yaxwya-, -ixwoya-, yaxwoxwya- to hunt, look for . . . 

yadjga-, -idjag-, yadjadjga- to put in on ... back 

hegdawe-, -egdawe-, hegegdawe- to sing 

Finally, those three element themes having a complex element of 
the type CVC in the first position repeat this element in the redu- 
pUcated form. 

bandjale-, -bandjale-, babandjale- to open one's mouth 

doVaxe-, -dol'axe-, dodol'axe- to shell corn 

gai'axe-, -gai'axe-, gagai'axe- to cut ... at the joint 

geVaxe-, -geVaxe-, gegeVaxe- to smash, shatter . . . 

gwan'ace-, -gwan'ace-, gwagwan'ace- to dig 

xem'ace-, -xem'ace-, xexeni'ace- to rub . . . 



iii. Miscellaneous. 
There are a number of four element themes which repeat the 
second element (form CVC) when redupUcated. 



nedx'ei'e-. 


-nedx'ei'e-, nedidx'ei'e- 


to tan ... (a hide) 


hangaba-. 


-angaba-, hanangaba- 


(leeches) stick to . . . 


hec'egena-, 


-ec'egena-, hec'ec'egena- 


to stretch one's neck 


yadmaxe-. 


-yadinaxe-, yadidniaxe- 


to break . . . 


yadxalga-, 


-yadxalga-, yadadxalga- 


to hang . . . up 


yagwlaxe-, 


, -yagwlaxe-, yagwagwlaxe- 


to open . . . 


yaxmadje- 


■, -yaxmadje-, yaxaxmadje- 


to break . . . 


yacyag'e-. 


-yacyag'e-, yacecyag'e- 


to tear, rip . . . 


yalxilna-. 


-yalxilna-, yalalxilna- 


to run 



Themes having nee- or hec- as the first element repeat these elements 
in the form necec- or hecec, respectively, when reduplicated: 

hec'ege-, hecec'ege- to ask for . . . 

necgaba-, nececgaba- to shut (door, window) 

necgwide-, nececgwide- to tie ... up ; fasten . . . 

neclaxge-, nececlaxge- to cough, splutter, clear one's throat 

iv. Conclusions. 
The fact that only one element of a theme is repeated and that, 
in different classes of themes, varying elements are the repeated 
ones, seems to imply that elements of a certain type must be 
repeated in redupUcated forms. But, it is impossible to say whether 
this variation is due simply to phonetic circumstance or if it is 
because of the functions of the elements. There is no evidence for 
either position. It may be significant that first position elements 



64 HOIJER TONKAWA 

are generallj' repeated except when these are na-, we-, ha-, he-, and 
ya- (here again an exception must be made of ya- themes which 
reduphcate the ya- element). In these last cases, the second position 
element is the one repeated. However, our evidence for theme 
analysis does not permit of any generaUzations as to the functions 
of most theme elements and, though this fact of reduphcation may 
be signficant, there appears to be no way of applying it to the 
problem of theme structure. 



38. Auxihary Themes and Particles. 

There are three auxihary themes in Tonkawa, -ye--, -e-- to be; 
-we- to be (as the result of having become), to become; -ei-, -'e*- 
to be (in a certain place), to do. We have seen, in the discussion of 
final theme elements, that there may have been others but these 
three are the only ones now freely used — i. e., not permanently a 
part of any particular theme or group of themes, (cf. 34). 

i. -ye--, -e- to be. 
This theme has the form -ye-- when attached to themes which can 
stand alone — i. e., which need no formal suffixes to complete their 
meaning (themes functioning as nouns, adjectives, and adverbs) 
and the form -e-- when used with verb themes. Thus: 

hocac-ye-- to be yoiing (hocac young) 

xalal-ye-- to be hot, have a fever (xalal hot) 

wixwan-ye-- to be small (wixwan small) 

ha-'ago-n-ye-- to be a man (ha-'cufo-n man) 

hedjn-e-- to be lying down (hedjne- to lie down) 

yel-e'- to be sitting ( yela- to sit down) 

heilab-e-- to be standing (heilaba- to stand up) 

hendoc-e'- several are standing (hetidoc- several 

stand, stop moving) 

Note that the combination of active verb and the auxiliary -e-- 
gives a static significance to the expression. 

ii. -we- to be, become. 

This auxihary is also used with themes functioning as adjectives 
and adverbs but differs in meaning in that it defines a static con- 
dition resulting from preceding activity. Thus, go-c'a-we- to be old, 
have become old, is a possible form but hocac-ive- is impossible since 
one cannot become younger. 

-we- added to noun themes has the function of verbifying those 
themes and the resulting verb may either be active or static. Thus: 

'o-'a . night 

'o-'a-we- to be night, night falls 



HANDBOOK OF AMEEICAN nSTDIAJST LANGUAGES 65 

daxac day 

daxce-we- day breaks 

neiganah first 

neiganak-we- to be first, to come in first (in a race) 

yo'ts foam 

yo'dz-we- to foam, bubble 

we- is not added to verb themes. 

iii. -'ei-, -f- to be (in a certain place), to do. 

This auxiliary is used with all forms as is -ye-- but differs in that 
the meaning of the resulting combination may be active as weU as 
static. Thus, me-ldjidjen sheet lightning, plus -'e-- becomes m'e-l- 
djidjen-'e-- sheet hghtning plays, flashes. The variation in form 
between -'ei- and -'e-- is phonetic (cf. 8). 

The meaning "to be" of -'ei- emphasizes locaUty rather than 
quahty as in the case of -ye--. Contrast, for example, yel-e-- to be 
sitting, where the emphasis is on the fact of a person sitting and 
having been seated for a long time, with yel-'ei- to be sitting there, 
the emphasis being on the position of the person concerned. This 
difference is very neatly brought out in the following pair of text 
forms: heilaban-t'cel-'a-y'ik (at the top of the tree), yel-e- -laklakno'o 
he was sitting, it is said, at the top of the tree, as contrasted with 
da--yel-'e--noklakno'o he was sitting there with her, it is said. In the 
last form no location is specified, the auxiliary placing the action. 

A pecuhar usage of -'ei- is illustrated in the following two themes: 

yax-'ei- to be hungry (yaxa- to eat) 

'a-x-'ei- to be thirsty ('a'x water) 

Here the auxihary appears to imply desire, thus: 'a-x-'ei- to want 
water, be thirsty, yax-'ei- to want to eat, be hungry. There are no 
other examples of this usage. 

Tonkawa particles are all formed by the addition of various 
conjunctive, subordinating and participial suffixes (cf. 64) to a 
theme much resembling the auxihary -'ei-. 

e--d then, and 

6' -da and then 

e--h-la then (being so) 

nih then 

e- -no-k-lak it happened then . . . 

e--la just as, when, as 

e'-no-la after (awhile), before 

e--lga thus, in consequence of 

e-'lga'ak whereupon, at that, when (it) 

happened 

e--yo'ok then, at that point, upon so doing 

6--Voh but, and 



66 HOIJEK TONKAWA 

39. Summary and Conclusions. 

We have now presented all the available evidence for the partition 
of the theme. The evidence, though scattered and largely incapable 
of generalization, is enough, it seems to me, to justify an hypothesis 
concerning the possible process involved in theme structure. 

First, it is quite apparent that there are a number of first position 
elements sufficiently represented to indicate that they are not 
fortuitous similarities but are the vestiges of a once more complete 
list of prefixes governing the relation between the other elements of 
the theme. It seems likely that there are three classes of elements — 
or groups of elements — used in constructing themes. These are, 
in order of their occurrence, prefixes (such as ya-, ne-, ha-, he-, and 
possibly na-), stem elements, and sirffixes (such as -'a, -'e, -we, -ne, 
etc.). Not all themes, however, have now or ever had at an earher 
time all of these elements. It is more Ukely that a typological 
classification of themes can be made — somewhat as follows. 
A. Themes identical with stems. This section would include such 
themes as mama- to carry, pack. . ., dobo- to cut. . ., 'ege- to give 
to . . . , djexe- to loosen, untie . . . , and many others. There are 
indications that even these simple forms can be broken up — 
perhaps into two units, one defining the class of the object, and the 
other the action itseK. There is not, however, enough evidence of 
such partition on which to construct a tenable hypothesis. 

B. Themes composed of stem and suffix. Included here would be 
such themes as ha--na- one person goes away, da-na- two persons 
go away, wa--na- to fall forwards, ga--na- to throw . . . away, 
x'ax'ai-'a- to laugh (x'ax'ai- considered a reduphcated form of a 
complex element x'ai-), m,'e-l-ne- to be alight, burning, f'cei-'e- to 
be jealous of . . . , and others. 

These would seem to be old nouns or verb participals compounded 
with the elements we have described as verbahzers (cf. 34). In only 
a few cases, as was seen in section 34, can these verbalizers be 
definitely isolated: our hypothesis must rest on those cases and be 
judged accordingly. 

C. Themes composed of prefix, stem, and suffix. This is, theoreti- 
cally, a refinement on class B. There a direct relationship exists 
between stem and suffix, the latter activizing the former. Here that 
relationship is, theoretically again, modified by the initial element 
of the theme. Thus, in such a theme as ya-din-'e- to scrape . . . 
(a hide), -din- may be an old word for the act of scraping or doing 
with a scraper, -'e the verbalizer, and ya- an element estabhshing 
an instrumental relationship between -din- and -V. Therefore, the 
form would be translatable. Literally, "to do by means of scraping" 
or "to scrape ... (a hide)". Or, in the verb ya-xw -dje- to strike . . . 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 67 

with a club, the -dje might be considered a verbaUzer and -xw (the 
reduced form of -xwe) may refer to action with a club or possibly 
to the noun "club" itself. Therefore, "to do by means of clubbing" 
or "to strike by means of a club". This feeling for -dje as averbalizer 
is strengthened by the fact that it is dropped in the compound 
yaxw-nadjga- to kill ... by means of a club (-nadjga- to kill). 
Here, the verb -nadjga- seems to take the place of -dje, substituting 
a different verbal activity for that of striking. 

There are other verb themes which could be brought forward on 
this point but these are the most illustrative and convincing. It is 
apparent that the evidence as a whole is not entirely convincing: 
we have, for example, no analagous forms with we-, ha-, or na- to 
show the precise effects these elements have on the themes they 
appear to modify (cf. 28 — 32). 

In conclusion, then, we can only submit the above scheme as a 
tentative explanation of the variations in theme form discussed 
in the preceding sections. It is not possible to do more with the 
evidence at hand. Possibly evidence from related languages, if such 
are stiU extant, will aid in clarifying the theme morphology of 
Tonkawa: until such evidence is available, I am convinced that 
only tentative hypotheses such as this one can be advanced to 
interpret the data. 

b. THEME AFFIXES (40 — 82) 

(1) The Pronominal Affixes (40 — 46) 
40. General Remarks. 

Under this heading, we propose to discuss only the pronominal 
forms affixed to the verb. The independent personal pronouns, the 
demonstratives, and the interrogative pronouns wiU be separately 
treated in sections 89-92. There, also, wiU be discussed the possessive 
pronouns which are normally expressed separately. In a few relation- 
ship terms, however, the possessive pronoun is prefixed to the noun: 
these exceptional cases will be covered in the section on the kinship 
terms (cf. 93—95). 

The only pronouns affixed to the verb theme, then, are those of 
the subjective and objective series. Both of these are, upon occasion, 
also expressed separately: this is done for emphasis (cf. 89 — 92). 

The object pronouns, except for that of the second j)erson, are 
prefixed and occur as the first prefixes of a verb complex. The 
second person pronoun object is suffixed. The subject pronouns are 
aU suffixed and generally occur in final position. In the subjective 
series, the singular, dual, and plural are distinguished; the latter 
two by distinctive suffixes unconnected with those for the personal 
pronoun. Only the plural is recognized in the objective series. 

5* 



68 HOIJER TONKAWA 

The order in which the pronouns occur both with respect to each 
other and to the other units of the verb complex is as follows: 
First person singular, first person plural, or plural object pronouns — 
Theme Pref i xes — Theme — Theme Suffixes — Second Person Object — 
Dual or Plural Subject — Theme Sirffixes — First, second or third 
person subjects — Theme Suffixes (in some cases). 



41. The Objective Series. 

There is but one objective series. The indirect object is expressed 

by suffixing the post-position -da- to the pronouns hsted below 
(cf. 48). 

Person Singular Plural 

1 ge- geu- (ge-we-) 

2 -■- we-. ...-•-... 

3 - we- 

The single element pronoun prefixes (ge- me, and we- plural object), 
when attached directly to the theme, upset the phonetic balance 
of its elements, causing reduced theme elements to become full and 
vice versa. 



yagb -o'c 


I hit him 


ge-igab -o' 


he hits me 


we-igab -o'c 


I hit them 



When, however, another theme prefix has been added the pronoun 
prefix has no such effect. 

xa-igah -o'c I hit him with force 

ge-xa-igab -o' he hits me with force 

we-xa-igah -o'c I hit them with force 

In the above examples, xa- with force, a theme prefix, has been 
added to the theme yagba- to hit, and has upset the balance of 
elements. The addition of the pronominal prefixes has, therefore, 
no effect upon the theme. 

Only one of the pronominal prefixes (ive- plural object) appears 
in other than the full form. In the object pronoun geu- us, it has the 
form -u. Whether or not the others may be reduced cannot be 
decided since no single elements prefix ever precedes the pronominal 
object. When the prefix geu- us, is attached directly to the theme, 
the theme elements remain unaffected due to the fact that geu- is a 
two element prefix. 

geu-yagh -o' he hits us 

The second person pronoun always appears as an increment of 
length to the vowel of the preceding element. If the preceding 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 69 

element is of the theme, it is lengthened whether in the full or 
reduced form. 

yagba' -we'c I hit you 

we-igaha' ■we' I hit ye 

Should the preceding element be of the theme and already long, due 
to a previous contraction, the addition of the second person pronoun 
will cause the contraction to resolve itseK into its component parts. 

nec-'e'da'-we'c I make him come 

nec-'e'daha'-we' he makes you come 

-da--, in the first form, represents -da-ha. In the second form, the 
pronoun object lengthens the vowel of -ha- forcing it to resume its 
identity. 

Certain theme suffixes with long vowels, however, do not behave 
in this manner when the length for the second person object is 
added. In those cases, the suffixation of the second person object 
makes the vowel tri-moric. 

yagba'gwa when he hit him, . . . 

yagha:gwa when he hit you, . . . 

The position of the second person object suffix varies in relation 
to other theme suffixes. Normally, it foUows the future tense suffix 
-a-do- and the order is a follows : 

Theme — Fut. — 2d. pers. — Contin. — Mode — But 

when the negative suffix -a be- is added to the theme, the order 
becomes : 

Theme — 2d pers. — Neg. — Fut. — Contin. — Mode — 



Examples : 

ya'lo'n -a'dono'c I will kill him 

ya'lo'n -a'dewa'no'c I will kill you 

ya'lo-n -ah -a'dono'c I will not kill him 

ya'lo'na'b -a'dono'c I will not kill you 

The second person plural object is expressed by prefixing we- in 
addition to the suffixed length. 

we-yalo'na'we'c I kill ye 

we-i gaba'we'c I hit ye 

we-yadje'we'c I see ye 

The third person object is never expressed in the singular : in the 
plural it is indicated by the prefix we-. 

yagbo'c I hit him 

we-igabo'c I hit them 



70 HOIJER TONKAWA 

42. Pronoun Object Forms used as the Subject. 

The pronoun object may also be interpreted as the subject of the 
action and such an interpretation gives a slightly different conno- 
tation to the verb. For example, t'ca-b-o'c I hide (intr.), becomes 
ge-t'cab-o' I hide him, where ge- is the subject and the form really 
means "I act as a hiding place for him, I hide him by standing before 
him". Or, hedjn-o'c I lie down, as contrasted with g-e-djn-o' I fall 
down, i. e., I lie down involuntarily, stumble and fall. In general, 
then, the interpretation of the object as subject gives a sort of 
passive significance to the action : the subject being acted upon by 
forces beyond its control. Further examples of these alternations 
follow. 



hedlaw-d'c 


I refuse (active) 


ge'dlaw-o' 


I refuse (as when someone calls me 




and I indicate refusal by ignor- 




ing the call) 


^adj-o'c 


I sicken, become ill (active; rarely 




used) 


ga-'adj-o' 


I am sick (regular form) 


''adje'-we' 


you . . . 


'adj-o' 


he is ... 


geu-'adj-o' 


we are . . . 


wa-'adje'-we' 


ye are . . . 


wa-'adj-o' 


they are . . . 


m'e-idj-o'c 


I urinate 


ge-rri'eidj-o' 


I urinate involuntarily 


yadicx-o' 


(a bull) butts him 


ge-idicx-o' 


(a bull) butts me; I bump my head 


ya-lo-n-o'c 


I kill him 


ge-yalo-n-o' 


he kills me or I was killed 


ya'lo'na'-we' 


he kills you or you were killed 


ya'lo'n-o' 


he kills him or he was killed 



In the above series, there is a choice of translations and the exact 
meaning of the form depends upon the context in which it is used. 

camoxa'dak heyadje-noldakno^o it (an iron house) was looking very red (hot), 
it is said, camoxa-dak very red; /(e- reflexive pronoiui, cf. 43; -yadje- 
to see, look at .... 

ha'na'gwa yadjox'ari'a'la heyadjenoklakno'o as he went on, a tipi became 
visible, he- reflexive pronovm; -yadje- to see, look at .... Here, the 
form heyadje-noklakno'o may also be translated "made itseU visible, 
came into view". 

In certain verbs, usually those defining such notions as -'adje- 
to be sick, this form is the regular one: the active formation being 
but rarely, if ever, used. Thus : 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 71 



ge-xadjlew-o' 


I am angry 


ge-xicb-o' 


something (a sinew) breaks inside me 




(xicb-o'c impossible) 


ge-dic'abx-o' 


I have been punctured; I bleed to 




death (dic'abx-o'c impossible) 


ge-xamdj-o' 


my (arm, legs) breaks (xamdj-o'c 




impossible) 


ge-dam'ax-o' 


my (teeth) break (as from chewing a 




hard object) (dam'ax-o'c im- 




possible) 


ge-nc'ol-o' 


I have sores, blisters 


ga'tn^am'-o'' 


I am burning 


ham^ arn' a' -we' 


you . . . 


harrCam^-d' 


he ... 


ge-waw-o' 


I die 


hewawa--we' 


you . . . 


hewaw-o' 


he ... 



43. The Reflexive Pronoun. 

The reflexive is expressed by the prefix he- which occurs in the 
same position as do the pronominal prefixes. It, too, has the power 
of upsetting the phonetic balance of the theme elements when added 
directly to the theme. 

yamx-6'c I paint his face 

he-imax-o'c I paint my face 

yagb-o'c I hit him 

he-igab-o'c I hit myself 

he-igab-o'ga you hit yourself 

he-igab-6' he hits himself 

For the sake of emphasis, the forms ca-- I, wa'-you, and '«•- he, are 
occasionally prefixed before the reflexive pronoun. Thus: 

ca'he-ganaglano'c I, I throw myself down 

na'he-ganaglano'ga you, you . . . 

^a'he-ganaglano'' he, he . . . 

geuca'he-ganaglananee'o'c we, we . . . 

wena'he-ganaglananec' o'ga ye, ye . . . 

The forms ca--, na--, 'a--, geuca--, and wena-- are probably reduced 
forms of the personal independent pronoun (cf. 90). 

We have already discussed the possible relationship between the 
he- element of he- themes (cf. 32) and the reflexive pronoun. We 
noted that the he- element had a position probably between that of 
ha- and the pronominal prefixes: the he- reflexive seems to hold the 
same position as the rest of the pronoun prefixes. It is not possible, 
however, to determine the absolute position of the he- reflexive with 
reference to the other pronoun prefixes because the two kinds of 



72 



HOIJEK TONKAWA 



element do not appear in the same forms. Consequently, the only 
formal difference between the two elements is that the he- element 
is "frozen" to the theme while the he- reflexive is a movable theme 
prefix. Wherefore oior conclusion here must be the same as in 
section 32: while the evidence does not disprove a relationship 
between the he- element and the he- reflexive, neither does it prove 
that the he- element is the reflexive pronoun "frozen" to the theme. 



44. The Subjective Series. 

The position of the subjective pronoun at the end of the verb 
form has rendered it pecuharly susceptible to the processes of 
phonetic decay. Added to this is the influence exerted upon these 
forms by the neighboring modal suffixes. These forces have resulted 
in the presence of eight distinct series of the subjective pronoun, 
depending upon the particular paradigm considered. The suffixes 
indicating number have not been affected and are the same foraU 
the series: viz., zero for the singular, -nee'- for the dual, and -wee'-, 
-ox'- for the plural. The following lists will indicate only the personal 
forms : it is to be understood that the dual and plural can be made 
up by adding the above mentioned suffixes. One exception to this 
rule is the third person plural in those paradigms in which it exists. 
These do not use the suffix -wee'-, -o-c'-, but have special forms added 
to the third person singular which will be Listed. 



Person 
1 
2 
3 
3 pi. 



Subject Pronouns in the Declarative Mode 

Past 



Immediate Present 



-nik 



Present 

-c 

-ga 

-yuk 



-lok 



Example: Theme -yagba- to hit, strike 



Immediate Present Present Past 

Sg. 1 yagbanwa'c' yagbo^c yagbo'o'' 

2 yagbanwa'n'ei yagbo'ga yagbo'oino 

3 yagbanwa' yagbo' yagbo'o 

Du. 1 yagbanec'enwa'c' yagbanec'o'c yagbanec'o'o''' 

2 yagbanec' enwa'n'' ei yagbanec'o'ga yagbanec'o'oino 

3 yagbanec' enwa' yagbanec'o' yagbanec'o'o 
PI. 1 yagbo'cenwa'c' yagbo'c'o'c yagbo'c'o'o'' 

2 yagbo'c" enwa'n' ei yagbo'c'o-ga yagbo'c'o'oino 

3 yagbanwa' anih yagbo'oyiik yagbo'olok 

The above table illustrates the subjective pronoun suffixes used in 
the various tenses of the declarative mode (cf. 55). 

Following are two other series of subjective pronouns used in the 
potential and a certain subordinating mode (cf. 62, 66). 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGTTAGBS 73 



Person 


Potential 


Subordinating 


1 


-w'ec 


-c- 


2 
3 


-w'ei 
-Va 


-yo- 
-l- 



Indef. -¥a 

As before, the dual is formed by -nee'- and the plural by wee'- or 
-O'c'-. No third person plural forms were obtained for these para- 
digms. 



Example: Theme 


-yagba- to hit, 


strike 


Person 


Potential 


Subordinating 


Sg. 1 


yagba'a'n'ec 


yagbac'ok 


2 


yagba' a-n'ei 


yagbayo'ok 


3 


yagba'aiVa 


yagbaVok 


Indcf. 


yagba'aik'a 




Du. 1 


yagbane-c' a'n^ ec 


yagbanec'ec'ok 


2 


yagbanec'a'n'ei 


yagbanec'eyo'ok 


3 


yagbanec'aiVa 


yagbanec'eVok 


PI. 1 


yagbo'c'a'n'ec 


yagbo'c'ec'ok 


2 


yagbo'c'a'n'ei 


yagbo'c^eyo''ok 



The forms illustrated above for the potential mode are undoubted- 
ly bound up with the modal suffix to such an extent as to make it 
difficult to separate the two suffixes. Considering, in the first and 
second persons, -'a-n'e- as the modal suffix instead of simply -'«•-, 
the pronouns would be -c and -i, respectively, analogous to other 
pronominal forms. However, such an analysis will not suffice in the 
forms for the third person and the indefinite pronoun. The indefinite 
pronoun form is unique with this paradigm and even here is used 
only for the passive forms (cf . 62). 

The pronouns in the subordinating paradigm are unique in that 
series — the pronoun -yo- for the second person being used in no 
other series unless we are to consider the final -i of -w,'e^ as a cognate 
form. 

The subjective pronouns appearing in another of the subordinat- 
ing paradigms (cf. 67) are so bound up with the modal suffixes that 
it appears impossible to isolate them. This paradigm is illustrated 
below with the verb theme ya-dje- to see, look at . . . 

Sg. 1 ya'dje'gwanec 

2 ya'dje'gen 

3 ya'dje'gwa 

Du. 1 ya'djenec'e'gwanec 

2 ya'djenec'e'gen 

3 ya'djenec'e'gwa 
PI. 1 ya'djo'c'e'gwanec 

2 ya'djo'c'e'gen 

3 ya'dje'ngwa or 
ya-djeyayagwa 



74 HOIJER TONKAWA 

It is probable that here the tense-modal suffix is -e-gwa, and that 
the first and third person personal pronouns are, therefore, -nee 
and zero. The problem is : what sort of contraction has occurred in 
the second person forms where, obviously, the suffix -e-giva plus 
some miknown quantity indicating the second person pronoun has 
resulted in the form -e-gen? And, further, the third person plural 
form has also been contracted in an irregular manner and, in both 
cases, seems to have inserted the pronoun between the theme and 
the tense-modal suffix. These questions cannot be answered since 
there are no analagous contractions elsewhere in the language. 

Finally, we have series used in the -k participial forms (cf. 74), 
and in certain other subordinating paradigms (cf. 65). They are as 
follows : 



Person -k Farms 


Subord. Paradigms 


1 -ce- 


-c- 


2 -ne- 


-ne- 


3 — 


-l- 


le: Theme -yagba- to hit, 


strike 


Sg. 1 yagbacek 

2 yagbanek 

3 yagbak 

Du. 1 yagbanec'ecek 
PI. 1 yagbo'c'ecek 


yagbacga'ak 

yagbanega'ak 

yagbalga'ak 

yagbanec'ecga'ak 

yagbo'c'ecga'ak 



The forms last illustrated for the first and second persons are 
probably basic since, in these paradigms, which are tenseless and 
modeless, the pronoun was protected both from the influence of 
accompanying mode suffixes and the final position. 

The absence of third person pronoun subjects in so many para- 
digms leads to the belief that there is no such person recognized in 
Tonkawa but that the forms given are absolutive forms idiomatic- 
ally used for the third person. The presence of -I- as third person 
pronoun in some paradigms does not necessarily contradict this 
because the -I- may well be cognate with the nominative case suffix 
of the noun -la (cf. 86). With no comparative material available, 
however, such generalizations, based, as they are, on the evidence 
of one language, carry Uttle weight. 



45. Irregular Third Person Plm-al Forms. 

In many — perhaps the majority — of the verb themes, the third 
person singular may also be used with a third person plural subject. 
Thus, necexwo' he shouts, may be used in the expression, ha-'ac'ida 
necexwo' many of them shout, (lia-'ac'ida many of them); ywdjeno' 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



75 



he looks off, lococ'ida yayadjeno'' all of them looked off (note here 
that the theme has the reduplicated form); he-cogyawo' he fights, 
goes to war, he-cocogyaivo' several fight, go to war; hegda-wo' he 
plays, hegegda-wo' several play ; yalxilno' he runs away, yalalxilno' 
several run away. 

Some themes, however, require a prefix he- or he-- (the reason for 
the difference in length cannot be determined) and a suffix -iva in 
such plural forms. In addition, the then.es have the redupUcated 
form. 

he- 



yagwa- 
he-igagawa-w-o' 

yadje- 
he-yayadje-w-o" 

com^axe- 
he-cocom'axa-w-o'' 

nadaya- 
he-ndadaya-w-o^ 

banxo- 
he-bnonoxa-w-o' 

ma'ga- 
he-mama'ge-w-o' 

na'de- 
he-nana'de-w-o' 

xane- 
he-xaxane-w-o' 

yag'e- 
he-yayag^e-w-o' 



. -wa 
to dance 
several dance 

to be stuck, pierced 
several are pierced 

to skin . . . 
several skin it 

to pick out, select, choose 
several choose it 

to bathe, swim 
several bathe 

to cry, weep 
several weep 

to step on . . . 
several step on it 

to drink . . . 
several drink it 

to shoot . . . 
several shoot him 



nadje- 
he'-nanadje-w-o" 

nexale- 

he' -nexale-w-6' 



nencona- 
he'-nencona-w-o' 



nex eye- 
he' -nex'eya-w-o'' 



x ax a% a- 
he'-x^ax'aVe-w-o^ 



VceVe- 
he'-t'cei'e-w-o^ 



he-- . . . -wa 

to bite . . . 
several bite him 

to bellow, snore 

several snore (here, the theme is not 
reduplicated) 

to kiss 

several kiss him (no reduplication) 

to be lost, ignorant 
several are lost 

to laugh 
several laugh 

to be jealous of . . . 
several are jealous of him 



76 



HOIJEE TONKAWA 



It is clear that this he- has no relationship with either the he- 
reflexive or the he- theme element. In four themes, we find it 
without the suffix -wa. 



y'adje- 
he-y^ay^adje- 


to vomit 

to vomit repeatedly 


m'e'idja- 
he-tn'e7n'eidja- 


to urinate 

to be continually urinating 


yaxa- 
he-yaxyax-o' 


to eat . . . 
several eat it 


lobaw- 
he-lolobaw-o' 


to dive 
several dive 



Here it seems to indicate long continued or dirrative action 
though it is difficult — and dangerous — to generahze from so few 
examples, -wa also appears alone in a few themes: 



hebai'a- 


to put on beads, a necklace 


hebahaV e-wa- 


to put on several necklaces 


nedjbe- 


to touch with hand, handle . . . 


nedjedjeba-wa- 


to . . . repeatedly 


doxwno- 


to smell, sniff . . . 


doxwna-wa- 


to smell something, there is a smell 




of something in the air 


nodo- 


to touch, press (with fingers) 


nonoda-wa- 


to . . . repeatedly 


nadje- 


to bite . . . 


nanadje-ioa- 


to bite . . . repeatedly (Vide p. 15) 


gwede- 


to carry ... in arms 


gwegweda-wa- 


to . . . repeatedly 



In the first of the above examples, -wa appears to be associated 
with plural action ; in the third example, with durative action ; and, 
in the rest, with repetitive action. The themes are reduplicated in 
each case ; so it is difficult to determine which of the processes is 
responsible for the change in meaning. 

It does not appear possible, therefore, to isolate the functions of 
each of these elements — nor, indeed, to determine why some themes 
should require the affix he- . . . -wa, and others should not. 



46. The Reciprocal Pronoun. 

The reciprocal idea is expressed by a suffix -yeiv, -yo- and a 
prefix he- or he'-. It seems likely that this prefix is cognate with 
that discussed in the preceding section : it is present in reciprocal 
forms probably because they involve either a dual or plural subject. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 77 

The difference in form between -yew and -yo- is a phonetic alter- 
nation (cf. 17); another phonetic peculiarity of the recij^ocal 
suffix is that it causes the vowel of the element preceding it to 
lengthen. Thus, 

nahacxa- to play shinny 

he-nbabacxa'-yew-o' they play shinny with each other 

Very often, too, the final theme element is dropped when the suffix 
for the reciprocal is added. This would seem to indicate that the 
reciprocal form may have the functions of a verbalizer. 
For example : 

'encawa- to be jealous of . . . 

he' -'enca' -yeiv-o' they are jealous of each other 

'adnawa- to like, love . . . 

he'-'adna'-yew-o' they love each other 

djoxna- to sleep 

ke-djodjxa'-yew-o' they sleep together, with each other 

hedadxane- to talk, discourse 

he-edadxa'-yew-o' they talk among themselves, to each 

other 

hexcaca- to scream 

he' xexca' -yew-o'' they screara to one another (he-hex- 

hex- > he'xex-) 

The theme elements dropped in the above list (-wa, -we, -na, -ca) 
may be final theme elements of the type discussed in sections 34 
and 35 having a meaning incompatible with that of the reciprocal 
suffix. There is, however, no further proof of this. 



(2) Theme Prefixes (47 — 51) 

47. General Remarks. 

In addition to the pronominal prefixes discussed in the preceding 

section, there are but fovir theme prefixes: the postposition da'-, the 

causative prefixes nee- and ya-, and the adverbial prefix xa-, x-, 

with force, to a distance. 

48. The Postposition da,'- with, to 

This prefix has three forms: daca-, dac-, and (the most common) 
da'-. It has no effect upon the theme elements (being a two element 
prefix) but is reduced when preceded by a single element prefix. 
The reduced forms are -dca-, -de-, and -da-, respectively. The 
reason for three forms is not entirely clear : in aU probabihty daca- 
is the oldest, dac- and da'- representing more recent forms caused 
by phonetic decay. 



78 HOIJER TONKAWA 

daca-yeWc I sit with him 

ge-dca-yelo' he sits with me 

we-dca-yelo'c I sit with them 

dac-edjno^c I he with him 

ge-dc-edjno' he hes with me 

da'-hedjno'c I he with him 

ge-da-hedjuo" he hes with me 

da'-nodco'c I stand with him 

ge-da-nodco'' he stands with me 



49. The Causative ya-. 
This is probably the older of the two causative prefixes, first, 
because of its limited use, and, secondly, because it is not always 
separable from the theme it modifies. The causative ya- differs from 
the theme element ya- (cf. 30) in two ways: its position is that of a 
theme prefix rather than of a stem prefix and it does not elide its 
vowel when preceded by a single element prefix. The causative ya-, 
when attached directly to the theme, causes the phonetic balance of 
its elements to be disturbed in the same manner as when the single 
element pronominal prefixes are added (cf. 41). 

Examples : 

xmndjo'c I am broken, my bones are broken 

ya-xmadjo^c I break it 

ge-ya-xmadjo' he breaks my (bones) 

caxwo'c I am frightened 

ya-cxawo'c I scare him 

gw-ya-cxawo" he scares me 

'adcawo'c I revive, come to life 

ya-'adcawo'c I revive him 

ge-ya-'adcawo' he revives me 

In the above examples, ya- can be removed from the theme leaving 
a meaningful entity. In the following examples, ya- has become a 
part of the theme (cf. 33). 

yalxilno'c I rim off, away 

ge-yalxilno' I am being run away with 

yadcano'c I think of him 

ge-yadcano' he thinks of me 

yadxo'c I fill pipe 

we-yadxo'c I fill pipes 

50. The Causative nee- and hec-. 
The causative form of the verb is most commonly built up by 
prefixing nee-. It differs from ya- in that it connotes a compulsive 
causative; i. e., to make, force ... to do so and so. Since it is a 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 79 

two-element prefix, it does not affect the theme elements. And, it is 
not affected by single element prefixes preceding it. Examples: 

'ego'c I give it to him 

nec-'ego'c I cause him to give it to him 

ge-nec-'ego'' he causes me . . . 

'adjo'c I become sick 

nec-'adjo'c I cause him to become sick 

ge-nec-'adjo' he causes me . . . 

There are a few verbs in which the causative nee- has become a part 
of the theme and is not, therefore, removeable (cf. 33). 

nec-laxgo'c I clear my throat, cough 

nec-wal'o'c I fish 

nec-gabo'c I close the door 

necec-gabo'c I close the door repeatedly 

As stated in section 33, hec- is very likely a combination of the he- 
theme element and -c-, the latter probably cognate with the -c of 
nee-, hec- is much less readily used than nee-; it is oftenest found as 
an essential part of the theme (cf . 33). A few examples of its free use 
follow : 

'ego'c I give it to him 

hec-'ego'c I ask him for it 

ge'c-'ego' he . . . me . . . 

we'C-^ego^c I . . . them . . . 

Note, here, that the pronominal prefixes merge with hec-, forming 
ge-c- and wee-. The change in meaning is curious: hee-'ego'e is 
literally: I cause him to give it to me, where the notion "to me" is 
probably due to he-; gex'ego he causes me to give it to him, where 
ge- refers to "me" and he- adds the notion "to him". 

ge'c-doxwno7io' I am smelling it; it makes its smell 

known to me (doxwtiono'' I am 
smelling, sniffing it (active).) 

ge'c-da'ano' I get, secure it 

hec-da'ana'we' you . . . 

da'ano'c I pick it up 

The meaning of the example, ge-c-da'ano' is, UteraUy: it causes me 
to pick it up, i. e., it is made possible for me to secure it, or: I am 
able to get it. A text form: ge-c-da'anbeno' I cannot reach it, having 
the negative suffix (cf. 53), illustrates this meaning. 



51. The Adverbial xa, x- with force, to a distance. 

This element is directly prefixed to the theme and, being a single 
element prefix, disturbs the phonetic balance of theme elements. 
When preceded by single element prefixes, it does not eUde its 
vowel. Examples: 



80 HOTJER TONKAWA 

ha'no'c I go off 

xa'no'c (xa-ha'no'c) I go off to a distance 

ga'no'c I throw it away 

xa-gano'c I throw it to a distance 

yagbo'c I hit him 

xa-igabo'c I hit him with force 

ge-xa-igabo'c he . . . me 

co'yano'c I swim off 

xa-coyano'c I swim off to a distance 

When prefixed to a theme having the suffix -da, hither (cf. 34), the 
meaning becomes: in a circle (to. . . to a distance and back). 

xa-do'c (xa-ha'-do'c) I go in a circle 

xa-gado^c I swing it (throw it in a circle) 

xa-coyado'c I swim in a circle 

In certain themes, it has the form x-: I have not been able to 
find a reason for this alternation in form. 

hedjno'c I lie down 

xe'djno'c I fall down ; lie down with force 

heilabo'c I stand up 

xe-ilabo'c I stand up at a distance 

hengwa'no'c I ran away 

xe'ngwa'no'c I ran far away 

hebdjo' several fall down 

xe'bdjo' several fall from a height 

helexo^c I emerge (from water after a dive) 

xe'lexo'c I emerge at a distance 

Since the form x- is found exclusively with verbs having he- in the 
initial element, it may be that xa- plus he- gives xe-- or that the -a 
of xa- drops out before he-. In neither case are there any analagous 
changes in the behavior of other elements. 



(3) Theme Suffixes (52—82) 
52. General Remarks. 

All Tonkawa themes may be divided into two classes: those which 
have meaning when used without formal suffixes, and those which 
require formal suffixes to complete their meanings. Themes function- 
ing as verbs fall largely into the latter class: the few verb 
themes that can stand without formal suffixes function as nouns 
when so used (cf. 35). In other words, all themes functioning as 
verbs must employ one or more formal suffixes. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 81 

The positions of these suffixes in the verb form vary according 
to certain combinations which may be summarized as follows: 

1. Theme — Negative suffix — Future tense — Dual or 
Plural — Pronoun. 

2. Theme — Negative suffix — Future tense — Dual or 
Plural — Continuative — Mode (declarative) — Tense 
(present or past) — Pronoun — Mode (interrogative). 

3. Theme — Negative — Future tense — Dual or plural — 
Pronoun — Mode (assertive or subordinating). 

4. Theme — Negative — Dual or plural — Mode (intentive, 
imperative, or potential) — Pronoun. 

5. Theme — Negative — Pronoun k — Mode (hortatory). 

6. Theme — Negative — Future tense — Dual or plural — 
Continuative — Pronoun k — Mode (declarative, inter- 
rogative, resultative, quotative, or subordinating). 

The first of the above schemes illustrates the simplest form in 
which a verb may appear. This form is tense-less, except for the 
future, and entirely mode-less. It is used only in the first person 
singular, dual, and plural and to express threatening or annun- 
ciatory intention in direct discourse (cf. 54). 

It is evident that the tense suffixes are of two categories, the first 
including only that for the futiu"e, the second those for the present 
and the past. These two categories are not mutually exclusive : the 
modes built up according to the second of the above schemes can 
be sub-divided into four tenses : present, past, future of the present 
(near future — sometime within the day), and the future of the past^ 
(remote future — sometime from tomorrow on to infinity). The 
future suffix may also be used in other mode forms ordinarily tense- 
less: only the intentive, imperative, hortatory, and potential modes 
are completely tense-less. The future suffix used in otherwise 
tenseless forms generally indicates an indefinite future (some 
unspecified time in the future). 

It appears also that there are three modal positions in the verb — 
the first before the pronoun, the second after the pronoun, and the 
third attached to a -k (participial, cf. 74) form of the verb. The 
declarative and interrogative modes may either be formed by 
suffixes attached to a -k form or by means of scheme 2. These differ 
in that the former connotes completed action (cf. 77). There is but 
one aspect suffix — that for the continuative. This may be used in 
aU forms except the intentive, imperative, potential, and certain of 
the subordinating modes. 

1 That is, the future tense suffix is employed with the suffix for the 
past tense. This combination functions as a distant or remote future, 
cf. section 55, IV. 

6 



82 HOIJER TONKAWA 

Finally, there are two other verb stiff ixes not illustrated in these 
schemes. They are the -w suffix forming infinitives (cf. 73), and a 
suffix -an changing a verb to a noun (cf. 75). 

53. The Negative Suffix. 

The negative of any verb may be formed by adding the suffix 
-abe- directly to the theme. When, however, the verb takes the 
second person object, this suffix is inserted between the theme and 
the negative suffix (cf. 41). The order is, then, as follows: 

Theme — Second Person Object — Negative — ... 
The initial -a- of the suffix, when added directly to the theme, 
obscures the form of the final theme element causing its vowel to be 
-a- in either the full or reduced form. 

yagb-ab-o'c I do not hit him 

geigab-ab-o' he does not hit me 

yagb-abe-7io'c I am not hitting him 

yagb-abe-ne&o'c we two do not hit him 

When the verb takes the second person object, the vowel -a- of the 
suffix is lengthened. 

yagba'b-o'c I do not hit you 

yagba-be-no'c I am not hitting you 

weigaba'be-7io^c I am not hitting you people 

yagba'be-nec'o^c we two do not hit you 

It is probable that -abe- is an incorporated form of the adverb 
gabai not, nothing, though no such relationship can be proven. 



54. The Mode-less Paradigm. 

In its simplest form, this paradigm is not only modeless but 
tense-less as well. It is formed by adding the subject pronouns 
directly to the theme and is found only in the first person singular, 
dual, and plural. 

Theme: yag'e- to shoot. . . 

ivith 3d person object with 3d person object 

Sg. 1 yag'e-c yag'e--c 

Du. 1 yag'e-nec'e-c yag'e--nec'-e-c 

PI. 1 yag^-o'c^e-c yag'e'-wec'e-c 

Its use is illustrated by the following text examples: 

'oyuk-de'dja cogna'c I'll put you in this sack, 'oyuk sack; cogna- to put . . . 
in. Rabbit is suggesting a hiding place to Coyote. 

''egwancxau-ca-gen nenxalec I've found my horse, nenxale- to find .... Coyote, 
seeing Rabbit lying asleep by the side of the road, makes the above 
remark and poimces on him. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 83 

wedadana'c I'll take you people with me, da'dana- to go off with . . . ; take 
. . . off with me 

daca'eye'c I want to be with you, daca- with . . . ; -'ei- auxiliary, to be; 
sometimies used to mean, to desire (cf. 38). 

hegda'wanec'ec we two want to play, hegda'wa- to play. Two children, having 
foimd Coyote and thinking he is a dog, ask their parents for permission 
to play with him. 

xanda'e'c I want to drink, am thirsty, xane- to drink, -da subordinating 
suffix (cf. 71) compounded with 'e'- auxiliary (of. 38). As a group of 
men are sitting about a fire, one of them announces that he is thirsty. 

These examples show the usage of this form in direct discourse 
when the question of tense or mode is not important. An expression 
of fact about oneself: a desire, or announcement of intention, or a 
suggestion. 

The form may also be used with the future tense suffix -a-do-, 
-a-deiv- as follows: 

hedjedo'n ha'n-a'do-nec I'll go back, hedjedjo'n back, here used adverbially 
(of. 87); ha'na- one person goes off. Note that the person suffix is 
-nee as compared with the -c of those in the preceding paradigm. 
I cannot account for the element -ne. The context of this statement : 
his wife threatens to leave Coyote if he does not stop gambling and 
accompany her back home: this is his answer. 

yago-n-nadjg-a'dewa' -nee I'll kill you with my fist, yago'na- to strike . . . 
with the fist, plus -nadjga- to kill . . . Note the expanded form of the 
future tense suffix. The variation between -a-do- and -a'dew- is 
phonetic (cf. 18). Coyote here is announcing his intention of killing 
Rabbit for the latter's pranks. 

hehei^ 'a'do-nec all right, I'll do it, '- reduced form of -'ei-, auxiliary, to be, 
do (cf. 38). 

holau'a-lak wa'dil yamg-a'dewa'-nec this is the very last time I'll call you, 
holau'a'lak the last (time); wa'dil very, just, here used adverbially; 
yamga- to call . . . 

fcel-'ey-a'do-nec I'll go after him, feel up, after, here used adverbially (cf. 
87); -'ei- to go 

The future tense suffix used in this way seems to connote in- 
tention or the immediate future. Compare this usage with that 
illustrated in section 55. 



(a) The Tense and Mode Suffixes (55 — 63) 
55. The Declarative Mode. 
The suffix for the declarative mode is an element -we which may 
also have the form -o under certain phonetic conditions (cf. 17). 
It is always used with a tense suffix: the declarative mode may, 
therefore, be subdivided into four tenses, the present, the past, the 
near futiu-e, and the remote future. 



84 HOIJEK TOKKAWA 

I. The Present Tense. 
The present tense suffix is -'e and it directly follows the mode 
suffix -we. The paradigm is as follows. 

Theme : yagba- to hit, strike 
with 3d per307i object with 2d person object 



Sg. 


1 


yagb-o^-c 


yagba- -we' -c 




2 


yagb-o--ga 






3 


yagb-o' 


yagba--we' 


Du. 


, 1 


yagba-nec -o' -c 


yagba- -nee' -o'-c 




2 


yagba-nec -0' -ga 






3 


yagba-nec' -o' 


yagba- -nee' -o' 


PL 


1 


yagb-o'c-o'-c 


yagba- -wee' -o'-c 




2 


yagb-o'c'-o'-ga 






3 


yagb-o'o-yuk 


yagba- -we' e-yuk 



The full forms of both suffixes appear in the third person plural 
with second person object. In aU but the two third person plural 
forms, the tense suffix -'e has the reduced form -' and in the second 
person singular forms, it has been elided altogether causing the 
vowel preceding it to be lengthened compensatively. Note that the 
declarative mode suffix has the contracted form -o except when 
preceded by a long vowel (cf. 17). 

This form defines a time between the immediate present and the 
past: a Kne in time, as it were, as opposed to a point in time. For 
this reason, it might just as weU be termed the immediate past. 
The following examples from the texts will bring out its meaning.^ 

'egwan-wixwan-lak nenxal-o-c'-o'-c we found a little dog 

djagau-'a-y'ik yaxacd-o--ga you are near the river 

^'djigwo'dak yandjidj xileu" genw-o--ga "run faster", you told me 

nadjekla 'eiganxaidjon-o'-c whenhe{thefish)bit,Ipulled himup 

gwa-gwan-wa-'a-lak wedadaxg-o'-c I brought these women here 

xadjlew-o' she is angry 

we-y'ik da-daxg-o' he has brought her here 

he'e-k go-c' a' ac-wa- y' ik xa'x-o'-c I went over there to the old people 

gwa-n-edjodjxo-k-wa-'a-lak ya-lo-n-o'-c I killed that bad woman 

geu'a-x'ey-o' we are thirsty 

djigwo-dak yandjidjxiln-o- -ga you ran faster 

heigwidjan-ca-gen-'a-lak 'eiganaxein-o'-c I lost my ring 

The continuative suffix -no may be used with this tense. It 
defines an action that is going on at the moment of speaking or at 
the moment of time referred to. In some contexts, it defines habitual 
or customary activity. Thus. 

heigwidjan-lak da-gona-nec-n-o' -c we two are looking for a ring 
"heilabau" newe- -n-o' -c "stop !" I was telling you 

xadaglan-abe-nec-n-o' they two are not getting off; are not 

going to get off 

1 A vocabulary of all the words used in these and the examples to follow 
will be found in the Appendix. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 85 

do'na-no'-n-o'-ga you are prevaricating 

gwa'n-na' xen-la yaniga' ■n-o'' your wife is calling you 

'au-gak da'gona-n-o' he hiuits deer (i. e., makes a living 

by hunting deer) 



11. The Near Future. 

Both continuative and non-continuative forms of the present 
tense may be given a future sense by inserting the suffix -a-dew- 
-a-do-. Thus: 

yagb-a'dew-o' -c I will strike him 

yagb-a'do-ti-o'-c I am going to strike him; will be 

striking him 

This tense defines a time in the near future — sometime in the 
day on which the remark is made. The following text examples 
illustrate its usage : 

'awac-gak ya:lo'ti-a'do-n-o' -c I am going to kill buffaloes 

daxac-wa'da' ae na-'ey-a'dew-o'c-n-o'-c we are going home this very day 

de'w^an dan-a'do-nec-n-o^-c we two are going over there 

yadjox' an-galak-e' e'h ha'n-a'dew-o^-c I will go to the other camp 

he-nialew-a-dew-o'c-n-o' -c we are going to dance 

geunecdjoxn-ab-a'do-n-o^ he will not let us sleep 



III. The Past Tense. 

The past tense of the declarative mode is formed by a suffix -'ei, 
having the same position as the present tense suffix. The final -i of 
the tense suffix appears only in the second person subject forms; 
in all other cases, the suffix -'ei has been reduced to-'e. The -o- color 
of the suffix is due to the influence of the preceding mode suffix (cf . 3). 
The paradigm is as follows : 

Theme : yagba- to hit, strike 





With 3d person object 


with 2d person object 


sg. 


1 


yagb-o''o--' 


yagba- -we' e--' 




2 


yagb-o'oi-no 






3 


yagb-o'o 


yagba' -we^ e 


Du, 


. 1 


yagba-nec^ -o' 0' -' 






2 


yagba-nec^-o^oi-no 






3 


yagba-nec^-o'o 




PI. 


1 


yagb-o-c'-o'o--' 






2 


yagb-o-c'-o'oi-no 






3 


yagb-o'o -log 


yagba- -we' e-log 



This tense defines an action in the definite past, near or remote. 
Examples : 

hedobo'a-lak ha-'ac 'eiwendjaga-nec'-o'o--' we two have killed many Osages 
'e-da we-'icbax ya-we'd djana-nec'-o'o--'' and one we two tied up and left 

lying 



86 HOIJEE TONXAWA 

7iaxadjganw-o'o' -' I married 

heigwedjan-wa'^a'lak ya-dj-o'o'-' I saw that ring 

dina-dak box yax-o'o'-' I ate a long time ago; it is a long 

time since I ate 

The connotation of habitual or customary activity is clearly 
brought out in the continuative form of the past tense. Thus, 

^egwancxaw-ca'gen-de'la djigeu yan- this horse of mine is a fast runner, i. e., 
djidjxile-n-o'o has always run fast in the past 

djoxn-abe-n-o'o' -' I have never been asleep, I habitually 

do not sleep 

naxdjan-de'lak nenxale-n-o''o'-' I have been guarding this fire, I habit- 

ually guard this fire 

'adjxaudak-e'w'an ga'lwa-n-o'o he has been gambling up north 

didjgan-eigak 'eg-abe-n-o'o'-' I have never given it to any person; 

I habitually refuse to give it to 
anyone 

hedj ir'ax-eigak gedjodjxo' -he-n-o" o nothing has ever frightened me; I am 

not afraid of anj'thing 

'egwan-eigakbax yaxa-n-o'o'-' I have been eating only dogs; I 

customarily eat only dogs 

na'a he-'bano'-n-o'o so it has been told; so it is customar- 

ily told 



IV. The Remote Future. 

This tense form is supplied by inserting the future tense suffix 
n the paradigms for the past tense. Thus, 

ha'n-a'dew-o'o' -' I will go away 

ha'n-a'do-n-o'o'-' I am going to go away 

It defines an action to take place some time in the future beyond 
the present time — from tomorrow on to infinity. Unfortunately, 
it does not occur in any of my texts — the above forms were 
obtained from the informant by direct questioning. In spite of this, 
the form is probably valid, and the meaning given above fits nicely 
into the Tonkawa tense system. 



56. The Assertive Mode. 

The suffix for the assertive has either the form -a'a (which is 
probably its full form) or -a- (in which the second element has been 
totally elided, (cf. 8). This suffix may be used in three different 
ways, viz.. 

Theme — Negative — Future tense — Dual or plural — Con- 
tinuative — Assertive — Pronoun. 
Theme — Negative — Continuative — Assertive. 
Theme — First person pronoun — Assertive. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 87 

The paradigm according to the first of the above schemes follows : 
Theme : 'ei- auxiliary to be, do 



Sg. 


1 


-a--?i'ec 




2 


-a--n'ei 




3 


-a'a 


Du. 


1 


e-nec'-a'-n'ec 




2 


e-nec'-ar-n'ei 




3 


e-nec'-a"a 


PI. 


1 


-o"c'-a'-n'ec 




2 


-o'c'-ra"-w'ei 



With the continuative suffix: 'e--n-a--n'ec, etc. 
With the future tense suffix; '-a-dew-a--n'ec, etc. 
The following examples from the texts illustrate its meaning. 

ca'2/o 'e'-?i-a'-n'ec that's me! ca'ya independent personal pronoun (cf. 90). 

Four dogs are chasing a buffalo heifer who is really the wife of their 

owner — she calls this way to them so that they will not kill her. 
do'na-n-a' a he lies! 
do'na-n-a'-n'ei you lie! do-na falsely, untruely, plus n- (reduced form of ne-) 

to say. 
de'l ^e'-n-a'a here it is! del here, plus -'ei- to be 
"' awac-a'' ago-n-cax' o'n-galc da'gono'c'ou" no'-n-d'a "hunt for young buffalo 

bulls", he is saying 
we'bag-a'dew-a' -n'ec I shall inform him 
ga'n-a'do-nec' -a- ■n'ec we two will throw it away, Alligator, who is matching 

his strength with Coyote, suggests a test. 
ha'djcogonai-la daxco'Voh da'he'cogya-wa'doyou no'-n-a'a Coyote says that 

he will fight with him tomorrow 
xe'djwa-la heinau-gabai-'-a'a Alligator cannot be defeated, heinau- to defeat, 

gabai not, -'- reduced form of the auxiliary -'ei- to be 
ha'djcogonai-la da'ga'lwa'dok n-a'a Coyote says he will gamble with him 

n- reduced form of ne- to say. 

Used according to the second scheme, the theme plus the suffix 
for the assertive is completed in meaning by the auxiliary -'ei-. 
There are only two examples of this usage in the texts. 

da'' e' -n-a' a 'e'noklakno'o she wanted to marry him, itissaid. d(i''e"- to marry 
. . . plus continuative suffix -n plus the assertive, 'e"-, auxiliary, is 
here used to indicate desire (cf. 38) plus the continuative -no and 
the quotative suffix -klakno''o (cf. 81). 

yax-ab-a'a 'e'-n-o'c I have certainly not eaten (freely : I am starving), yax- 
to eat plus -abe, negative suffix, plus the assertive. 

The third usage of -a' a (i. e., theme plus first person pronoun 
plus assertive) is illustrated by only one example. 

xa'xad ya'dje-c-a'a I'll go to see it! ya'dje- to see .... Ayoimg boy, having 
been warned to keep away from a certain camp, decides to go there 
anyhow. 



88 HOIJEE TONKAWA 



57. The Declarative-Assertive Mode. 

The suffix for this mode is -nwa'a or -nwa-, depending upon 
phonetic circumstances. This suffix appears to be a combination 
of a suffix -w, the declarative -ive, and the assertive -a' a. The 
paradigm is as follows. 



leme: yagba- to hit, strike 


Sg. 1 
2 
3 

Du. 1 


yagba-7iwa'-c' 
yagba-nwa- -n'ei 
yagba-nwa' 
yagba -nee' e-nwa'-c' 


2 
Du. 3 


yagba-7iec'e-nwa--n'ei 
yagba-nec'e-nwa' 


PI. 1 
2 
3 


yagb-o'c" e-nwa' ■c' 
yagb-o'c''e-nwa'-n'ei 
yagba-nwa' a-nik- 


With the continuative suffix: yagba-no-nwa' -c\ ' 



With the future tense suffix: yagb-a'do-nwa'-c', etc. 

Only in the third person plural does the full form of the suffix 
appear but note that the same type of contraction (-nwa-- from 
-nwa'a) occurs in this paradigm as in that for the assertive. Note, 
too, that the second person pronominal form is the same here as 
for the assertive. These points of similarity are the only bases for 
oiu- placing this as a declarative-assertive mode. The initial -n 
element of the suffix cannot be isolated. 

All except one of the following text examples have the futiu-e 
tense suffix. 

gogon-wa-Van 'ahen-'a-la 'e--nwa--c' I am the chief's daughter 

'e'yo'ok he'dobouHla xe-badj-a'do-nwa' then (as you do this) the Osage will 

fall backwards 
'e-yo'ok lococ'ida daidjod-a-do-nwa" then (when you have done so) all of 

them will come up 

cigd'ac yaxw-gagaVadj-adxilnano'-'a-la ' ahen-wecek-de- -lak da-'-a'do-nwa' the 

one who cuts through to the other end (e. g., of a field of sharp grass) 

four times will marry this daughter of mine 
'e-ye'n da-daidjon-a-dewa--nwa--c' then (when you have done so) I will take 

you up 
daxco'gwa hetn'oc-'a-la ya-lo-n-a-do-mva' tomorrow the mother-in-law will 

kill him 
yaxac'ok necwaVan geigew' -a'do-nwa' if I eat it, I will become a fish 
,o'c'eyo''ok cocgo-n-a-do-nwa' a-nik if you do that, they will hear of it 

It appears from the above examples that this mode is used 
oftenest in the future tense to define an action to take place at 
some definite point in the future. In all of the examples the time is 
definitely specified either by a word like "tomorrow" or by defining 
it in terms of an immediately preceding or concurrent action. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 89 

58. The -gwa Mode. 

This mode is formed by the suffix -gwa and exists only for the 
third person singular. There is one isolated example in the first 
person which may belong to this paradigm: ho-'oxaw-e-gwa'ac 
I have stolen it! The paradigm is as follows. 
Theme: nadje- to bite . . 
Sg. 3 nadje-gwa 
With continuative suffix : nadje-no-giva 
With future tense suffix : nadj-a-do-giva 
If the first person form quoted above belongs to this paradigm, the 
suffix may be reconstructed as -g-w-a'a and be related to the 
declarative-assertive suffix -n-w-a'a. But this analysis would still 
leave two problems unsolved : namely, what has become of the final 
glottal stop in the third person 1 (it will be remembered that the 
-nwa'a paradigm had -nwa' in the third person) and, what is the 
function of the -e-- element in the first person form 1 It seems best, 
therefore, to consider the -gwa paradigm as confined to third person 
forms and, though surface resemblance may be to the contrary, 
unrelated to -nwa'a. 

The meaning of -gwa forms is not easy to determine — it wiU 
appear, however, from the following examples, that it generally 
occiu"s in an exclamatory context. Thus, 

'egwancxau-'a'la ha''ac heigeuda-gwa many horses are coining! 

This sentence is uttered by Coyote who was sent to the top of the 

hill by Tiger to look for game. 
gwa'lou yo-ni" -a'do-no-gwa it is going to rain hard! 

Rabbit, trying to escape the vengeance of Coyote, says this to distract 

the latter's mind. 
da'he'bano'n-na' xen-ge-lak ya'lo'-no-gwa your friend has been killed 
ha-'ago'n-ca-gen-'a-la hedjodjxo'k heigo'o-gwa 'e'd gena geix.-a-do-no-gwa 

gedableu my husband has become mad, and I think he will eat me; 

help me ! 
gedableu hedjodjxo'k-la genengoxo-gwa help me, an evil one is chasing me! 
'awac-'a'la hedoxa-gwa the meat is all gone ! 
he'mayaVila no'-no-gwa it is a ghost that is talking! 
yaxoyaxeidak no- -gwa the enemy is coming, they say! 
hexaVoi-ga gendje-no-gwa many ants are biting me ! 

59. The Interrogative Mode. 

Any of the tense forms of the declarative mode may be made 
interrogative by dropping the declarative -tve and adding, after the 
subject pronoun, a suffix -'. If, however, the form is preceded by an 
interrogative pronoun, this final suffix is not necessary — the form 
is obtained by simply dropping the declarative suffix. This is the 
more common form of the interrogative found in the texts. 



90 HOIJEE TONKA WA 

I. The Present Tense. 
Theme: yagba- to hit, strike 

Sg. 2 yagba-'-ga-' 
Du. 2 yagba-nec'e-' -ga-'' 
PI. 2 yagb-o'ce-^-ga-' 

With the continuative suffix: yagba-no-'-ga-' etc. 
With the future tense suffix: yagb-a'do-'-ga-' etc. 

The glottal stop of the present can be heard clearly in slow speech : 
in rapid speech, however, it tends to merge with the following -g. 
Text examples: (there are, unfortunately, no text examples of the 
future tense of this interrogative form). 

yaxa-^ -ga-' did you eat ? 

gwa'n-la wa'dedja hetigwa'd-o' ya'dj-abe-'-ga-^ a woman ran towards this 

place, you did not see her ? 
hedjw'ed ge'bag-abe-nec'e-'-ga why didn't you tell me ? (hedju-'ed why ?) 
hedjw'ed ma'ga-no-' -ga why are you crying ? 

hedju'^ed daclo' -nec-no-' -ga why are you two wandering about ? 
hedju'-gak geyadje-no-^-ga what are you looking at ? (hedjw- what ? cf. 92) 
hedju--'a'y''ik ha'na-no-^-ga to what place are you going ? 
hededfed wa'dil webdje-no-' -ga just how did you shear them ? 
hededja 'e'-no-'-ga where have you been ? 

II. The Past Tense. 
Theme: yagba- to hit, strike 

Sg. 2 yagb-ei-no-' 

Du. 2 yagba-nec'-'ei-no-^ 

PI. 2 yagb-o'c'-'ei-no-^ 

With the continuative suffix: yagba-n-oi-no-' etc. 
With the future tense suffix: yagb-a'do-'oi-no-' etc. 

In the singular form, the initial glottal stop of the tense suffix has 
been lost — in the dual and plural forms, it has merged with that of 
the dual and plural suffixes. Here, too, we find that the interrogative 
suffix is dropped when the form is preceded by an interrogative 
pronoun. There are only two text examples available: 

hedju'^axeigak hadxec-abe-n-oi-no-' have you thought of some way (to 
escape) ? 

The pronoiui in this case is the indefinite : hence the final -' is necessarj' 
(cf. 92). 
hedju'-gak yaxanec-n-oi-no what have you been eating ? (i. e. on what do 
you subsist) 

III. Other Interrogative Forms. 

Theme: yagba- to hit, strike 

Sg. 2 yagba-ya-^a-' 
3 yagba-l-^a-' 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 91 

Du. 2 yagba-nec'e-ya-'a-^ 

3 yagba-nec'e-l-^a-^ 

PL 2 yagb-o'&e-ya-'a-'' 

With the continuative suffix: yagha-no-ya-'a-^ etc. 
With the future tense suffix: 

Sg. 2 yagb-a'do-ya-'a-^ or yagb-a'do-'a- 

3 yagb-a'do-l-'a-' 

This form is reminiscent of the assertive paradigm. It appears to 
have dropiJed the initial element of the assertive suffix preserving 
the final -'a. It may be, therefore, that this initial element is the 
assertive suffix and that -'a has to do with tense. There is stiU, 
however, the problem of the pronoun suffixes — quite different in 
this paradigm from what they were in the assertive. As before, we 
find it best to consider this form apart from the assertive, even 
though the resemblance is fairly close. 

These forms are found rather frequently in the texts and here, too, 
the final -' drops off when the form is preceded by an interrogative 
pronoun. 

hedju'-lak 'e'-ya-^a what do you want ? 

hedel 'e'-ya-^a where are you ? 

na'gw-ededj ^ -a'do-ya-^a now, what will you do ? 

hededj -'' an' ok henox ya'djed ya'lo'n-a'do-ya-'a but how can you see well 

enough to kill her ? 
hededj-'eda geudadan-a'do-''a how will you take us away ? 
hedjw '-a'do-l-'a what does it matter ? 

Finally, the -gwa paradigm may also take the interrogative suffix 
-' or be preceded by an interrogative pronoun and thus be given that 
connotation. Examples follow. 

didjgan-'a'ga ha' xeida-gwa-' did the people come ? 
hedju- 'e'-gwa what is the matter ? 
hedju'-la weirw -gwa who won ? 



60. The Intentive Mode. 

The intentive mode may be formed in two ways, by adding the 
suffix -'a-ha'a, or by means of a suffix -«•'. The difference between 
these two forms of the intentive is not entirely clear. It is possible 
that -a-' is simply a reduced form of -a-ha'a: the elements -a-- and 
-ha-, in accordance with the processes of phonetic contraction, so 
often illustrated in this language, having been contracted to -a-', 
and the final -a having dropped off. Whatever the formal difference 
may be, the text forms show that no functional distinction exists. 

The intentive is used only in the first person, singular, dual, and 
plural. It does not take either the continuative or future tense suffix. 
The paradigm is as follows : 



92 HOIJER TONKAWA 



Theme: yagba- 


to hit, strike 






-a-ha"a 


-a-' 


Sg. 1 
Du. 1 
PI. 1 


yagb-a-ha'a 
yagba-nec' -a'ha' a 
yagb-o'c'-a-ha'a 


yagb-a-' 
yagba-nec'-a-' 

yagb-O'C^-a'' 



Note, that when the intentive suffix is added directly to the theme, 
the form of the final theme element is obscured. The suffix for the 
second person object causes the -a-- of the suffix to become extra 
long (i. e., three moric), for example: 

yagba'ha'a I shall hit him 

yagba.ha a I shall hit you 

Examples from the texts : 

heul-a'ha'a I shall catch him 

yandjidjxil-a'ha' a I shall nm 

'c'o'gwa ya-lo'n-a'ha'a tonight, I shall kill her 

t'ca'niou carya ya'lo'n-a'' let her go, I shall kill her 

xa'xad da'dah-a'ha'a I shall go there to get her 

'o'^o-gwa da'gon-o'c' -a'ha' a tonight we shall search for it 

hedai'o'-he'eogyaw-a'ha'a I shall join the fight 

hei'adjew-a'ha'a I intend to watch it 

'a'x-gak yagoda ^-a'ha'a I shall be getting some water 

'e'yo'ok yalxiln-a'ha'a then I shall run away 

deyei-^a-lak yax-abe-u cwya yax-a'^ do not eat the liver, I intend to eat it 

daxco'Vok da'he'cogyaw-a-ha'a tomorrow I shall fight with him 

'adjxo'n-e'w'aji ga'lwen-a'ha'a I intend to gamble in the north 

yela-''e'k-^a'yHk ge'bage-u ^e'yo'ok ya'lo'n-a'^ tell me where she sits, then I 

shall kill her 
'e'ye'n ca'xwa wa'an wa-dja hedjn-a'' then I, too, shall lie down right here 
bac ^-ab-a'' I do not intend to stay long 
gedai hedjneda 'e'dah-w' I intend to return in two days 



61. The Imperative Mode. 

The imperative is formed by adding the suffix -u to the vowel of 
the final element of the verb form. It is not differentiated as to 
tense and is not used with the continuative suffix. The paradigm is 
as follows : 

yagba-u hit him ! 

ge-igaba-u hit me ! 

yagba-nec' e-u (ye two) hit him ! 

yagb-o'c'o-u (ye) hit him ! 

Note, that when the imperative suffix is added directly to the 
theme, the final element of the theme naust be in the full form 
regardless of its position. Text examples: 

^andjo-u wake up 

we'bage-u 'awac-a''ago'n-cax''o'n-gak da'gon-o'co-u tell them (this) "(you) 
hunt for young buffalo bulls" 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 93 

'e'la necexw6-c-^ok ma'dan wedjxe-u when I shout, quickly turn them loose 

we'Hl nengox-o'c'o-u now, chase him ! 

ca'ya ^e'n-a'-n'ec gedjn-o'c'o-u it is me, let me go 

dona n-a'a heul-o'c'o-u she lies, catch her 

de'-lak cogo-u put this away! 

hebag-abe-u do not tell him ! 

na'gw yaxa-u go ahead, eat ! 

he'e-k xe'ilaba-u stand way over there ! 



62. The Potential Mode. 

This mode is formed by adding the suffix -'«•- or -'ai- to the verb 
form. The suffix has the form -'a-- in the first and second persons, 
-'ai- in the third. The potential is not differentiated as to tense and 
cannot be used with the continuative suffix. The paradigm is as 
follows : 



ya'dj-'a'-n'ec 


I might see him 


ya'dj-^a--n^ei 


you . . . 


ya'dj-'ai-Va 


he ... 


ya-djenec'a-'a--n'ec 


we two . . . 


ya-djenee'a-'a--n''ei. 


ye two . . . 


ya'djenec'a-'ai-l'a 


they two . . . 


ya-djo-c'a-'a'-n'ec 


we . . . 


ya-djo-c'a-"a--n'ei 


ye . . . 


ya'dja'-'a'-n^ec 


I might see you 



The pronominal scheme used with this mode is unusual, appearing 
in this exact form in no other paradigm. Another unique feature of 
it is the indefinite third person pronoun that appears in the passive 
form of this paradigm. The passive is formed as usual — using the 
object pronoun as subject — except that an indefinite third person 
form is suffixed instead of the regular third person. 

I might be killed 



geyalo'n-^ ai-k' a 


I mi 


ya'lo'na' -^ ai-k^ a 


you 


ya-lo-n-'ai-k'a 


he . 


geuya-lo'n-'ai-k'a 


we . 


weyalo-na--'ai-k'a 


ye ■ 



The paradigms for this mode were obtained from the informant by 
direct questioning: no forms of it appear in the texts. 



63. The Suffix -e-l. 

This is another of the irregular suffixes apparently defining a 
mode which appears only in the third person singular, dual, and 
pliu^al. It may be also be used with the future tense suffix. The 
paradigm : 



94 HOIJER TONKAWA 

hani'ain-do'x-e'l let him bum up 

ham'am-do-xa-nec'-e'l let they two . . . 

hani'am-do'x-o'c'-e'l let them . . . 

ham^ ani-do' x-a'dew-e'l let him be burned up 

Text examples: 

^e'xadxad ganagxofi-o'c'o-u ham^am-do'x-a'dew-e'l take him there, throw 

him in, let him be burned up 
we'l'ad 'eid-e-l here he comes 

nia'dan 'ox'o-u yadjox'an-de'-la naw-e'l come quickly, these tipis are burning 
ha'djcogonai-la da'^e'k-la de'l xa'n-e'l there goes Coyote's wife 
■we''icbax xacdew-e'l (do it) once more 
xa'xad hebage-u ma'dan 'e'dah-a'dew-e'l gaixoy-a'dew-e'l go tell him (to) 

come quickly and doctor me 

From these examples, the suffix appears to characterize an 
exhortation or command concerning the third person. There are 
no other forms even remotely related and these examples are 
exhaustive. 



(b) The Subordinating Suffixes (64 — 71) 
64. General Remarks. 

There are six subordinating suffixes all of which are attached to 
the theme subordinated. Three of them require the theme to be 
conjugated as to person and number: the others are attached to an 
absolute form of the theme. 

65. The Suffix -gaak but, when, whUe, as 

The verb complex to which this suffix is attached expresses the 
subject and object pronoun. The paradigm for the subordinated 
verb is as follows : 

Theme: da-yaxa- to feed ... 



Sg. 


1 


da-yaxa-c-ga'ak 




2 


da-yaxa-ne-ga'ak 




3 


da-yaxa-l-ga'ak 


Du. 


1 


danjaxa-nec'e-c-ga'ak 




2 


da' yaxa-nec'e-ne-gd' dk 




3 


da-yaxa-nec'e-l-ga'ak 


PI. 


1 


da-yax-ox'e-c-ga'ak 




2 


da- yax-o'ce-ne-ga'ak 



There are no examples of the use of either the continuative or the 
future tense suffix with this suffix. Text examples follow. 

yaxaneigak da-yaxa-l-ga'ak hedlo'noklakno'o much food he offered her but 

she refused it 
xaVongak gegbayo-l-ga'ak but I have no knives 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 95 

hagoxa-nec'e-l-ga'ak 'axwa gedaVa'la da'andjenecno' when they two became 

tired, another two held him 
he{)do'-l-ga'ak danwdak djodjomano'o while singing, shut your eyes tightly 
x'e'l'e-l-gd'ak ha'\igo'7i-ocac-wa'Van dja'l-^a'la hendidxo'^onoklakno'o as he 

filed it, that yoving man's testicles shook, it is said. 



66. The Suffix -'ok when, as, if 

This is the second of the subordinating suffixes requiring a 
conjugated theme. The paradigm is as follows: 
Theme: necexwe- to shout, scream 

Sg. 1 necexwe-c-'ok 

2 necexwe-yo-'ok 

3 necexwe-l-'ok 

Du. 1 necexwe-nec' e-c-^ ok 

2 necexwe-nec'e-yo-^ok 

3 necexwe-nec^e-l-'ok 
PI. 1 necexw-o'c'e-c-''ok 

2 necexw-o'c'e-yo-'ok 

3 necexwe-ye'l-'ok 

There are no examples of this suffix being used with the future 
tense suffix or the continuative. Examples: 

e'la necexw-c-'ok ma'dan wedjxeu when I shout, turn them loose quickly 
hedidf a-donekye hedjw'axeiga nengox-ol-'ok what would you do if someone 

chased you ? 
daxcou-l-'ok xam^aVe'w'an gedadanau tomorrow take me to the prairie 
yandjidj xel-ec-' ok geyadjau as I run, you watch me 
necwal'ane'e'lak yaxa-c-'ok necwaVan geigewa'donwa' when I eat that fish, 

I'll become a fish 
da'daglane-c-'ok naxdjan'eda naxdjan-a'djin-'a-y'ik heilabayen hedew'an'ax 

necexwe-l-' ok na'xwa necexwe-u when I take you there, build a fire and, 

standing near the fire, if you hear a sho\it from any direction, you 

also shout 
hededja'ax ge'cya'dje-yo-'ok ya'lo'n-a-dewa'-no'c wherever I see you, I will 

kill you 
'awac-el'a'd-la haidjoda-l-'ok ya'lo'nanon when that buffalo comes up, let 

us kill him 
tvedaxadxa-c-'ok yaxa-ne&e-u when we have arrived, you two may eat 

When the subject of both subordinated and principal clauses is 
the same, the suffix -'an'ok may be used. Examples: 

hagxon-^an'ok hedew'an^ax ''a'beda godok-djadjxok-e'e'k hagxona-u as you go 

in, go straight to the middle of the room 
geyadjan didc-'an'ok ya-ded geyadj-a'd-o'c'e-ne-k-djo'' if they want to see me, 

they may come to see me 
wa'anbax yax-^an'ok wa'an we'yHk hedjne-u as soon as you have eaten, lie 

down right there 
necwal-^ an' ok "gwa'lo'daka nadje-u" n-ab-a'do-ne-k-djo'' when you fish, do 

not say "Bite, biggest one" 



96 HOIJER TONKAWA 

67. The Suffix -gwa when, as 

Besides requiring the theme to be conjugated for person and 
number, this suffix causes the final vowel of the theme to lengthen. 
The paradigm is as follows: 

Theme: ya-dje- to see . . . 



Sg. 


1 


ya'dje' -gwa-nec 




2 


ya-dje- -gen 




3 


ya-dje--gwa 


Du. 


1 


ya-dje-nec'e.- -gwa-nec 




2 


ya-dje-nec'e--gen 


PI. 


3 
1 


ya-dje-nec' e- -gwa 
ya-dj-o-c^e- -gwa-nec 




2 


ya-dj-o-c'e--gen 




3 


ya-dj-e-ngwa or ya-dje-yayagwa 



With future tense suffix: ya-dj -a' do- -gwa-nec, etc. 

The peculiarities of this conjugation are unique. First, notice the 
second person forms: evidently the suffix -gwa has combined with 
an unknown suffix for the second person pronoun, but is is entirely 
impossible to say where the division should be made. Note, also, 
the irregular third person phiral. It is possible here that we have the 
full form of the suffix in -yagwa, the preceding -ya- plurahzing the 
pronoun. If this is so, it must be assumed that the -ya element of 
the suffix has been totally elided in all the other forms of the verb, 
leaving behind it only the compensatory lengthening of the vowels 
of the elements preceding -giva. And, finally, there is a striking 
similarity between this paradigm — especially the third person form 
— and that discussed in section 57. It is possible that this has 
substantially the same meaning as the -gwa mode save that it 
carries a subordinating connotation as well. Text examples follow: 

wa'anec hedew^an'ax ua-na' -giva-nec genecyaxa-u as soon as I fall to the 

side (stagger), feed me 
wa'anec hagxona--gen yalxiln-o' as soon as you went in, she ran away 
na-'e'-gwa ha-' ago'n-ocac-wa- -'' a'la cax' ai-' a- xen-' a'lak da" aneklakno' o as they 

went off, that yoiuig man picked up his arrow, it is said 
daxac-'a-la haglana--gwa yadjox''an-wa--y'ik xa'xaklakno'o he arrived at that 

camp when the sun was going down (i. e. at sundown) 
gedadana-u ha-djcogonai-de' -la djoxno--gwa take me away while this Coyote 

sleeps 
'awac-wa--ga heul-a-do- -gwa djagau-wixwan-'a-y'ik hengway-aglana-klakno'o 

as they were about to catch him, he ran down to a small river 
ya'dje-yayagwa t'caw'al 'einaklakno'o as they watched, he went far away 
xan-do- x-a-do- -gwa hadjxod yalxilnaklakno'o as they were about to finish 

drinking it, he, jmnping up, ran away 
' a- x-' a- y' ik xe-badj -a-do' -gwa ha-djcogonai-lak "we'Hl ya-djen-a'we" noklakno'o 

as they were about to glide down on the water, they said to Coyote, 

"Now you may look" 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 97 



68. The Gerundial Suffix -'an. 

This suffix is added to a constant theme, i.e., one not conjugated 
for person and number. Person and number are expressed by the 
principal verb for the two verbs. Text examples : 

nex'eu-^a'lak nog-'an 'eiwendjaganaklakno'o taking the gun, he killed them, 

it is said 
^awac-wa'-'a'la holgam'adjxe-dan-''an hewawad xe'djneklakno^o the buffalo 

went along bucking and fell dead 
ha'n-'an me'dnaklakno^o he, going off, was struck by lightning 
'awac-gak ya'lo'n-'an ''oyuk-'arlak cigid necbedjeklakno'o 'awac-'a'lak killing 

the buffalo he filled four sacks with, meat 
'a'xwa necangwa'n-^an 'eigagaidjedanakiakno'o he, too, making (his horse) 

run, went along chopping it (down), it is said 
^ awac-wa' -^ a'la ha'n-'an didjgan heigo'od that buffalo, going off, transformed 

himself into a man 
hegdo'-'on wenecyagwanoMakno'o singing, she made them dance, it is said 
'awac-^a'lak naul-'an yaxanoklakno'o cooking the meat, he ate it, it is said 



69. The Suffix -Vila while, when, as. 

With this suffix, too, person and number are expressed by the 
principal verb for the two verbs. This suffix may be used with the 
futture tense suffix but not with the continuative. It serves to relate 
two verbs defining actions that take place simultaneously or 
nearly so. Generally, it appears that the action defined by the 
principal verb results from that of the subordinated verb — but it 
is clear that both actions then continue together. Thus, in the 
following example, 

x^ax''aVanoklakno'o weyadje-Vila he laughed when he looked at them 

the context is as follows: a boy, seeing his uncles with shaven heads, 
is moved to laughter and continues to laugh as he looks at them. 
Examples : 

cax^ai yagew-a'do-Vila xaVo'n-gak geghayo-l-ga'ak no-n-o'c I am saying (that 

I) will make arrows but have no knives 
heraaya-Vila no'-no-gwa it is his ghost (it is) talking 
x'ax'ai'anoklakno'o weyadje-Vila he lavighed when he looked at them 
naxcogna-V ila necwaran-iva'-yHk xayad hedaVonoklakno^o when they go out 

scouting, they go to the fish and pray 
'aw-ei-gak ya'lo'na-l'ila da-yaxanoklakno'o whenever they killed many deer, 

they ate together, it is said 
he'hano-noklakno' o didjgan-a''ac naxdjan-lakho''oxaw-a'do-rila. many people 

were discussing the stealing of fire, it is said 
ya'dje-Vila djedxana'donoklakno'o when he sees them, he will jump, it 

is said 
hededj 'eye'nokye djoxn-a'dak-we-Vila how do you behave when you are fast 



98 HOIJEK TONKAWA 



70. The Suffix -d. 

This suffix is added to the constant theme and may be used 
together with the future tense suffix or the continuative. It 
characterizes a verb whose action immediately precedes that of 
the principal verb. In some cases — as in the first example below — 
the two actions take place together: the combination, in the example 
mentioned, is practically a compound verb, viz., hedjne-d ma-ga- 
"to he weeping". An interesting proof of the vahdity of such 
compounds is found in the following example: 

ha'bna-d yaxa- to set the table to eat (yaxa- to eat) 
ba'bna-d yax-an table; that which is set for eating 

^^here the combination is made a noun by the noun forming suffix 
-an. That the suffix nominalizes the whole compound and not 
only yaxa- is clear because the word yax-an also exists but has the 
meaning "food". Examples: 

hedjne-d ma'ganoklakno'o he lay crying, it is said 

cocgona-d xadjloklakno'o hearing it, she became angry, it is said 

hewawa-d xe'djneklakno^o he fell down dead, it is said 

haglana-d da'gonanoklakno'o he went down looking for him, it is said 

hadjxo-d yalxilnaklakno'o jumping up, he ran away, it is said 

ha'djcogonai-la cocgo'na-d xa'xaklakno^o Coyote, hearing him, came to him, 

it is said 
ha'djcogonai-la xadjlo'-d heulaklakno^o Coyote, being angry, seized him, it 

is said 
'eixandj-a'do-d hagoxanecnoklakno^o just as it was about to break, they 

got tired (and let it go), it is said 
ha'nadjidjxil-xa-xa-d 'awac-wa'-'a'lak weneiigoxoklakno^o arriving at a run, 

they chased those buffaloes, it is said 



71. The Suffix -da and. 

This suffix is also added to the constant theme and may be used 
with future tense or continuative. Examples: 

no' -da hengiva'na-gwa he said and started off 

necgaba-da haxeineklakno'o he shut the door and went off, it is said 

ya'dje-da haidjodaklakno'o he saw it and went up, it is said 

^awac-gak nogo-da wedaxadxa-da "na'gw xadaglana-da yaxa-nec'e-u" no-u 

get some meat, take them back and tell them "Now get off and eat" 
hexcaca-da yalxilnaklakno^o she screamed and ran away, it is said 
gwe'-^a'lak da'ane-da han-bilna-klakno'o he took a stick and went over 

there, it is said 
necayadji-da cilayo'noklakno'o they made him stay home, and they went 

hunting, it is said 
necgaban-'a'lak da' an-xaidjona-da heVey-agxonaklakno'o he lifted up the 

door (of a tipi) and peeped in, it is said 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 99 

(c) Participial Suffixes (72 — 74) 

72. General Remarks. 

There are two participial suffixes in Tonkawa, -n and -k. The 
former has been referred to as an infinitive suffix since it is added to 
the verb form not conjugated as to person and number. It is used, 
however, as a third person plural in the -k paradigms. 

73. The -n Suffix. 

Used alone, the -7i forms can be translated in two ways — as an 
infinitive, and as a hortatory — according to circumstances. It is 
also used in the third person plural of the -k paradigm : this usage 
will be discussed in section 74. The suffix is added to the theme plus 
pronoun object. 

The infinitive use of the -n form is illustrated by the following: 

hedlo'no'c yaxa-n I don't want to eat 

hedlo'no'c xana-n I don't want to drink 

hedlo'no'ga yagha-n you don't want to hit him 

hedlo'no^c yagha'-n I don't want to hit you 

hedlo'no' geigaba-n he doesn't want to hit me 

habaearCe yela-n '"a'x-gak xanida 'e'c" nonoklakno'o (after) sitting a while, 

"I need water", he said, it is said 
hedjna-n ha'djcogonai-la the Coyote lying down 
we'dedja'a ya'lo'na-n yax-a'do-ne-k-djo' this is the way to kill so you will 

(have food to) eat 
hebage-u 'e'da-n tell him to come 

hadxilna-n yoxnaklakno^o going out, she flew away, it is said 
nex^eu-^a'lak noga-n 'eiwendjaganoklakno^o taking the gun, he killed them, 

it is said 

By far the most common use of the -n suffix is to put the verb in 
the hortatory mode. This form of the hortatory is only used for a 
definitely plural subject: the other form of the hortatory wiU be 
taken up in section 80. 

da-daglana-no-n let's take him down 

hedjodjxa'yo-no-n let's go to sleep 

we'-yHk ''a'he-no-n don't go over there 

t'cel de'dja ''e'-no-n go up here 

'awac-gak ya'lo-na-u yaxa-no-n kill buffaloes, let's eat 

ha'djcogonai-lak necdjoxn-abe-no-n 'o''a-wa'dak let's not let Coyote sleep 

tonight 
gwa'n-^a'lak ho'^oxo'-no-n let's steal his woman 
haidjoda-Vok ya'lo'na-no-n as he comes vip, let's kill him 
da'ane-no-n let's keep him 
iua--de-dja ^e--no-n let's stay right here 

Note, in aU the above examples, that the -n suffix is added to the 
theme plus the continuative suffix -no. 

7* 



100 HOIJEE TONKAWA 

Certain theme compounds are formed by putting the first theme 
of the compoimd into the infinitive form. The secondary themes 
used in these compounds have no independent existence. They are 
listed below. 

-xwo nearly, almost 
yagban-xwo'c I nearly hit him 

yagban-xwono'c I am almost hitting him 

geigaban-xwono' he is almost hitting me 

-bil outside, another place 
This theme is attached to the infinitive form of the verb it 
modifies. It is never used without either the suffix -na off, away, or 
-da towards, hither, following. Examples : 

yaxan-hilno^c I go there to eat 

yaxan-bildo'c I come here to eat 

'e'eyo'-dan-bilda-klakno'o she cooked it and brought it in to 

them, it is said 
nogo-dan-bibia-llakno'o she took them away, it is said 



74. The -k Suffix. 

The -k suffix is attached to the theme plus its pronominal ele- 
ments and may also be used with the future tense suffix and the 
continuative. The paradigm is as follows: 

Theme: yagba- to hit, strike 

Sg. 



1 


yagba-ce-k 


2 


yagba-ne-k 


3 


yagba- -k 


1 


yagba-nec' e-ce-k 


2 


yagba-nec'e-ne-k 


3 


yagba-nec'e- -k 


1 


yagb-o'c'e-ce-k 


2 


yagb-o'c'e-ne-k 


3 


yagba-n 



With the continuative suffix: yagba-no-co-k. etc. 
With the future tense suffix: yagb-a'do-co-k, etc. 

Note, in the third person plural, that -n replaces -k. The -n so 
substituted is probably cognate with the infinitive -n; i. e., the 
infinitive is used idiomatically in the third person plural. 

-k forms may be used alone, with noun suffixes, or as bases for 
the modal encUtics. The last named will be discussed in the section 
following. The first two usages have a variety of functions, for 
example : 

hexal'oi ha''ac ^e'nok genana'djo'nogwa there are many ants biting me, 
hexaVoi ants, ha''ac many, and 'e'-, auxiliary to be, plus -no con- 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 101 

tinuative and the -k suffix seem to form the subject of the sentence 
which the verb "they are biting me" completes. Compare this with 
the following example: 
yadjox'an-e'e'k na'^e'-no-k xai-^an'ok we'bag-o'c'o-u go to camp; when you 
arrive, tell them, in which the -k form (na''e'-no-k) is used simply as 
a verb. 

These are the only two examples of -k forms used alone. In all 
the others, it has some noun case suffix attached and functions 
either in a subordinate sense or as a verbal noun. 

xa' xa-k-la "haglana-d banxo-u" noklakno^o when he arrived (or, he having 
arrived), they said ' ' Go down and take a bath", it is said. In this example, 
one can take a choice of interpretations — translatinga;o'a:a-A;-Za 
either as "when he arrived" or as the subject of the sentence"he, having 
arrived, (was told 'Go down and take a bath')". The latter is 
probably the better; -la, as we shall see later (of. 86), defines the 
nominative case. 

''gwa'lo'dak-la tiadje-u" no-co-k-la nadje-k-la ^eigan-aidjo-no'c "big one, 
bite," I told him : when he bit I dragged him up. This example illustrates 
the subordinating function of the -k form. 

'e"d cax^ai-lak yalba-da t'cel-^a'yHk yela-k-la heilaban-awa'dak heigo^ oklakno^ o 
and he set an arrow into the ground and, as he sat on top of it, it became 
a very tall tree, it is said 

'e'gwa 'o-'o'-k-la hedjnenec^eklakno^o then, night having come, they two lay 
down, it is said 

gwa'n-wa' -' a'la ha'na-d fcaw^al-\i'yHk xe'ilaba-k-la yag^eklakno^o that woman 
going off and standing a distance away, he shot her, it is said 

'awac-''a'la y ax-do- xa-k-la hadjxo-d yalxilnaklakno'o the buffalo having 
eaten it all, he jumped up to riui away, it is said 

^awac-'a'la he'nex'eyo'-k-la the buffalo having lost him 

The examples following are clearly cases of verbal noun forms in -k. 
Thus, 

da'danaklakno''o he'cogyo'-k-wa'-y'ik he brought him to where they had 

fought, it is said 
cocgo'naklakno'o hegdo' -k-wa- -' a'lak he was listening to that singing, it is 

said 
xa'xaklakno'o he'bano'-k-wa'-y'ik he arrived at that council, it is said 

(he'bano-- to discuss) 
madnogon dodoba-u geiwetoei-k-de'-lak quickly cut these bonds of mine 
da'ane-da yagda-k-wa' -y'ik taking it to where they sat 
^awac-da''e--k-wa'-'a'lak that buffalo he married 
hendoc-e,'la-klakno^o hedjne-nece-k-wa--yHk they were standing about where 

those two lay, it is said 
' egwancxau-' a'lak djane-k-wa' -yHk xa'xad heuleklakno'o going to where ho 

left his horse, he caught him, it is said 



(d) The Noun Forming Suffix (75) 
75. The Noun Forming Suffix -an. 
A great number of verb themes may take this suffix which makes 
them function as nouns. Examples: 



102 



HOIJER TONKAWA 



heilaba- 
heilab-an 



yagwa- 
yagw-an 



yaxa- 
yax-an 

naxdje- 
naxdj-an 

gadwe- 
gadw-an 

na'xcogna- 
na' xcogn-an 

a'ene- 
x^en-an 

c'e'da- 
c'e'd-an 

hec^ago- 
hec'agw-an 



to stand up, arise 
tree, that which stands 

to kick . . . , dance 
leg, that with which one kicks or 
dances 

to eat . . . 

food, that which is eaten 

to biiild a fire 
fire 

to give birth to . . . 

female animal (not human female) 

to guide, scout, reconnoiter 
scout, guide 

to sweep 
broom 

to cut . . . 
rope 

to shave oneself 
razor (cf. 3) 



Many other examples could be listed — probably half the nouns 
of the language are formed in this way. When the verb theme has an 
element of the type CVw or GVy as final element, that element 
becomes Co- and the noun suffix -n. 



he'cogyaw- 
he'cogyo'-n 


to fight, go to war 
war, war party 


na-hew- 
na-ho'-n 




to build a house 
house 


xaVoy- 
xaVo'-n 




to cut . . . 
knife 


'e^eyaw- 
^e'eyo'-n 


gabai 


to work 

Sunday, no work (gabai no) 



Certain compounded verb themes in which the first theme takes 
a subordinating suffix may be made into noims by adding this 
suffix to the second theme of the combination. 



naule-d yaxa- 
naule-d yax-an 

babna-d yaxa- 
ba'bna-d yax-an 

yago-d xana- 
yago-d xan-an 



to spread a cloth to eat 
tablecloth ; that which one spreads in 
order to eat 

to set the (table) to eat 
table ; that on which (things) are set 
and eaten 

to dip up water to drink 
dipper; that with which one dips 
water to drink 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 103 

dayo-d bilili-d xana- to mix, roll (it) for smoking 

dayo-d bilili-d xan-an a headache medicine composed of 

sage mixed with tobacco and 
smoked in a cigarette 



(e) The Modal Enclitics (76—82) 

76. General Remarks. 

The modal suffixes added to the -k form of the theme may, in 

most cases, also be added to nouns, adjectives or demonstratives. 

The modes so formed are the declarative, interrogative, resultative, 

hortatory, quotative, and certain subordinated modes. 

77. The Declarative -au, -a-we. 
The declarative formed by adding -au to the -k form of the verb 
differs from the ordinary declarative in that it defines a completed 
action. It is ordinarily tenseless but may be used with the future 
tense suffix. Examples: 

didjgan-galak-ga geu' eiweidja-h-au the enemy have caught us 
hedjw'ax 'eye'-no-k-au something has happened to you 
'egwan-wixwan-la hewawa-k-au a httle dog has died 
t'celai necgaldei 'e'-k-au she has gone to the other side of the sky 
^a'x-ge-la hagne-k-a'we the water of the (river) has dried up 
'ix 'e'-ne-k-au you did wrong 
wa'dew'an ^-abe-k-au it isn't on this side 
na'ya da'hahle-ne-k-au you have helped her 

-au may also be added to verb themes and to nouns. In those 
cases, it defines a static notion. Examples: 

hedjodj xo' -k-la geucog-aii a bad one owns us (cog- to put away) 

de'l heilab-au she is standing right here 

heidicnan-au she is bashfiil 

djagau-e^e'-k-au where the creek is 

na'yak heVa'd-au yours is over there (heVa'd over there) 

ca'gen gab-a'we that is not mine 

we'Vad-la yadcanan-au that's the heart (yadcanan heart) 

yadalban-gwa'lou-la hedjn-au a big loaf of bread is lying there 

It appears very likely that -au is a form of the auxihary ye '-to be, 
which has become specialized in usage. In support of this the 
paradigm for ye-- in the present tense of the declarative mode is 
appended. 

Sg. 1 ye--we-^-c 

2 ye'-we'-ga 

3 ha'we or hau 
Du. 1 tiec-ye'-we-'-c 

2 nec-ye' -we' - ga 

3 nec-a'we or nec-au 
PI. 1 wec-ye'-we-'-c 

2 wec-ye'-we--ga 

3 ha'weyagagw 



104 HOIJER TONBAWA 

This paradigm lists an ha-we or hau form in the third person 
singular which is the same as the modal enclitic described above 
in form, and is probably cognate with it. Note, also, the curious 
positions of the dual and plural subject elements which here come 
before the theme itself. This phenomenon is unique with this 
paradigm . 



78. The Interrogatives, -ye, and -ye-lgwa. 

-ye, added to the -k form of the verb, may be translated "have 
(you) done ...""; while -ye-lgwa means "'are (you) certain of . . . ', 
or "do (you) assert that ...". Both may take the interrogative 
suffix -' which is dropped when the form is preceded by an inter- 
rogative pronoun. The text forms available are nearly aU preceded 
by interrogative pronouns. Examples : 

hededj ' -a' do-nek- ye hedjw'ax-ei-ga nengoxo-Vok what will you do if someone 

chases you ? 
hededj a yamga'-k-ye to what place were you called ? 
hededja ye'la-k-ye tadyaw-de' -la where did you find these sweet potatoes ? 
waxec 'egwan-ye'lgwa-'' are you sure it's a dog ? 
hededj ' -a'do-ne-k-ye'lgwa will you do it ? 
hedju' ^e'-no-k-ye what is the matter with you ? 
de'-la hedju'-ye what is this ? 

hededj '-a'do-k-ye c^e'da-Vok what will happen if I cut it ? 
xani' al-e^ e-la fcaw^al-ye-' is the prairie wide ? 
hededj ^an'ok ya'dj-a'do-ne-k-ye ma'ga-no-ne-k-wa'-^a'lak how will you see 

her by that weeping of yours (how will your weeping help you to see 

her) ? 

From the above examples, we see that these forms made be added 
to noun, verb theme, or demonstrative, and are not confined to -k 
forms. It is clear, too, that neither -ye nor -ye-lgwa are inherently 
interrogative: that connotation is supplied either by the suffix-' or 
the interrogative pronoun. Besides, there is one form with -ye which 
is not interrogative in meaning: bac gedjxiva-ne-k-ye I have slept too 
long. It seems likely, therefore, that -ye is cognate with the auxihary 
-ye-- and has lost its length when used in this particular situation. 
ye--l-gwa, too, is probably the auxiliary plus -/- third person suffix 
(for other examples of such a third person suffix, cf. 44) and the 
mode suffix -gwa. 



79. The Resultative -djo\ 

The suffix -djo', added to the -k form of a verb, defines an action 
resulting from one preceding. It may also be used with nouns : in 
such cases it assumes a static connotation similar to that of -au and 
-ye, except that preceding action is implied. Examples. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 105 

de'dj '-a'do-ce-k-djo' (if someone were after me), I should behave in this 

manner 
ge'waw-ab-a'do-k-djo' (now), I will not die 
geyadjan-didc' -' an' ok ya'ded geyadj-a'd-o'c'e-ne-k-djo'' if they want to see 

me, they may come to see me 
we'-didj-a'a ya'lo-na-n yax-a'do-ne-k-djo' having killed it in that manner, 

you will have food 
cax'ai-na-xen-djo' this is your arrow (after searching for it) 
ya'lo'n-o' -c xaVo'n-de'-la 'o'n-bax-djo' I killed her . . ., this knife has 

blood on it 
we'-y'ik gec'eda-l'ok . . . g&waw-a'do-k-djo' if I am cut there ... I will die 
henox 'e'-ne-k-djo' you have done well 
holau-'a'la we'Vad-djo' this (then) is the end (of the story) 

-djo', we see from the above examples, is less generalized than the 
preceding enchtics : it is found oftener with -k forms. It is probable, 
however, that it, too, is an old auxiliary which has lost independent 
status and is now confined to forms such as these. 



80. The Hortatory -'e-. 

This enchtic may only be added to verbs. It is never used in 
conjunction with the suffix for the future tense or with the con- 
tinuative suffix. Examples : 

dana-ce-k-'e' let's go ! 

daixena-ce-k-'e' let's go across ! 

t'celai-de'-la xawan-a'do-no-gwa geda'ble-u yagex-aidjona-ce-k-'e' the sky is 

going to fall ; help me, let's push it up ! 
cax'ai-de'-l-ac yag'e-xamyo'-ce-k-'e' let's have a contest in shooting with 

arrows ! 
geda'ble-u ma-dan ya'lo'na-ce-k-'e' help me, let's kill him quickly 
daclo'-ce-k-'e' let's go wandering 



81. The Quotative Suffixes, -no'o and -lakno'o. 

Both of these suffixes can only be added to the verb form in -k. 
The first of them, -no'o, means "it is being said ..." or "one hears 
that . . . ". Examples: 

djane-ne-k-no'o it is being said that you left her 

ya'lo'na-k-no'o it is said that he killed him 

we'-yHk gwa'n-la hedjodjxo--k-la 'eiwendjaga-no-k-no'o it is said that over 

there (is) a bad woman (who) habitually kOls people 
' eigagaidj -a'do-k-no' o he says it will be cut 

The suffix -lakno'o is used by a speaker when teUing myths and 
indicates that the events recounted happened a long time ago. It is 
really a narrative form and must be added to every verb in a story 
except those employed in direct discourse within the story. 
Examples : 



106 HOIJEE TONKAWA 

da'yadjox'o-no-k-lakno'o he lived with her, it is said 
hebaixwedan-la xa'xa-k-lakno'o a woman arrived, it is said 
"'egwan bax yaxa-n-o'o'-'" no-k-lakno'o "I eat only dogs" she said, it is 
said 

For other examples of narrative forms cf. Chapter III, Text 
Analysis. 

The -no'o in both suffixes is probably the third person form of the 
declarative past of the theme new- to say, teU. The -lak of the 
narrative suffix is probably cognate with the accusative suffix of the 
noun. Therefore, the quotative may be translated as "they have 
said that . . . ", while the narrative form would be "they told of . . . ". 



82. The Subordinating Enclitics. 

These are three in number: -a-lagid because, -'ai as, while, and 
-ladoi but, except. They may only be added to the verb form in -k 
and are not commonly used in the texts. 

ya'dje-ce-k-a'lagid yalxiln-o'' because I saw him, he ran away 
yalxiln-o'' yagha-ne-k-a'lagid he ran away because you hit him 

hadjne-k-^ai 'adcaw-o' as he lay there, he came to life 
hedjne-ce-k-' ai geigah-o^ as I lay there, he hit me 

t'caw'al dana-nac'e-k-ladoi yandjidj-xa'xa-k-lakno'o they went far off, but 
he ran catching up to them 

hauna'dan-^a'y'ik ^e'-k-ladoi ha''ago'n-ocac-wa'-'a'la aU came to camp ex- 
cept that yovuig man 



B. Themes Functioning as Nouns, Adjectives and Adverbs 
(83—88) 

83. General Remarks. 

We have seen, in the preceding sections, how the verb dominates 
the Tonkawa sentence: how, by means of its theme and affixes, it 
expresses and modifies the action and incorporates the subject and 
object pronouns within its structure. However, few sentences are 
complete without other words; words defining the subject and 
object of the action, and words modifying the verb and its subject 
and object. These, too may be studied in two sections : the theme and 
its affixes. Themes of this sort are very similar to each other formally : 
are, indeed, no different from the verb in formal structure save in 
one respect — they have meaning when used apart from their 
affixes, whereas the verb has fuU meaning only when used with its 
formal affixes. Formally, then, nouns, adjectives, adverbs, and 
pronominal themes are similar and, in a good many cases, one theme 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 107 

can be used in any one of the four functions. The difference in func- 
tion depends upon, first, the position of the theme in the sentence 
and, secondly, upon the affixes it may talve. 

Themes functioning as nouns and personal pronouns take certain 
definite suffixes which define their relationship to the verb. De- 
monstratives may also take such suffixes and are, in addition, often 
found inserted between the noun and its formal suffix. Themes 
functioning as adjectives are invariably placed between the theme 
they modify (a noun functioning theme) and its formal suffix. 
Themes functioning as adverbs take no suffixes Avhatever but are 
placed — generally — before the verb themes they modify. In a 
few cases, where no confusion will result, they follow the verb theme. 
A Tonkawa sentence is, then, composed of a number of themes, 
formally alike, each possessing characteristic affixes defining its 
function in the sentence and its relationship to other words in the 
sentence and each having a more or less fixed position in the 
sentence. For example, 

^egwan-edjodjxo'k-la ha''ago"n-gwa'lou-lak djigeu nadj-o' The bad dog severely 
bit a big man 

In this sentence the themes are: 'egwan dog, hedjodjxo-k bad, 
ha-'ago-n man, gwa-lou big, djigeu severely and nadje- to bite .... 
The suffixes: -la nominative singular indefinite, -lak accusative 
singular indefinite, and -o' declarative i^resent, third person singular. 
Neither hedjodjxo-kha.d, nor gwa-lou big nor rfjYg'eM severely, function 
exclusively as modifiers, hedjodjxo-k-la would mean "a bad (one)" 
or in the phrase hedjodjxo-k nadj-o' he bites him badly, would 
function as an adverb; giva-lou-la a big (one), or gwa-lou bandjal-o' 
he opened his mouth widely; and djigeu-la the sharp (one), or 
xaVo-n-djigeu-la a sharp knife. 

For this reason we have found it best to consider themes func- 
tioning as nouns, adjectives, and adverbs as in the same category, 
omitting only the pronouns (personal, possessive, and demonstra- 
tive) because they have certain specialized functions. 



84. The Theme. 

It wiU be remembered that the verb theme, though fixed and 
rigid in form, was in some cases analyzable into stem and stem 
affixes. Themes functioning as nouns, adjectives, and adverbs may 
also be so analyzed and, in the following lists, we have arranged 
these themes according to the character of their first position 
elements — attempting to duplicate the verb classes defined in 
sections 28 — 32. It is, of course, impossible to apply the phonetic 
criteria to these that were applied to the verb since these themes do 



108 



HOIJEB TONKAWA 



not vary their forms. In spite of this drawback, it will be interesting 
to note how many of these themes fall into classes resembling those 
of the verb. 



yax^aban 
yagadzgohxan 
yagew'an 
yadjax 



ya- Themes, 
spear yagwdocwan water-fall 

armpit yadjgaganan spike 

entrails yadjalc small, little 

chest 



na- Themes. 
nam'ek firewood nahenan 

{cf. nam'e-ne- to broil . . . na'ac 

over hot coals') nacac 

naheigac sunflower 



flower 

light 

turtle 



ne- Themes, 
vine neVedjxan grapes, raisins 



nedxal tongue 
(cf. nedle- to lick . . . ?) 


neiganak first 
(compare nenganak below) 


nex''eu bow, gvui 






nen- 


• Themes. 




nenxacan firewood, me- 
dicine 
(cf. nenxac- to ignite . . . ?) 


nengadza?i 
nendjoban 
nenganak 


hoot-owl 

bear 

first 


ha- 


Themes. 




haiwal blackjack (tree 
hadjib hole 
hadjidj'e-n'an forehead 
hanil rat 
hanga-bou leech 


) haglanan 
hawai 
hagaida 
hadak 

hayon 


sharp 
tall 

this side 
very 
itchy 


(cf. hangaba- to stick to . 


. . , be attached to . 


■ ■?) 


ha-- 


Themes. 




ha-djon'ok eyebrows 
(probably a compound of lia'djon- 
and 'ok hair, fur) 


ha-'ac 

? ha-naxok 
ha'djin 


many 
many 
close, near 


he- 


Themes. 




hega-neu skunk 
hem'ac mother-in-law 
hexal'oi ants 
hemaxan chicken 
hendja-n pond, lake 
henbagolai owl 


hetienwan 

heu'ax 

hedjedjo-n 

hewil 


red paint 

alike, similar to 

back, towards 
the rear 

thickly cluster- 
ed (like grapes) 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



109 



hec'au insignificant henox nice, good, 

hedjodjxo'k bad, fearsome pretty 

(oi. hedjodjxo- to he airaidl) hew'a'dan other side 



he'caxeu 



he'dobou 



(cf. dobo- to cut 



■- Themes. 



giant (a my- 
thological 
character) 

Osage 



he'ci'calan 

he'nax 

he'xadok 



turtle 
easy 

poor, poverty 
stricken 



the Osage are referred to as cut-throats in the sign 
language) 



There is, of course, no way of proving that the initial elements of 
the themes hsted above are of the same character as those found in 
the verb themes. But the number of forms classifiable in this way is 
surprisingly large taking into consideration the fact that this class 
of theme comprises much less than half the number of verb themes. 
Besides the above classification it is notable that these themes 
may also be classified according to their final elements. 







-C 


Themes. 




'ahancu'c 
"awac 


house-fly 
meat, buffalo 


na'ac 
ha-'ac 


light 
many 


'au'ic 
gelec 
gegele'ec 
daxac 


little 
spotted 
spotted 
day, sun. 


god 
-X 


youmac 

xe'c 

lococ 

Themes. 


lips 

sand 

all 


'a'x 

'ix 


water 
bad 




gilix 


high bank (of 
river) 


na-x 
ga-x 


road 
blind 


-'a 


henox 
camox 

Themes. 


good, pretty 
red 


'i'c'a 

(compare 
'o-'a 


minnow 

'vc'ix gar) 
night 


-u 


go-c'a 
goTa 

Themes. 


old (in years) 
bird 


'au 

'okine'lou 

bandjeu 

mo'lagoVou 

danceu 

yoxanan gamleu 


deer 

pig 

bee 

donkey 

star 

bat 




gaxau 

gwa-lou 

hec'au 

hobdjou 


black, Negro 
big 

little, insig- 
nificant 
soft 



110 



HOIJER TONKAWA 







-k Themes. 




'ok 


hide 




naniek 


dead tree 


'awa-kt'ce'k 


gum 




godok 


inside, room 


'egak 


grandmotlier 


hadak 


much 


''oyuk 


sack 




ha'naxok 


many 


'ok-ma'ik 


cat 




he-xadok 


poor, property- 


magik 


yellow 




less 




maclak 


white 




hedjodjxo'k 


fearful, frightful 


degek 


brush 












-I Themes 




ma-lol 


plum 




noxlul 


screech-owl 


dek'al 


a very hard 


wood 


gohul 


round 


nal 


vagina 




dangol 


back of the head 


ne'l 


penis 




xalal 


warm 


nedxal 


tongue 




xe'l 


seed 


nokxol 


heel 












-i Themes 




'awa-hei 


Pawnee 




gabai 


nothing 


'acoi 


belly 




hawai 


long 


hexaVoi 


ant 




xam'ei 


gray-haired 


makai 


dun (color) 




xagai 


wide 


dinai 


old 




xa-cei 


leaf 



Quite a few nouns appear with the suffix -n. In some cases, at 
least, it appears that these may be nouns formed from verb themes; 
the verb form having fallen into disuse. In other cases, the -n ending 
must be con-sidered on a par with the consonantal endings hsted 
above. 

-n Themes. 

"ahan 

'e'eyon 

'egwan 

'eyeVon 

'o'ayon 

''o'n 

maVan 

dan 

didjgan 

t'oyan 

na'don 

A few nouns and adjectives have no apparent endings — or,, 
rather, illustrate a miscellaneous set of endings. These are: 



daughter 


nando'on 


mountains 


feathers 


nengadzan 


hoot-owl 


dog 


nendjoban 


bear 


war shield 


necyexemyo-n 


money 


baby 


ga-lwan 


wagon 


blood 


gogon 


chief 


land terrapin 


gwa'n 


woman 


tail 


gwa-gwan 


women 


people, person 


x'a-don 


blue 


drum 


ha'djin 


near, close 


moimtain 


henenwan 


paint 



"exwa 


buzzard 


naco'nii 


Caddo 


'o^o' 


owl 


hoxolo-go 


shell 


bcnedixga' 


Comanche 


nexwa 


year, winter 


me-m 


cheeks 


gadma'adj 


meadow-lark 


Va'laba 


buckskin 


garla 


mouth 


dodoyo'ob 


spotted 


gobhodj 


rock lizard 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 111 

This is as much analysis as is possible for these themes end one 
can readily see that we have not succeeded in penetrating deeply 
into the structure. Quite obviously, however, there are not many 
differences between these themes and verb themes and, perhaps, 
if we could be more definite in our analysis of the verbs, the nouns 
and others would not be so unyielding to analysis. 

There are only a very few themes having separate plural forms: 
plurality is normally taken care of by suffixation (cf. 86). 



na'don 


mountain 


nando'on 


mountains scattered here and there 




— a range of mountains 


gwa-n 


woman 


gwa-gwan 


women 


hocac 
hoca'ac 


young 

young (persons) 


henox 
heno'ox 


pretty 

pretty (things, persons) 


'o-n 


blood 


'o-'on 


blood veins 


gelec 

gegele'ec 


spotted 

spotted (referring to several) 


yeiga'ai 


large (referring to many objects) 



In most of these, one of the theme elements is reduplicated in the 
plural form. It wiU also be noted that this reduplication is accom- 
panied by a "breaking" of the vowel of another theme element — 
i. e., the insertion, it seems, of an element composed of glottal stop 
plus vowel. This process is unique with these forms. 



85. Compounded Themes. 

Nouns may be compounded with adjectives, nouns, and verb 
themes. In all such compounds the second theme modifies the first. 
Examples : 

noun plus adjective: 

'abancu'c-yeiga'ai horsefly; 'ahancicc fly, yeiga'ai big (referring to many 

objects). 
'a'x-bix cider; 'a'x water, hix sweet. 
'a'x-na'ac clear water; 'a'x water, na'ac light, clear. 
'au-gwa'lou elk; 'au deer, gwa'lou big. 
'awac-adak buffalo ; 'awac meat, kodak much ; the word buffalo may also be 

expressed by 'awac alone. 
'awac-ec'au camel; hec'au little, insignificant. 
'aWn-ec'au barley; 'ale'na wheat. 
mam'an-djigeu red peppers; mam' an pepper, djigeu sharp (in taste) 



112 HOIJER TONKA WA 

bandjeu-gegeleec spotted bee (referring to a species of bee); bandjeu bee, 

gegele'ec spotted. 
dan-gelec raccoon; dan tail; gelec spotted. 
dan-maclak rabbit; maclak white. 
necyexemyo'n-magik gold; necyexemyo-n money, rnagik yellow 



noun plus noun. 

'a'x-ga'noc whiskey; ga'noc Mexican (probably from the Spanish, Mejicano). 

'au-^ok deer hide; OM deer, ^ok hide. 

'awac-na'dan buffalo foot; 'awac buffalo, na'dan foot. 

danceu-daxco' )i morning star; danceu star, daxco'ti morning, day-break. 

gala-yamac lips; gala mouth; yamac may also be used independently for lips. 

gaVok moustache; 'ot hair, hide. 

yagwan-^oyuk leggings; yagwan legs, 'oyuk sack 

go-l'a-'e'eyon bird feathers; go'l'a bird, ^e'eyon feathers. 

Some nouns and noun plus adjective compounds have the 
modifier -didj hke, as, suffixed. Examples: 

yelan-obdjou-didj cushioned chair; yelan chair, hobdjou soft. 
necwaVan-ce'nan-didj eel; necwaVan fish, ce'nan snake. 

didjgan-wa' -didj Tonkawa; didjgan people; wa'- the aforementioned, the par- 
ticular 
xa'cei-didj cabbage ; xa'cei leaf. 
necgaicanan-didj gvmny sack; necgaicanan yucca. 

The compounds so far illustrated — with the exception of the last 
group — have all been composed of two independent themes. 
Compounds built up of noun plus verb theme differ in that the last 
element cannot be used alone (except, of course, with appropriate 
formal suffixes). 

'awac-n'a'n sau.sage; 'awac meat; -w'o'n-, a verb stem used in n'a'n-we- to 

be ground, mashed, and y a -n'a'n-we- to pound, mash (corn, etc.) 
'egwanc-xau horse; 'egwan dog, -c, an instrumental noun suffix (cf. 86), -xau- 

to move great distances ( ?). 
maclak-daxco' frost ; maclak white, daxco'-, a verb theme day breaks ; morning 

arrives. 
daxac-haglanak West ; daxac day, sun, haglanak, the -k participle of haglana- 

to go down. 
daxac-haidjodak East; haidjodak, the -k participle of haidjoda- to come up, 

arise. 
didjgan-yacxaw'a quail; didjgan people, yacxaw' a is evidently derived from 

the verb theme yacxaw- to frighten, scare. The suffix -'a may be cognate 

with the suffix -'a illustrated in section 84. 
nebaxgan-bilil cigarette; nebaxgan tobacco, bilil- to wrap up, roll. 
Vcaxw-yabetc thread; Vcaxw cloth, fabric, yabdje- to sew. 

Several compounds involve more than two themes. Some of these 
are illustrated below: 

'au-dan-gaxau black -tailed deer; 'au deer, dan tail, gaxau black. 
'vc'a-dan-camox red -tailed minnow ; 'i'c'a minnow, camox red. 
dan-'ok-gabai oppossum; 'ok hair, hide, gabai none, nothing. 



HAJ^DBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 113 

doVaxan-ho'^oxo'n-na'x Milky way; doVaxan corn, ho'^oxo'n that which is 

stolen; na'x road. 
yagwan-^ oyuk-V alaba buckskin leggings; yagwan leg, ^oyuk sack, falaba 

buckskin. 

Many noun compounds involve themes which no longer exist 
independently and to which the informant could give no meaning. 

''a'x-yaidjmi kingfisher; 'a' a; water. 

'atc-'ix bad, cold weather; 'ix bad, ugly. 

ben-'atc spring (of year). Neither of the elements of this compound can be 

interpreted but the second part is probably cognate with the 'ate- of 

'atcHx. 
'ok-nia'ek cat ; 'ok fur. 
'ok-me'lou pig, hog. 
'ok-xai'otc shell-fish. 
dac-'ok pubic hair. 
magik-'o'gitc oranges; magik yellow. 
camox-'o'gitc tomatoes; camox red. 

mo'la-goVou donkey; mo'la (from Spanish 'mula') 'mule'. 
ma'lol-nedjmai a species of plum; ma'lol plum. 
dan-coidad squirrel; dan tail. 
dan-ca'le hawk. 
yagogxon-'edjewin Mescalero Apache; yagogxon shoe, mocassins. This term 

is said to refer to the turned up toes of Apache moccasins. 
yoxanan-gamleu bat ; yoxanan wings. 



86. The Formal Suffixes of the Noun. 

The noun may be followed by its adjective modifier, a demon- 
strative (or possessive) pronoun, or an auxiliary verb theme. In the 
first two cases and when the noun is used alone, it must also be 
followed by one or more formal suffixes. These suffixes define three 
concepts: 1) the definite article (-'a- for the definite, zero for the 
indefinite article) ; 2) singular and plural {-I for the singular, -g for 
the plural) ; and, 3) the relation of the noun to the verb whether 
nominative, accusative, dative, or instrumental. There are also 
certain suffixes denoting possession between two nouns and con- 
junction of two nouns. The suffixes ahgn themselves as follows: 

Indefinite Definite 

Singular Plural Singular Plural 

Nominative -la -ga -'a--la -'a--ga 

Accusative -lak -gak -a--lak -'a'-gak 

Dative 

(arriving) — — -'a--y'ik 

(towards) — — -'a--w'an 

Instrumental -ec -'a- -lac -'a--gai 



114 HOIJER TONKAWA 



I. The Nominative and Accusative. 

These two series are the most complete, having forms for singular 
and plural, both definite and indefinite. The plural definite forms 
for both cases are, however, rather rare. Text examples : 

hebaixwedan-la xa'xaklakno''o a young woman arrived, it is said 
ha'djcogonai-la 'awac-gak ya'lo'n-'an Coyote, killing (much) meat, . . . 
ha''ago'n-ocac-la cax^ai-gak ^e'eyo'-no-k-lakno'o a young man was making 

arrows, it is said 
daxac-^a'-la haglana'-gwa as the sun was setting 
holau^a'-lak ya'lo-naklakno'o the last one he killed, it is said 
cax^ai-'a'xen-'a'-lak da'ane-k-lakno'o he picked up his arrow, it is said 
^oyiik-wa'-'a'-lak xadyau-'a'-lak necbedje-da he filled the sack with sweet 

potatoes 
co'na-gwa'givan-ga -'e'-no-k-lakno'o they were duck women, it is said 
didjganwa-dj-ga ha-^ago'n-oca'ac-ga na''e'-k-lakno'o (a number of) Tonkawa 

yoimg men were travelling, it is said 
necwaVe-no-k-lakno'o 'i'c'a-gak he fished minnows, it is said 
'au-ac-gak ya-lo'n-a-do-n-o' -c I am going to kill buffaloes 
ca'ya ^e'-ce-k de'-dj 'e'-n-o^o ha'^ ago'ti-' a' -ga I have done as men do 
didjgan-^a'-ga ha- xeida-gwa-' did anyone come ? 
ya'lo'na-k-lakno'o he'dobou-'a'-ga the Osages killed him, it is said 

The definite is often interpreted as a third person possessive. 
Examples : 

ha'^ ago'n-ocac-la 'egak-'a'-lak dw yadjox' o-no-k-lakno' o a young man lived 

with his (the) grandmother, it is said 
ganxaidjon-'a'-l-ac he.ule-nec' e-k-lakno^ o they two caught it by means of 

their (the) horns, it is said 
x'a'i-'a'-lak hebage-k-lakno'o she told her mother, it is said 
^ egwancxau-'' a' -gak we'cyadjxo'-gwa moimting their horses, . . . 

These noun suffixes may also be added to third person forms of 
the verb and, in such an event, are translated as an agentive, 
''the one who does so and so". Examples: 

neiganak xa'xano^-'a'-la the one arri\ang first ( xa\ra-n-o^ he is arriving) 
''a'x-wa'-^a'-l-cogano'-'a'-la the one owning the waters (coga-n-o^ he is 

putting it away, he owns it) 
wa'dil cogano'-'o'-la the one who owns that 
ga'noc-cogano^-'a'-la yadmaxan-um' -' a: -lak the Mexican who owned the 

water-melon 
yaxw-gagaVadj-adxilnano'-^a'-la the one who cuts through to the other end 
dodobo-k-lakno'o yaweno'-'a'-lak she cut that by which he was tied 

( yawe-n-o'' he is being tied) 

Note, in the above examples, that agentive forms always require 
the noun suffix for the definite. 

There are also a few examples of noun suffixes attached to verb 
themes : such constructions are generally interpreted as subordinated 
forms. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 115 

da'ane-da ha-na-la he took it and, going off, . . . (ha'na- one person goes off) 
cilweno-la cocgo'na-k-lakno^o while wandering about, he heard it, it is said 

(cilwe- to wander about). This could also be interpreted "he wandering 

about heard it, it is said", where "he wandering about" is the subject 

of the verb. 
ha'djcogonai-la hewawa-d hedjne-no-la 'adco'-k-lakno''o Coyote, lying there 

dead, came to life, it is said (hedjne- to lie down) 
'awac-maclak-la heilab-'a'-la no-k-lakno'o a white buffalo stands (there) 

he said, it is said (heilab- to stand) 
xa-xa-Wok ga'noc-la heilab-'a'-lak as he arrived, a Mexican (was) standing 

(there) 

The suffix -lak is very often used independently or, at least, semi- 
independently, to set off certain word groupings. Its exact function 
in this connection will best be explained by a few examples. Thus, 
'e-l'ok 'a-x-'a--la x'adon--dak ye-la-k-lakno'o lak wa-y'ik 'e-da 
ha-'ago-n-ocac-wa'-'a--la hadjxo-k-lakno'o which, translated literally, 
means: but the water very blue there was lak from this then that 
young man arose it is said. The young man was a magician and had 
turned himself into a patch of intensely blue water: his wife, looking 
for him, could not see him but saw 'this patch of very blue water 
from which that young man arose'. It appears, then, that toi; makes 
the phrase 'a-x-'a--la x'adow-dak ye-la-k-lakno'o "a (patch of) very 
blue water was lying" the object of 'e-rok which, as was shown in 
section 38, is a particle based on the auxihary verb: to be, to do. 
Therefore, a free translation is "(she did not see him) but (saw) a 
patch of very blue water lying there from which, then, the young 
man arose", hadxilna-l-'ok Iia-djcogonai-la heilab-e-la-k-lakno'o lak 
da-dagxona-k-lakno'o when she went out Coyote was standing lak, 
she brought him in, it is said. Here again lak refers the phrase 
"Coyote was standing" to the verb "when she went out" so that, 
translated freely, the sentence means, "when she went out (she saw 
or noticed) Coyote standing (there); she brought him in, it is said". 

In the examples to foUow, the phrase objectified by lak wiU be 
put in parenthesis. 

^e'gwa (yadjox^an-^a'-la na'don-'a'-yHk wa'-yHk yadjox'an-a'naxok ye'la-k- 

lakno^o) lak it so happening that there was a large camp below the 

mountain, . . . 
fcaxw-'a'-lak da'an-yaidjona-l-'ok (gandjeu bax ye'la-k-lakno'o) lak when 

she lifted up the blanket (she found) it was all worm-eaten, it is said 
yada-l-'ok (hedjn-e'la-k-lakno'o) lak when he came (there), (he found) 

him lying (there), it is said 
^e'l'ok (heigwedjan-wa'-'a--la 'acoi-'a'-y'ik hedjn-e'la-k-lakno^o) lak then it 

happened (that) that ring was lying in his stomach, it is said 
ha'djcogonai-la ha'na-no-k-lakno'o 'e'gwa (dan-maclah-gwa'lou hedjn-e'la-k- 

lakno^o) lak Coyote was walking along, it is said, and there (was) a large 

Rabbit lying down 
'e'l'ok (gwa'n-wa'-^a'-la gab-e'la-k-lakno'o) lak but it appeared (that) that 

woman was not (there) 



116 HOIJER TONKA WA 

ha'djin ^e'xadxa-l-'ok (naxdjan ye'la-k-lakno'o) lak when he brought him 

close to (where) the fire was, . . . 
'e'gwa ('awac-adak-la hedjn-e'la-k-lakno^o) lak it happened a buffalo was 

lying down 

We note, in these examples, that, in every case, the verb of the 
objectified phrase (i. e., the phrase in parentheses) has compounded 
with is the reduced form -e-- of the auxihary ye-- to be (cf . 38) ; 
and is, therefore, a static verb. The part of the expression in paren- 
theses is this static verb and this totality is referred to the active 
verb preceding by the element lak. 



II. The Dative Suffixes. 

There are, as we have seen, two dative suffixes. The former one 
-'a-y'ik, is most commonly used. It carries with it an "endpoint" 
notion; the concept of "(arriving) at, to, in (a certain point)". The 
other, -'a'-w'an (used mostly with verbs of going) imphes a motion 
towards an indirect object. Examples: 

fcagau-'ar-y'ik wa'na-k-lakno'o he fell into the river, it is said 
yadjox'an-'a'-y''ik xadxa-nec'e-k-lakno'o they two arrived at the tipi, it 

is said 
■madjxanan-'a--la ca'hal-''a'-yHk heilaba-no-k-lakno^o his sweetheart was 

standing at the door, it is said 
ha'dj-'a'-yHk hagxona-k-lakno'o he (Turtle) went into the groiuid, it is said 
'awac-wa'-'a'-lak dja'l-'a'-y'ik nadje-k-lakno^o he bit that buffalo (in) 

the testicles; bit that buffalo's testicles, it is said 
yadxan-^a'-y'ik may'an-wa'-'a'-lak yal-dadamaxe-k-lakno^o he threw that 

turtle on a stone, smashing him, it is said 
dana-nec'e-k-lakno'o yadjox'an-'a'-w'an they two went towards the tipi, 

it is said 
nando'on-^a'-w^an da'da-no-k-lakno^o he started off with her to the 

mountains, it is said 
hemama'go'-dana-k-lakno'o yadjox'an-'a'-w'an they went off, weeping, to- 
wards their tipis, it is said 
gwa-n-la hedjne-k-'a'-w'an hedjne-k-lakno'o he (made to) lie down by the 

side of) the woman, it is said 

(Note that -'a'-w'an is used instead of -'a'-y'ik, showing that he did 
not actually lie down by the woman but simply started to do so and 
was stopped.) 
na'don-'a'-lak necgaldei-'a:-w'an yag-xailaba-k-lakno'o he shot (an arrow) 

in the ground on the other side of the mountain, it is said 

(-'a'-w'an is suffixed to the word meaning 'other side': he shot 
towards the other side so that the arrow would be stuck in the ground.) 



III. Instrumental Suffixes. 

These are distinguished for definite and indefinite (indefinite -ec, 
definite -'a--lac) and there occurs, but rarely, a plural definite 
form f-'a'-gai). Examples: 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 117 

yarC a'nwan-eV a'd-ac by means of this chain 

ha-'ago'n-la heilaba-da ^egwan-^a'-lak weile-no-k-lakno'o gwe'h-ec a man stood 

and threw by means of a stick at the dog (threw sticks at the dog), it is 

said 
'e-kla 'egwan-wixwan-ec hexcaca-k-lakno'o then he (Coyote) yelped like a 

little dog, it is said 
he'dobou'-ec hidjna-k-lakno'o dagei-'a'-lak they cut his hair according to the 

Osage style, it is said (he'dobou Osage) 
ganxaidjon-'a--l-ac heule-nec^e-k-lakno'o they two grasped it by means of 

their horns, it is said 
cax'ai-'a'-l-ac yag'e-d ncibacxan-''a'-lak yag^e-k-lakno'o he, shooting with an 

arrow, shot the ball, it is said 
da" andje-nec'' e-k-lakno' o he'dyan-'' a' -gai they two held him by means of his 

arms, it is said 
haiicecan-'' a' -lak c'tt'dj-'w-gai 'oyugo-k-lakno'o he put the glowing coals in 

under his finger nails (carried them by means of his finger nails), it is said 
yadexan-gak yadjax-'a'-gai henecanangaba-da he caused the stones to stick 

to him by means of his chest 

IV. Other Suffixes. 

Possession between two nouns is indicated by a suffix -'an 
attached to the noun denoting the possessor. 

hebaixwedan-ocac-wa' -I-' an x^ari-^a'-la the young lady's mother 

ha'' ago'n-ocac-wa' -^ a' -l-^an madj xanan-'' a' -la the young man's sweetheart 

xaVo'n-de'-la gwa'n-'an 'o'n-bax-djo'' this knife has a woman's blood on it 

ha'^ ago'n-ocac-wa' -I-' an dja'l-'a'-la that young man's testicles 

ha-djcogonai-'an da'^e'-k-la Coyote's wife 

ha'djcogonai- la gwa' gwan-wa' -I-'' an hexwid-lak ho'' oxo' -k-lakno' o Coyote stole 

a belt belonging to those women, it is said 
ha'na-k-lakno'o yadjox'an-oca'ac-wa'-l-'an he went off to the camp of the 

young (men) 
ga'noc-gogon-gwa'lou-wa'-l-^an 'ahan-'a'-lak da''e'-k-lakno'o he married the 

daughter of that big Mexican chief, it is said 
^ awac-wa' -^ a' -lak cogano'-'a'-l-'an 'o'dja-'a'-la the children of him who own- 
ed that buffalo 

Conjunction is expressed by means of a suffix -'en which may 
either be attached directly to the nouns involved or to the noun 
plus nominative suffix. Examples: 

heigwedjan-'en heixaxaV an-' en henenwan-' en rings and ear-rings and red 
paint and . . . 

ha''ago'n-ocac-la-'en hebaixwedan-ocac-la-'en a young man and a young wo- 
man and . . . 

dan-maclak-wa'-'a'-lak yaxa-no-n-lakno'o necwaV an-wa' -I-' en the rabbit they 
ate and the fish 

yawe-k-lakno'o he'dyan-' a' -I-' en yagwan-'a'-l-'en they tied his arms and his legs 

hanil-wa'-ga ' egwan-wa' -I-' en ' okma" ek-wa' -V -en weimaga-d those mice, cal- 
ling that dog and that cat, . . . 

'okma'ek-la-'en 'egwan-la-'en wenecda'gona-k-lakno^o he made a cat and a dog 
look for it, it is said 

'ewac-'a'-l-'e7i x'a'i-'a'-l-'en "henox 'e'-ne-k-djo' " no-k-lakno'o her father and 
her mother said "you did well" 



118 HOIJER TONKAWA 

A suffix -'ida, -da. meaning (two, three, etc.) of them may be 
added to numerals and other words defining quantity or number. 
Themes taking this suffix require no case suffix. Examples: 

cigid-'ida 'e'-ti-o'o-lok there are four of them 

ha'dj-'ida cocoyana-nec'e-k-lakno'o both of them swam away, is is said 

ha'naxok-'ida weda'ho'-k-lakno'o many of them met them, it is said 

ha'noxok-'ida na'''e'-k-lakno^o many of them went off, it is said 

lococ-'ida daidjod-a'do-nwa' all of them will come up 

gwa'gwan-ga cigid-'ida hebnono'xo'-no-k-lakno'o four women (women, four 

of them) were bathing, it is said 
ha''cu;o-n-oca'ac-'a'-la cigid-'ida da'andje-da the young men, four of them, 

grasped him and . . . 
gedai-da da' andje-nec' e-k-lakno' o two of them had hold of him, it is said 
gedai-da hagoxa-nec'e-l-ga'ak when two of them got tired . . . 
go'c'-a''ac-la gedai-da yadjox' an-ec-awe'lak old people, two of them, live 

there 
hebnono' xo' -no-k-lakno' o hebaixwedan-gabai-da they were bathing without 

dresses (dressed — none of them) 



87. Themes Functioning as Modifiers. 

It is only necessary here to hst a number of text examples to 
illustrate the varying positions and functions of the themes com- 
monly used as modifiers since, as we mentioned before, there 
structure is similar to that of the noun functioning themes. 

'a'yai down, below, under 

heilaban-'a'yai-wa'-y'ik hedjne-no-k-lakno'o he was lying under that tree, 

it is said 
na'don-'a'yai-wa'-y'ik yadjox'an-a'naxok ye'la-k-lakno'o there was a big 
camp at the foot of that mountain, it is said 

Note, here, that the complex yadjox' an-a'naxok takes no case suffix. 
This is because it precedes the auxiliary ye'- to be, and, as such, is a 
part of the static verb "there is a big camp". 
'a'yai-wa'-y'ik yela-da sitting down inside, . . . 
yadjox' an-' a'yai-' a- -y'ik ma'ga-no-k-lakno'o someone was weeping inside 

that tipi, it is said 
na''e'-d na'don-'a'-lak 'a'yai-wa'-y'ik they went to the other side of the 
mountain 

In this sentence, the theme 'a'yai is separated from the noun na'don 
and given its own noim suffix. Literally, the sentence reads "they 
went the moimtain (accus.) to that inside". That is, "to that inside the 
mountain" means idiomatically "the other side of the mountain". 

ma'dan quickly 

ma'dan wedjne-u turn them loose quickly 
ma'dan ya'lo'na-ce-k-'e' let's kill him quickly 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 119 

neiganak first, ahead of 
neiganak xa-xano'-'a--la the first one arriving 
neiganak xa'xa-d he, arriving first, . . . 

neiganak-^ a- -w'a?i xe'ngwa'na-d running along ahead of him (literally, 
running along to the fore) 

go'c'a old (in years) 

gwa-n-go-c'a-wa'-''a'-la that old woman 

xa'xa-d ya'dje-c-a'a go'c^ -a''ac-wa' -y'ik I shall go to see those old (people) 

ga-x blind 

ha'^ago'n-ga- x-la a blind man 

ha''ago'n-go'c'a-didj-la ga'x-la an oldish man, a blind one 

galak other 
didjan-galak-ga the enemy, other people 

galak-'a'-y'ik hedjne-k-lakno'o he lay down on the other (side) 
galak-'a'-y'ik yela-k-laknoo he sat down on the other (side) 

gabai no, not 
hengwa' -cilwa-n 'a'x-gabai-e'e'-k running around (he came) to no water (i. 

e., dry land) 
ha''ago-n-ocac-gocam-gabai-la a crazy young man 

(Note the number of modifiers between the noun ha'' ago' n and the 
formal suffix -la: hocac young, gocam senses, brains, and gabai none.) 
gabai 'e'-no-k-laktio'o he did not come, it is said 

ha'djcogonai-la 'andjo'-k-lakno'o 'e'd gabai-lak Coyote awoke and (found) him 
gone, it is said 

gwa-lou big, large 

dan-maclak-gwa'lou-la a big rabbit 

gwa'lou heigo' o' -gwa as he became big, grew up 

gwa'lo'-dak bandjale-k-lakno'o he opened his mouth very wide, it is said 

giva'lo'-dak naxdje-da he built a very big fire, and . . . 

(gwa'lo'-dak is compounded of the theme gwa'lou big, and hadak very: 
the initial element of the final theme has been absorbed to the final 
element of the preceding theme, cf. 8). 

ha'djin close, near 
heilaban-a'djin-^a'-yHk heilaba-da he stood close to the tree and . . . 
yadjox'an-a'djin-\i,'-yHk xa'xa-da he came close to the camp and . . . 
ha'djin 'e'xadxa-l-'ok when he brought him close, . . . 
ha'djin-'a'-y'ik hengwai-xa'xa-k-lakno'o he ran arriving close (to it) it is said 

hadak very 
This is generally used to intensify the meaning of a particular 
modifier. It has the forms: hadak, ha'dak (rhetorical length), and 
-dak. Thus, 



120 HOIJER TONKAWA 

h^ilaban-awa- -dak a very tall tree (hawai tall) 

go-Va--dak eagle, big bird (go'Va bird) 

'awac-ayow -dak-la a buffalo itching badly (hayon itching. Note here that 

the final consonant of the modifier hayon is lengthened compensatively for 

the loss of the initial element ha- of hadak.) 

x'adon'-dak intensely green, intensely blue 

hawa--dak nexale-k-lakno'o he bellowed very loudly, it is said (hnu-ai loud; 

compare with hawai tall) 
ha'djin' -dak nagwdo'-k-lakno'o they came very close to it, it is said 
'awac-adak buffalo (much meat) 
gwa-n-enox-a'dak a very pretty woman 

henox pretty, good 

gwa'n-enox-a'dak a very pretty woman 
gwa'gwan-eno'ox pretty women 

cax'ay-e'-gak henox yagna-n-o'' I shoot these arrows well 
hededj-'an'ok henox ya'dje-d yalo'n-a'do-ya^ a how can you see well enough 
to kill her ? 

yeiga'ai big (referring to several) 
ha'djcogonai-yeiga'ai-caniox-ga the red wolves (the big red coyotes) 
yeiga'ai-' a' -lak we'bage-k-lakno'o he informed their parents; i. e., their 
big ones 

camox red 
Note the use of camox as an adjective in the first of the examples 
illustrating yeiga'ai. 

camox-a'dak heyadje-no-k-lakno'o it (a furnace) was looking very red (hot), 

it is said 
camox-a'dak necgal-o'c'o-u heat it red (hot) 

djigeu fast, hard 
This is really an intensifier as may be seen from the examples 
below. It means "fast", when modifying "to race" ; "badly" when 
modifying "to be sick", etc. 

go'ra-djigeu-yandjidjxe'xel road runner (bird who runs fast) 
djigeu yandjidjxil-n-o'o--' I have been a fast rimner, have been running fast 
djigwo'-dak weglaxe-no-k-lakno'' o he threw them off hard, it is said 
djigeu 'adje-k-lakno'o he is badly sick, it is said 

dja-djxok middle, center 
yadjox'an-dja'djxok-'a'-y'ik yadjox'an-awai-'a'-y'ik gwa'lou-'a'-y'ik xa'xa-d 
he, arriving at a big tall tipi in the center of the camp, . . . 

Note the number of modifiers and the way in which they are placed. 

Literally, this sentence may be translated: camp-center-to tipi- 

tall-to big-one-to he, arriving. Tlie following sentence, expressing 

the same modifications, does it quite differently: 

yadjox'an-dja'djxok-e'e'-k yadjox'an-awai-gwa-low-e'e'-k we'-y'ik geimag-o'o 

(literally) camp-center-to-that tipi-tall-big-to-that to-that-place they- 

have-called-me. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 121 

It is clear, then, that there is considerable freedom in the arrangement 
of nouns and modifiers. 
ha'djcogonai-la dja'djxok-'a'-y'ik co'yan-'an Coyote, swimming to the center 
(of the river), ... 



88. The Numerals and Numeral Adverbs. 
I. Cardinals: 

1. we''ic-bax 

2. gedai 

3. med'ic 

4. cigid 

5. gacgwa 

6. cikwa-lau (cig- plus gwa-lau (?)) 

7. cikye'ecdau 

8. cigidye-'ec 

9. cik-we''ic-x'w'e-l'a 
10. cik-bax 

20. cikbax'a-la gedai 

100. ce-ndo we-'icbax 

1000. ce-ndo'a-la cikbax 

The word for the number "one" is simply we-'ic; -bax is an adverb 
meaning "only, just". For ten the word is simply cik. All the 
numbers except two, three, and five, are, then, based on the theme 
cik. The word for six seems to be cik plus gwa-lau; the latter resembUng 
the adjective gwa-lou big, large. Nine is formed by compounding cik 
plus we-'ic one, and xw'e-Va, which resembles the theme xw'e-l- to 
miss (a mark in shooting). In the word for seven, the suffix is 
unknown ; the word for eight is cigid four, plus an unknown suffix. 
The theme cik corresponds to nothing else in the language. 
The teens are formed as follows : 

cikbax-''en medHc-^en thirteen 

The suffix -'en is the conjunctive suffix for nouns which has been 
discussed in section 86. The word thus reads "ten and three" = 
"thirteen". Twenty is formed by saying two tens; thirty by three 
tens, etc. The word for one hundred is borrowed from the Mexican 
ciento. 





II. 


Ordinals. 


neiganak 




first 


yaxgocan 




second 


medcai 




third 


cikdai 




fourth 


holau 




last 



122 HOIJER TONKAWA 

neiganaJc. yaxgocan, and holau do not fit into the series. The second 
is also used to mean "the next one". The words for third and fourth 
are, however, regular, and seem to be formed from the cardinals by 
adding a suffix -ai. 

III. The Numeral Adverbs. 
These are formed from the cardinals by adding a suffix -'I'c. 

we''ic-'ic bax only once 

gedaya-^ac twice 

niedc-'ac three times 

cigd-^ac four times 

gacgw-'ac five times 

Note here that the adverb forming suffix -'ic is placed between 
we-'ic and bax of the word for "one"'. 



C. The Pronoun (89—92) 
89. General Remarks. 

We have already discussed (cf. 40 — 46) the pronominal affixes 
of the verb. Here we shall treat the independent personal pronouns, 
the possessive pronouns (which are independently expressed), the 
interrogative pronouns, and the demonstratives. All of these 
entities are treated as noun themes and take the regular noun 
suffixes. 

90. The Personal and Possessive Pronouns. 

The independent personal pronoun is used only for emphasis — 
normally the pronominal affixes of the verb are sufficient. Possess- 
ive forms, however, are normally expressed independently and 
occur after the noun possessed — between it and its formal suffixes. 
The pronominal scheme is as follows: 

Sg. 



PI. 



There are, then, only three personal pronouns, ca--, na--, and 'a-. 
The others are made up by adding certain elements to these forms 





Nominative 


Accusative 


Possessive 


1 

2 
3 


ca--ya 
na--ya 
'a-ye--la 


ca'-cik 

na'-yak 

M-ye'-lak 


ca'-gen 
na'-xen 
'a'-xen 


1 
2 
3 


geu-ca--ya 
we-na--ya 
'a-we'-la 


gext-ca'-cik 
we-nar-yak 
"a-wc'-lak 


- 


1 
2 


geu-ca--ga. 
we-na'-ga 


geu-ca'-gak 
we-na'-gak 


geu-ca'-gen 
na-we-ne-xen 


3 


^a-we'-ga 


'a-we'-gak 


'a-u-xen 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 123 

and, as may be seen in the above table, in a rather irregular manner. 
-ya is evidently a personal suffix for the singular and dual — note, 
however, that it is replaced by -ci- in the first person of the accusa- 
tive and by -la in both the third person forms. The whole third 
person is, however, irregular and the forms listed above are rarely 
used. Note, also, the various ways in which duality and plurahty are 
expressed — in the first person dual by prefixing geu- which is a 
verb prefix meanmg "us"; in the second person dual by prefixmg 
we-, the pronominal prefix of plurality; and in the third person by 
suffixing -we-. The plurals are similarly modified and, in addition, 
take the plural case suffixes of the noun. Note, in the plural, that 
the first person of the accusative becomes regular. The possessive 
paradigm is no less irregular and I have no explanation for its 
complexities. 

Examples : 

cax'ai-na'xen-djo' this is your arrow 

ca'gen gab -a' we that is not mine 

cax^ai-'a'-xen-^a'-lalc da' ane-k-lakno^ o he picked up his arrow, it is said 

^egwancxau-ca'gen nenxale-c I found my horse 

deyei-'a'Iak yaxdbe-u cwya yax-a'^ do not eat the hver, I intend to eat it 

Hx 'e-ne-k-a'tve na-ya yaxa-u you have done wrong, you eat (alone) 

na'ya lococ hadxe-ce-n-o'oi-no you have learned everything 

ca'cik ga'yoxo-u ride me 

na'ya yeM-eu you stay here 

ca'ya ya'lo-n-a'^ I shall kill her 

ca'cik na'a gedj xwane-l'ila . . . me, when I'm asleep, . . . 

na-yak ge- xdawa- -k-la I, taking pity on you, . . . 

da'he'banon-na' xen-ge-la ya'lo'na-gwa your friend has been killed 

"de--lak" no-k-lakno'o yagwan-'a-xen-'a--lak "this" he said (indicating) 

his leg 
ha''ago'n-ca'gen-'a'-la hedjodjxo'k. heigo'o-gwa my husband has become wicked 
gwa'n-na' xen-la yanga'-n-o'' your wife is calling you 
ge'ge-u hegdo-n-nw xen-de' -lak give me this song of yours 

The personal pronoims appear also in two other connections: 
with a suffix -xwa also, too, and -djoc by oneself. 

Sg. 1 ca'-xwa ca'-djoc 

2 na'-xwa na'-djoc 

3 'a'-xwa 'a'-djoc 

PI. 1 geu-ca'-xwa geu-ca'-djoc 



we-na'-xwa we-na'-djoc 

'a-wa-xwa ^a-wa-djoc 



Examples : 



dja'ne-n 'a'djoc hehew-a'do-nwa' lot him recover by himself 

^a'djoc-a'nan automobile (that which goes off by itself: ha'na- one person 

goes off) 
^a'xwa gedai-^a'-la da'andje-nec'e-k-lakno'o two others also grasped him, it 

is said 



124 HOIJER TONKA WA 

'a'xwa necengwa'n-^mi he, too, making (his horse) run, . . . 

na'xwa necexwe-u you shout also 

'a'xwa necexwe-k-lakno o he also shouted, it is said 

na'xwa de'-lak naule-d yaxa-u you cook and eat this one also 

'e'ye-n ca-xwa wa'an wa'dja hedjn-a'^ then I also shall sleep right here 

ca-xwa heilahan-'a-yai-de'dja '-a'ha'a I, too, shall be under this tree 



91. Demonstrative Pronouns and Adverbs. 

There are four demonstrative themes, each distinguishing a 
definite position with reference to the speaker. Thus, wa-- refers to 
persons, places, and things which have been mentioned before: 
the . . . aforementioned; de-- to persons, places, ana things in the 
immediate neighborhood; he'e- or he-- to persons, places, and things 
a distance away; and, we-- to persons, places, and things a greater 
distance away. AU vary their meanings according to whether they 
are used alone (with appropriate case suffixes) or whether they 
employ certain suffixes denoting place, direction or manner. There 
is, then, the following configuration of forms. 

Theme Place: -dja Direction: -l Manner: -dj, -didj 

wa-- wa'-dja — — 

de-- de--dja de'-l de'-dj 

he^e- he'e-dja he'e--l he--dj 

we'- — we'-^il we'-dj, we--didj 

Thus wa-dja this particular spot aforementioned, de-dja this place, 
and he'edja that place (we-- is not used with this suffix), iva-- cannot 
be used with the direction suffix nor with the manner suffix, de-l 
here, in this direction, he'e-l over there, that way, and we-'il far 
away, way off in that direction. The last form is irregular : I have no 
explanation of its structmre. de-dj in this manner, he-dj in that 
manner, and, tve-dj, we-didj in that manner. 

All of the themes, when used alone, are employed with certain 
noun suffixes of case. The place, direction, and manner forms may 
also be used with case suffixes: more often, however, they have 
adverbial function and, as such, require no case suffixes. The 
following table gives only the case forms for the four themes : 

Nominative Accusative Dative (to) Dative (towards) 

Sg. wa-- tva--'a-la wa'-'a-laJc wa--y'ik wa--w'an 

PI. wa--ga wa--gak — — 

Sg. de-- de--la de--lak — de'-w'an 

PI. de--ga de,--gak — — 

Sg. /^e'e- he'e-la he'e--lak he'e'-k he'e--w'an or 



PI. he--ga he--gak — 

Sg. we-- — — w6--y'ik 



he--w^an 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 125 

Examples: wa-- 

ha'^ago'n-ocac-wa' -' a'lak that young man aforementioned 
gogon-wa' -^ a-la the aforementioned chief 
gwa'gwan-wa' -ga those women aforementioned 
ha'''ago'n-ocac-wa'-ga those young men aforementioned 
nex^eu-wa'-gak those bows aforementioned 

ha'djcogonai-wa'-gak 'eiweidje-da he caught those aforementioned wolves 
and . . . 

Many examples illustrating this demonstrative may be found in 
Chapter III of this paper. It will be seen that when a person or 
thing is mentioned for the first time in the text it wiU not have this 
demonstrative but, as soon as it is mentioned again, it must employ 
wa-- so that the hstener will know the thing one is speaking of is one 
mentioned before. Necessarly, of course, this demonstrative is 
always found with the definite article since it refers to a specific 
person or thing. In the plural forms, however, the element denoting 
the definite article seems to have been totally ehded. 

'awac-wa'-w'an ha-na-k-lakno'o he went off towards that buffalo afore- 
mentioned 

na'don-'a'yai-wa' -y'ik yadjox'an-a'naxok ye'la-k-lakno'o below that moun- 
tain aforementioned there was a large camp, it is said 

yadjox'an-a'naxok-wa'-yHk xadxa-nec' e-k-lakno' o they two arrived at that 
big camp aforementioned, it is said 

fca'bxan-wa'-y'ik hedjne-k-lakno'o he lay down on that bed aforementioned 

da'xadxa-k-lakno'o 'awac-wa'-y'ik she arrived with him at the buffalo afore- 
mentioned, it is said 

heilaban-^a'yai-wa'-y'ik hedjne-no-k-lakno'o he was lying down under that 
tree aforementioned, it is said 

wa'an wa'-dja heilaba-u stand exactly in this place aforementioned 

wa'an wa'-dja hedjn-a'' I intend to lie down right here 

Examples: de-- 

'ahan-we-ce-k-de--lak da-'-a'do-nwa' he will marry this daughter of mine 
gedadana-u ha'djcogonai-de' -la djoxno'-gwa take me away when this Coyote 

goes to sleep 
lobaii-xa-meno'-'a-lecla da-'e--k gwa-n-de- -lak the one who wins the diving 

contest is (considered) married to this woman 
hededj-e-la-k-ye xadyau-de'-la where did you get this sweet potato ? 
de'-lak cogo-u put this away 
de'-la doxwno--n-o' this (thing) smells 
de'-la hedju'-ye what is this ? 
de'-w'an hedjne-u lie on this side 

de--w'an dan-a'do- -nec-n-o' -c we two are going this way 
de--w'an yoxan-aglana-k-lakno' o he flew down in this direction, it is said 
de--dj "-a-do-ce-k-djo" I would behave in this manner 
de'-dj 'e'-n-o'o'-' I have usually done this 
hedjedjo-n de'-dj 'ey-agxona-k-lakno"o he (pulled) it back in (literally: he did 

it in this rearwards manner) 
de--dj heigo'o-k-lakno'o xagai in this way he made it wide, it is said 
de--l ^e'-n-d'a here he is 
de--l heilab-a'we she is standing here 



126 HOIJER TONKA WA 

Examples: Jie'e-, he-- 
genecyacna-u 'awac-e'e'-lak put that meat in my mouth 
xam'al-e'e-la fcaw'al-ye-^ is that prairie wide ? 
nek'ani'an-e'e'-lak yadjel-aglana-u throw those bones in 
he'e'-k go'c'a-' ac-iva' -yHk xa'x-o'-c I arrived over there at those old ones 

aforementioned 
he'e'-k gilix-bax-e'e'-k ha'djin-e'e'-k han-bilna-u go over there close to that 

high bank 

Note the number of times the demonstrative is repeated: literally, 
"to-over-there to-that-high-bank close-to-that go-to-that-place". 
he'e'-k xe'ilaba-u stand over there 
t'celai-ca'xal-e'e' -k necgaldei-'a'y'ik-a'we she is on the other side of that 

entrance to the sky 
he'e-w'an yadjox^an-wnaxok-e''e'-k gwa'n-lak genecda'^e'-d geimag-o'o they 

called me over there to that large camp to marry a woman 
he'-w'an gwa'n-edjodjxo'k-wa'-'a'lak yu'lo'ti-o'-c I killed that bad woman 

aforementioned over there 
he'-w'an ha'djcogonai-yeiga'ai-^ok-e'-ga camox 'e'-n-o'o there are many big 

wolves with red fur over there 
daxac-aidjodak-e' -w'an yelna-da he sat towards the east 
yandan-awai-e'-w'an yelna-da he sat towards the south 
daxco'-l-'ok xain'al-e'-w^tn gedadana-u tomorrow, take me to that prairie 
ha'' ago'n-ocac-didjganwa'dj -e' -ga hadxecan-bax 'e'-n-o'o those Tonkawa young 

men know everything 
didjganwa'dj-e' -ga 7ia-xc.ogna-Vila when those Tonkawa go scouting, . . . 
didjgan-galak-e' -gak har'ac ya-lo'7ia-da he killed many of those enemies 
'egwancxau-e--gak ha'^ac wedanxono-n-lakno'o they captured many of those 

horses, it is said 
cax'ay-e'-gak henox yagna-n-o' he customarily shoots those arrows well 
didjgan-e'-ga ha'xeida-d nahawa'-Wok hebag-abe-u if those people come to 

ask you about it, don't tell them 
fcel-e'e-dja wa'n-aidjona-k-lakno' o he is pitched into the air, it is said 
he'e-dja yadalban-gwa-lou-la hedjn-a'we over there, a big loaf of bread is lying 
heilaban-e'e-dja yadxalga--c I'll hang you on that tree 
he'e'-l na'don-e'e--lak yandjadjay-abe-u don't meddle with that mountain 

over there (in that direction) 
he'e'-l na'don-e'e'-k haidjon-abe-u do not go up that momitain over there 

Examples: we-- 
we'-yHk geunag-o'o they called me over there 
we'-y'ik n-o'o ca'xwa they said I, too, (was to go) over there 
we'-y'ik da'daxgex-o' he has taken him over there 
we'-yHk gec'eda-l-'ok if you cut me there, . . . 
we'-y'ik 'a'benon let's not go over there 

%ve'-w'an djagaii-e' e.' -k-a'ioe they are over there by that river 
we'didj-a'a ya'lo'n-an killing by that method, . . . 
we'didj 'a'bou do not do it that way 
we'didj-a'we it is that sort of thing 
we'didj-lak yabacxa-d yadca-k-lakno'o running in that way, he stabbed it, 

it is said 
we'dj n-o'o like that, he said it 

ca'xwa we'dj n-o'o they said the same sort of thing to me too 
we''il hawaune-da xa'na-k-lakno'o carrying it, he went far off, it is said 
djagau-we''il that river far away 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 127 

The theme wa-- may be compounded with de-- producing the 
following two forms : wa--de-w'an towards this . . . aforementioned, 
and wa--de-dja this place aforementioned. 

wa'-de-w^an ^a'be-k-a'we it isn't on this side aforementioned 
wa'-de-dja ge' cdoxwno-n-o' I smell it right here 
wa'-de-dja ^e'-no-n let's stay right here 
na'ya yela'e-u wa'-de-dja you stay right here 

Other compounds of this sort are probably possible: there are, 
however, no examples other than those above. 

Finally, there are a number of demonstratives not fitting into the 
pattern given above. The most important of these is ge- which seems 
to have a connotation of possession. Thus, 

'a'x-ge-la hagne-k-a'we the water of (the river) has dried up 'a"ir water, 
hagne- to dry up, -a'we modal enclitic, of. 77. 

gwa'n-ge-la 'ok-'a'la ha^'ac hawe'lagw that woman of his has lots of hair. In 
this example there is no possessive pronoim attached to gwa'n woman 
but because of ge- the translation is correct. 

gwa'n-wenxene-ge-la naxadiganw-o' our woman is married. Here both poss- 
essive pronoun wenxene- (cf. 90) and ge- are used but note that the 
suffix -xen of the possessive pronoun is not employed. 

da'he'banon-na' xen-ge-la ya'lo'na-giva your friend has been killed. In this 
example, the complete form of the possessive pronoun and ge- both are 
used. 

'en gwa-n-ge-la and my woman ? 

gwa'n-la wa'dedja haglada-k-ge-lak ya'dj-abe-ga-^ you did not see my woman 
who ran down to this place ? (literally; a-woman this-place my-she-ran- 
down you-did-not-see. ?) 

The other demonstratives are : 

heVa'd that one, that one over there 

hega'd-gak those 

we'Vad that one (near); it; that 

wa'da'ac this particular time 

Examples : 

na'yak heVa-d-djo^ you (go) over there 

na'yak hel'a'd-a'we yours is over there 

'awac-eV a'd-la that buffalo over there 

wa'anec xa'-hel'a'd-la as soon as that grease . . . 

heVa'd hedai'o--ga'lwe-n-o' he is gambling with them over there 

yan^anwan-eVa'd-ac necgwid-weidjo-u tie them up with that chain over there 

hebaixwedan-eVa'd-lak yamg-o'c'o-u call that woman over there 

yadjox'an-ega'd-gak damou nececgaba-u close those tipis tightly 

we'Vad-lak de'dj '' e' -n-o' o' -'' I have been doing this way with it 
we-Vad gwa-lo'dak-ga nadje-u here, biggest one, bite! 
we'Vad-la yadcanan-a-we that is the heart 

yadjox'an-'a-la we'Vad heyadje-no-k-lakno'o a tipi became visible there, it 
is said 



128 HOIJER TONKAWA 

naxdjan-wa'-y^ik we'Vad hadxilna-k-lakno'o that one came out to the fire, it 

is said 
we'l'ad ^eide'l here he comes 

wa'da'ac daxco'-l-'ok de'-w^an ha-nabe-u today (on this very day) do not go 

in this direction 
daxac-wa'da'ac na-'ey-a'dew-o'c-n-o' -c this very day we are going away 
ya'lo-n-a'dewa- -nee wa'da'ac I will surely kill you this time 



92. The Interrogative and Indefinite Pronouns. 

All the interrogative pronouns are characterized by an initial 
element he- and it is apparent that most of them have been formed 
by prefixing he- to a demonstrative theme. For example : 



de-l 


here 


he-del 


where ? 


de'w'an 


in this direction 


he-dew'an 


which way; in what direction ? 


de'dj 


in this mamier 


he-dedj 


how, in what way ? 


de'dja 


this place 


he-dedja 


where, in what place ? 



There are only three themes, hedju- what ?, hedjw'ed why, for what 
reason ? (hedju-- what ? plus -'ed?), and hedwan how many ?, which 
cannot be analyzed in this way. 



hedel where is he ? 



hedew'an 'e'-gwa which way did she go ? 



hededj 'eye'-no-k-ye djoxn-a'dak-we-Vila how do you act when you are 
sound asleep ? 

hededj ^ -a'do-ne-k-ye'lgwa how will you do it ? 

hededj '-a'do-k-ye c'e'da-l-'ok how will you act if I cut it ? 

hededj-" an' ok ya'dj-a'do-ne-k-ye ma'ga-no-ne-k-iva'-'a'lak how will you see 
her by that weeping of yours ? 

na'gw hededj '-a'doya'a now, what will you do ? 

hededj "e'da geudadan-a'do'' a how can you take us home ? 

hededj '-a'do-ne-k-ye hedjw' ax-ei-ga nengoxo'-l-'ok how will you act if some- 
one chases you ? 

hededj a yainga'-k-ye to what place did they call you ? 
hededja "e'-no-ga where have you been ? 

hedju'-gak yaxa-nec-n-oi-no what have you two been eating ? 
hedjw ''e'-no-ga what are you doing ? 
de'la hedju'-ye what is this ? 
hedjw 'e'-gwa what is the matter ? 
hedjw "e'-ga what have you done ? 
hedjw-la weino'-gwa who (what person) won ? 
hedjw-gak geyadje-no-ga what are you looking at ? 

hedjw-'a'y'ik ha'na-no-ga where are you going (to what place are you 
going ?) 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 129 

Note that hedju- functions as a pronoun or an adverb. As a 
pronoun, it may take any of the case suffixes of the noun. The 
others, we have seen, function most often as adverbs. There are no 
examples illustrating the use of hedwan how many ?. 

The indefinite pronouns are formed from the interrogatives by 
suffixing an element -'ax. Thus, 

hedju- what ? 

hedju'-'ax anything, anyone, something 

hedwan how many ? 

hedwan-^ax several 

how, in what way ? 

hededj-^ax some way 

where, in what place ? 

hededja-'ax somewhere 

hedew'an which way ? 

hedew^an-^ax some way, in any direction 

Examples: 

hedjw^ax-'a'gak ya'lo'n-abe-no-n-lakno'o they didn't kill anything, it is said 
hedju'^ax ge'ey-abe-n-o' nothing is wrong with me ; something is not wrong 

with me 
hedjw'ax 'eye'-no-k-a'we something is wrong with you 
hedjw'ax-ei-gak hadxec-abe-noi-no-' don't you know something ? 

hedwan'ax hedjne-gwa dw'e'-k-lakno'o after a few days had passed, he 

married her, it is said 
hedwan'ax hedjne-no-n-lakno'o they slept several times, it is said (i. e. 

several days passed) 
hedwan'ax hedjne-dana-no-n-lakno'o they camped out several days, it is said 

hededj'ax 'e'-gwa if there is some way, . . . 

hededja'ax ge'cya'dje-yo' ok ya'lo'n-a'dewa'-nec wherever I see you (if I see 
you somewhere), I'll kill you 

wa'anec hedew'an'ax wa'na'-gwa-nec if I fall in any direction (if I stagger 

about), . . . 
hedew'an'ax 'a'beba godok-dja'djxok-e' e'k hagxona-u go straight into the 
center of the room 

The last example translated literally : "in-any -way not-going to-that- 
oenter-of-room you-go-in". The combination "not go in any direction" 
is idiomatic Tonkawa for "go straight". 



D. Kinship Terminology (93 — 95) 
93. General Remarks. 
The kinship terms listed in the following section were obtained by 
Dr. Alexander Lesser of Columbia University from Coachina Rush, 
the oldest hving Tonkawa. They are presented here with his per- 
mission. I have dupUcated many of the forms with my informant but, 
due to his ignorance of the system, my information is incomplete. 
9 



130 HOIJER TONKA WA 

Since my orthography differs somewhat from that of Dr. Lesser, 
I have inserted my transcriptions in parentheses after his whenever 
I have duplicate forms. 

94. The Kinship Terminology. 
(These terms and uses were obtained in 1929 from Coachina 
Rush, reputed to be the most informed Tonkawa then alive, in the 
course of an afternoon's work and part of another, without the 
assistance of interpreters. As a result it was impossible to avoid 
inconsistencies and errors due to misunderstandings. The terms 
were sent to Dr. Hoijer in the hope that he would have an opportu- 
nity to complete and correct this record. Without such completion, 
it has proved impossible to overcome the inconsistencies of some 
usages given by Coachina Rush, so that the Tonkawa "system" 
can not be said to be controlled. As it now appears that this list 
may prove our final word on kinship usages of the Tonkawa, I have 
recompiled my notes so that in the following the usages given by 
Coachina Rush, inconsistent as a number of them are, are preserved 
as recorded. — A. Lesser). 

Consanguinities 
Own Generation: 



hi'na (he-na' ); kins'' voc, brother, m. s. (man speaking) 
ya'na (ya-na' ); yani' voc, sister, w. s. (woman speaking) 
o'h, ('o-Va' ); ole'^ voc, sibling of opposite sex. 
Relative age is expressed by the addition of "small" and "large" : 
hi'na wi'xwan (he-na' wixwan) younger brother 
hi'na kwa'lo (he-na' gwa-lou) older brother, 

and similarly for "sister", and "sibling of opposite sex". 
Also given : 

i'xi'nai brother. 

Sibling terms are used for parallel cousins. 

Sibling terms are used between relatives four generations removed 
(great-gi'andparent : great-grandchild generation). Thus parents 
of ego's ka'ka, ka'sa, or kata' are siblings; and children of ego's 
ka'ka, ka'sa, kata', or tca-'xwa are siblings. 

Cross-Cousins: 

Usages secured were inconsistent. On one occasion Coachina 
implied that all cross-cousins, like parallel cousins, were siblings. 
At other times the following usages were given : 
cahau! (cahau) father's sister's daughter, w. s. 
ta'wa (da-'wa') father's sister's son, w. s. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 131 

na'-caki (na-cage) mother's brother's daughter, w. s.; father's 

sister's son, w. s. 
tsaxwa'na', saxwa'na' mother's brother's daughter, m. s. 

Parent-Child Generation: 
Lineal: 
i'was ('ewac); ta'ta (da-da' ) voc, father, father's brother. 
xai' (x'ai); I'sa ('eca') voc., — but both forms may be used with 

pronouns — mother, mother's sister. 
ha.ahv'n kwa'lo (ha-'ago-n gwa-lou), "old man", and 
kwan kwa'lo (gwa-n gwa-lou) "old woman", may be used for father 

and mother respectively. 
sa'txan (cadxan) son, m.s., w.s. ; brother's son, m. s. ; sister's 

son, w. s. 
saha'n (cahan) daughter, m. s., w. s.; brother's daughter, m. s. 
wi'xwan fwixwan) "small one" is used for child. 

Collateral: 
cahau' (cahau) father's sister, m. s., w. s. 
tsaxwa'na, saxwa'na, mother's brother, m. s., w. s. ; sister's son, 

m. s.; sister's daughter ( ?) m. s. 
ta'wa (da-'wa" ) mother's brother, m. s., w. s.; mother's father's 

sister's son, m. s. 
oca'n brother's son, w. s. ; mother's father's sister's son and daughter 

m. s., w. s. ( ?); mother's brother's daughter's son, w. s. 
na-'caki' (na-cage) brother's daughter, w. s. 
sa'-kas (ca-gac) sister's daughter, w. s. 
I'nkut (hingut) mother's brother's daughter's son, m. s. 

Grandparent-Grandchild Generation: 
kata" (gada'); kati" voc; i-'kata axtn ('egad 'a-xen) 3rd. person, 

father's father, mother's father, m. s., w. s.; son's child, 

daughter's child, m. s. 
ka-'sa' (gaca'); kasi" voc, father's mother, m. s., w. s.; son's 

child, w. s. 
ka'-ka (gaga ); kaki" voc; ika'-ka axin ('egak 'a-xen) 3rd. person, 

mother's mother, m. s., w. s.; mother's father's sister, m. s., 

w. s. ; daughter's child, w. s. ( ?) 
tca'-xwa daughter's child, w. s.; sister's daughter's child, w. s. ; 

brother's daughter's child, w. s.; mother's brother's daughter's 

child, w. s. 

Great-grandparent-Great-grandchild Generation: 
Sibling terms, reciprocally. 
Ascending and Descending Generations (?): 
ta'-sa' great grandson's (in direct male line) child, m.s.; reciprocally, 
great-great-grandfather, m. s., w. s. ; suggested also for relatives 
9* 



132 HOIJER TONKA WA 

related as great-great-great grandfather and great-great- 
grandchild, m. s. ; also given as a use of this term, father's 
mother's father, m. s. 

I'nkut (hingut) reciprocally, great-great-grandparent and great- 
great-grandchild. 

tca'-xwa great grandson's child, w. s.; reciprocally, great-grand- 
father's mother, m. s., w. s. (In view of the reciprocitj' between 
ka'ka and tca'-xwa in the grandparent-grandchild generation, 
tca'-xwa is perhaps to be interpreted as used in the fifth genera- 
tion between great-great-grandmother and great-great- grand- 
child in the female line; while i'nkut (hingut) is probably the 
complement of ka'sa and refers to the analogous relationship 
in the male Line — A. L.). 

Affinities, 
kwan sa'kin (gwa-n ca-gen), etc.; kwa'n voc, wife, wife's sister; 

grandson's wife, m. s.; great grandson's wife, m. s. (The latter 

two uses should probably be referred to the following form of 

the wife term — A. L.). 
ikwan sa'km, etc., brother's wife, m. s. 
itckwan sa'kin, etc., spouse of ta-'sa'. 
ha.akv'n sa'kin (ha-'ago-n ca-gen), etc., husband, husband's brother; 

sister's husband, w. s.; son's daughter's husband, w. s. 
him'as (him'ac) brother's wife, w. s. ; son's wife, m. s., w. s. (this 

term evidently groups women of the family into which a male 

relative has married — A. L.). 
ma'sik (macek) husband's sister; husband's sister's husband; 

wife's brother's wife; wife's mother. 
ti'tckxan (didjgan) sister's husband, m. s. ; daughter's husband, 

m. s.; son's daughter's husband, m. s.; ( ? wife's father; wife's 

brother?). (This term is apparently the correlative of hini'as, 

and groups the men married into a man's family — A. L.) 
saxwas son's son's wife, w. s.; daughter's son's wife, w. s. (wife of 

male tca'-xwa). 
tca'-xwa husband's sister's son; daughter's daughter's husband, 

w. s. (husband of female tca'-xwa). 
ka'ka (gaga' ), kaki" voc. mother's brother's wife, m. s. 
i'nkut (hingut) father's sister's husband, m. s., w. s. ; •\\Tfe's brother's 

son. 

Associated customs 
Residence : MatrUocal. 
Avoidances: Strong avoidance between a man and his wife's 

father and mother; son-in-law and parent-in-law each cover 

the face in the other's presence. 

There is mild avoidance between a girl and her husband's 



HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 133 

father, a certain reserve being indicated; while a girl and her 
husband's mother speak freely. 

Joking : Those between whom any form of the spouse terms is used 
practise licensed familiarity ; likewise those whose relationship 
to each other's spouse is equivalent, such as a man and his 
grandson. A special joking relationship is defined by the term 
tca-'xwa: The relatives whom a woman addresses by this term 
she jokes familiarly with. This was the joking relationship 
stressed by Coachina Rush. 

Levirate and Sororate: The usual sororate in which a man marries 

the wife's sister was general (during the life of the spouse as 

well as after death) ; the relationship was extended to include 

the wife's grandmother (almost certainly this reference was 

to the wife's mother's mother, who would call the daughter's 

daughter, and the daughter's daughter's husband, tca-'xwa — 

A. L.). The levirate is apparent from the usages of the term 

for wife. 

Linguistic Notes (A. L.) 

Coachina Rush used the following possessive pronouns regularly 

with the terms : n / \ 

sa km (ca-gen) my 

na'xin (na-xen) your 

a'xin fa-xen) his 
Vocatives are in a number of cases distinguished by a change of 
final vowel, accompanied in some cases by a shift of accent. In some 
forms, the third person was given with the addition of an initial 
i-; these forms were used by Coachina Rush with the regular 
pronouns as above. 



95. The Linguistic Form of the Kinship Term. 

I was unable to dupUcate any of the vocative forms obtained by 
Dr. Lesser. This does not, however, disprove those forms: my in- 
formant was but poorly versed in the kinship terminology. It may 
also be mentioned that no other nouns in the language have vocative 
forms. 

I did, however, record the addition of "the initial i-" mentioned 

by Dr. Lesser for the third person forms. In my transcriptions, it 

appears as 'e- and my be used in other than the third person 

possessive. 

gaga , 'egak mother's brother 

gada\ ^egad grandfather 

gaca\ 'egac grandmother 

ya'na\ 'eyan sister, w. s. 

he'na', ^ehen brother, m. s. 

These alternations cannot be explained. Only for the last two 
terms (i. e., ya-na', he-na') was there a difference in usage. Thefirst 



134 HOIJER TONKA WA 

forms (ya-na\ he-na'J were used with the regular possessive and the 
possessives of the others were built as follows: 

^ehen-'o-cik-^a'la my brother, m. s. 

'ehen-'o-ni-k-^a'-la your ..., 

'ehsn-'a'a'la his .... 

^ehen-'o'-nec^eci-k^-a'-la our (two) brother 

'ehen-'ew-o'c'eci-k^-a'-la our brother 

These may be analyzed as -we- to be. plus pronominal subject plus 
participial -k plus the noun suffix for the nominative definite. They 
could then be translated : the one who is . . . brother. 

In a few kinship terms, another type of possessive was used. 



eca 




mother 


ca-'eca' 




my . . . 


na-^eca^ 




your . . . 


'a-'eca' 




his . . . 


geiica-'eca 




our mother 


wena-'eca' 




your (pi;) . . . 


Possessives of this type appear 


in : 


no other connection. 


Some terms exist with a constant 


r possessive of the type illustrated 


^bove. ^^.^^„^ 




my son 


"e-dxan 




son 


ca-han 




my daughter 


'ahan 




daughter 



For these terms, the possessive existed (in this form) only in the 
first person : other possessives were formed in the regular way using 
the alternates given above as bases. 



E. Interjections and Curses (96) 
96. Interjections and Curses. 
I. Interjections. 
There are in Tonkawa two classes of interjections, the first com- 
prising exclamations having fairly definite meaning and the second 
including those expressive of emotional states. They are as follows. 

^ana look there, see it ! 

'a'gcd no ! 



'dl' 




oh, all right ! 


'eyeu 




all right, agreed! 


'o-go 




no! 


na'gw 




now, go ahead ! 


newer 




come, hurry ! 


he^e'wa 




(I) don't know! 


hei' 




yes! 


hehei 




yes! 


hedjodjo 


■k 


shut up, be still ! 


wa'an 




wait, just a moment 


wa'an-a 


■lecuk 


wait, just a moment 


we'Hl 




all right, let's go ! 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



135 



The above are the meaningful particles : below are listed those cries 
indicative of emotion. 

pain 

pain 

exertion (as one dragging a heavy 
object) 

surprise, wonder 

surprise, astonishment 

pain 

disbehef, contempt 

pain 



a%ye 
'ehehehe . . . 



'o:dj 
he: 



we'Va 



II. The Curses. 

All of these, except one, are meaningful words used in a profane 
context. 



hemayan 
hemayan cilwan 
hemayawdak cilwan 
hemayan gadau 
hemayan gadau cilwan 



ghost ! 

ghost wanders ! 
ghosts wander ! 

may you give birth to a ghost! 
may you give birth to a wandering 
ghost ! 

The above increase in intensity from hemayan, a fairly mild oath, 
to hemayan gadau cilwan, which is the very acme of profanity. The 
same series may be gone through, substituting 'egwan dog, for the 
word "ghost"; or 'ix evil, for "ghost"; and, finally, 'idjxic, a word 
of no meaning. These are not so seriously taken : to swear by the 
ghost is the most profane. 

APPENDIX 

The following list of themes contains only those used in the examples to 
sections 55 — 92, inclusive, which are somewhat difficult to follow without 
this aid. Full and reduced forms of verb themes have been included only 
when both of them are foiind in the examples. 



'adcaw-, ('adco--) to revive, regain 

consciousness 
^ahen daughter 
'a-x water 

^a-xen poss. pronoun his 
'a-xwa he, also 
'au deer 

'awac meat; buffalo 
'awacadak buffalo ('awac meat, plus 

hadak very (much)) 
'n-yai under, inside (a tipi), at the 

foot (of a mountain), below 
'acoi abdomen, belly, paunch 
'adjxaudak north 
'adjxo-n north 
'e'eyaw- Ce'eyo--) to do to . . . ; 

work . . . ; make . . . ; prepare . . . 



e-daha- f'e-da--) to return, 

back 
egak grandmother 
egre- to give something to . . . 



egwancxau horse 

exadxa- to arrive over there with 
. . . ; to take ... to a distance 

ewac father 

ey- ('e--) auxil. to be, to do 

eida- to come 

eina- to go away 

ei-nadjga-, 'ei- -ndjag- to kill ... 

eigagaidje-dana- to go along chop- 
ping . . . ('eigagaidje-, to chop 
repeatedly; dana- several go off) 

eiganxaidjona- to pull ... up 



136 



HOIJER TO^fKAWA 



'eiganaxein- to lose . . . 

^eiganaidjona- to drag . . . up (com- 
pare with 'eiganxaidjona- to pull 
... up) 

'eixamdje- to break ... (e. g., stick, 
tree, long object) 

'eyadje- fei-yadje-), 'ei- -idje- to 
catch . . . , capture . . . 

Hx evil, bad, ugly 

'i-c'o minnow 

'o-^a night 

'o-'aw- ('o-''o--) night falls, to be 
night 

'o-'a wa-dak tonight 

'o-n blood 

'ok hair, hide, fur 

'okma'ek cat 

'oyuk sack, pouch 

'oyvgo- to put . . . inside, into an 
enclosiu'e 

'o-dja children 

babacan'e a little while 

banxo- to bathe 

60a; just, only 

bac a whUe, period of time (compare 

with babacan'e a little whUe) 
bidj-, -bdje- to cut . . . , shear . . . 

madnogon quickly 
ma-dan quickly 
ma-ga- to cry, weep 
mai'an land terrapin 
maclak white 
madjxanan sweetheart 
me-dna- lightning strikes . . . 

da'ane- to get .... pick . . . up, 
take . . . 

da'an-xaidjotia- to lift ... up (da'ane- 
to pick . . . plus xa- with force 
and -idjona- movement upwards 
a secondary theme . xaidjona- 
may be defined, a heavy object 
moves upwards.) 

da'andje- to hold . . . , grasp . . . 
(compare with da'ane- to get .... 
pick . . . up) 

da-'e-- to marry . . . 

da-'e-k spouse 

damou tight, tightly 

damo-dak very tightly (damou plus 
hadak very) 

da-dana- to go off with .... take . . . 
away (dana- several go off with 
the postposition da-- with) 



down, to go 
,na- several 



(dan 



da-daglana- to take 

down with ... 

go down) 
da-daxga- to bring . . . here 
danmaclak cottontail rabbit 

tail, maclak white) 
dana- several persons go off 
dagei head (body part) 
da-gona- to look for .... hunt for . . . 
da-hable- to help . . . , assist . . . 
da-he-bano-n friend, he to whom one 

tells, narrates . . . (he-bano-- to 

nan'ate . . . ) 
da-he-cog yawa- (da-he-cogyo--) to 

fight with . . . (he-cogyawa- to 

fight, go to war) 
daxac day, sun 
daxac-aidjodak east (daxac sun, plus 

liaidjodak, -k verbal noun from 

haidjoda'- one comes up) 
daxco-gwa tomorrow 
daxco-l'ok tomorrow 
daidjoda- several come up 
da-yaxa- to feed .... to eat with . . . 

(yaxa- to eat) 
da-yadjox'o- to live with . . . 
dado-- to wander about together, to 

wander about with . . . 
dew'an towards this (place), over 

there 
deyei liver 
de-l here 

dinai old, long ago 
dinadak long ago (dinai plus hadak 

very) 
didjgan person, people 
didjgamva-didj Tonkawa ("the 

people") 
dodoba- to cut . . . repeatedly 
doxwnaw- (doxwno--) to smell, give 

forth an odor 

na'a so, thus 

na-'ei-, (na-'e--) many go off 

nabacxan ball (used in shinny game) 

na-don mountain 

nando'on mountains scattered here 
and there, a range of mountains 

na-gw now, go ahead 

nahawa- (naho--) to ask . . . about 
something 

na.rdje- to build a fire 

naxdjan fire 

na-xcogna- to scout, guide, recon- 
noitre 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



137 



na-xwa you, also 

naw- to bum, intr. 

naule- to cook, roast . . . 

nadj; -ndje- to bite . . . 

netigoxo- to chase . . . 

nenxale- to guard, watch over . . . 

nenxale- to find . . . 

nek'am'an bone 

nex^eu gun, bow 

new- (no--), -nwe- to tell . . . 

neiganak first, ahead of 

necayadje- to cause, make . . . stay 

home (nee- causative prefix; 

hayadje- to stay home) 
necengwa-na- to make . . . run; 

idiomatically: to run one's horse 

(hengwa-na- to run off) 
necexwe- to shout 
necbedje- to fill . . . 
necgaba- to shut, close . . . (door, 

window, etc.) 
necgaban door, tent flap 
necgaldei other side, opposite side 
necgwid-yadje- to bind . . . securely 

(necgwid- to tie . . . bind . . 

-yadje- 1) 
necwaFe- to fish 
necwaVan fish 
necyagwa- to cause ... to dance 

(yagwa- to dance) 
necyaxa- to cause ... to eat; to 

feed . . . (yaxa- to eat) 
necyacna- to put in . . . mouth 
necdjoxna- to cause ... to sleep; 

put . . . asleep (djoxna- to sleep) 
nogo- to pick ... up; take . . . 

gab-e-- to be gone, have disappeared 
(gab-, reduced form of gabai not, 
nothing plus -e--, reduced form 
of the auxiliary ye-- to be) 

ganxaidjon horn (of an animal) 

ga-noc Mexican (< Mejioano) 

gaudjeu worm 

galak other, enemy 

ga-lwa- to gamble 

gedai two 

gilix bank (of a river) 

gilixbax high, sheer bank 

godok room, inside (of tipi) 

gogon chief 

go-c'a old, old one 

go-c'a-'ac old ones, old people 

gwa-n woman, wife 

gwa-gwan women 



gwa-lou big, much 
give- stick, club 

ha-'ago-n male, man, husband 

ha-'ac (-a-'ac) many 

ham'am-do-xa- to bum completely 
(ham'ani'a- to burn, intr.; do-xa- 
to do completely, finish) 

hadxeca- to know 

hadxilna- one person goes out 

hanil mouse 

hanbilna- one person goes to another 
place 

ha-na- one person goes off 

ha-naxok many, numerous 

ha-nadjidjxil-xa-xa- several come 
running (ha-nadjidjxilna- several 
go off; xa-xa- one person arrives) 

fiagoxa- to be tired, exhausted 

hagne- to diy up (of a river, well) 

hagxona- one person goes in 

haglana- one person goes down 

ha-xeida- to come 

haxeine- to go away 

luiixoy- to doctor . . . ; to make . . . 
well 

haidjoda- one person comes up 

hawaune- to carry . . . ; pack . . . 

hawai, (-awai-) tall 

hawa-dak (-awa-dak) very tall (ha- 
wai plus hadak very) 

hauna-dan temporary camp 

haticecan ashes, glowing coals 

hadjxo- to arise suddenly, jump up 

ha-dj ground, earth 

ha-djin (-a-djin-) close, near 

ha-djcogonai coyote 

ha-djcogo7uii'yeiga^ai wolves (ha-djco- 
gonai coyote plus yeiga'ai big ones ) 

he^e-k over there 

hebage- to tell . . . ; inform . . . 

hebaixwedan young woman, female 
dress 

hebnono-xo-- several bathe (compare 
with banxo- to bathe) 

he-banewa- (he-bano--) to tell, nar- 
rate . . . 

hetn<imago--dana- several go off weep- 
ing (hernainago-- several weep 
from ma-ga- to weep; dana- 
several go off) 

he-maya- to be a ghost 

hem'ac mother-in-law 

hedai'aw- (hedai'o--) to join a group, 
to mingle with a group 



138 



HOIJER TONKA WA 



hedal'ewa- (hedal'o--) to pray, preach 

hedew'an''ax anywhere, in any di- 
rection 

hededj how ?, in what manner ? 

hededja where ?, in what place ? 

hededj'ed how ?, in what manner ? 

kededja'ax any place, whatever spot 

hedel where ? 

hedoxa- to be gone, disappear 

he-dobou Osage Indians 

hedlaw- (hedlo--) to refuse 

he-dyan arm 

hegbayo- to have no . . . ; be with- 
out . . . 

hegdaw- (hegdo--) to sing 

henenwan red paint (for face painting) 

he-nex'eyaw- (he-nex'eyo--) to be in 
ignorance of . . . ; to be lost 

henox good, prett3% well 

hendidxew'e- (hendidxo-''o-) to shake, 
quiver 

hendoc-e-- several are standing about 
(hendoc- <inodco to stop moving 
plus -e-- the reduced form of the 
auxiliary ye-- to be) 

hengwa-da- to come running 

hengway-aglana- to run down 

(hengwa-- (hengivai-) plus hagla- 
na- one goes down) 

hexoToi ants 

hexcaca- to scream, yelp 

hexwid belt, girdle 

hewawa- to die 

heule- to catch . . . , grasp . . . 

heyadje- to become visible (compare 
with ya-dje- to see . . . ) 

heidicnan bashful, embarrassed, shy 

heigeuda- several come (in a body) 

heigo'o- to become, make oneself 
(compare with yagew'e- to make 
...) 

heigwidjan ring 

heixaxaVen ear-ring 

heilaba- to stop moving, stand 

heilaban tree 

hecyadjxo- to mount ... (e. g. a 
horse) 

hedjedjo-n back, rearwards 

hedju-'ax anyone, anything 

hedju-'ed why ? 

hedjodjxo-k bad, wicked, fearsome 

hedjne- to lie down 

heVa-d (-eVa-d) that one, he 

heVey-agxona- to peep, peer m.(}ieVei- 
to peer, plus liagxona- one goes in) 



ho-^oxmv- (ho-'oxo--) to steal . . . 

hoca^: (-ocac-) young 

holau last, finally, the end 

holgam^adjxe-dana- to go along 
bucking (holgam''adjxe- to buck, 
pitch as a horse; dana- several go 
off) 

xa- fat, grease 
xam'al prairie 
xadaglana- several descend, get off 

(as off a horse's back) (xa- with 

force plus daglana- several go 

down) 
xan-do-xa- to finish dri nkin g, drink 

all (xane- to drink; do-xa- to 

finish) 
xa-na- one person goes to a distance 
xagai wide 
xa-xa- one person arrives at a 

distant point 
xawana- to fall from a distance 

(compare with wa-na- to fall 

forward) 
xaya- several go to a distance 
xacdew- (xacdo--) to be (one) left, to 

leave (one) 
xadjlew- (xadjlo--) to be angry 
xaVo-n knife 

xe-badje- to fall backwards 
xe-ilaba- to stand, stop moving at a 

distance (compare with heilaba- 

to stand) 
xe-djne- to fall (compare with hedjne- 

to lie down) 
xe-djwal alligator 

x'ax'ai'a- to laugh 

x'a-i mother 

x'e-Ve- to file . . ., sharpen . . . 

wa'an right, exactly 

wa'anec when, just as, as soon as 

wa^anbax as soon as 

wa'da^ac this very . . . 

wa-dedja this place aforemen- 
tioned 

wa-dil just 

wa-na- to fall, pitch forward 

wa-n-aidjona- to be thrown up, 
pitched up (wa-na- to fall forward 
plus kaidjona- one goes up) 

waxec svirely, certainly, (are you) 
sure 

wa-dja this place, here 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



139 



we-'icbax one, only one 
we-'il now, go ahead 
we-Vad that one, he 
wixwan small, little 



cxa- to run agamst . . . , bump 
into . . . 

yamga-, -irnag- to call . . . 

yamxa-, -imax- to paint . . . face 

yadalhan (loaf of) bread 

yadexan stone, rock 

yadmaxan watermelon 

yadxalga- to hang ... up 

yadca- to stab, prick . . . 

yadcanan heart 

ya-de- several persons come 

yandan-awai south (yandan wind 
plus -awai long, steady) 

yandjadjay- to meddle with . . . 

yandjidjxilna- to run away 

yan'anwan metal, chain 

yagex-aidjona- to push ... up 
( yagex- to push . . plus haidjona- 
one goes up) 

yagew'e- (yago-^o-) to make, trans- 
form . . . 

yago- to fetch water 

yag'e- to shoot . . . 

yag^e-xaniyo-- to contest with each 
other in shooting (yag'e- to 
shoot . . . plus xame- to defeat 
and the reciprocal suffix -yo--) 

yagba-, -igab- to hit, strike . . . 

yagda- several sit about 

yagwan leg 

yaxa-, -ixa- to eat 

yaxacd- to be near . . . 

yaxoyaxeida- a group come to fight, 
to war 

yaxwdje- to hit, strike 

yaxw-gagai^adj-adxilna- to slash 
through to the other end (yaxw- 
from yaxwdje- to strike, plus 
gagai'adj- to cut repeatedly, plus 
had.' Una- one person goes out) 

yawe-- to bind . . ., tie ... up 

ya-dje-, -yadje- to see . . . , look at . . . 

ya-djan-didce- to want to see . . . 
(ya-dje- to see ... in the in- 
finitive form, plus didce- to 
wish, desire) 

yadjax chest (body part) 

yadjox'an tipi, camp 

yal-, -He- to throw at . . . 

yal-dadamaxe- to throw . . . smash- 



ing . . . (yal- to throw . . . , plus 
-dadamaxe- to shatter, a second- 
ary theme in 'ei-dadamaxe- to 
shatter . . . ) 

yalba-, -ilab- to set ... in the 
ground ; to make . . . stand erect 

yalxilna- to run away 

ya-lo-na-, -yalo-na- to kill . . . 

yela- to sit down 

yo-rti'a- to rain 

yoxna- to fly away 

camox red 

ca-xal doorway, entrance 

cax'ai arrow, bullet 

cax'o-n yovuig 

ca-xwa I, also 

cigid four 

cigd'ac four times 

cilayaw- (cilayo--) to hunt, go 
hunting 

cilwe- to wander about 

co-7ia duck 

cogo- to put . . . away 

cocoyana- several swim off 

cocgo-na- to hear, listen to . . . 

c'a-dj finger-nail 
c^eda-, -c'eda- to cut . . . 

djane- to leave . . . ; to let ... go 

djagau river, creek 

djadjxo-k center, middle 

dja-l testicles 

djedxana- to jump away 

djexe-, -djxe- to loosen . . . ; to turn 
. . . loose 

djigeu fast, sharp (functions as an 
intensif ier and its meaning varies 
with the verb or noun it modifies) 

djoxna- to sleep 

djodjo7na- several shut their eyes 

djodjxaw- (djodjxo--) to be frightened 

t'ca-bxan bed, sleeping place 
fca-m- to let ... go 
t'caxw blanket, robe, fabric 
t'caw'al far away, at a distance 
t'cel up, upwards, on top 
t'celai sky, heavens, place above 

lobaw- (lobo--) to dive 

lobau-xame- to defeat by diving 

(xame- to defeat . . . ) 
lococ all, everyone 
lococ^ida all of them 



CHAPTER III: TEXT ANALYSIS. 

Coyote and the Monster. 

ha-djcogonai-la (1) ha-nanoklakno'o{2) 'e-nola na-don-'a-y'ik 
Coyote was going along, it is said when to a mountain 

haidjonad heilabanokla]cno'o{Z) j 'e-Vok{4:) na-don-wa--a-- 
ascending he was standing, it is said. It happened that mountain 



(1) Coyote is said to be the owner of all the earth; his permission 
was invoked by hunters when they invaded new hunting grounds. 
The word is a compound of ha-dj\a,nd, siurounding country, and the 
verb theme cogona- to own, put away, which has apparently a suffix 
-i. It is possible that this final element is cognate with the -i element 
listed for nouns in section 84 and is to be interpreted as a noun forming 
suffix. There are, however, no other examples of such an alternation. 

-la is the nominative indefinite singular case suffix. It is notable 
that, all through the texts, the word "'Coyote" always takes the 
indefinite form of the case suffix and is never followed by the 
demonstrative wa-- that . . . aforementioned. No other character in 
the myths is described in this manner. 

(2) Theme: ha-- one person moves, goes, plus -na directive suffix, 
off, away (cf. 34). Theme suffixes: -no continuative, -k participial 
suffix, and -lakno'o narrative suffix (cf. 81). 

This text selection illustrates nicely the wide usage of narrative 
forms so characteristic in Tonkawa. Note that every verb not 
employed in direct discourse or having subordinate function has this 
suffix. The suffix indicates that the events recounted were not 
participated in by the raconteur but that he is repeating the story 
told him by others, who, in their turn, had it from some one else, etc. 
If the story had been the experience of the one who told it to the 
present teller the quotative suffix would be used (cf. 81). 

(3) "when, ascending a mountain, he was standing (there), it 
is said". The indirect relationship of na-don mountain, to the verb 
haidjona- one person goes up, is expressed by -'a-y'ik (cf. 86). The 
-d suffix of haidjona- subordinates it to the following verb heilaba- 
to stand, 'e- -no-la, a particle based upon the auxihary 'e-- to be, do 
(cf. 38), Unks the first phrase with the second thus, "Coyote was 
going along, it is said, w'hen it happened that he, ascending a 
mountain, stood (there), it is said". The continuative forms of the 
principal verbs add a connotation of customary activity : according 
to the myths. Coyote spends most of his time wandering about and 
intruding upon the affairs of others. 

(4) 'e--l-'ok as it happened : 'e--, the auxihary, plus the third person 
form of the subordinating suffix -'ok (cf . 66). The particle here refers 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 141 

lak{5) 'a-yai-'a-y'ik{6) yadjox'an-a-naxok ye-laklakno'o{7) 

aforementioned below (it) a large camp there was, it is 

lak I ha-djcogonai-la haglanad yadjox'an-a-naxok-wa--y'ik 
said. Coyote descending to that big camp aforenaentioned 

xa-xad holau-'a-y'ik xa-xal'ok yadjox'an-'a-yai-'a-y'ik 

arriving at the last as he arrived inside the tipi 

ma-ganoklakno'o(8) / 'e-kla hardjcogonai-la hagxoruid(9) 
they were weeping, it is said. Then Coyote going in 

the preceding action to that which is to come — note that all the 
rest of the sentence is objectified by lak (cf. 86). The sentence reads, 
then, "as it happened there was a large camp below that mountain 
lak" and the function of lak is to refer this fact to that of Coyote 
standing on the mountain. Freely translated, "as it happened 
(Coyote saw that) there was a large camp below that mountain". 

(5) The demonstrative wa-- that . . . aforementioned, is used here 
because the mountain has already been mentioned : to omit the 
demonstrative would be to imply that the speaker was referring to 
another mountain. 

(6) 'a-yai here has nominal function. Compare this usage with that 
in hue 3, page 141, where it has adjectival function (cf. 83, 87). 

(7) yadjox'-an camp, tipi, is formed from the verb theme yadjox"a- 
to build a tipi, by the noun forming suffix -an (cf. 75). 

The combination yadjox'an-a-naxok needs no case suffix since 
it is followed by the auxiUary verb ye-- to be, and the whole is 
interpreted as a static verb, "to be a big camp". ye--la-k-lakno'ois 
the third person form of the auxihary in the -k paradigm plus the 
narrative encUtic. It will be seen that this is an irregular third person 
form, -la- being the third person suffix (compare with the -k 
paradigm in section 74 and the ye-- paradigm for the present tense 
of the declarative mode in section 77). 

(8) This sentence is remarkable for the number of subordinate 
phrases: "Coyote, descending, arriving at that big camp aforemen- 
tioned, as he arrived at the last (tipi), they were weeping, it is said, 
inside that tipi". 

-wa-- is used with yadjox'an-a-naxok since it has been mentioned 
before (cf. note 5). 

xa-xa- one person arrives, is analyzable as xa-ha--xa-; xa- (from, 
to) a distance; Jm-- one person moves, goes; -xa arrival suffix 
(cf. 34). 

holau last, is here used as a noun. The idiom is curious : it is really 
the first tipi that Coyote comes to but the last with reference to the 
camp (i. e., a tipi on the outsldrts of the camp). 

xa-xa-l-'ok, cf . 66 and note 4. 

Note the meaning of 'a-yai in the complex yadjox' an-' a-yai- 



142 HOIJER TONKAWA 

"hedjw 'e-gwa" (10) noklakno'o j 'e-kla gwa-n-wa--'a-la (11) 
"What is it ?" he said, it is said. Then that woman aforementioned 

"de-w'an yadjox'an-dana-de--la didjgan-'a-ga gab-a-we" (12) 
"this way all of this camp people there are none" 

noMakno'o "hedjodjxo-k-la(13) wedoxano'o" (14) noklak- 

she said, it is said "an evil one has been killing them all shesaid.it 



'a-y'ik inside the tipi. Literally, the expression means "under the 
tipi". Cf. note 6. Compare the meaning of yadjox'an tipi, here with 
its meaning of "camp" in line 1, page 141. Probably yadjox'an- 
a-naxok is better interpreted as "many tipis" than as "big camp". 
ma-ga- to weep, -no continuative suffix. 

(9) Three locative themes have now been illustrated in this text: 
ha-idjo-na- one person goes up (hne 2, page 140), ha-gla-na- one 
person goes down (line 2, page 141), and ha^gxa-na- one person goes 
in. These have been discussed and listed in section 34. 

(10) hedju- what ? (cf. 92); 'e'-giva, auxiliary 'e*- to be, do, plus the 
mode suffix -gwa (cf. 58). 

(11) gwa-n woman, -wa-- that aforementioned. The demonstrative 
is used because the woman was mentioned by imphcation in the 
expression, "they were weeping, it is said" in hne 4, page 141. 

(12) "there are no people in all of this camp". 

de--w'an towards this (way); de-- this, plus the dative (towards) 
suffix (cf. 91). 

yadjox'an-dana-de--la. The suffix or theme -dana- cannot be 
explained.- rt occurs in no other connectioir. 

didjgan person, plus -'a--ga, nominative definite plural case suffix. 

gab- is probably a reduced form of the modifier gabai no, nothing, 
plus -a-we, the declarative modal enclitic (cf. 77). 

The meaning of the sentence is, then, "towards this direction, 
this is an uninhabited (people-less) camp": the speaker is probably 
gesturing towards the camp (her tipi being on the edge) while 
speaking. It is possible that -dana- is related to the verb theme 
dana- several go off, and that the sentence means "going off in this 
direction the camp is uninhabited". If so, this is a unique example 
of a noun plus verb compound (cf. 85). 

(13) hedjodjxo--k, probably hedjodjxo-- to be frightened, plus the 
participial suffix -k (cf. 74). The word would then mean "frighten- 
ing, fearsome" rather than "evil". 

(14) we-, third person plural object, -doxa- to finish, do completely, 
-n-, continuative, and -o'o, third person singular of the past tense of 
the declarative mode, do-xa-, -doxa- is used idiomatically to mean 
"to kill" : ordinarily it is found compoimded with other themes, thus 
'e'eyau-do'xa- to finish working ('e'eyaw- to work). 



HANDBOOK OF AMEEICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 143 

no'o I 'e-kla ha-djcogonai-la "na-gw ma- gabou" (15) noklakno'o 
is said. Then Coyote "well do not cry" he said, it is said 

"daxco-l'ok{\&) da-Jie-cogyawa-ha'a" (17) noklakno'o / 'e-kla 

"tomorrow I intend to fight with him" he said, it is said. Then 

gwa-n-wa--'a-la galdei -' a- y'ik (18) hadxilnada (19) 

that woman aforementioned to the outside went out and 

"ha-djcogonai-la daxco-Vok da-hexogyawa-doyou (20) no-na' a" (21) 
"Coyote tomorrow he will fight with him he says" 

noklakno'o / "daxco-Vok da-he-cogyawac'ok yalxilnabou" (22) 
she said, it is said, "tomorrow when I fight with him do not run away" 

noklakno'o "ya-dj-gexw'elabou" (23) noklakno'o / 'e-kla 
he said, it is said "watch me closely" he said, it is said. Then 



(15) na-gw, interjection (of. 96). ma-ga- to weep, -abe- negative 
suffix (cf. 53), and -u imperative suffix (of. 61). Note that the final 
-e of the negative suffix is colored to -o by the imperative suffix -u. 

(16) daxco-- day breaks, -l-'ok subordinating suffix (cf. 66). 
"when day breaks, morning comes" idiom for "tomorrow". 

(17) da-- postposition, with (cf. 48), he-cogyaw- to fight (intransi- 
tive), and -a-ha'a, intentive suffix (cf. 60). he-cogyaw- is iinex- 
plainable but may be connected with cogo- to put away, and cogna- 
to own. 

(18) galdei outside, plus the noun suffix for the dative, galdei may 
also be used adjectivally. 

(19) ha-dxil-na- one person goes out, cf. note 9 and section 34. 

(20) This modal form — if it is a modal form — is unique. The 
suffix -you appears in no other connection: here it seems to sub- 
ordinate the expression "he will fight with him" to the following 
"he says". Thus the sentence reads, "Coxote says that he wiU 
fight with him". 

(21) no-- to say, plus -n-, continuative suffix, and -a'a, assertive 
suffix (cf. 56). 

(22) yalxilna- to run away, plus the negative suffix -abe and the 
imperative suffix -u. Note here, as in note 15, that the final -e of the 
negative suffix becomes -o before the -u of the imperative. 

(23) One of the more interesting Tonkawa compounds: ya-dje- 
to see, look, plus xiv'e-la- to miss (e. g. a mark when shooting). The 
combination is invariably found with the negative suffix and thus 
forms the verb "to not miss seeing . . .", i. e., "to watch closely". 
That it is a true compound is seen here by the position of the first 
person pronoun ge- between the two themes (cf. 36). Note here, too, 
the vocalic coloring of the final vowel of the negative suffix -abe 
(cf. notes 15, 22). 



144 HOIJER TONKAWA 

"hehei"' noklakno'o j ge-cxaya-gwa(2'i) djagau-'a-y'ik haglanad 
"yes" she said, it is said. When night fell to the river going down 

degal-lak (25) yaxw-gaidjed (26) gaxau necam' am' ada (27) 
hard wood cutting it off black burning it 

cogoda djoznaklakno'o j 'e-d ho-cdaxco-n hadjxod{28) 

putting it away he went to sleep, it is said. And at daybreak arising 

galdei-'a-y'ik hadxilnada daxac-aidjodak-e-w'an (29) yelnada (30) 

to the outside going out towards the east sitting 

hawa:dak hexcacaklakno'o (31) j 'cda yandan-aivai-e-w'an(32) 
very loudly he howled, it is said. And towards the south 



(24) ge-cxaya- night falls, plus the subordinating -gwa suffix. 
Note the lengthening of the final vowel of the theme (of. 67). 

(25) degal refers to a species of very hard wood which I have 
been unable to identify. It was used in. the old days to make 
bows. 

(26) This verb is a compound of yaxw-, from yaxwdje- to strike . . . 
with a weapon, and gaidje- (my finger, etc.) has been chopped off, 
(used in a static sense only, cf. 42). Note the loss of the final element 
of the first theme when compounded — other material on this 
alternation will be found in section 39. 

(27) nee-, causative prefix plus hmn'am'a- to burn, (intr.). Note 
the use of gaxau black, as an adverb. 

(28) ho-c early, plus daxco-n (formed from daxco-- day breaks, by 
the noun forming suffix -an, cf. 75) "morning", hadjxo- to get up, 
arise. Note that the compound lio'C-daxco-n has no case suffix: it 
functions here as an adverb. 

(29) daxac sun; Jmidjoda-k, -k participial form of ha-idjo-da- one 
person comes up; -e-- demonstrative "that" (cf. 91); -w'an dative 
(towards) suffix, daxac-aidjodak is regularly used to refer to the 
east. 

(30) yel- to sit down, plus the directive suffix -na off, away: thus, 
-yel-na- to sit towards (an object off in the distance). 

(31) hexcaca- to yell, yelp, howl. hawa:dak, (excess length rhetor- 
ical) here used adverbially, a compound of hawai tall, loud, and 
hadak very. Note that the final -i of hawai has been elided in the 
compound. Note also the meaning of hawai in this context: cf. 
section 87 for examples of such variations in the meanings of 
modifiers. 

(32) yandan wind ; hawai long, yandan-awai long wind, is regularly 
used to denote the south in evident reference to the constant south 
wind prevailing in the American Southwest. Compare this meaning 
of hawai with that in note 31. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 145 

yelnada hexcacaklakno'o 'e-da 'edcin'e(33) daxac-aglanak-e-- 
sitting he howled, it is said and again towards the 

w'an(3'i) 'edcin'e hexcacaklano'o 'e-da holau-'a-lak 

west again he howled, it is said and the last (time) 

'adjxo-n-de'w'an (35) yelnada hexcacaklakno'o / 'e-gwa 

towards the north sitting he howled, it is said. Then 

gwa-gwan-ga (36) noho'na'e-kla{31) ha-djcogonai-la hedai'o'kla-k- 
women going for wood Coyote he joined them, 

no'o I 'e-gwa "we-l'ad 'eide-l" (38) noklakno'o j 'e-gwa 
it is said. Then "there he comes" they said, it is said. Then 

hedjodjxo-k-wa--'a-la xogoc-'a-w'an(39) camox ye'laklakno'o 
that evil one aforementioned above the waist red he was, it is said 

'enik gec'adjan-'a-w'a7i (40) gaxau ye-laklakno'o j 'e-kla 
and below the waist black he was, it is said. Then 

gwa-gwan-wa--ga caxwaklakno'o(4:\) 'e-kla 

those women aforementioned they ran away, it is said then 

ha-djcogonai-la t'ca-beklakno'o / 'e-gwa wa-dil hengwa-dakla 
Coyote he hid, it is said. Then as that one came running 

ha-djcogonai-la da-he-cogyo-klakno'o hedjodjxo-k-wa--'a-lak j 

Coyote he fought with him, it is said that evil one aforementioned. 



(33) It is not clear how 'edcin'e functions in this sentence : formally, 
having no case suffixes, it should have adverbial function as, indeed, 
it does have at the end of line 2, page 287, but there is no verb 
following unless we connect it with the preceding particle 'e-da. 

(34) daxac sun, haglana-k, -k form of ha-gla-na- one person goes 
down. Cf. note 29. 

(35) 'adj-xawa- f'adjxo--) wind blows from the north; cold, 
disagreeable wind blows. The analysis of this form is not so clear: 
the element 'adj- appears to occur in ben-'ats spring (the meaning of 
ben- is unknown), and in 'adj-'ix cold, disagreeable fix bad). 
Perhaps 'adj- has reference to weather in a sense of disagreeable 
weather and - xawa- refers to the blowing of the wind. This analysis 
is purely speculative. 

(36) Note the plural form of the noun gwa-n woman (cf. 84). 

(37) noho-na'e--to go for wood, — an unanalyzable theme. Perhaps 
compounded of noho-na-, which may be an old theme meaning 
"wood" and -'e--, a form of the verb 'ei-na- to go off. 

(38) we-l'ad he, that one (over there), cf. 91. 'ei-d- to come, plus 
the modal suffix -e-l, cf. 63. 

(39) xogoc refers to that part of the body above the waist ; -'a-w'an 
singular definite dative (towards) suffix. 

(40) gec'adjan below the waist. 

(41) caxwa- to run away, — also means 'to be frightened'. 

10 



146 HOIJEB TONKA WA 

'e-gwa ha-djcogonai-yeiga'ai-'a-la ha-nazok-'ida hedjodjxo-k- 
Then wolves many of them that evil one 

-wa--'a-lak heuled da-he-cogyo-rwnlakno'o (4^2) 

aforementioned catching him they were fighting with him, it is said 

'e-noga ya-lo-nanlakno'o hedjodjxo-k-wa--'a-lak / 'e-da 

so doing they killed him, it is said that evil one aforementioned. And 

ha-djcogonai-yeiga'ai-wa--ga na-'e-klakno'o (43) / 'e-kla 

those wolves aforementioned they went off, it is said. Then 

ha-djcogonai-la yadjox'an-e'w'an didjgan-gabai-e'e--lak(44) 

Coyote towards the camp that (of ) no people 

"yadjox'an-ega-d-gak da-mou nececgabou" noklakno'o 

"those tipis tightly shut them" he said, it is said 

yadjox'an-wa--'a-lak lococ nececgabaklakno'o{4t5) / 'enik 
those tipis aforementioned all they closed, it is said. Then 

ha-djcogonai-la de-dja-'a-y'ik ha-nada yandjidjxiMa'an{4:6) 
Coyote to this place going off came rvinning 

"ma-dan 'ot'om (47) yadjox'an-de--la nawe-ll^S)" noklakno'o 
"quick be this camp is burning" he said, it is said 

'e-l'ok gabai 'e-noklakno'o / 'e-kla 'edcin'e ha-nada 

but nothing happened, it is said. Then again going off 



(42) This sentence illustrates the usual word order in Tonkawa: 
subject, subject modifier, object, subordinated verb, and principal 
verb. This order is, of course, not a necessary one since the suffixes 
of the words regulate most of the syntactic relations. 

ha-djcogonai-yeiga'ai wolves, — a compound of the word for 
"Coyote" and that for "big" (referring to several). 

ha-naxok many, plus -'ida of them (cf. 86). Note, here, the separa- 
tion of noun and modifier. 

da-he-cogyo--no-n-lakno'o — an example of the third person 
plural of the -k paradigm (cf. 74). 

(43) na-'e-- several go off. This verb can only be used with a plural 
subject. 

(44) Note separation of noun and modifiers: "towards-the-camp 
that-of -no-people", i. e., "towards that camp of no people". 

(45) Here lococ all, is used as an adverb: it may also be used 
adjectivally (cf. 87). 

(46) Note how the directive suffixes are used: "Coyote to-this- 
place going-off comes-running". "this place" is a hteral translation : 
freely, it is to be interpreted "a short distance away". 

(47) '-, a reduced form of 'ei- to be, do, plus -o-c'o plural subject 
suffix and -u imperative suffix. 

(48) naw- to burn, plus suffix -e-l; cf. note 38 and section 63. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 147 

yandjidxilda'an "hedan'ok 'ox'ou yadjox'an-de'-la nawe-l" 
coming running "Hurry up! come! this camp is burning" 

nolclakno'o 'cVok gabai 'e'Hakno'o j 'ckla 'edcin'e 

he said, it is said but nothing happened, it is said. Then again 

ha-nada hengwa-dan (49) "hedan'ok 'o'c'ou yadjox'an-de--la 
going off coming running "Hurry up! come this camp 

naweT' noklahio'o 'e-kla gabai 'e-klakno'o /. 

is burning" he said, it is said but nothing happened, it is said. 

'e-kla holau-'a-lak ha-nada hengwa-dan "hedan'ok 'o'c'ou 
Then the last (time) going off coming running "Hurry up come 

yadjox' an-de- -la nawe-l" noklakno'o j 'e-kla didjgan-'a-la 

this camp is burning" he said, it is said. Then people 

ha-naxok ha-nadjidjxileklakno'o / (50) 'e-kla ha-djcogonai-lak 
many they ran out, it is said. Then Coyote 

gwa-n-enox-lak necda-'e-klakno'o / 

a pretty woman they caused him to marry, it is said. 

Free Translation of Text 

Coyote was going along, it is said, and while so doing, he chmbed a 
mountain and was standing there. It happened there was a large 
camp below that mountain. Coyote, descending, arrived at that 
large camp. As he came to the last (tipi), (he heard someone) 
weeping inside the tipi. Coyote, entering, said, "What is the matter ? " 

The woman said, "All this camp off in this direction has no people 
in it. An evil one has killed them all." 

"Well, don't cry," said Coyote, "tomorrow I intend to fight with 
him (the monster)." 

The woman went out and announced, "Coyote says he will fight 
him tomorrow." 

"When I fight him tomorrow, don't run away," said Coyote, 
"Watch me closely." 

"Yes," she said, it is said. 



(49) Note that two different verbs "to come running" have been 
used : yandjidjxilda- and hengwa-da-. There are two others : ya-ncxil- 
to run away, and yalxilda- to come running. Except that the third 
of these cannot take the directive suffixes, no differences in meaning 
can be distinguished. 

(50) Jia-nadjidjxile- several run away, can only be used with a 
plural subject. Note that ha-naxok many, is here used adverbially, 
and that didjgan, though actually referring to many people, has the 
nominative definite singular suffix. Literally the sentence reads: 
"then person many several-ran-out-it-is-said". 



148 HOIJER TONKA WA 

That evening, (Coyote), going down to the river and cutting a 
(stick of) very hard wood, he burned it black, put it away and went 
to sleep. The next morning he arose and, going outside, he sat down 
facing the east and howled loudly. Sitting towards the south, he 
again howled ; again towards the west ; and, finally, he sat facing the 
north and howled. 

When the women went for wood, Coyote joined them. Suddenly 
they said, "Here he comes!" And that evil one was red above the 
waist and black below the waist, it is said. The women ran away and 
Coyote hid. Just as he (the evil one) ran towards him, he fought that 
evil one. At that moment many wolves, catching hold of him and 
fighting with him, killed the evil one, it is said. And then the wolves 
went away. 

Coyote said then to that camp of no people. "Close tightly all 
these tipis", and all the tipis were closed. Then Coyote went off a 
ways and, running back, shouted, "Come, quickly!, this camp is 
burning!" but nothing happened. Again he went off and, rmining 
back, shouted, "Come, quickly, this camp is burning", but (again) 
nothing happened. Again he went off, and, running back, shouted, 
"Come, quickly, this camp is burning", and nothing happened. 
Then the last time, he went off and, running back, shouted, "Come, 
quickly, this camp is burning." Then many people ran out, itis said. 

Then they gave Coyote a pretty woman for his wife, it is said. 



QUILEUTE 

BY 
MANUEL J. ANDRADE 



CONTENTS. 

PAGES 

PREFACE 151 

PHONOLOGY 154 

1. Consonants 155 

2. Vowels 157 

3. The syllable 159 

4. Duration 160 

5. Accent 162 

6. Phonetic structure 171 

7. Phonetic processes 1 74 

MORPHOLOGY 177 

1. Initial morphemes ' 180 

(a) Formal bases 180 

(b) Reduplication and infixation 186 

2. Postpositive morphemes 191 

(a) Pronouns 203 

(b) Modes 206 

(c) Objective relations 218 

(d) The passive voice 243 

3. Free morphemes 245 

(a) Demonstratives 246 

(b) Other free morphemes 252 

4. The word 254 

(a) Parts of speech 255 

(b) The structure of the verb 258 

(c) Tense and aspect 263 

(d) The signs of subordination 268 

(e) The structure of composite nouns 269 

5. The sentence 271 

(a) Coordination 272 

(b) Subordination 274 

(c) Word order 278 

SPECIMEN TEXT AND ANALYSIS 279 

INDEX OF SUBJECTS 290 



PREFACE. 

Quileute is spoken at present by 1 80 individuals at the mouth of 
the Quileute river, on the northwestern coast of the state of 
Washington. About 15 miles further south, at the mouth of the 
Hoh river, there survive a few members of the Hoh tribe, whose 
speech, according to several Quileute informants, differs only 
slightly from theirs. 

Quileute has always been affiliated with Chemakum, the language 
once spoken in the same state near Port Townsend. The writer had 
the opportunity of working for a few hours with the last survivor 
of the Chemakum tribe, Lxiise Webster. A study of the material 
collected previously by Professor Boas^, together with the scanty 
data recorded on this occasion, confirms the close relationship 
which has been claimed for these two languages. It must be remark- 
ed, however, that even in the limited information available there is 
a considerable proportion of unrelated words as well as some im- 
portant grammatical differences. From the phonetic notes published 
by Professor Boas, and so far as we may judge from our brief 
contact with Chemakum, we may infer that the sounds of the two 
languages are very similar. Among the most outstanding differences, 
we may mention first, that the Chemakum m and n are replaced 
by the Quileute h and d, respectively. The latter sounds do not 
occur in Chemakum, and m, n are found in Quileute only when 
quoting the speech of the mythologic giantess Da's'k'iya". Secondly, 
the Chemakum vowels seem to be less variable than the Quileute, 
and the tonal characteristics of the Quileute accent do not seem to 
exist in Chemakum. At least, they were not found in a number of 
Chemakum words decidedly cognate with those which present such 
tonal characteristics in Quileute. Nor were such tonal features 
found by Professor Boas in 1890, when Luise Webster must have 
had a more vivid recollection of the language, as she still spoke it 
occasionally with her brother. At the time of our acquaintance, this 
informant had forgotten most of her language. 

A cursory comparison with other languages of the north Pacific 
coast discloses a number of significant points of contact between 
Quileute and the Wakashan stock. 



' I refer to his field notes, which he kindly placed at my disposal, as well as 
to his "Notes on the Chemakum Language," in the American Anthropolo- 
gist for January, 1892. I have also examined a Chemakum vocabulary 
collected by Dr. Livingston Farrand. 



152 ANDRADE QOTLEUTE 

The linguistic material on which the present account is based 
consists of 52 myths, vocabularies and grammatical notes recorded 
by Dr. Leo J. Frachtenberg in the summer of 1915 and in the 
summer and fall of 1916; and of 26 myths and other texts collected 
by the author in the summer of 1928 under the auspices of the 
Committee on Research in Native American Languages. The texts 
will be found in Volume XII of the Columbia University Contri- 
butions to Anthropology. 

About two years before going to the field, the author was given an 
opportunity to study Dr. Frachtenberg's texts and notes, from 
which the structure of the language was inferred to the extent that 
the material permitted. The six weeks spent in the field in 1928 were 
devoted mainly to the solution of certain problems which required 
additional information. The presence of four types of accentual 
phenomena distinguished by the characteristic pitch and duration 
of the accented vowel retarded the work' considerably, for this 
featiu-e, which had not been observed before, entailed a revision of 
aU the material previously collected, as well as a close examination 
of the grammatical principles which had been derived therefrom. 
For the study of these accentual types additional material was 
recorded besides the 26 myths above mentioned. This amount of 
material proved to be insufficient for reasons which will be pointed 
out at the proper place. Hence the wi'iter feels that the present 
account of the language is incomplete in regard to the principles 
which govern the changes in the position and type of accent, as 
well as to other facts, which a sufficient amount of text material 
might reveal. These hmitations have been kept in mind, and con- 
clusions which have been reached on an insufficient number of 
facts will be presented with the proper caution. On the whole, 
however, one may be confident that fiu-ther study would not alter 
the presentation of the essential structural features. This statement 
applies in particular to our characterization of the formatives 
treated under the heading of Objective Relations. The complex 
problem presented by these formatives was duly taken into account 
before going to the field, and it was kept in mind throughout the 
time spent there. The amount of data available on this point seems 
quite adequate to support our conclusions. 

Dr. Frachtenberg's informant was HalUe George, a half-blood 
QuUeute who spoke Enghsh fluently. All the myths collected by the 
writer were dictated by Sei'xtis, one of the oldest members of the 
tribe who spoke no other language than Quileute. For the transla- 
tion of the myths given by Sei'xtis, as well as for additional text 
and grammatical material, I am indebted to Mr. Jack Ward, a full- 
blood Quileute, 45 years of age. Mr. Ward, whose Indian name, 
idaxe'b, may be taken as evidence of the kinship which he claims 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 153 

to have with the last of the Chemakum "chiefs", 9'naxem, has an 
excellent command of the Enghsh language. His brother, Eh Ward, 
furnished some of the material collected for phonetic and grammat- 
ical purposes. He also had a good knowledge of English. The 
pronunciation of many other members of the tribe was carefully 
observed, and several of them were questioned to determine the 
prevalent articulation of sounds in which individual differences had 
been detected. 

The following abbreviations have been used; QT. refers to 
Quileute Texts by Manuel J. Andrade, Columbia University Con- 
tributions to Anthropology, Volume XII, 1931. The figures 12:2 
refer to the number of the text and line, respectively. References 
to the first six texts with interhnear translation indicate the page 
and line of the Quileute text, thus, Q T. p. 2:1. 

I acknowledge my obligations to the Committee on Reasearch in 
Native American Languages, and particularly to Professor Franz 
Boas for invaluable help received in various ways. Should there 
be any quaUties worthy of note in the present study, they are to be 
attributed to the influence of the critical rigor which characterizes 
his work. 



New York, May 10, 1929. Manuel J. Andrade. 



QUILEUTE 



BY MANUEL J. ANDRADE 



PHONOLOGY. 

In the following description of Quileute- sounds the speech of the 
older members of the tribe has been taken as the standard. Individ- 
ual differences exist, as in all languages. Moreover, some of the 
divergences from the standard adopted here seem to be rather 
prevalent and uniform among the younger generation. If this 
observation is accurate, the fact may be attributed either to the 
prevalence of bihngual individuals among the younger Quileute, 
or to a natural drift of the language within one generation^. For 
one of the most obvious differences one might be tempted to 
postulate a social cause. The harsh, cracking sounds of q and tl are 
much softer among the young folk, who because of their fluent 
command of Enghsh are in more intimate contact with the white 
people. These sounds frequently provoke ridicule from some of the 
Whites upon hearing them for the first time, and even those to whom 
these sounds are more or less famUiar frequently mimic them in a 
grotesque manner when jesting with the Indians. This may exert 
a restraining influence upon the younger Quileute who as a rule 
seem to be very sensitive to ridicule and aspire to social equality 
with the Whites. Of the several phonetic variations which seem to 
exist between the pronunciations of these two age groups, only the 
most noticeable will be mentioned, for, as many phoneticians may 
concede, acoustic impressions are not very reliable for an accurate 
determination of such distinctions, particularly if they are to be 
observed in an unfamihar language. 



Instances of phonetic changes that have taken place within one generation 
are not rare among illiterate peoples. The writer has conclusive evidence 
that a change from a clear i-sound to a distinct d has taken place within 
60 or 70 years in Mopan, a Mayan dialect spoken in Guatemala and in 
British Honduras. A similar situation was found in the village of Lunldni, 
state of Campeche, Mexico, where Yucatecan Maya is spoken. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 155 

CONSONANTS. 
The Quileute consonants may be tabulated as follows:^ 

Plosive Fricative Affricative 





voiced 


voiceless glottalized voiced 


voiceless 


voiceless 


glottal. 


labial 


b 


P 


P' 


w 








dental 


d 


t 


t' 




s 


ts 


i's 


Palato -alveolar 










c 


tc 


«'c 


dental lateral 








I 


I 


tl 


a 


palatal 




k 


/fc' 


y 


X 






palatal labialized 




k" 


k'" 




x^ 






velar 




3 


9' 




X 






velar labialized 




gU 


?'" 




x" 






depending on the fol- 
















lowing vowel 










h 






vocal cords 




'(glc 


ittal stop 


') 









1. The plosive consonants are generally followed by a strong 
aspiration. When the palatal and velar plosives are articulated 
emphatically, we observe that the tongue, upon releasing the air 
pressure, passes to the position of the corresponding fricative or 
glides through it while the air pressure continues, producing thus 
affricative combinations which in careful pronunciation we might 
represent by the symbols kx, qx; however, the duration of the 
fricative elements in these articulations is shorter than when x and x 
occur as independent consonants. In the normal pronunciation of 
k and q the aspiration is most noticeable in a medial position, but 
in the sound of the t the opposite tendency is observed. Before a 
vowel the pronunciation of the t is closer to the unaspirated articula- 
tion of the Romance languages than to the English t, but it is 
identical with the latter at the end of a word or before another 
plosive. No acoustic difference has been noted between Quileute 
and English in the articulation of the p. 

2. With the aid of the proper instruments it might have been 
found that the duration of the glottalized velar and palatal plosives 
is longer than in other Indian languages in which these sounds 
occur. If this observation is correct, we may infer that a comparat- 
ively long period of compression takes place between the release 
and the beginning of the following vowel. When these sounds occur 
at the end of a syllable their duration may be the same, but the fact 
is not so perceptible. So far as one may judge by the acoustic 
impression, the process of the so-called glottalization, whatever the 
nature of this process may be, seems to be present throughout the 
duration of these sounds. Therefore, if, as stated above, a careful 
articulation of the q may be represented by the symbols qx, in 
analogous conditions the sound of the q' could be rendered by 

^ The phonetic notation has been explained in No. 6, Vol. 66, Smithsonian 
Miscellaneous Collections, (Publication 2415) Washington, 1916. 



1 

156 ANDRATE QTJILETTTE 

q'x\ The continuation of the process of glottalization throughout 
the period of such articulations is particularly noticeable in the 
affricatives t'l. t's. Here we get the acoustic impression of a sudden 
release of air pressure into a constricted aperture. Hence, these 
sounds might be rendered in all cases by t'l' and t's'. This orthography 
has been avoided for the sake of simphcity. The articulation of the 
whole glottalized series is much more energetic among the old 
generation. 

3. In regard to the point of contact, the palatals seem to have a 
greater range of variation than the other consonants. Before e, i 
the point of contact of the k, for example, is mid-palatal, while 
before o, u it is post-palatal. 

4. The articulation of the d is initiated with a nasal resonance 
that is more noticeable than in the unavoidable resonance of the 
nasal cavity for this sound in English and in other languages. This 
phenomenon does not seem to be present in the 6. 

5. In the pronunciation of the w the lips do not restrict the passage 
of the voice as much as in Enghsh. 

6. The voiceless I followed by a vocalic element has often a decided 
vibratory quality resembling a voiceless r, but this varies consid- 
erably with the individual and with the emphasis with which the 
word is pronounced. The voiced lateral has practically the same 
sound as in EngUsh, though its articulation is linguo-dental, so far 
as the tip of the tongue is concerned. At the end of a word its 
duration is much shorter than that of a final English "dark" I. 

7. The s has a sharp hissing sound. It is normally pronounced with 
the upper and lower teeth in contact, and the tip of the tongue 
touching the lower incisors. 

8. The h, as in most languages, has no fixed point of articulation. 
The tongue, which is the main organ that restricts the passage of the 
air during the period of its articulation, is in motion toward and 
finally adopts the position required for the following vowel. 

9. The glottal catch or glottal stop is not as audible in the pro- 
nunciation of most individuals as in other languages, so far as the 
writer may rely upon the recollection of such acoustic impressions. 
Judging by what has been observed through the laryngoscope in 
other languages^, one may infer either that the vocal cords do not 

1 The explanation offered here was derived from the study of my own imi- 
tation of the Quileute glottal stop with the aid of a laryngoscope designed 
for self-observation. Such observations are, of course, open to question, 
since we have no proof that the native Quileute may not produce the same 
acoustic effect by a different process. However, this possibility seems rather 
remote, considering the nature of this sound. At any rate, my experiments 
agree with the findings of several phoneticians in regard to the production 
of the glottal stop. It is produced by the vocal cords, and not by the 
epiglottis, as some students of language think. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 157 

pass from a position of complete contact to that required for the 
production of the following voiced sound, and Ukewise a voiced 
sound is not terminated by a complete closure, or else these move- 
ments are not as rapid or energetic as in other languages. But 
individual differences are considerable in this respect, and, as in the 
instances mentioned above (sect. 2), the intensity of this sound is 
greater among the older Quileute. In the speech of the informant 
who has been taken as the standard, there was a tendency to echo 
the preceeding vowel after a glottal closure. In most instances the 
echoed vowel was voiceless or weakly voiced, but in emphatic 
articulation or in the case of an accented syllable, a fully voiced 
vowel of shorter duration than the preceeding one was heard. The 
glottal stop described here functions as a consonant. When it is 
omitted, the native feels that the word has been deprived of one of 
its phonetic elements. On the other hand, when we omit the less 
audible variety of this articulation mentioned in Section 11, the 
effect upon the native, if he can be made aware of it at all, seems to 
be analogous to that of a failure to reproduce exactly the quality 
of the vowel concerned. For this reason and for others mentioned 
below (Sees. 11, 37, 42), it seems justifiable to consider this glottal 
stop as a manner of articulating aU initial vowels, and hence its 
transcription would be irrelevant in a structural presentation of the 
language. 

VOWELS. 

10. The quality of the Quileute vowel depends to a large extent 
upon its position in the phonetic structure of the word. To a greater 
or lesser extent, this may be said to be true of most languages, if 
subtile quaHtative differences are taken in consideration, but in 
Quileute such differences are patent even to the untrained ear. 
We find, for example, that there is a vowel whose quaUty is very 
similar, or perhaps identical, to that of the u in the American 
pronunciation of "but". This sound occurs only in a final unaccented 
syllable in which the vowel is followed by k, and is not preceded by 
a velar consonant. Should a suffix be added to the word, with a 
consequent shift of the accent, this vowel may change to the 
quality of a in "hat" or to that of the Franch a in "pate", depending 
on the following consonant. Since our interest centers in the struc- 
ture of the language, rather than in a detailed rendition of its sounds, 
we have disregarded in our transcription most of the quahtative 
distinctions which are due to the position of the vowel in the word. 
Thus, each of the symbols u, o, a, a, e, i^ represents two or more 



^ For the use of the symbol ii see Section 43. 



158 ANDKADE QUILETJTE 

vocalic qualities which replace one another according to the con- 
ditions defined below^. Therefore, our notation for the vowels in 
particular, but to some extent also for the consonants, is not 
phonetic in the strict sense of the term. It is rather a convenient 
means of writing the language, comparable with the conventional 
orthography of any literary language, but free from the irregulari- 
ties of the latter. 

1 1 . All initial vowels begin with a slightly audible acoustic effect 
suggestive of the glottal stop. No such effect has been observed in 
unaccented final vowels. The presence of this manner of articulation 
in accented finals and between two vowels will be discussed else- 
where (Sees. 37, 42). 

12. The symbol u stands for a vocalic quahty very similar to that 
of the u in the Enghsh word "full", when the Quileute sound 
occurs in a final syllable followed by a dental plosive. It is like the 
vowel in "fool", when preceded or followed by a fricative, but with 
less labial protrusion. Before or after a palatal or a velar plosive, 
as well as between consonants with opposite influence, it is an 
intermediate sound between the latter and the o of "obey". 

13. In some situations it is difficult to distinguish the sound 
represented here by an o from that of the w in the third instance 
above mentioned. The positions described for the u affect the o 
in a similar manner. Its range of variation is from a quahty which is 
perhaps identical to that of the French vowel in "faute", to that of 
the American pronimciation in "low", without the dipthongal 
modification prevalent in the latter. 

14. In most situations, the quahty of a is that of the French 
vowel in "part", or even nearer perhaps to Spanish a in "paz". 
After a velar, and when accented with a low pitch (Sec. 28), it 
varies toward French a in "pate". After y, s, c, and the af fricatives 
it is similar to the Enghsh a in "at". When it occurs m a final unac- 
cented syllable followed bj^ a dental or a palatal consonant, its 
quality is similar to that of the Enghsh vowel in "but", and is 
perhaps identical to it if the final consonant is 1% as in yi'sdak, 
dress. 

15. The a-sound is not affected as much as the other vowels by 
phonetic contact. Its quahty may be characterized as an "open" 
variety of the American Enghsh sound of a in "mat". It occurs in 
comparatively few words, some of which are presumably of 
foreign origin; as, q'wdeti', the name of the cultirre hero; fda'u, 
two (when counting without mentioning the things counted); 
ya'itva, snake; pa, day. 



' For certain accidental changes in vocalic quality see Sections 2S, 29. 
Cf. also Sec. 38. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 159 

16. When in contact with a velar or a k, the symbol e. stands for a 
quality almost identical with that of the vowel in "met". After s, 
ts, t's, I, t, it approximates French e in "ete". In other contacts 
intermediate qualities are heard. When its pitch is raised by an 
accent or by the intonation, and when proceeded by y or w, if the 
following contact favors it, an etymologic e acquires a sound rather 
similar to the Middle-West American pronunciation of i in "milk". 
In such cases, its quality is hardly distinguishable from that of the 
Quileute i in certain positions. The change of an etymologic e to i 
will be discussed in section 29. 

17. The i represents more than one nuance, but the distinctions 
are no more marked than those of the so-called short EngUsh i as 
in "divorce, him", etc. in various contacts and positions in the word. 

18. There are no clear diphthongs in Quileute. The combination 
of a and o at the end of a word approximates to the acoustic effect 
of a diphthong, but in deUberate pronunciation we hear two distinct 
syllables. A similar effect is obtained when the objective pronouns 
ending in lawo are accented on the first syllable, which becomes 
la'u^. In these cases the second element of this combination sounds 
like a very shghtly labiahzed w-sound as in "full". The sound of a 
in its various nuances is occasionally followed by i, but these two 
vowels do not blend into a diphthong. 

THE SYLLABLE. 

19. Experiments performed with three informants to determme 
to what extent they would be consistent in dividing a word into 
syllables, gave the following results: 

a. Wlien the syllable constitutes a morphologic element, it is 
isolated rather consistently, depending on its meaning or gram- 
matical function. As one would expect, more inconsistence and 
hesitation was shown with morphologic elements which perform an 
abstract function than with those which refer to concrete objects 
and actions. Thus, two informants agreed in the division of these 
two words among others: kits-i--li' -xa'-a, did he kick him ? and the 
noun he-t'e-tsi'l-lit, material designed for some purpose. We notice 
that ts was grouped with the preceding syllable in the first word, 
and with the following syllable in the second. This division conforms 
with the morphologic analysis of the word, as kits- is the stem for 
the verb "to kick", but the ts of the second word is a causative 
suffix. On the other hand, the syllable -tsi-l- is composed of three 
different elements, tsi-i-l (causative, connecting vowel, and a suffix 
indicating purpose) but it felt to both informants as an indissoluble 



^ In the Quileute Texts this pseudo-diphthong is transcribed thus la'i'. 



160 ANDKADE QT7ILEUTE 

unit. The division of kitsrW xa'a was in strict accordance with its 
morphologic composition, excepting, perhaps for the treatment of 
the glottal stop. The separation of this sound, which is quite audible 
between two vowels, may be accounted for by the observations 
made in Sections 9 and 11 regarding its articulation before a vowel. 

b. In the division of words that cannot be analyzed into signific- 
ant or functional elements, it was observed that the three infor- 
mants had the tendency to avoid initial and final combinations of 
consonants which do not occur in analogous positions in Quileute 
words (Sees. 32, 33). 

c. When a given consonant in an unalyzable word could be either 
initial or final, according to the principles just mentioned, there 
seemed to be no definite choice as to what syllable it should be 
assigned. 

d. The idea that each vowel should be considered as the nucleus 
ofasyllable was readily grasped and applied, though totally ignorant 
of the distinction between consonants and vowels, and without 
receiving any instruction to that effect. The problem was presented 
to them in these terms: "If you had to break up these words into 
small pieces, how would you do it?" Then a few Enghsh words 
were used to illustrate the process. It occurred occasionally that 
when a morphologic element in the word was composed of two 
syllables the two vowels were kept together in the syUabic division. 
It must be admitted that these experiments are not conclusive, 
since they were performed with only three informants. 

DURATION. 

20. The determinants of quantitative phenomena may be etymo- 
logical, functional, or phonetic. As examples of the first class we 
have the following distinctions: ot'a'yat, hand; ot'a-'yat, arm; 
xa-'ba, to be dressed; xaba-' , all; xa'ba', not to know how to do 
something. Here we may also mention numerous nominal stems 
which are invariably found with the same quantitative pattern. 
We may consider in the second class the lengthening of a mono- 
syllabic stem to express durative action, as tcatci'\ it flew; tea-' tea, 
it is flying. 

21. Quantity is phonetically determined in the use of two of the 
pitch accents (Sees. 27, 28), and in the tendency to avoid long, 
initial vowels in composite words of more than four syllables. There 
are also some quantitative variations due to rhetorical effect, and 
stiU others of a very arbitrary character, which may respond to a 
rhjrthmic feehng for the phonetic structure of the word. Thus, the 
word for adultery may be pronounced indifferently, taqo-'sibefs or 
td.qosibe't's. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 161 

22. The duration of a long vowel is normally about the double of a 
short one, but Quileute speakers attribute a certain aesthetic value 
to the prolongation of long vowels under the proper conditions ; so, 
we often hear long vowels, and occasionally normally short ones, 
pronounced with triple or longer duration, depending on the emo- 
tional character of the utterance. 

23. We may also speak of reduced short quantity in a final 
accented vowel. In such cases the rapid glottal closure with which 
the vowel seems to end appears to facilitate its short duration, 
e. g. : hitci", was frightened; base", bad; tcatci", it flew. 

24. It may not be altogether arbitrary to consider as a part of the 
quantitative system a certain phenomenon which we may call 
dieresis. In deUberate speech we notice an absolute silence of about 
half the normal duration of a vowel between certain elements of a 
composite word. In rapid pronounciation the effect is that of an 
increment in the quantity of the preceding short syllable. This 
interruption never occurs after a long vowel. Its presence is constant 
after the formal base he, especially in long composite words. In 
other cases it seems to respond to a rhythmic principle, and in part 
also to a feehng of recognition of the various individual elements 
which integrate the word, e. g. : to! tease. Wilitc, you will be paid 
for it; tsoxo-li.xalu' b-a'a, did we shoot at him ? In these two cases 
the dieresis, indicated by the period, may be a part of the rhythmic 
pattern of the word, for several other words with the same accentual 
and quantitative structure present the dieresis in the same position, 
but since it occurs only between separable morphologic elements, 
phonetic factors^ may not be the only determinants. 

25. Consonantal lengthening performs no grammatical function. 
Lengthening of a consonant occurs chiefly when a single consonant 
closes an accented syllable followed by an affixed element. This 
quantitative distinction often throws light on the structure of 
words which might be regarded as imanalyzable elements. For 
example, in t'ca"-a, ripe, and qa'ta, perhaps, the duration of the 
interval between the glottal closiure and the a, which is about twice 
that of an intervocalic glottal stop, as well as the duration of the 
aspiration following the t in the second word, makes it more probable 
that the final a in both words is an apphcative classifier (Sec. 85). 
In kwa'c-kwac, blue jay, we may suspect duphcation of elements 
which may still be felt as independent or which were formerly 
treated as such. On the other hand, the disjunctive pronoun lu'b-a, 
we, cannot be dissolved into simpler elements, and likewise we have 
no evidence of suffixation or compounding in words like sdb-as. 



^ For the presence of this phenomenon with a high tone accent see 
Sec. 30. 

11 



162 ANDRADE QUILEUTB 

shark; xa'x'e, now, and several others. In most of these cases we 
notice that the long consonant follows the accented vowel, but since 
the consonant is not long after every accented vowel, and it may 
occasionally be long after an unaccented syllable, we may conclude 
that at least some of these long consonants are due to etymological 
causes. 



ACCENT. 

26. Students of the classical languages, as well as those acquainted 
with Lithuanian and Swedish, are well aware of the fact that accent 
is not always as simple a phenomenon as it appears in the modern 
languages most commonly studied. But even in these the phoneti- 
cian finds that, although stress (that is, a greater intensity in the 
sound of the accented vowel) is present in all accentual phenomena, 
this factor is generally accompanied by a difference in pitch, and 
frequently by an element of duration, besides minor distinctions of 
vocalic quahty and precision of articulation. As is well known, some 
of these factors are more prominent in some languages than in 
others. Quileute presents a rather unusuaP diversity of accentual 
phenomena. In most languages the accented vowel has a higher 
pitch than the unaccented ones. In Quileute it may be higher or 
lower, and it may begin with a higher pitch and end with a lower 
pitch than that of the prothetic vowel. Duration is an integral 
factor in some types of Quileute accent, but it is an independent 
element in others, although, as we shall see below, duration always 
affects the tonal aspect of the accent. Moreover, in order to gain a 
complete view of all the tonal phenomena observed in these various 
types of accent, other factors must be considered, for the tone of 
the accent changes with its position in the word, and with the pre- 
sence of another type of accent in the same word. Thus, owing to 
such modifications, the melodic pattern of the Quileute word 
strikes us as a more obvious fact than the accentual types. In some 
cases, the latter can be abstracted from the recurrent melodic units 
only by taking into account various structural and functional 
factors. The recognition of the melodic pattern requires no such 
deductions. This does not imply that accent is not as definite a 
phonetic element as in any other language, but rather that in an 
objective view of the phonetic aspect of the word, the melodic 
pattern is as definite a feature of this language as accent. Whether 
or not the native is more conscious of melodic patterns than of 



' Among the American Indian languages Sapir reports a similar accentual 
system for Takelma. Handbook of American Indian Languages, Part 2. 
Biu-eau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 40. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 163 

accentual types, it is difficult to determine. One informant, upon 
hearing a list of words which had the same melodic pattern, could 
decide without much hesitation whether any additional word 
belonged to that pattern, but he could not identify the same type 
of accent in two different patterns. This may be due to the difficulty 
of conveying the concept of accent to an untutored individual. 
Obviously, such psychological observations, however rehable they 
may be, are of doubtful application to the solution of linguistic 
problems. Since the native speaker is generally unaware of a great 
many fundamental facts which can be definitely established by 
linguistic analysis, his awareness of a given phenomenon is not a 
rehable criterion to rate its linguistic importance. The objective 
facts presented by this language are sufficient justification to regard 
the melodic aspect of the word as a significant feature, particularly 
for words of no more than three syllables. We shall see that the 
melodic patterns of dissyllables and trisyllables are definable and 
fairly constant facts. The accents are identifiable elements, subject 
to variations which can be defined with respect to their positions 
in the melodic patterns. Hence, we cannot attribute any more 
significance to one aspect than to the other. 

The following diagrams represent all the melodic patterns that 
have been found in dissyllables. The list of trisyllables is less com- 
plete, but the ones which have been omitted are of rare occurrence. 
Observations on other polysyllables will be included in the dis- 
cussion of the accentual types. The material for the study of these 
patterns was gathered in the field. Words with the same patterns 
were grouped together. Different informants were asked to pro- 
nounce the words of each group in succession and alternatively with 
other groups in order to determine the stability of the melodic units. 
One of the informants, Mr. Jack Ward, was brought to the State 
University of Washington at Seattle, where Dr. Melville Jacobs 
recorded on a dictaphone the selected groups of words spoken by 
Mr. Ward. I am indebted to Dr. George Herzog, of the University of 
Chicago, for the transcription of the dictaphone records. The pitch, 
duration, and stress factors were recorded originally in musical 
notation, indicating tonal differences of less than a semitone. With 
Dr. Herzog's approval, the musical notation was transposed to the 
graphic forms given here. The tones indicated represent only 
approximately absolute pitch. In determining the intervals within 
each pattern, differences of less than a semitone have been taken 
into account. This is indicated by the position of the tone marks 
on the upper or lower part of the space representing the approxi- 
mate semitone. The length of the tone-marks indicates approximate 
duration. Primary stress (intensity) is represented by an accent 
sign, and secondary stress by the same sign in parenthesis. 



164 



ANDRADE QtllLETJTE 



J» 



;^ 



-^ 



% 



% 



ill 



1. 

base'\ bad 
hitci", scared away 
tcatci", it flew 
tciko'c, became big 
xaya'sx, again 

2. 
M.ol, to accompany 
he.lk'wal, to be pregnant 
qdl-al, to emerge 
t'cd'-a, ripe 
Fil-ats, to wedge 



3. 

liiwo-, to bring 
ko'd-d, sallal berry 
yaxd-l, high sea 
lobo-q, rain 
t'axa-ts, summer 

4. 

icaa;d-, empty 
gale-, ocean 
t'a'o-l, anemone 
koxo-l, to roll down 
tsexd-\ to throw 



tse-Ul, to push 

p'd-xa', braid 

6-lit, mouth 

6-q'os, neck 

t'd-kul, to mend clothes 

6. 

dd-kil, then, so 
bd-yaq, raven 
k'ivd-ya\ water 
qd-tul, nose pendant 
qwd-Vla\ whale 



^ ^ -F 


v^- -^ ^C 




'^ X X ' \ 


\ - ■ ' -X \- 


^ "-^ :! ^-" ^^ i^"" 




jy .. \ 


c \ 


— • 



hdkH'sat, blanket 
qwd'ayat, early summer 
totisil, drill 

tdxHo', bow (for arrows) 
kHHt'sol, to anchor 

8. 
Id'awi't, to bark 
qd'awa'ts, cedar basket 
xos-ida't, to bathe 
he.tqoa't, matress 
wd.x"'oli't, moustache 



9. 
t'uwa-dak, blue huckle berry 
faqd-tcil, thimble berry 
k^e'l-lit, a bridle 
likd-t'so\ married woman 
pe'fle-so\ yellow 

10. 

yalo-lat, wife 
si'k'6-ya', cedar bark 
tuk6-yo\ snow 
a'e-wa, platform 
ha'e-iat, arrow 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 165 

11 12 13 14 



^<k'^<- - 


H .""^ 


^^= \ 


\~ ■' •" 


-^ i ^ 


T ^ 


^^ t *!fc 


:t 


-^4 ^-^ -^t 


» \ 


-3- V- -^- 


"^ ' 


V" 


? s^ 


^ 


^^ 5 


c 


5- 




± 



11. 

he'Vco-dat, arrow-point 
otcqe-dit, belly 
fs6'bd-yo\ barnacle 
t'si-kd-bai, water tight basket 
o't'cS-sit, bill of a bird 

12. 

d-xuyo", box, pot 
a-'oxt'i, mountain 
d-lita", fish, salmon 
td-yidi'l, fish club 
6'q'wayi't, the back 



13. 

tei.ca'd-, it blows (the wind) 
beb-a'd-, blind 
ke.da^d-, to bother 
sip'a'd-, to brush 
^d'i'ca'd-, slowly 

14.' 
sisa"wd-, before 
tciya"wd-, beneath 
flayo^wd-, after 
atco"wd-, to be in bed with 
Kko"wd-, to wait 



All the dissyllabic patterns, excepting No. 1 are quite constant in 
all the words recorded. Among the trisyllabic, Nos. 10, 11, and 12 
are equally stable. In the other patterns some words show devia- 
tions from the norm given in the above graphs. No. 7 is the most 
variable. All these variations affect the pitch, not the stress or 
duration, and they do not alter the pattern to the extent of con- 
fusing it with another pattern. Further details about the charac- 
teristics of various patterns will be found in the following discussion 
of the accentual types. 

27. Two types of accent can be readily abstracted from the above 
patterns on the basis of the tone and duration of the accented 
vowels. Their characteristics are easily recognized in spite of the 
alterations imposed by their position in the pattern, and the presence 
of other accents. We notice that in patterns 6, 10, and 11 the pitch 
of the stressed vowel ghdes through an interval of two and one half 
tones. This accentual type, which we shall call the high-falling 
accent, appears on a penultima followed by a short unstressed ultima. 
When it is preceded by an unstressed syllable, as in No. 10, it 
invariably begins with a pitch sUghtly higher than one whole tone 

' In the material collected this pattern occurs only when the suffix -wa 
(Sec. 66) is added to a morpheme ending in a vowel with the middle-tone 
accent. In such cases -wa takes the low-tone accent. 



166 ANDRADE QTJILETJTE 

above the preceding vowel. In pattern No. 11 this interval is reduced 
to a semitone, presumably because of the presence of another 
accent in the initial. The double duration of the vowel is a constant 
characteristic of the high-falling accent. When its typical tonal 
inflection disappears from the word, the originally accented vowel 
becomes normally short. Whether this accent should be called 
middle-falling or high-falling is a matter of choice. Its rise from the 
level of the initial unaccented sjdlable in pattern No. 10 would 
suggest the term middle-faUing, but in No. 11 it starts with a shghtly 
higher pitch than the high-tone accent of the initial. However, the 
modifications due to the presence of another accent are generally 
so diverse that no conclusion can be drawn with any degree of 
certainty. The interval between the peak of the high -falling tone 
and the level of the final syllable cannot be taken into account, 
for it is observed that the pitch of the ultima, whether stressed or 
unstressed varies with the pattern. The high-faUing accent has been 
indicated by a circumflex mark. Although length is a fixed factor, 
it has been marked m every instance, thus a-. e\ r. Illustrations of 
words containing this accent will be found in the examples given 
above for patterns Nos. 6, 10, and 11. 

28. Another accentual type easily indentified is the low-tone 
accent (d% e-, r, etc.), found in patterns Nos. 3, 9, 13, and 14. Its 
constant characteristics are its pitch and its duration. The stressed 
vowel appears with a lower pitch than that of the preceding un- 
stressed vowel. Its occurrence is limited to the ultima and penultima. 
When it is found on a penultima, the ultima is short and unstressed. 
Unlike the high-falhng accent, the low-tone type never appears in 
the initial syllable. When it disappears from the word, the origmally 
stressed vowel becomes short. Its tone and duration are less constant 
than in the high-faUing accent. It wdll be noticed that in pattern 
No. 3 the stressed vowel is slightly more than one whole tone lower 
than that of the preceding unstressed syllable. In No. 13, although 
it occurs also in the idtima, its pitch is fully three semitones at the 
onset of the vowel, and gUdes to a pitch three whole tones lower 
than that of the preceding vowel, while its duration is greater than 
in No. 3. Are the differences observed between these two cases due 
to the presence of another accent in the initial syllable in No. 13 
or to the fact that this pattern consists of three syllables ? All that 
we can be certain of is that the words of these two groups have 
different melodic patterns. The intervals between the unstressed 
initials and the syllable with the low-tone accent are approximately 
the same in Nos. 3 and 9. In No. 14 we have an interval of three and 
one half tones followed by a ghde of more than one tone. We might 
regard this greater interval as a mechamcal result due to the 
presence of a middle-tone accent in the preceding syllable. The 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 167 

latter is only one tone above the level. If we should raise the pitch of 
the penultima one tone in No. 13, the drop to the low -tone would be 
two and one half tones. In 14 it is half a tone still lower. This 
difference is not significant, but we cannot account for the fact that 
the intonation and duration of the vowel is constantly different in 
the two patterns. Examples of the low-tone accent wiU be found in 
the above groups. 

29. Contrasted with the high-falHng and the low-tone accents, we 
find two others which have been designated by the terms middle- 
tone accent and high-tone accent. They are indicated by accute accent 
marks placed after and above the vowel, respectively, thus: a', e' ; 
a, e. The distinction between these two types is open to question, 
and still, if we consider their differences as modifications of one 
accent, it is difficult to account for a number of facts. Contrary to 
the fixed duration and position of the two previous types, we find 
that the high-tone and the middle-tone accents occur in practically 
aU positions, and they may be heard on a long or on a short vowel, 
although it seems that the high-tone accent generally prolongs a 
short vowel or compensates for a lack of increment by the dieresis 
(Sec. 24). The middle tone accent is by far the most common. In 
its most frequent use, as a secondary accent in words of more than 
three syllables, it rises about one semitone above the pitch of the 
preceding unstressed vowel as in No. 14. Dissyllables with a long 
initial and an accented ultima fit in pattern No. I, except for the 
duration of the initial syllable, as 

tsa-li'\ got up a-qa'\ was on top of 

a-ti'y, next year q'e-fsa", berry, fruit 

pa-qe't, work wa-a'l, disappeared 

No constant distinction can be found between the middle-tone 
and the high-tone accents on the basis of pitch. If we take as a basis 
the intervals between the higher pitch of the accented vowels and 
the lower pitch of the unaccented, it will be found that in No. 14 
it is half a tone; in 12, one tone; in 13, about one tone and a quarter;^ 
in No. 1, one and a half; in 7, two tones; while in 2 and 8 it is two 
and one half. This range of variation^ from one to five semitones 
may be interpreted in various ways. The variations may be regarded 



1 These measurements refer to the pitch represented in the above graphs. 
They must not be construed as absolute standards. A few of the words 
recorded for these groups deviate as much as a semitone above or below 
the majority. 

2 Throughout this discussion it must be born in mind that the words on 
which the estimates are based were spoken out of context, thus precluding 
any influence which the intonation of the sentence might have upon the 
accents. 



168 ANDRADE QXJILEUTE 

as changes of one type of accent, or as alterations of two types which 
merge or approximate each other in pitch imder such influences as 
position in the initial or final syllable, upon a long or short vowel, 
and before or after another accent. Once more we may contend that 
the word pattern is a more constant fact than the accentual type. 
Our guide for marking a stressed vowel with the middle-tone or 
with the high-tone sign is principally the behavior of such accented 
vowels in different situations. It is observed that if a word of two 
or three syllables appears with a short accented vowel whose pitch 
is two or two and one half tones above the unstressed vowel, in 
most conditions such a vowel will be found with a higher pitch than 
if it appears originally with a pitch of one or one and a half tones. 
Furthermore, such a higher pitch wiU be accompanied in favorable 
situations by the dieresis^. Such observations have led us to regard 
the accent in pattern No. 4 as a form of the high-tone accent in a 
final syllable. Let us take, for example, the word koxo'l, (he) roUed 
down, which appears with this accentual pattern. Here the pitch 
of the accented vowel rises one tone above the unaccented initial 
and falls from four to four and one half tones. Should we affix 
other syllables, the first interval will change to two or two and one 
half tones, the pitch no longer gUdes downward, and the vowel 
becomes short, followed by a dieresis, or remains long, as in 
koxo-li'l-as, he is going to roll down; kox6.si"ili, I shall make him 
roll down; koxo.sia'l-as, he is going to make me roll down. The 
small rise of one tone in pattern No. 4 would lead us to identify it 
rather with the middle-tone accent, but against this we find that a 
word with the middle-tone like tciko'c, it became large, which fits 
into pattern No. 1, upon taking a suffix, as in tciko'cil, it will become 
large, the pitch of the accented vowel is reduced to half a tone, as 
in pattern No. 4; whereas the accent in koxo-l rises to two tones in 
koxo-laks, she rolled down. Again, the downward ghde of four and 
one half tones in No. 4 might suggest that this is a form of the high- 
falhng accent. If that were the case, we could not account for the 
fact that upon adding one syllable to koxo-l we do not obtain pattern 
No. 10. 

A peculiar phenomenon is observed in the accent of trisyllables 
consisting of two short syllables (initial and final) and a long 
accented penultima. In such situations the accented long vowel may 
be pronounced with the same pitch as the initial, the accent de- 
pending only on a greater intensity (stress), or the word may take 
the intonation of pattern No. 9, the accent being practically the 



• As heard in the dictaphone records, this phenomenon impressed Dr. Herzog 
as a "hesitation" in passing from the accented vowel to the next phonetic 
element. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 169 

same as the low-tone accent. However, Dr. Herzog observes that 
in such cases the downward gUde is more constant and definite in 
the words of group No. 9 than in these, and the interval between 
the initial and the lower pitch is less than in the low tone. It is 
hardly justifiable to consider this as a special modification of the 
middle-tone accent, but it has been so regarded partly because of 
the imstable character of the melodic pattern, and principally in 
view of the changes which take place when other syllables are 
affixed. For example: 



Low-tone (pattern No. 9) 

faqd-tcil, thimble berry 

fdqatci'lt'sa, little thimbleberry 
fuwa-dak, blue huckleberry 

fuwddake'do, it became a blue huckleberry 
kade-do', dog 

kddedo'o'c, he became a dog 

kddedo"t'sa, little dog 

kade'do'o'xas, he is a dog 



Middle-tone 

q'ala-'pat, placed across 

q'dla-patsi"ili, I shall place it across 
iixwa-'t'so, animal 

uxwa-'t^so"t^sa, little animal 

uxwa-t'so'o'c, he became an animal 
laqo-'t'soks, adze 

laq6-t'soksi"t'sa, little adze 

ldqo-t'so'ks-ya"ak, it is his adze 

We notice that in every instance in which the low-tone accent 
disappears the vowel becomes short. This is true even in kade'- 
do'o'xas, although the stress remains on the e. In this case the 
accented syllable has a higher pitch than the initial, as in pattern 
No. 14. Hence, we conclude that the quantity of these vowels was 
due to the presence of the low-tone accent. In contrast with this 
behavior we see that in the middle-tone group the vowel stays long, 
whether accented or not. If only one syllable follows the long 
accented vowel, the pitch of the latter is either equal to or lower 
than that of the initial, thus merging into the low-tone pattern. 
Our inference is that in this group the duration of the accented 
vowel is etymologicaUy determined, it is inherent in the vowel. 
When a middle-tone accent falls upon such a vowel in a trisyllable 
with a short unstressed ultima, the melody of the word approxi- 
mates or perhaps merges into that of pattern No. 9. 



170 ANDRADE QTHLEITTE 

As an additional characteristic of the high-pitch accent, we 
should mention its effect upon the quahty of the vowel. Such 
effects are more or less marked depending on the specific quality 
of the vowel in the situations defined in Sections 12 to 17. For the 
sake of brevity we shall mention only the two most important. 
When the quahty of the e approaches that of the i, the high-pitch 
accent transforms the e into i; similarly, o becomes u. 

30. Few statements can be made in regard to melodic patterns in 
words of more than three syllables. In the first place, the high- 
falling and the low-tone accents are very rarely found in such 
words. We find chiefly a distribution of high-tone and middle-tone 
accents which give us the impression of primary and secondary 
accents, as they occur in most languages. Two high-tone accents 
are found only in very long words. A word of more than three 
syllables generally contains one high-tone accent and one or more 
middle-tone accents. The high-tone accent is most frequently found 
on the first or second syllable, although it has occurred in others. 
The material at our disposal does not justify any further conclusions. 
The Quileute accentual system cannot be studied from texts without 
the additional information of how each word behaves in different 
contexts. 

31. On the whole it may be said that accent is not a fixed element 
of Quileute morphemes, but that it is associated rather mth the 
composite word formed by whatever morphemes may be combined 
into one unit in a given sentence. However, certain observations 
lead us to think that some accentual types, in spite of their shifts 
and modifications, are etymologically determined. We could not 
account otherwise for the fact that a word which appears with 
pattern No. 9, for example, could not be pronounced with the melo- 
dy of pattern No. 10, since the position of the stress and that of the 
long and short vowels are identical in both patterns. The same holds 
true for patterns Nos. 3 and 4, or 5 and 6. Moreover, there are 
certain morphemes which require the middle-tone accent almost 
invariably, regardless of whatever other accents may precede or 
follow. Others, which consist of one single consonant require the 
the middle-tone accent on the preceding vowel. It is possible that 
these fixed accents serve as pivots upon which the accentual 
pattern of the word must find its rhythmic equihbrium, either by 
shifting or by passing from one type of accent to the other, but no 
definite conclusions can be reached with any degree of confidence 
from the material that has been collected. If there are any prin- 
ciples governing the distribution of accents within the word, they 
must be very complex. The following morphemes have been found 
with a fixed accent: the objective pronouns, the suffix -i" which 
expresses momentaneous action with intransitive verbs ; the adverb 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 171 

-qwa' (or -qwa-'), well, very much; the sign of the inceptive aspect 
-'c; the future of the first and second persons -" (a glottal stop with 
an accent on the preceding vowel); and a suffix expressing con- 
templated or inferred future action -'I. A few examples with the 
indirect object pronoun of the first person may suffice to illustrate 
this fixity of accent : 

liiwo-s-ta'xas, he brought it to me 

hd.kutlas-ta' xax^, he (invisible person) is bringing it to me 

qwdqwae'c-kola's-ta'Utc, you are surprising me continually 

he.sta'litc, you gave it to me 

It should be born in mind, however, that there are exceptions to the 
rules governing the position of such accents. Emphasis on one element 
of a given composite word may alter its usual accentual pattern. 
We may speak of prevalent tendencies, but not of fixed principles. 

The only morphemes which are constantly found with the high- 
tone accent are the formal bases (Sec. 48), and the negative e\ 
These morphemes appear with a short vowel, with a long one, or 
with a dieresis, depending chiefly on the following consonants. As a 
rule, the dieresis is not used before affricatives. When the affricative 
is glottaUzed, and hence (Sec. 40) the preceding vowel ends with a 
glottal closure, these morphemes are found with short vowels, as in 
d'f'cit, chief; he t' sit, when. Their pitch remains constant and con- 
forms mth patterns Nos. 2, 5, 8, 11, or 12, depending on the length 
of the accented vowel or on the pressence of another accent. In 
regard to the negative e'- we are hardly justified in speaking of 
accent, since it is a monosyllable. However, its high-tone is constant, 
and distinguishes it from e", yes, which is always pronounced with 
a low-tone. Is is only in this particular instance that Quileute can 
be said to be a tone language like Chinese, Ewe, and others. 

Three morphemes are invariably found with the low-tone in 
determined positions. The applicative classifier (Sec. 85) e- is used 
instead of -i when affixed to an unaccented monosyllabic mor- 
pheme. The element -a, which denotes a durative or continuative 
aspect, appears with the low-tone (d'J when final. In the same 
position, -wa, which indicates direction of motion or analogous 
meanings is always found with the same type of accent. 

PHONETIC STRUCTURE. 

32. Any one consonant may be the initial of a word. More words 
begin with q, q\ k, k', ts, t's, tc, t'c than with any other consonant. 
Only three words have been found with initial tl. More than one 
consonant as initials occur only in the word speMq, exactly. The 
use of no more than one initial consonant is confined to the word. 
Thus we find that affixable elements may begin with the sounds 



172 ANDRADE QtriLEtJTE 

qt, ql, qc, qp, qlt, tq, tq", tk, tcx, sp, sd, sk, st, st', sq sq'w, Iq, Ik, Ik'w. 
But even here we notice that the combinations are limitted in 
number and in kind. There are only five instances of two plosives in 
direct contact, and in four of them q is one of the sounds, while in 
the fifth one, tk, the plosive may have a postpalatal point of contact. 
In regard to the other combinations, we find that s and I combine 
more readily with any consonant than any other sound, whether 
initial, final, or medial. 

33. AH the consonants have been found as finals, excepting p,p\ 
More than two final consonants in direct contact have been met 
with only in the word tsaqotca'qlx, it is impossible. Even two ter- 
minal consonants are not very frequent. The following have been 
observed: tq, tx, ks, kc, kt'c, kl, ql, sk, sx, st'c. Is, W, tsk', tsl, tcx. 

34. Combinations of more than two consonants between two 
vowels are rare. The following, which were brought about by the 
union of two morphologic elements are the only ones which have 
been found: ksx, qlt, qst, qlx, qfx. Itx. A glottahzed consonant is 
never followed by any other consonant. Two plosives seldom come 
together. The following have occurred : tq, tq", tk, kt, qp, qt. In most 
of the other medial sequences we find that fricatives and affricatives 
predominate, the voiceless I being by far the one that enters into 
the greatest number of combinations. The following is a list of 
normal sequences: 

bs 
ptc 

kl, kt's, kc 

ql, qd, qt'l, qt's, qs, qc 

sp (rare), sq, sl, sd, stc, st, sl, sq'"; sx 

ck, ck", ct, cl 

xl, xk", xts, xt', xtc (the same combinations are possible with x) 

tsq, tsk', tsl, tsx, tsk, tsk" 

tcq, tcx, tcs, tct 

II 

It's, Ik", Ik, II, Iq, iq', Ix, Is, It, Itc, Ip, Ik', It', Id 

t.l, td, tx 



35. Our observations on the phonetic structure include the fre- 
quency with which certain vowels occur before and after determined 
consonants. The utility of such a study will, perhaps, appear more 
evident in the discussion of phonetic contact, and in the treatment 
of the connecting vowels (Sees. 36, 37), but it also throws some 
light on the divergences of vocalic quality due to consonantal 
contact (Sees. 10 — 17). The tendency for certain vowels to appear 
in contact with determined consonants is most marked when a 
single consonant stands between two vowels. In such situations 
the vowels e, i, appear more frequently in contact with the con- 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



173 



sonants which are articulated with the tip of the tongue in contact 
with or near the front teeth or gums, while a-sounds occur most 
frequently when the tongue recedes from this position for the 
articulation of the consonant. A similar tendency is manifested in 
the vowels of initial and final syllables, but not to the same extent. 
The following is a tabulation of 3097 instances of single consonants 
between two vowels, which occurred in 2467 unanalyzable in- 
dependent words and in stems and suffixes of two or more syllables. 
Two examples may suffice to illustrate how the three sounds in- 
volved in each situation have been tabulated. A word containing 
such a sequence as -iwa- is recorded as one occurrence in column 2, 
Une 2; where we find a total of 24 like cases. The opposite vocalic 
sequence with the same consonant (-awi-) has occurred 12 times, 
as shown in column 4, line 2. 



Second vowel 


a 


e, i 


0, u 


No. of 


First vowel 


a 


e, i 


0, u 


a 


6, i 


0, u 


a 


e, i 


0, u 


eases 


b, p, p' 


26 


19 


6 


20 


11 


5 


3 


2 


4 


96 


w 


92 


24 


9 


12 


4 


21 


13 


4 


15 


194 


d, t, V 


85 


29 


11 


72 


60 


5 


16 


6 


11 


295 


8, c 


41 


54 


6 


73 


67 


18 


17 


9 


6 


291 


ts, fs 


32 


49 


10 


78 


70 


15 


14 


18 


9 


295 


tc, fc 


15 


39 


12 


41 


30 


12 


15 


9 


12 


185 


I 


60 


45 


15 


28 


23 


16 


8 


6 


4 


205 


I 


43 


54 


13 


52 


89 


30 


11 


24 


7 


323 


tl, t'l 


11 


8 


2 


13 


11 


4 


10 


13 


5 


77 


y 


21 


58 


9 


32 


30 


14 


11 


8 


6 


189 




102 


44 


22 


50 


29 


15 


27 


13 


20 


322 


q, q\ X 


173 


44 


21 


15 


26 


6 


17 


8 


35 


345 




107 


14 


35 


10 


55 


2 


8 


6 


43 


280 



Doubtless, inferences from computations of this nature should be 
made with extreme caution, since we are deahng with a number of 
unknown factors. We should not regard as significant, for example, 
the fact that in 62.5% of the instances in which I is preceded by a 
it is also followed by the same vowel. In the total number of 5,894 
vowels found in the elements tabulated, we find a in 45%; e, i in 
38%; o, u in 17% of all cases. On this basis the sequence ala 
might be expected among 120 cases 54 times (observed 60); al-e, i 
46 times (observed 45); al-o, u 20 times (observed 15). These devia- 
tions are not significant. On the other hand we cannot attribute to 
mere chance the fact that, when a velar is preceded by a, it is also 
followed by a. Among 238 cases we might expect a-a 107 times 
(observed 173); a-e, i 90 times (observed 44); a-o, u 41 times (ob- 
served 21). The tendency of the sequence a velar a is most marked in 
the combinations aqa, aq'a. axa, but it is rather evident with any 
other vowel and a velar, and to a less extent with the k-series. We 



174 ANDRADE QXJILEUTE 

do not mention the glottal stop in this connection because of the 
various factors which may possibly be involved (Sees. 9, 37). Since 
the assimilation of any vowel to the one preceding a velar takes 
place in determined conditions between two morphologic elements 
(Sec. 39), the above observations may indicate that we are deahng 
with a general principle, which may have played an important part 
in the history of the language. Among other sequences which have 
occurred with a rather high ratio of frequency are: awa, si, se, 
tsi, tse, tci, tee, ka, xa. Future comparative work may, perhaps, 
reveal whether or not this tendency of certain vowels to appear 
after determined consonants has any bearing on such vocahc 
correspondences as, Nootka -wi (beach), Quileute -wa; N. t'ca 
(water), Q. -fsi; N. tlukw (big), Q. tce-k:"; N. t'soqw (hit), Q. tsex. 
Chemakum ksuk- (to die), Q. fciq-; Ch. tcina'n-o" (dog), Q. kadtdo' ; 
Ch. fso- (water), Q. -t'si. 

PHONETIC PROCESSES. 

36. We shall consider here the phonetic phenomena which are 
due to affixation. The phonetic modifications observed within the 
structure of the morphologic element have been dealt with in 
previous sections. As a rule, the sounds which constitute a morpho- 
logic element suffer no changes in affixation. In some situations even 
direct contact is avoided. This separation, which is effected by the 
insertion of vowels or the glottal stop, may be regarded in some 
instances as a tendency to avoid consonantal sequences which do 
not occur in the phonetic structure of the language, (Sees. 32 — 34), 
but in many instances the insertion of such sounds takes place 
between some of the most frequent sequences. On the whole this 
phenomenon seems to be of a morphologic natm-e. There are, 
however, various irregularities, which we may assume to depend 
on the meaning or function of the morpheme. Morphemes which 
can be readily translated by our nouns, verbs or adverbs are more 
regularly kept apart than those which perform pm-ely grammatical 
functions. 

37. If we disregard these irregularities, we can formulate the three 
following rules: (1) AVhen one morphologic element is affixed to 
another, we find direct contact without insertions or modifications 
only when a consonant and a vowel come together. (2) The fusion 
of two vowels is prevented by inserting a glottal stop. (3) The 
contiguity of two consonants is avoided by inserting the vowels 
a, i(e), which we shall call connecting vowels, or by using the 
vocalic form of certain suffixes (Sec. 38). The choice of a, e or i 
seems to be determined mainly by the preceding consonant. There 
is a distinct tendency to use a after k, q, q', x, x, w; and to insert 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 175 

i OT e before and after s, c, ts (cf. Sec. 35). A situation in which two 
tendencies confhct, as when one element ends with k and the next 
one begins with s or c, is disposed of in various irregular ways, one 
of which is to insert no vowel if the consonantal sequence is per- 
missible. The following observation may be of interest: The word 
for school is kitlxa'ositi, which is an imitation of the English pro- 
nunciation of school-house, with the addition of the suffix -ti, 
meaning "house" and the insertion of the connecting vowel i. 
Phonetically, the connecting vowel seems unnecessary, because the 
sequence -st- wdthin a word is quite common. There can be no doubt 
that in this instance the vowel i does not belong to either element, 
and that its insertion is due to a morphologic principle. 

It is often impossible to determine whether a given vowel has 
been inserted in accordance with the above rules or whether it 
belongs etymologically to the following element. We find, for 
example, that the suffix which expresses causation has the form 
-its after s, ts, w, but after any other consonant -ats is used. After 
a vowel we find -ts for the same morpheme. In this case various 
explanations seem equally reasonable, but at least after the vowel o 
we may be fairly certain that its form is -ts, since the identity of 
the element o indicating location is quite clear. From the frequent 
occvirrence of the vowel a before this element, we might infer that 
its primary form is -ats, and that the a is changed to i under the 
influence of the preceding consonants, but then we cannot account 
for the form -ts after a vowel, considering that the normal process 
in such cases (Sec. 37) would be to retain the form -ats and insert 
a glottal stop between the vowel of the preceding element and the 
a of -ats. 

38. Owing to the regularity with which some suffixes appear 
preceded by i or a, as in the above instance, we may consider these 
vowels as integral parts of these suffixes, which for some unknown 
reason resist phonetic contact influences in some situations, and 
disappear only when in contact with other vowels. Such is clearly 
the case with -at, which expresses continued activity; -ic, meaning 
to become or used as the sign of an inceptive aspect of action; -il, 
which expresses immediate or purposive future action; and also 
aU the pronouns hsted with two forms (Sec. 67). We may illustrate 
these various contact processes by contrasting different words 
which contain the same elements: 

1. lasdtsas, he broke it (las-, to break; -a-, classifier (Sec. 85); -ts-, causative 

(Sec. 104); -as, he) This example is given to introduce the elements 
-ats and -as in contact with each other, as a basis for the next 
example. 

2. Ids-atsi'tas, he is going to break it. (-il-, immediate or purposive future 

action. The other elements as in example 1. This instance seems to 
define the form of the element -il- since it appears between the two 



176 ANDRADE QXJILEITTE 

elements -ats and -as of the preceding example. In the following 
example -il- becomes -1-. 

3. kol-os^wo'Hi, I am going to put you inside, (kol-, to place; -o-, classi- 

fier for location; -s""wo-, object pronoun; -1-, as in example 2; -li, 
subject pronoun). For the long duration of the I see section 25. 

4. dq-so'^at, he is on the roof, (aq-, to be on top of; -so-, roof; for the w-glide 

between o and a see Sec. 43 ; -at, continued action or condition. No 
pronoun is used for the subject in this instance. 

5. dq-so^ata'qlti, he feels at ease on the roof, (dq-so^at-, as in example 4; 

-a-, connecting vowel or part of the suffix -qlti, to do something 
easily. The connecting vowel disappears in the following example. 

6. he.qlti, expert, one who does something without much effort, (he-, formal 

base (Sec. 48); for the dieresis between the stem and the suffix see 
Sec. 24. 

7. tsil-a'd-, he is pushing, (tsil-, to push; -a-, classifier as in examples 1 

and 2; -d-, durative aspect, separated from the preceding vowel as 
explained in Sec. 39). 

8. tci' i'ld-titc, that which you were doing, (tci', demonstrative; i'l-, to be 

busy, to be active in; -a--, durative, as in example 7; showing 
that the glottal stop in example 7 does not belong to the -d--. 

9. kVta's-wali'l-as, he is going to send it to him. (ki'ta-, to go; -s-, causative 

(Sec. 104); -swa-, indirect object pronoun; -l-, verbal classifier 
(Sec. 93); -l-as, as in example 2. 

10. xeko.tipili'l-as, he is going to shut the door, (xek^, to shut; -tip-, door; 

-i-, connecting vowel; -1-, as in example 9.) 

11. xeho.ti'p-as, he shut the door. (All the elements have been explained i) 

example 10. Notice the absence of the connecting vowel after -tip-.TO. 

39. Contrary to the prevalent tendency to preserve intact the 
different morphologic elements, we find a process of assimilation, 
whereby a vowel affixed to an element ending in q, x or the glottal 
stop is replaced by the sound of the preceding vowel, e. g. : 

kd.dedo'o'c, it became a dog. (kade-do\ dog; -ic, to become) 
po.oqo'c, it became a human being (pod-q, human being, Indian) 
k'wd.ya'a'c, it became water. (k'wd-ya\ water) 
eci'c, it increased (ec, much) 

40. Vowels generally end with a glottal closure when a glottaUzed 
af fricative or glottahzed velar foUows, or occasionally when k' is 
affixed to a vowel. This happens more regularly when the contact is 
due to suf fixation, but it occurs also in unanalyzable morphemes. 
In the following examples this phenomenon was caused by suffixa- 
tion: 

MH^sis, when he, if he. (he-, initial formative (Sec. 48); -fs-, occasion, event; 

-is, or -as, he). 
Vld'k'wal, it broke, (but fldba-xa'l, he broke it). 
bix-a'a"t'sa, little flower (bixa'd-, flower; -fsa, diminutive). 
hetkuli't'ca'yo'li, I imagme I am sick (he, formal base; -tkul-, sick; -i'-, 

connecting vowel with the glottal catch due to the following glottalized 

affricative; -t'cayo', to talk out of one's imagination, to report a rumor; 

-li, subject pronoiin). 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 177 

41. The converse of the above process has been observed in the 
use of the suffix -ts, to make, which becomes glottaHzed after a 
glottal stop, e. g. : 

tf'kwa\ rope; te-'kwaH^sis, he made a rope 
tcatci", it flew; tcatci'H''sia, he made it fly. 

42. A glottal stop is produced by the presence of a middle-tone 
accent on a final vowel. A reduction of the normal duration of such 
vowels is quite noticeable. That this glottal stop is produced by 
the accent is evident from the constant recurrence of such situations, 
and from the fact that suffixation, with a consequent shift of the 
accent makes such glottal stops disappear. This phenomenon takes 
place with more frequence at the end of a sentence. E. g.: 

base", bad; bd.sedi'sfcli, I have a bad hat 
kd^ayo", crow; ka'ayoxa'li, I eat crow (meat) 
tcatci", it flew; tcd.tcili'l, it is going to fly 

43. Between a palatal or a velar consonant and a vowel, o and u 
become w. For example: ce-'qol, he is pulhng {-o is a classifier, 
Sec. 85); ce'qwats, he jerked (the suffix -ats is used for a sudden 
action). If other consonants precede the o or u, these vowels do not 
change to w, but a w-ghde is heard between them and the following, 
as in examples 4 and 5 in Section 38. 

The proximity of o, u, or w influences the quaUty of an i-sound 
in the preceding morphologic element to the extent that we hear a 
quahty which is very similar to that of the French u in "tu". Since 
this phenomenon does not take place regularly in the pronunciation 
of all individuals, it has seemed advisable to use the symbol 11 
whenever such instances occur. Examples : 

yii'x-o, this one here (yix-o, demonstrative and locative) 

uxwa"Vso\ animal. 

liiwd-, he carried to a definite place; but liwe-l, he carried away. 



MORPHOLOGY. 

44. Some of the terms generally used in the analysis of morphology 
are not adequate to present the structure of the Quileute language 
in the proper jJerspective. It has seemed advisable, therefore, to 
deviate from estabUshed usage in some aspects of our presentation. 
In so far as it is feasible, the plan of the present analysis will be 
based on morphologic facts. Function wiU be discussed coincidently 
with the form that performs it, or in subdivisions of the general 
morphologic scheme. 

The morphologic elements of the Quileute language may be 
divided into three classes : 

12 



178 ANDRADE QUILEUTE 

1. Initial -morphemes^. Their characteristic feature is that they 
must occupy the first position in a composite word. In by far the 
majority of cases they require at least one suffix to form a word. 
Some of them can be used without affixes when they function as 
quahfiers (Sec. 124). 

2. Postpositive morphemes. These can never occupy the first 
position in the word, but must always be affixed to their coordinates 
or to the elements of the other two classes. 

3. Free morphemes. In most cases these elements appear without 
affixes, but some of them permit the suffixation of postpositive 
morphemes to modify their meaning. 

From these definitions one might infer that the classical terms 
stem and suffix would be quite apphcable. In fact, they would be 
suitable with minor modifications in their definition, were it not 
for their non-morphologic connotations^. When we consider the 
semantic and grammatical functions performed by these Quileute 
elements, the inadequacy of the usual terms becomes patent. This 
point may be more readily elucidated by borrowing the nomem- 
clature of Sapir's classification of grammatical concepts^. The term 
root or radical or stem suggests not only the morphological fact 
that it serves as a basis for affixation, but also that it expresses 
"basic concepts" in Sapir's sense. But the Quileute initial mor- 
phemes, though they generally express "basic concepts", they may 
occasionally be so void of concrete meaning (in so far as we can 
express it in English words) that they may be characterized as 
conveying "pure relational concepts." Furthermore, the elements 
of class 2 can express the same "basic concepts" that we associate 
with roots or radicals. Again, the term suffix connotes the ex- 
pression of "relational concepts" or "derivational conceits", but 
the Quileute postpositive morphemes very often express such 
"basic concepts" as hat, canoe, roof. For the sake of brevity we 
shall often use the term suffix referring to these Quileute elements, 
but it is to be understood only in its morphologic sense. 

' I use the term morpheme as defined by Bloomfield in language, II, 3, 
1926, p. 155. In the use of the term free for the third class of Quileute 
morphemes, there is a slight departure from Bloomfield's definition. It 
has seemed preferable, however, to make this modification, rather than to 
introduce a new term. The forms of class 1 are generally bound and those of 
class 2 are always bound, in Bloomfield's sense. In contrast with these, the 
forms of the third class are free in most of the cases in which they occur. 
But my use of the term free does not refer exclusively to the specific 
instances in which the form is free, but to the possibility of using it thus 
(without any suffixes). 

^ "La racine indique le sens general du mot, le suffixe en precise la valeur. . . " 
Meillet: Introduction k I'etude comparative des langues indo-europ^ennes, 
Paris, 1924, p. 116. 

^ Sapir: l.-^nguaoe, New York, 1921, p. 106. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 179 

45. In contrast with the above restrictions governing form, we 
find that there is considerable freedom in regard to the function 
which the three classes of morphemes can perform. Most of the 
morphemes may be used as nouns or as verbs, provided their 
function is indicated by the proper suffixes. It is not infrequent, 
however, to find words whose function is determined only by their 
position in the sentence or by the presence or absence of proclitic 
demonstratives. Considering the meaning of the morphemes, we 
observe that the words which we should classify as adjectives in 
Indo-European languages are identical in their morphology and 
syntax with the Quileute verbs. This applies even to the numerals 
(Sec. 118). In the freedom with which various functions are per- 
formed by the morphemes, we note that it is more common to 
form nouns with elements whose meanings we should regard as 
primarily verbal, than to form verbs by the reverse process. In fact, 
Quileute has a decided predilection for nominahzing morphologic 
composites which contain the characteristic verbal suffixes. Only 
a few examples will be given here to illustrate some permutations 
of function, others wiU be found elsewhere (Sees. 55, 56, 66, 122). 

yix tsoxo" laki'^ ye' de'q^deq', the hunters lost the duck, (yix, demonstrative, 
subjective case; tsoxo", hunt, generally used as a verb; lahi'\ lost; 
.ye', demonstrative, oblique case; de'q^deq\ duck.) 

ki'e-tasa'l tso-xole'c deq'de'q'a'al, they went hvmting for ducks. (The first 
word means "to be moving about"; in the second word we have the 
same free morpheme as in the preceding example, plus the element 
-I (Sec. 93), and the sign of the inceptive aspect; the last word means 
"duck" as in the preceding example, but here we find it with the verbal 
classifier -a, and the postpositive morpheme -al, meaning to go 
after.) 

sdkfcaq^ x" sa'kVcit, put on an eagle feather. (We notice here the initial 
morpheme sakt'c- used as a verb meaning to don an eagle feather with 
the verbal classifier -a, and the postpositive morpheme -g", on or at a 
place ; the same initial morpheme being used as a noun after the indefin- 
ite demonstrative x", with the nominalizer -it.) 

yix te- tcd''abd'a"fot\ the grandparents who were inside; literally: the inside 
grandparents. (The element te- means house, inside the house or where one 
dwells, yix as in the first example, -fof is a special possessive used with 
kinship words, meaning some one's. 

te- axu. Stay inside, (te- as in the preceding example ; axu, a special pronoun 
for the second person singular in the imperative. 

yix M'a;wafo''to'te-, the shaman's house, u' xwalo-'la' , free morpheme meaning 
shaman, yix and te- as in the preceding examples. 

yix hffol, those who had gathered, hffol, to be together; composed of the 
initial element he, with practically no semantic value (Sec. 51), and the 
postpositive -ol, to be together. For the glottal catch see Sec. 39. 

hffol, he accompanied him. (The pronouns he and him are under- 
stood.) 



180 ANDRADE QmLETJTE 

INITIAL MORPHEMES. 

46. The majority of the initial morphemes are monosyllabic. In 
isolating these morphemes we meet with the difficulty that they 
are always accompanied by suffixes, the latter being in most cases 
the applicative classifiers (Sec. 85). Since there are considerable 
irregularities in the use of the classifiers, it is impossible to discover 
in many cases whether such a vowel belongs to the initial element 
or is affixed to it. Notwithstanding, we may be fairly certain, that 
the majority of the initial morphemes are of the following types^: 
VC, CV, CVC, the last tjrpe being the most prevalent. There are 
no instances of initial morphemes represented by a single vowel or 
consonant. 

47. Certain obviously compounded- morphemes can be analyzed 
into simpler elements, although we cannot ascertain the meaning 
of aU their components. For a few groups of such morphemes we 
can find a general concept which will be common to all the instances 
in which one of the components occurs, but the others remain 
obscure, as they have not been foimd in other combinations. Thus 
we notice in the following examples that the element la occurs in a 
number of words implying motion, and that t'co is associated with 
the concept of eiid or point, but no information is available on the 
meaning of the other elements. 

la'o-, to walk t'co-, end 

lato-, to cross fcod, arrow-head 

lak-, to come out Vcoq"', foot 

laq'- to chase away t'cos, nose 
tala'o-, to run 

It may be of interest to note in this connection that a number of 
Quileute words have some syllables in common with those which we 
may assume to be their Chemakum cognates, but they appear 
arranged in a different order or combined with other elements which 
are not common to the two languages : 



Quileute 


Chemakiun 




tala'o 


lata- 


to run 


ha-'deqwa 


kahaqwa 


salmon 


d'lotg 


akutq 


sealing canoe 


wesa't''sopat 


kimf sosapat 


woman 



FORMAL BASES. 

48. As remarked above (Sec. 44) the postpositive morphemes can 
never occupy the first position in the word or be used by themselves. 
We shall see in Sec. 64 that though apparently the same meaning 
can be expressed in many cases either by a postpositive morpheme 

^ The symbol V stands for any vowel, and C for any consonant. 

- We refer here to the history of the morpheme; not to its present structure. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 181 

or by a free morpheme, it is possible that the two kinds of mor- 
phemes are seldom synonymous. Thus, for example, our word hat 
can be expressed by the free morpheme tsiyd.pus^ or by the post- 
positive -dist'c, but the latter can also refer to a cap or to some 
kinds of head-dress, if no specific hat has been mentioned in the 
context. Naturally, the postpositive -dist'c appears generally 
together with another morpheme which expresses some other 
meaning, as hd't'cidist'cit, good hat, or t'labd-xadist'ci"ili, I shall 
smash the hat. What happens, then, when such a generic concept 
as conveyed by -dist'c has to be expressed by itself as a word ? In 
such situations the semantic demands are fulfilled without violating 
the morphologic restrictions. The postpositive -dist'c remains 
postponed, but it is postponed to an initial morpheme whose mean- 
ing approaches zero. We may thus say o'dist'cit, where the morpheme 
6- conveys a very general idea of location, and the suffix -it indicates 
that the word functions as a noun. There are three of these substi- 
tutes for the initial morphemes, a'-, he-, 6-, which we shall call 
formal bases. The above example illustrates only one of the several 
situations in which it is necessary to use a postpositive without a 
meaningful initial element; other instances will be found in the 
following sections. 

49. The phonetic character of the formal bases is rather constant. 
Their high-tone accent may be considered as one of their normal 
featvires, since it is disturbed only in rare instances, presumably, 
by such factors as the duration of the following vowels and by the 
proximity of the other high pitch accents. The duration of their 
vowels is not so fixed. The vowel of he- is prolonged only in a few 
sporadic instances, but 6- is often long, and a'- drops the glottal 
stop in many cases and the vowel is then prolonged. It is very 
difficult to predict in what phonetic situations these variations take 
place, but it seems probable that they respond exclusively to 
phonetic influences. When the glottal stop is retained in d'-, a 
voiceless reproduction of the vowel a is heard after the glottal 
release, but in careful pronunciation it may become fuUy voiced. 
When insisted upon, the native is generally in doubt as to whether 
it should be voiced or unvoiced (cf. Sees. 9, 24). 

50. It may not be altogether fortuituous that these three forma- 
tives are parallel in their vocalic sounds to the apphcative classifiers 
(Sec. 85), and that the use of d' is as irregular as that of the classifier 
-a-, while he- has many points of contact with -e (-i), and 6- and the 
classifier -o agree in their connotations of location. This correspond- 
ence may indicate simply an etymological connection between the 
two series of elements, the nature of which we cannot determine. 
Disregarding this possible historical relation between the two series, 
1 Perhaps of French origin. 



182 ANDRADB QmLBTTTE 

and attending to their present functions, we may say that the 
formal bases classify all the words in which they occur into three 
classes, which correspond in their main outHne to those distin- 
guished by the three classifiers, -a, -e (-i), -o; namely, in the o- 
class we find words which refer to objects or actions which can be 
confined to a more or less definite location. Hence, the names of 
practically aU the parts of the body appear with the formative 
0-. There are very few initial or free morphemes that serve as names 
for such parts. The formative M- introduces verbs which refer 
mainly to actions in which localization is irrelevant, and which on 
the whole seem to be directed to a specific object; however, only 
by a stretch of the imagination could we find such concepts in many 
verbs formed with he-. As to nouns, we find that most of those which 
occur with he- are artifacts designed, as most artifacts are, for 
specific purposes. The formative a'- appears in a variety of nouns 
whose meanings cannot be logically embraced by any general 
concept. Postpositive morphemes whose meanings we cannot 
definitely classify either as nouns or verbs are always affixed to 
he-. Examples of typical, and irregvilar uses of these formatives are: 

, mouth hetcsida't, to swim 

ot'a-'yat, arm heH'sexat, fishing line 

otcqe-dit, belly he.ya"at, arrow-feather 

■la'yo\ sound, noise hetkul, to be sick 

H^cowo'H^sit, sky Jie.lac, to eat 

•qale'k, to arrive he.swa, to give 

6-sit, roof he.tac, to catch 

d-lita", fish 
d'saya't, meat 
d^lotq, sealing-canoe 
d-qlti, expert 
dtca^A-, yonder 
d-xuyo", box, pot 

It might seem that these formatives, he- 6-, a-, could be regarded 
as prefixes. On such an assumption we should have to say that 
these prefixes appear only before suffixes (postpositive morphemes) 
when the latter function as stems (to use the classical word). But 
we also notice that they are never prefixed to any morpheme which 
can be regularly used as a "stem". This last observation is in- 
compatible with the usual acceptation of the term prefix, and the 
former introduces a strong element of doubt in the fact that a prefix 
should be used only when a suffix acts as a stem. Considering the 
regularity with which the postpositive morphemes occiu- after other 
elements and never as the first element in the word, and considering, 
further, the fact that no other Quileute elements can be regarded as 
prefixes, it seems more reasonable to conclude that the formal bases 
serve as substitutes for "stems", and that the language has no 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 183 

prefixes. Further corroboration will be found in Sec. 55, if we con- 
sider the meaning of some of the elements that can be suffixed to 
these formal stems. 

51. There are many words with d' or a- for their initial sound, from 
which their presumably affixed elements cannot be separated. In 
the case of dissyllables we may be fairly certain that this initial 
vowel is a formal base, since the high-tone accent is of very rare 
occurrence in words of two syllables, unless they be compounded. 
Thus, the words d'xit, mountain; d'fcit, rich man, chief; abeyat, 
ocean canoe; d'fco, to he beside some one; and others, are dealt 
with as though they were indissoluble units, owing, perhaps, to the 
fact that the postpositive elements have lost their morphologic 
independence, and consequently are no longer understood if 
deprived of their initial syllable. This is clearly the case with the 
word for slave, d-woqo'l, whose distributive plural may be formed by 
substituting tci' for d'- (tciwoqo'l), but the element -woqol cannot 
be affixed to any other morpheme. However, most of the post- 
positives which occur with the formal base d'- may be suffixed to 
other morphemes, as illustrated by the following examples: 

ot'a'yat, hand 

a'Va'yat, branch of a tree 

a'(f'si'yat, small branch 

tci.las-i'cf'siyas, it has six small branches 

d'lotq, sealing-canoe (generic term) 
helotq, a definite sealing-canoe 

d-lax, to be eating (in answer to the question "What is he doing ?") 
helax, to be eating (the food already mentioned) 

d-tca'd-, yonder 

6-tca'd-, there (at a comparatively short distance) 

heqlti, expert (referring to a specific person) 
d-qlti, expert (referring to the qualifications) 

d-lita", fish 
he.lita'a"fso', sea-food 

52. So far, we have regarded the elements d'-, he-, 6-, mainly as 
morphologic devices, although we have also pointed out that they 
classify words into three vaguely definable groups. We may now 
note some facts which indicate that the semantic value of these 
elements is not always as near zero as may appear from the preced- 
ing discussion. In the examples given above (Sec. 51), we notice 
that in some instances a word buUt with the formative he- has a 
more specific meaning than when d'- is used. Similarly, we may say 



184 ANDRADE QXTILEUTB 

d-da"adal, he talked, but M.da"adal, he talked about it (the matter 
just mentioned). We may infer from these instances that he- has a 
demonstrative force, since reference to context is doubtless a 
characteristic demonstrative function. However, this shift from 
a'- to he- cannot always be made, and besides, the number of words 
which appear with the formative o'- is rather limited. No such 
shifts have occurred between d'- and 6-, or between he- and o-, but 
we observe certain connections between these elements and others 
whose fimctions are definitly demonstrative, as will be shown in the 
following sections, and also a definite demonstrative function 
performed by he- and o-, when they do not serve as formal bases 
(Sec. 56). All these facts may indicate that at least two of the initial 
formatives (he- and 6-) were at one time demonstratives, but we 
are not justified in concluding that they perform at present any 
demonstrative fmiction in the majority of the cases in which they 
occur. The instances cited above and those which follow (Sec. 56) 
may be vestiges of their original character. We find further that all 
the demonstratives may be used before the words formed with 
these elements which we suspect to have been demonstratives 
originally. This is, perhaps, a conclusive proof that they have no 
demonstrative value in such cases, particularly, if we notice that 
when he- is used as an independent demonstrative (Sec. 56) it refers 
to something that is present, but when it appears as an initial 
formative, the word may be preceded by demonstratives with the 
opposite meaning. For example: hd't'cik'e'tat means a good fishing 
equipment. The analj'sis of this word is: hd't'c-, initial morpheme 
meaning good; -i-, connecting vowel between the consonantal 
sequence fc-F; -k'ef, postpositive morpheme meaning equipment; 
-at, postpositive morpheme indicating that the word is used as a 
noun (if it were a verb it would be M't'cik'e't-as, it is a good equip- 
ment). Now, if we wish to say simply equipment, the postpositive 
-k'et is affixed to the initial formative he-, and we have he.k'e'tat. 
This he- cannot have any demonstrative value, because we may say 
yix he.k'e'tat, the or that equipment (just mentioned in the con- 
text); xwa' he.k'e't-at, that equipment (which I know of only by 
hearsay); tci' he.k'e'f-at, the or that equipment (which is not present, 
nor mentioned in context, but known by direct experience to the 
speaker as weU as the listener); or we may. hkewise, use the de- 
monstrative a:" to refer to an equipment that the speaker just 
thought of, as in "Has he an equipment ?" Other examples are QT. 
18:11; 19:3; 19:16; 30:8; 34:39. 

53. The three elements d'-, he-, 6-, are not the only ones which 
may serve as formal bases. A Umited number of words have been 
found in which the same office is performed by the morpheme 
ilxwa, which means some, any, that (indefinite thing) when used 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 185 

independently as a demonstrative. There has also occurred in the 
texts, though in very rare cases, that the same function is performed 
by another demonstrative, xwa\ meaning the, this, that (referring 
to something absent at the moment and known only by hearsay). 
In such cases, the informants were ready to substitute he- or ilxwa- 
for xwa', but the latter could not be used to form other words. 
The following are pratically aU the words in which a postpositive 
morpheme has been affixed to uxwa: 

u'xwalo-'la\ shaman 
iixwa'kusil, dream 
iixwa'^ q' ol, potlatch 
iixwa'tcaql, to be pregnant 
iixwa'lk'ival, to give birth 
uxwa"afso\ animal 
■iixwa'te-lit, to hunt big game 
uxwa"at'at, a wound 
iixwa't'owa, small pox 
u' xwaqawo-'l-xal, to inform 

54. All the formal bases are replaced by the form tci' to express 
distributed plurality in nouns, and iterative or continued action in 
verbs. These functions are regularly performed by redupHcation 
when the words are not built with the initial formatives. This 
element tci is identical in form with the demonstrative that refers 
to an object that is not present, but is known by previous, direct 
experience (Sec. 114). Examples are: 

u'xwalo-'la\ shaman tci'Uo-'la\ shamans 

uxwa'^q'ol, potlatch tci'aq'o'l, potlatches 

xwd't'ci'sta', bait (just mentioned) tcVfci'sta", baits 

6-laxat, ear tci'laxat, (several person's) ears 

6'feq", head tci't'eq", heads 

he.ya"at, arrow-feather tci'ya"at, arrow-feathers 

hetkula's, he is sick tci'kula's, he is often sick 

d-xuyo", box tciH^uyo", boxes 

55. By means of the formal bases words can be formed with post- 
positive morphemes, however abstract their meaning may be. 
They may thus be brought into prominence in the sentence and 
emphasized, e. g. : 

qala'xal {l)he-'yi{2) heqalitaxa l s e-wala't' he.xat s kole-'yut\ there had already 
been war between the Ozettes and the Quileute. 1, they made war; 
2, the formal base he- with the suffix -^yi (Sec. 130) which expresses 
completion of action or the transition from existence to nonexistence ; 
ordinarily it occurs in the verb, and its office may be compared with 
that of our tense suffixes ; here it appears as an independent word, and 
is strongly emphasized to indicate that this war had already taken 
place. 

he-^atc (1) la (2) ti (3) d^kil (4) liwits-ta' (5), he himself, Bear, made me carry 
it. 1, the formal base with the pronominal suffix for he (when the person 



186 ANDBADE QTJILETJTE 

is not visible) ; in normal conditions this pronoun would be affixed to the 
verb; 2 and 3 enclitic words meaning surely, indeed; 4, bear; 5, (liw- 
i-ts-sta) , initial morpheme meaning to carry, connecting vowel, causative, 
object pronoun. 
yix (1) MH'e-li'et (2) luwo"oqa"a (3), the one by whom they had been taken. 
1, demonstrative (Sec. 109); 2, formal base, followed by the suffix -t'e, 
which indicates instrument or means, formal element -li (Sec. 136), and 
-'e which is another form of 'yi, as in the first example; 3, initial mor- 
pheme liw-, as in the second example, with the change of i to ii due to 
the following o (Sec. 43); -qa, passive voice, -a, modal suffix (Sec. 144). 

See QT. p. 3:17; p. 9:9; p. 13:3, 5, 10, 13, 16; p. 14:7; 15:7; 
12; 16:1. 

56. It may be advisable to discuss here the use of he and o as free 
morphemes, although we may thereby alter the general plan of our 
presentation. As an independent word, he is a verb meaning it is, 
it was, asserting identification, as in many uses of the copula to be. 
Similarly, 6 is equivalent to the verb to be expressing location, 
presence, or like the French "voici, voila", directing the attention 
to the presence of something or somebody. Examples: 

e- (1) Vatca'a' (2) s (3) he- (4) q'wdeti' (5), he did not know that it was Q'wdeti'. 
1, negative; 2, to know; 3, subjunctive pronoun, introducing the sub- 
ordinate clause (Sec. 75); 4, it was; 5, the name of the culture hero. 

he- (1) fciqa'l (2) xe' (3) d'fcit (4), it was he who killed the chief. 1, it was; 
asserts a relation of identity between the person mentioned in the 
context and the subject of this sentence; 2, kill; 3, oblique case of the 
demonstrative; 4, chief. 

6- (1) dd-kil (2) yiluxo- (3) ciqwa-'d-o (4) s (5) tci'beqih (6), there it was when 
the land dried up and they drifted to Chemakum. 1, there it was, 
referring to the place just mentioned; 2, then, therefore; 3, to dry up; 
4, were pulled (by the stream); 5, demonstrative indicating direction of 
motion; 6, Chemakum. 

For Other examples see QT. p. 13:14; p. 14:1; p. 14:10; p. 16:2; 
p. 18:9; p. 18:13; p. 19:13; p. 7:11; 8:3; 8:8; 8:15; 8:31; 8:50; 
9:31; 13:38; 21:7; 21:9; 23:31; 23:20. 



EEDUPLICATION AND INFIXATION. 

57. These two modifications of the initial morphemes or of the free 
morphemes will be discussed together for the following reasons: 
first, if we disregard the possible historical development of Quileute 
infixation from redupHcation, we shall have to say that in many 
words we find both reduphcation and infixation as a single process ; 
secondly, the words which appear with infixes cannot be reduplicat- 
ed; each word has its own particular process; third, though the 
processes differ with the words, the functions performed by the 
processes are identical, excepting the office performed by the infix 
-y, which is always a kind of diminutive. Adhering to the morpholo- 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 187 

gic facts, regardless of what their history may possibly be^, we shall 
call infixation the insertion of any sound that does not appear in 
the morpheme; the term reduplication being Hmited to the repeti- 
tion of one or more sounds found in the morpheme. We find the 
following types : 

Type 1 . Reduplication of the initial consonant and of the follow- 
ing vowel. This is by far the most prevalent type. 
da'q^d-, eye dada"q'o, eyes 

dokVcit, head dodokVcit, heads 

<'a6d-5"s, navel t'd't'abo-q^s, navels 

wek'wa'yo'o'l, mouse wewek'wa'yo'o'l, mice 

Type 2. Reduphcation of the initial vowel of the stem with the 
insertion of a glottal stop : 

d't'cit, rich man, chief d'dH'cit, chiefs 

eca"''q^wa, warrior e'eca"''q'wa, warriors 

ela-'xali, I left him e'ela-'xali, I leave him often 

6-xwal, he carries water 6-^o-'xwal, he carries water often 

d-woqo'l, slave d'awoqo'l, slaves 

Type 3. Reduphcation of the vowel of the first syllable with the 
insertion of a glottal stop : 

bi'b-a'd-, blind man bi'i'b-a'd-, blind men 

xdlatsli, I cut it xd'alatsli, I cut it often, repeatedly 

tsila'tsas, he pushed tsVila'tsas, (iterative) 

ya-'tcoli, I sold it yd'a-tco'U, I sold (several things on 

different occasions) 

Type 4. Reduplication of the initial consonant after the first 
syllable : 

qa-W, he failed qdqle\ frequentative 

tsi'ko, he put it on tsitsko, frequentative 

kwe-'tsa', he is hungry kwe-'kHsa, several people are hungry 

tukd-yo', snow tutk6-yo\ snow here and there 

Type 5. Reduphcation of a consonant and infixation or modifi- 
cation of a vowel: 



•^ It seems quite possible, for example, that in type 5, listed below, we have 
a special development from the more common process of reduplication, 
by modifying the vowel of the reduplicated syllable, though it is also 
possible that this apparently modified vowel represents an older sound of 
the first syllable. But the same may be true even in cases in which the 
infixes -s- and -ts- appear. It is conceivable that these consonants represent 
or developed from old initial consonants in these words. It would be 
arbitrary to draw a line between these two types of infixation just because 
we can more easily account for one than for the other. These possible 
etymological connections should be noted, but they do not affect the 
morphologic fact that at the present time this language has infixes, accord- 
ing to our definition. If the term infix is not restricted to the morphologic 
fact, we may question that there are infixes in most of the languages in 
which this grammatical process is said to exist. 



188 ANDRADE QUILEUTE 

qa-'wats, potato qd-qe-wats, potatoes 

Vd-dax, tail (of bird) fat'e-dax, tails 

hd.ba-, tree hd.hiba", trees 

k^dH'la, stone k'ak^e-fla, stones 

Type 6. Reduplication of a vowel and infixation of a consonant: 
kwdW, he tried kwayd.ti', he tried a little 

fle-x, stiff t'leyex, rather stiff 

sayd-'li, I like it sayd.yaa"K, I rather like it 

hetkul, he is sick heyttkul, he is a little sick 

Type 7. Reduplication of the consonant and of the vowel of the 
first syllable and infixation of a consonant between the duplicated 
syllables : 

kade-do\ dog kdskade'do', dogs 

tcibo-d, fish hook tcistcibo'd, fish-hooks 

tsiyd.pus, hat tsistsiya'pus, hats 

ka-ya'd, shark kdskaya'd, sharks 

58. From the various instances found in the texts, and in extensive 
material gathered especially for this purpose, the following general 
principles come to hght : 

(A) There are few cases of infixation \vithout reduplication of either 
a consonant or a vowel. We must exclude here, however, the 
appearance of e instead of i, or the reverse, for these are due to 
phonetic influences (Sec. 35). Therefore, the increment has generally 
one element in common with the initial syllable of the word. 

(B) Only three consonantal infixes can occur without duphcation 
of the initial consonant, namely, y, t\ and te; the latter becoming 
glottahzed when the initial of the stem is a glottahzed sound. We 
may call -y- an independent infix, since it may be found in any 
stem, regardless of its initial consonant. On the other hand, t' and 
ts stand in a fixed relation to the initial of the stem, thus : if the 
initial is a plosive, the infix is the affricative ts; whereas if the 
initial is an affricative, the infix must be the plosive /'. We can 
point to only one exception to these correspondences: k'a-'t'axil, 
distributive plural of k'a-'xil, iron. Only three words have been 
found with an initial fricative which take any consonantal infix 
except y: 

xwaxa-'lpat, white pine xwatsxa-'lpat, white pines 

h6kwat\ white man hotskwat', white persons 

se-kabats, clam shell (for drinking) se-fi'skabats, distributive 

The following examples illustrate these three types of consonantal 
infixation : 

k'weselaqwa-'li, I firmly beUeve k'weyese-li, I hardly believe 
ce-'qol, he pulled ciye-qol, he pulled a little 

t'dx-a, hot t'aydx-a, warm 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 189 

pi"ko\ root basket pi'tsko', root baskets 

poo-q, human, Indian p6ts.od-q, Indians 

t'e'ld-, vulva t' et' sc -la , vulvas 

ti-'la', hemlock ti-'tsila', hemlock trees 

keyuta'd,^ horse ketsiyuta'd, horses 

qa'xadi'a, arrow notch qdtaaxadi's, arrow notches 

Vsexelili'l, hill faeCexi'lili'l, hills 

t'sa'p-is, cedar tree fsa-'fapis, cedar trees 

tsi'k-il, fork tsit'e-kil, forks 

t'lo-'oqol, lake floi'o'oqol, lakes 

tla-'qwa", a bruise tldt'e-qwa\ bruises 

(C) When the vowel of the initial syllable of the stem sounds as the 
English e in "met", the quality of the infixed vowel is like that of 
EngMsh i in hit. 

se-'ya, he sees sesi-'ya, he sees now and then 

de'q'deq\ mallard duck dediq'deq', mallard ducks 

wesa^f so-pat, woman wewisa'f so-pat, women 

(D) Reduplication concerns regularly only the initial consonant 
or the first vowel of the word or both. So, in words whose initial is a 
vowel, this is the only element that is reduplicated. This principle 
is strictly adhered to even in cases in which a monosyllabic stem 
has a terminal consonant, or when we may infer from the general 
phonetic tendencies that the consonant following the first vowel 
belongs to the initial syllable. For example: 

ha'fc-, good hahe't'capa"U, I have good weapons 

qa-^, bone qaqa-¥, bones 

ba'k'-, to ask babd'k'etid, they asked one another 

ci-p; black; hokwat', white man cici-p-ho'kwat\ negroes 
(non-Indian) 

(E) The first syllable of the redupliated word is identical with that 
of the original, which means that the increment appears always as 
infixed. Only one exception has been found: 

tcd'le-tiqo'l, pencU tcitcd'le-tiqo'l, pencils 

(F) The following irregular cases have occurred, in which the 
second syllable is reduplicated instead of the first one: 

lila-p, soft lilale-p, soft things 

sowa'tc, alive sowa-'witc, living things 

e-fiklo-'wd-, crazy e-t'etH'klowd-, crazy persons 

q'aba-'ala, white color q^aba-bi'la, white things 

t'su'wi-tcil, a boil fsuwe-wi'tcil, boils here and there 



', weak haya-'yiqa', weak persons 

kide-'qet, whetstone kide-'deqet, whetstones 

tcudo-tcd-was, he rolled on tcvdo-do-tcd-was, he rolled re- 

the beach peatedly on the beach 



Probably borrowed from Chinook. 



190 ANDEADE QTTILETITE 

(G) The substitution of the demonstrative tci' for the formal base 
in order to form the distributive plural has been noticed above 
(Sec. 58). Occasionally, however, we find the formal base o- 
duplicated. This seems to occur mainly in the most common words. 
This process is not employed by the older Quileute. The following 
were given by Frachtenberg's informant and by one of my own, 
Eli Ward: 

6-laxat, ear 6-'olaxat, ears 

6-lit, mouth 6-'olit, mouths 

6-Kt, face 6-^olit, face 

6-doqwa't, forehead 6-'odoqiva't, foreheads 

59. The expanded word (by reduplication or infixation) performs 
two fundamentally different functions. It denotes, on the one hand, 
the existence or occurrence of conceptually identical objects or 
actions in different situations or occasions; on the other hand, it 
expresses what we may call the diminutive of objects or actions. 
The first of these general concepts appears in nouns with the more 
specific aspect of a distributive plural; and in verbs with the 
analogous designation of an act which takes place frequently or 
occasionally, or, in more rare instances, in continuous repetitions 
at one given occasion, or simultaneously if the acts are performed 
by different persons. 

At the present time, perhaps under the influence of Enghsh, the 
younger Quileute reduplicate their words to express plurality, 
without any connotation of distribution. Due to the natvire of the 
occasion, it is difficult to determine in some instances whether 
distribution or only plurahty is denoted; but in by far the majo- 
rity of the reduphcated nouns in the texts dictated by Sei'xtis, 
distribution is clearly expressed, and in numerous occasions in which 
plurahty was imphed in the sentence, the nouns were not redupli- 
cated. 

60. Any of the seven types of expansion described above, may 
express the concept of distribution in space or time; but the dimin- 
utive is denoted exclusively by the infix -y. For nouns, the di- 
minutive suffix -fsa is more commonly employed than the infix 
-y; but for verbs the latter is the only one admitted. By the dimin- 
utive of a verb we mean here the expression of the idea that an act 
fails to reach perfection or is performed to a lesser extent than ex- 
pected, or sometimes to a somewhat surprising degree beyond 
expectation, as when we say in Enghsh, "It is rather chilly!" For 
illustrations we may refer to the examples already given, and to 
the text references given in the following section. 

61. It is difficult to predict what word or words will be reduphcat- 
ed when the sentence connotes distribution. On the whole we notice 
that an abstract concept involved in a unit of thought is more hable 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 191 

to be reduplicated than the more concrete ones which integrate 
such a unit. The following are typical examples: 

tcik'"' (1) ha-'yad (2) lawe-lk'wa'as (3) hahe't'c (4). Big Shark had two daughtere 
who were pretty, 1, big; 2, shark; 3, laive-, two, -Wwa-, postpositivs 
meaning son or daughter; -as, subjective pronoun, he; 4, pretty; ha'fc-, 
is reduplicated, presumably because the quahty of beauty was dis- 
tributed (each one was pretty in her own way). 

tcitcikut'os Jia\ he had big thighs, tcik"-, big, redupHcated; in this example 
it is difficult to see anything else than plurality, unless we view it as 
each thigh being big. 

se-'yac (1) s (2) xaba' (3) yix (4) ewalaV (5) fcit'ciqa' (6), he saw that all the 
Ozettes were dead. 1, began to see; 2, demonstrative introducing the 
subordinate clause; 3, all; 4, article; 5, Ozettes; 6, fciqa, to die or be 
dead ; reduplicated as each one died at a different time and place during 
the attack. 

g'oi'i^l) ye'(2) tsixa" (i) .re'(2) t'lat'lat'citi"lo'x''a'es('i) yix{5) tcitcoo'tsk' (6), 
she melted the gum that had been sealing the eyes of the children. 
1, melted; 2, demonstrative oblique case; 3, gum; 4, reduplication of 
t'lat'c-, to gum or stick together; -tilox"', postposive morpheme meaning 
eye; -'e expresses transition from existence to non-existence; 5, demon- 
strative, subjective case expressing the syntactic relation between 4 
and 6; 6, reduplication of tcoo'tsk\ chUd. 

ec (1) yix (2) kole-'yuf (3) Vcat'ceyoo't (4), many of the Quileute were gos- 
siping. 1, much, many; 2, demonstrative, subjective case; 3, Quileute; 
4, reduplication of Vcayo-, to talk from hearsay or out of imagination. 

For other examples see QT. 7:12; 15:9; 19:4; 19:5; 19:35; 
19:42; 19:43; 19:44; 23:9; 23:35. 



POSTPOSITIVE MORPHEMES. 

62. These elements have already been defined (Sec. 48). In 
regard to their phonetic character, we notice that some consist of 
one consonant, as -t, which indicates that the word is used as a 
noun ; others consist of a single vowel, as -o, a locative adverb ; but 
most of them have a more complex phonetic structure. The majority 
are monosyllabic. There is some probability that a few of the 
dissjdlabic, and even some of the monosyllabic postpositives may 
be anatyzable into two etymologically independent elements, but 
we are unable to do so confidently because in each case one of the 
two elements has lost its independence. Thus, -qalek, to arrive, may 
be composed of -qal, an element of unknown meaning, and -k, which 
signifies to go, the -e being the usual connecting vowel (Sec. 37). 
Likewise, -teats, to use, may contain the element -ts, to do, together 
with another morpheme of obscm-e sense. Of course, isolated in- 
stances like these may be mere coincidences, but there are other 
cases in which the recurrence of a given element can hardly be 
attributed to chance. For example, -qal, to look; -t'sil, to spy; 
-qol, to intend; -tqa'yil, to have as a goal; -qaivol, to talk for the 



192 ANDEADE QFILEXTTE 

purpose of conveying information or news. Here, the element I may 
be identified with the postpositive -I, which expresses direction of 
motion or purpose when used as the last element in the word or 
just before the pronoun. Natvnally, this analysis throw.s hght only 
on the history of these morphemes. Since the element -qa in -qal, 
to look, has never been found without the I, we have to regard -qal 
as a simple morphologic element, regardless of its history. 

63. Although it is not customary to insert lexicographic material 
in the body of a grammatical discussion, it may be justifiable to 
include here a hst of postpositive morphemes with their meanings, 
principally to illustrate the facts discussed in section 48, concerning 
the use these affixed elements. Moreover, a grammatical study 
must necessarily deal with the forms which express tense, aspect, 
mode, voice, etc., but in this language a separation of such mor- 
phemes from those which express nominal, verbal, or adverbial 
notions would have no morphologic foundation, as noted in section 
48, and as illustrated further in Sections 66, 92, 130, 131. 

Two opposite extremes may be observed in the functions^ of 
the postpositive morphemes. The meanmg of some of them can be 
defined only in grammatical terms, as -qa, the sign of the passive 
voice for neutral verbs; -t, denoting that a word is used as a noun. 
In contrast with these, there are others which can be defined with 
reference to items of human experience linguistically classified, as 
-qalek, to arrive; -t'ada, to smeU; -sp, fire; -tip, door. An attempt to 
draw a Mne between these two classes meets with the usual dif- 
ficulties encountered in any classification of function. Furthermore, 
in Quileute, as in all languages, a given form may perform coin- 
cidently or in different contexts two or more functions which may 
belong to two different categories. Notwithstanding these difficul- 
ties, it seems preferable for the purposes of a grammatical study 
to present these forms in groups having similar functions, rather 
than to deal with them in alphabetical order, which is the only 
alternative. In the following groups of postpositive morphemes 
we shall find mainly those whose meanings may be rendered by our 
nouns, verbs, adverbs, prepositions, etc. Their functions are more 
objectively referential, and hence they constitute the kind of 
Unguistic material more commonly found in vocabularies. Those 

1 The term function is used here in its broadest sense. It includes what is 
generally called meaning. Thiis, we can say that -yax means rock, or that 
the function of the form -ya:f is to refer to those aspects of matter which 
we classify under the concept symbolized by the English word rock. This 
will be called referetitial function. The office performed by such forms as -t, 
a nominal ending, is a grammatical function. This distinction is useful, 
although an attempt to show that any given form performs only a gram- 
matical function would involve us in philosophical or psychological dis- 
cussions, which have, so far, proved to be fruitless. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 193 

Qiiileute postpositives corresponding to the Indo-Eviropean ele- 
ments generally dealt with in grammars wiU be discussed in separate 
sections. The first two groups embrace those forms whose meanings 
we can more readily characterize as nominal or verbal. The distintion 
between nominal and verbal morphemes is based on whether they 
can be rendered by an Enghsh verb or by a noun ; since, as stated in 
Section 127, we have no means of determining whether the post- 
positive morphemes within a Quileute word perform verbal, 
adverbial, nominal or adjectival functions. A third group includes 
those whose functions are of a more complex nature. In some cases 
we cannot be certain as to whether they perform a subordinated 
referential function as our ending -less in homeless, or whether the 
reference is comparable to that of our preposition in without a home 
or to that of our verb in to have no home. 

Postpositive morphemes expressing nominal concepts. 

64. Many of the concepts which are commonly expressed by 
nouns in other languages are represented in Quileute by the post- 
positive morphemes, although they can also be expressed by 
independent words. In many cases the two forms are available. 
Thus, we may refer to a person's head by the independent word 
do'kut'cit, or, if the syntax permits it (Sec. 127), by affixing -t'e or 
t'eq" to another morpheme. However, this dupUcity of form is not 
available for all nominal concepts, and, as we shall see below, it 
does not exist at all for the expression of non-nominal concepts. 
For some nominal concepts the language has no morphologically 
independent word. In such cases, when the structirre of the sentence 
requires that the concept be expressed by itself in a word (cf. Sec. 
48), such a word can be formed, as shown above (Sec. 55), by 
appending a postpositive morpheme to a formal base. It is only by 
this process that most of the parts of the body can be named in- 
dependently from other concepts. For example, there is only one 
word for mouth: 6'lit, in which we find the element -li, of common 
occurrence as a suffix meaning mouth. The other elements are mere 
devices to form an independent word that can function as a noun. 

No inferences can safely be drawn from the present state of the 
language as to the origin of these affixed elements which express 
nominal^ concepts. In about 60 per cent of the cases in which the 
language has two forms for the same nominal concept, it is not 
conceivable that there can be any etymological connection between 
them. For example : 



* They are nominal from the point of view of most of the languages that are 
familiar to us. In reality, all we can say is that they express concepts which 
may be rendered by our nouns. 

13 



194 ANDRADE QUILEUTE 





Free 


Postpositive 


arrow 


hae-ta't 


■k'i 


child 


tcoo'tsk' 


-Ik'wa 


water 


k'tod-ya' 


-aid or -t'sit 


tree 


hd'ba- 


-ya 



In other duplets the free and the postpositive forms have at least 
one or two phonetic elements in common : 

Free Postpositive 

blanket ho'k''t'8at -t'sai 

basket ba'xH -bai 

dress t'sik-faal -fsa 

sealing-canoe fflotq -tq 

In many cases in which we find these duplets, no distinction of 
meaning can be discovered, but in others we may infer that the 
postpositive morphemes are more generic, and the free forms more 
specific. At the present time, tsiyd.pus means simply hat, but 
-disfc is a hat or a cap. Similarly, there are several words for the 
different types of canoes, but the postpositive -qa may refer to any 
of them, as well as to a wagon or an automobile. Also, there are 
free morphemes for bow and arrow, as well as for the modern gun, 
besides the generic term a'tcta', weapon; but all these concepts may 
be rendered by the postpositive -pa. Nevertheless, it is not possible 
to determine to what extent this distinction is prevalent. We find 
that in connected discourse the same object is referred to by a free 
form used as the subject of the sentence, and in the very next 
utterance by a postpositive morpheme in a different syntactic 
connection. This may indicate either that the two forms have the 
same meaning in that particular context, or that the pospositive 
may even in such cases have a generic meaning, as when we use the 
word hammer in one sentence but in the following context refer to 
the same individual object by the generic term tool. Illustrations 
of such situations will be found in QT. 15:8; 19:6; 19:27; 23:7, 8. 

The following is a list of the nominal postpositives that have been 
isolated from various words: 
at\ color^ OS, nose 

al, weather o-lwa, point f<'so6o-7n'o, sharp poin)t 

eli, wood wa, beach 

eliva, food wiy, wall 

idis, decorated blanket wo\ sky 

ya, tree, log hai, basket 

ya\ intestines, sinew pa, bow, gun, weapon 

ya'at, stone arrow-head pat, plant, bush, tree (affixed to 

ya.v, rock names of trees) 

yit, flounder patska, bow (arrow) 

oqus, navel dask, leg, foot 

' See also p. 197. 



HANDBOOK OF AMEKICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



195 



da-qwa, fish tail 

daqo, anus (male) 

dat'sil, anus or buttocks (female) 

dis, skin, hide 

disi'c, hat 

dil, tooth 

dog", forehead 

dosqwai, elbow 

t, day (used with numerals) 

tay, gravel at bottom of sea 

takil, foot-prints 

taqs, dress 

taqol, fishing equipment 

taql, food to be eaten in a journey, 

taxo, bow-string [lunch 

tal, place where something is done 

(paqe-'tal, workshop) 
ta-l, mind, heart 
te- (ti), dwelling, indoors 
tepil, breast, trunk, lungs 
tiyol, village 
ti' (to'), dead whale 
tip, door 

tits, breasts (mamma) 
ti'lox"", eye 
to-'ot, prairie 

toq^, place, location (Idwatoq"', two 
tkul, sick [places) 

tq, sealing-canoe 
tqei, trap (for fish) 
tqo, bed 

t', consort (husband or wife) 
fai, hand, twig, branch 
t'ada, odori 

t'adax, tail of a quadruped 
t'e-, head (also: t'e-q^J 
fe-q, shaman (we-sa't'so-patt'e-'qat, 

female shaman) 
t'e-'lal, vulva 
t'ida(q^), extreme, end 
t'is, eyebrow 
t'il (t'ol), knife 
t'os, thigh 
kapo-, man's coat" 
keda, manner, way 
kisi, territory 
kil, wife 
ku, river canoe 
kwal, whale 
kwa', a fire (built for warming or 

cooking purposes) 



k'aq"", size, room (space) 

k'at's, river 

k'a'das, throat 

k'edax, egg of salmon 

k'es, body 

k'eli, heel 

k'i(t), arrow 

kHs, kelp 

k'wa\ strand of a rope 

qa, canoe or any vehicle 

qa\ hair 

qas, friend 

qal, canoe mate 

qei, bunch, handful 

qetqal, custom 

qo-t, inside, interior of a box or cave 

qol, tool, instrument, utensil, artifice 

g", place, location, dish, container 

qus, side of a canoe (fsixile-qusa', 

high side of a canoe) 
qtiya', sun 
qli, kind, sort 

q'o, an indefinite place, somewhere 
q'os, neck 
q'uts, mussels 
q'w, piece 
q'wa, hip 

q'wai, pack (carried on the back)' 
q'wa-l, fur 
saya', meat, flesh 
sa-ya, box 
s (si, so), roof 

sid, water (generally a body of water) 
sidal, human hair 
sil, load 

sil, guardian spirit 
suwa, egg of salmon 
suwa\ muscle 
sp, fire 

stake-til, remainder, waste 
ski, feather, wing, gill 
ska, penis 
sqobe', companion' 
sq'wa\ language' 
sx, occasion, turn, time 
ciks, food 
ci'l, platform 
cil, food 
xai, shoulder 
xe-, testicles 
xiksa, year 



1 See also p. 197. 

2 Loan word from Chinook Jargon, here used as postpositive. 



13* 



196 



ANDRADE QTTILEUTE 



xwa'das, inside of the mouth 
tse-doq"', back of the head, nape of 

the neck (see dof forehead) 
Csai, blanket, bed covers^ 
Vsep, stump 
Vsi, spear 

Vs, trout, smelt, sucker 
t'sidaxai, pack strap 
t'si, water 
t'sitgo, rib 
t'six, fishing line 
t'so\ thing, ground 
t'so'op, female 
tca\ side (of any object) 
tcapas, top of a bag 
tci, gill net 

tciso, fire (same sense as -sp-)- 
fcata, shoulder (top part) 
fceli, foot, leg 
t'ciyil, leaf 
fciyol, village 
t'c, egg of bird 
'cisa\ small basket 
fcista, bait 



t'cixal, shoulder 

t'cod, arrow point 

t'coq^, foot, leg 

t'cos, nose 

t^co, river bank 

t'col, point, peak 

ldyo\ noise, sound 

lat, wood (combustible) 

la'q', coast 

lax, ear 

li, mouth 

lil, hiU 

I, face 

lal, grass, hay 

le-, child (son or daughter) 

li, cape, point of land projecting 

into river 
lib, road 
lile'to', tongue 
lo-l, magic 

Ik'wa, child, youngster 
VlaHc, hand 

t'lo'flatc, palm of the hand 
t'lol, ground, soil, dirt 



PoSTPOSITrS^E MORPHEMES EXPRESSING VERBAL CONCEPTS. 

65. The duplex expression of a given concept by a postpositive 
morpheme and by a free form, so frequent in nominal notions, is 
not possible with verbal notions. Approximations in meaning are 
often found, but the distinctions are quite evident; for example: 
the initial morpheme fate- and the postpositive -ats may be rendered 
by our verb to pay, but t'afc- refers exclusively to paying for what 
is bought or given on credit, while -ats is hmited to paying for a 
service. For many verbal concepts there are no initial morphemes, 
although most of these are verbal. We find, for example, that for 
a group of concepts which we may roughly define as ideas of 
catching, there is no free morpheme, and there is only one initial mor- 
pheme, k'i'-, meaning to catch animals in traps. In contrast with 
this, we notice that there is the postpositive -qa, denoting the 
general idea of seizing; -'al, to catch an animal or a person who tries 
to escape; to be successful in catching fish in large quantities is 
expressed by -soq"; but to catch fish for the specific piu-pose of 
drying it for future use, we must use -pats; to take some one by 
surprise at an act is rendered by -aqfi, if the act is considered proper, 
but by -6a', if it is wrong. 

Examples of verbal postpositives are: 



See p. 197. 



See p. 198. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 197 

ap, to grow (said of persons or animals) 

aqli, to take by surprise, to catch an animal while asleep or unaware 

at\ to be of a certain color (cipa-'at\ it is black)i 

ats, to pay for a service 

'al, to catch a person or animal that tries to escape 

ol, to be with, to own 

ba\ to catch some one at a wrong doing 

pats, to fish in order to store it away 

tac, to fish, hunt, the act of catching the fish or the game 

ti, to have, to be in connection with 

titc(xa), to need 

tqa'yil, to be one's purpose, to intend 

t'ada, to smell (intransitive)^ 

t'al, to come from 

t'et's, to use 

k, to go to a definite place (diya'k, he went to Neah Bay) 

ke-'da, to be surprised 

kel, to dance 

kiyi, to paddle 

kwa', to speak, to make use of the faculty of speech, to make an address 

kwal, to go through 

k'o, to conjecture (d'i'ciitcak'o, I wonder if you are a chief) 

qa, to take hold of, to seize 

qawol, to inform 

qalek, to arrive 

qal, to look (kolowaqal, to look down) 

qpa'at', to be a part of what has ceased to exist as such (t'e'k'a-liqpa'at\ 

these are parts of a broken house) 
qlti, to be an expert, to have as a trade, to do as an established custom, to 

be at one's ease 
q'wayi, to pack (to carry a pack)^ 
q^o-t, to give away 
s, to give 
si'e, to sleep 

soq", to catch fish in large quantities 
st'al, to command, to order 
sqal, to carry 
sqobe, to have something on one's person, or together with him (leba-'fe-lis- 

qobe-'las, he slept with it on (a coat))" 
sq'wa, to speak a language (this stem is also used as a noun) (diyat'isq'wa'as, 

he spoke in Makah)^ 
xa, to eat (d^asayatxaci, he began to eat meat) 

xal, to be gone, to be missing or lacking (we-dilxal, one tooth is missing) 
xal(s), to sing about something 
Vs, to eat (he-yo'i'sili, when he finished eating) 
fsa, to dress, to have clothes on^ 
t'saqs, to cry over something 

Vsil, to spy, to catch a glimpse of, to see at a distance 
Vsol, to share with 

tcay, to walk like some one else (d'kiltcayil, he walks like a bear) 
tcaq, to be like, to look like 



1 See p. 194. 

2 See p. 195. 

3 See p. 196. 



198 ANDRADE QUILEUTE 

tcaqlx, to happen 

teas, to carry something for a specific purpose 

teats, to use as fbaxui'tcatsas, he uses it as a basket) 

tci-so, to burn (intransitive, said of a fire)^ 

too, deceased or destroyed (hadostcoyitc, your deceased brother) 

t'cayo, to talk idly, to pretend, to oneself to be (hetkuli't'cayo, he made 

believe he was sick, he imagined he was sick) 
t'co\ to have inside, to contain, (pe-t'itt'co-\ it has light inside) 
t'col, to wish, to want 
la, to move, to be in motion 
lix, to claim, to assert one's rights 
lo, to belong 

loku, to keep, to be in charge of 
los, to be on something that moves, to use a canoe or a horse (fa'be-la^lo-sli, 

I use a river canoe) 
lewe'l, to come 

lalo\ to be fond of (d'asaya'tlalo"li, I am fond of meat) 
lo-wo'ot, to walk behind some one 

Iqa, to have as an obligation (Id-'q^ale-lqa-'lo. we ought to send him away) 
ha, to have. 



POSTPOSITIVES NOT INCLUDED IN THE PRECEDING GROUPS. 

66. As stated in Sec. 63, this is a miscellaneous group of post- 
positive morphemes whose functions are not decidedly nominal or 
verbal : 

'e or 'yi, two phonetic variations of a morpheme which expresses 
transition from existence to non-existence. It may be used with 
nouns or verbs. With the former it indicates either that the 
person or thing has ceased to exist or that the relation of such 
a person or object to another person has come to an end. In 
the case of a deceased person it is preceded by the element 
-tco, which may be identical to the form -tco(xat) given below. 
When used with verbs it denotes that the action has or had 
been discontinued. It may also be equivalent to our past tense, 
but always with the connotation that conditions are now 
different. It often stands for the Enghsh idiom "to have just 
done something". Its uses with verbs -wdU be further illustrated 
in Sec. 130. 

t''et'se-k'ale"yi, house that used to be (they have been destroyed) 
p6ts-oqo"yi. the people that used to be (people of other times) 
Vcdqe'qala"yi, those who had been fighting 
he-li o^yi, I am the one who used to be there 
he-Wwa'e ti'l, my former child (he had disowned her) 
dVi'e ti^l, my former dwelling (he had moved elsewhere) 
tcootskHtco'yi, the deceased boy. 

Other examples will be found in QT. p. 15:7; p. 20: 10; p. 20:16. 
1 See p. 196. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 199 

isli, expresses coincidence of durative actions. When no other verb 
follows the one to which it is attached it indicates that the 
action took place while moving. This idea is modified by the 
sequence of another verb, in which case it indicates that the 
action of the second verb took place while that of the first verb 
was going on. 

6-de-'sisli, he cried as he walked 

Uli'ali, he bled as he moved, walked or rode 

ada-'dislili d-laip, I talk while I eat 

lada-'sislili la"au, I break it as I walk 

wa or wa-, to move away, or an adverbial expression of direction 
away; it is often equivalent to the sense of -ward in upward, 
toward, etc. In many instances its use is very idiomatic: 

basa'lowa-'lo, we are having bad weather (bas-, bad; -o, locative 

classifier; -lo, we) 
t'silo-wasli, I took it up (to some high place), (t'sil-, up, high; -o, 

locative classifier; -s, to cause; -li, I) 

When -wa stands at the end of a word, it takes the low tone 
accent : 

sisa-'wa-, before 

tciya-'wa-, beneath 

aaVo-'wa-, below 

atco"wa,-, side by side in bed 

fo-tcotcawA-, in the middle 

Vlayo'^wd-, after 

liko'^wd-, to wait for some one 

yalo-"wd- xe' k'wd-ya, near the water 

It serves as a sign of the comparative degree by affixing it to the 
word which indicates the quahty or to the initial morpheme baqa-, 
which means to have advantage over: 

tce-k", big; tcikuwd-, it is bigger than 

hat'c-, pretty, good; hd'fcawa-, or hdH^ca baqa"wd- it is prettier 

dak, to do something to an excess. Used with verbs or nouns. With 
the latter it is equivalent to the agentive of other languages: 
Id'wa-da'k, he walks too much 
ada"didak, a talkative person (ada'd-, to talk) 
k'o-k'o-'tsta"dak, thief (k'o-k^o-ts-, to steal) 

do, to become. It denotes in most of its uses the beginning of a state 
which is the result of an action or of a purposive process ; but 
in many cases its use seems very arbitrary. Other functions of 
this suffix wiU be discussed below (Sees. 92, 134). Examples: 

d^t'ce'd-o, he became a chief 

loboqwa'd-o, he got wet with the rain (became rained on) 

pa-qe'tdo, he began to work 



200 ANDRADB QinLETJTE 

It is used sometimes together with the inceptive -ic or -c, e. g. : awi-c- 
qwa-'-d-o, it became completely night, night overtook us; awe- (or 
aivi-) night; -c, inceptive; -qwa, completely, very much; -do, to 
become. 

t or ta, there is a need, to be obliged to do something. When used 
■with this sense the formative -I indicating purpose or con- 
templated action (sec. 131) precedes it, e. g. : 

dla-c-i-l-ta-li, I have to eat 

Utwa-l-i-l-ta-xas, he has to walk 

ki'ta-x-a-l-tali, J have to go 

The same form (-t or -ta) has been found with the meaning of 
from preceding an object pronoun. Possibly this is a different 
morpheme with the identical phonetic elements: e. g.: 

tild-t-l-i-swo-li, I bought it from you 

qaqd-t-l-i-sta-litc, you took it away from me 

For the uses of a formative -t which may be historically related 
to this see Sees. 91, 122, 138. 
tax^, to be probable, to be evident. 

he.tax^ keyuta'd, it must be a horse 

e-wo'litcala'tax" , he must have arrived 

tqwa, be means of, by dint of. 

hetcsida-'tqwali oqalek sa''a, I arrived there by swimming 
fcaqe-'do'ot/jwa'li petsla'tsqats, I teach him by punishing him 

t\ to live, or one who lives at a certain place or with some one. 
It is the suffix with which most of the names of the tribes end, 
including the Quileute themselves : 

kole-'yut\ Quileute 

diya't', the Neah Bay people 

fe, indicates the material of which something is made, the instru- 
ment with which it is made, the reason for doing something. 
xa-'bil xe" yisda'k xitsa't'e'is, he adjusted the dress with a leather 

strap 
tso"o't''e dd-kil, for that reason 
hetsiH'e'is, that with which he did it 

It is used idiomatically with the meaning of although : 

k'e-da"a'fe d-lax, although he is full he continues to eat 
hetkidi"Ve'li kitsi'', although I was sick I danced. 

kil, to be able, to be possible 

de'xa' xd-ba-'kil yix potsooq se-'ya, so that all the people might see 
it. In some of its uses it appears as a modal element. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 201 

k'ade, so, therefore; used very idiomatically. One of its most 
frequent uses is to express meekness or hesitation, as 
t'Hxulista'k'ade, will you not show it to me ? 

It is also used to express a kind of challenge, as 

oke-sik'ade, put it there, then ! (if you say you have it, prove it by 
showing it) 

qata, perhaps 

atld-xedo"oqaia'li, perhaps I heard it 
t'ciqatse-'liqata'x", perhaps some one has died 
ke-s^wo-'qatali, perhaps I will give it to you 

qotcx, after 

wetaqotcx, after one day 

we'awaqotcx, after one hour (-aiva-, from the English hour) 

qu, on, at, and any other locative relation, excepting inside and 
outside 

t'ci-yo't'coquli, I dropped it on him 
t'ate-pa'taqwas, it is on the door 
poxo'qus^woli, I blew it at you 
se'lebq"-, at Selena 

qwa, thoroughly, definitely, too much, exceedingly, certainly. 

k'ude'qwa, too small 

hesiqwa-'li siyaci-'t'col, I want to see him specially 
walqwa"litc e-caxaqwa's-i, you should not eat so much 
waqwa-'li hetkuli, I am certainly not sick 
t'd-tcaqwa-'li, I know it very well. 

qcil, nevertheless, although 

bo-'q'otaqcil, although he was on his knees 

ho-qwa'a'qcil sa' t'e'k'al tca'we-'la te-'wa, although the hoiise was 
burning, he went in. 

sal, indicates distributive plurahty: one here, one there; or action 
performed by various individuals at different times : one now, 
another later. It may be used alone or followed by a pronominal 
suffix, as 

hetkusal, or hetkusa'las, they were sick (on different occasions) 

sqal, reflexive suffix for all persons. The purely reflexive usage will 
be treated in Section 102. A number of idiomatic uses seem 
to be related to or are developments of the reflexive meaning. 
The fundamental idea in these uses seems to be one of pretence, 
simulation, imitation, misrepresentation. 

yal6-latsqal, supposed wife (said to be so) 

Mtkuli'sqal, he pretends to be sick 

poo'qosqal, an imitation of a human being (an effigy) 

we-sd'fso-patst-'sgali', disguised as a woman 

koca'asqal, pretended to be menstruating 



202 ANDRADE QUILEtTTE 

c, (-ic) to begin, to become; used formally and also as a sign of the 
inceptive aspect. Its grammatical functions will be discussed in 
Sections 92 and 134. In the following examples this formative 
has been affixed to nouns : 

awi'c, it became night 

pooqo'c, he became a human being 

eci'c, they became many (multiplied) 

X, its use varies from that of a sign of durative or continuative 
action, formally employed, to a verbal expression of continua- 
tion. It is most frequently employed with verbs of locomotion, 
as to go, to come, to go up stream, etc. Its formal uses are 
discussed in section 91. 

dlaxa'sto, let us continue to eat 

tat d-lax, while he was eating 

sa-'t'ax, he came down stream 

t'silo'wa'tx, go up! 

k^a-sa'qlxa-li, I am ashamed 

ts, to make, to do. For other important uses of an identical form 
see Sees. 91, 104. 
hets, do it 
hd'eta'tsis, they made arrows 

tsi'la, evidently 

tce-'k" dkiltsi'la, it must be a big bear 

Vsa, used as a diminutive suffix. kddedo"t'sa, httle dog; d't'ce'tt'sa, 

the son of the chief (the little chief) 
t'si, on accoimt of 

beqwa'at'sit, on account of the fog 

teal, necessarily 

e'lvalitcala'tax^, he must have arrived 

too, apart, separated by a distance 
pe-le'tcoxat, enough apart 

tcx(a), by means of, because of 

ciqHaxuli'tcxali la's-ats, I broke the bow-string by pulling it 

/, forward direction, progression, to intend, purpose, instriunent, 
and other volitional concepts. For other uses see Sec. 131. 
t'suyu"q'walli, I point at him 
si-kwa'Ui, I aim at him 
ada"adals-ta'xas, he spoke to me 
q'o-fsa'lli, I peeked at it 
taske-'las, he is coming out 
b6-t^e-"lel, she is getting fat 
yali'lel, they were about to die 

For its use with names of tools or utensils see Sec. 139. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 203 



PRONOUNS. 

Pronominal functions are performed in Quileute mainly by post- 
positives, but there are also a number of free morphemes whose 
office comes under this heading. It seems desirable to alter the plan 
of our presentation at this point, and group under one functional 
category all the pronominal forms regardless of their morphological 
classification. In attention to their grammatical and referential 
functions, they may be divided into subjective, possessive, and 
objective pronouns, there being three different series of forms 
corresponding to this division. The objective pronouns will be 
treated together with other related elements under the heading of 
Objective Relations (Sec. 96). 



SUBJECTIVE PRONOUNS. 

67. The uses of the various forms of the subjective pronouns are 
on the whole determined by modal functions. Accordingly, four of 
the main series have been named after the modes with which they 
are associated, namely, indicative, interrogative, subjunctive, and 
imperative. For the sake of uniformity of nomenclature, one of the 
series has been called conditional, although its functions are not 
exclusively modal. Whether or not the uses of the vocative forms are 
to be regarded as modal, depends on what definition of mode is 
preferred. The chief functions performed by the subjective pro- 
nouns may be tabulated as foUows (see next page) : 

Some of these forms are free morphemes, and others are suf- 
fixes, as indicated by the hyphens. The three forms of the in- 
dicative, third person, singular and plural, -xas, -as, -s, do not 
stand for any distinction of meaning. After a and e we find -xas; 
after i, o, u, the form -s is employed, while -as appears after con- 
sonants. The vowels inserted before the other pronouns when the 
preceding elements end in a consonant depend on phonetic in- 
fluences (Sees. 36, 37). There is, besides, a prevalent tendency to 
insert the vowel -i (Sec. 35) before the pronominal suffixes which 
have an initial -I (-li, -la, -lite, -lo). 

As already suggested, the preceding table presents a system 
rather than a list of different forms. Thus we find that the pronoun 
ku appears in three of the series, and s is repeated for the singular 
and plural of the subjunctive. Such repetitions have no morphologic 
significance, but merely conform with the general practice in giving 
paradigms, by showing what morphemes occupy various points in 
the system. In reality, the suffix -i", for example, is the identical 
morpheme whether used in an indicative or in an interrogative 
sentence. On the other hand, its presence as a free morpheme in the 



204 



ANDRADE QTJILEUTE 





INDICATIVK 


INTBR. 


SUBJ. 


COND. 


IMP. 


VOCATIVE 


I 


-K 


lab 


-la 


al 


ti'l 






THOU 


-lite 


tche 


-tea 


tc 


titc 


ax" j tc(i-li{xnasc.) 
\ dd-li (fem.) 


HE, IT 








s 








visible 


-xas, -as. 


-s he. xas 


-xa^a 




tas 






invisible. 
















known 


■ate, -tc 


he.xatc 


-a 




tat 






invisible. 
















unknown 


-x" 


xu'xwa' 


-ax'' 




tax^ 






SHE 












1 


visible 


-aks, -ks 


heks 


-ksa 


ks 


taks 






invisible. 
















known 


-akc, -kc 


kekc 


-kca 


kc 


take 






invisible. 
















unknown 


-k" 


ku'ktua^ 


-k" 


A" 


tak^ 






WE 


-lo (-q^) 


lub-a'd- 


-lub-a'd. 


aq" 


Voq^ 


-sto 




YE 


-ka 


he.ka'a 
(ka) 


-ka 


ki 


tik 


axo'l 




THEY (non- 
















feminine) 








s 


1 




visible 


-a'as 


he.xa'as 


-a'a 




tas \ 




invisible. 










1 




known 


-a ate 


he.xa'atc 


-a'a 




tat 




invisible. 














unknown 


-xa'ax" 


xu'xwa'a 


-xa'ax^ 




tax'' 




THEY (fe- 
















minine) 








as 








visible 


-a'aks 


he.ksa'a 


-ksa'a 




taks 






invisible. 
















known 


-a'akc 


he-kca'a 


kca' a 




take 






invisible. 










1 




unknown 


-k" 


ku'kwa'a 


-k" 




tak" 







subjvmctive is a significant fact, for the use of the same morpheme 
as a free form and as a postpositive runs contrary to the fmidamental 
principles of Quileute morphology. 

We are impressed by the recurrence of certain elements in the 
forms of each person in different modes. The first person singular, 
for instance, has an -I in all the series, and Ukewise tc and Ics occm- 
in all the second and third persons respectively. It is further observed 
that all but three of the interrogative pronouns end in -a, while all 
the forms of the conditional, excepting fog" have an initial t- 
f olio wed by i or a. Doubtless, such reciu-rences indicate that aU 
these forms are historically related. It is also reasonable to conclude 
that the conditional series is the result of coalescence between a 
hypothetical morpheme t3 and the pronominal suffixes. Similarly, 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 205 

the forms of the subjunctive may have been produced by phonetic 
decay. However, these genetic considerations do not enable us to 
procede with a morphologic analysis of the present forms. The 
process of differentiation has gone too far. If on etymologic con- 
siderations we conclude that ti'l and -li have at present one mor- 
pheme in common, we could, with more justification, allege that 
the words first and foremost are phonetic variations of the same 
modern Enghsh morpheme. Similar difficulties are encountered in 
separating the final -a from the interrogative jironouns, especially, 
if we take into account the fact that the pronoun is invariably the 
last affix in all Quileute verbs. 

Several coincidences are noticed between the pronouns and other 
morphemes. The form ku occurs in a number of contexts in which 
no pronominal office can be inferred. For example, in M-tkul-i-ku-l- 
atc, It is said that he is sick, the postpositive -ku indicates that the 
statement "he is sick" is based on hearsay rather than on direct 
experience. There is doubtless the same fundamental concept in 
denoting that a person has never been seen, and in signifying that 
a fact is not known from direct experience. Again, we can be fairly 
certain that these two uses of ku are grammatical differentiations 
of what may have been formerly a single morpheme, but at the 
present time the situation is to be viewed as two grammatical 
functions performed by homonyms. If the semantic and etymological 
identity is taken as a basis for speaking of a single morpheme -ku, we 
cannot account for the fact that in its pronominal office it is con- 
fined to the feminine gender, nor could we explain its dupUcation in 
he-tkul-i-ku' -ku, it is said that she is sick, speaking of a woman who 
is unlinown to the speaker. For the same reason we must regard the 
corresponding non-feminine pronoun -x" as a different morpheme 
from the evidently cognate x" which appears as a free morpheme 
performing a demonstrative function (Sec. 113). 

A more difficult problem is presented by the pronouns s, as of the 
subjunctive and the identical forms of the indefinite article (Sees. 
109, 111). In this case we have morphologic coincidence accom- 
panied by a considerable divergence in grammatical and referential 
function. Regarding their etymological connection, several possi- 
biUties are conceivable, namely, that the subjunctive pronouns s, as 
are modified forms of the indicative or interrogative pronouns, 
suggested by such correspondences as indicative -as, -s and sub- 
junctive s; interrogative -tea, and subjunctive tc; indicative -ks, 
interrogative -ksa, and subjunctive ks. On this assumption, the 
articles can be regarded as special developments of the pronouns, or 
as accidental convergences in form (homonyms), or it may be 
possible that both the pronouns and the articles developed from 
forms now extinct. Nevertheless, the use of a demonstrative as a 



206 ANDEADE QUILEUTE 

pronoun is common in Quileute, as evidenced in the uses of the free 
forms of the indicative. 

The composition of many of the free forms of the indicative is 
quite clear. In he.xas, he.xatc, heks, hekc, and others, we have the 
formal base he- and the pronominal suffix. This, as illustrated in 
Section 55, is the normal method of using a postpositive as a free 
morpheme. The form xu'xwa' may be identical with the correspond- 
ing demonstrative (Sec. 116). In fact, most of the demonstratives 
can be used as emphatic pronouns for the third person, when it is 
necessary to establish distinctions of visibility and reference to 
previous experience (Sees. 113, 114). 



MODES. 

68. Adhering to our morphologic plan, we may regard the modes 
as functions of the pronominal series. In Quileute, the pronoun is the 
chief sign of the mode. In some cases special modal suffixes are 
present with or without the pronoun, but since some modes do not 
have such suffixes, the pronoun must be taken as the basis for the 
distinction of mode. The enumeration of modes is not based here 
on the number of modal concepts manifested in the language, but 
rather on the special morphologic systems which perform modal 
functions. If the function were taken as a basis, M'e could mention 
many more Quileute modes. Accepting for the sake of argument the 
definition of modal function given by Brugman, Oertel, Jespersen 
and others, to the effect that modes reflect certain attitudes of the 
speaker toward the contents of the sentence, one may say, for 
example, that d-la-c-i"-fcol-aks, she wishes to eat, is in the optative 
mode; and that d-la-c-i' -sVal-aks, she ordered him to eat, is in the 
jussive mode. Similarly, a necessitative mode may be formed by 
means of the suffix -tax^, as, d-la-c-i' -tax^ , surely, he must eat (for 
if he did not he would not be alive); and we have an inferential 
mode in d-la-x-a' -tsa, he must have been eating (because his plate 
is empty); a concessional in d-la-x-a' -qcil, although he was eating; 
an obhgative in d-la-x-a' -Iqa-li, I ought to eat. We may likewise 
regard -ku as another modal suffix, since it gives us the charac- 
teristic attitude of mind that we may have toward an assertion that 
is founded only on hearsay, as in d-la-x-a' -ku-l-atc, it is said that 
he eats. There is no morphologic basis for equating these elements 
with the modal uses of the pronouns, nor can we be certain that 
they are modal signs and not as fuUy significant as any other 
affixed morpheme. In the first example, the morpheme -fcol can 
be regarded as one of the many postpositives which may be rendered 
by our verbs. We can say that -fcol means "to wish" in ki.tax-a- 
t'co'l-aks, she wishes to go, just as -xa means "to eat" in dsaya- 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 207 

xa'-ks, she eats meat. In other languages the fact that the concepts 
of wish or desire are expressed by means of suffixes, other things 
being equal, may be accepted as an indication that such suffixes 
are signs of an optative or desiderative mode. In Quileute the 
situation is different, for, as shown in Sec. 63, a "suffix" may have 
such concrete meanings as to eat, to go, or even as hut, head, canoe. 



The indicative mode. 

69. A formal presentation of the indicative mode seems super- 
fluous. In Quileute, as in most languages, the uses of this mode are 
difficult to define, since they generally include all the modal 
attitudes that are not represented by the other modes. It may 
suffice to mention briefly the uses of the pronouns of the free form 
series. Their composition has already been discussed. Their function 
is often similar to that of the French disjunctive pronouns "moi, 
toi", etc. In other instances they are comparable to the French 
expressions "me voici, la voila", etc. Thus, he.xas can mean "he" 
(emphatic), or "there he is, he is the one, it is he." The following 
examples illustrate other uses : 

we-l lub-a'a-, one of us 

ba"ayas heka'a, four of you 

lub-a^a tcitcisqal, it is we, ourselves 

itso-'li lab ats ti'l, that is the way I do, myself. 

Other illustrations will be found in QT. p. 13:4; p. 14:6; p. 15:5; 
7:2; 7:11; 7:17; 8:24; 10:11; 11:5; 21:46. 

The interrogative mode. 

70. Whatever reasons may be alleged for regarding the imperative 
use of the verb as a modal function are equally apphcable to the 
interrogative. The subjective element in the imperative is the 
purpose of the speaker to induce the second person to act. In the 
interrogative we have a special application of this general purpose, 
namely, to induce the second person to give information. Most 
languages distinguish in one way or another between these two 
purposes of communication, but, if by mode we do not mean a 
function, as indicated above, it will be proper to speak of an inter- 
rogative mode only in those languages in which the same kind of 
morphologic system is employed for the interrogative and the other 
modes. In Quileute the morphologic signs of the interrogative mode 
are a special system of pronouns and two suffixes, -t'a and -.xa. 
The suffixes estabhsh the distinction so prevalent in language 
between the "yes and no" questions and those in which the speaker 
asks for supplementary information. For the latter, Quileute has 



208 ANDRADE QTHLETTTE 

special initial morphemes which correspond to om* interrogative 
pronouns, and the postpositive morpheme -t'a. Whether these 
initial morphemes should be called interrogative pronouns or not 
is a matter of choice. They are pronouns from a functional point of 
view, if we accept the usual definition of pronouns. They have not 
been regarded as such for morphologic reasons which, we must admit, 
are not very convincing. No other Quileute pronouns are initial 
morphemes, according to our definition in Sec. 44. These inter- 
rogative elements cannot be used as free morphemes. Thus, one 
cannot say in Quileute simply "What? Who?" but a complete 
sentence must always be used: "What did you say ? Who did it ?" 
The independent possessive pronouns may also take suffixes, 
(Sec. 84) and thus they can function as initial morphemes, but the 
fact that they can be used without affixes places them in a different 
morphologic class from these interrogative elements. The inter- 
rogative initial morphemes are : 

ak'is- (or a-) Used only when the designation of a nominal concept 
is desired; corresponding in meaning to some of the uses of 
"what". 
asaq- Indicates that the characterization of an action is desired, 
as, "What is he doing?" It generally asks for an explanation 
when it refers to an object. It may be rendered by "what, 
how, why". 
taqa- Who ? 
qo- Where ? 

afs When ? This may be a compound of the interrogative a- and 
the postpositive -t's commonly found in the word he't'sit, 
introducing a subordinate temporal clause. 
qots- How much ? How many ? 

aso'- Has the same notional reference as asaq-, but reflects besides 

a state of emotion on the part of the speaker. It is used in 

situations in which the speaker uses the interrogative sentence 

as a manifestation of perplexity or other emotional condition 

rather than to solicit information, as "What am I to do ? Is 

it possible ?" (expressing surprise). 

It is probable that the initial vowel in ak'is-, asaq-, at's-, and aso'- 

was formerly an independent morpheme. Although a- is used 

occasionally for ak'is- (which the natives regard as an abbreviation), 

and -t's, as suggested above, appears in other contexts, it is 

advisable to consider these elements as functionally indivisible 

units, since the forms -k'is-, -saq-, and -so'- have no independent 

value. 

71. The postpositive -t'a is not used when the second person is the 
subject of the interrogative sentence. We shall illustrate the struc- 
ture of this type of question by using the postpositive -k, which 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 209 

means to go (to a definite place). The suffix -i is an applicative 
classifier (Sec. 85). 

qo-k-i-Va'-la, where am I going ? 

qo-k-i-tca' , where are you going ? 

qo-h-i-t'a-'-a, where is he going ? 

go-k-i-fa-lu'b-a'a, where are we going ? 

qo-k-i-ha', where are you (pi.) going ? 

qo-k-i-t'a-'-a'a, where are they going ? 

72. The "yes and no" type of question is distinguished from the 
above by the absence of the interrogative initial elements, and by 
the use of the suffix -xa instead of -fa. The suffix -xa is omitted 
when the second person is the subject, as in the preceding case. 
In the following examples say- means "to Uke" ; -d" is the applicative 
classifier. 

say-d--xa-la, do I like it ? 

say-d--tca, do you like it ? 

say-d--xa-^-a, does he like it ? 

say-d'-xa-lu'b-a'a, do we like it ? 

say-d--ka, do you (pi.) like it ? 

say-d'-xa-^-a'a, do they like it ? 

Examples of both types will be found in QT. p. 18:7; 10:17; 
21:41; 21:45; 22:28; 23:47; 24:12; 28:14; 28:30; 32:36; 33:3; 
33:14; 33:48; 33:52; 35:6; 36:24; 36:70. 



The subjunctive mode. 

73. Morphologically, this mode is distinguished from the others 
by a special series of pronouns. The subordinating suffixes -a, -i 
(Sec. 136) are invariably appended at the end of the verb when the 
subjunctive is used, but since they can also be found in the con- 
ditional mode and in other subordinate clauses, they cannot be 
regarded as supplementary signs of the subjunctive. The sub- 
junctive pronouns are placed immediately before the verb. Notwith- 
standing the fact that some of the pronominal forms consist of a 
single consonant, they cannot be considered either as prefixes or 
proclitics. There is always a dieresis (Sec. 24) between the conson- 
ants of these pronouns and the initial sound of the verb, whether the 
latter be a consonant or a vowel. Their independent character is 
more evident when ag" and as are used, for the vowels of these two 
pronouns are stressed and have a higher pitch than that of the 
initial syllable of the verb. 

74. In regard to function, we observe that this mode is used 
exclusively in subordinate clauses. In the majority of cases, the 
action expressed by the Quileute subjunctive is not asserted as an 
actual occurrence, but it is merely thought of or contemplated as a 
design or possibility. The subjunctive is not employed in subordin- 

14 



210 ANDEADE QIHLEUTE 

ate clauses of indirect discourse with verbs of saying. These uses 
characterize it as a more typical subjunctive, according to prevalent 
definitions, than the modes which have been so called in some 
European languages, but contrary to this general impression, we 
find that it occurs after verbs of knowing, and others whose sub- 
ordinate clauses express an occurrence which is viewed as an actual- 
hty. We may thus conclude that its grammatical function as a 
device for subordination is more constant than its referential 
function, which in fact, is also the case in the majority of languages 
that have a subjunctive. The distinction between the subordinate 
clauses that require the subjunctive and those in which the con- 
ditional pronouns are employed depends on syntactic as well as 
on semantic relations. The subjunctive occurs in clauses which are 
treated as objects of transitive verbs, whereas the conditional 
pronouns appear mainly in subjective, adverbial, and other sjmtac- 
tic relations. The distinctions in meaning are difficult to define. On 
the whole we find that the subjunctive follows verbs of vohtion or 
imphed command or request, and verbs of knowing. In such cases 
the subordinate clause expresses the action desired or the facts 
known. Whereas in the sentences in which the conditional pronoims 
appear in object clauses there is an implication of manner, cause, 
reason, or instrumentahty. 

75. The subjunctive is not used when the subject of the main 
claiise and that of the subordinate refer to the same individual^, but 
the subordinate clause stiU retains the subordinating suffixes -a 
or -i, with the functions described in Sees. 136, 143. 

The following examples illustrate the use and omission of the 
subjunctive pronouns. Other illustrations are found in QT. p. 18: 15; 
19:21; 23:72; 26:56; 26:65; 32:16; 36:13; 36:30; 36:41; 36:52. 

t'a-'tca-li ki.tax-a, I know I am going 
fa-'tca-xas al ki.tax-a, he knows I am going 
(a-'tca-xas tc ki.tax-a, he knows you are going 
Ca-'tca-xas ki.tax-a, he knows he (himself) is going 
t^a-'tca-xas s ki.tax-a, he knows he (some one else) is going 
t'a-'tca-xas aq^ ki.tax-a, he knows we are going 
fa-'tca-lo ki ki.tax-a, we know you (pi.) are going 
wa-sta' al d-lac-i, do not permit that I eat 
bd^kHl-as al 6-qale-'k-i, he asked whether I had arrived 
tcd^wa"ac-li Va'tc-i tc dH'cit tsi'la, that is how I found out that you are 
really a chief. 

In the last example, the subject pronoun (-li) is affixed to the verb 
tcd'wa"ac, which means "therefore, that is the reason". The verb 
Va-'tc-, to know is subordinated to the preceding by the suffix -i. 

' It is of interest to note that in such situations the Quileute subjunctive 
follows the rules observed in various European languages, as for example, 
in French, "je veux qu'il parte," but "je veux partir." 



HANDBOOK OF AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 211 

This suffix is -i instead of -a because the aspect is momentaneous, 
the verb meaning here "to become aware of a fact", rather than to 
have knowledge of it. The word d-'t'cit, chief, and tsila, really, 
form a subjunctive clause preceded by the subjunctive pronoun tc, 
and is subordinated to the preceding subordinate verb; that is, 
d-'t'cit functions here as a verb, "to be a chief", for if tsi'la were the 
verb of this clause, it would precede d-'t'cit (Sec. 149). 

Uses of the conditional pronouns. 

76. Only one of the uses of the conditional pronouns can be 
characterized as a mode. In the other contexts in which these 
pronouns occur no modal meaning can be discovered, if we are 
consistent in our use of the term mode. Furthermore, the analogical 
connections between the various uses are too vague to justify the 
formulation of one general concept applicable to all of them. Such 
a general concept could be found, but, of course, in the most 
heterogeneous group of notions expressed in any language by one 
morpheme it is generally possible to discover a common factor by a 
convenient selection of their logical connotations, or else to find a 
common multiple, so to speak. In such cases the investigator is 
generally successful to the extent that his own vocabulary may 
possess the proper abstract term. In the writer's opinion, the 
vaMdity of such a procedure is to be judged in the hght of all the 
facts present in each particular situation. In the present case its 
apphcation would be indefensible. By way of illustration, let us 
consider three of the divergent uses of one of these pronoims. We 
find the pronoun ti'l performing a modal function in ti'l Mkuta' xatc, 
if I should come (I shall bring it); but as a special possessive for 
certain kinds of genitival relations in he.qa-li ti'l, my canoe-mate; 
and again, as the subject of a verb expressing habitual action in 
he.¥i't-a ti'l, I generally use it. We could say that the common 
factor in these three examples is a notion of potentiaUty. Such a 
concept is clear in the conditional clause, and it could be abstracted 
from the last example, though with less plausibihty, if we consider 
that the statement "I generally use it" does not connote exclusively 
the use of the object in the past, but also future repetitions of the 
use; that is, a potential condition which determines behavior, or a 
contemplated possibility comparable to that of the clause "If I 
come". Allowing for a rather divergent extension of this meaning, 
one could allege that "my canoe mate" is analogous to the statement 
of a habitual action. My canoe mate is the person who habitually 
goes with me in the canoe ; the relation between him and me implies 
future possibilities of going together, hence, a relation of potentiahty. 

Several objections may be made to this explanation: first, the 
concept of potentiality and its opposite, actuality, are comprehen- 

14* 



212 ANDRADE QTJILEUTE 

sive enough to embrace all human experience. It is not significant, 
therefore, that one of these universal concepts can include three 
uses of a morpheme by chosing the connotations that may seem 
pertinent. Secondly, the fact that we can connect these three uses 
with a single concept, does not warrant the conclusion that there is 
such a connection in the mind of the native. It is a well-known fact 
that a given form, by gradual extensions of its meaning, may eventu- 
ally perform the most divergent functions, which in the end may 
appear totally unrelated to all but the etymologist^. Further, the 
concept of potentiahty does not define the use of these pronouns, 
for the same concept may be abstracted in most of the uses of the 
subjunctive pronouns. 

In view of these considerations, we may assume that at least 
three of the uses of the pronouns in question are functionally 
unrelated, although they are doubtless historically connected. For 
convenience of reference, this pronominal series has been named 
conditional. The choice of the term was suggested by its use in 
conditional sentences, and in those expressing customary action, 
which from a different point of view may also be said to be ex- 
pressions of conditions. It would have been equally proper to take 
another usage as a point of departure, and to characterize them as a 
special series of possessive pronouns for certain genitival relations, 
and regard their office as subjects in subordinate clauses as an 
extension of their possessive meaning. A similar situation is found 
in the use of the Enghsh possessives as logical subjects of nominal- 
ized clauses, as in "He left without my seeing him; I insist on your 
paying the debt". 

77. The conditional pronouns generally follow the verb-, but in 
conditional sentences they precede it. In such sentences they are 
most commonly found only in the protasis, but they can be used 
coincidently in the protasis and in the apodosis. The suffixes -a 
and -i are present, as in most subordinate clauses (Sec. 136), and in 
addition, the postpositive -tc is used if the condition is hj^pothetical 
or contrary to fact. Examples: 

til (1) xndeqd-stis (2) .re' (3) fciifc" (4) ha"ha (5) tVl (1) habe-l (6), if I scratch 
this big tree, I shall fell it. 1, conditional pronoun. 2, to scratch with 
one's finger nails. 3, oblique case of the article. 4, big. 5, tree. 6, to fell 
a tree. 



' As, for example, in such uses of the preposition "at" as in "to throw 
something at sonae one, to be at home, at his request, not at all," etc. 

2 In such cases they are enclitics, pronounced a,s though they were unaccented 
final syllables of the preceding nouns. They were erroneously written as 
suffixes in some instances in the Quileute Texts. Certain morphologic 
facts indicate that they are independent words both before and after the 
noun. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 213 

ti-xwal (1) axM (2) titc (3) texwaWt'coli'tc (4), go thou home, if thou wantest 
to go home. 1, to go home. 2, imperative pronoun. 3, conditional 
pronoun. 4, te-xwal, to go home; -e, connecting vowel (Sec. 37); for the 
glottal stop see Sec. 40; -t'col, to wish; -i, subordination suffix; -tc, 
indicates a hypothetical condition (Sec. 77). 

titc (I) hdH'catc (2) t'ciqali (3), if you are slow (move slowly) you will die. 
1, conditional pronoun. 2, to be slow; the suffix -tc as in the preceding 
example. 4, to die; no future tense suffix is used; the verb is just sub- 
ordinated by the suffix -i, and the tense is implied by the meaning of the 
protasis and the context. 

78. Possibly related to the above, is the use of the conditional 
pronouns in temporal and other subordinate clauses which do not 
admit the use of the subjunctive (Sec. 74). In these cases the pro- 
nouns generally follow the verb, although, presumably for purposes 
of emphasis, they may occasionally precede it. Examples are: 

fsilo'wasta (1) ax" (2) ti'l (3) hiyo"sitc (4) IcHa'tsitc (5), pxill me up when I 
finish tying it. 1, pull me up. 2, imperative pronoun. 3, conditional 
pronoim. 4, to finish; with the causative -s, the subordinating suffix 
-i, and -tc for hypothetical notions, as above. 5, to tie ; -i, and -tc as in 
the preceding word. 

MH'si (1) tVl (2) 6-qale-'ki (3), when I arrived. 1, when; this is a verb whose 
meaning is difficult to render by om- words ; the subordinating suffix -i 
is used because the whole clause is subordinated to the rest of the sen- 
tence omitted in the example. 2, conditional pronoun, subject of the 
preceding verb. 3, to arrive, with the subordinating suffix -i ; the verb is 
subordinate to the preceding verb. 

ti'l (1) hiyo-'do'otc (2) k'atse-'litc (3), after I may finish hitting him. 1, con- 
ditional pronoun. 2, to finish; with the resultative -do; -'o is the sub- 
ordinating suffix -i assimilated to the -o of the preceding morpheme by 
the glottal stop (Sec. 39) which must be inserted between the two 
vowels (Sec. 37); -tc for hypothetical occurrence. 3, to hit; -i-tc, as in 
preceding examples. 

79. Habitual action is expressed only by the use of the conditional 
pronouns. Thus, he.laxa'li, I ate it (at one particular occasion) with 
the addition of the pronoun til means I generally eat it or ate it, 
he.laxa'li ti'l. It should be noted that the pronominal suffixes of 
the indicative can be used together with the conditional pronouns, 
the latter following immediately after the former. Their omissions 
are about as frequent as their occurrences, and the choice of either 
construction seems to imply no distinction in meaning. Examples : 

fa-'tcali ti'l xe' xaha"fso\ I generally know everything 

tsdtsaW'li ti'l, I usually get up early ("early" expressed by reduplication) 

xa"lil itca'qla xe' itca'lala t'oq", knives like the ones we use. 

80. It is difficult to define the genitival use of the conditional pro- 
nouns. In fact, the only justification for regarding this use as geni- 
tival is the rather irrelevant fact that it can be rendered by oiu- 
possessive pronouns. But who can enumerate all the notional 



214 ANDRADE QUTXEUTE 

relations expressed by our possessives and the equivalent use of the 
preposition "of?" Certainly in each of the expressions, my head, 
my knife, my father, my country, my illness, a different notional 
relation is impUed between the "possessor" and the entity "posses- 
sed." The data collected upon this use of the Quileute pronoun are 
not sufficient to define it. Most of the examples available were 
obtained out of context, in order to supplement their rare occurrence 
in the texts. In one instance it was possible to find the following 
distinction. "My foot" is generally rendered by the common posses- 
sive, 6'fceli't-s. but in a sentence literally translated as "these 
tracks were made by my foot", the conditional pronoun was used 
(ot'celit ti'l). The translation given by one informant, being pre- 
vailed upon to find a distinction, was "These tracks were made by 
the foot I use."i A similar notional relation may be derived from 
"my canoe mate, my clothes," and perhaps, "my mfe," but it is 
not so readily inferred from "my children," and other contexts in 
which these pronouns have occurred,'^ e. g. : 

tcil¥wa"a ti'l, my children 
h^Vsa'^e Wl, my former clothes 
he.qa'li titc, your canoe mate 
yal6-la"e ti'l, my former wife 
tsitslcwa"asido'o'l ti'l, my future son 
qala"a'e til, my former failure 

The following are a few examples illustrating some uses of the 
conditional pronouns which differ from the above. Other illustra- 
tions of similar uses and of those discussed above will be found in 
QT. 5:2; p. 10:15; p. 13:1; p. 14:9; p. 14:7; p. 14:13; p. 14:17; 
p. 15:3; p. 15:9; p. 19:1; p. 19:9; 7:7; 9:34; 10:8; 14:9; 18:5; 
21:15; 23:10; 23:46; p. 20:16; p. 20:13; 24:22; 31:50. 

he.ali til, what I (propose) to catch 

yix he.kulasi"e til, what I had thought 

tciswa'lie til, what I had given him 

yix he.lilo til, what I travel in 

6-fala' til, the place I come from 

6-Vi"e. titc, where you used to live 

xwa'a'uli xe' itcala' til, I arrived at my destination 

tca'qlti'si titc, the way you do it 

bd'k'il xwa' itca'qts'alalqa"a til, ask him how I ought to dress 

xwa'a'uli sa' poo-q add-sa'a"e til, I found the man I had been looking for 

yix kade-do kddatse"e t'oq", the dog we had hanged 

t'a-'tcali xe' itse-'kil titc, I know how you do it 



1 This may possibly mean "by using my foot," (as I generally do). 

^ It is possible that with some nouns it makes little difference whether the 
conditional pronoun or the common possessive is used. See the last para- 
graphs of Section 83. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 215 

The imperative mode. 

81. The second person pronovms ax^ (singular) and axu'l or 
axo'l (phu"al) are used exclusively in imperative sentences. The 
pronoun -sto, of the hortatory imperative is probably identical 
with the form used for an indirect object (Sec. 96). The verb itself 
shows no imperative characteristic apart from the intonation of the 
imperative utterance. The presence of the low-tone accent on the 
applicative -a in verbs which require the verbal classifier -I seems 
to be optional or may, perhaps, indicate a milder request. When this 
tonal modulation is used, the pronoun is generally omitted, and the 
informants have frequently rendered its force by the word "please". 
Thus, t'laxd-l, please, get ready; t'laxa'l ax", get ready. In addition 
to the following, examples may be found in QT. 5:2; p. 14:8; 
p. 18:3; p. 19:8; 8:19; 26:66; 28:20; 31:53; 31:67; 33:24. 

dlaci'sto, let us begin to eat 

ki.taxa'sto, let us go (be going) 

dloA; ax'i-, eat, (begin to eat) 

Ici.tax, go 

t'le'lcasta' , tatoo me 

wa axu ki.taxa, do not go 

wa axu'l dlaci, do not begin to eat (plural) 

The vocative pronouns. 

82. The vocative pronouns are used in pohte imperative sentences, 
as well as in any other form of address either to attract the attention 
of the person spoken to or to manifest esteem or respect in a manner 
similar to our uses of the word "Sir", fd-li, tcd'li, tea are employed 
when addressing a man, the first one being the most respectful and 
the last one the least formal. Corresponding to these masculine 
pronouns in the order given, dd'U, da, hed are used when addressing 
a woman. Husband and wife frequently employ tcd'li and dd-li when 
addressing each other. Examples may be found in QT. p. 18:7; 
p. 19:1; p. 20:4; p. 20:13; 7:2; 7:6; 7:10; 11:2, 3; 14:34; 18:2: 
20:19; 24:17. 

Possessive pronouns. 

83. There is one series of postpositive and one of free morphemes 
for the expression of genitival relations, e.g. (see next page) : 

The form -ya'ak is used for both genders and numbers. Its use is 
somewhat irregular. It must be employed when the possessor and 
the subject of the sentence is not the identical person, but it may 
also be used in a noncommittal manner when the subject is the 
possessor. The affixed possessives establish a genitival relation 
between the nouns to which they are appended and the possessor; 



216 ANDBADE QUILETJTE 





Postpositive 


Free 


my 


s 


ta' 'ad 


thy 


-tc 


tci' 'id 


his own 


-ya'as 


Id-' ay a" as 


her own 


-ya'aks 


ld-'aya"aks 


another's 


-ya'ak 


ld-'aya"ak 


our 


-t'oq" 


td'aq'o'la' 


your 


-tctik 


tci'tci'iq'o'la' 


their (masc.) 


-salayaas 


M- salaya" as 


their (fern.) 


-salaya' 'aks 


M-salata"as 



the latter being represented by the suffix itself or by the suffix and 
the noun which follows the name of the possession. The relation may 
be one of possession in the literal sense of the term or one of the 
various relations generally classified as genitival. Examples: 

he-'das, my father 

he-'datc, thy father 

he-daya"as yix a'fcit, the chief's father 

he-daya" aks yik wesa't'sopat, the woman's father 

The possessive suffixes of the third person are formed by append- 
ing the subjective pronouns to the element ya-. For the sake of 
brevity only one form has been given above, but any of the sub- 
jective pronouns of the third person, non-feminine or feminine, can 
take the place of -as, -aks. Thus, the possessive for a person who is 
not present is -ya'atc, mascuhne; -ya'akc, feminine; and for an 
unknown person -ya'ax", -ya'ak^. We might, accordingly, be justified 
in saying that there is one general possessive for the third person, 
-ya, and that this suffix is made more exphcit by adding the sub- 
jective pronouns. In the same manner various forms of the third 
person plural could be constructed by adding the distributive 
plural suffix -sal (Sec. 66), and the pronouns of this person. 

84. The free forms of the possessives predicate possession, as, 
ta"ad. it is mine; or may, in addition, have a demonstrative value 
by referring to a noun mentioned in the context, as, qaqa'l xe' 
ta"ad, he took mine (i. e., of the object mentioned, the one that 
belongs to me). Their verbal character is further evidenced by the 
fact that they can take the usual affixes which denote tense and 
appear with subjective pronominal affixes, like any other verb, 
V. g.: 

ta"ad-as tci' hdkuU-i-s, he is my friend 

ta'ad-i'l--as x" hdkuU-i-s, he is going to be my friend 

td'ad-i" -yi-salas xwa' haktdt-i"-yi-s, they used to be my friends 

We may add to the hst of possessives the element -VoV, which 
means belonging to some one's family. This suffix has occurred only 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 217 

with nouns denoting family relations, most of which cannot be used 
without a possessive element; as, he.xas yix-o he-dat'ot', he is a 
father, someone's father. 

A different type of genitival relation has already been discussed 
as one of the uses of the conditional pronouns (Sec. 80). There are 
still other methods of denoting possession. By affixing the sub- 
jective pronouns to a noun, a predication of possession can be 
expressed, thus: 

he.Wwaa, child (formal base he-, postpositive -Ik'wa'a) 
he.lk'wa"a-li, I have a child 
he.lk'wa'^a-.ras, he has a child 
lawi-lk^wa"a-li, I have two children 

kade-do, dog 

kddedoli, I have a dog 

kdskade'do-ka, you (pi.) have dogs (reduplication for distributive plural). 

These constructions may be used in a subordinate clause ex- 
pressing a relation of possession which, so far as we can determine, 
is identical to that denoted by the possessive suffixes, viz. 

yix he.lk'wa"ali, the child I have (my child) 

yix kddedoli, the dog I have (my dog) 

In all cases in which such constructions have occurred it has been 
possible to substitute the possessive suffixes: yix he.lk'wa"as, my 
child; yix kade-dos, my dog. In one instance it was possible to 
express possession in three different ways, and the informant was 
not conscious of any difference. It is probable, however, that in 
special contexts the choice of one of these methods would be pre- 
ferable to the others. The word we refer to is taxe-'lit, guardian 
spirit. "My guardian spirit" may be rendered thus: 

taxe-'lits, (possessive suffix) 

ta"ad taxe-'lit (independent possessive) 

taxe-'lit ti'l (conditional pronoun) 

Similarly, the assertion of possession, as expressed by our verb 
to have, may be denoted by the affixation of the subjective pronoun, 
as indicated above, by the affixation of the postpositive -ti to the 
formal base for location (6-), by the postpositives -ha or -lo affixed 
to the noun. The general meaning of -lo is "to belong, to be to- 
gether"; -ha indicates an intimate relation of possession (not 
necessarily inseparable); -ti, can be rendered by "to have" or "to 
be". Examples: 

taxe-'lit. ha-' all, I have a guardian spirit 

6-tili tdx"lo\ I have a bow 

kddedolos, he has a dog 

to-pa-'tilha, he has a belt (or to-pa-'til-a) 

xa-ba"t'so'ol-as, he has everything 

6-tili xu qali-'it, I have an enemy 



218 ANDRADE QUILEUTE 

qali'it.ha"ali, I have an enemy 
d-xuyo"li, I have a box 
6-tili xwd" d-xuyo", I have a box 
he.xas 6-til xwa' d-xuyo", he has a box 

In the last example M- is the formal base ; -xas, subjective pronoun ; 
6--ti-l, the first two elements referred to above and the verbal 
classifier -I (Sec. 93); xwa' is a demonstrative (Sec. 113). 

OBJECTIVE RELATIONS. 

The expression of objective relations in Quileute presents a 
greater complexity than any other aspect of the language. We have 
grouped under this heading the functions which are equivalent to 
our direct and indirect objects, as well as those which partake of 
the natm'e of voices, and stiU others which have been designated by 
various terms in the analysis of other languages. As we shall see, 
all these functions present some points of contact in Quileute. In 
the analyses of languages in which the term voice has been con- 
sistently apphed on the basis of some uniform principle, the voices 
deal with some aspect of the relation of the object to the subject, 
or with a more complex relation of the object to the verb and the 
subject, as in the apphcative voice. This connection between voice 
and grammatical object cannot be regarded as a mere logical de- 
duction, if we take into account the numerous instances in which it is 
manifested either in the etymology or in the use of object pronouns 
in various unrelated languages. The reflexive pronoun, for example, 
seems to afford an easy analogical transition, particularly if we 
consider its common occurrence in reciprocal action. The reflexive 
is an object pronoim, but it specifies a particular objective relation 
in which the subject is affected. The transition from this to a kind of 
passive voice expressed by reflexive pronouns is quite familiar to 
us. In this construction the subject is affected logically, as in the 
purely reflexive, and still it is a subject, although only grammati- 
cally. We refer to such uses of the reflexive pronoun as in German, 
"Salz lost sich auf"; French, "Ce joiu-nal se publie a Paris"; and 
particularly, in the extensive use of the reflexive passive in Spanish 
and ItaUan. Since semantic development, so far as we know, does 
not follow any predictable course, it seems reasonable to assume 
that when two given functions are performed in various languages 
by the same class of morphemes, whatever logical connection may 
be discovered between such fimctions is to be regarded as having 
some hnguistic significance. These considerations may, perhaps, 
lend some support to our extension of the term objective relation. 
In so far as Quileute is concerned, such an extension is amply 
warranted by the morphologic facts. In this language, we are con- 
fronted with the occurrence of identical morphologic elements in 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 219 

what we may provisionally call accusative and dative relations, in 
reflexive and reciprocal constructions, in the passive voice, and in 
causative relations. Moreover, the nature of the action expressed by 
the verb, as well as its locative and purposive application seem to be 
inextricably interwoven with the other relations of a more definitely 
objective character. The question of whether the morphologic 
coincidences represent only etymologic connections, with present 
divergent fimctions, or whether they reveal present functional 
connections, will be treated together with the different morphemes 
concerned. The forms involved in the expression of objective rela- 
tions may be more readily isolated if we treat first of three important 
elements whose functions partake of the same nature. 

Applicative classifiers. 

85. The formatives -a, -i, -o are the first postpositive elements 
that must be affixed to an initial morpheme before a word can be 
formed. Occasionally, they are the only affixes, as in fciq-a, he died ; 
qal-i, he failed; tok-o, he descended. But regardless of how many 
more elements may be affixed, they are always present^, and in the 
same position. We find -o when the action is appHed to a definite 
location, to a particular part or portion of an object, or when it 
takes place inside of an object, other than a house. The uses of -o 
are by far more regular than those of -i or -a. The functions of the 
latter are difficult to define. In most situations in which -i occurs, 
the action is momentaneous or connotes that is is directed toward a 
particular person or object, that is, specific application of action to 
an entity, rather than to a point in space. The most practical way 
to characterize the use of -a is to say that it occurs when neither -o 
nor -i are definitely apphcable. It is most frequently found with all 
verbs which are decidedly durative, as are those expressing state or 
condition, with those which denote motion through space, parti- 
cularly locomotion, and with others whose action, whether moment- 
aneous or durative, is not directed to any particular location or 
object. 

If we look for a basic concept in these distinctions, we may infer 
one of dehmitation. We may, then, say that -a does not deUmit the 
action either in time, space or purpose; -i delimits it in its applica- 
tion and also in its duration, since it connotes a momentaneous 
aspect; while -o delimits it only in space. We may also assume a 
concept of application involved in this delimitation. In its favor we 
could allege that -o occurs with considerable regularity in situations 
in which an action is applied to a delimited location, and that -i 



They are omitted when the formal bases are used for initial morphemes, but 
cf. Sec. 86. 



220 ANDRADE QFILEUTE 

is found in many cases of application to a specified person or thing, 
whereas -a is neutral in regard to application. This characterization 
of -a receives a slight support from the fact that it occurs in about 
seventy five per cent of the verbs which do not require an object, 
and accordingly, may be considered intransitive. Whether these 
are merely logical abstractions or actual functional principles in 
this language, we have no means of determining. The apphcation 
of these general concepts, or even of the more hmited rules given 
above, meets with numerous exceptions. Thus, the situations in 
which -i would be indicated according to these principles often 
coincide with those which hkewise would require -a. For example: 
the verb which means "to follow some one"', to walk behind him in 
order to see where he is going, would be expected to take -a, con- 
sidering that it is durative or that it connotes motion through space; 
but if we take into account the fact that the action is aimed at a 
definite goal, the use of -i would be expected. How actual usage 
will decide, cannot be predicted. For this meaning of "to follow" 
we find ah-i-l. but for the verb which means "to be going toward 
(a particular place), to be headed for," we have itc-a-x. 

In view of these difficulties, we have decided to characterize these 
elements as classifiers. Classifier is a convenient term in such 
situations. It could be applied to the gender suffixes in Indo- 
European languages, to the class prefixes in Bantu, and to the 
arbitrary use of "instrumental" " in some American Indian langua- 
ges, in all of which experience (as expressed by nouns or verbs, or 
both) is arbitrarily classified under a limited number of groups, 
from some arbitrary point of view. In such a manner the elements 
-a, -i, -0 classify all verbal action into three classes. Their apphca- 
tion seems logical in some cases, as it appears also in many of the 
distinctions of gender in European languages, but it is quite in- 
consistent in many others. These elements will be referred to as 
applicative classifiers, to distinguish them from the verbal classifiers 
discussed below. The quahfication of applicative is not to be constru- 
ed as a conclusive characterization of their function. It is intended 
chiefly to facilitate reference, although there is some probability 
that such is their nature. Other tripartite classifications of all the 
verbs in this language occur in the use of the objective pronominal 
forms (Sec. 96), in the expression of causation (Sec. 104) and in the 
passive voice (Sec. 106). Another threefold classification has 
already been presented in Section 48 in the use of the formal bases. 

86. It is of interest to note the morphologic points of contact 
between the formal bases, a-, he-, 6-, and the apphcative classifiers, 
-a, -i, -0, as well as the further coincidence that 6- and -o are asso- 
ciated with location; he- occasionally specifies reference (Sees. 52, 
56), which is a characteristic of -i; and a'- and -a seem to be neutral 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 221 

in regard to such connotations. These are doubtless significant facts, 
but any attempt to trace fimctional connections leads into confusion. 
In the first place, no more than a dozen verbs are formed with the 
initial morpheme d'-, and only four occur with o-, these two mor- 
phemes being used mainly with nouns. Moreover, considering the 
diversity of verbs that can be constructed with he-, it is hopeless to 
trace its connections with -i. Worthy of note in this connection is the 
fact that the apphcative classifiers are not affixed to the formal 
bases, but only to the meaningful morphemes. 

87. When a verbal classifier (Sec. 93) is affixed to a monosyllabic 
morpheme, it frequently happens that the accent falls on the classi- 
fier. In such cases the latter takes the low-tone accent, and -i 
becomes -e- (cf. Sec. 29). A few words have been found with the 
high-pitch accent on the classifier -o. In poUysyUables, these ele- 
ments may appear with the main accent of the word. No principles 
governing the accentuation of the verbal classifiers have been 
discovered. Due to phonetic contact (Sec. 35), -i often changes to -e, 
even when unaccented. 

The following are examples of verbs with their normal classifiers. 
The formative -I is a verbal classifier, discussed in subsequent 
sections. The glottal stop after some of the applicative classifiers 
has been explained in Section 42. 

Ula-'q-o-l, to be across 
kHH^'s-o-l, to anchor 
le-'xw-o-l, to turn inside of something 
t'la"y-o-l, to be behind 
to'w-o-l, to cover with soil 
ko'l-o-l, to embark in a canoe 
lo''-6--l, to disembark (from up stream) 
ko-t-o-l, to look into a hole 
ha"t's-o-l, to go to bed 
la-'k-o-l, to wipe 
tok-o, to descend 
lat-o-s, to take across 

he.l-o, to travel in a canoe, car, or horseback 
liiw-d-, to bring something to a definite place 
ce-q-o-l, to pull 
xwa'a-o, to find 
t'Kx-d--l, to examine 
bo-x-o, to warm food in a pot 
tsa'da-o, to approacli 

laku't's-o-l, the spirit of the shaman returns with the soul of the 
sick person 

yik-i, to resume action 

lob-i, to die 

tca-tl-i, to go into a fit 

tsa-l-i, to get up 

kVitl-i, to continue in the same direction 



222 ANDEADE QtrtLEUTE 

kik-i, to land on the beach 

let-i, to step out of a canoe 

kix-i, to tell a myth 

kwat-i, to try 

ba'k'-i-l, to ask 

k^d-y-i-l, to blow an ember into flame 

ab-i-l, to follow 

tsi-l-i-l, to push 

was-i-l, to prevent 

tak'et-i-l, to jump 

tsi-x-i-l, to mention, speak of 

xal-i-l, to cut 

t'si'la'k^-i-l, to dive 

t'a-tc-i-l, to pay a debt 

kiye-x-i-l, to tear down 

xa-b-i-l, to fix, repau- 

hawa-y-i-l, to hunt deer 

ha'b-c--l, to fell a tree 

il-e--l, to untie 

Vatc-a, to know 

kits-a, to dance 

ho-kw-a, to drift 

say-a, to like, covet 

t'ciq-a, to die 

bai-a, to laugh 

laq'-a, to run away 

sey-a, to see 

ka'de-y-a, to hide 

k'aiy-a, to hold for ransom 

we-qw-a-l, to assemble (intrans.) 

le-ew-a-l, to cough 

ha'a-b-a-l, to deceive 

Id-q'-a-l, to drive away 

xat'l-a-l, to stumble 

xwa'q'w-a-l, to loosen 

88. Although a verb appears generally with the same applicative 
classifier, this constant association is not of such a mechanical 
nature, as for example, that of the endings of the four conjugations 
in Latin. However arbitrary the choice of the classifier for a partic- 
ular verb may seem, its use is constant with the normal sense of the 
verb or with the apphcation of its action. If the verb appears with a 
different sense or in a different context, a different classifier may be 
required^. In such cases the choice seems rather consistent with the 
rules given above in regard to aspect and application of action to a 
definite location. For example : 

Vla'H^c-i-l, he stuck it (made it adhere) 
t^la"t'c-a-^-(i-, it is stuck 
VlaTc-o-stista al-a-b, stick it on me 

' The use of the applicative classifiers for the expression of aspect is discussed 
in Section 133. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 223 

letc-e--l, he wrapped it 
letc-a-'d-U, I am wrapping it 
letc-o-sti's-ta"as, he wrapped it around me 

lex-w-a-l, it is going around (outside of something) 
lex-w-o-l, it is going around (inside of something) 

kwat-i-"Ui, I shall try it 
kwdt-o-sti's, try it on him 

kwdt-i-las, he is trying it (he is going to try it ; the durative aspect 
cannot be used with this verb). 

Verbal classifiers. 

89. We shall again resort to the employment of the term classifier 
as a convenient device to designate the elements -I, -t, -ts, -s, -x, the 
uses of which, hke those of the appUcative classifiers, conform only 
in part to a barely discernible system. For reasons which may become 
apparent in the com-se of their discussion, they have been given the 
noncomittal name of verbal classifiers. These elements seem to be 
more directly involved in the expression of objective relations than 
the applicative classifiers, as evidenced by the fact that they 
cannot be used in normal conditions when the object is incorporated 
in the verb, and by the further observation that they are more 
frequently found with transitive than with intransitive verbs, or, 
more accurately, they occur oftener with verbs which can take an 
object. Nevertheless, an exclusive concern with the relation of the 
object to the verb cannot be asserted. Here, as well as in the applica- 
tive classifiers and the pronominal objective forms treated below, 
we discern a possible convergence of two or more principles. 

One of these principles which becomes apparent in many cases is 
the distinction between transitive and intransitive verbs, just 
mentioned. As we all know, this distinction seldom, if ever, coincides 
point for point in any two languages, although on the whole we find 
considerable agreement even between the most distant and un- 
related. Granting that disagreement on various points is to be 
expected, the problem that confronts us in Quileute is to decide to 
what extent we are to make allowance for such divergences and 
still regard the distinction as based on transitive and intransitive 
action. Let us take as an example the uses of one of these elements. 
If we characterize -I as the sign of the transitive verb, we find 
evidence of this function in such instances as t'ciq-a', to die; and 
t'ciq-a-l, to kill; kul-e-, to be named; kul-e--l, to name, give a name 
to ; and likewise in the following cases : 

hiye-x-i-l, to destroy 
i'o-H's-i-l, to lift 
tsa'b-e.--l, to stab 
qwas-e--l, to dig up 



224 ANDRADE QTJILEIJTE 

liw-e--l, to carry, take along 

k'i'-e--l, to trap animals 

xa-l-i-l, to cut with a knife 

bd'k^-i-l, to ask 

ha'g^-o-l, to carry with the pack strap 

k'ok'o-t-a-l, to steal 

like-'t-i-l, to wrap 

xel-a, to be angry 

bai-a, to laugh 

a-q-a, to be on top of 

xa-b-a, to be dressed 

k'a-k'-i, to groan 

tcatc-a, to be flying 

xwas-a, to return, come from a trip 

tok-o, to descend 

qal-i, to fail 

tca-t^l-i, to faint 

io6-e, to die (respectful term) 

q^we-l-a, to be late, delay 

texw-a, to go home 

lakl-i, to be puzzled, hesitate 

In contrast with the above examples, we find that liw-t-l, to take 
an object along, to pick it up and carry it away, is transitive, 
assuming that such is the meaning of -I ; but lilw-o- (liw-o) to bring 
or take an object to a definite place and lay it down, is intransitive. 
Under no circumstances can the -I be used with this verb when the 
applicative classifier is changed from e- to 6- to convey this meaning. 
Nor can we aptly account for the presence or absence of the -I as a 
sign of transitive action in the following verbs, considering that 
those which have this sign cannot take an object, while those which 
omit it are generally followed by the oblique case of the article and 
the noun object. 

le-exw-a-l, to cough 
kwat-a-l, to come out, appear 
ha'fs-o-l, to go to bed, retire 
kok-o-l, to be alone, be deserted 
las-a-l, to snap, break (intransitive) 
pux-w-a-l, to drift 
tek'et-i-l, to jump, leap 
t'si'la''k'-i-l, to dive 
?ia'b-e--l, to fall 
xafl-a-l, to stumble 
lex-w-a-l, to move in a circle 
tca'-a-l, to run away 

say-a, to like, long for 
t'a-bil-a, to hate 
it--a, to drink 
kade-y-a, to conceal 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 225 

qay-i, to hold in the hand 

t'atc-a, to know 

sey-a, to see 

k'aiy-a, to hold for ransom 

In perhaps two thirds of the cases in which the verbal classifiers 
are omitted, the verb is intransitive from our point of view, and 
from the fact that such verbs never take an object in Quileute. 
Among the other third there are verbs like t'atc-a, to know; sey-a, 
to see; it-a, to drink; and t'abil-a, to hate, which appear to be 
transitive from our point of view, and because they are generally 
followed by an object. But since in Quileute the obhque case of the 
article makes no distinction between dative and accusative, the 
presence of the object cannot be taken as a proof that the verbs are 
transitive. If we assume that with such verbs the oblique case of the 
article is equivalent to our dative case, the verbs can possibly be 
intransitive. Similar situations could be cited from languages that 
are better known to us. For example, we use in Enghsh a transitive 
verb when we say "I helped him," but the same idea is conveyed by 
an intransitive verb with the dative case in Spanish: "Le ayude." 
As we may all concede, it is futile to attempt to define transitive- 
ness and intransitiveness on the basis of meaning. This distinction 
can be drawn only on the basis of grammatical phenomena, which 
is tantamount to saying that whatever meanings a given language 
may regard as transitive or as intransitive, their distribution is 
neither more nor less arbitrary than any other we may be familiar 
with. Nevertheless, these considerations do not remove all our 
obstacles. We may find an explanation for the morphologically in- 
transitive verbs in Quileute which are found with an object (the 
apparent object may stand in some obhque relation other than 
accusative), but it is difficult to understand how a verb which can 
never take an object may be morphologically transitive. If -I marks 
the transitive verb, how can we account for its use with such verbs 
as U-exw-al, to cough ; pux-w-a-l, to drift ? No object ever foUows 
these verbs, nor do the natives admit any sentence in which one may 
be supphed, as, for example, "to cough blood." 

A conjecture which readily suggests itself is that the -I in such 
verbs is a survival of their former transitive nature, when they had 
perhaps a more extensive meaning. By a process of semantic 
speciaUzation, the expression of an object became superfluous, and 
was finally eliminated. This hypothesis, of course, may account for 
the irregularities, but does not enable us to understand the present 
function of -I with such verbs. Furthermore, we observe that some 
of the Z-verbs that are used intransitively do not retain the -I in 
transitive usage. Thus, las-a-l, which signifies that a string or a rope 
accidentally breaks while pulling it, becomes las-a-ts, to cause to 

15 



226 ANDRADE QTJILEUTE 

break, when used transitively. The use of the causative here clearly 
indicates that this and other similar verbs are at present intransitive 
from every point of view. Is it conceivable that -I may connote 
transitiveness when t'ciq-a, to die, becomes t'ciq-a-l, to kill, while in 
las-a-l it is so closely associated with an intransitive idea that it 
cannot be retained if the verb is used transitively ? Still, in about 
seventy five per cent of the cases in which -I is present the verb may 
be regarded as transitive without resorting to much conjecturing. 
Two conclusions seem possible. The fact that -I coincides with 
transitive action in so many cases may indicate that this was its 
original function, but that at present its adherence to these verbs 
and to others which later became intransitive has no more functional 
significance than the four conjugations or the five declensions in 
Latin. The other possibihty is that -I performs an entirely different 
function which incidentally happens to group together more 
transitive than intransitive verbs. For example, if we should in 
some conventional manner separate in any language all the verbs 
which express a state of mind, a relation or a condition from those 
which denote action, we would find more intransitive verbs in the 
former and more transitive verbs in the latter, while a probable 
concomittant result would be a similar distribution of durative 
and momentaneous aspects. If such a separation were effected in any 
language by a given morpheme, the probability is that we would 
find about the same proportion of irregularities and doubtful cases 
whether we attributed to siich a morpheme the function of distin- 
guishing between momentaneous and durative aspects, transitive 
and intransitive verbs, or static and dynamic predication. An 
attempt to discover a dynamic connotation in the uses of -I, and a 
static impUcation in its omission, meets with considerable success, 
but the number of exceptions is about equal to that of the transi- 
tive-intransitive distinction. It is interesting to note, however, that 
in many cases the two classifications do not overlap. Thus, when 
we find an exceptional use of a transitive verb, it is frequently 
observed that it expresses an action, rather than a condition. The 
last two groups of examples were selected because of their incompati- 
bility with a transitive-intransitive distribution, but we notice 
that the majority of those which would be expected to be intransi- 
tive, express an action, event or occurrence, while those which, 
contrary to expectations, are used apparently as transitive verbs 
without the -I, are expressions of a state or condition. Nevertheless, 
the exceptions and doubtful cases should not be overlooked. In the 
Z-group, kok-o-l, to be alone, to be deserted, denotes a condition, 
so far as we may judge by the translation. What the native "feeling" 
is we do not know, jmx-wa-l, which is appUcable to a situation in 
which a canoe is being driven by the wind, the tide or the current 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN nSTDIAN LANGUAGES 227 

of a stream, may be regarded as a condition if we view the situation 
as a whole; but if we fix our attention on one of its aspects, namely, 
the fact that the canoe is moving, it may be regarded linguistically 
as an expression of action or occurrence, analogous to that of 
lex'w-a-l, to move in a circle, go around. Passing now to the last 
group of examples, the most striking exception is kade-y-a, to 
conceal or hide an object. That this verb is actually transitive, and 
expresses an action may be inferred from the fact that the Enghsh 
intransitive use of to hide is rendered by kade-y-a-sqal, to hide 
oneself. Since the postpositive -sqal is a typical reflexive in all its 
uses, we cannot imagine from what point of view this reflexive 
expression can be intransitive or express a condition. The same 
conclusion can be reached for it-a, to drink, in ita'c xe' lab, he began 
to drink the whiskey. If we should alledge that this sentence is to be 
understood in such a sense as "he entered upon a whiskey-drinking- 
condition," then, by one device or another we should be at liberty 
to regard most utterances either as conditions or as actions. Refer- 
ring now to sey-a, to see ; qay-i, to hold in the hand ; Faiy-a, to hold 
for ransom, may we not reckon them as static or djmamic depending 
upon which we choose to fix our attention ? It is impossible there- 
fore, to decide with any degree of confidence to what extent the 
element -Z connotes action, and its omission indicates a state or 
condition. 

90. In a few instances, the substitution of the classifier -ts (-ats) 
instead of the normal -I indicates a more rapid or energetic action. 
For example: ceq-o-l, to pull, and ceq-w-ats, to jerk; k'i'x-a-l, to 
lift gradually and k'i'x-a-ts, to hft suddenly; wa-x-i-l, to stop, and 
uM-x-a-ts, to stop suddenly ; k'wada'q-a-l, to tear (cloth or any fabric 
or textile), k'wada'q-a-fs, to tear with a jerk; tux-a-l, to spit, tux- 
a-ts, to sputter. 

Evidently, the implications of the element -/ in the preceding 
examples are rather divergent from those which we have thus far 
considered, but any attempt to foUow any suggestions derived from 
such cases meets with obstacles in the majority of the contexts in 
which this element occiurs. 

91. Were we able to decide with any degree of certainty that -I is a 
sign of transitive action and that its omission indicates intransitive 
predication, the use of the other classifiers of this group could be 
characterized as special subdivisions of these two classes, although 
their office is not always clear. Three of them, -ts, -s, and -x are 
identical in form with morphemes whose meanings are rather 
evident. The first one is employed in some contexts with the mean- 
ing of "to do" or "make", and in others (Sees. 103, 104) as a 
sign of causation. The second, -s, is also a causative, but disregarding 
for the moment a considerable number of exceptions, it seems to 

15* 



228 ANDRADE QTJILEUTE 

specify the production of continued activity, in contrast with -ts, 
which generally denotes a causation of momentaneous action. 
Moreover, there is a morpheme -s which means "to give". It is also 
curious to notice that it is identical with one of the components of 
the pronominal forms which express an indirect object relation or a 
direct object connection with continued activity, as discussed 
below. The formative -x is a sign of the durative or continuative 
aspect, used most frequently with verbs signifying locomotion. 
In regard to the other classifier, -t, no single concept can be for- 
mulated for aU the verbs with which it appears, but about half of 
them express a complex activity with a concomitant durative 
aspect, Uke "to fight, to bathe, to work, to ride on horseback," etc. 
In form it is identical with the sign of nominahzation discussed in 
Sees. 122, 148. Intermediate between the presumably formal use of 
-t under consideration and the employment of a -t to nominahze a 
verbal morpheme, we find some instances in which a formative -t 
can be characterized as a participial suffix. The analogical transition 
between these three offices is rather obvious, but considering that 
numerous unanalyzable nouns end in -t (Sec. 138), and that no 
single concept underljdng all its presumably formal uses can be 
foimd without venturing into psychological or logical abstractions, 
it seems advisable to consider these points of contact as having only 
a possible historical significance. We shall, therefore, regard the 
nominalizing -t as a separate morpheme from the -t used formally 
in many cases, but with a clear imphcation of continued activity in 
others. There seems to be no ground for speaking of a special 
morpheme -t changing a verb into a kind of participle, since the 
syntactical relation of such verbs to the main verb of the sentence is 
either equivalent to that of a noun or to that of a subordinate verb. 
In the former case it would be arbitrary to separate it from the 
general nominahzing function of -f, and in the latter we have 
simply one of the instances in which the meaning of -t is that of an 
activity, the nature of which is inherently durative, as stated above ; 
this being the only meaning that can be attributed to the use of -t 
with words which function as verbs. 

It is important to state that, excepting an occasional combination 
of -t and X, these classifiers are mutually exclusive, and, as stated 
above, they must be omitted when the object or complementary 
noun is incorporated in the verb. Furthermore, their use is limited to 
certain verbs, and one is not at hberty to use -s. for example, to 
denote the causation of any durative action. Thus, in talawe-ts-i-li, 
I made him run, we must use -te instead of -s, although the use of 
the latter would be expected, to judge by its most frequent usage. 
Nor is it clear why qefla-x, to go up stream, should take -x instead 
•of -t. If we say that the latter is due to the fact that it is a verb of 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 229 

locomotion, we cannot account for the presence of -x in e-lati'tc-x, 
to need, and in tsdqotca'ql-x, to be impossible. These facts may be 
taken as conclusive evidence that, whatever meaning these elements 
may have in other contexts or may have had formerly in their 
constant presence with certain verbs, they are now employed 
formally rather than semantically. 

92. It is possible that in the use of two other formatives which we 
have somewhat arbitrarily excluded from this group, there is an 
indication of how these classifiers came into existence. A few verbs 
are generally found with the elements -c and -do, which mean "to 
begin", and "to result", respectively, when affixed to verbs, and 
"to become" when used with noims. They are also employed 
formally as signs of an inceptive and resultative aspect. The cons- 
tant, conventional use of these formatives resembles that of the 
verbal classifiers. The verb sey-a, to see, for example, must be used 
with -c in aU situations in which a momentaneous aspect is ex- 
pressed by our verb. That is, in Quileute one fixes his attention 
on the threshold of a visual perception, and, accordingly, one 
would say "I began to see him" where we would say "I saw him." 
Similarly, the postpositive -do, to become as a result of previous 
action (generaly piu"posive) is constantly used with certain verbs 
presumably to denote a resultative aspect of action. For example, 
hiy-o-do, to finish, unless it is employed in a causative sense (to 
cause to end), can never be used without -do. In spite of these points 
of contact with the verbal classifiers, it may be justifiable to reckon 
-c and -do as essentially different from them. In the first place, they 
are not omitted when the object is present in the verb, which is the 
most regular characteristic of the verbal classifiers. Secondly, their 
meaning seems clear in all situations, and they are replaced by the 
continuative -x when the inceptive implication is altered. However, 
even here we have to contend with formal usage, for ala-c, to eat, 
becomes ala-x, to be eating; but se'ya-c, to see, forms the con- 
tinuative by lengthening (ser' ya) and cannot, under any circum- 
stances take -X. Even the use of -c is restricted to certain verbs: 
saya"li, I Uke, would be expected to require the sign of the in- 
ceptive -c in "I begin to Uke," but we find a change of the 
applicative classifier with an implication of momentaneous aspect, 
instead of the normal durative, thus, say-i"-li. An analogous change 
takes place if the objective pronouns are used: sayd-qala'tvo-li, 
I Uke you; sayi-tila! wo-li, I begin to like you. On the whole, verbs 
which do not express an objective activity but signify a mental 
action or condition express inceptive action by changing to a 
momentaneous aspect. 

Examples of the uses of -c and -x for inceptive, durative and 
continuative action are : 



230 ANDRADE QUILEUTE 

al-a-c-i'-sto, let us eat (begin to eat) 

dl-a-x-a'-ato, let us keep on eating 

e- dl-a-c-i", he did not eat (did not begin to eat) 

e- dl-a-x-a", he did not continue to eat 

dl-a-x-a foq^, we used to eat 

My-d--do al-a-.r-a'\ he finished eating 

hiy-o-t's-i-do, he finished eating (referring to the mechanical act of 

taking the food into his body, rather than to the whole social 

situation of eating a meal.) 

Similar to the conventional selection of the inceptive aspect in 
such experiences as seeing, eating, hearing, recognizing, etc. in- 
stead of viewing the experience as a whole, it is observed that the 
continuative aspect is always chosen for many verbs of locomotion. 
Thus, ki't-a-x, means "to be going", rather than "to go", and 
cannot be used in any other aspect. It cannot be made inceptive to 
express the idea of starting out. In such situations the Quileute 
manner of expression would be "he was leaving and was going," or 
"he intended to be going (hi't-a-x-al) and was on the way (itc- 
a-x)." Such an occurrence as would be conveyed by our sentence 
"he went to so-and-so's house" is generally analyzed by a Quileute 
speaker into several acts: "He was going, being headed for so-and- 
so's house; he arrived, entered." If the person did not intend to 
enter, they would say, "He arrived at the walls (of the house)." 
It is conceivable that these ways of viewing experience, which are so 
different from ours, may have involved at one time all the classi- 
fiers in a manner analogous to the uses of the inceptives -c, -do and 
the continuative -x. At present, their use may have become entirely 
or partially formal. 

93. In view of all these difficulties, it seems advisable to content 
ourselves with a description of the morphologic facts, and to suspend 
judgment in regard to conceptual functions. We may, therefore, 
say that there are five formatives in Quileute which divide all the 
verbs into six classes. Accordingly, these formatives may be called 
verbal classifiers. They are -I, -ts, -t, -s, -x. Five of the classes are 
designated by the constant presence of one of the classifiers, when 
no object is expressed by a morpheme within the verb. The sixth 
class is defined by the absence of a classifier in all situations. This 
has been labeled neutral class. The other five will be mentioned by 
their respective classifiers, as the ^class, the fe-class, etc. 

Special material was collected to determine what classifiers are 
required by various verbs. To secure uniformity in the answers, and 
preclude as much as possible a choice of aspect by the informant, 
each sentence that he was asked to translate had a noun for its 
subject, so that the Quileute verb might be given without any 
pronominal suffixes, and the English verb was in the past tense. 
Verbs which could be used transitively were placed in complete 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



231 



sentences with a nominal object which could not be incorporated, 
as, this man saw the horse, or with a nominahzed clause, as, that 
woman knew what you did. The examples which follow were 
selected from such answers with the special design of presenting a 
variety of meaning. This information was given for 439 verbs, 
which were used with the various classifiers or without them in the 
following proportion. The verbs which are generally found with the 
inceptive and resultative suffixes -c, -do have been included to 
illustrate their formal use as discussed in Sec. 92. 

-I 239 -s 17 

neutral 98 -y 12 

-ts 34 -c 11 

-t 19 -do 9 



/-class 



tca"al, escaped 
tci"al, took care of 
Idsal, it broke 
pux-wal, drifted 
le-exwal, coughed 
Icwdt-al, came out 
luwa-'qwal, transformed 
lc'ok'6-tal, stole 
lila-'qol, was across 
he^ol, accompanied 
toqo-ol, avenged 
ha'q'o-l, packed 
ha'H'sol, went to bed 
te"lol, met at the beach 
ko'kol, was isolated 



tek'e-'til, jumped 
hiye-xil, destroyed 
d-hil, followed 
Va-tcil, paid a debt 
xwali-wil, overtook 
V6-fsil, raised 
he-qcil, applied magic 
like-til, wrapped 
la'e-l, gathered 
tsa'be-l, stabbed 
k'i'e-l, caught in a trap 
t'e'k''e-l, started a fire 
p'e'fle-l, filled 
qwas-e-l, dug roots 
liwe-l, brought along 



Neutral class 



■xel-a-, was angry 

la"q'a, ran away 

baid-, laughed 

xa-ba'\ was dressed 

sayd-, liked 

kax-d-, opened (trans.) 

t'd-bila", hated 

xivasd-, returned 

kfdi", got busy 

heqli, came upon him 

lipi", turned over (intrans.) 

t'e-kili", felt (trans.) 

k'a-k'e", shouted with pain 



i't-a, drank 

d-qa, was on top of 

k'a'k'd-, opened his mouth 

we'k^wa, chewed (trans.) 

t'ciqa", died 

kade-ya'', hid it 

i'ca'o", cooked it 

t'ca'd-, it was cooked (was done) 

yiki'\ resumed action 

tcitci", opened his eyes 

qaye", held in his hand 

kule-, his name was 

ta'.roli, became ashamed 



xekwats, he closed 
oxwats, he dipped it 
p'e-'t'cots, lit a candle 



<s-class 

fokwats, he cut in two 
i-'xuts, he exchanged 
t'so"o-sats, shook the discs 



232 



ANDRADE QUILEUTE 



kadd-qwats, rolled the discs 

kdbats, mixed 

qwa'H'lats, piled up (trans.) 

fsd-bats poked 

t'lax^-a'ts, (he) shot (with gun) 

q'wa'tats, stretched (trans.) 



tso'otsats, jerked (intrans.) 
k^ada"t'sats, cut a piece from 
yaxo'ts, placed in front 
q'o't'lats, poured (trans.) 
wd-tc-ats, split (trans.) 
k'iya'ts, he tied 



t'cd.qe'xat, fought with 
xoaida't, bathed (intrans.) 
Vsilo-wa't, went up 
pa-'qet, worked 
d-tcoxa't, lay together with 
ha'p'is-pat, roasted (trans.) 



f-class 

k'o-'xwat, divided profits with 
k'ise.dat, tied canoe to kelp 
kw6-lo"ot, rode on horseback 
k'opa't, loved, coveted 
qd-lexa't, waged war with 
t'iktada't, smelled (trans.) 



5-class 



tcitcostis, put into, introduced 
ada's, searched for 
uxwa"atsis, paid (for service) 
k'apa-'lis, doubled in two (trans.) 
hd''fca-'t''sis, cured (trans.) 
laqdtaia, made smaller, reduced 



xwasdqltis, revived from faint (tr.) 
wakalaxe's, listened to 
heciks, happened to find 
itca'qltis, described 
wa"t'sia, stopped (trans.) 
6-qalis, brought nearer 



ilaxa'sx, set free 
itca'x, was headed for 
suku'sx, came empty handed 
Id'lowa'tx, withdrew (intrans.) 



a;-class 



kftax^ was going 
qe't'lax, was going up stream 
e-lati'tcx, needed 
tsdqotca'qlx, was impossible 



Inceptive verbs 
siyac, he saw koli'c, he hurried (intrans.) 

het'ic, he married (her) tipile'c, was tired, worried 

kukwa-'lec, heard, understood Vsixale'c, recognized 



Resultative verbs 



hiyb-do, he finished (trans, or intr.) 
atlaxe'd-o, received news 
faqlo-do, missed the guess 
i'sido, urinated (said of a woman) 



xile-kli'd-o, forgot 
pike-'d-o, gave news 
ba-'d-o, defecated 
t'Uea-'do, departed for a trip 



94. The verbal classifiers are associated with the meaning ex- 
pressed by the verb in a given context rather than with its form. 
Thus, when a form is used in a different sense, the verb may pass 
from one class to another. A few examples have already been given 
(Sec. 90); others are: 

t'ciq-a, to die t'ciq-a-l, to kill 

las--a-l, to break las--a-ts, to cause to break 

kol-o-l, to embark kol-o-s, to place in the canoe 

ha'kut-a-x, to be coming ha'ktU-a-s, to send 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



233 



95. As already mentioned, when the object of the verb is ex- 
pressed by a postpositive, whether nominal or pronominal (Sec. 96), 
the classifier is omitted. Rare exceptions to this rule have occurred 
in verbs composed of two or more meaningful postpositives which 
seem to have become stereotyped compounds. 

ce'q-o-l-as, he pulled 

ce'q-o-l-as ye' te-'kwa\ he pulled the rope 

ceq-"-ti'p-as, he pulled the door {-tip, door) 

ceq-"-tci'l-i-sta-xas, he pulled my leg (pulled-leg-to-me-he) 

ceq-"-a-tila-xas, he pulled me 

xek^-a-ts-is, he closed it 

xek^-a-ts-is xe' d-xuyo", he closed the box 

xek"-tip-as, he closed the door 



Objective relations expressed by pronominal forms. 
96. Certain forms occur in all cases in which a relation similar to 
our direct or indirect object is expressed by pronominal suffixes. 
Their uses can be more accurately defined by reference to the verbal 
classifiers. Connotations of momentaneous, diu'ative, and conti- 
nuative aspects may be disclosed, as well as a distinction which 
corresponds to some extent with that estabhshed by our direct and 
indirect objects. However, the difficulties encountered in an attempt 
to account for the exceptions are analogous to those pointed out in 
the use of the verbal classifiers. If we take the verbal classes 
(Sec. 93) as a basis, it is generally possible to predict which objective 
forms will be used. No verb of the neutral class, for example, has 
been found with any other than the ^a-objective forms given below, 
unless a kind of ethical dative is expressed, in which case the s-forms 
would be employed. The I- and te-classes may take the ii-forms or the 
s-forms according to the rules given below. These correspondences 
may be presented as follows: 



Person 


neutral -I, -ts 


-t, -s (-1, -ts) 


1st sing. 
1st plur. 
2nd. 
3rd. 


-qala 
-qalo 
-qalawo 


-tila 
-tilo 
-tilawo^ 


-sta 
-sto 
-swo 
-swa (-b) 



If regard is had to their correspondence with our objective rela- 
tions, we observe that the ti-iovvas, coincide quite regularly with our 
direct object, the ga-forms express the same relation but not as 
regularly, while the s-forms may perform either function, depending 

^ The forms -qalawo and -tilawo become -qala'v and -tila'v when the accent 
falls on the penult. But this depends on the individual ; in careful artic- 
ulation the accent does not produce this contraction. 



234 ANDRADE QT7ILETJTE 

on the verbal class and the aspect of the action. Verbs of the I- and 
is-classes which would normally take the ti-ioTms, require the «- 
forms in any aspect but the momentaneous. For example, xwats- 
e--l. to hit (or he hit him); xivdts-e-tila -life, you hit me; xwdts-e- 
sta' -lite, you kept on hitting me; xwdxwats-e-sta' -lite, you hit me 
repeatedly, you hit me now and then. This is not to be construed as 
signifying that the ti-iovms cannot be used in durative action. The 
principle seems to be rather that a verb of the Z-class requires the 
<j-forms regardless of the normal aspect connoted by the verb. For 
example, tei"-a-l, to take care of, look after, takes the <i-forms so 
long as the verb is used in its normal aspect. If we should use it in a 
continuative or iterative aspect, the s-forms would be employed, 
V. g. : tci-a-tila-xas, he takes care of me; tci'-a-sta'-xas, he continues 
to take care of me. Hence, in order to determine whether the s-forms 
denote aspect or a relation which can be rendered by our indirect 
object, as in t'si-x-i-sta' ax^, show it to me, it is necessary to know 
to what class the verb belongs in its normal usage. Of course, this 
is necessary only when the verb is found out of context, for in actual 
discourse the presence of an object, either expressed by an in- 
dependent word or understood, reveals at once the function of the 
pronominal forms. 

97. The composition of these forms presents an interesting 
problem in linguistic analysis. From an inspection of the above 
table, we can readily isolate two sets of pronominal morphemes: 
-la, -lo, -lawo, and -ta, -to, -wo, -wa. On technical considerations no 
objection can be raised in regard to the first set. The forms -la, -lo, 
-lawo may be considered separable from the accompanying ele- 
ments, since they are in one case preceded by qa- and in the other 
by ti-. Furthermore, the element -ti may possibly be identical with 
one morphologic factor in the obviative -sti (Sec. 100), while qa- is 
identical, at least in form, with one of the signs of the passive voice 
(Sec. 106), and may with less probabiUty be one of the components 
of the reflexive -sqal. Whether these coincidences argue for func- 
tional identity in the present language, or are to be reckoned only 
as indications of cognate origin is a question we cannot answer with 
any degree of confidence in the hght of the data at our disposal. The 
isolation of the second series of pronominal forms contemplated 
above raises more serious doubts. We may state at the outset that 
the forms -la, -to, -ivo, -wa are functionally inseparable from the s- 
that precedes them. They cannot be appended to any other forms, 
and it is problematic whether the consonant which invariably pre- 
cedes them is functionally identifiable with the verbal classifier -s 
(Sec. 91), with the postpositive -s which means "to give" or with the 
causative -s (Sec. 104). If we disregard these doubtful connections, 
we must conclude that the forms -sta, -sto, -swo, -swa are morpholog- 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 235 

ically indivisible. The fact that they have one consonant in com- 
mon and the observation that the analogous forms -tila, -qala, etc. 
may perhaps be composite, is not sufficient groimd to regard -s as a 
separate morpheme. An analogous situation is present in the Enghsh 
words "what, which, who, when, where, whence, whither". Were 
we to adopt the methods which are frequently applied in the analy- 
sis of illiterate languages, we could isolate an initial element hw-, to 
which we might assign an interrogative function. Then, the remain- 
ing elements -at, -ich, -en, etc. would be characterized as adverbs or 
pronouns denoting place, time, thing, etc. Some support for this 
analysis would apparently be fovind in such points of contact as, 
"what", and "that"; "where, there, whither, here". Such a method 
of procedure, besides faihng to discover the actual facts in the 
history of these words, misrepresents the functional facts in modern 
EngUsh or even in Anglo-Saxon. To us, "what, that, where, there" 
are indivisible morphemes, as are also "that, those, this, these, 
there, they, them, the, thus," in spite of the evident morpho- 
logic element th- which these words have in common, and 
which incidentally represents an actual historic connection. Like- 
wise, when one Quileute informant was asked what part of the 
word t'si-xista' ,a}iow it to me, means me, his reply was -sta, not -ta, 
as we would expect from the logical analysis contemplated above. 
In the same manner -qalaivo, and -tilawo were given for you. Con- 
sidering the doubtful functional connection of ti- and qa- with the 
other elements mentioned above, these reactions of the native 
suggest caution. 

It seems advisable, therefore, to regard all the forms of the above 
table as functionally indivisible. The recurrence of the elements ti-, 
qa-, s- we may consider only of historical significance. Of the same 
nature may be such mutual points of contact as -a in -tila, -qala, -sta, 
for the first person singular; -o in -tilo, -qalo, -sto for the first person 
plural; -wo in -tilawo, -qalawo. -swo of the second person; and the 
presence of -I in aU the forms of the direct object, contrasted with 
its absence in those which can be used as indirect objects. Further 
identities of form and similarities of function will be pointed out 
below. In the light of the preceding discussions, these points of 
contact will be presented, without further comment, as possible 
etymologic connections, unless it is otherwise stated. 

98. Certain limitations are observed in the use of the above ob- 
jective pronouns. We notice, first, that there is no form for the 
direct object of the third person. The use of a transitive verb without 
an object is sufficient to indicate that a third person is affected. 
However, when emphasis, contrast, or precision of reference is 
desired, the free objective pronouns given below are used after the 
verb. These free morphemes perform no other function. 



236 ANDKADE QUILEUTE 

When the action of the verb is regarded as a benefit or as a 
detriment to the indirect object, -6 is used instead of -swa. This rule, 
however, does not apply in cases in which a person serves as a 
substitute for another in the performance of an act, unless it is 
desired to bring into reUef the benefit derived therefrom. In many 
cases in which -b occurs it appears from our point of view that it 
stands for a direct object rather than an indirect. This is due, of 
course, to the fact that the same meaning is expressed by a transi- 
tive verb in one language and by an intransitive in the other. For 
example, to curse some one, is dealt with as an intransitive in 
Quileute, the person cursed being an indirect object. 

Another important limitation in the use of the objective forms is 
found when the subject is a third person and the object a second 
person. In this situation the passive voice is used for the direct or the 
indirect object. Thus, "he hit you" is rendered by "you were hit." 
"They gave you many dogs," becomes "you were given many dogs." 

The omission of the objective pronovm in relation to the persons 
which are subjects or objects and the substitution of the passive 
voice may be represented as foUows : 

I, WE THOU, YE HE, THEY 

ME, TJS pronoun pronoun 

THEE, YOXi pronoim passive 

HIM, THEM (direct) omitted omitted omitted 

(indirect) pronoun pronoun pronoun 

The following examples illustrate the uses of the objective 
pronouns. Other illustrations will be found in QT. 16:15; 18:3; 
18:8; 18:11; 19:49; 20:7; 20:17; 20:20; 21:13; 22:26; 26:77. 

ti-ioTvas 
xwa"fsdtila8, he hit me 
xwa"t^sdtilawo'li, I hit you 
xwa'H^sdtilolitc, you hit us 
cequatilawo"oli, I will pull you 
ceqwatila'litc, you pulled me 
he'otilaci'las, he is going to accompany me 
ke-xatila's, he lifted me 
gdgatila'woli, I carried you away 

s-forms 
aywa"t'sds-ta'xas, he was hitting me 
xu!a"fsdswo'b', I was hitting you 
xwa'^V sdsto'litc , you were hitting us 
oeqwaswa'litc, you were pulling him 
ceqwaswo'li, I was pulling you 
hes-ta'xas, he gave it to me 
xe'la'dswoli, I am angry at you 
xe'la'dstoxas, he is angiy at us 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 237 

luwo'os-ta'xas d-lita'\ he is bringing me salmon 
keqdtswo"oli, I shall push it away from you {4, from) 
kd.de- yaswo'li, I hid it from you 
Hlatswd-li, I bought it for him 
ki'ta'swa ax", send it to him 
ha'yoq"s-ta'xas, he invited me 

qa-iovvas 

se-'yaqalas, he sees me 

se-'yaqalawo'U, I see you 

se-'yaqalo'litc, you see us 

t'a'tca'a-'qalawo'li, I know you 

t'a'tca'a-'galas, he knows me 

baye'qold-qalas, he was making fun of me 

add-sa-qalas, he is looking for me 

hdlaqalawo'li, I am speaking to you 

he-t'iqalawoci"ili, I will marry you 

baqa-'wata libe-'tiqalawo'lo, we are stronger than you 

Uses of -6 
Ids-taxo-pa-b-li, I broke his bow string (broke-string-bow-him-I) 
ki-yabli, I coaxed him 
Id'elabli, I cursed him 
ceq"qabli, I pulled the canoe for him (-qa, canoe) 

99. The following free morphemes are used as objective pronouns 
for the direct and the indirect object : 
me al-d-b 
thee he 
him, it .ro"o (near the speaker) 

so"o (near the second person) 
sa"a (removed from both) 
tca"a (visible at a long distance) 
tci"tci' (invisible, known) 
xu'xwa' (invisible, unknown) 
her ki'ksa (visible) 

ki'kci (invisible, known) 
ku'kwa (invisible, unknown) 
us qHoba"a 
you kika'a 
them (non-fem.) so'6-"o (near) 

sa'd-'a (at a distance) 
them (fem.) ki'ksa'a (visible) 

ki'kci'i (invisible, known) 
ku'kwa'a (invisible, unknown) 

This promonimal series includes various elements which are 
found either in the subjective pronouns (Sec. 67) or in the locative 
demonstratives (Sec. 116). All the forms of the third person singular, 
non-feminine gender, are identical with the locative demonstratives. 
The feminine ku'kwa' is found also in one of the subjective series. 



238 ANDRADE QTJILETJTE 

Whether the subjective ku'kwa is to be considered as a different 
morpheme from the objective ku'kwa', and a like distinction is to be 
drawn between the locative demonstratives and the objective 
pronouns of the third person, depends on how we define a mor- 
pheme. Their inclusion in the above Hst may be justified on the ground 
that oiu: purpose is to present a system rather than a hst of unique 
forms. In the other members of this series we find only points of 
contact, e. g. : objective aJ-a-b, subjective indicative lab, subjunctive 
al; objective he, indicative tche, subjunctive tc; objective q"loba"a, 
subjective indicative lub-a'd\ subjunctive aq^, conditional t'oq". 
The process by which the singular forms of the third person are 
plurahzed is evident also in the subjective pronouns. The uses of 
the pronominal free morphemes were indicated above (Sec. 98). 
Examples in connected discourse will be found in Q. T. p. 13:3; 
4:3; 36:42. 

100. It was shown in Sec. 96 that the pronominal forms -sta, 
-sto, -swo, -swa may express two objective relations which are 
entirely different from the point of view of the languages that are 
more famihar to us. In some situations they are equivalent to our 
indirect objects, while in others they are direct objects of verbs 
expressing continuous action, and which of these two relations is 
meant can be determined by the context or by the presence of an 
object expressed by an independent word or clause. It would seem 
that although these pronominal forms are used for both relations, 
the Quileute speaker is conscious of their difference. That is, these 
morphemes perform two distinct functions; not one, as we might 
infer from the morphologic facts. This inference is supported by the 
fact that in situations in which the s- pronominal forms can be 
ambiguous, the elements -sti, -li, -la are used to indicate that they 
stand for an indirect object. These elements cannot be regarded as 
pronouns, for they can refer to any direct object regardless of the 
person. They seem to be special symbols of a direct object relation 
when the indirect object is expressed by a pronominal form, or they 
merely indicate that another entity is concerned. We may caU them 
obviatives, considering that their office is somewhat similar to the 
obviative in Kutenai. In flico-sti-swo-'oli, I shall separate it from 
you, were we to omit the element -sti, the pronoun -swo of the 
second person, could stand for a direct object in durative action, 
and hence, t'lico-swo-'oli would mean "I shall be separating you, 
drawing you apart". Likewise, kwati-sta, means "try me, put me 
to a test" ; but kwati-sti-sta indicates that something or some one else 
is the direct object, and may, accordingly, mean "try it for me 
(in my stead)". 

As in most languages, when a direct and an indirect object are 
present, in the majority of cases the direct object is a thing and the 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 239 

indirect is a person. Very few verbs have been found in this language 
whose meaning would require a person as a direct object coincidently 
with an indirect object, but where such a situation is possible the 
same obviatives are used regardless of what person is the direct 
object. Thus, t'Uco-sti-swo-'oli, means "I will separate him from 
you," while t'lico-sti-swa-'ali, means "I will separate you from him;" 
similarly "you wiU separate me from him" necessitates only a 
change in the subject pronoun: flico-sti-swa-'alitc. 

It should be noted that the obviatives are used occasionally 
when the object to which they refer is expressed by a noun, viz. 
le'tco-sti-sta-'as s ho'kH'sat, he is going to wrap a blanket around me. 

The choice of each of the three obviatives depends on the same 
tripartite division observed in the use of the objective pronominal 
forms, as explained in Sec. 96, and is governed, accordingly, by the 
verbal classes (Sec. 93). 

In the cases in which a single object pronoun would be expressed 
by the ti-iorms, -sti represents the direct object; and a similar 
relation is observed between the s-forms and -li or -la. The verbs 
requiring the ga-forms, being of the neutral class, which are in- 
transitive in their majority, can seldom be used with two objects. 
In a few cases in which it has been possible to form double object 
constructions with the neutral verbs, -la was employed to refer to 
the direct object. With other verbs, -li is used for the normal aspect 
of the verb (Sec. 132) and -la for an accidental durative or con- 
tinuative. Examples of the uses of these elements are: 

t'labaxo-sti-sta-litc, you broke it on me 

lem-sti-swo-'oli, I shall put it around you 

kwato-sti-swo-'oli, I shall try it on you 

flatco-sti-sta, stick it on me 

tciyo-sti-swo-'oli, I shall put it imder you 

sa-ko-sti-s, sew it on it 

keqats-li-swo-Ui, I am going to push it away from you 

k^ok^ot-li-swo-lU, I am going to steal it from you 

tilat-li-sta-litc, you bought it from me 

k^ok'ot-li-Utc tci" tsiyapo's-tc, he stole your hat 

k'ok'ot-li-sta-litc tc kade-do\ you stole that dog from me * 

kwato-la-swo-li, I am trying it on you 

kwato-la-sta-litc, you are trying it on me 

ktvato-la-sta-litc k'i'tat, you try on me every day 

tilat-la-sta-xas k'i'tat, he buys it from me every day 

tciyo-la-swo-li, I am putting it luider you 

lexo-la-swo-li, I am putting it around you 

Although it is possible to use the obviatives in any case in which 
the reference to the direct object is ambiguous, with certain verbs 
the native prefers a periphrastic construction, and it is observed 
further that their use is avoided where they seem superfluous. The 



240 ANDEADE QUILEUTE 

following are instances in which the periphrastic construction is 
preferred : 

ki'ta-swo-lli tci''tci\ I am sending it to you (tci"tci' represents the direct 

object; see Sec. 99) 
xa-'bili he'fe-tsis, I fixed it with it (hterally, "I fixed by using it") 
k'alap'o-q^-swo-li, I slammed it on you (-q^, place, location ; the introduction 

of this concept -q" indicates that some object affected a part of something 

or somebody, hence, the pronoun -swo is readily interpreted as an indirect 

object.) 
xela-swo-li heq-tsoo't tci"tci', I am angry at you for it (literally, "I-am-angry- 

at-you, the-reason-is that-thing) 
e-xo'ts-li he-kis, I exchanged it for it (literally, "I-changed-it substituting-it") 

101. Reciprocal objective relations are expressed by three format- 
ives: -xat, -tid, -sid. Their uses are governed by the tripartite 
division effected by the pronominal forms of the objective case 
(Sec. 96). Thus, the reciprocal -xat is used in situations in which a 
pronominal object would be represented by the g'a-forms, and 
similarly -tid corresponds to the ti-iovvas, and -sid to the s-forms. 
The possible etymologic significance of the recurrent elements ti- 
and -5, and the difficulties of attributing any functional value to 
them has been pointed out in Sees. 96, 97. Examples: 

t'cdq-e-xa't-t'col, they wished to fight (one another) 

se-'ya-xa't-is, they (can) see each other 

hdl-a-xa't-lo, we speak (to each other) 

ha'yoq^-sid-a's, they invite one another 

xe'la-'a-sid-lo, we are angry at each other 

Id'el-a-sid-a's, they cursed each other 

xwa"t's-d-tid-a's, they hit each other (once) 

ceqw-a-tid-a's, they pulled each other 

ceqw-a-sid-a's, they kept on pulling each other 

See also QT. p. 9:12; 13:5, 7, 9, 12; p. 13:15, 16; p. 21:5; 
p. 19:41; 21:2; 23:34. 

102. Reflexive action is denoted by the formative -sqal, which 
serves for all persons. It is of interest to note that this is the only 
objective element which can be used with all the verbal classes, and 
with the three divisions observed in the uses of all other morphemes 
involved in the expression of objective relations. Coincident with 
this observation we notice that it has considerable semantic in- 
dependence, for it may be affixed to nouns or verbs to express a 
concept of disguise, pretence, ^ or simulation, viz.: wesdt'sopat-sqal- 
e'-l, he was going to pretend to be a woman (make some one beUeve 
he was one); het'e.ci'-sqal-aks, she pretended she was married; 
he.tk-a-sqal-as, he pretended to be sick. It is possible that these are 



* In Spanish a concept of pretence is commonly expressed by the reflexive 
of the verb hacer, to make, viz. : se hizo el enfermo, he pretended to be sick. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 241 

idiomatic uses of a reflexive morpheme, or that the reflexive 
function is a special development of such meanings, or else that a 
concept unfamiliar to us underlies all these uses. 
Examples of the reflexive usage : 

tcild-sqal-a's, he warmed himself 

se-'y-a-sqal-a's, he sees himself 

xe'la-'a-sqal-aks, she is angry at herself 

xwa^V s-d-aqal-i"ili, I shall hit myself. 

See also QT. 15:28; 19:39; 20:7; 21:32; 23:13, 30; 24:8. 



Causation. 

103. One of the most prevalent notions connoted in aU languages 
in the relation between the subject and the verb is one of causation. 
The subject causes or produces an effect with the majority of the 
transitive and with many intransitive verbs. Logically, the produc- 
tion of an effect is as clear in "I stopped him," as in "I made him 
stop." Within a given language the expression of causation by a 
special morpheme or by impUcation in the subject-predicate 
relation, generally involves a distinction of meaning, either in its 
reference to experience or in the subjective attitude of the speaker. 
But this holds true mainly for the use of a given verb in one or the 
other manner, as in the above example with "stop." In other cases 
the language may resort to the use of a special morpheme to denote 
causation merely as an expedient to employ an intransitive verb 
transitively. Moreover, it frequently happens that a more direct 
causation is expressed by the subject-predicate relation than by a 
special morpheme, as in "I set him down" and "I made him sit 
down." Evidently we are deahng with a question of form which 
each language determines for itself and bears mainly on the use of 
particular verbs. This is quite evident in the Quileute morphemes 
which express causation. 

There are no definite lines of demarcation between the expression 
of causation and the use of the verbal classifiers -ts, and -s. In fact, 
these two morphemes occur in both situations. We have regarded 
them as classifiers when they are semanticaUy inseparable from a 
given verb, as in kaba-ts, to mix; t'okwa-ts, to cut in two; t'laxwa-ts, 
to shoot with a gun; fsa-ba-ts, to poke. Obviously, if we knew the 
meaning which kaba-. fokwa-, etc. had originally or, perhaps, have 
at present, the use of the causative might seem quite logical, but 
it has not been possible to find a context in which they can be used 
without it. These morphemes are reckoned as signs of causation 
when a verb which generally appears with another classifier, as 
talawe-l, to run, changes the normal classifier to introduce a notion 
of causation, as talawe-ts, to cause to run. 

16 



242 ANDKADE QITILEUTE 

This functional distinction is supported also by the fact that 
there is a special sign of causation, -tees, which does not occur as a 
classifier. Whether the -s in this formative is to be identified func- 
tionally with the classifier -s or the concurrence represents a historical 
connection, or is a mere accident, we have no means of determining. 

104. There are, therefore, three signs of causation, -tees, -ts, -s. 
The choice of one of them in a given situation can be more definitely 
predicted on a formal basis than on an analysis of meaning. Verbs 
of the neutral class (Sec. 93) take -tees, those of the Z-class and most 
of the <-class use -ts when the nature of the causal act is momen- 
taneous, but when the causal agency is continuous or repetitive, 
as in "I kept on making him run," -s is used. This use of -s is ana- 
logous to one of the functions of the pronominal forms -sta, -sto, 
-swo, -swa (Sec. 96). A further point of contact with these pronominal 
functions is the occasional use of -s to denote that a person was 
compelled or persuaded to perform an act for his own benefit. 

Most of the verbs of the a;-class cannot be employed in causative 
predication, but a change of verb or idiom is generally resorted to. 
One of these verbs, Vsilowatx, to cUmb, ascend, takes -s. One verb 
of the neutral class, ita, to drink, occurs with the causative -ts, 
instead of -tees, in ita'tsilo, we made (them) drink (start drinking), 
and with -s in ita' silo, we kept on making them drink. Other irre- 
gularities have occurred, but in no case can a verb appear either 
with -tees or with one of the other causatives. regardless of the 
change in context. 

The tripartite division of the causatives is analogous to the use 
of the three series of pronominal forms for objective relations 
(Sec. 96). In both cases there is an interchange between two classes 
(the ti- and s- series in the pronominal forms and the causatives 
-ts, -s), and one which remains isolated (the qa- pronominal forms 
and the causative tees-). The further correspondence of the two 
functions of the s-pronouns and the -s causative has already been 
mentioned. The verbal classes (as determined by the verbal classi- 
fiers) which fall within the province of each causative correspond in 
general with those which take each of the three series of pronominal 
forms, although there are many exceptions. The most regular cor- 
respondence is exhibited by the neutral class, which requires the 
causative -tees and the ga-series of pronominal forms. A further 
correspondence to this threefold division will be shown in the 
passive voice. 

Illustrations of the uses of the causative f ormatives are : 

lehaVe-tces-ili, I cau.sed him to fall asleep 
tcViyaxo-tces-as, he makes it stand up 
Vseqa-tces-as, he causes it to hail 
d-lati-tces-sta-xas, he made me cry 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 243 

talawe-ts-ili, I made him run 
waxi-ts-ili, I made him stop 
kaxa-ts-as, he caused it to open 
he'exa-ts-as, he made it thiuider 
ada'^ada-ts-ili, I made him talk 
kitsi-ts-ilitc, you made him kick 
ita-ts-ilo, we made them drink 

qwase"U-s-li, I let him dig roots 
ha'H'so-s-litc, you made him go to bed 
Mtsa-tilawo-s-li, I made him kick you 
talawe-s-ili, I kept on forcing him to run 
ada'^ada-s-ilitc, you kept on forcing him to speak 

See also QT. 15:17; 19:13; 23:23; 23:24; 23:33; 24:2; 24:4; 
26:13, 18, 19, 29, 51; 27:4; 38:39, 53; 39:25; 42:25, 28, 37; 43:25; 
45:9. 

PASSIVE VOICE. 

105. The Quileute passive voice is a construction in which the 
normal subject-predicate relation is inverted. The normal relation 
is not to be reckoned by logical implications or by our standards, 
but by Quileute usage. Thus, if in se-ya-litc, you see (him), the 
pronoun -lite refers to the person who sees, while in scya-qa-litc, the 
same subject pronoun refers to the person who is seen, we are to 
regard the latter as a passive voice construction notwithstanding 
the fact that in most cases it corresponds to our sentence, "he sees 
you". However, many uses of the Quileute passive correspond to 
ours. The passive voice is resorted to much more frequently than in 
English. 

106. Besides the inversion of the relation normally connoted by 
the subjective pronouns, four formatives are employed. One of 
these, -t, has been found only with four verbs, the other three, 
-qa, -tsil (-tsel), -sil (sel), divide all the verbs into three classes 
which correspond in every respect to those of the causative forma- 
tives. Thus, if one knows what causative is used with a given verb, 
it is possible to predict almost invariably what passive voice suffix 
it will require. The correspondence is as follows: 

Causative Passive 
-tees -qa 

-ts -tsil 

-s -sil 

We are at once impressed by the morphologic points of contact 
between the causative -ts. -s, and the passive -tsil, -sil. The -I element 
of the passive morphemes might be identified with the verbal 
classifier -I (Sec. 93). Only, the validity of a morphologic identifica- 
tion based on a single phonetic element is questionable, partic- 
le* 



244 ANDRADE QUILEUTE 

ularly in cases like the present, where the meaning of the morpheme 
cannot be determined. As shown in Sec. 89, the uses of the verbal 
classifier -I are predominantly formal. On the other hand, the 
morphologic correspondences of the causatives -ts. -s and the 
passive -tsil, sil is doubtless significant, for they are used in the 
two presumably different functions with the same verbal classes. 
It may be argued further, that the connotations of the passive voice 
are not very divergent from those of causative action, considering 
that the meaning of most of the verbs with which these morphemes 
are used (Sees. 104, 106) is such that the subject of the causative 
and the agent ("logical subject"') of the passive actually cause an 
effect upon the entity represented by the object of the causative or 
by the grammatical subject of the passive. Nevertheless, the fact 
that the person affected is represented in one construction by an 
object and by a grammatical subject in the other, leads us to 
conclude that these two constructions are fundamentally different 
in form and function. The points of contact we have observed may 
represent a historic connection, rather than a functional fact in the 
present language. 

It is of interest to note in this connection that the causative signs 
have been used in a few instances with a passive meaning. Generally, 
a causative passive, like lebafe-tces-i-sil, (he) was put to sleep 
(hterally, he was caused to fall asleep) is constructed by employing 
the proper causative sign f-tces in this case) together with the sign 
of the passive (sil). It is possible, however, to say lebat'e' -tees xe' 
u'xwalo-'la\ (he) was put to sleep by the shaman. Here, the agent 
of the action is preceded by the oblique case of the article, as in the 
normal use of the passive voice (Sec. 112). It would seem that, 
apart from the help of the context, this construction is ambiguous 
unless the agent is expressed, thus. 

.file", he became angry 

xile's, he made (him) angry 

xile's xe tcoo'tsk\ he was made angry by the boy 

xile's yif, tcoo'tsk\ the boy made him angry 

xile" yix tcoo'tsk\ the boy became angry. 

Obviously, we have no means of determining whether this use of the 
causative suffixes is a survival or a later development. 

107. One of the most common services rendered by the passive 
voice is to express an objective relation in which a third person 
is the subject and a second person is the object. As stated in Sec. 98 
in such situations the second person objective forms -tilawo, 
-qalawo, -swo cannot be used ; e. g. : 

sayd'a-qa-litc, he likes you (you are liked) 

xali-tsil-i"ilitc, he will skin you 

ada'adal-sel-elitc, he spoke to you 

fatca"a-qa-litc, he knows you, they know you 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 245 

108. Some uses of the Quileute passive voice are strange to us, 
and occasionally cannot be translated by our passive voice without 
considerable periphrasis. For example: 

t'ciqa-sel-e'litc, it was killed for you (you were benefited by the killing of it) 
t'axt'ce-K-tsel-ilitc, they warmed your feet (you were feet-warmed) 
t'ld^q'a-st'a'daxa'-tsel-ilitc, he slapped you with his tail 

The following sentences illustrate the uses of the passive voice 
formatives. Other examples wiU be found in QT. 13:28; 13:22; 
17:30; 19:5; 20:4; 21:34; 22:2; 23:24; 24:20; 24:23; 26:61; 
38:34. 

fatca'a-qa-li, I am known 

tso'o-sfale-qa-U, I was ordered to do so 

e siya-qa-^a ax", do not be seen 

t'ciqa-tila-st'ale-qa-xas, he was ordered to kill me 

wakalaxesla-qa-li, I am listened to 

ha'yoq^-qa-li, I am invited 

k^op-qa-litc, you are loved 

te- lo-qa-xas, he will be met at the beach 

yalo'-qa-lo, we were approached 

luwe-t'e-tsil, his head was carried away 
tsoxo'-tsil, they were shot 
t^ciqa-tsil, he was killed 
ciqo-tsil-li, I was pulled 
q'isi-tsil-litc, you were hurt 
letce-tsil, they were wrapped up 
kd'ada-tsil, they were hung 
t'la-kH-tsil-i"ilitc, you will be pricked 

tsixi-sel-aa, he was shown it (it was shown to him) 

kule-sel-i'mUc, you will be named 

weqwala-sel, they were simimoned 

ada^adal-sel-li, I was spoken to 

he-yi-(s)-sel-li, I was given a little (he-yis-el-i) 

kixtce-sel, they told him a story (a myth) 

tciye-'fcoq^-sel-litc sa' k'd't'la, they dropped a rock on you 

heqa-wo'lxats-sel-illitc xwa' ha'tc, you are going to be told something good. 

The following are the only verbs which have been found with the 
element -t as a sign of the passive voice : 
ba^k^ -e-t-a-' yi-litc, you had been asked 

tip-e-t-a-c-e-litc, you are gotten tired of (he got tired of you) 
ba'q'olx-a-t-a-li, I am being waited for (they are waiting for me) 
fikasq-a-t-a-litc, you are obeyed 



FREE MORPHEMES. 
As stated in Section 45, the majority of the free morphemes are 
novms of two or three syllables which cannot be analyzed into 
simpler elements. Consequently, most of them may be regarded as 



246 ANDRADE QUILEUTE 

lexicographical subject-matter. We shall mention here only the 
free morphemes whose functions may be properly discussed in a 
grammatical study. 

DEMONSTRATTVES. 

109. There are two groups of demonstratives: those which refer to 
an entity (a being, an object, or an idea) and those which designate 
a location. The latter are conventionally classified as adverbs in 
most grammars. Those which refer to an entity are: 

FEMESmSTE 



ARTICLES 


NON-FEMININE 




Singul 


ar 


Plural 


Subjective 
Oblique, definite 
Oblique, indefinite 


yix 
xe' 
s 




yih 
kV 
ks 




ya"ak 
ka'ki' 
as 


INVISIBLE 












Unknown, luirelated 
Unknown, related 
Known 


xwa" 






kwa 
kci' 




VISIBLE 












Near speaker 
Near second person 
Near both 
Removed from both 


yii'x-o 
sa"a 


yi'tca 
ha 




yii'k-o 
ksa' 



These demonstratives perform some of the most important sjmtactic 
functions in the Quileute sentence. As we shaU see below (Sec. 112) 
the cohesion of the sentence depends very largely upon these free 
morphemes. In regard to the melodic aspect of the phrase in which 
they occur, it should be noted that some of them are pronounced as 
prochtic particles before the nouns or nominahzed clauses to which 
they refer, but most frequently they are stressed as though these 
substantival units were subordinated to them. It may seem strange 
that such demonstratives as s and ks are here regarded as free 
morphemes. In the natural flow of connected discourse they sound 
as long initial consonants belonging to the following word, but the 
native readUy isolates them when asked, for example, whether 
5 t'ei'k'al, a house, is a single word or two words. The distinctions 
denoted by the different demonstratives may be classified under the 
following heads : 

1. Visibihty and invisibility 

2. Relative position 

(a) near the speaker 

(b) near the person addressed 

(c) near both 

(d) removed from both 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGXTAGES 247 

3. Relation to previous experience 

(a) unknown 

(b) known by hearsay 

(c) known by immediate experience 

(d) mentioned in the present conversation or known to all 
persons. 

4. Gender 

(a) feminine 

(b) non-feminine 

5. Number 

(a) singular 

(b) plural 

6. Syntactic relations 

(a) subjective case 

(b) oblique case 

The fundamental principle which seems to govern the employment 
of the various forms of the demonstratives is the degree to which the 
object or person is felt as a perceptive reaUty. Each form responds 
to more or less definite differentials in a scale that ranges from 
actual perception to the feehng of unreahty that may accompany 
the thought of an object that has never been seen by the speaker 
or has been presented to him as a reahty by some one else. From this 
point of view of degree of perceptive reahty we can arrange the 
demonstratives in the following ascending order: (1) x^, k^; (2) 
xwa', kwa'; (3) tci\ kci; (4) sa"a, and the others which refer to 
visible objects. The articles do not fit properly into this scheme. 

110. The demonstrative function of the articles does not differ much 
from that of the articles in English and other Eiuropean languages, 
except that they cannot be used before distributed terms (distribut- 
ed in the logical sense), as "the dog is man's oldest friend." We may 
contrast them with the other Quileute demonstratives from the 
viewpoint that the article is a word of anaphoric reference to an 
entity in the speaker's discourse, or one which is generally known by 
all persons ; whereas the other demonstratives connect directly with 
the thought of objective reahty, or refer to an entity that is known 
or unknown to either the speaker or the person addressed. For 
example, the article yix may be rendered by the words the or this, 
but this is to be interpreted as "the one I mentioned," or "the thing 
everybody knows;" while xwa', which may be equivalent to this 
or that is to be paraphrased as "the one which I heard of," or "the 
one which you know of." A closer step toward objective reality may 
be taken by using sa"a, which may mean this or that but must be 
accompanied by a gesture in its normal use. 



248 ANDRADE QTJILEUTE 

The feminine articles are used before nouns which refer to female 
beings, as' woman, girl, sister, wife, female shaman, mare, or the 
female of any large animal. The non-feminine forms are used before 
any noun that does not signify a female being. This includes men, 
inanimate objects, abstract ideas, and clauses which are syntactic- 
all j^ dealt with as though they were nouns. 

111. The fxmdamental distinction between the definite and the 
indefinite articles corresponds in several respects to that of our 
articles the, a. In its most common use, the Quileute definite article 
refers to an object that has been mentioned in the discourse, whereas 
the indefinite article introduces a new reference into the discourse. 
The new object may be known to both the speaker and the listener, 
but the speaker withholds that fact from the listener, at least for 
the moment, or the fact that the object is known may be irrelevant, 
and the speaker introduces it by merely referring to the general 
class, as a hat, a canoe, that is, one of those things we aU know which 
are called hats, canoes, etc. Most frequently, the object is known to 
the speaker and not to the listener, as in "I bought a hat." In such 
cases, if the speaker intends to give more details about the hat, he 
will use the demonstrative xwa , which can be interpreted as "not 
known to you." But if his intention is merely to introduce the new 
fact without considering its relation to the second person's ex- 
perience, it is probable that he wiU use the indefinite article. How- 
ever, personal habits of speech seem to incline to the use of one or 
to the other. In the language of the myths the articles are used in 
practically all situations in preference to the demonstrative xwa , 
but the latter occurs more frequently in conversation. 

It is not clear why the indefinite articles are always used before 
proper nouns of persons or localities, regardless of how famihar they 
may be to the speaker as well as to the hstener. When a clause is 
treated as a noun, as it is often the case, the definite non-feminine 
articles are used if the fact expressed in the clause is related to 
previous experience, whUe the indefinite article is generally employ- 
ed if such a relation does not exist. 

112. The oblique forms of the articles perform a variety of 
sjmtactic functions, which are quite diverse from our point of view. 
They denote every possible relation between a noim and a verb, 
excepting that of the subject to the predicate. The most important 
functions assigned to them are: to designate (1) the object of 
the verb, which, from our point of view, may be direct or in- 
direct; (2) to subordinate a clause to a noun; a construction 
equivalent to our relative clause; (4) various other relations of 
space, time, instrumentahty, and purpose, the determination of 
which depends on the context; (5) to introduce the agent of the 
passive voice. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 249 

The following sentences illustrate the most common uses of the 
articles discussed in the preceding sections : 

e-c (1) yix (2) kule-'yut' (3) tcat'ce-'yot (4), many of the Quileutes were chat- 
ting. 1, to be much or many. 2, article, non-feminine gender, sub- 
jective case, referring to 3, which is the subject of 1 and 4, the latter is a 
coordinate verb. 5. Quileute. 6, to chat, talk idly; the suffix -t 
(Sec. 91) expressing a state of activity turns this verb into a kind of 
participle : many were the Quileutes who were chatting, or the chatting 
Quileutes. 

xaba'c (1) yix (2) kule-'yuf (3) t'atci (4) xe' (.5) kule-'s (6) yix (7) ho'kwaf (8), 
practically all the Quileutes knew the name of this white man. 1, to 
be all, to be complete; the inceptive -c gives the whole sentence an 
inceptive aspect ; that is, the name was beginning to be known to all, or 
more literally, it was begirming to be all of them who knew the name; 
this idea is reflected also by the ending of 4. 2, article, as in the 
preceding sentence. 4, fate-, to know; this verb takes the applicative 
classifier -a (Sec. 88) in its durative sense of being in possession of 
knowledge, the use of -i in this case indicates the fact of coming into 
possession of knowledge, learning; verbs of the neutral class, like this, 
do not admit the inceptive -c. 5, article, non-feminine, oblique case, 
referring to the following clause which is the object of 4. 6, kule-, 
name; -s, to cause a condition (Sec. 91), that is, a person causes others 
to apply a certain name to him; to assign a name to (for the first time) 
requires the classifier -I; to have a name requires no verbal classifier, 
neutral class (Sec. 93). 7, article, like 2, as modifier of subject of 6. 
8 — white man. 

q'waeti' (1) yi-'kal (2) xe" (3) itca-'lat (4), Q'waeti' went on his way. 1, the 
name of the Quileute culture hero. 2, to keep on going. 3, article, 
oblique case. 4, itc-, to move through space toward a definite point; 
-a, applicative classifier; -I, to intend or sign of purposive action (Sec. 
131); -t, sign of nominalization (Sec. 122). 

e-ca-si'l (1) s (2) potsxwil (3) xe' (4) ka'ptid (5), they were given much canvas 
by the captain. 1, e-c-, to be much or many; see 1 in the first example; 
■sil (oT-sel), passive voice (Sec. 106); the postpositive meaning "to give" 
is -s, which collides with the -s of the next element; the word can 
be pronoiuiced also e-cas-i'l; the meaning being "(they) were given 
much". 2, indefinite article, oblique case. 3, canvas. 4, definite article, 
oblique case for the logical subject of the passive voice. 5, Quileute 
adaptation of the English word "'captain". 

hawa'yicka (1) toqo'l (2) s (3) bd-yaq (4) Deer answered Raven. 1, Deer, 
personification of the animal. 2, to answer. 3, indefinite article 
required before all proper nouns in the oblique case. 4, Raven. 

etat (1) siya (2) xe' (3) potsod-q (4) xe' (5) luwd- (6) ye' (7) si'yat (8) d-lita" (9), 
she could never see the people who brought the salmon that she saw. 
1, never. 2, see, without any verbal classifier denotes the possibility 
of seeing. 3, article, oblique case. 4, poo-q, man, with infix for 
distributed plural (Sec. 59). 5, article performing a function equivalent 
to our relative pronoun, it governs the clause which completes the 
sentence. 6, to bring to a definite place (liw-, and the applicative 
classifier for definite location). 7, article governing the object of 6. 
8, the suffix -t converts the verb into a kind of participle ; see 4 in the 
first example ; for the convergence of this with the nominalizing fiuiction 
see Sec. 91. 9, salmon or food; this noun is either the object of the 
participle, or 8 is substantival and qualifies 9. 



250 ANDRADE QTTrLEUTE 

siyac (1) ye' (2) le'lcli (3) 6- (4) ye' (5) 6-t'oslalcs (6), he saw the blood on her 
thighs. 1, saw; -c, inceptive. 2, article governing object of 1. 
3, blood. 4, to be at a place, independent use of the formal base for 
location (Sec. 56). 5, article, oblique case after 4. 6, her thigh; d--, formal 
base for location; -fe, subject pronoun used as a possessive (Sec. 83). 

xabi'k'ilq'os (1) :re' (2) tiyalo" (3), (she) prepared a pillow for her husband. 
1, prepared a pillow; xabi- to make ready, mend, fix; k'ilq'o-, pillow; 
-s, causative. 2, oblique case of the article expressing a relation 
equivalent to that of the dative in other languages. 

q'waeti' (1) tci-'tcal (2) yix (3) atlaxe"e-ga (4) libe-'ti (5) ii'xwalo-'la" (6), 
Q'waeti' made use of magic, for he was reported to be a powerful shaman. 
1, Name of the culture hero. 2, to apply magic, to discover or cure by 
means of magic. 3, subjective case of the article, which, to use a 
conventional terminology, is in apposition with q^waeti' and hence serves 
as a pronoun, subject of the following clause. 4, was reported, was said 
commonly; -qa, sign of the passive voice of neutral verbs (Sec. 106). 
7, strength, power; used as a qualifier. 8, shaman (see Sec. 53 re- 
garding iixwa- as a formal base). 

113. In direct discourse, when the object is not known to the 
speaker, x" (non-feminine), i" (feminine) or xwa' (non-feminine), 
kwa' (feminine) precede the noun. The distinction between these 
two pairs is parallel to that of xe' and s. That is, a;" introduces an 
unknown unrelated object, while xwa' refers to an object that is 
known to only one of the interlocutors or not known to either, but 
has been mentioned in the discourse, or is otherwise related 
indirectly to previous experience, as when the speaker has been told 
about the object by his interlocutor or some one else in previous 
conversations. Thus, the meaning of xwa' merges into that of the 
definite article, as pointed out in Sec. 111. This distinction between 
x" and xwa' is shown very clearly in the following sentence : 
wels-wo (1) a;" (2) qwa-'t'la' (3) xwa' (4) helitse"t'a (5) titc (6) xwa' (7) pooq (8) 
titc (9) etva-litc (10), a whale will be given to you which you may feed 
to the people when you arrive. 1, wel-, one; -s, to give; -swo, pronominal 
object, to you; a kind of impersonal construction equivalent to the 
passive voice ; literally, "some one give you." 2, demonstrative for an 
unknown, unrelated object; the speaker intended to fish a whale for 
this purpose, hence the whale is entirely unrelated to experience and is 
introduced in the discourse for the first time. 3, whale. 4, demon- 
strative for an vmknown object, previously mentioned; since the whale 
has just been mentioned, all the demonstratives referring to it will no 
longer be x", they may be xwa' or yix (.ye'), the articles; xwa' is pre- 
ferred here because the whale is the important topic ; this demonstrative 
refers back to 3 and is the object of 5, equivalent to oui relative pro- 
nouns; similar to the last example under Sec. 112. 5, to feed, to serve 
as food; the suffix -a is the sign of subordination required by all verbs 
whose subjects are represented by a conditional pronoun (Sees. 76 — 78). 
6, conditional pronoun subject of a subordinate clause expressing 
contingent future action. 7, demonstrative for persons unknown to 
the speaker, but mentioned by his interlocutor in pre\ious conversations; 
it refers to the tribe from which the interlocutor had come. 9, con- 
ditional pronoun for contmgent occurrence, subject of 10. 10, e-wa-l, 
to arrive from an ocean trip; -itc, suffix expressing eventuality (Sec. 76). 



HANDBOOK OF AMEEICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 251 

114. When the object is known to the speaker, but not present 
in the circumstantial context of the communication, the proper 
demonstrative is tci' (non-feminine), kci' (feminine). The same forms 
are used for all syntactic relations. As already stated (Sec. 54), these 
demonstratives take the place ofthe formal bases /le- and d- to express 
a distributed plural. An interesting contrast in the use of tci' and a;" 
(Sec. 113) is seen in the expressions for yesterday and to-morrow. 
The word tawi'l may be rendered as contiguous day, which is equally 
apphcable to the day following and to the day preceding the 
present. By using the demonstrative for an invisible, experienced 
fact, we obtain the expression for "yesterday," tci' tawi'l; while 
"to-morrow" requires the demonstrative for invisible, unexperienced 
facts, x^ tawi'l. Examples of the normal uses of tci' and kci' are: 

tcV (1) hel-osi (2) «'og" (3) loto'li (4), the canoe in which we used to go across. 
1, demonstrative, referring to a canoe known to both interlocutors 
but not present. 2, he-, formal base; -^, to travel in a canoe; at 
present also to ride in an automobile; -o, applicative classifier for 
location; -s, causative for continued action (Sec. 104); -i, subor- 
dinating suffix; the clause of the above example is taken from a 
sentence in which it was subordinated to the main verb; literally, "that 
in which we travelled"; there are many words for various types of 
canoes, but in Quileute one frequently refers to an object by mentioning 
its use; the word for "canoe" could be used in this context, but it seems 
superfluous, since both interlocutors linow the canoe in question. 
3, conditional pronoun, first person plural, used for customary action 
(Sec. 79). 4, lot-, to cross a stream or body of water; -o, applicative 
classifier for space; -I, verbal classifier; -i, subordinating suffix, as 
in 2. 

liweli-'ilo (1) sa"a (2) d-saya't (3) itca'si (4) IccV (5) tsi'tskwa"as (6), we shall 
take that meat to my daughter. 1, we shall take. 2, demonstrative 
for an object present; the meat was in the canoe between the speaker 
and his interlocutor. 3, meat. 4, itc-, to be going in a definite direc- 
tion; -a, applicative for motion; -s, causative for continued action; 
that is, they will cause the meat to go in a definite direction, namely, to 
his daughter's house; -i, sign of subordination, this verb being subor- 
dinate to the first verb. 5, demonstrative, feminine gender, for a 
person known to both interlocutors but not present. 6, daughter 
with the possessive -s. 

115. When the person or object is visible or present, different 
demonstratives are used according to the position, the gender and 
syntactic relation, as shown in the table above (Sec. 109). The 
forms yi'tca and ha are used with any gender. Referring to a state- 
ment or an object which has just been mentioned sa' 'a or sa' may 
be used instead of the demonstratives for invisible objects, exten- 
ding, thus, the concept of presence in space to include presence 
in mind. Illustrations in connected discourse will be found in 
QT. p. 14:18; p. 15:15; 6:1; 6:2; p. 18:10; p. 18:16; p. 20:16; 
p. 21:5; p. 21:10; 7:3; 7:10; 18:5; 19:5; 19:35; 24:12. 



252 ANDRADE QUILEUTE 

Locative demonstratives. 
116. The locative demonstratives direct the attention of the 
person addressed toward a location, just as the preceding demon- 
stratives direct it towards an object, a person or any other entity. 
They are: 

Visible location 

xo"o, near the speaker 

so''o, near the second person 

sa"a, at a comparatively short distance from both 

d-tca'a (tca'^a) at a long distance 

Invisible location 

xa'x-e, near, indefinite in extension 
tci"tci', known place 
xu'xwa\ unknown place 

The concept "here" is expressed by xa' x-e when the location is near 
or when the speaker is in it, and hence, visible only in part. It 
corresponds to such EngUsh expressions as "over here, in this 
region, on this side." It is used also for such ideas as, "now, now-a- 
days," and functions as an initial morpheme with the postpositive 
-qtiya, day, to mean "to-day" (xaxe'qtiya). 

The other two locative demonstratives, tci''tci' and xu'xwa', may 
be used for an immediate location as well as for a remote one. Their 
use depends on whether the place is known to the speaker from 
previous direct experience, having been there, or whether he 
imagines the place or has heard of it. For illustrations see QT. 
p. 14: 7; p. 15:11; p. 15: 17; p. 8:7; p. 18:9; 7:7; 7:8; 8:47; 14:13; 
16:2; 16:12. 



OTHER FREE MORPHEMES^ 

117. There are very few elements besides nouns, demonstratives 
and some of the pronouns, which we may confidently classify as 
unanalyzable free morphemes. The predilection for verbal forms is so 
manifest in Quileute, that even such words as he'xat, he-qati, abe", 
whose meaning is apparently identical to our conjunctions "and, 
also, because," respectively, are perhaps verbal compounds. The 
first one, he'xat may possibly consist of the formal base he-, and 
other elements we cannot definitely identify. If the final element -at 
is the element which converts a verb into a noun or a participle 
(Sec. 122), the -._r may be the continuative for motion (Sec. 66). We 
cannot be certain of the composition of he-qati, but it is quite possible 
that it consists, like the latter, of the combination of two elements 

' Pronominal morphemes belonging to this morphologic class of free mor- 
phemes have been discussed in Sections 69, 73, 76, 81, 82, 84, 99. 



HANDBOOK OF AMEKICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 253 

appended to the formal base, bringing those elements into promin- 
ence as illustrated with other affixes of the same nature in Section 
55. We notice, further, that there are two other words of conjunctive 
meaning, which are similarly formed: heqal, to, for, against; and 
heqale-'k, due to. We may be sure that ahe' ' is a verb, as evidenced by 
its occurrence with pronominal affixes, e. g.: 

abe"li e t'a'ica'a, because I do not know 

Here, abe" is the main verb, to which the pronoun -li, I, is affixed. 
e, negative; t'a'tc-, to know, with the apphcative classifier -a, and 
the subordinating suffix separated by a glottal stop (Sec. 37); this 
verb is subordinated to abe"li. 

In other cases no data are available upon the elements which 
integrate the words, but we have some reason to suspect that they 
are composite. Compare, for example: 

tca"wa''ac (or tca"wac), then, after 
tca"we-la, nevertheless 
la, still, yet, even so, etc. 

hoi, only, just 

hoyali'l, always, not only . . . but also 

The following free morphemes have not been found with affixes : 

a-, oh, (surprise) 

ay^, oh, ah, (pain, reproach) 

'-■, yes 

e-, no 

dd-kil, and, but, then, therefore, etc. 

de-xa'\ so that, in order that 

tifseka, confound you 

xec, for, for the benefit of 

la, still, yet, even so, indeed (Greek Se), and other meanings 

ho'ho, well, now, (French "done") 

118. A few remarks about the numerals may be pertinent in this 
grammatical study. There are two forms for each of the first ten 
numerals. One series which we may name absolute, is used when 
counting objects or when employed independently, as in answer to 
the question "How many?" The other series precedes the noun 
which denotes the objects enumerated. The first six numbers of 
this series may be used as initial morphemes to which postpositives 
may be affixed. Individual usage varies for number seven. Some 
persons affix postpositive elements to this numeral, while others 
claim that it is not proper to do so. Thus, Idwaqt'si'silk'wa, seven 
children, may also be expressed by two free morphemes, Idwaqt'si'si 
tcoo'tsF. But all informants concur in using eight and the other 
numerals above eight without affixes. The forms for the first ten 
numerals are : 



254 ANDRADE QTHLEUTE 

Syntactical Absolute 

one wa-l-, we-l-, we-- wel 

two lawe- Id'u 

three qwa"le- qwd'l 

four bayas- bd"yw 

five tasi- tas 

six tcilasi- tcila's 

seven lawaqf siai- Id'uaqi'sis 

eight laweVali- Id'ut'al 

nine wilVali- we'lt'al 

ten t'opa- kstcil 

There is only one series for the numerals above ten. They may be 
used absolutely or before nouns. In the latter case, those which end 
in -o change this vowel to -i, while those ending in -a' add -a, e. g. : 
lawds-ta'a tcoo'sk', twenty children. It might thus be said, that this 
is the only instance of an adjectival formative in Quileute. 

The numerals above ten are compounded as follows : 

11 vn'Wsiyo" 21 lawdsta' he'xat we-l 

12 ldwe"t'siyo'' 22 lawds-td' he'.xat Id'u 

13 qwd'let'siyo' 30 qwd'las-ta' 

18 lawe't'ale"t'siyo' 40 ba"yds-ta' 

19 wel-fale"t'siyo' 100 tcil-ta's-ta' 

20 lawds-ta' 



THE WORD. 
119. The Quileute word may consist of one morpheme, as e', yes, 
or of two or more, as Vlaq'asi'dasfa'daxa'las. it is going to strike 
the water with its tail. In this language the judgment of the native 
is quite consistent in dividing the sentence into its morphologically 
independent units. Phonetic tendencies, as well as morphologic 
principles probably facihtate this clear delimitation. We observe, 
on the one hand, that there is no phonetic coalescence between the 
words, and on the other hand, that the free morphemes, which are 
the only elements capable of semantic independence, and also the 
initial morphemes, which, so far as we may infer from our ex- 
periments, approximate semantic independence, are never affixed 
to other elements. The native as a rule cannot recognize a discon- 
nected postpositive, however concrete its meaning may be. It seems 
reasonable, therefore, to expect that the initial morphemes should 
clearly indicate the beginning of the word, and that the post- 
positives affixed to them should not be mistaken for separate 
elements. Similarly, there being no prefixation in Quileute, an 
erroneous transposition of a formative from the preceding word to 
the following, is very improbable. Apart from the native's awareness 
of such demarcations, the analyst can generally gather unmistakable 
morphologic and phonetic evidence to delimit the word. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 255 



PARTS OF SPEECH. 

Linguists are at variance as to the number, definition, and 
nomenclature of the "parts of speech." In the present classification 
it is not our purpose to propose a solution of this debatable question 
for all languages, but merely to treat such grammatical functions 
in the light of the morphologic and semantic phenomena exhibited in 
this particular language. It may not be superfluous to state at the 
outset that in the present analysis, the terms noun, verb, etc. 
denote functions; not ideas or forms. Thus, the word t'laxd'l is a 
verb in t'laxa-l o.ki s d-qala't, get ready to go to James Island. 
That is, its functional share in the formation of this sentence is of a 
verbal nature. On the other hand when this word stands alone as in 
t'laxd'l, get ready! it is not a part of speech, but a complete act of 
speech, an utterance. If we should regard it as a verb in this case, 
our term would merely designate a form that can be used as a verb, 
but would not characterize its function in the particular act of 
speech under consideration. Accordingly, we may say that Quileute 
words serve as utterances, verbs, nouns, pronouns, demonsti'atives, 
qualifiers, and conjunctions. 

120. All main verbs, as defined below, may function as utterances. 
Apart from these, very few Quileute words can perform this function. 
The forms that are used as nouns can never^ be utterances. In 
Enghsh and other languages, in answer to the question "Who is 
there 1" we may use a noun in the so-called eUptical sentence 
"John." In Quileute one must say "It is John." fhe.xas John). 
Aside from the verbal forms and interjections, the only words which 
are used as utterances are the absolute numerals (Sec. 118), most 
of the demonstratives, and the free morphemes e% yes; fa, indeed, 
dd-kil, very well, so, (French "done"). A negative reply cannot be 
expressed by a single morpheme as in English, "No." It is always 
necessary to affix a pronominal, temporal or aspect formative 
to the negative verb, wa, or in the case of a verb of the neutral class, 
(Sec. 93) the use of both negatives e- wa-, with the proper suffixes 
appended to the latter. These expressions are equivalent to saying 
"Not I," "You will not," etc. 

121. We may dispense with a discussion of the nature of verbal 
function, and assume that it is identical to that of our verbs, there 
being no evidence to the contrary. WTiat words function as verbs in 
a given Quileute sentence can be determined by certain morphologic 
characteristics, the most reliable of which is the use of pronouns. 
A word functions as a main verb when a pronominal postpositive 

^ Unless we include the unique situation of asking a Quileute for the equival- 
ent of an English word, and even in this case the word is often preceded by 
he (Sec. 56) it is. 



256 ANDRADE QUILEUTE 

is or can be affixed thereto. The function of a word as a subordinate 
verb can be disclosed by the presence of a pronominal free morpheme 
before or after it or. in its absence, by the final subordinating suffix 
-i or -a (Sec. 136). A consistent appUcation of these rules will lead 
lis to classify as verbs certain words the meanings of which might 
not seem adaptable to verbal function, e. g. : abe", because: iva, no; 
ec, much, many; xaya! , other; the syntactic forms of the numerals 
(Sec. 118), the free forms of the possessive pronoims (Sec. 84), and 
many others. These apparent oddities are doubtless due to our 
conventional translation. Should we render the predicative reference 
of abe' by a clause, such as, "the reason is" or "this is due to the 
fact that," its use as a verb would seem more natural. However, this 
translation fails to convey the meaning of abe" in such a clause as 
abe"li e- t'dtca'a' , because I do not know. The affixation of the 
subject of the sentence f-li) to abe", which apparently estabhshes a 
relation of cause and effect between two statements, clearly indi- 
cates that it is well-nigh impossible for us to reaUze the full import 
of this Quileute verb. Whether the affixation of the subject pronoun 
to abe", is merely a matter of form which does not impede the 
connection of the pronoun with the main thought expressed by 
t'dtca'a' . or whether it forms a thought unit with abe", it would be 
difficult, if not impossible, to decide. We must content ourselves 
with the morphologic fact that this word abe"li is treated as any 
other main verb ; while t'dtca'a' is morphologically and syntactically 
a subordinate verb. 

122. The noun, as in all languages, denominates an entity. A word 
functions as a noun in a given sentence if it is preceded by a demon- 
strative. This definition excludes the use of proper noims when they 
appear as subjects, but these also must be preceded by demon- 
stratives when used in any other syntactic relation. 

Any word may be used as a noun, however typically verbal its 
morphologic composition may be, and regardless of its meaning. 
All that is required for this alteration of normal usage is the 
precession of a demonstrative and the affixation of the nominahzer 
-t, e. g. : yix he-t'e-tsi'llit, the material with which they are going to 
do it; yix het'oa'sici'Uit, those who are going to help him. 

123. The pronouns and the demonstratives refer to an entity 
present or included in a context. In the social context of an act of 
communication, the pronoun refers to the speaker, or to the person 
or persons addressed, or to the latter and the speaker. The third 
person of the pronoun refers to some one or something that may 
be present in the circumstantial context or has been mentioned in 
the discourse. Reference to the third person converges with the 
function of the demonstrative. Accordingly, some Quileute mor- 
phemes are used as pronoims for the third person (Sees. 67, 69, 99) or 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 257 

as demonstratives before nouns, or referring to a local point in the 
circumstantial context. These two related parts of speech possess no 
general morphological characteristics. They are to be identified by 
their individual forms. When the possessive pronouns treated in 
Sec. 84 are used as verbs, they perform two functions coincidently : 
they retain their usual characteristic of referring to a person, and 
predicate a genitival relation. 

124. The quahficative function may be characterized as a sub- 
ordinated predication of a quahty or attribute. The only Quileute 
words which adopt a special form to perform this function are the 
numerals above ten (Sec. 118), and the verbs which appear without 
the classifiers in this syntactic relation. But in all cases the melody of 
the sentence symbohzes this function by assigning a higher pitch to 
the qualifier and by connecting it in the phonetic word-grouping 
(phrasing) with the word it qualifies. Most of the quahfiers are nor- 
mally used as verbs in other syntactic constructions. Examples 
are: 

s (1) tcoo'tsk' (2) haH'c (3) tsi"da (4) poo-q (5),ahandsome young man, 1, in- 
definite article. 2, youth. 3, handsome, good, pretty; it may be used 
as a verb, but if it were so used here it would have the applicative 
classifier -a. 4, young; the verbal form is tsi"da'i)-. 5, man, human 
being; Indian. 

tsix (1) hd'fcd-lowa" (2), very good weather, 1, very, a great deal; may be 
used as a verb with the applicative -a; it cannot be used here verbally, 
because ha'fc, good, is an initial morpheme, and, accordingly, cannot be 
affixed. 2, good weather; hd'fc, good; -a, applicative classifier 
lengthened by the accent. 

125. The conjunctive function partakes of the nature of the 
demonstrative and of the verbal office. It is a reference to the 
preceding and the following context, as well as the predication of a 
relation between the two. Most of the words whose meanings may be 
rendered by our conjunctions are actually used as verbs or exhibit 
some verbal morphologic characteristics. A few, however, do not 
seem to function as verbs, so far as we may infer from the fact that 
they cannot take pronominal affixes. These are the only ones which 
we may regard as exclusively conjunctive, although we must assign 
both verbal and conjunctive value to such a word as abe'\ discussed 
above. There is a very limited number of non-verbal conjunctions : 

dd-kil, and, but, then, therefore, so 

de-xa", so that, in order that 

tca'^wa^ac, then, after 

tca"we-la, nevertheless 

la, still, yet, even so 

he'xat (he.xat) and 

he.qati', and also, as well as 

17 



258 ANDRADE QtTILETTTE 



THE STRUCTUKE OF THE VERB. 

126. The words which are most commonly composed of more than 
one morpheme are those which perform nominal and verbal func- 
tions. We may now consider the structure of such composite words. 

A certain order is observed in the affixation of postpositive 
elements, an order which is rigidly observed with some formatives, 
but is subject to alterations with others. These alterations seem to be 
required by logical connections. Thus, the inceptive -c generally 
follows aU the morphemes whose meanings appear to us as more 
decidedly nominal, verbal or adverbial, but this normal sequence is 
altered in sey-a-c-i" -t'col-aks, she wishes to see it. We may account 
for the position of -c after sey-a, to see, and not after -fcol-, to wish, 
on the ground that the logical connection of the inceptive aspect is 
with the former. Making due allowance for such changes, the format- 
ives of a verb in the indicative mode appear in the following order : 

1. Initial morpheme (Sees. 44, 48). 

2. AppUcative classifier (Sec. 85). If the element is one of the 
formal bases he-, 6-, a'- (Sec. 44) the classifier is omitted. 

3. One or two postpositives of notional import (Sees. 64, 65). 

4. Objective pronoun (Sec. 96). 

5. Formative with quahficative or modal value (Sec. 66). 

6. Formative denoting tense, aspect (Sees. 129 — 135) or voice 
(Sec. 106). 

7. (a) Subjective pronoun, or 

(b) Sign of subordination (Sec. 136). 
The following examples illustrate the order of these classes of 
elements. 

ce-'q-o-l, (he) pulled 

ce-'g-o-l-ka, you (pi.) pulled 

ceq-o-l-i'l-ka, you are going to pull 

ceq-o-tilawo' -l-li, I am going to pull you 

ceq-o-tci'l-i-awo'-l-li, I am going to pull your leg (pull leg to you) 

ceq-o-tcVl-i-swo-qwa' -l-li, I am going to pull your leg very hard 

ceq-o-tci'l-i-swo' -sf al-qa' -li, I was ordered to pull your leg. 

The last example exhibits an alteration of the normal order due 
to the meaning of the morphemes involved. The postpositive 
-sfal, to order, command, would be expected to precede the ob- 
jective pronoun -stvo. according to the order indicated above. Such 
a sequence would be proper in other contexts if -stoo were the object 
of -st'al, but the meaning of the present word connects the concepts 
pull-leg-affecting-you. Incidentally, we observe that the concept 
expressed by the main verb of our sentence seems to occupy a 
subordinate position in the Quileute utterance. This may indicate 
that -sfal functions as a modal element, (a jussive mode) or that 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 259 

position is not correlative with the subordination of ideas within the 
word. We shall turn presently to such considerations. 

127. A few remarks anent the meaning of some of the verbal 
components may be pertinent. We shall attend to the postpositives 
which occupy the third position in the verb, and to those which 
denote tense and aspect, having treated the other classes in previous 
sections. It would be arbitrary to conclude that because the meaning 
of a given formative is rendered by a noun in English it must 
perform a nominal function within the Quileute word. Let us take as 
an example the utterance hd't'cidist'c, it is a good hat, or: that hat 
is good. We know that ha't'c expresses a concept equivalent to the 
general sense of our word good, and hkewise, -disfc refers to a hat, 
but we have no means of determining whether the grammatical 
relations connoted by ha't'c are verbal, adjectival or nominal, or 
whether any of these relations can be attributed to -dist'c. To 
people with the Quileute habit of thought formulation, this word 
may be equivalent to saying "it is hat-ly good", or "it is a hat-ish 
goodness" or possibly no such relations are connoted and the word 
stands as a unified predication, as a sequence of concepts whose 
relations are supphed by experience and conventional modes of 
expression. We shall borrow a few examples from Enghsh to 
elucidate this point. In the sequence of the concepts "stone" and 
"wall" in "stone-wall," experience supplies a relation of object and 
material of which it is made, but in "stone-mason, stone-blind, 
stone-cold, stone-hearted, Stone Age," entirely different relations 
are supplied by experience and convention. To say that in "stone- 
bhnd, stone-cold and stone-hearted" the first element functions as 
an adverb, while in the other cases it serves as an adjective, is a 
grammatical expedient to be consistent in the appUcation of the 
rule that a word which modifies an adjective is an adverb. As 
regards the function of modification, we may say that "bUnd, cold, 
and hearted" modify the meaning of "stone" perhaps to the same 
extent that the latter modifies the former. This holds true in various 
degrees for the other examples, as evidenced by the fact that in 
each combination different attributes or connotations of "stone" 
are brought into prominence while others are excluded. The order 
of the components in these combinations corresponds with a 
subordination in thought of the concept "stone," but the context 
may invert this relation, as in "Is it a stone wall or a brick 
wall?" 

These English examples, however, are not parallel to the Quileute 
composite words under consideration, for the English elements 
retain to a great extent their word character in these constructions, 
while the Quileute postpositives are as a rule meaningless when 
detached from a word. A closer parallel would be obtained if we 

17* 



260 ANDKADE QUILEUTE 

attempted to determine whether in the comparative degree of an 
English adjective, as "higher," the element "-er" functions as an 
adverb modifying "high," or whether "high" is subordinated in 
thought to the concept denoted by "-er", as it obviously is in "This 
building is high, but the other is higher," or whether we are to 
conclude that the characterization of the functions performed by 
the words within a sentence as verbal, nominal, adverbial, etc., is 
not applicable to the interrelations of the morphemes which consti- 
tute a word. Such is our conclusion for the apparently nominal or 
verbal formatives in a Quileute word. We may be certain that 
-disfc in the above example refers to the class of objects designated 
by our word "hat", but we do not know whether its grammatical 
relation to haH'c, good, should be regarded as one of subject and 
verb, or verb and object, or as one of a verb meaning "to be good" 
and an adverb referring to the attributes of "hat," in a manner 
analogous to our abstraction of the attributes of "stone" in "stone- 
blind, stone-cold." 

The order of the elements does not aid us in determining sub- 
ordination of concepts in a Quileute word, nor can we conclude that 
an affixed element conveys its meaning less obtrusively than an 
initial morpheme. This last statement can be substantiated by 
contrasting the above word, Jm't'cidisfc with d-lita"a-xa-li, I eat 
salmon. Here the initial morpheme means salmon, while the concept 
"eat" is expressed by the affix -xa. In this case, if the initial mor- 
pheme conveys the main force of the predication, the word is 
presumably understood as "I salmon eating-ly" (using salmon as a 
verb), whereas if we insist on regarding the concept "eat" as the 
principal thought-factor, we must conclude that an affixed element 
can be the nucleous of the predication. Both assumptions are 
equally tenable. The first one may seem less convincing due to the 
strange formulation of thought entailed. However, upon reflecting 
on analogous uses in English and other languages it seems quite 
possible. We commonly employ the name of an object verbally 
to denote some activity which involves the use of the object, as 
"to paddle" for the customary use of a paddle, while it is just as 
common to employ a verb adverbially as "lovingly, amusingly." 
It is thus quite conceivable that in Quileute "to salmon" may 
signify an undetermined activity involving the use of salmon, this 
general activity being defined by an adverbial element which 
refers to the characteristics of the act of eating. But, after all, 
these considerations are influenced by our hnguistic habits. Being 
unable to penetrate into the native's mind, we may content our- 
selves with the observation of the objective facts. From such facts 
we are inchned to infer that the order of the elements in question is 
chiefly a matter of form. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGTJAaES 261 

Which concepts are expressed by an initial morpheme and which 
by an affixed element seems to depend on whether the language 
possesses a postpositive or an initial or free morpheme for the 
meaning required. Their order is determined by the rigid mor- 
phologic principle that an initial morpheme and a free morpheme 
cannot be affixed, while postpositive morphemes must be affixed. 
Referring to the above example, d-lita"axali, I eat salmon, we 
observe that the language has no postpositive morpheme meaning 
"salmon". But the two morphemes which may be rendered by our 
verb "to eat", -la, and -xa, are postpositive. Hence the only way to 
embody in one word the concepts "salmon" and "eat" is to affix 
the formative which means "eat" to the one that means "salmon". 
This order does not necessarily imply subordination of the affixed 
element, as is generally the case with suffixes in other languages. 
However, it is possible that the word thus formed blends these two 
concepts in a manner unknown to us, as may be inferred from the 
following observations. A more exact rendering of the word 
d-litaf'axali is "my diet is salmon", or in a situation in which a 
choice is given between eating salmon or some other kind of food, 
we may say "I shall have salmon". In order to say in Quileute 
"I am eating salmon", i. e. I am in the act of eating this salmon, 
the two concepts are expressed by independent words, and -la 
must be used instead of -xa. Thus: d-la'xali^ xe d-lita". It is further 
observed that it is not permissible to use -xa with a formal base and 
construct a separate verb, as it was done with -la in the preceding 
sentence. This and other observations give us the impression that 
the concepts expressed by the initial morpheme and the affixed 
elements constituting a single word blend into a more unified 
thought than when conveyed by separate words, and that the 
expression of a concept hke "hat", for example, by the postpositive 
-dist'c is not identical to that of the free morpheme tsiyd.pws, 
referring to the same object (cf. Sec. 50). Nevertheless, whatever 
distinctions may be thus established are confined to the cases in 
which the language has a free morpheme as well as a postpositive 
referring to the same object or activity. In a great many cases it is 
impossible to embody two given concepts into a single word because 
there is no postpositive element to express one of them. 

The following sentences illustrate various combinations of mor- 
phemes whose meanings would be normally expressed in European 
languages by independent verbs, nouns, or adjectives: 



^The syllable -xa should not be confused with the postpositive -xa, to eat. 
The analysis of this verb is d--la-x-a-li; -x, continuative ; -a, connecting 
vowel (Sec. 37). This syllable is replaced by the inceptive and a different 
connecting vowel in d--la'-c-i-li, I began to eat. 



262 ANDKADE QTJILEUTE 

8iya{l)-takil{2)-lic (3), he began to see the footprints. 1 — to see {»iy- and 
the apphcative classifier -a ; in these examples the appUcative classifiers, 
connecting vowels and verbal classifiers will not be mentioned). 2 — foot- 
print. 3 — to become, begin, or sign of inceptive aspect (-c). 

xwa'a(l)-wi-yi'{2)-l (3), he approached the wall. 1 — approach. 2 — wall. 
3 — verbal classifier. In this and in other examples the subject third 
person pronoun is omitted. 

lao'{l)-tlo{2)l-li (3) I walked in the dirt. 1 — walk. 2 — dirt. 3 — subject 
pronoun, /. 

t'ca't'ci(l)-spe-{2)-s{3)-li (4), I placed it by the fire. 1 — to set, place, locate. 

2 — fire. 3 — sign of causation of a state or condition. 4 — pronoun, /. 
taxa(l)-t'col(2)-as (3), he went toward the bank of the river. 1 — to go toward 

a region, an extended location, rather than a definite point. 2 — bank 
of the river. 3 — pronoun, he. 
kits(l)-t'ida{2)-qu (3) xe' (4) ta'xulo' (5), he kicked the end of the bow. 

1 — to kick. 2 — an indefinite portion of the end of a long object. 

3 — spot, place, point. 4 — article, oblique case. 5 — bow. 
t'ld^q'a(l)-sida'(2)-s{3)-t'a'dax (4), it slaps the water with its tail. 1 ■ — to slap. 

2 — water. 3 — causative, serving here as a sign of instrumentality. 

4 — tail. 

ba's{l)-sida" (2) (ba's-ida"), it was bad water. 1 — to be bad. 2 — water. 
tcikd-(\)-yit (2), big flounder, 1 — big, large. 2 — flounder. 
xaba'{ 1 )-qli (2), there were all kinds. 1 — to be all, be complete. 2 — kind, sort. 
lawe"{l)-fci-yil (2), there were two leaves. 1 — two, syntactic form of the 

numeral (Sec. 118). 2 — leaf. 
la'k"(l)-sida (2), it came out of the water. 1 — to come out into the open, 

appear. 2 — water. 
t'Uc(l)-spa{2)-t (3), it is far from the fire. 1 — to be far. 2 — fire (rather, -sp. 

fire; -a, connecting vowel). 3 — verbal classifier (Sec. 91). 
litca{l)-t'o-s{2)-at (3), it was between his thighs. I — to be between. 2 — thigh. 

3 — as 3 in the preceding example. 

kddedo'o'(l)-xa{2)-li (3), I eat dog (meat). 1 — dog; used generally as a free 

morpheme, -xa, to eat. 3 — pronoun, /. 
dkiU{l)-tcay{2)-il (3), he walks like a bear. 1 — bear; used generally as a free 

morpheme. 2 — to walk like some one ; imitate some one ; for any other 

imitation, a morpheme expressing the characteristic imitated must be 

used. 3 — connecting vowel -i, and verbal classifier. 
di'ya{l)-k (2), he went to Neah Bay. 1 — Quileute adaptation of Neah. 

2 — to go to a definite place. 

aqa-'la{l)-t'(2)-i{3)-li (4), I live on James Island. 1 — the Quileute name of 
the little island off the mouth of the Quileute River; literally, the high 
place. 2 — to live. 3 — connecting vowel. 4 — pronoun, /. 

te-kwa"{l)-t's{2)-i(3)-s (4), he made a rope. 1 — rope. 2 — to make (for the 
glottalization of -ts, see Sec. 41 ). 3 — connecting vowel. 4 — pronoun, he. 

p'et''it(l)-t'co'{2)-f(3)-as (4), it will contain light. 1 — light. 2 — to have 
inside. 3 — sign of the future (Sec. 129). 4 — pronoim. third person, 
non-feminine gender. 

ha't'c{l)-i{2)-kits (3), he dances well. 1 — good. 2 — connecting vowel. 

3 — to dance or kick. 

hiyo'(l)-t's{2)-i{3)-li (4), I stopped eating. 1 — to discontinue action, to 
finish or stop. 2 — to be in the act of eating. 3 — connecting vowel. 

4 — pronoun, /. 

he{l)-qo{2)-sga(3)-l(4:)-ak^ (5), she uses it for carrying (loads). 1 — formal base 
(Sec. 48). 2 — to make use of. 3 — to carry. 4 — verbal classifier. 

5 — pronoun, she. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 263 

hal{l)-a{2)-xals{3)-i{4:)-li (5), I said in my song (I said singing). 1 — to say. 
2 — applicative classifier. 3 — to sing. 4 — connecting vowel. 5 — 
pronoun, /. 



TENSE AND ASPECT. 

128. The position of the elements which express tense and aspect 
is invariably next to the subject pronoun or final if the latter is 
omitted, as it often happens when the subject is a third person, 
or when it is expressed by an independent word. The Quileute verb 
makes no distinctions corresponding to our present and past tenses. 
In other words, no reference is made to the temporal context of the 
actual communication. Thus, ceqwas'ta' xas means from the point 
of view of our language "he is pulhng me" or "he was puUing me", 
depending on the context of the discourse or upon the external 
context of the communication. When momentaneous action is 
expressed, as in ceqwati'las, we must render it by our past tense, 
"he pulled me", but the time of the action may be just one second 
after the act or any other occasion in recent or remote time. 
It would not be proper to characterize this as a tense. It appears 
to us as a past tense because of the intrinsic nature of a rapid 
action when it is not expressed as a future event. Namely, due to 
its short duration, by the time the speaker refers to it, it is generally 
a recent past event. In the durative, repetitive, usitative and in- 
ceptive aspects, the same verbal form is used for past and present. 

However, one should not infer from the lack of morphologic 
distinctions, that a Quileute speaker at any time ignores or is 
unaware of the fact that he is referring to a present or past occur- 
rence. So far as we may judge by the reactions of the informants 
and by certain incidents in the course of a conversation, both the 
speaker and the listener are ever aware of the relation implied 
between the time of the event predicated and the time of the pre- 
dication. The external context, that is, the whole setting of the 
communication, the attitude of the speaker as expressed in his 
countenance or by his gestures or posture, his emotional attitude as 
manifested by the emphasis, melody or speed of his speech, the 
circumstances which preceded the communication, or the context of 
the discourse, all these things combined are in most cases sufficient 
to supply all the temporal reference conveyed by our tense suffixes 
or auxiharies. When they are not sufficient, the interlocutor asks 
for a definition of the temporal relation, viz. : he'yi, Has it ceased to 
be thus ? or luteal, immediately, or la ti, still, yet, just the same. 
The last two expressions are employed idiomatically in such situa- 
tions to refer to the present time. They are not interrogative in 
form. The speaker utters them as statements, expecting to be 
corroborated or corrected. 



264 ANDRADE QUILEUTE 

129. The future is the only temporal concept whose expression 
may be properly regarded as a tense in Quileute. Apart from the 
morphologic features mentioned below, it is signified by the affix 
-<' when the subject of the verb is a third person, and by a glottal 
stop (') with the first and second persons. So far as we may judge 
by its uses, it predicts a future event, without any other connota- 
tions. The vowel preceding the sign of the future bears the middle- 
tone accent, and its stress seems to be of greater intensity than that 
of any other accented vowel in the verb. If the verb does not belong 
to the /-class (Sec. 93), this vowel is lengthened. Such vowels are 
connecting vowels (Sec. 37) when the preceding elements ends in a 
consonant. In the case of the first and second persons, which require 
the glottal stop as a sign of the future tense, the vowel is dupHcated 
after this articulation (Sec. 9). If owdng to the influence of the 
preceding consonant (Sec. 35) the vowel is e, the sound i, instead of 
e is heard after the glottal stop, but in all other cases the preceding 
sound is reproduced. If the verb belongs to the Z-class. and the 
word contains no objective pronoun (cf. Sec. 95) the classifier -I, 
with the connecting vowel i comes before the sign of the future 
tense. The following paradigms illustrate the apphcation of these 
rules : 

its-e-'-^-i-li, I shall do 
itse-'Hlitc, thou wilt do 
itse-'Vas, he will do 
itse-'Vaks, she will do 
itse-"ilo, we shall do 
itse-t'ka, ye will do 
itse-'fasala's, they will do 

hd-x-i-l-i'-'-i-li, I shall boil (it) 
hd-xili"ilitc, thou wilt boil 
hd-xili'i'as, he will boil 
hd-xili'^ilo, we shall boil 
hd-xili't'ka, ye will boil 
hdxili'fasala's, they will boil 

See also QT. p. 21:4; 17:35; 18:4; 20:7; 22:21; 33:4; 34; 39; 
35:4; 37:6; 38:44; 38:46. 

130. There is one formative (-'e or 'yi) which denotes that a 
certain relation or condition existed previous to the time of the 
communication, and is now nonexistent, or that it existed previous 
to a time designated in the discourse and ceased to exist at the time 
thus designated. If we define tense as a relation of time between the 
actual temporal context of the act of communication and a point 
in the past, present or future, there is no tense connotation in the 
meaning of this formative, since the relation of priority is not 
confined to the time of the communication. This reference should 
be characterized rather as a cessative aspect. However, some of the 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 265 

uses of this morpheme indicate that it cannot be considered always 
as a mere sign of aspect. It may be affixed to nouns or verbs, and 
may even form a meaningful independent word when affixed to the 
formal base he (hfyi), signifying "it used to be so," "it had already 
been done." It is affixed to the name of a person to express a 
thought equivalent to "the late Mr. So-and-so," and to a noun in- 
dicating any relation that has ceased to exist. In No. 49 of the 
Quileute Texts, a father uses it to refer to his daughter, whom he 
has disowned because of her immoral act. Examples are: 

hd-xiU"yilitc, you had boiled 

itso-'e'x", as they used to do 

p6tsoqo"yi, the people of other times 

he-lk'waa'e til, my deceased child 

See also QT. p. 21:1; 7:1; 7:7; 9:5; 9:40; 21:33; 21:42; 23:9; 
p. 24:1; 11:10. Cf. sec. 66. 

131. The formative -I designates an occurrence which is or was 
planned or predicted as a consequence of previous conditions. If 
the condition or the design exists at the time of the communication 
it is equivalent to a future or perhaps more closely related to some 
uses of the verb "to go" as in, "I am going to buy it," "It is going 
to rain," "I was going to stop," "It was going to fall" or "It was 
about to fall." This cannot be characterized as a tense, since it does 
not establish a connection mth the temporal context of the com- 
munication, but may be used indiscriminately for a past or a future 
sequence of action. If we are justified in speaking of a resultative 
aspect of action, as some hnguists do, we may regard -I as the sign 
of an aspect of eventuality. In both cases we are dealing with a 
condition or an occurrence which is viewed as a result. In the resul- 
tative aspect the result is an actuality; in the use of -I it is an 
eventuality. This apphes to predications in which no vohtion is 
imphed, as in hdb-ali'l, it is going to faU (speaking of a tree that is 
being felled). But in Ms-wdlli, I am going to give it to you, the 
volitional element is distinctly felt by the native, and accordingly, 
if we are consistent in our definition of mode, we must conclude 
that -I performs a modal function. The analogical transition from 
one of these uses to the other is rather clear, but it would be un- 
warranted to assume that in cases in which no vohtion is implied 
we have a figurative expression, or that the fundamental function 
of -I in both uses is to predict a result, considering the vohtional 
element whenever it exists as an accidental concomitant. It seems 
more advisable to conclude that we have one morpheme with two 
functions, which is a rather common situation in language. The 
formative -I may or may not imply vohtion depending on the 
circumstances. When it does, it may be regarded as a modal element ; 
when it does not, it may be called a sign of aspect, for the same 



266 ANDRADE QITILEITTE 

reasons, whatever they may be, that the term is apphed to resulta- 
tive action. 

Like the sign of the cessative aspect (Sec. 130) this formative 
can be affixed to nouns. Its function, then, is to denote intended 
or expected use of an object, or contemplated relation to a person. 
This function may be related to the frequent occurrence of the 
final consonant-^ in the names of materials, implements and utensils 
(Sec. 139). 

The rules given above (Sec. 129) for the affixation of the future 
formative -f apply also to -I, in regard to accent, the insertion of a 
connecting vowel, and the use of the classifier -I, excepting that the 
vowel preceding -I is not lengthened. A few examples will illustrate 
the uses of -/ with verbs and nouns. Other instances will be found in 
QT. 13:26; 14:13; 15:7; 15:15; 15:16; 15:27; 15:28; 16:14; 
17:36; 19:29; 20:8; 21:37; 23:3. 

Ids-atsi'las, he is going to break it 
kiyis-wo'llo, I am going to persuade you 
he-ci'l-s, my future food 
yal6-la'l ti'l, my future wife 

132. The designation of momentaneous and durative action 
merges into the use of the apphcative classifiers (Sec. 85), the verbal 
classifiers (Sec. 93), and the expression of the objective relations 
by pronominal forms (Sec. 96). Having dealt at length with these 
aspects in previous sections, we may Umit the present discussion 
to the cases where a change occurs in the normal aspect of the 
verb. 

It was seen in the sections referred to that although the moment- 
aneous and durative aspects blend with other notions, it seems that 
a verb is viewed as having a normal aspect. This normal aspect 
cannot always be inferred from morphologic features, although the 
majority of verbs in a given class, the neutral class for example, 
are durative while others are predominantly momentaneous. How- 
ever, the normal aspect comes to hght when it does not fit in a 
particular situation. In such cases the morphologic changes in the 
apphcative classifier, in the verbal classifier, or in whatever format- 
ive expressing an objective relation may be used, indicate how the 
normal aspect has been altered. The normal aspect of some verbs 
is so fixed that the language does not permit a change to other 
aspects without altering the meaning. For example: t'ldk'ival, it 
broke, and flak'iva'tsis, he broke it, are normally momentaneous, 
and cannot be used duratively to signify "it is breaking'" or "he is 
breaking it." In such situations the language resorts to what we 
have called the aspect of eventuahty (Sec. 131), viz.: tld'k'unli'l, 
it is going to break; fld'k'watsi'las, he is going to break it. With 
other verbs a change of aspect entails a change in meaning, at least 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 267 

from our point of view. Thus, t'a-'tca, he knows, (durative), but 
fatci", he found out, he has just learned. 

133. Verbs which are adaptable to durative or momentaneous 
action appear as a rule with the appUcative classifier -a in the 
durative and with -i in the momentaneous aspect. Verbs which 
require the applicative classifier -o retain this vowel in all aspects. 
Verbs of the neutral class with monosyllabic initial morphemes, and 
the monosyllabic verbs with the classfier -o lengthen the vowel of 
the initial morpheme to express past or present durative action in 
the main clause. In the future tense and in any other construction 
this vowel remains with its normal length. With all other verbs a 
present or past diurative aspect requires the addition of -a- to the 
apphcative classifier -a, the two vowels being separated by a glottal 
stop (Sec. 37). If the phonetic structure of the word permits it 
(Sec. 28), the special durative sign -a. takes the low-tone accent. 
In the momentaneous aspect, -i takes the middle-tone accent, 
adding a glottal stop (Sec. 42). The same accent appears on the 
vowel which has been lengthened according to the preceding rules. 
Examples : 

tcatc-i" it flew away 

tca-'tc-a it is (was) flying 

q'wd't's-i-li I stretched it 

q'wdH's-a-'a--li I am (was) stretching it 

ce'q-o-l he pulled 

ce-'q-o-l he is (was) pulling 

hd-x-i-li I boiled it 

hd-x-a-'d--li I am (was) boiling it. 

See QT. 14:43; 19:25; 21:9, 11; 22:3, 7, 31; 26:65; 26:15, 16, 
20, 32, 40; 47:20; 48:17; 44:101. 

134. The inceptive aspect is denoted by the formative -c, and the 
resultative by -do, both of which are affixed also to nouns. With 
nouns, -do means "to become" as the result of an endeavor as, 
d't'ci't-do, he became a chief; -c, signifies "to become" without any 
vohtional implication, as awi-c, it became night. When affixed to 
verbs, these elements may be considered signs of aspect, rather than 
morphemes meaning "to begin, to result" due to the position they 
occupy. Were they meaningful forms they would be placed before 
the objective pronouns, but they are affixed to the latter, which is 
the normal position for tense and aspect elements. Various uses of 
-c and -do are treated in Sections 66 and 92. See also QT. p. 18:6; 
8:1; 8:11; 19:30; 23:2; 23:12; 23:21. 

135. Repetition of an action takes two forms of expression in 
Quileute. If the repetition is successful, it is expressed by means of 
reduplication, as illustrated in Sections 60 and 61. If the repetitions 
are only attempts, the verb takes the element -'al, preceded by the 
suffixes -i or -a (Sec. 136), e. g. : 



268 ANDRADE QriLEUTE 

taxo'lVal, he was trying to string the bow 
d-lara"al, he was trying to eat 
tsale"li'al, I tried repeatedly to get up 
ki'ta.ra"al-i, I was trying to go 

See QT. 14:44; 20:11; 23:10; 23:64; 24:7; 24:14; 31:62. 
A single trial or attempt is expressed by using the verb ktcat-i, 
to try, as the main verb, while the action contemplated is expressed 
in the subordinate clause e. g. : 

kwati" ki'taxa, he tried to go 
kwati'Hlo t.sale"li, we shall try to get up 

See also QT. 22: 19: 26:54; 26:72; 49:61, 94. 



THE SIGNS OF SUBORDINATION. 

136. The modal elements which occupy the fifth position in the 
verb have been treated in Section 66. We may now attend to the 
two formatives which occupy the last position in subordinate verbs. 

Subordination is indicated by the suffixes -i and -a. The choice of 
these formatives is determined by the verbal classes (Sec. 93). 
Subordinate verbs of the neutral class, and those which take the 
-X and -/ classifiers require -a, while the others go with -i. After the 
inceptive -c, and the formative -I (Sec. 131). we always find -i, 
regardless of the class to which the verb belongs. It is not possible to 
determine which of these two formatives is used with the resultative 
-do, for whichever is used becomes assimilated to the -o, owing to 
the effect of the glottal stop inserted between the two vowels 
(Sees. 37, 39). The same phenomenon occurs with many other 
elements ending in a vowel. With verbs of the I- and s-classes this 
assimilation of the vowels is avoided bj' using the verbal classifiers 
-/. -s before the subordination suffixes. This is one of the exceptional 
cases in which the verbal classifiers are not affixed to the appUcative 
classifiers^. 

One of the most common uses of these signs of subordination is 
seen in negative sentences. In this construction the negative mor- 
phemes wa or e- or the two in succession (e- wa) function as the 
main verb, and the action negated is expressed by a subordinate 
verb, which must, therefore, end in -a or -i. The principal distinction 
between the negative morphemes e- and uu is of a morphologic 
nature. No affixes may be appended to e'% while wa may be used as 
an initial morpheme with pronominal, temporal, and aspect suffixes, 
as well as with the causative or verbal classifier -s. In regard to the 
use of these negatives, we observe that e- followed by iva can be 



' These elements are used for the same purpose with the inceptive -c; the 
sign of eventuality; I, and the nominahzer -t (-at, -it). 



HANDBOOK OF AMEKICAN ESTDIAN LANGUAGES ib9 

used with all verbs and modes for an emphatic negation. When no 
particular emphasis is laid on the negation, t can be used alone in 
all constructions, excepting in the interrogative and in the impera- 
tive modes. The use of wa without the precedence of e- occurs in the 
imperative and interrogative modes, and also when the action 
negated is expressed by a verb of the 1-, s-, and te-classes. It is 
understood, however, that even in these cases e'- may precede wa, 
but it cannot be used without wa, as imphed above, in the im- 
perative and interrogative modes. In many instances the use of wa 
after e- seems to be a morphologic expedient, rather than an ex- 
pression of emphasis. Since no suffixes may be attached to e'-, 
when the structure of the sentence requires the use of the suffixes 
with the negative (Sec. 149) wa seems to be introduced solely for 
this purpose. The following sentences illustrate the use of these two 
negatives and that of the sign of subordination, which must be 
affixed to their subordinate verbs. Illustrations and further details 
about the use of the subordination suffixes wiU be given in Sec. 143. 

e- t'dtca-'-a' xe" 6-t, (she) did not know where they were 

e- M.taxa'-a', he did not go 

e- dsqa"l-i, he did not succeed 

wa axo'l q'welats-qa'l-a, do not hesitate (you, pi.) 

wa-sto e'l-a, let us not do (that) 

wa tea si'ya tcV qd-tsa'la'e ? Have you seen, sir, the one has been in 

search of shell-fish ? 
e- was la tea, not yet, sir. 
e- wa's IdJc-liW-o, do not worry 
e- wa-l-litc siya'^-a, you do not intend to see it 
e- wa ax^ ce'qol-i, do not pull 



THE STRUCTUEE OF COMPOSITE NOUNS. 

137. The order of the morphemes in a composite noun is parallel 
to that of the verb in various respects. Let us take, for example, the 
noun hadds-tco-'yi-tc, your deceased brother, and the verb te-kiva"- 
t'si-'yi-litc, you had made a rope. We observe that in both cases the 
composite word consists of a free morpheme (hados, brother, and 
te-kwa'\ rope), followed by a postpositive with concrete notional 
value (-tco, dead, and -ts, to make), to which the formative element 
-'yi denoting cessation (Sec. 130) is affixed; both words terminating 
with a pronoun (-tc, your, and -lite, you). 

A further agreement between the noun and the verb is that both 
may be constructed with postpositive elements using the formal 
bases for their initial morphemes (Sec. 48). The use of any composite 
verb as a noun has been treated in Sec. 122. 

Examples of composite novms are : 

he(\)-lk'wa{2)-sqal{3)-i{4:)-tc (5), your supposed child. 1 — formal base. 
2 — child. 3 — a morpheme which may be used as a reflexive or to 



270 ANDEADE QTJILEUTE 

denote falsity or pretence (Sec. 102). 4 — connecting vowel (Sec. 37). 
5 — posse-ssive pronoun. 

he{l)-lislo'(2)-o'{S)-l{4t)-ya"as (5), his future wife. 1 — formal base. 2 — 
consort, can be used for husband or wife. 3 — connecting vowel assimilat- 
ed to the preceding by the glottal stop (Sec. 39); the accent is required 
by the following morpheme. 4 — expression of purpose or eventuality 
(Sec. 131). 5 — possessive pronoim. 

6(l)-fco-l{2)-t'e{3)-t (4) crown of the head. 1 — formal stem for location. 
2 — point, top (of a mountain). 3 — head. 4 — sign of nominalization 
(Sec. 138). 

138. The nouns which end in -t present an interesting phenomenon. 
Many of them are built with a formal base, which indicates that 
they consist of this element as an initial morpheme, followed by a 
postpositive, and terminating with the nominahzer -t (Sec. 66). 
The postpositive elements thus used have been found in other 
compositions, as, 6--li-t, mouth; hd't'c-a-li-ks, she has a pretty 
mouth; he-ya"-a-i, arrow feather; fcV-ya"-a-t, arrow feathers 
(Sec. 54). But there are many nouns ending in -t which are not 
formed in this manner, and still the element -t is dropped when they 
are used verbally, showing that the -t is a separate morpheme, 
presumably identical with the noniinalizer. Thus : 

wa-'xulit, moustache 

wa-'xulits, my moustache 

wa-' xul-a-li, I have a moustache 

qa'xolit, grandson 
qa'¥olits, my grandson 
qa'^xol-a-li, I have a grandson 

139. Many nouns are composed of one or more elements whose 
primary meaning we cannot determine and a terminal suffix whose 
meaning is evident. In regard to others we may conclude that they 
are compounded, though the meaning of their elements is unknown. 
In the first class we have (1) those nouns which end in -qol, which 
may perhaps contain the elements -q^, place, and -I, (Sec. 131) 
presumably denoting purpose; a frequent ending for nouns 
denoting tools and utensils; (2) those ending in -?, which are also 
words for the majority of utensils and tools, as well as material 
destined for special purposes; (3) those ending in -t\ which are 
names of tribes, (4) others ending in -tal, which denote the place 
where something is done habitually; (5) a few ending in -g", which 
are geographical names. In a number of possibly composite nouns 
whose formation is obscure to us, we notice that certain endings are 
common to a number of them, a fact which should not, perhaps, 
be considered as a mere coincidence. Examples of nouns with the 
above derivative suffixes are : 



HANDBOOK OF AMEEICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 271 

xwa'Vsi'yaqol, ax (hit-tree-tool) 

xwa'fso-qol, war club 

la"apedi'sqol, needle 

latso-qul, war spear 

k'o"bd-qul, spit for smoking salmon 

lotsowo-t'soqol, shaman's poles (representing a guardian spirit) 

to'tisil, drill (old type) 
td-yidi'l, fish club 
hd'q'wa'qstil, pack strap 
t'le'exel, pole {t'U'ex, stick, twig) 
kd-axu'l, bailer 

kole-'yuf, QuUeute 

tcidd-kut\ Chinook 

tcibeqi'bit\ Chemakum 

tcitca'dsto't' , Ozette (tcitca'a, near; -ato, us) 

140. A few groups of nouns seem to be compounded, as evidenced 
by the fact that they have one morphologic element in common, 
and by the further observation that they are more or less connected 
in meaning. Nevertheless, their possible components have no 
semantic independence at present. The following groups have been 
selected among those which exhibit these features more clearly: 

ka-ya'd, shark 
pa"delad, sturgeon 
fco'x'^sid, sucker (fish) 
tsa'tsad, trout 
ya-t'co-'bad, summer whale 
kdkawa'd, killer whale 
pa-'kwad, a species of sturgeon 
ddad, sea-gull 

supi-ya", board 

si'k'6-ya", cedar bark 

saq'o-ya, entrails (used as material) 

ka'de-ya", hide 

6-doqwat, forehead 
6-t'ceyu"qwat, side of a canoe 
o-tco-'doqwat, bottom of a canoe 
6-la-qwat, hill 



THE SENTENCE. 
141. It is not always easy to dehmit the Quileute sentence. Not 
infrequently, the intonation and the reaction of the native are the 
only basis for regarding as a single sentence a sequence of two or 
more verbs which, so far as their grammatical features are concern- 
ed, could be considered as independent utterances. Let us take, 
for example, the sentence e- wa dd'kil d'la-ci' bd'yaqCsa task, a free 



272 ANDRADE QTTILETJTE 

rendition of which is "So, not being able to eat, little Raven went 
out." Literally, "So, little Raven did not eat he went out." The 
context of the narrative clearly indicates that Raven's going out 
was a consequence of his not being able to eat. The intonation of 
the whole utterance is characteristic of most Quileute sentences. 
The first word has the highest pitch, and the melody descends 
gradually, except for one or more incidental vowels whose pitch 
rises above the level of the descending curve, without altering, 
however, its general downward trend. In long sentences, however, 
the melody does not always descend continuously. After a marked 
descent from the pitch of the first words, several components may 
be pronounced on practically the same pitch, there being a final 
descent at the last word. In the example under consideration, task, 
went out, is pronounced with a sUghtly lower pitch than the normal 
trend of the individual's voice. Were this word a separate utterance, 
its pitch would be considerably higher than that of the preceding 
word, and there would be a perceptibly longer pause. This fact was 
clearly demonstrated by one informant, when in a different context, 
"not eating" and "going out" were presented as antithetical 
thoughts to disprove a previous assertion that Raven had eaten. 
Thus, we may see that unless we regard intonation as a morphologic 
factor performing syntactic functions, it can be asserted that 
in many cases the morphology of this language does not indicate 
whether certain words are parts of a sentence or constitute syntac- 
tically independent units. 

COOEDINATION. 

We shall call coordination^ the juxtaposition of words which are 
capable of standing alone as independent utterances. The term is not 
to be construed, however, as precluding the probabiUty that in 
many such situations there may be subordination or connection in 
thought. It is intended mainly to contrast this construction with 
that described below, in which subordination is indicated by various 
morphologic devices. In fact, thought subordination, meaning the 
presentation of certain concepts as parts of an experience complex 
summed up by one of the words in the utterance, is evident in many 
instances. In Sec. 92 we mentioned the usual manner of expressing 
in Quileute such an occurrence as "He went to so-and-so's house." 
The verbs ki.iax, he was going, and itca' x, he was headed for, ever 
present in such expressions, are invariably used to express two 
aspects of the same occurrence, without any morphologic indication 
of their connection. Nevertheless, it seems reasonable to infer that 



^ Perhaps a more proper term is asyndeton, but it may be objected that the 
melody of the sentence serves as a connecting device. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGXTAGES 273 

the native does not regard these concepts as two separate acts. 
One of the informants, Jack Ward, who had a good command of 
Enghsh, generally rendered the second verb by a participle, "he 
was going, being headed for so-and-so." 

Relations of cause, reason, manner and many others may be 
expressed by coordination of two or more verbs. In the following 
sentences each of their verbal components could constitute an 
independent utterance, and they could be so regarded were it not 
for the melody of the sentence, and the information supphed by the 
jnformant^. 

betse.t'saci'l ceqwa'd- te-la's, he was getting so tired of pulling — it was heavy. 

alitsi'iU'c he't'si'slil s d-Uta", they were served food, some fish having been 
cooked for them. 

Ici.tax qa-qal xe' d-'a"t'se-xat, he was going, carrying the halibut lines. 

hiyo-do texival, having finished, he went home 

yalo'watx dd-kil bd-yaqfsa itca'x xe' 6-s yiy fo-pa' tcit'd't'si'c yile-kil, then 
little Raven was approaching, coming in the direction in which the 
trap was located, prepared the basket and immersed it. 

Occasionally, the fact that the coordinate verbs precede a noun 
which can be a complement to either or both verbs, clearly indicates 
that they do not constitute independent utterances, viz. : 
ke-xil (1) Vlaxotce-s .;'e' (2) tsitswa'a" (3), he awoke his son by shaking him. 

1 — he shook; 2 — he awoke; 3 — son. 
hal (1) dd-kil (2) bd-yaq (3) ada"adal (4) ki' (5) yalo-lat (6), then Raven spoke 

to his wife and said ... 1 — said ; 2 — then ; 3 — Raven ; 4 — he intended 

to speak; 5 — to the; 6 — wife. 

A looser type of coordination is prevalent in the enumeration of 
acts in a temporal or logical sequence necessary for the accomphsh- 
ment of one single purpose, or which the speaker regards as parts 
of a single occurrence. For example: 

xaya'sx (1) its (2) xwa' (3) ae-o (4) its (5) xwa' (6) itsi'l-a (7) tciya'xHcis (8) 
he-qati' (9) hiyo's (10), on another occasion (1), he makes the platforra 
(2 — 4), makes the network (5 — 7), sets it up (8), and so (9), he completes 
it (10). Here, although clauses 1 — 4, 5 — 7, and 8 could be complete 
sentences, the voice does not fall to its rest key-note until the final word 
is reached. This last word and the first one are the summation of the 
occurrence presented by the speaker as a unit of expression. 

Other examples will be found in QT. p. 4:18; p. 10:8; p. 3:6; 
p. 3:7; p. 7:3; 2:2; p. 3:3, 4; p. 3:1. 

142. Two other types of sjoitactic connection denoted by juxta- 
position is seen in the use of qualifiers, and in words which, to use 
a conventional term, may be said to stand in apposition. As already 

^ As the comparatively short time spent in the field did not permit such de- 
tailed observations for each instance in which such constructions occurred, 
the division of those sentences in the author's Quileute Texts may be 
inaccurate in many cases. 

18 



274 ANDKADE QIJILEUTE 

stated (Sec. 124) most of the words which express quality bear the 
morphologic characteristics of the verb. The function of such words 
as quaUfiers is indicated by the absence of apphcative classifiers 
and verbal classifiers, besides the position of the demonstrative. 
For example: hd"t'ca'a yix tcoo'tsk', the boy is good; yix haH'c 
tcoo'tsk', the good boy. Examples of qualifiers will be found in 
Sec. 124; the following illustrate special instances of quahfication 
and apposition. 
xwa' (1) t'sixi-l (2) d'fcit (3), the chief above (referring to the Christian god). 

Literally, the (I) above (2) chief, 
c- (1) yu'kil (2) td-we- (3), he does not go near it. Literally, not (1) near (2) 

approach (3). 
.re' (1) xd-ba'qli(2) d-lita" (3), all kinds of fish. Literally, the (1) .ca-6a-,all (2), 

-qli, kind, fish (3). 
he.ka"a (1) yix (2) kwe-da-yi'W (3), you, Quinaults. Literally, it is you (pi.) 

(1), the (2) Quinault (3). 
yix (1) 6-t''is (2) yix: (3) xahd- (4) pod-q (5) 6- (6) xo"o (7) xaxe'qtiya (8), the 
place where all the Indians who are here to-day live. 1 — the. 2 — d--, 
formal base; -f, live; -s, third person pronoun; for the use of this verb 
as a noun see Sec. 147. 3 — the. 4 — all. 5 — man or Indian. 6 — 
independent use of the formal base (Sec. 56), to be at a place. 7 — here. 
8 — • to-day; xax'-e, this, present; -qtiya, day. 
yix (1) itcd.qayi'la (2) <'og" (3) lub-d-' (4) kole-yut' (5), the way we, Quileute 
do. 1 — • the. 2 — manner of acting. 3 — our (Sec. 80) 4 — we. 5 — Qui- 
leute. 

See QT. 2:2; 2:6; p. 3:9; 3:11; 4:8: 4:10, 16; 7:22; 15:15; 
21:33; 23:49; 39:11, 12; 43:5, 6; 49:32. 



SUBORDINATION. 

143. Contrasted with the above constructions in which the 
relation of the various verbal components is implied by juxtaposi- 
tion, and the cohesion of the sentence depends upon intonation as 
the only morphologic feature, we find many others in which sub- 
ordination is denoted by the suffixes -i, -a (Sec. 136). The use of 
these suffixes is subject to various semantic restrictions. Their 
affixation to the subordinate verbs of negative sentences has been 
discussed in Sec. 136, and their use in subordinate clauses whose 
subjects are represented by subjunctive or conditional pronouns 
has been treated in Sections 73 and 76. Another common employ- 
ment of these suffixes is seen in subordinate clauses which specify 
the inner contents of the main verb. Thus, any verb subordinate to 
t'atc-, to know, appears always with these signs of subordination, 
V. g. : t'a-'tcaxas ki.tax-a, he knows he is going. For the same reason 
they are required after the verbs which mean to think, communicate 
(excepting hal, he said, which introduces direct discourse), remember, 
ascertain, wish, refuse, to act for a reason (heq't'so'o't), to prepare to 
do something, and others with analogous meanings. They are Uke- 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 275 

wise employed in subordinate clauses whose connection with the 
preceding clause implies a relation of purpose, or of contemplated 
action, as, qe-'t'lax adds-i xwa ha't'c hd'ba- (cf. QT. p. 2:2), they 
go up stream (qe-'flax) to search for (addsi) a good tree. Similarly, 
they are always used after the word de-xa', in order to. 

An analogous office is performed by these suffixes in subordinate 
clauses which express a contingent or eventual action, as, tax^ 
qe-t'lal-i' xwa' qwd-wiyis, whenever the steal-head salmon may be 
going up stream. 

However, when purpose is expressed by the formative -I (Sec. 131) 
or when eventuahty is denoted by -tc (Sec. 77), these signs of sub- 
ordination are not used, v. g. : tax^ xaxeyas-xa'-tc, whenever he may 
do it again and again (repetition expressed by reduphcation) ; 
dekwa'tsqal bd-yaq hoxwd-li-l, Raven made preparations to go to 
the ocean; qd-qal xe' d-'a"t'se-xat pd't'sili'-l, he carried the hahbut 
lines in order to soak them. 

144. We may thus see that these signs of subordination occur in all 
clauses which express an action that is merely contemplated as a 
purpose or a possibihty. Adding to these uses their employment with 
subordinate verbs in negative sentences, and with subjunctive and 
conditional pronouns, we would be led to regard these suffixes as 
signs of a mode which we might term modus irrealis. Against such a 
conclusion, however, we have the numerous instances in which the 
verb to which they are appended expresses an accomphshed fact, 
as in t'a-'tcaxas al hdkuta's-i, he knows I sent it; and in numerous 
temporal clauses with he't's, when, as shown below. 

The following are examples of the various uses discussed above 
others will be found in the sections referred to, and in QT. 2:2 
2:3; p. 7:9; p. 8:2; p. 9:16, 17; p. 10:2; p. 10:13; p. 13:12 
p. 15:3; p. 20:2; 23:65. 
e.la'tctisi'lkuW (1) xa'x-e (2) ce-qol-i (3), I was told to pull now. Literally, 

I was told I must act (1) now (2) in order to pull (3). 
wd-'Vcol (I) suwa-'tcd-l-i (2), do not hope to resurect him. 1 — negative verb 

■wa- ; -fcol, to wish. 
heyds-qal suwa-'tcd-l-i, he refused to resurect him 
t'laxA-l (1) yix (2) poo-q (3) hdyo.kul-i{i) xe' (5) hela'qtciyoli'fot' (6) tewas-i (7) 

xe" (8) 6-t'it (9), (he said that) the people should prepare to invite their 

tribesmen and have them come to his house. 1 — prepare; 2 — the; 

3 — man ; 4 — to invite ; 5 — the ; 6 — tribe folks belonging to them ; 

7 — to enter a house ; 8 — the ; 9 — where he lives. 

145. Some verbs whose intimate connection with their subor- 
dinates is analogous to that of the verbs mentioned above, do not 
require the signs of subordination. The verb hiy-o-do, to finish, 
complete, cease, is an outstanding example. Its subordinate verb 
appears with whatever sign of a continuative aspect may fit the 
nature of its action (Sees. 132, 133), but with no morphologic 

19 



276 ANDRADE QUILEUTE 

indication of its relation to the main verb. If the normal aspect of 
the verb is continuative (Sec. 132), no change is made in its form. 

hiyd-do d-la-x, he finished eating 

hiyodo hal-a, he finished saying (this), he had just said it. 

hiyd-do bote-l xe' d-'at'se-xat, he finished moistening the hahbut lines. 

QT. p. 21:5; p. 3:18; 9:23; 13:30; 26:60, 66, 75, 102; 39:14; 
49:101. 

146. One of the words most frequently used in temporal clauses 
which require in almost every case that the suffixes -i or -a be 
appended to the subordinate verb is hefs. This word is composed of 
the formal base he- and the postpositive -t's, which adds a glottal 
stop to the preceding vowel (Sec. 40). The meaning of -t's is difficult 
to translate. In some contexts it may be rendered by occasion, as in 
he't's xu'x-wa (QT. 19:16), on this occasion; in others it means 
to happen, as in he't's td-la'yi kila (QT. 27: 1), it happened long ago, 
it used to be so long ago. Most commonly it may be rendered by 
"when, after, upon." as conjunctive adverbs. We find this word in 
the majority of cases with the suffix -t, which denotes a state of 
activity (Sees. 66, 91). This expression of a state of activity reflects 
the aspect of the action expressed by the subordinate verb, which, 
from our point of view is the principal verb in the temporal clause. 
When the meaning of this temporal clause is viewed as an occur- 
rence, an act, rather than a state, quahty or condition, the pronouns 
-s, he; -ks, she, are affixed to he'fs (he't'sis or he't'ses, he'fsiks or 
he'fseks). The pronouns of the first and second persons are never 
affixed, for in such cases the svibordinate verb requires either the 
conditional or the subjimctive pronouns, since the subject of the 
subordinate verb and that of the main verb (he't's) are different 
persons (Sec. 75). Before a conditional or a subjunctive pronoun, 
M't's appears only with its apphcative classifier -i or -e (for the 
change from -i to -e see Sees. 35, 87). e. g.: 

tcild-sxe'ksata"e he't's-e ti'l Id-b Vlayo'sxa flo'q^qaUH'sol, Literally, six 
years it was when I myself for the last time helped to carry it out 
of the woods. 

The distinction estabhshed by the use of the suffix -t or the 
pronouns is subject to the choice of the speaker in regard to the 
manner in which the experience is envisaged. This gives occasion to 
apparent exceptions to the rules given above. In identical external 
situations the same individual may view the predication expressed 
by the temporal clause with he't's as a background for the action 
conveyed by the main clause, or the two clauses may be regarded 
as a sequence of two facts. In the former case -t is employed; while 
the latter requires the pronouns -s or -ks. Thus, in the context 
"When he arrived, he told his wife so-and-so," we often find 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 277 

he' f set e.waW , when he arrived. Here, the two occurrences may be 
viewed as a sequence, or, considering the fact that in the context 
there existed a condition which prevented the communication to his 
wife, while after his arrival this condition gave place to one which 
made it possible, his communication coexisted with this latter 
condition. This, of course, is a mere guess in our attempt to justify 
the exceptional use of -t. Contrasted with this, we find he't'seks 
e.waW (QT. 26:24), when she arrived, in a very similar context: 
"When she arrived, the tribe became very much perturbed." Since 
the news which she brought to the tribe produced their consterna- 
tion, the two facts may be viewed as a sequence, but we could also 
take the opposite point of view, as in the preceding example. 

When customary action is expressed, he't's appears with no other 
suffix than its applicative classifier, -i or -e, which in careless 
enunciation is ehded. For example: 

he't'si tat e-ld- ha'he-l xe' het'e-tsi'Uit e- yu'kil td-we-, when they fell the (tree) 

of which it is to be made, they do not come near to it. 
he't'se xwa' td.laqwa'se- hila h6q^qwala"e, a long time ago they used to burn it 

147. Aside from the free morphemes which perform conjunctive 
functions (Sec. 125), the demonstrative xioa' (Sec. 113), the articles 
(Sees. 110, 111) and the formal base or free morpheme o (Sec. 56), 
are the most common connectives in the Quileute sentence. The 
morpheme o (6-) is frequently equivalent to our conjunctive 
adverb where, or to a relative pronoun with the verb to be (which is, 
who is); e. g.: 

yix (1) d-lita" (2) 6 (3) ye' (4) k'wd.k'uya" (4), the (1) fish (2) existing in (4) 
waters (4). 

wd.alic (1) ilxwa-'t'so (2) 6 (3) ye' (4) qa'bd.luwa't (5), the animals of the forest 
are beginning to disappear. 1 — begin to disappear. 2 — animals. 
3 — exist. 4 — the, oblique case. 5 — forest, woods. 

lakd- (1) xwa' (2) he'qlti (3) d (4) ye' (5) kole-'yut' (6), there are few experts 
among the Quileutes. 1 — • are few. 2 — the, invisible known. 3 — 
experts. 4 — exist. 5 — the, oblique case. 6 — Quileute. 

floqwa'Mfcol (1) se-'yac (2) ko-xod (3) ddpt'd-yat (4) s (5) tcitcsida't (6) hd'ba (7) 
6 (8) kulo-oqwa'l (9), they came out to the bank of a river and saw an 
owl screeching, perched upon the branch of a tree which was floating 
on the water. 1 — to pass from the woods to the bank of a river. 2 — 
began to see, saw. 3 — owl. 4 — dap-, to perch upon; -Va-yat, arm or 
branch of a tree. 5 — indefinite article functioning as a relative pronoun. 
6 — tcitc-, to float; -sid, water; -t, continued action. 7 — tree. 8 — 
existing, being. 9 — to screech. 

It may be of interest to note in this connection that verbs which 
are built with o- as a formal base do not require the affixation of 
the nominahzer -t, even when an article precedes, as explained 
below. Thus, such verbs are converted into nouns by the articles, 
without any morphologic change. For example : 

19* 



278 ANDBADE QUILEUTK 

d-tca'a' 6-t'is, yonder he lives 

yix 6-t'is, the (place where) he Hves. 

hdkuta'x (1) yix (2) hd'ba (3) yix (2) 6-s (4) yix (2) ko-xod (5), the tree upon 
which the owl was (perched) was coming. 1 — was coming. 2 — the 
subjective case of article, non-feminine gender; in the first and in the 
third instances, the article stands before the subject of the preceding 
verb; in the second instance it introduces a clause (4 — 5) in a manner 
similar to our relative pronouns. 3 — tree. 4 — was. 5 — owl. 

he-q" (1) xo'd- (2) yix (3) Vsiqd-ti (4) yix (5) 6-foq" (6), here, in the country 
where we live. 1 — it is the place. 2 — here. 3 — the. 4 — country, 
region. 5 — the. 6 — we live. 

148. The articles and the demonstrative xwa' may connect a 
nomi or a clause whose syntactic relation to the preceding elements 
may be that of a quaUfier, of a direct object, or of any other comple- 
mentary nature, as illustrated in Sec. 112. There is an important 
morphologic difference between the use of the articles and that of 
the demonstrative xwa' in such constructions. Excepting the 
instances already pointed out and those mentioned below, the 
articles requu-e the affixation of the element -t (Sec. 122), which 
converts the subordinate verb into a noun or participle; whereas 
xwa' performs the same function without the use of this affix. It 
must be understood, however, that the use of the nominahzer -t is 
confined to cases in which the subject of the subordinate verb is a 
third person, since with any other person the conditional pronouns 
are employed (Sees. 76), and the subordinate element functions as a 
verb rather than as a noun. Examples of uses of the articles with 
nominahzed verbs will be found in Sees. Ill, 112, 122. The following 
illustrate the same constructions with xwa' and with the conditional 
pronoiuis. 

xd-bat'so' (1) xwa' (2) he.efe'erix (3) xwa' (4) t'o-'pa' (5) pooqolo'o't'owasq" (6), 
aU the material used in the fish trap is made by our people. 1 — every- 
thing. 2 — ■ demonstrative, invisible, but known. 3 — is being used in it. 
4 — demonstrative. 5 — fish trap. 6 — material belonging to our people. 

yix (1) hald.qalaw6-t'co-li' (2) J'05" (3), what we wish to tell you. 1 — the. 
2 — hal-, to say; -qalawo, you (Sec. 96); -t'col, to wish; -i, sign of 
subordination. 3 — conditional pronoun, we, probably fimctioning as a 
possessive (Sec. 80). 

yix (1) itcd.qayi'la (2) ti'l (3), the way I do it. 1 — article. 2 — itc-, to be like; 
-qayil, to behave, act; -a, sign of subordination, continuative. 3 — con- 
ditional pronoun. 

WORD ORDER. 

149. The order of the words in the Quileute sentence is quite 
regular. In the main clause, the normal order is (1) verb, (2) subject, 
(3) object. In the subordinate clause the subject precedes the verb. 
As shown in Sec. 109, the distinction between subject and object is 
generally indicated by the form of the article. Temporal clauses 
(Sec. 146) generally precede the main verb. All other subordinate 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 279 

clauses follow the main clause, including its subject and object. 
Qualifiers precede the word qualified. 

All these rules are to be construed as applying only in the majority 
of cases, for in Quileute, as in most languages, emotional factors 
may alter the normal word order. The most common alteration due 
to such influences is seen in the position of the subject before the 
verb. 

A most striking characteristic in the order in which concepts are 
expressed is seen in the tendency to begin the sentence with the 
most abstract concepts. This order is most evident when the 
subject and the modal and temporal aspects are expressed by 
affixable elements. In the majority of such cases we are given the 
general setting of the sentence in its temporal modal and subject 
aspects before other concrete ideas are reached. For example: 

hoyaso(iyo{2)-litc (3) wa(4)-c(5)-i (6) siya(l)-qaUi (8), you certainly will not 
see me. Here, the first element (1) expresses the assiirance felt by the 
speaker: it is certain; the sign of the future (2) and the subject of the 
sentence (3) are affixed to this first word; then follows the negation (4) 
with the normal aspect of the occurrence of seeing (5), which, as stated 
in Section 92, is always inceptive; this verb is subordinated to the 
preceding, as evidenced by the sign of subordination (6); then follows 
the expression of the act of seeing (7) with the object pronoun (8) ; a verb 
subordinated to a subordinate verb does not require the sign of sub- 
ordination. 

Examples of word order are readily obtained from the interlinear 
translations in the Quileute texts. The following illustrate the various 
points discussed above. 

wd-ali'c (1) xwa' (2) d-lita" (3) 6 (4) ye' (5) qale- (6), the fish of the sea are 
beginning to disappear. 1 — begin to disappear. 2 — demonstrative. 
3 — fish. 4 — existing. 5 — the, oblique case. 6 — sea, ocean. 

liiwd- (I) yix (2) d't'cit (3) xe' (4) d-xuyo" (5), the chief brought the box. 

1 — brought. 2 — article, subjective case. 3 — chief. 4 — article, 
oblique case. 5 — box. 

he- (1) yix (2) ho'kwa-t' (3) itso- (4) xe' (5) hd.la (6) ti'l (7) qd.xayo"otaqwd- (8), 
it is the white people, as I said, who overdo it. 1 — it is (Sec. 56). 

2 — the. 3 — White. 4 — it is thus. 5 — the, oblique case. 6 — - said. 
7 — conditional pronoun, /. 8 — to do something excessively. 



SPECIMEN TEXT AND ANALYSIS 

tso-''- sa"a.^ M'tax^ yik^ d't'cit.f^ he.olic^ kaki"'' tsitsi'itskwa"a^ 
Well, then. Going the chief's wife accompany the daughters 

t'iy6-qo't.'soli'l.^ ki'tax^° xabd-^'^ la^^ ha'yeq'^ba-'yili.^^ tsix^* 
to dig fern roots. Going all indeed carry basket. Very 

hd't'cd-lowa".^^ e.la-^^ sa"a," xwa'dv^^ xe'^^ itcd-la'f^ t'layo"wd-^^ 
good weather. Did this, reach the destination after 

td-li'c^^ la"v^ itcd-li^*' xe'^^ oq'otse-cHili't"-^ qwa'seli.-'^ Id.tcal,^^ 
long time walk headed for the place chosen dig roots. Immediately, 



280 ANDRADE QUILEUTE 

dd-MI,^^ hfbo-li^ o.qale-k^'^ fiyoqo't'sol.^^ dd-kil,^^ tsa-'dp* 
then, as soon as arrive dig fern roots. But almost 

fotcoq-tiya"^^ xe'^ he'fsit^ o.qaltki.^^ qwasM.qwa"at^^ la'^ 
was noon the when arrive. Digging for food indeed 

dd-kil*^ x"^'^ kopildqtiya'd-o'.*^ o-fas** awi'c'^^ tsdqotca'qlx^^ 

therefore that become dusk. Stay beconae night was impossible 

te.xwd-li.'" hd-fesi'sal*^ dd-kil^^ se-' ya^ dd-kil^^ s^^ ex^* yix^* 
go home. Lie down therefore. Seeing then that were many the 

t'lotoloo't. dd-kil^ yik^'' k'ade'et'ot'^^ k'we'sec^^ add'dal^ ki^^ 
star. Then the younger sister finally began to speak the 

ha-do'syaa'k^^ fial^ ku'd-ase-^ tca'd-^^ ha'^ k'ude- flotoloo't^^ s^^ 
her elder sister said, "Would that yonder that little star he 

hd.kutaxa!'^^ da"qala.''^ toqo-P^ dd-kiP^ yik'* had6s-t'ot'~' ki''^ 
come fetch me." Replied then the elder sister the 

k'ade"yaa'k'''' M.se'MW^ tca'a-'^ ha'^° tce-k^^^ t'lotoloo'fi- tas^^ 
her younger sister, "I prefer yonder that large star he 

hd.kutaxa'^* haP^ ki'^ k'ade".^'^ ht^^ add'ada'l^^ xt^" 
come," said the younger sister. It is this talk to the 

flotoloo'fi^ pata' qtiya' sqaW ya'a'k^^ t'a't'sd-xei't.^* xile''^^ dd'kiP^ 
star until about midnight the girls. Got angry then 

yik^'' kdtc.fot'^^ abe"^^ e'-^"" xe'sitce.sHia'U^'^^ Jcaki" tsitsVitskwa'a".^^^ 
the mother because not was allowed to sleep by the daughters. 

haP'>* dd-kiP°^ kub-ile-ci'P"^ lebat'e'lel^"'' abe"q''^'>« fce'e-t'alxa'fi^^ 
Said then, "Must be quiet, must go to sleep because we at dawn 

^Biio t'cee'e-'^^^ tsd.le'liM^ xaya'sxd'alo^^^ fiyoqoH'so-li.^^'^ e*^^* 
in the morning get up. Again we shall dig fern roots." Not 

dd-kiP^^ ku'b-iU-cia'li^'" ya'a'k^^^ faH'sdwei't.^^^ td-li'P^ to^^i he^^^ 
but try to be quiet the girls. Continue still this 

add'ada'P^^ xe'i^* flotoloo't.^^^ hal^^ la^^ hes^^^ la^^^ sayd-''^^ 
talk the star. Said still it is the same indeed likes 

a;e'i3i he.si'fi^^ fo.^e e'-i^' dd-kiP^^ t'dtca'a'^^^ yaa'k^*'^ t'at'sd.xei'f^*^ 
the same one indeed. Not then know the girls 

xe'i*2 he'fsefi^^ kbafeli'.^^* tluxo"^*^ dd-kiP^ yik^*' kdtc.fot'M^ 
the when fall asleep. Awoke then the mother. 

la^*^ ke-"das^^ as'^^^ wd.aP^^ ya'a'k^^^ tsitsVifskwa"a.''-^* e'-^^^ 
Indeed was astonished that disappeared the daughters. Not 

t'atca'a'^^^ xwa'^^'' 6.kita''as}^^ te.xwa-'li^^^ ktda's}^ 

know that place where were gone. "Went home," it occurred to her. 

ts&^^^ sa"a}^^ te.xtva-'P^^ ko-lic}^* tso-'^^^ sa"a^^ t'laxo"^^~ ya'a'k^^^ 

So, then, went home hurried. Then awoke the 

faH'sd-xei't.^^^ e'-™ t'dfca'a'^'^^ ye'i'^ (5-<.i73 ho.yaso""* 

girls. Not know the where they were. Absolutely 



HANDBOOK OF AMEKICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 281 

strange lay in bed with the yoiinger sister an old man 

ki Mspi' V-^^ ki'^^~ lufdo'sya'a'k.^^^ het'ce-yo-li'f^^ ki'^^^ 
other side of fire the her elder sister. Lay in bed with the 

ha-do'syaa'k^^^ s^^' tcoo'tsk'^^^ ha'fc^^^ tsi"da^^° poo-q.^^^ tso-^^^ 
elder sister a boy handsome young man. Well, 

5a"a,"3 ke-di"^^^ dd-kil^^^ yix^^^ fe'k'a d-^^'' heTseks^^^ 

then, became agitated therefore the tribe when 

e-wa'W^^ yik^"" katct'or^'^ o.t'ali'^''^ t'liba/q^^ t'iyoqo'Vsoo'tP* 
arrived home the mother coming from over night digging fern roots. 

tsdqli^^ ki'^ o'kulds-e'i't^'' kaki"^» tsitsVitskwa'a".^^ 
She missed the she had thought there the daughters. 

bd'k'iP^o dd-kiP^^ yik:'^^ kdtcfot'^^^ ye'^" M-fit^^^ d't'cit^^^ as^" 
Asked then the mother the husband chief if they 

oqaltki'^^^ ya'a'k^^^ tsitsi itskwa" a^'^ xwa'^^^ awbP-'^ wd-alax^,^^ 
arrived the girls the (last) night. "Not present," 

haP^* dd-kiP^^ yix^^ dH'cit.^^ tso-"^'^ sa"a22v e.xwa'o^^^ bd'k'iP'^^ 
said then the chief. Then on his turn asked 

«/ix230 d't'cit^^^ ki'^^ yalo-lat^^^ xild-\'^^ hal^^^ dd-kil^^^ yik^^'' 
the chief the wife being angry. Said then the 

likd-Vso"^^ e'.^'^ t'atca'a' .^'^ uxwa'qawo-txa'ts^'^^ dd-kiP*^ xe'^*^ 
married woman not know. Communicated then the 

he.fifi** yiB*^ likd-fso'^*^ as247 ^,g-248 add'ada'P^^ xe'^^ 

husband the married woman that they this talk the 

flot'oloo't^^^ pafa'qtiya'sqaP^^ hal^^^ as^^ dd'aqa-fco-las^^^ 

star imtil about midnight said that they wished to be fetched 

xe'256 t'lot'oloo't^^'' (ie-xa'258 M.fici' .^^^ liyd-^^ la^^ dd'kiP^^ 
by the star in order to marry. Immediately indeed then 

yix^^ dH'cit^'^ t'atci'i^^ os^se qaqa"^^'' xe'^ss flofoloo't.^^ 
the chief knew that they were taken by the star. 

feo-2'» sa"a27i kidi'""^ hayoqHil^''^ xe'^'* t'e.k'a'd-^'^^ qwat'lats^^ 

Then got busy to s umm on the tribe assemble 

Ae2" add'adali'^''^ ki'^^» fsi'it^kwa'a".^^ qwd't'iats^^^ dd-kiP^^ 
this to talk (about) the daughters. Assembled so 

o.fe283 a;e'28* tee-^fc^^ss fe'k'a-lo"^«^hP^add'ada'l.^»« bak'iP^^ s^so 
co m ing to the large his house this talk. Asked the 

kald-to'b^^^ MxatP^ s^^^ tatd-q^yal^^* xwa'"^^^ itca'qHise-lqaat^^ 
Kala-to'b and the Tata-q^yal the manner ought to plan 

toa;ao2m'297 xe^^^ tlot'oloo'fi^^ tsoo't^ qdte't.sil.^^ liyd-'^^ la^^ 

reach the star because took away. Immediately indeed 

dd-kil^^ kaU-to'b^^ ax&c^^ haW" fcaqe.do'oci'lqalo^'^^ hal^^ 
then Kala-to'b spoke said, "We ought to fight," said 



282 ANDEADE QUILEUTE 

kald-to' b^^'> heqalitixa'P^^ .xe'^i^ d't'cit^^^ M.xat^^* la^^^ xe'^is 

Kala-toTD addressing the chief and indeed the 

Ve-'Wa'd-^^'^ bd'k'iP^^ dd-kiP'^^ bd-yaq^^ x-wa'^^i itcdq-qwa'sido'o' - 

tribe. Asked then Raven the what manner will 

<'o<322 fsilo.wa't-xa^^ heqalit-xaP^ s^^ kald-to'b?^^ tso-^'" sa'^a^^^ 
it be to go up, addressing the Kala-toTi. Then 

Ae'-^^" tatd-q^ya'P^ axo-c^^^ e'-*^^ was^^^ Mk.Ulo"o^^* xwa'^^^ itcdq-qwa'- 
it was Tata-q"ya'l spoke, "Not worry the what 

sido'o'P^ Voq"^^ t'sild.wa'txa.^^^ t'sil6.watxa"alo.^^^ wa^*^ axo'P*^ 
manner we to go up. We shall go up. Not you 

Idklila'.^*'^ 
despair." 

ANALYSIS 

'"* Now then. The chief's wife wa.s going with her daughters to dig fern 
roots. ' — contraction of itso; its-, to do; -o, apphcative classifier for 
space (Sec. 85). This word together with the following constitute a 
conventional introduction to a narrative, which may be rendered by 
"now then, well, so." ^ — demonstrative (Sees. 109, 115). ' — H't- or 
M.t-, to go; -a, applicative classifier (Sec. 85); -x, continuative used 
mainly with verbs of motion, or verbal classifier with an analogous 
meaning (Sees. 91,93); i. e., were going. * — article, subjective case, 
feminine gender (Sees. 109, 110). * — noun meaning "chief," with the 
postpositive -t\ a derivative for one who lives with or at; with the name 
or title of a person it has the specific meaning of wife (Sec. 66). ^ — he-, 
formal base (Sec. 48); -ol, together, belong, accompany, be with; -i, 
connecting vowel (Sec. 37); -c, inceptive; this is one of the verbs which 
are always used with the inceptive in a formal manner like a verbal 
classifier (Sec. 92). ' — article, oblique case, feminine gender, plural 
(Sec. 109). * — Reduplication of tsitskwa"a (Sec. 59); in this word, as 
in many others, it seems that the position of the middle-tone accent may 
be on the ultima or on the penult ; if it is placed on the ultima the vowel 
ends with a glottal closvu'e as stated in Sec. 42; a secondary accent of 
this kind has a very small degree of intensity. * o-l-i'-l, Sees. 85, 131. 

10-13 They went on, each with her pack basket. '" — see word No. 3. '^ — xab-, 
to be all; -a, applicative classifier; the syntactic relation of this verb to 
the preceding is one of coordination: "they were going," "it was all of 
them" (referring to having baskets). ^^ — This particle is used very 
idiomatically; its force may be rendered here in connection with the 
preceding word as an emotional evaluation of the fact that every one 
of them carried a basket. " — ha'yeq'"-, to carry with the pack-strap; 
the element 5'" is probably the postpositive -q'o, position upon, location 
on a particular spot, but it is inseparable from hd'y(e), since the latter 
has no semantic independence; see word No. 26; ba-y-, postpositive 
morpheme, meaning basket; -i, connecting vowel (Sec. 37); -l, verbal 
classifier required before the subordinating suffix -i, because the initial 
morpheme belongs to the Z-cla-ss (Sec. 136). This verb is subordinated to 
No. 11. 

14-16 jt ^as very good weather. '* — a free morpheme used frequently as an 
initial morpheme; in this context its syntax is that of a qualifier, as 
evidenced by the fact that it has no suffixes (Sec. 142). ^^ — }ia't'c-. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 283 

to be good; -a-l, weather; -o, connecting vowel of frequent occurrence 
before w; -wa, indicates direction away, continuous process in a vague 
direction; the glottal stop is due to the accent (Sec. 42), particularly 
on the final word of a sentence. This postpositive is used idiomatically 
with many words for temporal or other abstract relations (Sec. 66), 
cf. also No. 21. 

i'-"' So, they arrived at their destination, after walking for a long time 
toward the place where they had plaimed to dig roots. " — e.l- (or el-) 
to be active or occupied doing something; this, together with the 
following demonstrative constitutes a conjimctive phrase. " — see 
No. 2. 1* — the affix -u is the applicative -o for space (Sec. 85), the 
phonetic change is due to the influence of the preceding vowel (Sec. 18). 
19 — article (Sees. 109, 110), obhque case, non-feminine gender; for its 
syntactic fimction see Sec. 112. "" — itc-, to be going toward a specific 
place, be headed for; -a, applicative classifier; -I, indicates purpose 
(cf. No. 9); -at, (-it, or -t) (Sec. 38), transforms this verbal composite 
into a noun (Sees. 122, 138). ^i — t'layo"-, a verb meaning to be sub- 
sequent lo; -wa-, is identical with -wa (cf. No. 15), the low-tone accent 
(which includes duration. Sec 28) is probably an etymologic charac- 
teristic which disappears in many cases due to the accentual pattern 
(Sec. 26). '^ — ta-l-, to last, to take a long time; -i, applicative classifier; 
-c, inceptive (cf. No. 6). ^^ — la'-, to walk; -u, applicative classifier for 
space, cf. No. 18. Verbs 21, 22, 23, are coordinate (Sec. 141). " — for 
the first two elements see No. 20; -i, subordinating suffix (Sec. 136); 
principal verb of the clause subordinated under No. 23. ^^ — article 
cf. No. 20. 26 — d-, formal base (Sec. 48); -q'o, upon, space upon which 
an activity takes place, in contrast witli -q", which indicates a location 
where something stands or lies; -tse-c, to select; -e-, a connecting vowel 
lengthened by the high-tone accent (Sec. 29); -I, purpose (cf. Nos. 9, 
20); -i, connecting vowel; -I, verbal classifier; -it, nominalizer (cf. 
No. 20). 2' — qwas-, to dig any kind of root; more general in meaning 
than No. 9; -e, applicative classifier, for its form -e instead of -i see 
Sec. 87; -I, verbal classifier; -i, sign of subordination; this verb depends 
on the verbal meaning of the nominalized verb which precedes it, that 
is, it is subordinated to it as though it functioned verbally in this 
context. 

28-32 jjo sooner had they arrived they were digging fern roots. ^* — Id.tc-, 
to take place at once, to wait no longer; -a, applicative classifier, -I, 
verbal classifier. ^^ — a free morpheme which does not take suffixes; 
a conjunctive utterance of frequent occurrence, it is used in cases in 
which we would say, "so, then, for, furthermore, therefore, but," etc. 

Here it connects 28 and the following clause. ™ o-l, classifiers; -i, 

sign of subordination; asserts coincidence of action or immediate 
sequence; to judge by other occurrences, it is subordinated to the 
following verb, as verbs with such meanings are wont to be (Sec. 143). 
31 — o'-, formal base for space relations (Sec. 48); -qal, or qale-, a post- 
positive of obscure meaning inseparable from this word; -h, to go to 
a definite place. ^^ — see 9. Verbs 28, 31, and 32 are coordinate, as 
shown by the absence of subordinating suffixes. The sentence is to be 
understood as "There was no delay (for) they arrived (and) got busy." 
Verb 32 is normally durative, since it does not refer to digging up one 
root, but to be engaged in the activity of procuring food in this manner. 
Hence it seems proper to translate it in this context as a durative. 

33-38 gy^ \^ ^as almost noon when they arrived. '^ — see 29. ^^ — free 
morpheme, a qualifier. '^ — fotc-, middle; -o, applicative for space; 



284 ANDEADE QUILEUTE 

-qtiya, day; this Ls the main verb of this sentence. ^* — article, oblique 
case, expressing a relation of difficult interpretation between the 
preceding verb and the following nominalized clause. " — he-, formal 
base; the glottal stop is due to the following glottalized affricative 
(Sec. 40); -fs, predicates a relation of time, may be rendered generally 
by when; -(i)t, nominalizer. ^ — see 31; -/, sign of subordination; this 
subordinate syntax is identical to that of 26, and 27. 

^~" So, they kept on digging for food vmtil dusk. ^' — qwas-, see 27; -la. 
eat; this postpositive affixed to the formal base d- gives the verb to eat 
dla-; -qwa, thoroughly, an intensifier; its force in this context is 
approximately "they dug and dug;" -o, connecting vowel or vocalic 
form of -t; -t, an element expressing a state of activity (Sec. 66; cf. 
Sec. 91). *" — see 12, an emotional evaluation of their persistence in 
digging. ''1 — see 29 and 33; here it connects with the previous sentence 
implying a consequence. *^ — demonstrative for invisible entities 
unrelated to previous experience (Sec. 113); establishes a sjmtactic 
relation with the main verb, 39, and the following verbal noun; a kind of 
accusative of time, end-point of a period. ''^ — dark, evening; -a. 
applicative classifier; -qtiya, day (see word 35); -do, resultative (Sees. 92, 
134), the long consonant is due to the accent; the glottal stop may occiu- 
with any vowel at the end of a sentence ; it is optional ; a verb with the 
sign of the resultative aspect may be used as a noun without the sign 
-t of nominalization. 

44-47 There they stayed imtil night overtook them and they were unable to 
return home. " — 6-, formal base for location (Sec. 50); -I, to persist 
(Sec. 66); -as, third person pronoun. ^^ — aw-, night; -c, to become 
(Sec. 134). *^ — tsa-, to be without, not to do or have; -qo, an element of 
rare occurrence whose meanmg has not been ascertained in this and 
two other words from which it is inseparable; -tcaqlx, to happen. 
■" — te-, house; -xwa, probably identifiable with the initial morpheme 
meaning to arrive, see 18; -i, sign of subordination, depending syntactic- 
ally upon the main verb, to be possible. The high-falling accent here is 
rhetorical, if we may judge by the fact that the word may be pronounced 
without it. 

48-49 3q_ they lay down. ** — ha-t-, to lie down; -e, applicative classifier -?' 
changed to -e by phonetic contact; -i, is considered proper in spite of 
the phonetic tendencies; -s, verbal classifier for causation of a state or 
condition; -i, connecting vowel; -sal, distributive suffix (Sees. 66, 67); 
i. e. each one lay down, one here, one there. ■" — see 29. 

50-55 They observed then that there were many stars. ^° — sey-, to see; the 
lengthening denotes durative aspect (Sees. 132, 133); -a, applicative 
classifier; literally, they were seeing. ^^ — see 29. ^- — indefinite article 
before the following clause, which is treated as a noun (Sees. Ill, 112). 
** — article, referring to the subject of the preceding verb. ^* — un- 
analyzable noun, except for the possible nominaUzer -t, (Sec. 138). 

66-71 Then the yoimger sister spoke to her elder sister saying, "I wish that 
little star yonder would come and take me." *^ — see 29. ^' — article, 
subjective case, feminine. ** — k'ade", the youngest chOd in the family, 
male or female; -i'ot', belonging to some one's family; some kinship 
terms cannot as a rule be used without a possessive (Sec. 83). ^' — k'we-s-, 
to be a consequence of, to evolve from a previous condition ; it is used 
sometimes together with the resultative suffix -do ( Sec. 1 34) for emphasis, 
but serves more frequently as a conjunctive verb, -c, inceptive, used 
formally or perhaps with the idea that the following predication starts 
from the preceding premise. *" — article, feminine gender, oblique case. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 285 

object of 60. *^ — ha-do's, eldest brother or sister in the family; -ya'ah, 
possessive. ^' — unanalyzable ; although the -I could be a verbal 
classifier, it is inseparable from this morpheme. *•• — a free morpheme, 
never found with pronominal affixes; a kind of impersonal verb ex- 
pressing a wish. *^ — locative demonstrative for a remote object. 
^^ — ha, a demonstrative for an entity distant from the speaker and the 
listener; the glottal stop is due to the anticipation of the fc'- in the 
following word (cf. Sec. 40) to which it is a proclitic. ^' — can be used 
as a noun or as a verb; unanalyzable; a qualifier in this construction; 
if it were a verb, a demonstrative would precede 68. ** — see 55. ^' — sub- 
junctive pronoun (Sees. 67, 73, 74), subject of the subordinate clause; 
although in form it is identical with the indefinite article, it can be 
recognized by the fact that the following verb is not nominalized, but 
takes the subordinating suffix. '" — hd.kut-, to come; -a, applicative 
classifier; -x, verbal classifier (Sees. 91, 92); -a, sign of subordination 
for diu'ative action; the sense of this verb is "to be moving toward the 
speaker" (Sec. 92). '^ — da'-, to fetch; -qala, object pronoun, first 
person, for verbs of the neutral class (Sec. 96); a coordinate verb, 
"that he would be coming and fetch me," a verb coordinate to a sub- 
ordinate verb does not require the subordinating suffix (Sec. 143). 

72-87 xhen the elder girl said to her yomiger sister, "I should prefer that big 
star yonder wo\ild come," she said to her younger sister. '^ — toq-. 
to reply or answer; for vmknown reasons this verb takes the applicative 
classifier for space, -o; -I, verbal classifier. '* — feminine article, sub- 
jective case. '* — feminine article, oblique case, expressing an objective 
relation between 72 and 77. ** — he-, formal base; -sekl, to choose, select; 
-li, subject pronoim. ", *" — as in 65, 66. *' — vmanalyzable free mor- 
pheme ; its syntactic relation to 82 is that of a qualifier. ^^ — third person 
of the conditional pronoun ; the conditional is used here with a sense of 
eventviality ; with verb 64 the subjunctive was used as a more definite 
wish; here the thought was interpreted as "if one is to come, I wish it 
were the big one." *' — an excejotional use of this kinship term without 
a possessive; no explanation can be offered; however, the suffix -i'oi' 
could be used in this context. 

88-94 ijjig girls talked in this maiuier about the stars vmtil about midnight. 
'* — use of the formal base as a free morpheme (Sec. 56). '^ — pat-, an 
initial morpheme of unknown meaning ; it has occurred only in composi- 
tion with -qtiya, day, to mean midnight; -sqal, reflexive suffix in one of 
its non-reflexive meanings (Sec. 102); literally, "it simulated midnight." 
'' — pku-al, feminine article. ^* — fd.xei't, girl, with the infix -t''sa 
(Sec. 57) for distributed plural. 

95-103 xhen their mother became angry, because her daughters did not let 
her sleep. ^^ — xil-, angry; when used with the applicative -a, it means 
to be angry; -e, is a modified form of the applicative -i (Sec. 87); as 
with many other verbs expressing a mental condition, the applicative 
-i is equivalent to the inceptive (Sec. 92) ; for the glottal stop see Sec. 42. 
58 — katc, mother; for -t'of see 58 and 75. «» — see Sec. 121. i™ — ne- 
gative (Sec. 136). 1*" — xes-, to sleep; -tees, causative for a state or 
condition (Sec. 104); her efforts to cause a condition of sleep is the 
causation referred to; -sil, one of the signs of the passive voice (Sec. 
106); -ial (or -fal) repetitive for attempts which fail (Sec. 135); -i, 
subordinating suffix (all negative action appears as .subordinated to 
the negative verb; Sec. 136). '"^ — article, feminine, plural, oblique 
case for the agent of the passive voice (Sec. 112); the passive voice may 
be understood in the sense that she was so affected by the girls that 



286 ANDRADE QFILEUTE 

her repeated attempts to bring about a condition of sleep had 
failed. 

101-112 So, she said, "You must keep quiet and go to sleep, because we are 
going to get up at dawn." '"'' — see 63. "** — kubil, to be silent, not to 
speak; -c, inceptive; -I, aspect of eventuality (Sec. 131); a stem 
command given in the indicative, rather than in the imperative with 
the pronoun axo'l, as normally; literally, "(You) are going to begin to 
be still." '"' — lehaf-, to fall asleep; -l, as in the preceding verb. 
108 — a conjunctive verb (Sec. 125); -5", pronoun, first person, plural, 
indicative, used occasionally instead of -lo with no distinction of 
meaning, so far as can be determined, but appearing generally with the 
same words, i™ — i'ce'e-, morning, as in 111; -Val, come from, originate ; 
-X, continuative for motion (Sec. 92); -I, aspect of eventuality; 
literally, the time from which morning is going to start. '1° — demon- 
strative for an invisible, unexperienced entity. '" — the early part of 
the day, applicable till the sun is considerably above the horizon. 
112 — tsa-, perhaps the initial morpheme meaning not to have, a kind 
of negative verb; -te'7, element of unknown meaning; -i, sign of 
subordination, this verb being subordinated to 108. 

113-114 \y^e shall again dig fern roots. "' — xaya-, another; -sx, time, turn; 
the accent and the glottal stop constitute the sign of the future 
(Sec. 129); -lo, subject pronoun, we; this is the main verb of this 
predication : we shall do again. "■* — as in 32 ; -i, sign of subordination, 
being subordinated to 113. 

iis-119 But the girls made no effort to be quiet. "^ — as in 100. "' — see 106, 
and 101 for -ial; -i, sign of subordination. 

i2fr-i25 They still went on talking in this manner about the stars, ^^o — tal-, 
to persist, to last, be a long time; -i, applicative classifier for definite 
purpose (Sec. 85); -l, verbal classifier. ^^^ — see 12 and 40.^22-125 — . ggg 
88—91. 

126-136 Each girl kept on saying that she liked the same star. '** — he-, 
formal base; -s, pronoun; literally, "it is he." "° — say-, to like, love, 
covet; -A-, continuative (Sec. 132); the glottal stop was verified, but 
cannot be accounted for. "^ — nominalization of 128. 

137-144 Then, the girls did not know when they fell asleep. '^ — fate-, to 
know; -a, apphcative classifier separated by a glottal stop (Sec. 37) 
from the sign of subordination -a ; being subordinated to the negative 
verb 137. ^^^ — he-, formal base; glottal stop due to the influence of the 
following glottalized soimd (Sec. 40); -Vs, to be the time when; -t 
nominalizes this verb. ''''' — see 107; -i, sign of subordination; being 
subordinated to 143. 

146-148 Then the mother awoke. '^^ — flax-, to be alert, at attention, active; 
with the applicative -a and the verbal classifier -I means to get ready, 
to be active in preparation; for some reason the applicative for 
location is used for awaking. 

149-164 g}^g ^as astonished, indeed, (to find) that her daughters had dis- 
appeared. '^" — ke-"d-, to be astonished ; upset, excited; -a, applicative; 
-s, causation (Sec. 104); a causative construction is occasionally 
equivalent to the passive voice (Sec. 106); the mother, understood, 
is the subject, since the following clause is preceded by the oblique 
case of the feminine article, which is the case required for the agent of 
the passive voice. '^^ — indefinite article for a new fact introduced in 
the discourse (Sees. 1 1 1, 1 12) ; it is the oblique case for the agent of the 
passive voice (Sec. 112). "" — wd.-a-l, this verb may possibly be 
identical with the negative wa; with this applicative and verbal 



HANDBOOK OF AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 287 

classifier it means not to exist, not to be present, to there he no or none; 
being preceded by an article one would expect the verb to have the 
nominalizing or participial suffix -t; but the use of the nominalizer is 
limited by the meaning of the verb as well as by that of the demon- 
strative used (of. Sec. 148), and on the whole it seems that its use is 
more constant with verbs of action than with others. 

166-168 She did not know where they had gone, "s, i^^ — see 137, 139. i" — de- 
monstrative, for its use here see Sec. 113. '^* — d-, formal base for 
location; -k, to go to a definite place and arrive; -t, verbal classifier 
for a state of activity or continuous condition (Sec. 91); -a' as, plural, 
subjective pronoun. 

169-160 "Xhey went home," she thought. '^' — texwa-, to go home ; a composite 
verb; te-, house, -xwa, probably an element in xwa-^a-o, to arrive; the 
lengthening of the -a is probably due to a slurring of the glottal stop 
which will be expected to separate the vowel of the stem from the 
applicative classifier -a; -I, verbal classifier; -i, sign of subordination; 
the verb is subordinated to the next one. i*" — hid-, to have an idea; 
-a, applicative; -s, sign of causation for a condition (Sec. 104); it is a 
kind of passive voice expressed by causatives ; see 1 50 ; she was led to 
think. 

161-164 go^ ghe hurried home. •", ^^^ _ gee 1, 2. i«3 _ gee 159. "■> — ko-l-, to 
hurry; -c, inceptive; this verb is normally used with the inceptive 
(Sec. 92); coordinate with 163. 

166-169 xhen the girls woke up. ^" — see 145. ^"^ — article, subjective case, 
feminine, plural, i*' — see 94. 

170-173 Xhey did not know where they were. i'», ^'^ — see 137, 139. i" — article, 
oblique case before a nominalized verb, i" — d-, independent use of 
the formal base for location (Sec. 56); -t, nominalizer or participial 
suffix (Sec. 91). 

174-183 Much to their surprise, on the side of the room opposite the elder sister, 
there lay the young one in bed with an old man. ^'^ — a word whose 
meaning is difficult to define ; in the contexts in which it has occurred 
it seems to express a feeling of intensity of the quality predicated, or 
of magnitude of the occurrence ; it has occurred with pronominal and 
aspect suffixes as a verb. ^'* — strange, surprising, generally used as a 
qualifier. "" — he-, formal base with glottal stop due to the influence 
of the following glottalized soimd; -fce-yo-lit\ when used in a context 
in which a man and a woman are concerned it means to lie in bed with, 
but this is a special implication, for it is used also in descriptive names 
of tribes, as tset'i'pfeqwa'Hciyo-'lit\ the tribe of the hair tied on top of 
the head (QT. 23:65); -t\ to live with; see 5; 177, 178 are the subject 
of this verb; 179, 180 are the object. '^^ — kil-, to be on the other side 
of; -sp, fire, referring to the old Quileute houses where the fire-place 
was in the center of the lodge; -I, verbal classifier. "^ — oblique case 
of the feminine article before the object of 181. 

184-191 xhe elder sister lay in bed with a handsome young man. ^^* — see 176. 
'*' — indefinite article for a new fact introduced in the narrative 
(Sec. 111). ''* — boy, adolescent. ''^, ^^° — qualifiers. 

192-204 Well, the tribe was upset when the mother returned to her house the 
next day from the place where she had been digging roots. ^" — see 
150; with a verb of state of mind the use of the applicative -i, which 
stands frequently for a momentaneous aspect, is equivalent to an 
inceptive (Sec. 133, 134). ^'^ — he-, formal base; -fs, occasion; -ks, 
pronoun, "she." ^^ — e-wa"l (or e-wa'l), to return home from a trip; 
-i, sign of subordination; subordinated to 198, which having a pronoun. 



288 ANDKADE QOTLETTTE 

functions here as a verb. ^"^ — 6-, formal base; -t'al, to come from; 
-i, sign of subordination. 

205-209 gjjg fjij i^Qt fijjfj hgj. daughters, whom she expected to be there. 
205 — not to do, or to have; -ql, to hit the mark, to do in an efficient 
manner, used in he.qlti, expert; -i, appHcative classifier for action 
directed to a specific purpose. 2°' — o, identical to the formal base for 
location (Sec. 50). It could not be said in this case that it functions 
as a formal base, since kulas is not a postpositive, as evidenced by its 
use in 160; it is possible that -o should be considered a separate word, 
but we should not be able to explain the absence of the high-tone 
accent ; if it is a part of the word in question, the omission of the accent 
can be accounted for by the presence of a high-tone accent on the -o 
(cf. Sec. 30); -'?', cessative (Sec. 130); -t, nominalizer, the word function- 
ing as a noun with article 206; the u.se of the singular form of the 
feminine article is occasionally used when for some reason the women 
refered to are thought of collectively; notice also that noun 209 in 
apposition with 207 takes the plural article. 

210-222 Then the mother asked the chief, her husband, whether the girls had 
arrived the previous night. -^'' — ba'k'-, to ask for an object or to 
question; -i, applicative classifier for a specific purpose; -I, verbal 
classifier. 21^-216 — noun No. 215 functions as a qualifier; were 216 in 
apposition with 215, the former would be preceded by the article. 
21' — see 31 ; -i, sign of subordination required by all verbs preceded 
by a subjunctive pronoun (Sec. 73). 221 — demonstrative for invisible 
entity related to previous experience; see remarks on the expression 
for yesterday and to-morrow in Sec. 114. 

223-226 "They are not here," said the chief. 223 — the quantity of the accented 
vowel may be rhetorical (Sec. 24); this word is generally pronovmced 
with the dieresis after the high-tone accent; wa-, is probably the usual 
negative verb ( Sec. 143), with the applicative classifier -a, and the verbal 
classifier -I; with these suffixes it means not to exist, to be no more, to 
there be none or no more, not to be at a place; the locative meaning 
is not likely to be predominant, or it would take the applicative 
classifier for location (-0) ; -x", pronoim for an invisible entity un- 
related to previous experience; one would not expect the use of this 
pronoun here, considering that the daughters are related to previous 
experience; the fact that the feminine form -k", equivalent to the non- 
feminine -x", was not used, would lead us to infer that it does not stand 
for the daughters, but refers, perhaps, to the fact itself of being present ; 
it must be admitted, however, that even so, its \ise cannot be definitely 
accounted for. 

227-234 Then the chief was angry, and proceded to question his wife. 228 — fig. 
urative use of a verb whose literal meaning is to turn around; -o, 
applicative classifier for location. ^'* — xil- (or xel-) ; see 95; applica- 
tive classifier for a state or condition, lengthened by the low-tone 
accent (Sees. 28, 133); the glottal stop may always occur at the end of 
a sentence if the vowel is accented ; the syntactic relation of this verb 
is one of coordination (Sec. 141). 

235-240 Then his wife said she did not know. (Implying that her husband had 
asked her a similar question about the whereabouts of the girls). 
2^ — in talking about another's wife this general term is often used 
instead of yalo-lat, which refers specifically to a woman's relation to a 
particular man. 

241-259 Whereupon the woman informed her husband that they had been 
talking about the stars until late in the night, saying that they wished 



HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGITAGES 289 

to be taken away by the stars in order to marry them. "^^ — iixwa-, 
something, an indefinite thing; -qawolx, to be acquainted with; -ts, 
causative. ^" — subjimctive pronoun; see 217. ^^ — functions as a 
demonstrative (Sec. 56); commonly used with 249 to refer to the 
subject of the conversation, which generally precedes, as shown more 
clearly in 287, but may also follow the verb. ^^^ — paf, middle; 
-qtiya, day; -sqal, false, not quite, almost, and other meanings given 
in Sec. 102. ^^^ — da-, to go and bring or come and take away, fetch; 
-qa, passive voice ; -fcol, to wish ; -as, pronovm. 2^" — oblique case of 
the article before the agent of the passive voice. ^^^ — see Sec. 125. 
259 — /,^.^ formal base; -f , to be a hvisband to (but notice the suffix in 
5); the combination of these two morphemes is seen in 244 with the 
nominalizer -t; -c, inceptive; -i, sign of subordination. 

260-269 ^^ ojjgg tjiQ chief realized that they had been taken away by the 
stars. 2*° — to take place suddenly; this word has not occurred with 
any other suffixes; we presume that -a- may include the applicative 
classifier -a, but we cannot accoimt for the high-tone accent; it must 
function as a verb, for 265 appears with the sign of subordination. 
266 — tijig verb generally takes the applicative classifier -a, but as 
stated in Sec. 92, some verbs of the neutral class form their inceptives 
by changing this classifier which may connote durative action for -i, 
which frequently expresses momentaneous action; the momentaneous 
aspect of this verb refers to the moment of becoming aware ; -i is the 
sign of subordination separated from the preceding vowel by a glottal 
stop (Sec. 37). 266 — subjunctive pronoun. ^67 — qa-, to take away; 
-qa, passive voice; for the glottal stop see Sec. 42. ^ss — oblique case 
before the agent of the passive voice. 

270-280 Then he got busy summoning the tribe, and had them assemble to 
talk about this matter. ^'^ — with the applicative classifier -a, this 
verb means to be busy, the inceptive aspect being expressed as in 265. 
2'3 — hay-, to call; -o, applicative for location; -g", a definite place 
(Sec. 64); for the -I see Sec. 136; -I, expresses contemplated action 
(Sec. 131); for the omission of the sign of subordination see Sec. 143. 
2'6 — caused (them) to assemble; -ts, causative. "^ — see 249; -i, sub- 
ordination with implication of purpose (Sec. 131). 

281-288 So, he assembled them and they came to his large house. ^83 — o-, 
formal base for location; -k, to go to a definite place; -s, pronoun. 
285 — a word which can be a verb, but functions here as a qualifier 
without verbal suffixes (Sec. 124). -'■^ — the syllable -lo, includes the 
final -I of t'e'k'al, house, and the initial of -lo\ to belong. 

289-301 jje asked Kala-to'b and Tata-q'^yal in what manner they could reach 
the stars, because they had abducted (his daughters). ^'° — the in- 
definite article before a proper noun in an objective relation (Sec. 111). 
291, 294, names of two mythologic giants fabulously strong. -^6 — itcaq-, 
to do something in accordance with a plan, in imitation of a model; 
also to be like something else; the elements -Itis are of limited use, it 
has not been possible to determine their meaning definitely; -I, in- 
dicates purpose (Sec. 131); -qa'a, to need, have as a duty; -t, nominal- 
izer. 2" — taxa-, to reach ; -o, applicative classifier for location ; for the 
sound of o after a see Sec. 18; -w is a glide between the u-sound of the 
-0 and the next vowel; -i, subordination with implication of purpose 
(Sec. 143). ^1 — qa-, to take away, (see 267); -let, violently; -sil, 
passive voice, mainly for momentaneous or rapid action parallel to the 
use of the causative -ts (Sees. 90, 103, 105, 106). 



290 ANDRADE QTJILETJTE 

302-317 Immediately KalatoTj spoke and said, "We must wage war," said 
he addressing the chief, and also the tribe. ^^ — inceptive verb with 
-c (Sec. 92). ^°* — t'caq-, to fight; -do, resultative; -c, inceptive; -I, 
contemplated action; -qa, passive voice; -lo, subject pronoun, we; the 
use of the resultative together with the inceptive hsis occurred in 
other contexts with the idea of an action undertaken as a consequence 
of facts previously stated; the use of the passive voice may be para- 
phrased in such a sense as, "in view of the outrage committed by the 
stars, it is incumbent upon us to wage war." ^'^ — he-, formal base; 
■qalitx, against, toward, used of any action except locomotion. 

318-326 Then Raven asked Kahvto'b how would they go xip. ''^ "' — Cf.Nos. 
210, 211. 321, 322 _ cf. Nos. 295, 296; -qwa, defmitely, see page 197; 
-s, causative (Sec. 104) ; -do, resultative (Sec. 134) ; -o'-t', future 
(Sec. 129) ; -t, nominalizer (Sec. 122),fortheconnectingvowel-a-cf. Sec. 
38. 323 — i'iii-, initial morpheme; -o, applicative classifier for location; 
-wa, direction away, page 195; -t-.r, verbal classifiers (Sec. 91); -a, 
sign of subordination (See No. 311). 

327-338 Then Tata-q"yal was the one who spoke, "Do not worry about how 
we may go up. ^32, 333 — fg^ (^j^g ^gg ^f ^he double negative .see Sec. 136. 
^S'l — Idk.lil-, to worry, cannot be analyzed ; none of its elements have 
occurred in other contexts; the final -o represents the subordinating 
suffix required in a negative sentence; it may be -i or -o assimilated 
to the preceding vowel of the apphcative -o by the glottal stop (Sec. 
39). 337 — conditional pronoun (Sec. 78). 

339-342 We shall go up. Do not dispair. 339 — see 338 ; -'o, future of first 
persons (Sec. 129); -lo, pronoun, we. 3*i — imperative pronoun, plural. 
3^2 — see 334; -a, sign of subordination required by the negative 
verb wa. 



INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 

The numbers refer to sections. 
Accent, general discussion, 26: high-falling. 27; low-tone, 28; 

middle-tone and high-tone, 29; in pollysyllables, 30; etymo- 

logically determined, 31. 
Adjective, quahties and attributes generally expressed by verbs, 45, 

127; various words used as quahfiers 124. 142; special form of 

numerals used as qualifiers, 118. 
Adverbs, see locative demonstratives, 116, 123; formatives with 

"adverbial" meaning, 66, 126; possible adverbial meaning of 

some postpositives, 127. 
Applicative classifiers, 85, 88. 
Articles, forms, 109; distinguished from other demonstratives, 110: 

uses of. 111, 112; special syntactic functions, 147, 148. 
Aspects, momentaneous, durative and continuative, 132, 133; see 

also 85, 88. 89, 92, 96, 104, 106, 136; inceptive and resultative, 

134; cessative, 130; aspect of eventuality, 131; repetitive and 

tentative, 135. 
Case, (subjective, oblique) see articles, 109, 112; objective pro- 
nominal forms, 96. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 291 

Causation, causatives, 103 — 104. 

Class (verbal classes) : neutral class, Z-class, te-class, i-class, .s-class, 

a;-class, 93. 
Classifiers, definition, 85; see applicative classifiers, 85; verbal 

classifiers, 93. Formatives which effect a tripartite division: 

the apphcative classifiers, 85; formal bases, 50 (see also 86); 

objective pronominal forms, 96; causatives, 104; passive voice, 

106; obviative, 100. 
Coalescence (phonetic), 36, 37; 43. 
Conjunctions, 125. 
Connecting voivels, 37. 
Consonants, 1 — 9. 
Coordination, 141. 
Demonstratives, 109 — 116. 
Dieresis, 24. 

Diminutive, expressed by infixation, 60; by a suffix, 66. 
Diphthongs, 18. 
Formal bases, 48 — 56. 
Free morphemes, definition, 44; special free morphemes, 67, 83, 99, 

109—118. Pronominal, 67, 83, 84, 99; demonstrative, 109; 

numerals, 118; conjunctive, 125; various parts of speech, 117. 
Gender, (feminine, non-feminine) expressed by pronouns, 67; by 

demonstratives, 110, 113 — 115. 
Grammatical processes, suffixation, 44; reduplication and infixation, 

57 — 61 ; word order, 149; accentual phenomena (only partially 

of the nature of a grammatical process), 31; lengthening, 20, 

132. 
Infixation, 57 — 61. 
Initial morphemes, 44. 
Intransitive verbs, 89 — 91. 
Modes, 68; conditional, 76, 78; indicative, 69; imperative, 81; 

interrogative, 70 — 72; subjunctive, 73 — 75. 
Negative sentences, 136. 
Neutral class (neutral verbs), 93. 
Nominalization, 91, 122, 138, 148. 
Noun, definition, 122; structure of composite nouns, 137; nouns 

with special derivative suffixes, 138 — 140. 
Number, (singular, pliu-al, distributive) expressed by reduphcation 

and infixation, 59; by pronouns, 67; by the formal bases, 54; 

by demonstratives, 109 ; distributive plural by the suffix -sal, 66. 
Objective relations, expression of, 85 — 108. 
Obviative, 100. 

Order (word order), 149; see also 73; 77 — 80; 81. 
Parts of speech, 119; definition of noun, verb, etc., 120 — 125. 
Phonetic processes, 36 — 43. 



292 ANDRADE QUILETJTE 

Phonetic structure, 32 — 35. 

Postpositive morphemes, 44; list of, expressing nominal concepts, 64; 

verbal, 65; miscellaneous, 66. 
Pronouns, see Modes. Subjective, 67 — 82; possessive, 83, 84, (see 

also 80) ; objective, 96—99. 
Qualifiers, 118, 124, 142. 
Qtiantity (duration), 20 — 25. 
Reciprocal action, 101. 
Reduplication, 57 — 61. 
Reflexive action, 102. 
Subordination, 136, 143 — 148; with the subjunctive, 74; with the 

conditional pronouns, 77 — 80. 
Syllables, 19. 
Tenses, 128, 129. 
Transitive verbs, 89 — 91. 
Utterance, 119, 120. 
Verb, definition, 121; structure of composite verbs, 126; verbal 

classes, 93; verbal concepts expressed by postpositives, 63, 65. 
Verbal classifiers. 93. 
Vocative, 67, 82. 
Voice, passive, 105 — 108. (See also applicative classifiers, 85; 

verbal classifiers, 89 — 95; causation, 103 — 104; all of which 

partake of the nature of voices in some of their uses.) 
Vowels, 10 — 17; connecting, 37. 



YUCHI 

BY 

GUNTER WAGNER 



CONTENTS 

Introductory Note 
§§ 1—17. I. Phonology 
§§ 1—6. A. Vowels 

§ 1 . Description of vowels 300 

§ 2. Juxtaposition of vowels 301 

§§ 3—6. Vowel Processes 302 

§ 3 (a) Contraction 302 

§ 4 (b) Nasalization 303 

§ 5 (c) Assimilation 303 

§ 6 (d) Dissimilation 304 

§§ 7 — 10. B. Consonants 

§ 7. Survey of Consonants 304 

§§ 8 — 10. Consonantic Processes 305 

§ 8 (a) Elimination of consonants 305 

§ 9 (b) Consonantic development of vowel quality .... 305 

§ 10 (c) Phonemes 306 

§§ 11 — 14. C. Relative frequency and grouping of sounds 

§11. Relative frequency of sounds 307 

§ 12. Distribution of vowels and consonants within a word 307 

§ 13. Initial and final position 308 

§ 14. Consonantic Clusters 308 

§§ 15—16. D. Accent 

§ 15. Accent in bisyllabic words 308 

§ 16. Accent in polysyllabic word -units 309 

(a) Primary and secondary accent 309 

(b) Change of accent in compounded words 309 

§ 17. E. Quantity 309 

§ 18. II. Grammatical processes 310 

§§ 19 — 22. III. Ideas expressed by moi-phological devices . . . 310 

§ 19. A. Nominal ideas 310 

§ 20. B. Pronominal ideas 31 1 

§ 21. C. The Verb 312 

§ 22. D. Syntactic structure 312 

§§ 23—69. IV. Moi-phology 316 

§ 23—29. A. The noun 316 

§ 23. Monosyllabic stems 316 

§ 24. Polysyllabic stems 317 

(a) Bisyllabic stems 317 

(b) Polysyllabic stems 318 

§ 25. Nominalization 319 

20* 



296 CONTENTS 

§ 26. Classification 320 

§ 27. Number 322 

§ 28. Negation 323 

§ 29. Location 324 

§§ 30—42. B. The pronoun 

§§ 30 — 38. Pensonal pronouns 324 

§ 30. (a) Introductory 324 

§ 31. (b) Subjective personal pronouns 325 

§ 32. (c) Objective personal pronouns 330 

§ 33. (d) Reflexive pronouns 333 

§ 34. (e) Indefinite pronominal prefix 333 

§§ 35 — 37. (f) Irregular personal pronouns 334 

§ 35. (a) Amalgamation of pronoun and verb 334 

§ 36. (P) Irregular pronominal forms 335 

§ 37. (y) Amalgamation between pronoun and in- 
strumental prefix 336 

§ 38. (g) Reciprocal and Collective 336 

§ 39. Possessive pronouns 337 

§ 40. Impersonal pronominal prefixes 340 

§ 41. Demonstrative pronouns 341 

§ 42. Interrogative pronouns 341 

§§ 43—59. C. The verb and adjective 

§§ 43 — 47. Verbal and adjectival stems 343 

§ 43. (a) Introductory 343 

§ 44. (b) Monosyllabic stems 343 

§ 45. (c) Bisyllabic stems 344 

§ 46. (d) Polysyllabic stems 345 

§ 47. (e) Numerals 346 

§ 48. Compound verbs 347 

§ 49. Impersonal verbs 350 

§ 50. Verbalization 350 

§ 51. Temporal suffixes 351 

§ 52. Plural stems 352 

§ 53. Modal suffixes 353 

§ 54. Aspects 355 

§ 55. Comparison 356 

§ 56. Interrogative Suffixes 357 

§ 57. Instrumental prefix 357 

§ 58. Locative prefixes 358 

§ 59. Negation 361 

§§ 60—63. D. Enclitics 

§ 60. Introductory 362 

§ 61. Coordinative enclitics 362 

§ 62. Subordinative enclitics 364 

§ 63. Enclitics of adverbial character 369 



CONTENTS 297 

64 — 69. E. Independent Particles 

§ 64. Introductory 370 

§ 65. Locative particles 370 

§ 66. Temporal particles 371 

§ 67. Conjunctives and disjunctives 371 

§ 68. Independent adverbials 372 

§ 69. Exclamatory particles 373 

70 — 72. Appendix 

§ 70. Table of Pronouns 373 

§71. List of Homonyms 374 

S 72. Text 374 



INTRODUCTORY NOTE. 

The material on which this grammatical sketch of the Yuchi 
Language is based has been collected during several field trips to 
the Yuchi Indians of Central Oklahoma which were undertaken 
during the summer of 1928 and in the winter of 1929, covering in 
all a period of about five months. Both trips were financed by the 
fimd for linguistic research of the Council of Learned Societies at 
the recommendation of Professor Franz Boas of Columbia Univer- 
sity, New York City. 

I am deeply indebted to Professor Boas for many useful suggest- 
ions regarding the methods of fieldwork as well as the following 
elaboration and arrangement of the grammatical information. 

The present grammatical sketch is intended to be used in connect- 
ion with the collection of Yuchi Tales published by the same author 
as vol. XIII of the ,, Publications of the American Ethnological 
Society (New York 1931)." The illustrating examples contained in 
this grammar are without exception taken from that volume. To 
enable the reader to place them into their proper context all 
examples have been given with page and sentence references. Thus 
the reference 20,1 behind the example "dicaxdji I have reached" 
which will be found on page 306 of the present volume refers to 
page 20 sentence no. 1 of the "Yuchi Tales" where the example 
occurs in the full context of the narrative. 

The lists of stems given in the chapters on the noun and the verb 
are not intended to be exhaustive. A full vocabulary of the Yuchi 
Language will be published separately. 

London, May 1934. Giinter Wagner. 



YUCHI 



BY GUNTER WAGNER 



§§ 1—17. I. PHONOLOGY 
A. Vowels 

§ 1 . DESCRIPTION OF VOWELS 

There are four series of vowels in Yuchi which seem to be of 
equal importance: 1) an open, 2) a nasalized, 3) a closed, and 4) a 
glottalized series. The vowels occuring in each series are: 

1) open series: 

I as in English "pin", "thin" etc., 

e as in EngHsh "get", 

voiced exactly as the German open "o", e. g. in "noch". 

Of these three vowels e and o occur frequently and may be 
considered the most characteristic vowel sounds of Yuchi. i occurs 
exclusively before n and may have developed from the nasalized 
I = I. (see § 9). Open a and open v occur only as nasalized sounds. 

2) nasalized series : 

( there is no equivalent in English for the open, nasalized i. It is 

articulated far forward: {h, dji . 
f an open, nasalized e, similar to French "fin", 
a as in French "dans". 
? as in French "men". 
V nasalized v. 

3) closed series: 

i as in English "meat", "feet" etc., 

o as in English "father", 

as in German "rot", 

u as in English "room" or German "Buch". 

A closed e (as the French e) does not occur. There is, however, 
an obscure final a (as the e in German "Name") which is sometimes 
slightly lengthened and then heard as e; e. g.: Jmicsttca'le, Kalq're. 

4) glottalized series: 

All three series of vowels just discussed occur glottalized. In 
initial position the glottal stop is weaker than after a vowel or a 
consonant, but it can be distinctly recognized in initial 'i, '«, 'e, 
and 'a where it is very frequent. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



301 



§ 2. JUXTAPOSITION OF VOWELS 

While there is no true diphthongization in Yuchi we frequently 
encounter juxtaposition of two vowels which enter into a more or 
less close relationshif). Altogether we can distinguish three types 
of juxtaposition: 

a) two vowels of equal length with a diphthongal glide between 
them : 

a'odehe, tsiac'^', catio'ns, tsi' q, ralaony' , s'a'yk'a. 

As may be seen from these examples the accent can be on the 
second vowel; vowels of all three series may be combined in such 
a diphthongal glide. 

b) both vowels have a separate impulse of voicing : 

ts'igape'.ende^ wsdza.a'ony 

kiwe'.^WE'la yu.aja' 

c) the vowels are separated by a glottal stop : 

alewe'e'i' hy'g'dit'e 

axKe''§ s'a''§ 

hyk'qKi'E'ds 

The combinations in which these various types of juxtaposition 
occur donot seem to be limited, although thediphthongalglideoccurs 
most frequently in the combinations ao and io. The following 
table shows the most frequent vowel combinations and the types 
of juxtaposition : 





t 


e 





f 


f 


? 


? 


V 


i 


a 





u 


1 ' 


























E 




e'e 






£'f 




£'? 







































i 


























f 










§'f 










§'a 






<f 


























? 


?'* 


?*£ 






?'f 




?'? 






g'a 






V 


























i 




i'e 
















i'a 
ia 
i.a 


w 




a 




a'E 




a'i 


O'f 










a'a 


a'o 
ao 

a.o 









o'e 






O'f 




0'? 






o'a 
oa 






u 




u'e 
















u'a 







This 

two 



type of juxtaposition is indicated by a dot on the Hne between the 
vowels. 



302 WAGNER YUCHI 

§§ 3 — 6. VOWEL PROCESSES 

§ 3. (a) Contractions 
Contraction is one of the most frequent processes ofYuchi 
phonology. It occurs exclusively in rapid speech and the full forms 
can always be easily reconstructed. There are two types of con- 
traction, one which shortens words to mere fragments and which 
does not seem to underlie any phonetic rules^ and another one 
which is restricted to a few definite combinations of sounds. Thus 
we have: 

1) Wlienever the semi- vowel ic is preceded by the vowels i, e, a, o 
and followed by e a contraction may take place which results in 
the elimination of w and produces a different vocalic quality: 

i + WE becomes u 

e + we „ o 

a -\- we „ o, ao, or a 

o -\- we „ o, 00 

Examples : 

Ti'wekiv^djm becomes Tu'kw^djtn in he put 
Ti'wefa becomes Tu'fa in they stand 
Ti'wep'a becomes Tu'p'a in he looked 

ale'wegahe becomes alo'gahe when they get there 
le'wenf becomes lo'n} that one 
gont'e'weny becomes gont'o'ny the person 

cafawe'ng becomes cafo'ny the moon 
Talaweng' becomes ralaong' the wolf 
a'wegwadjin becomes a-'gwadjin he said 

tso'weng becomes tso'ong the sun 
gofo'weng becomes got'o'ng the child 
yapifo'weny becomes yapil'o'ng the wagon 

2) In connection with the semi-vowel y only one instance of 
contraction has been observed, viz.: 

o -\- ya becomes a: 

goya' XKa becomes ga-' XKa a white man 

3) If h stands between two vowels a contraction may occur in 
the following combinations : 

ahi becomes a- : 

hahit'e' becomes ha't'e not one 

ah^ becomes a- : 

ahjgwahe' becomes a-'gwahe when they say 
s'a'hfwi becomes s'a-'wi he fell down 



. g. k'ala we'e'ndi becomes k'a'ndi. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN ENDIAN LANGUAGES 303 

s'a'hgt'aw§ becomes s'a-'t'aw^ he drops 
yahgkw^dji'n becomes ya-'kw^djin he sang 

she becomes £ : 

yonB hs'nde becomes yone'tide the fawii and then. . . 

4) If n stands between two vowels the following contractions 
may occur : 

ane becomes «: 

tseha'nehe becomes tsehq'he you swim 
ens becomes ^ : 

tse'ns becomes <sf dog 

ah'nsgaya becomes al§'gaya if you get back there 

5) Intervocalic I is eliminated and the vowels contracted in the 
following case: 

ala becomes a- : 

h'ala' Ta becomes k'a-' to things on top of 

6) Contractions of vowels standing in juxtaposition is extremely 
rare. Only the two following examples have been observed: 

goa'dene becomes ga-'dene 
ws'o'ntaha becomes wo'ntaha 



§ 4. (b) NASALIZATION 

In a few cases nasalization of the vowels o, a, and e has been 
observed without any accompanying change in meaning: 

7ui becomes nq and 88,47 and 100,11 

E becomes § in: ^''ondzela she will eat us 102,31, and 

^yurng'ci she makes signs. 

§ 5. (c) ASSIMILATION 

Vowel assimilation has been observed in a few cases only, 
all of which represent the type of a regressive assimilation : 

1) Assimilation to i: 

wsditne' becomes widitns I saw him 250,10 
Kewi'he becomes Kiwi'he when it passed 176,46 
we''U^ we'ny becomes wi^'il^ we'ng the big ones 292,10 

2) Assimilation to a: 

ho^idz£'twa becomes hondza'twa they kill me 170,12 
yuh'a becomes yab'a' high 172,21 

3) Assimilation to £ : 

hi'ls becomes Ke'Ie all 
powsda becomes f'swE'da 4, 6 



304 



WAGNER YUCHI 
§ 6. (d) DISSUHLATION 



Vowel dissimilation seems to be restricted to the vowel o. 
Examples : 

h'^iif becomes hf'ng they 

hido'o'tida becomes Mdd'o'nda I know 

hgk'g'gy becomes hgk'^'g^ they run with 

hfhgle'n} becomes hohgle'n^ catch him, 126, 76 

§§ 7—10. B. Consonants 

§ 7. SURVEY OF CONSONANTS 







Stops 


\ 


Spirants j Af fricatives 


Nasals 


Laterals || 






























■n 1 




































43 






i 


^ 


3 


aliz 
aliz 


fl 




- 


a 


^ 




■s 




^ 






































g 




















g 



























s 








o 








OQ 


CO 


< 


o 


I-) 


02 


a 


^ 


QQ 


oa 


o 


hj 


02 


OJ 


02 


m 


O 


bilabial 


\±_ 


p 


P' 


P' 


— 


T 


"7 


jw 


— 





— 


— 


m 


1 


— 





labio -dental 






. I dental to 
'"^8-i alveolar 


1 






























1 II 


d 


T 


i' 


t' 


tw 


8 


s' 




dz 


te 


ts' 


tety 










1 


ling.-alveol. 


T 


K 


"F 


"F 


gw 


C 

a; 


c' 


cw 


iL 


te 


tc' 


tew 




— 


I 


T 


1^ 


dorsal- 


palatal 










hw 


























1 velar [! 




V 


V 


kw 


A' 




il 










il 







Further : 

Semi-vowels: ic, y, 
Aspirated: h, 

The stops occur in five series : 

1. Sonant bilabial b, linguo-dental or alveolar d, and dorsal- 
palatal (/. 

2. Unaspirated p, t, and k which in the texts have been described 
as intermediate between sonant and surd. Since no experiments 
have been made on tlie kymograph, it is impossible to decide 
whether these entirely unaspirated stops are partly voiced or not. 
According to my impression they actually stand between sonant 
and surd. 

3. Surds p, t. and k which occur with various degrees of aspiration. 
In cases of strong aspiration this is denoted by '. 

4. Glottalized jf, t\ and k'. k in rare cases is articulated as a 
velar or even a uvular k or A-'; e. g. : k'u tribe, kya'fa behind. 

5. Labialized series, comprising surd tu\ sonant (jic and surd 
kw (kw). 

The spirants are restricted to the surd series which is well devel- 
oped with a labio-dental /, a linguo-dental s, an alveolar c, a dorsal- 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 305 

palatal x (as in German "ich"), and a velar x (as in German "ach"). 
/, s, and c also occur glottalized as/', s\ and c\ and/and c labialized 
as fiv and cw. 

Among the af fricatives there are four series: 1. sonant, 2. surd 
with varying degrees of aspiration, 3. glottalized and 4. labialized. 
As to the point of articulation we have linguo-dental dz and ts, 
and linguo-alveolar dj and tc. 

There are only two nasals, the sonant bilabial m, and n which 
varies from linguo-dental to alveolar. Before palatal stops a nasal- 
ization of a vowel often develops into a palatal ?i, e. g. noyka three. 

Of the laterals I is an alveolar sonant and I a dorsal-palatal 
surd which also occurs glottalized as P. 

§§ 8 — 10. CONSONANTIC PKOCESSES 

§ 8. (a) Elimination of consonants 
The semi-vowels w and y, the aspirate h and the consonants n 
and I may be eliminated when they stand between certain vowels 
(see vowel contractions, p. 4). 

§ 9. (b) Consonantic develop7nent of vowel quality 
(a) Whenever a nasalized vowel is followed by a stop an assimi- 
lative consonant may be inserted. Thus: 
{ Isecomes im \ 
§ ,, em I 
a „ mn t before 6, p, p 
? ,, 3m I 

V ,, vm ' 

Examples : 
homp'a' they look for sEmpe''§ very good 

hEmp'adji' you look for yo'mp^ic'fe' his backbone 

{ becomes in 
§ ,, en 
q ,, an j before d, T, t 

? ,, i 

V >• * 

Examples : 

gowa'c'endjm I was burning e'ndjubi all day 

hondze they a'ntsole are you asleep ? 

andze you 

{ becomes jj;^ 

q. ,, «?; ] before g, k, k 
? ,. 3V 



1 The palatal y has not been distinguished from the linguo-alveolar n in the 
text. 



306 



WAGNER YtrCHI 



Examples : 



a noyga we arrive 
neyga'le true enough 
ca'r)Ka bull snake 



(P) Whenever an open or closed unnasalized vowel is followed 
by a dental or alveolar stop (d, t, t) or by a palatal stop (g, k, k) 
the surd spirants x (dorsal-palatal) and x (velar) respectively may 
be inserted. Thus: 



i becomes ix 



ax 
ax 



before d, t, t, g, k, k 



Examples : 
dica'xdji I have reached 20,1 
aXKe'h there 20,6 
ivextit hf' they were pulling 22,6 
yu'xKe yonder 

dixTadjigo'la I may have been afraid 26,19 
wexto' go with them 30,2 
goxdi'c^ liar 196,18 

§ 10. (c) PHONEMES 
There are a number of parallel sounds in Yuchi which are either 
freely interchangeable or which replace each other according to their 
position in the word-unit and therefore may be considered as the 
same phonemes: 

(a) me — '§.• 

axKs'^ aXKE THE 

pado''f — pado' me 
Tapi''^ — Tapi' THE 

see § 50, 

(p) W£ — f: 

wahs'tiECa — wahE'.^a 

{y)n~h: 
These two sounds are interchangeable in initial position only : 



(8) ts — dz, tc — dj: 
The surd affricative changes often but not always into the sonant 
when it occurs within a word : 



X 


= 


4 


X 


= 


23 


i 


= 


41 


I 


= 


18 


dz 


= 


11 


dj 


= 


66 


ts 


= 


14 


tc 


= 


3 



HANDBOOK OF AMEKICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 307 

teei'f -^ na'dzet'^ 
tsE — no'ndzE 
tci — s'f'dji 

§§ 11 — 14. C. Relative Frequency and Grouping of Sounds 
§ 11. relative frequency of sounds 

An analysis of a few pages of texts (taken from different tales 
to avoid the frequent repetition of the same words) yielded the 
following distribution of sounds : 

»■ = 79 a = 21 m = k = 

I = 41 J = 99 / = 13 

{ = 4 M = 11 d = 66 

e=0 V = r=41 

9 = 31 ^ = i = 26 

e = 169 2/ = 20 n = 146 

f=30 m;=36 s = 9 

a = 185 h =146 c = 18 

g=l 6=3 Sr=48 

a=l p=2 K = 27 

o = 43 p = 2 A- = 34 

Although the number of sounds analysed in this index is not 
sufficient to represent accurately the numerical proportion of sounds 
in Yuchi, it is sufficiently large to demonstrate the following points : 

Among the vowels the closed a (as in father) and the open e 
occur most frequently while open a and closed e are lacking almost 
entirely, i and o are fairly equally distributed, ii occurs much 
less frequently than all other vowels which, however, may be due 
to the fact that it does not occur in any of the pronominal forms. 

As to consonants there is a considerable predominance of. the 
nasal w and the spirant h. The stops come next, the dentals being 
the most and the labials the least frequent ones. The other numbers 
are not sufficiently large to permit any generalizations. 

Comparing all vowels with all consonants we find a proportion of 
771 vowels to 729 consonants. 

§ 12. distribution of vowels and consonants within a word 
An analysis of several hundred mono- and bisyllabic words 
yielded the following distribution of vowels and consonants: 

V 
c V 

V c V 
c c V 

V c c V 
c V c V 

c c V c V 
c V c c V 

V C V C V 



308 WAGNER YTJCHI 

This list gives the possible combinations only without reference 
to the relative frequency of their occurence. Such a list would be 
difficult to obtain as there are many homonyms and derived stems 
which would render the results irrelevant. Approximately, the 
combination v c v is the most frequent one, next to which come the 
monosyllabic stems consisting of c v. 

§ 13. INITIAL AND FINAL POSITION 

Both vowels and consonants occur in initial position. A survey 
of several hundred verbal and nominal stems shows that every 
sound occurs in initial position except the vowels e, u, and v, and 
the spirants x and x. With the exception of the temporal -djm 
(see p. 118) all words end in a vowel which may be open, closed, 
nasaUzed, aspirated or glottalized. 

§ 14. CONSONANTIC CLUSTERS 

The juxtaposition of two consonantic sounds is not fi-equent, 
as may be seen from the list of sound-combinations given above 
in the paragraph on "distribution of vowels and consonants." Out 
of the nine sound-combinations that occur only four have consonants 
in juxtaposition (ccv, vccv, ccvcv, cvccv). Clusters of more than 
two consonants do not seem to occur at all (except in cases of m, n, 
X OT X developed from nasalized or aspirated vowels, see § 9). 

By far not all consonants can stand in juxtaposition. The only 
combinations that have been found in more than 3000 words and 
word complexes are: the fricatives s and c with the stops p, p, 
d, T, t, K, k, resulting in sp, sp, sd, cp, cp, cd, etc.; the dental 
stops T and t with n = m, tn, and, finally, n followed by d, t, 
, tiv, s, c, ts, tc, ts^l\ tew, and I. (for examples see §§ 24, 45). 

§§ 15—16. D. Accent 

§ 15. ACCENT IN BISYLLABIC WORDS 

In Yuchi the significance of stress is more psychological and 
semantic than moqihological. There is no primary position of the 
accent on a fixed syllable within the word-unit. Nevertheless 
certain tendencies may be observed: With bisyllabic nominal 
stems the accent in most cases falls on the second sjdlable. This 
seems to be due to the fact that the second syllable, as a rule, 
modifies and specifies the first syllable which represents the general 
element : 

yyspa' pecan y^cpi' walnut 

yonfo' acorn 

see § 24. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 309 

In some cases the position of the accent has a semantic signi- 
ficance, e. g.: 

ca'ya squirrel caya weeds 

ne 'wEHf this newe'ny these 

Nominalized verbal stems (see § 25) that end in the suffix -ne 
have the stress on either the first or the second syllable, e. g.: 

gone' baby tso'ne pig nut 

gwa'ne owl tsene' dog 

cane' duck sene' iron 

crine' spoon se'ne bird 

The bisyllabic nouns of a third group seem to be composed of 
two monosyllabic stems of equal value with the accent on either 
the first or the second syllable, e. g.: 

r?' Ta light a'ga day 

ngn?' creek p'i'h§ noise 

etc. 

In bisyllabic verbal stems the position of the accent seems to be 
entirely irregular (see § 45). 

§ 16. ACCENT IN POLYSYLLABIC WORD-UNITS 

(a) Primary and secondary accent 
In most word-units that consist of more than two syllables we 
may distinguish a primary (') and a secondary (') accent. As in the 
case of the bisyllabic words it is impossible to recognize definite 
rules as to the position of both accents : The secondary accent may 
precede or follow the primary accent, both may stand close together, 
or they may be separated by several syllables, e. g.: 

cCgawaha'h days many Taha'h^n/ the older one 

anehe'nedjin we used to stay hgwelane'c^'dji (the road) that he 

there used to go 

(b) Change of accent in compounded words 
(a) If two nouns are compounded the more specialized noun 
usually carries the main accent: 

goc'i-bilo'ne shirt (cloth roiuid) yudac'i^-Tene' door-lock 
yn-dac'i' door (house-mouth) ya^so-yas'i' pine-stick 

(P) Whenever contractions take place the contracted syllable is 
stressed : 

go'nVewe'nj becomes gtnt'o-'ng 

(cp.§3). 

Pitch accent, if it occurs at all, is of no grammatical-significance. 

§ 17. E. Quantity 
Aside from its grammatical and semantic significance (see § 54) 
the quantity of vowels figures phonetically in cases of vowel con- 

21 



310 WAGNER YFCHI 

tractions. Thus the vowels resulting from the contractions discussed 
above (see § 3) are lengthened: i -j- we becomes w^, ahi becomes 
a- etc. 

In rapid speech the last vowel that is stressed in each sentence 
is often lengthened and slightly raised in pitch. 



§ 18. II. GRAMIMATICAL PROCESSES 

The following grammatical processes may be distinguished in 
Yuchi : 

1. Compounding (see §§ 24, 48), 

2. Prefixing (see §§ 30—42, 57—59), 

3. Suffixing (see §§ 25—27, 50—56), 

4. Reduplication (see §§ 27, 54), 

5. Nasalization (see § 51), 

6. Position (see §§ 22, 32). 



§§ 19—22. III. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY MORPHOLOGICAL 
DEVICES 

§ 19. A. Nominal Ideas 

The basic element in the nominal complex is the mono- or 
bisyllabic stem which is either primary or a compound of several 
primary stems. Apart from this class of stems a word can be 
nominalized by suffixing a noun-forming element to an adjectival 
or verbal stem. 

Nouns are classified by means of article-suffixes as animate and 
inanimate. Within the former group a general dividing line is 
drawn between members of the tribe and all other animate beings, 
the former again being distinguished according to kinship and sex. 
Within the second, the inanimate group, the distinction between 
round, upright and horizontal dimensions of objects serves as the 
classifying principle. 

The idea of number is not very well developed. Both collectivity 
and plurality of inanimate objects are denoted by one nominal 
suffix which replaces the classificatory suffixes of the singular forms. 
With animate noims the distinction between tribal and non-tribal 
is upheld by two distinct plural suffixes while the kinship and sex 
differentiations are reduced to a few forms. Wlien the number 
is indicated by numerals or numeral adverbs like "a few", "many" 
etc. the plural suffixes do not occur. 

Local and temporal distribution (here and there, in places, now 



^ Lengthening of vowels is denoted by a raised dot following the vowel. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 311 

and then etc.) are expressed by reduplication of the nominal or 
adjectival stem (see § 54). 

Locative concepts are expressed in the noun by a few suffixes of 
a general character (see § 29), the more specific expressions of 
location always being found in verbal prefixes or in independent 
locatives. 

§ 20. B. Pronominal Ideas 

The pronoun is by far the best developed grammatical category 
of the Yuchi language. Except in the independent emphatic forms 
it does not constitute a word-unit by itself but is prefixed either to 
the noun or to the verb. 

Personal and possessive pronouns have first, second, and third 
persons singular, an inclusive and exclusive first person plural (but 
no dual) and a second person plural. The third person plural is 
identical with that of the singular. Within the third person the same 
ideas are distinguished as in the nouns designating animate objects, 
viz.: tribal membership as against all other animate beings, different 
degrees of kinship-relationship between the speaker and the person 
referred to (this includes reference to sex in some pronominal 
forms), and male and female speech. There is only one third person 
referring to inanimate objects with no further distinction as to 
the shape or dimension of the object. 

The personal pronouns have three subjective series, the first 
implying a general and the second a specific object, while the third 
one is independent and emphatic. Furthermore there are a direct 
objective and an indirect objective series. The reflexive series 
consist of contracted forms of the first two subjective series and 
the direct objective series. 

Among the possessive pronouns four distinct series may be 
recognized with forms parallel to the personal pronouns. It has not 
been possible, however, to show corresponding differences in 
meaning between the four series. 

The ideas of dual reciprocity (e.g.: they [two] talk to each other) 
and of plural reciprocity (e. g. they [many] fight one another) are 
expressed by two particles, placed between the pronoun and the 
verbal stem. 

The interrogative pronouns are not well developed. There is 
only one formative prefix that can be modified by compounding 
it with various other elements, especially the classifying suffixes 
(see § 26). 

There are two general demonstrative jjrefixes corresponding to 
English "this" and "that" which are modified by compounding 
with the classifying elements discussed above. 



21* 



312 WAGNER YTTCHI 

§ 21. C. The Verb: 

The verbal, like the nominal stems, are either monosyllabic or 
compounds of several elements of speech which cluster round a 
primary verbal stem. Furthermore verbs are formed by suffixing 
a verbalizing element to nouns, adjectives, adverbials and even 
prefixes (e. g. "to be on," "to be inside" etc.) 

The ideas of a general and a specific object of the verb are express- 
ed by two different pronominal series (see § 31). With some verbs 
this approaches the distinction between transitive and intransitive 
(e. g. I burn a field, and I am burning [as a state]). 

Instrumentality as a general concept (without implication or 
mentioning of the instrument) is expressed by a prefix, the range 
of which extends beyond those verbs the English equivalents of 
which are usually thought to involve an instrumental (see § 57). 

Locatives which are suffixed when they modify the noun are 
prefixed when they function in the verbal complex (see above). 

All other ideas modifying the verbal stem are expressed by 
suffixes. The tenses are comparatively well developed. Approxi- 
mately the forms express: 1) The incomplete past (corresponding 
closely to the English imperfect), 2) the completed past, 3) the near 
future, and 4) the distant future. These ideas, moreover, are 
considerably extended and modified by compounding the temporal 
suffixes with modal and other elements. Such compounds are 
understood as units with a stereotyped meaning and may be 
considered secondary temporal suffixes. 

The following modes may be distinguished: The infinitive (the 
verbal stem prefixed by an impersonal pronoun "people" or 
"human"), the indicative, the imperative, the hortative, the 
potential, the emphatic, the mood denoting "abihty" and, finally, 
the interrogative. Except the infinitive they are all indicated by 
suffixes. 

There are only a few aspects that are denoted by formal devices : 
The continuative or durative, the habitual, the reiterative and the 
distributive, the last two being denoted by reduplication of the 
verbal stem. 

Comparison is expressed both in adjectives and static verbs, 
a distinction being made between the degrees "quite", "too" and 
"very". The suffix denoting "very" also occurs with the meaning 
of a true superlative while the comparative can ordy be expressed 
by the adverbial "more" following the adjective which it modifies. 

§ 22. D. Syntactic Strxjcttjke 
The definition of the word-unit in Yuchi cannot be given in 
absolute terms as it is extremely flexible, due to the far reaching 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 313 

processes of compounding. The determination of the word-unit 
in one direction, viz. its minimal extent, is indicated clearly by the 
criterion of the independent and meaningful unit^. Although this is a 
subjective criterion which does not primarily rest upon formal (e. g. 
phonetic) principles, it seems to be the only valid principle of clas- 
sifying the elements of speech into independent words and affixes. 

The upper limit of the word -unit, viz. the maximal size of a 
compound, is more difficult to determine. Thus noun plus adjective 
may be considered as two independent words in juxtaposition or 
as a nominal compound (see § 24b). 

Wherever affixes enter into a compound the word-unit is determ- 
ined by the first prefix and the last suffix modifying the central 
stem; e. g.: fm-hi-Ta-ive-jfa'-Te-dii'n = they could not pull up 
with; p'^a is the verbal stem "pull"; ha-hi-ra-we are the various 
prefixes: ha- negative, hi instrumental, ra- locative, we- personal 
pronoun "they"; -re is the suffix denoting ability and -dji'n the 
temporal suffix, indicating the incomplete past. 

Proclitics and enclitics which modify the whole sentence are 
losely connected with the word with which they precede or foUow, 
and do not form with them word units. 

As the nominal complex precedes the verbal complex it was some- 
times difficult to decide whether we are dealing with a nominal 
suffix or a verbal prefix. Thus in the sentence: yu-Ti-hy-ia-djin 
house-into-he-go-past, ri may be considered suffixed to the noun yu 
or prefixed to the verb la. In such cases the decision has been made 
either on phonetic grounds (accent and hiatus between two words) or 
by analogy with parallel forms where the position of the affix clearly 
indicates whether it belongs to the nominal or the verbal complex. 

The following types of word-units may be distinguished: 

1) The noun or nominal complex, 

2) The independent (emphatic) pronoun, 

3) The verb or verbal complex, 

4) The independent particle (locative, temporal, conjunctive, 

adverbial and exclamatory). 
The position of the various pre- and suffixes within the word-unit 
is definite. Of the prefixes the pronouns (both personal and poss- 
essive) stand nearest to the stem, the objective pronoun in most 
forms preceding the subjective pronoun (see § 32). In the nominal 
complex there are no prefixes apart from the possessive pronouns, 
the demonstratives being independent words preceding and follow- 
ing the nominal complex. In the verbal complex the personal 

' This could be ascertained in each case by isolating certain parts of word- 
complexes and asking my informants for their meaning. Whenever this 
could not be given without putting the element in cjuestion into a larger 
context I have called it an affix or an enclitic respectively. 



314 



WAGNEB YUCHI 



pronouns are preceded by the locative prefixes and by the 
instrumental, the latter preceding the former. If there is a proc- 
litic (e. g. the negative na-) it precedes all other prefixes. 

Of the suffixes the nominalizing and verbalizing elements imme- 
diately follow the stem. In the nominal complex the only other 
suffixes are the classifying elements (singular and plural forms) 
which are followed by the general locatives (see § 29). In the 
verbal complex the sequence of suffixes is: Comparative, modal, 
nterrogative, temporal. The enclitics, as a rule, follow the temporal 
iuf fixes (see accompanying chart with analysed verb forms). 



1 






Pronovins 


"3 


a 

(D 


o 








g 
1 


> 

o 
►J 


O 





4^ 

o 


1 

a 


<a 
o 
a. 

a 


.H 
1 


1. 








hg 






ce 






djin 1 we'ng || 


2. 








n? 






fe 


ne' 




djm 




3. 


hi' 






di 






p'a 






djin 




4. 




Ke 




we' 






he 


ne 




djtn 


we'ng 


5. 




o" 










(x)dji 






dji'nfwa 




6. 




Ti' 




hg 






'? 






djinfwa 




7. 


— 






hi 


nytso' 




IHIH 










8. 






ht 


dzo 




m' 










9. 








ho{hf) 


ng'dzo 




gwa 








he'h 


10. 






nendze' 


di 






Trie 






djin 




11. 






hy 


do 






ci' 










12. na 




K9 




hf 




kr 


fe 








he 


13. 








we 




k'a' 


fa 






dji'n 




14. 








hf 


nydza 


kV 


la 






djin 




15. 




Ta 











fa' 








r? 


16. 








hg 






wo 


ne' 






to 


17. 




Ke 




ne 






fa' 








lahg 


18. 




PZ 




we' 






dji 






djinfwa 




19. 




kya- 










weda 








cz'ha 


20. 




kyd' 










tea 


Te 








21. 








a 






tsa' 




h 






22. 






h, 


ne 






TTie' 




h 






23. 


hi' 






di 






n? 










24. 


hi 






do 






k'f 






djin 




25. 








we 






'we'de 








cc'dji 


26.no 




tcya' 




di 






tcya 










27. wa 








y?' 






wg 










29.no" 






tSE 


'a 






t'a 


ny' 








29. 






hg" 








hgle' 


ng 








30. 








di 






wado' 


go 









HAKDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 315 

Translations of analysed verbal forms on accompanying chart: 

those who had died, 248,18 

we used to go, 260,2 

I was born from, 104,46 

those that used to stay there, 248,7 

it happened to be there, 286,17 

she had put in, 86,41 

they fiddle for us, 14,12 

he scolded nie, 262,19 

when they said to us only, 266,17 

I saw you 

I pity him 

and there when they went with her, 22,8 

they hit one another, 302,39 

they went with us, 272,14 

while he was standing on, 256,34 

whether he used to fish, 280,10 

you are standing here and so, 134,16 

she had been up there, 40,23 

(things) that I have gone through, [weda = I go, § 35, 10], 286,26 

it could pass through, 266,9 

are you asleep ? 14,11 

do you see him ? 

I become with 

I made with 

(something) that he talked about, 260,2 

not into the water I jump (I wanted), 262,21 

not they give (they wanted), 116,26 

do not turn nie loose! 102,31 

catch him! 126,76 

I may die, 94,45 



The sentence structure is comparatively simple and very regular. 
The simple sentence consists of a subject noun (which may be 
modified by attributes, classifying suffixes etc.), an object noun, 
and the predicative verbal complex in which the subject and object 
are always repeated in the forms of the personal pronouns. Thus the 
sentence: "the man saw the horse" is rendered in Yuchi: gonfe'nq 
b'axTe'wd7ig ws'hqrne Man the — horse the — it he saw. If there 
are several verbal ideas they are expressed by juxtaposition of 
verbal complexes (e. g. p. 92, 31: How to get home she did not 
know but she ran, she kept on, she went). 

The position of the independent particles seems to be free; they 
either precede or follow the subject (e. g. the rolling stone there 
it was in the water, he found). 

Sentences are coordinated and subordinated by enclitics (see §§ 
60 — 63)placed following the verb of the first clause. Subordination 
of a clause under a word (correspondmg to the English relative 
clause) is achieved by suffixing enclitics to the last element of the 
relative clause (see § 62 b). 



316 WAGNER YtrCHl 

The more specific features of syntax will be dealt with in the 
following discussion of morphology. 

§§ 23—69. IV. MORPHOLOGY 
§§ 23—29. A. The Noun 

Although in a few exceptional cases there is no distinction 
between nominal and verbal or adjectival stems^ noun and verb 
can, as a rule, be clearly distinguished. However, nouns can often 
be used in a predicative sense and verbs, on the other hand, can 
be transformed into nominal forms. The specific positions taken 
by the nominal and verbal categories will be elucidated through 
the siibsequent discussion of the nominal and verbal complexes. 

The nominal stem is either monosyllabic or polysyllabic. All 
polysyllabic stems which may be compounds of practically every 
element of speech, belong to one class and differ only in the degree 
to which the compounded elements are fused together. Wliile this 
fusion in some bisyllabic stems is so firm (and probably so old) 
that they cannot be analyzed into their compounding elements, 
others yield to analysis easily. The stems of more than two syllables 
can almost always be reduced to their component elements. Never- 
theless, they function as stems and can only be modified by affix- 
ation to the whole unit. 

§ 23. Monosyllabic stems 
The number of monosyllabic stems is limited to a short list of 
words of rather elementary meaning: 

i tobacco 

o horn 





star, spi( 


yu 


house 


'yu 


pain 


wa 


summer 


pa 


sack 


fa 


evening 


ri 


rock 


dju 


boat 


de 


leg 


rf 


cedar 


TO 


face 


ta 


heart 


to 


potatoe 


Tl 


name 


tci 


eye 


tse 


water 


ts'i 


jay-bird 


tso 


sun 



tso 


mint 


tCE 


belly 


tcu 


bed 


tcu 


penis 


s'a 


earth 


ci 


juice 


c'e 


pond, lake 


ca 


farm, field 


ca 


snake 


CO 


body 


cu 


string 


cu- 


fish 


c'u 


vine 


cpa 


blackberry 


g^ 


tooth 


KO 


neck 


k'o 


throat 


k'u 


tribe, coiuitry 


la 


bullet 


la' 


cause 



^ a'ga means as well "day" as "it comes" ; dit'a' "my heart", and "I want" ; 
dit'ac'e' "my breast" and "I am jealous". 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



317 



§ 24. POLYSYLLABIC STEMS 

(a) Bisyllabic stems 

Bisyllabic stems are by far more numerous than the monosyllabic 
ones and, in fact, comprise the bulk of nominal stems. As to their 
structure we may distinguish three groups: 

(a) Compounds, consisting of a noun plus an adjective, both of 
which also occur as independent words; e. g.: 

yjspa pecan ()/? nut, spa oblong) 
yjcpi' walnut {cpi black) 
gocpi' negro {go human being) 

(P) Compounds, consisting of a monosyllabic noun plus a speci- 
fying element which does not occur as independent word. A few 
tj^ical examples of this second group are furnished by the de- 
rivatives formed from the nominal stems ya tree, log, wood; go 
human being; and cu fish: 



yaw/ 
ya'ha 


shade, shadow 
forest, timber, wilder- 


goyu' 
goha' 


ache, pain, sickness 
old 




ness 


gop'a' 


shawl 


yapo' 
yafe' 
ya'dz^ 
yas'a' 


peach 
prairie 
scratcher 
woods 


got'e' 
got'o' 
gone' 
golf' 


man 
child 
baby 
ghost, wizard 


yaso' 
ya'ha 


pine 

war-stick, war-staff 


gout's' 
gok'a' 


person 

vulva 


yat'a' 
yasH' 


gun 

stick, switch 






yasTa' 

yace' 

ya&a' 


table 

charcoal 

leaf 


cuca' 
cue pa 

CUXTl' 


eel 

garfish 

catfish 


yacTa' 
yaxdju' 


camp 

limb, branch 






yaxri' 


fire 







(y) Compounds, consisting of a general theme-element the 
meaning of which cannot be ascertained plus a specifying element 
which may occur as an independent word or not. Such theme- 
elements are: we, re, ra, ca etc. 



we- theme: 




we'ij:/' 


deer 


weyu' 


lard, oil 


wehi' 


feather 


wep'a' 


fin 


wedza'' 


hog 


ca- theme : 




ca'e' 


rattle snake 


ca'ya 


squirrel 


caya' 


weeds 


ca'fa 


moon 



wetca' 


chicken 


wetc'o' 


tiger, panther 


wela' 


hawk 


wcc'e' 


bone 


weCTq' 


winter 


cane 


duck 


cag^' 


beaver 


cal'o' 


crow 


cadi' 


paddle 



318 



WAGNER YUCHI 



re- theme : 








re?' 


bullfrog 


Teti' 


root 


Tep'a' 


bottom 


T£Sa' 


ankle 


TEdju' 


strawberry 


Tesa' 


clean 


TBTa' 


edge 


Tek'i' 


track 


TO- theme : 








Tapi' 


salt 


Taca' 


fishotter 


Tap§' 


end 


Tak's' 


ball 


Tap'a' 


turtle 


Tad' 


sputum 


Tara' 


bin, crib 


TaXTa 


forehead 


TaSTl 


basket 


Taka 


notch 


TaSTu' 


soft end of a grain of 
corn 







(b) PoUjsijllahic ste-nis 
Nominal stems of three and more syllables are always compounds 
of several words. Although there is no limitation as to the number 
of compounded elements, the possible combinations are restricted 
to the following basic types : 

1) Noun plus noun: 

hocduda c'i gate (hocdu' fence, da'c'i mouth) 
tsera'l'a bank of a river (tse water, ra'l'a edge) 
tsofokal'o' combread (tsot'o' corn, kal'o' bread) 
k'a^ndirapi' bacon (k'a'ndi meat, Tiipi salt) 
yasoyas'i' pine-stick (ya'so pine, yas'i' stick) 
wetciayont'o' chicken-egg (wetcia chicken, yont'o' egg) 

2) Noun plus adjective : 

ya' po'ecpacpa' pear (ya'po peach, ecpcicpa' oval) 

ya'T^pi'l'o wheel (pine lumber round) 

yacEs'i' spark (coal little) 

ya' po'aTixTiTapiha' lemon (peach big yellow sour ones) 

ya STempado' fog (smoke dark) 

yac'cixri' autumn (leaves yellow) 

yaxpil'o' wagon (wood roiuid) 

yaxpil'osa'ga buggy (wagon light) 

ygl'ig^' sword (knife long) 

Titcya'kiTi' copper (stone (rock) red yellow) 

Ttkap'a ' rock-cave 

yakap'a' hollow tree (tree cave) 

toTcipis^' sweet potatoe (potatoe sweet) 

tssbciKa' whisky (water bitter) 

tSExdjuge wine, vinegar (water sour) 

seneTa'ts'a parrot (bird noisy) 

sfs'i^' needle (iron little) 

kal'osH' biscuit (bread small) 

kal'os'i'ka' pa roll (bread small swollen) 



HANDBOOK OF AMEEICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 319 

3) Noun plus neutral verb : 

tsot'o'bilika' corn meal (corn round pulverized) 
s'ayucu' earthquake (earth shakes) 
yyl'itc'o' pocket knife (knife bends) 

4) Noun plus suffix : 

agqfa' east (day towards) 
aga'le morning (day again) 
yasTarek'g' chair (board leg[s] with) 

5) Noun plus independent particle: 

s§hafa' heaven (good[ness] towards) 
s'ayub'a' hill (earth upward) 
c'i§hafa' hell (bad[ness] towards) 
kal'opohe' pie (bread under) 

6) Noun plus possessive pronoun plus noun: 

yahot'o' fruit (ya tree, ho its, t'o fruit) 

yapil'ohict'^' road (wagon its path) 

yapiloTipaho'i'ct'^ railroad (wagon inside burns its road) 

'ygwekH' spider web (spider its web) 

b'axTEwetsole' barn (horse its home) 

cpahot'o' blackberry seed (blackberry its seed) 

(see possessive pronouns § 39). 

Each of these tjrpes, of course, can take the part of the noun 
in the same or any of the other types whereby the number of actual 
combinations becomes considerably larger. Thus the word for 
railroad yapii'oTipaho'i'ct^§ is a combination of the types 2 plus 
4 plus 3 plus 6 as the following analysis shows : 

yapil'o' wood round > noun plus adjective (type 2) 
yapil'o Ti wagon inside > noim plus suffix (type 4) 
yapiPoTi pa (wagon mside) biu-ns > noun plus verb (type 3) 
yapil'OTipa ho 'ict'^ (wagon inside burns) its path > noun plus 
possessive pronoun plus noun (type 6) 



§ 25. NOMINALIZATION 

As has been shown in the preceding discussion of polysyllabic 
nouns the first element in any nominal compound is always a 
primary nominal stem. This initial element seems to determine the 
nominal character of the whole compound. In all cases, however, 
where an active verb enters into the nominal compound the verbal 
element weighs so strong that the suffixation of a nominalizing 
element -ne is required. This suffix is identical with the verbal 
habitual and it seems possible that its nominalizing force rests upon 
the implied idea of frequent repetition. 



ca'ane' 


duck 


cat'ane' 


wildcat 


cadjwane' 


rabbit 


cntione' 


fox 



320 WAGNER YFCHI 

Examples : 

yaxTipane fireplace (yaxri fire, pa burn) 
we'yfpons' elk > deercaller (wf'yg' deer, pg call) 
TekHk'o'ne trackmaker ( rek'i' track, k'g make) " 
tsep'sne' dnuikard (tse water, p'e drink) 
culane' fish otter (cu fish, hi eat) 
h'aXTolane' oats (b'aXTe horse, ia eat) 
icV^c'ene' soldier (ict'^ road, c'f watch) 

A number of animal names which do not yield to analysis seem 
to have been formed after the same pattern: 

c'ehme' black bird 

gosone' goat 

giva'ne owl 

tcmie' ground-squirrel 

In a few cases -we is suffixed to a noun plus adjective compound 
which seems to be exceptional: 

hocTu^s'iene' garden (fence little) 
s'ahisTcine' prairie (earth flat) 
decone' May (mulberry ripe) 
cpacone June (blackberry ripe) 

Single verbal stems are nominalized by suffixing -ne to the 
infinitive form of the verb which is formed by the verbal stem and 
a general pronominal prefix go- human being, people (see § 34). 
Thus: 

gocTi to dance becomes gocrine' a dance 
gotwa' to kill becomes gotwane' a murder 
gola' to eat becomes golane' food 
go'e' to lie becomes go'ene' bed, bedspread 
gokyy'wi to think becomes gokygwsne' thought 

While practically all verbal stems can be nominalized in this 
way only a few adjectives can be transformed into nouns: 

pi'l'o round becomes pil'one' wheel 
ispi' black becomes ispine' blackness 
c'if' bad becomes c'iehe' badness, ugliness 

cf. however: 

Ta'pi salt, salty 
pado' dark, night 
Tapis§' sweet, sugar 
Tci'ts'a noisy, tca'he noise 
hicahi' hot, heat 



§ 26. CLASSIFICATION 

Nouns are classified in several groups by a number of article 
suffixes, the main principle of classification being that of a distinction 
between animate and inanimate objects. Within the first group 



denoting different degrees of kinship and male and 
female speech, see § 31 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 321 

of nouns, designating animate beings, the article suffixes are differ- 
entiated into two groups, one referring to members of the Yuchi 
tribe only and the other one to all other animate beings, comprising 
all humans outside the tribe, animals and a few m3rthological beings 
such as the Sun and the Moon. The further differentiation is 
restricted to the tribal group within which different degrees of 
kinship are distinguished (for the exact definition of these kinship 
classifications see the chapter on personal pronouns, § 31). 
The suffixes denoting these various ideas are: 

1) tribal: 

-n? 

-se'n} 

-s's'n^ 

-o'ny 
-i'n^ 

2) non-tribal: 

-W3n:f' 

Examples : 

Ta'lawan} the wolf 

ganfeng' the (Yuchi) man 

gonfewan,'}' the man (a white man, and Indian of another tribe, a 

negro, etc.) 
tsowciTne'seng my sister 
doTcicmes'e'ng my brother 
ditseh^'e'n^ my mother 
tsei'§'i'ng my father 

The inanimate objects are differentiated into three parallel 
groups of equal importance : 

1) objects with a prevailingly vertical dimension (such as standing 
poles, trees, high mountains, tall houses etc.). 

2) objects with a prevailingly horizontal dimension (such as 
lakes, streams, roads, fields, logs lying on the ground, etc.). 

3) objects of a roundish shape or, generally speaking, of a dimen- 
sion that is indifferent to the ideas of vertical and horizontal (such 
as rocks, bushy trees, chairs etc.). 

The suffixes expressing these are : vertical = -fa, horizontal = 
-'e, and round = -dji. They are identical with the verbal stems 
"to stand", "to lie", and "to sit". 

Examples : 

ya'fa the tree ng'n:/'e the creek 

yu'fa the house ri'dji the rock 

ya'e' the log yasTcidek'y'dji the chair 

s'a'e' the field 

Abstract nouns and nouns the physical extension of which is 
insignificant may be grouped under any one of the three categories. 
A few examples from the text will illustrate this usage : 



322 WAGNER YTICHI 

tsera'paxdji my strength tse'§'£' the rain 

dita' }cdji my heart k'aki'e the thing 

hgiO£denE''E their language tscwonefa' my spirit 

k'alagoyune''e the sickness ditcija' my eye 
ggcicinE'e the poverty 

§ 27. NUMBER 

With all inanimate objects plurality and collectivity are ex- 
pressed by a suffix -ha which takes the place of the classifying 
suffixes -fa, -'e and -dji. If the noun is followed by one or several 
adjectives, -ha is suffixed to the last adjective modifjang the noun. 
There is no dual form of the noun. 

Examples: 

ya'ha trees 

yag§'ha long trees 

yas'i§'ha small logs 

yuha' houses 

yii'ayaxKaha' big white houses 

golak^d'neha food 

tsoka' xkaha flour 

tsosoriha sugar 

tobiolohn' a pile of potatoes 

If the noun is modified by a numeral or by adverbials implying 
the idea of plurality -ha is not suffixed : 

yangwc' two trees 

yaTcda' four trees 

yuk'a't'e a few hovises 

wawaha'le many summers (waha'h many) 

Nouns denoting animate beings are plurahzed by the addition 
of suffixes that correspond closely to the singular forms of the 
article suffixes. While the distinction between Yuchi and non- 
Yuchi and between male and female speech is carried over to the 
plural, the various degrees of kinship relation (expressed by h^, 
se, s'e in the singular) are not expressed in the plural forms. Thus 
we have : 

1) tribal members: 

a) male speech: -he'ng 

b) female speech: -o'ng 

-i'ng 

2) animate beings outside of the tribe : 

-we'ng 

Examples : 

gsnt'ehe'ng the people 

doTao'ons' 'o' nj my brothers (woman talking) 

ondzetset'^'i'ng oiu- fathers (women talking) 

gocpiwe ng the negroes 

b'ajfTEwe'ng the horses 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 323 

With a number of tribal names the plural suffix for inanimate 
objects -ha occurs as an element of the stem without, however, 
denoting plurality : 

yudjiha' a Yuchi 

yudjihahe'ng the Yuchi Indians 

sagEhawe'ny the Sac and. Fox 

Kacahawe'ng the Chickasaw 

pannwa^hawe'nj the Pawnee 

waca'cihawe'ng the Osages 

Another device for expressing plurality is that of reduplication 
of the stem. Although in a few instances nouns representing 
inanimate objects are thus pluralized (e. g. k'ala' a thing, k'akala' 
things, but also k^ alalia' ) this device is principally limited to a 
number of kinship terms : 

tsioTane' my (^) brother 
tsioTarane' my (^) brothers 
tsowarne' my((-f) sister 
tsowameTne' my(Q^) sisters 
doTaone' my (5) brother 
doTao'one' my (9) brothers 
do'wene' my (9) sister 
do'WEWene' my {$) sisters 
dis'ane' my (^) son 
dis'as'ane' my (^) sons 
di'yanE my (<-(") daughter 
di'ya'yane my d^f) daughters 
dots'one' my (9) son, daughter 
dots' ois' one' my (9) sons, daughters 
tset'f' my father 
ondze-f^t'ene' our fathers 
di'yg' my uncle 
di'yg'yons' my uncles 
ditSEt'§sH^ my little father 
ditSEt'§sH's'ine my little fathers 
ditseh^s'i^' my little mother 
ditsehfs'i's'ine my little mothers 
dodjine' my grandchild 
dodjidjine' my grandchildren 

cf. however: 

tsesone' my nephew 

tsesonehe'ng my nephews 

ditseh^' my mother 

ondzEhene' our mothers 

dilaha' my grandmother 

dilahane' our grandmothers (see goha'hane old ones 2, 1) 



§ 28. NEGATION 
Negation of the noun is expressed in the same way as in the 
verb by prefixing na- and ha-; (see verbal negation, § 59). 



324 WAGNER YUCHI 

Examples : 

na'gont'e no person, nobody 

nak'ala' not a thing, nothing 

nahit'E noone 

ncidzet'e' no father (lit.: not my fatlier, see 316,167) 



§ 29. LOCATION 

Most locative ideas are expressed by a number of verbal prefixes 
(see § 58) or by independent particles which, as a rule, follow 
the noun they modify (see § 65). 

There are, however, four locative suffixes of a very general 
character: -he, -Is, -ee and -fa which are suffixed to the noun: 

-he, denotes a static location near the speaker (or the object 
talked about) "at", or a motion away from the speaker (or the 
object talked about) to a certain locality within close range: 

ngtsole'he at our home 244,1 

ng'g'kihe at our arms 248,4 

s'f'sf/ic at the clean ground, (ceremonial town-square) 276,39 

k'ahandekwene'he at his belt 250,8 

ngng'he to the creek 270,34 

s'acH'he to the grave 22,8 

-le, denotes the motion "along" an object and "back" to an 
object (cf . the homonym -le = again) ; 

ict'^'le wep'a' along the road she looked 116,38 
n^gle' weladji'n along the creek it went 142,15 
tculE hgje' back to the sitting logs they went 182,12 
yuha'le back to the house 162,12 

-EE, denotes a static location away from the speaker "yonder", 
"over there" : 

yuxKefa'xKe house yonder where it was standing 294,18 

-fa, denotes the motion towards an object: 
aga'ja towards day, towards the east 148,8 
okmvlgifa' towards Okmulgee 288,11 

op. these four suffixes with their independent forms in connection 
with the locative prefixes, § 65. 



§§ 30—42. B. The Pronoun 
§§ 30 — 38. personal pronouns 
§ 30. (a) Introductory 
The pronoun in Yuchi is always prefixed to the stem, both in 
the nominal and in the verbal complex. Within the group of per- 
sonal pronouns we can distinguish eight different series : 



HAJfDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



325 



1) subjective series, occuring with or implying a general object. 
(This group comprises also the subjects of intransitive verbs). 

2) Subjective series, occuring with or implying a specific object. 

3) Subjective independent series. 

4) Direct objective series, occuring with the first subjective series. 
While the distinction between the general and the specific ob- 
ject is recognized quite clearly when the object is a noun (see 
§ 31), it is apparently lost when the object is a pronoun. The 
difference in meaning, therefore, between this and the following 
series is not clear. 

5) Direct objective series, occuring with second subjective series. 

6) Indirect objective series. 

7) Reflexive series, occuring with or implying a general indirect 
object. 

8) Reflexive series, occuring with or implying a specific indirect 
object. 



Sing. • 



§ 31. (b) Subjective personal pronouns 



Subjective 


Subjective 


Inclependent 


1. series 


2. 


series 


series 


di- 




do- 


di 


ne- 




yo- 


tse 




hi- 




hg- 


hgdi' 




se- 




sio- 


sedi' 




s'e- 




s'io- 


s'edi' 




f- 




eyg- 


§di' 



yr 



wedi' 



Plur. 



1. incl. ?- 


?- 


gdV 


1. excl. n?- 


ng- 


ngdV 


2. q- (a-) 


a yo- 


adze. 


{ hg- 


hg- 


hgdi' 


. 


0- 


odi' 



vr 



wedi' 



As this table shows the forms of the three series are not entirely 
distinct. In most cases they correspond closely and in some they 
are even identical. Nevertheless, it does not seem possible satis- 
factorily to reduce the different forms to one basic series. As 
contractions of vowel — semi-vowel — vowel to o are very frequent 
(see phonology, § 3) it seems likely that the second series consists 
of the contracted forms of the first series plus an objective element. 
A reconstruction of the hypothetical full forms, however, has not 
yet been possible. 



326 WAGNEE YXJCHI 

Definition of these pronouns : 

di-, do-, di "I", are used by one person speaking regardless of 
who he is. 

we-, yo-, tse = "thou", refer to any second person singular 
regardless of who is speaking and who is addressed. 

hg-, hgdi', are used by men only and refer to a third person 
singular or plural, male or female Yuchi, except certain female 
relatives (cp. se, sio-, sedi'). Their Enghsh equivalents are; he, she, 
and they. 

se-, sio-, sedi', are used by both men and women and refer to 
a third person singular female Yuchi. If used by men they are 
restricted to a female relative of the same or a descending generation 
as the speaker (sister-, daughter, niece, granddaughter). They 
thus correspond to s'e-, s'io- in female speech (see below). If used 
by women they refer to any female of the same or a descending 
generation whether related or not. 

5'f-, s'io-, s'edi', are used by women only and refer to a third 
person singular Yuchi who is a male relative of the .speaker and 
belongs to the same or a descending generation (brother, son, 
nephew, grandson). 

f-, eyq-, ^di' , are used by both men and women and refer to a 
third person singular Yuchi who is a female relative of the speaker 
and belongs to an ascending generation (mother, aunt, grand- 
mother). 

0-, odi' , are used by women only and refer either to a third person 
singular male Yuchi not related to the speaker or, in the plural, to 
any third persons Y'uchi that belong to the same or a descending 
generation whether related or not, male or female (this pronoun 
must not be confused with the contracted form of the pronoun 
lOE- = 0, see phonology, § 3). 

i- (which occurs in the first series only) is used by women only 
and refers to a third person singular male Y'^uchi who belongs to 
an ascending generation (father, uncle, grandfather, husband, and 
not related old men) or any third persons Yuchi who belong to an 
ascending generation whether related or not, male or female. It 
is a term of respect^. 

we-, yq- ivedi', are used both by men and women and refer to any 
third person singular or plural outside of the Yuchi tribe, regardless. 



' I failed to ascertain the corresponding pronominal form of the second 
series. It appears, however, that o-, odi' (the female pronouns corresponding 
to male hy-) is of wnder meaning in the second series, so that the definition 
given for o-, odi' must be extended in the second series so as to comprise 
the ascending generation also. As these forms occur in the text only where 
female talk is quoted and in the tales told by my female informants (Ida 
and Sally Clinton) there are only a few examples to check its use. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 327 

of age, sex, race or species. They comprise, therefore, all animate 
beings other than the Yuchi Indians. 

J-, ^di', are used by both men and women in the first person 
plural, including the addressed person or persons. No further 
distinctions are made. 

?ig-, nqdi' , are used by both men and women and refer to any 
first persons, excluding the addressed person or persons. 

q-, (a-), ayo- a'dze, "you" are used by both men and women and 
refer to any second persons, regardless of who is speaking and who 
IS addressed. 

As may be seen from this discussion of the pronominal forms the 
differentiation of ideas is almost exclusively restricted to the third 
person. As in many other languages the practical need of expressing 
sex, age, and kinship-relationship arises primarily in the use of these 
third person pronouns. The reflection of the social structure of 
the tribe in the pronominal forms is an interesting and rare example 
of an interrelation between culture and language. 

Although the different third person pronouns are still clearly 
distinguished by the older generation^, there are certain indications 
that the distinction of the various pronouns in the actual use of 
the language is slowly breaking down. Thus in the texts given by 
my female informant Ida Clinton (Yuchi Tales nos. 48 — 52) "'hq'gwa 
is often used instead of "ogu-a" while in the texts given by her 
mother (nos. 44 — 47) the pronouns correspond with the above de- 
finitions with only three exceptions (206,3 : h^ta' ; 208,6 and 208,3[2] : 
hqgwa). In the animal stories the pronouns referring to animals 
sometimes denote Yuchi and sometimes non- Yuchi. Otherwise, 
however, and especially in Maxey Simms' Life Story the distinction 
of the various pronominal ideas is carried through consistently. 

The less rigid distinction of ideas in the plural forms seems to be 
due to the fact that in the actual use of a language the majority 
of plural pronominal forms refer to a heterogeneous group of people. 

Examples from the texts : 

diny'djigo' I may have been 20,2 

WExtsa' they slept 14,8 

ngkila' we escape 14,10 

ygfe' they went 14.14 

hygwadjt'n they said 36,15 

^yuTng'cj she is making signs 102,31 

dot'a'le I stopped 328,74 

anega'he when you get there 334,123 

sio'ladjin she went 320,15 

segwa' she said 230,2 



^ I have checked the definitions given above with three informants at three 
different places and there were no contradictions or uncertainties. 

22* 



328 



WAGNEE YUCHI 



ogwadji'h everj-time he says 208,5 
ylaha let us eat 42,34 
yoxdjineha' if you stay 302,28 

The difference between the subjective first series implying a 
general object and the second series, implying a specific object, is 
demonstrated by the following examples: 

diade' I hunt (with no definite aim in mind) 

doade I hunt (for a certain animal) 

di'wede' I talk, I am talking 

do'wede' I talk to somebody 

di'lah^ I offer (for anybody to accept) 

dola'h^ I offer (to a definite person) 

di''yaxts§ I set afire 

do''yaxts§ I burn (e. g. a patch of grass around a fence or haystack) 

tsot'odi'ho I plant com 

tsot'o' hg'doho I plant corn for him 

di'hi I carry on my back 

do'hi I carry something on horseback 

we'gwa he said 

he'yggwa that he said 



As these examples show the definition of what is a general and 
what is a specific object is only relative. But once defined the 
distinction can in each case be recognized quite clearly. 

While some verbs can take the pronouns of both the first and 
the second series, others are restricted to one series. 

1) Examples of verbal forms and their English equivalents, 
implying a general object: 



diade' I hunt 

digtca' I groan, I grunt 

di'ya' I roast 

diya'ha I dip 

diyahydi'c'o I starve to death 

diya' P) I sow, I pour out 

di'ya' gwa I tell 

diyaxts^' I set afire 

di'yyhy I am himgry 

di'wi I am lost 

di'wedede I talk 

diwe'ndjidji I crawl 

diw^ls' I wake up 

diwa' I bite 

diwqhg' I play 

di'wsTidji I buy 

di'hi I carry on my back 

dihi'tadjubi I am pleased 

difm' I breathe 

diho' I plant 

dipa' I file, I saw 

dipoTf' I twist 



ditc'a' I drown 

ditcuTa' I listen 

dixtcu' I pound 

di^tcatcwa' I whisper 

din/ I become 

disat§' I scrape, I shave 

disTf' I swim 

di'cE I hide myself 

dicri' I dance 

dixpg' I yell (also doxp/ ) 

di'xricf I lie on 

dixTa' I fear, I am scared 

di'xTath^ I sweep 

di'xtsa I sleep 

dig^'l'^ I smile 

di' Ks I always say, I do say 

di'k'iTif I am lazy 

di'kila I escape 

di'kil) I miss 

dik'ene' I swallow 

dik'^''ne I \asit 

dikaga' I hasten 



HAI^DBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



329 



dip's' I drink 
dipa' I chop 
tip'a' I am born 
di'fa I whip 
didji' I am going 
di'dit.hf I pull 
diTne' I see 
diW I beg 
dit'aw^' I loose 
ditafa' I am afraid 
dit'at'a' I braid 
dit'as'i^' I hate 
dito'paTg I am dizzy 
dityayu' I love, I like, I am 
stingy with 



di'k'a I laugh 

di'k'aha' I watch 

dik'ahg' I fight 

dik'a'se I bet 

di'k'gws re I read, I talk with 

di'kyywg I think 

dikwane' I borrow 

dilah^' I offer 

d*7'i I cut 

di'l'entci I chase, I run after 

di'l'a- I dig 

di'l'o I bake, I roast 

di'l'^KE I push 



2) Examples of verbal froms and their English equivalents, 
implying a specific object : 



do'^Ta-' I know, I foretell 
do'weha' I notice, I discover 
do'wede' I speak, I call 
do-wage' I hiuit 
doivq I give 
doha' I smell 

doho''f§ I frighten, I scare some- 
body 
dohot's' I let go 
dohocpi' I use force 
do/i^' I take 
dohgle' I catch 
dobiW I wind, I turn 
dopa'pa I brush, I shake 
dop^' I row 

dop'^' I grip, I squeeze 
dop'a' I cut open 
dop'a' I send for 
dofa'fa I flap 
do/^' I cut off 
dodo' I touch 
doTn^ga I have an idea 
dot'a'le I stop 
dotc'wa' I hear 



dotcala' I paint red, I redden 

done' I blow 

dos'§' I bite a piece off 

dos'g' I suck 

dosTenj' I smash, I bust 

dosTa I break 

doci' I pity 

doc'§' I wait 

docTg' I close 

doKa'' I rest 

dokasa' I crush 

dok'w^' I send 

dok'f's'if I sneer at, I criticize 

dokwa'ne I borrow from 

doxpi'l'o I roll 

dolaha' I eat up 

dolaTf' I cut down 

dola'h^ I offer to somebody 

dolaha' I win 

dol'i'lH I fiddle 

do?f ' I fear 

doto' I weave 



The pronouns of the independent series occur emphatically either 
without a verb or preceding the verbal pronouns. They occur with 
both the first and the second series : 

di'dirne I see 
tse' nerne you see 
hgdi' hfTne he sees 
sedi' SETne she sees 

di' dop'a I cut open 
tse' yop'a you cut open 
hgdi' hgmp'a he cuts open 



330 



WAGNER YTTCHI 



SEcLi' siop'a "j 

s'fdi sHop'a I 

edi' eyymp'a f 3rd person cuts open 

odi' op^a I 

wedi' ypnp^a -' 

ydi' ymp'a we (inclusive plur.) cut open 

n^di' ngmp'a we (exclusive plur.) cut open 

adze' a'yop'a you cut open 



§ 32. (c) Objective perso7ial pronouns 

The objective personal pronouns correspond closely to the sub- 
jective pronouns. In many cases their forms are identical with the 
subjective pronouns but they can always be recognized as objective 
pronouns by their position. There are three partially distinct series, 
the first two denoting the direct object and the third the indirect 
object. The first direct objective series occurs with the first subject- 
ive series (di-, ne-, etc.) while the second direct objective and the 
indirect objective series occur with the second subjective series 
(do-, yo-, etc.). Within each series again there are two forms for 
most objective pronouns, each being used within a definite range 
of combinations with the subjective pronouns (see the following 
examples). The forms are: 



Sing. 



Direct objective 
first series 

1. tS£ 

2. neiidzE 
hy, hgdi' 
se, sedi' 
s'e. s'edi' 



. WE, wedi' 



Direct objective 
second series 

tse, dzio 
nendzE, nendzio 
hy, hydi' 

8£, SEdi' 

s'e, s'Edi' 
E, §di' 
o, odi' 

WE. WEdi' 



Indirect objective 
series 

tso 

so 

hi 

se, sedi' 

s'e, s'edi' 

e, fdi' 

0, odi' 

i, — 

we, wedi' 



Plur. 



1. i. we, ondzE 

1. e. we, no7idze 

2. andze 



we, ondzio 
we, nondzio 
andze, andzio 



we, ontso 
we, nsntso 
aso 



The position of the objective pronoun shifts for the different 
persons. It precedes the subjective pronoun in the subjective first 
and second person, singular and plural and in those forms where 
the subjective third person and the objective third person coincide 
(he — him, she — him etc.). It follows the subjective pronoun in 
the other forms of the subjective third person. 

Example : 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



331 



Direct objective first series: 









to 


see me 










I 




thou 


hei 


we, excl. 


you 


me 


— 




tse'-ne- 


h/-tse- 







tSE-a- 


thee 


nstidzE 


-di'-^ 


— 


hg-ne'ndzE- 


nendze 


-ng' - 


— 




■ h/-di- 




hy'-ne- 


hydi'-hi- 


hg-ng'- 




hg-a'- 




se'-di- 




SS'-UE- 


sedi'-hg- 


ss-ng'- 




SE-a'- 




s^e'-di- 




s'e'-ns- 


s'edi-hg- 


s'e-ng'- 




s'E-a'- 


3d pars. 


e'-di- 




e'-ne- 


edi-hg- 


E-ng'- 




E-a'- 




o'-di- 




o'-ne- 


odi-hg- 


o-ng'- 




o-a'- 




i'-di- 




i'-tiE- 


— 


i-ng'- 




i-a'- 




we'-di- 




we'-ne- 


wedi-hg 


WE-ng'- 




WE-a'- 


us incl. 


— 




we'-ne 


hg'-j'ndzs- 


— 




WE-a'- 


us excl. 


— 




ws'-ne- 


hg-ns'ndze- 


— 




WE-a - 


you 


andze'- 


di 


— 


hg-a'ndzE- 


cC^idze- 


ng'- 


— 



With a few intransitive verbs the subjective pronominal idea 
(I, you, he etc.) is expressed by the first series of objective pronouns. 
Such verbs are: 



tSEOXPa 'f 

tSEyada 

tSEyu' 

tSEyuc^' 

tsEyucu' 

tSETa' pa 

tSETa'dE 

tsEsa'sah^ 

tSEC^'c^ 
tSEC^lE 
tSEC'o' 

tsEk'aco' 

tSEl^'l'^ 



Example : 



tSEC'o' 
■HEndZEC'o' 

hgc'o' 

SEC'o' 

s'ec'o' 

EC'o' 

oc'o' 
ic'o' 

WEC'o' 

ondzEc'o' 
nondzEc'o 
andzEc'o' 



I am full of 

I am called 

it hurts me. I ache 

I am wounded 

I shake, I move around 

I am strong 

I am broke 

I tremble 

I am ready 

I recover, I get well 

I am tired 

I am accustomed to 

I am wrapped up 



I am tired 
thou are tired 



he (she, etc.) is tired 



we (incl.) are tired 
we (excl.) are tired 
you are tired 



The forms we us, dzio, nendzio, ondzio, nondzio and andzio do not 
occur with these verbs. 



1 The other third persons are formed in the same way: sE'-tSE she-me, etc. 
^ The hyphens separate the pronouns. 



332 WAGNEB YUCHI 

Direct objective second series: 

to pity ci 

I thou he we, excl. you 

me — tse'-yo- h)'-dzio- — ise-a'yo- 

thee nendze-do- — hj-ne'ndzio- nendze-n^'- — 

ihj-do- hf-yo- h}di'-h}- hg-nj- hy-a'yo- 

3d persons [sf-do-i se'-yo- ssdi'-hy- se-ng- se-a'yo- 

\s'e-do- s'e'-yo- s'edi'-hy- s's-nf- s'e-a'yo- 

us incl. WE-do- WE-yo- hg-o'ndzio- — we-a'yo- 

us exel. we-do- we'-yo- hg-no'ndzio- — we-a'yo- 

you n'ndz£-do- — hf-a'ndzio- andze-ng — 

The other third persons (sio, sHo, eyg, o, yq, cp. § 31) are formed 
in the same way. But sio and s't'o become se and s'e (forms of the 
first subjective series) in the first and second persons: 
ss'-dzio-ci she pities me s'E-dzio-ci he pities me 

SE-ns'ndzio-ci she pities thee s'E-riE'ndzio-cihe pities thee 

hgdi'-sio-ci she pities him hgdi'-s'io-ci he pities him 

SEdi'-sio-ci she pities her I sEdi'-sHo-ci he pities her j 

Edi'-sio-ci she pities her /cp. §31 £di'-s'io-ci he pities her rcp. § 31 
odi'-sio-ci she pities him ' odi'-s'io-ci' he pities him ' 

WEdi'-sio-ci' she pities him rvedi'-s'io-ci he pities him 

SE-ondzio-ci' she pities us (incl.) s'l'-obdzio-ci he pities us (incl.) 

ss'-nondzio-ci she pities us (excl.) sV-resndiio-cihe pities us (excl.) 

SE.-a'ndzio-ci she pities you s'E.-a'ndzio-ci he pities you 

E'yg-dzio-ci she pities me 

o'-dzio-ci he pities me 

yg'-dzio-ci he (not Yuchi) pities me 







Indii 


rect objective 


! series: 










to work 


something for^ 


k'ala' — k' 


'? 






I 


thou 


he 


she' 


we 


you 


me 


— 


-iiE'n-tsc 


1- -hg-tso'- 


-se-tso- 


— 


-(f'-tSO- 


thee 


-a'so- 


— 


-hg-so'- 


-SE-SO- 


-ng'-so- 


— 




[ -ho'n-do- 


-hg'-yo- 


-hg- 


-hg-sio- 


-hg-ng'- 


-hg-a'yo- 


3dpers. 


{ -sE-do- 


-SE-yo- 


-SEdi'-hg- 


-SEdi-sio'- 


-SE-ng'- 


-SE-a'yo- 




' -s'E-do- 


-s'E-yo- 


-s'Edi'-hg- 


-s'sdi-sio'- 


-s'E-ng'- 


-s'E-a'yo- 


us incl. 


-we'-do- 


-WE'-yo 


-hg-o'ntso- 


-SE-o'ndzo- 


— 


-WE-a'yo- 


us excl. 


— 


— 


-hj-no'ntso- 


-SE-no'ndzo 


— 


— 


you 


-n'so- 


— 


-hg-a'so- 


-SE-a'so- 


ng-a'so- 


— 



As will be seen from this example, in a few cases the indirect 
objective pronouns differ from the direct objective pronouns also in 
regard to their position: cp. thou — me and thou for me, we — 
thee and we for thee. 



^ the other third person forms correspond to the direct objective first series. 

2 k'ala' "something" or a definite direct object must always precede these 
forms. With some verbs the direct object is expressed by the impersonal 
pronominal prefix ho- it which follows the indirect object, cp. § 40. 

^ The other third persons (e, o, we) are formed in the same way. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



333 



Furthermore the subjective pronouns^ undergo some changes 
in connection with the indirect objective series. Instead of doso 
we have aso "I for thee (you)" and instead of yotso and a'yotso 
we have ne'ntso and a'ntso respectively, the subjective pronouns 
following in the last two cases the first subjective series, while 
a'so is apparently a contracted form. 
Examples from the texts : 

asol'il'i'ne I will fiddle for you 14,13 

WEtso'wy she gave to me 262,17 

hgdzo'tyy he was mad at me 262,19 

hyngtso'l'ilH they fiddle for us 14,12 



§ 33. (d) Reflexive Pronouns 
The reflexive pronouns are amalgamated forms of the objective 
first series with slight changes in the third person plus the first 
subjective and the second subjective series respectively: 



Sing. 



Plur. 



First reflexive 


iSecond reflexive 


series : 


series : 


1 . tse di'- 


tse do'- 


2. netidzs ne'- 


nendzE yo'- 




h^dE- 


hondio'- 




siode'- 


siodio'- 


3. 


s'iode'- 


s'iodio'- 


s'yjde- 


eyondio'- 




ode'- 


odio'- 




. yide'- 


yondio'- 


1. i. ondze.y'- 


ondze.y'- 


1. e. nondzeng'- 


nondzeng' - 


2. 


andzE.q- 


midzE.a'yo- 



Examples : 

tse-di-lH' I cut myself 
nendzE-ne' -I'i you cut yourself 
h^dE-l'i' he cuts himself 

A number of verbs occur exclusively with the reflexive pronouns: 



tSE-do-ci' I pity myself 
riEndzE-yo-ci' you pity yourself 



tSE dia'a' I am embarrassed, 

I am ashamed 
tse dipE'ndE I twist myself 
tSE dotnetne I attempt 
tse dotyq' I abstain from, I fast 
tse don^' I believe 



tSE dos'aha''§ I am careful 
tse doci' I mourn, I weep 
tse doc§' I enjoy myself 
tsedoge' I call myself 
tsedolag§' I burn myself 
tse doVo' I scorch myself 



§ 34. (e) Indefinite Pronominal Prefix 
The idea of an indefinite personal pronoun ' 'one' ' ."somebody " is ex- 
pressed by the prefix go- which is of a much more general character 

' These follow partly the subjective second series (I, thou, you) and partly 
the subjective first series (she, and the other third persons). 



334 WAGNER YUCHI 

than the personal pronoixns. It is a compounding element in a 
number of bisyllabic nouns (cp. § 24 a p) and also acts as an infinit- 
ive-forming prefix. 
Examples : 

agogwa' XTE one should say 8,26 

gont'e' go'widjinjwa somebody had gone (there) 10,29 

gotc'wn'' one would hear 176,42 

goxTi't'^'nefui' if one pulls 62,7 

ga'nt'e goya' somebody passed by 128,98 

ga'nt'E go'Kondjm somebody was coming 154,51 

With infinitive meaning : 

gola' to eat 112,43 
go'TfiE to see 26,17 
gok'ine to get 258,37 
go'anene' to ask 264,30 

The prefix go- must not be confused with the contraction of ke- 
(locative prefix [see § 58] and loe (third person pronoun); e. g.: 

gogg' < KEwegg' he was coming 162,104 

we'nt'E gong' < we'nt'E KEWEny a woman was there 170,1 

Tala gong < Toki KEwe'nj Wolf was here 36,1 

§§ 35 — 37. (f.) Irregular Personal Pronouns 
§ 35. (a) Amalgamation of pronoun and verb 
Wliile as a rule pronoun and verb can be clearly distinguished 
there are a number of verbs with irregular pronominal forms in 
the first and second person. These incorporated pronominal forms 
are quite different from the regular forms and, although they show 
similarities among themselves, they cannot be reduced to one 
common pattern. 

The verbs are : 

(1) go^a' to cry: (8) neke'goli to arrive: 

ts'a' I cry nehe'dzi I arrive 

tc'ya' you cry neiiE'ci you arrive 

hg\i' he cries riEhe'li he arrives 

SE'a'' 1 nehe'sEli I , , , , , 

. > '. u / u i » • 7 ' > I- J'be (she etc. arrives 

s'E'a ' > he (she etc.) cries nehe s eh \ ^ 

o'a'' J nehe'li we (incl.) arrive 

g'a'' we (incl.) cry nEhe'ruli we (excl.) arrive 

ng^a' we (excl.) cry nehe'^aci you arrive 

adj'ya' you cry 

(9) EE"^gola to do : 

(2) agogo'ne to come : KE'^dica I do 
adza' I come KE'piECn you do 

adja you come Ke''^hgla he does, etc. cp. 3 

ahgga' he comes 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 335 

asega' he comes (10) gola to go: 

ane'ga we (excl.) come ^^^^, j g^ 

a'a'dja you come 



weca you go 
ah( ga they come y^^^/ , 

sela' I he (she etc.) goes 

(3) gote'de to beat, to hit: g>£^„' I 

tSE'de I beat ?ia' we two go 

tce'de you beat ?/£' we (incl.) go 

h^te'de \ ngfe' we (excl.) go 

SEts'de 1 he (she etc.) beats afe' you go 
s'ete'de ( 

ote'de I (11) fc'aZa 'grote to eat: 

ngts'de we (excl.) beat fc'ato'rfa I eat 

a'tcede you beat k'ala'ca you eat 

k'ala'h^la, he eats 

(4) gotwa" to kill: k'ala'n^la we (excl.) eat 
isM'o' I kill k'ala'a'ca you eat 
te«t'a' you kill 

fc?toa" he kills (12) gre'fe to find : 

(for the following forms cp.3) . ^ --^^^ j fi^^^ 

/li'co you find 

(5) a'gro'f to think : ^'in he finds 
a'dits'i I think f'n^n we (incl.) find 
a'dfyi you think wc'riia we (excl.) find 
a'hf% he thinks a'ca you find 
o'n?'f we think hsnla they find 
a'adfyy you think 

(13) gfo'g' to be here: 

(6) a'gogiua to say : r?' I am here 
a'ditsa I say yg you are here 
a'ndja you say ^i?'?' he is here 

a'gwa (a'hggwa) he says, etc. neha' we (excl.) are here 

cp. 3 and 5 ci'ha you are here 



h^'Jia they are here 



(7) gola'H to shoot at: 
tsa''i I shoot at 
ya''i you shoot at 
hgki'H he shoots at, etc. cp. 3 



§ 36. ((B) Irregular pronominal forms 
With a few verbs o changes to e in the third person singular 
and plural and in the first person plural : 

aneha'djin where we lived 24,13 
KenehE'nedjin we used to stay there 26,19 
aneng' we were there 246,19 
ansndji' we were going 270,10 
Kdne'ndjihe when we were going 280,9 
Kehe'ngdjt'n they were there 148,12 
Kehe'liadjigo' they may have been here 148,17 
he'nl'idode after they scratched 148,6 



he (she etc.) steals with 



336 WAGNEK YUCHI 

h^yadane' they were called 148,16 
7tf''a' they cried 150,19 
he'nla they traced 168,146 
ahe'hendji'de as they went there 168,147 

§ 37. (y) Amalgamation between pronoun and instrumental prefix 

The instrumental prefix hi- (see § 57) which precedes the 
pronoun in the first person, enters into a close connection with the 
personal pronoun, resulting in the following forms: 
hi plus di (first subjective series): 

hi'di-ca I steal with 

he'ne-ca you steal with 

h^'-ca 

se'-ca 

s'e'-ca 

e'-ca 

o'-ca 

i'-ca 

we'-ca 

f'-ca we (incl.) steal with 

nf'-ca we (excl.) steal with 

f'-ca you steal with 

hi plus do (second subjective series) : 

hi'do-STi I deceive 

hi'yo-sri you deceive 

hyyu'-sTi \ 

seyu'-sTi I , , , . , , 
„>.„,' o™ } he (she etc.) deceives 
s eyu -sTt I ^ ' 

eyu'-STt I 

gyu'-STi we (incl.) deceive 

ngyu'-sri we (excl.) deceive 

a'yo-sri you deceive 

An exceptional form is the verb hi'doki "I suspect", which 
follows partly the first and partly the second paradigm : 

hi'do-ki I suspect 

hi'yo-ki you suspect 

h^'-ki I 

se'-ki I , , , 
, , 7 ■ he (she etc.) suspects 

e'-ki I 

f'-ki we (incl.) suspect 
n^'-ki we (excl.) suspect 
a'yo-ki you suspect 



§ 38 (g) Reciprocal and Collective 

The ideas of mutual or reciprocal and of collective or social action 
are closely associated with the pronoun, so that it seems appropriate 



HAl^DBOOK OF AMEKICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 337 

to deal with them in this place rather than with the verbal complex. 
They are expressed by two particles k'a and Vq (k^^) which follow 
the pronoun, being the only affixes in Yuchi that stand between 
the pronoun and the verbal stem : 

¥a, denotes reciprocity : 

he'hik'a'giua they said to each other 46,8 
gotia'ha wsk'a'k''g wars they made with each other 270,1 
hyk'a'k'enTne' they visit one another 284,4 
wek'a^fadji'n they hit one another 302,39 

k'q, denotes collective action "together", "in company with" 
and the relation between the subjective and the objective pronoun: 

naK3h}k'/fehs and when they went with her 22,8 

wek'gwede'djin he was talking with him 260,4 

gohqTone' hgk'g'wededjinha hfe-ruler that they talked with (him)-. . 

268,29 
gone' gok'onodji' baby she was there with 268,31 
hong'dzsk'g'ladjtn they went with us 272,14 
Kas^ahgk'o'nt'ehe when he was running with 274,35 
KEk'o'nodjtn he was there with 286,18 

ifc'g changes into k^^ if it occurs with the verbal stems: nq, ha, dji 
etc., see § 44. 

wetsek'e'ndji (away) that they went with me 254,16 
gok'sng'dji that she was here with 270,32 
a^ok'sna'Tisdjin they used to be there with 290,20 
wek'^ha they were (there) with 312,122 

§ 39. POSSESSIVE PRONOUNS 

The possessive pronouns are prefixed to the nominal stem, just 
as are the personal pronouns to the verbal stem. There are four 
different series, the first being identical with the first personal 
subjective series (di-, ne-, etc.), the second and third showing 
similarities to the second personal subjective series with different 
forms in the first and second persons, and the fourth being identical 
with the personal objective series: 

The pronouns of the first series seem to imply inalienable poss- 
ession as they are used in connection with most parts of the body 
and the majority of kinship-terms (see § 39). 

Example : 

dito' my head 
neto' your head 

hjto' 

seto' 

s'eto' 

eto' ■ his (her etc.) head 

oio' 

ito' 

weto' 



338 



WAGNER YUCHI 



?to' oiir head {incl.) 
nyto' our head (excl.) 
qto' your head 

Nouns following this series : 
cli'g'n'pa my finger 
di'g'sa my wrist 
di'g'ki my arms 
dixdi't'e my shoulder 
dide' my legs 
didet'ri'' my feet 
di'dac'a my lips 
dida'tnp'i my nose 
dixdju'b'a my ear 



also: 



diwe'dene my talk 
ditoc'iju' my hat 
ditsoh' my home 



dit'§'k'a my tongue (I lick) 
ditac'f' my breast (I am jealous) 
rfj'i'a' my heart ( I want) 
dito' my head 
ditot'a' my back 
ditce' my stomach, my entrails 
drK£' my teeth 
diKenda'ca my gum 



dik'aXTi' my friend 

dik'axTg' my husband, my wife, 



and kinship terms, see p. 

The differences in meaning between the three other series of 
possessive pronouns is not clear and we can, therefore, only give 
the forms and examples as such : 

Second series : Third series : Fourth series : 



1. 


teo- 


tsio- 


tse- 


2. 


so- 


neiidzio- 


7i£')idze- 




hr 


hg- 


hg-(hi-) 




sio- 


sio- 


ss- 


3. 


s'io- 


s'io- 


s'e- 




£2/?- 


syr 


£- 




0- 


o- 


0- 




2/?'- 


y?'- 


W£- 


1. i. 


ondzo- 


ondzio- 


ondzE- 


1. e 


. nondzo- 


nondzio- 


norulzE- 


2. 


aso- 


andzio- 


andze- 



The majority of nouns follow the second series, e. g. : 
tso-h'axTe my horse 
so-b'axTe' your horse 

Nouns following the third series : 

tsio-wi'i' my blood tsio-t'ofone' my kidneys 

tsio-yg''"pi my liver tsio-tcwa' my skin 

tsio-b'a'c'e my backbone tsio'-XTsaXTci' my sides 

tsio-cHbilone my shirt tsio-c'i'a my coat 

Nouns following the fourth series : 

tSEyadane' my name tsss'a' my land 

tSEyu'xTa my clan tSEsg' my hair 

tSEwgnE my shadow, my spirit tsEco' my body 

tSE Ta'pa my strength tSEXTi my (clan) name 

Possessive pronouns in connection with kinship-terms : 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



339 



The possessive pronouns, occuring with kinship terms, comprise 
all the four series just discussed and in addition the second personal 
subjective series. Thus we have : 



di- series: 



ditseh§' 
dis'ans' 
di'yane' 
dik'a wane' 



di'y?' 
ditsEh(s'i'§ 



dis'ancs'i^' 
di'yanes'i'^ 
ditco'o' 

dilaha' 
dicghg' 



diwexTo' 
diwextso' 



my mother 

my son 

my (man's) daughter 

my (woman's) sister 

my (woman's) father's brother's daughter 

my (woman's) mother's sister's daughter 

my mother's brother 

my mother's brother's son 

my mother's sister 

my father's sister 

my mother's brother's daughter 

my (man's) brother's son 

luy (man's) brother's daughter 

my grandfather (on both sides) 

my father's sister's husband 

my grandmother (on both sides) 

my brother's wife 

my wife's sister 

my husband's brother 

my husband's sister 

my (woman's) sister's husband 

my sons's wife 

my daughter's husband 



tso- series : 

tsowaTne' 



tsogoto' 
tsogolta' fmne 
tsok'ala' 



my (man's) sister 

my (man's) father's brother's daughter 

my (man's) mother's sister's daughter 

my child 

my parents 

my kin 



tsio- series: 
tsioTane 



tsiodjiyane' 
tsiodjiane' 



my (man's) brother 
my (man's) father's brother's son 
my (man's) mother's sister's son 
my (man's) sister's husband 
my wife's brother 



tsE- series: 

tset'^' 
tsesone' 



tsethi' 



my father 

my father's brother 

my (man's) sister's son 

my (man's) sister's daughter 

my (man's) father's sister's son 

my (man's) father's sister's daughter 

my wife's (husband's) father 

my wife's (husband's) mother 



340 



WAGNER YUCHI 



do- 


series : 








dots'one' 


my 


(woman's) son 






my 


(woman's) daughter 




doTaone' 


my 


(woman's) brother 






my 


(woman's) father's brother's son 






my 


(woman's) mother's sister's son 




do'wene 


my 


(woman's) sister 




dots' ones' i^' 


my 


(woman's) brother's son 






my 


(woman's) brother's daughter 






my 


(woman's sister's son 






my 


(woman's) sister's daughter 






my 


(woman's father's sister's son 






my 


(woman's) father's sister's daughter 



my grandchild (no further differentiation) 



§ 40. IMPERSONAL PRONOMINAL PREFIXES 

The impersonal third person pronoun, both "it" and "its" is 
expressed by the prefixes hi- and ho. The differences in meaning , 
between both prefixes are not clear. 

Examples : 
hi-: 

'yQ'spa hifui'he pecans where they are 256,31 

yiifa' tsaxtcib'i' hi^pendji'n the house window it had 258,43 

k'alat'ele 'yapi'l'o TiMhadjinha'de other things wagon that had 

been in 270,8 
Tic'o' hi'yada' they were called ric'o' 158,79 

ho-: 

howag}' it is left 182,14 

tsoti'xdji PE'hehonone' the medicine it will overcome (them) 182,11 

hocuk'g'la'e it was tied to 98,35 

tso'ti ho'a'ga medicine its day 276,39 

gowa'do'e ho''yuhe the grave its house 176,44 

Tot'oha ngdetaha' hodjula' the sand our feet it burned 284,1 

k'ala't'Eh' .... howale'lade'qgo' other things they may have been 

left out 288,30 
gofil'inE'E .... hocuha' the fiddle .... its strings 312,121 
k'a" sogjTanE ho'yii'faTi'he the school in its yard 312,122 

In a few cases ho- occurs as objective impersonal pronoun: 
ka'l'o howage' holan^' bread hunt it, eat it! 300,10 



With the following verbs ho- occurs as the direct impersonal object 
following the indirect object. As a rule, however, the direct object 
precedes the indirect object, e. g. : k^ala' a'sok'g something I work 
for you (cp. § 32). 



asohot'a' 

asoho'knsa 

asoho'la 



I let it go for you 
I crush it for you 
I wove it for you 



asohoh/ I took it from you 
dohokila I escape from it 
asoho''^ I spread it out for you 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGtTAGES 



341 



§ 41. DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS 

There are only two general demonstrative prefixes in Yuchi 
which are modified by the various forms of the classif5ang suffixes 
discussed above (see § 26). 

The two demonstrative prefixes are ne- = this (local and temporal 
proximity and le- = that (local and temporal remoteness). 

From a combination with the classifying suffixes the following 
forms result: 



a) inanimate: 

sing. : nefa' 
nedji' 
ne'e' 

plur. : ns'lui 

b) animate: 

sing. : nE'7i} 
ne'seti} 
ne's'en^ 
ne''en^ 
ne''ony 
ne'i'ny 
ns'weng 



plur.: 



nehe'nf 
newe'ny 



lefn' 
ledji' 
le'e' 

le'ha 



le'n,} 

le'seng 

le's'eng 

le''en^ 

W'ony 

leH'ng 

le'wenj 

lehs'ng 
lewe'nj 



Examples : 

Inanimate : 

ne'fa ya'fa 
nedji' di'dji 
ne'e s'a''e 



this tree 
this rock 
this field 



le'ha ya'ha those trees 
ne'ha yu'ha those houses 



Animate : 

ne'ng gont'e'ng this man (referring to a Yuchi) 

ne'seny s'ant'e'seng this girl (referring to a man's sister etc.) 

le's'eng that one (referring to a woman's brother etc.) 

nehe'ng cicfcanehe'ng these boys 

newe'ng b'axrewe'ng these horses 

ne'i'ng gont'e'i'ny these men (woman speaking) 

lewe'ng gocpiive'ng those negroes 

ne'wenq is frequently contracted to no'nq, cp. phonology, § 3: 
no'ng go'nt'ong this person (not Yuclii) 392,38 

§ 42. INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS 

Corresponding to the general demonstrative prefixes there is 
a general interrogative prefix iva- which is specified by suffixing 
the classifying elements and general locative elements (see §§ 26 
and 29). 



23 



342 WAGNEE YUCHI 

1. Interrogative referring to animate beings: wanq' 
Subjective form: 

wan:/' aXKs' ahgga' ? who (Yuchi) comes there ? 
wany' aXKE ayyga' ? who (not Yuchi) comes there ? 
wany' hyya'gwo? who told (that) ? 

Objective form: 

In the objective forms the interrogative pronoun remains 
unchanged and the objective personal pronoun precedes the 
subjective pronoun: 

wany' honeTne ? who him you see = whom (Yuchi) do you see ? 

ivang' WEnsTne' ? whom (not Yuchi) do you see ? 

2. Interrogative referring to inanimate objects: 

With the interrogatives referring to inanimate objects the 
classifying suffixes do not occur. There is only one pronoun: 
wiKtt' what. 
Example : 

mEa' nerne' ? what are you looking at ? 
wiKa' yok'g' ? what are you doing ? 

The selective interrogative pronoiin "which" is denoted by wa- 
plus a classifying element (-nq, he'ng etc. when it refers to animate 
beings and -fa, -'s, -dji when it refers to objects). Like the adjectives 
it follows the noun it refers to. 

The forms are: 

1 . Referring to animate beings : 

sing.: wang' which one (Yuchi) 

wahnt-an/ which one (not Yuchi) 
plur. wahe'ng which ones (Yuchi) 

wawe'ng which ones (not Yuchi) 

waXKehe'ng which ones of us 
waXKE.ang' which ones of you 
vxiXKeho'ny which ones of them (Yuchi) 
waxKEwe'ng which ones of them (not Yuchi) 

2. Referring to inanimate objects : 

sing.: waXKefa' which one (of vertical objects) 

waXKe'e' which one (of horizontal objects) 
waxKedji' which one (of roundish objects) 

plur. : waxKeha which ones (of objects of any kind) 

Examples : 

go'nt'e wang' which (Yuchi) man ? 

go'cpi waheu'ang' which negro ? 

wahe'ng nedji' hgladji'n which ones have done this ? 

b'axTe waws'ng which ones of the horses ? 

ya'fa waXKefa which tree ? 
s'a''E waxKe'e' which land ? 
Ti'dji waxEedji' which rock ? 
Ti'ha waxEeha which rocks ? 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



343 



The interrogrative "where" is formed by iva- and addition of 
the locatives -he and -fa. Thus we have: 

wahe' where at ? 
wafa where to ? 

Examples : 

wahe h^Te' ? where does he hve ? 
wahe' yoxTe' ? where did you put (it) ? 
b'a' XTewany wahs'weny? where is the horse ? 
wafa nedji' ? where are you going ? 

The other interrogative ideas are apparently of a \ery vague 
nature and have not developed definite forms. Thus the inter- 
rogative "how" can be expressed by: 

1) wahe': 

wahe' neca yo'k'f how do you make it 1 
wahe' la't'e how much ? 

2) waxKe'Tne: 

waxKe' rne sono'la? how do you feel ? 

3) wake' me: 

wahe'Ttie sono'la how do you feel ? 

§§ 43 — 59. C. The Verb and Adjective 

§§ 43 47. VERBAL AND ADJECTIVAL STEMS 

§ 43. (a) Introductory 

Like the nominal stem the verbal or adjectival stem is either 
primary or secondary, i. e. mono- or polysyllabic. Except for a few 
cases of plural stems all modifications of the verb are achieved by 
suffixing and not by internal changes of the stem. 

Verbal and adjectival stems are closely related; adjectives occur 
as verbs without any formal changes: 



§ 44. (b) Monosyllabic stems 



verbal : 



e to lie 

a' to carry 

o to belong to 

ya to roast 

wi to pass 

w§ to dream 

wa to bite 

wq to give for a present 

hi to carry on the back 

h§ to bathe 

ha to live 

ha' to smell 



t'o to menstruate 
tyg to be angry 
tsa to sleep 
tc'a to drown 
tc'wa to hear 
tcwf to rub 
ne to blow 
s'f to bite off 
so to stink 
s'o to suck 
sTa to break 



23* 



344 



WAGNER YUCHI 



ho to plant 

hi/ to take 

pa it bums 

p'f to drink 

Pf to row 

p'f to grip 

pa to cut open, to saw 

p'a to send for, to look for 

p'a- to be born 

p'a to chop 

fa to stand 

fa' to whip 

fq to cut off 

do to touch 

rf;t to sit, to go, to stay 

Ti to wash 

TO to go with 

r? to set a date 

rne to see 

ti to beg 

i'i to urinate 

tE to play 

«'f to cough 

ta to pick 

Va to let go, to bury 



adjectival : 

a big 

di yellow ' 

Tf wild 

to small 

ts} low, short 

tsya dry 



sr? to swim 

ci to stick (trans.) 

ci to pity 

C£ to hide 

c'f to wait 

cri to dance 

CT) to close, to shut 

g/ to come 

gwa to say 

££ to call 

Ka to rest 

K? to cook 

k^i to get, to earn 

A-'« to laugh 

Av to blow 

A'? to make, to build 

kw^ to send, to put 

kwa to fetch, to bring 

Vi to cut, to scratch 

i'f to fear 

la to weave 

/(jt to make 

I'a to dig 

I'o to bake 



tea hard, loud 
sf good 

CO soft, ripe, sore 
cpi wet, moist 
3f long 



§ 45. (c) Bisyllabic stems 
The bisyllabic stems cannot be grouped under themes nor 
analysed into their compounding elements. The following list, 
although it may not be exhaustive, comprises most of the bisyllabic 
verbal and adjectival stems : 



verbal : 



gtca' to groan 
ya'hn to dip 
yaby' to poiu- 
ya'gwa to tell 
ya'cTa to camp 
yfho' to be hungry 
wede' to call 
we' te to talk, to speak 
w^Ie' to wake up 
wa'di to brag about 
wage to hunt 
wqlij' to play 



tata' to braid, to plait 

V^ka' to taste, to lick 

fals to quit 

tyayii' to love 

tcuTa to listen 

sat^' to scrape, to shave 

Mia' to escape 

kily' to miss 

k'eiiE' to swallow 

k'E'ns' to visit 

kE'gE to hasten 

fc'a''f to smile 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



346 



wqle to give up 
wans' to fish 
wondji' to buy 
hyle' to catch 
biW to turn 
bU'o' to roll 
Pads' to twist 
Tit.h^' to pull 
Tat.hf' to sweep 
raZ^' to appear 
rn^go' to believe 
Vaw^' to loose 
ta/a' to be afraid of 



adjectival : 



ispi' black 

il^' big 

awi' loose 

aW heavy 

oxpa' full 

o'nda plain, clear 

yaXKa' white 

watci' slow, stupid 

hidzg' green, blue 

hits' last 

feite?' short 

hi'sTa flat, level 

Tiico' wet 

hicu' slow 

Tiifci' fierce 

hapa' flat 

/!o<o' brief, short 

ftoto' deep 

pado' dark (night) 

/i/i' bright, shiny 

djuge' soui 

Ti'e mean, low 

Tesa' clean 



k'aha' to watch, to take care of 

k'ahf' to fight 

k'ase' to bet 

k'arrg' to souffle 

kyg'wg to think 

kwane' to borrow 

laiv§' to wake up (trans.) 

lah^' to offer 

fafei' to eat up 

laha' to win 

kiT^' to cut down, to fell 

I'l'ntci to chase 

I'y'Ke to push 



Tefci' different 

Tapa' strong, hard 

Tats'a' noisy 

Tatca' difficult 

Tane' fat 

Ta'cB ripe 

t'ehe' different, next 

tsobi' straight 

tsuTa' short, low 

tsya'Pa red 

tciga' rotten 

'n^ga' true, rich 

s'if' little, small 

s'ari' low 

safi' fast, quick 

s'ul^' bare, bald, naked 

c'i'ge deep 

c^'c§ ready 

cale' raw 

coco' rotten 

Koc'o' left 

Ka'jjfA'fi white 

k'as^' industrious 



§ 46. (d) Polysyllabic stems 

Polysyllabic verb-stems of more than two syllables are extremely 
rare. An analasys of more than three hundred printed pages of 
texts yielded only the following few examples : 
verbal : 

dihi'tadjubi' I am pleased 
dit'as'i^' I hate 
dita''aXT§ I order 

{dita'tseyu I mourn, (my heart hurts)) 
ditoparg' I am dizzy 
ditciry'ld I blink, I twinkle (tci = eye) 

dikyo'nEc'if I am provoked (my thought is bad), and a number of 
reduplicated bisyllabic stems (see § 54) 



346 WAGNER YXJCHI 

adjectival : 

hitaja greedy hof^W mild 

hitn^gf' new Tapis§' sweet (salt good) 

hicig^' deep, steep tsobila' straight, just 

hicahi' hot 8yhg''e still, quiet 

hapa'e' broad goxTic^' false, untrue 
hapas'i^' narrow, (broad little) gok'ira' lazy, lonesome 

hatsih^' silent ggcine' poor 

hass^f' bad (not good) k'iya'a' careful 

hoha''§ empty k'abiW even, smooth 

hopaya'xKa pale TfWfWf' sparkling, brilliant 

§ 47. (e) NTJMEKALS 

The numerals are independent words of adjectival character 
following the noun they refer to. If the noun occurs with one or 
more adjectives the numeral follows those. It takes the place of 
the plural suffix -ha (see § 27). The numeral classification is that 
of the decimal system, as is shown in the following list: 
Cardinal numbers : 

hit'e' one icdu' six 

nj'wE two laxdju' seven 

ngKa' three bifa' eight 

Tcila' four t'e'xKa nine 

tc'wahe' five laxpe' ten 

laxPE hi't'e ra'wi eleven (ten one laid over) 
laXPE ng'wE Ta'wi twelve (ten two laid over) 

k'oxTangwE' twenty 

k'oxTangwE' hit'e Ta'wi twenty-one 

k'oxTangwE ngwE Ta'wi twenty-two 

k'oxTang' Ka thirty 
k'oxTarala' forty 
k'oxTatc'wahe' fifty 
k'oxra'icdu' sixty 
k'oxTalaxdpi' seventy 
k'oxTabifa' eighty 
k'oxTat'EXKa' ninety 
ict'^t'E' one hundred (road one) 
ict'^t'E hit'e' one hundred and one 
ict'^t'e ng'wE one himdred and two 

i'ci'f ng'wE two hundred 

i'ct'f ng'wE ng'we two hundred and two 

i'ct'§ njEa' three hundred 
i'ct'f Tola' four hundred 

ict'^t'EXKa k'oXTat'EXKa t'exKa Ta'wi nine hundred ninety nine 
ict'a'at'e' one thousand, (road big one) 
ict'a'a nywe' two thousand 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 347 

icVfa'laxpe' ten thousand (road big ten) 

ict'^'a' .ict'§hit'e' one hundred thousand (road big road one) 

ict'§'a goha'ne hit'e' one million (road big old one) 

Ordinal numbers : 

There is no formal difference between cardinal and ordinal 

numbers except for "the first" which is craha"^. instead of kites'. 

With the other numerals the ordinal character is denoted by adding 

one of the article suffixes -fa, -*e or -dji (according to the character 

of the noun, see § 26) to the numeral; e. g. : 

ya n^e'fa the second tree a'ga craha''^ the first day 

nq'n^ n:jwe''E the second creek s'ayub'a' Tala'xdji the fourth 

a'gn laxpe'fa the tenth day hill 

The numeral adverbs are denoted by suffixing the pluralizing 
element -ha to the cardinals. Only the first two have different 
forms : 

sahy' once ralaha four times 

ivjha' twice laxpeha' ten times 

nyKaha' three times 



§ 48. COMPOUND VERBS 

While, as we have seen, the composition of verbal stems serves 
only to a very limited degree to express complex verbal ideas, there 
is another type of compounding which represents an almost universal 
pattern of verb-formation. This type of compound consists of 
specifying element plus personal pronoun plus verbal stem. 

The specifying element may be a noun, an adjective, a prefix, 
an independent particle or an adverbial, but the unit of the whole 
word -complex is expressed both by the fixed position of the specifying 
element and by the stereotj^jed meaning of the compound. Although 
every verbal stem can be thus modified and specified, there are a 
few monosyllabic verb-stems of an auxiliary character which 
prevailingly take the place of the general verb. These auxiliary 
verbs are: 

1) gola' to do, to make, to cause, (dica' = I make, see. § 35), 
Examples : 

aXKe'endica I pretend, I act like 

oxpa'dica I fill (full I make) 

oxpale'dica I refill 

onda'dica I explain (plain I make) 

yy'dica I boil 

yucu'dica I shake 

wel'i'dica I plough 

hips'ndica I put it on 

hitc'o'ndica I bend (bent I make) 

hing'dica I grease 

hi'xTodica I wrap in 



348 WAGNEE YUCHI 

hac'§'dic(i I bvixn 

howa'dica I save 

hoha'dica I make empty 

hohy'dica I join together 

hoVah'dica I stop 

hoxTi'dica I pay 

pihf'dica I shoot 

pci'dica I set fire to 

depole dica I repeat, I do again 

djahe'ndica I rattle 

Tssa'dica I clean 

Tap^'dica I finish 

Tapa'dica I tighten 

TacTu'di-ca I pour on 

t' ehe' ' endicci I change, I make different 

tahe'dica I uncover, I turn over 

ta'p'adica I saddle 

tsya'dica I dry 

tca'dica I harden, I dry fruit 

s'a'l'idica I plough 

s'a's'adica I waste 

soso'dica I write, I mark 

soxi'dico I soften, limber I make 

c'i§'dica I spoil 

cpi'dica I moisten 

cpa'dica I spread 

KecTu'dica I pile up 

k'a'a'duxi I finish 

k'a'fidica I comb 

k-'aradica I include, I put with 

kasa'dica I crash 

lafa'dica I bust open 

2) gfowi' to pass, 
Examples : 

ogaledi'wi I forget 

djika^di'wi I go along 

s'aledi'wi I get down 

s'apo'diwi I set into the ground (plants, fence posts, etc' 

s'adi'wi I fall down 

3) gok^g' to make, 

Examples : 

y'pa'dok'y I sharpen 
hoxrile'dok'f I pay back 
tsotici'dok''^ I make medicine, I doctor 
n:jc/dok'f I draw, picture I make 
sf'sfdoA"V I plead, peace I make 
cado'k'^ farm I make, I farm 
gedok'}' I sharpen, sharp I make 
godjih^'dok'^ I arrest, prisoner I make 
k'a'dok'y I work, something I make 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 349 

4) gokw^' = to put, to send. 
Examples : 

ya'dohw^ I sing 

yub'a'dokw^ I lift, I raise 

yule'dokwf I tie around 

hopale' dokw^ I diminish, I make less 

deki'dokwf I divide, I separate 

Talis' dokiv^ I continue 

Va'dokiv^ I tear 

KecTu' KeTadokw§ I throw in a pile (pile there on I throw) 

k'aka'dokw§ I split 

k'y'hdokw^ I gather, I heap up 

5) goxra' (occurs with compounds only), 

Examples : 

Tcinek'o'nra I take it off 

(Ta'wqwETa I walked on to it, I found, I discovered) 

Ta'wydixTa I appoint 

s^'ldk'adixTa I appreciate, I think well of 

Kedek'a' dixTa I am satisfied 

KElek's'nda I take home 

Kek'o'nda I begin 

k'ahi'dixTa I am pleased, I mind, I count for 

k'atse'dixTa I am proud 

k'ale'dixTa I regard 

ka'ndiTa I climb 

lahek'o'nda I take it out 



Examples of other verbs : 

y'pase'dola I point at 

ondadi'ge I explain (plain I say) 

iveyu'diKy I fry, lard I cook 

ha' 'ado' ^ I neglect 

hopale'diny I fail, (left over I become) 

pele'ive'ra I join 

Tak's'nditE I play ball 

Tale'doxdji I get up 

TaxTole'dip'a I look around 

to'dohy I cover 

tsa'difa I stand 

tsobila dik'a''f I make an agreement 

neledzi' I come back 

s'apo'di'§ I bury, ground under I put 

s'adote' I run off 

s'a'dit'awf I drop 

golane'dow} I feed, something to eat I give 

k'a'dop'a I sew 

kodota' I open 

lahe'dipa I throw away 



350 WAGNER YUCHI 

§ 49. IMPERSONAL VERBS 

These are a small group of verbal stems which express an im- 
personal act or state and can neither take personal nor impersonal 
pronouns. In all other respects, however, they are treated like true 
verbs and can be modified by suffixing. Such verbs are: 

a'ga it reaches pi'he it blasts, it explodes 

2/a''f it is dead djUe' it is said (usually ends a 

ya'sTE it smokes tale) 

2/?' it swells, it boils rf it melts 

yuhe''^ it is strange tse''f it rains 

yu'c'o it is withered srcn/ it bursts 

yucu' it shakes st'a'hi it cracks, it pops 

piyy'cTgcTf' it thunders cra''f it snows 

pele'cTU it spills over gage it soundg 

pac§''{ it is burning kf' the wind whistles 



§ 50. VERBALIZATION 

Nominal stems and particles are transformed into static verbs 
by suffixing the verbalizing element -'f (or rne, see phonology, 
§ 10). This device can be used with all nouns the meaning of which 
can be transformed into a verbal idea. 

Examples : 

tse rain, becomes ise'§' it rains 

Tg'Ta light, becomes Tfrn''^ it is light 

wa summer, becomes waxne it is summer 

weCT^' winter, becomes WECTg'Tne it is winter 

hyto' child, becomes hgto'^qdjin it was a child 

aXKE there, becomes axKe''^ that way (or there) it is 

T£ca' close, becomes reca''^ it is close 

ri inside, becomes Ti''f it is inside 

Ta on, becomes Ta''f it is on 

s'ayab'a''fya if he is a warrior (ya if, see § 62) 148,7 

Although Tne in most cases seems to be a synonym with 'f (see 
phonemes) there are a few cases in which it implies a shghtly different 
meaning; e. g.: 

pndo''^ it is dark, but: pndo'rne it is too dark 

a' me it is too big 

-'f is often suffixed to adjectives, even though adjectives may 
occur as verbs without the verbalizing particle : 
s'ef''f it is httle 42,39 
coco''f it is rotten 162,113 
wexTo''^ it is covered with 142,12 
wihiki''^ it is fierce 142,16 
goyafiU''§ it is fierce 88,46 
hawE^sf^' he is not good 152,34 
hatsihe'^ it is quiet 246,20 
gok'ira''^ it is lonesome 24,16 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN ^.ANGUAGES 351 

§ 51. TEMPORAL SUFFIXES 

Tenses are not very fully developed in Yuchi. As far as they 
find expression they are denoted by a number of verbal suffixes. 

The verbal stem as such without any temporal suffixes generally 
implies the present tense (cp. the suffixes denoting aspects). In 
the past tenses the ideas of incomplete and complete past are 
distinguished. The temporal suffix, however, is not added to every 
verb that stands in the past but, as a rule, only to the last verb in 
the sentence which thus renders the whole sentence in the past 
tense. Outwardly, at least, this position of the past tense suffix 
after the last verb in the sentence gives the impression of an 
enclitic rather than a verbal suffix. 

The forms are : 

(1) -djin, denoting the incomplete past: 

Tala gonf' yon^'nde gonodjin wolf was }iere, fawn also was here 

36,1(2) 
depole' goyaWngng y^pjdjiti again the young man he called 72,26 
ya'd("'bilo'xd)i ke' y^hobil'o we'la'i gok')fedjin the wheel he rolled 

for him, he shot, he went with. (This is a typical example of a 

sentence in the past with several verbs of which only the last 

one takes the temporal suffix) 74,28 

(2) -dji'nfwa, denotes the complete past, corresponding closely 
to the English pluperfect; e. g. : 

hghgle dodedj i' nfwa after she had caught them 86,41 
WE.odji'nfwa they had climbed 104,43 
WE.oxTe'djinfwa she had put him there 148,7 

Verbs denoting a static idea usually take -dji'nfwa in the past 
tense, the past in a static verb being always complete : 

Ka' XKadjinfwa (he) was a white (man) 154,51 
axKsledji'njwa right there it was 164,125 
ncCwECedji'nfwa they were not dead 104,43 
gohaha''§dj€nfwa they were very old 88,46 
pewe' djidj injwa she was sitting on 40,23 

When dji'nfwa is followed by the habitual suffix -we (see § 54) 
it changes to djinfa' : 

WEwaha'djinfa'ne they used to be many 246,2 
K3hEn^djinfa'nE they used to be there 264,30 
hgk'a' yugwadjinf a' tie they had been discussing 268,23 
KahE^hadjmfa'nE they used to be there 272,19 
WExridj I nfa' HE happened to be his name 282,30 
a XKernE^ dj infa nE it had been that way 308,88 

In some cases -djin is added to -dji'nfwa, so that the whole suffix 
becomes -djinfwadji'n; e. g. : 

go'ladjmfwadji'n (the disease) it had spread 248,10 
yudjiha'djmjwadjin they happened to be Yuchi 260,7 



352 WAGNEE YUCHI 

Kefadjinfwadji'n he happened to be standing there 282,35 
k'at'£'l3 yfwadjmjwadji'n few only they were left 248,9 
k'a'Tawgdjinfivadji'n chance it had been 330,84 
wnvado''^djinjwadjin she had been dead 326,7 

The suf fixation of -djin seems to lend emphasis to the past. In 
some cases it has the idiomatic meaning of "it happened to have 
been", or "it must have been." 

(3) djigo', denotes the aspect of uncertainty in the complete 
past: "may have been". The second part of the compound is 
identical with the potential suffix -go (see § 53). 

dji'le ga'nt'e diti/djigo' at that time person I may have been 20,2 

dip'adjigo' (In Tuskegee) I may have been born 20,3 

wiwado' djigo' she may have been dead 20,5 

aXKETnedjigo' it may have been that way 26,17 

hindiong^ djigo' they may have thought 244,4 

k'aki' s^'le KdTnjladjigo'la something good they may have done 

but (-la but, see § 61) 254,17a 
Keh^'kadjigo^la they may have been here but. . . 264,30 
na'i'kjga Icide'^dji-go' not too long it may have been 288,4 
aXKe'Tnddjigo'la it may ha\e been that way but .... 190,19 
axKicTale' la^de'endjigo' at that time it may have been 344,3 

The future tense is indicated by two devices. The first one that 
is most frequently employed consists of lengthening, nasalizing and 
stressing the last syllable of the verbal stem; e. g. : 

iveTa' I go becomes werq' I shall go 

dicri' I dance becomes dicTi I shall dance 

dotc'wa' I hear becomes dotc'wq I shall hear 

neledzi' I come back becomes nsledzi' I shall come back 

While this stress more properly denotes the intention and 
hencewith the immediate future with an active verb, the idea of 
the remote future is expressed by a special suffix, e'le; e. g. : 

aiola'eledji'n she would surely run off 320,15 

ditsa'e'le I shall sleep, I have to sleep 

diwato'e'le I shall die 

With impersonal verbs the future tense is denoted by the potential 
suffix -go (see § 53); e. g.: 

tse'^gg' it may (will) rain 
CTa'egg' it may snow 

All other temporal ideas are expressed by independent particles, 
see § 66. 



§ 52. PLURAL STEMS 

A formal distinction of a verbal singular and plural by changes 
of the stem is limited to a few exceptional cases : 
hyla' he goes, changes to : 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 353 

nyfe' we go 
<?/£' you go 
h^/ie they go (cp. § 35) 

hq'q' he is here, changes to : 
neha' we are here 
qha' you are here 
h^'ha they are here 

di'wi I am lost, changes to : 
nyya' we are lost 
qya' you are lost 
hyya' they are lost 

A peculiarity of these three verbs is that they can form an 
inclusive dual by the prefixing of the pronoun q (otherwise first 
person inclusive plural) to the singular stem. Thus we have: 

jla' we two go 

?/e' we (incl. plural) go 

nqfe we (excl. plural) go 

A parallel formation of an exclusive dual by prefixation of nq- 
to the singular stem is apparently not possible. 

§ 53. MODAL SUFFIXES 

With the exception of the infinitive (see the indefinite pronoun 
go-, § 34) the modality of the verb is expressed by suffixes. The 
following forms can be distinguished: 

1. Indicative, 

2. Imperative, 

3. Exhortative, 

4. Emphatic, 

5. Potential, 

6. Ability. 

Indicative : 

The indicative mood is simply denoted by the stem itself without 
the suffixing of any formal elements. 
Imperative : 

In both direct and indirect speech the imperative mood is 
expressed by the suffix -nq. e. g.: 

tcu'e'Tidzoxdjiny' get with me into the boat! 78,11 

tse'a' yudong' reach for me! 102,28 

na^tse'at'ang' do not turn me loose! 102,31 

Ee''agng' you lie there! 16,19 

ho' waa' solang^ leave them for me! 154,44 

tsek'a'da alang' together with me put them! 170,13 

Eele' no^ndzek'anlang' home take us! 260,4 

nas'asetelanj' do not let her run off! 320,14 

Talega' k'a^hang' study hard! 336,123 

hohjle'ng catch him! 126,76 



354 WAGNEK YUCHI 

Indirect speech : 

y^flane'ny she should do ! 8,20 
h^lanen/ they shall use 162,96 

Exhortative : 

The Exhortative is expressed by the suffix -wq : 

k'ala' fkt'w} he'yjgwadjin something let us eat, he said 62,2 
hodjuTa'wy they shovild listen (he said) 68,16 
yula'ade'wg he shall go around, let him go aroimd 72,17 
yh'a'k^ontE'wy let us play together (he said) 74,30 

Exception : 

n^fe'na let us go! 246,14 

Emphatic : 

The emphatic suffixes -hg and -wa are used idiomatically and can, 
therefore, only be roughly defined. The range of their meaning 
will come out most clearly by giving a list of examples : 

hele yyce dodeh^' all he had killed already 116,25 

y^gwadji'hy that he said 118,10 

dihy' I! 52,15 

Kehg' now! 16,19 

nendjahg' you said, you did say! 164,123 

hggu'dhg' he did say ! 62,9 

h^'d'^ulziohfle'nedji'hg he used to catch you 64,9 

ditsdh/ (very poor we were) I had said 258,41 

wecTic'i§PE''^h} they were very angry 260,48 

diyagwadode hj I told already 262,21 

na'i'le ngdi'hy but we 266,12 

di'yghg'hhhg' I was very hungry (le very) 300,11 

ho7vri'ega'hy he was too mean! (ga too, see § 55) 320,12 

nodega'hf they were too many! 348,33 

In some cases hq changes to -yg (ya) : 

a^digeyq I do say 268,29 

Kedoxdji' yq I am going to stay here! 252,1 



hitsawa' (old arrow) I fovmd! 40,29 

yu^spjoa polecat! (she said) 44,7 

nadze'Ttijc^'iua not you should imitate me (I told you) 48,13 

tSEfi^'wa you also (not a thing you can do) 110,30 

s'apoW hgdjiwa' imder the ground they are going (he called) 60,4 

a'langwa' make it (he said), (ny imperative, see § 53) 74,40 

Potential : 

The potential mood is expressed by the suffix -go : 
diwado'go I may die 94,45 
hgwado'go he may be dead 58,18 
we' yusT{,'go you may be lying to us 64,5(1) 
haXKc'^go'la it may be that way but (la but, see § 61) 22,9 
7iayukg'lE ny'ladE'^go' not long it may be! 284,8 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN ESTDIAN LANGUAGES 355 

In a few cases -go is suffixed to a noun which occurs in a predi- 
cative sense: 

wetsagowa' go opossi.uTi, maybe 42,3 

When -go denotes future possibility it occurs nasalized and 
stressed (cf. § 51): 

s^Tnegg' = senerne'gf you may see her 306,76 
dol'il'iTegy' I may write 328,61 

Ability : 

The ability of action (I can) is expressed by the suffix -te: 

na' Ke^^dieaTe not that way I can do 134,17 

ruiwela'TE they could not find her 40,22 

'yapil'o'xdji hahi'dawep'a' TE the wagon they could not pull up 

the bank 270,8 
KEygJETE they could go there 248,17 
na'ngdzaga'xTs not enough for us it would be 286,17 
k'ala' KEwgdjiTE'ndji something that one could buy 256,29 

In some cases the potential suffix -go and -re occur in com- 
bination, thus rendering the idea of a subjunctive: 

na'a'ditsaXT3go' I could not say, I cannot possibly say 288,1 
gok'iTa''^ songTEgo' lonesome you might be, you can possibly be 

298,3 
awE''ngTEgo' they might be there 334,123 

§ 54. ASPECTS 

Only a very few of the various verbal aspects are expressed by 
formal devices, most of them being denoted by independent 
adverbials. 

The distributive and reiterative are expressed by reduplication 
while the durative and the habitual are formed by suffixing formal 
elements. 

Distributive : 

WEk'ofaVa he zigzagged around 46,7 

WE^sosos^'djin she was beautifully spotted 36,2(2) 

ahs'hggaga^' they roamed about 168,151 

gongwf'w§ they were two by two 276,48 

PEXPElEtcadjin they jiunped over here and there 278,51 

tcaUxC ygdEya'bg they threw themselves into the water here and 

there 40,22 
aliEhE'hadjin (the clouds) were there in spots 330,78 

In the last two examples the locative prefix is reduplicated 
instead of the stem. 

Reiterative : 

WEk'gwEdEdE they talked with them 104,45 
WE'jafa he whipped 10,30 

k'ala' hgtc'wa'tc'wa na'ndE k'ala' hgtnEtnE' something they heard and 
then something they saw (again and again) 26,20 



356 WAGNER YITCHI 

yucucu' it was shaking 250,3 

wss'is'i^wela' they cut into pieces 40,31 

we' papa he cut up (into pieces) 100,10 

yyTiti' they kept asking 208,1 

wek'a' yygivagwa he was talking now and again 208,2 

dolH'l'i I write (I scratch repeatedly) 

Durative : 

The Durative or continuative is indicated by the suffix la- : 

yffe'la- they kept going 76,3 

wegwala' she was saying 102,21 

yticucu'ki- (pines) they were shaking 146,22 

weST^la-' he was swimming 106,52 

djik'a'weyala- they were going along 106,54 

ya'okw^la- he was singing 170,16 

goygTne'la- he kept looking at 64,11 

Sometimes the durative is expressed by -ge : 

ya'okw^ge he was singing 106,56 
aog^'ge she was coming 102,21 
wedji'gs as they were going 

Habitual : 

The habitual is expressed by the suffix -7ie (cf. the nominahzing 
suffix § 25) : 

ygge'nedjin they used to say 24,10 

gowane' weha'hane quilts they used to wear 24,17 

wexTale' ygdelane'dji he used to appear 28,23 

ci(fcane^he'ny lie'ril'me' the boys they used to scratch 244,8 

hsndits'ene I used to think 254,17 a 

adoxTEne'djin I used to stay there 254,21 

hgd3ta'n£ they used to want 264,31 

hghene he would take a bath (from a description of an annual 
tribal ceremony) 278,54 

h^k'cme' he uses 280,12 

honvixdzo^am' he used to ask us 286,24 

hggenedji'n they used to call (him) 292,37 



§ 55. COMPAEISON 
Comparison in static verbs and adjectives is expressed by suffixes : 

1) -ga, denotes "too", "very",: 

nadehe'si s^'ga not much too good 280,6 

s'atsafaga' it is too hot 280,8 

hicahiga' too hot 284,1 

ts'asTaga'djmfwa too sliallow it had been 304,45 

honri'sga-'hy he was too mean 320,12 

nyVa^gadjin we stopped entirely 338,5 

yub'a'ga too high 334,119 

2) -le, denotes "very", "quite", "fairly", "rather", and sometimes 
also the superlative : 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 357 

hiki'le very fierce 182,12 

h'aXTE'wec'i^'lewdn) the poorest horse 126,76 
Tatcya'U very hard 246,15 
Tapa'ls very strong 22,9 
axTsle' (quite) enough 42,39 

3) -P£"f, denotes the superlative: 
il^pe''^ very big 246,16 
tcaxps''^ very strong 270,7 

go'nfe hgwahape''^ people they were very many 272,17 
tsec'oxPE'^djm I was very tired. 288,7 



§ 56. INTERROGATIVE SUFFIXES 

In direct speech the interrogative form of the verb is expressed 
by the suffix -h: 

hytsa'h does he sleep ? 

h^nerne'h do you see him ? 

necTi'h do you dance ? 

k'alaccfta'h do you want to eat (Ht.: something you eat-want- 

interrog. suf.) 
qdza'ld a'ndja 'a'a'djg you sleep interog. suf. — you said — you 
have come ? = you said you have come to sleep here ? 12,4 

If the question is negative the interrogative is suffixed to the 
negative prochtic (see § 59): 

tiale' hgnexne' don't you see him ? 
nale' hgdjidji'n didn't he go ? 

The suffix -yi is used when the interrogative implies the future : 

n^kila'yi how shall we escape ? 14,10 
wahe'e nyla'yi what shall we do ? 
wa'fa ffs'yi where shall we go ? 
wahe' lat'eng'yi how much shall it be ? 

These cases seem to be exceptional, for, as a rule, there is no 
interrogative suffix when the sentence begins with an interrogative 
pronoun (as wahe', wafa' etc.). 



§ 57. INSTRUMENTAL PREFIX 

The idea of instrumentality in connection with active verbs is 
not differentiated as to the particular instruments or means of 
doing something. It finds its only expression in a prefix of very 
general character : hi- which establishes the relation between the 
implied or mentioned "instrument" and the verb; e. g.: 

yglH' hi'dok'f knife I make with 
ya'hi'dok'g stick I make (it) with 
diKe'ha hi'dok'y my teeth I do (it) with 

24 



358 WAGNER YrCHI 

Examples from the texts : 

s'a'xdji hityuhi' T)'Ta hVoxpa the earth all over light it was filled 

with 6,18 
tse'co hirahaleda water moss I eat with only (spare my teeth) ( rada 

I eat, cp. § 35) 154,44 
czi'wone' k'axTane'e hi'dok'y fish-pole I did it with 252,5 
k'aso gek'a yup'ane ggcins' hiding' playing cards poor I became 

with 118,5 

In the following cases hi- simply expresses the relation to the 
object : 

nak'akiKdTne Jndop'a' nothing of that kind I was looking for 

316.163 
s'a doh}C('dji naValn' hi'dok'i land that I had bought not a thing 

I got for 354,101 
hoda'' ts£ k'a'^ hi'dip'adjin wind rain together I was born from 

104,46 

(cp. the impersonal pronoun hi-, § 40). 

hi- has entered into such a close connection with many verbs 

that together with the verbal stem it has formed a verbal compound 

of a stereotyped meaning : 

hiding'cg I make signs hi'do'o'nda I know 

hi'dica I steal hido'ondale' I recognize, I know 

hi'dipilah^ I chase away again 

hi'dipa I paint hidoha' I wait for 

hi'dipciT^' I lock hidop'a' I expect, I look for 

hi'difa I pound hidopf' I mend, I patch 

hi' dime I measure hi'dofy I stop somebody 

hi'dit'§ I hide something hido'Ttia I try 

hidita''a I depend on hidornsc^' I expect, I hope 

hi'dity) I help hidotyg' I forbid 

hi'ditce I lean against hi'dotwa I spit on 

hi'dise I possess hi'dosri I deceive, I cheat 

hi'dixTa I hold something hi'dosra I spread out, I sprawl 

hi'dixTg I supervise hidoki' I suspect 

hi'dixto I go with hidok'}' I use 

hi'dil'f I wrap hidolo' I singe 

hi'dila I trace 

§ 58. LOCATIVE PREFIXES 

Direction in the verb is expressed by prefixes^ which have a fixed 
position before the personal pronouns. Only a few locative ideas, 
however, are expressed by these prefixes, the others being denoted 
by independent particles: 

^ In the texts these prefixes have sometimes been erroneously suffixed 
to nouns since their position between noun and verb left some uncertainty 
as to their character (see § 22). A thorough analysis, however, has shown 
that the locatives treated in this section exclusively occur as verbal prefixes. 
Direction in the novui can only be expressed by the suffixes dealt with in 
§ 29 and by independent particles, § 65. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAI^ INDIAN LANGUAGES 359 

(1) a-, Ke, apparently synonymous, denote general static location: 

here, there: 

nji'n? Ke'e' creek was lying there 22,10 
Kenehe^nedji'n we used to stay there 26,19 
Bengfsdji'Tne that we went there 22,6 
KETo'nedjin I used to be there 244,4 
Kewe'henedjmivE'n^ those that used to be there 248,7 
KEweha' xdji where they live 316,12 
KexEe'ha (the houses) they were there 248,21 
go'nt'e Kewe'ng people they were here 250,10 
KeTf'dji I was here 417,6 
ke yg'gdjt'n they were lying there 14,14 

ahe'dd aneha'djm there we lived 24,13 
a'yggadjt'n they got there 24,17 
angfene'djtn we used to go there 246,13 
aneng' we were there 246,19 
na^'aditadjt'n not there I wanted 246,19 
a'xdjidji'njwa it happened to be there 286,17 

Verbal compounds with a- : 

a'dioxTs I keep, I put there n'dits'^ I think 

adi'wi I come off a'diga I get there, I reach 

n'diw§ I luitie a'do'§ I care 

a'dipg I take off a'dohg I reach 

a'dip'a I glance a'doxTs I stay there 

a'dide I have been there a'doge I mean it, I call it 

a'dit'aw^' I deliver, I turn over ndzg' I come 

a'ditsa I say 

Verbal compounds with ee- : 

Kediya'bg I throw Ke'digo I send (somebody) 

Kedi'wi I pass, I go by Ke'dotwa I spit 

Ee'dip'a I look over Kedosreng' I scatter 

Rs'difa I stand there Kerg' I am here 
Ke'ditcya I jump 

(2) ri-, denotes "inside" (any hollow object) : 

tg"'p'ahocdu' Tihg'gdjinfwa gourd shell in she had put (them) 86,41 

yuTu'kw^ = yuri'ivekw^ house she put in 38,6 

ralaong' Tiyg're wolf she put in 38,6 

axKe caicpi' Tu'xdji (contraction of riwe) there black snake was 

in 100,10 
yayri'dji ya'kab'a' Ti'wsk'gla the fire hollow tree in he went with 

46,10 
dila'' Ti' odzio' XTE block they put me in 36,4 

Verbal compounds with tI- : 

ridi'wi I enter, I go in 
Ti'difa I wear, I am in 
ridit.h^' I pull 

24* 



360 WAGNER YFCHI 

(3) /'o-, denotes: "inside the earth" and "under the water": 
la'c'u f'ow^' arrow they stuck into the ground 18,24 
j'o'o'k'yla he went into the water with 234,5 
/'ole'ygfe back luider the water they went 234,8 
f'owe'ra (contracted to f'o'da) I dive 

(4) tea-, tcya-, denotes "into the water" and "in the water": 

tcahe' in the water 40,21 
tcyciTa I go into the water 
tcya'dokw^ I throw into the water 
tcya'ditcya I wade in the water 
tcadji' it was in the water 

(5) ra-, denotes: "on", "on top of": 

s'ayub'a' Ta'wela'' hill on top of she went 38,16 

k'ala' a'aXTaofa ony things that are standing on earth 6,18 

na't'e s'axTalehe'nf not one (that) should be on the ground 10,30 

Tahe'g they put on 258,40 

b'axTe' wexTang'dji horse we were sitting on 278,1 

yuda'c'i Ta'sefa door she stood at 318,4 

Verbal compounds with ra-: 

TodiwETe' I complain ra'ditca I step on 

Ta'difa I get on Ta'diVjKE I push on 

(6) -po-, denotes: "under": 

p'o'a'k'antcofe (when they dance) take them in there with 88,43 
tci'cane tca'la p'o'xdjidjcnfwa a red rat happened to be under 

there 106,56 
nehi^Taba' p'o'we'/ your wings under put us 260,4 
yaha p'o'wedadjin into the woods I went 318,169 

(7) kya-, denotes: through any object or through a distance: 

kiawela'i'xTE he could shoot tlirough 160,93 
kyale'dica just little over I reached 20,6 
k'ala' kya^wedac^'ha things that I have gone through 286,26 
kya'helade'^go' longer time it may have been 262,15 
rwihoda' kya'tcare haXKe'hfla not air through could pass that way 
they make 266,9 

Verbal compounds with kya-: 

kya'difa I follow kya'ga fluently, to the end 

kya'diga I catch up with 

(8) la-, denotes: "out" of any object: 

hoda' la'tc<i wind jumped put 88,44 

yufa' yfcTfla'weki the house she shut, out she went 38,7 

ca'ony la'wetcaha'le the snake as soon as she came out 100,10 

tsia'hende lao'wi when it was dry he went out 46,10 

Ti'sTa Ke'dji axKe'polawe'wi flat rock was there, under there out 

she (would) come 160,91 
a^^Ke'lahotcia'' there she jumped out 164,117 



HANDBOOK OF AMEKICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 361 

Verbal compounds with ia- : 
lahek'a'nda I take it out 
la'dip'a I peep out 
la'ditca I jump out 
la'dokw§ I pour out 

(9) PS-, denotes: "above" or "over" any object: 

pewedjih/ she was up there 38,21 

p^we'djidji'njwa she had been up there 40,23 

s'a'daga rala' pele'wEk'g' four mountains over they ran 36,4 

Verbal compounds with pe: 
PEWe'da I go up 
pe'dong I conquer, I overcome 

(10) yu-, denotes "up in the air": 

k'ala yu.jwe'ny things that fly 
yu'T£ he flew 

yula'oTed'ji'n he flew around 
yub'a'ogg she came up 

Verbal compounds with yu- : 
yuwe'ra I grow 

yuWE'ladica I grow (trans.), I make grow 
yub'a'dokw^ I lift, I raise something 
yup'ap'ah' ditca I jump up and down 
yudi'TE I fly 
yu'dica I hurt somebody 

(11) ya-, denotes "across", "to the other side": 

Ta'pi ngng yjge ya'ngla salt-creek they call across he went 288,7 
ngng'e' ya'ngfe across the creek we went 294,14 
k'ala' hg'a yahe'hgk'gdjidji'n something he carried, across he was 
taking 270,9 

§ 59. NEGATION 

The verbal complex is rendered negative by prefixing 7ia- or 
ha- which are synonymous and freely interchangeable (see phono- 
logy, § 10; also § 28). 

Examples : 

na'ditadjin not I wanted 254,16 

'yapil'o'xdji hahirawep'a'Te the wagon they could not pull up with 

(ha- negative, hi- instriunental, ra- locative, we- pronoun, 

p'a stem, -re suffix, denoting ability) 
ha^wegoTnese''^ they were not many 248,11 
na'hoyurndq he did not know 110,20 

In some cases na- occurs as a proclitic, preceding the first element 
of the sentence which it thus renders negative: 

na'tcyago'la gg'"'padi'ne gelale'reha'^'h not into the water to go 
fingerring could have been foimd (by going into the water 
the fingerring could not have been found) 120,27 



362 WAGNER YUCHI 

nayg'wg wstadjin not they give they wanted (not they wanted to 

give) 116,26 
natcya' ditcya ditadji'n not into the water I jump I wanted (I did 

not want to jump into the water) 262,21 
na^dzet'f' hggo^Tne not my father he lives (my father does not live) 

316,167 
nadehesi hyyuTndq not much they know 264,30 
nasghg'd9 angla'ndji gd'nt'e a^hgngdzogwadji'n not all the time that 

we go there the people they said to us (they said to us that we 

should not go there all the time) 266,18 

§§ 60—63. D. Enclitics 

§ 60. INTRODUCTOKY 

The coordinative and subordinative relation between two clauses 
and a word and a clause is expressed by a number of verbal enclitics. 
However, as will be seen from the following discussion only a few 
conjunctive ideas are expressed by the formal device of enclisis 
while in the majority the conjunction is an independent particle 
(see § 67). 

§ 61. COORDINATIVE ENCLITICS 
-lahy' therefore, and so 
-ya'hj therefore, and so (after negation) 
-de and, also 
-h'nde only and then 
-la but 

-lahq', denotes the illative :"therefore", "and so",: 
Eenefa'lahg you are standing here and so. . . . 134,16 
ygge'lahg ygwage' he told (her) and so she hiuited 42,38 
ygge'lahy cug^k'g'weng rao'wi they said and so the fish with sharp 

teeth ran against him 106,53 
k'ala'k'al^EiTne kyawedac^'ha diyagwaHahg' k'ala' nsxKe'^'ha 

di'yagwa things whatever kind that I have gone through I 

told; therefore things these kinds I am telhng 286,26 
na^diyagwa' Eewilahg' di''yagwa (things) I did not tell, (I) left out 

and so I am telling them (now) 352,75 

wekw§lahg' f'swela'dji they sent (him) and so down into the water 

he went 4,7 
wexri'e' yg\ine'lnhg' wexti'e' weyugwctdji'n (for) his name he asked 

and so his name he told 156,57 
gocrineha' hoyuTnda''flahg' gok'a'da hgcTi'djm the dances he knew, 

therefore he was with them, he danced 278,54 

-ya'hg, denotes the illative "therefore", "and so" after a negative 
sentence : 

'yaxTicaHeha'de tui^goTneya'hg ya'xri pa^hgogene xapaledjin 

matches also did not exist, therefore fire to make burn was 
very hard 258,38 
na't'e a'hono'ndzo'^ya'hg ng'o^ntaha' nek'g' no-one took care of us 
and so oiu- hands we used 320,5 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 363 

nadzef^' hggo^rneya'hg na^'adita' lie'honddgwadjin my father does 
not live, therefore not there I want (to go) I said to hini316,167 

nahidd' Sunday a' hg g'wgheng'h s(l'§tcine' hgdio'k'onedjin (prayers) 
I did not know and therefore others only prayers they made 
for themselves 264,29 

Sometimes -ya'Ji^ stands at the end of a sentence, apparently 
without establishing the connection with the following sentence. 
Its meaning then is not clear. Examples : 

Ka XKawe'ng Jia^ wegornese' ' ^ dji'yahg the white people they were 

not very many at that tmie 248,11 
na'fa k'ala' hggwadjiya'hg (he may have been glad) never a thing 

he said 302,29 
ca^ngng'e' yufa' nayukg'h holaya'hg the snake-creek the house not 

far from it was 435,7 
nago^nt'de' hglc'a^ hfiTsya' hg no other person conld take care of him 

336,135 

-de, occurs as a copulative of words: "and", "also": 

Tula' gong' ts'ont'a'de gonodji'n wolf was here, terrapin also (and 

terrapin) was here 36,1(1) 
yone'nde and the fawn 36,1(2) 
yg'yaxKci^dji'de her dress also 296,34 
k'asoso'a^dji'de the bible also 328,64 
yaka's'de the war-stick also 162,104 
tse'ds you also 96,13 

-le'ndd, is a contraction of the conjunctions -Is = only, and 
he'nde = and then (see independent particles): 

s'ao'wihelE'ndd when he falls only then. . . . 144,5 
agehe'lendd (the appomted day) when it reached only then. . . 

178,51 
WE^g'helE7id9 (the big logs) when they put only then. . . . 344,7 

-la, denotes the disjunctive conjunction "but": 

yudjiha' 'hong era' ha s'a^ xrahgfadjigo'la dgTehe'lehgfa the Yuchi 

first he may have been standing on earth but he was backward 

164,122 
got'eng'ha ncdat'e'ga ra'tcia hgladjigo'la went'eng' ra'tcia hglanedji' 

hggwadji'n the man not too much hard they may have treated 

but the woman hard that they used to treat they said 178,52 
hohondjigo'la (many people) it may have taken but (it did not 

take us) 248,14 
s^'le K3Tng^ladjigo'la something good they may have done but 

(at that time I did not think so) 254,17a 
axKETiiddjigo'la it may have been that way but (I did not know) 

290,19 

-la occurs often combined with one of the subordinative enclitics 
-% and -dji (see § 62 b) ; e. g. : 

hi'le WE^xtsafa'la wa'hang'ng ruCwextsa'de all they slept but the old 

woman she could not sleep 14,7 
na.oyu'rndqfa'la wekw^^lahg' (whether he could get there) he did 

not know but they sent him 4,8 



364 WAGNEK YUCHI 

Kenehafaht •ncisen^dzio't'adjin (we had hard times) we were there 

but she did not leave us 286,16 

cp. also: 244,10, 298,49, 340,20 
wa^Tnene'tveng wek'awene' k'a't'eivengdji'la ygceh' the women 

sisters many they were but he killed (them) 116,21 
na'fa weditnedji'hi never I had seen her but (that time I saw her) 

288,14 

dotc'wanedji'la I had heard about it but 308,87 

yiidingividji'la we came into the house but (what they did I do not 

know) 322,19 

§ 62. SXTBOBDINATIVE ENCLITICS 

(a) Subordination of one sentence to another: 

List of enclitics : 

-ya I na- ..-le before 

-fa'la i if -dode after 

-'ne'ha > -djile' everytime when 

-r? I ... -to whether 

-TE I "^ ® -Jui'he where 

-he when 

The copulative conjunction "if" is expressed by three enchtics: 
-ya, -fala and -'ne'fm which are synonymous: 

-ya- 

na'Ke'fca' ya neha'e'wi' if you do not do so your life will be lost 

122,31 
gowetso'we'ng KexKEweha'^^ya the intermarried ones if there were 

(any) 180,8 
tsotifa' 'nahykia''aya' the medicine if they do not take care of (it 

would overcome them) 182,11 
ah'negaya na'fa gok'a' xrgny na'f'h gonek'axrg'ya depole' neng' if 

(when) you get home never marry but if you marry again you 

will die 54,22 
ahk'o'ntsgya if I come back with (dirty water will come to the 

surface) 4,7 
k'alf'n} s'ayab'a''§ya whoever was a warrior = whatever person 

if he was a warrior 148,7 
Esdjifa'ya (something) if going on (they would get there) 284,7 
agat'e' neli'ya one day if it comes (the end would be there for us) 

284,11 
sW^la'de'^ya if he lies down (the pole-carriers would punch him) 

278,52 

-fa'la : 

k'al^'hs go'nVE a'odEfa'la wherever person if he comes (they would 

call for him) 180,10 
hgk'a'xTQ k'gja'la his wife if (he) had (he was not allowed to sleep 

with) 56,31 
tse'ha gop'Efa'la water if one chinks (it is very salty) 250,22 

-''ne'lia : 

yti'ahE' k')l9hyje''nEha' big house when (if) they gathered 178,2 
WE'ygivE'ny hgt'wa''n£ha' the deer if he killed (only the hide he took 
off) 52,4 



HANDBOOK OF AMEEICAK INDIAN LANGUAGES 365 

la hgTawi''neha' bullet if he was hit by (strong things were forbidden 
for him) 54,28 

s^Pe''fnelui if very good 152,35 

go^nt'eng' hgwa'do'nelui' person if he dies (they bathe him) 174,32 

TaHega' goxri't'fneJia' too hard if one pulls (deeper they go into 
the ground) 62,7 

pado^'neha' if it (was) dark (they were afraid) 26,19 

hondik'ada^tifTneha' if I would stay with him (he would buy red 
boots for me) 256,24 

MHsTneha' if all (gone) 258,37 

k'ala' go'nVe s'at'a'wfnElKi' something person if he drops (the pole- 
carriers would take it) 278,53 

nsxKE yopfdji'neha' here if you stay (would you not run off ?) 302,28 

The copulative conjunction "while" or "as" is expressed by the 
synonymous enclitics -rj and Te: 
-T^ : 

Taoja'Tg ya xdju wefa'e' wekilg' while he was standing on the 

branch that he hit he missed it 256,34 
Kefa'Tg yub'a'fa gohqTDns' a'hggwa' while standing there high 
above the life-ruler he said 268,29 

ahs'neng'Tg xa' xkcl aoga'' while we were there a white 

man he came there 312,134 

Keweha'rg tse' ciga tssxTciwi' while they were there dirty water 
came to the surface 4,9 

-re; -de: 

Kedji'ds while (he was) sitting there (he thought) 88,52 
wedji'de while they were going (one of them grew tired) 102,20 
gok'gjs'de wedabal^' while they were going with he grew strong 54,21 
ahehendji'dE tso'Ka hit'et'e'h s'a^hg'§' as they were going grass one 

by one they put down 168,147 
gok'fJia'dd while they were there with him (they filed his teeth 

154,44 
wextsaW we'hade wecsdjin in their sleep while they were they died 

140,7 

-he, denotes "when". It is the by far most frequently used con- 
junction : 

hgk'g'fehs when they went with her 22,8 
noga'he when he got there 62,8 
yg'tc'wahe when they heard 66,19 
nendjihe' when we went 262,20 
dikygwg'he when I think 284,11 
pa'dohe when (it was) night 290,23 

In a few cases -le takes the meaning of "when"; e. g.: 

hi'tne EEWsra'h Is' fa 'yuhe'fa na^ditnEdji'n when I first went I had 

not seen that house 254,9 
KEng'ld when he was here (yet) 246,23 

The conjunction "before" is expressed by the prefix na- (ha-) 
and the enclitic -le ^ : 



1 The literal meaning is perhaps not yet ; 



366 WAGNER YTJCHI 

has''^spi^la'le before we went to the clean ground 276,45 

ha'hgyuK^'la before he told 322,15 

na'hyyuTnda'le before he knew 262,23 

nawe' yahle before he hit 40,28 

hak'ala^hgla'le before they eat 176,46 

naPEC^'weda'h before I go further 290,35 

The conjunction "after" is expressed by the enchtic -dode' or 
-dodshe' after, when : 

hghgle'dod£'djinfwa after she had caught them 86,41 

nqcTidode' ngtsane' after we dance we sleep 14,12 

s'a'xdji k^a'adode'he the earth after it was made 6,13 

henl'i'dode after they had scratched him 148,6 

hi'le KcTnidodchs' all after it was done that way 152,33 

weKe'ha yo" "'badode' his teeth after they filed 154,44 

weladodE'he after he had gone 162,109 

wewaha'le Kewidode'he after many summers had passed 22,7 

gocTup'o' Kewidode'he small pox after it had passed 248,18 

goatsane k'y^hongdode' trial after it had been made 252,14 

k'ala'radode'he after I had eaten 254,11 

le'dji Kewidode'he that after it had passed 262,10 

gowe'ddne Ke'^dode'he talk after he had made 272,20 

In some cases -dode' takes the meaning of "aheady": 

nehelidode' (what has been forecasted) it has already come 286,12 
di'ya'gu'adodeh/ I have already told 300,16 

The conjunction "everytime", "everytime when" is expressed 
by the enchtic -dji'le : 

na'goTne hygivcidji'le there is none everytime she said 42,38 

ygs'endji'le everytime they bite (the meat said "I suck") 102,17 

yub'a'oxweTit§'djiHe everytime they pull her up 102,34 

KecTqladji'le every once in a while 106,58 

Kehenodji'le when they were here (yet) 178,1 

ygfedji'le everytime they go 12,2 

s'axTale' weKgdji'le everytime they come to the siu-face 152,30 

ngf ens' dji'le everytime we used to go 262,15 

ahggadji'h everytime they came 274,31 

agadji'h everj^time it comes 336,129 

Tasele' wep'adjile one side everytime she chopped 18,27 

Sometimes -dji'le means "but" and "while" : 

na' kohgfha' hggwadji'le kohy't'ha not he (should) open she had said 

but he opened 88,49 
nagolane' hggwa'^dji'lE not to eat they said but (they are very good 

to eat) 112,43 
we'ya^gwadji'le she told but (it was not so) 306,64 
k'a^ soggrane' he do'xdjidji'le while I stayed at school 328,64 
p'a'l'§ goxdjidji'le while he was cliief 250,6 

Suffixed to a numeral -dji'le means "at that time": 

we'i^ct'e'a't'e i^ct'^bifa'' kVxTala'dju i'cTuxra'wi dji'le summer 
one thousand eight hundred eighty one at that time 20,2 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 367 

The conjunction "whether" is expressed by the enclitic -to: 

a'weyogwadjit'o' whether you told him 62,17 

hywons'to whether he used to fish 280,10 

h^k'onet'o' whether he uses 280,12 

k'al^'he ana'gto' wherever whether we have been (if he said) 286,24 

nas'a^nt.heret'o' would you not run off ? 302,28 

esIe' wedzek'^latg' dji back that they might go with me . . . 308,84 

hgditnens'to whether I had seen him (she asked) 322,24 

ahe ditarento' whether I would want to go (he asked) 334,120 

di'yagwa' lade'^Wet'o' whether I would tell (they thought) 350,66 

The conjunction "where" is expressed by -ha'hs: 

'yu'cidjiha'he where the town is (it was close by) 330.86 
yuhe' afa'cflia'he the house where it had stood 128,97 
adit'a'djiha'hE (it may have been eight or nine miles to) where I 

wanted to go 254,19 
ahg't'ahahe' where they were to bury him (they took him there) 

316,155 

Probably -hahe is a compound of the enclitic -ha (see § 62 b) and 
-he = locative suffix, (see § 29). 

(b) Subordination of a clause to a word, and of one verb to 
another verb : 
List of enclitics : 

-c§ -dji 

-fa -ha 

-'e 

animate classifiers: 

-ng, -W37iy' , he'tig, we'ny etc. 

-cf , denotes the attributal relation of the verb to the antecedent. 
It corresponds to the English relative pronoun. The relation is 
made specific by suffixing one of the classifying elements: -fa, 
-'s, -dji, -ha, etc. : 

k'ala' wegwac^' ha things that he had said 44,20 
ya'p§hgivelac§'hgng he who had climbed the tree 108,11 
yuhe' afa'c§ha'hs the house where it had stood 128,97 
Kehgfec§''E (the way) that they had gone. In this case the ante- 
cedent "the way" to which CB''e refers is only implied 168,145 
k'al^'fa hgfec^'dji whichever way that they had gone 168.148 
di'xdji axKe djic^' haXKE oxkeIe' djidj i n the rock where it liad been 

(before) right there again it was 142,9 
k'al(^K9CTa''§ add" xdjicE' ndji how long it was that I stayed 250,1 
Time Bernett-c§' hong the one who was Time Barnett 256,26 
k^al^lq la'lE diwic^'dji which way out again that I went 258,45 
k^ala' we'we' dEC^' dji something that he talked about 260,2 
go'p'a hs' WEdEC^' dji na'hidd'd'nda Creek (language) that he talked 

I do not know 262,11 
k'ala' hgyuTYidc^' dji something that they believed in 264,30 
gohq Tons' h^s'a'ne hg"^p'acf'dji life-ruler his son that was born; 
(-dji in this case is exceptional; the regular form should be 
-WE'ng as it refers to a human being) 



368 WAGNER YUCHI 

Often the same idea of bringing the verbal complex into an 
attributal relation to the preceding noun is expressed without -cf, 
simply by suffixing the classifying elements to the verbal complex. 
Examples: 

(a) Inanimate classifiers: 
-fa: 

aXKz''^ hglafadp'n that way it was what they did 272,23 
axKala' he'riffadjin it was like this that they were 274,28 



honde'k'iha'' welanE''£ their tracks those they traced 160,81 
i'ct'^ KEtsy'cfe the road that I had come 254,8 
ya'jcdjii wefa'E the branch that he hit 256,34 



-dji : 



k'alahit'E'dd di''ky}wjle'dji one thing also that I remember 22,6 
ritsia'so cixke djidjinjwa money that had been there 28,24 
axKe''^ wela'ndji that way that they (would) do 104,41 
goxdju'b'ada hgk'gre'ndji mischief that they could do 180,6 
k'al{'he adiga'ndji where that I would get to 252,3 

-ha: (plural suffix): 

go'ni'e wede'k'i hftneha' person his tracks that they saw 144,3 
k'ala' k'al^^weladji'nha things whichever she had done 100,9 
goxdju'b'ada hgk'g'reha mischief that they can make 180,4 
Tigofa'neha djinfa'la rihe henedji'nha clothes even that they used 

to wear 182,19 
golans' hgk'/ha. food that they make 174,33 
k'ala' wegwalui' things that he said 44,19 
ya'c'a hg'aha' leaves that they carried 274,37 
k'a'so ditneJia' books that I study 334,119 
gocTi'ne hgcTidjinlm' dances that they danced 276,51 
ggc'i^c'i§' tsya^'^ha rags that were drj' 258,40 

In this case the verbalization of the adjective tsya dry seems 
superfluous as the same idea could be expressed by suffixing the 
plural element -ha to the adjectival form : gqc'i^c'iq tsyaha' dry rags. 

(P) Animate classifiers: 

go'nt'e Ta'wghgTa djihe'ng persons whom they appointed 136,26 
w^ya'line na'fa hE'gehghahe'ng young girl who had never been away 

56,30 
lehe'ng Tahafa'le hgyu'hahg}.adjt'nhengle'^ those who had watched 

before (again they appointed) 134,13 
k'ala^yu'gwe'ng things (beings) that fly 2,2 
Tg^Ta welnwe'ng light those who make 6,13 

k'ala' s'axTaofa\c£')ig beings that are standing on the earth 6,18 
lui'hikiki' yj'ndetawe'ng fierce tliose who wanted to be 150,24 

The suffix -dji also expresses the object relation of one verb 
to another verb. It is suffixed to the dependent verb: 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN ESTDIAN LANGUAGES 369 

s'a'ok'alaw^'dji tso'bila WEh'a .^dji'n to run a race straight they 

agreed 36.3(1) 
na'{'l6 yaXTafale'dd aXKe''^ u'ela'tidji weyiiT7idadjin, k'als'tiTne 

wela'ndji sgle'de wek'a^yuXT^Tg'djiti but beforehand that way 

that they would do they knew, whatever to do right away 

they told each other 104,41 
ahe'ndd aga'e'dd ke'e' pado'c'ds Ke'e'ridji hi'le icek'a'hoTn^gadjin 

and then the day also to lie there, the night also to lie there all 

they agreed 8,24 
aga'e' pcido'e' k'aTet'Eny'dji hi'le wek'a'hoTn^gadjin the day the 

night separate to be all they agreed 8,25 
padohe k'ala^'k'one'dji wegodji'n when night something to work he 

told him 120,25 
goyu dodji h/gwa to reach for her, they said 102,29 
na'go'yaga h^k'g' Kch^hqdji' h^k'/wEde' not they commit adultery 

that way to be they talked to them 180,6 
wedi'h yiiTu'k'idji tso'tiha ygk'one' iVEgivadji'n he only he would be 

in the house with 48,16 
k'al^'TUE hyla' h^kila'ndji ndhjyu'Tndadji'n what he (should) do to 

escape he did not know 108,11 
WEtwa'ndji c^c^'yjladji'n to kill (her) he got ready 118,42 
naKE'dd tca'le hywelq'dji aga"' KE'hi/'fdji'n and now back into the 

water for him to go it came he was lying there 68,19 

In a few cases -ha seems to take the same meaning : 

hondzEk'gfe'ha ah^gafadji'n to take me with them they had come 

there 316,164 
s'a'goTotEha' cixket/tub yondyony' to run away I was there they 

thought 308,83 



§ 63. ENCLITICS OF ADVERBIAL CHARACTER 

There are only a few enclitics of adverbial character, most 
adverbial ideas being expressed by independent particles (see 

§ 68): 

-le, denotes "again": 

hioxpnledji'n it filled up again 18,27 

yufa' y^cTqledji'n the room she closed again 1 1 6, 1 7 

nESo' gwahn^j' to tell you again 136,31 

we'T^TnlE'nEdJL'n hygwadjt'n they she used to light up again, they 
said 150,19 

hida^ondalshE when I knew again (when I came back to conscious- 
ness) 330.91 

-le, denotes "only" being homonymous with -Is = again: 

ygtcwadji'lE his hide only 52,4 
yaxEals' white only 56,30 
cyqcaiiE'le boys only 100,1 
hit'E'h one only 116,26 



370 WAGNER YUCHI 

§§ 64 — 69. E. Independent Particles 

§ 64. INTRODUCTORY 

The particles so far discussed were either nominal or verbal 
affixes or enclitics, i. e. formal elements which cannot be detached 
from the word complex they modify; the particles which will be 
dealt with in this chapter are independent words. Even detached 
from the word complex or sentence they have a definite meaning 
and their position in the sentence is only determined by the s3T1- 
tactical structure. 

An analysis of these independent particles shows that most of 
them are compounds of various affixes. 

§ 65. LOCATIVE PARTICLES 

A great number of independent locatives are compounds of a 
monosyllabic prefix and one of the four general locative suffixes 
-he, -Is, -KB, and -fa (see § 29). Thus the general locative prefix 
a- becomes: 

ahe' here aXKe' there, yonder 

ale' back to (here) afa' towards 

In the same manner and with an analogous variation of meaning 
the following compound particles are formed : 



there 


Kshe' 


Ksh' 


— 


Kefa' 


across 


yahe' 


yah' 


— 


yafa' 


above 


yuhe 


— 


yUXKE 


yuja 


in 


Tihe' 


Tile 


TixKe' 


Tifa' 


through 


— 


kyah' 


— 


kyafa' 


over 


pehe 


Pels' 


— 


— 



Examples : 

antsole' rihe' a'new^leng' your home inside you will wake up 88,42 

yudi'le h}u-i' house into he went 164,116 

k'ala' hf''a 'yahe' hfk'y^djidji'n something he carried that he was 

taking across (a river) 270,9 
tse'aya'fa k'ala' wfhikikiwe'nj awe'ny big water across (towards the 

other side) fierce beings they were there 162,100 
yu'xKe Ke''idji he'hqgwa up yonder they are going there she said 

' 86,40 
k'aka''( aXKe' yo'nfa in the middle there she put 38,6 
tse pehe' above the water 38,21 
Kele' nyk'^jendjin back home we went with 312,134 

Another group of independent locatives are bi- or polysyllabic 
the majority of which yield to a partial analysis only : 

ada'le all around djik'a' along 

nxke'la here dja Ka through (during) 

axpele' any way, to all sides Teca' near 

agehe' from rahe''^ farther 

yaxTahe' in front of, ahead rapi' on 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



371 



yuha' high up 
yub'a' upward 
yuky'h far (also temporal : long 

time) 
yida around 
hityg' on, it is on 
Mia' towards 
he'gefa away 
hagys away from 
biW aroimd 
dane off 
dgrele' backward 



Tase' across (the earth) 

Tale''( in sight 

Tcf'wy right there (right then) 

Tg'la at the same place 

s'edi' down 

KeCTa'f far 

k'aTawg''^ between 

k'a'bi straight towards 

k'at'c' between 

k'akahe' in the middle 

le'kye through 



Most of these particles can be modified in the same way as the 
monosyllabic prefixes by suffixing the general locative elements 
-he, -le, -Ee, and -fa: 



yub'ahe' upward 
ynb'ale' from above 
yub'afa' upward towards 
Tecafa' near towards 



Tasehe' across at 
rase fa' across towards 
k'ak'ale' along in the middle 



§ 66. TEMPORAL PARTICLES 



icu''§ later 

i'kf long time 

Etidjvhi' all day 

EnlE during day 

^le'dji at day time 

ab^'dji now 

abe'Ei"'^ just now 

aXKs'de right then 

aXKecTcde' at that time 

yaxTafa'le before that 

yuk/ a long time 

hitohe' later on, afterwards 

hitohe' nde afterwards and then 

hi'tne first, at present 

hitne'nde just now 

ha' fa sometimes 



hafale' seldom 

hafale'nde seldom and then 

haxKE at that time 

ha' XKECTa since 

hale'de right then 

depole' again 

rafale before 

ts'its'i'f' often 

ts'its'i'ga too often 

ts'ala' suddenly 

sah^'t'E once 

sgh/de all the time 

sjle'de right away 

CTahafa'le long before 

Ke'dd now 

kekele' often 



67. CONJUNCTIVES AND DISJUNCTIVES 



i'le but 

ahe'nde and then 
ondesg' and also 
ya.i' also 
wahe'rnE why 
he'nds and then 
djinfa'la also 
na and 

tut'j.'le however, but (in the be- 
ginning of a sentence) 



na'^ya'nde or else 
nahg' and so 
na'nde and then 
Tahe''^ further 
k'alaTnela' for what reason 
k'al^h^'dE wherever 
k'aUng' whoever 
k'ale'nTne whatever 
k'alz'ke whatever 



372 



WAGNER YUCHI 



Examples : 

nq.' gocrine' a'gahe and to dance when it came = and wlien it 

was time to dance 88,47 
na'nde pado'ixdji gol'one' a'yjgwa and then at night the devil he 

said... 124,56 
na'{'l3 nak'ala' axKerne' but not a thing it was like that 306,61 
. . i'h wera dit'a' . . . but I go I wanted = . . . but I wanted to go 

306,76 
wa'nETiehE n:/ ya.i' hfcri' the women also they dance 278,58 
go'p'a na'^ya'nde Ka'xKa Creek or else Whites 342,28 
gotcal<i' t'sle'weni djmfa'la hjk'a'hy red people others also they fight 

with 158,77 
k'ale'ny yahentche whoever tree if he leans against. . . . 278,52 

§ 68. INDEPENDENT ADVERBIALS 
ari'la enough Tesi' almost 

aXTs' enough raxKe' in vain 



§§ 70—72 

§ 70. LIST OF PERSONAL AND 





Subject, 
first 
series 


Subject, 
second 
series 


Indep. 

series 

Emphat. 


Direct 
Object, 
first 


Direct 

Object. 

second 


Indir. 

Object. 

series 




1. 
2. 


di- 


do- 


di 


-tSE- 


tse 
dzio 


aso 




n£- 


yo- 


tse 


-nsndze- 


nendze 
UEndzio 


80 




3. . 




hr 


hg- 


hjdi 


hg- 
hgdi- 


hg 
hgdi 


h) 




se- 


sio- 


sedi 


SE 

sedi 


se 
sedi 


s'e, s'edi 


Sing. 


s'e- 


sHo- 


s'edi 




s^edi 


SE, SEdi 

etc. 




e- 


eyy- 


qdi 


^di 


e 






0- 


0- 


odi 




odi 




odi 






i- 


— 


— 


i 


— 


— 




W£- 


yr 


wedi 


WE 

WEdi 


WE 

WEdi 


WE, WEdi 




hi- 


ho- 


— 


— 


— 


— 




l.in. 
l.ex. 
. 2. 


?- 


r 


gdi 


WE 

ondze 


WE 

ondzio 


WE, 

ontso 


Plur. 


n?- 


nq- 


nydi 


WE 

nondzE 


we 
nvndzio 


WE 

nontso 




9- (a-) 


ayo- 


adze 


andzE 


andze 
andzio 


aso 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



373 



aXKe'^ that way 
aXKe'ende anyhow 
aXTe'le normally, usually 
axEiW'^ the same way 
axKi'la in that manner 
hi'le all 
P£''§ very 
PEC^' more 
dodeh/ already 



fe'i'f almost 
'n^ga'le indeed, truly 
si almost 
safi'l^ quietly 
gu'iyo maybe 
kya'ga fluently 
lade'^' possibly 
I'a'ls easily, quietly 



§ 69. EXCLAMATORY PARTICLES 



aba' now ! 
adju' that's it ! 
axKE'^lia well then! 
ayEe'le that's all 
yi'g' alas ! 
M'hy alas ! 
hona'' no! 



hg yes ! 

dja oh my! 

goho'go oh pshaw ! 

Keh:^' now! 

Eo oh ! 

le yes, all right ! 

la'ya' well then ! 



APPENDIX 

POSSESSIVE PRONOUNS 



reflex, 
with 
first 


reflex, 
with 
second 


1. 

subject. 

with 

Instr. 


2. 

subj. 
with 
Instr. 


1. 

Poas. 


2. 
Poss. 


3. 

Poss. 


4. 
Poss. 


tsedi 


tsedo 


hidi 


hido 


di- 


tso- 


tsio- 


tse- 


nendze ne 


nendze yo 


hene 


hiyo 


ne- 


so- 


nendzio 


nsndze- 


hyde 


hondio 


h? 


hgyu 


hg- 


hg- 


hg- 


hg- 


siode 


siodio 


ss 


seyu 


se- 


sio- 


sio- 


se- 


s'iode 


sHodio 


s'e 


s'eyu 


s'e- 


sHo- 


sHo- 


s'e- 


eyyde 


eyondio 


e 


eyu 


£- 


eyg- 


eyg- 


e- 


ode 


odio 





oyu 


0- 


0- 


o- 


0- 


— 




i 


iyu 


i- 


— 


— 


i- 


yyde 


yondio 


we 


weyu 


we- 


2/?- 


yr 


we- 


— 


— 


— 


— 


hi- 


ho- 


— 


— 


37uiZ£.f' 


ondze-i' 


f 


?yu 


?- 


Dtidzo 


ondzio- 


ondze 


nondzen^' 


nondzen^' 


nf 


ngyu 


ng- 


nondzo 


nindzio- 


7iyndze 


andzE.q 


andze.a'yo 


f 


a'yo 


<t- 


aso- 


andzio- 


andze 



25 



374 wagnek ytjchi 

§ 71. List of Homonymous Affixes 
Throughout the discussion of morphology the various homon- 
ymous affixes have been dealt with in regard to the ideas they 
express, and, accordingly, have been mentioned in different places. 
It seems appropriate, therefore, to group them together here in 
a list : 

1. Prefixes: 

hi- 1) Impersonal pronoun, see § 40 
2) Instrumental prefix, see § 57 

go- 1) Indefinite personal pronoun, see § 34 
2) Contraction of ke + we, see § 3. 

2. Suffixes and enchtics : 

-ny 1) Demonstrative and interrogative suffix (ne'ny, le'n^, 
wanq etc., see §§ 41, 42 

2) Imperative suffix, see § 53 

3) Verbal stem, "to become" 

-ne 1) Nominalizing suffix, see § 25 
2) habitual, see § 54 

-le 1) Verbal interrogative suffix, see § 56 

2) adverbial "only", see § 63 

3) adverbial "again", see § 63 

4) conjunctive "when", see § 62 

-TE 1) modal suffix, denoting "ability", see § 53 

2) conjunctive "while", see § 62 

3) conjunctive "also", see § 61, (dt) 

-fa'la 1) conjunctive "but", see § 61 
2) conjunctive "if", see § 62 

-fa, -'e, -dji, -ha, -he'ng, -we'ng, etc. occur both as nominal classifiers 
and as relative pronouns by establishing the relation of the 
verb to the antecedent, -dji also expresses the object relation 
of one verb to another verb. 



§ 72. TEXT 
The Creation of the World 

(Told by Maxey Simms) 

1. hi'Tnd(\) CTaha'.Endji{2) nak^ala' (3) go'm.d{'i) 

First (in) the beginning it was not a thing exist(ed) 

tSE'E'ld{5) Ee'e'{6) k'ala'{3) felewsng'ld{l) Eewe'nQdjin{8) 
the water only lying there something other ones only they were here 

fiaxEeme' (9) goha'hanshe nq {\0) hqya'gonedji'n. {II) 

in this way the older ones they used to tell. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



375 



2. k^ala'yu.qtvs'nq {12 

Things that fly 



EEWe'ng{8) tsoono'nd3(l3) go'xdji(li) 
they (were) here the sun also was here 

K'al^Ks'.^gola (15) s'a' gelaTs'ndji{lQ) wsk'awe'deill) 

whatever to do earth to be able to find they talk with each other 



EEive'hadji (18) 
they were here 

we' xtQtQ (20) 
she dictated 

odo7ig(2l) 
the water 



hqgenedji'n.(\9) 
they used to say. 

Keivehadji'n. (18) 
they were here. 

s'a' hqwagens (22) 
earth to hunt for 



3. teoowg' (13) lc'ala'(^) 
The sun something 

4. PaZa'(3) fo'a'- 

Something that belongs into 

we Todji'n (23) cagegnq' (2i) 
they asked the beaver 



weyu' Tn9Cf' (25) gok'£no'la(2(}) na'. ^wela red j in. (27) 

they expected he could they were with him but not he could do. 

5. ahe'nda (28) culans' (29) 
And then fishotter 



ya'i' ^myxi) TTidC^' (25) lonq'd9(30) 
also they expected he could that one also 



na'Tneweia'' Tddji'n. (31) 
not he could do. 



dji'n(23) 
asked 



tsia' xtsaonq' (32) 
the crawfish 



ahe'ndB (28) tsia' xtsaonq' (32) weko- 
And then the crawfish they 

a'ogwa(33) pswe'daya(34t) 

he said if I go down into the water 

iieM' (3Q) adjunq' (31) 
tliese will be the ones : 



k'ala'goyu' rnda'ne (35) 

something to know (signs] 

diivi' (39) ax Tsnq'.^y a (4:0) wiH' tsexTawi'.(4:l) 
I come if it can be done blood water top comes 



s'a'xd)i('i3) 
the earth 



hi'tsa(4:'l) 
I find 



ahk'o'ntsgya (4:5) 
if I come back with 



tse 
water 



natse' Tale' (38) 
not water top 

7. nah'h(4:2) 
However 

ciga n"f (46) 
dirty yellow 



tsexrawi' (4:1) hqgwadji'n.(41) 8. s'a'.axdji' he (48) a'aga"- 
water top comes he said. Where the earth is (whether) he 

Te'ndji (49) na.oyv) Tndafa'la(50) wekw§'lah/. (51) 9. f's\vs- 
could get there he did not know but they sent him. Down into the 

la'dji(52) yukg'h(53) aga' (54) Keweha' rq (55) tse' ciga 

water he went long time it took while they were there water dirty 

n"e(46) tsexrawi' (41) M;£Tn£"(56) Eewe'hahE(51) 

yellow water top come they saw while they were there 

tsia' xtsaonq' (32) we. qcra' (58) K'af^he'(59) s'a'co s'if"f(60) 
the crawfish his claws between dirt (it) was little 

hqge'nedji (63) hqgwadji'n. (47) 
they used to say they said. 

yqhq'(&5) k'ala'(3) Keyq'fa(66) 
they took something stuck up 

11.7ia'i'ld(42) 
However 



hipe' (61) 
on with 



tseTaloivi'dji(62) 
water top he came 

10. s'a' CO sH§"^dji(64) 
Dirt very little it was 

we'tere' (61) s'a' k'a^'adji' (68) hqgwadji'n. (41) 

they hit it (with) earth it was made they said. 

q'wq(69) agwa'he(10) s'aco'xdji(ll) yqhq' (65) Eetvep'a'he (1 2) 
some when they say the dirt they took when they threw 

25* 



376 WAGNER YTJCHI 

ahE'{28) s^a' k'a'dji(G8) h2genedji'n.{\9) 12. yuk^'h{5^) s'a'xdji(4:3) 
then earth was made they used to say. Long tune the earth 

wek'wahg' (73) tSEXTale'(38) we' k'qgqhe{l ^) s'aco' xdji(ll) rf' 
he went after water top when he was coming with the dirt melted 

5'Ǥ"f(60) ho'tva{15) tssxTale' {3S) wek'g'widjiKg' {!&) s'a"s {77) 
little it (was) left water top he may have come with the earth 

i'a"a(68) k'ala'(3) t^ele^wenq'dd{7S) hi'h we'k'a'adii'{Q8) h^- 
made something else they also all they were made they 

gwadji'n. (4:7) 13. s^a' xdji {4:3) k'a'^adods'he {79) na'rgTogo'Tnd {80) 
said. The earth after it was made there was no light 

Kedjidji'n {81) K'glawe'ha {82) tsoong' {13) k'ala{3) ws'xt^tq (20) 
it was here they gathered the sun something she dictated 

EEWehadji' {18) hqgwadji'n{47) xq' Taivelawe'n-i {83) wsyu'- 

they were here they said those who were to make light they 

wage'{84:) kewe'' had j in. {18) 14. s'qdjiba'c'o{85) weyu^ rridc^' {25) 
hunted for they were here. Lantern-fly they expected he could 

yu'Te{8&) EEwela'.i'h{87) sH§sH§'h{88) TQra' EETE'dE{89) 
he flew there he went but very little only light it flashed 

WEla{90) axKs'lE{91) yula'oTsdji'n {92) 15. ahE' {28) 'yq'weng {93) 
he made that (much) only he flew aroimd. Then the star 

yaH' WE Kodji'n. {23) 16. aowg'rf£(94) Pa7e(95) r^'ra weia' {90) 
also they asked. There he also very dim light he made 

axEElEdji'n{96) ca'faonq {97) yaH' ive Eodji'n {23) rgra' 

that much only it was the moon also they asked light 

wela"'t.h{87) r^'ra pado"^{98) axEE'lEdji'n.{9Q) 17. ah e' {18) 
she made but light was dark that much only it was. Then 

tsoonq' {13) yd'i' weyu' Tiidc^' {25) EEwela'dj in. {99) 

the sun also they expected (she could) there she went. 

18. hi'ms yuh^a'ogq {100) E£'d3{101) s'a'xdji{43) hityiibi' {102) 
Just as soon as she came up now the earth all over with 

Tq'ra hiox pa' {103) k'ala' {3) s^axraofa'onq {104:) Mis' 
light it was full of things that are standing on earth all 

yo'ndeyu'cq {105) raxEs' {lOG) we' Eg {107) tca'tca{108) eewe^Jm- 
they were glad just they sing loud all over they were 

dji' {18) hqgwadji'n.{47) 19. tsooriq' {13) Eswela' (87) yux pal' §' (109) 
here they said. Tlie sun there she went at noon 

ha'xE£{110) hi'loxdjidjin. (Ill) 20. ax ee' 'mE(112) weTnehe' (113) 
right then (all) she stopped. That way when they saw 

tsocmq' (13) s'a' ocdji (43) rq'ra yqlane'nq (114) ivegwadj in. (115) 
the sun the earth light she should make they said. 

21. wa'(116) ahE'ndd{28) Eewe'TiahE (57) q'wq{&9) aogwa'hE{117) 
And then when they were here some when they said 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 377 

aga'e'le(118) Ke'e' {Q) na'padogoTUsng' {119) wegwadji'n. (115) 
the day only (should) lie here not dark it should be they said. 

22. 2'M'?f?a(120) aga's'dd{121) Ke'e'(6) pado'e'de (122) Ks'ehe' (123) 

Othei-s the day also (should) be the night also when it is here 

sqlE'Te(124) 2vegiva'{115) ivek'awe'de(n) eews'- 

would be good they said they talked with each other they 

hadji'n. (18) 23. icons' (125) a'ogiva(33) pado'e'dd(122) 

were here. Ground-squirrel there he said "the night also 

Ke's'(6) gD'7ifshe'ng(126) padohE'(121) hqlc' a' g a (128) 

(should) be here the people when night they have intercourse 

hgwale'^a'xTe (129) didza' (130) hggivadji' 71.(47) 24. ahe'ndd(28) 
they could increase I say" he said. And then 

aga'e'dd(121) Ee^e'(6) pado's'ds (122) Ke'e'ridji (131) hi'le 
the day also to be here the night also it was to be here all 

tv ek'a'hoTn^g ad ji 71.(132) 25. tsoo7i,q(13) qls'dji(133) rq'ra.- 
they agreed with each other. The siui day time light was 

ofo'(134) ca'faoTig' (97) ^yqwenq'dd (135) padohe' (127) Tq'ra wela'- 
to make the moon the stars also when night light they were 

djm(99) aga'e' (118) podd'e' (13%) k'af ef enq'dji (137) hi'le 
to make the day the night was to be separate all 

wek'a'hoT7iqgadji 71. (132) 26. ahe'Tid 9 (28) tco7iq7iq' (138) 

they agreed with each other. And then the ground-squirrel 

a'ogwa(33) diadidza'nsH (139) axEs' ttib (112) hq'gwa(47) 

he said "I did say it (and) it is done that way" he said 

tsitsH'^ (140) a'ogwa(33) go'xdji(14) cafaTis' (141) wef- 

every now and then he said he was there wildcat he got 

asi^' (142) "goho'go (143) godi'^a'gogwa (144) axEs'T7i9.^fa'la(145) 
mad "Oh pshaw! you you did say that way if it is 

sghg.^le'ds (146) agogwa'x re" (147) hq'gwa(47) Talo'fa(148) hils' 
once only you should say" he said he jumped on him all 

yqf^af-adji' 71 (149) tcoTiswe' Tiq (138) wesosodji' (150) hqgwad ji'7i. (47) 
he scratched him the ground-squirrel he got spotted they said. 

27. 5'a"£(77) hi' T7i3k'a"ahe (151) co"? (152) Es'dji(81) 
The earth when it was just finished it was soft it was here 

s^a'sTa(153) s§'E'lE7iq (154) wegwa' (115) eewe had jiTi. (18) 
ground flat should be good they said they were there. 

28. 7iak'ala' (3) ra'piivEla' (155) Es'dji (81) tsia7iqdji'7i.(156) 
Not a thing over it (he) goes it is here it was to dry. 

29. ygt'i' (157) sVit'erwerme' (158) wskw^' (159) iveladj i'7i (160) 

Buzzard earth he inspects they sent he went 

7iaygfafa' (161) WEyusra's'l^ (162) yida'OTE7ulji'7i (163) 

he was not to flop he was to spread out only he was to fly around 



378 WAGNER YTTCHI 

wela' {155) aodji'hs{lQ4:) gont'e'(126) go'ivifjmfun {165) 

he went while he was going somebody he must have gone there 

wede'kH{lQQ) ahi'ha{l67) weTnE"{n3) wela'{168) wet^ladji'n{169) 
his tracks they were there he saw he traced he went with 

TE'qdji'nfwa{\10) kya'ogadji'n. {Ill) 30. 7ia't'e{n2) 

it happened to be a bull frog he overtook (him). Not one 

s'axTalshe'ng {173) hqgwadji'n{11) ax Esla'yg {17 4:) he' ijggwa {17 5) 
ground on should (go) he said you are here he said 

wshi'Tapaha' {17 Q) u'£'fafa{177) re'?Mg(178) we^a'djiii {17 9) 

his wings he whipped him (with) bull frog he cried 

wetci'xTE{180) Kaba'dji{181) hqgwadji'n.{'17) 31. Keics'un{lS2) 
his eye-brows swelled they said. He went on 

ao'c/jiAe' (164) dspoh' {183) k'ala' {3) KEioela'djinfwa{\M) 
while he was going again something must have gone there 

WE'la{\%8) kia'ogadj in {171) tea' riqdjinfwa {185) tsia' xtsa {32) 
he traced he overtook it happened to be a raccoon crawfish 

yqfa' {18&) ao'ocdjidjinfwa {187) lonq'dd{30) we fafa' {177) 

he was fishing for he bad been sitting there him also he wliipped 

iUE'adji'n{179) WEra'sosodji' {188) hqgEriEdji'n {19) wa'(116) 
he cried his face got spotted they used to say and 

ygfu'ng {189) hqyu'STq'E'l^ {190) s'a'dasE{191) a'oTsn- 

the buzzard he was to spread only earth across he was to 

dji'la{192) W£'c^o{193) tsH'ha s^as^a'owi{194) hE'ndd{28) 
fly there but he was tired almost to the ground he fell and then 

yq'fafa{l&l) yuh'a'lE{195) wela' dj in {160) s'ayub'a' {196) k'a'- 
he flopped upward again he went mountains were 

'adjin. {197) 32. s'a r??.erwe' (158) WEkw^dji'71 {198) yula'- 

made. Earth to inspect they sent (him) he flew 

OTE'la{199) we'c^o{193) yq'fafadjin {200) s'ayu'b'a {196) 

around but he got tired he flopped mountains 

Kehadji' (201) hggE'nEdjin. (19) 
(they) were here they used to say. 



Free Translation 

1. In the beginning not a thing existed; there was only water 
and some animal creatures, as the old people used to teU. 2. The 
fowl of the air and the sun met together: They held council what 
they could do to find the earth. 3. The sun took the lead at their 
meeting. 4. They asked the animals in the water to search for 
earth ; they expected the beaver could find some earth, but he could 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 379 

not do it. 5. And then they expected the fishotter to dive, but 
he also could not do it. 6. Thereupon they asked the crawfish who 
said, "If I dive into the water, the following sign will show you: 
if I cannot come back to the surface of the water, blood will rise up. 
7. If, however, I come back with earth, some dirty yellow water 
will rise to the surface." 8. He did not know whether he could get 
to where the earth was, but they sent him anyway. 9. He went down 
into the water, and after they had waited for a long time they saw 
some dirty yellow water coming to the surface, and then the crawfish 
himself appeared with a little dirt between his claws. 10. It was only 
very little dirt; they took it and hit it against something that was 
sticking out of the water, and the earth was made. 11. Some story- 
tellers, however, say that they just threw the earth upon the water 
and then the earth was made. 12. The crawfish had dived for earth 
for a long time, and when he came back to the surface of the water 
the dirt had almost melted, just a little was left over; after the 
earth was made the other animals were also created. 13. At first 
there was no light on the earth, and so they all met under the leader- 
ship of the sun to look for someone who would light the earth. 
14. They expected the glow-worm could do it; it flew around, but it 
only made very faint gleams of light. 15. Then they asked the star. 
16. He also made only a dim light, and then they asked the moon too ; 
she gave light, but it was still too dark. 17. Then they expected 
the sun could do it, and up she went. 18. Just as soon as she 
came up the earth was flooded with light; all the creatures on 
earth were glad and sang aloud. 19. Right at noon the sun stopped 
on her way. 20. Wlien they saw it, they said the sun shoidd light the 
earth that way. 21. And then some were saying, it only should be 
day and never night. 22. Others said it would be good if there would 
be day as well as night; in this way they talked with one another. 
23. After a while the ground squirrel said, "I say the night also 
should be for the people to have intercourse so that they may 
increase." 24. And then they all agreed with one another that day 
should be and night as well. 25. The sun should make the light 
during the daytime and the moon and the stars during the night; 
they all agreed that day and night should be separate. 26. Then the 
ground squirrel said, "I said it and it is done that way;" every now 
and then he said this, and then the wildcat got mad at him; "Oh 
pshaw, even if you did say it you should say it only once," he said ; 
he jumped on him and scratched him all over, and so the ground 
squirrel became spotted. 27. When the earth was just made it 
was soft, and they thought it would be good if the ground wei'e flat. 
28. Nobody was to go over it so that it could dry. 29. They sent 
the buzzard to inspect the earth ; he was not to flop with his wings 
but only to spread them out and fly around ; while he was flying he 



380 WAGNEK YTTCHI 

noticed tracks where somebody must have gone; he traced them 
and it happened to be a bulKrog whom he overtook. 30. "Nobody 
is to go on the ground and here you are!" he said; he whipped him 
with his wings, and the bullfrog cried, and his eyebrows swelled. 
31. The buzzard flew on, and while he was flying he saw again some 
tracks; he traced them and when he overtook them he saw it had 
been a racoon who was fishing for crawfish; he whipped him too 
and the raccoon's face became spotted; the buzzard was only to 
spread his wings, he was to fly across the earth, but he got tired and 
almost feU to the ground, and then he flopped; when he ascended 
again, the mountains were made. 32. They had sent him to inspect 
the earth ; he flew around but he got tired, and so he flopped and 
the mountains were made. 

(1) hi ( ?) (notes 61, 102, 105); Twa verbalizing particle, § 50. 

(2) cTaha verbal or nominal stem; en = z verbalizing suffix, §§ 9, 50; 
dji temporal particle denoting past, § 51 ; at end of sentence djm. 

(3) na, prefix expressing negation, § 28; k'ala' something. 

(4) go indefinite personal pronom, § 34; rna stem ,,see". 

(5) tSE water; e classifier for inanimate, horizontal objects (= to lie), § 26; 
fo only, § 63. 

(6) Ke locative particle, § 65; £ to lie (note 5). 

(7) t'ele' others; weng' demonstrative, 3rd person, singvilar and plural, 
beings not Yuchi, § 26; ny to be; h (note 5). 

(8) Ke (note 6); we (note 7); n? (note 7); djin (note 2). 

(9) ha'xJce temporal particle, § 66; ma (note 2). 

(10) go- classifying prefix, referrmg to human beings (note 4); ha'ne old, 
reduplicated, § 27; 7ie nominalizing suffix, § 25; he'ng demonstrative pronoun, 
referring to Yuchi, plural (note 7). 

(11) hg personal pronoun, third person singular and plural, Yuchi; § 31; 
ya'go to tell ; ne repeated or customary action, § 54 ; djin (notes 2, 8) . 

(12) k'ala something, (note3) ; yu above, §65; ? verbal stem 'to belong to', 
to be here, § 35, no. 13; u-eng (note 7), § 626. 

(13) tsooiif > tso-weny' (note 7). The siui is considered a living being; 
da also, § 61. 

(14) Contracted from Kdwa'xdji, § 3; Ke (note 6); ive (note 7); x § 9; 
dji to sit, stay. 

(15) E'aleEe independent conjimctive, § 67; £ (note 2) ; go (note 4) ; la to do. 

(16) ge irregular indefinite personal pronomi, § 35, no. 12; la to find; 
Te intention or ability, § 53 ; ndji > nedji (? ) ; for dji (note 2) . 

(17) we (note 7) ; k^a reciprocal, § 38; we'de to talk. 

(18) Ke (note 6) ; we (note 7) ; ha to be; dji (note 2). 

(19) hy (note 11) ; ge to say; we (note 11) ; djm (note 8). 

(20) we (note 8) ; x, § 9; r?r? to teach, instruct (duplicated). 

(21) /'oiuider water, § 58, no. 3; « > ahe here, § 65; odong > wedewe' ng ( ? ) 
we (note 8) ; de stem (perhaps of generic character and identical with the 
stem re in note 86); weng (notes 7, 12). 

(22) hg (note 11); wage' to hunt; n£(§25): "their hunting (it) they asked 
for"; {na usually occurs as a modal particle denoting the frequentative, 
§ 54 (note 11)). 

(23) WE (note 7) ; ko to ask; djin (notes 2, 8). 

(24) cage beaver; ong > weng (note 7). 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN ESTDIAN LANGUAGES 381 

(25) we (note 7) ; yurnacz to suspect, irregular verb, § 37. 

(26) go (note 4); k'e > A-'a (note \l);no> ng (note 8); la but, § 61. 

(27) wa(note3) ;f (note2) ; we (note 8) ;fo to do; re (note 16) ;d/(w(notes2, 8). 

(28) ahendd > ahe na' ndd independent conjunctive, § 67. 

(29) cu fish; la to eat; ne nominalizing suffix, § 25. 

(30) long'dd > leweny'dd, § 3; ?e demonstrative pronoun, § 4.1 (note 13). 

(31) rna (note 2). 

(32) tsia'xtsa crawfish; -ony (note 13). 

(33) a'ogwa > alls' wegwa; ahe' (note 21); gwa to say. 

(34) /'e > f'o, § 5 no. 3, (note 21) ; we'da I go, irregular, § 35, no. 10; ya if, 
§ 62a. 

(35) k'ala (note 3); go (notes 4, 26); yurndq' to know; ne nominalizing 
suffix (note 29). 

(36) Demonstrative pronoun, § 41. 

(37) adju' the right one; n^ (note 8). 

(38) »io negation, § 59 (note 3); tse water; Ta on, § 58, no. 5; le, § 29. 

(39) di subj. pronovin I; wi to come. 

(40) axTE enough, § 68; n? (note 7) ; e (note 2) ; ya if, § 62 o. 

(41) tsE water; x, § 9 ; -Ta on, § 58; w to come. 

(42) tto and; i'h but, § 67. 

(43) s'a earth; dji round objects, § 26. 

(44) la to find, irregular verb, § 35, no. 12. 

(45) ale locative particle, § 65; k'gn > kg together with, § 38; tsg irregular 
verb 1st person, ya if, § 62 a (note 34). 

(46) Ti yellow; e (note 2). 

(47) hg (note 11) ; gwa to say, § 35, no. 6; djin (notes 2, 8). 

(48) s'a earth; a locative, § 65; y, § 9; dji to sit, to stay (note 14); he 
locative, § 29. 

(49) doga'TBndji > ahEwegaTs'ndji; ahs' (note 21); we (note 7); ga to 
arrive, § 3.5 no. 2; re (note 16) ; tidji (note 16). 

(50) mi not, § 59; o > we (note 7) ; yurndq' to know; fala if, but, §§ 61, 62. 

(51) we (note 7) ; kw£ to send; lahg, § 61. 

(52) f'e > f'o (note 34) ; we (note 7) ; la to go; dji (note 2). 

(53) yukg' a long time ; -Ie very, § 55. 

(54) a § 65 (note 45), ga to arrive (note 49). 

(55) Ke (note 6) ; we (note 7) ; ha plural stem to be, § 52) ; Tg while, §62a. 

(56) WE (note 7) ; ma to see. 

(57) Ke (note 6) ; we (note 7) ha to be; hE (note 48). 

(58) WE possessive, § 39; gcra' claw. 

(59) K'at'z between; he (note 48). 

(60) sHz little; e (note 2). 

(61) hi (note 1), instriunental prefix, § 57; pe to be on, to be covered. 

(62) fee water-; Ta (note 38) ; lo > Zewe, § 3; fc locative, § 29; we (note 7) ; 
wi to come (note 41); dji (note 2). 

(63) (note 19). 

(64) s'iz little; s (note 2); dji (note 2). 

(63) yg personal and possessive subjective pronoun, third person, not a 
Yuchi, § 31; fe? to take. 

(66) KE (note 6); ygr'a, perhaps yu above, § 58, no. 10; t'a to let go. 

(67) tETE to hit, to beat. 

(68) k'a'a to be finished; dji (note 2). 

(69) g'wg some. 

(70) agwa'hE > awe'gwahe; a (note 21) ; we (note 7) gwa to say; he (note 48). 

(71) s'a earth; co soft; y, § 9; dji (note 43). 

(72) KE (note 6) ; we (note 7) ; p'a to thi'ow; Ae (note 48). 



382 



WAGNER YUCHI 



ity 



73) WE (note 7) ; k'wa to go after; h^ emphatic, § 53. 

74) we; k'g (note 45); gg to come; he, § 29. 

75) ho impersonal pronominal prefix, § 40; vxi to be left. 

76) WE (note 7); k'f (note 45); wi to come; dji (note 2); k?> go possibil- 
§53. 

77) s'a earth; e classifier (note 5). 

78) I'bIe' others; WEti/ (note 7); da also, § 61. 

79) k'a.a to be finished; dodEliE after when, § 62 ra. 

80) na not, § 59; t^tq light; gorna (note 4). 

81) EE (note 6) ; dji to sit, § 26; djin (note 8). 

82) k'y together (note 45) ; la again, § 63; w£ (note 7), ha (note 55). 

83) T^Ta light; we (note 7); la to do; weng' (note 7). 

84) WE (note 7); yu above, § 58, no. 10; wage' to hunt. 

85) s'g to wink; dji> tci (§ 10, S) eye; ba [pa) to burn; c'o tired. 

86) yu above, § 58, no. 10; yu > yuwE; te to fly. 

87) KE (note 6) ; we (note 7) ; fo to go ; jh (note 42) . 

88) sHz' reduplicated "very little" (note 64); Za (note 5). 

89) Tede to flash (see note 67). 

90) ki to do, to make. 

91) axEE there, that yonder, § 65; ?« (note 5). 

92) yula aroiuid; o > we; te to fly; djin (notes 2, 8). 

93) '2/? star; weng' (note 7). 

94) aony'de > ahewen^'de; ahe (note 28); WEng' (note 7); de note 13. 

95) I'a dim, easy; le (note 53). 

96) axKE (note 91); Ie (note 5); djin (notes 2, 8). 

97) ca'fa moon; ong > WEng (note 7). 

98) pado' dark; s (note 2). 

99) KEWE (note 87) ; to to go; djin (notes 2, 8). 

100) yub'a' upward, § 65; we (note 7); gg to come (note 74), 

101) KE'da now, § 66. 

102) hi (note 61); tyuhi' entirely. 

103) hi (note 61); oxpq.' full. 

104) s\i earth; y, § 9; ra on (note 38) ; o > we (note 7); fa to stand; 
> wm?, § 62 b. 

105) yo'ndEyu 3rd person pronoun of second reflexive series (§ 33) amal- 
gamated with the instrimiental prefix hi- (§37) ; ce to be glad, to enjoy, § 33. 



TaxKE just. 

Kg to sing. 

tea reduplicated, § 54. 

yu up, § 58, no. 10; pa to burn; l'^( ?). 

ha'xKE right then, at that time, § 66. 

hi'lE all, § 68 ; oxdjidjin; ive (note 7) ; dji to stop ; djin. 

axKE (note 91) ; the (note 2). 

Tua to see; he when, § 62. 

yg (note 65) ; to to do; ne (note 11) ; ng imperative suffix, § 53. 

gwa to say. 

na and, § 67. 

(note 33); he (note 48). 

aga day; eIe (note 5). 

nanot, § 59; podo dark; (/ornE (note 4) ; n? (note 114). 

g'wg some; de (note 13). 

aga day; e (note 5); de (note 13). 

Pado dark, fde (note 121). 

ke'e (note 6) ; he when, § 62. 

sz good; le very, § 55; rf intention or ability, § 53. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIA^T LANGUAGES 



383 



(125) tco(?) ; lie nominalizing suffix, § 25. 

(126) go'nt'e person (human one); heny classifier, §§ 26, 27. 

(127) podo dark; he when, § 62. 

(128) h^ (note 11) ; k'a (note 17) ; ga stem. 

(129) hg ; wale waha'le to increase; axre (note 40). 

(130) gwa to say, irregular verb, § 35, no. 6. 

(131) Ee (note &) ; en > e (§ 9) verbalizing suffix (note 2) ; dji (note 2). 

(132) we; k'a (note 17); hornzga to agree; djm. 

(133) de(?); dji classifying suffix ( ?), § 26. 

(134) r/ra hght; o > we; la to make. 

(135) 's/? star; wen^ (note 7) ; dd (note 13). 

(136) pado dark; e classifier (note 5). 

(137) li'at'e to be separate, reduplication of second syllable; n^ (note 114) ; 
dji § 62 6 . 

(138) > tcone-weny. 

(139) di independent personal pronoun, § 31; adidza > aditsa (§ 10, 8) 
I say, § 35, no. 6 (the repetition of the personal pronoun makes it emphatic) ; 
n > na and; s'i almost. 

(140) ts'i then, reduplicated with loss of glottal stop, §§ 8, 54; e (note 2). 

(141) CO classifier in many animal names, § 246; Va stem; ne nominalizing 
suffix, § 25. 

(142) we; fasiz to be angry. 

(143) goho'go exclamation, § 69. 

(144) godi' independent, indefinite pronoun, § 31 ; a'gogwa to say, § 35, no. 6 

(145) axKe (note 91); rna (note 1); § (note 2 ?) ; fala but (note 50). 

(146) sghg once; e (note 2) ; le only, § 63; df ( ?). 

(147) a'gogwa to say, (note 144) ; x, § 9; Ts (note 16). 

(148) Ta on (note 38) ; lo > lewe, § 3; Ze (note 38) ; we; fa to stand. 

(149) 2/? (note 65); t'a to scratch, reduplicated, § 54. 

(150) so spot, reduplicated, § 54. 

(151) hi (note 1) ; ma (note 1) ; k'a-a to be finished; he (note 48). 

(152) CO soft; E (note 2). 

(153) s'a. earth; sra flat. 

(154) SE good; ele futiu'e, ^ 51; ng imperative, § 53. 

(155) Tapi' on, § 65; we; la to go. 

(156) tsia dry; n? (note 7) ; djin. 

(157) ygt'i' buzzard. 

(158) s'a earth; we; rne to see, duplicated, § 54. 

(159) we; kwz to send. 

(160) we; la to go; djm. 

(161) 'na not, § 59; y) (note 65) ; fa to flop, duplicated. 

(162) we ; j/wsra to spread out ()/m above; sra flat ?) ;els = fZe future ( ?), §51. 

(163) (note 92) ; n ( ? see note 16). 

(164) > ahe'wedjihe; ahe' (note 28); we; dji to go; he (note 48). 

(165) go (note 26) ; wi to come; djinfwa perfect, § 51. 

(166) ive his, § 39; dek'i tracks. 

(167) > ahe'weha; ahe (note 28) ; we; ha to be, § 52. 

(168) we; la to go. 

(169) we ; k'g (note 45) ; la to go; djm. 

(170) Te'f bullfrog; djinfwa perfect, § 51. 

(171) kya through § 57, no. 1 ; o > we; ga to arrive; djm. 

(172) na negation, § 28; t'e contraction of hife one, §§ 41, 3, 3. 

(173) s'a earth; raon (note 38) ; le (note 38) ; /(£ locative, § 65 ;?i? imperative, 
§53. 

(174) axKela' locative particle; yy irregular verb go'g', § 35, no. 13. 



384 



WAGNER YUCHI 



(175) he ( ?) ; ?/? (note 65); gwa to say. 

(176) WE his, § 39; hirapa wing; lux plural, § 27. 

(177) we; fa to flop, whip, duplicated. 

(178) > Te'fweng. te q bullfrog; wen^ (note 7). 

(179) we ; a to cry; djin. 

(180) we; tci eye; x, § 9; re rim. 

(181) Koba to swell; dji. 

(182) KE (note 6); we; wi to come. 

(183) depole again, § 66. 

(184) KE (note 6) ; we; to to go; djmfwa perfect, § 51. 

(185) tca'Tif raccoon; djinfwa perfect, § 51). 

(186) yy (note 65) ; fa to fish. 

(187) > ahe here, § 65; we; x, § 9; dji to sit; djinfwa. 

(188) we; Ta face, on; so spotted, duplicated; dji. 

(189) ygt'u'ny > ygViweny, § 3. 

(190) A? (note 11); yusTq'eh (note 162). 

(191) s'a earth ; dase' across, § 65. 

(192) (note 163); la (note 26). 

(193) we; c'o tired. 

(194) s'a earth, duplicated; oivi > hewewi; he locative, § 29; we; wi to fall. 

(195) yuh'a (note 100); Ie (note 38). 

(196) s'a earth; yub'a upward (note 100). 

(197) k'a'a to be finished; djin. 

(198) we; kws to send; djm. 

(199) i/M;aore'(note 92); la (note 26). 

(200) yifafa (note 161) ; djm. 

(201) EE (note 6); ha to be; dji. 



ZUNI 

BY 

RUTH L. BUNZEL 



u 



PRINTED IN GERMANY 
. AUGUSTIN, GLUCKSTADT- HAMBURG -NEW YORK 



CONTENTS 

INTRODUCTION 393 

TEXT 396 

I. PHONOLOGY 430 

1. General phonetic character 430 

2. VocaHc system 430 

3. Vocalic shifts 431 

4. Consonantal system 431 

5 — 7. Consonantal shifts 433 

5. Assimilation 433 

6. Other phonetic shifts 433 

Loss of n before w and y 433 

t becomes k before n 433 

h plus e becomes c 434 

7. Metathesis 434 

-iha and -iyah 434 

-el and -le 434 

8 — 14. Syllabification, accent and quantity 434 

8. The normal syllable 434 

9. Syllabification of compounds 434 

10— il. Accent 435 

10. Rules of accentuation 435 

11. Accentuation of compounds 435 

12—14. Quantity 436 

13. Syllabic value 436 

14. Vocalic quantity — phonemic and acoustic 437 

15. Loss of final syllables 437 

16. Dialectic differences 438 

17. Phonetic decay 438 

II. MORPHOLOGY 439 

18. Morphological processes 439 

19 — 23. Stem composition 440 

19. Range of stem composition 440 

20. Noun and noun 440 

21. Noun and adjective 440 

22. Noun and verb 441 

23. Verb and verb 441 

23a. yu'- 442 

24—29. Affixing 442 

24. Verbal suffixes of derivation 442 

25. Causative -k' 442 

26. Inceptive -ti- 443 

27. Conversive -h- 444 

27a. -ma 444 

28. Distributive Suffixes 445 



390 CONTENTS 

29. Customary -Ife, -p'e 446 

29a. Intensifying -te 447 

30 — 115. Morphologj' of the verb 447 

30. General character of verb 447 

31. Fundamental verbal categories 448 

32. — 34. Character of verbal stems 449 

32. Neutral stems 449 

33. Active stems 449 

34. Static or adjectival stems 450 

35 — 42. Incorporation 450 

36. Nominal incorporation 450 

37—42. Pronouns 451 

37. Pronominal incorporation 451 

38. Incorporated objective pronouns 451 

39. The objective pronouns as subjects 452 

40. Indirect object 453 

41. Reflexive and reciprocal pronouns 453 

42. wo- 454 

43 — 77. Analysis of verbal categories 455 

43—58. Niunber 455 

44. Ways in which pliirahty is expressed 455 

45 — 47. Number in the active transitive verb 455 

45. Number of subject 455 

46. Number of direct object 456 

47. Number of indirect object 457 

48 — 51. Nimiber in static verbs 457 

49. Singular and Plural stems 457 

50. Plurals in a-- 458 

51. Plurals in i-(y) 458 

52 — 58. Plurals of active intransitive verbs 458 

53. Plural stems 459 

54. Plural in a-- (u-) 459 

55. Plural in i-(y) 459 

56. Plural m te- (rare) 459 

57. Stem modification 460 

58. Impersonal and distributive plurals 460 

59—62. Tense 461 

59. Expression of tense 461 

60. Present 461 

61. Past 462 

62. Expression of futurity 462 

63—67. Temporal aspect 463 

64. Completive 463 

65. Durative and repetitive 463 

66. Imminent 464 

67. Resultative 464 

68—77. Mode 465 

69—74. Subjimctive 465 

70 — 74. Uses of subjunctive 466 

70. To express futurity 466 

71. For statements of events not definitely placed 

in time 466 

72. For conditional statements 466 

73. Questions 467 

74. Polite Commands 467 



CONTENTS 391 

75. Imperative 467 

76. Exhortative 468 

77. Optative 468 

78—104. Verbal Paradigms — The Conjugations 469 

79 — 83. Conjugation of neutral stems 469 

80. Class I (stem ending in consonant): p'ot- 469 

81. Class II (stem ending in o): p'alo- 471 

82. Class III 472 

83. Class rV : p'iya 472 

84. Conjugation of active stems 474 

85 — 94a. Active Transitive Verbs 475 

85. Transitive verbs, Class I: elate- 475 

86. Transitive verbs, Class II: ito 476 

87. Transitive verbs. Class III 477 

88. Transitive verbs, Class TV 477 

89. Transitive verbs. Class V: a conjugation: aina . . . 477 

90. Transitive verbs. Class VI : oca 478 

91. Transitive verbs, Class VII: aha 479 

92. Transitive verbs. Class VIII: Verbs in -k'- 480 

93. Transitive verbs. Class IX: u conjugation 480 

94. Transitive verbs. Class X 481 

94a. Transitive verbs. Class XI: i Conjugation 481 

95 — 103. Active Intransitive Verbs 481 

95. Intransitive verbs. Class I. Without conjugating 
vowel : te'tci 481 

96. Intransitive verbs. Class II 482 

97. Intransitive verbs, Class III: derivatives in -le ... 483 

98. Intransitive verbs. Class TV : derivatives in -ma . . 483 

99. Intransitive verbs, Class V : derivatives in -ti .... 483 

100. Intransitive verbs, Class VI: reflexives in i — k'd. . 483 

101. Intransitive verbs. Class VII: a conjugation 484 

102. Intransitive verbs, Class VIII: verbs in -el,-tel,-tcel 485 

103. Intransitive verbs. Class IX: u conjugation 485 

104. Irregular verbs, a-tie, p'ene, utsi 486 

105—115. Verbal nouns 488 

105. Participial or gerundive forms 488 

106. Intensified participial forms 489 

107 — 113. Use of participial forms 489 

108. Simple sequence 489 

109. Temporal subordination 490 

110. Causal subordination 490 

111. Conditional 491 

112. Purposive 491 

113. Use of -te forms 491 

114. Infinitive 491 

115. Relative clauses 492 

116—136. Morphology of the noun 493 

117. Classes of nouns 493 

118. Formation of nouns 493 

119. Nominal suffixes 493 

120. The plurals of noims 493 

121 — 135. Classes of nouns according to grammatical form 494 

122. Class I. No suffix 494 

123. Class II. -ci 494 

124. Class III. -Ko 495 



392 CONTENTS 

125. Class IV. No suffix, plural a-- 495 

126. Class Y. -ki 495 

127. Class VI. No suffix 495 

128. Class VII. -7e 495 

129. Cla,ss VIII. -'me 496 

130. Class IX. -n-e 496 

131. Class X. Collectives 496 

132. Class XI. Abstract nouns in kd. No plural 496 

133. Class XII. -'ona, -koa 497 

134. Class XIII. -kwe, people 497 

135. Class XIV. Adjectives used as nouns 497 

136. Case 497 

137—143. Independent Pronouns 499 

137. Independent personal pronouns 499 

138. Possessive pronouns 501 

139. Demonstrative pronouns 502 

140. Indefinite pronoiuis 502 

141. Interrogative pronouns 503 

142. Nvuneral pronoiuis 503 

143. Nimieral adjectives and adverbs 504 

144—148. Adverbs 504 

144. Demonstrative and locative adverbs 504 

145. Adverbs of position and motion 504 

146. Adverbs of time 505 

147. Adverbs of manner 505 

148. Formation of adverbs from adjectives 505 

149—158. Postpositions 506 

150. -toa, at 506 

151. -n or -an, at 506 

152. -kona (koa), at (distributive), by, along 506 

153. -ten-a, along 506 

154. -kwi,- kwin, at, to, where, etc 507 

155. tea, where, when 507 

156. tekwin, when, where 508 

157. aha, with, so that, because of, etc 508 

158. akdp, because 509 

158 a. -s, then 509 

158 b. -ci (c) , interrogative 510 

III. SYNTAX 510 

159. Predication 510 

160 — 162. Fimdamental syntactic relations 511 

160. Subject 511 

161. Direct object 511 

162. Indirect object 513 

163. Subordination 513 

164. Negation 513 

165. Negative subjunctive 514 

166. Negative commands 514 

166. Interrogation 515 

167. Quotations 515 



INTRODUCTION 

Zuni is the language of the so-called Zuni Indians, a tribe occu- 
pying a single pueblo with outlying villages in Valencia Country, 
western New Mexico. The population in 1928 was 1,920 having 
increased somewhat since the federal census of 1910 in which the 
tribe was numbered at 1,640. The village of Zimi is situated on the 
north bank of the Zuni River, 38 miles south of Gallup, division 
pomt of the Santa Fe Railway and the nearest town and tradmg 
center. The reservation extends some miles west of Zuni along the 
river, and northeast along the river valley to the continental divide. 
In addition to the town of Zvmi, which has grown greatly in exten- 
sion in recent years, are four farming villages occupied for the most 
part in summer only, although a few families remain in their country 
houses all year round. These villages are situated at distances of 
from four to twenty miles from the town. 

The Zmiis call themselves a-'ciwi; the word may possibly be 
derived from ci-, "flesh", (a-- plural prefix; -ivi unknown signi- 
ficance. Cf. ciHe, a piece of meat; plural ciwe. Note difference in 
final vowel.) Mrs. Stevenson erroneously connects this word directly 
with the stem word ciwe despite the significant difference of the 
final vowel. 

The word may also be related to the Keresan word ciwan-a storm 
cloud, which finds its way into the Zuni language in the word 
ciwan-i "priest," and in songs, as ciwan-a, "rain cloud;" also the 
ciivana-kive, a curing society. 

The popular name for the town is ciwina-kwi (ciwi + na, "at," 
common affix for place names, -\- kwi "place"). The term ciwona 
given by Cushmg, Bandelier and others quoting them, has never 
been heard by the writer during years of residence in the village. 
The proper name of the village is i'tiwan-a, "the middle," a term 
of mythological significance. The word Zuni was first applied to the 
village by Antonio de Espejo, and is the Keresan term s'ini, which, 
according to Boas, is an obsolete and sacred Keresan word for 
"middle". 

The language contains many Spanish and fewer English loan 
words. The Spanish words for the most part are names of objects of 
foreign provenience, and were taken over along with the objects, 
during the early period of Spanish contact, e. g. kci'ne-lu sheep (Sp. 
carnero), olo, gold (Sp. oro), wa-'kaci, cattle (Sp. vaca -\- ci Zuni 



394 INTRODUCTION 

termination for animal names), ma'nsana apple (Sp. manzana), 
ma'A;ma sewing machine (Sp. mdquina). The present tendency is 
to use a Zuni descriptive phrase for borrowed objects, e. g. he'onan-e 
railroad (he- "metal" + onan-e "road"); Ae'fcaA:M'e?i-e, railway train 
(he- "metal" + k^dkwen-e "house"); Ba'kivenla'tajfa (k^d'kwen-e 
"house" + latap'a "winged"); ci'ivayan fa'tepololon-e automobile 
(ciwayan-e derivation unknown + tatebololon-e "wagon", a 
descriptive term, literally "wood roller"); but ci'porea (Chevrolet) 
any automobile that is not a Ford. 

Almost all Zuni proper names are of foreign origin. There are 
a great many Spanish names frequently not recognized as being of 
Spanish origin, but given as "Zuni"^ names. There are also many 
names of Navajo and Keresan origin. It is probable that all names 
ending in -tiwa (m.) and -titsa (f.) are of Keresan origin, since these 
are the obligatory masculine and feminine endings in that language. 
The endmg -tiwa for masculine personal names is also common 
among the Hopi. 

Zuni's nearest neighbors at present are the Navajo (Athapaskan), 
who practically surround their reservation. Their nearest neighbors 
among the settled peoples are the Acoma and Laguna (Keresan) 
about 60 miles northeast, and the Hopi (Shoshonean) 150 miles 
to the northwest. Their most frequent contacts seem to have been 
with the Hopi and Navajo. There is a tradition of tribal warfare 
with both of these tribes. They have extensive trading relations 
with both. 

The published material on the Zuni language comprises a few 
short ritual texts included by P. H. Gushing in Zuni Fetishes 
(RBAE 2) and by Stevenson in Zuni Indians (RBAE 23). These 
texts are not analyzed. A series of ritual texts collected by the 
writer has been published in the 47th Annual Report of the Bureau 
of American Ethnology, and a collection of ethnological texts and 
folk tales in the Publications of the American Ethnological Society, 
Vol. 15. The references marked (Z) in the following pages are to 
this publication. 

The material upon which the grammar is based was collected in 
1926 — 1928 in the course of two trips under the auspices of the 
Department of Anthropology of Columbia University and the 
Social Science Research Council of the Laura Spellman Rockefeller 
Memorial Foundation. Texts were dictated by the following in- 
formants : 

1. Flora Suni, F., age 40, (daughter of 4), English. 

2. Clarence, M., age 28, English. 

3. Margaret Suni, F., age 42, daughter of 4, no English. 



1 SeeE.C.Parsons.ZuniNamesandNammgPractises, J.A.F.L. 36: 171— 176. 



INTRODUCTION 395 

4. Lina Suni, P., age 70 (wife of 8.), no English. 
6. Walelio, M., age 55, no English. 

6. Lio Suni, M., age 45, son of 4, no English. 

7. Nick, M., age 65, Spanish, English. 

8. Suni, M., age 85, no English; father of 1, 3, 11. 

9. Andelesi, M., age 60, no English. 

10. Dick, M., age 65, a little English. 

11. Josie Suni, F., age 25, daughter of 4, no English. 

Warren Andelesi interpreted for his father; Flora Suni for the 
members of her family. Nick was his own interpreter. Flora proved 
to be not only a first rate interpreter but an excellent linguist as 
well, and much of the analysis is on the basis of her information. 
Informants 1 — 9 dictated texts published in the Ethnological Society 
Publication. 

Ruth L. Bunzel. 
New York, September 1934. 



ZUNI 

BY RUTH L. BUNZEL 



1. Naming 

ho"na-'wan{l) wi'}mtsa'na(2) tem{3) hic{4:) e"le{5) i'' yaiyu^ ya-' - 
Our baby still very girl getting to know 

A;'ap'a(6) ci"ilc'dn-a(7). o'tsi{8) te'kdnuiuap'a{Q) an{\0) na'na{\\) 
something will have a name. Man if it had been his grandfather 

yam{\2) ci"m(13) M7.5m-a(14). ta'htcic(\o) f.cim{l6) aw(17) 
his own name would give. Meanwhile first his 

(1) Possessive pronoun, 3rd person, plural. SeeH 138 of Grammar. 

(2) wiha, stem, "baby"; tsana, stem, "small". 

(3) adverb, "still, yet". 

(4) adverb, "very". 

(5) e-, stem, "girl". He, nominal suffix with monosyllabic stems, 
inanimate class, singular; here an exception. See U 128. 

(6) i- reflexive, special usage with causative -A''- H 25; -y-, gKde; 
between i and a; ai = an, direct object; yu'ya-- transitive stem, 
"to know", possibly compounded of yu', frozen stem, If 23a "to 
feel", and ya--, active stem "to become complete"; -k'- causative, 
special usage with i-; -a- active, completive; -p' (a), present parti- 
ciple, new subject following. U 105. Literally, "causing herself to 
know something". 

(7) c?- neutralstem, "name" ; -t-, reduplicated vowel between ' and 
k; -k'dn-a, present subjunctive, static, singular by inference, since 
there is no pliu-al prefix. Literally, "there may be a naming." SeeH 70. 

(8) nominal stem, "male". 

(9) te- neutral stem, "to be, to do"; -kdmtap^a, subjunctive 
participle, based on present subjunctive, "had it been". See Hill. 

(10) a7i, possessive pronoun, 3rd person, singular. 

(11) stem, "grandfather," (father's father or mother's father), 
"grandchild", man speaking. Reciprocal. 

(12) reflexive possessive pronoiui, "his own". 

(13) ciHn, syntactic form of ci'in-e, cf- neutral stem, "name"; 
n-e, nominalizing suffix, singular, inanimate (cf. ciHe, [pi. ciwe\ 
based on stem ci- "meat"). The duplication of the vowel is due to 
the glottal stop which is part of the stem, followed by the long 
consonant w. H 130. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES 397 

ci'Hn{13) a'can-a{18). tom.s(16) ci"'unan{l9) hom{20) na'na(ll) 
name would make. So first naming my grandchild 

t'o'{2l) tsa'tvak(22) yo-'thi'{2Z). fo'(21) la'citV{24). <'o'(25) 5 
you youth may become. You may grow you old. You 

o'na-ya''t'u'{26). f'o'{21) te'hyathi' (27) Aom(20) pH"nan{28) 
road may become finished. You may be valuable my breath 



(14) present subjunctive, singular of the irregular verb utsi, to 
give it to him. See U 104 for complete conjugation. 

(15) adverb, "meanwhile", "on the other hand". 

(16) adverb, "then", "first". 

(17) independent pronoun, 3rd person, singular, oblique. "For 
him." H 137. 

(18) ac- transitive stem, "to make"; -a-, completive aspect; 
n-a, present subjunctive, singular, y, 70, 90. 

(19) ci'-, neutral stem, "name"; -u-, conjugating vowel, transitive 
conjugation; completive; -nan, present participle; "naming her". 
See H 80. 

(20) possessive pronoun, 1st person, singular. 

(21) independent personal pronoun, 2nd person, singular, sub- 
jective. 

(22) -ki, nominal suffix used with names of classes of human 
beings. The stem tsawa- is probably related to tsana, "small, young". 

(23) yo-, active intransitive stem, "to become"; f^u, optative, 
singular. See 1} 77. 

(24) lad-, stem, "old", also, "to be old, to grow old"; f^u, 
optative. 

(25) Vd", see note 21. Not strictly grammatical. Strictly speaking, 
the subject of the following verb is ona. See below. 

(26) ona- neutral stem, "road"; ya--, active intransitive stem, 
"to become complete" ; fu, optative. Literally, "may (your) road 
become complete", mm, being the incorporated subject. However, 
it is used as a fixed compound, ona being regarded as part of the 
stem, and is used with the subjective pronoun, Co\ freely trans- 
lated, "may you finish your road". The transitive verb "to finish" 
is ya-k'd, ya-- and causative k\ See H 36. 

(27) tehya, neutral stem, "valuable", fw, optative, singular, 
"may you be valuable", or "may you be saved". 

(28) 'p'i'nan syntactic form of p'i'nan-e. pH'na-, stem, "breath"; 
-we, nominalizing suffix, inanimate, singular. 

(29) tehya- stem, "valuable"; -p'(a), present participle, new 
subject following, f 105. 

(30) le\ stem, "this", an- indirect object, "to him", ikw- transitive 
stem, singular "to say"; -a- active, completive; -nan, present 
participle; -s, connective particle, "so". If 40. 



398 BTJNZEL ZUNI 

fe'hyap'a{'29) le"anikvanans{30) ci"un-a(3\). o'kd{32) te'- 

being valuable thus to him saying he will name him. Woman if 

kanuwap'a(9) an{33) Ao<(34) hot(35) ta'htci{l5) 

it should be her maternal grandmother either meanwhile 

an(33) «'o'«'o(36) hol{35) «"m(13) u'tsin-a{\4:). 

her 23^ternal grandmother or name will give. 

10 ta'htci{lo) 071(37) tcim{\6) na'7ia{ll) a'can-a.{l8). tcim{l6) 
Meanwhile for her first grandfather will make. First 

ci"un-a{31). fa(38) u'hsite(39) p'e'na-ica'k-aiiO) yam{4:l) ho'ta 
will name, and those same words with her own grand- 

tsa'na{42) o'na-ya''tun'ona{4:3) a?i(44) 

daughter little road that it may be the one to be finished for her 

p^e'yen-a{45). 
will speak. 



(31) cP-, neutral stem, "name;" -u-, conjugating vowel, active 
completive; n-a, present subjunctive, singular. Cf. p'ot'u, Tf 80. 

(32) stem, "woman". 

(33) possessive pronoun, 3rd person, singular. 

(34) hot = hota, stem, "mother's mother". See note 42. 

(35) hoi . . . hoi, "either or". 

(36) stem, "father's mother". 

(37) This might be either 3rd person possesive pronoun, "her", or 
independent personal pronoim, 3rd person, dative, "for her". 
11137. 

(38) stem, "and". 

(39) 2ihsi, demonstrative pronoun, "that"; -te, intensifying suffix, 
"that very one". 

(40) 'p'ena'w = p'ena-ice, words (pi.) from stem p'e- "to speak", 
aha, post position, "by means of". H 157. 

(41) reflexive possessive pronoun, "her own". 

(42) hota, stem, "mother's mother" or any grandchild, woman 
speaking; not a reciprocal term; fsana, adjective, "small, young". 

(43) ona-, stem, "road;" ya-- stem, "to become complete" (see 
note 26); fun- participle based on the optative; 'ona, agentive 
Literally "may she be the one whose road may become complete". 
If 112, and 167. 

(44) Independent personal pronoim, 3rd person, singular, ob- 
Kque, "for her". 

(45) p'e, intransitive stem, "to speak," (irregular); -n-a, present 
subjunctive durative, singular by inference. See H 104 for complete 
conjugation. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES 399 

1. Naming 
As soon as our baby is quite a girl and begins to recognize things, 
then she will have a name. If it should be a male his grandfather 
would give him his o^vn name, or else he would make up a name for 
him. Then he would name him. "My grandchild, may you become 
a young man. May you grow old. May your road be fulfilled. May 
you become valuable, since my breath is valuable." So he would 
say and he would give him the name. If it should be a female, her 
mother's mother, or else her father's mother would make a name 
for her, and would name her. Then she would use these same words. 
She would speak to her grandchild that her road might be fulfilled. 



2. Witchcraft 

a-pi^fa-ciu-an-i(l). kwa tern luknia a-hd'i a-team-ep'a(lsi). 1 

Bow priests. Not yet these here persons not being 

Jcak'hoU i-halikwicena'ka{2). tern ho' 

long ago there used to be a taking away of witchcraft. Still I 

fopin-te tcaH il-ikd(3). laciki halikivikd. haH pPlaciwan-i 

only one child had. Old man practiced sorcery. Three bow priest 

t'opa naiyutci fopa kiye'isi na-palu ithsona p'iyanapkd. 

one (name) one (name) (name) those the ones hung him. 

ma-lc'ona['^) ank^etsana{5). uhsona ma-ki 5 

Young woman the one in her he delighted. That one young woman 

kica antecemanam-e. ikane'a.{6). nwki samu we'a. 

(not) does not want him. He is angry. Young woman ugly is sick 

(1) In the following pages stress accent has not been indicated- 
It is always on the first syllable. SeeH 10. y, (la,.) kwa. . . .a-teani-ep'a. 
kwa introduces the negative phrase; «•- plural of intransitive verbs; 
te- neutral stem, to be or do; am-e, present, static, negative; -p'a, 
participle, new subject following. 

(2) r- plural, indirect object (see H 40); halikwi, neutral stem, 
"witch" "to be a witch", (kivi possibly is a suffix); -c- suffix, "to 
remove" (see II 27) ; -e-, repetitive; wa'M, resultative, past. Literally 
"witchcraft used to be removed from them". 

(3) il--, neutral stem, "with," -i-, static; ka, past, singular. 

(4) ma- ^i, young married woman with children; ki, nominal suffix 
(see HI 26); 'oTia, "theone who is", indicating direct object; See If 136. 

(5) an, indirect object; k'et'sa- active stem, "to enjoy"; na, adjec- 
tival or static suffix. See TI 34. 

(6) An active verb, like we'a below. The stem is ikd- (cf. ikdti, "to 
become angry") ikdne'a is based on a participial or adjectival form. 
Present tense, dm-ative. The narrative procedes in the present tense. 



400 BTJNZEL ZUNI 

acen'iha{7). an e'nin-e pipto- le- uhsona ante- 

She is about to die. Her belt fringes this much that one from her 

hakika{8) aha halicoti]ca{9). halikwi p^i'na]cd{lO) Vsume 

he cut off; therefore she became crazy. Witch wind strong 

ye-makmna(ll) an e'nin-e an pipton-e antehaki'koa(l2) 
coming up her belt its fringe which was cut off 

10 tcolto-kd aha halicotikd. acen'iJia. 

he set up on a stick therefore she became crazy. She is about to die. 

napalu cemaka. halikwi we'an'ona{\^) m.a-ki fcu-al- 

(name) sought him. Witch the sick one young woman lying down 

kwin(14:) ikd. halikwi vmukd{15). kwa antecemanam-- 

where she is he came. Witch seated himself. (Not) he did not wish 

kd{\&). kwa ho' lesnunam-kd. kwa, ho' anikicam-e t'o' 
it. (Not) I this did not do. (Not) I do not know how. You 

tekwan-te p'eye'a. kwa ho' anikwam-e. Co' yosek'e'a(\l). 

all in vain are talking. (Not) I do not know how. You lie. 

15 kwa kd-k'i t'om ho' alo-tena'ma{18). t'o' tekwan-te t'o' 

Not ever you I did not approach (you). You all in vain you 



(7) ace- stem, "to die", n'iha, present imminent. See U 66. 

(8) an-, indirect object, "for her"; te, a pluralizing and probably 
a distributive element; haki- active stem, "to cut off"; kd, past 
tense, singular, te probably refers to plural object, cf. tehaktco. 

(9) halico, "crazy", -ti- inceptive; kd, past tense, active, singular. 

(10) kd, a suffix for abstract nouns and infinitives; there is no 
corresponding verbal form, p'i'nan-e is the usual word for wind. 

(11) ye-mak", "to ascend"; the stem is probably ak" (cf. elemaku, 
to stand up, pilaku to sit up) ; na = nan, present participle. 

(12) a static, not a passive form, 'koa, the one which was ..." 

(13) we'an-, adjectival or participial form of the active verb 
we'a; ana, "the one who is". 

(14) tcu-, stem, "lie down", (of a person); aflj-stem, "a long or 
flat object lies", static conjugation of the verb a-; kwin locative 
suffix "where it is". 

(15) V- reflexive; (i)m-, stem, "to sit or be sitting"; -u-, active; 
-kd, past, singular. 

(16) antecema, "to desire", at present tmanalysable, but probably 
based on ce7na, "to ask for"; nam-kd, past, singular, negative. 
See If 164. 

(17) yose, adjectival stem, "false"; -k'-, causative; -e'a, present, 
durative. 

(18) a ^=an, direct object; hte, neutral stem, "near"; na'ma, 
active, present, singular, negative. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES 401 

'p'eye'a. ele-te hoinan Co' e'nin-e pipton-e t'o' antehakikd 

are talking. Yes indeed from me you belt fringe you cut off. 

ak-d kiva horn tse'makwin k'okcam-e. p'ene piHaciivan-i 
Therefore (not) my spirit is not good. Speak! bow priest 

le'aniktvakd(l9). halikici lesanikwakd{l9). kwa 

thus to him said. Witch this that follows to him said. (Not) [I] 

antecema-na'ma. fo' kwa p'ena'map'a ydtokwi{20) fo' kwai'in-a. 
do not wish it. You (not) not speaking sun to you will go out. 

Velapte lesanikwakd. ma-ki horn 20 

At night even this that follows she said to him. Young woman me 

ankohati. homa-ni{2l) e'nin-e pipton-e horn fo' lesnac- 

pity (me). Mine belt fringe my you which you have 

koa{22). lihsona horn, a-ivutsi. horn ankohati. 

thus taken away those to me give them. Me pity. 

t&n-a' horn fo" lesalewukd. fo' yam olpan-e fo' 

Notwithstanding to me you thus did. You your headband you 

a-pik'aiakd. pi'laciwan-i olpahkd(23). isk'on peha'kd 

tied them to it. Bow priest j headband took off. There it was wrapped. 

e'nin-e am pipto-ive a-pik'aiakd. an ank'ohakd. 25 

Belt its fringes he had tied them on. Him he discovered (him). 

kwa antece7nanam-kd. ikdnikd kwa halikwam-e{24). 

(Not) he did not wish it. He was angry. (Not) [I] am not a witch. 

kiva antecemana'ma. ikane'a. 

(Not) he did not want it. He is angry. 

ma-ki acenHha. Cek'ohati(25)ku'a p'eyena'ma. 

Young woman is about to die. Daybreak (not) she does not speak. 



(19) le- "thus or this much"; an, "to him"; ik'"-, stem, "to say", 
(with direct quotation.) This form follows the quotation, leskwa, 
or lesanihva precedes the quotation. 

(20) ydto-, stem, "to cross over"; kd, abstract nominal suffix; 
(of. ydton-e, "day", literally "a crossing over" (of the sun). The 
meaning of the sentence is "your crime wiU be revealed to the Sim." 

(21) Independent personal pronoun, 1st person, singular, genitive. 

(22) One of a number of verbs based on the stem les-, "thus"; 
-c- is a suffix meaning to remove. See If 27. 

(23) olpa-, neutral stem, "headband"; -h-, suffix, "to undo"; 
kd, past, singular, active. 

(24) ?ialikw(i), neutral stem, "witch, to practise sorcery"; the 
form is static, present, negative. 

(25) t'e-, "time, space"; k'oha, "white, to be white" (the adjective 
"white" is k'ohana, based on a participial form. See If 34) -ti-, 
inceptive; "space (the sky) begins to whiten". 

27 



402 BUNZEL ZUNI 

felap'a ko-ioi p'eyekd. halikivi fetcus amp^eyeJcci. hca 

At night a little she spoke. Witch prayers to him she spoke. (Not) 

30 antecernanain-kd. halikwi ikdnika. an tatcu pi'laciwan-i 

he did not wish it. Witch was angry. His father bow priest 

yam fam aha ikdtikd. yam Pamk'dpnan-e(26). 

his own club with he became angry. His war club. 

itowenapkdt'ap'a{27) ma'ki acekd. halikwi ma-ki 

They ate and then yoimg woman died. Witch young woman 

aceri'ihap'a(2S) ana-kwai'ikd. ican-an yam, 

being about to die running he went out. For a moment his own 

Ic'dkioin a-kd. halikwi an-a-kd. ma-ki acekd. an 

house to he went. Witch running went. Young woman died. Her 

35 a-tsita an a-papa a-k'oyekd. kwanleapkd(2Q). hocona'- 

mothers her elder brothers wept. Slie was dressed. She was 

M(30). an kuku a"icatekd{3l). an kiiku hdwaia-wak-d 
washed. Her aunt washed her head. Her aunt prayer meal with 

tem-l k'usk'dkd{32). acekd. halikivi ainakd. khvamasi e'nin-e 
aU dried her. She died. Witch killed her. Worthless belt 

piptowe ak-d an eleteakd{33). 
fringes with her he fixed. 

ma-hona acekd. pi'laciwan-i ha'imona hali- 

Yoimg woman the one died. Bow priest three the ones exor- 

40 kwickd{2>-^). ha'imona fopa naiyutci fopa kiye'isi kivil-i hie 
cised. Three the ones one (name) one (name) two very 



(26) t'a(m)- a short thick stick, k'dp(i), transitive verb, "to 
beat"; -nan, participial or nominalizing suffix; -we, nominal 
suffix, singular, inanimate. See If 130. 

(27) ito-, stem, "to eat", here in durative aspect; nap, plural 
(transitive); kd, past; t'a, enclytic, "and", with the gerundive 
ending, p'a. See H 105. 

(28) participle based on the imminent aspect, acenHha, "she is 
about to die". 

(29) ktvanlea- (we) , "clothing", from kwa, "something" and lea, 
"to carry"; an impersonal plural. See If 58. 

(30) k'oco-, transitive stem, "to wash"; resultative, past tense. 
H 67. 

(31) a^=an, direct object. The n is elided and the a dipthongised 
due to stress accent and following n. See If 3, 14. 

(32) k'us- active stem, "to become dry"; -P-, causative. 

(33) Probably ele, "well", and te-, "to be or do". 

(34) halikwi, stem, "witch", -c-, suffix "to remove", kd, past, 
active, completive, singular. See note 2, U 399. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES 403 

mosiye{35). i-lata-we. fa t'opa napalu hd'i a-piHa-ckvan-i. 
are leaders. Wars. And one (name) three bow priests. 

ma-lc'ona an a-papa an ak'onapka{3Q). 

Young woman the one her elder brothers for her dug a grave. 

ahnan{37) kwaiHkd. ak'o tetacak'dnapka. a-k'oyeka. 

Taking it a they went out. Grave deep they made. They cried. 

ele-lokwi{^9>) p'alonapkd. halikivi an k'dkivin ana- 

Corpse burying place they buried her. Witch his house to running 

kwai'ik'dnapkd{39). i-wohanap'ena,nkwi{4:0) a-piHa- 45 

they brought out. At the place where they used to hang them bow 

ciwan-l halikivi il-ap a-ivikd. ma-k'ona 

priests witch being with they came. Young woman the one 

ainakoa{4:l) k'ume tacana kivaiHna'^{42) pHyanapkd. 

the one who had killed her log long coming out they hung him. 

kempik'aianak-d. yalicekd. kwa antecemanam-kd. pi'laciwan-i 
Hide string with. He denied it. (Not) he did not wish it. Bow priest 

ma-lc'ona p'alokd. ak-d ikane'a. napalu hie 

young woman the one he buried. Therefore he is angry. (Name) very 

ace-we k'oye'a. 7nak'ona p'alokd. hie yam 50 

hard wept. Young woman the one he buried. Very his 

famlc'apmxbn-e ak-d contela'koa{4:3) ocokioi'koa fam aha t'am- 
war club with face all over head all over club with war 



(35) Dual; the dual pronoun is omitted. 

(36) ak'o- neutral stem, "hole, to dig a hole"; past tense, active, 
plural. 

(37) a- "one small or long thing lies"; -h- conversive; -■rea.n, present 
participle. This does not refer to the corpse, but to some small 
implement. 

(38) ele-(we) corpses; -lo- "to hide or bury", (cf. following word, 
p'alonapkd); kwi, locative. 

(39) ana- stem occurring in compounds only, "to rmi"; kwai'i-, to 
go out", -k'-, causative. 

(40) f -, plural object; wohana, neutral stem, "many things hang", 
pi'e- customary (See If 29); nan, present participle; -kwi, post 
position, "where"; "where they always used to hang them". 

(41) aina-, transitive stem, "to kill or strike one;" koa, nomen. 
actoris, past tense, "the one who killed her" ; ma-k'ona is the direct 
object of the clause. 

(42) kwai'i, "to come out"; (nja, locative. The final aspiration 
does not appear to be a significant part of the suffix, but is frequent, 
enough and pronounced enough to be recorded. It may indicate 
something ehded. 

27* 



404 BXTNZEL ZTJNI 

k'apnan-e ale" ainaka. halikwi hoa fc'onam-A;a(44). ace- 

club with he struck him. Witch not he did not cry out. Hard 

ainapte{4:5) kiva k'onam-kd. pHyaye. ititvap'a 

striking even not he did not cry out. He is hanging. At midday 

p'iya'ka. el paloknan pHyaka. yatonil-i 

he was hanging. Corpse being buried he hung him. All day long 

55 pHya'kd. lesnapte kwa haiiktvam-e. kwa antecema- 

he was hanging. Even so (not) he is not a witch. Not he does not 

nam-kd. ainanapkd. a-pi'hi-cncan-i haHmona aina- 

wish it. They struck him. Bow priests three the ones they 

napka. kyiva antecemana'mapte p'ek'd7ia-wetiha{4:6) 

struck him. (Not) not wanting even though they will make him speak 

aha ace- ainanapkd. lesnapte acen'iyahnan-te{-i7) 
therefore hard they struck him. Even so even though about to die 

kiva p'end'ma. fawaha ainanapkd. a-pi'la-ciwan-i 

not he does not speak. Clubs with they struck him. Bow priests. 

60 ko-macko-na a-hd'i anhap'okd(48). pi'laciwan-i u-eatco- 

Many people gathered about him. Bow priest called out to all 

M(49). k'dl Jiap'o a-ho'i. ho'na-wan hap'o. lukd 

directions. Hither gather people! To us gather! This one 

p^eyen'iha. kwahol yam aiyutcian'ona(50) 

is about to talk. Something _ his own to be marvelled at, the ones 

p'eyen^iJut. Ic'dl ho'na-wan hap'o. lukd p'eyen'iha. 

he is about to speak. Hither to us gather ! This one is about to talk. 



(43) contela, "side of the face"; -koa. post-position, "at different 
places, all over"; not to be confused with the other koa, "the one 
who did. . . " 

(44) negative of k'one, completive aspect of k'oye'a. 

(45) aina.-, "to kill or strike one"; -p, participle, new subject 
following; -te intensifying (see Tf 29a). 

(46) p'e- stem, "to speak", -k"-, causative; na-we, plural, active; 
present; -tiha, imminent aspect, plural. 

(47) Based on the present imminent, acen'iha. See TI 7 for 
phonetic shift. 

(48) an-, indirect object; hap'(o), stem, "to gather together", 
(intransitive); kd, past. 

(49) wea- transitive stem, "to call out" ; -tco- suffix, "on all sides", 
ka, past, singular. 

(50) ai =an, indirect object; yutci- stem, "to marvel", -an, 
participial or adjectival suffix; 'ona, "the one". See II 167 for 
discussion of the syntax. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES 405 

wan p'iyahnapka {ol) akd p'eyen-a. anha- 

For a moment they took him down so that he might speak. They gathered 

f'olca. halikwi yam a-ho^i late'koa uhsona p'eyekd. 65 

to him. Witch his own people the ones he had killed that he spoke. 

ko-macko-na a-hoH hap'oka. anluitianapkd. p'eyekd. 

Many people gathered. They listened to him. He spoke. 

aiyutciana p'eyekd. tcuholi tcak^okci tcaivil-ap^a 

Things to wonder at he spoke. Whoever child good children having 

kwaholi umvak-a kdne-lu wakdci kwahol ak-d eleteap'a 
something flocks with sheep cattle something with being well fixed 

ho'na-wan ike-nan{52) uwe. aha hon iatena-we{53). kopla-ti 

our hearts in it hurts. Therefore we are killing them. Why 

lesap fo' ma-hona ainakd? le'and'kdp'a ho' 70 

being thus you woman the one killed her ? This to him being said I 

il alan'ihap'a kwa antecemanam-e. ikdnikd. 

with her wishing to sleep (not) she did not wish it. She was angry. 

ma-ki horn anap'ekd. isk'onholi horn ike-nan 

Young woman me scolded. There somewheres my heart in 

utvetikd{54c) . ak-d ho' antehakikd. fowaydlakwi 

it began to hurt. Therefore I cut it off from her. Corn Mountain at 

p'i'nakd t'sume ye-makunankwi an e'nin an pipto-we ho' 
wind strong coming up where her belt its fringes I 

antehakikd. ho' p'ehan ackd. kdpuli latsiton-e ho' tcoUo-kd. 75 

cut off. I bundle made. twig I set it up on a stick. 

ak-d p'i'nakd t'sume ye-makunan p'ehan tcoUo-kivi 

Therefore wind strong coming up bimdle where it is tied up 

ak-d nalilik'dkd. halicotikd ma-ki 

therefore it shook in the wind. She became crazy. Young woman 

acekd. ko-macko-na ho-'o a-ho'i ho' latekd. fa tenati 

died. Many I people I killed them. And notwithstanding 

le-wi ho' tehya'kd. ko-macko-na hon i-yanaiyu'ya-nap'a{55) 
this much I was valuable. Many we one another knowing 

(51) p'iya-, neutral stem, "to hang"; -h- conversive; -nap-, 
plural transitive; kd, past. 

(52) ike-na, "heart"; -n-, locative suffix. See H 151. 

(53) lat-, transitive stem, "to kill many"; -e-, durative; na-we, 
plural, present. 

(54) uwe, static verb, "it hurts", ti, inceptive. 

(55) iyan, reciprocal; ai=an, direct object, "it"; (see If 3 for 
vocalic shift); yu'ya-na, transitive stem, "to know" (see note 6 
p. 396) ; p'a, irregular plural, present tense, probably distributive 
(H 58). 



406 BUNZEL ZTTNI 

80 kwa ho' -sama team-e. horn takihwi hmn a-tatcu ham 

not I alone am not. My paternal household my fathers my 

tatcutsana a-tci tern a-tci hd'i. luknok'ona horn 

Httle father (uncle) both still both people. These the ones me 

puanapkd. ma i-cemaim-we'(56). a-pi'la-chcan-i le'a-wanikwaka. 
initiated. Well call them ! Bow priests thus to them he said. 

i-cemanapka. an tatcutsan'ona a-pi'la-ciwan-i i-ce- 

They called them. His Uttle father, the one bow priests they 

manapka. an kuku an tatcu kwilim'ana lal an kuku 
called them. His aunt his father two the ones then his aunt 

85 ha'imo7ia i-cemanapka. p'o'ula'kd. halikicic- 

three the ones they called them. He was sitting outside. They stripped 

napkd. an tatcutsana p'o'ulaktci te'tcinan 

off his witchcraft. His little father sitting outside where arriving 

ikcitikd. an tatcu ikdtikd. kvahol t'o' tekican-te 

he became angry. His father became angry. Something you all in vain 

p'eye'a. kica ho' aiyu'ya-nam-e. imatcic t'o' sam aiyu'ya-na. 
speak. (Not) I do not know how. Of coiu-se you alone know how. 

fo' yosek'e'a. kwa ktvahol fek'aiala kwa ho' aiyit'ya-nam-e. 
You lie. (Not) anything destructive (not) I do not know. 

90 fo' yosek'e'a. imatcic hoi t'o' yanik'dkd{5"). an kuku 

You he. Of course somewhere you learned it. His aunt 

k'oyeka. kwa halikwam-ekdn'iyahnan{5S) k'oyekd. kwa p'eye- 
cried. (Not) not wanting to be a witch she cried. (Not) she did 

nam,'Tca yam kuku yatn tatcu unatikana kwa p'eyenam-ka. 
not talk. His own aunt his own father seeing (not) he did not talk. 

fas aha a-pi'lackoan-i anhemotinapkd{59). anap'enap- 

Again then therefore bow priests tortured him. They scolded 

kd. ik'waUe p'iyakd. kiva p'eyena'map'a fas ainana'kd. 

him. Once again they hung him. (Not) not speaking and so he is struck. 

95 faxvakd a-pilaciwan-i i-kdnikd{60). p'ena--fsu7nek'ekd(61). 
clubs with bow priests were angry. Words strong he is making. 

(56) «■•-, plural object; (see II 46); cema, transitive stem, "to 
call", na-iue, plural imperative. Note final accent. 

(57) y-, reflexive; anikiv-, intransitive stem, "to know (a tech- 
nique)", -k'-, causative; the kiv of the stem and k' have become 
assimilated, (see U 5); -a-, conjugaing vowel, active, completive; 
kd, past, singular. 

(58) halikw(i), stem, "witch". Negative imminent participle. 
See II 105, 163. 

(59) an, direct object; hemo-, stem, "to boil over," -ti- inceptive; 
plural, past tense. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES 407 

anhatiana-we' et Con lol wosliye. ko-viacko-na t'on yam 

Listen to him ! But you around are with them. Many you your 

vyanaiyu'ya-nap'ona{62) luk p^eye'a. kica luk sam-a 
knowing one another the ones this one speaks. (Not) this one alone 

team-e. uhsitetcoli{63) honkwati koioanholi hon luwalaye. 

is not. That very one whoever perhaps or else a few we are standing. 

feivus ike-Ti'ona honkwat t'on pucbwaiH. uhsitetcoli 

Prayer heart the ones perhaps you exceed. That very one whoever 

a-halikwi ko-macko-na luk p'eye'a. ele yu'hatiak'dna-tve' . 100 
witches many this one speaks. Well heed him ! 

yam ko'lehol hd'na a-wana-t'su7nena-ive. uhsona luk p'eye'a. 
His something us he tries us. That this one speaks. 

kwa luk sam-a team-e. Ion hoi Con ivosliye. 

Not this one alone is not. Around somewhere you are with them. 

ace- konholi t'o'na lakna'kdt'apfe{64:) kwa fon 

Hard whatever you have been beaten and even so (not) you 

a-p'eyena'ina{65). Vopehol ainan-a itonuwanholi{QQ). 

do not speak. Whichever one he may kill whether one may eat it. 

imatcic kwa yu'ya-nam-ep'a{Q7). a-iviyanikinan-e{Q8) is Mva 105 
Surely not are not wi-se. One another relatives that (not) 

(60) r-, plural; ikd, stem, "to be angry". See note 6, ^ 399. 

(61) p'ena--, "words", from p'e-, "to speak"; fsume, strong; 
-k'- causative; -e-, durative; kd, past, singular. "He shouted". 

(62) A common way of rendering indirect discourse, syntactically 
simple, but impossible to translate literally. See II 167. 

(63) uhsi, "that"; -te, intensifying (Tf 29a); tcu(w)- "someone" 
(140); holi, "somewhere", holi .... holi, "either .... or". 

(64) lat- "to kill many," {t changes to k before n;) resultative, 
past, with connective, fap, "and"; and the intensifying -te. "You 
have been beaten, and even so .... ". The preceding fo'wi is incorrect 
for fon. However the usage in regard to the subject of resultatives 
is not always clear. 

(65) a-, plural; p'e, intransitive stem, "to speak", irregular. 
See U 104. 

(66) Subjimctive participle (see H 105), with the particle holi, 
"whether". The whole sentence is a rhetorical question, "Can you 
eat whichever one you may kiU ?" 

(67) yu'ya-na-, intransitive, "to know"; to be distinguished 
from the transitive aiyu'ya-na, "to know something" ; m-e, negative 
(with preceding kwa); p'a, irregular plural (See H 58). 

(68) a- (w)- plural of nouns denominating classes of human beings ; 
iyanikinan-e, "relative"; (ikina is the term for younger sister, man 
speaking; iyan-, reciprocal pronoun.) iyanikina-we, is a more 
usual pliural. 



408 BTXNZEL ZUNI 

elam-e ak' acetcop^a{69) ku'a<:{10) ike-na, uwam-e? 

not well therefore on the point of death does (not) heart not hurt ? 

imatcic halikwap'a kxva yam i-yanikinan-e kira ankohaticukwa(71). 
Surely witches being not your relative not would not pity. 

kwa lc'eVsanakdm-e(12) lukd 'p'eye'a. k'wamas lestenapte 
Not it is not to be happy. This one speaks. Worthless even being thus 

fon tcuwaiya aha ante}uick'dna-wa(73}. imat'hol 

you someone therefore will cause him to suffer. It seems however 

110 tcwa fcak^o-kci tcaicil-ap'a yam tcaivakd eleteap'a 

someone child good children having his children because of prospering 

kwa td'na-wa tse'nakm- k^o-kcam-e. is hikd p'eye'a 

(not) for you thoughts are not good. That this one speaks 

aiyutciana. ko'leholi lukd pu'ana'koa{l-i) 

wonderful. Whatever this one according to which he was initiated 

lukd p'eye'a. f'opa kwaholi aha elete-ap ainanan an 
this one speaks. One whatever with prospering killing him his 

hoi kivaholi il-ikdninvanholi{75). imatcic kioa yu'ya-- 

somewhere whatever whether one may have it ? Surely not they are 

115 nam-ep'a. kwahol tem-la teu"u'asela{76) hoi tcuholi 

not wise. Something all jealous all the time somewhere whoever 

kwahol ahd eleteap'a to'na-wan ike-na kwa elam-e. 

something because of prospering your heart (not) is not weO. 

t'o'na hon a-wantehack'dna-iva. kwa uhson holt t'on i-f'se- 
You we shall cause to .suffer. (Not) that whether you do not 

mana'ma. yam, t'on ho'i antehack'dna-iva. t'opaholi 
think of it. Your own you person you cause him to suffer one whichever 



(69) ace-, stem, "to die"; this form has no parallel. 

(70) hiva, indefinite pronoun, here introducing a negative clause; 
-C-, interrogative particle. 

(71) ankoha, stem, "to pity", (an is probhably incorporated 
object; -ti-, inceptive); cukiva, negative subjimctive (see If 165). 

(72) k'et'sa-, active stem, "to enjoy" ; -na, participial or adjectival 
suffix; kd, infinitive; m-e, negative; "it is not at all a happy time". 

(73) an, object; k'- causative; na-wa, present, subjunctive, active, 
plural. The rest at present unanalysable. 

(74) pu'a-, transitive stem, "to initiate"; -na, resultative; 'koa, 
"that which was"; the glottal stop appears in the past tense of 
static verbs. 

(75) See note 66 above. 

(76) yn'asela, "to feel jealous"; te- is a pluralizing or distributive 
element; probably the meaning is "jealous of everyone". 



HAJSTDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES 409 

ainan-a itonuwanholi. kwahol aha ele- 

one may kill whether one may eat him. something with it that with 

tea^koa holi il-ikdnwanholi fopa 120 

which he had prospered whatever whether one may have it. One 

ainanak'dn-a. kwa Von yaiyu^ya-nam-e. imatcic holno Von 
will be killed. (Not) yovi are not wise. Surely wherever you 

tek'aial ya7iik'ena-we. Von a-ioantehaca. kwahol il-ik' 

destruction learn. You them make suffer. Something to have 

hol tapholi kwahol ak-ci kiva il-am-ek'dnuwap'a{n) Vo'' 
either or else something with it (not) if you may not have you 

yam idohymn-e yam hoH Von antehack^dna-we. imatcic 
your own country your own people you cause to suffer. Surely 

halikwap'a ktca kivahol iyo{18) team-e. tcuwaiya kwahol 125 
being witches not something poor thing ! is not. Whoever something 

a7i anVelakwina'^{79) Vo'im-wan tse'makwiwe halikwap'a kwahol 
his sustenance your thoughts being witches something 

ak-d k'oyetun{80) fe'fci tcuhol tse'makiviwe teaturVona Von 
with it to weep only whoever thoughts the ones to be your 

tse'makiviioe kwa Vo7i yaiyu'ya-nam-e. haliktvap kwa tcuwa 
thoughts not you are not wise. Being witches not someone 

ankohatina-wam-e. Vo'^m-wan tse'makwin ak-d hol 

(you) do not pity him. Your thought because of somewhere 

tcuw ike-na we'a. tcuica k'oye'a imatatcic lesnap'a 130 

someone heart is sick. Someone is weeping. It seems indeed thus being 

Von i-k'eVsana{8l). tcuwa k'oyap'a yam tcawak-d 

you rejoice. Someone weeping his own children because of 

ike-na we'ap'a Vo^na-wa tse'makxn k'o-kci. kwa yiVya-namep'a 
hearts being sick your thoughts good. (Not) are not wise 

halikwap'a kwa telankohatinakd{S'2) team-e. le'kicakd. 
being witches (not) ever to feel sorry for him is not. Thus he said. 



(77) Negative subjunctive participle, expresing negative con- 
dition. See II 165. 

(78) An exclamation of pity. 

(79) Velahvi, "touching or embracing"; cf. tse^mak-Velakwi, 
"beloved", a poetic term. anVelahvina' was translated "that by 
which we live". 

(80) Gerund based on the optative. Stem, k'o-, "to cry out". 

(81) r-, plural subject, intransitive (see If 51); k'eVsa-, stem, "to 
enjoy"; -na, adjectival ending (See H 33). 

(82) tel- prefix without parallel, but probably related to distribu- 
tive te-. 



410 BTJNZEL ZUNI 

pi'lacncan-i ikdnikd. weatcokd. yam 

Bow priest was angry. He called out to all directions. His own 

135 a-hoH rnap^ekd{83). luwalan tem-la hva aiyu^ya-nam-e. 
people he scolded. Village all not he did not know it. 

i-nap'ekd. ma-ki aceko' aha 

He scolded them. Young woman the one who had died because of 

halikwicTM'kd. fchnt'ap yalicekd. yose- hva 

the witchcraft was removed. First and he denied it. In vain (not) 

iltemana- warn- e{84:). t^a tenafi imate tcimi- 

they did not believe him. And notwithstanding it seems when the 

k^dna^kdp^a{S5) kolehol yanhetocna'kd{8Q). 

first beginning was made something instruction was given to them. 

140 ak-d lesna a-hoH. a-wan a-lacina-we hoino rwihtohnaye(81). 
Therefore thus people. Their ancestors somewhere are tied end to end. 

holno kwa yaiytCya-nam-e a-lacina-ire. horn nana 

Somewhere (not) they do not know ancestors. My grandfather 

horn, uhsona horn amp'eyekd t'a tealati kwa 

me that me he spoke to and in spite of all this (not) 

iltemana- warn- e. ten a-halikwi ten elanaye. uhkimti hie 
they do not believe it. Yet witches yet abound. For indeed really 

ma-ki aceka. halikwi ' ainakd. an tatcu k'onete 
young woman died. Witch killed her. Her father even crj'ing 

145 halikwi ainakd. p'iyakd. yam k6'na{88) antse'- 

witch he killed him. He hung him. His according to that which he 

man'ona(89) ainakd. t'amak-d awak-d. a'yocnan 

thought about he struck him. Club with stones with. Stones picking up 



(83) i--, plural object (see If 46, 47). Cf. anap'ekd, "he scolded him". 
We would expect the plural to be yanap'ekd, but this is not used. 

(84) ilte, "true", -ma, verbahzing suffix (see H 27a); na'w- 
plural, active, present; am-e negative. 

(85) tcimi- "first," "then"; -k'(d)- causative; na'kd, resultative, 
past tense; p'a, participle, "when it had come to be made first", 
or, freely translated, "at the first beginning". !f 67. 

(86) y-, plural indirect object; an, object; hetoc- "to instruct" 
(probably related to haito, "custom"); na'kd, resultative, past. 

(87) i\vi-, reciprocal (see 1[ 41); ihtoh- intransitive stem, "tie 
on", naye, resultative, present. 

(88) post-position, here used as a preposition, following the 
reflexive pronoun yam. 

(89) an-, direct object, "it"; tse'ma, stem, "think;" ^ona, "that 
which", tse'ma (intransitive) means "to think", antse'ina, (transi- 
tive), "to desire". 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES 411 

ainakd. an a-tsita a-k'oyekd. ati a-papa tem-l 

he struck him. His mothers wept. His elder brothers all 

a-k'oyekd. an tcawe an i-i/anikina-we ansam a-k'oyekd. 
wept. His children his relatives together wept. 

halikwi ma-k''ona ainakd. uhkwati hie ho' funakd. 

Witch young woman the one he killed her. Verily really I .saw it. 

hie ho' aiyu^ya-na. hie ko'lehol teatikoa{90) ho' 150 

Really I know it. Really whatever that which happened I 

aiyu'ya-na. is k'dk'ona an tsita an kdkd 

know it. There the one who has her house her mother her uncle 

kwili an kdkd ha'i halikwi p'o'ulakd. ko-macko-na ho' 
two her uncles three witches sat outside. Much I 

aiyu'ya-na. a-halikvi. ho' yam tca-ice ho' yatine. 
know it. Witches. I my own children I tell them. 



(90) te- neutral stem, "to exist or do"; -ti, inceptive; koa, "that 
which was;" "that which began to be". 



2. Witchcraft. 

Concerning the bow priests. Long ago when these people were not 
yet born, they used to exorcise witches. Then I had only one child. 
An old man practiced witchcraft. Three bow priests, one Naiyutci 
another K'iye'isi, and Na'pahi. These hung him. 

He was in love with a yomig married woman. This young woman 
did not want him. He was angry. Then the woman became danger- 
ovisly ill. She was about to die. He had cut off a little piece from the 
fringe of her belt. Therefore she went crazy. The witch went up 
to where the strong wind ascended. He hung up in a high place the 
little piece of the fringe of her belt which he had cut off. Therefore 
she went crazy. She was about to die. Na'pahi sent for him. The 
witch came to where the young woman who was sick was lying. 
The witch sat down. He did not want (to admit it). "I didn't do it. 
I don't know how. You are talking nonsense. I don't know how. 
You are lying. Never have I come near to you. You are talking 
nonsense." "Oh yes, indeed! You cut off a piece of the fringe of my 
belt. Therefore I do not feel well." "Speak!" the bow priest said to 
him. So he said to the witch. But he did not want to. "If you do 
not speak you will be brought out before the Sun, even though it is 
night." So he said to him. The young woman said, "Have pity on 
me ! What have you done with the fringe of my belt ? Give it back 
to me, that which you took from me. Have pity on me! For, indeed, 
you have done this to me. You have tied them in your headband." 



412 BUNZEL ZtTN^I 

The bow priest took off his headband, and there it was wrapped up. 
The fringe of her belt was tied to it. So they discovered him. He 
did not want to admit it. He was angry. "I am not a witch!" He 
did not want to admit it. He was angry. The young woman was 
about to die. At daybreak she could no longer talk. During the night 
she had spoken a little bit. She had implored the witch to save her, 
but he did not want to. The witch was angry. His father, the bow 
priest, became angry (and struck him) with his club. With his war 
club. 

After they had all eaten the young woman died. When the young 
woman was about to die the witch ran out. For a little while he 
went to his house. The witch ran away. The young woman died. 
Her mothers and her brothers cried. They dressed her. They bathed 
her. Her aunt washed her hair. Her aunt dried her aU over with 
prayer meal. She died. The witch killed her. With the worthless 
fringes of her belt he did for her. 

The woman died. The bow priests, three of them, stripped the 
witch of his power. There were three of them. One was Naiyutci, 
and another K'iye'isi, these two were the war chiefs. And another 
Na'patu. Three bow priests. The young woman's brothers dug a 
grave for her. They took her out. They made the grave deep. They 
cried. They buried her in the graveyard. They dragged the witch 
out of his house. The bow priests brought the witch to the place 
where they used to hang them. Where the long beams stick out 
they hung the one who had killed the young woman. They himg 
him with thongs. He denied it. He did not wish to admit it. The 
bow priest buried the young woman. Therefore he was angry, 
Na'patu. He cried bitterly. He buried the young woman. With his 
club, his war club, he struck him on the face and on the head. 
With his club, his war club. The witch did not cry out. Even 
though he struck him hard , he did not cry out. There he was hanging. 
At noon they hanged him. After they had buried the body they 
hanged him. All day long he hung there. Nevertheless, he was 
not a witch. He would not admit it. They struck him. The bow 
priests, three of them, struck him. But he would not admit it. They 
wanted to make him speak, therefore, they struck him hard. 
Nevertheless, even though he was about to die, he would not 
speak. They struck him with clubs, the bow priests. Many people 
gathered there. The bow priest called out, "Come hither, people! 
Come here to us! He is going to speak! He is going to tell all his 
marvels! Come here to us! He is going to speak!" For a while they 
took him down so that he might speak. The people gathered about 
him. The witch told about his people, those whom he had killed. 
Many people gathered there, and listened to him. He spoke. He 
spoke wonders. "Whenever anyone has fine children, whenever 



HANDBOOK OF AMEEICAN LAJSTGTJAGES 413 

anyone has children, or any kind of animals, sheep or cattle, or 
anything by which he prospers, then our hearts ache. Therefore 
we kill them." "But why, if this is so, did you kill this young 
woman ?" they said to him. "When I wanted to sleep with her, she 
did not wish it. She was angry. The yoimg woman scolded me. 
Ever since then my heart has hurt. Therefore I cut off a bit (of 
her clothing). On Corn Mountain, where the strong wind blows up, 
I cut off a fringe of her belt. I hung it up on a shrub^, so that the 
strong wind might blow it. I hung the bundle up there so that it 
shook. So the young woman went crazy. She died. Many people 
have I killed, but it can't be helped. That is all. I was valuable. 
There are many of us who know one another. I am not alone. My 
father's people, my fathers and my uncle, two of them, are still 
alive. These are the ones who initiated me. Now call them." So he 
told the bow priests. They called them. The bow priest called his 
uncle. His aunt and his uncles, two of them, and his aunt, three of 
them altogether, they called. He was sitting outside. They had 
stripped him of his power. His uncle came to where he was sitting. 
He was angry. His father was angry. "You are talking some non- 
sense! I don't know anything. Of course you alone know. You are 
lying. We do not know anything destructive. You are lying. Surely 
you learned it somewhere else." His aunt cried. She did not want 
to be a witch, and she cried. She did not talk. And the witch did 
not talk again. When he saw his aunt and his father, he did not talk 
again. Therefore the bow priests tortm-ed him. They upbraided 
him. They hung him up again. When he did not speak, again they 
struck him. With their clubs (they struck him). The bow priests 
were angry. He talked loud. "Listen to him! But many of you 
around here are in this. There are many of you known to one 
another. He says so. He is not the only one. Maybe all of you are 
like that! Or else perhaps a few of us live here who truly pray in 
our hearts! Maybe you are more. Maybe all of you, everywhere, are 
witches. There are many, he says. He told us. Heed him well. 
He is teUing us all the ways in which he tried us. That he has told us. 
He is not the only one. Many of you here are in this. Even though 
you are beaten severely you will not speak. Can you eat those whom 
you kill ? Why then have you no sense ? Now here, one of your 
relatives is suffering. He is on the point of death. Does not this hurt 
your heart? Siurely you are witches. Surely since you are witches 
you do not have pity on yotu: relative. He is in misery. He is 
speaking. And even though it is worthless, one of you will cause him 
to suffer because of it. And so if anyone has fine children, and 
prospers because of his children, your thoughts are not good. This 



He names two unidentified shrubs, k'dpuli and latsitona. 



414 BUNZEL ZIJNI 

one talks wonders. He speaks of how he was initiated. If yon kill 
anyone because of that by which he prospers, will you get his 
property ? Surely it seems you have no sense. All of you are always 
jealous. Whenever any one prospers because of something your 
hearts are not right. We shall make you suffer. You do not think 
about that. You torment someone. But can you eat the one whom 
you have killed ? When you kill someone wiU you get that by which 
he has pro.spered ? You have no sense. Indeed, where do you learn 
this destruction ? You torment us, but do you gain anjrthing by it ? 
Even though you do not gain anything by it, you torment your 
country and your people. I wonder that even though you are 
witches, you do not feel sorry for him. Whoever possesses anything 
whereon to live, because of the thoughts of you witches, it is 
merely something to weep for. Your thoughts are what make him 
worry. You have no sense. Because you are witches you do not 
feel sorry for anyone. Because of your thoughts someone's heart is 
heavy. Someone weeps. I wonder that you can be happy thus. 
Whenever any one weeps, whenever he is sick at heart because 
of his children, then you feel happy. Because you have no sense, 
because you are witches, you do not know how to feel sorry for 
anyone." So he said. The bow priest was angry. He called out. He 
scolded his people. The whole village, even though he did not know 
them, he scolded them. Because of the woman who had died, the}^ 
stripped the witch of his power. But still he denied it. In spite of 
everjrthing, they did not believe him. It cannot be helped. Indeed, 
at the time of the first beginning, someone instructed them. There- 
fore there are such people. Somehow their parents pass it on. 
Somewhere there are people who have no sense. The old people, 
my grandfather, used to talk to me like that. But nevertheless, 
some people do not believe it. For there are still some witches now. 
For indeed, did not this woman die ? The witch killed her. Even 
while her father was weeping for her, he struck the witch. He 
hanged him. He struck him as much as he wished with his club and 
with stones. He picked up stones and threw them at him. His 
mothers cried. His brothers all cried. His children and his relatives 
all cried together. The witch killed the woman. Indeed. I myself 
saw it. I know all about it. I know just the way it happened. This 
woman who lives here, her mother and her uncle, two of her uncles, 
three witches, sat there outside. I know many things. And so I 
told mv children about the witches. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES 415 

3. Marriage Customs 

e'lactok oyemc yi-lup{l) tapninkdn an oyemci anfe- 1 

Girl husband taking for the first time her husband coming 

wanan{2) tern. hie camli ana-kivapin-a{3) ya-tsanan 

to day still very early running will go out being ashamed 

aha. a-icitenakdn felap inan tcims yam oy 

because of. Four times at night coming first then his own wife 

an eha le-iyan-a. fewaps e'lactok yam 

her dress carrying he will come. Next day then girl her own 

ulakwin tcu'lak'an-a{4). ots an k'dkwen 

husband's household at she will prepare shelled corn. Man his house 

teHcip an tsita i-m'unan{o) hakdnans itok'dn-a{6). 5 

arriving his mother to seat herself inviting her so will give her to eat. 

iton-tcunekdfap{7) s''an tsita aiyalak'dn-a. kop 

Eating finished and then so her mother will question her. What 

fo' ikxve'a. le'kwan-a. el-a. homan mi'le eto'u. 

you say thus she will say. No. For me ear of corn put down. 

le'kwan-a. s'an tsita teli'tokwin ktvatonan an 

Thus she will say. So her mother inner room to entering her 

miwe walunan{8) ivolea hvai'in-a. 

ears of corn putting in (a basket) carrying them she will come out. 

(1) y- reflexive; il-, neutral stem, "with"; -u-, conjugating vowel 
active conjugation; -p, participle, new subject following. 

(2) an-, incorporated subject; t'etca- "day", from t'e-, "time, 
space"; -nan, participle. See Tf 39 for discussion of this word. 

(3) ana- frozen stem, "run", found only in compounds; kwai'i, 
"to go out", -n-a, present subjimctive, singular. See H 71. 

(4) tcu'l(e), "a grain of corn", from tcu; a grain of corn, -'Ze, 
nominal suffix, inanimate, singular; -k'- causative; "she will cause 
it to be single grains of corn". Cf. tcucan-a, "she will remove the 
grains of corn" below. 

(5) gerund, active reflexive, "to seat herself". See If 105. 

(6) ito-, "to eat it", -k'- causative; present subjimctive, com- 
pletive. 

(7) iton- from itonan, present participle of ito; tcunekd, past tense, 
durative of tcun(a), "to stop", fa, "and", -p, gerund, new subject 
following. See If 105. 

(8) One of a number of words, very specific in meaning, relating 
to the handling of objects. It means "to put many small things into 
a closed or deep receptacle," based probably on the stem ul- "to 
put one thing in it", wola'up, on the next line, "to put down a 
receptacle containing many things". 



416 BTJNZEL ZTJNI 

kwaPinans an icold'up tctican-a(9). 

Coming out so for her putting them down she will remove the grains. 

tem'l tcucnan t'a te-ya le'kwap t'a an tsit an 

All grains removing and again thus saying and her mother for her 

alnat miHe etonan icims fa e'lactok yam 

once more ear of com putting down now so again girl her 

tcuw antelian tcucan-a. hie mi- 16'- 

grains of com adding to wiU remove the grains. Very ears will 

15 ofc'awa(lO) hca an tsita hanilinuni-e {11). ta-hfcic Jmnilinan 
be hard not her mother does not like her. However liking her 

Jcwa an mi- lo'a7n-e{l2) wolun-a. tern-la tcuc- 

not for her ears not hard she will put in. All she has 

kdfap{13) ans hoHnak-d tcmce tvolaca7i-a{l4:) 

removed the grains and for her and basket with corn grains pouring in 

an j)isenak-d wDl'pehd'un-a{\o). an pisena wolpeha'ups 
for her cloth with she will wrap it up. For her cloth wrapping up 

wole le'anans a-nuica yam kdk^ci{\&). tculea 

bundle carrying it she will go her own house to. Com 

20 te'tcips an tsit an ten k'dWdn-aill). tem-l 

carrying arriving her mother for her corn will roast. All 

a-k'dlkdp{l8) s'ake- picnans tcmve wolunans 

roasting them so grinding stones brushing corn putting in 



(9) tcu, "grains of corn", -c- suffix, "to remove", see II 27. 

(10) lo'o, adjectival stem, "hard". Here used as a static verb, 
present subjunctive, singular. 

(11) kwa .... hanilinam-e, "she does not like her". The inde- 
finite pronoun kiva introduces the negative. The form in this place 
should rightly be participial, Imnilina'map. 

(12) Adjectives form negatives, like verbs. 

(13) A periphrastic construction based on the past tense of the 
verb, used instead of the expected participle. See If 105. 

(14) W0-, incorporated collective pronoun; -1-, probably from 
the stem le-, to carry in the hand, (cf. ivolea below); ac- transitive 
stem, "to make". Literally, "making the corn grains into something 
to be carried." 

(15) lool-, "many things done up to be carried", (see above); 
peha- neutral stem, "bundle". 

(16) Contraction oik' dkivekwi, k'dkiv (en-e), "house", -kwi, post 
position, "at, to". 

(17) k'dl- active stem, "to become hot", -k'- causative. (Cf. 
k'dlna, "hot"). 

(18) a-- plural object. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES 417 

sa¥o-w acan-a. sak'o-wacnans a-tsak'dn-a{l9). 

coarse meal she will make. Coarse meal making she will make it small. 

ta-htcic an ulakwin tcim tculea 

Meanwhile her husband's household at first corn carrying 

kwaiHkdti'a]) an u'oleak^dn-a(2Q) an cokya 

she went out and then for her there will be stew for her waiting 

irj}eat.un'ona{2l). itiwap itowens 25 

tho.se which are to be taken away, the ones. Midday being eating so 

lutsik'dn-a. kokuias i-p^o'u7i-a{22) owes 

she will make it fine. A httle while so she will bend over meal now 

a-lutsiap an i-te'tcun-a. o-mokdmon acnan itehan-a. 

being fine it she will test. Meal ball making she will throw it down. 

bwa k'uhmona'map tcims wolun-a. kwa terns ace- 

(Not) not breaking first now she will put it in. Not yet now very 

sunhanam-ens o-lea a-nuica. ta-htci amina- 

evening (not) being meal carrying she will go. Meanwhile should she 

kdnuwap(2Z) ace- sunhap tcim a-nuwa. o-lea-te'tcip 30 

be lazy very evening first she will go. Meal carrying arriving 

itok'dn-ak'dn-a{24i). iton-tcunaps ots an tsita s'an 

she wiU be given to eat. Eating finished so man his mother so for her 

wolea saHak-d ivolacan-a fa pisenaha mmce 

stew bowl with she will pour into and cloth with loaves of bread 

pehanan e'lactok'ona{2o) seto'un-a(26). seto'una.n 

wrapping girl the one she will put it on her back. Putting on her back 

(19) a-- plural object; tsa-, basic form of tsana, meaning, prob- 
ably, "to become small", -fc'- causative. 

(20) wolea(n-e), "stew", from wo- and (u)l- "many things in a 
receptacle"; the form is static, present, subjunctive; literally, 
"there will be stew", but meaning "they (impersonal) will be 
cooking stew for her". Not to be confused with the homonym "she 
will cause many things to be inside". 

(21) wo- collective pronoun; lea- "to carry", tun, gerund based 
on the optative ; 'orm, nomen actoris. Freely translated, in order 
that she may take them away with her. See H 163, 112. 

(22) i-- reflexive; p'oa, "to stand bent over", as of an animal. 

(23) Subjunctive participle, based on the static, aniina, "lazy". 
"If she should be lazy". 

(24) ito- stem, "to eat,"; -k'-, causative; -na-, resultative; Ic'dn-a, 
present, subjunctive, static. Literally, "she will be given to eat", 
generally translated freely, "they (impersonal) will give her 
something to eat". 

(25) -^ona, demonstrative particle, "the one", here used to 
indicate direct object. See If 136. 

28 



418 BTXNZEL ZTHsrr 

■p'a'un-a. woWups s'yam k'akunn 

she will put a blanket on her. Bowl of stew handing her so her own house to 

35 a-nuwa. te^tcinmis saHe fehwanans saHe t'a pisens 
she will go. Arriving bowl emptying so bowl and cloth so 

ahik'dn-a yam tsit a-ni{27). le- tcim iwil-ik'dp 

she will put down her mother hers. So much first marrying 

le^nup^e^a{28). 
so it always is. 

eHactohs Vas eha uknakatekivin{29) o-kdn-a. yamte 

Girlnow again so dress given her for that she wUl grind. Her very own 

tcuwe fetvana- o-kdn-a. emak''dnan{iQ) o-l- 

com every day she will grind. Much making basket of meal 

40 haktos ots an k^dkwen a-tcis iwil-i{3l) 

carrj'ing on the head man his house both now together 

s'a-nmca. a-tci ie'tcips a-tcia aniktohnak'dn-a(32). hie 

now will go. Both arriving them they will be met. Very 

o-lea yu-ktap ak-d an tsita o-le 

meal basket being hea\'y therefore her mother basket of meal 

aiyo-nan ake-lokivi{33) woha kuntonan isk'on 

taking from her grinding bin to carrying the basket going in there 

ipoku-ik'dnans an kdlun-a an hoHna{34:). a-tci 

turning it out for her wheat will put in her basket in. Both 



(26) Transitive, not reflexive. "She will put it on (the girl's) 
back". 

(27) Independent pronoun, genitive. See H 137. 

(28) The stem is le'na, "thus". A special customary form. See 
129. 

(29) Stem uts- "to give it to him", an irregular verb; ts becomes k 
before n, (see H 104 for full conjugation); tm- resultative; kd, 
infinitive (see H 114) or perhaps past tense, tekicin, post position, 
usually locative or temporal, "where (or when) it was", A common 
way of expressing purpose. See U 156. 

(30) enW; "much", also, "it is much"; -Id'-, causative. 

(31) i'lvi-, reciprocal (see H 41); il-, neutral stem, "with". 

(32) aniktoha, stem, "face to face", at present imanalysable ; 
-na-, resultative; k'dn-a, present subjunctive, dual; "(the two) will 
be met face to face." 

(33) ake-(ive), "grinding stones", (from a- "stone); -lo- neutral 
stem, "bury" (found in p'aloye, it is buried, and woloye, they are 
buried); kwi, post position. "Where the grinding stones are em- 
bedded." 

(34) ho^in- "basket", a, post position, locative. See H 150. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES 



419 



yam 
their 



ho' in 
basket 



te'fci 
only. 

a-tci 
both 



cokya 
waiting 

tin-kwai'ips 
carrying coming out 

hakto'ups{55) 
putting on her head their own 

kdnhol ta-htci 

times either on the other hand 

tculahanan 
corn shelUng 



yam 



a-tcia 
To them 



itok'analc'an-a. 
will be given to eat. 



kdlean- 45 

"wheat 



tcunanans 
finishing so 

kakivins 
house to so 



eHa-ctok 
girl 

a-tc 
both 



kdli- 
basket of wheat 



a-witenakdnhol 
four times or 



tanan(3fi) 
for her 



o-kdn-a. 
she will grind. 



tchns 
So first 



a-nuwa. 
will go. 

ots an 
man his 

teatip'a. 
it always is. 



ha'i- 
Three 

tsi- 
mother 



(35) kdl-, "wheat in something", from kd(ive), wheat; i- reflexive; 
hakto, neutral stem, "to carry or place on the head." 

(36) Genitive case, peculiar to terms of relationship. See If 136. 



3. Marriage customs 

When a girl takes a husband, the first time her husband stays 
over night, he will run out very early in the morning, because he is 
ashamed. Four times he will come at night and then he will bring a 
dress for his wife. Then next day the girl will shell corn at her 
husband's house. When she reaches the man's house his mother 
will invite her to sit down and will give her to eat. When she has 
finished eating, her mother will question her. "What have you to 
say?" she will say. "Nothing. Put down an ear of corn for me," 
she will say. Then her mother will go into the inner room and put 
ears of corn into a basket for her. She will come out carrying them. 
When she comes out she will set the basket down for her, and the 
girl will remove the grains of corn. When she has removed all the 
grains, "Yet again," she will say, and her mother will put down one 
last ear of corn for her, and the girl wiU remove the grains to add 
to the shelled corn she already has. The ears wiU be very hard if 
her mother does not like her, or else, if she likes her, she will put 
down for her ears that are not hard. When she has removed all the 
grains, (her mother) will pour them into a basket for her and wrap 
it up with a cloth. After she has wrapped it up in a cloth for her, 
(the girl) wiU take it and go to her own house. When she arrives 
carrying the corn, her mother will roast the corn for her. When she 
has roasted them all, (the girl) will brush the grinding stones and 
pour the corn into the grinding bin and will grind it to coarse meal. 
After she has made the coarse meal, she will grind it fine. 

Meanwhile at her husband's house, as soon as she has gone out 
carrying the corn, they wiU start to cook stew for her, while they 
are waiting for her, — the stew that she is to take away with her. 
28* 



420 BTTNZEL ZUNI 

After she has eaten at midday, she will make the very fine meal, 
After she has been bending over a little while, if the meal is fine 
she will test it. She will make a ball of meal and throw it do^^ai, 
and if the ball does not break, then she will put it in a basket. When 
it is still not late in the afternoon she will go, carrying the basket 
of meal. Or, on the other hand, if she should be lazy, she will go 
late in the evening. When she arrives carrying the meal, they will 
give her to eat. When she has finished eating, the man's mother 
will put some stew into a bowl for her and will wrap up bread in a 
cloth. She will put this on the girl's back. After she has jjut this on 
her back, she will give her the stew to carry. And so (the girl) will 
go to her house. When she arrives she will empty the bowl and put 
down the bowl and cloth (to return) to her mother. This is how they 
do when they are first married. 

So then again the girl will grind for the dress which they have 
given to her. Every day she will grind her own corn. When she has 
made much she will put the basket of meal on her head and together 
the two will go to the man's house. When they arrive there they 
will be met. The basket of flour will be very heavy, and therefore 
her mother will take the basket of flour from her and take it in- 
side and empty it in the grinding bin. After she has emptied the 
meal there she will fill her basket with wheat. While they are waiting 
for their basket they will be given to eat. As soon as their mother 
comes out with the basket of wheat they wiU stop. The girl wiU 
put the basket of wheat on her head and so the two will go to their 
own house. Three or else four times she will ask the man's mother 
for corn to grind. That is when they are first married. 

4. Gathering Salt. 

1 kak^hol hie ho' tsatvaJci hie ho' le-hol 

Long ago really I youth really I this much .somewhere 

a-nap'a{\) ktva litam-e. hie kok otiwe. Vewana 

having gone not it did not rain. Very katcinas dance. Every day 

kiva litam-e. ktva lita'map hie a-p'eye a-eiici. 

not it does not rain. Not not raining very they talk Zunis. 

ma-k'aiakivin a-naJcd p'eivo'. lestikwanan{2) teuwap 

Salt lake to to go discussion. This they saying, Who 

5 mos a-nakd k'o-kci? — hinik kalici ciwan-i palto-kwe 
leading to go good ? I think west priest end people 

(1) "having gone about so far", an idiom meaning "being about 
so big", indicating the stature of a child. 

(2) les-, "thus"; tibiv-, "they say", (plural of ikw-); anan, present 
participle. The quotation follows. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES 



421 



a-iviten 
Four 



wea- 
c ailed 



■piHaciwani hie mos''ona. hie 
bow priest really leader. Very 

Pewanan a-wa-nuwa. hie t'eivap camli 
days being they will go. Very next day early 

tcoka. ta-hteic a-mu-ktve u-kwe-ka. 

out to all sides. Meanwhile Hopis came out. 

hinik a-witenakdn astem-la mecok^o. hci'i Veivap a-ciw 
perhaps four times ten burros. Three days being Zunis 

a-iva hanela-tvackd. lawaptsiclenafka. hie 

for them provisions they made. Prayersticks they cut. Very 



a-wacmvakd. 
they talked to them. 

piHaciivan 
bow priest 

hie ko-macko-na 
Very many 



ko-macko-na 
many 

horn tateu 
father 



homkwati a-witenakdn 
perhaps four times 



asiastem-la mecok'o. ta-hteie 
hundred burros. Meanwhile 



il-i(Z) 
have 



a-n'iha. kwili meeok'o. hie fopHn-te luk 

is about to go. Two burros. Really only one this 

— ydtcun a-ni. kxca ma-k'aiakwi. fewap 

month its. Not salt lake for. Next day 

ifiwap hie yeleteap'ap hie ake a-n'iha. 

a little midday being really getting ready very along (I) want to go. 

hie k'oyekd. kwa mokwa-we ku-wa. hie tewukoli'a hie 
(I) cried. Not moccasins none. Very poor really 

kutcin hie uteun. hie hamon a-wan pehapkona{4:) 
trousers just shirt. Just bacon their what had wrapped them 

ivo-k'oeona'koTui hie i-pi'lap'a ho' 

which had been washed just sewed together I 

fek'dlip hie icana ktvaPinaiye{5). hie 
jrease is coming out. Just 

ake a-n'iha. hol-o. 

Really along (I) want to go. No! 

mok'wa- ku-wa. horn kdwona^d) 
moccasins, none my elder sister's 



my 

ho' 
I 

ko-w 



Very 

kwa 
no 

hie 
just 

hie 

Very 

hie 
Just 

kwa 



sunny being very 

ho' k'oye: hie 
I cry: 



uteuye. 
had for a shirt. 

ko-wi luho-we. 
little dust. 



holomaee. 
far 



a-k'dp'anap'a{7) 
soled 



horn 



a-wukd. 



to me she gave them. 



hie 
Very 

t'umokwa-we manikd 20 
stockings below 

horn a-wutsip ho' 

To me having given them I 



ake 
along 



a-kd. 

went. 



(3) indicating a Cactus society prayerstick. 

(4) peha-, neutral stem, "wrap"; -p-, distributive plural (see 
K 58), -kona, alternate form of koa, "the one that was". 

(5) resultative of kwai'i, intransitive stem, "to go out". 

(6) kmv2i, "elder sister," -oTia, "the one", used to express the 
genetive relation with terms of relationship. See ^ 136. 

(7) a--, plural, intransitive; k'dp'a, stem, "flat"; -Tia-, resultative; 
p'a, participle; literally, "flattened". 



422 



BUNZEL ZTTNI 



hi...c(S) ko-macko-n a-Tid'i. hie la...k^ olaya-kwin 

Very many people. Very yonder (far away) Dry weed place 

hon a-te'tcip hie yato pHyahap(8a.) hie aee- liton i-kd. 
we arriving very sun falling very hard rain came. 

hie tehtse'. hie hon a-wa-kd. a'humo'ananktvin hon a-teHcikd. 
Very cold. Just we went. Roaring cave to we arrived. 

isk'on hon a-ivanPetvakd. hie ko-tnaeko-na a-hoH ko-maeko-n 
There we passed the night. Very many people many 

a-mu-kwe hon a-ivanfewakd. fewap hon a-wa-ka. ko-maeko-na 
Hopis we passed the night. Next day we went. Many 

a-hoH hi...e itiwap. a'k'ap-elakivin hon a-te'teinan isk^on 
just midday flat rock standing to 

a-tsawaki hompic kwilikdnas 
youths maybe twice 

la-l a-7nu-kive hinik aptenakdn 
five times 

a-nnikw 



people 

a-ciu'i 
Zuni 

holi 
or else 



a-evivi 
Zunis 



Hopis perhaps 
piH i'luwakd{9). 



m a row 



stood. 



a-wan 
their 

muwe 
cakes 

ta-htcic 
Meanwhile 



then 

hie 
just 

telikina- luicapa 

prayersticks standing up 

ivoyaklind'kona 
the ones that had been roasted 



we arriving there 

ha'ikdnas astem-la 
ten 

hie 
Just 



three times 
astemla holi. 



ten or else. 



i-yas-ena 
mixed together 



a-ciw 
Zunis 



mosa-n on 
the one who leads them 



Hopis 

lal a-mukw'' a-wan cotsito- 
then Hopis their sweet corn 

a-lacowap'a wotipkd. 

feathered put they down. 

an pPlaeiwan-i a-tci a-tei 
his bow priest both both 

yam a-ho'i a-wil-i a-te a-kd. .. yalaninkwin htek'dna-wap 
their people with them both went. Mountain sitting to approaching 

i-lmvahna{10) kwat'ikd. yu-holoniace hie ko-maeko-na ydla 
running started out. Further on very 

fetaeana a-ye-makd. isk'on k'atsoivan 
high they climbed. There summits to 

a-eitvi yam telikina- fop'in-te a-wanteuk'oclenatia i-eu- 

Zunis their prayersticks only one on them spitting cleansing 



many mountains 

a-te'tcinan ta-htcic 
reacliing meanwhile 



(8) hi. . .c, the vowel is prolonged for emphasis. 

{8a) pHya-, neutral stem, "hang"; -h-, reversive; -ap, participle, 
new subject following. "When the sun begins to fall", i. e. about 
two o'clock in the afternoon. 

(9) i--, reflexive; luwa-. neutral stem, "stand" (plural only); 
-kd, past tense, singular, active. 

(10) i--, reflexive; luuu, stem; "stand"; -h-, reversive; na (nan), 
participle. Literally, "unstanding themselves". 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGIJAGES 423 

wahnan kivihonan a-p'ani-lekaill). ta-htcic a-mukwe 

themselves throwing them down they descended. Meanwhile Hopis 

yam cotsito mofse-wak-a i-cutvacnan a-p'ani-lekd. 40 

their sweet corn paste with cleansing themselves they descended. 

ta-htcic ko-ivitean a-ho'i cokyapkd. a-teHcilka. 

Meanwhile nearby people were waiting. They arrived one by one. 

isk'on kwan-i-leanapka{\2). isk'on luwalemaknan s'a-iva-ka. 
There they dressed themselves. There arising so they went. 

su-nhanHhap yilto p'iyahap a-teHcika. Ifana-lana-hwe 

Evening about to be sun falhng they arrived. Great lake jDeople 

finaiye. hie hoH-p^ot'i'lcd{13). isk^on iyanacna^kd. 

are staying there. Just people it is full. There they were unsaddled. 

yam uvu'e tanari'o-nan t'ehivate ukwaiHk^dnapkd. isk'on 45 
Their animals herd made apart they drove out. There 

mosa-n^ona a-tci kwatokd. a-tci hftukd{l4). 

the ones who were leading both went in. The two put down prayerstieks, 

a-tci kioai'ip hd'i tem-l u-kivatokd. Ia-tipkd{l5). 

The two coming out people aU went in. They put down prayerstieks, 

ta-htcic ho' ahaiyut a-tci ydlakwin a-kd. frnnt 

Meanwhile I (name) the two mountain to went just 

itiyulana latukd. So pani-kd. ma- 

standing against it (I) put down prayerstieks. Sol came down. Salt 

kumiHle. m- — m./ hoH potiye. 50 

is coming out separately people it is full. 

fewap camli hon latakdn a-kd. okcik' ainakd. hon 
Next day early we to hunt went. Cottontail (I) killed. We 

le-i-nan Psikivahnan ala-pila'kd. ta-htci a-lacik 

carrying coming skinning it it was lying by the fire. Meanwhile men 



(11) «"-, plural, intransitive; p'ani'-, intransitive active stem, 
"descend"; -le-, distributive; -kd, past tense. 

(12) hvan, probably related to kwa, "something"; i-, reflexive; 
lea-, neutral stem, "carry", "wear"; -nap-, (naiv-), plural, transi- 
tive; -te,past tense (cf. kwanlea, "clothing", ("something to wear"), 
(incorporated subject ?) 

(13) hoH, ,, person"; p'of-, neutral stem, "full"; -i'kd, static, 
past. 

(14) la-, "stick", incorporated object; -t-, neutral stem, "put 
down many things" (cf. tvotu) ; -u-, conjugating vowel, active; -kd, 
past tense, present. 

(15) distributive plural of latukd (note 14); there is another 
plural, latunapkd, not idiomatic. See Tf 58. 



424 BTINZEL ZUNI 

ma- kivai'ilek^dna-we. wetsi tek'dl i-k'jkcikdp 

salt brought out one by one. A little getting warm it becoming pleasant 

a-wi-kci a-laci. kwa not'capi-w(l5ei) ku-wa. kwa ma-tcikwa. 

they came, the old ones. No coffee none. No sugar. 

55 hie ko-wi ciwe hewe hva mulo-we. hie mokikwa 

Just a little meat paper bread no wheat bread. Just peach 

kewe mokwiwe k'ola hie i-tona'ka. ta-^tcic t'op aktsikwin 
skins onions chili just was eaten. Meanwhile one boy with 

yarn okcik' hon i-fonHhap ho'n aiyoka. hol-o t'on 

our rabbit we about to eat from us he took it. No! You 

ci'teckwiye. kwa hon i-tonam-kd. 
meat are taboo. Not we did not eat it. 

fewap hon luwalemaka. camli ma-p'o. tsiHaiye 

Next day we arose. Early salt sacks are in single file 

60 ham-e a-laci ma- haluk'dna-kwe ma-p'o-setop'a- kdl 

some men salt greedy ones salt sack carrying on the back hither 

a-wa-kd. pipal-inkwin a-wiyulaknan a-xvanVeicakd. 

they came. Fringe lying place close against they passed the night. 

ko-macko-na Vinaiye ak'dp ho'i tern-la. Uil Vewap 

Many are staying there because people all. Then next day 

eamli luwalemaknan kdl a-wa-kd. hie itiwap kdmakdkwin 
early arising hither they went. Just midday 

a-wi-nan isk^on i-toivena'kd. itowenak^dp st' ace. litokd. 
coming there it was eaten. Having eaten now hard it rained. 

65 liton i-kd. liton-p^otHye. luwalemaknan kdl a-iva-kd. kecok- 
Rain came rain it is full. Arising liither they went. Rock Slab 

takiL'in a-wi-kd. isk'on hon a-wanfeicakd. feicap camli 

Hollow to they came. There we passed the night. Next day early 

tcim fek^ohatip yeleteapkd. kdl a-wa-kd. palikdkwin 

first daybreak being they made ready. Hither they went. Navajo smoke place 

a-wi-kd. tetcapik^dna'kd. ia-Hcic lik'aian unap'an ha- 
they came. Fires were made. Meanwhile smoke .seeing they 

p'elkd. yam tcaw a-ivan k'dkive-'kona hajfelkd. 

assembled. Their children their houses at they assembled. 

70 tcim-na-kwe a-wa-koa yanil-ikd wo-p'onap'a. ta-htcic 

First time the ones who had gone utensils brought together. Meanwhile 

kdl a-wa-kd. a'lahon inkwin a-tvi-nan i-finakd. isk'on 
hither they went. Red Coral Sitting to coming they stopped. There 



(15a) no(we), "beans"; fcapi, "burn". 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES 



425 



yacu'watina'ka. 
talking they stayed. 

a-wiyulaknan isk'on 
Coming close there 

pi^tci-kwe 
Dogwood people 

tonacvkwe 
Badger people 



yalakwai'ip 
All finished 



kdl 
hither 



a-wa-kd. 
they went. 



a-wi-kci. 
They came. 



weatconapkd : 
they called out on all sides: 



your 

fo'na-wan 
your 



tcaHe 
child 

tcaHe 
child 



s lya 
now comes. 



s'lya . . . 
now comes . 



hap'ehiap'a 
assembling 

a-wi-yap 
coming 

fehivitiwd'kona 



hie 
Just 

a-kuku 
aunts 



a- wan 
their 



k'dkwe^kon 
houses at 



ma-hvatelap 
salt going in 

sd-tenan hek'orian 



a-ivan 
their 



hap'elnap'a a-wan 
assembling their 

a-ivowo 
paternal grandmothers 



elek'dna'kd teakona 

center spaces at sand putting down hollow was made ready when it was 

luwenan kimn-a-leacyian k^dtsen ak-d lun 

standing them clothing removing from them water cold with body 

tenila tvo-h'oconapkd. a-waioatenapkd. a-tvawatenak'dp 

all they washed them. They washed their heads. Washing their heads 

an wo-leafewahd. an hep'alokd. 

for him cooking they passed the night. For him they made hepaloka 

an wo-la-ti-kd. i-toTia'kd. an a-kuku i-towenapkd. i-tona 

for him they made stew. It was eaten. His aunts ate. Eating 

yalakwai'ip an a-kuku a-ivam ma-lipkd. ho'ikdp 

all finished his aiuits for them packed the salt. People coming 

am ma-we elthol yalakwai'ip i-wohhaiyakd. 
his salt nearly finished they separated. 

ta-htcic a-mukwe ham-e tekuaiye{lG) il-ap'ona yam, 85 

Meanwhile Hopi some friends the ones who had 



a-wan 
their 



a-kuaiye 
friends 

kwa tekuaiye 
(not) friends 

t'ewap kwil 
Next day two 

tsihkwai'inan 
hair coming out 

hap'elkd. 

assembled 



k'dkice'koa a-tcant'ewaclip 
houses at they passed the night 

ila-ivam'ona fatekwi'kona 

the ones who had [not corrals in 

ewactok ciwi a-tcia cemanan 
girls Ziuii for them asking 

otipkd. otipkdVap 

they danced. They danced and 

hap'elap Iw/valemaknan s'a-tva-kd. 
Assembling arising so they went. 



yam, 
their (own) 

ta-htcic ham-e 
meanwhile some 

a-want'eivacle. 
pass the night. 

a-tc il-ap'a 
they with them 

luwalan tem-la 
village all 



90 



(16) te-, a pluralizing element in verbs (see If 56), somewhat 
obscure; this is the only instance where it occurs in a noun. 
kuaiye, friend. Note a-kuaiye, in following line. 



426 BtHNZEL ZUNI 

tcims li-Wvn lito-ka. lanhol t'oyakona hecofa-Vsina'- 
So then right here it rained. Outside Planting at Rock Painting 

kona k'dpkive-na'kona luwala paltop'a{ll) k'ewoe'a. 
at Water Coming out at village edges thirst. 

ta-htcic lak^ t'eciwan-i7uin(l8) ina-ki acekd. lehol 

Meanwhile there thepriests' house at youngwoman died. Aboutso 

fsana tcaH il-i. ta-htcic an hota set-al-u'ya. 

small child has. Meanwhile his grandmother carrying him goes about. 

95 hie yu^aca(19). an tsit an hota an alekwi-we 

Very lonely. His mother his grandmother for him parched com 

he'awacnan i-tok'e'a. ko-ici wihatsana k^o-kci. ko-ivi 

masticating gives him to eat. A little baby good. Little 

fewap i-seto-nan set-al-u'ya. hie 

time putting him on her back carrying him she goes about. Very 

Veuni'acona. kira fina-wam-e. hm-ala paltop'a. hie 

lonely place. Not they are not staying. Village edges being. Just 

ko-wi su-nhan'ihap an tsana k'oyip i-seto-nan 

little evening about to be her httle one crying putting him on her back 

00 kwai'inun teala'kona set-itiydlacop ko-wi 

going out housetop on carrying him walking around a httle 

yaselak'dp liton i-kd. hie ko-wi holomace ko-ivi litd'kd. 
turning over rain came. Just a little far off a httle it rained. 

lak^ yaWkona hva li-l litam-e. luwalan tvilo'- 

Yonder mountains in not here it did not rain. Village Ughtning 

atinan. hie a-tei itehkd. a-te an-asiatikd. 

played just the two struck. The two were struck by hghtning. 

hie Iwwalana hie ukwai'ip a-te acekd. kwa tcuhol 
Just village people just coming out the two died. Not anyone 

Qh a-teia yatena'ma. hie a-tei al-ydla-fewa. fewap 

them did not touch. Just they lay up there all night. Next day 

lakhol kiva tem a-tei yaiyu'ya-na'map tcim 

just about now not yet they not becoming conscious then 

li-Wo7i hoi feu-wa an-asiati'koTia 

right here somewhere someone one who had been struck by lightning 

tecuna'kd. ceinanujc'dp luk'on i-nan a-tcia ya-fekd. 

was sought. Asking for him this one coming them he touched. 



(17) i. e. the outlying farming villages. 

(18) fe-, "place"; ciu-an-i, "priest"; ati, post position, "at". 

(19) yu'- (see H 23), probably "to feel"; aca, stem, "lonely". Cf. 
Veivu'aeona, "lonely or deserted place". 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAJ^ LANGTTAGES 427 

a-tcia ya-fenan tcims a-tcia kwatok'dna'ka. kivato- 

Them touching then first for them it was brought in. When they 

Ic'anaknan tcims a-tci aHkd. 

had been brought in so then them they biu'ied. 

le^na teatika. 
Thus it happened. 



4. Gathering Salt. 

Long ago, when I was just a boy, when I was just about so tall, 
it did not rain. The katcinas danced all the time, but it did not rain. 
When it did not rain they talked much about it, the Zunis. There 
was talk of going to the Salt Lake. They said, "Who would be 
best to go as chiefs?" 'T think the west priest of Paltowa." The 
bow priest was head of all. They talked together a great deal. In 
four days they would go. Early the next morning the bow priest 
called out. Meanwhile the Hopis started out. There were many of 
them, I think about forty burros. After three days the Zunis prepared 
their provisions. They cut prayersticks. There were many, perhaps 
four hundred burros. Now my father wanted to go. He had two 
burros. I had only one prayerstick, like this, the one for the month. 
I had none for the Salt Lake. Next day, just before noon, they 
were all ready. I wanted very much to go along. I cried. I had no 
moccasins. We were very poor. I had no trousers, only a shirt. The 
cloth wraj)pers from bacon, all washed and sewed, I had for a shirt. 
It was very warm, and the grease ran out. The dust stuck to it. I 
just cried. I wanted to go along. "No, it's too far. You have no 
moccasins." My sister gave me her stockings with soles underneath. 
She gave them to me and I went along. 

There were lots of people. We came way over there to Dry -Weed- 
Place. Just as the sun began to sink heavy rain came. It was very 
cold. We went on. We came to Roaring-Cave. There we camped 
over night. There were many people. Many Hopis. We camped over 
night. Next day we went on. There were many people. Just at 
noon we came to Where-The-Rock-Slab-Stands-Upright. There 
the Zuni boys, maybe twenty or thirty, and the Hopis, I think 
about fifty, and all the Zunis, stood in line. The Hopis were mixed 
in with them. The Zunis stood their prayersticks up. Then the Hopis 
put down their sweet corn cakes that had been roasted in the fire, 
and their prayer feathers. Meanwhile the leader and his bow priest, 
these two went with their people. When they approached the 
mountain they began to run. Further on they climbed many high 
mountains. There they came to the summit. Then the Zimis spat on 
one of their prayersticks, purified themselves with it and threw it 



428 BUNZEL ZTXNI 

down. Meanwhile the Hopis purified themselves with their sweet 
corn bread and they came down. Meanwhile, a little ways off. the 
people were waiting. AVhen they came they dressed. Then they 
started out and went on. When it was nearly evening, when the 
sun was sinking, they arrived. The Laguna people were there. It 
was full of people. They unsaddled their animals and drove the herd 
out a little ways off. Then their two chiefs entered (the lake.) They 
planted their prayersticks. Then they came out and all the people 
went in. They planted their prayersticks. 

Meanwhile I went to Ahaiyuta's Moimtain. I just stood against 
the side of the mountain and planted my prayerstick. Then I came 
down. They were bringing out the salt. The place was full of people. 

Early next morning, two of us went hunting. I killed a rabbit. 
We brought it in, skinned it and it was lying beside thef ire. Meanwhile 
the men were taking out the salt. When it got a little warm, it 
became very pleasant. Then they came, the men. There was no 
coffee, no sugar; just a little meat and paper bread. No wheat 
bread. Just dried peaches and onions and chili. That is what one 
ate. Meanwhile the other boy and I were about to eat our rabbit 
when they took it away from us. "Oh no, you must fast from 
meat."' So we didn't eat it. 

Next day we got up early. (The animals with) sacks of salt went 
in single file. Some old men who were greedy for salt carried a 
sack of salt on their backs. So they came hither. We came close to 
Where-The-Fringe-Lies and camped over night. There were many 
camping there, because all the tribes (were there). Early next 
morning we arose and came this way. Just at noon we came to 
Kamaka. There we ate. After we had eaten, now it rained hard. 
The rain came. The air was full of rain. We arose and came this way. 
We came to Rock Hollow. There we camped over night. Next 
morning, just at dawn, they made ready. They came this way. We 
came to Na vajo Smoke. They made a signal fire. Meanwhile, when (the 
village people) saw the smoke, they gathered together. They 
gathered at their children's houses. They brought everything they 
needed for those who had gone for the first time. So they came this 
way. They came to Where-The-Red-Coral-Sits and there they 
waited. There they talked together. When this was over they came 
this way. They came. As they came close to the village they called 
out: 

Dogwood Clan, your child is coming. 
Badger Clan, your child is coming 



So they all met. They met at their houses. There their aunts came 
when the salt came in. Their fathers' mothers put the sand down in 
the middle of the floor where they had made a hollow ready. There 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES 429 

they stood them up and took off their clothing. There they bathed 
their whole bodies with cold water. They washed their hair. After 
they washed their hair, they spent the night cooking for them. They 
put out hepaloha for them. They ate. His aunts ate. After they had 
finished eating his aunts put the salt in baskets for them. Many 
people came and his salt was nearly all gone. Then they separated. 

Meanwhile the Hopis, those of them who had friends, stayed over 
night at the houses of their friends. And those who had no friends 
camped over night in the corrals. Next day they asked for two Zuni 
girls and with them they danced the Buffalo Dance. After they had 
danced the whole village gathered together provisions for them. 
After they had gathered these things together, they started out and 
went. 

And now here, it rained. But outside, at Nutria and Pescado and 
Caliente, in all the farming villages, the land thirsted. 

Meanwhile, over there at the house of the priests, a young woman 
died. She had a little child, so big. So now his grandmother carried 
him around on her back. He was very lonely. His mother (i. e. 
mother's sister) and his grandmother masticated parched corn and 
gave it to him to eat. After a little while the baby was all right. In 
a few days she took him on her back and carried him around with 
her. The village was deserted. No one was staying here. They were 
all out at the farming villages. It was in the early afternoon. Her 
little one cried. She put him on her back and went out, and walked 
aroimd the housetop carrying him. The sim had just tiu-ned over; 
then rain came, just a little. It was far off and it only rained a little. 
The storm was over in the mountains; here it did not rain. The 
lightning played aroimd the village and struck them. The two were 
struck by lightning. The people of the village came out. The two 
died. No one would touch them. They lay out on the roof all night. 
Next day, about this time, they had not yet come to their senses. 
Then they looked aroiuid here for someone who had been struck 
by lightning. They summoned him and he came and touched them. 
Aiter he had touched them, then they took them in. They took 
them in and buried them. 

So it happened. 



PHONOLOGY 

1. The outstanding features of Zuni phonology are the absence 
of consonantal clusters and all harsh sounds, very slight intensity 
of articulation, and a characteristic and subtle rhythm of speech. 
Precision of articulation is not a feature of Zuni speech, and the 
consequent slurring of words has made the language difficult to 
record. There is considerable variation in the speech of different 
groups, e. g. men and women and old and young. The young people 
at Zuni are all bihngual. In addition to these dialectic differences 
there is a considerable range of variation in the speech of any one 
individual. The variations are marked in the slurring of unaccented 
syllables, variability of vowel quahty, omission of glottal stops and 
loss of glottahzation. All of these features, found frequently in the 
speech of older people, and especially women, have become more 
marked in the speech of the younger generation who are accused by 
their elders of "not speaking plainly". 

2. THE VOCALIC SYSTEM 
The vocalic phonemes are as follows: 



;} ;) 



semivowels w y 

diphthongs ai au oi 

The open and closed vowels alternate freely, even in the same 
word as pronounced by the same person at different times. There 
is a tendency for the quality of the vowel to be influenced by 
surrounding consonants and conditions of accent. Unaccented short 
vowels are usually open; accented or long vowels, and especially 
vowels that are both long and accented, are usually closed, except a; 
vowels followed or preceded by glottalized consonants or followed 
by glottal stops tend to be closed. However, these are tendencies, 
and cannot be stated as rules, o is a variant of a following y and the 
palatalized consonants k and fc'. 

w and y are both vowel and consonant. They are treated as con- 
sonants in combination with other consonants {p being considered 
the unvoiced form of w ; see below H 5), but under certain conditions 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGTJAGES 431 

described below, they unite with preceding vowels to form diph- 
thongs, ai is the only true diphthong. Pseudodiphthongs ai, oi and 
au are formed when short a or o in an accented syllable unites with 
the following long y or w. All short vowels in unaccented syllables 
are variable or obscure in quality. There is an alternation of o and 
u and of e and i in such positions, although in positions of impor- 
tance they are cUstinct phonemes. 

More significant than the quality of vowels is their quantity 
which will be discussed, along with other dynamic features, below 
(see U 12 et seq.). 

3. VOCALIC SHIFTS 

We have already called attention to the variable quality of all 
vowels, and their tendency to be influenced by surrounding con- 
sonants. Short vowels are influenced by preceding and succeding 
consonants, long vowels are never influenced by what follows. 
There are, moreover, a number of regular vocalic shifts. 

a and a- become a (d- ) after the palatalized k and k\ 

a becomes a after y; except when followed by n, m, k, k\ I. a- does 
not change following y. 

a becomes ai before y, especially in accented syllables. In un- 
accented position the shift is common, but not invariable. 

a becomes a" before w in accented syllable. 
a''wana2:)kci 
a"'watin'e 

o becomes slightly diphthongized before y. 
o'yemci, o'ye 

A word composed entirely of vowels never occurs, and the con- 
sonant I is sometimes introduced between the two vowels. This 
explains the apparent irregularity of the verb a-, a stem which pre- 
dicates concerning a single flat object: 

a'7i put it down (a^e^a, durative; the glottal stop is a consonant) 
and ale, it lies there, but a'kd it lay there. The I obviously is not part 
of the stem. 

4. THE CONSONANTAL SYSTEM 

The consonantal system is relatively simple. There are two series 
of consonants, the unaspirated surd, with a very slight intensity of 
articulation and a series belonging to the group usually called 
glottalized. There is no glottal closure; these sounds are produced 
by the simultaneous release of anterior and posterior palatal clo- 
sures. The term fortis which has been suggested as an alternative to 
the misleading term glottalized is hardly appUcable to sounds with 
so strikingly little force of articulation. The characteristic feature 



432 



BUNZEL zxnsn 



of these sounds is that there is a small amount of air in the mouth, 
under pressure. Hence it seems preferable to retain the term 
"glottaUzed." Due to characteristic Zuni slovenliness of speech the 
glottalization is frequently lost, or the posterior release precedes 
the anterior release si^ifficiently to destroy the impact. The resulting 
sound is a true medial b, d, «, etc., barely distinguishable from the 
unaspirated surd p, t, k. This general tendency in the language has 
gone furthest in the labials in which it is almost impossible to 
distinguish the two series. There is a single aspirated consonant, t\ 
which occurs only in -t'u, the optative suffix, which is always 
accented, at variance with the usual pattern for accentuation. 
t and f are, therefore, one phoneme. 

The anterior palatals are subject to a special variation, especially 
marked in women's speech, wherebj^ they move forward and assume 
a slightly affricative quality, k becoming ty sometimes even tc ; and 
k\ Dy or dJ . 

The dental stops are true dentals but the corresponding con- 
tinuants are dento-alveolar. 

k and k (as also k^ and k^) are variants of the same phoneme, 
appearing as k (k') before a, e, i, and as k before o and u. kw is a 
distinct phoneme. ?/ has been recorded in one or two words as a 
variant of n before k in an accented syllable. 

There are no velar consonants. 

Any consonant, including h and ', may be lenghtened according to 
the rules of djmamics given below. 

The complete series of consonants is as follows: 



Stops Continuants 

Spirant Affricatives 



Laterals 



Labial 


7J 


Dental 


t 


Dental 




Alveolar 




Anterior 




Palatal 


k 


Palatal 


k 


Lab. Pal. 


kw 


Glottal 


— 



tv — — 

6", c ts, fs 

tc, fc 



h-' y — — (v) 
k' y - - - 

k'u' — — — — 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGTTAGES 433 

5.-7. CONSONANTAL SHIFTS 
5. Assimilation 
Most consonantal changes come under the head of assimilation. 
Some of these shifts are the obvious ones, such as : 

Unvoicing of voiced consonants before voiceless stops. The only 
voiced consonants are I and iv, which change to I and p respectively, 
and y, which has no unvoiced form. 

acna-we, they make it; acnapkd, they made it. 
ukwatela, they come in one by one; uhvatelnan, having come in, 
one by one. 
n becomes m before p or p' 

a?H papa, his elder brother (an, possessive pronoun) 
avip^eyekd, he exhorted him (an, 3rd person objective pronoun). 
n sometimes becomes r] before k oi k 

terjkd, it was used up (tenaye, it is wearing out) 
lowo^ai]kd, it became cloudy 
tekdnarjkd, it would have been Z 20:71 
but ank'ohati, he finds out 

ank^eVsana, he delights in her, and all combinations of the 
pronoun an, 
ku becomes labialized kw before vowels (except u) 

teku, stick it in; tekukd, tektviha, tekwiye, etc. 
also fecku, Veckiuiye, paku, pakwiye, etc. 
kw + k become h and 
kw + Ic" become i' 

aha, it got cooked (akw-, to get cooked + kd) 
aniJc'd, teach him (anikw- to know + k'd, causative) 
ye-mak'dna-we, they made him go up (yemaku + k'd) 
t + k become k' 

lak-d, he hunted (stem lat + kd) 

6. Other Phonetic Shifts 

The cause of other phonetic shifts is less apparent: 
n is dropped before w and y, and the preceding vowel is length- 
ened or diphthongized. 

a^tvate'a, she washes his hair (an, objective pronoun + ivat-; cf. 

i'lvate'a, she washes her own hair) 
aiyu'ya-na, he knows it (cf. y%i^ya-na, to know) 
aiyoseke'a, she is lying to him (yoselc'e'a, she is lying) 
p'aH'we, blankets, plural of p'a'in'e 

p'ena-we, words, plural of p'enan-e, and all plurals of nouns 
in -we. See If 130 
The sequence t + n never occurs; t changes to k when followed 
by n. 
29 



434 BTINZEL ZTJNI 

laknapka, they hunted; lalcnaye, they were killed but 
latakd', hunting, fatap, having hunted, etc. 

yafeM, he grabbed it, yalcnuye, it is held, yaknahan-a, he 

will put it aside, 
also utsi, give it to me (utsin-a, present subjunctive) and 

uknam-kd, he did not give it, uknaye, and also, yaknaye, they 

have been given away. 
h + e (in durative aspect of verbs) changes to c lesnaha, take 

it away, lesnaca, durative; lesnackoa, etc. (lesnah + e'a) 

yelahkd, he ran; yelaca, he is running and yelackd, he was 
running, 
but also ace^a, durative of aha, and akcice'a, durative of akciha 

7. Metathesis 
There are a few cases of metathesis. 

The suffix iha- (imminent aspect) becomes iyah in the past 
tense, before the suffix kd or before the participial ending -nan). 
The distributive suffix appears in two forms le and el. 
kwatela, to come in severally (stem kicato) 
laivaptsicle, to cut many prayersticks. 

8.— 14. SYLLABIFICATION, ACCENT AND QUANTITY 
8. The normal syllable 
The normal Zuni syllable consists of consonant and following 
vowel : 

a''-ye'"-nia-ku^ 
i''-le-a-na 
te'-a-ye 
Glottal stops are treated as consonants. Where two consonants 
occur together the syllable division is between the consonants: 
y2('-ya-na 
yak-na'-kd 
k^us-k'e-'a 
ak-cih-kd 
Long or lengthened consonants between two vowels are treated 
as two consonants and the syllabic division comes in the consonant. 
However, long stops are not doubled, e. g. ak-d not ak-kd. 

9. Syllabification of compounds 
Words formed by composition retain the syllabification of the 
component parts. The break between the syllables is marked but 
there is no glottal closure as in such a word as a-'w 



^ Double accent designates secondary accent. 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGTJAGES 435 

wo--ta-pan-a--ne (wo-tapan + a-ne) , not wo-ta-pa-na-ne. 

k'd-tul-u-lap-na 

al-u-le 

Certain morphological elements also retain their identity although 
forming part of the word complex. 

The prefixed pronoun an (a-ioan) is treated independently, i. e. 
as a syllable 

a'n-a-ha (not a-na-ha) 
a'n-ula--we 
ya'n-ii-te-ma 
a'--wan-a-ce-'a 

The suffixes -ona, -iha, are similarly treated. 
The corresponding koa and tiha, beginning with consonants, form 
no exception to the rule of syllabification. 

mos-o-na not mo-so-na 

ti-kil-o-na 

a-n-i-ha 



10.- — 11. Accent and Quantity 
10. Rules of Accentuation 
The Zuni language has clearly marked and characteristic stress 
accent. The primary accent is always on the first syllable. Words 
of five or more syllables have a secondary accent, usually on the 
penult, occasionally on the antepenult, but never on the final 
syllable, except for a rhetorical accent in the imperative and 
optative. 

a'' ntecemana'' 'we 
a''panvle"kd 
lu 'walema "knan 



but also 



te'tcapik'd"na'kd 

hu'inomo'a"nankwin 

a'nhatia"napkd 



11. Accentuation of Compounds 
Compounds retain the original stem accents: 

a'nah-kwaVik'dna'pkd 

a'tel-i'minan 

o'na-e'latekd (pi. a wona-e'latekd) 

o'na-ya''nakd 
29* 



436 BXTNZEL ZTJNI 

In compounds of which the fu-st part is a monosyllabic stem, 
followed by a polysyllabic stem or stem plus suffixes, the two stems 
are accented, the primary accent being on the second syllable: 

i"vi-yd'Uo^ up 

fu"n-a'l-u'ya 

ci"-te'ckwiye 

Prefixes and prefixed pronouns, however, take the primary 
accent : 

ta'tcu pi. a''tatcu 

i'l-i pi. a''wil'i 

k^e't'sana pi. i'k'et'sana 
tse'^me'a pi. a'ntse'me^a 
but a'nfeivakd a''wanfe"imkd 

wo hanaye i''wxha"nap'e"nankwi 



12. — 14. Quantity 

Principles of syllabification and acceiit have farreaching effects 
upon vocaHc and consonantal quantity. Each sound, whether 
vocalic or consonantal, has its morphological quantity. Further- 
more, each syllable has its dynamic quantity determined by the 
position of the stress accent. 

13. Syllabic Value 

There are two kinds of syllables, strong and weak. A strong 
syllable is one that contains either a long vowel or a diphthong, or 
a short vowel followed by a consonant, e. g., the first syllable of 
each of the following words: a--kd; rmr-la; an-te-ce-ma ; a'-le. The 
presence or absence of initial consonant does not affect syllabic 
value. Weak syllables are those terminating in short vowels. All 
accented syllables must be strong syllables ; and the accent lengthens 
the syllable. If the accent falls on a syllable containing a long vowel 
the vowel is lengthened slightly, giving a double long vowel. This 
subsidiary length disappears when the accent is shifted to another 
syllable, e. g. a:'kd (pi. a:'wa-kd). 

In syllables containing a short vowel plus consonant, there is a 
slight lengthening of the consonant under the influence of the 
accent. 

a'nf-)tecema pi. a:'wantecema 

i'l(') fema pi. ya'n(-)iUema 

If the accent falls upon a morphologically weak syllable, i. e. one 
terminating in a short vowel, the syllable is lengthened by borrowing 
from the following syllable, whose initial consonant is lengthened, 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES 437 

the syllabic division occurring in the consonant. There is a slight 
lengthening of the preceding vowel, but not sufficient to make it a 
full length vowel. 

tsi(-) t-a pi. a:'-tsita 

ta(-)'Pcu pi. a:'-tatcu 

i(-) m-e (cf. i:'mu, i + im + u) 

a^'watin-e 

a'^'wanapkd ("he found it," cf. a''wawanapkd, 
"he found them") See 1[ 3. 

These features are especially marked in initial syllables which 
receive the principal stress accent. Secondary accents are usually 
attracted to morphologically strong syllables. If, as sometimes 
occurs, subsidiary accents fall upon weak syllables, there is a similar 
secondary lengthening. However, except for initial syllables, the 
quantitative distinctions are not clearly maintained, and the 
quantities of final syllables are frequently doubtful. 

14. Vocalic Quantity, Phonemic and Acoustic 

There are, therefore, four vocalic quantities, double long (mor- 
phologically long and accented) ; full long (morphologically long and 
unaccented); half long (morphologically short and accented); and 
short (morphologically short and unaccented). The two middle 
quantities are very similar acoustically, especially when not 
occupying initial position. 

The following are examples of various types of syllables : 
a:'kd, "he went" (initial a: long and accented) 
a(-)'k-d, "therefore" (initial a(-) short, accented) 
a:'wa-kd, "they went" (-iva-- long, unaccented) 
a:wa'k-d, "they got cooked" (-iva-, short, unaccented) 
In the following pages only morphological quantities wUl be in- 
dicated, the dynamic shifts due to accent being regular and under- 
stood. 

15. LOSS OF SYLLABLES 

Final vowels are regularly dropped before words beginning with 
vowels. Frequently the words contract, the final consonant of the 
preceding word, if a stop, becoming glottalized. Although the vowel 
is regularly elided contraction does not always take place. Fre- 
quently whole syllables are elided in this way. Nominal suffixes 
are regularly dropped in syntactic relations. Certain verbal suffixes 
are elided in rapid speech but reappear in dictation. Nominal 
suffixes never appear in texts or comiected discourse except where 
emphasis is desired. There is a marked tendency to slur aU un- 
accented syllables in the middle of words. 



438 BUNZEL ZITNI 

16. DIALECTIC DIFFERENCES 

Reference has already been made to the range of variation in the 
pronunciation of sounds by different individuals. There is con- 
siderable difference in the speech of men and women. There are a 
few words restricted to one or the other sex — principally exclama- 
tions. ti''comaha' (oh dear!) is a man's word, a'na-ha' the correspond- 
ing woman's word. There are a few others. But there is no woman's 
speech, distinct from man's. There are a few children's words, and a 
simplified set of relationship terms used by young children — tsime for 
tsita, mother, mother's sister, home (hota) mother's mother, kume 
(hikuj father's sister, classiffcatory, etc. 

There is a tendency among women to soften all glottalized sounds, 
and to pronounce the anterior palatals far forward (kd becomes tya, 
k'd becomes Dya). However, these features appear occasionally also 
in the speech of men. There is marked pitch accent, which turns 
women's speech into a singsong. Inflection has not been recorded, 
since it is not constant and has no morphological signifiance. 

There is a tendency among young people of both sexes to eUde 
glottal stops and soften glottalized consonants. This is charac- 
teristic of the speech of all people under fiftj', and is especially 
marked among those who speak English. Many of these younger 
people are not aware of the true character of the sounds and cannot 
distinguish between such words as pH'yukd, he hung it up, and 
pH ya'kd, it was hanging. There is also some inaccuracy in quanti- 
ties of such words as i kdne'a, he is angry and i''kd7ie'a, they are 
angry. 

With dialectic differences might be classed the elisions and con- 
tractions referred to above, since they appear and disappear in the 
texts with no regularity. The slurring of syllables in rapid speech, 
characteristic alike of Zuni and English, is perhaps a tendency of all 
languages with marked stress accent. 

17. PHONETIC DECAY 
There is reason to believe that the present decay of the langu- 
age is nothing new, but that the language has been undergoing 
phonetic disintegration for a long time. The consonantal system 
was probably once richer than it is at present. The glottal stop is 
being lost. But the behavior of glottal stops in certain verbal con- 
jugations (e. g., p'iyaye, pHya'kd, p^iyak'dn-a; p'iyd'u, pHyakd, 
p^iyan-a; i-to'ya, i-to'na-we) invites the hypothesis that the glottal 
stop in turn replaces lost consonants. There are words that appear 
variously as t'elikto, Peli'to, t'elit'o (rare). We have also such series 
as aHe, "stone," pi. a-we but, based on this stem, apk'oskwi, "window 
pane," (formerly a translucent stone). 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES 439 

The general wearing down of distinctions, which is the present 
phonetic trend, makes it seem plausible that many elements that now 
sound alike were at one time distinct, e. g., r- plural, also indirect 
object, and r- reflexive; yanik'd, he learns (lit. makes himself 
know) and yanik^d, he teaches them. Furthermore, the reflexive 
prefix displays numerous irregularities in combination with other 
sounds, e. g., i-mu, he sits down (i- -f- im, to sit or be seated) but 
yil'ic, she marries (y (v) + ib-, stem, "with"), yo-^a, to become 
(y -\- 0-- stem "to be made") forms a plural a-iviyo^a, whereas other 
words beginning in y- form their plurals a-- (a''ya-'a, a''yemaku, etc.). 



MORPHOLOGY 

18. MORPHOLOGICAL PROCESSES 

Syntactic relations and the various categories of thought are 
expressed through mechanisms of affixation, composition of stems 
and juxtaposition of word complexes. Of these the first two pro- 
cesses are most important. There are a few reduplicated words, but 
reduplication is not used as a grammatical process. There is no 
internal stem modification (except the single instance of the verb 
otaye, to dance, pi. otiwe). 

The usual word order is subject — object — verb, but this is not 
fixed. Hence there is a slight ambiguity in all sentences which do 
not employ other means for distinguishing subject and object, and 
this ambiguity may be used for literary effect. See "Zuni Ritual 
Poetry"! fg^ a discussion of this point. Adjectives always follow the 
nouns they modify, but adverbial clauses occupy first position, with 
the connective, if any, following the clause. 

A'p'eivan ho" sato-we wotukd. ho' hekdtco ackd. 

Stone floor on I potsherds them put down. I clay paste made. 
Z 5:85, 86 

but also, sa'le ho' ackd. 

bowl I made. Z 5:88 

ho7n tsita horn atinekd. 
my mother me told. Z 35:63 

a-tsawaki hoi ank'ohanapkd e'lactok'ona. 

Youths somewhere her they discovered girl the one. Z 177:8 



^ R. B. A.E 47 : 619. 



440 BTTNZEL ZTJNI 

laciki kiva yaiyu'ya-nam-e an tse'makwin aha luwalan 
Old man know-nothing his thoughts because of village 

lana hie vtse'tnekd. 

large very much they worried. 

The old man had no sense and because of his doing the large village worried. 

Z 51:83 

ho' t'sanap atel imikd. 

I being small mountain side fell. 
When I was small the mountain side fell. Z 52:98 

lil fo'na ho' a-lea'wp'a. . . . 
Here to you I them offering. . . . 

Complex ideas are expreseed by stem composition; many deri- 
vational ideas, by verbal suffixes. Mode, aspect, tense and number 
are also expressed by suffixes. The only prefixes are prefixed pro- 
nouns and pluralizing prefixes, which are probably part of the 
pronominal system. Independent pronouns are always used for 
first and second persons, subject and object. There are also in- 
corporated objective pronouns, which appear in a few instances as 
the subjects of intransitive verbs. 



19.— 23. STEM COMPOSITION 

19. Stem composition is used for the expression of numerous types 
of complex ideas. All types of composition are employed : noun and 
noun, noun and adjective, noun and verb, pronoun and verb, verb 
and verb. 

20. NoxiN AND Noun 

When two nouns are compounded, the modifjang element 
precedes, e. g. 

ma-'k'aiakivin salt lake (ma- [ive J, s&\t; kaia[n-ej, water, lake; 

kwin, at) 420:4 
pi"laci'wain-i how priest (pi'la, bow; ci'toan-i, priest) 399:3 
a'na-u'o'p'un sack of tobacco (ana, tobacco; wop'un-e, sack) 

Z 139:33 
fa'saktvin-e digging stick (t'a-, wood; sakwin-e, leg) Z 1:2 
fsu'tikdn-e shell society Z 39:34 



21. NOTTN AND ADJECTIVE 

Adjectives follow nouns in composition as in juxtaposition. 
fe'k'ohanan-e space white, i. e. daylight 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES 



441 



k'd 'kivenla 'tap'a 



wihd'tsana 
If d' J)' all 

motcikwa 
k'dtsena 



house winged, i. e. aeroplane (not a true 
compound, since the initial stem retains 
its noniinalizing suffix) 

baby (wiha, baby, doll; t'sana, small) 

whisky (k'd-, water; p'ali, bitter, hot) 
Z 45:45 

peach (nw-, fruit; tcikiva, sweet) 

cold water Z 1:8 



22. NOTJN AND VERB 

Noun-verb combinations may be the result of subject or object 
incorporation. 

jfe'na-Vsu'melc'ekd he talked loud (p^ena, words ; Vsumelc'dkd, 

he made strong) 406:95 
o'na-ya''fu may your road be fulfilled 397:6 (ona, 

road; ya-- to become finished; fu, 

optative) 
nd'potiye there are many deer (na, deer; p'otiye, 

it is full) Z 101:71 
mopHyakwin peach orchard fmo-, fruit; pHya, hang; 

hvin, where) Z 53:11 
la'waptsichna"pkd make prayersticks (lawe, sticks; aptsi, to 

cut, -c-repetitive ? ; le, one by one) 

421:10 
fsiHahnan picking up a basket (VsiHe, basket; 

ahnan, picking up) Z 139:31 
tcawackd she gave birth (tcawe, children; aca, 

make) Z 122:2 
upHnaye it snowed (u, wool; pHnaye, to blow) 

Z 210:69 
Nouns may be incorporated to express locative concepts, e. g.: 

o'na-e'lafena (on the) road pass 

Pronominal incorporation is discussed below, If 37 et seq. 



23. Verb and verb 

Verbal stems are compounded freely to express many types of 
complex action or condition: 

fun-a'l-ukdn look, go about, i. e. in order to hunt 

Z 101:73 
i'teh-ktvai'^ik^d drop, make go out, i. e. throw it out! 

(imperative) Z 117:90 
p'o'a-yd'laye sit, be above, i. e. sit in a high place 



442 BITNZEL ZITNT 

i'm-iydltokd sit, put on top (reflexive), to climb up on 

it Z 67:89 
o'ceman-a'ce starve, die; to be starving to death 

ya'fena-fsjimelc'e'a hold, make strong; to hold fast 
olea-te^tcip meal carrying arriving; to come carrying 

a basket of meal 417:30 
ftina-kwai'ip look, come out; to come over the top 

Z 2:27 

Among verbal compounds are to be found a number of petrified 
stems, found only m certain combinations, e. g. : 

imapild'lcd it was lying by the fire (im- to be sittmg) 

alapifa to lie by the fire 

ana-kwaPikd he ran out (hvai'i, to go out) 

23a. yti" 

Probably yu', used initially in many words relating to sensation 
or emotion, is a petrified stem. 

yiCya-na, to know; yu'su, to feel warm; yu^acona, to be lone- 
some, (cf. Veuniacona, a place is deserted); yu'teclati, to be 
frightened, etc. 



24.-29. AFFIXING 

24. Verbal suffixes of derivation 

Besides the suffixes that are used to express grammatical cate- 
gories in the verb, there are a number of verbal siiffixes that ex- 
press derivational ideas. These are all suffixes of first position, 
i. e. they precede endings denoting time, aspect, number, mode, etc. 

25. -k'- CAUSATIVE 

This suffix is free and can be attached to anj' verb as a causative 
or transitivizing suffix. It precedes suffixes denoting aspect, tense, 
number. 

Attached to active intransitive verbs its meaning is causative and 
transitivizing. 

vtolc'dn'a, she will give him to eat (i'to, to eat) 
a-k'dkd, she sent him away (a-(n)- to go) 415:5 
pena-ktvatok^dkd, he called in (kwato, to go in) Z 141:63 
p'anvk'dnapkd, they let him come down (p'ani, come down) 

Z 340:52" 
kicatok^dnan, pushing it in (kwato, go in, -k'-; a?ian, participle) 
Z f00:49 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES 443 

It is attached with similar function to static verbs or adjectives, 
which partalie of many of the characteristics of static verbs (see 
1 159). 

alok'd, make a light! (alo[naye], there is a light; cf., however 

aklu, light a fire; and akliye, there is a fire) 
elelc'e'a, she is getting it ready (ele- to be ready) 
k^dpak'd, spread it out (k^dpa, flat) 
Id'oh'dnan, making it hard (lo^o, hard) Z 111:77 
ikwanilc'e'a, he is working at it (ikwani'a, there is work) 
lutsilfdrfa, she will grind it fine flutsi, soft) 417:26 
p^ena-fsumek'ekd, they were talking loudly (lit. : making strong 
words) 406:95 
It is sometimes used with the reflexive prefix r (y) to form 
active verbs from static stems. 

yelanaTc'd, they became plentiful, lit. : they caused themselves 

to be many (elanaye, there are many) 
yantcianak'd, it becomes difficult (antciana, difficult) 
i-yii'ya-lc'dp'a, getting to know something 396 : 1 
vceWdnan, when he was satisfied (lit. had fOled himself) 

Z" 100: 55 
i-yu'hetolc'dn, to show themselves (yu^heto, clear) Z 18:41 
With the inceptive -ti-: 

ikdtik'd, it makes him angry (ikd [ne^a] he is angry) 
i-natik'd, he fails (i-na, to lack) 

Ic'efsatilc'd, it makes (him) rejoice. Cf., however, k'et'sanak'd, 
it is a source of happiness to him, from the static verb stem 
Ic'efsana, to be hapjjy 
yunatilc'dnapkd, they acquired (literally they caused themselves 
to begin to see them) Z 42:98 

26. -ti- INCEPTIVE 

Attached to active verbs with the meaning "it begins to" 
ocetinan, getting hungry (oce'a, he is hungry) Z 99:34 
tse'rnatikd, (I) felt badly, i. e. began to worry (tse'ma, to think) 

Z 103:14 
i-nati, it fails, i. e. gives out (i-na, to lack) 
ikdtikd, he became angry (ikdne'a, he is angry) 402:31 
a-tc unatikdp^a, when they looked at him Z 167:91 
With adjectives or static verbs: 

lacitikd, she grew old (laci, old, an adjective; as a verb it 

exists only in the optative, in prayers, lacit'u, may you grow 

old) Z 120:70 
fek'ohatip, at daybreak (t'e, place, time; k'oha(na), white) 

424:67 
halicotikd, she went crazy (halico, crazy) 400 : 8 



444 BUNZEL ZTTNI 

Sometimes the reflexive prefix r- is required: 
i-lo'oti, it gets hard (lo'o hard) 
i-fsiimeti, he gets strong (fsume, strong) 
vhemotikd, he works himself into a fury (ht., he causes himself 

to begin to boil over, from hemo^a, to boil over) 
yanikicati, he learns (from anikica, to know how) 
ipisatikd, she became annoyed (cf. ampisa, mischievous) 
Z 207:9 



27. -h-(c) CONVEKSIVE 

Can be attached freely to all active and many neutral verbs with 
the meaning of undoing. The variation between A to c is phonetic. 
It appears as c when followed or preceded by two vowels ; therefore 
it is always c in the continuative aspect. 

aha, pick it up (stem a-, in a'w, put it down; ale, it is lying, of 

one flat object) pi. ahna-we 
akciha, he chooses one (akc- among, neutral verb stem) 
p'iyahnapkd, they took him down (pHya, to hang) 405:64 
fsikivacekd, he was skinning it (fsikwaye, to have a skin; static 
aspect,) Z 114:44. See T[ 6 for phonetic shift h to c. 
fsikwahnan, having skinned it, 423:52 
With the reflexive v- 

i-lmvahna, running (plural stem.) (luwa, many things are 

standing upright) vluivackd, they raced 422:10 
vwUohk'd, they come out of ambush (wo-loye, to lie buried) 

Z 13'l:64 
i-yu'tetcinaha, rest (yu'tetci, to feel tired) Z 175:64 
rsetohnan, taking them from his back (seto, to carry on the 
back) Z 15:73 
c, probably a variant of -A- is attached to nominal stems, with 
the meaning of remove. 

tcucarva, she will remove kernels from the cob; 416: 11 (but also 

tcu'lahanan, with the same meaning) 
ateacip, picking squash blossoms (atea'we, squash blossoms) 

Z 130:43 
rleacan-a, he will remove his clothing (lea, to wear ; also clothing) 
halikwicnapkd, they stripped off his witchraft (halikwi, witch) 
406:85 



27 a. rna to think of 

The suffix 7na is used in a number of words relating to mental 
processes, and is primarily a verbalising suffix with the meaning, 
"to think or feel". 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES 445 

iltema, to believe (ilte, true) 

oleoma, to envy (otco, an exclamation of pleasure) 

ocema- to feel hungry (oce'a, to be hungry, or possibly to lack 

food) 
itsuma, to feel cold- (itsu, an exclamation of cold) 
The same ending is found in 
tse'ma, to think 
itcema, to love or value 
antecema, to desire 



28. Distributive Suffixes 

There are a number of closely related suffixes attached to active 
verbs, all of them referring to distributed action, tco refers especially 
to spatial distribution, -el-, with its variants -le-, -tel-, refers to 
distribution in time, tcel is perhaps a combination of tco and el. 
These distinctions are not clearly maintained in accordance with 
the general lack of distmction in concepts of time and space. 

-tco- distributive, "in different directions," also, rarely, "many 
times". 

This is attached to certain verbs only. Its use is not free. 
With the idea of scattering: 

weatcokd, he called out (a formal anouncement) (tvea, to cry 

out)" 421:7 
ipaktco, to throw away many things, to scatter (vpaku, to 

throw one thing, to shoot) 
iloptco, to go about borrowing from many places (ilopi, to 

borrow one thing) 
lepaktco, to chop wood (le-, pieces of wood, paku, to throw) 
but also: 

a-iveletco-kd, they used to go there repeatedly, (cf. eletcela, she 
goes back and forth ; however, there is no stem ele meaning 
"to go") Z 1:14 
anhemotcokd, he scolded her Z 174:39 
antehtco'ya, he is watching him closely 
aiyanhaktconan, breathing on him Z 100:48 

-1-, -le, -tel-, distributive, "one by one," "one after another (not 
to be confused m meaning with other suffixes for customary, re- 
peated, or continuous action). 

ukwatelkd, they came in one by one: u-, pi. kivat (o), go in; -el 
(-el) distributive, the I is an voiced preceding consonant ; 
kd, past, active, singular Z 109:40 
a-teHcila, they arrive one after another Z 127:89 
ma-kwai'ile, the salt is coming out 423:49 



446 BUNZEL ZUNI 

anip'elna-hapelhd, they came to court her (anip'ela, to court, 
probably from p^e-, to speak, plus -I, hap(o), to gather; 
-el (-el), one by one; -kd, past, singular) Z 139:23 

ydtokwaiHlenanhwi , where the sun always comes out (yato, sun, 
day; ktvai'i, come out; le-, distributive following a vowel; 
-nan, participle; -kwi, postposition, where, place of) Z 79:42 

itecpani-lek'dnapkd, they kept on throwing them down (iteh-, 
throw plus repetitive ; pani--, descend; -^e distributive ; -k'-, 
causative; -d, active, momentaneous ; nap (naic), plural; 
-kd, past for phonetic shift h > c see HH 6, 65. 

a-u'itela, they came separately, (or many times) (-tel, distrib- 
utive following vocalic stem) Z 229:59 

up'inafela, it snowed intermittently Z 210:81 
In a number of words the element -c- aj^pears before the distrib- 
utive prefix. This is, perhaps, related to the durative-reiDetitive e' 
which appears as c under certain phonetic conditions. See *] 6 

lawapfsiclenapkd, they made prayersticks (lawe, sticks; apfsi^ 
cut; -C-, repetitive (?) ; -le, distributive) 421:10 

yatcuclekd, he trampled on it (yatcii. step; -c-, repetitive (?); 
-le, distributive; -kd, past) Z 211:97 

a'wanVewacle, they passed the night (in various places) 425:87 

-tcel- distributive, "back and forth", "one after another": 
eletcela, he goes back and forth (stem does not exist in other 

combinations) 
a-haktcda, he takes food for sacrifice from each dish {a-, plural 
object; hak-, to divide; -tcel-, distributive; -a, indicative, 
active, present, singular); tehaktco^ya, has the same meaning 
(te-, distributive plural; hak-, -fco-, distributive, here and 
there; -^ya, present indicative, durative) 



29. Customary 

There are two suffixes for customary or habitual action, -p'e-, 
-Ic'e-. The use of both of these suffixes is restricted and idiomatic 
and not enough examples have been collected to formulate any rule 
for the use of one or the other. Customary action is usually ex- 
pressed by the use of the durative or repetitive aspect. See H 65. 
-fc'e-, customarily 
towoiuok'e'a, they always blow it Z 40:59 
ist imok^e'a, this is where she always sits 
akcik'e'a, he is always among them 
ulalak^ekd, it used to snow all the time Z 30:61 
unakfnankwin, the place they had always seen Z 165:62 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN LANGUAGES 447 

-pe-, custimarily (possibly related to the distributive plural in -p-. 
See TI 58). 

yu'tulap'e'a, they always run away Z 41:83 
iwo-haiyap^ekd, they used to scatter Z 1 : 17 
luwalap^e'en'ona, the ones who always live here Z 62 : 3 
iwohanap'enankivi, where they always used to hang them 

403:45 
le'nap'e'a, so it always is 418:37 

29a. -te. Intensifying 
The most important use of this suffix is with participial phrases 
with the meaning, "even as", or "even though," but it is also used 
with locatives, demonstratives, numerals etc. 

lesnapte, even so 404 : 55 

k'onete, even as he was crying Z 91:85 

kiva antecemanapte, even though he didn't want to 404:58 

uhsite, those same 

yamte, her very own 418:38 

t'opinte, only one 399:3 

isk'onte, right there 

30—115. MORPHOLOGY OF THE VERB 
30. General Character of Verb 
The simplest complete predication consists of the stem alone. 
The absence of affixes indicates that the verb is singular, present, 
active, indicative, completive. The statement is grammatically 
complete, but not wholly unambiguous since this form is custom- 
arily used to express commands. There is also a regular imperative 
form in addition to the exhortative and optative. For grammatical 
correctness all of the above categories must be expressed either 
directly or by implication. 

ito, "he eats," or "eat!" also, "he eats it" 
al'U, "he goes about," or "go about!" 
kwato, "come in!" or "he comes in" 
Only a few active stems (see K 33) can be thus used without 
affixes. All other verbal stems require various affixes to make a 
grammatical