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On the Latin Verb mittere, its Origin and Affinities ; 
and generally on Verbs signifying ' to go ' in the Indo- 
European Family ; by T. HEWITT KEY, Esq., M. A. . 1-15 

On Eoots mutually connected by reference to the term 
Zig-zag ; by HENSLEIGH WEDGWOOD, Esq., M.A. . 16-28 

Norfolk Words, collected by ANNA GUENEY . . . 29-39 

On the Languages of Western and Southern Africa ; by 

Dr. WILHELM BLEEK, of the University of Berlin . 40-50 

On the Coptic Language ; by Dr. GAEL ABEL, of the 

University of Berlin 51-61 

On False Etymologies; by HENSLEIGH WEDGWOOD, 

Esq., M.A 62-72 

On the Kamilaroi Language of Australia ; by WILLIAM 
RIDLEY, B.A. Univ. Coll. Lond 72-84 

On certain recent Additions to African Philology ; by 
E. G. LATHAM, Esq., M.D. Part I. ..... 85-95 

On the Derivation and Meaning of the Latin Verb 
wurpare ; by T. HEWITT KEY, Esq., M.A. . . . 96-103 

English Etymologies; by HENSLEIGH WEDGWOOD, 
Esq., M.A 104-118 

On Greek Accentuation; by T. HEWITT KEY, Esq., 

M.A 119-145 

On the Uncontracted Form of the Genitive Case Sin- 
gular of Greek Nouns of the Second Declension ; by 
HENBY MALDEN, Esq., M.A. .- 146-154 

On the Ancient Languages of France and Spain ; by 
JAMES KENNEDY, Esq., LL.B 155-184 


Pages * 

Oil certain recent Additions to African Philology ; by 

R. G. LATHAM, Esq., M.D. Part II 185-206 

On the Meaning of the Boot gen or ken ; by HENSLEIGH 

WEDGWOOD, Esq., M.A r 207-209 

On the Eaces of Lancashire, as indicated by the Local 

Names and the Dialect of the County ; by the Eev. 

JOHN DAVIES, M.A 210-284 

On the Recent History of the Hungarian Language ; 

by THOMAS WATTS, Esq 285-310 

INDEX . 311-316 

APPENDIX, List of Members, &c. 

The Authors alone of the several Papers in these Transactions, and not the 
Society or the Council, are responsible for the contents of the Papers. 

NOTICE. After Michaelmas 1856 the Society's Place of Meeting \\ill 
be changed from The London Library, 12 St. James's Square, to the Rooms 
of The Royal Astronomical Society at Somerset House j and the Society's 
Days of Meeting from tjie second and fourth Fridays of every month from 
November to June, to the first and third Thursdays. 






January 12. THOMAS WATTS, Esq., in the Chair. 

The Paper read was 

" On the Latin Verb mittere, its Origin and Affinities ; and 
generally on Verbs signifying 'to go' in the Indo- 
European Family ;" by T. HEWITT KEY, Esq., M.A. 

It would probably conduce to etymological accuracy, if, in 
the investigation of words, the attention were given separately 
to the questions of form and meaning. At present, inquirers 
are too apt to confine their views exclusively to one or other 
of these considerations, more commonly slaves to form and 
careless about the connexion of ideas. In the present paper 
we propose to commence with an examination of the meaning 
which primarily resides in the verb mittere. Now we believe 
that f cause to go ' most closely represents the sense, whence 
on the one hand is deduced the somewhat negative idea of 
' to let go/ on the other the more active idea expressed in our 
common translation f to send ' ; and we purposely give ' to let 
go ' a precedence over ' to send/ as being on the whole of far 
more frequent occurrence. As in a former paper we tested 


the true power of the verb dare* by its compounds, rather 
than by the use of the simple verb, and so claimed for it the 
sense of the more general idea ' put/ rather than ' give/ rely- 
ing for example on the power which belongs to condere, ' put 
together, build/ abdere, 'put away, hide/ dedere arma, 'put 
down one's arms, surrender/ indere nomen and induere vestem, 
' put on/ &c., so here we give our first attention to the com- 
pounds of mittere. Thus, amittere never has the meaning of 
' send away ' ; but f to let go from you ' is no inaccurate me- 
thod of expressing the idea ' to lose/ Again, demittere more 
frequently signifies ' to let down ' than f to send down/ For 
example, demittere barbam means ' to let the beard grow,' and 
demittere se either physically < to let oneself down, to drop/ 
or figuratively ' to lower oneself, to become dejected/ while 
demissus is an equivalent for our adjective 'low/ Remitter e 
in its ordinary uses is the opposite to tendere, that is, ' to let 
go again/ or ' to let go back what has been strained into some 
unnatural position/ Emittere is rather ' to let go out what 
has been pent up/ than ' to send out/ the exhibition of force 
arising from the negative idea of no longer obstructing. Di- 
mittere concilium, ' to break up an assembly/ contains in itself 
permission to depart, rather than any act necessitating depar- 
ture. Thus the idea tallies exactly with the power of ilicet, 
' you may go/ the very word by which an assembly was dis- 
solved. In per mitt ere the notion of ' to send ' never occurs, 

* Sanskrit scholars tell us that dare is a different verb from that which 
enters into the compounds, the simple verb corresponding, they say, to the 
Greek 8t8a>pt, Sanskrit dadami, and the verb which enters into the com- 
pounds to the Greek rcdq/u, Sanskrit dadhami ; and the cause which has 
led to the apparent fusion of the two verbs into one Latin verb lies, accord- 
ing to them, in the deficiency of aspirates which characterises the Latin. 
We make three objections to this doctrine of Sanskrit scholars. First, the 
archaic forms perduim, creduim, interduim, as well as induere, beside the 
simple archaic form duim, plead strongly in favour of a connexion between 
do and perdo, &c. Secondly, the root 0f- or 0eo-- of the words TI%ZI, 
Gfo-fMos, corresponds in our view to the Latin se or ser of the verbs sero, 
sevi or serui, satum, situm or sertum, * put/ Thirdly, do tibi in manum, 
' I put into your hand/ leads most naturally to the more limited sense of 
'I give/ 

whereas 'to let go entirely/ 'to leave altogether with others/ 
is precisely the meaning of the verb, as in the well-known 
phrase Permit te dims cetera. In our English word ' permit/ 
there is something too positive for it to be a fair represen- 
tative of the Latin verb. He who permits, gives a sort of 
sanction, whereas permitto hoc tibi rather denotes that ' I leave 
the matter wholly in your hands, so that with you will reside 
all the responsibility for what may be done/ In committere, 
' to entrust/ we find a similar union of ideas ; but there is a 
peculiar use of this verb which may well be applied as a test 
for trying its meaning. We refer to such phrases as non est 
meum committere ut neglegens videar, ' it is not my habit to 
run the risk of being thought negligent/ In this and such 
passages, committere seems to attain the required meaning if 
we start from the idea of a person letting a matter pass en- 
tirely from his control ; and it is probably in this way that 
c. helium, c. pugnam came into use. A general who once lets 
his men commence fighting, has comparatively little power of 
stopping the combat. Pr omit t ere we would translate ' to let 
go forth/ Hence, on the one hand, promittere barbam, ' to let 
the beard grow long/ and promissa barba, ' a long beard ' ; 
while that other meaning which is represented by our own verb 
' promise/ naturally flows from the idea of divulging an inten- 
tion. To let it go forth that one will do so and so, often 
constitutes with a man of character a promise to do it. ' To 
let go by/ is the received translation of praetermittere ; and for 
intermittere we will first point to a quotation in a recent paper 
from Cato of intermittere ignem, ' to let the fire go out/ while 
the more common uses of this compound agree precisely with 
its German equivalent unterlassen. The verb omittere was also 
noticed in the same paper, where it was hinted that the initial 
element was possibly a representative of the Greek ava. At 
any rate this verb is well represented in meaning by the 
Greek avtevat. Of its form more anon. The use of admittere 
in the sense of committing a disgraceful act, has been duly 
explained by Forcellini on the principle that " quipeccat, scelus 
in animum recipit" an interpretation confirmed by the frequent 
use of in se in this connexion. Thus admittere scelus in se is 

' to let the (moral) filth come to one/ and so ' defile or dis- 
grace oneself/ The connexion between cleanliness or purity 
and guiltlessness is frequent in Latin phraseology. Thus 
castus, ' holy/ is but a participle of the verb carere, which, 
though used in the limited sense of carding wool, had no doubt 
at first the more general meaning ' to clean/ so that carere, in 
accordance with the usual power of the second conjugation, 
might well denote ' to be clean or clear 3 of what is expressed 
by the accompanying ablative. We may also observe that cas 
or car, which forms the base of these words, is the analogue 
of the Greek base icad-, as seen in icadapos*. What has been 
said above implies that the word scelus must have had for its 
original notion ' dirt/ and it seems not improbable that it is 
represented in the Greek vocabulary by o-Kcop (gen. cr/car-os), 
or more nearly by that other form TO o-/earos which also got 
into use. Had it been permitted to us to suggest the form 
that a Latin noun scelus would have taken in Greek, we 
should have fixed on oveeS-05, which we should have treated as 
a derivative from %eS of %eo>. The letters / of the Latin, 8 of 
Greek, and t of English, not unfrequently go together, as in 
lacruma, Saicpv-, and tear (tagr) \ and in the three verbs %-, 
e-, and tie. 

Of course it is not intended to deny that ' to send' is often 
a fitting translation of mittere and some of its compounds. 
' To send ' in fact is one of the ideas, only not the leading one, 
which is included under the more general phrase ( to let go/ 
Another is f to put, 3 and this also is visible in the Italian 
met t ere and French mettre. 

The form of the verb mittere next claims our attention. As 
the study of Greek commonly commences at a later stage than 
that of its sister tongue, it was but natural that a more philo- 
sophical view of the former language should be presented in 
grammars intended for a more developed mind. Hence it is 
true for the most part that the genuine base of a Greek verb 

* That 6 of the Greek often corresponds to a in Latin may be seen in 
the example quoted in the preceding note. Another presents itself in the 
comparison of the words aes-tus, aes-tivus, from an obsolete verb aes-, with 
the Greek aid- ' burn.' 

is exhibited in the grammars of German philologers with a 
greater courage than the writers of the same country commonly 
venture upon in dealing with Latin verbs. We are therefore 
only claiming for the Latin a privilege already conceded to the 
Greek, when we write fid-, rep-, die-, due-, scrib-, nub-, rather 
than fid-, rep-, die-, due-, scrib-, nub-, as the bases of the verbs 
which respectively denote ' trust, creep, say, draw, write, veil.' 
By this step we gain an explanation of the quantity seen in the 
derivatives fides, perfidus, fatidicus, malidicus, judex judicis, 
redux reducis, educare, conscribillare, pronuba, connubium, 
&c Secondly, we bring the several bases nearer to their 
analogues in the Greek language, as seen in the Greek 
(of Treido^ai) , epr- ( = p7r-) } 8e/c- (of the Herodotean 
&eci), ypa(f)- y and ve<f>- (of ve(f>-6\r] and ve<-o<?). On the other 
hand, the length of the vowels in the imperfect tenses of the 
same verbs finds its explanation in a principle long familiar as 
a fact to the Greek philologer ; and the principle becomes an 
intelligible truth, when we reflect that to lengthen the vowel, 
in other words to dwell longer on the base-syllable, is the 
simplest possible method of denoting the character of an im- 
perfect tense, which is only another term for duration of time. 
As a friend from whom we first heard this explanation truly 
said, nothing can be more expressive than the phrase ( he came 
creep ing along,' as opposed to the brevity of the act ex- 
pressed by the aoristic form, ' he crept in again/ Thus in the 
Latin we are right when we give in pronunciation a short 
vowel to repsi, beside the imperfect repere or repo. 

Similarly the final t which presents itself in the Latin verbs 
plect- and vert- has its precise parallel in the Greek TVTTT- and 
piTrr-, which are now habitually represented by the crude 
forms TVTT- and pl$-. Thus the two Latin verbs just quoted 
have for their base the syllables plec* and ver, the former of 
which is seen in the Greek verb 7r\/c-, and also leads to the 
derived substantive plica-, whence the adjectives simplici-, 
duplici- (nom. simplex, duplex] ; while ver has advantages for 

* This must not be interpreted to signify that plec is an ultimate root ; 
on the contrary we regard it as a compression of pal-ec-, of which the base 
is pal, as seen in pal-ma, pal-am, or what is an equivalent, pad of pandere. 


grammatical purposes over the lengthened form vert-, as ap- 
pearing more clearly in the derivation of the words vermina, 
vermis, versus, versura, &c., to say nothing of its modern repre- 
sentatives in our own veer and wear (ship), the French virer, 
and the German wirren. But we must also keep in view those 
verbs of the Greek and Latin languages which distinguish the 
imperfect tenses from the mere base by the appearance of a 
doubled consonant, as (r<f>a\\a) } crK6\\a) of the one language, 
fallo, vello, pello, tollo, verro of the other. If <r(f>a\ and o-/ce\ 
with a single liquid be accepted as the base of the Greek verbs, 
then we are justified in setting down as the essential elements 
of the five Latin verbs the forms fal, vel, pel, tol, ver, whence 
we deduce with greater facility the derived forms falso-, vulso-, 
pepuli and pulso-, tetuli and tuli, and the participle e-verso-, 
' swept out/ The origin of the letters which are thus em- 
ployed to strengthen imperfect tenses, involves an inquiry of 
no slight difficulty. The writer is inclined to the opinion that 
there lies at the bottom of many of the cases enumerated the 
compression of a suffix, which may perhaps have had a form 
equivalent to what is seen in our own verbs ramble, grumble, 
whirl. A suffix el or some equivalent form is well known in 
perhaps all the members of the Indo-European family, as 
having the sense of ' little/ and the addition of it may well add 
the idea expressed by the Latin paulatim, and so fitly denote 
continued action. Such a suffix, el, would readily interchange 
with its neighbouring liquids r and n, and in many languages 
no less readily with the dental series, t of the Latin, r and of 
the Greek. In this way we would explain the secondary 
forms above enumerated, as well as Xa/*/3ava>, iiavQavw, TTITVQ), 
CL/caOct), eipyaOco, ve/jueBa) ; the German wandeln, wandern, &c., 
and the English welter, wander, open, reckon, burn, mourn, &c. 
Of course to such forms as fidere, ducere, &c. above quoted, 
and others, such as rumpere, tang ere, \a/jL/3 of \a/j,(3avco, &c., 
where no appended suffix presents itself, but rather a change 
in the body of the root, what we have been saying cannot 
apply. Here however through the mere mechanical length- 
ening of the root by an increase of vowel or consonantal 
sound, we have for the result that the voice dwells longer upon 

the base-syllable, and so in the most direct manner denotes 
an increased duration. 

The application of what has been said to the verb mittere 
brings us to a triliteral base mit with the sense of ' let go/ 

The next idea which presents itself is the recollection that 
in the early condition of language, a large majority of verbs 
unite in themselves the double sense of 'an act' arid 'the 
causing such act/ Thus 'to fall' with ourselves expresses 
what the Latin denotes by cadere and caedere, ' to fall oneself/ 
or f to fall a tree.' In a later stage of language it is found 
convenient to have duplicate forms, as fall and fell, rise and 
raise, lie and lay. But in the vulgar tongue, which with lin- 
guistic inquirers is always entitled to respectful consideration, 
there still linger traces of the older freedom, by which the 
same verb was used in an active dnd reflective (miscalled 
neuter) sense : ( He was laying on the bed,' ( help me to rise 
this stone,' are phrases now condemned by the polite, but no 
doubt well-founded in the early idiom of the language. In 
the uncompounded verbs mere and stare of the Latin, the 
intransitive translation is almost the only admissible one ; yet 
some of the compounds of these verbs, as diruere, proruere, 
and praestare, in the sense e to exhibit,' re- assert a title to a 
transitive construction. But what we have said of the double 
power of many verbs applies with special force to verbs which 
signify 'to go.' The verb /Bawd) for example, in its first 
aorist, and still more commonly the compounds of this verb, 
exhibit the idea of ' cause to go*.' Again, in our own lan- 
guage, what is more common than to attach an objective case 
to such verbs as 'to walk (a horse), trot (him), gallop (him)?' 
Nay, the vulgar phrase ' go it,' admits of justification as soon 
as we regard the verb as capable of expressing the factitive 
idea, 'cause to go.' In the French phrases 'je m'en vais, 
nous nous en allons,' no other explanation can well be sug- 
gested ; but they at once become significant in every element 
when we assign to them the translation ' I take myself off ' 
(i.-e. from here), 'we take ourselves off,' for the particle en of 

* See Veitch's Greek Verbs, sub v. 

the French, like the hin similarly used in German with verbs 
of motion, as hingehen, corresponds to the Latin inde or hinc 
(when shorn of the enclitic ce). We say, or hin of hinc, in the 
sense that this particle in origin is identical with inde, for as 
regards the curtailment of the final letters, we have well- 
known parallels in the double forms delude dein, proinde 
proin, &c., and in utrinde, beside its derivative utrinque. 
Lastly, the Sanskrit presents a very pertinent example for our 
purpose in the fact that the verb ir (p. 210 ap. Wilson) sig- 
nifies in the Vedas ' to go/ and in the Classic Sanskrit ( to 

The question then which we wish to ask is, whether a verb 
mit in the sense f to go' be producible ? Before we answer 
this question we would first observe, that as the verbs which 
express the simplest and the most essential ideas are appa- 
rently for that very reason the most irregular in form, so 
amid such irregularities the verb f to be' occupies the most 
prominent place, and after that the verbs which signify ' to go.' 
In the second volume of the Society's Proceedings (p. 143), 
there commences a paper on this verb, go, &c., the whole 
of which bears upon the present question ; and some parts 
so directly, that we may be permitted to make one or two 
quotations. After arguing for the identity of the Italian 
andare and French aller, from the convertibility of the con- 
sonants by which they are distinguished, we observed : 

" The identity of andare and oiler is strongly confirmed by 
their similar position in the two tenses of the Italian and 
French languages, viz. vado or vo, vai, va ; andiamo, andate, 
vanno ; and vais, vas, va ; allons, allez, vont." 

We further contended theoretically for a provincial vandere in 
Latin as a variety for the ordinary form vadere, on the evidence 
of such double forms as tang ere and tag ere, l to touch' ; and 
then claimed the German verbs wander-n and wandel-n as deri- 
vatives from our root*. We further contended for the sub- 

* This argument derives much strength from the fact that a provincial 
verb wad-en ' to go ' (Gothic watan) occurs in the ' Niederdeutsche geist- 
liche Lieder und Spruche aus dem Miiusterlande,' edited by B. Hb'lscher of 
Munster. See Kuhn's Zeitschrift, vol. iv. p. 227. 


stantial identity of the roots in vais and allons of the French, 
and in vado and andiamo of the Italian, arid accounted for the 
loss of the initial digamma partly on the general tendency of 
this sound in some dialects to disappear, as in Andalusia for 
Wandalusia, the fuller form being still retained in the Arabic 
name for the peninsula, Wandaluz ; and further we pointed 
out that the longer forms, such as andiamo and allons, could 
better dispense with the initial v than the shorter forms vais 
and vo, &c. Attention was also drawn to the close resem- 
blance between the stem va and fia of the Greek ficuvco, while 
the n of the longer base /3av was so far paralleled by the Nea-' 
politaii variety anare ' to go ' in place of andare. 

In the same paper it was contended that the base ga, as ex- 
hibited in the Old German verb^flm, gas, gat (Grimm, i. 868), 
' I go/ &c., and in the Scotch gae, was an equivalent for the 
Italian va and Greek @a. Neither would we abandon all 
claim to the base /j,a, which appears to have had for an early 
meaning ' seek/ and so in meaning agrees with the Latin pet, 
of which hereafter ; nay, in avro/juaro- ( self-moving/ we have 
precisely the meaning we desire to find. Again, not far 
removed in form from^a is the Sanskrit verb hd 'go' (226, 

But while we admit /3a rather than /3av to be the earlier 
form of the Greek verb, we must not leave the forms which 
have a nasal ending unconsidered. So by the side of the 
base va we place the Sanskrit phah ' go' (185, Wilson) . If we 
were correct in claiming the Greek pa ' seek/ with still more 
certainty we may include the root men of the French mener, 
in which the factitive form ' cause to come or go ' presents 
itself, and as a consequence the reflective pronoun is required 
in se promener. The Breton* infin. mont ' to go/ has in the t a 
suffix of the mood, so that mon is the base. With an initial 
guttural we have Sanskrit gam (172, Wilson), and the Scotch 
gang, which is also seen in our own gangway and the Ger- 

* Let not offence be taken at the introduction of this Breton verb, for 
its affinity to the classical languages is established in a manner somewhat 
startling when we find in its conjugation eat ' let him go,' eant ' let them 
go,' and in the indicative (ez) eont 'they go.' 


man ge-gang-en. Lastly, in the Neapolitan anare we have a 
base an without any initial consonant, and something similar 
in the diminutival amb-ulare. 

We will next look to those varieties which end in a 
dental mute t, d f or th, still retaining the vowel a. We find 
in the Greek language par and @a& for the base whence 
%a\Ko-l3aT-(T- ' with a floor of bronze/ and fiaO-fjbo- ' a step/ 
/3ad-po- (neut.) ' a base/ The Latin gives us vad in vadere, 
the Sanskrit pad (233, 271, Wilson), while the Gothic has 
wat-an, and, as before noticed, a provincial dialect still spoken 
in Germany has wad-en. Lastly, the Sanskrit gives us, devoid 
of an initial consonant, at (166, Wilson). In the French 
mener we found the weaker vowel e in place of an a. Do the 
forms ending in a dental also admit this vowel ? to which the 
answer is, that we find sometimes an e, sometimes an i. 
Thus a favourite variety with Plautus is bltere 'to go/ the 
base of which may be either bet or bit ; and though it may be 
difficult to produce many instances of the simple verb, yet 
compounds as per biter e, adbitere, inter biter e, &c. are common. 
The familiar change from the lip-letter b to the lip-letter m 
brings us to met and mit, of which we have already spoken at 
length in reference to the Latin mittere, Italian mettere, and 
French mettre. In a similar way we are led to the consider- 
ation of pet-ere, commonly translated ' to seek/ but as we 
think more correctly 'to go/ It is true, that when an 
accusative follows, the idea ' to seek ' is well established, but 
then it is the case which supplies the idea of 'to,' and the 
combination 'to go to' is closely akin to that of 'seeking/ 
But in the phrase ver appetebat, ' spring was approaching/ the 
notion of 'to go' or ' come' is clearly seen. Again, oppetere 
mortem is a precise equivalent for obire mortem. Repetere fon- 
tem cannot be more idiomatically translated than by ' go back 
to the source/ Competere is ' to go or come together/ ' to fit 
exactly/ and so, as was to be expected, nearly an equivalent 
for convenire ; while the simple petere can admit of no other 
translation than 'to go' in such combinations as petere iter in 
Cic. and Liv., and alium cursum petivit, ' he has gone another 
road/ in Cic. Again, praepetere has anteire for its translation 


in Festus. So far we have looked only to the verb petere and 
its compounds ; but there are several derived forms, the con- 
sideration of which will probably add strength to our assertion. 
The adj. perpetuo- signifies 'going all the way/ and so ' con- 
tinuous/ ' unbroken/ Praepet- ' going ahead/ ' going forward/ 
is a suitable epithet for a bird of good omen ; and we have a 
word of kindred form and sense in propitio-. Our verb again 
enters into the formation of hospet-, the first syllable of which is 
identical with that which appears in hosti-, and probably no 
other than the word os* (oris). We may here also notice the 
substantive impetu- ' going against, collision, blow,' although 
the t here rather belongs to the suffix tu than to the base of 
the verb. As we closed our preceding series with instances 
in which the root begins with a vowel, so here we have good 
authority for a base et or it, in it-er ' a road,' and in the nu- 
merous family of adjectives, corn-it- (comes), ped-it-, equ-it-, 
al-it-, am-it-, &c., as well as in the substantives in-it-io-, 
ex-it-io--\. But the weak vowels i and e are often found in 

* A word or two may be useful in support of this assertion. As regards 
form, os (oris) is of course akin to ostium, as proved by the equivalence of 
the phrases os Tiberis and ostium Tiberis ; to say nothing of the parallel 
relation between os (ossis) and oorreoi/. Now ostium appears at times 
with an initial aspirate (see Wagner's Virgil and Gruter's Inscr.). The 
French too has deduced from os and ostiarius the forms huis ' a door ' 
(a huis clos) and huissier. Then as regards meaning, the close intimacy 
between words signifying 'a door' and those signifying f a mouth' has 
been often noticed ; and the passage from the idea of ' a door ' to that of 
being * abroad ' is also familiar, at any rate to the Latin scholar in the 
phrases foras ire, foris esse. Nay, the words fora- (obsol.) smdfori- ' a 
door/ it is well known, claim kin with the roots of os (oris) and ostium 
(hostium), the interchange between/ and h being a matter of notoriety, 
especially on Italian soil. This interchange in the present instance has also, 
as has been often remarked, the support of the double forms in Old French 
hors de combat and/brs de combat. 

t We may here state that we are disposed to divide omit- of omittere by 
placing a hyphen after the m, om-it-, so that om should represent av of 
the Greek preposition am. This will be regarded no doubt by some as the 
excess of boldness. In defence of the change thus exhibited in the first 
syllable, we may notice that x& ov of the Greek x^ v appears as hum in 
Jiumus and humilis. So fav-ep- and uv-ep- ' man/ of which fav is the 
essential base (and not, as Sanskrit scholars would insist, vep), correspond 


representatives of our verb which are wholly devoid of a final 
consonant. Thus we have bi in am-bi-re, am-bi-tu- ; me in 
meare, commeare, remeare ; vi in vi-a (also ved) ' a way/ as 
well as in the Sanskrit vi (218, Wilson), pe in the above- 
quoted im-pe-tu-, i in the Sanskrit i (167, 209, Wilson), i (229, 
Wilson), i or e in the Latin eo ire, in the Greek et/u tevcu. 

As our root has already appeared in these lists with a final 
n and a final d, we may naturally look for the combination nd 
which should be regarded as only a strengthened form of one 
or other of these consonants. Accordingly we have the 
German wand-er-n and wand-el-n, Danish vandre, and Swe- 
dish vandra 'to walk/ English wend (and went), Ital. andare. 

But as d itself is freely convertible with /, so also is the 
combination nd. Hence we find the Breton bal-a f to go/ the 
German wall-en ' to go' (now nearly obsolete), our own wal of 
wal-k (in which the k is evidently a mere suffix), the root /teX (?), 
whence the aorist //.oXetv* and the compound avTOfj,o\o-, per- 
haps also //,eXXo>, which used like our own phrase ' I am going/ 
might well become an auxiliary verb for the expression of a 
future. In the Latin call-i- ' a path ' and the Italian galleria 
' a long passage for walking/ we come again upon the gut- 
tural ; and lastly, with an initial vowel, we have the French 
aller and allee, whence our own alley. 

We may observe too that a guttural suffix seems to present 
itself in the German verb geh-en, and in the German sub- 
stantive weg, whence, and not from via, our own way. 

In the preceding series we purposely omitted the substan- 
tives gait and gate from the list in which the base of the verb 
takes a final dental, because t in these words is probably the 

to uom and horn in the Italian and Latin uom-o and horn-on-. And again 
in mem-or the first syllable seems to have replaced an older men-. Lastly, 
it is not altogether foreign to our argument that a final m in Latin so ge- 
nerally corresponds to a Greek v. 

* The actual form /z*/i/3Xa>Ka and the theoretic P\a><rK<0 may be admitted 
without detriment to what has been said. As our own know is a secon- 
dary form of ken, so yvw- of yva>crKa> must be a compression of yev-n-, in 
which ytv represents our ken. Similarly /SAw-oxco has in its first syllable 
a compression of ftoXw-, itself well entitled to be regarded as a secondary 
form or derivative of /xfA-. 


remnant of a suffix, by virtue of which they become substan- 
tives, as in our own gift, thrift, the German ankunft, schrift, 
&c. Neither did we include TreSov and TreSiov, because in 
these words, as in our own field, we see rather the notion of a 
flat plain, and so prefer to connect them with pando, pateo, 
and TreravvtT-a. But on the other hand we are possibly en- 
titled to claim kindred for ped- and TroS- 'foot 7 ; and more 
certainly for vadum, which has often erroneously assigned 
to it as its primitive meaning the idea of ' water/ when on the 
contrary it means ' the bottom/ as will readily be seen in the 
examples of Forcellini, notwithstanding his bias in the other 
direction. Similarly the Greek irar-o-, Engl. path, and Germ. 
pfad, seem to have in the dentals what belonged already to 
the verbs whence they are derived, just as we see a dental in 
the Sanskrit pad and Latin pet. The German bahn, on the 
other hand, has probably a virtual suffix in its nasal. As for 
the Latin words via and iter, they are evidently formed by 
suffixes already familiar infug-a and tub-er. 

In dealing with the phrase admittere in se scelus, we gave 
to the verb mittere the notion of ' let come ' rather than ' let 
go 7 ; but this variety of meaning, so far as it may be fairly 
called variety, is shared by the verb ire, and especially by some 
of its compounds, as adire and redire. Thus the simple verb 
is so used in the well-known passage of Terence : " Aliquid 
monstri alunt ; ea quoniam nemini obtrudi potest, itur ad me." 
So in the Ad. II. 2. 24, we have ubi rediero (scil. hue), nihil est, 
refrixerit res. On this principle it is but reasonable to ask, 
whether in a series which already contains the Sanskrit gam 
and Scotch gang, we ought not also to include our own come -, 
and with come, if admitted, the Latin ven or veni will also 
claim the right of entrance, which through the Gothic or Old 
German quim-an, perf. qvam or quam, claims kindred with our 

From the strong tendency to interchange which subsists 
between the sounds n, nd, d (t), and /, we are decidedly of the 
opinion that the final letters of /3av (fiawa)), men (of mener, 
FT.), wend, vad (vadere),bet (of biter e), pet (of peter e], mit (of 
mittere), bal (of Breton bald), ^e\ (of yttoXe^v, &c.), wal (of 


Germ, wallen, Eng. walk), have what is substantially one and 
the same suffix. On the other hand, we also regard the crude 
forms which end in a vowel a, viz. ba, ga, va, pa, ha, as equi- 
valents to each other, representing the fundamental verb, from 
which those which end in the letters n, nd, d, t, /, are deri- 
vatives. Thirdly, we are somewhat inclined to believe that 
those which seem to exhibit a radical verb ending in a weak 
vowel i or e, are but corruptions from some of the secondary 
verbs just enumerated, so that bi of ambire, for instance, 
should be regarded as a degraded form of bit, and i of ire as 
having also supplanted it-. Nay, in the derivation of bit or 
bet from ba, the change of vowel is probably due to that prin- 
ciple of attraction called ' umlaut/ by which the weak vowel 
of a suffix modifies a preceding strong vowel. This it is true 
presumes that bit or bet is itself a degraded form from biti or 
beti. For such a theory we have some confirmation in the 
cases of the Latin bases pet and ven, the former of which 
distinctly exhibits an i in petivi, petitus, petitor ; and the latter 
in the imperfect tenses venire, venio, veniebam, &c.* 

As regards the initial consonants, the lip-letters of pa, va 
and ma present no difficulty. Again, that ga and va should 
interchange is also in accordance with well-known facts ; nor 
is it a strange matter to find a v passing into a w (watan, 
wandelri), or a digamma into a mere aspirate, as in the San- 
skrit ha, or even disappearing altogether, as in andare, aller. 
Hence the Greek verbs eipt ' I go ' and Irjfu ' I let go/ which 
in their bases have no difference but that of the aspirate, may 
fairly be regarded as substantially identical ; and this, com- 
bined with what has been said above, leads to the result that 
mitto and irjfii are equivalent in form (setting aside the redu- 
plication of the latter) as well as in meaning. 

We wish no difficulty to be concealed, and therefore at 
once put forward an admission, that we claim as akin to each 
other all the three varieties (usually attributed to separate 

* In the same way the umlaut sound which occurs in quaer- of quaero 
seems to imply an older base quaesi-, which would account for quaesivi, 
quaesitus, quaesitor. 


origins) which appear in the conjugation of the French verb, 
aller, je vais, and/irai In like manner we hesitate not to 
claim a common origin for the several parts, however dissimilar 
to the eye, of the Breton verb, which has mont for its infinitive, 
while the present tense of the indicative is ann, 6z, a, eomp, it, 
eont. Thus we steadily adhere to the principles according to 
which we held that good, better, best, and well, as also is, was, 
and be, respectively belong to a common stock. 




1855. No. 2. 

January 26, 
PROFESSOR KEY in the Chair. 

The following Paper was read : 

" On Boots mutually connected by reference to the term Zig- 

The sound of a blow is represented in Spanish by the syl- 
lable zis \ or zas \ and the sound of repeated blows by the 
compound ziszas \ in Portuguese zas-tras \ corresponding to 
E. thwick-thwack \ The image fundamentally represented by 
zigzag seems nearly the same as that belonging to the Sp. 
ziszas, with perhaps a more general tendency to a conception 
of the blows as being made by a sharp instrument. Then as 
blows repeated in rapid succession are naturally given alter- 
nately from right to left and left to right, the term is applied 
to motion sharply alternating in directions transverse to each 
other, to a line such as would be drawn by a succession of 
strokes inclined to each other at an acute angle. 

In support of such a view of the primary image represented 
by the term zigzag, the directly expressive character of which 
is universally felt, we cannot indeed in English produce the 
very element zig or zag, signifying the ,kind of action in 
which we suppose the idea of the zigzag form to take its rise, 
but the corresponding root zick or zack is extant in German, 
and a long series of neighbouring forms may be pointed out in 


all the European languages in which the initial z is exchanged 
for letters into which the former consonant readily passes. 
Perhaps the most central form that can be taken is the E. 
J a ff> which on the one hand passes (by the omission of the 
sound of the Fr. j involved in our pronunciation of the same 
consonant) into dag, tag, tack, stack, and on the other into 
gag, kag, skag, shag ; and it will be the object of the present 
paper to investigate the development of meanings originating 
in the idea of sudden thrust, suddenly checked or rapidly 
alternating action, represented by the foregoing syllables and 
their immediate modifications. From these fundamental images 
the train of thought will very generally be found to pass to 
the representation of a bodily projection, of a point or pointed 
object, an unevenness in a superficial or linear body, a tooth, 
notch, cog; or again, the pointed object may itself be consi- 
dered as the implement of stabbing or thrusting, stopping a 
hole, supporting, propping. If the substance to which the 
projection belongs be of a soft nature, the projection will hang 
down instead of standing up, whence the notion of dangling, 
swinging; of a dangling body, bob, cluster. It is not, of course, 
to be supposed that the complete train of thought by which 
any particular signification is connected with the original idea 
will be found in the case of every form of the root, but the 
evidence is of a cumulative nature, and the principal steps of 
the process will be found repeated under so many forms, that 
there can rarely be a difficulty in supplying any step that may 
be wanting from a sister-form. The connexion of the forms 
J*ffiJ0ff>J6ffi with zigzag, may be illustrated by the Polish pro- 
nunciation of the theme, zygzag, i. e. jygzag (with a French./). 
To jag is explained by Jamieson ' to job' (that is, to strike 
with a pointed instrument), f to prick, to pierce/ Hence a 
jag, a projecting point ; jagged, jaggy, having a slashed zigzag 
edge, ragged, rough with sharp projections. 
Or else the ground by piercing Caurus seized 
Was jagg'd with frost. Thomson in Richardson. 
And on his backe an uncouth vestiment 
Made of strange stuffe, but all to worne and ragged, 
And underneath his breech was all to torne wiAjayyrd. F.Q. 


To dag is in like manner to stab, to pierce, to slash. A 
dagger is a stabber, a weapon for stabbing ; Fr. dague, a 
dagger, the sharp horns of a young stag. Dag, a small project- 
ing stump of a branch, a sharp sudden pain [a stab] (Halliwell) . 
In the diminutive form we have the prov. E. daglet, an icicle, 
from its tapering shape, corresponding to the Icel. is-digul, 
frost-dingul, other forms of diminutive from the same root. 

To jag or dag was especially applied to the fashion of slash- 
ing garments, which formerly afforded so frequent a subject of 
ridicule or invective to our satirists and moralists. 

Thy body bolstred out with bumbast and with bagges, 
Thy rowles, thy ruffes, thy caules, thy coifes, 

Thy jerkins and thy jagges. Gascoigne in Rich. 

So under the name of dagging in the Parson's Tale : " But 
there is also the costlewe furring in their gownes, so moche 
pounsing of chesil to make holes, so moche dagging with 
sheres forth." 

In this point of view a jag or dag becomes equivalent to a 
rag or tatter, bringing us to the notion of hanging loose, flut- 
tering in the air, swaying to and fro. Thus from dag is de- 
rived to dangle, as the Icel. dingla in the same sense from 
digul, dingul, an icicle. 

The same idea of dangling or hanging loose is exemplified 
in the dag-locks, also called tag-locks or tag-wool, the matted 
locks hanging about a sheep's tail ; as well as in W. tagel, a 
dewlap, the wattles of a cock. The provincial G. zagel (iden- 
tical with E. tail, as G. segel with sail) is in like manner used 
to signify any wavering or dangling thing, the tail of a dog, top 
of a tree, lock of hair. The corresponding PL D. tagel is ap- 
plied to the lash of a whip, rope's end ; the Isl. tagl, to the 
hanging extremity of anything, as reip-tagl, a rope's end, Jiull- 
tagl, the skirts, of a hill, and especially to the tail of a horse, 
whence Swed. tagel, with a singular contraction of meaning, 
becomes simply horsehair, as Goth, tagls, the hair of the head. 

From G. haar-zagel, a tuft of hair, we readily pass to Swiss 
tschogg, a tuft on the head of a bird, a man's head of hair ; 
It. ciocca, a tuft of fruit or of flowers ; E. shock, in the expres- 


sion a shock-head, a bushy head of hair, shock-dog, a dog with 
shaggy locks. In a shock of corn the same idea seems exhi- 
bited in a magnified form, the signification probably being 
only a bunch of sheaves. 

To dig is essentially, like dag, to thrust with a pointed in- 
strument ; to tig, to give a twitch, as in the proverb " Ower 
mony masters, as the toad said to the harrow when every 
tooth gave her a tig" With an initial s this form of the root 
gives rise to the Lat. instigo, instinguo, to prick on, to insti- 
gate, whence instinct, that which urges the animal on. To 
extinguish is to put the fire out, the original meaning of put 
being to poke or thrust. To distinguish is to point apart, to 
mark by separate points or to arrange round separate points. 

The syllables jig or jog are used in E. to designate various 
kinds of roughly or sharply reciprocating action, as r&jig, a 
quick dance, a trick (Halliwell) ; jigging, visiting about ; jig- 
geting, jigling, jolting, shaking, moving unsteadily. To jog, 
to give a momentary impulse to, to move unsteadily. Jogs, 
hits, strikes (Hall.), illustrating the connexion of the Lat. 
jacere, to cast, throw, and icere, to strike, stab, with our root. 
Jogging, a protuberance on the surface of sawn wood (Hall.). 
In Ly ell's ' North America ' he mentions certain remarkably 
indented cliffs with corresponding zigzags on either side of an 
estuary called the North and South Joggins, the meaning of 
which was explained to him, " Why you see, Sir, they jog in 
and jog out." 

It is impossible to draw a distinct line between the forms 
with an initial j and g. The identity of jag and gag is exem- 
plified in Icel. gagr, projecting; E. gag-tooth, a projecting 

Her jaws grin dreadful with three rows of teeth, 
Jaggy they stand the gaping den of death. 

Pope in Richardson. 

An exact equivalent of the E. jog appears in W. gogi, to shake ; 
gogr, a sieve (from the jigging motion) ; ysgogi, to wag, to 
stir, to shog; and in the Gael, gog, a nod; ^o^r-cheannach 
(cean, a head), tossing the head in walking; ^o^r-shuil, a 

c 2 


goggle eye, a prominent restless eye, " They goggle with their 
eyes hither and thither " (Holinshed in Richardson) ; goigean, 
a cluster; goigeannach, clustering, dangling; provincial E. 
gog, a bog; gog -mire or juggle-mire, a quag-mire; compelling 
us to regard quag, and consequently quake, as modifications of 
our root, and thus bringing us into connexion with an endless 
series of forms derived from a root wag, which we must abstain 
from touching. 

With joggle, or juggle and goggle, in the sense of unsteady 
motion, must be classed Sc. coggle, to rock; coggly, moving 
from side to side, unsteady. Hence must be explained the 
cogs of a wheel, viz. as jogs or unevennesses on the edge of 
the wheel. 

Three long rollers twice nine inches round, 
In iron cased and jagg'd with many a cog. 

Grainger in Richardson. 

The expression to cog in the sense of cheating must be un- 
derstood as signifying a trick or quick turn, a sense in which 
jig and many other forms of our root are also used. 

While cog is in E. applied as above to the projecting tooth 
of an indented wheel, the corresponding It. cocca designates 
the notch or re-entering angle. Hence with an initial s we 
have to scotch, to notch, Bret, skeja. 

The notion of a projecting tooth is carried on in Du. kegge, 
a wedge, from its tapering form, and its diminutive kegel, 
A.-S. gicel, an icicle. The Du. and G. kegel is also a ninepin, 
in E. provincially called gaggles and also kayles or skayles, 
Fr. quilles. In like manner in G. itself kegel is contracted 
into keil, any longish tapering body, a wedge, as well as kiel, 
the quill or hollow tapering end of a feather. 

The forms jig and gig are still closer to each other than jog 
and gog. We have gig, a top (an object distinguished by a 
rapid circular, instead of reciprocating motion) ; gig, gigget, 
gigsy, giglet, a flighty person, a silly romping girl ; G. geige, 
PL D. gigel, a fiddle, from the rapid sawing action with which 
the instrument is played. Hence too the PL D. yiyrln, be- 


gigeln, to deceive, to lead by the nose, to beguile, properly, 
like diddle, to deceive by tricks played off before one's eyes. 
The E. wile, formerly wigele (Ancren Rewle), A.-S. wigelung, 
gewiglung, deceit, juggling, bewitching, and wigelere, a sooth- 
sayer, are derived on the same principle from wag, waggle, 
wiggle, expressive of unsteady motion. Possibly in Lat. pr<e- 
stigiae, the syllable stiff, which we have already found as one 
of the forms of our root, may supply the notion of the quick 
turn or trick required to construct the actual meaning. 

In like manner we are led from jog and its frequentatives 
jogger, joggle, juggle, in the sense of moving to and fro, to 
juggle, in the sense of playing tricks of sleight of hand, which 
is in all probability essentially the same word with the fore- 
going gigeln, begigeln, and with provincial E. guggle, to gull, to 
cheat (Hall.), although the mid. ~Lat.joculator, a juggler, may 
seem to point to a derivation from jocus. ~Butjocus itself, 
like the Lith. jukas, sport (whence jukininkas, jukdarys, a 
juggler), may probably be an early offshoot of our stock, having 
originally signified a rapid trick. The Sc. jouk is applied to 
a quick turn of the body, a shift or change of place ; to jowk, 
to play tricks like a juggler ; yowAry-pawkry, trick, deception, 
juggling (Jamieson). The G. gaukeln, to juggle, has little ap- 
pearance of being derived from joculari, while it is related to 
schaukeln, to roll as a ship, to seesaw, as gog to shog, which we 
shall presently recognize as a neighbouring form of jog. 

With an initial s from gag (in Icel. gagr, projecting), we 
have Icel. skaga, to project, corresponding in form to E. shag, 
shaggy, in some places pronounced scaggy, hanging in uneven 
locks. So from W. gogi, to shake, ysgogi, to wag, to stir, 
corresponding to E. shog, to shake roughly, to jog. 'The 
sea was schoggid with wawis' (Wiclif), was jagged or rough 
with waves. An \CQ-shoggle or shockle is a shag or hanging 
shoot of ice, to which is related Du. schongelen, schonkelen, to 
swing, in the same way as Icel. dingla is to digul, and E. dan- 
gle to daglet, an icicle. As an equivalent to Du. schonkelen 
may be mentioned Fr. chanceler, to totter, a frequentative, of 
which the positive form is represented by O. Fr. jancer, 
Yj.jaunce, jounce, to jog. The Fr. jancer is also to jaunt, to 


make a pleasure excursion, to take a jog, Sw. fara ut att skaka 
p& sig, Fr. aller se faire cahoter un peu. 

From E. shog we easily pass to Du. schocken, to jolt, Fr. 
choquer, to strike against, to shock ; and from them it is diffi- 
cult to separate Sw. skaka, to shake, to jolt ; Icel. skakra, to 
tremble, to stagger. 

We have said that both the elements of the G. zick-zack 
were extant as living roots in that language. We find zacken, 
to jag, dent, notch, slash, explaining E. tack, to change the 
direction in sailing to the opposite course, to sail in zigzag ; 
zacke or zacken, a spike, prong, tooth, branch, &c. ; eis-zacken, 
an icicle, and in PL D. (where an initial t regularly corresponds 
to G. z) takk, a point, a branch of a tree or of a deer's horn ; 
is-takel, an icicle. It. tacca, a notch, corresponds to G. zacken, 
a tooth, just as It. cocca, a notch, to cog, the projecting tooth 
of a wheel. Bav. zicken, PL D. ticken, to strike with a quick 
short blow (Schmeller), to tick-, G. zucken, to shrug, to draw 
with a sudden action, to tug ; den degen zucken, to whip out 
one's sword ; den kopf zucken, to duck the head, to jouk 
(Scotch), to shrink from a blow. 

Sp. taco, an implement for thrusting, the ramrod or wad 
of a gun, a peg, wedge, bung, a billiard-cue ; tocon, a stump, 
stock of a tree ; It. tocco, a bit, a morsel (properly an end, 
then a small piece). Sp. tocar, in which the meaning is 
softened down into the idea of touching, but the original sense 
of striking is preserved in the expression ' tocar el tambor/ to 
beat the drum ; tocante, catching (of a disorder) . 

The same softening down of the meaning seems to have 
taken place in Lat. tangere, originally tagere, explained " to 
touch, i. e. to strike, hit, beat," in the third sense given by 
Andrews in his Dictionary. 

Swed. tagg, a prickle, sharp point, sting ; taggar, the teeth 
of a saw, of a comb, &c., like G. zacken. E. tag, the point at 
the end of a lace, the jagged end of anything; hence fre- 
quently joined with rag, to signify the rabble or unhonoured 
appendages of a party. " Of the other two, one is reserved 
for comely personages and void of loathsome discourse ; the 
other is left common for tag und rag" Holiushed in R. 


The insertion of the nasal into tag, in the sense either of a 
hanging rag or a projecting point, gives in the one case Isl. 
tangr, a rag, and in the other tangi, a tongue of land project- 
ing into the sea, a promontory ; Sc. tangle, an icicle ; Isl. 
tangi is also the tang of a knife or prolongation of the blade 
running up into the handle ; and as the tang is held fast in the 
surrounding handle, an instrument consisting of two arms 
for the purpose of seizing an object to be held as a tang or 
tongue between them is, by a converse application of the term, 
called tangs or tongs, Icel. taungr. In the same way, to stick 
signifies to pierce or project into a solid substance, and to be 
held fast in the substance into which the implement is stuck ; 
to cleave is both to cut into and to adhere to, the complete 
image being that of the instrument driven in between the 
portions of the cloven object. 

Again, we have Gael, tac, tacaid, a peg, a nail, a prop, a 
sharp pain; E. tack, a small nail; to tack, to fasten as with 
pricks or stitches, " I tack a thing, I make it fast to a wall or 
such like " (Palsgrave in Way) . Bret, tach (with a Fr. ch), 
a tack, tacha, to fasten with nails. Venet. tacare, Piedm. 
tache, It. attaccare, to hang a thing up, to stick, to fasten, 
to tie. 

The way in which these Italian forms are used would seem 
to explain the Icel. taka, Swed. taga, E. take, as originating 
in the idea of fastening on, laying hold of; thus tache is ex- 
plained to hang up, to stick to, to fasten on, to seize ; ' tache 
la rogna ad un/ to give one the itch ; ' tache la rogna da un 
autr/ to take it from another. In the same way, to take was 
formerly used as well in the sense of delivering a thing to 
another as receiving it from him. Tache, of plants, to take 
root; tache V feu, to take fire; tachesse, to quarrel, dispute, 
scold; It. attaccarsi di parole; just as the corresponding 
reciprocal tagas of Swed. taga signifies to struggle, contend, 

The prefix of an s to forms like dag, tag, tak, with the fun- 
damental signification of a suddenly checked thrust, gives 
prov. Dan. stagge, stagle, to stagger, to stumble to the right 
and left in the endeavour to move onwards ; Gael, stac, a 


false step, stacach, hobbling, limping; Swed. steg, a step; 
Du. staggelen, to paw the ground as a horse ; Swiss staggelen, 
stanggeln, stigeln, to stutter, to speak in sudden impulses, 
with reference to which may be compared the Du. tateren, to 
stutter, with E. totter, and stutter, again, with Du. stooten, to 
thrust. Conversely, to stammer is used in the north of 
England in the sense of staggering. 

Other forms are, Icel. stang a, to thrust, to prick ; sting a, 
to prick, to stick, to sting, to touch; G. stechen, to stab, to 
prick, to sting ; Bret, steki, stoki, to strike, to knock ; Prov. 
E. to stock, to peck, as a bird; G. stauchen, to jog, to jolt, to 
ram, to stow goods in a cask or in a ship ; E. stoke, to poke, 
to stoach, to stab, to poach wet ground. 

We have then in most of the European languages a variety of 
forms, stac, stick, stock, stang, signifying an instrument of thrust- 
ing, a bar, a pole, a bolt, a pillar, a support, or anything rising 
to a point. Gael, stac, a stake, pillar, thorn, peaked rock, 
stack of hay, wood, or the like ; Pol. stog, a stack ; Du. staeck, 
a stake, stick, peg ; Lith. stokas, a stake ; Sp. estoc, a pointed 
sword ; Gael, stoc, a trunk, post, pillar ; Du. stok, a stick or 
stock ; Fr. estoc, the stock of a tree, used metaphorically, like 
E. stock, for the stem or living root of a family on which the 
successive descendants appear as branches. The same meta- 
phor represents the public funds as stocks, or stems developing 
their fruit and branches in the shape of annual dividends. A 
stock of goods is a similar metaphor, in which the things 
required for use are considered as the fruit or branches 
detached from a permanent stem. 

With a nasal, we have It. stang a, G. stange, E. stang, a 
pole, bar, bolt ; and in Gael, also a pin, a peg. Without the 
initial s, Langued. tanca, a bolt, tanc, the stump of a tree, or 
the act of stumbling against it ; Finn, tanko, a pole. 

Then, as driving a stake into the ground affords one of the 
simplest and most obvious types of fixedness, we have next a 
series of verbal forms signifying to fix or become fixed, to 
stop, cease from action, to fasten, to tie, to choke. 

We speak in English of sticking a pin into a cushion, 
sticking a thing to the wall, sticking in the middle of a 


sticking in the mud, sticking in one's throat. Du. staaken, 
to stop, to cease ; Langued. estaca, to stick or stop ; estaca, 
Bret, staff a, a leash or tie ; Sw. stocka sig, to stop, to clod, 
to coagulate ; G. stocken, to stand still, to stop short, to cease 
to flow; Prov. E. stogged, set fast in the mire; to stodge or 
staw, to cram full, to bring to a stand in eating ; Prov. Fr. 
estoque, fixed in wonder, also stodged or gorged with eating 
(Hecart) ; G. stauchen, to cram, to stop the course of water. 

The G. ersticken, to suffocate, may be illustrated by W. 
tagu, to clog, to choke, ta^-aradyr (literally clog plough), the 
plant rest-harrow ; ystagu, to choke, to suffocate ; Bret, stag, 
a tie ; stag a, to tie, to fasten ; staguz, sticky. Langued. tanca, 
to stop ; ' le gousie se tanco/ the throat stops up, chokes. 

The Lat. stagnum, standing water, seems formed on an 
analogous plan to Prov. E. stockened, stopped in growth, 
brought to a stand. The derivative stagnare must be con- 
sidered as collaterally related, and not as the direct ancestor 
of Fr. etancher, E. to staunch, to stop the flow of liquid, which 
comes directly from the notion of fixedness, firmness. Thus 
we have W. ystanc, a holdfast, bracket, stanchion ; Fr. etanqon, 
formerly in the same sense, also as the trunk of a tree, prop, 
support, trestle; Bret, stank, thick, close (as standing corn, 
trees in a wood, &c.), tight, stanka, to staunch, to stop; 
E. staunch, firm, fixed; Sp. estanco, tight, sound, estancar, 
to stop. 

Parallel with the whole of the preceding series will be 
found one with the same or very similar meanings, and differ- 
ing in form only in having a labial instead of a guttural ter- 

Corresponding to the forms jig, jag, jog, we have to jib, to 
start suddenly back or on one side, whence the jib in a 
ship is the triangular sail in front that traverses from side to 
side. A jibby, giblot, a frisky gadding wench (Halliwell), 
equivalent to gig, giglet, &c. Tojiffle, giffle (with the g hard), 
to be restless ; a jiffy, an instant, the time of a single vibration. 
To job, like jag, to strike or thrust with a pointed instrument; 
the nutjobber is a provincial name for the nuthatch, a bird 
which opens nuts with its beak. Pol. dziobac, to peck ; dziob, 


a beak, bill, pock-mark ; dzioba, an adze. The Gael, gob, the 
bill or beak of a bird, is manifestly the same word; also 
applied ludicrously to the human mouth, whence gobair, a 
talker, and hence probably the O. F. gaber, to lie, to jest, 
and E. gab, jibe, jape. O. E. gobbet, jobbet, a lump, small 
quantity of anything. Bohem. zob, a beak, zub, a tooth, as 
of the mouth, a saw, comb, &c. A jub is a jog trot; to jump, 
to start suddenly forwards ; to jumble, to shake up things 

With an initial d we have dab, a slight blow, a small lump ; 
dabbet, like jobbet, a small quantity (Halliwell) ; to dibble, to 
make holes in the ground with a pointed instrument ; a dib, 
dimble, a narrow valley, a dimple, a pit in the cheek, like Pol. 
dziob, from dziobac. 

We find tap very generally running parallel with tack, with 
a fundamental signification, as it appears, of ramming, thrust- 
ing, striking with a pointed instrument, as in the words of 
the song, " The woodpecker tapping the hollow beech tree." 
Bohemian top, the beak of a bird, topor, an axe, tepati, to 
strike ; E. nut-topper, another name for the nutjobber or nut- 
hatch. Portuguese topar, to hit, to stumble, trip, strike a thing 
by chance with the feet ; It. intoppo, an obstacle ; Fr. achoper, 
to stumble, to strike against, answering to choquer of the 
former series. Dan. tappe, to throb, to struggle, to pant ; Sp. 
Port, tapar, to stop a hole, viz. to ram a peg into it ; Port. 
tapado, tight in texture, Lat. stipatus, as Bret, stank above 
mentioned. G. zapfen, a tap, bung, peg for stopping the hole 
in a cask, or anything of similar shape ; eis-zapfen, Dan. iis- 
tap, an icicle, answering to eis-zacken, is-takel of the former 
series ; W. tap, tapyn, a projection, ledge or shelf; top, topyn, 
a stopple, top, bush of hair; G. zopf, schopf, It. civffo, Fr. 
touffe, toupe, E. tuft, answering to tschogg, ciocco, shock, of the 
former series. E. tap-root, a spindle-shaped root ; to taper, 
to assume such a form, to diminish in size towards the end ; 
a taper (originally no doubt a dip-candle), so named from the 
tapering form. Dan. /o/?-sukker, a sugar-loaf. 

With an initial s we start again from the notion of a thrust 
with a sharp implement in E. stab, leading to G. stab, a stave 


or staff; Gael, stob, a thrust or stab, stump, thorn, prickle, 
pointed stick. E. stub, stump, a projecting point, the cut-off 
end of anything ; stubble, the sharp ends of corn left standing ; 
stubborn, rugged in disposition, standing up like a stub, not 
easily bent. Icel. stabbi, like stack, a heap or pile ; Lat. sti- 
parej to ram or cram, stipes, a stake, stipula, a straw. Bohem. 
staupati, to tread, to march ; staupa, a stamp, stupa, a step, 
sltt/tka, a mortar, stopa, footsteps, traces ; stopka, the stalk of 
a leaf, fruit. 

N. of France, estope, a stake, also stable, firm, solid, corre- 
sponding to Bret, stank, E. stanch. In the same dialect we 
find both estoper and estocquier, to stop, to close, viz. by thrust- 
ing a peg or object of appropriate shape into the hole; to stop 
or come to a stand is the equivalent of the G. stocken, Du. 
staaken, above mentioned. E. staple, like stanchion, a hook 
fixed into something to hold by ; Du. stapel, like Gael. Icel. 
E. stack, a heap piled up, a depot of merchandise; Swed. 
klock-stapel, a steeple, the pointed tower of a church. As the 
final b of stab passes into an / in staff, to stuff or cram 
must be considered only as another form of stop, and stuff, 
matter, substance, is the staff, stem, or stock, out of which an 
object is produced. Household stuff is the stock of furniture, 
&c. by which it is made habitable. The metaphor would be 
but slightly altered by calling bread the stuff, instead of the 
staff, of life. 

Du. stippen, to prick, and like sticken, to embroider, stipsel, 
sticksel, embroidery, stip-tujii, a stake-fence, paling ; stappen, 
stippen, E. to step, the equivalent of Gael, stac, Swed. steg ; 
E. stamp, to strike with the foot, with a pestle or the like ; 
Swed. stampa, also to rock, to move from side to side like a 
ship ; Bret, stampa, to stride. 

Prov. Fr. s'etamper, to stand up ; etampo, an upright ; Fr. 
estamper, to support, to prop, like estancer, etancher ; estam- 
peau, estanqon, a prop, stay, trestle (Cotgr.). 

From stamp must be explained the O. E. st amber, stammer, 
Sw. stamma, titubare lingua; and stammer or stummer, to 
stagger, stumble (Brocket), just as we saw the two ideas con- 
veyed by the Swiss and Dutch staggelen, staggeren ; slavering 


or staveling, wandering about in an unsteady manner, as in 
the dark, stumbling (Halliwell). 

The Lith. stambas, stambras, a stalk, indicates the loss of a 
final p in G. stam, E. stem, which are thus brought back to a 
root stap or stip, agreeing with Lat. stipes, stipula. A similar 
modification would produce Lat. stimulus, a prick or goad, 
from the same radical form. From stam or stem we have 
G. stdmmen, to prop, to support, to stop the course of water, 
to dam ; Swed. stdmma, to staunch ; Dan. stamme, the stock, 
stem, or trunk of a tree, the stock or pack of cards. 

Lat. stupere may be explained like Prov. Fr. estoque, brought 
to a stand, fixed in wonder, ' etre etonne jusqu'k en perdre la 
respiration ' (Hecart), to stand like a stock or stub. Gr. 
crrvTrrj, tow, what is stuffed or rammed in, also a stock or 
trunk, as Lat. stipes; awim/cos, styptic, having a tendency 
to staunch or stop the flow of blood. 

It is observable that the same series of meanings as above 
developed appears in the Sanscrit stabh, stambh, stumbh, 
fulcire, hnmobilem reddere, sistere, stupere; stambha, postis, 
pila, columna, mons, manipulus, stupor (DiefFenbach). 




1855. No. 3. 

February 9, 
THOMAS WATTS, Esq., in the Chair. 

The Paper read was 

"Norfolk Words;" collected by ANNA GURNEY, of North 
Repps Cottage, near Cromer. 

The following Norfolk words have been gathered chiefly on 
the north-eastern coast, and, either because they have not been 
noted by Mr. Forby in his ( Vocabulary of East Anglia/ or 
because they appear to admit of some further elucidation, are 
now offered to the Philological Society, in consequence of the 
Circular requesting that Members should collect peculiar words 
current in their respective districts. 

BANK, generally used for ( beach/ 

BEE-BIRD or BEAM-BIRD, or WALL-BIRD. A fly-catcher. 

BISHOP BARNABEE. The Lady-bird: the Marien-kafir of 
Germany; in heathen times sacred to Frigga. When the 
Overstrand children catch one of these insects, they will let it 

go, saying- 
Bishop, Bishop Barnabee ! 
Tell me when your wedding be ; 
If te* be tomorrow day, 
Take your wings and fly away ; 
Fly to the east, fly to the west, 
Fly to those that love you best ! 

* Norfolk for "it." 

But the more usual verse of manumission is 

Lady-bird, Lady-bird, fly away home ! 

Your house is on fire, your children must roam. 

I should think that, like the cock, its red colour connected 
it with fire. 

BOKE of straw. A bulk up to the rim of the cart, but 
not higher. 

A BRABBLE, or a Brabbly sea. A short swell ; little waves 
in quick succession, very unpleasant in a boat. 

BRADCOCKS. Young turbots. 

To BRAID. Always used instead of ' to net/ 

BRANK. Buck- wheat ; probably of Celtic origin, for Pliny 
says that beer was made by the Gauls from the grain Brace : 
see Bullet, Mem. Celt. Brank is of an intoxicating quality, as I 
have seen guinea-fowls perfectly stupefied after feeding in a 
field of it in wet weather, when the grain has become a little 
fermented. It is however given freely to pheasants. 

CARR. Chiefly used for a low damp grove (as Alder-Carry 
Osier-Carr] : Kiorr, a swamp, Icelandic. 

COOMS. High ridges, according to Forby. In most parts 
of England, Coombe or Combe implies a valley (the curve 
downwards), but High Combe is the name of a hill in Cum- 
berland. D^lp, to arise, cumulus. The coomb of corn (and 
formerly of coals in Norfolk, though now superseded by the 
ton) seems to mean " a heap." The comb of a bird, its crest. 

To COP. To throw. " You cop it, I'll catch it :" connected 
with kaupa, to sell ; also with Fp, hollow of the hand, Hebr. 

Fishing by a jerk with " Chopsticks " is practised here and 
in Norway. 

COSH. A covering of leaves; another form of "husk;" 
(the glumes of corn, particularly wheat, Forby ;) pods of peas 
and beans (Miss Baker) ; cosse^ Fr. 

D ADD LED. Said of ducklings allowed to go too young into 
the pond, evidently " daggled/' 

DAG. Dew " A little dag of rain." We have " water-dogs" 
for light watery clouds ; the " sun-dog," a light spot near the 
sun, indicative of rain ; both probably from the same, dag. 


To DAWL a cat. To coax it. 

DICKUP. Formerly as usual as "Dicky/' the name for 
the ass, probably Flemish Dik-kop, thick-head, similar to 
donkey or duncy. 

DINDEL. Sow-thistle ; perhaps a corruption of dandelion. 

DOTED. Decayed, as wood. 

To go DRIVING. To go out fishing ; letting the herring or 
mackerel nets drift. 

EIRY. Grand, and rather alarming. " What an eiry horse \" 
said an old lady, of a tall handsome animal at which she was 
somewhat scared. It is common to Norfolk and Scotland : 

" The eiry bloodhound howl'd by night." Border Minstrelsy. 

It seems connected with N""\>, Heb. fear, vereor, and with 
the Germ, ehre, honour. 

To ENVY. To wish for ; (as the French) " I envied my 

ERRIGLE or ERRIWIGGLE ear-wike, ear-wrike, ear-narro- 
wriggle, ear-wiggle', as poll-wiggle, a tadpole; A.-S. wigga, a 
beetle, worm ; ear-wigga, an ear-beetle or earwig, appears to 
be the original rather than the derivative of the Latin eruca, 
earwig; the double r gives a stronger sense of horror. 
Hickes and Grimm have both printed a little Saxon poem on 
the Eunic letters, wherein it is written 

"Ear is egle, Ear is hateful." 

The " worm is hateful " seems to fit the sense, and the word is 
probably the same with ver and arjp that which eareih or 
turneth, as to ear the ground is to turn up the soil. 

The FALLS. The cliff-sides ; elsewhere ' ' fells." 

To FATHOM. To spread or fill out 

"The wheat fathoms well." 

Faftmr being a man's grasp, it should seem that the measure 
' fathom/ six feet, was supposed to be a man's usual height, 
to which the distance from tip to tip of the fingers ought to 
FILY. Dirty. 


Fis. Decay in fruit; from effervescence or fermentation ? 
to fizz ? to fiste, to poison. 

To FISTE. To find out (Dan. viste). 

FOLKSAL, or FO'-SEL. The forward part of the vessel, where 
the sailors live ; fore-castle. 

FOOL. A pet. It was droll, under a burning sun, to hear a 
Norfolk servant, toiling in keeping together the luggage of a 
party on the road from the Piraeus to Athens, call out, " What 
am I to do with your/oo/, Mr. C. ? it won't keep quiet! " the 
fool being a land tortoise which had been picked up by the 
way by one of the junior travellers. 

FOWL. Applied to all large birds. 

GAIN. Handy, convenient; Danish gavne ; and gavnlig y 

GANT. Gannet or Solan goose. Forby gives the meaning 
also of "fair" (a going together?, concourse) ; this may per- 
haps explain the name of Ghent. 

GLIES. Blinkers. Though intended to darken the sight, 
they seem a form of Icel. gluggr or gliggr, window, as indeed 
fenestra is connected with finster. 

GROUND-FIRING. Explained by Mr. Forby as a perquisite. 
Here, labourers have the roots of trees for clearing the ground 
of them, also stubble cut after reaping. 

HALMS or AWMS. Beards of barley, also stubble-straw : 
connected with Danish halm, straw, and with calamus. 

1 1 A M M K it SPOTS. The dappled appearance of a fine-coated 
horse. The hammer-cloth means the skin-cloth, and it was 
usually of bearskin. The Icel. lunur is skin, or covering, con- 
nected with the term to " hap up," and also with hamus (the 
encircling hook), and ham, home. The yellow-hummer thus 
means yellow skin. But it may be from the likeness to ham- 
mer-marks on a copper-kettle. 

ll.MiNSEY. A Norfolk critic would have known "a hawk 
from a harnsey" a heron. 

HEFTY. Rough; "lulu \uuthcr," a "hefty sea" ; Danish 
and derm. //<;/////. 

To HICK i, K up. To gather your effects as in a little 


HOBBY. Used for a horse of any size; hojijtc is Danish for 
rnarc generally. 

KEDGB. Lively; connected with D. kyck, quick, but not 

KIDGER or K i DIM I-:K, a can-icr, which may come from keg, 
as pedder from ped. 

KINK. A twist ; certainly connected with 'quick/ vitality 
being tested by its turning and twisting. "The patient \\ill 
kink up again," may thus mean ' quicken up/ ' brisk up/ 

To KIP fish : see (Cop and Chopsticks). I n Norwegian, tricep 
is a little stick (not a mere chip), and in the west of Norway, 
kippe denotes the same mode of fishing by line and chopsticks, 
as "to kip" does with us (Ilallager's Norsk Ordsammlung). 
In Icelandic, kippia is to seize ; kippi-lyckia, a lucky catch of 
birds (Biorn Haldorson's Lex.). 

KITTYWITCH. A small crab that makes zigzag tracks on 
the sand, a wigga (sec Errigle), so called like the vetch from 
its twisting about. The "kitty" seems to denote a small 
creature (chit). Kitty-wake, a small gull. 

To KNOP. To bud, as in the English Bible ; German knospe, 
a hud. 

KNOT. A sandpiper; said to have been a favourite dish of 
king Canute's. 

LATCH. To take; connected with Xay^avo), and ID 1 ? and 

rip 1 ?. 

I JOKE. A shaded lane, a narrow pass, Mocked in'; "a 
short narrow turnagain lane" (see Forby). 

The LONDES. Used for an extent or strip of land, like the 
Landes of Poitou. We have the Londes, in a small way, at 
Overstrand, a desert strip of land, now built into a street. 

LOVE-COPE. Name of an ancient right existing at Lynn 
Regis, probably meaning legal tariff. In the Gulathing Laws 
(Icelandic), the term lov-kaup is applied to the legal rate of 

Low. A loch left by the tide on the shore ; the same word 
with the lowes of the South of Scotland, and cognate with 
loke (above), ' the enclosed/ 

LUM. The handle of an oar ; Icelandic hlumm. By no un- 



usual interchange it is the same word with loof, the palm of 
the hand, whence glove. In Scotch, lum is a chimney : do 
they regard this as the handle of the house ? or is the word 
rather the clam, the lump of clay forming the fire-place ? " To 
lum the oars/' to let the handles down into the boat, without 
unshipping them. 

MARDLE. A gossiping talk; to mardle, to drawl. 

The MAVISH. We sound the aspirate. Burns speaks of 
the "mavis mild and mellow," proving Mr. Forby right in 
applying it to the singing thrush. 

The ME ALES. The name of sand-banks at Hunstanton, 
from mtel, a boundary. 

MOSHECKLE or MoLESHECKLE. The bone within the cuttle- 
fish, which may be rubbed into pounce. Is it from mylan, 
to mill, to pulverize, and sheckle, that which is tossed up, 
a waif? In icicle we have the same termination. Gawain 
Douglas has " grete yse-schokkilis lang as ony spere." 

MULLY. Mouldy, powdery. 

MYRE BALKS -low ridges of earth dividing the holdings of 
tenants of common lands are well known in these parts ; 
A.-S. myre, a boundary, the balk meaning division; in the 
Scandinavian laws there are balkir of separate subjects. 

NIGHT-JAR. The goat-sucker. 

OLD SHOCK or SHUCK. A spectre dog, much connected 
with the Danes ; walks the coast road ; last imagined to be 
seen at North Repps in 1853; A.-S. Scucca, Satan. There 
is a Shock's Lane near Cromer. 

ORRUCK- HOLES. Oar-drawing holes, as distinct from thole- 
pins, which are less used in our boats : rykke, to draw, 
Danish. Compare English rullocks. 

PAR- YARD. Yard with cattle-pens. Par seems to mean 
enclosure, and to be the root of A.-S. pearroc, park, or paddock 
by mispronunciation. 

FED. Chiefly applied to lobster baskets. 

PIKELET. (Pikelet, a sort of muffin in London.) A glazy 
kind of muffin, also called Leather-back. Bara-picklet in 
Bailey, looking as if from the Welsh. 

PINPATCH. Mr. Forby is probably correct, for the mol- 


lusk when withdrawn into the shell looks as if covered with a 

PITLE, PICLE, or PIGHTLE. A small 'piece' or field; if 
not itself a form of ' piece/ must, I think, come from pynddn, 
to pound, the gh being placed for nd. 

To PLANNY. To complain. 

POTTENS. Crutches; O.-E. potent-, Fr. potence. 

PULKS. Not dirty, as Forby says, for the pools of clear sea- 
water on the sands are so called. 

PUR-WIGGY or POLWIGGY, for tadpole ; A.-S. wicka, a worm, 
pool-worm ; or jo//-worm, worm with a large head ? 

RACK. Driving mist (Shakespeare). 

" With cloudy gum and rak ouerquelmyt the are." 

Gawain Douglas. 

RANNY. The shrew-mouse, probably from its long nose. 
Rani, snout, Icel. ; for the same reason the snow-shoe is a 
rani in Icel., unless that means 'runner. 5 

RAY of a cart. Its rim or edge. 

To REDD UP. To clear up, prepare, also Scotch. 

ROOM. The space between thwarts ; the size of Scandi- 
navian vessels was reckoned by rummir. 

ROVING weather. Uncertain weather. 

RUSNS or REWSNS. The splints or narrow bands of wood 
running inside a boat, by which it is raised or lifted. 

RUTHER. For rudder. 

SAFER or SEA-FARE. A sea voyage : " What sort of a safer 
have you made ? " 

SANNYING. Lasting, said of the wind. Isl. seinka, to linger ; 
seinn, slow, late ; with O.-Fr. seins, late. " A pining, sannying 
wind/ 5 is an expression I have often heard ; sannyking, lin- 

SAUCE. Fresh vegetables now, though, it seems, formerly 
a salt condiment for meat. 

A SCHOOL. For a shoal of herrings, &c.; (school of whales 
is the common phrase in the whale fishery). 

To SCORE out. To scour, as, "the tide scores out the 
beach :" in Suffolk the gangways to the sea are called scores, 
and in Lincolnshire side lanes are called drawers. 

D 2 


A SCRAP, and SCRAP- NETS. A place where small birds are 
fed, and lured to scrap about, till a net falls and catches 
them. I remember an eminent antiquary being much puzzled 
at the woodcut of a scrap-net in a German book of ancient 
customs, the motto being "net to catch fools instead of 

SEAL. Time : " I gave him the seal of the day," meaning, 
I accosted him with civility. Preserved in haysell, haytime 
(see Forby). 

To SHACK, or to go to Shack. Said of pigs and geese run- 
ning loose after harvest ; not, as has been supposed, from their 
gathering the shaken-out grain, but rather connected with the 
Germ, zeche, a club ; the expression zur zeche gehen is used 
for ' going shares/ 

SHALE. The mesh of a net. 

To SHOOT. To throw in, contribute : "We shot a shilling 
piece towards the frocks." The A.-S. scot, Germ, schiessen, 
is used in the same sense. 

To SHRAWL. To screen. 

To SHREPE. To clear up: "the fog shrepes," "a little 
shrepe of light," crejousculum ? The Icelandic Lexicon has 
" skreppa, dilabi." 

SHRUFF. Rubbish out of a hedge. 

SILE, or SMALL SILE. The fry offish ; Icel. sil or sili, a long 
narrow herring; Icel. sile, a sprat; Danish slider, herring; 
also the Scotch sillock. It may be worth noticing, that the 
" small sile " of herrings and sprats, cooked like white-bait, is 
scarcely distinguishable from that dainty. 

SITH. The length; A.-S. sid is 'large/ but Danish sid is 
'long' ('ample' would be a more appropriate translation of 
the Danish word) ; A.-S. wide and side, which is the Norfolk 
sense of the word ; as we say, " the width and the sith" or the 

SKEP. A basket; hence toadskep, a fungus, not pro- 
nounced toadscap. 

SLUG is used of a heavy surf tumbling in with an off- 
shore wind, or a calm ; slag, blow, Danish. 

To SLUMP. To fall: "The wind slumped-," is it con- 


nected with slumber ? Gawain Douglas says, " on slummr 
I slade full soon." 

"In Susquehaima's woods where timber brash 

Slumps in the flood with many a hideous crash." 
American Pastoral, printed in a periodical called the Honeycomb. 

SMEE. The fry of herrings, &c. used for bait; also wild 
ducks in their first year's plumage, especially the immature 
wigeon, are called smee (small things?). 

SNUDGE. Hurried, shuffling; A.-S. snude, quickly. 
SPECKE. Woodpecker (German specht), akin to spicken, 

SPINK. Chaffinch. 

SPOLT. Brittle ; Germ, spalten, to split. 
To SPORE up. To prop, as with a spur or buttress ; com- 
pare ' shore up/ (Forby). 

SPOWE is mentioned together with the curlew in Sir Roger 
I/Estrange's Household Book, and seems to mean the whim- 
brel. Spove is Icel. for whimbrel. 

SPRAK. Brisk; Icel. sprakkr; Scotch, sprag ; Eng. spry, 
sprightly : 

" I will catch the butterfly, 

Though he thinks himself so spry." American Poet. 
SPRAT-MOWE . Herring-gull. 

STAND. A flower-stalk; stand, the same in Swedish. 
STRAIK. The tire of a cart-wheel. 
STRINGS. Shafts. 

STUGGISH. Stout, strong; Icel. styggr, powerful and violent. 
SUMP. Fossil wood, but not petrified, swampy, it will 
burn if properly managed. 

SWALE. --The shade; evidently the Icelandic svala, cold. 
A- SWASH . A cross. 
SWAY. A carpenter's tool for boring. 

TANGLE. -The thick dark sea-weed beset with little blad- 
ders. Icel. Thaungull. 

Tow. Used for fishing-tackle, as in the Germ, werk-zeug ; 
Danish toi. 

THITE. Not only tight, but thick, as applied to a wood. 
THURRUCK. The lower flooring of the stern of a boat : is it 


merely that which goes through the boat ?, or rather the Icel. 
thurkr, dryness? 

TILL. The diluvial soil of the cliff, meaning, it seems, earth, 
and connected with the verb " to till," not tellus, though per- 
haps akin to it : the word has been adopted by geologists. 
Compare Eng. tilth. 

TRICOLATE. Used in gardening; probably a confusion of 
trig up and decorate. 

To TRY or DRY (Dan. torre), fish livers for oil, that is, to 

TWIFER. Used of the fibres of a root ; another form of twig, 
expressing a parting in two. 

UNSTOWLY. Unruly, not to be stowed, applied to children. 

WHEATSEL BIRDS (se/=time) which arrive about Michael- 
mas, I think cock chaffinches. 

To WHIMPLE. To bore (= a whimble). 

WIFFS AND STRAYS, or wipps and strays, not exactly 
waifs and strays, for it seems to be the Danish phrase wipper 
og straae, ' ears and straws ' of corn. 

WILLOCK or WILLY. A guillemot. 

Wo ASH. The call of the wagoner walking on the near side 
of his team, to make his horses turn off to the right, while if 
to the left he would say 'come hither/ yet the word itself 
seems to be gauche. Does not this point to a custom which 
may have been introduced by the Normans, and to a time 
when the practice opposite to our present custom, but still in 
use on the continent, may have been kept up on the road, 
that of turning out to the left instead of the right in passing ? 

WOOD-JAR. A nut-hatch. 

To WUNT. To sit, as a hen; A.-S. wunian, to abide. 

WURROW. For burrow ; used for the holes of crabs, &c. 

To WYNT. To stand in lijie, as poles : is it the opposite of 
squint ? 

YARY. Brisk. The r, as the letter expressive of rushing, 
is frequent in the names of rivers : the main river of Norfolk, 
formerly the Garienis, now the Yare, appears at Hartonl 
bridges (near Norwich), with an aspirate, in every form 
meaning the river of the district. 


Amongst our surnames we have some of the proper names 
of the Scandinavians, as 

Hague, Haco, 

Kettle, Ketill, 

Thurkettle, Thor-ketill, 

Olley, Oleg, or Olaf. 

Ulph, Ulfr. 

In the names of places many might be found connected 
with those of the north of Europe. Even North Repps, the 
home of the collector of this list, directly reminds us of 
the Hreppir, or districts of Iceland. 

Probably many more relics might be found of a date when 
our provincial dialect was so well esteemed, that at Bury St. 
Edmund's, the abbot Sampson was considered worthy of a new 
pulpit, because of the elegance of his addresses in the Norfolk 
language, in which he had been educated. See the Chronicle 
of Jocelyn de Brakelonde. 




1855. No. 4. 

February 23, 
PROFESSOR KEY in the Chair. 

The following Paper was read : 

"On the Languages of Western and Southern Africa;" by 
Dr. WILHELM BLEEK, of the University of Berlin. 

Having visited the coast of Western Africa, and being 
about to leave Europe with the intention of making philolo- 
gical researches in Southern Africa, I desire to draw the 
attention of the Philological Society for a few moments from 
their classical studies, to these barbarous regions, while I try 
to point out some of the facts which seem to me to render 
African philology of great importance to general philology. 
These facts are : 1, the classification of the nouns ; 2, the 
formation of their plurals; 3, the affinities of some of the 
African languages. 

The languages to which the following remarks apply are 
those of West as well as South Africa, namely : 

South African, 

1 . HererOj the language of the Damaras northward of the 


2. Zulu, spoken from Natal to Delagoa Bay. 

3. Tsuana, the language of the Bechuana tribes, in the 

centre of the country, from 25 to 28 S. lat. 

4. Kafir, the language of the Kosa Kafirs, adjoining the 

Cape Colony. 


West African, 

1. Wolofy spoken between the Senegal and the Gambia. 
~a. Timneh, spoken by a tribe close to Sierra Leone, on 
. the east. 

b. Eullom, spoken by a tribe close to Sierra Leone, on 
the north. 

3. Odzi, spoken by the Ashantees, Fantees, Aquapim, &c. 

4. Fulah, spread extensively, as mentioned in the text, p. 45. 

I regard Southern Africa as the key to the whole central 
portion of the continent, because I believe that the most 
ancient types of African life have been best preserved here, 
as well in respect to language as to religion, manners, and 
customs. A scholar intimate with the Hottentot and Kafir 
manners of thinking, will easily find his way through the 
enormous bulk of different national and tribual distinctions 
spread over the widely-extended area which the middle por- 
tion of this continent contains. One of the main results of 
the inquiries that I was enabled to make during a short 
voyage along the coast of Western Africa*, was that the appa- 
rently great variety of languages spoken near that coast, 
seems reducible to one family; and this family is no other 
than that to which all the different dialects of Southern Africa 
with the exception of those of the Hottentots and the Bush- 
men are acknowledged to belong. Those striking features, 
indeed, which make it so very easy to trace the consanguinity 
of the South African languages, have for the most part disap- 
peared from the languages of Western Africa, in consequence 
of the much closer contact of the more crowded population 
there. However, where it was possible to get a full and accurate 
grammatical view of any of the languages spoken near the 
coast of Western Africa, there were evident traces of them to 
be seen, showing that the present state of every such language 

* I left England in the latter part of May 1854, to join the expedition 
sent out to explore the Tchadda river, but having been taken ill on the 
road from Sierra Leone to Fernando Po, I was obliged to leave the ex- 
ploring party. Next month I hope to sail with the Bishop of Natal to 
his diocese, for the purpose of compiling a grammar of the Zulu language. 


is derived from an ancient structure, similar to that still pre- 
vailing among the South African languages, and that the 
Western languages agree with the Southern in such points as 
it would be impossible to consider accidental. 

The chief characteristic of the great African family of lan- 
guages is known to be, the distribution of the nouns into 
classes, which, with the exception of two, are restricted 
to persons, and do not agree with any natural distinction, 
but depend entirely on the use that is made of the derivative 
prefixes to the nouns, such prefixes being pronouns, and being 
considered as representatives of the nouns to which they are 
respectively prefixed. Therefore, nouns with the same deri- 
vative prefix belong, as represented by the same pronoun, to 
the same class ; and there are, of course, in every language of 
this structure, as many classes of nouns as there are different 
derivative pronoun-prefixes agreeing with them. Thus, the 
Herero language (more generally known as the dialect of the 
Damaras of the plains) possesses eighteen classes of nouns. 
Of these, sixteen, at least, are to be found in the allied lan- 
guages, while two may perhaps be regarded as later sub- 
divisions of other classes, just as the fourfold gender of nouns 
in the Danish language has sprung from a primitive threefold 
division. Conversely, the Kafir language, which in general 
must be acknowledged to have best preserved the ancient 
features of the structure, has lost three even of the sixteen, 
and is thus, in its present state, restricted to thirteen only. 
But of two of these lost classes there are still undeniable 
traces to be found. The Tsuana dialects agree in this respect 
with the Kafir languages, while the more Northern tongues 
preserve the whole of the original sixteen classes of nouns. 

This rather perplexing structure is, however, easily explained, 
if we suppose that every one of these prefixed derivative syllables 
originally possessed the value of a noun. It is not at all 
uncommon for us to use instead of a compound noun, as for 
example 'steamboat/ the simple word 'boat'; but it would 
seem strange to us, if in the case of derivative nouns, like 
' kingdom,' \vc heard said, ' the dom is great/ ' I saw the coun- 
tries of the dom.' But in former times, when this syllable 


still maintained its value as a simple noun, and had not merely 
that of a derivative suffix, such a construction could not have 
been offensive. The only peculiarity in these derivative pre- 
fixes of nouns in the Kafir, Herero, and other South African 
languages, therefore is, that although they have lost their 
value as simple nouns, they have retained the power of re- 
calling and representing such nouns as are compounded with 
them. It would certainly be very odd to hear the Herero sen- 
tence ' o-u-hona \_o-~\u-nene' (=Kafir ubukosi [o]bukulu= 
Tsuana bogosi yo 60#o/M = Bunda kifutsi #me'we=Kamba 
utsumbe unene, etc.), translated literally, 'the kingdom, the 
great-dom/ but it would not be thought strange if translated 
by ( the king's empire, the great empire/ Suppose now, that 
in the course of time, the word ( empire/ as a separate noun, 
should cease to exist, but were to continue to be used as a 
representative for the nouns compounded with or derived from 
it, then you will have just the case of the Herero ' ouhona 
ounene, the kingdom, the great-dom/ and ( omuhuka omua, the 
morning, the fine -ning/ &c. 

I have already mentioned that two of these classes of nouns 
are so far coincident with a natural division that they are 
restricted to personal nouns, including, in some languages, the 
names of certain animals. Whether this has arisen from the 
original signification of these nouns, or must be attributed to 
a later combination of grammatical and logical classifications, 
we are not yet able to decide. But an important use has 
been made of the grammatical classification for distinguishing, 
by the correspondence of different classes of nouns, the differ- 
ence of Singular and Plural. To illustrate the distinction of 
number, I again take the Herero as an example, and give the 
following prefixes for the two numbers : 

Singular ; omu, omu, e, otji, on, oru, ou, oka, oka. 

Plural; ova, omi, oma, ovi, ozon, otu, omau, ou, apa. 
The obsolete nouns from which the pronominal prefixes are 
descended must have originally formed their plurals by using 
collective terms, just as in English we alter man to people, 
tree to forest, soldier to army, &c., instead of the grammati- 
cal plurals men, trees, soldiers, &c. This will explain why, 


in most of the South African languages, the distinction of 
number is not marked in the same way in all the classes 
of the nouns ; why often one and the same plural class corre- 
sponds to several singular ones, and not seldom one singular 
prefix stands in opposition to two plural prefixes. Nor can 
we wonder that, in some classes, the numerical value is not 
fixed by the correspondence of any other class, and that in 
several of these languages, one prefix has in some nouns a 
singular, in others a plural value *. We find, besides, that in 
some cases a plural prefix, instead of being put in the place of 
a singular one, is placed before the full singular form with the 
prefix. The latter method has prevailed in the Wolof lan- 
guage, where one prefix only has a plural signification, and is 
used with all the different singular forms, so that one plural 
class corresponds to at least seven different singular classes of 

* Table of the derivative prefixes of the nouns, in their numerical corre- 
spondence ; and a list of Zulu words in their singular and plural forms, 
adding numerals to each word referring to the class to which it belongs. 

In the Zulu Dialect (with the article). From Schreuder, Grout and 


Sing. . . 



i-Li-, i- 





u-Lu-, u- 

Plur. . . 

a-Ba-, o 









u-Bu-, u- 



Singular (1) umuntu, man. 
(3) umtini, adder. 
(5) Hike, stone. 
(7) isika, tub. 
(9) inlu, house. 
(11) utango, fence. 

Plural (2) abantu, men. 

(4) imitini, adders. 

(6) amake, stones. 

(8) izika, tubs. 
(10) / -i n/ii, houses. 
(12) izintango, fences. 


Some of the West African languages got rid of this rather 
troublesome variety in the formation of the plural of nouns, 
by simply discarding almost every difference between the sin- 
gular and plural forms of their nouns ; but a few have gone 
still further with their complications. Amongst these is 
chiefly to be remarked the Fulah, a language of great im- 
portance; for it is spoken through nearly the whole extent 
of the interior of Western Africa, from Sierra Leone to Ada- 
maua and Mandara. I thought it, therefore, a great pity 
that, for the use of the Tchadda expedition, I was not able 
to take out with me anything about this language, except 
a copy of a manuscript grammatical sketch (with a small 
vocabulary) by the Rev. R. Maxwell Macbrair, and a few 
words to be met with in different authors. On my return to 
England, however, I was very agreeably surprised to find that 
my friend Mr. Edwin Norris had, in the mean time, at the 
request of Captain Washington, and at the cost of the Admi- 
ralty, prepared an edition of Mr. Macbrair's manuscript, cor- 
rected and enlarged from other sources. To these, I was then 
able myself to add a manuscript vocabulary of considerable 
extent, collected by the late Mr. W. Cooper Thompson, which 
I had been so fortunate as to procure at Sierra Leone. 

From an examination of these materials, the conviction I 
have got, is : 

1. That in the Fulah language the nouns began formerly 
with prefixes, which are now almost universally dropped, but 
have often influenced the first radical letter. 

2. That these prefixes of the nouns were originally used also 
as pronouns of the nouns formed with them, and were suffixed 
to their nouns as such, and with the force of an article*. 

* With regard to these two points wherein the Fulah most particularly 
agrees with the Wolof, a comparison of the two languages with each other 
would probably be of great importance. It is most likely that the grammar 
of the Wolof, which the Bishop of Dakar (Cape Verde) is about to 
publish, will give a good deal of additional information and a more exact 
description of the language than the old works of Mr. Dard and the Baron 
Roger. His Catechism (Ndakaru, 1852) shows at least by an application 
of a more simple and consistent orthography a great improvement. 


3. That this use of the prefixes, which by their mutual 
correspondence showed the distinction of singular and plural, 
will serve to explain the double inflexion, which we find fre- 
quently in the plural forms of nouns, affecting their first as 
well as their last elements. 

4. That as nearly all names of persons have -hi as their 
plural termination, and most of them -o as their singular one, 
these syllables must be considered as articles referring to 
former prefixes of the nouns. 

The bi may be recognized in the w-, with which many of 
these nouns begin in the plural, and we conjecture that the 
original form of o- was go-, from a comparison of some of 
these personal nouns with their roots, as gainako ' keeper/ pi. 
ainabij (cf. ainu ' to keep watch ' ;) gudso ' a thief/ pi. wubi ; 
(cf. gudsu ' to steal/) 

That we are right in this supposition, is shown also by the 
forms of the pronouns, kan-ko ' he, she/ pi. kam-bi ' they/ and 
o or mo f him, her/ pi. be 'them/ which refer to rational 
beings only. 

Whilst this go or ko agrees very well with the South African 
mu-, the prefix of the first class of nouns, which, used as a 
pronoun, is found also in the form gu- (as Herero irigui ' this '), 
the plural form bi is rather perplexing ; as generally in lan- 
guages of this family, the prefix and pronoun ba (va, a) is 
found to correspond to the mu (mo) as the pronominal prefix 
of personal nouns, while the prefix mi- (me, &c.) is applied in 
South Africa, merely as the plural prefix of such inanimate 
nouns as in the singular take the prefix mu- (mo-) . The Tim- 
neh and Bullom dialects, in and about Sierra Leone, and also 
the Odzi, the language of the Asante country, agree, in this 
respect, with the South African tongues. In the latter lan- 
guage, the plural prefix a- (which is chiefly restricted to personal 
nouns), and the pronominal -plural prefix vo- } are both to be 
derived from an original form va-. The form of the corre- 
sponding singular prefix is, in the Odzi, as well as in the 
Timneh, o-, which mutilation of the ancient form mu- or mo- 
is also frequently to be met with in Southern Africa. 

But we find that the Ga or Akra quite agrees on this point 


with theFulah, as is clearly shown by an extract from theMami- 
script Grammar of the Basle Missionary, the Rev. J. Zimmer- 
man, for which we are indebted to the Rev. F. G. Christaller of 
the same society. In this language, with a plural value, mei 
corresponds to the singular mo or o. Where these particles are 
found suffixed, they cannot be regarded as derivative syllables, 
but without doubt they originally stood as articles only, while 
the derivative prefixes they have sprung from are mostly 
dropped, as in gbo-mo 'person, man/ pi. gbo-mei, blo-fonyo, pi. 
blo-fomei, &c. But still, by prefixing mo, pi. mei, adjectives 
and numerals can be turned into personal substantives, &c v as 
mo-kpakpa ' a good man/ pi. mei-kpakpa; mo-fon ' a bad man' ; 
modin ' a black man'; motsaru 'a, red man'; mokome 'one 
man' ; moko ' somebody/ pi. meikomei, &c. The same pro- 
nouns are discernible in mone or mene 'this/ pi. meine-mei, 
which only refer to persons, and to which the relative pro- 
nouns mom, pi. memei, correspond. 

Having thus found a coincidence between the Fulah and Ga 
languages in a very essential point, I cannot but suppose that a 
more extended comparison will show a closer alliance between 
these two languages, than either of them will evince with 
any South African dialect, or with the Odzi, Bullom, and 
Timneh, although all these languages are to be regarded as 
members of the same family. As a mere conjecture, I may 
add my opinion, that the Wolof will prove more akin with the 
Ga and Fulah than with the other West African branch of 
this great family of languages. 

The relation which such a language as the Odzi claims 
with the Kafir and Herero tongues, may best be compared 
with that existing between the French or English on the 
one side, and the classical languages or the Sanskrit (or if the 
example of a living dialect seems preferable, the Lithuanic) 
on the other. It would be impossible for us to prove the con- 
sanguinity of the Kafir and Odzi tongues, if we were not 
able to trace the history of this family of languages by means 
of a comparison of a great many of its variously developed 
members. On the other hand, it is the apparent similarity 
with the Odzi which makes us suppose that the Yoruba and 


other languages, spoken about the lower course of the Kworra, 
derive their still more broken and simplified structure from 
the complex one of an originally great African type. Even if 
every trace of the ancient classification of the nouns have dis- 
appeared, we must not wonder ; for just the same is the case 
with the modern Persian language, which evidently is to be 
derived from the old Indo-European type possessing a three- 
fold gender of nouns. I consider it, therefore, not at all as 
yet proved that the Efik or Old Calabar language (which is 
indeed very different from the adjacent dialects of the Isubu 
and Dualla people) will not prove as nearly akin to them 
as many of the South African languages. The Efik Grammar 
and Dictionary, which the Rev. Mr. Goldie, a Scotch mis- 
sionary, is just preparing for the press, will certainly afford 
materials enough for deciding whether this supposition, derived 
from a very imperfect knowledge of the tongue, has a real 
foundation or not. 

Still more uncertain is the position to be assigned to the 
Mani and Mina families of languages. The scantiness of 
the materials I have as yet been able to get access to, does 
not enable me to give an opinion on the affinities of the 
Mina family (which includes the dialects spoken by the 
Krumen, the Grebo, Basa, Dewoi, &c.). We learn, indeed, 
from the ' Brief Grammatical Analysis of the Grebo Lan- 
guage' (Cape Palmas, 1838, pp. 36, 8vo), that there exists a 
sort of classification of the nouns in the language, the pro- 
nouns no and o, pi. oh and no, being used for large and 
important objects, while eh and ne } pi. eh and ne y refer to 
diminutive objects. Little accurate as this statement may be, 
it induces the supposition that the Grebo is a pronominal lan- 
guage, and most likely one of the Great African family*. 

Of the Mani family three members are already gramma- 

* Upon the plural forms of nouns in Grebo we find the following 
remarks : " The plural form of nouns is generally made by a change of the 
final vowel, and in some cases by the addition of a syllable. U final gene- 
rally becomes t, i becomes e or , e final becomes o, and o final becomes e ; 
8 becomes 2. These changes, however, are not sufficiently uniform to con- 
stitute general rules. In some cases the consonants, particularly the 

tically described; the Susu by Brunton, the Mandingo by 
Macbrair, the Vei by Norris and Kolle. But we must express 
our disapproval of the manner in which the Rev. S. W. Kolle, 
to whom African philology is indebted for many useful and im- 
portant contributions, tries to make out affinities of the Vei 
with the Indo-European and Semitic languages'*. The same 
remarks refer, of course, not less to the comparisons to be 
found in his most valuable Bo'rnu Grammar, although I do 
not think it impossible that the Ka'nuri language may prove 
to be a member of this other great family of pronominal lan- 
guages, in which the pronouns do originally agree with the 
derivative suffixes, and not, as in the great African family, 
with the prefixes of the nouns, and the classification of the 
nouns is brought into some reference to the distinction of 
male and female, as seen in nature. That the present state 
of the Bo'rnu language does not show any characteristics of 
what is generally called the gender of nouns, is, as we men- 
tioned before, no proof of their non-existence in former times. 
With the Bo'rnu language we have already exceeded the 
limits of our task, passing from the languages spoken near the 
coast to the centre of the continent. Here the territorium of 
Adamaua from which we may expect that the Tchadda 
expedition will bring home a large amount of valuable infor- 
mation seems to offer a very interesting field for philological 
researches. Besides the Fulah, Bo'rnu, and Haussa (a Semito- 
African language), this country, according to Dr. Earth's 

second one, undergo a change, but this is rather to be ascribed to the ever- 
varying nature of all their sounds, than to any established principle of the 
language (?). A perfect knowledge of all the plural forms can be obtained 
only by attending to individual cases." 

* As to the native invention of the Vei syllabic alphabet, I am still con- 
vinced that it sprung from a sort of pictorial writing, which certainly is to 
be found in Western Africa no less than on the banks of the Congo river, 
and in the caverns of the Bushmen in Kafirland. The Yoruba, at least, 
possess pictorial records of the deeds of their ancestors, and I cannot con- 
sider that Mr. Kolle's intercourse with the Vei people was sufficiently long 
to enable him to be fully assured of the non-existence of such things among 
them, as the aborigines generally take great care to conceal them from 
the eyes of a missionary. 


reports, is crowded with a great variety of different languages 
and dialects. Probably one part of these, at least, will be 
found to be members of the Great African family of languages. 
Farther to the north-east, the Tumali language in Darfur has 
still preserved some of the most striking characteristics of the 
ancient great African type, although the vicinity of the sur- 
rounding Semitic and sub- Semitic tongues has exercised an 
undeniable influence upon the Tumali, as well as upon the 
Engutuk Eloikob, the language of the Kuan nation, in the 
interior of equatorial Africa, close to the supposed sources of 
the Nile. We may compare that foreign influence upon this 
Nilotic branch of the Great African family of languages with 
the manner in which the Roman element has been introduced 
into the English language. It has contributed principally to 
the dictionary of the language and also worked upon the con- 
struction ; but as to the grammatical forms, few, if any, can 
have been derived from this source. 



1855. No. 5. 

March 9, 
Professor MALDEN in the Chair. 

The following Paper was read : 

"On the Coptic Language/' by Dr. CARL ABEL, of the 
University of Berlin. 

The nature of ancient Egyptian institutions prevented the 
composition of books, all science being deposited within a 
closed body of sacred persons. Or if we are to believe 
Clemens Alexandrinus, that there were forty-two books of 
Thoth, and that they were learnt by heart, each by a distinct 
class of priests, we, on the same ground, may suppose, that 
only a very few copies of these books existed. At any rate 
we have not received written documents of this oldest culture, 
but only biographical records of kings or eminent individuals, 
religious formulas, and some juristic transactions of civil life. 
As many of these contain the same expressions or sentences, 
the amount of language conveyed to us by them is but small 
when compared with the number of documents, or estimated 
with regard to its philological worth, lessened as it is by the 
ambiguous way of hieroglyphical writing. 

When Egypt was conquered by the Macedonians, the native 
religion, which had been the basis of all study, declined, and 
some few remaining industrious minds gave themselves up to 
the Greek literature of Alexandria. It was not before the 
introduction of Christianity that the popular mind was again 

E 2 


roused to intellectual effort, and that a literature was com- 
posed, which has been handed down to us under the name of 
Coptic. According to Eusebius, the Evangelist Mark entered 
Egypt during the reign of Nero, and converted thousands of 
the mixed Greek, Jewish, and Egyptian population of the lower 
country. The Jews in these regions had become mystical 
Platonists, the Greeks had exhausted their learned criticisms, 
the Egyptians were a ridiculed and forlorn race, feeling all their 
ancient religious wants. Thus Christianity was adopted by 
the people with enthusiasm, and only seventy years afterwards 
was found by Justin Martyr to be almost universally spread. 
Those who remained heathens turned their adorations prin- 
cipally to the god Serapis, the judge after death, thus exhi- 
biting the same revival of an earnest hope of perfection. 

Considering that the Egyptians were the first who may be 
said to have been converted as a nation, and that the whole 
framework of religious institutions with them had outlived its 
soul and only waited for a reanimation, we may easily anti- 
cipate the influence which they exercised on growing Chris- 
tianity. We may expect them to be the ' Executive ' of that 
kindred faith, which the scattered Jews could do nothing for 
but to preach it. The Egyptians, who always had believed in 
the immortality of the soul and a certain trinity of gods, whose 
priests had always been a secluded, shaven and shorn, differ- 
ently-clad, class of men;, at once became the leaders of the 
intellectual world. Their voice dominated in all the councils 
of the Church ; their separate African council of Hipporegius 
became the model of that of Nice ; and an Egyptian deacon, 
Athanasius, settled the consubstantiality of God and His Son 
against the Arian heresy. A Jewish colony near Alexandria, 
the Therapeutse, invented monastic life ; and the lost Gospel, 
according to the Egyptians, contained the praise of celibacy. 
Even before this, the Egyptians had been called Docetae, be- 
cause they thought that the Saviour had been crucified in 
appearance only. These and similar circumstances, together 
with the testimony of the Fathers and the Coptic literature, 
may induce us to conclude that the Egyptians had the principal 
share in establishing the first dogmas of Christianity. 


It is doubtful whether the preserved versions of the Coptic 
Bible are older than the third century; but they certainly are 
not of later date, evincing as they do in many instances so 
genuine a character, that they are beginning to be made use 
of as a means for correcting the Greek text. Round this new 
centre of the Egyptian mind the Gnostical philosophy composed 
its mystical writings as a combination of Egyptian dogmatical 
subtlety with the simple pure spirit of the new religion. As 
yet only known to us by the denunciations of the Fathers, 
the first Coptic religious treatise was lately published from a 
manuscript in the British Museum, and created a sensation 
among learned theologians (Pistis Sophia, Opus Gnosticum 
edidit, latine vertit, &c. G. A. Schwartze). A vast number 
of similar religious works was written in the following cen- 
turies down to the Arabian conquest. Many books on various 
other subjects have been preserved, and the study that is now 
being bestowed on them, will, we may hope, throw a new light 
on the first development of Christianity, and the still older 
culture of Egypt. As yet, nearly the whole of this literature 
is manuscript. Very valuable collections are preserved in 
London, Oxford, Paris and Berlin. By far the most remark- 
able portion is in the library of the Vatican; and the Cata- 
logue raisonne of the Coptic books which are deposited 
there (Catalogus Bibliothecse Borgianse, ed. Zoega) shows 
that the Pope possesses the most important part of the whole 
Coptic literature. Much more, doubtless, may be still hidden 
in the Coptic monasteries of Nubia, Abyssinia and Jerusalem. 
The Hieroglyphic and Coptic literature together allow the 
Egyptian language to be investigated through a compass of five 
thousand years. This is the only instance of so lasting a vitality 
all over the earth, a a?raf Xeyo/jievov of philology. Chinese, 
and even part of the Hindoo literature, may reach up to the 
same age; but the Chinese dates are still unexplored by 
European science, and the Hindoo chronology evinces most 
strongly the characteristics of mythology. When the Arabs 
conquered Egypt, those of its inhabitants who were forced 
to turn Mussulmen soon forgot their native tongue. The 
reading and copying of Coptic religious books being, how- 


ever, a rule in the Christian monasteries, even Lower 
Egypt, although more influenced by the Arabian dominion, is 
proved by many MSS. of the tenth century not to have 
entirely lost its language before the beginning of the eleventh. 
The Arabic translations which we find added to many Coptic 
MSS. may have been introduced from and after this period. 
In Higher Egypt, according to the Arabian Macrizi's f History 
of the Copts/ every man spoke Egyptian in the fifteenth 
century ; in the sixteenth, Leo Africanus tells us, it had dis- 
appeared ; at the present time, Arabic is the language of Egypt, 
spoken by a Mahometan population principally of mixed Egyp- 
tian, Arabian, and Berber blood. Not half a million of men 
have remained of the ancient and unmixed Egyptian race. They 
are called to this day Copts, adhere to the Monophysitic creed 
(like the Armenians and Syrians), and are among the most 
abject instruments of oriental despotism. Long ago, the 
native name of Egypt (Chemi, the black) had given way to the 
Arabic denomination of " Kebt" It may be considered, how- 
ever, as a glorious indemnification, that this word (like the 
Greek AiyvTrros) is not to be explained, except as a foreign 
and abbreviated pronunciation of the oldest and holy name 
given by the Egyptians themselves, " Kahi ptah" country 
of Ptah, or of the spirit to whom Egypt was consecrated. 

The writing began to change with the introduction of Chris- 
tianity. It is not certain when the hieroglyphical shorthand 
was utterly discontinued and the Greek letters now forming 
the Coptic alphabet adopted. As the Egyptian Saint Anto- 
nius, who lived about the middle of the third century, did not 
understand any language but Egyptian, and knew very well the 
contents of the Holy Scriptures in that tongue, these could not 
have been translated long after the end of the second century ; 
and, whatever the influence of the former Macedonian kings 
might have been, the introduction of the Greek alphabet must 
have been at least completed at the date of the translation of 
the Bible, as that contained and quite adopted so many 
Greek words. Six hieroglyphical signs, however, were pre- 
served for original Egyptian sounds, representing, under the 
pictures of & garden, a snake , a triangle with stick and crescent, 


an eagle, a crocodile's tail, and a basket, the letters sh,f, kh, h, 
dj, tsh ; and there was a seventh sign for the syllable " ti." 

The Coptic separates into three slightly-differing dialects : 
the Thebanic or Sahidic of Upper Egypt, -the Memphitic of 
Lower Egypt, and the Bashmuric (so called from a region in 
the Delta) . The Bashmuric being the most degraded, and the 
Sahidic being but little known, the Memphitic is generally 
called Coptic, to the exclusion of the others. 

The roots of the Coptic language have not been proved to 
be related to the Indo-Germanic or Semitic languages, accord- 
ing to any regular and numerous change of sounds. Different 
attempts have not yielded any more important result than that 
of showing scattered instances of a remarkable likeness or 
similarity with very different tongues. For instance, Sanskrit 
" dschan," gignere, Coptic djo ; Sanskrit " hi" mittere, Coptic 
hi, Arabic hui, Greek x iv '> Sanskrit " bid," separare, Coptic 
ovot, Arabic bid; Coptic djadjo, durus, Turkish katy, &c. 
Coptic, however, approaches the Semitic more closely than the 
Indo-Germanic tongues in the nature and arrangement of its 
forms and inflexions, and has a great likeness to Arabic and 
Hebrew in some of those points which are considered to bear 
a nearly-deciding witness to the unity of two tongues. Others 
again, not less important, are utterly different ; for instance, 
the suffixed pronoun of the first person, /, is alike in Egyptian 
and Hebrew ; that of the second, in Egyptian, k, is formed in 
Hebrew by another palatal with an underlaid vowel, cho, in 
Arabic by the pure k; and those of the third person are 
easily proved to be related, for the Coptic phei is an alter- 
native of the sounds b or v of the Coptic letter b, and to this the 
sound ou is very nearly related by theory, and is proved to be 
the same by phei standing for the hieroglyphical ov. This is 
the simple Hebrew letter vav. But most of the other pro- 
nouns and the numerals escape every comparison. 

It has been asserted, that a similarity in the mode of in- 
flexions is more illustrative of international relations than a 
likeness of sounds in the roots. We may say it is so in many 
cases, at least in the present state of comparative philology. 
Whilst neither Coptic nor Arabic etymology has proceeded 


sufficiently far to enable us to decide on the relation between 
the roots of either, the inflexions exhibit unmistakeable signs 
of the way in which the nations viewed things and their com- 
binations. The likeness between the Egyptian and Arabic 
conjugations is indeed a striking one in many instances. The 
original form of the verb (the asl of the Arabians) is in both 
languages the perfect. The conjugation by means of suffixes 
has been more or less preserved in the same tense both by 
Coptic and Arabic. The pronominal prefixes in Arabic are 
very similar to the Coptic forms of ei used for the present 
tense. The auxiliary verbs for the perfect, the subjunctive 
mood, &c. (Arabic kan, leitni, Coptic nei, nti, &c.), are arranged 
almost in the same way. The present tense of the verb " to 
be" is seldom expressed in either language, the present tense 
in general being often used by both of them to denote future 
time. Even the Arabic incha allah, which is sometimes added 
to the present tense, if used instead of the future tense, may 
be said to have its equal in the formation of a Coptic future 
by means of the auxiliary verb tare, " to desire/' Almost the 
only example of an internal and significant change of sound in 
the Coptic language is given by the passive generally infixing 
or adopting the vowel ee, instead of any other contained in the 
root of the active form. The Arabic passive is formed in a 
similar mode. Still, in Coptic a disinclination may be remarked 
to use the passive at all. A circumscribed expression by means 
of the active, with or without a relative pronoun, is mostly 

A proper scientific comparison of Coptic words with those 
of other languages is rendered more difficult than in ordinary 
cases by the uncommonly varying formation of the Coptic 
roots. There are many of them formed on the ordinary 
monosyllabic type, constructed by the different positions of 
one vowel and two consonants ; but others with two or three 
consonants and two vowels, are to be found in nearly equal 
number ; and even many words of four consonants with apper- 
taining vowels have not been shown to be compounds. Still, 
we cannot reasonably account for polysyllabic sounds as roots, 
except by their being later enlargements of an original and 


more simple root. And, besides the present deficiency of 
the Coptic Lexicon, there is a particular reason for such a 
conclusion with regard to Coptic. This language exhibits a 
strange disability, or, in other instances, disinclination, to ex- 
press derivative ideas by derivative sounds. Coptic, therefore, 
is under the necessity of using compounds, where more active 
languages created new words. An Egyptian, for instance, 
when greeting a friend, said, that he " called success," mataie 
mouti, or " gave joy," toujo. He called a window " a place of 
light," ma en eruoini, or "a place of looking out," ma en 
djoushd ebol, or, if he intended to express himself rather 
poetically, "a breach, a canal," shatc. Nay, he was even 
obliged to express "to sell," by "to give away," mai ebol, 
or " to spend," ti ebol, ti echrei. And, what is perhaps the 
most astonishing, he said " to draw water " for " to drink," sek 
mou. We may infer from such simplicity, that the long 
Coptic roots were produced in a similar way (which moreover 
is corroborated by the hieroglyphical roots being almost all of 
them monosyllabic ones ; and by two or more hieroglyphical 
roots of a kindred meaning being frequently put .together in 
Coptic times as compounds with scarcely any alteration of 
the sense ; e. g. in Coptic muladg is ' owl/ whilst in hiero- 
glyphics it is either mu or ladg] ; that, for the same reason, 
the primitive sounds of the language had not to undergo any 
considerable change in order to signify new ideas (even most 
of the great number of prepositions are to be clearly traced to 
full preserved and used substantives) ; and that, therefore, we 
may look to the Coptic language as a peculiar means for pene- 
trating into the onomatopoietic childhood of mankind. 

It may be easily understood that in such a language the 
compass of meanings attributed to any one word is a very 
wide and seemingly indefinite one. One and the same root, for 
instance, is still serving for "house" and "garment," hboc, 
hapi ; for " to cut," " to sacrifice," and " to assassinate," shot ; 
for "tail," "excrements," and "phallus," set; for "cane," 
"sword," "flute," and "loin," sefe-, for "to whiten," "to 
shine," "to germinate," and "to bloom," pire. "To call 
away," eshrou, denotes " to lament," or " to laugh," according 


to the circumstances, &c. Again : besides the method of using 
distinct particles for designating the different cases of a 
noun, there is another in much more common use, namely 
that of suffixing one letter (n, euphonically m) for all cases, 
signifying in the genitive " part of" in the dative " towards/' 
and in the accusative "against." An investigation into 
Egyptian synonyms will prove a most wonderful psycholo- 
gical research, as no other people of so deep and, at the same 
time, so primitive ideas, has produced so extensive a literature. 

The mere reduplication of a root in order to increase its 
scope of expressing meaning, may be considered another token 
of preserved native features. In this way the root ai, " to be," 
becomes aiai, "to be to be," meaning "to become;" bor, "to 
dissolve," becomes borber, " to dissolve to dissolve," meaning 
"to throw away;" besh, " naked," becomes beshbosh, "to un- 
dress a man in order to kill him/ 5 or simply " to kill." Even 
the root an } signifying very indefinitely "anything," and 
forming nouns by being prefixed to verbal roots, when doubled 
and made anan, may impart at the same time an increased 
meaning; for instance, ro means "mouth," ananro "har- 
bour," that is " mouth of a river," or (as the Nile does not 
form a " harbour ") perhaps " mouth of the sea " itself, as they 
chose to regard the matter. 

In all compounds of different roots the French logical mode 
is followed (tirebotte), not the German involving and com- 
bining one (Stiefelknecht) . But if a particle is added to a 
root in order to render it a substantive or adjective, the par- 
ticle always precedes, and the root is left without any further 
termination of its class. Many substantives, adjectives, and 
verbs, (as in English) do not at all differ from each other 
in form, all of them being the mere root, and only to be 
distinguished by conjugation, declension, and syntactical 

This was not the case with the old Egyptian tongue as 
contained in the hieroglyphics. Pronominal suffixes, standing 
as the termination of every substantive, formerly marked, 
as it were, both the quality of a subject and its gender. 
Any prefixed article, therefore, did not exist in hierogly- 


pineal times. The Coptic dropped the suffix, formed a 
substantive out of the mere root and an article out of the 
pronoun, and preserved only in a very few instances the former 
termination of s, i, e, for the feminine, and / for the masculine 
gender. The numerals, which have been observed in many 
languages to be of a particularly conservative nature, are 
among these exceptionally preserved words. The feminine 
article serves also for the neuter one, a circumstance so much 
the more strange, as the Coptic maintains the rare distinction 
of gender in the pronoun of the second person, saying nthok, 
" ihou," as addressed to a man ; ntho, " thou," addressed to a 
woman. Hieroglyphics do the same even for the pronoun of 
the first person. 

The pronominal suffixes have been preserved most signifi- 
cantly in the pronouns themselves. The personal pronouns, 
for instance, are easily analysed, as being formed of the root 
an, " thing/ 3 (with or without the interpolation of a demon- 
strative t,} and different terminating letters as characteristics 
of their respective person and gender. Thus are produced 

anak. ... I, characteristic suffix k. 

enthok ~\ xl _ 

., ^thou, Arando. 

entho . . J 

entof ..he /. 

entoc . . she c. 

anon . . we n. 

entoten. . you oten. 

entoou . . they ou. 

The suffix of the third person f was made an article under 
the strengthened form of p, and then again combined with the 
different suffixes in order to create possessive pronouns. Allied 
to itself it became pef, that is to say "he he/' or, if we 
acknowledge the promoted dignity of the p, " the he/' meaning 
"his." In the same way are formed pec, "the she/' meaning 
"her/' pen, "the we," meaning "our," &c. It is only ana- 
logons to the want of an article in the hieroglyphics, that in 
them there occurs no other mode of forming the possessive 
pronoun than the mere addition of the personal suffix to the 


substantive. Thus the words "her king" are rendered in 
Coptic by pec uro, but in hieroglyphics by uroc. Still the 
pronominal suffixes have been preserved in Coptic for the per- 
sonal pronouns after a transitive verb ; for instance, efkash +f 
= efkeshf, " he breaks him." 

The Coptic and Hieroglyphic agree in declining the personal 
pronouns by putting certain particles before the suffix ; nte, 
for instance, means "of" and forms the genitive. It is 
simply put before any substantive, as nte pi romi, "of the 
man ;" but it coalesces with the suffix k, " thou," into ntak, 
" of thou," instead of preceding the full pronoun nthok, " thou," 
as nte nthok, " of thou." In a similar way the ancient use of 
the suffixes, instead of the full pronouns, has been preserved 
with all the different prepositions, conjunctions, and some 
adjectives of a particularly conservative character; for instance, 
nem " with," forms nemf " with him," nemou " with them," 
&c. ; entere " when/ 5 forms enterek " when I," enterec " when 
she," &c. ; teer "whole," naiat "happy," mauat "alone," 
nane " good/ 5 form teerou " all them," naiatf " happy he," 
mauatk " alone I," nanoten "good you," &c. Many other 
particles are used to signify the different cases; the plural 
being seldom marked except by the prefixed plural of the 
article. In hieroglyphics again, a plural in ou, oui (the suffix 
of the third person in plural " they"), was common. 

It is known from the hieroglyphics that the old tongue had 
formed a present tense by means of suffixed pronouns, as the 
Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, German, &c. do. The rest of the 
tenses were made up by different forms of the auxiliary verbs, 
ai " to be," nei " to come," and mare " to intend," generally 
being put before the root. The Coptic conjugates its verbs in 
the same way, only dropping the suffixes, even for the present 
tense, and supplying the want by ei, a weaker form of the 
original auxiliary verb ai " to be." Thus, the present tense of 
the verb kash, " to break," would rim in hieroglyphics and 
Coptic as follows : 



kashai .... I break eikash. 

kashak .... thou breakest . . . ekkash. 

kashaf .... he breaks efkash, &c. 

kashac .... she breaks .... eckash. 

kashan .... we break enkash. 

kashten .... you break t enkash. 

kasheu .... they break .... eukash. 

In the same way ai, " I have been/ 5 forms the perfect ; nei, 
" I come/' the imperfect ; and eie, " I am in order to " (made 
out of ei, "I am/' + e, "to"), the future. The latter, eie, is 
conjugated eke, efe, &c., the inherence of the suffixed pronouns 
being stronger than the addition of the e, " in order to," which 
produces with ei the idea of " shall be." Some other auxi- 
liary verbs are allowed a similar, but rarer use. It may 
likewise be worth observing, that the original conjugation by 
means of suffixes has been preserved for the three verbs peje 
" to say, 55 thre " to do,' 5 and mare " to give, 55 all of them con- 
veying such primitive notions, as have in fact produced so- 
called anomalous* verbs in most languages (Latin inquit, aio, 
cedo, Greek <?7/u, tripi, &c.). 

The zeal lately awakened for Egyptian studies may be 
expected soon to produce an amount of interesting detail for 
these principal features of the Coptic language. 

* The above-mentioned anomalous forms of the Coptic verbs are ori- 
ginally no presents, but perfects. The hieroglyphical and even the Coptic 
perfect tenses being frequently used to signify present time, this tense has 
been called prasens emphaticum. 




1855. No. 6. 

March 23, 
The REV. T. OSWALD COCKAYNE in the Chair. 

The Papers read were : 

I. " On False Etymologies ; " by HENSLEIGH WEDGWOOD, Esq. 

II. " On the Kamilaroi Language of Australia ;" by WILLIAM 

RIDLEY, Esq., B.A. Univ. Coll. Lond. 

I. " On False Etymologies/' 

The phenomenon known by the name of False Etymologies, 
where a word or its meaning has been somehow modified from 
association with an erroneous derivation, has long been an 
object of considerable interest, partly in consequence of the 
quaintness of some of the changes, and partly as exhibiting, on 
however small a scale, an undoubted specimen of the influences 
operating in giving rise to the actual condition of language. 
Of such etymologies a considerable list is given in the notice 
of the labours of the old Cambridge Philological Society, 
printed in the fifth volume of our ' Proceedings/ comprising 
however many questionable examples, some to be rejected on 
linguistic grounds, some requiring the support of philological 
proof to raise them above the rank of guesswork, while others 
are mere corruptions of a foreign word introduced into En- 
glish and spelt according to our pronunciation. 

The expression heart of oak is explained from G. harte, as 

signifying the hardest part. But it does not appear that 
hdrte has ever this sense in German. It is used exactly as 
the English ' hardness/ but no instance is given in the dic- 
tionaries of such an application as the one supposed, nor is it 
necessary to look for any recondite explanation of so very na- 
tural a metaphor as the use of heart to designate the sound 
and central part of the wood. 

The derivation of Jew's harp from a supposed jeu harpe or 
toy harp, is strikingly opposed to the idiom of the French 
language, in which, if two substantives are joined together, the 
qualifying noun is invariably the last. 

If husband had ever been house-man, the very principle 
which gives rise to so many false etymologies, the desire, 
namely, for a meaning in every part of a word which can be 
supposed or can be made significant, would have preserved 
unaltered a word whose elements so directly and completely 
express the meaning intended. His straightforward descrip- 
tion as ' man of the house 3 would never have been changed for 
the metaphorical title of ' tie or band of the house.' Moreover, 
the element band is extant as a substantive word in the Scan- 
dinavian languages. The Icel. bondi, husbondi, Dan. bonde, 
husbonde, the master of the household, paterfamilias, colonus, 
ruricola, is commonly explained as from buandi, boandi, the 
active participle of bua, hoc, to dwell, to till. 

The favourite explanation of John Dory from Janitore, the 
doorkeeper, from being supposed to have the mark of St. 
Peter's thumb upon it, is an example of the way in which 
philologists sometimes speculate, like king Charles's philo- 
sophers, without the precaution of weighing the salmon in 
the first instance. The preliminary objection is, not only 
that it is the haddock, and not the dory, that has the thumb- 
mark on its side, but that the Lat. Janitor does not appear 
ever to have passed into an It. Giannitore, and certainly the 
fish was never known by that name. The real designation in 
It. is dorata, and in Fr. doree, from the yellow colour of the 
fish, leaving no doubt of the significance of the English sur- 
name at least. Why our fishermen should have thought him 
worthy of a Christian name also I am not aware ; it certainlv 


is not a blundering adoption of a supposed Yr.jaune, which 
would have been a superfluous addition to the term doree, 
gilded, and in fact forms no part of the French name. 

The explanation of the expression soiling cattle, for feeding 
them in the house, from Fr. saouler, to glut, to satiate, would 
require it to be shown that the French verb is used in the 
sense of feeding cattle, which does not appear to be the case. 
But, in fact, the derivation supposed to be erroneous, from 
converting the food into manure or soil, is perfectly satis- 
factory: The term soiling is applied in the first instance to 
the food itself. Our agriculturists speak of 'soiling turnips 
on the ground,' as opposed to soiling them in the house (Agri- 
cultural Journal, 1854). The cattle for the moment are 
considered merely as manure-making machines, and the term 
soiling is then elliptically applied to them instead of the food 
which they consume. 

The explanations of several signs of public-houses from 
quaint alterations of phrases labour under the common diffi- 
culty of a total absence of authority, without which they are 
really worthless. They are, moreover, for the most part liable 
to the fundamental objection that signs were, until of late 
years, intended to speak to the unlettered eye, and none would 
be adopted that could not be rendered in a pictorial form. 
Now how should the chat fidele (the supposed original of the 
cat and fiddle) be represented to an English public ? If the 
portrait of the only faithful cat one ever heard of were exhi- 
bited, the house would infallibly have been known as the Puss 
in Boots rather than the Cat and Fiddle. For a like reason 
we must regard with the utmost suspicion such interpretations 
as the Bull and Mouth from Boulogne mouth] Bell and 
Savage from belle sauvage-, Goat and Compasses from God 
encompass us ; Axe and Gate from ax (or ask) and get. An in- 
vitation of so liberal a nature would be far from suiting the 
views of an innkeeper, who is always anxious to keep the 
necessity of payment in view : 

This gate hangs wide and hinders none ; 
Refresh and pay and travel on, 

is now the restricted welcome of a tavern motto. 


The simple truth appeal's to be, that a conjunction of the most 
incongruous elements in the sign was often adopted as a means 
of catching attention and attracting custom. 

Among the mere corruptions cited as instances of false 
etymology may be mentioned illiads from ceillades ; sandfine 
from saintfoin ; dandelion from dent de lion ; verdigrease from 
verdegris-, bellibone from belle et bonne. These are merely 
the nearest English spelling of the French words, with no 
reference in the mind of the writer or user of the word to 
the Iliad of Homer, to sand, to the modern dandy, to grease, 
or to either belly or bone. 

In the case of the ranunculus sceleratus, or celery- leaved 
ranunculus, the English term owes its origin to no erroneous 
opinion as to the meaning of the Latin one, nor has it suffered 
any modification whatever since it was first devised. It is 
taken from a different feature of the plant, and is doubtless the 
invention of a scientific botanist fitting English names to the 
nomenclature of the Linnsean system. If it had been a 
popular designation, it would have arisen in entire ignorance 
of the Latin name, and therefore in neither case could have 
served as a proper illustration of false etymology. 

With these criticisms on the examples of the former list, 
and observations on the proper limits of the phenomenon to 
be illustrated, I shall proceed to offer an amended list, com- 
prehending the instances of false etymology already known, 
together with such as can be sufficiently established from any 
other quarter, including several from Mr. Trench's valuable 
little work on ' English Past and Present/ 

One of the most usual cases is when, in adopting a foreign 
word into the language, some portion of it, usually the con- 
clusion, is modified so as to designate a genus, of which the 
thing signified may be considered as a particular specimen. 
Of this class are 

CRAWFISH, from Fr. ecrevisse, with which it is connected by 
the old modes of spelling krevys, crevish, craifish (Trench), 
Languedoc escarabisse (as in the same dialect escarabat, a 
beetle) , from the scrabbling action of the claws ; Sp. escarbar, 
to scrabble; Catalan fer escarabats, to scribble, to scrawl. 



CAUSEWAY, from Fr. chaussee, via calceata, a shod way; 
Port. collar, to shoe, to pave. 

BAR-BERRY, from Lat. berberis. 

SPARROW-GRASS, from asparagus, where grass is taken as a 
generic name for green herb, as in Icel. gras-gardr, a herb- 

GILLY-FLOWER, from Fr. giroflee, and that from caryo- 
phyllus, a clove. 

TUBE-ROSE, from Fr. tuber euse (polyanthes tuberosa). 

ROSE-MARY, from Lat. ros marinus. 

It must be observed that rose is in other cases taken as the 
type of a flower in general, as the Christmas rose, which is a 
species of hellebore ; and in Irish and Gaelic the water-lily is 
called water-rose. 

PENT-HOUSE, a sloping roof, from Fr. appentier. 

CHARTER-HOUSE, from Chartreuse. 

DORMOUSE, from a Fr. dormeuse, which may be supplied 
from Langued. radourmeire, a dormouse, agreeing with Sleeper, 
the name by which the animal is known in Suffolk. 

JUSTACOAT, a waistcoat with sleeves (Jam.), from Yr.just au 

CURTAL-AXE, from It. cortelazo, the augmentative of coltello, 
Venet. certelo, a knife. 

POLAND, formerly Polayn, from G. Pohlen (Talbot). 

AMBERGREASE, as if a kind of grease, from Fr. ambregris, 
although here also the spelling may be a mere representation 
of the French pronunciation. 

ISINGGLASS, formerly icing-glass, as if glass for icing or 
making jelly, Fr. gelee, from G. hausen bias, the bladder of 
the hausen or sturgeon, acipenser huso. 

Sometimes the spelling only is affected, as in LANT-HORN, 
Fr. lanterne, where in the spelling of the E. word there is a 
manifest reference to the horn panes with which lanterns 
were commonly constructed. 

ABOMINABLE, formerly written abhominable, as if shocking 
to the nature of man. 

ISLAND, as if compounded of Fr. isle, from insula ; really 
from A.S. iglond, eye-land (Philolog. Soc. Proc. vol. v. p. 37). 


Sometimes the original expression is forced into English sig- 
nificance with little regard to the sense of the resulting com- 
pound. Thus we have 

BEEF-EATER, an officer in charge of the Crown plate and 
jewels, from Fr. buffet, a court cupboard, a cupboard of plate 
(Cotgr.), whence buffetier would be one in charge of the plate. 

HUMBLE-BEE, from bomble-bee, Lat. bombilus. "I bomme 
as a bee doth, or any flye, Je bruis." (Palsgr.) 

WHEAT-EAR (a bird also called Whiterump] y from whittail, 
Fr. blanche-cul (Cotgr.). 

JERUSALEM ARTICHOKES (a kind of sunflower), from It. 

GUM BENJAMIN, from benzoin. 

GUM DRAGON, from tragacanth. 

MANDRAKE, MANDRAGON, from Lat. mandragora, which in 
the Fr. version, main-de-gloire, affords a more complete ex- 
ample of the phenomenon. The mandrake was supposed to 
be employed in the magical rites used in the preparation of 
the ' hand of glory/ by which treasure was discovered. See 

The names of places are peculiarly liable to corruption, 
either from being purely arbitrary in themselves, or from being 
introduced by uneducated persons ignorant of the meaning, 
and unskilful in the pronunciation, of the native term. On the 
coasts of our North American colonies, the names given by 
the French settlers have now to be chiefly used by English 
sailors, and thus the Anse des Cousins or Bay of Mosquitoes 
has become NANCY COUSIN'S BAY. So from Setubal our 
sailors have made ST. UBES, a saint unknown to the Romish 

Among domestic examples are BRIDGEWATER from Burgh 
Walter ; GRACECHURCH Street from Gracious Street ; LEADEN- 
HALL from Leather-hall ; LEIGHTON BUZZARD from Leighton 
Beau-desert, where the brazen eagle, formerly used for sup- 
porting the Bible in the church, is shown as the buzzard from 
whence the town was named. 

In general, however, the erroneously modified word is 
adapted to express some character of the thing signified, or to 



satisfy some analogy which it calls to mind. Thus, MALE from 
masculus, Cat. mascles, Fr. masle, mdle, and FEMALE from 
femina, through Fr. femelle, have been brought by modifica- 
tions in writing and pronunciation into analogy with man and 
woman, as if female were derived from male, an analogy of 
which there was no feeling in the time of Piers Plowman, 
when they were written maule and femelle. 

The Fr. laniere, a thong, has become LANYARD in nautical 
language, in apparent analogy with halyard, a rope for haul- 
ing up the yards. 

The name of the PORCUPINE affords an example of multi- 
farious corruption. The original is the It. porco-spino, a spiny 
pig, which would probably come to us through a Yr.porc-epin, 
although the actual name in that language is pore-epic, from 
spica instead of spina. The first translation into English was 
pork-pin, whence, in Somersetshire, porpin, a hedgehog. The 
third syllable in porpentine (which was Shakespear's word) 
seems to have been added in blind imitation of the sound and 
accent of the foreign word, at the expense of all etymological 
significance. From pore-epic again was formed the popular 
porcu-pig, in which the element signifying spine is made to do 
duty as a reference of the animal to the genus pig, already 
expressed in Latin in the first syllable': 

Had you but seen him in this dress, 

How fierce he looked and how big, 
You would have thought him for to be 
Some Egyptian porcu-pig. 

Dragon of Wantley (Halliwell). 

RUNAGATE, as if ' run away/ but it is from renegade, It. rin- 
negato, one who has renounced his faith or country. 

SHAMEFACED, from shamefast. 

RIGHTEOUS, from rightwise, and in Scotch WRONGOUS for 
wrangwise, as used in Douglas's Virgil. 

LIVELIHOOD, from life-lode, way of life ; O.-G. lib-leitj men- 
sura victus (Schilter). 

UPROAR, as if from roar ; really from Du. oproer, G. aujruhr, 
sedition, from roeren, ruhren, to stir. 

FRONTISPIECE, as if the piece or plate in front of the book ; 

but really from Mid. Lat. frontispicium, the front of a church, 
aspect of a man (Ducange) . 

GOOSEBERRY, as if from being eaten with goose, or like 
cranberry, crane-berry ; really a corruption of G. krause-beer, 
Du. kruise-beer, hairy berry, berry with standing-out hairs. 

FIELD- FARE, as if from frequenting fields ; really from A.-S. 
feala-for, from the pale yellow colour of its plumage. 

Vulgar Scotch POCK-MANTLE, as if from pock, a sack, in- 
stead of the Fr. port manteau, from porter, to carry. 

BED GUM, an eruption of infants, as if having reference to 
the gums ; really from A.-S. gund, matter, pus ; " Redgownde, 
sekeness of young children" (Promptorium). 

To BRICKWALL at tennis, Fr. bricoler, to strike a ball so as 
to strike against one of the side walls (Cotgr.). To bricoil 
(Bailey), as if from recoiling. 

AGISTER (one who takes in cattle to pasture, from giste, 
gite, a lying place), a gist or guest-taker (Bailey) . 

BLUE AS A RAZOR, for blue as azure (Bailey). 

BAGGAGE, a worthless woman, as if a mere incumbrance, 
from It. bagascia, Fr. bagasse. 

COWITCH, an Indian seed producing itching, from the native 
name kiwach. 

FORCEMEAT, as if from being forced in, instead of Fr. farcir, 
to stuff. 

WAIST-COAT, as if from clothing the waist, really from Fr. 

COUNTRY-DANCE; Fr. contre-danse. 

CUTLET, as if a slice ; Fr. cotelette, from cote, a rib. 

WISEACRE, as if ironically from wise-, G. weissager, a 

POSTURE-MAKER, a merry-andrew ; Du. boetsen-maecker ; 
G. possen-macher, from possen, tricks. 

TRUE LOVE, from Dan. tru-love, to plight one's troth, to 
engage ; Isl. tru-loufut mey, an engaged maid. 

CHAMOY LEATHER, as if from the chamois or wild goat; 
Fr. sameau, chameau ; G. sdmisches leder, leather from Sam- 
land or Samogitia, a part of Poland, as Russia leather, 
Morocco leather. The chamois could never have been so 


plentiful or easily obtained as to furnish the leather in any 

BOOT AND SADDLE, a military term, the signal to cavalry 
for mounting ; Fr. boute-selle, put on saddle, one-half of which 
is adopted bodily, and the other half translated in the English 

To BREECH or whip a boy, as if from striking him on the 
breech : 

Kneeling and whining like a boy new breech' d. 

B. &F. inNares. 

Really from Du. bridsen, G. britschen, pritschen, to give sound- 
ing blows with a flat board or a rope's end. 

DEAD-NETTLE, the harmless nettle of our hedges, from deaf 
nettle, G. taube-nessel, as, a ' deaf nut for a nut without a 
kernel ; A.-S. blinde netel. In the cultivation of language the 
tendency to living metaphor is constantly diminishing, and deaf 
was silently exchanged for dead, as expressing more directly 
the want of the stinging faculty which constitutes the one 
important function of nettle life. 

DOUBLET, a jacket, as if some part of the dress were 
doubled; really from It. giubbetta ; Sp. jubon, the body of a 
woman's gown ; Fr. jupon, a petticoat. 

The old-fashioned DEMI- JOHN from Fr. dame-Jeanne, a 
large kind of bottle fabricated near Arras (Household Words, 
April 22, 1853), probably owes its form in the English version 
to a reference to the ' black-jack/ a large leathern jug for 
beer or the like. 

In MINIATURE, from miniare, to colour with minium or red 
lead, and thence to illuminate books, it is the meaning of the 
word that has been affected by the false etymology. As the 
pictures in books were necessarily of a small description, the 
word seemed to signify a small picture, from minuere, to dimi- 
nish, and is now applied with a constant sense of this deriva- 
tion to a diminished specimen or resemblance of anything. 

COVERLET or coverlid, as if a diminutive from cover, or 
a compound with the synonymous lid, properly signifies bed- 
cover', Cat. cobre-lit. 

BELFRY, Fr. hcjfroi, O.-G. bcre-friet, a tower of defence; 


Mid. Lat. bertefredum, berfredum, belfredum, applied to a 
church tower. Hence in English, from an erroneous recog- 
nition of significance in the syllable bel, the term has passed 
on to a designation of the chamber where the bells are hung 
or rung. 

DECOY, is commonly used, and is explained in Richardson's 
Dictionary as if from coy, to make coy or quiet, to tame, to 
allure or entice away from : 

He n' ist how best her heart for to acoie. Chaucer. 

And oft eke him that doth the heavens guide, 
Hath Love transform' d to shapes for him too base, 
Transmuted thus, sometimes a swan he is, 
Leda to coy. Uncertain Authors in R. 

The word however is properly a duck-coy, and is still so called 
among the people in some parts, from Du. kooi, a cage ; ende- 
kooi, a duck-cage, a wicker construction for catching ducks, a 

CARRIAGE, in the sense of a coach or conveyance of superior 
order, is a corruption of Fr. caroche, It. carrozza, from carro, 
a car. 

No, nor your jumblings 

In horse-litters, in coaches or caroaches. O. Play in Nares. 

COURT-CARDS, as if from the kings and queens, but really 
coat-cards, from representing dressed figures, is fully esta- 
blished by quotations in Nares, one of which, from a book 
printed in 1681, shows the date at which the modern phrase 
was coming into use: "The dealer shall have the turn-up 
card if it be an ace or a cote-card (court card), si sit monas 
aut imago humana." 

To CURRY FAVOUR, properly ' curry Favel, 3 from the Fr. pro- 
verbial expression ' etriller fauveau? to curry the chestnut horse. 
A similar case is the expression in the New Testament, " to 
strain at a gnat and swallow a camel," as if it signified having 
to make an exertion, or making a difficulty at swallowing a 
gnat, instead of straining it out from the wine previous to 
drinking; 'cxcolare culicem' (Vulgate). 

The reprobation expressed by MISCREANT, from Fr. mecrew, 


to believe amiss, would probably in modern times, when the 
feelings of hatred to those who believe otherwise than our- 
selves have been so much softened down, have lost much of 
its virulence, had it not been supported by an apparent deri- 
vation from miscreate, as if it signified a person without 
ordinary human feelings or principles. 

The insertion of an r in the spelling of TARTAR, properly 
Tatar, has probably arisen from an association with Tartarus 
or Hell (called Tartary by some of our older writers), either 
in consequence of the horror arising from the Tatars' cruel 
devastations in the thirteenth century, or from regarding these 
as a fulfilment of the prophecy in the Revelations concerning 
the opening of the bottomless pit. 

The general ignorance of Greek in the middle ages con- 
verted Necromancer into NEGRO- or NIGRO-MANCER, as if from 
niger, black, in accordance with the popular notion of magic 
as the black art, the art performed in secresy and darkness. 

We may conclude with a familiar example in the prepa- 
ratory O YES ! O YES ! O YES ! in which the crier of our courts 
of law preserves the memory of the Oyez \ Hear ! of his 
Norman predecessor. 

The second Paper was then read 

" On the Kamilaroi Language of Australia ; " by WILLIAM 

To Professor Key, University College, London. 

Balmain, Sydney, Nov. 30, 1854. 

DEAR SIR, The recollection of the dissertations on ety- 
mology to which I used to listen with much interest in 1839, 
suggests to me that a few specimens of a language which I 
have lately been studying, and which I believe is quite unknown 
to the literati of Europe, might be considered curiosities worth 
adding to your museum of words. The language I refer to is 
called by those who speak it " Kamilaroi : " it is one of the 
most widely-spoken of the very numerous languages of the 
Australian aborigines, and is in common use through the 
upper part of the valley of the Hunter River; over Liverpool 


Plains, along the Namoi River, and 100 miles of the Barwan ; 
also on Mooni Creek and the Bollun ; that is, over a part of 
the country about 400 or 500 miles long and 50 wide. There 
is hardly a word in Kamilaroi which bears any resemblance 
to the language spoken at Newcastle (the mouth of the 
Hunter), of which the Rev. L. E. Threlkeld published a gram- 
mar in 1834. Some of the neighbouring dialects bear some 
resemblance to it, especially Wolaroij which is spoken on the 
Bundarra and on the Narran ; but most of the nearest lan- 
guages are very different. Where, however, the vocabulary is 
quite different, there is a close analogy in the inflexions and 
idioms. The languages are named generally after the nega- 
tive adverb; thus, in Kamilaroi (or, as some colonists will 
have it, Gummilaroi) kamil means ' no ' : in Wolaroi, wol is 
' no' : in Wailwun, wail is ( no ' : in Wiralhere and Pikabul 
(also neighbouring dialects), wira and pika respectively are the 
negatives*. From a lecture delivered in Melbourne, I see that 
the same plan of naming languages prevails in Victoria. I 
have prepared a tract in Kamilaroi and English, to enable the 
colonists settled in the district where that language is spoken 
to give them some instruction in the elements of Christianity, 
and this contains a list of roots. They have a tradition of 
their own that all things were made at first by one being, 
Baiame ; but in their " Boras " (assemblies at which, by my- 
sterious rites, their young men are initiated to the privileges 

* Compare the converse 'Langue d'Oc' and ' Langue d'Oyl.' Dante has 
at least three allusions to the Italian st, and one to a provincial form of it, 

E non pur io qui piango Bolognese ; 

Anzi n' e questo luogo pieno 

Che tante lingue non son ora apprese 

A dicer sipa tra Savena e '1 Reno. Inferno, 18, v. 58-61, 

Ahi Pisa, vituperio delle genti 

Del bel paese la dove '1 si suona. Inferno, 32, v. 79, 80. 
Non e molto nmnero d' anni passati che apparirono priraa questi poeti 
volgari. . . . E segno che sia picciol tempo e, che se volemo cercare in lingua 
d' oco e in lingua di si, noi non troveremo cose dette anzi lo presente 
tempo per CL ann^- Vita Nuova. 

Nam alii oc, alii oil, alii st, affirmando loquuntur, ut puta Hispani, 
Franci et Latini. De Viilf/nri Klorjiiio, lib. 1. cap. 8. 


of manhood), they pay much more visible homage to a being 
called TURRAMULLUN, who is said to appear at the Boras in 
the form of a serpent ; who is the author or inspirer of mischief, 
cunning, and sorcery; in fact just such a being as we call 
'devil 3 ; and the blacks, after a little intercourse with white 
men, learn to call Turramullun ' debil-debil.' Baiame is unseen, 
but is heard in thunder ; so that the aborigines of Australia, 
once said to be atheists, have still traditions handed down by 
their fathers from Noah of One Creator, and of the author of 
evil. The regularity of the language of this wild people is 
astonishing ; and must, I think, be regarded as a monument 
of a former state of considerable civilization. 

In expressing the relation of nouns they use suffixes, not 
prepositions ; and their declension is fuller and more regular 
than Latin. For instance, mute= opossum, but there is a sepa- 
rate nominative when the subject is the agent of some verb, 
formed by subjoining -du. Mute simply names the animal, 
as in answer to the question What's that? Mutedu = ' the 
opossum as an agent 5 ; mutedu yindal tatulle='ihe opossum 
grass will eat/ [N. B. Their syntax requires the following 
order : nominative, accusative, verb. I use the vowels as in 

1st Norn, mute, an opossum. Ace. & Voc. like 1st Norn. 

2nd Nom. mutedu, an opossum (agent). Abl. mute-di, from an opossum. 

Gen mute-ngu, of an opossum. mute-da, in an opossum. 

(motion to)mute-go, to an opossum. mute-kunda, with an opossum. 

I have not discovered any plural form of nouns ; they put 
burrula (many) before the noun, or repeat the noun itself 
several times, to express plurality ; but in the pronouns they 
have both dual and plural. 


1. ngaia, I. ngulle, thou or you, and I. \ ngeane, we. 

nyai, my. ngullina, he and I. J ngeane-ngu, of us. 

ngaiago, to me. ngulle-ngu, belonging to you ngeane-go, to us. 

ngaiadt, from me. and me. ngeane-di, from us. 

ngaiada, in me. ngullina-ngu, belonging to ngeane-da, in us. 

ngaiakunda, him and me. ngeane-kunda, with 

with me. ngulle-go, to you and me. us. 

ngununda, me. &c. &c. 


[There are other affixes of nouns and pronouns, such as 
-ngunda and -kale, which I think mean ' going along with'; 
-kunda (derived from kundi, ' a house ') means only ' stopping 


2. inda, thou. indale, ye two. ngindai, ye. 
inda-ngu, ~\ indale-ngu. ngindai-nyu. 

or nginnuy f ?' &c. 

inda-yo, to thee. indale-go. 

&c. &c. 

3. ngirma, he, she, or that. ngdrma, they. 

1 . numma or ngubbo, this. 2. nguruma, that (iste). 3 ' n 9 irma r I that(ille). 

TlfJUtvdy J 

1 . andi ? who ? 2. minnima ? which ? 3. mmwa or minyal what ? 

1. ngaragedul or ngarage, another. 2. kanungo, all. 


i/o or ya, yes. ^Ir, verily (a common sign of indicative past). 

kamil, no. murra, very. 

yeal, merely (as ' why did you speak?' Answer, Ye'dl ngaiagoe, I just spoke). 

ye'dlo, further, still, any more, again. ye'dlima, as, 

(hence the adj. yealokwai, like, and) yealokwaima, in like manner. 


ngowo, here. ngari or aro, there. beru, far, deep. 

urribu, very far. uriellona or nguriellona, on this side. 

urrigaltna or narrikollinya, on that side. bigundi, in midst, 

wyari or ngurri, there, in front. tulla ? where ? 

ngutta, there, on the right ; also meaning ' down there.' tai, hither. 
ngurriba, there, on the left; also meaning 'up there/ 
murra, there, behind. urribatai, from above. 


yeladu or ilanu, to-day, now. ngurra, after. 

ilambo or ngurribu, long ago. yalwunga, always. 

nguruko, tomorrow. ngarageduli, then (at another time). 

aoane, yesterday. mdllo or ngerido, for one day. 

wiru ? when ? kaiabar, hastily. 

Among the adverbs should be named the interrogative 
yamma, used at the beginning of a question ; as, yamma inda 
Kamilaroi goalda ? = do you speak Kamilaroi ? 


The most striking feature in the languages of Australia is 
the numerous and exact modifications of the verbs. Of this 
a few examples : buma is the root meaning ' to beat ' ; bumi 
or gir bumi is past indie. ' did beat/ 

gir bumalnge, did beat to-day, 
gir bumalmien, did beat yesterday. 
gir bumallen, did beat some days ago. 

Pres.bumalda, is beating. Imperat. bumalla, strike. 

Fut. bumalle, will beat. bumallawa, strike (emphatic and 

bumalnyari, will beat tomorrow. earnest). 

bumalmia, strike (ironical " if you 

(This ironical imperative is a regular part of every verb.) 

Subj. bumaldai, beat (as yelle inda Particip. bumaldendai, beating; bu- 
bumaldai, if you beat). malngendai, having beaten ; bu- 

Infin. bumallago, to beat. malmiendai, having beaten yester- 

day ; bumallendai, going to beat. 

There are many more shades of meaning which they express 
by inflexions of the verb; causative, permissive, reciprocal 
and reflective modifications or voices, more numerous than the 
Hebrew niphal, piel } hiphil, hophal, and hithpael. The per- 
missive voice of buma is bumanabille, which I learned from a 
black fellow, who, at my request, was explaining his idea of 
friendship: " Kamil Yarri ngununda bumanabille." = Harry 
will not allow -any -one-to-beat me. 

At present, however, I am not prepared to give with cer- 
tainty the exact meaning of many other inflexions which I 
hear. In Mr. Threlkeld's grammar of the Newcastle and 
Lake Macquarie dialect, the following inflexions are given, 
and will be examples of the minute shades of meaning ex- 
pressed by inflexion of the verb : 

bunkillin, about to beat at any future time, 
bunkillikin, about to beat tomorrow. 
bunkillikolang, about to beat by and by. 

In the reciprocal voice 

bunkillan, about to beat one another. 
bunkillaikin, about to beat one another tomorrow. 
bunkillaikolaiig, about to beat one another presently. 

The regularity and exactitude traceable in their numerous 


inflexions are surely evidence that the people whose language 
is so flexible and systematic were once in a high state of 
intellectual culture; great mental acumen still characterizes 
the race, limited as the sphere of their thoughts has become. 

Alliteration and other rules for euphony are remarkable 
features in the Australian languages. In Kamilaroi, no word 
(that I have heard of) ends in a mute ; though a liquid con- 
sonant is as common as a vowel at the end of a word. When 
they adopt English words ending in mutes, the blacks drop 
the mute or add a vowel : thus, jimbugff, a slang name for 
sheep, they sound jimbu ; and pigs they call piggu. This rule, 
with the absence of the aspirate and hissing consonants, gives 
a peculiarly soft effect to their speech ; while the rattling of 
the r, and vehement intonation of the final vowels, give it a 
strong character. Instances of alliteration : Walgerr (name 
of a place) with the suffix -go is Walger-ro (not Walgerrgo) 
to Walgerr; munmul (a stockyard) with -go is munmullo; 
pirriwul (a chief) with the suffix -kako is pirriwullako. 

Another peculiarity is the use of nouns, adjectives, and 
adverbs, with the necessary suffixes, as verbs : from mil (the 
eye) is milmil (to see). From binna (the ear) is binna (to hear), 
having the regular inflexions binnange binnamien (past), and 
binnalle binnangari (future). 

The adverb yo is used as a verb, meaning ' affirm, believe ' : 
ngaia yo = 'I yes it/ or ' I believe it.' 

From andi ? ' who ? ' comes the verb anduma, ' say who.' 
The words relating to hearing are also applied to thought : 
binna (the ear) means also ' thought ' ; wlnungi (verb ' hear ') 
means also ' think, believe' ; generally the form winungailun is 
used for ' think.' 


Baiame, God. 

wunda, spectre, angel, 8ai/xo>i>; the 
common appellation of white men, 
who were supposed to be spectres 
or blacks risen from the dead. 

Turramullun, the chief of the wunda ; 
author of craft ; devil. 

giwir, man. 

iniirri, aboriginal of Australia. 

ma, woman. 

kai, child. [N.B. In the language of 
the Newcastle tribe, kore, nukung, 
wonnai, are the words for man, wo- 
man, child.] 

yarai, sun, day. 

gille, moon. 

mirri, star. 

gunagulla or yuru, sky. 


ngarran, light. 

nguru, darkness. 

yarddtha, daytime. 

nguruko, morning. 

burruwuddcla, noon. 

bullului, evening. 

taon, earth. 

10?, fire. 

kolle, water. 

yuro, rain. 

gua, fog. 

durunmi, chief. 

bubd, father. 

ngumbd, mother. 

gutter, husband or wife. 

wurume or wurumungd, son 

ngummungd, daughter. 

kdmberri, orphan. 

daiddi, brother. 

ga or kaoga, head. 
tegul, hair. 
ngulu, forehead. 
nguyin, eyebrow. 
mil, eye. 
dinmil, eyelash. 
muro, nose. 
muyuda, nostril. 
ille or ngai, lips. 
I ra or yira, teeth. 
tulle, tongue. 
yare, beard. 
binna, ear. 
tdl, chin. 

wuru or dildil, throat, 
mm, neck. 

birri, breast (hence Wrri;>, in front of ). 
ngummu, woman's breast or milk. 
pilara, shoulder-blade. 
wollar, shoulder. 

NOUNS (continued). 

boddi or burengdli, sister. 

karodi, uncle. 

wurumungddi, nephew. 

ngummungadi, niece. 

baindul, old (infirm) man. 

diria, old (grey) man. 

mdmmi*, old woman. 

maredul, a childless woman. 

burul, afull man. 

kubbura, a young man who has at- 
tended bora t but is not fully ini- 

yiramurrun, great boy. 

birri, boy. 

birridul, little boy. 

kirrigd, very little boy. 

mie, girl. 

miedul, little girl. 

kaingal or kaindul, baby. 

NOUNS : Parte o/ #^e 5oc?y. 
ngunuga, wrist. 
murra, hand, fingers. 
gunederba, thumb. 
bumbugal, little finger. 
6ie7, knuckle. 
2/M/w, finger-nails. 
numun, side. 
turrur, ribs, 
fci, heart. 
Arao^ri, lungs. 

mukkar or mogur, kidneys. 
kdnna, liver. 
mubal, abdomen. 
milla, hip. 

:, thigh. 

, knee (compare f in = elbow). 

, leg. 

wuruka, calf of leg. 
n^ror, ankle. 
if in nit, foot. 

guria or baoa, back (6aoq/e=behind). 

bungun, arm. 

pu^a, great muscle of arm. 

tin, elbow. 

tanga, heel. 
gunederba, great toe. 
burr a, bone. 
buran, vein. 

* I have reason to believe this is a true Kamilaroi word, and not taken 
from the colonists. 


NOUNS : Quadrupeds. 

yardman, horse. [With one consent 
the various tribes call the 'horse' by 
this name ; I know of no explana- 
tion which satisfactorily accounts 
for it.] 

burrumo, dog. 

purrowa, bustard. 
burenjin, butcher bird. 
warn or dumbal, crow. 
biloela, cockatoo. 
murgu, cuckoo. 
kardga, crane. 
urrung ada, diver. 
kardngi, duck, 
dinbun, emu. 

mollion, eagle. 

kulgoi, a black bird much like a barn- 
door fowl. 

mungaran, hawk. 

gorraworra, kukkuburra, or kukkura- 
ka, laughing jackass. 


yabba, nurrai, snakes. I gindurra, frog. 

kian, centipede. I mungai, lizard. 


yuggi, murren, or mai-ai, wild dog. 

nulka nulka, horns, horned beasts. 

purged, cat. 

buggundi, wild cat. 

bunddrr, kangaroo. 

mute, opossum. 

burrugabu, magpie. 

buralga, native companion (a beau- 
tiful crane). 

bu-kut-ta or mungt, owl (which cries 
bu-kut-ta !). 

giddorigd, korugan, kobado, parrots. 

gullawullil, crested pigeon. 

tdmur, bronze-winged pigeon. 

momumbai, kollemurramurra, other 

btrumba, plover. 

millimumbul, swallow. 

barrianmul, swan. 

ko or kao, egg. 

guyao, common name " fish." 
dukkai, the best fish for eating on the 
Bar wan. 

dungu, large black ant. 
burudtha, large red ant. 
gijd, a black ant. 
muiin, green ant. 
ma, fore-foot. 

tulu, tree, timber, stick. 
maidl, acacia pendula. 
Icullaba, box (tree). 
bibil, (white) box. 
kubburu, black box. 
yeran, gum (tree). 

murgu, oak (a tree like a Scotch fir). 
kitta, giirari, pine. 
bumbal, sandal wood. 
medtr, karui, yurar, three species of 
tree like the acacia. 

guddu, a freshwater cod. 
kumbal, perch. 
kaikai, jewfish. 

kdrlin, small sugar ant. 
gunni, bee. 
burrulu, flies. 

mungin or mungul, mosquitoe. 
baoa, fur. yuli, skin. 

Vegetable Kingdom. 

godror, yindal, grass. 
yeremudd, grass (a larger sort). 
ngurigul, an edible herb like sorrel. 
berdn, an edible herb like mallow. 
merir, a shrub like broom. 
bendea, a prickly shrub. 
durrimaogal, a yellow-flowering shrub. 
burdra, sedge. 
munnabucla, down of sedge. 


kerran, ashes. 
turn, blaze. 
terrian, hail. 
gungurrima, luilo. 
taiyul, hill, 
wz, lightning. 
thuber, mist before rain . 
kubba, mountain. 
kunial or guriil, plain. 
kunildul, small plain. 
turrabul, path. 
yulowirri, rainbow. 
kumbogan or gerai, sand. 

NOUNS : Elements, fyc. 
du, smoke. 
ydrul, stone. 

yurul, scrub (woody plain). 
tuluml, thunder. 
maier, wind. 
warumbul, watercourse. 
maian, waterhole. 
yul, food. 
waddel, honey. 
ti f meal. 

melan, water potato. 
kubbiai, yam. 

NOUNS, abstract and miscellaneous. 

yiili or ylli, anger. 

ilambial, beginning. 

bid, jealousy (hence Zw/-ara=jealous). 

ku'ia, gladness. 

nirrin or yiribrai, edge. 

ngulu or muru, end, point. 

warun, butt-end. 

ya/, falsehood. 

uluge, play, delight. 
tubbia, quietness. 
ktraol or Arlri*, truth. 
z/we, war. 
gurre, word. 
kaiai, love. 
nyerundama, friendship. 


gial, afraid. 

morun, nadrilon, alive. 

warria, awake. 

bdbi nguraru, asleep. 

bului, black (or dark colour). 

kagil, bad. 

duda, brown, chestnut, bay. 

butta, bitter. 

muya, blind. 

kaoaraoa, blue. 

bullarr, clean. 

killu, clear, shining. 

karll, cold. 

balluni, dead. 

mugabinna, deaf. 

/>/>"/, deep or distant. 

ballal, dry. 

wommo, fat. 

wurraia, first, chief. 

</Ian, green. 

cfiri, dtria, grey. 

murruba or kuppa, good. 

mundn, heavy. 

kuduaittna, hot. 

bao'irra, high. 

beruge, hollow. 

bularai, jealous. 

burul, large. 

gurar, long. 

kubbonbd, light. 

paiw, lame. 

yealokwai, like. 

-c?u/, like,-ly (a common suffix in 

nouns diminutive). 
wdrungul, mighty. 
ku'inbu or kanaibo, near. 
mungal, only. 
guiyungun, own. 
</Fn'a, old. 
#Irw rfirra or nguriella, conceited (in 

colonial phrase " too flash "). 
-aroi, -brai, a suffix meaning posses- 


ADJECTIVES (continued). 

sion (yul-arai= possessing food = 

full ; jimbabrai = sheep owners ; 

millimbrai=liivmg milk). 
-ngin, a suffix meaning want (yul-ngin 

=hungry; kolle-ngin = wanting 

water, thirsty). 
mobulyal, pregnant. 
kaiuburr, quick. 
koimburra, red. 
koiko'i, light red. 
bungudul, short. 
wibil, sick. 
mullamulla, soft. 
bullo, bullowa, slow, enduring. 
kaindul, small. 

nwi', stinking. 

burel, stout. 

warunguldul (dimin. of warungul), 

nglpai, strange (ngipai goallago=tu 

say strange ! i. e. to wonder). 
mor or wungar, stupid. 
kuppa, sweet. 
kuddukuddu, tall. 
woladul, thin. 

pullar, bungoba, white. 
mungamunga, wide. 
0crir or gunaguna, yellow. 
kubbura, young. 

mal t one. 
bularr, two. 
guliba, three. 

tubbianmulle, allay. 
korielle, answer. 
^aiZ>M, appear. 
baialdona, appoint. 
klrulle, arouse. 
taialle, ask, inquire. 
wiullunni, barter. 
waddelina, ginye, be. 
yulalle, bind, wrap. 
yildona, bite. 
gutalla, boil. 
gunni, break. 
kdnne, bring or drive. 
kangine, bring forth (young), 
wurrimi, build. 
wombi, carry. 
kollie, climb, 
rfiin, come (venio). 
yanani, come or go (eo). 
kundowalle, cover, shut. 
kakuldona, cry out. 
karile, cut. 
ballubaiane, die. 
morgi, dig. 


bularrbularr, four. 
bularrguliba, five. 
gulibaguliba, six. 


ngarugi, drink. 
tali, taldona, eat. 
taialdona, inquire. 
bunddne, fall. 
gurrigurri, fear. 
karaoele, fight. 
pardnz, fly. 
wune, give. 

bindelun, hang (neut.) . 
bindemulle, hang (act.). 
winungi, hear. 
kunmulta, hold fast, 
parn, jump. 

dudunna or gigtrma, kick. 
ballubumaHe, kill. 
tlrune or winungailun, know. 
ngaikaiala, kiss. 
kindami, laugh. 
ylrabaiane, learn, or taste. 
tubbilun, leave off. 
fr'ome, tiomulle, lift, raise, open. 
wungurimi, lose. 
gimbi., make. 

murramulle, make by hand. 


VERBS (continued). 

baialda, make by chopping. 

baraile, marubildona, make by split- 
ting wood. 

muggille, make or appoint. 

nimmolU, pinch. 

kuia durulle, be pleased. 

karmille, plunder. 

yeremulle, pour. 

bukkanmulle, prepare. 

maiabia, put. 

maialdona, put up. 

wtaldona, put down. 

maiala, quietly to act. 

baraine, rend. 

karrbille, return. 

bunnangunne, run. 

yuianwaragil, save. 

nyummi, see. 

kirumegu, seek. 

wddla, send. 

bulumbuld, shake (as the surface of 

bungatailona, shine. 

Tcundowalle, shut. 
nguddela or ngurria, sit. 
baoilttna, sing, 
ftafo', babillona, sleep. 
bullilana, slip. 
nging-nge, sew with needle, 
cftm*, spear, pierce. 
wdrrumailun, spread. 
warria, stand. 
bumalla, strike. 
dumulle, strip. 
burunbulla, sweep. 
goaldona, talk. 
tdtulle or ytrabaine, taste. 
winungailuna, think. 
tamulle> touch. 
taraoele, turn away. 
wurgunbumulle, wash. 
yunga, weep. 
ngipai goalla, wonder. 
nimmi, wound. 
burrunbailun, work. 

In the above list doubtless various inflexions are added to 
the verbs : -ailun, -ailona, -dona, -mulle, are frequent suffixes ; 
of which -mulle is (I think) the causative suffix. 

There are no inflexions for comparison of adjectives that I 
know of. Different degrees of intensity are expressed by into- 
nations : to make beru, f far/ mean 'very far/ they prolong 
the sound of the last syllable and raise the key of the voice ; 
the longer the sound and the higher the tone, the greater the 
distance expressed. They also repeat the adjective or adverb 
often enough to convey the idea of intensity meant by the 
speaker ; and use adverbially the word burul, ' great/ 

The government of the accusative by an active verb is 
evident in the case of the personal pronouns. 

The accusative is generally put before the verb ; and when 
more emphatic, before the nominative : as 

Yal inda goaldona = Lies you are telling. 
KamiL Kiru ngaia goaldona = No. Truth I tell. 


The arts of emphasis and irony they well understand, and 
frequently employ to give animation to their flexible language . 

There is a peculiar system of caste or social organization 
which pervades the Australian tribes. There are four classes 
of men and four of women ; every individual of a class bears 
the common name of his class. 

1. In some families (taking the word 'family' in its most 
limited sense, including only one generation) every son is called 
ippai, every daughter ippdthd. 

2. In others all the sons are murri, all the daughters mat ha 
(instead of murri some use baia) . 

3. In others all the sons are kubbi, the daughters all kapota. 

4. In others all the sons are kumbo, all the daughters butha. 
These four classes of families include all. 

On this classification are founded the following rules of 
marriage and descent : 

I. An ippai may take for a wife an ippdtha (of another 
camp) or any kapota ; but no other. 

II. A mum may take butha only. 

III. A kubbi may marry an ippdtha only. 

IV. A kumbo may marry a mdtha only. 

Any attempt to infringe these rules, except where the ab- 
origines have learned from the colonists to make light of the 
laws of their forefathers, would be unanimously resisted and 
punished even with bloodshed; although within these rules 
polygamy to any extent is allowed. 


I. The children of ippai by ippatha are all kumbo and butha. 

II. The children of ippai by kapota are all murrl and mdtha. 

III. The children of murri are ippai and ippdtha. 

IV. The children of kubbi are kumbo and butha. 

V. The children of kumbo are kubbi and kapota. 

By these rules descendants of every family come in the 
course of a few generations, by turns, into the privileged class 
of ippai. 

Besides the above, they all have distinctive names, often 
taken from natural objects (animals and trees, &c.). 


In the hope that these "curiosities of an unwritten lan- 
guage " may be regarded as a proof of grateful attachment to 
alma mater, and of esteem for the Professors whose instruction 
I formerly received, 

I remain, an alumnus of University College, 





1855. No. 7. 

April 27, 
Professor T. HEWITT KEY in the Chair. 

The following Papers were read : 

I. "On certain Recent Additions to African Philology;" by 


II. "On the Derivation and Meaning of the Latin Verb 


I. " On certain Recent Additions to African Philology." 

The chief works that supply the basis for the forthcoming 
observations are the following: (1.) Polyglotta Africana*", 
by the Rev. W. S. Koelle; and (2.) Specimens of Dialects, 
&c. and Notes of Countries and Customs in Africaf, by 
J.Clarke. Both the authors are Missionaries ; the chief field 
for the collections of the former being Sierra Leone, for those 
of the latter the West Indies. Both worked in the same way ; 
i. e. availing themselves of the opportunities of their respective 
localities, they found out from the different Africans of the 
district wherein they were themselves settled, the name of their 
several native countries, the geographical relations of the same, 
and the names of the languages, of which they took specimens. 
It was in this manner the earlier collections of Oldendorp 

* London : Church Missonary House, 1854. 
t Berwick-upon-Tweed, 1848. 


were made. It has the advantage of generally giving us the 
native name, i. e. the name by which a given tribe calls itself, 
rather than the name by which it is known to its neighbours. 
On the other hand, it gives us particular districts rather than 
broad philological areas, and dialects and subdialects rather 
than languages. Upon the whole, however, there is so much 
good in this plan, that the evil with which it is accompanied, 
(viz. the tendency to exaggerate philological differences) being 
easily guarded against, is of comparatively slight importance. 
Nevertheless, it requires to be borne in mind. 

We naturally expect, in vocabularies thus collected, a great 
number of old languages under new names, and this is what 
we find in each of the works before us. The distribution, 
however, of these and their identification are points of detail 
to which no great importance, in the present notice at least, 
is attached. The broader question is the extent to which we 
have either representatives of groups hitherto unknown, or 
data for an improved classification. 

Koelle's is the more important work of the two, both on 
account of the greater length of its vocabularies, and the fact 
of its attempting the most in the way of arrangement. Indeed 
his instructions from the Church Missionary Society were 
"to cultivate not only one particular language, but to give 
information respecting the whole question of African philo- 
logy." "It was usually supposed," he adds, "that there 
were in Sierra Leone the representatives of about forty dif- 
ferent tribes; but the searching examination amongst the 
people, which the collection of this vocabulary demanded, 
discovered individuals from more than two hundred different 
tribes and countries.' 5 Mr. Clarke's list amounts to three 
hundred and eighty-eight. With such high numbers as these 
before our eyes, we may safely say that the statement so 
lately made, concerning the exaggeration of philological diffi- 
culties engendered by the methods under notice, has a strong 
prima facie appearance of being accurate. 

Of the two primary groups of the Polyglotta Africana, 
those of Parts I. and II., the order may conveniently be 
transposed, at least for the purposes of illustration. This is 


because, in order to understand the generic characteristic of 
the very first subdivision of the first division, a certain amount 
of information respecting the structure of the languages of 
Part II. is necessary. Thus, Part II. contains the " South 
African Languages distinguished by an initial inflection," 
whilst Order I. in Class I. gives us "North-west Atlantic 
Languages distinguishing themselves, like those of South 
Africa, by prefixal changes or an initial inflection/ 5 In this 
way the South African structure is taken as a sort of standard 
for the classification of the others. Of the South African the 
Kaffre tongues are the type. 

Let us consider, then, that South African means Kaffre, 
and that, as the Kaffre peculiarities, besides being otherwise 
known, have formed the subject of a late contribution from 
Dr. Bleek, let us pass to Koelle's 

I. North-western Atlantic Languages. They fall into four 
groups, represented by the (a) Felup, (b) Papel, (c) Biafada, 
and (d) Timmani languages, respectively, each falling into 
dialects and subdialects. Certain additions will have to be 
made to this group when we come to the Unclassified Lan- 
guages. The value of the class itself will be considered when 
three other groups have been noticed, i. e. the Mandingo, the 
Woloff, and the Fulah. At present we may remember it as 
the North-western Atlantic division. 

II. The North-western High Sudan or Mandingo Lan- 
guages constitute the second group. 

III. The Upper Guinea or Middle-coast Languages the 
third. This means, the forms of speech akin to (a) the Kru, 
(b) the Dahomey, (c) the Yoruba. 

IV. The North-eastern High Sudan Languages are spoken 
inland, at the back of the Ashanti country, and along the 
eastern range of the Kong mountains. They are akin to 
the (a) Mosee, (b) Kouri, (c) Koama, and (d) Yula forms of 

V. The Niger-delta group falls into the (a) Isoama, (b) Sobo, 
and (c) Okuloma divisions. 

VI. The Niaer-Tshadda languages are those akin to the 

H 2 


VII. The Central African division contains the languages 
allied to (a) the Bornui, and (b) the Pika. 

In Part II. we have the South African Languages distin- 
guished by an initial inflection , as has been already stated. 
It excludes the Hottentot, and includes the Old Calabar, Ca- 
meroon, and Gaboon languages. Doing this, it coincides 
with the so-called Kaffre class of tongues, in its latest form, 
i. e. in the form it has taken since it was shown that the 
Poongwe, the Isubu, the Efik, and other languages exhibit a 
similar series of initial changes to those of the Kafre and 
Bichuana. Upon the divisions and subdivisions of this class 
the present writer gives no opinion. He merely remarks that 
the value of its chief characteristic, the initial changes in 
question, is a point upon which he unwillingly differs with 
several excellent authorities; but this he will explain in the 
sequel passing, for the present, to Part III., containing up- 
wards of forty unclassed languages and dialects. This is 
done simply with the view of asking how far they are really 
unsusceptible of classification? If they be not so, it is 
asked how many, and what, can be transferred to Parts I. 
and II.? 

Of these unclassed forms of speech, the exact number of 
which (plus a few subdialects) is forty-three, we may at once 
dispose of (the numbers not in parentheses are Koelle's) the 
following : 

(1.) A. a. 1. Which is Woloff. 

(2. 3. 4.) B. 1. 2. 3. Asanti, Barba, and Boko, which are 

(5.) C. 1. Kandin, which is Berber. 

(6.) C. 2. Which is Timbuctu. 

(7.) C. 3. Which is Mandara. 

(8.) C. 4. Which is Begharmi. 

(9.) C. 5. Which is Hawsa. 

(10.) C. 6. Which is Fulah ; all recognized divisions. 

(11.) A. b. 5. The Landoma is the same class with the 

(12.) A. b. 4. The Limba probably is in the same category. 

(13.) A. a. 2. The Bissago is Felup. 


(14. 15. 16.) A. b. 1. 2. 3. The Banyun, Nalu, and Bu- 
landa are also Felup. 

(17.) A. a. 3. The Gadsaga is Serawolli, or closely akin. 

(18.) A. a. 4. The Gura. 

(19.) The Yalo, which is Tapua or Nufi. 

All the rest (with the exception of the Arabic of F.) are 
evidently either members of Part II., or transitional to it and 
Part I. Hence, laying out of the question the (1.) Bissago, (2.) 
the Banyun, and (3.) the Nalu, every one of the other forms 
of speech, either itself or in an allied dialect, has been consi- 
dered by previous investigators and classed. Whence, then, 
the present group of ^classified languages. In some cases 
we must say that there has been an absolute oversight, e. g. in 
the case of the Landoma, which is transparently allied to the 
languages of 1. d. Generally, however, it seems that the 
reason has been different. The majority of the languages 
under notice, though they form classes, form classes without 
many divisions or subdivisions represented in the work before 
us. Some of them indeed are eminently simple, e.g. the 
Begharmi and Mandara. The Ashanti, on the other hand, 
overflows with dialects and subdialects. Of these, however, 
only three were represented by individuals at Sierra Leone, 
between such and such days of such and such a year. Had 
this number been trebled or doubled, the result might have 
been different, and the Ashanti might have taken a place in 
Part I. A class is constituted by what it excludes, quite as 
much as by what it includes. 

This brings us to the most exceptionable part of an otherwise 
valuable work. And even here, the exceptions lie less against 
the laborious missionary himself than against the instructions 
with which he was furnished. These were (as has already 
been stated) to classify the languages of Africa as well as to 
collect samples of them. Now these two duties involve two 
different kinds of knowledge, differently applied. The collector 
works upon the materials within the range of his own oppor- 
tunities for observation, so that (so far as he is a collector 
and nothing more) his information is limited by his personal 
experience. But this personal experience may fall far short 


of the conditions necessary for a systematic classification, inas- 
much as the best opportunities enjoyed by a single individual 
may be insufficient for a work of a given magnitude. And this 
is what we find in the work under notice. Great as are the op- 
portunities at Sierra Leone for studying the African languages, 
they are insufficient for a systematic arrangement of the African 
languages and dialects. The remedy to this is, of course, the 
study of the remaining tongues in the works of the previous 
writers on the subject ; works which form the complement to 
any special researches. Now, however wide any special re- 
searches may be, such a complement is necessary. It may, 
of course, be either great or small. The smaller it is, the 
more closely the system, based upon an individual collection, 
will coincide with the system based upon the consideration of 
all accessible materials. On the other hand, the list of omis- 
sions may be a long one. If so, the foundation of the system 
based upon individual researches becomes proportionably nar- 
row, and (as such) faulty. Applying this observation to the 
work before us, we shall find that the great extent of the 
author's individual researches, although laudable in itself, has 
been greatly prejudicial to the value of his work as a system ; 
the data which it supplies being numerous enough to con- 
stitute an apparent sufficiency of materials for an African 
philology, but not numerous enough to constitute a real one. 
To do this, a certain amount of extraneous matter was wanted 
matter which has unfortunately been overlooked. Such at 
least is the conclusion to which the dictum de non appa- 
rentibm, &c. leads us. For all that appears on the face of Mr. 
Koelle's system, so standard a work as even the Mithridates 
lias been either overlooked or ignored. Some recognition of 
the partial character of the system is, perhaps, shown in the 
choice of the term Polyglotta Africana instead of Africa Poly- 
glotta, the former being suggestive of a more limited depart- 
ment of study than the latter, which would, if valid, so well 
match the Asia Polyylotta of Klaproth. At the same time, 
the statement that the work was to be systematic and general, 
is both prominent and unambiguous. 

Whilst then the new materials due to the individual re- 


search of Mr. Koelle are of sufficient importance to make his 
work a highly valuable collection of data, the omissions are 
so grave and numerous as to put it wholly out of the category 
of systematic classifications, and it is only doing injustice to 
the author to consider it as such. The fact of all the unplaced 
languages of Part III. being capable of distribution and fixation 
proves this. As to the omissions themselves, these are as 
follows : 

Of the Hottentot dialects (important as they are) no spe- 
cimen at all is given 

Neither is there any adequate representation of the lan- 
guages spoken on the water-system of the Nile : Coptic, 
Bishari, Nubian, Galla, Agow, Amharic, &c. 

Neither is there any adequate representation of the lan- 
guages of Darfur, Kordofan, and the parts to the east and 
south-east of Lake Tshad. 

Why there are these important omissions is transparently 
clear. There was no one who spoke them at Sierra Leone. 
Be it so. At the same time a Sierra Leone collection should 
never have been made the basis of a general classification of 
the African languages. 

In respect to the classes actually represented, we need only 
contrast the place taken by the languages akin to the Ashanti 
and Fanti in the Polyglotta Africana, with the place they 
take in the Mithridates, or in Bowdich's Embassy. In 
both of these works they form a large class, with dialects and 
subdialects inconveniently numerous. In the volume under 
notice they are limited to the Asanti, the Barba, and the 
Boko, and, thus limited, they form a class sufficiently simple 
to be relegated to Part III. 

The same applies to the representatives of the great Berber 
group of tongues, which here appears as an isolated tongue 
named Kandin. Additions then of new groups, orders, or 
classes of languages, in the Polyglotta Africana, there are 
none; the Woloff, Ashanti, Timbuctu, Bornu, Mandara, 
Begharmi, Hawsa, Fulah, and Mandingo classes being already 
recognized under either the same names, or names slightly 
modified in form or spelling. 


The Upper Guinea groups are, in like manner, recognized 
as the Kru (or Grebo), the Whidah, and the Yoruba. 

The Niger-delta is the Ibu. 

The Niger-Tshadda the Nun. 

Additions in the way of detail to groups already recognized 
there are many. Of these, the most important are those of 
the 1st and 4th divisions of Part I. 

(1.) The North-western Atlantic. It was this for which 
data were most wanted. In the first place, the Papel, Bissago, 
and Naloo vocabularies make good a want experienced in the 
loss of the Senegal Vocabularies of the last century a term 
which we may conveniently use in a technical and specific 
sense. It means that, previous to the first French revolution, 
a series of vocabularies for the parts about the Senegal and 
Gambia were collected, but not published. The MS., how- 
ever, which originally belonged to a convent, subsequently 
suppressed, having found its way to the Bibliotheque Royal, 
has been published in the second volume of the ' Memoires 
de la Societe Ethnologique/ but only so far as it is com- 
plete, which is only partially. The heading runs as fol- 
lows : Dictionnaire des Langues Franqaises et Negres dont on 
se sert dans la Concession de la Compagnie Royale du Senegal, 
savoir : Guiolof, Foule, Mandingue, Saracole, Seraire, Bagnon, 
Floupe, Papel, Bizagots, Nalous, et Sapi. Of these the last four 
got lost, so that when the MS. in question was published, the 
Bissago, Nalu, Papel, and Sapi had yet to be known through 
their vocabularies. Let us call these the lost Senegal vocabu- 
laries, and thank Mr. Koelle for having, in the case of the Bis- 
sago, Papel, and Nalu, helped to replace them. Then there 
were the Balantes, whose language was also stated to be pecu- 
liar, but of which specimens (now supplied) were wanting. 

Up, then, to the present time, the only languages of the first 
three divisions of the North-west Atlantic group have been 
the Felup and the Bagnon, concerning which the present 
writer's statements in 1848 were, that the least that could be 
suid of them was, that they were* "much more like each 

* Report on Ethnographical Philology (Africa) Transactions of the 
British Association for the Advancement of Science, 184/. 

other than any other pair on the tables ; and that this likeness 

seemed extended to the inflectional portions of their words 

Lest this should seem an insufficient reason for placing them 
in the same group rather than for treating them as languages 
of separate classes, it should be remembered that, in the parts 
in question, not less than five other languages the Papel, 
Nalu, Sapi, Bissago, and Balantes, unknown to us by spe- 
cimens, are spoken; and that the evidence of these may 
hereafter make good the inconclusive part of the present 
arrangement. It is, however, quite provisional." 

He concluded with a short list of Bagnon and Felup words 
more or less closely allied to the other languages of Western 
Africa. It merely served to show that the tongues in ques- 
tion had certain miscellaneous affinities, i. e. that they were 
not absolutely isolated. Now this class, which in 1847 was 
simply Felup, Bagnon, Felup-Bagnon, or Bagnon-Felup, forms 
in 1855, through the labours of Mr. Koelle, the first three 
groups of the first primary division of Part I., its arrangement 
being thus : 

A. Felup, Filham and Filhol 

B. Bola, Sarar, Pepel 

C. Biafada, Padsade. 

To which add, from the Unclassed Languages of Part III., the 
Banyun and Nalu. 

Of the Sapi tongue, eo nomine, a specimen is still wanting. 
I say eo nomine, because it is probable that we may already 
possess one under some other denomination. From I. of 
Part I. we now pass to 

IV. The North-eastern High Sudan. Here the additions 
are important. The form this class takes in Koelle is as 
follows : 

A, or the first division (one out of four) contains specimens 
of the Mosee, Del ana, Guresa, Gurma, and Legba 

B containing the Legba, Kauri, and Kiamba 

C containing the Koama and Bagbalan ; and 

D containing the Kasm and Yula. 

All these are new names but three, viz. the Mosee, the Kauri, 
and the Kiamba, which are, word for word, the Mosee of 


Bowdich, the Kouri of Mrs. Kilham, and the Tembu (not 
Tambu) of the Mithridates. For these three forms, the works 
just named give samples all, however, short, that of Bowdich 
consisting only of the numerals. The Hio, Yngwe, and 
Dagwhumba numerals of Bowdich belong to this division, being 
in the same category with the Mosee. The back of the Ashanti 
country is the area for this division, and as we find from the 
preface that some of its dialects are conterminous with the 
Ashanti, some with the Fot, some with the Fulah, and others 
with the Hawsa tongues, we may reasonably suppose that it 
is fairly represented, and that the philology for the parts in 
question is now made out sufficiently fully. At any rate the 
vocabularies before us carry us as far inland as the Hawsa 

Of these languages according to the geographical accounts 
procured along with them the Gurma is most inland, the most 
northern, and the most eastern; lying on the Kwarra, by 
which it is divided from Hawsa, only six days' journey from 

The Mosee country lies west of the Gurma, and, apparently, 
conterminal with it, inasmuch as there is a special Gurma 
name for the Mosee people, viz. Bemba. Again, the Silmira 
(i. e. the Fulas under their Mosee designation) call the Mosee 
Gurmake (the same word as Gurma). On the other hand, 
they approach, or touch, the Asanti frontier. 

Guren is in contact with the Yoruba area. 

The Yula and Koama groups lie noY\h-west, and in a direc- 
tion where the philology is pre-eminently obscure. They are, 
probably, conterminous with the Mandingo dialects of the 
Kong range, a class of which we find no specimens in the 
Polyglotta, but which are represented by the Kong and other 
numerals of Bowdich, and by the Asokko of the Mithridates. 

The Legba, Kauri, and Kiamba are spoken at the back of 
the Ashanti country as far east as the Yoruba frontier. 

The nomenclature now requires notice. I have little doubt 
about not only Gurma, Gurmake, Guren, being the same words, 
but also about their all being the same as Kaure (Kouri). 
And this 1 hold to be the same as Goburi in Hawsa, also the 


same as Cumbri in Yoruba. None of these names seem to 
be native, but on the contrary foreign to the populations who 
bear them, and indigenous only to the languages with which 
they are in contact. Now at all, or nearly all the points 
where we get a name of this kind, there is the contact of a 
Mahometan and a non-Mahometan population. Hence the 
suggested interpretation is, that the word is Kaffre, a Giaour, 
under certain West- African Fula, Hawsa, or Yoruba 
forms. That it has, however, in some cases been adopted by 
the natives themselves, I by no means deny. Even words as 
much altered as Yoruba and Yaouri may be in the same 
category the conditions under which this view is reasonable 
being that they be originally other than native, and that they 
appear where Mahometanism and Paganism either now come 
in contact, or have once done so. 

Again, the Mosee and Guren agree in calling the Ashanti 
Kambonse, or Kambenga, i. e. gun-men, a fact which places 
both on the Ashanti frontier, and suggests some points in 
connexion with the ascendency of the latter. 

The Kouri are subject to the Tern (are the Tern Maho- 
metans?), Tern being a Kouri form of the name Kiamba, or 
Dzhamba. The Hawsas also called them Tern, the Hawsas 
themselves being called (by the Kouri) Asindse. This places 
the Kouri on the Hawsa frontier Tern being to the west of it. 
This also accounts for the Tembu vocabulary of the Mithri- 
dates being so like the Kouri. 

In the notice of the Bagbalan, the plural of the proper name 
Manunia is Bassunnina. This is an initial change, after the 
fashion of the Kaffre, Woloff, &c. 

A great part of the valley of the Niger between Yaouri and 
the district visited by Park seems to be what we may call 
Kouri such being the generic name suggested for this class, 
not only on the strength of the Kouri vocabulary of Mrs. 
Kilham, but on account of the diffusion over its different divi- 
sions of the root g-r. It is certainly a class wherein the Ma- 
hometan influence is at a minimum. 

[To be continued.] 

The second Paper was then read 

" On the Derivation and Meaning of the Latin Verb USUR- 
PARE;" by Professor KEY. 

1. The word usurpare, as explained in existing dictionaries, 
&c., has so great a variety of meanings, and those not only 
receding far from each other, but almost contradictory, that 
an attempt to fix the original power of the word at once by 
etymology and authority, and thence deduce the chain of 
meanings, may not be unacceptable. The only derivation 
which presents itself on the part of lexicographers, so far as 
the writer has observed, is "a contraction from usu rapere, 
' to seize to one's use' " (see Freund and his translator An- 
drews). This, it must be admitted, is thoroughly in accord- 
ance with the idea now conveyed by the word ' usurp' ; but all 
those etyma must be distrusted which rest upon a late use of 
a word ; and it so happens that the Latin verb is never found 
in this sense except in the very latest times of the Latin 
language, as in the Justinian Code. We find indeed the 
authority of Suetonius and Ulpian adduced in its favour, but, 
as we think, without due consideration. The passage from 
Suetonius (Claud. 25) is, "Peregrinae conditionis homines 
vetuit usurpare Romana nomina, duntaxat gentilicia; civi- 
tatem Romanam usurpantes .... securi percussit." After 
gentilicia we have substituted a semicolon in place of the full 
stop which appears in Baumgarten's edition, for it is clear that 
peregrinae conditionis homines belongs to the second clause 
as much as to the preceding. It will be seen then that 
usurpare in this phrase signifies no more than ' to use/ the 
illegality of the act being implied in the context. Again, the 
passage of Ulpian (Dig. xlvii. 22. 2) runs : " Quisquis illi- 
citum collegium usurpaverit, ea poena tenetur quae, &c." 
Here the epithet illicitum expresses the idea 'contra jus/ 
which Forcellini finds in the verb usurpare ; and indeed the 
presence of this epithet leads rather to the opposite conclusion, 
that the verb by itself, as in the preceding passage, signified 
only 'to use.' Thus Trajan too (ad Plin. x. 116) has "con- 
suetudo usurpata contra Icgem." 


2. As the study and practice of the law were duties with a 
Roman gentleman almost as paramount as those of the mili- 
tary profession, it was to be expected that legal terminology 
would to no slight degree insinuate itself into the ordinary 
vocabulary ; and of course where the great majority must of 
necessity be strangers to the precise habit of the legal mind, 
a certain vagueness or looseness would soon characterize the 
usage of such words. 

That usurpare was a technical term of Roman law is com- 
monly admitted, and a consideration of the legal use of the 
word seems to justify the assertion that it has a special refer- 
ence to the law of usucapion, or ownership by prescription. 
"Usucapion," says Gaius (we are quoting from Mr. Long's 
article in the Diet, of Antiq. p. 1217), "in the case of move- 
able things is completed in a year, but in the case of a 
fundus or aedes two years are required, and so it is provided 
by the Twelve Tables." Such a law must of course have had 
its correlative checks, by which the legal owner could prevent 
possession by another from thus ripening through usucapion 
into a title. A formal act of ownership exercised in the pre- 
sence of witnesses would be one and perhaps the simplest 
mode of effecting the object, viz. the interruption of the usus. 
So ' to break a usus ' was, we believe, the first meaning of the 
word usurpare. Thus Paulus (Dig. xli. 3. 2) says: "Usur- 
patio est usucapionis interruptio." Here we have distinct 
legal authority for our proposition. But etymology also lends 
support to it, if we consider usurpare to be a contraction of 
usu-rup-are, where rup is the essential element of rumpere, 
for we have as good a right to interpose a u between the r 
and p as others have to interpose an a. Elsewhere we have 
contended that in long Latin words which contained two or 
more consecutive short syllables (exclusive of the last), it was 
the general habit in pronunciation, and not a rare thing in 
writing also, to suppress the second short vowel (counting 
from the beginning of the word), as in publicus (poplicus), 
reppuli, atatat for populicus, repepuli, atatat ; and accordingly 
usurupare would be compressed to usurpare. Again, that this 
verb is of the first conjugation, if to any it be a difficulty, is 


one to which the other derivation from usu rapere is equally 
subject. We believe it to have been deduced directly from 
some adjectival form as usurupo- (usurupus) or usurup- 
(usurups) ' usus-breaking/ or as a subst. ' usus-breaker/ so 
that usurpare (perhaps originally a reflective verb usurpari) 
should signify ' to perform the office of a usus-breaker.' We 
say this under the belief that long verbs, of the first conju- 
gation especially, when not compounds with prepositions, 
owe their possession of an a to their being denominatives. Fa- 
miliar instances of such verbs from substantives which denote 
a person, and first of all from those ending in a consonant, are 
aucupariy comitari, mancipare, remigare, militare, equitare, 
indicare, vindicare, judicare, while the substantives peditatu- 
and principatu- point to similar verbs. Then again from nouns 
of the first or second declension we have medicari, dominari, 
arbitrari, Graecari, ancillari, aemulari, belligerari or belli- 
gerare, ministrarej and magistrate,- again points to a corre- 
sponding verb. We dwell on this matter the more, to enter 
a protest as it were against those who would pass in silence 
over what they consider to be so trifling a matter as a change 
of conjugation. Thus we do not like to see the Plautian verb 
causificor simply explained by a parenthetic ' [causa facio] ' ; 
nor on the other hand are we afraid to assume in our own 
process of derivation the previous existence of Latin words 
for which we admit that no direct authority can be produced. 
Thus causiftcari by its very form guarantees in our eyes that 
there was once a noun causifico-, like causidico-. So again 
we believe that nouns praedex ' a herald/ and edux or educa 
' a nurse/ were in existence before the language developed 
praedicare ' to proclaim/ and educare f to tend (a child) as a 
nurse/ On the other hand, we may even venture to affirm 
that a verb usurupere or usurumpere* would be a monster, 
violating the principles of word-formation. These remarks seem 
to justify us in assuming such a noun as usurupus , f one em- 
ployed in breaking a usus/ or ' in asserting a title to property 

* Usucapere is no exception to what has been said above, for it is pro- 
perly two words, usu (abl.) capere. Compare parvt-pendere, agri-cult ur a, 
and usus-fructus. 


in the possession of another/ it might be the claimant himself 
or some agent of his. In our own times we often hear of 
persons so employed. 

3. To legal authority and etymological argument we next 
add passages from Latin authors of the best classical times, 
and those too passages given by Forcellini himself, but not 
occupying in his arrangement the prominent place to which 
they are entitled. Cicero (de Or. iii. 28) employs a legal 
illustration, as he well might in a dialogue between lawyers : 
" non ut vi recuperare amissam possessionem, sed ut ex jure 
civili surculo defringendo usurpare videantur," where the 
breaking off a twig from a tree on the estate, accompanied no 
doubt before witnesses by a declaration in words of the pur- 
pose, was as mild a proceeding for attaining the end as could 
well be conceived. 

4. Again, if a woman lived with a man as his wife (matri- 
monii causa) for one year, she became, we are told, his legal 
wife by prescription, uxor usu ; she passed into his familia by 
usucapion (velut aniiua possessione usucapiebatur) ; and being 
now in manu of her husband, she lost all control over what 
had been her property as well as over herself. The Twelve 
Tables however here also provided a remedy. She could save 
her independence by absenting herself from her nominal 
husband three nights in every year (Gaius, i. 100. See Diet, 
of Antiq. ibid.). A woman so absenting herself was said 
usurpari (as a reflective verb), f to break the usus in herself 5 ; 
and such going away and such absence was expressed by the 
phrases usurpatum ire, abesse a viro usurpandi causa. We 
have this on the authority of Cicero's own instructor in legal 
science, Q. Mucius Scaevola. The passage to which we are 
indebted for this information occurs in Gellius, iii. 2; and 
we would refer to it the more, as Forcellini and Freund have 
given a totally different translation of the phrase, making 
usurpata mutter equivalent to usucapta mutter, a woman who 
becomes a man's wife by prescription (but see the close of 
this article). 

5. So far we have seen usurpare employed in its strict 
sense, ' the interruption of another's usus,' where the owner 


saves his title from passing away to that other by exercising 
some act of ownership, in other words by usus on his own 
part. When usurpare is employed in reference to incorporeal 
property, for example to an easement or other right, its 
original sense is partly inapplicable; but there will still remain 
much that is common to the new with the old relation. A 
right of way, to take a particular case, is a right which may 
be lost by desuetude. So long as A holds such a right over 
B's land, the value of B's land to B is pro tanto diminished. 
Now if A, by non-use of his easement, at last forfeits it, B is 
the gainer. He cannot indeed be said to acquire the ease- 
ment so forfeited by A, simply because the advantage is one 
which merges in the general ownership; but he is substan- 
tially a gainer, by having his estate relieved of the easement. 
Usurpare servitutem then we hold to mean, by using an ease- 
ment to save it from forfeiture ; and thus it expresses an idea 
very nearly akin, though we admit not identical, with that of 
amissam possessionem usurpare. Thus in Cels. Dig. (viii. 6. 6) 
usurpare servitutem and jus servitutis usu retinere seem to 
occur as equivalent phrases. Similarly usurpare jus is used 
generally in the sense of ' using and so asserting a right,' 
'saving it from lapsing through non-use/ As we just saw 
usurpare and. retinere jus employed together in the Digests, so 
Cicero too unites them in Verr. ii. 5. 20, where we cannot 
but prefer with Lambinus and the MS. Lag. 29, the reading 
jure quotonnis usurpato ac semper retento to the other reading 
jure usurpatwm ac s. retentum*. 

* In the first place, the two members of Cicero's sentence consist of 
clauses carefully opposed to each other : turn recentibus suis officiis and 
nunc nullo novo officio suo turn nullis populi Romani difficultatibus and 
nunc summa in difficultate navium turn Integra re and nunc tot annis post 
jure imperil nostri quotannis usurpato ac semper retento, ' at that time when 
neither party was in any way committed, when no precedent as to right on 
the one side or service on the other had been established ' ; ' whereas now for 
some two hundred years the right of sovereignty in this respect has been an- 
nually asserted and uninterruptedly maintained.' It may be further urged 
that id in the phrase quod turn (Mamertini) assequi non potuerunt, id nunc 
pretio assecuti sunt, is in no respect a word to which jure usurpatum (to 
adopt that phrase for the moment) can be attached, for the id means 


But to return to our subject, in the passage of Livy (xxvii. 
8), the priest of Jupiter claims the right to a seat in the 
senate, and the claim is disputed by a praetor who contends 
that for two generations no Dialis Flamen id jus usurpasse, 
1 had asserted that right/ Again, in Plautus (Bacc. i. 2. 41) 
we have a comico-tragic address to a gulf, ' How glad should 
I be to assert a right of entry or right of way down the abyss/ 
oh baratrum ut ego te usurpem lubens. 

6. We take another step, and leaving the sphere of legal 
action we still find the idea of 'saving something dormant 
from desuetude/ ' keeping alive what might otherwise pass 
away/ in such places as : Quis est qui Fabricii memoriam non 
usurpet ? Cic. Am. 8 (28) ; and : rerum gestarum memoriam 
usurpare, in the Post Red. in Sen. 15 (37). 

7. There are also well-known passages in Plautus and 
Lucretius, which depart not very widely from the idea 
contained in jus usurpare, viz. those in which our verb 
expresses the ' exercising the privilege' of eyesight, hearing, 
or touch, upon an object, as : unde meae usurpant aures 
sonitum? Plaut. Cas. iii. 5. 9. quas (terras) neque oculis 
unquam neque pedibus usurpavi meis, Ib. Trin. iv. 2. 3. nee 
frigora quimus Usurpare oculis, Lucr. i. 300. ea sensibus 
usurpare, Ib. iv. 975. 

8. It may be admitted that in several of the passages 
quoted under the sections 3, 4, and 5, 'to use/ though not 
fully expressive of the idea as conceived by the writer, yet, so 
far as it goes, is an admissible translation of our verb. Beyond 
the legal sphere however there are undoubted and numerous 
examples of this loose employment ; and thus we find Paulus 
following up his legal definition of usurpatio by the words : 
oratores autem usurpationem frequentem usum vocant ; where 
we need not be surprised at the introduction of the epithet 
frequens, for the idea which this word denotes is a natural 
deduction from our original definition. An assertion of a 
right is good for a time, but it must be repeated again and 

* relief from the duty of supplying a ship for Roman service/ whereas what 
had been^wre usurpatum was 'the enforcement of the said duty upon the 


again at due intervals to save the property or the right from 
usucapion or desuetude. 

9. We proceed next to the use of our verb in reference to 
words, and this by the way is the meaning to which Forcellini 
has allotted the first place : In frequente usu habeo sive 
loquendo sive, &c. ; while Freund more judiciously reserves 
" to name or call habitually" for his last section. The passage 
from our first meaning to the one now before us, extreme as 
it may appear, has its precise parallel in our own word assert, 
the Latin asserere ; for the original legal use of this word was 
in the form asserere aliquid manu, ' to lay one's hand upon pro- 
perty' before witnesses, and so claim possession of it. As the 
words which accompanied this act formed a very essential 
part of the ceremony, they naturally attracted to themselves 
the name of the act itself. So the word usurpare too, when 
used of the tongue, probably at first carried with it some of the 
solemnity which still adheres to our own assert. It must be 
admitted however that it is also used, especially in late 
writers, as a mere term for ( habitually calling ' (see Forcellini). 

10. Lastly we repeat, what has been said above, that 'to 
assert a title contra jus,' i. e. ' to usurp/ is a meaning of the 
word which occurs in very late writers, as in the Codex*. 


* The leading ideas of this paper were arrived at, and the substance of 
the argument for the most part was put upon paper in the year 1850 or 
1851. A friend to whom it was then shown stated that the interpretation 
of usurpata mulier was precisely that which Savigny had given ; and we 
now quote from his ' System des heutigen Romischen Rechts,' 4ter Band, 
1841. p. 364, what concerns the present question : 

" Nach den zwolf Tafeln sollte durch jede gewohnliche Ehe, wenn 
sie ein Jahr lang unterbrochen fortdauerte, die Frau in die manus des 
Mannes kommen, und dieses wird ausdriicklich auf den Grimdsatz der 
einjahrigen Usucapion beweglicher Sachen zuriickgefuhrt. Eine Unter- 
brechung dieser Usucapion sollte nur dann angenommen werden, weiin 
die Frau wenigstens drey vollstaudige Nachte jedes Jahres ausser dem 
Hause des Mannes zubrachte. Scavola nun beurtheilt einen Rechtsfall, 
der durch folgende Tafel anschaulich werden wird : 

28 Dec. 29 Dec. 

V. Kal. 

IV. Kal. 

30 Dec. 

III. Kal. 

31 Dec. 

1'n.lie Kal. 

1 Jan. 

Kal. Jan. 


Die Frau war an einem 1 Januar in die Ehe getreten und am 29 December 
desselben Jahres aus dem Iluuse gi-gsiiigiMi, in der Meynung dadurch das 
trinoctium zu beobachten und die Kntstehung der manus zu verhindern. 
Darin aber irrt sie, sagt Sciivola, denn das Usucapions Jahr ist schon 
vollendet mit der Mitternacht, womit der nachfolgende 1 Januar anfangt, 
also gehort die zweite Iliilfte der dritten Nacht nicht mehr dem ersten 
Jahr der Ehe an, so dass sie nur drittehalb Nachte desselben abwesend 
war, welches nach dem Gesetz nicht hinreicht. Sie hatte also (will Sca- 
vola sagen) schon den 28 December* ausziehen mussen, um ihren Zweck 
zu erreichen." 

* Savigny affixes a note in which he observes that for Scaevola's own 
time, December had but 29 days, which however will in no way affect the 
substance of the argument. 




1855. No. 8. 

May 11, 
THOMAS WATTS, Esq., in the Chair. 

HENRY RAIKES, Esq., M.A. Trin. Coll. Camb., Registrar 
of the Diocese of Chester; and COTTON MATHER, Esq., of 
University College, London, and Benares, were elected Mem- 
bers of the Society. 

The Paper read was : 
" English Etymologies;" by HENSLEIGH WEDGWOOD, Esq. 

ABOLISH. Fr. abolir, from Lat. aboleo, to erase or annul. 
The neuter form abolesco, to wear away, to grow out of use, 
to perish, when compared with adolesco, to grow up, coalesce, 
to grow together, shows that the force of the radical syllable 
ol is growth, progress. Pl.-D. af-oolden, af-olen, to become 
worthless through age ; de Mann olet ganz af, he dwindles 
away. But the primitive idea seems that of kindling, giving 
birth to, as exemplified in the O.-Sw. ala, A.-S. alan, to 
kindle or light a fire, whence A.-S. aled, aid, Icel. eldr, a fire, 
and the Lat. adolere, adolescere, to burn up ; adolescunt ignibus 
ara, Virg. In like manner the verb ' to kindle ' is used both in 
the sense of lighting a fire, and giving birth to a litter of young. 
The analogy between the duration of life and the burning of 
a fire is obvious, and a spark of life is a common expression. 
In accordance with such analogy, the O.-Sw. ala is also used 
in the sense of begetting, giving birth to; whence alder, 
ulster, progeny, explaining Lat. soboles for sub-ol-es, and 


in-d-ol-es, that which is born in a man, natural disposition : 
and next, as the duty of nourishing and bringing up is inse- 
parably connected with the procreation of offspring, the 
O.-Sw. ala is applied in precise agreement with Lat. alere , to 
signify to rear, to bring up, to feed, to fatten ; alen uxe, a 
fatted ox. (See Ihre, v. ala.} In the same way the Swed. foda 
signifies to beget, to bring forth, and also to rear, to bring 
up, to feed, to maintain ; Gael, alaich, to produce, bring forth, 
nourish, nurse; whence al (corresponding to Lat. soboles), 
brood or young of any kind, generation, and oil, to rear, 
educate, nurse. From nourishment to growth is an easy step, 
which may be illustrated by an expression of Pliny ; alere 
capillos, to let his hair grow. In alere flammam we see a 
close connexion with the A.-S. (elan, to kindle. 

AFRAID, AFFRAY, FRAY. Immediately from Fr. effraier, to 
scare, appal, dismay, affright. Effroi, terror, astonishment, 
amazement (Cotgr.). Frayeur, fright, terror, scaring, horror. 
The Proven9al forms esfredar, esfreidar, have led Diez to refer 
it too positively to the Latin frigidus. Prov. freior, he says, 
like Lat. frigus or gelu, is properly, shuddering; effrayer, 
to cause to shudder. But the d is an exceedingly moveable 
letter, and is so easily inserted between vowels, that the Pro- 
vencal form seems by no means decisive. Whatever may 
have been the original sense of f riff us, the adj. frigidus, from 
whence the Provenal forms must have proceeded if they 
really belonged to this root, had simply the sense of ' cold/ and 
esfreidar would be ( to cool/ far too tame an image to ac- 
count for the violent agitation implied in effrayer. The course 
of language, it must be recollected, is always to keep softening 
down the features of the original image, which is apt to appear 
as a gross exaggeration of the ideas finally represented. Now 
faire effroi in O.-Fr. is to make an outcry, to give an alarm : 

"Toutefois ne fit oncques effroy jusqu'a ce que tous les siens 
eussent gagne la muraille, puis s' eerie horriblement." Rabelais. 

" Saillirent de leurs chambres sans faire effroi ou bruit." Cent 
Nouvelles Nouvelles in Diet. Etymologique. 

A distinct reference to noise and violence was preserved when 


the word passed into English, an affray or a fray conveying 
the notion of a disturbance, conflict accompanied with vio- 
lence, hurly-burly. Thus in 'The Flower and the Leaf/ 
Chaucer calls the sudden storm of wind, rain and hail which 
drenched the partisans of the leaf to the skin, an affray 

" And when the storm was clene passid away, 
Tho in the white that stode under the tree, 
They felt nothing of all the great affray, 
That they in grene without had in ybe." 

To affray was to produce the effect of a crash or sudden 
noise, and was used even in cases where terror formed no part 
of the effect, as awaking one out of sleep or out of a swoon : 
" Me met thus in my bed all naked 
And loked forthe for I was waked, 
With small foules a grete hepe 
That had afraide me out of my slepe, 
Through noise and swetenesse of her song." 

Chaucer. Dream. 

" I was out of my swowne affraide* 
Whereof I sigh my wittes straide, 
And gan to clepe them home again." Gower in Rich. 

" As when a griffon seized of his prey, 
A dragon fierce encountereth in his flight, 
Through wildest air making his idle way, 
That would his rightful ravine rend away, 
With hideous horror both together smight 
And souce so sore that they the heavens affray." F. Q. 

It is obvious how inappropriate in all these cases is a deri- 
vation from frigidus to convey the meaning expressed. Lat. 
fragor is a crash, from frag, an imitation of the sound of a 
thing breaking, whence frango, fractus, to break. From the 
same root is It. fracasso, Fr. fracas, a crash, a disturbance, a 
fray, and hence effroi. 

To ALLOW. Two words seem here again confounded; 
allow, from Lat. laudare, to praise, and from Lat. locare, to 
place, to let. From the Latin laus, laudis, was formed Prov. 
lam, lau, praise, approval, advice; hence lauzar, alauzar, 
O.-Fr. loer, loner, alouer, to praise, to approve, to recom- 


mend. In like manner the Lat. laudo was used for appro- 
bation and advice : 

"Laudo igitur ut ab eo suam filiam primogenitam petatis duci 
nostro conjugem," I recommend. 

" Et vos illuc tendere penitus dislaudamus" We dissuade you. Due. 
"Et leur demanda que il looient a faire et li loerent tous que il 
descendist et il li dirent que je li avois lot bon conseil." Joinville 
in Raynouard. 

In the same way in English : 

" This is the sum of what I would have ye weigh, 
First whether ye allow my whole devise 
And think it good for me, for thee, for you, 
And if ye like it and allow it well." 

Ferrex and Porrex in Richardson. 

Especially Ictus was applied to the approbation of a lord to 
the alienation of a fee depending on him, and to the fine he 
received for the permission to. alienate : 

" Hoc donum laudamt Adam Maringotus de cujus feodo erat." 

"Et quia ipsum castrum cum adjacenti terra de casamento nostrse 
diseceos noscitur esse per laudamentum nostrum concedit S. Manuti 
commutationem prsedictse terrse." 
Hence to allow, in the sense of permitting. 

From consenting to a grant, the word came to be applied 
to the grant itself: 

" Comes concessit iis et laudamt terras et feuda eorum ad suam 
fidelitatem et servitium. Facta est haec laus sive concessio in claustro 
S. Marii." 

Here we come very near the application of allowance, to 
express an assignment of a certain amount of money or 
goods : 

" And his allowance was a continual allowance given him by the 
king ; a daily rate for every day all his life." 2 Kings. 
In this sense, however, to allow, and allowance, are from Lat. 
locare, to place, to set; It. allogare, to place, to fix; Prov. 
alogar ; Fr. louer, to put out, to hire, to assign : 

" Le seigneur peut saisir pour sa rente les bestes pasturantes sur 
son fonds, encore qu'elles n'appartiennent a son vassal ains a ceux 
qui out alloucs les dites bestes." Coutumes de Normandie in Rayn. 


" To allow in rekeninge alloco. Allowance allocacio."- 
Promptorium parvulorum. 

AVER. A beast of the plough. The Fr. avoir (from habere 
to have) was used, as well as Sp. haber, in the sense of goods, 
possessions, money. This in M.-Lat. was written avera or 

"Taxata pactione quod salvis corporibus suis et averis et equis 
et armis cum pace recederent." Doc. A.D. 1196 in Due. " In istum 
sanctum locum venimus cum averis nostris." Chart. Hisp. A.D. 819. 
" Et in toto quantum Rex Adelfonsus tenet de rege Navame melioret 
cum suo proprio avere quantum voluerit et poterit." Hoveden in 

Averii or Averia was then applied to cattle in general as 
the principal possessions in troubled times : 

" Hoc placitum dilationem non recipit propter averia, i. e. animalia 
muta, ac (ut ?) dm delineantur inclusa."- Regiam Majestatem. 

" Si come jeo bayle a un home mes berbits a campester, ou mes 
bceufs a arer la terre et il occist mes avers" Littleton. 

We then have averia carruca, beasts of the plough, and the 
term finally came to be confined to the signification of cart 

AVERAGE. Average was the duty work done for the lord 
with the avers or draught cattle of the tenant. " Sciendum 
est quod unumquodque averagium sestivale fieri debet inter 
Hokday et gulam Augusti." Spelman in Due. 

Average, from the G. haferei, is a totally different word 
from the foregoing. The primitive meaning of haferei seems 
to be sea-damage, damage suffered on the conveyance of 
goods by sea, from the Scandinavian haf, hav, the open sea ; 
pointing to the shores of the Baltic, where so many of our 
nautical terms took their rise, for the origin of the word. 
This in Fr. became avaris (Cotgr.), decay of wares or mer- 
chandise, leakage of wines, also the charges of the carriage or 
measuring thereof; avarie, damage suffered by a vessel or 
goods from the departure to the return into port; Diet. 
Etym. marchandises avariees, damaged goods. But when 
goods were thrown overboard for the safety of the vessel, it 
was an obvious equity to divide the loss amongst those who 


profited by the sacrifice. Hence haferei was applied to the 
money paid by those who receive their goods safe, to indem- 
nify those whose goods have been thrown overboard in a 
storm so as to distribute the loss equally among the shippers 
(Kiittner). It. avaria, calculation and distribution of the 
loss arising from goods thrown overboard (Altieri) ; hence, 
finally, in the modern sense of the term, an average is an 
equal distribution of the aggregate inequalities of a series 
among all the individuals of which it is composed. The 
origin of average in the latter sense became much obscured 
by the practice of assurance, when the nautical average 
came to signify a contribution made by independent in- 
surers to compensate for losses at sea, instead of a con- 
tribution by those who received their goods safe, to make 
good the loss of those whose wares were thrown overboard 
for the general safety. 

BARETOR, BARGAIN. It must be premised, that the same 
word is often used to express the splashing or dabbling in 
water and the confused noise of persons talking. Thus the 
G. waschen signifies as well to wash as to prattle or tattle. 
In the same way the Icel. skola and thwatta are used in both 
senses; and E. twattle, which was formerly used for tattle, as 
well as the modern twaddle, to talk much and foolishly, seem 
but the frequentatives of the Sw. twcetta, to wash. We shall 
find the same analogy largely developed in a numerous class 
of words descriptive of the bubbling of water, the noise made 
by a brook, or by the waves, or by the wind ; also applied to 
the hum of many voices talking together, and thence passing 
to the notion of uproar, contention, dispute, chaffering, cheat- 
ing, overreaching. 

Syllables formed from the consonants b-r, b-l, m-r y have 
been taken as peculiarly adapted to represent sounds of the 
foregoing description, and a numerous class of words has been 
formed by the repetition of the syllables bar, bor, bur, mar, 
mor, mur, bal, bol, bul, or by combining them with the ordinary 
terminations of the frequentative form, or even with appa- 
rently unmeaning syllables, for the mere purpose of giving 
length to a word intended to express continued action. 


In the series bal, bol, bul, we have Sc. balow, representing 
the unmeaning sing-song by which an infant is set to sleep 
' Balow my babe, lie still and sleep/ Fr. balbutier, to stam- 
mer ; Lat. bullire ; It. bollire, to bubble up, to boil. No one 
can doubt the imitative origin of the Lat. murmur, represent- 
ing the sound of broken water, of air moving among leaves, 
or the confused voices of a multitude. Hence G. murren, to 
murmur, mutter, grumble. Sp. mormullo, murmur; mur- 
mugear, to grumble ; Fr. marmoter, to mutter, grumble. The 
most striking instance of the use of the syllable bar in the 
representation of indistinct sound, is the Greek and Lat. 
/3ap/3apo$, barbarus, which seems to have signified merely 
one whose language is not understood, as in Ovid's 
" Barbarus hie ego sum quia non intelligor ulli." 
In like manner is formed the Fr. baragouin, gibberish, jargon. 
The imitative character is evident also in the Gr. ftopfiopv^ew, 
to rumble as the bowels, whence /Bopfiopvy?), noise, rumbling, 
and avaftopftop^G), exclamo. Port, borborinha, a shouting of 
men. A simpler form is seen in Du. borrelen, to bubble or 
spring up, and in Flanders to vociferate, to make an outcry. 
Barrel, a bubble, a glass of liquor fresh poured out; bor- 
relen, to pour out, to drink; explaining A.-S. byrel, byrle, a 
butler; byrlian, to draw drink, to birl. The Sw. porla, to 
simmer, boil, murmur, wheeze, rumble, purl as a brook, is the 
same word. Lith. burbeti is said of any interrupted noise, to 
plash, to stutter, to gurgle ; burbuloti, to gurgle, to rumble ; 
burblenti, to mutter; burbulas, a water-bubble; in O.-E. 
burble. Sp. borbotar, borbollar, to boil or bubble up, of 
which the last corresponds to mormullo among the forms in 
m, while the former, as well as Fr. barboter, to boil, to dabble 
in. the mud, to mumble or mutter, correspond to marmotter. 
Sp. barbulla, a tumultuous assembly. Port, borbulhar, to bub- 
ble or boil up, to gush out. It. borboglio, a rumbling, uproar, 
quarrel ; barbugliare, to stammer, stutter, speak confusedly ; 
barbogio, stammering (comp. Sp. marmugear). In Fr. bar- 
bouiller, to jumble, confound, smear, scribble, we see the 
notion of confusion transferred from the sense of hearing to 
that of sight. 


From being thus used in the construction of words signi- 
fying a continuance of confused sound, the syllable bar has 
acquired the character of a root signifying confusion, contest, 
dispute, giving rise to It. barufia, fray, altercation, dispute; 
Prov. baralha, trouble, dispute; Port, baralhar, Sp. barajar, 
to shuffle, entangle, put to confusion, dispute, quarrel; It. 
sbaragliare, to put to rout ; Port, barafunda, Sp. barahunda, 
tumult, confusion, disorder; Port, barafustar, to strive, to 
struggle (compare Fr. tarabuster, to trouble, to teaze one) ; 
It. baratta, strife, squabble, dispute; barattare, to rout, to 
bubble or cheat, (in which sense also barare) ; also to 
exchange, chop, swap, to barter. Barratiere, a deceiver, 
cozener, cheat. The E. barretor has a somewhat different 
meaning, being applied to one who stirs up strife ; while 
barratry, agreeing with It. barateria, is when the master of 
a ship cheats the owners by embezzling their goods or run- 
ning away with their cargo (Bailey). Nor is the root con- 
fined to the Romance languages, having formed in Icel. baratta, 
strife, contest ; bardagi, battle ; and beria, to beat ; in Lith. 
barti, to scold; barnis, strife, quarrel. 

The O.-Fr. barguigner, to chaffer, bargain, or more pro- 
perly (says Cotgr.) to wrangle, haggle, brabble, in the making 
of a bargain, is formed in a similar manner to Fr. baragoin 
above-mentioned. The E. form bargane was formerly used 
in the sense of fighting, battle, contention. 

To BEHAVE, BEHOVE. It will be convenient to treat these 
two words together, though their meanings are very different. 
Behaviour is carriage, bearing, deportment, as in Lat. bene, 
male se gerere, to behave well or ill, or in the Du. gedrag, 
behaviour, from drag en, to carry. The same meaning was 
currently expressed in E. by the synonymous verb to bear : 
" Ye shall dwell here at your will, 
But your bearing be full ill." Warton. 

The element have, in behave, may either be explained as 
the Swed. hafwa, to lift, to carry, the equivalent of E. heave, 
or it may be the ordinary have, Sw. hafwa, habere ; for, in 
fact, the two words seem radically the same, and their senses 
intermingle. Thus from the former we have tucfim in seed, 


to carry corn into the barn ; hcef tig bort, take yourself off, 
begone : from the latter, hafwa bort, to take away, to turn 
one out ; hafwa fram, to bring forwards ; hafwa sig, evenire, 
to happen, to turn out; that hafwer sig w&l, that goes on 
well, behaves well. So in Lat. ita se res habuit, the business 
was conducted so, the thing happened so. 

It is this application of the verb to the sense of ' happening ' 
that seems to connect the significations of behave and behove. 
From habere is formed habitus, the deportment or condition 
of things, and elliptically a right or perfect condition. In 
the same way from Icel. hafa, to have, hafi, behaviour, habit 
[mores et gesta, Gudmund] ; then a right condition, right 
measure, right, lawful [congruentia, proportio, jus, meta, 
scopus, Haldorsen] . Hafilegr, haefr, as Lat. habilis, and Du. 
hebbelyk, fit, convenient. Thad er ecki mitt hafi, that is not 
within my competence ; thad er ecki hcefi, that is not right. 
A somewhat different form of the word is Icel. hof, Sw. hofwa, 
originally apparently habit, behaviour, then the proper con- 
dition, just measure, moderation; det er ecki mm hofwa (the 
precise counterpart of the Icel. phrase above quoted), that is 
not my (proper) behaviour, it is not for me to do so ; han's 
hofwa er at tiga, his (proper) condition, what is required of 
him is to be silent. Hence hofwas, to be fitting, to be required 
or wanted, to behove. 

In a similar manner probably has been formed A.-S. behefe, 
necessary, advantage, behoof (corresponding to Icel. Juefi, hcefa, 
congruentia, jus, fas), and behofian, to be fit, right, or neces- 
sary, to stand in need of, to behove. 

BESEEM, BETEEM. The G. has ziemen, geziemen, to be 
becoming, beseeming, seemly or decent. The original sense 
of the word must have been to fall, to happen, as in the 
O.-Swed. tima and A.-S. getimian, to happen. The Icel. has 
tilfallinn, apt, fit; and in E. to fall was used in the sense of 
being suitable : 

"It nothing/a/fo to thee, 

To make fairc semblant where thou mayest blame." R.R. 
Now the German z being equivalent to ts, ziemen corresponds 
on the one side to the Goth. gatiman, to suit, Swed. fama, Du. 


tcemen, betaemen, to be fitting; and on the other to Sw. s&ma 
decere, to beseem; samiHc, seemly, decent. To beteem is 
essentially the same word, though it has acquired an appli- 
cation in E. which has misled the commentators. 

It is very common to see words acquire a causative mean- 
ing without any modification of form, and from Du. taemen, 
betaemen, to be suitable, the word beteem was used in E. for 
to make suitable, to deem or allow to be suitable, much in 
the same way that from dignus, worthy, is formed dignari, to 
deem worthy, to deign, which is very much the sense in which 
we find beteem in our older writers : 

" Yet could he not beteem 

The shape of any other bird than eagle for to seem." 

Golding in R. 

" Although he could well have beteemed to have thanked him of 
the ease he offered, yet, loving his own handywork, modestly refused 
him." Milton. 

"So loving to my mother, 

That he might not beteem the winds of heaven 
Visit her face too roughly." Hamlet. 

Here it may perhaps be explained more directly as a causa- 
tive, from the original timan, to happen, to allow to happen, 
to permit. So in the following passages : 

" So would I said th' enchanter glad and faine 
Beteem to you this sword, you to defend." F. Q. 

vouchsafe it to you, allow it to fall to you. 

" Belike for want of rain which I could well 
Beteem them from the tempest of mine eyes." 

Mid. Night's Dream. 

which I could permit them to have, allow to fall to them, to 
vouchsafe to them. The Icel. tima is used in the same sense : 
a se impetrare (Haldorsen) : Jarl timdi aldrei at launa, the 
earl could never endure to return presents; nunquam a se 
impetrare potuit, he never beteemed a return to presents. 

BIGOT. The beginning of the thirteenth century saw the 
sudden rise and maturity of the mendicant orders of St. Francis 
and St. Dominic. These admitted into the ranks of their fol- 


lowers, besides the professed monks and nuns, a third class 
called the tertiary order or third order of penitence, consisting 
both of men and women, who, without necessarily quitting 
their secular avocations, bound themselves to a strict life and 
works of charity. The same outburst of religious feeling 
seems to have led other persons, both men and women, to 
adopt a similar course of life. They wore a similar dress, 
and went about reading the Scriptures and preaching Christian 
life; but as they subjected themselves to no regular order or 
vows of obedience, they became highly obnoxious to the hier- 
archy and underwent much obloquy and persecution. They 
adopted the grey habit of the Franciscans, and were popularly 
confounded with the third order of those friars under the 
names of Beguini, Beghardi, Beguttae, Bizocchi, Bizzocari; 
in Italian beghini, bighini, bighiotti, all of which are appa- 
rently derived from It. bigio, biso (Venet.), grey. " Bizocco" 
says an author, quoted in N. and Q. vol. ix. p. 560, " sia quasi 
bigioco o bigiotto perche i Terziari di S. Francisco si veston 
di bigio." So in France they were called les petits freres bis 
or Insets (Ducange). From bigio , grey, was formed bigello, 
the dusky hue of a dark-coloured sheep and the coarse cloth 
made from its undyed wool, and this was probably also the 
meaning of Bighino or Beguino, as well as bizocco : " E che 
P abito bigio ovver beghino era comune degli uomini di peni- 
tenza," where beghino evidently implies a description of dress 
of a similar nature to that designated by the term bigio. 
Bizzocco also is mentioned in the fragment of the history of 
Rome of the fourteenth century, in a way which shows that 
it must have signified coarse dark-coloured cloth, such as is 
used for the dress of the inferior orders, probably from biso, 
the other form of bigio. " Per te Tribuno," says one of the 
nobles to Rienzi, "fora piu coiivcnevole che portassi vesta- 
menta honeste da bizuoco che questi pomposc," translated by 
Muratori ' honesti plebeii amictus.' It must be remarked that 
bizocco also signifies rude, clownish, rustical, apparently from 
the dress of rustics being composed of bizocco. In the same 
way, bureau in Berri, according to G. Sand, is the colour of a 
brown sheep and the coarse cloth made from the undyed wool. 


Hence the O.-E. borel, coarse woollen cloth, and also un- 
learned common men. In a similar manner from biyello, 
biyhellone y a dunce, a hlockhead. From biyio would natu- 
rally be formed biyiotto, biyhiotto, and as soon as the radical 
meaning of the word was obscured, corruption would easily 
creep in, and hence the variations biyutta, beyutta 3 biyotto, 
beyhino, beyardo. 

We find Boniface VIII., in the quotations of Ducange and 
his continuators, speaking of them as 

"Nommlli viri pestiferi qui vulgariter Fraticelli seu fratres de 
paupere vita, aut Bizochi sive Bichini, vel aliis fucatis nominibus 

Matthew Paris with reference to A.D. 1243 says, 

" Eisdem temporibus quidam in Alemannia praecipue se asserentes 
religiosos in utroque sexu sed maxime in muliebri habitum religionis 
sed levem susceperunt, continentiam et vitse private voto profitentes, 
sub nullius tamen regula coarctati, necadhuc ullo claustro contenti." 

They were however by no means confined to Italy. 

" Istis ultimis temporibus hypocritalibus plurimi maxime in Italia 
et Alemannia et Provincise provincia, ubi tales Begardi et Beguini 
vocantur, nolentes jugum subire verse obedientise nee servare re- 
gulam aliquam et Ecclesia approbatam sub manu preeceptoris et ducis 
legitimi, vocati Fraticelli, alii de paupere vita, alii apostolici, aliqui 
Begardi, qui ortum in Alemannia habuerunt." Alvarus Pelagius in 

" Errores Beguinorum et Beguinarum, quorum secta detecta fuit 
circa A.D. 1315, et multi ex eis inventi sunt qui se dicunt Fratres et 
Sorores de Pcenitentia de tertio ordine S. Francisci, et fuerunt com- 
busti." Guido Carmelita in Due. 

" Secta qusedam pestifera illorum qui Beguini vulgariter appel- 
lantur, qui se fratres pauperes de tertio ordine S. Francisci commu- 
niter appellabant." Bernardus Guidonis in vita Joh. 22. 

" Capellamque seu clusam hujusmodi censibus et redditibus pro 
septem personis religiosis, Beguttis videlicet ordinis S. Augustini 
dotarint." Charter, A.D. 1518. 

"Beghardus et Beguina et Begutta sunt viri et mulieres tertii 
ordinis." Breviloquium in Due. 


They are described more at large in the acts of the council 
of Treves, A.D. 1310: 

" Item cum quidam sint laici in civitate et provincia Trevirensi, 
qui sub pretextu cujusdam religionis fictse Beghardos se appellant, 
cum tabardis et tunicis longis et longis capuciis cum ocio incedentes 
ac labores manuum detestantes conventicula inter se aliquibus tem- 
poribus faciunt, seque fingunt coram simplicibus personis expositores 
sacrarum scripturarum, nos vitam eorum qui extra religionem appro- 
batam validam mendicantes discurrunt," &c. 

" Nonnullse mulieres sive sorores Biguttse apud vulgares nuncu- 
pates absque votorum religionis emissione." Chart. 1499, Bp. of 

From the foregoing extracts it will readily be understood 
how easily the name by which these secular aspirants to 
superior holiness of life were designated, might be taken to 
express a hypocrite, false pretender to religious feeling, Tar- 
tuffe. Thus we find in It. bigotto, bizocco, a devotee, a 
hypocrite ; Piedmontese, bigot, bisoch ; Fr. bigot, in the same 
sense; Sp. bigardo, a name given to a person of religion 
leading a loose life ; bigardia, deceit, dissimulation; G. beghart, 
gleischner (Frisch), a bigot or a hypocrite, a false pretender 
to honesty or holiness (Ludwig). 

' Biff in f bigot, superstitious hypocrite 5 (Speight in Richard- 
son). In English the meaning has received a further develop- 
ment, and as persons professing extraordinary zeal for religious 
views come to attribute an overweening importance to their 
particular tenets, a bigot has come to signify a person unrea- 
sonably attached to particular opinions, and not having his 
mind open to any argument in opposition. 

To BLOAT, BLOATER. I do not believe that to puff out, to 
swell, is the primary meaning of this word, nor yet to smoke, 
as it is often explained : 

" I have more smoke in my mouth than would blote a hundred 
herrings." B. & F. in N. 

" You stink like so many bloat-herrings newly taken out of the 
chimney." B. J. 

The fact is that there are two ways of preserving herrings ; 
one intended to last for a comparatively short time, when the 


juices of the animal are allowed to remain, and it is subjected 
to a single smoking only; the other, when the process of 
drying is thoroughly carried out, and the smoking process is 
repeated three times. Fish prepared in the former way are 
properly called bloaters or blote-herrings, while those which 
have undergone the more complete process are the true red- 
herring. The name is derived from the Sw. blot, Dan. blod, 
soft, moist ; blod fisk, fresh, undried fish, opposed to tor fisk, 
cured fish. As the slightly-cured fish, as long as it remains 
fresh, is much the better of the two, the name blote-herring 
seems to have spread to all cured herrings, and the first syl- 
lable was naturally supposed to have reference to the smoking 
process as the most important part of the curing. It may 
however have arisen from the practice of soaking some kinds 
of salt fish, as cod and the like, before drying. 

From blot, soft, is formed in Sw. biota, to soak; lagga i 
blot, to put into water to soak. Sw. blot-fisk, soaked fish, 
salted fish which is soaked and plumped out in water before 
being dressed. Hence E. bloated, having a swollen unhealthy 
look, as of flesh soaked in water. 

BOOBY. The character of folly is generally represented by 
the image of one gaping and staring about, wondering at every- 
thing. Thus Fr. badaud, a fool, dolt, ass, gaping hoyden 
(Cotgr.), from badare, to gape. A gaby, a silly fellow, look- 
ing about with a vacant stare (Baker's Northamptonshire 
Gloss.), from gape ; gawney, a simpleton (ibid.), from gawn- 
ing, staring vacantly ; A.-S. ganian, to yawn. So from ba ! 
representing the sound made in opening the mouth, babaie t 
a booby, one who stares with open mouth (Hecart); baia, 
the mouth, figuratively a booby, as babaie (Hecart) ; baiou 
in the same sense. Walon. bdber, boubair, a simpleton, a 
booby. Ir. bobo \ an interjection of wonder, like Gr. /3a/3ai ! 
Sp. bobo, foolish; It. babbeo, babbano, babbaleo, babbaccio, a 
simpleton, blockhead. 

BOOR; Bown or Bound ; Husband ; Build. Boor, a peasant, 
countryman; G. bauer ; Du. bouwer, boer t from bouwen-, G. 
bauen, to till, to cultivate, to build, to inhabit. Hence also 
neigh-^owr, one who lives nigh or near ; G. nach-bar for nach 



bauer. Icel. bua ; Sw. boa, bo, to prepare, or set in order, to 
dress, to till, to inhabit. Bua til bord, to set the table. Bua vel, 
to live plentifully. From the past participle boin, prepared, 
comes E. bown, prepared, bent in a certain direction, com- 
monly corrupted into bound, as we speak of a ship f bound for 
London/ properly bown for London, bent for London; as 
Sw. far-boen, bound on a journey, ready for a journey. To 
boun in Sc. is to get ready, to prepare. 

The primitive meaning seems simply to bow or bend in a 
certain direction, the notion of ' preparing' arising out of the 
image of bending the thing in the direction it is intended to 
take. The notion of clothing arises out of that of preparation, 
dress being a necessary preparation for everything. The word 
' dress ' itself arises from the same notion, being formed from 
dirigere, to direct. Cultivation of the ground is another example 
of preparation, and from cultivating probably arises the sense 
of habitation, as Lat. incola, an inhabitant, from colere, to till. 

From the participle present, buandi, boandi, arises Icel. bondi, 
the master of the house, possessor of the farm, hus-BAND. 
Other derivatives are bo, a household; by, an inhabited 
place, a village or town, whence the termination so common 
in the names of places in Lincolnshire and other parts of 
England where the Danes had permanent settlements ; bol, a 
home, a farm; Icel. byli; O.-Sw. byle, a habitation, whence 
bylja, to raise a habitation, to BUILD. 

From bua arose a secondary form bygga in the same senses, 
giving rise to the verb to big, commonly used in the sense of 
building in Scotland and the north of England. In like 
manner we find pairs of synonymous forms in the Sw. bro, 
brygga, a bridge; so, sugga, a sow; A.-S. buan, to till, to 
inhabit, bugian, bogian, to inhabit ; O.-Fris. buwa, bowa, bogia, 
to inhabit; so to bow (or bend) takes a g in the German 
biegen, A.-S. bugan. 




1855. No. 9. 

May 25 (Annual General Meeting). 
The REV. T. OSWALD COCKAYNE in the Chair. 

The Paper read was : 
" On Greek Accentuation;" by Professor T. HEWITT KEY. 

The position which Greek scholars in this country occupy 
in reference to the accentuation of that language, appears to 
be not a little unsatisfactory. On the one hand, it is practi- 
cally considered to be a sort of high misdemeanor to print 
or write a line of Greek prose or verse without those little 
marks called acute and circumflex; on the other, the very 
persons who rigorously exact the addition of the symbols, 
quietly ignore the object for which they were invented. The 
accents live indeed for the eye, but are nonentities for the ear, 
although one might have expected that spoken language would 
have been thought entitled to priority of respect over that 
which is expressed in writing. 

One of the most recent writers on the subject in this coun- 
try was a member of this Society, whose decease we had to 
lament a few years back ; and while condemning the incon- 
sistency between the theory and practice of other English 
scholars, we are bound to admit that Mr. Pennington zealously 
contended for the adoption of a pronunciation in accordance 
with the accentual marks ; and in one respect he had a great 
advantage over the majority of writers who preceded him, in 
having witnessed with his own ears the modern habit of pro- 
nunciation on Grecian soil in familiar intercourse with natives, 



It may seem an imprudent step on the part of the present 
writer to take up a matter in which his own special studies 
give him no right of speaking with authority, and when he, 
never having visited Greece, presumes to maintain a very 
different theory. But, in the first place, it is of the essence 
of Mr. Pennington's views that he deems it a duty to unite a 
strict observation of the accentual marks and of the long and 
short syllables, although he himself informs us in as many 
words, that the modern Greeks in their pronunciation attend 
to accent alone, without any regard to quantity. Thus he 
may be called as a witness against his own cause. Now it is 
almost entirely on evidence drawn from the writings of Forster 
and Primatt, that is, on the evidence adduced by Mr. Pen- 
nington himself, that the present argument is founded. At 
any rate, a careful and repeated perusal of his Essay on the 
Pronunciation of the Greek Language*, has had for its sole 
result, a confirmation of the views which the writer expressed 
on this subject more than twenty years agof. Further, it 
may be urged in reply to any charge of intrusion within the 
domain of Greek scholars, that a looker-on often sees errors 
to which those constantly engaged on a subject become blinded 
by routine and familiarity. 

The subject of course is one of old standing, and in fact 
has been so often debated, that it may be difficult to gain 
attention to a reopening of the argument. The hope of 
attaining this object on the present occasion is chiefly founded 
on the feeling that a few pages may be enough for the state- 
ment of the essential points, which have been spread out into 
whole volumes under the pens of Forster, Gaily, Primatt, 
and our lamented member. 

The position here asserted is, that the system of accentual 
marks which appear in Greek books is an anachronism when 
applied to the writings of Homer, Aeschylus, Thucydides, 
Aristophanes, &c., as those marks were invented to denote 
the altered pronunciation of a much later date. There occurs 

* London: John Murray, Albemarle Street, 1844. 
t Journal of Education, Oct. 1, 1832. Some passages from this paper 
are here repeated. 


in Mr. Pennington's book (p. 84), a quotation from Mont- 
faucon, which with him we may readily accept as the evidence 
of a competent witness : " Haec omnia [the accentual marks] 
ante septimum saeculum a librariis neglecta prorsus videntur : 
nam codices vetustissimi quinti sextive saeculi iis prorsus 
carent : quae ante septimum saeculum, in solis grammaticorum 
libris observata fuisse videntur/' The earliest manuscripts 
are admitted to have 110 accentual marks, except perhaps the 
celebrated Alexandrian MS. of the New Testament; but here 
too the fact that accents are found only in the first page, 
seems to lead to the conclusion that they were a subsequent 

In the twelfth century all parties are agreed that Tzetzes 
wrote his iambic tetrameters catalectic in full observance of 
the pronunciation denoted by the accents and utter disregard 
of quantity, as in the line : 

'OTTOOW Svvairo \a(Belv ctce\eve 
that is, in pronunciation, something like 
'OTTQXTOV fivvdro \aftelv etce\\v 
The same principles are apparent in the writings of Constan- 
tinus Manasses, who lived about the same time : 
f O yap TOI irals rov KaWravro? apri \a(Ba>v ra 
(Tovvoaa 8e TO* J3a<n\el /3pe(f>6dev KawaravrtVo 
Sro\&) ffapel TTJV ^i/ceXwv tcara\aa/3dvi, vfjaov 
Kal vravra? TOL/? avro^eipa^ KOI rou9 
ToO ySacriXeo)? Kal Trarpo? eV8tVa)9 a 
Kat <rvv aurot? Mtft^ov rbv rervpawTj/cora, 
(quoted by Mr. Pennington in p. 295 from Mitford on the Har- 
mony of Language, ed. 1774, p. 247). In these lines, if read 
with a careful observation of the accents as marked, and an 
equally careful disregard of what we commonly consider to be 
long vowels, diphthongs, &c., a metrical result is produced which 
cannot be mistaken : and the only wonder is, how the writer 
could have persisted in such a metre through the 6733 verses 
of his Suvo-v/rt? io-Topiicr), unless it be the additional wonder 
how his readers or hearers could have survived the infliction 
of so much monotony. The metre itself was of course fami- 


liar to Aristophanes, but it is only an exceptional case that 
iii his writings we find a line where an attention to the 
marked accents is not fatal to his verse ; such as the instance 
quoted by Mr. Pennington from the Lysistrata (v. 310) : 

K.av fj,rj /caXovvToyv rou? fto^Xoi'? ^aXwo'tv al yvvai/ces. 

In the comic writers of Rome it would be perhaps easier to 
find duplicates of such a line as 

Salutant ad cenam vocant adventum gratulautur. 

But before we proceed to a detailed consideration of the facts 
upon which we would found our conclusions, let us first attend 
to some general principles which may serve to guide us. 

The rudest nation has still some perception of harmony, 
and though an uneducated ear may not be able to analyse the 
feeling which is excited, or determine any law in the causes 
which produce that effect, it is still qualified to ascertain the 
fact, whether any given combination of sound is pleasurable 
or the reverse. And it is not a very strong position to assume, 
that if in any age or any country any form uf melody has 
been highly gratifying to a considerable portion of a nation, 
that same form of melody would also be appreciated to a con- 
siderable degree by any other people of any other period. It 
is true that the ear may be so highly educated as to under- 
stand and take pleasure in a species of music that to vulgar 
ears is without meaning or beauty ; but a national taste for 
music cannot depend upon the few that are so favoured. If 
this doctrine be true, it seems to follow that in nearly all 
questions affecting the metrical laws of the Greek and Latin 
poets, one of our best guides, if not the very best, is our own 
notion of what is pleasing. On the other hand, if this prin- 
ciple be disputed, then we shall not only be deprived of every 
satisfactory criterion that can be applied, but we are con- 
fessedly engaged upon a subject that can lead to no useful 
result. If the melody of ancient verse is no longer melody 
to our ears, if its life has fled from it, we are only digging for 
a skeleton, or rather, a number of scattered bones, which if 
not actually disgusting, at least can give no feeling of plea- 
sure. But in fact the laws of melody, as of everything else 


that depends on physical causes, are the same for ever. What 
was ^ratifying to the hearers of Homeric verse would in ge- 
neral be gratifying to ourselves, if the true pronunciation were 
preserved ; and we may be perfectly sure that we have made 
but a very slight approach to that true pronunciation, until 
there results from it a melody which is pleasing to the un- 
tutored ear. For in a point of this kind more reliance may 
be placed upon the natural feeling of a clown than on the 
taste of a Hermann, which is easily deceived for the very 
reason that it is educated. 

One of the chief reasons which has impeded the correct 
solution of the problem before us, appears to be the oblivion 
of a principle which shows itself more or less actively in the 
history of every known language, viz. that time is always 
effecting changes of pronunciation. A careful reader of 
Chaucer, Shakspere, or even Milton, becomes fully aware of 
such differences, when he compares the mode of accentuation 
which their verses demand with that which now prevails. 
Even within our own memory such changes have established 
themselves, as advertisement and revenue, in place of adver- 
tisement and revenue. In Latin again, with every century 
between Ennius and Juvenal, to go no later, words exhibit 
what is called a variety of quantity. Hannibdlis and Hamil- 
cdris in the oldest heroic poem of Rome, shock one whose 
ideas of Latin pronunciation are obtained from the Asdrubale 
interempto of Horace. 'Acheruns, miliius, larua, gratiis, are 
trisyllabic words commencing with a long syllable in Plautus, 
but either lose this quantity or are reduced to disyllabic 
words "Acheruns, milvus, larva, gratis in later writers. But 
if such changes are visible in our own and in the Latin lan- 
guage, what was to be expected in the Greek language, in 
which there now exist a series of writers extending over a 
space of nearly three thousand years ? It may also be ob- 
served, that these changes are subject for the most part to 
certain general laws, the most important being a tendency to 
abbreviation of sound; and this again is but a particular 
instance of the general law, that man is always striving to 
economize his labour. Thus consonants get omitted, long 
vowels shortened, and by the contraction of short vowels, whole 


syllables disappear. Trace, for example, the five-syllable form 
mea domina through the Italian madonna, the French ma- 
dame, the English madam, down to maam, mam, mum, and 
in the pages of Dickens the still shorter form mim. To say 
that in process of time the accent of words is gradually re- 
moved farther from the end, is only another way of expressing 
the same result. But while this is the prevalent direction of 
change, there are instances that run counter to this course. 
Not unfrequently some provincial language, hitherto buried 
in obscurity, all at once by some freak of fortune obtains a 
victory over another dialect, which, spoken in the capital, had 
till then held undisputed supremacy. Such an invasion would 
probably supplant an abbreviated language by forms of broader 
and fuller sound, for it is especially in cities that men, feeling 
the* value of time, have the stronger disposition to rapidity 
of utterance. Thus in the preceding passage of Manasses, the 
word /8ao-fcXea>9, written with an c and o>, but accented on the 
penult, virtually substitutes for the Attic genitive that other 
form which belongs to the Ionic dialect, j3a<n\7)o<;. Again, 
in avro^eipa^, we have a somewhat clumsy mode of desig- 
nating what might have been more suitably expressed by 
avTov%epa<;, in the first element of which we see a genitive, 
while the %e/> with its simple vowel appears to be a more 
legitimate form than %/?. The existence of the oblique cases 
X P 0< *> X^y & Ct * s familiar to all, and if the nominative occurs 
only with a diphthong, it is because the original %e/>9 (for 
such is the form which analogy leads to) was first assimilated 
to x PP) an ^ on tne omission of one of these liquids, the vowel 
received the usual compensation. On the other hand, the 
diphthong in x L P> by a ver y natural error, led to the use of 
the same in several of the oblique cases, but not to the dative 
plural, where the presence of two following consonants made 
it more difficult to introduce a diphthongal sound*. In 

* In supposing x fl P s > & c - to h ftv e been formed from the nominative x*p 
by a false analogy, we are supposing precisely what has occurred in the past- 
perfect tense of many verbs, where -/*/, -etrf, are entitled to some long 
vowel or diphthong, as being contractions from f<ra^v, co-are, but fTfru$- 
ttrav, not having undergone any similar compression, ought not to have 
been replaced by trtrvfaitrav. 


claiming a genitival origin for the first syllables of 
we are guided partly by the sense, partly by the conviction, 
that such is the just explanation of many compound words. 
Thus He\,o7rovvrjcro<t, as a friend observes, appears to be a cor- 
ruption of ITeXoTTo? V77<ro9, where the final (7 of the genitive is 
assimilated to the following liquid. 'AXovv^tro? is another 
instance. This passage of one consonant into the other, has 
its complete parallel in the formation of certain adjectives 
from neuters in 09, as from epeftecr-* (better known in the form 
of the nom. 6/j6/5o?) comes epeftevvos-, from (fraecr-, </>aevvo9, sub- 
sequently modified to <aetvo9; and from a\jcr- } Seea- (through 
a lost a\yvvos 9 Sevvos) a\<yewos, Seivos. Thus we hold the 
German mondenlicht to have in its middle syllable a suffix of 
genitival power, and so to be more complete than our own 
moonlight, in which the suffix en probably once existed, and was 
afterwards absorbed in the preceding liquid, just as our word 
iron, used as an adjective, may have been originally pro- 
nounced iron-en, like leaden, golden, brazen-\. A case still 
more in point is the name Sevastovol (Sebastopol) for so is the 
word pronounced by Russians and Greeks and this repre- 
sents an older 2e/3a<7Tou-7roXt9. KcovcrravTwovTroXis again is 
the orthography still prevailing in modern Greek, and so jus- 
tifies the accent which we ourselves assign to Constantinople. 
In the same way agricultura by its quantity asserts the 
genitival character of the first element. 

Another instance where the shorter form of the Attic dialect 
appears to have been replaced by one broader and earlier, 
occurs in OTTOO-OV (see the line from Tzetzes). Now the Greek 
7rocro9 and ro<709 correspond in power to quantus and tantus ; 
and if the t in these Latin words had passed into an s, as we 
know historically was the case in pulsus, mersus, &c., then we 
should have had for the Latin qudsus and tdsus, for the n 
before an s would have been silent J, and the vowel by com- 

* The soft breathing is purposely omitted, as being utterly useless itself, 
besides that the omission leaves to the aspirate a more prominent character. 

t Compare the still stronger case of Oxford from Oxenford. 

J It is no doubt in this way that we are to explain the assertion of Gel- 
lius, that the i of insanus (i. e. tsanus) was long, whereas the t of inclitus 
was short. 


pensation lengthened. These would have been in agreement 
with the words TTOO-O? (TTOXTO?) and rocro? (TOXTO?) . What has 
just been said, may be compared too with the relation subsisting 
between twoa (cf. rpiaKovra) and viginti (cf. vicensumus and 
viciens or vicies). To return for a moment to avr6^ipa<; or 
avTov%6pa<; : we would add that this adjective was probably 
formed from the phrase avrov %e/w, ' with his own hand, 5 much 
as pro consuls, pro praetore, and in later times vice regis, 
pro portions, were united to form the declinable words pro- 
consul, propraetor, vicerex, proportio. 

In tracing the changes of pronunciation down a series of 
writers, we would put inquirers on their guard against what 
appears to us as a grave error. A word is often said to have 
such a quantity in epic poetry; another form they say is 
preferred by the tragedian ; and again in comedy it is laid 
down without any pretence of explanation, that a third form of 
pronunciation is prevalent. It is no doubt true that in the 
more elevated strains of poetry a fuller expression is probable 
than in the familiar and therefore shortened language of 
common life ; but the main differences we believe to be inde- 
pendent of the particular kinds of literature; and the pre- 
valent error, as we hold it to be, in this respect, we would 
attribute to the accident that certain periods are often fertile 
in some peculiar form of writing. Again, we are ready to admit 
that the fame of the Homeric writings, as also of the Attic 
tragedians, was such that they found imitators in their pecu- 
liarities, long after great changes in the spoken language had 
established themselves. But if the writings of the Alexandrian 
school, for instance those of Apollonius of Rhodes, were tho- 
roughly intelligible to any of his countrymen, it was only to 
the educated, that is, to those who were familiar with the 
Homeric and other celebrated productions of earlier times. 
Yet so deeply fixed in the minds of the Greek rhetoricians 
was the idea that the language of Homer was only the lan- 
guage of epic poetry, that poor Herodotus is charged by 
Longinus with the heinous offence of writing in a style too 
Homeric and poetical. Thus the simple-minded historian had 
even a worse fate than Moliere's Monsieur Jourdain writing 


poetry all his life without knowing it. However, when late 
writers amused themselves with composing epics or tragedies 
after the fashion of Homer, Sophocles, &c., they were not 
writing for the great public, but doing very much what is 
now done more or less well by those who contend for the 
Porson and other prizes at our Universities. Those, on the 
other hand, who wished to make themselves intelligible to the 
masses, and endeavoured to work upon their feelings, followed 
the idiom of their own day ; and their compositions, from their 
popular character, obtained the appropriate title of versus 
politici. Such were the lines above quoted from Tzetzes and 

But while language is changing in pronunciation, the im- 
perceptible and unnoticed character of the change is a reason 
why the alteration in orthography does not proceed with it 
pari passu, and thus, in perhaps all written languages, what 
is presented to the eye is in arrear of the spoken sounds. The 
words boat, meat, in our own tongue, for example, were once 
disyllables, as they still are in the mouths of many rustics 
me-at, bo-at ; but the diphthongs, if so they can be called, 
now perform the office of what is merely a long syllable. 
Again, health, stealth, breadth, bread, the preterite read, and 
the substantive lead, have two vowels as written, when on the 
ear there falls nothing but what we usually represent by a 
short e, as in red, led, &c. 

To apply this to the Greek language will, it is believed, go 
far to explain away the difficulties which have beset the present 
question. When Eucleides as archon introduced into public 
records in the year 403 B.C. the new vowel-symbols H and O, 
he no doubt did good service; but the benefit was not per- 
manent ; and were he now to come out of his grave, he would 
be surprised to find the same letters not unfrequently per- 
forming the office of the short e and o. Thus 1^77X77 and 
of oldei\ time have acquired the pronunciation 
rj and dvOpoTros, though still written with a long vowel in 
the penult, v^fr^rj and avOpwjros. 

We cannot expect any large amount of historical evidence 
as to changes in Greek pronunciation, simply because such 


changes take place for the most part without much observation 
being attracted to them, and at any rate without any written 
record of the fact. Still there are found occasional notices 
to our purpose in the grammarians and scholiasts, and, in 
addition to this, the best assistance may be obtained from 
a consideration of metrical principles. When Homer wrote 
o<t? at the end of an hexameter (II. xii. 208), he had no 
choice but to use the vowel o, as the symbol afterwards appro- 
priated to a long o had not in his day obtained currency. 
We have reason then to find fault with the carelessness 
shall we call it of those editors, who, substituting the o> in 
other passages, omitted to do so here. Again, Hermann has 
noticed that OtXev? is always trisyllabic in Homer, of two 
syllables in Euripides, and written with a single vowel I\et> ? 
in Lycophron. Another example of changed pronunciation is 
in the Greek form of the god Aesculapius. It so happened 
that in the days of Demosthenes the popular ear required that 
the word should be pronounced as an oxyton, Acr/eX^Tivo?, 
although the orator for a time persisted in what was then an 
offensive peculiarity, throwing the acute accent on the long 
vowel Acr/eXrJTrto? (see Plutarch, Lives of the Ten Orators, ed. 
Wyttenbach, iv. 390). The well-known line of Homer com- 
mencing Ape?, Ape? (II. v. 31), naturally attracted the attention 
of the grammarians, and though 'Ape?, "Ape? is the accentua- 
tion now established in editions, we learn from Eustathius 
that one of the grammarians, Ixion, thought it more correct 
to write *Ape?, 'Ape?. The words ep?7//,o?, eVot/zo?, 0/40*0?, 
a/cparos, rpoTTcuov, are repeatedly the subject of remark, as in 
Eustathius, Suidas, and the Etymologicum Magnum. These 
words, it is true, eventually had an acute accent on the 
antepenultimate, but in older writers had a circumflex we 
are told on the penult, which would agree with the pronun- 
ciation now commonly prevailing in England. Thus Suidas 
says that rpoTralov was the accentuation of the 7ra\cuoi 
h.TTiicoi, viz. Eupolis, Cratinus, Aristophanes, and Thucydidcs ; 
whereas Menander preferred TpoVaiov. Again, ep?)/xo? is more 
than once ascribed to Homer by Eustathius (pp. 258 and 748, 
ed. Basil), and also by Etym. Magn. (sub voce) ; but, says the 


latter, Trapa rot? 'ArTY/eot? TTpoTrapogvveTcu. Now how did 
Suidas know that Aristophanes pronounced rpoTraiov? above 
all, how did Eustathius know that Homer pronounced eprj^to? ? 
Assuredly it will not be contended that a statement to this 
effect had been handed down from the time of the poet by 
tradition, much less will any one have the hardihood to assert, 
that accentual marks were already affixed in the days of 
Homer. How then, we repeat, did Eustathius arrive at the 
knowledge? Common sense answers: from his own consi- 
deration of the poet's metre, precisely as Grimm makes 
similar inferences as to the pronunciation of old Teutonic 
poets from their verses. In the same way Suidas drew his 
inferences as to rpoTralov, from an actual perusal of the old 
comic poets, and no doubt extended his inference to Thucy- 
dides, from a belief that living at the same time and in the 
same city, he would naturally follow the same pronunciation. 
Thus Suidas and Eustathius at any rate cannot justly be 
included among the ancient writers on grammar to whom 
Mr. Pennington would attribute the unqualified doctrine 
that "accent and quantity are entirely distinct from each 
other" (p. 169). But if the accentual system as found in the 
pages of Homer rests solely on the authority of grammarians 
who lived many centuries after him, we also are, on the same 
principle, entitled to criticize their proceedings. Thus when 
we find OV/JLOV in the text of Sappho (Dionys. Hal. Trepi 
2vv#ecr. 23), although the common dialect required Ovpov, we 
may claim OV/JLOV for Homer also. Again, when we find the 
grammarians divided as to the accent of avrap (II. ii. 1), Cal- 
limachus making it an oxyton, others a baryton, we may 
perhaps be allowed to incline in favour of the latter for 
Homer's time. 

But besides comparing one dialect with another, or the Greek 
of one age with the Greek of another, it may be useful to ob- 
serve the way in which words were transferred from Roman 
to Grecian orthography, or the converse. Now the Latin 
comiteSy becoming a title, was written at Byzantium in the 
form Ko/jLijTes, which would never have been tolerated had the 
77 then denoted only a long vowel. On the other hand, it 


was long ago noticed by Scaliger, that Latin poets, in bor- 
rowing Greek words, adopt that metrical value which is 
implied in the accents, giving these a preference over all 
claims on the part of what would seem to be syllables long by 
nature or position. Thus Plautus (Cur cul. i. 1, 2) in adopting 
the Greek name <&aiSpa)fj,o<?, uses Phaedromus always with a 
short penult. Again, frequent reference is made in his plays 
to the Macedonian coins, in all which cases the second syl- 
lable of Philippus (^tXtTrTro?) is short (see three examples in 
a single scene of the Bacchides, iv. 8. 27, 38, and 41). Ovid 
again (Met. viii. 207), having his eye on 'H/5tWo9*, writes : 
Strictumque Orionis ensem. In the hendecasyllabics of Sido- 
nius, we find the following instances of the same principle : 
l&vpnrlSrjs : Orchestram quatit alter Euripides ; Mapcrvas : 
Marsyaeque timet manum ac rudentem ; "Aparos : Diversas 
Arato vias cucurrit. In Ausonius the accents of Tptycovos 
and rerpdycovos have led to such lines as : Per totidem partes 
trigonorum regula currit, and Fulgur tetragono aspectu vitale 
cucurrit. Lastly Prudentius invariably shortens the penults 
of idola (e&wKa] and eremus (e'p^o?), the latter word pre- 
paring us in some manner for the utter disappearance of the 
middle vowel in our own hermit. But it is unnecessary to 
produce more instances. Servius indeed, (de Accentibus), 
boldly affirms universally : Latini eundem accentum quern 
Graeci habent efferunt in Graecis nominibus. We hesitate 
however in following his authority when he asserts that Si- 
moeis (Aen. i. 100) and Periphas (Aen. ii. 476) in Virgil, are 
to be accented on the penult (SU/ioet?, Heptyas). 

But the difficulty which here stops us, Mr. Pennington would 
ascribe to a defect in our own organs, for he and many other 
scholars contend that the Greeks of olden time found it practi- 
cable to fulfil the requirements of both accent and quantity in 
words where they appear to be repugnant; for example, he asserts 
that we may pronounce av6pu>Tros with an acute accent on the 
initial syllabic, and at the same time with the long quantity 
of the penult. Thus Matthiae too observes (Trans, p. 953) : 

* It is true that Qptovos is somewhat contrary to analogy in Greek ; 
cf. Kpoj/lfcoi/of and K.povluvos t /ir/u/i>rov and fj.(fj.aoTos, 


"These two considerations [accent and quantity] must be 
combined in the pronunciation, and it is equally incorrect to 
pronounce merely according to accent, e.y. avOptoTros/'Opripos, 
as anthropos, Homer us, or merely according to quantity." 
" In German" he adds, " the pronunciation is nearly the same 
as in Greek, with accent and quantity both; " and he then 
represents with musical notes what he conceives to have been 
this pronunciation. The English editor however honestly 
observes : " Whether this musical diagram may accord with 
the inflexions of a German voice in common conversation, I 
cannot say, but we have nothing akin to it. 3 ' And indeed it 
may be strongly suspected that the author's imagination 
misled him, for we find one of his countrymen (Dr. B. 
Thiersch) in a little essay on the nature of Greek accent, 
explicitly declaring : <( Mihi quidem invenire hucusque non 
contigit qui secundum accentum pronunciantes syllabarum 
mensuram servarent." Zumpt again (Gr. 35) says : " In 
our own language accent and quantity coincide." Hermann 
lastly and Buttmann lend the sanction of their names to the 
doctrine we are controverting. 

Now, as to possibility of combining both accent and quan- 
tity, we at once answer that it is possible, but we admit no 
more. In all such questions, the only safe course is to reason 
from the known to the unknown. Now the modern Greeks, 
it is admitted on all hands, strictly observe the accentual 
marks,* but utterly disregard the power of the tj and o>, &c. 
Their authority therefore, so far as it is entitled to weight, is 
against the doctrine we are combating. But w r e need not 
tie ourselves down to the observation of any one particular 
language. Let an Englishman or a German look to that 
language with the sounds of which he is most conversant, and 
it is believed that upon trial he will find the following prin- 
ciples to be true : first, that every word has an accent, and 
secondly, that the accented syllable possesses at once three 
distinctions greater height of tone, greater volume of sound, 
and greater length of time. Again, a word may have several 
long syllables, as invented, forecastle, Eng. ; arbcitcn, ver- 
orossert, Germ. ; clamabant, dolores, Lat. ; TreiOeaOai, ypa- 


, Gr. ; but among these one will predominate and be 
heard above its neighbours, which then losing their import- 
ance, are often compelled to serve as short syllables, especially 
in those languages which, like the German and our own, 
abound with consonants, and consequently with syllables long 
by position. But Englishmen and Germans, taught by the 
necessity of the case, acquire a wonderful power of scrambling 
over the most fearful combination of consonants. The Latin 
too, compared with the Greek, stands in the same unfavour- 
able position ; thus the senarii and other metres of Terence are 
weighed down by consonants, so that they rarely bear compa- 
rison for beauty with the iambics of the Greek tragedians. 
Still it is highly probable that we pronounce many consonants 
in the Latin language which were slurred over in pronunciation 
by the natives. But this is a subject we have discussed else- 
where. We will here only observe on this head, that we find 
in the Latin language many examples of syllables which were 
once long, eventually losing such length of quantity beside an 
accented syllable. The final syllables of clamat, damabat, 
are known to have been originally long, in agreement with 
the power of the same vowel in the other persons of the same 
tenses, clamds, clamamus, &c., and with the passive forms 
deduced from them, clamdtur, clamabdtur. Scripserunt again 
was soon reduced to scripsere. And on the other hand, the 
initial syllables appear to have suffered from a similar cause 
in molestus, curulis, ofella, mamilla, lucerna, profecto (adv.), 
these words being closely akin to moles, currus, offa, mamma, 
lux lucis, pro facto. 

But our opponents throw in our teeth such words as 0-7 pa- 
roTreSov, aya6o$, epi$, familia, aperit, facit, cano, honesty, &c., 
and defy us to accentuate them without doing violence to our 
own principles. In replying to this challenge, we would first 
notice, that in accentuating the first syllable of honesty, 
although from the shortness of the vowel and the presence of 
but a single consonant, we require but little time for the pro- 
nunciation of hon, yet after the effort we cither pause awhilr, 
or what in this case is equivalent, dwell upon the nasal liquid. 
We have taken the word honesty because it happens to be the 


word selected as a test by Mr. Pennington. Had he pro- 
posed the word faculty, then the syllable fac taking up as 
short * a time as any syllable well can, our practice is to eke 
out the time which the importance of the syllable demands by 
a mere pause. Nor are we arguing any new point in saying 
that the presence of an acute accent has a natural tendency to 
lengthen a syllable. We will not appeal to the scholiast (see 
Primatt, p. 69), be he Longinus or otherwise, whose note on 
Hephaestion begins with a statement most suited to our purpose, 
for we admit that the extravagance of what follows wholly 
destroys the authority of the witness. Already the words r}<? 
of eta? fjiriicvvovaris TO 5, as used by him, would be more satisfac- 
tory if not applied to the special case of ocj)i,<; in Homer; but when 
we find our witness contending that the presence of an acute in 
one syllable has the power of lengthening either a preceding or 
following syllable, we feel that he is wanting in one of the first 
requisites for the character of a witness, common sense. But 
it will not be out of place to quote from Primatt' s work the 
authority of Dionysius Thrax (p. 71) : rovo? Trpo? bv aSofj,ev KOI 
TTJV (frcovrjv evpvTepavrroiov^ev; of Hermogenes (p. 76) : TOVTO 
yap ecrTW rj rdo-is, TO aTTOTeTaaOai eVt- fjua/cpoTepov T) %pr) 
TO TTvev/jLo, ; and of Hesychius (Pref. p. xv.), where he interprets 
eTTiTewai by fjueyaXvi/at,, naicpvvai, and eVtretVerat by eVt T&> 
OVTL TrXeovafet, rj av%ei, r) et? CTriSoaw dyeTai. Dionysius 
too of Halicarnassus (ibid. p. 146), gives a practical sanc- 
tion to the doctrine that accent carries with it lengthened 
time, when, commenting on the passage of Thucydides 'fl? 
ica\ov eVt rot? e/c rcov Tro\e^wv 6 'O-TTT o yu-evot? ayopevecrOcu avTov 
he says, ap^eTat JJLGV CLTTO TOV fcprjTiKov 77-0809 : for if 'H? 
/caXov before eTrt is to be a cretic, the last syllable of icaXov 
must of course be long. Then as regards the Greek and 
Latin words just enumerated, there is reason for believing 
that in many instances they were curtailed in pronunciation 
by one of their syllables. Hermann, in some measure fol- 

* Mr. Pennington seems to have thought that it takes a longer time to 
utter a syllable such as fac than fa without a final consonant. His eye 
seems here to have deceived him ; for a mute final consonant after a vowel 
is no sound, only the stoppage of a sound. 



lowing the footsteps of Bentley, has shown for Plautns and 
Terence that such words as miseria, familia, are to be pro- 
nounced much as mis'ria, fdm'lia ; and thus we get over two 
difficulties at once, for the accent falls on what is virtually a 
long syllable, long by position ; and we are no longer violating 
the rule which limits the position of an accent to one of the last 
three syllables, as the syllable receiving the accent is virtually 
" an antepenult. Further, the principle practically exemplifies 
the oft-repeated doctrine that one long equals two short syl- 
lables. What we have said of the Latin word familia, &c., is 
also applicable in no slight degree to the Greek words of like 
form. Although a-rparoire^ov and words of the same metrical 
power might occupy any place in a Greek trimeter iambic, 
if we are only to obey those laws which define the feet admis- 
sible in each place, yet practically it is far otherwise, for the 
word is only admissible where the pronunciation o-T/oarVeSov* 
falls in with the requirements of the verse, that is, the syl- 
lables (TTpdrTre must always occupy the position of a trochee. 
And this law, though rarely noticed in our metrical treatises, 
was well known to Hermann, who has specially commented 

* We do not consider the position of such a word at the outset of a 
trimeter as violating the principle, for Greek iambics agreed with our own 
in the occasional admission of what was virtually a trochee in this place. 
As we, for example, in a series of iambic lines readily admit a verse which 
has an accent on the first syllable, e. g. ' Breathes there a man with soul 
so dead/ and ' This is my own, my native land ' ; so also in Terence there 
abound such lines as * Sic me Di amabunt ut me tuarum miseritumst/ &c. 
(Haut. iii. 1, 54) ; * I'd sibi negoti credidit solum dari ' (Andr. prol. 2) ; * De- 
hinc ut quiescant porro moneo et desinant' (ib. 22). But they are also of fre- 
quent occurrence in the Greek tragedians. We cannot have more distinct 
examples than the iambic senarii beginning with ILapdcvoiraios (Sept. ad 
Theb. 553) ; 'ITVTTO^OVTOS (ib. 484) ; AX$eo-i/3oiai> (Soph, fragm.). But if it 
be objected that here a licence was excusable in favour of proper names, we 
appeal to such a line as n TTOTC ircrrovOas ; OVK tpfis, aXX' a>8 ecr, Soph. 
Phil. 740, for TL TTOTC is only another way of writing what Homer puts in 
the shape rnrrf. So again in the same play rlnrf 914, t\fre 789, airobos 
932 and 981, a^iAoi/ 1018, dfare 1054, "EXevos 606, 86\ios 608, n&ayog 
636, all of which closely approach to trochees. We would claim too, as 
of the same character, Aor pot o-eavrov' Kara rov \ourov xpovov 84, and lines 
beginning fv vvv 1240, ira>s ovv 110, <rv ptv 123. 


on a violation of the principle in the Philoctetes in the case 
of 7roXe/uo?* (v. 1307). Similarly we hold that aperit is 
often to be pronounced ap'rit (compare the Italian aprire, 
Fr. ouvrir), and ayaOos as dyOos. Of the shorter words 6/3*9, 
facity cano, something will be said below. 

We have just said that every word has an accent, but in 
so doing we did not forget the important family of particles 
called enclitics, or those to which Hermann has given the not 
well-invented name proclitics. The fact is, that inquiries of 
this nature are much damaged for want of a precise definition 
of the term ' word/ Instead of leaving our printers to supply 
the definition for us by inclosing what they are pleased to 
consider a word between two little spaces of white paper, let 
us rather define what we mean by referring, not to printed 
matter, but to articulate sound. We hold then a word to be 
so much of discourse as is clustered round one accented syl- 
lable, and divided by a short pause at either end. Thus an 
enclitic goes to form a word with what precedes it, a proclitic 
with what follows it ; and under these terms we would include 
many particles not commonly classed with them. Hence in 
Greek we would claim as enclitics all those particles to which 
the first place in a sentence is denied, as fj,ev, yap, e, and for 
this, in despite of our grammars, we have the authority of 
Choeroboscus (see Hermann de emend, rat. Gr. Gr. p. 77). 
Many a line in Greek poetry will be found much improved by 
such treatment of these particles. Again, we would include not 
merely what falls under the last-named condition, but also 
those words, which, commonly entitled to the first place, 
occasionally surrender the privilege to some important word. 
Thus, for example, the conjunctions ut, si, quam, &c., when 
postponed, are to be treated, we think, as enclitics; and 
especial attention is due to the weakened power of the relative 
under like circumstances. Hence Bentley, we cannot but 
think, would have done better in the introduction to his 
Terentian Metres, had he marked the last half of Virgil's line 

* arvyeis TToXep-tov dvapevrj ff f)yovp.cvos, where his note is : Observa 
Tro\ep.iov, ictu numeri in secundam, non, ut in antiqua tragoedia solebat, in 
primam incidente. 



Troiae-qui primus ab-6ris. This position of the relative at 
the end of the fourth foot is very common in Virgil, and we 
doubt whether there are many such lines in which it fails to 
occupy the humble character of an enclitic, and so to add 
weight to the word to which it is appended. In ingens-cui 
lumen ademptum, for example, it has been long ago observed 
that ing ens* has no connection with monstrum. In the Ger- 
man language, as contrasted with our own, it is soon noticed 
by the learner that the reflexive sick often tries to hide itself 
as it were after the first emphatic word in a clause. So se 
and other pronouns in Latin, when supporting, as they often 
do, a subordinate part, take post behind some important word, 
especially behind the first word in a clause, as Ilia se jdctet 
in-aula Aeolus, Multum ille et terris jactdtus et alto. Nay, 
even a substantive so placed should often be attached to the 
preceding word, and so slurred over in pronunciation as to 
have no accent, as dea in the passage Hie illius arma, Hie 
cumis fuit, hoc regnum-dea gentibus esse. Further, it is a 
common remark in the Greek grammarians, that a preposition 
placed after its noun is liable to a change of accentuation. 
Probably the right view is to attach it to that noun as an 
enclitic, as in Latin Et soror et conjunx, una-cum gente tot 
annos; and a little below magno-cum murmure montes. 
But if it seem a bold step to treat the relative and other 
pronouns as well as substantives as not very rarely enclitics 
in poetry, what will be thought of our daring, when we ven- 
ture to claim the verb itself as occasionally so degraded both in 
verse and prose ? Dr. Carey, in his ' Latin Prosody made Easy/ 
proposes that in the line Caeruleo per summa levis volat 
aequora curru, the verb volat should be pronounced in imme- 
diate connection with levis, ' levis-volat.' To this proposition 
we give a cordial assent. Indeed whenever a Latin verb leaves 
what is, so to say, its natural position at the end of its clause, 
it does so either on account of its own emphasis, in which 

* Thus the line should be printed : Monstrum, horrendum, informe, 
inge'ns cu'i lumen ademptum. Ingens is again applied to the eye a few 
lines below, and though the organ was gone, it was well to speak of the 
vast cavern which had once held it. 


case it seizes the first place in the same clause, or else because 
it is unimportant in itself and so sneaks into some corner 
behind an emphatic word. And this is a matter which seems 
to admit of explanation from first principles. As the verb in 
the logical view of a sentence commonly constitutes an im- 
portant part of the predicate, so it has a natural tendency to 
combine closely with any leading element of the same pre- 
dicate, and so lend it importance. Thus the very line of 
Virgil which Mr. Pennington selects as irreconcileable with 
the doctrine that accent and quantity are compatible, we are 
willing to accept at his hands, for we would read it thus : 
Quadrupedante putrem sonitii-quatit ungula campum. The 
words quadrupedante sonitu contain the most important part 
of the predicate, and accordingly they become prominent, the 
one by occupying the place of honour at the commencement of 
the line, the other by preceding the verb and having it attached 
to it. Thus volat and quatit having in these lines no accents on 
themselves may in some sort be entitled enclitics. Examples of 
what is here said we hold to be abundant in Latin poetry, as 
Cte/sa-sedet Aeolus arce, crebris-rmc&t ignibus aether, rapidus- 
vorat aequore vortex, oo-videt aequore classem. At other times, 
although the verb may have an accent of its own, yet still combi- 
ning with the preceding word, it often affects the accent of that 
word. Thus in the same book we have (v. 134), Tantas-audetis 
tollere moles? where the very peculiarity of the accent oftantds, 
as in celsdj crebris, rapidus, toto, throws an emphasis upon it. 
We believe it was Hermann who first drew special attention 
to the principle which accounted for the non-accentuation of 
such Greek words as 6, 17, ov, ev, e/c, i and o>9, viz. that they 
are to be pronounced with the word following. But we are 
tempted to enlarge the number. Quintilian tells us for 
example that in Latin circum littora was pronounced with 
but one accent, and undoubtedly there is so close a connection 
between preposition and noun, that they may be well regarded 
as constituting but a single word. Thus, in our own lan- 
guage, against him, before us, behind me, however written or 
printed, are pronounced together ; and it is hence perhaps that 
our disyllabic prepositions have the accent on the last syllable, 


contrary to the general habit of our own, as of every other 
language, with other words. So also in Latin, inter-nos, inter- 
se must invariably be pronounced in verse as here written, if 
we value the metre ; and therefore no doubt also in prose. 
Perhaps then we have here the true key to the fact that 
Greek disyllabic prepositions are commonly accented on the 
final syllable. Nay, in the fragment of Herodian published 
by Hermann (p. 309), we find part of a line quoted from Cal- 
limachus, where Trapa seems to have the last syllable long, 
Trapa TWOS ijpiov tVrare TOVTO ; and indeed Trapai is only Trapa 
so lengthened. 

When we said above that every word has its accent, we 
purposely expressed the proposition with unqualified gene- 
rality, under the feeling that proclitics and enclitics are not 
themselves words. It must have been in the same sense that 
Diomedes, de Accentii (lib. 2), says : Ut nulla vox sine vocali, 
item sine accentu nulla est. 

In some of the preceding remarks we have assumed that 
the Latin language was not without oxytons, and have even 
ventured to affix an acute accent in one passage to the final 
syllable of putrem, but we are ready to admit that the final 
syllable of this word, as also the final o in arma virumque 
canOf were not pronounced with a well-marked acute, for they 
terminate the first portion of the hexameter, where there is a 
sort of pause. But this it will be said is a direct defiance of 
the authority of Quintilian. This is true, for he says most 
distinctly : Est autem in omni voce utique acuta, sed nun- 
quam plus una : nee ultima umquam : ideoque in disyllabis 
prior. But at any rate he admits, a few lines above, that 
quidam eruditi, nonnulli etiam grammatici insisted on giving 
an acute to the last syllable of some words, and if they are 
said to have limited this privilege for the most part to adverbs 
and pronouns, the qualification ' for the most part' (adverbiis 
fere solis, &c.), is of some service to us. Besides, it has been 
observed by others (Camerarius and Primatt) that Quintiliau 
was in the habit of limiting his rules somewhat unduly by 
reference to the particular cases before him. Thus, after saying 
that the Latin grammarians Olympo et tyranno acutam mediam 


syllabam dederunt, he adds the reason: quia duabus longis 
sequentibus primam brevem acui noster sermo non patitur. 
Now we have here one if not two inaccuracies. The rules 
he himself has laid down a few lines above, tell us distinctly 
that the quantity of the last syllable is no element in the 
question of Latin accent, all depending on whether the penult 
syllable be long ; and for a similar reason the words primam 
brevem have no application. But, as his commentators ob- 
serve, he was improperly led to introduce these additional 
qualifications, because he happened to have the words tyranno 
and " Olympo before him. His language, to be correct, ought 
to have included such forms as seducit. Probably then his 
mind, in dealing with the accents of verbs, had before it the 
infinitive mood, and then undoubtedly amdre, monere, regere 
(pronounced perhaps rehre, comp. the French lire from leg ere], 
and audire, would fall in with the laws of accent as laid 
down by him. Nay, we find it asserted by Zumpt, that Mae- 
cenas and other words in as, whose genitive is similarly formed, 
had an acute on the final ; but, not able at the moment to 
find his authority, we are afraid to rely on such evidence. On 
the other hand, it is admitted that the metres of Plautus and 
Terence were guided by accent alone ; and if so, their pages 
furnish abundant examples of disyllabic words, which, having a 
short penult, accentuate the final, as volo, putd, par 6, sitds, velis, 
in the first seven lines of the first scene of the Andria ; and if 
it be objected that these words occur all of them at the end of a 
line, so as to suggest that some peculiarity of pronunciation 
belonged to the close of a Latin senarius, we will point to 
examples in the same scene where there is no such limitation, 
as metus v. 2, canes v. 30, amdns v. 49, bond v. 92, rogo v. 
97, morae v. 139. And further be it observed on the other 
hand, that not a single instance occurs of words so formed 
having the accent on the penult. Such a fact we regard as 
infinitely outweighing the authority of a single passage in 
Quintilian. Perhaps too Quintilian, relying on his ear, 
may have thought of words like bonus, tibi, male, as mono- 
syllables bon, ti, mal for such we believe they generally 
were in common discourse, a question we have discussed at 
length elsewhere. 


But we find what we believe to be another powerful argu- 
ment in the fact, that ancient writers themselves, Greek and 
Latin, did not draw that broad line between quantity and 
accent which modern writers assert in their behalf. We have 
already made references to passages which go far to prove 
this. But we have some little matter to add. In the first place, 
prosody and accent are two words which are precise trans- 
lations one of the other. Again, Priscian in his treatise ' De 
Accentibus/ after giving the rules for what our existing 
grammars call the quantity of substantives and adjectives, 
says : Regulis accentuum nominis expositis, tractandus est 
accentus qui in verbis consideratus certis definiendus est 
regulis; and then he proceeds to give the quantity of the 
different parts of the Latin verb. Thus Roman writers, where 
the sole object is to define the quantity of this or that syllable, 
often, like ourselves, apply the terms of accentual language. 
Quintilian, for example, in dealing with the Virgilian line 
ending pecudes pictaeque volucres, has the words Evenit ut 

metri quoque conditio mutet accentum Nam volucres 

media acuta legam : quia etsi natura brevis, tamen positione 
longa est, ne faciat iambum quern non recipit versus heroicus. 
Gellius also says, iv. 7 : Valerius Probus Grammaticus. . . . 
Hannibalem et Hasdrubalem et Hamilcarem ita pronuiitiavit 
ut paenultimam circumflecteret, and this on the authority of 
Piautus and Ennius, from the latter of whom he quotes the 
line (apparently wanting some syllable, as hi, at the beginning) : 
qui propter Hannibalis copias considerant ; and secondly, 
vii. 7, Annianus poeta .... affatim, ut admodum, prima acuta, 
non media pronuntiabat ; atque ita veteres locutos censebat. 
Itaque se audiente Probum Grammaticum hos versus in 

Plauti Cistellaria, legisse dicit Aliorum est affatim qui 

faciant. Sane ego, &c. ; causamque esse huic accentui dicebat 
quod, &c. We are aware that our opponents will tell us that 
to define the accents of the words is in these instances from 
Quintilian and Gellius indirectly to define the quantities of 
the penults. Be it so; but this reminds us that we have yet 
to ask them a question, the solution of which on their theory 
M vi i is never to have been attempted. If accent be so utterly 
different from quantity, if it denote solely the height of the 


note without any reference to its duration, how is it that the 
position of the accent in a word is in any way dependent on 
the quantity of the syllables which compose the word ? 

How far the preceding arguments have succeeded in esta- 
blishing the point that the system of Greek accentuation, as 
taught in our grammars and practised in printed books, is 
not applicable to the writings of the Greek poets or prose 
writers from Homer down to Aristophanes, if not lower, is a 
matter about which others must form a judgement. It may 
be useful however to protest against some arguments which 
have been produced to encourage the study of the existing 
system. Porson, for one, dwells on the advantage which they 
offer for distinguishing words of like form in other respects. 
To this Mr. Peimmgton himself has replied, in a manner we 
think unanswerable : " As to the use of them in distin- 
guishing words which are written alike, these are few, and 
there can be no need to encumber with marks all the rest of 
the book : nay, the very fact of our observing a mark upon 
those words alone which require it, would better direct our 
minds towards their true meaning in those very few passages 
where it does not necessarily result from the context." A 
second argument which we have heard in its favour, is that 
they constitute an important aid towards distinctions in 
grammatical formations; for example, when we know that 
eX?rt9 and ^Xa/w are oxytons, we may also fix upon our 
memory that their accusatives must be formed in a, e\7ri&a, 
X\afjLv$a, whereas e/w and opvis, though forming two accu- 
satives, give a decided preference to epiv and bpvw over eptSa 
and opviOa. But how are we to recollect that eXTrt? and 
XXa//,i>9 are oxytons ? Surely there can be no gain here for 
the memory, for it is a task of precisely the same severity to 
remember at once which substantives of this declension form 
their accusatives in a, and to remember which have an acute 
on the final of the nominative' 34 '. Buttmann however puts for- 

* It has been contended however, that the accented pronunciation of 
the final syllable of f\7ris may be the very reason why the 8 was retained 
in the accusative. This, if true, has its value ; but as a mere menwria 
technica the principle is worthless. 


ward another claim in behalf of accents. In his Grammar 
(11. 8. Ann. 7), he says: "It will be at once seen how the 
beginner who uses accurate editions may, by the help of 
accents, learn the quantity of many syllables ; " and why can 
he do so ? simply because the quantity to a certain degree 
determines the accent, so that here again we have a sort of 
reasoning in a circle. At any rate, it would be a much more 
-simple, and incomparably a much more effective way of at- 
taining the object, at once to mark the quantity of all the 
doubtful vowels. 

A recapitulation of our arguments might be of service, but 
want of space forbids this. We may however observe, that in 
our argument we have throughout given the same idea to the 
word accent, and have endeavoured to explain metrical laws 
on one consistent principle ; and moreover that we have used 
the term accent always in that simple sense which an English- 
man adopts in speaking of his own language. All again admit 
that the modern Greek employs the system of accentual 
marks in the sense for which we contend, and we have seen 
in the Roman comedians that accent was the governing prin- 
ciple of all their metres. Further, we have seen, that so early 
as Plaut us, and so late as Prudentius, it was the practice, in 
borrowing a Greek word, to take it with the pronunciation 
which the accent denoted. Thus we contend for one uniform 
principle of accentuation, as governing pronunciation, subject 



'ireas TTOT* e/cu$t<re KOI yotpots f6pr)V(C 

'H ycirav TTJS ntpiO'Tfpa TO ainov TOV irovov 
TTJI/ tpwTq, KOI Start Kpovvovs SaKpvav \vv(i ; 


of course to what is a law of all languages, that individual 
words from time to time modify their accent, and that ortho- 
graphy is too often in arrear of orthoepy. Our opponents, on 
the other hand, have constantly to shift their ground. Accent 
in Homer and Sophocles, according to them, means some- 
thing very different, not only from accent in English and 
Latin, but from accent in modern Greek. Another problem, 
which must cause them we fear no little trouble, is to explain 
away the fact, that the grammarians of Greece and Rome are 
constantly employing the terms which belong to the category 
of accent in speaking of what is vulgarly called quantity. 
Lastly, we must again remind them of the fact with which we 
set out, that their own habit of practically ignoring the very 
marks on which they set so high a value is a standing evidence 
against their theory. 

As a specimen of modern Greek poetry, we give the follow- 
ing from a periodical*, where we recommend to special notice 
the short penults of eptora, /cvvrjycov, OprjveZs, rjyaTrrjo-a, 
avoifyv, epao-TOV, <yen6vicro-a, dyava/CTeis, yvcopi&v, 
ptyao-a, e/juefjL(f>ovTo, &c. ; and no less the long penults of Irea?, 
Saicpvcov, 0ea, (f)L\rdrrj 9 evXoya)?, ryeirovcw, TWOS, //,e<yaA/?7v, 
dSiKcos, avyd-fjbov ; and the long finals of (7K\'rjpd, Kaupov, //,e. 
The fact of the verses being in rhyme is partly obscured to 
those who are not aware that the vowels i, rj, v, and the 
diphthong e^, have all of them now the sound of ee in our 
word feet. 

Fable of the Russian Poet Krilloff. 

Th' unsettled one, the cuckoo's mate, had perched herself one morning 
Upon a branch of a willow tree, and mournfully was wailing ; 
A neighbour bird, the turtle-dove, the cause of all this trouble 
In pity asks, and why the springs of tears she sends a-gushing. 

ET02 B'. 1848 *EBPOYAPI02. 'API0. 8. EN SYPGt. 


Xvrreto'at ; 
Tot) fpacTTOV crov p.r} Oprjvf'is terms rr)V drrtOTtav ; 

rjv riva T>V Kvvrjywv </>o/3etcrat ; 
"H fj,rj7ra)S TrepieTreo-es 1 fls TTJV o~K\rjpav ^rjpeiav ; 

*O\i ! 7roXi> (TK\rjp6Tepoi TTOVOI p. Tvpavvov(ri ! 

Tyv avoiiv rjydirija-a, Kal p-f}Trjp fl\ov yeivei, 
HXrjit TO. (TK\r)pa ra TfKj/a p.ov p.e (pevyovv, pe 

Toi/ Qavarov fm6vp,a> ! 6 Koo-pos pe fiapvvei ! 

"Orav rpiyvpw 6fa>pS> irovXaKla. aXXa vea * 

Na KpvnTwvT els ras irrepvyas rr/s evrvxovs firjrpos ra>v, 
Me Kara^aivei rrjv ^ni^v TJ rpvfpcpd rtoi/ 6ea, 

Kal eK TOV (pOovov r^fco/iai r' d6<oov epcords TG>V ! 

Ravels op.a>s 8ev ywbpifev e^ oXa>i/ TW 
O(/re TTWS *X fts ^^Xeav, ovre Trois fj.r)Tr) 

K.0\ 7TOV TTjV <Tl<TfS J CIS TiVOS bevdpOV K\OVOV ; 

Kal TOV Kaipbv ore ycvvovv, o~v /LidXtora TrXai^rts, 

K' 17 icapaK.da f) y\(oo~crov ) K^ 6 (p\vapos o~iropyiTr)s * 
TJV Too-rjv o~ov papiav Kal 

Aez> flfjLai TOO-' dvorjTOS Std v' a7ro(pao-io-a> 
T' avdos TTJS f)\ucias pov d&iKas va 

Atd va KTifco ^)coXedy, /c* eKe! dfa 
'A.K.ivr)Tos GMTO.V vfKpa, T avyd /iov 

Ge'Xovo-a Se r^s p.rjTpiK^s (TTOp-yrjs va 

To ej/ avyov p,ov ycvvrjo-a fls (po)\fdv o-nopyiTov, 

'ETTiTT^Seicos ptyaara TO IdiKov TOV ea>, 

Kai T* aXXo els TTJV (pwXeav y\avKOS T^s dvofjTOV. 

A.OIITOV, Xey* 17 rrepKTTfpa, d<pov ToiavTrj eto-at, 
AiKat'coj /cat TO re'/ci/a O-QU o-e x (pevyovv, ve /uto-ouo-f 

OiJr' ex* 4 ? & SiKai'wfia /tav p-fjTtjp va KaX^o-ai. 

K' at XuTrat o-ov TO o-TrXdy^va /zov ets OIKTOV dev Kivovffi. 

* The inverted t with a circumflex below it, as found in these lines, is 
the modern symbol of the sound y, as heard in yes. 


D. Is it, fair neighbour, that thou 'rt grieved for spring so quickly flitting ? 
Or dost lament perchance the guilt of some unfaithful lover ? 
Or hast thou cause to tremble at a sportsman's machinations ? 
Or into wretched widowhood, that worst of griefs, art fallen ? 

C. No, no, kind friend, distresses much more horrible oppress me, 
The spring-tide I like others loved, I too have been a mother ; 

But now my wicked children, oh ! they shun my sight, they hate me ; 
I long for death, I long for death, the world to me 's a burden. 

Whenever looking round I cast my eye on other pullets, 
As into a happy mother's wings so lovingly they hide them, 
The sight of all that tenderness, it rends my heart to pieces. 
I pine away for envy of their innocent affection. 

D. Reason indeed thou hast, my dear, for broken-hearted sorrow ; 
And yet not one among us knew, not one of all thy neighbours, 

Or how thou didst possess a nest, or how thou wert a mother. [chosen ? 
When didst thou build that nest, and where ? what tree, what branch was 

And when the rest were breeding, thou, engaged in nought but gadding, 
Didst whirl about, bereft of care, an idle bird of pleasure ; 
And e'en the magpie-chatterer, and e'en the prattling sparrow 
Cried, Fie on such a silly life, on such unthrifty doings ! 

C. Pooh ! pooh ! I'm not the dolt you think, to pass on myself the sentence, 
That for my sins the bloom of youth must droop and wither idly ; 

That I must build a nest and then sit in that nest a-moping, 
Still as a corpse, and all to keep two or three eggs from chilling. 

But wishing still t' enjoy a share of a mother's kindly feelings, 
One of my eggs within the nest of a heedless sparrow dropping, 
I cleverly threw out an egg of hers to make it even. 
A second egg that wiseacre the owl had taken charge of. 

D. Enough, enough ! exclaims the dove, since such thine own behaviour, 
Truly have e'en thy children cause to shun thee and to hate thee ; 

Nor canst thou justly claim to be so much as call'd a mother. 
Such griefs as thine will never move my bowels to compassion. 

The Meeting was adjourned till the 8th of June. 




1855. No. 10. 

June 8. 
Professor T. HEWITT KEY in the Chair. 

Adjourned General Annual Meeting. 

At the suggestion of the Council, a few alterations were 
made in the Rules of the Society, bringing them into accord- 
ance with the method of carrying on the Society's business 
found most convenient in practice. 

The following Paper was read 

" On the Uncontracted Form of the Genitive Case Singular 
of Greek Nouns of the Second Declension;" by 
Professor MALDEN. 

It is acknowledged in theory, that in nouns of the second 
declension, that is, in nouns of which the nominative case 
singular ends in 05 or ov, and the stem of which ends in o, the 
suffix of the genitive case singular is o ; and that the ordinary 
termination of the genitive, ou, results from the contraction 
of the o of the stem with the o of the suffix : that 0eoO, for 
example, is contracted from Oeb-o, \6yov from \6yo-o. In 
the old epic genitives in oio, in which the final o of the stem 
is lengthened by the addition of i, the o of the suffix appears 
as a separate syllable, as in Oeol -o, 7roXe/*ot-o ; in the genitive 
proper names ITerew-o (II. A, 337, &c.), and Hr)ve\eco-o (H. 
489), from stems in which the final vowel is made CD in all 


the cases ; and likewise in the analogous forms of the genitive 
in the first declension, in which the final a of the stem 
becomes long, such as 'Arpe&a-o. But there are many 
passages in Homer which appear to me to require that the o 
of the suffix should remain as a separate syllable, even though 
the final vowel of the stem is short ; and that we should admit 
the existence of genitives in o-o and restore them to our text. 
In the two passages which I will adduce first, the vulgar 
text retains a vestige of the true form. In B. 325, we read, 
roB' efave repas //,ey<z p^riera Zev$, 
^ireKeo-roV) oov /c\eo<i ovrror o\eircu : 

and in Odyss. a. 70 : 

avriOeov Tio\v<f>r)/jLOVy oov /cpdros earl p&yiGrov. 

Now oov for ov is a form not sanctioned by analogy ; and I 
believe that we ought to read 60, the final o in each case 
being lengthened by the two consonants beginning the next 

There is a large number of passages in which I would apply 
my proposed correction, in all of which we have the same 
phenomenon, though in different forms, viz. nouns or ad- 
jectives, which in other cases have the penultimate short, 
appearing in the genitive case, and in the genitive case only, 
with the penultimate long. Thus in II. O. 66, <. 104, and 
X. 6, we have lines beginning with 'IXtW rrporrdpoi6e : the 
last passage is 

*I\lov rrporrdpoiOe, 7rv\do)v re 2<Kaida)v. 

The name elsewhere is always "IXfo? ; and I believe we ought 
to read 'IXtoo rrporrdpoiOe. 

In X. 313, the genitive of the adjective aypios appears as 

dyplov : 

'A^A,6i>9, //,eveo<? 5' e/jLTrXtjcraro Ov^ov 
rrp6o-0ev Se &dico<s crrepvoio /cd\v\jre. 

I would read dyptoo, the final o being lengthened by the two 
consonants of the following word. 

In O. 554, we have ov&e vv a-oi rrep 

evrperrerai <f>L\ov rjrop, dve-fyiov 


the nouii elsewhere is always avetylbs ; and here we ought to 
read dve^Loo fcrafjuevoto. 

In like manner, in E. 21, we have 

ovS 1 erX?; 7T6pi,f3r)vai, dSeXfaiov KTa 
and in Z. 61, H. 120, and N. 788, we have 

Now the noun is aSeX<eo9 ; and no doubt it may be said that 
e is lengthened into et, by the ordinary Ionic change, as 
^/3ucr09 becomes %pvaio$, and it would be hard to show why 
this should not be. But in fact we find in Homer aSeXc/>eo9 
and aSeX<eov and aSeXfaol in sixteen passages; and in no 
case do we find the penultimate lengthened except in the 
genitive singular. We do not find aSeXc^etwv, aSeX<etot9, 
aSe\<f>iovs, forms which might seem to be convenient for the 
verse. Hence I conclude that neither in the genitive case 
is the e lengthened, but that the true Homeric form was 
tt8eX</>eoo ; aSeXt^eoo KTa/juevoio ; o-SeXc^eoo (f)peva$ ijpws. 
In B. 731 we read 

TWJ> avO 1 r)yel(70r)v ' Ao-KXrjTrtov Svo TralSe. 
The healing hero elsewhere is 'Acr/cXT/Trto?, with the iota short, 
even in the genitive case ; as in 

A. 194, </>WT', ' Aa-K\r)7TLov vlov 
and, A. 518, ftalv 'Acr/cX^TTtoi) vlos d/j,vfj,ovo<; li 

In B. 731, therefore, I think that we ought to read 
'AoveX^Trtoo Suo TralSe. The final syllable is lengthened by its 
coincidence with the ictus of the verse (by ctesura, according 
to the language of the old prosodies) ; but in this there is no 
difficulty, as two short syllables precede it. 

In II. I. 440, N. 358, 635, O. 670, 2. 242, <. 294, and Od. 
<r. 264, a). 542, we have lines ending with the words opouov 
TToXeyu-ow), with the penultimate of opouov long. Now it 
would be sufficient for our purpose to show that the adjective 
occurs in other cases as o/tWto?, with the penultimate short. 
In II. A. 315, we have 

aXXa ere yijpa<; relpei OJJLOUOV to? oc^eXev rt? 

dvS&v aXXo<? 

1 I!) 

and in Od. 7. 236 

aXA' f) TOL Odvarov pev OJJLOUOV ovSe Oeoi Trep, &c. 
and in the Hymn to Venus, v. 215 

vvv e ere JJLGV rd^a yrjpas bpoiiov dpfyiKaXv-fyei. 
But it is as well to examine the form of the word a little more 
deeply. f O//,oo? (as the word was accented in the older 
Greek*), of the same sort, is derived from the old adjective 

QS, same, in the same way in which d\\olo$ is derived from 
, and erepolos from erepos, and roto? and oto? from the 
pronouns o, rj, TO, and 09. These adjectives have the suffix 
09, by which adjectives are formed from substantives, as 
iTTTrios from MTTTOS, and also secondary adjectives from pri- 
mary adjectives, as ^ifXto? from <pi\os, and e\ev6epios from 
\evdepo<;. They differ, however, by the stem of the primary 
word not being reduced to the root, but keeping its final 
vowel o, which in the later form of the language coalesced 
with the t, and made the diphthong ot. Originally, however, 
the vowels must have been distinct, and our word was o/xok>9 : 
but in this form, by the necessity of the metre, the second 
syllable, which coincided with the ictus of the verse, was 
lengthened, and this lengthening was expressed by the addi- 
tion of i to the o, as in such dual genitives as 'LTTTTOUV for 
tTTTTotV, afterwards ITTTTOW. 

It follows, therefore, that in the lines which have been cited, 
we must read 6//,ou'oo, with the antepenultimate short; and 
we need not have recourse to the ictus for the lengthening of 
the last syllable, if we substitute for 7ro\6jj,oio the epic form 
7TTo\e/jiow, and read O/JLOUOQ 

In Od. K. 493, we read 

fjbdvrio^ d\aovy rov re 
and in p. 267, 

/judvTios d\aov y ij{3ai 
Now here there are two departures from the ordinary quantity 
of syllables : for the first syllable of a\ao9 is short as well as 
the second; and to lengthen by coincidence with the ictus 
the first syllable of a spondee in a word of only three syl- 

* np07repr7rarni eVt T&V f7ra>v, Etym. Mag. 



lables, is a rather rare license. But if we read d\aoo, the 
second syllable is short, as it always is ; and the lengthening 
of the first syllable, when two short syllables follow, is 
according to the usual epic license ; and so is the lengthening 
of the last syllable in caesura. 

In the lines which have been cited hitherto, the penultimate 
syllable of the genitives, which is apparently lengthened, is an 
open vowel; but the same phenomenon occurs where the 
syllable is closed by a consonant. Thus in Od. K. 36 and 60, 
the genitive of A 0X09 occurs with the middle syllable long : 

Scopa Trap Alo\ov /jueydXiJTOpos 'iTTTrordSao, 
and /3i)v et? Alo\ov K\VTCL Sca/juara" rbv 8' e/cfyavov. 
In both lines we must read 
In II. B. 518, we find- 
ing 'I(j>iTOV /jueyadv/jiov 
Now the name elsewhere is "I^tro?, even in the genitive case. 
In P. 306 we have, at the end of a line 

fjLeyaOvftov 'Itylrov vlov. 

In B. 518, therefore, we must read 'I<tVoo, the last syllable 
being lengthened in caesura before the liquid //,, as very fre- 
quently happens (cf. Od. K. 36) . But a further correction is 
to be made. The proper name "I<m>9 is derived from the 
adverb Ifa. But l$i, and the derived adjective ifaos, and 
the old noun fo of which l(f>i is originally a case, and which 
is the same as the Latin vis, and all the words of that stock, 
seem to have begun with a consonant, that is, van. In P. 306, 
fjbejaOvfjLov 'l<f)iTov VLOV, the last syllable of /jbeyaOvpov would 
not remain long in the weak part of the foot, if the next word 
really began with a vowel. In B. 518, therefore, we must 
substitute vies for u/ee?, and read 

we? Yifylroo /jLeyaOvpov Navj3o\lSao. 

There are two passages in which the forgetfulness of the 
old formation of the genitive in oo has generated a peculiar 
corruption. In II. Z. 344, Helen thus addresses Hector: 

Saep /jt,elo 9 KVVOS Ka/cofjurj^dvov, otcpvoeo-o-rjs : 
and in II. I. 64, Nestor testifies his indignation against the 

09 7r6\fjLov eparai ^Tn^^iov o/cpvoevros. 


Now, in the first place, we must distinguish these adjective 
forms, oKpvbevros and oKpvoecrcrr)?, from the forms oKpibevri 
and oKpwevra, from a nominative bicpibeis, which occur in II. 
A. 518; . 327; M. 380; II. 735; and Od. i. 499; and 
which are everywhere epithets of a stone, \i0os or Trer/oo?, and 
signify merely rugged, plainly and unmetaphorically ; the 
adjective bicpibeis being derived from a noun 6/cpk. The ad- 
jective occurs also in the Prometheus of JSschylus, v. 282 : 

OKpioeaa-rj ^6ovl rfjSe TreXw : 

and the noun occurs, though used adjectively, in Prom. v. 
1016*. But otcpvoeo-ar)? and bicpvoevros in the lines first 
cited are manifestly used, as the forms of tcpvoeis are used in 
II. A. 740: 

eV 8' "Ept?j ev 8' 'AXicrj, ev 8e Kpvbeo-cra ^Ico/crj : 
and I. 2. Oeo-Treo-lrj e^e &va, <&6/3ov Kpvbevros eralpr) : 
and in Hesiod, Theog. 936, eV 7roXe//,a> KpvbevTi, and Scut. 
Here. 255, Tdprapov e? Kpvbevra: and as the synonymous 
adjective Kpvepbs is used in the expressions Kpvepolo (/>o/3oto, 
/cpvepolo 700^0 : and the old grammarians taught, that Kpvbei? 
was made otcpvoew by the prothesis of of. 

Now, if we admit that such a double form is possible, it is 
remarkable that it should be found only in one derivative 
adjective, and not in the primitive substantive rcpvos, or any 
other derivative form ; and it becomes still more open to sus- 
picion, when we observe that it is confined to the genitive 
singular : and I believe that the lines in question should be 

Saep efjueloy KVVOS fca/cofjurj^dvoo, Kpvoeo-o-rjs, 
and 09 7ro\fjLov eparai eVtS^/xtoo Kpvbevros. 

In Od. f . 239 we find a line ending with the words 
r 8' e 

* Etym. Mag. 621. 6. 'OKpioeis, 6 rpa^us \i6os- uKpias 6e ray nerpas 
<f)T)(rlv "Op.r)pos, di' oicpias ^i/e/ioeVo-ay. In the passage cited, Od. t. 400, 
the common text of Homer has aKpias, and so in TT. 365, and . 2, and 
elsewhere ; but some critics would restore the other form. 

t Etym. Mag. ibid.*H napa TO Kpvns icpvueis, KOI o/cpvoeiy, TrAf 01/00710) 

TOV O, 6 KpVOVS Kdl (p6@OV TTOirjTLKOS. 



Now it appears from observation, that where the epic poets 
admitted a spondaic verse, the fifth and sixth feet were not 
contained each in a separate word of two syllables, but either 
in a long word of four or more syllables (and this was the 
most frequent form), or in a trisyllable or polysyllable and 
monosyllable, or in a monosyllable and trisyllable. The ap- 
parent exceptions to this rule are several lines which end with 
the words ijw Slav, as 

II. I. 240. aparai Se rd^ara (fravtjfjievai, rja) 67av, 
and Od. TT. 368. vrfi Oofj TrXetWre? eplfjuvopev rjw Slav, 
and II. K. 238, which ends with 

av $e %elpov oirdoraeai, al&ol et/ccov. 

In these lines we ought to restore the uncontracted forms, 
and read 9700, Slav, al&oi FeUwv, as (I believe) was pointed 
out likewise in the paper of Professor Ahrens, a translation of 
which was communicated to the Society by Professor Key ; 
and in the line before us we ought to read, in like manner, 

I consider that this accumulation of instances shows con- 
clusively, that in these passages some correction of the form 
of the genitive is required, by which two syllables shall be 
substituted for the termination ov ; and that we must reject 
such partial alterations, as that by which in Od. K. 493, and 
IJL. 267, Hermann (Elem. Doct. Metr. p. 219) proposes to read 
fjiavrrjos aXaoO, a reading which Dindorf has adopted in his 
text. We may note in passing, that though TroXt? in the old 
Greek sometimes changed the final vowel of the stem to 77, as 
71-0X7709, 7r6\r]i, 7roX77e<?, there is no evidence that any other 
noun in i did the same. But a question may still be raised, 
whether these two syllables ought to be the simple uncon- 
tracted form oo, or some other formation. Mr. Brandreth, in 
his edition of the Iliad, substitutes the terminations o</>t or 
O$LV ; and, in fact, our common text of Homer gives us in 
II. 4>. 295- 

irplv Kara 'IXtoc^t K\vra reject \abv ee\a~at : 
and Thiersch (Gram. 148. 2) would introduce this form at 
least in the passages, O. 66, 4>. 104, X. 6, where I have pro- 


posed to read 'Du'oo. But I would observe that in no passage, 
of which I am aware, except in the line cited, is the form in 
<f>i or <f>Lv used for a mere possessive genitive. It is more 
often equivalent to a dative than a genitive; and when it is 
used as a genitive, it is commonly with the notion of motion. 
Thus we have in II. A. 350, 351 


a/cpTjv tcaK/copvOa- 7r\d<yx6rj S' CLTTO 
in . 300. 17 pa, KOI a\\ov olarov UTTO vevp7)(f)w I'aXXev : 
in Od. 6. G7 and 105, 

/cdS & etc Tracrcra\6<f)i Kpepaaev (fropfjuyya \iyeiav. 
Nor do I remember this form to be used in a genitive abso- 
lute. But in many of the lines which I have adduced as 
requiring correction, the genitives are possessive genitives; 
and I believe that the form in o<f>i, or ofyw is not applicable to 
them. In 3>. 295 itself, I would read 

Trpiv /card FtXtoo /cXvrd rei^ea \abv eFeXcrcu"*. 
In the lines which in the common text begin with 'IX/ou 
TrpoTrdpoiOe, any scholars who are not prepared to admit the 
genitive in oo, had better read *IX50& TrpoTrdpoiOe, like ovpa- 
vodi TTpo in P. 3. But this formation is not a panacea; they 
will have to find other remedies for other irregularities. 

I cannot claim the credit of originality for my suggestion ; 
for Mr. Payne Knight, in his edition of Homer, printed all 
the genitives which I have enumerated, and all the genitives 
which commonly appear in the form oto, with the termination 
oFo, making the penultimate short or long as the verse 
requires. His principle is the same as mine ; only I cannot 
find sufficient ground for believing that the suffix of the ge- 
nitive case originally included a vau, and was Fo ; although 
Thiersch also holds the same doctrine (Gr. Gram. 178. 23, 
and 183. 1). So far as I know, the evidence of compa- 
rative grammar does not sanction this opinion. The oidy 
monumental evidence in favour of it, of which I am aware, is 
contained in an inscription, which is said to have been found 

* R. Payne Knight rejects vv. 293-297 as spurious ; and cf&crai for 
fe\<rai is a questionable form. 


in Corfu, and which was communicated to this Society by Dr. 
Hawtrey. In this certainly occurs the form TXao-taFo, as the 
genitive of TXacrta? ; but I have never been satisfied of the 
genuineness of this inscription (see Proceedings of the Philo- 
logical Society, No. XIV. vol. i. p. 149). 

The forms which I propose to introduce with the short 
open vowel in the penultimate, may be compared with the 
pronominal genitives creo and eo, the original uncontracted 
forms of (7ov and ov, which occur very frequently in our 
common text of Homer. Even eyu,eo is found in II. K. 124, 
vvv 8' e/Lteo irporepos fjid>J eTreypero, icai poi eVecm;. 

It is possible that some persons may defend the form oot, 
for the genitive neuter or masculine of the relative in II. 
B. 325 and Od. a. 70, by the analogy of 779 as a genitive 
feminine, which occurs in our vulgar text in II. II. 208 : 

vvv Be ire^avrat, 

<uXo7u&>5 yLteya epyo v, '779 TO irpiv y epdaaOe. 
But 779 is no word at all, and we must read oo with reference 
to epyov. Mr. Payne Knight and Mr. Brandreth agree in 
discarding 6779, and read, the one 6Fo, and the other o$Wy 
after their usual fashion. 

I may observe in conclusion, that I believe very many 
forms, which in our ordinary text of Homer are written with 
contractions, ought to be written uncontracted ; and scholars 
will be more ready to admit this, if they are once convinced 
that even the genitive in ov may appear as oo. 





1855. No. 11. 

June 22, 
The Rev. E. J. SELWYN in the Chair. 

The following Paper was read : 

"The Ancient Languages of France and Spain;" by JAMES 
KENNEDY, Esq., LL.B., late Her Majesty's Judge in the 
Mixed Court at Havana. 

One of the earliest lessons taught us in our boyhood has 
left it indelibly impressed upon our recollections that ancient 
Gaul was divided into three parts, differing from each other 
in language, institutions and laws. Of these three parts, we 
were then taught that the Belgse inhabited one, the Aquitani 
another, and that a people who called themselves Celts, but 
who by the Romans were called Gauls, inhabited the third. 
" Gallia est omnis divisa in partes tres, quarum unam incolunt 
Belgae, aliam Aquitani, tertiam qui ipsorum lingua Celta3, 
nostra Galli appellantur. Hi omnes in lingua, institutis, le- 
gibus inter se differunt." 

From this commencement of his Commentaries, we might 
have expected that Caesar would have next proceeded to in- 
form us in what respects more especially these nations differed 
from each other. But in this expectation we are left disap- 
pointed, as whatever further particulars are given of them 
respectively, are given incidentally, so that it is from scattered 
and obscure notices of them only, we are enabled to form any 
conclusion as to the distinctions between them. True it is 


that we have no just reason to complain if we do not find all 
the precision of a philosophic historian in the narrative of a 
soldier recounting his exploits, especially as others who were 
professedly authors, Pliny for instance, and even Strabo, in 
giving us the same tripartite division of Gaul, enter still less 
explicitly into these particulars. But as the interest of the 
question is one more peculiarly of our times, it becomes the 
more requisite for us, from their omissions, to seek its solu- 
tion from other considerations, how far the inhabitants of 
the countries known to Caesar as Gaul, may be connected 
with any people of the same nationalities representing them 

I am not aware of any writer having entered at length into 
this inquiry. Yet it is certainly one of much greater interest 
than the commentators on Caesar have seemed to attach to it, 
as they have either passed over the subject altogether, or 
made such observations upon it as only served to show what 
little attention they had thought proper to give it. Thus, at 
length, we find one even accusing Csesar of an error in the 
passage above cited, stating that his assertion of the difference 
of language was " not correct as regards the Belgse and Celts, 
who merely spoke two different dialects of the same tongue, 
the former being of the Cymric, the latter of the Gallic stock. 
The Aquitani," it is added, " appear to have spoken a lan- 
guage of Iberian origin." Such are the views enunciated by 
the last commentator on Caesar, Dr. Anthon, who has con- 
densed in his notes the observations of previous writers ; and 
as his edition seems now extensively admitted into our schools, 
it becomes so much the more important for us to examine the 
question whether this opinion may be considered correct. 

The country occupied by the Belgse, we are informed, was 
separated from that of the Celts or Gauls proper, by the 
Marne and the Seine. It consequently comprised, not only 
the modern kingdoms of Holland and Belgium, but also 
Flanders, Picardy, and a small portion of Normandy, with 
other provinces of modern France to the East. The inha- 
bitants of these districts were the most powerful of all Gaul, 
as being on the one side the furthest removed from the Roman 


territories, they had been the least subjected to the evil con- 
sequences of a contact with them, and 011 the other being 
nearest to the Germans with whom they w r ere always at war, 
they had their warlike habits kept in constant exercise. But 
we learn, moreover, that they were themselves of German 
origin, having, not long before Caesar wrote, themselves in- 
truded into their then possessions, after driving out thence 
the Gauls who were their former occupants. They were, 
therefore, clearly a different people from the Gauls, as being 
Germans, and consequently we may conclude that Caesar was 
not mistaken respecting them and their language, inasmuch 
as we may well suppose them to have spoken one kindred to 
that of the Germans from whom they had sprung, and distinct 
from either the Cymric or Gaelic. Of that language, however, 
we have unfortunately scarcely any traces, or indeed any but 
the scantiest notices of the people themselves, but such as 
they are, they lead irresistibly to the conclusion which we 
should in reason deduce from the account of their origin, and 
from the subsequent history of the country they occupied. 

In the earlier ages of the human race, when their numbers 
were yet few, and the whole world was before them where to 
choose the most eligible places for habitation, we may have no 
difficulty in imagining that many families might wander away 
so widely from their fellow men as to become completely 
isolated, growing up eventually into nations with languages, 
institutions, and social habits peculiar to themselves. As 
they so grew up into nations, the whole course of history 
shows us that they would become divided into minor sections, 
into opposite parties and contending factions, bearing upon 
one another in their own community and pressed upon by 
other branches of their family, or by other families which had 
also grown up into nations in like manner in adjacent coun- 
tries. So long as the world afforded ample room enough for 
them to have places of refuge where to retire from more pow- 
erful parties, it was no great hardship for any weaker tribe to 
wander on, if thus pushed forward to the furthest confines of 
the habitable world. But in the course of such events, all 


the more eligible situations on the several continents would 
in no great length of time become occupied and eventually 
objects of contention, so that as the tide of population pressed 
on, the weaker parties would be compelled to retire to what 
would be otherwise ineligible situations, occupied only as the 
most inaccessible to their enemies. 

At the time of Caesar's conquest of Gaul, we learn that 
Britain had already become densely populated : " Hominum 
est infinita multitude, creberrimaque sedificia;" and this must 
have been occasioned by the pressure of advancing population. 
At the same time the tribes on the main land who had not 
been able to cross the seas in search of securer abodes, were 
obliged to seek protection in such fastnesses as they could 
find, whether of mountainous districts or others. One tribe 
in that age amongst the Batavi thus seems to have already 
settled on the dubious lands since designated as the Low 
Countries, and given them the character they have ever since 
held as rescued from the ocean. It must have been the direst 
necessity alone that could have driven them into such abodes, 
and into adopting such means as even so early in their history 
the inhabitants had recourse to in their perilous situation for 
banking out the sea and constructing their habitations beneath 
its approaches. Pliny, who wrote so shortly after Caesar, 
describes their country in almost the same terms as we might 
employ in the present day, as a land where the ocean pours in 
its flood twice a day, and produces a perpetual uncertainty 
whether it should be considered a part of the continent or of 
the sea (Hist. Nat. lib. xvi.). The whole passage is so graphic 
as to deserve a full citation : " Sunt vero in Septemtrione 
visae nobis Chaucorum qui majores minoresque appellantur. 
Vasto ibi meatu bis dierum noctiumque singularum intervallis, 
effusus in immensum agitur oceanus, aeternam operiens rerum 
naturae controversiam, dubiumque terrae sit an parte in maris. 
Illic misera gens tumulos obtinet altos, aut tribunalia structa 
manibus ad experimenta altissimi aestus, casis ita impositis ; 
navigantibus similes cum iritegant aquae circumdata, naufragis 
vero cum recesserint : fugientesque cum mari pisces circa 


tuguria venantur. Non pecudcm his habere, non lacte all ut 
finitimis, ne cum feris quidem dimicare contigit, omni procul 
abacto frutice." 

Such were the people in that age who, already pushed for- 
ward undoubtedly by others, whether to be called Teutonic or 
Germans, had entrenched themselves in the alluvial shores at 
the mouth of the Rhine, while others had been driven away to 
Britain or elsewhere. Some of the frontier tribes had perhaps 
amalgamated with, or settled down amicably among the 
neighbouring Gauls, keeping up however their national cha- 
racteristics, as we find now for instance in the same country, 
at Brussels, people of different origin and speaking different 
languages living together. But already the inhabitants of 
that region seem to have belonged to the first tide of German 
population, pushed on by others of the same family, who had 
dispossessed the Gauls, the primitive inhabitants, and seized 
first the more eligible situations, and afterwards having sec- 
tions occupying situations less desirable. 

Among all nations we may observe that in the bordering 
districts of their respective countries there is an approximation 
of dialects, which some writers have imagined to be con- 
necting links in the great social circle of the human race; 
but which, if they are so in reality, probably only originated 
from the meeting of different families after long separations, 
with the increase of population. The word ' races/ as applied 
to the different families of mankind, has been so misused by 
some writers, that it seems to me preferable to adopt the 
latter term only in advocating the theory that different fami- 
lies, as the Celtic, the Teutonic, the Scandinavian, and the 
Slavonic, having originally grown up into different nations in 
distant lands with different languages, afterwards approached 
each other so intimately as to imbibe many of their respective 
peculiarities, sometimes mingling together in a friendly manner, 
and sometimes hostilely as conquerors and conquered. The 
main bodies of the several families might diverge, while 
branches of them converged so as to become the connecting 
links between each other. Tribes of outcasts and fugitives or 
other offsets might be found separating from each principal 


trunk and meeting the like of other nations, so as to give rise 
to a variance of languages, which again would become divided 
into dialects, all showing more or less the connection ori- 
ginally existing. 

Of such a nature seems to have been the mixture of people 
in Belgic Gaul in the time of Caesar, which had been going 
on perhaps for many centuries previously. But the pre- 
ponderating class then was clearly German, as being the 
conquerors, so that, according to the statement of Celsus, 
cited in Oudendorp, they refused to be called Gauls, and 
were indignant when they heard the name assigned them : 
" Ut jam se Gallos dici nesciant, si audiant indignentur." 
The testimony of Caesar, both directly and indirectly, in va- 
rious parts of his Commentaries, and other ancient writers to 
the same effect, that the Belgians were of German origin, is 
so express and concurrent, that it becomes a matter of sur- 
prise to us to find it disputed. If however doubted by 
English writers, those of the country itself have no hesitation 
on the subject, and they seem to be unquestionably in the 
right. Whatever might have been the earlier divergences in 
the Teutonic family of nations, that branch of it settled in 
Belgic Gaul in the time of Caesar, may well be expected to 
have retained substantially the language of their ancestors. 
When the Belgians first dispossessed the Gauls of those dis- 
tricts, they might have found them thinly populated, so that 
a new language might be easily introduced. But after they 
became more densely peopled, the language would be less 
affected by any new inhabitants. In such a case, the lan- 
guage grown up in any well-peopled country clings to it 
tenaciously. That which was learned in childhood cannot 
easily be erased from the memory of the adult population, 
and thus even conquerors have often had to adopt the language 
of the conquered. 

We have no notices left us by which to form any sure con- 
el usion as to the language of Belgic Gaul ; but as far back as 
it can be traced, there seems to be no doubt of its having 
been nearly, if not entirely, the same as that existing at 
present, represented by the different Dialects of Dutch, Fricsic, 


Flemish, or Anglo-Saxon. That it did exist there in the time 
of Caesar is clear, from the fact that there is no trace of its 
having been introduced subsequently, and as far as history or 
tradition reaches, it has always been the language of the coun- 
try. Having no remnants of it in former times given by any 
ancient writer, we can only have recourse to the names of 
places, of rivers, and such like, as then designated, and from 
these we can positively conclude them to originate from the 
same language to which their affinities refer at present. The 
names of towns are the least satisfactory of any, as there may 
be a doubt of the site of any one in the country. But the names 
of the rivers recorded by the Roman writers prove them to 
have then borne substantially the same names as those now in 
vernacular use. Thus the Rhenus or Rhein, the Scaldis or 
Scheldt, the Vahalis or Waal, the Mosa or Maese, the Visurgis 
or Weser, the Amisia or Ems, the Isela or Yssel, the Luppia 
or Lippe, the Albis or Elbe, the Granna or Gran, are, with 
scarcely an exception, names which the present inhabitants 
recognize as proceeding from or connected with their own 
language, while they present no indications of a Cymric or 
Gaelic origin. In the same manner we notice the names of 
some places connecting the former inhabitants with the pre- 
sent, distinct from the supposition of any Celtic origin. The 
Batavi seem to have left an indubitable trace of their name in 
Batawe, the Grudii in the Land Von Groede, the Bructeri in 
Broekmorland, and above all the Erisii, whose name as Freize 
is yet borne and recognized as their own by so considerable a 
portion of the people in the countiy. 

Influenced no doubt by some such considerations, the con- 
tinental writers, as already mentioned, have not hesitated in 
at once acknowledging the ancient Belgic language and nation 
to be represented by the people who now occupy their coun- 
try. Malte Brun says (vol. i. p. 344), " The language of the 
Friesians never felt the shock caused by migrations. From 
the time of Caesar to this very day, among the endless revo- 
lutions of nations, they have never changed their name or the 
place of their residence." In conformity with this also, Dr. 
Bosworth informs us that the most learned Dutch authors, as 


Erasmus, Junius, Dousa, Grotius, Scriverius, and others unite 
in the opinion of their nation being descended from the 
Batavi. Grotius asserts " that the ever-succeeding invaders of 
Insula Batavorum were swallowed up in the bulk of the Ba- 
tavian population, and thus that the present Dutch are the 
genuine offspring of the Batavi/' Dr. Bosworth adds, that 
" the Friesic, Dutch, and Flemish dialects were originally the 
same language. The Flemish is so allied to the Dutch, that 
it may, especially in its earliest forms, be considered the 
same." (Bosworth' s Dictionary, p. xcvi.) 

In opposition however to the opinions he had cited, Dr. 
Bosworth observes, that the Romans had, in the course of 
their usual policy, drafted away the males from the country 
to be engaged in foreign wars, and that their place had to be 
filled up with strangers who he thinks must have varied the 
character of the people. Granting this in some measure to 
have been the case, still it may be considered very probable 
that the new comers were only people of the neighbouring 
tribes, speaking the same or some cognate language. Or 
even if they were others, yet it may be a question whether the 
language of the country could be materially changed unless 
the women had been taken away also. Cicero well observed, 
that the language of a country depended on the women, DeOrat. 
iii. 12, as also did Plato before him, Crat. 74, and thus all 
history shows, that in a densely peopled country the completest 
conquest scarcely ever changes the language. That is only 
effected by an extermination of the former inhabitants, or by 
separating them into small sections in subjection to their 
masters. Whether the modern Dutch are the genuine de- 
scendants of the Batavi or not, is not the question for us to 
maintain. It will be sufficient for our purpose if it may be 
conceded that the language now spoken in Holland is the re- 
presentative of that spoken in Belgic Gaul in the time of Caesar, 
making due allowances for the different circumstances of the 
country at the respective epochs, influenced by the former state 
of barbarism contrasted with their present civilization. 

Proceeding with the same line of argument, in the belief 
that where a language has once become firmly established in 


a fully peopled country it remains permanently established, 
purely or recognizable in its derivatives or dialects, except 
under very peculiar circumstances, we can have little difficulty 
in next assigning to the nation whom Ca3sar terms Celts or 
Gauls, the language now spoken in Brittany. In main- 
taining this opinion, the first difficulty we have to encounter 
is with regard to the name, as the people of that district who 
call themselves Bretons or Brezonec, do not recognize the 
name either of Gauls or Celts, the latter being that which, 
according to Caesar, they acknowledged. In this, however, the 
difficulty is perhaps more apparent than real, and may be 
easily explained by referring to the relationship of what we 
may here for once call the Celtic nations one to another. 
This is in accordance with the common acceptation of the 
term, though there may be some doubt as to its strict correct- 
ness ; inasmuch as these Celtic nations, generally understood 
as divided into two principal branches, the Cymric and Gaelic, 
have languages entirely different from each other in their 
main characteristics, and in the construction of nouns and 
verbs, with a reservation to which I shall have afterwards to 
refer. In other respects they have their vocabularies remark- 
ably similar. Whether therefore they ought to be considered 
of the same national origin appears to me somewhat ques- 
tionable, but there can be no dispute of the fact of some very 
considerable admixture having taken place between them at 
some period of which we have no record. 

That branch of the Celtic nation settled in England 
acknowledge the name of Cymry, but the Bretons of France 
ignore it, though their dialect is substantially the same as the 
Welsh. It follows hence that this nation had been also 
?ubdivided into two or more sections, the one in France 
calling themselves Bretons, who had probably sent colonies 
into England, to the shores adjacent, while the others, calling 
themselves Cymry, had had their dwellings elsewhere. Where 
that locality was we may reasonably conclude, from the 
account given us of the Belgic Germans having driven away the 
Gauls from the northern parts of Gaul, when their most 
obvious course was to take refuge in England, on the shores 


opposite. In corroboration of this assumption, we find accord- 
ingly, that though driven away from that locality, they still 
left their name attached to what is yet recognized as the Cim- 
bric Chersonesus (Ptol. ii. c. 2 ; Tac. de Mor. Ger. c. 37) ; and 
even remnants of their population are said by Welsh writers to 
be yet traceable among the Wends of the North of Germany. 
If this be correct, they are probably a tribe of the same people 
as the Veneti mentioned by Caesar, as they are said yet to speak 
a language having an affinity to those of Wales and Brittany, 
though so long separated from their brethren in those regions 
as to have adopted a different phraseology, in which the Sla- 
vonic element has become predominant. See Pughe's Welsh 

In accordance with the same hypothesis, all our best writers 
on British antiquities, from Camden to the present day, 
show us that the Cymry evidently once inhabited all the 
eastern parts of England and Scotland ; and it seems probable 
that they left their name finally in Cumberland, if not also 
elsewhere, when afterwards driven into Wales. When they 
settled upon this emergency in their present abodes, they pro- 
bably met and amalgamated with their kindred tribes of 
Bretons, who were in like manner receding before the Saxons. 
It is certain that some Belgic Germans had also settled in 
England in the time of Caesar, bringing with them, according 
to our argument, a dialect of that language, which was after- 
wards termed the Anglo-Saxon. But the greater part of the 
people then inhabiting England came no doubt originally 
from Gaul, and were of the nation whom Caesar describes as 
calling themselves Celts. The appellation of Gauls, which he 
says the Romans gave them, was one of very extensive appli- 
cation to a great number of tribes in different parts of Europe. 
Though he restricts the name to comparatively narrow bounds, 
other ancient writers speak of the Gauls as spread over the 
northern parts of Italy, as well as over France and Spain, and 
even Germany. Caesar not only excludes, as it would seem, the 
Cisalpine Gauls from his enumeration of this people, but many 
of the Transalpine, and also those of that part of France de- 
signated The Province, while Otherwise they appear to have 


been considered only cognate tribes. Without seeking to 
distinguish the notions entertained of them by different writers, 
it is the purport of this argument to show that Caesar was 
correct in declaring those of the centre parts of France to have 
been distinct from those of the south-western or Aquitani, inas- 
much as the former were of the Cymric family, and the latter 
of the Gaelic. 

Originally distinct from each other, these two nations evi- 
dently seem to have passed through Europe by different routes, 
the Gaels through Greece, Italy, and the southern parts of 
France to Spain, while the Cymry came in a more northerly 
direction. If such were the case, the first tribes with whom the 
Romans came in contact were those of the Gaelic branch, 
whom Caesar probably knew by their local names rather than 
by any general one. When these were asked respecting their 
neighbours and themselves, they would probably then, as their 
descendants now, return an answer which to Roman ears 
might be the cause of the confusion. In Gaelic the word 
Gall signifies a foreigner or people generally, and if used by 
them respecting their neighbours, the inhabitants of mid- 
France, the Romans would take it as Galli; but applied to 
themselves, they would probably then, as now, use a word of 
almost the same sound to strangers, Gael, or as they please 
to spell it, Gaoidhiol. Thus the designation might easily be 
confounded by the Greek or Roman writers, who would there- 
fore call them all alike Gauls, though the Cymry would be 
ignorant of the appellation applied to them. 

In the same way respecting the term Celtic, which neither 
the Cymric nor Gaelic people acknowledge; the latter, speaking 
of the country of either the one or the other, would probably 
use the word " teach," habitation, thus Galteach or Gaelteach, 
whence the Greek and Roman writers could only make out 
a sound of Galtic or Celtic, and so apply that term to the 
people as if it were their national appellation. The general 
derivation of the term, however, is from the Cymric celt, 
ceilt, for covert or shelter, whence celtiad, or a dweller in 
coverts, or inhabitant of the woods ; and this might also have 
given rise to the name applied to themselves, or both, as from 



both it would obtain a larger comprehension. But nothing is 
more confused in ancient history than the application by dif- 
ferent writers of the names Gauls or Celts, evidently showing 
they had no distinct knowledge of the people, and that they 
used the names only as generic appellations. In a special 
inquiry as to the Celtic nations generally, it would be an 
interesting subject to enter into those various notices of the 
people who are sometimes spoken of as Celts and sometimes 
as Gauls ; but that would lead us far beyond our present 
object, which is only to distinguish between the several nations 
of Gaul referred to by Caesar. 

Before proceeding to inquire into the differences between 
the Aquitani and the Gauls of mid-France, it may be neces- 
sary to revert to the difficulty already mentioned in making 
the discrimination as between the Cymry and the Gael, on 
account of the great similarity in the names of common 
objects in their respective languages. Thus then, where this 
similarity exists, it becomes impossible to refer to the one 
idiom or the other for the origin of the names of places and 
rivers, by which in ordinary cases, in the absence of any 
vocabulary, we might hope to trace their character. A great 
number of the names of rivers have thus a sound and meaning 
in common of Cymric and Gaelic origin, and the names of 
places also, whence it becomes very difficult sometimes to 
discriminate between them. Yet even here we are not 
entirely without some means of discrimination, as there 
are some variations sufficiently marked to guide us in our 
inquiry. The rivers of modern France, unlike those of Belgic 
Gaul, now bear names very different from their ancient names, 
which fact is a proof that the present inhabitants are a dif- 
ferent people from those who dwelt there under the Romans. 
Thus the Marne and the Seine, called formerly Matrona and 
Sequana, seem to have in them compounds of the word pro- 
nounced Aon, both in Cymric and Gaelic, for a river, and the 
same with several others. On the other hand, several seem 
to have a reference only to the Cymric. The principal river 
of France, the Liger, now the Loire, appears to have its name 
derived from this language. Llig, 'what shoots or glides/ 


and aw, ' water.' The Arar, now the Saone, is described as 
" a very slow and smooth running river/' and Ara, Araf in 
Cymric, signifies " slow, soft, mild, still." The Atar, now the 
Adonr, and the Duranius or Dordogne, with the Durance and 
some others, show combinations of the Cymric word dwr, 
' water/ which though inserted in the dictionaries as Gaelic also, 
is not however in general use. In like manner several others 
might be judged to be Cymric, though I do not feel suffi- 
ciently decided respecting their probable derivations to claim 
them as of this language only. 

The names of tribes afford less satisfactory means of judging, 
but a few instances may be found, as in the appellations 
Morini and Armorica, for the people or province on the sea- 
coast : the word for sea in Cymric is mor, in Gaelic muir, 
whence we may conclude they derived their names from the 
former language, in which they have a signification of ma- 
ritime, rather than from the latter. The names of several 
individuals among the different nations of Gaul are also given, 
some beginning with Ver or Vir, which may be explained 
from one language or the other ; but as we are not generally 
informed what the names signified, all etymologies attempted 
respecting them must partake of the character of surmises 
only. One name however is defined, that of Vergobretus, as ap- 
plied to the " chief magistrate" among the jEdui. This people, 
residing in the southern part of Gaul, according to the theory 
above set forth, were probably Gaelic, and in accordance with 
that theory, the chief magistrate or judge, " man for judg- 
ment," is clearly traceable in that language, f ' fear-go-breith," 
but not in the Cymric. The only other word which Csesar 
has repeated is Soldurii, the name given to the band of war- 
riors specially devoted to their chieftain (lib. iii. 22). This 
word may be considered common to both the Cymric and 
Gaelic languages, Sawdior in the former, Saighaider in the 
latter, and both pronounced so much like the English word 
soldier, as to lead me to the conclusion of the latter being 
taken from one or both of the former, as so many other words 
have been derived from those sources of which our lexico- 
graphers seem to have no knowledge. Thus in the case of 



this same word soldier, different derivations have been 
given, while this early application of it has been entirely 

We must not however pass over another word, Ambacti, 
mentioned by Caesar, without a direct intimation of its being 
Celtic, but which Festus says was a Gallic word for a hired 
servant, on the authority of Ennius : SoiAo? /ucr&wTo? w? 
Evno?. Gloss. Ambactus. Caesar, after speaking of the 
Druids among the Celts, refers to their Equites, and says, 
"atque eorum ut quisque est genere copiisque amplissimus, 
ita plurimos circum se ambactos clientesque habet" (lib. vi. 
15). For this word then various derivations have been 
assigned by Celtic scholars ; but passing them by as unsatis- 
factory, I would suggest, in consonance with our argument, 
that it should be sought in the Cymric, where accordingly we 
find still amaeth, ' a husbandman/ Caesar, by the context 
entirely, and by the juxtaposition of dientes, clearly referred 
to the vassals generally of the Celtic nobles, probably as 
prsedial or personal, and with this explanation the modern 
Cymric word perfectly agrees. 

The French language itself is much more Celtic or Cymric 
than is commonly supposed. Many of its particles can only 
be properly understood by a reference to those idioms, and it 
contains many words taken from them. Those idioms, how- 
ever, the Cymric and Gaelic, entered very largely into the 
composition of the Latin also; and when we find this the 
parent of so many existing modern languages, it becomes a 
somewhat interesting question to inquire how far that cir- 
cumstance operated in spreading the Latin language itself. 
Systematic and unscrupulous as was the plan of colonization 
carried on by the Romans in connexion with their conquests, 
it may be a question whether they could have succeeded so 
completely in forcing their language upon different countries 
unless they had also found there languages with which their 
own could coalesce. We shall have to refer to a particular 
instance of this commingling of idioms hereafter, but at pre- 
sent return to what notices are left us of Gallic words, which 
are unfortunately very few. 


Servius, in his Notes on Virgil (lib. ix. v. 743), mentions a 
circumstance from Caesar's lost work ' E^hemerides/ that he 
had on one occasion been made prisoner by the Gauls, and 
being hurried away by his captors was met by one who knew 
him, and seeing him in that state called out in an insulting 
tone, Caesar ! Caesar ! This word, according to Servius, in 
Gallic signified dimitte, and the persons who held him prisoner, 
mistaking it as an order to release him, allowed him to escape. 
Dr. Anthon seems to consider this story apocryphal, and 
Celtic scholars have in vain attempted to find a word like 
Caesar equivalent to dimitte. But it surely can be no valid 
reason for doubting the fact, because no such equivalent can 
be found. It is unreasonable to suppose that Servius would 
have repeated such a statement unless it had been first given 
by Caesar, or that he would have deliberately recorded such 
an adventure unless it had really occurred, especially when we 
may remove all difficulty respecting .the word used, by under- 
standing it somewhat of Cwswr or Cyswr, which in Cymric 
are terms of contempt. If those who held Caesar prisoner 
understood one of their chiefs to say that he was a worthless 
captive, they might thus allow him to escape as undeserving 
of their trouble. This explanation seems to me more reason- 
able than to pronounce the anecdote apocryphal, and certainly 
the manner in which the circumstance is recited carries to 
the mind a full conviction of its truthfulness. "Hoc de 
historia tractatum est: namque Caius Julius Caesar cum 
dimicaret in Gallia et ab hoste raptus equo ejus portaretur 
armatus, occurrit quidam ex hostibus qui eum nosset et insul- 
tans ait Caesar, Caesar ; quod Gallorum lingua dimitte significat; 
et ita factum est ut dimitteretur. Hoc autem ipse Caesar in 
Ephemeride sua dicit, ubi propriam commemorat felicitatem," 
as he had good right to do. 

Having already referred to the names of some rivers in 
mid- Gaul as deducible from the Cymric, it would be advise- 
able also, if feasible, to point out some of the towns or other 
places to whose names we might assign a similar origin. 
Knowing however the ridicule too often justly bestowed on 
etymologies, for which we have no clue or authority, and 


which are founded only on a fancied similarity or aptitude of 
meaning, I will confine myself to two instances, those of 
Novidunum and Lugdunum. These I take, not on account 
of their being more clearly explicable than several others, but 
because there were so many places called by each name as to 
indicate their origin from some particular local cause more 
than others. There were, in fact, three different places appa- 
rently of some importance bearing each of these names, and 
to one of them, Lugdunum, we have an explanation given us. 
Plutarch, or the author of the Treatise on Rivers, says, 
M.c0fj,opos KCLI AreTTojjiapos VTTO ^eo-rjpovecos TT;? apX 1 !? 
0evT9 619 TOVTOV KCLTO, 7rpo(rTa<yrjv TOV \o<f>ov iro\iv 
0eAovT69* TWV Se Oepekiwv opvadopeva^v ai<l>vi$i(t)S 
e7ri<avevT69 KCLI SiaTrrepv^a^evoi TO, irepi,^ eTrXqpaxrav ra 
SevSpa. M&)yLtopo9 S' otwvoer/coTTta^ e/ATreipos vTrap^cov TIJV TTO\W 
AowySovvov Trpoo-rjyopevo-ev, \ovyov <yap TTJ <r<f>cov Sia\KT<p 
TOV Kopa/ca /ca\ovcn, $ovvov 8e TOV efe^ovra. From this we 
learn, that on the foundation of what is now the city of Lyons 
an augury was taken from a flight of crows, in accordance 
with which the city was called Lugdunum, for that long or 
lougos in their language signified a crow, and doun or dunum 
an eminence. Now it is the case that dun in Gaelic, and din 
in Cymric, may be explained as stated, but no word like 
\ovyo? in either at all approaches the appellation of any bird 
of the crow species. Had there then been only one town in 
Gaul so designated, we might have supposed that its name 
had been given from such a cause, and the original word 
become lost in either language, without being compelled to 
believe the cause assigned a mistake. But when we find 
three towns bearing that same name, we cannot possibly 
believe them all called after any crows, and would rather ima- 
gine the author had mistaken his information. He had heard 
of the augury having been taken, as usual in such cases, and 
he too hastily concluded that the word \ovy signified a crow. 
He had heard that the name was taken from two Gallic words, 
as loug and doun, and being correct with regard to the one, 
might easily fall into an error respecting the other. If it had 
not been for the direct statement of this author, and consi- 


dering the position of the several places, we should have had 
no difficulty in deducing the name from llwch or loch, a lake 
or morass, and the common termination dun, signifying to- 
gether a hill fastness in a lake or morass. Such we know to 
have been the places of security chosen by the Gauls for their 
towns or villages, and from such causes they would probably 
take their names. In the same way with regard to Novi- 
dunum, by which name three other cities were called, together 
with the usual termination dun, we might understand the 
Cymric nodfa, a sanctuary, a place of refuge and protection 
from their enemies, or even a city of refuge, if Celtic scholars 
will insist on the Druids having such sanctuaries. 

The Druids seem to have been an institution of the Cymric 
rather than of the Gaelic people, though undoubtedly their 
tenets had also spread extensively among the latter. Though 
Csesar supposed them to have originated in Britain, their 
remains prove them to have nourished in an equal degree on 
the western shores of mid-France, as found especially in Brit- 
tany in our day. They had not advanced into Belgic Gaul, 
nor to any extent into Aquitania or Spain, and their deities 
may thus be understood by the Cymric rather than by the 
Gaelic language. Thus their god of eloquence, Ogmius, whom 
the Romans assimilated to Mercury, has his title explained by 
Irish scholars from their Ogam, ' ' a secret letter," or " the 
secret of letters." If I might venture a suggestion, it seems 
to me better explicable from the Cymric Ogmi, from Og, 
<{ what is apt to open or expand, what moves or stirs, or is full 
of motion and life," and mi, the pronoun, or " what is identic." 
See the Welsh Dictionaries. Taranis, in like manner, is evi- 
dently from the Cymric taran thunder, taranu to thunder, 
taranydd the thunderer. In Gaelic torrun. 

Suetonius has informed us of another Gallic word which 
appears to me to have been also unsatisfactorily explained. 
He says that Csesar raised a legion in Transalpine Gaul which 
he named Alauda, from a Gallic word, the meaning of which 
however he has not given. "Ex Transalpinis conscriptam, 
vocabulo quoque Gallico Alauda enim appellabatur" (lib. 1. 
24). Pliny, in a notice of this legion, also refers to this 


name Alauda as a Gallic word, but seems to connect it at the 
same time with the Latin name of a bird supposed to be the 
crested lark, as if from the crest of the helmet worn by the 
soldiers. "Paro volucris ex illo galerita appellata quondam 
postea Gallico vocabulo etiam legioni nomen dederat Alaudse" 
(Hist. Nat. lib. ii. 37). But Pliny's etymologies are gene- 
rally bad, and in this instance, if he has not been misunder- 
stood, it seems absurd to suppose that Caesar would give such 
a name to his new legion. Looking at its composition, as 
raised of foreigners, I would suggest that it was probably taken 
from the Cymric word allaid foreign, to signify, therefore, 
the foreign legion, The word equivalent to this in Gaelic is 

In connexion with this, though wandering a little from the 
subject, I venture to suggest an explanation of the name Ale- 
manni (Allemans in modern French), applied to the Germans, 
the derivations of which hitherto given seem very unsatisfac- 
tory. Without discussing them, however, I should pronounce 
it left from the Cymry, who might then have termed strangers 
and foreigners, as they now do, " Allmaon," a foreign people; 
whence the name might have become applied as a national, 
though at first it was only a general appellation. In the same 
manner we may explain the term Belgse applied to the Ger- 
man intruders in the north of Gallia, who seem never to have 
acknowledged that name, and who, therefore, must have had 
it applied from some extraneous source. If we consider, then, 
their relative position to the Cymry, whom they drove from 
their possessions, we find its meaning in Cymric, where, from 
the roots belg a breaking out, beli havoc, devastation, we 
have Belgiad, still signifying a "ravager, or destroyer." 
Such was then, evidently, the name applied to their national 
enemies by the Cymry of old, as their descendants have after- 
wards, under similar circumstances, spoken of the Saesonaid. 

Returning to our argument : it is thus our purport to show 
that the people of Gaul, termed by Caesar Celts, were of the 
same nation as the Cymry, which conclusion has been also 
come to by Thierry and other principal writers of France, 
though from other considerations. Our next task is to argue 


that the southern part of Gaul, or Aquitania, was inhabited 
by a Gaelic people. 

It has already been stated, that though the Cymric and 
Gaelic languages, judging from their vocabularies merely, 
were kindred languages, yet in their essential particulars, as 
in their structure and framework, they are very different. 
At the same time, I reserved to myself the occasion for an 
important observation on this point, and it is this : though 
the Cymric and Gaelic languages are so entirely different in 
such essential particulars, as between the natives of Wales 
on the one hand, and those of Scotland and Ireland on the 
other, yet the Breton of the present day is an intermediate 
one between them, and has many of its inflexions similar to 
the Gaelic. This is a very suggestive fact in the history of 
the language, and is such a one as serves well to explain the 
history of a people, where written records fail us. It has 
been already pointed out by Professor Duncan Forbes, in his 
interesting letters on the subject, first addressed to the ' Gen- 
tleman's Magazine/ though the cause is still left unexplained 
how this affinity should exist, after so many centuries have 
passed since any communication between the several countries 
could have possibly been had. 

The modern Welsh have written records of acknowledged 
antiquity ; and their Triads certainly seem to me entitled to 
credit. They are consistent with probability, and are free 
from all those extravagances which are the usual concomitants 
of fiction. They state expressly, that " the Cymri first settled 
in this island, and that before them no persons lived therein ; 
but it was full of bears, wolves and bisons." They state, also, 
that " they consisted of three tribes, the Cymri, the Lloeg- 
rians, and the Brython, who were all of the same primitive 
race, and were of one language." Williams' s ' Ecclesiastical 
Antiquities of the Cymri/ p. 7. We learn further, from the 
same authority, that " the first came with Hu Gadarn (the 
mighty), because he would not possess a country and lands by 
fighting and persecution, but justly and in peace;" which 
seems to acknowledge, that he had been driven out of some 
former possession, and sought an uninhabited country for 


refuge. With these statements, so consistent with probability 
in themselves, we find all other authorities to concur. Tacitus 
says, " In universum tamen sestimanti Gallos vicinum solum 
occupasse credibile est; eorum sacra deprehendas, supersti- 
tionum persuasione; sermo haud multum diversus." (Yit. 
Agr. cap. 2.) And the Venerable Bede : " Hsec insula Britones 
solum a quibus nomen accepit incolas habuit, qui de tractu 
Armoricano ut fertur Britanniam advecti, australes sibi partes 
illius vindicarunt." (Hist. Eccles. lib. i. cap. 1.) See Note. 
These tribes, then, must have come to the eastern and 
south-eastern coasts of Britain, whence they would in due 
course proceed to the interior as their population increased. 
That such a people did once inhabit those coasts is deducible 
from the remnants of local names still remaining in England 
and Scotland. Of the Isle of Wight we find mention in 
Nennius, cap. 2 : " Quam Britones insulam Guied vel Guith 
quod Latine divortium dici pot est ." There is no word like 
this that I can find with the same signification, except the 
Cymric Gwaheniaeth, which, pronounced quickly, has the 
sound of Guith. The names of rivers on those coasts also 
appear to be Cymric ; and the application of the term Aber 
for the mouth of a river, prevalent on the east of Scotland, 
has been noticed by Professor Newman in his ' Regal Rome/ 
as unknown in other parts, where the Gaelic equivalent is 
Inver. While they were thus peopling the island on the one 
side, the Silures, whom Tacitus judged to have come from 
Spain, and other Gaelic tribes, also probably from Spain 
originally, were settling on the south-western and western. 
This will account for the evident traces of a Gaelic people 
having inhabited Wales previously to the Cymry, as Lloyd 
and other Welsh antiquaries have long since pointed out, and 
as also Prichard and other writers in our day agree. Thus, 
even now, " the inhabitants of North and South Wales are 
clearly two different races. Besides the distinction of dialect, 
there- is a physiological difference" (Jones's 'Vestiges of the 
Gael in Gwynedd/ p. 72). And thus even "the natives of 
the extreme north and extreme south of Cardiganshire are not 
always mutually intelligible" (ib. p. 14) ; while the natives 


of North and South Wales respectively have dialects almost 
totally unintelligible to each other. 

If, then, under these considerations, we suppose the Cymry 
to have been originally driven from the north of Gaul into 
Britain, before the more intimate communications arose that 
afterwards existed between their brethren in mid-Gaul and 
the Gael of Aquitania, we may easily account for the Cymric 
and Gaelic languages in these islands remaining comparatively 
distinct. But the Cymry in the centre of Gaul, associated 
more with the Aquitani, became more commingled with them, 
and adopted many of their inflections for nouns and verbs, as 
well as many of their primitive words, so as to make the 
Breton, as before observed, an intermediate language. Hence 
it happens in the present day, a Welshman and Irishman 
speaking their vernacular tongues cannot understand one 
another in the least; but the former can understand the 
Breton with little difficulty, and the Irishman can understand 
him also, though with greater difficulty. This circumstance 
shows there has been a great commingling of the two nations 
at some former time ; and we know historically it cannot have 
occurred within at least a thousand years, so that occurring 
so long since, and remaining so distinctly to be noticed, it 
must have been of the most intimate character. This can 
only be accounted for by the hypothesis of the two families 
having lived close to each other in Gaul for a very long period 
of time ; which consideration leads us to the next question, 
whence we draw this conclusion, that the Aquitani, their 
neighbours of the South of France, were Gaelic. 

The language of the Aquitani is as much a matter of dis- 
cussion as either of the others. Had we any considerable 
data respecting any of them from which to deduce a decided 
opinion, these would necessarily form a part of their history, 
and not leave us any question for argument as a problem to 
be solved. As it is, we must be content with what few 
hints have been afforded us, combined with the probabilities 
of the case to support our theory. Of Gallic or Celtic words 
we have many notices in ancient writers to have them iden- 
tified with the living languages ; but the real question is, how 


to connect them with any particular part of Gaul. The names 
of rivers or places here assist us as little, on account of the 
number of words, as above mentioned, common to both the 
Cymric and Gaelic languages. Hence it is we find so many 
of the rivers of the Peninsula, Abono or Avono, the Douro, 
the Duero, and others apparently of the same common origin. 
There is, however, one termination connected with different 
divisions of the country deserving of our notice, Tan or Tania, 
common to the Aquitani and many of the tribes of Spain ; 
Lusitani, Laretani, Cosetani, Varetani, Edetani, Contestani, 
Bastatani, Orretani, Turdetani. This termination seems to 
have been unknown in mid- Gaul, with the exception, perhaps, 
of Pliny's ' Britanni/ and it has no meaning in Cymric, But 
it has a significant meaning in Gaelic, tan, tana, tania signi- 
fying a district or country ; so that Aquitania may thus be 
understood as the country of the Aqui, whatever might be the 
origin of that name. This, however, like most national names, 
must remain a conjecture merely, for the explication of which 
we have no clue ; as that given by Pliny, evidently from the 
Latin aqua, seems to me altogether unsatisfactory. Of the 
language of the Aquitani I know of only one word left us, that 
given by Suetonius, who says that at Tolosa Bee signifies the 
beak of a bird : t( Cui Tolosse nato cognomen in pueritia 
Becco fuerat ; id valet gallinacei rostrum" (lib. viii. 18). This 
word is Gaelic, not Cymric, where the equivalents are pig, 
gylfin, gylfant-, nor is it Basque, in which language the 
equivalent is ontzia. 

This is unfortunately only one word to guide us. But even 
if we could adduce a number of words, the conclusion would 
be little conformable with the views we have maintained, as 
we have observed that the Gaelic and Cymric vocabularies 
have many equivalents in common, while the framework of 
the two languages proves them to be essentially distinct. 
Thus, in the modern languages of France and England, their 
vocabularies might be made to show them to be essentially 
the same, while the grammars would prove them to be of 
entirely different origin. Such conclusions, then, are very 
unphilosophical, as often leading to error ; though still, in the 


absence of fuller proofs, we may take them as evidences in 
our favour, so far as they are worth it, to support our assump- 
tion, even if they are not considered sufficient to prove them. 
This assumption is, that the Gaelic tribes having come at 
different periods from Spain into Ireland, whence a colony of 
them afterwards went into North Britain under the name of 
Scots, the language now spoken in Ireland and Scotland, and 
known as Gaelic, is the representative of that formerly spoken 
in Aquitania and Spain. 

The accurate and judicious Strabo has taken care twice to 
inform us explicitly, that the Aquitani resembled more the 
Iberi, or people of Spain, than they did the other Gauls ; not 
in language only, but also in personal appearance : Tov 9 yu,ev 
AKVITCIVIOVS reXeo)? efi/XXo^evoy? ov rrj y\a)rrrj /JLOVOV a\\a 
/cat rots dw^acriv e/x^epet? \ftrjpa-i pa\\ov rj FaXarat? (lib. iv. 
1). And again, AvrXo)? yap einreiv ot KKVITCUVOI $ia<f>pov(ri 
rov Ta\aTifcov <f>v\ov /cara re ra? rcov crwfJbaTGW /cara/cvas Kai 
Kara TTJV y\a)rrrjv eot/cacn, Se yu-aXXov I/3r}p(rw (ib. 2). This 
being our guide, the next question arising for consideration is, 
to inquire what was the language of Spain at that period. 

In the passage first above cited, Strabo further gives us to 
understand, that among the Gauls, distinct from the Aquitani, 
there were several dialects, or slight differences of language. 
But even without this information, only from the probability 
arising from what we observe in all countries, we might have 
judged that such would have been the case. The same with 
regard to the people of Spain, of the original inhabitants, in- 
dependently of the various foreigners that had settled there, 
Greeks, Romans, Phoenicians, Carthaginians, or any others, 
including the Persians, according to Varro, as cited by Pliny. 
What people were referred to as Persians, it is unnecessary 
here to conjecture, as our inquiry is only directed to ascertain 
the character of that large and warlike body of wandering 
tribes whom the more civilized nations of antiquity found in 
Spain, as recorded by their writers. These tribes, spoken of 
by them under different names, were, as far as we can judge, 
of the same origin in Spain ; though not, as Gibbon has said, 
all the same as those of Gaul and Britain. When, therefore, 


we read of the people of Spain under so many different names 
as Gauls, Celts, Scythians, or Iberi, with the compounds Cel- 
tiberi, or Celto-Scythians, independently of the local names, or 
those of individual tribes, we must not imagine them to have 
been of distinct nationalities. Strabo has expressly informed 
us, that these were all only general terms ; and his observa- 
tions respecting them are deserving of our careful considera- 
tion : (/>r)/jLi, jap Kara TIJV TMV ap%cua)v EXX^vwv Soav wairep 
ra 7T/309 Boppav ftepr] ra yvayptfjua evi ovofjuart ^icvOas e/ca\ovv 
TJ NoyLtaSav a>9 Ofjbrjpos vcrrepov 8e KCLI rcov TT/JO? eaTrepav 
<yv(0a0evTa)V KeXrot Kai I/ifype? vj o~VfJi,fj,i,KTa)$ KeXrj/ifype? /cat 
Ke\roo-Kv0aL TrpocrTjjopevovro vfi ev ovo/jua rav /caOe/cacrTa 
0va)i> TaT7o/j,evcov Sia rrjv ayvoiav (lib. i. cap. 2) . 

From the above passage we may conclude, that Strabo 
understood the term Scythians to signify Nomades ; and such, 
literally, seems to be the true meaning of the word, whether 
applied to the wandering tribes known to the ancients as 
Scythians, or those known later as Scots, the word Scuite in 
Gaelic still signifying a wanderer. We have already seen 
that the word Celt seems to have been applied with the same 
meaning as a bushranger, or dweller in the woods ; and cor- 
responding to these, though certainly a new suggestion, I feel 
persuaded that the word Iberi had the same signification, and 
was applied to the same people by the Phoenicians, from whom 
it came to the Greeks and Romans. The word ^O^ which 
we have in our version translated Hebrew, appears originally 
to have signified one who had no fixed habitation: DOW> 
" inhabitants of the desert, nomades." Thus the phrase in 
Genesis, ch. xiv. 13, in our version translated " told Abram 
the Hebrew," is rendered in the Septuagint Afipa/j, rp Tre/oar^; 
and thus also, in other parts of the same version, by other 
terms of equivalent signification, as e/c/Satvovre? and SiaTro- 
pevopevoi, in the 1st book of Samuel. From this,, then, we 
may judge, that the same general term which had been 
applied by the Phoenicians to the Israelites, and to the wan- 
dering tribes of the country now known as Georgia, had been 
also applied by them to those they found in Spain, and had 
come to the Greeks and Romans as a national appellation. 


However this may be, it is certain that the name Iberi was 
applied by Greek and Roman writers to the people inhabiting 
Spain in their times, and that these Iberi were not any former 
class of inhabitants, but essentially the same people who were 
by others of those writers also called Gauls, Celts, Scythians, 
or Celtiberians. 

The Irish histories and traditions are mixed up with so 
many palpable fictions, that it is impossible for us in reason 
to rely on them as authorities. Still, so far as they may be 
received, they show us that the first inhabitants of Ireland 
came from Spain ; and certainly that important branch of 
them, the Scots, who first gave their name to that island, and 
afterwards to North Britain, as in the present day. The 
traditions and histories of Spain on this point coincide with 
the Irish, and so also do the English (see Nennius, 13), so 
that we have both authority and probability in support of our 
assumption. We have already cited Strabo as noticing the 
personal resemblance of the Aquitani to the people of Spain; 
and Tacitus, for the same reason, judged the Silures of Wales 
to have been of Spanish origin. Such national resemblances 
are well worthy of remark ; and thus, even now, after the 
lapse of 2000 years, there may be traced an extraordinary 
similarity of personal appearance between the lower classes of 
the Irish and those of Galicia in Spain, whence the colonists 
are said to have proceeded. To that province the Gael left 
their name, and there the coast is yet designated Brigantina. 
Thence, also, the slightest observation of the map will show, 
that any vessel, sailing even at random, would as easily get to 
Ireland as to the south-western parts of England, where others 
of their family had no doubt settled in the same manner. 
This being allowed, the conclusion necessarily follows, that 
the original colonists took their language with them ; and as 
they have ever since remained a distinct people in Ireland, 
have thus been able to retain it. 

Spain itself was subjected so relentlessly to the systematic 
colonization of the Romans, that the original inhabitants of 
the country seem to have been soon completely absorbed in 
the communities of their conquerors. Thus, then, their Ian- 


guage seems soon to have become obliterated, so that, even in 
the earlier periods of the empire, Latin had entirely superseded 
it. But still some traces of that ancient language are yet to 
be found in modern Spanish, words such as garzon, a boy ; 
nada, nothing ; casaca, a coat, and a few others, which, having 
no affinities in Latin, Basque, or Cymric, are purely Gaelic. 
In like manner other traces are to be found in the pronuncia- 
tion of a still larger class of words, which appear to have first 
come to the Latin also from the Gaelic. Thus a thief is not 
latro, but ladron, which is Gaelic and Cymric ; and the wall 
of a house, in like manner, is pared, not paries. Terra becomes 
tierra, from the Gaelic tir ; planus is llano, pronounced liano, 
Gaelic, leana ; plenus is lleno, pronounced liano, Gaelic lianum-, 
mel is miel, Gaelic mil; ferrum is hierro, Gaelic iarrun, with 
many others. 

Several words, said to have been taken from the ancient 
Spanish language, have been handed down to us ; but they are 
not easy to be identified with any living language : briga, a 
town; buteo, a bird of rapine ; cetra, a shield; cusculia, a kind of 
oak ; dureta, a seat in a bath ; falarica, a kind of spear ; gurdus, 
stolidus ; lancia, a lance ; necy, a name for the god Mars, and 
perhaps a few others. Of these lancia and cetra appear to be 
certainly Gaelic; dureta, from dwr or dur, may be Gaelic 
and Cymric ; gurdus is the same as the Cymric gordew ; the 
others I cannot trace satisfactorily to myself in either of those 
languages, nor yet in Basque. Perhaps further researches may 
afford some explication of them, or the statements made re- 
specting them may have been made erroneously, or the words 
themselves may have become lost in the languages as now 

In conclusion, we have it still left us to consider the question 
whether the singular language now generally known as the 
Basque or Biscayan, can be supposed to have been the preva- 
lent language of Spain in the time of Caesar or Strabo. William 
Humboldt and many other writers have held that the people 
six -;iking it were the original inhabitants of Spain prior to the 
arrival of the Celts, and that they had probably come from 
Africa. The modern Basques have also some traditions or 


belief to the same effect, maintaining that their ancestors 
had come direct from the plains of Shinar, at the time of the 
dispersion under Tubal Cain, In this absurdity they have per- 
suaded several others of the Spanish writers to concur, though 
Mariana and the most judicious of the Spaniards have dissented 
from them. On the other hand, M'Culloch in his ' Geogra- 
phical Dictionary' and Borrow in his ' Bible in Spain/ say that 
some of the Basques believe themselves to be the remnant 
of some Phoenician colony. Beyond these assertions, I have 
never met with any Basque to assent to this supposition, 
though I have conversed with many intelligent persons of 
their country on the subject ; nor have I found any such 
suggestion in the principal works written on their language ; 
of which I believe I have nearly all that have ever been pub- 
lished. I have never met with the one purporting to explain 
the celebrated passage in Plautus, generally considered Phoe- 
nician, by means of the Basque language, but feel confident, 
from the consideration I have given it, that however inge- 
niously the attempt might have been made, it could not have 
succeeded in proving any connexion between the Basque and 
the language of that passage. 

It seems to be an opinion almost universally admitted that 
the Phoenician language was nearly identical with the Hebrew. 
If this opinion be correct, though wishing to be understood 
as not altogether agreeing with it, we may positively assert 
that the Basques cannot be supposed to be any remnant of 
the Phoenician colonists, as there are very few traces indeed 
of Hebrew to be found in their language. Still it appears to 
me very probable that they are the descendants of some 
colony from the East planted in the districts which they now 
occupy, the traces of which are clearly to be seen, and are 
well deserving of being investigated. They certainly give 
no indications of being descendants of the original inhabitants 
of the Peninsula. They speak of their neighbours, the French 
and Spaniards respectively, by appellations merely signifying 
people of the country, or natives (Erdederac) ; and of them- 
selves as people of their respective provinces, without any trace 


of hostile feeling such as might be expected if they had ever 
in reality been driven from other possessions. They call 
themselves Euscaldunac, and their language Euscara, totally 
ignoring the name of Basques, by which they are generally 
known. On the contrary, they rather understand the term 
as applicable to other people, the word basa in their language 
signifying a wood, and basacoa a dweller in the woods. This 
term they applied to the people now known as Gascons, who are 
descendants of people who formerly lived in their neighbour- 
hood, but were afterwards driven into France. These Gas- 
cons have no affinity whatever with the Euscaldunac, but an 
unmistakeable affinity with the Gael, so that the application 
of the name to them is strictly appropriate, while the reflex 
of it on the Euscaldunac themselves can only be considered a 
striking example of the perversity with which national appel- 
lations are sometimes conferred. 

William Humboldt has further attempted to show that this 
people had formerly been spread very extensively over Spain, 
from the names of places that may be explained by means of 
their language. In this, however, he appears to me over- 
straining his facts for the sake of his theory, as in reality 
there are but few such names that can be allowed to be so 
derived, and those principally on the sea-coasts. In fact the 
original location of the Basques can scarcely be traced beyond 
their present limits, the provinces of Biscay, Guipuzcoa, and 
Alava in Spain, and the sea-coast of France from the Pyrenees 
to Bayonne. If they ever extended further, it appears to me 
that it was not in the interior but along the sea-coasts; as 
further on in Spain there is another Bayona, which is one of 
the most certain of their appellations, from ibaya river, and 
ona good. 

There is no nation in the world more remarkable for in- 
dustry and enterprise than the Basque, combined with such a 
pure love for their country and their free institutions, while 
crime seems almost unknown in their provinces. A. cele- 
brated modern Spanish writer, Lista, has recorded of them 
that he resided upwards of three years among them, and 


never heard of any offence committed there during that time 
beyond an assault from motives of jealousy. Thus a brave, 
frugal, sober and industrious people, spreading themselves over 
Spain and Spanish colonies, we may decidedly pronounce 
them to be an increasing rather than a decreasing people. 
Yet in the present day they are in their native provinces 
only very few in number, under half a million of souls al- 
together. From these considerations, and from their whole 
history, they appear to me to have increased to that number 
from some small colony rather than to have decreased from 
a larger nation. Their history and language, which is quite 
distinct from any other in the neighbourhood, deserve a 
much more careful investigation than has yet been given them, 
and perhaps the former can now only be elucidated by means 
of the latter. This investigation, however, would require a 
lengthened inquiry, and is entitled to form the subject of an 
entirely distinct notice. At present, I content myself with 
saying that I agree with those of the Spanish writers, Florez 
and others, who consider them to have been a different people 
from the Cantabri. These were probably of the same tribe 
as the Cantii, the primary inhabitants of our county of Kent. 
Of the other settlers in Spain it is unnecessary here to 
speak, as the purport of this essay has been only to discuss 
the question of the language spoken by the original inhabit- 
ants of the country in connexion with the Aquitani. They 
undoubtedly spoke among themselves, as we are also told they 
did, a variety of dialects such as we find the case in all countries 
and all ages. Among the Basques there are seven, and among 
the Gael and Cymry full as many. This, however, is not in- 
consistent with our argument, that the ancient inhabitants of 
Spain were Gaelic, of the same family of people as the Aqui- 
tani of France, who were distinct from the inhabitants of what 
Caesar calls Celtic Gaul, from the latter being of the Cymric 
family, while both were distinct from the Belgae, inasmuch as 
these were Germans. 

Note, p. 20. I pass over, as inadmissible, the later suppo- 


sitions of the Armoricans having come originally from Corn- 
wall when driven away by the Saxons. A few refugees might 
have then settled there among a kindred people, but we 
cannot suppose them to have been the first of their family 
settled in that district. 




1855. No. 12. 

Nov. 9 ; HENSLEIGH WEDGWOOD, Esq. in the Chair. 

Nov. 23; SIR JOHN F. DAVIS, Bart, in the Chair. 
The Rev. A. Lowy was elected a Member of the Society. 
The following Papers were read : 

I. "On certain Recent Additions to African Philology;" by 


II. " On the Meaning of the Root gen or ken -" by HENSLEIGH 


I. " On certain Recent Additions to African Philology." 

Since the paper upon Certain Recent Additions to African 
Philology* (a paper of which the present is the continuation) 
was laid before the Society, the writer has received from his 
friend Dr. B. Baikie, of the Tshadda Expedition, two fresh 
notices, viz. : a very short sample of a language called the 
Bati, and a longer one of a language called the Baiori. 

Of the Bati men, occupants of a district to the back of the 
Cameroons, Dr. Baikie saw but one individual. He was not 
only jet black himself, but stated that all his countrymen were 
the same. Attention is drawn to this, because in a recent 
work it has been asserted that the Bati people are white or 
approaching to white. The words themselves were got 
through the medium of a Baiori interpreter, as the Bati man 
spoke only his own language. The Bati and Baion countries 
* In pages 85-95 of this volume, 


join, and Dr. Baikie remarks that the two languages have 
strong affinities and very probably belong to the same class, 
as is doubtless the case. 

In the following lists n=*ng in king, only somewhat more 
nasal ; o = a in all. 



two . . . 




'nt6wa or 'nt6ko. 
fam or mfam. 
bti or mbu. 


sixteen .... 

seventeen . . 
eighteen . . 
nineteen . . 
twenty .... 



ikumbo or nkum- 
ndambo. [bo. 

three .... 
five . 


seven .... 

mother .... 
moon. ..... 

nine .... 

ten . . 

eleven .... 
twelve .... 
thirteen . . 
fourteen . . 
fifteen .... 


river .... 

house .... 
water .... 


nineteen . . 
twenty .... 
one hundred 
one thousand 
God . . . . 

three .... 
four . . 



woman .... 

boy . 

nine . . . 


eleven .... 
twelve .... 
thirteen . . 
fourteen . . 
fifteen .... 
sixteen .... 
seventeen . . 
eighteen . . 

father .... 
mother .... 
head . 


mouth .... 







finger .... 


thumb .... 








master .... 


slave. . 

nkwam . 

house .... 






water .... 


bread .... 


fish . 



mosin . 

fowl . . 

goat mbi. 

wood nkwi. 

spear .... nkon. 

sword .... nyi. 

bow ntshet. 

arrow . . rikoritshet. 


hat tshatu. 

cloth ndi. 

river montshmko. 

town la. 

road mandji. 

mountain . . kokol6ndji. 

rain beng. 

wind fulmbu. 

thunder . mfambe. 

lightning . . ndjim. 

good bonke. 

bad ka!6ng. 

hungry .... ndji. 

thirsty .... faminyumakwe(?) 

tired mafum. 

tree . . 
blue . . 

red . . 
yes . . 
no. . 








Dr. Baikie compared his list with the Bayon of the Poly- 
glotta Africana, and came to the conclusion that they both re- 
presented the same language though in different dialects. Out 
of thirty Baion towns, twenty-eight began with the letter B. 

In the Polyglotta Africana we find a Pati vocabulary, 
"Pati," writes Kolle, "is the Bayon capital, and is a town* 
which cannot be traversed from end to end in one day/' &c. 
To this statement, however, Dr. Baikie takes an exception, 
denying that the Bati country has any distinct capital. He 
remarks, too, that his own Bati numerals are distinct from 
Kolle's Pati; as, indeed, according to the following Tables 
they are 





one .... 


mo m'mo. 

two .... 

#-SJimgu .... 

mba .... iba and m'ban. 

three. . 


ntat Ttat and ntat. 

* Query " district." 

P 2 




four .... 6-ngiibia .... h'koa .... mi-nkoa. 

five .... ia-dumbonshon n'tan .... mi-ntan. 

six 0-ndori nto'o .... nto*. 

seven. . . . ia-ndo koatet .... sa'mba. 

eight .... 5-fulim fom fam. 

nine .... 6a-mtamba . . sibo bo'o. 

ten .... 5-mbantu. . . . u'wom. . . . gum. 

The class in which the Baion and Pati of Kb'lle stand is the 
Moko ; a word upon which Dr. Baikie remarks, that there is 
some confusion between it and Baion which he has yet to 
clear up. 

It is safe to say that the two Bayon vocabularies along with 
the Pati of Kolle represent one language, from which the 
Bati of Baikie differs in its numerals, at least; though not 
even in these altogether, as may be seen when we subtract 
the prefix ba- compare ba-ndon ( = six) with nto. 

If we turn fyom Kolle to Clarke we find (most especially 
under the letter B) numerous notices, which (fragmentary as 
they are, and by no means accurately coincident), upon the 
whole, confirm each other. Thus Clarke's 

Bayung is a district of great extent, south of the Jebel-el- 
komri and east of the mountains of 

Bakumkum, which is a mountainous country east of Diwalla, 
i.e. the Cameroons' country. Then 

Bati (of which a sample is given) is near to Banking, which 
is near to 

Ban'king, which is near to Banin, which is, again, near the 
Diwalla (Cameroons' country) and in the direction of Bayung. 

The miscellaneous affinities of the two tongues in question 
are as follows : 

1. BATI. 

English. . . . one. 

Bati ba-nkale. 

Kasm kalo. 

Yula kalo. 

Mandingo.. kele. 

Jallunku . , kelen. 

English. . . . three. 

Bati ba-shit. 

Nki be-dsiat. 

Undaza. . . . mi-satu. 

Bumbete . . mi-tat u. 

Babuma , . ba-tet. 




Bagba .... no. 

Mbamba . . 


Kum nyam. 

Bascke .... 


Pati nyu. 

Param . . . . 


Bayon .... nyum. 

English. . . . 


English. ..." God. 



Bati mimbua. 

Pangela . . 


Baseke .... anyambe. 

English. . . . 


Nhalemoe. . nyama. 
Melon .... nyama. 
Ngoten. . . . monyama. 

Murundo . . 
Basunda . . 


Kabenda, &c. nzambi. 
Baburna,&c. ndsambe. 

Nyombe . . 
Bumbete . . 
Mbamba . . 


Pika ...... yamba. 
Isuwu .... nyamba liwinke. 
Dualla .... nyambe. 
Orungo. . . . anyambe. 

Membona. . 


English. . . . yam. 

Kabenda . . 

ngonda . 

Bati ko. 

Isubu .... 


Man dingo, &c.ku. 

Dualla . . . 


Gadsaga . . ku. 

English. . . . 


English. . . . house. 



Bati ndap. 

Ngoten. . . . 


Mbe nab. 

Papia .... 


Nso ndaw. 

Monenya . . 


Murundo . . ndawo. 

Bamorn. . . . 


Dsarawa . . nda. 

2. BAION. 

English. . . . 

one. i 

Akurakura . of a. 

Baion .... 


Mbe . . . ibe. 



Mfut be. 

Udom .... 


Hawssa . . . biu. 

Eafen .... 


English. . . . three. 

English, . . . 


Baion .... ite. 

Baion .... 


Ekautulufu. esa. 



Udom .... besa. 

Udom . . . 


Eregba .... it a. 

Eregba .... 


Yala eta. 

Anan .... 


Anan .... ita. 



Mbe itat. 

Koro .... 


Wolof . . yat. 


English. . . . four. 
Baion .... ikwa. 
Mbe . . ikue. 

Bayon, &c. . 

English. . . . 
Baion .... 
Bayon .... 
Pate, &c. . . 

English. . . . 
Baion .... 
Nso ... 







of the 
MS. i 

Kuin . . . ikoa. 

, ,. .. Jfoct 

Balu kea. 
Ngoala .... koa. 
Papiah, &c. koa. 

English. . . . five. 
Baion .... it a. 
Mbe itan. 

Basa, &c. . . tana. 
Kamuku . . ta. 
Eregba .... ithu. 
Balu, &c. . tan. 


Bayon, &c. . 
Kanuri .... 

English. . . . 
Udom, &c. . 

English. . . . 
Baion .... 


Ntere,&c... bitani. 

English six. 
Baion .... 'ntowa. 

Nso . . ntunfie. 

English . . . seven. 
Baion .... samba. 
Nso samba. 

Ndob, &c. . . sambe. 
Isubu .... samba. 
Udom .... asamma. 

English. . . . eight. 
Baion fam. 



Bayon, &c. . 
Udom, &c. . 
Whida, &c. 

Baion .... 

Nso woame. 

Ngoten, &c. woam. 
Papeah. . . . fomo. 
Bay on, &c. . fam. 

English. . . . nine. 
Baion .... bu. 



Bayon .... 
Kum, &c.. . 
Udom, &c. . 

So much for the two new vocabularies 
Bayon. The following is also new. It also 
guage of Adamowa, of which we have a 


forwarded to the Geographical Society by Dr. Earth, 
called the Batta. 

A Vocabulary of the Batta Language. 

It is 


heaven . . . 
wind . 


. kade'. 
motshe kan. 


milk pdmde. 
butter .... mare. 
ghussub . . Idmashe. 
ghafuli . . kakashe 

rain . . . 


dry season 
day . 

bole basi. 

baseen .... dabtshe. 
honey .... mdratshe. 
salt fite. 

nioht. . 


meat lue. 



fruit. . nawa do kade 

to-day .... 
to-morrow. . 


shirt urkute. 
spear .... kube. 
sword .... songai. 
bow rie 

people .... 
man .... 


arrow .... galbai. 
quiver .... kossure. 

woman . . . . 


boat damagere. 

mother .... 

nogi or noi. 

hut, house. . finai. 
nat kaje. 

child, boy . . 
daughter . . 
brother . . . . 


cooking-pot borashe. 
basket .... shilai. 
horse duai. 
mare dometshi. 



ox nakai. 



cow .... metshe nakai 

sultan, king 
female slave 

eye . 


camel, donkey do not exist. 
sheep .... bagamre. 
goat bagai. 
dog barashe. 
lion turum. 

nose . 


fish . rufai. 

ear .... 


bird yaro. 

mouth .... 
tooth. . . . 


a plain .... yolde. 
mountain faratshe. 

tongue .... 


valley .... kadembe. 
river . . . be-noe, faro. 

heart .... 


river over-} . 
. > be-bake. 
now mo \ 


garden .... wadi. 
well ...'... biilambe. 



tree . . kade ? 

grass .... 1 
herbage . . j tsham - 
small .... keng. 
large baka. 

. four 

far, distant bong. 
near abong. 


good izedo. 
bad azedo. 

ciyni, , 



warm .... tenibo. 
/ hear .... hakkeli. 
I do not hear takeli. 
I see hille. 
I do not see tale. 
I speak. . . . nabawata. 
/ sleep .... bashino. 

eleven .... 
twelve .... 
thirteen . . 
twenty .... 
twenty-one . 
thirty .... 
forty . . 

/ eat nazumu. 


eat, imp. . . zuazum,zuengosso. 


I drink. . . . nasa. 
drink, imp. zuabasa. 
Z go nawado . 

seventy. . . . 
eighty .... 

go, imp. . . joado. 
/ come .... nabasi. 
come, imp. sua. 
give, imp... tenigo. 
take, imp.. . zuangura. 
J . h&mebo. 

ninety .... 
one hundred 
one thousand 

Forms < 












bu umbidi hido. 

bu umbidi pe. 

bu umbidi makin. 


manobupe hido. 





maonbu tokulape. 

manobu farfat. 

manobu tambido. 


debu (Hausa). 

f Salutation. 
ida yo. 
yalabare bide. 

The Batta* of Earth is liker to the Bati and Pati in name 
than in words. It has the following miscellaneous affinities : 

* The preliminary remarks of Dr. Barth on the Batta language are as 
follows: "The Batta-ntshi is spoken from Garrua, a place three days E. 
of Yola, in the district of Kokorni, as far as Batshaina, three days E. of 
Hainrnarua. To this language belong the names of the two large rivers of 
Adamawa, Faro ' the river,' and Benoe, ' the mother of waters.' 

" The other languages are the following : the Buma-ntshi, spoken by 
the Umbum arid in Baia ; the Dama-ntshi, the language of Bobaujidda ; the 
Buta-ntshi ; the Tekar-tshi ; the Munda-ntshi ; the Fala-ntshi ; the Mar- 
ga-ntshi j the Kilba-ntshi ; the Yangur-tshi ; the Guda-ntshi, spoken by a 
very learned people, the Gudu, living on a plain surrounded by mountains. 


English. . . . 








Hausa .... 


English. . . . 


Barba .... 


Batta .... 


Begharmi. . 


Hausa .... 


Mano, &c. . 
Basa, &c. . . 
Whida, &c. 
Afudu .... 


English. . , . 
Hausa .... 


ka-do , 

English. . . . 


Anan .... 


Batta .... 






1> HI 

Kum, &c.. . 


English. . . . 


Ntere .... 


Batta .... 


Buduma . . 


Konguan . . 









English. . . 


English. . . . 


Batta .... 


Meto .... 


Hausa .... 


Mandara . . 


English. . . . 




Batta .... 


Anan .... 



Fulah .... 




English. . . . 


Muranda . . 




Ndob .... 


Hausa .... 

mat si. 



Undaza. . . . 



Mandingo, &c . m usu . 





Ngoten. . . . 


Diwala .... 


Afudu .... 


Ngoten, &c 

. moad. 

near Song ; the Tshamba-ntshi ; the Kotofa-ntshi, spoken by the Kotofo, 
whose large river, the Dewo, comes from Koutsha and joins the Benue ; 
the Wera-ntshi; the Dura-ntshi; the Woka-ntshi; the Toga-ntshi; the 
Lekam-tshi ; the Parpar-tshi ; the Kankam-tshi ; the Nyangeyare-tshi ; 
the Musga-ntshi ; the Mandara-ntshi ; the Gizaga-ntshi ; the Ruma-ntshi ; 
the Gidar-ntshi ; the Daba-ntshi ; the Hina-ntshi ; the Maturna-ntshi ; the 
Sina-ntshi ; the Momoyee-ntshi ; the Fani-ntshi ; the Nyega-ntshi ; and 
finally the Devva-ntshi ; all these languages being so widely different from 
each other, that a man who knows one of them does not at all understand 
the others." 

* Given to show the (?) phrase form (-pe = -be). 


English. . . . 


Marawi. . . . s. tsiso. 

Batta .... 


Orungu . . 


Meto .... s. nito. 

Ngoten, &c. 


English. . . . 

child, boy. 

English. . . . bone. 



Dsekiri. . . . esu. 

Karekare . . 


lubu ese. 

English. . . . 


Bumbete . . s. resi. 






Mbamba . . s. eeze. 


Munio .... 


. neeze. 



Basunde . . s. pisi. 

Mende .... 


7 7 

p. oinisi. 

Timne .... 


Bulom .... 
Mampa. . . . 


English. . . . rain. 
Batta .... bole. 
Kabinda,&c. mfula. 

Landoma . . 


English. . . . dry season. 

English. . . . 

slave, male. 

Batta .... pua. 

Batta .... 


Kabinda,&c. zivu. 

Ngodsin . . 
J) oa i 


English. . . . horse. 

y c*ocy 

Batta .... duai. 

English. . . . 


Pika do, doso. 

Batta .... 


Karekare . . do, doro, doku 

Orungo. . . . 


Ngodsin . . duk, duka. 

Ntere, &c. . 

mot sue. 

Doai duwok. 

Babuma, &c. 


Nupe,&c.. . doko. 

Muntu,&c. . 


Mandingo,&c. so. 

English. . . . 
Kabenda . . 

s. liezu. 
p. mezo. 

Kru, &c. . . so. 
Whida, &c. eso. 
Aku, &c. . . edsi. 
Hausa .... doki. 

Mimbona . . 

s. dizo. 

English. . . . mare. 

p. mezo. 

Batta .... do-metshe. 


s. dsis. 
p . mis. 

Mandingo,&c. so-musu. 

Pangela . . 

s. eso. 

English. ... ox, cow. 

p. owaso. 

Batta .... nakai. 

Keriman . . 

s. lito. 

Ngoten, &c. nyaka. 

T). meto. 

Mende, &c. . nika. 


English. . . 
Batta . . . 
Ndob . . . 

English. . 
Batta . . . 

English. . 
Batta . . 
Ham. . . . 

English. . 
Batta . . 
Aku, &c. 
Alege . . 

Ndob . 


Batta . 
Hausa . 

Batta . 

. goat. 
. bagai. 

. good. 
. izedo. 
, . ki-set. 

. bad. 
. azedo. 
. ki-baset. 

. bow. 

. rie. 

. . urop. 
. . s. boro. 

p. maro. 
. . s. le. 

p. bile. 

. . s. ele. 

p. yele. 

. . arrow. 
. . galbai. 
. . kibia. 

. . hut, house. 
. . final. 
. . bon. 


Karekare . . benu. 


Mandingo. . bon. 

Dzhallunka. bon. 

Bambarra. . bon. 

Kabungo . . buno. 

Tere . . ... ban. 

English. . . . fire. 
Batta .... die. 
Mandingo, &c. ta. 

Barba . . 
Boko . . 
Mfut. .. 

English. . 
Batta . . 
Aku, &c. 

English. . 
Batta .. 
Isubu . . 
Dualla . . 
Muntu . . 

English. . 
Batta . . 
Baseke . . 
Ntere . . 











mot she ken. 
s. botsuh. 

p. matsuh. 
s. bodsuk. 

p. madsuk. 

Another African language, concerning which even the 
slightest information is valuable, is the Tibbu. Respecting 
this, I am only able to supply a short contribution made by 
Mr. Norris, from a Tibbu vocabulary, hitherto unpublished, 
and described by the writer last named as being written in 
badly-formed Arabic characters, and without vowels. He 
adds, that it has many close coincidences with the Bornu 
verbs, but more differences. 


. iugablu. . 
. samu 





elephant kumagin kamagin. 

father ab aba. 

lion duguli? kurguli. 

liElu lifella. 

kasagu . . . . . kasugu. 

burai bumi, you eat. 

there is found .... fandi fandi. 

go round darini darini. 

merchant burbay burba. 


eat . 

Another is the Budduma, or the language of the Islanders 
in Lake Tshad, from a MS. of Barth, belonging to the Geo- 
graphical Society. This is, perhaps, somewhat more like the 
Affadeh than the ordinary or standard Kanowry or Bornu 

English. . 

English. . . 
Budduma . 
Affadeh . 

English. . . 
Budduma . 
Affadeh . 

English. . . 
Budduma . 
Affadeh . 

English. . . 
Budduma . 
Affadeh . 

English. . . 
Budduma . 
Affadeh . 

English. . . 
Budduma . 















English. . , . son. 
Budduma . . igenai. 

English. . 

English. . 
Budduma , 
Affadeh . 

English. . . 
Budduma . 
Affadeh . 

English. . . 
Budduma . 
Affadeh . 

English. . . 
Budduma . 
Affadeh . 

English. . 
Budduma . 

digger am. 

go, ko. 














English. . . . hairs. 
Budduma . . njiygo. 
Affadeh . miszigge-sziggo. 

English. . . . foot. 
Budduma . . kairetshu. 
Affadeh . enszih. 

The languages of Bornu, like those of so many other parts 
of Africa, are counted by tens rather than by units ; it being 
a current statement that as many as thirty different tongues 
are spoken in Bornu. This we get from a statement by 
Lucas (whose informant was a Sherif of that country), in the 
' Magazin der Reisen/ Th. v. p. 330, referred to in the ' Mith- 
ridates/ Seetzen (ibid.) throws a little light upon this; his 
informant having been a negro of Affadeh. The first lan- 
guage enumerated by him is 

1. The Mana Birniby, or speech of Bornu itself; this very 
word Mana reappearing in the Budduma vocabulary before 
us as manna =woYd, language. Then follow 

2. The Amszigh Mpade, a country six days' journey 

3. The Mszam mkalone Kamma, or the speech of a country 
seven days east of Affadeh, called by the Arabs Kalp hey. 

4. The Amszigh Affadeh. 

Towards our knowledge of the other twenty-six, the fol- 
lowing is, probably, a contribution. Seetzen obtained it from 
a negro of Mobba, with whom he met at Cairo. Now Mobba 
(the Barghu of the Furians or people of Darfur, and the 
Dar-saleh of the Arabs) is sufficiently connected with Bornu, 
both in its geography and its political relations, to be con- 
sidered as the source of some of these numerous Bornu forms 
of speech. The list is as follows : 

5. The Kajenyah. 6. The Upderrak. 7. The Alih. 8. 
The Mingon. 9. TheMararet. 10. The Massalit. 11. The 
Szongor. 12. The Kuka. 13. The Dadshu. 14. The Ban- 
dalah. 15. The Masmajah. 16. The Njorga. 17. The 
Dembe. 18. The Malanga. 19. The Mime. 20. The Ko- 
ruboih. 21. The Gonuk. 22. The Kabka. 23. The Gur- 
ranguk. 24. The Dshellaba. 

From remarks which have arisen out of the fact of their 
being new data, rather than out of their revelancy to the main 
investigation, we proceed to the consideration of the Specimens. 


The first table gives us the words for man, woman, father, mo- 
ther, fire, water, sun, moon, star, and fowl, in 294 languages, 
dialects, or subdialects forms of speech differing from each 
other in other in different degrees, sometimes not at all; 
in which case we have the same tongue under different 

In the second we have the numerals ; the forms of speech 
in which they are given being 388. 

The names of the languages in the two tables, as far as the 
smaller number is contained in the larger, coincide pretty 
closely, though by no means absolutely. 

Thirdly, we have, to follow the tables, shorter specimens of 
a variety of miscellaneous languages, some of which have 
appeared in the tables themselves, but others of which are 
new. The lists of words are also more or less new (i. e. 
different from those of the tables), though unfortunately they 
are much the same in respect to their length, or rather in 
respect to their brevity. 

Finally, after some grammatical paradigms for certain 
Kaffre languages, we find, at the end of the work, several geo- 
graphical notices of the same kind with those of the Polyglotta 

The work of Mr. Clarke is altogether a compilation of less 
extent and pretension than that of M. Kolle's; indeed, it is a 
pamphlet of about one hundred pages. 

In lists so short as the ones under notice, the selection of 
the words is of great importance. The best of them are fire, 
water, sun, moon, and star. The terms father and mother 
are, for the purposes of comparative philology, nearly useless ; 
inasmuch as they are, generally, more or less alike, all the 
world over, and that independently of any connexion between 
the languages in which they occur. Man and woman are 
generally ambiguous, the names for them being often the 
names for man and wife as well. Hence, unless we have the 
terms for all four (man, husband, woman, wife), we have but 
half the requisite information. It may also be added, that 
along with the name for sun, the names for sky (heaven), 
light and day, should be given. 


The numerals, when selected as specimens of any language, 
are always of value, because, whether they be of little or 
great use for the purposes of comparative philology, they 
have always a value in the history of the arithmetic. For 
reasons, however, too long to be given here, the pure and 
proper philological importance of the numerals is inconstant. 
Sometimes the numerals of two or more languages shall be 
alike whilst the rest of the vocabulary differs. Sometimes 
the similitude between the words other than numeral shall 
be great, the numerals themselves being unlike. In many 
languages it happens, that if some of the numerals are alike, 
the others will be so also. In others, on the contrary, it by 
no means follows that because (say) one and two are alike, 
three and/owr, &c. should be equally so. 

These remarks have been made, less because they are 
essential to the present paper than because the selection of 
words, representative of rude and unknown languages, has 
commanded 110 small amount of the attention of philologers 
and ethnologists, and many lists, ready prepared, are in cir- 
culation in India and North America more especially. They 
are none of them unexceptionable ; and the reason for their 
being so lies in the fact of the choice being made on a priori 
views of what words are fundamental and what not. The 
present writer grounds his opinion as to what words are 
better than others, entirely on what he has observed the result 
of his observations being, that the words which the collation 
of vocabularies shows to be the most permanent parts of 
languages, are by no means the words that a priori specu- 
lations indicate. 

Upon the shortness of Mr. Clarke's lists, it may be re- 
marked that, though insufficient when they contain no coin- 
cidences to prove two or more languages unlike each other, 
they are sufficient when coincidences are presented, to 
indicate affinities. This, however, is only an example of the 
rule that common sense dictates, viz. that short lists are 
sufficient to indicate likenesses, whereas long ones are needed 
for the exhibition of differences, a rule of general appli- 


With these preliminaries, I lay before the Society the fol- 
lowing lists. 

No. I. contains the names of the languages, dialects, and 
subdialects, in which the collector gives us the African for 
man, woman, father, &c. 

A.*l Fula. 

36 Houssa. 

71 Beseki. 

2 Fulah. 

37 Bugimbinour. 

E.F.72 Diwalla. 

3 Filatah. 

38 Houssa. 

73 Bumke. 

4 Filani. 

39 Kano-Houssa. 

74 Bayung. 

5 Poula. 

(?)40 Brinni. 

*75 Isubu. 

B.*6 Yolof. 

E.*41 Yarriba. 

76 Moko. 

7 Joloff. 

42 Yabu. 

77 Moko. 

8 Wolof. 

43 Ako. 

78 Batonga. 

9 Wolof. 

44 Ayo. 

79 Bongo. 

C.*10 Mandingo. 

45 Kotshi. 

80 Kumbe. 

11 Mandingo. 

46 Okkiri. 

81 'Mwanjo. 

12 Mandingo. 

47 Yarriba. 

82 Batangga. 

13 Mandingo. 

48 Popo Akoko. 

83 'Ndiang. 

14 Mandingo. 

49 Nago. 

84 Abunggen. 

15 Susu. 

50 Bidjie. 

85 Bobia. 

16 Mendi. 

51 Uu. 

86 Ekunukunu. 

17 Serere. 

52 Ueiri. 

87 Papiak. 

18 Divama. 

53 Ufruda. 

88 Efik. 

19 Kossa. 

54 Eya. 

89 Otam. 

20 Kossa. 

55 Benin. 

90 Moko. 

21 Vy. 

56 Iggari. 

91 Moko. 

22 Pessa. 

G.*57 Borno. 

92 Efik. 

23 Matiga. 

58 Borno. 

93 Efik. 

24 lAgissi. 

(?)59 Ozuzzu. 

94 Moko. 

25 Timmani. E, 

.F.&E.6Q Tapua. 

95 Moko. 

26 Timini. 

*6l Nun. 

96 Ebiappa. 

27 Ibribu. 

62 Tappa. 

97 Ipe. 

28 Susu. 

63 Biyanni. 

98 Otam. 

29 Bangullan. 

64 Jappa. 

99 Tsbamba. 

30 Susu. 

65 Batanga. 

100 Berikan. 

(?)31 Guoni. 

66 Benin. 

101 Appa. 

32 Movidi. 

67 Appa. 

(?)102 Mahiohonjro. 

33 Kangga. 

68 Appa. 

103 Popo. 

34 Timbu. 

69 Bengga. 

104 Nago. 

D.*3f) Houssa. 

70 Otam. 

105 Popo. 


i06 Ehpehmi. 

147 Bati. 

188 Kongo. 

107 Amitsh. 

148 Grata. 

189 Maiidongo. 

108 Bonjo. 

149 Gold Coast. 

190 Gaboon. 

109 Bakoko. 

150 Bazit. 

191 Rungo. 

110 Fernandian. 

151 Balap. 

192 Kongo. 

Ill Ibo. 

152 Ibo. 

193 Kongo. 

112 New Calabar. 

153 Asango. 

194 Kongo. 

113 Oss. 

154 Agua. 

195 Orunggu. 

1 1 4 'Nkissi. 

155 Eple. E. 

196 Kissi. 

E.I 15 Iswama. 

*156 Fanti. 

197 Grou. 

116 M0Az. 

157 Ashanti. 

198 Kanga. 

117 Ibo. 

158 Pandan. 

199 Bendov. 

118 Ibo. 

159 Grabwa. 

200 Bendov. 

119 Ibo. 

160 wra. 

201 Mose. 

120 Ibo. 

161 Baipa. 

202 Bukra. 

121 Ibo. 

162 Lomlom. 

203 Grand Drewin. 

122 Ibo. 

163 Bakumkum. 

204 Friesco. 

123 Iboe. 

164 Maninga. 

205 Tshambo. 

124 Ibo. 

165 jB Yung. 

206 Tana. 

125 Loopa. 

166 Ba'Nking. 

207 Tshamba. 

126 Aru. 

167 2Vwfo. 

208 Tshamba. 

127 Bonny. 

168 Moko. 

209 Maninga. 

1 28 Koromanti. 

.169 Warsaw. 

210 Yabumbum. 

1 29 Bretshi. 

170 'Ndogingene. 

211 Appa. 

130 Bonny. 

171 Boutuku. 

212 Iddah. 

1 3 1 Gruma. 

172 Enishi. 

213 Fot. 

132 Warsah. 

173 Umowo. 

214 Egarra. 

133 Koromanti. 

174 Kosse. 

215 Bauda. 

134 Otam. 

175 Paquot. 

216 Da^f. 

135 Bakumkum. 

176 Otam. E.F.&E 

.217 'Mpungwe. 

136 Bassa. 

177 Bayaka. 

218 Bayung. , 

137 Ibo. 

178 Itofc. 

219 Numbe. 

138 Koromanti. 

179 Sego. 

220 JKMe. 

139 Koromanti. 

F.I 80 Angola. 

221 am'. 

140 Koromanti. 

181 Yindongo. 

222 Bansabit. 

141 Balumbi. 

182 Kanga. 

223 J^am'Tz. 

142 Banene. 

183 Mandonga. 

224 Tshamba. 

143 Basa. 

184 Kongo. 

225 Debba. 

144 Quako. 

185 Kongo. 

226 Bunking. 

145 Bonny. 

186 Mongolo. 

227 JStftfvm. 

146 New Calabar. 

187 Mongolo. 

22cS Appa. 



229 Ojunga. 

251 %w. 

273 'Mboma. 

230 Pwe. 

252 Kong. 

274 Kongo. 

231 Kimbo. 

253 Warsaw. 

275 Dalagoa. 

232 Igberra. 

254 D*M>*. 

2/6 Bechuana. 

233 'Mpumbu. 

255 Grow. 

277 Kosah. 

234 TVwfo-. 

256 Angola. 

278 Jawifulu. 

235 OAon. 

257 Mandongo. E.&E. 

F.279 Kissi. 

236 Kimbo. 

258 Anang. 

280 Karu. 

237 iflrffl. 

259 wuft. 

281 Nago. 

238 Bakumkum. 

260 Aro. 

282 Popo. 

239 t///-wrfw. 

261 Nago. 

283 Kitta. 

240 Fa^ia. 

262 Bobia. 

284 Kongo. 

241 Pwe. 

263 Ida. 

285 Wirimose. 

242 .EViwA*. 

264 Igbera. 

286 Baru. 

243 'Ndogingene. 

265 emw. 

287 'Ndoto. 

244 Appa. 

266 Amfuy. 

288 Timbrum. 

245 Popo. 

H.267 Siwahan. 

289 Dagamba. 

246 Sundi. 

268 Shelluh Lybian. 

290 Oyo. 

247 Mo. 

269 Lancerotta. 

291 Kabenda. 

248 Morundu. 

F.270 Monjou. 

292 Abungkin. 

249 ^ro. 

271 Sowauli. 

293 Bandue. 

250 Iswame. 

272 Malembo. 

294 Bakumkum. 

No. II. contains the names of the languages, dialects, and 
subdialects, in which the collector gives us the African for 
the numerals. 

31 Kossa. 

32 Mendi. 

33 Pessa. 

34 Kossa. 

35 Kissi. 

36 Timini. 

37 Timini. 

38 Kissi. 

39 Vy. 

40 Vei. 

41 Barka. 

42 Yana. 

43 Tshamba. 

44 Tshambo. 

45 Kossa. 

1 Felatah. 
2 Fula. 
3 Poula. 
4 Felata. 

16 Mandingo. 
17 Mandingo. 
18 Maninga, 
19 Bambara. 

5 Filani. 

20 Bambarra. 

6 Foulah. 

21 Susu. 

7 Felups. 
8 Joloff. 
9 Yoloff. 

22 Susu. 
23 Bangullan. 
24 Manua. 

10 Woloff. 

25 Tshamba. 

11 Yaloff. 

26 Rio Nunes. 

12 Mandingo. 
13 Mandingo. 
14 Mandingo. 
15 Mandingo. 

27 Dwama. 
28 Serawuli. 
29 Jallunkan. 
30 Meudi. 


46 Mampa. 
47 Houssa. 
48 Houssa. 
49 Houssa. 

87 Akripon. 
88 Akkim. 
89 Agouna. 
90 El Mina. 

128 Bornou. 
129 Nufi Tappua. 
130 Nufi. 
131 Shabee. 

50 Houssa. 

91 Fanti. 

132 Nufi. 

51 Houssa. 

92 Ghah. 

133 Kakandi Shabi. 

52 Houssa. 
53 Malaba. 
54 Sego. 
55 Cashna. 
56 Timbuctoo. 

93 Ghah. 
94 Aquimbo. 
95 Warsaw. 
96 Koromanti. 
97 Whidah. 

134 Nupaysee. 
135 Nufi. 
136 Kakanda. 
137 Tappa Anuba. 
138 Ibo. 

57 Kissour. 
58 Kissour. 
59 Sokko. 

98 Papah. 
99 Popo. 
100 Mahi. 

139 Ibo. 
140 Ibo. 
141 Ibo. 

60 Susu. 
61 Ballom. 
62 Kanga Kru. 
63 Bassa. 
64 Nabwa Kru. 
65 Barboe. 

101 Popo. 
102 Popo. 
103 Popo. 
104 Uu Ogalli. 
105 Nago. 
106 Benin. 

142 Owa. 
143 Ibo Owa. 
144 Ibo. 
145 Ibo. 
146 Ibo. 
147 Akrika. 

66 Kru. 
67 Grebo. 
68 Barboe. 
69 Tabu. 

107 Fot. 
108 Bidji. 
109 Igberra. 
110 YebuYarriba. 

148 Bonny. 
149 Akrika. 
150 Bonny. 
151 Oss Ibo. 

70 Barboe. 
71 Grand Bereby. 

72 Sigli. 
73 Grabwa. 

Ill Eyo. 
112 Aku. 
113 Ako. 
114 Uhobo. 

152 Okkulabur. 
153 Loopa. 
154 Aru. 
155 New Calabar. 

74 Bukra. 

115 lao. 

156 Efik. 

75 Kotrahu. 

116 Kotshi. 

157 Okori. 

76 Andone. 

117 Idda. 

158 Amitsh. 

77 Friesko. 
78 Agua. 
79 Ashanti. 
80 Fanti. 

118 Appa. 
119 Avikum. 
120 Appa. 
121 Yaruba. 

159 Numbe. 
160 Tshamba. 
161 EbiappaEfik. 
162 Grata. 

81 Amina. 
82 Egua. 
83 Trubi. 

122 Yaruba. 
123 Appa. 
124 Neiri. 

163 Egarra. 
164 Igarra. 
165 Moko. 

84 Koromanti. 

125 Bornou. 

166 Bumke. 

85 Ahanta. 
86 Ghah. 

126 Bournou. 
127 Bnlaqua. 

167 Bayung. 
168 Moko. 


169 Efik. 

170 Moko. 

171 Jimmy ah. 

172 Moko. 

173 Bongo. 

174 Karaba. 

175 Kikke. 

176 Kanga. 

177 Andnki. 

178 Batonga. 

179 Lorangga. 

180 Papiak. 

181 Beseki. 

182 Ufruda. 

183 Aya. 

184 Bimbian. 

185 Bengga. 

186 Isubu. 

187 Isubu. 

188 Otam. 

189 Isubu. 

190 Diwalla. 

191 Basa. 

192 Abo. 

193 Ebo. 

194 Bassa. 

195 Ebongi. 

196 Akuongo. 

197 Fernandian. 

198 Bateti. 

199 Baliwati. 

200 Baappa. 

201 Bililipa. 

202 North W. Bay. 

203 Binin. 

204 Otam. 

205 Otam. 

206 Anuba. 

207 Kangga. 

208 Bendov. 

209 Bayung. 

210 Bakumkum. 

211 Bassa. 

212 Balumbi. 

213 Serrere. 

214 Darrunga. 

215 Begharmi. 

216 Mandara. 

217 Dagombo. 

218 Egarra. 

219 CapeLohou. 

220 Banda. 

221 Angola. 

222 Gura. 

223 Kouri. 

224 Mondumbu. 

225 Asanggo. 

226 'Mpongwe. 

227 Hottentot. 

228 Bechuana. 

229 Kaffir. 

230 Kosah. 

231 Dalagoa Bay. 
2? 2 Mosambique. 

233 Suhaili. 

234 Kosah. 

235 Berber. 

236 Shillah. 

237 Tibbo. 


239 Coptic. 

240 Badrabra. 

241 Amhara. 

242 Vulgar Arabic. 

243 Galla. 

244 Mandinga. 

245 Guoni. 

246 Banene. 

247 Kongo. 

248 Kongo. 

249 Mongolo. 

250 Sundi. 

251 Kongo. 

252 Bondi. 

253 Mono. 

254 Kongo. 

255 Mooidi. 

256 Tshamba. 

257 Mwanjo. 

258 Banin. 

259 Bamba. 

260 Kongo. 

261 Rungo. 

262 Orunggu. 

263 Bobia. 

264 Bunking. 

265 Maneboki. 

266 Banking. 

267 Tombuktu. 

268 Sansangdi. 

269 Kashna. 

270 Guber. 

271 Hausa. 

272 Bornowy. 

273 Bornowy. 

274 Yarriba. 

275 Malemba. 

276 Kongo. 

277 Loango. 

278 Sonho. 

279 Banda. 

280 Kongo. 

281 Mandonga. 

282 'Mpougwe. 

283 Batongga. . 

284 Bati. 

285 Barihoh. 

286 Banin. 

287 Bansabiit. 

288 Bazit. 

289 Bakoko. 

290 Bonjo. 

291 Alugieka. 


292 Mose. 

293 Baru. 

294 Gingbe. 

295 Popo. 

296 Nago. 

297 Sandu. 

298 Koromanti. 

299 Houssa. 

300 Papau. 

301 lawiFulu. 

302 Oboya. 

303 Romby. 

304 Olugu. 

305 Bakumkum. 

306 Abungkin. 

307 Lumlum. 

308 'Ndiang. 

309 Wakki. 

310 Iswama. 

311 Elugu. 

312 Bwanda. 

313 Okori. 

314 'Mpumbu. 

315 Yabumbum. 

316 Brinni. 

317 Kangga. 

318 Warsaw. 

319 Popo. 

320 Deba or Lemas 

321 Bullom. 

322 Bimbian. 

323 Ibo. 

324 Obagwa. 

Long as these lists are, the criticism of them is by no means 
complex; and the following contrivances (somewhat mecha- 
nical it must be owned) are intended to facilitate it. 

1 . The names in the ordinary type are the names that were 
known to African philologues anterior to the publication of 
the Specimens, the forms of speech which they represent 
being known also. 

325 Iswama. 

357 Danakil. 

326 Mandongo. 
327 Lomlom. 
328 Wawi. 

358 Koldagi. 
359 Kensy. 
360 Nouba. 

329 Timbu. 
330 'Nkresi. 

361 Dongolawy. 
362 Arabic. 

331 Kimbo. 

363 Arabic. 

332 Pwe. 

364 Arabic. 

333 Kosse. 

365 Ibo. 

334 Omowo. 

366 Ida. 

335 Appa. 
336 Lada. 

367 Igbera. 
368 Diwala. 

337 Mondongo. 
338 Ufruda. 

369 New Calabar. 
370 Pori. 

339 Yagba. 
340 Bakumkum. 

371 Morondu. 
372 Aro. 

341 'Mfot. 
342 Kimbo. 

373 Kong. 
374 Warsaw. 

343 Sundi. 

375 Aro. 

344 Ogi. 
345 Tshari. 
346 Nago. 
347 Angola. 
348 Bretshi. 

376 Fanti. 
377 Oyo. 
378 Bayaka. 
3/9 Barikan. 
380 Kabenda. 

349 Mahi. 
350 Tshamba. 
351 Birni. 

381 Vy. 

382 Biengga. 
383 Nibulu. 

352 Birni. 

384 Elugu. 

. 353 Birni. 

385 Amharic. 

354 Abadja. 
355 Otam. 

386 Hebrew. 
387 Arabic Moroco. 

356 Sumali. 

388 Bechuana. 


2. The names in italics are either new names, or names with 
which the language which they indicate, is now, for the first 
time, corrected. They stand in italics, even when the language 
is known by previous specimens. So they do when the name 
itself has been known. Hence, it is only where we have, at 
one and the same time, a name and a sample of language, the 
conjunction of which is new, that the italics are resorted to. 
Several of the names they give us are old, and so are several 
of the forms of speech. The statement, however, that such 
and such a form of speech is that of such and such a particular 
district, is treated as new. 

3. In each group the chief language is marked *. 

4. Where any remarks will be made upon, any particular 
form of speech (?) is prefixed. 

5. The groups, as ordinarily recognized, are marked A. B. C. 
&c., all the names between A. and B. (e. g.} belonging to A. 

6. The names of the classes or groups expressed by the 
letters are as follows : by 

A. The Fulah. 

B. The Woloff. 

C. The Mandingo. 

D. The Haussa. 

E. The Ibo-Ashanti. 

F. The Kaffre. 

E.F. A group of unascertained value, but with characters 
common to E. and F. ; a group to which special attention will 
be drawn in some future paper, inasmuch as its actual position 
is a matter of uncertainty. All that is said at present is, that 
it is the one which contains the languages north of the Kongo 
tongues (the most northern of the Kafire group in its old 
form) and south of the Slave Coast. 

G. The Bornu. 
H. The Berber. 

[To be continued.] 


IT. "On the Meaning of the Root gen or ken;" by HENS- 

Few points in the pedigree of languages afford a topic of 
wider interest than the root gen or ken, which has left so 
large a progeny in almost all the languages of the Indo-Eu- 
ropean race. The object of the present notice, however, is 
not to trace the numerous offshoots of the stock, which for 
the most part are generally acknowledged, but chiefly to 
investigate the primitive idea in which the very different sig- 
nifications of the root appear to have taken rise. 

The meaning of the root 7ev in the Gr. yiyvofjuai,, <ywofj,at, 
to come into being, to be born, to be, is manifest from the 
corresponding Lat. gigno, to beget, give birth to, originate, 
formed from geno, gigeno, in precisely the same way as the 
Gr. yiyvofjLcu from ^evo^ai, ryiyevopcu. The future yevriaopat, 
and perfect genui point to a conjugation of the root with e as 
a subsidiary vowel (^eveo^ai, geneo) ; the Greek yevvaa), to give 
birth to, to procreate, as well as the Latin pr&gnans for 
prcegenans, preparing to give birth to ; nascor, natus, to be born, 
indicate in like manner a conjugation with a subsidiary . 
From the last of these forms spring a numerous race of de- 
scendants, as nature, natal, &c., in which an initial n is the only 
rudiment of the original root, the evidence of the lost g being 
preserved in the compounds agnatus, cognatus, pragnans. 

With a subsidiary o the root assumes a widely different 
meaning in Gr. yiyvwcrKa), to discern, to know (from yevow, 
yevcocr/ca), ^/i^evwo-Kw}, and Latin nosco ; and here also we 
find a similar reduction of the root to a rudimental n in notus, 
nomen, nobilis, narro (for gnarigo, Festus), to make known, 
while the evidence of the lost g is preserved in the compounds 
ignotus, ignarus, agnosco, cognomen, and sometimes in the 
corresponding words in other languages, as in the Bohem. 
znamien, a mark or sign, from znati, to know. 

In Sanscrit the original form of the root jan has the sense 
of begetting, giving birth to, while the derivative jna is used 
in the sense of knowing. Thus jajanmi and the causative 
janaydmi, to beget, give birth to; jdndmi (forjndnami, Bopp), 
to know, although other examples are given by Dieffenbach 


in which the two forms are confounded, as in jndna, scientia, 
intellectus, jndti, cognatus, propinquus ; Hindustan jdnnd, to 
know, understand ; jannd, to produce young. 

In the Teutonic languages the signification of the root has 
been extended over a wider field. We have not only A.-S. 
cennan, to beget, bring forth; Sc. ken, to know, E. ken, the 
power of distinguishing, but can in the sense of being able ; 
G. kennen, to know ; konnen, to be able ; Dan. kunne, in both 
senses; O.-H.-G. archennan, irchennan, gignere, agnoscere, 
cognoscere (Dieffenbach) . As in Greek and Latin as well as 
Sanscrit the root appears changed into the form of gno or 
gna, jna, no, na, we must consider Icel. knd, to be able, as 
parallel with English know. To this the Icel. nd, Dan. naae, 
to get, to reach, to attain, correspond, as Lat. nosco to agnosco, 
natus to gnatus. Hence we are led to conclude that the Lat. 
nancio, nanciscor, nanctus, nactus, to obtain, to hit on, are 
forms in which the same root is somewhat further disguised 
by nasalization, in an analogous manner to that in which 
from the Icel. fa, to get, to take, to beget, is formed the 
perfect feck arid participle fengid, or from Dan. gaae, the 
perfect geek, and participle gangen, to go or gang. The form 
and meaning of the Pol. gniazdo, a brood, breed, litter, nest x 
incline us to regard the word nest itself as an offshoot from 
the same root, somewhat analogous to the Gr. yeveO\ov, or 
W. cenedL For a like reason we should include Pol. gnida, 
a nit, in the same class. 

The sense of beginning is too intimately connected with 
that of giving birth to, to let us doubt that the word begin 
itself, Ulph. duginnan, A.-S. anginnan, onginnan is also a mo- 
dification of the same root ; Lapp, alge, a son, algo, beginning ; 
Swed. bbrd, birth, borjan, beginning. 

When we seek for the central notion among the foregoing 
significations we are led to the idea of seizing, or taking hold 
of, passing on the one hand into the notion of acquisition, 
possession, ability, power ; and on the other to that of mental 
acquisition, apprehension, knowledge. 

In support of such a filiation of ideas, numerous examples 
may be pointed out in which similar metaphors have been 


employed to express the same meanings. The procreation of 
children is commonly expressed by the same word as the acqui- 
sition of property. Thus we speak of getting children and 
getting rich. The A.-S. strynan, streonan, is used in both 
senses, whence strynd, race, strain, pedigree, and gestreon, 
riches. Icel. fa, Dan. faae, to get, acquire, to produce young ; 
Icel. fang, acquisitio, captura, and also foetus, conceptus ; Lith. 
turreti, to have, to possess, and also to bear young ; and the 
Lap. tarjet, to be able, seems to be the same word. So also 
Finn, saada, saaha, to catch, to take, to get, to beget, to begin, 
to be able. From prehendere, to seize, we 'have apprehend 
and comprehend, to seize with the mind, to hold in mental pos- 
session, to know. Again, the same verb which in E. get has 
the sense of acquiring or of procreating, in A.-S. ongitan 
signifies to know, perceive, understand. To forget is to lose 
mental possession of a matter. From Lat. capere, to seize, to 
take, are formed concipere, to conceive, to originate a living 
being in the body, or an idea in the mind, and incipere, to 
take up, to begin. 

The sense of being able is intimately connected with the 
idea of material possession on the one side, and with mental 
capacity or knowledge on the other. Possideo and possum 
are compounds of the same word potis (Sanscrit patis, the 
master, I sit as master, I am master, as in Fr. vous etes le 
maitre, you may do as you please) with verbs of the same 
essential meaning. What we are able to do depends in great 
measure upon the means at our command, either in material 
appliances or in skill and knowledge. Savoir nager is to be 
able to swim. The word kraft is in G. applied to strength, 
force, power, but in E. is used in the sense of cunning, know- 
ledge of a trade, skill ; while the primitive sense of seizing, 
holding fast, is preserved in the W. craff, a cramp iron, pair 
of pincers. In the same language dyn craff, a man of under- 





1855. No. 13. 

December 7. Professor MALDEN in the Chair. 

Edward Steane Jackson, Esq. M.A., of Totteridge House, 
Enfield, Middlesex, was elected a Member of the Society. 

Dec. 21. Professor GOLDSTUCKER in the Chair. 
The following Paper was read, part on each evening : 

" On the Races of Lancashire, as indicated by the Local 
Names and the Dialect of the County;" by the Rev. JOHN 

It will not be necessary to offer an apology for introducing 
to the Philological Society the examination of a dialect, for all 
philologists are now well aware of the importance of such 
forms of a language, both in determining historical questions, 
and in the examination of the structure and progress of the 
language to which they belong*. The dialect of Lancashire 
is one of considerable importance for both these purposes, 

* And also for the right interpretation of its early literature. Thus, in 
the ' Anturs of Arther at the Tarnewathelan ' (Three Metrical Romances 
published by the Camden Society), Dame Gaynor is said to "gloppun" 
and "greet:" 

" Alle glopuns and gretys Dame Gaynor the gay." 

The poet meant to say, that Dame Gaynor was amazed and wept ; but the 
editor interprets the first word to mean " to wail," " to lament," making 
the author utter a simple tautology. These romances belong to the 
Border Line, along the counties of Lancaster and Westmoreland, und in 
the Lancaster dialect to be "gloppened," is to be greatly amazed or 


and has not hitherto, I believe, been made the subject of a 
scientific analysis. I propose in this paper to determine, by 
an examination of it, some historical questions concerning 
the various races that have peopled this part of the north of 
England. In the discussion of this subject, some light will 
also be thrown on an obscure period of our national history. 

The first point to which I would direct the attention of the 
Society is connected with the Celtic races that peopled the 
whole, or nearly the whole, of Great Britain at the time of 
the Roman invasion. The question has been much discussed 
among antiquarians, who these races were ; and of their sub- 
sequent fate it has been assumed by almost all our historians, 
that they were either exterminated by the ruthless swords of 
the Anglo-Saxon conquerors, or driven into Wales and the 
county of Cornwall. The well-known historical fact, that a 
nation has never been wholly destroyed by its conquerors, 
would offer, however, an immediate contradiction of this state- 
ment, which has been evidently made from pure ignorance of 
the large Celtic element still existing in the English language. 
An examination of this subject (which may fitly be commended 
to the notice of an English Philological Society) would show 
that many of our most common and necessary words may be 
traced to a Celtic origin. The stoutest assertor of a pure 
Anglo-Saxon or Norman descent is convicted, by the language 
of his daily life, of belonging to a race that partakes 
largely of Celtic blood. If he calls for his coat (W. cota, 
Germ, rock), or tells of the basket of fish he has caught 
(W. basged, Germ, korb), or the cart he employs on his land 
(W. cart, from car, a dray or sledge, Germ, wageri), or of the 
pranks of his youth, or the prancing of his horse (W. prank, a 
trick, prancio, to frolic) , or declares that he was happy when 
a gownsman at Oxford (W. hap, fortune, chance, Germ, gluck; 
W. gwn, Ir. gunna], or that his servant is pert (W. pert, spruce, 
dapper, insolent), or, descending to the language of the vulgar, 
he affirms that such assertions are balderdash, and the claim 
a sham* (W. baldorddus, idle prating ; siom, pr. shorn, a deceit, 

* " In that year (1680), our tongue was enriched with two words, mob 


a sham), he is unconsciously maintaining the truth he would 
deny. Like the M. Jourdain of Moliere, who had been 
talking prose all his life without knowing it, he has been 
speaking very good Celtic without any suspicion of the fact. 

These instances, which might be multiplied, may justly 
cause us to doubt whether the Celtic stock was either 
wholly destroyed by the Anglo-Saxons, or banished from 
the country. Mr. Kemble was led to question this assumed 
fact, from finding in our earliest historical records many 
names which he could not interpret from Teutonic sources. 
"In the earliest period/' he writes, "when our docu- 
mentary history first throws light upon the subject, there 
are still found names unintelligible to the Teutonic scholar, 
not to be translated or explained by anything in the Teutonic 
languages ; nay, only to be understood by reference to Cymric 
or Pictish roots, and thus tending to suggest a far more general 
mixture of blood among the early conquerors than has generally 
been admitted to have existed." And again, " I will not close 
this paper without observing, that a strict application of Celtic 
philology to the names which occur in our earliest history, 
would probably supply unlooked-for evidence of a much closer 
and more friendly intercourse than we at present anticipate, 
between some classes of the Britons and their Saxon invaders. 
I earnestly recommend this inquiry to such members of the 
Archaeological Institute as are capable of undertaking it; 
for the real position of the aborigines during the Saxon rule is 
a most important element in the induction as to the growth 
and tendencies of our national institutions*." The names 

and sham, remarkable memorials of a season of tumult and imposture" 
(Macaulay's History of England, vol. i. p. 256, from North's Examen). 
This is a mistake as to the word sham. It is an old Celtic word, and was 
only brought at that time into common use from the language of the 
vulgar. Mr. Carlyle, in our day, has made it famous. The word means 
properly, a void or emptiness, a seeming to be something when there is 
nothing, and hence baulking, disappointment. 

* " On the Names, Surnames, and Nicknames of the Anglo-Saxons," 
a Paper read before the Archaeological Institute, Sept. 1845, pp. 5, 22. 

which Mr. Kemble was unable to explain, confirm the surmise 
which his sagacity had prompted. They may easily be inter- 
preted from Celtic sources, and can only have been brought 
into common use from a mingling of the Celtic and Teutonic 

Let us now inquire whether an examination of ancient 
Celtic literature will throw any light on this obscure subject. 
The Welsh historical Triads have come down to us; and, though 
cast in a fanciful form, and containing much respecting the 
pre-historical period that is evidently fabulous, their evidence 
on this subject has the advantage of being contemporaneous, 
or nearly so, with the establishment of the Anglo-Saxon rule. 
We have also the poem, called Y Gododin, written by Aneurin 
about A.D. 570, after the disastrous battle of Cattraeth, in 
which he himself had taken a part. From the Triads we learn 
that Lloegria (England) was peopled by various tribes at the 
time of the Saxon invasion, and that these tribes had arrived 
in the country at different periods. The sovereignty of the 
whole was claimed by the race of the Cymry, or Cambrians, 
either through conquest or a prior occupation of the land. 
" There were three primary divisions of the Isle of Britain : 
Cambria, Lloegria, and Albaii (Scotland), and the rank of 
sovereignty belongs to each of the three. And under a mon- 
archy and voice of the country they are governed, according 
to the regulation of the Prydain, the son of Aedd the Great ; 
and to the nation of the Cambrians belongs the right of esta- 
blishing the monarchy, by the voice of the country and the 
people, according to rank and primaeval right*." This appears 
to mean, that the right of appointing the Pendragon, or Com- 
mander-in-chief, rested with the Cambrians, who exercised 
also other rights of sovereignty. " There were three refuge- 
seeking tribes that came to the Isle of Britain, and they came 
under the peace and permission of the tribe of the Cambrians, 
without arms and without opposition. The first was the tribe 
of Caledonians in the north ; the second was the Irish tribe, 

* ' Welsh Historical Triads,' No. 2, edition of Probert. Though Lloegyr 
is still the Welsh name for England, there can be no doubt that the ancient 
Lloegria was much less extensive than the present kingdom. 


who dwell in the Highlands of Alban; the third were the 
people of Galedin, who came in naked vessels to the Isle of 
Wight, when their country was drowned, and where they had 
land granted to them by the tribe of the Cambrians*." Other 
tribes or races are mentioned, who came to the land in a less 
peaceful manner, and subsequently left it, or were expelled. 
Among these are enumerated Scandinavians, "who were driven 
back, at the end of the third age, over the sea into Germany ; 
the troops of Ganval, the Irishman, who came into N. Wales, 
and was driven into the sea by Caswallon (Cassivellaunus), 
the son of Beli ; and the Csesarians (Romans) ." Other in- 
vading tribes came into the country and established them- 
selves there, before the invasion of the Saxons. These 
were, however, evidently subject to the authority of the 
ruling tribe of the Cambrians, and appear to have borne 
their inferior state with reluctance. They threw the weight 
of their arms into the scale against the Cymraic race, and 
contributed, in a considerable degree, to the final success of 
the Teutonic invaders. There was treachery, too, and a spirit 
of revolt among the chiefs of the ruling tribe, and some of 
them went over, with their followers, to the Saxon cause. 
The nation was divided against itself. The Welsh literature 
of that age shows that nearly the whole brunt of the long and 
desperate struggle against the Teutonic races was borne by the 
single tribe or race of the Cambrians. They were fearfully 
slaughtered ; their heroic gallantry availing them little against 
the fierce courage of the invading tribes, and the treachery of 
their kindred races. But the contest was boldly maintained 
until the whole of the race was either reduced to the condi- 
tion of slavery, or driven to the mountain fastnesses of Wales. 
Of this single race, therefore, the popular idea is partly true 
(allowing that many of the Cambrians remained in the country 
as slavesf), though wholly false with respect to the other tribes, 

* Welsh Triads, No. 6. 

f Bede mentions slaves as living among the Saxons. v (Eccles. Hist, 
lib. iv. c. 13.) These were most probably Britons. Camden makes a 
quotation from an old record, which establishes this fact, with regard to 
the county of Lancaster : " Egfrid gave to St. Cuthbert the luud called 

2 I ;") 

which were, for the most part, certainly Celtic. " There were 
three invading tribes," say the Triads, " that came to the Isle 
of Britain, and who never departed from it. The first were 
the Coranians, that came from the country of Pwyl. The 
second were the Irish Picts, who came to Alban by the North 
Sea. And the third were the Saxons. The Coranians are 
settled about the river Humber and the shore of the Ger- 
man Ocean, and the Irish Picts are in Alban, about the 
shore of the Sea of Denmark. The Coranians and Saxons 
united, and, by violence and conquest, brought the Lloegrians 
into confederacy with them, and subsequently took the crown 
of the monarchy from the tribe of the Cambrians. And there 
remained none of the Lloegrians that did not become Saxons, 
except those that are found in Cornwall, and in the commot of 
Carnoban in Deira (Yorkshire) and Bernicia (Northumberland 
and Durham) . In this manner the primitive tribe of the Cam- 
brians, who preserved both their country and their language, 
lost the sovereignty of the Isle of Britain, on account of the 
treachery of the refuge-seeking tribes, and the pillage of the 
three invading tribes." Among the traitorous Cambrians are 
mentioned Gwrgi Garwlwyd, who joined himself, with his men, 
to Edelfled, King of the Saxons ; Medrod, who united with 
the Saxons that he might secure the kingdom to himself, 
against Arthur ; and, ' ' in consequence of that treachery, many 
of the Lloegrians became as Saxons;" and Aeddan, "the 
traitor of the north, who, with his men, made submission to 
the power of the Saxons that they might be able to support 
themselves by confusion and pillage under the Saxon pro- 

The poem of Gododin confirms these statements. The 

Carthmell (Cartmel, near Ulverston), and all the Britons in it (Britannia, 
vol. hi. p. 380)." 

* Triads 7,22,45 and 81. In the 15th Triad, the Csesarians, or de- 
scendants of the Roman colonists, are said to have joined the Coranians and 
the Saxons in opposing the tribe of the Cymry. This does not seem to ac- 
cord with the statement of some historians, that Ambrosius, the celebrated 
Pendragon, was of Roman descent ; but probably he was so only on the mo- 
ther's side, as chieftainship was rigidly confined among the ancient Britons 
to certain ruling families. Gildas says only " forte Rouiana? gentis." 


brave but ill-fated warriors, whose loss the poet laments with 
deep pathos, are of the Cambrian race. Their spears had 
beforetime broken the ranks of " the horde of Lloegrians," 
and of the Gael. On the Saxon side are the men of Deivyr 
and Bryneich (Deira and Bernicia). The son of Ysgyran 
makes a fearful slaughter of these traitorous bands. 

" Five battalions fell before his blades, 
Even of the men of Deivyr and Bernicia, uttering groans." 

The wrath of the poet flames forth against the tribe of Bry- 
neich; not "the phantom of a man" would he have left alive 
of the hated race; and Bryneich (Northumbrian) remained 
from that hour, in the language of the Cymry, a term of 
bitter and indignant scorn as the name of a traitor*. 

From these testimonies it is evident (1), That the tribe of 
the Cambrians, or Cymry, was only one of many tribes or 
races in England at the time of the Saxon invasion. (2), That 
it was the ruling tribe, exercising an undefined sovereignty 
over the rest. (3), That the other tribes offered little, if any, 
resistance to the incursions of the Teutonic races, and in part 
coalesced with them against the tribe of the Cambrians. (4), 
That, besides the Cambrians who remained in the country as 
slaves, a large Celtic population was blended with the Teutonic 
stock, and became " as Saxons." It is a necessary inference, 
that a Celtic element would gradually penetrate into the lan- 
guage of the conquering race, and affect it in proportion to 
the numbers and influence of those who adopted the Saxon 
cause, and became mingled with the Saxon population. 

It is scarcely possible to determine with certainty what the 
races were that are said by the Triads to have leagued with 
the Saxons against the tribe of the Cymry. The Coranians 
are called in one of the Triads Scandinavians, and are said to 
have come from Pwyl (Poland). They united themselves to the 
Saxons at once, probably through the sympathy arising from 
an identity of race. They were, in all probability, of the tribe 
of the Carini, classed by Prichard with the Burgundiones, 
Varini, Guttones, and other tribes inhabiting the north-cast of 

* See the notes to the edition of ' Y Gododin,' edited by the Rev. J. 
Williams, pp. H}> and 94. 


Germany, on the shores of the Baltic, and along the banks of 
the Vistula. The origin assigned to them in the Triads is 
therefore apparently correct, for the Carini are connected by 
Pliny with the Guttones, whose territory extended along the 
Vistula to the modern kingdom of Poland. " Vindili, quorum 
pars Burgundiones, Varini, Carini, Guttones." Prichard 
gives no other information of the Carini than that " they are 
entirely lost"*." We may infer, that they were compelled to 
migrate by their more powerful neighbours, and that they 
settled on the banks of the Humber. The Lloegrians were 
probably a kindred race with the Cambrians; a different 
branch of the Celtic stock. It is evident that they were Celtic, 
from their connexion with Medrod, the nephew of Arthur, 
and from the circumstance that the Cambrians, in opposition 
to them, are said to have preserved their language, implying 
that the Lloegrians had gradually adopted the language of the 
Saxons f. It is reasonable to infer, however, that the lan- 
guage was not precisely the same, as the races were distinct ; 
and since Edward LhuydJ has shown that some names of 
places in England may be best interpreted from the Irish 
branch of the Celtic stock, it is probable that they were 
related to the Irish tribes. The difference between the 
Irish and Welsh languages was doubtless less than it is 
now. These views receive some confirmation from the 
following facts: (1.) Asser, in his 'Life of Alfred/ has 
recorded the British name of the town of Nottingham. 
"Eodem anno (A. D. 868) paganorum exercitus Northanhym- 
bras relinquens in Merciam venit, et Scnottengaham adiil. 
quod Britamiice Tigguocobauc interpretatur, Latine autem. 
speluncarum domus : et in eodem loco eodem anno hyema- 
veruiit." Now in Gael, and Ir. tigh means a "house," and 
uaiffh (uagaidh in Gael.) a "cave" or "den," uagidheach, 
"cavernous ;" in W. the corresponding forms are ty and off of. 
(2.) In the ballads of Robin Hood and Sherwood Forest (in 
the same locality), and in the Vision of Piers Ploughman, 

* Prichard's ' Researches into the Physical History of Mankind,' vol. iii. 
p. 361. t Triad 7- 

J Archseologia Britannica. 



written probably near Malvern, the word used for "horse" is 
capull. This is the Gael, and Ir. capull. The W. form ceffyl 
is found in the Craven country. (Carres Glossary, v. kephyll.) 
(3.) Pomponius Mela (de Britannis, lib. iii.) has given us the 
British name for a chariot. "Dimicant bigis et curribus, 
Gallice armati, . . . covinos vocant." This is the Gael, cobhan 
(a coffer, a car or chariot), Gr. icbfywos. This word is not 
found in the modern Welsh language, (see Armstrong's Gael. 
Diet. s. v. cobhan.} The tribes that inhabited Deira and Ber- 
nicia were probably of the Cambrian race. This would account 
for the extreme bitterness with which their treachery was 
denounced, as being treason to their own kindred. The word 
"bryneich" became a term of reproach in this very sense. 
It is the appellation of a traitor to his kindred or race. 

If we proceed to inquire into the evidence which the local 
names and the dialect of Lancashire offer with regard to these 
historical statements, it will be found that it confirms them 
in two particulars : (1.) That a large Celtic population must 
have been left in the county after the establishment of the 
Anglo-Saxon rule, and (2.) That this population was of the 
Welsh or Cymraic race. Very few words are found that 
belong exclusively to the elder or Gaelic branch of the Celtic 
stock, and probably even these were common to both divisions 
of this class of languages at the time of the Saxon invasion. 

Celtic Names of Natural Objects and of Places in the County 
of Lancaster. 


PENDLE HILL*. W. pen, head or summit, a common name 
in Wales for a lofty summit, as Penmaenmawr, Penbryn, &c., 
Gael, ben, binnear, hill. This word is written in our old 
records "Penhull," and is an instance of three parts of a 
single name, all having the same meaning, and marking three 
successive changes of language: W. pen-, A.-S. hull; E. hill. 

* It will assist the reading of Welsh words, to say that "u>" is pro- 
nounced as the English " oo " (bwg=boog) ; si as sh ; dd as soft th j y as 
the Eng. u, except in monosyllables, when it is pronounced as y in " pretty" ; 
u as t in " sin," and sometimes with a longer sound, as Eng. ee. 


CONISTON OLD MAN. A corruption, as Dr. Whittaker has 
pointed out, of alt maen, lofty hill*. The word " alt" is not 
retained in the Celtic languages as an adjective, but that it 
was originally so used may be inferred from the W. allt, a cliff, 
and Gael, alt, a hill. The word is retained in Allt Hill, a 
rising ground not far from Oldham. 

Bivington PIKE. W.pic or pig, a pointed end, a beak ; Arm. 
picq, Tfr.pic, as in the Pic du Midi-f. There are other hills 
so called in the county, as Warlow Pike, on the borders of 
Derbyshire, and Thieveley Pike, near Todmorden. 

HENTOE. The name of a high hill near Coniston: W. hen, 
old, and twr, a pile. The old name of this hill was Hentor. 
The word " tor," a lofty pile, either hill or tower, is found in 
almost all the Semitic and Indo-European languages. 

Thorn CRAG and Long CRAG. Two high hills near the great 
chase of Bowland. W. craig, a rock; Gael, and Ir. craig. 

SHOLVER. A hill not far from Oldham. W. siol (pr. shol), 
head, and vawr, great. 

TANDLE Hills, near Middleton. W. tan, flat, low, con- 
tinuous, or tan, fire, and He, a place. 

BRYN. The name of a place in South Lancashire. W. bryn, 
hill. There was an old family (now extinct) of this name, 
the Bryns of Bryn Hall, now the seat of the Gerard family. 

BUERSILL Hill, near Rochdale. W. bwr, an entrenchment, 
and sul (pr. sil), what extends round, circular. 

CRIMBLES, in the north of Lancashire. W. crimell, a sharp 
ridge. The word is written in the Domesday Book, crimeles. 

TOOTER Hill. This is the local name used by the country 
people, though the name given in the county maps is Horn- 
blower's Hill. W. twdd (pr. tooth), that which juts out, or 
from the name of the Celtic god, TaithJ. 

* Journal of the Archaeol. Association, vol. vi. p. 26.9. 

f Gael, peac, pcic, any sharp-pointed thing. 

J " Tumuli of a lofty character, sacred to Mercury, were the Teuts or 
Toot-hills of our country," according to Mr. Bowles, from the identity of 
Mercury or Teutates. Cleeve Toot, co. Somerset, is capped hy a mass of 
rocks, which from below has nil the appearance of an altar. Tothill Street, 
Westminster, says Morden, a topographer of Elizabeth's reign, " taketh 



DURN, or, as the lower classes call it, TV Durn. W. duryn^ 
a beak or snout. It is a projecting point or ledge of land 
near Blackstone Edge. 

Other Celtic names of hills would doubtless be found if the 
names used by the country people were carefully collected, 
but these will suffice to show that many have been derived 
from a Celtic source, and that they belong to the Cambrian 
division of the Celtic class of languages*. 


The names of the rivers and brooks of Lancashire are 
chiefly Celtic. 

The IRWELL, on which the city of Manchester stands. W. 
7r, fresh, vigorous, and gwili, a name for river, as the Gwili 
in Caermarthenshire ; properly, that which turns or winds, a 
winding stream. In composition, gwili loses the initial "g"t- 

The IRK, a tributary of the Irwell. W. Iwrch, the roe- 
buck. Lhuyd in his f Adversaria,' says there are many 
streams so called in Wales. Probably from bounding along 
a hill-course. 

The MEDLOCK, another tributary of the Irwell. W. med, 
complete, full, and llwch, Gael, loch, lake or pool. 

The DOUGLAS, flowing into the estuary of the Ribble. W. du, 
black and glas, a greenish blue, or sea-green, so called from 
the colour of the stream. 

The KIBBLE. The name of this well-known river has much 

name of a hill near it, which is called Toote-hill, in the great feyld near the 
street." (Fosbroke, Encyc. of Antiquities, vol. ii. p. 582.) This, however, 
is not the Tuisco or Teut of the Germans, but the Celtic Taith, the god of 
travelling. Livy refers to Mercurius Teutates (in Welsh Duw Taith) in 
his twenty-sixth book. (Prichard, vol. iii. p. 186.) 

* Dr. Whitaker found that a hill between Lancaster and the great chase 
of Bowland was called by the peasantry Gloufagh or Cloufagh, and he sug- 
gests the W. glawog, rainy, as the origin of the name. I prefer the Gael. 
globachy from 5^0, a veil or hood, as Beinn-glo (the cloud-capped mountain), 
near Athol. 

t The root gwili was transferred to Anglo-Saxon. " JSrest of Turcan- 
wyllas heafde" (first from the source of the Turcaii stream), is found in 
Kemble's A.S. Charters (i. 109). 


perplexed antiquarian philologists. I can only venture to 
suggest that it may be compounded of rhe (active, fleet), and 
bala (a shooting out, a discharge, the outlet of a lake), and 
may refer to its rapid course as an estuary. 

The CALDER, a tributary of the Ribble. Mr. Baxter de- 
rives the first part of this word from calai, muddy. In W. 
llai (pr. somewhat like the Eng. clay), signifies " mud " and 
also " gloom," but this is not, I think, the origin of " cal " in 
Calder. More probably from W. call, what goes or turns 
about. The latter part is doubtless from the W. dwr, a 

The DARWEN, another tributary of the Bibble. W. dwr, 
and gwen, white, beautiful. 

The LUNE, on which the town of Lancaster stands. This 
word is probably the same as the Alun in Wales, from W. a/, 
chief, and aun, un, a contraction of afon, a river *. This con- 
traction of tf afon " is not uncommon. It is found in Corn- 
brook, near Manchester, (Cor-aun, narrow stream). 

The WYRE, a river that flows into Morecambe Bay. W. 
gwyr, pure, fresh, lively. 

The rivers Irwell, Ribble, Lune and Wyre are the chief 
rivers in Lancashire, the Mersey being a boundary stream 
between the counties of Lancaster and Chester. Other 
smaller streams in the county are the NADIN, W. nad, a 
shrill noise ; nadu, to utter a shrill cry. (The termination 
" in," is either the Celtic name for river, In or Inn, as the 
INN in the Tyrol and in Fifeshire : or formative, as geli, a 
shooting owt,gelmj what shoots out f ;) BEAL, W. bel, tumult, 
belu, to brawl ; DERWENT, W. dwr, river, and gwent, a level 

* On referring to the Itinerary of Antoninus, I find that the name of the 
station where Lancaster now stands was Ad Alaunam. The name of the 
river was therefore Alauna. 

f Mr. Bamford, in his Glossary of South Lancashire Words, a work 
equally unworthy of the subject and the author, derives the name of this 
stream from a,"no," and din, "noise," "the silent stream." Unfortunately, 
however, for this attempt at etymology, the Nadiu is not a silent stream ; 
and if Mr. Bamford had ever heard it rushing in winter along its narrow, 
rocky channel, he would scarcely have been lured by the " fatal facility " 
of such a derivation. 


country ; LEVEN, W. llefn, smooth ; TAME, W. Taw, anciently 
Tarn, quiet, still, Gael, tamh, stillness; Go?T,W.gwyth, a chan- 
nel, a drain ; CRAKE, W. crec, a sharp noise ; LOUD, W. llwth, 
glib, slippery; and KENNET, pronounced by the country 
people Kunnet, a river on the north shore of Morecambe Bay. 
This last word is a compound of the W. cyn, head, chief, and 
nedd (pr. neth)j a river, properly that which turns or whirls, a 
whirling stream. 

To these may be added the Bay of MORECAMBE, W. mawr, 
Gael, mor, great, and cam, crooked, winding; and WINANDER, 
or WINDER Mere, W. gwyn (fair, beautiful), and dwr (water, 



DOLDERUM or DOLDRUM, a valley near Rochdale. W. ddl, 
a dale, and trum, in comp. drum, a ridge, primarily, a back. 

CRAG Valley, a long irregular valley near Blackstone 
Edge. W. craig, a rock. This valley is also called the Vale 
of TURVIN. W. terfyn (pr. turvin), a boundary, terra finis. 
This valley was probably in old time the boundary in this 
part between the Sistuntii of Lancashire and the Brigantes of 


MANCHESTER, ancient British name Mancenion, or Man- 
ceinion. This metropolis of the north can boast of the most 
remote antiquity. Its name would indicate a Celtic origin, 
for " man " is undoubtedly the W. man, a place ; but the 
meaning of the latter part of the name has given rise to some 
controversy. Dr. Whitaker says, after Baxter, that the word 
means " the place of tents*," but " cenion " in Welsh means 
" skins," and the secondary meaning of " tents " is purely a 
conjecture. In Spurrell's W. Dictionary the Celtic name is 
written Manceinion, and " ceinion " is the W. word for 
"ornaments" or "delicacies." It is scarcely possible to 
determine more than that the name is Celtic. In this 
instance, as in many others, the Saxon conquerors retained 
* Hist, of Manchester, vol. i. p. 5. 


only the first part of the ancient name, adding Chester to 
mark that it had been a Roman station. 

MELLOR, near Blackburn. W. maelawr, a mart or market. 

CATTERALL, near Garstang. W. cad or cat, war, and rhail, 
a fence. There was doubtless a British encampment here. 

TORVER, near Coniston Water. W. twr, a pile or tower, 
and vawr, great. 

TROWS, a village in the township of Castleton ; and Trawden, 
near Colne. W. traws, a mountain pass. There is a place 
called Trawsfynydd (mountain-pass), in Merionethshire. 

CLEGG, Clegg Hall, in the parish of Rochdale. W. cleg, a 
rock, a cliff. This word, as a personal name, was as common 
in very ancient times as it is in Lancashire at the present 
day. Syr Clegius was a famous knight, according to old 
legends, at King Arthur's court, and, as such, he figures in 
the Morte d' Arthur and the Three Metrical Romances, pub- 
lished by the Camden Society. 

PEEL, on the Roman road from Manchester to Blackrod. 
W. pill, a small fortress, a stronghold. This word is common 
in the county as a local name. There is an ancient British 
encampment near Stockport (the moat of which is still vi- 
sible), which the country people call the Peel. The rude 
towers to which the northern borderers brought their prey 
after a foray are still called by this name *. 

LEVER. This is a name occurring three or four times in 

* Mr. Williams, in his edition of Prof. Leo's work on Anglo-Saxon 
names, has the following note (Preface, p. x.). "A recent anonymous 
writer in the Times remarks, that with the exception of Charles Fox, Gil- 
bert a Becket and his mother was an Arab and the late Sir Robert Peel 
(qu. whether even this be not the French pelle, a baker's shovel. ED.), 
our history does not record one great or illustrious name of Saxon origin. 
Bruce, Wallace, Chandos, Audley, Talbot, Fitzvvalter, Langton, Blake, 
Hopton, Falkland, Chatham, Pitt, were as purely and unmixed Normans 
as Wellington himself. Cecil, Glendower, Vane, the good Lord Cobham, 
Cromwell, and in general the leaders of the Calviuistic party, sprang from 
the Ancient Britons. Milton was half Norman, half French." This 
however is overstrained, and the writer has fallen into an evident 
confusion between names and family descent, as some of the nanu-s he 
mentions are pure Saxon. Peel is not from the Fr. pelle, but is the 
Celtic pil (peel). 


the south of Lancashire. There are Darcy Lever, Great and 
Little Lever, and Lever Edge. It is probably compounded 
of W. lie, a place, and vawr, great. 

WERNETH. W. gwern, a watery or swampy meadow. The 
word also means the alder tree, from its preference of a 
swampy spot. Hence the name of the hill in Yorkshire, 
Whernside, near the boundary line of the two counties, on 
whose north side the alder still grows in profusion. 

ROSSALL, on the moorland near Fleetwood. W. rhos, a 

CARNFORTH and SCOTFORTH, in the north of the county. 
W. earn, a heap of stones, and fordd, a road. The Celtic 
word " fordd," now appropriated to a road over a stream, 
means simply "road" or "passage*." The word "Scot" 
may be a sign of the ancient Irish Scoti, of whose permission 
to dwell in the country the Welsh Triads have given us an 

BRINSUP, not from Blackrode. W. bryn, hill, and swp, a 
heap or cluster. 

CINDERLAND. There are at least three places in the county 
with this name. There is also Cinder Hill in the north. As 
the English word " cinder " offers no reasonable explanation 
of this name, we may assume, without rashness, that it is the 
W. cyndir, principal or head land. 

syllable is the W. pen, head or summit. 

There are some other names of places which may probably 
be referred to a Celtic origin, as HESKIN, HESKETH (W. hesg, 
sedge, rushes) ; GIGG, W. gwig, a retreat or opening in a 
wood, and afterwards, hamlet, fortress f; SARNEYFORD or 
SHARNEYFORD, W. sarn, stepping-stones, a causeway ; but 

* The word " forth," as the A.-S.fyrhthe, may be, as Prof. Leo of Halle 
admits, after Kemble, from the W.fridd (pr. frith), a plantation, a tract 
of ground enclosed from the mountains, a sheep-walk. 

t " Cognoscit non longe ex eo loco oppidum Cassivellauui abesse sylvis 
paludibusque munitum ; quo satis magnus homiuum pecorisque numerus 
convenerit. Oppidum autem Britanni vocant, quum sylvas impeditas vallo 
atque fossa munierunt." Caesar, De Bell. Gall. lib. v. c. 20. 


the number of Celtic names of places is much less than of the 
names of natural objects or of the Celtic words found in the 
dialect*. The Saxons or Danes gave their own names to the 
town or village of which they took possession, while the river 
that flowed by, or the hill that rose above it, retained its 
original Celtic appellation. Thus the river Cam (crooked, 
winding) retains the name which the Celtic tribes had given 
it, but "Caer Bladdon" has given way to "Cambridge;" 
and the Thames is in name Celtic still, while " Caer Ludd " 
has been changed into "London;" the Avon, too, is yet as 
purely Celtic in name as when the Celtic tribes roved along 
its banks, but " Caerodor " has left no trace in " Bristol," 
nor " Amwythig " in " Shrewsbury," though the Severn is as 
Celtic as the hill Plinlimmon, from whose side it springs. The 
number of Celtic names of towns and villages in Lancashire 
that have survived the great torrent of Saxon invasion, 
is a proof of the strength and extent of the barrier that 
opposed it. 

The Celtic local names of the county are conclusive evi- 
dence of the fact that a Celtic race once inhabited it, but the 
Celtic words still existing in the dialect show more decisively 
that a portion of the aboriginal race remained on the soil 
after the Anglo-Saxon and Danish conquerors had taken pos- 
session of it. They furnish also data for an approximate cal- 
culation of the ratio which this element bears to that of the 
races with which it was mingled in process of time. 

* There axe, however, many names which are utterly inexplicable by any 
of the Teutonic languages, and invite conjecture, on this account, in an- 
other field. Thus Breighmet Fold, near Bolton, would suggest, in name 
at least, the Bremetonacum of the Itineraries. We know from Fortunatus 
(Prichard, vol. iii. p 127), that "nemet" was a Celtic word for temple, 
and " breigh" may be the W. brig, top or summit, implying that a high or 
chief temple was there in the pagan times. So Camel Hill may be referred 
to the Celtic god of war, Camulus ; and Eccles, near Manchester, may be 
from the W. eglwys, Lat. ecclesia, and may indicate that a Christian temple 
was built there before the time of the Saxon invasion. These, however, 
are little more than conjectures. It can only be certainly affirmed that 
such names are not Teutonic, and are therefore most probably Celtic. 


Celtic Words in the Dialect of Lancashire*. 

ADDLE, rotten, decayed, as an addle egg. W. hadlu, to 
decay, to grow rotten ; " addle " is also used as a verb, and 
means to earn, to get by labour. In this sense it is derived 
from the A.-S. edledn, a reward, a recompense. 

AGOG, eager, desirous. W. ysgogi, to stir, to wag. There 
is a burlesque French word gogues, " etre dans ses gogues," 
to be in a merry mood, which is probably from the same 

AWSE or Oss, to offer, to attempt. W. osi, to offer to do, to 
attempt. Fr. essayer. 

BADGER, a provision-dealer. This word may be from the 
Fr. bladier, as sodger, from soldier; but as the Fr. term is 
from the Celtic blawd, meal, it is possible that the Lan- 
cashire word may be derived as directly from a Celtic 
source as the French. Mr. Carr (Craven Glossary) derives it 
from Teut. katzen (discurrere) . 

BALDERDASH, nonsense, idle talk. W. baldorddus (prating, 
talking), from bal, what jets out, and tordd (a din, a tumult), 
according to Dr. Owen Pughe. The word is undoubtedly 
Celtic, though found in the Isl. baldur and the Fris. bulder. 

BAM, a false mocking tale, a gibe. This word has not been 
retained in Welsh, but it is found in the Armor, bamein, to 
deceive, and the Gael, beum, a cut, a taunt or sarcasm. 

BAWTERT, dirty, soiled with mud or filth. W. baw, dirt, 
mire; budro, to make dirty. 

BERR, rapidity, force. To run a berr, is to run headlong ; 
a run-a-berr leap, is a leap taken after a quick run. W. bur, 
violence, rage. 

BITTER-BUN or BITTER-BUMP, the bittern. The Welsh name 
for the bittern is adar-y-bwn, or bwmp-y-gors. Bwmp means 
a hollow sound, and is expressive of the peculiar sound or cry, 
the boom of the bittern. 

BODIKIN, a bodkin, anciently a spear or dirk. " Od's 
bodikins," by God's spears, an allusion to the death of 

* I mean by this title ' dialectic words spoken in Lancashire,' whether 
forming part of other dialects or not. 


Christ, was formerly a common oath. W. bidog, a small 
hanger or dirk; Gael, biodag (Ir. boidigin, dim. oibidog, dirk. 

BOGGART, an apparition, a hobgoblin. W. bwg id. bwgwth, 
to threaten, to scare ; Gael, bochdan, a bugbear. 

BOGGLE, to hesitate, to be afraid, to do anything awkwardly. 
W. bogelu, to affright, intrans. to hide one's self through fear. 

BOTHER, to stun, to perplex. Corn, bothar, deaf; Gael. 
bothar -, W. byddaru, to deafen. 

BRAGGOT, ale spiced and sweetened. W. bragawd (in 
the poem of Gododin, A.D. 570-580, bragawt], "a liquor 
made anciently from the wort of ale and mead fermented 
together," Dr. O. Pughe. 

BRAT, an apron, a cloth. W. brat, a piece, a clout. Gael. 
brat, a mantle, a covering. 

BRAWSE. (W. Lane.), brambles, furze; Gael, preas, a 
brier, a bush ; W. brwyn, rushes, sedge ; brasses*, dialect of 

BRAWSEN, stuffed with food, gorged. W. braisg, gross, 

BREE, to fear. W. braw, terror ; A.-S. bregean, to frighten. 

BREWIS, a dish made of oat-cakes soaked in broth. W 
brywes. Bos worth, in his A.-S. Dictionary, has briw, brewis, 
on the authority of Somner, but the word is certainly Celtic, 
from briw, that which is broken in pieces. 

BRODDLE, to assume, to boast, to swagger. W. brolio, to 
boast, to swagger. Du. brallen. Germ, prahlen. 

BROG, a bushy or swampy spot. W. brwg, a forest, a brake. 

BROGGIN, fishing for eels with a pole, or by thrusting a 
twig, furnished with hook and worm, into the holes where the 
eels lie. Gael, brog, to spur, to goad. W. procio, to thrust, 
to push in. 

BRUIT, to talk of, to publish; Bruited, talked about. W. brut, 
brud, a chronicle ; brudio, to record, to publish ; Fr. bruit L f. 

* ' English Etymologies/ by H. Wedgwood, Esq., Philol. Soc. Trails, 
vol. iv. p. 250. 

t My antiquarian readers will be reminded of the Brut of Layamon, the 
Brut of Tysilio, and other ancient chronicles. 


BURLEYMON, a person appointed at courts-leet, to examine 
and to determine about disputed fences*; W. bwr, a fence, 
an enclosure. 

BURR, the flower of the large water-dock, the head of a 
thistle. W. bar, a hunch or tuft. Gael, borr, a knob (as a 
verb, to swell, to grow big). A.S. burre, the burdock. 

Buss, a kiss. W. bus, the human lip ; Gael, bus, a lip, a 
kiss ; Lat. basium ; Fr. baiser. 

BYES, beasts. W. buw, kine ; Gael, bo, a cow ; Arm. bu ; 
Gr. /Sofc; Lat. bos. 

CAM, to make crooked or awry ; Camm'd, crooked, ill-tem- 
pered. W. cam, crooked; camu, to bend, to curve; Gael, 
and Ir. cam. 

CANNELL Coal, a kind of coal that burns with a bright flame. 
W. canwyll, a candle, a lamp; canwy, a bright glare, from 
can, bright, white ; Lat. canus ; Ir. and Armor, can. 

CECKLE, to retort impertinently, to speak insolently. W. 
cecru, to wrangle, to brawl ; Germ. keck. 

CLEAW, a flood-gate in a water-course. W. clwdd, a dyke, an 

CLEAWSE, an enclosure, a field, a close. W. claws, a small 
field, a yard or court; Gael, clomsadh (pr. and sometimes 
written clos) . The Germ, klause, a cell, a narrow pass, and 
the Lat. claudo, clausus, are probably from the same root, 
expressing that which is fenced off, or enclosed. 

COB, to beat, to strike, to fling, also to surpass. A word 
in very common use in Lancashire. That cobs aw, means, 
it surpasses all, and give o'er cobbin, give up striking or 
flinging at me ; W. cobio, to beat, to thump, to form a top or 
tuft; Gael, cobh, victory, conquest. 

COCK-BOAT, a small boat. W. cwch, a round vessel, a boat ; 
Ir. coca. 

COCKER, to indulge, to fondle, W. cocru. (id.) 

* Among the entries in the records of the courts-leet held at Hale, 
near Warrington, is the following : 

ixr TT \T i5 i / Adam de Coldecotes "1 jurati in termiuum 

IV Hen. V. Burelamen | Winielmus de Thorne to n } J 

In another entry the word is spelled " Burelagmen." 


COGS, the projecting parts of a toothed- wheel. W. cog, a 
lump, a short piece of wood ; cocos, cogs. 

COLLEY-WEST. When a Lancashire man is altogether un- 
successful in his schemes, he says that everything goes colley- 
west with him. This appears to be a compound of the W. 
coll, loss, damage; Gael, coll, destruction, and the root in 
the W. gwestwng, to decline, to go down ; implying a con- 
tinuous loss by which he is going down to ruin. 

CONGEL, a stick or staff'. W. cogel, a truncheon, a cudgel. 

COSTRIL, KESTRIL, a small barrel. W. costrel, a jar or 

COSY, comfortable, snug. W. cws, a state of quietude or 
rest. Mr. Wedgwood refers to the Gael, coiseag, a small 
nook, a snug corner; coigeasach, snug, cosy*. 

CRADDY, CRODDY. ' To set craddies ' is a phrase among 
Lancashire school-boys for proposing some dangerous leap, or 
other feat, as a trial of daring or dexterity. W. crad, heat, vi- 
gour; certh, awful, dangerous; certhain, to contend. Gael. 
crodha, brave, active ; crodhachd, bravery, prowess. 

CRAP, money, means. W. crap, a grapple or catching; 
crob, a heap. Gael, cearbh, money. 

CRATCHINLY, feebly, weakly. W. crach, scabby, also puny, 

fCREEAs, measles. 

\CREAWSE, amorous, lascivious. These words are both, I 
think, from the W. cres, heating, inflaming; cresu, to parch, 
to inflame ; crest, scurf. 

CRIB, to steal, to filch a small part of anything. W. cribo, 
to comb off, to card. 

CRIMMET, an obscene word, and other words of a coarse or 
vile meaning, are of the Celtic stock. This circumstance 
shows very probably that the words belonged to an inferior or 
conquered race. 

CROGHTON-BELLY, one who has eaten too much fruit. I 
give this word on the authority of H alii well. It is probably 
from the W. croth, what swells or bulges out, a rotundity ; 
croten, a plump little girl. 

* Philol. Proc. vol. iv. p. 252. 


CROO, a crib for cattle. W. crw y what tends to close or 
curve together. Gael, cro, a fold for sheep, a stall. 

CUDDLE, to fondle, to embrace, to press to the bosom, to 
lie closely. W. cuddio, to hide, to cover. 

CUTS. Among Lancashire school-boys, to draw ' cuts,' is to 
draw lots. This was usually done, in my boyhood, by draw- 
ing one of several pieces of paper, cut into different lengths. 
The word may be derived from the verb to ( cut/ but more 
probably from the W. cwtws, a lot *. 

DAD (W. Lane.), to move a heavy substance by turning 
it on its end. W. daddro, a turn or twist (Lewis). 

DADE, to hold a child suspended by the arms, while learn- 
ing to walk. W. dodi, to put, to place, to set. The Sanscrit 
dadh (ponere, tenere, sustentare), is much nearer the Lanca- 
shire word both in form and meaning. Another close con- 
nexion with the Sanscrit is found in the word " char," which, 
as a verb, means " to go out to work for the day," " to take 
occasional jobs." Sans, char, to go, to do, to arrange. (Bopp. 
Comp. Gr. p. 1105, Eng. Ed.) 

DOSSUCK, a dirty, slovenly woman. W. dosawg, speckled. 
Gael, das, a tuft, froth, scum. 

DUBBIN, a kind of paste used by shoemakers. W. dwb, 
mortar, cement. 

DUNDER-HEAD, a blockhead, a silly fellow. W. dwndro, 
to prate, to babble ; dwndrwr, a prater, a tattler. 

FAG-END, a remnant, a refuse piece. W. ffaig, the extre- 
mity or end of a thing. This word which, though not pecu- 
culiar to Lancashire, is used by all classes in the county, is 
an instance of that curious connexion of words with the 
same meaning, which is always found when different races 
have been blended together. Cock-boat has been already 
mentioned. The contemptuous use of such words as " cock," 
" fag," and others of the same class, shows also very clearly 
on which side lay the superiority of racef. The common word 

* Philol. Proc. vol. i. p. 174. 

t The same inference may be drawn from the words, dapper, knave, 
boor, churl, &c., compared with their Teutonic relatives. They bear the 
mark of the Norman scorn for the Saxon serf. 


" salt-cellar " is an instance of this kind of juxtaposition. 
Fr. sellier, salt-dish. 

FARRANT, decent, respectable, worthy. This word is derived 
by Mr. Brockett from the A.S. far an, to go, and the meaning 
attached to the word in his Glossary of North Country 
Words, is, " equipped for a journey, fashioned, shaped." In 
Lancashire the word is not used in this sense, though the 
meaning is evidently retained in owd-f arrant, precocious, old- 
fashioned. It is not improbable that the idea of behaviour 
or course of life may have been derived in this instance from 
the primary idea of motion or progress, as in the common 
English "way," and the Germ, "auffuhrung;" but I am 
inclined to prefer the Gael, f arrant a, stout, brave, generous, 
from /ear, a man. If the A.S. verb "far an" be preferred as 
the root of this word, it may be compared with Old Goth. 
fuari, aptus, prosper; fuara, behaviour; Fris. fere, useful, 
healthy ; and the Bavarian unfuer, misconduct. 

FASH, the tops of turnips, waste, trouble. Gael, fasach, 
stubble ; fasan, refuse of grain. 

FATTLE, to trifle about business, to dangle after a female. 
Perhaps from W. ffattio, to strike lightly, to pat*. 

FILE, a cunning person, generally used of old persons. 
This word has no reference, I think, to the common English 
tool, a file ; but is connected with the W. ffill, a writhe, a 
twist ; ffillio, to writhe about. Gael, fill, a fold, a plait 
fillte, folded, plaited, deceitful. 

FLASGET, a shallow basket. W. fflasged, a vessel of straw 
or wicker-work, a basket. Gael, flasg, id. In this instance, 
as in "bragot," we have the stronger sound "t" for the 
W. "d;" but as the modern W. "bragawd" was anciently 
"bragawt," we may infer that Lancashire has retained the 
primitive sound of the w r ord, and that my fellow-countymen 
are in some respects like the Irish-English of a former time, 
" ipsis Hibernis Hibemiores." 

FOG, grass left on the ground unmown; long, withered 
grass. W. ffwg, dry grass; ffwgws, dry leaves. Ducange 

* Old Norse, fitla, befingern; Dieff. s. v.fetjan. 


has " fogagium," winter fodder, which, Mr. Carr thinks, does 
not express the meaning of the provincial word ( ' fog." He 
is however mistaken, if he supposes that they are not from the 
same root. The W. ffwg means primarily "what is dry or 
light," and " fogagium " means dry food, as hay, in opposition 
to the fresh grass. The Craven farmer has retained the pro- 
per meaning of the word, when he says, " he is boun to fog 
his cattle," that is, to take them out of the pasture at the 
beginning of winter, and to feed them on dry food. 

FOOMART, the pole-cat. W. ffwlbart. 

FRUMP, to sulk, to take offence. W. ffromi, to chafe, to be 
in a pet. The Belg. frumpelen, to reproach, to revile, offers a 
probable parentage for this word; but the root is, I think, 
Celtic. W. ffrom, fuming, violent ; ffro, a violent motion or 

GAM, GAME, crooked; as a gam or game leg. W. cam, 

GARTH, a hoop, the belly-band of a horse. W. gardd (pr. 
garth], an enclosure. The primary idea is that of encircling, 
enclosing, and hence the Fr. jardin, Eng. garden, Old Germ. 
gard, a town ; Buss, gorod, town ; and the many forms of the 
same root, signifying " town " or " enclosed place " in the 
Semitic languages. From the softening of the guttural comes 
the Eng. " yard," an enclosed space near a house. 

GIN, a machine for separating and cleansing the fibres of 
cotton. W. ginio, to pluck wool ; gwlan gin, plucked wool. 

GINNEL, a narrow passage, a small channel formerly made 
in the centre of narrow streets for the passage of water. 
A.rm.ffanol, a channel; Corn, gannel; Gael, grinneal, the bed 
of a river, a pool, a channel. 

GLUR, the softest kind of fat. W. gw&r, tallow, suet. 
Gael, geir, id. 

GOLTCH, to eat or drink ravenously, to be gluttonous. 
Gael, gollach, gluttonous. W. golch, immersion, washing. 

GORBELLY, one who has a large belly or paunch, a glutton. 
W. ffor, a particle signifying large, excessive, as goradain, 
great velocity; goraddo, to promise too much; goraddfcd, 


over-mellow, too ripe; and bol, holy, belly, primarily, that 
which is round. 

GREECE, GREESE, a slight ascent; also stairs, steps. 
W. gris, a step or stair. 

GRIG. As merry as a grig. This word means the grey- 
hound; A.S. grig-hund. It belongs to the Celtic languages ; 
Gael, gregh, hound, probably this particular kind of hound ; 
the Vertagus of Martial, which was of a Gallic, i. e. Celtic 
breed : 

Non sibi, sed domino, venatur Vertagus acer. 

GRUMMIL, small coal. Perhaps from W. gremial, to crash; 
Gael, greim, a bite, a morsel. 

GRY, to be in an ague-fit. W. crynu, to shake, to quiver ; 
cryn, shaking, shivering. Gael, crith. 

GULLION, a soft, worthless fellow. W. gwill, a vagabond, 
(as an adj. fickle, apt to stray). 

GYRE, to purge. A gyred calf is one purged by having too 
rich milk. W. gyru, to thrust forward, intrans. to run ; 
Gael, sgur, to scour, to purge. 

HAP, chance, fortune; mayhap, perhaps. W. hap, id., 
hapus, fortunate, happy. 

HARED, an obit or mortuary. Dr. Whittaker (Hist, of 
Mane. vol. i. p. 359) is my authority for the word. He states 
that in Anglesea, the word h&red was used in this sense; 
derived without doubt from the Lat. hares, as our O.-Eng. 
word, heriot. 

HAWK, to cough, to bring up phlegm. W. hochi, to throw 
up phlegm. 

HEALO, YEALO, modest, shy. W. gwyl, modest, diffident. 
Gael, eagal, ail, fear, timidity. 

HIG, a fit of pettish anger. W. ig, a sob; igio, to sigh, to sob. 

HOG, v., to carry on the back ; also, to put potatoes into a 
hole or pit. These not very similar meanings find their point 
of union in the W. hwg, a bend, a hook, and also a nook or 
corner. The "hog" was the nook where the potatoes were 
put and covered over, and the word was afterwards transferred 
to the more convenient pit. 


HOOANT, flesh swelled and hard from inflammation. W.huan, 
the sun. 

HOPPER, a receptacle for corn in a mill, a basket. 
W. hopran, id. 

HOWSE, to stir up, generally used of the fire. W. hoewi, to 
render alert or sprightly. 

HUFF, HUFT, to treat scornfully, to attack with scornful 
reproofs. W. wfft, a scorn, a slight; wfftio, to push away 
with disapprobation, to cry shame. Mr. Brockett gives the 
Isl. yfa, irritare, as the origin of the word. 

HUTCH, to lift up the shoulders uneasily, to move the 
body with an uneasy motion. W. hicio, to snap, to catch 

IMP, to deprive of, to rob. W. imp, a scion, a graft; 
impio, to engraft. The Lancashire meaning is an amusing 
secondary sense of the Celtic word ; taking a slip from one 
stock to graft on another being a delicate expression for rob- 
bery. The Welsh have never used the word in this sense. 

JIMP, neat, spruce. W. gwymp, smart, trim, fair. 

KEEN, to burn. W. cynnen, to kindle, to set on fire; 
cynne, a fire-blaze. Pughe. 

KIBBLE HOUNDS. Beagles were formerly so called in Lan- 
cashire. Dr. Whittaker, who is my authority for the word, 
suggests the Ir. cuib, greyhound, as its source. 

KIPPLE, to lift a weight off the ground to the shoulders 
without help or stoppage. W. dp, a sudden pull or effort ; 
cipiOj to snatch, to take off suddenly. The author of the 
Cheshire Glossary, has the phrase Kibbo Kift, and explains 
that it means standing in a half-bushel, and lifting from the 
ground to the shoulders a load of wheat. " Why," he adds, 
' ' I do not know ; but I have some idea of having seen some- 
where the word kibbo or kibbor used in the sense of strong*. 
Should it not rather be kibbow gift? and the feat above 
mentioned will be a gift of strength." This explanation, 
which is almost as happy as the derivation of the English 
surname Peel (a rude town or fortress), from the Fr. pelle, a 
* Perhaps the Hebrew gibbor. 


baker's shovel, is not an unfair specimen of the guesses in 
etymology, made by writers wholly ignorant of the Celtic class 
of languages. The Welsh name for a half-bushel measure, the 
traditional foot-place for this effort of strength, is cibyn, and 
dp means a sudden effort. The cibyn cip, or, as our Cheshire 
neighbours have corrupted it, the kibbo kift (" c " is always 
hard in Welsh), is simply the half-bushel feat. 

LAKE, to idle, to play truant. Perhaps from W. Uechu, to 
skulk, to lie hid; but more probably from A.-S. ldc t play, 
sport; Goth, laiks. 

LITHE, v. to thicken broth or soup with meal. W. llith, 
meal soaked in water. Gael, leite, water-gruel. 

LOBB, a heavy, clumsy fellow. W. Hob, a heavy lump, a 
blockhead. Gael, liobar, a lubberly or awkward fellow*. 
The word, when used as a verb, means, to run with a long 
step ; perhaps from the W. llofan, what branches or shoots 

LURCH, to lurk, to lie hid. W. llerchio, to loiter about, to 
lurk, derived by Dr. O. Pughe from llerch, a fit of loitering or 
lurking, and this from Her, what is stretched or drawn out. 

LUTCH, to pulsate strongly and painfully, as an angry 
tumour. W. lluchio, to fling, to throw violently, to cast snow 
into drifts. Gael, luath, luathaich, to hasten, to mill cloth by 
rapid and violent beating. 

LUVER, an open chimney, originally a hole in the centre of 
the roof for the escape of smoke. W. Iwfer, pr. loover, a 
chimney, Lewis. This word is not in Dr. O. Pughe's Dic- 

* The Dutch have lobbes in the same sense, and the root may belong to 
both classes of languages ; but the root-idea heaviness is found only, I 
think, in the Celtic. 

t In an article in the Quarterly Review, vol. Iv. written, I believe, by 
the late Mr. Garnett, this word is said to be " plainly the Icelandic liori 
(pronounced liowri or lioori); Norwegian, liore; West Gothland, liura; 
described in the statistical accounts of those countries ns a sort of cupola 
with a trap-door, serving the twofold purpose of a chimney and a sky- 
light." Perhaps, however, the Gael, luidheir (dh in Gael, is either silent, 
or, before a vowel, is pr. nearly as the Eng. y), a chimney, a vent, a flue, 
may be the true etymon. W. llwyf, a frame, a loft. 



As my design is not to give a complete list of all the Celtic 
words in the Lancashire dialect, but only to show how large 
and important this element is ; and since, moreover, to discuss 
the whole, per seriem liter arum, would extend this paper to an 
immoderate length, I will only add a few more instances to 
complete the proof. 

MINT, a large sum, especially of money. This word may 
be from the common Eng. word "mint," implying a large 
exchequer, but more probably from the W. maint, a large 
quantity; Fr. maint. 

MOG, to move off, to depart quickly. Scot, mudge. 
W. mwchy swift, quick ; mwchio, to hasten, to be quick. 

MUGGY, damp, dirty, used of the weather. W. mwci, bog, 
from mwg, smoke ; or it may be from the Old Norse mykia, 
mollire, stercorare, myki, fimus, Du. muyk, soft, [Dieffenbach, 
Worterbuch der Gothischen Sprache, s. v. muks,~\ and related 
to "muck," "mucky*." 

MULLOCH, dirt, rubbish. W. mwlwch, refuse, sweepings. 
Gael, mulach, dirt, a puddle. 

MYCHIN, MICHIN, out of humour, pining, dissatisfied. 
W. miCj spite, pique ; micio, to be piqued. 

NATTER, to gnaw, to nibble. W. naddu, to hew, to chip. 

OANDURTH, afternoon. W. anterth, the forenoon, morning, 
according to Dr. O. Pughe, from an and tarth, literally, with- 
out vapour, the time of the day when the vapours are dis- 
sipated. Armor, enderv, afternoonf. (Philol. Proc. i. 173.) 

* The W. migen, & boggy or swampy place, seems to be related to these 

f In the Anturs of Arther, the expression, " between undur and none" 
occurs, and the editor, in explanation, quotes from the Quarterly Review, 
vol. Ivi. : " The true form is undorn or under, i. e. unter, inter, between, 
and means the intervening period ; it therefore sometimes denotes a part 
of the forenoon, or meal taken at that time, and sometimes a period be- 
tween noon and sunset. Ulphilas translates apicrrov, Luc. xiv. 12, by 
undornimat ; Lane, oandurth." I think, however, that " oandurth " is 
Celtic, from the Old Gael, indir, now eadar, between, connected with the 
Goth, undorn and the Sans, antur. In Gaelic, eadarthrath, lit. between- 
time, is the equivalent of the Lane. " oandurth " and " yeandurth," fore- 
noon ; this would be formerly, indir-thrath, and by contraction, indirth, of 
which the W. anterth is perhaps only another form. 


ORRIL, mad, frenzied. W. rhull, apt to break out, rash, 

PANTLE, (W. Lane.), a snare for snipes. W. pant, what 
involves or hems in. Gael, and Ir. peinteal, a snare. 

PASH, a sudden gush of water or tears. W. pasio, to cause 
an exit, to expel, from pas, what expels, an exit. 

PEDDLE, PIDDLE, to do anything slightly, to trifle, to work 
ineffectually. W. pid, what tapers to a point; pitw, very 
small, petty. 

PEE, to look with one eye, to squint. W. py, what is in- 
volved or inversed or turned inwards. Mr. Brockett refers to 
a ludicrous anecdote of a person called Peed Dalton of Snap, 
that is, the one-eyed Dalton. 

PEIGH, to cough. W. pych, a cough. Lewis. 
fPELT, to fling, to throw at. Also to move or run quickly. 
\PELTER, to batter, to beat. 

These words are from the W. pel, a ball ; peled, a ball, bul- 
let ; Eng. pellet ; pelre, beating of a ball to and fro ; peledu, 
to throw a ball. 

PICK, to push sharply, to fling. 

PICKING-STICK, the stick by which weavers throw their 
shuttles. W. picio, to dart, to fling. 

As high as I could pick my lance. 

Coriolanus, act i. sc. 1. 

PILDER, PILTHER, to wither, to shrivel, to fade away. W. 
pydru, to rot, to putrefy; pallder, failure, abortiveness, a 
perished state. 

PINC, a finch. W. pine, id. The W. word " pine" means 
also " brisk," " fine ;" and, as a subst., is probably applied 
to the bird from this sense ; all appellatives being originally 
expressive of form or quality. 

POWSE, POWSEMENT, dirt, refuse, offal. They are also very 
expressive terms of reproach, implying a high degree of con- 
tempt. W. pws, what is expelled. This is very probably the 
true etymon of the Lancashire " powse" and " powsement," 
though the "W. word does not express foulness : it means 
simply "that which is violently expelled or sent forth," and, 
in a secondary sense, " a violent utterance, a loud outcry." 


PUNSE, to kick. W. pawen, a paw or hoof; pawns, a 
bounce, a blow, a thump. 

PURR, id. Gael, purr, to push, to thrust, to butt with the 

RE AWT, a way, a route. W. rhawd, a way or course, a 
race, a rout; rhawden, a footstep/ from rha, what forces or 
drives onwards. I think it more probable that the Lanca- 
shire peasantry have derived this word from their Celtic fore- 
fathers than from the Fr. route. The W. rhawd enables us 
to connect together the words " rout" and " route," the radi- 
cal signification being an onward and rapid movement. 

REEAK, to scream, to shriek. W. rhech, a report, a loud 

RICK, to make a noise, to jingle, to scold. W. rhoch, a 
grunt, a groan ; rhochi, to grunt, to growl. 

RIGGOT, a channel or gutter. W. rhig, a groove ; rhigol, a 
furrow, a drain. 

ROCK, ROCKET, a frock. I give these words on the au- 
thority of Dr. Whittaker. He says they were used, in his 
day, in the neighbourhood of Manchester. W. rhuch, a coat ; 
Corn, rochet, a shirt; Fr. rochet-, A.-S. roc-, Germ. rock. 
The Lancashire words may very probably be assigned to a 
Teutonic origin ; but the fact that the Fr. rochet (Corn, rochet] 
must be assigned to a Celtic source, and the existence of the 
form " rocket," not found, I think, in the Teutonic languages, 
may favour the assumption that they were in use before the 
time of the Saxon invasion. 

SAFE, sure, certain (often pron. sef ) . " He's sef to be 
hanged," applied to a good-for-nothing fellow, means that 
such a fate will certainly be his. W. sef, certain, truly .* 
SCUT, the tail of a hare. W. cwt, ysgwt, a tail or rump. 
SLAT, to spill, to dash water about. W. yslotian, to paddle, 
to dabble. 

Sow, the head. W. siol, the top of the head, the skull. 

* The glossaries of Messrs. Brockett and Carr have shown that much 
light may he thrown on obscure passages of Shakspere from provincial 
words and phrases. The Lauc. use of the word "safe" will cxplam :i pas- 
sage in Macbeth that has hitherto perplexed nil the editors of our great 


Formed as the name of a high hill between Cheshire and 
Staffordshire, Mow Cop, formerly written Moel Cop. W. 
moel, a bare conical hill. 

SPREE, a wild, mischievous frolic. Mr. Brockett suggests 
the Fr. esprit, but I agree with the late Mr. Garnett*, that it 
is from the W. asbri, trick, mischief; also fancy, invention. 

TACKLE, v. to equip, to set in order, to take a person in 
hand with the intent to subdue him, or set him in order. W. 
tad, an instrument, a tool; taclu, to accoutre, to dress, to 
repair or set to rights. 

TANTRUM, a fit of passionate excitement. To be in his 
tantrums, means, in Lancashire, to be in a nighty passionate 
mood. W. tant, a stretch, a sudden start, a gust of passion or 

TED, to spread abroad new-mown hay. W. teddu, to 
spread out ; tedd, a spreading out, a range, a row. 

TREDDLES, TRADDLES, the part of the loom which is moved 
by the feet. W. troedlen, id. from troed, foot. 

TREST, a strong bench, a butcher's block. W. trawst, a 
rafter. The similar word " tressel" or " trestle" is from the 
W. trestl, a stretcher, a frame ; root, tres, what is on the 

TURNIL, a long oval tub used for scalding pigs. W. twrnel, 
a tub or vat ; from twrn, what is round, a turn. 

WHOP, s. a smart, sharp blow; v. to beat. W. wab, a 
slap, a blow ; wabio, to cuff, to beat. 

WITHERIN, large, powerful. W. uther, awful, terrible. 

WYZLES, the stalks of the potatoe-plant. W. gwjjdd, small 
trees, shrubs. 

There are some words in the Lancashire dialect which may 

dramatist. (See Mr. Knight's Ed. of Shakspere.) Macbeth says, with hypo- 
critical homage, to Duncan : 

" Our duties 

Are to your throne and state, children and servants, 
Which do but what they should, by doing everything 
Safe (that is, certainly, truly,) toward your love and honour.'* 

Macbeth, act i. sc. 4 , 
* Philol. Proc. vol. i. p. 173. 


be equally referred to the Welsh or the Anglo-Saxon. A few 
examples have already been given of this kind. In some in- 
stances the root is common to almost all the languages of the 
Indo-European class ; and in others, it would seem to have 
been derived to the Anglo-Saxon from one of the branches of 
the Celtic stock. There is, undoubtedly, a Celtic as well as a 
Danish element in the Anglo-Saxon language, as it has come 
down to us; and the proof of this would confirm Mr. 
Kemble's remark, that there was probably more intercourse 
between the Anglo-Saxons and some of the conquered tribes 
than is usually supposed.* 

I subjoin a few additional examples of the kind referred 

BERM, BARM, yeast. W. burym ; Gael, beirm ; A.-S. 
beorma ; Germ, berme ; Dan. bcerme. In W. we have berw, 
boiling, seething; berwi, to boil, to bubble; and this is the 
origin, probably, of the Eng. " brew" and " barm." These 
are connected also with the Gael, breo, fire, flame, which 
brings us into contact with almost every language of Europe. 
(See Dieffenbach, Wort, der Goth. Sprache, s. v. Brinnan.) 

COP, a reel of spun yarn, formerly a ball of spun thread. 
W. copa, cop, top, summit, head, tuft or crest; Gael, ceap, 
Armor, cab, A.-S. copp, Germ, kopf, Old Fris. kop, Sans. 
kapdla, Gr. /ee</>aX^, Gat. caput. In all these the radical idea 
is " top " or " summit," and thence " head." It is preserved 
in the word " coping-stone," and in the Lancashire " cob," 
to surpass, to beat. The present Lancashire sense of the 
word is probably drawn from the round balls of thread that 
were formerly made ; the name of which is retained, though 
the modern " cop " is of a long, oval shape. 

* There is, beyond doubt, a derived Celtic element in the Anglo-Saxon, 
but the investigation of this subject will require much caution, and an ex- 
tensive acquaintance with both these classes of languages ; for, though the 
Teutonic and the Celtic differ widely in their development, they have radically 
a close relationship. Dieffenbach's elaborate " Worterbuch der Gothisc-lu-n 
Spnichr," oll'rrs drcisivr testimony on this point. See also Radlof's " Neue 
Untcrsuchungen drs Krlu-nthumes, zur Aufhellung der Urgeschichte der 
Teutschen." Bonn. 1822. (Prichard, Researches, &c., vol. iii. p. 136 note.) 


CARK, v. to be careful or anxious; s. care, anxiety. W. 
care (id.), carcus, solicitous, anxious; Gael, car, twisting, 
bending, care, carach, deceitful, cunning ; Germ, and Sw. 
karg (tenax, avarus) ; Old Norse kargr (tenax, contumax) ; 
Old Germ, karag (lugubris), kara (passio, poenitentia, la- 
mentum)"*; Sans, kdrd (moeror, aerumna), Pers. id., Armen. 
kari, karikh (mo3ror, aerumna, penuria). The Gaelic gives the 
primary idea of the root, that of "bending," "twisting," 
from which have sprung the secondary meanings of " care," 
" carefulness," " poverty," " deceit," under which forms the 
root is found in almost all languages. I think the word has 
been derived in Lancashire from the Cymric race, though 
Bosworth has A.-S. care (care), on the authority of Somner. 

CARL, a clown, a rustic fellow. Probably from the same 
root as Cark, from the secondary meaning, " labour." W. 
early a clown, a covetous man; A.-S. ceorl, Germ, kerl, Old 
Du. caerl, Modern Du. karel, kerel, Old Fris. tserl. The 
Lancashire form of the word is nearer the W. than the A.-S. 

DRAB, a prostitute, a vile, dirty woman. DRAFF, grains of 
malt after the process of brewing. I have joined these two 
words together, as they belong to the same root. Gael, drab, 
a spot or stain, drabag, a dirty female, a slattern, drabh, 
refuse, draff; Sw* draf, Du. drqff (feex). A.-S. drabbe, dregs, 
lees. The origin of these words, with regard to Lancashire, 
is most probably Teutonic. 

GABLOCK, an iron bar, a gavelock. W. gaflach-, A.-S. ga- 
veloc, a javelin. This word is most probably Celtic. W. gafl, 
a fork or angle ; gaf, a reaching out, or divaricating. The 
gavelock appears to have been a kind of bill, a lance with a 
curved barb. Bosworth has A.-S. gaflas, forks, a gallows, on 
the authority of Somner. 

RIDDLE, a coarse sieve. W. rhidyll, a sieve, from rhid, 
what drains or oozes out; A.-S. hriddel. Bosworth has this 
word in his A.-S. Dictionary, on the authority of Somner. 

* The origin of the Lancashire term, ' Care Sunday/ the Sunday 
before Palm Sunday, from the penitential rites formerly practised at that 


It belongs to the Celtic class of languages. Gael, and Ir., 

RHUTE, passion, a paroxysm of anger. W. rhuthr, a sudden 
gust or rushing, an assault or onset, from rhuth, a breaking out, 
a rush; Gael, ruadhar, digging, stirring up, an onset; A.-S. 
hruth, commotion, raging. [Bosworth, again on the authority 
of Somner.] It belongs to the Celtic element of the Anglo- 
Saxon, for the root is found only in the former class. 

WAMBLE, to stagger from weakness, to move the body to 
and fro. Wambly y faintly, weakly. W. gwammalu, to waver, 
to wamble; Dan. vamle, to ramble, also to feel squeamish 
or sickly ; North Fris. wommelen. 

It is evident, from these instances of Celtic words, still 
existing in Lancashire, that a considerable population of this 
race must have remained in the county after it had become 
subject to the Anglo-Saxon rule. On no other supposition 
can the fact be accounted for, since there has been little in- 
tercourse between Wales and the lands north of the Mersey, 
until a very recent period ; and the words are of a kind not 
usually borrowed from a neighbouring country. We may 
assume then, with certainty, that the assertion so often made 
both by historians and philologists, that the Celtic race in 
England was either wholly destroyed or expelled by their 
Saxon conquerors, is untrue ; at least, as far as the county of 
Lancaster is concerned *. History does not ofier a decisive 
testimony on the subject, but the language of the Lancashire 
peasantry gives unexceptionable and sufficient evidence by 
which we may determine the question. And this evidence 
proves, beyond doubt, that a large Celtic element is one of 
the constituents of the race by whose activity and enterprise 
the wealth and the power of England have been raised to so 
marvellous a height. 

It is not easy to form even an approximate estimate of the 
ratio which this element bears to the rest; but from an ex- 
tensive glossary of the dialect now in my possession, I infer 
that about one-sixth part of the dialectic words may be traced 

* See note (1) at the oiul. 


directly to a Celtic source; and since the circumstances 
affecting the language of the county would all tend to 
strengthen the Anglo-Saxon element, and proportionately to 
weaken the Celtic, it is not an extravagant assumption that 
one-fourth of the population, at the time when the Saxon 
authority was established, had derived its origin from Celtic 
ancestors*. I am inclined to think that the mental charac- 
teristics of the race favour this assumption. All deductions 
with regard to distinct races, drawn from such considerations, 
require, no doubt, a cautious examination of the subject, and 
some marked peculiarities in the compared races. It is, how- 
ever, undoubtedly true that some well-defined characteristics 
have belonged to every distinct family of the human race, and 
those of the Celtic tribes have been described in the same 
terms by all who have written on the subject, from Julius 
Caesar and Strabo to the ethnologists of our own day. And 
who that knows thoroughly the Lancashire people their love 
of poetry and music their keen relish for fun and frolic 
their creative ingenuity their restless activity of mind and 
body their occasional turbulence their strong passion for 
liberty, sometimes degenerating into an impatience of just 
authority will fail to admit that to the stubborn perse- 
verance and self-reliance of the Teutonic stock have been 
added some qualities that belong to a more excitable and 
mercurial race ? 

If we examine the Celtic portion of the Lancashire dialect, 
to determine the amount of information it may give on the 
social position, or the habits and acquirements of the ab- 
original race, it will appear that some light is thrown on these 
subjects by the words that have come down to us. It has 
been already mentioned that many low, burlesque or obscene 
words can be traced to a Celtic source, and this circumstance, 
together with the fact that no words connected with law, or 
government, or the luxuries of life, belong to this class, is 
distinct evidence that the Celtic race was held in a state of 
dependence or inferiority. The use of such words as tedding, 

* This must be understood to refer chiefly to the country south of the 


garth, kipple, piggin, tackle, and the carter's cry to his horse, 
wo, woa (W. wo, stop), would lead also to the assumption that 
the race to which they belonged occupied the position of 
servants. It is also within the limits of a legitimate inference, 
that the abundance of such words as express violent passion, 
or an impetuous spirit (as orril, rhute, hig, tantrum, rampage, 
reeak, berr, spree, &c.), and the words most frequently used 
for supernatural appearances (as boggart, bogle, hobgoblin), 
are facts indicative of the excitable and superstitious cha- 
racter of the race. The terms connected with hunting, such 
as kibble, scut, like the Shaksperian brack, and the Latin ver- 
tagus, are signs of that fondness for the chase which we 
know was common to all the Celtic tribes; and the word 
braggot remains to show that they were able to make an 
intoxicating liquor from barley. 

Of their skill in the arts of life, we may infer from the 
words cleaw, hopper, goyt, miln (equally Celtic and Anglo- 
Saxon), that they knew how to construct water-mills ; which, 
whether derived from the Romans, or of indigenous origin, 
we know, from other sources, were in use among the Britons 
before the Saxon invasion. The words basket, flasget ; crock, 
costril, piggin ; treddles, gin, and other terms connected with 
weaving, will show that they knew how to form articles of 
earthenware and wooden vessels, and also that they had looms 
for the weaving of woollen stuffs. There is no evidence in 
the Lancashire dialect that they were skilled in the use of the 
bow, but the words gavlock, pikel (originally a dart or javelin, 
frompicio, to dart or fling), and probably bill, though also an 
A.-S. word (W. bilan, a lance or pike, bwyell, an axe; Gael. 
biail, axe), and the Norman glaive, from the Celtic element 
of the French language (W. glaif, a sword, properly a crooked 
sword or scimitar), are proofs that they were familiar with 
the use of warlike weapons, and with the arts of smelting and 
forging iron ore. The Lane, eyurn (iron) is an exact counter- 
part of the W. haiarn. The Teutonic names for the imple- 
ments used in agriculture may show that the Anglo-Saxon 
was a better or more systematic farmer than the Celt ; but 
the existence of such words as byes, woo, garth, keffyl (horse, 

in the adjoining part of the county of York), and perhaps the 
word bull also (W. bwla, not in the A.-S.*, though in the 
Germ, bulk], may add some slight evidence of the correctness 
of Caesar's account of the ancient Britons : " Their houses are 
very numerous, and their cattle are in great numbers f." The 
word marl, derived from a W. root signifying marrow, a soft 
unctuous substance, together with the words lithe (to soak 
meal in water ; W. llith, soaked meal) and braggot, are proofs 
that they were not unskilled in the art of agriculture ; as the 
words bard and crowd (a fiddle), which these ancient tribes 
have bequeathed to our language, attest their skill in poetry 
and music. 

The Celtic element of the Lancashire dialect having 
been examined, there remain for consideration the Anglo- 
Saxon and Scandinavian elements, and the slight infusion 
of Norman- French which it presents. The largest element 
is the Anglo-Saxon, as in our classical or standard English; 
but the Scandinavian, represented either by the modern 
Danish or the Old Norse, enters largely into its composition, 
more extensively, in fact, than in common English while 
the Norman-French has contributed only a few words of 
little importance. 

The Anglo-Saxon, as the most important element of the three, 
may properly come first under consideration. But here a diffi- 
culty presents itself, in attempting to trace the different tribes 
or nations that have peopled the county. It is easy to connect 
certain provincial words with their Anglo-Saxon predecessors, 
and if it were proposed to show merely that a majority of the 
words have a Teutonic or German base, and that therefore 
the bulk of the people came originally from Germany, this 
would be enough for the purpose. But if we ask from what 
particular tribes of the numerous hordes that peopled Ger- 
many in the fifth or sixth century, the population has sprung, 
we must attempt to determine the separate parts of the com- 
pound Anglo-Saxon race and compare the local names and 

* Bosworth, on the authority of Lye, has bulluca, a calf, a young bull, 
t De Bello Gall. lib. v. c. 12. 


dialectic words of the county with words belonging to these 
separate divisions. Otherwise we shall have only a vague 
idea of an undefined German origin, or must accept such 
general assertions as that of Bede, that the North of England, 
including Lancashire, was peopled by the Angles, and sup- 
pose the Saxon element to have penetrated exclusively the 
western, and part of the midland counties. But is this sup- 
position true with regard to Lancashire ? We have no means 
of answering this question from any historical records of the 
county; the notices of it contained in Bede's Ecclesiastical 
History or the Saxon Chronicle are of the most meagre kind. 
A casual notice of a battle at Whalley or Winwick, or an 
accidental allusion to the fact that Edward, the Saxon king, 
while occupying the town of Thelwall in Cheshire, "com- 
manded another force also of Mercians, to take possession of 
Manchester in Northumbria, and repair and man it*," is 
almost the whole of the information which history has given 
of the county from the fifth to the thirteenth century. The 
riches that lay beneath its wild moorlands were yet unknown ; 
its ports were not convenient either for the Saxon or the Danish 
marauder, or for the Norman baron ; it was not an object of 
ambition as the more-frequented south ; the people were rude ; 
a great part of the soil was either barren heath or swampy 
lowlands ; and accident had not made it the theatre of any of 
the great battles by which the fate of the country was deter- 
mined. For ten centuries it seems to have been the most 
obscure and unimportant of all the counties of England. 
From their secluded position the people became almost as wild 
and barbarous as the Irish kernes of a later date. Camden, 
so late as the reign of Elizabeth, honestly confesses his reluc- 
tance to visit them, and devoutly commends himself to the 
care of Divine Providence, when he had determined to under- 
take a task so perilous f. 

* Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, A.D. 923. 

t " Whom I feel some secret reluctance to visit, if they will forgive me the 
expression. But that I may not seem to neglect Lancashire, I must 
attempt the task, not doubting but Providence, which has hitherto favoured 
me, will assist me here." Camden's Britannia. 


From these causes we can derive no help from history in 
attempting to determine the races that have peopled the 
county. Our only source of information is the dialectic 
speech of the people, and the names of its towns and natural 
objects. This last class has been already referred to a Celtic 
origin, but the names of the towns and the dialectic words 
are chiefly German or Scandinavian, showing that these races 
succeeded the Celtic in the possession or government of the 
county. A large majority of these words may be found in 
our Anglo-Saxon dictionaries; but do they belong to the 
Saxon or the Anglian division of this compound speech? and 
were the Germanic conquerors of the Saxon or the Anglian 
race ? To determine these questions we must inquire whether 
there are any means of ascertaining with more precision than 
has usually been attempted, their respective geographical 
boundaries, the languages they spoke, and their relationships 
with other tribes or nations. 

Of the Saxons, Dr. Pritchard tells us that they were a 
single tribe, whose abode was opposite that of the Cauchi, on 
the neck of the Cimbric peninsula, and that they reached 
from the mouth of the Elbe to the river Chalusus, supposed 
to be the Trawe. This would limit their territory to the south 
of Holstein, between Hamburg and Lubeck. He adds, that 
Ptolemy mentions three islands belonging to the Saxon race 
in the mouth of the Elbe, probably Nordstrand, Fohr, and 
Silt ; and that this was the tribe whence came the followers 
of Hengist*. But this statement, if intended to imply that 
the Saxons, who invaded England, were exclusively of this 
single tribe, or that the Elbe was the southern boundary of 
the tribes that followed the banner of Hengist, is contradicted 
by many unquestionable facts. There can be no doubt that 
the Friesic and Batavian races contributed very largely to 
swell the warlike hordes that invaded England from the fifth 
to the seventh century. They are not mentioned by Bede 
in his account of the invading tribes, and apparently from 
this omission they have been generally left out of consi- 
deration by our historians. But it may be safely assumed that 

* Researches into the Physical History of Mankind, vol. iii. p. 360. 



they were among the races that took possession of England 
at this time, and that they were numbered among the Saxons : 
it is also highly probable that these tribes spake very nearly 
the same language, and that the Old Friesic is the best repre- 
sentative of the speech of the Saxon tribe that dwelt on the 
right bank of the Elbe. These views are confirmed by the 
following circumstances : 1. The Friesic language is still 
spoken in the islands at the mouth of the Elbe, which, 
according to Ptolemy, belonged to the Saxons. We have no 
evidence that there has ever been a change of race or language 
in these islands. 2. We have the testimony of Procopius 
that the Friesians were among the races that invaded England. 
He does not mention the Saxons : " BptrTtav 8e rrjv VTJCTOV tdva 
rpia 7ro\vav6pco7r6raTa e^owi, j3aai\6vs re els avr&v e/cdo-TO) 
<j>ecrTr)Kev 3 ovo/juara Se Keirat, rot? eOveat, TOVTOI? *A<yyl\oi re 
/cal <&pi<rcroves ical rfj vrjva o^wvv^oi ~BpiTTO)ves*." We can 
only reconcile this statement with that of Bede by supposing 
that the Saxons and Friesians were at this time so nearly re- 
lated that they were often classed under the same name. As 
Procopius lived about two centuries nearer the time of these 
transactions than Bede, his testimony is at least of equal au- 
thority with that of the latter writer. 3. The traditions of the 
Friesians and Dutch bear testimony to the fact, that their 
ancestors bore a considerable part in the Saxon invasion. 
They even claim Hengist as their countryman, and assert, 
from tradition, that he was banished from the country. 
Maerlant, a Dutch or Flemish poet of the thirteenth century, 
speaks of him as being a Friesian or a Saxon : 

" Een hiet Engistus, een Vriese, een Sas, 
Die uten lande verdreven was." 

Or, as translated by Dr. Bosworth, 

* Quoted by Dr. Latham in his work on the English Language from 
Zeuss : " I believe for my own part," he adds, " there were portions 
in the early Germanic population of Britain, which were not strictly either 
Angle or Saxon (Anglo-Saxon), but I do this without thinking that it bore 
any great ratio to the remainder, and without even guessing at what that 
ratio was, or whereabouts its different component elements were located 
the Frisians and Bataviaus being the most probable." Third edit. p. 73. 


" One a Saxon or Friesian, Hengist by name, 
From his country was banish' d in sorrow and shame*." 

The words of Maerlant would rather imply that, in his day, 
the terms Saxon and Friesian were synonymousf. 4. Ver- 
stegan quotes some old German verses that embody a tradition 
of the fact that Saxon and Friesian were formerly synonymous 
terms : 

" Oude boeken hoorde ic gewagen 
Dat al het lant beneden Nuemagen, 
Wylen neder Sasson hiet ;" 

"Die neder Sassen hieten nu Vrieseii|." 

Without questioning the fact, as stated by Pritchard, that in 
the time of Valentinian, and probably earlier, many tribes 
were included in the Saxon league, and bore the Saxon name, 
who were different in race and language from the tribe which, 
in the days of Ptolemy, was seated on the north bank of the 
Elbe, it is evident that a tradition lingered in Germany till 
the middle ages, that a close connexion existed originally 
between this tribe and the Batavian or Friesic races. The 
tradition is in an imperfect form, but it implies that the term 
Saxon was used at a very early period as a generic word 
including the Friesian, and that the relationship between 
these tribes was so close, that the names of Saxon and 

* King Alfred's version of Orosius, Bosworth's ed. note, 
t Occa Scarlensis, who lived in the ninth or tenth century, and was 
himself a Frieslander, states that Hengist and Horsa were the sons of 
Udulf Haron, duke of Friesland. The historical statements of this writer 
are riot to be thoroughly relied on, but his assertion makes it evident that 
according to the tradition of his day, these warriors came from the country 
to the south of the Elbe. Another assertion of this writer, that the Frie- 
sians and Saxons were descended from two brothers, Friso and Saxo, is 
evidently a mere myth, which indicates however that there was a close 
family relationship between these tribes. See Verstegan, Restitution of 
Decayed Intelligence, pp. 18, 130. 

I " Old books I have heard affirm, 

That all the land below Nymegen 
Was once called Lower Saxon." 
and " The Lower Saxons are now called Friesian." 

Verstegan, p. J)0. 



Friesian were given at different times to the same people. 
5. The words of the English language are more closely related 
to those of the Old Friesic, especially North Friesic, than to 
any other branch of the German stock. The following list 
of words, taken at random from Richtofen's Altfricsisches 
Worterbuch, will show how much nearer it is to modern 
English than the present German language. 


hervst, N. Fries, harvst herbst harvest. 

harkia horen, horchen . . hark. 

halt lahm halt. 

half . . . . halb half. 

hors ross, pferd horse. 

renda reissen . . . . rend. 

rida reiten ride. 

song, sang gesang song. 

strete strasse street. 

thenne dann then. 

there da there. 

thiaf, tief dieb thief. 

this, dis dieser this. 

wid weit wide. 

wif weib wife. 

wane sich verringern . . wane. 

warand gewahre warrant. 

werka arbeiten work. 

wet nass wet. 

weter, water wasser water. 

fridom freiheit freedom. 

field feld field. 

Saterdi Saterdag (prov.) . . Saturday. 

sella, N. Fries, selle . . verkaufen sell. 

sitta sitzen sit. 

To which may be added that the word from which the Saxons 
derived their name* Sax or Seax, a short curved sword 
is found in the Old Friesic Sax (messer, kurzes schwert). 
Our modern English sign of the infinitive mood, "to," in 

Quippe brevis gladius apud illos Saxa vocatur, 

Unde sibi Saxo nomen traxisse putatur. Verstegan, p. 24. 


connexion with the Anglo-Saxon and German termination in 
"an" or "eii/ J is found in this language alone of all the 
Teutonic stock. The most ancient remains of the Old Friesic 
are the ' Leges Frisiorum/ written in the time of Charlemagne ; 
and in the law relating to the clergy, it is provided that each, 
in a watery country, shall have a ship, and in the elevated 
land, a horse, that he may ride to visit the sick : in the Old 
Friesic, " is hit aen wetterlande, een schip toe habben, is hit 

an gastland een hinxt to habben, deer hi mede ride 

toe fandiane dae siecka*." The word ' hinxt ' (horse), is also 
found in the form ( hengst/ and is the name of the celebrated 
warrior that brought his warlike followers to the help of the 
unfortunate Vortigernf. 

The conclusions we may draw from this varied evidence are : 
1. That the Saxons who invaded England came not only 
from the limited territory between the Elbe and the Trawe, 
but were rather a mixed race living chiefly to the south of the 
Elbe. 2. That the Friesic race was closely related to the 
proper Saxon tribe, and was often called by their name ; or 
rather, that the terms Saxon and Friesian were used indiscri- 
minately, one always involving the other ; so that Procopius, 
for this reason, speaks only of Friesians, and Bede only of 
Saxons, just as in our day we use indifferently the words 
Britons and Englishmen, though originally distinct. 3. The 
Old Friesic language will assist us in determining the pure 
Saxon element in the Anglo-Saxon tongue, and therefore we 
may infer a Saxon or Friesian immigration where words of 
this class are found. 

The dialect and the local names of Lancashire offer some 
remarkable illustrations of these facts. There are two Friese- 
lands, or Friesian-lands in the county ; one near Blackrod, 

* The author of Piers Plowman's Vision uses both the Friesic and the 
present English form. This marks a period of transition : 

" And thus bigynnen thise gnomes to greden ful heighe, 

Sciant presentes," &c. 

" And Favel with his fikel speche feffeth by this chartre, 
To be princes in pride and poverty to despise, 
To backbite and to host en." 
t See note (3) at the end. 



and the other in the south-east. It is possible that they may 
have drawn their name from settlements of Friesians, out 
of the Friesic cohort that garrisoned for many years the city 
of Manchester, when a Roman station*. I will not attempt 
to determine whether these Friesians first occupied the lands 
which bear their name, under the Roman or the Saxon rule. 
The latter is the more probable, as we have no instances of 
legionary cohorts giving names to places near any other 
Roman station. If this instance should be supposed doubtful, 
we have other proofs of the connexion of the Friesians with 
the Saxons in our local names ; as for instance in Wigan, the 
town of battles ; Old Friesic wich (strife, combat), Old Saxon 
wig, North Friesic wigh, Anglo-Saxon wig (war, battle). 
Local tradition asserts that in the neighbourhood of this town 
the renowned Arthur fought three battles against the Saxons 
on three successive days, and that the river Douglas ran red 
with blood to the sea. From some event of this kind, with 
which the name of the half-fabulous Arthur has been con- 
nected, the town may have derived its name. We have 
another instance in the town of Over, near Leigh. Old 
Friesic overe (sea-shore or bank of a stream) ; German ufer ; 
Anglo-Saxon ofer; North Friesic over; and in the towns, 
Bold, near Warrington, and Parbold ; Old Friesic bold (house) ; 
Anglo-Saxon bold. The local termination wick, is also a 
mark of our Friesic colonists. " It is pronounced veihs in 
Gothic," says Prof. Leo, ' ' wich in Old High German, wik in 
Friesian." It is common in Holland. The Friesic form is 
the only one found in Lancashire ; as in Winwick, Fishwick, 
Elswick, Salwick ; except in Horwick, sometimes written Hor- 
wich. To these may be added the Saxon Recedham, now 
called Rochdale; A.-S. reced, O. Saxon rakud, a baronial seat 
or mansion. Tradition still speaks of it as the residence of 
a Saxon thane. Ham, as distinguished from ham, heim, though 
sometimes found in Upper Germany, is also a Friesic word. 
According to Prof. Leo, " names of places with ham are not, 
like those with tun, peculiar to the Anglo-Saxons ; however, 
they are only elsewhere found among the Friesian stock, from 

* Dr. Whittaker's History of Manchester, vol. i. p. 62, M. 


North Friesland along the whole coast of the North Sea." 
In Lancashire we have Cheetham, Downham, Cockerham, 
Bispham, Lytham, and a few other places with this ending. 
(See also p. 45.) 

The Friesic language will also explain a peculiarity in the 
Lancashire pronunciation of a large class of words, and will 
show that in this, as in other instances, the peculiar form is 
not a corruption of the language, but simply an archaism. 
For stand, land, sand, man, pan, can (aux. v.), the Lancashire 
form is stond, lond, sond, mon, pon, con-, and this is pure 
Friesian*. Thus in the ' Leges Frisiorum/ the Fresa and 
sine ain frilike lond (the Friesians, and their own free land), 
hwersa ma nimth tha mentre falsk gold inna sinre hond (who- 
ever takes to the minter false gold in his hand), otheres 
monnes wif (another man's wife), sa skilun hiara lif opa thes 
ena hals stonda (so shall their life stand upon this one's 
neck), thes etheles wives werthmond stont bi viii pundon 
(the marriage price of a noble wife stood by [consisted of] 
eight pounds) f. Grimm, in. his Deutsche Grammatik, has 
noticed this peculiarity of the Friesic. " O is of a double 
kind : 1, representing the pure a-sound, e. g. hond, brond, 
lond, stonda, gonga, long, thonk, sponne, monna, ponne, 
bonnar (interdicta), &c., sometimes in the fourth case of 
the a-, e. g. lorn (claudus) [Lane, lorn], noma (nomen), homer 
(malleus) [Lane, hommer], homelja (debilitare), fona (vex- 
illum, bona (occisor) [retained in the almost obsolete " boned," 
destroyed, ruined], hon (gallus), fovne (femina, A.-S. famne), 
nose (nasus), onkel (talus) [Lane, onkel] . 2. The common o 
in God (Deus), boda (nuntius)J/ J &c. 

* I need scarcely remind my readers that this form is common in Old 
English literature. Thus Chaucer 

" I saw his sieves purfiled at the hond 
With gris, and that the finest of the lond." 

Canterhury Tales, Prologue. 

f In Lancashire it is still a current phrase, that such a thing has stood 
a person in so many pounds, i. e. it has cost him so much. 

J Altfriesische Vocale, vol. i. p. 271. The form land, &c. was also used 
hy the Friesians, though the Lancashire form was apparently more common : 
" da spreeck di koningh Kaerl, halm, dat land is myn, ende hlakade " 


Other instances will be given subsequently of the agree- 
ment of Friesian and Lancashire words, when we come to the 
discussion of separate dialectic words. 

Our next inquiry must be into the nature of the Anglian 
division of the Anglo-Saxon speech. Who, then, were the 
Angles? Historical or ethnographical records give an in- 
distinct reply to this question. There is scarcely a trace of 
this tribe, which yet has given its name to England, and has 
exercised a powerful influence on her destinies, in any records 
we possess of the ancient Germanic races. Tacitus numbers 
them among the Suevi, a race that included many distinct 
tribes. He classes them with other obscure tribes, of whom 
he had no distinct information, or of whom nothing could be 
said. "Reudigni deinde et Aviones et Angli et Varini, et 
Eudoses et Suarones et Nuithones, fluminibus aut silvis 
muniuntur. Nee quidquam notabile in singulis, nisi quod 
in commune Herthum, id est, terrain matrem colunt*." 
Ptolemy tells us that the Angli inhabited the left bank of the 
Elbe. They appear however to have migrated northwards at 
an early period, and to have established themselves to the 
north of the Saxons and below the Jutes, probably as far as 
Engelsholm, in the south of Jutland. Professor Leo, of 
Halle, believes that they formed a part of the mixed race 
called the Allemanni, and asserts that in the mediaeval times 
the country south-west of Heidelberg, east of the Rhine, in 
the neighbourhood of Karlsruhe and Miihlburg, was called 
the Angladegau. He affirms also, that " names answering to 
the Anglo-Saxon stud so thickly at least one part of the land 
of this latter people (the Allemanni), that a connexion 
throughout must be entertained. It would be no remote 
explanation of the phenomenon to infer that the Romans 
located detached colonies of Allemannic captives in England, 
similarly to Vandal and other German prisoners; but it 
seems much more imperative to assume that the Allemannic 
colonization in South Germany and the Anglo-Saxon in 

then spake Karl the king (Charlemagne), Haha, that land is mine, and he 
laughed). Richtofen, s. v. haha. 
* Germania, c. 40. 


Britain partially issued from a common source, but in the 
one case at an earlier period than the other*." The name, 
Angladegau, would certainly lead us to infer that the Angles 
migrated to the south as well as to the north of their former 
territory on the Elbe, but the comparison of words which Prof. 
Leo adduces in support of his assertion, heim ham, lach 
leah, stein stane, brunn burne, &c., would rather show a 
relationship of language than a positive identity. One suffix 
in this list, ham, is found only in this form in the proper Friesic 
and Anglian territory; Fries, ham-, Old Sax. hem-, Germ. 
heim Old Fries, hama (heimen, wohnen), probably connected 
with the O. Fries, hemma, to enclose, to hinder. Prof. Leo has 
himself quoted from Dahlmann's edition of John Adolfis, 
known as Neokorus' c Chronicle of the Province of Ditmar- 
schen :' " Whatever obstructs or is obstructed, hems in or is 
hemmed in, is called hamm or hemme, whether it be a forest, a 
fenced field, a meadow, a swamp, a reed-bank, or isolated low- 
lands, won by circumscribing with palisades an area in the bed 
of a river ; indeed, even a house or a castle was so called by the 
Friesiansf." Outzen also tells us that " in the country of the 
Angles, as well as here (in North Friesland), every enclosed 
place is called a hamm. 3 ' It is more probable therefore that 
the words mentioned by Prof. Leo are due to an admixture 
of the Angli with the races that spoke a High-German dialect, 
and that they gradually assumed the language of these races. 
Their ready admixture, however, with the Allemanni on the 
one hand, and with the Saxon or Low German tribes on the 
other, is an argument in favour of the theory, that their 
language was intermediate between the two. It is moreover 
very probable that the speech of all the Germanic races at 
the time of the Anglo-Saxon invasion, was nearer the Low 
than the High German type; or, in other words, that the 
languages of Southern Germany were a development from 
those of the races inhabiting the countries on the northern 
part of the banks of the Elbe. It is also probable that a 
part of the Anglian race may have migrated to the south- 

* Treatise on the Local Nomenclature of the Anglo-Saxons, p. 129, 
Eng. ed. t P. 3.9. 


west of Germany, for in the days of Ptolemy they extended 
along the Elbe almost as far southwards as to the Lower Saale 
or the Ohre*. 

It is certain, however, that the Angles who united with the 
Saxon tribes in the invasion of England, were from that part 
of the Anglian race that had migrated to the north of the 
Elbe. We have the express testimony of Bede and of king 
Alfred to this effect. Bede tells us that their territory lay 
between that of the Jutes and Saxonsf, and Alfred, in his 
version of Orosius, confirms the statement : " On the west 
of the Old Saxons is the mouth of the river Elbe and Fries- 
land, and then north-west is the land which is called Angle 
and Sealand, and some part of the Danes." And again, in 
speaking of this country and the Danish isles : " On that land 
lived Angles, before they hither to the land came." The 
modern district of Anglen is bounded by the Schlie, the 
Flensborger Fiord, and a line drawn from Flensborg to Sles- 
wick; but we may assign, from the statement of Alfred, and 
from the testimony of Etherwerd in the thirteenth century 
that Sleswick was the capital city of the ancient Angliaf a 
much wider district to the Angli in the fifth century. This 
latter writer informs us that Sleswic was the Saxon name of 
this city, and that it was afterwards changed by the Danes to 
Hathaby. We may infer from this that the Anglian speech 
resembled that of the Saxons, or that it was substantially 
a Low- German dialect ; while from their geographical con- 
nexion with a Scandinavian race, we may draw the additional 
inference that it would contain some words that properly 
belonged to the Danish or rather to the Old Norse dialect. 

The conclusions we may draw from the whole of this evi- 
dence are these two: 1. That the Anglian speech was pro- 
perly a Low-German dialect, but approximating more than 
the Saxon or Friesic to the language afterwards developed in 
the Old High German. 2. That it was affected, in some 

* Pritchard, vol. iii. p. 360. f Ecclesiastical History, c. 15. 

t "Anglia vetus sita est inter Saxones et Giotos, habens oppidum 
capitale, quod sermone Saxonico Sleswic nuncupatur, sccunduin vero 
Danos, Hathaby." Quoted by Dr. Latham from Zeuss, p. 65. 


degree, by their connexion with Scandinavian or Old Norse 
races, but more in the matter or words of the language than 
its grammatical structure. 

We shall find some confirmation of these views in the Lan- 
cashire dialect and local names. In the middle of the county 
we have Anglezark. The first part of the word is, without 
doubt, from the name of this tribe ; the second is found also 
in Grimsargh, Kellamargh, Mansargh, and Goosnargh, all 
names of places not far from Anglezark, and is probably the 
Old High German haruc*, Old Norse horgr, A.-S. hearh, 
gen. hearges, a heathen temple or altar. The Old Norse 
hbrga (aspretum editiusf) shows that it meant primarily a 
lofty grove, and thence a temple encircled with groves 
(according to Bede's description of a heathen temple, " fanum 
cum omnibus septis suis"), and lastly, a temple. It answers 
therefore to the Danish lund (a sacred grove) . We know from 
Tacitus J, that all the Germanic races were wont to celebrate 
the rites of their dark and cruel worship in the gloomy 
shade of forests or groves, and the word teaches us, as Wed- 
neshough (Wodensfield), Satterthwaite (Ssetere), and Lund, 
that the Angles were worshippers of the old Teutonic deities, 
when they took possession of Lancashire. The name was 
probably given by the Angles themselves, and if so, it indicates 
that the Anglian speech approached, in some words, to the 
High German form. The word does not belong, I think, to 
the Old Friesic, or to the modern Dutch ; but to the Scandi- 
navian and the High-German dialects. 

We have also an Old High-German form in the word Parr, 
found simply in the village of Parr, near St. Helen's, and in 
Parbold. The Anglo-Saxon bearo is translated by Bosworth, 
" a high or hilly place, a grove, a wood, a hill covered with 
wood ;" but it would seem to be connected with the verb beran 
(to bear, to bear fruit), and to mean especially a wood that sup- 
plied mast for fattening swine : " Hsec sunt pascua porcorum, 

* Grimm, D. G. vol. iii. p. 428. 

t I think Biorn means by this phrase, " a woody hill," from his trans- 
lating holt, Germ, holz, "aspretum." 
} Germania, c. 40. 


quae nostra lingua Saxonica denbera nominamus*." Grimm, in 
his ' Deutsche Mythologie/ tells us that the Old High-German 
form of the word was paro, and that it often signified a con- 
secrated grove, like the Danish lund. If bearo or beru was 
the Saxon form, then paro must have been Anglian, and in 
this instance the latter is more Upper German than Saxon. 
The following are other instances of the same kind : 

Hurst, O. H. Germ, hurst t. 

Bootle, house or mansion ; Modern Germ, biittel, in Ritze- 
biittel, Brunsbiittel, &c. The Friesic and Old Saxon form is 
bold or bodel, found in Bolton, written in Domesday Book 

Worth, a very common local name in the county. There 
are nearly as many places with this word as the final 
syllable, in Lancashire, as in the whole of the list of Anglo- 
Saxon names in Kemble's Charters; South German worth, 
North German wuurt. According to Prof. Leo, ' ' it has pro- 
bably the same meaning as the Low Germ, wort he, a protected 
enclosed homestead." Sonne, in his description of Hanover, 
says that worth means in Low Saxon " a place without trees." 
From an expression in the Laws of Ina, it would seem to have 
been connected with the " churls " or serving-men in his time, 
" Ceorles weorthig sceal beon wintres and sumeres betynedj." 
This word is common to all the German dialects, but is found 
more frequently in the Lancashire form in Upper Germany ; 
as Donauworth and Grafenworth, in Bavaria ; Konigsworth in 
East Saxony, and Schlarkenwerth in Bohemia. 

Sal in Salford, Salwick, Crumpsall, Becensall, Halsall, &c. 
O. H. Germ, sal, A.-S. sele; the Old Saxon form halla, 
A.-S. heal (hale), is not often found as forming part of a 
local name in Lancashire. These instances are not given to 

* Quoted by Professor Leo from Kemble's Charters, No. 288. 

f Holt is common to the Old Friesic and the High-German dialects. 
Hyrst, or hurst t is properly a wood that produces fodder for cattle, and 
answers to the Old High German spreidach (fruticetum, spinetum). 

t The worth was, I think, an out-lying homestead, usually on the banks 
of a stream, for the " churls " or serving-men, such as would be necessary 
in the large farms that must have been common in Lancashire from the 
nature of the soil. 


show that the Anglian division of the A.-S. speech was closely 
related to the Upper German, for it is certain that it rather 
belonged to the Low German type ; but simply that some 
words have been retained that can be best referred to the 
former class, and as indicating that there is an element in the 
A.-S. local names that is more German than Saxon or Friesic. 
My own conviction is, that there was much less divergence 
between the different forms of the Teutonic languages in the 
fifth and sixth centuries, than at a later period, but that 
where there is any divergence in the Anglo-Saxon from the 
Low German type, it may very probably be referred to the 
Anglian race. These views are confirmed by such words as 

Gawm, to give heed to, to consider, to understand; gawmless, 
being in a state of vacant heedlessness, foolish, silly. This is 
the Gothic gaumjan (to perceive, to give heed to) ; Old High 
German goumen ; Old Saxon gomian ; Anglo-Saxon geomian 
(to take care of); Old Norse gey ma (servare, custodire). The 
Lancashire word has retained the Gothic, and evidently the 
primary, meaning of the word, to look at, to give heed to, 
to understand. The ordinary Anglo-Saxon sense, to take 
care of, coincides with the Old Norse geyma-, though this 
language has retained the primitive meaning in gaumr (at- 
tentio), gevsi gaum at (curare, attendere). 

Glum, sour, sullen, moody ; German glumm, gloomy ; A.-S. 
glom, gloom. 

Grub up, to dig up; Goth, graban; Old High German 
graban; Old Saxon bigrabhan; Anglo-Saxon grafan; Old 
Friesic greva ; Du. graven ; and other words of a similar kind. 

The plural ending of the Lancashire verb, " en," we loven, 
ye loven, they loven, is also an intimation of the same 
divergence to an Upper German type. The Anglo-Saxon 
ending, i. e. the Anglo-Saxon as written in the works that 
have come down to us, is " ath," lufiath, we, you or they, love; 
and this is the Old Friesic form ; " tha afretha ther alle Hrio- 
stringa haldath" (all the Hriostringa hold their courts of law 
there); " thesse kiniiigar hebbath ewesen" (these kings have 
been). The Lancashire form is more nearly allied to the 
modern German, differing only in this, that the Lancashire 


verbal-ending is the same in all the three persons. I need 
not remind you that this form is used by Chaucer and other 
early English writers : 

" Sche was so diligent withouten slouthe 
To serve and plese ever in that place 
That alle hir loven that loken on hir face." 

Man of Lawes Tale . 
Both forms are found in Piers Plowman's Vision : 

" Thanne telleth they of the Trinitd a tale outher tweye, 
And bryngen forth a balled reson, and taken Bernard to witness." 

There can be no doubt that both forms were used in England 
from the time that the Anglo-Saxon tribes took possession of 
the country, and while it is certain that the written A.-S. 
form is pure Friesic, it is highly probable that the form still 
used in Lancashire was brought there by the Anglian race. 

It is a disputed point whether the Scandinavian or Danish 
element, which undoubtedly exists in our standard English, 
and more evidently in our dialects, is due to the Angles, that 
were joined with the Saxons in the earlier invasion of the 
country, or to the fierce Northmen who afterwards ravaged 
the country from the Thames to the Solway Frith. The late 
Mr. Garnett and Dr. Latham have maintained that the Scan- 
dinavian element is properly Danish, and has been brought in 
by the Danes in the later invasions from the north of Europe. 
Mr. Guest, however, is of opinion that there are no traces 
of the Danish, either in our MSS. or our dialects*; and 
that the peculiarities of the northern dialects may be explained 
by the fact that the Angles had been the neighbours of the 
Danes before they invaded this country. It would be erro- 
neous to argue the question on the supposition that the 
Scandinavian languages were as distinctly separate from the 
Teutonic in the fifth century as they are now. Many words 
are found in the Old Friesic which have been retained only 
by the Icelandic or Old Norse, but these must have been 
common even in the ninth century to all the races that 
occupied the countries that lay between South Friesland and 

* English Rhythms, vol. ii. p. 186-207. 


Norway. There was however certainly a difference between 
the languages spoken in Frieslaud and Denmark, though we 
cannot lay down precisely the boundary lines that divided 
them. How then are we to decide the question ? We may 
establish a high probability, at least, on one side or the other, 
if we examine the words of a dialect to discover a Scandi- 
navian element, and then inquire whether there are any traces 
of Danish settlements in that neighbourhood. Lancashire, 
and the dialect of the county, offer some advantages in the 
prosecution of such an inquiry. There are no signs of a 
Danish occupation of the county from Manchester to the 
north-east, as far as Todmorden, and along the middle of the 
county as far as a line drawn from Kirkby to Balderstone. 
We know too that the Danes were worsted by the Anglians in 
the battles which were fought on the south, and in the eastern 
parts of the county. The Saxon Chronicle has recorded one 
that was fought at Tattenhall in Cheshire, between the Danes 
and the Angles, in which the Danes were defeated*, and 
tradition still speaks of another near Rochdale, where on 
Camp-hill the Danes had taken up their position, and of the 
fearful slaughter that followed in the valley below, still called 
Kill-Danes. The Northmen were evidently unable to take 
possession of this part of the county, and yet there are many 
words spoken in the dialect of this part that belong now to 
the Danish language. If the number of these words were 
small, it might remain doubtful whether they had not been 
part of the common inheritance of all the races from the Ems 
or Weser to the Sound, but their number is such as to make 
it much more probable that this is properly a Danish element, 
and the facts already related make it almost certain that it 
had been imported by the Angles. There is also a Danish 
element in the Anglo-Saxon, as it has come down to us in 
writings of an early date, and this may confidently be ascribed 
to the same race. But in the north and west of the county, 
there are many local names that were certainly Danish even 
in the twelfth century, and the Scandinavian or Danish 
words therefore peculiar to these parts may be attributed to 

* Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, A.D. 910. 


the Danes themselves. The proper Scandinavian or Old 
Norse element, existing in the dialect, contains some words 
that are not now found in the Danish language, and from this 
we may infer that the Northmen, who so often ravaged the 
eastern shores of England, and penetrated even to the west 
coast, were drawn from every part of the Scandinavian ter- 
ritory. This is one of the many instances in which philology 
confirms the records of history. 

Additional Remarks on Anglo-Saxon Names of Places. 

It is perhaps worthy of notice that few local names in Lan- 
cashire end with terms expressive of the union of unrelated 
families in the formation of what we now call a " town," or 
"municipality," such as borough (A.-S. by rig, burg, a fortified 
town) ; thorpe Old Norse, thyrping, (congregatio) ; thorp 
(oppidum), Fries, thorp (id.) ; or byr, by, properly the town or 
village, as distinct from the castle ; Dan. by ; Old Norse byr. 
They are usually formed from words expressing objects in 
natural scenery, as wood, shaw, lea, mere, hill, law (Goth. 
hldw, tumulus; O. H. G. and O. Sax. hleo, id.); holt (wood, 
Friesic holt, Germ, holz) and moor ; or of words indicating a 
single homestead, with its enclosure, such as ham, worth, 
bodel, sail, cote (cot, a poor man's house) and ton, originally 
an enclosed place or homestead. (Old Norse tun, pratum do- 
mesticum, viridarium ; Dutch turn, sepes, hortus, vertuinen, to 
hedge about; O. H. G. zun, sepes, the root being in all the 
Teutonic languages, as in the Lane, tan, a twig, a word 
expressing simply a branch or bough, and thence a hedge.) 
Bilborough is the only instance I know in the north of the 
county; a few are found in the south, Bury, Duxbury, &c. 
Thorp and Byr do not occur, I think ; By marks the Danish 
towns, and is found about six or seven times. This fact 
indicates that Lancashire was but thinly inhabited in the 
Anglo-Saxon age. There were few towns, in the modern 
sense of the word. Separate farm-houses, with their out- 
offices, and a few huts for the " churls" or servants, were the 
chief features in the scene, and in the wild moorlands, of 
which a large part of the county consisted of old, these woidd 


appear only at distant intervals. We are not surprised therefore 
to read in Domesday Book that in the hundred of Amoun- 
derness, there were only sixteen villages, " quse a paucis inco- 
luntur," adds the record : " reliqua sunt wasta." 

There is a considerable number of places ending in " ing," 
as Chipping, Melting, Pilling, &c. implying the residence of a 
clan or family. This form does not teach us anything of the 
German or Scandinavian locality from which these colonists 
came, as it is common throughout Germany and Denmark, 
but especially on the west coast, from Jutland to the south of 

One local name (Broughton, in Domesday Book Brocton), 
which occurs three or four times, is apparently Germanic, but 
may have existed in the Old Saxon. The only etymon I can 
find is the O. H. G. bruoc (terra aquosa*). 

Danish or Scandinavian Local Names. 

The track of the Northmen, as permanent landholders in 
the county, is in the north-east, near the point where the great 
high road from Yorkshire leads to Colne, and thence across 
the county and along the whole of the west. In the north- 
east we find Balderstone, Osbaldistone, Elstone; and Ulver- 
stone, in the west. Stone is used, I think, as the German 
stein in the middle ages, and denotes a house of stone or 
a castle f. It is connected chiefly with Danish names, 
and implies that the Danes, like the later Normans, were 
obliged to protect themselves by building strongholds. Laund, 
which is the same as Lund, near Sephton, and is often 
found in the wild hilly country in the north-east part of the 
county, suggests dark pictures of the barbarous and cruel 
rites by which the Teutonic deities were propitiated. It is 
the Dan. lund, Old Norse lundr, a grove, properly a con- 
secrated grove, such as the Teutonic races, like the idolaters 

* The position of some of these places, as Broughton, a suburb of Man- 
chester, is against the supposition that the word is connected with the 
A.-S. broc (badger). 

t As the Old Fries, stins, translated by Wiarda (Glossary to the Asega 
Buch), ein steinernhaus. 


of the East, used to set apart as the scene of their "dark 
idolatry." The well-known Danish termination " by," is found 
along the whole of the west part of the county, from Kirkby 
to Nateby (not far from this place is Lund Hill), and thence 
to Hornby. Other instances are Roby, Westby, West Derby 
(which has given its name to one of the hundreds), Sower by, 
Formby, Crosby, and Ribby. Speke also, near Liverpool, is 
Scandinavian. It signifies a place where mast was obtained for 
fattening swine, and answers to the Saxon Bearo, and the Old 
German Parr ; Old Norse spika (to feed, to fatten), spik (lard, 
bacon) ; German speck. Another Norse word brecka (a gentle 
acclivity), is found in Norbreck, Warbreck, Swarbrick, Tow- 
brick and Kellbricks, all in or near the Fylde country. The 
appearance of so many names with the same ending, in one 
particular part, would suggest the idea of related colonists 
from some place or territory in Scandinavia, but I have not 
been able to find any place with a similar ending in any 
country of the north. The word does not now exist, I believe, 
in Danish. Other Scandinavian names are Ormesgill, near 
Furness, Ormskirk, Tarnsyke (Icelandic Horn, a pool or lake), 
and Bearnshawj near Cliviger*. 

The records of Domesday Book confirm the evidence of the 
local names. We learn from them that in the north-east of 
the county f, Ketel had four manors and eighteen carucates of 
land. In Hoogon (Lower Furness) Earl Tosti had four caru- 
cates. In Aldringham Ernulf, and in Vlarestun Turulf had 
each six carucates. These are all Scandinavian names. 

There are one or two peculiarities in the grammatical struc- 
ture of the Lancashire dialect which resemble some Scandi- 
navian forms. Thus the sign of the infinitive, which is 
usually 't, simply, as " hoo went 't bring it," is as near the 
Old Norse and modern Danish " at," as to the Friesic " to." 

* Fell (O. N. fiall, mons) ; gill (O. N. gil, hiatus, fissura montium). 
Hauyh, Hag in Ilaggate (O. N. hagi, pascua) are also Scandinavian. 

f In this part the sword dance, the old military dance of the fierce 
Vikings, has not yet been forgotten. I remember meeting with it, a few 
years ago, in an obscure village in the eastern part of the valley of the 


The word for "must," also, which is mun in all the persons 
of both numbers, is probably the Old Norse man, mant, man 
(Eng. will), in the Eddas mun ; and the pronoun and conjunc- 
tion " that," is generally " at," as in the Norse. In the mo- 
dern Icelandic mun answers to our Eng. " will," but formerly 
it seems to have bcemnore allied in sense to the Eng. " may," 
and probably also to " must*." It is not peculiar to the Lan- 
cashire dialect, for it is found in Lawrence Minot (A.D. 1352) : 

" Listens now and leves me 
Who so lives thai sail se 
That it mun be full dere boght 
That their galay men have wroght." 

Poem iii. Ritson's Edit. 

Dialectic Words. 

Examples of these will be given under five heads : 1 . 
Anglo-Saxon and Friesian (Saxon). 2. Anglo-Saxon and 
Danish (Anglian). 3. Scandinavian. 4. Words common to 
these classes. 5. Anglo-Norman. The words Saxon and An- 
glian must be understood as indicating not so much absolute 
certainty as a high degree of probability, and as including 
only the extreme points of the Anglo-Saxon: there was a 
large middle element common to both Saxons and Angles, and 
also, in a great degree, to all the Scandinavian races. 

1. Anglo-Saxon and Friesian. 

(a.) Differences of pronunciation. 
breeost, breast, A. S. breost ; O. F. briast\. 

deeop, deep, A. S.'diop; O. F. diap. 

dyel, deal, many, A. S. dal-, O. F. deil; Goth, dailjan. 

fet, fat, A. S.fat-, O. F./e/; O. Sax./e/. 

fest, fast, A.; O. ~F.fest-, O. Sax. /as/. 

fower, four, A. S.feower; O. ^.flower. 

* See extract from the Fareyinga Saga in Latham's Eng. Lang. (p. 29), 
where Thurir says to Sigmundi, " thir munt ratha hljota" (thou mayst give 

t O. N. Old Norse ; O. F. Old Friesic ; N. F. North Fries, ; O. S. Old 
Saxon : Du. Dutch ; Sw. Swedish ; Dan. Danish ; A. S. Anglo-Saxon ; 
O. H. G. Old High German; Fr. French; N. Fr. Norman French. 



O.Y.goud-, T)Vi.goud; a&saut (salt); 

O. F. saut y and others. 
A. S. grand-, O. Y. grund', O. Sax. id. 
A. S. cristnian; O.F. kerstena. 
A. S. laitan ; O. F. kta [let, to hinder, 

is in A. S. lettan, O. F. letta]. 
A. S. feo^ ; O. Sax. leoht ; O.F. liacht. 
O. F. /(w, lana, a way ; Du. laan, a 

way with trees on each side. 
Du.retf; A. S. rat (Lye); Germ.ra^e. 
A. S. smoca; Du. smook. 
A. S. streow, streaw; O. F. sfr-e; 

Mod. F. s^e. 
A. S. tacan; Du. tacken. 
A. S. TYwes c?<e^, the day of Tiw, the 

god of war; O.F. Tisdei; North F. 

A.S. water; O.Y.weter, wetter, watir. 

Dialectic words : 

blain, a small boil or sore, A. S. blegen ; Du. blein. 

blare, to make a great noise, 

gowd, gold, 

grund, ground, 
kersten, christen, 
leet, to let, to allow, 

leet, light, 
lone, lane, 

rot, rat, 
smook, smoke, 
strey, straw*, 

tack, take, 
Tiseday, Tuesday, 

weatur, waytur, water, 

to bellow, 
brabble, to quarrel, to wrangle, 

Du. blaaren, to bellow. 

Du. brabbelen, to jabber, to 


breeod-flake, a corded frame A. S. breod; O. F. flo k, a peg- 
hung up for oaten cakes, or stake ; Du. vlaak, a hur- 
dle for wool. 
cloof, a ravine, a hollow place 

among hills, 
cockers, stockings without feet, 

worsted gaiters, 
crill, to shiver with cold, 

A. S. dough; Du. kloof, a 
split, a crevice. 

A. S. cocer, quiver, case; Du. 
koker, case, sheath. 

The nearest approach in A. S. 
is die, cold ; Du. gril, shi- 
vering, griller, to shiver. 

* And in Piers Plowman's Creed 

" Ne bedderi swich brothels (the friars) in so brode shetes 
But sheten her heved in the stre, to sharpen her wittes." 


crinkle, to bend under a weight, 

to rumple, 
crookle, to make crooked, to 


doesome, dowin, healthy, pros- 

A. S. crincan, to cringe; Du. 

krinkelen, to bend, to wrinkle . 
A. S. cry c, a crooked staff; Du. 

kruikelen, to make crooked, 

to rumple. 
A. S. dugan, to profit, to be 

good for; O.F.duga-, O. S. 

fend, to seek a livelihood, to 
provide the means of living, 

fettle, to repair, to set right, to 
put in order ; s. state, con- 
dition (in a good sense), 

A. S.fandian, to try, to seek 

for; Q.^.fandia. 
O. F. fitia, to adorn ; Goth. 
fetjan, to adorn, to trim, to 
arrange; M. H. Q.feiten, to 
form, to adorn. 

flinders } small pieces, fragments, Du. flenters, rags, tatters. 

flyte, to scold, to jibe, A. S. flitan, to dispute, to 

quarrel; O. S. flit, conten- 

tion ; O. F. flit, diligence (Richtofen), probably rather con- 

tention, rivalry. 

O. F. frowe, a female, a wife ; 

Du. vrow, Germ. frau. 
Either from A. S. gal, roomy, 
spacious, or galan, to sing, 
and the O. F. kore, a tub or 

vessel. If the name be taken from the humming of the wort, 

we have in the O.N. gal (cantus), and ker (vas). The last 

syllable is found in the (< bowking-kier " of the bleachers ; Du. 

beuken, to beat ; Germ, beuchen. 

gank, a narrow passage or foot- A. S. gang, a journey, a way 

freawzin, gossiping (W. Lane.), 
galker, a tub for wort, 

or passage; Du. gang-, 
Germ. gang. 

O. F. glupa, to look, to peep, 
to look sullenly; N.F.^/wpe, 
to give stolen looks; Du. 
gluipen, to sneak; Germ, 
look with a sullen or malicious countenance*. 


gloppen, to amaze, used chiefly 
in the part, gloppened, ama- 
zed, astonished, awed, 

glupen, to 

* In the Old Norse we have glapa, to look at ; glepia, to fascinate, to 

u 2 


To be gloppened, is to be confused with a sudden surprise of 
wonder or awe, as Dame Gaynor (in the Anturs of Arthur), 
when she met the apparition of her mother in the woods of 
Tarn wathelan . 
gloor, to stare, Du. gloor, lustre, gluuren, to 

leer, to ogle. 
A. S. gerad, ready, skilful ; 

gradely, properly, skilfully, 

groop, the gutter or channel 

in a shippon. 
hainridge, haining, a separate 

space for cattle (W. Lane.), 

heddles, the small cords through 
which the warp is passed in 
a loom. 

faith, to invite, especially to 
a funeral, 

Du. gereed] Germ, gerade. 
N. F. group Du. groep. 

Du. heining, hedge or wooden 
partition. Kilian has heyn 
(sepes) and heynen (se- 
pire). Mr. Brockett ex- 
plains the word, to save, to 

O.F. hede, tow; O. S. hede. 

tarn, to learn, also to teach, 

preem, a comb used by weavers 
to loosen the yarn, 

prowt, poor 

runge, a long 

A. S. lathian, to invite, to send 

for ; O. F. lathia, to invite, 

to summon. 
A. S. leornian,to learn, to read, 

O. F. lera, to teach; Du. 

leeren, to learn, to teach ; 

Germ, lehren. 
A. S. preon, a clasp, a bodkin ? 

(Bosworth) ; Du. priem, a 

pin, a spike ; Germ, pfriem. 
Du. prut, poor food, as curdled 

milk. The word is retained 

in the A. S. preowt-hwit, an 

insignificant space of time, 

a moment, 
tub with two LowG. range (trabale, furcale, 

virga); Belg. ronghe ; Goth. 

hrugga, a rod, a wand; 

(Dieff. v. hrugga.) 

food, trumpery 


scale, to stir, to clear, esp. the 
bars of a grate, 

A. S. scylan, to separate, to 
discharge ; O. P. skala (un- 
dad ietta skalin, wounded 

or struck, implyiug perhaps the loss of a limb) (Leges Fris.). 

Grimm supposes a lost verb of the strong conjugation skilan, 

skal (separare). llichtofen, Altfries. Wort. v. skala. 

sh we, a slice, a round cut off a A. S. scyftan, to divide, to 


side, long, ample, applied to 
t, a sarcasm, a lampoon, 

order; O. F. skifta; Du. 
schijf, a round slice. 
A. S. Sid-, O. F. sid y deep. 

A. S. scitan, to dart; O. F. 

skiata (jaculari). 
Du. krieken, to peep; 't kreiken 

van den dag, break of day. 
This word is more nearly re- 
lated to the Du. slop, a blind 

alley, a cul-de-sac, than to the A. S. and N. F. slop, a frock or 
upper garment. 

A. S. stifian, to be firm or stiff; 

O. F. steva, stiva. 
A. S. stela, a stalk (Junii 

Etym.) ; Du. steel, a stalk, 

a handle. 
A. S. trendel, a circle; O. F. 

trind, round. 
A. S. waeg, a wave ; O. F. weg, 

wagi, water : O. Sax. and 

O. H. G. wag. 
A. S. wunian ; O. F. wona, 

wuna-, Germ, wohnen; O. S. 

In A. S. we have cwic-feoh, 

living property, cattle, as in 

the O. N. gvik-fe (pccora) ; 

skrike o } day, break of day, 
slop, a pocket, 

stever, sound, strong, 

stale, steyle, a handle for a 
broom or tool, 

trindle, the wheel of a barrow, 
iveeky, moist, wet, 

won, woan, to live, to dwell, 

wycawve, a female calf; Mr. 
Carr (Craven Glossary) has 
why, a heifer ; a why calf, a 
female calf, 

but the word is more nearly 
connected with the N. F. 

guei, quie (juvenca, bucula), and the Dan. qvie, heifer. It is 
probably derived from some old root, signifying female (re- 


tained in our Eng. quean), which may have some relationship 
to the O. N. qvia (secludere). Biorn (Icelandic Diet.) distin- 
guishes between qvik-fe, cattle, and qvi-fe (oves lactarise). 

2. Anglo-Saxon and Danish (Anglian). 

ashelt, properly, as helt, pro- This is the Icelandic or O. N. 
bable, likely ; elder, sooner, helldr (potius) ; Dan. heller, 
rather, rather; Upper Austr.M/efer, 

halter-, A. S. hald, bending, inclining; Suab. halden, a decli- 
vity, holden, to slope; O. N. adr (prius, antea). This form is 
also found in Heligoland, edder, sooner; O. F. edre; A. S. 
cedre, immediately. 

A. S. bearm, barm, lap or bo- 
som; Goth, barms; Dan. 

A. S. betan, to amend, to re- 
medy; Dan. betiene, to 
serve; Germ, dienen. 
A. S. byggan; Dan. bygge-, 

O. N. byggia. 

A. S.brastlian, to make a noise, 
to swagger; O. N. brutla 
(prodigere) ; Upper Germ. 
brazeln, brotzeln, to revel; 
Sw.protla; Swiss brdtleken. 
A. S. breord, a brim; O. Germ. 

barm, bosom, barm-skin, a lea- 
thern apron, 

beetneed*, a helper, one ap- 
plied to in distress, 

bigg, to build, 

brattle, to spend money fool- 
ishly or ostentatiously, to 

bruart, the rim of a hat, 
bryed, to spread abroad, 
clem, to starve for want of food, 

prort, brort; Dan. bred. 
A. S. brcedan, to spread ; Dan. 

brede ; O. N. breida. 
A. S. clam, clay, a poultice, a 
bandage; root-idea, tight- 
ness or adhesion ; Dan. clemme, to squeeze, to pinch ; O. N. 
klemma (angustia, res arctae). 

Ccocket, lively, vivacious, related to quic, quec, kec, (ani- 

J mosus) in O. H. G.; Dan. 

kiek, hardy, pert; Germ. 

[.keck, lively, pert, insolent. keck-, A. S. cue, cucen, alive, 


* " He botneed a thousand." Piers Plowman's Vision. 


crib, a pen, a manger or rack, 
dateliss, foolish, silly, weak in 
body and mind, 

ding, to strike or knock about, 
to reiterate an accusation, 

dree, long, tedious, wearisome, 

eddercop, a spider, 

fleet, to take the cream off the 


fleetins, curds of milk. 
fleet-time, break of day, 

flooze,fleeze, small particles of 
wool or cotton, 

frist, trust, confidence, 

gawster, to boast, to swagger, 

ylead, a kite, 

glendur, to stare, to look in 

haust, a cough, 

kibboes, long sticks or wands, 

A. S. crib-, Dan. krybbe. 

Dan. dyd (valor, vis); O. N. 
dad (virtus, robur), dddlaus 
(cassus virtute animi et cor- 
poris) ; A. S. dad, a deed. 

A. S. dencgan, to strike; O. N. 
dengia (tundere) ; Dan. 

A. S. dreogan, to suffer; Dan. 
droi, lasting ; Sw. droja, to 

Dan. edderkop ; A. S. after - 
coppa (alter, poison). 

A. S . fliete, flet, cream ; O. N. 
fleyta (supernatantem li- 
quorem demere) ; fleet-time, 
from the clearing off of va- 
pours or gloom ? 

A. S. fleos, flys, fles, a fleece, 
down; O. Germ, floza; 

A. S. frithian, to protect? 
Swiss frist en, to protect, to 
deliver ; Dan./mfe, to per- 
suade, to entice. 

O. N. geistr (vehemens) ; 
Germ. (Bav.) gaustern, to 
act with precipitancy or 

K.S.glida; O.N.ffledra. 

A. S. glendrian, to swallow, to 
devour ; O. N. glenna (dis- 
tendere, pandere). 

A. S. hwosta; Dan. hoste; 
O. N. hosti. 

A. S. cyp, abeam; Dan. kiep, 
a stick ; O. N. keppr (fustis, 
rudis) . 


lant, stale, urine, 
lite, a few, little, 

menseful, decent, managing, 

mottey, a club for uniting small 
deposits of money, 

neb, an edge or rim, the peak of 
a bonnet, a piece broken off, 
neeze, to sneeze, 
reawp, hoarseness from cold, 

Simlin, Simblin(Simne\), a rich 
cake used on Midlent Sun- 
day, hence called Simblin 

snidge, a greedy, sordid person, 

suite, to blow the nose, 
steigh, a ladder, a stile, 

swill, v. to wash or rinse a ves- 
sel ; s. scraps for pigs, 
Csye, to drain milk through a 
< syle, sieve, to rain continu- 
[^ ously. 
tan, a twig*, 

teagle, a crane for winding up 

teend, to light a fire, 

A. S. hland, \\T\I\G; O.N.hland 
A. S. lyt, little, few; Dan. lidt, 

A. S. mennisc, human; O. N. 

mennskr (humanus, capax 

A. S. mot, an assembly; 

O. N. mot (concursus, con- 

A. S. neb, beak or nib ; Dan. 

nab, neb ; O. N. nebbi. 
A. S. niesan-, Dan. nyse. 
O. N. hrop, clamour; O. S. 

hropan; Goth, hropian. 
A. S. Symel, Simbel, a feast; 

O. N. Sumbl (compotatio, 

sorbillum) ; Dan. simle, a 


A. S. snid-, Dan. snedig, cun- 
ning, sly ; Germ, schnitt (?). 
A. S. snytan', O. N. snita. 
A. S. stager, stair ; Dan. stige, 

ladder; Germ, steigen. 
A. S. swilian, to wash or rinse; 

O. N. sval (eluvies). 
A. S. sihan, to strain or filter ; 

O. N. sija (colare) ; Sw. 

sila ; Dan. sile. 
A. S. tan ; Goth, tains ; O. N. 

teinn; Dan. tcene; O. H. G. 

A. S. %/; O. N. tigill (funi- 

culus) . 
A. S. tyndan; Dan. t<snde\ 

O. N. tendra (excitare, ac- 

cendere) . 

* This word belongs rather to Class 4, as we have iu Du. tuin, a hedge, 


threap, to argue with pertina- 
city, to reiterate, to contend, 

tore, to labour hard for a liv- 
ing, to get a bare livelihood, 

wakes, the extremities of the 
lips, the corners of the 

wherken, to breathe convul- 
sively, as from some ob- 
struction in the throat, 

tift, order or condition for the 
performance of a task, 

fey, to do anything cleverly, 

fleak, a hurdle made of twisted 

gimmer, a two-year old sheep, 

spur, a prop in building, 

A. S. threafian-, O. N. threfa 

A. S. teorian, to rub away, to 
wax faint ; O. N. tor a (mi- 
sere vitam trahere) . 

A. S. wic, a dwelling, a bay or 
creek; S. Goth, wik (au- 
gulus) ; O. N. vik (recessus). 

Goth, quark, throat; O. N. 
qverk, qverka-mein (angi- 
na); O. H. G. irquepan 
(suffocari) ; Dan. qvalen, 

For this common and express- 
ive Lane, word I can find 
only the Goth, teva, order, 
arrangement, disposition ; 
gatevian, to put in order. 

O. Germ, feihan, crafty; O. S. 

Germ, flechte, basket of wic- 
kerwork; Dan. flette, to 

S. Goth, gimmer (Mr. Brock- 
ett) ; Dan. gimmer-lam, an 

O. H. G. sparro (tignum) ; 
O. N. sperra (repagulum). 

3. Scandinavian Words (partly Anglian), 
barkle, to stick to, to adhere ; O. N. barka (cutem induere, 

trans, to cover over, 
beawn, bown, prepared, ready 

to set off, going to a place, 
brangle, to quarrel, 
bunt, to take home work, 

O. N. buinn (paratus, vestitus, 

maturus) . 

Q.N.branga (turba, tumult us) . 
Dan. bundter, to pack up, to 

make into a bundle. 


clapcake, a cake rolled 
and baked hard, 

clatch, a brood of chickens, 
cleg, a clever person, an adept, 

creel, aframeto wind yarn upon, 
cronk, the note of a raven, 
dab, a blow, 

thin Dan. klap, a blow; klappebrdd, 
thin cakes beaten out with 
the hand. 
Dan. klekke, to hatch; O. N. 

Dan. klog, prudent, skilful ; 

Germ, king ; O. N. klokr. 
O.N. krila (nectere, texere). 
O.N. krunk (id.). 
Dan. dabe, a paving beetle, a 


As an adj. this word signifies clever, skilful; a dab hond, a 
skilful ready workman. In this sense I know no nearer 
etymon than the Lett, dabba (ars, indoles), or the Lithuanian 
dabnus (pulcher, lepidus). 

O.N. ddffff (pluvia),efe^a(ma- 
defacere) ; Dan. dugge, to 
O.N. elti, elta (insequi, agi- 

tare) ; Dan. celte. 
O. N. fudla (inconsiderate 

O. N. flaki, planities; Dan. 

doage, wet, damp, 

elt, to stir oaten dough before 

faddle, nonsense, trifling, 

fleak, to bask in the sun, 

flit, to remove from one house 

to another, 

forelders, seniors, ancestors, 
frum, tender, delicate, easily 


flak, flat. 
Dan. flyte, to change one's 

abode; Q.N.flytia (vehere). 
Dan..for<eldre', O.N.forelldri. 
O. N. frum (prioritise, prima 


(In Cheshire " Mm," applied almost solely to young tender 

gain, gainer (a gainer way is a 
shorter way), 

gar, to make, to do, to compel, 
gawby, a clownish simpleton, 

Dan. gienvei, a shorter way, a 

cross cut ; gien, contr. from 

igiennem, through. 
Dan. giore ; O. N. gora. 
Dan. gab, a simpleton, from 

gaber, to open the mouth; 

gab, to yawn. 


yeck, a jest, a mocking sarcasm, Dan. giek, id.; O. N. yickr 

(audaculus) . 
gillers, lines of twisted hair for Sw. giller, a snare ; O. N. gil- 

fishing, dra (laqueos tendere). 

glide, to squint, O.N.#feicfa(distendere),#/e^/* 

(varus) . 
hanch, to bite, to snap at, O. N. hacka (iterato nixu de- 

glutire) ; Dan. hakke. 
hanch-appo, the game of 'snap- 
hetter, keen, eager, as a dog in O. N. hcetr (prseceps). 

hippin-stones, stones at the O. N. hipp (saltus) ; Dan. 

crossing of a stream, hop. 

kench, a twist, a strain, O. N. kingia (cervicem rotare 

vel incurvare), kengr (cur- 
vatnra) . 

kick, fashion, mode: aw th' O.N.skick (mos, consuetude); 
kick/ all the fashion, Dan. skik, custom, fashion. 

kind, to light a fire, O. N. kind (ignem alere). 

kipper j amorous, lascivious, Dan. kippe, a brothel; kippe, 

to pant. 

laith, a barn, Dan. lade, 

lam, to beat soundly, to chas- O. N. lemia (ferire) ; hlomm 

tise, (fastis) . 

lane, to conceal, O. N. leyna (occult are). 

late, to seek, O.N. leyta (quserere); Dan. 


lither, idle, lazy, Dan. lad, idle ; liderlig, de- 

bauched, careless. 

lopper, to boil slowly, O. N. lopi (tumor aquosus). 

lurgy, idle. The lurgy fever, O. N. lur (ignavia) ; lurgr 
sometimes thurgy -lurgy, a (defectus virium). 
cant word for idleness. 

mooc?, satiated,filled to repletion, Dan. made, to feed. 
neeve, neyve, a fist, O. N. hnefi (pugnus) ; Dan. 



plucher, to pilfer, to steal slyly, 
ratey, rough weather, N. Lane. 
rostle, to ripen, 
scar, a steep bare rock, 

sowl, whatever is eaten with 

skellut, crooked, awry, 

skyme, skyoyme, to look scorn- 
fully, to be cold and distant 
in manner, as a purse-proud 
parvenu to his old friends, 

sley, the reed-hook of a loom, 

slood, the track of wheels, 
slunt, to be idle, 

sny, to turn up the nose in 
contempt, to affect dislike, 

whack, a heavy blow, 

Da,n.plukke,p/ukker, to pluck, 

to gather. 
O. N. rat a (incuriosus ferri, 

O.N. rusla (prodigere), roskna 

(maturescere) . 
O. N. skur (projectura) ; Dan. 

skier, a rock, a cliff. 
Dan. suul, id. 

O. N. skaela (detorquere). 

O. N. skima (oculos circum- 

ferre) ; skimp (cavillatio, ir- 

risio) ; Dan . skiemte, to mock, 

to scoff. 
O. N. sledda (harpe, ensis fal- 

O. N. slodi (callis) ; slodr (cal- 

lis, depressio rei, lacuna). 
Dan. slunt, negligently, drow- 
sily ; sluntore, idleness ; 

O.N. slundi (servus infidus) . 
Dan. snoe, to turn, to twist; 

O. N. sny, snua (vertere, 

flectere) . 
O.N. vaka (glaciem perforare, 


O.N. Awj0j0(saltus,celer cursus) . 
Dan. hvalle, to arch over. 

O.N. reka (pellere, agere*). 

whip off, to go off quickly, 
whoave, to cover over, to over- 
yark, to strike hard, 

* To these may be added a word I have occasionally heard in my boy- 
hood, though now obsolete, thumb-finger. This is perfectly correct : O. N. 
thumal-fingr ; thuma, iucisio in res molliores pro manu apprehendentis ; 
thuma, talem incisionem facere. The thumb-finger is therefore the finger 
of impression, or by which we take hold of a thing, and the separate parts 
of this compound word, though long divorced, properly belong to each other. 


4. Words belonging to all the Classes, (1), (2), (3). 
A few only of these \\ill he subjoined, as they d<> not serve 
to determine any specialty of race. A complete list would 
show that there was a closer relationship between the lan- 
guages to the north and south of the Elbe at the time of the 
Anglo- Saxon invasion, than now exists. 

botch, to mend clumsily, 

cant, to raise up a barrel, to 
set it. on edge, 

frame, to set about a thing, to 
show capacity in beginning 
anything, as "hoo frames 
weel," she begins or offers 

fremd, strange, not belonging 
to the family, 

grit, sand, 

gull, a fool, one easily cheated: 
a common word throughout 

greet, to weep, to lament; pret. 

kittle, ticklish, difficult, un- 

mack, race, family, sort. 
mack, a wife, 

Sw. bdta, to patch; O. S. bo- 
tian; O. H. G. buazen. 

Du. kant, side, edge; Germ. 
kante, kant en; O. N. kant a 
(marginare) ; kantr (ora, 
latus) . 

A. S. fremman, to form, to ef- 
fect; O.F. frema; O. N. 
fremia (patrare, facere). 

A. S. fremth ; O. F. fremed, 
framd; Germ, fremd ; Dan. 
O.F. gret, sand; A. S. gryt, 

mill-dust ; O. N. griot (saxa, 

lapides) ; Dan. grytte, to 

bruise, to grate. 
O. N. gall, a fool ; Dan. yall ; 

O. F. gull (mitis, liberalis) ; 

Du. gul, soft, good-natured. 
O. F. gret a, to accost, and also 

to make a complaint; Mseso- 

Goth . gret an, to weep ; O . N . 

grata (plorare, lacrymare). 
Du. kitlig, ticklish; O. N. kitla 

(titillare) . 
A. S. maca, mate, husband ; 

O. N. maki (par, conjux) ; 

maka (ambire conjugem) : 

Du. makker (socius) ; Dan. 

mage, a mate. 

nag-nail, a sore at the root of A. S. ang-nagl; O. F. ongneil-, 

a finger-nail (W. Lane, an 
ill-tempered person), 

Dan. nag, gnawing, also 
animosity, spleen; O. N. 
nag a (mordere, rodere). 
A. S. notu, use, utility; O. F. 
not (id.) ; O. N. not (id.). 

note : a cow is said to be of 
good note, when she gives 
milk a long time, 

speer, a boarded partition, a O. F. sper, spier (tignum) ; 
screen, O. H. G. sparro (tignum) ; 

O. N. sperra. 

A. S. watd, wedd, a pledge; 
O. N. ved (id.) ; Dan. vade ; 
O. F. wed, pledge, forfeit ; 
also a promise, a compact; 
Eng. to wed. 

5. Norman French, 
boyern, to rinse, to wash, N. Fr. buer, to wash. 

wad, a pledge, a forfeit, 

N. Fr. cule, time, season. 

N. Fr. cancan, loud talking, 

N. Fr. chevance, goods, riches, 

Fr. achever. 
Fr. galimafree, hodge-podge. 

cale, time, turn, 
cank, to talk, to chat, 

chieve, to prosper, 

gallimaufry, hodge-podge; a 
person whose dress is ill- 

guess, sort, kind, Fr. guise. 

hog-mutton, mutton of a year- N. Fr. hogetz, a young sheep, 
old sheep, 

kales, keles, the game of nine- Fr. quilles, pins to play with, 

The word, and probably the game, is due however to the 

Northmen. Dan. kegle, a nine-pin, 

larjus, bounty, Fr. largesse. 

langgt, lingot, a shoe-string, N. Fr. linge, a line. 

law* ; in making a running- N. Fr. laie, relief, ease ; the 

* This word may be from the Old Friesic lawa, what is left behind; 
A. S. laf. 


match one boy is said to give 
as many yards' law as he al- 
lows his competitor to be in 

manchet, a small loaf of white 

maslin, flour of wheat and rye 

mits, gloves without fingers, 
used for hedging, 

muse, mews, a gap in a hedge 
through which hares or rab- 
bits pass, 

nyfle, a trifle, a delicacy, 

pow, to cut the hair of the 

ratcher, a rock, 

tick, a kind of vermin, 

trewil, a trowel, 

variety a good-for-nothing fel- 

N. Fr. laie signifies also the 
aid or tax demanded by the 
king; Eng. lay. 

Fr. manger. 

N. Fr. mesle ; mesler, to mix. 

Fr. mitaine. 

Fr. moue ? 

N. ~Fr.nifle, a thing of no value, 

a trifle. 
Fr. poil. 

Fr. rocher. 
Fr. tique. 
Fr. truelle. 

N. Fr. varlet, a valet, a ser- 

From this survey of the dialect of the county, we may draw 
the following conclusions : 

1. That before the Anglo-Saxon invasion the county was 
inhabited by a Celtic population of the younger or Cambrian 
branch of the Celtic stock ; and that a considerable number 
of families, belonging to this race, remained on the soil after 
the Teutonic invaders had taken possession of it. From a 
comparison of the Lancashire dialect with the dialects of other 
counties, and from historical records still extant, we learn 
that this race, having probably come from the Cimbric Cher- 
sonesus over the German Ocean, held the southern part of 
Scotland, the counties of Northumberland, Durham, Cum- 
berland, Westmoreland, the West Riding of Yorkshire, Lan- 
cashire, Cheshire, and the north part of Wales, with an 


undefined boundary to the east, but extending certainly 
beyond the Severn. The races in the middle and south of 
England belonged apparently to the elder or Gaelic branch 
of the same stock; it may be confidently affirmed at least 
that there were some tribes of this race in England at that 
time, and that the Lloegrians, related to the Cymry and yet 
distinct, belonged to it. It appears from historical traditions 
that the tribe of the Cymry held sovereignty over the rest, most 
probably by conquest. It is also certain, from the concurrent 
testimony of the Welsh records, and of the words belonging to 
this race, still spoken in the county, that they were not 
altogether rude barbarians, but were moderately well skilled 
in the arts of life. A race that can forge iron, and build a 
water-mill, has taken at least the first step in civilization. 

2. It is evident that among the Teutonic invaders of 
the district there were some from the south of the Elbe, and 
that they belonged to the race now inhabiting the north of 
Holland. The Friesic language is now only a dialect, and is 
confined within narrow limits ; but at the time when the 
warlike bands of this race joined themselves to the Saxon 
banner, it is certain that both the language and the race 
occupied a much larger part of the country between the Elbe 
and the Rhine. The invaders of England, then, in the fifth 
and sixth centuries, did not come only from the narrow 
territory usually assigned to the Angles and Saxons, but from 
the whole country between the Ems and the territory of Jut- 
land. We know also that the assertion of Bede that the 
Angles peopled the north of England is not true, in an ex- 
clusive sense, of the county of Lancaster, and was probably 
only designed to express a numerical superiority in the north 
of England generally on the part of this race. 

3. The divergence of the dialectic words from the main 
Anglo-Saxon stock is greater on the Danish or Scandinavian 
side than on the Friesic ; and from the evidence drawn from 
local names and tradition, we infer that this was due to a 
preponderance of the Anglian rather than of the later Danish 
element. This class of words is too large, I think, to be 
assigned to the influence of the Northmen, and it is found in 


districts where we have not only no trace of the Dane, but 
all the evidence we have is against the supposition that the 
pure Scandinavian races made an extensive settlement there. 
If this be true, we have an additional testimony to the fact of 
the Angles forming the main body of the inhabitants of this 
part of England; and the statement of Bede is correct, if 
understood in this sense. We may infer, therefore, that the 
language of the Angles approximated at first more nearly to 
the Danish than did that of the Saxons, or that their greater 
nearness to the Danish territory had had an influence upon 
the language. It is most probable that both these suppo- 
sitions are correct. 

4. The local names of the county show that the wave of the 
later Danish invasion flowed from the north-east corner of 
the county to the west coast, and then diverged both to the 
north and south. It is also evident from the dialect that 
these invaders were not Danes exclusively; for even allowing 
that the Danish language was then nearer to the Icelandic or 
Old Norse than now, we can hardly suppose that it contained 
all the words which only the Old Norse can now supply. The 
most probable supposition is, that the fierce warriors who so 
often ravaged the whole country from the Thames to More- 
cambe Bay were gathered from all the territory held by the 
Scandinavian races. We may also infer that they were at 
this time idolaters, and that the awful rites celebrated in 
their dark groves in the north were repeated in Lancashire 
during the ninth century. Perhaps no county in England could 
offer scenes more in harmony with the wild gloomy religion 
of the old Vikings than those which its bold bare hills and 
bleak moorlands would supply. 

5. There is scarcely the slightest trace of the Norman 
baron in the local names of the county, and only a faint 
evidence of his race in the dialect. I am inclined to think, 
that upon the whole, no county in England felt the effects of 
the Norman conquest less than Lancashire. The old records 
of the county give additional evidence of this fact. The 
names of the families recorded are almost universally pure 


Anglo-Saxon with a slight sprinkling of Celtic. There is a 
trace of the Norman in the south*, but along the whole of the 
east and north of the county the Saxon or Danish landholder 
seems to have held in peace the ancestral manor-house he 
had dwelt in before the conquest, and the haughty insolence 
of the Norman was comparatively unknown. We may infer, 
therefore, that the race whose genius and energy have swelled 
the resources of England to so great an extent is not much 
indebted to Norman influences. It is chiefly of Anglian 
blood, with a considerable mixture of Saxon and Scandi- 
navian, and, blended probably in an equal degree, with that of 
the Cambrian race. 


(1.) The Celtic races in England have unfortunately been made the 
subject of many groundless theories, by persons utterly unacquainted with 
the Celtic languages or Celtic literature. 1. It has been denied that the 
races inhabiting England at the time of the Anglo-Saxon invasion were 
Celts at all. 2. It has been maintained, that though called Celts, they 
spoke a language resembling that of the Anglo-Saxons, or in other words 
that they were a branch of the great Teutonic stock. 3. It has been 
asserted, that the race which opposed the Anglo-Saxons so gallantly, though 
unsuccessfully, was simply a mixed race of Roman colonists and legion- 
aries, the original Celtic races having been almost annihilated during the 
time of the Roman occupation of England. The first opinion has been 
maintained by Schloetzer, Gatterer, and other writers, both in Germany 
and France. The second rests chiefly on the authority of Pinkerton, and 
is supported by a writer in the Edinburgh Review (vol. !.) The last has 
lately been maintained in a Paper read lately before the British Association 
at Glasgow. Unfortunate Celts ! whose foes, not content with having 
subjected them to all the indignities of conquest, seem determined to deny 
their very existence, or at least their historical existence. Happily for them, 
their ancient literature and the remains of their language, both in our 

* As in Dunham Massey, Darcy Lever, and a few other places. 


standard English and the dialects of the country, prove beyond all doubt 
their position with regard to the great families of the human race, and 
their right to a place in the history and among the populations of England. 
There is not a dialect in the kingdom that does not bear testimony to the 
ethnographical position of their race, and to the fact that they remained in 
large numbers on the soil after the Anglo-Saxon conquest. If the authors of 
some of these idle theories would only make themselves acquainted with 
the Celtic languages still spoken by a large part of their fellow-countrymen, 
and then compare them with the language of their daily life or with the 
dialects of the country, we should be spared the exhibition of much learned 
ingenuity and folly. I will venture to recommend to their attention the 
scientific labours of Legonidec and De Villemarque in France, and of 
Grimm and a host of " scholars " in Germany, who have carefully studied 
the languages of their country before offering an opinion on the races that 
have peopled it. What opinion would they themselves give of a writer 
who should pronounce a dogmatic theory on the Teutonic races, though 
utterly ignorant of Teutonic literature, or of any of the languages belonging 
to the great Teutonic stock? A sound philology is one of our best 
media for determining obscure questions of history. Its value in this 
respect is not yet sufficiently acknowledged in England, though well under- 
stood by the scholars of France and Germany. 

(2.) The local termination den or dene must also be added to the list of 
Celtic derivatives. It is written in Anglo-Saxon dionu or denu; but 
according to Prof. Leo, of Halle, " this word is wanting in all other German 
dialects, and is thereby in some degree stamped as foreign.... Dion signifies 
in Gaelic and in Erse, every sheltered neighbourhood, whether protected 
by the earth or capable of affording covert in a storm a valley, or what- 
ever is sheltered from illegal practices by any fence. The Anglo-Saxons 
have adopted the word from their Celtic neighbours in both acceptations ; 
denu denotes vallis, an enclosed grove (like bearo), and the compound 
denbearo is a tautologous term, contributed by two languages " (p. 106, 
Eng. ed.)- It is common in Lancashire, chiefly on the eastern side of the 
county : Todmorden, Haslingden, Marsden, Trawden, Walsden, and Dean 
are instances. 

(3.) The Old Friesic will throw light on the formation of our infinitive 
form ' to help,' in Old English 'to helpen' j a form which has not hitherto 
been explained by our grammarians. In the Friesic it appears first as a 
gerund, ' to helpande,' ' to haldande,' &c., apparently a contracted form 
for "to be helping," "to be holding," &c.; as in the 'Leges Frisiorum,' 
" sa hwer sa en mon tha otheron sin god to haldande deth " (when one 
man gives another his goods to hold, or to be holding) ; it is then con- 
tracted into the form " haldane," the d being omitted, as, " thise riucht te 
(to) hebbane and te haldane " (this right to have and to hold), and in this 
form it corresponds nearly to the O. H. G. and A. S. forms in enne and 


unne\ as O. H. G. " 1st ze sagenne das " (that is to say), and A. S. " hit is 
tiina to raedanne " (it is time to read, or the time for reading) ; and lastly, 
this form is further contracted into " halden," as " dat riucht bibiutht us 
to halden keyser Rolf" (that law the Emperor Rolf (Rudolf) commanded 
us to keep). The infinitive form to halden, as distinct from the proper 
mfiii. halda, means therefore "to or for holding," or "to be holding," and 
expresses a more concrete state, or the action in connexion with the sub- 
ject, than the more abstract " halda." 

The Old Friesic will also enable us to trace other Old English forms. 
Thus the use of "to " in our Old English literature, in the sense of "tho- 
roughly," " utterly," corresponding to the German " zer," as in " to- 
breken" (to break in pieces), "to-rende" (to tear up), &c. in Piers 
Plowman's Vision, is found in the O. F. tobreka, torenda, &c. The Old 
English participial form " yclept," has also a parallel in the O. F. emakad 
(made), erent (torn). It is highly important, for the purposes of English 
philology, that this language should be more carefully studied by us, as it 
is, above all others, the 'fons et origo ' of our own. 





1855. No. 14, 

April 13, 1855. 

JOSEPH HUNTER, Esq., in the Chair. 
The following Paper was read : 

" On the Recent History of the Hungarian Language ; " by 

In 1845 Dr. Moritz Bloch published a dictionary of the 
Hungarian and German languages. Two years afterwards 
appeared a second edition by the same author, improved and 
much augmented. " It was my original intention," he says 
in the preface, " in accordance with the wish of my publisher, 
not so much to increase the extent of the work as to complete 
and correct what had already been given in the first edition ; 
but I was soon convinced that, owing to the great mass of 
matter with which our language (the Hungarian) had been 
enriched in the course of the last two years, this plan would 
not satisfy the just demands of the public. I was therefore 
compelled to resolve on an entire remodelling of the work, 
in which I exerted myself to do all that could well be done, 
considering the present state of the language, and the rapidity 
with which it was requisite the book should pass through the 

A language in which it is necessary to remodel the dic- 
tionary at the end of two years, is a somewhat new phe- 
nomenon in the history of philology. That such a language 
should belong, not to some insignificant tribe in a lately 
discovered island of the Pacific, but to a nation which occu- 



pied centuries ago a distinguished position in the continent 
of Europe, and which counts its population by millions, 
renders the phenomenon still more worthy to be examined. 
Indeed the whole history of the Hungarian language for the 
last three-quarters of a century is rich in points of interest 
and instruction, and certainly deserves more attention than 
it has hitherto received in England. 

Amid the numerous ineffectual projects of the emperor 
Joseph the Second, one of the most ineffectual was that for 
the introduction of the German language as the public and 
official language of Hungary. In his time, as in our own, 
that country was distinguished for the number of different 
and mutually unintelligible dialects spoken by its inhabitants, 
amounting it is said altogether to no less than seventeen. 
Of these the Latin and Hungarian were decidedly the most 
prominent ; the one was a dead language, but had been for 
centuries the language of public affairs; the other, though 
still the vernacular language of the majority of the nation, 
was apparently dying. The signs of this were very strong. 
There is a valuable bibliographical work, the "Magyar 
Konyveshaz," or ' Hungarian Library' of Sandor, published 
at Baab in 1803, in which a list is given in chronological 
order of all the books issued in the Hungarian language. 
The whole number for the year 1784 was but twenty-nine, 
and of these the greater part consisted of funeral sermons. 
The only works of any pretension, or of any extent, were 
three translations the 'Cyropsedia' of Xenophon, the 'Zaire 5 
of Voltaire, and a forgotten German tragedy by Cronegk. 
"Who would then have imagined that sixty years later, in 
1844, Hungary would be able to show six-and-forty periodicals 
in Hungarian one of them a bibliographical record, like our 
'Publisher's Circular/ to register the titles of new publi- 

It was in 1784, on the 6th of May, that the emperor Joseph 
issued his edict. " We appoint," says the document, " that 
after the lapse of three years (which term however we shall 
not be disinclined to extend under peculiar circumstances, if 
they are represented in proper time), throughout the kingdom 


of Hungary and all its dependencies, in all courts of law, sub- 
ordinate as well as superior, all causes whatever, either on first 
hearing or in cases of appeal, shall be treated in the German 
language and no other, and that the advocates shall make 
their statements in that language only." In connexion with 
this decree there were others to the effect that all public 
business in the county and provincial meetings, and all military 
affairs, should be transacted in German, that no one should 
be appointed to any office, ecclesiastical or secular, who was not 
conversant with that language, and that finally no one should 
be admitted as a pupil to the Latin schools who was not able 
to show that he could read and write German already. 

There were numerous petitions from numerous Hungarian 
counties against the carrying into effect of this decree. But 
it is remarkable that the protests against the attack on the 
Latin were as fervent and almost as frequent as those against the 
attack on the national language. " If the old, the customary, 
the legal Latin language is to cease from among us," said the 
petitioners from the county of Bacs, " and the foreign and to us 
the novel language of Germany is to be introduced in its stead, 
it is impossible to say what a fearful convulsion of all things, 
the state included, must ensue." <( The idiom to be destroyed," 
said another body of petitioners, " is the Latin language, the 
language of the learned, the universal tongue; the tongue which 
for eight centuries up to the present time our beloved kings 
have studied, have used, have made their common speech, in 
which from the very cradle of the kingdom all our laws, de- 
crees, charters and privileges have been drawn up and so 
handed down to posterity*." 

No protest could well be stronger than this, and yet from 
the day of the emperor Joseph's decree, the Latin language 
has been gradually disappearing beneath the Hungarian ho- 
rizon. Whatever efforts have been made to restore it to 
vigour, it has always relapsed into decay. On the other hand, 
just as constantly as the Latin language has been sinking, the 
Hungarian has been rising. The drug which was intended to 
give it its quietus, proved its elixir of life. The reaction 

* Katona, Historin critica return Hungarian, vol. xl. p. 3/9, 384, &c. 


which showed itself on the part of the Hungarians in general 
was so strong, that the will of an emperor was compelled to 
give way before the will of a nation. Joseph the Second 
himself, broken-hearted on his death-bed, in 1790, called 
together the Hungarian diet in a proclamation couched in 
the Hungarian language the very first occasion of its being 
deemed worthy of such an honour since the house of Austria 
had ascended the Hungarian throne. 

The diet assembled in a mood not to forego its triumph. 
On a former memorable occasion when Joseph was present, 
an infant in arms, the halls of Presburg had rung to the 
enthusiastic cry of the armed magnates, at the sight of his 
mother the empress-queen, "Moriamur pro rege nostro, 
Maria Theresa/ 5 Their cry was now not less inspiring: 
" Vivat lingua materna nostra." Gruber, the historian of the 
Hungarian language, wrote in Latin, and this shout, which he 
records, appears to have been uttered in Latin, but the feeling 
it expressed was not the less real. Before the diet broke up, it 
voted that the protocols, the official records of its proceedings, 
should for the future be drawn up in Hungarian ; and there 
was even some contest before it would allow, at the suggestion 
of the Croatian deputies, that a Latin translation should be 
officially made. It also appointed a committee to consider 
the best means of promoting the cultivation of the Hungarian 
language. The committee recommended two measures, the 
establishment of a national theatre at the public expense, and 
the foundation of a national academy. Neither was carried 
into effect at the time, yet neither fell to the ground ; they 
were both destined to be revived at a subsequent period, and 
with no small effect. 

One of the first who endeavoured to promote the inten- 
tions of the Diet in favour of the drama was Francis 
Kazinczy, who turned into Hungarian Shakspere's Hamlet, 
and some of the best dramas of Moliere, Goethe, and Lessing. 
For the next forty years Kazinczy occupied a prominent 
place in Hungarian literature. It seems singular at first to 
find so distinguished a position in any literature assigned to 
one whose principal works were merely translations, the 


Sentimental Journey, the Sorrows of Werter, the Poems 
of Ossian, and MarmontePs Tales, and whose poetry, chiefly 
imitations of the epistles of Horace, showed but too often 
that from epistolary poetry to prose there is hut a step. 
But whatever may be Kazinczy's matter, there is always a 
charm about his manner; like our own Goldsmith, what- 
ever he touched he adorned. The high appreciation of his 
merits by his countrymen is due, not so much to the ser- 
vice he rendered to their literature, as to their language. 
Though the Hungarian appears never to have sunk to the same 
state of corruption as was at one time the lot of the German 
and the Polish, yet from its long disuse as the language 
of refined conversation or of light composition it had con- 
tracted rust it was cumbrous and clumsy. From this state 
Kazinczy redeemed it. 

The most attractive portion of all his works, as they have 
been collected and published since his death, is his private 
correspondence with his friends Kis and Szent-Gyorgyi, 
which extends over a period of not much less than half a cen- 
tury. In these letters there is much agreeable gossip on the 
events of his own life ; with however an ominous silence on 
the most remarkable one, his confinement for many years as 
a state prisoner on account of his share in what was called 
the Jacobin plot of Martinovics. The staple of the whole, 
however, is a running commentary on the progress of the 
literature of Hungary, and in particular on the progress of its 
language, of which Kazinczy was a close observer, and not 
an observer only. He was an untiring counsellor and ad- 
viser, an eager proposer and seconder, a restless critic. Few 
men have ever had so large a share as Kazinczy in the forma- 
tion, it might almost be said, in the manufacture of a 
language. In fact, if the dictionary of modern Hungarian 
which is now in preparation by the Academy be compiled 
before too many contemporaries of the early part of the pre- 
sent century have disappeared from the scene, many thousands 
of the words may be accompanied with what may be called 
biographical anecdotes ~of their birth, parentage, and edu- 


Kazinczy 's main principles of language-making appear to 
have been taken from the example of the Germans. " Base- 
dow," he observes, in a letter to Szent-Gyorgyi in 1804, " said 
to Klopstock, when Klopstock gave him the manuscript of 
the Messiah to read, ' People won't understand you.' ' Let 
them learn to understand me then/ replied Klopstock, feeling 
his own value ; and it came to pass as he predicted." When 
Szent-Gyorgyi on another occasion remonstrated that he was 
ruining the language by his innovations, Kazinczy was not at 
all shaken : " Let us ruin away, my good friend," he wrote to 
him ; " there is plenty in it that wants ruining ; according to 
his contemporaries Pazmany ruined it." Pazmany was a 
cardinal-archbishop of Gran, in the earlier part of the seven- 
teenth century, who, finding that the Protestants made way 
by using the national language, adopted it himself in his con- 
troversial writings, and established a reputation as an author 
which was used by even the Protestant purists of Kazinczy 's 
time as a bulwark against the innovators. He has sometimes 
been quoted, it may be remarked, as an instance in disproof 
of a curious but not unfounded boast of the Hungarian Cal- 
vinists, that only Calvinists knew Hungarian well ; yet, singu- 
larly enough, Pazmany was born of Calvinistic parents, and did 
not change his faith before the age of thirteen. 

When Kazinczy talked so coolly of ruining the language, 
what he appears to have meant was, that he would, in cases 
of necessity, where there was an ' aching void' to fill, disregard 
even the instincts of the language in order to fill it. The 
Hungarians were long without a word for a friend belonging 
to the female sex, a want which has long existed and still exists 
in English. Why we have not years ago introduced the word 
friendesSy it would perplex a Kazinczy to imagine. In Hun- 
garian the way of remedying the defect was far more beset 
with difficulty than with us. The Hungarians have the word 
barat for friend, and they have also the feminine termination 
ne, answering in some degree to our ess, but with this differ- 
ence, that it used to be taken to denote a wife. The word 
baratne would not, in the year 1800, have conveyed to a 
Magyar ear the notion of a friend belonging to the fair sex, 


but of a male friend's wife; and kiralyne, from kiraly, 'a 
king/ bore the signification of a queen-consort only, an 
idea which followed the Hungarians even when they spoke 
in Latin, since they called the empress-queen rex noster. 
Kazinczy however resolved, in order to do a great right to do 
a little wrong, and he succeeded. Baratne is the term he 
boldly applied in a letter of the 9th of August 1805, to the 
unmarried friendess who had just stood godmother to his 
daughter, and baratne we find forty years later in Bloch, as 
the unquestioned equivalent of the German freundinn. One 
of the best hotels in Pesth now bears the sign of " A.' Kira- 
lyne Victoria." 

Kaziiiczy's principal innovations however were not of so 
daring a character as this. Many of them were the sub- 
stitution of terms derived from Hungarian roots for others 
of foreign origin. He had been preceded in this kind of 
labour by a writer of the name of David Szabo, to whom he 
often refers in his correspondence. " Szabo," he says, " made 
some useless words and some ridiculous ones. But among 
two hundred bad, disagreeable, and useless words, are perhaps 
forty good, and these must be taken. Let Debreczin say 
what it will, a secretary will be a titoknok in Hungarian for 
ever and ever, a counsellor a tanacsnok, and a page lap or 
oldal" The critics of Debreczin were Kazinczy's great oppo- 
nents, and it is a remarkable proof of the correctness of his 
judgment as to the effect of a new word on the Hungarian ear, 
that all the words in this passage on which he stakes his 
opinion against theirs have decidedly become classical Hun- 
garian. The word titoknok, f a secretary/ made from titok, 
' a secret/ appears to be a particular favourite, though to a 
foreigner the superabundance of &'s might seem far from 
a recommendation, a superabundance which is still more 
striking in the nominative plural titoknokok and in the dative 
plural titoknokoknak. 

Some of the foreign words for which it was thought 
necessary to coin a Magyar equivalent, were of a very pri- 
mitive character. " Herder says," remarks Kazinczy, in a 
letter of the date of 1813, "that when a nation has not a 


word, it has not the idea or the thing that the word repre- 
sents. This saying is a paradox it seems to be false and 
is not. It is a shame to our language that we have no word 
for virtus. Raday made one, but fearing, as he knew my 
fiery vivacity, that if he whispered it to me I should shout it 
out, and by using it out of season make it ridiculous (which 
might indeed have been the case), he never would tell me 
what it was. When Count Francis Puky offered a reward of 
fifty florins in the ' Hazai Tudositas ' (a newspaper), for a word 
for 'spiritus/ and Anthony Balla another for 'universum/ 
Paul Szemere persuaded me to write a competitive essay to 
propose the word szel, which was known centuries ago to 
Zrinyi and Ladislaus Batori, and the word egyetem, which 
was" manufactured by myself. I wrote the essay, and extended 
the subject to the word for ' virtus ' also. I owned that to 
make a word without a root was not what everybody had a 
right to do. David Szabo, the ex-jesuit, had proposed ereny ; 
I proposed csdny. My friends wrote to me from Pesth that 
csdny was too near in sound to a provincial word of an im- 
proper signification. At last, as we saw that Szabo's word 
ereny might mislead a hearer, who might think from the 
sound it came from er, ' & vein/ and meant 'artery,' we 
agreed to knock off the first vowel." 

The new words mentioned in this passage have not all 
become denizens of the language. In Bloch's dictionary szel 
is explained by ' wind, 5 and ( spirit ' is represented by szellem, 
a word of recent coinage, evidently formed from the same 
root; egyetem it appears now denotes both f universe' and 
' university/ Reny seems to have met with a strong oppo- 
sition. The poet Berzsenyi, finding it too troublesome to alter 
his stanzas throughout, adhered to 'virtus.' Reny however 
succeeded so far as to be in general use till just before Kazinczy's 
death in 1831, when Count Szechenyi, in his popular volume on 
' Credit/ gave the preference to ereny, and in coiiseqiience that 
came into fashion. In Bloch's German- Hungarian dictionary, 
both reny and ereny will be found placed opposite to tugend, 
with the derivatives renyes and erenyes for tugendhaft, and 
renyteli and erenyes for tugendreich, and no intimation that 


the whole tribe owes its origin to a private philological society 
of the nineteenth century. 

Kazinczy however was not always content with merely 
inventing words to answer to those which already existed in 
other languages. He aspired at novelty. Thus on one occasion, 
in mentioning to Szent-Gyorgyi a preacher whom he had heard 
at Vienna, he remarks, " Ha Becsben laknam, en volnek a 
legtemplombajarobb ember ." ' If I lived at Vienna, I should 
be the churchgoingest of men/ The English expression ex- 
actly renders the Hungarian one ; indeed an expression of the 
kind is not entirely novel in our language. In a clever 
article by Sheil or Curran in the New Monthly Magazine, it 
was said of Dublin that it was " one of the tea-drinkingest, 
sea-bathingest places in the world." The words are of a ludi- 
crous cast, but it would not be easy to convey the same mean- 
ing in any others without losing the point and spirit. 

There are many other words of recent Hungarian coinage 
which might as readily be reproduced in our language as they 
have been produced in theirs. One of the most fruitful 
principles which they have adopted is that of forming a sub- 
stantive, not only from the positive degree of the adjective, 
which is a process common to most languages, but also, when- 
ever it is found convenient or needful, from the comparative 
and superlative degrees. There are several words of this 
kind in English, and all of them exceedingly useful, but all bor- 
rowed, and somewhat capriciously, from the Latin. We have 
borrowed the adjective senior and the substantive seniority, and 
the adjective junior, but not the substantive juniority ; we have 
borrowed prior and. priority, and. posterior, but not posteriority ; 
and we have also inferiority, superiority, majority, minority, &c. 
But it seems unaccountably to have escaped us, that from the 
compactness of our comparatives we have advantages for the 
formation of substantives of this kind which few other lan- 
guages possess in an equal degree. From the w T ord elder, 
exactly answering to ' senior/ we might easily have formed 
elderness, which is intelligible the moment it is heard, and has 
the advantage over ' seniority ' of being, from its shorterness, 
easier to manage. The word youngerness, which is often 


wanted, would have been appropriate on many occasions where, 
from its longerness and its strangerness, juniority would have 
been out of place and pedantic. The richerness of Hungarian 
in this respect may be partly ascribed to the laterness of its 
cultivation the word laterness is surely preferable in English 
to ' posteriority/ but it may also be ascribed to the wiserness 
of its cultivators. And though we have lost the opportunity 
of gaining the honours of firstness in the path of improve- 
ment, it may still be worth our while to escape the reproach 
of lastness. 

Another class of words in which the Hungarian is prolific, 
and in which the English might be, is that of adjectives 
formed from the combination of a substantive and a prepo- 
sition. We speak of a ' post-mortem examination :' why 
should we not say "an after-death examination?" Here 
again the foreignness of the phrase that has been adopted 
limits it not only to technical use, but to technical use in very 
few combinations, and even then invests it with a pedantic air ; 
while, if the English equivalent were sanctioned, the largeness 
of its signification would make it useful, not only to the 
medical writer, but in a hundred cases to the orator and the 
poet. We have the adjective underground : why should sub- 
aqueous be preferred to underwater ? We have inland : why 
should we not frame by analogy on-sea ? 

How much richer our language would have become if en- 
couraging its native growths had been preferred to extending 
its importations, is shown to demonstration in almost every 
case in which both the systems can be seen in action. Donne 
uses the word ' motherhood/ Locke uses ' fatherhood / they are 
surely quite as expressive and euphonious in English as ' mater- 
nity' and ' paternity/ Wordsworth speaks of 'a bond of 
brotherhood/ where he might have used, if he had thought 
it preferable, the term ' fraternity / but if he had wished to 
speak of 'a bond of sisterhood/ he would have found no 
expression corresponding to ' sisterhood ' in the Latin part of 
our vocabulary. Can it be said that it is less required ? That 
simple suffix ' hood ' has furnished us in every generation with 
words entirely fresh, and embodying a fresh idea, yet from 


the first moment of their use conveying their meaning at 
once to every hearer and every reader, and taking such strong 
root as in a few years to seem coeval with the language. 
We had ' manhood' before we had 'womanhood/ and ' boy- 
hood' before we had 'girlhood;' and which of them could 
we now dispense with ? Perhaps in time to come, ' husband- 
hood' and 'wifehood' are destined to be equally familiar. 
Each of these words, as it is added, guards against the decay 
of the others, the younger members of the family nourish 
the old. 

The principle of not importing a word when it is not re- 
quired, by no means implies that, when a word of foreign 
growth is excellent of its kind and cannot be produced on our 
own soil, we should refuse to receive it. The word f parent,' 
for instance, is one for which we could not easily find or coin 
an equivalent in the Anglo-Saxon portion of English. We 
have done well to take it, it is now a part of the language, 
and being so, we should do well to construct from it, when- 
ever it is found advisable, the word 'parenthood,' for which 
there is no equivalent in the original Latin. By the judicious 
adoption of a single foreign prefix where our own is not well 
adapted for compounds, we might often introduce, as we 
have already done in some instances, not a single new word, 
but a hundred. Such a compound as ' again-build' would be 
clumsy, by taking the Latin ' re ' we form l rebuild ' with 
very good effect. So the f ex' of 'ex-king' and 'ex-queen/ 
the 'vice' of 'vice-president' and 'vice-chairman,' have done 
the English language excellent service. Again, there are some 
foreign words that must be had by other languages at any 
price, words that are struck out in some phase of language 
by a happy accident, and that the world may be glad to get 
just as they are. The Portuguese are without a word corre- 
sponding to the English ' disappoint,' and one of their poets 
has expressed very forcibly his sense of their want of it by 
putting it in the mouth of the devil in his dialogue with a 
Portuguese friar : 

"Fiquei desapontado, como dizem 
Os Ingleses ; nao ha na vossa lingua 


Com que o dizer e venha ou nao do diabo 
Tomein-na que hao mister d'essa palavra." 

f< So I was disappointed, as they say 

In English, 'tis a word you never had ; 
But reach you through the devil though it may, 
Don't let it go you want it very bad*." 

A story is told, that when some one related to Coleridge, 
respecting certain Sisters of Charity, that it had been found 
they were impelled to their angelic task by a belief that for 
every act of charity they performed, they should receive a 
specific recompense in heaven, Coleridge remarked, "I do 
not call that religion I call it other- worldliness." The depth 
of meaning and of wit in this short but most pithy remark, 
can hardly be conveyed in any other phraseology than in the 
new word so felicitously coined for the occasion, and no lan- 
guage that can imitate or borrow it ought to deny itself the 

Kazinczy was far from being a purist he was indeed an im- 
purist on principle with respect to the introduction of a cer- 
tain amount of foreign words. In a phrase of his composition 
which has been already quoted, legtemplombajdrobb ember, it 
does not require to be said, that templom for ' church ' is not a 
word of Hungarian origin. The Hungarians have another to 
denote the same meaning anyaszentegyhdz, which wears a 
much more national appearance. It is curiously constructed. 
Hdz is f a house/ egyhdz 'a meeting-house/ szentegyhdz 'a holy 
meeting-house/ and anyaszentegyhdz a ' mother holy meeting- 
house/ that is 'a church/ Kazinczy might therefore have 
said, if he pleased, leganyaszentegyhdzbajdrobb for ' church- 
goingest/ but, as we have seen, he did not. The Hungarians, 
unlike the English, are fond of long words, but he probably 
shrunk from a word of nine syllables. He was also of course 
aware that szent for 'holy' is just as little Hungarian as 
templom that the any a for ' mother ' at one end of the word 
might be claimed as Turkish, and that the hdz for ' house * 
at the other might be claimed as English or German; in 

* Almeida Garrett's poem of Dona Branca, canto vi. stanza 21. 


short, that out of the five syllables, one was certainly bor- 
rowed, and three were not beyond suspicion. Under such 
circumstances he was not solicitous to inquire too minutely 
into the parentage of words that he found useful. 

Others have been of a different way of tliinking, both in Ka- 
zinczy's time and since. A strong effort was made at various 
times to effect radical reforms of this character, in which it 
was occasionally discovered, after some experience, that the 
remedy was worse than the disease. One instance is very 
curious. There is certainly much to be said with justice 
against the Latin names of the months made use of both in 
English and Hungarian. They are mere names and nothing 
more, they convey no significance, and are, some of them, in 
English at least, very ill-chosen for sound. ( January' and ' Fe- 
bruary' are two of the most unmanageable vocables we have. 
In addition to modifications of the Latin list which the 
Hungarians have in common with the rest of Europe, they 
have a list of their own which seems to be the only one in 
Europe formed on a Christian basis. In grammars and in 
official documents we find a year commencing with Boldog- 
aszszony hava, or ' Virgin Mary month' (literally ' Happy 
Lady month'), and ending with Karatsony hava, or ' Christmas 
month,' while all the intermediate ones take their name on 
the same principle from the festivals or fasts of the Church. 
This is surely at first sight a pleasing novelty, but unfor- 
tunately these appellations have the common Hungarian fault 
of being too long, and from their length and their formation 
they are incapable of acting as roots of derivatives. We find 
it convenient in English, in some cases, to be able to say of 
a day that it is ' Octobery ' or ' Novembery,' and very incon- 
venient that we can take no such liberty with the impracti- 
cable January or the still more impracticable February. The 
Hungarians appear to have found that, with all the flexibility 
of their language, Boldog aszszony hava and Karatsony liara 
were too hard to manage. The Christian names of the 
months went out of use, and an effort was made, about 1840, 
to bring into fashion a new string of appellatives, formed on 
the principle adopted by the old Germans, and by the French 


republicans of the eighteenth century, whose 'Brumaire/ 
'Frimaire/ &c., were so happily parodied by the English 
wag into ' Freezy/ ' Breezy/ ' Wheezy/ f Sleezy/ and so 
on. There is an objection to the introduction of such 
names in English and Spanish which does not exist in the 
case of less fortunate languages confined to one side of the 
Ecliptic. In English, the language in which an Australian 
poet sings that 

" Hot December's sultry breeze 
Scarce moves a leaf upon the trees," 

sufficient confusion and merriment have been produced by the 
altered applicability of ' Midsummer-day ' at Sydney and Mel- 
bourne, to act as a caution against the introduction of a whole 
host of similar misnomers. In Hungarian the season-names of 
the months had a very short reign in one case they did not 
last for the circle of the seasons. Kossuth's newspaper, the 
"Pesti Hirlap," was commenced in January 1841. In the first 
number, instead of ( Januarius' or ' Boldogaszszony hava/ the 
date was given as Telho or ' Winter-month/ Then followed 
Teluto ' Winter-ender/ Tavaszelo ' Spring-beginner/ Tavaszho 
1 Spring-month/ and so on, at the rate of three to each season ; 
but before ' Summer-ender' came in regular course the system 
came to an end. ' Julius' and 'Augustus' led off the second 
half-year ; and when the next year began, old Januarius made 
his appearance in the usual place, nor does it appear that he 
has been dethroned by any subsequent outbreak. 

The names of the months, therefore, like many a feeble 
ministry, retain their places, not on account of their own 
merits, but of the difficulties in the way of finding a sub- 
stitute. There are some other words of almost equal currency, 
and which might be styled ' European/ were it not that to call 
them ' European' merely, is in these days to limit much too 
narrowly their domain. Such are ( poetry/ ' genius/ and 
many others, which, with slight differences in termination, 
are as much English as Hungarian, and are or were as much 
Hungarian as English. In the case of such words the lan- 
guage which produced them is sometimes even at a disad- 


vantage, compared with the language which adopts them, for 
the conventional meaning stands out more distinctly when 
there is no other with which it can be confused. The name 
for the twelfth month, December, is surely not worse in 
English than Latin, because to an English car it has no con- 
nexion with the numeral ten ; arid though at one stage of our 
language we called a poet a ' Maker/ it would scarcely be 
held a gain to lose the distinction now. Against many of 
these phrases, however, some ardent Hungarians made a 
crusade, and Kazinczy's success in defending them seems to 
have been far from invariable. The Radicals in language 
were sometimes too strong for the moderate Whigs. After a 
contest of some length between zseni, the Hungarian form 
of ' genius/ and eszldny, ' mind-fire/ Idngesz, 'fire-mind/ 
and so on, ' genius' seems for the present to be exiled from 
Hungary ; but perhaps, as with the months, the wheel of time 
may once more bring it in the ascendant. 

Some of the persons who proposed these changes professed 
to be desirous of expelling from Hungarian every word that 
was not derived from a Magyar root, but in making such 
a proposal they only showed their unacquaintance with the 
histoiy of languages in general and their own in particular. 
Even in the most primitive languages, in the most primitive 
state in which they are known to us, some extraneous admix- 
ture is always to be found there are foreign words in the 
Hebrew of Genesis and in the Greek of Homer. But Hun- 
garian, like English, is pre-eminently a compound language. 
The main difference is, that ours is 


Of Earth's best blood has titles manifold," 

one parent being of the great Teutonic, and the other of the 
great Romanic family; while the Hungarian, beautiful and 
prepossessing as it is, can only point for its ancestors to the 
Ugrian and the Sclave. In our own language the amalgama- 
tion of its different elements is so close, that the most familiar 
phrases have often, like the most familiar beverages on our 
tables, been brought together from different corners of the 


world. "God bless you" is pure Saxon; but there is an- 
other phrase of opposite meaning, reputed to be more common 
in English mouths so common, indeed, that centuries ago 
the name used by Joan of Arc for the English was taken from 
it, and in this phrase, though the substantive is Saxon, the 
verb it governs is from a Latin root. In Hungarian there 
are words in daily use connected in meaning, but so remote 
in origin, that one is perplexed to imagine how they can ever 
have come together. The words for ( father' and ' mother/ 
atya and anya, are pure Turkish. There is, as in Turkish, 
and also in Chinese, no expression for ' brother ' simply ; and 
the word for ' elder brother/ batya, bears an odd resemblance 
to the Russian batyushka, which is used for ' father/ while 
that for ' younger brother,' ocse, bears also a resemblance to 
the Russian otets, ' father/ of which there is a vocative otche. 
All this does not prevent the dullest Hungarian peasant-boy 
from knowing sufficiently well the meaning of atya and any a, 
batya and ocse, while the most ardent zealot for pure Hun- 
garian who had made himself acquainted with their affinities, 
and was indignant at their foreign origin, could hardly pro- 
pose, with a hope of success, to turn the words for ' father ' 
and ' mother ' out of the language. 

There was yet another class of opponents to Kazinczy's views 
of innovation, those who wished the language, without any 
consideration of what it sprung from, to stop at a given point 
when they assumed it to have reached its full stage of growth. 
A similar view has had its advocates in many languages. 
Three centuries ago Erasmus directed the shafts of his piercing 
ridicule against the body of contemporary Latinists who called 
themselves Ciceronians, and would not make use of any word, 
however useful, that had not been used by Cicero. Among the 
Italians of the nineteenth century, Cesari has gained a reputa- 
tion by contriving to express himself in the exact phraseology 
of the fourteenth ; and Fox, though not over-scrupulous as an 
orator, laid it down as a rule to himself, when he wrote his 
History, to avoid any word or phrase that had not the sanction 
of Dryden. A pretension of this kind in Hungarian was, 
however, little less than absurd. Its supporters had no 


Cicero and no Dante they had not even a Dryden to appeal 
to. Iii this branch of the contest, therefore, Kazinczy's suc- 
cess was complete his principles, like those of many other 
men, have been carried even further than he would himself 
have proposed to carry them. The whole aspect of Hun- 
garian literature for years past bears witness to the triumph 
of Kazinczy and his grammatical fellow-combatant Revai, 
while the opposition of Verseghi and others has become mere 
matter of record, 

A revolution, or rather a reform of the same kind, though 
not to the same extent to which Kazinczy carried it in Hun- 
garian, is, as we have already seen, by no means an isolated 
fact in the recent history of European languages. In almost 
all of them, except those of the Romanic stock, some pro- 
cess, similar in principle though less in degree, has been 
going on in the course of the last century, a century 
that has seen as many new languages brought into culti- 
vation as it has new sciences. There have been two main 
principles at work that of purifying the languages from 
heterogeneous elements, and that of bringing their latent 
powers into play. The maxim of Horace, that usage is the 
sole arbiter of the laws of language, has been virtually ab- 
rogated in regard to half the idioms of Europe. A court of 
analogy has been established, like a court of equity, with a 
concurrent jurisdiction. 

It is a question that must again and again force itself on 
the consideration of the English inquirer, if it would not 
have been well for the English language to have been less 
bound by the law of usage which is often, in other words, 
the law of caprice and to have claimed for itself a larger 
magna chart a of regulated freedom. Kazinczy and others in 
Hungary called for an academy to occupy itself with the lan- 
guage, and at last an academy was founded, with so much 
success at least, that while the revolution and reaction of 
1848 have shivered to atoms the ancient constitution of 
Hungary, the growth of centuries, they have left the new 
academy standing, and such of its members as have not 
perished on the field or the scaffold, busily engaged in weigh- 


ing words and compiling a dictionary. To English notions 
an academy does not seem likely to be so congenial. Dr. 
Johnson indeed affirmed that every English author would 
make it a point to resist its decisions. But Dr. Johnson's 
own career afforded the strongest proof, that if English authors 
would oppose the acts of a constitutional authority, they were 
not always certain to resist the usurpations of a dictator. He 
was powerful enough, by the influence of his own individual 
example, to bend the language into what is now almost uni- 
versally admitted to have been a wrong direction. Even one 
single copious and forcible and popular writer, who should be 
as zealous for pure English as Johnson was for Latinity, as 
eager to coin new words in accordance with English precedents, 
as he to introduce phrases of classic stamp and authority, 
might yet do much indeed to make our future language sur- 
pass in strength and compass the language of our own times ; 
as the modern languages of Germany and Hungary surpass 
the comparatively imperfect instruments of thought which 
Germany and Hungary possessed before the time of Klopstock 
and Kazinczy. 

It may be said, that for an attempt of this kind it is now 
too late, that the English language is settled, that we are 
in possession of a literature so glorious that nothing should 
be encouraged which might tend to render a part of it obso- 
lete, that as our language is spoken already by many com- 
munities thousands of miles asunder in the five great divisions 
of the globe, it would be inconsiderate rashness to incur any 
risk of interfering with so magnificent a future, and of breaking 
up into dialects the idiom which is otherwise likely to become 
in a few generations the great central speech of civilized man. 
But these views may admit of question. 

Can a living language ever stand still ? It may well be 
doubted. The English of Addison is not the English of 
Dickens, and a foreigner who understands the language of the 
' Spectator ' may be perplexed by much that he will find in 
' David Copperfield/ though the foreigner who understands the 
novelist will never be at fault with the essayist. It is natural to 
suppose that in a hundred years the most brilliant and popular 


author of that day will have many phrases and turns of language 
which would be new to us ; but if the reader of the twentieth 
century is not cut off from the enjoyment of the best writers 
of the eighteenth and nineteenth, who will be damaged ? It is 
not the increase but the decrease of the treasures of a language 
which does harm : if Addison were to become obsolete, and if 
to read the ' Spectator ' it were necessary to consult a glossary, 
it would be a loss indeed. Of this there appears at present to 
be little chance a few phrases may have gone out of vogue, 
but that is all, and even these may perhaps be revived. 
Macaulay still talks of "parts" in the sense of abilities, and 
to a man of such " parts" as his, it may be quite possible to 
bring the expression into use again. Much of the language of 
the Elizabethan period that was unintelligible to our grand- 
fathers is intelligible enough to an ordinary reader of Walter 

The language, then, goes on increasing much as the great 
metropolis goes on increasing. Queen Elizabeth and King 
James issued proclamations to stop its growth ; but they were 
not obeyed. If they had taken measures instead to secure 
parks and breathing-places as the vast mass expanded, and had 
issued proclamations to regulate the width of streets, to ensure 
good approaches on all sides, and for similar objects, it seems 
probable that they might have succeeded, and that we might 
now see around us not only the richest and most populous, 
but the most regular and magnificent city in the world. 
Many invaluable opportunities have been lost, but it is not 
even now too late to begin, and the future historian of London 
may possibly date a new era from the establishment of the 
recent ' Metropolitan Board/ 

Let us take a lesson in the management of our language 
from the history of our capital. Instead of prohibiting the 
addition of new words or new buildings, let us endeavour to 
provide that when they come they shall be an ornament in- 
stead of a nuisance. We shall not grow ashamed of our lan- 
guage for becoming better. This too is the surest and most 
liberal way of providing against that disruption of the language 
into dialects of Europe, of America, of Africa, of Australasia, 

z 2 


which may perhaps be destined to arrive, but which there are 
nevertheless good hopes of escaping. 

America and England were never more united in language 
than they are now, when they have been for three-quarters of 
a century politically asunder. This good has been partly 
effected by the close intercommunion of the two nations by 
the fact that our books have always largely circulated among 
them, and that their books have of late years largely circu- 
lated among us, many an American author owing, in fact, his 
warmest welcome to the English public. It has been pro- 
moted also by the freedom from prejudice with which we have 
adopted words of American parentage, words for which we 
had to acknowledge our " indebtedness" to them, so that not 
a few good Americanisms of the beginning of this century 
had become parts of the general language before the middle. 
It would be still further promoted by a care on the part of the 
leading writers on both sides of the Atlantic to keep their 
writings free from the mere vulgarisms in use at either 
London or New York. Homage to analogy and principle in 
matters of language will be our best security that the glorious 
destiny which seems to be in store for the language of Shak- 
spere and Milton will actually come to pass for our benefit 
and that of mankind. 

To return to the subject of Hungary, from which this 
digression has perhaps kept us too long : it was fortunate for 
the success of the reformers of language that some reformers 
of literature arose at the same time or immediately after, 
whose productions, by thrilling the popular mind, prevented the 
whole question from degenerating into one of mere grammar 
and philology, and brought it home to the heart and feelings. 
In even the slightest sketch of the progress of the movement 
there are two names which cannot be passed over, and they 
are the names of two brothers, Alexander and Charles Kis- 
faludy, of whom the elder stood at the head of Hungarian 
literature till the younger displaced him. 

The first signs of the revival of Magyar literature had come 
from a political body, almost the next were to come from a 
regiment of horse, Alexander Kisfaludy was a lieutenant in 


the Leopold regiment of hussars, and not the only officer in the 
body who cultivated the national language and feeling while 
mounting guard on the person of the emperor whose prede- 
cessor had proscribed it. " One morning, before twelve/' we are 
told by Kisfaludy's biographer, Dobrentei*, ' ' he was engaged 
in his room at the barracks, or rather the palace of the Hun- 
garian guard at Vienna, when Lord Spencer and Lord Gran- 
ville, at that time envoys extraordinary from the English to 
the Austrian court, were brought into the apartment by Prince 
Nicholas Eszterhazy, the colonel of the regiment, who was 
taking them over the establishment. The English noblemen 
were not a little surprised to find that the occupation of an 
officer of the Hungarian guard, in the midst of all the bustle 
of the imperial court, at which he was to be on duty at noon, 
was that of quietly translating Tasso into Hungarian, as he 
smoked his pipe in deshabille.' 5 The English noblemen on 
that occasion saw before them, not indeed the Tasso, but one 
who was destined to be hailed as the Petrarch of Hungary. 
A few years later Alexander Kisfaludy was sent to Vaucluse 
as a prisoner of war. ( ' In the springtime of my youth," he 
says in the preface to his most famous poem, " I was a soldier 
and a prisoner on the very spot where the sweet and melan- 
choly songs of Petrarch filled the heart with love, among the 
fiery good-natured French." Here and hence the thought 
arose of embodying in verse the history of his own joys and 
sorrows in the love of a lady, not like Laura a wedded dame, 
but who had not permitted herself to be won to be a soldier's 
wife. The thought was carried out in another foreign country, 
in Wirtemberg, where the poet, who had been freed from 
captivity by exchange, was serving in an Austrian regiment 
which contained not a single Hungarian but himself, and 
where consequently he had none near him who could com- 
prehend a syllable of his poem. The book was published in 
Hungary in 1800, under the assumed name of " Himfy." It 
produced a sensation such as no Hungarian poem had ever 
excited before. The author's real name was concealed, and 
for seven years he was the ' Great Unknown' of the Magyars. 
* Magyar Esmeretek Tara, vol. vii. p. 233. 


The second part of Petrarch's sonnets records the lover's sen- 
sations after the death of the beloved ; his Hungarian imitator 
was more fortunate, and the second part of his poem records 
his sensations after the wedding. His "Lisa," who had 
hitherto been obdurate, could not continue deaf to the voice 
of a charmer whose language had roused a nation. The part 
entitled ' Happy Love' was published in 1807, and with it 
the author's name, which was at once placed highest by uni- 
versal suffrage in the rolls of Hungarian fame. The subject 
of wedded love was a novel one to treat at length, but not on 
that account the less pleasing. A living English poet has 
recently adopted the same unhackneyed theme in his ' Angel in 
the House/ and, if we may form an augury of the continuation 
from what has already appeared, with every prospect of a suc- 
cess worthy of the subj ect . Kisfaludy, like all other Hungarian 
poets, had an annoying difficulty to contend with in a singular 
defect of the language that the same word "0" signifies 
( he,' 'she/ and 'it/ a defect beyond the art of any 
Kazinczy to cure. The poet's marriage was simultaneous 
with his retirement from the army. "I am not a learned 
man," he says in one of his prefaces, " I am not a literary 
man : my fate, my circumstances, my inclinations, made me 
first a soldier, and afterwards a farmer." Schams, in his 
scientific work on the vine cultivation of Hungary, f Ungarns 
Weinbau/ returns his thanks to " Mr. Alexander Kisfaludy 
for the obliging information by which he had testified his 
knowledge and love of the subject." It was on his estate of 
Siimeg on the Balaton lake, that the poet pursued for many 
years this somewhat unpoetic mode of devotion to Bacchus. 
He did not however forget the Muses. "In a pretty 
little press-house, standing amid the vines, and almost hid by 
trees," as he told Kohl the traveller, he wrote much of 
his poetry. He sent forth several volumes from his retire- 
ment ; but though most of them received a cordial welcome 
at the hands of his countrymen, in particular his ' Legends 
from Old Times' (llegek a' Magyar Elo'idobol), none of them 
found such favour in the eyes of the public as his first-born. 
Kohl visited him at Siimeg in 1841. "He received me 


kindly," says that animated and most attractive writer, the 
Herodotus of modern Europe, "as I came in the name of 
the Muses, to whom he had devoted himself. He said 
visits of this kind were rare in this remote corner of the 
world. Three years before an Englishman had called upon 
him, since which time I was the only visitor of the sort 
he had seen." Kisfaludy asked him to his house, where, 
the observant traveller remarks, "unhappily the hand of 
the directing housewife, who had preceded her husband to 
the long repose, was wanting." Kohl does not remark that 
the directing housewife of that household had been, in her 
youth, the inspirer of songs which had made her charms 
immortal. The poet-husband was laid beside her in 1844, at 
the age of seventy-two. 

Alexander Kisfaludy was not always in accord with Ka- 
zinczy in matters of language. Kazinczy, indeed, wrote a 
review of the 'Himfy/ in which, amid much praise of the 
poetry, he said, that though the language of the poem was 
rich and pleasing, it was not classically pure, nor always even 
grammatically correct. The criticism was originally published 
in German in the Vienna "Jahrbiicher der Litteratur," and 
without a name, but in consequence of the observations which 
this elicited, Kazinczy republished it in Hungarian in the 
" Erdelyi Muzeum," with his name attached ; other dissensions 
arose, and the poet and critic were friends no longer. In 
ardent attachment to Magyar, Kisfaludy yielded to none; 
he could not speak with more enthusiasm of his ' Lisa y in the 
sonnets, than of his language in the prefaces. " In short," 
he exclaims in one of these passages summing up, " in short, 
the language of a nation is a nation's soul. First and foremost 
therefore we must carry our language to the highest possible 
pitch of perfection, unless we are willing to remain for ever 
and aye in a state of contempt, a spiritless, disunited, fractious 
not nation, but heap of men torn asunder by our different 
hopes and passions, our different faiths and languages, puffed 
up with a ridiculous pride at the very time that we are the 
scorn of really great and spirited nations." 

In the year of the publication of ' Himfy/ Charles Kis- 


faludy, the brother of Alexander, was twelve years old. 
Alexander was the eldest, and Charles the youngest of a some- 
what numerous family. The giving birth to Charles had cost 
his mother her life ; his father could never look with affection 
on the son who had made him a widower, and the sorrows of 
the boy's life but formed too sure a presage of the man's. 
He too became a soldier, to escape worse than warfare 
at home, and the stripling carried to the wars of Italy his 
brother's poem and no other book. Like Alexander, he left 
the army before the conclusion of the war, and with a matri- 
monial project in view, but he was not born to his brother's 
good fortune in affairs of love. His father, who was never 
favourable to him, disapproved of the lady he had chosen, and 
disinherited him for wooing her ; the prudent lady discarded 
him because he had been disinherited for her sake. Charles 
Kisfaludy, left to his own resources, became first a painter 
and afterwards a dramatic poet. His comedies have the repu- 
tation of being lively and ludicrous, though the repeated 
checks in his career had made his character gloomy and 
reserved, while his brother, who was of an easy cheerful dis- 
position and had met with good success in life, was always 
serious with his pen. But his tragedies have been valued as 
highly as his comedies, and, if an individual opinion may be 
expressed, with better reason. Their language is lofty, brief, 
and spirited, their action rapid and clear. He is considered 
as the founder of the modern Hungarian theatre, while Alex- 
ander, though he wrote several plays, is hardly looked upon 
as a dramatic poet. Charles Kisfaludy died unmarried in 
1830, at the age of forty-two, fourteen years before the elder 
brother whose fame in literature had first aroused his emu- 
lation. To do honour to his memory his friends and admirers 
founded the Kisfaludy Society, of which Alexander was 
chosen one of the first members. 

Charles Kisfaludy was originally very careless in matters of 
language, and as a proof of it, he had up to 1819 hardly 
looked at the works of Kazinczy. In that year, a friend, 
Bartfay, chanced to lend him a volume of Kazinczy's trans- 
lation of Ossian; not long after, the poet, according to his 


friend's description, " burst into his room " to ask for more. 
He said that the book " opened a new world to him/' mean- 
ing, it must be supposed, a new world of language; for, as we 
have already seen, Kaziiiczy's works were, in almost every 
instance, translations of famous works, and consequently in 
most cases, to all who, like Kisfaludy, were acquainted with 
French and German, the reverse of new. He wrote a letter 
to Kazinczy, to whom he was personally a stranger, to solicit 
his friendship and his criticisms. " Deign/' he said, " to 
communicate to me your observations, and the first sign of 
my gratitude shall be that I will follow them in every par- 
ticular. As to language, I acknowledge that I am now only 
beginning to learn, for after spending eight years abroad, I 
could hardly read a Magyar book." In reply, Kazinczy ex- 
pressed his delight that he should now at all events be able to 
boast of being the friend of one Kisfaludy, and of course gave 
advice in accordance with his well-known principles. " Your 
knowledge of the French and German languages/' he re- 
marked, " will enable you so much the more to ennoble ours. 
It has not long been cultivated, and every language may learn 
something from the example of others. This is sure to happen 
sooner or later, whatever pedants may say. Custom and 
grammar must have due reverence, and woe to him who does 
not know the laws of language ; but after all, taste is a neces- 
sary guide, and a safe one"*/' From that time Charles Kis- 
faludy was a disciple of Kazinczy' s, and like him a bold and 
generally a successful innovator, though some accused him of 
inventing too many new words, and others of reviving too 
many old ones. 

The phase of language which Kisfaludy thus succeeded in 
producing has called forth an enthusiastic eulogium from a 
writer in the North American Review, in an article on his 
works which appeared in April 1850. " It is not easy," says 
the critic, " for those who are familiar only with broken and 
irregular languages, marred and defaced in the crowded and 

* The letters are printed in Schedel's ' Life of Charles Kisfaludy/ pre- 
fixed to the edition of his works in the ' Nemzeti Konyvtar,' or ' National 

2 A 


hurried life of civilization, or originally formed by the sudden 
and disorderly mingling of heterogeneous materials, to con- 
ceive the charm possessed by a primitive language like the 
Magyar, yet fresh as it were from the childhood of the world" 
This critic, and Dr. Bloch, whose statement was given at the 
commencement of this paper, have views which it would be 
difficult to reconcile. 

These observations have now extended to such a length, 
that it is time, for the present, to bring them to a close. Pos- 
sibly, if the subject be considered to possess sufficient interest, 
it may be resumed on a future occasion. 


P. 221, lines 7 and 6 from bottom, dele from a to author. 
224, line 18, read Brinsup not far from Blackrode. 
234, last, Peel (a rude tower or fortress). 
253, 4, (See also p. 255.) 

282, 11, and blended, probably in an equal degree. 
28, a Paper read before, omitting lately. 


ABEL, Dr. CAELJ on the Coptic 
Language, 51-61. 

Accented syllables, the distinctions of, 

Accentuation, Greek ; Prof. Key on, 

Africa, Western and Southern, on the 
Languages of, by Dr. Wilhelm 
Bleek, 40-50. 

African Philology, on certain recent 
Additions to, by Dr. Latham, 85-95, 

, list of 294 languages, dialects, 

or subdialects, in which Clarke and 
Koelle give the names for man, wo- 
man, father, &c., 200-202; list of 
388 languages, &c. in which they 
give the African for the numerals, 

Agent, separate nominative case in Ka- 
milaroi when the noun is the agent 
of some verb ; mute opossum, mu- 
tedu = opossum as an agent, 74. 

Angles, the, and the Anglian division 
of the Anglo-Saxon speech, 254-260; 
in Lancashire, 256-263, 270-276. 

Anglo-Saxon conquerors of England, 
of what tribes they were, and whence 
they came, 245-251. 

Anglo-Saxon names of places in Lan- 
cashire, 251-260, 262; dialectic 
words in Lancashire, 265-273. 

Aquitania formerly inhabited by a 
Gaelic people, 173 &c. 

Australia, on the Kamilaroi Language 
of, by Wm. Ridley, B.A., 72-84. 

Baioii and Bati languages (of South 
Africa), vocabularies of, 186 5 affini- 
ties of, 188-190. 

Basques not the aborigines of Spain, 
or Phoenicians, 180 ; probably of 
the same tribe as the Cantii, 183. 

Batta Language, Vocabulary of, 191 ; 
affinities of, 193-195. 

Belgse, the district inhabited and lan- 
guage spoken by the, 156, 160-162. 

BLEEK, Dr. WILHELM, on the Lan- 
guages of Western and Southern 
Africa, 40-50. 

Bloch, Dr. Moritz ; his statement on the 
increase of Hungarian words, 285. 

Bornu, the languages of, 197. 

Breton intermediate between the 
Kymric and Gaelic, 173. 

Budduma, or language of the islanders 
in Lake Tshad, 196. 

Cambrians or Cymry in England at the 

Saxon invasion, 216, 279. 
Caste-system of Australian tribes, 83. 
Changes of pronunciation and quantity 

of words effected by time, 123. 
Clarke's Specimens of Dialects &c. in 

Africa, noticed by Dr. Latham, 85 

&c., 185 &c. 
Coleridge's new word otherworldliness, 

Coptic Language, Dr. Carl Abel on the, 

Coranians, probably Carini, 216. 

Danish element in English, 260. 

Danish or Scandinavian Local Names 
in Lancashire, 263-265; dialectic 
words in Lancashire, 273-276, 281 ; 
in Norfolk, 39. 

DAVIES, Eev. JOHN ; on the Kaces of 
Lancashire as indicated by the Lo- 
cal Names and the Dialect of the 
County, 210-284. 

Disyllabic prepositions, why accented 
on the last syllable, 137. 

Derivations of words : 


abolish, 104 5. 
addle, 226. 
adolescence, 104. 
afraid, affray, 

agister, 69. 

alley, 12. 
allow, 106. 
ambergrease, ' 
assert, 102. 
arer, 108. 
average, 108. 




Derivations of English words continued 

baggage, 69. 
bar-berry, 66. 
baretor, baratry, 

crq/*, 209. 
cro#, 222. 
crawfish, 65. 

^^w Benjamin, 
^wwi Dragon, 67. 

pert, 211. 
pock-mantle, Be., 


to curry favour, 

Poland, 66. 

"bargain, 109. 


Aap, happy, 211, 

porcupine, 68. 

barm, 240. 
barter, 111. 

curtal-axe, 66. 
cwtfZe*, 69. 

Aear* of oak, 62. 


ftasfotf, 211. 
Basque, 182. 

daJ (adj.), 274. 

humble-bee, 67. 

prank, prance, 

beef-eater, 67. 
be-gin, 208. 
be-guile, 21. 
behave, behove, 

do*?, dagger, dag- 
let, 18. 
dangle, 18. 

in-stinc-t, 19. 
ising-glass, 66. 
island, 66. 

pregnant, 207. 
promise, 3. 
pttrZ, 110. 

ieZ/ry, 70. 
beseem, beteem, 

- i r* 

decoy, 71. 
demi-johns, 70. 
o%, dimple, 26. 

jag, jagged, 16. 
jaunce, jaunt, 21. 
Jerusalem arti- 

g'wo^, quake, 20. 
i#, 20. 

%o, 113-116. 
iZoa, bloater, 
bloated, 116. 

<%, 19. 

dis-ting-uish, 19. 
dormouse, 66. 
doublet, 70. 

chokes, 67. 
j^ Jog, 19. 
Joggins, 19. 
Jofyfi Do'F'i/ 63 

red ^MTW, 69. 
righteous, 68. 
rosemary, 66. 

JZwe a* a razor, 


drab, 241. 

./ow&, 21. 

runagate, 68. 

booby, 117. 
floor, 117. 
5oo <f* saddle,*7Q. 

dress, 118. 
dwc&, 22. 

ex-tino-uish 19. 

jump, jumble, 26. 
justacoat, 66. 

to schock, shake, 
co, 178. 

bother, 227. 

-ffeZ#, 165. 

5CO*C^, 20. 

bound, 117. 

/a<7~end 230. 

#ew, kn-ow, 208. 

scw, 238. 

oreecA, 70. 
to brickwall, 69. 

female and male, 


lant-horn, 66. 

sham, 211. 

Bridgewater, 67. 


lanyard, 68. 

shamefaced, 68. 

bruit, Brut 227. 
owiZd, 118. 

field-fare, 69. 

/J7 OQ1 

Zaw (in racing), 


osm, 228. 
%, 118. 

/Ze, 231. 
forcemeat, 69. 

Leadenhall, 67. 
Leighton Buz- 

shog, 21. 
s&^, 269. 

/ a ^ u p' 

zard, 67. 

soiling (cattle), 

caw, 208. 

^ w^ece, -DO. 

livelihood, 68. 


caw, 277. 

jrump, &&&. 

soldier, 167. 

carriage, 7l. 
car*, 211. 

gal, jibe, 26. 

madam, mam, 


causeway, 66. 
chamoy leather, 

gaby, gawney, 
G'aeZ, 165. 

mandrake, man- 
dragon, 67. 
miniature, 70. 

spttr (a prop), 
*/ai, 26. 


gag-tooth, 19. 

miscreant, 71. 

stack, 27. 


gaggles, kayles, 

mun (must), 265. 

**# 27. 

chaste (Lat. cas- 
*w), 4. 

or skayles, 20. 
^ai, gate, 12. 

Nancy Cousin's 

stammer, 27. 
stanch, 27. 

coa*, 211. 

gallery, 12. 

Bay, 67. 

stang, 24. 

cockboat, 228. 
co^, coggly, 20, 
cowte, 13. 

gang, gangway $. 
get,for-get, 209. 
^y'j ffifflet, 20. 
gilly-Jlower, 66. 

nature, natal, 
negromancer, 72. 
neighbour, 117. 

staple, 27. 
staunch, 25. 
stavering, 27. 
steeple, 27. 

coo/w, combe, 30. 

W> 20. 

we**, 208. 

.v'< ///, ^.S. 

co*y, 229. 

goggle, 20. 
gooseberry, 68. 

O Fe* / OFc* / 


*#ep, stamp, 27. 
xlil>l>le, 27. 


&r ace Church- 

f A 

court-cards, 71. 

Street, 67. 

path, 13. 

stodge, 24. 

coverlet, 70. 
cowitch, 69. 

//"/////< J , 21. 
//"//, 277. 

pent-house, 66. 

permit, \\. 

MK stoach, 24. 
v/ ( (, 24. 



Derivations, English, continued. 

Derivations, Latin, continued. 

strain, 209. 

re ove, 69. 

Lwgdunum, 170. 

pr&-stig-ice, 21. 

stub, stump, 27. 

tube-rose, 66. 

prater-, pro-, 


ta/, 26. 

we-are, comme- 

mittere, 3. 


fc^r, 22. 

are, 12. 

stuff, 27. 

mitt ere, 1-15. 

remittere, 2. 

$. TTbes, 67. 

Mor-ini, 167. 

tack, take, 23. 
tack, tick, 22. 

uproar, 68. 
tow?, 96-103. 

murmur, 110. 

scetus, 4. 
#ero, 2 n. 

tag, 22. 
tag -locks, 18. 

veer, wear (ship), 

na-n-ci-o, na-c- 
tu-s, 208. 

soboles, 104. 
Soldurii, 167. 

tail, 18. 
tantrum, 239. 


na-rr-o (gna- 
rig-o), 207. 

stagnum, stag- 
nare, 25. 

top, 26. 
toper, 26. 

wo?, 20. 
ivaistcoat, 69. 

Wa 2*07 r ' 

-*%-, 19, 21. 
stipatus, 26. 

Tartar, 72. 
ted, 239. 
276 n. 

thivick- thwack, 
~i f* 

wal-k, 12. 
way, 12. 
wewd, we?&, 12. 
wheat-ear, 67. 
wiggle, 21. 

no-men, no-bi- 
li-s, 207. 
Novidunum, 171. 

Ogmius, 171. 

stimulus, 28. 
stipes, stipula, 
27, 28. 
stupere, 28. 

%, 19. 

to- = thoroughly 
(G-er. z<?r-),284. 
tongue, tongs, 23. 
nut-topper, 26. 
towcA, 22. 

wife, 21. 
wise-acre, 69. 

y-clept, 284. 
zig-zag, 16. 

-o-, adolesco, 
omittere, 3. 
05, ori*, 11 n. 

pal-ma, pal-am, 

-tow-, -tania (A- 
quitani, &.), 
tangere, 22. 
Taranis, 171. 

usurpare, 96- 


pando,pateo, 13. 



permittere, 2. 

abdere, 2. 

dedere, 2. 

perpetuo-, 11. 

vadere, 10. 


pet-ere, 10. 

oadum, 13. 

adire, redire, 13. 

plec^, plect-, 5. 

tf<m-, wewi-, 13. 

admittere, 3. 

educare, 98. 


uer-, fl<?r-, 6. 

adolescere, 104. 

emittere, 2. 

prcepete-, propi- 

Vergobretus,\Ql '. 

a-^wa-tu-s, 207. 

eo, i-re, 12. 

tio-, 11. 

m-a, 12. 

alauda, 171. 

Alemanni, 172. 

fori-,fora-, lln. 

afere, 105. 


ambacti, 168. 

^e-, gigno, &c., 

am-bi-re, -tu-,1.2. 


av-ep-, fav-ep-, 

!?//(, 14. 

amb-ulare, 10. 


I^iros, 150. 

amittere, 2. 

hos-pet-, hos-ti-, 

avTo-p,a-TO-, 9. 

appetere, 10. 


ai/ro-/noXo-, 12. 

Ka9-apos, 4. 

Ar-wor-ica, 167. 

asserere, 102. 
barbarus, 110. 

ZAere, 178. 
i-^wo-tu-s, \-gna- 
ru-s, 207. 

(Baivo), 9, 
/3a0-juo-, /3a0- 

uoXetv, ueXXw, 

Belgce, 172. 
iztere (to go), 10. 

im-pe-tu-, 11. 
incola, 118. 

/3ap/3apos, 1 10. 

6/iotos, 149. 

call-i-s, 12. 

castus, 4. 

indere, induere,2 
in-d-ol-es, 105. 
instigo, instin- 

yev- or ^en, 207. 

y6f6t7AOV, ^UO. 

ytvi'oj^/cw. &C.j 

iredov, Tredio v, 13. 
TreTavvvfu, 13. 

OU tjll'tli III D, 

guo, 19. 

TTO^-, 13 ; 7rar-o-, 

co-^rao-men, 207. 
committere, 3. 

intermittere, 3. 
i-, e^- (go), 11. 



competere, 10. 

tY-er, 13, 

ei^ii, tevat, 12. 

aicwp, (TKar-oSj 4. 

condere, 2. 


dare, 2. 

/act-re, /cere, 19. 

Oe-, ri0>;/*i, 2n. i fos, 28. 



Derivations of words (continued). 

fracas, 106. 
gaber, 26. 

achoper, 26. 
allee, 12. 
alter, vais, 8. 
avarie, 108. 

badaud, 117. 
barboter, barbou- 

iller, 110. 
barguigner, 111. 

chanceler, jan- 
cer y 21. 

, 105-106. 
estampeaU) 27. 
esfoc, 24. 
estope, 27. 
e"tamgon, 25. 


ire, 166. 
, 106, 107. 

marmoter, 110. 
mener, se prome- 
ner, 9. 

, 20. 

, 26. 

ty and w, introduction of, into Greek, 
by Eucleides, A.D. 403 ; their quan- 
tity subsequently, 127, 129. 

el, the diminutival suffix, and its re- 
presentatives, in verbs, 6. 

enclitics and proclitics, accents on, 135. 

English, the Saxon sources of, dis- 
cussed, 245-262; Keltic element 
in, 211. 

, some new words proposed, by 

Mr. Watts, juniority, posteriority, 
elderness, shorterness, youngerness, 
293, longerness, strangerness,richer- 
ness, laterness, wiserness, firstness, 
lastness, underwater, onsea, 294, 
husbandhood, ivifehood, 295. 

too much bound by the law of 

usage and caprice, 301. 

, a plea for its wise enlargement, 


France and Spain, on the ancient lan- 
guages of, 155-184. 

Friesic ; the Old-Friesic is above all 
others thefons et orlgo of English, 
284 ; is much nearer to it than 
Modern German, list of the three 
compared, 250 ; spoken on the Elbe, 

Old-Friesic names of places in Lanca- 
shire, 251 ; words in the dialect, 
265-270, 280. 

gen or ken, on the meaning of the root, 

genitives in o-o in Greek, 147. 

go, on verbs with this meaning in the 
Indo-European Family, from the 
root mit, met, bit, bet, pet, et, it, bi, 
me, m, pe, i, e, wand, and, bal, wal, 
fie\, call, gall, all, geh, ga, ped, irod, 
or TTO.T, &c., 1-15. 

Greek accents an anachronism when 
applied to the writings of Homer, 
./Eschylus, Thucydides, Aristo- 
phanes, &c., 120. 

Modern- Greek poetry in rhyme, spe- 
cimen of, 142-145. 

Greek Nouns of the second Declen- 
sion ; on the uncontracted form of 
the Genitive Case Singular of; by 
Prof. Maiden, 146-154. 

GUENEY, ANNA; list of 'Norfolk 
Words' coUected by, 29-39. 

hin- of G. Mn-aehen, &c., corresponds 
to the Latin in-de or hin-c, 8. 

Hungarian language, on the recent 
History of (its great increase, the 
manufacture of words in, &c.), 285- 
310 ; has only the same word 6 for 
'he,' 'she,' and 'it,' 306; Hunga- 
rian pre-eminently a compound lan- 
guage, 299. 

infinitives in -en, to helpen, halden, 

explained, 283. 
Ireland, first inhabitants of, 179. 

jag, dag, tack, stack ; gag, kag, skag, 
shag ; on words derived from these 
syllables, 17-28. 

Kamilaroi language of Australia; W. 
Ridley 011 the, 72-84 ; named from 
the negative, 73 ; two nominatives, 
no plural form, 74; numerous in- 
flexions of verbs, 76 ; list of nouns, 
77-80, adjectives, 80, 81, verbs, 81, 
82 ; no degrees of comparison, 82 ; 
system of caste, 83. 

Kazinczy, his translations and wri- 
tings, 288, 289, 307, 309 ; his ma- 
nufacture of Hungarian words, 289- 
293, 296-302; his equivalent for 
churchgoingest, 293,296; his op- 
ponents, 299, 300. 

Kelts in France (Kymry) and England, 
163-165 ; in Spain, 173-180; of the 
Gaels and Kymry, 165, 166 ; nn % an- 
ings of Gael and Kelt, 165 ; of Mo- 
ri ui, Armorica, Vergobretus, Sol- 
durii, 167; Ambacti, 168; Lug- 
(luiunn, 170; Novidunuin, 171; Og- 



raius, Taranis, Alauda, 171 ; Ale- 
manni, Belga, 172 ; -tan- or -tania, 
176; bee, 176; Scot, 178; Iberi, 
178 ; Basque, Bayona, 182. 

Keltic races in Britain at the Roman 
invasion, 211-218 ; after the Anglo- 
Saxon conquest, 218, 242 ; social 
position and habits of, 243-4, 280. 

words in common use, 211. 

names of Natural Objects and 

Places in Lancashire, 218-225, 283. 

words in the Dialect of Lan- 
cashire, 226-242. 

KENNEDY, JAMES ; on the Ancient Lan- 
guages of France and Spain,155-184. 

KEY, T. HEWITT ; on the Latin Verb 
mittere, its Origin and Affinities; and 
generally on Verbs signifying ' to go' 
in the Indo-European Family, 1-15. 

, on the Derivation and Meaning 

of the Latin Verb uturpare, 96-103. 

, on Greek Accentuation,119-145. 

Kisfaludy, Alexander, 304 ; his ' Him- 
fy,' 305 ; subsequent writings and 
pursuits, 306, 307. 

Kisfaludy, Charles, 307 ; Kazinczy's 
influence on him, 308. 

knowledge, power, birth, &c., relation 
of the ideas of, and their origin, 208. 

Koelle's Polyglotta Africana, account 
of, 85 &c., 185 &c. 

Lancashire, the Races of, as indicated 
by the Local Names, and the Dialect 
of the County, by the Rev. J. Davies, 

, characteristics of the peo- 
ple of, 243. 

LATHAM, Dr. R. G., on certain recent 
additions to African Philology, 85- 
95, 185-206. 

Latin, decrease of its use in Hungary, 

Lloegrians were Keltic, 217. 

Low- Countries, old inhabitants and 
state of, 158. 

Macaulay, and sham, 212 n. ; and 
'parts,' 303. 

MALDEN, Professor; on the Uncon- 
tracted Form of the Genitive Case 
Singular of Greek Nouns of the 
Second Declension, 146-154. 

Members elected : JACKSON, E. S., 
210 ; LOWY, Rev. A., 185. 

mittere, to cause to go, let go, send ; 
its Origin and Affinities investi- 
gated, 1-15. 

months, the Latin names of, bad, 297 ; 
Kossuth's attempt to change them 
in Hungarian, 298. 

no ; Australian languages named after 
the negative adverb, 73. 

Norfolk Words, list of, collected by 
Anna Gurney, 29-39. 

Norman-French words in the Lanca- 
shire dialect, 278, 279. 

Norman Conquest not much felt in 
Lancashire, 281. 

North- American Review and its notion 
of Hungarian, 309. 

o-o, genitives in, should be substituted 

for many now printed ov, lov, &c. in 

Homer, 147-154. 
o for a, forms in, as stond, lond, mon, 

for stand, land, man, are pure Fries - 

ian, 253. 

Pennington's, Mr., arguments for 
Greek accents discussed, 119 &c. 

Portuguese, their importation of our 
'disappoint,' 295. 

RIDLEY, WM. ; on the Kamilaroi Lan- 
guage of Australia, 72-84. 

Saxons, extent of their territory, 247, 
251 ; origin of their name, 250. 

Spain and France, on the Ancient Lan- 
guages of, 155-184. 

Tibbu language (South Africa), Voca- 
bulary of, 195, 196. 

' to ' the sign of the infinitive, found in 
no other Teutonic language than the 
Old Friesic, 250. 

usurpare, on the derivation and mean- 
ing of, by Prof. Key, 96-103. 

verbs uniting the double sense of ' an 
act ' and * the causing such act,' 7. 

Wales, the traces of Gaels before 
Kymry accounted for, 174. 

WATTS, THOMAS ; on the Recent Hi- 
story of the Hungarian Language, 

mutually connected by reference to 
the term Zig-zag, 16-28. 

; EnglishEtymologie8,104-118 

(abolish, 104 ; afraid, affray, fray, 



105 j allow, 106; aver, average, 108 ; 
barretor, bargain, 109 ; behave, be- 
hove, 111 ; beseem, beteem, 112 ; 
Ugot, 113-116 ; bloat, bloater, 116; 
booby, 117 ; ioor, bown, or bound, 
husband, build, big, 117, 118.) 

Etymologies, 62-72. 

; on the Meaning of the Root 

gen or ken, 207-209. 
a " word," the definition of, 135. 

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