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THE ARDEN SHAKESPEARE

THE TRAGEDY OF

JULIUS C^SAR

EDITED BY

ARTHUR D. INNES, M.A.

SOMETIME BCHOLAB OF ORIEL COLLEGE, OXFOBD

REVISED BY

WILLIAM STRUNK, Jr.

PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH, CORNELL UNIVERSITT

D. C. HEATH AND COMPANY

BOSTON NEW YORK CHICAGO

ATLANTA SAN FRANCISCO DALLAS

LONDON

' ^^^^9*9^W^^W^T^W'W'W^'9'9 m H

/^HARVARD
UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY
FEB 16 1944

^ CBpyright, 19K,
Bt D. C. Heath and Coupamt

/tM I

No part of the material covered by this
copyright may he reproduced in any form
without 'written permission of the jmblisher,

3k7

Piinted in the United States ol Kxamca^

GENERAL PREFACE

In this edition of Shakespeare an attempt is made
to present the greater plays of the dramatist in their
literary aspect, and not merely as material for the study
of philology or grammar. Criticism purely verbal and
textual has only been included to such an extent as
may serve to help the student in the appreciation of
the essential poetry. Questions of date and literary
history have been fully dealt with in the Introductions,
but the larger space has been devoted to the interpre-
tative rather than the matter-of-fact order of scholar-
ship. iEsthetic judgments are never final, but the
Editors have attempted to suggest points of view from
which the analysis of dramatic motive and dramatic
character may be profitably undertaken. In the Notes
likewise, while it is hoped that all unfamiliar expressions
and allusions have been adequately explained, yet it
has been thought even more important to consider the
dramatic value of each scene, and the part which it
plays in relation to the whole. These general princi-
ples are common to the whole series; in detail each
Editor is alone responsible for the play or plays that ,
have been intrusted to him.

Every volume of the series has been provided with a
Glossary, an Essay upon Meti'e, and an Index ; and
Appendices have been added upon points of special
interest which could not conveniently be treated in the
Introduction or the Notes. Tha tex.\. \s» V^saAVs^^Ssss^
several Editors on that o{ t\i& Globe ^i^^c^^^^u

CONTENTS

Paoe

Inteoduction V

Dramatis PERsoNiE xviii

Julius Caesar 1

Notes 96

Appendix A — Extracts from North's Plutarch . 140

Appendix B — Historical Outline 171

Appendix C — Metre 175

Glossary 183

Ind£& to the Notes • • 189

INTRODUCTION

1. LITERARY HISTORY OF THE PLAY

The earliest known edition of JtUitis Cceaar is that of the Firaf
FoliOf 1628, in which the plays were for the first time collected.'
We have no knowledge of the text on which it was based; but
the passages that show distinct signs of corruption are few: the
readings are rarely open to serious question.

The date of the earliest performance of the play can be deter-
mined with close approximation. Julius Ccesar is not mentioned
in the list of Shakespeare's plays given by Meres in his Palladia
Tamia, Wit^a Treasury, published in September, 1598, and was
therefore almost certainly not then in existence. Evidence for its
existence in 1599 comes from three independent sources.

(1) In Weever*s Mirror of Martyra (1601) are the lines —

The many-headed multitude were drawne

By Brutus speech, that Caesar was ambitious.

When eloquent Mark Antonie had shewne

His vertues, who but Brutus then was vicious?

These lines, for which sufficient basis cannot be found in Plutarch,
or in any other historian, are evidently a reminiscence of Shake-
speare's scene (iii. 2). In his Dedication, Weever declares that his
work "some two years ago was made fit for the press." ^ While
not conclusive, for Weever may none the less have inserted the
allusion as an afterthought, this passage points strongly to a date
not later than 1599.

(2) In Ben Jonson's Every Man out of His Humour (1599), iii. 1,
the character Clove, in a mock-philosophical speech, begins a sen-
tence with the words, " Then coming to the pretty animal, as rea-
son long since is fied to animals," plainly with allusion to iii. 2.
109 of our play. The phrase " Et tu. Brute," which occurs in the

1 Cited by Else, TFiUiam SKakM-peave V^^l^^« v^^V

vi JULIUS C^SAR

same play of Jonson (v. 4), may also have been introduced be-
cause of the currency given to it by Shakespeare.

(3) Thomas Platter, of Basle, who visited London in 1599, re-
cords in his journal that on the 21st of September he crossed the
river with a party and " saw in the straw-thatched house the tragedy
of the first emperor Julius Caesar very nicely acted, with about
fifteen persons." ^ There were at this time on the Bankside only
two theatres where plays were given: the Globe, occupied by
Shakespeare's company, known as the Lord Chamberlain's men,
and the Rose, occupied by the Lord Admiral's men, under the
management of Philip Henslowe. Both theatres had thatched
roofs. In the light of the other evidence that Shakespeare's Julius
CcBsar was produced in 1599, there can be small doubt that the
play seen by Platter was this play, and that the theatre was the
Globe, the more so as from the absence from Henslowe's Diary * of
any record of performances between June 3 and October 6, 1599,
it is at least possible that the Rose was closed during this interval
and the company on tour.

The date 1599 agrees well with the metrical evidence (see Ap-
pendix C), which indicates that the play belongs to the middle
period of Shakespeare's workmanship; is earlier than Hamlet^ and
about the same period as Much Ado, As You Like It, and Twelfth
Night; i.e. between 1592 and 1602.

The character of the play accords well with the date indicated.
Shakespeare seems to have finished all the English historical sub-
jects that interested him with Henry V in 1599, and it seems im-
probable that until that was done he would have gone farther afield.
(Henry VIII was written to order later.) Moreover, the play con-
stitutes in certain respects a new departure. The earlier tragedies
' were primarily tragedies of action ; this is primarily a tragedy of
character. It is more meditative and more complex ; the thought-
ful note which is characteristic of the comedies named above is
(prominent, but the philosophic interest does not predominate as in
Hamlet, nor is there the same intensity of emotion as in the later
tragedies.

2. SOURCES OF THE PLAY

X The sole literary source of Shakespeare's Julius Ccesar was Plu-
tarch, whose lAves he read in North's translation (the mistakes of
which he several times repeats, showing that he had not read i^he

1 6. Binz in Anglia, xzii. 458.
«£d. Greg, i.9%.

INTRODUCTION vii

original).! North himsdf translated (1579 and 1595) not from the
Greek, but from the French translation by Amyot (1559). The pas-
sages from North used by Shakespear^ (with the exception of a few
detached sentences quoted in the notes) will be found in Appen-
dix A.

A Latin play on the same subject was performed at Oxford in
1589, firom which the " et tu. Brute " may have been derived ; and
mention is found of other plays dealing with it. But whether
Shakespeare's play was at all affected by these, we have no means
of ascertaining.

3. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PLAY

When Shakespeare set himself to write a historical play, it was
not primarily his intention to educate his audience in historical
details of which they had been previously ignorant ; but he wrote
as a dramatist who happened to have found in the pages of his-
t«ry an interesting story to tell. He treated Plutarch and Holins-
hed very much as he treated Boccaccio. He had not any great *
regard for accuracy of detail for its own sake, caring only for its
dramatic interest. And for that end, speaking broadly, it was of
much more importance to follow accepted popular tradition than
to defy tradition for the sake of strict historical precision. We all
know that in the case of the stories that are most popular in the
nursery, children resent any variation on the version to which
they are accustomed ; and the great public takes very much the
same view. Now it may be a very good thing for the child to
have a revised version forced upon it, and it doubtless is an ex-
cellent thing for the great public to be set right in matters histori-
cal ; but the dramatic interest suffers if your audience — child or
great public — has its attention turned to cavilling at your innova-
tions instead of to the leading motives of the story.

Therefore in telling the story of the fall of Caesar and of the con-
spirators Shakespeare deliberately accepted the familiar version as
presented in the English translation of Plutarch. It was no part
of the dramatist's business to see whether Plutarch told the truth
in everything ; whether his estimate of the conspirators was just;
whether the supernatural accompaniments were credible in them-
selves. It was legitimate from his point of view to use anything
and everything that was dramatically effective, and to reject every-
thing unsuited to his purpose.

^ See notes to i. 8. 134 ; i. ». Uft ; m. %. %\\ n .\. Vi\^«

viii JULIUS C^SAR

That Shakespeare followed his original as closely as he has done
is no small tribute to the admirably artistic character of Plutarch's
narrative. There is hardly |i point in the play which is not directly
suggested in the life of Caesar, or Brutus, or Antony. None of the
characters vary appreciably Ax>m their portraits as drawn by Plu-
tarch. The very arguments used in the various discussions are
reproduced Ax>m the same source. Omens and portents reappear
with hardly a change of importance except in one particular — the
substitution of Caesar's ghost for Brutus's ** evil angel. ** In short,
the whole of Shakespeare's material is in Plutarch; yet the play is
as completely original, as entirely Shakespearean, as a picture by
Turner is a Turner and nothing else. To say that Shakespeare
borrowed from Plutarch would be a go^ deal like saying that
Turner ** borrowed " from a landscape/^

The play of Julius Ccsaar has onecharacteristic in a very much
more marked degree than any other of Shakespeare's plays — in
the way in which it is pervaded by the notion of irresistible Des-
^ tiny. Some such effect accompanies almost of necessity any seri-
ous introduction of the supernatural; but neither in Macbeth nor
in Hamlet is the idea present with anything like the same force as
in the play with which we are now dealing, though it accompanies
Octavius through Antony and Cleopatra, The feeling that the
events of greatest import in the world's history are beyond the
4 manipulation of the actors in them •—that in these high matters, at
any rate,

" There 's a divinity that shapes our ends.
Rough-hew them how we will " —

seems to permeate the whole play. Caesar sometimes speaks as
if he would have said of Destiny what he does say of Danger —

" We are two lions littered in one day ";

yet it is he who asks,

" What can be avoided,
Whose end is purposed by the mighty gods ? **

Cassius can proclaim with Epicurean fervor that

" The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars.
But in ourselves, that we are imderlings ";

ifi/t even he is thoroughly possessed with the sense of do<mi at
the end of the play. And the whole of tVie SM^matural ma-

INTRODUCTION ix

( chinery is utilized to further this same effect If the overruling
powers so will it, we cannot calculate that the normal result will

I follow any given act or event The owl hooting in the market-
place is simply a reminder that the ultimate control of things is
beyond calculation or human management. And most of all, the

' idea is embodied in the person of the boy Octavius, who impresses
one throughout as the instrument of Fate: triumphant over Brutus
and Cassius, and one day to triumph over Antony, not because he
is nobler or abler than they, but because he is the chosen means

' for fulfilling the will of heaven.

At the same time it would be an error to base any argument as
to Shakespeare^s own belief in omens, spirits, and the like on his
use of them in the play. They are appropriate dramatically be-
cause they are part of the accepted narrative. Whether the things
reported ever actually took place, or are really credible, is of no
consequence; they are true, so to speak, as illustrations, whether
true or not in fact. There is nothing in the tale as told in the play
of which the stoutest sceptic need complain. In most of the signs
and portents, from the appearance of tjie owl down to the slaying
of Cassius with the very sword that killed Caesar, there is nothing
inherently incredible. C€U3ca*s assertions in i. 3 and Calpumia's
in ii 3 are made in each case by a person in an extreme state of

(superstitious alarm. All these things intensify the feeling of doom;
they affect us, so to speak, with the electricity in the atmosphere;
but they do so independently of the view we may take of their
explanation, and they convey no hint of what Shakespeare him-
self believed. It is characteristic of the great dramatist that he
never does give us a clue to his own opinion on most subjects.
None the less, we often fall into the mistake of assuming that if
any of his characters pronounces an opinion with which we agree,
that was Shakespeare^s own view; and if another pronounces a
view with which we disagree, that was not the opinion of Shake-
speare. In fact, as with life in general so with Shakespeare's
plays: every man finds there conclusive proof that his own ideas
on any subject are correct

So it may plausibly be argued from this play that Shakespeare
was a republican or a monarchist, a naturalist or a supernaturalist,
that he condoned or condemned assassination — the plain fact being

fthat he no more sets about teaching views than Nature does. He
shows us the truth of things, and lets his characters tell what they
think about them, and leaves us to draw our own conclusions.
And just 88 we can draw from an examii\a\\oii ol taXx^x^ ^^^^^^

X JULIUS C^SAR

or actual events inferences and conclusions with a considerable de-
gree of certainty, so we can extract lessons and guiding principles
from Shakespeare's plays. They are the same lessons, the same
gliding principles, which we should extract from an intelligent
study of the life around us ; only that we are relieved from the
difficulty of having to disencumber ourselves of trivial and barren
details which are often misleading. The salient facts are collected
for us denuded of superfluous circumstances.

Although the play is named after Julius Caesar there is no ques-
tion that in fact the hero of the piece is Marcus Brutus. So far at
least as character is concerned the interest he inspires altogether
overshadows that of the rest of the dramatis personce^ and we are
somewhat apt to draw from a hasty reading a more superficial and
erroneous idea of the other principal performers than is usual in
Shakespeare's plays.

Thus the first idea that we get of Caesar is that he is a good deal
of a braggart, decidedly superstitious while pretending to a con-
tempt for superstition, overweening, with more gasconade than
real dignity; justifying, or at any rate fairly excusing, the bitter
terms in which Cassius speaks of him. Nevertheless a closer study
reveals something very different Cassius cries out in amazement

that

" A man of such a feeble temper should
So get the start of the majestic world,"

and we are inclined to agree. But to Antony he is

" the noblest man
That ever lived in the tide of times."

Brutus calls him ** the foremost man of all this world,'* and says

" I have not known when his affections sway*d
More than his reason ";

so that the position requires to be reconsidered. The explanation
\ « seems to lie in this,Hhat Caesar appears in the flesh at perhaps the
\ /least favorable moment in his career: the brief instant in which
1 he might be excused for allowing himself to lapse into arrogance.
He has attained complete mastery: the last remnant of open oppo-
sition has just been crushed at Munda, and the great conqueror
stands on a height such as had never yet been attained by mortal
man.i There is plenty for him yet to do, but in the brief interval

^ Fezrero (Cfreaine»» and Decline of Rome, ii. S06) has shown that in reality
C^ssAr's position was not nearly so strong as it has commonly been represented, but
ShaJcespenre is, of course, following Plutarch.

INTRODUCTION xi

the strain is relaxed; for the time he can afford to give rein to the
frailties of his nature and display the weaknesses of ordinary men.
In the play we are shown nothing of the means whereby he at-
tained to that eminence — the greatness is taken for granted. We
have but here and there the touch that reminds us of it, in the
shrewd characterization of Cassius which marks the judge of men;
in the right kingly ** What touches us ourself, shall be last served.*'
1 Now, it is the human frailties of Caesar that make the attitude

i- of the conspirators intelligible. Cassius argues his whole case on
the ground that Caesar himself is no better man than his neigh-
bors. But it is the greatness of Caesar which justifies the denoue-
ment. The conspirators from Brutus down had read him wrong.
Whilehe lived he was the incarnation of the new, inevitable order
of things. When slaiu, he is not dead; he is the spirit pervading '
the world, the goodlEingel of Octavius as he is the ill angel of
Brutus. Perhaps that is why the vision recorded in Plutarch is

(Changed to the apparition of Caesar's ghost. IiMiis^^ereon the
conspirators attempted to overthrow destiny; it is by the murdered—
Caesar that they themsetfes" are overthrown.

"^issius' IS ""perhaps more liable to misinterpretation than any
other character in the play. We are tempted at first thought to
suppose merely that he was an ill-tempered man with a personal
grudge against Caesar, and that he concocted the conspiracy solely
to satisfy his rancor, inveigling others into it by assuming the
airs of a patriot while plotting to gratify his personal spleen at the
expense of almost unlimited bloodshed.

These merely personal motives, however, are quite insufficient.
The idea of being the slave of a man no better than himself —

" I had as lief not be, as live to be \

In awe of such a thing as I myself " — ^

is abhorrent to him, and his bitterness is indefinitely increased by
his misconception of Caesar himself. But his hatred of the tyrant
I needs to be reinforced by his genuine political hatred of monarchy
* in the abstract. He will in no wise endure to be a bondsman him-
self; but, though only in a secondary sense, he would have all
Romans free. He cares little whether Caesar is formally crowned,
but thatjCaesar or anyone else should have absolute power is in-
' tolerable. ^He is perfectly honest in his sentiments; they are not

(invented to deceive Brutus. He wants Brutus to share the leader-
ship at lea^t. Dot to make a mere tool of \\\ui. Yxoxa. e^^Xft «o.^^'^

xii JULIUS CiESAR

the play, he does his best to induce Brutus to take his own view of
what ought to be done; but he always gives way if his persuasion
fEuls. Cicero is excluded; Antony is spared, and subsequently
allowed to speak at the fiineral; the fortunes of the conspirators
are staked on a great battle — in each case Cassius withdraws his
opposition in deference to Brutus, whom he loves; in each case we
know that Brutus is wrong and Cassius right: yet Cassius has no
reproach for his colleague, attempts no rivalry with him, acts
throughout with an admirable loyalty. And to appreciate all this
fully, we must remember that he is drawn always as a man with
a fiery temper, irritable and passionate, to whom it is singularly
galling to be crossed.

Certainly Cassius is not a hero. His moral standard is not of
the highest. When he has an end in view, he has no inclination
to be scrupulous about the means. He has no qualms of con-
science in the matter of removing Antony as well as Caesar; he will
not cavil at the measures taken by his lieutenants for raising
money —

" In such a time as this, it is not meet
That every nice offence should bear his comment."

I He allows his political convictions to be colored by his personal

' feelings, his '* affections sway more than his reason " to an extent

rthat is utterly destructive of statesmanship. But if that applies to

1 his hatred of Caesar, it applies no less to his love for Brutus. In

spite of his angry temper, his followers are devoted to him: Titi-

nius slays himself on the body of his dead chief; to Brutus he is

I "the last of all the Romans." And intellectually he stands out

I from the rest of the conspirators as incomparably the shrewdest; the

man who can take the initiative; who sees the course that policy

I requires; who understands other men and knows their true value

' and danger, unless he is blinded by personal prejudice. He reads

\ Casca like a book; he can even manage Brutus to some extent;

I he alone recognizes the latent capacities of the arch-foe Antony.

J It is the moral elevation of Brutus that makes us forget the great

; qualities in Cassius; and in that moral elevation is the essence of

the tragedy, because it is in great part directly responsible for the

failure, the ultimate defeat, of the project to which Brutus had

devoted himself. This is a rather dangerous statement on the face

of it, requiring some explanation.

T//e problem with which Brutus has to deal is complex; the

tnotives that stir his coadjutors are various. Ko one knows better

INTKODUCTION xiii

than the arch-conspirator, Cassius, that the assassination is very
difficult to justify, and tliat most of those who take part in it are
not actuated by a spirit of abstract justice; that the cause is not
good enough to depend for success on strenuous moral convic-
tion. Now had every man engaged in the conspiracy been as
Brutus was — unmoved by personal resentments and jealousies,
and wholly convinced that the act was right — The movement
wo uld h&vfe iMieu all e ud e d " by tharmoral force which would have
carried public feeling irresistibly along with it. As it was, public
feeling could be counted on to only a very limited extent, and re-
quired to be supported by the active exercise of physical force.
Brutus, strong in his own conviction of the righteousness of his
cause, measuring his companions and even the general public by
his own standard, confident that it needs nothing more than a plain
statement of the case to ensure the support of any honest patriot,
insists on being content with the death of Caesar himself, on letting
loose Antony to fire the popular mind, on letting go the means
absolutely required to make a miscellaneous army efficient. The
purity of his own motives prevents him from seeing the selfishness
in those of his companions, or the immense moral weight thrown
into the other scale by the spectacle of Caesar falling beneath the /
daggers of men whom he held among his dearest friends. When
Brutus is fiilly convinced that the act is right, it seems to him that
the fact that he, •• Caesar*s angel," endorses it must convince every
one that its justification is overwhelming. But to the world the i
act really appears to be one of rank personal treachery and dis- /
loyalty. .. Brutus loved the man he slays, but slays him for the
ge neral good; to the onlookers he seems to repay the trust of
Q^r by murdering him.* In fact~,"the coiispiracy is a moral shock
\ to Q te wofldt aud 'If Is therefore utterly hopeless to carry through
I the policy intended on high moral grounds alone. It follows then
I that the enterprise is foredoomed to failure, unless, in the employ-
I ment of means, the dictates of expediency are allowed to carry
1 weight against those of abstract justice.

In his very blindness to this lies much of the beauty of Brutus*
character. He is so single-minded himself that he cannot realize
the duplicity of others; so unselfish, that he credits every one else
with a like purity of motive. Having made up his mind that a
certain course will be right if it can be carried out in completeness,
he never asks whether it can be so carried out without stooping
to base methods, such as he will never countenance. The mexe.b£
f ipractkad person, having fixed on the end, %Ao^\.s>i>afc«ox«^TSiR»5^

xiv JULIUS CiESAR

I without consideration of their moral justification; the entirely un-
practical person assumes that because the end is desirable, it must
be attainable by means of which he will approve. It is possible,
however, to be as conscientious as Brutus, without ceasing to be
practical — but then the cost must be counted beforehand, and the
fact that the end cannot be attained will be recognized.

Brutus fails, therefore, because his unselfishness, his genuine

(patriotism, his conscientiousness, are combined with a want of
judgment, an ignorance of men, a want of insight in affairs, which
utterly unfit him for leadership. He is not wrecked by the vacil-
lation of Hamlet, the passion of Othello; he does not swerve
because he has a divided mind, nor suffer feeling to outweigh rea-
son; but he reasons wrongly. He trusts his own judgment, because
he does not realize fhat l:he assumptions from which he reasons
are incorrect. He has lived with books, and does not understand
the world around him. Csesar^s dictatorship fills him with dismay;
but it is not so much the actual absolutism which shocks him as
the fear that Caesar will claim a crown: whereas Cassius cares
little about the coronation except so far as he can use the fear of
it as a lever to get rid of the monarch. He judges Antony by pre-
possessions — no man of the world would have assumed that there
was nothing to fear in Antony because he was given " to sports,
to wildness, and much company*'; or have been soothed into
cheerful trustfulness by his artfully-worded message. He takes for
granted that a Roman mob will placidly accept his assurance of
high motives, and be convinced by his nicely-balanced reasoning
— without a suspicion that the entire effect might be scattered to
the winds by a skilfid appeal to popular passion. He sternly re-
bukes Cassius for wringing '* from the hard hands of peasants their
vile trash," and would never dream of doing it himself; but it
never occurs to him that when he calls on Cassius to aid him with
supplies he is practically compelling his colleague to resort to such
pressure in order that he may have supplies to give.

\ It is thoroughly consistent with all this that he is unconsciously
open to flattery, and ready to be beguiled by it; for that is part of
his own supreme honesty. Never stooping to flattery himself,

^ conscious of his own integrity, he assumes a like honesty in his
companions; he counts their praises as genuine expressions of con-
viction, not artful methods of persuasion; he sees no double mean-

• ings, because his own meaning is always so simple and direct It

;ys a phase not of conceit, but of simplicity. This simplicity is in
^act the keynote of his character; its comb\i\a\ioixmVh bis natural

INTRODUCTION xv

tenderness of disposition makes the man so lovable. This tender-
ness comes out in the way he yearns over Caesar himself and over
the woes he is bringing upon the Roman world; and in his gentle-
ness to the boy Lucius, his consideration for Claudius and Varro,
his affection for Portia, his readiness to be reconciled with Cassius;
it justifies the warmth of the regard that all his followers show for
him; it explains the fact that his arch-enemy has words to say of
him as kindly as his dearest friends. In fine, he is a very noble
gentleman, seeking to accomplish what could be effected only by
a very able man. Being both unpractical and impracticable he
fails completely; and yet he leaves in our minds the feeling that
the high panegyric pronounced over his dead body by Antony is
well deserved, and that it comes most fittingly and rightly from
his most implacable foe.

The character of Antony is not developed in this play; in its
strength and weakness it is fully presented in Antony and Cleo-
patra. Its most salient features are shown in the great scene of
the funeral oration, and will be found treated at considerable length
in the notes. Perfectly remorseless, he has very strong affections
and is genuinely devoted to Caesar, while he is capable of a gen-
erous appreciation in Brutus of virtues that he himself lacks. His
great capacities are to be wrecked by his uncontrollable passions;

fbut as yet the passions have not broken loose. What impresses us
here is his extraordinary brilliancy and power of rising to a crisis,
combined with the intensity of his personal feelings, and his com-
plete lack of scruples. He has no hesitation in abusing the trust
reposed in him by Brutus, and in absolutely defying the spirit of
his promise while he adheres to its letter; nor has he any qualms
about using Lepidus as a temporary tool, to be tossed on one side
when convenient. When his personal feelings are stirred and his
affections warmly engaged he is ready to face any danger or
/ difficulty; but he has no sense whatever of moral obligation.
I Octavius is his foU — as cold and calm and stubborn as Antony
is fiery and impulsive; as remorseless, as unscrupulous, as unflinch-
ing — we feel here, as we feel with treble force in Antony and
. Cleopatra^ that he is resistless, unvanquishable, the chosen instru-
> ment of Fate that will not be denied.

The parts of Portia and Calpurnia are small, but they afford an
effective and artistic contrast in their appropriateness as the wives
of their respective husbands. Calpurnia is merely Caesar^s shadow;
she is devoted to him, but seems to have no independent exist-
ence; she makes no claim to be accouiited. \\v& ewfi::^»x!i\wN.>\ssi^.

xvi JULIUS CMSAR

allows her fears to render her importunate — not for trust and con*
fidence, but to have her way. Portia, on the contrary, has a marked
and vigorous personality; her womanly fears are as strong as Cal-
pumia*s, but she will not let them master her. If her husband is
to be in danger she would fain share it; if she may not do so in
the body she claims the right to be with him in spirit; but she will
in nowise allow her fears to hamper his action. Not till she feels
that she has put her powers of self-control to the proof, not till
she knows herself worthy, does she claim her right to stand forth
as her husband's counsellor and comrade; but when she does claim
it, it is not as a favor but as an uncontrovertible right.

There are only twoyDthers of the dramatis personcB who need
some reference here Vt^sca and Cicero. Each, rather curiously,
affords an instance or slight deviation from Plutarch. Of Casca*s
character, indeed, the historian gives very little suggestion. But
he mentions that at the assassination Casca cried out in Greek;
whereas Shakespeare makes him scoff at Cicero for quoting Greek,
much as an ultra-insular Englishman might scoff at a French quo-
tation. In the play Casca assumes prominence, not as a particu-
larly important conspirator, but to serve as a foil to Cassius. He
is without strength or decision of character, but eager to pass for
an honest, sturdy citizen. Afraid of Cassius' cleverness, he wishes
above everything to get credit with him for being clever and ener-
getic; and he is generally ready to profess entire agreement with
anyone who expresses himself vigorously enough. The extrava-
gance of his superstitious terrors is merely another phase of the
same weakness that he commonly endeavors to conceal under a
mask of cynical indifference or brusquerie.

Though Cicero speaks very little and is spoken of hardly more,
we have a singularly distinct impression of him: a man with the
emotional irritability of a passionate orator (i. 9. 185), and the sen-
tentious manner of one who esteems himself a philosopher (i. 3).
We observe also that his adherence to any cause would give it an
air of resp^^bilMy (il 1. 141), but that Brutus objects to him on
the ground of his dislike to regarding anyone else as his leader. It
is in this last point that the divergence from Plutarch appears,
where the conspirators are described as rejecting him on the
ground that he was too timid to commit himself loyally to so dan-
gerous a scheme. Shakespeare's outline is in fact thoroughly con-
sistent with all we know of the man; but on the particular point it
is pretty certain that Plutarch was right. Shakespeare's concep-
t/on of him was probably derived from casual Vxa-^teasvous picked

INTRODUCTION xvii

•
iq> from incidental allusions to the great orator which he had come
across in his miscellaneous readin^^^^^

Although there is abundanc^^oraction in the play, the whole
dram a is one of character rather than actio n. This is the justifica-
tion of the fourth act, which somewhat impedes the action, but ^
strengthens the feeling of reality in the whole, because it explains
how Brutus and Cassius managed to work together; how, with
tempers so opposite and with such different conceptions of the tas|:
before them, they were not sundered as Antony and OctaviuB
were subsequently sundered; while it affords an admirable oppor-
tunity for drawing out the most fundamental characteristics of the
two men.

DRAMATIS PERSONiE

Conspirators against Julius Ceesar

Julius Cjesar

OCTAVIUS C.£SAR "j

Marcus Antonius I Triumvirs after the death of Julius Csesar

M. ^Bmilius LepidusJ

Cicero

PuBLiuR Senators

PopiLius Lena .
Marcus Brutus
Cassius
Casca
Trebokius

LlOARIUS

Decius Brutus
Metellus Cimber

CiNNA

Flavius and Marullus Tribunes

Artemidorus of Cnidos A Teacher of Rhetoric

A Soothsayer

CiNXA A Poet

Another Poet

LuciLius

Tmiaus

Messala

Young Cato

volumnius

Varro

Clitus

Claudius

Strato

Lucius

Dardanius ,

PiNDARus Servant to Cassius

Calpurnia Wife to Csesar

Portia Wife to Brutus

Senators, Citizens, Guards, Attendants, etc.

SC£N£ — Rome; the neighborhood of Sardis ; the
neighborhood of Phiuppi.

Friends to Brutus and Cassius

Servants to Brutus

Julius Caesar

ACT I
Scene I — Rome. A street

Enter Flavius, Marullus^ and certain Commoners

Flav. Hence! home, you idle creatures, get you
home:
Is this a holiday? what! know you not,
Being mechanical, you ought not walk
Upon a labouring day without the sign
Of your profession? Speak, what trade art thou?

First Com. Why, sir, a carpenter.

Mar. Where is thy leather apron and thy rule?
What dost thou with thy best apparel on?
You, sir, what trade are you?

Sec. Com. Truly, sir, in respect of fi fine work- lo
man, I am but, as you would say, a cobbler.

Mar. But what trade art thou? answer me
directly.

Sec. Com. A trade, sir, that, I hope, I may use
with a safe conscience; which is, indeed, sir, a
mender of bad soles.

Mar. What trade, thou knave? thou naughty
knave, what trade?

Sec. Com. Nay, I beseech you, sir, be not out
with me: yet, if you be out, sir, I can. xx^jKCLd-^ow.. ^

2 JULIUS C^SAR [Act One

Mar. What meanest thou by that? mend me,
thou saucy fellow!

Sec. Com. Why, sir, cobble you.

Flav. Thou art a cobbler, art thou?

Sec. Com. Truly, sir, all that I Uve by is with the
awl: I meddle with no tradesman's matters, nor
women's matters, but with awl. I am, indeed, sir,
a surgeon to old shoes; when they are in great dan-
ger, I recover them. As proper men as ever trod
upon neat's leather have gone upon my handiwork. 8(

Flav. But wherefore art not in thy shop to-day?
Why dost thou lead these men about the streets?

Sec. Com. Truly, sir, to wear out their shoes,
to get myself into more work. But, indeed, sir, we
make hoUday, to see Caesar and to rejoice in his
triumph.

Mar. Wherefore rejoice? What conquest brings
he home?
What tributaries follow him to Rome,
To grace in captive bonds his chariot-wheels?
You blocks, you stones, you worse than senseless

things! 4<

O you hard hearts, you cruel men of Rome,
Knew you not Pompey? Many a time and oft
Have you cUmb'd up to walls and battlements,
To towers and windows, yea, to chimney-tops.
Your infants in your arms, and there have sat
The live-long day, with patient expectation.
To see great Pompey pass the streets of Rome:
And when you saw his chariot but appear,
Have you not made an universal shout,
^^at Tiber trembled undemeatK \ieT \iaTiaa^ «

Scene Oke] JULIUS C^SAR 3

To hear the replication of your sounds

Made in her concave shores?

And do you now put on your best attire?

And do you now cull out a holiday?

And do you now strew flowers in his way

That comes in triumph over Pompey's blood?

Be gone!

Run to your houses, fall upon your knees,

Pray to the gods to intermit the plague

That needs must light on this ingratitude. 60

Flav. Go, go, good countrymen, and, for this
fault,
Assemble all the poor men of your sort;
Draw them to Tiber banks, and weep your tears
Into the channel, till the lowest stream
Do kiss the most exalted shores of all.

[Exeunt all the Commoners.
See, whether their basest metal be not moved;
They vanish tongue-tied in their guiltmess.
Go you down that way towards the Capitol;
This way will I: disrobe the images,
K you do find them deck'd with ceremonies. to

Mar. May we do so?
You know it is the feast of Lupercal.

Flav, It is no matter; let no images
Be hung with Caesar's trophies. I'll about,
And drive away the vulgar from the streets:
So do you too, where you perceive them thick.
These growing feathers pluck'd from Caesar's wing
WiU make him fly an ordinary pitch.
Who else would soar above the view of men
And keep us all in servile iearlxAne^^. X^xe.u't^- ^

4 JULIUS CiESAR [Act One

Scene II — A public place

Flourish. Enter Caesar; Antony, for the course ; Cal-
PURNIA, Portia, Decius, Cicero, Brutus, Cassius,
and Casca; a great crowd following, among them a
Soothsayer

CcBs. Calpumia!

Casca. Peace, ho! Csesar speaks.

CcBs. Calpumia!

Cal. Here, my lord.

CcBs. Stand you directly in Antonius' way,
When he doth run his course. Antonius!

Ant. Csesar, my lord?

CcBs, Forget not, in your speed, Antonius,
To touch Calpurnia; for our elders say.
The barren, touched in this holy chase.
Shake oflF their sterile curse.

Ant. I shall remember:

When Caesar says "do this," it is perform'd. ic

CcBS. Set on; and leave no ceremony out.

[Flourish,

Sooth. Caesar!

CcBs. Ha! who calls?

Casca. Bid every noise be still: peace yet
again!

CcBS. Who is it in the press that calls on me?
I hear a tongue, shriller than all the music.
Cry "Caesar!" Speak; Caesar is tum'd to hear.

Sooth. Beware the ides of March.

CcBS. What man is that?

^ru. A sooAsayer bids you beware the ides of
March.

Scene Two JULIUS C^SAR 5

CcBS, Set him before me; let me see his face. 20

Cos. Fellow, come from the throng; look upon
Caesar.

CcBs. What say'st thou to me now? speak once
again.

Sooth. Beware the ides of March.

CcBS, He is a dreamer; let us leave him: pass.
[Sennet. Exeunt all except Brutus and Cassius.

Cos. Will you go see the order of the course?

Bru. Not I.

Cos. I pray you, do.

Bru. I am not gamesome: I do lack some part
Of that quick spirit that is in Antony.
Let me not hinder, Cassius, your desires; so

I'll leave you.

Cas. Brutus, I do observe you now: of late
I have not from your eyes that gentleness
And show of love as I was wont to have:
You bear too stubborn and too strange a hand
Over your friend that loves you.

Bru. Cassius,

Be not deceived: if I have veil'd my look,
I turn the trouble of my countenance
Merely upon myself. Vexed I am
Of late with passions of some diflFerence, 40

Conceptions only proper to myself.
Which give some soil perhaps to my behaviours;
But let not therefore my good friends be grieved —
Among which number, Cassius, be you one —
Nor construe any further my neglect,
Than that poor Brutus, with himself at war^
Forgets the shows of love to o\Jaet xaaTL*

6 JULIUS C^SAR [Act Oke

Cds. Then, Brutus, I have much mistook your
passion;
By means whereof this breast of mine hath buried
Thoughts of great value, worthy cogitations. so

Tell me, good Brutus, can you see your face?

Bru. No, Cassius; for the eye sees not itself ,
But by reflection, by some other things.

Cos. 'T is just:
And it is very much lamented, Brutus,
That you have no such mirrors as will turn
Your hidden worthiness into your eye.
That you might see your shadow. I have heard.
Where many of the best respect in Rome,
Except immortal Caesar, speaking of Brutus eo

And groaning underneath this age's yoke.
Have wish'd that noble Brutus had his eyes.

Bru. Into what dangers would you lead me,
Cassius,
That you would have me seek into myself
For that which is not in me?

Cos. Therefore, good Brutus, be prepared to hear:
And since you know you cannot see yourself
So well as by reflection, I, your glass.
Will modestly discover to yourself
That of yourself which you yet know not of. w

And be not jealous on me, gentle Brutus:
Were I a common laugher, or did use
To stale with ordinary oaths my love
To every new protester; if you know
That I do fawn on men and hug them hard
And after scandal them, or if you know
That I profess myself in banqvietmg

Scene Two] JULIUS C^SAR 7

To all the rout, then hold me dangerous.

[Flourish^ and shout.

Bra. What means this shouting? I do fear, the
people
Choose Caesar for their king.

Cos. Ay, do you fear it? so

Then must I think you would not have it so.

Bru. I would not, Cassius; yet I love him
well.
But wherefore do you hold me here so long?
What is it that you would impart to me?
K it be aught toward the general good.
Set honour in one eye and death i' the other.
And I will look on both indiflFerently :
For let the gods so speed me as I love
The name of honour more than I fear death.

Cds. I know that virtue to be in you, Brutus, oo
As well as I do know your outward favour.
Well, honour is the subject of my story.
I cannot tell what you and other men
Think of this life; but, for my single self,
I had as lief not be as live to be
In awe of such a thing as I myself.
I was bom free as Caesar; so were you:
We both have fed as well, and we can both
Endure the winter's cold as well as he:
For once, upon a raw and gusty day, loo

The troubled Tiber chafing with her shores,
Caesar said to me "Darest thou, Cassius, now
Leap in with me into this angry flood.
And swim to yonder point?" Upon the wotd^
Accoutred as I was, I plunged m

8 JULIUS C^SAR [Act One

And bade him follow; so indeed he did.

The torrent roar'd, and we did buflFet it

With lusty sinews, throwing it aside

And stemming it with hearts of controversy;

But ere we could arrive the point proposed, iw

Cflesar cried, "Help me, Cassius, or I sink!"

I, as iEneas, our great ancestor.

Did from the flames of Troy upon his shoulder

The old Anchises bear, so from the waves of Tiber

Did I the tired Csesar. And this man

Is now become a god, and Cassius is

A wretched creature and must bend his body.

If Csesar carelessly but nod on him.

He had a fever when he was in Spain,

And when the fit was on him, I did mark 120

How he did shake: 't is true, this god did shake:

His coward Kps did from their colour fly.

And that same eye whose bend doth awe the worid

Did lose his lustre: I did hear him groan:

Ay, and that tongue of his that bade the Romans

Mark him and write his speeches in their books,

Alas, it cried "Give me some drink, Titinius,"

As a sick girl. Ye gods, it doth amaze me

A man of such a feeble temper should

So get the start of the majestic world 130

And bear the palm alone. [Shovi. Flourish.

Bru. Another general shout!
I do beheve that these applauses are
For some new honours that are heap'd on Caesar.

Cas. Why, man, he doth bestride the narrow
world
Zr/Ire a Colossus, and we petty m^en

Scene Two] JULIUS C^SAR 9

Walk under his huge legs and peep about

To find ourselves dishonourable graves.

Men at some time are masters of their fates:

The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars, i40

But in ourselves, that we are imderUngs.

Brutus and Csesar : what should be in that " Csesar " ?

Why should that name be sounded more than yours?

Write them together, yours is as fair a name;

Sound them, it doth become the mouth as well;

Weigh them, it is as heavy; conjure with 'em,

Brutus will start a spirit as soon as Caesar . [^Shovi. Flourish.

Now, in the names of all the gods at once.

Upon what meat doth this our Csesar feed.

That he is grown so great? Age, thou art shamed! i5o

Rome, thou hast lost the breed of noble bloods!

When went there by an age, since the great flood.

But it was famed with more than with one man?

When could they say till now, that talk'd of Rome,

That her wide walls encompass'd but one man?

Now is it Rome indeed and room enough.

When there is in it but one only man.

O, you and I have heard our fathers say.

There was a Brutus once that would have brook'd

The eternal devil to keep his state in Rome leo

As easily as a king.

Bru. That you do love me, I am nothing jealous;
What you would work me to, I have some aim:
How I have thought of this and of these times,
I shall recount hereafter; for this present,
I would not, so with love I might entreat you.
Be any further moved. What you have said
I will consider; what you have \o ^a:^

10 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Okb

I wiU with patience hear, and find a time

Both meet to hear and answer such high things. no

TiU then, my noble friend, chew upon this:

Brutus had rather be a villager

Than to repute himself a son of Rome

Under these hard conditions as this time

Is like to lay upon us.

Cos, I am glad that my weak words
Have struck but thus much show of fire from
Brutus.

Bra, The games are done and Csesar is returning.

Cos. As they pass by, pluck Casca by the sleeve;
And he will, after his sour fashion, tell you ise

What hath proceeded worthy note to-day.

Re-enter Cssar and his Train

Bra. I will do so. But, look you, Cassius,
The angry spot doth glow on Caesar's brow.
And all the rest look like a chidden train:
Calpumia's cheek is pale; and Cicero
Looks with such ferret and such fiery eyes
As we have seen him in the Capitol,
Being cross'd in conference by some senators.
Cos. Casca will tell us what the matter is.
C(BS, Antonius! 190

Ant. Cflesar?
I C(BS. Let me have men about me that are fat:
I Sleek-headed men and such as sleep o' nights:
, Yond Cassius has a lean and hungry look;
He thinks too much: such men are dangerous.
^/?/. Fear him not, Csesar; he's not dangerous;
-ffe IS a noble Roman and well ^ven.

Scene Two] JULIUS CiESAR 11

Cces, Would he were fatter! But I fear him not:
Yet if my name were liable to fear,
I do not know the man I should avoid 200

So soon as that spare Cassius. He reads much;
He is a great observer and he looks
Quite through the deeds of men; he loves no plays.
As thou dost, Antony; he hears no music;
Seldom he smiles, and smiles in such a sort
As if he mock'd himself and scom'd his spirit
That coidd be moved to smile at any thing.
Such men as he be never at heart's ease
Whiles they behold a greater than themselves,
And therefore are they very dangerous. «io

I rather tell thee what is to be fear'd
Than what I fear; for always I am Csesar.
Come on my right hand, for this ear is deaf.
And tell me truly what thou think'st of him.

[Sennet, Exeunt CcBsar and all his

Trainy but Casca.

Casca. You pull'd me by the cloak; would you
speak with me?

Bru. Ay, Casca; tell us what hath chanced
to-day.
That Csesar looks so sad.

Casca. Why, you were with him, were you not?

Bru. I should not then ask Casca what had
chanced.

Casca. Why, there was a crown oflFered him: «20
and being oflFered him, he put it by with the back of
his hand, thus; and then the people fell a-shouting.

Bru. What was the second noise tot?

Casca. Why, for that too.

12 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Oke

Cos. They shouted thrice: what was the last
, cry for?

Ccufca. Why, for that too.

Bru. Was the crown oflFered him thrice?

Casca. Ay, marry, was 't, and he put it by thrice,
every time gentler than other, and at every putting- sso
by mine honest neighbours shouted.

Cos. Who oflFered him the crown?

Casca. Why, Antony.

Bru, Tell us the manner of it, gentle Casca.

Casca, I can as well be hanged as tell the manner
of it: it was mere foolery; I did not mark it. I saw
Mark Antony oflFer him a crown; — yet 'twas not
a crown neither, 't was one of these coronets; — and,
as I told you, he put it by once: but, for all that, to
my thinking, he would fain have had it. Then he iu
oflFered it to him again; then he put it by again:
but, to my thinking, he was very loath to lay his
fingers oflF it. And then he oflFered it the third time;
he put it the third time by: and still as he refused it,
the rabblement hooted and clapped their chapped
hands and threw up their sweaty night-caps and
uttered such a deal of stinking breath because
Caesar refused the crown that it had almost choked
Csesar; for he swounded and fell down at it: and
for mine own part, I durst not laugh, for fear of vn
opening my lips and receiving the bad air.

Cas. But, soft, I pray you: what, did Csesar
swoimd?

Casca, He fell down in the market-place, and
loomed at mouth, and was speechless.
^ru. 'T is very like : he hath, tiie laSSixk^ ^\ekQess.

Scene Two] JULIUS C^SAR IS

Cos. No, Caesar hath it not; but you and I
And honest Casca, we have the faUing sickness.

Casca, I know not what you mean by that;, but,
I am sure, Csesar fell down. If the tag-rag people aeo
did not clap him and hiss him, according as he pleased
and displeased them, as they use to do the players
in the theatre, I am no true man.

Bru. What said he when he came unto himself?

Casca. Marry, before he fell down, when he per-
ceived the common herd was glad he refused the
crown, he plucked me ope his doublet and oflFered
them his throat to cut. An I had been a man of any
occupation, if I would not have taken him at a word,
I would I might go to hell among the rogues. And 270
so he fell. When he came to himself again, he said,
K he had done or said any thing amiss, he desired
their worships to think it was his infirmity. Three
or four wenches, where I stood, cried "Alas, good
soul!" and forgave him with all their hearts: but
there 's no heed to be taken of them; if Csesar had
stabbed their mothers, they would have done no
less.

Bru, And after that, he came, thus sad, away?

Casca, Ay. am

Cas, Did Cicero say any thing?

Casca, Ay, he spoke Greek.

Cas. To what eflFect?

Casca. Nay, an I tell you that, I '11 ne'er look you
i' the face again: but those that understood him
smiled at one another and shook their heads; but, for
mine own part, it was Greek to me. I could tell you (
more news too: Marullus and ¥V^N\x3k&^ \ftrt ^>S^ssci^

14 JULIUS C^SAR (Act Oj«

scarfs oflF Caesar's images, are put to silence. Fare
you well. There was more foolery yet, if I could 290
remember it.

Cos. Will you sup with me to-night, Casca?

Casca, No, I am promised forth.

Cos. Will you dine with me to-morrow?

Casca. Ay, if I be alive and your mind hold and
your dinner worth the eating.

Cas, Good: I will expect you.

Casca. Do so. Farewell, both. [Eodt.

Bra. What a blimt fellow is this grown to be!
He was quick mettle when he went to school. soo

Cas. So is he now in execution
Of any bold or noble enterprise,
However he puts on this tardy form.
This rudeness is a sauce to his good wit.
Which gives men stomach to digest his words
With better appetite.

Bra. And so it is. For this time I will leave
you:
To-morrow, if you please to speak with me,
I will come home to you; or, if you will.
Come home to me, and I will wait for you. no

Cflw. I will do 80: till then, think of the worid.

[Exit Brvius.
Well, Brutus, thou art noble; yet, I see.
Thy honourable metal may be wrought
From that it is disposed: therefore it is meet
That noble minds keep ever with their Ukes;
For who so firm that cannot be seduced?
Cassar doth bear me hard; but he loves Brutus:
If I were Brutus now and lie 'were Ca&svxxs,

ScEHE TnmEE] JULIUS CJESAR 15

He should not humour me. I will this night.

In several hands, in at his windows throw, 820

As if they came from several citizens.

Writings all tending to the great opinion

That Rome holds of his name; wherein obscurely

Csesar's ambition shall be glanced at:

And after this let Csesar seat him sure;

For we will shake him, or worse days endure. [Exit,

Scene III — The same, A street

Thunder and lightning, Entei'Jrom opposite sides, Casca^
rmth his sword drawn, and Cicero

Cic. Good even, Casca: brought you Csesar
home?
Why are you breathless? and why stare you so?

Casca. Are not you moved, when all the sway
of earth *

Shakes like a thing unfirm? O Cicero,
I have seen tempests, when the scolding winds
Have rived the knotty oaks, and I have seen
The ambitious ocean swell and rage and foam.
To be exalted with the threatening clouds;
But never till to-night, never till now.
Did I go through a tempest dropping firev 10

Either there is a civil strife in heaven.
Or else the worid, too saucy with the gods.
Incenses them to send destruction.

Cic, Why, saw you any thing more wonderful?

Casca. A common slave — you know him weD
by sight —
Held up his left hand, which did ?LaTCkfe «xviL\svMra.

16 JULIUS CJESAR [Act Ohx

Like twenty torches join'd, and yet his hand.

Not sensible of fire, remained unscorch'd.

Besides — I ha' not since put up my sword —

Against the Capitol I met a lion, se

Who glared upon me, and went surly by,

Without annoying me: and there were drawn

Upon a heap a hundred ghastly women.

Transformed with their fear; who swore they saw

Men all in fire walk up and down the streets.

And yesterday the bird of night did sit

Even at noon-day upon the market-place.

Hooting and shrieking. When these prodigies

Do so conjointly meet, let not men say

"These are their reasons; they are natural;" 80

For, I believe, they are portentous things

Unto the climate that they point upon.

Cic. Indeed, it is a strange-disposed time:
But men may construe things after their fashion.
Clean from the purpose of the things themselves.
Comes Csesar to the Capitol to-morrow?

Casca. He doth; for he did bid Antonius
Send word to you he would be there to-morrow.

Cic. Good night then, Casca: this disturbed sky
Is not to walk in.

Casca. Farewell, Cicero. [Exit Cicero, 40

Enter Cassius

Cas. Who's there?
Casca. A Roman.

Cflw. Casca, by your voice.

Casca. Your ear is good. Cassius, what night
is this!

Scene Thbee] JULIUS CiESAR 17

Cos. A very pleasing night to honest men.

Casca. Who ever knew the heavens menace so?

Cos. Those that have known the earth so full
of faults.
For my part, I have walk'd about the streets,
Submitting me unto the perilous night, '
And, thus unbraced, Casca, as you see,
Have bared my bosom to the thimder-stone;
And when the cross-blue Ughtning seem'd to open 5«
The breast of heaven, I did present myself
Even in the aim and very flash of it.

Casca. But wherefore did you so much tempt
the heavens?
It is the part of men to fear and tremble.
When the most mighty gods by tokens send
Such dreadfid heralds to astonish us.

Cas, You are dull, Casca, and those sparks of life
That should be in a Roman you do want.
Or else you use not. You look pale and gaze
And put on fear and cast yourself in wonder, eo

To see the strange impatience of the heavens:
But if you woidd consider the true cause
Why. all these fires, why all these gUding ghosts.
Why birds and beasts from quality and kind.
Why old men fool and children calculate.
Why all these things change from their ordinance
Their natures and preformed f acidties
To monstrous quality, — why, you shall find
That heaven hath infused them with these spirits.
To make them instruments of fear and warning 70

Unto some monstrous state.
Now could I, Casca, name io \kee a Tajosv

18 JULIUS C-^SAR [Act 0x1

Most like this dreadful night,

That thunders, lightens, opens graves, and roars

As doth the lion in the Capitol,

A man no mightier than thyself or me

In personal action, yet prodigious grown

And fearful, as these strange eruptions are.

Casca. 'Tis Csesar that you mean; is it not,
Cassius?

Cos. Let it be who it is: for Romans now 8i

Have thews and Umbs like to their ancestors;
But, woe the while! our fathers' minds are dead.
And we are govem'd with our mothers' spirits;
Our yoke and suflFerance show us womanish.

Casca. Indeed, they say the senators to-morrow
Mean to establish Csesar as a king;
And he shall wear his crown by sea and land.
In every place, save here in Italy.

Cas. I know where I will wear this dagger then;
Cassius from bondage will deliver Cassius: on

Therein, ye gods, you make the weak most strong;
Therein, ye gods, you tyrants do defeat:
Nor stony tower, nor walls of beaten brass.
Nor airless dungeon, nor strong links of iron.
Can be retentive to the strength of spirit;
But life, being weary of these worldly bars.
Never lacks power to dismiss itself.
If I know this, know all the world besides.
That part of tyranny that I do bear

can shake oflF at pleasure. [Thunder stiU.

Casca. So can I: loo

So every bondman in his own hand bears
The power to cancel his captivity.

Scene Three] JULIUS C-^SAR 19

Cos. And why should Csesar be a tyrant then?
Poor man! I know he woidd not be a wolf.
But that he sees the Romans are but sheep:
He were no lion, were not Romans hinds.
Those that with haste will make a mighty fire
Begin it with weak straws: what trash is Rome,
What rubbish and what offal, when it serves
For the base matter to illuminate no

So vile a thing as Csesar! But, O grief.
Where hast thou led me? I perhaps speak this
Before a willing bondman; then I know
My answer must be made. But I am arm'd.
And dangers are to me indifferent.

Casca. You speak to Casca, and to such a man
That is no fleering tell-tale. Hold, my hand:
Be factious for redress of all these griefs.
And I will set this foot of mine as far
As who goes farthest.

Cos. There 's a bargain made. i«o

Now know you, Casca, I have moved already
Some certain of the noble-minded Romans
To undergo with me an enterprise
Of honourable-dangerous consequence;
And I do know, by this, they stay for me
In Pompey's porch: for now, this fearful night.
There is no stir or walking in the streets;
And the complexion of the element
In favour's Uke the work we have in hand.
Most bloody, fiery, and most terrible. iso

Casca. Stand close awhile, for here comes one
in haste.

Cos. 'T is Cinna; I do know \i\tcl\sy \!^\^ %^2£^.\
He is a friend.

20 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Okk

Enter CiNNA

Cinna, where haste you so?

Cin. To find out you. Who 's that? Metellus
Cimber?

Cos. No, it is Casca; one incorporate
To our attempts. Am I not stay'd for, Cinna?

Cin. I am glad on 't. What a fearful night is
this!
There 's two or three of us have seen strange sights.

Cos. Am I not stay'd for? tell me.

Cin. Yes, you are.

O Cassius, if you coidd i4(

But win the noble Brutus to our party —

Cos. Be you content: good Cinna, take this
paper.
And look you lay it in the praetor's chair.
Where Brutus may but find it; and throw this
In at his window; set this up with wax
Upon old Brutus' statue: all this done.
Repair to Pompey's porch, where you shall find us.
Is Decius Brutus and Trebonius there?

Cin. All but Metellus Cimber; and he's gone
To seek you at your house. Well, I will hie, m

And so bestow these papers as you bade me.

Cos. That done, repair to Pompey's theatre.

[Exit Cinna.
Come, Casca, you and I will yet ere day
See Brutus at his house: three parts of him
Is ours already, and the man entire
Upon the next encounter yields him ours.
Casca. O, be sits high in aW. \\v& p^opWa hearts:

Scene One] JULIUS CJESAR 21

And that which would appear oflFence in us,
His countenance, like richest alchemy,
Will change to virtue and to worthiness. leo

Cos, Him and his worth and our great need of
him
You have right well conceited. Let us go.
For it is after midnight; and ere day
We will awake him and be sure of him. [Exeunt.

ACT II

Scene I — Rome. Bndus* orchard

Enter Brutus

Bru, What, Lucius, ho!
I cannot, by the progress of the stars.
Give guess how near to day. Lucius, I say!
I woidd it were my fault to sleep so soundly.
When, Lucius, when? awake, I say! what, Lucius!

Enter Lucius

Lvc. Caird you, my lord?

Bra. Get me a taper in my study, Lucius:
When it is lighted, come and call me here.

Lvjc. I will, my lord. [Exit.

Bra. It must be by his death: and for my part, lo
I know no personal cause to spurn at him,
But for the general. He woidd be crown'd:
How that might change his nature, there's the

question.
It is the bright day that brings loiXJa. \)a& ^^^<et\

22 JULIUS C^SAR [Act Two

And that craves wary walking. Crown him? —

that; —
And then, I grant, we put a sting in him,
That at his will he may do danger with.
The abuse of greatness is, when it disjoins
Remorse from power: and, to speak truth of Caesar,
I have not known when his aflfections sway'd «(

More than his reason. But 't is a common proof.
That lowUness is young ambition's ladder.
Whereto the climber-upward turns his face;
But when he once attains the upmost roxmd.
He then unto the ladder turns his back.
Looks in the clouds, scorning the base degrees
By which he did ascend. So Csesar may.
Then, lest he may, prevent. And, since the quarrel
Will bear no colour for the thing he is.
Fashion it thus; that what he is, augmented, so

Would run to these and these extremities:
And therefore think him as a serpent's egg
Which, hatch'd, would, as his kind, grow mischiev-
ous.
And kill him in the shell.

Re-enter Lucius

Lvjc, The taper burneth in your closet, sir.
Searching the window for a flint, I found
This paper, thus seal'd up; and, I am sure.
It did not lie there when I went to bed.

[Gives him the letter.
Bra, Get you to bed again; it is not day.
Is not to-morrow, boy, the ides of March? ik

Zzic. I know not, sir.

ScEKE OkeI JULIUS C^SAR «3

Bra. Look in the calendar, and bring me word.

Lvjc, I will, sir. [Exit.

Bru, The exhalations whizzing in the air
Give so much light that I may read by them.

[Opens the letter and reads.
"Brutus, thou sleep'st: awake, and see thyself.
Shall Rome, &c. Speak, strike, redress!
Brutus, thou sleep'st: awake!"
Such instigations have been often dropp'd
Where I have took them up. «o

"Shall Rome, &c." Thus must I piece it out:
Shall Rome stand imder one man's awe? What,

Rome?
My ancestors did from the streets of Rome
The Tarquin drive, when he was call'd a king.
"Speak, strike, redress!" Am I entreated
To speak and strike? O Rome, I make thee promise;
If the redress will follow, thou receivest
Thy full petition at the hand of Brutus!

Re-enter Lucius

Lvjc. Sir, March is wasted fourteen days.

[Knocking within,

Bru, 'Tis good. Go to the gate; somebody

knocks. [Exit Lucius, eo

Since Cassius first did whet me against Csesar,
I have not slept.

Between the acting of a dreadful thing
And the first motion, all the interim is
Like a phantasma, or a hideous dream:
The genius and the mortal instruments
Are then in council; and tte ataV^ ol t^jkcl^

24 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Two

Like to a little kingdom, suflFers then
The nature of an insurrection.

Re-enter Lucius

Luc, Sir, 't is your brother Cassius at the door, 7
Who doth desire to see you.

Bru, Is he alone?

Luc. No, sir, there are moe with him.

Bru. Do you know them?

Luc. No, sir; their hats are pluck'd about their
ears,
And half their faces buried in their cloaks.
That by no means I may discover them
By any mark of favour.

Bru. Let 'em enter.

[Exit Lucius,
They are the faction. O conspiracy,
Shamest thou to show thy dangerous brow by night,
When evils are most free? O, then by day
Where wilt thou find a cavern dark enough 8(

To mask thy monstrous visage? Seek none, con-
spiracy;
Hide it in smiles and aflFability:
For if thou path, thy native semblance on.
Not Erebus itself were dim enough
To hide thee from prevention.

Elder the conspirators, Cassius^ Casca^ Decius^ Cinna^
Metellus Cimber^ and Trebonius

Cos. I think we are too bold upon your rest:
Good morrow, Brutus; do we ttov^SAe ^o\3l?

Scene One] JULIUS CiESAR 25

Bru. I have been up this hour, awake all night.
Kjiow I these men that come along with you?

Cds. Yes, every man of them, and no man here 90
But honours you; and every one doth wish
You had but that opinion of yourself
Which every noble Boman bears of you.
This is Trebonius.

Bru, He is welcome hither.

Cos, This, Decius Brutus.

Bru. He is welcome too.

Cds. This, Casca; this, Cinna; and this, Metel-
lus Cimber.

Bru. They are all welcome.
What watchful cares do interpose themselves
Betwixt your eyes and night?

Cds. Shall I entreat a word? 100

[Bndus and Cassius whisper.

Dec. Here Ues the east: doth not the day break
here?

Casca. No.

Cin. O, pardon, sir, it doth; and yon gray lines
That fret the clouds are messengers of day.

Casca. You shall confess that you are both
deceived.
Here, as I point my sword, the sun arises,
Which is a great way growing on the south.
Weighing the youthful season of the year.
Some two months hence up higher toward the

north
He first presents his fire; and the high east 110

Stands, as the Capitol, directly here.

Bru. Give me your hands aW. ON^;t^ oTkfc\s^ ^^rw^

26 JULIUS C^SAR [Act Two

Cos. And let us swear our resolution.

Bru. No, not an oath: if not the face of men.
The suflFerance of our souls, the time's abuse, —
If these be motives weak, break oflF betimes,
And every man hence to his idle bed;
So let high-sighted tyranny range on,
Till each man drop by lottery. But if these.
As I am sure they do, bear fire enough i«k

To kindle cowards and to steel with valour
The melting spirits of women, then, countrymen.
What need we any spur but oiu* own cause.
To prick us to redress? what other bond
Than secret Romans, that have spoke the word.
And will not palter? and what other oath
Than honesty to honesty engaged.
That this shall be, or we will fall for it?
Swear priests and cowards and men cautelous.
Old feeble carrions and such suflFering souls iso

That welcome wrongs; imto bad causes swear
Such creatures as men doubt; but do not stain
The even virtue of our enterprise.
Nor the insuppressive mettle of our spirits.
To think that or our cause or oiu* performance
Did need an oath; when every drop of blood
That every Roman bears, and nobly bears.
Is guilty of a several bastardy,
If he do break the smallest particle
Of any promise that hath pass'd from him. i40

Cos, But what of Cicero? shall we sound him?
I think he will stand very strong with us.

Casca, Let us not leave him out.

Scene Oinc] JULIUS CiESAR 27

Met, O, let us have him, for his silver hairs
Will purchase us a good opinion
And buy men's voices to commend our deeds:
It shall be said, his judgment ruled our hands;
Our youths and wildness shall no whit appear.
But all be biuied in his gravity.

Bra. O, name him not: let us not break with

him; lao

For he will never follow any thing
That other men begin.

Cos, Then leave him out.

Casca. Indeed he is not fit.

Dec, Shall no man else be touch'd but only
Caesar?

Cos. Decius, well urged: I think it is not meet,
Mark Antony, so well beloved of Caesar,
Should outKve Caesar: we shall find of him
A shrewd contriver; and, you know, his means.
If he improve them, may well stretch so far
As to annoy us all: which to prevent, leo

Let Antony and Caesar fall together.

Bra. Our course will seem too bloody, Caius
Cassius,
To cut the head ofiF and then hack the limbs,
Like wrath in death and envy afterwards;
For Antony is but a Kmb of Caesar:
Let us be sacrificers, but not butchers, Caius.
We all stand up against the spirit of Caesar;
And in the spirit of men there is no blood:
O, that we then could come by Caesar's spirit.
And not dismember Caesar! But, alas, vt^

Ceesar must bleed for it! An^d, genXXft VrvecAs*,

28 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Two

Let 's kill him boldly, but not wrathfully;

Let 's carve him as a dish fit for the gods,

Not hew him as a carcass fit for hoimds:

And let our hearts, as subtle masters do.

Stir up their servants to an act of rage.

And after seem to chide 'em. This shall make

Oiu* purpose necessary and not envious:

Which so appearing to the common eyes.

We shall be call'd purgers, not murderers. i80

And for Mark Antony, think not of him;

For he can do no more than Csesar's arm

When Caesar's head is oflF.

Cos. Yet I fear him;

For in the ingrafted love he bears to Caesar —

Bru. Alas, good Cassius, do not think of him:
K he love Caesar, all that he can do
Is to himself, take thought and die for Caesar:
And that were much he should; for he is given
To sports, to wildness and much company.

Treb, There is no fear in him; let him not die; 190
For he will Uve, and laugh at this hereafter.

[Clock strikes.

Bru, Peace! count the clock.

Cos, The clock hath stricken three.

Treb. 'T is time to part.

Cos. But it is doubtful yet.

Whether Caesar will come forth to-day, or no;
For he is superstitious grown of late.
Quite from the main opinion he held once
Of fantasy, of dreams and ceremonies:
It may be, these apparent prodigies,
2^e unaccustom'd terror of this mg|b\..

Scene One] JULIUS C^SAR 29

And the persuasion of his augurers, 200

May hold him from the Capitol to-day.

Dec, Never fear that: if he be so resolved, •

I can o'ersway him; for he loves to hear
That unicorns may be betray'd with trees,
And bears with glasses, elephants with holes.
Lions with toils and men with flatterers;
But when I tell him he hates flatterers.
He says he does, being then most flattered.
Let me work;

For I can give his humour the true bent, fio

And I will bring him to the Capitol.

Cds. Nay, we will all of us be there to fetch him.

Bru. By the eighth hoiu*: is that the uttermost?

Cin. Be that the uttermost, and fail not then.

Met. Caius Ligarius doth bear Caesar hard.
Who rated him for speaking well of Pompey:
I wonder none of you have thought of him.

Bru, Now, good Metellus, go along by him:
He loves me well, and I have given him reasons;
Send him but hither, and I '11 fashion him. mc

Cos, The morning comes upon 's: we'll leave
you, Brutus.
And, friends, disperse yourselves; but all remember
What you have said, and show yourselves true
Romans.

Bru, Good gentlemen, look fresh and merrily:
Let not our looks put on our purposes.
But bear it as our Boman actors do.
With untired spirits and formal constancy:
And so good morrow to you every one.

\Exeuut oXXWI^txAava,

20 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Oke

Enter CiNNA

Cinna, where haste you so?

Cin, To find out you. Who 's that? Metellus
Cimber?

Cos. No, it is Casca; one incorporate
To our attempts. Am I not stay'd for, Cinna?

Cin. I am glad on 't. What a fearful night is
this!
There 's two or three of us have seen strange sights.

Cos. Am I not stay'd for? tell me.

Cin. Yes, you are.

O Cassius, if you could i40

But win the noble Brutus to our party —

Cos. Be you content: good Cinna, take this
paper.
And look you lay it in the praetor's chair.
Where Brutus niay but find it; and throw this
In at his window; set this up with wax
Upon old Brutus' statue: all this done.
Repair to Pompey's porch, where you shall find us.
Is Decius Brutus and Trebonius there?

Cin. All but Metellus Cimber; and he's gone
To seek you at your house. Well, I will hie, ise

And so bestow these papers as you bade me.

Cas. That done, repair to Pompey's theatre.

[Eodt Cinna.
Come, Casca, you and I will yet ere day
See Brutus at his house: three parts of him
Is ours already, and the man entire
Upon the next encounter yields him ours.
Casca. O, be sits high in aW. \]tve -^^o^VeJ^Vi^^itai

Scene One] JULIUS CESAR 21

And that which would appear oflFence in us,
His countenance, hke richest alchemy.
Will change to virtue and to worthiness. leo

Cos, Him and his worth and our great need of
him
You have right well conceited. Let us go.
For it is after midnight; and ere day
We will awake him and be sure of him. [Exeunt.

ACT II

Scene I — Rome. Brutus* orchard

Enter Brutus

Bru, What, Lucius, ho!
I cannot, by the progress of the stars.
Give guess how near to day. Lucius, I say!
I would it were my fault to sleep so soimdly.
When, Lucius, when? awake, I say! what, Lucius!

Enter Lucius

Lvc. Call'd you, my lord?

Bru. Get me a taper in my study, Lucius:
When it is lighted, come and call me here.

Luc. I will, my lord. [Exit.

Bru. It must be by his death: and for my part, lo
I know no personal cause to spurn at him.
But for the general. He would be crown'd:
How that might change his nature, there's the

question.
It is the bright day that brings IoxNJcl \5afe ^$A^^\

22 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Two

And that craves wary walking. Crown him? —

that; —
And then, I grant, we put a sting in him.
That at his will he may do danger with.
The abuse of greatness is, when it disjoins
Remorse from power: and, to speak truth of Csesar,
I have not known when his affections sway'd »

More than his reason. But 't is a common proof.
That lowUness is young ambition's ladder.
Whereto the climber-upward turns his face;
But when he once attains the upmost round.
He then unto the ladder turns his back,
Looks in the clouds, scorning the base degrees
By which he did ascend. So Csesar may.
Then, lest he may, prevent. And, since the quarrel
Will bear no colour for the thing he is,
Fashion it thus; that what he is, augmented, 8(

Would run to these and these extremities:
And therefore think him as a serpent's egg
Which, hatch'd, would, as his kind, grow mischiev-

ous.
And kill him in the shell.

Re-enter Lucius

Luc, The taper bumeth in your closet, sir.
Searching the window for a flint, I found
This paper, thus seal'd up; and, I am sure.
It did not Ue there when I went to bed.

[Gives him the letter.
Bru. Get you to bed again; it is not day.
Is not to-morrow, boy, the ides of March? «

Z^t/c. I know not, sir.

ScEKE One] JULIUS CESAR 23

Bra. Look in the calendar, and bring me word.

Luc. I will, sir. [Exit.

Bra. The exhalations whizzing in the air
Give so much Ught that I may read by them.

[Opens the letter and reads*
"Brutus, thou sleep'st: awake, and see thyself.
Shall Rome, &c. Speak, strike, redress!
Brutus, thou sleep'st: awake!"
Such instigations have been often dropp'd
Where I have took them up. «o

"Shall Rome, &c." Thus must I piece it out:
Shall Rome stand imder one man's awe? What,

Rome?
My ancestors did from the streets of Rome
The Tarquin drive, when he was call'd a king.
"Speak, strike, redress!" Am I entreated
To speak and strike? O Rome, I make thee promise;
K the redress will follow, thou receivest
Thy full petition at the hand of Brutus!

Re-enter Lucius

Liic. Sir, March is wasted fourteen days.

[Knocking vdthin.

Bra. 'Tis good. Go to the gate; somebody

knocks. [Exit LuciiLS. eo

Since Cassius first did whet me against Caesar,
I have not slept.

34 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Two

Scene II — Cassar*s house
Thunder and lightning. Enter CiESAR. in his n^higown

CcBS. Nor heaven nor earth have been at peace
to-night:
Thrice hath Calpumia in her sleep cried out,
"Help, ho! they murder Caesar!" Who's within?

Enter a Servant

Serv. My lord?

CcBs. Go bid the priests do present sacrifice
And bring me their opinions of success.

Sen;. I will, my lord. [Exit.

Enter Calpurnia

Cal, What mean you, Ceesar? think you to
walk forth?
You shall not stir out of your house to-day.

Cobs. Caesar shall forth: the things that threat-
en'd me i

Ne'er look'd but on my back; when they shall see
The face of Caesar, they are vanished.

Cat. Caesar, I never stood on ceremonies.
Yet now they fright me. There is one within.
Besides the things that we have heard and seen.
Recounts most horrid sights seen by the watch.
A lioness hath whelped in the streets;
And graves have yawn'd, and yielded up their dead;
Pierce fiery warriors fought upon the clouds.
In ranks and squadrons and right form of war,

Which drizzled blood ux)on tke Cap\\5A\

ScdteTwo] JULIUS CJESAR 85

The noise of battle hurtled in the air,

Horses did neigh, and dying men did groan,

And ghosts did shriek and squeal about the streets.

O Csesar! these things are beyond all use.

And I do fear them.

ICcBs, What can be avoided

Whose end is purposed by the mighty gods?
Yet Caesar shall go forth; for these predictions
Are to the world in general as to Caesar.

Cal. When beggars die, there are no comets

seen; so

The heavens themselves blaze forth the death of
princes.
CcBS. Cowards die many times before their deaths; ^
The vaUant never taste of death but once.
Of all the wonders that I yet have heard,
It seems to me most strange that men should fear;
Seeing that death, a necessary end, |

Will come when it will come.

Re-enter Servant

What say the augurers?

Serv, They would not have you to stir forth
to-day.
Plucking the entrails of an oflFering forth.
They could not find a heart within the beast. 40

CcBs. The gods do this in shame of cowardice:
Caesar should be a beast without a heart.
If he should stay at home to-day for fear.
No, Caesar shall not: Danger knows full well
That Caesar is more dangerous than he:
We are two lions Utter'd m oi\^ Aa.^,

36 JULIUS C^SAR f Acjt Two

And I the elder and more terrible:
And Csesar shall go forth.

Col. Alas, my lord.

Your wisdom is consumed in confidence.
Do not go forth to-day: call it my fear t

That keeps you in the house, and not your own.
We'll send Mark Antony to the Senate-house;
And he shall say you are not well to-day:
Let me, upon my knee, prevail in this.

CcBs. Mark Antony shall say I am not well;
And, for thy humour, I will stay at home.

Enter Decius

Here 's Decius Brutus, he shall tell them so.

Dec. Caesar, all hail! good morrow, worthy
Caesar:
I come to fetch you to the Senate-house.

Cces. And you are come in very happy time, t

To bear my greeting to the senators
And tell them that I will not come to-day:
Cannot, is false, and that I dare not, falser:
I will not come to-day: tell them so, Decius.

Cat, Say he is sick.

Cces, Shall Caesar send a he?

Have I in conquest stretch'd mine arm so far.
To be afeard to tell gray beards the truth?
Decius, go tell them Caesar will not come.

Dec. Most mighty Caesar, let me know some
cause.
Lest I be laugh'd at when I tell them so. 7

Cces. The cause is in my will: I will not come;
2jbat IS enough to satisfy the Senate.

ScekeTwo] JULIUS CiESAR 57

But for your private satisfaction,

Because I love you, I will let you know:

Calpumia here, my wife, stays me at home:

She dreamt to-night she saw my statua.

Which, like a f oimtain with an himdred spouts.

Did run pure blood; and many lusty Romans

Came smiling, and did bathe their hands in it:

And these does she apply for warnings, and portents, so

Of evils imminent; and on her knee

Hath begg'd that I will stay at home to-day.

Dec, This dream is all amiss interpreted;
It was a vision fair and fortunate:
Your statue spouting blood in many pipes.
In which so many smiling Romans bathed.
Signifies that from you great Rome shall suck
Reviving blood, and that great men shall press
For tinctures, stains, relics and cognizance.
This by Calpumia's dream is signified. oo

Cass, And this way have you well expounded it.

Dec. I have, when you have heard what I can
say:
And know it now: the Senate have concluded
To give this day a crown to mighty Caesar.
If you shall send them word you will not come.
Their minds may change. Besides, it were a mock
Apt to be render'd, for some one to say
"Break up the Senate till another time.
When Caesar's wife shall meet with better dreams."
If Caesar hide himself, shall they not whisper loo

**Lo, Caesar is afraid?"
Pardon me, Caesar; for my dear dear love
To youT proceeding bids me teW. -jf o\3l \3kv&\

38 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Two

And reason to my love is liable.

C(Bs. How foolish do your fears seem now, Cal-
pumia!
I am ashamed I did yield to them.
Give me my robe, for I will go.

Enter Publius^ Brutus^ Lioarius^ Mbtellus^ Casca,

Trebonius^ and Cinna

And look where Publius is come to fetch me.

Puh, Good morrow, Csesar.

Cass. Welcome, Publius.

What, Brutus, are you stirr'd so early too? ii

Good morrow, Casca. Caius Ligarius,
Caesar was ne'er so much your enemy
As that same ague which hath made you lean.
What is 't o'clock?

Bru. Caesar, 't is strucken eight.

Cass, I thank you for your pains and courtesy.

Enter Antony

See! Antony, that revels long o' nights.

Is notwithstanding up. Good morrow, Antony.

Ant. So to most noble Caesar.

Cass. Bid them prepare within:

I am to blame to be thus waited for.
Now, Cinna: now, Metellus: what, Trebonius! is

I have an hour's talk in store for you;
Remember that you call on me to-day:
Be near me, that I may remember you.

Treh. Caesar, I will: [Aside] and so near will I
be,
TTiatyour best friends shall wish. 1 Yiad\>e«tilvni\3as?t.

ScEKE Four] JULIUS CiESAR 89

CcB8. Good friends, go in, and taste some wine
with me;
And we, like friends, will straightway go together.
Bru. [Aside] That every Uke is not the same,
O Ccesar,
The heart of Brutus yearns to think upon! [Exeunt.

Scene III — A street near the Capitol
Enter Artemidorus^ reading a paper

Art. "Ceesar, beware of Brutus; take heed of
Cassius; come not near Casca; have an eye to
Cinna; trust not Trebonius; mark well Metellus
Cimber: Decius Brutus loves thee not: thou hast
wronged Caius Ligarius. There is but one mind in
all these men, and it is bent against Csesar. If thou
beest not immortal, look about you: security gives
way to conspiracy. The mighty gods defend thee!
Thy lover, Artemidobus." lo

Here will I stand till Caesar pass along,
Atid as a suitor will I give him this.
My heart laments that virtue cannot live
Out of the teeth of emulation.
K thou read this, O Ceesar, thou mayst live;
K not, the Fates with traitors do contrive. [Exit.

Scene IV — Another part of the same street, hejore the

house of Brutus

Enter Portia and Lucius

Por. I prithee, boy, run to the Senate-house;
Stay not to answer me, but get thee gone:
Why dost thou stay?

40 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Two

Luc. To know my errand, madam.

For. I would have had thee there, and here
again.
Ere I can tell thee what thou shouldst do there.

Constancy, be strong upon my side.

Set a huge mountain 'tween my heart and tongue!

1 have a man's mind, but a woman's might.
How hard it is for women to keep counsel!
Art thou here yet?

Luc, Madam, what should I do? i

Run to the Capitol, and nothing else?
And so return to you, and nothing else?

For. Yes, bring me word, boy, if thy lord look
well.
For he went sickly forth: and take good note
What Csesar doth, what suitors press to him.
Hark, boy! what noise is that?

Luc, I hear none, madam.

F(yr. Prithee, listen well;

I heard a bustling rumour, like a fray.
And the wind brings it from the Capitol.

Lvc. Sooth, madam, I hear nothing. ' 2

Enter the Soothsayer

For. Come hither, fellow: which way hast thou

been?
Sooth. At mine own house, good lady.
For. What is 't o'clock?

Sooth. About the ninth hour, lady*

For. Is Ccesar yet gone to the Capitol?
Sooth. Madam, not yet: I go to take my stand.
To see him pass on to the Capitol,

ScBinE Foua] JULIUS C^SAR 41

For. Thou hast some suit to Csesar, hast thou
not?

SooUi. That I have, lady: if it will please Csesar
To be so good to Csesar as to hear me,
I shall beseech him to befriend himself. so

Por. Why, know'st thou any harm's intended
towards him?

Sooth. None that I know will be, much that I
fear may chance.
Good morrow to you. Here the street is narrow:
The throng that follows Caesar at the heels.
Of senators, of praetors, common suitors.
Will crowd a feeble man almost to death:
I'll get me to a place more void, and there
Speak to great Csesar as he comes along. [Exit,

Por. I must go in. Ay me, how weak a thing
The heart of woman is! O Brutus, 40

The heavens speed thee in thine enterprise!
Sure, the boy heard me: Brutus hath a suit
That Caesar will not grant. O, I grow faint.
Run, Lucius, and commend me to my lord;
Say I am merry: come to me again.
And bring me word what he doth say to thee.

[Exeunt severally.

ACT III

Scene I — Rome. Before the Capitol; the Senate sitting

abone

A crowd of people; among them Artemidorus and the
Soothsayer. Flourish. Enter Cssar^ Brutus^
Cassius^ Casca, Decius, Metellus^ Trebonius^
CiNNA^ Antony^ Lepidus^ Popiuus, Publius^ and
others

CcBs. [To the Soothsayer] The ides of March are
come.

Sooth. Ay, Ccesar; but not gone.

Art. Hail, Csesar! read this schedule.

Dec. Trebonius doth desire you to o'er-read.
At your best leisure, this his humble suit.

Art. O Ccesar, read mine first; for mine's a suit
That touches Ceesar nearer: read it, great Csesar.

CcBS. What touches us ourself shall be last served.

Art. Delay not, Caesar; read it instantly.

CcBs. What, is the fellow mad?

Pub. Sirrah, give place, lo

Cos. What, urge you your petitions in the street?
Come to the Capitol.

C.£SAB goes up to the Senate-House, the rest

following

Pop. I wish your enterprise to-day may thrive.
Cos. What enterprise, PopiUus?
Pop. Fare you well.

[Advances to Ccesar,
Bru. What said PopiUus Lena?

SciarE One] JULIUS CiESAR 43

Cos. He wish'd to-day our enterprise might
thrive.
I fear our purpose is discovered.

Bru. Look, how he makes to Caesar: mark him.

Cos. Casca, be sudden, for we fear prevention.
Brutus, what shall be done? K this be known, 20
Cassius or Cfiesar never shall turn back.
For I will slay myself.

Bru. Cassius, be constant:

Popilius Lena speaks not of our purposes;
For, look, he smiles, and Csesar doth not change.

Cos. Trebonius knows his time; for, look you,
Brutus,
He draws Mark Antony out of the way.

[Exeunt Antony and Trebonius.

Dec. Where is Metellus Cimber? Let him go.
And presently prefer his suit to Csesar.

Bru. Heisaddress'd: press near and second him.

Cin. Casca, you are the first that rears your hand, so

CcBS. Are we all ready? What is now amiss
That Csesar and his senate must redress?

Met. Most high, most mighty, and most puis-
sant Csesar,
Metellus Cimber throws before thy seat
An humble heart, — [Kneeling.

CcBS. I must prevent thee, Cimber.

These couchings and these lowly courtesies
Might fire the blood of ordinary men.
And turn pre-ordinance and first decree
Lato the law of children. Be not fond.
To think that Csesar bears such rebel blood aa

That will be thaw'd from tlie tTU<& c\y3L«5J^

44 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Thbee

With that which melteth fools; I mean, sweet

words.
Low-crooked court'sies and base spaniel-fawning.
Thy brother by decree is banished:
If thou dost bend and pray and fawn for him,
I spurn thee like a cur out of my way.
Know, Csesar doth not wrong, nor without cause
Will he be satisfied.

Met, Is there no voice more worthy than my
own,
To sound more sweetly in great Csesar's ear 50

For the repealing of my banish'd brother?

Bru. I kiss thy hand, but not in flattery, Caesar;
Desiring thee that PubUus Cimber may
Have an immediate freedom of repeal.

CcBs. What, Brutus!

Cos. Pardon, Caesar; Csesar, pardon:

As low as to thy foot doth Cassius fall.
To beg enfranchisement for PubUus Cimber.

CcBS. I could be well moved, if I were as you;
If I could pray to move, prayers would move me:
But I am constant as the northern star, eo

Of whose true-fix'd and resting quality
There is no fellow in the firmament.
The skies are painted with unnumber'd sparks.
They are all fire and every one doth shine,
But there 's but one in all doth hold his place:
So in the world; 't is fumish'd weU with men.
And men are flesh and blood, and apprehensive;
Yet in the number I do know but one
That unassailable holds on his rank,
i/nsbaked of motion: and that laQi\ie« 70

Scene One] JULIUS CJESAR 45

Let me a little show it, even in this;

That I was constant Cimber should be banish'd,

And constant do remain to keep him so.

Cin. O Cflesar, —

CcBs, Hence! wilt thou lift up Olympus?

Dec. Great Caesar, —

C(B8. Doth not Brutus bootless kneel?

Casca. Speak, hands, for me!

[Casca first, then the other Conspirators and Mar-
cus Brutus stab Ccesar.

CcBs. Et tu. Brute! Then fall, Caesar! [Dies.

Cin. Liberty! Freedom! Tyranny is dead!
Run hence, proclaim, cry it about the streets.

Cos. Some to the common pulpits, and cry out so
"Liberty, freedom, and enfranchisement!"

Bru. People and senators, be not aflfrighted;
fly not; stand still: ambition's debt is paid.

Casca. Go to the pulpit, Brutus.

Dec. And Cassius too.

Bru. Where's Publius?

Cin. Here, quite confounded with this mutiny.

Met. Stand fast together, lest some friend of
Caesar's
Should chance —

Bru. Talk not of standing. PubUus, good cheer;
There is no harm intended to your person, go

Nor to no Roman else: so tell them, Publius.

Cas. And leave us, Publius; lest that the people.
Rushing on us, should do your age some mischief.

Bru. Do so: and let no man abide this deed.
But we the doers.

46 JULIUS CiESAR [Act THmia

Re-enter Trebonxus

Cos, Where is Antony?

Tre. Fled to his house amazed:
Men, wives and children stare, cry out and run
As it were doomsday.

Bru. Fates, we will know your pleasures:

\ \ That we shall die, we know; 't is but the time
\ I And drawing days out, that men stand upon. loo

Casca. Why, he that cuts oflf twenty years of
Ufe
Cuts oflf so many years of fearing death.

Bru, Grant that, and then is death a benefit:
So are we Csesar's friends, that have abridged
His time of fearing death. Stoop, Romans, stoop.
And let us bathe our hands in Caesar's blood
Up to the elbows, and besmear our swords:
Then walk we forth, even to the market-place.
And, waving our red weapons o'er our heads,
Let 's all cry " Peace, freedom and Uberty ! " no

Cos. Stoop, then, and wash. How many ages
hence
Shall this our lofty scene be acted over
In states unborn and accents yet unknown!

Bru. How many times shall Csesar bleed in sport.
That now on Pompey's basis Ues along
No worthier than the dust!

Cos. So oft as that shall be.

So often shall the knot of us be call'd
The men that gave their country Uberty.

2>^c, What, shall we forth?
^^. Ay, every iximi «:^«5\

Scm Oki:] JULIUS CiESAR 47

Brutus shall lead; and we will grace his heels 120

With the most boldest and best hearts of Rome.

Enter a Servant

Bru. Soft ! who comes here? A friend of Antony's.

Serv, Thus, Brutus, did my master bid me kneel;
Thus did Mark Antony bid me fall down;
And, being prostrate, thus he bade me say:
Brutus is noble, wise, valiant, and honest;
Csesar was mighty, bold, royal, and loving:
Say I love Brutus, and I honour him;
Say I fear'd Csesar, honoured him and loved him.
K Brutus will vouchsafe that Antony iso

May safely come to him, and be resolved
How Csesar hath deserved to he in death,
Mark Antony shall not love Csesar dead
So well as Brutus Uving; but will follow
The fortunes and affairs of noble Brutus
Through the hazards of this untrod state
With all true faith. So says my master Antony.

Bru. Thy master is a wise and vaUant Roman;
I never thought him worse.

Tell him, so please him come unto this place, 140

He shall be satisfied; and, by my honour.
Depart untouch'd.

Serv. I'll fetch him presently. [Eodt.

Bru. I know that we shall have him well to
friend.

Cos. I wish we may : but yet have I a mind
That fears him much; and my misgiving still
Falls shrewdly to the purpose.

Bru. But here comes Antony.

48 JULIUS C^SAR [Act Thbee

Re-enter Antony

Welcome, Mark Antony.

Ant, O mighty Ciesar! dost thou lie so low?
Are all thy conquests, glories, triumphs, spoils.
Shrunk to this little measure? Fare thee well. 150

I know not, gentlemen, what you intend.
Who else must be let blood, who else is rank:
If I myself, there is no hour so fit
As Cflesar's death's hour, nor no instrument
Of half that worth as those your swords, made rich
With the most noble blood of all this world.
I do beseech ye, if you bear me hard.
Now, whilst your purpled hands do reek and smoke.
Fulfil your pleasure. Live a thousand years,
I shall not find myself so apt to die : i«o

No place will please me so, no mean of death.
As here by Caesar, and by you cut oflf.
The choice and master spirits of this age.

Bfu. O Antony, beg not your death of us.
Though now we must appear bloody and cruel.
As, by our hands and this our present act.
You see we do, yet see you but our hands
And this the bleeding business they have done:
Our hearts you see not; they are pitiful;
And pity to the general wrong of Rome — 170

As fire drives out fire, so pity pity —
Hath done this deed on Caesar. For your part,
To you our swords have leaden points, Mark Antony:
Our arms, in strength of malice, and our hearts
Of brothers' temper, do receive you in
With all kind love, good thouglits, andTeveT^vvcft,

ScEKE Owe] JULIUS CiESAR 49

Cos. Your voice shall be as strong as any man's
In the disposing of new dignities.

Bra. Only be patient till we have appeased
The multitude, beside themselves with fear, iso

And then we will deUver you the cause.
Why I, that did love Caesar when I struck him.
Have thus proceeded.

Ant. I doubt not of your wisdom.

Let each man render me his bloody hand:
First, Marcus Brutus, will I shake with you;
Next, Caius Cassius, do I take your hand;
Now, Decius Brutus, yours; now yours, Metellus;
Yours, Cinna; and, my vaUant Casca, yours;
Though last, not least in love, yours, good Trebonius.
Gentlemen all, — alas, what shall I say? 190

My credit now stands on such sUppery ground.
That one of two bad ways you must conceit me.
Either a coward or a flatterer.
That I did love thee, Caesar, O, 't is true:
K then thy spirit look upon us now.
Shall it not grieve thee dearer than thy death.
To see thy Antony making his peace.
Shaking the bloody fingers of thy foes.
Most noble! in the presence of thy corse?
Had I as many eyes as thou hast wounds, 200

Weeping as fast as they stream forth thy blood.
It would become me better than to close
In terms of friendship with thine enemies.
Pardon me, Julius ! Here wast thou bay 'd, brave hart ;
Here didst thou fall; and here thy hunters stand,
Sign'd in thy spoil, and crimson'd in thy lethe.
O world, thou wast the forest \xi \)Ki's\vaxX.\

60 JULIUS C-S:SAR [Act Thhee

And this, indeed, O world, the heart of thee.

How like a deer, strucken by many princes,

Dost thou here lie ! 210

Cos. Mark Antony, —

Ant, Pardon me, Cains Cassius:

The enemies of Csesar shall say this;
Then, in a friend, it is cold modesty.

Cos, I blame you not for praising Caesar so;
But what compact mean you to have with us?
Will you be prick'd in number of our friends;
Or shall we on, and not depend on you?

Ant, Therefore I took your hands, but was, indeed, I
Swayed from the point, by looking down on Caesar.
Friends am I with you all and love you all, «eo

Upon this hope, that you shall give me reasons
Why and wherein Caesar was dangerous.

Bru, Or else were this a savage spectacle:
Our reasons are so full of good regard
That were you, Antony, the son of Caesar,
You should be satisfied.

Ant, That's all I seek:

And am moreover suitor that I may
Produce his body to the market-place;
And in the pulpit, as becomes a friend.
Speak in the order of his funeral. sso

Bru, You shall, Mark Antony.

Cos, Brutus, a word with you. •

[Aside to Bru,] You know not what you do: do not

consent
That Antony speak in his funeral:
Know you how much the people may be moved
By that which he will utter?

ScEvs Oke] JULIUS CiESAR 51

Bru. By your pardon;

I will myself into the pulpit first.
And show the reason of our Caesar's death:
What Antony shall speak, I will protest
He speaks by leave and by permission.
And that we are contented Csesar shall 240

Have all true rites and lawful ceremonies.
It shall advantage more than do us wrong.

Cos. I know not what may fall; I like it not.

Bru. Mark Antony, here, take you Caesar's body.
You shall not in your funeral speech blame us.
But speak all good you can devise of Caesar,
And say you do't by our permission;
Else shall you not have any hand at all
About his funeral: and you shall speak
In the same pulpit whereto I am going, uo

After my speech is ended.

Ant. Be it so;

I do desire no more.

Bru. Prepare the body then, and follow us.

[Exeunt all but Antony.

Ant. O, pardon me, thou bleeding piece of earth.
That I am meek and gentle with these butchers!
Thou art the ruins of the noblest man
That ever lived in the tide of times.
Woe to the hand that shed this costly blood!
Over thy wounds now do I prophesy, —
Which, like dumb mouths, do ope their ruby Hps, wo
To beg the voice and utterance of my tongue —
A curse shall light upon the limbs of men;
Domestic fury and fierce civil strife
Shall cumber all the parts ol l\;aVy\

52 JULIUS CiESAR [ Act Thmi

Blood and destruction shall be so in use

And dreadful objects so familiar

That mothers shall but smile when they behold

Their infants quartered with the hands of war;

All pity choked with custom of fell deeds:

And Csesar's spirit, ranging for revenge, stq

With Ate by his side come hot from hell.

Shall in these confines with a monarch's voice

Cry "Havoc!" and let slip the dogs of war;

That this foul deed shall smell above the earth

With carrion men, groaning for biuial.

Enter a Servant

You serve Octavius Csesar, do you not?

Serv. I do, Mark Antony.

Ant. Cflesar did write for him to come to Rome.

Serv. He did receive his letters, and is coming;
And bid me say to you by word of mouth — «80

O Caesar! — [Seeing the body.

Ant. Thy heart is big, get thee apart and weep.
Passion, I see, is catching; for mine eyes.
Seeing those beads of sorrow stand in thine.
Began to water. Is thy master coming?

Serv. He Ues to-night within seven leagues of
Rome.

Ant, Post back with speed, and tell him what
hath chanced:
Here is a mourning Rome, a dangerous Rome,
No Rome of safety for Octavius yet;
Hie hence, and tell him so. Yet, stay awhile; sm

Thou shall not back till I have borne this corse
Into the market-place: there ahaWl \rjf ,

ScEKE Two] JULIUS CiESAR 53

In my oration, how the people take

The cruel issue of these bloody men;

According to the which, thou shalt discourse

To young Octavius of the state of things.

Lend me your hand. [Exeunt loith Ccesar^s body.

Scene II — The Forum
Enter Brutus and Cassius^ and a throng of Citizens

Citizens. We will be satisfied; let us be satisfied.

Bra, Then follow me, and give me audience,
friends.
Cassius, go you into the other street.
And part the numbers.

Those that will hear me speak, let 'em stay here;
Those that will follow Cassius, go with him;
And public reasons shall be rendered
Of Caesar's death.

First Cit. I will hear Brutus speak.

Sec. Cit. I will hear Cassius; and compare their
reasons.
When severally we hear them rendered. lo

[Exit CassiuSy vxith some of the Citizens.

Brutus goes into the puipit.

Third Cit. The noble Brutus is ascended: silence!

Bru. Be patient till the last.
Romans, countrymen, and lovers! hear me for my
cause, and be silent, that you may hear: beUeve me
for mine honour, and have respect to mine honour,
that you may beUeve: censure me in your wisdom,
and awake your senses, that you may the better
judge. It there be any m tlaia «lss^tcM^^ > ^^ccj ^^'«Jt

54 JULIUS C.S:SAR [Actt Three

friend of Caesar's, to him I say, that Brutus' love to »
Csesar was no less than his. If then that friend de-
mand why Brutus rose against Caesar, this is my
answer: — Not that I loved Csesar less, but that I
loved Rome more. Had you rather Caesar were liv-
ing and die all slaves, than that Caesar were dead,
to live all free men? As Csesar loved me, I weep for
him; as he was fortunate, I rejoice at it; as he was
valiant, I honour him: but, as he was ambitious, I
slew him. There is tears for his love; joy for his
fortune; honour for his valour; and death for his so
ambition. Who is here so base that would be a
bondman? If any, speak; for him have I ofiFended.
Who is here so rude that would not be a Roman?
If any, speak; for him have I oflFended. Who is
here so vile that will not love his country? If any,
speak; for him have I oflFended. I pause for a reply.

AU, None, Brutus, none.

Bru, Then none have I oflFended. I have done no
more to Caesar than you shall do to Brutus. The
question of his death is enrolled in the Capitol; his 40
glory not extenuated, wherein he was worthy, nor
his oflFences enforced, for which he suflFered death.

Enter Antony and others with CiESAR's bodi/

Here comes his body, mourned by Mark Antony:
who, though he had no hand in his death, shall re-
ceive the benefit of his dying, a place in the common-
wealth; as which of you shall not? With this I
depart, — that, as I slew my best lover for the good
of Rome, I have the same dagger for myself, when
j'i shall please my coimtry to need ixvy Aft«Ak,

ScianE Two] JULIUS C^SAR 55

AU. live, Brutus! live, live! 50

First Cit. Bring him with triumph home imto his
house.

Sec. Cit. Give him a statue with his ancestors.

Third Cit. Let him be Csesar.

Fourth Cit. Caesar's better parts

Shall be crown'd in Brutus.

First Cit. We'll bring him to his house

V^^th shouts and clamours.

Bru. My coimtrymen, —

Sec. Cit. Peace, silence! Brutus speaks.

First Cit. Peace, ho!

Bru. Good coimtrymen, let me depart alone, eo

And, for my sake, stay here with Antony:
Do grace to Caesar's corpse, and grace his speech
Tending to Caesar's glories; which Mark Antony,
By our permission, is allow'd to make.
I do entreat you, not a man depart.
Save I alone, till Antony have spoke. [Exit.

First Cit. Stay, ho ! and let us hear Mark Antony.

Third Cit. Let him go up into the pubhc chair;
We'll hear him. Noble Antony, go up.

Ant. For Brutus' sake, I am beholding to you. 70

[Goes into the pvipit.

Fourth Cit. What does he say of Brutus?

Third Cit. He says, for Brutus' sake,

fie finds himself beholding to us all.

Fourth Cit. 'T were best he speak no harm of
Brutus here.

First Cit. This Caesar was a tyrant.

Third Cit. Nay, that's certain:

We are blest that Rome is rid ol\jrai.

56 JULIUS C^SAR [Act Three

Sec. Cit, Peace! let us hear what Antony can say.

Ant. You gentle Romans, —

Citizens- Pea£e!x.ho! let us hear him.

Ard. Friends, Romans, coimtrymen, lend me
your ears;
I come to bury Caesar, not to praise him.
The evil that men do Uves after them; w

The good is oft interred with their bones;
So let it be with Csesar. The noble Brutus
Hath told you Csesar was ambitious:
If it were so, it was a grievous fault.
And grievously hath Caesar answer'd it.
Here, imder leave of Brutus and the rest —
For Brutus is an honourable man;
So are they all, all honourable men —
Come I to speak in Caesar's funeral.
He was my friend, faithful and just to me: 90

But Brutus says he was ambitious;
And Brutus is an honourable man.
He hath brought many captives home to Rome,
Whose ransoms did the general coflFers fill:
Did this in Caesar seem ambitious?
When that the poor have cried, Caesar hath wept:
Ambition should be made of sterner stuff:
Yet Brutus says he was ambitious;
And Brutus is an honourable man.
You all did see that on the Lupercal 100

I thrice presented him a kingly crown,
Which he did thrice refuse: was this ambition?
Yet Brutus says he was ambitious;
And, sure, he is an honourable man.
I speak not to disprove what "Brutus s^^cAssb,

SckkbTwo] JULIUS C^SAR 57

But here I am to speak what I do know.
You all did love him once, not without cause:
What cause withholds you then, to mourn for him?

judgement! thou art fled to brutish beasts,

And men have lost their reason. Bear with me; no

My heart is in the coffin there with Csesar,
And I must pause till it come back to me.

First Cit. Methinks there is much reason in his
sayings.

Sec. Cit. If thou consider rightly of the matter,
Csesar has had great wrong.

Third Cit. Has he, masters?

1 fear there will a worse come in his place.
Fourth Cit. Mark'd ye his words? He would not

take the crown;
Therefore 't is certain he was not ambitious.

First Cit. If it be f oimd so, some will dear abide it.
Sec. Cit. Poor soul! his eyes are red as fire with

weeping. 120

Third Cit. There's not a nobler man in Rome

than Antony.
Fourth Cit. Now mark him, he begins again to

speak.
Ant. But yesterday the word of Csesar might
Have stood against the world; now Kes he there,
And none so poor to do him reverence.

masters, if I were disposed to stir

Your hearts and minds to mutiny and rage,

1 should do Brutus wrong, and Cassius wrong.
Who, you all know, are honourable men:

I will not do them wrong; I rather choose im

To wrong the dead, to wrong laj^^W ttxA^wiL^

58 JULIUS C^SAR [Act Three

Than I will wrong such honourable men.

But here's a parchment with the seal of Csesar;

I found it in his closet, 't is his will:

Let but the commons hear this testament —

Which, pardon me, I do not mean to read —

And they would go and kiss dead Caesar's wounds

And dip their napkins in his sacred blood,

Yea, beg a hair of him for memory.

And, dying, mention it within their wills, mo

Bequeathing it as a rich legacy

Unto their issue.

Fourth Cit. We'll hear the will: read it, Mark
Antony.

AU. The will, the will! we will hear Caesar's will.

Ant. Have patience, gentle friends, I must not
read it;
It is not meet you know how Csesar loved you.
You are not wood, you are not stones, but men;
And, being men, hearing the will of Csesar,
It will inflame you, it will make you mad:
'T is good you know not that you are his heirs; 150

For, if you should, O, what would come of it!

Fourth Cit. Read the will; we'll hear it, Antony;
You shall read us the will, Csesar's will.

Ant. Will you be patient? will you stay awhile?
I have o'ershot myself to tell you of it:
I fear I wrong the honourable men
Whose daggers have stabb'd Csesar; I do fear it.

Fourth Cit. They were traitors : honourable men !

AU. The will! the testament!

Sec. Cit. They were villains, murderers: the
w^/ read the will, vsn

ScekbTwo] JULIUS CiESAR 59

Ant. You will compel me, then, to read the wfll?
Then make a ring about the corpse of Caesar,
And let me show you him that made the will.
Shall I descend? and will you give me leave?

Several Cit, Come down.

Sec, Cit. Descend.

Third Cit. You shall have leave.

[Antony comes down.

Fourth Cit. A ring; stand roimd.

First Cit. Stand from the hearse, stand from
the body.

Sec. Cit. Room for Antony, most noble Antony. 170

Ant. Nay, press not so upon me; stand far ofiF.

Several Cit. Stand back; room; bear back.

Ant. If you have tears, prepare to shed them
now.
You all do know this mantle: I remember
The first time ever Csesar put it on;
'T was on a summer's evening, in his tent,
That day he overcame the Nervii:
Look, in this place ran Cassius' dagger through:
See what a rent the envious Casca made:
Through this the well-beloved Brutus stabb'd; iso

And as he pluck'd his cursed steel away,
Mark how the blood of Csesar foUow'd it.
As rushing out of doors, to be resolved
K Brutus so imkindly knock'd, or no;
For Brutus, as you know, was Caesar's angel:
Judge, O you gods, how dearly Caesar loved him!
This was the most imkindest cut of all;
For when the noble Caesar saw him stab,
Ingratitude, more strong thaa \xa\\iOt'^ «ra^^

60 JULIUS C^SAR [Act Thbme

Quite vanquish'd him: then burst his mighty heart; i90

And, in his mantle muffling up his face,

Even at the base of Pompey's statua,

Which all the while ran blood, great Caesar fell.

O, what a fall was there, my countrymen!

Then I, and you, and all of us fell down.

Whilst bloody treason flourish'd over us.

O, now you weep; and, I perceive, you feel

The dint of pity: these are gracious drops.

Kind souls, what, weep you when you but behold

Our Csesar's vesture wounded? Look you here, 200

Here is himself, marr'd, as you see, with traitors.

First Cit O piteous spectacle!

Sec. Cit, O noble Csesar!

Third Cit. O woful day!

Fourth Cit. O traitors, villains!

First Cit. O most bloody sight!

Sec. Cit. We will be revenged.

AU. Revenge! About! Seek! Bum! Fu-e! Kill!
Slay! Let not a traitor Uve!

Ant. Stay, countrymen.

First Cit. Peace there! hear the noble Antony. 210

Sec. Cit. We'll hear him, we'll follow him, we'll
die with him.

Ant. Good friends, sweet friends, let me not stir
you up
To such a sudden flood of mutiny.
They that have done this deed are honourable:
What private griefs they have, alas, I know not.
That made them do it: they are wise and hon-
ourable,
And will, no doubt, with, reasons aiis7?« >jo\3l.

ScEOTE Two] JULIUS C2ESAR . 6l

I come not, friends, to steal away your hearts: no

I am no orator, as Brutus is;

But, as you know me all, a plain blunt man.

That love my friend; and that they know full well

That gave me pubUc leave to speak of him:

For I have neither wit, nor words, nor worth.

Action, nor utterance, nor the power of speech.

To stir men's blood: I only speak right on;

I tell you that which you yourselves do know;

Show you sweet Caesar's woimds, poor poor dumb

mouths,
And bid them speak for me: but were I Brutus, sso
And Brutus Antony, there were an Antony
Would ruffle up your spirits and put a tongue
In every woimd of Csesar that should move
The stones of Rome to rise and mutiny.

AU. We'll mutiny.

First Cit. We '11 bum the house of Brutus.

Third Cit. Away, then! come, seek the conspira-
tors.

Ant. Yet hear me, countrymen; yet hear me
speak.

AU. Peace, ho! Hear Antony. Most noble
Antony!

Ant. Why, friends, you go to do you know not

what: 240

Wherein hath Csesar thus deserved your loves?
Alas, you know not: I must tell you, then:
You have forgot the will I told you of.

All. Most true. The will! Let 's stay and hear
the will.

jin^. Here is the will, and \MiAet C«saf ^ ^«i^.

62 JULIUS C^SAR [AcTT Three

To every Roman citizen he gives,

To every several man, seventy-five drachmas.

Sec, Cit. Most noble Csesar! We'll revenge his
death.

Third Cit. O royal Csesar!

Ant. Hear me with patience. 2m

All. Peace, ho!

Ant. Moreover, he hath left you all his walks.
His private arbours and new-planted orchards,
On this side Tiber; he hath left them you.
And to your heirs for ever, common pleasures.
To walk abroad, and recreate yourselves.
Here was a Csesar! when comes such another?

First Cit. Never, never. Come, away, away!
We'll bum his body in the holy place,
And with the brands fire the traitors' houses. «6C

Take up the body.

Sec. Cit. Go fetch fire.

Third Cit. Pluck down benches.

Fourth Cit. Pluck down forms, windows, any
thing. [Exeunt Citizens vdth the body.

Ant. Now let it work. Mischief, thou art afoot.
Take thou what course thou wilt!

Enter a Servant

How now, fellow!
Serv. Sir, Octavius is already come to Rome.
Ant. Where is he?

Serv. He and Lepidus are at Caesar's house.
Ant. And thither will I straight to visit him: «70
He comes upon a wish. Fortune is merry.
And in this mood will give us any thing.

ScEKK Three] JULIUS C^SAR 6S

Beno. I heard him say, Brutus and Cassius
Are rid like madmen through the gates of Rome.

Avi. Belike they had some notice of the people,
How I had moved them. Bring me to Octavius.

\Exeu'ni.

Scene III — A street
Enter Cinna the poet

Cin. I dreamt to-night that I did feast with
Csesar,
And things unlucky charge my fantasy:
I have no will to wander forth of doors.
Yet something leads me forth.

Enter Citizens

First Cit. What is your name?

Sec. Cit. Whither are you going?

Third Cit. Where do you dwell?

Fourth Cit. Are you a married man or a bachelor?

Sec. Cit. Answer every man directly. lo

First Cit. Ay, and briefly.

Fourth Cit. Ay, and wisely.

Third Cit. Ay, and truly, you were best.

Cin. What is my name? Whither am I going?
Where do I dwell? Am I a married man or a bach-
elor? Then, to answer every man directly and
briefly, wisely and truly: wisely I say, I am a
bachelor.

Sec. Cit. That's as much as to say, they are fools
that marry: you'll bear me a bang for that, I fear. «o
Proceed; directly.

64 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Four

Cin. Directly, I am going to Caesar's funeral.

First Cit. As a friend or an enemy?

Cin, As a friend.

Sec, Cit. That matter is answered directly.

Fourth Cit For your dwelling, — briefly.

Cin. Briefly, I dwell by the Capitol.

Third Cit. Your name, sir, truly.

Cin. Truly, my name is Cinna.

First Cit. Tear him to pieces; he's a conspirator.

Cin. I am Cinna the poet, I am Cinna the poet.

Fourth Cit. Tear him for his bad verses, tear him
for his bad verses.

Cin. I am not Cinna the conspirator.

Fourth Cit. It is no matter, his name's Cinna;
pluck but his name put of his heart, and turn him
going.

Third Cit. Tear him, tear him! Come, brands,
ho! firebrands: to Brutus', to Cassius'; biu-n all:
some to Decius' house, and some to Casca's; some
to Ligarius': away, go! [Exeunt.

ACT IV

Scene I — A house in Rome
Antony, Octavius, and Lepidus, seated at a table

Ant. These many, then, shall die; their names

are prick'd.
Oct. Your brother too must die; consent you,

Lepidus?
^/?. I do consent, —

SciwE One] JULIUS C^SAR 65

Oct. Prick him down, Antony.

Lep. Upon condition Publius shall not Uve,
Who is your sister's son, Mark Antony.

Ant, He shall not live; look, with a spot I damn
him.
But, Lepidus, go you to Cflesar's house;
Fetch the will hither, and we shall determine
How to cut ofif some charge in legacies.

Lep. What, shall I find you here? lo

Oct. Or here, or at the Capitol. [Exit Lepidus.

Ant. This is a slight immeritable man.
Meet to be sent on errands: is it fit,
The three-fold world divided, he should stand
One of the three to share it?

Oct. So you thought him;

And took his voice who should be prick'd to die.
In our black sentence and proscription.

Ant. Octavius, I have seen more days than you:
And though we lay these honours on this man.
To ease ourselves of divers slanderous loads, «c

He shall but bear them as the ass bears gold.
To groan and sweat under the business.
Either led or driven, as we point the way;
And having brought our treasure where we will.
Then take we down his load, and turn him ofif.
Like to the empty ass, to shake his ears.
And graze in commons.

Oct. You may do your will;

But he's a tried and vaUant soldier.

Ant. So is my horse, Octavius; and for that
I do appoint him store of provender: so

It is a creature that I teach to ^^X.^

66 JULIUS CmSAB. [Act Foub

To wind, to stop, to run directly on,

His corporal motion govern'd by my spirit.

And, in some taste, is Lepidus but so;

He must be taught and train'd and bid go forth;

A barren-spirited fellow; one that feeds

On objects, arts, and imitations.

Which, out of use and staled by other men.

Begin his fashion: do not talk of him.

But as a property. And now, Octavius, 40

Listen great things: — Brutus and Cassius

Are levying powers: we must straight make head:

Therefore let our alliance be combined.

Our best friends made, and our best means stretch 'd out;

And let us presently go sit in coimcil.

How covert matters may be best disclosed.

And open perils surest answered.

Oct. Let us do so: for we are at the stake.
And bay'd about with many enemies;
And some that smile have in their hearts, I fear, 50

Millions of mischiefs. [Exeunt,

Scene II — Camp near Sardis. Before Brutus' tent

Drum, Enter Brutus, Lucilius, Lucius, and Soldiers;
TiTiNius and Pindarus meeting them

Bru. Stand, ho!

Ludl. Give the word, ho! and stand.
Bru. What now, Lucilius! is Cassius near?
Ludl. He is at hand; and Pindarus is come
To do you salutation from his master.
Bru. He greets me well. Your master, Pindarus,
Jh his own change, or by iU officers.

ScDfKTwo] : JULIUS CESAR 67

Hath given me some worthy cause to wish
Things done, undone: but, if he be at hand,
I shall be satisfied.

Pin, I do not doubt ic

But that my noble master will appear
Such as he is, full of regard and honour.

Bru. He isnot doubted. [^AsideJ] A word, LuciUus;
How he received you, let me be resolved.

Lvdl. With courtesy and with respect enough;
But not with such famiUar instances,
Nor with such free and friendly conference.
As he hath used of old.

Bru, Thou hast described '

A hot friend cooling: ever note, Lucihus,
When love begins to sicken and decay, 90

It useth an enforced ceremony.
There are no tricks in plain and simple faith;
But hollow men, like horses hot at hand.
Make gallant show and promise of their mettle;
But when they should endure the bloody spur.
They fall their crests, and, like deceitful jades.
Sink in the trial. Comes his army on?

Lvcil, They mean this night in Sardis to be
quartered;
The greater part, the horse in general.
Are come with Cassius.

Bru, Hark! he is arrived. so

March gently on to meet him. [Lmo march vrithin.

Enter Cassius and his powers

Cos. Stand, ho!

Bru. Stand, ho ! Speak tlafc ^oxdi ^^^a%*

68 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Four

First Sol Stand!

Sec, Sol. Stand!

Third Sol. Stand!

Cos. Most noble brother, you have done me
wrong.

Bru. Judge me, you gods! wrong I mine ene-
mies?
And, if not so, how should I wrong a brother?

Cos. Brutus, this sober form of yours hides
wrongs; 40

And when you do them —

Bru. Cassius, be content;

Speak your griefs softly: I do know you well.
Before the eyes of both our armies here,
Which should perceive nothing but love from us.
Let us not wrangle: bid them move away;
Then in my tent, Cassius, enlarge your griefs.
And I will give you audience.

Cos. Pindarus,

Bid our commanders lead their charges ofif
A Uttle from this groimd.

Bru. Lucilius, do you the like; and let no man b%
Come to our tent till we have done our conference.
Let Lucius and Titinius guard our door. [Exeunt.

Scene III — Brutus* tent
Enter Brutus and Cassius

Cos. That you have wrong'd me doth appear in
this:
You have condemn'd and noted Lucius Pella
JFor taking bribes here of the ^ax^anav

\
I

Scene Three] JULIUS CiESAR 69

Wherein my letters, praying on his side,
Because I knew the man, were sUghted oflF.

Bra. You wrong'd yourself to write in such a
case.

Cos. In such a time as this it is not meet \

That every nice oflFence should bear his comment.'

Bra. Let me tell you, Cassius, you yourself
Are much condenm'd to have an itching palm; lo

To sell and mart your offices for gold
To underservers.

Cos. I an itching palm!

You know that you are Brutus that speak this,
Or, by the gods, this speech were else your last.

Bru. The name of Cassius honours this corrup-
tion.
And chastisement doth therefore hide his head.

Cos. Chastisement!

Bru. Remember March, the ides of March re-
member:
Did not great JuUus bleed for justice' sake?
What villain touch'd his body, that did stab, 20

And not for justice? What, shall one of us.
That struck the foremost man of all this world
But for supporting robbers, shall we now
Contaminate our fingers with base bribes.
And sell the mighty space of our large honours
For so much trash as may be grasped thus?
I had rather be a dog, and bay the moon.
Than such a Roman. -

Cos, Brutus, bait not me;

I '11 not endure it: you forget yourself.
To hedge me in; I am a soldier, \, ^

70 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Four

Older in practice, abler than yourself
To make conditions.
, Bru. Go to; you are not, Cassius.

Cos. I am.

Bru. I say you are not.

Cos.. Urge me no more, I shall forget myself;
Have mind upon your health, tempt me no farther.

Bru. Away, slight man!

Cos. Is 't possible?

Bru. Hear me, for I will speak.

Must I give way and room to your rash choler?
Shall I be frighted when a madman stares? 40

Cds. O ye gods, ye gods! must I endure all this?

Bru. All this! ay, more: fret till your proud
heart break;
Go show your slaves how choleric you are,
And make your bondmen tremble. Must I budge?
Must I observe you? must I stand and crouch
Under your testy humour? By the gods.
You shall digest the venom of your spleen.
Though it do split you; for, from this day forth,
I'll use you for my mirth, yea, for my laughter.
When you are waspish.

Cos. Is it come to this? «

Bru. You say you are a better soldier;
Let it appear so; make your vaunting true.
And it shall please me well: for mine own part,
I shall be glad to learn of noble men.

Cds. You wrong me every way; you wrong me,
Brutus;
I said, an elder soldier, not a better:
nidi say ''better''?

SckkeTheek] JULIUS CiESAR 71

Bru. K you did, I care not.

Cos. When Csesar lived, he diirst not thus have
moved me.

Bru. Peace, peace! you durst not so have
tempted him.

Cos. I durst not! ee

Bru. No.

Cos. What, durst not tempt him!

Bru. For your Ufe you durst not.

Cos. Do not presume too much upon my love;
I may do that I shall be sorry for.

Bru. You have done that you should be sorry
for.
There is no terror, Cassius, in your threats.
For I am arm'd so strong in honesty
That they pass by me as the idle wind,
Which I respect not. I did send to you
For certain sums of gold, which you denied me: 70

For I can raise no money by vile means:
By heaven, I had rather coin my heart.
And drop my blood for drachmas, than to wring
From the hard hands of peasants their vile trash
By any indirection: I did send
To you for gold to pay my legions.
Which you denied me: was that done Uke Cassius?
Should I have answer'd Caius Cassius so?
When Marcus Brutus grows so covetous.
To lock such rascal counters from his friends, so

Be ready, gods, with all your thimderbolts;
Dash him to pieces!

Cos. I denied you not.

^ru. You did.

72 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Four

Cos. I did not: lie was but a fool that brought
My answer back.' Brutus hath rived my heart:
A friend should bear his friend's infirmities.
But Brutus makes mine greater than they are.

Bru, I do not, till you practice them on me.

Cos. You love me not.

Bru, I do not like your faults.

Cos. A friendly eye could never see such faults. 90

Bru, A flatterer's would not, though they do
appear
As huge as high Olympus.

Cos, Come, Antony, and young Octavius, come.
Revenge yourselves alone on Cassius,
For Cassius is aweary of the world;
Hated by one he loves; braved by his brother;
Check'd like a bondman; all his faults observed.
Set in a note-book, leam'd, and conn'd by rote.
To cast into my teeth. O, I could weep
My spirit from mine eyes! There is my dagger, 100
And here my naked breast; within, a heart
Dearer than Plutus' mine, richer than gold:
If that thou be'st a Roman, take it forth;
I, that denied thee gold, will give my heart:
Strike, as thou didst at Csesar; for, I know.
When thou didst hate him worse, thou lovedst him

better
Than ever thou lovedst Cassius.

Bra. Sheathe your dagger:

Be angry when you will, it shall have scope;
Do what you will, dishonour shall be humour.
O Cassius, you are yoked with a lamb ii«

That carries anger as the flinl bears &ce\

Scene Thbee] JULIUS C^SAR . 73

VPTio, much enforced, shows a hasty spark.
And straight is cold again.

Cds, Hath Cassius Uved

To be but mirth and laughter to his Brutus,
When grief, and blood ill-temper'd, vexeth him?

Bru. When I spoke that, I was ill-temper'd too.

Cos. Do you confess so much? Give me your
hand.

Bru. And my heart too.

Cos. O Brutus!

Bru. What's the matter?

Cds. Have not you love enough to bear with me,
VPTien that rash humour which my mother gave me i«o
Makes me forgetful?

Bru. Yes, Cassius; and, from henceforth,

VPTien you are over-earnest with your Brutus,
He'll think your mother chides, and leave you so.

Poet. [Within] Let me go in to see the generals;
There is some grudge between 'em, 't is not meet
They be alone.

LucU. [Within] You shall not come to them.

Poet. [Within] Nothing but death shall stay me.

Enter Poet, followed by Lucilius, Titinius, and Lucius

Cos. How now! what's the matter?

Poet. For shame, you generals! what do you

mean? iso

Love, and be friends, as two such men should be;
For I have seen more years, I 'm sure, than ye.

Cos. Ha, ha! how vilely doth this cynic rhyme!

Bru. Get you hence, sirraib.; a«ae^ \^<3^ ;^<k5srj^.

74 . JULIUS C^SAB [Act Foum

Cos. Bear with him, Brutus; 't is his fashion.

Bru. I'll know his humour, when he knows his
time:
What should the wars do with these jigging fools?
Companion, hence!

Cos. Away, away, be gone!

[Exit Poet.

Bru. Lucilius and Titinius, bid the commanders
Prepare to lodge their companies to-night. 140

Cos. And come yourselves, and bring Messala
with you
Immediately to us. [Exeunt LucUius and Titinius.

Bru. Lucius, a bowl of wine! [Exit Lucius.

Cos. I did not think you coidd have been so angry.

Bru. O Cassius, I am sick of many griefs.

Cos. Of your philosophy you make no use.
If you give place to accidental evils.

Bru. No man bears sorrow better. Portia is dead.

Cos, Ha! Portia!

Bru. She is dead.

Cos. How 'scaped I killing when I cross'd you so? 1*
O insupportable and touching loss!
Upon what sickness?

Bru. Impatient of my absence.

And grief that yoimg Octavius with Mark Antony
Have made themselves so strong: — for with her

death
That tidings came; — with this she fell distract.
And, her attendants absent, swallow'd fire.

Cos. And died so?

Bru. Even so.

ScatNETHBKE] JULIUS C^SAR 75

Re-enter Lucius, with wine and taper

Bra. Speak no more of her. Give me a bowl of
wine.
In this I bury all mikindness, Cassius.

Cos. My heart is thirsty for that noble pledge, leo
Fill, Lucius, till the wine o'erswell the cup;
I cannot drink too much of Brutus' love.

Bra. Comein, Titinius! [Exit Lucitis.

Re-enter Titinius, with Messala

Welcome, good Messala.
Now sit we close about this taper here.
And call in question our necessities.

Cos. Portia, art thou gone?

Bru. No more, I pray you.

Messala, I have here received letters,
That young Octavius and Mark Antony
Come down upon us with a mighty power.
Bending their expedition toward PhiUppi. 170

Mes. Myself have letters of the selfsame tenour.

Bra. With what addition?

Mes. That by proscription and bills of outlawry,
Octavius, Antony, and Lepidus,
Have put to death an himdred senators.

Bru. Therein our letters do not well agree;
Mine speak of seventy senators that died
By their proscription, Cicero being one.

Cds. Cicero one!

Mes. Cicero is dead.

And by that order of proscription. iso

Had you your letters from yoxit ml^, tcc^ Vst^

76 JULIUS C^SAR [Act Foot

Bru. No, Messala.

Mes. Nor nothing in your letters writ of her?

Bru. Nothing, Messala.

Mes. That, methinks, is strange.

Bru. Why ask you? hear you aught of her in
yours?

Mes. No, my lord.

Bru. Now, as you are a Roman, tell me true.

Mes. Then Uke a Roman bear the truth I tell:
For certain she is dead, and by strange manner.

Bru. Why, farewell, Portia. We must die,
Messala: u

With meditating that she must die once,
I have the patience to endure it now.

Mes. Even so great men great losses should
endure.

Cos. I have as much of this in art as you.
But yet my nature could not bear it so.

Bru. Well, to our work aUve. What do you
think
Of marching to Philippi presently?

Cos. I do not think it good.

Bru. Your reason?

Cos, This it is:

'T is better that the enemy seek us:
So shall he waste his means, weary his soldiers, »

Doing himself oflFence; whilst we, lying still.
Are full of rest, defence, and nimbleness.

Bru. Good reasons must, of force, give place to
better.
TAe people 'twixt PhiUppi and this ground
-Do stand but in a forced affection;

ScEKE Thhee] JULIUS C^SAR 77

For they have grudged us contribution:

The enemy, marching along by them,

By them shall make a fuller number up.

Come on refreshed, new-added, and encouraged;

From which advantage shall we cut him oflf, 210

If at PhiUppi we do face him there.

These people at our back.

Cos, Hear me, good brother.

Bra. Under your pardon. You must note beside.
That we have tried the utmost of our friends.
Our legions are brim-full, our cause is ripe:
The enemy increaseth every day;
We, at the height, are ready to decline.
There is a tide in the affairs of men,
Which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortime;
Omitted, all the voyage of their Uf e «20

Is bound in shallows and in miseries.
On such a full sea are we now afloat;
And we must take the ciurent when it serves.
Or lose our ventures.

Cos, " Then, with your will, go on;

We'll along ourselves, and meet them at Philippi.

Bru, The deep of night is crept upon our talk.
And nature must obey necessity;
Which we will niggard with a little rest.
There is no more to say?

Cos. No more. Good night:

Early to-morrow will we rise, and hence. 230

Bru, Lucius! [Enter Lucius. ] My gown. [ExU
Lucius,] Farewell, good Messala:
Good night, Titinius. Noble, noble Cassius,
Good night, and good repose.

78 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Foot

Cos. O my dear brother!

This was an ill beginning of the night:
Never come such division 'tween our souls!
Let it not, Brutus.

Bra. Every thing is well.

Cds. Good night, my lord.

Bru. Good night, good brother.

Tit. Mes. Good night, Lord Brutus.

Bru. Farewell, every one.

[Exeunt all but Brutus.

Re-enter Lucius, with the gown

Give me the gown. Where is thy instrument?

Lux;. Here in the tent.

Bru. What, thou speak'st drowsily? s4(

Poor knave, I blame thee not; thou art o'erwateh'd.
Call Claudius and some other of my men;
I'll have them sleep on cushions in my tent.

Luc. Varro and Claudius!

Enter Varro and Claudius

Var. Calls my lord?

Bru. I pray you, sirs, he in my tent and sleep;
It may be I shall raise you by and by
On business to my brother Cassius.

Var. So please you, we will stand and watch
your pleasure.

Bru. I will not have it so: he down, good sirs; M"
It may be I shall otherwise bethink me.
Look, Lucius, here's the book I sought for so;
I put it in the pocket of my gown.

VVar. aud Clau.\\e dorum..

ScDnsTHEEE] JULIUS C^SAR 79

Luo. I was sure your lordship did not give it me.

Bra. Bear with me, good boy, I am much for-
getful.
Canst thou hold up thy heavy eyes awhile.
And touch thy instrument a strain or two?

Luc. Ay, my lord, an't please you.

Bru. It does, my boy:

I trouble thee too much, but thou art wiUing.

Lvc. It is my duty, sir. «60

Bru. I should not urge thy duty past thy might;
I know young bloods look for a time of rest.

Lvjc. I have slept, my lord, already.

Bru. It was well done; and thou shalt sleep
again;
I will not hold thee long: if I do live,
I will be good to thee. [Musicy and a song.

This is a sleepy tune. O murderous slumber,
Lay'st thou thy leaden mace upon my boy.
That plays thee music? Gentle knave, good night;
I will not do thee so much wrong to wake thee: 270

If thou dost nod, thou break'st thy instrument;
1*11 take it from thee; and, good boy, good night.
Let me see, let me see; is not the leaf turn'd down
Where I left reading? Here it is, I think.

Enter the Ghost of Cms ar

How ill this taper bums! Ha! who comes here?

I think it is the weakness of mine eyes

That shapes this monstrous apparition.

It comes upon me. Art thou any thing?

Art thou some god, some angel, or some devil.

That makest my blood cold and tq^ \va[xt \55 "^^^st^ ^»^

80 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Foom

Speak to me what thou art.

Ghost, Thy evil spirit, Brutus.

Btu, Why comest thou?

Ghost, To tell thee thou shalt see me at Philippi.

Bra, Well; then I shall see thee again?

Ghost. Ay, at PhiUppi.

Bru, Why, I will see thee at PhiUppi, then.

[Eodt Ghost,
Now I have taken heart thou vanishest:
111 spirit, I would hold more talk with thee.
Boy, Lucius! Varro! Claudius! Sirs, awake! mo
Claudius!

Luc, The strings, my lord, are false.

Bru, He thinks he still is at his instrument.
Lucius, awake!

Luc, My lord?

Bru. Didst thou dream, Lucius, that thou so
criedst out?

Luc. My lord, I do not know that I did cry.

Bru. Yes, that thou didst: didst thou see any
thing?

Luc, Nothing, my lord.

Bru, Sleep again, Lucius. Sirrah Claudius! so

[To Var,] Fellow thou, awake!

Var, My lord?

Clau, My lord?

Bru, Why did you so cry out, sirs, in your
sleep?

Var. Clau, Did we, my lord?

Bru. Ay: saw you any thing?

Var. No, my lord, I saw nothing.

Scene One] JULIUS C^SAR 81

Bru. Go and commend me to my brother Cassins ;
Bid him set on his powers betimes before,
And we will follow.

Var. Clau. It shall be done, my lord. sot

[ExeufiL

ACT V
Scene I — The plains of Philippt
Enter Octavius, Antony, and their army

Oct, Now, Antony, our hopes are answered:
You said the enemy would not come down.
But keep the hills and upper regions:
It proves not so: their battles are at hand;
They mean to warn us at PhiUppi here.
Answering before we do demand of them.

Ant, Tut, I am in their bosoms, and I know
Wherefore they do it: they could be content
To visit other places; and come down
With fearful bravery, thinking by this face lo

To fasten in our thoughts that they have courage;
But 't is not so.

Enter a Messenger

Mess, Prepare you, generals:

The enemy comes on in gallant show;
Their bloody sign of battle is hung out.
And something to be done immediately.

Ant, Octavius, lead your battle softly on^
Upon the left hand of tlie even ^"^dL,

82 JULIUS C^SAR [Act Five

Oct. Upon the right hand I; keep thou the left.

Ant VPTiy do you cross me in this exigent?

Oct. I do not cross you; but I will do so. [March. «

Drum. Enter Brutus, Cassius, and their army;
LuciLius, TiTiNius, Messala, and others

Bra. They stand, and would have parley.

Cos. Stand fast, Titinius : we must out and talk.

Oct. Mark Antony, shall we give sign of battle?

Ant. No, Csesar, we will answer on their charge.
Make forth; the generals would have some words.

Oct. Stir not imtil the signal.

Bru. Words before blows: is it so, countrymen?

Oct. Not that we love words better, as you
do.

Bru. Good words are better than bad strokes,
Octavius.

Ant. In your bad strokes, Brutus, you give good
words: 8(

Witness the hole you made in Caesar's heart.
Crying " Long live! hail, Caesar! "

Cos. Antony,

The posture of your blows are yet unknown;
But for your words, they rob the Hybla bees.
And leave them honeyless.

Ant. Not stingless too?

Bru. O, yes, and soimdless too;
For you have stol'n their buzzing, Antony,
And very wisely threat before you sting.

Ant. Villains, you did not so, when your vile
daggers
-Backed one another in the sides ol Casaat*.

Scam On] JULIUS C^SAR 83

You sbow*d your teeth like apes, and fawn'd like

hounds,
And bow'd like bondmen, kissing Ccesar's feet;
Whilst damned Casca, Uke a cur, behind
Struck Caesar on the neck. O you flatterers!

Ccu. Flatterers! .Now, Brutus, thank yourself:
This tongue had not offended so to-day.
If Cassius might have ruled.

Oct. Come, come, the cause: if arguing make us
sweat.
The proof of it will turn to redder drops.
Look; 50

I draw a sword against conspirators;
When think you that the sword goes up again?
Never, till Caesar's three and thirty wounds
Be well avenged; or till another Csesar
Have added slaughter to the sword of traitors.

Bru. Csesar, thou canst not die by traitors' hands.
Unless thou bring'st them with thee.

Oct. So I hope;

I was not born to die on Brutus' sword.

Bru. O, if thou wert the noblest of thy strain.
Young man, thou couldst not die more honourable, eo

Cos. A peevish schoolboy, worthless of such
honour,
Join'd with a masker and a reveler!

Ant. Old Cassius still!

Oct. Come, Antony, away!

Defiance, traitors, hurl we in your teeth:
If you dare fight to-day, come to the field;
If not, when you have stomachs.

[Exeunt Octavius^ ATttouij, anjiftv^t orov.'^*

84 JULIUS C^SAR [Act Fite

Cds. Why, now, blow wind, swell billow and
swim bark!
The storm is up, and all is on the hazard.

Bru, Ho, Lueilius! hark, a word with you.

LudL [Standing forth] Mylord.'^

[Brvtus and Luciliits converse apart,

Cas. Messala!

Mes, [Standing forth] What says my general? 70

Cas. Messala,
This is my birth-day; as this very day
Was Cassius bom. Give me thy hand, Messala:
Be thou my witness that against my will.
As Pompey was, am I compelled to set
Upon one battle all our Uberties.
You know that I held Epicurus strong
J And his opinion: now I change my mind,
\ And partly credit things that do presage.
Coming from Sardis, on our former ensign so

Two mighty eagles fell, and there they perch'd.
Gorging and feeding from our soldiers' hands;
Who to Philippi here consorted us:
This morning are they fled away and gone;
And in their steads do ravens, crows, and kites.
Fly o'er our heads and downward look on us.
As we were sickly prey: their shadows seem
A canopy most fatal, under which
Our army Ues, ready to give up the ghost.

Mes, Believe not so.

Cas, I but believe it partly; 90

For I am fresh of spirit and resolved
To meet all perils very constantly.
^ru. Even so, Lueilius.

Scene OneI JULIUS C^SAR 85

Cds, Now, most noble Brutus,

The gods to-day stand friendly! that we may.
Lovers in peace, lead on our days to age!
But since the affairs of men rest still incertain,
Let's reason with the worst that may befall.
If we do lose this battle, then is this
The very last time we shall speak together:
What are you then determined to do? loo

Bru. Even by tiie rule of that philosophy
By which I did blame Cato for the death
Which he did give himself, I know not how.
But I do find it cowardly and vile,
For fear of what might fall, so to prevent
The time of life: arming myself with patience
To stay the providence of some high powers
That govern us below.

Cds. Then, if we lose this battle,

You are contented to be led in triumph
Thorough the streets of Rome.^ no

Bru. No, Cassius, no: think not, thou noble
Roman,
That ever Brutus will go bound to Rome;
He bears too great a mind. But this same day
Must end that work the ides of March begun;
And whether we shall meet again I know not.
Therefore our everlasting farewell take:
For ever, and for ever, farewell, Cassius!
If we do meet again, why, we shall smile;
If not, why then, this parting was well made.

Cos. For ever, and for ever, farewell, Brutus! 120
If we do meet again, we'll smile indeed;
If not, 't is true this parting was ^^ TaaA&.

86 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Five

Bru. Why, then, lead on. O, that a man might
know
The end of this day's business ere it come!
But it sufficeth that the day will end,
And then the end is known. Come, ho! away!

[Exeunt.

Scene II — The same. The Ji eld of battle
Alarum. Enter Brutus and Messala

Bru. Ride, ride, Messala, ride, and give these bills
Unto the legions on the other side. [Loud alarum.
Let them set on at once; for I perceive
But cold demeanour in Octavius' wing,
And sudden push gives them the overflow.
Ride, ride, Messala: let them all come down. [Exeunt.

Scene III — Another part of the field
Alarums, Enter Cassius and TiTiNiqs

Cas. O, look, Titinius, look, the villains fly!
Myself have to mine own turn'd enemy:
This ensign here of mine was turning back;
I slew the coward, and did take it from him.

Tit. O Cassius, Brutus gave the word too eariy;
Who, having some advantage on Octavius,
Took it too eageriy: his soldiers fell to spoil,
Whilst we by Antony are all enclosed.

Enter Pindarus

"Pin. Fly further off, my lord, fly further off;
Mark Antony is in your tents, my lord:
J^/y, therefore, noble Cassius, fly lai oft.

ScekeThbee] JULIUS C^SAR 87

Cos. This hill is far enough. Look, look, Titinius;
Are those my tents where I perceive the fire?

Tit, They are, my lord.

Cos. Titinius, if thou lovest me.

Mount thou my horse, and hide thy spurs in him,
Till Jie have brought thee up to yonder troops,
And here again; that I may rest assured
Whether yond troops are friend or enemy.

Tit. I will be here again, even with a thought.

[Exit

Cos. Go, Pindarus, get higher on that liill; 20

My sight was ever thick; regard Titinius,
And tell me what thou notest about the field.

[Pindarus ascends the hill.
This day I breathed first: time is come round.
And where I did begin, there shall I end;
My life is run his compass. Sirrah, what news?

Pin. [Above] O my lord!

Cas. What news?

Pin. [Above] Titinius is enclosed round about
With horsemen, that make to him on the spur;
Yet he spurs on. Now they are almost on him. so
Now, Titinius! Now some light. O, he lights too.

He's ta'en. [Shout.] And, hark! they shout
for joy.

C(W. Come down, behold no more.
O, coward that I am, to live so long.
To see my best friend ta'en before my face!

Pindarus descends

Come hither, sirrah:

In Parthia did I take tiiee praoTL<et\

88 JULIUS C^SAR [Act Five

And then I swore thee, saving of thy life.

That whatsoever I did bid thee do,

Thou shonldst attempt it. Come now, keep thine

oath; 40

Now be a freeman: and with this good sword.
That ran through Caesar's bowels, search this bosom.
Stand not to answer: here, take thou the hilts;
And, when my face is cover'd, as 't is now.
Guide thou the sword. [Pindarus stabs him,] Caesar,

thou art revenged.
Even with the sword that kill'd thee. [Dies.

Pin, So, I am free; yet would not so have been.
Durst I have done my will. O Cassius,
Far from this country Pindarus shall run.
Where never Roman shall take note of him. [Exit, so

Re-enter Titinius with Messala

Mes, It is but change, Titinius; for Octavius
Is overthrown by noble Brutus' power,
As Cassius' legions are by Antony.

Tit. These tidings will well comfort Cassius.

Mes. Where did you leave him?

Tit. All disconsolate.

With Pindarus his bondman, on this hill.

Mes. Is not that he that lies upon the ground?

Tit. He lies not like the living. O my heart!

Mes. Is not that he?

Tit. No, this was he, Messala,

But Cassius is no more. O setting sun, «<

As in thy red rays thou dost sink to night.
So in bis red blood Cassius' day is set;
Tlie sun of Rome is set ! Our day \s g,oT^^\

Scene Thbee] JULIUS C^SAR 89

Clouds, dews, and dangers come; our deeds are done!
Mistrust of my success hath done this deed.

Mes, Mistrust of good success hath done this
deed.
hateful error, melancholy's child,
Why dost thou show to the apt thoughts of men
The things that are not? O error, soon conceived,
Thou never comest unto a happy birth, 70

But kill'st the mother that engender'd thee!

Tit. What, Pindarus! where art thou, Pindarus?

Mes. Seek him, Titinius, whilst I go to meet
The noble Brutus, thrusting this report
Into his ears; I may say, thrusting it;
For piercing steel and darts envenomed
Shall be as welcome to the ears of Brutus
As tidings of this sight.

Tit. Hie you, Messala,

And I will seek for Pindarus the while.

[Exit Messala.
Why didst thou send me forth, brave Cassius? so

Did I not meet thy friends? and did not they
Put on my brows this wreath of victory,
And bid me give it thee? Didst thou not hear their

shouts?
Alas, thou hast misconstrued every thing!
But, hold thee, take this garland on thy brow;
Thy Brutus bid me give it thee, and I
Will do his bidding. Brutus, come apace.
And see how I regarded Caius Cassius.
By your leave, gods: — this is a Roman's part:
Come, Cassius' sword, and find Titinius' heart. 90

90 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Five

Alarum, Re-enter Messala^ with Brutus, young Cato,
Strato, Volumnius, and Lucilius

Bru, Where, where, Messala, doth his body lie?

Mes, Lo, yonder, and Titinius mourning it.

Bru. Titinius' face is upward.

Caio. He is slain.

Bru. O Julius Caesar, thou art mighty yet!
Thy spirit walks abroad, and turns our swords
In our own proper entrails. [Low alarums.

Caio. Brave Titinius!

Look, whether he have not erown'd dead Cassius!

Bru. Are yet two Romans living such as these?
^ The last of all the Romans, fare thee well !

It is impossible that ever Rome loo

Should breed thy fellow. Friends, I owe moe tears

To this dead man than you shall see me pay.

I shall find time, Cassius, I shall find time.

Come, therefore, and to Thasos send his body:

His funerals shall not be in our camp.

Lest it discomfort us. Lucilius, come;

And come, young Cato; let us to the field.

Labeo and Flavins set our battles on:

'T is three o'clock; and, Romans, yet ere night

We shall try fortune in a second fight. [Exeunt, no

Scene IV — Another part ofthejield

Alarum. Enter Jighting. Soldiers of both armies; then
Brutus, young Cato, Lucilius, atid others

Bru. Yet, countrymen, O, yet hold up your heads !
Ca/o. What bastard doth not? Who will go with
me?

ScOTE Fotm] JULIUS C^SAR 91

I will proclaim my name about the field:
I am the son of Marcus Catb, ho!
A foe to tyrants, and my country's friend;
I am the son of Marcus Cato, ho!

Bru, And I am Brutus, Marcus Brutus, I;
Brutus, my country's friend; know me for Brutus!

[Exit.

Lucil, O young and noble Cato, art thou down?
Why, now thou diest as bravely as Titinius; lo

And mayst be honour'd, being Cato's son.

First Sold. Yield, or thou diest.

Lucil. Only I yield to die:

There is so much that thou wilt kill me straight;

[Offering money.
Kill Brutus, and be honour'd in his death.

First Sold. We must not. A noble prisoner!

Sec. Sold. Room, ho! Tell Antony, Brutus is
ta'en.

First Sold. I'll tell the news. Here comes the
general.

Enter Antony

Brutus is ta'en, Brutus is ta'en, my lord.

Ant. Where is he?

Ludl. Safe, Antony; Brutus is safe enough: 20

I dare assure thee that no enemy
Shall ever take aUve the noble Brutus:
The gods defend him from so great a shame!
When you do find him, or alive or dead.
He will be found like Brutus, like himself.

Ant. This is not Brutus, friend; but, I assure
you.

92 JULIUS CESAR [Act Five

A prize no less in worth: keep this man safe;

Give him all kindness: I had rather have

Such men my friends than enemies. Go on,

And see whether Brutus be aUve or dead; so

And bring us word unto Octavius' tent

How every thing is chanced. [Exeunt,

Scene V. — Another part of thejield
Enter Brutus, Dardanius, Clitus, Strato, and

VOLUMNIUS

Bru, Come, poor remains of friends, rest on this

rock.
Cli. Statilius show'd the torch-light, but, my
lord.
He came not back: he is or ta'en or slain.

Bru. Sit thee down, CUtus: slaying is the
word;
It is a deed in fashion. Hark thee, Clitus.

IWhispers.
Cli. What, I, my lord? No, not for all the world.
Bru, Peace then! no words.
Cli. I'll rather kill myself.

Bru. Hark thee, Dardanius. [Whispers.

Dar. Shall I do such a deed?

Cli. O Dardanius!

Dar. O CUtus! k

Cli. What ill request did Brutus make to thee?
Dar. To kill him, Clitus. Look, he meditates.
Cli. Now is that noble vessel full of grief.
That it runs over even at his eyes.
s^ru. Come hither, good Vo\\imm>]ia\ )i^\. ^.^ot^L.

ScEKE Five] JULIUS CiESAR 93

Vol. What says my lord?

Bru. Why, this, Volumnius:

The ghost of Csesar hath appear'd to me
Two several times by night; at Sardis once,
And, this last night, here in Philippi fields:
I know my hour is come.

Vol. Not so, my lord. «o

Bru. Nay, I am sm'e it is, Volumnius.
Thou seest the world, Volumnius, how it goes;
Our enemies have beat us to the pit: [Low alarums.
It is more worthy to leap in ourselves.
Than tarry till they push us. Good Voluminus,
Thou know'st that we two went to school together:
Even for that our love of old, I prithee,
Hold thou my sword-hilts, whilst I run on it.

Vol. That's not an office for a friend, my lord.

[Alarum still.

Cli. Fly, fly, my lord; there is no tarrying here. so

Bru. Farewell to you; and you; and you, Vol-
umnius.
Strato, thou hast been all this while asleep;
Farewell to thee too, Strato. Countrymen,

/My heart doth joy that yet in all my life
I found no man but he was true to me.
I shall have glory by this losing day
More than Octavius and Mark Antony
By this vile conquest shall attain unto.
So fare you well at once; for Brutus' tongue
Hath almost ended his life's history: 40

Night hangs upon mine eyes; my bones would rest,
That have but labour'd to attain this hour.

[Alarum. Cry loitHxu, ^'^^ , ^^ > ^^^"

94 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Fivi

Cli. Fly, my lord, fly.

Bru, Hence! I will follow.

[Exeunt Clittts^ Dardaniv^y and Volumnius,
I prithee, Strato, stay thou by thy lord:
Thou art a fellow of a good respect;
Thy life hath had some smatch of honour in it:
Hold then my sword, and turn away thy face,
While I do run upon it. Wilt thou, Strato?

Stra. Give me your hand first. Fare you well,

my lord.
Bru. Farewell, good Strato. [Runs on his sword.]

Csesar, now be still: «o

I kill'd not thee with half so good a will. [Dies.

Alarum. Retreat Enter Octavius, Antony, Mes-

SALA, LuciLius, and ike army

Oct. What man is that?

Mes. My master's man. Strato, where is thy
master?

Stra. Free from the bondage you are in, Messala:
The conquerors can but make a* fire of him;
For Brutus only overcame himself.
And no man else hath honour by his death.

Lucil. So Brutus should be found. I thank thee,
Brutus,
That thou hast proved LuciUus' saying true.

Oct. All that served Brutus, I will entertain them. «
Fellow, wilt thou bestow thy time with me?

Stra. Ay, if Messala will prefer me to you.

Oct. Do so, good Messala.

Jf^s. How died my master, Strato?
S/ra. I held the sword, and \i.e did T\m. oxl'-A.*

ScEKK Fiye] JULIUS C^SAR 95

Mes. Octavius, then take him to follow thee,
That did the latest service to my master.

Ant. This was the nobles t Roman of them all: _
All the conspirators save only he
Did that they did in envy of great Caesar; 70

He only, in a general honest thought
And common good to all, made one of them.
His life was gentle, and the elements
So mix'd in him that Nature might stand up
And say to all the world "This was a man!"

Oct. According to his virtue let us use him,
With all respect and rites of burial.
Within my tent his bones to-night shall lie.
Most like a soldier, order'd honourably.
So call the field to rest; and let's away, so

To part the glories of this happy day. [Exeunt.

Abbott

NOTES

ABBREVIATIONS

Abbott's Shakespearian Oramt

FlorF . . . . First Folio (1623) of Shakespe^^^

F 2 Second Folio (1632). ^

F 3 Third FoUo (1663 and 1664).

F 4 Fourth Folio (1685).

Ferrero .... Ferrero's Greatness and Declim

5 vols.
New Eng. Diet. . A New English Dictionary, ed. M
Plutarch .... North's Translation of Plutarch's

For the meaning of words not given in these notes,
is referred to the Glossary at the end of the volume.

The numbering of the lines corresponds to that of
Edition: this applies also to the scenes in prose.

DRAMATIS PERSONS

The principal authority consulted in preparing these
the dramatis personcs has been Ferrero. Taken in com
the extracts from Plutarch (Appendix A), they will sei
how far Shakespeare's presentation of his incidents i
with the facts, as at present understood. The characi
(as Publius, Varro, etc.) are unhistoric.

Gaius Julius Caesar — born 100 (some say 109) b. c.
try was of the noblest blood of the aristocrats. It w«
to reach back on his mother's side to Ancus Marcius,
king, and on his father's to ^neas, the founder of
nation. At the age of fourteen he was made a priest oi
Marius, who had married his aunt, and who was leader
ular as opposed to the aristocratic party in Rome,
seventeen he married Cornelia, the daughter of Cinn
succeeded Marius as leader of the popular party. By tl
his aJiJance with the party of the people was made cc
few months later Sulla, successiuV gei\et«\ oi VJcv^ «xv8
wade dictator and a reign of teitox iox r£\eTc\iet^ o/

NOT

forty began. Sulla demanded t
joung wife because she was Cinna'i
was set on his head, but he was aai
Iprrention of friends. He left lb
Mitylene. then went to Bithynii
On Sulla's death he returned
prosetTited two of Sulla's generals
ttudy oratory under Molan, wh
The adventure -of his capture by ]
to Rhodes. In 7i he raised a si
the towns of Caria. Returning- t<
cessiveLy pontifex, qutestor (68), mt
pistor (SB), and consul (53). Duri
Ids third wife, Pompeiai the gn
believed to have been sei;retly implii
io 66. As eedile, he gave games ai
scss. and restored the trophies of
Bompeia. In 61 he went to Spain
Ids first consulship he married C<
fcrroed a political allianc-e with Pun
fcr five years the proronsulship of
bauese Gaul. From 5H-1!) he wa
Gaul, which he "annexed" in 57, 1;
■^irs at Rome. In 56 the triumv
Imd decided the destinies of the Re
ta be extended for a second U
Kcurred his two invasions of B:
daughter Julia, Pompey'a wife, am
Farthia prepared the way for tl
Rirapey. Civil war finally broke c
Asband his army at the command
Seonte, but instead, crossed the
province, and advanced toward Be
Italy, and then followed Pompey
Pharsalia (48) decided the conlesl
Egypt, where he was assassinated
dented the remainder of the ser
to Rome and turned his attentioi
and to administrative reforms. I
an army against him, and Oesa'

98 JULIUS CiESAR

for life. Successive extraordinary laws, passed at the instance of
his supporters, had conferred upon him virtually royal powers and
honors, when on March 15, 44 b. c, he was assassinated as the
result of a conspiracy formed by about sixty senators.

Octauius Csesar (Gaius Julius Csesar Octauianus) — bom
63 B. c. , the son of Gains Octavius and Attia, a niece of Julius
Csesar. After his father^s death in 58, his mother married L. Mar-
cius Philippus, and Octavius was brought up in the house of his
grandmother, Julia, and enjoyed Caesar's favor. In his will, drawn
up in 45, Caesar adopted him as his son, and in the same year sent
him to Apollonia, in Illyria, with his tutors and sixteen legions.
On the news of Caesar's death he returned to Italy (iiL 1), and
learned that Csesar had made him his heir and adopted him into
the Julian gens. His position was a difficult one. Antony, who
was in possession of Caesar's papers and effects, disregarded his
claims. His youth, his delicate health, and his inexperience in
public affairs made it difficult for him to obtain support. But
Cicero decided to make use of him as an opponent to Antony, and
Octavius became an ally of the Senate, and as such contributed to
the defeat of Antony at Modena, April, 43. Toward the end of
October in the same year, however, he formed an alliance with
Antony and Lepidus (see Appendix B), by which they restored
and divided between themselves Caesar's dictatorship, and after
causing themselves to be named as triumvirs for five years for the
reconstitution of the state {reipuhlicaf eonstitiiendcB), they divided
the provinces among themselves, and decreed wholesale proscrip-
tions of personal enemies, political opponents, and rich citizens
whose wealth could be used for the expenses of the campaign to
recover the eastern provinces ftx)m Brutus and Cassius. They
defeated Brutus and Cassius at Philippi in 49 b. c, and then
engaged in a struggle with each other for supreme power. Hostil-
ities between them first broke out in 40; a treaty was concluded in
the same year, and an uneasy peace was maintained between the
two for several years, with Octavius master of Italy and the West,
and Antony in control of the eastern provinces and Egypt. The
tension increased until the struggle was decided by the battle of
Actium, 31 b. c. In January, 29, on his return to Rome, Octavius
celebrated a three days' triumph, and then turned his attention to
reorganizing the government, providing for a careful observance of
constitutional forms and limitations, with the sanction of Senate
and people, but reserving a controlling authority for himself. In
^^A a the Senate decreed him the titVe oi A.u^^b3&. 'Ctooi^sftfc

NOTES 99

to time his special powers were formally renewed for periods of five
years. He died, 14 a. d., and his name was added to the list of the
national gods.

Marcus Antonius — bom about 83, related on his mother*s side
to Julius Caesar. His early life was profligate; in 58 he fled to
Greece to escape his creditors. In 54 he was one of Csesar^s
officers in Gaul. Through Csesar^s influence he became quaestor,
augur, and tribune (49 r. c). At the outbreak of the Civil War,
however, he fled from Rome and joined Ceesar, who placed him at
the head of his troops in Italy. In 48 he crossed the Adriatic with
reinforcements for Caesar and took part in the battle of Pharsalia.
When Caesar went to Egypt, Antony acted as vice-dictator in Italy.
In 44, being then Caesar's colleague in the consulship, he offered
him a crown on the festival of the Lupercalia. For the events
immediately following, see note on Octavius (above) and Appen-
dix B. In Cilicia (41) he met Cleopatra, Queen of Egypt, and
spent the winter with her in Alexandria. Strained relations with
Octavius led to a brief period of hostilities with him, but negoti-
ttions for peace were made, and the triumvirs reapportioned the
Roman world, Antony receiving Macedonia, Greece, Bithynia,
Asia, S3rria, and Cyrene, and marrying Octavius's sister, his first
wife, Fulvia, having recently died. In 37 r. c. the triumvirate was
renewed for five years. Returning to Syria, he married Cleopatra,
having previously sent Octavia and her children back to Rome.
The Senate decla^red war against Cleopatra and declared his powers
forfeited. After his defeat at Actium, he followed Cleopatra to
Egypt, whither Octavius pursued him. Cleopatra's army and fleet
betrayed him and went over to the enemy; Cleopatra, fearing his
rage, took refiige in her tomb, and gave out that she had killed
herself ; Antony, seeing that all was lost, committed suicide (30 b. c. ).

Marcus Mmilius Lepidus — horn 90 b. c, son of the consul
who died in the revolution of 78, and a boyhood friend of Caesar,
was at the beginning of the Civil War one of Pompey's party in the
Senate. When Caesar entered Rome in 48, Lepidus, who had re-
mained in the city, was selected by Caesar to be made acting con-
sul, and was thenceforward a meml>er of Caesar's party. He was
consul with Caesar in 46, more on account of his wealth and influ-
ence than of his ability. In 44 he was ordered to Narbonese Gaul
with his army, but was still in Rome at the time of Caesar's assassi-
nation. In the days immediately following the Ides of March, he
acted in concert with Antony, with whose support he was elected
pontifex maximus. After this eleclioiv Yve -wewX. \o \v\^ ^^«<vsNSift.,

100 JULIUS CiESAR

In June, 43, he joined his army to that of Antony, and in October
became a member of the triumvirate. During the campaign of
Philippi he was left in Italy with three legions. After the battle
he was deprived of his provinces, but Africa was given to him in
40, and he was included in the triumvirate when it was renewed
in 37. An effort in 36 to regain his lost power was easily thwarted.
His office as pontifex maximus saved him fix)m summary punish-
ment, and he was allowed to retire into private life and to enjoy
his vast fortune. He died in 13 r. c.

Marcus Tullius Cicero — born 106 b. c, at Arpinura, of an
equestrian family. His boyhood was spent at Arpinum and in
Rome, where his father had a town house. He studied literature,
philosophy, dialectic, rhetoric, and law. In 91 he saw service in
the Social War, and in 81 his forensic life began. Shortly afteiv
ward he travelled for two years in the East, studying philosophy
and rhetoric. About the year 77 he married Terentia, a lady of
distinguished and wealthy family. He became queestor in 75,
aedile in 70, and in the latter year successfully prosecuted Verres,
ex-governor of Sicily, for oppression and extortion. He became
praetor in 66 and consul in 63. As consul he denounced and
frustrated the conspiracy of Catiline, receiving as a reward the
title of Father of his Country. Caesar attempted to secure his
support, but finding this impossible, allowed his enemy Clodius to
propose a law banishing him for illegality in his repression of the
conspiracy of 63. Cicero was allowed to return in the following
year, 57. In the Civil War he supported Pompey, but after Phar-
salia became reconciled to Caesar. But Caesar^s dictatorship was
displeasing to him, and he withdrew from politics, devoting him-
self to literature. He was not a party to the assassination (ii. 1.
141-159), but welcomed it, and two days later spoke in the Senate
in favor of a general amnesty. He left Rome September 1 of the
same year, after a bitter public controversy with Antony, but
returned December 9, and became the leader of the republican
party in the Senate. He remained friendly with Octavius, but
maintained a bitter hostility to Antony and Lepidus. He was
among those proscribed, and was slain near Formiae, December 7,
43 (iv. 3. 178). Shakespeare's dramatic scheme allows him no
place in determining the course of events, with the curious result
that the greatest of Roman orators is introduced in the tragedy to
speak eight and a half unimportant lines.
/*cf^/t/s Lssna (properly, Lxnai) — see Appendix A, Plutarch,
Brutus, § 16.

NOTES 101

Marcus Junius Brutus — born about 79 b. c, the son of a father
nf the same name. He claimed descent from the Brutus who
expelled the Tarquins. His father was put to death during the
Civil War of 78 by order of Pompey. In 58 he went to Cyprus
with his uncle, Marcus Porcius Cato. He had been educated with
great care, and at first practiced law. He fought on Pompey*s
side, but after Pharsalia was pardoned by Caesar, and in 46 was
Etppointed by him governor of Cisalpine GauL In 45 he divorced
his wife Claudia and married Portia, the daughter of Cato and
widow of Marcus Bibulus. In 44 he was made city praetor. He
was persuaded by Cassius to join the conspiracy against Caesar,
and became one of the leaders in the assassination. His speech
in the Forum, defending the conspirators, was delivered on the
following day. Popular feeling against Caesar^s murderers so in-
creased that he and Cassius fled from Rome, April 13. Antony
bad a decree passed by which Brutus was to go to Asia and
Cassius to Sicily, to buy com for the state. After some hesita-
tion they accepted the mission, ^us going into voluntary exile.
On reaching Greece, however, Brutus formed, or was persuaded
to head, a revolutionary movement Troops were won over,
9r recruited, and he shortly made himself master of the province
of Macedonia. The Roman Senate, under the influence of Cicero,
approved, and voted to Brutus the pro-consular command of
Macedonia, lUyria, and Greece. After the formation of the tri-
umvirate, Brutus marched into Asia and joined armies with Cas-
sius, January, 4^. After conquering Rhodes and Lycia, and
replenishing their treasure, they invaded Macedonia, where, on
the plains of Philippi, in October, they fought two battles with
the forces of Antony and Octavius. In the first, otherwise inde-
cisive, Cassius was slain, according to the common account, by his
own orders ; in the second, Brutus was defeated, and fell upon his
sword rather than be taken prisoner.

Gams Cassius Longinus — married Junia, the sister of Marcus
Brutus. In 53 he served as quae-stor in the Parthian campaign,
commanding a division of the army in the battle of Carrhae. In
19 he became tribune of the plebs. In the Civil War he com-
manded a division of Pompey^s fleet. In 44 he became praetor
peregrinus. He was the principal organizer of the conspiracy,
which he persuaded Brutus to join. He accepted the mission to
Syria (see note on Marcus Brutus, above) with the intention of
making himself master of the province, and, reauelvvw^ \t vcv «dr
ranee of Do/abella, the pro-cons\i\, swee^^^'cA Nxv ^'^ ^wsnsj,* "Vss.

102 JULIUS C^SAR

June, 43, after the suicide of Dolabella, the latter*s soldiers went
over to Cassius, giving him twelve legions in alL On the news of
the coalition of Antony and Lepidus, the Senate ordered him to
return to Italy, with Brutus, to defend Rome. In August, how-
ever, after Octavius had entered Rome, they were declared public
enemies. At Philippi, his plan was to exhaust the forces of the
enemy by delay, but the impatience of Brutus and of the soldiers
forced him to give battle. Brutus defeated Octavius, but Cassius,
driven back by Antony, believed the day lost, and ordered his
freedman to kill him. Brutus is said to have lamented him as
** the last of the Romans." His body was buried at Thasos.

Publius ServUius Casca was selected by Csesar for appointment
as tribune. He struck the first blow on the Ides of March.
Under the terms of the amnesty of March 17, 44, the appointment
was confirmed by the Senate. His term of office began in the fol-
lowing December. In July, 43, he was present at a conference
with Cicero and others, to take measures against Octavius*s ad-
vance upon Rome. In August, 43, notwithstanding his office, he
was outiawed for contumacy, along with the other conspirators.
He was with Brutus at Philippi (Appendix A, Plutarch, BtiUus,
§ 45), but died shortly afterward.

Gains Trebonius was the son of a rich business man. As
tribune of the plebs in 55, he was an active supporter of Caesar.
From 53 to 49 he was one of Caesar's principal officers in GauL In
49 he was elected praetor. In 45, upon Caesar*s return fix)m Spain,
he already contemplated the formation of a conspiracy to murder
Caesar, and sounded Antony. On the Ides of March his part was
to detain Antony in conversation outside the Senate chamber.
In April he set out for his province of Asia. Early in 43 he
supplied Cassius with funds. He was seized and put to death by
Dolabella at Smyrna in February, 43.

Gains (properly, Qnintns) Ligarins — see Appendix A, Plu-
tarch, Bruttut^ § II. He seems to have perished in the proscriptions
of 43.

Decins (properly, Decimns Jnnins) Bmins — son of the consul
of 77 R. c. As commander of Caesar's fleet he overcame the Veneti
in SQ, He took part in the siege of Alesia in 59, and won a naval
victory during the siege of Marseilles in 49. In 47 he was governor
of Transalpine Gaul. He returned to Rome in February, 44, and
was one of the last to be taken into the conspiracy. It was he,
rather than Marcus Brutus, who had been Caesar's close personal
friend, and who caused Antony's life to be spatxed V? etteto, m, ^'^^

NOTES

He had been i^liosen by C«SAr tc
Gaul, and. with Antony, was made se
•ill. On the Ides of March he led Ci
as£SBglnation, and helped to strike him
province in April, was ordered in July
leceivlng Macedaaia, but refused to sul
EQCCOsfuIly reaistni Antony's attempt I
the union of the armies of Antony and
by his soldiers, and was captured In
chief, who put him to death by Antony'i

Metellus (properly, Lucius Tullius]
for the conspirators to uttaok C£esar{Ap
[ 66). After the amnesty he departed
hod l>een confirmed as governor, and
which he cooperated with Brutus and
Macedonia in i2.

Lucius Coinelius Cinna — son o
Sulla, and thu9 a brother-in-law of Cf
B. c. He was not one of the eonsf
the murder (Appian, h. c. ii. 121} n*
which he called Caesar a tyrant.
other Cinna by the mob on the day

Gaius Helvius Cinna — a poet,
he went to Bilhynia in the suite
Plutarch (Appendix A, Bruhui, %
Cinna, **one of Ceesar's chiefcst
mob on the day of Ctesar's fun
designate the victim as Helvius
Apparently the former friend of (
by Ctesar. Shakespeare alters E
rioters kill him in mere wantonM

Plainus and ManiUus ~ aee A

Arlemulorus — see Appendix

(U. 35U, note) gives reasons for

mroiDgs given to Oesar. If tl

tt would have come to the es

Uthfill friends.

A soothEayer — see Appendh

Another poet — see Appeiidl'

Sliakegpcarc's alterations,

lucttiul — see Aflifettdi*. A,

TiHnnu — w» i.^»r^^6a-*fc

104 JULIUS CiESAR [Act One

Marcus Valerius Messala Corvinus — of an ancient noble
family. In March, 43, he went to Macedonia to serve under
Brutus. He fought at Philippi, was present at Brutus*s death,
and in after life cherished and honored his memory. After Phi-
lippi he became associated first with Antony, and later with
Octavius. He was made consul by the latter in 31, and held a
naval command at Actium. In 34 he led a military expedition
against the Salassi (in the modern Val d'Aosta). In 37 Augus-
tus chose him for prcsfectua urbi, to govern Rome in his stead
during his absences on campaign; but he resigned almost imme-
diately, protesting that the office was unconstitutional He be-
came the friend of Horace and Tibullus, and devoted his last years
to authorship.

Young {Marcius Porcius) Cato — son of Cato Uticensis, who
killed himself rather than surrender to Caesar, 46 b. c. He passed
for indolent and dissolute, but redeemed himself by his heroic
death at Philippi.

Publius Volumnius — ** a grave and wise philosopher that had
been with Brutus from the beginning of this war," — Appendix A,
Plutarch, Brutus, § 48 ; see also §§ 51, 52,

Strata — see Appendix A, Plutarch, Brutus, § 62.

Dardanius (properly, Dardanus) — see Appendix A, Plutarch,
Brutus, §§ 51, 59.

Pindarus — see Appendix A, Plutarch, Brutus^ § 43.

Caipurnia — Caesar*s fourth wife, whom he married in 59;
daughter of Lucius Calpumius Piso, consul in 58.

Portia (properly, Porcia) — see Appendix A, Plutarch, Brutus,
13, 15, 53.

ACT I -SCENE 1

The play commences with comedy. The mob is like all Shake-
speare's mobs — much excited at the prospect of a show, very
ready to be quite sure that the last speaker is the wisest, and very
ready to appreciate a joke however small, if it is only sufficiently
obvious. Their politics are entirely personal, and they all start
prepared to shout for Caesar because Caesar is giving them a show.
The tribunes, on the other hand, are party politicians, not so
much opponents of Caesarism, as partisans of the dead Pompey.
Csesar ** went into Spain to make war with the sons of Pompey. . .
TA/s was the last war that Caesar made. BvjX-XiiYe X.waso.'^^^^X.VsiR.

trs Oke] notes 105

le into Rome for the same did as much offend the Romans, and
e, than anything that ever he had done before: because he had
overcome captains that were strangers, nor barbarous kings, but
destroyed the sons of the noblest man of Rome, whom fortune
overthrown." (North's Pltttarch,)

his triumph took place in October (b. c. 45); but the action of
tribunes, as here related, was taken at the Lupercalia. Shake-
ire has taken the license of combining the two events,
he extracts ftrom North's PltUarch, given in Appendix A,
lid be consulted in studying this and each succeeding scene.

mechanical. See Glossary.

ought not walk. From about 1900 to Shakespeare's time
ht, in this sense, was followed by the infinitive alone or by the
litive with to. See New Eng. Diet, under ought and to,
, 6. sign Of your profession, tools employed or garments
n in the exercise of the particular trade, as in line 7.

what trade. Of what trade ; compare i. 2. 300.
). in respect of^ in comparison with.

L cobbler. Not quite a pun, but a play on two senses of the
e word: mender of shoes, and bungler.
2. directly. See Glossary.

h be not out with me. Cf. such phrases as ** to be put out,"
fallout"

). if you be out. Cf. the phrase, " out at the elbows."
r. with awl. I. Fol. withal 1. But we may safely assume
: the pun is intended.

). recover. Meaning both re-cover and cure (cause to re-
sr).

proper. See Glossary.
}. neat's leather. See Glossary.

7. pass the streets. The omission of the preposition with
>s of motion is common: cf. i. 2. 110, " arrive the point pro-
sd." So we can say "reach" or "reach to," "attain" or
tain to."

}. That, for 8o that. This is very frequent in Shakespeare.
her banks. In Latin, rivers are always masculine, and Tiber
' Father Tiber"; but the Elizabethans freely personified rivers
ieminine.

1. replication. See Glossary.

L cull out, pick out; I «. " is this a day to choose for a holiday? "
6. Pompey's blood, Pompey's sons, one of 'vVvom, G\sAft»&^
been killed at Munda. This ttmmpYv ^«a "m ^low^^s^^^^ ^^

106 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Oke

that victory. The triumph may have been, in form, to c^ebrate
the defeat of the Lusitanians only, as Mommsen thinks; but in
spirit and effect it was a triumph over Pompey's sons.

66. whether. The Folios print where^ as also v. 3. 97 and v. 4.
30, showing that the word was pronounced at times as a mono-
syllable, the th being silent

70. ceremonies, an abstract term used for the concrete thing.
Ceremony usually means an act; here it means the material decora-
tion which is the mark of the act. In verse the word sometimes
has its ordinary prose pronunciation (as in 1. 2. 11), but sometimes
(as here) it is metrically equivalent to a trisyllable, with secondary
stress on the last syllable. Whether in such cases the second
syllable is to be regarded as entirely suppressed, or the first two
are to be pronounced in the time of one ** long ** syllable, cannot
be determined with certainty. When (as in ii 2. 13) the word
ends a line, either pronunciation is possible.

72. Lupercal. See Glossary. See also next scene, and its
source in Plutarch.

78. pitch. See Glossary.

SCENE 2

This scene introduces all the principal characters, and gives the
keynote of their temperaments. Ceesar has the manner of one who
takes for granted that his orders will be obeyed and his opinion
accepted, without question or doubt. Brutus is aloof and mourn-
ful, his mind preyed upon by imaginary bookish ideals, but ap*
parently without any notion that he could have any initiative in
changing the course of events, till the idea is subtly suggested by
Cassius. Cassius himself, the prime conspirator, shows all his
characteristics.

*' Such men as he be never at heart's ease.
Whiles they behold a greater than themselves."

Sheer jealousy is his strongest motive, and mixed up with it a cer-
tain republican and patriotic sentiment. He plays skilfully upon
Brutus's self-esteem — and Brutus is always the victim of an adroit
flatterer. Casca belongs to the type of man who prides himself on
his bluntness, but is a child in the hands of a clever manipulator.
What positions in the state did Ce&sar and Antony hold at this
time?

ScDOE Two] NOTES 107

9. sterile curse, curse which makes sterile ; the adjective which
usually signifies an effect, here signifies the cause. Cf. As You
Like li, iL 7. 139, ** Oppressed with two weak evils, age and
hunger.'*

19. ides of March, See Glossary. What is the effect upon
Csesar of the soothsayer's warning?

24. Pass, let us pass on.

29. quick spirit, lively humor, or fondness for gaiety. Brutus,
lacking the quality himself, counts it a mark of incapacity in
anyone who has it. Spirit is here metrically equivalent to a
monosyllable; cf. note to i. 1. 70.

83, 84. that gentleness ... as. We use ** which " as relative
to "that" antecedent; "as" relative to "such" antecedent
These are often interchanged in Shakespeare, and we have "that
as " or " such which. " Cf. line 174 —

" Under these hard conditions as this time
Is like to lay upon us ";

and i. 3. 116, " such a man That is no fleering tell-tale."

85, 86. bear ... a hand Over, hold in check, as a rider (cf.
" bearing rein "). The sense would seem to be much the same as
to " ride on the curb."

40. passions of some difference, contending feelings.

42. soU, See Glossary.

behaviours. Shakespeare often uses a plural form to imply
repetition, or for some like purpose, where we keep to the sing^ular.
Thus behaviotirs means "behavior on several occasions"; and
where several people are of the same opinion, he would still write
"in their opinions." Cf. ii. 1. 148.

46. construe any further, find more meaning in.

48. mistook. When, by the loss of inflectional terminations,
the past tense and past participle of regular verbs in English came
to be alike, the two forms were in many other verbs used without
distinction. Some of these usages, as " I have stood," have been
retained.

68. shadow. See Glossary.

59. Where, used loosely in many cases where we should expect
to find "when."

60. ifrmwrtal. Observe the irony of this epithet, in connection
with the speech, 90-131.

62. had his eyes. This seems to be a gramma.t\eal slv^x «& KiM^
to make the meaning consistent, sbo\iVd xeiet \ft >QoR %jQics^^s5^\*^^

108 JULIUS CiESAR [Act One

point being that Brutus should have eyes with which he could see
himself; the construction being as though Cassius had said ^^many
a one , . . has wished." But the obvious sense, *' could see," may
be all that is intended.

71. je(dous. See Glossary.
on. Of and on are frequently interchangeable in Shakespeare*s

language. One may be sent on or of a message, have hair of or on I
one's face, etc.

72. laugher. Ff. laughter. The correction is Pope's. If the
Folio reading is right, ** laughter " would mean '• object of
laughter," as we use ♦* scorn " = " object of scorn."

73. stale. See Glossary.
ordinary oaths, oaths of which I make frequent use.

76. scandal. See Glossary.

77. profess myself: either "parade my feelings" or "make
profession of friendship," as in Wint&r's Tale^ L 2. 456, •* dis-
honoured by a man which ever professed to him. "

86, 87. " If honor and death must be looked upon together, I
will look on them together without trouble of mind."

90-131. The bearing of this speech is that Caesar is a mere
mortal, and very subject to the ills of the flesh; it develops the
angry irony of " immortal Caesar " in 1. 60. Cassius is not arguing
that Caesar is an incompetent person, but that he is being treated
as a deity when he is nothing of the kind, as his infirmity proves.

91. favour. See Glossary.

96. lief. See Glossary.

100. Caesar is said to have been a great swimmer. A story of
his swimming for life, holding one hand with documents in it clear
of the water all the time, is related by Suetonius and Plutarch.
This, and Plutarch's statement that he had an attack of epilepsy at
Corduba (Cordova) in Spain, gave Shakespeare the hint for Cassius's
two anecdotes.

109. hearts of controversy, i.e, of emulation; like "passions
of difference," 1. 40.

110. arrive the point. Cf. " pass the streets," 1. 47, and note.
112-114. Anchises, king of Dardanus on Mount Ida, was the

father of ^neas by Venus. At the sack of Troy ^neas bore his
tather from the burning town upon his shoulders. Roman legend
regarded ^neas as the progenitor of the Roman people; see
YergiVs ^neid. Book I.

115, Did I. The subject is repeated, as if the speaker, in his
excitement bad fotgotten the beginnmg oi \\V& seD\«acfc.

ScEWE Two] NOTPS 109

119. a fever . . ,in Spain. Apparently suggested by Plutarch:
" often subject to headache, and otherwhile to the falling sickness
(the which took him the first time, as it is reported, in Corduba, a
city of Spain)."

122. The natural form would be that the color fled from the lips.
Cassias inverts it, in order to suggest the idea of a coward desert-
ing his colors.

128. bend. See Glossary.

124. his. Genitive of "it." The form "its" was in Shake-
speare's time just coming into use; it is found only ten times in the
entire First Folio, and only in the plays not previously printed.

ISO, 181. The metaphor is of course from foot-racing.

186. Colossus, the famous Colossus of Rhodes, a huge brazen
figure traditionally declared to have stood astride the entrance of
the harbor at Rhodes, and to have been of such a size that vessels
in full sail passed in and out between the legs.

142. ff. Having led up to the position that Caesar is at best
merely a man, Cassius now suggests that Brutus is as good a man;
seeking to make Brutus feel the difference between them as a per-
sonal slight. Having hinted the flattery, he does not press it, but
begins to stir up the republican sentiment which he knows he must
persuade Brutus to regard as his only real motive.

146. conjure with 'em, use the names as words of power to
summon up spirits.

162. the great flood. The reference to the deluge is not out of
place for a Roman, though it may be doubted whether the specific
Greek or Roman version of the story was in Shakespeare's mind.
The story finds a place in nearly every mythology. In the most
familiar classical version, there was a universal deluge ftrom which
there escaped only Deucalion and his wife Pyrrha. By advice of
an oracle, they then threw stones behind them which were turned
into men and women, whereby the world was repeopled.

163. But = except, unless : as in the proverb, " It never rains
but it pours."

166. Rome . . . room. The pronunciation of the words was
almost identical. Shakespeare did not hesitate to play upon words
in the gravest passages. How often before has Cassius played
upon words in this scene?

167, one. Observe that this was pronounced " own."

169. There was a Brutus, Lucius Junius Brutus, who expelled
the Tarquins; from him Marcus Brutus claimed descent.
ISO, eternaU Johnson proposed to xea^ mJwiwiX. ^^xfiss^Ma.-

no JULIUS CiESAR [ Act Oke

tators may differ as to whether " eternal *' or '* infernal *' is the more
forcible epithet — the text seems to me preferable. But it is quite
possible that Shakespeare wrote *' infernal,** and that he or the
printer changed it to avoid trouble from the act of James I *' to
restrain the abuses of players ** in the use of profane language.
Many such alterations certainly were made.

162. Jealous. Cf. L 71.

163. aim. See Glossary.

172-173. had rather be . . , Than to repute hhnself. Here
we have the sign of the infinitive omitted and inserted after the
same verb. See New Eng, Diet, under to,

174. these . . . as. See note on 1. 33, " that gentleness . . .
as."

193. Sleek-headed men. Find the corresponding passages in
North's Plutarch.

197. well given, well disposed.

204. What is the significance of ** he hears no music "? Quote
from The Merchant of Venice.

213. this ear is deaf. Another touch of mortality in the
immortal Csesar.

216. Casca. At the beginning of the scene Casca was to the
front in calling for silence for Caesar. As soon as he is with
Cassius he instinctively changes his tone.

230. gentler than other. ** Gentler'* is here an adverb;
"other " is equivalent (as in the expression ** each other " ) to "the
other."

245. hooted. See Glossary.

249. swounded. See Glossary.

253. market-place, the Forum, so called by North.

256. falling sickness, epilepsy. The name is used by North.

267. plucked me ope. " Me " is dative of reference or concern.
doublet. Shakespeare writes as if the Romans dressed like

Elizabethans. Cf. '* unbraced " which occurs at i. 3. 48, and ii. 1.
262. Passages like this remind us that the actors of Shakespeare's
time wore the costume of their own day, whatever the period
represented by the play.

268. An. See Glossary.
occupation. See Glossary.

282. Why did Cicero speak in Greek? What, apparently, did
he say ?
SOO, qu/ck mettle. Of high spirit See Glossary under th«
separate words, and cf. i. 1. 5.

Scene Three] NOTES 111

308-810. What is the significance of this appointment?

811. the world. That is, the state of subjection to Caesar in
which the world now is.

814. From that it is disposed, i.s. ft*om that to which it is dis-
posed. The omission of the relative is by no means rare, whether
as suliject or object The omission of the preposition is analogous
to that in i. 1. 47, where see note.

317. bear me hard, regard me with dislike or iU-wiU. So ii. 1.
215 and ia 1. 157.

819. He, Caesar; or possibly Cassius is sneering at Brutus for
being led so easily by his own rhetoric, in which case " he " would
mean Brutus. This does not seem to agree with the very strong
affection he obviously had for Brutus; yet, considering the careful
skill with which he employs conscious flattery to effect his pur-
pose, it is not impossible. Cf. the lines in the speech immediately
following.

325, 326. Closing the scene with a rhymed couplet is very fre-
quent in the earlier plays: less usual in the later ones. Bat most
of the plays end with a couplet. Other instances in this play are at
ii. 3, V. 3, and the close of the play.

SCENE 3

A month has elapsed since the conspiracy was first set on foot

Cicero is sententious, and wears an air of philosophic calm. He
was indeed prouder of his philosophy than of his oratory. In the
combination of this with the previous description of him, i. 9. 185-8,
a singularly complete picture of the man is given. Casca, as
always, allows the moment^s mood to control him, and the mood
itself is controlled by the immediate circumstances. Both are in
strong contrast to Cassius, to whom the conditions of the moment
are of interest just so far as he sees his way to making use of them
for the end he holds steadily and unceasingly in view.

Why does Casca carry his sword drawn as he enters ?

1« hrgught, attended We commonly use bring and take in the
two specific senses which are both covered by bring in Shakespeare,
who would say "bring him away."

8. sway. See Glossary.

6. rived. The older and historically correct form is riv«n.
This later formation failed to hold its place in the language. Cf .
iv. a 85.

112 JULIUS CESAR [ActOnb

11. civU strife in heaven, civil war among the gods.

14. more wonderful: either "saw you anything else wonder-
ful" or ♦' anything more wonderful than you have seen before."

16-18. These lines are Plutarch turned into poetry. A careful
comparison of the wording of the two passages is instructive.

21. glared. Pope^s unnecessary emendation. Folios, glazsdy a
word still in dialectal use in England in the meaning " stared."

26. the bird of night. The owl has always been regarded as
an uncanny bird, both on account of its ordinary habits and its cry.
For a solitary night-bird to appear in the crowded market-placeLin
broad day was of course peculiarly ominous.

32. climate. See Glossary.

35. Clean from the purpose. From in the sense, ** apart from,**
without a verb of motion, occurs several times in this play, e.g, ii.
1. 196.

39. sky. See Glossary.

48. unbraced. Cf. i. 9. 267 and note, and see Glossary.

49. thunder-stone. Cf. "the all-dreaded thunder-stone" in
Cymbeline, iv. 2. 271, The lightning flash was supposed to be
accompanied literally by the fall of a " thunderbolt"

60. put on fear, show signs of fear, as in ii. 1. 995, " Liet not our
looks put on our purposes."

cast yourself in wonder, into wonder, as we speak of " throw-
ing " a person into confusion or amazement.

62-66. The construction in these lines is quite lost, not without
a certain dramatic fitness. It would be made rather less irregular
by transposing 64 and 65 ; but there is no ground for demanding
the change, and even then strict regularity would not result.

6b. fool, Ff. fools. The text was Mitford's conjecture, as
" calculating " is scarcely out of order of nature for old men.
calculate. See Glossary.

68. monstrous. See Glossary. The general sense of the passage
is, "These abnormal natural appearances are warnings of an
abnormal condition of affairs."

75. the lion in the Capitol, Either Shakespeare thought of the
Capitol as a sort of Roman Tower of London (where lions were
habitually kept), or the lion is the one mentioned in 1. 90.

76. than , . . me, A very ordinary grammatical error in collo-
quial usage, arising no doubt from the vague idea that than is a
preposition. But me and him when / and he are demanded by

sMct g^rammar, and (less frequently) the converse, are not much
rarer in Shakespeare than in common coTvvets,a\AOii.

Scene Three] NOTES 113

77. prodigious. The idea of size may be present here, though
secondary ; as Cassius has ab'eady to Brutus spoken of Caesar as a
Colossus.

82. woe the while , woe the time, %,e, woe for the time, as we
may say, *' alas the day."

88. with instead of hy for agent or instrument is hardly rare
now, and was commoner still in Shakespcare*s day.

84. sufferance. See Glossary.

87. shall wear, is to wear.

89-115. If a little bombastic, this speech has the ring of genuine
feeling in it Cassius is not merely stirred by envy. The student
should note passages bringing out this side of C€issius*s character.
In the very next speech it is envy that predominates again.

98. The familiar lines, *' Stone walls do not a prison make,** will
occur to the reader. Cassius^s point, however, is different — that a
prisoner can end his captivity by suicide.

101, 102. bondman . . . cancel, Casca plays on the two senses
of bondy the fetters of a slave, and a binding legal document

114. " I shall have to answer for my words."

116. indifferent, of no moment ; because they can be escaped
by death. As an Epicurean (v. 1. 76) Ccissius counts suicide as a
mere question of convenience; to Brutus, the Stoic, suicide is only
a last resort to escape disgrace.

116, 117. such a man That, See i. 2, 33 and note.

118. factious. See Glossary.

122. Some certain: either some or certain is merely redundant

126. Pompey's porch. The theatre and curia of Pompey,
where Pompey's statue stood, were in the Campus Martins. The
site wiU be found indicated on any map of ancient Rome of this
period. Observe that Shakespeare represents these buildings as
being on the Capitoline hill

128. element. See Glossary.

129. In favour's. The Folios read is Favors. See i. 2, 91 and
Glossary.

183. where. This use of where as the equivalent of whither
has since Shakespeare's time become almost universal in ordinary
speech.

184. Metellus Cimber, North (following Amyot in both cases)
g^ves the name in this form in his lAfe of Ccesar and in its correct
form, Tullius Cimber, in that of Brutus,

138« incorporate. See Glossary, and com^ate " d^&^xojc^" v«.*^.
155.

114 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Two

144. Where Brutus may but find it: either (1) ** cannot but
find it**; or (9) ''where only Brutus can find it** See Glossary
s. V. But,

146. old Brutus. Cf. i. 2, 159, note.

148. Is, The singular verb with plural subject may here be ex-
plained; the verb is spoken while only one subject (Decius) is in
the speaker's mind, Trebonius being added as an afterthought
But cf. note on iiL 2. 29,

Decius Brutus, Shakespeare here follows North, who fol-
lows Amyot. The name should be Decimus Brutus. Decimus
Bnitus was quite as prominent and active a member of the con-
spiracy as Marcus Brutus: he was in every respect a no less impor-
tant person; from Cicero*s letters, at this period, it is evident that
he was regarded as one of the heads of the whole movement.

162. Pompey's theatre. See note on '* Pompey*s porch," L 126.

169. countenance. See Glossary.

162. conceited. See Glossary and iii. 1. 199. Here the word
may involve a further allusion to the fanciful metaphor or ** con-
ceit ** used by Casca.

ACT II — SCENE 1

The first Act gave the preliminary stages: the second is the com-
pletion of the conspiracy.

The conspirators hold their final meeting, all coming together
for the first time. A further revelation of the pathetic and trust-
' fill turn of Brutus*s character is given, as well as of the combina-
tion of his desire to follow the course which patriotism sets before
him, with his intellectual incompetence for judging either the men
or the circumstances with which he has to deal.

6. When. See Glossary.

10-34. How does this speech of Brutus connect the scene with
what has gone before ?

12. the general. See Glossary.

14. brings forth the adder, i.e, (as shown by 1. 33) hatches
it. The coronation of Caesar will hatch the adder cmd g^ve Csesar
a sting: as the bright day makes a dangerous snake from a harm-
less egg, Brutus knows of the Senate*s intention to offer Csesar
a crown, and he argues that though Caesar has hitherto acted with
moderation and judgment, this may remove the cause of his moder-
ation, and so the danger is too great; tVveTeiot^\X\^ (possible) adder
aiust be killed before it \s hatched.

S™: 0«1 NOTES

I To CassiuB, the practical, it is Ciesar's po
bi B git ua ^ th elaiHinental. II is the fonii
his arguraent has a practitaT side, in tB.
■Ofolty may also lead to Cssar using his ]
though no new powers would be i,-nnferred
Wemay compare the belief under the Co
veil was anxious for the title of king, an
thereby; though similarly his coronation
him larger powers.

S. Croum him ? — that; — The meani
understood hy recalling llamlH, iii. 1. ifl
that is the question,"

18-27. See Glossary under remorse a
rulty in the passage is that " affections.*
used of the selfish passions, those oppc
ihuse of power, tyranny, consists in beii
tar controUed his natural inclination by
•ttun unlimited power, and he may cast
21. proof. Sec Glossary.
26. base degrees. See Glossary.
28,39. Ike quarrel Will bear, ett
quarrel with him cannot be justified
actually is. state the case in this way.'

82-31. Do you think that Brutus
Ctcsar on this grou nd ?
33. land. See Glossary.
87. What Is the " paper, thus j
M. ides. Early edd. Jirtt. Ei
or of the printers, as is proved
speare'a, may have been partly d
Utreh to " the first of March."
44. exhalations. See Glosaai
46i see thyself. The phrase
47. Ac. Read " et cetera,"
50. took. See i. 3. 414, note
I S3. Mg ancestors, Lucius J'
sentimeiital view of a practii
I Brutus.

kB6. Speak, strike. Each of
gi»inj|[ it the force of a font Ir
M- fouTleen. P(. JE/t-!-"
:|l«;ni\\\a.w ■^wiao^.'^'^

116 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Tiw

as in French to-day a week is called ** eight days,** and a fortnig^
"fifteen days.**

64. motion. See Glossary.

66-69. " The genius, or power that watches for his protection
and the mortal instruments, the passions, which excite him to i
deed of honour and danger, are in council and debate: when th<
desire of action, and the care of safety, keep the mind in continua
fluctuation and disturbance.** (Johnson.) Evidently Johnson takei
Oenius as a guardian spirit (as it appears always to be used), op
posed to the mortal passions of the fiesh, which are in couneUy ie.
" in debate *' together. Others take mortal as " deadly.** The in
strwmenis may also be the " organs** rather them the " passions";
but on the whole Johnson *s rendering seems the least difficult.

67. state, a frequent metaphor.

69. insurrection. Cf. i. 2. 46, •♦ Brutus, with himself at war."

70. brother. Cassius*s wife was Brutus*s sister.
72. moe» See Glossary.

77. faction. See Glossary.

83. path. The use of a substantive as a verb has so man]
parallels (Abbott, § 290) that the text may be correct. Pow*, thy
pace, thy; piU thy have all been suggested, cmd may any of then
be right.

native, natural.

84. Erebus, one of the divisions of the infernal regions, when
the light was fabled to be dim.

^ 101-111. The casual character of this conversation may be takei
either as a mark of extreme anxiety, or of heedlessness. Which ?
104. fret, " The breaking of the edges of the clouds with light
is the idea conveyed.

107. growing on, encroaching on.

108. Weighing, i.e, if you weigh or consider how young th"
year is. As it was almost the equinox, Casca*s calculations ar
not very accurate. Sunrise would be very nearly due east.

111. the Capitol, Cf. note on i. 3. 75. Possibly the fact tha
the Tower of London was due east of the Globe Theatre may hav
been in Shakespeare*s mind.

114. face of men, i,e, the sense of danger and anxiety whid
we see on men*s faces.

114-116. The construction is changed in the course of the sen
tence. " If these things are not motive strong enough ** is the fort
intended at Brst
116, sujg^erance. See Glossary.

ScEKE One] NOTES 1 1 7

123. What need we » why need we.
126. palter. See Glossary.

129. Swear priests: " to swear " is still used transitively as
well as intransitively. We talk of '* swearing a witness," " swear-
ing a m€in to secrecy. "

cautelous. See Glossary.

130. carrion occurs several times as a term of contempt in
Shakespeare.

130, 131. such . . . souls That Cf. note on i. 2, 33.

133. even. See Glossary.

134. insuppressive. See Glossary.
136. To think, by thinking. The infinitive is thus frequently

used for the gerund. Cf. ii. 2, 119, " I am to blame to be thus
waited for,** and iii. S. 108, ** What cause withholds you then to
mourn for him ? "

or ... or for *' either ... or *' is common.

138. a several bastardy, is separately the cause of an illegiti-
mate act. Every particle of the man is responsible for his act

141. shall we sound him. Note the emphasis on Aim, marked
by the scansion of the line. Line 183 presents an exact parallel.

146. silver hairs. What was Cicero's age? — Note the play
upon the words silver and purchase,

148. youths. For the plural, see note on ** behaviours,** i. 9. 49.

ite. break with him, make disclosure to him: so frequently.

163. Notice that whereas Cassius merely assents to Brutus*s
, objection, without confirming it, Casca veers completely round.

166. C'assius, practical as usual, urge^ the direct advantages of
removing Antony. Brutus is impressed, also as usual, by the
sentimental aspect of the question. And as usual, Cassius gives
way to Brutus.

167. find of him: a common construction, analogous to oui
•• make a fool of."

162. Brutus has a fine confidence, not only that the motives of
khis fellow-conspirators are as pure as his own, but that their purity
(must be readily and proudly recognized. Cassius prefers a less^

hypothetical security.

163. To cut the head off: another instance of the infinitive
used as gerund. Cf. above, 1. 135 and note.

166. For the scansion see Appendix C, § 5 (iv).
169. come by, get possession of.

174, MaloDe quotes North*s PlittarcK; \v^ ^^ ^^ Xnsm^&s^ «s!w^
mangled among them as a wild beast taikew oi VwLwXft't^'*^

118 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Two

176. as subtle masters do. The standing example in En^h
history is that of Henry II and the murder of Becket. An in-
stance from Shakespeare is the murder of Richard 11.

181. Is Brutus wise in dissuading the conspirators from killing
Antony along with Caesar?

183. him, emphatic, as in 1. 141.

184. ingrttfted love, love that is so firmly fixed in him as to
have become a part of him.

187. take thought, Cf. *' Which of you by taking thought can
add one cubit to his stature?" (Bible.)

188. And that were much, cmd that would be a great deal for
\ him. Brutus is quite incapable of realizing the force that may be
/ hidden behind so frivolous an exterior.

190. fear. See Glossary.

191. Clock strikes. This is an anachronism. Cf. ii. 4. 92, note. —
Observe also the careful marking of time in these scenes leading up
to the murder. It is eight when the conspirators summon Caesar
(ii. 2. 114), and ** the ninth hour " when the soothsayer goes to meet
him.

194. Whether, Cf. i. 1. 66, note.

196. Quite from the main opinion. Cf. "clecmfrom the pur-
pose," i. 3. 35.

main. See Glossary.

197. ceremonies, superstitious notions — the third sense in
which the word has occurred in this play ; see i. 1. 70, 2. 11.

198. apparent: not "seeming" but "which have appeared " or
possibly "evident"; but the latter is unlikely, as Cassius professes
disbelief in omens (v. 1. 78).

200. augur ers. The ordinary form " augur " never occurs as a
substantive in the plays, except in a doubtful passage in Mcujbsth,
The augurs were professional interpreters of omens, more especiaUy
of those obtained from sacrifices. Neither the state nor individuals
ordinarily set about any important business without inquiring
whether the omens were favorable.

203. Bacon in his essay Of Friendship has the following: —
" With Julius Caesar, Decimus Brutus had obtained that interest as
he set him down in his testament for heir in remainder after his
nephew. And this was the man that had power with him to draw
him forth to his death; for when Caesar would have discharged the
Senate, in regard of some ill presages, and specially a dream of
Ck/pumla, this man lifted him gently by 'the arm out of his chair,
telling him he hoped he would not dismVss tVve ^waXfc ^^\»&^ir^tt

ScwB Owe) NOTES

had dreamt a better dream. And it Beeraeth I
as Aotoiiius, in a. letter which is recited verbt
Fkilippiet, calleth him venefica (wit(:h) as '

2U. Unicorns were supposed to be capb
standing against a tree, and stepping as
charged, ao tliat it drove its horn into tlii

20G, *' Bears are reported tc) have Ijeen
■ mirror, whieh they would gaze on. off
opportunity of taking the surer aim. El
pitfalls, lightly covered with hurdles si
hftil to tempt them was exposed." (Ste

216. bear Cssar hard. Cf. i. 2. 317

218. by him, by way of his house.

220. fasMon him, mould hirai mu
thus."

226. ^( on, wear the appearance 01
i. 3. 60.

327. formal. See Glossarj'.

230. honey-heavy dew, dew heav
perhaps referring to the glutinous de
There was, however, a popular belie'
generated by dew.

231. figures. See Glossary.
284, Portia plays a very small p

and complete figure. Her strengl
her teudemesij, her persistency, am
The account of Portia's argument*
directly from Plutarch.

836. condition, of body. Belt
by itself, for '■ condition of mi)
condition " probably means thi
Plutarch Bays she had brought
and Brutus would have known
cealed the cause,

237. Nor for yours neithe
monly used in English from
Shakespeare's time.

238. Stole. Cf. note on i. i
246. leafture. SeeGlosuu

^rtK. humovn.

120 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Two

266. Dear my lord. This order (descriptive adjective, possessive
adjective, noun), of wider use in earlier English, is used by
Shakespeare only in address: "Good my lord," "Sweet mj
child," etc.

266. yow cause of grief, the cause of your grief.

261. physical. See Glossary.

262. unbraced. So in i. 3. 48, Cassius walked "unbraced."
See i. 2. 967, note.

283. in sort, in a manner, Le, only after a fashion.

296. Cato, M. Porcius Cato, who is the proverbial type of antique
Roman virtue in an age of moral decay.

308. characiery. See Glossary.

311. Caius Ligarius. Rightly Quintus Ligarius. North has a
marginal note, taken from Amyot, " In another place they call him
Quintus." The mistake is Plutarch's.

313. Vouchsafe, vouchsafe to receive.

316. kerchief. See Glossary.

319. Had you, an imperfect harmony of tenses; "which I would
tell you of" is understood.

321. / here discard my sickness. With these words Ligarius
probably removes or throws away his "kerchief."

323. exorcist. See Glossary.

324. rriortified. See Glossary.

327-328. Explain the meaning of these two lines.
331. To whom it must be done, %.e. " to him to whom it
must be done " = " on our way to the Capitol, where we shall find
Caesar." This is a very exceptional construction, based on an ex-
tension of the usage by which " who " is the equivalent of "he
who" or " him who." It is paralleled in Tennyson's Sir Oalahad,
13-14.

** How sweet are looks that ladies bend
On whom their favors fall! "

Here " on whom " = " on those on whom." The Shakespearean
passage has the additional peculiarity that not only must the word
"to" be counted twice, but it must be taken in two different
senses.

SCENE 2

It is clear that Csesar is really uneasy at the omens and portents,
but will not confess so much even to Vv\iiise\i. H^ %eems to have
arrived at a half-belief in his own supetiont^ \o Wve ^as^t^x^Q^l ^st^

XOTES

1 real contempt for thi
tith a feeling that there is danger in the
The difference in theattitudeof Calpui
to Brutus is very marked.
nu/ht-r/iriPH. See Glossary.
1. tiave been in strirt grammar shoul
pets being connected by a disjunctive ci
3. Who's u/ilhm? not an inquiry, I
more commonly, '• Who's there?"
B. present. See Glossary.
6. opinions. Cf. "trehaviours," i. 2.
where we should probably use the singul
13. stood on, insisted on, made much
ceremonies, superstitious ideas, us f
14-16. There is one . . . recounts.
tive is common.

19. fought. Ff. Jiffht. Dyce's corr
mony of lenses.
26. use. See Glossary.
87. Whose end, purpose, object
Idnd of fatalism w]iich is old as Hum
gods arrange a certain number of
humanity to settle minor matters,
are not among the inevitable dec
imply that in Csesar's view the hoi
things foredoomed.

80-33. Ct North: "And whe

him to have a guard for the safetr

offer themselves to serve him, h

said, ' It was better to die once U

38, (osdV/orfh. acase wh^

may be inserted or omitted at pi

78. slatua. The Folios alwi

clearly pronounced both as dial

In the latter coses italua has b(

60. portents, always accent

one might be inclined to omit

89. cognizance, memorial.

tice, familiar after the nume

York and Tudor, of dipping I

herocB. T\\ecv?U™Jioa,ht

^Bbero

122 JULIUS C^SAR [Act Two

96. a mock. The substantive has fedlen out of use except in
the phrase '* make mock " or ** make a mock."

103. proceeding. We should use the plural |?roo0M2tn^«. **Fo^
tunate " is understood as commonly " luck" = *' good luck.^

104. liable. See Glossary.
108. Is Publius one of the conspirators ?
119. to be, Cf. note on ii 1. 135.
129. yearns. See Glossary.

SCENE 3

The only hint of the conspiracy having been suspected by any-
one is given by Artemidorus, except the enigmatical remark of
Popilius at iii. 1. 12. The incident of Artemidorus is taken direct
from Plutarch; its dramatic value lies in its answering the question
how far such a wide conspiracy could have been conducted with-
out raising some sort of suspicion.

7, 8. thou . . . you. Thou is generally used in passages of
strong emotion; in addressing a recognized superior, or a recog-
nized inferior; or between very familiar companions. You is the
ordinary form in addressing equals, at any rate in prose. These
are, however, mere general rules, not at all strictly adhered to.
But the mixture of thou and you is not common; and here ** look
about thee " would be preferable.

8. security. See Glossary.

10. lover: often in Shakespeare only a rather warmer word than
•* friend." It is used twice by Brutus in his speech, iii. 9.

14. Out of the teeth. The modem idiom would be *' can only
live in the teeth of emulation."

16, 16. For the couplet concluding the scene cf. L 2. 325, note.

16. contrive. See Glossary.

SCENE 4

It is evident from Portia's perturbation that Brutus has told
her of the conspiracy, and she, who bore her self-inflicted wound
with patience and firmness, is now almost beside herself with anx-
iety. This scene gives us an insight into the state of )ler mind
/«fer, wAen she *'feH distract" andkiWedYveTseVi^N. A. V&5Y-
A constancy, "Loyalty to my trusl" ^oiAd \ift >^^ xsvcA«rv'

Scwe Osi] NOTES

nnderingi but Shakespeare may have meati'

18. Note how suggestive U the sound of
nimotir. See Glossary.

Enirr SooUuai/n: Tyrwhitt proposed to r
The part m^ht be assigned to him. as it
knew more than that certain definite peopl
Moreover, the Soothsayer had no "auit"
midoms hnd, Still, there is hardly enou
Ibe text. It may be doubted if Portia wo
midonis as "fellow," though he is " t'
!. 10).

23. the ninlh hour, U. nine o'clock.
time in modern f«.shion. The Rom.-
period of daylight into twelve "hours'

M. Is Cxsar . . . gone. With v
the auxiliary, a,^ in modern Frenct
Brutus is ascended."

31. any harm's, any harm that ii

40. For scansion see Appendix (

43-43. Brutus hath ...not grai
this?

ACT HI— (

Thii is the central scene of tlw
only pewon unconscious of the ti
— a tension which never slacken!
t. To what previous speech dt
S. Caesar's dignity occasional!
'iwstic, but this has the true imp
17. discovered. The final -*
L Inble or not, according to tonv
^^^M. and " banlsh'd" in SI .
^K^U. For scansion see Apper
^K«S. eonslant. See Glossar
P S6. presently. See Glossa

I S9. address-d. See Glossi

' 30. the fxTsi that rears yo^

promise betweeo " the first
^^jpd possessive adicg Uve^U k
^HCftie fitaV w'^ tvw' 1^

124 JULIUS CiESAR [ Act Thbii

jective take their person ^m ** you," the subject of the principal
clause. Shakespeare*s usage in constructions of this tjrpe is yaria-
ble. Cf. iv. 3. 13 and note.

32. Csesar and his senate. The fact that the Senate was
Csesar^s instrument was not so galling to the bookish republicans
like Brutus as his assuming that it was so; just as it was the idea
of the coronation which shocked them more than the actual power.
Caesar's phrase is an apt spur to hesitation on their part.

38. And turn, turn what is predestined and decreed ^m the
beginning into laws as subject to change as children's rules; that
is, ** they are as likely to do that as to affect me, because I am not
an ordinary man."

first decree. Craik*s conjecture ^< is tempting.

39. fond. See Glossary. For the omission of as cf. iii. 2. 125,
iv. 3. 970.

40. 41. such . . . Thai. Cf. note on i. 2, 33.

47. Cdssar doth not wrong. ** Many times he [Shakespeare]
fell into those things that could not escape laughter, as when he
said in the person of Caesar, one speaking to him, * Caesar, thou
dost me wrong,' he replied, * Caesar did never wrong, but with just
cause.' " — Ben Jonson, Discoveries. Jonson also parodies the pas-
sage in The Staple of News: "Cry you mercy; you never did
wrong but with just cause." He has thus preserved for us what is
apparently the first version of this line, containing an absurdity
which Shakespeare later eliminated.

54. freedom of repeal, free recall.

67. enfranchisement, full restoration of the rights of citizen-
ship.

69. ** Being too high to pray to anyone, I am also too firm to be
moved by the prayers of others." Praters (often disyllabic in
Shakespeare) should be read as a monosyllable, to bring the stress
on me^ as on him in ii. 1. 141, 181, and 183.

66. hold his place, keep an unchanging position in the firma-
ment

67. apprehensive. See Glossary.

70. Unshaked. For the form cf. i. 3. 6, note on ** rived.'*

77. Et tu. Brute. The phrase does not come from Plutarch or
any classical authority. Its source is unknown; for conjecture see
Introduction, § 2.

81. enfranchisement. Cf. line 57; but here it is implied that
DO one could be a fiilly enfraiicVvised eWSzen while Caesar ruled.
Comment on the line as a ** platfoim.'^

NOTES

U. the pulpit, i.e. the mstra.
' M- Note thisspeethas indifativeof t^
liauadet; vhich is elsewhere hnrdly alli
kis very strong- affection for Brutus, until

Si. abide. See Glossar)'.

96. But we: should be. "but us."
bowerer, suuli irregularity — and the coi
Cf. i 3. 76, note.

9T. wives. See Glossary.

100. stand upon, make much ofj as ii

121. most boldest. The double super!
u does the double comparative; t.g. t'
more eLder art thou than thy looks "; am
kindest cut of all."

133-137. Note that Antony never cor
that be will be friends with the conspii
tbdr case good.
131. resolved. See Glossary.
13S. Thorough. See Glossary.
133,139. Observe, again, how readil
of anyone who compliments hira jiidi
InTariably spoken of Antony in tern

UO. so please him. come. This
fomu. The full sentence would be-
For the omission of ia
ought not walk." So i
especially in the phrase " so pleas
lU, to friend, as a friend.
145. mu misgiving, etc., iq;
ignunded. '

U6, shrewdly. See GlossaiJ
148. Antony's speechea req
throughout. They abound in b
\&Aai meaning, intended for the
the same words would convey X
liigns were: a meaning which
convey even to the unsuspecyi
most suspicious to catch hold (
sistent with his Bubsequent ■
i to his ultimate COUI

126 JULIUS C^SAR [Act Thrfb

owu hands. Cassius, who alone knows that the man they are
dealing with is "a shrewd contriver," is not deceived, but is com-
pletely baffled in the attempt to make Brutus see with his own
acuteness.

Note especially the skill with which Antony frankly assumes the
rdle of a g^reat admirer of Csesar who has received a severe shock:
thereby disarming suspicion cmd getting credit for being per-
fectly open when his hidden meaning is most sinister.

162. be let blood. An inaccurately formed passive, similar to
" to be given a book." The active form is, for instance, ** I let him
blood," short for " I let him forth blood," where " him" is dative
of reference or concern. Therefore such a passive form as •' He
is let blood " is contrary to strict grammatical rule.
rank. See Glossary.

154. nor no instrument Cf. ii. 1. 937 and note.

166. that . . . as. Cf. i. 9. 33 and note.

167. bear me hard, Cf. i. 9. 317 and note.

160. apt. See Glossary.

161. mean. We should use the plural form means.

171. as fire drives out fire, A proverb. Cf. Borneo and Jtdiet,
i. 9. 46, "Tut, man, one fire bums out another's burning." For
scansion see Appendix C, § 6 (viii).

174-176. " Our arms and hearts of brothers* temper in strength
of malice. Brutus means that toward him they had no more malice
than brothers have towards one another." (MacMillan.)

177. Cassius, regarding Antony as ** a shrewd contriver," at once
appeals to his interest to secure his support, having been overruled
in the desire to remove him. Brutus thinks of him as the friend
who must be reasoned into forgiveness.

192. conceit. See Glossary.

196. dearer. The adjective used for the adverb is very com-
mon; see Abbott, § 1.

204. bay'd. See Glossary.

206. hunters. Cf. ii. 1. 174—

" Let 's carve him as a dish fit for the gods.
Not hew him as a carcass fit for hounds."

' Every aspiration, every finer desire, with which Brutus entered on
'. the conspiracy is falsified in the result.

206. Sign'd in thy spoil, bearing the stains of your blood as the

insignia of their craft; as the working men in L 1 were told that

tbeyslioiild carry the " signs" of tbeVt ttade. SpoW. isiajj ^tbaps

Oke] notes 127

have been a technical term; but it seems rather to mean ** blood,"
ftom a natural extension of the common use of the word for
*• destruction."

lethe (F 1. Lsih^) probably stands for «« death," as "lethal" is
used for "deadly." Steevens quotes Heywood's Iron Age, ii.
163S—

" The proudest nation that great Asia nurs'd
Is now extinct in lethe."

208. heart. For the play upon words cf. i. 3. 156 and note.

209. strucken. For the form cf. u. 2. 114.
218. modesty. See Glossary.

216. pricWd. See Glossary, and cf. iv. 1. 1.

224. regard. See Glossary.

235. Brutus, as usual, entirely convinced of the reasonableness
of his own position, assumes that he has only to state it clearly to
his neighbors to convince them likewise; while he never doubts that
his fellow conspirators are swayed by precisely the same con-
siderations. Cassius knows that there are other lights in which the
proceedings may be looked at.

262. Observe how studiously Antony subsequently keeps to the
letter of his engagement, until his formal funeral address is over
and he has descended from the rostra.

267. the tide of times. The ebb and flow of fortune, with a
thought of the sudden reverse which had befallen; for the idea cf.
iv. a 918.

262. the limbs of men. There will be civil war, and the limbs
of combatants (and non-combatants, as in L 267) will suffer. Men
will be treated precisely as Csesar has been. It is a part of the
general picture of bloodshed to come.

271. Ate. The Greek goddess of strife.

273. Havoc. See Glossary.

let slip, the technical word for setting greyhounds free from
the leash.

the dogs of war. Cf. Henry F, Prologue i. 6 —

" at his heels,
Leash'd in like hoimds, should famine, sword, and fire
Crouch for employment."

274. That. Cf. i. 1. 50 and note.

2B9, Rome. The play on "room" is suggesXftdi ^JgaSov.

128 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Three

297. Lend me your hand. As the Elizabethan theatre had no
front curtain, the bodies of the slain had to be removed at the end
of the scene.

SCENE 9

The effect of Antony's speeches in this scene derives great addi-
tional force from the contrast with Brutus. The dignity of the
latter and his moral weight (not his reasoning, which the mob fail to
follow) produce their own effect; but Antony appeals to the popular
emotions entirely, and Brutus*s reliance on the reasonableness of
his audience is naturally and completely falsified.

^^ The student will find an attempt to distinguish character in the

(^/separate citizens interesting.

11. 15 ascended. Cf. ii. 4. 94 and note. -— What was the
*' pulpit " from which Brutus and Anthony spoke ?

12. Observe the formal balance of phrase against phrase through-
out Brutus*s speech, as if it were constructed according to the best
rules. The result is a complete absence of spontaneity.

13. lovers. Cf. ii. 3. 9 and note.
16. censure. See Glossary.

26. to live. The construction here is doubtful. Either ** so as **
is omitted (for which cf. iii, 1. 40, "Be not fond to think," etc) or
*' to live " is parallel to "and die," in which case this would be an
instance of the omission and insertion of to in the same sentence;
cf. i. 2, 179-173 and note.

29. There is tears. A singular verb with plural subject is com-
mon in Shakespeare, and if the Folio readings are accepted, much
more so than the ordinary texts show. Most of the instances may
be explained (1) as here, by the verb being spoken before its sub-
ject is decided; (9) by the intervention of a singidar word betwefen
verb and subject; (3) by the subject being a relative whose precise
antecedent is forgotten; (4) by the plural subject conveying a single
idea, and being equivalent to a noun of multitude, — etc. But that
usage was exceedingly loose in the matter may be shown by in~
dubitable examples to which no such explanations apply.

33. rude. See Glossary.

40. enrolled. Brutus means that a record of the conspirators*
reasons for killing Caesar may be consulted in the public archives
(either in the form of a written statement prepared by himself, or
In the minutes of a speech made before the Senate). But the
populace was not likely to consult public documents.
47. in the commonwealth, restored to ex\s\«aee\s>f >5Safc ^^a)^^

Scene Two] NOTES 129

Ceesar. While he lived, no one had "a place in the common-
wealth'*; all were merely Caesar's bondmen — in the phrase of
Cassius.

66. Let him be Csesar. Nothing could better show how this
citizen, at least, is incapable of understanding Brutus's motives and
arguments.
66. spoke. For the form cf. i. 9. 48 and note.
70. sake, beholding. See Glossary.

7^257. Antony's speeches cannot be too carefully studied. To

begin with, the mob whom he is addressing are all, for the moment,

in favor of Brutus — nothing against him would have a hearing. It

is by appealing to their old affection for Csesar, while studiously

expressing, by tones as well as words, admiration for the hero of

^ the moment, that Antony brings them into sympathy with himself.

I Not till this is accomplished, and he feels that he has his hearers

I thoroughly in hand, does he give the ironical turn to his compli-

I mentary phrases (at 1. 129). At that point the mask is dropped,

but the words are still in literal accord with his compact with

Brutus (iii. 1. 251), When he descends from the rostra, his part in

the '* order of the fiineral " is over, and there is no pretence of his

words being favorable to the conspirators; the complimentary

f phrases are merely fiiel added to the flames. But from first to last

I it is passionate emotion to which he appeals; not as an academic

\ debater like Brutus, but as an orator who seeks not to convince but

* to excite.

108. withholds you . . . to mourn. Cf. ii. 1. 135 and note.

109. This sentence is a test of the extent to which the audience
are secured.

113. The citizens hardly seem to be conscious of any change of
front on their own part.

116. Has he. First three Folios, h'<fs hee. Professor Little-
dale suggests reading, ** Ha, has he," which makes the line metri-
cally regular; the interjection and question could be uttered in a
lone to indicate that the speaker agrees with the Second Citizen,
as his next words show.

119. abide it. See Glossary, and cf. iii. 1. 94.

126. so poor to do. Cf. iii. 1. 39 and note.

188. dip their napkins. Cf. ii. 2. 89 and note.

147. Compare the very contradictory remark addressed to the
same populace, i. 1. 40.

148, 149. hearing the wiU of Cassor, It x»>n. « . .^x^ss^^f^

ISO JULUS CiiSSAR [Act Thkke

164. to tell you, in telling you. Cf . line 108, and ii, 1 . 135 and note.

171. far. See Glossary.

177. the Nervii. Antony refers to a battle, 57 b. c, in which
Ceesar and his army had a narrow escape from annihilation, but
finally by conspicuous and desperate courage achieved a brilliant
victory. North says, ** He led his army against the Nervians,
the stoutest warriors of all the Belgse.*'

17^201. Antony had been carefully drawn aside, and was not
present at the scene of assassination. His whole description is
imaginary. Observe that in this speech ** envious,** ** cruel,"
** bloody," and ** traitors " are no longer repressed. This is not
**in the order of the fiineral."

183. resolved. See Glossary.

185. This close Aiendship of Caesar and Brutus has no au-
thority. It is doubtless the result of a confusion between IML Brutus
and Decimus Brutus (cf. note on ii. 1. 203).

angel, attendant guardian spirit; like ** genius,** ii. 1. 66.

187. the most unkindest. Cf. iii. 1. 191 and note.

198. dint. See Glossary.

199. what, weep you. The Folio reading what weep you is very
likely right (cf. ii. 1. 123 and note).

247. drachmas. The amount of 75 drachmas is given by Plu-
tarch. The actual value it is not possible to compute, because
(1) the comparative purchasing power of a given weight of silver in
Rome as against the present day cannot be stated; (9) drachma is a
Greek term, and the drachmae of different Greek states had dif-
ferent values. Speaking roughly, however, the drachma was likely
to be about half of the Roman denariusj a coin worth ten asses,
and the as was worth about one pound of copper. In later times,
however, the denarius and drachma were treated as about equiva-
lent, being worth about twenty cents. Plutarch's drachma was
probably given as equivalent to denaritis (as by Pliny).

254. On this side Tiber. Shakespeare follows North's mis-
translation. The gardens were on the western (right) bank of
the Tiber, occupying part of the site of the modem quarter of
Trastevere.

264. forms. See Glossary.

274. rid. For the form, cf. " writ," iv. 3. 183. The tendency
to drop the final -en would be encouraged by the existence of such
participles as " chid," *' hid," etc., formed without this suffix.
SZ^, notice of the people. How, TelaUve clause, amplifying the
noun, as in *• / know thee who thou art."

ScsTE Oinc] NOTES 131

SCENE 3

This scene should be compared carefully with its original in
Plutarch; Shakespeare has suppressed some of Plutarch's details,
modified others, and introduced new ones, all with definite purpose.

1. to-night. Cf. ii. 2, 76 and Glossary.

2. wUuckHy, See Glossary.

13. you were best, it were best for you. Properly, an Impei^
sonal construction, you being dative. This being understood, the
erroneous personal construction, ** I were best,*' instead of ** me
were best," came into general adoption. Cf. **if you please,"
which was originally = '* if it please you."

20. yot^tt bear me a bang. Dative of reference or concern;
cf. i. 2. 267,

ACT IV — SCENE 1

The whole of Act iv is occupied mainly with preparation for the
final contest, and has little effect on the action of the piece; the
interest in it turns entirely on the special development of character;
in the quarrel and reconciliation of Brutus and Cassius, and on the
episode of Ceesar's ghost, which is effective as impressing the audi-
ence with the sense of doom, but does not directly influence the
result

In Borne. That this was intended is proved by L 11. Plu-
tarch, however, in the Life of Antony says the triumvirs met **in
an iland environed round about with a little river "; specified in the
Life of Cicero as '* by the city of Bolonia (Bologna)."

4. PublhiS, Cf. Plutarch, Appendix A, Antony, § 19.

6. damn. See Glossary.

9. charge. See Glossar}'. Why does Antony's proposal to
suppress these legacies seem particularly shocking?

11. Or . . . or. Cf. ii. 1. 135 and note. There are some pe-
culiarities in these last two acts: a recurrence of this form; a fre-
quent use of Ccutsius as a trisyllable; etc.

12. slight unmeritable. See Glossary.

14. Why is the world called *♦ three-fold "?

23. Either. There is reason for believing that in passages like
the present (where it occupies the unstressed place in the foot) this
word could be pronounced as a monosyllable, with the -th&- silent.
Cf. i 1. 66 and note.

1 82 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Foue

26. empty. See Glossary.

27. In Antony and Cleopatra (iii. 6. 39) it is Octavius who acts
on the suggestion which Antony makes here, but on the gpround
that Lepidus has ** grown too cruel."

32. wind. See Glossary.

directly on, straight forward.
34. in some taste, in some sort

37. objects, orts. Staunton*s conjecture for ohjects^ arts^ of the
Ff. , which can hardly be retained. See Glossary.

40. a property, i.e, a chattel or tool, not a responsible person.

41. Listen great things. Cf. v. 5. 15, *' List a word.*'

42. powers. See Glossary.

44. Scansion and sense show that this line is corrupt. There is
no emendation which is convincing. **Our best friends made
secure, our means stretched out " would be fairly satisfactory.

46. disclosed. See Glossary.

48. at the stake. Metaphor from bear-baiting.

49. bay*d about. Cf. iii. 1. 904, *«Here wast thou bay'd,
brave hart."

SCENE 9

The whole account of the dissension at Sardis is taken with very
little change from Plutarch.

2. As Titinius should be with Brutus, it is probably he who
should give the word of command, not Lucilius.

6. He greets me well. A /ormal acknowledgment of the salu-
tation; the precise meaning of well in the context is unimportant

7. In his own change, because of some change in himself.
However, it is doubtful whether Brutus would have made such a
suggestion to Pindarus, and perhaps we should read ** charge," i.e.
** by orders which he has issued himself, or by the misconduct of
subordinates."

10. be satisfied, have a sufficient explanation.
16. familiar instances, marks of familiarity. Cf. i. 9. 9 and
note.
23. at hand, in hand, when held in.
26. fall. See Glossary.

28. Where was Sardis ?

46. enlarge. See Glossary.

30, According to the text, Lucilius, an officer, and Pindarus,
dass/us's servant, are sent to carry ordets ^o VVvt eoixvixvanders; and
Titinius^ an officer, and Lucius, Bmtus'a senaw\., «Kfe \xJi^ ^'S. \a

ScKKE Three] NOTES 133

g^itard the doors. In iv. 3. 197 Lucilius is guarding the doors; in
iy. 3. 139 Lucilius and Titinius are sent to carry orders to the com-
manders. Craik diminished the difficulties by omitting **Let*'
(1. 52) and interchangmg " Lucilius " (50) and " Lucius " (59)

SCENE 3

Observe throughout how Cassius is the moving spirit in his
dealings with Brutus, yet when it comes to a difference of opinion
Cassius always f^ves way. The chief instances are as to bringing
Cicero into the conspiracy, as to killing Antony as well as Csesar,
as to allowing Antony free speech, and, in this scene, as to the
course to be taken in the war.

The first 96 lines of this scene are taken direct from Plutarch,
only at once condensed and glorified.

2. noted. See Glossary.

8. nice. See Glossar}%

10. to have, for havinff, infinitive for gerund. Cf. ii. 1. 135 and
note.

11. mart. See Glossar}\

13. that speak. Folio, **that speaks.** As the antecedent of
"that" is not "Brutus," but "you," the correction, while not
certain, is probable. Cf. iii. 1. 30 and note.

18. The argument is, "if for the sake of justice we did such a
deed, how can we use the result to deal unjustly for our own profit? "

25. the mighty space, etc., "our honors, which are so vast a
possession," contrasted with the mere handful of gold.

27. bay. See Glossary.

28. bay, Ff. bait. The emendation is Theobald*s, and is a too
obvious improvement to be rejected.

36. health. See Glossary.

37. slight man, Cf. iv. 1. 19. What justification in Plutarch
for this epithet?

47. spleen. We still talk of spleen metaphorically as the seat
of angry emotion; in the old writers it was regarded as the seat of
emotion generally.
I 55^. Cassius is making a desperate effort to govern his
temper, not from few, for he never shows any sign of cowardice,
but because of his personal affection for Brutus. This is another
example of the extent to which Cassius is swayed by purely per-
sonal feeling, as shown in the whole tone of his attaick q\x. Oesac
in I J^,

134 JULIUS C^SAR [Act Four

72,73. / had rather coin . . . than to wring. Cf. i. 2. 179,
173 and note.

75. indirection. See Glossary.

80. rascal. See Glossary.

85. rived. Cf. i. 3. 6 and note.

96. his brother. Cf. ii. 1. 70 and note.

102. Dearer, worth more.
Plutus*. Ff., "Pluto's." Pluto, as well as Plutus, was the
god of riches.

108. it shall, i.e, your anger.

109. shall be humour, shall be reckoned as distempered humor.
124. In Plutarch the intruder is not himself a poet, but addresses

the generals in a passage, of wjiich Plutarch gives the opening line,
taken from the Iliad (i. 959 ff.). North's translation of the line is
so quaint that it probably suggested to Shakespeare the change
from would-be cynic to would-be poet.

133. cynic. See Glossary.

137. Jigging. See Gloss€uy.

155. That tidings. In Shakespeare tidings is treated as either
singular or plural.

distract. See Glossary, and cf. " incorporate,*' i. 3. 135.

165. call in question, bring forward for discussion.

169. power. See Glossary.

170. Philippi, Locate.

177. seventy: "two hundred" in Plutarch.
183. Nor nothing : the double negative, as often.
writ, Cf. " rid," iii. 9. 973 and note.

190. Brutus's reason for making this display of self-control, and
' pretending that the news of Portia's death is perfectly fresh to him,
' is obscure.

191. once. See Glossary.

194, 195. " I have learned as well as you how it should be
done, but I lack the natural strength to carry my knowledge into
'practice as you do." Imperturbability was aimed at by the Epi-
cureans (such as Cassius) as much as by Stoics (such as Brutus).
196. our work alive, i.e. which has to do with the living.
209. new-added, newly added to.
, 218-224. Note the irony of giving this speech, with its air of
worldly experience and bold decision, to the unworldly and reflec-
t/ve Brutus. Note too that the outcome shows Brutus to have
been hopelessly mistaken: the "tide" 'which he persuades Cassius
to take, leads to disaster, not to fortune.

ScENi OiTE] NOTES 135

220. Omi7^ec/, neglected.

224. ventures. See Glossary.

228. niggard. See Glossary.

231. For scansion see Appendix C, § 6 (yii).

241. knave, o'erwatch'd. See Glossary.

247. raise. See Glossary.

260. Note the characteristic consideration for his neighbors
[which marks Brutus, and is especicdly displayed in this scene as a
preliminary to the ghostly reminder that Caesar^s blood was on his
bands.

252. book, an anachronism, as Shakespeare was thinking of a
book in the modem shape instead of in roUs.

268. mace. See Glossary.

270. so much wrong to wake. Cf. iii. 1. 39 and note.

274. Ohost of CcBsar. The story of the vision is based on
Plutarch, but there no suggestion is made that the spirit which
appeared was that of Caesar. Brutus does not seem so to identify
it here, but at v. 5. 18 he clearly does. The feeling that Csesar^s
ghost would produce a better stage effect than an indefinite Evil
Angel would have been quite enough to justify the modification.
I Also the intention may be to suggest that though Caesar was slain,
I Caesarism was not buried with his body.

280. stare. See Glossary.

286, 287. shall . . . will. Explain the difference in force between
the two auxiliaries.

ACT V — SCENE 1

This scene further reveals the unyielding character of Qctavius.
The action is linked with what has preceded by Antony's referehce
to Brutus^s part in the assassination, and by Cassius's retort con-
cerning Antony's speech at Caesar's funeral.

The feeling of disaster is heightened by Cctssius's foreboding and
by his disturbance over the ravens, particularly since formerly
(i. 3) he had been so little affected by evil omens. The circle of
action is completed in this battle. (*' This same day must end that
work the ides of March begun "), and the influence of Caesar is
strongly apparent in the failing fortunes of his murderers.

4. battles. See Glossary.

5. warn. See Glossary.

7. in their bosoms, in their confidence. Octavius claims to
have been right in his expectation, N«j\v^fc Kx^jqtk^ ^^»& ^wts>\s5fe.

136 JULIUS CiESAR [Act Five

Antony replies that on the vital point — that the enemy had no real
confidence, and were relying merely on brag — he was in fact
correct

10. fearfxd bravery. There are two possible interpretations:
(1) " terrifying magnificence/' about the same as ** gallant show,"
L 13; (9) ** lightened boldness," in keeping with the immediate
context. The former seems preferable, and is supported by what
North's Plutarch says of the "bravery and rich fiumiture" of
Brutus's army.

18. the right hand. In fact, Octavius led the left wing.
Shakespeare inserts this to develop his treatment of the character

' of the two generals. As Brutus was opposed to Octavius in the
' battle, the dramatist gives Brutus the left wing instead of the
> right; having already made the deference of Cassius to Brutus
\ sufficiently marked.

19. exigent. See Glossary.

20. Octavius does not wrangle, but he has his own way.

24. answer, etc, "when they make the attack, we will meet
it," i.e, "let them commence the battle."

33. the posture of your blows, where you will succeed in plant-
ing your blows.

are. Plural verb with singular subject Not so common as the
singular verb with plural subject, but due here to an explanation of
the same type as in many of the converse examples — the inter-
vention of a plural word, thought of as the subject, between the
grammatical subject and the verb.

34. Hybla, In Sicily, mentioned by classical authors as famous
for honey.

36. Not stingless too? Antony means that his words may be
sweet, but they carry their sting, referring to his reproach to
Brutus, 11. 29-31.

41. This description accords with Plutarch, but is imaginative on
Antony's part, as he was not present.

like hounds. The words have a reminiscence of "not hew
him like a carcass fit for hounds"; cf. ii. 1. 174, note, and An-
tony's words, iii. 1. 204 and following lines.

44. For scansion see Appendix C, § 5 (v).
; 46-47. To what does Cassius refer?

48. the cause. "Let us get to business."

60. honourable: adj. for adv. For the scansion see Appendix

61. worthless. See Glossary.

ScEKE Three] NOTES 187

66tf stomachs. See Glossary.

71-89. Find in North's Plutarch the material of this speech.

72. as this very day, Cf. v. 3. 23. The ** as " has no appre-
ciable force, but serves to introduce the adverbial phrase of time.
This use of ** as " may be traced as far back as the time of Chaucer
(and earlier), and still survives in the expression *'as yet.*'

77. Epicurus. The two schools of philosophy derived from
Plato, which more or less divided the Roman world in such
matters, were those of Epicurus and of the Stoics. Cassius is said
[to have followed the Epicurean school, according to which the gods
itroubled themselves very little with mortal affairs. The super-
natural element in human things being thus practically denied,
lomens and prodigies were regarded as mere superstitions. Cassius,
[however, finds his natural superstition getting the better of his
rationalistic theories.

80. former: '* foremost" in North. There is no other example
in Shakespeare of former used of place instead of time.

83. consorted. See Glossary.

88. fatal. See Glossary.

96. incertain. See Glossary.

101-108. *' In accordance with the principles of Stoicism, whicL
made me condemn Cato's suicide, I somehow find it shameful so to
anticipate death for fear of what might otherwise befall, and arm
myself with patience to await what the gods provide." In itself,
this speech presents no great difficulty, but it has been much dis-
cussed in its relation to the (incorrect) passage of North, on which
it is based, and to Brutus's next speech and his final suicide.

105. prevent. See Glossary.

107. stay. See Glossary.

111-113. Brutus has no thought of suicide; he expects to con-
quer or die.

SCENE 2

1. bills. See Glossary. Find the passage in Plutarch, Appen-
dix A.

2. the other side, the other wing.

SCENE 3

8. ensign. See Glossary.

38. swore. See Glossary under swear ^ and cf. fall^ iv. 9. 96.
saving of thy life. Equivalent to " Viv ^i}cife ^qlnVsv^ <a\ Vto^\&&T

188 JULIUS C^SAR [Act Five

in which '* saving '* is] not the present participle, but the gerund,
with the construction of a substantive.
1 41. this good sword. This piece of *< poetic justice " is from
Plutarch's Life of C(Bsar,

43. hUts, The plural and singular forms were used indis-
criminately.

47. Note that in spite of Cassius being always depicted as of
a hasty temper, Pindarus obviously regards him with affection —
another testimony to the really tender side of his character. The
language of his own followers at all times bears out this view of
him.

65, 66. success. See Glossary.
1 67. Why is error called " melancholy's child " ? Of what error
is Messala thinking?

68. apt. See Glossary.

71. kilVst the mother. This alludes to a popular belief regard-
ing the viper, recorded by Greek and Roman writers, and com-
monly referred to by authors of Shakespeare's time. What confu-
sion is introduced by this new figure ?

88. regarded. See Glossary.

96. proper. See Glossary.

97. whether. Cf. i. 1. 66 and note.

99. The. The definite article is only occasionally used with a
vocative. Cf. Lear, i. 1. 271 —

" The jewels of our father, with washed eyes
Cordelia leaves you."

101. moe. See Glossary.

109. three o'clock. Titinius above talked of the <* setting sun.**
Plutarch says that at the second battle Brutus ** suddenly caused
his army to march, being past three o'clock of the afternoon ";
which .accounts for that hour being named here.

110. The second fight as a matter of fact did not take place for
another twenty days.

SCENE 4

7--8. The name of the speaker of these two lines is omitted in

the Folios. The Exit at I. 8 is not in the Folios. MacMillan gives

these two lines to Lucilius, thus making them prepare for L 18,

beyond question the right arrangement. '• Brutus, my country's

&end, " would be beneath the real Btutua.

SonnE Pm:] NOTES 139

18. There is so much. Possibly Lucilius, speaking in the
character of Brutus, means that so much can be laid to his charge
that the soldier is sure to kill him immediately (MacMillan). The
stage-direction is not in the Folios.

80. whether, Cf. L 1. 66 and note.

SCENE 5

8. came not, has not come; past tense used for perfect. Cf.
O&nesU, xliv. 28, ** And I said. Surely he is torn in pieces; and I
saw him not since."

6. Hark thee. What does Brutus whisper to Clitus ?

14. That, for ** so that."

15. List. Cf. iv. 1. 41, " Listen great things."

19. The second appearance of the ** spirit" is only mentioned
incidentally in Plutarch*s Life of Casar — not in the full account
of the death of Brutus.
28. hilts. Cf. V. a 43 and note.
85. found. Cf. v. 5. 3 and note.
46. smatch. See Glossary.
60. entertain. See Glossary.
62. prefer. See Glossary.

71, 72. The construction is loose, but the meaning is clear,
f ** From the general honesty of his motives, and for the common
I good."

73. For the bearing of this line on the date of the play see In-
troduction, § 1.

elements. See Glossary.

79. honourably. See Appendix C, § 7 (vi).

80. call the field to rest, sound the signal for cessation of hos-
tilities. Field is probably used in a sense analogous to the modem
use as a hunting term.

APPENDIX A

EXTRACTS FROM NORTH'S PLUTARCH

[The text is based on that of the first edition, 1579. For convenience of reference:
the numbers of the corresponding sections of the Greek text have been inserted.]

The Life of Julius Cjesar

56. After all these things were ended, he was chosen Consul the
fourth time, and went into Spain to make war with the sons of
Pompey. . . . The greatest battle that was fought between them
in all this war, was by the city of Munda. . . . He wan this
battle on the very feast-day of the Bacchanalians, in the which
men say that Pompey the Great went out of Rome, about four
years before, to begin this civil war. For his sons, the younger
scaped from the battle ; but within few days after Didius brought
the head of the elder. This was the last war that Csesar made.
But the triumph he made into Rome for the same did as much
offend the Romans, and more, than any thing that ever he had
done before; because he had not overcome captains that were
strangers, nor barbarous kings, but had destroyed the sons of
the noblest man of Rome, whom fortune had overthrown. And
because he had plucked up his race by the roots, men did not
think it meet for him to triumph so for the calamities of his
country, rejoicing at a thing for the which he had but one ex-
cuse to allege in his defence unto the gods and men, that he was
compelled to do that he did. . . .

57. And when some of his friends did counsel him to have a
g^ard for the safety of his person, and some also did offer them-
selves to serve him, he would never consent to it, but said, ** It
was better to die once than always to be afraid of death." . . .

60. When they had decreed divers honours for him in the Senate,

the Consuls and Praetors, accompanied with the whole assembly of

the Senate, went unto him in the market-place, where he was set

bjr the pulpit for orations, to tell him what honours they had de-

csved for bim in his absence. But Vie, sW^xi^ ^\^ rnhis majesty,

140

«8ar] appendix a 141

sdaining to rise up unto them when they carae in, as if they had
icn private men answered them, that his honours had more need

be cut off than enlarged. This did not only offend the Senate
it the common people also, to see that he should so lightly esteem
' the magistrates of the commonwealth, insomuch as every man
lat might lawfully go his way departed thence very sorrowfully,
hereupon also Ceesar rising departed home to his house, and
aring open his doublet-collar, making his neck bare, he cried out
oud to his Aiends, that his throat was ready to offer to any man
lat would come and cut it. Notwithstanding it is reported that
terwards, to excuse his folly, he imputed it to his disease, saying
lat their wits are not perfit which have this disease of the falling
il, when standing of their feet they speak to the common people,
it are soon troubled with a trembling of their body, and a sudden
mness and giddiness. . . .
61. At that time the feast Lupercalia was celebrated, the which

old time men say was the feast of shepherds or herdmen, and is
uch like unto the feast of the Lycaeans in Arcadia. But howso-
'er it is, that day there are divers noblemen *s sons, young men
ad some of them magistrates themselves that govern then), which
a naked through the city, striking in sport them they meet in
eir way with leather thongs, hair and all on, to make them give
ace. And many noblewomen and gentlewomen also go of
irpose to stand in their way, and to put forth their hands to be
ricken, as scholars hold them out to their schoolmaster to be
ricken with the ferula, persuading themselves that, being with
lild, they shall have good delivery ; and so, being barren, that it
11 make them to conceive with child. Caesar sat to behold that
ort upon the pulpit for orations, in a chain of gold, apparelled in
lumphant manner. Antonius, who was Consul at that time, was
le of them that ran this holy course. So when he came into the
eirket-place, the people made a lane for him to run at liberty, and
: came to Caesar, and presented him a diadem wreathed about
th laurel. Whereupon there rose a certain cry of rejoicing, not
ry great, done only by a few appointed for the purpose. But
len Caesar refused the diadem, then all the people together made
i outcry of joy. Then Antonius offering it him again, there was
second shout of joy, but yet of a few. But when Caesar refused
again the second time, then all the whole people shouted. Caesar,
kving made this proof, found that the people did not Uka q€ iU
id thereupon rose out of his cbair aud eotomjaxAft^ "^^^ <sKSSR\i.\»

142 APPENDIX A [CiESAi

be carried unto Jupiter in the Capitol. After that there were set up
images of Caesar in the city, with diadems upon their heads like
kings. Those the two tribunes. Flavins and Marullus, went and
pulled down, and furthermore, meeting with them that first saluted
Ceesar as king, they committed them to prison. . . . Ceesar was so
offended withal, that he deprived Marullus and Flavins of their
tribuneships. . . •

62. Now they that desired change, and wished Brutus only
their prince and governor above all other, they durst not come to
him themselves to tell him what they would have him to do, but in
the night did cast sundry papers into the Prsetor^s seat, where he
gave audience, and the most of them to this effect : ** Thou sleep-
est, Brutus, and art not Brutus indeed." Cassius, finding Brutus*
ambition stirred up the more by these seditious bills, did prick him
forward and egg him on the more, for a private quarrel he had con-
ceived against Caesar, the circumstance whereof we have set down
more at large in Brutus' life. Caesar also had Cassius in great
jealousy and suspected him much, whereupon he said on a time to
his firiends, '* What will Cassius do, think ye? I like not his pale
looks.'* Another time when Caesar's friends complained unto him
of Antonius and Dolabella, that they pretended some mischief
towards him, he answered them again, ** As for those fat men and
smooth-combed heads," quoth he, ** I never reckon of them ; but
these pale-visaged and carrion-lean people, I fear them most,"
meaning Brutus and Cassius.

63. Certainly destiny may easier be foreseen than avoided, con-
sidering the strange and wonderful signs that were said to be seen
before Caesar's death. For touching the fires in the element, and
spirits running up and down in the night, and also the solitary
birds to be seen at noondays sitting in the great market-place, are
not all these signs perhaps worth the noting, in such a wonderful
chance as happened? But Strabo the philosopher writeth that
divers men were seen going up and down in fire, and furthermore,
that there was a slave of the soldiers that did cast a marvellous
burning fiame out of his hand, insomuch as they that saw it
thought he had been burnt, but when the fire was out, it was
found he had no hurt. Caesar self also doing sacrifice unto the
gods, found that one of the beasts which was sacrificed had no
heart, and that was a strange thing in nature, how a beast could
live without a heart. Furthermore there was a certain soothsayer
that had given Caesar warning long time afore, to take heed of the
day of the Ides of March (which is the fifteenth of the month), for on

Cmar] appendix a 148

that day he should be in great danger. That day being come, Csesar
going unto the Senate-house, and speaking merrily to the sooth-
sayer, told him, *' The Ides of March be come ; " *• So they be,"
softly answered the soothsayer, "but yet are they not past."
And the very day before, Caesar, supping with Marcus Lepidus,
sealed certain letters, as he was wont to do, at the board ; so, talk
falling out amongst them, reasoning what death was best, he, pre-
venting their opinions, cried out aloud, "Death unlooked for."
Then going to bed the same night, as his manner was, and lying
with his wife Calpumia, all the windows and doors of his chamber
flying open, the noise awoke him, and made him afraid when he
saw such light ; but more, when he heard his wife Calpumia, being
fast asleep, weep and sigh, and put forth many fumbling lament-
able speeches ; for she dreamed that Caesar was slain, and that she
had him in her arms. . . . Insomuch that Caesar rising in the morn-
ing, she prayed him, if it were possible, not to go out of the doors
that day, but to adjourn the session of the Senate until another day.
And if that he made no reckoning of her dream, yet that he would
search further of the soothsayers by their sacrifices, to know what
should happen him that day. Thereby it seemed that Csesar
likewise did fear or suspect somewhat, because his wife Calpurnia
until that time was never given to any fear and superstition, and
that then he saw her so troubled in mind with this dream she had.
But much more afterwards, when the soothsayers having sacrificed
many beasts one after another, told him that none did like them ;
then he determined to send Antonius to adjourn the session of the
Senate.

64. But in the mean time came Decius Brutus, sumamed Albi-
nus, in whom Caesar put such confidence, that in his last will
and testament he had appointed him to be his next heir, and yet
was of the conspiracy with Cassius and Brutus; he, fearing that if
Csesar did adjourn the session that day, the conspir€u:y would be
betrayed, laughed at the soothsayers, and reproved Caesar, saying
that he gave the Senate occasion to mislike with him, and that
they might think he mocked them, considering that by his com-
mandment they were assembled, and that they were ready willingly
to grant him all things, and to proclaim him king of all his prov-
inces of the Empire of Rome out of Italy, and that he should wear
his diadem in all other places both by sea and land. And further-
more, that if any man should tell them from him they should de-
part for that present time, and return again when Calpurnia should
have better dreams, what would his enemies and ill-willers say, and

144 APPENDIX A [C^isab

how could they like of his friends* words? . . . Therewithal he
took Caesar by the hand, and brought him out of his house. . . .

66. And one Artemidorus also, bom in the isle of Gnidos, a
doctor of rhetoric in the Greek tongue, who by means of his pro-
fession was very familiar with certain of Brutus* confederates, and
therefore knew the most part of all their practices against Ceesar,
came and brought him a little bill, written with his own hand, oi
all that he meant to tell him. He, marking how Caesar received
all the supplications that were offered him, and that he gave them
straight to his men that were about him, pressed nearer to him and
said, " Caesar, read this memorial to yourself, and that quickly,
for they be matters of great weight, and touch you nearly." Caesar
took it of him, but could never read it, though he many times at-
tempted it, for the number of people that did salute him; but hold-
ing it still in his hand, keeping it to himself, went on withal into
the Senate-house. ...

66. It is also reported, that Cassius (though otherwise he did
favour the doctrine of Epicurus) beholding the image of Pompey,
before they entered into the action of their traitorous enterprise,
he did softly call upon it to aid him; but the instant danger of
the present time, taking away his former reason, did suddenly
put him into a furious passion, and made him like a man half be-
sides himself. Now Antonius, that was a faithful friend to Caesar,
and a valiant man besides of his hands, him Decius Brutus Albinus
entertained out of the Senate-house, having begun a long tale of
set purpose. So Caesar coming into the house, all the Senate stood
up on tiieir feet to do him honour. Then part of Brutus* company
and confederates stood round about Caesar*s chair, and p€urt of
them also came towards him, as though they made suit with Me-
tellus Cimber, to call home his brother again from banishment, and
thus prosecuting still their suit, they followed Caesar till he was set
in his chair. Who denying their petitions, and being offended with
them one after another, because the more they were denied the
more they pressed upon him and were the eamester with him,
Metellus at length, taking his gown with both his hands, pulled it
over his neck, which was the sign given the confederates to set
upon him. Then Casca, behind him, strake him in the neck with
his sword; howbeit the wound was not great nor mortal, because
it seemed the fear of such a devilish attempt did amaze him and
take his strength from him, that he killed him not at the first blow.
But Cassar, iurniDg straight unto Vv\to, caught hold of his sword
aad held it bard; and they both cned omV^ CUei&ax \xxVaicaix''^Q

CiraAK] APPENDIX A 145

vile traitor Casca, what doest thou? " and Gisca in Greek, to his
brother, " Brother, help me." At the beginning of this stir, they
that were present, not knowing of the conspiracy, were so amazed
with the horrible sight they saw, that they had no power to fly,
neither to help him, nor so much as once to make an outcry. They
on the other side that had conspired his death compassed him in on
every side with their swords drawn in their hands, that CsBsar
turned him no where but he was stricken at by some, and still had
naked swords in his face, and was hackled and mangled among
them, as a wild beast taken of hunters. . . . Men report also, that
Caesar did still defend himself against the rest, running every way
with his body, but when he saw Brutus with his sword drawn in
his hand, then he pulled his gown over his head, and made no
more resistance, and was driven either casually or purposedly, by
the counsel of the conspirators, against the base whereupon Pom-
pey*s image stood, which ran all of a gore-blood till he was slain.
Thus it seemed that the image took just revenge of Pompey's
enemy, being thrown down on the ground at his feet, and yielding
up the ghost there, for the number of wounds he had upon him.
For it is reported, that he had three and twenty wounds upon his
body; and divers of the conspirators did hurt themselves, striking
one body with so many blows.

67. When Csesar was slain, the Senate (though Brutus stood in
the middest amongst them, as though he would have said some-
thing touching this fact) presently ran out of the house, and flying,
filled all the city with marvellous fear and tumult . . . The next
morning, Brutus and his confederates came into the market-place
to speak unto the people, who gave them such audience, that it
seemed they neither greatly reproved nor cdlowed the fact; for by
their great silence they shewed that they were sorry for Caesar^s
death, and also that they did reverence Brutus. . . .

68. But when they had opened Caesar's testament, and found a
liberal legacy of money bequeathed unto every citizen of Rome,
and that they saw his body (which was brought into the market-
place) all bemangled with gashes of swords, then there was no
order to keep the multitude and common people quiet, but they
plucked up forms, tables, and stools, and laid them all about the
body; and setting them afire, burnt the corse. Then when the fire
was well kindled, they took the fire-brands, and went unto their
houses that had slain Caesar, to set them afire. Other also ran up
and down the city to see if they could meet with any of them, to
cut them in pieces: howbeit they coiAd xafcfcV. -w&ixjke^t^t ^^aasss^^

146 APPENDIX A [C

them, because they had locked themselves up safely in
houses. There was one of Csesar^s friends called Cinna, that
a marvellous strange and terrible dream the night before,
dreamed that Caesar bade him to supper, and that he refused,
would not go; then that Caesar took him by the hand, and led
against his will. Now Cinna, hearing at that time that they I
Csesar^s body in the market-place, notwithstanding that he f<
his dream, and had an ague on him besides, he went inU
market-place to honour his funerals. When he came thither
of mean sort asked him what his name was? He was straight c
by his name. The first man told it to another, and that other
another, so that it ran straight through them all, that he was
of them that murthered Caesar (for indeed one of the traito:
Caesar was also called Cinna as himself), wherefore taking hin
Cinna the murtherer, they fell upon him with such fiiry that
presently despatched him in the market-place. . . .

69. But his great prosperity and good fortune that favo
him all his lifetime, did continue afterwards in the reveng
his death, pursuing the murtherers both by sea and land
they had not left a man more to be executed, of all them that
actors or counsellors in the conspiracy of his death. Fur
more, of all the chances that happen unto men upon the e
that which came to Cassius above all other, is most to be wonc
at; for he, being overcome in battle at the journey of Phili]
slew himself with the same sword with the which he strake Cc
. . . But above all, the ghost that appeared unto Brutus sh<
plainly, that the gods were offended with the murther of Cc
The vision was thus: Brutus being ready to pass over his army
the city of Abydos to the other coast lying directly against it,
every night (as his manner was) in his tent; and being yet an
thinking of his affairs (for by report he was as careful a ca]
and lived with as little sleep as ever man did), he thought he h
a noise at his tent-door, and looking towards the light of the ]
that waxed very dim, he saw a horrible vision of a man of a '
derful greatness and dreadful look, which at the first made
marvellously afraid. But when he saw that it did him no 1
but stood by his bed-side and said nothing, at length he asked
what he was. The image answered him, " I am thy ill ai
Brutus, and thou shalt see me by the city of Philippes." *]
B/utus replied again, and said, '^Well, I shall see thee tli
Hierewithal the spirit presently vanished from him. After
tfjne Brutus, being in battle near unto \ihe e\\:y oi^^Yi^^j^Ra^

Bhutus] appendix a 147

Antonius and Octavius Caesar, at the first battle he wan the vic-
tory, and overthrowing all them that withstood him, he drave them
into young Caesar's camp, which he took. The second battle being
at hand, this spirit appeared again unto him, but spake never a
word. Thereupon Brutus, knowing that he should die, did put
himself to all hazard in battle, but yet fighting could not be slain^
So seeing his men put to flight and overthrown, he ran unto a little
rock not far off, and there setting his sword's point to his breast,
fell upon it and slew himself; but yet, as it is reported, with the
help of his friend that despatched him.

The Life of Marcus Brutus

1. Marcus Brutus came of that Junius Brutus for whom the
ancient Romans made his statue of brass to be set up in the Capitol
with the images of the kings, holding a naked sword in his hand,
because he had valiantly put down the Tarquins from the kingdom
of Rome. . . .

8. Now Caesar, on the other side, did not trust him overmuch,
nor was without tales brought unto him against him, howbeit he
feared his great mind, authority, and friends. Yet, on the other
side also, he trusted his good nature and fair conditions. For in-
telligence being brought him one day that Antonius and Dolabella
did conspire against him, he answered ** That these fat long-haired
men made him not afraid, but the lean and whitely-faced fellows,''
meaning by that Brutus and Cassius. . . .

9. But for Brutus, his friends and countrymen, both by divers
procurements and sundry rumours of the cify, and by many bills
also, did openly call and procure him to do that he did. For under
the image of his ancestor Junius Brutus (that drave the kings out
of Rome) they wrote, " Oh, that it pleased the gods thou wert now
alive, Brutus ! " and again, " That thou wert here among us now ! "
His tribunal or chair where he gave audience during the time he was
praetor was fiill of such bills: ** Brutus, thou art asleep, and art not
Brutus indeed." . . .

10. Now when Cassius felt his friends, and did stir them up
against Caesar, they all agreed, and promised to take part with him,
so Brutus were the chief of their conspiracy. For they told him
that so high an enterprise and attempt as that did not so much re-
quire men of manhood and courage to draw their swords, as it
stood them upon to have a man of such estimation as Brutus, to
make every man boldly think that b^ Vv\& oxi^'^ ^t^'5bfc\sRfc '^^ ^v^Js.

148 APPENDIX A [Brutds

were holy and just If he took not this course, then that they
should go to it with fainter hearts, and when they had done it, they
should be more fearful, because every man would think that Brutus
would not have refused to have made one with them, if the cause
had been good and honest. Therefore Cassius, considering this
^natter with himself, did first of all speak to Brutus, since they
grew strange together for the suit they had for the prsetorship. So
when he was reconciled to him again, and that they had embraced
one another, Cassius asked him if he were determined to be in the
Senate-house the first day of the month of March, because he heard
say that Ceesar*s friends should move the council that day, that
Csesar should be called king by the Senate. Brutus answered him,
he would not be there. ''But if we be sent for," said Cassius,
" how then ?" " For myself then," said Brutus, " I mean not to
hold my peace, but to withstand it, and rather die than lose my
liberty." Cassius being bold, and taking hold of this word,
" Why," quoth he, " what Roman is he alive that will suffer thee
to die for thy liberty? What? knowest thou not that thou art
Brutus ? Thinkest thou that they be cobblers, tapsters, or suchlike
base mechanical people, that write these bills and scrolls which are
found daily in thy praetor^s chair, and not the noblest men and best
citizens that do it? No; be thou well assured that of other
praetors they look for gifts, common distributions amongst the
people, and for common plays, and to see fencers fight at the sharp,
to shew the people pastime; but at thy hands they specially require
(as a due debt unto them) the taking away of the tyranny, being
fully bent to suffer any extremity for thy sake, so that thou wilt
shew thyself to be the man thou art taken for, and that they hope
thou art " Thereupon he kissed Brutus and embraced him, and so
each taking leave of other, they went both to speak with their
friends about it

11. Now amongst Pompey*s Mends, there was one called Caius
Ligarius, who had been accused unto Csesar for taking part with
Pompey, and Csesar discharged him. But Ligarius thanked not
Caesar so much for his discharge, as he was offended with him for
that he was brought in danger by his tyrannical power; and there-
fore in his heart he was always his mortal enemy, and was besides
very familiar with Brutus, who went to see him being sick in his
bed, and said unto him, " Ligarius, in what a time art thou sick?**
Ligarius rising up in his bed, and taking him by the right hand,
said unto him, "Brutus," said he, ** \i tVvou hast any great enter-
pnse in hand worthy of thyself, 1 am -wYvoW

I-

Bhutto] APPENDIX A 149

12. After that time they began to feel all their acquaintance
whom they trusted, and laid their heads together, consulting upon
it, and did not only pick out their friends, but all those also whom
they thought stout enough to attempt any desperate matter, and
that were not aAraid to lose their lives. For this cause they durst
not acquaint Cicero with their conspiracy, although he was a man
whom they loved dearly, and trusted best; for they were afraid
that he being a coward by nature, and age also having increased
his fear, he would quite turn and alter all their purpose, and quench
the heat of their enterprise. . . . Furthermore, the only name and
great calling of Brutus did bring on the most of them to give consent
to this conspiracy, who having never taken oaths together, nor taken
or given any caution or assurance, nor binding themselves one to
another by any religious oaths, they all kept the matter so secret
to themselves, and could so cunningly handle it, that notwith-
standing the gods did reveal it by manifest signs and tokens from
above, and by predictions of sacrifices, yet all this would not be
believed.

13. Now Brutus, who knew very well that for his sake all the
noblest, valiantest, and most courageous men of Rome did venture
their lives, weighing with himself the greatness of the danger,
when he was out his house, he did so frame and fashion his coun-
tenance and looks that no man could discern he had anything, to
trouble his mind. But when night came that he was in his own
house, then he was clean changed, for either care did wake him
against his will when he would have slept, or else oftentimes of
himself he fell into such deep thoughts of this enterprise, casting
in his mind all the dangers that might happen, that his wife, lying
by him, found that there was some marvellous great matter that
troubled his mind, not being wont to be in that taking, and that he
could not well determine with himself.

His wife Porcia (as we have told you before) was the daughter of
Cato, whom Brutus married being his cousin, not a maiden, but a
young widow after the death of her first husband Bibulus, by whom
she had also a young son called Bibulus, who afterwards wrote a
book of the acts and gests of Brutus, extant at this present day.
This young lady, being excellently well-seen in philosophy, loving
her husband well, and being of a noble courage, as she was also
wise, because she would not ask her husband what he ailed before
she had made some proof by her self, she took a little razor, such
as barbers occupy to pare men*s nails, and, causing her maids and
women to go out of her chamber, gave Viet&^^i «^ ^^s^ ^gM^^-tSoa^

150 APPENDIX A [Bhotus

in her thigh, that she was straight all of a gore blood, and inconti-
nently after a vehement fever took her, by reason of the pain of
her wound. Then perceiving her husband was marvellously out of
quiet, and that he could take no rest, even in her greatest pain
of all she spake in this sort unto him: ** I being, O Brutus,** said
she, '* the daughter of Cato, was married unto thee; not to be thy
bed-fellow and companion in bed and at board only, like a harlot*
but to be partaker also with thee thy good and evil fortune. Now
for thyself, I can find no cause of fault in thee touching our match ;
but for my part, how may I shew my duty towards thee and how
much I would do for thy sake, if I cannot constantly bear a secret
mischance or grief with thee, which requireth secrecy and fidelity?
I confess that a woman *s wit commonly is too weak to keep a secret
safely, but yet, Brutus, good education and the company of virtu-
ous men have some power to reform the defect of nature. And for
myself, I have this benefit moreover, that I am the daughter of
Cato and wife of Brutus. This notwithstanding, I did not trust to
any of these things before, until that now I have found by expe-
rience that no pain or grief whatsoever can overcome rae." With
those words she shewed him her wound on her thigh, and told him
what she had done to prove herself. Brutus was amazed to hear
what she said unto him, and lifting up his hands to heaven, he be-
sought the gods to give him the grace he might bring his enterprise
to so good pass, that he might be found a husband worthy of so
noble a wife as Porcia; so he then did comfort her the best he
could.

14. Now a day being appointed for the meeting of the Senate, at
what time they hoped Caesar would not fail to come, the conspir-
ators determined then to put their enterprise in execution, because
they might meet safely at that time without suspicion; and the
rather, for that all the noblest and chiefest men of the city would
be there, who, when they should see such a great matter executed,
would every man set to their hands for the defence of their liberty.
Furthermore they thought also that the appointment of the place
where the council should be kept was chosen of purpose by divine
providence, and made all for them. For it was one of the porches
about the theatre, in the which there was a certain place full of
seats for men to sit in, where also was set up the image of Pompey,
which the city had made and consecrated in honour of him, when
he did beautify that part of the city with the theatre he built, with
divers porches about it In this pVace v^a'^ the assembly of the
Senate appointed to be, just on the ^{teeii>ih d^.^ oi >CGk& tsi^cpc^

Bkutus] appendix A 151

March, which the Romans call Ichis Martias; so that it seemed
some god of purpose had brought Ceesar thither to be slain, for
revenge of Pompey*s death. So when the day was come, Brutus
went out of his house with a dagger by his side under his long
gown, that nobody saw nor knew but his wife only. The other
conspirators were all assembled at Cassius* house, to bring his son
into the market-place, who on that day did put on the man*s gown,
called tof^a tnrt/w, and from thence they came all in a troop together
unto Pompey*s porch, looking that Caesar would straight come
thither. But here is to be noted the wonderful assured constancy
of these conspirators, in so dangerous and weighty an enterprise as
they had undertaken. For many of them being prsetors, by reason
of their office (whose duty is to minister justice to everybody) did
not only with great quietness and courtesy hear them that spake
unto them, or that pleaded matters before them, and gave them
attentive ear as if they had no other matter in their heads, but
moreover they gave just sentence, and carefully despatched the
causes before them. . . .

16. Notwithstanding this, by chance there fell out many misfor-
tunes unto them, which was enough to have marred the enterprise.
The first and chiefest was Caesar's long tarrying, who came very
late to the Senate, for, because the signs of the sacrrifices appeared
unlucky, his wife Calpumia kept him at home, and the sooth-
sayers bade him beware he went not abroad. . . . Another Sen-
ator, called Popilius Laena, after he had saluted Brutus and Cassius
more friendly than he was wont to do, he rounded softly in their
ears, and told them, " I pray the gods you may go through with
that you have taken in hand; but withal, despatch, I reade you, for
your enterprise is bewrayed." When he had said, he presently
departed from them, and left them both afraid that fiieir con-
spiracy would out.

Now in the meantime, there came one of Brutus* men post-
haste unto him, and told him his wife was a-dying. For Porcia,
being very carefiil and pensive for that which was to come, and
being too weak to away with so great and inward grief of mind,
she could hardly keep within, but was frighted with every little
noise and cry she heard, as those that are taken and possessed
with the fury of the Bacchantes ; asking every man that came from
the market-place what Brutus did, and still sent messenger after
messenger, to know what news. At length Caesar's coming being
prolonged (as you have heard), Porcia's weakness was not. ahle tl^
hold out any longer^ and thereupon s\ve ^w^^«^^ ^-sROJVssiS^.^^SiiasJs.

152 APPENDIX A [Bbctdb

she had no leisure to go to her chamber, but was taken in the
midst of her house, where her speech and senses failed her. How-
beit she soon came to herself again, and so was laid in her bed,
and attended by her women. When Brutus heard these news, it
grieved him, as it is to be presupposed ; yet he left not off the care
of his country and commonwealth, neither went home to his house
for any news he heard.

16. Now it was reported that Caesar was coming in his litter,
for he determined not to stay in the Senate all that day (because
he was afraid of the unlucky signs of the sacrifices) but to adjourn
matters of importance unto the next session and council holden,
feigning himself not to be well at ease. When Caesar came out of
his litter, Popilius Laena (that had talked before with Brutus and
Cassius, and had prayed the gods they might bring this enterprise
to pass) went unto Caesar and kept him a long time with a talk.
Caesar gave good ear unto him, wherefore the conspirators (if so
they should be called) not hearing what he said to Caesar, but con-
jecturing by that he had told them a little before that his talk was
none other but the very discovery of their conspiracy, they were
afraid every man of them; and, one looking in another*s face, it
was easy to see that they all were of a mind, that it was no tarry-
ing for them till they were apprehended, but rather that they
should kill themselves with their own hands. And when Cassius
and certain other clapped their hands on their swords under their
gowns to draw them, Brutus, marking the countenance and ges-
ture of Laena, and considering that he did use himself rather like
an humble and earnest suitor than like an accuser, he said nothing
to his companion (because there were many amongst them that
were not of the conspiracy), but with a pleasant countenance
encouraged Cassius. And immediately after Laena went from
Caesar, and kissed his hand ; which shewed plainly that it wafi for
some matter concerning himself that he had held him so long in
talk.

17. Now all the Senators being entered first into this place or
chapter-house where the council should be kept, all the other con-
spirators straight stood about Caesar*s chair, as if they had had
something to say unto him. And some say that Cassius, casting
his eyes upon Pompey's image, made his prayer unto it, as if it
had been alive. Trebonius ^ on the other side drew Antonius at
o' side, as he came into the house where the Senate sat, and held

^ In Caesar'a lite it ia said, it was Decius Brvxtua M\AQ>]&tlv&t kept Antonius witb
a talk without.

Bhotus] appendix a 153

him with a long talk without When Caesar was come into the
house, all the Senate rose to honour him at his coming in. So
when he was set, the conspirators flocked about him, and amongst
them they presented one TuUius Cimber,^ who made humble suit
for the calling home again of his brother that was banished. They
all made as though they were intercessors for him, and took CsBsar
by the hands, and kissed his head and breast. Caesar at the first
simply refused their kindness and entreaties ; but afterwards, per-
ceiving they still pressed on him, he violently thrust them from
him. Then Cimber with both his hands plucked Caesar's gown
over his shoulders, and Casca, that stood behind him, drew his
dagger first and strake Caesar upon the shoulder, but gave him no
great wound. Caesar, feeling himself hurt, took liim straight by
tiie hand he held his dagger in, and cried out in Latin, '*0 traitor
Casca, what dost thou ? *' Casca on the other side cried in Greek,
and called his brother to help him. So divers running on a heap
together to fly upon Caesar, he, looking about him to have fled,
saw Brutus with a sword drawn in his hand ready to strike at him ;
then he let Casca*s hand go, and casting his gown over his face,
suffered every man to strike at him that would. Then the con-
spirators thronging one upon another, because every man was
desirous to have a cut at him, so many swords and daggers lighting
upon one body, one of them hurt another, and among them Brutus
caught a blow on his hand, because he would make one in murther-
ing of him, and all the rest also were every man of them bloodied.
18. Caesar being slain in this manner, Brutus, standing in the
middest of the house, would have spoken, and stayed the other
Senators that were not of the conspiracy, to have told them the
reason why they had done this fact. But they, as men both
afraid and amazed, fled one upon another^s neck in haste to get
out at the door, and no man followed them. For it was set down
and agreed between them, that they should kill no man but
Caesar only, and should intreat all the rest to look to defend their
liberty. All the conspirators but Brutus, determining upon this
matter, thought it good also to kill Antonius, because he was a
wicked man, and that in nature favoured tyranny ; besides also,
for that he was in great estimation with soldiers, having been con-
versant of long time amongst them, and especially having a mind
bent to great enterprises, he was also of great authority at that
time, being consul with Caesar. But Brutus would not agree to it.
First, for that he said it was not honest ; secondlY^ Vie)C»MSiR.Vk&\s}>^
' In Ciesar's life he is called Me\.e\\.\i& Cvm^Mx.

154 APPENDIX A [Bhutot

them there was hope of change in him. For he did not mistrust
but that Antonius, being a nobleminded and courageous roan,
(when he should know that Csesar was dead) would willingly help
his country to recover her liberty, having them an example unto
him to follow their courage and virtue. So Brutus by this means
saved Antonius* life, who at that present time disguised himself and
stole away, but Brutus and his consorts, having their swords bloody
in their hands, went straight to the Capitol, persuading the Romans
as they went to take their liberty again. . . .

There, a great number of men being assembled together one
after another, Brutus made an oration unto them to win the favour
of the people and to justify that they had done. All those that
were by said they had done well, and cried unto them that they
should boldly come down from the Capitol; whereupon Brutus
and his companions came boldly down into the market-place. The
rest followed in troop, but Brutus went foremost, very honourably
compassed in round about with the noblest men of the city, which
brought him from the Capitol through the market-place to the
pulpit for orations. When the people saw him in the pulpit,
although they were a multitude of rakehels of all sorts, and had a
good will to make some stir, yet, being ashamed to do it, for the
reverence they bare unto Brutus, they kept silence to hear what he
would say. When Brutus began to speak, they gave him quiet
audience ; howbeit, immediately after, they shewed that they were
not all contented with the murther. . . .

19. The next day [but one] following, the Senate, being called
again to council, did first of all commend Antonius for that he had
wisely stayed and quenched the beginning of a civil war ; then
they also gave Brutus and his consorts great praises ; and lastly
they appointed them several governments of Provinces. For unto
Brutus they appointed Creta, Africa unto Cassius, Asia unto Tre-
bonius, Bithynia unto Cimber, and unto the other^ Decius Brutus
Albinus, Gaul on this side of the Alps.

20. When this was done, they came to talk of Caesar's will and
testament and of his fiinerals and tomb. Then Antonius, thinking
good his testament should be read openly, and also that his body
should be honourably buried, and not in hugger-mugger, lest the
people might thereby take occasion to be worse offended if they
did otherwise, Cassius stoutly spake against it. But Brutus went
with the motion and agreed unto it, wherein it seemeth he com-

mjtted a second fault. For t\ie fvtst ia\]\\. \vfe d\d. 'wwi when he
would not consent to his fellow-coi\sp\Ta\jOTa WveX. Kiy\.QkT&»& ^<cn^

Bkutds] appendix A 155

be slain; and therefore he was justly accused that thereby he
had saved and strengthened a strong and grievous enemy of their
conspiracy. The second fault was when he agreed that Caesar's
funerals should be as Antonius would have them, the which indeed
marred all. For first of all, when Caesar's testament was openly
read among them, whereby it appeared that he bequeathed unto
every citizen of Rome 75 drachmas a man, and that he left his
gardens and arbours unto the people, which he had on this side of
the river Tiber, in the place where now the temple of Fortune is
built, the people then loved him, and were marvellous sorry for
him. Afterwards, when Caesar's body was brought into the
market-place, Antonius making his funeral oration in praise of the
dead, according to the ancient custom of Rome, and perceiving
that his words moved the common people to compassion, he
filmed his eloquence to make their hearts yearn the more, and
taking Caesar's gown all bloody in his hand, he laid it open to the
sight of them all, shewing what a number of cuts and holes it had
upon it. Therewithal the people fell presently into such a rage
and mutiny, that there was no more order kept amongst the com-
mon people. For some of them cried out, " Kill the murtherers ! "
others plucked up forms, tables, and stalls about the market-place,
as they had done before at the funerals of Clodius, and having laid
them all on a heap together, they set them on fire, and thereupon
did put the body of Caesar, and burnt it in the midst of the most
holy places. And furthermore, when the fire was throughly
kindled, some here, some there, took burning firebrands, and ran
with them to the murtherers' houses that killed him, to set them
on fire. Howbeit the conspirators, forseeing the danger before,
had wisely provided for themselves and fied.

But there was a poet called Cinna, who had been no partaker
of the conspiracy, but was always one of Caesar's chiefest friends ;
he dreamed, the night before, that Caesar bade him to supper with
him, and that, he refusing to go, Caesar was very importunate with
him, and compelled him ; so that at length he led him by the hand
into a great dark place, where, being marvellously afraid, he was
driven to follow him in spite of his heart This dream put him all
night into a fever, and yet notwithstanding, the next morning,
when he heard that they carried Caesar's body to burial, being
ashamed not to accompany his funerals, he went out of his house,
and thrust himself into the press of the common people that were
in a great uproar. And because some one called him. b^ hi& w^\&&
Chum, the people^ thinking he had \>ee!\ Xltw^X. CAssMa* ^Nx^ Nsi. ^«w

156 APPENDIX A [Bhutct

oration he made had spoken very evil of Ca&sar, they, falling upon
him in their rage, slew him outright in the market-place.

21. This made Brutus and his companions more afraid than any
other thing next unto the change of Antonius. Wherefore they
got them out of Rome, and kept at the first in the city of Antium,
hoping to return again to Rome when the fury of the people was
a littie assuaged. . . .

22. Now the state of Rome standing in these terms, there fell
out another change and cdteration when the young man Octavius
Csesar came to Rome. He was the son of Julius Caesar's niece,
whom he had adopted for his son, and made his heir, by his last
will and testament. But when Julius Caesar, his adopted father,
was slain, he was in the city of Apollonia (where he studied) tarry-
ing for him, because he was determined to make war with the
Parthians; but when he heard the news of his death, he returned
again to Rome. . . .

27. So Brutus preparing to go to Asia, news came unto him of
the great change at Rome, for Octavius Caesar was in arms, by
commandment and authority from the Senate, against Marcus
Antonius. But after that he had driven Antonius out of Italy, the
Senate began then to be afraid of him, because he sued to be con-
sul, which was contrary to the law, and kept a great army about
him when the empire of Rome had no need of them. On the other
side Octavius Caesar, perceiving the Senate stayed not there, but
turned unto Brutus that was out of Italy, and that they appointed
him the government of certain provinces, then he began to be
afinid for his part, and sent unto Antonius to offer him his friend-
ship. Then coming on with his army near to Rome, he made him-
self to be chosen consul, whether the Senate would or not, when
he was yet but a stripling or springall of twenty years old, as him-
self reporteth in his own Commentaries. So when he was consul,
he presenUy appointed judges, to accuse Brutus and his com.
panions for killing of the noblest person in Rome and chiefest
magistrate without law or judgment, and made L. Comificius
accuse Brutus, and M. Agrippa, Cassius. So the parties accused
were condemned, because the judges were compelled to give such
sentence. The voice went, that when the herald (according to the
custom after sentence given) went up to the chair or pulpit for
orations, and proclaimed ** Brutus *' with a loud voice, summoning
him to appear in person before the judges, the people that stood
bjr sighed openly^ and the noblenieti \.Yva\.\i€t^ i^vesent hung down
their heatis, and durst not speak a >NOTd. KmoTi% >(^«b^ ^<^ \»a!&

Bkutus] appendix a 157

fell from Publius Silicius' eyes: who, shortly after, was one of the
proscripts or outlaws appointed to be slain. After that, these
three, Octavius Csesar, Antonius, and Lepidus, made an agree-
ment between themselves, and by those articles divided the prov-
inces belonging to the empire of Rome among themselves, and did
set up bills of proscription and outlawry, condemning two hundred
of the noblest men of Rome to suffer death, and among that num-
ber Cicero was one. . . .

29. Now Cassius would have done Brutus much honour, as Bru-
tus did unto him, but Brutus most commonly prevented him, and
went first unto him, both because he was the elder man as also for
that he was sickly of body. And men reputed him commonly to
be very skilful in wars, but otherwise marvellous choleric and cruel,
who sought to rule men by fear rather than with lenity, and on
the other side, he was too familiar with his friends, and would
jest too broadly with them. But Brutus, in contrary manner, for •
his virtue and valiantness, was well beloved of the people and his
own, esteemed of noblemen, and hated of no man, not so much as
of his enemies; because he was a marvellous lowly and gentle per-
son, noble-minded, and would never be in any rage, nor carried
away with pleasure and covetousness, but had ever an upright
mind with him, and would never yield to any wrong or injustice;
the which was the chiefest cause of his fame, of his rising, and of
the goodwill that every man bare him, for they were all persuaded
that his intent was good. . . .

30. Now whilst Brutus and Cassius were together in the city of
Smyrna, Brutus prayed Cassius to let him have some part of his
money whereof he had great store; because all that he could rap
and rend of his side, he had bestowed it in making so great a num-
ber of ships, that by means of them they should keep all the sea
at their commandment. Cassius* friends hindered this request
and earnestly dissuaded him from it, persuading him that it was
no reason that Brutus should have the money which Cassius had
gotten together by sparing and levied with great evil will of the
people their subjects, for him to bestow liberally upon his soldiers,
and by this means to win their good wills by Cassius* charge.
This notwithstanding, Cassius gave him the third part of this total
sum. . . .

34. About that time Brutus sent to pray Cassius to come to the
city of Sardis, and so he did. Brutus, understanding of his com-
ing, went to meet him with all his friends. TVvexe bdVjk. ^^xt
armies being armed, they called tVveift VjoVYi E-nv^ww^, ^^nr ya*"^

158 APPENDIX A [Bi

commonly happened in great affairs between two persons, be
them having many friends and so many captains under them,
ran tales and complaints betwixt them. Therefore, before
fell in hand with any other matter, they went into a little cha
together, and bade every man avoid, and did shut the doc
them. Then they began to pour out their complaints one t
other, and grew hot and loud, earnestly accusing one another
at length fell both a-weeping. Their friends that were wi
the chamber, hearing them loud within, and angry between t
selves, they were both amazed and afraid also, lest it would
to further matter, but yet they were commanded that no
should come to them. Notwithstanding, one Marcus Phac
that had been a friend and a follower of Cato while he lived
took upon him to counterfeit a philosopher, not with wisdom
discretion, but with a certain bedlam and frantic motion, he \
needs come into the chamber, though the men offered to kee]
out But it was no boot to let Phaonius when a mad mood o
took him in the head, for he was a hot, hasty man, and sudd
all his doings, and cared for never a senator of them all.
though he used this bold manner of speech after the profess!
the Cynic philosophers (as who would say. Dogs), yet his bol
did no hurt many times, because they did but laugh at him 1
him so mad. This Phaonius at that time, in despite of the
keepers, came into the chamber, and with a certain scoffing
mocking gesture, which he counterfeited of purpose, he rehe
the verses which old Nestor said in Homer:

My lords, I pray you hearken both to me.
For I have seen moe years than suchie three.

Cassius fell a-laughing at him; but Brutus thrust him out o
chamber, and called him dog, and counterfeit Cynic. Ho
his coming in brake their strife at that time, and so they left
other. . . .

36. The next day after, Brutus, upon complaint of the Sarc
did condemn and note Lucius Pella for a defamed person, tha
been a praetor of the Romans, and whom Brutus had given cl
unto; for that he was accused and convicted of robbery and p
in his office. This judgment much misliked Cassius, becau
himself had secretly (not many days before) warned two <
friends, attainted and convicted oi VYve \\ke offences, and o
had cleared them ; but yet he did not VYvweXoxe. V».n^ \ft e

Brutus] APPENDIX A 159

them in any manner of service as he did before. And therefore he
greatly reproved Brutus, for that he would shew himself so straight
and severe in such a time as was meeter to bear a little than to
take things at the worst Brutus in contrary manner answered
that he should remember the Ides of March, at which time they
slew Julius Caesar, who neither pilled nor polled the country, but
only was a favourer and suborner of all them that did rob and
spoil by his countenance and authority. And if there were any
occasion whereby they might honestly set aside justice and equity,
they should have had more reason to have suffered Caesar's friends
to have robbed and done what wrong and injury they had would
than to bear with their own men. ** For then," said he, *' they
could but have said we had been cowards, but now they may ac-
cuse us of injustice, beside the pains we take and the danger we
put ourselves into." And thus may we see what Brutus' intent
and purpose was.

36. But as they both prepared to pass over again out of Asia
into Europe, there went a rumor that there appeared a wonderful
sign unto him. Brutus was a careful man, and slept very little,
both for that his diet was moderate as also because he was con-
tinually occupied. He never slept in the day-time, and in the
night no longer than the time he was driven to be alone, and when
everybody else took their rest. But now whilst he was in war, and
his head ever busily occupied to think of his affairs and what would
happen, after he had slumbered a little after supper, he spent all
the rest of the night in despatching of his weightiest causes; and
after he had taken order for them, if he had any leisure left him,
he would read some book till the third watch of the night, at what
time the captains, petty captains, and colonels, did use to come to
him. So, being ready to go into Europe, one night very late
(when all the camp took quiet rest) as he was in his tent with a
little light, thinking of weighty matters, he thought he heard one
come in to him, and casting his eye towards the door of his tent,
that he saw a wonderful strange and monstrous shape of a body
coming towards him, and said never a word. So Brutus boldly
asked what he was, a god or a man, and what cause brought him
thither? The spirit answered him, ** I am thy evil spirit, Brutus,
and thou shalt see me by the city of Philippes." Brutus being no
otherwise afraid, replied again unto it, ** Well, then I shall see thee
again.'*

37. The spirit presently vanished away, and Brutus called his
men unto bim, who told him that tVvey Yveact^ \\o XkaYSfc^^sax 's»?r

160 APPENDIX A [Bedtus

anything at all. Thereupon Brutus returned again to think on his
matters as he did before, and when the day brake, he went unto
Cassius, to tell him what vision had appeared unto him in the night
Cassius being in opinion an Epicurean, and reasoning thereon with
Brutus, spake to him touching the vision thus: ** In our sect,
Brutus, we have an opinion that we do not always feel or see that
which we suppose we do both see and feel, but that our senses be-
ing credulous and therefore easily abused (when they are idle and
unoccupied in their own objects) are induced to imagine they see
and conjecture that which in truth they do not." . . . When they
raised their camp, there came two eagles, that flying with a mar-
vellous force, lighted upon two of the foremost ensigns, and always
followed the soldiers, which gave them meat and fed them, until
they came near to the city of Philippes, and there, one day only
before the battle, they both flew away.

38. Now Brutus had conquered the most part of all the people
and nations of that country, but if there were any other city or
captain to overcome, then they made all clear before them, and so
drew towards the coasts of Thassos. ... So Caesar came not thither
of ten days after; and Antonius camped against Cassius, and
Brutus on the other side, against Csesar. The Romans called the
valley between both camps, the Philippian fields, and there were
never seen two so great armies of the Romans, one before the
other, ready to fight In truth, Brutus' army was inferior to, Octa-
vius Caesar's in number of men, but for bravery and rich furniture,
Brutus' army far excelled Caesar's. For the most part of their
armours were silver and gilt, which Brutus had bountifully given
them, although, in all other things, he taught his captains to live
in order without excess. . . .

39. Now when they came to muster their armies, Octavius
Caesar took the muster of his army within the trenches of his camp,
and gave his men only a little com, and five silver drachmas to
every man to sacrifice to the gods and to pray for victory. But
Brutus, scorning this misery and niggardliness, first of all mustered
his army and did purify it in the fields according to the manner of
the Romans, and then he gave unto every band a number of weth-
ers to sacrifice and fifty silver drachmas to every soldier. . . . Not-
withstanding, being busily occupied about the ceremonies of this
purification, it is reported that there chanced certain unlucky signs
unto Cassius. . . . There was seen a marvellous number of fowls
of prey, that feed upon dead carcases, and bee-hives also were
found, where bees were gathered together in a certain place within

BnvTUB] APPENDIX A l6l

the trenches of the camp. . . . The which began somewhat to alter
Cassius* mind from Epicurus* opinions, and had put the soldiers
also in a marvellous fear. Thereupon Cassius was of opinion not
to try this war at one battle, but rather to delay time and to draw
it out in length, considering that they were the stronger in money
and the weaker in men and armour. But Brutus, in contrary man-
ner, did always before, and at that time also, desire nothing more
than to put edl to the hazard of battle as soon as might be pos-
sible, to the end he might either quickly restore his country to her
former liberty, or rid him forthwith of this miserable world, being
still troubled in following and maintaining of such great armies
together. . . . Thereupon it was presently determined they should
fight battle the next day.

40. So Brutus all supper-time looked with a cheerful counte-
nance like a man that had good hope, and talked very wisely of
philosophy, and after supper went to bed. But touching Cassius,
Messala reporteth that he supped by himself in his tent with a
few of his Mends, and that adl supper-time he looked very sadly,
and was full of thoughts, although it was against his nature, and
that after supper he took him by the hand, and holding him fast
(in token of kindness, sus his manner was) told him in Greek:
'* Messala, I protest unto thee, and make thee my witness, that I
am compelled against my mind and will (as Pompey the Great was)
to jeopard the liberty of our country to the hazard of a battle.
And yet we must be lively and of good courage, considering our
good fortune, whom we should wrong too much to mistrust her,
although we follow evil counsel.'* Messala writeth that Cassius
having spoken these last words unto him, he bade him farewell
and willed him to come to supper to him the next night following,
because it was his birthday. The next morning, by break of day,
the signal of battle was set out in Brutus* and Cassius* camp, which
was an arming scarlet coat; and both the chieftains spake together
in the midst of their armies. There Cassius began to speak first,
and said, ** The gods grant us, O Brutus, that this day we may
win the field, and ever after to live all the rest of our life quietly
one with another. But sith the gods have so ordained it, that the
g^reatest and chiefest things amongst men are most uncertain, and
that if the battle fall out otherwise to-day than we wish or look for,
we shall hardly meet again, what art thou then determined to do,
to fly or die? ** Brutus answered him, being yet but a young man,
and not over greatly experienced in the world, ** I trust (I know
not how) a certain rule of philosophy, by the which I did greatly

162 APPENDIX A [Bhutoi

Uame and reprove Cato for killing himself, as being no lawful nor
goodly act, touching the gods, nor concerning men, valiant, not to
give place and yield to Divine Providence, and not constantly and
patiently to take whatsoever it pleaseth him to send us, but to
draw back and fly; but being now in the midst of the danger, I am
of a contrary mind.". . . After this talk they fell to consultatioD
among their friends for the ordering of the battle. Then Brutus
prayed Cassius he might have the leading of the right wing, the
which men thought was far meeter for Cassius, both because he
was the elder man, and also for that he had the better experience.
But yet Cassius gave it him, and willed, that Messala (who had
charge of one of the warlikest legions they had) should be also in
that wing with Brutus. . . .

41. Now Antonius' men did cast a trench from the marish by
the which they lay, to cut off Cassius* way to come to the sea; and
Caesar, at the least his army stirred not. ... In the meantime
Brutus, that led the right wing, sent little bills to the colonels and
captains of private bands, in the which he wrote the word of the
battle; and he himself, riding a-horseback by all the troops, did
speak to them, and encouraged them to stick to it like men. So by
this means very few of them understood what was the word of the
battle, and besides, the most part of them never tarried to have it
told them, but ran with great fury to assail the enemies; whereby,
through this disorder, the legions were marvellously scattered and
dispersed, one from the other. . . .

42. Furthermore, the voward and the middest of Brutus* bat-
tle had already put all their enemies to flight that withstood
them, with great slaughter; so that Brutus had conquered aU on
his side, and Cassius had lost all on the other side. • . . Now
Brutus returning from the chase, after he had slain and sacked
Caesar's men, he wondered much that he could not see Cassius*
tent standing up high as it was wont, neither the other tents of his
camp standing as they were before, because all the whole camp
had been spoiled, and the tents thrown down, at the first coming
of their enemies. . . . This made Brutus at the first mistrust that
which had happened. So he appointed a number of men to keep
the camp of his enemy which he had taken, and caused his men to
be sent for that yet followed the chase, and gathered them together,
thinking to lead them to aid Cassius, who was in this state as you
shall hear.

43. First of all, he was marvellous angry to see how Brutus*
men ran to give charge upon their enemies, and tarried not for the

Brutus] APPENDIX A l6S

word of the battle nor commandment to give charge; and it
grieved him beside, that after he had overcome them, his men fell
straight to spoil, and were not careful to compass in the rest of th^
enemies behind; but with tarrying too long also, more than
through the valiantness or foresight of the captains his enemies,
Cassius found himself compassed in with the right wing of his
enemy's army. Whereupon his horsemen brake immediately, and
fled for life towards the sea. Furthermore perceiving his footmen
to give ground, he did what he could to keep them from flying, and
took an ensign from one of the ensign-bearers that fled, and stuck
it fast at his feet, although with much ado he could scant keep his
own guard together.

So Cassius himself was at length compelled to fly, with a few
about him, unto a little hill, from whence they might easily see
what was done in all the plain; howbeit Cassius himself saw
nothing, for his sight was very bad, saving* that he saw (and yet
with much ado) how the enemies spoiled his camp before his eyes.
He saw also a great troop of horsemen, whom Brutus sent to aid
him, and thought that they were his enemies that followed him,
but yet he sent Titinnius, one of them that was with him, to go
and know what they were. Brutus' horsemen saw him coming
afar ofl*, whom when they knew that he was one of Cassius'
chiefest friends, they shouted out for joy, and they that were
familiarly acquainted with him lighted from their horses, and went
and embraced him. The rest compassed him in round about on
horseback, with songs of victory and great rushing of their harness,
so that they made all the field ring again for joy. But this marred
all. For Cassius, thinking indeed that Titinnius was taken of the
enemies, he then spake these words, ''Desiring too much to live,
I have lived to see one of my best friends taken, for my sake,
before my face. " After that he got into a tent where nobody was,
and took Pindarus with him, one of his bondsmen whom he
reserved ever for such a pinch, since the cursed battle of the
Parthians, where Crassus was slain, though he notwithstanding
scaped from that overthrow ; but then, casting his cloak over his
head, and holding out his bare neck unto Pindarus, he gave him
his head to be stricken off. So the head was found severed from
the body, but after that time Pindarus was never seen more.
Whereupon some took occasion to say that he had slain his master
without his commandment By and by they knew the horsemen
that came towards them, and might see Titinnius crowned with a
garland of triumph, who came before with great speed unto Cassius.

164 APPENDIX A [BRuroa

But when he perceived, by the cries and tears of his friends which
tormented themselves, the misfortune that had chanced to his
captain Cassius by mistaking, he drew out his sword, cursing him-
self a thousand times that he had tarried so long, and so slew
himself presently in the field.

44. Brutus in the mean time came forward still, and understood
also that Cassius had been overthrown, but he knew nothing of his
death till he came very near to his camp. So when he was come
thither, after he had lamented the death of Cassius, calling him
the last of all the Bx)mans, being unpossible that Bx)me should
ever breed again so noble and valiant a man as he, he caused his
body to be buried, and sent it to the city of Thassos, fearing lest
his funerals within his camp should cause great disorder. . . .

47. The day before the last battle was given. . . .

48. . . . the selfsame night, it is reported that the monstrous spirit
which had appeared before unto Brutus in the city of Sardis did
now appear again unto him in the selfsame shape and form and so
vanished away and said never a word. . . .

49. Now after that Brutus had brought his army into the field
and had set them in battle ray directly against the voward of his
enemy, he paused a long time before he gave the signal of battle.
. . . Then suddenly, one of the chiefest knights he had in all his
army, called Camulatius, and that was alway marvellously esteemed
of for his valiantness, until that time, he came hard by Brutus
a-horseback, and rode before his face to yield himself unto his
enemies. Brutus was marvellous sorry for it; wherefore, partly
for anger, and partly for fear of greater treason and rebellion, he
suddenly caused his army to march, being past three of the clock in
the afternoon. . . . There was the son of Marcus Cato slain,
valiantly fighting among the lusty youths. For notwithstanding
that he was very weary and over-harried, yet would he not there-
fore fly ; but manfully fighting and laying about him, telling aloud
his name, and also his father*s name, at length he was beaten down
amongst many other dead bodies of his enemies, which he had
slain round about him.

60. So there were slain in the field all the chiefest gentlemen and
nobility that were in his army, who valiantly ran into any danger
to save Brutus* life; amongst whom there was one of Brutus'
friends called Lucilius, who seeing a troop of barbarous men
making no reckoning of all men else they met in their way, but
going' all together right against Brutus, Vv€i dc^e;Tm\ued to stay
them with the hazard of his life, and \)e\ug\t^>w^sMk.di»\i;\ii^«n\.

that he was Brutus ; ,

prayed them to briog himi
Cfsar, and that he did tl
being' very glad of t
happy men, they tarried t
onto Aotonius. to tell hin:
glad of it. and went out to
also understanding of it. t
they came out of all parts
his hard fortune, and othei
self, so cowardly to be takt
of death. When they cs
while bethinking himself hi
time Lucilius was brougl
countenance said, " Anton
hatb taken nor shall take 9
keep him from that fortun
dead, he will be found hk
come unto thee, having de
them down that 1 was Br
torment thou wilt put mt
amazed that heard him. /
all them that had brought
1 think ye are sorry ye I
you think this man hath dc
you have taken a better
instead of an enemy you I
part, if you had brought m
I should have done to him.
friends, as this man here,
braced Lucilius, and at th
friends in custody, and Lu
even to his death.

SI. Now Brutus having;
Bide with hi^h rocks and i
dark night, he went no ft»
with certain of his i-aptat
looking up to the firman
rehearsed two verses, of I
thU effect :

166 APPENDIX A [Brutub

and saith that )ie had forgotten the other. Within a little while
after, naming his ftiends that he had seen slain in battle before his
eyes, he fetched a greater sigh than before, specially when he
came to name Labio and Flavins, of whom the one was his
lieutenant, and the other captain of the pioners of his camp. In
the meantime one of the company being athirst, and seeing Brutus
athirst also, he ran to the river for water and brought it in his
sallet. At the same time they heard a noise on the other side of
the river, whereupon Volumnius took Dardanus, Brutus* servsuit,
with him, to see what it was, and returning straight again, asked
if there were any water left Brutus smiling, gently told him,
"All is drunk, but they shall bring you some more." Thereupon
he sent him again that went for water before, who was in great
danger of being taken by the enemies, and hardly escaped, bdng
sore hurt

Furthermore, Brutus thought that there was no great number of
men slain in battle, and to know the truth of it, there was one called
Statilius, that promised to go through his enemies, for otherwise it
was impossible to go see their camp, and from thence, if all were
well, that he would lift up a torch-light in the air, and then return
again with speed to him. The torch-light was lift up as he had
promised, for Statilius went thither. Now Brutus seeing Statilius
tarry long after that, and that he came not again, he said, "If
Statilius be alive, he will come again.** But his evil fortune was
such that, as he came back, he Hghted in his enemies* hands and
was slain.

62. Now the night being far spent, Brutus as he sat bowed
towards Clitus, one of his men, and told him somewhat in his ear:
the other answered him not, but fell a- weeping. Thereupon he
proved Dardanus, and said somewhat also to him ; at length he
came to Volumnius himself, and speaking to him in Greek, prayed
him for the studies* sake which brought them acquainted together,
that he would help him to put his hand to his sword, to thrust it in
him to kiU him. Volumnius denied his request, and so did many
others; and amongst the rest, one of them said, there was no tarry-
ing for them there, but that they must needs fly. Then Brutus,
rising up, ** We must fly indeed," said he, ** but it must be with
our hands, not with our feet." Then taking every man by the
hand, he said these words unto them with a cheerful countenance:
" It re;oiceth my heart, that not one of my Mends hath failed me
at my need, and I do not complain of my ioi^xmfc, Wt only for my
country *8 sake; for as for me, 1 tYvink myse^i \v«:^^\et >Owkol ^«5

Airroinus] APPENDIX A l67

that have overcome, considering that I leave a perpetual fame of
virtue and honesty, the which our enemies the conquerors shall
never attain unto by force or money; neither can let their posterity
to say that they, being naughty and unjust men, have slain good
men, to usurp tyrannical power not pertaining to them.'* Having
80 said, he prayed every man to shift for himself, and then he went
a little aside with two or three only, among the which Strato was
one, with whom he came first acquainted by the study of rhetoric.
He came as near to him as he could, and taking his sword by the
hilt with both his hands, and falling down upon the point of it, ran
himself through. Others say that not he, but Strato (at his re-
quest) held the sword in his hand, and turned his head aside, and
that Brutus fell down upon it, and so ran himself through, and died
presently.

68. Messala, that had been Brutus* great friend, became after-
wards Octavius Caesar^s friend: so, shortly after, Ceesar being at
good leisure, he brought Strato, Brutus* friend, unto him, and
weeping said, ** Ceesar, behold, here is he that did the last service
to my Brutus.** Caesar welcomed him at that time, and afterwards
he did him as faithfid service in all his affairs as any Grecian else
he had about him, until the battle of Actium. . . . And for Porcia,
Brutus* wife, Nicolaus the philosopher and Valerius Maxiraus do
write, that she, determining to kill herself (her parents and friends
carefully looking to her to keep her from it), took hot burning
coals and cast them into her mouth, and kept her mouth so close
that she choked herself. . . .

The Life of Marcus Amtonius

11. It is reported that Csesar answered one that did accuse
Antonius and Dolabella unto him for some matter of conspiracy,
*' Tush,** said he, ** they be not those fat fellows and fine combed
men that I fear, but I mistrust rather these pale and lean men,'*
meaning by that Brutus and Cassius, who afterwards conspired
his death and slew him.

12. Antonius, unawares, afterwards gave C8esar*s enemies just
occasion and colour to do as they did, as you shall hear. The
Romans by chance celebrated the feast called Lupercalia, and
Caesar, being apparelled in his triumphing robe, was set in the
tribune where they use to make their orations to the people, and
Arom thence did behold the sport of the runners. The rcsAjaTCAx ^1
this ruDDing was thus. On that day \i)[vet^ ^«t \q»ss^ '^csva\%\aw^

168 APPENDIX A [Antokius

of noble house, and those specially that be chief officers for that
year, who running naked up and down the city, anointed with the
oil of olive, for pleasure do strike them they meet in their way
with white leather thongs they have in their hands. Antonius,
being one among the rest that was to run, leaving the ancient cere-
monies and old customs of that solemnity, he ran to the tribune
where Caesar was set, and carried a laurel crown in his hand, having
a royal band or diadem wreathed about it, which in old time was
the ancient mark and token of a king. When he was come to
Csesar, he made his fellow-runners with him lift him up, and so he
did put his laurel crown upon his head, signifying thereby that he
had deserved to be king. But Csesar, making as though he refused
it, turned away his head. The people were so rejoiced at it, that
they all clapped their hands for joy. Antonius again did put it on
his head; Csesar again refused it; and thus they were striving off
and on a great while together. As oft as Antonius did put this
laurel crown unto him, a few of his followers rejoiced at it; and as
oft also as Csesar refused it, all the people together clapped their
hands. And this was a wonderful thing, that they suffered all
things subjects should do by commandment of their kings, and yet
they could not abide the name of a king, detesting it as the utter
destruction of their liberty. Csesar, in a rage, arose out of his
seat, and plucking down the collar of his gown from his neck, he
shewed it naked, bidding any man strike off his head that would.
This laurel crown was afterwards put upon the head of one of
Csesar 's statues or images, the which one of the tribunes plucked
off. The people liked his doing therein so well, that they waited
on him home to his house, with great clapping of hands. Howbeit
Csesar did turn them out of their offices for it.

13. This was a good encouragement for Brutus and Cassius to
conspire his death, who fell into a consort with their trustiest
Ariends, to execute their enterprise, but yet stood doubtful whether
they should make Antonius privy to it or not . . . After that,
they consulted whether they should kill Antonius with Csesar.
But Brutus would in no wise consent to it, saying that venturing
on such an enterprise as that, for the maintenance of law and
justice, it ought to be clear from all villany. Yet they, fearing
Antonius' power and the authority of his office, appointed certain
of the conspiracy that when Csesar were gone into the Senate, and
while others should execute their enterprise, they should keep
Antonius in a talk out of the Senate-Yvous^i.
14, Even as they had devised these ma\X«ts, «o -««» VJbk^ a**

Aktoktos] appendix a 169

cuted, and Caesar was slain in the middest of the Senate. . . . And
therefore, when Caesar*s body was brought to the place where it
should be buried, he made a funeral oration in commendation of
Caesar, according to the ancient custom of praising noble men at
their funerals. When he saw that the people were very glad and
desirous also to hear Caesar spoken of, and his praises uttered, he
mingled his oration with lamentable words, and by amplifying of
matters did greatly move their hearts and affections unto pity and
compassion. In fine, to conclude his oration, he unfolded before
the whole assembly the bloody garments of the dead, thrust
through in many places with their swords, and called the male-
factors cruel and cursed murtherers. With these words he put the
people into such a fury that they presently took Caesar's body and
burnt it in the market-place, with such tables and forms as they
could get together. Then when the fire was kindled, they took
firebrands and ran to the murtherers* houses to set them on fire,
and to make them come out to fight.

16. Brutus therefore and his accomplices for safety of their per-
sons were driven to fly the city. . . .

19. Thereupon all three met together (to wit, Caesar, Antonius,
and Lepidus) in an island environed round about with a little river,
and there remained three days together. Now as touching all
other matters they were easily agreed, and did divide all the
empire of Rome between them, as if it had been their own inheri-
tance. But yet they could hardly agree whom they would put to
death, for every one of them would kill their enemies, and save
their kinsmen and friends. Yet at length, giving place to their
greedy desire to be revenged of their enemies, they spurned all
reverence of blood and holiness of friendship at their feet. For
Caesar left Cicero to Antonius' will, Antonius also forsook Lucius
Caesar, who was his uncle by his mother, and both of them
together suffered Lepidus to kill his own brother Paulus. Yet
some writers affirm, that Caesar and Antonius requested Paulus
might be slain, and that Lepidus was contented with it. . . .

21. Octavius Caesar perceiving that no money would serve
Antonius* turn, he prayed that they might divide the money
between them, and so did they also divide the army, for them both
to go into Macedon to make war against Brutus and Cassius, and
in the mean time they left the government of the city of Rome
unto Lepidus.

22. When they had passed over the seas^ and tlvat ^e:^ V^s^gici&i.
to make war, they being both camped \yj NiJ^ea e^^KCK«&^^si Nfr&.>

170 APPENDIX A [Aw

Antonius against Cassius, and Caesar against Brutus, Caesar
great matter, but Antonius had alway the upper hand and d
For at the first battle Caesar was overthrown by Brutus and I
camp, and very hardly saved himself by flying from then
followed him. . . . Antonius on the other side overthrew C
in battle, though some write that he was not there himself
battle, but that he came after the overthrow, whilst his mc
the enemies in chase. So Cassius, at his earnest request, wa
by a faithfid servant of his own called Pindarus, whom l
enfranchised, because he knew not in time that Brutus had
come Caesar. Shortly after they fought another battle ag
the which Brutus was overthrown, who afterweurds alsc
himself.

• •

APPENDIX B

HISTORICAL OUTLINES

Shakespeare in the history he has given us follows the authority
he adopted very closely. In dealing with Roman history he treated
Plutarch very much as in dealing with English history he had
treated Holinshed. He took the main lines of his characters, and
their chief acts, from the accepted authority without travelling
farther afield to test his guide's curcuracy. Moreover, sls he was
principally concerned in keeping the interest of a theatrical audi-
ence fi*om flagging, rather than in producing a historical treatise,
he chose to set forth those scenes and acts which were interesting,
and to leave out those which were complicated or tedious. In
short, he wrote as a dramatist, not as a politician or a professor,
and consequently historical accuracy as such was of no importance
to him. The surprising thing is that he kept so close to his au-
thority — merely melting the prose into poetry in his wonderful
crucible — that there is no substantial addition or omission to be
found. If his history is not the history of the classroom, neither
is it the fictitious background for a love story.

If we turn to the other authorities for this period, our concep-
tion of the facts and their bearings must be somewhat modified.
The play gives us a much smaller idea of Julius Caesar than the
facts warrant; the relative importance of the various conspirators
is in some degree misrepresented, and the issues at stake will
hardly appear in the same light.

For the last hundred years the Roman world had been periodi-
cally rent with civil strife. The old idea of a paternal oligarchy,
if it ever really existed, had fallen to pieces; government was al-
ternately in the hands of a senatorial or a democratic faction, with
leaders whose aims were often noble and followers whose aims
were nearly always selfish. Matters had been complicated by the
extension of military organization, and of the field whence soldiers
were drawn; and whether the oligarchical or the democratic faction
was to get the upper hand, it had Y>eei\ iot «amfe Nassv^ Xs^^scs^^s^

171

172 APPENDIX B

clear that no party could hold dominioii unless headed by a com-
petent general with the support of the military. Caesar perceived
that, in fact, the one hope of reorganizing the state and re-estab-
lishing strong and steady government lay in frankly accepting a
military despotism — a position which the oligarchical faction could
never adopt.

Caesar's rivalry with Pompey ended in the establishment of the
despotism; and with a swiftness of intuition and rapidity of action
which can hardly be paralleled he set about the immense task of
reorganization. But the oligarchical party, deprived of all power,
were resolved to make one more cast to recover it. Caesar had
treated the defeated followers of Pompey with astonishing magnan-
imity, but this was a virtue they hardly understood. Blind to the
literal impossibility of re-establishing a republican form of govern-
ment, angered by their own want of importance in the new order,
less grateful for being spared when they were beaten than furious
at having been beaten at all, they hated Caesar and Caesarism, while
they had neither an alternative leader nor an alternative policy.
Some were men of ability, none of commanding powers. In the
moment of Caesar's triumph they conspired together and struck him
down with their own hands. The result was a brief period of
anarchy until the new man emerged — the young Octavius with
Agrippa at his ear — who built that Rome the foundations whereof
Julius Caesar had laid.

The conspirators were not all followers of Pompey, or men who
had reasonable ground for considering that their own political am-
bitions had been overthrown by Caesar's policy. Several of them
were already holding high appointments under Caesar, and were in
the way of promotion. But some were probably angry because,
enjoying Caesar's personal favor, they had not obtained aU the
fruits of his power for themselves; others, because they had no
voice in the general policy though their administrative offices might
be high. And possibly some had that real enthusiasm for ** liberty "
with which Brutus is credited — a liberty which certainly did not I
exist under the despotism, but had as certainly become wholly in-
compatible with any established government Cicero and many
other members of the party who had no share in the conspiracy,
but gave full support afterwards to the conspirators, were honestly
enthusiastic republicans; but men with the instinct of statesmen
could hardly have been so at the time, and of the conspirators
Brutus alone has been selected by tradition as acting primarily on
tbe ground of patriotic conviction Viov^e^et TcCv&Vsiksii.

APPENDIX B 173

But if we took Shakespeare's account, with Plutarch's biog-
iphies of Caesar, Brutus, and Antonius, we should get the impres-
on that Brutus was Caesar's most intimate ftiend and confidant;
lat the prospects of the conspiracy turned on his participation in
; that the whole body of the conspirators looked upon him as
leir leader, and bowed to his judgment; in short, that he was
le man of highest mark in the state after Caesar himself. Cer-
inly we get no such impression from the letters or speeches of
icero. In fact, a good deal of confusion seems to have arisen in
>pular tradition between Decimus Brutus (Shakespeare's Decius)
id Marcus. The former was extremely intimate with the dictator;
le latter was not. For a long time after the assassination Decimus
«ms to have really taken the leading part; he appears also to
ive had considerably higher military capacities than any of his
llow-conspirators. But the imaginary glories of the republican
'-stem held a prominent place in the minds of theorists and men
• letters in the early years of the empire; Marcus Brutus was
lown to have been an earnest Stoic, a man of books, with whom
le men of books sympathized; it seems as though a kind of
gendary Brutus was evolved by academic thinkers and writers
ith all the academic merits of Marcus and the practical prestige
' Decimus.

And when Caesar had fallen the work did not go on with that
■ompt division into Caesarians against republicans which Shake-
>eare gives. There was a long period when no man could guess
le upshot. Antony meant to have Caesar's place; the oligarchical
urty had the upper hand in the Senate, but were constantly afraid
t move; the conspirators had no fixed policy or plan of action;
ctavius was an entirely unknown quantity, waiting to act with
ther party as might seem best. Brutus and Cassius went to their
•ovinces in the East. Decimus Brutus in Gaul and Antony in
aly were neither of them strong enough to act quite decisively,
ctavius began by favoring the senatorial party, but had no inten-
on of being controlled by them; they lacked the courage to act
gorously themselves, but did not dare to trust him. Divided
>unsels made the action of the senatorial troops abortive; Octa-
us saw that there was nothing to look forward to on that side —
le Senate would neither use him nor allow him to use them.
In the midst of the general uncertainty, Antony and Lepidus,
le governor of Gallia Narbonensis, came to an understanding and
aited their armies. Octavius led his army to the walls of Rome,
id had himself elected consul. DespVt^ iVvwx Ts^n^^x^ ^^s^«Ni^

174 APPENDIX B

Antony and Octavius saw that with Brutus and Casshis and fiieir
nineteen legions masters of the East, the richest part of the Em-
pire, their only course was to combine. By so doing they would
be able to clear the field at once in Italy, crushing the last remnants
of the oligarchical party, and then, leaving Lepidus to guard Italy,
to wrest the Asiatic provinces Arom Brutus and Cassius. There
would be time enough later to settle their future relations.

The two chiefs, with Lepidus (whose relatively unimportant
position in the triumvirate is sufficiently set forth in the play), met
near Bologna, and laid their plans. They assumed the title of tri-
umvirs for five years, and took the law into their own hands. To
hold together their armies and to carry on their campaign in the
East, vast sums of money were necessary, which could be obtained
only by confiscation. They consequently drew up a list of the
richest men in Italy, to which were added the names of certain
political opponents, including Cicero, and condemned all to death
and confiscation of their property. With the resources thus ac-
quired, they carried out their programme as described. It will be
observed that in the play there is nothing really inconsistent with
the facts so far as they are ascertainable, but that considerations of
more historical than dramatic value are in it allowed to fall into the
background.

APPENDIX C

METRE

1. Metre as an Indication of Date

English blank verse was first introduced in the sixteenth century.
From about 1587 on, owing to its successful use by Marlowe and
other dramatists, it became the common medium of dramatic
dialogue, although rhyming lines and passages in prose were freely
interspersed in many plays. The earliest blank verse tended to be
stiff and formal ; the writers were, so to speak, conscious of their
metre, and followed its "rules*' with exactness. Later, as the
instrument became more familiar, it was handled with greater
freedom, and variations and modifications were freely introduced.

A similar evolution took place in Shakespeare's own blank verse.
Broadly speaking, the less strictly regular the metre, the later the
play. In his earliest blank verse, the lines are almost without
exception of ten syllables each, the stresses are in the positions
called for by the strict metrical scheme, the caesura is usually near
the middle of the line, the final syllable is strongly stressed, and
the end of the line usually corresponds with the end of a phrase or
clause, so that most lines are followed by a slight or considerable
pause (*' end-stopped ").

In his latest plays, however, additional syllables are frequently
found within the line or at its close, the rhythm becomes more free
and irregular, and the line-division coincides less and less with the
natural divisions of the sentence, resulting in *' light " and ** weak "
endings and *' run-on " lines. Take as an illustration Antony and
Cleopatra in, 11.29-37:

Yes, like enough, high-battled Csesar will
Unstate his happiness, and be stag'd to the show
Against a sworder! I see men's judgments are
A parcel of their fortunes, and things outward
Do draw the inward quality after them
To suffer all alike. That he should dream.
Knowing all measures, the full Csesar will
Answer his emptiness! Csesar, thou hast subdu'd
His judgment too.

175

176 APPENDIX C

In the same way, a gradually increasing disregard of other
kindred conventions marks the later plays as compared with the
earlier. A good deal of rhyme survives in the dialogue in the
earlier plays ; later it is only to be found occasionally at the close
of a scene or a speech to round it off. The first use of prose is
only for purposes of comedy; later, it is used with comparative
freedom (as in Hamlet) in passages of a very different type, though
the introduction of verse in a prose scene always marks a rise to a
higher emotional plane.

In the present play, which belongs to the middle period, all
these characteristics are in the stage of development which be-
tokens the middle period. Irregularities are not rare, but they
have not become almost the rule as in Antony and Cleopatra,
Rhymes are rare : but four scenes close with them. Prose is used,
for instance, in Brutus' address to the populace ; but for the most
part serious dialogue or soliloquy is in verse.

2, Form of Blank Verse

In English verse the governing element is stress. And inas-
much as stress is much less definite than quantity, the rules of
English verse cannot be given with the same precision as those of
Latin and Greek. But we may begin with certain explanations as
to what stress is not, A ** stressed *' syllable is not the same as a
long syllable; nor is stress the same as sense-emphasis. Any
strong or prolonged dwelling of the voice on a syllable, for what-
ever reason, is stress. There are many shades of gradation be-
tween the unstressed and the strongly stressed, and a moder-
ately stressed syllable may often in English take the place of an
unstressed one.

To start with, then, — to get at the basis of our metre — we will
take no account of weak stress, but treat of all syllables as if they
must either have no stress or a strong stress ; and throughout, the
word stress, when used without a qualifying adjective, will mean
strong stress. The acute accent (') will be used to mark a stress,
the grave (^) to mark a weak stress, the "^ to mark a syllable
sounded but not stressed.

The primary form of the Shakespearian line is — five feet, each
of two syllables ; each foot carrying one stress, on the second
syllable ; with a sense pause at the end of the line.

You blocks', I you stones', 1 you worse' \ \][\a.iv sense' [less thing8^
(I I. 40).

APPENDIX C 177

3. Normal Vabiatioks

But if there were no variations on this, the effect would be mo-
notonous and mechanical after a very few lines.

(i) The first variation therefore is brought about by the stress in
one or two of the feet being thrown on the first instead of the
second syllable, which is known as an ** inverted** stress.

Have' you | not made' I an u' j niver' | sal shout' (i. 1. 49).

Merely I upon' I myself.' I Vex'ed 1 1 am' (i. 2. 39).

Think' of | this life', | bu^. for | my sing' | le self' (i. 2. 94).

That he' | is grown' | so great'. | Age', thou | art shamed' (i. 2. 150).

Observe that the stress is thus thrown back much more commonly
in the first foot of the line than elsewhere: and that in the other
cases the stressed syllable usually follows a pause.

(ii) Secondly, variety is introduced by the insertion of an extra
unsbressed syllable which is not extra-metrical, that is, an anapaest
is substituted for an iambus.

L6t mfi see', | l6t m& see' ; | is not | the leaf | turn'd down (iv. 3. 273).

As a general rule, however, such extra syllables are very slightly
pronounced ; not altogether omitted, but slurred, as very often
happens when two vowels come next each other, or are separated
only by a liquid (see § 6).

(iii) The converse of this is the (very rare) omission of an un-
stressed syllable. This is only found where the stress is very
strong, and the omission is really made up for by a pause.

Speak', I strike', | redress'. | Am' 1 1 entreat'ed (ii. 1. 55).

(iv) Extra-metrical unstressed syllables are added before a pause,
sometimes in the middle of a Une.

More' than | his rea' | s(on). But 't is' | a com' | mon proof (ii. 1. 21).

But this was still rare when Julius Ccesar was written.

More frequently an extra-metrical syllable comes at the end of a
line, and this is fairly common in this play. (In quite early plays
it is unusual ; in the later ones it becomes much more frequent.)

By an extension of this practice we sometimes have two such
extra-metrical syllables, but as yet only when they are slurred.

Such an | exploit | have 1 1 in hand, | Liga(rius) (ii. 1. 318).

178 APPENDIX C

The increasing frequency of extra-metrical syllables is a useful
approximate guide to the date of a play. But they are never sa
frequent in Shakespeare as in some of the younger dramatists.

(v) The variation which perhaps most of all characterizes the
later plays is the disappearance of the sense-pause at the end of
the line. At first, a clause running over from one line to the next
is very rare: in the last plays, it is extremely common. (The
presence of a sense-pause is not necessarily marked by a stop ; it
is sufficient for the purpose that the last word should be dwelt on ;
the pause may be merely rhetorical.) In Antony's speeches in il
2 there are only eight lines which have no such pause.

4. Weak Stresses

We may now observe how the rules are modified by weak or inter-
mediate stresses, which are the chief protection against monotony,
(i) Lines without five strong stresses are very plentifiil ; e.g.

Thou^ art^ I the ni' I ins of ^ I the no' I blest man'.

In the fifth foot particularly, the stress is very often slight
(ii) On the other hand, lines in which there are two stressed
syllables in one foot are common.

belongs to both (i) and (ii).

A foot with a double stress is nearly always preceded by a pause,
or by a foot with a very weak stress only.

(iii) It will be observed that there are never fewer than three
strong stresses, and that any foot in which there is no strong stress
must at any rate have one syllable with a weak stress, and that
very often such a foot has two weak stresses, preventing the feel-
ing that the line is altogether too light. Thus a syllable which is
unemphatic acquires a certain stress merely by length, as in some
of the above cases. And, speaking broadly, a very strong stress
in one foot compensates for a weak stress in the neighboring foot

5. Irregularities

(i) Occasionally lines occur with an extra foot; is. an additional
stress after the normal ten syllables.

Took it Itooeaj gerly : | his sol \ diets fell \ to spoil' (v. 8. 7).
Will come I when it | will come. \ W\ia\. say \\Xie aM\%\ae»\ i^,<i,S7V

APPENDIX C 179

But this does not often occur in the course of a speech, and when
it does there is usually a break in the middle of the line, as in these
instances. It is, however, decidedly common in broken dialogue.

Cas. And bear | the palm I alone

Bru. Anoth | er gene | ral shout (i. 2. 131).

(ii) Occasionally lines are left incomplete in the course of a
speech.

In this instance the lines might be rearranged thus:

Unto I some mon | strous state. | Now could 1 1, Casca,
Name to thee | a man | most like | this dread { jful night. |

But the dramatic pause suggested by the arrangement in the
text is more impressive.

(iii) Short lines, however, are commoner in broken dialogue, espe-
cially when either hurried or excited; and their purpose is not to
give variety to the metre, but to produce a dramatic effect of
hurried interruption or anxious pause. Thus in iii. 9, it is often
difficult to feel sure whether the cries of the citizens should be
arranged as if they formed verse, or not; and in iv. 3, when the
retorts become short and sharp, many of them are outside the
metre altogether, though there is no continuous prose in the scene.
In some cases, however, such short lines may be due to the mutila-
ation of the text, passages having been cut out for stage purposes.

(iv) Interjections and proper names (especially vocatives) are
frequently extra-metrical.

Let us I be sac | rifi | cers but | not butchers, Caiit3 (ii. 1. 166).

So •* O " may be similarly regarded in the line,

ye gods! | ye gods! | must 1 1 endure | all this? (iv. 3. 41).

(v) Similarly after a pause an extra-metrical interjection may
come in the middle of a line.

Struck Cae | sar on | the neck. 1 0' you flatt' | erers (v. 1. 44).

In nearly every instance observe that the unusual stress comes
either after a pause, whether at the beginning o€ o^ VixsA. ^^ \fii. ^^^
middle; or at the end of a line in wliicYi Wiete V& «b\st«aiK-

180 APPENDIX C

6. Apparent Irbeoularitiis

(i) Difficulties occasionally arise from the fact that words in
Shakespeare*s day were sometimes accented in a different way
from that of the present day, and sometimes even bear a different
accent in different places in Shakespeare's own writing. Thus, we
say por^tentf Shakespeare always portent'. On the other hand, we
say completed, Shakespeare has sometimes complete^ sometimes
com'plete. In effect we must often be guided by the verse in decid-
ing on which syllable of a word the accent should fall, because
custom had not yet finally decided in favor of a particular syllable.

(ii) Similarly, when two vowels come together (as in words end-
ing with -ion, -ius, -ious, and the like) we are in the habit of slurring
the first, and sometimes of blending it with the preceding con-
sonant; so that we pronounce amhit4-on ambishon. In Shakespeare
the vowel in such cases is sometimes slurred and sometimes not, in
the same word in different places; usually the former in the middle
of a line, often the latter at the end. In such cases we must be
guided simply by ear in deciding whether the vowel is slurred or
sounded distinctly. We have to decide in the same way when
we are to sound or not sound the terminal -ed of the past participle.

Thus we have in consecutive lines —

And within a few lines —

Thy broth | er by | decree | is ban [ ish6d (iii. 1. 44)

For the | repeal | ing of | my ban | ish'd brother (iii. 1. 51).

(iii) So again in particular words, a vowel seems to be sometimes
mute, sometimes sounded. E.g., in dangerotis, generalf &c., the «
may or may not be mute. , See also Note to i. 1. 70.

(iv) In a large number of words where a liquid {U m, n, and
especially r) comes next to another consonant, an indefinite vowel
sound is sometimes introduced between the two letters (just as now
in many places one may hear the word elm pronounced eUum),
which may be treated as forming a syllable, and sometimes the
vowel is actually inserted, as in thorough = through —

Thorough the hazards of this untrod state (iii. 1. 1S6).

(v) Conversely, a light vowel sound coming next a liquid is often
slurred and in effect dropped; so that such words as spirit, peril,
quarrel, are often practically monoayWaYA^s. ^extfsft such a form
as parlous - psrUous),

APPENDIX C 181

(vi) th and v between two vowels are often almost or entirely
dropped and the two syllables run into one: as in the words
whetJt&r, whither, other, either, ever, never, even, over. Heaven
generally, evU, devil sometimes are treated as monosyllables.

Vowels separated by a ir or an A are habitually slurred.

(vii) Fire and similar words are sometimes treated as dissyllables
(Jirer, &C.).

As fi I r6 drives | out fire, | so pi | ty pity. (iii. 1. 171).
So dear, where, fare, &c,, are occasionally dissyllables; e,g,

Lucius! I My gown. | Far£ | well good | Messala (iv. 3. 231).
But

For e I ver and | for e | ver, fare | well Cassius (v. 1. 117).

(viii) Such contractions, as we *ll for we wUl, th* for tJte before a
vowel, &c,, though not shown in the spelling, are ftrequent.

7. Lines of Doubtful Scansiok

(i) But what | of Cic | ero? | shall we | sound him'? (ii. 1. 141).

I take him to be emphatic, so read as above. But perhaps it
should be read:

But what I of Cic | ero? | [Pause,] shall ^ | we sound' | (him?).

(ii) Our pur' | pose ne' | cessar' | y\ and | not' en'vious (ii. 1. 178).

There is a double stress on the last foot, following the very weak
stress, produced by the pause after necessary, in the fourth foot:
i,e, the stress on the fourth foot is thrown forward to the fifth.

(iii) When Cse'lsar's head' | is off'. | — Yet', I | fear him' (ii. 1.
183).

Him is emphatic Or the line may be scanned with a pause; see
§ 7 (i).

(iv) And these | does she | apply I for war I nings and | portents
(ii. 2. 80).

Portents is always accented on the second syllable; this is there-
fore a line of six feet; see § 5 (i). Otherwise we should be tempted
to drop the and.

The word honourable is very frequent in this play, and seems
always to be accented as above (see Krv\oi\y ^ «^^fcs2a.^6KKssis^wKv

GLOSSARY

abide (iii. 1. 04, 2. 119), pay the pen-
alty for. Properly, ahy; the form
is the result of a confusion with
abide, wait for.

abjects (iv. 1. 37), offscourings,
thrown away things. The word
occurs accented "abjects" in
Richard III, i. 1. 106; not else-
where as a substantive.

address'd (iii. 1. 29), ready.

^ affections (ii. 1. 20), natural indina-
N^ tions, feelings.

aim (i. 2. 163), guess, conjecture.
' O. F. esmer, Lat. adaesHmare.

alarum (stage-direction, passim),
call to arms; another form of
" alarm " (cf. through, thorough:
flip, flilip, &c.): from It. aiVarme.

an (i. 2. 268), if. Spelled and in
Elizabethan English, except in the
combination an 't were. A special
use of the ordinary conjunction
and, occurring from the earliest
period of the language. The pres-
ent spelling has been adopted by
modem editors for the conven-
ience of readers.

annoy (i. 3. 22; ii. 1. 160), molest,
hurt. O. F. anoi (-ennui), Lat.
in odio, so "to be impleasant,"
hence "injure."

anon {passim), "at once," softened
to "before long." Cf. presently.

answer: (1) reply, lit. coimter-afl&r-

mation; (2) account, i. 3. 114,

"My answer must be made";

(3) atonement, iii. 2. 85, "and

grievously^ h&th. Cssar answered

it"; (4) with a play on the word

"charge," v. 1. 24, "We will an-
swer on their charge" — repel

• their attack.

apparent: (1) seeming; (2) visible,
which have appeared, ii. 1. 198;
(3) "evident," possibly but not
probably the sense in this passage.
See note.

apprehensive (iii. 1. 67), imagina-
tive, and so capricious.

kit: (1) (ii. 2. 97) Ukely; (2) suitable;
^(3) (iii. 1. 160) ready; (4) (v. 3. 68)
quick, easily moved. Lat. aptus,
y fitted.

ax^e (i. 2. 110), reach. Low Latm
adripare {ripa, bank), come
ashore. Used without a preposi-
, tion by Shakespeare.

aiteurer (ii. 1. 200, 2. 37), profes-
donal interpreter of omens.

battle (v. 1.4). division of an army,
as we use the kindred word "bat-
talion." Also of the " main body"
of an army.

bay (iii. 1. 204), bring to bay; (iv. 1.
49, 3. 27) bark at. A deer brought
to bay is a deer with the hounds
baying round him. For dbay, cf.
Fr. aboyer.

bear . . . hard (i. 2. 317; ii. 1. 216;
iii. 1. 157), bear ill-will to. Not
elsewhere in Shakespeare in this
sense. Origin of the phrase un-
certain.

beholding (iii. 2. 70), under obliga-
tion, for beholden.

bend (i. 2. 123), look, i. e. the bend
or direction of the eye; from the
use ol lVi& vecb bend - direct. Ct

1B%

GLOSSARY

188

' bent a natural direction or incli-
! nation of the mind.

i i bill (v. 2. 1), letter. Cf. Fr. billet.
J L. L. billa -Lat. bulla (whence

Papal "bull"), a seal, and hence

"sealed writing."

bootless (iii. 1. 75), vainly, without
"boot," O. E. 6'^^ "profit."

brave, bravery (v. 1. 10): (1) mag-
nificence; (2) courage. See note.
Der. uncertain.

break with (ii. 1. 150), not "quar-
rel," but "make disclosure to."
So always in Shakesi)eare with
one exception {Coriolanus, iv. 6.
48).

bring (i. 3. 1), escort. In modem
. use always "bring here"; in

Shakespeare about as frequently

"bring there,"

brook (i. 2. 159), endure, from orig-
inal sense " use," " enjoy," O. E.
br-Ucan.

but: (1) except, iv. 1. 40; (2) with a
negative, except, other than that,
v. 5. 35. So (with implied nega-
tive), i. 2. 153.

calculate (i. 3. 65), interpret omens,
prognosticate.

cautelous (ii. 1. 129), deceitful,
through "over-cautious" from
the primary sense of "cautious,"
Lat. cautela, caution.

censure (iii. 2. 16), judge, without
the specific modem sense of
blame.

ceremony, Lat. caeremonia, religious
rite. So (1) (ii. 2. 13) supersti-
tion, sui)erstitious observances;
(2) ceremonial, religious or other-
wise (i. 2. 11; iii. 1. 241); (3) dec-
orations, the concrete accompani-
ment of ceremonial (i. 1. 70).

chapped (i. 2. 245) , rough, chopi)ed.
Chop and chap are the same word,
and a being often interchange-
able. So As You Like It, ii. 4. 50,
" her pretty chopt hands.^

»»

charactery (ii. 1. 308), written char-
acters, writing.

dmrge (iv. 1. 9), expense.

cheer (iii. 1. 89), coimtenance, mien.
O. F. chere, L. L. cara, face.

chew (i. 2. 171), ponder, exactly as
we use ruminate.

climate (i. 3. 32), region, as we use
clime; not referring to the weather.
The word primarily meant slope;
hence a particular region regarded
in resi)ect of its sloi)e from equa-
tor to pole; hence, in respect of
its temi)erature; hence the tem-
perature or weather itself.

cognizance (ii. 2. 89), memorial; not
something " to be recognized by,"
but something " to remind of."

colour (ii. 1. 29), apparent justifica-
tion; so frequent in Shakespeare,
as we use the analogous phrase " a
colorable pretext."

companion (iv. 3. 138), a term of
reproach, as we use " fellow."

complexion: (1) that of which the
body is composed; so (2) the hu-
mours (q. V.) ; (3) the coloring of
the face, as showing the condition
the humours were in; (4) (i. 3. 128)
applied metaphorically to the ele-
ments outside.

con (iv. 3. 98), study; connected
with can, ken,

conceit (i. 3. 162; iii. 1. 192), a verb
» conceive, picture; perhaps in
the former case with a sense of
the use of conceit for fanciful ex-
pression.

condition (u. 1. 236, 254), bodUy or
mental health.

consort (v. 1. 83), accompany.

constant (iii. 1. 22), steady, undis-
turbed.

contrive (ii. 3. 16), plot, conspire;
for controve; cf. Fr. trouver, find.

contriver (ii. 1. 158), plotter,
schemer.

countenance (i. 3. 159), countenanc-
ing approval.

courtesy, courteous act, and so the
movement regarded as a sign of
courtesy, "bow," (iii. 1. 43) mod-
em "ciurtsey."

(iv. 3. 133) , one who professed
philosophy of the Cynic school.

(iv. 1. 6), condemn.

jer (ii. 1. 17), harm. O. F.
/dongieft Lat. dominium^ absolute
power; so power to harm; so
harm or risk of harm.

v^ear, precious; so used simply as an
intensive (iii. 2. 119, &c.).

degree (ii. 1. 26), step of a ladder.

deUver (iii. 1. 181), relate, explain.
"Lat. liber^ free.

dint (iii. 2. 198), blow, pressure. The
same word as dent.

directly. Direct » straight; so (i. 1.
\12; iii. 3. 10) without circumlo-
cution, and (iv. 1. 32) literally
straight on.

disdosed (iv. 1. 46), laid bare, dis-
covered.

distract (iv. 3. 155), mad, mentally
deranged.

drachma (iii. 2. 247), a Greek coin.
See note.

earn. See yearn,

element (i. 3. 128), air, sky. Every-
thing was supposed to be com-
posed of various proportions of
the four elements, viz. earth, air,
water, fire; and the term is more
particularly employed for air. At
v. 5. 73, elements = humours, q. v.

empty (iv. 1. 26), unladen.

enlarge (iv. 2. 46), give free vent to.

ensign (v. 3. 3), standard-bearer;
standard. If the former meaning
be taken, the pronoun it in the
next line is without expressed an-
tecedent; if the latter, the same is
true of the pronoun him.

entertain (v. 5. 60), take into serv-
ice.

GLOSSARY

envy (ii. 1. 164), hatred.
even (ii. 1. 133), calm.

exhalations (ii. 1. 44), meteors. Cf.

\ Romeo and Juliet, iii. 5. 13, " It is
some meteor thatthe sun exhales."
The sun was supposed to draw up
vapors from the earth, and ''ex-
hale" them as meteors.

exigent (v. 1. 19), exigency.

exorcist (ii. 1. 323), conjurer, one
who controls spirits. The more
correct sense is "one who expels
spirits."

factious (i. 3. 118), energetic, in con-
junction with others. The mod-
ern use implies wanton and mis-
chievous energy, as also in our
use of the word faction, which, at
ii. 1. 77, is used without any such
sinister sense.

fall (iv. 2. 26), let fall, lower.

falling sickness (i. 2. 256), epilepsy.
The name is used in NorUi.

far (iii. 2. 171), farther; older form
/ of the compar., O. E. fierre.

fatal (v. 1. 88), not causing doom
, I / but ominous of doom.

fivour (i. 2. 91, 3. 129), appearance.

fear (ii. 1. 19Q), cause or ground of
fear.

fearful, fearfulness (i. 1. 80), con-
dition of fear; (v. 1. 10) either feel-
ing fear or causing fear.

figure (ii. 1. 231), phantasm, imagi-
nary form.

fleering (i. 3. 117), mocking. The
word is of Scandinavian origin.

fond (iii. 1. 39), foolish; cf. "a fool-
ish fond old man" (Lear). This
is the common use in Shakespeare.

form (iii. 2. 264), bench.

formal (ii. 1. 227), dignified; or per-
haps "in outward appearance."

former (v. 1. 80), foremost; here of
place; we always use it of time.

general (ii. 1. 12), public (as sub-
stantiveV

(Oige (v. 1. 82). (eed. the regular
term (or the manner of feeding ol
birds of prey. Fr. gers', throat.

Sri^. 3. 118, Sic), grievance.

haTOcOii. 1.273), equivalent to "no
quarter," O. E. hafec, hawk. Ptt-
asely how it came to be used as nn

Theau

is that

thing to do with letting the hBuk
loose 00 the quarry.

h^a^ <iv. 3. 36), welfare.

hrap (i. 3, 23), crowd, cluster. Cf.
Richard III, \\. 1. 53, "Amongst
this princely heap."

high-lifted (it. 1. 116), arrogant,
" looking down " upon the rest of
humanity.

hoot (i, 2. 245), shout, without any
sense of disapproval as now.

bulnour {passim). The four "I-
mours" of which the "compli
ion" (q. I.) was made up wi
"blood, phlegm, choler, and mel-
ancholy," and were referred re
spectively to the four element:
Jr, water, fire, earth. While th
humours were mixed in proper

Eroportion mind and both" were in
ealthi any disorder of^the bu-
mouTS resulted in some form of
ill-health.

hurtle <ii, 2. 22), clash, clatter.

idea of March; the 16th of the
month. The Romans fixed theii
dates by the number of days be-
fore the Kalends (lat). Nones (5th
or 7th), or Idea (13tk or 151h) of
each month. In eight months til
Nones and Ides fell on the 5th am
13th; in the other four — March
May, July, October — on the 7tl
and 15th.

Ineertun (v. 3. 99), M. E. form fu
uncertain.

inMfparate (i. 3. 135), united, in
dis^luhly bound.

indiiedioii (iv. 3. 75), indirect c
croAedac —

189

inauppreBBiTe (ii. 1. 134), insuppres-
lible; the active fonn used for the
passive; like untiprtssive {Ai

You Likt II, iu. 2. 10).

jade (iv. 2. 26), an ill-conditioned
ie (used either for a vidous,
.k. or tired animal, whence the
Icrn use ofjadtd).

jealous (i. 1. 71, 162), distrustful,
g (iv.3. 137), given to compos-
jigs, or trashy ballads.

ker«liief[Li.l.315),head-coveringin ■
siAncBs. Fr. coiare-ckef.

Mnd Ci. 3. 64), nature, specific gual-

haave (iv. 3. 241), boy, servant.
lethe(iii. 1.206), death, des

We," Dedua does n

n that

ii,"for

show that reason and
ffeclion agrte.

"lief (i. 2. 95), readily, willingly.

■Jover (iii. 2. 13, &c.), friend. The

^restricted modem sense was in fre-
quent uec, hut bad not become ex-
clusive.

Xupercal (i. 1. 72, &c.), the Luper-
calia, a Roman festival held on
Feb. 15, being in its origin a pas-
toral fcist of purification. The
due performance of the rites was
suppoBsd to produce fertility.

mace (iv. 3. 268), the staff of ofiice
carried by a sergeant; here Slum-
ber, who is spoken of as it arrest-
ing Lncius by touching him with
hi5 mate, "leaden" to express the

main (ii. 1. 196), general.

marry (i. 2. 265), an exclamation,
corrupted from " by Mary,
though this origin was too com-
pletely (ocgptteu for the anaihuir

186

GLOSSARY

\ nism in Casca's mouth to be re-
\ markable.

""lyart (iv. 3. 11), barter (as verb).

mechanical (i. 1. 3), employed in
handicrafts, working with tools.

iperely (i. 2. 39), entirely.

.fettle (i. 2. 300), the same word as
metcU. MeUle has come to have its
present sense of " spirit " through
a metaphor of a sword blade.

" modesty (iii. 1. 213), moderation.

moe (ii: 1. 72; v. 3. 101), more. For-
merly moe was used of number,
more of size ( = bigger).

monstrous (i. 3. 68), abnormal,
preternatural. Lat. monstrum, por-
tent.

morrow (ii. 1. 87). The same word
as morny the M. £. form being
either morwe or morwen.

\ mortified (ii. 1. 324), apathetic.

NQiotion (ii. 1. 64), impulse, inclina-
tion to an action.

mutiny (iii. 1. 86), disturbance.
Lat. motus, movere, move.

neat (i. 1. 30), kine. Cf. neatherd,

nice (iv. 3. 8), trivial.

niggard (iv. 3. 228), verb, treat in a
niggardly way. So only in Shake-
speare.

night-gown (ii. 2. stage direction),
dressing-gown.

^ote (iv. 3. 2), publicly reprimand,
brand (metaphorically). Lat. no-
tare, to mark. The word is used
in this sense by North.

occupation (i. 2. 269), trade.

pission (i. 2. 48), emotion, or feeling
of any kind.

peevish (v. 1. 61), whining; convey-
ing generally the disagreeable
ideas connected with childishness.

physical (ii. 1. 261), good for the
health.

pitch (i. 1. 78), a technical term for
the height to which the falcon
spars in order to swoop down upon
the quarry.

ii^wer (iv. 1. 42, 2. 31 [stage direc-
tion], 3. 169), army. Cf. the pres-
ent use oi force,

prefer (v. 5. 62), commend. Cf.
Merchant of Venice^ ii. 2. 155,
where Bassanio plays on prefer in
the sense of commend, and pre-
ferment in the sense of advance-
/ment.

p^sent (ii. 2. 5), immediate.

o^esently (iii. 1. 28, &c), forthwith,

^ without delay. Softened down in

modem use (as anon had already

been softened) to after a little

y delay.

Wess (i. 2. 15), crowd.

^eyent (ii. 1. 28), be beforehand, an-
ticipate. Lat. PraCt venire^ come
before.

prick'd (iii. 1. 216), marked in a list
(originally, by pricking with a
pin).

prodigious (i. 3. 77), portentous,
though with a suggestion of the
idea of hugeness, which has sup-
planted the stricter use, precisely
as has occurred with monstrous.

o'erwatch'd (iv. 3. 241), exhausted ) Lat. prodigium, omen.

by loss of sleep.

once (iv. 3. 191), some day.

^ prchard (ii. 1), garden.

orts (iv. 1. 37), leavings.

palter (ii. 1. 126), shuflBe, connected
with paltry; perhaps from the no-
tfon of a huckster haggh'ng over
worthless wares.

proof (ii. 1. 21), experience, i. e*
something that experience has
\ proved.

^oper (v. 3. 96), own. So "own
proper" frequently = very own
(Fr. propre, own). Hence (i. 2. 41)
appropriate, belonging to; so suit-
able, and hence (i. 1. 29) hand-
some, goodVv*

GLOSSARY

187

property (iv. 1. 40), tool, i. e.
something not capable of inde-
pendent action. Cf. the modern
technical use of "stage proper-
ties."

protester (i. 2. 74), one who protests

; f riendslup. The word belonged to

the fashionable slang of Shaken

speare's day.

^^||larrel (ii. 1. 28), argument. Lat.
querela, complaint; hence, a plea in
court; hence, subject of dispute,
I protest, and the dispute itself.

Nluestion (iv. 3. 165), discussion.^ In
. iii. 2. 40, and elsewhere, there is an
\ additional idea of controversy,

ick (i. 2. 29), lively. The primary
meaning is merely "alive."

Ui,

raise (iv. 3. 247), rouse.

range (ii. 1. 118; iii. 1. 270), move
up and down; from the movements
of troops when setting themselves
in rank, "arranging" themselves, v

rank (iii. 1. 152), in need of the sur-
geon's knife; from the sense of
"festering," which arises from a
confusion between O. E. ranc,
strong, and O. F. ranee, Lat.
rancidus, foul.

rascal (iv. 3. 80), a term properly ap-
plied to a deer out of condition;
thence developed into a general
term of abuse in the same way as
jade has been treated.

regard (v. 3. 88), esteem (verb).

^i^gard (iii. 1. 224), consideration,
^ reason.

remorse (ii. 1. 19), pity; proj)erly
the "repeated biting" of con-
science, from Lat. re-mordere, bite.

repeal (iii. 1. 61), recall; Fr. rapeler,

Lat. re-appellare.

rote (iv. 3. 98), lit. a beaten track.
The same word as route, a way
beaten or broken through forest.
See rout,

rout (i. 2. 78), mob, herd; otherwise
the breaking up of an army. The
idea of disorder and of mixture,
where ranks are not observed, is
the predominant one. Lat. rup-
turn, broken.

de (iii. 2. 33), uncivilized, barba-
rous.

rumour (ii. 4. 18), noise. Lat. ru-
mor, report.

sake (iii. 2. 70, 71), for Brutus' sake,
thanks to Brutus.

scandal (i. 2. 76), defame. Scandal
and slander are both derived,
through Lat. scandalum, from Gr.
<rKdp8a\ov, stumbling-block.

schedule (iii. 1. 3), note, piece of
paper. Lat. schedula,

security (ii. 3. 8), confidence. Lat.
> se (privative), cura, care.

^nnet (i. 2. 24), a particular set of
^ notes on a trumpet. The same
word as signet, and related to
signal. Lat. signum, sign.

shadow (i. 2. 58), reflection.

ewd (ii. 1. 158; iii. 1. 146), crafty,
keen. O. E. schrewe, wicked,
sharp.

sky (i. 3. 39), used here in the sense
of " atmosphere."

slanderous (iv. 1. 20), calumnious.
See scandal.

^^ight (iv. 1. 12), insignificant.

smatch (v. 5. 46), smack, taste.

' «6oil (i. 2. 42), tarnish, blemish.

^eed (i. 2. 88), prosper (trans.).
The primary sense of the noun is

yeplication (i. 1. 51), echoing, repe-
\ tition; Lat. replicare, fold.

resolved (iii. 1. 131, &c.), satisfied.

respect (i. 2. 59), repute; in respect
oj (i. 1. 10), in comparison with.

: ^k(

i^X

"success."

tele (i. 2. 73; iv. 1. 38), make com-
mon.

stare (iv. 3. 280), stand stiff. Fix-
ity is the primary idea of the word;

188

GLOSSARY

)

toy (v. 1. 107), await. bximeritabie (iv. 1. 12), undeserving,

stomach (v. 1. 66), courage (derived -Ase (ii. 2. 26), custom, precedent.

from sense, "appetite")*
•train (v. 1. 59), race. O.E. streSnan,
"beget."

>^^ success (ii. 2. 6; v. 3. 65), fortune,
whether good or bad. Like for-
tune and luck the word gradually
acquired the favorable sense in
place of the undecided one. Lat.
succedere, follow.
sufferance (ii. 1. 115), suffering, dis-
tress. ^

sway (i. 3. 3), established order. \

ventures (iv. 3. 224), that which is
adventured, more especially on
board ship; and so sometimes of
the vessels themselves.

vouchsafe (iii. 1. 130), guarantee,
avouch secure. So, from persons in
absolute authority being the only
ones who can give such security,
which involves condescension, it
comes to mean " condescend to
grant," or (ii. 1. 313) "condescend
to receive."

swear (ii. 1. 129, 131 ; v. 3. 38), cause \wafture (u. 1. 246), waving. The

to swear.

Vswounded (i. 2. 249),

Later form of swoun^nGw swoon^

with excrescent d, as in sound^^ . sive of impatience.

bound.

thews (i. 3. 81), muscles.

thorough (ui. 1. 136; v. 1. 110),
through. The two words were orig-
inally the same, representing two
different developments of O. E.
^urh. In Shakespeare's time they
were interchangeable; the distinc-
tion of meaning has arisen later.

to-night (ii. 2. 1, 76), last night.

•unbraced (i. 3. 48), unfastened, or
* loosely fastened (referring to the
doublet).

unluckily (iii. 3. 2), with evil omens.

, \ word does not occur elsewhere.

swooned.!^*™ (v- 1- 5), summon.

when (ii. 1. 5), interjection expres-

^hit (ii. 1. 148), thing. O. E. wiht;
the same word as toight.

Wind (iv. 1. 32), turn, wheel around
\ (term of horsemanship).

wives (iii. 1. 97), women.

worthless (v. 1. 61), not deserving.

yearn (ii. 2. 129), grieve. The
Folio in this passage reads earnes,
another form of the same word,
or else the same word without the
prefix y- (O. E. ge-). In Shak^
speare's time more or less con-
fused with the wholly unrelated
word yearn, to long (tor).

INDEX TO THE NOTES

iEneas, i. 2. 112-114.
anachronisms, ii. 1. 191; ii. 4. 23;

iv. 8. 252.
Anchises, i. 2. 112-114.
article with vocative, v. 3. 99.
Ate, iii. 1. 271.
"augurers," ii. 1. 200.

Bacon quoted, ii. 1. 203.
"bearmehard,"i. 2. 317.

Csesar*s gardens, iii. 2. 254.
Caesar's ghost, iv. 3. 274.
CflBsar's prowess in swimming, i. 2.

100.
Cato, ii. 1. 295.

"ceremonies," i. 1. 70; ii. 1. 197.
Colossus, i. 2. 136.
costume, i. 2. 267.

dative of reference or concern, i.

2. 267; iii. 3. 20.
deluge, i. 2. 252.
double negative, ii. 1. 237; iii. 1.

154; iv. 3. 183.

"either," iv. 1. 23.

Elizabethan dress, i. 2. 267; i. 3.

48; ii. 1. 262.
Epicurus, V. 1. 77.
Erebus, ii. 1. 84.
Et tu. Brute," iii. 1. 77.

((

from," i. 3. 35; ii. 1. 196.

"genius and mortal instruments,"
ii. 1. 66-69.

"humours," ii. 1. 250.
Hybla, v. 1. 34.

infinitive equivalent to gerund, ii.

1. 135, 163; ii. 2. 119; iii. 2. 108.
infinitive without to, i. 1. 3; i. 2.

172-173; iii. 1. 40; iv. 3. 72.

Johnson quoted, ii. 1. 66-69.
Jonson quoted, iii. 1. 47.

grammatical inaccuracies, i. 3. 76;
ii. 2. 1.

*;iethe," iii. 1. 206.
lion in the Capitol, i. 3. 75.
Lucius Junius Brutus, i. 2. 159;
i. 3. 146; ii. 1. 53.

Nervii, iii. 2. 177.
noun, abstract, in plural, i. 2. 42;
ii. 1. 148.

owl in the Forum, i. 3. 26.

past participle, forms of, i. 2. 48;

i. 3. 6; iv. 3. 85.
Plutarch quoted, i. 2. 119.
Pluto, Plutus, iv. 3. 102.
"Pompey's porch," i. 3. 126.
Pompey*s sons, i. 1. 56.
preposition omitted, i. 1. 47; i. 2.

110.
puns, i. 1. 11, 27, 29; i. 2. 156; i.

3. 101; iii. 1. 208, 289.

rhymed couplet, i. 2. 325-326; ii.

3. 15-16.
rivers personified, i. 1. 50.

spoil," iii. 1. 206.
such . . . that," i. 3. 116.
suicide, v. 1. 101-108.

190

INDEX TO THE NOTES

"that . . . as," i. 2. 33; iii. 1. 156.
"thou" and "you," ii. 3. 7-8.
"tide of times," iii. 1.257.

variant readings, i. 1. 27; i. 2. 72,
160; i. 3. 21, 65, 129; ii. 1. 59,
83; ii. 2. 19; ii. 4. 21; iu. 1. 38;
iii. 2. 115; iv. 1. 37; iv. 2. 50;
iv. 3. 13, 28; v. 4. 7-8.

verb, plural with singular subject

V. 1. 33.
verb, singular with plural subject

iii. 2. 29.

"whether," i. 1. 66; v. 3. 97; v. 4

SO.
"who's within?" ii. 2.8.

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