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Full text of "Transactions"

TKANSACTIONS 



PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY, 



1899-1902. 




PUBLISHED FOR THE SOCIETY BY 
KEG AN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., LD., LONDON, 

AND 

KARL I. TRUBtfER, STRASSBURG. 

1902. 



HERTFORD: 

BY STEPHEN AUSTIN AND SON*. 



CONTENTS. 



I. The Substantive Yerb in the Old Irish Glosses. By 

Professor J. STRACHAN, M.A., LL.D 1 

II. The Construction of eija with the Conjunctive Verb 

in Old Basque. By EDWARD SPENCER DODGSON, 

Esq 83 

III. Notes on Ulster Dialect, chiefly Donegal. By HENRY 

CHICHESTER HART, B.A., M.R.I.A 86 

IV. Analogies between English and Spanish Verse (Arte 

Mayor). By Professor W. P. KER, M.A 113 

V. Contributions to the History of the Guttural Sounds 

in English. By HENRY CECIL WYLD, B.Litt. . . 129 
VI. Notes on English Etymology. By the Eev. Professor 

W. W. SKEAT, Litt.D 261 

VII. The Sigmatic Future and Subjunctive in Irish. By 

Professor J. STRACHAN, M.A., LL.D 291 

VIII. John Barbour : Poet and Translator. By GEORGE 

NEILSON, Esq. 315 

IX. The Verb in the Second Book in Gipuskoan Bask. 

By EDWARD SPENCER DODGSON, Esq 372 

X. Action and Time in the Irish Verb. By Professor 

J. STRACHAN, M.A., LL.D 408 

XI. The Influence of Anglo-French Pronunciation upon 

Modern English. By the Rev. Professor W. W. 

SKEAT, Litt.D 439 

XII. Memoranda on Mediaeval Latin. No. 2 : Irminon's 

Polyptychum, A.D. 811-826. By J. H. HESSELS, 

M.A. 471 



IV CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

XIII. Memoranda on Mediaeval Latin. No. 3 : Polyptychura 
of the Abbey of Saint-Remi at Rheims, A.D. 

848-861. By T. H. HESSELS, M.A 553 

XIV. Notes on English Etymology. By the Rev. Professor 

W. W. SZEAT, Idtt.D 651 

IXDEX 676 

Treasurer's Cash Account, 1898 : Part I. 
1899: Part II. 
1900: Part III. 
1901: Part III. 

LIST OF MEMBERS, corrected to October, 1899 : Part I. 
,, ,, December, 1900: Part II. 

July, 1902: Part III. 



TRANSACTIONS 

OF THE 

PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY, 

1898-9. 



I. THE SUBSTANTIVE VERB IN THE OLD 
IRISH GLOSSES. By J. STRACHAN. 

[Read at the Philological Society's Meeting on Friday, February 10, 1899.] 

THE substantive verb has already been discussed from the 
etymological point of view by Dr. Whitley Stokes in the 
Transactions of this Society. 1 The object of the present paper 
is a different one. It is to consider, not the origin, but the actual 
usage of the component parts of the verb 'to be ' in the oldest 
extant documents of the Irish language. As in some of my 
former papers, the subject is divided into two parts (I) Materials, 
a collection of the instances of the various parts of the verb; 
(II) Remarks, a discussion of any points which seem to require 
consideration. With regard to the Materials, the lists of instances 
will be found to be tolerably exhaustive, and, for the rarer parts 
of the verb, I trust, absolutely complete. Only for the commonest 
form of all, is, complete collections have been given only for the 
first part of the Wiirzburg Glosses, from the rest of the glossatorial 
literature have been given only instances which seemed to have 
some special interest. The abbreviations are the same as in 
my previous paper on the Subjunctive Mood. 

PART I. MATERIALS. 

This part falls into two sections (1) the accented forms, or, 
as they are commonly called, the forms of the substantive verb, 
(2) the unaccented or copula forms. For the difference between 
the two sets of forms see below, pp. 48 sq. 

A. THE SUBSTANTIVE VERB. 

Indicative Mood. 

Present. 

The present indicative is made up of a number of different 
verbs, the usage of which will be considered in Part II. 

1 The paper is reprinted in KZ. xxviii. 
Phil. Trans. 1898-9. 1 



Z SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

(a) -tan. 

Sg. 1. attoo, atto: ni di chorp at6o-sa Wb. 12 a 21, is oc 

precept sosceli atto 21 C 19, is occa attoo 26 d 8, is occa atto-sa 

29 d 6, is ara precept atto-sa isslabrid 23 a 2, ato oc combdig 

26 d 17. 

5 -tail, -too; -t6:ani i-ttoo Wb. 17 d 24, i-tdu dar cenn 

sosceli 32 a 10, imnedaib hi-t6 Ml. 92 b 8. 
Sg. 2. atai : is nanaicci atdi Wb. 5 b 27. 

-l&iiani hi-tdi Wb. 5 b 38. 
Sg. 3. atta: ata in coimdiu Ml. 30 b 27, cf. 51 17, 55 d 21, 

10 ata Sg. 40 b 11, 109 a 3, 201 a 8, 9, ata trede tadbat som 

Wb. 13 C 26, cf. 32 a 22, ata dechor immefolngat Sg. 3 a 11, 
ata Dia, atach n dunni Ml. 66 d 1, ix amne atda Wb. 6 a 19, 
is satnlid aid 27 a 11, olisamein attda 32 a 6, do foisitin ata 
Tur. 58, nk amal dundatmecetar-su aid du mes Ml. 106 C 11, 

15 huare is intrinsecus ata in gnim Sg. 139 a 3, is ar chonsain diuit 
aid i and 7 b 14, cf. 9 b 13, rii diib attda briathar less hie 
Wb. 13 a 16, etir Israheldu ata s6n Ml. 102 a 7, cf. Sg. 152 a 1, 
ni fu indidit ata irascemini sunt acht is fo imchomare ata 
Ml. 20 b 13, is frisandliyed remeperthe ata in cosmailiuso 32 d 6, 

20 is hi tuaisciurt slebe sioin ata in cJiathir Ml. 67 d 8, cf. 66 d 8 
(dta\ hi tintud Chirini ata inso 103 d 26, cf. Sg. 28 a 3 (aid), 
45 a 14 (atd\ 52 b 1 (ata\ 113 b 3 (ata), 139 a 1 (aid), 165 b 1 
(ata), 188 b 1 (atd\ is and aid (MS. at) gnim -tengad isind huiliu 
labramar-ni Ml. 31 b 23, l is lib ata a rogu Wb. 9 a 23, is la 

25 Grecu ata a n-dliged sin Sg. 95 b 1, uand aitherrect- aid a 

n aitrebthach Sg. 32 b 7, cf. 197 a 2 (ata), 209 b 10, is oc maid atda 
Wb. 6 a 18, cf. 29 d 6 (atda), is osib aid 2 b 7, resin chanoin hisiu 
aid a trachtad Ml. 57 a 12, is triit ata gloriatio Wb. 2 b 15, 
tarcesi indi as penitus ata son Ml. 51 d 22, ata ni archiunn Sg. 

30 39 b 10, aid de Wb. 12 a 22, ata di thrummain a fochado insin 
Ml. 23 a 19, cf. Sg. l a 2 (atta), hore aid hesseirge duib 
Wb. 25 13, aid inotacht dunni 33 b 5, cf. 2f7 a 15, ata 
neck du bar n-deicsin Ml. 82 a 7, atd mordechor etir deacht j 
doinacht Ml. 26 b 1, cf. 58 a 11, Sg. 38 a 8, 203 a 16, atd etarro 

35 i m-medon 151 b 5, atd dethiden fuiri Wb. 3 d 34, atd comarde 
fuirib 21 a 5, ata dechor n-aisndissen for each ae Ml. 114 a 14, 
cf. Sg. 197 a 11, attda a deolid iar cuul cdich Wb. 31 C 15, 

1 In Sg. 222 8 for is comasndis atta should be restored is t comasndis a: 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAX. 

(ltd brithem and 6 b 25, cf. 10 b 27, Ml. 40 a 20, 47 a 14, 
Sg. 67 b 7 (ata), aid tairmthechtas persan hie 220 a 10, atd 
Spiritus Sanctus in nobis Wb. 15 d 36, hore dta crist in me 10 
19 a 19, cf. 10 b 25, atd a suide i n-nim Ml. 30 b 28, ataa i each 
1'in'nfil a xainchomarde sin Wb. 2(> b 31, ata i libraib rig Ml. 
40* 21, cf. 2 2, 30 b 16 (ata), 50 d 16, 55' 10, Sg. 146 b 15 
(atd), 197 a 11 (huare ata), 202 b 4 (<i*a), 209 b 29, 214 b 1 (ata), 
atd i n-aicniiid chaich denum maith Ml. 14 C 12, hore attd innar 45 
leid Wb. 4 b 11, atd Irithem la suidib 9 C 2, ^a 0/0 n-aill lib 9 C 3, 
0a torad la gnimu soilse 22 b 26, ata digal aile les for pecthachu 
Ml. 94 C 17, 0*!d imfrecra lesom 136 C 3, 4, 0d0 lib uile Wb. 7 d 5, 
cf. 10 d 2, 16 C 8, atd leusom di forcrid a n-dudesta airibsi 
14 a 33, hore (atd li]b fiuss 25 b 1, is derb Hum attd latsu 29 d 14, 50 
attda lemsa a sainred-sa 32 a 5, atd linn ni Sg. 40 a 11, cf. 149 b 7, 
167 a 4 (ol atd), atd ocoscribunt beus 213 b 4. 

-ta: i-[]-$&i cumachta n-do Ml. 140 b 7, massu bethu 
frechdirc tantum no-m-tha Wb. 13 10, ni-t-ta ni inditmoide 
2 b 12, ni-n-td airli ar m-ban 31 C 7, W indocbdl no-b-td in 55 
future 14 C 16, ni-b-td torbe de 19 b 10, ni-s-ta som cumang domm 
orcuin-se Ml. 60 d 3, eVA diameit Wb. 5 b 10, Ao^ (Stokes 
nota) Per. 12 a 3, ism leothu i-tda lesu 3 C 2, cf. 4 a 19 (i-tta), 
6 b 6, 15 b 27 (i-ta), Ml. 137 a 1 (Aa'-fo), awi -^aa cuntubart libsi 
Wb. 13 a 35, lassa-ta sians Ml. 124 C 15. 60 

PI. 1. attaam : niuainn fesine ataam for tectiriWb. 15 a 13, massu 
amnin ataam 13 12, attaam i cuimriug 32 a 28. 

PL 2. ataaid, ataid: isamlid ataid-si Wb. 4 a 4, mam du reir 
Spirito ataaith 20 b 16, is eter caratndimta ataaid 23 C 28, 
is oca ataaid 33 d 7, hore ataaith-si immelei 10 a 6, hore ataad 65 
i cath 22 d 14, ataid i n-hiris 33 C 13. 

-taid: ni nach cin aile notaid dom Wb. 19 d 26. l 

PL 3. attaat: ataat dm in chrutsin Sg. 140 b 1, cf. I88 a 19, ataat 
mesai Da> nephchomtetarrachti arnal abis ML 55 d 11, ataat da 
n-orpe rogab A'bracham Wb. 2 C 21, cf. Ml. 21 d 4, Sg. 10 a 1, is 70 
pro omnibus gradibus .... ataat sidi Wb. 21 d 1, ciasa for oin 
fiur ataat ML 34 d 6, cf. Sg. 27 a 7, is i Crist ataat Wb. 9 a 18, 
cf. 12 b 6, 26 d 20, Sg. 120 b 7, is ond'i as alo ataat 56 b 8, is oc 
bar less ataat Wb. 25 C 16, is samlaid ataat Sg. 191 a 5, ataat 
ilsenman do suidiu Wb. 12 C 46, ni sochude drib ataat and 75 
8 a 17, cf. Sg. 7l b 9, ataat rete hie Wb. 13 d 4, cf. 18 d 9, 

1 According to Pedersen, KZ. xxxv, 391. 



4 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

ataat uili isin chorp sin, 12 a 16, cf. 31 d 8 (hore attaat), 
Ml. 37 a 10 (huare ataat}, 145 d 7, Sg. 28 a 4, 29 b 6, 188 a 2, 
203 b 10, 209 b 29, ataat iltintudai leu Ml. 3 a 14, attaat scela 
80 linn Wb. 18 d 4, afo^ 00 timthirecht 14 a 30. 

-tafltf: anem hi-tat (leg. -taat?) aingil Ml. 42 b 10, wi suidig- 
hi-taat Sg. 7l b 3, hua-taat Sg. 32 a 9, cf. 59 a 11, 197 a 2, Per. 
12 b 2 (ho-taat). 

Impersonal passive: tathar : is hed dathar dom Wb. 21 C 9, 
85 cf. 28 d 4. 

In composition with oln- and later in- this verb has the sense 
of 'than.' Tor the extra-presential forms see pp. 16, 18. 

Sg. 1. oldau, oldo : is sochrudiu Idam oldo-sa Wb. 12 a 21, is'dildiu 

ammag rogab suil oldd-sa 12 a 25, as mao olddu-sa Sg. 45 a 15. 1 
Sg. 2. ol&fa: bid ferr olddi Wb. l d 21, oltai Ml. 112 C 2. 
Sg. 3. oldaas : m6a oldaas otn sill-, Sg. 68 b 8, la ferr oldaas 
90 a d'igal Wb. 9' 21, cf. ll b 17,' 12 b 2, 14 d 10, 18 d 14, 20 b 9, 
23" 15, 33 d 9, Ml. 89 d 6, 92 a 9, 105 b 7, 112 b 13, Sg. 42 a 9, 
21 a 2, 6 b 7, ni ansu dunni oldaas do chdch Wb. 22 a 16, 
quantum expeditior est y*- quam ps, g. oldaas TTS Sg. 16 a 5, 
oldaas n-ermitnigthi feid Ml. 137 d 1, condib ferr donberaid-si 
95 oldaas each Wb. 16 C 9, is moa dongrii som oldaas duntlucliam 
21 d 9, cf. 32 a 25, oldaas ata n-diglaidi Ml. 111 8, oldaas 
bes findfadach (quam esse heatum) 56 b 44, oldaas itirndadibed 
(g. quam perimeret) 45 C 6, oldaas bid iniquos asberad 59 a 7, 
non aliter quam, g. oldaas Sg. 7 b 4, 9 b 7, nee non pro, g. oldaas 
100 19 a 3 ; oldoas trichtaige Bcr, 3. 

indaas : ni mesa .... indaas (MS. indas) Ml. 34 a 5, 
cf. 24 d 23, 35^ 31, 47 a 14, 54 a 11, 62 b 10, 64 C 22, 83 a 6, 
85 b 11 (inddas), 91 d 8, de praestantiore persona .i. indaas 
ar tomus-nai 26 b 6, is laigiu s6n indaas chumachtai 26 b 6, 
105 in hoc magis nomine fidebamus indaas hi cairptib 7 indaas ar 
n-erbud innar neurt 43 d 3, cf. 22 C 14, 67 d 13, 72 b 18, indaas 
toirthech 84 a 3 b , indaas amser m-bite (?) 2 86 d /ll, is assu 
turcbdil essi indaas cech cr& 85 C 14, erechdu .... indaas 
dunarchechainn 64 C 22, indaas as saindiles 86 d 18, is won 
110 dundrigensat indaas conidrairlecis-siu 87 a 8, cf. 119 d 8, n't 
bed uilliu indaas rondbdi m'ingnae 136 b 7, is uilliu s6n indaas 

1 Here may be mentioned the isolated ml,,ii.*,i ' limn I' Tur. 26, of. ata-siu 
Ir. Text, ii, 213, ata Trip. Life, 148, 1. 7 ; further, O.Ir. adaas, ados. 
a Leg. imbi ? 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

tiddndene 23 C 20, indaas bemmi 105 b 6, indaas dorogbdinn 
39 a 18, indaas bid praeceptoir axidindissed 42 b 18, cf. 123 C 10, 
135 a 13, riiliil tarn insanum quain ut uenerentur g. indaas 
60 b 3, cf. 60 b 9. 115 

PL 3. oldate : oillu oldate c6iccet Wb. 13 b 2, tanto melior .i. 
old ate ind angtl 32 b 5, cf. Ml. 47 C 20, 48 C 26, 63 C 6, 94 d 3, 
112 b 20, 126 9, is ferr desercc oldate uili Wb. 12 b 35, 
cf. ML 13 l a 6, utilia magis quam speciosa .i. oldate inna 
suaccubri 59 7, ba uissiu duib oldate pecthe do buid and 120 
Wb. 9 tl 3, citius diuites egebunt quam timentes Deum .i. 
oldatae ML 53 C 7 ; olddta maicc Sg. 30 b 12. 

inflate: it ailliu .... indate ind dnai Ml. 43 d 18, 
cf. 88 d 1, 90 b 5, 98 5, 100 C 26, 138 C 4, 138 d 10, Jmilliu 
adcumnet indatae chlaidib 77* 1, plus obtinebunt gloriam .i. 125 
indate inna edbarta fulidi 87 b 6. 
In composition this verb forms certain adverbial or prepositional 

phrases. 

cenmitha 1 * besides ' (governing the accusative): Wb. 
6 a 25, 8 a 2, 9 d 7, 24 a 18, Ml. 17 d 9, 61 a 37, 67 b 12, 92 a 10, 
103 a 7, 135 d 1, Sg. 21 b 10, 24 b 3, 29 b 8, 58 b 7, 65 a 11, 
150 b 3, 179 b 2, 200 a 3, 15, 202 a 1, 211 a 2; cenmatha Wb. 130 
S3 a 4, Sg. 56 b 13, 7l b 27. 

hotha 'from' (the opposite of carried) : Ml. 15 C 2, Sg. 
60 b 7, etc. 
iarmitha, Ml. 58 C 16. 



(5) Fil. 

fil (relative) :- fil m de as fir (that there is) Wb. ll d 2, 135 
ised inso fil on ML 118 d 21, iarsin dligud fil hindiu Sg. 178 a 3, 
a fil ar mo cMimn Wb. 24 a 15, na rree fil a terra Bcr. 18 3, 
fallunt fil ar chiunn Ml. 43 a 9, fil ar chinn 96 a 11, inn imthanad 
fil foraib 42 2, asin gerint fil for deil\_b~] ains- 68 C 14, ord airic 
fil fuiri Sg. 4 b 9, it he per sain fil iarna chul Ml. 91 C 11, 140 
dechor fil eter lanamnas et 6gi Wb. 10 b 21, a n-dechor feil eter 
corpu nemdi 13 C 26, is medontestimin a fil etarru '27 d 19, 
a n-dechur feil ettarru 33 b 18, is bee n di dechur fil etarru 
Ml. 72 C 9, inna fer fel and Wb. 4 1, inna cialla mrechtniythi 
fil and ML 26 C 2, a tobae fil and 26 2, is ernaigde fil and 145 

1 Cf. ccnmdnom Wb. 16 b 6, cenmanum Ml. 88 d 13. In Wb. 8 d 28 read cenmd 
nom accipisti? In Sg. 201 b 18 we should probably read cenmithd, cf. L'02 1 1. 



O SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

38 C 11, issi in doll fit and 63 a 2, issi ciall fil and 74 C 21, issi inso 
chiall fil and 88 b 11, 90 C 24, issi chiall fil and 94 b 17, 128 a 6, 
issi chiall inso fil and 121 C 8, cf. 1 14 C 7, ni emnadfil and 76 d 2, 
issi persannfil and 90 a 12, connid ad inso fil and 91 a 19, issi inne 

150 inso fil and 91 a 18, issi inne fil and inso 110 d 18, issed fil and 
Bcr. 45 6, each gnuis fil and Sg. 3 a 11, ind foihigthe fil and 
21 l a 8, a sanctis/Z sunt Ml. 37 a 10, cech n-ivfinit fil sunt sis 
42 C 33, a w-memoratus est fil hi sunt 98 C 10, is he a foxlaid 
. ... fil sunt Sg. 32 b 7, a salutes // tall Ml. 42 b 5, *wrf 

155 Hen 7 tW eter cert fil hi suidib Ml. 2 d 2, is fir fil indiunni 
Wb. 14 C 24 (bis), # y? mnor cridiu-ni 15 a 7, ecclesiae Galatiae .i. 
fil in Galitia 18 3, den maith fil in hoc psalmo Ml. 35 C 11, 
ni fubthad fil isind lassir 40 C 2, /ors# uissitam. fel in psalterio 
47 C 17, forsa n-ideofil in psalmo 50 d 4, cf. 6, uerba .i.^/z/ isint 

160 */ 50 d 4, is cur sa chad fil isind'i as non 55 C }Q,forsna doinifil 
isin du sin 56 b 2, forsin dib ciallaib fil isind emulari 56 b 37, 
inna cethri fersu fil isint salm 58* 11, discriptio A. fil isind salm 
70 a 1, inne fil indib 74 d 7, is inunn ciall fil isin dligud-sa 
76 a 13, 77 b 1, issi inne fil isindi as fluit 83 b 1, a w-manifestare 

165 fil isind salm 10 l c 5, ** ed fil i n-deriud int sailm 102 C 5, in 
seculo fil issind salm 103 b 10, intliucht fil isindi as ueritatem 
112 d 2, is inunn intliucht 7 chiall fil isindi asrubart 112 d 2, 
cf. 114 b 1, issi inne fil hi cechtar de 114 b 1, ised a n-dechur fil 
isind aliter so 115 a 2, amet mis fil isind noidecdu Bcr. 45 C 2, cf. 

170 45 C 3, 4, 5, forsa m-memor fil in psalmo Ml. 128 C 5, superior 

.i. fil isint salm 136 a 6, issi fil isind aitherrech- Sg. 30 b 6, in 
dram fil indib 41 b 10, in chiall fil indib 59 b 3, is ciall chesto 
fil indib 140 a 5, ind Roim fil hi Constantin- 174 a 1, ni si fil 
in his 177 a 1, inna inne fil isind sera 183 b 3, intellectu 

175 .i. fil hi each rainn 189 a 4, aitrebthach co n-artucol fil hi 

. . . . 198 b 9, int atdrcud fil hi sui 200 a 8, sensus .i. 
fil indib 202 b 1, a cenel cet- fil isindi as mare 21 l a 14, ind 
anme fil inna choms- 21 l b 6, cf. 21 l b 7, fil in uisu Acr. 54, 
h6re is 6en r ad fil linn Wb. 13 b 9, taibrid a fil lib 16 C 17, 

180 ueritatis .i. fil lib 26 a 26, in chumachtai fil linni Ml. 26 b 6, 
int omun fil lasuidib 42 d 9, is ed inso fil lasuide 63 d 4, donee 
transeant insidias fil lasude 75 a 10, issi inso canoin fil lasuide 
90 C 23, dund lathar fil la Dia ocar h-ditin-ni 103 d 27, do each 
belru fil la Grecu Sg. 31 b 13, a peleides fil ondi as pelias Per. 

185 1 2 b 1 , rendaib fail huas grein Bcr. 1 8 C 4, frisa religo fil tiuand'i an 

ligo Sg. 181 b 1, dind aithuch labarfil oc du dibiurciud Ml. o8 c 6, 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAX. 7 

dis fit oc turcbdil grene 94 b 18, inna canone se fil rem 68 d 11, 
forxa n-expectante8jl riam 74 9, frixanifil riam 142 C 1. With 
suffixed pronoun, film tre chenelce martre Cod. Cam. 38 a 38 b . 

file (relative) : ind'i as i\\i\\\\u* file hodie Sg. 200 b 3, iguaros l<jo 
.i. file cen fathi Ml. 93 a 7, file (that there is) latJuir n-l)< 
di d6inib 51 11, is mor in dethiden file domsa diibsi 
Wb. 26 d 19, eternaui uitam .i. file duit i n-nim 29 C 1, in 
fochricc file do i n-nim 29 d 29, issed file do hodie Sg. 140 a 3, 
amal file oentid eter baullu Wb. 12 b 12, fidem g. file etrunni 195 
31 a 11, in chuartai .i. file etir forbru 7 gruade Ml. 39 C 12, 
file choibnius eter sechma- 7 todo- (that there is) Sg. 151 b 7, 
na rei file iter na secht h-airndrecha Acr. 1, corrofessid file 
ciiimrecha formsa Wb. 23 a 5, inna imthanad .i. fele forsnaib 
rathib Ml. 93 C 7, is diall fern- file fair Sg. 93 b 2, ord gutte 200 
file foraib 159 b 6, dindi file mrechtrad forsind Temeperthu 
197 a 16, nee in nominibus .i. file for diull prono. 204 b 7, in 
son file iar cul indi as sanctus Ml. 37 a 18, masu TO file iarna 
chid Sg. I48 b 9, lasinn uile talmuin file imna insi Ml. 
89 d 18, a r-rad file andsom Wb. 29 d 29, ni etarscarad corns- 205 
file and Sg, 74 b 8, ni aithrech chetbada file sunt Ml. 
98 d 2 b , cesu choms- 6 dib n-6gaib file hisuidiu Sg. 75 a 5, in 
rect cumaccobuir file i m-ballaib catch Wb. 13 d 27, is hed file 
indiunni 14 C 25, donterchomrue noil file i Corint 14 b 5, donaib 
no ib aib file in Achaia I4 b 6, inna firinne file isind Ebrae Ml. 210 
2 d 11, secht n-ernadman (so Windisch) file isind saltair 2 d 2, 
similitudo .i. file i n-epistlib ind apstoil 26 a 2, is erigemfile is 
inline toisech 36 b 15, is mites file isin tintud septien 46 C 5, hi 
testimnib file isint salrn 46 C 1 4, file hi lebraib paralip 49 a 2, ised 
in*o file isind Ebrae 54 a 33, a w-oculi file isint salm 53 a 19, 215 
ind huiU doini file isin talam 51 d 11, ornatus astrorum .i. file 
isind nitn 51 C 29, cech todochid\_iu~\ file riam, isint salm 98 C 10, 
promisioneui .i. file isind salm 108 b 16, ingenitam bonitatem 
.i. file indiut 106 C 15, omnia .i. file isind salm 133 b 16, in 
ipso actu .i. file indibsom Sg. 139 a 2, in ciall ind ildatad ind 220 
atraib file mddib 198 b 3, ishe a trachtad adi file inna diad Ml. 
46 C 14, it he coisnimi inso file libsiVfb. 7 d 13, file (that there is) 
rath Dee'latso 12 d 20, consequentia .i. file la Assam Ml. 36 C 6, 
dedefile lesom 114 d 6, medfile la Lait- Sg. 20 b 8, file athir leiss 
29 b l'2,file choinimdith leiss 29 b 13, Graeca eadem habentia .i. 225 
file apud Graecos 67 b 8, seruant eadem genera .i. file la Grecu 
indib 69 a 27, 69 b 1, confil linni hisind o'm sech- a file leosom i n-dib 



8 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

seek- 160 b 2, multarurn apud nos .i. file linni 214 a 1, dond 
forcomet file lasuidib 214 a 3, na cumachte file a Deo Wb. 6 a 3, 

230 scisco file ondi [as] scio Sg. 155 b 1, titulus .i. file ressind 
argumeint seo Ml. 64 C 11. 

-fil: condch fil etir Wb. 27 a 20, nad fel dliged remdeicsen 
Da dia dulib Ml. 20 b 10, 20 C 5 (nad fil}, 50 d 2 (nad fil}, nko-fil 
son 92 a 8, nach fil quod// sunt sis 101 a 5, m fail Sg. 32 a 1, 

235 nifil chumtubairt 154 b 2, ni-s-fil hodie 178 b 2, w/J ni 183 a 2, 
9& // 207 b 3, cenod-fil a n-erchre 193 b 7, ni fil folad n-aill 
forasernte Wb. 18 C 8, cf. 18 a 2 (nio-fil), 28 b 1, Ml. 17 a 15, 
19 d 2 (m fel), 31 d 10 (raw-//), 29 d 5 (nad fil}, 60 b 2 (nifeil), 
55 13 (nio-fel), 78 b 18 (wz <?on-//), 92* 9 (ni fail), lll b 11 

240 (onafil), 107 b 8 (nio-fil), 114 b 18 (nad fil], 129" 2, Sg. 6 b 25 
(nifail), 26 b 7 (nifail), 114 b 2, 188 a 4 (nicon-fil), o-fail infini- 
/Z r ^w- rangabala Sg. 88. 3, * j/?/ rdthugud for suidib 
181 a 1, *// ^W^or f?o Wb. 3 a 14, cf. Ml. 30 b 2, 55 d 25, 
Sg. 192 b 5 (cenod-fil}, ni fil fial dronn et Crist Wb. 15 a 32, 

245 ce rulaid fo pheccad nach-ib-fel 3 b 19, cf. 3 C 38 (con-dum-fel}, 
forna fil erchot Ml. 56 a 13, cf. Sg. 197 a 16 (nad fil}, nad fail 
praenomen fria n-dechrugud 28 a 14, ni fil iar fir Ml. 93 d 12, 
ni fel saithar nant Ml. 48 C 29, cf. 18 C 11 (ni con-fil}, 69 C 7 
(mfail), Sg. 31 b 12, 52 b 1, 215 a 2 (ni fail}, cenud-fil gnkm 

250 7 chesad hisuidiu 209 b 29, manud-fel in spirut noib indiumsa 

Wb. ll c 1, cf. 14 24 (amal na fil}, 19 C 20 (manudub-feil}, 
24 C 4 (con-dib-feil}, 24 a 33 (con-id-fil}, Ml. 35 a 8 (wi /if), 
Sg. 4 a 12 (i/a7). 6 b 2 (n't fail}, 32 a 9 (wz//), 61 a 24 (ni^), 
Per. 12 b 2 (m //), m// /i in bees so Wb. ll c 20, cini-n-fil 

255 ^ 16 b 9, conafil dualchi leu 20 C 1, nifil 22 b 26, cinid-fil chairi 
linn Ml. 30 a 2, cf. 27 d 10 (nad fel}, 44 b 11 (ni fil}, 57 5 
(ni fil), 55' 10 (w'yW), 76c 14 (nad fil\ 107 d 12 (manud-fil), 
124 a 8 (w //), Sg. 46 a 15 (cenid-fil), ni-s-fail liumni inn a 
briathra sin Ml. 44 b 12, nicon-fel leu 46 C 19, ni-s-fil leo 

260 Sg. 208 b 3, nad fail nechtar de hualailiu 37 b 19, nifil nech and 

occ Vadrad Wb. 5 a 25, nifeil titlu remib Ml. 2 b 4. x 

(0 Biu. 

Sg. 1. biuu: biuu-sa oc irbaig Wb. 16 d 8. 

-biu : intain no-m-biu oc irbaig Wb. 20 a 3, co m-biu i cuim- 
rigib 30 a 22. 

265 Sg. 3. biid: biid Sg. 150 b 4, biid insin 69 a 22, inn ecenocht tantum 
biid iar fir anisin Ml. lll a 9, for Idim deis .... biid 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

circius Bcr. 19 2, cf. 19 3, quia Hid panther et panthera 
Sg. 62 a 3, cf. 2() b 3, 75 a 7, 94 a 4, 114 b 1, is trisan dede sin 
biid duine sldn Wb. 4 d 33, ni fr'i de bud foindel inna m-biasta 
Ml. 121 d 8, is immaccu biid son Ml. 32 d 10, is etarru biid 270 
u/niiacaldaim Sg. 2()0 b 7, is i retaib nebaicsidib biid spes 
Wb. 4 a 24, cf. Sg. 25 a 2, 212 a 13, is triit biid ainmnigud 
inna dulo 76 b 7, biid cachae [#r] alailiu ll b 5, biid Sethus pro 
/ethos 184 a 1, biid son do togarmthid 78 a 2, biid do anmmaim 
inna cathrach 104 b 5, biid ... do foisitin, biid 275 

. . . . do molad Tur. 58, biid cid etir iltrebu Ml. 37 d 10, 
biid for deib n-dillib Sg. 106 b 17, liith galar neclis fortsu 
Wb. 29 a 26, biid non/n'[a] sugeserat 14 d 12, biid im chorpu 
Ml. 65 3, biid intinncann and Sg. 148 a 11, biid chiall 
intamlae isindi as zclaueris Ml. 56 b 33, biid est hi foetsecht 280 
Sg. 27 b 2, biid i n-v? la Atacdu, 106 b 4, biid sainlda kiss Wb. 
6 b 16, Hid ar cnit-ni occa 24 a 20, biid aslach oc era.il Ml. 95 b 6, 
is and biid neutur huad Sg. 104 b 5. 

-bi : ni bi a cumbo hisin i n-diutius co n-m Sg. 22 a 9, ni bi 
cello 182 a 1, cf. 203 a 27, ndd bi iar fir Ml. 91 d 1, nadm-bi 285 
/// frechdairc Sg. 208 a 4, cf. 161 a 4 (ni bi}, conna bi ni fristai 
Ml. 31 d 6, ni bi i fledaib .... frisgni Wb. 27 b 3, 
ni bi in damchtach frtacndar(?) 28 a 21, co m-bi remib 
rethith iarum Wb. 13 b 13, co m-b'i iarum coscitir 22 C 10, co m-bi 
6in corp pectho asmberar Wb. 9 d 5, ni bi som tribus pedibus Sg. 290 
67 b 2, ni pi glcee, ni pi firderb Wb. 12 12, ni bi indumaichthiu 
Ml. 35 d 17, conna bi oin choms- Sg. 157 b 10, ni bi oen 
sill- acM it desill- 68 b 3, co m-bi elifas 95 b 7, co m-bi 
descipnl Wb. 13 a 12, co m-bi diass m6r ind oengrdnne 13 C 23, 
ixdlti lasm-bi accobur tol DCB 30 23, cf. 8 d 10 (He in 295 
whose opinion he is wise), co m-bi bidsldn 4 d 33, cf. 28 b 24, 
ni pi dan a masse 28 C 25, cf. Ml. 15 b 15 (cona bi], 34 a 27, 
42 9, 91 d 2, 116 a 1, 128 d 3, isind aimsir im-bi fail-id nech 
86 d 11, im-bi hinun folud bis indtb Sg. 188 a 6, ni bi nach 
cumachtach cen peccad Ml. 103 C 3, di\_a^nacon-bi moin 85 b 7, 300 
ni bi eland dia n-ces 57 d 6, ni bi chondnmu do degnimaib 35 d 17, 
diam-bi foraithmet Sg. 197 b 18, ni bii debnith do fri nech Wb. 
28 b 25, quid na bi samlid diiibsi 18 b 9, cf. Ml. 47 d 8 (frisam-bi\ 
ni bi adaig daitsiu 140 C 3, co m-bi filius familiaruni nominatiuo 1 
Sg. 91 b 1, ni bi ni etarro Sg. 150 b 6, cf. 27 a 9, 209 b 33, 305 

1 So in 99 a 3 we should supply biid louis nominatiuo ; cf. 78 a 2, 206 b 1. 



10 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

54 b 3 (nddm-bi), ni bi in ri fu mdam nach aili Ml. 7l b 10, 
ni bi nach dethiden foir Wb. 10 b 9,forsam-bi sliucht Sg. 200 a 7, 
ni bi friu hi comasndeis 212 a 5, cona bi talam and Ml. 31 C 29, 
foram-bi Kl. caich mis Bcr. 32 C 7, ni bi super <wd Ml. 45 d 15, 

310 cf. 82 d 6 (ona bi), 97 a 4, Sg. 45 b 7, w-W xl loman Wb. 17 d 3, cf. 
Ml. 29 b 11, 139 b 8 (MS. hi bi), Sg. 95* 1, 95 a 2, Tur. 9, Bcr. 
1 8 d 2, him-bi oson re n-o Sg. 164 b 2, nad m bi ni du ailgen indi Ml. 
94' 8, nibi som il-lesturferceVf}>. 22 b 4, cf. Ml. 100 b 21, 122 a 15, 
Sg. 219 a 1, ni bi in fine 159 b 4, nach du im-bi isnaib salmaib 

315 iustitia Ml. 109 a 2, lama bi cidl Ml. 50 d 2, wz z oitWaa 
lasuidib act is abstanit doib semper Wb. 6 b 17, cf. 16 b 11 (nad 
bi), 29 b 11 (ni pi), Ml. 44 d 6 (conna bi) t 69 b 3, 50 d 1 (nadm-bi), 
ni bi leo insin Sg. 147 a 10, a cognomen hom-bi 32 b 4, cf. 32 b 15 
(huam-bi), 45 a 10, 188 a 30 (huam-bi), Acr. 17 (huam-bi), Tur. 

320 10 (huam-bi), ni bi ni tarahesi Sg. 165 b 3, peccad trisam-bi 

bads Wb. 3 d 21, cf. 23 b 5 (tresam-bi), Ml. 30 d 14 (trisam-bi). 

robi 1 : iarsind'i ro-m-bi hi rigi Ml. 99 d 1, ro-m-bi fri 
tobarthid Sg. 98 b 1, ro-m-bi cechtar de sech alaill 29 b 16, 18, 
hdrbi Ian Ml. 36 b 3, horbi accobor U Wb. 24 d 11. Here 

325 seems to belong also Sg. 45 b 1 robbi uar recar less = there may 
be a time that it is needed. 

-rubi, 1 etc. : ni rubi nectar de cen alail Wb. ll c 17, ni rubi 
Unfed ar belaib x Sg. 21 b 13, ni rubai cenaib hull Ml. 20 d 4, ni 
rubai nach cruth ailiu Sg. 7 b 3, ni rubai anisin in nominatiuo 

330 209 a 3, ni ruba n-and ni 3 b 28. 

biis, bis: is cummae m-bis ualetudo pnartae 7 ualetudo 
sonartae Ml. 61 a 33, 20 C 4, huare m-bis curritur Sg. 140 b 2, 
cf. 57 b 3, 77 b 2, as n-gair m-bis Ml. 57 C 12, cf. Wb. 
8 d 22 (bis), bis a oinur Ml. 102 a 17, amal m-bis ingen 

335 Wb. 10 b 4, amal m-bis inne neich Ml. 37 a 12, cf. Tur. 14, 
Acr. 35, 44, biis ar chiunn Wb. 13 C 21, cf. 24 a 17 (bis) 
Ml. 108 C 16 (bis), intan m-bis ar chonsain Sg. 6 a 1, cf. 182 b 3 
(bis), 207 a 3, intain biis cen grad Wb. 28 b 28, as menic m-bis 
confitebor du atlugud bude Ml. 26 C 4, amal m-bis dund eun sin 

340 118 b 10, cf. 72 d 12, Sg. 6 b 11, 191 b 1, a colds m-bis etar 

h di rainn 2 b 2, cf. 15U b 1, inni bis fua m-mdm Ml. 75 b 6, 
in dluiim .... bis for Bin mertrech Wb. 9 d 5, cf. 10 C 6, 
Ml. 16 b 7 (bis), 23 a 5, 51 b 18, Sg. 115 a 2 (bis), 207 a 8, 
161 b 12, Tur. 115, Bcr. 33 b 1, /* ciunmae m-bis .... 

1 Formally these can hardly be anything but indicatives, though in sense they 
approach to the subjunctive, cf. Purt II, p. 60. 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 11 

fri togaix Ml. 31 a 23, am-bis iarna chuul Wb. 24 a 17, li* 3-15 
immun fine Ml. 102 a 13, sicut bis and [amal] sodin 2l c 10, cf. 
28 a 10, 30 b 21 (bis), 90* 10, 108 b 7, Sg. 148* 12, 183 a 2, 
198 a 7, 222 a 6, w c/an m-bis and Ml. 100 a 10, &i tnna *wV/M 
Wb. 13 a 12, bis isind encae Ml. 24 a 19, cf. 2 C 3 (bis), 22 b 1, 
36 b 2 (bis), 40 C 13 (&i), 40 C 15, 44 d 8, 54 a 25, 56 b 26, 59 a 15 350 
(bis), 61 b 28, 93 b 13, 94' 3, 4, 108 a 11, 13, 114 a 17, 120 b 1, 
132 8, Sg. 3 a 3, 3 b 19 (bis), 4 b 4, 9 a 8 (bis), 18 b 1 (bis), 18 b 2, 
20 b 8 (bis), 26 a 3, 27 a 12 (bis), 42 b 5, 45 a 9, 106 b 21 (bis), 161 b 8 
(bis), 162 b 2, 165 a l(*w,iw), 166 a 5, 21 l a 11 (fos), 214 a 2, 217 a 2, 
Bcr. 33 b 16, fir bis i n-arim Ml. 111 17, bis pen in future Wb. 355 
15 a 16, cf. 17 b 3,Jailti bis isin matin Sg. 203 a 22, amal m-bis 
cometid lammaccu Wb. 19 C 15, di neuch bis la neck nad bi latso 
l b 11, ni firadrad . ... bis leu du J)ia Ml. 42 a 14, 
cf. 56 b 33, Sg. 29 b 19, intan m-bis lasam as ego 198 a 2, cein 
m-biis oc fognam Wb. 8 b 1, cf. 9 C 27, Ml. 102 b 7 (bis), 360 
Sg. 190 b 3 (bis), do lestur . . . . bis oc edpartaib 56 b 7, 
bis re seek- 153 b 3, bis tar bruinniu Ml. 144 7, cf. Sg. 172 a 3, 
bis tar alien 218 a 6, in bochtai bis tri airchellad Ml. 90 a 11. 

PL 1. bimmi, bimme : cein m-bimme in corpore Wb. 12 C 11, 

intan m-bimmi oca forbu Ml. 15 a 4, cf. 22" 5, 24 a 18. 365 

-biam: ona biam i n-gorti Wb. 16 a 8, cf. 16 a 9, 27 b 13, 
im-biam Ml. 21 C 3. 

PI. 3. biit, Hit : cair he biit Sg. 242 b 1, Hit alaili and rofinnatar 
a pecthe Wb. 29 a 28, Hit sualchi and it foilsi 29 a 29, is Jor 
n-6in n-deilb Hit semper Sg. 20 l b 6, in i corns- fa hi comas- 370 
biit 217 a 1, ni huaitherrechtaig- mascu- biit 32 b 2 cf. 54 b 6, 
biit a triur do anmaim ind eiuin 93 a 2, biit reins- huaraib cen 
briath- leo 215 a 6, Hit fris hull samlaid 76 b 2, biit anmniann 
dilsi hi each h-deilb 31 a 7, cf. 54 b 3 (biit). 

-biat: ni biat Sg. 148 a 4, huare nadni-biat na compariti 375 
40 b 14, nad biat etir 39 a 25, co m-biatfo deod 212 a \2,foam-biat 
accai Ml. 59 d 7, ni biat rems- friu huaraib Sg. 215 a 5,frisin-biat 
202 b 3, cf. Ml. 31 a 17, imm(u)am-btat 18 b 4, cid aram-biat in 
pecthaig isnaib soinmechaib 55 d 11, cf. 56 b 9, Sg. 6 b , 17 (ni biat), 
rm-biat Ml. 36 a 18 b , 47 C 14, 54 b 13, 56 b 15, 65 C 16, 76 d 14, 380 
94 C 3, 113 a 4, 121 d 10, Sg. 31 a 7, 35 a 13, lasam-biat 
Ml. 75 b 2, nad biat hua breth- Sg. 153 a 1, Per. 60 b 1, oam- 
biat 45 a 8, cf. 192 b 3. 

robiat : robiat ar chuit fulid Sg. 138 a 5, roliat sidi cen 
araim 71 b 8. 385 



12 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

bite \-m-Ute Ml. 135 b 2, is cummae bite Sg. 63 b 15, intan 

m-b'ite a n-6inur Sg. 207 a 7, amal lite in gnimai Ml. 31 b 25, 

cf. 127 C 12, w0w m-b'ite cen tuisliu Sg. 220 b 1, lite fo maam 

Ml. 88 b 5 b , cf. 89 8, 105 b 1, Sg. 212M3, lite for sin mertrich 

390 Wb. 9 d 8, to frie anechtair Ml. 40 C 15, to w chrechtu 

144 5, to M-^M0* Wb. 9 d 28, cf. 16 a 30 (to), cf. Ml. 

24 b 12 (lite), 43 a 7 (to), 47 C 3 (lite), 122 a 4 (to 1 ), Sg. 

50 a 19, 59 a 10, 73 b 2, 212 a 13, hilardatu inna aimsire m-lite 

som isindfognam Ml. 28 b 9, lite i coitsecht Wb. 13 a 14, cf. Acr. 

395 62, 63, lite hua neutur Sg. 150 a 2, cf. 187 b 5, lite oc pennit 

Wb. 9 C 11, cf. 9 a 11 (lite), M1..65 b 10, 115 d 14, 131 C 8. 
Passive: bithir: huare is hi fochaidib lithir Ml. 56 b 15. 

bither: intan m-lither in periculis Ml. 108 b 4, im-lither 
oc comet ubidl 100 C 21. 

(d) Rongab. 

400 rongabus: cein rongabus i carcatrWb. 23 b 18, is samlaid 

nobiad chdch amal rongabusa 9 d 25, Hid amal rongalus-sa 23 C 11. 

rongab: rongal scientia lib Wb. 6 d 12, rongal (that there 

is) remcaissiu Dee dinail dulil Ml. 20 C 3, rongal coimdiu comacus 

les dia fortacht 30 b 11, rongal a n-dede-so for Iriathrail Sg. 

405 158 b 3, amal rongal comadnucul duun aid comeisseirge Wb. 

27 a 15, aisndis nuallach .... isindisiu amal rongal hi 
tosuch a aisnd'isen Ml. 40 d 18, ni fitetar amal rongal (they 
know Him not as He is) Wb. 27 a 11, amal rongal i n-anmmanail 
slond persine Sg. 7l b 10, cf. 71 b 11, amal rongal indosa in 

410 drong Iriatharde 159 b 5, ata lolru amal rongal cride Wb. 12 b 1, 
amal rongal Antias (g. ut Antias) Sg. 65 b 3, amal rongal int 
ainmnid asa tuiter 71 a ll^folith rongal torsum 7 tortum 172 b 1, 
huare rongal i n-uilin Ml. 131 12. 

rondgab : amal rundgal slial Sion andes 7 antuaid du\_n~\- 

415 chathraig dia ditin sic rundyalsat ar n-da thuil dii (lit in ar 

n-inmedonach-ni Ml. 67 d 14, Hid chiall intamlae inind'i as 
zelaueris amal rundgal isindi as eraulari 56 b 33, ayial rondgab 
saichdetu dochum luic in aduerbiis aid dano in praepositionibus 
Sg. 214 b 1, amal rondgab isin masc- 75 b 2, amal rongal in 

420 nomine perso- 71 b 11, amal rundgal (g. ut cum dicit) Ml. 
16 d 4, amal rundgal in leuidbart siti 87 b 9, amal roiulyal amo 
Sg. 7l a 8, amal rondgab proximitas i w-ad 217 a 2, huare rundyab 
s6n and Ml. 32 d 5, lassan'i rundgab lat a n-dede-so 65 a 2, ond'i 

1 Ml, 30 b 26 seems incomplete. Read intan m-bite isnaib foc/niidib? 



SUBST. YKRR IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 13 

rondgab (g. ab eo quod est) Per. 53 b 1, arna roib amal rondgab 

in popul truag-sa Ml. 1 1 8 C 5. 425 

rongabsat: amal rongabtat in tui.nl hituiter Sg. 7l a 11. 

rondgabsat: is follm rundgabsat tf erchoilti-siu indiumsa 
Ml. 74 d 7, cona m-mrechtrad and amal rundgabsat isind 
eclais 64 C 5, amal rondgabsat i n-optit (g. ad similitudinem 
optatiuorum) Sg. 190 b 6, da indas rundgabsat Ml. 55 1, sic 430 
rundgabsat ar h-da tJwib die ditin ar n-inmedonach-ni 67 d 14. 

(i) Dicoissin. 

dicoisin: amal do-n-coismVib. 17 b 10, arnab uilib cumactib 
dichoissin i n-nim 2l a 13, each genitiu dichoisin Sg. 209 b 29, 
cech rann neirt duchoissin Ml. 108 d 14. 



(/) Dixnigur. 

Sg. 2. -dixnigther : da he nundixnigther-siu g. qui sis Ml. 75 C 9. 435 
Sg. 3. -dixnigedar : is nad dixnigedar nach acne Wb. 9 C 14, ni 

dixnigedar Ml. 20 C 7, cf. 23 a 1, 51 C 15, 55 C 10, 103 d 24, Sg. 

22 b 3, 37 b 17. 
PI. 3. -dixnigetar: amal dixnigetar Wb. 12 b 7. 

Imperfect. 

Sg. 1. nobiinn : intan no-m-biinn hi soinmigi Ml. 108 b 1, lase 440 

no-m-biinn-se lasinnisin 58 d 9, cf. 91 C 1. 
Sg. 3. nobith : no-m-bith Sg. 148 b 6 (= Per. 58 b 1), nobith himm 

chenn Sg. 54 a 11, cf. Ml. 83 a 4, intan no-m-bith inna ligiu 

ML 55 C 19, nobith leo cum in principio et in fine Sg. 203 a 3, 

nobith digaim leo Sg. 9 b 10, ba oc imradud chloine nobith 445 

Ml. 55c 19. 1 

-bith : ni bith chomdidnad damsa indib Ml. 62 b 6, cein 

nadm-bid fortacht De desom (do-som?) 33 a 5, co m bith loch 

foraib 129 d 15, integdais i m-b'ith Ezechias 6l b 22. 
PI. 3. nobitis: innah'i nobitis dam huam chairtib Ml. 86 d 6, nubitis 450 

fua md((m 7l b 12, cf. 85 d 7, is hi tilchaib ardaib nobitis adi 

14 a 9, nobitis oc titnthirecht Wb. 10 d 17. 
-bitis: ind luicc hi m-bitis airdixi e 7 o Sg. 5 a 15, loco 

i m-bitis primsacairt oc irnigdi Wb. 10 d 15. 

1 In Tur. 152 we should probably read do each 6in nobith (MS. bith} hi croich. 



14 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

Preterite. 
(0) "With ro-. 

455 Sg. 1. roba: robd occ a n-aithisigiudWb. 28 a 9, cf. Sg. 148 a 15, 
ciarudbd i n-imniud Ml. 44 b 19, intain ro-m-bd issuidi Wb. 
24 b 23. 1 

-roba: inna soinmige hi-roba-sa Ml. 44 C 4, cf. 62 a 13, 
62 C 7, 87 b 18. 

460 Sg. 3. roboi : robdi aimser nadrochreif sid Wb. 5 C 10, w samlaid 
insin robdi a flaithemnacht Ml. 18 a 8, cf. Sg. 203 b 5, is airi 
roboi som oc tathdir Wb. 23 d 25, is fua madm roboi Ml. 
71 b 14, is la dethriub namma roboi atrab h-Dce intain sin 66 d 4, 
is tri Jiumaldo'it roboi ind airitiu hisin, is tri fer roboi in iris 

465 diltud dosom Tur. 106, roboi du chensi Duaid 55 d 4, cf. 98 C 6, 
roboi debuid do Philomdinfri suide Wb. 31 d 19, roboi do ainmnid 
7 do genitin apud ueteres Sg. 206 b 1, roboi do insin Sg. 
163 b 8, rob6i commant n-etarru Ml. 78 b 11, cf. 137 C 8, rob6i 
a saindodcad for each 100 a 3, roboi Crist i colinn Wb. 15 d 14, 

470 cf. 23 d 11, 28 C 12, roboi frescissiu lesom Ml. 60 a 4, roboi la 
arsaidi altera utra Sg. 75 b 2, roboi dethiden mdr oca togu Ml. 
131 C 13; (relative) aidchi roboi Ml. 55 C 1, ind fdilte roboi 
do libsi Wb. 16 b 2, prouidentia .i. roboi dam do Dia Ml. 108 a 5, 
innd imlainne robdi dosom im Dia 62 a 2, cf. 62 b 9, in maceries 

475 robdi eter Dia et duine et roboi eter corpu et anmana Wb. 
21 b 15, cf. Ml. 103 b 14, 131 C 17, roboi fo mam augairi 100 b 16, 
dath glas roboi forsind sleib 84 d 4, imniud roboi forsin popul 
103 b 9, cf. 46 a 19, robbdi fora indsliucht som Sg. 178 b 3-4, 
roboi impe Ml. 66 d 25, is est nammd robdi and Wb. 14 31, 

480 cf. 27 a 18, Spirut noib roboi in profetis Wb. 13 a 16, cf. 
13 b 1, 15 a 16, 16' 4, 27 a 25, 31 a 8, Ml. 46 b 28, 29 (MS. 
robo i n-\ 54 a 29, 54" 2 (roboi}, 103 b 8, 122 b 16, 125 a 5, 6, 
144 d 3, Sg. 176 b 2, 211 a 10, fides .i. robdi la Alracliam Wb. 
2 C 15, cf. 21 b 11, Ml. 48 C 15, 127 b 2, desiderium .i. robdi 

485 lesom im Dia Ml. 61 d 10, ani robdi inchlidiu lat 50 C 13, roboi 

oc indriud 53 a 17, robdi huas dun Christ 74 b 1, dcg robdi in 

Spirut noib les Tur. 103; indaas ro-nd-boi m-im/nae Ml. 

136 b 7, amal ru-m-bdi Abram 31 a 3, cf. 26 b 8 (ro-m-bdi\ 

1 In Ml. 71 C 12 intan rtimbd i m-bru rubatar peccthi It-its tlu-n- is an awkward 
change of person, and we should probably read ritmbdi. In Bed. Vat. 14, hi roba 
stands for hirobai or hirobae. 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 1") 

18 faittech ro-nd-boi som 21 d 4, ro-m-boi ar belaib tempuil 
48 d 8, ro-m-b6i dliged remdeicsen De desom 19 d 17, cf. 122 d 7, 490 
ro-m-b6i faille duib Wb. 23 d 15, cf. 33 b 1 (ru-m-boi) t 
33 b 5 (ru-m-boi), Ml. 38 C 9 (ru-m-boi), ro-m-boi etir tuaith 
Wb. 28 d 25, cf. 28 d 31, 15 a 29 (ro-m-boi), ro-m-boi fo r Sg. 
14() a 4, ro-m-boi fora muir Ml. 96 C 1, ro-m-boi fri crotch 
Wb. 20 d 13, ro-m-b6i intamail cara/raid and Ml. 61 C 8, cf. 495 
62 8 (r-w 00> ro-m-boi in circumcision e Wb. 2 C 5, cf. 2 C 6, 
10 d 19, 21 b 16, Ml. 54 C 16, 71 C 15 (MS. roboi), 7l c 17, 95 a 3, 
wtf aimsire ro-m-boi .... A* foammamugud do 28 d 5, 
ro-m-boi foraitlimet n-Ioseph Us 123 b 8, cf. Sg. 200 b 3, 205* 1, 
ro-m-boi oc togail Ml. 54 17, ma ru-s-boi di humaldoit Wb. 500 
28 d 29, cf. 33 a 11 ; emrudboi aururas form Ml. 2 a 3, ciarudboi 
colinn imbi Wb. 26 a 23, cerudboi ludas 0000 thindnacul 
som 4 b 13; is tri hiris ram-bai each maith 2 C 13; is uera 
pictura robai sin Acr. 68 ; robui do for longais Ml. 93 C 3. 

-robe, -robae, rabae : ni o -robae som ind ra sin Ml. 41 a 5, 505 
ni robe Wb. 18 d 7, ni rabae accuis Ml. 28 d 3, ni robe nech bad 
huainliu Wb. 33 d 10, cf. Ml. 51 a 2 (ni o-robae), 80 C 9 (connacon- 
robae), 100 C 23 (nicon-robae), 106 b 6, 125 b 7 (ni o-robae), ndd 
robe Tit ar mu chiunn Wb. 14 d 29, nad robae nech cen peccad Ml. 
33 17, nad robae remdeicsiu Dee dia dulib 20 b 2, cf. 32 d 10, 510 
59 a 18 (nad rabae), 90 C 9, dia-robae aisnd'is Sg. 197 a 6, cf. 
197 b 12 (dia-robe), ni rabae di esamni Duaid Ml. 33 C 17, etera- 
roba Wb. 28 b 32 (cf. etarrobe 27 d 13), ni con-robae ni form 
Ml. 104 d 2, ndd-robe mesrugud forsind immarmus Wb. l d 2, 
fora-robae Ml. 38 C 4, cf. 64 a 12, forsa-robae 82 d 10, Tur. 60, 515 
nirobe each reit inna dligud*WQ. 24 b 21, nir-robe in lesu Christo 
est et non 14 C 31, collno i-r6be peccad Wb. 3 d 23, hi-robae 
Ml. 24 a 17, cf. 38^ 13 (hi-rabae), 44 d 2, 48 d 28, 49 b 4, 59 b 10, 
118 d 17, nad robae ni do degnimaib leu 15 d 9, cf. 50 C 8 (ni 
robae), ni rabce in Spiurt n6ib Us Tur. 101, lasa-robae Ml. 63 b 1, 520 
trissa-robae doib etarcnae 129 13, trisin-dam-robae 126 d 11, 
ni-s-rabce Wb. 33 b 2, ni-m-rabae Ml. 73 C 5, connach-am-robae 
90 C 16. 

PL 1. robammar : asin doiri robdmmar Wb. 20 d 12. 

-robammar : hi-robammar Ml. 105 b 16, 110 C 6. 525 

PI. 2. rubaid : ce rubaidfo pheccad Wb. 3 b 19. 
-robaid: hi-robaid Ml. 46 a 8. 

PI. 3. robatar: robatar cid ferte dia imtkrenugud Wb. 24 C 6, 
robatar bandechuin andsom 28 C 5, robbatar in praesenti Per. 60 b 4, 



16 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

530 is iar n-arsidib robbdtar in tis Sg. 57 b 1, issamlaid sin robatar 
Tur. 14; (relative) rolatar Sg. 153 b 4, citne briathra robatar 
Ml. 61 b 7, 8, rolatar populo 125 a 3, rubatar fua mam 76 d 1, 
cf. 113 8 (robatar), robatar in praesentia Cbristi Wb. 18 a 6, 
cf. Ml. 40 d 16, 72 b 6, 74 a 13, 104 b 2, irbdga robatar lessom eter 

535 desciplu Wb. 7 d 10, rolatar oc imlresun 30 17, cf. Ml. 86 d 19, 
amal ro-m-batar Wb. 30 21, ro-m-latar for longais Ml. 74 a 13, 
ro-m-latar hi tempul 62 b 2, cf. 75 d 10, 84 5, 95 a 13, 115 a 12, 
131 C 9, Sg. 203 b 8, post multos annos .i. ro-m-latar isin doiri 
Ml. 104 7; cia rod-batar torlithi aili fornn Wb. 14 d 13, 

540 cerud-latar ludei occa thindnacul som 4 b 13. 

-robatar : ni ralatar Sg. 148 a 9, ndd robatar suin do slund 
45 b 1, ni o-ralatar olca letis m6u Ml. 100 11, fua r aba far 
2 b 11, 85 d 10, seruitutis hi-robatar Ml. 26 b 26, cf. 74 a 14, 
77 b 5, 84 C 12, 91 C 17, 91 19, 102 d 17, 104 C 5, 131 C 9, 17, 

545 inna aimsire hi-robatar 85 C 12, cf. 10 l b 3, ni robatar accolra 

colna lessom Wb. 20 a 6. 

Passive: roboth : is Tied inso ro-m-both dom Wb. 19 a 9, 23 a 26, 
cf. 5 b 31. 

(b) Without ro-. 

Sg. 3. boi: loi ni roylante and Wb. 31 C 18, cf. 27 a 16 (Mi), 
550 Mi son in potestate mea madugnenn 10 d 31 ; ni lu fua rcir 
fesin loisom Ml. 14 b 13. 

-boi : ho-boi mo chland Wb. 29 d 6, ni-m-loi ni led sruifhiu 

Ml. 78 a 4, ni boi ni nogalad 33 a 5, cf. 74 b 13, Sg. 72 b 6, 

nam-loi remcisiu Da de Ml. 50 d 1, for am -loi Tur. 60, corn-hoi 

555 i m pe Tur. 146, ni loi adlar hie Wb. 17 d 17, ni loi hi cridiu 

Ml. 34 a 16, im-l6i 55 C 1, cf. Sg. 148 a 6, im-boi di oinechdail 

leuliLl. 43 d I. 1 

PI. 3. cia batar degtacrae les Tur. 83 ; inferiores .i. latar fo mam 

loseph Ml. 123 b 5. 
560 -batar :hua-batar sidi i n-Egipt Ml. 63 a 4, im-latar 55 C 2. 

To olddu (p. 4) belong 

Sg. 3. olril-boi, im-b6i : la deidlirin dknni immormus .... 
olm-l6i dasom Wb. 9 C 10, nambu tressa Dia Zferusalem ittiboi 
dia cecha cathrach Ml. 53 d 6. 

565 PI. 3. olm-batar : robtar lia sidi olth-latar maicc Israhel Ml. 
123 a 8. 

1 In Ml. 29 e 15 Stokes corrects an imbai to a n-tim l>ai. 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 17 



Future. 

Sg. 1. bia: is sunt bia-sa i n-eilithri Ml. 137 b 7, bia oo preciupt 
doib 60 4. 

Sg. 3. bieid, bied: bieid nach drect diib hicfiderWb. 4 d 6, lie id 

aimser nad creitfider 28 C 14, cf. 6 b 15 (bied), bieid bes ferr de 570 
32 a 13, is and bieid finis 13 b 29, bieid frithorcun dunniMl. 100 d 4, 
bieid ic du Israhel 72 d 1, bieid dunni a n-dede sin Wb. 28 a 23. 
bieid dund firian a n-imthanad sin Ml. 68 d 16, bieid crick 
for timthirecJit cacha dulo Wb. 13 b 28, bieid rath somailse font 
belru Ml. 89 C 15, bied a fortacht linn Wb. 14 C 1, bied trede 575 
and Bed. Vat. 28. 

robia: ro-m-bia buaid Wb. ll a 10, ro-t-bia less log 6 a 11, 
cf. 20 a 9, similarly r-am-bia 27 C 13, 14, Ml. 27 a 8, ro-n-bia 
Wb. HC 17, cf. 25 a 3, ro-b-bia 13 d 32, robia (= ro-b-bia), 
21 C 17, 27 b 6, ropia (= ro-b-bia) 16 a 13, 22 b 23, 23 2n, 580 
27 C 12, ro-sm-bia 5 d 35, 6 a 5. 1 

-bia: ni bia senim terchomric Wb. 13 d 18, connacon bia 
foraithmet h-Do eter Ml. 61 b 12, nicon bia som Sg. 29 b 10, 
nicon bia ni . . . . nadecail Ml. 56 8, cf. 107 d 4, 
Sg. 7 a 1, ni-m-bia durata ind Ml. 57 a 13, ni-m-bia fochricc 585 
Wb. 10 d 23, similarly Ml. 86 C 12, nicoti-da-bia 69 a 8, trenm- 
dabia Wb. 25 C 8, ni bia lobad na legad doib Wb. 13 d 19, 
similarly 13 d 17,. 32 C 12 (nipia), Ml. 67 C 14, ni bia mesrugud 
forsin digail Wb. l d 2, nicon bia cumscugud for pianad Ml. 
26 d 12. 590 

bias : ni ba dan m-bias in pecthach Ml. 56 C 22, is hedon 
bias and Wb. 23 b 38, immeit (leg. in meit] m bias Jirinne neicli 
is in meit sin dano bias dilgadche Da do Ml. 56 a 21, amal 
m-bias a gnim, cdich 30 d 2, cindas m-bias Sg. 40 a 15, da cruth 
m-bias 147 a 4, bias duib i n-nim Wb. 26 d 6, ind aiccend bias 595 
forsind ainmnid ise bias forsnaib camthuislib Sg. 207 a 6, cf. Wb. 
4 d 2, bias hi flaith Solman Ml. 89 C 10, bias in die iudicii 
Wb. 25 d 8, for cech rainn pectha bias leu Ml. 24 C 2, m-bias ice 
do 127 a 7. 

PI. 1. bemmi: amal bete som i n-impudiu inna brithemnacte, COO 
bemmi ni dano Wb. 9 C 10, w Crist beimmi 21 b 7, 
icomindocba.il 24 a 10. 



1 In Wl). 4 b 6 roitrt indocbdal tarahesi there is no apparent infixed pronoun ; 
leg. ro-sm-bia? 

Phil. Trans. 1898-9. 2 



18 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

-biam: in-liamfris Wb. 15 a 1, ni piamfri aithirgi 30 b 17. 
PI. 2. -bieid, -bied : indas no-m-lied-si Wb. 9 a 21, ni bied-si hi 
605 colodlus la suidiu 9 b 17. 

PI. 3. bieit, biet \-UtJi I tuil Dee liet huili Wb. 9 d 27, liet hi 
frecndairc Sg, 153 b 4, cf. Per. 60 b 4, bieit Wb. 4 C 40, bieit 
a namaitfua chossaib som Wb. 32 C 13, bieit ilgne indi Ml. 97 a 1, 
liet da atarcud and Sg. 198 b 6. 

610 -biat: tresin-dip-piat fochricci Wb. 25 d 8, ni Hat fo mam 

Ml. 134 d 2, w to t -&* Wb. 9 C 28, im-biat Ml. 46 C 8, 
nadm-biet cid ind superlati Sg. 40 b 14. 

bete: ni la dan m-lete and Ml. 66 d 14, it hesidi torud lete 
46 C 8, inna pian lete donail pecthachail i n-ifurnn Wb. 13 C 26, 
615 amal lete som i n-impudiu 9 C 10, cf. 4 C 40 (beite), ni la dan 

m-lete oca cloinil Ml. 28 a 10, cf. 33 a 9. 

To olddu (p. 4) belongs olamlieid-si Wb. 26 d 26. 

Secondary Future (Conditional). 

Sg. 1. nobeinn: airet no-m-leinn isnail imnedail Ml. 59 a 22. 

beinn: ni leinn isin doiri Ml. 131 d 19. 

620 Sg. 3. nobiad : ised noliad sin Ml. 32 d 5, no-m-liad am duerchanar 
III d 4, no-m-liad iar Jir 126 C 10, no-m-liad i n-aicniud denma 
I7 b 26, ropad far n-oen deill nolliad a ainmnid Sg. 90 b 2, 
don ainmnid nolia\_d~\ do sui 209 b 6, quia noliad fri fern- 
207 b 2, no-m-liad adrad Dee la genti Wb. 6 d 8, is samlid noliad 
625 cArfcA.Wb. 9 d 25. 

robiad: ro-n-da-liad cech maith Ml. 33 b 13, ro-nd-liad 
failte libsiW}). 16 b 19. 

-biad : ni liad etrad Wb. 9 d 1 , ni Had rath dilgotho 7 ni 
Had promisio dosom 2 C 17, in-da-liad torlae Ml. 102 d 4, conna 
630 liad dliged n-erchissechta la Dia 98 C 8. 

PI. 1. nobemmis : nolemmis Ml. 134 b 3. 

PL 3. nobetis: cein nomletis inna saigtea inna feuil Ml. 58 a 9, 
inna delthe nobetis la Israheldu 100 C 7. 

/ 

Subjunctive. 

Present. 
(a) With ro-. 

Sg. 3. robe : nd maith robe Wb. 5 d 30, gratia uobis etc. .i. robe 

635 18 C 4, da rule cm ni diil Ml. 20 d 4, act robce quies rejrilms 

Wb. 28 a 23, acht rop re fordunn robbe da Sg. 169 tt 1, risiu 



SUBST. VERB IX OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STR \CIIAX. 10 

rob ft eland less Wb. 29 d 23, ee rule subjunctiuus pro impeiatiuo 
Sg. 163 b 6. 

-roib : cona roib diupart neich lelele Wb. 16 C 24, arna roib 
eicndag ind raith diadi 29 a 7, cf. Sg. 169 a 2, cona roib etarcein 610 
Wb. 26 a 14, arna roib amal rondyab in popul truay-sa Ml. 
118 C 5, o-roib core duib fri each Wb. 26 b 30, cf. 27 C 20, con- 
roib ointu etrunni 12 b 12, cf. Sg. 59 a 17, ara roib saingne foraib 
Wb. 5 a 5, cf. 15 d 11 (arnacon-roib), 21 d 5 (o-roib), 30 a 16 (act ni 
roib}, Ml. 22 C 12 (o-roib}, Sg. 2 a 8 (arna roib}, connachon-roib 645 
neck dim chlaind .... dim as Ml. 23 d 6, co\_n~\roib 
indithem and colleir 67 C 12, con-roib irgal desercce .... 
indiimn Wb. 5 (1 18, cf. 18 b 22, 22 20 (arna roib}, Ml. 101 C 11 
(cor-roib), 118 a 7 (arna roib}, Sg. 4 b 1, o-roib gn'im irisse lib 
Wb. 25 d 23, con-roib deserc leu fri each 26 d 22, cf. Ml. 45 7 650 
(dia roib}, arna roib occo Wb. 5 a 26, cona roib temel .... 
tar rose 21 a 8, arn-dom-roib-se fochricc 10 d 13, o-don-roib ind 
imlocbdl 15 b 27, co[n]-don-roib uita aeterna 20 14, con-dam- 
roibmoladHLl. 128 d 11. 

PI. 1. -robam : o-robam i flatJiemnacht Wb. 26 C 10. 655 

PI. 2. -robid: o-robith i n-indocbdil Wb. 26 a 28. 

PI. 3. rubet: ce rubet i pein Wb. 26 a 23. 

-robat: cenid rubat ar chuit suin Sg. 138 a 5, o-robat i n- 
ellug coirp Crist i n-nem Wb. 29 C 8, cf. Bcr. 18 C 3, act ni robat 
pecthe less Wb. 1 l d 9, cf. 22 b 2 (arna robat}, 30 b 8 (cona robat), 660 
arna robat leu in vecthi-si 25 b 9. 



(b} Without ro-. 

Sg. 1. beo : imb i ceinfa i n-accus beo-sa Wb. 23 b 41, cf. Ml. 53 b 8 
(beu-sa), cia beo-sa hi carcair Wb. 29 d 19, cf. 21 d 3, 30 a 23. 

Sg. 3. beid 1 : co beid Wb. 14 23, ma beith 24 b 9, co beith Sg. 

18 b 5, cia beith soilse isind lau Ml. 108 a 11, cf. ^g. 45 b 7, 665 
193 a 1, 212 a 13 (ma), ma beith nech and labrathar Wb. 13 a 4, 
ma beid ni di runaib dothei 13* 12, ma beid ni ara techta 28 d 22, 
ma beith ara n-dena Ml. 51 a 16, cia beith arn-accathar 68 b 9, 
corbu immaith beith 90 d 11, ma beith nach faille duibsi Wb. 
23 C 11, ma beith tobar- aile fri sibi Sg. 210 a 4, beith for 670 
menme ana Wb. 20 b 13, cia beith genitor a arrad Sg. 125 a 6, 
cia beith in cummasc andsom 197 b 1, cia beid Crist indibsi 
Wb. 4 a 6, cf. 9 b 2, Ml. 142 C 3 (ma beith), Sg. 165 b 1, 

1 To this belongs also bed in cia bed Wb. 3 C 10, ma bed galar issind otnbull 
12 b 10, ma both na galar bee for corp duini Cod. Cam. 37 d . 



20 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

212 b 11 (beith), ma leith miduthracht . ... la each 
675 Wb. 20 b 12, mad ar thosuch beid Sg. 203 a 7, arnap samlid 

leith Tur. 89. 

be, -bse: na lad hed ameit nddm-lce Wb, 22 b 14, mani be 

Sg. 29 b 14, cf. 147 b 3, arna la etir Wb. 25 d 26, mani la 

dezercc 12 b 33, cf. Ml. 53 C 18 (mani be), Sg. 29 b 10 (mani be), 
680 138 a 1 (cent be), 165 b 3 (dia m-be) t 173 b 4 (dia m-be), ona ba 

nii indidningaba Wb. ll d 8, cf. Ml. 77 a 12 (mani be), ara 

m-be .... cen diall 74 b 6, mani be est and Ml. 14 d 1, 

cf. Sg. 166 a 3 (ona le), 198 b 6 (dia m-be), 199 b 4 (coni bbe), 

199 b 7, mani lee dechur isint senmuim Wb. 12 C 43, coni le 
685 eter in peccato 9 b 2, cf. Ml. 23 a 7 (w0m Ac), Sg. 77 a 4 

(co m-be), im-le Ml. 53 b 1, mani le omun Dee lea 33 C 7, cf. 

H7 b 7 (arwtf ie), Usam-le Wb. l d 19, 14 d 28, trisam-be Ml. 

70 d 10, mani-sm-le Wb. 13 b 20, cf. Ml. 122 a 17 (MS. 

mannimlai) ; cia be a m-meit adce Ml. 61 b 28. 
690 bess, bes : cein bes nuednissi Wb. 33 a 17, ni bes a fin Ml. 

77 d 3, ind inne less and Wb. 27 b 27, cf. Ml. 14 d 1, a m-less hi 

cridiu Wb. 5 d 14, bes hi far cridiu 7 d 10, cf. 26 d 16, Sg. 25 b 16, 

189 b 2, Acr. 43, Cod. Cam. 37 C , iarsin chumung less lil Wb. 

16 C 19, cf. 16 C 22, 22 d 14. 
695 PL 1. bemmi: mad in chrudso lemmi Wb. 31 C 11, cia leimmi-ni 

in fide 19 a 16, cf. Ml. 105 b 6 (indaas lemmi). 

-bem : dia m-lem-ni hi comlds Wb. 24 a 10, im-lem im-lethu 

im-lem i m-lads 25 C 12. 

PL 2. bethe : mad in chruthsin leithe Wb. 18 b ' 16, cf. 6 b 4, 24 b 13 
700 (bethe), co lethe-si ut sum 19 d 19. 

-beith:~w* leith-si Ml. 46 a 10, intain no-m-leid ar suil 

Wb. 27 C 9, im-leith 16 a 16. 
PL 3. belt: co leit Wb. 10 b 5, ma leit Sg. 40 a 21, cia Itit dobre- 

persandi 7l b 8, cia leit inna corp Wb. ll d 11. 
705 -bet : cini let samlumsa i n-6gi Wb. 9 d 27, muni let andiis 

Ml. 14 C 4, cf. 35 d 24, 121 C 5, im-let Wb. 7 d 1, connacon-let 

acht degnimai less Ml. 129 a 9, inna let o nach ainmmdiu etir 

Sg. 56 b 1. 

bete : bete and Sg. 1 5 a 2, bete in secundo genere Acr. 65, 
710 bete banscala occ ar timthirect Wb. 10 22, bate oc comet ind fir 

Ml. 112 b 20. 
Passive : bethir : cia lethir oc far n-ingrim Wb. 5 d 33. 

-bether : cene m-lether in hac uita Ml. 107 d 8, im-bether 

Wb. 10 11 18. 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 21 



Past. 

SK. 2. nobetha : cid no-m-letha im etarceirt Wb. 4 C 24. 715 

Sg. 3. nobed, nobeth : la riagolda a n-ainm sin ara chul ma nubed 
Sg. 31 b 21, amal nobed 32 a 1, ni fil ainmnid nobed 114 b 2, 
ww nubeth Ml. 30 b 4, nt'6du machdad led figurate no-m-led 
Sg. 62 b 2, co m-leth re .... nobeth cen olc huadilsom 
Ml. 41 a 4, w-fo^ M woforf <md Wb. 3 b 10, cf. 5 b 10, Sg. 720 
,'!:** 18, 148 b 5, nobeth and Ml. 27 b 1, 61 b 17, 128 a 5, *0ft0*A hie 
45 b 14, amal lid hi laim nobed Ml. 36 21, cf. Sg. 209 a 1, 
211* 6, amal bid hi frecndairc noleth Ml. 24 C 15, armbad hi 
tt'/tipul Da noleth 47 11, ni arind'i led leth n-gotho noled indil 
Sg. 5 a 4, cf. 188 a 4, 199 b 9, ma nubed indilsem 32 a 1, ce nobed 725 
indi 162 b 2, coir cid caritas nobed i tossuch Wb. 20 b 22, 
co m-lad airi noleth cum in fine Sg. 203 a 10, cia nubed leu 
Wb. 12 b 2, mad 6n chetnidiu nobed Sg. 207 b 2, bes nobed nach 
aile leis oc ind airchellad 202 a 7, amal nobed e re bam 191 a 5. 

robed: act robed anna Dee foirtb Wb. 22 d 15, nilo deeming 730 
ro-m-bed imthanad hisuidil 21 a 13, roleth for dil milil ech 
ML 43d 1. 

-robad : o-robad torle duilsi triit Wb, I7 a 13, cf. 16 5, 
28 C 18, con-r6lad ecosc a cheneoil foir 6 d 6, o-rolad inna chorp 
ni inchoissised 2 C 7, c-ralad cech Irathir post alium 34 a 4, ni 735 
roladfrissom do Dia Ml. 44 b 8. 1 

-bed, -beth: mini led crdis Wb. 9 d 1, arna leth in 
chomairle se .i. arna beth arii immefolangar trecB dosom 
Ml. 88 b 15, onaccon-leth ni du Israheldail etir 103 d 9, 
co m-leth re imradad 4l a 4, ni fil aimsir nadm-led 17 a 15, 740 
arna leth 23 d 11, co m-leth cen digail dogres 27 d 12, m 
nddm-led di chorp act aid de Wb. 12 a 22, dorochoinset 
arn-da-leth in tairsem Ml. 131 9, co m-led doil foraithmet bed 
torlach 23 a 2, asler nadm-led dliged remdeicsen Da du doinil 
55 d 25, cf. Sg. 40 a 15, form-led Ml. 23 d 17, dia m-led neu- 745 
fur cetnu diull Sg. 90 d 2, amal lid nech frisam-leth fere Ml. 
44 b 8, frisam-bed a n-dechor Sg. 183 a 2, arna beth imresan 
imm oslucud Ml. 46 b 5, act ni led uall and Wb. 10 b 27, dm 
im-led comrorcon and 18 d 7, amal ni led ad and Sg. 217 a 8, 
co\jri*\-led chiall aim- Hi and Ml. 67 d 24, mani led in fineni 750 
and 32 d 5, ni ralae accuis ara m-leth enim and 28 d 3, conna 

1 The past potential, cf. Ml. 17 b 23 (leg. asrobarad}, 31 20, 24 (leg. cerbaracf), 
further, LU. 69 a 33 (he should not have). 



22 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH OLOSSKS J. 8TRACHAN. 

beth in finem and 32 d 5, co m-beth anim and 124 C 19, ona beth 
foraithmet J)ri hitiuidiu 22 d 26, nach magen i m-beth amen mdib 
2 d I, co m-bed a n-dede sin im labrad sa Wb. 14 C 23, co m-bed 
[imbed"] clainde leu Ml. 113 b 11, lasam-bed dliged remdeicnen 
1'.*' 2, onacon-beth leu etir 35 C 2, co m-beth leusom nech di 
faithib 93 a 5. 1 
PI. 1. nobemmis: amal no-m-bemmis erch6ilti Wb. 9 a 3. 

robemmis : riniu robeimmis etir Wb. 29 d 23. 
700 IM. 2. -bethe: w$ bethefria acre Wb. 9 C 20. 

PI. 3. nobetis: ce chonintis no-m-betis Sg, 138 a 9, ni arindi no-m- 
betis cid in biuc 39 a 25, ni arindi no-m-betis ar cinnta friutom 
Ml. 62 d 5, ma dodrumenatar alaaili no-m-betis i n-otn rainn 
Sg, 27 a 18. 
755 robetis : resiu robetis im gnais Ml. 58 d 7. 

-roibtis: (oro}ibtis oc denum rectche Wb. 28 a 1. 
-betis : ni turmcnmar ni ara m-beti* in gnimai sin Ml. 
1 15 b 1, co m-betis i n-doiri 34 a 9, co m-betis i n-indiub fochricce 
domsa Wb. 10 d 33, co m-betis arma cholno leu 22 d 13, cf. Ml. 
770 107 12, cen'i betis degairiltin leu Ml. 91 a 10. 

Imperative. 

Sg. 3. biid, biith, bith: biith Wb. 8 d 9, bith and beus 10 a 25, 

bith characnaill di Sg. 6 b 11, biith a menme frisso Wb. 13 a 22, 

bith nech i n-6gi 10 a 26, biid each gnim inna thechtu 13 a 28, 

bith hi foraithmiut lib Ml. 115 b 9, biid pax libsi Wb. 5 d 33, 

775 biith far cuit-si occa ll b 4, biid samlaid Ml. 74 d 3. 

-bid, -bith: na bid taidchur diinni Wb. 3 a 14, na bith 
debuith duun fri nech 10 a 8, na bith fochunn uaimm fein dom 
(scnduch ll c 1, na bith chiniud huadib Ml. 87 C 3. 
PI. 2. biid: biid amal rongabus-sa i n-ynim Wb. 23 11, biid 
780 ersoilothi Ml. 46> l 7. 

-bith : na bith i cobadlus doib Wb. 22 b 26. 
IM. 3. biat: biat Ml. 51 d 13, biat amal idlu 13o a 10. 

/ 

Infinitive. 

Nominative: buith: buith cen accne fofera aiH/'trinniWb. - l IT, 
hore arinrobe bitith, i n-ellug 29 d 22, ni condabia nem ncht 

1 In Tur. 141 imbed cnn linnlly lc a verb; rallicr iiiibrtf nni*lhiiii- on n<l<-}i<i- 

iiiriins 'that is, till' ;ilillinl:iin i- i>| I hr ilfcalll \\llicll 111' -:i\\.' Ill 
cund Inul <l/i</,,l n-nnli-n-si-n ,;,/ msl i sn/i Ml. I'.i' 1 .") tin- syntax points to the 

' illtllr \i| || |;,|||, | thiili ),. (III' COpllIa. 



SUHST. VF,I;H IN oi. I) MMSII f;i,ossi,s .1. STRACKAN, 

sirbuith i n-adnaclaib Ml. fi9 il 8, /.v ror I time ar tin/Iced buith < 
uirbiiithiiil wiitfc Wb. 2'.t h 18, h<i hn-hu dnibxmn. Im ill mill ;',>> 44 ? 

of.9 b 17(nebeth), 10" 17, l.V i;;, I'j'- 20, ;;<>'' 20, Ml. 28' 1 <;, Sg. 
208 a 11, ro/70 tochoinr<irh/ tin, i /mill i m-bethu Wb. M b 21, d. 
Ml. 87'' '1, K7' ,0, 105 b 8, w\//7 mimldnrhf. bnl It H ill in <j 11:1111 A////// 
/o/- oi-hhat'h 129" 2, f//-//f/// hi/it! for Jniijdi Wb. 'Jo 1 ' 1 I, /W A////// 790 
MM chnflud Ml. U-V 1 l.'i. /\ ////W wo/- ///,// if/>xtlttrl<t, .1. huiil Jin- 
teetairecht kn Im Wb. l.'J b 5, niiiiunini cst ista curatio .i. 
A/'M oc eairchaib Ml. 100 h 18, (jui locus muliinnii est .i. 
buitli re i<'i'lid('fi,tiih Sg". f) a 8, //^-bith cen chorin in he an 
iii-lan; imbairxtiHt Wb. 11 <: 11, in ed ancride in dmmiif. buith 7'.'.") 
cen chlainn Ml. 2.T 1 12, cf. 74 d 9, m/ rfwyw/ J'winlain: dc 
])nios(!iiti AWJ'///. W/-/V7/ r///v* J'orbae Sg". M7 tj 3, tecmainy builh- 
>/'<(! Imr hnmlib ,sv/// Sg. l;>(i :i 2, rjuacrinKjiK! j>uilic.:i .i. />//// c/W 
peccad Wb. 24 b 7, rion solum otiosac .i. w/W 7 buith cen denum 
ifirh 2 ( .) :i 1, <lc diis siiis c.Miiiiirirnntiir .i. bniUi <niutl a n-deu 800 
Ml. 138 C 8, f at/v-7/^y/ d tmid Wb. II' 1 -'5, r,f. Hi' 1 2, 21 !l 11, Sg. 
r.M :i 1, / cac/i M#/* oc ///* Wb. 16 d 2, cf. 21 b ,">, 

(jiiod ti<;ri noa liquct .i. a buitvem hi ctnm- Sg. 21 (i b 2, tflrmninij 
a biitfli hi cinux- 2l2 b ( J, ////;/' tmrubnr if', nebud ^AJ * n-noidenarht, 
Wb. 2'1 (1 11, cum uiilctn ucnci'il, .i. />//,'/.///. diuinl ixxin, to&oohidiu 805 
12 7, robu anui eplet .i. Aw^A dtnb hi pein Ml. 77 a l.'J, noii 
imlicio .i. uero .i. buith dam.sa in diutui'iiitidc nmlorum .S'J :i 3, 
hoc t.'inuMi ipsiuii .i. buith do u oo- ar guttai Sg. 8 !l 14. 

itivo: buith :faruar buid cen entjne Wb. 2 11 18, cf. 26 a 2-'5, 
:J1' II, Ml. .~,.V l.J, 1)1- 0, 104 5, Sg. 07' 1 2, rann'uHxet doib buid 810 
w</ Wb. 5 b 44, subaigidir nepuid hi cumguib Ml. 122 a 11, 
pullioena gratulatur .i. buith etir inna encu 76 C 5, idem facci-c 
.i. buith ind acciml in tiin; Sg. 21JJ' 1 1, tri buith hi coimtcchf 
Ml. 33 b 13, cf. 47 b 8, 5-'i b IS, - r >(i b 26, asbiur-sa a m-builh 
ivmtttei Wb. 10 il !, cf. ;}2 :i i), Ml. 14;V 8, Sg. .OH'' l, Si) ! 5, 815 
207 1 ' 4, uid(;iuiir hoc, scqui .i. ^</M ar chonaain 8 a 6, cxi 
.i. a buith (J'J' 1 2:5, cf. KXi 1 ' 19, 212 b 10, Inn bin Ik xit/i i n-nim 
Ml. .'>()'' 5 ; asrochoilli inna chridiu buid dund intjin i n-t'nji 
Wb. I0 b 20, in <'d asindet som buith doib i n-doiri (or noin. V) 
Ml. 10H b (i, lioc it;u|iic dico .i. buith (thi/ixi i n-wji Wb. 10 1 ' 2. S'JO 
Sg. 20 1 ' ;>,' ^/- buid doib <li< r.'ir Dec Ml. ( .m b 3. 



1 In Wb. 2G 1 ' 21 ritniininiitilnr-Kii a. n-ili<inil form .i. both doih rn> l>,n,l \\r 

lif nn;_'iii;il noiiiiiiiilivc Innn MIHII;-|I c\|il;in;i1ii-y of ;ui :iccn>;it i \ 
2-V' l.'i. Tlli> mggeitfl tli:il MI MM- '.I the utliiT cxaiiiplcs limy In- ill the lin]iiin;iti\c 



24 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

Genitive : buithe \-luithe inna diad Ml. 35 b 23, cl 88 a 12, 100 b 15 
(buthe), 128 a 3, Sg. 163 b 2; buithe in boicht fo mam int 
sommai Ml. 27 d 7, cf. 53 d 15; buithe diiibsi i peccad Wb. 

825 H d 7, cf. Ml. 72 d 9, 138 C 5 (bithe). 

Dative : buid : ni coir descad pectho do buith i sollumun Agni Wb. 
9 b 13, cf. 5 a 13 (bith), olddte pecthe do buid and 9 d 13, onach ase 
ditia do buiih uand'i as dis Sg. 104 b 4, nib machdath lat reperio 
do buith for quart, cob- 158 a 2, bith ma de do buith daitsiu 2 a 7, 

830 ba compes ba riagolda do buith 57 b 8, aicsenogud comacomuil do 
buith hi rems- 215 a 10, for riag- do buith isnaib anmanaib-se 
108* 3, dorusluindset remdeictin D du buith diib Ml. 90 b 17, 
ciasidbiur fritso Atho et Athos do buith Sg. 106 b 4, amal 
duneclannar etach . ... do buith im rig Ml. 120 d 2, in qua 

835 et uocati estis in uno corpore .i. do buith i n-6entid coirp Crist 
Wb. 27 b 23, dedit mini Deus .i. do buid fom chumachtu 32 d 7, 
propria habitatione donasti .i. du buith duit and Ml. 84 a 2, gregis 
solacia non requirunt .i. do buith immalle fris 102 a 19, per illos 
saeculo te interfuturum esse laetaberis .i. do buith do foraithmit 

840 135 d 1, usus quoque confirmat .i. do buith ar chonsain Sg. 

120 b 8, iarmbuith socumail Ml. 44 C 6, idrna buith forsin tochull 
82 d 10, iar m-bid do oc accaldim De Wb. 15 a 20, i nepbuith 
dia reir 14 a 16. 

Participle of Necessity. 

buthi : is amlaid is buithi do chdch Wb. 24 a 17, innate batar 
845 buthi ar thuus Ml, 23 C 1 6, cf . 29 a 8, ni buthi saithar n-imbi 24 d 1 1 . 

B. THE COPULA. 

Indicative Mood. 

Present. 

Sg. 1. am: am irlam Wb. l b 9, cf. l b 8, 5 a 18, 12 d 22, 13 C 8, 
16 a 26, 19 a 19, 20, 24 b 15, 16, 27 C 22, Ml. 40 b 11, Sg. 143 a 1, 
i8[s]uaichnid am fir-israhelte Wb. 23 d 30, cf. Ml. 88 b 4, hore 
am essamin-se Wb. 23 b 7, cf. 9 a 13, 10 C 16, 29 d 26f 
850 Sg. 2. at: at firian-su Ml. 36 a 32, cf. 126 C 9, ar at tit cen tosach 
110 d 15, atfechem dom Wb. 32 a 21, hore at bonus miles 30 a 15, 
is follus ad drogduine-siu l c 10. 

it : air itfirian-su Ml. 55 d 11, it huaisliu each 108 d 2. 
Sg. 3. is: is tola Wb. l a 4, is follus l b 14, cf. l a 3, l c 10, l d 17, 
855 l d 20, 2 a 11, 2 b 17, 2 C 1, 2, 6, 2 d 8, 3 b 4, 30, 3 C 4, 35, 3 d 10, 

4 a 4, 6, 11, 4 b 17, 23, 21, 26, 28, 4 C 2, 4 d 27, 5 a 10, 18, 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACIIAN. 20 

5 b 28, 37, 5 14, 18, 5 d 37, 6* 13, 21, 6* 8, 10, 6' 4, 5, 7, etc., 
is beic Urn in brig sin 8 d 21 (but cf. is becc in Wig ll a 9), it 
Dia do each l a 1, cf. 2, l d 6, is liiud leu 2 b 1, it athir som 2 C 11, 
cf. 3 a 15, it cuit fresligi 3 d 4, cf. 3 d 8, is Dia bendachthe 4 C 4, 860 
cf. 4 d 15, 5 a 5, 5 b 42, 5 C 7, 5 d 4, 6 C 21, 26, etc., ** bemd inna 
Jlatho, doem et (MS. doeme] dofich 9 d 2, cf. 14 21, is galar leu 
12 b 10, u suas amal sodin Ml. 24 a 12, is diil tanisi (it is of the 
second declension) Sg. 100 a 9, it la Dia cid Calldea Ml. 45 d 9, 
ai'mt e-pret is ara miscuis in cursachad act is ara seircc Wb. 7 d 8, 865 
is uadib Crist 4 C 2, cf. 7 C 15, it a Ids i m-bds dosuidib 13 d 17, 
is do chretim a deachte Wb. 2 d 6, is Ji6 siun co nuie dam far sere 
4 b 29, is cud far m-burpe 19 b 8, cf. 25 a 27, ** 6nd athir do 
21 d 4, it din chorp in ball 22 18, is Ala n-imortun fesine 6 a 5, 
in fri deacht a fiadniste sin 13 b 16, it huas nert dom Sg, l a 6, it 870 
corpad mithig Wb. 4 C 37, it co arcessea 5 b 35, cf . 9 C 14, Ml. 23 C 6, 
91 a 20, I08 a 6, 122 b 7, is liuare rongnith3\* 20, itti ede dulchinne 
in milti Wb. ll a 5, is he Dia 15 17, cf. 5 a 19, 7 b 11, IT 17, is 
he ar n-athir 2 b 23, cf. 2 C 27, 3 b 18, 4 d 1 8, it he inso titul in dligid 
10 a 12, cf. 4 a 15, ixti meit insin donindnagar 14 b 15, cf. 5 C 22, 875 
6 C 10, 9 C 10, is hed for n-ainm insin 5 a 17, isi inso ind run 
inso 13 d 16, it hed a scriptum 2 d 3, cf. 5 C 23, 7 C 18, 9 C 19, 
ll a 19, is sissi in tempul sin 8 d 7, Crist didiu iss'i in chathir 
21 5, it hed an honestum guide Dee 10 b 15, cf. 3 d 5, 
ll b 5, 14 C 10, it he in peccad rogtni a n-uile comaccolor 3 25, 880 
cf. 3 d 11, 8 d 20, it he sensus forchain 8 C 2, is m>;sse rophroidich 
10 20, cf. Ml. 47 a 2, 94 b 7, 92 a 17, is tnitni ata boues 
Wb. 10 d 7, is sisi nobcrete Ml. 46 a 13, it besom doradchiuir 
Wb. 2 C 9, cf. 3 d 15, 4 a 27, 4 b 1, 4, 4 C 3, 5 b 28, 5 C 16, 5 d 9, 
6 a 11, 6 d 11, etc., it dreecht dub nad rochreit 5 C 2, is Dia 885 
rodordigestar 6 a 3, etc., is samlid bami coheredes 4 a 17, cf. 
3 d 27, itamlaid ataid-si 4 a 4, etc. 1 ; is ind il as ferr 2 a 4, is 6sib 
at a Wb. 2 b 7, cf. 2 b 6, 2 b 15, etc. ; is mo is periculosius 
Acr. 29, amal is i I6u Wb. 6 a 30, amal is tre bar tabirt-si 
.... ronbia-ni indocbdl 14 C 17, cf. Ml. 33 b 3, 38 a 5, 890 
56 C 11, 145 4, = ut, uelut, amal is in denmada coitchin Ml. 
27 b 13, amal is na n-Assar 54 a 22, cf. 116 a 10 ; fobith is taipe 
inso 14 d 4, cf. Sg. 107 a \,fubith is tri metur roceta Ml. 30 a 9; 
huaire is sain Wb. 5 d 5, hore is irdircc 7 C 3, cf. 2 C 19, ll c 16, 
Ml. 55 d 11, Sg. 71* 17, 215 a 2, hore is minister Wb. 6 a 18, 895 

1 In Sg. 197 a 11 read isfris aricht, ni fris aricht. 



26 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

cf. 4 C 23, 10 C 13, 16 C 13, h6re is in contumeliam dunni 
30 b 17, huare is Idnchiall indib Sg, 140 b 3, huare issi aimser sin 
indentae Ml. 24 d 9, h6re is amne dognither Wb, 9 C 14, hore is 
denrad fil and, 13 b 9, cf. 5 b 16, 27, 6 a 30, 12 b 6, 13 d 26, 

900 15" 23, 16 a 17, 16 d 14, 17 C 23, 22<> 17, 23 d 21, Ml. 14* 9, 

17 7, 35 C 23, 37 a 10, 51 C 26, 55 d 19, 56 b 15, 83 d 9, Sg. 18 a 6, 
20 b 8, 66 b 9, 74 b 8, 197 a 11, 205 b 21, 209 b 10; quia is 
ecsamil 211 a 14, cf. 71 a 2, quia is do bestataid infet Ml. 
14 b 12, Sg. 212 a 3. In translating relatives, is snisni 

905 Ml. 32 a 20, cf. 63 15, 78 a 1, 93 11, issa eregem ad'i 35 a 20, 
Sg. 203 a 18, 19. In impersonal construction with infixed 
pronoun issumecen Wb, 10 d 24, isatdilmainsiu (MS. isadil- 
mainsiu corr. Stokes) Ml. 55 d 2 1. 1 

To is the negative is ni, z ni na persan a teclim act is operum 

910 Wb. l d 1, cf. 2 a 3, 2 b 24, 2 1, 2 d 2, 3 b 21, 3 d 4, 11, 4 b 11, 

4 C 37, 5 b 28, 8 a 6, 17 b 4, I7 d 2, 19 a 6, 25 d 26, etc.; Ure ni 
tri sonirti n-irisse damelat 10 C 3; cani (=nonne) cani goo 
Wb. 5 a 8, cf. 5 b 35, 12 d 4, 18 a 16, etc.; in (= an) 
appears simply as in, insi ameit Wb. 5 b 11, cf. 5 b 29, 10 d 1, 

915 ll d 6, 18 a 15, 24 d II, 8 Sg. 15 b 7, Ml. 44 b 10, etc.; with 

sechi, cf. Ascoli Gloss., ccli; with ce cia, ci he roscrib Sg. 197 a , 
ci si chiall bis indib 217 a , cia loc diaregtais Ml. 99 b 10, etc. 
Apparently without any copula form, inti lasinn accubur 
Ml. 53 16, inti lasin format 129 b 3. 

920 as: as denti Wb. l d 7, cf. 4 b 1, 4, 25', 4 C 14, 6 b 9, 25, 

6 C 25, 8 a 17, 8 C 14, 8 d 23, 9 b 17, 9 d 29, ll b 7, ll d 2, 12 a 23, 
13 b 23, 14 C 38, 17 b 24, 17 d 27, 18 d 9, 19 a 18, 19 C 7, 19 d 9, 
22 d 26, 23 C 2, 26 a 2, 6, 28 d 23, 24, 31 b 32, 33 C 15, Ml. 1 6 a 7, 
14 d 37, 14 C 6, 19 d 8, 20 d 1, 23 21, 23 C 25, 24 d 30, 37 a 10, 

925 37 d 14, 45 a 4, 47 d 7, 48 a 9, 51 b 7, 8, 11, 53 a 23, 56 b 22, 
57 d 16, 73 a 10, 68 b 7, 81 a 3, 103 a 9, 104 a 6, 105 b 7, 109^ 14, 
130 b 8, 130 C 10, Sg. 32 b 5, 40 b 9, 28 a 2 (as coit. better as 

1 Sechis is a common formula of explanation, cf. Ascoli Gldss., ccii. In 
Ml. 69 C 1 occurs sechasn-adamrigthi with is written above; here as n-adamr'ujtJii 
is evidently meant to express tlnundnin esse. In 83 b 6 stands sn'h as (irnil>cri(d 
where the reason for as is not clear. Is it a mistake due to the following / ? 
The plural is sechit. Here may be mentioned also the formulae os, pi. 6te, and 
citne., of which examples will be found in Ascoli Gloss., ccxxi. 

2 So far as 1 have observed, this ni is used only with a singular, a fact which 
confirms Thurneysen's view (Celt. Zeitschr., i, 1 sq.) that j/nvally contains a copula 
torni. The plural is n/'fuf, <:!'. nihit \lilnni //<> onijinr v\, t/i < >i dan do Mic/ndtti 
Wb. 21 a 10, nitut <i (tiriltut ff.^in dunurlmiil tn /xijtttl dia soirad acht it utna 
tiniiu/i ri' da rn i rug ert Dia do lht\d t/x noirad in popuil. Cf. p. 31. 

3 In Wb. lli c 18 should we read indoich do ntc/< tutib? 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 27 

chott.), 30 b 12, 54 b 8, 55 a 1, 59 a 6, 67 a 12, 71 a 16, 77 a 5, 
90 a 4, 106 b 22, 138 a 13, 168 a 1, Acr. 75, as glantaidtu 
(g. purgatioris) Ml. 18' 2, cf. 20 b 1, 32 a 17, 42 b 20, 44' 27, 930 
46 a 6, 49 a 21, 62 a 10, 87 b 7, 89 d 6, 90 C 7, 114 b 2, 130 b 4, 
138 d 7, 145 b 2, 3, 145 C 11, Sg, 72 b 5, as enirt menme Wb. 
10 1, cf. Ml, 99 b 5, Sg, 147 a 3, as taidchricc Wb. 2 b 9, 
cf. 2 d 12, 4 C 3, 5 b 17, 6 d 10, 8 a 10, 16 C 12, 21 a 15 (ind n6ib 
as chorp, it he as chorp), 23 b 34, 29 C 7, 33 C 4, Ml. 37 C 19, 935 
45 9, 49 b 6, 85 b 15, 90 b 13, Sg. 153 b 8, inti as a ainm 
bis Ml. 2 C 3, as est (the word est} Wb. 14 C 28, forsani as 
iniquitas (on iniquitas) Ml. 55 C 14, cf. 17 d 7, 37 a 18, 37 d 10, 
46' 19, 47 a 14, 48 a 6, 51 C 2, 51 d 22, 53 a 1, 55 C 6, 10, 56 b 31, 
32, 33, 40, 64 d 8, 88 d 4, 94 C 3, 95 C 8, 108' 12, 110 d 16, 940 
112 d 2, 114 b 1, 118 C 6, 122 b 8, 123 C 16, 125 b 1, 133 a 7, 13, 
133 b 12, 133 d 9, Sg. 9 a 2, 27 b 2, 15, 28 a 18, 30 b 5, 35 b 13, 
39 a 20, 21, 40 a 15, 41 a 7, 45 b 16, 50 a 8, 9, 53 a 11, 54 a 5, 
55 b 6, 56 b 8, 59 b 13, 63 a 17, 63 b 2, 65 a 4, 66 a 28, 67 b 4, 71 a 7, 
8, 75 a 8, 75 b 1, 9, 76 b 6, 88 a 4, 90 b 3, 91 b 2, 93 b 4, 94 a 4, 945 
104 b 4, 105 b 2, 4, 116 a 2, 125 a 6, 135 b 2, 138 b 7, 142 b 2, 
146 a 1, 148 b 9, 149 b 3, 5, 155 a 1, 155 b 1, 2, 158 a 2, 4, 163 a 2, 
163 b 2, 5, J,69 b 2, 170 b 2, 172 a 1, I78 a 1, I79 a 6, 181 b 1, 
182 a 2, 184 b 2, 185 b 1, 188 a 13, 194 a 2, 19o b 3, 197 a 2, 3, 
196 b 7, 198 a 2, 200 b 10, 202 b 17, 203 a 19, 205 b 4, 206 b 2, 950 
207 b 8, 9, 209 a 5, 210 a 2, 3, 210 b 1, 4, 5, 2M a 14, 213 a 4, 
2l4 b 4, 222 a 7, 222 b 5, 6, 10, Per. 12 b 1, 58 b 2, Tur. 64, 125, 
a n-as maith (what is good) Wb. 6 b 18, a n-as ansam 10 a 1, 
cf. ll c 6, 12 b 6, 13 d 8, 9, 21 C 6, 27 b 11, Ml. 37 d 3, 41 d 12, 
54 a II, 1 ohodin as eres (which is heresy) 24 d 23, cf. 127 d 5, 955 
Sg. 65 a 2, 187 a 3, 213 a 2, olsuide as rann 26 b 7, is amin as 
cert Ml. 62 C 7, is amne as coir 114 a 9, is indil as ferr Wb. 
2 a 4, is bee as mdo Sg. 45 a 15, in chruth as coir et as inricc 
Wb. 7 b 1, cf. 29 d 24, ciafiu as n-didn Ml. 62 C 5, cf. 61 a 25, 
dindi as n-ansae 104 a 6, in deni as comallaide, in deni as 960 
m-buidigthe 62 5, meit as n-do scr'ibund Sg. 3 b 30 (but meit as do 
oen scr'ibund 112 a 2), cf. Acr. 18, ce meit as sinu ais Wb. 34 a 5, 
ni ed amet as n-etarcnad Ml. 138 a 12, cf. Sg. 182 b 3, 200 a 11, 
cenmitha as n-dith Ml. 72 b 15, as n-olcc (that it is evil) Wb. l c 10, 
cf. 2 d 8, 3 C 22, 4 d 14, 6 a 27, 7 a 13, ll b 10, 13 a 18, 17 a 12, 13, 965 
22 a 23, 23 a 13, 14, 17, 28 b 31, 27 d 8, 29 a 13, 29 d 28, Ml. 

1 So in Ml. 2 a 15 as tormach should be corrected into anas tormach. 



28 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

17 C 3, 20 d 11, 24 d 23, 25 5, 51 d 1, 20, 64 a 2, 65 d 13, 68 C 8, 
127 b 11, 131 C 12, 138 a 5, Sg. 29 a 3, 40 b 14,41 a 6, 42 a 9, 65 a 6, 
93 a 4, 139 a 10, 157 b 8, 207 b 1, 208 b 1, as chomsuidigthe (with 

970 irregular aspiration) 207 b 9, Tur. 39, Acr. 75, 78, as n-dithal- 
main do Ml, 68 4, as la Dia in popul 114 a 3, cf. 108 14, Sg. 
209 b 30, as n-e Crist in lie asrubart Wb. 4 d 16, as me momur 
aridrochell Sg. 202 a 7, as n-ed dechur tadbadar Ml, 24 d 25, as n-ed 
fodera Sg. 120 a 4, as n-iress ndibasWb. 19 b 14, cf. 3 d 10, 4 a 19, 

975 24 a 7, 29 4, Ml. 44 d 14, 63 b 12, 69 a 16, 84 d 4, 98 C 10, 107 a 16, 
130 a 6, as n-du Christ rocet 25 b 6, cf. 24 d 29, 25 b 8, 35 a 10, 
60 b 11, 61 d 2, 89 a 2, 139 a 6, 11, without n, as DiadorigniW*>1, 
cf. 130* 6, as di Astaraib rogabad 35 a 8, cf. 44 b 2, 114 a 2, 
131 C 14; an as n-esngabthe (g. excesso) Ml. 22 d 9, cf. 23 d 1, 

980 28 b 12, 27 C 17, 34 a 25, 42 C 21, 47 a 5, 108 d 5, 130 d 12, Sg. 
3 b 31, 4 a 11, 36 b 3, 109 a 5, 208 b 13; amal as n-inricc Wb. 
7 b 2, cf. ll c 14, 22 a 24, 22" 13, 23 a 21, 28 b 2, 31 d 17, Ml. 
31 a 12, 40 b 9, 55 a 13, 57 C 12, 61 b 28, 75 b 7, 77 d 2, 84 a 4, 
85 b 11, 86 b 5, 89 10, 90 b 10, 11, 109 d 10, lll a 5, 120 d 5, 

985 133 b 7, 140 5, Sg. 145 a 4, 150 a 1, 220 b 5, amal as messe duda- 

forsat Ml. 94 b 7, amal as n-e as splendor Wb. 32 b 4, amal as n-ed 
as soirbem Ml. 56 a 13, cf. 57 C 12, 60 b 16, 79^, 92 C 5, 104 b 5, 
lll c 17, amal as n-uaid som doforsat I7 b 2, cf. Wb. 8 C 12, 
without n- amal as hires* (n-iress?} ronoib Wb. 19 b 12, amal as 

990 ho molad .... intinscana Ml, 26 b 10, amal as ar gnim 
dubeir 109 a 1, so amal as = uelut, tanquam, amal as o Spirut 
(g. tamquam a Spiritu) Wb. 15 b 7, cf. 16 a -14, Ml. 17 b 3, 
22 d 13, 31 d 15, 33 b 9, 106 a 5, 120 C 4 x ; fib as deg ropridchad 
Wb. 23 a 3 ; fobith as n-athchian Sg. 67 a 12; ol as cocarti 90 a 7, 

995 cf. 25 b 8; hore as n-amairessach Wb. ll b 24, cf. 15 b 24, 

17 b 29, 25 a 23, 33 2, Ml. 94 C 8, Sg. 38 a 1, 41 b 3, 115 a 2, 
120 a 1, 159 a 3, 163 b 7, 180 b 2, huare as n-e gnim tengad 
comlabrae Ml. 31 b 24, 2 ore as h-duil foruigensat Wb. l b 22, 
cf. ll a 10, Ml. 48 C 19, 142 d 1, without n- huare as dliged Ml. 
1000 54 a 5, cf. Sg. 18 a 1, huare as indeacht fodaraithminedar Ml. 
25 5; inian as n-ainm Ml. 48 d 5, cf. 59 d 7, 98 a 4,' 113 a 5, 
Sg. 59 b 17, 104 b 5, 107 b 1, 181 a 8, 198 a 2, 198 b 11, 220 b 8, 
without n- intan as aitlirech Ml. 93 a 23, intan as do gnim Sg, 
59 b 16; lase as dan Ml. 44 b 11. Cf. 6s 'since,' 6s accobor 
1005 lemm Wb. 7 a 3, huas etargnaid dunni Acr. 77. 

1 But amal as n-di #. quasi consonant! Sg. 9 b 11. 

a In an fas Ml. 78 b 23, as is used because the writer has in his mind a hore = 
quando of the Latin text. 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 29 

As negatives to as appear : 

nad: n^z ndd imdibthe Wb, l d 15, cf. 8 a 18, 18" 7, 31* 1, 
Ml. 2o il G, Sg. 161 b 10, nat comrorcun Ml. 25 d 12, amal ndt 
ante diiib Wb. 17 C 11, olsodin nad choir Ml. 37 a 8, 10, cf. 131 3, 
nat lie mace Da rogenair [7] nach[e'] rochrochsat Ml. 25 b 5. 1 1010 

nant: nant ni idol et nad n-escona ni Wb. 10 b 26, nant ni 
less Ml. 36 a 14, nant maith 53 1, cf. 116 C 7, 129 a 26, nand 
Sg. 3 b 5, 76 a 3, 150 b 1, 180 b 2, 218 a 6, 221 b 7, huare nand 
neutiir Sg. 64 a 11, nant neque manebunt asrubart Ml. 21 d 4, 
Wdwe? ainmm 7 %<m<# cumachte legas Sg. 5 a 10, %<m A0 mace Dee 1015 
rogenair iar colain 7 wrm A# rocrochsat Ml. 24 d 4. So nan, 
nan coimdiu Wb. I7 a 12, nan elrantach 23 a 13, cf. 12 d 28. 

nach: ndch maith 6 b 6, ndch gdo 17 d 12, natch do imdibu 
colnidu 10 a 15, is follus nach b in s Sg. 16 b 5, nach a nert fesin 
Ml. 63 b 8, amal ndch annse n-duib Wb. 6 d 9, huare nach maith 1020 
leu Ml. 138 9, nach ar mu peccad dor atad form 44 b 19, huare 
nach du noibi teit 37 a 10, cf. 46 d 10, Sg. 46 b 10, 196 a 1. 
Cf. connach (negative to conid p. 32) ondch ase Sg. 104 b 4, 
cf. 198 a 11, 200 b 10, 207 b 7, 212 a 6, innach (MS. ni nach) 
cum an lib Wb. 26 a 9. 1025 

PI. 1. ammi : ammi irlaim Wb. 4 b 21, ammi cosmili 13 C 12, ammi 
6in chorp hi Crist 12 a 12, cf. 5 d 2, 8 d 26, 16 a 6, 17 b 5, 24 d 9, 
Ml. 43 d 7 (ami), 94 a 6, 101 d 9, ammi Dee ('we are God's') 
Wb. 6 b 20, hore ammi corp Crist et ammi boill Crist 12 b 12, 
cf. 25 C 6, ammin eulig 14 d 28, dmminn imdibatai-ni 7 ammm 1030 
dilachtai Ml. 83 3. 

immi: air immi (MS. air mi} ardu-ni Ml. 23 d 23. 

PL 2. adib: adib mairb Wb. 3 b 6, cf. 1 l d 2, 15 a 12, 19 C 18, 19 C 20, 
21 C 4, 8, 25 d 8, 26 b 12, 27 C 17 (MS. abi), 33 C 19, hore adib 
ellachti 22 a 24, cf. 21 C 17 (adi), 24 C 1, hore adib doini 1035 
22 a 30, cf. 22 b 1, 10, hore adib cretmich 10 a 6, cf. 15 a 8, 
16 a 28, hore adimmaic 9 a 13, hore adabaill ( = adib baill) 3 b 7. 
idib : ar idib maithi Wb. 1 6 b 9. 

PI. 3. it: it huissi uel it cointfi*Wb. l c 7, cf. 7 a 8, 10 d 4, ll d 11, 

12 a 5, 13 b 24, 14 a 8, 16 C 11, I7 b 2, 23 b 12, 14, 16, 28 d 22, 1040 
29 b 22, Ml. 22 C 5, 29' 5, 34 b 9, 42 b 15, 43 d 18, 51" 14, 
60 b 8, 10, 62 a 5, 104 d 4, 124 b 4, 126 b 15, 129 d 14, 130 a 4, 



1 In Ml. 13.") d 6, for anannat airdbidc should be read anndt airdbidc 'when 
he is not destroyed.' 

2 Cf. contf, Laws, iv, 344, coindfed O'Don. Suppl. 



30 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

130 d 7, 10, 145 d 3, Sg, 3 a 10 (hit), 5 a 10 (hit), 6 a 9, 10 a 12, 
44 b 2, 4, 64 a 4, 12, 66 b 17, 71 a 18, 114 b 3, 148 b 9, 197 a 2, 

1045 203 a 2, 208 a 1, alaaili it coitchena 215 a 1, it bithdommai sidi 

dee gente Ml, 36 C 14, it carit domsa Wb, 5 C 7, cf. 8 C 15, 10 C 11, 
12 a 13, 17 C 6, 23 a 9, 28 C 3, Ml. 2 d 2, 18 C 6, 39 d 30, 45 b 10, 
120 d 11, 124 C 1, 132 d 2, Sg. 39 b 7, 41 b 7, 11, 108 b 4, lll b 1, 
194 b 2, 21 l a 10, it dill tanaisi Sg. 107 a 2, cf. 107 b 1, it lib 

1050 huili Wb. 8 d 15, cf. 32 2, it lice foraithmitig Ml. 44 C 5, tie son 
aptota /mm Sg. 77 b 6, ite inna n6i 197 b 6, it he imo con- 
tentiones Wb. 8<> 10, cf. 27 b 8, 28 d 5, 26, 29 a 3, Ml. 104 a 4, Sg. 
203 a 16, it he inse ind fochdinn inso 86 C 3, it he bona opera 
imo Wb. 31 C 9, cf. 7 d 13, Ml. 61 b 7, Sg. 140 a 6, it he inna 

1055 gnusi irtsnadat Ml. 118 d 20, cf. 46 C 8, it he omnia asmbeir 
som Wb. 8 d 14, cf. 28 b 20, Ml. 7l d 7, Sg. 22 a 3, it he caeli 
lasuide ind apstail Ml. 42 b 7, cf. 54 a 12, Bcr. 18 C 3, it he 
a primgeindi Ml. 123 8, it IKK ind aidmi asmbeirsom 89 a 8, 
cf. 74 d 9, 118 d 20, ite uiui in duini bi Sg. 39 a 23, it he in 

1060 toirthi innahi adfiadatar Ml. 46 C 14, it he a timnae di namma 
rusarigestar 71 b 14, it sib ata chomarpi Wb. 19 C 20, it hesidi 
beta hwthi 3 d 29, cf. 3 d 8, 10 b 13, 12 b 13, 14 a 29, 28 b 1, 
32 d 10, Ml. 21 b 10, 30 b 3, 31 8, 25, 63 b 1 (MS. it), 99 d 9, 
116 d 6, Sg. 5 a 6 (kit), 28 b 18, 32 b 6, 39 a 11, 77 a 6, Acr. 1, 29, 

1065 it a n-athir inna fer fil and Wb. 4 C 1, cf. 12 a 19, 17 C 1, 
Ml. 2<> 2, 3 a 5, 32 b 18, 103 b 5, Sg. 203 b 6, Acr. 75, nidat 
huili it foirbthi Wb. 26 b 2, cf. 29 a 29; amal it da lebur 
fichit Ml. 2 d 2; fobith it e nondaengraicigetar Sg. 198 b 8; 
h6re it subditi som Wb. 27 C 4, huare it hte aid hudislem 

1070 Ml. 116 a 11, quia it cetnidi Sg. 212 b 16. Translating 

a Latin relative it du gnimai-sin g. cuius opera Ml. 125 d 3, 
it hesidi ailiu g. neque quos 94 b 20, where note the accusative, 
cf. also Sg. 112 b 1. 

ata: 0to sonartu Wb. 6 C 22, ata hiressaig 19 b 15, cf. 12 b 1, 

1075 21 C 5, Ml. 16M, 33 d 5, 44 d 3, 51 b 8, 56 a 20, 57 a 6, 58 a 20, 62 b 9, 

64 C 3, 91 8, 114 b 7, 116 a 10, 140 b 3, Sg.38 b 8, Acr. 75, ata inilliu 
(g. tutiora) Ml. 110 d 11, cf. Sg. 30 b 3, ata horpamin Wb. 2 C 14, 
cf. 10 d 7, 19 C 20, 30 a 11, Ml. 146 a 1, it he ata mundus Wb. 
5 a 14, it hesidi ata eclats Ml. 65 d 19; meit ata n-ecJitraiun 

1080 72 d 15; doadbadar aid n-ili Wb. 12 a 11, Ml. 12 b 1, 27 d 1 

(MS. antan), 30 b 2, 36 d 11, 42 b 23, 46 b 28, 76 a 5, 89 2, 
91 18, 116 d 5, 13l d 16, 145 C 8, 9, Sg. 7 a 8, 10 a 5, 154 b 2, 
197 a 2, 3, 201 b 10, 14; a n-ata tuartai Ml. 83 b 4, cf. 22 d 8; 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 31 

amal ata cdinckumracigWb. 30 b 23, cf. 22' 14, Ml. 20 d 7, 32 b 1, 
44 C 1, 118 d 13, Sg, 222 b 5, amal ata les inna nert Ml. 108 C 14 ; 1085 
Jmare ata firie'm 136 b 4, cf. Sg. 48 b 5, 197 a 2, huare ata 
n gnimai nut rognitha Ml. 115 b 4, cf. 101 C 7, Sg. 117 a 1, 
138 a 4; intan ata n-gortai Ml. 76 d 14, cf. Sg. 31 a 8; oldaas 
ata n-diglaidi Ml. lll c 8. 

at (et) \it hesidi et inbeso Ml. 27 a 9, it hesidi at inbesa 1090 
45 d 1; an-at n-acailsi 48 a 10, cf. 75 b 5, 100 C 16, 107 C 7, 
146 a 4, ol at n-emecha 121 C 15; without relative sense air at 
cuidi tirmaidi Ml. 123 d 3. 1 
In certain combinations the above copula forms are replaced by 

others, cf. also pp. 26, 29. 
(a} da-, etc. 

Sg. 1. -da: amal no-n-da frechdircc-sa Wb, 9 b 4, amal no-n-da 1095 
thorisse 10 a 28, anu-n-da thinnachtae-se Ml. 126 d 12, con-da 
anecne Wb. 17 C 10, cf. 19 a 17, con-da apstal 13 b 6, cota beu 
Ml. 44 C 11, nita chumme-se Wb. 20 C 25, cf. Ml. 91 d 8, nida 
apstal Wb. 18 1.2 

Sg. 2. -da : annu-n-da chocmbxid-siu Ml. 58 b 6, anu-n-da frecndairc 1100 
38 C 27, cf. 23 a 17, ano-n-da imdibe 112 b 17, cenita chumgabtha- 
siu 84 C 3, lassan'i no-n-da brithem 92 a 15. 

Sg. 3. -ta 3 : In impersonal construction with infixed pronoun 
nimptha firion Wb. 8 d 24, nita (= ni-n-ta] cumacc 4 a 6, h6re 
nimtha ladm 12 a 21. 1105 

PI. 1. -dan: dnnu-n-dan deeth-ni Ml. 120 b 3, con-dan firianichihi 
Wb. 2 d 14, cf. 15 b 19, 17 b 15, 20 d 10, nitan reprobi-m 18 b 9, 
nidan chumachtig 14 C 41, cf. 14 d 37. 4 

PI. 2. -dad: amal no-n-dad maicc cdima Wb. 27 b 16, cenutad suire 

4 a 10, cenotad maic-si raith 33 b 8, nidad ferr-si 8 C 7, cf. 14 a 8, 1110 
21 b 14, nitad lib fesin 9 d II. 5 

PL 3. -dat, -tat: con-dat reli Ml. 51 d 15, con-dat anman Sg. 
188 b 3, in-dat ludei Wb. 5 b 34, 6 in-dat m-briathra Ml. 44 b 9, 10, 
indaimser in-dat slain ennaic 76 a 6, nitaat cosmuli Wb. 9 b 17, 

1 In Ml. 96 b 5 in creti dunni atosge huilc atosge should be corrected to ata tosge. 

2 The isolated nitam toirsech iu Wb. I5 b 21, in spite of the fact that it glosses 
non anguxttatnur, can hardly be anything but the 1 sg. Cf. nidam snimach Salt. 
Rann, 2382. 

3 In Wb. 20 C 26 read amal dd marb = ' like two dead.' 

4 In Cod. Cam. 37 d occurs the isolated nu-n-dem with which Thurneysen 
(Celt. Zeitschr., i, 4) compares the 2 pi. cenuded Bezz. Beitr., xvii, 135. 

5 Jn Wb. 27 C 11 Zimmer and Stokes supply mafnijd itiaithi, a form to which 
1 have no parallel. 

6 'Welche die luden sind,' Pedersen, Celt. Zeitschr., ii, 380. Pedersen 
takes indat to mean literally ' wherein they are,' but why not then hilaat '; 



32 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES - J, STRACHAX. 

1115 nitat fullig 6 a 22, cf. 8 a 17, 8 C 4, 31 d 9, 32 d 14, Ml. 3 a 6, 
Sg. 61 a 24, nitat Israelti Wb. 4 C 5, cf. 7 d 12, ll b 17, 12* 18, 
19, 23, 22 b 17, Sg. 69 a 25, 189 a 10, 203 b 6, nitat ilddni do 
6enfiur Wb. 21 a 16, nidat chummai Ml. 115 b 3, cf. 60 b 1, 
79 b 7, 130 d 7, nitat huili it maicc Wb. 4 C 6, cf. 26 b 2 ((n'it}at\ 

1120 nitat huili robtar tuicsi ll a 21, cf. ll a 23, nitat pecthi collnidi 
hiccatar 4 a 8, cf. 19 b 12, Ml. 108 b 7 1 ; natat beca Ml. 18 b 6, 
cid natat slain Wb. 28 b 1 ; na-n-dat foirUhi 26 b 3, crvth 
na-n-dat choms- Sg. 201 b 12, cf. Ml. 130 a 8, annan-dat (MS. 
andat) secthi 18 b 3, h6re na-n-dat filii Wb. 4 8; cf. also the 

1125 formula sechitat (Ascoli Gloss., ccii). 2 

(b) -id, -did, in 3 sg. along with certain conjunctions. 

-id. 

cenid : cinidluith lib Wb. 12 b 9, cenid ed as chetnae n-dis 
Ml. 44 C 26, cf. 42 b 7, 85 b 11, Sg. 5 b 4 (cinith], 35 b 13 (cinid), 
1130 202 a 5. 

conid: conid sain Ml. 14 d 13, cf. Sg. 93 b 5, 147 a 3, conid 

hinunn folad duib 9 a 15, conid ainm dun chrunn Wb. 8 a 5, 

cf. Sg. 29 a 8, 40 a 15, 45 b 1, 208 a 8, conid cummae aramber 

biuth Ml. 69 a 18, conid airi rolaad Sg. 153 b 6, cf. 93 b 7, 189 b 2. 

1135 iunid (= indid?) : innid eula nech Ml. 42 4. 

honid : honid techtae molad Dai. Ml. 51 C 2. 

manid: manid fir Wb. 13 b 14, cf. 27 C 11, manid innonn 
forcital linn I7 b 32, manid ar log 10 d 26, manid co seitchi 
rocretis 10 a 30. 

1140 -did. 

arndid: cine fochainn arhdid n-uisse (leg. htiisse?) Ml. 
101 a 3, cf. Sg. 200 a 13, Bcr. 33 d 5, cid arndid hua thins- 
ildaib disruthaigedar Sg. 198 b 3. 

condid \-condid firianu Wb. 2 a 7, cf. Ml. 90 a 11, condid 
1145 imdibe spirtalde Wb. 2 b 22, cf. 9 d 2, 14 d 35, condid diib rogab 
each 24 C 14, cf. Bv. 4 C 2. 

diandid : diandid tintud linnai a sanctis Ml. 37 a 10, 
diandid nomen Hiber Sg. 100 b 1. In the same way diant is 
used, diant ainm Wb. 26 a 5, cf. Ml. 2 2 (MS. diandiant], 
1150 118 b 6, 121 d 1. 



'itai should probably be restored )iitnt ilrrachtai ; 
in the Felire, it is there probably an artificial 
ita terca acht is mara should be nitat trrca acht 



1 In Ml. 128 d 1 for nit derachtai should 
though nit occurs several times 
poetical form. In Ml. 92 C 13 nita 

it mara. In nidat n-escmana Ml. 92 d 13 the infixed n is strange, as also in itniat 
m-briathra. 1. 1113. 

2 But the simple sechi is found followed by the subjunctive, Wb. 5 b 18, 7 b 3, 
Ml. 73'' H, 112'' 0. 



SUBST. VERB IX OLD HUSH GLOSSES J. STRACIIAX. 33 

ondid: ondid accobor limsa Wb. 12 d 23, in arim hudid 
(log. hondid] a w-dios Sg. G(5 b 9. 

indid : indid itinnnircidr Wb. 12 d 18, indid mailliu Bcr. 
25 C 1, indid <'>a (by wliicli it is less) 33 b 6. 

(c) cesu, massu, 1155 

cesu: cesu thrtde in tummud Wb. 21 d 13, cf. Sg. 158 a 3, 
cesu ddnatu dom 90 a 5, cesu chen rems- do 78 b 2, <?<?.w /r* mc/i 
?0sjw 21 7 b 12, cesu meinciu aranecnr 137 b 2, cesued as gnath 
2u3 a 23, mw locdatu as aicned 217 b 12, cf. 21 a 1 (ceso), 41 b 10, 
59 a 6, 75 a 5, 91 a 3, cesu i w-er theit 38 a 1, cf. 206 a 3 (cheso). 1160 

ciasu: ciasu airegduWb. ll c 17, cf. 12 a 5, Ml. 26 d 12, 
45 b 20, 68 b 5, ciasu gnathiu do fositin 26 C 4, cf. 67 a 4, ciaao 
demnithir so forcomnucuir Wb. 28 C 14, ciaso folud sluindes Sg. 
211 b 7 (ciaso}, ciasu i colinn am beo-sa Wb. 19* 20, ciaaii 
iartain rocet Ml. 2 b 6, cf. 34 d 6 (ciasa), 67 a 4, 72 d 9. 1165 

cetu: ceto thoisegu Wb. 18 d 14, cf. Sg. 203 b 10, cetu 
chummascthai 62 a 2, cetu cJmimbri (MS. cethuc cuimbrf] Per. l a 3. 

massu 1 : massu madeWb. 13 a 34, cf. 13 b 12, 15 b 14 (maso), 
20 2, masu quis asceudit .i. ma/xu cfumdubart 4 d 28, masa 
clnunaclitae n-dom Ml. 118 a 5, massu rath som Wb. 5 a 30, 1170 
jua^su duthracht 16 C 18, massu ni 20 b 8, masa choitndiu Ml. 
108 C 16, wdww prouoEien Sg. 207 b 3, proprium masued 88 2, 
cf. 50 b 13, 192 b 7, Wb. 19 b 11, masued doroigaid 20 a 4, cf. 
Ml. 52, Sg. 27 a 1 1, massu amnin aiaam Wb. 13 C 12, massu betltu 
frecndirc tantum nomthd 13 C 11, cf. 10 d 26, 13 b 21, 13 C 10, 1175 
19 b 1, Sg. I48 b 9, massu and is amplius Wb. 2 a 3, massu ar in 
bethid frecndirc tantum dagn'iu 13 C 1 1, cf. 10 a 29, 20 b 16, 23 d 29. 

matu : matu lie ata liorpamin Wb. 2 C 14. 

Imperfect. 
There are no specifically imperfect forms. See the preterite. 

Preterite. 
(a) With TO-. 

Sg. 1. ropsa: domenar-sa ropsa beo Wb. 3 C 27, ropsa airchinnech 

18 C 15, rupsa fnthortce-se 33 a 12, is do ropsa omnia ll a 2, H80 
ropsa huaUaoh-sa Ml. 49 b 12, durumenar romsa (ro-m-b-sa} 
Did 7 rom. bitl/bcu 49 b 13, cf. 130 d 4, arromsa cumscaiythe 

1 massu corresponds to the negative manid: cf. Wb. 10- 1 29, 30, 10 d 26. 
Phil. Trans. 1898-9. 3 



34 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

46 b 9, arumsa loisethe 11 8 d 1, liuare romsa ugaire 96 d 1, 
arnuhsa assarcaigtne-se 27 b 8, cf. 62 C 9, 103 a 4 (or sg. 2?); 

11 85 corupsa Ian diil 104 d 3 ; anna robsa lithe 45 d 6. 

-rbsa: ciarpsa cimlid Wb. 30 a 6, niilsa dagduine 18 C 14, 
anarlsa fuillectae-se Ml. 127 C 17. 

Sg. 3. robo 1 : robo diliu linn Wb. 14 d 13, ropo scith linn 
14 b 26, cf. 14 b 24, 23 d 11, ropo irlam 14 d 29, cf. 19 d 7 (intairi], 

1190 21 b 5, 21 C 22 (rel.), 23 d 12, 27 d I 9, 30 C 17, ropo fochunn gmmo 
don peccad 3 C 23, ropo ainm duilsi 9 C 29, cf. 13 a 12 (rel.), 
14 b 3, robo duilsi 24 C 22, h6re ropo co failti tuccad 24 b 26; 
ro-m-lo descipul 18 d 1, amal ro-m-lo marl 15 b 25, cf. 22 a 2, 
26 b 7, 26 d 16, amal ro-m-lo fhol do doinil 24 d 4, intain 

1195 ro-m-lo mithig less 31 a 10, hore ro-m-lo sollicite 30 a 7. 

robu 1 : is airi inso rolu immaircide Ml. 14 a 4, rulu 
latharthae 32 C 2, rolu mou de 61 C 8, cf. 25 C 16 (an), 72 b 18 
(rulu}, 87 C 4, 90 C 27, 96 a 10 (rolu}, 105 b 8, lll b 27, 
130 C 18, Sg. 148 a 6, 153 b 5, Tur. 33, 97 (ropu), Per. l a 1 

1200 (rupu rel.), rulu fer som muintere Wb. 33 a 5, rupu acculur 

leu 33 a 11, rolu thol do (rel.) Ml. 33 a 18, cf. 46 a 17, 50' 14, 
54 a 9 (rel.), 54 a 34 (amal), 63 b 5 (rulu rel.), 71 b 2, 124 b 6, 
Sg. 17 a 5 (quia rollu), Tur, 13, 17, rupu si arreilic Wb. 
33 a 22, rolu si a cial Ml. 95 a 9, rolv du thalernacuil rolu ainm 

1205 son 100 b 12, rolu samlid rol6i Sg. 203 b 5 ; ar ro-m-lu sui&igthe 
Ml. 48 d 6, cf. 53 b 14, 62 b 22, amal ro-m-lu reil damsa 113 b 4, 
hore ro-m-lu thoissech Wb. 33 a 20, cf. Ml. 2 b 6, 18 d 20, 59 a 14, 
isind'i ro-m-lu foraithmitech 122 d 7, deg ro-m-lu ecndarc do 
Sg. 148 a 6, huare ro-m-lu mor dorat Ml. 136 C 11 ; con-rubu 

1210 ehrin Ml. 99 a 2, con-ropu la Dia 67 9, cor-rolu lee du 
essarcnil furodamarsa 131 b 12, lasin-rulu chumtalart 102 d 4, 
lasin-rulu maith 131 d 11. 

rbo: nirlo ais muntaire Wb. 21 b 12, nirlo mrailhem 
32 d 15, nirlo sdr leu 19 a 1, cf. 16 b 19, 29 d 9, 30 a 6, nirlo chuit 

1215 eperte 24 C 5, cf. 32 d 4, cinirlo etruil rolammar-ni 24 C 22, geinti 
narlo plebs Dei 4 d 3; curio abortibus 13 b 8, hore narlo lour 
linn 24 b 20. 



1 These forms are found in an idiomatic meaning of aut, ud (cf. Pedersen, 
KZ., xxxv, 404), robo Wb. 6 d 10, Sg. 197" 1, 200 b 6, robn Ml. 3() d 11, 44 C 6, 
70 C 4, 77 a 13, 109' 3, Sg. 28 a 12, rub,. Ml. 121 1 ' 6, rodbo Wb. 14'- 24, Id' 1 7, 
29 d 29, cf. rodhu forcetal no scribend no itti'tm n-ctaiii LBr. ll b 13, rodbo o lift rib 
no o hiwaccalmaibh Celt. Zeit., ii, 321, iurtln-r latc, iv, 340. It in:iy !>> 
noted that robo has also a subj. force (p. 40), from which this development uouhl 
be better understood. 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES - J. 8TRACHAX. 33 

-T\>u: annarbubuidech Ml. 40 d 10, 145 a 1 (MS. anndr- 
budec/i corr. Ascoli), cf. 86 d 14, ciarbu minimus Wb. 13 b 8, 
nirbu aithmh lintw 16 b 6, hore riirbu foirbthe 33 b 4. cf. ML 1220 
33 C 13, 34 C 17, 46 C 19, 72 b 4, 88 b 4 (mrbuo), 92 d 6, 97 b 2, Sg. 
42 a 7, 8, nirbu doinect cen deaclt Wb. 15 d 16, nirbu, choimdiu 
33 a 5, cf. Ml. 124 b 5, Sg. 5 b 6, 31 b 22, nirbu samlaid son doibsom 
Ml. 90 C 27, nirbu cen frithorcuin 63 b 7, nirbu fads foruigeni 
Wb. 13 b 7, cf. Ml. 113 d 7, corbu ecen Wb. 32 C 17, connarbii 1225 
In am doib Ml. 100 a 3, hore ndrbu bae la ludeu Wb. 5 b 12, cf. 
Ml. 18 d 18, ani narbu dilmain 60 a 13, diarbu etarcnad Tur. 22. 

PL 1. robumar : robumar cumdrichthi Ml. 43 d 6, huare robummar 
bibdid-ni 62 d 5. 

-rbommar: nirbommar utmaill, nirbommar tromdi Wb. 1230 
26 b 14. 

PL 3. robtar : robtar irlim Wb. 7 b 5, cf. 2 d 11, ll a 21, 23, 27 C 8, 
29 b 2, Ml. 23 a 13, 47 a 18, 48 d 12 (rel.), 49 a 16, 53 d 10 (aial\ 
63 b 3, 9G C 25, 123 a 8, Acr. 68, Bcr. 18 b 11 (ruptar rel.), 
robtar hesidi aidmi oipretho pectho Wb. 3 14, ce ruptar enartu 123& 
Ml. 49 a 17, cf. 40 d 16, hi-roptar bibdaid 124 C 2, ro-m-dar 
tosye, 96 b 5, cf. 125 b 9, fobifh romatar indarmthi 78 b 12, 
arrumtar doirtU 34 d 10, cf. 100 C 26 (arramtar), hore romtar 
6 is teylig Wb. 7 b i3. 

-rbtar \-connarltar ni Ml. 99 d 7. 1240 

(b] Without ro-. 

Sg. 1. basa: lasa ludide Wb. 10 d 34. 

-psa : nipsa tram for nechVfb. 17 C 2, nipsa ludide 10 d 35, 
cainipsa s6ir (were I not free) ce dugnen 10 C 4. 

Sg. 3. -bo, -po *: da bo lobur Wb. 16 C 26, nipo ch6im less frinn 2 

4 b 12, cf. 2 C 25, nibo mor a m-brig linn 18 d 10, nipo irgnae 1245 
3 a 1, nipo accobor lassin fer nopridchad suide 13 a 20, nipo dia 
aircliisKecht 4 C 21, nipo udib 13 a 20, nibo ar seirc moidme 17 a 13, 
cf. 24 19, napo cheneel domsa 5 a 14; (=were) da bo asse dom 
23 d 28, nibo comitesti do acht la Uicthi l c 12, nibo liach a marbad 
4 a 12, ciarfemtha .... nipo moiti (it were not to be 1250 
boasted of) 8 d 28, nibo uisse(?} 21 a 11, nibo deeming 21 a 13, 
co m-bo uisse 15 d 20. 3 

1 For nipo lictolr dnrat Wb. 4 C 35 Thurneysen suggests nifo chetoir, or should 
read nipofochtttir? 



2 li'U'. HI/HI clntiimlilrtiK /r.v.v ffhin ? 

3 With elision of the final vowel nijwmaid roan nice Wb. o b 3, so probahly 
b 23. 



36 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

-bu, -pu '.ciabu olc Ml. 24 12, cepu fri aicned Wb. 2 C 25, 
C^M ^ adroillisset 4 C 35 ; we/?w imdu 16 C 25, W^M immacus 18 d 5, 

1255 w/pM %M 16 C 26, nibu gnath Ml. 123 d 3, wziw (i}ncidn riam 
32 b 17, WZJPW accobor leiss Wb. 14 a 22, m'&u 0r chuingid for set 
24 d 7, nibu fua reir fesin boisoni Ml. 14 b 13, cf. 95 a 5, 
int 6rd so Wb. 9 C 17, nipu nach derninnse Wb. 8 a 5 ; 
bu son Ml. 56 a 13, flwaiw accobur Hum Had 127 C 13, conepertis 

1260 nadmbu (were not?) c^otr 136 b 4, Mflwiw rfrma 53 d 6, 
diambu thabatthi ermitiufeid 7 imbu choir f recur ceil Dee 22 a 4 ; 
( = were) n/?w huisse Wb, 8 d 6, w/w chumme 9 C 24, cf. 13 d 20, 
14 b 4 (W2jw) 23 C 23, 33 b 13, Ml. 100 b 22, nibu machdad Sg. 
68 a 3, Ml. 110 d 6, Sg, 6 a 9 (nibbu), 62 b 2 (nibbu), 65 a 1, 

1265 ctfmjpw uissiu Wb. 10 d 12, co m-bu uisse Ml. 98 6, 00 w-5u 

mithich 118 d 15. 1 

ba: fo? habens 2 Wb. 3 a 1, domenarsa ba niarb 3 C 26, ba 
n-dilmain (that it was) 10 d 14, seek ba foirbthe 19 a 11, cf. 29 d 13, 
huare ba ferr M1.23 b 7, ba madae (parallel to ipf.) 19 C 5, bd infeiti 

1270 (g- esset intenta) 28 C 17, ani ba buthi ar thuus 29 a 8, cf. 46 a 11, 
ba trom foraib 34 d 12, cf. 35 b 26, 58 6, 73 b 17, 9t b 17, seek 
ba indeithbeir doib 97 d 15, ised asbertis ba madae dom 106 d 3, 
ba lugae leu (rel.) 118 C 5, iarsindi ba teipirsnige 129 d 5, bd 
firianu Sg. 43 a 1, ani ba choitchenn 50 a 3, ba samlid Ml. 84 C 9, 

1275 fl m6 brdn damsa (parallel to ipf.) 86 d 6, is dusuidib ba inbesa 

(g. quibus moris erat) 31 d 12, ba bibdu bais leusom Wb. l d 15, 
ba ainm leoscm peccatum dund idbairt (parallel to ipf.) 15 d 20, 
huare ba mace De 33 6, la apstal Moysi 32 d 14, da leinn ba 
firinne 31 d 5, iarsindi ba mane moch riam Ml. 21 C 4, ba cum- 

1280 dubart i n-otaste fanacc 43 d 20, bd bron du suidib (parallel to 
ipf.) 44 C 6, cf. Cod. Cam. 37 d , ba fomraid a bellrae sidi Ml. 
53 d 3, lasse ba snim fora men-mum 89 b 7, seek ba degedbart 87 b 8, 
ba aithis daitsiu (parallel to ipf.) 91 a 6, ba la amiresscliu Wb. 
9 C 17, ba arose sin (MS. drsciri} la aithrea Ml. 136 a 5, ba bes 

1285 leusom dobertis Tur. 120, cf. Sg. 4 a 9, ba contra spem d6 
Wb. 2 C 24, cf. 3 a 8, ba o apsatalib 13 a 20, ba fri aicned Ml. 
129 d 6, la it melacTit-m (parallel to ipf.) 91 a 7, ba lied 
d n-6inbiad 97 d 8, ba he a n-gnim som molad Da 24 a 4, la cd 
a frecrae ade lesom (parallel to ipf.) 62 C 13, ar ba miscuis 

1 Cf. also the phrase cepudono Wb. 7 d 16, 19 a 14. In 8 d 15 ralano ripne occo 
means what is the use of prolixity in it ? ' Cf. riain Ml. 25 a 5, rh/tu- lulmrtha 
LL. 34o< 10. 

- Apart from other reasons, it is clear from the order that Pelaghu is a note 
which has got into the wrong place. 



SUliST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 37 

atroillisset Wb. V 14, cf. 32 d 14, Ml, 39 a 3, 58 6, 64 a 10, Sg. 1290 
185 b 4, hore ba 6 Dia dofoided Wb. 32 d 14, la inna ellucli atarimti* 
Sg. 188 a 3, cf. Ml. 30 a 3, 95 a 5 ; a m-ba n-iudrisse 18 C 14, cf. 
19c 15, 25 a 18, 27 C 20, 32 b 2, 21, 34 C 9, 35 d 6, 75 d 3, 91 a 6, 
Per. 57 a 4; (= were) ba dochu lem Wb. 5 b 31, cf. 5 b 43, ba 
iiisse hirnaigde erru, ba Hack a n-epeltu 4 d 20, cf. 6 a 8, 9 b 1, 1295 
9 C 10 (foliith), 9 d 13, la f err oldaas a digal 9 C 21, la f err limm 
10 b 24, cf. 10 b 25, 27, 10 1, 10, 12 30, 13 a 33, 14 C 29, 
14' 1 10, 15 d 8, 18 10, 19 a 8, 20 b 9, 23 b 35, 29 d 13, Ml. 17 b 6, 
27 b 9, 35 a 9, 45 b 14, 58 d 16, 61 b 15 (Id), 81' 7, 95 d 13, la 
lee mad asberad 129 b 12, ba mmadach (casse esset) 135 a 9, ba 1300 
ringolda Sg. 31 b 21, cf. 38 a 2, 57 b 8, 66 b 14, 161 b 5, 162 b 2, 
197 a 11, olsodain Id sainred do fern. 69 a 20, ba meite limm 
Wb. 29 d 8, ba coscc carat 5 b 32, ba saithar do cia damelad 
10 d 3, ba imchomarc espach Ml. 35 C 26, ba he cursagad maith 
Wb. 14 d 19, cf. 19 C 4, ba he ind ord Ml. 65 d 11, cf. 136 C 2, la 1305 
hed on ba choir Wb. 10 b 9, Sg. 38 a 2, 57 b 8, 66 b 14, 115 b 1, 
117 a 5, Ml. 76 b 3, 73 b 4. 1 

PI. 3. batar : innak'i batar buthi Ml. 23 16, air batar carait iresaig 
0^'31 a 3. 

batir: iarsindi batir inricci du Idas huiliWb. 5 C 14, batir 1310 
athissi sidi daitsiu (parallel to ipf.) Ml. 90 d 17. 

-btar : ciaptar mora a pecthai 98 C 5, cebtar he riam Wb. 
4 a 10, amtar m-bati Ml. 84 d 5, amtar feuchraigthi 124 C 9, 
an-dmtar duidchi sidi Sg. 6 a 12, an-naptar (MS. ar : aptar) 
buidig Ml. 123 a 1. 1315 

Future. 

Sg. 2. -ba: co m-ba soilse-siu Wb. 22 3. 

Sg. 3. bid: bid fir a tairngire Wb. 2 19, bid f err l d 21, cf. 3 b 2, 
4 a 13, 4 d 21, 5' 5 (lith) t 5 d 39, 9 b 7, 9 C 34, 10 a 5, 18 a 13, 23 d 2, 
25 b 21, 25 C 28, 26 a 18, 30, 28 a 19, Ml. 16 a 11, 13, 57 C 7 (lith), 
83 b 11, 90 b 10 (lith), 107 a 15 (MS. bit\ 107 a 16, 110 C 2 (lith), 1320 
III d 3, 114 b 5, 126 d 3, 128 C 7, 137 b 7, Sg. 2 a 7 (lith), 39 b 13, 
187 a 1, bid hinunn randatu doil 188 a 7, bid fiach Wb. 2 b 26, bid 
cuingid rochuingid 8 a 7, bid anathema a forcenn 18 C 11, cf. 3 d 31, 
32, 12 a ' 27, 13 a 13, 24 a 30, Ml. 90 a 9 (lith}, Sg. 147 b 3 (lith), 
159 a 3, lid lrothadTN\>. 25 b 26, lid tuad domsa mo nelthuad 4 d 1, 1325 
lid bonitas tibi 5 b 36, lith moircc domsa 10 d 25, cf. 14 d 11, 

1 In Ml. 37 a 8 for badoib berthir sanctis, should we read bid doib berthir sanctis? 



38 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

28 b 17, 28 d 15, Ml. 44 C 9, bid Met libsi geinti do bith i n-hiris 
Wb. 5 a 13, lid do precept 23 b 29, lid hi noilad duibsi 3 b 31, cf. 
3 a 9, 12 C 14, lid si a fochricc 20 C 13, lid huathad creitfes diil 

1330 4 d 5, cf. 4 a 13, 5 C 12, 9 C 9, 9 d 27 (bith), 13 b 26, 25 a 3, 32* 25, 
Ml. 107 a 15, m linn nodchreitfea lid i n-d'irgi (those who shall 
believe, it will be in righteousness [that they shall believe]) 
Wb. 4 d 7. 

-ba : ni la maiih Wb. l d 8, nipa sapiens 8 a 16, cf. 4 a 7, 5 b 38, 

1335 ll d 15, 14 a 25, 18 a 4 (nila), 18 C 11, 19 d 18, 22 b 23, 25 d 13, 

26 d 26, 29 d 21 (nila), 31 a 7, ndm-ba lolur 6 b 15, ni la chian Ml. 
56 d 7, cf. 46 b 12, nibafochen leu a for dial Wb. 30 d 7, nipa aidrech 
lib 25 d 9, niba samlaid Ml. 27 d 12, ni ba indodaing 61 a 21, nipa 
libdu recto Wb. 4 d 22, nipa deoladacht 2 b 26, cf. 19 b 19, im-la 

1340 flaith 9 d 3, ona la flaith Ml. 90 a 9, ni ba cuit adill Wb. 14 a 8, 
cf. 25 a 29, Ml. 54 C 7, Acr. 79, nila aimser Wb. 25 b 26, im-la 
immalei do 4 b 16, nipa ex parte 12 C 14, nipa hi Spirut Dee 
12 a 4, nibla cena dcerscugud Sg. 45 a 11, niba i n-imdibu 
Wb. 23 d 27, 28, niba hed nisi ar sercc less 4 b 16, nipa far 

1345 n-ainm-si bias forib 4 d 2, cf. 5 C 12, niba unus gebas ll a 6, 

cf. 25 a 38, Ml. 31 16, 37 C 20, 100 d 4, Sg. 36 b 1 (wzid). In 

Wb. 17 b 20 nibarsaithar seems = niba ar saithar, so 17 b 18. 

Eelative : bas : doig bas fir Wb. 5 d 36, cf. 5' 4, 10 b 23, 

I7 d 20, Ml. 35 d 12, Bcr. 32 fc 5, ni bas toil doib Wb. 30 C 4, lasse 

1350 bas n-udin do 14 a 25. 

bes: morn'i bes n-adblumu foir Wb. 2 d 14, lieid bes ferr de 
32 a 13, les sonirt 14 b 19, cf. 4 C 18 (leg. bes s6ir mo breth-se?\ 
8 d 4, 20' 15 (MS. be), 27 C 14, Ml. 63 a 6, 72 d 1, 94 a 4, is he 
d oenur bes ni Wb. 13 C 3, is hed bes chobuir do 20 C 10. 

1355 PL 1. bimmi, etc.: bimmi acni et bimmi foirbthi uili Wb. 12 C 9, 
is in chruthsin bimmi noib-ni 3 d 27, bemmi caelestes 13 d 15, 
bami coeredes 4 a 17. 

PI. 3. bit : lit goacha Wb. 26 a 19, cf. 30 a 13, Sg. 187 a 2 (MS. lid), 
lit dilmaini du denum chlainde Ml. 10?* 10, lit bibdid huili Wb. 

1360 2 a 14, lit filii Dei a n-ainm 4 d 3, cf. Ml. 85 b 2, Sg. 4 b 1, lit Jess 
ind huili ddni Wb. 27 b 15, lit he na precepte nopridchtl 17 b 20, 
lit he magistir dongegat 30 d 8, lit dechoms- aalertar Sg. 73 b 8. 

-bat: co m-lat foilsi Ml. 112 b 10, a m-lat n-airbirthi biuth 
94 d 1, cf. 75 d 6, 90 b 3, 114" 17, nip at ferr de Wb. 12 d 28, ni 

1365 bat briathra nach aili 68 10, nipat he indii beta t/micxi di hnl< it> 
nammd beite isin inducbdil sin Wb. 4 C 40, anam-bet ecailsi 
Ml. 15 (i 7 (or sub j.?). 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 30 

Relative: beta : beta tiit Wb. 29 l 1, h-fa h'tcthi 3 d 29, cf. ML 
70' J), <M' -1, 5. 

Secondary Future. 

Sg. 3. robad: rnbad asm Wb.25 l) 17, robad maith a Jlalfhcmnas Ml. 1370 
89 b 9, cf. 105 b 14, Wb. 2 C 12, n>/?0rf maith limsa 12 21), 
frecor aif/n'rnr/t Ml. 131 a 8, ro-m-bad pater Wb. 2 C 21, 
bethu dom 3 C 28, roppad diil tanin Sg. lll b 2, robad dund 
sasad <li<uit nimn- panis itoreyad Ml. 118 b 6, ropad for n-6en deilh 
nobbiad Sg. 90 b 2, cf. 120 a 1. 1375 

-bad: mbbad bind Sg. 58 b 5, wz padnaidrech Wb. 5 C 9, 1 
wz W scith Ml. 103 b 4, wz bad samlaid Sg. 4 b 4, 207 b 2, wz 
irf w^r^rf Wb. 10 C 21, ni bad pronomen airi Sg. 203 b 2, 
ni bad a denur do Wb. 14 a 21, cipad a dene ind hesseirgi 25 b 27. 

bed: da bed flaith Ml. 89 b 7, 2 cf. bed messe g. ratum fore 1380 
105 b 14. 

PI. 3. robtis : robtis maith i Wb. 16 b 19, roptis imdai Ml. 15 C 8, 
romdis ( = ro-m-btis'] direcktai Ml. 48 d 12. 

Subjunctive Mood. 
Present. 

Sg. 1. "\to\-niba dimietJie-se libsi Wb. 21 d 3, da ba beo 23 b 29, 

cf. 18 a 7, main-ba acne lib 17 C 10. 1385 

Sg. 2. ba 1 arm-ba chdinchomraccach-so Wb. 30 b 23, da ba loingthech 
6 C 9, da fa firian Ml. 36 a 32, co^ni^-ba- ingraintid ciim[ach^tach 
donaib hisin 54 b 19. 

Sg. 3. rob, -ioj)-:acht ro[b~\ bronach Ml. 86 d 12, act rop Crist 

pridches each Wb. 23 b 24, cf. Sg. 169 a 1, rop cores doib fri 1390 
Dia 20 d 1 ; o-rop imduWb. 3 a 12, cor -rop glan 16 a 20, cf. 16 a 21, 
19 d 3 (cor-rup), 21 a 9 (corop), 22 a 10, Ml. 32 d .4 (corub], Sg. 
40 b 7 (corop}, 59 a 1 (corob*), o-rop innon cretem bes hi far criditi 
Wb. 7 d 10, corub mebuil leu Ml. 138 8, cor-rop bed mo indcb 
Crist Wb. 24 a 6, cor-rup hce bas denairchinnech 26 d 2, cor-rop 1395 
moo assa moo .... donimdigid 23 b 1, cf. Ml. 129 b 1 
(coru[p]\ 129 b 2 (cor-rup}, Sg. 203 b 7 (o-rop}. 3 

-p : nip *0m Wb. 5 d 14, cf. 28 C 1, 30 d 24, 31 b 5, nib ecen log 
16 C 17, cf. 22 d 12, nip imned libsi 25 a 10, nib machdad Sg. 158 a 2, 

1 I take the n to be an infixed pronoun in impersonal construction, cf. issin- 
naithrech 'we repent' LL. 250 b 17. 

2 So in Ml. 2' 1 2 </ //<</ 'unnta>,rcide\&iQ be read for w/ bcdimmaircidc of the MS. 

3 In the defective <--l(ss c/tro/iif/t ch ::: ,vo;/ Ml. 77 a 13, coroplth seems to staud 
for coroj^ iii/i ' that it may be a perpetual .' 



40 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

1400 cf. Tur. 72, nip i fomraid ade 18 b 18, nip sibes airchinnech 28 b 14, 

cf. Sg. 169 a 1, nip and noberpaid Wb. 8 b 2 ; cid arthucait cldinde 
dogne nech et nip or etrud Acr, 28 ; arimp l digthidiu Wb. 23 d 23, 
cf. 32 a 2, arimp dithnad duibsi 14 b 17, arimp do mbrad Dd uile 
15 4; arnap trom lib Wb. 14 a 1, cf. 14 d 17, 27 C 16 (arnap), 

1405 Sg. 179 b 1 (arnab), arnap eicen Wb. 29 a 10, arnap mebul duibsi 

16 d 13, cf. 25 C 31, arnap buid for foigdi 25 b 11, arnap he som 
coneit 6 C 7, airnap dr ecin dugnet Ml. 83 b 14, arnap samlid 
beith Tur. 89; conaib fir Ml. 31 d 9; cip cruth Wb. 5 d 33, 
12 d 24, Ml. 65 b 11, cib cenel dia roscribad 3 b 20, cip he ade Ml. 

1410 26 a 1, cip e atberam 25 d 12, cf. 25 d 11, Wb. 12 d 41 ; cinip lour 
Wb. ll d 15, cf. Ml. 24 d 22 (cenib\ Sg. 68 b 4 (cenip), cinip 
hon semi\_gi~\detu .i. cenip ho etrummugud Ml. 59 a 23, cenib ed 
d ainm som bes fair 23 d 17 ; manip sulbair Wb. 8 a 12, cf. 
18 11, Ml. 14 d 10, Sg. 188 a 12, mainip in chrudso Wb. 10 a 5, 

1415 manip tol lasin fer Wb. 9 d 16, cf. 9 d 18, manip n Sg. 38 b 3, 
manip ho Dia Wb. 6 a 2, cf. 10 b 14, manip tre dagcomairli 
dognether 29 a 21. cf. Sg. 20 b 2, 25 b 14 2 ; sechip he dan 
doberthar Wb. 13 a 3, cf. 10 a 18, 14 d 28, 20 b 5, Ml. 37 b 19, 
53 a 23, 53 b 1, 120 C 1, 86 d 12, Sg. 138 b 4. 3 

1420 -dip, -dib: aim-dip maithWb. 25 d 21, airndib tosach Ml. 

17 C 8, cf. Tur. 72, arhdip samlid do chdch Wb. 22 C 11, arndip 
rucce doib 30 a 3, arndip maith n-airlethar 28 b 32, airndib ar oas 
Ml. 83 b 15 ; in-dib maith Wb. 26 b 24 ; duii* in- dip fochunn icce 
Wb. 26 b 27 ; con-dib cuimse less a meit Wb. 14 a 3, condip sldn 

1425 9 b 9, cf. 12 37, 12 39, 26 d 16 (condtb),,26 A 23, 27 b 27 
(condib\ 28 d 20 (odib), 29 C 8, condib sainemail Ml. 35 d 22, cf. 
67 C 12, 94 12, Sg. I89 b 2, 198 a 4, 201 b 16, 203 b 9, Tur. 
72, 89, eondil didnad domsa Wb. l b 1, cf. 5 d 10, Ml. 90 b 13, 
condib he intliucht so domberae as 94 d 4, condib ferr domberaidxi 

1430 Wb. 16 C 9, cf. 24 a 22, 25 d 22 (condip), Ml. 23<> 5, 37 a 10, Sg. 
20 b 10, 32 5. 

ropo : act ropo cho n-etarceirt Wb. 13 a 25, cf. 13 a 27. 

corbu i m-maith beith Ml. 90 d 11, cf. 31 b 16. 

-bo : ni bo intain nombeid ar sail tantum dogne ith Wb. 

1435 27 C 9. 

1 In Wb. 25* 9 the disputed arimtairismech seems to stniid for ariinp f<tiriy>nt rh 
and to refer to ut ncinu inttnr. lu Ml. 1I2 1) 1 mi immuircide may be for 
imb iinmaircide, cf. (lit* nn rl>nt<-ln'-tbunl <litU> Wb. 10" 21. 

2 I, eg. manip si in sill- ni bes? lu Wb. 3l b 27 niuniMjlun should apparently 
be corrected to manip glan. 

3 Cf. stchi, p. 32 note. 



8UBST. VKK1J IX OLD HUSH GLOSSES J. STKACHAN. 41 

Kehitivc: bes: bes meldach 4 C 19, cf. 6 b 29 (leg. leu huilliu), 
11* 21, 17' i;i, ;U d 11, 33 15, Ml. 2" 1, 19 d 6, 2-, 7, 

49 a 18 b , 51 a 22, 56 1 ' -1-1, .VJ" 12, I)] 1 ' 16, 94 C 17, 126 C 18, 
Sg. 7' 1, int-ai-H bi-x ii-inun accobor /0/mWb. 4" 27, ben airchinnech 
Wb. 2S h 14, cf. 20 C 7, Sg. 2-V' 11, 27 a 18, 169" 1, lt)5 !l 1. 1440 

bas : las uisne Wb. 28 b 9, bos sciith lini 18 a 2, las toisech 
Sg. 20 b 2, intan bas rann 25 :i 1. 

As to the peculiar form bcsu, bexo, Wb. 6 b 23, 24, 19 b 11, it 
seems to mean ' may be,' but the analysis is uncertain. Is it 
modelled on bes ' perhaps ' ? 
PL 1. -ban: anuntman ( = an-nu-m-ban) aircheltai Ml. 27 b 10, 

comman (= co m-ban) dessimrecht do chach Wb. 31 C 11. 
PL 2. bede \-bede preceptori Wb. 13 a 10. 1445 

-bad: arna bud huilcc Wb. 5 d 38, cf. 27 C 34, co m-bad 
accomailti-xi Umsa 23 a 26, cf. 26 b 7, dia m-bad mathi 16 a 13. 1 
PL 3. ropat: acht ropat mini Sg. 199 a 1. 

-bat: Us ni bat chutrummi Wb. 9 d 27, cf. Ml. 51 b 8; 
am-bat n-erchoissi Ml. 73 C 9, cf. 127 C 25 (or fut. ?), 15 d 7; 1450 
arm-bat buidich Wb. 7 a 15, cf. 22 d 2, 22 10, 31 d 15, Ml. 
130 a 12, armbat litre nota aram Sg. 6 b 23; arna-pat toirsich 
Wb. 26 d 21 ; cin-bat huili Wb. 4 d 6 ; mani-bat Jer[r]*om Ml. 
24<= 1 ; co m-bat irlithi Wb. 7 C 14, cf. 13 d 29, 26 C 8, 31 b 25; 
i)ii-bat da g bete and ba g 7 n Sg. 15 a 2. 1455 

Eelative: bete : bete gentilia Sg. 33 a 16, cf. 33 a 16, 66 a 4, m-bete 
Ml. 138" 17. 

beta: ^ cheti Ml. 126' 4, cf. 34 d 3, 56 a 20, Sg. 32 b 14, 
54 b 6, 198 a 2, 207 a 9, 207 b 11, 220 a 7. 

bata : am- bata n-arsigthi Ml. 127 a 4, lota cliorai Deo 125 b 5. 1460 

Imperfect. 

Sg. 1. -bin, -benn : no-m-bin dermatach Ml. 20 a 4, com-min inricc 
do Wb. 24 a -ll, com bin cosmail Ml. 91 b 7, awzrt^ w/ (MS. air) 
bin fiu leu etir 44 C 2, ndmmin ( = ndm-bm) duine Wb. 17 d 23, 
arm-benn duine 130 d 4. 

Sg. 2. niptha labar Wb. 5 b 32. 2 1465 

Sg. 3. bad 3 : bad foammamigthe Wb. 13 a 16, bad buaisliu 33 d 10, 
a m-bad n-inlmaigthe Ml. 39 d 19, c^ i^ he frisandcnte Wb. 9 C 24. 

1 In Ml. llo b 10 anambni/l bxldig seems an error for anambad buidig. 

2 In Wb. 5 b 32 for the inexplicable armtuir \sinn-h I would suggest anntha 
tairismeeh 'that thou shouldst be steadfast.' 

3 In Wb. 21 a 1 for ba chomadas we should read bad chomadas. 



42 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

robad: act robad tairismech Wb, 18 d 11. 
corpad : corpad mithig lessom Wb. 4 C 37. 

1470 -bad: na bad cola Wb. 33 b 21, nam-bad rath 12 d 21; 

arm-bad ferr 10 a 16, cf. ll a 7, 19, 25 d 26 (armad), Ml. 
18 d 6, 35 C 23, arm-bad peccad Wb. 3 C 20, armad machdad 
Sg. 167 a 4, armad hi corns- 222* 6, arm-bad hi soinmiyi 
dosmelmais Ml. lll b 15, cf. 23 b 12, 43 C 13, 104 d 5, Sg, 

1475 21 l a 6, Per. 6 a 2; arnd-bad romdr leosom Wb. ll c 7, cf. 

Ml. 35 23, aniabad lesom for longais (sc. notesed] 23 b 12, 
43 C 13, co m-bad aurlamWb. 8 a 4, cf. 6 d 6, 14 C 23, 21 a 13, 25 a 14, 
26 b 31, Ml. 14 a 7, 21 d 1, 65 d 5, 70 a 5, 89 b 15, 92 C 4, 92 d 14, 
110 a 6, Sg, 72 a 1, 106 b 22, 120 b 2, co m-bad iarum Ml. 70 a 5, 

1480 co m-bad innonn indocbdl diar n-anmanaib Wb. 24 d 13, co m-bad 

imned for araill domsa 23 b 21, co m-bad eet leu 5 b 20, co 
m-bad aicned n-indib a n-olc Ml. 76 a 11, co m-bad beim foris 
Wb. 10 a 12, cf. 25 23, 28 a 13, Ml. 86 d 10, 89 d 13, Sg. 69 a 26, 
co m-bad se apud nos 209 b 7, co m-bad ho suidiu pepigi Sg. 

1485 181 a 3, co m-bad si amser sin rongabthe Ml. 24 d 7, cf. Sg. 

148 b 5, co-m-bad snini for moidem-si Wb. 15 d 6, co m-bad susi 
doberad 18 a 3, cf. 13 a 16, co m-bad tothim cen eirge nobed 
5 b 10, cf. 18 13, 26 b 31, 27 d 16, 32 a 12, Ml. 16 a 10, 27 d 22, 
34 d 6, 35 b 18, 37 b 23, 39 15, 48 d 27, 53 C 13, 54 a 21, 95 a 1, 

1490 95 C 2, 103 d 16, III d 4, 113" 7, 120 6, 124 b 3, 139 a 9, 

Sg. 18 a 4, 21 b 6, 69 a 5, 106 b 16, 120 a 2, 203 a 10; cona-bad 
fir Wb. 18 a 18, cf. Ml. 119 d 6, conapad fir Dia 21 12, cona 
bad eicen doberad Wb. 32 a 12, nipa\A~\ dron notbocetha Wb. 
5 b 32, na bad do Hierusalem nobertis 16 d 4; manibbad hinuun 
1495 lit- Sg. 17 b 8, manibad fortaehtain De Ml. 134 b 3, cf. 136 C 2, 1 

Wb. 4 a 20 ; sechipad ed doda'issed 39 C 15. 

bed: int'i bed tressa Ml. 19 d 5, cf. Sg. 162 a 6, ba doig bed 
n-ingcert Ml. 61 b 15, cf. Sg. 30 a 8, arna tomnathar bed foamnia- 
michthe Wb. 13' 2, cf. Ml. 30' 5, 40" 17, 96 b 18, 132 a 4, 

1500 nibu machdad bed coitchenn Sg. 68 a 3, intan bed femin 66 b 14, 
bed nephdiachtae Ml. lll b 6, cf. Wb. 33 d 5, ni bed mo Ml. 
51 a 2, cf. 54 b 30, 60 b 2, 78 a 4, 92 a 9, 106 b 6, 129 2,' 136 b 7, 
Sg. 42 b 9, diinni bed fortachtigthi Ml. 64 b 2, damsa bed gabthi 
76 d 4, cf. 107 a 10, bed ersailcthi 14 d 2, cf. 16 a 5, 18 a 6, ID- 1 1, 

1505 22 d 22, 24 a 3, 29 a 15, 34 d 14, 39 d 24, 46 a 27, 53 b 2, 79' 1, 

88 a 14, 92 a 17, 93 a 8, 105 b 13, 125 a 8, i;5i>" -1, 134 b 2, 

1 In Ml. 127 d 18 maip badeacht du atrtib indi should probably be correct < d to 
main bad deacht, etc. 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 43 

l.!7' 12, Sg. 25 b 9, 39 b 11, 68 a 5, Tur. 146, led n-ecen Ml. 
51 a 19, ncc/t It'll chare do 29 16, led n-oimalm 26 C 1, cf. 
43 a 15, 86 d 5, led n-ainm do dor as 131 C 3, led foil nogaltis 
35 b 16, cf. 50 1 ' 8, Sg. 62 b 2, 209* 1. 1 ">10 

-bed : r led a arilliud nodn'icad Wb. 2 b 4 ; co m-led 
SIM uiida Sg. 200 a 1, co m-led adultera Wb. 3 C 9, co m led 
caralitates la Grecu Sg. 38 b 5, co m-led lied noled and 3 b 10, 
co m-led sandid dagneth Ml. 51 d 2; main led maith latsu Wb. 
32 a 11, main led accuis 9 b 19, main led diar net tad 6 C 31; 1515 
dus im-led do Duaid coneitsitis Ml. 87 C 4. 

bid: indoich lid indirge do Dia Wb. 4 C 16, cf. 10 d 1, 
indoich lid frithorcun lib 18 a 9, indoich bid ar for mrath 18 a 15, 
doig liun lid exaggeranter duintad Ml. 89 d 6, ni meite lid 
machdad forru Sg. 161 b 12, is ferr lid oin seek- leu 184 b 1, 1520 
la corn lid aclnuntiabit noleth hie Ml. 45 b 14, arna tomnitis sotn 
lid do irquirin cotulto Wb. 25 C 12, amal lid act limsa moort 
do galdl 23 b 18; amal lid Dia 26 a 7, amal lid moanmain-se 
32 a 8, cf. 28 d 17, amal lid inn accaldim deithidnig Ml. 35 C 27, 
amal lid in chlothi 48 b 3, cf. 18 d 5, 35<> 25 (Itth), 37 b 22 1525 
(fid), 42 C 19, 75 a 2, 136 a 1, Sg. 188 a 26 (leg. inn aimsir?), 
amal bid tarasi n-uilc Ml. 74 a 2, amal lid horaili nuasligi 
2 a 6, cf. 23 C 9, 30 d 27, 32 a 25, 37 d 19, 40 d 17, 49 a 11, 49 d 11, 
54 d 10, 80 a 2, 88 C 12, 101 d 12, 118 b 3, 129- 12, Sg. 2 a 6, 
9 b 11 (lith), 31 b 22, 192 b 4, amal lid duib doecmoised Wb. 1530 
5 d 26, cf. 10^ 12, I9 b 6, 24 d 21, 32 a 17, Ml. 20 b 18, 32 a 5, 
44 a 19, 44 b 8, 49 a 11, 51 b 15, 62" 2, 63 b 9, 68 b 2, 68 b 3, 
78 b 14, 84 C 9, 130 d 15, 131 d 12, Sg. 33 a 18, 217 b 15; amal 
lid annumothaiged Ml, 25 a 12, cf. 34 b 11 (fid), 46 a 23, amal 
lid a n-durochrech 68 C 11 ; ** cumme do lid imdelthe Wb. l d 20, 1535 
cf. 10 C 3, 4, Ml. 92 a 12, Sg. 10 a 11, is cumme do lid ed aslcrad 
Ml. 95 b 7, cf. 67 a 8, indaas lid praeceptoir asidindissed 42 b 18, 
cf. 123 C 10, 135 a 13, oldaas lid ar n-dinsem Wb, 4 b 17, oldaas 
lid iniquus aslerad Ml. 59 a 7. 1 

ni bad: amal ni lad fm Ml. 63 d 2, amal ni lad atrab 1540- 
68 b 3, amal ni lad hua nach comthumus 63 d 2, amal ni lad cen 
cinta dugnetis 74 a 1. 



1 In Ml. 19 b 11 imbi bid is unintelligible and is probably corrupt. In Ml. 
59 a 12 mad Jtiuiicitixd brs aui/<//xir 7 bid ho (/ciai'm, I do not understand the 
variation between bes and bid. In "Wb. l b 16, as I have suggested before, nn<l 
asbndla seems a mixture of amal as Dia ' as God,' and amal ni bad Dia " as 
though He were not God.' 



44 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSKS J. STRACHAN. 

PI. 1. bemmis : ar bemmis muntar-ni dait Ml. 102 b 16; amal 
bemmis ford iucailsi 134 b 5, amal bemmis bibdaid 114 d 4. 

1545 bimmis : com-mimmis ecil Wb. 29 d 16, com-mimis angraib 

duibsi 26 b 18, com-mimis less huili 6 b 21 ; amal bimmis octarche 

9 a 7, amal bimmis maicc deit Ml. 91 b 16, amal ni bimmis J'm- 

ni etir 63 d 1. 

PI. 3. betis: betis mou Ml. 100 C 11, betis dillithi 29 d 6, of. 86 a 4, 

1550 betis aisndisib 23 a 14, cf. 27 b 6, 29 d 6, 33 d 7, 63 b 13, 68' 14, 

96 b 16, 102 d 10, 104 d 7, 130 b 10, 131 d II 1 ; nibbu machdath 

betis Grecdi Sg. 6 a 9 ; amal betis degntaini dobertis Ml. 90 a 14. 

bitis: amal bitis luic deroli Ml. 92 d 11 ; indate bitis cranna 

doiscairi dufubaitis 92 d 6. 

1555 -btis: amtis (= a m-btis} forcmachti Ml. 34 a 10, cf. 72 b 13, 

85 d 6; airmtis rii etir 79 b 11, airmdis he iusti indi nadocu- 
manatar 54 a 12 2 ; comtis indbaid i n-iris Wb. 10 d 33, comtis 
cat\K]rai\_g] fnsellar Ml. 36 d 18, comtis ainmmnidi Sg, 7 b 2, 
comtis les Ml. 92 C 10, comtis he ind huli sin forbristea 67 b 18 ; 

1560 coniptis er&oilcthi, coniptis erlama 100 C 24; conabdis apstil 
tantum Wb. 5 b 15; matis tuicsi ll a 22, matis huili 5 b 15, 
maatis he ind fersai grandi insin namma dumberad Ml. 40 C 17, 
matis mu namuit dudagnetis 73 d 1 ; maniptis t6baidi Sg. 120 a 1, 
maniptis mu charait dudagnetis Ml. 73 d 1. 
In a subjunctive sense are used cid, 3 cit, mad, mat. 

1565 cid: cid accobrachWb. 4<> 34, cf. 3' 5, 10 a 26, 27 a 8, 30 d 6, 

33 16 (cetih\ Ml. 2 d 12, 20 a 19, 115 d 7 (ced\ 8, 145 C 3, 
Sg. 2 a 7, 28 b 6, 7, 38 a 7, 52 a 15, 68 b 4, 201^ 10, cid a mall 
Wb. 24 C 10, cid mebul lib 3 b 30, cid lol do ll b 18, cid accubur 
lium Ml. 69 a 21, cf. 80 a 9, cid precept cid labrad Wb. 13 a 29, 

1570 cf. Ml. 140 b 4, cid less ar m-beo Wb. 6 b 20, cid fogn'im cid fa 
chesad dorr6ntar 13 C 21, cf. 8 d 21 (ced), 18 C 11, 27 C 14, ni 
machdath cid he comaisnd'is Sg. 222 a 5, Ml. 17 C 3, 19 b 11, 92 a 17, 
142 d 1, Sg. 28 a 15, 202 b 3, Acr. 28. As a past subjunctive, 
cid d'tan 7 cian nutheisinn Ml. 41 d 9, cf. Wb. 20 b 22, nipu 

1575 imdu do in mann cid tren oc tecmallad 16 C 25. 

/ 

1 Cf. Zupitza, KZ., xxxv, 454 sq. 

2 In Wb. 4 a 10 Pedersen (KZ., xxxv, 341) suggests to read ardislemmtfiu. 

3 But cid is followed by the indicative in cid doib dour relict o il 10. More 
strange is cid fo gnim cid fo chen-ath dotunjar Wb. (r l 'Jl. Tlnit dui'nnjur here 
is personal is indicated liy tin- ])lnral dutiaataf Ml. 106 C 3, cf. 101 C 7. It 
IOOKS as though we had here a different verb from thn/n ' I go.' cid 'what' is 
followed by the indicative, cf. Wb. 5* 31, 9' 20, 10 11 26. 12' '22, 46, 13 tt 13, 
16 C 7, 19 d 10, so citne Wb. 6a 9, 8 b 5, Ml. 61 b 7, 8. c\d ninvspnmls to the 
negative cenip, cf. Sg. 68 b 4, mad to the negative Munlp, cf. Wb. ( J U 16, 17. 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 4 "> 

cit: cit sochudi Wb. 4 d 5, cf. 9 a 12, 12 a 13, Sg. 190 b 1, 
207 b 11. 

mad = pros, subj.: mad coxmil Wb. 2 C 20, mad moo de 
2 a 8 a , cf. 8* 5, 8 d 1, 9 a 23, 9 d 17, 10 a 15, 12 b 11, 14 a 4, 
11, 19 d 17, 20 a 1, 20 6, 31 b 7, Acr. 43, Sg. 36 b 1, 188 a 6, 1580 
7, 197 a 2, 208 a 4, 6, 209 b 12, 210 b mar,u\, ///^ fowown far- 
monrnn doib lll a 3, mad fochricc som Wb. 2 b 26, cf. 29 a 23, 
Sg. o 1 ' 19, act mad oentu duib occa Wb. 9 d 22, mad samlid duib 
25 a 19, mad secundum carnem 8 a 17, cf. Ml. 44 b 4, 6, 45 C 10, 
74 d 13, 1 cf. Tur. 137, mad co techt di cofer Wb. 9 d 32, cf. 10 d 30, 1585 
12 a 23, 17 d 19, Sg. 161 b 9, 207 a 8, mad he a luum Wb. 4 a 14, 
mad lid far m-bethu-si Crist 27 b 6, mad he herchoil- Sg. 199 b 4, 
mad ar log pridchasa Wb. 10 d 23, cf. 10 d 27, ll d 16, 12 C 36, 
46, 13 a 13, 13 C 24, 17 a 2, Ml. 43 a 2, 46 d 6, Sg. 203 a 7. 2 

= past subj.: ba bee n-damsa mad buith cen cliotlud Ml. 1590 
95 d 13, mad aill duib cid acealdam welch darigente Wb. 13 b 3, 
cf. Ml. 2 d 1, Sg. IIP 2, mad o dib n-ogaib 157 b 4, mad mo 
riarsa dognethe Wb. 9 d 25, cf. 2 C 17, 10 a 27, 33 b 13, Ml. 32 d 5, 
35" 26, 96 a 10, 98 b 9, 118 b 6, Sg. 199 b 9, 202 a 7, 207 b 2. 

mat = pres. subj.: mat he na briathra-sa forcane Wb. 1595 
28 21, mat rete frecndirci yesme 4 a 27, mat anmann emnatar 
Sg. 189 b 4. 3 

Imperative. 

Sg. 2. ba \ba chuimnech Ml. 46 b 29. 

-ba: na ba thoirsech Wb. 29 d 19, cf. 31 C 22 (napa). 

Sg. 3. bad: W dlichthech Wb. 5 C 20, cf. 5 C 21 (pad), 5 d 15, 1600 
6 a 30, 6 d 13 (MS. ld\ 12 b 6, 16 a 15, 22 d 21, 23 15, 
24 b 9, 26 a 30, Ml. 131 d 12, Sg. 147 b 7, 148 a 2, bad amal 
asindbiursa Wb. 13 a 25, bad atrab Wb. 27 b 25, bad litir sain 
g. Sg. 6 b 11, bad fdilte duibsi Wb. 5 d 24, cf. 5 d 25, 25 b 25, 
bad chore duib friu 7 b 4, 14, 18, 27 d 11, lad chdch daresi dreli 1605 
13 a 5, bad didnad deserce (be it consolation of charity) 23 C 8, 
cf. 23 C 9, 10, bad ad edificationem 12 d 41, bad ho thoil in fognam 
22 d 5, bad i n-Dia ind failte 23 d 19, cf. 27 C 3, bad hi Crist 

1 In Wb. 17 Kl 2 mitJiirsunir is rightly corrected by Nigra to mad du stoir. 

2 In Sg. 73 b 8 mad bed ins in, asbt-rtliar diib, mad bed is to be corrected to 
mad hciL 

In Wb. 28 b 13 act mad a claind nisi liberos suos, act mad has sunk to a mere 
adverbial formula. 

3 In Sg. 3 b 19 mad di Jiisc is for mat di Jiisc. 



46 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

23 11, cf. 5 d 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 24 b 10, 27 C 3, 10, lad lessom 
1610 25 C 12, bad he a fer in cetne Wb. 9 d 32, lad he for n-ere 9 d 12, 

lad he in mes so dolerthar fornn 8 d 18, lad sissi coneit 6 C 1, 
lad he dongneith 5 d 27, lad samlith sullairichthe (let it be 
thus that ye are eloquent) 12 d 8, cf. 5 d 19, 30, 34, 13 a 3, 6, 
22, 29, 32, 22 d 14, Ml. 66 I. 1 

1615 bed: led i n-genas (?) Wb. 9 d 3 1, 2 led imthuge duilsi Crist 

6 b 3, led amal asmliur-sa dogneither 13 a 29. 

-bad:-M0 lad lia diis Wb. 13 a 4, cf. 24 b 3, 26 b 28, 
na lad inunn fedan imleith 16 a 16, na lad ecen 14 d 1, nd lad 
cuit tadaill 27 b 25, na lad tormach galir duit 29 a 24, na lad 
1620 melul lat 29 d 18, cf. Ml. 56 b 36, 65 d 15, nd bad dia mess 
Wb. 6 b 5, cf. 6 C 6, 22 d 25, na lad hed ameit 22 b 14, Ml. 62 d 2, 
na lad he for n-imlradtid Wb. 6 b 6, na lad do reir for colno 
leithe 6 b 4, cf. ll d 15, 13 a 5, Ml. 70 d 8, 9, 127 b 18. 
PL 1. baan, ban: ladn tairismich Wb. 5 d 22, Ian luidich 29 b 17, 
1625 Ian chossmaili 33 b 20. 

PL 2. bad: lad Ui Wb. 3* 6, cf. 3 b 7, 5 d 21, 9 d 6, 22 a 24 
(MS. lad\firidinsi\ 24 a 24, 24 b 1, 27 a 6. 

bed: led noil de (MS. leded noilde] Wb. 3 b 28, led 
adthramli 9 a 14, 23 C 27, bed imthuge-si Domino 6 b 3. 
1630 "bad : n <*> bad anfoirbthi-si Wb. 12 d 26. 

PL 3. bat: lat chosmuli Wb. 17 C 5, cf. 20 C 2, 31 C 13, lat he 
lerte Iretha 9 C 12. 

-bat: na lat nach arm aili Wb. 22 d 14. 



1 In Wb. 19 d 29 basamlid dhib should probably be corrected to bad samlid duib. 

2 But in 9 d 28 bite i n-genas we have the substantive verb. As the substantive 
verb seems necessary here too, we should probably read bled ' she shall be in 
chastity.' 



SUBST. VKRH IN OLD HUSH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 47 



PART II. REMARKS. 

Such, then, are the forms of the verb 'to be ' that are found 
in the Old Irih Glosses. Where the occurrences are so numerous, 
it is very probable that some have not been registered, but I trust 
that nil the actual forms have been noted, and that, though some 
examples of them may have been overlooked, the collection will 
be found complete enough for practical purposes. As to the 
distribution, most of the instances can for formal or syntactical 
reasons be assigned with certainty to one part of the verb or the 
other. There are a few doubtful cases, chiefly where the syntax 
furnishes no certain clue. It remains to consider the different 
parts of the verb, and, where more than one set of forms are found, 
to try to discover any differences in their usage. The ideal would 
be one form one function, but that I have not found possible to 
carry through completely. On the one hand, I may have failed 
to perceive differences of usage that actually exist, in which case 
one can only hope that others will be less blind. On the other 
hand, it is to be remembered that language is constantly changing, 
and that particularly in a literary language the old and the new 
may exist side by side and be used indiscriminately. It has long 
been recognized that the three great collections of Old Irish 
Glosses Wb., ML, and Sg. are not of the same date. It is also 
admitted that Wb. is the oldest. The usage of the verb 'to be ' 
is in agreement with this; thus, in the preterite of the copula 
the form bo is confined to Wb. As to the two other collections, 
Thurneysen, Rev. Celt, vi, was inclined to put Sg. between Wb. 
and Ml. ; Pedersen, in his paper on aspiration in Irish, KZ. xxxv, 
regards Sg. as the latest of the three, and certainly with regard 
to aspiration it has a good deal in common with later Irish. In 
the usage of the verb 'to be,' however, it sometimes approaches 
Wb. more closely than Ml. does, notably in the use of the form 
file (p. 57). The question seems deserving of further consideration, 
in which might be borne in mind the possibility that Sg. may 
have been altered in transmission : thus, if these glosses were 
copied from dictation, the person dictating would very naturally 
follow the rules of aspiration to which he was accustomed. 



48 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

As to the later history of this verb in Irish, which should form 
an interesting and important chapter in the history of the Irish 
language, some notice will be taken of new developments, but 
I have no sufficient material at my disposal to deal fully with 
the subject. Reference will be made to Windisch's Worterbuch 
(WB.), to my paper on the Verbal System of the Saltnir na Rann 
(VSR.), to Atkinson's edition of the Passions and Homilies from 
the Lebar Brecc (PH.), and, for classical Modern Irish, to Atkinson's 
edition of Keating's " Three Shafts of Death " (K.). It should be 
very interesting if Professor Henebry, or some other scholar who 
speaks Irish as his native tongue, would compare the syntax of the 
verb ' to be ' in Old Irish with that of the spoken language of 
to-day. 

A. SUBSTANTIVE VEEB AND COPULA. 

One of the most remarkable features in the Irish verbal system 
is, that there are throughout two different sets of forms of the 
verb ' to be.' The one set is accented like any other verb, the 
other is proclitic and has no independent accent of its own. In 
part the two sets of forms come from different roots, in part one 
original form has been split up by the difference of accent. 
In the terminology of Modern Irish grammar they are called 
respectively the substantive verb (td) and the assertive verb (/*). 
In Old Irish the conditions are not in all respects the same as 
in Modern Irish, but in the absence of any other convenient 
designation we may be permitted to give to the accented forms 
the name of the Substantive Verb, to the unaccented forms that 
of the Copula. 

The difference in usage will be best shown by examples. With 
the preposition la ' apud ' both forms are in use, but the sense is 
different. Compare is la Dia cid Calldea ' even Chaldea is God's ' 
Ml. 49 d 5, it lib huili ' omnia uestra sunt' Wb. 8 d 15, with at a 
lib uile ' it is all to be found with you ' (ut nihil uobis desit in 
ulla gratia) Wb. 7 d 5, attaat iltintudai leu l there ,are many 
interpretations with them ' Ml. 3 a 14. So is uas nert dom * it 
is above my strength' Sg. l a 6, but in titul robot huas chiunn 
Christ isin chroich l the superscription which was above the head of 
Christ on the cross' Ml. 74 b 1 ; combad hoxttiditi pepigi 'that pepigi 
is from it ' Sg. 181 a 3, but is and biid neutur huad 'it is thru that 
there is found a neuter from it ' Sg. 104 b 5 ; nitat ilddni do 6cti/iur 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 49 

' it is not many gifts to one man ' Wb. 21 a 16, but ataat ilscnmnn 
do suidiu ( there are many sounds to it' Wb. 12 C 46; law ba .\/iii/i 
fora mcnmnin ' when it was a care upon his mind' Ml. 89'* 7, )>ut 
roln'ii a salndodcad for each 'his particular misfortune was on each' 
"Ml. 1 <K) :l o ; 1'id chore ttuib friu 'let it be peace to you towards them ' 
Wb. 7 b 4, oroib core ddib fri each 'that there may be peace to you 
towards all' Wb. 26 b 30. The copula is often used in periphra>is 
to bring some particular word into prominence (this is necessitated 
by the fixed order of the Irish sentence where the verb regularly 
comes first), e.g. is dreecht dib nad rochreit ' it is a part of them 
that did not believe ' Wb. 5 C 2, ba miscuis atroillisset ( it was 
hatred that they deserved ' Wb. 4 C 14, hore ropo co jdilti tuccad 
'because it was with joy that it was brought' Wb. 24 b 26. 
Compare with these bieid nach drect diib hicfider ' there will be 
some portion of them that will be saved' Wb. 4 d 6, bieid bes ferr 
de 'there will be some advantage therefrom,' lit. 'there will be 
that will be better therefrom,' Wb. 32 a 13, attaat da n-orpe rogab 
Abracham 'there are two heritages which Abraham received' Wb. 
2 C 21, biit sualchi and it foilsi i there are virtues that are manifest' 
Wb. 29 a 29. 

With the copula the predicate is naturally most commonly an 
adjective or a noun, is follm ' it is clear,' is athir som ' he is 
father.' But it may be of other forms, e.g. ammi Dee ' we are 
God's ' Wb. 6 b 20, is din chorp in ball * the member is of the 
body' Wb. 22 C 18, is ho siun co nuie dam for sere 'my love for 
you is from old to new' Wb. 4 b 29, is cud far m-burpe 'your 
folly is to this extent' (sic stulti estis) Wb. 19 b 8, is huare rongnith 
1 it is because it was done ' Ml. 31 b 10. 

But whatever be the form of the predicate it follows the copula 
directly. The subject either conies at the end, or, if the predicate 
be a compound phrase, it may be introduced into the middle of 
it, e.g. is irlam ind anim do thuil Dee * the soul is obedient to 
the will of God' Wb. 5 C 18, is gndth gdo et fir and 'falsehood 
and truth are customary therein' Wb. 14 C 22, is ball each dialailiu 
* each is a member to the other ' Wb. 5 d 4. When the subject 
is a suffixed pronoun it is put after the noun or the adjective 
of the predicate, cenotad maic-si raith 'though ye are sons of 
Grace ' Wb. 33 b 8, is Dia so,n domsa ' He is God to me' Wb. l a 2, 
air immi ardu-ni de ' for we are the higher ' Ml. 23 d 23. The 
preterite forms ropsa basa are no real exceptions ; here the -sa has 
become an integral part of the verb, and where the affixed pronoun 
Phil. Trans. 1898-9. 4 



50 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

is wanted it is inserted in its proper place, e.g. ropsa huallach-sa. 
When the predicate is not a noun or an adjective, then, so far 
as I have noted, these affixed pronouns are not used, but another 
form of expression is employed ; cf. is 6nd athir dd ' He is from 
the Father' Wb. 21 d 4 with is uadib Crist 'Christ is from them' 
Wb. 4 C 20. 

But in certain forms of expression a personal pronoun is intro- 
duced directly after the copula. This usage has been carefully 
discussed by Atkinson, PH., pp. 892 sq. (cf. K., Appendix), and 
I will here restrict myself to citing some examples from Old 
Irish: it e uiui inna doini bi 'the uiui are the living men' (where 
it will be seen that the order is copula + subject -f predicate, the 
two latter being definite and identical) Sg. 39 a 23, it he spatia 
narreefil a terra 'the spatia are the spaces that are a terra' 1 Bcr. 18 3, 
as n-e Crist in lia asrubart ' that Christ is the stone that he spoke 
of Wb. 4 d ll, la he a fassugud a nebchomalnad 'its annulment were 
not to fulfil it ' Wb. 19 C 4, mad hce far m-bethu-si Crist 'if your life 
be Christ' Wb. 27 b 6, is hed an honestum guide Dee 'the honestum 
is to pray to God' Wb. 10 b 15, it he ind cerchoiUi asber som 
toltanugud Deo y bitith i m-bethid noib foirbthiu ' the determinations 
that he speaks of are to please God and to be in holy perfect life ' 
Ml. 74 d 9, it he in toirthi innahi adfiadatar hi testimnib ' the fruits 
are the things that are mentioned in the texts' Ml. 46 14, bit he 
magistir dongegat indh'i asindisset a tola feisne d6ib ' the masters 
whom they will choose will be those that will declare to them 
their own desires' Wb. 30 d 8, it he a timnae adi namma rusarigestar 
'it is His commandments only that he broke ' Ml. 71 b 14, issi ind 
amm as airlam do chomalnad recto De ' it is the soul that is ready to 
fulfil the Law of God' Wb. 3 d 11, bit he na precepte cetni nopridchob 
'it will be the same teachings that I shall preach' Wb. 17 b 20, 
matis he ind fer si grand i insin dumberad 'if he had put those terrible 
verses' Ml. 40 17, iss'i inso in targabadl, is be in peccath for 
areli 'this is the trespass, this is the sin upon another' Wb. 9 C 19, 
lann segar and issi ede didchinne in milti ' it is the crown which 
is sought therein that is the remuneration of the soldiers' service ' 
Wb. ll a 5, is sissi in tempul sin 'ye are that temple' Wb. 8 d 7. 
In instances like the last the copula is in the third singular, is 
snissi ata boues Wb. 10 d 11, combad snini for moidem-si Wb. 
15* 6, cf. is sisi nobcrete Ml. 46 a 13, combad sissi dob, r ad 
Wb. 18 a 3, bad sissi coneit Wb. 6 C 1, but it sib ata cbomarpi Wb. 
19 C 20, where note the difference in the pronoun. In at tu 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN'. J 1 

cen tosach cen forcenn ' Thou art without beginning, without 
end' Ml. 110 d 5, there is a peculiar exception, to which I can 
cite no parallel. 

The substantive verb is most frequently used either absolutely 
or with a prepositional phrase, e.g., nabad hed ameit nddmbai 'let 
it be not only that it is not' Wb. 22 b 14, robatar oo imbresun 
frinimoysi 'who were contending with Moses' Wb. 13 C 17 (with 
oc it forms periphrastic continuous tenses, cf. PH. 830, 831). In 
PH. the three prepositions do, la, and oc are noted with the 
substantive verb in the sense of 'in possession of.' In Keating, to 
judge from Atkinson's Glossary, do and la are no longer so used, 
la being used only with the copula, e.g. adubhairt an nidh fa 
leis do thabhairt do Caesar * He said that there should be given 
to Caesar what was his,' a usage which still lives (cf. td 
airgead agam acht ni Horn fein e ' I have money, but it is not 
my own' O'Donovan Gram. p. 311). In the Irish of the Glosses 
this use of oc has not yet developed ; the two prepositions in use 
are do and la, of which the latter is much the more frequent. 
The two are here not synonymous; do is primarily 'to,' while 
la in many of its uses corresponds to Lat. apud. Thus aid 
inotacht dunni ' there is entrance to ' or ' for us ' Wb. 33 b 5, in 
fochricc file do i n-nim ' the reward which is for him in Heaven ' 
Wb. 29 d 29, ni bith chomdidnad damsa indib ' there used to be no 
consolation for me in them' Ml. 62 b 6, innahi nobitis dam liuam 
cJiairdib 'the things that used to be to me from my friends,' 
desiderii .i. rob6i dosom imma tkir, i.e. ' which he had for his land ' ; 
indfdilte rob6i d6 libsi 'the joy that he had with you' Wb. 16 b 2, 
aid olc n-aill lib ' there is another evil with you ' or ' among you ' 
is derb Hum attd latsu, g. certus sum quod et in te Wb. 29 d 14, 
ni firadrad bis leu do Dia ' there is not true worship among them of 
God' Ml. 42 a 14, fides .i. rob6i la Abracham 'which was found in 
Abraham' or ' which Abraham had' Wb. 2 C 15, desiderium .i. roboi 
lesom im Dia ' which he had for God ' Ml. 61 d 10. As Ebel says, 
la expresses "penitiorem magis sensum." 

The substantive verb is occasionally found with adjectives (cf. 
K., App., p. xi), ataat mesai Dee nephchomtetarraclitai, which seems 
to combine .two predications (1) there are judgments of God, 
(2) these judgments are incomprehensible, Ml. 55 d 11, rondyab 
coimdiu comacus les dia fortacht ' that he has a Lord near to help 
him' Ml. 30 b 11, amal nombemmis erch6ilti g. tanquam morti 
destinatos Wb. 9 a 3, Hid ersoilcthi ' be ye opened ' Ml. 46 a 7. With 



52 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

adjectives as with substantives this usage is much more common 
with bin (11. 291 sq.) ; of this more will be said below. 

With substantives the modern idiom is peculiar : * he is a man ' 
(and not a boy) is expressed by thd se na dhuine (lit. ' he is in his 
man '). Pedersen, who has given a brilliant explanation of this 
idiom (Celt. Zeit., ii, 377), can quote no certain instances of it 
from the Glosses, and I have met with none there. In a couple 
of cases aid is followed by a substantive, but the idiom is 
different : aid Dia attach n-dunni ' God is a refuge unto us ' 
Ml. 66 d 1, ni udinn fesine ataam for tectire ' it is not from ourselves 
that we are messengers to you' Wb. 15 a 18. 

Sometimes -bi seems to be used as a consuetudinal present of 
is. Thus is remib rethid iarum would mean ' it is before them 
that he runs afterwards,' combi remib rethith iarum Wb. 13 b 13, 
may mean ' so that he is wont to run before them afterwards ' 
In Wb. 12 C 12, 13 23, 22 C 10, 30 C 23, and other passages 
the idea seems to be use and wont rather than continuance ; 
e.g. combi diass mor ind oengranne would seem to mean ' so that 
the one grain is wont to be a great ear.' More instances for 
examination will be found, 11. 288 sq. In favour of the view 
suggested here are the facts (1) that -bi is often followed by 
nouns and adjectives, while aid rarely is; (2) that -bi is used 
to bring forward an emphatic word like the copula, while atd 
never is ; (3) that the predicate noun or adjective directly 
follows the verb ; (4) that -bi is here usually written without the 
mark of length. 

As to the order, the subject usually precedes the prepositional 
phrases. But there are exceptions, cf. act nirobat pecthe less Wb. 
ll d 9 with arna robat leu in pecthe-si Wb. 25 b 9. In the case of 
inso and insin and substantives with the suffixed particles -so, -sm, 
the regular position is at the end, e.g. Wb. 26 b 31, 28 a 23, 32 12, 
Sg. 209 b 29 (exceptions Wb. 10 d 19, Sg. 158 b 3), so anuin comes 
at the end Ml. 30 b 16, otherwise Sg. 209 a 3. Other exceptions 
will be found in Wb. 7 d 5, 10 d 2, 14 a 33, 14 C 31, 25 b 1, Ml. 
14 12, 109 a 2, Sg. 40 a 11, 71 b 10, 76 b 2, 203 3. The guiding 
principle seems to be that of emphasis, cf. atda lib uile ' it is with 
you in its entirety ' Wb. 7 a 5 with ataat uili isin chorp sin ' they 
all are in that body' Wb. 12 a 16; but the order is sometimes 
clearly influenced by the form of the sentence, e.g. atd i n-aicniud 
cdich denum maith 7 imgabdil uilc dodenum Ml. 14 12, orobad inna 
/) ni inchoissised Wb. 2 C 7. 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAX. 53 

B. SUBSTANTIVE VERB. 

1. Attdu and biu. 

Tur. 58, Hid didiu a confessio hisin do f6isitin pecthae, Hid dana 
do molad, Hid dana do atlngud buide ; do foisitin didiu atasom 
sunt, ' that confessio is wont to be for confession of sins, it is 
wont to be for praise, it is wont to be for thanksgiving ; it is for 
thanksgiving here.' This illustrates well the common difference 
between the two verbs ; attdu asserts existence, biu predicates 
besides use and wont. Sometimes biu denotes continuance, but 
that use is much rarer. I have noted as clear instances Hit and 
co arndbarach ' they remain there till the morrow ' LTJ. 63 a 8, 
cf. LL. 251 b 26, Hid dogress 'it continues to be for ever,' Trip. 
Life, p. 86, 1. 10. 

2. Attdu and fil. 

As is well known, these verbs in later Irish supplement one 
another, cf. PH. 892 sq., K., Appendix iii. And so it is in 
the Old Irish of the Glosses, where the rules of the usage are 
as follows : 

atta, -ta is used : 

(1) In orthotonic non-relative position, e.g. aid in coimdiu 'the 
Lord is,' is samlaid ataat l it is thus that they are.' 

It is also used after hore, which is commonly followed by 
a relative form of the verb (but cf. its use with non-relative 
forms of the copula), hore aid hesseirge duib ' because there is 
resurrection unto you ' (six other instances in Wb. and one in 
Sg.); further, after ol once in Sg. After amal attd is not found 
(amal file occurs once in "Wb.). 

(2) After a negative, etc., with an infixed pronoun denoting 
a dative relation. Thus ni-m-thd l ' I have not,' but m-m-fil 
' 1 am not.' 

(3) After a relative which includes a preposition : ani i-tda 

cuntubart libsi ' that in which there is doubt with you.' 

fil is used : 

(1) In enclisis, except after a relative which includes a 
preposition, e.g. nisfl hodie 'they are not hodie^ nacJn'bfd 

1 In Wb. 31 7 )iinfd dirli ar m-J>an it has been held that the verb is followed 
by an accusative. But in Sg. 168 a 1 air II ' tractatio ' is certainly nominative ; 
it seems to be a different word from airle ' counsel.' 



54 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

1 that ye are not,' ni fil taidchor do l there is no return for 
Him.' It also appears with ce 'though' and ma 'if,' which 
take the forms cenud- manud-\ cenudfil gnim 7 chesad Jiimidiu 
'though there is not action and passion therein,' manudfel 
in Spirut ndib indiumsa ' if the Holy Spirit is not in me.' 

(2) As a relative (which is the only use of file), e.g. iarsin 
dligud fil hindiu i according to the rule that is to-day,' a fil 
ar mo chiunn 'what is before me,' fil ni de as fir 'that there 
is somewhat of it which is true,' in fochricc file do i n-nim 
'the reward which is to him in Heaven,' corrofessid file 
cuimrecha form 'that ye may know that there are bonds 
upon me.' 

There is another usage of fil which, though it happens not to 
occur in the Old Irish Glosses, is found in old texts, and which 
may be put down as Old Irish. 

(3) fil is used in answer to in fil in interrogation. ' in fil imbass 

forosna lat?' or Medb. 'fil ecin,' or ind ingen. ' " Hast thou 
imbass forosna?" (a form of divination), says Medb. " I have 
indeed," says the maiden/ LIT. 55 b 14, cf. 54 b 42, 68 a 3, 12, 
Trip. Life, vol. i, pp. 116, 118 passim. As to the explanation of 
the construction, it may be compared with the use of ndd * in 

1 Cf. the use of na nac in negative answers in Welsh, GC. 2 754, Anwyl's 
Welsh Grammar, p. 70. In Irish nd is found in other forms of answers. LU. 
56 a 23: 'is airiund arbdget dano,' or Ailill. ' ni regat lend,'' ol Medb. ' anat 
didiu,' ol Ailill. ' nachanfet dano,' ol Mtdb. '" It is for us they fight," said Ailill. 
" They shall not go with us," said Medb. " Let them stay then," said Ailill. 
" Stay they shall not," said Medb ' (LL. 57 a has ni anfat), cf, LU. 78* 32 sq. ; 
LU. 70 b 4: ' tttc damsa do gai,' or in ciinte. ' ace 6m,' or Cti, ' acht ddber 
seotu duit.' 'nadgebsa on,' or in cdinte. '"Give me thy spear," said the 
satirist. "Nay," said Cuchulinn, "but I will give thee treasures." "That 
I will not take," said the satirist' ; LL. 7l a 45, ' rafetad,' for Fergut, * nad 
chunnis fodessin.' ' nad chunnius on co brunni m-brdtha.' ' " I shall be able," 
said Fergus, "provided you do not seek it yourself." "I shall not seek it 
till Doom."' Cf. also LU. 87 a 40, LL. 7l a 2, 175 b 50, I77 a 36. For ni in 
sentences like the above cf. LU.63 b 2t, 60 a 2, Ir. Text, ii, 1, 176, 178, LL.62 b 46, 
64 a 41, 70 a 12, 7l a 34, 279 a 26, Tain Bo Fraich, p. 144. The later the language 
the more frequent is ni. To the sentences with na quoted above parallels may be 
found in the Brythonic languages. In Welsh : Red Book, p. 55, 1. 19, ' gellwng 
ymeith ef.' ( na ellyngafyrofa DuwJ heb ynteu. ' " Let it go free." " I will not, 
by Heaven," said he ' : cf. pp. 55, 1. 25, pp. 66, 57, 58 passim, p. 70, J. 29, p. 8U, 
1. 12 (for ny cf. p. 2, 1. 12, p. 52, 1. 7, p. 68, 1. 6). In Cornish, for na cf. 
Creation, 11. 375 sq., 1048 sq., 1175 sq., 1887 sq. ; Origo Mundi, 11. 2067, 2655, 
2697 ; Passion, 915, 1411, 2040, 2262, 2756 ; for ny Creation 679, 1144, Passion 
853, 905, 1237, 2268, 2362, 2675. In Breton, for na cf. Ste. Barbe, 1. 767, 
for ne 11. 362, 481, 484. From these facts it is clear that such a use of na, 
originally probably in emphatic negation, is a common Celtit 1 idiom, which, 
Imwcver, fared differently in the different Celtic lani;ii;it's ; in sonic >KI encroached 
upon ;/;, in others /// BBCroaohed upon mi. For a longer treatment of the point 
In i, I have neither the mutt-rials iior the space. 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STK.UIIAX. 55 

answers, e.g. ' in cotlad do Ailill? or Medl, ' imluxa ? ' ' nadcd 
am,' ar AililL ' " Is Ailill asleep now ? " Bays M<-db. " Xo, 
indeed," says Ailill,' YBL. 37 b 31 ; l in fil Cuchulaind fursinn 
ath?' l nad fit? or in gilla. ' " Is Cuchuiiun at the ford?" 
"He is not," says the squire/ YBL. 37 a 42. Cf. LU. 
58 b 14, LL. 61b 6, 64 b 47, 70 b 47, 71 a 15, 264 a 24. Cf. 
the use of nath6 in negative answers, GC. 2 749, WB. 701, 
LU. 60 b 22, 84 a 34, Ir. Text, i, 127 (where another version 
has n'it6}. Now nd and ndd are the negatives of oratio 
obliqua, so that use (3) of fil may be explained as a particular 
case of use (2). In Irish verse fil is very common in 
positive sentences at the beginning of a line, e.g. Imram 
Brain 4, 7, 25, 39, 42, YSlt. pp. 45, 46. But, so far as 
I have noted, this is foreign to the prose of all periods, 1 and 
must be regarded as a poetical license. 

In later Irish aid is found after amal, e.g. LU. 87 a 43, Laws, 
iii, 90. In the case of some constructions, owing to the absence of 
material in the Glosses, it is impossible to say whether they go so fur 
back. Thus, can aid ' whence is ? ' Psalt. Hib., 1. 270 ; cinnas atusa 
' how am I ? ' LU. 70 b 34 ; ce tdisiu ' who art thou ? ' LU. 74 a 32, 
cf. 78 a 17; cid toi 'what ails thee?' Trip Life, p. 200, 1. 10, cf. 
cid daas in cmllech? Trip. Life, 28, 1. 17, KZ. xxxv, 392. Beside 
cid tdi there is cid notdi, KZ. xxxv, 391, cf. Ir. Text, ii, 1, 174. 

In Mod. Ir. i-td, etc., have been replaced by i-bhfuil, etc., cf. 
O'Don. Gramm., p. 170. Of this I have noted the beginnings 
in old texts: hifil Psalt. Hib., 1. 417, LU. 92 a 21, Imram Brain, 2 
p. 53, 1. 3, ifil ib., 18, fors-fil ib., 43, inonfil = in-don-fil* LU. 
67 b 15. In the Saltair na Rann this construction is still rare. 

Sometimes in later Irish fil is found with an infixed pronoun 
in a dative relation, cf. KZ. xxviii, 108. 

1 With the exception of film ' there are,' which is found twice in Cod. Cam., 
and for the use of which L can suggest no explanation. 

2 By Zimmer, who is followed by Meyer in his edition of the text, this work 
is ascribed to the seventh century, an antiquity which seems to be too great, 
unless not only the prose but also the verse has undergone changes ; in addition 
to the fil forms, note also things like saibsi, ethais. I should be inclined to 
regard the end of the eighth century or the beginning of the ninth as a more 

?robable date, so that it would be about the same date as the Felire Oenguso. 
u the latter text final vowels arc well preserved, except that final o rhymes with 
a, so that it must have been pronounced , as it is often written in the GlosM >. 
Of this there seems to be an instance in the Imram Brain in bdthailblutha, 
\ 6. The final vowels of the Felire 1 hope to discuss soon. 

3 Cf. dianotnthisml = dt<i)i-<lom-thisad LU. 60 a 14, cf. 62 b 1, 67 a 37, 71 a 22, 
82 b 18, and olten in later Irish. 



50 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

3. Fel, fil, fail, file. 

It has often been asserted that these forms have a subjunctive 
as well as an indicative function, but this is erroneous. 

As to the variation of vocalisra in the first syllable, the 
distribution is different in different kinds of sentences. Where 
the form is relative, fell or fel is rarely found, Wb. 4 C 1, 13 C 26, 
33 b 18 (in a gloss from the second hand), Ml. 47 C 17; fail occurs 
once, Bcr. 18 4; fele once, Ml. 93 7. In the enclitic position the 
facts are not so simple. Here we must begin with Wb. And 
in Wb. a certain regularity may be observed : fel is usually found 
in forms of three or more syllables (except where two of the 
syllables belong to the preceding particle ntcon, condch, etc.) : 
nachibfel 3 b 19, condumfel 3 C 38, manudfel ll c 1, manudubfeil 12 C 20, 
condibfeil 24 C 4 (exceptions conidfil 24 a 33, cinwfil 16 b 9); but 
condch fil (with infixed pronoun, Pedersen, KZ. xxxv, 412), nifil, 
niofil. In Ml. this rule does not hold ; cf. on the one hand ni fel 
19 d 2, nifeil 2 b 4, 60 b 2, nwfel 46" 19, 55 C 13, nadfel 20 b 2, 27 d 10, 
and on the other cinidjil 30 a 2. Sg. shows only fil and fail (which 
occurs thrice in Ml.); as Pedersen has pointed out, Aspirationen i 
Irsk, pp. 5 sq., a is simply a graphic device for expressing the 
broad timbre of the preceding consonant. The origin of fel is 
obscure ; * as for its usage, it is an impersonal verb governing the 
accusative. That makes it probable that it is at least of verbal 
origin ; file was probably formed from fel, for the e compare 
the third plural relative forms berte, etc. But whatever be the 
origin of the form, there can be little doubt that e is older 
than i ; cf. further dofeil * adest ' by dofil. In Wb. the difference 
is probably one of accent; in these longer forms with infixed 
pronoun the verb had probably a stronger accent than elsewhere. 
Later this distinction is lost. In Ml. perhaps too much weight 
should not be laid on the fel form, as there seems to be a tendency 
in these Glosses to confuse e and i. As to the non-palatal timbre 
of the /, which is proved by the later form fail, it is impossible 
to say anything very definite about it as long as the origin of the 
word remains uncertain. But even if it were uel- there are certain 
analogies, e.g. taig* dat. of tech * house' = *tegos. 



1 Sarauw, Rev. Celt., xvii, has suggested an ingenious explanation of the form, 
which unfortunately does not haninmi/.e well with tin- Old lri>h n-a-v. 

3 Unless indeed taig arose in the phrase vstaig l within ' under the influence of 
the opposite immaig ' without.' 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 57 

In enclitic position//, etc., alone are used; in relative function 
both // and file are found. Here I find it impossible to lay down 
any hard and fast rules for the use of the two forms. Ebel's 
suggestion that the use is connected with the gender of the 
antecedent has been rightly rejected by Stokes, KZ. xxviii, 108. 
In the three great collections of Glosses the relative proportions 
of the two forms vary : 

AVh. Sg. Ml. 

fil 14 20 65 

file 14 22 25 

In Wb. and Sg. fil and file about balance one another; in Ml. 
tbe proportion of fil to file is almost three to one. In later Irish 
file becomes very rare. Thus, in the Felire it appears only once, 
and in the two old Sagas in LU., Tain Bo Cualnge and Togail 
Bruidne Da Dergga, I have noted only two occurrences, massate 
file sund LU. 63 b 45, cein file 64 a 1. In Salt. Rann there is no 
instance of it. The form is clearly obsolescent, and in the earliest 
Glosses confusion has probably already set in. The instances in 
"Wb. may be quoted here : 

fil. 

a fil innar cridiu-ni 'what is in our heart' 15 a 7, so 16 C 17, 

24 a 15, 27 d 19. 

fil ni de as fir ' that there is somewhat of it that is true' ll d 2. 
hdre is oenrad fil linn ' because it is one grace that we have ' 

13 b 9. 

is fir tantum fil and 'it is truth only that is there' 14 C 24 (bis). 
tadbat dechor fil eter lanamnas et 6gi ' he shows the difference 

that there is between wedlock and virginity' 10 b 21, 

cf. 13 26. 
orici a n-deckur feil etarru ' as far as the difference that is 

between them' 33 b 18. 
ueritatem .i. fil lib ' that is in you ' 26 a 26. 
ecclesiae Galatiae, .i. fil in Galitia * that is in Galatia ' 18 b 5. 
it a n-athir inna fer fel and nunc * it is the fathers of the men 

who are now ' 4 C 1 . 
file. 

amal file oentid eter ballu l as there is unity between members' 

12 b 12. 
is mor in dethiden file domxa diilsi ' great is the solicitude 

that I have for you' 26 d 19. 



58 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

isbed file indiunni 'it is that which is in us' 26 d 19. 
fit rath Dee latso < that the grace of God is with you ' 12 d 20. 
don terchomruc n6ib file i Corint 'to the holy congi egation 

which is in Corinth' 14 b 5. 
in red comaccobuir file i m-ballaib l the law of concupiscence 

which is in the members' 13 d 27. 
in fochricc file do i n-nim ' the reward which is for him in 

Heaven' 29' 1. 

a r-radfile andsom ' the grace which is in him ' 29 d 29. 
eternam uitam .i. file dud i n-nim * which is to thee in 

Heaven ' 29 2. 

fideni A. file etrunni ' which is between us' 31 a 11. 
donaib n6tbaib file in Achaia 'to the saints who are in Achaia' 

14 b 5. 
it he coisnimi inso file lib ' these are the contentions that are 

among you' 7 d 13. 

na cum achte file a Deo ' the powers which are a Deo ' 6 a 3. 
corrofessid file cuimrecha formsa 'that ye may know that there 

are bonds upon me ' 23 a 3. 

It will be seen that// is used with an < what' ; Sg. 160 b 2 has 
a file, Ml. 101 a 5 quod fil. With amal file is once used, so Rev. Celt., 
xv, 487. In oratio obliqua with a singular noun each form occurs 
once; Sg. has file 29 b 12, 13, 151 b 7. With plural nouns file 
occurs four times, fil once; in Sg. the plural is constant (four 
times), and in Ml. file occurs seven times, fil six times. From the 
agreement between Wb. and Sg. it is probable that we have here 
an original usage. In the remaining instances in Wb. there are 
no clear principles. In Sg. there is a preference for file in 
periphrasis : ni dechor m-bindiusa file hie 23 a 4, cf. 74 b 8, 93 b 2, 
cesu choms- 6 dib n-6gaib file hi suidiu 75 a 5, cf. 148 b 9, issed 
file la Lait- 20 b 8, cf. 140 a 3; with fil: is he a joxlaid fil sunt 
32 b 7, ni sk fil in his 177 a 1, is chiall (leg. ciall) chesto fil imUb 
140 a 5. Otherwise I cannot perceive any fixed principle. In 
Ml. the usual form in periphrasis is//; file is rare. The confusion 
between the two forms may be seen e.g. from a comparison of 
93 C 7 with 42 C 2, 54 a 33 with 63 d 4, 53 a 19 with 50 d 3. 

In later Irish fil develops a set of forms for the other persons, 
cf. VSR. 46, PH. 897, 898, K., Appendix. In the Glosses this 
development has not yet begun. 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 59 

4. Rongab, dicoissin, dixnigur. 

In meaning rongab belongs to attd. Thus in later Irish the 
phrase amal rongab 'as for example' (Wb. 12 b 1, Sg. 65 b 3, etc.) 
is replaced by amal aid, cf. PH. 896, Laws, iii, 90, etc. ; further, 
rongab is joined with atd, Wb. 27 a 15, Sg. 214 b I. 1 In function it is 
relative, being used after conjunctions that take the relative form, 
and in oratio obliqua* In Wb., apart from oratio obliqua (in 
which fil and file are also sometimes used, p. 58), it is found only 
with amal (which occurs once with file, p. 58) ; with hore attd 
is used, p. 53. In Sg. the usage is the same ; once, too, it occurs 
wifhfobith, of which instances are wanting in the other Glosses. In 
Ml. it is in addition twice used with huare, and once with lassan'i 
1 when,' with which there are no instances in the other Glosses. 

In an old religious text printed in Eev. Celt., xv, by amal 
rongabsat fingala, p. 488, stand amal rogabsat diberga, amal rogabsat 
adaltras, etc. So in the Psalt. Hib. by amal rongabsat na iiii pr'im- 
fdithi, amal rogab v libru Jfofai* is foan indas sin rogab in 
Saltair. But in the ancient legal text, the Crith Gablach,* the 
regular forms occur, amal rongab rechtga rig Caisil, amail ronngab 
recJit Adamnain, Laws, iv, 334. In all probability rogab is a scribal 
corruption of rongab ; in Mittelirische Yerselehren, amal rosgab, 
ch. 6, is an evident distortion of the old formula. 

In the Saga literature the only occurrence that I have noted so 
far is is maith rongabus Jritt ' I am good to thee ' LL. 24 9 b 1 
(cf. ba fmaithj romboth friu 249 b 16). 

It will be observed that rongab is the only form in Wb. ; in 
Sg, rondgab also appears, and in ML this is the more common 
form. Still Pedersen, KZ. xxxv, 406, is probably right in deriving 
rongab from rondgab. For ndg seems to become regularly ng, 
cf. KZ. xxxv, 401; Pedersen, Aspirationen i Irsk, 77. Then 
rondgab would be an etymological repetition of the pronoun which 
was felt to be an integral part of the phrase, or it may be merely 

1 Ml. 56 b 33 must not be regarded as an instance to the contrary ; the 
meaning is ' there is wont to be the sense of imitation in zelauerix as it is found 

'' 



2 In Wb. 6 d 12 rongab scientia lib must, I think, be in oratio obliqua after 
monerc ' that ye have knowledge.' In Ml. 67 d 14 the relative form is improperly 
used after sic (= Ir. issamlaid) as in 104 b 5. 

6 In an impersonal construction of which I have no other example. Can it be 
due to the influence of dicoissin or fil ? 

4 This is a tract which deserves careful study, particularly in connection with 
the development of Irish law. The impression produced by the lan^ua^e is that 
it is very old ; that it should have been composed in the fourteenth century, as 
the editors suppose, is inconceivable. 



60 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

an etymological spelling ; in either case we may compare asindbiur 
by asinbiur and the like. As to the origin of the form, Pedersen 
says it means literally ' as I have taken it,' but it is not obvious 
how the actual usage could have come from that. I should be 
inclined to suggest that it comes from the intransitive use of 
gabim in the sense of 'to set up at a place,' 'to come to dwell 
in a place,' whence might come the sense of 'to be in a place.' 
The d would then be an example of Pedersen's figura etymologica, 
KZ. xxxv, 404. Zimmer's suggestion, Kelt. Stud, ii, 64, seems 
very improbable. 

Dicoissin also belongs to the sphere of aid, and is strongly 
assertive of existence. It is found only in relative construction. 
Its usage is impersonal : cf. dichussin cetheorai deisi Laws, iv, 320. 
In BB. 320 b 8 secht n-etargaire tra dochuisneat, the plural dochuisnet 
is clearly a new formation like fid from fil. It is a word of not 
very common occurrence ; apart from the Glosses and the Felire, 
the instances that I have noted are from technical works, e.g. 
Ir. Text, iii, 15; Laws, iii, 4, 16. 

Dixnigur is, so far as I have noted, confined to the Glosses ; 
it seems to be a purely learned word coined to translate esse, 
e.g. non est .i. inni nadndixnigedar Ml. 55 C 10, sic non est inter 
uos sapiens quisquam qui possit iudicare inter fratrem suum .i. is 
nad dixnigedar nacJi acne hore is amne dognither Wb. 9 C 14. 

5. JBiu. 

The only thing that calls for remark here are the forms robi, 
rob'iat, 11. 321 sq., 384-5. One might be tempted at first sight to 
take robiat for a future, but this is contrary to the rule that ro- is 
found before the future only when there is an infixed personal 
pronoun. And with them clearly goes o rubiam, SP. ii, 5, which 
cannot syntactically be a future. As for robi, it formally can 
hardly be anything but a present indicative, and ni rttbai is 
a regular development of ni rubl. The peculiarity of these forms 
is that they seem to approach to the meaning of a subjunctive 
of possibility. This is most clearly seen in Sg. 98 b 1, where 
'potest tamen hie datiuus accipi ' is glossed by rombi fri tobartliid\ 
now in Irish conicc ' potest ' is followed by the subjunctive. In my 
paper on the Subjunctive Mood, 23, I have translated one or two 
of the other examples as subjunctives. These are not so certain, 
but it seems to me that we get a better meaning if we take them in 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 61 

the sense of possibility. On the other hand, some of the instances 
might perhaps be more naturally taken in an indicative sense. 
Ml. 99 d 1 is somewhat different from the other cases. Wb. 24 d 11 
and Ml. 36 b 3 are again different. Can horbi be robi reduced 
to the state of a copula? It is hard otherwise to account for 
the loss of o. 1 

The only other instance of this robi that I have noticed is ar 
ii))<jaib comlonn aenfir o robi cona g disced fair 'for he avoids combat 
with a single man when he is with his arms upon him' Laws, iv, 352. 

6. Preterite. 

The second singular happens not to occur. Doubtless it was 
robd, cf. romM, Trip. Life, 196, 1. 10. In the third singular the 
spellings bdi, bui, which later become common, are only just 
beginning. The form -raibi is not yet found. For robddus, 
robddais, formed from robd after the model of the s preterite, see 
PH. 903. 

The ro-less forms are still rare, particularly in Wb, ; after ol- 
they alone -are in use. In four of the instances in Wb. 27 a 16, 
31 C 18, 10 d 31, I7 d 17, bdi is used in a peculiar modal sense in 
connection with subjunctives, in which sense the ro- forms are 
not used. It seems as though in this there is something more 
than accident. The remaining instance in Wb. is h6b6i mo chland 
et mo cheneel is oc frecur ceill Da ataa, ' since my clan and my 
kindred came into being, it has been worshipping God.' With 
ho- no ro- forms are found, but one can hardly lay very much 
weight on the single instance. 

7. Future and Secondary Future. 

In orthotonesis these tenses are accompanied by ro- where there 
is an infixed personal pronoun, cf. p. 17. 

In later Irish the chief change in the future is that a forms 
encroach on e forms ; thus bieid becomes biaid under the influence 
of -bia, cf. WB. VSR. p. 49, PH. 901. Conversely in Trip. Life, 
224 1. 24, bieis appears for bias. beite comes to be used in 
a non-relative sense, and a new form beitit appears, cf. Trip. Life, 
112 1. 22, 15-2 1. 27, 110 1. 15, 120 1. 17. 

1 In Ultau's Hymn, 1. 15, Atkinson takes Iriarn as a subjunctive. But it is 
a future indicative, ' I shall be free.' So iu Fel. Ueug., Jan. 13, ronbia must be 
future. 



62 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAX. 

8. Subjunctive. 

The uses of no- and ro- with the subjunctive mood have been 
treated in my paper on the subjunctive, 80 sq. lu Ml. 61 b 28 
ciabe ammeit is remarkable, cf. ciabe cein cope ri and LIT. 87 a 37. 
In the same phrase there is an irregularity in the past subjunctive, 
ciabed ammet Ml. 39 a 13 (Subj. Mood, 84). l In Ml. 43 d 1 (1. 732) 
robeth stands all alone in a sentence of this type, and we should 
probably read nobeth. 

In the 1 sg. be6mm quoted by "Windisch, m has been added 
as in the future biam VSR., 1. 1242, and narbam YSR., 1. 1179, 
from am, etc. 

9. Infinitive. 

The regular form of the nominative of the infinitive is both = 
"W. bot, bod (from *bhutd). But mostly both has been replaced 
by buith, the form of the dative and accusative (cf. Zimmer, Gott. 
Gelehrt. Anz., 1896, p. 379). A weakened form bith, bid appears 
sometimes; in nebeth the accent would be on the first syllable. 
Later beith, bith become common, and are probably to be explained 
by the assumption that frequently at all events the infinitive 
had not the full accent. 

In Ml. 44 C 6 the infinitive is followed by an adjective, a usage 
which I have seen elsewhere, though unfortunately I have omitted 
to note the references ; one or two examples will be found, WB. 
399, PH. 905, 906. 

C. COPULA. 
1. Present Indicative. 

How the various constituents which go to make up this part 
fit into one another may be seen from the following table. The 
forms marked with an asterisk are conjectural : 

Sg. PL 

1. absolute am amrni, ammin, immi 
negative riita nitan 

with con-, etc. conda condan / 

relative no-n-da, no-n-dan 

with ce *cenota *cenotan 

2. absolute at, it adib, idib, adi 
negative *nita nitad 

' The other exceptions mentioned are no exceptions at all, as they are forms, 
not of the substantive verb but of the copula. 



SUBST. VKRIi IX OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAX. G3 
Sff. PL 



with co n-, etc. 


*oonda 


*con(l<i<l 


relative 


no-n-da 


no-n-dad 


with ce 


*cenota 


cenotad 


absolute 


is 


it 


negative 


ni 


nitat 


with co n-, etc. 


conid, condid 


condat 


negative 


conndch 


*connatat 


relative 


as 


ata, at 


negative 


ndd, ndt, nand, ndch 


natat, nandat 


with ce, ma 


ceso, maso 


ceto, matu 


negative 


cenid, manid 


*cenitat 



ID some of the forms there is a variation between a and ', at it, 
adib idib, ammi immi (if my emendation be right). In every 
instance except Ml. 108 d 2 the * form is preceded by air. So 
arit Trip. Life, 88, 1. 8, aritib 102, 1. 9, ar im siniu, arit fiadu 
(without ar, it foimsid) VSR. 11. 1037, 1043. In VSR. it was 
suggested that this variation was due to confusion of vowels in 
proclitic forms. But that explanation, besides being inapplicable 
in Old Irish, does not account for the distribution of the forms. 
The real explanation must be that the vowel is influenced by 
the palatal timbre of the foregoing r. In ftiritflriansu, it would 
be in the very weakest position between the secondary and the 
primary accent of the group, where the indistinct vowel would be 
particularly open to the influence of neighbouring sounds. In 
Ml. 108 d 2 it must be supposed to have strayed beyond its proper 
sphere; there is nothing in the gloss to suggest corruption. In 
VSR. 1. 1037, huair im may be explained in the same way as 
airim ; in 1. 1036, however, uair am occurs. Neither Windisch 
nor Atkinson cites from his texts any examples of im, it, idib. 

In the 1 pi. by the usual ammi is found amminn ammin, cf. 
amin torsich, Ir. Text, ii, 1. 178. In the 2 pi. adib the b is from 
the pronoun of the second person (Brugmann, Grundriss, ii, 906) ; 
in the same way in ammin may be seen a similar influence of 
the 1st personal pronoun. Conversely the form adi, which occurs 
a couple of times in Wb., may be compared with ammi, whether it 
be an older form than adib or whether it be formed after ammi. 

In the relative form of the 3 pi. by ata is found at (once et l if 
the text be sound). The form is peculiar to Ml., and it occurs most 

1 Is et to be compared with -dct, p. 65. 



64 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

commonly after an- f when,' with which ata is there rare. Once 
it appears in a non-relative sense. So in the future (11. 1363-4) 
bat is used in Ml. after an-. In later Irish at for it is common, 
cf. VSR. 11. 1094 sq., PH. 894, WB. 361. In the production 
of at more than one influence is conceivable. Thus (1) at (rel.) 
: it as : is, (2) a might have tended to spread from ammi adib, 
(3) at might couie from the conjunct -dat, (4) in later Irish the 
possibility of confusion of unaccented vowels must be kept in mind. 
Except so far as (4) has to be reckoned with, and it is excluded 
in the older language, one would be inclined to see in part the 
influence of (1) in those cases where at is unaccompanied by an-, 
but to assign the chief importance to (3). Thus anat would be 
influenced by anas and annandat, from nidat would come at for it. 
In Mid. Ir. the extension from -dat is clearly seen in cidat ' though 
they are'=O.Ir. cetu. By cidat occurs ciat YSR. 1. 1095, into 
which cit is sometimes corrupted in the MSS. of the Felire of Oengus. 

The relative ata is a disappearing form. It is not quoted in 
YSR. or PH., and Windisch cites only one instance in which ata 
means ' whose are.' * In LTJ. I have noted intan ata Idna 61 a 17, 
63 a 45 ; in LIT. 138 a 32 at is relative, as in Pel., May 7. It may 
just be remarked that the formulae oske 6te (Ascoli, ccxxi) appear 
later as ise, asfi, He, ate, cf. VSR. 11. 1097 sq., LL. 250 a 43, 
250 b 43, LU. 88 b 2, 89 a 22, 95 a 17, 96 a 7. 

The 3 sg. ni at first sight looks like the simple negative, but 
Thurneysen, Celt. Zeitschr., i, 1 sq. ; Idg. Anz., ix, 191, sees in it 
a form of the copula, deriving it from *nut, *neat, *ne eat. Such 
a copula form he also conjectures in ndd, nand, ndch* As to the 
usage of these latter, ndd and nand 3 correspond to as and asn- 
(p. 67). But ndt corresponds in usage to nand, not to ndd* 
Nan is to be explained as a sandhi form of nand which has spread 
beyond its proper bounds. Ndch, when not preceded by con-, etc., 
corresponds in usage to nand. In later Irish ndch supplants the 
other forms, cf. PH. 815 ; in PH. nat is once followed by a noun, 
but the usage is not the Old Irish usage. 

1 Cf. VSK., 1. 1077, Celt. Zeit., i, 8, and compare further asa di 'whose 
it is ' Laws, iv, 314, do each besa ccthrai, ib. 336, beset, he iriu O'Davoren, p. 97. 
In Fel. Oeng. ata is common in the sense of ' whose are,' probably under the 
influence of asa; nabdar Hi lochta, Mar. 18, shows that it is not absolutely 
necessary to have a possessive pronoun. 

2 Is it to be looked for also in lasinn, 11. 918-9 ? 

8 In Wb. 10 b 26 (1. 1011) nant and nadn- stand side by side. 

* So in the pi. w/V"/ is syntactically equivalent to fMMNMf , Can mit stand tor 
na-n-t, a form corresponding to "W. nut with relative n ''. muni seem* also to 
contain this , but the analysis of these copula forms is very uurertaiu. 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 65 

The forms nita, n'ula, etc., have been commonly regarded as 
unaccented forms of -id-, cf. VSR., p. 44 note, KZ. xxxv, 359. 
In Celt. Zeit. i, 4, Thurneysen rejects this explanation altogether, 
connecting the d of -da, etc., with the d of conid', in Idg. An/., 
ix, 192, he admits the possibility of the explanation only for 
non-relative forms. 1 His chief objection is the vocalism of the 
forms -dan, -ded, -det. As to these isolated forms it is hard to say 
whether the e is an earlier stage of a or whether it is a peculiar 
representation of the unaccented vowel ; in two of the instances 
the vowel of the following syllable is palatal. He also urges 
the fact that t is found only after the negative. The only 
exceptions to that are the peculiar cota leu Ml. 44 11, if cnta 
be not an error for coda (conda), and the formula sechitat, but 
sechi is not followed by d forms ; cenutad may be explained from 
cenud-dad; ndtat, the plural of ndt, cannot be considered a real 
exception. If the forms be of more than one origin, they have 
become so thoroughly mixed up that it is impossible to separate them 
fully. For the 1 and 2 sg. -ta we may with some assurance 
assume that they came from -to, -tdi, otherwise the ending would 
be hard to explain. The form -dem is peculiar for its ending. 
Should it be -den ? In -did Thnrneysen rightly regards the first 
d as coming from the other persons; thus conda, conda, conid 
would easily become conda, conda, condid. From -did, as 
Thurneysen has suggested, d spread to the subjunctive -dip. 
Condid, etc., also took the place of conid, etc., before other verbal 
forms, e.g. condidtucce, "Wb. 30 a . 

Afterwards the 1 and 2 sg. -ta, -da became -tarn, -dam, -dat, 
after am, at. Thus the second glossator in Wb. has already nitam 
for nita. Cf. further ni dam dermatach LIT. 124 a 3, indut cretmech 
Trip. Life, 84, 1. 7, diandat celimiu LIT. 71 a 11. For ni nicon- 
is found, niomessi LU. 69 b 43, niconfiu, LL. 25 l a 20, -nicondeit ata 
hi tairrhgire Ir. Text, ii, 1, 181, cf. Felire Oenguso, Glossary. 
Some exceptional forms are found, as nim for nida SE-. 2069, 
LL. 81 b 10, nismor for ni mor Ir. Text, ii, 2, 226. But these 
are only occasional vagaries. In LL. 95 a 20 madbedsa is clearly 
a distortion of inda Ie6sa; in this portion of the LL. Tain there 
are many monstrous forms. The later use of ni with a plural, e.g. 
ni hiat, is to be compared with the similar use of is, e.g. is iat = 
0. Ir. it he. 

1 Professor Thurneysen now writes that he would derive nifa from ta-. 
Phil. Trans. 1898-9. 5 



66 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAX. 

In cesu, ciasu, massu, matu, o is found only in Wb. and Sg. Ml. 
has also the later ciasa, massa. For massa appears later also ma*, 1 
cf. WB., PH. The plurals cetu, matu I have so far noted only in 
the Glosses. For cetu appears later eidat, ciat (p. 64), for matu, 
masitat Ir. Text, ii, 1, 176, massate LU. 63 b 45, mastat Wind. s.v. 
ma. In the other persons there are some new forms. In Trip. 
Life, 112, 1. 20, ciasa lobur, ciasa is used of the second person; 
a more distinctive second person is massat fissid LU. 86 a 19. Other 
forms are cidam leechsa LL. 70 a 45, cidat PH. 894, cidarcomaltai 
LL. 85 b 15 (for this formation see below). 

With nimtha ladm, etc. (1. 1103 sq.), may perhaps be compared 
nimda sdthech LU. 60 b 18, nimda mac 62 a 37. 

An impersonal construction with infixed pronoun has been 
referred to (11. 903 sq.), cf. p. 39 note. Compare isam6mun LU. 
65 a 18, bddnimomunside 'he was sore afraid' 64 a 11, bidamsodglaas, 
bidamairdercu-sa de (so it should be corrected) Ir. Text, ii, 2, 242, 
ropadatsldn LU. 130 a 17, badamsldnsa 130 a 18, so perhaps conidam 
124 a 2, 16, 124 b 1, 2, 6, cf. VSR., p. 42 note; some of the forms 
quoted there have a plural predicate. In Mid. Ir. isam, isat are 
common forms of the 1 and 2 persons, cf. PH. 894. In VSR., 
p. 42 note, reference is made to some other curious forms, the 
origin of which is pretty clear. Thus, if in expressions like 
nidam sn'imacJi, am was felt to be the infixed pronoun, forms like 
nidarmdain might easily arise, and from them the way is easy to 
the positive darsldna, artroig. In atbarddsachtaig, KZ. xxviii, 95, 
we have a formation starting from the 3 pi. at, cf. altar lia (for 
atbar lia ? YBL. 94 a 38 has Mil lia ; perhaps the original text had 
airitib lia} LU. 84 b 26, batinaithrig ' we shall repent ' LL. 278 a 30. 
In SR. 3574 rosat, Stokes is right in taking the form syntactically 
for a present, cf. nirsa LL. 70 b 7, gersat 84 a 14, ciarwt 70 b 28 
(by ciarso 70 b 29, in 70 b 50 ciarso is 3 sg.). Did these forms 
come from a wrong analysis of 6rsat = 6ri*at, etc., helped by 
association with preterite forms? Many of them are no doubt 
simply artificial literary formations. 

The use of the relative forms as, ata, etc., has been discussed 
by Pedersen, KZ. xxxv. With the fuller material it is possible 
on some points to be more precise. 

As to the use of is and as, the general rule is to be noted that if 
any part of the sentence, except the sul.jtd or the object or 
adjectives or adverbs of quality, is brought forward emphatically, 
1 Did mas UHM in the first instance before a vowel, e.g. 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 67 

tlien non-relative forms are used : is do is c6ir, is iarum is 
comainside, is and is tualang. Otherwise the relative forms are used. 
The relative usage may be illustrated by the following examples 
(in (a] the relative form may be preceded by an ( what') : 

(a) The relative serves as the subject : it Tie as chorp l it is they 
who are body,' it sib ata chomarpi ' it is you who are heirs,' 
anas maith 'what is good.' In this type of sentence as, etc., 
are not followed by relative n, and the initial consonant of 
the following word (except a dental) is aspirated. In the 
remaining types n is inserted and there is no aspiration. 

(1} The relative refers to an adjective or adverb or adverbial 
phrase : is bee as mdo ( it is little that it is greater,' is ind 
il as ferr 'it is much that it is better.' Similarly inchruth 
as coir ' the manner that it is proper,' indent as comallaide 
* the celerity with which it is fulfilled.' 

(0) The verb is preceded by conjunctions which take the relative 
form, an, cein, cenmithd, deg, fubiith, hore, intain, isind'i, lasse, 
lassani, ol, cf. KZ. xxxv, 387 sq. : amal as n-inricc * as is 
worthy,' hore as n-amairessach 'because he is unfaithful.' 

(d) The relative form is used in oratio obliqua : as n-olc ' that 
it is evil.' But the form of oratio recta is often kept, e.g. 
rofetarsa is foirbthe 1 1 know it is perfect.' 

Exceptions to the above rules have been noted by Pedersen. 
He has not, however, observed the peculiar position of hdre. In 
giving statistics for this word I have neglected the negative form 
of the third singular, because I have not collected all the instances 
where hore is followed by ni ' is not,' as it is often followed by 
ni ' not ' instead of by ndd or ndch. In each case an example 
of the type is given, and then the total number of occurrences 
in "Wb., Sg., and Ml. 

hore. 

XoN- RELATIVE FORMS. RELATIVE FORMS. 

Ti6re am essamin-se Wb. 4. 

hore at bonus miles Wb. 1. 

huare is sain Wb. 9 ; Sg. 3 hore as n-amairessach Wb. 5 ; 

(+,quia2); Ml. 1. Sg. 8 ; Ml. 2. 

Ii6re ammi corp Wb. 2. 
Jioreadib ellachtiWb. 11. 



68 SUKST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 
NON -RELATIVE FORMS. RELATIVE FORMS. 

hore it subditi som Wb. 1; huare ata comlonna Sg. 2; Ml. 1; 

Sg. 1 (quia). cf. hore nandat filii Wb. 

hore is oenrad fit and "Wb. 13 ; 6re as n-diiil foruigensat Wb.2; 

Sg. 7 (+ quia 2); Ml. 9 Ml. 4. 

(+ quia 1). 

huare it ha aid huaislem Ml. 1. huare ata n-duli beodai fordin- 

grat Sg. 2 ; Ml. 2. 

It will be observed that in the first and second persons only 
non-relative forms occur. All the examples are from Wb., but 
in the one or two instances in SR. the same rule holds. In 
the other persons, if we include the instances where hdre is repre- 
sented by Lat. 'quia,' the proportion of non-relative to relative 
forms is Wb. 23 : 7 (or over 3 : 1), Sg. 15 : 12 (or 5 : 4), Ml. 
12:9 (or 4 : 3). Thus it is clear that in the later Glosses the 
relative forms are on the increase. In the extra-presential parts, 
where there are separate relative forms, I6re is used only with 
these. 

With amal the non-relative forms are infrequent. In Wb. we 
find it in amal is i I6u, a translation of * sicut in die ' (but amal as 
11. 991 sq.), and in the periphrastic amal is ire bar tabirt-si 
ronbia-ni indocbdl (but amal as 11. 986 sq.). From Sg. I have 
no instance of the non-relative form. In Ml. amal translating 
* ut, uelut' is thrice followed by is (11. 891 sq.) (but by as 
11. 992 sq.), is is four times found in periphrasis (11. 890 sq.) 
(but as 11. 985 sq.) ; more strange is amal it da lebur fichet. 

The only other conjunction l that I have noted with both forms 
is fobith, and the instances are few ; the non-relative forms will be 
found 11. 892 sq., the relative 1. 994. Otherwise theref are only 
a few examples of is, it where as, ata might have been looked for. 
One is is m6 is periculosius Acr. 29; the others are Wb. 26 b 2. 
where the restoration nitat huili it foirlthi is certain, and biit 
sualchi and it foihi Wb. 29 a 29. The confusion of as and is in 
later Irish may be seen in VSR., 11. 1070 sq. 

With the non-relative forms am, at, is, etc., the relative n is 
never used. With relative forms it is sometimes omitted win-re 



1 olisamein, quoted by Pedersen, KZ. xxxv, 388, has become a in. iv 
conjunction. But in the Felire ol is regularly followed by non-relative forms. 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STKACHAX. 69 

in accordance with the foregoing rules it might have been expected; 
in isolated instances there is always the possibility of scribal 
error. With amal as as a formal translation of ' tamquam ' and the 
like, it is regularly omitted ; the only exception is amal as h-di 
Sg. 9 b 11, where it is preceded by amal bith do chons<iin, and 
where it may have been less of a purely formal rendering. In 
periphrasis it is sometimes omitted in Ml. in oratio obliqua, 
(11. 977 sq.), twice after amal (11. 989 sq.); in Wb. 19 b 12, kiress, 
as Pedersen has already pointed out, is in all probability an error 
for n-iress t The other instances are sporadic : in chruth as coir 
7 as inricc Wb. 7 b 1, fib as deg ropridchad Wb. 23 a 23, meit as do 
oenscribund Sg. 112 a 2 (but cf. Sg. 3 b 30), intan as do gnim 
Sg. 59 b 16, as chomsuidigthe (leg. comsuidigthe) Sg. 209 b 9, 
huare as accomolta Sg. 18 a 1, Tiuare as dliged Ml. 54 a 5, intan 
as aithrech Ml. 93 a 23, huare as in deacht fodaraithminedar Ml. 
25 C 5 (it is a wide generalization from a single instance when 
Pedersen says that n is omitted before the article). In extra- 
presential relative forms n is not written in bete gentilia Sg. 
33 a 16. With olsodin, which, as Pedersen has remarked, is an 
artificial rendering of the Latin relative, as with the usual an, 
the relative n is not used, nor does it appear with ndch or with 
ndt (if it be not infixed, cf. p. 64). Further, it is absent in 
6s l since ' = 6 as (in LU. 20 a 23 it is written oas). 



2. Preterite. 

The division of the copula forms is not altogether parallel to 
the division of the forms of the substantive verb. This is because 
the distinction of orthotonesis and enclisis has no place in the 
copula. At most the copula forms have only a secondary accent, 
and this secondary accent is lost when the copula is preceded by 
any closely- connected particle, whether that particle usually 
causes enclisis or not. Thus we have ropo mdith, but both nirbo 
maith and clarbo mdith. In such forms as annarobsa bithe, conrupu 
la Dia, lasinrubn maith in Ml., the full form has been analogically 
restored. 

Before we proceed to consider other points it will be well 
to dispose of two special uses. 

As we have already remarked, there are no special forms for 
the imperfect indicative of the copula. In this imperfect sense 



70 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

la is used; the imperfect sense can be detected with certainty 
only from the proximity of other imperfects ; compare hore la 
6 Diet dofoided (preterite) with la inna elluch atar'imtis (imperfect). 
A good example of the imperfect use of la is LIT. 69* 30, intan 
notheiged tar carrce noscarad a leth olailiu, intan la reid conrictis 
affrissi ' when he went over stones one half of him would part 
from the other, when it was smooth they would come together 
again,' cf. 60 b 10, 12, 72 a 18, 23, and in the Glosses Wb. 15 d 20, 
Ml. 30 a 3, 62 a 13, 91 a 6, 95 a 5, Sg. 185 b 4. Cf. also latir 
Ml. 90 d 19, lasa 'I used to be' LL. 343 d 58 (cf. below, 
p. 80). As the corresponding negative we should expect nipo. 
From the Glosses I have no clear instance, but cf. LIT. 60 b 29 
mlo moo in land oldas a chele ' one stroke was not greater than 
another.' 

JSa, nipo are used in a peculiar modal sense, cf. Gramm. Celt. 3 
496, V8B,., p. 48, Subjunctive Mood 43. The instances in 
the Glosses will be found above, 11. 1248 sq., 1294 sq. The 
regular negative is nipo; nirlo I have noted only LIT. 60 a 36. 
The forms are identical with the forms of the indicative, note 
in particular the 1 sg., 1. 1243, and the idiom is to be compared 
with W. ponyd oed inwn y titheu Red Book, 246, 6, etc., Lat. 
melim erat, etc., Gr. /caXoi/ *Ji/, etc. 

It will be observed that both ropo, nirlo, nipo, and ropu, nirbu, 
mpu occur. The o forms are found only in Wb. ; the u forms 
rarely in the chief body of glosses in Wb. ; in fo. 33 sq., where 
the glosses are from another hand, the u forms are regular, as 
they are in Ml. and Sg. Cf. also nirbommar Wb. by rolummar 
Ml. In later Irish both o and u are found, and, if my observations 
be accurate, o is more common than u. 

In ropo, robo, the frequent spelling with p, whether the form 
be non-relative or relative, shows, as Pedersen has observed, that 
the I was not a spirant. On the other hand, in nirbo the I is 
shown to have been a spirant both by the orthography and by 
the later history of the form : nirlo, nirl, nir. For this a probable 
explanation can be suggested. Zimmer long ago pointed out 
(Kelt. Stud., ii, 129 sq.) that the copula forma robo, etc., come 
from those of the substantive verb rob6i, etc. Thus robo mrlo 
come from roldi mrdtoi, and it seems to follow that the rule of 
the aspiration of the relative form of the verb had not yet come 
into operation. Similarly ciurjimi n'irlsa may be explained from 
cia robd-sa, nl-rnta-sa. 



SL'BST. VKRB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAX. 71 

The forms la and -bo correspond to one another, cf. nipo udib act 
la o apsatalil Wb. 13 a 20, n'ibo comitedi d6 acht la Uicthi l c 12. 
Ba is used absolutely and also along with certain conjunctions, 
h6re, lase, iarsindi, an, intain; -bo follows particles that take the 
enclitic form of the verb, e.g. nipo, com-bo, diam-lo ; it also 
accompanies ce, cia 'though.' In the prose of LU. Tain, 
pp. 55-77 a (I have noted only the occurrences in the prose) 
this rule is still strictly observed (except ropa 58 a 12); in WB. 
pp. 396-7, the exceptions are not numerous. In later Irish the 
two forms tended to become confused, chiefly probably because the 
atonic vowels fell together in pronunciation. To la were formed 
analogically some other persons 1 sg. lam Wind. 396, 3 pi. lat VSR. 
1442; lamsa LU. 16 a 43, LL. 343 d 44, may be a direct transformation 
of lasa, which in LL. 343 d 43 becomes lasam, like ropsam below. 

According to Pedersen, KZ. xxxv, 325, the Mod. Ir. preterite 
comes from the 0. Ir. praesens secundarium lad. What he 
means by the praesens secundarium is not clear ; lad in 
0. Ir. is either past subjunctive or secondary future ; it is 
not past indicative. The question could satisfactorily be settled 
only by tracing the formation down from the 0. Ir. period 
to the present day. I will only give here one or two 
cases where I have met with lad written for la : is and lad 
d6ig la Fergus lith Conculaind in-Delga LU. 68 a 7 (for the usual 
la do'ig), lad chumma romaltsat (=0. Ir. la cumme rondommaltatar] 
LU. 124 b 3, corthe nochlantais intan lad maidm n-imairic, card 
( = carnd} immorro fochertitis intan lad n-orgain LU. 86 b 42 (in 
an interpolated explanation), dochuaidnium turns lad sia LL. 69 a 5 
(where bad might have come from negative sentences like ni lotdr 
ni bud sire LU. 24 a 5). 

In the 1 sg. the pronominal -sa has become part of the verbal 
form (p. 49). The only exception is Ml. 49 b 13, where romxa 
is followed by rom. 1 This, again, is the starting-point of new 
formations. ' Like so many other of the first persons singular of 
the copula, ropsa takes on by analogy an m and becomes ropsam 
PH. 903 (cf. basam above) ; to this is formed a 2 sg. ropsat ib., 
ndrlsat SR. 1318, intan ropsat gilla LL. 343 d 53, and a 3 pi. rapsat 
LL. 82 b 1, cersat, darsat PH. 904. 

The most difficult point in the preterite is the discrimination 
of the forms with and without ro-. I find it impossible to lay 

1 Cf. bdsa mace la maccit, la Jer lajiru, LU. 114 a 32. 



72 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 



down any precise rules for the use of the two sets of forms. For 
example, what difference of meaning is there between hare ropo 
co fa'ilti tuccad and hore ba 6 Dia dofoided, or between geinti narbo 
plebs Dei and napo cheneel domsa ? But though it is impossible to 
state any hard and fast rules, certain kinds of sentence show 
a clear preference for one form or the other. To make this 
evident, I give below the instances of the 3 sg. arranged in order 
from Wb., Sg., and Ml. The distribution in the other persons 
can easily be seen from the lists, pp. 33-7. To see whether the 
later language throws any light on the usage, I have also examined 
the prose portions of the LTJ. Tain, pp. 55-77. In the following 
lists I have excluded instances that are clearly imperfect : 



(a) ropo )( ba. 



Wb. 



ropo 

ropo tocomracht linn buid i 

m-bethu 14 b 24. 
ropo scith linn uiuere 14 b 26. 
robo diliu linn dethiden d'ibsi 

14 d 13. 

ropo sdith libsi on 23 d 11. 
ropo thr6g laiss ar m-luith fo 

mam pectho 21 b 5. 
rupu accubur leu etargne 33" 11. 
ropo fochonn gn'imo don peccad 

a n-irgaire 3 C 23. 
ropo thol dond athir mo thooi 

14 b 13. 

ropo ainm diiibsi inso uile 9 C 29. 
ropo irlam sochide and do chretini 

14 d 29. 
ropu accus bus d6 23 d 12. 



seek ropo Uir s6n 27 d 19. 
ar ropo eola som na huile fetar- 
laice 30 C 17. 



ba. 



ar ba bibda bdis leusom (perhaps 
ipf.) l d 19. 



ba apstal cid Moyn 32 d 14. 

ar la habens humanum genus 
sub dominatu suo (ipf. ?) 
3 1. 

seek bafot'rbthe a iress sidi 1 9* 1 1. 

ar ba foirbthe hires do mathar 
'J'J' 1 13. 



VKKK IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STKACHAX. 



ropo. 

rubu fer som muintire 33* 5. 
rupu si arreilic 33 a 22. 
rolo daibsi 24 C 22. 



ropo (rel.) infolgithe irrunaib 

diuinitatis 21 C 22. 
inti ropo magister prius 13* 12. 
asrubartatar rombo discipul som 

apstal 18 d 1. 



wari lesu don biuth 

so 15 b 25. 

rombo chuimse la Dia 22 a 2. 
flMrt/ rombo ainmnetach 26 b 7. 
amal rombo foirbthe Crist 26 d 16. 
flwfl/ rowio thol do ddinib 24 d 4. 
intan ropo mithich lasinn athir 

nemde 19 d 7. 

intain rombo mithig less 31 a 10. 
hore rombu thoissech na fect& 

33 a 20. 

hore rombo sollicite 30 a 7. 
hore ropo co fa'ilti tuccad 24 b 26. 



ba. 



act ba la amiresscJiu 9 C 1 7. 
ba contra spem d6 epert 2 C 24. 
ba in mortem 3 a 8. 
nipo udib act ba 6 apsatalib 

13 a 20. 
arba miscuis atroillisset 4 C 14. 



domenar-sa ba marb peccad 3 C 26. 
ba n- dilmain do airbert buith 

10 d 14. 
da leinn ba firinne 31 d 5. 



Tiuare ba mac De 33 C 6. 



hore ba 6 Dia dofoided 32 d 14. 



Sg- 



ropu. 

robu anfiss dosom 148 a 6. 
robu freciidnirc rinm 153 b 5. 
robu, samlid robdi 20 3 b 5. 



quia robbu dig aim ind f. 17 a 5. 
deg rombu ecndarc d6 148* 6. 



ba. 

ar ba bes lasuidib (ipf. ?) 4 a 9. 
ar bd firianu Aeneas 43 a 1. 
ar bd fio factus dogeni prius 

185 b 4. 
ani ba choitchen 50 a 3. 



74 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 



Ml. 



ropu. 
robu machdad leo 46 s 



17. 



ropu thol leo ade[nu~\m in[na~] 

dome sin 71 b 2. 
robu f err leu buith hi leith Duaid 

87 4. 
rubuferr lat comaidech ( = comai- 

techt] du Aftsaraib 72 b 18. 
robu maith leu buith hi Caldea 

10o b 8. 

robu mor a homun liumsa 96 a 10. 
robu frithorcon doib a, n-etars- 

carad 124 b 6. 
robu bithsoinmech doib du gres 

90 C 27. 
air is suidiu robu thir tairhgeri 

130 C 18. 

robu mou de int erchot 61 C 8. 
is airi inso robu immaircide 

14 a 4. 

air rubu latharthae 32 2. 
robufoircthe (rel. ?) lll b 27. 



robu si a ciall 95 a 9. 



robu du thabernacuil robu ainm 

s6n 100 b 12. 
nann'i robu thol do do frith- 

oircnib 33* 18. 
nanni robu accubur leu 54 a 9. 
dun gnim robu accubur lat du 

forbu 50 14. 



ba. 
ba arose sin la aithrea (ipf. ?) 

136 a 5. 
ba samlid a n-doire leu 8l c 9. 



bd bron do suidib m'aicsiu (prob. 

ipf., cf. 86 d 6) 44 6. 
sech ba degedbart on in Lege 

(ipf. ?) 87 b 8. 
is du suidib ba inbesa (ipf. ?) 

31 d 12. 

ba cumdubart inetaste 43 d 20. 
sechis ba trom foraib son 34 d 12. 
ba erchoitech n-- doib to i in tin, 

35 b 23. 
sech ba indeithbir doibsomfochaid 

DCB 97 d 15. 

bafercach som fri suide 58 C 6. 
ba glas 7 ba tentide a sliab 

96 b 17. 

ba fomraid a bellrae side 53 d 3. 
bd infeitiW 17. 
bafnaicnedl29 d S. ' 
ba hed d n-6inb'iad 97 d 8. 
ba hed a n-ynim sotn molad DCB 

24 a 4. 
ba fou fachartar som 64 a 10. 

in fer truagsa ba lagae leu 1 1 8 C 5. 
ani ba buthi ar t/ntits 29 ft 8. 
ani Ixi i']><rtlii do xuitlih -l() a 11. 
ait't la unmaircidc 73 b 17. 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACIIAN. 



ropu. 
1?88U rubu thoissech 63 b 5. 



amal robu (leg. rombu} thol 

duib 54 a 34. 

amal rombu reil damsa 113 b 4. 
huare rombu immaircide 2 b 6. 
huare rombu suidigthe ind ic 

Iiixin dosom i n-Dia 18 d 20. 
huare rombu amlabar 59 a 14. 
huare rombu mor dor at 136 C 11. 
isind'i rombu foraithmitechl22 d 7. 



arrobu (leg. arrombu} lintae 

25 C 16. 

arrombu suidigthe 48 d 6. 
arrombu ercheltae 53 b 14. 
arrombu lonn Diajrissom 62 b 22. 



ba. 



ised asbirtis ba madae dam 1 06 d 3. 
rofitir side ba Dia conrairltic 
58 C 6. 



iarsindi ba teipirsnige 129 d 5. 
iarsindi ba mane much riam 

21 C 4. 

lase ba snim fora menmuin 89 b 7. 
amba n-indrisse 18 C 14. 
amba n-diuscartae 19 C 15. 
amba toimse 25 a 18. 
amba taircide 27 C 20. 
amba cloithe 32 b 2. 
amba foite 34 9. 
amba foircthe 35 d 6. 
amba foihichthe.Sl* 5. 
amba cocuibsid 32 b 21. 
amba saibsacart Alchimus and 

75 d 3. 



In the portion of the Tain ba is almost the universal form, 
cf. 55 b 2, 56 b 14, 57 a 26, 58 a 35, 58 b 8, 59 a 4 (intan ba}, 59 a 35, 
59 a 36, 59 b 16 (intan}, 59 b 44, 60 a 18, 60 b 1, 60 b 2, 60 b 15, 61 a 37, 
62 a 12 (daig}, 62 a 26, 62 b 25, 62 b 40, 63 a 25, 63 a 41, 64 a 2, 64 a 29 
(bafordil leu), 64 b 18, 64 b 23 (bd saith lais}, 65 a 8, 65 a 30 (bd mela 
Uo}, 65 b 19 (uair ba i n-gataib dobertatar}, 69 b 19, 69 b 22 (ba satk 
la Fergus anisin), 70 a 9, 70 b 15 (ba diliu laiss}, 71 a 40, 71 b 5, 
72 b 44, 73 a 39, 40, 42. Ropo is very rare : ' rofess,' or A /////, 
robbo dord ( = dorn) niad 7 ropo rig ruanada 59 b 24; robo dm 
7 ditiu diar Jeib 7 ar H-indHi, ropo imdegail cacha slabra dun 61 a 6 ; 
o ropu tromda 7 ropo lenamnach int aidech 69 a 11 ; iss eaeom ropo 
uallach 69 a 28, cf. 58 a 12; cein robo beo 74 U 26. 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 



(*) -rbo )( -po. 



Wb. 



-rbo. 

nirbo sdr leu ar coceilsine 19 a 1. 
nirbo accur lat 29 d 9. 

nirbo mebul less mo charatrad 

30 a 6. 

nirbu aithrech limsa 16 b 6. 
nirbo mebul dosom epert 16 b 19. 
nirbo dis muntaire 21 b 12. 
nirbo mraithem 32 d 15. 
nirbu choimdiu 33 a 5. 
nirbu domed cen deacht 15 d 16. 
nirbo chuit eperte 24 5. 
is cuit esbicuil nirbo sirbads 

32 d 4. 



nirbu fads foruigeni 13 b 7. 

geinti narbo plebs Dei 4 d 3. 
corbu been a comalnad 32 C 17. 
ciarbu miaimus et ciarbo abor- 
tibus 13 b 8. 

cinirbo etruib robammar - ni 

24 C 22. 

hdre narbo bae la ludiu 5 b 12. 
hdre narbo lour linn 24 b 20. 
h6re nirbu foirb the 33 b 4. 



-po. 

nibo mor a m-lr'ig linn 18 d 10. 
nipo accolor lassinfer nopridchad 

suide 13 a 20. 
niu decolor leiss 14 a 22. 



nipochoirn\_diless'] le 
nipo irgnae co tame lex 3 a 1. 
nipu imdu do in mann 16 C 25. 
nipo lobur a hires 2 C 25. 
nipu lugu a chuit sidi 16 C 26. 
nipu immacus intaidrias 18 d 5. 
nipu libsi int 6rd so 9 C 17. 



nipo dia airchissecht 4 C 21. 
nipo udib 13 a 20. 
nibo ar seirc motdme 17 a 13. 
nibu ar chuinyidfor set 24 d 7. 
nip ar irlaimi far cursaatha 

26 b 23. 

nipu nach derninnse 8 a 5. 
nipo fochetoir (?) dorat 4 35. 
nip ar maid rosnuicc 5 b 3. 
napo cheneel domsa 5 a 14. 

ciabo lobur oc tecmallad 16 26. 
cepu fri aicned quod dictum eat 

2 C 25. 
eited adrodlisset 4 35. 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 



Sg. 



-rbu. 

nirbu cognomen 31 b 22. 

quasi dixisset nirbu lit- ade 

conaue 5 b 6. 
nirbu Idnfalid 42 a 7. 
nirbu Idnbron 42 a 8. 



-bu. 



ML 



-rbu. 
nirbu lour leusom buaduguth dib 

33" 13. 

nirbu toraisse les 34 C 17. 
nirbu cliuman leu andorigeni Dia 

124 b 5. 

nirbu mou leu brig a tobai 92 d 6. 
nirbu sain mo brig leu 88 b 4. 
nirbu cumachtach som 72 b 6. 
nirbu imdte 46 19. 
nirbu foirbthe a n-ir&s 97 b 2. 
nirbu samlaid son doibsom 90 C 27. 
nirbu cenfuthorcuin truim dunaib 

Egiptacdib 63 b 7. 
nirbu chose coir dorratsat 113 d 7. 

ani ndrbu dilmain du gabail 
60 a 13. 



-bu. 



conrubu chrin 99 a 2. 

conropu la Dia 67 C 9. 

corrobu bee du essarcnaib furo- 

damarsa 131 b 12. 
connarbu Imam doib 100 a 3. 



huare narbu deracJitae 18 d 18. 



nibu gnatTi du suidib 123 d 3. 
nibu in cidn riam 32 b 17. 



nibu fua reir fesin boisom 
14 b 13. 



cid arnabu son inclioissised 

56 a 13. 
conepertis nadmbu choir (?) 

136 b 4. 
nambu tressa 53 d 6. 



connabu accobur Hum biad 

127 13. 
ciabu ok 24 C 12. 



78 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 



-rbu. 
luidech som 



40 d 10, 



annarbu 

145 a 1. 

anarbu thurgabthae 86 d 14. 
lasinrubu chumtabart 102 d 4. 
lasinrubu maith 131 d 11. 



-bu. 



diatnlu tlialarthi ermitiu feid 7 
imbu choir frecur ceil Dee 
22 a 4. 



LIT. 

daltai 



Tain. 



30. 



nirlo chuman lais dal a 

60 b 22. 

nirbo maith lesside techt 72 
nirlo sdm Mil 58 b 11. 
nirlo reid dosom on 65 a 4. 
m'r&o fofow 0/fci ecraite 62 a 36. 



73 a 41. 
connarlo eter leo 60 b 33. 
conndrbo lethiu 59 a 38. 



anfeliu do 69 b 29. 
0Ai0ft *0mn ^wm 60 a 40. 
nibu dirsan duit (?) 67 a 30. 
nipu samlaid domarfds 69 b 39. 
nipu du thir d6 a fuirec dorigni 

60 a 43. 
co-mlo moir leolu midchuaich 

59 a 39, cf. 59 a 41, 63* 37, 

71M2, 7l b 17, 74 a 24 (bis), 

76 b 17, 77 a 42, 43. 
combo assa carpat fessin dosbert 

58 b 8. 

combo ulcha bdi lais 74 b 40. 
combo hed domuined each (ipf.) 

74 b 39. 

cid diambo maith 61 b 8. 
diambo cheli 68 a 12, 7l' a 21. 
imlo leo (whether he lived) 

73 b 34. 



As to robo and ba, it will be seen that certain conjunctions 
prefer robo. Thus, amal is always accompanied by robo, and for 
the most part also h6re, similarly intain, but there are only 
a couple of instances ; an is followed by both ; the occurrences of 
other similar conjunctions are too few to draw any inferences from, 
them. Otherwise the use of the one or the other seems to depend, 
to a great extent at least, on the form of the pmlu ute. Thus, 



diarbo chocele 68 a 16. 



sriJST. VKKH IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STK.UHAX. 7D 

in expressions like ropo scith linn, ropo is the regular form ; on 
the other hand, when the predicate is a prepositional phrase, 
e.g. ba 6 apxatalib, ba is commonly used. In Wb. ropo is used in 
sentences like rubu fer som muntaire (so in oratio obliqua, rombo 
dewipul som apstal) ; Ml. has ba fer each som fri snide, but the 
form of sentence is not quite the same. Where the predicate is 
a simple adjective ba is preferred. In periphrasis, so far as can 
be judged from the few instances, ropo is found where robot 
follows, robu samlid rob6i, otherwise ba. In relative sentences 
Wb. has ropo, but there are only two instances ; in Ml. the usage 
is much the same as in non-relative sentences. The general 
impression conveyed is that ropo is somewhat more emphatic 
than ba. It must also be noted that ropo tends to give place to 
ba. In Ml. ba is much more frequent than in Wb., and in the 
Tain Bo Cuailnge ba is almost the universal form, cf. also VSR., 
pp. 52, 53. 

We come now to -rbo, -po. In Wb. somewhat of the same 
distinction may be observed as between ropo and ba. Thus, with 
a prepositional predicate, e.g. nipo udib, -po is regular. On the 
other hand, the predominance of -rbo in phrases like nirbu accur 
lat is not so pronounced as that of ropo. Further, where the 
predicate is a simple noun nirbo seems to be preferred, where 
the predicate is a simple adjective nipo. In periphrasis we have 
nirbu fads foruigeni, but nip ar maid rosnuicc. After da we find 
cinirbo etruib robammar-ni like robu samlid roboi, but cepu-.d 
adroillisset. With hore, nirbo, ndrbo are constant. Otherwise the 
occurrences are too isolated for any certain deductions. From 
Sg. little is to be learned, as there are only four examples, all of 
nirbu. But the tendency seems to be the same as that so clearly 
seen in Ml., namely, for -rbu to extend itself at the expense of -pu. 
In the LU. Tain at first sight -rbo seems to prevail, but on closer 
observation it will be seen that nearly all the examples of -po are 
in the combinations combo, diambo, imbo. Unfortunately examples 
of such combinations are rare in the Glosses, but in Ml. we have 
(1/fnnbu, imbu, and the Tain indicates that at one time -bo was 
here the favourite form. Afterwards combo, diambo, etc., made 
way for corbo, diarbo, etc., cf. YSR., 11. 1402 sq. (combo occurs 
only once, ib. 1. 1352). 

In the other persons the ro- forms seem to be more prevalent, 
but the small total of occurrences makes it impossible to speak 
with much certainty; the reader must judge for himself. In 



80 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

the 1 sg. the forms basa, nipsa occur a good many times in the 
Tecosca Cormaic, LL. 343 d , cf. LIT. 114 a 22 : nipsa chu-sa gabala Us, 
basa chu-sa gabala uis ; nipsa chau-sa cruilin aurchaill, bdsa 
cu-sa comnart do chomlond, etc., cf. 11. 29, etc. ; here baza 
nipsa might have an imperfect sense, as Cuchulinn, in speaking 
of his past prowess, 11. 6 sq., uses imperfects. In this person 
"Windisch and Atkinson cite only forms with ro-. In the Saltair 
na Rann in the 3 pi. -batar, -btar is frequent, roptar rare, cf. 
PH. 905. 

3. Future Indicative. 

Of the 1 sg. there is no example in the Glosses. Later we find 
lam VSR. 1. 1243, PH. 900, nipam LU. 52 b 15, which might 
come from an O.Ir. la. But there is also a form biam (Ham soer 
Hy. iv, 8, liam cu-sa LU. 61 a 9, Ham tigerna SR. 855), the relation 
of which to lam is not clear. Can there have heen two forms in 
O.lr., lia absolutely, but la after particles, comba, etc. ? In the 
2 sg. there is also an absolute form bia, lia sldn LU. 44 b 33." In 
later Irish -la appears as -lat, PH. 900. 

In the relative form of the 3 sg. les is the older form, las is 
a weakening of it. In SR. las alone is found, cf. PH. 901. For 
the 3 pi. am-lat n-, cf. p. 64. 

In the 1 pi. bemmi, limm.i, and I ami represent various stages 
of weakening. Of this form I have noted no example in Middle 
Irish. In the 2 pi. letki mairl appears, SR. 1232. 



4. Secondary Future. 

In the 3 sg. led is used absolutely, +bad when ro- or a particle 
ni, etc., precedes. For led afterwards lad appears, cia de'lad ferr 
LU. 62 b 44, cia de lad assu lat 69 a 26. 



6. Present Subjunctiv*. 

Of the 1 sg. an additional example will be found LU. 61 b 6, 
acht ropa airderc-sa. L-iter la becomes km VSR. 1178 sq. In 
the 2 sg. for la afterwards appears lat WB. 391-2, PH. 900. 
In the 3 sg. the usual form is -p. Before this ro- is prefixed 
after acht, which is regularly accompanied by ro- (Subjunctive 
Mood, 48, 94), after con- (ib. 96), and in wishes rop Hy. i, 



SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 81 

passim, LU. 61 b 31 (cf. Subj. Mood, 18, 88); also in the 
sense of 'must be' Laws iv, 334, 11. 12 sq. With ariin 
= arimp may be compared diam ' if it be/ Laws, iv, 314, 11. 4-8, 
338 bottom. The form -dip (after the analogy of the indicative 
-did, p. 65) is found after aran- (by arimp} in- 'whether' and 
con-. In Tirechan's notes 1 1 it appears also after nd-, nadip rubecc, 
nadip romdr by nap Ir. Text, ii, 2. 208, nab WE. 392 ; PH. has 
narob. In ropo, bo Thurneysen, Idg. Anz., ix, would see this -p 
along with the -o which appears in ceso, maso, and he is doubtless 
right in putting along with these forms robo 'or,' for which, 
p. 34 note, I had already suggested a subjunctive origin. The 
only other instance of this subjunctive form that I have noted 
so far is bes riipu hecen = ' perhaps it may not be necessary,' 
LU. 61 b 36. 

In the 3 sg. relative bas is a weakening of bes, which afterwards 
becomes the usual form, cf. "WB., PH. 901 (where future and 
subjunctive forms are mixed up together). So in the pi. beta is 
weakened to bata ; of these plural forms I have no instances from 
the later literature. 

6. Past Subjunctive. 

Here ro- is rare. It is found once after act ' provided that ' 
and once after con- ' until,' with both of which, as we have seen, 
ro- is regular. 

In the 3 sg. appear led and bad ; the latter is a weakening of 
the former, and becomes afterwards the common form, VSR., 
WB. 392-393. In the 3 sg. appears also a peculiar form lid. 
It is found mostly after amal ' as though it were,' and after certain 
phrases doich, is cumme, oldaas. It sometimes varies with bed', 
cf. 1. 1498 with 1. 1521, and 1. 1498 with 1. 1517. As to its 
origin, bid can hardly be explained from any known subjunctive 
form. Professor Thurneysen has suggested to me with great 
probability that it has developed from the infinitive buith; the 
vocalism would be due to its being unaccented. In support of 
this explanation may be quoted LU. 68 a 7, is and bad doig la 
Fergus bith Conculaind i n-Delga, which might also be expressed 
by la doig la Fergus bid i n-Delga nobeth Cachulaitid, cf. is aice 
la doig a m-bith Laws, iv, 36. In the negative ni bad we seem to 
have simply the potential subjunctive. 

The variants benn, binn, bemmis, bimmis, betis, bitis are only 
Phil. Trans. 1898-9. 6 



82 SUBST. VERB IN OLD IRISH GLOSSES J. STRACHAN. 

different weakenings of the accented forms of the substantive verb. 
Even after amal we find both e and i forms, so that the attraction 
of the 3 sg. ltd cannot have been great. 

7. Imperative. 

In the absolute 3 sg. appear both led and lad ; here, again, the 
latter is a weakening of the former, and it becomes afterwards 
the usual form, cf. WJB. Similarly in the 2 pi. 



COBRIGENDA. 



P. 26, 1. 919. Add /mm cosmil Sg. 188 a 13. 

P. 29, 1. 1011, dele et ndd n-escona ni. 

P. 31, 1. 1099. Add inda apstal Wb. 10 20. 

P. 31, note 2. But, as Professor Thumeysen has pointed out, 
toirsech is probably a peculiar spelling of toir&ich, and the form 
is plural. 

P. 33, 11. 1151, 1152, dele i narim .... dies Sg. 66 b 9. 

P. 34, 1. 1183, huare romsa ugaire is 2nd person singular. 

P. 53, 1. 35. The rule would be better expressed : in enclisis, 
except where -td is required by the foregoing rules. 

P. 62, 1. 23. An example is luith nocMchenn Wb. ll b 12. 

P. 64, dele note 3. 

P. 65, 1. 28, for "second" read "first." 

P. 66, line 2. As in the Felire Oenguso final u and a are not 
yet confused, ciasa, massa in Ml. must be regarded as corruptions 
of ciasU mastu. 



83 



II. THE CONSTRUCTION OF ETA WITH THE 
CONJUNCTIVE VERB IN OLD BASQUE. 
A SUPPLEMENTARY NOTE. By EDWARD S. 

DODGSON. 

[Read at the Philological Society's Meeting on Friday, February 10, 1899.] 

I DESIRE to present in support of the argument expounded, 
however feebly, in my essay bearing the above heading in the 
Transactions of last year the following : 

I. Passages which I have gathered in a few Basque books. 

A. ed not followed by the conjunctive termination nez. 

(1) Pierre d'Urte, Genesis (Etorkid * about the year 1715) : 

c. 31, v. 32 . . . . ; egagut gac gure anajen aitcinean, 
ea laden cerbeit gauga hirer ic ene baitan, where the Jacobean 
version . . . . : ' before our brethren discern thou what 
is thine with me,' does not serve as a literal translation. 

37, 14 . . . . begira gac ed hire andjac eta artdldeac ungi 
diren, . . . . , see whether it be well with thy 
brethren, and well with the flocks ; 

42, 1 6 .... iakiteco ed erraten duguen egia :...., 
whether there be any truth in you : 

(2) J. P. Dartayet (786 in the Catalogo de Obras Euskaras 
by G. de Sorarrain, published in Barcelona, 1898), p. 387, 
1 Ikus eia oro hor diren. Yoyons si tout y est.' 

B. nez as a conjunctive termination not preceded by ed or eya. 

(1) J. P. Dartayet in his Guide ou Manuel .... Franc^ais- 
Basque (Bayonne, 1893) . . . . , ikus molds onean 
denes, to translate ' voyez si elle est en bon etat.' 

(2) Giristinho Perfeccioniaren Praticaren Parte bat Heuzcarala 
itgulia (120 in the Bibliography of M. J. Yinson; Paris, 
1891 and 1898), p. 287 . . . . , eta etciakigugu aldiz 
segurki barkamendia uken dugunez .... meaning, and 
we know not on the other hand with certainty whether 
we have forgiveness. 

1 Of this hook a new edition, for which I am solely responsible, was published 
on February the 21st, 1899, at the cost of the Trinitarian Eible Society, 25, New 
Oxford Street, London, "W.C. It consists of 5,000 copies. 



84 BASQUE CONJUNCTIVE NEZ WITH EYA. 

C. n as a conjunctive termination followed by ala 02 or edo 02, 
but not preceded by hea, ea, or eya. 

(1) The last-named book, on the same page, ecin jakitia 
Gincoaren gracian den lai ala 02, the impossibility of 
knowing whether one be in the grace of God, yes or no. 

(2) Agustin Cardaberaz in his Euskeraren Herri Onak (Pam- 
plona, 1761, and Tolosa, December 30, 1898), p. 23. 
H. h. A-chea letra dan, edo ez, Autoreen artean eztabaida 
andiac dira. That is : There are great no-and-yessings among 
the authors whether the aitch is a letter or not. P. 62 
. . . . : ta bear dana daquiten, edo ez, orduan, ta orrela 
Esaminadoreac juicioric ecin eguin dezaque. And the 
examiner could not possibly then and in that manner form 
any opinion whether they know what is needful or not. 

(3) Sebastian Mendiburu, Jesusen Bihotmren Devocioa, 1747 
(760 in Vinson), p. 115, Ez dezazula beguiratu, cere gogaracoa 
den, edo ez, eguin bear dezun Ian, edo eguitecoa : " Do not regard 
whether the affair or work which you have to do is to 
your liking or not." Elsewhere, Billatcen dezun, edo ez> 
ezagutceco, " To ascertain whether you are seeking Him 
or not," 



TI. Some sentences found in a Castilian book and six newspapers 
in that language, to show that si, the conditional particle 
equivalent to eya, is sometimes governed by prepositions. 
My argument was undertaken to prove that eya is ruled 
by the preposition ez. It has always seemed to me that 
some phenomena in the language of Ercilla and Cervantes 
are more like Basque psychologically than anything in 
that of Seneca or Martial. Let us see ! 

A. Acerca de SI. 

(1) El Comercio (Gijon, 20 Sept., 1898), " habiendose 
suscitado algunas dudas acerca de si deben pagar derecho 
de exportacion los bocoyes." 

(2) La Union Vascongada (San Sebastian, 16 Julio, 1898), 
" consulto anteayer con el gobernador civil acerca fa *' 
existe algun inconveniente." 

(3) El Impartial (Madrid, 7 Nov., 1898), " acerca d ti 
apoyarfan una protesta." 



BASQUE CONJUNCTIVE KEZ WITH EYA. 85 

B. De SI. 

(1) El Noroeste (Gijon, 12 Oct., 1898), "la duda de si habria 
llevado a efecto." 

(2) jE7 Comercio (Gijon, 11 Oct., 1898), "Dejo a la con- 
sideracion de las personas sensatas la apreciacion de si esto 
constituia alguna gang a" 

(3) El Impartial (Madrid, 9 Oct., 1898), " hace dudar de si 
viviraos en el siglo xix." 

(4) HI Noroeste (Gijon, 9 Oct., 1898), " la duda indescifrable 
de si la ganga era perseguida por el referido senor 6 
se limitaba a aceptarle." 

(5) El Impartial (Madrid, 24 May, 1898), "solo se trataba 
antes de si esta isla habia de ser Espaiiola." 

C. En SI. Cabuerniga por Delfin Fernandez y Gonzalez 

(Santander, 1895), p. 122. "JS'o fijarse en si hace frio 
6 calor, es lo mejor que se puede desear." 

D. Por SI. El Comercio (Gijon, 9 Oct., 1898) . . . . , 

por 8i la cree digna de otra visita," 

E. Respecto a SI. El Noroeste (Gijon, 9 Oct., 1898), " Respecto 

a si D. Aquilino Cuesta hizo 6 no proposiciones al 
Ayuntamiento," 

F. Sobre SI. La Voi de Guipuzcoa (San Sebastian, 12 Junio, 

1898), "solre si podia." 

O. Entre SI. El Heraldo (Madrid, 22 Julio, 1898), " entre 
si viene 6 no viene." It is true that si in this place may 
be merely the superfluous affirmative, so frequent in 
Spanish, and not the conditional particle */. 

Add to " other notes on Heuskara." Goyhetche, on p. 54 of his 
Basque version of Lafontaine's Falliac, has " Mutillaren afaria 
hegal berec goan guten " to be translated thus : " The same wings 
carried away the boy's supper." 

JBiarrifa, 6 January, 1899. 



On p. 6, line 23, of my article of last year, for " Portalis 
read " PorraHs." 



86 



III. NOTES ON ULSTER DIALECT, CHIEFLY 
DONEGAL. By HENRY CHICHESTER HART, B.A., 
M.R.I.A., etc., Carrablagh, Co. Donegal. 

[Read at a Meeting of the Philological Society, Friday, February 10, 1899.] 

IN venturing to offer the following remarks to your learned Society 
I must in the first place plead mercy, as I am in no sense 
a trained philologist. I should prefer that my collections were 
regarded merely as such. However, as I have unearthed some 
terms that seem of interest in connection with English literature, 
I have endeavoured to track them out to their origin, and having 
been for a considerable time resident in Donegal, where my family 
has been settled since Elizabethan times, I have had excellent 
opportunities of noting the peculiarities of the dialect. I have 
also had the benefit of veiy extensive assistance, chiefly from 
the late Canon Ross, in the neighbouring county of Derry ; from 
Miss Galway, from her knowledge of Inishowen, co. Donegal; 
from Mr. Craig, formerly of co. Derry ; from Mr. Charles Kelly, 
who has acted as schoolmaster in several Antrim districts and is 
a native of Panet ; and from very many other kind correspondents 
and friends throughout the North of Ireland, but chiefly in 
Donegal, Derry, and Antrim. 

I have, of course, made full use of Mr. Patterson's "Antrim 
and Down Words," published by the English Dialect Society. 
At first it was my intention to collect for that Society, but 
I found it would be altogether premature for me to hand them 
my gatherings. My botanical rambles through Donegal have 
only recently come to a close, and while they were in full swing, 
for the last fifteen years, each summer added greatly to my store 
of folklore and word knowledge. Mr. Patterson's work is of 
great use, but it merely gives the words, and never attempts 



ULSTER DIALECT. 87 

an analysis ; it would have been rendered more valuable if we had 
some clue, at least in the rarer words, to their locality. They 
are all labelled alike Antrim and Down, and sometimes one would 
like to know whether a term is metropolitan, from a city like 
Belfast, or thoroughly provincial from some of the Antrim glens. 

In the Ulster Journal of Archaeology there are several 
valuable articles relating to Antrim and Down ethnology and 
philology by the Rev. Canon Hume. A summary of these 
and a very interesting general discussion will be found in 
Mr. Patterson's Introduction. In fact, Antrim and Down have 
received a fair share of attention, and the sample I have selected 
for this paper consists mainly of Donegal words. So large 
a number of terms came to me from Antrim that were not to 
be found in Patterson, that I found it quite inadvisable to 
limit my inquiries to Donegal, the more especially as Deny, 
intermediate between Antrim and Donegal, had not been searched, 
and proved to be as interesting dialectically as either. 

It may be assumed as generally true, as might be expected, 
that the Antrim dialect is more Scotch than that of Derry, and 
that as we travel westwards we lose Scotch and become more 
and more Irish. This is merely the result of the distribution 
of Scotch settlers, both those of the present and those of a former 
time. Prom the east to the west of Donegal this change is very 
marked. But there are always exceptions, the Scotch settlers 
being present in groups throughout, but diminishing in quantity 
rapidly westwards. Nevertheless, in some of the Antrim glens, 
as Glenravel, Cushendun, and Cushendall, a large vocabulary of 
genuine Irish words is obtainable in regular use ; and very 
recently, at any rate, there was still a small Irish - speaking 
population in some of these glens, as well as in a few localities 
in Down and in the upper parts of Armagh. This latter county 
has yielded some interesting and peculiar expressions. 

An English visitor to Donegal, who had no knowledge of any 
northern dialect, would be confronted in his intercourse with 
the peasantry with a considerable number of unknown words. 
Before he obtained these, he should have gained the confidence 
of his neighbours, and he should have visited places fairly 
apart from the town centres. Suppose he was in a semi-rural 
district, sufficiently well - cultivated and civilized to be awake 
to the ordinary usages of life, he would probably set about 
sorting the unknown terms with which his patience was daily 



88 ULSTER DIALECT. 

exercised. The pronunciation would give him, as a whole, but 
slight difficulty. Certain individuals will always be met with 
(especially in the neighbourhood of Londonderry) who have 
exaggerated and atrocious northern accents of a high-pitched and 
most unmusical nature, but as a rule the words are clearly 
pronounced and well defined. This often arises from a carefulness 
of speech, due to the fact that the speaker is not fully at home 
in the politer English he has laboured to acquire. But with 
intimacy this latter is soon dispensed with, and the visitor would 
find that those terms he is unacquainted with may be divided 
into three distinct groups (1) Scottish (generally Lowland 
Scottish), (2) Saxon, and (3) Irish. 

(1) The Scottish words are generally Lowland Scotch from 
such dialects as that of Argyll, and there is a strong admixture 
of terms in use in the Islands. Several bird and fish names are 
common to Orkney and Shetland and the Donegal coast. Highland 
words occur too, but the Scottish is chiefly Argyll, Lothian, 
Lanark, etc. These are the terms that occur more abundantly 
eastwards. 

(2) The Saxon words are those (I mean the obsolete or 
provincial ones) which are the introduction of the settlers from 
England at various times, especially that of the Ulster Plantation 
in James the First's reign. Canon Hume states that many of these 
settlers came from Warwick, "Worcester, and Gloucester shires. 
Many also came from Kent, Devon, and Somerset, and in my glossary 
there is a group of words that appear to belong to the dialect 
of the last-mentioned shire. When the English Dialect Dictionary 
is completed, not the least valuable and interesting of its uses will 
be the power it will give us of tracing out the parental home of 
rare exotic terms in such districts as outlying Donegal supplies, 
and identifying these with their perhaps forgotten introducers 
some colonists of an earlier date. I have endeavoured to compile 
some such lists, but the information is at present altogether too 
imperfect. Words of this nature lend interest to the dialect, since 
it brings it into touch with English literature of some three 
centuries ago, and it is from this section that most of the words 
given below have been drawn for list A. 

(3) The third group is that of purely Irish words used by 
English-speaking people. These are, as might be expected, much 
more prevalent as we travel westwards. Here the inhabitants are 
still in touch with an Irish-speaking population. Not only the 



ITS GROUPS. 89 

existing bilingual folk, but also those of the last generation, their 
parents and elder relatives, have all had their influence, and still 
have their influence, on the dialect. In most of the outlying parts 
of Donegal a good deal of business in the small shops is carried 
on entirely in the Irish language. And besides those who can 
readily speak the language, whether they can speak English or 
not, there is a large population sprinkled through the county who 
know a good deal of Irish without being able to converse in it freely. 
Amongst these words there live many of the most interesting terms 
to be harvested, terms relating to obsolete native customs, or to 
physical features of the county, or agricultural implements and 
uses, domestic products, folklore of the lakes or of plants or of 
animals, fairy or witch lore ; all of these, derived from within, have 
handed down their native names and are known by no other. 
Many of these terms have become as absolutely parts of the 
spoken English speech as the commonest words in it. These, of 
course, I have included. Others which I have failed to trace in 
the Irish dictionaries, but appear to be Irish, are also glossed, and 
finally it appeared correct to make it a rule to insert in my 
glossary every word used by an English-speaking person in these 
counties which would need explanation to an outsider. It is 
perhaps chiefly in the names of natural objects, especially fishes 
and plants, that these Irish words come in, and I have therefore 
made a separate list of some of the more remarkable of these, 
extracted from my glossary. Some of the terms relating to 
obsolete beliefs or customs are perhaps more interesting, since 
these words are themselves obsolescent, whereas those terms 
relating to permanent objects, such as plant-names, will survive 
while the language does, amongst the Irish. 

I have selected the words for my examples from the letter *. 
Por so doing I had no reason except that it gave me a limit, and 
also a simple one, to confine myself to a letter. And s is by far 
the biggest one, occupying probably a tenth of the whole 
dictionary. From this letter I formed two lists, one (A) containing 
words illustrative of English literature, or words whose philology 
appeared interesting or remarkable, or rare words needing an 
explanation. These are chiefly words of Saxon origin. My second 
list (B) contains words relating to natural objects, chiefly plants 
and animals, the latter mostly fishes. Neither of these lists in the 
least exhaust the letter * in their respective lines, so that it will 
be seen the amount of material is by no means scanty. 



90 



ULSTER DIALECT. 



With regard to the letter s itself, a few remarks on pronunciation 
may he made here. In so wide a district as Ulster we have indeed 
every shade of pronunciation from either broad or lowland Scotch 
to the more modulated and musical accents of the west of Ireland. 
In South-West Donegal the Mayo accent is often closely approached, 
but one never hears the sing-song from high to low, from low to- 
high, that begins in Galway and reaches perfection in Kerry. Nor 
is there in Donegal any such sweetly pitched vocalization as 
obtains in Limerick and Cork. But there are many peculiarities, 
often of a very local character. Generally I have noted these as 
far as possible at the letter involved. They are often due to the 
endeavour to assimilate pronunciation of English speech to that 
which obtains in Irish. 

The addition of s is not rare at the beginning of a word. 
Instances are street, trail ; squitch, quitch (couch-grass) ; squench, 
quench ; squinancy, quinsy ; scrawl, crawl ; scrunch, crunch ; 
slunge, lounge ; snick, nick ; and others. s before cr interchanges 
with shr. Scroggy and scrubby are also shroggy and shrubby, 
s before t in the middle of a word becomes aspirated, as in mashter, 
mishtress, and sometimes doubly so, as in shthroke, the following tr 
being aspirated as well. * before tew becomes sk. This peculiarity 
belongs to Glen Alia. Steward becomes skeward, 'stew becomes 
skew ; skewed beef and land skeward sound very odd, and I should 
like to learn the origin of this pronunciation. It is not confined to 
Glen Alia (co. Donegal). I have heard a Cavan man say skeward 
for steward, and it is especially rife in Armagh, where it goes 
much further, and applies to words with ' tew ' sound extensively. 
So it does also at Glen Alia, for I heard a man speak of the ' wee 
cube (tube) in a cow's diddy.' But in Armagh they speak of kune 
for tune, kutor for tutor. The idiosyncrasy belongs to the letter 
t, or rather q. The Irish have no letter q, so it can scarcely arise 
from their speech, and therefore it may be Scotch. 

I made a list of common English words at Glen Alia, where the 
dialect is very marked, and append them here, the first column 
being the ordinary English word, the second the sound of it 
obtained at Glen Alia : 



answer ansther. bread breed. 

ball ba. behind be/tin. 

breast breest. back 



PRONUNCIATION AT GLEN ALLA. 



91 



child 


shdd. 


clothes 


claes. 


cloth 


clatlie. 


chair 


chire. 


churn 


sJmrn. 


cow 


coo. 


dead 


deed. 


down 


doon. 


door 


dor. 


do 


de. 


duck 


dJmcJc. 


eight 
fall 
floor 


eJight. 

fa. 

fleer. 


from 
fight 

foot 


froe. 
fehght. 
fit. 


give 
grow 
ground 
head 


gie. 
(as cow) 
grun. 
heed. 


hay 
have 


hie. 
hae. 


house 


hoose. 


harm 


hirm. 


hot 


het. 


lead (metal) 


leed. 



might 


mi Jig Jit. 


myself 


mysell. 


more 


mair. 


make 


mak. 


now 


noo. 


night 


nihght. 


none 


nane. 


no 


na. 


one 


ane. 


out 


oot. 


over 


ower. 


pay 


pie. 


right 


rihght. 


sweat 


siveet. 


stool 


steel. 


stones 


stains. 


straw 


stray. 


two 


twa. 


town 


toon. 


toe 


tow (cow). 


to 


te. 


well 


waal. 


whiskey 


whuskey. 


who 


wha. 


wall 


wa. 


will 


weel. 



In this Glen Alia list it will be seen there is a considerable 
element of Scottish pronunciation. It is, however, a softer dialect 
with more aspirations. The Fanet dialect, whence a large- 
proportion of my words come (and where I reside), is much more 
Irish. Panet is a considerable peninsula of perhaps a hundred 
square miles, lying between the sea-loughs Mulroy and Lough 
Swilly. Glen Alia is a small circular valley lying south of Fanet, 
a few miles west of Lough Swilly, in the mountains. It is so 
thoroughly self-contained and apart from the neighbouring town- 
lands, surrounded as it is by mountain bogs, that it contains 
a very isolated community, which preserves many peculiarities of 
speech and custom. That it is Scotch, or has been peopled by 



92 ULSTER DIALECT. 

Scotch, to a certain extent, is evidenced by the names of some 
of its inhabitants. Such names as Wallace, Cathcart, McCart 
are intermixed with the regular Donegal names. The latter occur 
in this county in the following order of abundance : Gallagher, 
Doherty, Boyle, O'Donnell, McLaughlin, Sweeney, Ward, Kelly, 
McGuilly, McFadden, McGowan, Duffy, Campbell, the first on 
this list being seven times as strong (196 births in 1890) as 
the last (28). The geographical distribution of family names in 
connection with dialect throughout the county is a study in itself, 
nnd has been dealt with in the north-east by several writers, 
the results of which will be found in Mr. Patterson's Introduction 
already referred to. 

Those of the inhabitants who speak a composite dialect, supple- 
mented by words from the Irish to express things for which they 
know no English, are always glad to obtain an English equivalent. 
Somehow or other, although quite capable of doing so, they rarely 
think of translating the Irish name. I have noticed this in plant 
names : slanlis or lusmore, heathy plant (plantain), great herb, 
Digitalis (foxglove) or loose strife, for example, are never rendered 
by English equivalents in South- West Donegal. Lus a cri (Prunella) 
is, however, often given * heart's-ease,' which must be a direct 
translation, as it is not the English name. This is an exception, 
and probably arose from the existence of the other name being 
in use. 

This remark, however, does not apply to surnames. Very 
remarkable and confusing results arise from the habit of the 
people in giving Irish equivalents to English proper names, and 
still more so in the reverse process. The valuable lists published 
by the Registrar-General, and compiled by Mr. Matheson from 
the census returns, afford many instances of these duplicate^ names. 
In one particular these lists are, from the nature of the case, 
often unavailing for research. They hardly deal with unique or 
very rare names which may, in ethnological questions, be of the 
greatest interest. 

I have gathered a number of variants of proper names and 
Christian names (as well as ' by-names') in Donegal and elsewhere, 
which have not found their way into Mr. Matheson's lists. I proceed 
to extract a few : 



PROPER NAMES. 93 

CHRISTIAN NAMES. 

Dominick, contract to Doolty or Dolty \ 

Marcus, Maudy 

Off no and Arrigle (oraculum) are Christian names in Donegal. 
The former is also Manx. 

Jeremiah has Irish equivalent Diarmid or Darby ; James is 
Shames; John is Shan; Hugh, Hudie; Alexander, Aughry. These 
are Donegal, but Aughry in Tyrone stands for Zechariah. Eugene, 
Owen ; Madge, Maiwa ; Edioard, Aymon ; Sophia, Sthawa or 
Thawa ; Daniel, Donnell ; Cecilia, Giley ; Theophilus, Teddy ; 
Thaddeus, Thady. All these are Donegal, either Fanet or Inish- 
owen. The two last are from Irish Tadhg or Trig or Thady, 
a poet, which gives rise also to Teague, a name not now in use, 
but formerly a sobriquet (like the modern Paddy) for an Irishman. 



SURNAMES. 



Arbuthnot, Buttonit (Glen Alia). 
Archdale, Ardle (Pettigo). 
Alexander, Elshender (Lima- 

vady). 

Adair, Leery (Derry). 
Brereton, Brooarton (Glen Alia). 
Bothwell, Bodley (Armagh). 
Bralliaghan, Burlaghan (Inish- 

owen) ; Bradley (Fanet). 
Cathcart, Kincart (Glen Alia). 
Cunningham, Kimmies and 

Eimmegam (Glen Alia). 
Duffy, Dooey (Glen Alia and 

Ballyshannon). 
Falknier, Foghender (Derry). 
Frizell, Frazier (Glen Alia). 
Freel, Ferghal (Fanet). 
Gibbons, Gobain (Fanet). 
McGrann, Grant (Fanet). 
McKenna, Kane (Tyrone). 
McGlashan, Green (Donegal). 
Mclntyre, Macateer (Fanet). 
McShane, Johnson (Donegal). 



McGrory, Rogers (Antrim). 

McDowell, Ma-doll (Fanet). 

McGregor, Greer (Glen Alia). 

McGettigan, Magitherum 
(Fanet). 

McHugh, Hew son (Ardara, 
Donegal). 

McFadden, Patterson, Padden, 
Fadden (Ardara, Donegal). 

McLoon, Nunday, Nundy 
(Donegal, Broom Hall). 

Malley, Melia (Fanet). 

Musgrave, Mooshlin (Bally- 
shannon). 

Sheridan, Sherran (Buncrana, 
Donegal). 

Prendergast, Pcndcr (Fanet). 

Stevenson, Steenson (Fanet). 

Tod, Fox (trans.) (Inishowen). 

Whorriskey (='cold water'), 
Caldwell (Inishowen); Lough, 
Watters (Ardara) ; Pond 
(Fanet). 



y* ULSTER DIALECT. 

BY-NAMES (' NICKNAMES '). 

These are very popular and prevalent in the north, no doubt 
from their former necessity, owing to the prevalence of certain 
powerful clan names, as a means of distinction. Every sort of 
characteristic, as place of residence, physical peculiarity or 
deformity, accident or event in life, trade, etc., is made use of. 
'Sally Look -up' had a squint; 'Kitty Bwee ' was yellow- 
skinned ; ' Paddy Polite ' with polished manners ; ' Susey Fluke ' 
the fishwoman : these lived about Moville in Donegal, and few 
knew if they had any other names. In Fanet ' James Culliagh ' 
was the son of a famous ciilliagJi or cockfighter. His name 
Gallagher is of no use to identify him. It is a very common name 
in Fanet. Another goes by the name of ' Bowers ' for the sole 
reason he used to have a friend with him of that name. This has 
descended to his son. Other Gallaghers in Fanet who live on 
a low-lying farm are known as the 'Lowlys.' In Tyrone the 
name McKenna is very abundant about Aughnacloy and Favour 
Royal. They are distinguished by such names as Varney, Feddler, 
Kane, Shinone (Shan Owen), Tole, Ardle, Owenroe. Often the 
origin is forgotten. It is sometimes the name of his wife or his 
mother tacked on. In Inishtrahull, the most northern Irish land, 
an island with some twenty families, the name Gallagher is almost 
universal. They adopt three generations of Christian names. 
Thus Pat-Micky-John is Pat, son of Micky, son of John ; Con- 
Dan-Owen Con, son of Dan, son of Owen. This method is in 
use also in Fanet. Common Irish adjectives as oge (young), leg 
(little), and more (big), etc., are very much used in this connection. 

Two departments which have yielded very interesting results 
are those of folklore in every branch, and phrases or sayings 
of a proverbial character. These hardly fall within the 'scope of 
the present survey, although both introduce many linguistic 
peculiarities. In the former, Donegal is very luxuriant. Witch- 
lore ; fairy-lore ; cures and charms ; weather lore, and that 
belonging to special days, festivals, and seasons ; old customs ; 
births, marriages, and deaths; legendary lore, and that pertaining 
to antiquities, monuments, and saints ; games ; animal and plant 
lore all of these have given separable groups of results. In 
phrases such as similes and sarcastic personalities, Ulster is 
extremely rich. The people are ready-witted and humorous, with 
a keen sense of the ludicrous, and my collection of sayings 



WORDS OF LITERARY INTEREST. 95 

contains many of much pith and pregnancy. Many old proverbs 
turn up in the mouths of the people, and a list of 600 Gaelic 
proverbs collected in Ulster by Mr. Macadam (published in Ulster 
Journal) has been referred to in classifying them. But the sayings 
that are of the most interest in my mind are those in current use 
in the English language, which form a very unique collection. 
Many hundreds of those I have gathered seem to me to be purely 
a native product, occurring neither in Scotland, England, Irish, 
or early literature. These are most racy of the soil, and I hope 
ere long to have them alphabetically arranged and published. 
Often they preserve the record of obsolete words or customs. 
With these few, and I fear very superficial remarks, and the 
accompanying examples of local words, I conclude, and hope they 
may arouse some interest in my labours which may enable me to 
bring my full results before the public. 

A. 

Sag. To droop, to be depressed. " I 'm fairly sagged wi' the 
rheumatism": " I 'm bent double." Glen Alia, co. Donegal. In 
Dublin this word is used in the sense of * settling ' of walls or 
timber when they begin to bend a builder's term. Seems to 
be closely connected with sivag, also an architectural term, Swedish 
*viga, * to give way,' * bend.' The word is used metaphorically 
in "Macbeth," v, iii, 10, " The heart I bear shall never sag with 
doubt," and other Elizabethan instances are given by Nares. 
It is found chiefly in Northern dialects, as in the Cleveland 
Glossary. It is used (of timber) in Peacock's Mauley and 
Corringham (Lincoln) Glossary. In Jamieson, " sag, to press 
<lown, Lanarks" is exactly equivalent to the Glen Alia use, but 
the reference to Prompt. Parv., " saggyn or satlyn, Basso " (i.e. 
segging or saddling ?), is incorrect. 

The root sag, 'to cut,' gives another provincialism, saggon, 
n name throughout Ulster for the yellow iris, which is derived 
(as sedge) from the cutting-edged leaf of such plants. So it would 
appear from Skeat's article sedge. However, the fact that the 
same plant is called also flaggan, from the ' drooping ' or ' flagging ' 
habit of its leaves, makes me strongly inclined to derive saggon 
from the above sense of sag. 

Sting, sannies, earn, sonties, song, sowkins. All these forms are 
used as a sort of mild or softened oath, as "Be me sowkins!"; 



96 ULSTER DIALECT. 

"Upon my sam!"; "By my song!" Carleton often introduces 
them (Tyrone). I believe they are all corruptions of ' sanctity,' 
or Irish ' sanct,' holy. Possibly ' sowl' (soul) has assisted. 

Sannel, sandle. An icicle. I received this term from Glenravel, 
co. Antrim. ]N"o doubt from the Irish siocamhine, ' frosty,' O'Reilly. 
Another term for icicles is * frozen staples,' in Antrim, from the 
same district ; and a third, used in Antrim and Donegal, is shuttle. 

Saven'dible, seven' dable. Unmistakeable, pronounced, remarkable. 
"A savendible lie," "he gave him the father of a savendible 
thrashing," "a savendible skelp, cough, etc.," or "I '11 fix that 
in a savendible way," or "I'll make a savendible job of it." 
These expressions may be heard in Deny, Tyrone, or Donegal. 
The last example comes nearest the original sense, which is from 
the Latin " solvendo esse . . . solvent" (N. Bailey). Jamieson 
has " solvendie (1) solvent ... (2) worthy of trust, to be 
depended on, Aberdeen ; changed to sevendle or sevennel, Roxboro, 
(3) Firm, strong." Perhaps the increased syllable arose from 
a resemblance to vendible, i.e. 'saleable,' 'good.' I have often 
heard derivations for this term, but never the correct one, in the 
North of Ireland, which is undoubtedly as above. ' Seven double' 
and ' seven devils ' are favourite suggestions. Accent will dispose 
of these at once, since it is invariably on the second syllable in 
saven'dible. 

Sea, sga. Scum of dirt. Fanet, co. Donegal. ? Ir. sgamall, 
'scum.' O'Reilly. 

Scabbling or scaveling hammer. A heavy hammer, or small sledge 
for chipping stones. Derry and north-east. Halliwell has " Scab- 
lines, chips of stones." Perhaps a frequentation of scab, the surface 
covering. 

Scale. To scatter, disperse. To spread, distribute. Used 
somewhat widely, as ' the meetin 's scaled ' ; 'to scale manure ' ; 
'to scale a drink' (stand a round): "I got none of that scale, 
though I scaled it mesell " ("I got none of that round of 
drink, though I stood it "). A ' scale of drink ' is a round of 
drink. These expressions are from about Ray, Milford, and Glen 
Alia, co. Donegal. The word is in use in various parts of Derry 
(Dungiven, etc.). It is used by early writers 

" The hugy heaps of cares that lodged in my mind 
Are scaled from their nestling place, and pleasures passage find." 

PEELB: Sir Clyomon (Routledge ed., 1874, p. 513), 1599. 



WORDS OF LITERARY INTEREST. 97 

" . . . . fly or die, like scaled sculls (shoals) 
Before the belching whale." 

SHAKES. : Tr. and Cress., V, v, 22. 

The Quarto reads sealing. This is a suggestion, as the meaning is 
usually taken as scaly. I see no reason why Shakespeare should 
be forbidden the use of scale. See commentator's notes on 
" Coriolanus," i, 1, and especially Steevens, whose illustrations are 
appropriate. The question is capable of discussion at length. 
Kares is far astray ; Halliwell most dogmatic. Who ever heard 
of "a scaled (weighed) pottle of wine " ? It is * dispersed,' 
' distributed' in Dekker's "Honest Whore." Dekker uses it a second 
time, "a little scaled (scattered) hair." Strattmann has ll Schailin, 
scheilin, v. ; cf. Swed. skiala (go to pieces) : disperse, break up," 
with Hid.-Eng. references, also scalen. Scale is twice used by 
Hollinshed of troops dispersing, therefore Shakespeare knew the 
word. It is in frequent use in Donegal. It is also Irish 
" Scaorlim, I loose, untie, scatter, disperse," O'Keilly. 

Scantling. This word has varied application. A make, kind, 
breed, or build of anything. A sample or pattern. " A sheep of 
that scantling," i.e. of that breed, Donegal. In " Survey of Deny," 
p. 189, "we have also a hinge or falling harrow of lighter 
scantling." In another sense it is applied to "the darker tint or 
paint put on wood before the last oaken finish." This last is 
a Derry tradesman's word, pronounced scanlin or sconlin, but it is 
probably the same, signifying a sample of the final colour. Wood 
(or iron) cut to special sizes for a carpenter's use is a scantling. 
A measurement of wood or iron. " What scantling of iron will you 
put in that gate ? " In this latter sense the word is of wider use 
throughout Ulster. The word is identical with cantle, or corner, 
0. Fr. ' ' eschantillon, a small cantle, etc., a scantling, pattern or 
sample of merchandize," Cotgrave. Shakespeare uses it in " Troilus 
and Cressida," i, 3: "For the success, although particular, shall 
give a scantling of good or bad unto the general." An example. 
This is the widest sense. Brome speaks of a " scantling of child- 
getting," Antipodes, v, 2. Dekker (" Whore of Babylon ") uses the 
word as ' sample.' Bacon in his Essay of Honour and Keputation 
has it also. 

Scouth, skouth. Extent of pasture land. Extent, space, or 
liberty of grazing. A particular sense of the wider " scouth, 
liberty to range, freedom to converse, room, abundance," Jamieson. 
Phil. Trans. 1898-9. 



98 ULSTER DIALECT. 

Compare Irish " scoth. The choice or best part of anything 
. . . . adj. chosen, selected?" Under this word Halliwell 
quotes "And he get scouth to wield his tree, I fear you'll both 
be paid" (Robin Hood, i, 105). He leaves the meaning blank. 
No doubt it means ' room.' See also an unexplained quotation 
from Digby Mysteries in v. slcowte, Halliwell : " With me ye xall 
ron in a rowte, My consell to take for a slcowte" i.e. for a space. 
The above use is from Fanet, co. Donegal. 

Scranning. Barely able to move or go. c< I 'm just scrannin 1 
along " ; after a severe illness. Fanet, co. Donegal. Seems to 
be an unusual word. Jamieson has " scran, apparently used in 
the sense of ability, or means for affecting any purpose." 

Sera, sera! A. call to sheep. Fanet, co. Donegal. The calls 
to animals form a small glossary in themselves. I have compiled 
a careful list. 

She. The pronoun obtains some odd uses. ' She ' and * her ' are 
used for * I ' and ' mine ' in places (like Ballywhooriskey and 
Glenvar in Fanet) where there is little English known to the 
elderly folk. "Thon's her boat, she was not fushin the' day" 
(That's my boat, I'm not fishing to-day). Readers of Sir ~W. 
Scott will be familiar with this form. * She ' also represents ' he? 
'she,' or 'it.' I asked a Fanet man "How old is that bull?" 
" She's two year old, but she's not bullin' any yet, damn her." 
This is an Irish bull and no mistake. 

Skill-corn. I only guess at the spelling as I heard the word 
at Glen Alia (co. Donegal). A bad pimple or spot on the face, 
as a grog-blossom. Jamieson has " shilfcorn, selkhorn, a thing 
which breeds in the skin, resembling a small maggot." Under 
selcht Jamieson has " sealch, a shillcorn, a small bunyion," Gall. 
Encycl. Halliwell quotes from "Two Lancashire Lovers," 1640, 
p. 19, " And I will look babbies in your eyes and picke silly comes 
out of your toes." I cannot trace the word any farther. 

Shingles. A kind of Herpes. An eruptive disease which 
spreads round the body like a girdle (cingulum^ whence the name). 
It is believed to kill the patient if it meets right round. The 
cure for it is " A drop of blood from the left hind foot of a black 
cat." This I quote to show the conservatism of beliefs among 
the peasantry, which is indeed illimitable, save by the school- 
master. In Bullokar's Expositor, 1641, shingles is explained: 
" A disease about the breast, belly or back, wherein the place 
affected looketh red, increasing circle-wise more and more. It is 



WORDS OF LITERARY INTEREST. 99 

chiefly cured with cafs blood: or if it goeth round the body it killeth." 
Fanet, co. Donegal. 

Shire. Properly to clear or part two fluids of unequal con- 
sistency by pouring off. Halliwell gives "to pour off a liquor 
so as to leave the sediment, Worth." But the word has come 
to have some very wide and interesting metaphorical senses in 
Donegal (Fanet, Inishowen, Glen Alia). " It 's shayred mostly off," 
said of the snow ' thowing ' (thawing) from the hilltops. " Shairing 
it off " is pouring off one thing from another, like whey from 
buttermilk. " They've come from drinking and they've no shired 
it yet" (not sober, Glen Alia). "I'm going out now to shire 
my head," get a blowing to clear away the cobwebs. The general 
sense is that of clearing something by separation. This is the 
old signification. " Schyre, as water and other lycure, Perspicuus, 
clarus" Prompt. Parv. Jamieson has " schire, to pour off the 
thinner or lighter part of any liquor, Lothian." I do not know 
if "shire, thin, scanty, of crops" in the Shropshire Glossary, and 
" shyre, not thyckce, delie" in Palsgrave, is the same word or not. 
This latter word is used in the north-east of Ireland (Patterson, 
Antrim and Down Gloss.) in the form of shired or shirey, and 
applied to the thin or worn part of a garment, or of a loosely 
knitted or woven article, as well as to the thin part of a crop. 

SJiuggy shoo, shuggety shoo. The well-known child's play, known 
also in the north of Ireland as Weigh-de-te-bucketty, Copple-thurrish 
(horse and pig), Balance the Bank, consisting of children at either 
end of a plank balanced in the middle. In "Kabelais," 1. 22, 
TJrquhart translates "jouer & la brandelle .... To play 
at the swaggie waggie, or shuggie shu" Compare " shig shog, to 
rock or vibrate," Holderness Glossary, E. Dial. Soc., 1877. 

Shuttle. (1) An icicle or sheet of ice on the road (Antrim and 
Donegal). Halliwell has "shuttle, slippery, sliding, West" An 
old word shittle is probably the same, generally used figuratively 
as "a Iyer must have no shittle memory," Nashe, Pasquill's 
England, Grosart's edition, i, 137, 1589. Jamieson has "shuttle 
o' ice 1 . . . . The Scotch glacier," Gall. Encyclop., but 
this is to rne an enigma. Perhaps a Scotch witticism is buried 
under the ice. (2) A tangle or matted wisp. A gardener in 
Fanet said, "There's a great shuttle (or shettle) of this here 
. . . . it's in a regular shettle," speaking of the roots of 
a plant interlaced along the surface of the ground. This word 
is probably that of Prompt. Parv., p. 365 ; " ondoynge of schettellys 



100 ULSTER DIALECT. 

or sperellys, aspercio " (sperel, of a boke, o/endix, ibid.). It means 
a knot, or tangle of knots, apparently the gardener's sense above. 
Strattmann, however, renders the word schettel, a bolt, which is 
less agreeable. 

Sie, si. A dressmaker's term for the part of the dress between 
the armpit and chest. This word is given in Patterson's " Antrim 
and Down Words." It is also in use in Deny. Jamieson has 
sie in a similar sense: " a piece of tarred cloth between the 
overlaps of a clinker-built boat (Shetland)." [It is noteworthy 
how many Orkney and Shetland words occur on the north coast 
of Ireland.] Something stretched or capable of being stretched 
taut seems to be the sense. Halliwell has the word sie, to pull, 
stretch (Yorkshire). In this connection sigh (straining across the 
chest) may not be too fanciful a suggestion. The word sigh, to 
strain milk, in use in Shropshire (Miss Jackson), is probably the 
same, where the material for the purpose is sied on the strainer. 

Siege. An attack of illness. An epidemic. A man, or a family, 
or a whole countryside has 'a siege, or a great siege of a sickness/ 
in Fanet (Donegal). 

Skew, steward, for stew, steward. Glen Alia, co. Donegal; 
Armagh. See introductory remarks on the pronunciation of the 
letter a. This occurs in some parts of Cavan and Armagh also. 

Skreeghirf uillias. Places where unbaptized or stillborn infants 
are buried. I know of several of these in Fanet. Called also 
caluragh and killeen, but the latter is not a Donegal name, as far as 
I know, being more southern. From ulla, a burying-place, Irish. 
" The wailing burying-places." 

Slat a righ. Orion's Belt. Fanet, co. Donegal. Literally 
Icing's rod. Tailor's yard is a more commonplace name for the 
same constellation in Inishowen. 

Slay, slea. An instrument forming part of the old weaver's 
loom : Ulster Journal, v, 105, 180. Slay-hook is defined by 
Patterson (" Antrim and Down Words"), "a small implement 
used by weavers"; and, Ulster Journal, v, 105, 180, "an instru- 
ment by which the threads are drawn through the reed in 
weaving." Patterson further gives lt slay -hook, a dried herring, 
from its resemblance in shape to the above." Slay is denned by 
Halliwell as " anything that moves on a pivot, as the part of the 
loom that is pulled by the hand among the threads, Northern." 
" Slay, Webstarys loom " is in Prompt. Purv. And I find the 
word in Skelton ; 



WORDS OF LITERARY INTEREST. 101 

" To wene in the stoule sume were full preste, 

With slaiis, with tavellis, with hedellis well drest." 

Garlande of Laurell, 1. 790, circa 1520. 

Sle&him. Cessation. " She suffered pain day and night without 
sleshim," Inishowen, co. Donegal. Halliwell has " sletch, to 
cease, to stop. /. of Wight." I suppose it is this word. Ceasing 
(cessation) is too commonly used a word to undergo such a 
corruption. Sletch in this sense seems to be rare. Its being of 
southern dialect is not a difficulty. There are many Devonshire 
and Somerset words in use in Donegal and Derry no doubt derived 
from the settlers from those counties. 

Slough (as in lough}. A sort of petticoat. A mermaid that 
was seen near Carrablagh (in Fanet) had "a kind of a slough on 
her from her waist down." Jamieson has " slough (guttural), 
a husk, a petticoat . . . . in N. of England it is pronounced 
sluff" The same word as the duff of a snake. The guttural or 
hard pronunciation of such words is an uncertain quantity, as in 
dough, rough, tough (old writers). 

Soil. Green food. Derry. " I '11 gie the meer (mare) a pickle 
o' soil" i.e. I '11 give her a bunch of clover. This is the word 
in Lear, " soiled horse." See Halliwell, who quotes a long passage 
from Topsell, 1607. A good instance occurs in Florio's Montaigne, 
valuable as being in a book well known to Shakespeare and 
antedating Lear: "I have put forth an old stalion to soil" 
Book ii, ch. xv. It is a rare word in old writers, and this instance 
has not been adduced by the commentators. 

Soom. The air-bladder of a fish (Fanet). Probably from soom, 
a form of ' swim ' (swim-bladder) which is in use in Fanet. 

Sorey (as gory). A chesnut horse or mare (Fanet). A sorrel 
horse. " She was of a burnt sorrel hue with a little mixture 
of dapple gray spots, but afore all she had a horrible tail," 
Urquhart's "Rabelais," 1. 16. 

Spag. A purse (Fanet). The Irish word for purse is commonly 
sparan, but Foley gives also spaga, which seems to be a rare word. 

Spair, spare. The opening in front of a man's trousers (Derry). 
" Button your spare." Compare parallel placket. Jamieson has 
the word. " Speyr, of a garment (speyer of a clothe), Cluniculum 
. / . . marrubium," Prompt. Parv., and see Way's excellent 
note. Skelton uses the word referring to the front of a lady's 
dress : 



102 ULSTER DIALECT. 

u My bird so fayre 
That was wont to repayre 
And go in at my spay re 
And creepe in at my gore." Phylip Sparrow. 

This word has synonyms in the North, fly, bunt, stable-door. 

Spark. To faint, especially to become in a fainting condition 
after a paroxysm of coughing or choking. Deny. Patterson has 
the word. " I was liken to spark to death." A Derry woman 
said to me : {< The wean had a pain, and I took a spoonful of salt 
and water and just teemed it intil her till it got black in the face 
and we thought it was going to spark." I cannot trace the word. 

Spen, spend. To wean. Often spelt (as in Patterson) spain. 
In Fanet distinctly spen, and * a child spent ' is a weaned child. 
Spend, to wean, is also used in Eanet. Seems to be rare in 
literature. " Spannyn, or wene chylder, dblacto, elacto," Pr. Parv. 
Strattmann has " spanin, O.E. wean," with references. An 
interesting survival. 

Spink. A steep or overhanging bank, bluff, or cliff. A 
characteristic word along the Donegal coast used as above by 
the natives, and occurring also in place-names. Joyce has hardly 
the right signification. I have heard the word also in Ballynascreen 
(co. Derry) and Clogher Valley (co. Tyrone). It is used also at 
Cushendun (co. Antrim) of sea cliffs. Yery little used except in 
the north. " Spinks and hagotty bluffs," Gweebarra, co. Donegal. 
In the supplement to O'Reilly's Dictionary by O'Donovan is 
" spline, a point of rock or an overhanging cliff .... Clare. 
Speillic .... Louth ; spine in the county of Donegal." 

Stag, stack. A pointed rock (Donegal, etc.). Identical in use 
with stook (Ir. stuaic). Both words apply also to a ' cock* "of hay 
or straw. Ir. stacadh, often stag, as ' stags of Aran,' 'stags of 
Broadhaven.' 

Stake and rice. North-east Ireland and Derry, etc. " Stakes 
d liven into the ground and thin boughs nailed across," Jamieson. 
Interesting since it preserves the old word A.S. hrls, a branch, 
common in early poetry. The word itself, ' a small branch of 
a tree, a twig,' is given by Patterson. " Whyt as the blossom, 
up-on the rys," Rom. of Rose. 

Star of Jiethlehem. Applied to two wild flowers in Donegal, 
the larger stitchwort, Stellaria Holostea (llathmullan), and the wood 
aneraono (Glen Alia). The former is in use in some parts of 



WORDS OF LITERARY INTEREST. 103 

Scotland and England. "Bunches of Star of Bethlehem (wood 
anemone) are tied to a pole and left outside the door on May Eve 
for the Beltany ; the Mayflower ( Caltha palustris) is used for this 
also, but it is not easy to get." Glen Alia. 

Steep-grass. Bog- violet, butterwort, Pinguicula vulgaris. Patter- 
son, " Antrim and Down Words." The name is also given in 
"Flora Belfastiensis." This plant has the property of curdling 
milk along with rennet. Steeped milk is a term for curdled milk, 
or curds and whey, in N.E. Ireland. " In Lancashire and Cheshire 
the rennet with which cheese is made is called steep, because 
a portion of rennet is steeped, i.e. soaked, in warm water before 
being used; and about Belfast milk, when curdled by rennet, is 
said to be steeped, curds and whey being known as steeped milk" 
(Britten & Holland, " Plant Names," in v. steep grass.} The 
property of Pinguicula is identical with that of pepsine in the 
stomach, and it is its presence that enables this carnivorous species 
to digest insects captured by a glutinous secretion upon the leaves. 
It has been known to the Laplanders from time immemorial, and 
enables them to form a favourite dish, Tat, or sat-miolk, mentioned 
by Linnaeus a hundred and fifty years ago. See Kerner's "Nat. 
Hist of Plants," i, 143 (London, 1894). Threlkeld calls this- 
plant * Yorkshire sanicle,' and adds, "it is pernicious to sheep, 
for it rots them." This is the plant, probably, that is meant 
under ' Sinicles ' in Britten & Holland, which the authors cannot 
determine. 

Stray-ly-the-lough. A plant growing by a lake-side. I asked 
a Clonmany man (Inishowen) what name he had for the handsome 
purple loose-strife (Lythrum Salicaria}. He said : " That's a stray- 
by -tlie-lough; although there's no lough, it's a bit from it." 
This interested me, because on another occasion, years ago, the 
name Lough shule (wanderer or vagrant) was given to me for 
a wholly different species (Polygala vulgaris} on the edge of a lake 
in S.AV. Donegal. The two confirm one another, and also testify 
to the chance-medley of local plant-names, when one is needed in 
a hurry. 

Steer. Rudder. Carrick and Pettigo, co. Donegal. Seems to 
be an uncommon word. It occurs, however, in early writers. 
Webster has it ' obsolete.' Halliwell, Nares, and Jamieson are 
silent. Skeat mentions it as obsolete, but refers to Chaucer 
(Cant. Tales) in two places. It occurs in Harington's "Orlando 
Furioso" (xviii, 66, ed. 1634), 1591 : "The other mariners upon 



104 ULSTER DIALECT. 

the Decke, 'Or at the Steere, the coming waves do shunne " ; and 
again, " steerless boat," xxxvi, 59. Possibly, however, taken 
direct from the Irish stiur, helm, rudder. But the pronunciation 
is distinctly steer amongst the Carrick boatmen. The handle of 
a plough is called in Derry the steer-tree, or stilts : " Our farmers 
temper the plough by driving wedges in the mortice which 
receives the beam in the steer-tree ; this mortice they call the 
gluts" (" Survey of Derry," p. 185). This last process is known as 
" tempering the gluts." 

Stepmother's breath. Said of a cutting north wind in winter. 
Glen Alia, co. Donegal. In Dublin * stepfather's ' or * step- 
mother's bit ' is used of a very niggardly person. There is 
a chorus of clamour against stepmothers in literature. I have not 
seen a survey of these, and adduce a few. " Most of them do 
but weep over their stepmother's graves. Fran. How mean you ? 
Flam. "Why, they dissemble" (Webster, " White Devil," 1612); 
" As a stepmother envious" (" Rom. of Rose"); " Cynthia 
(qu. Eliz.) is no stepmother to strangers" (Lyly, "Endymion," 
v, 3, 1591). And see Arber's "English Garner," vii, 229; 
Beaumont & Fletcher's " Spanish Curate," iv, 4 ; Ben Jonson's 
Works; Cunningham's "Gilford," iii, 497; Middleton, "Angling 
for a Quiet Life," i, 1, etc. See also Halliwell, '' stepmother.' 
Middleton uses ' mother-in-law ' as synonymous. 

Stir. In expressions * up a stir ' and ' down a stir ' the sense 
is 'up a little' and 'down a little." These words are run 
together to form one word, 'uppester,' 'downester,' in several 
parts of Derry. The Bishop of Derry (novr Primate) used to 
call them ' comparatives.' The explanation here is that of the 
late Canon Boss, who contributes largely to my Glossary. They 
are odd expressions : " Where does so and so live, near this ? " 
" He's downester by," i.e. he lives down a little near. It may 
be suggested these terms are variants of ' upstairs ' and ' down- 
stairs.' 

Stocks. A primitive kind of tuck-mill. The door and boards 
for thickening flannel. A door laid flat with an upright board 
fixed on each side. Two men sit, one at each end, and put the 
flannel between their pairs of feet, and thump it from one to 
the other. The flannel is soaked in suds and hot water, and 
kicked for a minute or so, and then more suds are put in. A roll 
is done in a couple of hours. Still (1890) in use in Fanet, but 
rarely. 



WORDS OF LITERARY INTEREST. 105 

" Cloth that cometh fro the weuying is nought comly to were 
Tyl it is fulled under foote, or mfullyng stokks, 
Wasshen well with water." 

Piers Plowman (c. 1370), Skeat's ed., i, p. 445 (note 2, p. 229). 

A similar process is described in Martin's " Western Isles" at 
Harris, for " thickening cloth," p. 57, ed. 1703. 

Stroan, strone, srone. (1) A diminutive stream, a jet or rivulet. 
Said of a cow with an imperfect teat, "the milk comes in wee 
stroans." Deny (Canon Ross). Jamieson has " Stroan, to spout 
forth as a water-pipe," with another derivative sense, but denoting 
also a plentiful flow, and differing from the Irish use. Irish 
sroth, 'a stream, brook, rivulet'; sruam, ' a stream.' Sruaim, 
' stream,' occurs in Cormac's Glossary, p. 153, ed. Stokes. 
(2) A triangular oaten cake. It was an old custom to bake 
a large strone on the Saturday before Easter, with sometimes a ring 
in it indicative of the marriage of the lucky finder. Derry 
(Canon Ross). Irish " Sruan, a kind of triangular frame on which 
bread is set to bake before the fire." O'Reilly. In Ulster Journal, 
vi, 102 : "It was the custom early in this century in Derry in some 
families for the cook on Halloween to bake a three-cornered cake of 
oaten meal, with a hole in the middle, by which it was strung 
round the neck. This was called a stroan." (3) "A measure, 
namely, a gallon and a half of oaten flour made of burnt oats 
and a quirren (Ir. cuirin, small pot), pottle, or lOlbs. of butter, 
valued in times past the one at 4^., the other a groat." Ulster 
Journal, iv, 244. This was called sorren, and was primarily 
a refection for soldiers. Eventually it became in certain places 
& rent, the land so held being called sorren land, every parcel of 
which paid certain numbers of these necessaries or strones. 
Halliwell has a similar sense under strones pertaining to West- 
moreland and Cumberland. This latter word seems to refer also 
to the baking, sorn meaning ' a kiln, oven, furnace,' the r being 
transposed. With reference to sense (2), I find in O'Reilly, 
Suppt., " sruban, a thin cake," another form of the same word, 
perhaps, but the presence of b requires explanation. 

Such'n, suchan. Equivalent to what, such, or such kind of. Used 
generally in calling attention to a thing, and followed by the 
article as if it was merely such. "Suchan rain," "suchan a fine 
day," "suchan flowers," "suchan a tree." The n seems to be 
merely excrescent and decidedly cumbrous. It would be easier to 



106 ULSTER DIALECT. 

say " such a fine day " than " suchan a fine day," but some people 
at Glen Alia would always say the latter, and it is more emphatic. 
Whafn = ( what kind of,' is similar: "whatfn a chap is he?" 
Here no doubt it is ' kind ' slurred over, and from the analogy it 
may be so in sucttn. No doubt the same as siccan in Scotch, 
used in Waverley by Sir W. Scott (Jamieson). This term is used 
throughout the north. 

Sun drawing up water, or the water. "When long rays of light 
are seen shining through a hole in the cloud, the phenomenon 
gets this name about Mulroy, co. Donegal. In Abercromby's 
"Seas and Skies" (1889) there is an interesting account of this, 
called in India Buddha's rays, in Denmark Locke is drawing 
water, etc. 

Swamp, swamped. Generally pronounced as in swam. Lean, 
reduced in size. Usually (always ?) applied to a reduced swelling. 
The word is used in Derry and throughout Donegal. " Her legs 
were as swamp as ever," said of a woman at Bally shannon 
recovering from dropsy. In Derry I have heard it " The joint 
is swamped," i.e. the swelling of the joint (after a dislocation) is 
reduced. Halliwell has " swamp, lean as cattle," with a 
quotation 

" Our why (kie) is better tidded than this cow, 
Her ewr 's (udder) but swamp : she 's nut for milk, I trow." 

" A Yorkshire Dialect," p. 36, 1697. 

The word swamp, a ' quagmire,' does not occur in old writers, 
according to Skeat. It is a divergent sense of the present word. 
HalliweH's quotation is earlier than Skeat' s first reference for the 
substantive. However, it is in Ray's " S. and E. Country Words," 
1691. The adjective here noted is not common in Ulster, and 
seems to be rare in dialects. It is given in Jamieson. Compare 
avina, ' to subside," Icelandic. 

Sweet. Used in very bitter senses. A sarcastic word in such 
phrases as: " It's a sweet whipping you want," "That's a swate 
black eye," "He's a sweet blackguard," and "Here's sweet bad 
luck to you." In literature this word, like other common 
adjectives such as 'old,' was vaguely used: " Ich lug thee by 
the sweet ears" (Pardoner & Friar, Hazlett's "Dodsley," 1. 23, 
1533) ; " I will fet thee by the sweet lock" (Jack Juggler, ib,, ii, 
121) ; "If they be as false to women as to men, they have sweet* 



WORDS RELATING TO NATURAL OBJECTS. 107 

eeles to hold by" (" Distracted Emperor," Bullen's 'Old Plays, iii, 
258); "You sweet villains" (Webster, "Northward Ho," ii, 1). 
The last is quite parallel to the present Irish use. 



B. 

Saggon. The yellow iris or flaggon. See under sag (A). 

Sally -picker. The common Irish name for the warblers willow- 
wren, chiffchaff, sedge-warbler and used in the north. 

Sally wren or wran. About Derry, and in the north-east, the 
name of the chiffchaff and willow-wren. ' Sallow ' is invariably 

* sally ' (the tree) in Ireland. This is a variant of ' willow-wren ' ; 
the bird is never called ' willow-warbler.' 

Samlet. ' * Salmo fario, spotted trout ; samlet or j enkin " ( " Survey 
of Derry," p. 343). I presume corrupted from ' salmonet.' Izaak 
Walton uses the term i samlet/ and it is in Bailey's Dictionary, 
1726. 

Sandlark. Any species of sandpiper, but especially the dunlin. 

Saugh. A willow. Prom Ir. saileach. The loss of I gives 
this form, which is common in N. England and Scotland. It is 
in use in N.E. Ireland. 

Sawnie. A young herring-gull in the first season. 

Scad. The horse-mackerel or rock-herring, Caraux traclmrus. 
Ir. sgadan, ' herring.' This has become the correct name, the full 
term scaddn being applied to the common herring, from which 
arise several place-names round the coast. 

Scalahan. Any young bird not fully fledged is so called in 
Fanet, co. Donegal. The word scaldy is used in the same sense. 
Ir. scallachan, an unfledged bird. 

Scaldy. The scall-crow or hooded crow. Ir. sgallta, bare, bald. 

* Scalled ' is a common old word. This term is applied also, from 
its bare appearance, to a young unfledged bird, and hence in. 
Tyrone and Derry transferred contemptuously to babies. 

Scale -drake. (1) The sheldrake, Anas tadorna. Deny, 
Antrim, etc. Swainson gives this name from the Orkneys. 
(2) The red-breasted merganser, Mergus serrator. Co. Down. 
(Swainson.) 

Scallion. A kind of onion not forming a good bulb. Glen Alia, 
co. Donegal. N. Bailey gives scaloana, Ital. An onion of 
Ascalon. A kind of small leek. Although the word sounds 



108 ULSTER DIALECT. 

thoroughly Irish, I believe the above (Allium Ascalonicum) was 
the origin of the word. 

Scarr. A tern. Donegal Bay. 

Scart. A cormorant of either sort. At Hornhead applied to 
the green or crested cormorant (P. graculus). Usually means 
the great cormorant, Phalacrocorax carlo. Swainson has the form 
also scarf, which is nearer the Irish scarbh, a cormorant. 

Scawee or skiwee. This word is generally applied to the 
kelp-harvest, but its limited and correct meaning is the large 
tangle seaweed, Laminaria digitata ; and of that it forms only 
a part, the portion shed from the plant and driven ashore by 
May storms, usually by that storm known as the 'cuckoo. storm' 
or 'gowk storm,' which heralds a good scawee and is highly 
welcome. This part of Laminaria forms the best kelp. The full 
name is scawee bealtinn, the May scawee. In Inishowen the 
seaweed is commonly called Mayweed. In Fanet always scawee. 
But the word scawee is everywhere (in Donegal) used in the 
wider sense of seaweed for kelp. Scawee stands for scrawee, 
scrath buidhe, or yellow sera or sward. The weed is dragged 
in to the beach as it floats near with a pull to, a very long- 
handled, two-pronged fork with bent or hooked tines. 

Scobe. The wild broom, Sarothamnus scoparius. Glen Alia, 
<jo. Donegal. Irish scuab, a sheaf, besom. Latin scopae, broom, 
bundle of twigs. This word has also the signification scoop, of 
which it is a variant, in Derry. Again, scobes (Ir. scolb] are 
the ' scollops ' used in the sort of thatching known as scobe- 
thatching. These terms are in use in Fanet, co. Donegal, and 
indeed throughout Ulster. The same word in this sense as 
xcollop, which is indeed identical, the I being retained. ' Scobe- 
thatching' is especially used to denote thatching with sjcobes or 
scallops, not ropes. 

Scoot. The umbellifer Angelica sylvestris. S.W. Donegal. 
Because the dry kexes serve to make scoots or ' squirts ' of as 
playthings for children. The haho, cow-parsnip, or Heracleum 
sphondylium, is called Dryland scoot for the same reason. Scoot 
is used synonymously with ' squirt,' and in S.W. Donegal it is 
a name for diarrhoea. Scoot has varied senses in Ulster. It 
means an outing, a trip. "Did you have a good scoot?" after 
a holiday (Tyrone). A scooter is a tourist, one who scoots about. 
A scoot-hole is an escape-hole or starting-hole for a rat or rabbit 
when the principal hole is watched. One would naturally derive 



WORDS RELATING TO NATURAL OBJECTS. 109 

' scout ' from this root, viewing the above senses, but it is from 
escouter, 'pry' (0. Fr.). Compare Swedish aty'uta, 'to shoot.' In 
an old play, " Dr. Doddipol" (reprinted in Bullen's 0. Plays, iii, 
133), 1600, occurs a pretty passage: 

" this way, by the glimmering of the sunne 
And the legeritie of her sweete feete 
She scoivted on." 

Scoot. The razor-bill, Alca tor da. Newbridge, Lough S willy. 
Swainson gives this (scout] from Forfar, and derives it skite, l to 
mark,' which agrees with the sense given above. 

Scoot. The razor-shell fish. Since it squirts water out on the 
sand. These words skite, scoot, squirt, squitter, squit must be all 
cognate. The name as applied to the razor-fish is given in 
McSkimin's Hist, of Carrickfergus, Co. Antrim, 1811. 

The above word, in all its senses, is both written and pronounced 
scout also. 

Seal. A heron. I have only heard this word in Fanet, where 
it was given me as a synonym for ' the long-neckit (or long-leggit) 
harra.' In Armagh this bird is called the ' haru craan.' I have 
no idea how the term seal applies. The term harra is applied 
to any long thin thing. A Fanet man speaks of his wife as " that 
ould harra of mine." Perhaps the above is the true Irish name, 
but I cannot trace it, nor any other. Nevertheless, so familiar and 
remarkable a bird (held to portend rain) must have one. An Irish- 
speaking man said the " ould Irish name was ' long-neckit harra.' " 

Seal-snot. Jelly-fish. Medusa. Any of the larger sort. The 
quaintness of this name almost redeems its vulgarity. I have 
heard it in Fanet. Cowan-snotter is commoner round Donegal 
coast, since cowan is the usual name for a seal. Cowan is a word 
that needs explanation. It is applied in some parts of Donegal 
to the water peastia or phoolca, which goes under various 
denominations, both English and Irish, such as master-eel, 
whistling-eel, lough or river horse, glasgeehy, dorrahow, etc. 
The name cowan appears also (Mulroy, W. Donegal) in the 
compound cow an- sir ings, a name for Chorda filum, a long, string- 
like common seaweed. 

Sea-monster. A Derry name for the 'angler' or 'fishing-frog,' 
Lophius piscatorius (" Survey of Derry," p. 234). This odd fish, 
called ' sea-devil ' also according to Yarrell, has a variety of 



110 ULSTER DIALECT. 

names on the Ulster coast, as kilmaddy, Iriar-lot, mollygowan 
or malegoon. 

Seath, sethe. The coal-fish or grey lord, Merlangus carlonarim. 
This fish has, according to Yarrell, more local names than any 
other. It is very common. When young, along the rocks, it is 
known as rock-fi&h, cudden, pickies, seehaus, gilpins, shelug, and 
llockaus. Larger ones are grey lords, stanlock.8. Yarrell gives 
more from the Scotch islanders. Those here are all from Antrim 
and Donegal. In abundance of names perhaps the sea-bream 
would be its nearest rival. 

Seven sisters. The two commonest spurges, Euphorbia helio- 
xcopia and E. peplus, are so called from the umbel of (usually) 
seven branches of the name. This name has not, I think, been 
recorded except by me from Donegal, across the whole of which 
county it occurs. Nor can I trace it to an Irish source. 

Seven sleepers. The summer migrants supposed to sleep through 
the Winter. They are, according to a Fanet man, the cuckoo, 
swallow, stone-chatter (wheatear), wren (sally-picker, i.e. willow- 
wren or chiffchaff ), corncrake, and blackcap (stonechat) : this is only 
six ; but whether swallow includes swift, or whitethroat is counted, 
my informant sayeth not. Another countryman said very wisely 
that the chrysalis was one of the seven sleepers. Seven is a mystic 
number that covers a multitude of sins. This subject falls under 
folklore, where I have dealt with it more fully. However, I may 
mention that Mr. Elworthy gives a l seven sleeper ' as a name for 
any hybernating animal, from West Somerset (Dialect Society). 
And in The Zoologist (February and March, 1897) Mr. Rolfe gives 
wheatear, cuckoo, and swallow as three of the Manx 'seven 
sleepers ' ; while Mr. Bird collected eleven in Dorsetshire. 

Shasagh na creegh. Heart's-ease, Prunella vulgaris. This is 
the plant which in South- West Donegal is known as heart's-ease, 
or by its Irish equivalent (sasadh na cri) as above. It is held 
to be valuable for diseases of the heart, but the pansy has neither 
the name nor any such qualities attributed to it. A Gaelic name 
for this plant, given by Cameron, is lus a cri (heart-plant). 
The knowledge and belief in ' yerribs ' (herbs) is, or was, very 
extensive in Donegal. With the old people it is rapidly dying out. 

Sheegy or shiggy. Fairy. Shiggy thimble, fairy thimble. Irish 
sighe, sigedhe, a fairy goblin or sprite. Shiggy places, rocks, or 
bushes are often referred to, especially in Southern or Western 
Donegal. The same word as in the compound banshee, white 



WORDS RELATING TO NATURAL OBJECTS. Ill 

goblin. The word enters into place-names. I have collected 
a quantity of fairy lore in Donegal. In Mayo, according to 
Otway (Erris and Tyrawley), this word takes the form sheeogue. 

Sheep's brisken. Marsh woundwort, Stachys palustris. Sheep 
appear to hoke after the roots of this plant in dug potato-fields. 
Brisken is a name given to another plant whose root is edible, 
Potentilla anserina, or goose-grass. Irish Iriosglan, skirret, silver- 
weed, goose-grass. The name here given is in use about Glen 
Alia, co. Donegal. 

Sheep's naperty. Potentilla tormentilla, or common tormentil, 
called also biscuit, nyamany, and tormenting root. A Down name. 
It has a hard, small, woody root-stock, very hot and astringent. 
Naperty may be from, knapwort or knob, referring to root. This 
is Prior's derivation. Held to be a powerful cure for diarrhoea. 
The name naperty belongs to the heath-pea or carmylie, Lathyrus 
macrorrhizus, which has sweet little tubers attached to the root. 
Eaten by children, and formerly used to savour their usquebaugh 
by the Scotch. Much folklore in naperty. 

Shot star. Derry and Donegal. A slimy alga or fungus 
appearing on paths and elsewhere after rain in summer, Nostoc 
commune or Tremella nostoc. The idea is that the substance is 
a fallen star. " I watched it [a shooting star] where it fell, and 
there was nothing there but a lump of cowld starch " (Inishowen, 
co. Donegal). Another name is witches' butter, Derry. The fallen 
star is an old and quaint bit of folklore. 

" Now is this comet shot into the sea, 
Or lies like slime upon the sullen earth." 

MUNDAY'S Rolert Earl of Huntingdon, iii, 1 (1600). 

" The shooting stars end all in purple jellies 
And chaos is at hand." 

DETDEN: (Edipus, ii, 1 (1678). 

Dryden likes the idea, and refers to it again in the Dedication to 
his ' Spanish Friar." It will be found also in Beaumont & Fletcher's 
'Faithful Shepherdess," iii, 1. This subject has been dealt with 
by Mr. Britten in " Popular Fungi." See Britten & Holland's 
"English Plant Names," Star-shot. In some places in the North 
of Ireland (Carrickfergus) the heron is believed to disgorge this 
substance. 



112 ULSTER DIALECT. 

Sinicle. Wood-sanicle, Sanicula Europaea. Highly prized by 
herbalists (and I believe in some cases by the Faculty) as a cure 
for consumption in Donegal. Threlkeld (" Synopsis Stirpium 
Hibernicarum," 1727) says under Sanicula: " The French have so 
great an opinion of it that they say proverbially, ' Qui a la bugle 
de la sanicle, Fait aux chirurgien la niele,' which is as much a& 
a Panacea or universal remedy." France, however, regarded it 
as a vulnerary. 

Skaig, skayug, sgaig. S.W. Donegal, Leitrim, Tyrone, etc. 
A hawthorn bush, but especially one sacred to fairies. A gentle, 
gentry, or shiggy thorn. Such a one is an old tree with spreading 
branches to form a shelter, often on the leeward side, and especially 
one on an exposed hillside standing alone, or on a rath, and one 
that has not been planted. A thorn like this is absolutely 
sacred and regarded with fervid superstition. To interfere with 
one would be to court inevitable disaster, and numerous and 
circumstantial tales are told in every part of Donegal (but 
especially the south-west) of the calamitous results of cutting 
away a skaig. 

Skin marrow. The razor - shell. Sheephaven, co. Donegal. 
Ir. scin ' a knife,' maragh ' sea.' 

Slack marrow, sloe marrow, slat maragh. The stems'of Laminaria, 
the large sea-tangle, which make a fine cudgel in case of any 
divergences of opinion amongst kelp-burners. When the bailiffs 
went to Tory Island for rents, "the wimmen bate them out of it 
wi' slock maragh" Slacan ' a club,' or slat ' a rod' and maragh. 

Snawag. When two crabs are found in a hole in the rocks, 
the outer one is the male crab and known as the tharawan (Ir. 
tarbhan, 'little bull'). The other, or female, is called the snawag 
or peeler. These terms I obtained from a lad along the coast of 
Lough Swilly. The observation contained in them is in accordance 
with the biology of crabs. Mr. Bell, writing of crabs, says : " The 
male seeks the female at various seasons ; but it would appear 
that .... this often takes place immediately after her 
excoriation (peeling the shell), and that the male watches for the 
completion of the process when the female is in a soft and un- 
protected state .... when the shell is removed impregnation 
takes place." ("British Stalk-Eyed Crustacea," p. 62, ed. 1853.) 
Irish snamhaigh, a slothful person, a creeping fellow. 



113 



IY. ANALOGIES BETWEEN ENGLISH AND 
SPANISH VERSE (Arte Mayor}. By Professor 
W. P. KER, M.A. 

\Readat the Philological Society's Meeting on Friday, December 2, 1898.] 

IN many respects there is a close resemblance between the 
literatures of England and Spain, the two great Atlantic nations. 
They belong to different families of language, but in literary taste 
the English are generally nearer to the Spanish poets than to High 
Dutch or Low Dutch, and the Spaniards have more in common 
with the English than with the French. This sympathy is proved 
in many large instances in the history of the Drama in Madrid 
and London, and in the agreement between Fielding and Cervantes, 
which is something more than the mere debt of a pupil to a master. 
In some minor points there may be proved a coincidence of the 
literary manners of the two nations, and one illustration of this 
is the Spanish verse called Arte Mayor. This form of verse is 
the subject of a learned dissertation by the eminent scholar 
M. Morel-Fatio, in Romania xxiii, from which almost all the 
following references to Spanish prosodists have been derived. 

The history of the verse is given in different passages of 
F. Wolf's Studien zur Geschichte der spanischen und portugiesischen 
Nationalliteratur (1859). The first intimations of its presence 
are found, in the first half of the fourteenth century, in the 
poetry of the Archpriest of Hita, and in the moral couplets at 
the end of stories in the Conde Lucanor. It is in use among 
the Spanish contemporaries of Langland and Chaucer for example, 
Pero Lopez de Ayala (1332-1407). The most famous poet who 
wrote in this verse is Juan de Mena, in the fifteenth century. 
His Laberinto, sometimes called "the Three Hundred" Las 
Trescientas (sc. Coplas) is dedicated to King John II of Castile 
and Leon, the father of Queen Isabel the Catholic. It begins 
with the following coplas : 

Phil. Trans. 1898-9. 8 



114 ARTE MAYOR PROF. W. P. KER. 

COPLA I. 

Al muy prepotente Don Juan el segundo 
Aquel con quien Jupiter tuuo tal zelo 
Que tanta parte le haze del mundo 
Quanta a si mesmo se haze en el cielo : 
Al gran Rey de Hespana al Cesar novelo 
Al que es con fortuna bien afortunado 
Aquel en quien cabe virtud y reynado 
A el las rodillas hincadas por suelo. 

COPLA II. 
Propone. 

Tus casos fallaces Fortuna cantamos 
Estados de gentes que giras y trocas 
Tus muchas mudangas tus firmezas pocas 
Y los que en tu rueda quexosos hallamos 
Hasta que al tiempo de agora vengamos 
Y hechos possados cobdicia mi pluma 
Y de los presentes hazer breye summa 
Delfin Apolo pues nos comengamos. 

In the normal type of this verse the rules are as follows : 
The verse is of twelve syllables, with a section in the middle. 
There is accent on the fifth syllable in each half -line : the sixth 
syllable in each half -line is weak. 

There is accent on the second syllable in each half -line. 
Thus the first line of the Laberinto may be scanned 

Al muy prepotente 1 1 Don Juan el segundo , 

\J U U U \\ V ' \J V U 

This is the scansion that seems to be generally agreed upon by 
the Spanish authorities quoted in M. Morel -Fatio's article in 
Romania. They are all agreed that the line is divided in the 
middle. So the poet Juan del Encina, in the Arte de trobar, or 
Arte de poesia Castellana, prefixed to his poems, first published 
at Salamanca in 1496 : En el arte mayor, los pies son intercisos, 
que se pueden partir por medio : i.e., the lines are in two sections 
with a pause in the middle. By Rengifo, Arte poetica espanola, 
Salamanca, 1592 (p. 13), it is explained that the verse is made 



ARTE MAYOR PROF. W. P. KER. 115 

up of two of the six-syllable lines called versos de redondilla menor. 
In the redondilla menor there is always a stress on the fifth 
syllable ; in the arte mayor, besides the fifth syllable in each half- 
line, the second in each half-line must be accented, e.g. : 

Term la tormenta del mar alterado. 

It is not enough to say, Rengifo explains, that the arte mayor is 
made up of two verses of redondilla menor ; in the redondilla menor, 
as commonly used, there may be many variations in the stress of 
the first four syllables as long as the fifth is stressed. But the 
arte mayor requires the second to be stressed as well as the fifth. 

After this definite explanation by the Spanish authorities, we 
need not hesitate to say that their rules apply without any 
wrenching or stretching to a vast quantity of English verse. 
The scansion of 

Temi la tormenta del mar alterado 
is the scansion of Gray's " Amatory Lines " : 

With beauty, with pleasure surrounded, to languish, 

To weep without knowing the cause of my anguish, 

To start from short slumbers, and wish for the morning 

To close my dull eyes when I see it returning, 

Sighs sudden and frequent, looks ever dejected 

Words that steal from my tongue by no meaning connected ! 

Ah ! say, fellow-swains, how these symptoms befell me ? 

They smile, but reply not sure Delia will tell me ! 

In English verse of this type it is more common than in Spanish 
to have the rhyme masculine, but that makes no great difference. 

My time, ye Muses, was happily spent 
agrees with 

Aunque Virgilio te da mas honor. 

It is not easy to separate this kind of verse in the Spanish poets 
from the verse of Tusser's Husbandry, or from that described by 
Gascoigne in the following terms : 

" . . . . Note you that commonly now a dayes in english 
rimes (for I dare not cal them English verses) we vse none other 
order but a foote of two sillables, wherof the first is depressed or 
made short, and the second is eleuate or made long : and that sound 



116 AKTE MAYOR PROF. W. P. KER. 

or scanning continueth throughout the verse. We haue vsed in 
times past other kindes of Meeters : as for example this following : 

No wight in this world, that wealth can attayne, 
VnUsse he beleue, that all is but vdyne" 

GASCOIGNE : Certayne notes of Instruction concerning the making of 
verse or ryme in English, 1575. 

Tusser's didactic poem is for the most part in verse of this sort, 
as for example : 

October's Husbandry. 

"Where wheat upon eddish ye mind to bestow, 
Let that be the first of the wheat ye do sow : 
He seemeth to heart it, and comfort to bring, 
That giveth it comfort of Michaelmas spring. 

White wheat upon pease-etch doth grow as he would, 
But fallow is best, if we did as we should : 
Yet where, how and when, ye intend to begin, 
Let ever the finest, be first sowen in. 

Who soweth in rain, he shall reap it with tears, 
Who soweth in harms, he is ever in fears : 
Who soweth ill seed, or defraudeth his land, 
Hath eye-sore abroad, with a corsie at hand. 

Seed husbandly sowen, waterfurrow thy ground, 
That rain when it cometh, may run away round : 
Then stir about Nicoll, with arrow and bow, 
Take penny for killing of every crow. 

The analogies between English and Spanish are not en<Jed here. 
The licences of the arte mayor are such as are quite alien to the 
prosody of French and Italian poetry ; they are such as are 
common in English verse. The arte mayor, as used by the Spanish 
poets, and explained by the Spanish grammarians, is not always 
like the regularity of Tusser ; it sometimes leaves the Five 
Hundred Points of Good Husbandry and goes over to the outlaw 
rhythms of Christabel; at any rate it shows more sympathy with 
Christabel than would be generally considered decent or even 
possible for verse belonging to one of the Latin languages. The 
first rule of versification in the Romance languages is that the 
verses have each a definite number of syllables : the usage in arte 



ARTE MAYOR PROF. W. P. KER. 117 

mayor is to drop the first syllable when one chooses to drop it, and 
to begin on the first strong syllable. Juan del Encina states 
a doctrine of equivalence. 1 It holds of the last syllable in a verse 
of any sort that one long syllable is the equivalent of a long 
followed by a short syllable i.e., masculine rhyme is the equivalent 
of feminine rhyme. This is plain. But more than this : in the 
arte mayor not only may the half-verse end on the fifth syllable, 
dropping the sixth syllable, but each half- verse may begin with the 
long syllable and make that the metrical equivalent of the first two 
syllables in an ordinary half-verse. What he means is evident 
from his own usage e.g., in the third copla of his Egloga de 
Tres Pastores (Cancionero, Salamanca, 1509, fol. xcviii, recto): 

Fileno tu sabes que mientra la vida 

las fuercjas del cuerpo querra sostentar 

No me podrds en cosa manddr 

do tu voluntad no sea obedescida. 

Or again, fol. c, verso : 

Y aquellos prometes dar buen galardon 

porque sop6rten tu pena tan huerte 

das les despues tan cruda passion 

que siempre dan vozes clamando la muerte. 

N6 me podrds is the * equivalent ' of Fileno tu sdbes. The arte 
manor may drop the unaccented syllable at the beginning, as well 
as the weak syllable at the end of the verse or the half-verse. 

M. Morel-Fatio cannot away with this (I.e., p. 221) : " Les hemi- 
stiches reduits d'une syllabe qu'on trouve frequemment s'expliquent 
8ans doute par les besoins de la musique ; rythiniquement parlant 
ils sont des monstres, et en les lisant, il est necessaire de faire 
porter le frappe sur la demiere syllabe atone." 
Thus M. Morel-Fatio would scan 

not una doncella tan mucho fermosa, 

but una doncella ; 

not otras bcldddes lodr de mayores, 

but otras leldades. 

1 " Mas porque en el arte mayor los pies son iutercisos quese pueden partir por 
inedio : no solarnente puede usar una sillaba por dos quando la postrera es luenga, 
mas tambien si la priniera o la postrera fuera luenga, assi del un medio pie corno 
del otro, que cada una valdra por dos." Juan del Encina, Cancionero (Salamanca, 
1509), t'ol. v, recto. M. Morel-Fatio, in quoting this, has made some unnecessary 
difficulty by leaving out mcdio in medio pic. He says that Encina must mean 
hemistich. This is precisely what Encina says, without any ambiguity whatever. 



118 ARTE MAYOR PROF. W. P. KER. 

It is hazardous for anyone to challenge M. Morel-Fatio's doctrine 
in a matter of Spanish literature, but it may be permitted to 
a Northerner to say that the verse, as Juan del Encina seems to 
explain it, is not altogether monstrous according to English rules 
of prosody, and that possibly there may be more agreement in this 
matter between Spanish and English than between Spanish and 
French. TJpon one thing there can be no doubt; the licence 
was recognized and explained in the manner that M. Morel -Fatio 
rejects by the poet and musician Juan del Encina, and by the 
learned professor of music at Salamanca, Francisco de Salinas, to 
whose remarks on this subject M. Morel-Fatio refers in passing. 

Francisco de Salinas, in his Art of Music, Salamanca, 1577, 1 
has given some of the most valuable notes to be found in any old 
writer on prosody, and has distinctly explained the character of 
this Spanish " tumbling verse," by giving the tune to which it 
was sung. As a musician, an Italian scholar, and a student of 
popular as well as learned rhythms, he is an author to be trusted. 
M. Morel-Fatio somewhat unaccountably passes over his note of 
the melody to which the arte mayor was sung, though quoting 
the passage in which Salinas speaks of his hearing it : "Ad hunc 
enim modum illud cantantem audivi, duni essem adolescens Burgis, 
Gonsalum Francum nobilem virum non minus cantus quarn status 
et generis claritate pollentem." 

The tune is this : 

" Ut in hoc Joannis MenaB Laberinthi principio : 
Al muy prepotente don Juan el set/undo. 

Quod integrum metrum quatuor amphibrachis et duodecim syllabis 
constat, ut apparet in hoc cantu." 



'IN 



Salinas takes the verse as four amphibrachs. At the same time 
he affirms, without any scruple, that the first syllable may be 
dropped, and that the verse may be dactylic, with the stress on 
the fourth instead of the fifth syllable ; quoting from Juan de Mena: 

Delfin Apollo, pues nos comen^amos. 

1 Francisci Salirwe Burgensis Abbatis Snncti Pnncratii de Rocca Scalegna in 
Regno Neapolitano, et in Acadcmia Salinaiiti<vnsi Musicai- I'mi'.'ssoris de Musica 
libri septeni. Salraanticae Excudebat Muthias Uastius MDLXXVII. 



ARTE MAYOR PKOF. \V. P. HER. 119 

He is comparing the versos de arte mayor with the Italian hendeca- 
syllables. They often come near one another, he says, but with 
difficulty can be made to agree, even though the number of 
syllables be equal. The place of the accents is different. The 
Italian line has generally the accent on the sixth and tenth, 
the Spanish on the fifth, or, if it runs in dactyls, on the fourth. 
The examples that he chooses are from the beginning of the 
Lalerinto of Juan de Mena. Of the first kind (the regular type) 
he quotes 

Al muy prepotente don Juan el segundo ; 
of the second 

Delfin Apollo, pues nos comenQamos. 

There can be no mistake about his meaning, and there is no 
sign that he takes Delfin Apollo for a monster. 

The verse of arte mayor, as far as its opening is concerned, goes 
under the same rule as the verse of L 1 Allegro and II Penseroso in 
English. It is a form of verse in which the anacrusis is frequently 
dropped, and to speak of this licence as a fault is to mistake the 
character of the rhythm. The licence is generally unfamiliar in 
the Romance languages, in forms of poetry that pretend to be 
courtly; but it is used by the courtly poets of Castile, in the 
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and even later, in this verse 
of the arte mayor. 



II. 

About the origin of this kind of verse in English and Spanish 
there is room for a good deal of controversy. It is held by 
many scholars, as for example by Dr. Schipper and Dr. Herford, 
that Tusser's verse is a variety of the ordinary four -beat iambic- 
anapaestic or trochaic-dactylic line the tumbling verse of King 
James's Re'ulis and Cautelis. 1 

1 JAMES VI. The Rcvlis and Cavtelis to be observit and eschewit in Scottis 
foesie, 1585. 

Let all zour verse be Literall, sa far as may be, quhatsumeuer kynde they be 
of, bot specialise Tumbling verse for ttyting. Be Literall I meane, that the 
maist pairt of zour lyne, all rynne vpoii a letter, as this tumbling lyne ryuuis 
vpoii F : 

Fetching fude for tofeid it fast furth of the Far ie. 

Ze man obserue that thir Tumbling verse flowis not in that fassoun as vtheris 
dois. For all vtheris keipis the reule quhilk I gaue before, To wit, the first 



120 ARTK MAYOR PROF. W. P. KER. 

Dr. Schipper (Englische Metrik, u, ii, 5), after quoting King 
James and Gascoigne, and referring to the ballad of King John 
and the Allot of Canterbury, gives examples from Wyatt, and 
then cites, one after the other, Tusser's Husbandry and the February 
Eclogue of the Shepherd's Calender. 

In the first part of his book (r, iii, cc. 11, 12) Dr. Schipper takes 
the old alliterative verse as the origin of all the " tumbling verse " 
of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. By referring back to 
this part of his work in his description of the verse of Tusser, 
he makes a connection between the old alliterative verse and all the 
more recent examples which he quotes in succession to Tusser; 
among them are Thackeray's Cane-bottomed Chair and Browning's 
How they brought the Good News from Ghent to Aix. In his 
Grundriss der englischen Metrik (1895), pp. 110-113, he gives 
a pedigree starting from Casdmon's Hymn. 

Dr. Herford, in his introduction to the Shepherd's Calender, seems 
to agree with Dr. Schipper. He quotes Tusser's verse as a more 
regular and monotonous form of that which is found in Spenser's 
February, May, and September Eclogues. 

He agrees with Dr. Schipper in deriving the four-beat verse 
from the old alliterative line. " It was descended from the most 
ancient form of English verse, and still retained as its one fixed 
principle the characteristic of four beats .... The first 
who attempted to give a regular and polished form to the four-beat 
was T. Tusser, whose Hundred Points of Husbandry (1557) are 

fute short the secound lang, and sa furth. Quhair as thir hes twa short, and 
lang through all the lyne, quhen they keip ordour: albeit the maist pairt of 
thame be out of ordour, and keipis na kynde nor reule of Florving, and for that 
cause are callit Tumbling verse : except the short lynis of aucht in the hinder end 
of the verse, the quhilk flowis as vther versis dois, as ze will find in the hinder 
end of this buk, quhair I gaue exemple of sundrie kyndes of versis. 

*###* '# 

For flyting, or inuectiues, vse this kynde of verse following, callit Itotuicefallit, 
or Tumbling verse. 

In the hinder end of harvest rpon Alhalloiv ent, 
Quhen our gude nichtbors rydis (now g\f 1 rcid richt), 
Some buckiit on a benvvod, and some on a bene t 
Ay trottand into troupes fra the tvvylicht : 
Some sadland a sho ape, all grathcd into grent, 
Some hotchund on a hemp stalk, hovand on a heicht, 
The King of Far y with the Court of the !f qitenc, 
With many elrage Incubus rydand that nicht : 

There ane elf on an ape une vnsell begat : 

Eesyde a pot baith auld and rvorne, 

This bratshard in one bus was borne ? 

They fund a monster in the morn*, 
VVarfacit nor a Cat. 



ARTE MAYOR PROF. W. P. KER. 121 

composed in anapaestic couplets equally fluent and insipid" 
(Herford, Introduction to Spenser's Shepherd's Calender, 1895, 
p. Ixvii). There are many difficulties about this, for it is 
impossible to separate the rhythm of Tusser's verse from the 
rhythm of the arte mayor ; it is not only desirable to find an 
English origin for Tusser's verse ; one would like to explain the 
coincidence of English and Castilian rhythms. Is there a common 
origin ; and if so, of what kind ? 

On the side of Romance philology M. Morel-Fatio, agreeing 
with Stengel, would trace the verse of arte mayor back to a certain 
variety of the French decasyllabic line; it is "le correspondant 
exact d'un de nos types de decasyllabe : le decasyllabe * cesure 
& cinq ' plaisamment designe par Bonaventure des Periers dans 
son Caresme Prenant sous le nom de taratantara" M. Morel-Fatio 
quotes as a specimen of this French type a verse from the 
thirteenth century 

Arras est escole de torn Hem apprendre. 

JDBINAL : JVouveau Recueil, ii, 377. 

This counts as a variety of decasyllabic in French, though the 
arte mayor is dodecasyllable in Spanish. " Quant a la denomination 
differente de ce vers dans les deux langues, elle tient uniquement, 
comme chacun sait, au systeme de numeration des syllabes, 
oxytonique en frangais, paroxytonique en castillan." 

Other examples are quoted in Jeanroy, Origines de la poesie lyrigue 
en France, p. 356, from Bartsch, Romances et Pastourelles; e.g., 

Quant se vient en mai | que rose est panic 
Je 1'alai coillir | par grant druerie. 

It would appear, then, that verse which is derived from the 
Old English alliterative line, and verse which is a variety of the 
French decasyllabic, may come to have a strong likeness to one 
another. Is there any real connection between them, or is it 
only a casual resemblance of two different species ? 

There is no need to suppose that the old alliterative line is the 
sole ancestor either of the verse of Tusser or of the verse of 
Spenser's February Eclogue. There are other influences that 
press for consideration here, and not less in the history. of the 
Spanish verse. 

There are many four-beat rhythms besides that of the allitera- 
tive verse, and while we may admit that the " tumbling verse " of 



122 ARTE MAYOR PROF. W. P. KER. 

King James's example is derived from the old alliterative line, we 
need not restrict its origin to such verse as was used in the seventh 
century by the poets of Northumberland. It is impossible to 
doubt that the rhythm of alliterative verse in the fourteenth 
century and later was affected by the four-beat, or perhaps we 
should say the eight-beat, rhythm of popular tunes. Among the 
ancestors of the ballad of King John and the Abbot of Canterbury, 
which is the ancestor of Prior's Down Sail and Swift's Hamilton's. 
Bawn, may perhaps be counted such old rhythms as this from the 
year of Lewes : 

Sire Simond de Mountfort hath swore bi his chyn, 
Hevede he now here the Erl of Waryn, 
Shulde he never more come to is yn, 
Ne with sheld ne with spere ne with other gyn, 

To help of Wyndesore. 
Richard, thah thou be ever trichard t 

trichen shalt thou never more. 
Sir Simond de Montfort hath swore bi ys cop, 
Hevede he now here Sire Hue de Bigot, 
Al he shulde quite here twelfmoneth scot, 
Shulde he never more with his fot pot 

To helpe Wyndesore. 
Richard, etc. 

The verses of four irregular dactyls in Latin popular poetry * 
bear witness to the diffusion of this kind of rhythm : they are 
independent of the alliterative line. So also the trisyllabic measure 
of the Minnesingers; one is not allowed to call it dactylic, but 
it is verse of four beats, beginning on the strong syllable and 
proceeding in trisyllabic feet : 

Wol mich der stunde, daz ich sie erkande ' 

diu mir den lip und den muot hat betwungen, 
eit deich die sinne so gar an sie wande, 
der si mich hat mit ir giiete verdrungen, 

das ich gescheiden von ir niht enkan, 
daz hat ir schccne und ir giiete gemachet 
und ir roter munt, der so lieplichen lachet. 

1 E.g. in Wright's Poems of Walter Mapes : Apocalypsis Golia* (1. 37) : 
Hie Priscianus est, daiis palmis verbora ; 
Est Aristoteles vcilicruns aora; 
Verborum Tullius vi niuk-ct aspcra ; 
Kit Ptolomatms so tutum in sidera. 



ARTE MA YOU PROF. W. F. KER. 123 

To put it shortly, the verses went this way because the tunes 
went this way before them, and the likeness of the English and 
the Spanish verse is explained by the common rhythm of country 
dances. 1 The regularity of Tusser's verse is secured by following 
a common tune, and where a tune of that sort is followed by other 
poets the same kind of regularity will be found again. Tusser's 
verse is not properly anapaestic ; the first syllable is merely 
introductory to a kind of rhythm that is dactylic, if it is to be 
named from any metrical foot at all. Tusser's regularity is 
followed by Ben Jonson when he provides new words "to the 
tune of Paggingtoji's Pound, sir " : 

But you vile nation of cutpurses all, 
Kelent and repent, and amend and be sound, 
And know that you ought not by honest men's fall, 
Advance your own fortunes, to die above ground ; 

And though you go gay 

In silks as you may, 

It is not the highway to heaven (as they say) : 
Ilepent then, repent you, for better for worse, 
And kiss not the gallows for cutting a purse. 
Youth, youth, thou hadst better been starved by thy nurse 
Than live to be hanged for cutting a purse. 

Bartholomew Fair, Act iii. 

The Spanish verse is made for music, originally. It is used 
in stanzas of eight lines for heroic poetry by the early court poets, 
of whom Juan de Mena was the most famous. But though the 
Laberinto of Juan de Mena is an ambitious didactic poem, and 
(one would think) as little adapted for a musical accompaniment 
as Wordsworth's Excursion, yet we have the proof from Salinas 
that it was actually sung. Juan del Encina, the poet, was 
also one of the musicians of his time, " such as found out musical 
tunes, and recited verses in writing." Among his compositions 
in the great musical manuscript edited by Barbieri (Cancionero 
Musical de los Siglos xv y xvi, Madrid, 1890), may be found tunes 
for the rhythm of redondilla menor, or, one might say, using 
English terms, for the measure of Gray's Amatory Lines, with 
rhymes at the pauses. 

1 Compare the dance time in time given in the new edition of Chappell's 
Old English Popular Music (ed. II. Ellis Wooldridge). The date is about 1260. 



124 ARTE MAYOR PROF. W. P. KER. 

Amor con fortuna 
Me muestra enemiga 
No se que me diga. 

No se lo que quiero, 
Pues busque mi dano ; 
Yo mesmo me engano, 
Me meto do muero ; 
Y muerto no spero 
Salir de fatiga : 
No se que me diga. 

This verse is exactly regular, in trisyllabic measure, with 
anacrusis, and corresponds exactly, syllable for musical note, with 
the tune its accompaniment. 

In England and in Spain, apparently, the triple time of common 
dance tunes, with periods of eight bars, was found congenial to 
verse, and was allowed to shape the prosody of verse. In other 
countries, as in France, the fashion of verse is not in sympathy 
with this "jigging vein," but even here it makes its way. On 
the authority of the Dictionnaire PhilosopTiique of Voltaire, s.v. 
Uemistiche (referred to by Stengel, Romanische Ferslekre), some- 
thing like the arte mayor may be allowed in France. 

" Ces vers de cinq pieds a deux hemistiches egaux pourraient 
ee souffrir dans des chansons; ce fut pour la musique que Sapho 
les inventa chez les Grecs, et qu' 'Horace les imita quelquefois, 
lorsque le chant etait joint a la poesie, selon sa premiere institution. 
On pourrait parmi nous introduire dans le chant cette mesure qui 
approche de la saphique. 

L'amour est un Dieu que la terre adore, ' 
II fait nos tourmens il fait les guerir ; 
Dans un doux repos heureux qui 1'ignore, 
Plus heureux cent fois qui peut le servir." 

Evidently the tune that Voltaire had in his head was one of the 
same sort as Gray's in his Amatory Lines. 

The history of this kind of verse in Germany is not very easy 
to make out. It seems strange that Dr. Schippcr, in speaking of 
the English rhythm, should not have referred to its counterpart in 
Germany, except in the case of Burger's translation of the Abbot of 
Canterbury. In Kauffrnann's Deutsche Metrik the oldest examples 



ARTE MAYOR PROF. W. P. KER. 125 

(leaving out of account the Middle High German ' dactylics ' of 
"Walther and others) are from Paul Fleming and Filip von Zesen. 
"Wie ist es, hat Hebe mein leben besessen ? 

Wie ? oder bef iindt sie sich lieblich in mier, 
liebliches leben wem soil ichs zumessen, 

Dass meine gebeine so zittern f iir ihr ? 
Ich gehe verirret, verwirret, und triibe, 
Und stehe vertieffet in lieblicher Hebe. 

FILIP VON ZESEN: Helikon, 1656, ii, 124. 

In Anke van Tharaw the verse opens on the strong syllable, like 
Delfin Apolo : 

Anke van Tharaw b'ss, de my gefollt, 

Se oss mihn lewen, mihn goet on mihn golt. 1 

It is worth notice that Petter Dass (or Dundas, if he had kept 
his father's name), the Norwegian poet of Helgoland, uses in his 
didactic poetry (Natural History and Eiblical paraphrases) some- 
times the verse of the Ormulum, sometimes the verse of Tusser. 
It is not Tusser' s stanza, being a kind of rime couee, a stanza 
used by Dr. Watts, in place of Tusser's quatrain : 
Forstandige Lasser, nu gavst du vel Agt, 
Hvad Naaring os skjasnker den Poliske Tract 

Samt Havsens Afgrunder og Klakke, 
Bevilger dig Tiden, da beder jeg dig, 
Du ville, min Broder, spadsere med rnig, 
Jeg haver lidt vider' at snakke. 

PETTEE DASS (1647-1708) : Nordlands Trompet. 



III. 

In their relations to the decasyllabic line, the English poets 
and the poets of the Peninsula go through similar stages. One 
may compare the Chaucerian s with the court poets who wrote in 
Portuguese about the time of Chaucer or Lydgate. On both sides 
there was great difficulty with the decasyllabic line. It came to 
England from France ; it came to Portugal from France and 
Provence. The French and ProvenQal line had a definite structure; 
a fixed cesura after the fourth syllable. Neither the English 

1 Compare in English the ballad measure " High upon Ilielands and low 
upon Tay." 



126 ARTE MAYOR PROF. W. P. KER. 

nor the Portuguese would keep this rule. 1 There were good 
reasons why Chaucer should neglect it: he had better rules of 
his own. But the rule that was good enough for Deschamps or 
Froissart was not too good for Lydgate, and his verse might have 
been properly braced up if he had observed it : instead of which 
he too often turned the line into nothing better than " tumbling 
verse " ; verse of four stresses, without regular measure : 
But he was clad, me thought straungely, 
For of frost and snow was all his aray ; 
In his hande he helde a fawchon all blody. 

Hyt semyd by hys chere as he wold make a fray. 
A bawdryk of isykles about his nek gay, 
He had, and aboue an hygh on hys hede, 
Cowchyd with hayle stony s he weryd a croune of leede. 

LYDGATE : Assembly of the Gods, ed. Oscar Lovell Triggs, E.E.T.S., 

p. 9, 1896. 

Diez, in his book on the Portuguese Court Poetry, points out 
what difficulties were found in keeping the Provengal rhythm. 
Speaking of King Denis and another poet he says: " Of ten, for 
example, they stress the fifth syllable, and often there is nothing 
more of verse in their verses than the right number of syllables." 2 

Diez quotes from King Denis the following shocking examples : 

(1) Ca de mim matar amor non m'e greu. 

(2) Poys da mays fremosa que quantas son. 

(3) Es mui gran pesar se deus mi perdon. 

(4) Praz a vos senhor por qual vos el fez. 

That it is the arte mayor in this case, and that it is the tumbling 
verse in the case of the English poets, by which the decasyllabic is 
corrupted, seems to be pretty certain. 

Then came, after the French line, the Italian. There does not 
seem to have been anyone in the Peninsula with Chaucer's 
appreciation of Italian poetry till long after the time of Chaucer ; 
but the Chaucerian poets in England by their ignorance of Italian 
took care that England should have no unfair advantage. In fact, 
Spain went ahead by a generation or two in deliberate following 
of Italian fashions of poetry. The letter of the Marquis of 

1 The poet of Wallace is exceptionally strict iu making a division after the 
fourth sylhililr in his hcrnic line. 

- Diez, Ueher die erste portugiesische Kunst- und Hof-Poesie, p. 40 : 
" .la niclit selten ist nur die Sylbfii/ahl das was ilmun den Vers macht." 



ARTE MAYOR PROF. W. P. KER. 127 

Santillana to the Constable of Portugal, which is the first clear 
enunciation of the new principles of the Art, is a century before 
Tottel's Miscellany. 

In Spain there was the same difficulty with the Italian heroic 
verse as there had been with the French and Provencal, and the 
cause of the difficulty was arte mayor. Instead of the common 
Italian stresses in the fourth or the sixth syllable, they broke into 
the cantering pace of the national tunes and stressed the fifth. 
This irregularity is the subject of the second part of M. Morel- 
Fatio's paper; it is pointed out and explained by Francisco de 
Salinas. The whole passage is worth quoting: 

" ' Amor e8 me dieron corona de amores? 

"Est autem hoc notissimum et celeberrimum apud Hispanos 
quorum videtur esse proprium quandoquidem eo nee Graeci nee 
Latini antiquitus usi sunt, neque Itali aut Galli nunc utuntur. 
Quanquam citra triginta annos in usu non ita frequens esse 
desiit, postquam Hispani coeperunt imitari, neque infelici successu, 
compositiones Italicas et Gallicas, quas cantiones et soneta vocant. 
Atque adeo tenaciter hoc metrum majorum nostrorum animis 
inhaerebat ac auribus arridebat, ut cum primum in nostrum idioma 
versus hendecasyllabos quibus utuntur Itali transferre conati sunt 
quidam poetae nostrates magni nominis, pro illis in hos quibus 
assueti fuerant vel inviti delaberentur, ab illis temporum semper 
et frequenter syllabarum numero et accentuum situ, et arsis et 
thesis divisione discrepantes." 

Would not this apply to some of the English poets, if we 
interpreted hoc metrum majorum nostrorum of the old tumbling 
verse of England in place of the Peninsular arte mayor? There 
undoubtedly was something that prevented Sir Thomas Wyatt 
from making himself secure in his heroic verse ; something that 
led him to put among his heroic verses such anomalies as this : 

To be the right of a Prynces rayghne. (Satire II.) 

The difficulties of the Spanish poets in learning the Italian 
measure are not unlike those of the English in the sixteenth 
century, and it seems natural to find similar explanations for 
both. The old tunes rang in their ears too incessantly for the 
new kinds of verse to make their way. 



128 ARTE MAYOR PROF. W. P. KER. 



POSTSCRIPT. 

Mr. Arthur Platt points out a disrespectful reference to the art* 
mayor in Lope's " War of the Cats" (Gatomaquia), in which 
one of the heroines is named Zapaquilda : 

Y que con una dulce cantilena 
En el arte mayor de Juan de Mena 
Enamoraba el viento. 

Mr. Platt has also sent me the following examples of arte mayor 
as used by Calderon : 

Y todos digais en voces diversas, 

Que Carlos Segundo ofrece a su madre, 

Pues ella admitio de sus anos la fiesta, 

Esta fiesta tambien a sus aiios, 

Que cumplan y gocen edades eternas. 

Loa de Hasta Fieras afemina Amor. 

Voces. Y para venganzas a Marte despierta, 

Alienta y anima. 
Todas. Y al letargo adormida la queja, 

Ni llore ni gima. 

Marte. De una confusion en otra 
"No se lo que elija ; 

Entre aguas que aduermen, acentos que elevan. 
Y cajas que incitan. 

La Pur pur a de la Rosa. 

Music. Prosiga la fiesta, \_Bailan ' 

Y aclamando a entrambas Deidades, 
Del sol en el cielo, del Inga en la tierra, 
Al son de las voces repitan los ecos, 
Que vivas que reiues que triunfes y venzas. 

La Aurora en Cop0odban* t ad in it. 

W. P. K. 



129 



V. CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE HISTORY OF THE 
GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH. By HENRY 
CECIL WYLD, of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. 

[Read at the Meeting of the Philological Society on Friday, April 14, 1899.] 

PEEFATOEY REMAEKS. 

THE following is a study and history of four classes of English 
sounds : 

1. Old Engl. c. Back (guttural) and front (palatal). 

2. Old Engl. . Back and front. 

3. Old Engl. 05. 

4. Old Engl. h. Back and front. 

All these sounds are here considered only as occurring medially 
and finally. My remarks are based upon an extensive collection 
of forms which I have culled with no little labour from O.E. and 
M.E. texts, and from modern dialect glossaries. My collections 
of Literary English words are from Professor Skeat's larger 
Etymological Dictionary. I shall discuss the pronunciation of 
the sounds which I have mentioned in O.E., and it will be seen 
that in several points I venture to differ from the commonly 
received views of Messieurs Kluge, Sievers, and Biilbring. I shall 
then investigate the M.E. forms of O.E. c, , <?, etc., as they 
appear in the most important texts of M.E. For this pin-pose 
the word-lists are arranged chronologically and geographically, so 
as to show at once the historical development of the sounds, and 
their distribution in the various M.E. dialects. AYith regard to 
the modern dialects, the arrangement is chiefly geographical, 
beginning with the North and working down to the extreme 
South of England. The order of the lists is as far as possible 
from west to east. 

I have also added other lists which show at a glance in which 
dialects of Modern English many of the most important words 
of the above-mentioned four classes occur. A special feature of the 
Phil. Trans. 1898-9. 9 



130 GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 

paper is the explanation which I venture to offer of the so-called 
* irregular ' or ' Northern ' forms, such as ' seek,' ' think,' 
< hagthorn,' ' heckfer,' ' to lig = to lie,' etc., etc. (See p. 247.) 

I cannot but think that in the main the law here formulated 
must be accepted, though it is of course inevitable that many 
of my applications of it will be disputed, and that opinions will 
differ as to the exact geographical area over which it obtained. 

In conclusion, I have to thank Professors Napier and Wright 
for their kindness and courtesy at all times in giving me 
valuable advice and suggestions. To Dr. Sweet I owe far more 
than I can adequately set down here; not only have I had the 
privilege of a training in practical phonetics from him, but I have 
also enjoyed the advantage of frequent private discussion with 
him of every part of my work in the course of its carrying out. 

Oxford, April, 1899. 



LIST OF MIDDLE ENGLISH TEXTS USED IN THE FOLLOWING 

WORK. 

SCOTCH AND NORTHERN TEXTS. 

Barbour's Bruce, 1330. 
Dunbar, E. Lothian, 1460-1520. 
Gavin Douglas, 1475-1522. 
Complaynt of Scotland, 1549. 



Metrical Psalter, Yrks., before 1300. 

Cursor Mundi, Yrks., 1300. 

Minot, Yrks., 1333-52. 

Prick of Conscience, Yrks., before 1349. 

Sir Gawayn, Northern, 1360. 

Townley Mysteries, Yrks., 1450. 

Northern Glossary ( Wright- Wiilcker, xviii), fifteenth century. 

Wars of Alexander, Yrks., late fifteenth century. 

Catholicon, Yrks., 1483. 

Manipulus, Yrks., 1570. 

MIDLAND TEXTS. 

Alliterative Poems, Lancashire, 1360. 
Metrical Romances, Lanes., 1420. 

Ormulum, Lines., 1200. 

Havelok the Dane, N.E. Midland, 1300. 

Robert of Brunne, 1338. 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH - H. C. WYLD. 131 



ITali Mta.lmlHMl, W. Midi., 1225. 
William ,,f Palerne, W. Midi., 1350. 
EarHest Prose Psalter, W. Midi., 1375. 
Myrc, Shropshire, 1400. 



MS. Harl., 2,253 (Boddeker's Alteuglische Dichtungen), Herefordshire, 1310. 

A Worcester Glossary ( Wright -Wiilcker, xiii), twelfth century. 

La^araon, Worcs., 1205. 

Guy of Warwick, thirteenth century. 

Songs and Carols (Wright, Warton Club, 1856), Warwickshire, 1400. 

Palladius on Husbondrie, Essex, 1420. 

Peterborough Chronicle, 1122-1154. 

Bestiary, E. Midi., before 1250. 

Genesis and Exodus, E. Midi., 1250. 

Returns of Norfolk Guilds, 1389. 

Wills and Inventories, Norfolk, fifteenth century. 

Promptorium, Norfolk, 1440. 

Bokenham's Poems, Suffolk, before 1447. 

Wicliffe. E.E.T.S., 1880. 

Chaucer. Skeat's ed., six vols. 

Political Songs. Wright, Rolls Series, 1859-61 ; 2 vols. 

SOUTHERN TEXTS. 

St. Katherine, Gloucestershire, 1200. 

Robt. of Gloucester, 1300. 

St. Juliana (Metrical Life), Gloucestershire, 1300. 

Piers Plowman, 1363-93. 

Sir Ferumbras, Devon, 1380. 
St. Editha, Wilts, 1400. 



St. Juliana (Prose Life), Dorset, 1200. 
Sawles Warde, Dorset, 1210. 
Wooing of our Lord, Dorset, 1210. 
Ancren Riwle, Dorset, 1225. 
Owle and Nightingale, Dorset, 1246-50. 



Sir Beves of Hamtoun, Hants, 1327. 
Usages of Winchester, Hants, 1360. 

Kentish Gospels, 1150. 

Kentish Homilies (Yespas, A. 22), 1200. 

Vices and Virtues, Kent, 1200. 

Moral Ode (MS. Digby, 4), Kent, early thirteenth century. 

Kentish Sermons, 1200-50. 

William- of Shoreham, Kent, 1307-27. 

Ayenbite of Inwyt, Kent, 1340. 

Libeaus Desconus, Kent, 1350. 



132 GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



LIST OF MODERN DIALECTS, WITH AUTHORS OF GLOSSARIES 
HERE USED. 

Northumberland, Heslop, 1892-4. 

Cumberland, Dickinson, 1878-81. 

Westmoreland, Wheeler, 1802 ; Westmoreland and Cumberland, 1839. 

Durham (Hetton-le-Hole), Palgrave, 1896; Teesdale Glossary, 1849. 

(W. Yrks. (Cleveland), Atkinson, 1869-76. 
N. Yrks. (Swaledale), Harland, 1873. 
N.E. Yrks. (Whitby), Robinson, 1876. 



Yorkshire 



N.Mid. Yrks. (Windhill), Wright, 1893. 



Mid. Yorks , Robinson, 1876. 

W. Yrks. (Almondsbury and Huddersfield) , Easther, 1883. 

S.W. Yrks. (Sheffield), Addy, 1888-90. 

Lancashire, Nodall and Milner, 1875-82. 

Cheshire, Holland, 1884-6 ; South Cheshire, Darlington, 1887. 

Derbyshire, Pegge, Skeat, Hallam. 

( N. Lines., Sutton, 1881. 
Lincolnshire s N.E. Lines., Peacock, 1889. 

(S.W. Lines., Cole, 1886. 

Shropshire, Jackson, 1879; Salopia Antiqua, Hartshorne, 1841. 
Staffordshire, Poole, 1880. 
Leicestershire, Evans, 1881. 
Rutland, Wordsworth, 1891. 
Norfolk, Rye (East Anglia, 1895); Spurdens, 1879; Cosens-Hardy, 1893; 

Nall, 1866. 
Herefordshire, Havergal, 1887. 

( Upton -on -Severn, Lawson, 1884. 
Worcestershire < W. Wrcs., Chamberlaine, 1882. 

( S.E. Wrcs., Salisbury, 1894. 
Warwickshire, Northall, 1896. 
Northamptonshire, Baker, 1854. 
Bedfordshire, Batchelor, 1809 (Glossary at end of " An Orthoepical Analysis 

of the English Language "). 
Suffolk, Moore, 1823. 
Gloucestershire, Robertson, 1890. 

Oxfordshire, Parker, 1876-81. / 

Berkshire, Lowsley, 1888. 

Essex, Charnock, 1880 ; Clarke, Tales in Essex Dialect. 
W. Somersetshire, Elworthy, 1886. 
Wiltshire, Dartnell and Goddard, 1893 ; Akennan, 1842. 
Surrey, Leveson-Gower, 1876-93. 
Kent, Parish and Shaw, 1887. 



Cornwall 



W. Cornwall, Courtney. 

E. Cornwall, Couch. 

Cornish Glossary, Monthly Mag., 1809. 



Journ. of Royal Institution of Cornwall, 1864, 
Garland ; another in same place by Couch ; Cornish Tales. 
Tregelles. 

Devon, Hewett, 1892 ; (Harlaud) Chope, 1891 ; Exraoor Scolding. 

Dorset, Barnes, 1886. 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 133 

Hampshire, Cope, 1883. 

Isle of Wight, Smith, 1881 ; Long, 1886. 

Sussex, Cooper, 1853; Parish, 1879. 

OTHER DICTIONARIES, GLOSSARIES, AND CHIEF WORKS 

USED. 

JEnylish Dialect Dictionary, A to Dinner, Wright. 

Grose, Provincial Glossary, 1811. 

Hay, Collection of North Country Words (1691) : Pt. iii, Reprinted Glossaries, 

l. Skcut, E.D.S., 1874. 
White Kcnnet (Bp.}, Parochial Antiquities (with Glossary at end), Oxford, 1695. 



Skeat't Reprinted Glossaries Thanet by Lewes. 
Norfolk, Marshall. 
Yorks, Willou. 



Glos'ter by Marshall. 
Yorks, iMarshall. 
W. Devon, Marshall. 



Thoresby's Letter to Ray. 

Glossary to Burns' Works, Henley, 1897. (In Vol. IV.) 
lip. Percy's Folio MS., 1867-68, Hales and Furnivall (Gloss in Vol. IV). 
HalliwelVs Dictionary of Archaic and Provincial Words, 3rd ed., 1855. 
Nitres' Glossary, ed. Halliwell, 1859. 

Dictionary of English Plant-Names, Britten and Holland, E.D.S., 1878-86. 
Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, Bosworth- Toller. 
Sweet's Anglo-Saxon Dictionary. 
Middle English Dictionary, Stratman- Bradley, 1891. 
The New English Dictionary, Murray. 
Johnson's Dictionary, 1st folio ed., 1755. 
Skeat's Etymological Dictionary, 1888. 
Florio, Worlde of Wordes, 1598. 
Cot-rave-Howell, 1673. 

Miusheu, Guide into Tongues (Emendatio, 2nd ed.). 
Bailey, 2nd ed., 1724. 

Kluge, Etymologisches Wb'rterbuch d. deutschen Sprache. 
Wright -Wiilcker, Anglo-Saxon and Old English Vocabularies, 1884. 
jS 'heat's Maeso- Gothic Glossary. 
Uhlenbeck, Kurz gefasstes etymologisches Wbrterbuch der Gotischen Sprache. 

I Letter in Academy, Feb. 22, 1890. 

Napier \ Notes on Orthography of the Ormulum, Oxford, 1893 ; also in History 
of the Holy Rood-tree, ed. Napier, E.E.T.S., 1894. 
Gotisches Elementarbuch, 1897. 
Urgermanische Grammatik, 1896. (Urgerm. Gr.) 
o- ( Phonetik, 4 Ann., 1893. 

I Angelsiichsische Grammatik, 3 Aufl., 1898. (A.S. Gr.) 
Morsbach, Mitteleuglische Grammatik, 1st part, 1896. (M.E. Gr.) 

/ History of English Sounds, 1888. (H.E.S.) 

e ) Oldest English Texts ; Facsimile of Epinal Glossary. 

._ .. J ._ *. ? 1894> (A>g> Reader>) 



-/.-/A f 
oe)ff ( 



I Aim-lo-Siixoii Header, 7th ed 
\ Primer of Phonetics. 



Paul, Grundriss der Germanischen Philologie, Bd. i, 1891. (Grimdr.) 

Paul und Braunc, Buitrage zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache uud Litteratur. 

(P.B.B.) 
Cook, A Glossary of the Old Northumbrian Gospels, 1894. 



134 GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 

Lindelof, Glossar zur altnorth. Evangelieniibersetzung in der Rushworth- 

handschrift, 1897. 
Ten Brink, Chaucer's Sprache und Verskunst, 2 Aufl., Kluge, 1899. (Chaucer's 

Spr.) 

Brate, Nordische Lehnwbrter in Ormulum (in P.B.B., x). 
Kluge, Geschichte der Englischen Sprache (in Grundr., pp. 781-90), cited by page. 
Bullring, Beiblatt zur Anglia: July- August, 1898, and February, 1899. 
Skeat, List of Books illustrating English Dialects, 1873-75. (E.D.S.) 
Wright, Englische Mundarten, Grundr., Bd. i, p. 975. 

(These last two works are invaluable as bibliographical guides.) 
Brandl, M.E. Literaturgeschichte, in Grundr., ii, pp. 609-718. 



O.E. c. 

O.E. c corresponds to Germanic *k, Indo -Germanic *g. O.E. 
ceosan, Goth, kiusan, Gk. 7evo>; O.E. ^sec, O.Icel. fak, Lat. tego; 
O.E. cyn, Goth, kuni, Gk. 7eW, etc. O.E. c occurs initially, 
medially, and finally ; it may stand before all vowels, and 
before I, n, r. 

c in O.E. is the symbol both of a back (guttural) and of a front 
(palatal) sound. 

Before a primitive back vowel c was a back-stop consonant in 
O.E., and also before y, e, , etc. = Germ. *, -o, a, with - 
umlaut ; and before consonants such as I, r, etc. 

On the other hand, c was fronted before original front vowels, 
, e, etc., before Germ. *j t and when final, after front vowels 
(Sweet, H.E.S., 539, but cf. 74). In O.E. itself the *j has 
disappeared, leaving its mark, however, by fronting a /preceding 
back vowel. Thus hoc has dat. sing, and n. pi. bee = *boki, 
*bokiz (cf. Streitberg, Urgerm. Gr., p. 249). The 6 here is fronted 
to e through the medium of the *, O.E. bee therefore must have 
had a fronted 0, and that this was actually the case is proved by 
the M.E. forms beech (Mk., i, 2), bech (Lk., iii, 4), in Kentish 
Gospels, MS. Hatton, 38, circ. 1150, where -ch = O.E. fronted c. 
(Fronted c will henceforth be written c.) The best test of the 
front character of an O.E. c is its appearance as ch in Middle 
and Modern English. See on above, Sweet, H.E.S., p. 143, and 
A.S. Reader (7th ed., 110-20); Kluge, Paul's Grundr., Bd. i, 
pp. 836-40; Sievere, A.S. Gr., 206, 207. 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 135 



Pronunciation. 

With regard to c, there seems no reason for doubting that it 
had the character of a back-stop consonant in O.E., in all cases 
where that sound is found in the Modern English equivalents 
boc 'book,' locian 'look,' drinkan 'drink,' smoca 'smoke,' stracian 
'to stroke,' etc. 

The question of the pronunciation of c is much more difficult 
to determine, and opinion is divided on the subject. On one 
point everyone is agreed, namely, that c was clearly distinguished 
in sound from c\ the question which awaits settlement is, had 
O.E. c the sound of Engl. ch, i.e. a point-teeth-stop consonant 
followed by a blade-point-open consonant, or had it some sound 
intermediate between this and the back stop ? 

Kluge's view is clearly expressed in Grundr., p. 839, where he 
says: "1m Siiden ist c seit dem 10 Jahrh. in der Palatisierung 
(ts) [that is our ch sound] vorangeschritten. Zuna'chst ist gewiss 
kj t tj\ fur c eingetreten." He cites cases of the spelling c% for t%, 
e.g.: orcseard, Cur. -Past., 487, for ortjeard; muncjiu, Wulfstan, 
ed. Napier, p. 152 = muntguw, etc. ; fecoan from fetian (Platt, 
Angl. 6, 177). Prom these spellings Kluge infers the pro- 
nunciation 'tj 1 for O.E. c. The pronunciation U for M.E. ch 
must, he thinks, have arisen early, in support of which view 
he adduces M.E. etch = O.E. edisc, and Mod. Engl. French for 
frencisc, M.E. worchip = O.E. wurfscipe, etc. No less categorical 
is the statement of Sievers, Angls. Gr., 206 (4): "Die palatalen 
verschlusslaute c' und (0) j sind offenbar bereits ziemlich friihe zu 
palatalen affricaten d. h. lauten von dem Klange der neuengl, 
ch und dg (also annahernd ts und dz geworden). Dies ergiebt 
sich aus den formen wie orceard, feccean (neuengl. orchard, 
fetch), etc." 

Biilbring, in a most valuable article which just appeared (in 
" Beiblatt zur Anglia," February, 1899), " Was lasst sich aus dem 
gebrauch der buchstaben k und c im Mattiius - Evangelium des 
Eush worth -Manuscripts folgern?", expresses his views as follows: 
" Die thatsache, dass Farman seinen gebrauch des c und k im 
anlaut nach dem Lateinischen geregelt hat, ist nicht ohne wert 
fiir die bestimmung des lautwertes des ae. c zu seiner Zeit und 
in seiner Mundart. Nicht nur sieht man, dass er sich deutlich 
eines Unterscheides zwischen dem anlaut z.b. von ciken und 
kining bewusst war; sondern es muss eine gewisse ahnlichkeit der 



136 GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 

aussprache des c. z.b. in ae. cerdem und lat certum gewesen sein, 
die ihn zu der oben dargelegten unterscheidung brachte. Da er 
das lat c vor palatalen vokalen wie (ts) sprach, so muss er das 
ae. c ebenfals dental gesprochen haben, d.h. ganz oder ungefahr 
we ne. ()." 

(See, however, Bulbring's remarks in Anglia Beiblatt, July- 
August, 1898, at bottom of p. 74, where the distinction is very 
clearly drawn between " palatalization and subsequent dentali- 
zation," etc., with which I largely agree.) 

As against above views, Sweet has always maintained that 
O.E. 6 was a front-stop consonant (see H.E.S., 496, and A.S. 
Reader, Introduction, 120). This view, which I believe to 
be the only sound one, has hardly been stated by Sweet himself 
with sufficient cogency, and has perhaps on this account been 
pretty generally ignored by other scholars. By a front stop is 
simply meant a stop formed with that part of the tongue which 
is used in forming the (German) /-sound. This latter sound is 
in fact the front-open-voice consonant, the voiceless form of it 
being the final sound in German 'ich.' In forming the front 
stops the middle or 'front' part of the tongue is pressed against 
the hard palate just behind the alveolars, the effect being that 
of a kind of t or d, according to whether there is voice or not. 
"When the stop is opened a /-like off-glide is heard, and it is this 
off- glide that gives the sound its very characteristic ' colour.' 
These stops are heard in Sw. kyssa, kenna ; Russ. ^ji^a, * uncle,' 
and MaiL, 'mother.' I submit the following reasons for con- 
sidering the several contentions (which, indeed, vary slightly) of 
Messrs. Kluge, Sievers, and Biilbring untenable : 

Firstly. The process of passing from a back or even perhaps 
a root-stop consonant to a point-teeth stop + a blade-point-open 
(which is practically what the above scholars mean by such 
symbols as ts, etc.), must of necessity be a very long one. 

Secondly. O.E. e is constantly doubled, and there would be 
no reason for doubling what is already a complex sound. Thus, 
if O.E. o'=tS, O.E. co must = either tStS or tttt t which are 
unpronounceable combinations. 6 must therefore have been 
a single, simple sound. 

Thirdly. If O.E. 6 had really become a double sound it could 
not possibly have become k, as we know it did in certain com- 
binations, cf. M.E. sekj? = O.E. secj>. To suppose that c had got 
over all the stages from k to point-teeth , had also developed the 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 137 

sh sound after it, and could then suddenly go right back to 
k again, is surely unreasonable. 

Fourthly. M.E. forms like bleinte, queinte, seinte = O.E. 
blencte, cwencte, sencte, could only have been produced by the 
influence of a front stop. These forms are not particularly early 
(I have found more in R. of Glos., 1300, than in any other text), 
and they seem to show that c remained a front stop pure and 
simple until well into the M.E. period. Had O.E. c already = ts, 
it seems to me inconceivable that the -eint forms could ever have 
arisen at all. This diphthongizing process will be discussed later 
on in considering the fate of c in M.E. 

The well-worn arguments based on orceard, feccan, etc., which 
appear regularly in all discussions of this question, are surely 
entirely without cogency, and the spellings tell quite as much 
in favour of the front -stop theory as of the other. Putting 
aside the fact that the identity of fetian and feccan is doubtful, 
it would be quite sound to suppose that the combination tj or ti 
of fetian had been assimilated to a simple consonant, and that 
a front stop. This process is a common one, and Russian, for 
instance, has many examples of it. iiaim, 'nurse,' is not 
pronounced nia nia or nja nja, but with a front nasal followed 
by ~a\ flflja, 'uncle,' does not=dia dia or dja dja, but front- 
stop voice followed by -a. 

I have insisted thus strongly on the nature of O.E. c, because 
the phenomena which meet us in inquiring into the subsequent 
history of this sound are to me unintelligible on any other 
assumption than the one I have endeavoured to justify. 



Graphical Distinction between O.E. c and c. 

The earliest linguistic monuments of O.E. are the Runic 
inscriptions. Of these the most important are the Bewcastle 
inscription (Cumberland), circ. 670, and the Ruthwell Cross 
(Dumfriesshire), circ. 680. There are three different Runic symbols 
for the c, c sounds, which represent perhaps the front c, the front 
variety of the back stop, and the back-stop normal position. 
The following list gives all the examples of each variety that occur 
in Victor's "Die Northumbrischen Runensteine," 1895. Victor 
transliterates the Runic symbols by c, c, and k, c being front and 



138 GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WILD. 

c back, but in the present list I shall use e for the front stop, as 
throughout this paper, c for the back stop, and k for the modification 
of the so-called gar rune. 

Words with c Alcfripu, Bew. 
Becun, Leeds. 
Cufbercht, Lane. 
Cynibal)?, Lane. 
Kyniqc, Ru. 
Lices, gen. sing., Ru. 
Ricaes, gen. sing., adj., Bew. 
Ricnae, ac. sing., Ru. 
Sigbecun, Bew. 
16, Ru. 

On the 6 in these words see also Biilbring, Anglia Beiblatt, 
July-August, 1898, p. 74. 

Words with c Becun, Thornhill. 
Crist, Ru. 
Cristtus, Bew. 
Cwomu, Ru. 
Cyniburug, Bew. 

Words with k- Kyniq, Bew., ace. sing. 
Kynigc, Ru. 
TJqket, pron. dual ace., Ru. 



c and c in the MS. 

The early glossaries do not distinguish between c and 6 in any 
consistent manner. In the Corpus Gloss (Sweet, Oddest E.T.) 
I can only find that k occurs twice: kylle, 231, kaelrS, 1119. 
This gloss is early eighth century. The Epinal does not seem 
to have any example of k at all in English words, c is used in 
these glossaries both for the back and front sound, before all 
vowels. Ep. and Erfurt occasionally write -ci for the latter sound, 
as birciae, 'birch,' Ep. 792 and Erf. 1609; Erf. also has ciae 240, 
' a chough ' ; Ep. at same place writes chyae. 

In West Saxon there is a pretty regular diphthongization of 
primitive front vowels after c in the later texts, and before 
a and o an e is written, while cu often appears as ciu drencium, 
ecium, etc. (See Sievers, Angls. Gr., 206, p. 103.) In Kentish 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 139 

and Mercian e does not diphthongize. Kt., Merc, e = W.S. es, but 
Northumbrian (Kushw. and Lindisfarne) hesitates between ce and ea. 
(Sievers, A.S. Gr., 157, 3.) In Beowulf kyning occurs four 
times with k, in lines 619, 665, 2,335, and 3,170; these are the 
only cases of k in the whole poem. In Cur a Pastor alia k is 
used in both MSS., but by far the greater number of the words 
in which it occurs appear in other parts of the text, often on 
the same page, with c. The following is a list of all the cases 
I have found of I in this text as printed by Mr. Sweet (E.E.T.S., 
xlv and 1). The numbers refer to the page in Mr. Sweet's 
edition. I have not always thought it worth while to say whether 
a word which occurs several times on a page is always in the 
same case ; thus, on p. 2 we have kyning and kynings, but the 
reference is simply 'kyning 2 (twice).' 

Cotton MS. has k (initially) in the following words : kyning 2 
(twice), 8, 32 (twice), 36, 38 (twice), 84, 90, 110, 112, 120, 144, 
182, 186, 196, 252, 374; ky*an 2; ky^de 146, (gekySde) 
150; ky^onne 300, 310; angelkynne 2, 6 (twice); kynn 84; 
kynelic 84 (five times); akolige 150; kiceft 152; karcernu 
204; kyclum (darts) 296; koka (Cooks' gen. pi.) 310 (three 
times); kolossensum 310. Medially k appears but rarely; the 
cases are : gioke 196, 200 ; koka (see above) ; ascoke (shake) 310. 

The Hatton MS. has the following examples of k initially : 
kyning 3 (twice), 9, 37, 39, 85, 91, 111, 113, 121, .145, 183, 197, 
253, 375, 393 (twice) ; kynerices 6 ; ky'Sa'S 21 ; ky^anne 
306, 363; geky'S'S 359; keled 57 (Cott. aled) ; kynelicne 85 
(three times) ; kynn 85, 353 ; kenning 97 ; kystig 149, 327 ; 
kristes 213, 317, 323; kelnesse 309; koka 311 (three times); 
akenned 313; kynrena, kycglum 297; kokke, kokkum 459; 
kok 459, 461 ; kylle 469 (twice). Of medial k I have found the 
following examples: geoke 197; gioke 201; koka 311; ascoke 
311; ^icke 329; fbrdikige 361, 383; seker 411; kokke and 
kokkum 459 ; murkien 467. I have only found two examples 
of final -Is: kok 459, 461. 

Professor Biilbring (Anglia Beiblatt, February, 1899) has given 
an exhaustive account of the use of k in Rushworth 1 . 

I disagree to a great extent with Mr. Biilbring's views on the 
degree of 'palatalization' which took place in the North, so far 
as I understand his remarks on this subject in the above article, 
and in Anglia Beiblatt, July-August, 1898, p. 74, etc.; but as 
this subject will be discussed in another part of the present paper, 



140 GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 

I will do no more here than say that he seems to me, on this 
particular point, to reason in a circle. It is assumed that in 
words like so 'Slice, cuflice, swilce, etc., there was a ^-sound 
in the Northern dialects. But Farman, the writer of MS. 
Rush worth 1 , never writes one, " not even sometimes," therefore, 
says Mr. Bulbring, he could not have been a Northerner. Now, 
as the arguments in favour of the statement that Northern dialects 
had the back sound in above words are of the slightest possible 
kind (see Biilbring, pp. 75 and 291), it would be rather more 
reasonable to assume that k does not appear in these words in this 
Northern MS. for the simple reason that c and not c was pro- 
nounced in the North. 

In the work known as Rushworth 2 , k is not used at all. For 
this sound ch is occasionally written, as folches, wlonches (see 
Biilbring, pp. 75 and 291, and Lindelb'f). Michil, etc., which 
occurs in the Durham Book (see Cook's Glossary), seems also to 
be an example of ch for k. At any rate, ch was a not uncommon 
symbol for k in the latest O.E. and earliest M.E. period, and we 
find spellings like Chingestone = Kingston, Chemere = Keymer in 
the Sussex Doomsday Book (ed. Parish, 1886). 

The spelling in Doomsday Book is, however, very irregular, 
and ch is not infrequently written for c, as in Berchlie = Birch, 
Berches ; Beche = Beech ; Bechingtone = Bechington. Chetel, 
a tenant's name, may be either Norse Kettil with c } or Engl. 
Chettle with <?. On the other hand, we find Calvingtone = 
Chalvington ; Cerlestone = Charlston ; and Cicestre = Chichester 
(see lists of Place and Tenant's Names, in Parish's edition). 

In the Peterborough Chronicle (MS. Laud, 636, ed. Thorpe, 
and recently Earle) there seems to be hardly any trace of k, 
except in foreign words, before the year 1122. Under x Ann. 1091 
we find, however, Kiaeresburh = Cherbourg, and under Ann. 1098 
ntwikinjan (but gemakian 1102). Otherwise, so far as I can see, 
we find for both back and front sounds in this part of the text. 
With Ann. 1122, however, the handwriting changes and we now 
get kyn$, king, etc., but c still is used for both sounds ; thus 
we get circe, cinnesmen (Ann. 1129). After 1135 k is used much 
more frequently, but by no means exclusively for the back 
sound, and we find cursede (1137); and, on the other hand, 
makede, swikes (1135), smoked, snakes (1137). The spelling 
Kioeresburh is curious, and seems to point to the fact that the 
French front sound of ch, whatever it was, diifered from that 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 141 

of English c, otherwise we should not find the rather strange 
combination kia3- in a text where k is practically not used at all. 
It should be mentioned, however, that a little earlier in the same 
text (1096) Campeine occurs for ' Champagne.' 

To sum up, then, we can never be absolutely certain that any 
given c in O.E. is front unless it occur in a Runic form, accom- 
panied by diphthongization of a following vowel, or after a vowel 
which shows ^-umlaut. We cannot be absolutely certain that 
O.E. c is back except (1) from etymological considerations; (2) if 
it be written with a guttural rune, or with a k. But there are 
many cases when we have absolutely no evidence in O.E. at all. 
Thus, for instance, we know that seccan and sece had <?, but we 
cannot affirm with equal certainty that the front sound occurred 
in 3rd sing. sec]?. "We may now pass to c and c in Middle 
English, and here we are on much firmer ground. 



O.E. c and c in M.E. 

In the early transition texts of twelfth century a certain 
confusion still prevails with regard to the spelling for O.E. c 
and 6 ; but on the whole we may say that the use of ch for c is 
well established, and the deviations from this rule may generally 
be explained by the fact that many of these early texts are copied 
from older MSS. in which c is used indiscriminately. Thus, for 
example, in the Kentish Gospels (MS. Hatton, 38, circ. 1150), 
the influence of the old spelling is everywhere obvious. 

In this text we have c = O.E. 6 in secan, Lk. xix, 10 ; rice, 
Lk. xix, 14; micelen, Lk. xi, 4; ceastre, passim; cyldre, Lk. 
xviii, 15; wyrce, Lk. xxii, 11. 6 written ch: chyld, Mk. x, 24; 
jechure, Joh. xv, 16; cheapia^, Lk. xix, 13; chyrcan, Mat. 
xvi, 18; chikene, Mat. xxiii, 37; chalf, Lk. xv, 27; cheastre, 
Mat. iv, 13. The combination sc is always written sc in this 
text, and to this there is but one exception, in the word bischop, 
Joh. xi, 54. This is, so far as I can see after a careful search, 
the only example of this spelling in the MS., and, I believe, the 
earliest example yet pointed out. 

Hatton, 38, has four ways of expressing back c : first, k ; 
second, c or cc\ third, ch\ fourth, ck. On the whole, it is correct 
to say that k and ok are generally written before front vowels, 
c before consonants and back vowels. Akenned, Joh. ix, 20 ; 



142 GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 

taken, sb., Job. ix, 16; spraeken, pret. pi., Job. ix, 22; drinke, 
Mat. vi, 32 ; kyng, Lk. xix, 38 ; but lockan, dat. pi., Job. x, 2 ; 
lickeres, Mat. xxii, 18. Examples of c are : werces, sb., Job. iv, 34 ; 
co, Lk. xix, 38 ; bocc, Job. xx, 30; clypeden, Mat. xxi, 19, etc. 
ch k is not of frequent occurrence, and occurs principally in 
foreign words, as chanan, fichtre. In tbe forms sicchelse (sic), 
Mat. xxvii, 28, siccbele, Mat. xxviii, 31, aetsoch, Lk. xxii, 57, 
we have also apparently ch = k. The collection of Homilies in 
MS. Vespas, A. 22, is also Kentish, but about fifty years later 
than the Hatton Gospels. The spelling of the Homilies is prac- 
tically that of the Gospels, and here again the O.E. version, from 
which they are copied, makes its influence felt, ch is used for 6, 
but c is quite as common ; ch also occurs for c in dierchin ; 
~k apparently is not used at all. The so-called Kentish Sermons 
(Laud, 471), circ. 1200-50, do not present the same curious 
uncertainty in the use of c and ch, and the latter spelling is by 
this time assured for the front sound, and k or ck are almost 
exclusively used for the back sound, though c is retained before 
I, etc. Examples : child (Epiph., etc.), chold = cold (Second 
Sermon ; the same word is also written schald in same sermon), 
speche (Epiph.), kinkriche (Second Sermon), seches (Epiph.); of 
k and ck: werkes (Epiph.), betockne]? (Fifth Sermon), besekej? 
(Second Sermon), akety = chilleth (Second Sermon). 

ch is also used in this text for the front open consonant, as 
almichti (Epiph.), bricht (Epiph.), furch, through (Second Sermon). 
In another Kentish text of the same period or a little earlier 
(Vices and Virtues) the same distinction between back and front 
c is regularly made. 

In the three Dorsetshire texts of this period St. Juliana (prose 
version), 1200; Sawles Warde, 1210; and Ancren Riw,le, 1225 
ch is regularly written for the front sound, and c, k, or ck for the 
back. We may therefore say, that from the beginning of the 
thirteenth century onwards, there is no further doubt in most 
texts, as to whether, in any given case, we are dealing with the 
front or back sound. 



Distribution of c(k) and cb in M.E. 

In O.E. Germanic k is fronted in all dialects, in all cases 
where tbe circumstances admit of the fronting process that is, 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 143 

before original front vowels; and when it is the medium of the 
*-umlaut, probably also finally after front vowels. Under ordinary 
conditions this fronted c should become ch in M.E. But in M.E. 
we are met with the fact that whereas in the South, fronting 
of this consonant takes place in nearly all cases where we should 
expect it to occur, in North Midland and Northern texts there 
are many apparent anomalies, and we find forms like seken 
instead of sechen, thenken instead of thenchen, etc. Now, if these 
k forms occurred regularly in Northern and North Midland texts, 
if they were the only forms in these texts, and if the ch forms 
alone occurred in Southern texts, we should be justified in 
assuming that the ch form's were the characteristic representatives 
of O.E. c in the South, but that in North Midland and in the 
North, O.E. c was with equal regularity unfronted and made 
into k. Then we should also be justified in explaining those 
k forms which occur in Modern Standard English as Northern loan 
forms; the whole question would resolve itself into a question 
of geography, and there would be, so far as I can see, no further 
difficulties in connection with these k forms. But, unfortunately 
for this view, it turns out upon closer examination of the evidence, 
that not only are there plenty of ch forms in Northern texts, 
from a very early date in M.E., but that there are perhaps quite 
as many k forms in the South. 

The evidence of the Mod. Engl. dialects is quite as striking. 
Certainly there are far more k forms in the North than in the 
South, but there are too many k forms in the latter group of 
dialects, and too many ch forms in the former, to be accounted 
for merely by a theory of extensive borrowing. 

The theory for which I hope in the following pages to establish, 
at least, a very strong probability, is that the fronted and non- 
fronted forms existed side by side, in the same dialects, at a 
certain period of O.E. I shall endeavour to show what were the 
special conditions under which c became k. Having shown that 
these doublets could and did occur extensively in O.E., I shall 
hope to prove that there is abundant reason to believe that for 
a certain time both forms were retained in the Southern dialects, 
and that later on the Northern dialects showed a special pre- 
dilection for the -k forms, although they retained many -ch forms ; 
while in the South, although most of the -k forms were gradually 
eliminated, many survived, and still survive, alongside of the more 
frequent -ch forms. 



144 GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 

I shall delay formulating the law for the origin of the -k forms, 
and a discussion of its application and scope, until we have passed 
in review all the evidence I have collected for the development 
of the gutturals in M.E. and the modern dialects. This final 
discussion will also include that of the so-called irregular develop- 
ments of O.E. 0g, g, and h, as I believe these are due to similar 
phonetic conditions. I shall not discuss here the irregular 
development of initial O.E. c in kirk, kaff (= chaff), etc., as we 
are dealing only with medial and final c, etc. I give here a few 
illustrations of the strange dialectal distribution of the ch and k 
forms in M.E., which the lists which follow exemplify more fully. 

k forms in Southern texts : Kentish Gospels has swinked ; 
ilken. Vices and Virtues: beseke'S, besek]?, J?einkinde. Ayenbite : 
awreke, vb., smec, and smac, ' taste,' waki, sb., ' watch,' azenkte, 
ilke, workinde. Libeau Desconus : J?inkj?, pricked. Wohunge : 
pik, . sb. Ancr. Biwle : prikke, sb., swuc (='such'), tuke'S 
1 chastiseth,' stenk sb. Owle and Nightingale : tukest, ' twitchest.' 
Sir Ferumbras (Devon, 1380): deke 'ditch,' prykie sb., reke 
rich.' 

ch forms in Northern texts : Cursor Mundi: rich, adj. ; wreche, 
sb. and adj.; speche sb., spech vb, ; gicche sb. Minot: feched, 
' wretche,' sb. Allit. Poems : biseche vb., aliche ''alike ' ; dych sb. ; 
pich sb., seche vb., wrech ' vengeance.' Catholicon : bechtre fagus, 
a leche medicus, riche copiosus, to teche, etc. Levins (Yorks, 
1570) : ache, sb. and vb. (rhymes to spinache), blache, bletche, rich, 
pich, ditch, itche. Dunbar: siche 'such,' streiche adj. 'stiff,' teich 
vb. Wars of Alexander: liche 'a body,' reche vb. (reach). Seche 
vb., siche 'such.' Havelok (N.E. Midi.): lich 'like,' ich 'I,' 
swich 'such.' 

The forms in -einte, etc. 

These forms of the p.p. and pret. do not appear to be very 
numerous, widely spread, or to have survived much beyond the 
fifteenth century. I have noted only one, adreinte, in Minot; 
in Brunne, dreynt; in Mire, i-queynt; in Chaucer, queynt, 
dreynte, and bleynte ; in St. Juliana (metrical), adreynte. Most 
of my examples are from Rob. of Glos., who has adreint, adreynt, 
aseint, blenyte (= bleynte), dreinte, and dreynt. In this text 
occur also the forms adrt'incto, aseincte, and bleincte. The 
Leominster MS. (Hurl., 2,253) has droyiit, seint (sunk), wreint, 
from *wrenchen. Gavin Douglas has two examples in his poeuig, 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 145 

drint and quent, which are perhaps the latest examples. These 
forms could, so far as I can imagine, only arise while O.E. e was 
still a front-stop consonant. They appear only before t. The 
process must have been as follows : front stop + point-teeth stop 
became by assimilation double, or long front stop ; the preceding 
nasal had already been fronted, probably by the original single 
front stop. This heavy combination of front consonants developed 
a parasitic vowel after the e which went before it, giving *bleincce, 
etc. Such a form as this might either become *bleinche or, by 
advancing the long-front stop to a point-teeth stop, bleinte, with 
subsequent pointing of the front nasal. As the ending -te was 
required by analogy, for the termination of preterites and past 
participles, these latter changes were those which occurred. 
Forms like adreynct are obviously new formations, with the 
vowel combination of ' dreynte,' and the consonantal peculiarity 
of forms like adrenkf, etc. But in several texts the combination 
-net becomes -ncht without diphthongizing the preceding vowels, 
giving cwenchte, etc. ; in this case 6 must have early become 
a blade stop, with a strong glide after it, without fronting the n. 

M.E. -ght, etc. = O.E. ct. 

Chaucer has twight, pret. of twicchen, streight from strecchen, 
prighte from *pricchen. Rob. of Glos., schrigte from *schricchen, 
pijt from *picchen, etc. These forms are apparently due to 
a desire to avoid the combination -ct. The front stop is opened, 
to a front open consonant before a following point-teeth stop. 
It is possible that * blight ' in Mod. Engl. may be explained in this 
way. We are quite justified in assuming an O.E. vb., *bliccan, 
*bleccan ; for the form ' blichenyng ' = ' mildew, blight ' occurs in 
Palladius on Husbondrie, while blechest and blechej? occur in 
Ayenbite in the sense of ' to hurt, injure.' 

The form blectha * vitiligo ' occurs in the Corpus Gloss., Sweet, 
O.E.T., 1069, p. 107, and Wright- \Viilcker, 53. 28, which form, 
from *bleccan, is analogous to O.E. gic^Sa, from giccan. Had blectha 
survived in M.E. we should have got blekj>e, just as we get jykfe 
in Prom ptori urn. But before the -t suffix O.E. e has been opened, 
as in pight, pright, etc. This explanation seems more satisfactory 
than the negative results obtained by Murray in N.E.D., who, 
by the way, ignores the Corpus form, though he doubtfully quotes 
1 blichenyng ' from Palladius. 

Phil. Trans. 1898-9. 10 



146 GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Pronunciation of M.E. ch, cch, etc. 

The date at which O.E. 6 acquired its present sound of point- 
teeth + blade -point -open consonant, cannot be determined with 
precision. Most German scholars, as we have seen, attribute this 
pronunciation to 6 already in the O.E. period, and reasons against 
such a view have been advanced above. For Mr. Sweet's views 
on the question see H.E.S., pp. 193 and 291. He denies the 
existence of the sound in early M.E., but assumes it for late 
M.E., his earliest example of the spelling -tch being stretche, from 
Wicliffe. For a long time I practically agreed with this view, 
as the only earlier example of -tch which I knew was from Minot, 
who has wretche. I therefore assumed that the middle of the 
fourteenth century was the earliest period at which the existence 
of the present sound could be proved. I have now, however, 
found two examples of tch about a century earlier. Both are 
from E. Midi, texts; Genesis and Exodus (circ. 1250) has fetchden 
(line 2,889), and the Bestiary of same date has witches, sb. pi., 
542. This reading, which is that of the MS., is, curiously enough, 
rolegated to a footnote by Morris, who has restored wicches in 
the text. 

Another early case of -tch is in the Metrical Psalter (before 
1300), which has wretchednes, Ps. 106, verse 10. 

From these examples it would perhaps seem that we ought 
to admit that ch had practically its present pronunciation, at least 
as early as the middle of the thirteenth century. But Mr. Sweet 
tells me that he attaches no importance to the sporadic early 
spellings with -tch quoted above, so that the question is still an 
open one. I record the facts, and leave scholars to draw their 
own conclusions. The -tch spellings are in any case extremely 
rare, and the Promptorium is the earliest text in which they 
are fairly common. Here we have latchyn, watche, wetche, etc. 
D unbar has wretchis, and the Complaynt of Scotland has numerous 
spellings of the kind. 

From what has been said in the foregoing section regarding 
the dialectal distribution of the -ch and -k forms, it follows that 
Kluge's remarks (Grundriss, p. 844) to the effect that O.E. <fj, 
and by implication O.E. 0, never reached the assibilated stage of 
-dge and tch in the North of England, require some modification. 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 147 

O.E. -6 was fully ultimately assibilated in the North as well 
as in the South, under similar conditions. There were factors, 
however, which in some dialects unfronted O.E. 6 before it got 
beyond the stage of front stop. These factors most certainly 
obtained in the South, so that there, at any rate, there were some 
c's which never reached the assibilated stage. 



II. 

O.E. 5. 

O.E. 5 represents a front and a back consonant. The front 
variety we shall write 5. O.E. 5 has a double origin; it = (1) 
Germanic^', Indo-Germanic *t or *j\ (2) Germanic *#, Lido-Germ-. 
*gh. The back form of O.E. 5 = Germanic *g t Indo-Germ. *gh. 
Examples of the O.E. 5 = Germ, g are O.E. 50*, O.H.G. kans, 
Lat. (h)anser, Gk. xyv '> c ^- a ^ so 0- Bulg. gasi, etc., O.E. gat, 
'a goat,' Goth, gaits, Lat. haedus. Examples of O.E. 5 = *j are 
O.E. geoc, Goth, juk, Lat. jugum, 0. Bulg. igo, O.E. geonj, 
Goth, juggs, Lat. juvencus. 

O.E. 5 = Germ. *g represents a back sound, before all original 
back vowels and their mutations ; before O.E. a = Germ, a before 
nasals ; and before the consonants ?, r, and n. It always repre- 
sents the front sound when it = Germ. *j; and when = *g before 
original front vowels, and all O.E. diphthongs whatever their 
origin, and the mutations of these ; diphthongization is a sure 
sign that the 5 which immediately precedes it is a front 5. The 
geminated 5 nearly always = Germ, gj, and this in O.E. is always 
front. There are only a few words (such as dogja, frojga, etc.) 
in which the double 5 is not of the above origin, and then it 
represents a back sound. Medially after vowels, and after I, r, 5 
may be either back or front, according to the nature of the preceding 
vowel. (See on above questions Sweet, H.E.S., pp. 146-149; 
A.S. Reader, xliii-xlvii ; Kluge, Grundriss, pp. 841-844; Sievers, 
Angls. Gr., 211-216.) 

Pronunciation of O.E. g and 5 and c'%. 

As to the pronunciation of initial g, most scholars are agreed 
that it was that of an open voice consonant, back or front according 
to the conditions stated above. For statement of this view, see 



148 GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 

Braune, Beitrage, Bd. i, p. 514, note; Ten Brink, Anglia, Bd. i, 
p. 515; Sievers, Anglia, i, p. 575 ; Sievers, O.E. Gr., 211, 212; 
Paul, P.B.B., i, pp. 173-183; Kluge, Grundriss, p. 841 ; Napier, 
Academy, February 22, 1890, p. 123 ; Wright, Dialect of Windhill, 
315; Streitberg, Urgerm. Gr., p. 120, etc., etc. Against this 
formidable array of authorities, however, we have the weighty 
opinion of Mr. Sweet, who holds directly the contrary view : see 
Proceedings of Phil. Soc., February, 1883; H.E.S., pp. 145, 146; 
A.S. Reader, pp. xlv, xlvi. Zupitza also, formerly expressed the 
opinion that initial 5 was a stop (see Vorrede, p. vii, to his edition 
of Cynewulf's Elene, 1877), but I learn from Professor Napier that 
he afterwards recanted this opinion. Mr. Sweet's view is that 
O.E. initial g was a back-voice stop, initial g a front- voice stop 
whether it = Germ. *g or Germ. *j. As we are, on the present 
occasion, only discussing non-initial g, we need not weigh the 
arguments in favour of either view on the question of initial g, but 
may merely note in passing that Mr. Sweet has advanced some 
grave arguments in favour of his view, which have never been met 
or even properly discussed by the other side, but at the same time 
it must be admitted that there are great difficulties in the way 
of the stop theory. Mr. Sweet admits, however, that g probably 
was a front open consonant in unstressed syllables. (A.S. Reader, 
123, p. xlvi.) 

With regard to non-initial g, opinion seems to be unanimous 
that medially, between back vowels, e.g. in such words as saja, 
laju, maju, etc., and finally after back vowels, it represents the 
back open voice consonant. This is supposed to be proved by the 
fact that in later texts j in this position is unvoiced, and becomes 
h after long back vowels, and after I and r (Sievers, Angls. Gr., 
214) : jenoh, beah, stah, bealh, from older jenog, l^eaj, stag, 
bealj, and the same applies to front 5 when, through syncope, it is 
brought into contact with a voiceless consonant : stihst, yrlrSo, for 
stfzst, yrj^o, etc. 

j readily disappears finally as a consonant after front vowels, 
and becomes -i, and even in Epinal we find grei, bodei. Also, 
before original syllabic , 5 disappears, and produces wsen, ren, 
from waegn, rejn. In this connection, Sievers ( 214. 3) says that 
snjel for snoojl is not found until later on, but I have found snel 
in Epinal 611 (O.E.T.), or folio 14, line 9, of the facsimile edition. 
The combination wj was unquestionably a nasal stop, front or back 
us the case might be (Sievers, 215). 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 149 

Geminated 5 is usually written c% when it = Germ, gj, and 
in this case is invariably front, and a stop in O.E., bycjan, Goth, 
bugjan. According to Kluge (Gr. 844) this combination (cj) 
expressed the modern assibilated pronunciation ' bald nach 900 ' ; 
Sievers does not fix the date beyond saying that the O.E. 0j was 
" bereits ziemlich friihe zu palatalen affricaten . . . geworden." 
The chief argument for this assumption seems to he the spelling 
mic^ern, which, however, as Sievers admits, is " erst ziemlich 
spat belegt." Professor ]N"apier pointed out that midirnan occurs 
in Lorica, Gloss. 26, and it thus became evident that micjern 
= O.H.G. mittigarni. Hence it is argued that since c% here 
= d% the pronunciation of cj as ' di ' is proved. I cannot regard 
this as more convincing than is the orceard, etc., 'proof of the 
assibilated pronunciation of O.E. c. These spellings merely 
prove that d% and c% on one hand, t% and 6 on the other, were 
pronounced alike, but there is no reason at all for assuming that 
that common pronunciation was tch, or dge\ to my mind these 
spellings rather tend to confirm the view that 6 and c% were 
front stops. 

As has been already mentioned, the cases where geminated 5 
is not Germ. *gj are rare. In frogga, dogga, etc., it seems 
probable that there was a back-stop consonant. The combination 
-MJ seems to have been a back nasal followed by a back-stop 
consonant ; it is often written -no. 



Graphic distinction between j, 5, cj, jj. 

The Runic inscriptions distinguish between g and 5. The 
following are from Victor's " Nordhumbrische Runensteine." The 
Rune for (transcribed g} occurs in the following words : 
aetgad(r)e, adv., Ruthw. ; bigotten, p.p., Ruthw. ; buga, vb., 
Ruthw. ; cyniburug, Bewc. ; galgu, sb., Ruthw. ; gistiga, vb., 
Ruthw. ; giwundad, p.p., Ruthw. ; God, Ruthw. ; hnag, 1st sing, 
pret., Ruthw.; modig, adj., Ruthw.; sorgan, dat. pi. sb., Ruthw. 
The following words have the symbols for s (g) : 
Sigbecun, sb., Bewc. ; alegdun, 3rd pi. pret., Ruthw. ; bergi, 
ab., Thornh. ; geredae, 3rd sing, pret., Ruthw. ; Gessus, Jesus, 
Bewc. ; .gidrsefid, p.p., Ruthw. ; gistiga, inf., Ruthw. ; gistoddun, 
3rd pi. pret., Ruthw. ; HilddigyJ?, Hartlepool ; Igilsuip, Thornh. ; 
Limwserignse, adj., Ruthw.; Dgiogaef, Ruthw. 



150 GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 

As in the case of c, c, the manuscripts do not distinguish 
between 5 and j with perfect consistency, so that often the sound 
has to be inferred from the kind of vowels before or after it, and 
from the subsequent history of the word in the later language. 
In West Saxon initial 3 and 5 are very generally distinguished 
by writing an e after the latter. In late texts the z- is often 
dropped altogether before ea and 80, but on the other hand a 5 
is often written before ea, eo, seVSe = eVSe ; seornest = 'earnest,' 
etc., in late Kentish. (Sievers, Angls. Gr., 212, Anm. 2.) 

Medially after I and r 5 is frequently written 25 ; by rig, myrij^, 
fyligan, etc. ; occasionally, though rarely, u% is written after 
r and I for g, burug (Sievers, Angls. Gr., 213, Anm.). 

Medially and finally g is occasionally written %h: bogh, huag, 
slog, deaghian, totoghen, etc. (Sievers, Angls. Gr., 214, Anm. 5 ; 
Sweet, Reader, p. xlvii, 128.) 

The front stop is usually written c% : secg, hrycg, etc. Medially 
this combination is often followed by e or , before a back vowel : 
secgea, secgium, etc. (Sievers, Angls. Gr., 216.) 

The back stop is generally written gg, frogga, dogga, etc., 
but occasionally also c%a, earwicga (Sievers, Angls. Gr., 216, 2). 
But the front or back sound is revealed by that of the following 
vowel, or, if the eg, etc., is final, by the preceding vowel (Sweet, 
A.S. Reader, p. xliv, 113). 

The spelling hiniongaB for hingongae in Bede's Death Song can 
only be explained as being due to some analogy, perhaps with 
eode, unless it be a mistake of the foreign scribe. (Sweet, A.S. 
Reader, pp. 176 and 224.) 



5, eg, etc., in M.E. / 

In M.E. texts of the thirteenth century and onwards, back and 
front 5 are clearly distinguished, and in many instances the stop 
is also distinguished from the open consonant. The front stop is 
usually written gg, the back stop g, the front open consonant 5, 
and the back open consonant gli. This exactitude is, however, 
only attained by degrees, nor do all MSS., even of a fairly late 
date, show unanimity in the employment of the symbols. 

For an elaborate account of the use of g and 5 in early M.E. 
MSS. see Professor Napier's letter in The Academy, February 22, 
1890. Out of the twenty MSS. here examined (all of the twelfth 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 151 

century) nine retain the O.E. 3 in all cases, four have g in all 
cases or use 5 only occasionally without any fixed rule, seven 
use both g and 5 to distinguish between O.E. 5 and 5. To this 
last class must now be added MS. Cott., Vespas, A. 22, a Kentish 
MS. of the latter part of the twelfth century. Mr. Napier 
mentions this text as one of those which he had not had an 
opportunity of examining. I made a careful examination of it 
with the following results : g occurs sixty times ; in the majority of 
these cases it = a back sound, sometimes, however, a stop, some- 
times an open consonant ; there are, however, a few cases in which 
it is apparently written for a front sound. 5 is written fifty times, 
generally for a front open consonant, but occasionally, perhaps by 
error, for a back consonant. I only found three cases of g doubled ; 
in two of these it = O.E. 05, in the other it = a back open 
consonant aggenne. 3 does not occur doubled. 

g appears initially in such words as be-gan, god, gastes, golde, 
gylt, grate, etc. ; medially in fugel, halege, laglice, nigon, bugon, 
dagum, halgode ; after n in anglene, strange, kingene, king, 
fengon, unglenges, hungre. Spellings like bigeten, gif, gilt, 
nigon are probably scribal slips. The back open consonant is 
several times written ch, as heretoche (O.E. heretoga), burch 
(O.E. burg), Jmrch (O.E. Jmrh), and doubtless this spelling 
implies the voiceless sound. 

ch and h are both written for the front open voiceless consonant, 
michti, lichte, mihti. 

g, on the other hand, occurs in giaf, gef, gief, -onjean, ajen, 
forjiaf, gearnunge (the second g here is doubtless a scribal error), 
jife, sb., twegen, deije, deje (dat. sing.), upstige, seg^S, sorige, 
etc., in all of which words it = the front open sound. 

3 represents the back sound in dagen (dat. pi.), ogef, laje, 
muge, magi, etc. 

In the Kentish Gospels (Hatton MS., 38), as Mr. Napier has 
pointed out, (see letter in Academy above quoted), g and g are 
used with very fair regularity for back stop and front or back 
open sounds respectively. The word eaje = ' eye,' as Mr. Napier 
says, never occurs with i inserted before the j. This, he thinks, 
rather tends to show that the original back sound (cf. Goth, augo) 
was not yet fronted. On the other hand, those g's which were 
front in O.E. often have ei, ai before them, as in saigde, meigden, 
etc. The MS. B. 14. 52, in Trinity Coll., Cambridge (before 
1200), and MS. of Genesis and Exodus in Corpus Christi Coll., 



152 GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 

Cambridge, do not distinguish between stop and open, back and 
front consonant, but write g throughout. For this information 
I am indebted to Mr. Henry Bradley, who asked Professor Skeat 
to examine the MSS. to decide the question. MS. Laud, 471, 
Kentish Sermons (see Morris, O.E. Misc., p. 21), has g for back 
stop, gg for front stop, ffh, w, for back open consonant, and y for 
front open. 

But of all the M.E. MSS. the Onnulum (Junius, 1) is the most 
carefully and phonetically written, and Professor Napier has 
brought to light some important facts for our present purpose. 
(See "Notes on the Orthography of the Ormulum," Oxford, 1893, 
also Academy, 1890, p. 188.) The discovery of Mr. Napier was, 
that Orm uses a new symbol, XFj a kind of compromise between 
the English and the Continental g and g, to express the back 
stop voice consonant. This symbol is used regularly in Orm's 
MS. in such words as \rodd, biwinnen, exiTlinn-a', etc. 

It may be mentioned, in passing, that Kluge (Gr., 844) states on 
the strength of Napier's paper that Orm had a special symbol for 
the sound in seggen, liggen, etc., while of course the whole point is 
that Orm retains the ordinary Continental g for this sound, but uses 
his new symbol for the back stop. 

For the front open voice consonant Orm writes j, drijge, 
reggn, etc., and for the back open sound %h, laghe, halljhenn, 
ajhenn, etc. The fact that he uses this symbol in the word 
ejhe='eye,' shows that the original back sound of this word had 
not yet been fronted, and confirms Mr. Napier's suggestion with 
regard to it in the Kentish Gospels. 

Pronunciation of M.E. g, z. 

/ 
The main facts of pronunciation are clear enough and are 

practically contained in the above remarks, but there are one or 
two points which need a little further discussion. O.E. medial and 
final z after front vowels disappears in M.E., having previously 
diphthongized the vowel, e.g. O.E. seesde, M.E. seide; mcese, 
M.E. meie, mei, etc. This z appears in the Orm. as ZZ, and O.E. 
us before it as a; nasslenn 'to nail,' cf. O.E. naesl; wassn, O.E. 
wsn daxz, O.E. ds, etc. The question is how soon did this z lose 
its consonantal quality and become a mere vowel, presumably the 
high front wide (f). The answer seems to be that Orm had 
already lost the consonantal sound, for he writes for O.N. reisa, 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 153 

resssenn, where presumably -e33 = [i. It seems therefore reason- 
able to assume that the combination ass = Jc, Ju, or even perhaps 
y. The Kentish Homilies (Vespas, A. 22) write d3, deeis, and 
daei, and Lasamon has the same word spelt with and without the s, 
in several cases : 'dai, deie, d3e, 'daige, etc. ; tweise, 'tweie ; seie, 
eie, eise, etc. = awe. 

A Worcester glossary of the twelfth century has already nseilsex, 
novaculum (cf. also remarks on O.E. 3). St. Juliana (Prose version, 
Dorset, 1200) has meiden, deis, etc. ; Cursor Mundi (Yorks, 1300) 
has lies and lighes, so that it seems clear that we may safely 
regard 3, or 3h, etc., in this position after a front vowel as having 
ceased to be a consonant before the end of the twelfth century, 
perhaps in all dialects. 

O.E. j between back vowels had, as we have seen, the sound 
of the back open consonant, and in the M.E. period shows evidence 
of lip modification in many dialects, being written often -wgh, etc., 
and at last only w. O.E. lagu, M.E. lawe, etc. This is a very 
early process, for in the Worcs. Gloss, we find elbowe and 
heretowa ( Wright- Wiilcker, 536. 16 and 538. 20), and in Kentish 
Sermons (Laud MS., 471), 1200-50, we find 'we mowe,' but 
also the traditional spelling -gh in daghen (dat. pi.), laghe, 'law,' 
etc. In Owle and Nightingale, Dorset, 1240-50, the Jesus MS. 
generally spells with w, the Cotton MS. with g or h : thus Cott. 
moregening, Jesus morewening ; Cott. fuheles, Jesus foweles ; 
Cott hasel, Jesus hawel; Cott. hahe, Jesus hawe, etc. ; but there 
are examples of 3 in Jesus and of w in Cotton. In most thirteenth- 
century MSS. both spellings are found. Will, of Shoreham 
rhymes both ifase and inase, to lawe. In Orm, however, this 
sound appears to be always written zh. In some cases, however, 
this 3 is stopped, e.g., Catholicon, fagynge, blandica, to fage, 
O.E. fasenian. In those dialects where final 3 was unvoiced, the 
h thus produced shares the fate of primitive h. Final h was 
also very early lip-modified, and then changed to a pure lip-teeth 
voiceless consonant, so that we get throf = O.E. furh, already 
in Will, of Shoreham. The word-lists which follow, will illustrate 
the development of the whole process, and its spread in the various 
dialects. In the modern dialects these O.E. s's appear as back 
open voiceless consonants, as lip-teeth voiceless (i.e. /), as lip-open 
voice consonants with back modification (i.e. w), or are often lost 
altogether, as in Standard English, where such a word as 'plough' 
has a pure diphthong finally in the pronunciation of most 



154 GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 

educated speakers. It seems almost impossible to formulate any 
rule for the development of O.E. medial and final z in M.E. and 
Mod. Engl., as all possible forms of it are often found in the same 
texts and dialects. 

It is difficult to determine at what date O.E. c'% developed from 
the front stop into the assibilated sound. The earliest example 
I have found of the introduction of a d occurs in Robt. of Brunne, 
1337, who has ' sedgeing ' = saying. The next examples are 
a century later in Promptorium, 1440, where the spellings wedge, 
vb., alongside of wegge, sb. ; hedge sb., hedgyn vb., are found; 
and the spellings coksedge, coksedgys, occur in a Norfolk will 
of 1467. But the usual spelling in all of these texts is certainly 
-gge, and this spelling seems to have continued, even in English 
words, far into the sixteenth century (see article " Bridge" in 
New Engl. Diet.). 

On the whole, both from the evidence of spelling, and from the 
fact that words of the rig and brig type have a rather different 
distribution in the Mod. dialects from those of the flick, dick type, 
it is possible that 6 and c% were not developed quite on the same 
lines, and that the complete assibilation of the latter took place 
rather later than that of the former. 



Distribution of fronted and unf routed eg in M.E. 

This is a much more difficult question than the distribution 
of c and c, M.E. ch and k. It is impossible to tell from the 
early texts whether in any given word -yy, or g and c, represent 
the back or the front stop. All texts, with the exception of 
the Ormulum, write gg, alike in words like brigge and words 
like frogge, so that although there is no doubt in Southern texts 
that gg in the former of these is front and in the latter back, 
in Midland and Northern texts there is generally no means of 
ascertaining with certainty whether, at a given date, a given 
dialect pronounced * brig ' (as in Modern Scotch), or ' bridge/ As 
we have seen, the spellings with d are scarce and late. 

Almost the only way to be absolutely certain that a word (of 
English origin) in M.E. was pronounced with a back stop, would 
be to find it rhyming with such a word as the Scandinavian 
' leg.' Such rhymes, unfortunately, are rare. I am indebted to 
Miss Kempe, of Lady Margaret's Hall, Oxford, for calling my 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYL1). 155 

attention, however, to a rhyme of this kind in MS. Laud, 595, 
upon which she is working. In this MS., on fol. 227, verso, occur 
the lines 

" He bade hem take him by the leggis 
And throwe him over into the seggis " ; 

and this couplet is frequently repeated. On fol. 212 of the same 
MS. the words figge and brigge are rhymed together. The hand- 
writing is in a scribal hand, apparently of the first quarter of 
the fifteenth century, and the dialect is evidently West Midland. 
There can, presumably, be no kind of doubt as to the pronunciation 
of brigge and seggis in the above case, namely, that the gg in 
both instances represents a back stop. 

On the other hand, it is very unsatisfactory work to examine 
rhymes in M.E. for light on this class of words, for not only are 
such rhymes few and far between, but also we constantly find 
that both of the rhyming words are of the same class. Thus, 
such rhymes as rugge brugge (Lasamon, vol. ii, p. 457, 
lines 18 and 19, both MSS.) are absolutely valueless, since they 
reveal nothing of the pronunciation of gg in these two words. 
It seems probable that they had the front-stop sound, and that 
is all that can be said. Again, it is not altogether safe to trust 
to the evidence of the Mod. Dial., and infer that because we find 
brig or seg in any district at the present time, therefore a similar 
pronunciation of these words obtained in that province in M.E. 
Seg, for instance, occurs in Gloucestershire at the present day, 
but seems to be the only one of the O.E. -eg words which has 
the -g form. Now, are we to regard this word in Glos. as a last 
survivor of a primitive state of things, or as a modern importation 
from some other dialect, such as that of Hereford, Worcestershire, 
or Warwickshire ? 

The Promptoriura, as we have seen, has wedge and hedge ; 
but do we assume therefrom a -dge pronunciation for the words 
spelt rygge, segge, brigge, etc., in the same work ? We are met 
with the difficulty that in Norfolk at the present day they say 
rig, seg, brig, etc. Modern English dialects have many interesting 
qualities, and not a little is assuredly to be learned from them, 
but their study must always be in a way unsatisfactory from the 
necessary uncertainty which exists as to whether this or that 
peculiarity is really indigenous to this or that dialect in which 
we happen to find it. The speech of rustics seems to be as fluid 



156 GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 

and variable as that of savages. "When once a form of language 
has become the mere jargon of peasants, there ceases to be any 
standard of correctness, any adherence to type. Thus it probably 
happens that a -k, or -ch, a -g, or -dge form is often abandoned or 
adopted by a village community through such a simple accident 
as that of the squire's coachman, or my lady's femme de chambre, 
coming from some distant shire. This is what may and does 
happen, and it does not lighten the labours of the ' dialectologist.' 
Professor "Wright gave me an interesting case which practically 
happened under his own observation, in which a totally strange 
form was introduced into the Wmdhill dialect, and became the 
current form, entirely through the arrival in the village of a certain 
family who came from another district. The new form thus 
started gained a permanent footing in the dialect in a single 
generation. And so with regard to the -g forms, although I have 
added special lists showing their distribution in the Modern 
Dial., I cannot feel absolutely sure that anything very important 
is thereby established. Are we in the presence of a primitive and 
very widespread phenomenon, or have we merely a most prodigious 
mixing up of dialect characters ? 

Personally, I incline to the former vie\v, and believe of the -^, as 
of the -k forms, that they are not originally a Northern characteristic, 
but that they existed side by side with the fronted forms, being later 
on eliminated in the South in favour of the latter. Be this as it 
may, a glance at the list showing the present distribution of these 
forms will show that Kluge's statement (Grundriss, p. 844), " Die 
formen mit g [meaning rig, seg, etc.] reichen siidlich bis Lincoln- 
shire," will require very considerable modification. In fact, the 
remarks above with regard to the degree of fronting of O.E. c in 
the North, apply also to O.E. cz. 



III. 
H in O.E. 

O.E. h represents Germ, h or x\ Mg- ** - E - heafod; Goth, 
haubij? ; O.H.G. houpit ; Lat. caput, etc. O.E. eaht ; Goth, 
alitan ; Lat. octo ; etc. 

H occurs in O.E. initially before all vowels, before the consonants 
tff, /, r, n ; it also occurs medially and finally. 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 157 



Pronunciation of h in O.E. 

Initially, before vowels, A- was a mere breath glide in O.E. 
(Sweet, H.E.S., 497 ; Sievers, A.S. Gr., 217). Before I, n, r, to, 
it probably in the oldest English period preserved an independent 
sound, whether as mere breath or as a weak open consonant. This 
stage is proved by such a metathesis as hors for hros (Sweet, 
H.E.S., 501). Later on, in this position h probably ceased to 
have an independent sound, and, merely unvoiced the following 
I, r, etc. (Sievers, A.S. Gr., 217 ; Sweet, H.E.S., 501). Medial 
h, between vowels, was mere breath, and in later texts is dropped 
altogether, though still preserved in Epinal in suehoras, W.S. 
sweoras, 'fathers-in-law,' etc. (H.E.S., 498). ZTwas originally, 
undoubtedly a back open consonant when doubled, and before *,)?,/; 
in the combination lit it must have had the sound of a front open 
consonant in later W.S,, for it fronts the preceding vowel, as in 
nicht, cnicht. 

In Epinal h is written c, ch, hch when it = an open consonant, 
whether back or front ; for -lit Epinal generally has ct. (For above 
statement, with the exception of remarks on h before , f, ]?, see 
H.E.S., 502.) 

When h stands by the apocopation of a vowel, before an open 
consonant, it is dropped in the Anglian dialects, but preserved in 
W.S. and Kt. ; W.S., siehst, sieh]?, niehst, but in the Mercian 
Psalter, gesis, gesi>, nest (Sweet, H.E.S., 504.) 

The combination hs is frequently written #, (1) whether it be 
already Germ., as oxa, Goth, auhsa; or (2) whether it arises in 
O.E. itself, as siehst, written commonly syxt, etc. (Sievers, A.S. Gr., 
221, Anm. 3 and 4). Sievers believes that the pronunciation of 
this later x was that of back open consonant -|- 8. 

The evidence against such a view appears to me overwhelming. 
I believe that the combination hs was pronounced ks, whatever its 
origin, from a very early period, i.e., that the back open consonant 
became a back stop before a following open consonant. 

The spelling with x seems to prove this, for there is no evidence 
that x was ever pronounced otherwise than ks. JS"o one doubts, 
presumably, that in axian, where it = ks, by metathesis from *-sk, 
the x was pronounced ks (see also Kluge, Grundr., p. 850). No\v 
this word is sometimes written ahsian, ahxian, which shows that 
hs could be used to represent the sound of ks ; when, therefore, we 
find *A* and *ks both written alike, whether as hs or x, it is 



158 GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 

surely reasonable to conclude that they were pronounced alike. 
That common pronunciation must have been ks, and not open 
consonant + 8, for we have no reason to believe that in axian 
x ever could have been thus pronounced, h + / an( l \ & w iH 
be discussed later on. Sweet thinks that O.E. x, whether = Germ. 
*hs or ks, was pronounced -Tcs. (A.S. Reader, 159.) 

H in M.E. 
(See Sweet, H.E.S., 720-727 ; Kluge, Grundr., pp. 847-50.) 

Mr. Sweet shortly sums up the matter of uninitial h in M.E. 
by saying that O.E. h was split into two sounds ; the back and the 
front open breath consonants, the former of which was rounded 
(or lip-modified) in M.E. This class has already been mentioned 
above as sharing the fortunes of O.E. unvoiced i. Fronted h in 
most dialects seems to have been voiced at an early period, and 
opened to a front vowel. The O.E. combination -lit appears in 
Early M.E. texts as -cht, ht, zt. Thus Vespas, A. 22, has -cht 
in dochtren, michte, echt ('possessions'), ht in almihtis. The 
Laud MS. of the Kentish Sermons writes -cht, licht, bricht, etc. 
Lasamon has dohter (both MSS.) ; douter, doster, dochter, and 
docter in MS. Caligr. A, ix. ; brofte, brohte, in MS. Otho, cxiii ; 
briht in both MSS. Orm has ht, hht, lihht, wahht, etc. Libeaus 
Desconus (middle of fourteenth century) has -it, knist, sost, 
wist, etc. In Piers Plowman we generally find -zt, but 
occasionally also -ght. Genesis and Exodus have -ct and gt, 
Bestiary gt ; but the later East Midland texts, English Guilds, R. of 
Brunne, Promptorium, and Bokenham on the whole prefer -ght, 
but occasionally write -cht, etc. The Yorkshire texts all seem 
to prefer -ght, and the Scotch texts, which of course are later, 
generally write -cht. It is not easy to decide at what date the 
back consonant in this combination was dropped. In Scotland 
and the extreme North of England it still survives. In the South, 
however, and in the standard language it seems to have disappeared 
fairly early. Sweet (H.E.S., 889-895) gives the somewhat 
contradictory statements of English writers on pronunciation from 
the sixteenth to the eighteenth century, but does not express 
any opinion as to the period at which -gh ceased to be pronounced. 
He says, however ( 727), that the fact that Lasamon sometimes 
writes almiten, broute, "can hardly indicate an actual loss of the 
consonants themselves, but is rather a part of the general looseness 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 159 

in the writing of h, and also of that unwillingness to use it 
in a strong consonantal value which afterwards leads to the general 
use of gh." 

If z or A were only left out in places where one would expect 
to find it, as in the cases quoted by Mr. Sweet, it might be 
possible to say that the symbol was left out through carelessness, 
though the sound was still retained, although this does not seem 
very probable in this case, as the omission is fairly frequent, from 
a very early date. But when we find that 3 is also occasionally 
introduced before t in words where it does not belong, then 
I think we must conclude that in the dialect, and at the period 
in which this occurs, the O.E. combination -ht had ceased to 
be pronounced even when written according to tradition, and 
that most certainly it was not pronounced in words where it 
had never existed. Besides the cases in Lasarnon, already quoted, 
I have found the following of h, gh, etc., omitted : Hali 
Meidenhed (1225), nawt = O.E. nawiht ; Will, of Shoreham 
(1315), wyth-thoute, which rhymes to nouste (but Conrath 
reads wi> thoute = 'thought,' here); Will, of Palerne (1350), 
brit, rit (and rist). In Songs and Carols (1400) occur dowter, 
nyte, and bryte. Ten Brink (Chaucer's Sprache, 2 te Aufl., 
Kluge, 1899), 121, Anm., p. 83, refers to the Six-text edition, 
473/2335, where plit = ' plight ' rhymes with appetit. I am unable 
to find this passage in Mr. Skeat's six-volume edition of Chaucer. 
A striking example of an intrusive z occurs in Will, of Shoreham, 
p. 6 (Percy Soc., 1849), where foste is written for fote, and in 
St. Editha (1400) out is spelt owst twice. In spite of the 
ambiguous statements of Salesbury and his contemporaries, there 
can be little doubt that all trace of the h had disappeared in 
the time of Surrey and Wyat, who constantly write delight, 
spight, spright, etc. (I gave a complete list of these spellings 
in Notes and Queries, Feb. 27, 1897.) For a list of spellings 
like bight, quight, etc., in Spenser, see Ellis, E.E.P., pt. iii, 
p. 863. For an account of Tusser's spellings (waight = ' wait,' etc.) 
see Payne and Heritage's edition of the "Five Hundred Pointes," 
E.D.S., 1878. 



160 GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



IV. 
WOKD-LISTS. 

M.E. WOBD-LISTS. 

The following M.E. word-lists are all from texts which have been 
edited, although in some instances I have taken my forms from 
the MS. itself. To save space, I have refrained from giving 
references in the case of those texts for which more or less copious 
glossaries exist, and the reader is referred to the glossary itself 
to verify a form. But I have in such cases generally mentioned 
the MS. from which the form comes, if the glossary from which 
it is. taken is based upon several versions. In the case of those 
word-lists which are taken from the body of a printed text, or 
from a MS. for which no glossary exists, I have referred to the 
page, chapter, or line of the printed edition as was most convenient. 
Most of the references explain themselves, but it is perhaps as 
well to say that in the case of Lajamon, words without any mark 
occur in MS. Cott. Calix., A. ix ; those which have * in front of them 
occur in both MSS. ; those in brackets, only in MS. Otho, c. xiii. 
The order of the word-lists, which corresponds to that of the 
list of texts, as will be seen, is chronological so far as possible 
within each dialect or group of dialects. The geographical order 
is from North to South and from West to East. The Northern 
(Eng.) texts are all from Yorkshire. The Midland section begins 
with North- West Midland, and works, as far as possible, straight 
across to East Midland, then goes back to Mid- West Midland, 
and straight across again to the East Midland, and so, on. This 
plan seemed to me the simplest after careful consideration, and, 
after all, any system of arrangement which is consistent, will fulfil 
its purpose of giving a picture of the organic interrelations of the 
dialects. 



THE MODEUN DIALECT WORD -LISTS. 

In the word -lists of the Modern English Dialects I have 
endeavoured to give every form in each dialect that is interesting 
or ' irregular ' among the different classes. The system of 
classification of the forms themselves is in one sense not a perfect 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 161 

one, but I have adopted it to save space, and too numerous 
subdivisions. I refer to the fact that I have often grouped 
together words which originally belonged to different categories, 
but which in the Modern language have been levelled under 
one group. Thus, taking the dialects as they are, I have, for 
example, put into one class all words with final or medial k, 
which includes: (1) words which have o in O.E. and which we 
should expect to have the back stop now; (2) which have 6 in 
O.E. and which we should expect to have -ch, but which have -k 
in this or that dialect. The M.E. forms are grouped on the 
same principle. 

Some of the lists may not be thought copious enough, others 
are perhaps too full. In the case of ordinary forms it does 
not follow that because they occur in one list and not in another, 
that they therefore do not exist in that dialect, but in the case 
of 'irregular' words like lig, brig, flick, and so on, I have 
endeavoured to mention them in each dialect where they exist; 
therefore, if such a word is not found in a word-list it may be 
assumed that it does not occur in that dialect. At the same time, 
though great pains have been taken in this matter, it would 
be absurd to pretend that no word of importance has been 
overlooked. In dealing with so large a body of material it is 
inevitable that one man should make an occasional slip. In 
making the lists which show the distribution through the modern 
dialects of upwards of sixty words I have, in those cases 
where it was possible, checked my results by Professor Wright's. 
Dictionary. 



Phil. Trans. 1898-9. 11 



162 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



I. 



3 'arbour. 

Abak, 'backwards.' 
Brak, 'broke.' 
Crykkis, ' creeks.' 
Dik, ' a trench.' 
EC, 'eke' (conj.). 
Ic, Ik, and ! = '!.' 
Sekir, ' sure.' 

ah 

Seik. 

Sik, such.' 

Slak, ' a hollow place.' 

Slyk, slime.' 

Spek, ' speech.' 

Spek, vb. 

Stakkar, vb., 'stagger.' 

Stekand. 

Strak, ' straight.' 

Strekyt, 'stricken.' 

Strekit, ' stretched.' 

Strikand, 'striking.' 

Swak, ' a blow.' 

Sykes, ' trenches.' 

Takyn, ' a token.' 

Thik, adj. 

Thak, sb. 

Reik, ' reek.' 

Reik, ' to reach.' 

Rec, ' I reck.' 

Saik, ' sake.' 

Oulk = owk, 'week.' 

Pikkis, ' pickaxes.' 

Pik, ' ^ ' 



Non-initial k, c, ck in M.E. 



Blek, ' blocking.' 
Breik, 'breeches.' 
Clek, sb., 'hatch.' 
Cleik, vb., 'seize.' 
Kinryk. 

Leik, ' dead body.' 
Reke, vb. 
Sic, ' such.' 
Seik, ' to seek.' 
Smowk, sb. 
Skryke, vb. 
juke, 'itching.' 



Lik, vb., 'please.' 
Lik, ' likely.' 
Luk, vb. 
Meckle \ 
Mekill ) 
Ik, ' also.' 

Vikkid, ' poor, sorry.' 
"Wouk, ' kept watch.' 
Kinrik, 'kingdom.' 

Dunbar, E. Lothian, 1460-1520. 

Beswik, vb., 'deceive.' 
Beseik, vb. 



Gav. Douglas, 1475-1522. 

Beik, ' a beak.' 

Beseik, vb. 

Bike, ' a hive.' 

Brak, adj., 'salt.' 

Brakill, ' unsettled, brittle.' 

Clukis, ' claws, clutches.' 

Elbok, ' elbow/ 

Elyke, ' alike ' ( = ^elic with 3- lost). 



Faik, to grasp 



ping''' 
Nokkis, 'notches.' 
Pick, sb., 'pitch.' 
Preik. vb., ' gallop.' 
Rakkis, ' (he) recks.' 
Rakles, ' reckless.' 
Reik, sb., ' smoke.' 
Rekand, part. pres. 
Reik, vb., ' reach.' 
Rekand, ' stretching.' 

"** 



be 
fetch*'? 



Siclik, ' such.' 

Slekit, adj. 

Slike, ' mud, slime,' 

Snak, sb., ' snatch, short time.' 

Stakkir, vb. 

Swyk, vb., ' assuage.' 



"Wreikis, 1 pres. pi. 

Compl. of Scot 1. 1 1.319. 
Acquorns, 'acorns.' 

H.ik.vb. 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



163 



Bekkis, 'bows, curtsies.' 

Blac, adj. 

Dikes, 'dikes.' 

Reik, ' smoke.' 

Seik, vb. 

Smeuk. 

Thak, sb. 

Quyk, adj. 



Metrical Psalter, Yorks., before 1300. 

Bi-seking, 38. 13, passim. 
Dyke, sb., 7. 16. 
(he) Ekes, 40. 9. 

Griking, 45. 6 and 77. 34 (at the 
latter place MS. Egerton has 

gaging)- 

to bam Like, 48. 21. 
Mitel, 34. 18. 
Mikel-hede, 58. 
Pricked, p.p., 31. 4. 
Reke, sb., 36. 20. 
for to Reek, 109. 4. 

Ike = ? 

" Till aghe-fulle and ai ike 
At kinges of erthe bat rike." 

75. 12. 

Rekles, 'incense,' 140. 2. 
Rike, 'kingdom, '44. 7. 
bon Sekes, 7. 5. 
Sekand, 9. 10. 
Seked, p.p., 16. 
Soth-like, 26. 10. 
Slike, ' such,' 84. 8. 
Stiked, 3rd pi. pret., 37. 3. 
Wiccand, 'witching, charming,' MS. 

Egerton, other MSS. ' wicchand.' 
Wreker, 'avenger,' 8. 3. 



Cursor Mundi, Yorks., 1300. 

Beseke 

Freck, ' a man.' 

llik, adv. 

Licam, ' corpse.' 

Mak, ' a mate.' 

Mikel ) 

Mikil / 

Pik, sb., 'pitch.' 

Reck, vb., 'care.' 

Prick, sb. 

Prik (Fairf.). 

Rik, adj. 

Sek, vb., 'eek.' 

Spek, sb. (also Speche). 

Spek, vb., and Spech. 



Minot, Yorks., 1333-52. 

Dik, ' bank.' 
Kynrik. 
Priked, p.p. 

Prk. of Consc., Yorks., before 1349. 

Breke, vb. 
Buk, ' a buck.' 
Cloke, 'a claw.' 

Heke } vb> ' <increase -' 

Fickle, adj. 

Layk, ' to play.' 

Like, 'to please.' 

Loke, vb. 

Mikel, adj. 

Nek, sb. 

Prike, vb. 

Pyk, sb. 

Reke, sb., 'smoke.' 

Reke, 'care.' 

Sake, ' fault.' 

Siker, adj. 

Skrike, vb. 

Slake, vb., 'quench, mitigate.' 

Sleke 1 , 

Slekin) vb -> toslake - 

Souke, ' to suck.' 

Strykly, adv., ' direct.' 

Wayk, adj., 'weak.' 

Wyk, ' horrid,' ' bad.' 

Sir Gaw., North., 1366. 

Eke, ' else.' 

Fyked, ' shrank, was troubled.' 

Layk, 'sport.' 

Layke, vb. 

Rak, sb., 'vapour.' 

Townl. Myst., Yorks., 1450. 

Cleke, vb., ' seize.' 
Pik, ' pitch.' 
Shryke, ' to shriek.' 
Twyk, ' to twitch.' 



., xviii, Northern, Early 
Fifteenth Century. 

Hekylle. 

Mawke, 'maggot.' 

Moke, ' moth/ 

Syke, 'gutter.' 

Thekare. 

Flyk (of bacon). 

Reke, ' fumes.' 



164 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Wars of A kx. , Yorks., Late Fifteenth 
Century. 

Akis, pres. sing., * (it) aches.' 
Beseke, D. and A. 
Beseche, D. and A. 
Cleke, vb., ' clutch. 
Breke, ' breeks.' 



Freke, ' a man/ 

Kokel, ' shaky, unsteadfast.' 

Laike, sb., ' sport,' etc. 

Leke, sb., 'leek.' 

Licken, vb. 

Mekill, ' great.' 

Pik, sb. 

Eeke, ' smoke.' 

Rekils, 'odour.' 

&}-*' 

Strekis, * it stretches.' 
Seke, vb. 
Skrike, sb. 

Schrikis, pres. pi. vb. 
Wreke, vb., wreak. 



Catholicon, Yorks., 1483. 
a Theker, 'tector.' 



(A) 

Ake, quercus. 
to Ake. 
a Bakbone. 
a Bek, ' torrens.' 
Blak, adj. 

to Breke, ' frangare.' 
to Dike. 
to Eke, ubi 'to helpe,' (note, cf. 

Jetch Palsgrave). 
a Flyke of bacon. 
Wicked, Austerus. 
a Wyke, of ye eghe (Whyte, 4). 
a Leke, 'porrum.' 
Mikill, adj. 
a Wake, ' vigilia.' 
a Nyke, ' a nick, notch.' 



to Tryke, ' pungere.' 

aPryk. 

to Seryke. 

Syker, 'securus.' 

Slyke. 

a Smoke. 

lleke, sb. and vb. 

Kekyn^e. 

to Speke. 



a Strykylle, ' hostorium.' 

to Take away. 

a Taket, ' claviculus.' 



Cf. Rechles, Ancr. Riw. 

Levins, Yorks., 1570. 

Blacke.adj. 

to Bleck (and bletch) ' nigrare.' 
Flick (and flitch) of bacon. 
Prick, vb. 
Screake. 

Whake = * quake.' 
Bishopricke. 
to Seeke. 
Seeke, adj. 
Reek, sb., 'smoke.' 
Cheke. 

to Wreck, ' vindicare.' 
Eke, vb. 
Meeke, adj. 
Cleake, vb., 'snatch.' 
to Breake.' 

Smacke, sb. and vb., ' taste.' 
Snacke, sb. and vb., ' bite.' 
Heck, sb., 'a hatch.' 
Heckfare, sb., 'heifer.' (Heckfar, 
Huloet.) 

Allit. P., Lanes., 1360. 

Bispeke. 

Blake, adj. 

Blayke, ' pale in colour.' 

Byswyke, ' to defraud.' 

Fykel, ' fickle.' 

Heke, ' also.' 

Likke, ' to sip, drink.' 



Makeles, 'matchless.' 
Sykande, 'sighing.' ' 
Wreke, p.p., ' avenged.' 



Metr. Rom., Lanes., 1420. 

Bake, 'back.' 
Beken, vb., * command.' 
Blake, vb., ' blacken.' 
Makolest (' most matchless ' ? ). 
matchless.' 



Prekr, ' u':ill"]> away.' 
K.krs ' (ho) smokes.' 
Scryken, vb., 'shriek.' 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



165 



(he) Sekes, 'seeks.' 

Seke, ' sick.' 

(he) Sikes, ' sighs.' 

Sikiug, ' sighing.' 

Slikes, 'slides.' 

Spekes, inf. 

to Wake, 'watch.' 

Worlyke, 'worthy.' 

Worthelik. 

Wrake, ' destruction.' 

R. of Brunne, Lines., 1338. 
Breke, p.p. 
Brek, sb. 
Dedlyk, adj. 
Dik, 'ditch.' 
Lak, vb., ' play.' 
Prykel. 
Pryked, p.p. 
Steke, vb., ' stick.' 
Sykes, ' furrows, watercourses.' 
pakkes, sb. pi. 
pikke, adj. 
"VVycke, adj. 

Ortn., Lines., 1200. 

Bakesst. 

Becnenn. 

Bilokenn, 'consider.' 

.Biswikenn, ' betray.' 

Bitrccnenn, 'betoken.' 

Biwokenn, ' watched.' 

Bokes. 

Bruknenn, ' enjoy.' 

Fakeun, 'exile.' 

Forrsake>]7. 

Huccesteress. 

Ekenn, ' to increase.' 

Mikell. 

Makenn. 

Likenn, 'to like.' 

Sicnedd. 

Sake, 'strife.' 

Sikenn. 

Tacnenn. 

Takenn. 

Swikedom. 

Stake. 

Stikkes, pi. 

Stekenn, ' to shut.' 

Spekeun. 

Sikenn, ' to sigh.' 

Siker. 

Stracinn, perf. 

Wuke, 'week.' 

Wikken, ' duty, office.' 

Wakemenn, ' watchmen.' 

Wicke, Wikke, ' mean, wicked.' 

"Wrekeim, vb., ' avenge.' 



Final c in Ortn. 

Ace., < but.' 
Bac ) 

Bacc [ ' back.' 
Bacch I 
Bucc, 'goat.' 
Boc, 'book.' 
Brace, ' broke.' 
EC, ' also.' 
Flocc. 
Ice, ' I.' 
La3c. 
Lac, 'gift.' 



Smec, sb. 

Wic, 'dwelling.' 

Smacc, ' taste.' 

Wac, 'weak.' 

Eor>lic. 

Lie (andlich), 'body.' 



HaveloJc, N.E. Midi., 1300. 

Swike, 'deceiver.' 

Swikel, 'deceitful.' 

Biseken, vb. 

Bitaken, ' deliver over.' 

Bleike, ' pale, wan.' 

Breken, vb. 

Dike, ' ditch.' 

Ek, ' also.' 

Fikel, adj. 

Hie, 'I.' 



Hike, sb. 

Seckes, ' sacks.' 

Seken, vb. 

Speke, 'speech.' 

Waken, 'watch.' 

Wicke ) 

Wike } 'wicked.' 

Wikke ) 

Wreken, vb., 'avenge.' 

Hali Meidenhed, W. Midi., 1225. 

Pricunges, 3rd. 
Prikien, vb. 3rd pi. 
Licke'S, 3rd sing. 
Cwike, adj. 

Siken, inf. 27, ' to sigh.' 
Ake)>, vb. pi., 31. 
Louke, 'side,' dat. sino-. 
Schucke, 'devil,' 41. 



166 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Will, of Pal., W. Midi., 1350. 

Biker, ' a fight.' 
Diked, ' dug out.' 
Freke, ' a man.' 
Hakernes, ' acorns.' 
Layke, vb., 'play.' 
Prike, vb. 
Siken, 'sigh.' 
Stiked, p.p. 
Wake, vb., ' watch.' 



Wicke 
Wic 



evil. 



Mire, Salop, 1400. 
Lychwake, sb. 
Quyke, ' alive.' 
Stoke, ' stuck.' 
Yeke, ' also.' 

MS. HarL, 2,253, Here/., 1310. 

Aken, vb. 
Byswiken, p.p. 
Blyka}. 

Blak, adj., 'black.' 
Blac, 'pale.' 
Eke, 'also.' 
Make, 'mate.' 
Mukel, adj. 
Prikyares, sb. pi. 
Rykene, vb. 
Sike, 1 sing. pres. 
Smok, ' a garment.' 
Spekest. 

Swyke, sb., 'traitor.' 
Wicke, adj. 

Wore. Gloss., Twelfth Century. 

Bakern, ' pistrionum. ' 
Siker, ' tutus.' 
Sticke, ' regula.' 
Were, ' opus.' 
Slac, 'piger.' 
Oc, 'quercus.' 

La^., Worcs., 1205. 
Abake. 
Abac. 

JEke, sec, eek, etc., etc., 'also.' 
JErendwreke, ' messenger.' 
Aswike, ' we cease.' 
At-sake, 'forsake.' 
Awakien, ' to awake.' 
Blikien, vb., ' shine.' 
Blakien. 
BUkede. 



Blac, adj. 

Boc. 

[Bock.] 

Brockes, ' badgers.' 

Buken, 'bellies,' d. pi. 

Crakeden. 

Die, 'ditch.' 

Drake, ' dragon.' 

Floe, ' host.' 

Flocke, d. 

Hoker, ' contempt.' 

Ic and ich, ' I.' 

Pic-foreken, d. pi. 

Smokien, vb., 'to smoke.' 



Speken 
Speke, 'speech.' 
Swike, ' betray.' 
Taken \ 
Token ) 
Weorc -N 
Were 

WsGrc , 

Wore { sbs ' 

Worch] 

Worck] J 
"Cweccte] from quecchen. 

3itaken, ' deliver, give ' (and bi-ta^che). 

Songs and Car., Warw., 1400. 
(I) Beseke, 13. 
Prykke (inf.), 73. 

Prompt., Norf., 1440. 
Ake, or \ -, 

Ache j sb ' 
Akyn, vb. 
Alyke. 

Bakke, ' vespertilio.' 
Bleke, ' atramentum.' 
Blak, ' ater.' 
Dyke, ' fossa.' 
Flykke (of bacon). 
Froke. 

Hec, or Hek, 
or Hetche (of a dor) 
Hekele, 'matasca.' 



Twykkyn 

[Twycliyuk] 

Pyk. 

Reek. 

Thak. 



^ekyn, ok. 

Ykyn. 

Ikyl, 'stiria.' 

Schrykynge 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



167 



Norfolk Guilds, 1389. 


k medially in Chaucer. 


Worchepfulleke, 87. 


Aken, vb. 


Specialeke, 54. 


Aking. 


Unskylfulleche and -lik, 55. 


Acornes. 




Bake, vb. 




Biseken, vb. 


Bestiary, E. Midi., 1250. 


Bitake, vb. 
Breke, vb. 


Barlic, 291. 


Brekke, sb., ' flaw.' 


Bee, 'beak,' 58. 


Darketh, vb. 


Bitterlike, 481. 


Derken, vb. 


Borlic, ' burly,' 605. 


Derke, sb. 


Ic, 54! 


Dokke, sb. 


Lie, sb., 797. 


Drake. 


Mikle, 548. 


Fikelnesse. 


Mikel, 235. 


Flikere, vb. 


Quike, adj., 341. 


Halke. 


SekeS, 62, 132. 


Forsake. 


Speken, 592. 


Hakke. 


Swic, 'such,' 193. 


Herke, vb. 


Biswike, 429. 


Herknen, vb. 


Wake'5, 47. 


Lich-wake. 


Wikke, adj., 593. 


Loke, vb. 




Lokkes (of hair). 




Make, vb. 


Genesis and Exodus, Suffolk, 1250. 


Make, sb. 
Meke, adj. 


Biluken, p.p. 


Pekke, vb. 


Bisek , . 
.Bisekei im P erat - 


Nekke, sb. 
Nake, vb. 


Biseken, inf. 


Mikel, adj. 


BliSelike, adv. 


Piken, vb. 


Dik, ' ditch.' 


Priken, vb. 


Dikes, pi. 


Prikke, sb. 


Forsake, ' deny.' 


Pyke, vb. 


Hie, ' I.' 


Plukke, vb. 


I-ureke, 'avenged.' 


Pokkes, sb. 


Lik, 'like.' 


Rake, sb. 


Likede, 'pleased.' 
Mikil ^ 


Reeke, vb. (also reechen). 
Rekene, vb. 


Mikel y great.' 
(and Michil) f 


Rekith = < smokes.' 
Siker, adj. 


Prike-5, ' pricks, spurs.' 
Reklefat, ' a censer.' 


Sake. 
Slike. 


Seken, ' to seek.' 


Smoke, sb. 


Smaken, ' to scent.' 


Souke, vb. 


Swike, ' unfaithful'.' 


Speke, vb. 


Strekede, stretched.' 


Stiken, vb. 


Speken, vb. 


Stikke, sb. 


Wikke, 'wicked.' 


Strake, vb. 


Upreke'S, ' up-reeks.' 


Stroke, vb. 




Stryke, vb. 




Syke vb. ('sigh'). 


JBokenham, Suffolk, before 1449. 


Takel. 
Thakketh, vb. 


Lyk, S. Anne, 427. 


Thikke, adj. 


Flykke, Oh: 859. 
Wykke, Ch. 856. 


Waker, adj. 
Wake, vb. 


Seke, inf. (and Seche). 


Trikled, vb. 



168 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Weke, adj. 
Wreke, vb. 


Sike, vb., 'sigh.' 
Snike, sb., ' villain.' 


"Wikked, adj. 




Wikke, adj. 


P. Plowm., Glos., 1362-93. 


k finally in Chaucer. 


Biseke. 


Bak. 


Dike ) 


Beek, 'beak.' 


Dik j 


Blak, adj. 


Dickers =' ditchers.' 


Book. ' 


Frek \ , 


Bouk (of tree). 
Brok. 


Fraik, etc.} maD ' 
Ik and y, pronoun. 


Buk. 
Eck, ' also.' 


Licaml Corpse, body.' 


Hook. 


Prikkyth. 




Prike>. 


Lak. 


Svkede, ' seighed.' 


Leek (plant). 
Look sb. 


Wicke) ,. 
Wikke) ad J' 


Ook (tree). 


Ryke, adj. 


Sak. 




Seek, ' sick.' 
Sinok, ' a smoke.' 


Sir Fer., Devon, 1380. 


Wrak, sb. 


Crake, 'crack.' 


Stryk, ' stroke.' 
Syk, 'a sigh.' 


Freke, ' man.' 
Make, 'mate.' 
Bespeken. 


TT7" 7'_*F 


Be-swyke, ' deceive.' 


Wychffe. 


Deke, 'ditch.' 


Bre^ynye = k ; X. 
Pricked, MM. 


Prykie, ' ride.' 
Reke, ' rich.' 


Quik, ' alive,' X. 


Wikke \ ' violent.' 


Recke, ' to care,' X. 


Wyckej 'hard, painful.' 


Seke, vb., X. 
Sike, ' search into,' X. 


Quyke, adj. 
Sykynge, 'sighing.' 


St. Cath., Glos. y 1200. 


St. Editha, Wilts., 1440. 


Aswike)?, ' ceases.' 


jeke, vb., 'itch,' 3,388. 


Swike, pres. optat. 


Scrykede, 1,671. 


Freken, ' champions.' 




Pikes, 'spikes.' 
Wreken, sb., 'avenge.' 


St. Jul. (Prose], Dorset, 1200. 


Ecnesse, 'eternity.' 


Slakien, inf., 20. 


Slec, ' mud.' 


Rikenen, inf., 80. 


Cwic, 'living.' 


Eke, ' also,' 4. 




Steorfeuutet, 10. 


X. of Glos., 1300. 


Sikede, ' sighed,' 20. 
Cwike, adj., 22. 


Wikke, adj. 


Wike, office,' 24. 


Wrake, sb., vengeance.' 




Awreke, sb., * avenge.' 
Bisuike, p.p., deceived.' 


Ancren Riwk, Dorset, 1225. 


Biseke, vb. 


to -breake^. 


Scrikede, pret. 
Meoc, ' meek.' 
Speke, vb. 
Spek, vb. 
Prikie, ' to spur.' 


Prikku, ' ]toint,' jxt. 
Speckes, ' specks.' 
Speken, inf. 
Strik, imp. of strecchen. 
S \vikr, ' traitor.' 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



169 



picke, adj. 
Wikke, foul, bad.' 
3oc, ' yoke.' 
Kakele ) . . . 
Chakele ('Chatterer. 

Swuc, ' such.' 

Tekefle, MS. Titus and MS. Nero, 
Morton's ed., p. 50. 

Morton translates tekefte ' teach - 
eth,' but Mat/ner (Spr. Proben, p. 9) 
rejects this, and regards teke'oe as 
= teke, ' to eken,' + "5e, and as 
meaning 'moreover.' In support 
of Miitzner's view it may be urged 
that, on p. 106, MS. Nero has 
teke )>et = ' moreover,' and MS. 
Cleopatra here has ' to eken ' ; 
p. 180, Nero also has techen }>e, 
etc., which Morton, again, trans- 
lates ' teach those who,' etc., 
but Ma' timer's explanation certainly 
makes better sense here. On the other 
hand, on p. 50 Morton's translation 
makes good sense, and MS. Cleo- 
patra has techen J>e. In any case 
teken, tekelS, etc., may be formed 
from tek)>, just as seken from sekjj. 
Tuke$, ' chastiseth.' 

0. andN., Dorset, Hants., 1246-50. 

Tukest, ' twitchest,' 63. 
Swikel-hede, 162. 
Bi-swike, 158. 
Swikedone, 167. 
Mislike>, 344. 

Kentish Gospels (MS. Hatton,38) ,1150. 
Ic and ck used for the stop, instead of c. 

Akenned, Joh., ix, 20. 
Kaijeu, Mat., xvi, 19. 
Taken, sb., Joh., ix, 16. 
Spraeken, imp. pi., Joh., ix, 22. 
pabe swinkefl, Mat., x, 28. 
liken, Lk., x, 7. 
-^keres, Mat., vi, 28. 
Kyns, Lk., xix, 38. 
Drinke, Mat., vi, 32. 
Deofel-seoke, Mat., viii, 16. 
Chikene, Mat., xxiii, 37. 
Of-karf, Lk., xxii. 
Kynne. 

ck. 

Lickeres, Mat., xxii, 18. 
Hyre lockan, dat. pi., Joh., x, 2. 



eh = k. 

Ghana, Joh., ii, 1. 
Fich-treowe, Joh., i, 60. 

MS. Vespas, A. 22, Kent, 1200. 

piece, 237. 
Sicernesse, 239. 

Vices and Virtues, Kent, 1200. 

Siker, 25, 31. 
Beseke$, 109. 18. 
Beseken, 147. 28. 



Moral Ode (Digby MS.), Kent, Early 
Thirteenth Century. 

Ecnesse, sb. 

ic = 'I,' only form used in this MS. 

Likede, 13. 

Quike, 79. 

(Euel) Smak. 

(ic) Speke, 17. 

Siker, adj., 39. 

Bisweke'S, 14. 

Kentish Sermons (Laud, 471), 1200-50. 

Betockne)>, Fifth Sermon. 
"Werkes, sb., Epiph. 



A&nbite, Kent, 1340. 

Awreke, vb., 'punish, avenge.' 

Awrekinge, 'vengeance.' 

Boc. 

Breke, vb., brecj). 

Icing = ' itching.' 

like, 'serve.' 

Licnesse. 

Liknesse. 

Loke, ' to look.' 

Make, ' mate.' 

Markes, ' bounds.' 

Prikyinde, particip. 

"- 



Speke, ' to speak.' 
Waki, ' to watch.' 
Y-bake, 'baked.' 
Zik, 'sick.' 
SniackeJ>, vb. 

Will, of Shoreham, Kent, 1307-27. 

Siker, 13. 
By-swike>, 22. 



170 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WILD. 



Bi->enke)>e (Conrath, eh). 
Dryke>, 23. 
Wyckerede, 99. 
Melke, dat., 133. 
penk>e \ .. 
Cleniej* j 113 ' 



Lib. Lesc., Kent, 1350. 
to Speke, 47. 
Mebinkeb. 
like, 353. 
Awreke, p.p., 441. 
Pricked, 496. 



II. 



Non-initial c, ch in M.E. 



Harbour. 

Betethe, ' to commit.' 

Fechand, part. 

Lechis, 'doctors.' 

Vach, 'watch' (sb. and vb.). 

Vrechidly. 

Vrecbit, adj. 

Dunbar, E. Lothian, 1460-1520. 

Fecbe, vb. 

Siche, 'such.' 

Smoch, ' mouldy, stinking.' 

Speiche ) i 

Speche J 8b - 

Streiche, adj., 'stiff, affected.' 

Teich, vb. 

Wreche | , 

Wretchis J st 

Gav. Douglas, 1475-1522. 

Awach, vb., 'watch.' 
About-speche, ' circumlocution.' 
Brechins, stuffing to prevent hames 

from galling horse's neck. 
Cuchill, 'forest or grove' (cf. 'queech' 

in Mod. Suffolk dialect). 
Fet, ' to prepare.' 
Feche, vb., 'fetch,' etc. 
Hachis, 'hatches.' 
Ich, 'each.' 
Lech, ' a doctor.' 
Mich, 'much.' 
Sichaud, ' sighing ' (but perhaps ch 

here = front open consonant ?) . 

SS*} >!** 

Wache, 'watchman.' 
Wniche, ' a wrotch.' 
Wrechis, pi. 



Compl. of ScotL, 1549. 

Reche, adj. 
Skrech, shriek.' 
Tech, vb. 
Vytches, ' witches.' 

Metrical Psalter, YorJcs., before 1300. 

Drecchand (in MSS. Harl. and 

Egerton), 108. 10. 
Riche, adj., 33. 11. 
Speches, sb., 18. 4. 
Teche, inf., 93.' 12. 

Wichand ' witching, charming, ' 58. 6. 
"Wicchandj MS. Egerton has wiccand. 
Wrecches, 136. 3. 
Wrecchedhede, 11. 6. 
Wretchednes, 106. 10. 

Cursor Mundi, Yorks., 1300. 

Rich, adj. 

Wreche, sb. and adj. 
Speche, sb. 
Spech, vb. 
jicche, sb., ' gout.' 

Minot, Jorks., 1333-52. 
Feched. 
Wretche, sb. 

Prk. of Consc., Yorks., before 1349. 

Leche, ' physician.' 
Reche, 'to reach.' 
Wiche, ' a witch.' 

Sir Gaw., North., 1366. 

Brachez, ' hounds. ' 
Drochch, 'hurt.' 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. \VYLD. 



171 



Foch, vb., 'fetch.* 
Iche, ' each.' 
Lach, vb., 'take.' 
Riche, vb., ' reach.' 
llyched, p.p., 'enriched.' 
Seech, vb. 

Townl. Myst., Yorks., 1450. 

Drecche, ' to afflict.' 

Ich = 'I,' an imitation of Southern. 
' Take out that Sothern tothe ' is 
said to the person who uses the 
word 'ich.' 

Ich = ' each.' 



Wars of Alex., York*., Late 
Fifteenth Century. 

Biche. 

Drechet, p.p., 'vexed, spoilt.' 

Feche, vb. 

Liche, 'body.' 

Macchis, ' mates.' 

Meche, ' great.' 

Riche, adj. 

Reche, vb'., ' to reach.' 

Seche (and Seke), 

Siche, ' such.' 

Wriche, sb. 

Catholicon, Yorks., 1483. 

a Bechetre, ' fagus.' 

a Bych, ' licista.' 

a Fiche, ' vicia.' 

a Leche, ' medicus.' 

Riche, ' copiosus.' 

a Speche, ' colloquium.' 

to Teche. 

a Weche, ' veneficus.' 

Kychyn, 'coquina.' 

Levins, Yorks., 1570. 

Ache, sb. and vb. (rhymes to Spinache). 

Bitch. 

Blache ) , 

Bletcbe / sb ' 

Rich. 

Pich, ' corbiculus.' 

to Mych. 

a Ditch. 

Itche, sb. 

Stitch, sb. 

Pitch, ' pix.' 

a Wrvtch, ' miser.' 

Flitch. 

Witche. 



to Fetch. 

to Reche, 'distendi.' 

to Stretch. 

Speach, 'sermo,' 

Beach. 

to Bleach, * candidare.' 

to Teache. 

Horseleache. 



Allit. P., Lanes., 1360. 

Aliche, ' alike.' 

Biseche, vb. 

Biteche, vb. 

Brych, ' filth ' ? 

Cleche, ' to receive, take.' 

Dych, 'ditch.' 

Feche, subj. of vb. 

He {'hatch 'of a ship. 



Lache,vb., 'hitch' (cf. Dial, to lutch). 

Maltha} ' make, fellow.' 

Pich, 'pitch.' 

Racchclie, ' to go.' 

Rych, sb. 

Rich, adi. 

Seche, vb. 

Smach, ' scent, smell.' 

Streche, vb. 

Whichche, ' ask.' 

^}' vengeance.' 
Wreche, 'wretched.' 



Wyche-crafte. 



Metr. Eom. y Lanes., 1420. 

Burliche, ' hurl.' 

(he) Clechis, ' seizes. 

Foche, imperat. 

Haches, 'hay-racks.' 

Ich, 'each.' 

Machet, ' matched.' 

Muche. 

Quyche, ' which.' 

Rechs, 'reeks,' vb. 

Richest, adj. 

Seche ) 

Siche ['such.' 

Suche ) 

Suche, vb., ' seek.' 

Wurlych, worthy.' 

Wrechut, adj. 



172 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Orm., Lines., 1200. 


Eche. 


Eche, adj., 'eternal.' 


Erliche. 


Fecchenn, vb. 


Hache. 


Icchenn. 


Hacches \ , 


Laecbenn, ' cure.' 


Haches J P ' 


Lacche, b. 


Ich. 


Lacchenn, vb., 'catch.' 
Riche, ' kingdom.' 
Riche, adj. 
Racchess, sb. pi. 
Taechenn, vb. 


Ich, 'each.' 
Lachen, ' rob, catch.' 
Leche, ' physician.' 
Liche, ' like.' 
Miche, ' great.' 


Spaeche, sb. 


Michel. 


Macche, sb., 'mate.' 
Wraeche, ' vengeance.' 


Muchel. 
Uch, ' each.' 


"Wrecche, adj. and sb. 


Wicche | p.p., 'bewitch.' 


Wicche -craettess. 




Wecche, sb. 


Wreche, ' revenge.' 




Wreche, ' to revenge.' 




Reching, 'explanation.' 


Havclok, N.E. Midi., 1300. 


Riche, ' kingdom.' 


Swich. 


Seche, ' to seek.' 


Cunriche, ' kingdom.' 
Leche, ' physician.' 
Lich, ' like.' 


Swiche, ' such.' 
Misse-spech, ' evil report.' 
Werche \ , 


Ich, y, and I. 
Ihc. 


Wirch f VD< 
Miswerche, vb. 




Kichen. 


JR. of Brunne, Lines., 1338. 


Marche, ' boundary ' (Alis). 


Feche \ vb. 
Fette Jperf. 


Earliest Eng.Pr. Ps., W. Midi., 1375. 


Leches, ' physicians.' 
Licbe, adj. 


Michel, 91. 5. 
Teche>, 93. 10. 


Picched, p.p. (perf. is pight). 
Reche, vb. 


Seche f>, 4. 3. 
Whiche, 13. 6. 


Teche, vb. 


Bisechen, 26. 7. 


"Wicche- craft. 


Liche to, 27. 1. 


"Wreche, vb., 'vindicate.' 


Ich, passim (commonest form of pr., 




but i and y occur). 




Chirche, 21. 26. 


Hali Maidenhed, W. Midi., 1225. 




Richedom, 3. 
into Drecchunge, 7. 
Bisechen, 11. 


Mire, Salop, JL400. 
Myche, 'much.' 


Bruche, 'breach,' 11. 


Dedlyche. 


Bruchele, 'brittle,' 13. 


Onlyche. 


Smecchunge, 'tasting,' 13. 


Seche, ' to seek.' 


Ich. 
Wicchen, 33. 


Sych, 'such.' 
Uche, ' each.' 


Stiches, ' pains,' 35. 
Fliche, 37. 


Lych-wake. 
Worche, vb. 


Wlecche, adj. or adv., 43. 


Worchynge, sb. 


Wrecch, sb., 47. 




Iliche, 'like,' 19. 






MS. Harl., 2,253, Here/., 1310. 


Will, of Pal., W. Midi., 1350. 


Areche, p.p. 
i Byseche. 


Areche, ' to reach.' 
Dreche, 'disturb' (Alia). 


Bysechinge. 
Bysecheu, vb. 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. TVYLD. 



173 



Bruche, ' breech.* 

DreccheJ>, vb. 

Echen, ' to increase.' 

Ich. 

Kyneriche. 

Leche, 'medicus.' 

Liche, adj. 

Muchele. 

Muche. 

Recche, vb. 

Riche, adj. 

Riche, sb. 

Seche, vb. 

Speche, sb. 

Such. 

Suche. 

Techen, sb. 

"Wycche, 'witch.' 

Wrecche, sb. and adj. 

Wore. Gloss., Twelfth Century. 

Imaecca, ' conjunx.' 
Wicche, ' phitonissa.' 
Sticels, ' aculeus.' 
Misliches, ' bless, discolor.' 
Ticchen, ' htedus.' 
Blacern, ' lichinus.' 
Stucche, ' frustruui.' 
Ic bore. 
Lie, ' corpus.' 
Ilches. 



, Worcs., 1205. 

jEchen, vb., 'increase.' 

Areccheu, ' interpret.' 

Areche, vb., 'touch.' 

Atsecheu. 

Beech, ' valley.' 

Bisechen 

Bisecchen 

Biteche i IT 

dellver ' 



Bi-wricched. 

Crurche, ' crutch.' 

Cachene. 

Kuchene. 

Dich. 

Diches. 

FaTheu. 

Ilecche 

Echne, ace. 

Ich (and 'ic) ) , T 

Hich j l ' 



each.' 



Leeches ) /, , , 
Leches) hooks - 
Lich. 



Lie (bothMSS.). 

Iliche, ' like.' 

Muchele, 'gnat.' 

Riche, ' realm.' 

Ricche, adj. 

Relichen \ . , , 

[Reche] j 1 

Rajcchen, ' tell, explain.' 

Quecchen, 'move, escape,' etc. 

Saechen. 

Sechen. 



I-teechen, vb., 'give.' 
Wroocche ) , 

[Wrecche, wrech]J a P oorman - 
Prucche, 'to thrust.' 
Awachede, ' arose.' 



Songs and Carols , Warw., 1400. 
Dyche, 58. 

Engl. Guilds, Norf., 1389. 

Qwyche, 31. 
Morn speches, 45. 
Mechil. 
Fecche, 76. 

Prompt., Norf., 1440. 

Bycche (Bycke, P.), 'bitch.' 

Byschypryche (bysshoperike, P.). 

Hytchyn, ' moveo.' 

Iche (or Yeke) . 

Latchyn, ' catch.' 

Leche, ' medicus.' 

Lyche, ' dede body.' 

Match (or Make), compar. 

Rechyn ) . ... , 

A-retchyn } attm ^ 

Watche, or Wakyng. 

AVytch, 'maga,' etc. 

Wretch ) 

Wretchyd f 

Pyche, or Pyk. 

Ichyii, or Ykyn. 

Hetche (and Hek) of a door. 

Bestiary, E. Midi., 1250. 

Briche, adj., 379. 

Drecche'S, 103. 

Eche, 'eternal,' 176, 177. 

FecheS, 242. 

Fecchcu, inf., 352. 



174 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Heuenriche, 378. 

Meche, 'mate,' 716. 

Heche, vb., reck, 714. 

Riche, sb. 28. 

"Witches, sb. pi. (Morris writes wicches 
in text, but states in a footnote that 
the MS. has form with -tch.) 

Genesis and Exodus, Suffolk, 1250. 

Drechede, 'delayed.' 

Drechen, ' to delay.' 

Fechen, 'to fetch.' 

.FfefcAden, 'fetched' (2,889). (Very 

early example of -tch.} 
Gruching, 'murmuring.' 
Kinge-riches, ' kingdoms.' 



Lichles, ' corpseless.' 
Michil 

Michel }' great.' 
(and Mikel) ) 
Rechede, ' interpreted.' 
Rechen, inf. 
Speche, sb. 
Techen, ' to teach.' 
"Wiches, ' magicians.' 



"Wrecches, sb. pi. 

Bokenham, Suffolk, before 1447. 

Seche, St. Agn., 32, etc. 
(and Seke), St. Agn., 33. 
Swyche, passim. 
Feche, inf., 799, Kath. 
(and to fette), 679, St. Cycyle. 
I Beseche, Prol., 69. 
Lych, ' like,' Mary, 631. 
Lyche to lyche, St. Anne, 239. 

Wycliffe. 

Whiche, ' hutch,' X. 

Holiliche, X. 

Lichy, adj., MM. 

Rechelenes, LL. 

Sacchis, ' sacks,' X. 

Smacchen, vb., 'smack, taste,' CC. 



Chaucer. 

BSchen, adj. 

Birch. 

Bleche, vb., 'bleach.' 

Boch, fib. 

Breech, sb. 



Dichen, vb. 

Dich. 

Drecche, vb. 

Ech, adj. 

Eche, vb. 

Everich. 

Fecchen. 

Fecche, ' vetches.' 

Mechel. 

Mochel. 

Muchel. 

Overmacche. 

Pich. 

Recche, ' reck, care.' 

Recche, 'interpret.' 

Reche, ' to reach.' 

Riche, adj. 

Seche, vb. 

Speche, sb. 

Strecche, vb. 

Teche, vb. 

"Wrecche, sub. and adj. 

"Wreche, ' vengeance.' 

Hacches, sb. 

Leche, ' physician.' 

Liche,adj., 'like.' 

Lich-wake. 

Wacche, sb., ' a sentinel.' 

Polit. S., Middle of Fifteenth Century. 

Wreche, ' wreak.' 1 vol. ii, fr. Cotton 
Seche, seek.' [ Rolls, 11.23. 
Smacchith, vol. ii, p. 64. MS. 
Digby, 41. 

St. Kath., Glos., 1200. 

Beseche, 1 sing. 
Bruche, sing., 'wound.' 
Cwich, 3 sing. pres. (1254). 
Eche, ' eternal.* 
Lich, 'body.' 
Stucchen, sb. pi. 
Rich, ' kingdom.' 
Smeche-5, 'tasteth.' 
Wecchen, sb. pi. 
Wrecche, adj. 

R. of Glos., 1300. 

Breche, sb. 

Dich, sb. 

Eche, vb., ' increase.' 

Fecche, vb. 

Ich, 'I.' 

Kyiii'riehe. 

Recche, vb,, reck.' 

Roche, vb. 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



175 



Seche, vb. 

Suiche, ' such.' 

Syche, vb., 'sigh.' 

Vecche, 'fetch.' 

Vreche, sb., 'wreak, vengeance.' 

Wrecche, adj. 

Wreche, sb., ' revenge.' 

St. JuL (Metrical}, Glos., 1300. 

Ich. 

Muche, 59. 

Wreche, adj., 225. 

Wiche, sb., 169. 

I ne reche, I reck not,' 19. 



P. Plow., Glos., 1363-93. 

Biterliche, adv. 
Bisechen (and Biseke). 
Clicche 



Clucche 
Diche, sb. 
Dichen, vb. 
Fecchen, vb., 'take \ 

away.' f Note difference 

(and Fette), ' fetch, | of meaning. 

bring.' ) 

Flicche. 
Flucchen. 
Icham ) . 
Ich / etc> 
Lacchen, vb., 'catch.' 
Liche, vb., 'like.' 
Lich, ' a body.' 
Macche, ' a mate.' 
Reccheles, adj. 
Recche, vb., ' care, reck.' 
Rechen, vb., 'reach.' 



Rycche, sb. 

Thecche, vb. 

pecchynge. 

To]) -aches, pi. sb, 

Wecchis, sb. pi., 'wakes.' 

"Wicche, 'sorcerer.' 

Wyche, ' which.' 

Sir Fer., Devon, 1380. 

Miche, ' ranch.' 

Pych, sb. 

Syche, seek, follow.' 

Wreche, ' vengeance.' 

Drecche, 'to delay.' 

Hwych. 

Leches, ' physicians. ' 



Vacche, vb., 'fetch.' 
Wyche, 'which.' 
Quychch, adv. 
Ych, I, Chille, etc. 



St. Editha, Wilts., 1400. 

Whyche, 2,680. 
Hechelesse, 2,680. 
Sodenlyche, 2,161 or 2,661 (?). 
Ache, sb., 3,713 and 3,726. 
Ich, 'each' (?), 3,957. 
I Beseche, 49, 46. 
Ych ( 235 > , T , 
I i 245 } L 
Y-leyche, 399. 
Ichan, 541. 
Fullyche, 219. 
Spousebreche, 743. 



St. Jul. (Prose) Dorset, 1200. 

Specche, sb., 24. 

Sechen, vb. inf., 50. 

Feche, imperat., 66. 

Fecchen, inf., 68. 

Pich, sb., 68. 

Wlech, adj, 'lukewarm,' 70. 

Strecchen,' 12. 

ich Biseche, 74. 

Eche, adj., 'eternal,' 2. 

Muchel, 4. 

Riche, 4. 

Freoliche, adi., 6. 

Lechnunge, sb., 6. 

Euch, 6. 

Biteachen, vb., ' give up,' 10. 

Ich, passim. 

Swucche, 22. 

Wrecches, 20. 

of Heouenriches, 24. 



Sawles Warde, Dorset, 1210. 

Teache, 245. 

Hwuch, 245. 

Muchel, 245. 

Rechelese, adj., 245. 

Smeclmnge, 245. 

Wearliche, adj., 245. 

(he) Seche, 249. 

Ich, 249. 

Wrecchedom, 251. 

Smeche, gen. pi., 251. 

Drecche'S, 251. 

Swuch, 251. 

Echen, inf., 'increase,' 251. 

Hechehmge, ' gnashing of teeth ' 251 

Pich, 251. 



176 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Echnesse, < eternity,' 251. 

Muche, 255. 

Eiche, adj., 257. 

Bisechefl, 259. 

Aweccheh, inf., ' arouse,' 267. 



Ancr. Riw., Dorset, 1225. 

Bisechen. 

i-Bleched, bleached.' 

Breche, ' drawers.' 

Eche, ' to ache' (and aeke, once). 

Dich, sb. 

Heouenriche. 

Keache-cuppe, 'drunkard' (cf. ceac, 

.ZElf. Voc. W.-W., 123. 35, etc.). 
Pricches, sb. 
Reche. 

Recchefl, ' recks.' 
Sechen. 

Smech, ' taste.' 
Smecchen, ' to taste.' 
Speches (and speckes), ' specks.* 
Speche, ' speech.' 
StreccheS. 

Stucchenes, ' pieces.' 
Swuche. 

Techen (tekee, MS. Titus), 
penchen, ' think.' 
pinchen. 

Vechchen, ' fetch.' 
Unrechleas, ' indifferent/ 
"Warche, ' pain, ache.' 
Weccben, ' to watch.' 
Wicchecraftes. 
Wrecche, adj. 
Wreche, 'revenge.' 
Wurchen, ' to work.' 
Tjichunge, 'itching.' 
Sticche, 'a stitch.' 
Kuchene, 'kitchen.' 
Rechless. ' odour, incense.' 



0. and N., Dorset, 1246-50. 

Ic, Ich, and I, pas. 
Ich, 1220, Cott. 
Ic, Jesus. 
Recche, I reck,' 58. 



Kvrirh, C. \ , 95 
Euriche, J. } iy * 
Iliche, 316. 
Riche, ' kingdom.' 
Seche>, 380. 



SirB. of Hampt., South Hants., 1327 

I5;u lyclu-, ' barley.' 



Kentish Gospels (MS. Hatton, 38), 
1150. 

O.E. t written -ch. 

SiccAelse (sic), Mat., xxvii, 28. 
Sicchele (sic), Mat., xxvii, 30 = O.E. 

sciccelse. 

Fecchen (inf.), Joh., iv, 15. 
jEched, O.E. 'eced,' Lk., xxiii, 36. 
On eche lyf, Joh., vi, 27. 
Echenysse, Joh., vi, 51. 
Openliche, Joh., vii, 10. 
SpraBche, sb., Joh., vii, 40. 
(ic)raBche, Joh., xiii, 26. 
Baech, dat. sing., Mk., i, 2. 
Swahlich, Mat., v, 31. 
AweccheS, Mat., x, 8. 
Ich and Ic, passim. 
Ticbchenan, Mat., xxv, 32. 
Bech, dat. sing., Lk., iii, 4. 
7;e-swinchen, Lk., xxii, '28. 
Riche, sb., Lk., xxiii, 51. 
Michele, Lk., xi, 11. 

c' written c. 

Secan, Lk., xix, 10. 
Rice, Lk., xix, 14. 
Micelen, Lk., xi, 4. 
Rece]?, Lk., xxiv, 17. 
Recce j>, Lk., xxiv, 17. 
Ic, passim. 

Vespas, A. 22, Kent, 1200. 

Riche, sb., 214. 
Rice, adj., 219. 
Moche, 235. 
Wercen, inf., 225. 

Vices and Virtues, Kent, 1200. 

Sechen, vb., 3. 17. 
AVurchende, 3. 10. 
Michel, 5. 14. 
Biseche, 4. 13. 
Speches, sb., 15. 21. 
lli.-li.-, 15. 23. 
Wrecche, 15. 31. 
TicchJ', 27. 29. 

Krstrclie, 21. 30. 

Ech, ' also,' 129. 27. 



Ode (Digby MS.], Kent, Early 
Thirteenth Century. 

, Si). ])!., 41. 

lit ilf! iclir. ['2. 

Mirii.-i. do, (i-j. ete, 

!, Beoohe, 1 nrk,' 135. 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



177 



Smeche, sb., 18. 
Stecche, sb., 'piece,' 191. 
Swich, 80. 
Wonderlicheste, 68. 



Kentish Sermons (MS. Laud, 471), 
1200-50. 

Medial and final c = ch. 

Speche, Epiph. 

Seches, Epiph., but beseke>, Second 

Sermon. 

Kinkriche, Epiph. 
Deadlich, Epiph. 
Smecch, Epiph., sb. 
"Wych, Second Sermon. 
But in purch, Second Sermon = O.E. 

)mrh, ch = front open consonant. 

Ayenbite, Kent, 1340. 

Beches, * beach -trees.' 

Bezeche, ' to beseech.' 

Bezechinge, ' petition.' 

Blechest, 'hurtest.' 

Bleche, 'pale.' 

Bodiliche, pi. adj. 

Dich, 'ditch.' 

Ech, ' each.' 

Eurich. 

Iliche, 'like.' 

Leche, 'surgeon.' 

Moche. 

Mochel. 

Smech, sb., 'smoke.' 



Speche, sb. 

Iliche, sb. 

Stech, stechche, O.E. sticce. 

Strechche, vb. 

Techches, ' bad habits.' 

Teche, vb., ' to teach.' 

Wychche, ' a witch.' 

"Wreche, ' vengeance.' 

Zeche, 'sack.' 

Zeche, 'to seek.' 

Zuech, 'such.' 

Lib. Desc., Kent, 1350. 

Ech, 96. 

Swich, 197. 

Lo>lich, 619. 

Pich, 620. 

Ich, 'I,' 1123 (also I, pas.). 

Will, of Shoreham, Kent, 1315. 

Sechen, 136. 

Aschrencheth, 17. 

Sonderliche, 1. 

Ich, 8. 

Lich and lyche, 'body,' 20. 

Rych, sb., 20. 

That thou werche, 23. 

Adrenche, 3rd sb., 30. 

To the che, 49. 

Areche, vb., 49. 

Opsechemhy, 57. 

Speche, 59." 

Bi-wiched, 71. 

By-reche, 96. 

In J?e smeche, 96. 



III. 



Non-initial -nk t -lie, and -rlc in M.E. 

Harbour. 
bench.' 



Bvnk 

Benk 

Blenkyt, ' looked aside.' 

Drunkyu. 

Vencle, ' wench.' 

Stark. 

Byrkis, b. -trees. 

Merk, adj. 

Virk, vb. 

Kirk 1 - 

Kyrk} 

Swilk. 

Phil. Trans. 1898-9. 



Ilka, ' each.' 
Ilk, ' same.' 
Walk, 'watch,' sb. and vb. 



Dunbar, E. Lothian, 1460-1520, 

Binkis, ' banks ' of earth. 

Schrenk, ' to shrink.' 

Spynk, ' chaffinch.' 

Birkis (tr 

Kirk. 

Wark, sb. 

Wirk, inf. 

Schalk, ' rogue, '^etc. 

12 



178 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Gav. Douglas, H75-1522. 

Benk. 

Benkis, pi. 

Blenke, sb., ' view, glimpse.' 

Schrenkis, vb., 'shrinks.' 

Skinkis, ' pours out.' 

Balk, * beam.' 

Holkis, 3 sing. pres. j 

Holkit, p.p. [ ' to hollow out.' 

Holkand, part. ) 

Thilk = theilke. 

Birkis, pi., ' birch-trees.' 

Heedwerk. 



Compl. of ScotL, 1549. 

Berk, ' to bark.' 

Mirknes. 

Virk. 

Finkil, ' fennel.' 

Thynk, vb. 

Ooldspink. 

Ilk, ' each.' 

Metrical Psalter, Yorks., before 1300. 

Drenkenand, 22. 5. 
Strenkil, inf., 'sprinkle,' 50. 9. 
Swink, sb., 9. 28 \ , 
Swynk, sb., 108. n/ etc - 
Thinkand, 34. 4. 
Kirke, 34. 18, passim. 
"Werkes, sb. pi., passim. 
Wirkes, 3 pi., 6. 7. 
Wirkand, 35. 13. 
Ilk-on, 72. 28. 
Whilk, 34. 27. 
Whilke, 7. 3. 

Cursor Mundi, Yorks., 1300. 

Kirk. 

Were 

Werck 

Wark 

Ware 

Warckes. 

Wirk, vb. 

Euerilk. 

Suinc. 

Wrenk, vb., ' wrench.' 

Wrenkes, sb. pi. (also wrenches). 

Minot, Yorks., 1333-52. 

Ilk, ' each.' 
Whilk. 
Swink. 
Kirk. 



Prk. of Come., Yorks., before 1349. 

Blenk, ' fault.' 
Rouncle. 
Swynk, ' labour.' 
Think, ' to seem.' 
Wrenk, ' a trick,' etc. 
Ilk, ' each.' 
Welk, vb., 'wither.' 
Sculke, vb. 



Yholke, yolk.' 

Irk, 'to weary of.' 

Kirk. 

Kyrk. 

Merk, ' a mark.' 

Wirk, vb. 



Sir Gaw., North., 1366. 
Blenk, vb., ' shine.' 



Dronken, 'drunk.* 
Thinkes, 'seems.' 
Kirk. 



Townl. Hyst., 1450. 

Belk, vb. 

Ilk, ' each ' 

Kynke, ' to draw the breath audibly.' 

Wark, vb., 'to ache.' 



W.- W., xviii, Early Fifteenth Century, 
North. 

Spynke, ' rostellus. 7 
Bynke, 'scamnum.' 
Byrketre. 
K'yrgarth. 
Kyrk. 



Wars of Alex., Yorks., Late Fifteenth 
Century. 

Benke. (Ashm. Dubl. MS. only eh 

forms.) 

Dreuke, sb., 'drink.' 
Brenke, 'brink.' 



Derke. 

Derknes (MS. Drekiies). 

Milke-quite. 

Sclialk, Sb. 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLU. 



179 



Catholicon, York*., 1483. 


Orm., Lines., 1200. 


Final nk in Catholicon. 


Bannkess. 


Benke, ' scamnum.' 
Drynke, ' biber.' 
Dronkyn. 
Spynke. 
to Stynke. 
a Stynke. 


Bisennkenn. 
Drinnkenn. 
Drunncnenn, 'drown.' 
Bij>ennkenn. 
Strennkenn, 'sprinkle.' 
Swennkenn, ' vex.' 


Derke. 


Swinnkenn, 'labour.' 


Myrke. 
a Warke, ' opus. ' 
a Stvyrke, 'procuculus.' 
to AVVrke. 
a Kvrke. 


pannkenn. 
Stinnken. 
Stannc. 
Stunnkenn. 
SinnkeJ?]?. 


Milke, 'lac.' 


Swinnc, sb. 




Unnc (dual ace.). 


AV 'll-p V 1 ' C011cn ^ e -' 


Muncclif. 


Ilkaue. 


Merrke, 'merk.' 




AVirrkenn, ' work,' vb. 


Levins, York*., 1570. 


A\ r errkeda^hess. 
AVeorrc, sb. 


Hirk, or Irk, 'taedium.' 


AVerrc. 


a Kirk. 


AVerrkess. 


Mirke. 


Starrc. 


Lurke. 


Folk. 


AVorke, sb. and vb. 


Ilk, ' each.' 


Brink. 


Hike, 'same.' 


Drinke, sb. and vb. 


AVhillc, ' which.' 


Chincke, sb. 


Milk. 


Linke, ' torch.' 


Swillc. 


Siuke, ' cloaca,' and vb. 




Stinke, sb. and vb. 
Inke. 


Havelok, N.E. Midi, 1300. 


Shrinke, vb. 


Arke. 


Swinke, vb. 


Herkne, imperat. 


Thinke. 


Serk. 


Milk, sb. and vb. 


Stark. 




Blenkes, sb. pi. 


Allit. P., Lanes., 1360. 


Swink, sb. 
Swinken, vb. 


Bi)>enke, vb. 


Swilk. 


Renke, ' man.' 




peukande, 'thinking.' 
Ferke up, vb. 


R. of Brunne, Lines., 1338. 


Derk. 


Blenk, ' trick.' 


Merk, ' dark,' adi, and sb. 


Brynke, sb. 


Ilk. 


By^enke, vb. 




penke. 


Jfetr. Rom., Lanes., 1420. 


Derk, adj. 
AVryke, inf. 


Blenked, ' glanced.' 


Swylk. 


Drinkes, sb. pi. 




Stiuke sb. 




(I) Thenke. 


Halt Meidenhed, W. Midi, 1225 


Thinke, inf. 
AVlonkest, adj. 


puncke'S, 3rd sing., p. 3. 
Stinkinde, 9. 


like, ' same.' 


Swinken, 3rd pi., 29. 


AVelke, 'walked.' 


to AVerke, dat. of sb., 15. 


AVerkes, sb. pi. 


like, 45. 



180 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Will, of Pal, W. Midi, 1350. 

Bonke, 'bank.' 

Dronked, ' drowned, drenched.' 

penke, 'thick.' 

Derk. 

Ferke, vb. 

Herken, vb. 

Park. 

Ilk. 

Talke. 

Walken. 

Mire, Salop, 1400. 
Dronken. 
Swinke, vb. 
Thilk, ' that same.' 
"Werkeday. 

MS. Sari, 2,253, Here/., 1310. 

Clynken, 'to resound.' 
Dronke, adj., ' drunk.' 

SB*?. 

Stynken, vb. 
Swynke, vb. 
Swynk, vb. 
Ich penke. 
penken, inf. 
me punkeb. 
like. 

Z3., Worcs., 1205. 

Boncke (dat.). 

Drinc. 

Drsenc. 

Dringke. 

[Dronke.] 

Kinkas, pi. 

pankie. 

Scene, 'draught.' 

Swinke> ) 

Swonc > vb. 

Swunke ) 

Dorcke, adj. 

pirkede, ' darkened.' 

Weorc, were, waerc, sb. 

Chiric-lond (cf. chuc = chirc : O.E. 

Horn., 1st series, pt. i, p. 9). 
Mile, sb. 
Swilc 
Swulke 
Talkie, vb. 

Butiary, E. Midi., 1250. 
DrinkeS, 142. 
Drinken, inf., 138. 



Sinken, 538. 
Swinke'S, 235. 
Bi>enken, 94. 
flenkeft, 449. 
Ilk, ' each,' 97. 
Swilk, 440. 
Swilc, 336. 
Wile, ' which,' 5. 
Kirke, 93. 
Werkeff, vb., 498. 
Werk, sb., 442. 

Genesis and Exodus, Suffolk, 1250. 

Drinc, sb. 

Drinken, vb. 

Forsanc, ' sank entirely.' 

Hinke, 'fear, dread.' 

Senkede ( = Schenkede) . 

Stinc. 

Stinken, ' stinking.' 

Swine, sb., 'toil.' 

Swinken, vb. 

Forhirked, 'tired of.' 

Merke, ' boundary.' 

Werken ' (they) work.' 

Folc. \ 

Folckes J 

}'-*' 

Quilc, ' what, which.' 
Quilke (pi.), ' which.' 
Swilc, 'such.' 
Walkene, ' welkin.' 
Welkede, ' withered.' 

Engl. Guilds, Norf., 1389. 

Qwilk, 37. 
Euere-ilk, 56. 
Werkys, sb. pi. 
Kyrk, 87, and passim. 

Prompt., Norf., 1440. 

Menkte, 'mixtus.' 
"VVerk, ' opus.' 
Werke, 'operor.' 
"Werkyn, or ' heed akyn.' 
jelke of egge. 

Bokenham, Suffolk, 1447. 
Thylk, Mary, 947. 



Dirk I ndi 
Dark } ad J' 

Stork. 



Chaucer. 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH -H. C. WYLD. 



181 



Stark, 'strong.' 

Werk 

"NVerkes, vb. 

Stinke, vb. 

Stink. 

Brink. 

Thanke. 

Thonke. 

Thank. 

Thenke, ' think, seen.' 

Swinke, vb. 

Swink, sb. 

Sinke. 

Inke, sb. 

Drinke, sb. 

Drinke \ 

Drank ( , 

Dronken vb> 

Drunken / 

Winke, vb. 

Milk, sb. 

Welken, sb. 

Welken, vb. 

Walken. 

Stalke, vb. 

like, adj. 

Balke, ' a beam.' 

Talke, vb. 

Stalke, ' a stalk.' 

Wycliffe. 
Werk-bestis, ' plough-oxen,' X. 

St. Kath., Glos., 1200. 

Smirkinde, participle. 
Swinkes, gen. sing. 

St. JuL (Metrical), Glos., 1300. 
pulke, 104. 

E. of Glos., 1300. 

Biswinke, vb. 

Blenkte \ 

Blencte J 

like. 

Melc, sb. 

Stinkinde. 

Suinke 

Swiiike 

pelke, that.' 

penke, ' to think.' 



vb. 



P. Pkwm., Glos., 1362-93. 

Bolke, ' eructation.' 
penken, vb. 



Sir Fer., Devon, 1380. 

like, ' same.' 
Forbynk, 2 pi. pr. 
Sterk, 'stiff.' 



St. Editha, Wilts., 1400. 

"Werkus, sb., passim. 
I thenk, 3,764. 
powe ]>enk, 540. 



St. Jul. (Prose), Dorset, 1200. 

ponckes, 'thoughts,' 42. 
ponken, inf., 'thank,' 58. 
Suncken, p.p., 78. 
Sinken, inf., 28. 
Cwenct. 
Starcke, 78. 



Sawks Warde, Dorset, 1210. 
Swine, 263. 

Ancr. Riw., Dorset, 1225. 

Stinken. 

Sten/t, sb. 

Swinken. 

Swine, sb. 

Were, sb. 

Skulken, ' slink along.' 



Wohinge of ure Lauerd (by author of 
above). 

penke, imperat., 279. 
to penken, 287. 



SirB. ofHampt., South Hants., 1327. 

Wark-man, A. 
Worke, vb. , printed copy. 
Wyrke, vb., Manchester MS. 
Brink (printed copy has brenc/<e). 

Usages of Winchester, circ. 1360. 

Work \ , ,. 
Wark } sb '' 35L 
me Worke>, 350. 
pulke I those,' 354. 



i tho 
I " 



pt ylke stat, 362. 



182 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Vespas, A. 22, Kent, 1200. 
Wurc, sb., 223. 

Vices and Virtues, Kentish, 1200. 

Workes, sb., 3. 14. 
Wolkne, 103. 23. 
Drinken, vb. inf. 

Moral Ode (Digby MS.), Kent, Early 
Thirteenth Century. 

Swingke, vb. 

i Suinc. 

me pin^h (*pink. 



aWorke, dat., 11. 

Werkes 

Workes 



Jgen. 



Ayenbite, Kent, 1340. 

Azenkte, ' sank,' trans, vb. 

Drinke, sb. 

Drinkeres. 

Stinkinde. 

pank, sb. 

like, ' same.' 

Milk, sb. 

Workinde, 'working.' 

Workes, sb. 



IY. 



Non-initial -nch, -tch, -rch in M.E. 



Gav. Douglas, 1475-1522. 

Glynschis, vb., ' rivets.' 
Drinchit, p.p., 'enveloped.' 
Quenschit, p.p. 
Belch, ' a swelled, fat fellow.' 
Pilchis, sb. pi., kind of garment. 
Marchis, 'boundaries.' 

Metrical Psalter, Tories., before 1300. 
Wenches, sb. pi., 67. 26. 

Prk. of Consc., Yorks., before 1349. 
Wrynchand, ' wriggling.' 

Wars of Akx., Late Fifteenth 
Century. 

Benche (Dub.). 
Drenchid, p.p., ' drowned.' 
Hanchyd, ' gnawed, eaten.' 
Worche, vb. 

Cursor Mundi, 1300. 
Wrenches, sb. pi. 

Levins, Yorks., 1570. 

Lurch, vb.,' lie hid.' 
Milch, sb. and vb. 
Belche, sb. and vb. 



Stinch, sb. and vb. 
Linche, sb. and vb. 
Kintch (of wood). 
Goldfinch. 
Bench \ 
Binch / 

Allit. P., Lanes., 1360. 

Blenche, 'stratagem.' 
Quenche. 

Wrenche, ' device.' 
Worche, vb. 
Wordier, sb. 

Metr. Horn., Lanes., 1420. 

Wenche, 'girl.' x 

Wurche, vb. 

Orm., Lines., 1200. 

Bennche. 
Swennchen, vb. 
Swinnchen, vb. 
Stinuch, sb. 
Wennchell, ' child.' 
Drinnch, ' drink, draught.' 

Ifali Mndcnhcd, //'. Midi., 1225. 

penchen, 3. 
punched, 16. 
pu sweuchest, 35. 
Wurchen. 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYL1). 



183 



Earliest Engl. Pr. Ps., 7F. Midi, 1375. 

"Wirchen, inf., 5. 6. 
penchand, 8. 5. 

MS. Harl, 2,253, Here/., 1310. 
Adrenche, vb. 



Schenchen, vb., ' give to drink.' 

penchen, inf. 

pencil, iraperat. 

puiiche. 

punchej?. 

Chirche. 

"Worche, 2 sing. subj. 

Wurcheb 

WorchejJ 

Zaj., Worcs., 1205. 

-ZElch, alch \ ( , , 
Elches ) each " 
Hwulcbe, 'such.' 
Bench. 

Drinchen ) , 
and Drinken / vb< 
Drunchen, p.p. 
Drench, sb. 
Drinches 
Drenchen 
S wenched, pi. 
"Swinke).] 
Punched 



;pinche>] } <seemeth -' 
'Senche], 'draught.' 



Scenchen, vb., ' pour out.' 

Chirche. 

Churchen. 

/ cf. Chucjong = Chirc- 

Chiric-lond 3 on ^ ^? rr 4 i9 ' : E ' 
I Horn., First Senes, 

I pt. i, p. 9. 
Wurche \ 

Frchen [ vb. 

[Werche, weorche, wirche] ) 
[Worch], sb., also weorc, etc. 



Genesis and Exodus, Suffolk, 1250. 

Drink, vb. 
Chirche-goug. 
Churches. 
"VVerchen, ' to work.' 

Bestiary, E. Midi, 1250. 
Quenching, 207. 



Prompt., Norf., 1440. 

Benche, sb. 

Wrenche (idem quod slythe). 

Byrchetre. 

Marche. 

Mylche or Mylke of a covve. (Under 
Mylke stands idem quoclmylche,' as 
if this were the usual form.) 

Bokenham, before 1447, Suffolk, has. 

Cherche. 
Eng. Guilds, Norf., 1389, has Chyrche, 

Chirche. 



Chaucer. 

Monche, vb. 
Thenche, vb. 
Wenche, sb. 
Quenche. 
Inche, sb. 

Wrenches, ' frauds.' 
Worcheth, vb. 
Worcher, sb. 
Wirche \ , 
Werche ) vb - 
Finch. 

Drenchen, vb. 
Bench, sb. 
Benched, p.p. 



Wycliffe. 

Dryncching, dro^vning,' X. 
Werchynge, sb., ' influence,' X. 
Worche ) . t v 
Worsche } mf " X ' 
Warche,inf., CC. 



St. Kath., Glos., 1200. 

penchen, ' to think.' 
punchen, 'to seem.' 
Wrenchen, 4 to entice.' 
Kenchen, ' to laugh.' 
Shrenchten, ' cheated.' 
Wurchen, vb. 



R. of Glos., 1300. 

Abenche. 
Blenche, inf. 
Drench, sb. 
Drenche, vb., ' drown.' 



Stenche, vb. 



184 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Sueneh 



sb. 



Swench 

S winch. 

Schenche, vb., * pour out.' 

_penche, vb. 

Benches. 

penchest. 

Wurche, sb. and vb. 

"VVourche, vb. 

St. Jul. (Metrical), Glos., 1300. 

pench, inf., 52. 
Drenche, inf., 91. 
penche, inf., 92. 
pench, imperat. 

P. Plowm., Gloa., 1362-93. 

Benche, sb. 
Quenche } 
Quenche)) / 
penche, 2 pres. sb., 'think.' 



Worchenl 
Werche 



vb. 



Sir Fer.y Devon, 1380. 

Blenche, vb., 'turn aside.' 
Drench, ' a drink.' 
Werche, vb. 

St. Editha, Wilts., 1400. 

bou "Wordiest, 2,686. 
Wyrche, inf., 2,926. 

St. Jul. (Prose), Dorset, 1200. 
Senchtest, 32. 

Schrenchen, 34, inf., ' shrink.' 
Schunchen, 34, ' to be terrified.' 
bi>encheiS, 42, 'considers.' 
him punched, 42, ' seems good.' 
Wrenchen, 42. 
wenchte, pret., 68. 
Blenchte, 72. 
Senchte, 'sank,' 78. 
Adrenchten, ' drowned,' 78. 
For punched, 'grieves,' 16. 
Btyench, 20, imperat. 
For senchtest, 60. 
"Wurchen, inf. 
Wurch, imperat, 16. 

Sawles Warde, Dorset, 1210. 

Wernches = wrenches, ' devices,' 245. 

Stench, sb. 

penchefi, imperat., 251. 

punched, ' it seems,' 267. 

a Pilche clut, 253. 



Ancr. Eiw., 1225, Dorset. 

Bi-senchen, ' bank.' 
Unwrench, ' wicked artifice.' 
Wenchel, 'a maid.' 
Stunch, 'a stench.' 
Ilchere, ' every.' 
Kelche-cuffe. 



Wohunge of we Lawerd (by author 
of above). 

Drinch, 283 (twice), sb. 
Dunchen, 3rd pi., 283. 



0. and N., Dorset, 1246-1250. 

Hit >inche>, 225. 

Bi^enche, 471. 

Blenches, 378, sb. 

Goldfinch, J. \ .._ 

Goldfinc, Cot.J X 

Unwrenche, sb., 169. 

Me >unchj?, 1651. But Me J?unc]>, 

1672. 

Wurchen, vb., 408. 
Wirche, inf., 722. 
Chirche, 721. 



SirB. ofHampt., South Hants., 1327. 

Werche, inf., A. 

Brenche (printed copy), MS. has brink. 
Clenche, vb., 'cling to.' Sutherland 
MS., end of fourteenth century. 

Usages of Winchester, circ. 1360. 
Werche, inf. 

Kentish Gospels (MS.Hatton, 38), 1150. 

JElchen, Lk., xix, 36. 
Swilce, Lk., xxiii, 14 and 17. 
ic Werche, Joh., iv, 34. 
ic Wyrce, Lk., xxii, xi. 
Chyrcan, Mat., xvi, 18. 
Awenchen, Joh., xi, 11. 
BeJ7encheJ7, Lk., xxxiv, 6. 
^e-swinchen, Lk., xxii, 28. 
Werchte, Lk., x, 7, sb., 'labourer.' 

Vespas, A. 22, Kent, 1200. 

Adrenche, 215. 
penche, 217. 
219. 



Elc, 231. 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN EN 7 GL1SH H. C. WYLD. 



185 



O.E. nc, lc, re. 
Fices and Virtues, Kent, 1200. 

pinche, sb., 3. 31. 
Drenkch, sb., 87. 29. 
Swilch, 3. 28. 
Wurchende, 3. 10. 

Moral Ode (Digby MS.}, Kent, Early 
Thirteenth Century. 

Adrenche, vb. 
Bi>enche, 6. 
Of>enche>, 10. 
Quenche, inf., 152. 
Iswinch, vb., 36. 
Iswinch, sb., 57. 
penchen, inf., 62. 



Ayenbite, Kent, 1340. 

Adrenche, vb. 

Bench. 

Be>enche, ' to remind.' 

Bebencheb, 3 sing. 

Blench. 

Drenche, vb. 

Drench, sb. 

Stench, sb. 

penchinges. 

penche, vb. 

Wrench, 'craft.' 

Zuynche, vb. 

Zuynch, sb. 

Kuenche, vb. 

Cherche. 



The 
O.E. -net = -nt in M.E. with 

Gavin Douglas, 1475-1522. 

Drint, ' drowned.' 
Quent, p.p., ' quenched.' 

MS. HarL, 2,253, Here/., 1310. 

Dreynt, p.p., ' drowned.' 
Seint, p.p., 'sunk.' 
Wreint, p.p., ' tormented.' 

Minot, Yorks., 1333-52. 
Adreinte, p.p. 

Mire, Salop, 1400. 
I-queynt, 'quenched.' 



V. 

-einte forms. 

diphthongization of preceding vowel. 

Chaucer. 
Queynt, pret. 
Dreynte, pret. 
Bleynte, pret. 

St. Jul. (Metrical}, Glos., 1300. 
Adreynte, pret., 224. 

It. of Brunne, Lines., 1338. 

Dreynte, pret. 
Bleynt. 



, Worcs., 1205. 



Adrente 
[Adreint] 



Adreingte- 
[Aseint], pret. 
Aseiugde, pret. 
Bleinte, pret. 



E. of Glos., 1300. 



Adreynt 
Adreint 
Adreincte 



Blenyte = Bleynte. 
Bleincte, 3 sing. pret. 
Dreinte, 3 sing. 
Dreynt, p.p. 

P. Plow., Glos., 1362-93. 
Queynte, p.p. 



186 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



VI. 



Ply^te, 3 sing. 
Ypli s t, 'pledged.' 



O.E. -ct (cd] = -ckb; -ght in M.E. 

Gav. Douglas, 1475-1522. 
Picht, p.p., 'pitched.' 



Metr. Bom., Lanes., 1420. 
Pijte, p.p., * pitched.' 

E. of Glos., 1300. 

Pijt, 'poet/ 
Kite, p.p. 
Schrigte, 3 pret. s. 
Plijte, p.p. 



Jfirc, a/0p, 1400. 

White (' strong, active ') = wight 
= *wicht=*quiccd? 

Chaucer. 

Twight, p. of twicchen. 
Streighte, pt. s. of strecchen. 
Reighte, rechen. 
Prighte, pret. of prikken = *pricchen. 



VII. 



Non-initial O.E. j non-fronted, and = gh, w, etc., in M.E. 

Dunbar, E. Lothian, 1460-1520. 



Barbour. 

Low, ' a flame.' 

Law, adj., 'low.' 

Lownyt, ' sheltered. ' 

Aw, 'thou oughtest.' 

Bow-draucht, ' a bow-shot.' 

Dawit \ 

Dawned > p.p. 

Dawyn ) 

Dawis (and Dayis). 

to Draw. 

Enew. 

Fallow, ' to follow.' 

Fallow, ' a fellow.' 

Saw, sb., ' a saying.' 

Slew, 'struck.' 

Sla, 'to slay.' 

All-thouch. 

Borwch, ' a pledge.' 

Burch, ' borough.' 

Dreuch, ' drew ' 

Eneuch (and Enew). 

Holche (cf. Chaucer, halke), ' a corner, 

lurking-place.' 
Heych, 'high.' 
Sleuch, 'slew.' 
Laigh. 

Lauchund, 'laughing.' 
Lawch and law, ' low.' 
Mawch, 'kinsman.' 
Throuch, 'through.' 
Pleuch, 'a plougli.' 



Bow (for shooting). 

Fowll. 

Beuche, ' bough.' 

Dearch, 'dwarf.' 

Lauchis, ' laughs.' 

Pleuch. 

Teuch, adj., 'tough.' 

Heich ) 

Hecher J ' high.' 

He ) 



Gav. Douglas, 1475-1522. 

Aucht, 'eight.' x 

Daw, ' day.' 
Dawing, ' daybreak.' 
Dowchtie, adj. 
Fla, ' a flea.' 
Houch. 

Magh, 'son-in-law.' 
Rowch, adj., 'rough.' 
Sauch, ' a willow.' 



Compl. ofScotl, 1549. 
Aneuch, 'enough.' 



Burcht \ 4 



burgh.' 



Burght j 
Cleuchis, 'dells.' 
Heuch, ' steep valley.' 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLI). 



187 



Metrical Psalter, York*., before 1300. 

Aghe-fulle, adj., 74. 8. 
Fogheles, ' birds,' 7. 9. 
Haleghs, sb. pi., 36. 28 (back or 

front?). 

Sagh, sb., 36. 25. 
Slogh, sb., 'slough,' 39. 3. 



Cursor Mundi, Yorks., 1300. 

Legh, sb., a lie' (Fairf.). 

Lighes, 2 sing. vb. 

Togh, adj. 

Foghul. 

Loghand, past pres. 

Logh, 3 pi. pret. 

Laghes, 3 pi. pres. 

Sagh, vb. and sb., ' to saw.' 

Magh, 'relation.' 

Plogh, sb. 

Sagh, ' a saying.' 

Tifted, 3 sing. 

Tift, p.p. 

Lawge, ' a laugh.' 

Lowen, 3 pi. (Trinity). 

Fouul. 

Foghuls. 

Foghul. 

PFouxl. 

PFoxul, etc. 

Lou, ' name, blaze.' 

Minot, Yorks., 1333-52. 

Aghe, ' fear.' 
Eghen, ' eyes.' 
Neghed, ' approached.' 

Prlc. ofConsc., York*., before 1349. 

Agh, 'ought.' 
Boghes, ' boughs.' 
Boghsom \ 
Bousom f 



Bousom i ' 
Bughsam ) 
Felaghe. 



Gnawen, p.p. 
Halghe, adj. 
Halghe, sb. 
Hallow 



Laghe I <alaw -' 
Lagh, vb., ' laugh.' 
Maghes, 'moths.' 
Sla, vb. 

Slouh, sb., 'sloup-h.' 
Slaghe, pret. of sla.' 



Swelge, vb., 'swallow.' 
pof & 

pogh | 'though.' 
poghe ) 
Washe, 'wall.' 
"Warlau, ' wi/ard.' 
"Wawes, ' waves.' 
"Worow, ' to strangle.' 



Sir Gaw., North., 1366. 

Ajt, 'owned.' 

Bawe-men. 

Bojes, ' boughs.' 

Brojes, ' brows.' 

Drakes, 'draws.' 

Halawed. 

Ha-^-thorne. (Note the open cons. 3. 

here.) 

Hols, ' hollow.' 
Inogh ^ 

Inog > 'enough.' 
Innowe ) 
Lawe, ' mount.' 
Laged \ 
Latter / 



Rogh 



Swoghe, 'silence.' 
Thas, 'though.' 

' borough, city.' 



Since both spellings, 'sage, sawe,' 
occur, it looks as if ' sage ' were 
the traditional spelling, and ' sawe r 
the real pronunciation. 



Townley Mysteries, York*., 1480. 

Holgh, 'tiollow.' 
Lagh, 'law.' 
Leghe, ' a lie.' 
Saghe, ' a saying.' 
Saghe, ' saw.' 
Soghe ) , , 

SowchM a 80W ' 
Steghe, ' a ladder.' 
Swoghe, ' sound of waves.' 
Thrughe, 'flat gravestone.' 
"NVawghes, ' waves.' 



1 Note spelling, shows these words 
all had C. 



188 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



W.-W.y xviii, North., Fifteenth 
Century. 

Dagh, 'pasta.' 
Maw, sb. 
Helbow. 

Trogh. 

Plogh, ' aratrum.' 

War* of Alex., Yorks., Late Fifteenth 
Century. 



Balgh, adj., ' swelling out.' 

Boghe, ' bough.' 

Burgh | 'city.' 

Burghis J pi. 

Drawes \ 

Drakes J 

Dwaje, ' feeble creature.' 

Enoje \ 

Enogh 

Enowe (Dub. only) ) 

Ho^es, ' houghs.' 

Laghe\ <, , 

Lawe ) 

Lawe, ' mountain.' 

Lo^e, sb., ' lake.' 

Rogh, adj. 

Sagh, ' saw ' (Dub.). 



Saghe}' 1 ' 

Sighes, pres. sing. 

pot', ' though.' 

Toghid, p.p., 'tugged.' 

Warlow (Dub.), 'deceiver' = warlock. 



Catholicon, Yorks., 1483. 
Coghe, ' ubi hoste.' 



a Slughe, ' scama.' 

to Saffhe a tre. 

a Saghe. 

Rughe, 'hirsutus.' 

Salghe, 'salix.' 

Falghe \ , 

Falowe, A. J vb ' 

a Dwarghe, ' tantulus' (note). 

Borgh, ' fridcursor.' 

Borgham, ' epiphimu.' 

A i hr, ' pusillanimus.' 

;i 1'lii^he wryghte. 

to Plowghe. 



a Ploghe, ' aratrum.' 

Plugh, A., vb. 

a Mughe. 

to Mughe, 'hay.' 

to Mughe, ' posse.' 

Marghe, ' medulla.' 

to Laghe, ' ridere.' 

an Hawghe, ' circum.' 

Enoghe. 

Da3ghe, 'pasta.' 

Medial and Final O.E. 
Catholicon. 

to Sawe, ' severe.' 
Outelawry J 
aMawe, ' iecur.' 



Lawghe, A. 
an Hawe tre. 



an Elbowe, ' lacertus.' 
to Draw up. 
Dewe, ' ros.' 
to Daw, ' diescere.' 
to Awe, ' debere.' 
to Bowe downe. 
a Bowe, ' archus.' 
to be Slawe. 
Rowe, 'crudus.' 

Levins, Yorks., 1570. 

Bough. 

Chough. 

Cough. 

Plough. 

Slough. 

Trough. 

Roughe. 

Tough. 

All these words are said by L. to 
rhyme. 

Daw (or Daugh) = ' dough.' 

Hawe. 

Lawe. 

Mawe. 

to Sawe wood. 

Strawe. 



Allit. P., Lanes., 1360. 

Bors, 'city.' 
Boje, 'bough.' 
Dagter. 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



189 



Innoghe, inno^e, ' enough.' 
Laje, ' to laugh.' 
Sor;$, 'sorrow.' 
prych, ' through.' 

The spelling scha^ede, ' showed,' 
implies that g had become w in this 
dialect. 

Metr. Rom., Lanes., 1420. 

Awen, ' own.' 
Boes, ' boughs.' 



Inu^he, ' enough.' 
Lauchet, ' laughs.' 
Ploes, ' ploughs,' sb. 
Plu^e, sb. sing. 

Orm., Lines., 1200. 

A^he, 'awe.' 
A^henn, ' to own.' 
Berr^henn, ' to save.' 
Borrjhenn, p.p. 
Bolljhenn, ' displeased. ' 
Bojhess, ' boughs.' 
Bujhenn, ' to bow.' 
Feh, ' property.' 
Forrhoghenn, ' to neglect.' 
Foll^henn, ' to follow.' 
Forrbujhenn, ' avoid.' 
Flughenn, perf. of ' fleon.' 
Fle^henn, ' to fly.' 
He^he)?}?, ' exalts.' 

Hagherr, ' dexterous.' 
Hall^henn, sb. pi. 
Hallgherm, vb. 
Lajheun, ' to lower.' 

T a \ 1 ^aw.' 
La^he J 

Ejhe \ < , 

Ebne, gen. pi. } ~* 

Lejhenu, ' tell lies.' 

Leslie, ' daily pay.' 

Mejhe, ' female relation.' 

Lo^he, ' fire.' 

Sie^henn, pi. perf., ' saw.' 

Seri^ie, ' sorrow.' 

Nrghen. 

Neh. 

Mu^henn. 

Ploh. 

Swoll^henn. 

Suhh^henn. 

Stijhenn, ' to go, pass.' 



Slo^henn, p.p., 'slain. 
Sinn^he)']), ' he sins.' 
Wre^henn, ' accuse.' 
"WoThe, ' Avoes.' 
Wa^he, 'wall.' 
prajhe, ' time, while.' 
pohh. 
purrh. 

Btirrh, ' city.' 
Da^hess (also Da^ess). 
Deah, ' is worth.' 
Dre^henn, ' to suffer.' 
Draghenn, ' draw.' 
Dighellnesse, ' secresy.' 

Havelok, N.E. Midi., 1300. 

Dawes, ' days.' 
Felowes, ' fellows.' 



Havelok, N.E. Midi., 1300. 

Herborowed, 'lodged.' 

poru. 

Boru. 

R. of Srnnne, Lines., 1338. 

Awe, 'fear.' 
Sawe, sb. 
Drawe, p.p. 
Lawes, sb. 
Mowe, ' I may.' 
Borewe, sub. 
powh. 



Draught. 

Saugh, 3 pert'., ' sow.' 

Borough. 

Drough, ' drew.' 

Hali Meidenhed, W. Midi., 1225. 

Idrahen, p.p., 5. 
FolheS, ' follows,' 15. 
Lahe, ' law.' 
Sahe, sb., 39, < a tale.' 

Witt. ofPalernc, W. Midi., 1350. 

Alwes, ' saints.' 
Bowes, ' boughs.' 
Bowes, ' inclines.' 
Burw, ' town.' 
Dawe. 
Dawes. 

5, 'drew.' 



190 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Dwer), 'dwarf.' 


La^e \ h 


Felawe. 


[Lawe] ( 8b< 


Felaschi)e. 


[Halwe.] 


Dawe, vb. 


Halh^en, dat. pi. 


Morwe, ' morning.' 


Sorh^e 


Mow, ' I may.' 


Sor^e 


Sawe, ' saying.' 


Sorhe 


Awght, ' owned.' 


Seorwa 


pough. 


To-flo^en, p.p. 




To-drse^en. 


Earliest Engl. Pr. Ps., W. Midi., 1375. 


Plo^T } ' game ' play *' 


Bow =' incline,' imperat., 101. 2. 


Lugen, vb., 'tell lies/ 


he Sloje, 'slew,' 104. 27. 


Dawede. 


Lawe, 104.43. 


Dagede. 


)at Drawe), 148. 14. 


[Dawes.] 


)at he Drawe, 9. 32. 


Daewen, Dawen 1 b 1 


Felawes, 44. 9. 


[Dawe, Dawes, Dajes] ) s ' P ' 


Halwen, dat. pi., 82. 3. 


Dah^en "| 




Da^e > sing. dat. 


Mire, Salop, 1400. 
Sloghe, 'slew.' 


Dawe J 

Buruwe [borwe, borhwe]. 
Loh, adj., 'low/ 


Agte, ' ought.' 




pagh. 




porg, 'through.' 
Folghth, 'baptism.' 
Slegh, ' slay/ 
Stegh, ' ascended.' 


Songs and C.^s, Warw.,1400. 

Morwe } 01 
Sorwe ) 


Negh, 'nigh/ 


Slawyn, 66. 


Egh)e, ' eighth.' 






Bestiary, E. Midi, 1250. 


MS. HarL, 2,253, Heref., 1310. 






Drage-5, 311. 


hit Dawes. 
Hawe (andHeye), ' high.' 


Lage, sb., 784. 


Lawe, sb. 




Mawe. 


Engl. Guilds, Norf., 1389. 


Wore., Glos., Twelfth Century. 


Felas, 'fellows,' 30. 
pei awe, 39. 


Beah, ' armilla.' 


Lawes, 52 and passim. 


Dwaruh, 'nanus.' 


Morwe speche, 55. 


Elbowe, ' ulna.' 


s 


Heretowa, ' dux.' 






Prompt., Norf., 1440. 


Layimon, Worffs., 1205. 


Bo we of tre. 


A^e, Ahne "| 
[Owe, Owene, >- adj. 


Bowe, ' arcus.' 
Fowle, 'bird/ 
Lawe, ' jus,' etc. 


Buje \ , L i 


Herberwyn. 


[Bouwe Boujren] ) ' ' 


Sorow. 


Dragon \ 


Swelwhe of a water or of a grownde. 


Drawe f 


Gowhvn, II. } 


Idrawen I 


Cowgheu !- vb. 


Idra^en J 


Cowyn, K. J 


Foh^el-ounne. 


Cogne, sb. 


FuTel Fozel ) 


Lawhyn, 'rideo.' 


[Fowel] ) < ^ rdt ' 


Throwhe, 'through/ 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



191 



Bokenham, Sit folk, before 1447. 

Lawhe, inf., St. Cecilia, 821. 
Sawe, St. Elizabeth, 987. 



low noise.' 



Morwe, St. Dorothy, 106. 
porch, 20, 11,000 Virg. 
porgh, 183, St. Magdalene. 

In this text we have such spellings 
as Malyhs, 215. 



= 'malys,' 'nys,' 'wys,' etc., and 
these spellings occur constantly 
throughout the text, showing that 
h had no consonantal sound in this 
position. 

Wycliffe. 
Halwen, sb. pi., X. 

O.E. -3 = io in Chaucer. 

Sorwe. 

Moweu, vb. 

Mawe, ' stomach.' 

Lowe, adj. 

Sawe, 'saying, speech.' 

Fawe, ' fain, glad.' 

Howe, vb. 

Dawe, vb. 

Dawes, ' days.' 

Dawiug, 'dawning.' 

Dewe. 

Drawe, vb. 

Adawe, vb. 

Awe, sb. 

A wen, ' own.' 

Fowel \ 

Foul, Foules I ' bird.' 

Fowl J 

Hawe, 'yard.' 

Hawe (fruit of rose). 

Horowe, 'foul, scandalous,' O.E. 

hori 3 (?) 
Halwen, vb. 
Halwes, sb. 
Herberowe ) , 
Herberow j st}< 
Herberwe, vb. 
Sowe, 



O.E. -3, -h *f gh in Chaucer. 

Rogh I % . 

Rough } ad > 
Slough. 



Swogh 

Swough 

Swow 

Thogh. 

Towh } 

Tough [ 'though.' 

Tow J 

Thorgh | 

Thurgh I 

Trogh 

Trough 

Choogh. 

Cough. 

Flough, 'didst fly.' 

Bough. 

D rough, vb. 



St. Kath., Glos., 1200. 

Burh, 'city.' 

law.' 



Plahen, ' they play.' 
Sorh, ' sorrow.' 

R. o/Glos., 1300. 

Ajte, 3 sing. 
Dawe, pi. 
Drawe, p.p. 
Drawe]?, 2 pi. 
Droivg, ' drew.' 
Fawe, ' pain.' 
Halwe ) , 
Halwy } Vb - 
Halwe, adj. 
Hawe, ' had.' 
Kouhe, ' cough.' 



Louj V ' laughed.' 
Lowe I 

Mawe, ' stomach.' 
Owe, vb. 
Rowe, 'rough.' 
Slawe I 
Slase ) P-P* 
Sorwe, sb. 
"\Vawes, ' waves.' 
Tou, 'tough.' 
Tkof, ' though.' 

St. Jul. (Metrical], Glos., 1300. 

Foweles, 226. 
36 Mowe, 183. 
of Dawe, 193. 
Marw, 146. 

But fronted in Maide, 27. 



192 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



O.E. -ht = z f - 
31. 
ist, 21. 
di^te, vb., 22. 

P. Plowm., Glos., 1362-93. 



Borghe, b. 

Borw. 

Felawe. 

Lauren -\ 

Lauhen I 

Laugh when V ' laugh. ' 

Laugh e, b. \ 

Lawghe, b. ^ 

Lowe ) 2 pt. sing., didat tell lies. 

Lowen [ p.p. 

Lowe, ' flame.' 

' etc. 



Plouh. 

Plow, b. 

Plough, b. 

Pious, a. 

Sorwe. 

Morwe. 

Swowe, vb., ' faint.' 

O.E. swojan. 
Thauh. 
pans. 

Sir Fer., Devon, 1380. 

Awe, ' respect, worship.' 

Galwetre. 

For-gna^e, 'devour.' 

Folshede. 

Fawe (and Fayn), ' pleased, happy.' 

Herbur^es, 'resting-place, camp.' 

Sawe, ' tale, account.' 

Forw, 'furrow.' 

St. Editha, Wilts., 1400. 

Sorwe, 3,216. 
Slawe, p.p., 320. 

St. Jul. (Prose], Dortet, 1200. 

Selh^e, ' happiness,' 10. 
Heh, hehest, 8. 
Seh, ' saw,' 16. 
Drehe, 'I suffer,' 16. 
Fehere, 'fairer,' 18. 
of Dahene, 30. 
Isiihct, p.p., 'sawn,' 38. 
Droh, pert'., 4. 
Duhetfe, sb., 4. 



Felahes, ' fellows,' 4. 
Ahne, ' own,' 10. 
Fuheles, 12. 
NowSer, 'neither,' 14. 
Ye ne mahe, ' may not,' 16. 
Lahen, ' customs, laws,' 22. 
Burh, 4. 
purh, 6. 

Ancr.Riw., Dorset, 1225. 
Ageliche, ' awfully.' 



Coue, ' chough.' 
Dawes, ' days.' 



Inouh. 



Sahe. 

0. and N., Dorset, 1240-50. 

Sor^e, J. \ 
Sorewe, C. j 
Fuheles, C. | 
Foweles, J. j 
Laje ('law,' 103). 
Hajel, C. \ 10 - 002 
Hawel, J. f 10 > 002 - 
Hahe, Cot.) , CIO 
Hawe, J. } 1 ' 612 ' 
Moregenning, Cot. 
Morewening, J. 

Sir B. ofHampt., South Hants., 1327. 

Dawe, ' to dawn,' A. 
Fawe, 'glad,' A. 

Kentish Gospels (MS. Hatton, 38), 
1150. , 

O.E. 5 (back) =3. 
Ea^en, J., ix, 11, passim. 
Ea^e, Job., x, 34 (dat. sing.), 
he jeseahje, Mk., v, 32. 
geseajen, Mk., vi, 49. 
on Dizlen, Mat., vi, 4. 
Twijan, J., xv, 6. 
5, J., xv, 6. 

i, Job., xii, 13. 



Examples of misuse of g and 3 in 
Kentish Gospels. 



Halgen, Mnt., iii, 11. 
slog, Mk., xiv, 47. 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



193 



g for g and gg for gg. 

gust, Mat., iii, 11 ; Joh., iv, 24. 
(iang (imperat.), Mat., viii, 9. 
Segge, Joh., ii, 5. 
Finder, Joh., xx, 27. 
pingen, Mat., v, 32. 

Vespas, A. 22, JT*M*, 1200. 

Eagen, ' eyes,' 223. 
Oge, 'own,' 23f>. 
Agen, 241. 
gesawen, 242. 

Vices and Virtues, Kent, 1200. 

i-Slge, p.p., 5. 22. 
lage, sb., 99. 13. 

Moral Ode (Digby MS.}, Kent, Early 

Thirteenth Century. 
Draghen, 47. 49. 
Eghte, 'property,' 55. 
Eagen, 'eyes,' 379. 
Fogeles, 83. 
Lage, ' law.' 
Mugte, 15. 
Oghte, 2. 

Regh, 135 = (Rek>?). 
4. 



Kentish Sermons (Laud, 471), 

1200-50. 

"We mowe, Epiph. 
LegheJ>, < lies,' Fifth Sermon, 5. 
Daghen, dat. pi., Fifth Sermon, 5. 
I-seghe, seen,' Fourth Sermon. 
Iforeghen, Fifth Sermon. 



Laghe, ace., Epiph. 
Ojbe, 'own,' adj., 



Second Sermon. 



iii. D<w., 1350, Kent. 

Lawe, 216. 

Awjt, 298. 

Owene, 441. 

Drou^e, ' drew, 7 1499. 

' dwarf,' 119. 

291. 



Will, of Shoreham, Kent, 1307-27. 

Lawe, 62. 

To slage, 66 (rhymes with lawe). 

Y-faje, 67 (rhymes with lawe). 

Drase> (sing.), 68. 

Y-na^e, 68 (rhymes with lawe). 

prof, ' through.' 

O^en, 52. 

pa$, ' though,' 102. 

Holwye, 3. 



, Kent, 1340. 

Adrage, vh., p.p. 
Aljmg, ' although.' 
A^t, ' ought.' 
Bea 3 , ' he bowed.' 
Bojsam, adj. 
Boj, ' bough.' 
Bronte, ' brought.' 
Bouje, ' to obey.' 
Dog, ' dough.' 
Draf, dregs.' 
Drag, ' to draw/ 
Lage, Maw.' 
Log, low.' 
Mawe, ' to mow.* 
Moge, ' may.' 
Oge, 'own' (adj.). 
Slage, ' to slay.' 
TJogel, 'bird.' 
Ynoge, enough.' 



VIII. 
Kon-initial O.E. and h fronted in M.E. 

Ititrbour. 



Eery, vb., ( bury.' 
By, "'to buy.' 



Dreg 



vb., 'endure.' 



ly } '** 

Eyn, ' eyes.' 



Fe, cattle.' 
Fie, 'to flee.' 
Forly, ' to violate.' 
Hergit, ' harried.' 
Herberg, 'lodging.' 



Sle, ' sly. 
Liaud, 'lying.' 



Phil. Trans. 1398 9. 



13 



19d 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WILD. 



Gav. Douglas, 1475-1522. 

Dre, * to suffer.' 
Eine, 'eyes.' 
Ley, ' a lea.' 

Compl. ofScotl, 1549. 
Day. 

Ee \ 'eye.' 
Een | pi. 
Hie, adj. 

Lyis I vb. 

Lyand J 

Herberye, ' harbour.' 

Metrical Psalter, Yorks., before 1300. 

Kghen, 33. 16. 

Filigh, imperat., ' follow,' 33. 15. 

For-segh, p.p., 21. 25. 

Negh, adj., 39. 13. 

oSTeghburgh, 14. 3. 

Slighen, 3 pi., 21. 30. 

Stihes, sb. pi., 118. 105. 

Cursor Mundi, Yorks., 1300. 
Ei 
Eie, pi. 

' eye.' 

Een 

Hei 

Leis, sb., lies.' 

Lei, vb. 

Lies, 2 sing. 

Lighes. 

Liges. 

Minot, Yorks., 1333-52. 

Lye, 'falsehood.' 

Mai. 

Main. 

Townley Mysteries, Yorks., 1480. 
Wey = O.E. wrja, ' a man.' 

Prk. of Consc., Yorks., before 1349. 
Bighing, ' redemption.' 



Eghe, 'eye.' 

Eghteld, to endeavour.' 

Flegh, ' to flee.' 



Heyghe. 

SSfi"* 

Highen, vb. 
Neghe, adj. 



Stey, vb., ' ascend.' 
Stegh, 'ladder.' 

Sir Gaw., North., 1366. 

Berj, 'hill.' 
Deje, vb. 
Drygten, ' lord.' 
May, ' maid.' 
Seghe, ' saw.' 



Wars of Alex., Yorks., Late Fifteenth 

Century. 

Dales i 



Dais 

Eje, sing. 
Eghen \ 
Eeyn / P L , 
Dreje, vb., 'dree.' 



Fey, ' fated and die.' 

Levins, Yorks., 1570. 

Flee, ' a fly.' 

Eye. 

to Dree. 

to Flee. 

to See. 

Haifare, 'heifer.' x 

AIM. P., Lanes., 1360. 
, ' aback, aside,' = ? 
e, 'to lie.' 
Dry*, adj. 
Muy, ' maul.' 

Metr. Rom., Lanes., 1420. 
II,T,-r, 'higher.' 
Se 
Se 2 he 



Or in., Lines., 1200. 
, ' calumniate.' 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. \VYLD. 



195 



Fra^nen, ' ask.' 


Ferlig, adv. 


Kni-i-lt'semi, 'guilty of adultery.' 


Fee, ' cattle,' etc. 


Fleggl. 


Ney, ' near.' 


Faggerr, 'fair.' 


Fleye, 'flew.' 


Faygre, adv. 


Feightit, perf. 


Fewest, ' joinest.' 
Tmiseggless, 'seals.' 


Fleyghe, ' fled.' 
Sleigj?e, 'cunning.' 


Kgglenn, ' ail.' 




EggJ^err, ' either.' 
'K-^whrer, ' everywhere.' 


Will, of Pal., W. Midi., 1350. 


Egge, ' fear.' 


Ai, 'eye.' 


Twrggess, ' twice.' 


Aie, ' awe.' 


Tweggeun, ' twain.' 


Daies. 


Si^c, 'victory.' 


Deie, vb., 'die.' 


priggess, ' thrice.' 


Flye (Alis), adj. 


Drine. 


Hrje, ' hasten.' 


jEddmodle^je. 


. Drie, 'to dree.' 


Reggn, ' rain.' 


Heie \ 


Nagglenn, ' to nail.' 


Herg / 


Wag^nebb. 


Heigh } 'high.' 


"Waggu, ' waggon.' 


Heye 


Wagg, ' woe.' 


Hije ; 


Dass, 'day.' 


Heiging, 'hurrying.' 


Mag, 'maid.' 
Magg, ' may.' 


^ h h }' nearly. 


Note spelling, reggsenu, ' to raise ' 


Seie, 'to say.' 

Seye. 


(= 0. Icel. reisa?). This seems to 


Seyde. 


prove that rr in above words = (D Seib. 
r v v ij i j- VAI Sle, 'toslay.' 
or I , which would imply diphthong!- p eih) , though. ' 


/ation of the a. a^g = {]_ . pei. 


"Weih, ' a balance.' . 


llitrelol; X.E. Midi, 1300. We1 ^' ' man -' 




^ie Hali Meidenhed. W. M.dl.. 1225. 


1 : vt ' u ! ' eve ' 
BTB [ ' * 


hit Beie, vb. subj., ' ben I.' 


J*1 V 1 It * ; 


Sei-S, 21. 


A'^'vn. ' against.' 


Feire, adj., 29. 


Fleye, 'to fly.' 






Earliest Engl. Pr. Ps , W. Mill , 1375. 


R. of Britnuc, Lines., 1338. 


Egen, 'eyes,' 90. 8. 


llcy, 'hay.' 


Egeliddes, 10. 5. 
Seide, 15. 1. 


Reyn, ' rain.' 


Nejlmr, 23. 4. 


Eyen, ' eyes.' 


Seige, 36. 37. 


Eve, ' awe.' 
Mayden. 


to Sle, 36. 34. 


Abreyde, p.p. 
Weye. 


Mire. Suh'.j), 1400. 


Sties, ' by-roads.' 


Sty, ' a path.' 


Lye, ' deceit.' 


Sle, ' to slay.' 


Ly, inf., ' to lie down.' 
Fleyes, sb. 
Dreye, vb., 'dree.' 


Sleen, 'slain. 1 
Buri, ' burgh, castle.' 
Ilalv, adj. 


Dreigh, adv. He?;, ' high.' 



196 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



MS. HarL, 2,253, Hcref., 1310. 


Maig, 516 1 3fd ging> 


Bre^e, ' brow.' 


Meiden, 37. 


Buy)?, 3 sing, pres., 'buys.' 


Seide, 261. 


E^es. 




E^enen, dat. pi. 

TPf\ < *v r\-mv ' 


Bokenham, Suffolk, before 1447. 


J: c, money. 
Fleje, dat. sing., ' a fly.' 


Se*e, vb., ' saw,' St. Agatha, 144 ? 
Eyne, St. Mar)-, 456. 


Lib /J 


Eyghte, St. Mary, 935. 
The, St. Agatha, 345 (rhymes to 


T ' > lies. 
Li^s j 


aspye, seye, leye). 




Engl. Guilds, Norf., 1389. 


La-^amon, Worcs., 1205. 


Leefully, 51. 


Sing.: Dari, *dai ['day']. Daiies, 


Heye, adj., 39. 


daiges, -daies, drcjes [daises], da3ie, 




daeiTen, d3Te, da3ie, 'daize, deie 


Prompt., Norf., 1440. 


[dail. 
PI. : Danes, d^i^es, da^es, -daises. 
Gen. : Dsegen [darjene], dai^e, 
daises, dajes. 


Eye, ' oculus.' 
Neyhbore. 
Neyborede. 


Daasen, vb., darjen. 
Dei^en. de^en [deie, deije], 'to die.' 


Wycliffe. 
Eien, X. "1 < , , 


Drjelen, ' secretly.' 


Eizen, X.j ejes ' 


E^e, ' eye. ' 


Yze, LL. 


Feie, ' fated to die.' 
Fa3in, ' fain, glad.' 


Leie, ' tell lies ' } 
Lei> . V X. 


Lige [le^e]. 
MaBi, mai, msie [mai]. 


Lei^ede 
By^e, vb., CC. 


Plaoje, plei^e [pleaj, pleoi]. 




*Tweie 'tweize. 




Tweine, tweize [twei, tweye]. 


Chaucer. 


JEh-senen, ' eyesight.' 


Lye, vb., ' to lie (down)/ 


JEie, eie, ei^e, e^e [ea^e, eye], awe. 


Lye, ' a lie,' also vb. 


Saji, saiije, saie, imperat., ' say.' 
Laei, 'lai, pret., of liggen. 


Mayden. 
Playen. 


Lajide, ' laid.' 


Pleyen, ' to ply.' 


Laih | > 


ReyeCrye'). 


Ley 1 " 


Reyn. 


pa)h ^ 


Stye, ' to mount.' 


paih I 'thought.' 


Sty ward. 


Peh j 


Tweyne. 


Hehte } 
Heihte V ' Avas called.' 


Tweye. 
Wey. 


Haihte J 


Abeye, vb., 'pay for.' 


Feiht ) t n i , , 


A-breyde, 'to make.' 


Feht j 


Alwey. 




Bi seye, p.p. 




Dayes. 


Bestiary, E. Midi., 1250. 


Dayeseye. 




Deyen. 


Daies \ } 744 


Drye, ' to endure.' 


Dages j 


Drye, adj. 


Egen, passim. 


Eye, pi. eyen, ' eyes/ 


Flege'5, 707. 


n < 

Pair, adj. 


Hege, 'high,' 680. 
Leige, 'lays,' 359. 


Fayn, ' glad/ 

Five, ' ii tly/ 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



197 



Frye, vb. 

Hye, vb., 'to hasten.' 

Leyt, ' flame.' 

Saye, ' to say.' 

^eigh, adv. (alsonegh). 

Eighte. 

Heigh, ' high.' 

Heighte, sb. 

Sey, pi. seyen, 'time.' 

Ily, adj., 'high.' 



St. Kath., Glos., 1200. 

,vb. 
eye.' 
Ehnen, pi. 



ITevien, vb., 'glorify..' 
Ehe, ' eye.' 



H. ofGlos., 1300. 

Leighje, ' flame.' 
l.ighe, *to laugh'? 
Flijen, ' flies.' 
Eyste, ' eighth.' 



Eye, pi. sb., ' eyes.' 

P. Plowm., Glos., 1362-93. 

Beij, ornament for neck. 

Eye, 'awe.' 

Eyen 



Evue 



1 adj. 



Leighe, 2 pret. ' didst lie' ('mentire'). 
Leye, ' a name.' 



Teijeu, vb., 'tie.' 

Wryc, vb., 'turn.' 

Leyn, p. 

Seih. 

NL-igh, 1 pt. sing., 'saw.' 

Seie, p.p. 

Lei}>, pres. sing., ' to lay.' 

Leid, p.p. 

Syghede, ' he sighed.' 

Sir Ftr., Devon, 1380. 

Aye, ' awe.' 

Ay>er. 

Ejeue, ' eyes.' 

Feye, ' accused, cowardlv.' 

May, 'maid.' 



Lye, ' flame.' 
Ne^ene, 9. 
Foljyeaj), pres. pi. 
Syjing, sighing,' sb. 

St. Editha, Wilts., 1400. 

hi >er leje, 3,385. 

y-seyje, 'seen,' 3,635. 

Seyje, ' he saw,' 3,846 and 460. 

Eyje, 'eye, '4, 297. 

Eyther, 713. 

Heyjede, 1278. 

Seyen, 3 pi. vb., ' saw,' 1,423. 

Tvvey, 'two,' 2,337. 

St. Jul. (Prose), Dorset, 1200. 
Meiden, 2 pres. 
Deis, gen., 6. 
Meari, 'marrow,' 20. 

Ancr. JRiu*., Dorset, 1225. 



Heihte, 8. 

Leie, ' flame.' 

Rein, ' rain.' 

Ligen, ' to lie.* 

AVerge'5, ' wearieth.' 

Wijeles, ' wiles.' 

Yleslipes, 'hedgehogs' skins.' 

0. and N., Dorset, 1240-60. 

Eyen, J. ) , , 

' 



Plei, 213, vb. inf. 
Weie, 214, sb. 

SirS. ofHampt., South Hants., 1327. 

Untije, vb., A. 
Eije, 'fear,' S. A. 

Kentish Gospels (MS. Hatton, 38) , 1 1 50. 

Da?es, Mat., xx, 2. 
Felje (imperat.), Mat., ix, 9. 
Arjhwile, Mat., vi, 34. 
Mays, Mat., vi, 24. 
Dayjnwanilicc, Mat., vi, 11. 
Out'e^tS \ m . . - 
Onfeh-S } Mk ' 1X ' 37 ' 
Ei^e, ' fear,' ML, ix, 6. 
Forlerjre, Mk., vii, 21. 
Mei^dene (dat.j, Mk., vii, 22. 
Saisde, Mk., iv, 21. 
Maui^e, Joh., xxi, 6. 
Eyje, ' fear,' Joh., xx, 19. 
pu ajest, Mat., v, 33. 



198 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Vespas, A. 22, Kent, 1200. 
eie, 'fear,' 225. 

Vices and Virtues, Kent, 1200. 

Erge, 'fear,' 19. 29. 
Eijene, ' eyes,' 51. 2. 
Fleih, ' flew,' 137. 12. 

Moral Ode (Digby MS.}, Kent, Early 
Thirteenth Century. 

Aihwer, ' anywhere,' 88. 

Bolse; 14. 

Ei-$e = ' awe,' 281 (rhymes with leie). 

Liegen (rhymes with driegen). 

Leid, p.p., 1'2. 

Sorge, 146 ) Is g in these words back 

pe^e, 61 J or front? 



ill, of Shoreham, Kent, 1307-27. 
Eysen, ' eyes,' 5. 

Ayenbite, Kent, 1340. 

j-warjed, ' farrowed.' 
"Wraje, ' to hetray.' 
Slee and slea, 'to slay.' 
Pieces, ' sports.' 



On-rrjt, 'wrong.' 

Negebores, ' negjebores.' 

Nayle. 

Mayden. 

Lyjere, ' liar.' 

Lijte, sb. 

LeSe } 't lau gValso 
Layde, ' laid.' 
Layt, ' light.' 
Harjede, ' he hallowed.' 

Eje, ejen, ' eye, eyes.' 

Eyren, ' eggs.' 

Eyder, ' either.' 

Daies. 

Zuoli = O.E. sulh. 

Brijt. 



Bodi and bodye. 
Bay>, ' buys.' 
Hege, 'high.' 
Uly, ' to fly.' 

Lib. Desc., Kent, 13-30. 

rjen, 'eyes,' 943. 
E^e, ' fear,' 2,025, 
Street, 942. , 



IX. 



Non-initial O.E. -6-5 = -gg (front stop, etc.) in M.E. 



Gav. Douglas, 1475-1522. 

Eige, ' ridge of a hill, edge.' 
( (je here = dz ?) 

Sir Gaw., 13G6, North. 



Rygge, 'back.' 

W.-W., xviii, North., Early Fifteenth 
Century. 

Segge, ' carex.' 
Egge (of knife). 
Wegge, ' cuneus.' 
? Bryg - d* ? 



Wars of Alexander, Yorks., Late- 
Fifteenth Century. 

Ifgyng 



[eggea 



Levins, Yorks., 1570. 



Bridge. 
Midge. 
Ridge. 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



199 



Alht. P., Lanes., 1360. 



Brugge, ' bridge.' 
Dungen, ' to beat.' 
Egge, ' edge,' sb. 
Eggynge, ' instigation.' 
to lie.' 



Orm., Lines., 1200. 

Abiggenn, 'pay for.' 

Biggeu, ' bury.' 

Egge, 'edge.' 

Leggenu, ' lay,' le^esst, less 

Seggenii, ' say, tell.' 



Havelok, N.E. Midi., 1300. 

Brigge. 
Rig. 



R. of Brunne, Lines., 1338. 

Brygges. 
Brugges. 

Egge, 'edge,'sb. 
Sedgeing, 'saying.' 

(Note early use of -dge.} 

Hali Meidcnhcd, W. Midi., 1225. 

to Seggen, 3. 
Buggen, 9. 
EggeS, 3. 

Notice Rug, 'back,' 17. 

Will, of Pal, W. Midi., 1350. 
Biggen. 

Brug. (g here perhaps = Q.) 
Brugge. 

Egged, p.p., 'incited.' 
Egge-tol. 

Ligge, vb., 'lie, dwell.' 
Eigge, ' back. ' 
Begging, 'saying' (A). 
Swinge, ' they strike.' 



Earliest EngLPr. Ps. , W. 

Ojain siggeing, 30. 26. 
Bigge, 43. 28. 
Eygge, 49. 18. 



MS. Harl., 2,253, Heref., 1310. 

Aleggen, 'to overthrow.' 

Brygge. 

Bugging. 

Leggen, ' to lay ' 

Liggen, ' to lie.' 

Tubrugge, ' a drawbridge.' 

Rug, ' back.' 

Worcs., Glos., Twelfth Century. 

Seg, carex.' 
Wecg. 

La%., Worcs., 1205. 

Abiggen, 'buy.' 
Brugge, 'bridge.' 
Bugge (Bigge). 
Legge, 'to lay.' 
Liggen, 'to lie down.' 
Seggen. 
Siggen. 
(ich) Sugge. 
Egge, 'edge.' 

Ru 1 ' Wlc ' 
(Rugge) / back - 

Rigge, dat. 
Sieg, seg, ' man.' 

Prompt., Norf., 1440. 

Lyggynge, sb. 
Rygge, ' bone.' 
Segge, ' sedge.' 
Brygge, ' pous.' 



Wedge, vb., 'cleave wood' (the 
spelling shows pronunciation of 
other forms). 

Eggyn, or entycyn. 

Et 



Egge, 'acies.' 
Flygge asbryddys. 
Hedge, sb. 



lg! 

Hedgyn, vb., ' to make ah.' 
Keygge (or ioly), cf. Suffolk ' kedge.' 

Wills and Inv. 

Hegges, Rookewoode, 1479. 

Co 

Coksedgys [1407 

Coksegys 



Biggeu, X. 
(By 5 e, CC.) 
? Wecg, X. 



Wycliffc. 



200 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Chaucer. 



Abegge, 'pay for.' 
Brigge, sb. 
Drugge. 
Egging, sb. 
Egge, vb., 'incite.' 
Egge, sb. 
Hegge, sb. 



Liggen, 'to lie.' 
Siggen, vb. 
Senge, ' to singe.' 
Wegge, sb. 



St. Kath., Glos., 1200. 



Egge, 'edge.' 
Leggen, ' to lay.' 



It. of Glos., 1300. 



Brugge 



ged, p.p. (adj.). 



Legge, ' to lay.' 
Lyggen, ' to lie.' 
Rygge, ' back.' 
Segge, 'to say.' 

S. Jul. (Metrical), Glos., 1300. 
Legge, vb., 41. 



Ligge, 209. 
Eug, ' back,' 56. 

P. Plowm., Glos., 1362-93. 

Brigge. 
Brygge. 

Bigge, vb. 

Biggere, ' a buyer. 

Bugge, B. 

Buggers, A. 

Leggen. 

Liggen. 

Rigge. 

Rygge (and Ryg). 

Segge (and Beg). 

St. Jul. (Prose}, Dorset, 1200. 

Eggin, inf., 44. 
Seggen, inf., 8. 



Sir Fer., Devon, 1380. 

Briggeward. 

Dyngen, ' dash, hound.' 



Slegge, 'sledhammer.' 
Eged, 'edged.' 
Ligge, 'lie.' 
Pynge, 'to tingle.' 
Eigge (and Rig). 
Sigge, ' say, tell.' 



St. Editha, Wilts., 1400. 

Lyge, inf., 3,155. 
Leygyng, 3,629. 
Leyge, inf., 452. 
Lyging, 2,474. 



Ancr. RiwL, Dorset, 1225. 

Kuggel, 'cudgel.' 
Bugging, 'buying.' 
Eggen, ' edge on.' 
Leggen, ' to lay.' 
Liggen, ' lie down.' 
"Wiftseggen, ' gainsay.' 



Sir B. ofHampt., South Hants., 1327. 

Rigge-bone, Manchester MS., Fifteenth 
Century. 

Moral Ode (Digby MS.), Kent, Early 
Thirteenth Century. 

Beggen, inf., 65. 
Sigge>, 114. 

Ayenbitc, Kent, 1340. 

Besenge, ' to singe.' 
Begginge, ' to buy.' 
Begge>, 'buyeth.' 
Legge, 'to lay.' 
Ligge, ' to lie.' 
Ziggen, ' to say.' 
Reg, ' back.' 
Heg, ' hedge.' 

lib. Desc., Kent, 1350. 

Regge, 1,018. 
Brigge, 1,330. 
Legge, 'to lay,' 1331. 
Ligge, to lie,' 1635. 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



201 



X. 

Non-initial g and 05 = 



JBarbour. 
Byg, vb. 
Biggit, ' built.' 
Brig ) 
Brygf 

Briggit, 'bridged.' 
Eggiiig, ' urging.' 
Ryg, ' ridge.' 
'Tyg, ' to touch lightly.' 

Dttnbar, E. Lothian, 1460-1520. 

Brigge. 

Dreg, ' to dredge.' 
Lig, < to lie.' 
" me. 



Compl. o/Scotl., 1549. 

Big, 'build.' 

Brig. 

Drug, vb. 

Eg, sb. 

Leye rig. 

Scroggis, ' low stunted bushes.' 

Gav. Douglas, 1475-1522. 

Buge, ' a bow ' ( g here must be a stop ; 

it is never used to express an open 

consonant in this text) . 
Eggis, 'incites.' 
Eigbone. 
Ryg, 'back.' 
Thig, ' to beg' (O.E. 



Metrical Psalter, Yorks., before 1300. 

Fen of Dreg (fecis), 39. 3. 
Ligging, 'lying down,' 6. 7. 
Ligging-sted, 35. 5 (MS. Egerton). 
Thiggand, 'begging,' 39. 18. 
Twigges, 79. 11. 



Cursor Mundi, Yorks., 1300. 



Brig. 



}**** 



Ligand 

Liggand 

Likaiid 



Mviot, York*., 1332-52. 
Brig. 

Li?, ' lie, remain.' 
Rig, < back.' 



back stop in M.E. 

Prk. of Consc., Yorks., before 1347. 

Big, 'to build.' 
Byggyn, sb. 
Egg, vb., ' incite.' 




Ligge 



Lygyn, ' lain.' 

lies.' 



Townley Mysteries, Yorks., 1450. 

Lig, ' to lie down,' but lyys, 3rd sing., 
also occurs, line 104. 



Wars of Alex., Yorks., Late Fifteenth 
Century. 



Egg, sb. 
g^ e ( D 
Lig ^ Dub. 

^e}^. 

Claggid, p.p., 'sticky.' 



Catholicon, Yorks., 1483. 

Myge, 'culex.' 

to Lyg(e), 'under, succumber.' 

to Beg. 

to Byge, ' fundare, condere.' 

to Bygge, ' again, re-edificare.' 

a Bryge, ' pons.' 

a Drag, ' arpax.' 

an Hogge. 

*Z\ i'udes.' 
Egge, A.) 

i^ E S I'ovum.' 
Lgge, A./ 

Fige tre. 

Hagworne, ' a viper.' 

to Lygg, 'accumbere.' 

to Lyg in wayte, ' iusidiare.' 

a Pegg, ' carex. ' 

, ,-, f 'adulari,' 

to 1 age | <palpai . 0i , 

a Fagynge, ' blaudic-ia.' 

(See note in Promptorium.) 
on ' Fagyn, or flateryn, adulor.' 



202 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



P. 146. 

O.E. fajenian. 

Prompt., faunin, 'blandio,' Langl. 
B. xv, 295 ; has fauhnede. 



Levins, Yorks., 1570. 



E. of Brunne, Zincs., 1338. 

Bigged, ' built.' 
Heg, 'hedge.' 
Ligges, ' lies,' vb. 
I lyg, ' I lie down.' 
Megge, 'kinsfolk.' 



Brig 






Eigge of land 






Eig of a house All these 
Snig, 'anguillae genus' rhyme. 


Bagge, sb. 

Jjgcrcrg vl) 


Whig (and Whay) 
pigge 




Bogge, sb. 
Diggen, vb. 


Egge, 'ovum.' 


| 


Dagged, adj. 


uiegge, sonpuuga 


> Rhymes 


Frogge. 


to egge, ' irritare ' 


) 


Roggeth, vb. 
Ruggy, adj. 
Wagges, vb. 



Prompt., Norf., 1440. 

!cf. Erriwiggle, Forby r 
Norf. ; Arrawiggle, " 
Moore, Suffolk. 
Byggyn, or byldyn. 
Thyggyn, 'mendico.' 



Chaucer. 



Egge and Ey. 



P. Pkwm., Glos., 1362-93. 

Bigge, vb., 'build.' 

Begge, ' to beg.' 

Egges, sb. pi. 

Ryg, 'back.' 

Seg (and Segge), 'creature, man.* 



XI. 
O.E. ht in M.E. 



arbour. 

Aucht, ' they possessed.' 

Aucht, ' eight.' 

Bataucht, ' handed over.' 

Brichtly. 

Douchty. 

Dochtrys, ' daughters.' 

Ficht b 

Fecht / VD - 

Flicht, ' flight.' 

Hiclit \ t 

Heycht ) 

Dunbar, E. Lothian, 1460-1520. 

Bricht. 
Flocht ] t fljf 
Fii.^ht ) 
Slawchter. 
Wicht, 'strong.' 



Compl. of ScotL, 1549. 

Brycht, adj. 

Eycht, 'eight, eighth.' 

Dochtir. 

Foucht, pret. ' 

Hfght, ' height.' 

Laucht, ' laughed ' 



Ryclit. 

Thocht. 

Vrocht. 

Minot, Yorks., 1333-52. 
Doghty, etc. 

JV&. of Come., Yorks., before 1349. 

Aght, pret. 
Aghtend, ' eighth.' 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



203 



Dight, 'decked.' 
Brighten, ' lord.' 
Heght, sb. 
Sleght, 'wisdom.' 
Slighter. 
Soght, p.p. 
Bytuirht, p.p. 
pought. 



Wars of Alex., Tories., Late Fifteenth 
Century. 

Feght, sb., etc., etc. 

Catholicon, York*., 1483. 

a Thoghte. 

Tawght, ' doctus.' 

a Sleght, ' lamina.' 

a Slaghter, ' cedes.' 

a Nighte, ' nox.' 

Lyghte, sb. 

an Heghte, ' apex,' etc. 

Gulsohte, ' aurugo ' (note). 

Fraghte of a scliippe. 

a Flyghte ) , 

Flaghte (ofsnawe(note). 

a Flagbte de terra. 
a Draghte, ' liaustus.' 
Aghte, ' octo.' 
Wryghte. 

Havelolc, N.E. Midi., 1300. 

Knicth 

Knith 

Knictes 

Kniht 

Lict | , 

Liht J 8b ' 

Plith, 'haven.' 

Bith, sb. 

Auchte j 

Aucte } 'possessions.' 

Autlie ) 

linnu-te, 'brought.' 

Doubter. 

Douther. 

Doutres, pi. 



Orm., Linos., 1200. 

Awihht, 'aught.' 

Rrihhte, adj. 

Ehhte, ' eight.' 

Hihht. 

Lihht. 

AVrihht, 'make.' 



Brohhte. 

Forr-rahht, 'prevented.' 

Duhhtiz. 

Fulluhht. 

Nahht. 

Wehhte, ' weight.' 

Mahht, 'might.' 

Uhhtenn, ' early morning. 

. of Brunne, Lines., 1338. 

Lyght, sb. 

Laught, perf. of lacche, ' to catch.' 

Aught, vb. perf. 

Faught, perf. 



Hali Mcidcnhcd, W. Midi., 1225. 
Nawt, 'nought,' 9. 

Will, of Pal., W. Midi., 1350. 

Brit, 'bright.' 
Lijtere, ' lighter.' 
Hit. 



Soujt, p.p. 

Doujti. 

Doubter. 

Earliest Engl. Pr. Ps., W. Midi., 1375. 

Eyeful, 91. 15. 
Brojtest, 87. 7. 

Mire, Salop, 1400. 



DryTte, ' dispose.' 
Fy^te, 'fight,' 
Ply^te, 'plight. 
Eyjt. 

, ' sight.' 



Lai. y Jl'orcs., 120-5. 

Briht. 

Faht. 

Dohter. 

Douter. 

Dorter. 

Dochter (do)?ter). 

Cniht (cni>t). 

jEhte (eahte). 

Bohte, part, of ' biggen.' 

Faette and fa3hte, from ' feecheu.* 

Quehte, from ' quecchen.' 



204 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Songs and C.'s, Warw., 1400. 

Dowter. 
Nyte, 'night.' 
Bfyte, ' bright.* 

Genesis and Exodus, Suffolk, 1250. 

Brigt, 'bright.' 
Brocte, brought,' pret. 
Bogte, 'bought,' pret. 
Fogt, 'fought.' 

Bestiary, W. Midi,, 1250. 
Brigt, 70. 
Drigten, 40. 
Fligt, 69. 
Nigt, 63. 

This text writes g for back and 
front, open, and stop consonants. 



Engl. Guilds, Norf., 138 P. 
oght, also nowt passim. 



Lyght. 
Noffht, 



Prompt., Norf., 1440. 

Bryghte, 'clarus.' 

Lyght. 

Myhth. 

Mighthy. 

Nyghte. 

Nyth (H.). 

Bokenham, Suffolk, before 1447. 

Hycht, St. Dorothy, 10. 
Doughtir, 11,000 Virgins, 104. 
Dowtrys, St. Dorothy, 23. 



Dowghter, St. Anne, 375. 

Chauoer. 
Straughte, p. pi. 
Ktraught, p.p. and pr. sing. (N.B. 

Streighte, p. pi.) 
Taughte, pret. 
Haughte, pret. 
Thoght. 
Soghte. 
Noht \ , 
Nought ) adv< 
Aboghte, p.p. of abye. 
Do^htcr. 
Doughty. 
Sty. 



Droughte \ t i lir . t t 

Droglite / tiurst - 

Bright. 

Plights, vb. 

Night. 

Right. 

Wight. 

Wight, adj., 'active.' 

Fighten. 

St.Kath., Glos., 1200. 

Fehten, vb. 
puhte, ' seemed.' 
pohte, ' thought.' 
Bisohte. 

P. Plowm., 1362-93. 

Brijt, adj. 

Houjt, ' ought, anything.' 



Wroughten, p.p. 
Wroghte, pret. 
pougte, pret. 

Sir Fer., Devon, 1380. 
Do^ty. 
Folloht. 
Follo^t. 

St. Editha, Wilts., 1400. 
Almyjty, 1. 



Myght, 530. 
powjt, 1738. 
N.B. Spelling ow^t = 'out,' 1670, 

1676, shows that the 3 cannot have 

been pronounced. 

St. Jul. (Prose], Dorset, 1200. 

Unduhti, ' unworthy,' 4. 
Mahte, sb., 12. 
Brihtre, conip., 18. 

Ancr. Riwle, Dorset, 1225. 



liiht, 'judgement.' 

Vetp., A. 22, Kent, 1200. 

Richtwisen, 217. 

Almihti^. 

Dochtruii, pi., 225. 

Mirlili-, 229. 

Echte, 'possessions,' 233. 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLI). 



Kentish Sermons (MS. Land, 471), 
1200-50. 

mnnslechte, 2nd Serm. 
licht, E]ii]ih. 
bricht, Epiph. 



Lib. Lcsc., Kent, 1350. 



Knijt. 
Sort. 

Wist. 

Srjt, etc., etc. 

unsaw^t. 



MODERX DIALECT WORD-LISTS. 



I. 

-initial /j in the 



Northumb.t Hcslop, 1893-4. 

Bike, ' bees' nest.' 

Blake, 'golden yellow,' as butter or 

cheese. 

Brake, ' kind of barrow.' 
Breck, ' portion of a Hold cultivated by 

itself.' 
Breaks. 

Brockle \ , , -,,, , 
Bruckle) ' 
Cleak, ' to snatch.' 



Cleck, ' a crook.' 
Click, 'a rent, tear.' 
Click-clack, ' idle gossip.' 



- f 'to complain.' 
(and Craitch) ) 

Diker, ' hedger, ditcher, hedge- 

sparrow.' 

Dike, ' fence, ditch, hedge, stone wall.' 
Dockan, 'dock-leaf.' 

of 'drink.' 



'drench with water.' 

Ecky, ' sorry.' , 
Eke^ an addition to a building. 
Feckful, ' irniorsci'ul.' 
Feck, ' quantity, abundance.' 

to be restless.' 



' wattled hurdle.' 
flitch.' 



Flaik 
Fleak 
Fleck 
Flick 



Frecken, 'to frighten.' 



Modern Dialects. 

Hick, 'to hesitate.' 
Hike, ' to swing or sway.' 
Kebbuck, ' cheese.' 
Larick, 'lark.' 
Klick, a peg for hanging. 

Make 1 ' matc h P air > e( l ual mate.' 
Mickle ) 
Muckle ) 



Nick, ' notch, nick,' etc. 
Perrick, 'park.' 
Pick, a tool. 
Pick, 'pitch.' 
Pick, 'dark.' 
Pick, 'to pitch, throw.' 
Pickle, ' grain of corn.' 
Pike, pointed bill. 



Pock, ' mark.' 

Preek, vb., 'adorn.' 

Prick. 

Back, ' seaweed ' 

Rack i ' streak of colour, driftin<>- 

(Hatch) I clouds.' 

Hackle, ' rash,' etc. 

Rack, ' reach of water.' 



Reek, ' smoke ' 
Kick, 'a pile.' 
Roak, ' foir, mist.' 
Rock, 'distaff. 1 
Ruck, 'rick.' 

s t}.such. 

Seek, ' to bring or carry anything.' 
Beseek, vb. 



206 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Seek, 'sick.' 
Sicket, ' small rivulet.' 
Sike, ' such.' 

Sike, ' small stream or drain.' 
Skrike, ' shriek.' 
Slack, ' idle talk.' 
Slake, ' to smear.' 
; Sleek, ' river mud.' 
Sleckit, * smooth-skinned.' 
Slick, ' smoothly.' 
Smack. 
.Smock. 

Snock, ' snap of the jaws.' 
Snook, ' projecting headland.' 
Snoak, ' sniff as a dog.' 
Sneck of gate. 
Sook, ' such.' 
Stacker, 'stagger.' 

g} < a i abour ,1^.' 

Steck ) 

Steak > ' a stich in sewing.' 

Stik ) 

Stook of corn. 

Straik \ ' a streak or stretch of any- 

Strake j thing.' 

Strike. 

Teakers, running of watery matter 

from a sore. 
moor-Teek, ' a tick.' 
Theck. 
Theak.- 
Thake. 

Thock, ' to breathe heavily, pant.' 
Twike, ' a pointed stick.' 
Fkey, ' itchy.' 
AVick, in place-names. 



Dickinson, Cumberland, 1859. 

Ac, ' to heed.' 

Akkern, 'acorn.' 

Dikey 'hedge-sparrow.' 

Dyke, 'hedge.' 

Dook, 'to dive.' 

Drakt, 'wet.' 

Drookt, ' very wet.' 

Drukken, ' drunken.' 

Breekin, space between udders of 

a sheep. 
Breeks. 
Brek, ' badger.' 

*<* 



to snatch.' 



Bin-kit;, ' licalthy condition.' 
Black, 

lioke, ridge of land left for division 
of ownership. 



Beak, 'a beam.' 

Beakk, to bake.' 

Beck, ' a brook.' 

Beek, ' to bask by fire.' 

Boke, 'to hinder.' 

Click 

Cleek 

Feckless. 

Feck, ' to be uneasy.' 

Flacker, 'laugh heartily.' 

Hackt, ' chapped with cold.' 

Lek, ' a leak.' 

Like. 

Larrick, 'lark.' 

Lake, ' to play.' 

Mak, ' to make.' 

Mickle 

Muckle ) 

Mislikken, 'to neglect.' 

Nicker, ' laugh softly.' 

Pick dark. 

Pick, -pitch ' 

Pickle, ' corn-grain.' 

Plook, ' pimple.' 

Prickers. 

Reek. 

Roke, 'to scratch glass with a point. 

S I'-*-' 

Skrike, ' to scream.' 
Slek, ' to slake:' 
Snek, 'a latch.' 
Snack, ' hasty meal ' 
Stakker, ' to statruvr.' 
Streek, 'to stretch.' 
Strickle, for sharpening scythes. 
Swyke, 'thin-made animal.' 
Syke, 'small Avet hollow.' 
Theek, ' to thatch.' 
Thak \ , 
Theak } Sb ' 
Tokker, 'dowry.' 
Wliick, 'alive," quick.' 
Yucks, ' itches.' x 

Yik, ' ache.' 

Palgrave, Durham, 1896. 

Deck, ' stream.' 

Itleck, 'dirty grease ou ronl-waggons 

Brock, ' badger.' 

Bracken. 

('lick, ' to catch ono in the side.' 
l>\!ve, ' a liedge ' (m'ver ' ditch '). 
Meek, ' call for a horse.' 
Hack, ' heavy pick.' 
IIo\vk, ' to dig, throw out.' 
Mickle, (not common). 
Pike, ' large haycock.' 

' smoke, % 'sh. or vh. ': 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. \VYLI). 



207 



Rook, ' thick fog, damp.' 
Sneck, ' door latch. 1 
*Stook, ' bundle of sheaves.' 
Skrike, 'shriek.' 
Keeker, ' an overlooker.' 

Swakdale (N. Yorks.), Hat-land, 1873. 

Blake, 'sallow.' 
Click, ' to snatch.' 

S3S* "*}"* 

Mickle. 

Keek, 'smoke.' 

lloke, ' flying mist.' 

.Sike, ' such.' 

Skrike. 

Streaked, 'stretched.' 

Thack, sb. 

Theck, vb. 

Whitly(N.E. Yorks.}, Robinson, 1876. 

Beuk ) , i 
Beaks, pi. } book ' 
Breeks, ' breeches.' 
Brock, ' badger.' 
B ruckle. 
Clack, 'twaddle.' 



Dike, ' ditch.' 

Eking, ' enlarging.' 

Feak, 'to fetch.' 

(Fetch used in different sense.) 

Fick, ' to struggle, as a child in cradle.' 

Flecked, ' speckled.' 

Bacon-flick. 

Heck, 'hay-rack.' 

Ileuk, 'the itch.' 

Hicker, 'higher.' 

Hike, ' to toss up.' 

Keck, ' to half choke.' 

Keckeuhearted, ' squeamish at sight of 

food.' 

Keek, ' to peep.' 
Likly, likely.' ' 
Mickle, adj. 
Pick, ' to pitch.' 
Pickfork. 



'to smoke '(oi "a in 

Beck, ' to care.' 

Reek, ' smoke,' sb. and vb. ': 

Scrike, ' a shriek.' 



Sleek, 'drink of all kinds.' 
Smeeak, ' smoke.' 



Snickle, ' to snare game.' 
Sterk, 'to tasteii the door.' 
Strickle, tool for sharpening scythe. 
Syke, ' rill of water.' 
Thack, sb. 
Thcak, vb. 
AVick, ' alive.' 



Wind-hill (N. Centred Yorks.), Wright, 
1892. 

The transcription is that of Prof. Wright. 

Biak, ' beak.' 

Brok, ' badger.' 

Daik, 'ditch.' 

Drukv, ' drunken.' 

H-ild, adj. 

Flik (of bacon). 

Flika(r), vb. 

Flok. 

Ik, ' to hitch.' 

Laik. 

Leak, 'to plav.' 

Lik. 

Pik, 'pickaxe.' 

Pluk. 

Prik. 

Prikl. 

Keik, 'to reach.' 

Kik, 'reek.' 

Sik. 'to seek.' 

Skrik, ' to shriek. 

Mek, ' small coal to slake a fire.' 

Smuk, ' to smoke.' 

SuTk, 'to cut.' 

Suikit, ' small passage.' 

Speik, vb., ' speak.' 

Straik, vb. 

Strwk, ' a streak, stripe.' 

Strikrj, 'stricken.' 

Stnkg, 'stunk.' 

Sukrj, 'sunk.' 

Srukrj, 'shrunk.' 

Taik, 'a low fellow.' 

J?ak, 'thatch.' 



Robinson, Hid. Yorks., 1876. 

Bleak, 'to talk emptily.' 

Blcek, 'black irrease in machinery,' 

(cf. ' bletch ' in many dialects). 
Breeks. 

Brckly. 'brittle. 1 
Clake, 'to daw.' 
Clik, vb., 'snatch.' 
Clock, kind of 1.. 
Dawk, 'to idle.' 
Douk, 'to drink.' 
Droke, ' to drip with moisture.' 



208 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Feck, ' large number.' 

Flack, ' to pulsate heavily ' ; not in 

common use, but still heard. 
Fleak, 'a wattle.' 
Fluke, ' large kind of maggot.' 
Heck, ' a latch.' 
Laik, ' to play.' 
Mickle, adj. 
Muckle, sb. 
Nicker, 'to neigh.' 
Pick, ' to pitch.' 
Rick, 'rich.' 

Roke, ' to perspire heavily.' 
Scrike, ' to scream.' 
Slek, 'to slake.' 

Snickle, l to snare with a draw-loop.' 
Snack, ' small portion.' 
Streck, ' straight. ' 
Streek, ' to stretch.' 
Strickle, ' a scythe-sharpener.' 

-*' 



Yuke, 'to itch.' 



Easther, Huddersfield ( W. YorJcs.} ,1881, 

Cleek, to catch hold, snatch.' 

Cloke, ' to scratch.' 

Dike (douk), ' a ditch.' 

Fick, ' to struggle with the feet.' 

Flick (of bacon). 

Heck, ' a hatch gate.' 

Keeker, ' squeamish, cowed.' 

Like, ' to play.' 

Pick, 'to hitch, throw.' 

Reek, ' smoke.' 



Sic 



such.' 



(and Sich) . 

Strickle, ' corn-striker.' 

Thaak, sb. 

Theek, vb. 

Weak, ' to squeak.' 

Wicks, ' hawthorn hedges.' 



Moresby's Letter to Hay, 1703. 

Yeke, 'to itch.' 
Clukes, ' clutches.' 



Marshall, E. Tories., 1788. 

Whick, 'alive.' 
Thack, si.. 
Tln-:.k, \l>. 

Thsaker, ' a thatcher.' 



Eaifs Coll. North Country Words, 1691 ~ 

Yuck, ' to itch.' 
Streek, ' to stretch.' 
Pleck, ' a place.' 
Make, ' a match.' 

Sheffield (S. W'. Yorks.},Addy, 1888-90. 

Brickie, 'brittle.' 

Dike, ' river, or any collection of water/ 

Dickfield (in Ecclesfield) . 

Hick, ' to hop or spring.' 

Eck, 'to itch.' 

Flake, ' a hurdle.' 

Fleck, 'a spot.' 

Flick, 'flitch.' 

Pick, 'to throw.' 

Pick-fork. 

Prickle, ' to prick.' 

Reik ) 

Reyk > ' to reach out.' 

and (Reich) ) 

fandSitch)j' aditeh ' ra e -' 

Speak, vb., 'speech, saying.' 

Strickle. 

JSyke, ' a sigh.' 

thateh ' 



Wake, 'to watch with a sick person. r 
Wicks, ' quicks', thorns.' 

Lanes., 1875, Nodal and Jfilner* 

Acker, 'to falter, hesitate, cough.' 

Bakster, 'baker.' 

Beck, 'stream.' 

Brickie, 'brittle.' 

Bullock. 

Brock, 'badger.' 

Buck, kind of stake. 

Clack, 'to dutch.' 

Clack, 'to chatter.' 

Clcwkin, 'twine, string.' 

Click. 

Cleek, ' a small c:itch.' 

Crack, 'to boast.' 

Crick, ' loral ]>;:in.' 

Clock, 'a beetle.' 

Coak, E. and Mid. L. \ ' to strain, 

Cowk, S.L. ) vomit.' 

Dacker, ' unsettled.' 

Dawk (Fylde) \ 'to stoop. 

Deawk, S. and K. l.nnrs. i ])lnn^r.' 

Deck, 'a pack of cards'; obs. since 

L788, 

Datl'oek, 'slattirn.' 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



200 



Fleck, Mir: i.' 

Gowk, ' cuckoo.' 

Hack, ' pickaxe.' 

Heak, N.L., 'half- door, hatch ' ; obs.? 

Hattock, ' sheaf of corn.' 

Lake, ' to play/ 

Layrock, ' lark.' 

Leawk, ' to beat, thrash.' 

Like, adv. 

Lick, 'beat.' 

Lowk, Fylde aud N.L., Mo weed/ 

Lock, N.L., ' quantity.' 

Mack, ' ma<-ot/ 

Mak, 'sort, kind.' 

Make. 

Mickle, 'size, bulk.' 

Muck, sit., ' manure.' 

Neck (Fylde) , ' to bent, as a watch does. ' 

Pike, Mo choose.' 

Pike-fork. 

Pleek, 'place.' 

Pikel, 'pitchfork.' 



Becony-prick, 'stickleback/ 

Dungpike. 

Pricket. ' six sheaves of corn/ 

Rake. 

Rawky, N.L., ' foggy/ 

S). a heap, lot.' 

Ruckle, 'reckless, rash.' 
Intack, ' enclosed field. ' 
Hamshackle, ' fasten head of animal 

toitelegs/ 

Sike, vb., ' sigh, sob/ 
Sike, ' a drain/ 
Skrike, sb. 
Sleek, Mo slake/ 
Snicket, ' a forward girl/ 
Sock. 

Tack, ' a nasty taste/ 
Tackle, ' to take in hand/ 
Thick, M'rieudly/ etc. . 
Tickle, ' nice, dainty.,' 
Truck, 'trade, business/ 
Tyke, ' awkward man or beast/ 
Wacker, ' to shake, tremble/ 

8. 'Chesh., Darlington, 1857. 

Backen, Mo put backward/ 

Brack, 'a rent/ 

Break, vb. 

Buck, 'part of a plough to which 

horses are attached/ 
Clookin, '-strong cord/ 
Fleek, ' kind of hurdle gate/ 
Fleck, a flea ' (Holland, also fief). 



Flecked, ' spotted ' 

(H)acker, Mo stammer.' 

(H)ack, ' to snap with the mouth.' 

Hike, ' to goad or toss with horns.' 

Huck, ' to hoist the shoulders and back/ 

Huckle, ' to shuffle away.' 

Keck, ' a seedling marigold.' 

Nick, ' to take.' 

Peckle, ' speckle.' 

to Pick a calf. 

Pick, Mo vomit.' 

Pikel, 'hayfork.' 

Plack, 'situation, place.' 

Pricker, 'a thorn, prickle.' 

Sike, Mo sigh.' 

Skrike, Mo shriek.' 

Sleak, ' to put out the tongue.' 

Smicket, ' a woman's shirt.' 

Snacks, 'shares.' 

Sneck, ' a latch.' 

Snicket, ' naughty child.' 

Strickle. 

Suck, ' a ploughshare.' 

Sweak, ' crane for hanging a pot on 

the fire.' 
Thick. 

Threek, ' cluster of thistles in a field/ 
Tweak, ' to pinch.' 

Derbysh., PeggeSkeat, 1896. 

Beck, 'stream' (obs.). 

Black. 

Cucking-stool (obs.). 

Dike, 'rivulet' ('mound' at present 
time). 

Flecked, 'variegated.' 

Crick in the neck. 

Flik, ' flitch.' 

Freckle. 

Heckle, Mo express indignation.' 

Kleek, ' to clutch.' 

Lake, ' to play.' 

Pick, 'vomit, to pitch hay,' etc. 

Pick, vb., 'pitch.' 

Pik, sb., 'pitch.' 

Pleck, ' a place ' (obs. except in place- 
names). 

Prick-eared. 

Pucker, ' hurry.' 

Reckling, ' weakest in a litter.' 

Reek, 'smoke.' 

Sick, ' very small brook/ 

Snack, 'a share/ 

Sneck, ' latch of a door/ 

Strickle, - for levelling grain in a 
measure. 

Strike* .a bushel/ 

Thak, -'thatch/ 

"Wake, ' a feast of dedication/ 



Phil. Trans. 1898-9. 



210 



GUTTURAL. SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



N.H. Zincs., Peacock, 1889. 

Backen, ' to retard.' 

Beck, ' a brook.' 

Black, * angry,' etc. 

Breeks. 

Brack, (he) 'broke.' 

Brackle, 'brittle.' 

Boak, ' to be on point of vomiting.' 

Buck, ' smart young man.' 

Bullock, 'to roar.' 

Clack, ' idle talk.' 

to Click, ' hold of.' 

Clock, ' any large beetle. 7 

Cluck (of a hen). 

Crack, ' to boast.' 

Cuck-stool. 

Backer, ' waver.' 

Deck, 'dyke.' 

Book, ' a handful of straw,' etc. 

Dyke, ' to dig a ditch.' 

Fleck, < a spot.' 

Fleak, 'hurdle of woven twigs.' 

Flick, ' a flitch.' 

Freckned, freckled.' 

Heck, ' a hedge ' (rare) . 

Hick, ' to lift with a hicking barrow.' 

Huck, 'the hip.' 

to Leak. 

Like, adv. and adj. 

Mawk, ' maggot.' 

Mawkin, ' scarecrow.' 

Muck. 

Nacker, ' a drum.' 

Neck, ' to swallow, to drink.' 

Pick, sb., 'pitch.' 

Pick, ' to pitch.' 

to Prick. 

Rake up. 

Reek, ' smoke.' 

Roak, ' fog, mist.' 

Smock-frock. 

Slke 

Snacks, ' shares.' 

Sneck, ' a latch or catch.' 

Snickle, ' to snare.' 

to Speak. 

(p.p. Speeched, pass., 'spoken to.') 

Speak, ' a speech.' 

Spreckled, 'speckled.' 

*}!-!* 

Sleak, ' to extinguish a fire.' 
Sleek, ' to make the hair smooth.' 
Syke, ' a small brook' (obs.). 
'Jii:ick, 4 thitch.' 
Tickle, ' nervous, shy.' 
"Wykins, ' corners of the mouth.' 



S.W. Lines., Cole, 1886. 

Beck, 'stream.' 

Black. 

Bleak. 

Boke, 'to belch.' 

Break, vb. 

Bullock, ' to bully.' 



Crack, boast.' 

Dyke. 

Eke, ' to lengthen.' 

Flick, 'bacon.' 

Hick, 'to hitch, hoist.' 

Mak, 'to make.' 

Pick, 'tar.' 

Pick, ' to pitch.' 

Prickle, ' to prick.' 

Reek, ' a pile, usually of snow.' 

Slouk, ' to slouch.' 

Thack, sb. and vb., ' thatch.' 

"Wacker, 'lively, active.' 

Weekin, ' corner of the mouth.' 

"Wicken, ' mountain - ash . ' 

Yuck, 'to itch.' 



Shropsh., Jackson, 1879. 

Ackern, 'acorn.' 

Ackerning, ' acorn-gathering.' 

Brickie, ' brittie.' 

Ecall, ' green woodpecker.' 

Fleak, a hurdle.' 

Hike \ , 

(and Kite) f 

Pick } ' to pitch forward -' 

Pikel, ' pitchfork.' 

Pricker, instrument for making holes 

in blasting. 

Scrike, sb. and vb., 'shriek.' 
Seek (of water), 'to percolate, find its 

way.' 

Sike, ' to sigh.' 
Spok, sb., 'talk.' 
Strickle for corn. 
Tweak, ' a severe attack of illness.' 

Salop Ant. t Hartshorne, 1841. 

Prick, 'prop for supporting shafts of 

a cart.' 
Eeke, ' to increase.' 



Staffs., Took, 1880. 

Freek, ' man, follow.' 
Sike, ' to pant for breath.' 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



211 



Leices., Evans, 1881. 

Ackcrn, 'acorn.' 

Backen, 'to .' 

Bellock. 

Black, adj. 

Bleak, pallid, white -faced.' 

Brack, ' to break.' 

Brock, 'badger.' 

Buck, ' wash,' etc. 

Ouck, 'chuck.' 

Dike, 'ditch.' 

Flick, ' flitch.' 

Hack, ' to use the rake in haymaking.' 

Hike, ' to butt with the horns.' 

Lack, ' loss.' 

Lik. 

Peaked, 'wasted.' 

Peek, 'to pry.' 

Pick, ' pitch'.' 

Pikle, 'a pitch fork.' 

Prockle, 'to poke.' 

Rack, 'break up.' 

Wake, an annual village feast. 



\ 'hemp- 



dresser's comb.' 



Shockle, ' to shake.' 
Sike, ' to sigh.' 
Stook (of corn). 
Thack, vb. and sb. 
Tweak, ' to twitch.' 



Rutland, Wordsworth, 1891. 

Dike, ' ditch.' 

to Prick out, 'lengthen out' (of days). 

Quocken, ' to choke.' 

Reek, ' to smoke, steam.' 

Thack. 



E. Angl., Rye, 1895. 

Beck, 'brook.' 
Blackcap, ' marsh-tit.' 
Bleck, ' pale, sickly.' 
Brackly, 'brittle.'" 
Clack, "' to clatter.' 



Deek ) 

Dick ' ditch.' 

Dike ) 

Flack, ' to hang loose.' 

Flick of bacon. 

Flick, ' down of hares, etc.' 

gflMU }'.-*-* 

Hick, ' to hop.' 
Hike, ' to go away.' 



Hickel 

(and Hitchel) 

Hickler \ 

(and Hitchler) / 

Huckles, 'the hips.' 

Pick, 'an eel-spear.' 

Prick \ sharp-pointedironinstru- 

(andPritch) } ment (also in Nail, 1866). 

Roke, a fog.' 

Suickle, \ ' a slip - knot ' (also in 

(or Snittle) J Nail). 

Thack, 'thatch.' 

Wicker, ' to neigh.' 

Nail (1866) has Streek, 'to iron out 

clothes' ( = ' stretch'?). 
Specke, ' woodpecker.' 

Herefordsh., Havergal, 1887. 

Sriek, 'to shriek.' 
Snack, ' light repast.' 



Ackern, ' acorn.' 

Hede } ' icicle ' wood P ecker -' 
Keck, ' to be sick.' 
Sicking, ' sighing.' 



Upton-on- Severn (Worcs.), Lawson, 
1884. 

Nicker, ' to snigger.' 

Peck, < to pitch, fall forward.' 



W. Worcs., Chamberlain, 1882. 

Eacle, 'woodpecker.' 

Ickle, ' to long for.' 

Peckled, 'speckled.' 

Peck, ' pitch forward.' 

Sike, ' to sigh.' 

Thack, sb. and vb. 

Wicker, small basket for p icking salt. 



S.E. Worcs., Salisbury, 1893. 

Backen, 'to keep back.' 
Black-bat, 'black-beetles.' 
Belluck, 'to roar.' 
Deck, 'pack of cards.' 
Douk, 'duck the head.' 
to Dock a horse. 
Eckle, 'woodpecker.' 
Hockle, ' to shuffle along.' 
Nicker, 'to laugh rudely.' 
Mawkin, 'scarecrow.' 
Pick, ' pickaxe.' 



212 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Puck, ' stye in the eye.' ' 
Quick, ' young hawthorn plants.' 
Ruck, 'fold or crease.' 
Skreek-owl, 'the swift.' 
Wake, ' village feast.* 
Wick, 'week.' 

Warwicksh., Northall., 1896. 

Bellock, 'to roar.' 

Blackie, 'blackbird.' 

Flicket, ' to nutter, flicker.' 

Hacker, ' kind of axe.' 

Hickle, 'woodpecker.' 

Hike, 'to toss, to haul.' 

Hockle, 'hobble' 

Make. 

Mawks, 'slatternly woman.' 

Muck. 

Nicker, 'to jeer, snigger.' 

Peck, ' a pick for coals,' etc. 

Peek, ' to peep, pry.' 

Pikel, 'pitchfork.' 

Pleck, 'a small enclosure.' 

Sick. 

Slack, ' small coal.' 

Sneak. 

Sock, 'filth, mire.' 

Stock, 'to grub up.' 

Strike. 

to Suck. 

Syke, 'bacon.' 

Thack, vb. 

Thick. 

Wik, ' a week.' 



Northamptonsh., Baker, 1854. 

Bleak, 'pale, sickly.' 

Brickie, ' brittle.' 

Eke 

(and -ch form) 

Flick, 'flitch.' 

Hackle, ' to put the hay in rows in 

raking.' 

Quick, ' young hawthorn plants.' 
Reck,' ' steam,' sb. and vb. 



| 'to add to.' 



Thack (obs.?). 

Whicks, ' plants of white-thorn.' 



Beds., Batehdor, 1809. 

Broked, liable to split, brittle.' 
Skriok, ' scrcn h.' 
Thek, ' thatch. 



id of 



Stiff., Moor, 1823. 

Chicked, 'sprouted' (of corn). 

to Eke out. 

Flick of bacon. 

Queak \ 'to squeak' 

(and Queech) } a hare). 

Reek, ' steam.' 

Glos., Robertson, 1890. 

Ackern, ' acorn.' 

Blackthorn. 

Brake, 'a corpse.' 

Break, ' to tear.' 

Brickut, of a cat, on heat. 

Chackle. 'to cackle.' 

Cock-band, ' stickleback.' 

Craiky, 'weak, infirm.' 

Crick, ' corner.' 

Drock } 

(andDruff)r acoyereddraiu -' 

Eckle, ' green woodpecker. ' 

Flake, ' wattled hurdle.' 

Flickets, ' little pieces.' 

Flick, ' snap of a dog.' 

Gluck, 'to swallow with difficulty* 

(S. Glos.). 
Keck, 'to retch.' 
Laiking, 'idling,' etc. 
Like, adverbial termination. 
Mike, 'to loaf, to mitch.' 
Moke. 

Nacker, ' to tremble with passion. ' 
Peck, 'pickaxe.' 

Peck, ' to pitch forward, to pitch.' 
Pick, 'a hayfork.' 
Pick-pike, ' pitchfork.' 

Pleck I P rtiou of a field - 

Puck, small stock of sheaves. 

Screek, 'shriek.' 

Skrike, 'shriek.' 

Slick, 'smooth.' 

Smack. 

Snack, kind of fungus on trees. 

Specks 1 ' pieces of wood for keeping 

Spicks j thatch in place.' 

o f i ( 'instrument tor It-veiling- 

L I corninthohushrl.' 
Stuck, 'sheaf of corn.' 

Omd Tach) } <an n l> lw 8 it flavour.* 
Thi,-k, 'this.' 
Thiirk, 'thiit.' 
Week, ' to whimper.' 

Oxf., Parker, 1876-81. 
Clack, talk, noise.' 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



213 



forks., Lou'sky, 1888. 

Bollock. < bellow.' 
Brukkle, ' brittle.' 
Ekkern, ' acorn.' 
Hike ! ' move off ! ' 
Keck, 'make a choky noise in the throat.' 
Mickle, used in proverb "Every little 
makes, etc." 

(and' Snatch) }'* small piece.' 
Vleck, hare or rabbit fur. 
Whicker, ' to neigh.' 

Somers.y El worthy, 1886. 

Crick, ' to strain some part of body.' 

Crook. 

Cuckold, ' duck.' 

Aleek, ' alike.' 

Back. 

Bakin, quantity of dough kneaded at 

one time. 
Black, adj. 
Bicker, ' a vessel.' 
Bicky, ' hide and seek.' 
Brack, ' fat cevering intestines of edible 

animals.' 
Break, 'upland.' 
Brickie, ' brittle.' 
Broc, ' badger.' 
Brocket, young male deer. 
Buck. 

Dik, 'ditch.' 
Dock, ' crupper.' 
Packet, ' faggot.' 
Flick, ' fat round kidneys of pig.' 
Hack, vb. 

Hackly, 'to haggle.' 
Hick, ' to hop.' 
Hike out, ' turn out.' 
Hurdock, 'robin.' 
Hoke, 'gore with horns.' 
Hook. 

Leat, ' to leak.' 
Leek, 'plant.' 
Lick. 
Look. 

Alack, ' magpie.' 
Make. 
Muck. 



Patrick, 'paddock.' 
Pick, 'a hayfork.' 
Prick, ' to track a hare.' 
Rack, 'frame.' 
to Rake. - 
Seeked, ' sought.' 
bhackle, 'to litter.' 



Slack, adj. 

Smock. 

Snack, ' hasty meal.' 

Spicket, ' spigot. ' 

Suck, vb. 

Take. 

Take forward. 

Thick, ' that.' 

Thick. 

Tookt, 'taken.' 

Truckle, ' small cheese.' 

Twick, 'to tweak, jerk.' 

Wack, 'to overcome.' 

"Wake, ' to watch by a corpse. ' 

Wicked days, 'weekdays' (always). 

Vrick, 'to "wrench, sprain.' 

Yuckle, ' woodpecker.' 



Devon, Hcivett, 1892. 

Nickies, ' small faggots.' 

(Cf. Witch, ' bundle of wood.') 

Wilts., Dartnell and Goddard, 1893. 

Beak } ' break up land ih mattock * > 

Back. 

Blackberry. 

Blea = ' bleak.' 

Bellock, ' cry like frightened child.' 

Blicker, ' to glimmer,' S.W. 

Brack, ' fracture. ' 

Break, N.W. 

Dicky, 'deranged, weakly.' 

Dicker, 'to bedeck,' N.W. 

Drock, ' short drain.' 

Druck, ' crowd,' S.W. 

Drucked, ' filled to overflowing.' 



- internal fat of a pig.' 

Bruckle, vb. 

Frickle, 'to potter.' 

Stickle. 

Truckle, ' to roll,' N.W. 

Hackle, ' covering for beehive.' 

Mickle.' 

Muckle. 

Hike, 'to hook or catch.' 

Keck, 'to be sick.' 

Muck. 

Pick, ' a pitchfork.' 

Peck, ' a pickaxe.' 

Rack, ' animal's track.' 

Roke, ' smoke,' S.W, 

Rimmick, ' smallest pig of a litter.' 

Rick. 



214 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYhU. 



Slicket, ' thin lath of wood.' 



Slack, ' impudence,' S/W. 

Smicket, ' smock.' 

Snake. 

Sprack, ' lively.' 

Spick, S.W., ' peg for thatching.' 

Strick, 'strike.' 

Stuck, 'a spike.' 

Ticking -pig, 'sucking-pig.' 

Thick here = ' this 

Thick =' that' 

Uck, ' to shove.' 

"Wake, ' raked-up hay,' N."W. 

"Wicker, ' to neigh, bleat.' 

Rick* } 'to twist, wrench.' 



Surrey, Leveson-Gower, 1896. 

Akering, ' picking up acorns.' 

Bannick, ' to thrash.' 

Broke, 'a fall of timber.' 

Crock, ' earthen pot.' 

Dik, 'a ditch.' 

Flick, ' down of hares and rabbits.' 

-Like, 'comfortable-like,' etc. 

Nucker, ' to neigh.' 

Peaked, 'unwell.' 

Picksome, ' dainty.' 

Picky, 'gipsy.' 

Reek, ' steam, smoke.' 

Squacket, ' to quack like a duck.' 

Tissick, ' a cough.' 

Tussock, ' tuft of rank, coarse grass.' 



Kent, Parish and Shaw, 1887. 

Blackie, 'blackbird.' 

Black. 

Bruckle. 

Dick, ' ditch.' 

Dickers, 'ditchers.' 

Deck, 'ditch/ 

Drake -weed. 

Ecker, ' to stammer. ' 

Fack, ' stomach of a ruminant. ' 

Fakement, ' pain,' etc. 

Fleck, ' rabbits, ground game.' 

Fleeky, 'flaky.' 

Flicking, tooth-comb for horse's mane. 

Hicket. 

Hike, 'turnout.' 

Hocken-headcd, ' passionate.' 

Huck, ' pod of pc:is,' etc. 

Like. 

Lucking-mill. 



Moke, '.mesh of a net.' 

Muck, vb. 

Muck, sb., ' a busy person.' 

Peek, 'to stare.' 

Pick. 

Prick up ears. 

Pucker, ' state of excitement.' 

Ruddock, 'robin.' 

Ruck, ' an uneven heap or lump.* 

Ruckle, ' struggle.' 

Slick, 'slippery.' 

Sucker. 

Strike. 

Strickle, c a striker.' 

Tack, ' an unpleasant taste.' 

"Wik, 'week.' 

W. Corn., Courtney, 1880. 

Clack, ' noise.' 

Swike, ' a twig of heath.' 

Veak (and veach), 'whitlow.' 

E. Cornw., Couch, 1880. 
Breck, ' a rent or hole in a garment.* 



Hants., Cope, 1883. 

Bellock, ' to bellow.' 

Bruckle \ t hriii1p > 

Brickie ) ' tle ' 

Dik, ' ditch.' 

Fleck \ 'part of a pig before boiling; 

Flick j down into lard.' 

Keck, ' to retch.' 

Pick, ' hayfork.' 

Rock, ' to reck, steam.' 

Roak, 'steam,' sb. 

!} lavender.' 

Thic, 'this.' 

Thuck, ' that.' 

Vlick, ' to comb out the hair.' 

I. of 17., Smith, 1881. 
Bruckle, 'brittle.' 
^)^}' lard of inside of a pig.' 

Vlick o' bacon, ' flitch,' etc. 
Sktcak, 'to creak.' 
Strick, 'to strike.' 
Thic and tlurk. 
Yltrk, ' comb out hair.' 

WllirktT, ' to llriyll.' 

Hocks, 'the feet' (Long, 1886). 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH II. C. WYLD. 



215 



Sussex, Parish, 1879. 

Ache, to tire.' 

Beck, ' a mattock.' 

Boke, ' nauseate.' 

Coke, 'to fry.' 

Cluck of a hen who wants to sit. 

Dick, ' a ditch.' 

Flake, 'cleft wood.' 



fur of rabbits.' 



Fleck 

Flick 

Hack, 'to cough, faintly and fre- 
quently.' 

Hike, 'to call roughly. 1 

Hocklands, ' hock - shaped pieces of 
meadow land.' 

Knicker, ' to whinny.' 

Roke, ' steam,' etc. 



II. 



Non-initial nk, Ik, rk. 



Northumb., Heslop, 1893-4. 

Bink | ' shelf, flat slab fixed to a wall 
Benk / as seat or shelf.' 

Blink } 
Blenk } 'to glance with pleasure.' 

Clink, ' to clench.' 

Clunk, ' hiccup. ' 

Denk j ' squeamish, dainty, 

(and Dench) j rare.' 

Binklin i , , , , , 

Wrenkel } last - 1)orn - 

Scrankit, ' slirunk.' 

Bog-spink, 'cuckoo-flower.' 

Kin-cough = Kink-cough. 

Fenkle, ' bend or corner of street or 

river. ' 

Spenk, ' spaik, mutch,' also 'pluck.' 
Prinklin, ' stinging sensation felt when 

body goes to sleep.' 
Birk \ 

Brick J 'birch.' 
Briker ) 
Dark, 'blind.' 
Kirk. 

Kirkeet, ' churchyard.' 
Kirk-yerd. 



Spark, ' small spot of mud.' 
fctarken, ' become stiff.' 



AVark. 
Belk. 



Kelk, vb. and sb., ' severe blow.' 
Kelk, ' roe of a fish. ' 
Pulke, ' a- petition.' 
Spelk, ' small splinter.' 
Whilk, 'which.' 



Cumberland, Dickinson, 1859. 



link }' Mge of rock.' 

Brank, ' to hold the head affectedly.' 
Brenkt, ' of colour of a white sheep 

with black legs and belly.' 
Drunk. 

Hank, ' to fasten with a hoop.' 
Spink, ' chaffinch.' 
Strinkle, 'to sprinkle.' 
Clink. 
Kink, 'twist in rope, sound of 

whooping-cough. ' 
Birk tree. 
Kirk. 

Mirk, 'dark.' 
Wark. 

Belk, 'to belch.' 
Ilk, ' every.' 
Milkin, 'hill.' 
Pelk, 'to beat.' 
Spelk, ' splint, rib of a basket.' 
whilkan, 'which one.' 
Whilk, 'which.' 
"Wilk, ' bark of a young dog in close 

pursuit.' 



Durham, Palgrave, 1896. 

Sark, ' shirt.' 

Stirkin, ' to cool and stiffen as gravy 

does.' 

Wa(r)k, to ache.' 
Spelk, ' thorn or splinter in the flesh ' ; 

cf. Spelch in Warwcs., etc. 



216 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



SicaledaU (N. Yorks.}, Harland, 1873. 
Bink, ' stone bench.' 



Bull-spink. 

Birk. 

Kirk. 

Wark, ' to ache.' 

Belk, vb. 

Kelk, ' violent blow.' 

Whilk, 'which.' 



Whitby (N.E. Yorks.}, Robinson, 1876. 

Bink, ' bench.' 
Blenk, * a blemish.' 
Bull-spink, ' chaffinch.' 
Kink, 'cough.' 
Birk. 
Kirk. 



Stark, 'stiff.' 
Wark. 

Belk, vb. 

Ilk I ' 
Ilka) 

Milkhus, ' dairy.' 
Spelks, ' small sticks.' 
Whilk, which.' 

Wind/till (N. Central Yorks.}, 
Wright, 1892. 

The transcription is Prof. Wright's. 

Benk, 'bench.' 
Drenk, 'drank.' 
Drink, ' to drink.' 
Fink, 'to think.' 
Kirjk, 'cough.' 
Slenk, ' slunk.' 
Slink, ' to slink.' 
Stink, 'stink.' 
Twigkl, ' twinkle.' 
Wink, 'wink.' 
Bfikn, ' horse-collar.' 
Wak, sb., 'work.' 
W^k, vb., 'work.' 
Wak,-' pain, ache.' . 

Mid. Yorks., Robinson, 1876. 

Bink, bench.' 

(H< nch also heard occasionally.) 

lilink, 'to wink.' 

I'.ulhpink, 'chaffinch.' 

Crinkle, ' to bend tortuously.' 



Glink, * a short watchful glance.' 
Kincough, ' hooping-cough.' 
Belk 



Bilk 



to belch.' 



Belk, ' condition of body or temper.' 

I*} - 

Swilk, ' splash of water in a cask.' 

Welk, ' a sounding thwack.' 

Wilk, ' which ' (occasional in Mid and 

N. Yorks). 

Barkam, ' horse-collar.' 
Birk. 
Kirk. 
Wark, ' to ache.' 



Huddersfield ( W. Yorks.} , Uasther, 1881. 

JS } 

Glink } 'glimpse' (also glent, glint). 

Kink, 'to choke.' 

Xinkcough (and Chincough). 

Bullspink, ' bullfinch.' 

Felks, pieces of wood from which form 
the circumference of a wheel. Cf. 
O.E. fels, fel^a, the felly or felloe 
of a wheel. Cf. also tellicks in 
Lanes, {see Halliwell) , and below, 
Sheffield. 

Spelk, ' splint of wood.' 

Birk. 

Ballywark, ' stomach-ache.' 

Wark, ' work.' 



E. Yorks., Marshall, 1788. 

Spelk, ' splinter, thin piece of wood.' 
\Vhilk, ' which.' 



N. ofEngl., J. II. , 1781. 
Kelk, 'to kick.' 

Sheffield (S. Jr. Yorks.}, Addy, 1888-90. 



, 'a bench.' 
Kink, ' choke, sob.' 
Kincoiujh. 
a Sink for water. 
Spiuk, 'a finch.' 
Strinkle. 
Wark, 'ache.' 

F.Ik \ felloe of a wheel.' (Cf. 

(and Felly)/ above, Huddersf.) 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



217 



I.di.cs., Nodal and Milner, 1875. 

Blinkct, ' a person bliud in one eye.' 

Bonk, ' a bank.' 

Cank, ' to talk, chatter.' 

Dank, ' to depress, damp.' 

Hanke, ' to twist.' 

Kink i 'to lose the breath with 

Chink j couching, etc.' 

Kin-cough. 

Mank, ' a sportive trick.' 

Penk, ' to strike a small blow.' 

Spiuk, ' chaffinch.' 

Bethink, ' call to mind.' 

Ark, ' chest.' 

a Birk tree. 

Dark, ' blind ' 

Hurkle, ' to stoop, squat.' 

Querk, X. L., 'to cheat.' 

Sark, 'shirt.' 

Stark, 'stiff.' 

Kelk, N. L., 'to strike.' 

Spelk, 'chip of wood.' 



S. Chcsh., Darlington, 1887. 

Bonk, ' bank.' 

Clink. 

Kink. 

Sliukaz, ' to loiter.' 

Wrinkle. 

Milken, ' to milk.' 

Swilk } of liquids in a vessel, ' to 

Swilkerj sway and spill.' 



Derbysh., PeggeSkeat, 1896. 

Crank, 'brisk, lively.' 

Kincough and Chincough. 

Spiuk, ' chaffinch.' 

Birk (the tree). 

Dark, 'blind.' 

Kirk, ' church.' 

Stark. 

Stirk, 'voung bullock.' 

AVark, ; to throb.' 

AVilk, 'to bark.' 



N.E. Lanes., Peacock, 1889. 

Bank, ' to heap up.' 
Bink, ' workman's bench.' 
Bunk, ' run away.' 
Blink, ' to wink, or wince.' 
Chunk, ' a lump.' 
Drink, sfr. 

breed of pig. 



i Hank, ' skein.' 

Hank, ' to clear the throat.' 
Hunk, ' a chunk. ' 
Kink, ' a hoist, or hitch.' 
Pink, ' chaffinch.' 
Rank, 'strong.' 
Sink, ' a drain.' 

(Sprint) 



Belk 



to 



force, violence.' 



Bulk, ' a beam.' 



Milk-beast, ' cow.' 

Ark. 

Birk (the tree). 

Dark, 'a secret'; adj., 'wicked.' 

Furk, 'a fork.' 

Kerk, ' a cork.' 

Kirk, perhaps obsolete here (in "NVap- 
entakes of Manby and Corsingham), 
but still current in M .E. Lanes. 

Stark, 'stiff.' 

Stirk, ' young bullock.' 

Wark, sb. and vb. 



S. W. Lines., Cole, 1886. 

Brink, ' brim.' 
Clinker, 'clincher.' 

Sunky } ^hort, thick-set.' 

Pink, 'chaffinch.' 

Birk, 'birch -tree.' . 

Perk, ' perch.' 

Stark. 

Pulk, 'a coward.' 



Shropsh., Jackson, 1879. 

Chink-chink, ' chaffinch.' 

Clinker, ' cinder of iron dross.' 

Crink, ' very small apple. ' 

Drink, sb., ' ale.' 

Spiuk, 'chaffinch.' 

Slink, ' to draw back, as a horse about 

to bite.' 
(Sal. Ant. Hartshorne, 1841, has Skelk, 

'to shrink,' applied to coffin-wood. 

Clinker = clincher, large nails which 

turn up over toe of boot.) 



Staffs., Poole, 1880. 
Stirk, ' young calf.' 



218 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLI). 



Zcicestersh., Evans, 1881. 

Brink, ' brim.' 

Kink, ' to twist awry.' 

Swank, 'to swagger*.' 

Firk, ' stir up.' 

Perk, ' to bridle up.' 

Stirk, ' cow-calf.' 

Bilk. 

Swelking, ' sultry, hot.' (Swelter, ' to 

get over hot.') 

Swilker ( ' noise of liquid inside a 
Squilker j barrel or boots, etc. ' 



Rutland, Wordsworth, 1891. 

Strinkling, ' a sprinkling.' 
Firk, 'commotion, fuss.' 
Work, ' to manage, go on.' 

E. AngL, Rye, 1895. 

Blunk, 'tempestuous.' 
Brank, 'buckwheat.' 



Clinkers 



f r 



stables. 
Crinkle, ' to rumple.' 
Funk, 'touchwood.' 
Kink, 'to be entangled' (of thread). 
Link-pin, 'linch-pin.' 
Scrinkled, 'shrivelled.' 
Skink, ' to serve to drink.' 
Slink, (of a cow) ' to slip her calf.' 
Dilk, ' a small cavity in a surface.' 
Kelks, 'thetestes.' 
Work, 'to ache.' 

Hereford*]*., Havergal, 1887. 

Lonck, 'the groin.' 

Pink, 'chaffinch.' 

Srink, ' to shrink.' 

Chark, ' coal burnt on top of kilns.' 

Cliarky, ' dry in mouth.' 

Peerk, 'perch of land.' 

Warwcs., Northall., 1896. 

Bunk, 'to bolt off.' 

Dink. 

1'iuk, 'chaffinch.' 

Honk, 'rank, strong.' 

Tank, ' to strike, knock.' 

Nirker, ' something difficult to over- 

come.' 
Balks, 'ridge of land between two 

fields.' 
Bilk, 'to cheat.' 



Northampton&Ti., Baker, 1854. 

Bink, 'a bench.' 

Chin -cough. 

and Chink -cough. 

Hunk of bread and cheese. 

Glos., Robertson, 1890. 

Blink, ' spark of fire.' 

Chin-cough. 

Crank, 'dead branch of tree.' 

Cr!ts } '-fuse apples.' 

Chink, 'chaffinch.' 

Dink, ' to dandle a baby.' 

Drink. 

Pink, 'chaffinch.' 

Sink, 'sunken gutter.' 

Slenks, ' to slink.' 

Thunk, 'thorny' (obs.). 

Twink, 'chaffinch.' 

Charky, ' very dry.' 

Churk, ' cow's udder.' 

Starky, ' shrivelled up.' 

Gulkin, ' a hollow hole with water/ 

Yolk up, 'to cough up.' 

Berks., Loivsky, 1888. 

Blink, 'spark o.f fire.' 

Sterk, 'stiff.' 

Virkin, ' scratching of a dog for fleas ' 

jr. Somers., Elworthy, 1886. 

Banker, 'bench for dressing stones.' ' 

Drink, sb. and vb. 

Hank, 'skein.' 

Hunk, 'hunch.' 

Kink, * twist in a rope.' 

Prink, ' deck out.' 

Sprank and sprinkle. 

Stink. , 

Wink, well from which water is drawn 

by a winch, chain, and bucket. 
Berk, < bark of dug.' 
Hark, vb. 

' Wuurk,' sb. and vb. 
Quirk, 'to die.' 
Balk, ' beam.' 
Belk = Buulk, 'to belch.' 
Hulk, 'grain mixed with chaff.' 
Milk. 
Yelk of egg. 

Lcvonsh., ITewctt, 189 '2. 

Flink, 'to sprinkh'.' 
Twink, ' to chastise.' 



GUTTURAL SOTNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Dorset, Barnes, 1886. 
Wink, ' a winch or crunk.' 

Wilts., Durtndl and Goddurd. 

Blink, 'spark, ray.' 
Crink, ' creviri'.' " 
Flunk, 'spark of lire.' 
Hank, 'dealings with, 1 S.W. 



Rank 
Bonk 
Barken, 'enclosed yard near farm 

house.' 

Flirk, 'to flick.' 
Firk, 'to worry.' 
Fork. 

Nurk, ' worst pig of litter.' 
Hurkle, ' form of hurdle.' 
Quirk, ' to com plain.' 
Starky, 'stiff, drv.' 
Stark; 'to dry up,' X.W. 
Baulk, ' bare space missed by sower.' 
Milkmaids. 



Kent, Parish and Shaw, 1887. 

Clinkers, ' hard cinders from forge.' 

Chunk. 

Hink, ' hook used in cutting peas.' 

Kink in a rope. 

Kinkle, 'Avild mustard.' 

Twink, ' a sharp, shrewish woman.' 

Perk, ' to fidget about. ' 

Snirk, 'to dry, wither.' 

Kilk, 'wild mustard.' 

Swelked, 'overcome by excessive heat.' 

Whilk, 'to complain, mutter.' 

E. Cornwall, Couch, 1880. 

Belk, 'to belch.' 

Wilk | 

Wulk > ' a ridgviump or tumour.' 

Wil* ) 

Wilky, 'toad or frog.' 



Quilkin.s and toads: Budget of C 

Tot'ius, 25. 
"Wilky, ' young toad or frog ' : Couch, 

E. Corn., Journ. of Hoy. Inst. of 

Corn., 1864. 



W. Corn., Courtney, 1880. 

Blink, ' a spark.' 

Crunk, ' croak like a raven.' 

Fliiik, 'to fling.' 



Belk, 'belch' (also in Garland, W. 

Corn., Journal of Roy. Inst. of 

Corn., 1864). 
Bulk, ' toss with the horns.' 



stye in the eye.* 

Quilkiu, ' young toad or frog,' ibid. 



Hants., Cope, 1883. 

Chink, ' chaffinch.' 

Conk, ' to croak.' 

Whilk= Wilk, ' howl like a dog.' 



I. of Jr., Smith, 1881. 

Carky, ' amazed.' 
Querk, ' a sigh, to fret.' 



Long, 1886. 

Clink, ' a smart blow.' 
Kink, ' in a rope,' etc. 

Sussex, Parish, 1879. 

Clinkers, ' small bricks burnt very hard 

for paving.' 

Drink, ' medicine for cattle.' 
Kink in a rope. 
Link, ' green, wooded bank on side of 

a hill.' 

Kilk, charlock.' 
Whilk, ' to howl, to mutter.' 



220 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



III. 



Non-initial ch in the Modern Dialects. 

Durham, Palgrave, 1896. 

Fetch up, ' bring up, rear.' 
Cletching, ' a brood of chickens.' 



Northumb., Heslop, 1893-94. 

Bleach, ' act of rain falling in a strong 

wind.' 
Bleach, ' a black shale found near a 

coal-seam.' 

flloacher, ' any large animal.' 
Britchin, ' part of harness.' 
Clatch, ' mess, slops.' 



Clotch, ' awkward person.' 



Fetch, vh., Fitch, < to shift.' 
Hatch, * a gate.' 
Hitch, vb. 

Hotch, ' to shake with laughter.' 
Keach, ' to heave up.' 
Kitchen. 

Letch, ' long narrow swamp with 
water among rushes, etc.' 



Platchy-footed, < flat-footed.' 



Roach, ' to make uneven.' 

Sloach, ' to drink in a greedy way.' 

IPSljHurf used inbedding stone.' 

Stech, ' to fill to repletion.' 
Stitch, ' an acute pain.' 
Swatch, ' a sample.' 
Switch, ' to go quickly/ 
Twitch, for horse's nose. 



Cumberland, Dickinson, 1859. 

Batch. 

Botch. 

Fitch, 'vetch.' 

Flaith, ' Hatter.' 

Fratdi, 'noisy quarrel.' 

.Mitch, ' much.' 

Slitdi, 'fine mud on shores of an 

estuary.' 

Blotch, ''walk heavily.' 
Stiitdi, 'to strut.' 
Suitdirr, 'any fast-going thing.' 
Skaitch, ' to beat, ttrMh. 1 



Swaledale (N. Yorks.), Harland, 1873. 

Cletch, ' brood of chickens. ' 
(H)itch, ' to hop on one leg.' 
Mich, 'much.' 



Whitby (N.E. York*.), Robinson, 1876. 

Airmstritch, 'arm-stretch.' 

Batch. 

Glitch and Click, ' a brood.' (Glitch 

is also in Kay's JN . Country Words, 

1691.) 

to Fetch the breath. 
Hetch, 'a hatch.' 
Mitch, ' much.' 
Smatch, ' flavour.' 
Smitches, 'small stains.' 
Snitch, ' a noose or loop ' (but Snickle, 

' to snare birds,' etc., in same dialect). 
Twichbell, 'earwig.' 



Windhill (N. Central Yorks.), Wright, 
1892. 

The transcription is Prof. Wright's. 

Bits, 'bitch.' 
Bleits, 'bleach.' 
Breits, ' breach. ' 
Brits-ox, ' breeches.' 
Brits, ' breach.' 
Ets, 'hatch.' 
Fots, 'let !..' 
Leits, ' leach.' 
Notf. 

Ji.-t^. \\n-tch.' 
Sits, 'such.' 
Speits, ' speedi.' 
Stits 'stitch.' 
Stivi;. 

\\ it;, 'wind..' 
Wots, 'to watch.' 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. ('. AVYLI). 



221 



Mich, ' much ' 

Witch (applied to both sexes' . 

Sheffield (S. W. Tories.), Addy, 1888-90. 

Dyche Lane (street in Norton). 

Fetch, 'to give.' 

Fitches, 4 vetches.' 

Mich, 'much.' 

Pitch and toss. 

Reech, ' to be sick.' 

/ >U ' 1 T 1 ;" i N ! 'aky.' 
(and Reeky) .( 

Sitch )*a ditch,' especially in 

(and Sick) \ place-names. 

Sich, 'such.' 

Smatch, ' taste, flavour.' 

Snitch, ' to reveal a secret ' (cf. ' to 



Spetches, ' odds and ends of leather.' 
Twitchel, ' a stout stick.' 
Twitch, ' to pinch, bind tightly.' 

,,..,,. i 'mountain ash.' fCf. 

Witchin r -.IT- i 

i Vrr- , Wicken in other 

(and Wiggen; ) llialwl ^ 

Lanes., Nodal and Jfilner, 1875. 

Hatchhorn \ 
Hatchorn ' ' acorn. ' 
(and Akran) ) 
Batch-cake. 
Britchell, 'brittle.' 

Clutch } 'brood of chickens.' 
Greechy, ' sickly, ailing.' 
Crutch, 'to crowd.' 
Doych-back, 'rampart above a ditch,' 
1750, obs. 



Mid. Yor/cs., Robinson, 1876. 

Batch, ' a set, company.' 

Cletch, 'brood of chickens.' 

Fetch, said of breathing with a painful 

effort. 

Meech, 'to loiter about.' 
Mistetch, ' to misteach.' 
Smatch, ' a flavour ' (often called smat). 
Twitchbell, 'earwig.' 

Huddersfield ( IF. Torks.), East her, 1881. 

Blotch 

l ' hor } 'fetch.' 



Fratch, .' quarrelsome,' and vb. 

Mychin, 'out of humour.' 

Gobolotch, ' a glutton.' 

Lutch, ' to pulsate.' 

Jlutch, ' to hoard, to sit close ' (Pylde). 

Lotchin, 'limping.' 

Latch, ' a take, catch.' 

Leech, ' pond in hollow of a road.' 

Pitch- and- toM. 

Pytch, ' hire of bees. ' 

Hatch, ' space in loom betwixt yarn- 
beams and healds. ' 

Hatch, ' to stretch ' 

Iteech, 'smoke, reck' (sb. and vb. ?). 

Seech, 'to seek.' 

Sich -like. 

Slutch, ' mud. ' 

Slotch, 'drunkard, disgusting fellow.' 

Smouch, 'a kiss.' 

Oytch, ' each.' 

Thrutch, ' to push, press.' 

Twitchel, ' implement for holding a 
restive horse.' 



S. Chcsh., Darlington, 1887. 

Aitch, 'sudden access of pain, ache.' 
Acheruin, ' acorn.' 
Atchern, ' gathering acorns. ' 
Betch. 

mtch. 

Bleaching, ' hot, very hot.' 

H latch, ' black mess in wheels.' 

Blotch,' ' blot.' 

Breech. 

Britcha, ' brittle. ' 

Fatch, 'to fetch.' 

(H)atch, ' garden gate.' 

Natch, ' cog on a wheel.' 

Pitch, ' tar/ 

Keechy, ' smoky.' 1 

E etch | ' to stretch.' 

Sleach, 'to scoop out liquids.' 

Slutch, 'slush.' 

Smetch, ' to give a bad flavour to. r 

Smouch, ' to kiss.' 

Suaitch, 'sharp,' of heat or cold. 

Squitch, 'couch-grass.' 

Thatch. 

Twitch for holding horses. 

Witch, vb., 'bewitch.' 



Derby sh., Peggc Skeat, 1896. 

Bricha, ' brittle.' 

Cratch, sorfrpf rough shed; now used 

for a rack in a stable. 
Hitch, ' move a little.' 



222 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



' move, stir.' 

Pitch, ' a small box to keep salt in.' 

Pleaching, ' a hedge.' 

Ratchel, ' poor land with a quantity of 

small stones.' 
Sloutch. 
Teach. 

Thrutch, ' to thrust.' 
Twitch -grass. 

- w ., , ) 1. ' a small candle.' 
h } 2. ' to make weight.' 

N.E. Lines., Peacock, 1889. 

Blotch, sb. and vb., 'blot.' 

Breechband, the ' brichin.' 

Ditch-water. 

Clutch, ' a handful.' 

Crutch. 

Fetch, 'to give.' 

Fratch, 'petty theft.' 

Hitch, ' to move.' 

Itching. 

Loitch, ' cunning, clever ' (of dogs). 

Mich, 'much.' 

Ratch, ' to stretch, exaggerate.' 

Reach, ' to vomit, to help to.' 

Sich, 'such.' 

Switch, 'a twig.' 

Twitch, ' stick for holding horses.' 

S. W. Lines., Cole, 1886. 

Breach, ' misbehaviour.' 

Cletch, ' brood of chickens.' 

Much, ' to grudge.' 

Batch, ' to stretch.' 

Retch, 'to reach.' 

Speech, ' to speak.' 

Spretch, of eggs, 'to crack before 

hatching.' 
Twitch, ' couch-grass.' 

Shropsh., Jackson, 1879. 

Achern. 

Acherning. 

Aitch, ' fit of suffering.' 

Batch. 

Sutch} 'Wack grease in wheels.' 

Britchy, 'brittle.' 

leach, ' to clutch.' 

Diche (daitch), 'ditch.' 

Patch, ' to fetch.' 

Flitchen, ' flitch of bacon.' 

Keech, ' cake of hard fat, wax,' etc. 

Pitcher, ' man who pitches hay.' 



Pitching pikel. 

Pritch, ' staff with iron point.' 
Reechy, ' diiiy and smoky.' 
Sitch, ' swamp, boggy place.' 
Sneach (obs.), * to scorch, nip.' 
Squitch, 'couch-grass.' 
Stiche, ' to set up sheaves,' etc. 
Thetch, sb. and vb., 'thatch.' 
Thetcher. 
Thetching-peg. 

Thrutch (and Thrush), ' to thrust.' 
Schrich, ' to scream.' Sal. Ant. 
Hartshorne, 1841. 

Staff*., Poole, 1880. 

Atchorn, ' acorn. ' 

Bletch, ' grease of cart-wheels.' 

Thratcheled, ' draggled.' 



Leicet., Evans, 1881. 

Batch-cake. 

Ditch, ' dirt grained into the hands.' 

Dratchell, dim. of ' drudge.' 

Fetchel, ' to tease.' 

Fitch, ' vetch.' 

Keach, ' choice or pick of anything.' 

Much. 

Pitchfork. 

Pleach, ' a hedge.' 

Sich, 'such.' 

Smatch, ' a taste,' etc. 

Smouch, ' kiss grossly.' 

Smutch = smudge, 'mud.' 

Snatch, ' hasty meal.' 

Swish, ' switch.' 

Twitch, 'couch-grass.' 

Queechy, ' sickly, ailing.' 



Rutland, Wordsworth, 1891. 

Pitch, 'to load hay With a fork.' 
Squitch, ' couch-grass.' 

E. Angl, Rye, 1895. 

Bitch. 

Bleach, ' a drying-ground.' 

Clutch, ' brood of chickens.' 

Eachon, ' each one.' 

Fleaches, ' sawn portions of timber.' 

1 1 itch, ' to change place.' 



Hutch (gate) (and Hack). 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



223 



Pi-itch \ ' a sharp pointed iron 
(and Trick) ) instrument.' 

Queach, 'plot of ground adjoining 

arable land.' 
Nail's Gloss., 1866, hns this word = an 

untilled plot full of quicks. See also 

Moor's Suff. Gloss, below. 



Herefordsh., Havergal, 1887. 

Clutch, ' a brood of chickens.' 

Patch, ' thatch.' 

Scoutch \ 

Coutch > 'couch-grass.' 

Scutch ) 



Upton-on- Severn (Worcs.}, Lawson, 
1884. 

Glutch, ' to swell with effort.' 
Cow-leech, ' a vat.' 
Meeching, ' melancholy.' 
Prichell, 'to goad, prick.' 
Scutch, ' couch-grass.' 

W. Wore*., Chamberlain, 1882. 

Pole -pitching, ' setting up poles in 

rows in hop-yard.' 
Squitch, ' couch-grass.' 

S.E. Worcs., Salisbury y 1893. 

Patches, ' vetches.' 

Pitcher, ' polecat.' 

Fritch, ' conceited.' 

Mouch, ' play about.' 

Hotchel (and Hockle), * to shuffle 

along.' 
Pitcher, ' one who throws up corn, etc., 

to the loader.' 
Pitchfull, sb., 'the quantity of hay, 

etc., that can be taken up with a 

pitchfork.' 
Putchen, ' eel-trap.' 
Sich, ' such.' 
Stretch. 
Screech-owl, ' the swift.' 

Warwesh., NorthalL, 1896. 

Batch-cake. 

Ditched, ' begrimed with dirt.' 

83.) * 

Patch, 'to fetch.' 

Itching -berries, ' dog-rose berries.' 



Mooch, ' to loiter about,' etc. 

Much. 

Potch, ' to thrust, push.' 

lleechy, ' smoky.' 

Retch, 'to stretch.' 

Sich, ' such.' 

Smatch, 'smack, flavour.' 

Swatchell, ' fat, untidy female.' 

Twitchel, for holding a horse. 

Wratch, ' wretch.' 



Northamptonsh., Baker, 1854. 

Etch 

Eche 'to add to.' 

(and Eke) ) 

Fleech, ' to wheedle, flatter.' 

Hatchel, ' to rake hay into rows.' 

Pritchel. 

Queach, 'ground overgrown with 

bushes,' etc. 

Squeech, ' wet, boggy place.' 
Twitch-grass. 

Beds., Batchelor, 1809. 

Eetch, ' eke ' (Batchelor writes ' iyty '). 
Hitchuk, ' hiccough ' (' hityuk '). 



Suff., Moor, 1823. 

Clutch, ' covey of partridges.' 

PDrouched, 'drenched.' 

Pleeches, ' portions into which a piece 

of timber is cut with a saw.' (Cf. 

Fleak in other dials. ?) 
Grutch, 'to grudge.' 

Twit'cf "'I 'squeechorspear-grass.' 

Queech j ' an untilled, rough, bushy 
and corner, or irregular portion 

Squeech ) of a field.' 

(Nares refers to Bacon, Essay 40, ubi 
queaching.) 

Moor (under Perk) has a collection 
of words showing interchange of -A, 
-ch, but he does not say in which 
dialects the forms occur. Among 
others he has quick = queech. This 
latter form is unknown to me except 
in this dialect (see above) and 
Northamptonshire, where it has 
another meaning apparently, and in 
Bacon's Essay, 39 (Of Custom and 
Education), not 40 as Moor says. 
(Nares is quite accurate as to Bacon. 
He quotes also Todd's Johnson.) 
Here the word means, apparently, 



224 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



< squeaking. ' ' ' The lads of Sparta of 
ancient time were wont to be scourged 
upon the altar of Diana without so 
much a queching." Johnson, 1st 
folio, 1755, quotes this passage, but 
writes queckiug.' H. C. W. 



Glos., Robertson, 1890. 



Beech. 

Blatch, 'soot, dirt'; vb., 'to cover 

with black.' 
Blatchy, ' black, dirty.' 
Batcher, ' salmon trout.' 
Briched, 'rich.' 
Cleacher, 'layers of a hedge.' 
Cooch grass. 

Cratch } 'tool used in thatching.' 
Fatch, ' Vicia sativa.' 
to Fetch (p.p. fot). 
Glutch, 'to swallow with difficulty.' 

(Vale of Glos. ; Gltick in S. Glos.) 
Keech, ' fat congealed after melting.' 
Leech, ' cow doctor.' 

*J ich ti' play truant.' 
Mooch | l : 

Nitch, ' burden of hay.' 

Pitcher. 

Pitch, ' quantity taken at a time on a 

pitchfork.' 

Pleach, ' to lay a hedge.' 
Pritch, 'to prick' 
Pritchel, ' a goad.' 
Putchin, 'eel -basket.' 
Rooch, pret. of ' to reach.' 
Screech, 'the swift.' 
Snatch, ' a nasty flavour.' 
Squitch, 'squash.' 
Stitch. 

Stretch, ' missel thrush.' 
Swich, ' such.' 
Tach, ' bad flavour.' 
Twitch, ' to touch.' 
Vatch, 'thatch.' 
Vetch, 

Vlitchen, ' flitch of bacon.' 
Witrbily, vb. 
Wretch, ' to stretch.' 

Oxf. t Parker, 1876-81. 

Begrutch, 'give unwillingly.' 
Otmh, Tourli-irruss' (at G'arnton). 
Fet, 'to feteh. 1 
Roacht, ' reached.' 
Slouch, :i Min-bonuet.' 



Smatch. 'a flavour.' 

Squitch-fire, 'made of couch-grass/ 

Thetch, ' thatch.' 



Berks., Lotvsley, 1888. 

Couch-grass. 

Glutch, 'to swallow with effort.' 
Hatch, 'gate.' 

Ilootcher, ' kind of crook, used to pull 
down branches when gathering fruit.' 
Snatch and \ u j , 

Snack I 



W. Somen., Elworthy, 188G. 

Batch of bread. 

Beechen, ' made of beech.' 

Bitch-fox. 

Breach, ' land prepared for a seed-bed/ 

Breeching = ' Uuurcheen,' ' britchin/ 

Couch = Keoch. 

Batches, ' vetches.' 

Datch, 'thatch.' 

Fuch, 'polecat.' 

Fretchety, ' fidgety.' 

Hawchy, 'make a noise in eating.' 

Hitch, ' strike against an obstacle.' 

Hutch, 'trap for fish.' 

Hatch, ' a half-door.' 

Keech, ' fat from intestines of 

slaughtered animals.' 
Kitch, ' to congeal.' 
Kitchen. 

Match it, ' contrive.' 
Meecher, a sneak. 
Much, adj. 
Pitch, 'rod of alder, etc., planted ta 

take root.' 
Queechy, ' sickly.' 
Quitch, 'to twitch.' , 
Quitch-grass. 

Batch v, stretch on waking.' 
Scratch. 
Screech. 
Sich, ' such.' 

Smeech, 'smoke, dust, smell.' 
Sim Kicky, ' snort 1 , speak through nose.' 
Stitch, ' a shock or sloak of com.' 
Stivti-h, 'to cover soinctbing.' 
Tatch, 'habit, gait.' 
Tlitch, 'to clutch.' 
to Twitch, ' seize with sudden pain/ 
r,vh, 'rich. 1 

Vatrliis, ' vet. 'Ins.' 
Wicliy, ' wliicb. 1 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



225 



Wexford, Poole Barnes, 1867. 

'Cham, ' r am.' 
'Cha, 'I have' (etc.). 

ich, ' i.; 

This is a most uncritical com- 
pilation, and contains obsolete words 
without any note to that effect. 



Wilts., Dartnell and Goddard. 

\ adj., 'black, sooty'; sb., 
Blatch, etc. [ '' smut, soot ' ; vb., ' to 

) blacken,' N.W. 
Bleachy, ' brackish,' Somers. border. 
Cooch, ' couch-grass.' 
Glitch, 'grain.' 
Eel-stifcher. 
Jitch, 'such,' N.W. 
Moutch, vb., 'shuffle.' 
Moucher, ' truant.' 
Much. 

Nitch, ' block of wood.* 
Ichila-pea, ' missel thrush ' (only heard 

from one person) ? 
Hitchland ) , , , , . n , 
(Horkland)} '^ tilled every year.' 

Hatch, ' a half-door, line of raked hay.' 

Screech, vb. 

Smeech, ' dust,' N.W. 

Sploach, 'to splutter,' S.W. 

Stutch, 'crutch, a stilt' (obs.). 



Witch-hazel. 



Surrey, Leveson-Goiver, 1896. 

Hatch, ' to dress bark for the tanner.' 
Stoach, ' to trample into holes.' 

Kent, Parish and Shaw, 1887. 

Cooch -grass. 

Eche, sb. and vb.,'' to eke, an addition.' 

Foldpitcher, implement for making 

holes in ground. 
Hatch, ' a gate in the road.' 
Hotch, ' to move awkwardly.' 
Hutch, ' upper part of waggon.' 
Itch, 'to creep, be anxious.' 
Letch, vessel used for holding ashes 

in making lye. 
Meach, ' creep softly about.' 
Much, 'to fondle.' 
Mooch, 'to dandle.' 
Notch, 'to count.' 

Phil. Trans. 1898-9. 



Prichel, implement for making holes 

in ground. 

Putch, puddle of water.' 
Reach, ' a creek.' 
Scutchel, 'rubbish.' 
Strooch, ' to drag the feet in walking/ 
Swatch, ' a wand.' 

W. Corn., Courtney, 1880. 

Breachy water, ' brackish water.' 
Smeech | ' smell of smoke from any- 
Smitch j thing burnt in frying.' 
Squitch, ' to twitch, jerk.' 



(Scrootch, ' a crutch.' Garland, "W. 

Corn., Journ. of Roy. Inst. of Corn., 

1864.) 
'Chell. 
'Cham (Melles MS.), Monthly Mag., 

January, 1809. 



E. Cornw., Couch, 1880. 

Batch, 'thatch.' 
Miche, 'to play truant.' 

Devon, He watt, 1892. 

Fitch, 'a stoat.' 

Kootch, ' couch-grass.' 

Kitches, 'roll of offal fat.' 

Leech way, 'graveyard path.' 

to Pritch = purch, ' to prick holes in 

(Exmoor, Scolding, 1778). 
Smeech, ' smoke and dust.' 
ich, ' I ' in chare \ . r , . 

chell 1 bave,' etc. 

cham 



Dorset, Barnes, 1886. 

Blatch, ' soot, black stuff.' 
Cooch -grass. 

Keech, ' to cut grass, etc., below water.' 
Ratch, 'to stretch.' 
Slatch, ' to slake, of lime and water.' 
Smatch, 'smack, taste.' 
Smeech, ' cloud of dust.' 
Streech, ' space taken in stone -striking 
of the rake.' 



Hants., Cope, 1883. 

Beech m;isl . 

Blatch, ' black, sooty.' 

(Black also exists, in compounds.) 

15 



226 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Black-bob, ' cock-roach.' 

Breachy, 'brackish.' 

Fotch, 'to fetch.' 

^,, , , ) 1. 'to stifle a sob.' 

Glutch }2. 'to swallow.' 

Hatch, 'half -door, gate.' 

Hatch-hook, ' a bill-hook.' 

Mitch, 'shirk work.' 

Screech, ' bull-thrush ' (uot in N. 

Hants.). 
Smatch, ' bad taste, smack.' 



/. of W., Smith, 1881. 

Clutch, to cluck.' 
Hetch, 'hook.' 
Pitchun-prog. 
Screech-owl, 'swift.' 
? Reaches, ' ridges of a field ' ? 
Stretch, ' a strike for com.' 
Thetch. 
Zieh 'such.' 



I. of W., Long, 1886. 

Pritchel, ' a small hedge stake.' 
Sletch, ' to slake lime.' 
Glutch, ' to swallow.' 

Sussex, Parish, 1879. 

a Beach. 

Batch. 

Brachy, 'brackish.' 

Clitch, ' a cluster.' 

Clutch, adv., 'tightly' ('hold it, 

clutoh'). 

Clutch, ' a brood of chickens.' 
Cooch-grass. 
Fitches, ' vetches.' 
Hatch, ' a gate ' (in place-names, Plaw- 

hatch, etc.). 

Haitch, ' a passing shower.' 
Pitcher, ' man who throws corn up ou 

to a cart.' 

Sineech } 'dirty, black smoke or 
Smutch 1 vapour.' 
Batch, 'to reach.' 



IV. 



Non -initial nek, Ich, rch. 
Northumb., Heslop, 1893-4. 



Donch, 'fastidious.' 
Danch, ' to knock against.' 
Flinch, ' a pinch.' 
Munch. 

Pinch, ' iron crowbar.' 
Scunch, ' aperture in a wall for window- 
frame.' 

"Winch, ' to start or wince.' 
Belch. 

Stitching, 'narrow-minded, mean.' 
Wairch 
Wairsh 



| 'insipid.' 



Cumberland, Dickinson, 1859. 

Bunch. 

BinHh, ' bench.' 

('lunch, ' stupid person.' 

Bunch, ' butt with the elbow.' 

Hunch, a hardy, thick-set person.' 



Durham, Palgrave, 1896. 

Skinch = 'I'm uot playing,' said iu 
games. 



Whitby (N.E.York*^ Robinso)i, 1876. 
Squench, ' to quench.' 

! Wind/till (JV. Central Yor/cs.} , Wr'njh t, 
1881. 

The transcription is Prof. Wright's. 
DrenS, ' drench.' 

Mid. Yorh., Robinson, 1876. 

Clinch, 'to clutch.' 

I (rush, ' fastidious." 
H aiioh, 'to snatch.' 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WVLI). 



227 



Hudder&ficld ( W. Yorks.} , East/ier, 1881. 

Melsh, 'moist.' 
Churchmaster, ' churchwarden.' 

Sheffield (S. Jr. Yorks.}, Addy, 1888-90. 
Lurch, 'to lurk, lie in wait.' 



Melch-cow. 
Squench, ' quench.' 

Lanes., Nodal and Milne r, 1875. 

Cluuch, ' a clodhopper.' 

Cranch, ' to grind with the teeth.' 

Hanch, ' to snap at.' 

.Kench, ' to sprain.' 

Oolch, ' to swallow ravenously.' 

Halch, ' a noose.' 

Kelch (Ormskirk), ' a sprain.' 

Melch, 'moist, warm.' 

Solch \ ' noise made by treading in 

Solsh I damp ground.' 

Lurcher, sb. 

Perch, ' pole.' 

Snurch, ' to snort, snigger in a 

smothered way.' 
"Watch, ' to ache*.' 
Tooth-warche. 
"Worch, ' to work.' 

S. Chesh., Darlington, 1887. 

Clench. 

Cluncheon, ' a cudgel.' 

Kench, ' a kink.' 

Scrinch, ' small pieces or quantity.' 

Wench, 'girl.' 

by Hulsh or by Stulch, ' by hook or by 

crook.' 
Easy-matched, of a cow that yields 

milk easily. 

Swelch, ' a heavy fall.' 
Lurch, 'to lurk.' 
AVarcher, ' term -of contempt for an 

insignificant person.' 
Warch, ' an ache or pain.' 

Derbysh., PeggeSkeat, 1896. 

Spelch, ' to bruise beans in a mill ' (obs ) . 
Melch, ' soft, of weather.' 

N.E., Lines., Peacock, 1889. 

Binch, ' a bench.' 

Blench, ' to change colour.' 



Bunch, ' bundle, also to kick savagely 
Cranch, ' crunch.' 
Drench-horn, ' drink-horn.' 
Lansh, ' to lance, cut into.' 
Linch, ' balk in a field ' (obs.). 



Kench, ' to rince.' 
Skinch, ' to stint.' 
Wench, ' a winch, a girl.' 
Belch, ' obscene talk.' 



Squelch, 'to crush.' 
Stairch, * starch.' 



S.W. Lines., Cole, 1886. 

Binch, 'bench.' 
Skiuch, 'to stint.' 
Kelch, ' a thump.' 
Melch, 'soft, warm.' 

Shropsh., Jackson, 1879. 

Drench, ' a draught for cattle.' 
Dunched, ' knocked, bruised.' 
Red-finch, ' chaffinch.' 
Kench, ' a twist, sprain.' 
Wench, ' girl.' 
Melch, 'soft.' 
Melch-cow. 
Stelch, 'stealth.' 
Warch, 'to throb.' 
Warching, adj. 

Staffs., Poolc, 1880. 

Blench, ' to betray, impeach.' 

Kench, 'to sprain.' 

Munching, ' idling or loafing about. 

Leices., Evans, 1881. 

Bunch, 'to make anything.' 
Bull-finch. 



Balchin, ' unfledged bird.' 
Dunch, ' suet dumpling.' 
Hunch, ' lump of bread,' etc. 
Kench, ' to bank.' 
Nuncheon. 
Squench. 

Rutland, Wordsworth, 1891. 

Hunch, ' a lump.' 

Stench-pipes, ' ventilation shafts.' 



228 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IX ENGLISH H. C. AVYLD. 



S quench, 'to quench.' 

Belching. 

Spelch, 'to splinter.' 

Chorch, 'church.' 



Church. 



E. Anglia, Rye, 1895. 

' a trench ; a turn at a job ; 
small quantity of corn put 
aside.' 



Kinch | ' that part of the haystack 
Kench j which is being cut down.' 
Skinch, 'to stint, pinch.' 
Nail, E. Angl. Dialect, 1866, has 

Stinch, ' to stink.' 
Church. 

Norfolk, Havergal, 1887. 

Kinchin, ' a little child.' 
Lunchy, ' stiff.' 



Upton-on- Severn (Worcs.}, Lawson, 
1884. 

S quench, ' quench.' 
Melch-hearted, ' milk-hearted.' 

\ ' post to which cow's are tied ' 
Stilch f ('variant stalk skat'). Also 
Stelch 1 //'. Worcs., Chamberlain, 

I r882. 



S.R Worcs., Salisbury, 1893. 

Bunch. 

Dunch, ' give a blow with elbow.' 

"-""' 



Squench. 

Wench, 'girl.' 

Bolchin, ' unfledged bird.' 

Wanvcsh., North., 1896. 

Blench, ' a glimpse.' 

Drench (or Drink), ' draught for 

cattle.' 

Drenching-horn. 
Dunch, ' a blow.' 

Kench, ' to twist or wrench ' = kink. 
Munch, 'to ill-1 
Sevinch, 'a little morsel.' 
Baulch, 'to fall heavily.' 
Spelch, ' a small iplinter. 1 Cf. 'spelk,' 

Northumb., Yorks., etc. 



Stelch, 'layer or row of anything 
above the other parts ; as much as 
a man can thatch without moving 
his ladder.' 

Northamptomh., Baker, 1854. 

Bench, a quarry tenn = ' a shelf of 
rock.' 



division.' 
Kench j 

Hunch of bread and cheese. 
Stelch, ' as much as a man can thatch 
without moving ladder.' 

Suf., Moor, 1823. 



Drench, ' drink for a sick horse.* 
Kench, * a turn (of work),' etc. 
Squench, ' quench.' 
Milch -cow. 



Glos., Robertson, 1890. 

Clinching-net. 

Crinch, ' a small bit.' 

a Crunch of bread and cheese.' 

D inch fork, ' a dung-fork.' 

Drench, ' a bad cold.' 

Drunch, 'drench.' 

Dunch, ' a poke or thrust.' 

Inch. 

Kinch, ' fry of young fish.' 

Linch, 'narrow steep bank usually 

covered with grass.' 
Vlinch, ' a finch, ' II. of Berkley. 
Gulch, 'to gulp down.' 
Stelch, 'still,' H.of B. 
Stilch, 'upright post for fastening 

cows,' V. of Glos. (uncommon). 
Stulch, ' series of helms for thatching ' 

(Cotswolds). 
Starch, ' heron, stroud.' 



Oxf., Parker, 1876-81. 

Scrinch, ' a very small piece.' Cf. 

Criuks, e.g. in Glos., ti . 
Scrunch, 'to bite quickly.' 
Squiuch, 'to quench.' 

Berkt., Lowtley, 1888. 

Lynches, green banks, or divisions 

between ' lands.' 
Squench, quench.' 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. >VY1J). 



229 



7F. Somers., Ehvorthy, 1886. 

Blancli, ' head back a deer from its 

course.' 

Bunch, 'spot, mark.' 
Dinsh, 'stupid.' 
Brunch, ' a dose of medicine for 

horse, etc.' 

Horch, ' gore with the horns.' 
Linch, ' ledge in wall or bank.' 
JSunch ) , P i , , i . 

Nunchmr foodbetweeumeals - 
ANYnrh, ''girl.' 
Scrunch, ' to crush.' 
Birchen, adj. 
Yulch, ' shove, nudge.' 



Dorset, Barnes, 1886. 

Linch, ' ledge of ground on the side of 
a hill' ( = link). 



Wilts., Dartncll and Goddard, 1S93. 

Densher, 'to prepare down land for 

cultivation.' 

Dunch, ' deaf ' (rare now). 
Hanch, ' to thrust with the horns ' 

(of cow, etc.). 

Hunch about, ' push or shove.' 
Kiutch, ' burden of wood, straw, or 

hay.' 
Linch 
Linchet 
Lanchet 
Line-hard 



Surrey, Leveson-Goiver, 1896. 

Bunch, ' a swelling.' 
JJensher, ' to skim turf off, burn i 
field.' 

Kent, Parish and Shaw, 1887. 

Chinch, to 'point' buildings. 
Dencher-pont, ' a pile of stubble, etc., 

for burning.' 

Linch, ' little strip of boundary land.' 
Scrunch. 

Culch, ' rags, bits of thread,' etc. 
Pilch, ' child's garment.' 
Milch-hearted. 
Sculch, 'rubbish, trash.' 

E. Corn., Conch, 1880. 
Blinsh, 'to catch a glimpse of.' 

Hants., Cope, 1883. 

Dunch, 'stupid.' 

Scrunch, 'to bite in pieces.' 

/. of W., Smith, 1881. 
Squench, ' to quench.' 

Sussex, Parish, 1879. 

Bench, ' widow's portion.' 
Bench, 'a swelling.' 
Densher plough, instrument for turf- 
cutting. 

Dunch, ' deaf, dull.' 
Squench, 'to quench.' 



y. 



Non-initial -g. 



Korthnmb., lleslop, 1893-4. 

Blig, 'blackguard.' 

Bog-stucker, ' goblin.' 

Brig. 

Hull-seg, 'imperfectly castrated ox.' 

Cag-mag, 'bad food.' 



Cleg, 'gadfly.' 

Clag, ' to stick, make adhere.' 



Clog, 'log of wood.' 

Duggar (barley-), 'kind of cake.' 

Dag, ' to rain, drizzle.' 

Drag. 

Fag, 'loach' (fish). 

Fleg, ' to be furnished with feathers.' 

Flag, 'a turf for fuel.' 

Fligged. 

Flog, ' work with hammer ani chisel.' 

Fog, 'aftermath.' 



230 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. \VYLD. 



Gleg, ' quick, smart.' 

Hag-berry, ' fruit of bird-cherry.' 

Heg. 

Hag, ' division of timber to be cut 

down.' 

Hag, ' the belly.' 
Hag, ' to wane.' 
Heg, 'to rue, repent.' 
Hug, ' to carry with effort.' 
Hog-reek, 'light, fleecy mist.' 
Laggin, 'projecting staves at bottom 

of cask.' 

Lig-abed, ' sluggard.' 
Lig-ma last, ' loiterer.' 
Lug, 'a lug- worm.' 
Nag, ' a sour taste.' 
Nag, ' to worry.' 

Preg, 'to cheapen, in bargaining.' 
Prog, 'to prick.' 
Rag, vb. 
Rig, ' ridge ' ; 173 place-names in 

-riff in Northumb. 
Riggin, 'clothing.' 
Riggin of a house. 
Roggle, ' shake, jumble.' 
Rug, 'tug, pull.' 



Slag, ' thin bed of coal, mixed with 

lime, etc.' 
Slairg, 'soft, wet/ 
Slog, ' strike with great force.' 
Slughorne } 
and Slogan J 
Smairg, ' to smear.' 
"Snag, ' to hew roughly.' 



Stag, ' young male animal.' 

Steg, 'garden.' 

Swiggy, 'a swing.' 

Tig, 'sharp blow.' 

Tug, 'to rot, destroy.' 

Ug, 'feeling of nausea.' 

Wag. 

Whig, 'preparation of whey.' 

Wig, a tea-cake.' 

Cumberland, Dickinson, 1859. 

Bag. 

Bog. 

Big, 'to build.' 

Brag, ' twig or straw worn in hat.' 

Brig, ' bridge.' 

Cheg, tocli\v.' 

Sef } ' to ooze ' flow 8lowlv -' 
l)aggy, 'wet, musty weather.' 

KJ: on. 



Fag-end. 

Fog, ' aftermath.' 

Gleg? 

Greg? 

Hog, ' weaned lamb.' 

Laggan, ' end of stave outside cask. ' 

Lig, ' to lie.' 

Liggy, 'loach' (fish). 

Liggan upon, ' urgent, keen upon.' 

Lug, 'ear.' 

to Pig in. 

Rig, 'ridge.' 

Riggelt, 'animal with testicle in the 

loins.' 

Rug, 'to pull rudely.' 
Seg, ' a corn on hand or foot.' 
Seag, 'sedge.' 
Snig, ' to drag timber.' 
Steg, ' gander.' 

Swagt, ' bent downwards in centre.' 
Cleg, 'kind of fly.' 
Clag, < to stick to.' 
Claggy, ' sticky.' 

Durham, Palgrave, 1896. 

Riggy, ' ridgey.' 

Sag, ' to bend down in the middle.' 

Waggon. 

Swaledale (N. Yrh.), Harland, 1873. 

Brig. 

Clag, ' to cling.' 

Claggy. 

l,ig, ' to lie down.' 

Rig, 'ridge.' 

Riggin-tree. 

Steg, 'gander.' 

Whitby (N.K Yorks.), Robinson, 1876. 

Brig. 

Brog, 'to bump,' as cattle do with 

the horns.' 
Claggy, ' sticky, like pitch.' 

g*| }' to sprinkle.' 

Egg on. 

Fleag'd, ' infested with fleas.' 

Flig, ' to fly.' 

Fligg'd, 'rfedged.' 

Lig, ' to lie, lay.' 

Lug, ' ear.' 

Mawg, ' a whim.' 

Mig, 'liquid manure.' 

Rig, 'ridge.' 



, ' a gander.' 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



231 



Vi>idhill(N. Central Yorks.}, Wright, 
1892. 

The transcription is that of Prof. Wright. 

Brig. 

Deg, ' to sprinkle with water.' 

Dreag, ' drawl.' 

Dreg, ' drag.' 

Eg, 'egg on.' 

Eg, 'egg.' 

Egg, ' a haw.' 

Flig, 'fledge.' 

Flog. 

Fog, ' aftergrass.' 

Frig, ' coire.' 

Ig, ' mood, temper.' 

Lig, ' lie down.' 

Mig, 'midge.' 

Neag, ' gnaw.' 

Prog, ' collect firewood.' 

Rig, 'back.' 

Rigin, ' ridge of a house.' 

Snig, ' take hastily.' 

Seag, ' a saw.' 

Seg, 'sedge.' 

Twig, sb. 

Ug, ' to carry.' 

Weg, 'wag.' 

Mid. Yorks., Robinson, 1876. 

Ag, 'to complain.' 

Brig. 

Brog, of cattle, ' to browse about.' 

Bullseg, 'castrated bull.' 

Clag, ' to adhere. ' 

Dag, ' to sprinkle linen,' etc. 

Egg, ' to incite.' 

Flig, ' to fledge.' 

Fligged. 

(II) ig, ' state of petulance.' 

Lig, 'to lie, to lay.' 

Rig, k ridge.' 

Sag, ' to bulge with own weight.' 

Scag, ' squirrel.' 

Seg, 'sedge.' 

Sug, ' a sow.' 

Hiiddersfidd ( W. Yorks. } , Easth er, 1 88 1 . 

Brig. 

Deg, 'to wet.' 
Fligged \ 
Flegged j 

Hig, ' a huff or quarrel.' 
T . | 1. 'to lie down.' 
"* 12. Mo tell lies.' 
Rig, ' ridge.' 
Saer. ' a saw.' 



Slug, 'to beat.' 

Snig, ' to snatch.' (Perhaps related 

to 'sneak, snack,' etc., with voicing 

of final k.} 
Twags, 'twigs.' 



cffi }'**' 

Haigh, ' the haw.' 

(There is nothing to show whether -gh 

here = the back stop, but it seems- 

probable.) 

Thoresby to Ray, 1703. 
Rig, tree.' 

Ray's North Country Words, 1691. 

Dag, ' dew on the grass.' 

Feg, ' fair, clean.' 

Fliggens, ' young birds that cau fly.' 

Marshall, E. Yorks., 1788. 

I^g ) 

Flig [ but Midge, ' smaU gnat.' 



N. of England, /.if., 1781. 
Chig, ' to chew.' 

Sheffield (S. W. Yorks.}, Addy, 1888-90. 

Brig. 

Bugth, 'bulk, size.' 

to Egg on. 

Flig, ' to flag.' 

Fligged, ' fledged.' 

Gnaggle, ' to gnaw.' 

(irig, ' cricket.' 

Haighs, ' hips and haws. 1 

Hig, ' huff, fit of temper.' 

Huggins, ' hip-bones of a cow." 

Keg, 'belly.' 

Lig, ' to lie down. ' 

Nog, * an unshaped bit of wood.* 

Rig, ' ridge.' 

Saig, ' to saw.' 

Seg, ' castrated bull, etc.' 

Snag, ' to snarl.' 

to beat.' 



Sog, 'to sow.' 
Sprig, ' a copse.' 



'to hang down.' 
Whigged, of milk, ' curdled. ' 



232 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Lanes., Nodal and Milner, 1875. 

Agg, ' to tease, worry.' 
Biggin, ' building.' 
Big, ' a teat.' 
Bigg, ' barley.' 
Bigg, 'to build.' 
Boggart, ' ghost.' 
Boggle, * a blunder.' 
Braggart, ' new ale Bpiced with sugar.' 
Brig (N. and Mid. L.), ' bridge.' 
Brog, ' branch, bough.' 
dag, 'to adhere.' 
Clog, ' shoe with wooden sole.' 
Cleg, 'gadfly.' 
Dag, ' to shear sheep.' 
Dag, sb. and vb., 'dew.' 
Deg, ' to sprinkle with water.' 
Egg, ' urge, incite.' 
Teeag (Furness), 'flatterer.' 
Feggur, ' fairer ' (Bamford's Gloss. ; 
1854, obs. ?). 

' to frighten.' 

Fog, ' aftermath.' 

Grig, 'a cricket.' 

Orug (Fylde), 'a dandelion.' 

Hag, N. L., ' an enclosure.' 



Hig, 'passion' (Bamford, 1854). 
Hog, 'to cover a heap with earth or 

straw ' (Parson Walker, 1730). 
Huggus hips (Scholes, 1857). 



Lig, ' to lie.' 

Lug, ' ear.' 

!Nag, ' to scold.' 

Noagur, ' anger ' ? 

Pig. 

Plog, ' to plug, close.' 

Biggin, ' ridge of house.' 

B,og, ' to shake with a rattling din.' 

Scog, 'to dispute.' 

Skug (Oldham), 'dirt.' 

Slags, sloe, cf. Slaigh, "Westm. 

(Britten's Engl. Plant Names). 
Snig, 'eel.' 
Snig, * to snatch.' 
Stegg, 'gander.' 
Tig, 'to touch.' 
Trig, 'to evade.' 

5. Cheth., Darlington, 1887. 

Bug, ' to go.' 
Buggy, 'alouae.' 



Cag-mag, ' carrion.' 

Dag, ' to get petticoats or ends of 

trousers wet.' 
Daggly, 'dewy.' 
Clag, ' snow iu a hard mass in the 

boots.' 
Earwig, 
to Egg on. 
Egg, ' ovum.' 
Egg, ' eager for.' 
Feg, ' coarse grass.' 
Fliggy, ' hay, etc. , tangled through 

wind and rain.' 
Fog. 

Frig, ' coire.' 
Gleg, ' to look furtively.' 
Frog, Griggy, 'rotten' (of grass). 
(H)ag, 'a task.' 
(H)og, ' heap of potatoes covered up 

with straw and soil.' 
Up-kegged, ' upset.' 
Lag, ' upright plank in a tub.' 
Lig, sb. and vb., ' fib.' 
Lig own, ' very own.' 
Lug, ' to pull.' 
Moggin, ' to clog.' 

Mog, ' to go ' (commoner form Modge). 
Miggle, ' to trot slowly. ' 
Nog, ' piece of wood built into brick 

wall.' 

Peg- 
Plug, ' to pluck the hair.' 
Prog, ' to pilfer.' 

Seg, 'to castrate a full-grown animal.' 
Seg, ' hard piece of skin inside hand. ' 
Slug. 

Snag, ' a snap, a bite.' 
Snig, ' eel.' 

Sog, ' to sway up and down. ' 
Spriggs, ' email nails.' 
Swag, ' force or impetus of a descending 

body.' 

Swig, 'spiced ale andj;oast.' 
Throg, ' a thrush ' (used by boys 

chiefly). 
Trig, 'to trot.' 
Whigged, ' curdled.' 



Derbysh., PeggeSkeat, 1896. 

Brig. 

Daggled, draggled.' 
Higged t ' fledged.' 
Grig: in " merry as a griir." 
II tigs, li:i\vs''(IVuk'distrii-t).. 
[H)igi 'heat, passion.' 
(H)uggon, ' hip oJ' a man.' 

. lit-.' 
Lug, 'to pull.' 



criTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. \VYLD. 



233 



of a house. 
Rig, ' riilr<'.' 
Beg, ' gelded bull.' 
Sig, ' old urine.' 
Tag, ' sheep of first year. 

N.E. Lines., Peacock, 1889. 

Bag, ' udder, womb, etc., of animals.' 

Big, ' strong.' 

Brig, ' bridge.' 

Brog, ' to push with a pointed instru- 

ment.' 

Bug, k proud, officious.' 
Cleg, < gadfly/ 

Drag, ' kind of harrow,' cf. Dredge. 
Fligd, 'fledged.' 
/MI ( 1. ' a glance.' 
Gle \2. 'shy.' 
Hag, ' a bog.' 

Hug, ' to cut, chop awkwardly.' 
Hig : to put someone in a Hig = ' to 

offend him.' 
Higgler, ' pedlar.' 

Hog, ' an unshorn lamb, castrated pig.' 
Keg-meg, ' bad food.' 
Lag, ' to tire.' 
Lig, ' to lie, lay.' 
Lig-abed, ' sluggard.' 
Lug, ' the ear.' 
Maggot, ' whim.' 
Meggie, ' moth.' 
Mog, ' to move on.' 
Muggy, ' damp, close.' 
Nag, ' to gnaw.' 
Niggle, ' to hack, notch.' 
Riggin, ' ridge of a building.' 
Rig, ' ridge.' 
Sag, ' bend, warp.' 

Seg, ' boar castrated when full-grown.' 
Seg, 'sedge.' 
Shig, ' to shirk.' 
Steg, ' a gander.' 
Sugg, ' to deceive.' 
Twig, ' understand.' 
Swig, ' to drink.' 
Wag, ' to beckon.' 

8.W. Lines., Cole, 1886. 

Brig, ' bridge.' 

Clag, ' to daub with sticky clay.' 

Drag, 'to harrow land.' 

Dm" 1 , ' waggon for carrying timber.' 

Fligged, ' fledged.' 



Hag, 'marshy place.' 
Hag, ' cut, hew.' 



Higs, ' to be in one's higs. ' 
Lig, ' to lie.' 

Pog, ' to carry on one's back.' 
Seg, ' castrated boar.' 
Whig, ' buttermilk.' 

Shropsh., Jackson, 1879. 
Agg j 

Eag > ' to urge, incite.' 
Feg ) 

Dag, ' to sprinkle clothes with water.' 
Drag, ' a bar used for drawing timber.' 
Fliggy, of birds whose down is 

changing to feathers. 
Lig, ' to tell lies.' 
Ligger, ' liar.' 
Seg, ' any kind of iris.' 
Seg-bottomed, ' rush-bottomed.' 
Smeg, ' a bit.' 
Sniggle, ' an eel.' 
Stag, ' young turkey-cock. ' 
Swig, ' a drink ' (especially spiced ale). 
Whig, ' whey.' 
Whigged, ' curdled.' 

Leices., Evant, 1881. 



Gag, 'to crawl about.' 

Back and egg = ' edge with might and 

main.' 

Brag, ' a boast.' 
Brig and \ 
Bridge J 
Claggy. 
Dag, ' trail in dirt.' 

%***}> fledged. 

Fog, ' coarse, rank grass.' 
Gnag, ' gnaw.' 
Hog, ' yearling sheep.' 
Lag, ' crack, split.' 
Lig, ' to lie ' (jacere and mentire). 
Maggot, ' whim.' 
Proggle. 
Piggle. 

Rigget, ' small surface drain.' 
Rig, * ridge.' 

Sagg, 'to sway, bend with weight.' 
Segg, ' bull castrated before maturity.' 
Segg, 'sedge, etc.' 
Suig, 'little eel.' 
Snags, ' shams.' 
Sog, ' mass of earth.' 
S wiggle, ' to drink freely.' 
Teg, ' a lamb, from first Michaelmas 
after birth.' 



23d 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Rutland, Wordsworth, 1891. 

Brig. 

Drugs, ' a timber waggon.' 

Hag, ' stiff clump of coarse grass.' 

Haghog. ' hedgehog.' 

Higgler. 

Big. 

Rug, 'tree.' 

E. AngL, Rye, 1895. 

Arri wiggle, 'earwig.' 

Bigg, kind of barley. 

Brig, ' a bridge.' 

Claggy, ' clogged with moisture.' 

Crag, ' the craw or crop.' 

Dag, ' dew.' 

Drug, ' strong cart for timber.' 

SgS };**-. 

Higgle, ' to chaffer.' 

Lig, ' to lie' (jacere). 

Rig, ' ridge in a field.' 

Sagging, ' soughing of wind in reeds. ' 

Scug, ' squirrel.' 

Seg, ' sedge.' 

Seggen, ' made of sedges.' 

Slug-horn, ' short, stunted horn of an 

animal.' 
Snag, ' rough knob of a tree.' 

Herefordsh., Havergal, 1887- 
Segs, ' rushes.' 

Up ton -on- Severn (Worcs.}, Lawson, 
1884. 

Driggle, ' small-meshed draw-net.' 

Fag, ' fog-grass.' 

Rig, ' to sprain ' (of back). 

Sag, ' sedge.' 

Sag -seated chair. 

Swag, ' to sway, balance.' 

W. Worcs., Chamberlain, 1882. 

Dag, ' to draggle.' 
Swig, ' to sway.' 

S.E. Worcs., Snltsbury, 1893. 

Bag, ' cut wheat with a hook.' 
Dag, * to draggle in the mud.' 

(an!fl)ray)} <harrow -' 
Lug, to pull.' 

Jl KCol.i.' 

Nag, ' to scold incessantly.' 



Pug, 'to pull.' 

Sags, ' rushes for chair-making/ 

Sag- bottomed chairs. 

Scog, ' to scold.' 

Snuggle, 'lie close.' 

Swag of a line or beam, ' to *ay.' 

Swig, ' to drink.' 

Tag, 'game of touch.' 

Teg, ' yearling sheep.' 



Warwcsh.,Northall., 1896. 

} 'to egg on.' 

Dag, ' dew.' 

Fligged, 'fledged.' 

Fog, ' rough grass.' 

Geg, ' to swing. ' 

Hag, 'to cut' (woodman's term). 

Higgler. 

Lagger, 'litter, mess.' 

Lig, 'to tell a lie.' 



Lugs, 'slender rods to fasten thatch 

down.' 
Piggin. 

Skag, ' to tear or split.' 
Slug, ' to throw stones, etc.' 
Snug, a pig.' 
Spug, ' sparro\v.' 
Teg, 'yearling sheep.' 
Trig, ' a narrow path.' 



Northamptonsh., Baker, 1854. 

Brig. 

Dag, ' to bemire, soak with dirt.' 
Fligged, 'fledged.' 
Fligger, ' to flutter.' 
Fliggers, ' young birds ready to fly.' 
Lig, ' a lie.' 
Ligger, ' a liar.' ' 

Rig, ' ridge.' 
Segs, ' sedges.' 
y, adj. 



Sprig, ' rose of watering-can. 
Whig, ' whe.' 



Beds., Batchelor, 1807. 
Brig. 

on. 
Kiig, 'fledged. 1 

an untruth.' (Ratcht'lor calls, 
lliis \\.ini ' oM-tasliiont'd,' MI it \\,i> 
|>nltalii\ .1 iu Unls. in 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYL1). 



235- 



Suff., Moor, 1823. 



Swig } said of a leak in a tap, 

(and Swidgo) ) ' all of a swig.' 

Glos., Robertson, 1890. 

Cag-mag, < bad meat.' 

Deg, 'to dig.' 

Egg- 

Fog, ' grass growing on boggy ground.' 

Frog. 

Guggle, ' small snail.' 

'* Luyger, ' narrow strip of land or 

copse.' 

?Lug, 'piece of land.' 
Moggy, ' a calf.' 
Nag, ' to worry.' 
Niggle, ' to tease.' 
Niggut, ' small faggot.' 
Sag -seated chair, V. of Glos. 



Segs > 'sedges.' 
Zegs ) 

|} 'urine.' 

Scaggy, 'shaggy,' V. of Glos. ; H. of 

Berkley. 

Snag, ' tooth standing alone.' 
Stag, ' young ox.' 



Ti ^ J ' one-year-old sheep.' 

to Trig, ' to wedge up.' 
Wag, ' to move.' 

Ozf., Parker, 1876-81. 

Daggle, ' to trail in the mud.' 

Fligged, 'fledged/ 

Guggle, 'a snail's shell.' 

(H)aggle, 'to harass one's self with 

work.' 

Ligster, ' a lie, a. liar.' 
Haggled, 'tired out' (Blackburn). 
Waggn, ' waggon.' 



)-ks., Lowsley, 1888. 
Haggas, 'fruit of hawthorn.' 

W. Somers., Elworthy, 1886. 

Ag, ' to scold, provoke. ' 
Bag, measure of weight. 
Big, ' bumptious.' 



Cloggy, 'thick, sticky.' 

Dag (to set a dag = to have somebody,. 

Drug, 'to drag.' 

Dugged, 'dagged.' 

Egg (ag) of a bird. 

Fog-grass. 

Higgler, '.poultry -dealer. ' 

Hag, ' old woman.' 

Lie-abed, 'sluggard.' 

Mugget, ' outer stomach of calf. ' 

Nag, 'log, block.' 

JSug, ' rough mass of any substance.'" 

Pig. 

Pay, 'to poke, thrust.' 

ilag, ' to scold.' 

Rig, 'lark, joke, wanton woman.' 

Sig,-' urine.' 

Slug. 

Snug. 

Swig, i drink hastily. ' 

Scrag, ' neck. ' 

Teg, ' yearling sheep.' 

Trig, ' neat, tidy.' 

Ugly. 

/og, ' a bog, morass.' 

Dorset, Barnes, 18S6. 

Cag-mag, 'bad meat.' 
Gag, ' to surfeit. ' 

Wilts., Dartnell and Goddard, 189.*. 

Agg, vb., ' hack.' 

Agalds, ' hawthorn - berries.' (In 

Devon, Aggies.) 
Bag, ' bent pens with a hook.' 
Barley-big. 
Daggled, 
l nggled. 

Flag, ' blade of wheat.' 
Eggs, 'haws.' 
Drug : to drag timber. 
Drag, ' a harrow.' 
Freglam, ' odds and ends of food 

fried up.' 
Nog? 

Maggie, ' muddle.' 
Maggots, ' tricks.' 
Lug, ' hole or perch.' 
Jag, ' beard of oats.' 
Haggle, ' cut clumsily.' 
Feggy, 'fair,' obs., N.W. 

Pig. 

Quag, ' a shake, trembling,' S.W. 

liig, 'half-gelded hoi-s .' 

Kig, vb., ' climb on, bestride anyt'.ii;i' r 

*} urine,' S.W. 



236 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Skug, * squirrel.' 

Smug. 

Snag, N.W., ' decayed tooth ' ; S.W., 

' a sloe. ' 

Snig, ' small eel,' S.W. 
Sniggle, S.W. 
Sog, ' boggy ground.' 
'Teg -man, ' shepherd,' S.W. 
Tig, ' little pig,' N.W. occasionally. 
Trig, ' fasten, make firm,' N.W. ; adj., 

'in good health,' S.W. 
Vag, ' to reap with broad hook.' 
Wag. 
Waggon. 

Surrey, Leveson-Gower, 1896. 

Sag, to hend.' 

Teg, ' a year- old sheep.' 

Trug, ' gardener's wooden hasket.' 

Kent, Parish and Shaw, 1887. 

Bag, ' to cut with hook.' 

Dag on sheep. 

Draggle-tailed. 

Flig, 'strands of grass.' 

Fog, ' aftermath.' 

Heg, 'hag, fairy.' 

Higgler. 

Hog. 

Keg-meg, ' a gossip.' 

Lug-worm. 

Maggoty, 'whimsical.' 

Megpy. 

Pig. 

Plog, ' block of wood at end of halter.' 

Pug, ' soft ground.' 

Rig ? 

Sag, 'to sink, bend.' 

Sig, ' urine.' 

Smug, ' to steal.' 

Tag, ' a yearly sheep.' 

Wig, ' to overreach, cheat.' 



W. Corn., Courtney, 1880. 

dig, ' to cling to.' 

digged together. 

Drug, ' a drag for a wheel.' 

Trug, ' trudge.' 

Aglet, 'berry of hawthorn.' Garland, 
W. Corn., Journ. of Roy. Inst. of 
Corn., 1864. (Perhaps French.) 



E. Cornw., Couch, 1880. 

Dogberry, '\vildgooseberry.' 
Drug, ' to drag.' 
Sneg, 'small snail.' 
(Eglet, fruit of whitethorn. Couch, 
Journal of Roy. Inst. of Corn , 1864.) 



Hants., Cope, 1883. 

Doglets, ' icicles.' 

Hag, 'haw' (the berry). 

Haggils, ' haws of whitethorn.' 

Leg, ' long narrow meadow ( = ' leah ' ?). 

Strig, 'stalk of a plant.' 

Swig, * to suck. ' 

Scug, ' squirrel.' 



I. of 17., Smith, 1881. 

gg.' 
rug shoe, ' drag for a cart.' 



Igg, 'egg.' 
Drug shoe, ' 



Sussex, Parish, 1879. 

Bug, ' any winged insect.' 
Drugged, 'half -dried.' 
Egg, 'to incite.' 
Grig, 'merry, happy.' 

i 'long, narrow marshy meadow.' 

Sag, ' to hang down.' x 
Snag, 'a snail.' 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WVLD. 



237 



VI. 



Words in -dge. 



Northumb., Heslop, 1893-4. 

Cadgy, 'hearty, cheerful,' especially 
after food ; cf. cag-mag, cf. also 
kedge. 

Dredge. 

Edge, sb. 

Fadge, ' small loaf of bread. 

Fadge, ' bundle of sticks.' 

Fledger, ' a fledgeling.' 

Kedge, ' to fill oneself with meat.' 

Kidgel, cudg-l.' 

Midgy, 'midge.' 

Midge-grass. 

Mudge, 'stir, shift.' 

Radgy, 'lewd, wanton.' 

Iludge, ' push about.' 

Sludge, ' soft, wet mud.' 

Smudge, 'to laugh quietly.' 

Snudge \ ' a fillet or ribbon worn 

(and Snood) J by girls.' 

Spadger and Spag, ' a sparrow.' 

"Wadge, ' slice of bread, wedge.' 

Cumberland, Dickinson, 1889. 

Badger. 

Edge. 

Fadge, ' a slow trot.' 

Frudge, ' to brush roughly past.' 

Hedge. 

Knidgel, ' to castrate by ligature.' 

Marshall, E. Yorks., 1788. 

Fridge, 'to chafe.' 
Midge, but, lig, flig, rig. 



Swaledale(N. Yorks.}, Harland, 1873. 

Midge. 

Smudge, 'to smoulder.' 



Windfall (N. Central Yorks.}, Wright, 
1892. 

The transcription is Professor Wright's. 

Edz, 'edge.' 
Edz, 'hedge.' 



Whitby (N.E. Yorks.}, Robinson, 1876. 

Hedge-dike-side. 
Hoose-midges, 'common flies.' 
to Nudge with the elbow. 



. W. Yorks.}, Addy, 1888-90. 

Edge-o'-dark, 'twilight.' 
Hedge and bind, ' in and out.' 
Midge. 
Midgeon-fat. 

Huddersfield ( W. Yorks.}, Easther, 1881. 
Midge, ' a small gnat.' 

Lanes., Nodal and Milner, 1875. 

Badger, ' small retail dealer.' 

Drage, ' damp.' 

Edge o' dark. 

Heuridge ) Ormskirk, ' outlet for 

Hainridge / cattle.' 

Midge, ' anything very small.' 

S. Cheshire, Darlington, 1887. 

Badge, * to cut a hedge. ' 
Bodge, ' to botch.' 
Drudge-box, ' flour-dredger.' 
Edge, ' border.' 



(H)edge. 

( U)odge, ' paunch of a pig.' 

Ledger, 'to warp wooden vessels in 

water.' 

Modge \ .. , 
(andMog)} to "- 
Mudge-hole, ' soft, boggy plact .' 
llidge. 
Wedged, ' swelled.' 

Derbysh., Pegge-Skeat, 1896. 

Edge in place-names = ' rocks.' 
Hedge. 
Midge. 

Sludge, 'mud.' 

Snudge, ' to go unasked to an enter- 
tainment.' 



238 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WILD. 



N.E. Lines., Peacock, 1889. 

Cradge, 'small bank to keep out 

water.' 

Dredge, ' a harrow of bushy thorns.' 
Ettidge = eddish, ' aftermath.' 
Fridge, ' to graze, chafe,' and in 

S.\V. Lines., which has Bodge, 'to 

mend, patch.' 
Kedge, 'belly, stomach.' 
Nudge, 'to follow closely.' 
Sludge, ' stiff mud.' 
In North Lincoln, Button, 1881, 

Kedge = ' stoppage of the bowels 

from ffreen food.' 



Shropsh., Jackson, 1879. 

Edge, ' ridge of a hill.' 

Hedge. 

Ledgen, 'to close seams of a wooden 

vessel by warping ' (cf . ' the lags ' of 

a tub). 

Midgen, ' omentum of a pig.' 
Sludge, 'wet mud.' 



' space 
Wadge', 'a wedge, lump.' 

Staff., Poole, 1880. 

Tadgel, 'to tie.' 

? Le^rer, ' under millstone.' 

Lcicesttrsh., Evans, 1881. 

Badge, ' cut, and tie up beans in shock; 

Edgy, 'keen, forward.' 

Edge, ' to incite, egg on.' 

, ( 1. ' to gull a person.' 

Fad " e I 2. 'to toady.' 

Fridge, sb., 'chafe.' 

EDdgetar, 'higgler.' 

Midgeram-fat. 

Mud-rings, ' fat about the intestines.' 

Nudging, ' nesting of birds.' 

1'adge, ' barn-o\\l.' 

Pedgel, ' to pick over, examine.' 

Sludge, ' mire.' 

"Wadge, 'lump, bundle.' 

E. Angl, Ry, 1895. 

Bodge, ' patch, botch.' 
! ';uL-f, ' a bundle or parcel.' 
Hedge-pig, ' hedgehog.' 
K.-dir. , ' lirisk, .-n-tivi-.' 
to Nudge with the elbow. 



Sedge-marine, c sedge-warbler.' 
Swidge )' to drain off, swill'; in 
(and Swig) 
Ledger, ' a thatcher's tool.' 

Herefordsh., Havergal, 1887. 

Flidgeter : ' going a flidgeter ' = ' taking 

a flying leap.' 
Hedge, ' bill. ' 
Rudge of ploughed field. 

Upton-on- Severn, Worcs., Laivson, 
1884. 

Mudgin, ' fatfrom chitterlings of a pig. ' 



Snudge, 'a kiss, to kiss,' and W. 
Worcs., Chamberlain, 1882. 



S.E. Worcs., Saksbury, 1893. 

Edge-o-night. 

Hedger. 

Mudgin. 

Ridgel. 

Sludge, ' liquid' mud.' 

Snudge. 

Stodgy. 

Warwcsh., NorthalL, 1896. 

Badger, ' jobbing dealer.' 

Bodge, ' prod with a pointed stick.' 

Fridge, 'to fray out.' 

Hudge, ' a heap, mass.' 

Hodge, ' stomach.' 

Modge, ' to muddle, confuse.' 

Mudgin, 'fat on piir's ^-liitterlings.' 

Podgel, ' to trifle, dally.' 

Sln,lgt>-guts, ' person with prominent 

abdomen.' 
Spadger. 
Stodge, ' stuff and cram.' 



Northamptonsh., Baker, 1854. 
Birge, 'bridge ' (nearly obs. in 1854). 

Suf., Moor, 1823. 

a Ridge of ploughed land. 

Swidge \ said of a leak from a tap, 

(and Swig) j ' all of a swig.' 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IX ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



239 



Glos., Robertson, 1890. 

to Badge, 'to hawk.' 

<Mudgy, 'thick, stout/ 

Edge. 

I'M UP on, adj., ' eager for.' 

Kadire, ' small bundle.' 

Mudgin, ' fat of pig's chitterlings.' 

Rudirel, ' an imperfect gelding.' 

Kidge \ 

Itudge ) 



Or/., Parker, 1876-81. 
Mudgerum. 

W. Somers., Ehvorthy, 1886. 

Begurge. 

Cadge, ' tramping.' 

Bulgt?:, ' batter out of shape.' 

Burge, ' bridge.' 

Dredge, ' to sprinkle.' 

Edge, ' to egg on.' 

Ed-meut, ' incitement.' 

. sack of wool.' 



Ilrdge-trow, 'ditch at side of hedge. 

K>dge, ' boat's anchor.' 

Bare-ridged. 

Smudge, 'to smear.' 

Stodge, ' thick, doughy matter.' 

Urge, ' retch.' 



Wexford, Poole- Barnes, 1867. 

Bidge, ' to buy.' 

(This dialect is W. Southern type, but 
the glossary is very unreliable.) 

Wilts., Dartnell and Goddard, 1893. 

Badge, 'to deal in corn' (obs.). 
Edge. 

Dudge, 'bundle of anything used to 

stop a hole.' 

Dredge | ' barley and oats grown 
Drodge I' together.' 
Fodge, ' small package of wool.' 



Rudge, ' space between furrows of 

ploughed land.' 
Spudgel, 'wooden scoop.' 

Surrey, Levcson-Gower, 1896. 

Bodge, 'gardener's wooden basket.' 

Cledgy, ' wet, sticky ' (of the ground). 

Dredge, ' a brush-harrow.' 

Edget, ' kind of rake.' 

Snudge, ' to move about pensively.' 

Kent, Parish and Shaw, 1887. 

Bodge, ' gardener's wooden basket.' 
Cledge, ' clay, stiff loam.' 
Dredge, ' a brush-harrow.' 

W. Cornw., Courtney, 1880. 

Clidgy, 'sticky.' 

Cock-hedge, ' trimmed thorn hedge.' 

Dorset, Barnes, 1886. 

Ledgers, ' rods used to keep thatch in 
its place.' 



Hants., Cope, 1883. 

Hedge picks, ' fruit of blackthorn.' 

Hudgy, ' clumsy.' 

lludge-bone, ' weather - boarding of 

wooden houses.' 
Sidge, ' sedge.' 

/. of W., Smith, 1881. 

Hedge-houn, ' a plant.' 
Ledgers, wood fastenings for thatch 
'layers.' 

Sussex, Parish, 1879. 

Dredge, ' mixture of oats and barley. 
Hedge-pick, ' hedge-sparrow.' 
Midge, ' any kind of gnat.' 
Hidge-band, ' part of harness.' 



240 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



VII. 



Non-initial O.E. and h = w, f, etc. 



Northumb., Heslop, 1893-4. 
'horse-collar.' 



Braffam 

Briffam 

Barf am , 

Brough, ' moon-halo.' 

Couh, ' cough.' 

Daw, 'thrive.' 

Draa, ' to thrive.' 

Draft-net. 

Duff. 

Flaa, ' turf for fuel.' 

Flaughter, ' thin layer of turf.' 

g aa - jtree. 
Haw- j 

Haugh \ ' low-lying ground by side 
Haaf J of river.' 

Heronsheugh \ 
Heronseugh > 
Heronshuff ) 

' to throw a ball below the 
hough.' 



v, 
Hough 



, 

Hough 

Laigh, 'low.' 
Low, 'flame.' 



hollow. 



Marrow, 'fried,' etc. 
Pegh, ' to puff, pant.' 

^ eu ? h M'wattlin g - S tick.' 
Ploute j 

Ploo 

a? 

Pleuf / 
Raa, 'row.' 



Ko 

Roa 

Row 

Ruf 

Rough 

Saugh 

Saf 

Sauf 



raw.' 



willow.' 

small stream draining 
through the land.' 



Through j ' a stone going through- 
Thruff-styen [ entire thickness of 
Throwf ) wall.' 

Thruff, originally a stone coffin, w>w 

stone laid on a grave = ' trough ' ? 
Tocher ) 
Togher J 'dowry.' 
Towcher ) 



sound of wind.' 
Teuf, ' tough.' 



Wallow. 

Cumberland, Dickinson, 1859. 

Aneuff \ 

Aneugh [ 

Anoo ) 

Braffam. 

Cleuh, ' c'aw, hoof.' 

Coff, ' to cough.' 

Huff. 

Hugh. 

Safftree. 

Saughtree, ' willow.' 

Troff, ' trough.' 

Thruff-stan, ' tombstone.' 

Thruff, 'through.' 

Teuff, 'tough.' 

Heugh, ' dry dell.' 

Bew, 'bough.' 

Haugh, ' flat land near river ' 

Haw, ' fruit of hawthorn.' 

Leugh, 'laughed.' 

l.aghter, ' brood of chickens.' 

Plugh. 

Plu. 

Laa, law.' 

Durham, Palgrave, 1896. 

Doo, 'cake.' 

Kn'ii-'h=9njuuf. 

Marra, 'mate.' 

Nuwt, 'nothing.' 

1'luff, ' plough ' (very seldom). 

Swaledal* (N. Yorks.}, Harlaml, 1873. 

Dow, 'tothrh..' 

( 1 1 ,i\vi , a meadow by a river.' 

Oawz, ' the hocks of a bca>t.' 

Barffam \ 

Barfam j 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



24 1 



WJritly (N.E. Tories.}, Robinson, 1876. 
Forms with -/. 

Barf on, ' horse -collar.' 

Thruff, 'through.' 

Plufe, 'plough.' 

Sluffs, ' skins of fruit.' 

Siff ) '* draw Breath through the 

5llfl! > teeth' (cog. with Sigh r or 

tt ) Fr. Sifnerr). 
Wilf, ' willow ' (also in Marshall's 

E. Yorks., 1771). 

Forms with -u\ 

Awn, ' to own.' 
Barrow-pin. 

Farrow, said of a barren cow. 
Marrows, sb. pi. 

Sew, ' a sow.' 

Sou, of the wind = ' to calm down.' 

Windfall (N. Central Yorks.}, Wright. 

The transcription is Professor Wright's. 

Words with -/. 

Dwaf, ' dwarf.' 
Duaf, 'dough.' 
Draft. 

Inif (sing.), ' enough.' 
'Laf, 'laugh.' 
Sluf, 'slouu-h.' 
Kuf, 'rough.' 
Trof, ' trough.' 

"Words with no final consonant. 

Ba, 'to bow.' 
Bin, ' bough.' 
Droo, ' draw.' 
Fal, 'fowl.' 
Fald, 'fellow.' 
Iniu (pi.), ' enough.' 
Loa, 'law.' 
Mara, ' marrow.' 
Pliu, ' plough.' 
Sa, ' a drain.' 
Sliu, ' slew.' 
"Wila, ' willow. 1 
poa, ' though.' 



Mid. Yorks., Robinson, 1876. 

fc }*-*' 

Dow, ' to prosper.' 
Ewe, pret. of ' to owe.' 
Fellow, ' fallow.' 
Low, ' Ha me.' 

Phil. Trans. 1898-3. 



I Marrow, 'match, fellow.' 
Maw, ' sb.' 

Miff \ ' a mow ^ corn > e ^ 

Pleaf 

Pluf 

Pleuf 

Pliw 

Plea 

Plaw 

Sough, vb. ( = saow), of the wind. 

Huddersfield ( W. Yorks.} , Hast her, 1881 
Words with -/. 

Clough, 'ravine' (clutf). 

Dough (dofe). 

Drutty, ' dry, droughty.' 



Fauf 

(and Faigh) / 



Slaffened 
(and Slockned) 



to clean ground for 

building.' 

' saturated, soaked. ' 
(An old man was 
heard to pronounce 
this word with a 
'guttural,' by 
which Mr. Easther 
presumably means 
a back- open con- 
sonant.) 



Suff, 'to tire of.' 
Soaf, ' willow.' 

Words with consonant dropped. 

Moo of barley, etc. 

Marrow ) , , 

Marry )' to match.' 

Marrow, similar, 'the marrow glove.' 
Soo, ' a sow.' 
Ploo i 

(and Pleugh) / 

Sheffield (S.W. Yorks.}, Addy, 
1888-90. 

Enew, ' enough.' 

Haw, ' berry of hawthorn.' 

Marrow, ' fellow, mate,' etc. 

Hay-mow. 

Plew, ' plough.' 

Soo of wind in trees, etc. 

Trow, ' a trough.' 

Suff, ' a drain.' 

Sauf, 'sallow, willow.' 

Lanes., Nodal and Milncr, 1875. 
Aan, adj., ' own.' 
Barrow-pig, ' male swine.' 



16 



242 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLTX 



Marrow, ' a match, mate.' 
Hay -moo, ' stack of hay.' 

Si } ' 

at } 

Sawgh, ' willow.' 



S. Chesh., Darlington, 1687. 

Bow. 

Mow. 

Soo of the wind. 

Suff, ' to drain.' 

Fief and Fleth, ' a flea ' (Holland). 



Derby sh.y Tegge Skeat, 1896. 

Barrow, ' a gelt pig ' (obs.). 

Duwter, 'daughter.' 

Slough = ? ' miry place.' 

Coff, ' cough.' 

Draft, ' team or cart.' 

Enuff. 

(H)offle, ' hough of a horse.' Dimin. 



N.E. Lines., Peacock, 1889. 

Aniff, 'enough.' 

Biff, 'bough.' 

Enif, 'enough.' 

Sluff, ' skin of a fruit.' 

Toff, 'tough.' 

Thrif \ ' through ' ; also in S.W. 

Thruf J Lines. 

Tiifen, ' make touch.' 

S.W. Lines., Cole. 1886, has Daffy, 

' doughy ' ; Suff., ' underground 

drain.' 

Awe, ' to owe.' 

lieu I ' bough ' ; back-open cons. 
Bew/7/i j usually heard in this word. 
Bow, ' to bend.' 
Draw, 'to drain.' 
Haw, ' fruit of hawthorn.' 
Hollow. 

Maw, 'to mow.' 
Mow (rhymes with 'now'), 'pile of 

hay, etc., in a barn.' 
Pleugh \ gh still heard, but 
Ploo j disappearing. 
Haw, adj. 

Rough = ? (in sound). 
Scew ?, ' to sow.' 
Souing of the wind. 
Paugh (sau), 'goat willow.' 
Tallow. 



Shropsli., Jackson, 1879. 

Hathorn, ' hawthorn.' 
Haw, 'fruit of same.' 
Lawter, ' complement of eggs for a 
sitting hen.' 

Leices., Evans, 1881. 
Haw, in place-names. 



Enew, ' enough.' 

u \ ' a covered drain.' 
oooi ) 

W. Worcs., Chamberlain, 1882. 
Ah -thorn, ' hawthorn.' 



Plow. 

Suff, ' a drain.' 



S.E. Worcs., Salesbury, 1893. 

Burru, ' sheltered place ' (also in Upton- 
on- Severn, Lawson, 1884). 

Enow. 

Mow, ' pail of barn filled with straw.' 

Loff, ' laugh.'' 

liuff, ' hilly ground with trees growiiur 
on it.' 

S:iw, 'the tool.' 

Throw (rhymes with cow), ' tlirough.' 

Wanccsh., NorthalL, 1896. 

Anew, ' enough.' 

Hough (ruff). 

Suff, ' mouth of drain with grating.' 

a trough.' , 



Northamptonsh., Baker, 1854. 
Cuff, ' cough.' 



Glos., Robertson, 1890. 

Burrow, ' shelter or lee side.' 

DriM., tlirough.' 

Ebows, 'shoulder-joints <t c;ittlc.' 

Ftlloir, 

Slough, ' part of quirk <>f M row's horn.' 

Trough (= trow) for drinking. 



GUT1TIIAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. AVYU>. 



243 



Osf., l^rker, 1870-81. 

Fuuwt, ' fought.' 
Pluuwin, 'ploughing.' 

Berks., Loirsley, 1888. 

Haw, 'dwelling enclosed by woods.' 
Zaa, ' a saw.' 

W. Sometv., El worthy, 1886. 

Barrow-pig, ' gelt pig.' 

Bow (buw), ' a twig.' 

Bow (buw), ' to bend.' 

Dough (doa). 

to Draw. 

Draft, ' bar to which plough-horses are 

attached.' 

Drough (drue) ' through.' 
Drow (Druw), 'to dry.' 
Enow, 'enough.' 
Laugh (laa-of). 
Maw : mouth in men, stomach in 

cattle. 

Mow (maew), 'rick.' 
Ought = au.t or au.f. 
Plough (placw). 
Raught (raut) , ' reached. ' 
Eaw. 
Hew, ' row or ridge of grass made 

in scything.' 
Rough '(hruuf). 

How (ruw ( , 'to roughen cloth.' 
Sife, 'to sigh.' 
Tliawy, ' to thaw. ' 
Thoff, 'though.' 

Lor sit, Barnes, 1886. 

Sil'y, 'a sob, catch the breath in 
sighing.' 

Wilts., Dartncll and Goddard, 1893. 
Draw, ' a squirrel's nest.' 
Drawn, ' large drain.' 
Pig-haw. 
Mow, 'part of barn for heaping up 

corn.' 

Rouy/i =/? 
Spawe, 'splinter of stone.' 



Surrey, Leveson-Gowcr, 1896. 
Farrow, ' litter of pigs.' 

Kent, Parish and Shaw, 1887. 

Draaffc, 'bar on plough to which 

traces are fixed.' 
Dwarfs-money, 'ancient coins.' 
Huffed, p.p. (also ' very great '). 
to Huff (spelt hough), 'to hough.' 
"Ruff, ' any rough place.' 
Thoft, 'thought.' 
Draw-well. 
Draw -hook. 
Enow. 

Flaw, 'to flav, strip off bark.' 
Haw, 'small'? 
Raw. 

W. Corn., Courtney, 18^0. 

? Delve, 'to bellow.' 
Laff, 'laugh.' 

Budget of C. Poems. 

Broft, 'brought,' 4o. 
Thoft, ' thought,' 16. 

E. Cornw., Couch, 1880. 

Maa, ' maw.' 
Row, ' rough. 
Siff, ' to sigh.' 



Hants., Cope, 1883. 

Huf, ' to breathe hard.' 
Mow (muw) , ' stack in a barn . ' 
Rowen } ' winter grass ' ; cf. 
Rowet J other dialects. 
Trow (troa), ' a trough.' 



Maa, ' maw.' 



7. of W. 



Sussex, Parish, IS' P. 

Flaw, 'to flag, to strip bark.' 
Haffar, 'heifer.' 



244 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



VIII. 



Xon-initial O.E. -j and -h fronted and lost or = -y. 



Northumb., Heslop, 1893-94. 

Ee, ' eye.' 

Flee, 'to fly.' 

Flee, 'a fly.' 

Feid, 'feud' (O.E. fieh)e). 

Wully, 'willow.' 



Cumberland, Dickimon, 1859. 

Ee, 'eye.' 
Een, ' eyes.' 
Hee, 'high.' 
Ley, ' arable land. ' 
Lee, ' to tell lies.' 

StST I ' a l a dder.' 
Swally, ' to swallow.' 
Willy, 'willow.' 

Swaledale (N. Yorks.}, Harland, 1873. 

Ee, 'eye.' 
Felly. 
Lee, ' a lie.' 

Whitby (N.E. Yorks.}, Robinson, 1876. 

Eee ) ' eye.' 

Eyen } , 

Eeen j P L 

Flee, 'a fly, to fly.' 

Stee, ' sriiall ladder.' 



Windfall (N. Central York*.), Jf'riyht, 

1892. 
The transcription is that of Prof. Wright. 

l)rai, 'dry.' 
Dri, 'dreary.' 

Ki, 'high.' 

FIT, a!lv, tolly.' 
Led, ' lay.' 
Nei, ' to neigh.' 
Sti, 'ladder.' 



Huddersfield ( W. Yrks.), Easther, 1881. 

Ee, 'eye.' 
Fain, ' glad.' 
Stee, 'a ladder.' 



Sheffield (8. W. Yrks.) t Addy, 1888-90. 
Flee, 'a fly.' 



Jb lee, a fly. ' 
Lee, 'a falsehood.' 



S. Chesh., Darlington, 1887. 

Flev, ' flay.' 
Fly. 

Lee, vb. act., 'lay down.' 
Swey, ' to swing. 

Lanes., Nodal and Milne r, 1875. 

Ee-bree, 'eyebrow.' 

Ley, ' pasture or grass land.' 

Stee, ' a ladder.' 

N.E. Lines., Peacock , 1889. 

Belly. 

Dee, 'to die/ 

Dry, ' thirsty.' 

Eye. 

Flee, ' a fly.' 

Lay, ' to lie.' 

Lee, sb. and vb., 'lie.' 

Ley, * unenclosed grass land.' 

Stays, ' stairs.' 

Stiv, ' llltltltT.' 

Thee, 'thigh.' 

"Wrc, ' In 



S.W. Lines., Cole, 1886. 
Dree, 'wearisome, long- continued.' 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLU. 



245 



Upton -on -Severn (ll r orcs.), Lawson, 
1884. 

Eye, 'to glance at.' 
Lie in, 'to cost': "that will lie you 
in a matter of 16s.," etc. 

W. Worcs., Chamberlain, 1882. 
Sallies, ' willows.' 

S.E. Worcs., Salesbury, 1893. 

Belly- full. 
Dry, ' thirsty.' 
Fairy, 'to farrow.' 
Sallies, 'willows.' 



Warwcsh., NorthalL, 1896. 

* y J ' land laid down for pasture.' 

Pig-ste, -sty. 
BighBaL 

Sty, ' a pimple.' 



Glos. , Robertson, 1890. 

Eye, 'to glance.' 

Layers, pieces of wood cut and laid in 

a hedge when ' laying ' it. 
Lay, 'pasture.' 

< wiUo W .' 



IX. 

Final -, voiced. 



Northumb., Heslop, 1893-4. 

Ag, ' to hack, cut in pieces.' 

Flag, ' flake of sandstone, also a snow- 

flake.' 

Ligly, ' likely. ' 
Nog, 'knob,' etc., like the stump of 

a branch. 
Pag, ' to pack tightly, to stop up, 

choke.' 
Iceshoggle (O.E. 3 ycel). 

Cumberland, Dickinson, 1859. 

Hug, 'to pull.' 
Hug, ' chop with an axe.' 
Huggaback, 'climbing vetch.' 
Nog, ' block of wood ' ; cf. nick, 
uitch, etc. 

Windhill (N. Central Tories.}, Wright, 
1892. 

Blcgs, ' blackberries.' 



..K Yorks.), Robinson, 1876. 
Flags, 'flakes.' 

Huddersfield ( W. Yorks.},asther,lS8l. 

Blags, ' black berries.' 
"NViggen, ' mountain ash. ' Cf. Wickcu, 
Lines., etc. 



Lanes., Nodal and Milncr, 1875. 
Snig, ' to snatch' (cf. Snack, etc.) ? 

S. Chesh., Darlington, 1837. 
Plug, 'to pluck the hair.' 

Derby sh., PeggeSkeat, 1896. 
"Wiggin, ' mountain-ash.' 

N.E. Lines., Peacock, 1889. 

Staggarth = ' stackyard. ' 
Niggle, ' to hack, notch.' 

Shropsh., Jackson, 1879. 

Plug = ' to pluck, pull.' 
Smeg, ' a bit,' cf . ' smack ' ? 
Rig, ' to rick the back,' etc. 

Lcices., Evans, 1881. 

Iggle = ' icicle.' 
Piggle, ' to pick.' 



Snags = snacks, which also occurs. 

Rutland, Wordsworth, 1891. 
Piggle, ' to pick ' (frequentative form). 



246 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



s., Lowsky, 1888. 
Agg, ' to cut unskilfully.' 



Uj)ton-on- Severn, TTorcs., Lawson, 
1884. 

Rig, ' to sprain, rick ' (used chiefly of 
the back, aud perhaps influenced by 
substantive). 

Glos., Robertson, 1890. 

Dog, ' the dock.' 

'f JSogs, ' handles of a scythe pole.' 

Sug, ' to soak.' 



Hants., Cpe, 1883. 
Agg, ' to hack.' 

W. Somers., Elworthy, 188C. 

Hug, 'to itch'=siccan. Cf. Heuk, 
the itch,' in Whitby Dial. (O.E. 



Lig, ' like ' (in rapid speech \vhc-u. 

followed by a vowel). 
Kog, ' log, block.' Cf. nitch in same 

dial, and in Wilts. 
Fog, ' thrust, poke with fist.' 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 247 



A proposed Explanation of many apparent Anomalies in the 
Development of O.E. -c, -63, -z, and -h. 

I now propose to deal, as briefly as is compatible with thorough- 
ness, with the above four classes of words. We may take as types 
of the forms under discussion Mod, Eng. seek, think ; O.E. secean, 
Jyncean ; Eng. Dial, brig, segg ; O.E. brycs, sees ; Eng. Dial, 
hag, to lig; O.E. hasu, a haw; lic?an, 3rd sing, hsf, from which 
the standard Eng. verb ' to lie ' has been formed, and also the above 
'irregular' form. Of difficult -h words, Eng. hock (hough), elk; 
O.E. hoh, eolh are examples. 

We have to explain how c and c'z have become unfronted, and 
how -z and -h have been stopped, instead of becoming -w t -f if 
back, being opened to a front vowel if front, or being lost altogether 
after I. 

The explanation which I desire to offer of these two groups of 
phenomena may be diagrammatically stated as follows : 

O.E. 6 -f/j , f, w, I, etc. = k. 
O.E. cz + /, *, >, w, I, etc. = k, g. 
O.E. z+f, s, >, w, /, etc. = ,.?. 
O.E. h +/, s, >, w, I, etc. = k. 

That is to say, that before an OPEN CONSONANT O.E. c and cz are 
unfronted, and that in the same position O.E. z and h are stopped. 
This principle applies not only to the combinations -A]?, fy, etc., in 
the middle of words, but also to the same combinations occurring 
in primitive compounds such as ha33J?orn, standard English haw- 
thorn, Dial, hagthorn. See also my article " Apparent Irregularities 
in English Guttural Sounds " : Notes and Queries, January 14, 1899. 



Date of above Changes. 

The stopping of h and z before open consonants certainly began 
in O.E. There were apparently two periods of stopping, the first 
in which Germ, fo became x = ks (see remarks ante on O.E. x] and 
a later period which followed the apocopation of the vowel in 
W.S. siext (vb.), nexte, etc. To this later period belongs also 



"248 GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. \VYLD. 

probably the unfronting of O.E. c and cl before ]>, s, etc. At any 
rate the whole process is apparently complete by the early M.E. 
period, and we find thenceforth only fossilized remains of the 
process itself, although the effects produced by it are numerous and 
widespread. 

Analogous to the first process which stopped h before , is the 
stopping of / to p before -s, in O.E. waeps from earlier waefs. 
Forms like awec 7 S = awih]?, Jfilfric, Cambridge MS., First Sermon, 
p. 8, ed. Thorpe ; where MS. Reg. has awelrS, (Dr. Sweet called 
my attention to this form), and adryc^, Cockayne's Leechdoms, 
vol. iii, p. 190 = adrys]? show that 3 also underwent this change in 
the O.E. period. It must be noted that 3 before a voiceless open 
consonant was unvoiced as well as stopped, the former process 
being the earlier. 

It is, however, in M.E. that we find the best graphic evidence of 
these unfronting and stopping processes. Both Sweet, H.E.S., 
' 741, and, following him, Kluge, Grundr., p. 839, have called 
attention to the forms sekj?, tekf, etc., in M.E., and explained 
seek, etc., as formed by analogy from them. The unfronting 
process is attributed by both Sweet and Kluge to a following 
consonant. In this explanation, however, the re'al point is missed, 
as we shall see : O.E. c is unfronted only before OPEN CONSONANTS, 
but becomes -ch quite regularly before stops. 

Again, on p. 848 of Grundr., Kluge says: " Beachtenswert ist 
nb'rdl. hekfer fiir haifare, ae. heahfore, wozu vereinzelt wrik)?, likj? 
fur wrih]?, lih]?." Of these forms, however, no explanation is 
given at all, and neither here nor on p. 839 is there any hint 
as to which texts the forms occur in. Hekfer, we may here 
remark, is certainly not a Northern form, as far as the testimony 
of the modern dialects goes. Following is a list of these forms so 
far as I have found them. 

Hali Meidenhed, W. Midi., 1225, has sec^e, sb., 9. On the other 
hand this text has also h unstopped in buhsom, 3, hehschip, 5, 
SilrSe, 45, sight. The only other Midland texts in which they 
occur are Promptorium, which has hekfore, thakstare, 3yk]?e 
(pruritus) ; and Wills and Inventories, which has heckforde in 
the Will of Richard Kanan of Isham, 1570. 

Ancren Riwle, Dorset, 1225, has heixte, hexte, highest. 

Owl and Nightingale, Dorset, 1240-50, has recj?, 491 (otherwise 
recche) ; me fine]?, passim; fink]?, 1694; flisst, 405, whirh 
rhymes to niswicst in the following line, and therefore = *flikst. 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 249 

St. Juliana (metrical), Glos., 1300, hext, highest, 13. 

JRobt. of Gloucester, 1300 : adrenctfe, hecst, hext ; isuc]? = 
seeth ; see)?, seeketh, slexj?, 3rd pi. ; sucst, sue)?, suxt, seest ; 
jnncf, Jinkf, fingf ; otyinc]?, of j?inkj?. 

P. Plowman, 1362-93: lickth, 3rd sing.; ]m lixt, ' thou 
tellest lies'; likj?, ' tells lies.' Kentish Gospels, 1150: secst fu, 
Joh. iv, 27; for scrimrS, Mk. ix, 18. MS. Fespas, A. 22, Kent, 
1200: sesecrSe (sb.), 'sight' p. 239, Morris' ed. Vices and 
Virtues, Kent, 1200: mejnncf, 47. 3 and 47. 20; sesikst, 'seest,' 
49. 22; isik]? 'sees,' 49. 23; isec)?, 87. 17; befencst, wercst, 
65. 7 ; besekj?, 81. 18 ; sesik>, 139. 11 ; befeincS, 133. 17. 
Will, of Shoreham, Kent, 1308: fenkf. Ayenbite, Kent, 1340: 
aquencf, 207, and kuencf, 62 ; tekj? occurs constantly, p. 57, 
etc.; wrikjj, 128; zekf, 'seeks,' 159. 116, 241 ; awrec]?, 115. 2; 
yzicf, 'sees,' 143; zikj?, 'sight,' 123; JnngJ? and fine]?, 164; 
adraynk]? fengj?, 18; fengst, 214. Libeaus Des'conus, Kent, 1350 : 
schincf, 939. 

The chief examples in the Modern dialects of old compounds 
in which the process occurred are : hagthorn in W. Somerset 
and Devon ; hagworm in Cumberland and Lancashire ; heckth 
or eckth = ' height ' in Oxfordshire, Worcestershire, Warwickshire, 
Wilts, and Hants ; heckfer in Norfolk, Suffolk, and Hants ; 
ligster, ' liar ' in Oxfordshire. 

In Standard English c% is unfronted before -w in mugwort, 
(it must also be said that this word also exists in Northern 
dialects, and Scotch has muggart), and nz before J? in ' length ' and 
' strength ' = ^strongrSu, *longrSu. 

We have seen that -zs was sometimes written, even when it 
was clearly pronounced -ks (above, Owl and Nightingale) ; it is 
therefore probable that in those dialects where we find evidence 
of the change at all, we should be justified in assuming ks ty, etc., 
on all occasions, even when -g<9, -z>, hs, etc., are written. 

A glance at the lists of -nch words from St. Katherine, and 
St. Juliana (Prose), will show that before a stop, c became ch, 
giving forms like cwenchte, blenchte, schrenchten, etc. We have 
also seen that the tendency was rather to open a front stop before 
a second stop, giving such forms as pright, pight, etc., from 
*pricchen and *picchen. 

Prom the evidence of the M.E. texts, it is clear that the pro- 
cesses we have been describing were essentially characteristic 
of the W.S. and Kentish dialects. There is very little evidence 



250 GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 

that the stopping and unfronting principle obtained, even in 
Midland dialects. It must, however, be borne in mind that Orm 
lias enn^jell and not enngell, which Mr. Napier has explained 
as due to the oblique cases, engle, etc., and enn^lissh, lenn-are 
also owe their -CT to the following open consonant. Again, we 
have hekfore and Sykfe in Promptorium. In West Midland, 
Hali Meidenhed has sec^e, so that it is possible that the principle 
was once active also in the Lower Midland dialects ; on the other 
hand, these forms may have spread thither from the South. As 
for the North, there can be little doubt that the tendency did 
not exist there at all. On the contrary, the combination }<s 
produced by vowel syncope was simplified to s in Anglian, though 
retained in W. Saxon and Kentish (H.E.S., 504), in which 
dialects, as we have seen, it later on became -ks, x. An interesting 
point is raised as to whether even the Germ, combination -hs 
became -ks universally in all Northern dialects, for in the Hudders- 
field dialect such forms as ouse = ox, saycece = six have only 
recently become extinct, while aise = axe still survives. (See 
Easther's Dialect of Almondsbury and Huddersfield, E.D.S., 1881.) 
It is interesting and important to note that Sir Gawaine, a 
Northern text, 1366, has the form Hag-thorne, with g the open 
consonant, instead of g the stop. (See Word-List ante.) 

But a principle which holds for the middle of words, and for 
primitive compounds, may without undue rashness be assumed 
also for the sentence or breath-group. (Cf. H.E.S., 39 and 40; 
and Siever's Phonetik, 573-590.) If people made secst into 
sekst, they would also make ic ssesde into ik ssesde. That such 
a system of Satz-phonetik really did obtain is almost impossible 
to prove, because in O.E., when the principle was a living one, 
the orthography did not consistently distinguish bet\\&een 6 and c, 
etc. ; while by the M.E. period, when graphical distinctions of 
sounds were more definite, the principle had ceased to be active. 
Hoping to find some indications that such a system of sentence 
sandhi had once existed, I carefully counted all examples, both 
of ic and tch, in MS. Hatton 38, and in the printed edition of 
Vices and Virtues, to see whether the forms were used according 
to any law. There is no doubt that the normal form for the 
dialect of the Hatton Gospels was ich, therefore it is ic which 
has to be explained. It may be said that this spelling is due 
to the earlier original upon which this copy of the Gospels is 
based, and this may be the case to a great extent; still, it is- 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH II. 0. YVYLI). 

a curious fact that of 108 examples of this form which I counted, 
63 occur before open consonants, only 20 before stops, and 25 before 
vowels and h. For ich there seems to be no rule, this being 
evidently the normal form, and it is used indifferently before 
stops, open consonants, and vowels. The results from Vices and 
Virtues were practically the same. Ich seems to be used 
indiscriminately, but ic occurs chiefly before open consonants. 
I give these facts for what they are worth, without attaching any 
very great importance to them ; they may not absolutely prove, but 
in any case they rather confirm than contradict, the theory that 
doublets could be produced in the sentence itself by the influence 
of initial sounds upon the final consonant of preceding words. In 
the face of the curious mixture of back and front forms in all 
dialects, it appears to me that the only satisfactory explanation 
will be one which will account for double forms of each word, 
one form with -Ic or -g, another with -6 or -fa. My theory, even 
if it be only admitted for single words and primitive compounds, 
will do this for a great many words, as far as the Southern dialects 
are concerned, and may perhaps also be extended to the South 
Midland. In some cases a -k or -g may be developed in compounds, 
and survive in the simple form. But with regard to lig, thack, 
brig, etc., in the North, a strange dilemma arises. 

The theory of Scandinavian origin may explain some of these 
forms, but cannot explain them all ; in fact, if it were assumed for 
all ' irregular ' words, there need be no further discussion. Kluge's 
view that the -k and -g forms are due to a regular unfronting in the 
North of O.E. c and dz (by a process, by the way, the details of 
which are not stated), is hardly supported b^ much evidence. The 
existence of so many -ch and -dge words at all in the North would 
need to be explained in this case. Besides, we have shown in the 
word-lists that many -k and -g words are not typically Northern, 
but occur also in the South. And yet we cannot regard these 
forms as produced independently in the North by the same process 
which we have seen could, and did, produce them in the South. 
There is nothing left, therefore, but to suppose that the 
' anomalous ' forms were produced in the South, under the 
conditions already stated, and that they slowly spread to the 
Northern dialects, where they eventually became the chief forms, 
the fronted varieties being eliminated. I can but admit that this 
seems improbable at first sight, for it will be said that such 
wholesale borrowing cannot be accounted for. But, after all, the 



252 GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLU. 

old theory which assumed that all the fronted forms in the North 
were borrowed from the South, and that all the -k and -g forms in 
Southern dialects were borrowed from the North, is in reality quite 
as improbable ; in fact, such a theory is disproved, I think, by the 
evidence I have already adduced of the existence of back and front 
forms side by side in the same dialects, both North and South. 

Again, there is no difficulty in assuming that forms produced 
in the South and South Midlands should go northwards in the 
"West up the valley of the Severn, in the East from Norfolk and 
Lincolnshire. Then, it may be asked how it is that the South got 
rid of most of these forms, in answer to which I again appeal 
to the word-lists, to show rather how many of them were kept. It 
is admitted that even if we take all these arguments into con- 
sideration, this theory of extensive borrowings from the South 
is unsatisfactory ; but all I can say is, that in spite of all its defects, 
it seems to me to present fewer difficulties than any view hitherto 
advanced. This theory may be improbable, but the others are 
manifestly impossible. 

"We have certain phenomena, commoner in some dialects, it is 
true, than in others, but still existing in all. I have endeavoured 
to show that these phenomena were originally produced by factors 
(word and sentence sandhi) which it is not disputed have produced 
sound-changes in other cases; I have attempted to explain the 
wide distribution of the phenomena so produced by the simple 
process of borrowing from one dialect into another, a principle 
which is certainly not a new one. The question of why the 
Southern dialects should have (on the whole) preferred the -dge 
and -ch forms, and w/ n Y the Northern dialects should (on the 
whole) have eliminated them, and preferred the -g and -k forms, 
belongs to a different order of curious inquiry. ' 



Notes on some Doubtful or Difficult Words. 

Standard Engl. brittle. I identify this word with the dialectal 
brichel, brickie, bruckle, etc. M.E. has brucchel (in Hali 
Meidenhed for instance), this would = O.E. brycel ; brickie, on 
the other hand, would = O.E. brycle, etc., in oblique cases. Such 
doublets as mickle and muchel are also to be explained in this 
way. In O.E. brycle, etc., 6 would in the South be unfronted 
before I, but in the North Midland and North would remain 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH II. C. \VYI.I) 253 

a front- stop ; the difference in sound between this and the point- 
teeth consonant is not great, and the combination -cl is an awkward 
one. Or brittle may have been derived in the South from brycle 
(where -cl = -Id) by the not uncommon change of k to t. (See 
list of examples of this change.) For other views see brittle in 
KE.D. 

To lig, etc. Piers Plowman has lick), lixt, and from this would 
be derived stem lie-. This form still survives in West Somerset 
(El worthy), lie-abed, * a sluggard.' Cursor Mundi also has 
likand by the side of ligand = ' lying.' But in West Somerset there 
are several examples of -k becoming -g, cf. hug, 'to itch,' stem ik- 
(ikfe, etc.); pog, 'to poke' (which shows that the change is 
M.E. at all events) ; lig = ' like ' ; nog = ' log of wood,' cf. nitch. 
Thus lik- would quite naturally become lig in the Southern 
dialects, and this explanation accounts for lig, and rather tends 
to show that it is not ' Northern ' in origin. Por other examples 
of ~k becoming -g, see list : " Voicing of final -k" 

Elk. Mr. Bradley will not have it that this word is historically 
connected with O.E. eolh, but says that it must be borrowed from 
some Continental form at a comparatively late date (see Elk in 
KE.D.). On the other hand in the Co. Down a seal is called a selk, 
O.E. seolh. This is the pronunciation of the word at Kilkeel, 
where I heard it often, and paid particular attention to the sounds. 
(The k is the front variety of the back stop, and the I is also 
pronounced clear, with arched tongue as in French.) . 

In the glossary for Down and Antrim (E.D.S., Patterson, 1880), 
the word is written ' selch.' I would suggest that both of these 
words represent the O.E. forms, and that the k in both cases arose 
before an open consonant, either in a compound, or in the sentence. 
The O.E. form eolhx secg (Hickes, Thes., p. 135) does not inspire 
confidence, especially as the MS. (Cott., Otho, B. x) is lost 
(see Kemble, Archaeologia, p. 339). In the Bibl. d. A.-S. Poesie 
(Grein Wiilcker, 1881, Bd. i, p. 334) the Ilunic poem is re- 
printed and the form discussed. Wiilcker prints eolh sees simply, 
and says that the x was probably added by Hickes himself, and 
has nothing to do with eolh. 

He regards it as rather an explanatary note on the value of the 
rune y On the other hand, this plausible explanation is rather 
upset by the fact that eolx segc occurs in a glossary of the tenth or 
eleventh century (Wright- Wiilcker, p. 271, 21). Therefore I think 
we may regard the x as genuine. I should explain this as = ks, 



254 GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLI). 

and should prefer to regard the form as a nominative. In this case 
the * of segc is a redundancy. In the same way selk may be due 
to such an old compound as seolhwaed, where h -f- w would = kw-. 
I do not, of course, assert that selk and elk cannot be explained 
in any other way than above, but up to the present none has been 
suggested which would account for the It. My explanation, at any 
rate, does this. I am compelled by want of space to reserve until 
another occasion, publishing some remarks I have put together on 
several other difficult words. 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH II. C. \VVLI). 



255 



LISTS SHOWING DISTRIBUTION OF SIXTY-THREE WORDS IN THE 
MODERN DIALECTS. 



Brickie 
Bruckle 
Brockle 
Brackly 



brittle.' 



Northumb., Lanes., N.E. Lines., 
Shropsh., E. Angl., SufE., Worcs., 
Northaniptonsh., Beds., Somers., 
Berks., Kent, Dorset, Hants., I of W. 

Dike. 

Northumb., Cumb., Durh., Derbysh., 
N.E. Lines., S.W. Lines., Leices., 
ftutl., E. Angl. 



Muckle 
Mickle 



Norttramb., Curab., Durb., Lanes., 
Wilts., Berks. 

Cleek % 

Click | 'to clutch, snatch.' 

Cluck, etc. ) 

Northumb., Cumb., Durb., Lanes., 
N.E. Lines., S.W. Lines. 

Sic }<such.' 
Sec) 



Nortburab., Cumb., N. Yrks., N.E. 
Yrks., W. Yrks. 

Cleek \ ' clutch ' or brood ' of 
Cluck ) - chickens. 



Northumb., Cumb., Westm., Durh., 
Derbysh., N.E. Lines., S.W. Lines., 
Leices., E. Angl., Suff., Northampt., 
Somers., Wilts., Hants., I. of W. 

Smack, 'taste.' 



Northumb., Derbysh., Glouces. 

Dick }< ditch.' 
Deck) 



E. Angl., N.E. Lines., Somers. 
Surrey, Kent, Hants., Sussex. 

Pik, 'pitch, tar.' 



Northumb., N.E. Lines. 



Northumb., Cumb., Derbysh., N.E. 
Lines , S.W. Lines., Leices.' 



Snack, 'hasty meal, share,' etc. 



Cumb., Durh., Derbysh., N.E. 
Lines., Herefordsh., Somers., Berks. 



Keek = ' smoke,' sb. and vb. 



Northumb., Cumb., Westm., Durh. 
Derbysh., N.E. Lines., Rutl., Suff. 
Northampt., Surrey. 



Reek 
Reik 



to reach.' 



Windhill (S. Yrks.). 



256 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. C. WYLD. 



Steek, ' a stitch.' 
Stik. 



Northumb. 



Beseek. 



Northumb. 



Streek ) <t gtretc ^ a stretch.' 
Straik I 



Northumb., Cumb., N. Yrks., Mid. 
Trks., E. Angl. 



Yeke 



Yeuk J ' to itch.' 

Yuck' 

Ukey, ' itching.' 

Northumb., Cumb., Durh., N.E. 
Yrks., Mid. Yrks., S. Yrks. (eek, 'to 
itch'), S.W. Lines. (Somers. has hug 
<to itch,' which = *?<&; see remarks 
above on voicing of final k.} 



Thak }< thatch, to thatch.' 
TheakJ 

Northumb., Cumb., Yrks. generally, 
Derbysh., N.E. Lines., S.W. Lines., 
Leices., Rutl., E. Angl, W. Worcs., 
Warwcs., Northampt., Beds. 

Tweak !< twitch,' etc. 
Twike i 

Northumb., S. Cheshire, Shropsh., 
Leices. 



Birk. 

Northumb., Cumb., Lanes., Yrks. 
generally, Derbysh., N.E. Lines., 
S.W. Lines. 



Clink, 'to clinch.' 
Clinker, ' clincher.' 



Northumb., Yorks., S. Chesh.,. 
S.W. Lines., Shropsh., E. Angl. 

Kirk. 

Northumb., Cumb., Yrks. generally, 
Derbysh., N.E. Lines. 

Kink, l a twist,' etc. 

Cumb., Yrks., Chesh., N.E. Lines , 
Leices., E. Angl., W. Somers., Kent, 
Sussex, I. of W. 



Benk }' bench. 
Bink ) 



Northumb., Cumb., Westm., Yrks. 
Lanes., I. of Man, Staff., N.E. Lines. 
Northampt. 

Belk, ' belch.' 



Northumb., Cumb., Durh., Yrks. r 
Lanes., N.E. Lines., W. Somers. r 
E. Corn., W. Corn. 

Wink, winch.' 



W. Somers., Dorset. 



Crink \ ' small apple, anything very 
Crinkets } small.' 

Westm. , Chesh. , Warwcs. , Shropsh. , 
Glos. 



Cletch, | d { hik , 

Clutch, etc. j 



Northum.,Durh., Laiic^ . X. Yorks., 
N.E. Yorks., Mid. Yorks., S.W. 
Lines., E. Angl., Suff., llei-efordsh.,. 

Sussex. 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IN KNGIJSH TI. 0. \VYL1). 

Keach, ' to heave up.' 



257 



Northumb. only. 

But KECK, ' to be sick, ' in 
Herefordsh.., Glos., Wilts. ; Berks. 
( = to make cboky noise in throat) ; 
Hants. = 'to retch,' I. of W. 'to 
choke.' 

Seech, ' to seek.' 



Lanes., Chesh. 

Does not appear to exist in any 
Southern dialects. 

Nicher, 'to neigh.' 



Northumb. 

But nicker in Kent and Sussex, 
nucker in Surrey. 

Reechy, ' smoky,' etc. 
Reech, ' steam,' etc. 



S. Yorks., Lanes., S. Chesh., 
Shropsh., Warwcs. 

Smatch, ' flavour.' 

Mid. Yorks., S. Yorks. (Lanes, has 
smouch, 'a kiss'), S. Chesh., Derby., 
Leices., Warwcs., Oxf., Hants. 

Aitch, ' ache.' 



Chesh., Shropsh. 



1'riteh. 
Pritchel. 

Shropsh., E. Angl., Worcs., 
North a nipt., Glos., Kent, Dev., S.W. 

of Ireland. . 

Snatch, ' hasty meal, small piece,' etc. 

Leices., Glos. (= nasty flavour, con- 
fused with smatch?), Berks. 

Phil. Trans. 1898-9. 



Blatch } = the black grease in 
Bletch ) wheels, etc. 

Chesh., Shropsh., Staffs., Glos., 
Wilts., Dors., Hants. 



Britohi'I 
Britcha 



brittle.' 



Lanes., Yorks., S. Chesh., Derbysh., 
Shropsh. 

Kench = kink, 'to twist, sprain,' etc. 

Lanes., S. Chesh., Shropsh., Staffs., 
Suff., Warwcs. 

Linch = ' link,' a field, a wooded 
bank, etc. 



Glos., W. Somers., Dors., Wilts., 
Berks., Kent. 



Worch 
Warch 



vb. and sb. 



Lanes., Chesh., Shropsh. 



Skinch = ' to help to, to stint.' 



Durh. ( = ' shut up ! '), N.E. Lines., 
S.W. Lines., E. Angl. 



Scrinch | ' a morsel, anything very 
Crinchlings / small.' 



S. Chesh., E. Angl., Warwcs., 
Oxf. 



Brig, ' bridge.' 

Northumb., Cumb., Yrks. generally, 
Lanes. (North and Mid.), Derbysh., 
N.E. and S.W. Lines., Leices., Rutl., 
E. AugL, Northamptonsh., Beds. 

17 



258 orrrritAL SOUNDS IN ENGLISH H. c. WYI.D. 

, etc., ' sedge.' Rig = ridge, ' back.' 



Northumb., Cumb., Durh., N.E. 
Lines., Shropsh., Leices , E Angl., 
Suffolk, Herefordsh., Worcs., Upton- 
on-Severa and S.W. Worcs., Warwcs., 
NorthamptoDsh , Glouces. 

Hig, etc. = O.E. hy^e. 



Northumb., Lanes., Yrks. generally, 
Derbysh., N.E. and S.W. Lines. 

Egg = edge, 'to urge, incite.' 



Cumb., Lanes., S. Chesh., Shropsh., 
Warwcs., Beds., Sussex. 

Migg, ' midge.' 

Windhill. 
Lig, 'tell lies, a lie.' 



Westm., W. Torks., S. Chesh., 
Shropsh., Leices., "Warwcs., North - 
amptonsh., Beds., Oxfordsh. (ligster, 



Flig, fleg, etc., 'fledge.' 

Northumb., Durh. ,Thesh., Derbysh., 
N.E. and S.W. Lines., Shropsh., 
Leices., E. Angl., Warwcs., North- 
amptonsh., Beds., Uxfd. 

Clag, cleg, daggy, etc. = ' to stick, 
sticky ' ; also = ' sticky mass.' 

Northumb., Cumb., Durh., Lanes., 
Yorks., Chesh., S.W. Lines., Leices., 
E. Angl., Warwcs., W. Somers., 
W. Corn, (dig, vb., and digged). 

Whig, ' whey.' 

Northumb., S. Chesh., Derbysh., 
S.W. Lines., Shrupsh., Northampton*!). 



Northumb., Cumb., Durh., Lanes. 
Yorks., Derbysh., N.E. Lines., Leices. 
Rutl., E. Augl., Northamptoush. 

Wilts. (?). 

Lig, ' to lie down, to lay.' 



Northumb., Cumb., N. Yorks., Mid. 
Yorks., S. Yorks., Lanes., Derbysh., 
N.E. Lines., S.W. Lines., Shropsh., 
Leices., E. Angl., Somers. (lic-a-bed). 

Snig i 

Suag > 'snail, small eel.' 

Sneg ) 

Lanes., S. Chesh., Shropsh., Leices., 
Wilts., E. Corn., Sussex. 

Ha S I ' haw -berries,' etc. 
Egg, etc. ) 



Lanes., Derbysh., Wilts., Berks. 
(haggas), W. Corn, (aglet), E. Corn. 
(eglet), Hants. 

(G)nag, ' to gnaw.' 



N.E. and S.W. Lines., Leices. 

Sag, ' to saw.' 
Yorks. : Huddersfleld, Windhill. 



Meg), 



maw. 



W. Somers. (mugget = outer stomach 
of calf). 

Millie, etc. 



Northuiuh., Cuiiih., Wi-stiii., Durh., 
E. Yorks. (M:irsh:ill), Laiics., Chesh., 
D, rbyih., Su.-x. etc, 



GUTTURAL SOUNDS IX KNCiUSH II. C. WYLD. 






Cl-;lge. 



, etc. 



Glos., Surrey, Kent, YV. Corn., Derb. 

To rdL'-e on. 

Leices., W. S 



Pledger, ' fledgeling.' 
Xorthumb. 



liidge, ' to buy.' 



Occurs only in "Wexford (Poole, 
1867). This is a very unreliable 
glossary, based on collections made 
many years before. Therefore many 
words were already obsolete by 1807- 



The folio icing are the chief anomalous words in Standard English 
in k and g. 

Words with k where we should expect eh ; k formed by analogy. 



Ache. 

Cluck (of hens). 

Prick, sb. and vb. 

!{<vk, vb., ' to care.' 

Keek, sb. and vb. 

Seek. 

Shriek. 

Smack, ' taste.' 

Snack, sb. 

Stick, vb. 

Tweak. 

Wake. 

Bishop-rick. 

O.E. 3 = ck. Warlock. 
O.E. nc, re. 

J, inks = ' fields' : cf. linch in Glos., 

Somers., etc. 
Think, vb. 
Work, vb. 



O.E. h=k. 
Elk (kind of deer). 
Fleck, ' a spot.' 
Hock. 
Hickwall ) 
Hickel J woodpecker.' 



O.E. 3, 3, and eg 
Drag, vb. (Scandinavian?). 
Egg, sb. (Scandinavian?). 
Mug wort. 
Sag, ' to droop.' 
Slug. 
Twig. 



COBKECTIONS AKD ADDITIONS. 



I am indebted to Professor Napier for several valuable 
corrections and suggestions connected with my paper, and I take 
this opportunity of expressing my gratitude to him for the time 
and trouble he has bestowed upon my work while in proof. In 
the subjoined list of emendations I have added (N.) after each 
remark which Mr. Napier suggested. For all other slips or errors 
throughout the work which are left uncorrected, I alone am 
responsible. 

July, 1899. H. C. W. 

Page 137. " These forms [in -einfe] are not particularly early," etc. Adreintum, 

suffocato, arid acweinte, conipressit ; occur in a gloss of eleventh 

century, shortly to be published by Mr. Napier. (N.) 
,, 137. After words " Euthwell Cross, circ. 680," add (?). (N.) 
,, 138 (bottom of page). " cu often appears as ciu" ; read ' sometimes.' (X ) 
,, 140. Domesday spellings do not yield much evidence one way or the other, 

as they are those of foreign scribes. (N.) 
,, 141, line 12. For seccan read secean. 
,, 141, line 31. The spelling bischop is noted by Reimann in his dissertation 

on the Hatton Gospels. 
,, 142, line 14. " k apparently is not used at all." This is an error. (N.) 

k is rare in Vespas, A. 22, but occurs occasionally, e g. in the 

word 'king' several times, on pp. 231, 233, and 235, etc. (Morris, 

"O.E. Homilies," 1st series). 
,, 144. Delete 'workinde,' line 15. 

,, 147, line 20. " before O.E. <z = Germ, a," etc. ; for a read a. 
,, 150. The form hiniongae cannot be explained as due to a scribal error. The 

fronted form occurs in Durham Book. (N.) Cf. Cook's Gl< 

p. 92. The fronting awaits explanation. 
,, 151, line 22. For ' doubtless ' read ' possibly.' 
,, 152. " Pronunciation of M.E. g, 3." 3 had disappeared (in pronunciation 

at least) already in O.E. after front vowels, ^nd even when 

written often does not imply a consonantal sound. Cf. O.E. 

swe^n = O.N. svein. (N.) I have already pointed out that even 

Epinal has snel (p. 148, 1. 38). 
,, 154, last line. Read Lady Margaret Hall. 
,, 163. Another example of h + open consonant becoming c in O.E. is 

weocsteall = weohsteall, for which form see Napier, " Engl. Stud.," 

xi, p. 64. (N.) 
,, 163, etc. It should be distinctly understood that in the lists which follow 

two distinct phenomena are. illustrated : (1) The stopping of 7 and 

h before open consonants ; (2) the unfrontiug of c and c% before 

open consonants. 
,, 184. Werchte has been by a slip included in the Kentish Gospels li-t <>t 

-rr/i wonis. r/i in this word represents of course the TOJ 

open ennsoniint. 



2G1 



VL NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. By the 
Rev. Professor SHE AT, Litt.D. (President). 

[Read at the Anniversary Meeting of the Philological Society, May 12, 1899.] 

Ananas, the pine-apple. This word is not of Peruvian origin, 
as unluckily stated in the Dictionary of the Spanish Academy, 
but Brazilian. In a Vocabulary of the dialect of La Plata, by 
D. Granada, this error is pointed out, as well as the fact that 
the same Dictionary mis-states the gender of the word as being 
feminine. But the Guarani name of the plant is ndnd, and of 
the fruit andnd. In the dialect of La Plata, the name for both 
fruit and plant is ammd, masc. The Peruvian (Quichua) name 
was quite different, viz. achupalla, which was the name of the fruit. 
In the "Historia Naturalis Brasiliae," printed in 1648, we find 
at p. 33 the remark that the Spanish name was ananas, and the 
Brazilian name was nana ; the reference being to the plant. 

Boatswain. The earliest quotation in the N.E.D. is dated 
1450. There is a note that " the alleged A.S. bdt-sivdn is 
apparently a figment." This is correct; but there is an A.S. 
Idt-swegen, a hybrid word made up of the A.S. bdt, a boat (whence 
Icel. bdtr was borrowed), and the A.S. swegen, an A.S. spelling 
of the O.JS". *sweinn, Icel. sveinn\ and this A.S. bdt-swegen is 
the exact source of the modern form. It occurs in the Leofric 
Missal, fol. 1, back; see Earle, " Land Charters," p. 254, 1. o. 

Bore, a tidal wave. This Dr. Murray refers to Icel. bdra, 
a wave ; but with some hesitation. I can see no reason for doubt, 
in view of the examples given in Yigfusson. The Norw. baara 
also means wave or billow, with the secondary sense of 'a swell' 
at sea, which is just the sense of 'bore'; the Norw. baara, verb, 
means to form waves; and there are several derivatives. JS"eitlu-r 
is there any difficulty as to the ultimate origin ; the base bur- 
precisely corresponds with the third stem of the root- verb bera, 
to bear ; indeed, we find in Danish dialects the sb. Inuring, 
meaning as much as one can carry at once, a burden. The exact 



252 NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKEAT. 

equivalent, as to form, is the Mod. E. bier, A.S. b&r, which is 
likewise derived from the same grade of the same verb, and means 
' that which is borne along.' The same sense precisely suits the 
word lore, as it is a great wave, borne along with even and 
irresistible sway. 

Brook. The word brook is doubtfully connected with the verb 
to break in Kluge and the N.E.D. Both assign to it as a possible 
meaning that of ' a spring,' or ' place where water bursts forth ' ; 
which is not at all convincing. The connection is, however, quite 
correct, and, rightly viewed, is easily understood. The original 
sense of brook is simply ' fissure,' a place where the ground is 
broken. The phrase ' broken ground ' is quite a familiar one ; and 
the sense comes out in English dialects. The E. dial, brook is 
defined in the E.D.D. as a water-meadow ; and the pi. brooks 
is explained as low, marshy ground, not necessarily containing 
running water or springs. In Cambridge we have a place of 
the kind called Brooklands, though its condition has been bettered. 
So also Hexham has Du. broeck, moorish or marshy land; and 
Schiller defines the M. Low G. brdk as meaning a flat place lying 
low, broken (durchbrochene) by water, and overgrown with brush- 
wood. This clears up the sense; and as to, the form there is 
no difficulty; for the G. bruch means exactly a breach, rupture, 
fracture. The G. u answers to A.S. 6, and the relationship (by 
gradation) of G. bruch, A.S. broc, to the verb brecan is precisely 
like that of the G.fuss, A.S./o/, to the Lat. ace. ped-em. 

Bulk, a frame-work projecting from the front of a shop, 
a partition. The N.E.D. quotes my suggestion that the word 
is probably related to balk-, and also cites the Line, word bid/car, 
a beam or rafter, and the A.S. bolca, 'the gangway of a ship.' 
The E.D.D. gives bulk, ' the open stall of a shop ' ; bulker, 
'a counter.' The word is fairly eleared up by comparing M.Dan. 
bulk, in the sense of 'balk' (Kalkur), and the Dan. dial, bulk, 
1 a half-wall," a partition ' (Molbeeh). 

Bull-dog. The earliest quotation for bull-dog is from "Cock 
Lorelles Boat," ab. 1500. Dr. Murray is in a little doubt as to 
whether the dog was named from his attacking bulls, or from 
some resemblance in the shape of his head. I find a quotation 
which is strongly in favour of the former hypothesis, and goes 
back to the fifteenth century. In the piece called "The Hunting 
of the Hare," stanzas 5-8 (Weber, "Met. Horn.," iii, 281), there 
"<>d (leal about dogs. In st. 5, some men boa>t that they 



NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKKAT. 

have enough dogs to bait a hare. Three other men have excellent 
dogs. Then comes stanza 7, which is to the point 

"Jac of the Bregge and Wylle of the Gappe, 
Thei have dogges of thei olde schappe, 

That heyre and beyre wyll kyll. 
Jac Wade liase a dogge [wyll] hit pull, 
He hymselue wyll take a bull, 

And holde hym ston-styll." 

A dog that could seize a bull and hold it stone-still must have 
been a bull-dog indeed. Bull-baiting is mentioned by Fitzstephen, 
in the time of Henry II: " Pingues tauri cornupetae . . . cum 
obiectis depugnant canibus." 

Bump. It is worth notice that the verb to bump appears in 
Kalkar's Middle-Dan. Diet. He explains bumpe by * to strike 
with the clenched fist.' I think that a bump would result from it. 

Cack, to cackle. In Lydgate's "Hors, Shepe, and Goose," 1. 29, 
pr. in Furnivall's " Political Poems," p. 16, we find: "The goose 
may calke" meaning " The goose may cackle." I have explained, 
in my article on " Ghost- words," that kk is frequently denoted 
in MSS. by a symbol resembling Ik ; and the present example 
is clearly one of these. Thus the apparent calke = cakke, i.e. to 
cack, the original verb of which cackle is only the frequentative. 
The New E. Diet, has no example of this simple verb, nor is the 
quotation recognized. 

Calf. There is still some difficulty as to the calf of the leg. 
It is the Icel. kulft, ' the calf of the leg ' ; but how is it related to 
kalfr, 'a calf ? I think the connection is really a very close one. 
The Swed. /calf, m., means 'a calf,' and ben-kulf, also m., is the 
leg-calf, or the calf of the leg. Much light is thrown upon it 
by the curious phrase to cave in, which, as was first shown by 
Wedgwood, means to calve m, a phrase used by Dutch workmen 
to indicate that a mass of earth is falling, like a calf from a cow. 
Koolman, in his E. Fries. Diet., is quite clear about it. He gives 
kaJfen, 'to calve'; and ulso to fall in (as earth); as de slotskantu 
kalfd of, or kalfd in, i.e. the edge of the ditch oaves away, or c 
in. Stokes clenches the matter by an etymology ; he adduces 
the Gaulish Lat. Galba (the name of tin emperor), which Suetonius 
explains as praeptnyuis, i.e. big - bellied ; an epithet which, 
according to history, Philip I of France was so ill-advised as to 



264 NOTKS ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKEAT. 

apply to William the Conqueror. Now Galba answers, by Grimm's 
Law, to the English calf, and enables us to see that the calf of 
the leg is likened to the calf before it drops from the cow. 

Cat-in- the-pan. Dr. Murray's earliest quotation for this phrase 
is dated 1532. It is a century older. "Many men of lawe . . . 
bi here suteltes turnen the cat in the panne" ; Wyclif's Works, 
ed. Arnold, iii, 332. This strengthens the' supposition that the 
proverb really refers to a pussy-cat and not to a cate. 

Cloves. In the N.E.D. this word is derived from the F. clou, 
as usual ; and the difficulty of this derivation is duly pointed 
out. It is clear that the ultimate source is the Lat. clauus, 
' a nail.' I believe that the right solution is one which has never 
yet been thought of, viz., that the word is really of Italian origin, 
though somewhat affected by a French pronunciation. It is 
a remarkable fact that, as explained by Diez, the Lat. a in 
clduus, Late L. cldvus, was taken together with the v, and the av 
became o, as usual ; this produced an Ital. form chio-o, in which 
a euphonic d or v was inserted, producing the two forms chiodo, 
chiovo, both meaning * nail.' But both these words had the 
secondary sense of ' clove.' It is remarkable that the great Italian 
Diet, by Tommaseo only recognizes chiodo as having the sense of 
'clove,' and gives chiovo as a 'nail' only. And most Italian 
dictionaries give no other sense than that of * nail ' for both chiodo 
and chiovo. But, as a matter of fact, the pi. term chiovi was used 
as a trade-name for 'cloves' till quite recently, and may be so 
ptill. Chiovi is given as the equivalent for 'cloves' in the 
Diet, of Merchandise, by C. H. Kaufmann, 1815; and in various 
editions of Macculloch's Commercial Dictionary. It seems fairly 
clear that the E. clove is due to a compromise between the F. clou 
and the Ital. chiovo. / 

This supposition solves yet another difficulty ; for there is 
another word clove, meaning 'a weight of about 71bs.' Of this 
the N.E.D. says that it "represents the Anglo-Latin clarux and 
the A.F. clou, both common in laws of 13th 15th cent."; and 
adds, that it is from L. clduus, 'a nail.' But no explanation is 
given of the form of the word. I would explain it by supposing 
that, here again, the A.F. clou has been contaminated by Italian. 
Florio has: " Chioua, a kind of great weight in Italy" \ which 
is what we want. Duorage gives the fern, clava, as well as clavus, 
and defines it as an E. weight of about eight pounds. 

Cog, as in 'to cog dice.' It is shown in the N.E.D. that the 



NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKEAT. 2G5 

phrase to cog dice seems to have meant originally, so to handle 
the dice-box and dice as to control, in same degree, the fall of the 
dice. But no etymology is suggested. When we notice that the 
usual sb. oof/, 'a tooth on the rim of a wheel,' is of Scand. origin, 
being precisely the Mid. Dan. Tcogge, 'a cog' (whence koggi-hjul, 
' a cog-wheel,' see Kalkar) ; and when we further observe that 
the Norw. kogga means ' to dupe,' whilst in Swedish we find 
the verb kugga, 'to cheat,' corresponding to the Swed. kugge, 
' a cog ' ; it becomes probable that there is a real connection 
between the verb and the sb. I suggest that the method of 
cogging was performed in the only possible way, viz., by making 
use of the little finger as a cog, projecting a little into the dice-box 
so as just to hitch the die against the side, and to direct it in the 
way it should go. In any case, the verb to cog is obviously of 
Scand. origin. Perhaps it is worth adding that the Swed. verb 
kugga also means ' to pluck in an examination ' ; which looks 
as if the examiner puts a cog in the candidate's attempts to turn 
himself round ; or, as we should say, ' puts a spoke in his wheel.' 
The prov. E. to cog together, means ' to agree ' ; this obviously 
refers to the fitting together of cogs of an adaptable form. 

Collop. In the earliest quotation for this word, in "Piers 
Plowman," B. vi. 287, the pi. appears as coloppes. In the 
corresponding passage, in C. ix. 309, only two MSS. out of six 
have coloppes, whilst four insert an h, giving us colhoppes. The 
spelling colhoppes must be considered as the original.. Dr. Murray 
suggests that the first part of the word represents A.S. col, 
1 a coal ' ; since the Prompt. Parv. gives carbonella as the Latin for 
collop. It remains to discover the sense of the latter element hoppe. 
Now, in the Archiv fur das Studiurn der Keueren Sprachen, 
Band ci, heft. 3, 4, p. 392, there is an article on the word collops 
by Erik Bjorkman, of Upsala, in which the writer points out 
that an old Swedish form kolhuppad occurs, once only, which 
is probably borrowed from English. In Noreen's Altschwed. 
Lesebuch, p. 145, the editor says : " Jcolhuppadher, .... 
adj., * roasted in the glow of the coals ' ; Swed. glodhoppad" This 
Swedish word is not in the usual Swed. dictionaries, but glod is 
the common word for a glowing coal or a glede ; so that glod- 
hoppad is ' roasted on the gledes.' In Rietz, Diet, of IS wed. 
dialects., we find, as the word for ' a cake baked on the gledes,' 
the forms glo-hoppa, glodhyppja, glohyppa, glohyppe. It is obvious 
that we have here the equivalent of XLE. col-hoppe, with the 



266 NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKEAT. 

prefix 'glede' instead of 'coal.' And we hence gather, as the 
result, that hoppe means something baked or fried on the coals. 
The usual sense of collop in M.E. is 'fried ham' or 'fried bacon' 
(see the N.E.D.); but as the Swed. word means 'cake,' it 
maybe explained as having the general sense of 'a thing fried,' 
viz. by placing it over glowing coals. Another form of the 
word is, in my opinion, the G. hippe, * a wafer.' This is made 
clearer by help of Schmeller's Bavarian Diet., col. 1139, where 
we find: "die Hippen, a wafer-shaped cake, which was rolled 
together after being baked." Oddly enough, this word was used 
with yet a third prefix. Schmeller cites the form hol-hippen, 
explained as ' crustula mellita.' I suppose hol-hippen means 
' hollow cakes,' from the shape when rolled up ; but I do not 
know that this is right. The examples in Schmeller show that 
the former vowel is sometimes u ; hence we see that the * is, 
etymologically, a mutation of u, which brings the form huppen 
into close connection with the 0. Swed. kol-huppad. It may 
be connected with the curious A.S. hoppe, explained as a bell 
on a dog's neck ; lit. ' a dancer,' from its constant motion. In 
like manner a col-hoppe may have meant ' that which dances on 
the coals,' said of anything fried. Cf. Gallop below. 

Corrie. The N.E.D. tells us that the Highland word corrie 
means a circular hollow among mountains, from the Gael, coire, 
which has this meaning, though the original sense was a cauldron 
or kettle. I have two remarks to add here. First, the G. kessel 
has a similar double meaning, as it means (1) a kettle, and (2) 
a ravine. Secondly, as shown by Stokes and Brugmann, the Gael. 
coire is cognate not only with W. pair, ' a cauldron,' but also with 
the A.S. hwer, with the same sense. The Irish c, W. p, points to 
Celtic q, which answers to the A.S. hw. Many mar remember 
Pont-y-pair t the bridge of the cauldron, whore "the broken course 
of the stream below adds much to the effect of the scene." 

Creel, a wicker basket. A derivation from a supposed O.F. 
form *creille, representing L. crdticula, is proposed in the N.E.I). 
The E.D.D. points out that the right form is the O.F. creil, for 
which we are referred to Lacurno. This O.F. ereil also occurs 
in Ducange, s.v. cleia, whore it is p\vn as the O.F. translation 
<>f I;, crates, 'a hurdle.' There can be no doubt that our creel is 
jiivrisi-ly this O.F. r/v//, which represents the L. *cruticuliun, 
the neuter, not the feminine form. As a fact, the L. Inn. form 
is also represented in Frnu-h, vi/., by the sb. t/n'/le. 



NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKKAT. 267 

It is thus evident that creel is a masculine (or neuter) form closely 
ivlutcd to the fern, form grille, 'a grating.' It is worth noting 
that, whilst Ital. gradella is explained in Florio by a gridiron 
(i.e. 'a grill') or a window-grate (F. grille), the same word in 
modern Italian means a fish-basket (i.e. creel). So in French, 
F. grilj 'a gridiron,' is a doublet of OUT creel. 

Creem, to crumble (prov. E.). See below. 

Crumb. It is worth noting that, as suggested by Kluge, the 
M in the A.S. cruma, 'a crumb,' was long. This is shown in two 
ways: (1) the prov. E. croom has the long vowel still; and (2) 
A.S. cruma answers to E. crumb just as A.S. fyuma does to 
E. thumb. This helps us to the etymology of the prov. E. creem, 
'to crumble.' It suggests an A.S. form *cryman, derived from 
cruma by mutation of u to y, with substitution of the Kentish e for 
A.S. y, as in the modern E. steeple for A.S. sty pel. In the E.D.D., 
the sense of ' crumble ' (for creem) is given as the third sense ; 
but it ought to stand as the first. 

Cudgel. Kluge connects cudgel, A.S. cycgel, with G. kugel, 
'a ball,' and keule, 'a club,' presumably with a knob to it. 
I propose further to connect these words with Swed. kugge, 
whence the E. cog. A cog would thus be explained as ' a round 
projection,' and a cudgel as 'a knobbed stick.' Of. also Dan. dial. 
kugel, kuffl, kijgl, ' rounded, convex ' (Molbech). 

Dank. It is said, in the N.E.D., that the only words known 
which seem to be related to dank are the Swed. dial, dank, ' a moist 
place in a field,' and Icel. dokk, ' a pit, a pool.' But I find other 
forms which are more satisfactory, viz., Swed. dial, danka, 'to 
moisten'; and Dan. dial, donks, dynke, 'to sprinkle linen with 
water before ironing it.' Besides these, we can scarcely doubt that 
dank is connected with the Mid. S\ved. and prov. Swed. dunkenhet, 
given by Ihre and Rietz, which meant precisely ' moisture ' or 
dankness ; and further, with Dan. dial, dttnkel, ' moist, not quite 
dry ' ; dynk, ' a drizzling rain ' (Molbech) ; and $"orw. di/nka, 
' to wet.' This makes it quite certain that dank is connected with 
an obsolete Scand. verb *dinka, pt. t. *dank, pp. *dunkinn, the 
sense of which was, probably, * to be wet.' Cf. also damp. 

Darn. Dr. Murray shows that all ideas of assigning a Celtic 
origin for the darning of stockings, etc., must be given up. He 
suggests that it is connected with the adj. tier//, ' secret, hidden ' ; 
whence dern, 'to conceal, to put out of sight.' But he suggests 
no connecting link between the two ideas. This I now propose 



268 NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF- SKEAT. 

to supply. The A.S. verb gedyrnan is duly given in Bosworth and 
Toller, with the senses ' to conceal, hide, keep secret.' But it also 
had the explicit sense * to stop up.' This, I think, is all that we 
require. To darn a hole in a stocking is precisely * to stop up ' 
the hole, so as to make the stocking wearable ; and the same 
explanation applies to a hole in any kind of garment. The 
required meaning is supplied by a gloss which is twice recorded ; 
viz. ' oppilatum, gedyrned* ; Wright's Yocab. ed. "Wiilker, 461. 7 ; 
and 494. 25. Oppilare, ' to stop up,' is rare; but occurs in Cicero 
and Lucretius (see Lewis and Short). Lastly, the matter is put 
beyond doubt by the account of the prov. E. darn in the E.D.D., 
where it is especially noted that the word is applied in Aberdeen, 
not to the mending of a stocking, but to the stopping up of a hole 
with straw. A most extraordinary use of the word is also recorded 
there, viz., that a drunken man, who takes a zig-zag course instead 
of walking straight, is said "to darn the streets." I have yet 
one more remark to add, viz., that, in the dialect of Westphalia, 
the verb stoppen, lit. 'to stop,' is used in the precise sense of 
" to darn a stocking." 

Darnel. The etymology of darnel has never yet been fully 
explained. Hitherto, we have only got as far AS this, viz., that 
it is a Walloon form, recorded in Hecart's Glossary of the 
dialect of Rouchi in the form darnelle, with a note that it is 
known "en Cambresis," i.e. in the neighbourhood of Cambray. 
I wish to draw attention to the final 0, as showing that the 
word was originally one of three syllables, and was feminine. 
This helps us to a possible etymology. I take this word to be 
really a compound; the word consists of two parts, viz. dar- and 
nelle ; and I propose to show that, whereas darnel is applied 
to Lolium temulentum, the former part dar- practically signifies 
temultntum, and the latter part nelle means lolium. And first, as 
to dar-. This is explained by Swedish, which has two words for 
' darnel,' viz. the compound ddr-repe and the simple form repe. 
Both are given in Oman's Swed. Diet. ; he has : " dar -rep?, 
bearded darnel," and " repe, darnel." It is clear that ddr- 
reters to the stupefying property of the plant, whence also 
it is called temulrnhun in Latin, and ivraie in French; for 
i 1 . ivraie is obviously allied to the adj. tvre, 'drunken.' The 
Svved. ddra means 'to infatuate, to delude, to bewitch,' and is 
alli:il to Dan. bedaare, 'to infatuate, to besot'; and to the M.Du. 
dore, G. Thor, 'a fool, a senseless person.' See the words dor, 



NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKEAT. 201 

1 mockery,' dor, 'a fool,' and dare, vb. (2) in the N.E.D. Note 
also M.Du. verdaren, 'to amaze'; Low G. bedaren, Du. bedaren, 
1 to become calm or to be calmed down ' ; which show the vowel 
a in place of the Icel. or Swed. d. Corresponding to the vowels 
a and d respectively, we have variants both in English and 
"Walloon. In English we have the ordinary form darnel and the 
Lowl. Sc. dornelL In Walloon, we have the remarkable variants 
recorded by Grandgagnage, viz. darnise and daurnise, signifying 
one who is stupefied by drink or is dazed. Putting all these facts 
together, there seems to be sufficient evidence that the syllable 
dar- or dor- has reference to the stupefying or intoxicating 
properties of darnel. If this be correct, it is not difficult to find 
the meaning and etymology of nelle. Godefroy gives nelle as 
a variant of nielle, with the sense of darnel. He quotes from 
a Glasgow glossary the entry " Haec jugella, neele "; and from 
another glossary, "Lolium, nielle" \ and again: "Zizania, nielle" ; 
and again, "la nelle ou la droe par-my le froment." This shows 
that, as I said, nelle is feminine, and is clearly a contracted form 
of nielle, the form neele being intermediate between the two. As 
to the etymology of nielle t it is merely the F. form of L. nigella. 
The form jugella, of course spelt with i (not j) in the Glasgow 
glossary, is nothing but the scribe's error; he has written in 
instead of ni, just as the mysterious word junames in Halli well's 
Dictionary turns out to be a miswritten form of innames, i.e. 
intakes, or plots of land taken into cultivation. The L. nigella 
means a plant having black or blackish seeds, and is the fern, of 
niyellus, blackish, from niger, black. In Lyte's translation of 
Dodoens, bk. ii, c. 96, he remarks that one kind of nigella has 
black seeds; and further, that the French form of nigella is nielle. 
He distinguishes between nigella and lolium ; but we need not be 
troubled about this, since the old glossaries identify nielle with 
lolium and zizania. Cotgrave explains nielle lastarde by ' cockle,' 
and we know that ' cockle ' is often used to translate both zizania 
and lolium. A gloss in Wright's Vocab., 554. 10, written in three 
languages, brings the words together thus : *' Zizania, neele, 
cockel." We thus have irrefragable evidence to show that the 
O.F. fern. sb. nelle actually meant ' darnel,' and that it is ultimately 
a derivative of L. niger, 'black.' This being so, we can hardly 
fail to identify the Lowl. Sc. prefix dor- with the Swed. ddr- 
in the compound ddr-repe, ' darnel ' ; and lastly, we see that 
this prefix refers to the stupefying properties of the Lolium 



270 NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKEAT. 

temnJentum. The admirable article on cockle in the N.E.T). <iives 
further information. Professor Henslow has kindly explained to 
me how the confusion between darnel, corn-cockle, and nigella 
arose. Darnel was confused with cockle, because both grow among 
corn. Cockle was confused with nigella because both grow among 
corn, and have black seeds. The seeds of darnel are not black. 
He remarks further, that this early confusion of the three plants 
was repeated by Fuchsius and others, but they are correctly 
distinguished from each other in Gerarde's Herbal ; where we 
find (1) Gith, nigella, Melanthium ; (2) Cockle, Bastard nigella, 
Pseudomelanthium ; and (3) Darnel, Lolium album, Triticum 
temulentum. 

Date (of the Palm-tree). The word date, 'as applied to the fruit 
of the palm-tree, is derived, through the French datte and the 
L. dactylus, from Gk. a/cXos, of which the true sense, in Greek, 
is ' a finger.' It is tolerably obvious that this is nothing but 
a popular etymology, and that dd/crvXos, in the sense of ' date,' 
is from some foreign source, assimilated to the ordinary word 
for * finger ' because that was a familiar word, and some sort of 
resemblance to a finger could be made out. Professor Bevan, 
I found, was of the same opinion ; and gave me as the source the 
Aramaic diqld, 'a palm-tree,' whence the Heb. Diqldh, as a proper- 
name, spelt Diklah in the A.Y., Gen. x. 27 ; 1 Chron. i. 21. The 
Arab, daqal, l a kind of palm,' is a related word. It is a safe 
conclusion that the Greek word was modified from the Aramaic 
name of the date-palm. 

Debut, The Dictt. all agree that the F. sb. debut is from the 
verb debuter ; but they give no very clear account of the verb. 
Hatzfeld makes two distinct verbs, viz. (1) debuter, i to get nearest 
to the mark, to make one's first attempt, to begin,,' which he 
derives from the Lat. prep. d and F. but, ' a mark,' observing that 
the old spelling desbuter is wrong; and (2) debuter, l to knock 
away from the mark,' in which the prefix represents the Lat. dis-. 
But the distinction is surely needless. Cotgrave explains M.F. 
deabuter by 'to put from the mark he was, or aimed, at,' i.e., 
' was at or aimed at,' also, * to repel, thrust back, drive from 
his place, disappoint ' ; and does not notice the other senses at all. 
This makes it clear that this was the original sense ; and it is 
obvious that the prefix is the O.F. des-, answering to the Lat. dis-, 
and that the spelling desbuter is right. But we can easily see that 
the sense ' to get nearest the mark ' follows immediately from this, 



NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKKAT. 271 

and belongs to precisely the same verb. Anyone who has played 
at bowls knows perfectly well that the player who knocks the best 
bowl away from its good place usually succeeds in substituting his 
own bowl as being the nearest, or at any rate leaves his partner's 
bowl in a good position ; otherwise he does no good by his stroke, 
and does not disappoint the adversary. Consequently we have but 
one verb to deal with ; and we may further remember that, if 
a novice at the game of bowls succeeds in displacing the adversary's 
bowl, and so getting nearest to the mark, he will certainly astonish 
the older players, and make a successful debut. Further, according 
to the rules of the game, he will, in the next round, have the 
honour of beginning first, which brings in yet another sense of the 
verb. I submit that there is but one verb, and that the etymology 
is obvious. It is worth notice that Littre gives six senses to the 
word, and actually places the original sense last of all. This 
original sense is an active one, whilst all the other senses are 
neuter. It is also worth notice that the sb. does not occur in 
Cotgrave. According to Hatzfeld, it first occurs in 1642, spelt 
desbut] a spelling which I hold to be perfectly correct. The order 
of the development of the senses is, accordingly: (1) 'to knock 
away from the mark,' in. the game of bowls ; (2) ' to come in first,' 
at the same game; (3) 'to lead off,' in the next round, at the 
same; (4) 'to lead off,' generally ; (5) 'to make a first beginning 
in public.' 

Dog. Only one example of the A.S. docga is given in Bosworth. 
But we find doggene-ford and doggene-berwe in Kemble, Cod. Dipl., 
vi. 231, 1. 1 ; and duggi-)orn in Birch, A.S. Charters, iii. 113. 

Drown. It is known that the mod. E. drown answers, in sense 
at least, to the A.S. druncnian, signifying (1) 'to become drunk,' 
and (2) ' to drown.' And it is clear that this verb is formed from 
the pp. druncen ' drunken.' But it is hardly possible to see how 
such a form as druncnian should have lost so strong a combination 
as nc. The right answer is given by Erik Bjorkman, at p. 394 of 
" Archiv fur das Studium der neueren Sprachen," Bd. ci. He 
shows that the form is not English, but Danish. Owing to the 
Scand. habit of assimilation, the Dan. for ' drunken ' is drukken, 
and the Dan. for 'to drown' is drukne. In this form the first 
n has already disappeared, and there is only the k to get rid of. 
But this k is also sometimes lost in Mid. Danish. Kulkar gives 
drukne, with the variants drougne, drovne, drone ; so that the M.E. 
drunen is thus sufficiently accounted for, as being of Danish origin. 



272 NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKEAT. 

Eager, Eagre, a tidal wave in a river. This is a most 
interesting and mysterious word, which has often astonished 
readers and excited curiosity. It is discussed in the X.E.D., 
where it is shown that it cannot be from the A.S. eagor, egor, 
' a flood,' because the A.S. g between two vowels always became 
a y, and never remains hard. It is also most unlikely that the 
favourite idea of our antiquaries can be admitted, viz., that it 
represents the Icelandic sea- god named ^Kgir, for the final r would 
then probably have dropped off; besides which, I know of no 
reason why the g should not, in this case also, have suffered 
change. The hard g is clearly due to a French origin, as in 
meagre, eagle, and the like. Moreover, as the E. eagle answers to 
F. aigle, we should expect the E. eager to commence with aig- in 
French ; or, if a vowel follows, the F. word must begin with aigu-. 
If, with this hint, we now open Godefroy's O.F. Diet., we shall 
find the form required, viz. the O.F. aiguere, ' a flood or 
inundation.' He has. but one example, but fortunately this is 
a very clear one. He quotes a couple of lines to this effect : 

" Les blez en terre pourrisoient 
Pour les aigueres qui seurondent " ; 

i.e., the crops upon the land were spoilt on account of the eager 8 
(or floods) which overflow it. The sb. aiguere is fern., and appears 
to be the same word as aiguiere, * a water-jar,' of which numerous 
examples are given in the Supplement to Godefroy. The Lat. 
form is aquaria, which not only meant a water-jar but also 
a conduit or canal; see Ducange. Closely related is the O.F. verb 
aiguer, 'to water, to bathe,' answering to the Late L. aqndre, 
' to irrigate.' I understand that this explanation is accepted ; 
and, if it is right, it solves a difficulty which was left unexplained 
in the N.E.D. I further think that the forms acker, aker, aikcr, 
given (under A) with just the same meaning, and conjectured by 
Dr. Murray to be mere variants of eager, are really such. Indeed, 
they admit of an exact explanation. For, whereas aiguere was the 
'popular' French form, the 'learned' French form would have 
a rather than ai at the commencement, and would retain the qu, 
which was frequently pronounced as k. This is verified by 
Godefroy's Diet., which gives an O.F. aquaire as the equivalent >f 
Aquarius, to denote the eleventh sign of the Zodiac. This -ivus 
the M.E. forms aker, acker at once; whilst aiker is a form arising 
from 'contamination' with the 'popular' form. The sense, as 



NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKEAT. 273 

before, is 'inundation.' This agrees sufficiently with the entry 
in the Prompt. Parv. : " Akyr of the see flowynge, Impetus 
maris." There is still one difficulty left. The earliest passage 
which mentions the eager is one written in Latin by W. of 
Malmesbury about 1125, in which he denotes it by the Lat. accus. 
higram, representing an A.F. higre, which we may observe is 
feminine, as it should be. The difficulty is to reconcile the 
spelling with ai and the spelling with hi. Now it is only in F. 
that this can be done ; and the following is, I think, a sufficient 
proof. Godefroy gives the O.F. ivel, 'equal,' with the variants 
igal and aigal, showing that the difference between initial ig- and 
aig- was only one of dialect. There is therefore no reason why 
iguere or igre may not have been a real variant of aiguere ; whilst, 
as for the initial A-, it is well known to count for nothing in O.F. 
The word aigue, l water,' is spelt in Godefroy in fifty-one ways, 
and in four of these instances it begins with h. The word ivel is 
spelt in forty-five ways, and in one instance it begins with h. The 
presence of the initial h assures us that the word is French, and 
is not a hindrance, but a help. I may add that Mignard's 
Vocabulary of the Burgundian dialect gives the related word aigrd, 
meaning a holy-water stoup or a basin. 

Eyot, Ait. In the N.E.D., the derivation is given from the 
A.S. iggtfa, igecfe, with quotations. The next quotation has 
the spelling eyt, and is dated 1052-67. But it is worth recording 
that the intermediate form also occurs, spelt yget, for which see 
Kemble, Cod. Dipl., vol. v. p. 17, 1. 30; the passage is quoted 
by Bosworth. The explanation of the change from ft to t is 
really very easy ; this Charter only exists in a copy made after 
the Conquest, and I have already shown, in my paper " On the 
Proverbs of Alfred (Phil. Soc. Trans., 1897), that this change 
is a common mark of A.F. pronunciation, and is therefore due to 
the Normans. Moreover, the suffix -et was common in French, 
and would naturally be substituted for one so rare as the A.S. -o>, 
-arS. The variation in the vowel-sound between A.S. Ig- and 
M.E. ey- is easily explained by remembering that the M.E. forms 
for 'eye' were similarly variable. At the present day we actually 
spell that word with ey as in -prey, but pronounce it like the 
y in my ; and we add a final -e which is now never sounded. 

Fad. The New E. Dictionary gives the etymology of this word 
as ' unknown.' It seems to me to be nothing but an abbreviation 
of the F. fadaise, which has precisely the same sense. Thus 
Phil. Trans. 1898-9. 18 



274 NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKE\T. 

Spiers* French Diet, gives " fadaise, fiddle-faddle, twaddle, trifle, 
nonsense." And Cotgrave has : "fadeses, follies, toyes, trifles, 
fopperies, fooleries, gulleries"; which precisely describes fads. 
The etymology is easy enough, viz., from F. fade, ' witless,' 
Cotgrave; and fade (Ital. fado] represents L. uapidum, accus. of 
U'ipidus, 'vapid, tasteless.' See Hatzfeld, who corrects Littre's 
derivation from the L. fatuus. 

Fib. Fib first appears in Cotgrave, to translate F. bourde, 
* a jeast, fib, tale of a tub ' ; so that the sense seems to have been 
*a jest, a pretence, a feigned story.' The N.E.D. says it is of 
obscure origin, and perhaps related to fibble-fabble, 'nonsense,' 
which is apparently a reduplicated formation from the sb. fable. 
And the sense of fable suits it fairly well. But I find, in Woeste's 
"Vocabulary of Westphalian Words," at p. 300, the remarkable 
entry: "fipken, wipken, a lie, story, jest," which he proposes to 
connect with the Westphalian foppen and the E. fib. The verb 
foppen is certainly allied to the E. fob, to delude, and fob off or 
fub off, to trick or cheat, as used by Shakespeare ; and this makes 
it probable that the original sense of fib was a cheat or trick ; and 
that we should connect it with fob, fub, and the G. foppen, ' to 
banter, to jeer,' and the like. If this is so, it is further probable 
that fib owes its vowel to the Westphalian fiphen, which in its 
turn was obviously confused with wipken, apparently a derivative 
of the Low G. and Du. wippen, 'to see-saw, to jerk,' etc. That 
is to say, I suppose fib to be derived from the Low G. foppen, 
' to jeer,' and to owe its vowel to a mistaken association with 
wippen, ' to jerk.' In any case, it is an obscure word, and cannot 
be very clearly accounted for. I will only say, that the evidence 
connects it with Job and fub rather than with fable. 

Flimsy. The N.E.D. says: "first recorded in ,18th cent.; 
possibly (as Todd suggested) an onomatopoeic formation suggested 
by film. For the ending, cf. tipxy, bwnpsy." But I find, in 
K.Fii(!sic, the forms fiem, film, both meaning 'film'; and 
Molbech'a Dan. dial. Diet, has the very form fiems or flims, used 
to denote the thin skin that forms upon hot milk and the like. 
To this form films- it suffices to add -y. This is given in the 
List edition of Wedgwood. 

Flirt. In the N.E.D. Jlirf is given as a verb, 'to fillip, tap, 
rap, strike'; andjftftf, 'a pert young hussy,' is derived from it. 
Then; is a remarkable confirmation of this in E.Friesic. The 
////v, or y///V, not only means a light blow, but also 



NOTKS OX KNGLISli KTYMOLOGY. PROF. SKKV1. 70 

a small piece; am] hence is derived ////7-yV, MS a diminutive, with 
the sense of ' a giddy girl.' The Low G. flirre is used to mean 
' a thin slice of bread which is considered insufficient ' ; and in 
Hanover the same word means 'a whim.' 

Fond. It is agreed that fond was originally fanned, the pp. of 
fonnen, orig. 'to be insipid,' used of salt by Wyclif. And further, 
that fonnen is in some way related to fon, ( a fool.' I have no 
doubt that the verb fonnen is a derivative from the sb. ; but in 
order to show this we must find out the origin of fon. In the 
X.E.I)., the form given as the primary one is the monosyllabic 
fn. But this is only a Xorthern form. Chaucer has fonne as 
a dissyllable, rhyming with y-ronne (C. T., A 4089), even though 
he is imitating the Xorthern dialect. It is probable, therefore, 
that we should start from the form fonne, of which Stratmann 
gives another example from the Gesta Komanorum, 218; as well 
as the pi. fonnis, Cov. Myst., 367. If we compare this with 
O.Kriesic, we find strong reason for believing that the word is 
from a Friesic word allied to the A.S. f&tnne, O.Saxon ftmea, 
Icelandic feima, ' a virgin.' In Old Friesic this became farnne, 
fomne, fenine, fovne, fone ; but these are only a few of its forms. 
In Hettema's Diet, of Friesic, we further find famna. font tut, 
fonna, and fona. In Outzen's Xorth Friesic Diet, we find faamen 
and fomen ; also faamel, foemel. In all these instances the sense 
is the same, viz. ' a virgin, a maid, a girl.' But when we turn 
to E. Friesic there is a startling variation in sense ; E. Friesic 
possesses both the forms, viz. fone (apparently with a short o] 
and Jon (with long o). It not only means ' a woman, maid, 
or servant, but (much more commonly) a simple, useless, stupid 
girl or creature,' so that fon fan 'n wicht, lit. 'fon of a wight,' 
means 'you stupid girl.' The form fon at once connects the word 
with the Swed. fane, in which the sense of woman is lost, and 
only that of stupid creature remains. All seems to show that 
the E. fonne was adopted from fonna, one of the numerous Friesic 
forms of the A.S. fismm, which assumed in Friesic the successive 
senses of girl, weakling, and simpleton. Hence the verb fonn-'n 
meant ' to become weak ' ; and fanned salt meant salt that had 
lost its virtue, i.e. lit. its manlinens. The above examples do not 
exhaust all the varieties of this Protean word. We may add, 
from Swedish dialects, the forms fane, faane ; also the Icel. fdni, 
in addition to feima already mentioned; and the Xorweg. fomme, 
fume, ' a fool ' ; fuming, ' a fool ' ; fommatt or farmitt, ' foolish.' 



276 NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKEAT. 

Observe, too, that the ]S"or\v. fommatt, fumutt, are formed by adding 
a pp. suffix; for I suppose that the suffix -at is the same as in 
the Icel. verb skaga, ' to jut out,' pp. shag at. Hence fomm-att is 
lit. 'made like a girl, weakened,' and is the precise counterpart of 
fon-d. Perhaps we may conclude that fond meant 'just like a girl.' 

Frampold, cross, ill-tempered. This interesting word occurs in 
Shak., "Merry Wives," ii. 2. 94. The second element is probably 
from E. poll, ' the head ' ; as if frampoWd. It is certainly closely 
connected with the prov. E. rantipole, ' a romping child.' It is 
best explained by the E. Fries, frante-pot or wrante~pot, 'a peevish, 
morose man ' ; and the orig. initial sound was wr. When this 
is perceived, it is easy to connect it with M.Du. wranten, ' to 
wrangle, chide ' (Hexham) ; Dan. vrante, ' to be peevish ' ; 
E. Fries , wranten, franten, 'to be peevish, to grumble'; Low G. 
wrampachtigh, ' morose ' (Liibben). We may also notice the 
Dan. vrampet, ' warped ' ; M.Du. tcrempelen, ivrimpen, ' to draw 
the mouth awry' (Hexham); Lowl. Scotch fr ample t 'to disorder'; 
and probably E. frump. 

Frill. The history of the word frampold shows that an E. initial 
fr- may arise from vr-. Hence I do not hesitate to identify 
E. frill with F. vrille. The F. vrille meant originally a gimlet, 
in the fourteenth century (Littre) ; hence a tendril of a vine, 
from its shape ; and Cotgrave has further this curious definition : 
" Vrilles, hook-like edges or ends of leaves (called by some of 
our workmen Scrols, and) sticking out in the upper parts of pillers, 
and of other pieces of architecture." It is hardly possible to 
describe a frill more exactly than by saying that it presents 
hook-like edges, like those of a twisted leaf; so that the sense 
is precise. Indeed, a frill is not unlike a tendril of a vine. 
As to the F. vrille, some have assumed the primary sense 
to be ' tendril,' and derive it from L. uiticu/a, a little vine, also 
a tendril, and tell us that the r is inserted, a8 in F. fromle, 
'a sling,' from L. funda; and Littre notes the O.F. forms i-ciUe, 
viille, visle, given by Ducange, s.v. vigilia. Even if this be right, 
I would still suggest that the form and sense may have been 
affected by the Dan. rrilde, 'to twist,' in which Iho d is not 
sounded. This Dan. verb is merely the frequentative of vriitr, 
'to writhe,' the equivalent of E. writhe ; and the usual Dan. 
word for a gimlet, viz. rriff-lm; is derived from it. So also is 
rrnlt'-lmand, 'a twisted string,' which is similar in shape to 
a tendril. Cf. Dun. dial, iriii/e, rri/c, 'a coil, a twist.' 



NOTKS OX ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKK\T. 277 

Gallop. The etymology of gallop has been frequently attempted; 
but every Dictionary has i'aile 1 to give it. Even the X K I), lias 
been misled by the suggestion of Diez, that it is allied to the verb 
to leap. The O.F. forms were galoper, walnper. The form with 
w occurs both in the M!.E. walopen and the O.Flemish walopen 
(Delfortrie). But the verb is really from the sb. walop, which 
was especially used in the phrase grans walos, l great leaps or 
strides ' ; see galop in Godefroy and Bartsch. The word is not 
known in O.H.G., except in a form derived from French. And, 
as it is njt English, it follows that it must be Norse ; since it 
begins with w. The right solution is given in Aasen's Norwegian 
Diet., but the author seems to have been unaware that he had 
solved the problem, as he refers us to Diez for the etymology. 
The sb. walop is, in fact, a compound, derived from the two words 
which appear in English as wold and hop. In Norse, the Id of wold, 
wald (A..S. weald] becomes //, and the sense is somewhat different, 
viz. field or open plain. That is, we find Icel. vollr, ' a field, 
plain'; Swed. gras-vall, l grassy field '; Norw. vott, ' a grassy field,' 
of which an older form vail occurs in vall-grodd, l overgrown with 
grass.' All these words once began with w. Again, the verb 
to hop originally meant 'to spring, bound, dance.' Hence it is 
that the true original is the O.Norse *wall-hopp, still preserved 
in Norwegian vall-hopp, ' a gallop,' and vall-hoppa, ' to gallop,' 
the identity of which with gallop is past question, since the 
precise meaning is still retained. Now that \ve really at last 
know the right form, the original sense is easy enough. For, 
since vail- means 'grassy field,' and hopp is a 'bound' or 'spring,' 
the compound vall-hopp means ' field-bound ' or ' field-spring,' 
i.e. a bounding aloug an open field ; cf. Dan. dial, hop-reside, to 
' hop-run,' to gallop. Hence the O.F. phrase a grans ivalos signifies 
that the horse traversed the field with great bounds or swift strides. 
And the verb galoper was easily coined from the substantive, both 
in Norwegian and French. As a matter of fact, the Norsemen 
conquered England, and have since contributed to its great 
expansion by virtue of two great qualities. Every Norseman 
could ride a horse and sail a boat. 

Game, lame ; as in 'a game leg.' I must premise that the 
following note is not mine, but was most kindly sent me by 
Mr. Mayhew. It is rightly suggested, in the N.E.D., that game 
is here short for gammy, which is used in prov. E. in the same 
sense. It is clear that gammy was popularly resolved into gaatn, 



278 NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKEAT. 



i.e. game, and the suffix -y ; and then the suffix was dropped. 
The form gammy is, however, the right one ; and though its 
etymology is not given in the N.E.D., Mr. Mayhew has found it. 
It precisely answers to the O.F. gambi, noted by Cotgrave as 
an old or dialectal word. He has : " Gambi, bent, crooked, 
bowed." But in the glossaries by Dumeril, Boucoiran, and 
Ferticault, the same word is explained by 'boiteux,' i.e. lame; 
the precise sense required. I am able to add that this F. gambi 
is of Breton or Celtic origin. Mignard, in his Vocab. of Bur- 
gundian, has : " Campin, qui ne marche pas droit." This campin, 
like gambi, is from the Bret, kamm, which has the double sense 
of ' crooked ' and * lame.' There is a Breton proverb, said of 
an imaginary invalid, viz. kamm kl pa gar, lit. ' the dog is lame 
when he wishes (to be so)." And, from the sb. gar, a leg (the 
origin of our garter], is actually formed the compound gar-gamm, 
meaning precisely ' lame of one leg,' or having a game leg ; and 
the verb gar-gamma, ' to be lame in one leg.' Dr. Smythe Palmer, 
in his book on Folk-etymology, gives almost exactly the same 
account. 

Gawky. Gawky, ' awkward,' is merely an extended form of 
gawk, * clumsy,' usually applied to the left hand. In various 
dialects, we have gaivk - handed, gaulick- handed, gallok- handed, 
signifying left-handed or clumsy. It is shown in the N.E.D. that 
there is no reason for associating gawk with F. gauche, which for 
various phonetic reasons is unsuitable. I take gawk to be a mere 
contraction from the fuller forms gallok, gaulick, and the like ; 
where -ick, -ock, are mere suffixes. Hence the base is gall- or 
gaul-. This is evidently allied to the F. dial. g6le, ' benumbed,' 
especially applied to the hands. Thus Mignard, ill his Vocabulary 
of Burgundian words, has : " G6le, enraidi par le troid : avoir leu 
doigts gtiles, c'est les avoir enraidis par le froid." Again, this 
F. word is of Scand. origin; for, since the F. initial g often 
corresponds to Teut. w, we see at once the connection of g6le with 
the Swed. and Dan. valen, ' benumbed.' Rietz throws a still 
clearer light upon the matter by citing the Swed. dial, val-hdnd or 
val-handt, ' having the hands stiff with cold.' So also Aaseii 
gives Norw. valen [Dan. vaalen], 'benumbed'; val-hendt, * having 
th hands stiff with cold.' That is to say, gawk-handed is having 
numb or clumsy hands ; and gawky is clumsy. 

Gewgaw. Tin- etymology is unknown. It looks as if the word 
were formed by reduplication. If so, it is worth noting that 



NOTES ON KNCJUSH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKEAT. 279 

Mignard gives gawe as a Burgundian word, meaning a Jew's harp ; 
and it is remarkable that the Lowl. Sc. gewgaw has precisely the 
same sense. In the Prompt. Parv., gugaw means a pipe or flute. 
I wish to propose an entirely new etymology for this curious word. 
The hard g points, 1 think, to a Scand. origin. Now there is an 
old Scand. strong verb *~yufa, pt. t. *gauf, preserved, with the 
change of f to v, in Norw. guva, ' to reek,' pt. t. gauo. The 
original of this v was /, as shown by the I eel. sb. gufa, 'a vapour.' 
But another sense of this gufa must have been 'to blow,' as 
shown by Swed. dial, guva, gova, 'to blow'; gava, 'to blow, to 
reek'; guva, 'a gust of wind'; guvta, 'to blow'; rig-gdva, fem. 
* a hurricane ' ; var-guoa, f. ' a sudden gust of wind,' showing that 
there must have been a simple fem. sb. gdca or guva meaning 
a blast or puff. In Norwegian, there are also numerous deriva- 
tives, such as gufs, ' a puff ' ; gufsa, ' to blow gently ' ; g<>fk, 
' a puff,' all from a base guf- ; also gyfsa, ' a puff of wind ' ; 
gyva, ' to reek,' from the same base with mutation. It seems to 
me that gew gaw may easily have been formed by reduplication 
from this source. Thus the Burgundian gawe, 'a Jew's-harp,' 
may be referred to the strong grade gauf, and may have meant 
' a thing blown,' and hence, indifferently, a Jew's harp, a pipe, 
or a flute ; whilst geto- may represent the weak grade guf-, with 
the sense of ' blow.' Thus the original sense would be a ' puff- 
puff,' or ' puff-pipe,' which makes excellent sense. Moreover, we. 
could thus explain the remarkable form giuegoue, , ' a gewgaw,' 
in the Ancren Riwle ; because the vowel * in giue- can be explained 
from the Norse form gyva, with mutation. And if this also tie 
right, then the disputed letter u in the word giuegoue must mean 
v, as indeed it almost invariably does when followed by a vowel 
in Middle-English; so that the pronunciation was giwgove, with 
two hard ^'s. 

Glaive. In the N.E.D., a difficulty is raised as to the derivation 
of the O.F. glaive from L. gladius, on the ground that the O.F. 
glaive always means a lance, and never a sword. It is the ca>r 
that Godefroy makes this assertion, but it happens to be inconvrt. 
The A.E. glaive occurs (according to my index) in Philip de 
Thaun, Bestiaire, 1. 888, where the author refers us to the Psalms 
of David, using the expression en main de glaive to translate 
in manus gladii, Ps. Ixii. 11 (Vulgate). Here we have gin ire to 
translate gladius in one of the earliest A.F. poems known; written 
before A.D. 1150. 



280 NOTKS ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKEAT. 

Groom. M.E. grome, K. Horn, 971. We find Du. grom, 
'a stripling or a groorae' (Hexham). This word was confused 
with A.S. guma, 'man,' in the word Iride-groom, as is well 
known. But it was certainly of different origin. The Du. word 
is apparently not Teutonic. Both Du. grom and M.E. grome may 
fairly be derived from O.F. gromme, grome, ' a lad,' for which see 
Ducange, s.v. gromes. The dimin. gromet [whence E. grummet] 
is much more common, and is given by Godefroy, who explains 
it by: "serviteur, valet, gargon marchand, courtand de boutique, 
commissionaire, facteur." That it is really a Komance word is 
made more certain by the occurrence of Span, and Port, grumete, 
4 a ship-boy,' a term applied to a sailor of the meanest sort. The 
origin of this word still presents difficulties ; see Diez, s.v. grumo ; 
Scheler, s.v. gourme (2) ; but Littre is not satisfied with their 
explanations. We may note that the Span, grumo means ' a clot, 
a bunch, a cluster, a curd' (formed from milk), and seems to come 
from L. grumus, ' a little heap.' This is, in fact, the origin proposed 
by Diez : he supposes that ' lump ' was a name for a clownish lad. 

Hamper, to impede. M.E. hampren, to clog, to shackle. There 
are two views possible as to this word : ( 1 ) that the p is an 
insertion; (2) that the m is an insertion. The former view is 
taken in my Dictionary and in the N.E.D. ; this connects hamper 
with Icel. hamlet, ' to stop, hinder ' ; Norw. hamla, * to strive 
against ' ; and E. hem in, l to check, impede.' But I now suspect 
that the inserted letter is the m, and that the verb to hamper is 
a nasalized form ; from the Swed. dial, happa, ' to pull back, 
draw a horse back with a rope,' whence Swed, dial, happla, 
* to stammer.' Cf. E. Fries, and Low G. hapern, ' to stop short, 
stick fast'; Fliigel translates G. hapern by 'to stick, stop, 
hamper.' The Dan. dialects have the nasalized fofm hample, 
' to stop, to pause, to stutter.' Du. haperen means ' to pause, fail, 
flag, hesitate ' ; de machine hapert, * the machine fails to work or 
is hampered'; er hapert ietx aan, 'there is a hitch' (Calisch); 
hapering, ' a hindrance, obstacle ' (Sewel). I find that this was 
the solution proposed by Mr. Wedgwood; and I now think it is 
right. He further instances Lowl. So. hawp, 'to stammer,' also 
1 to halt or hobble ' ; and he further connects these words with 
hopple and hobble. His view may be right. We should further note 
Icel. hopa, * to recoil, draw backwards ' ; which may very well 
give the base of hopple. Tin- chief difference is that, in E., these 
verbs have acquired a transitive sense. Even this seems to be 



NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKKAT. 281 

implied by an example in Vigfusson, hopar hann \a hestinum 
u/tddn, ' he backed the horse'; and Rietz gives JS\ved. dial, kappa, 
' to pull back,' as an active verb. 

Hopple ; see Hamper above. 

Kill, The etymology of the verb to Ml is well-known to be 
difficult. In Stratmann the suggestion is made that it is 
equivalent to quell. This is obviously impossible, because the 
vowel-sound is quite different. At the same time, the coincidence 
in sense is too remarkable to be overlooked, and a close connection 
is to be suspected. Kluge simply says that these words are 
"akin," but does not explain the relationship. Yet it is not 
difficult, as we have a close parallel in the case of the E. adj. 
dull. For the M.E. form of the verb to kill is usually cullen\ 
answering to E. Fries, kullen. And, just as dull is from a base 
dul-, shortened from dwul-, the orig. form of the weak grade of 
A.S. dwelan, 'to err,' of which dwell is the causal form, so Jcul- 
is a shortened form of cwul-, the orig. form of the weak grade of 
A.S. cwelan, * to die,' of which the Mod.E. quell is, similarly, 
the causal form. That is to say, quell represents a form *cwal-jan, 
and kill represents a form *cwuljan. And both in dull and in 
M.E. cullen, the w is lost before the u in the weak grade, owing 
to want of stress. 

Linn, a pool, a cascade. The pi. lynnis, in G. Douglas, Aen., 
bk. xi. c. 7, 1. 9, is explained to mean ' waterfalls ' ; but the 
context admits of the meaning ' pools.' It seems to answer to 
Lat. gurgite, Aen., xi. 298. Perhaps it is a Celtic word ; cf. O.Irish 
lind, l water ' ; Irish linn, ' a pool, the sea ' ; Gael, linne, l a pond, 
pool, lake, linn, gulf; W. llyn, 'a lake'; Breton lenn, 'a pool.' 
Some compare A.S. hlynn, which occurs once, in the Rush worth 
gloss of John xviii. 1, to translate torrentem, and appears to be 
allied to A.S. hlyn, 'a noise, din.' I suppose the A.S. hlynn to 
be a different, word from linn. 

Mandril, a kind of baboon. I find it in an E. translation of 
Buffon's Nat. Hist., published in two vols. 8vo, in London, 1792; 
vol. i. p. 330. .Nares, s.v. drill, has conclusively shown that it 
is composed of the word man and a word dril, meaning an ape, 
used by E. writers of the time of Queen Anne, and even earlier ; 
see N.E.D. The origin of dril is uncertain; possibly from 
Du. drillen, 'to turn round or about,' whence the E. verb drill is 
borrowed. Dr. Murray suggests that drill may be a West 
African word ; but Buffon says that the negroes call the animal 
loggo, and that mandril is European. 



282 NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKEAT. 

Mug. The word mug does not, as far as I know, occur in M.E. 
The earliest quotation I can find for it is in the compound clat/->/tt/y 
(not in N.E.D.); in G. Douglas, ed. Small, iii. 145, 1. 17. Mugge 
occurs in Levins, explained as ' potte.' Modern Irish has mugan, 
'a mug,' doubtless borrowed from E. ; also mucog, * a cup,' which 
may be from the same. The word was probably imported from, 
Holland. For, though not given in the ordinary Dutch Diets., 
I find traces of it in Friesic. Thus, in Molema's Diet, of the 
dialect of Groningen, I find in the Supplement, at p. 543, the 
word mokke, explained as " a porcelain or earthen drinking-vessel, 
of cylindrical shape, with one handle," which is an exact 
description of a mug, and can hardly be other than the same word. 
If so, the k- sound has been voiced to g ; of which (perhaps) we 
find a trace in the Irish mucog as compared with mug an. Again, 
in Koolman's E. Friesic Diet., I find mukke described as meaning 
" a cylindrical earthen vessel about 5 inches across, and from 
15 to 18 inches high, formerly used for the particular purpose 
of keeping syrup in." This is the better form, as it explains the 
E. u more clearly. The word is very obscure, and I can find few 
traces of it, except the forms mugge and mugga in Norw., and 
mugg, given as a Swedish word by Oman, but apparently quite 
modern, as it is unnoticed by Ihre and Widegren. These forms 
must likewise be of Friesic origin, as they have gg for kk. Indeed, 
the mod. Swed. mugg may have been borrowed from English, as 
it is monosyllabic. There is also a trace of it in French. In. 
Le Hericher's Dirt, of the Norrnan dialect, we find : " Moque, 
grande tasse," with a note that it corresponds to the E. mug ; 
and Moisy has " Moque, tasse sans anse." It is clear that the 
word is Germanic, the oldest form being mukke or mokke. 

Mutchkin, A. mutchkin is a Scotch liquid measure. It is 
rightly compared, in the Century Diet., with the Du. mutxje, 
with a similar meaning. But it should be noted that Mid. Du. 
employed the suffix -ken instead of -je t which takes us buck to 
a form mutsken, or rather mutseken, as being the right Mid. Du. 
form whence the Scotch word was borrowed. I write this article 
in order to note that this very form, but slightly disguised as 
mudseken, appears in Kilian and Hexham ; but is easily overlooked, 
owing to this inferior spelling with d for t. Hexham has : 
Mudseken, the Halfe pint of paris Measure; that is, 
ounces ; our half'e common Pinte, called in dutch 
, in re ho gives, somewhat inconsistently, u eon 



NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKKAT. 283 

a measure of a quarter of a Pint." This last word appears to be 
obsolete. 

News. The way in which the form news arose is not clear. 
I know of no quotation for it earlier than one from the Kingis Qimir, 
st. 179. New-es occurs as a gen. sing, in Genesis and Exodus, 
250 : lie klnde newes, ' each kind of what was new.' It is not 
impossible that a gen. sing, became a nom. plural. At any rate, 
we find, in Dutch, the adj. nieuw, 'new,' and the pi. sb. nievws, 
i news.' But it looks as if the l)u. word began life as a gen. 
sing. In Hexham, it only appears in one compound, viz. nieuws- 
yieriylt, i covetuous or desirous after Newes or Novelties.' This 
seems to show that the English newes is older than the Du. nieuws, 
and that the E. word was regarded by Hexham as a plural. But 
the most interesting forms are those given by Sewel. He gives 
Du. nieuws as a neut. sb., meaning * news.' He does not say it is 
plural. His examples are : ivat nieuws is 'er ? ' what news ? '- 
' is iets nieuws, ' it is a new thing ' dat is hem niets nieuws, ' that 
is no new thing to them.' This reminds us of the Lat. quid noui 
and nihtl nom, and suggests a gen. sing, origin. He also gives 
nieuws-gierig, ' eager of news.' We require full quotations to settle 
the matter. 

Pandours, soldiers belonging to a certain Hungarian regiment. 
'Hussars and pandours ' ; 1768; Foote, Devil upon Two Sticks, 
ii. 1. F. pandour ; from Pandur, the name of a towu in Hungary 
(Littre). 

Pay, to pitch. I have shown (Suppl. to second edition of Etym. 
Diet.) that this probably answers to an A.F. form peier, 'to pitch.' 
See poier, in Godefroy, where he gives an example of the Northern 
F. peier, ' to cover us with a plaster.' 

Peep. That this word is connected with the verb to pipe, and 
is of imitative origin, has been fairly proved. The difficulty is 
to see how the peculiar use of peep originated. Some light is 
thrown upon it by Dutch, which has two forms of the verb, 
viz. pijpen, 'to pipe or whistle'; and piepen, 'to squeak,' like 
young birds or mice. My suggestion was, that the reference is 
to the fowler, who used often formerly to hide in a bush, 
stretching out rods covered with bird-lime, and then to allure 
them with a pipe, whilst he peeped out to see them come. This 
was founded on Cotgrave's explanation of pipee, as "the peeping 
of small birds, counterfeited by a bird - catcher." But this is 
somewhat far-fetched. Mr. Wedgwood's solution is, however, still 



284 NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKEAT. 

less likely, viz., that peeping out is compared to a squeaky sound. 
I have found a solution which seems to explain the matter much 
more easily. In Molema's Diet, of Words used in the dialect 
of Groningen he explains that piepen means both (1) to cry piep, 
and (2) to peep through a hole, or to peep generally. He refers 
it to the game of hide and seek, as played by small children. 
The child who seeks another, and becomes impatient, often cries 
out piep ijs, and adds in a high squeaky tone -piep ! Thus 
the word piep was used with particular reference to hiding and 
seeking, and easily became associated with the idea of peeping 
out. The article in the N.E.D. on the word bo-peep (also called 
peep-bo) should be consulted. This usually refers to a nurse, who 
covers and suddenly uncovers her face to amuse a child. It 
seems to me clear that the correct thing was for the nurse to say 
peep in a squeaky voice when her face was behind her apron, and 
then bo ! as a mild form of alarm, on suddenly removing it. If 
I remember rightly, I have seen it and heard it so done. Thus the 
word peep is here a squeaky interjection, associated (in children's 
language) with the idea of partial concealment. Compare: " Bo, 
jBoe, cucullus lugubris oculos faciemque obstruens ; Iii/ke-boe, lusus 
puerilis, in quo alicujus oculi, manu linteove, etc., obtecti, subito 
infantis in gratiam deteguntur." Ten Kate, Anleidning tot de 
Kennisse van het verhevene Deel der jSTederduitsche Sprake, 1723, 
vol. i. p. 279. 

Peter-see-me, a wine. Nares gives the name of a wine called 
Peter see-me, Peter-sa-meene, -semine, etc. Thus, he quotes from 
Taylor's Workes, 1630, a line: " Peter-se-men, or headstrong 
Charnico." Here the accent is on the men, and the wine is said, 
in one passage, to be Spanish. I have no doubt at all that the 
derivation is from Pedro Ximenes, because Ximenes is quite 
a common Spanish name ; see Hole's Brief Biographical Dictionary. 
Further, the derivation of Xinienes is probably from the place- 
name Ximena, in Andalusia; see Pineda's Span. Diet. Pineda 
adds that Ximena is also a female name, of Arabic origin, and 
uu'ims * bright.' Xwiena was the wife of the Cid. 

Pomander. This word has never been fully solved. I read 
a note upon it before the Society, printed in the Trans, for 1885-7, 
p 710, where I gave an early example, dated 1518. I can now 
Mild that it occurs in Skelton's "Garland of Laurell," spelt 
pomaunder, 1. 1027; and Palsgrave has: " Pommaundre to smell 
to, pomendier" Of this F. pomendier I can find no account; it 



NOTES ON ENGLISH KTYMOLOGY. PROF. SKEAT. 285 

seems to be the E. word done into French, and will not account 
for pomaunder. The old derivation, that it is corrupted from 
O.F. pomme d' ambre, has never satisfied me, chiefly because of 
the difficulty of getting rid of the d. But I now believe that it 
is correct, with a slight alteration ; viz. if the d be wholly left 
out. For, in MS. Harl. 2378, there is a recipe for making 
" pomum ambre for the pestelence " ; [see "Medical Works of 
the Fourteenth Century," ed. Henslow, p. 122.] This takes us 
back, perhaps, to the end of the fourteenth century, and suggests 
that, in Anglo-French the form was really pomme ambre without 
the d. The change from pomaumber to pomaunder is a natural 
one, due to a wish to avoid the repetition of the sound of m, by 
dissimilation. If this be right, the A.F. form is easily equated 
to the O.F. pomme d'ambre, which occurs in " Le Roman de la 
Rose," ed. Meon, 1. 21,008, where it is spelt pomme d'embre, in 
order to rhyme with membre, though Littre quotes this very line, 
and spells it ambre. That amber was used for the purpose of 
keeping oil infection is clear from Cotgrave, who has, s.v. Ambre, 
the following: "Ambre noir, Black Amber (the worst kind of 
Amber), usually mingled with Aloes, Labdanum, Storax, and 
such like aromaticall simples, for Pomander chains, etc." I suppose 
that a pomander-chain means a chain by which a pomander (in 
the later sense of pomander-box) was hung from the girdle. See 
the recipe for pomaunder in the Century Dictionary. 

Posnet, a little pot. Godefroy gives seventeen various forms 
of the O.F. pogonet, with the same sense ; and six forms of the 
O.F. pogon, masc. sb., 'a pot,' of which it is a diminutive. He 
also cites, s.v. pocionner, a Low Lat. verb pocionare, ' to give to 
drink,' which is clearly related to it. Cf. E. potion. 

Punt (at cards). A punt is explained to mean a point in the 
game of basset, and a punter is one who marks the points in that 
game. It is usually derived from the F. sb. ponte, with the same 
sense, which again is from the Span, punto, * a point, a pip on 
cards.' It seems to me far simpler to derive it from the Span. 
punto directly, just as the name of the suit called spades, and 
the terms spadille and ombre are directly from Spanish. Of course 
the Span, punto is from L. punctum. 

Sanap. The M.E. sanap means a kind of napkin ; see examples 
in Halliwell; and note: "Hoc gaitM/tr, sanap," in Wright's 
Vocabularies. I think we may accept the suggestion in "Our 
English Home," p. 38, that it is the same word as surnape, 



286 NOTES OX ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKKAT. 

i.e. over-cloth. See Babees Book, p. 132, 1. 237 ; and the note nt 
p. '208, showing that "the laying of the surnape" was well known. 
The note in the same, at p. 209, that the F. word was serre-nappe, 
is due to an oversight. The serre-nappe (from serrer, 'to fasten') 
was the cupboard or basket in which aurnappes and other napkins 
were kept ; see Cotgrave. Stinap has also been said to be short 
for save-nappe, for which I can find no evidence. 

Serif, Seriph, Ceriph, a fine cross- stroke at the top and bottom 
of letters ; a printer's term. Spelt serif in the Cent. Diet. ; seriph, 
ceriph in Webster ; and ceriph in the N.E.D. Origin obscure ; 
but the suggestion in N.E.D., quoted from N. and Q,., May 8, 
1869, is obviously right, and had occurred to me independently. 
Serif is a way of writing the Du. srhreef, a stroke, dash, line. 
The peculiar spelling is due to the difficulty of representing the 
sound of the Du. sch before r. 

Stockade. The correct etymology of this word is given in 
the Stanford Dictionary, ed. Dr. Fennell. It is rather a modern 
form. Richardson shows that it occurs in Mason's "English 
Garden," Bk. ii. ; where it will be found in 1. 293. This "Book ii. " 
was published separately, in 1777. 

The form is incorrect, and due to confusion with the commoner 
word stoccado or stoccata, meaning a thrust in fencing. A better 
spelling would be stacade or stakade. We find in Cotgrave the 
F. estaeade, "a list, or place railed in for a combate " ; but, as 
a matter of fact, the word was borrowed from Spanish, for we 
find it used as a verb at an earlier date, viz. in Dampier's 
"Voyages," ii. 1. 100: "that part is stockadoed round with 
great trees set up on end." I am indebted for this to the Century 
Dictionary. The true source is the Span, estacada, explained by 
Minsheu, in his Span. Diet. (1623) as "a place fujl of stocks 
to graffe on, or lists to fight in"; from Span, estaca, 'a stake, 
a stocke to graffe on, a pale.' This is obviously a word of Teut. 
origin, borrowed from the Low G. stake, cognate with E. stake. 
See -ade, -ado in the N.E.D. 

Stock, a shock of corn. As mod. E. oo corresponds to G. , 
this is the same word as Low G. stuke, ' a heap/ also applied to 
a collected heap of six turves, or to shocks of buck -wheat set 
up to dry. Cf. also S\vod. dial, stuke, ' a stook or collection of 
sheaves,' especially one of twenty sheaves; it is also mentioned 
l>\ Ivok as occurring in Danish dialects. As E. oo (A.S. 6) is 
connected by gradation with a, it is closely related to K. stuck. 



TVOTFS OX ENGLISH KTYMHLOGY. PROF. SKKAT. 287 

The Devonshire form is stitch (Halliwell) ; this may answer to 
A.S. stycce, 'a. piece.' All may be derived from the Teut. base 
stek-, graded to atak-, stok-, stuk-. For the 6, cf. Brook, above. 

Stop. I have noted that the only trace of this word in A.S. 
occurs in the compound verb for-stoppian, given only by Somner, 
and without a reference. But it is now found. " Mid thasre ilcan 
wulle for-stoppa thaet eare," with the same wool stop up the ear; 
Cockayne, A.S. Leechdoms, ii. 42. Bosworth's Diet, omits the word. 

Tankard. The E. tankard is borrowed from the M.F. tanquard, 
given by Cotgrave, who notes that it occurs in Rabelais. The 
etymology of this F. word is unknown ; but it is clear that -ard 
is a mere suffix, and it is most likely of Teut. origin. My 
suggestion is that it has dropped an initial *, in which case it is 
easy to derive it from Swed. stanka, explained by Widegren as 
"a large wooden can," and by Oman as "a large wooden can, 
a tankard." Moreover, this is a true native Swed. word, and 
is explained by Bietz, p. 669, as being a diminutive of Swed. dial. 
sttuma-y ' a tun, a wooden tub,' of which an older spelling was 
8t.ln.dti, derived from stand, 'a station,' or from the verb sta, 'to 
st:iiid ' ; with reference to the steadiness with which a large 
tankard or a great tub rests upon the table or the ground. It 
is most interesting to find that the very similar word standard 
was once used in English in the precise sense of tankard or large 
bowl. This is in Greene's play of " A Looking-glass for London," 
ed. Dyce, p. 141; "Frolic, my lords, let all the standards walk." 
Dyce's note says, "let the standing - bowls go round." Shak. 
has standing-bowl, Pericles, ii. 3. 65 ; it is said to mean a bowl 
with a foot to it, I know not on what authority. Of course, 
the loss of initial s in such a combination as st is unusual ; but 
we have at least one similar example in pdmer, l to swoon,' where 
the Ital. form is spasimare. Cf. M.Du. tanckaerd (Kilian) ; Korw. 
tankar. 

Tare. The use of tares in our Bibles is perhaps due to "Wyclif, 
who translated the Lat. zizania by ' taris ' ; Matt. xiii. 25. 
Chaucer has the phrase " But ther-of sette the miller nat 
a tare"-, C.T., A 4000. No satisfactory etymology has ever been 
given in English, but it is pointed out by Franck, in his Etym. 
Du. Diet. He suggests, rightly, that it is the equivalent of the 
Du. tarwe, fern., wheat; M.Du. terwe. It seems that there were 
two Teutonic words for wheat, viz. wheat and tare. Of these, 
wheat was adopted in all the Germanic languages, whilst tare was 



288 NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKEAT. 

confined to English and Dutch. In Dutch, tarwe and wdt are 
both explained as ' wheat,' and the use of the two words seems 
to be a luxury. In English, it is tolerably clear that they were 
differentiated, wheat being reserved to express the true corn, and 
tare that which grew up along with it in the same field. At 
a later time, the compound tare-vetch was formed to signify 
'wheat- vetch,' or vetch found in wheat-fields. This occurs in 
Palsgrave, spelt tarefytche\ he has: " Tarefytche, a corne, lupyn" 
By dropping the latter syllable, the resulting form tare was used 
in precisely the same sense of 'vetch,' which is the common usage 
at the present day. This is easily seen from another entry in 
Palsgrave, who has, further: " Taare, a come lyke a pease, 
lupin." This explains at once why the modern sense of tare is 
so different from the old one. Thus Britten's Diet, of Plant-names 
has Tar-fitch, Tare-vetch, Tar-grass, and Tares, as names of various 
vetches. In a curious Diet, of the Du. dialect as spoken at 
Groningen, by H. Molema (1888), we find, at p. 233, that our 
English couch-grass or quitch-grass (Triticum repens] is there called 
kweek, or kweekgras, which is further explained to mean tarwegns 
or kruipende tarwe, i.e. tar-grass or creeping tare ; and here again 
tarwe is equivalent to Lat. triticum. Fitzherbert, in his Book on 
Husbandry, has the spelling terre. This spelling, together with 
the M.Du. terwe, suggest a Teutonic type *terwa, feminine, as the 
original form. It is remarkably like the form for tar, Teut. type 
*terwom ; but the latter is neuter. 

Terrier, a kind of auger. This word is cited from Howell in 
Halli well's Dictionary. It is the same word as tarrier, a word 
which, as I learn, is still used in the city of London as the name 
of an instrument used for extracting skives, or wooden bungs, out 
of barrels of turpentine; and is commonly made of three taporini* 
'corkscrews' united at the larger ends, and disposed star-wi>o 
at an inclination of 120 degrees to each other. Thus two of them 
form, a sort of handle whereby to twist the third round. Borrouc 1 
from O.F. taricre, a kind of gimlet ; cf. Late Lat. taratnwt, 
Gk. veperpov, related to Lat. terebrum, from terere. 

Thief in a candle. So called because it steals away and w 
the grease. So also in the Walloon dialect, we have,: " Larron, 
a.m. partie de meche d'une chandelle non mouchee qui tombe 
enflammee sur le suif et lo fait coulcr " ; Si^art. 

Tornado. The usual derivation is from Span, tornar, 'to turn'; 
but this is very unsatisfactory, as tonnif properly nieuus merely 



NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKEAT. 289 

'to return,' and the sb. tornada is 'a return from a journey.' 
I have no hesitation in accepting Dr. Fennell's explanation in 
the Stanford Diet., viz. that it is an English blunder for the 
Span, tronada, ' a thunderstorm.' This sb. is derivative of tronar, 
'to thunder,' from L. tonare; with the remarkable insertion of 
an unoriginal r, as in E. treasure. Dampier has the expression, 
"tornadoes or thunder-showers," as quoted in the Cent. Diet.; 
showing that the earliest sense of E. tornado was precisely 
' thunderstorm.' 

Vade, to fade. The form vaded, for faded, occurs in "The 
Passionate Pilgrim," 131 ; and vadeth for fadeth in the same, 170. 
The N.E.D., s.v. fade, adj., has the following note: "No O.F. 
*vade has been found ; if it existed, it would explain the E. vade, 
variant of fade, vb., which is otherwise difficult to account for, 
as the Eng. dialects that have v for / usually retain / in Eomanic 
words." This statement is correct ; nevertheless, the form vade 
is easily accounted for in another way altogether. It was in 
the later Tudor period that so many words were introduced from 
Dutch ; and vade is merely borrowed from M.Du. vadden, ' to fade'; 
whilst the Dutch word was merely borrowed from the O.F. fader, 
1 to fade.' This explains at once why the form vade only occurs 
just at one particular period, and was never common. Hexham 
duly gives " Vadden, to fade, or to wither " ; and the O.F. fader 
is noted by Palsgrave, at p. 542. 

Valance. I wish to make a note here that Florio's Italian 
Diet, has : " Valenzana, a kind of saye, serge, or stuffe to make 
curteins for beds with"; and again, " Valenzana del letto, the 
valances of a bed." This proves that the E. valance is from the 
same origin; and I adhere to the opinion that the place whence 
the stuff came from was Valence in France, in agreement with 
Chaucer's expression "kerchief of Valence" ; see my Dictionary. 
Valenza in Piedmont is quite an insignificant place in comparison 
with the former. 

Weak. In a pamphlet by E. Bjorkman, entitled " Zur dialect- 
ischen Provenienz der nordischen Lehnworter im Englischen," 
at p. 11, there is an excellent note upon the E. adj. weak. He 
points out that the usual explanation, from the Icel. vcikr, 'weak,' 
is wrong ; because that form would have given a mod. E. tcaik, 
just as- Icel. beita gives the Mod.E. bait. It is also clear that 
the A.S. wdc would have given a Mod.E. ivoak or woke, just as 
dc gives oak. The right solution is that the adjective is wholly 
Phil. Trans. 1898-9. 19 



290 NOTES ON ENGLISH ETYMOLOGY. PROF. SKEAT. 

obsolete, and that the modern word is really of verbal origin, as 
in the word to weaken. It is not of Scandinavian, but of native 
origin, viz. from the verb wcecan, 'to weaken.' If it be objected 
that this might rather have produced a modern English form 
weach, just as t&can has given teach, the explanation is ready to 
hand, viz., that the k- sound was preserved by constant association 
with the M.E. adjectives wok and walk, and with the M.E. verb 
ivoken, which took the place of the A.S. wacian. 

Wheedle, to coax. The spelling is due to Blount, who says : 
" Wlieadle [meaning W. chwedl~\ in the Brittish tongue signifies 
a story, whence probably our late word of fancy ; and signifies to 
draw one in by fair words or subtil insinuation to act anything of 
disadvantage or reproof ; to tell a pleasant story and thereby work 
ones own ends." But, on his own showing, W. chwedl is a sb., 
meaning a story ; and the E. word is a verb, meaning to coax 
or entice. It is more likely that it should be spelt weadle, which 
would exactly represent the A.S. wcedlian, 'to beg,' once a common 
word; it occurs in Luke, xvi. 3; xviii. 35 ; John, ix. 8 ; etc. 



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TRANSACTIONS 

OF THE 



PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY, 
1899-1900. 



VII. THE SIGMATIC FUTURE AND SUBJUNCTIVE 
IN IRISH. By J. STRACHAN, M.A. 

{Read at the Philological Society's Meeting on Friday, February 9, 1900.] 

THESE forms have been most recently discussed at length by 
Zimmer, KZ. xxx, and by Thurneysen, KZ. xxxi. The earlier 
literature will be found cited by Zimmer. For the most part its 
value lay in the establishment of the Irish paradigms. Ebel, 
KSB. iii, 261, threw out the suggestion that these Irish forms 
might be compared with Latin subjunctives like capso, faxo, but 
he did not follow it up. Brugmann, Morphologische Unter- 
suchungen, iii, 57, laid the foundation of a scientific explanation of 
the formation, when he identified it with the subjunctive of the 
sigmatic aorist. Thurneysen, Rev. Celt, vi, 94, called attention 
to reduplication as the distinguishing mark of the future. Zimmer, 
KZ. xxx, explained a number of the personal endings, pointed 
out the peculiar distribution of the sigmatic forms, and suggested 
a connection of the reduplicated sigmatic future with the Indo- 
Iranian desiderative. In KZ. xxxi, Thurneysen, in a critique 
of Zimmer' s paper, defined the syntactic functions of the forms, 
and insisted on reduplication as the characteristic of all the 
Irish futures except the b future. As the result of these 
investigations the sigmatic formations in Irish are in their broad 
outlines clear. In venturing to treat the subject again I have 
been led by several considerations. Of recent years my attention 
has been greatly directed to the history of the Irish verb, and 
as a basis for the investigation of the history of the sigmatic 
forms the material already collected proved to be insufficient. 
With the collection of fresh material a number of new points 
came to light that had hitherto been overlooked. Finally it 
seemed that, as none of the recent articles on the subject deal 
with it fully as a whole, a comprehensive discussion of the whole 
Phil. Trans. 1899-1900. 20 



292 THE SIGMAT1C FUTURE AND SUBJUNCTIVE 

formation might perhaps be not unwelcome either to Celtic or 
to Indo- Germanic philologists. 

Some points call for brief preliminary mention. (1) Syntactically 
there is no difference between the * subjunctive and the a sub- 
junctive. In this as in other respects the Irish language practised 
a rigid economy. A particular verb has only the one form or the 
other, 1 or, if it has both, they are distributed in different parts 
(cf. Phil. Soc. Trans., 1896-7, pp. 233 sq.). (2) An s subjunctive 
is regularly accompanied by an 8 future, from which it can be 
distinguished only by the absence of reduplication. Exceptions 
are -ice- 'come,' which has an * subjunctive but a b future, and 
etad- 'obtain,' where, as far as can be judged from the few 
instances to hand, the s-forms distinguish the future tenses from 
the subjunctive. (3) The distribution of the -forms is remarkable. 
They are found only from roots ending in k, g, t, d, s, and in one 
or more stems in nn arising from n or w-j-a formative element 
(cf. KZ. xxx, 205). In other verbs the sigmatic forms have been 
either lost or obscured. Thus it is not impossible that in part 
at least the e futures from primary verbs in r, I, n, though they 
cannot be derived regularly from rs, Is, ns, may be analogical 
distortions of sigmatic forms. 

Before proceeding to discuss the forms, we will give the material 
on which the discussion is based. In part it is taken from earlier 
articles and from Windisch's Worterbuch, but the most of it comes 
from my own collections. Publication of more old texts will 
probably add to the number of the roots quoted here, and may 
clear up some points that still remain doubtful. The roots are 
given in their Irish form ; for the most part they are identical with 
the stem of the present indicative ; where it seemed advisable the 
Idg. form of the root has been added. Numerals after the root 
refer to the pages of Stokes, Urkelt. Sprachschatz. A hyphen 
before an Irish form indicates that the form is preceded by 
a particle which throws the accent on the syllable following the 
hyphen. For practical purposes roots ending in ng, nd have been 
separated from other roots ending in a guttural or a dental. By 
i, ii, iii, iv are denoted the future, secondary future, present 
subjunctive, and past subjunctive respectively. The alphabetical 
order is as in Stokes, Urkelt. Sprachschatz. 

1 The rerb ad-glddur has, by the reduplicated future and a subjunctive, in later 
texts an * future and subjunctive. Chronological ronsidi-rutioii* i><>int ti> tho later 
origin of the -forms, though the starting-point of the devi-lupini-iit is not clear. 



IN IRISH J. STRACHAN. 293 

I. The root ends in a guttural, 

arc- ' ask,' 39 : i, sg. 1 im-camro8-[_8~]a YBL. 92 a 42 ; iv, sg. 3 
imme-choim-airsed Ml. 20 b 18, cf. 63 9. 

trace- (trecc- ?) ' desire,' 136 : i, pi. 3 du-n-fu-tharset ML 54 a 28 ; 
iii, sg. 1 do-fu-thris-se Wb. 32 a 9, cf. 20 b 9, 2 -du-thrais Carm. 
Ml., -du-thrainr LBr. 261 a 9, 3 du-drastar YBL. 91 b 41, cf. Patr. 
Hy., pi. 3, du-tairsetar (sic) Ml. 56 C 7 ; iv, sg. 3 -du-thrised 
Wb.4 d 17. 

nach- (neck-?) ' give,' etc., 31 : i, sg. 3 do-n-ind-in Wb. 13 b 29, 
ps. sg. 3 doind-nastar Ml. 46 C 20, cf. Wb. 7 a 5, pi. 3 doind-nasatar 
Ml. 30 C 17; iii, sg. 2 -tid-nais LBr. 261 a 64, ps. sg. 3 duind- 
nastar Ml. 56 a 13, 142 d 1, pi. 3 doind-nasatar Wb. 17 a 2; iv, 
sg. 1 do-ndn-ind-isin-se Wb. 9 b 7, 3 -tind-nissed Wb. 4 b 3, duind- 
ainsed Ml. 78 b 18, pi. 2 do-dn-ind-nasti-se Wb. 9 b 7, ps. sg. 3 atom- 
anaste 14 C 20. 

nach- (ad-) 1 'bury': iii, sg. 2 -ad-naiss Trip. L. 84, ps. sg. 3 
-ad-nastar Trip. L. 252 ; iv, ps. pi. 3 ad-anastais Ml. 100 C 23. 

mag- 'increase,' 197: i, sg. 3 dufor-ma Harl. 5,280 fo. 41 b , 
ps. sg. 3 dofor-mastar Ml. 105 a 8, LU. 44 b 33 ; ii, sg. 3 dofoir-msed 
Ml. 35 a 17; iii, sg. 2 -tor-mdis Sg. 208 a 2, 3, 3 doror-mai Laws iv 
316, ps. sg. 3 -tor-mastar ML 20 a 19, 20. 

anech- 'protect': i, sg. 3 -ain Wb. l d 1, 25 d 14; ii, sg. 3 
-ansed LU. 90 a 41, cf. 93, 1. 7, pi. 3, ni-t-ansitis YBL. 51 b 37 ; iii, 
sg. 3 -ain LL. 251 a 24, pi. 3 -amet Hy. i, 14. 

clech- (am-) ' ward off ' : i, sg. 2 ar-ciuchlais ? LU. 66 b 25 ; 
iii, pi. 2 ara-clessid Wb. 22 d 18. 

tech- ' flee,' ^/teq t 125 : i, sg. 1 ni theis (sic) YBL. 29 a 45, 
cf. LU. 69 b 33; iii, sg. 1 no-tes ML 29 d 2; iv, sg. 3 nu-tesed 
ML 29 d 9. 

tech- (ad-) ' entreat,' 125 : i, sg. 1 ; i, pi. 1 adessam Hy. i, 4. 

The d of adessam is peculiar ; atessam might have been expected ; 
attas LL. 130 b 20 may mean 'I will beseech.' 2 

dleg- (pres. dlig- = *dlgh-} 'have a claim,' 155: iii, sg. 3 
die (irregular for *dles) LU. 36 a 44, ps. sg. 3 dlestar Laws iii, 154 ; 
iv, sg. 1 no-dlessaind KSB. vii, 52, 2 dlesta ib., 3 no-dlesed 
Laws i, 224. 

melg- (pres. mlig- from *mfg-) 'milk,' 214: iii, sg. 3 duin-mail 
Ml. 50 b 1. 

1 Probably identical witb the preceding. 

2 Thurneysen would explain adessam from ad-n-tessam. 



294 THE SIGMATIC FUTURE AND SUBJUNCTIVE 

reg- 'stretch out,' 231: i, sg. 1 atamm-res-[s]a Ml. 31 C 14, 
ader-rim-sa 89 b 3, cf. 137 C 7, LU. 20 b 15, 1 3 ni-s-der ML 57 a 7, 
pi. 2 as-n-ei-rsid Wb. 25 b 25, 3 assei-rset 13 b 26, cf. 13' 20, 
25 b 16; ii, sg. 3 -taidi-rsed Wb. 4 d 9, -dei-rsed Sg. 209 b 27; 
iii, sg. 2 injunctive a-r Ml. 126 C 3, com-eir Fel. Aug. 26, pi. 2 
-deYratf Wb. 25 d 27, cf. 20 b 10, -aithi-rsid 9 a 23, 3 con-da-drset 
Ml. 46 a 12, ps. sg. 3 aithir-restar 32 d 13, pi. 3 ade-rsetar 30 d 11 ; 
iv, sg. 1 dua-rBinn-se Ml. 103 b 3, 3 ad-t-resed YBL. 214 b 15, 
dudu-rsed Ml. 33 b 14, pi. 3 -eser-sitis Ml. 15 C 7, 8. 

An intransitive r<9^- seems to be found in mm (gl. eirghe) 
* thou shalt go ' in one text of the Audacht Mordin, with which 
may perhaps be compared reiss, ' shall come ' ? LL. 252 a 33. 

leg- 'lie,' 254: i, sg. 3 con-lee (leg. con-lile?) Imram Brain 
51 ; iii, pi. 3 -dei-lset Laws iv, 78, cf. O'Dav. 77 ; iv, sg. 3 -lessed 
LL. 153 a 6. 

fech- < fight,' 279: i, sg. 1 fessa LU. 133 a 7, do-nda-fitis 
Ml. 126 C 19, imdim-[s\a (=imm-di-fius) LU. 61* 11, 3 du-fi 
Ml. 67 C 5, ps. sg. 3 du-fiastar Ml. 27 4, I29 b 4, -rffiwter YBL. 
43 b 50, pi. 3 fessaitir LL. 188 b 6, du-fesatar ML 29 b 14 ; iii, sg. 2 
du-fess Ml. 44 a 9, -efcfm* (= -dl-ro-feiss) LU. 20 b 5, 3 /orm Laws 
iv, 220 (=fo-ro-fe), ps. sg. 3 du-fessar Ml. 32 C 20, forruastar 
Laws ii, 396; iv, sg. 3 du-fesed ML 33 b 12, ' -toissed (=to-fessed) 
40 d 13, foroesad (=fo-ro-fes8ed} Corm. s.v. mugeime, pi. 1 -dersamis 
Celt. Zeitschr. iii, 45, ps. pi. 3 Ml. do-festais 29 7. 

This is commonly compared with Lat. uinco, etc., which suits 
the meaning very well, but the vocalism is difficult, as the Irish 
forms point to <?, cf. also the present .du-feich ; there is the same 
difficulty with fetar \/ueid, below p. 10. 

sech- ' say,' 296 : iv, sg. 3 incoississed Ml. 24 C 22, etc. 

sleg 'hew,' 320 : i, sg. 3 silts (=8tslu) Imram Brain 55, ar-sil 
Fel. Sep. 29, pi. 1 sihimi-ni LU. 58 a 7, ps. pi. 3 arsilsiter (MS. 
arsihither] YBL. 45 b 11. 

siag- (becomes seg- and sag-, probably according to the following 
vowel, Thurneysen) 'strive towards': i, sg. 2 -r6is Sg. 229, 
3 ro-s'ia LU. 89 b 3 (also used as a subjunctive, e.g. LU. 112 a 26, 
cf. co riased YBL. 214 b 14), pi. 2 ro-sesaid-si LU. 25 b 10, 



1 For ntsnfrussa of the facsimile read nhm'-ninKa ' I will not rise.' Reg- is 
properly transitive, so that ' he rises ' is atraig = nd-d-rcig, lit. ' he raises 
himself" ; 'she rises' is atoruuj = <itl-</,t-r<i</, 'they riae' is ataregat = ad-itn- 
,<,,/. lint ihu ronipuuiKl <-<^-r<</-, iiM-ii ti'duiirally ol ihc Rfsurrection, is 
iiitransitive. 



IN IRISH J. STRACHAN. 295 

3 -roisset Ml. 74 a 11 ; ii, sg. 3 -roissed Ml. 39 34; iii, sg. 2 ro- 
sdis Bcr. 42 a 1, 3 ro-d-sd LL. 58 b 33, to-ra LL. 100 a 24, pi. 3 
f-a-sdsat Wb. 8 C 19; iv, sg. 1 -roissinn Wb. 26 d 17, 3 ro-saissed, 
ro-sassad Wind. Wb., LU. 58 b 31, pi. 3 ro-sastdis LU. 84 a 7, 
-toirsitis Ml. 48 d 27. 

For later forms in which a is analogically replaced by o cf. 
Verbal System of Salt. Rann, p. 73. 

This root appears somewhat disguised in some other compounds : 
iarmi-fo-siag- 'seek' Rev. Celt, xix, 177: con-d'i-siag- 'seek' 
i pi. 3 condesat Ml. 46 C 13; iii sg. 3 -cuintea ( = -con-di-sd) 
Ml. 51 a 18, ps. conniestar Rev. Celt, xv, 488, iv sg. 1 condesinn 
Wb. 19 d 24: to-iarmi-fo-ro-siagt 'pursue,' i pi. 3 tiarmdrset 
LU. 123 a 15, cf. 123 a 19: to-etar-ro-siag-1 'reach, hit,' i sg. 2 
-tetarrais LU. 62 a 43, iii sg. 2 -tetarrais LU. 62 a 42. 

org- 'slay, destroy/ 51 : i, sg. 1 fris-iurr Ml. 37 C 12, cf. 
113 a 11, 2 -irr Ml. 77 a 10, 13, 17, -hierr 77 a 16, 1 3 fritantm-ior-sa, 
32 d 27, fritatn-'mrr-su 93 a 15, rel. iuras LU. 87 b 35, etc., pi. 3 
fritamm-iurat Ml. 33 a 1, cf. LU. 96 a 12, ps. sg. 3 mrthar LU. 88 a 5, 
etc. ; ii, pi. 1 -mrmau LU. 87 a 40, ps. sg. 3, -mrtha 97 a 24 ; iii, 
sg. 3frisn-orr 15 a 10, cf. LU. 88 a 4, ducom-arr Ml. 85 C 3, etc., rel. 
orr Sg. 12 b 7, pi. 2 dufu-arraid Ml. 78 d 7, 3 frisn-orrat Ml. 80 b 9, 
etc.; iv, sg. 3 fnsn-orrad Ml. 124 d 8, -tu-arrad 121 d 17, 18, pi. 2 
fru-orihe Wb. 10 C 12, 3 otu-artis Ml. 54 a 18, ps. sg. 3 irregularly 
no-'irrtha LU. 87 a 14. 

org- 2 ? (to-ess-) 'save,' (to-imm-) 'artare,' ' castigare ' : i, sg. 1 
doimmarr Wb. 9 a 20, 3 do-da-ess-arr-som Wb. 5 C 12, ps. sg. 3 
duimmarthar Ml. 90 a 9 ; ii, sg. 2 do-n-ess-artha LL. 283 b 41 ; 
iii, sg. 3? doescom-airr O'Dav. 81, cf. tes-com-arr 121; iv, ps. sg. 3 
do-n-imm-arthae Ml. 130 21. 

ice- 'come,' 31 : iii, sg. 1 ris-sa Wb. 14 a 17, cf. 9 a 20, etc., 
LU. 58 a 20, 66 a 5, -rim LU. 62 b 21, 2 con-'iis Wb. 10 a 21, -ris 
LU. 44 b 10, injunctive tair LU. 58 a 20, etc., 3 ro-hi Wb. 20 11, 
rii 7 b 3, -ri 24 a 17, -comuir (= -com-ri) 24 a 17, con-i Sg. 25 b 14, 
-cum-ai Ml. 31 19, 32 d 15, -co[_m] 53 a 5, -cum 87 d 13, cf. 129 b 6, 
pi. 1 risam Hy. i, 42, -comairsem (= -com-rlsam] Wb. 33 a 9, 2 rixid 
24 b 2, 3 risat 5 b 39, -cumset Ml. 39 C 26, ps. sg. 3 ar-is-ar 30 a 23 ; 
iv, sg. 1 risin Wb. 18 a 23, 2 -rista Imram Brain, 3 -1i*ed 



1 In Ml. 126 d 1 for diifurr read, with Thurneysen, duf'rirr. 

2 The Irish forms do not show whether the radical vowel was o or a. For 
a suggested etymology see Osthoff, I.F., viii, 62. 



296 THE SIGMATIC FUTURE AND SUBJUNCTIVE 

Wb. 21 a 1, pi. 1 -tismia 25 a 1, 3 eon-Ma Sg. 138 a 9, ps. sg. 3 
ar-istae Ml. 110 d 6. For more examples see Ascoli. 

In con-ice- ' be able ' the prototonic forms come regularly from 
-ong- (cf. p. 7). But the vocalism of -cumai points to the influence 
of con-i, -cum would naturally come from -*com-oncst. For longer 
and shorter forms side by side cf. Thurneysen, KZ. xxxi, 91. 

teg- < go,' ^steigh- 124: i, sg. 3 cotn-im-tha Wb. 12 C 4, pi. 3 
-inotsat 33 a 14, tiasuit Ir. T. ii, 2. 191 (=UagaidIJ3.}, ps. sg. 3 
do-thiasar LU. 68 a 32 ; iii, sg. 1 -thiasu-sa Wb. 23 C 31, du-tias l a 7, 
2 tesi LU. 64 a 20, cf. LL. 251 a 41, 293 a 47 (but teis LU. 64 a 21, 
SR. 1,273), -teis Ml. 78 C 1, LBr. 261 a 9, 60, -comeitis Wb. 6 C 6, 3 
theis Wb. 14 a 14, Ir. T. iii, 1. 19, 47, LU. 67 b 11, thes Ml. 23 d 23, 
do-thei Wb. 13 a 12, -tei LL. 251 a 22, -{e Ml. 36 a 23, 126 a 4, 
coneit Wb. 6 C 1, 7, pi. 1 tiasam Hy. i, 2, -im-thiasam Ml. 36 C , 
inotsam 16 a 16, cometsam Cod. Cam., 2 thiastd LU. 57 b 39, -thessid 
LU. 58 a 43, 3 for-tiassat Ml. 68 d 7, rel. tfasfcw Fel. Ep. 470, 
ps. sg. 3 -tiasar Riagail Comgaill, tiastar LBr. 26 l b 1 ; iv, sg. 1 
no-theisinn Ml. 41 d 9, 2 no-thiasta-so GC. 2 496, 3 no-theised 
Wb. 32 a 17, no-tesed Ml. 23 b 12, 54 a 21, cf. 42 C 31, Sg. 21 b 9, 
(n)-o-tesadm. 34 d 6, -tiasad'LU. 75 a 19, pi. 3 nu-tiastais Ml. 117 d 3. 

It will be observed that instances of the future are very rare ; 
the present flag, tiagu is often used in a future sense. Perhaps 
the future was a secondary development. 1 

Here may be mentioned some very similar forms which are 
commonly referred to teit: iii, sg. 1 fris-tdes Ml. 140 b 6, 2 to- 
tais-siu LU. 130 a 25, 3 -tdi Sg. 26 b 7, fres-tai Ml. 31 d 6, ni ta 
YBL. 92 b 1, pi. 3 -taesat Rev. Celt, x, 220 ; iv, sg. 1 fris-taisinn 
(corrected from fris-temnn) Ml. 132 a 5, 3 -frith-taised 34 a 8, cf. 
Rev. Celt, xi, 450, do-tasad YBL. 42 b 15. These forms so closely 
resemble the above that they probably come from contamination 
of the subjunctive forms of tiag with forms like tait, Ascoli Gloss. 
Ixxii. In Ml. 17 5 -frithtaigat is a clear contamination offrithtdit 
and frithtwgat, cf. otaig, Sg. 144 a ; in later MSS. dothaegat, etc., 
for dothmgat is fairly common. 

nig- 'wash,' 194: i, sg. 1 no-t-ninus YBL. 52 b 24, dofo-nus-sa 
Ml. 47 a 19 ; iv, sg. 2 -nesta GC. 469. 

rig- 'bind,' 233: i, sg. 2 o-riris-siu Ml. 134 d 3, arafoiris 
( = ara-fo-riri8) 37 C 18, 3 ni-m-foir-sa Fel. Pr. 832, pi. 3 arii- 



1 It is worth noting that orflx<a has no future ; in Od. iv, 277, the form 
x(piffTtias is doubtful. 



IN IRISH J. STRACHAN. 297 

dam-fuirset Ml. 114 C 11, ps. sg. 3 cotan-rirastar 134 a 1; iii, 
sg. 1 con-da-rias Ml. 21 b 8, ps. sg. 3 ad-riastar Laws iii, 228; 
iv, ps. sg. 3 arftiirestae Ml. 47 b 6. 

lig- 'lick,' 241 : i, pi. 3 lilsit Ml. 89 d 14. 

slig- ' tempt ' : iii, sg. 3 ad-slei Wb. 20 b 2. 



II. The root ends in ng. 

ceng- 'step,' 77 : i, sg. 3 cichis Rev. Celt, x, 224, pi. 3 fris- 
cichset LU. 89 a 44, ps. sg. 3 cichsithear, fo-cichsithear O'Cl. ; iii, 
pi. 3 rel. dado (sic) Laws ii, 388, ps. sg. 3 ciasair O'Don. Supp. ; 
iv, sg. 3 no-chessed LU. 84 b 1, ro-cei&sedh H. 3. 18, p. 469 a , irregular 
-cichsedlXJ. 102 b 4, 18. 

deng- 'press,' 146: i, ps. pi. 3 ardidsiter YBL. 45 b 12; iii, 
ps. pi. 3 for-n-diassatar Ml. 39 b 12, of. O'Dav. 77. 

Brugmann, Grundr. ii, 999, apparently on account of -diassatar, 
makes the root ding- Lat. fingo, but this does not suit the sense 
so well ; for an explanation of the diphthong see below, p. 20. 

leng- 'leap': iii, sg. 2 -tarllau LU. 83 b 14, 3 rel. lias 
ML 33 C 8 ; iv, sg. 3 oriluilsed LU. 63 b 4. 

ong- (aith-com-} ' happen ' : iii, sg. 3 -ecm-i Wb. 5 b 35, -ecmai 
Ml. 15 d 5, etc., -tecma Fel. Jan. 10 ; iv, sg. 3 doecmoised Wb. 5 d 26, 
pi. 3 chuntecmaistis Ml. 102 a 24. 

The vocalism of -ecm'i, -ecmai has been influenced by that of the 
subjunctive of ice-, above p. 5. The vowel of the Irish root is 
more probably o than a. 

tong- 1 (in constant composition with ud-) ' build up ' : i, sg. 2 
ar-utais-siu Ml. 56 a 11, ps. sg. 3 con-utastar LL. 188 b 17; iv, 
sg. 1 con-utsin Bcr. 37 d 2. 

tong- 'swear,' 121 : i, sg. 3 tithis O'Dav. 123, pi. 3 tithsat 
for-tithsat ib. ; iii, sg. 2 -thois LBr. 261 a 5, et-tis LU. 46 b 18, 
3 -to O'Dav. 123, as-to O'Don. Supp., pi. \fris-tossam Cod. Cam.; 
iv, sg. 3 -toissed Wb. 33 d 10, -doch-taised Ml. 78 a 4. 

dlong- 'split,' 158: i, sg. 3 -in-dail* Ml. 96 a 8; ii, pi. 3 no- 
didlastdis LU. 95 a 33, 96 b 28. 



1 Or tung-, Gr. rev^w, etc. Stokes? 

2 The timbre of the final coiisonant would seem to point to a 8tem dknca- 
rather than dloncs-. Can it be analogical ? 



298 THE SIGMATIC FUTURE AND SUBJUNCTIVE 

bong- 'reap, break,' 177 : i, sg. 1 bibhsa O'CL, ps. sg. 3 com- 
bibustar IT. T. ii, 2. 247 ; iii, sg. 1 -topas (MS. -topachtur, cf. 
Celt. Z. ii, 480) LU. 73 b 2, 3 arnamma-com-ba Laws iv, 334 ; 
iv, sg. 3 chota\b~]-bosad Ml. 18 a 7. 

By long- tbere was also leg-, cf. -tath-bongat Laws ii, 334, with 
doaithbiuch Sg. 22 b 2. To this belongs iii, sg. 3 -taithim Laws 
iii, 56. A similar variation appears in the following 2 bong- (cf. 
do-begim Wind.), in tong- : teg-, cf. freitech by fris-toing, eitech by 
as-toing, etc., long- : leg- 1 (fulach Ml. 22 d 9, 32 d 4, folog "Wb. 
17 b ?), and probably in bond- (p, 12), bed- (p. 9). 

bong- 2 (to-) ' levy ' (tribute, etc.) : i, sg. 1 do-bibus-sa "Wind. 
s.v. dobegim ; iii, sg. 2 -tor-bois, at-bois O'Don. Supp., pi. 3 do- 
bosat, ps. sg. 3 do-bosar ib. s.v. bosar. 

long- (fo-} ' support ' : i, sg. 1 fo-lilus-sa Wb. 23 b 25, 2 -//** 
LU. 69 b 8, 3 remi-foil Ml. 23 a 8, pi. 2 -/0foatf LIT. 72 a 9, 3 fo- 
likat Wb. 25 d 19, Ml. 80 a 13, ps. sg. 3 fu-lilastar ML 109 b 7; 
ii, sg. 1 fu-likain-se Ml. 73 d 1,3 -foelsad (sic leg.) LU. 96 b 35, 
pi. 3 -foilsitis Wb. 15 a 20, ps. sg. 3 fu-lilastce LU. 20 a 24; iii, 
sg. Ifu-I6s Ml. 33 a 2, etc. (irregular -joelm LU. 88 a 19), 3fu-nd-lo 
Ml. 32 d 9, etc., -ful 32 d 5, 57 d 15, pi. 1 -fulsam Wb. 14 C 2, 
-fochomolsam 14 b 15, 2 -fochomalsid ll b 2, 3 fo-l-losat Ml. 118 a 11, 
cf. 69 a 7 ; iv, pi. 3 fo-lostais Ml. 104 C 5. 



III. The root ends in a dental. 

etad- ' obtain' : i, ps. sg. 3 -etastar KSB. vii, 64 ; ii, ps. sg. 3 
-etaste Ml. 43 d 20. 

This verb has * future, a subjunctive, cf. p. 2. 

clad- 'dig/ 81 : iii, pi. 3 -clasat O'Dav. ; iv, ps. sg. 3 -clasta 
LU. 130 a 9. 

clad- (ad-} ( hunt ' : i, sg. 1 ad-cichlus KZ. xxxiii, 66 ; iii, 
sg. 2? ad-claiss Trip. L. 88. 

nad- (pres. nasc-) 'bind' ^/nedh, 191: i, sg. 1 ar-nenas Rev. 
Celt, xii, 82; iii, sg. 2 -nais Laws iv, 36, 3 ro-na O'Dav. 112, 
ps. sg. 3 ro-nastar LU. 59 b 11 ; iv, ps. sg. 3 -ar-nastd LU. 59 a 25. 

1 To *Jkgh in Axos, etc., the idc;i lirin- tliat of n vwoKti/j.fvov ? The most 



primary sense discernible in Irish is ' support' in a physical sense. 
2 Identical with the preceding ? 



IN IRISH J. STRACHAN. 299 

mad- 'break, burst' (intrans.): i, sg. 3 memaia Trip. L. 138, 
142 (rel.), -memo, Ml. 89 11, LU. 74 b 5, pi. 1 mebuismet Ir. T. 
ii, 2. 247, -memsam YBL. 52 a 16, 3 rel. memsite YBL. 45 b 8; 
ii, pi. 3 mebsaitis (irregular for nomemsaitis) YBL. 51 b 22 ; iii, sg. 3 
-roima (leg. -roma?) Ml. 89 C 11; -md LU. 88 a 5, Corm. s.v. a, 
-mae LL. 94 a 19, 102 a 50. 

snad- (ad-) ' insero,' (ind-) 'exsero* : iii, ps. sg. 3 atom-snassar 
Wb. 5 b 30 ; iv, pi. 3 in-snastis Ml. 26 C 17. 

slad- 'hew,' 319 : i, sg. 3 no-don-sel (=*sislatst} LU. 106 a 42 ; 
iii, sg. 2 no-slaiss LU. 74 a 18. 

ed- 'eat': ii, sg. 3 no-issad Rev. Celt, viii, 58, pi. 3 no-istais 
Ir. T. i, 75 ; iii, sg. 1 -esur LU. 104 b 14, 3 estir Wb. 6 b 23, -estar 
6 b 22, pi. 1 -essamar SR. 1226 ; iv, pi. 3 no-estais Ml. 98 b 9. 

cet- (? cf. KZ. xxxi, 74) ' lead ' : i, ps. sg. 3 dudi-chestar 
Ml. 30 d 25 ; iii, ps. sg. 3 fuduid-chestar Ml. 36 b 10. 

cerd- (fo-) 'cast,' 80 : i, sg. 1 fo-chichur-sa LU. 70 a 4, 
-fdichur-sa LL. 25 l b 20, fris-foichiurr Ml. 78 C 8, 3 fo-cicherr 
87 d 8, do - n - aith -foicherr Ml, 34 d 8, (irregular noco-focher 
LU. 63 a 14, fo-chiuchra 56 a 8), pi. 3 fo-cichret ML, du-n-ath- 
foichret 72 d 1, ps. sg. 3 fo-cichurthar LU. 88 a 14, do-foicherthar 
88 a 15; ii, sg. 3 -foichred LU. 84 a 19 (irregular -fo-chichred, 
MS. -fochriched, 88 b 18); iii, sg. 2 fo-ceirr Wb. 13 C 24; iv, sg. 3 
f-a-cherred Ml. 124 b 3, ps. sg. 3 fo-eertd LU. 84 a 18. 

ged- (pres. guidim) 'pray,' 110: i, sg. 1 gigse-sa Ml. 47 d 4, 
gigsa LL. 278 a 33, no-gigius Ml. 46 b 12, 3 rel. giges 53 C 3, pi. 2 
gigeste-si Wb. 14 a 2 ; ii, sg. 3 ro-gigsed (leg. nogigsedt) ML 32 d 5 ; 
iii, sg. 1 -ges Ml. 21 b 5, 8, 9, 2 -geiss Wb. 30 b 4, 3 -ge Ml. 
5l a 16, 53 b 27, rel. ^s 39 b 3, pi. 1 gesme "Wb. 4 a 27, -gessam 
ll a 24, 2 -ym^ 24 b 3, 26 a 34, 3 -roigset (=ro-gessat) 16 C 23, 
ps. sg. 3 gessir Wb. I7 d 27, rel. gesar Ml. 51 a 17; iv, pi. 1 
-gesmais ML 21 b 1, 3 -gestais 125 a 4, 131 d 13, -roigsitis 131 d 14. 

ged- (pres. ad-gutter O'Don. Supp.) 'make fast,' cf. pre-hendo, 
etc. : iv, ps. sg. 3 ad-ro-gesta Laws iv, 210. 

bed- (to-ad-) ' shew' : iii, sg. 2 conddr-bais ML 10 l c 6, irregular 
tad-bee LU. 107 b 44, ps. sg. 3 conddr-bastar Sg. 211 a 10; iv, 
sg. 3 do-n-aid-bsed Ml. 20 a 9, tai[d~\-b8ed Sg. 6 b 25, ps. sg. 3 
do-n-ad-bastae Ml. 37 b 23. 

neth- (ind-) ' await,' (ar-) ' expect ' : i, sg. 1 ni-sn-idnus YBL. 
45 b 31 ; iii, ps. sg. 3 -eir-nestar 1 Ml. 118 d 10. 

med- 'measure, judge': i, sg. 1 -mesur Ml. 94 b 8, cf. 78 a 11, 

1 So it is probably to be read, though the gloss is very illegible. 



300 THE SIGMATIC FUTURE AND SUBJUNCTIVE 

-mesor-sa (or subj. ?) Sg. I79 a 1, 2 mesir Corin. s.v. segamla, 
3 miastar Wb. l d 9, Ml. 56 C 10, pi. 1 messimir, messamar 
Wb. 9 C 10, ps. sg. 3 miastir "Wb. 9 C 9, Ml. 30 d 25, rel. miastar 
57 7 ; iii, 3 -mestar Ml. 30 C 19, du-mestar 68 d 1, -coim-mestar 
127 a 19, rel. mestar 127 d 12, pi. 2 -ir-missid Wb. 27 C 29, 
3 rel. messatar Ml. 70 a 9, ps. sg. 3 mestar Wb. 9 6, Ml. 24 a 10, 
-messar 42 d 14 ; iv, sg. 3 -messed Wb. 8 d 26. 

med- (imm-ro-) ' transgress,' Skr. pra-mad- : i, pi. 3 imroimset 
( = imm-ro-messat) Ml. 54 a 23, ef. 54 a 27; iii, sg. 2 -im-roimser 
Wb. 20 C 4, 3 immero-mastar Ml. 51 a 18, -imro-mastar Wb. ll a 16, 
pi. 2 imroimsid 33 b 8 ; iv, pi. 1 imroimsimmis W T b. 9 C 10, 3 -im- 
roimsitis Ml. 51 a 19. 

reth- 'run,' 231: i, sg. 3 in-re Ml. 113 a 7, fu-m-re-se Lib. 
Ardm. 18% 3 -diuair (=-di-od-re) Ml. 56 d 2; iii, sg. 2 injunctive 
to-n-fdir (=fo-re) LU. 63 b 8, etc., 3 in-re Ml. 134 d 1 ; iv, sg. 3 
-ressed Rev. Celt, xi, 446, pi. 3 in-restais Ml. 37 d 1. 

feth- 'blow,' 263 : ii, sg. 3 -thinib Wb. 4 a 27. 

feth- 'relate,' 268 : i, sg. 1 -aisnd-ius-sa Sg. 47 a 13, cf. ad-fes 
LL. 132 b 8, 3 ad-fi Imram Brain 52, pi. 1 asind-isem Ml. 35 a 6, 
ad-fessam LL. ll b 48, 3 asind-isset Wb. 30 d 8, cf. Ml. 45 b 19, 
ps. sg. 3 ad-fesar Psalt. Hib. 289, ad-fiastar LU. 46 b 37 ; ii, sg. 3 
in-fessed LU. 134 b 31 ; iii, sg. 3 in-fe Ml. 30 b 12, as-n-ind (= -ind-fe) 
23 d 2, pi. 3 asind-iset 23 a 19; iv, sg. 3 as-id-ind-issed Ml. 42 b 18, 
cf. 131 b 1, pi. 1 in-fesmais 17 d 8. 

fed- 'lead,' 269: iii, sg. 3 dudi (=*to-di-fets} Ml. 35<= 30; 
iv, sg. 3 du-d-fessed Ml. 78 b 14, du-m-d'ised-sa (= -di-fessed] 78 b 18, 
ps. sg. 3 du-n-diastae 45 C 4. 

-fetar 'I know,' ^/mid- 264, cf. p. 4 : i, sg. 1 ro-fessurWb. 9 a 21, 
Ir. T. ii, 1. 179, 3~ru-jiastar Ml. Ill' 13, -fiastar Wb. 12 d 18, 
22 d 3 (or subj.?), ro-festar 12 d 27, pi. 2 ro-fessid Wb. 7 d 6, 
3 ro-fessatar Ml. 69 b 1, ps. sg. 3 ro-fessar LU. 92 b 31 ; iii, sg. 1 
-fimur LU. 45 a 26, 2 -feser Wb. 29 a 22, cf. Sg. 209 b 30, 3 -festar 
Wb. 12 38, 28 d 11, Ml. 5l b 10, LU. 46 b 32, pi. 1 -fessamar 
LU. 58 a 18, 70 a 4, 2 ro-fessid Wb. 7 d 6, 12 a 1, 14 b 20, 14 d 16, 
23 a 5, -feitid 12 a 3, 12 d 5, 27 33, 34, 3 -fesatar 26 d 33, ps. sg. 3 
ru-fetsar Ml. 24 d 17, -fessar 24 d 14, -fisser (sic) 24 d 22 ; iv, sg. 1 
ru-fessinn Ml. 59 b 1, cf. LU. 72 b 33, 77 b 3, -fessin Ml. 117 d 4, 

2 ro-festa-su Wb. 10 a 10, 3 r-a-fessed, Sg. 148 a 6, -fessed Wb. 16 a 2, 
cf. Ml. 87 d 4 (leg. mani-fessed], pi. 1 ro-fesmais LU. 83 a 40, -Jexmniti 
87* 41, 113 a 18, -fiasmais Wind. Wb., 2 rw->rt Wb. 9 8, 9 d 9, 

3 -fkattai* LU. 46 17, ps. sg. 3 o-festa Sg. 26 b 8. 



IN IRISH J. STRACHAN. 301 

sed- 'sit,' 297 :i, sg. 3 seiss 1 Wb. 26 a 8; iv, sg. 3 no-seised 
Ml. 135* 13, cf. LIT. 81 a 10. 

cot-? (air-) 'hinder, hurt': i, sg. 3 -ir-ch6i Wb. 7 a 11, 
ni-m-ir- chouse LU. 72 b 40; iii, sg. 3 ar-coi Ml. 46 d 11. 

The form of the root is uncertain, see below, p. 23. 

coud- ' go,' 62 : ii, pi. 3 do-coestis LU. 65 a 42, cf. 72 a 22, 
83 a 33; iii, sg. 1 -de-chos LU. 129 a 10, -deochus 70 a 19, -dechas-sa 
YBL. 52 a 13, -6cius LU. 70 a 13, 19, 2 do-cuis-siu LBr. 26 l a 80, at-cois 
Fel. Pr. 182, -deochais LU. 60 a 11, -digis 117 a 2, -ecus 113 a 17, 
3 do-c6i Wb. 29 a 28, -decha 28 b 30, LU. 86 a 36, -dick Wb. 9 d 24, 
dig (rel.) LU. 63 a 6, pi. 1 -dechsam Ml. 62 d 1, 3 do-coiset 
LU. 70 b 31, -dichset 63 a 24; iv, sg. 1 -deochsaind LU. 71 b 45, 
3 dodi-chsed Sg. 18 a 4, -tuid-ohissed Wb. 15 C 16, pi. 1 -tut^d^-chesmais 
Ml. 93 b 5, 3 du-coistis 34 a 9, -dechsaitis 42 a 6, 7, cf. 104 C 5. 

tud- ? (Thurneysen) ' fall ' : i, sg. 3 du-toith Incant. Sg., ^o-/<e^ 
LU. 88 a 37, cf. 88 b 31, 89 b 21, -toith Trip. L. 142, pi. 3 do-foethsat 
LU. 88 b 10, cf. 88 a 36, to-thatsat 87 b 30, tothoetsat 91 b 23, etc., 
-toetsat 91 b 40; ii, sg. 3 do-fMhsad LU. 73 a 17, do-foethsad 88 b 21, 
-toethsad 78 b 31, pi. 3 -toethsitis 78 b 30; iii, sg. 1 doro-thuus-\_s]a 
(leg. doro-thuas-sa ? Thurneysen) Ml. 23 C 23 (irregularly -toithus 
LL. 32 a 34), 3 do-toth Laws iv, 102, (irregularly -thath LU. 76 b 22), 
pi. 1 -tor-thissem Wb. 32 C 16, 3 -totsat Ml. 16 a 19, 118 a 12, 
do-todsat 124 d 12, -tor-thaisset Laws iv, 318; iv, sg. 1 do-todsin 
Ml. 131 b 7, 3 doro-tsad LU. 59 a 23, pi. 3 condositis (leg. condodsitis 
Thurneysen) Wb. 5 b ll. 

The form of the root is not quite certain. The above forms 
point to a subjunctive t:s- and a future tith:s-, which with 
to-to- give dotoths- and dotoiths-. From M^- it seems possible 
to explain the present, e.g. dotuitet = *to-to-tudet (with inflexion 
like gabim] as Luigdech Ogm., Lugudeccas Grundriss 2 246. So 
to-thim = *to-tutsmen. For ts in tothoetsat, etc., cf. Stokes, KZ. 
xxviii, 72. 



IV. Roots ending in nd, nn. 

Cf. Grundriss i 2 329, ii 983, BB. xx, 12. 

grenn- (from grend-) ' pursue,' 1 1 8 : iii, sg. 3 in-gre ML 1 1 l c 6 ; 
iv, pi. 3 ingriastais Ml. 38 d 5. 

1 The MS. reading is doubtful, but seiss is probably to be written. 



302 THE SIGMATIC FUTURE AND SUBJUNCTIVE 

glenn (from glend-} ' search out,' 120 : iii, sg. 2 in-gleis Ml. 
140 C 7, 3 -ecail 56 C 8. 

glenn- (from glend-} (for-di-od-) devour ' (KZ. xxxvi, 67) : 
i, ps. pi. 3 fordiuguilsiter Ml. 84 d 2 ; iii, sg. 3 -fordiucail Ml. 
36 a 32, pi. S for-tam-diucuihet-sa 44 32. 

svenn (fo-) 'pursue': i, sg. 3 dossil Wind. s.v. toibnim; 
iii, sg. 1 ^w-seV[*] Ml. 61 C 16 ; iv, sg. 1 du-sesainn (MS. dusesdinn) 
Ml. 41' 5. 

svenn- ' play ' : i, sifais O'Dav. 

bond- * declare ' : iii, sg. 2 at-lois O'Dav. s.v. adbo, 3 ad-bo 
O'Don. Suppl. 

Pres. asbomd Laws iii, 478, atabaind iv, 104, 106, adbonnar 
iii, 228. 

fo-rond-, g. fuscare : iii, ps. sg. 3 -furastar Ml. 15 b 11. 

The radical vowel may be w, cf. below, p. 21. 



Y. Roots ending in s. 

ces- 'see' : i, ps. sg. 3 atat-chigestar Ml. 69 C 12; iii, ps. sg. 3 
-accastar "Wb. 25 b 28, 26 a 12, Ml. 50 a 5, LIT. 85 a 4, ar-castar 
O'Dav. 51. 

In Old Irish the s forms seem to have been used to supply the 
passive of the present (but not of the past) subjunctive, and of 
the future. The future active is reduplicated and asigmatic, cf. 
ni-m-air-cecha-sa LU. 74 b 3, duecigi (MS. duecicigi] Ml. lll c 13, 
at-chichead YBL. 92 a 5, -acciged LU. 64 a 39, ad-cichitis Wb. 7 a 2. 
But the 8 has made its way into the future active in du-n- 
ecuchus-sa LU. 19* 2, 19 b 31, and into the subj. active -dercaiss 
LU. 58 b 6. Of the secondary future passive I have no examples, 
but probably it was sigmatic as in dm-. 

clus- 'hear' : i, ps. sg. 3 ro-cechlastar YBL. 49 b 15; ii, ps. sg. 
3 ro-cechlastai LU. 88 b 22. 

Perhaps the sigmatic forms were employed in the same parts 
as in ces-. A poem ascribed to Dalian Mac More (LL. 47 a ) has 
fut. pass, cechlaitir, but that must be an innovation. 



VI. Isolated forms. 

fusilis-su sg. 2, elicited fromfai lusu KZ. xxxiii, 64, and /MM lisu 
llev. Celt, xiv, 227. From same root as ad-slig- ' tempt ' ? 



IN IRISH J. STRACHAN. 303 

cichsite ' who will embroider ' ? Corm. s.v. mann. Evidently 
future 3 pi. rel. 

dia tarsiu 'if thou give' Ml. 89 C 5. According to Thurneysen 
probably an error for -tartaisiu. 

Jotimdiris subj. sg. 2 Sg. 185 b 7, cf. 54 a 17, fotimmdiriut, the 
analysis of which is uncertain, cf . Ascoli Gloss, cciv. 

to-n-comra 'ut nos taedeat' Wb. 14 b 23, cf. tochomracht 14 b 24. l 

-airlestar LIT. 56 a 6, subj. pass, of the deponent airliur. Was 
the s formation used in this verb too to distinguish the subjunctive 
passive from the subjunctive active? 

The Irish inflexion may be illustrated by the following 
paradigms. For the subjunctive ged- and teg- are selected, for the 
futures ged-, for the deponent forms -fetar. As examples of all 
the persons of these forms happen not to be found, for the sake 
of completeness the missing forms are supplied by analogy. Where 
the form in question happens to be found in another verb, it is 
preceded by an asterisk ; where no example is to hand of that 
particular form, two asterisks are prefixed. Over against the 
present subjunctive are put the prehistoric paradigm from which 
the historic inflexion may be supposed to have developed. 2 



PRESENT SUBJUNCTIVE. 



sg. 


1. 


**gessa ?, -ges 


tiasu, -tias 


*steiksd. 




2. 


*gessi, -geiss 


iesi, -teis 


*steikses. 




3. 


*geiss, -ge 


teis, -tei, -te 


*steikset, *steikst. 




3 


rel. ges 


*tlas, cf. lias 


*steiksto ? 




3 


ps. gessir, -gesar 


-tiasar, -tiastar 




pi. 


1. 


**gesmi, gesme, 


**tesmi, *tesme, 


*steiksomo ? 






-gessam 


-tiasam 






2. 


*geste, -gessid 


tiastae, -tessid 


*steiksete. 




3. 


**gessit, -gessat 


**tessit, -tiasat 


*steiksont. 




3 


rel. *geste 


tiastae. 





3 ps. **gessitir, *-gessatar 

1 con-roisc (ro-scdich) ' till it be past ' has been explained as an s subjunctive ; 
however, the subjunctive of scuchim is regularly asigmatic. Conroisc : roscdich 
is very like cot air : tarna'ic (with the same meaning). Can oonroisc be an 
analogical formation? This is suggested further by coroisced LU. 21 a 4, which 
seems to be the corresponding past subjunctive. 

2 As it is a matter of no consequence for the present investigation, the different 
Idg. guttural series are not here distinguished. 



304: THE SIGMATIC FUTURE AND SUBJUNCTIVE 

PAST SUBJUNCTIVE. 

sg. 1. *no-ge88inn no-tesinn. 

2. *no-gesta no-tlasta. 

3. *no-gessed no-tesed. 
3 ps. *no-gestae *no-tlastae. 

pi. 1. no-gesmais *no-tiasmais. 

2. *no-geste *no-tiastae. 

3. no-gestais no-tiastais. 
3 ps. **no-gestai8 

FUTURE. 

sg. 1. gig&e, -gigius pi. 1. *gigsimi (cf. silsimi), 



*- 

2. **gigsi,*-gigis(o,i.-riris} 2. gigeste, *-gigsid. 

3. *gigis (of. 7), *-giget 3. *gigsit (cf. IMt), *-g*gset 

or *-ye^ ? cf. -mema, -sil (=*gigessat}. 

3 rel. $^0s 3 rel. *gigsite (cf. cicfaite). 

3 ps. **gigsithir ?, *-gigsethar ? 3 ps. **gigsitir, *-gigsiter 

(cf. cichsither} (cf. -silsiter). 

SECONDARY FUTURE. 

sg. 1. *no-gigainn pi. 1. **no-gigsimmis. 

2. *no-gigesta 2. **wo gigeste. 

3. no-gig sed 3. *no-gigsiti8. 
3 ps. ^no-gigestae 3 ps. **nogi(/iiitis. 

-fetar. 
PRESENT SUBJUNCTIVE. 

sg. 1. *-fes8ur pi. 1. ( *me8simir\ -fessamar. 

2. -/m^r 2. -fessid. 

3. (*m68tir\ -festar 3. (**messitir\ -fessatar. 

FUTURE. 

sg. 1. -/mwr pi. 1. ( messimir), *-fe8samar. 

2. -*fe*ser 2. fiastaet, -fesstd. 

3. (miasttr), -fiastar 3. (*nmsitir} t -fessatar. 

"We will now take in order the various points that have to 
be discussed in connection with the formation. 



IN IRISH J. STRACHAN. 305 



REDUPLICATION. 

In all Irish future formations, except the b future, the distinctive 
mark of the future is reduplication (cf. Thurneysen, KZ. xxxi, 
81 sq.) ; in the formations reduplication alone distinguishes the 
future, e.g. *giget&6, from the subjunctive, e.g. *getso. Of these 
reduplicated futures only the s future can be brought into direct 
connection with a form in another Indo - Germanic language. 
Though in inflexion the s future and the 8 subjunctive have 
become assimilated, the reduplication, as Zimraer has pointed out, 
KZ. xxx, 128, is the same as in the Indo-Iranian desideratives ; 
*gigetso may be formally compared with Skr. didhakshami, desidera- 
tive of dah- * burn.' And the desiderative and the future meanings 
lie sufficiently close together. At first sight it may seem somewhat 
bold to look in the extreme East for an affinity to an Irish form, 
but Kretschmer, Einleitung in die Geschichte der Griechischen 
Sprache, pp. 125 sq., has called attention to some startling 
agreements between the most westerly and the most easterly of 
the Indo-Germanic tongues. If the connection be admitted in the 
present instance, a way is opened up for the explanation of the 
other classes of reduplicated futures in Irish. As Thurneysen 
remarks, KZ. xxxi, 81, "the future corresponds more or less 
exactly to that form which serves as present subjunctive, 
augmented by a reduplication syllable with the vowel e." Thus 
from canim ' sing ' the future *-cechan, -cechne, -cechna (with e from 
i because of the following a] corresponds to the subjunctive -can, 
-cane, -cana; from do-gnm 'do,' the future dogen, do-gene, do-gena 
to the subjunctive -den (implied in dorron), -dene, -dena. It is 
probably no overbold conjecture that these reduplicated futures 
took their rise after the model of the s future by the s subjunctive. 
As for the e futures, e.g. ber- pres. ber-, seer- pres. scar-, geb- pres. 
gab-, it is obvious that the bulk of them cannot be phonetically 
explained in this way ; the corresponding reduplicated forms in 
the above instances would be *biber-, *sescar-, "^gegab-, from 
which the historic forms cannot be phonetically explained. Clearly 
the formation is in its bulk an analogical one, which may have 
spread from very small beginnings. In my opinion the starting- 
point is to be sought in the couple of present stems beginning with 
an explosive followed by a nasal, -gniu 'do,' -gninim 'know'; 
gegn- would become gen-. This digression has taken us away from 
the s-forms, to which we will now return. 



306 THE SIGMATIC FUTURE AND SUBJUNCTIVE 

In the vast majority of the futures cited above reduplication is 
apparent : deck- ?, leg-, fech-, sleg-, siag- (rosia = *Jpr0-*waff), 

1 org-, nig-, rig-, lig-, cena-, deng-, 2 tong-, dlong-, bong-, long-, 

2 clad-, nad-, mad-, ed-, cerd-, 1 ged-, neth-, 2 feth-, fed-, -fetar, tud-, 
svenn-, -ces, -clus-. In coud- the future stem do-cois- cannot come 
from a regularly reduplicated -cicos- ; it is an analogical formation, 
probably after future -toiths- ( = -to-tithis-) to subjunctive -toths- 
(= -to-th:s-), see tud-. In anech- ain may stand for *iain t KZ. 
xxxi, 76. The future of med- follows the analogy of the future 
of -fetar, KZ. xxxi, 75 sq. In verbs beginning with and / the 
reduplication is often obscured by contraction. Thus *sisetset gives 
seiss, fifess- became fess-, in the 3 sg. *fifetst, *Jlfecst became both 
*fife -fl, but before the heavy consonant combination *fifestar 
became -fiastar. Examples will be found under fech-, 2 feth-, 
fed-, -fetar. The same difference of contraction is found with loss 
of intervocalic s, cf. condesat with conniestar from siag-. 

In roots where the radical part appears under the accent 
reduplication is absent in compounds containing reg- and reth-, tech-, 
further in the isolated form adessam (2 tech-). On the non-radical 
etad- no weight can be laid, for the * formation is clearly a device 
to distinguish the future from the subjunctive. When we consider 
how grievously the vocalism of unaccented syllables suffered in 
Irish, we shall not be surprised that roots which are found only 
in unaccented position should show no traces of reduplication, 
or that, where phonetic traces of it might have been expected, 
confusion with the non-reduplicated stem has set in. Thus in 
nach-, 2 org-, cet-, 2 med-, cot-, 2 glenn- there is no evidence 
in either direction. From mag- dofoirmsed stands for *to-for- 
memassed, but no trace of reduplication appears in the future. 
From trace- with reduplication we should have expected, in place 
of dufuthairset, *dufoithairset ; for dofonus (by -ninus) we should 
have expected *dof6inus. In 1 tong- no reduplication is apparent, 
but in Irish the root appears only with an inseparable ud-. In 
teg- there is no trace of reduplication ; we saw reason, however, 
to doubt whether here the future was original. Thurneysen leaves 
it an open question whether these unreduplicated * futures are 
survivals of the Idg. subjunctive in a future sense, or whether 
they have lost their reduplication, but he inclines to the latter 
alternative. And when we reflect how few certain cases there 
are, and how exposed to phonetic confusion the reduplicated and 
non-reduplicated stems were, the latter supposition seems much 
the more probable. 



IN IRISH J. STRACHAN. 307 

Some cases of confusion may be noted in the preceding lists. 
In Wb. 12 d 27 the subjunctive rofestar is used for the indicative 
rofiastar, under cerd-, -focherr appears for -foicherr (= -fo-chicherr}. 
But more often the indicative form invades the subjunctive : 
-rvinta (mad-, if it be not a scribal error for -roma), rosia (siag-), 
noirrtha (org-), cichsed (ceng-] y -foelus (long-, cf. folilsad Salt. 
Kann 5776), fochichred (cerd-), -toithus, -thath (tud-), -Jiasmais, 
-fiastais (-fetar). 



REDUPLICATION YOWEL. 

The reduplication vowel is i. 

If the verb begins with a consonant, the first consonant is 
prefixed along with *, e.g. -gigius = *gigetso, silis = ^sislecset. 

If the radical syllable contains a palatal vowel, i remains 
unchanged, e.g. cichis = *cices = *cicencset, -riris = *rires = 
*rireicses. Further, i appears before u coming by u umlaut from 
a, -cicJilm = *ciclatso (with the c irregularly kept as in -cechladar, 
p. 18). 

If the radical syllable contains a, i becomes e, e.g. memais = 
*mimatset. The same should have happened before radical o, 
cf . gegna ' I will slay ' from *gigona, but I have no example of 
radical o except followed by a nasal, see below. Before radical 
ou (from eu), i perhaps becomes e in rocechlastai, stem *ciclous-, 
see below, p. 19. 

If the root contains o followed by a nasal, i remains, e.g. 
-tithsat = *titoncsont(o}, -lilsat = *liloncsont(o). This requires some 
discussion. If we take -lilsat and try to conjecture its original 
vocalism without reference to the other parts of the verb, we 
see that the lost vowel cannot have been palatal, for then we 
should have had *lilset, and, again, it cannot have been a vowel 
that changed a preceding i to e. Both of these conditions would 
be fulfilled by u. But none of these reduplicated futures can with 
any probability be referred to u roots ; the vowel in the subjunctive 
is o (see below, p. 20), and the peculiar ablaut, which was referred 
to above, p. 7, is also against the assumption of u series. If the 
vowel of the radical syllable was not w, may it not have been a sound 
approximating to u, namely a close o sound, -ons- giving -ps- ? 
So far -as I can see, this is the only way out of the difficulty. 
Unfortunately, so far I have been unable to discover any further 
proof of this change, nor can I find any independent means of 
Phil. Trans. 1899-1900. 21 



308 THE SIGMATIC FUTURE AND SUBJUNCTIVE 

determining the quality of the 6 in the corresponding subjunctives. 
But it may be noted that dialectically in Mod. Ir. 6 in connection 
with a nasal becomes w; cf. Finck, Die Araner Mundart, p. 31. 
Already in ML nu is a couple of times written for no ' or,' 
which would indicate that even then the vowel of no was at 
least a sound approaching w, and, if, in the ordinary spelling n6, 
6 could be used to represent such a sound, there is no reason why 
the 6 in folds, etc., may not have represented a very close 6 sound. 

After a preceding accented vowel the consonant of the redupli- 
cation syllable is lost by dissimilation, as in the reduplicated 
perfect, and the reduplication vowel contracts with the preceding 
accented vowel into a diphthong, e.g. -fdlilus becomes -fdilus as 
-rdchechan becomes -roichan. 

If the verb begins with a vowel, the reduplication is t, 
as in Skr. iyarti, etc,, cf. Brugmann, Grundriss ii, 854. 

Intervocalic i is lost, and the i is treated variously according 
to the following vowel. 

Before a, * is lost, e.g. -ain = *-iain = *iianecst. 

With a following e t i contracts to I: us-, future stem of ^ ed~ 
1 eat,' =*ie88- =.*iuts-. 

Before o, i remains. The o here must have , been close, for it 
tends to become u, for examples see org-. But if o be subjected 
to umlaut by a following palatal vowel we find contraction, -ierr, 
-irr =*iiorcses. In Ml. 100 C 9 the MS. has frisnerrat where we 
should expect frisniurrat. 



YOCALISM OF THE B,ADICAL SYLLABLE. 

In the Idg. s subjunctive the root appeared in its strong (e) 
grade, e.g. \/ uerg : *uerk'so, \/ leiq : *leiqso, ^/ ieug, (eukso. 

In the Aryan desiderative the conditions are different, e.g. Skr. 
mvitsati (vid} t miimukshati (muc\ didrkshati (drg), Itiikshate (bhaj) 
by didhakshati (daft). In the Irish 8 future the accent can never 
fall on the radical syllable, the original vocalism of which is in 
consequence to a great extent obscured ; within limits it may be 
inferred from its influence on the vocalism of the preceding or 
of the following syllable. Thus in memsaite (mad-) the change 
of t to e in the reduplication points to an original a or o sound 
after the second m, from other forms of the verb we infer that 
it was a; in -lilvat (long-) the a of the ending indicates that the 



IN IRISH J. STRACHAN. 309 

vowel lost between I and * was non-palatal, otherwise the ending 
would have been -et. The vocalism cannot always be precisely 
determined in this way ; thus lilsit (%-) might phonetically come 
equally well from *lileiksonti or ^liliksonti. But considering the 
intimate connection between the s future and the * subjunctive, 
it is a priori probable that their radical vocalism would be the 
same, if not originally, at least by secondary levelling. And such 
evidence as there is points in this direction. Of weak vocalism, 
as in the Aryan desiderative, there is no sign. Attention may 
be called in particular to the futures of org and cerd- as against 
the desiderative of dr$ . In roots with radical u the reduplication 
vowel should show whether the following syllable originally 
contained u or em, as the latter changes a preceding i to e ; contrast 
betho = *bitou8 with lith = *bitus. Unfortunately the quality of 
the reduplication vowel is clear in only one instance, rocechlastar, 
rocechlastai (clus-). This would be in accordance with what has 
been said above, but unluckily the instance is not quite decisive, 
for there is a deponent future -cechladar = *ciclovator (or the like, 
with c irregularly retained, KZ. xxxi, 80), and the reduplication 
of the deponent might have affected that of the passive. 

We will now proceed to consider the vocalism of the Irish 
s subjunctive. 

The present indicative has e\ the s subjunctive has e. 

This is the prevalent type in the preceding lists, e.g. techini 
1 flee ' : -tea = *tecso, focerdaim ' cast ' : foceirr = *vo-certses. 

The vowel e also appears in the s subjunctive of a number 
of e roots that have a different vocalism in the present. Thus 
ged- and sed- have in the present indicative guidim and suidini 
( = *godeio and *sodeip\ in the subjunctive gess- and sess- * ; dleg- 
has in the present dligim (from *dlgo}, in the subjunctive dless-. 
Like the present of dleg- is the present of melg- ; as subjunctive 
might have been expected mell- from *melcs-. The solitary sub- 
junctive form duin-mail (unless the obscure -fuimilsed LIT. 99 a 30 
belongs here) points, however, to *-mlecst, with a change from 
*melcs- to *mlecs- under the influence of the present mlig-. To 
the e series belongs arc- 'ask' ; its subjunctive -coimairsed cannot, 
as Thurneysen has pointed out, come from -arcs-, for that would 
have given *-comarred. Rather it comes from *-recs- with the 
same form of root as Skr. prdkshyati^ Lat. precor. In nach-, trace-, 

1 So to dlong- the subjunctive stem was possibly *dlencs- 1 cf. p. 7. 



310 THE SIGMATTC FUTURE AND SUBJUNCTIVE 

as the root appears only in unaccented position, the vocalism is 
uncertain ; some of the sigmatic forms seem to point rather to 
e, which in both cases appears in cognate languages. 

The present indicative has a ; the * subjunctive has a e.g. 
doformaig * increases ' : -ma = *macst (or *mdcst), maidim ' break ' : 
= -md = *matst (or *matsf}. 

In nass-, ^/nedh-, for which *ness- would have been in accordance 
with rule, the a vocalism has spread from the present nascim, 
where the root appears in a weak form. In other instances, too, 
a seems to have been generalized in original e roots, e.g. in clad-, 
' sfad~, and possibly in others. 

The present indicative has 0; the s subjunctive has 0; e.g. 
orgim ' slay ' : -orr = *orcset. 

In this verb, if Persson, Wurzelerweiterung 225, be right in 
comparing epexOw, the roots originally belonged to the e series, 
the o grade has been generalized in Celtic. 1 

The present indicative has i or ei\ the s subjunctive has ei. 

Thus -ring *rigo ( bind ' : -rias *reicso, ad-dig ' tempts ' : 
adslei, tlag l go ' = *steigho : -Has = steicso. 

To present -iccim the subjunctive is -Is- from -incs-, but here 
the present ice- comes by a peculiar weakening from enc-, and the 
* has spread from the indicative to the subjunctive. 

The present indicative has u, ou (from eu) ; the * subjunctive 
has ou (from eu). 

So the series may be postulated, but examples are rare. There 
is probably a u present in tud- 'fall,' but the vocalism of the 
subjunctive is indiscernible. There is an ou subjunctive from 
coud- (ceud-), which has no present. From dm- ' hear ' (pres. 
-cluniur), the future, as has been said above, seems to point 
to *ciclou8-. 

The present indicative has eng, end, enn ; the * subjunctive 
has e, -es (from encs, etc,). 

Thus cingim (ceng-) * spring ' : -cussed = *cencseto, ingrennim 
' persecute ' : -gre = *grentst. 

The mark of length is often absent, but that can be only an 
accident. Apart from other considerations, the length of the e in 
these roots is established by a peculiar analogical formation, the 
in fauces of which are clastae, clasair (ceng-) -diassatar (deng-\ 
lias (leng-^ -griastais (grend-}. These forms cannot be regular, 

1 Cf., however, Hirt, Idg. Ablaut 124. 






IN IRISH J. STRACHAN. 311 

for the 5 which conies from compensatory lengthening does not in 
O.Ir. become la. But e = Idg. ei appears in Irish as e before 
. a palatal vowel, la before a non-palatal vowel. The analogy is 
clear, e.g. -cesid, *custe (ceng-'] became -cesid, clastae after -tesid, 
tlastae, ^steigh. 

The present indicative has ong, ond ; the s subjunctive has 
ds (from ones, etc,). 

Thus fulaing ' supports ' : fulos = *vo-loncso, tongu l swear ' : -to 
= *toncst, atboind 'declares,' -bois = *bontses. 

In these roots the mark of length is not often found, but as to 
the quantity of the vowel there can be no reasonable doubt. It 
would be very strange if these o roots had been treated in 
a different way to the e roots above, and, besides, if the subjunctive 
stem were in -ds-, the vocalism of the reduplication syllable of 
the future would be unintelligible. Some of these verbs have 
perfects without the nasal, 2 tong-, dlong-, 1 long- (-bobig, leg. 
with Meyer, -bebaig, Rev. Celt, xi, 446), rond- (perhaps an u root 
in origin, Idg. \/reudh?, the original vocalism of the subjunctive 
does not appear), like -dedaig from deng-. But the s subjunctive 
follows the present, with which it was more intimately associated, 
rather than the perfect. This is clear from -dedaig, where the 
s subjunctive had certainly e. 



CONNECTING YOWEL AND PERSONAL ENDINGS. 

So far as is apparent, the connecting vowel was 0, e as in Idg. 
In the 3 sg. past subj. e appears most clearly, e.g. -gessed from 
an ideal *getseto. Formally this reminds one of /3>J<reTo, but 
historically the past tenses of the Irish a and s subjunctives seem 
to have been developed on the model of the imperfect indicative ; 
thus *getseto (-gessed} : *getset (-yms) = *berato (-berad) : *berut 
(-bera) = *bereto ((fiepero, -bered) : *beret ((pepe(r), -bet'r). In the 
3 sg. past subj. -ad appears for -ed already in Ml. in notesad, 
cotabosad, frisnorrad, and in the later language -ad becomes more 
and more frequent. 

We come now to the personal endings. The past subjunctive 
may be dismissed briefly. The endings are the same as those of 
the imperfect indicative, the origin of which is for the most part 
still obscure. In the deponential forms the endings of the present 
are the same as in the present indicative. Of the passive the 



312 THE S1GMATIC FUTURE AND SUBJUNCTIVE 

only thing that needs to be noted is that in the 3 sg. the ending 
is in a few cases -ar, but mostly -tar ; -ar seems to be a dis- 
appearing form. 

The endings of the present subjunctive active, with which those of 
the future are identical, demand fuller treatment. The hypothetical 
Idg. forms, which may be supposed to have formed the starting- 
point of the Irish inflexion, are given above, p. 13. Besides the 
forms that may be derived from Idg. bases, there is a number of 
new analogical forms. These forms are due to a desire to get 
a distinction between absolute and conjunct inflexion, a distinction 
which was old in the present indicative, but was originally alien 
to the subjunctive. In the plural the conjunct forms may be 
directly derived from the Idg. inflexion, the absolute forms are 
formed simply on the analogy of the absolute forms of the present 
indicative : gesmi, gesme, geste, gessit, like bermi, berme, berthe, 
berit. So the 3 pi. rel. geste like the 3 pi. rel. berte. (One might 
perhaps be tempted to refer these absolute forms to the desiderative 
formation from which the reduplicated future started, but there 
is no trace of such primary absolute forms in the 3 sg., so that 
such an explanation is very improbable for the plural.) The 
starting-point of the analogy is to be found in the conjunct forms 
which were from the outset the same in both : subj. -gessam, 
-gessid, -gessat, like pres. ind. -beram, -bend, -berat. 

In the singular the relations are less simple. We will take the 
several persons in order. 

Sg. 1. Subjunctive: conjunct -ges, absolute tiasu', future: 
conjunct -gigius, absolute gigse. 

Here -ges = *getso, cf. <nel^w. The effect of the final 6 appears 
clearly in the fut. -gigius = *gigetso (-gigius : -gess =frithmim : 
mess, from *messus), and in later Irish spellings like -rius, in the 
Glosses -TIB (with the timbre unexpressed). In the deponent 
we should expect -or, becoming -ur. In the Glosses the -ur forms 
are all probably or possibly future, but in other old texts the 
subj. -ur is common. In the absolute inflexion the subjunctive 
tiasu has been explained from the analogy of the present ft tig u 
(itself an analogical formation for tiag). But the future /////><* 
(cf. also festa under feck-^ and bibhaa under bong-) cannot be 
explained in this way, for *gigessu should have given *yigsiu. 
K:t1 her gigse stands for *giges8a, and in it, as in fessa, bibhsa, we 
have the ending a which appears in the absolute forms of the 
tl subj uiH live bera, of the c future bcra, and of the reduplicated 



IN IRISH J. STRACHAN. 313 

asigmatic future gegna. The apparent difference between the future 
and the subjunctive is startling ; by future gigse we should expect 
subjunctive *ges8a. And probably it was so. It is to be observed 
that the sole example of the form is tiasu, and that in this verb 
the present tkagu is used in a future sense. It is probable, then, 
that tiasu-sa, if it be not an error for tiasa-sa, is an exceptional 
form due to the present future tiagu, and that the regular 
subjunctive ending was a. 

Sg. 2. Subjunctive: conjunct -geiss, absolute *gessi; future: 
conjunct -gigis, absolute **gigsi. 

Here -gem = *getses. The absolute form is explained from the 
analogy of the present indicative beri by conjunct -beir. For tesi 
irregular teis LIT. 64 a 21, Salt. Rann 1273. In this person the Idg. 
injunctive is used in an imperative sense (Zimmer, KZ. xxx, 118), 
e.g. comeir 'rise' = com-ecs-recs-s. In LU. 107 b 44 tadba appears 
a 2 sg. subjunctive, but the text in which it occurs has other 
curious forms. 

Sg. 3. Subjunctive : conjunct -ge, absolute *-geiss ; future : 
conjunct *ffiff? or *giget absolute *gigis. 

Here -ge. = *yetxt (with regular lengthening of the final accented 
vowel) comes from the Idg. injunctive, 1 geiss = *getset from the 
Idg. subjunctive ; the two forms are utilized to distinguish the 
absolute from the conjunct inflexion. About the conjunct ending 
something more must be said. In the Glosses it appears in 
a double form : 

(1) do-thei (teg-\ ad-slei (slig-), do-coi (coud-), -ir-choi (cot-) 
Wb. ; -tat Sg. ML, ar-coi Ml. 

(2) in-gre (grend-), -ge (ged-), -te (teg-}, -re (reg-), fo-lo (long-), 
-roima (mad-), all from Ml. 

Here two things are to be noted. (1) Putting aside -irckdi, 
the origin of which is doubtful, and which may come from a 
disyllabic *covent- or the like, cf. sg. 3 arachoat Ml. 31 d 10, final 
appears only in ei, eu roots (-tdi is under the influence of -tti, 
cf. p. 6). (2) For -tei of Wb. Ml. has -te. Hence it may 
be inferred that at one time roots in ei, eu had ei, 6i, roots in 
a, e, o had , e, 6, and that ei later gave place to e. Starting 
from the assumption that *steikst would give in Irish -te, Zimmer 




subjuncti 



me innuence or me suojuncuve lorms, or -gi oecame -ge unaer tne innuem 
the other persons ; there is no evidence of the long iujuuctive vowel iii Irish. 



314 THE SIGMATIC FUTURE AND SUBJUNCTIVE IN IRISH. 

explains tei from the contamination with the subjunctive tti*. 
80 far as I know the assumed change of *steikst to te is supported 
by no parallels, and if -te is later than -tei, it is from the latter 
that the explanation must start. Unfortunately I can offer no 
solution of the difficulty. As to -te it may be explained from the 
analogy of -ge. Apparently eu roots followed the analogy of ei 
roots, with which they agreed in the quantity of the radical 
vocalism, e.g. cos- (coud-, ceud-), tes- (teg-, steigh-). 1 In O.Ir. 
there is no example of i in a (0) roots ; in ecm'i (ong-} we have, as 
we saw, the vocalism of the subjunctive of ice-. In later MSS., 
where much stress cannot be laid on the vocalism of final syllables, 
we find -mai (mag-\ -mae (mad-}. If they should be genuine forms, 
which is doubtful, they might be analogical to eomai by ecma. 

Sg. 3 rel. Subjunctive ges, future giges. 

Formally ges might come from *gesso, *getsto, the injunctive 
of the aorist middle, but such an explanation is very uncertain. 
If it should turn out to be right, then guttural verbs, e.g. lias 
(leng-), have followed the analogy of dental verbs, for e.g. *orcst 
(org-) would have become regularly not *ors, orr, but *ort. 
Corresponding to a subjunctive orr we should expect an indicative 
iorr, iurr\ iuras is clearly a new formation after the analogy of 
the relative form of the present indicative beres, carets. In later 
Irish there is confusion with the absolute form of the third person, 
cf. memais (mad-} for *mema8, and teis (teg-). Salt. Rann, for *tias. 

1 If -coi is to be derived from *coventst, it may have helped in the transition. 



315 



VIIL JOHN BARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 
By GEORGE NEILSON. 

I. BARBOUB'S Bruce. 
Date. Literary Allusions. 

I COME from Scotland to plead against eminent Germans, English- 
men, and Scotsmen for a Scottish poet, and to maintain his claim 
to translations some of which were directly part of the educative 
processes fitting him to produce his great original historical chanson 
de geste. A national heirloom was added to the treasury of 
Scotland when John Barbour, Archdeacon of Aberdeen, completed 
under Kobert II, the first of the Stewart kings, his poem of The 
Bruce. 1 Editors and others have somehow failed to notice that the 
author's note about the "tyme of the compyling of this buk," 
giving four different methods of computation of the date and 
expressly naming 1375 (Br., xiii, 694), is distinct in assigning 
a time after February 22, 1375-6, when five years of Robert IPs 
reign had passed, and before March 24, 1375-6, when the year 
1375 as then counted came to a close. 

The story of Bruce is told with not a few citations of secular 
literary sources in prose and verse, including (1) Guido de Columpna's 
Dedruction of Troy (Br., i, 395, 521), referred to under the 
familiar names of Dares and Dictys ; (2) the romance of Alexander 
(Br., i, 533; iii, 73; x, 706); (3) the Brut (Br., i, 549); (4) the 
story of Thebes (Br., ii, 528; vi, 183); and (5) the romance of 
Ferumbras (Br., iii, 436). Question is possible in each of these 
cases regarding the precise shape in which the sources were drawn 
upon. The relation to the Alexander legend and the tale of Troy, 
two themes found so inspiring by the Middle Ages, will be 
discussed, beginning with the latter, while the former stands over 
till intermediate topics pass. 

1 All citations are made from Professor Skeat's edition for the Scottish Text 
Society, 1894. 

Phil. Trans. 1899-1900. 22 



316 JOHN BARBOUR I POET AND TRANSLATOR. 

II. THE TKOY FEAGMENTS. 
The MS. Ascription : "Her endis Barbour." 

Some time in the fifteenth century, after 1420, the compiler of 
a verse translation of Guido possibly finding some incompleteness in 
the manuscripts at his disposal, pieced together two renderings. 
One was that of John Lydgate, the monk of Bury. The other was 
a Scottish version, and the compiler began with it. Near the 
termination of the second book, at the end of his description of the 
necromantic powers of Medea, he either found material lacking, 
or purposely deserted the Scottish version for the English : " Her 
endis Barbour and begynnis the monk" he wrote to distinguish. 
Thereafter he followed Lydgate till he reached the conspiracy of 
Antenor and Aeneas, and Priam's distress over their treasonable 
designs, when he resumed the Scottish version with the words "Her 
endis the monk and begynnis Barbour." (See the Troy fragments 
in Barbour's Legendensammlung, edited by Professor C. Horstmann, 
Heilbronn, 1881, vol. ii, pp. 227, 229. The two pages of the 
manuscript which bear the ascription are facsimiled in National 
MSS. of Scotland, part ii, No. Ixxiv. For the date 1420 see the 
conclusion of the fragment in Horstmann, ii, 304. Future citations 
of the Troy fragments are made to' " Troy fr.," parts i or ii, and the 
number of the line.) 

"With an ascription so plain, so near the period with which it 
deals, so nicely discriminative between the two component parts 
of the compilation, so absolutely true as regards "the monk," 
scepticism might have learned to suspect itself before daring to 
reject the other half, Barbour's half, of the intimation. Instead, 
the grammar and the rime-lore of the critics have blinded them to 
the presence of the poet's idiosyncrasies in the translator's work ; 
they have devised laws for rime all too rigorous for Barbour, who 
was no purist; they have not sufficiently remembered that different 
themes involve great changes in vocabulary and treatment ; while, 
significant of philological rather than historical preferences, it escapes 
notice that in the old inventory of the library of the Cathedral 
where Barbour served, there was a Hysteria Trojana as well as 
another volume, De Belli* Trojanorum (Registrum Episcopatus 
Aberdonensis, ii, 156). 

III. THE LEGENDS OF THE SAINTS. 

This series of translations, mainly from the Golden Legend, first 
had a Scottish origin assigned to it from internal evidence by the 



JOHN BARBOUR: POET AND TRANSLATOR. 317 

late Henry Bradshaw, whose conclusion that it was " the verse of 
Barbour and in his language " was warmly seconded by Cosmo 
Innes (Nat. MSS. Scotland, part ii, No. Ixxv, preface, p. xvii). 
The entire text has been twice edited, first by Horstmann 
in Barbour's Legendensammlung in 1881, and afterwards by 
Dr. W. M. Metcalfe for the Scottish Text Society in 1888-96. 
Between these dates the same scepticism as challenged the 
express ascription of the Troy fragments to Barbour disturbed the 
quiet possession of Bradshaw's opinion about the Legends. The 
Scottish Text Society's edition, the completion of which followed 
Professor Skeat's edition of the Bruce for the same Society in 1894, 
gives the Legends as not Barbour's. Both as regards the Troy 
fragments and the Legends, the grounds are the same that the 
vocabulary of the two (for it is admitted that the Troy fragments 
and the Legends are from a single hand) differs from that of the 
ruce, that rimes not adopted by the latter occur in the other two, 
and that in style the poems are far apart, ^.gain the conclusions 
have been too hasty. The vocabulary of battle-pieces cannot be 
very similar to that of miraculous saint-legends, and style may 
well suffer when the poet complains of old age and its infirmities. 
Themes of romance and chivalry vary greatly from those of the 
Legenda Aurea and other Legenda Sanctorum which naturally 
found place in the Cathedral Library (Reg. Epis. Aberd., ii, 
156, 135), yet the resulting differences should not have been 
allowed to obscure the many topographical allusions tending to 
locate the translator in the North Country, or to explain away the 
pointed allusion to his desire to narrate, before all others, the tale 
of St. Machar, the saint of John Barbour's own cathedral and see. 
Nor would it have been amiss for the critics to search a little closer 
than they did for possible touches of resemblance which might be 
reckoned individual traits. 

IV. POET AND TRANSLATOR. 

In spite of numerous experiments in criticism, the canons for 
determining disputed authorship are somewhat empiric. Tests 
of rime and language are apt to be partial. Where the comparison 
is between an original work and a translation, the tests are the 
more difficult, since the translator sinks himself in a measure in 
the author he is rendering. He writes, too, in shackles, so that 
his little trespasses beyond the limits of severe adherence to his 
original are often invaluable as revelations of individuality and 



318 JOHN BARBOUR: POET AND TRANSLATOR. 

guides to identification. A recurrent phrase characteristic of an 
original poem showing general affinities with a translation may, 
if found not only to occur in the translation but to be there 
intrusive, prove first-class evidence. An example will make this 
proposition concrete. 

"When the editor of the Bruce very properly commented on the 
value of book i, lines 521-526, as demonstrative of the author's 
acquaintance with Guido (Br., pref. p. xlvi), it is a pity he did not 
notice also the additional importance of the next two lines, 527-528 : 

Br., i, 521. "Wes nocht all Troy with tresoune tane 
Quhen ten jeris of the wer wes gane ? 
Then slane wes mone thowsand 
Off thaim withowt throw strenth of hand 
As Dares in his buk he wrate 
And Dytis that knew all thare state, 
i, 527. Thai mycht nocht haiff beyn tayne throw mycht 
Bot tresoun tuk thaim throw hyr slycht. 

It is true that the first six lines prove that Barbour knew his 
Guido; but the last two prove that he knew something very 
intimately of Guido's translator, the author of the Troy fragments. 
The original passage from which these two lines come is not 
in Dares or in Dictys, but is in Guido, occurring in the course 
of the argument between Ajax Telamon and Ulysses over the 
allotment of the Palladium to the share of Ulysses in the division 
of the spoils of war. Ajax twitted his antagonist by declaring 
it matter of public gossip that, whereas the Greeks ought to have 
conquered by force, they had done so only by falsehood and fraud : 
ut Trojanos, quos debuimus in potencia nostra dewincere, vincerimns 
per machinacionis fallaciam et per dolum. The passage is thus 
rendered in the Scots translation (Troy frag., ii, 1267) : 

That the Troyiens, which with mycht 
"We ought to have ourcomrayne with fycht, 
"We ourcorae with fraude and gyle, 
And machinacions and wyle. 

Something in the rime, something in the contrast, pleased the 
poet, and elsewhere he used them both. 

Troy frag., i, 405. In the science echo had sic slytht 

That throw the science and the myght 
Of hyre exorji^aciouns .... 

[Latin : qui per vires et modos exor^isacionum nigromanticos.] 
Troy frag., i, 515. Notht thane throw the strenth and the mycht 

Of hyre enchauntement and hyr slytht. 
[Latin : pro sue incantacionis viribus.] 



JOHN BARBOUR: POET AND TRANSLATOR. 319 

Tn both these instances the contrast is the poet's. The original 
has nothing of " slycht," so that the antithesis is intrusive, an 
idiosyncrasy of the translator, going so far on the way of proof 
that the lines in the Bruce came from Guido by way of the Scots 
translator. Such a phrase may, for critical purposes in determining 
authorship, even rank as a distinguishing feature and a test. 

Personal Touches. 

Reserving this contrast for a later stage as one of a number of 
typical media for purposes of identification, we may note indications 
in the Bruce of the poet's fairness of mind (Br., ii, 40), of his use of 
romance and song as sources of information (Br., ii, 46; iii, 178), 
and of his acquaintance with the prophecies of the mysterious 
Thomas of Ercildoun (ii, 86), and with the story of Fingal 
(Br., iii, 68), while a spirit of pelf-depreciation (Br., x, 348) 
shows an engaging modesty. Yet more valuable is the author's 
declaration of the time when the Bruce was written, and what 
was its purpose. The date has already been touched upon. For 
the subject of the poem, even critical eyes have been prone to 
overlook the express fact that it had a double theme. Just after 
the first mention of " King Robert off Scotland " and " gud Schyr 
James off Douglas " the poet declares his aim : 

Off THAIM I thynk this buk to ma. (Br., i, 33.) 

That the work was for the honour of Douglas scarcely less than of 
Bruce the proposition thus announced, that it was a poem with 
two heroes, as its whole structure shows was very explicitly 
recognized by more than one of the fifteenth - century writers 
(Wyntoun, viii, 3121 ; Bower, Scotichronicon, ii, 301 ; The Ilowlat, 
11. 395, 507, in Scottish Alliterative Poems, ed. Amours, Scot. Text 
Soc.). In Barbour's time the house of Douglas had a powerful 
and patriotic representative in Archibald the Grim, named in the 
poem as Schir Archibald (Br., xx, 587). 

Familiar, but not the less notable as a personal trait, is Barbour's 
aspiration after grace that he may say nothing false in his poem : 
That I say nocht hot suthfast thing. (Br., i, 35.) 

The intimations of the Legends of the Saints bearing on the 
personality of the translator or author consist of (1) a few topo- 
graphical allusions (xl, 1360-1406; xxvii, beginning); (2) many 
references to books, the first being The Romance of the Rose (Leg. 
prologue, line 5) ; and (3) direct allusions to his calling, health, or 
experiences. 



320 JOHN BARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 

I ma nocht wirk 
As mynistere of haly kirke 
Fore gret eld and febilnes. (Leg. prol., 33.) 

Elsewhere he mourns his " fait of sycht" (Leg. prol., 98), and 
repeatedly refers to other infirmities of age (Leg., iv, 390 ; vii, 12; 
x, 585; xxix, 20; xxxvi, 1220). He is guarded about doubtful 
facts (Leg., vii, 347). His self-disparagement appears, too : 

I haf translat 

The story, thocht it be nocht cunnandly 
In all for royde mane am I 
In Ynglis townge that lawit mene 
In thare langage ma it kene. (Leg., xviii, 1469.) 

He alludes to his travels when a " gunge mane" (Leg., xxv, 1), and 
his literary tasks suggested to him a curious intrusive reference 
(Leg., xxxiii, 449) to a martyr stretched on the rack : 
As men dois with parchymene. 

He refers to a book he made about the birth of Christ (Leg., 
xxxvi, 991). "Befor uthyre " he was fain to write of St. Machor 
of Aberdeen (Leg., xxvii, 7). These meagre disclosures practically 
exhaust the positive autobiography. 

Happily there are other things than positive biography to be 
found. To internal evidences as plain and as trustworthy we shall 
turn after our glance at the works to be examined shall have 
surveyed The Buik of the most noble and vail^eand Conquerour. 

V. THE BUIK OP ALEXANDER, a translation of two French 
Romances. 

Almost unheard of, and certainly not computed in the criticism 
of Scottish poetry, this swinging romance-poem is known only in 
the unique print dating about 1580, when it issued from the press 
of Alexander Arbuthnet, a printer in Edinburgh, who died in 1585 
(Bannatyne Miscellany > ii, 207). The work thus printed bears 
a sort of colophon with 1438 as the date of origin, a date, however, 
regarding which there is a good deal to say. It was reprinted in 
1831 by the Bannatyne Club in a very limited edition, and the 
reprint is now rare. 

That this Alexander book should so long have escaped searching 
scrutiny on present lines is surprising, when its astonishing relation 
to Barbour's Bruce is taken into account. Not that it is without 
other importance, for it has a value all its own in contemporary 
literature as a Scottish translation of two French poems in the 
cycle of the Alexander legend : a vigorous piece of work, in many 



JOHN B ARBOUR I POET AND TRANSLATOR. 321 

respects very original in treatment, and reflecting with no small 
measure of success the entire spirit of the Roman d'Alexandre, or 
more particularly the Fuerre de Gadres and the Voeux du Paon 
from which it was taken. The battle-pieces especially are 
rendered con amore: there the translator was manifestly at home, 
and excelled his original. 

Apart from the actual separate existence of the French poems, 
which the translator himself refers to more than once (Alex., 107, 
441), there are in the structure evidences of dual source. The 
Scottish poem, which is in rime and in the metre of the Bruce, 
is divided into three parts, the first " callit The Forray of 
Gadderis" the second " callit The Avowis of Alexander" the 
third "The Great Battell of Ejfesoun." The first part opens 
abruptly, and the translation is made on principles somewhat 
different from those distinguishing the treatment of the second 
part, which follows the French with much greater closeness ! than 
the first part. The Roman d'Alexandre of Lambert li Tors, written 
in the twelfth century, had, apparently before that century closed, 
already had incorporated with it Le Fuerre de Gadres, an important 
contribution by Alexander of Paris or Bernay (Li Romans 
WAUxandre, ed. Michelant, Stuttgart, 1846, p. 249; Alexandre 
le Grand dans la Litter ature Franqaise, par Paul Meyer, 1886, ii, 
154-161, 227 ; La Leggenda di Alejandro Magno, del Professor 
Dario Carraroli, Mondovi, 1892, pp. 213-215). This episode of the 
siege of Tyre had no real connection with the true history of 
Alexander ; scarcely the rudiments of it emerge in the early 
versions of the Egyptian legend, which so long held captive 
the beliefs both of East and West regarding the Macedonian 
conqueror. Later versions of the Jlistoria de Preliis seem to have 
contained the story in some detail ; there was a good deal about it 
in the French of Thomas or Eustace of Kent (Meyer, op. cit., i, 
1 79), and in the alliterative Wars of Alexander (ed. Professor 
Skeat, E.E.T.S., 11. 1200-1335); the Hunterian MS. T. 4, 1, from 
which the latter alliterative poem was probably translated, has 
lost the folios containing that part of the narrative. That in 
origin this French story of the Forray was a separate work seems 
clear (Meyer's Alexandre, ii, 154, Carraroli, 213). Very much as in 
Michelant's edition of the Roman it appears in the MS. of 

1 It was a pleasure to hear M. Charles Bonnier, who is now busy at an edition 
of the Voeux du Paon, state that he had compared the French with the Scottish 
texts, and regarded the latter as generally a very faithful rendering. 



322 JOHN BARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 

Venice (Meyer, i, 281-286), and the variations seem hardly to 
be radical. Michelant's text leaves much to be desired for critical 
purposes, and M. Paul Meyer has laboured nobly to supply the 
deficiencies, but the defects are not such as seriously to affect the 
questions of the Scottish poem, for line by line of the latter can be 
followed with some inversions, but with completeness, save for 
the translator's own intrusive phrases or expansions in the text 
of Michelant. The French version of the Forray section of the 
Alexander Romance is represented by only an abbreviated rendering 
into Scottish. Many passages are abridged ; not a few are omitted ; 
the sense is sometimes expanded ; sometimes the expansions of the 
French are curtailed; but through and through the Frenchman, 
line for line, can claim his due from the Scot. In brief, the story 
is that at the siege of Tyre the knights of Alexander, under the 
command of the Duke. Emenydus the whole atmosphere of the 
poem is chivalric, and, as M. Paul Meyer has shown, coloured by 
reminiscence of the Crusades make a raid from Tyre to the Valley 
of "Josaphas," and drive off a great prey of cattle in spite of 
attacks made by the keepers, "the hirdis with the swordis of 
steill." During the return, however, they are set upon by "thame 
of Gadderis " Duke Betys and his followers, chief of whom is 
Gadifer, so that the 700 Greeks are assailed by 30,000 
"Gaderanis" and put in sore straits. Emenydus asks successive 
knights to ride to Tyre for help ; they refuse, after the manner of 
romance, to desert the field of danger even for that purpose ; but 
at last a wounded man goes. Alexander hurries to the relief of the 
detachment, and finally the Gaderanis are driven off after a fine 
display of valour, in course of which Emenydus is badly injured, 
and Gadifer is killed in fearless defence of the retreating rear. 

The Fuerre as embedded in the romance is scarcely a self- 
dependent work capable of simple detachment ; it needs ex- 
planations which only its combination with the rest of the 
romance can adequately afford. Accordingly when, as in the 
Scots translation, it is ushered into the reader's ken without 
preliminaries, and is closed without a sequel really belonging to 
it, the junction, like the introduction, is felt to be far from 
artistic. Indeed, it is no junction at all, for we part with 
Alexander busy with the siege of Tyre ; and in the second part 
find ourselves suddenly in the merry month of May marching 
towards Tars in the expedition which conducts its dramatis personae 
through the Avowes to the Great Battell. The vows made by 






JOHN BAKBOUR I POET AND TRANSLATOR. 323 

various knights on the peacock shot by Porrus, and their valiant 
accomplishment in the Great Battell of Alexander at ' Effesoun ' 
against King Clams of India, make a fine chivalric theme, to which 
the gay spirit of " Cassamus the aid" and the episodes of the court- 
ladies add a variety of charm unusual in poems of the class. 

The passage about the month of May prefixed to the Avowes, 
and thus forming the introduction to the second part of the 
Scottish poem, is not to be found in the original French. It is by 
no means out of the question that the Avowes and Battell were 
the primary task an independent translation of the Vceux du Paon 
and that the Forray was a separate performance, conjoined by 
an afterthought. At any rate the components of the Alexander 
book are (1) the Forray, completely accounted for by the existing 
French text of the Roman d j Alexandre, edited by Michelant ; (2) 
the introduction about the merry month of May, and the circum- 
stances of the translation, inserted at the beginning of the Avowea ; 
(3) the Avowes and the Battell, representing with considerable 
faithfulness the Vosux du Paon, a poem written by Jacques de 
Longuyon in the early years of the first decade * of the fourteenth 
century ; and (4) a short series of lines at the close apologizing 
for the insufficiency of the translation, and containing the date 
1438, on the value of which grave issues turn. The merry month, 
too, is a factor not admitting of neglect. 

VI. THE MONTH or MAT. 

Observe this description of May standing in the middle of the 
Scottish poem translated from two combined French romances. 
Observe how the poet, who throughout writes in the same rime- 
couplet, with the same octosyllabic metre, the same turns of 
expression, the same repetitions, the same rimes, and the same 
tendency to occasional but never systematic alliteration as John 
Barbour, here, in honour of the merry month, bursts into alliteration 
a unique series of twelve lines, all alliterative but one. Only 

1 Occasional citations made by me from the Taeux du Paon (which has never 
been printed) are from two British Museum Harli-ian MSS., Add. 16,956 and 
16,888. I have also cited once or twice the important and beautiful Bodleian 
MS. 264. Apology is due and is heartily tendered for the inadequacy of collation, 
but a professional man's leisure is scant. M. Charles Bonnier obligingly com- 
municated to me the fact that the date 1310 or 1312 hitherto received (Ward's 
Catalogue, i, 146) is incorrect by a few years, as the Tybaut qiti de bar fit nays 
referred to at the close of Add. MS. 16,956, fol. 163, was not the Duke of 
Lorraine, but the Bishop of Liege. 



324 JOHN BARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 

one other instance occurs in the poem of anything like this 
passage in sustained alliterativeness. That also concerns the 
merry month. May was a favourite with the medieval muse ; 
its praises wax mechanical in the old romances ; and it had 
found its way into prose as well as verse. Partly from Guido, 
directly and indirectly, it passed into the introduction of the 
Avowes ; partly it came from the Vceux du Paon. 

Guido, Hunterian MS., T. 4, 1, fol. 115 b . 

Terapus erat quo jam sol tauri signum intraverat tune cum prata virent 
vernant flores in arboribus redolentes rubent rose in viridibus rubris earum, et in 
dulcibus philomene cantibus dulci modulamine citharijant. Tune cum esset 
mensis ille Maius .... 

Alliterative Destruction of Troy, ed. E.E.T.S. 
Lines 12,969-74. 

HlT WAS THE MONETH OF MAY WHEN MIRTHES begyn ; 

The Sun turnit into tauro taried there under : 
MEDOS and mountains mynget with FLOURES ; 
GREVES WEX GRENE & the ground swete, 

NlCHTGALIS WITH NOTES NEWIT there SONGB, 

And shene BRIDDES in shawes shriked full lowde. 

Lines 2734-8. 
IN THE MONETH OF MAY QUEEN MEDOES bene grene 

AND ALL FLORISSHET WITH FLOURES J?E FILDES aboute 

BURJONS of bowes BRETHIT full swete 
fflorisshet full faire ; frutes were kuyt 
GREVYS were GRENE & the ground HILDE. 

Lines 1056-64. 
WYNTER AWAY watris were calme, 
Stormes were still, the sternes full clere, 
Zeforus soft wyndis soberly blew ; 
Bowes in BRIGHT holtes BURJONT full faire ; 
GREVYS WEX GRENE and the ground swete 
Swoghing of swete ayre swalyng of BRIDDES 
MEDOWES and mounteyns myngit with FFLOURES 
COLORD by course AS thair KYND askit : 
At MID Aprille the MONE quhen MYRTHES begyn. 

Fceux de Paon. 
(Add. MS. 16,956, fol. 72 b .) 
Ce fu el moys de May qu'yvers va a dirlin 
Que cil oyseillon gay chantent en lour Latin 
Bois et pres ruverdissent centre le douz temps prin 
Et nature envoisie par son soutil engin 
Lea revest <(. |><>list <lc mums divers flourin 
Blanc et vert et vermel Yndo jaune et sanguin 
A ycel temps .... 



JOHN HARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



325 



The translator's second lyrical outburst on the merry month 
contains eleven lines, of which eight are clearly alliterative. The 
French original has been very freely rendered. 

To these two May passages in the Alexander, two May passages 
in Bruce correspond in all respects. 



[FIRST DESCRIPTION OF MAY.] 



Alexander, p. 107, lines 1-12, 

In mery May quhen medis springis, 
And foullis in the forestis singis, 
And NICHTINGALIS thare NOTIS NEUIS, 
And flouris spredis on seirkin hewes, 
Blew and burnat blak and bla 
Quhite and Callow rede alsua, 
Purpit bloncat pale and pers 
As KYND thame COLOUKIS gevis divers : 
And BURGEONS of thare brancheis BREDIS, 
And woddis winnis thare winful wedis, 
And ever ilk Vy lies welth at waill : 
Then ga I bundin all in baill. 



Bruce, v, 1-13. 

This WES IN were quhen WYNTIR tyde 
"With his blastis hydwiss to byde 
Wes ourdriffin, and BIRDIS smale 
As thristill and the nichtingale 
Begouth rycht tneraly to sytig, 
And for to mak in thair synging 
Syndry NOTIS and soundys sere 
And melody plesande to here, 
And the treis begouth to ma 
BURGEON YS and BRYCHT blomys alsua 
To vyn the HELiNG'of thair x hevede 
That wikkit wintir had thame revede 
And all grevis begouth to spryng. 
Into that tyme .... 



[SECOND DESCRIPTION OF MAY.] 



Alexander, p. 248, lines 16-26. 

This WAS IN MIDDES THE MONETH OF MAY 

Quhen WINTER wedes ar AWAY 
And foulis singis of sonndis seir 
And makes thame MIRTH on thare manere 
And GRAVES that gay war WAXIS GRENE 
As nature throw his craftis kene 
.Schrowdis thame self with thare floures 
Wele savorand of sere coloiiris, 
Blak blew blude rede alsua 
And Inde with uther hewis ma 
That tyme fell in the middes of May. 



Bruce, xvi, 63-71. 

This WES IN THE MONETH OF MAY 

Quhen BYRDIS syngis on the spray 
Mellaud thair NOTYS with syndry sowne 
For softenes of that sweit sesoune 
And lewis on the Iranchis spredis 
And blomys BRIGHT besyd thame BREDIS 
AND FELDIS FLORIST ar WITH FLO wins 
Weill savonrit of seir colowris 
And all thing worthis blith and gay. 



1 Troy frag., i, 440: 

That spoilyt had ine wyntir bene 

Throw wickede blastes'aud felloue schoures 

Baith of the lewes and of the floures. 

Answering to Guide's " Hyemali eciam impuguacione frondibus arbores spoliatas." 
Cf. also Troy frag., ii, IGol. 



326 JOHN BARBOUR I POET AND TRANSLATOR. 

The first of these two Bruce passages has seven alliterative 
lines out of thirteen ; the second has six out of nine. Their 
relationship to other citations is phenomenal, and demands 
examination. There are in the Alexander only two descriptions 
of May, both, as shown, remarkable as departing from the normal 
metre of the poem and systematically to the extent of seventeen 
lines out of twenty-three combining rime and alliteration. Why ? 
The Bruce also has only two descriptions of May (that of Yer is 
truly of May), remarkable as departing from the normal metre, 
and to the extent of thirteen lines out of twenty -two combining 
alliteration and rime. Why ? 

Were the answer not so clear, it might be deemed too 
adventurous to offer for a century so remote an absolute pro- 
nouncement, but facts compel the hazard, if hazard it be called. 
The reason was because the author of the Alexander and the author 
of the Bruce alike knew the alliterative Destruction of Troy, 
probably the work of Huchown of the Awle Ryale, whom there 
is good reason to regard as Sir Hugh of Eglintoun, an Auditor 
of Exchequer along with Barbour from 1372 until his death in 
1376. Else how comes it that identical alliterations shown below 
from the descriptions of the month of May in the Destruction, 
reappear in both Alexander and Bruce ? 

Moneth of May quhen medoes. Of. supra, A. 107 (1), 248 (16) ; 

Br., v, 1; xvi, 63. 

Greves wex grene. Cf. A. 248 (20). 
Nichtgalis with notis newit. Cf. A. 107 (3). 
Florisshet with floures }>e fildes. Cf. Br., xvi, 69. 
Burjons of bowis brethit. Cf. A. 107 (9). 
"Wynter away. Cf. A. 248 (17). 
Colord as kind. Cf. A. 107 (8), 248 (21). 

The fifth is curious. " Burgeons of boughs breathed" ( = smelt) 
in the Destruction is " burgeons of branches bredis " in the 
Alexander, 107 (9), while " burgeons and blooms" are paired 
in Bruce, v, 10, and on the branches " blooms bredis" in Bruce, 
xvi, 68. In the Destruction there are eleven lines specifically 
descriptive of May: five or more of them lend alliterations for 
the brief descriptions of May in the Alexander and the Bruce. 



1 Note also Huchown's archaic words " We" a man appearing as " Vy " in 
A. 107 (11), supra; Drychtin, A. 431 (7), used allil.T.itivdy ; raising dragon, 
Hr., ii, 200; (alliterative) Morte Arthure, 1252, 2026, 2057. Cf. Scottish 
Antiquary, xii, 147. 



JOHN BARBOUR I POET AND TRANSLATOR. 327 

The interconnection of the Alexander passages with those of the 
Bruce includes verbal relationships, well enough shown above by 
the italicizing of the phrases common to both and the capitals 
given to the alliterations suggested by the Destruction of Troy. 
Amongst the former appear the lines 

Wele savorand of sere colouris. A. 248 (23), add A. 159 (23). 
"Weill savourit of seir colouris. Br., xvi, 70. 

Besides, there is the final touch that tyme a French bequest. 
What a minute imitator of Barbour this translator of Anno 
Domini 1438 must have been, to be sure ! Not content with 
drawing upon the Bruce for his savour of sundry colours he must 
have observed the alliterative turn of Barbour' s descriptions of 
May ; determined to follow Barbour, and make his corresponding 
descriptions alliterative, and rather improve on his model, he must 
have gone, as Barbour did, to Huchown himself to Huchown, for 
whose own intimate knowledge of the Fuerre and the Vceux du 
Paon a powerful case stands ready to state. An astonishing 
insight of criticism, a miraculous success of appropriate imitation 
indeed, if John Barbour died in 1396 and the Alexander was 
really written in 1438 ! 



VII. PKOBLEM OF THE DATE OF THE Alexander. 

Perhaps no two poems in the world's literature more inextricably 
blend with each other than do the Alexander and the Bruce. 
The outstanding characteristics of both are the same. There is 
a tremendous array of identical lines and phrases. The problem 
of date is far from being the plain matter of fact which the 
statement of 1375-6 in the Bruce and the colophon of 1438 in the 
Alexander might suggest. Three suggestions are open of varying 
admissibility : 

First : That the dates 1375-6 for Bruce and 1438 for Alexander 
are both right, and that the resemblances between the poems are 
due to the translator of 1438 having, in rendering the French, 
used the language of Barbour concerning King Kobert to illustrate 
the romantic career of the Macedonian. 

Second: That the date 1375-6, though found both in manuscripts 
and in early printed editions, as well as corroborated powerfully 
otherwise, is wrong, and that these resemblances are due to the 



328 JOHN BARBOUR I POET AND TRANSLATOR. 

Bruce having been rewritten and reconstituted by a scribe late 
in the fifteenth century, so as to embody in course of his so editing 
the poem these manifold passages from the Alexander. 

Third : That the date 1438, resting solely upon the unique 
sixteenth-century print of the book, is an error ; and that the 
resemblances between the Alexander and the Bruce are incompatible 
with separate authorship. 

Suggestion the first fails through sheer grotesqu-eness. To 
suppose that the writer of a translation of a French poem in any 
year of any century did his work by utilizing Barbour's Bruce 
as his commonplace book, and weaving into his text, at every 
turn, locutions copied from the Scottish poem, is beyond the limit 
of reasonable hypothesis. The theory of copying would necessitate 
a miraculous power of absorption into the translator's mind x of the 
most inward poetic concepts of the poet of 1375-6 his peculiar 
technique, his modes of narrative, and his versification, including 
his distinguishing vices of rime. Besides, it would involve 
a preference on the part of the translator for the very lines and 
expressions for which the poet showed his fondness by reiteration. 

Suggestion the second would require, I believe, for its due 
enunciation a round dozen of revolutionary postulates, no two of 
which can I, for the life of me, hope ever to bring myself to 
entertain, all persuasions of an old and good friend of mine to the 
contrary notwithstanding. With a sigh over this inability, I pass 
to suggestion the third. 

My own unhesitating conclusion is, that as the theory of the 
Alexander being copied from the Bruce is impossible on account 
of the extent and integral nature of the common material, so 
equally is the converse theory. To tear the Alexander passages 
from the Bruce, or the Bruce passages from the Alexander, would 
equally destroy the fabric of either poem. The resemblances and 
the extent of them reduce the possibilities to one viz., that the 
date 1438 got into the colophon of the single existing print of 
the Alexander through a mere scribal or press error, and that 
the Alexander like the Bruce was John Barbour's work. 



1 Dr. Albert Herrmann, in his erudite TJntersuchungen uber das schottische 
Alexanderbuch (Berlin, 1893), who cites many of the parallels given in the 
ensuing pages, and others besides, supposes the translator to have had the Bruce 
by heart. It is right to say that this work was not used by me in my own 
studies, although, through Mr. J. T. T. Brown, with whom, after many 
days work, I exchanged lists of parallels, I received no small benefit from 
Dr. Herrmann's prior diligence in tracking identical passages. 



JOHN BARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 329 

VIII. BANNOCKBUEN IN THE Bruce AND THE Alexander : 
A chapter of parallels. 

No more convincing method of exhibiting the relations of the 
two poems can be devised than that of presenting a series of lines 
from books xi, xii, and xiii of the Bruce, side by side with identical 
or corresponding lines in the Alexander. This list is very far 
from exhausting the resemblances to be found between the three 
books of the Bruce descriptive of the battle of Bannockburn * on 
the one hand, and the Alexander with its battle of Effesoun on 
the other ; but it is formidable enough to establish the eminence 
of the author of one of the poems if they were by two authors 
as the arch-plagiarist of ancient or modern times, even when the 
looseness of the mediaeval canon of plagiarism is considered. 

In the undernoted selection, occasional illustrative passages are 
added from the Legends of the Saints and from the Troy fragments, 
with a view of now and then furnishing to the disbelievers in the 
unity of authorship additional material for the admiration they 
must naturally feel for the deftness in imitation of language, 
matter, and style attained by the phenomenal literary workman 
or workmen who achieved the Alexander, and told or retold the 
tales of Troy and of the Saints. When these instances of minute 
coincidence between the Bruct and the Alexander have been 
digested, the reader, whether he can still hold on to a belief in 
a duality or trinity of authorship or no, may anticipate the 
presentment of an equally formidable array of further coincidences 
between the Alexander and the Bruce. Meanwhile here follows the 
chapter of Bannockburn, which first revealed itself to me through 
the earnest, if sceptical studies of my friend Mr. J. T. T. Brown, 
to whom in this, as in many other matters literary, I owe much. 
His first mention to me of these marvellous parallels found me 
incredulous till I read the Alexander for myself. 

[PEEPARATIONS.] 

The Bruce. The Alexander. 

He prysit hym in his hert gretly. He praisit him in his hart greatly. 

(xi, 58.) 93 (20). 

That we of purpose ger thame faill. That we of purpose gar him faill. 
(xi, 68.) 71 (13). 

1 A curious reminiscence is preserved in the inventory of clerical vestments 
in Aberdeen Cathedral, an item being a hood of cloth of gold, part of the spoil 
of Bannockburn " una capella vetus ex auro textili dicta Cherbulink ex spolio 
conflictus dc Bannokburne " (Reg. Episcop. Aberdon., ii, 189). 



330 



JOHN BARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



The Bruce. 
Armyt clenly at fut and hand, (xi, 96.) 

Armyt on hors bath hede and hand, 
(xi, 105.) 

(Cf. xix, 412, Armit on hors hath 

fut and hand, xix, 412.) 

Men mycht se than that had heyn by. 

(xi, 126.) (Cf. xii, 544, below.) 



Mony ane worthy man and vycht. (xi, 

127.) 
Quhy suld I mak to lang my tale. 

(xi, 135.) 



Devisit into battalis sere 
His awne battale ordanit he 
And quha suld at his bridill be. 

(xi, 171.) 



Schir Gylys de Argente he set 
Vponanehalf his renje to get. (xi, 174.) 
And quhen the kyng apon this vise 
Had ordanit as I heir devise 
His battalis and his stering. (xi, 180.) 



The Alexander. 
Armit weill baith fute and hand. 

298 (21). 
Armit weill baith fute and hand. 

312 (23). 
Armit on hors baith fute and hand. 

53 (19). 
Thare mycht men se that had bene by. 

98 (18). 
Than micht thay se that had bene by. 

56 (12). 
Mony ane worthy man and wicht. 

389 (26). 
Quhy suld 

277 (4). 
Quhy suld 

440 (12). 
Quhairto sould I mak lang my taill. 

417 (4). 

Now has the King his battellis all 
Devysit and ordainit all that sail 
Beatthebrydillof themelle. 349 (14). 

Devyse at laser quha sail be 
"With me into my" awin battale. 

345 (last line), 346 (first line). 
At my brydill with hald the. 

346 (seventh line). 
My brydill reinjes heir I the geif. 

348 (10). 

Now hes the king his battellis all 
Devysit and ordainit. 349 (15). 



I mak to lang my tale. 
I tell to lang my taill. 



[ARMS AND BANNERS.] 

The sonne wes brycht and schynand 

cler 

And arrays that new burnyst wer 
So blenknyt with the sonnys beyme 
That all the feld ves in ane leyme 
Vith baneris richt freschly flawmand. 

(xi, 188.) 
(Cf. The sone wes rysyn schynand 

bricht. vii, 216. 
Quhen sone wos rysyn schynand 

elere. xiv, 177. 
And sone wes ryssyn schynand 
brycht. iv, 166.) 



The sone shyne cleir on armouris 

bricht 
Quhill all the land lemit on licht. 

52 (16). 



The sone was rysing 
bricht. 219 (4). 



and schynit 



JOHN BARBOUR I POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



331 



The Bruce. 

And pensalis to the vynd vaffand. 
193.) (Cf. xi, 512, below.) 



and poverale 
That jamyt harnass and wittale. 

(xi, 238.) 

And saw thame wilfull to fulfill 
His liking with gud hert and will. 

(xi, 266.) 



And said thame Lordingis now 36 se. 
(xi, 271.) 

(Cf. And said Lordingis now may 

36 se, ii, 322.) 

He gaf the vaward in leding. (xi, 306. ) 
(Cf. The vaward for to leid and 
steir. xx, 401.) 



The tothir battale wes gevin to lede. 

(xi, 314.) 

His battale stalward was and stout, 
(xi, 339.) 

(Cf. And he that stalward wes 
and stout, vi, 146.) 



And on the morn on Sattirday. (xi, 
352.) 



On Sonday than in the mornyng 
"Weill soyn efter the sonne rising. 

(xi, 374.) 

(Cf. v, 18. A litill forrow the 
ev'yn gane.) 



The Alexander. 
The pensale to the wynd waiffand. 

3 (20). 

[French has Les langes de 1'ensegne 
fait a 1'vent balliier. 
Michelant, 115 (21).] 

the pittall 
Kepit the wyne and the vittall. 

378 (30). 
wilfull to fulfill 
His avow with gude hart and will. 

354 (29). 
wilfull to fulfill 
His vow with gude hart and will. 

372 (12). 
Lordingis he said now may ^e se. 

71 (7). 
And said Lordingis now may ge see. 

76 (14). 
And the first (i.e. the vanguard) gif 

I in leding. 311(25). 
The ferd battell to keip and steir. 

314 (10). 
That Marciane had to leid and steir. 

142 (9). 
The tother battelle in leding I gif. 

342 (12). 

Bot he that staluart was and stout. 
58 (7). 



Tomorrow all hale and (sic) Monunday. 

337 (25). 

Vpone the morne on Mononday. 

338 (21). 

Apone the morne it wes Sounday. 

(Leg., xvii, 199.) 
Vpone Tysday in the mornyng. 308 

(17). 

To morne airly in the morning 
Ane lytle forowthe sone rysing. 180 (7). 
Ane lytill before the sone rysing. 
347 (29). 
(Cf. Troy, i, 136. To-morne in the 

mornynge. 

Troy, ii, 722. A litill foroweth 
the evynnyng.) 



Phil. Trans. 1899-1900, 



332 



JOHN BARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



[THE ENGLISH APPROACH.] 



The Bruce. 

To wyn all or de with honour, (xi, 400.) 
For to manteyme that stalward stour. 
(Cf. For to maynteym weill his 

honour, xi, 262.) 
And tak the vre that god wald send. 

(xi, 405.) 
That nane for dout of dede suld fale. 

(xi, 408.) (Cf. xii, 204, below.) 
Quhill discumfit war the battale. (xi, 

409.) 

Quhilk of thame had of help mister, 
(xi, 452.) 



And basnetis weill burnyst bricht, 
That gaf agane the sonne gret licht. 

(xi, 462.) 

Thai saw so fele browdyn baneris. 
(xi, 464.) 



That the mast host and the stoutest 
Of Crystyndome and ek the best 
Suld be abasit for till se. (xi, 470.) 



Gaf all his men reconforting. (xi, 499.) 
Com with thair battalis approchand 
The banneris to the vynd vaffand. 

(xi, 512.) 
Cf . With baneris to the vynd vafand. 

(ix, 245.) 

With baneris to the vynd dis- 
playit. (xix, 436.) 

Cum on forouten dreid or aw. (xi, 
555.) 



The Alexander. 
For to mantene ane stalwart stour. 

45 (7). 

For to manteine ane stalwart stour. 

46 (19). 

Now cum quhat euer God will send. 

319(22). Cf. A. 150 (18), 256 (30). 
For dout of dede will nane the fale. 

315 (6). 
To discount the great battale. 417(31). 

Na helpis his freindis yat had mister. 

45 (9). 
Hes thou of help great mister jit. 

205 (6). 

And helmis als and other armin 
That cleirly agane the sone shein. 

26 (28). 

He sawe so feill broudin baneris. 26 
(26). 

[French has only tant gonfanon ; 

Michelant,- 109 (13).] 
The greatest hoist and the stoutest 
Of ony cuntre and the best 
Suld of that sicht abasit be. 27 (2). 

(Cf. Troy fr., ii, 503 : the grettest 
Of all the oost and the myghtyest. 

Similarly ii, 1413.) 

Gevis to us all recomforting. 34 (30). 
He saw the battellis approchand 
With baneris to the wynd waiffand. 

8 (16). 
[The banners not in Michelant, 98 (7), 

but see p. 16, above.] 
The banare waiffand to the wynd. 

310 (29). 

Sa come thai on but dreid or aw. 
10 (29). 



[SPUES.] 

And strak with spuris the stedis stith, He hint ane spere that was sa styth, 
That bare thame evyn hurd and swith. And straik his steid with spurrus 



(xi, 658.) suyth. 



141 (24). 



JOHN BARBOUR I POET AND TRANSLATOR. 333 

The Bruce. The Alexander. 

Cf. With spurys he strak the steid With spurris he straik the steid of 

ofpriss. (viii, 79.) pryde. 83(9). 

And strak with spuris the stede And strenjeit with spurris the steid 

inhy of pryde. 229(11). 

And he lansyt furth delyverly. With spurris he straik him sturdely 

(iii, 121.) And he lansit deliverly. 46 (6). 
With that with spurris spedely 

Thai strak the horss and in Cf. And strak the sted with spuris 

grethy. (xx, 457.) sa. (Leg. Saints, xxv, 747.) 

Than vith the spuris he strak With spurris he strak his hors smertly. 

his steide. (vi, 226.) 376 (2). 

Thai war in gret perplexite. (xi, 619.) Be stad in gret perplexite. 30(19). 



BOHTJN EPISODE.] 

Armyt in armys gude and fyne. (xii, Armit in armouris gude and fyne. 46 

32.) (27). 

And toward him he went in hy. (xii, And towart him he come in hy. 102 

39.) (21). 

Cf . Then went thai to the King in hy, The king to him is went in hy 

And hym salusit full curtasly. And salust him full courtesly. 109 (15). 

(iv, 508.) 

Till him he raid in full gret hy. (xii, And towart him raid in full great hy. 

45.) 40 (1). 
Cf. And raid till him in full gret 
hy. (vi, 135.) 

ane dint sic ane dynt 

That nouthir hat no helme mycht stint. Bot the helme the straik can stynt. 

(xii, 53.) 413 (31). 

The hevy dusche that he him gaf , And with the grete dynt yat he gaif 

That he the hed till harnyse claf The sword brak in the hiltis in tua. 

The hand-ax-schaft ruschit in twa. 50 (9). 

(xii, 55.) The hed unto the shoulderis claif. 58 

Bot menyt his hand-ax-shaft, (xii, 97.) (11). 

Quhill that the hand ax schaft held hale. 

Bot sone it brak than was he wa. 

232 (14, 16). 
[French of this last passage is : 

Tant com hache li dure en va sur 

aus le pis 
Mais le fust est rompu et le fer 

est croisis 
Si qu'a terre li vole enmi les preis 

fleuris. 
(Harl. MS. Add. 16,956, fol. 65 b .)] 



334 



JOHN BARBOUR I POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



The Bruce. 

Thai fled and durst nocht byde no mar. 
(xii, 135.) 
Cf. That thai durst nane abyde 

no mare, (xiv, 299.) 
Thai war all helitin-to swat, (xii, 146.) 



The Alexander. 

Cf. Thai fled fast and durst nocht 
byd. (Leg. Saints, xl, 907.) 

Be haillit in blude and sueat alsa. 
* 28 (10). 

Thameselfe halit in blude and sueit. 
422 (4). 



[HEART DISCOMFITURE : JEOPARDY.] 



And fra the hart be discumfite, 
The body is nocht vorth a myt. 

(xii, 187.) 

Cf . And fra the hart be discumfyt. 
The body is nocht worth 

a myt. (iii, 197.) 
[Thar hartis undiscumfyt hald. (iii, 

274.)] 
Ger it [i.e. the hert] all out discumfit 

be 

Quhill body liffand is all fre. (vii, 358.) 

For dout of dede we sail nocht fale. 

(xii, 204.) (Cf. xi, 408, above.) 



To set stoutnes agane felony, (xii, 261.) 
Cf. Agane stoutnes it is aye stout, 
(vii, 366.) 



And mak swagat ane juperdy. (xii, 
262.) 



Quharfor I jow requeir and pray. 
(xii, 263.) 



quhair hartis failjeis 
The laif of lymmes lytle vailjeis. 

136 (8). 

Sic thing as this hes discumfit 
Thare hartis all hale. 178 (25). 

nocht worth ane myte. 56 (29). 
helpit him nocht ane myte. 72 (9). 



And suore that nane suld vther faill 
For dout of dede in that battaill. 

31 (11). 
They will nocht faill for dout of dede. 

342 (17). 
That suld nocht fle for dout of dede. 

360 (16). 
Stoutnes and strenth encounterit pryde. 

80 (15). 

Pryde prekand aganis stoutnes. 287 (8). 

[Not personified in the French, 

which has orgciUeus contre ficr. 

Harl. MS. Add. 16,888, fol. 79.] 

And gif ve foly agane foly. 281 (10). 

[French has Musant contre musant 

or musart contre musart. Add. 

16,888, fol. 77 ; 16,956, fol. 84 b .] 

And sa gait mak we ane iepardy. 

281 (11). 

[Not in the French. Add. 16,888, 

fol. 77.] 

Quharefore I requyre jow and pray. 
125 (14). 



JOHN BARBOUR: POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



335 



The Bruce. 

To meit thame that first sail assemmyll 

So stoutly that the henmast trymmyll. 

(xii, 267.) 

Cf . For gif the formast egirly 
Be met jhe sail se suddanly 
The henmast sail abasit be. 

(viii, 243.) 

Hap to vencus the gret battale 
Intill your handis forouten faill. 

(xii, 273.) 



The Alexander. 
Seik we the first sa sturdely 
That the hindmaist abasit be. 20 (27) . 
Thair first battell thusgait can semble 
Quhair hardy can gar the couartis 

trimble. 357 (20). 
That formest cumis je sail se 
The hindmest sail abased be. 318(3). 

foroutten faill 
That suld vincus the great battaill. 

260 (12). 



[BEUCE'S ADDRESS.] 



\_Bruce > s Address.~\ 
And I pray jhow als specially 
Both mor and less all comonly 
That nane of jow for gredynes 
Haf e til tak of thair richess 
Na presoners geit for till ta 
Quhill jhe se thame cumrayit swa 
That the feld planly ouris be 
And than at jour liking may je 
Tak all the richess that thar is. 

(xii, 303.) 



[Alexander's Address.'] 
Forthy I pray ilk man that he 
Nocht covetous na garnand be 
To tak na riches that they wald 
Bot wyn of deidly fais the fald 
Fra thay be winnin all wit 30 weill 
The gudis ar ouris ever ilk deill 
And I quyteclame ow vterly 
Baith gold and sylver halely 
And all the riches that thairis is. 

318 (17). 

French has : 
Et pour Deu biau seigneurs ne soit 

nus entendis 
A nul gaaing qui soit ne du leur 

convoitis. 
Ains conquerons le champ contre nos 

ennemis 
Quant il sera vaincus li avoirs iert 

conquis 
Et je le vous quit tout et en fais et 

en dis 
L'onnour en voel avoir le remanant vous 

quis. (Add. 16,956, fol. 99.) 
[Compare another reading.] 
Pour dieu biau dous seigneur ne soiez 

convoitis 

Dehauir (?) legaaingne dupeine ententis 
Mais conquerons le champ aus morteus 

anemia 
Quant le champs iert vaincus li auoirt 

iert conquis 



336 



JOHN HARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 

e' Address.] 



The Bruce. 
Till on the mom that it wes day. 

(xii, 334.) 
[And on the morn quhen it wes day. 

(xix, 503.) 
Quhill on the morne that it wes day. 

(xix, 404.) 
Quhill on the morn that day was licht. 

(xix, 716.) 
Till on the morn that day was lycht. 

(iv, 158.) 
And on the morn quhen day ves licht. 

(ix, 207.) 
Till on the morn that day wes lycht. 

(v, 114.) 
Till on the morn that day wes lycht. 

(x, 467.) 
And on the morn quhen day ves licht. 

(xiv, 172.) (Cf. xiii, 514.) 
And on the morn quhen it wes day. 

(xix, 752.)] 



Cf . Bot on the raorne in the mornyng. 

(xiv, 165.) 

Cf. in the dawyng 

Kyi hi as the day begouth to spryng. 

(vii, 318.) 



[Alexander's Address] 
Et je le vouz quit tout et en fais et 

en dis 
Or et argent et paillez senserez bien 

partis 
Et j'en aurai lonnour cest quant que je 

devis. (Add. 16,888, fol. 91.) 



The Alexander. 
Apone the morne quhen it was day. 

317 (15). 
Quhill on the morne that it was day. 

351 (13). 
Vpon the morne quhen it was day. 

430 (21). 
Quhil on the morne that day was licht. 

118 (15). 
Quhill on the morne that day was lycht. 

338 (20). 

Cf . And one the morne quhene sowne 
wasbrycht. (Leg., xxviii, 524.) 



Cf. also : 

Quhill on the morne that it was 

day. (Troy fr., ii, 1758.) 

Thane on the morne quhene it 

wes day. (Leg. Saints, xiii, 168.) 

And one the morne quhene it was 

day. (Leg. Saints, xxv, 738 ; 

also xxvi, 469, and xxvii, 1373.) 

Thane one the morne quhene it 

was day. (Leg. Saints, xxvii, 

1599.) 

And one the morne quhene it ves 

day. (Leg. Saints, xlvii, 48.) 
Quhill on the morn in the morning 
Richt as the day begouth to spring. 

3 (15). 

And quhene the day beguth to daw. 
(Leg., xviii, 879.) 



JOHN B ARBOUR I POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



337 



[FORTUNE 



Bruce. 



For in pun^eis is oft hapnyne 
Quhill for to vyne and quhill to tyne. 
(xii, 373.) 



That wer fulfillit of gret bounte. (xii, 

423.) (Cf. xiii, 112, below.) 
Sic a frusching of speris wair 
That fer avay men mycht it her. 

(xii, 504.) 



Thai dang on othir with wapnys ser. 

(xii, fill.) 

With speris that war scharp to scher 
And axis that weill grundiu wer. 

(xii, 519.) 

Cf. Ane hachit that war scharp to 
scher. (x, 174.) 



Throw fors wes fellit in that ficht. 

(xii, 524.) 
Set in-till herd proplexite. (xii, 530.) 

(Cf. above, xi, 619.) 



OF WAR.] 

Alexander. 

It fallis in weir quhilis to tyne 
And for to wyn ane uthir syne. 

244 (10). 

[French has Une fois gaaigne Ven 
et Vautrefois per[t~\-on> (Add. 
16,888, fol. 63 b .)] 
That was fulfillit of all bounte. 297 

(3). 
Sic strakes they gave that men micht 

here 

Full far away the noyes and bere 
The speiris all to-frushit thare. 

286 (10). 

Dang on vthir with wapnis seir. 415 
(9). 

spere 

Or hand ax that was scharp to scheir. 

353 (10). 

Or hand ax that was sharpe to shere. 

382 (27). 

His spere was schairp and weill scherand. 
42(12). 

Cf. That sail be scharp and rycht 
weill grondine. (Leg. Saints, 
1. 855.) 
Throw fors was fellit in the fecht. 

227 (6). 

Be stad in gret perplexite. 30 (19). 
(Cf. xi, 126, above.) 



Quhill men mycht her that had beyn by 

A gret frusche of the speres that brast. 

(xii, 544.) 



Cf. Quhar men mycht her sic a 

brekyng 
Of speris that to fruschyt war. 

(viii, 302.) 
Men mycht haiff sene quha had 

bene thar. (iii, 346.) 
Men mycht haf seyn quha had 
beyn thair. (viii, 378.) 



[THE NOISE OF BATTLE.] 

men micht here 

Full far away the noyes and bere 
The sperris all to frushit thare. 

286 (10). 
men micht here 

Great noyes and din quha had been neir. 
117 (32), 118 (1). 
That mycht bene hard quha had bene 

by. (Leg. Saints, 1. 38.) 
Quha had bene thare micht have sene 
neir. 65 (11). 



338 



JOHN B ARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



The Bruce. 

And mony gud man fellit under feit 
That had no power to riss jeit. 

(xii, 554.) (Cf. xii, 525.) 
And mony a riall rymmyll ryde. (xii, 
557.) 



Quhill throu the byrneiss brist the 

blud 
That till the erd doune stremand jud. 

(xii, 559.) 



In myd the visage met thame thar. 
(xii, 576.) 



The Alexander. 

That had na power to rise jit. 56 (19). 

Cf. 410 (23). 

Quhare mony ane rummill rude was 
set. 226 (9). 

rymbill ryde. 225 (18). 
rimmill ryde. 362 (2). 
ruid rummill. 57 (2). 
in blude 
That stremand fra his woundis jude. 

67 (5). 
wox red 
That stremand fra thare wondis jed. 

385 (21). 
the blude 
That streymand to yare sadillis jeid. 

95 (1). 

Cf. Troy frag., ii, 823 : hys bloode 
That streymande out hys body 

yhoode. 
[Cf. rime of jud, blud. (Leg. xx, 

193.)] 
In middes the visage met thame thare. 

410 (17). 

In middes the visage met thame weill. 
4 (28). 



[THE STALWAET STOTJIC.] 

Thar men mycht se ane stalwart stour. Thair men micht sie ane stalwart stour. 

(xii, 577.) 34 (5). 

The gyrss wox with the blude all red. The grene gras vox of blude all rede. 

(xii, 582.) 382 (17). 

Baith erd and gers of blude vox red. 

385 (20). 

That thai suld do thair devour wele. And sicker to do his devore weill. 

(xii, 587.) 321 (23). 

For with wapnys staluart of steill Bot with wapone staluart of steill 

Thai dang on thame with all thar Thay dang on vther with all thair 

mycht. micht. 80 (18). 

(xiii, 14.) (Cf. xiii, 274, below.) 

And vapnys apon armour stynt. (xiii, Of wapnis that on helmis styntis. 

27.) 366 (5). 
A* vapnys apon armor styntis. (xiii, 

164.) 



JOHN BARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



339 



The Bruce. 

Defoulit roydly vnder feit. (xiii, 31.) 
Cf. "Wndyr horss feyt defoulyt thar. 
(ii, 359.) 



That men na noyis na cry mycht her. 

(xiii, 34.) 
That slew fire as men dois on flyntis. 

(xiii, 36.) 



Quhen that he saw the battalis swa 
Assemyll and togiddir ga. (xiii, 63.) 



The Alexander. 
Wndir feit defoulit in the battale. 

366 (1). 

Defoulit with feit. 144 (29). 
Vnder hors feit defoulit ware. 401 (29) . 
Wnder hors fute defoullit sa. 86 (6). 
Thar men micht heir sic noyes and cry. 

385 (22). Cf. 46 (2). 
That kest fyre as man dois flyntis. 

236 (25). 

[Not in the French. Add. 16,888, 
fol. 60 b .] 

Cf. Togidder thay straik as fyre of 
flint. 243 (32). 

[French has comme guar$on.~\ 
Quhan he the rinkis saw shudder sua. 

45 (32). 
And the battellis togidder ga. 46 (1). 



[THE PURSUIT.] 



And slew all that thai mycht ourta. 
(xiii, 93.) 

sla 
The men that thai mycht ourta. 

(xvii, 100.) 
Cf. And slew all that thai mycht 

ourtak. (iv, 415.) 
And slew all that thai mycht 

ourtak. (v, 95.) 
And slew all thaim thai mycht 

ourta. (xviii, 325.) 
And slew all at thai mycht ourta. 

(x, 78.) 
That he slew all he might ourtak. 

(xvi, 197*.) 

And agane armyt men to ficht 
May nakit men haff litill mycht. 

(xiii, 97.) 

And ding on them sa dough tely. 
(xiii, 132*.) 
Cf . And dang on thame so douchtely. 

(x, 727.) 

And dang on thame so hardely. 
(xvi, 204.) 



He slew all that he micht ouerta. 

379 (21). 
That he ourtuke all doun he drave. 

410 (6). 

Al that it ourtuk wald sla. (Leg., 
xxxiii, 71.) 



naked, 
They sail nouther hardement have nor 

mycht 

Aganis armit men to ficht. 362 (20). 
And dang on vther sa egerly. 412(4). 



340 



JOHN B ARBOUR I POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



The Bruce. The Alexander. 

And cryit ensenzeis on everilk syd, Thay cryit thair ensenzies on ilk syde. 

Gifand and takand woundis wyd. 4 1 2 (28). 

(xiii, 159.) Gevand and takand woundis wyde. 

222 (8). 
Cf. Giffand and takand voundis Gevand and takand routis ryde. 362(7). 

vyde. (xv, 54.) 
Gyffand and takand voundis vyde. 

(vi, 288.) 

And magre thairis left the plass. That maugre yairis yai left the place, 
(xiii, 170.) 36 (12). 

That maugre thairis thay left the pray. 

423 (14). 
In maugre of thairis reske\vit the pray. 

4 (7). 

Than men mycht heir ensenzeis cry. And his ensigne that thai hard cry. 
(xiii, 203.) 52 (20). 

Cf. His ensenjhe mycht heir him 
cry. (v, 323.) 

with thame faucht 

And swa gret rowtis to thame raucht. 
(xiii, 211.) 

jhemen swanys and poveraill 
That in the pare to jheyme vittale. 

(xiii, 229.) 
Dang on thame sua with all thar mycht. 

(xiii, 274.) 
That thai scalit in tropellis ser. 

(xiii, 275.) 

For twa contraris jhe may wit wele 
Set agane othir on a quhele. 



faucht 

And with his sword sic routis raucht. 
154 (28). 
(Cf. xi, 238, above.) 



(Cf. xiii, 14, above.) 



And scallit in troppellis heir and thair. 
227 (14). 

Cf. And thir quelis seit sail be swa 
That of thame twa aganis twa 
Sal alwayis turne in contrare 
cours. (Leg. Saints, 1. 857.) 
And the laif syne that ded war thar The laif in pittis eardit thay. 427 (17). 



(xiii, 651.) 

ar thar 
In-to gret pittes erdit war. (xiii, 665.) 



IX. THE LESSON OF THE PARALLELS. 

In this long list of parallels, what are the passages thus held 
in common by two poems so far removed from each other in theme ? 
On what principle are they selected ? Are they French, originally 
in the Alexander romance and transferred to the Scottish poem ? 
Or are they Scottish pebbles strewn through both poems, and not 
due to direct translation or imitation? If there was imitation, 
which is the imitation, the Alexander or the Bruce ? In short, 
do means exist for determining with assurance that the poet of the 



JOHN BARBOUR I POET AND TRANSLATOR. 341 

Bruce used the translation of the Alexander, or that the translator 
used the Bruce ? Once more, what are the passages ? 

They are, in very singular proportion, passages which occur 
more than once in the Bruce and more than once in the Alexander. 
This pregnant fact seen, is not the riddle read already ? Thieves 
are not wont to steal the same thing twice. No plagiarist would 
be so inartistic as to repeat his plagiarism of the same passages 
three, four, or five times over. On the other hand, the man who 
is both poet and translator may well, when his themes in both 
capacities are cognate, repeat himself, whether he is at work upon 
his translation or upon an effort entirely his own. 

Let us consider the oft repeated descriptions of morning (pp. 17, 22, 
above). It might be urged that these variants are mere common 
form. The rejoinder is that, even granting something of common 
form, such recurrences of identical lines cannot be accidental ; 
and commonplaceness sometimes amounting to triviality stamps 
as ridiculous the conception of such verbal exactitude being due 
to deliberate copying. Such things come not through one author 
being influenced by the phrases of another ; they comejthrough 
one man using his own stock-in-trade and borrowing from himself. 

But if this repetition of things comparatively commonplace is 
characteristic of The Bruce displaying again and again the same 
turns of expression, if it is at the same time the mark of the 
Legends and of the Alexander, if some examples are common to all 
three and to the Troy fragments, such repetition is no less telling 
when it implies the reappearance of peculiar and even anomalous 
or uncouth locutions. Ample enough is the list of examples. Was 
John Barbour, or was the translator of the Alexander, so much the 
slave of his copy that when he asked, " Quhy suld I mak to lang 
my tale ? " he made the query word for word as in the Alexander ? 
"When the translator made Emenydus begin an address to his 
fellows, " Lordingis, now may je sie," did he copy from the opening 
of one of Bruce's addresses in these precise terms ? How comes 
it that at Bannockbura we hear of the overthrown "That had na 
power to rise jit," while in the Alexander their plight is described 
in perfectly identical terms ? Surely it is fatuity to ascribe such 
a line to imitation. A bard must indeed have been in sore straits 
if he copied that ! 

The lessons and surprises of Bannockburn are many. The 
banners to the wind waving in Barbour's fine description of the 
English march waved only less gaily in the romance of Alexander. 



342 JOHN BARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 

In the De Bohun episode the breaking of Brace's battle-axe has 
a somewhat uncomfortable parallel in the Alexander. It is an 
unquestionable certainty that the address which Barbour puts into 
the mouth of Robert Bruce ! on the great day of national crisis 
is borrowed from a speech imputed in the French romance to 
Alexander the Great. 

Tempting as it is to linger over Bannockburn, and needful as 
it is to examine the bearing of the Alexander romance on the 
authenticity of the biography of the Scottish monarch, the theme 
must be left with a single remark to record the opinion that 
whilst Barbour was in his description of the battle profoundly 
influenced by the romance whether the translation or the French, 
is a problem not to be disposed of in a parenthesis his borrowings 
were not directly of matter (except speeches), but of style, pictorial 
narrative, and descriptive phrases. The French influence is mainly 
to be traced not in the tale but in the manner of telling. 



X. SOME SPECIAL COINCIDENCES. 

A second long list of parallels may stand over, giving place 
meantime to a discussion of a few special words or lines which 
no one will characterize as commonplaces and which bear peculiarly 
on the evidence of authorship. 

To-ga. 

This word, regarded by Professor Skeat as representing the past 
tense of the Anglo-Saxon verb togan, to go, is commented upon by 
him as an anomalous form. It occurs, however, as to-go in Gower's 
Confessio Amantis (ed. Morley, p. 423), but being anomalous and 
exceedingly rare its appearance in the following cases must count 
accordingly as very special indeed. In the Troy fragments there 
is a phrase translating into the very opposite meaning the words 
effugere non valerent in Guido. In every sense it is intrusive and 
not real translation in respect that while the inversion of meaning 
is doubtless an accident, the idiom is not Latin and does not bring 
to-go or to-ga at all into the connection naturally. 

Thai tornede thare bakis and to-go. (Troy fr., ii, 2231.) 3 

1 For an older and quite different version see that of Abbat Bernard of 
Arbroath, Bower, ii, 249; Scottish Antiquary (1899), xiv, 29. 

8 The riming line is "And he gan many <>! them slo," showing sufficiently 
that the words may be read to-ga and sla with equal propriety, such variations 

b. in- roimiiniily scribal. 



JOHN BARBOUR: POET AND TRANSLATOR. 343 

The Alexander similarly, in a phrase which is not a translation 
of the French corresponding line, has : 

Turnit thair brydillis and to-ga. A. 87 (18). 
The French in Michelant has a quite different proposition : 
Au plus tos que il porent tornent vers lors regne. Michelant, 171 (4). 

Again, the Alexander has : 

He turnit his brydill and he to-ga. A. 218 (4). 

In this case the translation answers fairly enough to the French 
(Add. 16,888, fol. 51): 

A tant tire son frain c'est arriere torne, 

although the to-ga is still exegetical. Now it is true that there 
is a verbal difference between the form of the line in the Troy 
and in the Alexander. The one says bridle, the other says lack. 
"We turn to Bruce for both. 

Thai gaf the bak all and to-ga. (Br., xvii, 575.) 
Thai turnit thar bak all and to-ga. (Br., ix, 263.) 
He turnit his bridill and to-ga. (Br., viii, 351.) 

The hand which thrust in this phrase in two shapes into three 
separate translations of one Latin and two French works, combined 
them when engaged upon an independent task. 

Micht, slicht. 

At an earlier stage use was made of this rime and phrase to 
show that Barbour in the Bruce was citing the Troy fragments, 
and that the phrase in the fragment was more than once intrusive. 
Now falls to be illustrated the extent to which the contrast of 
1 might ' and ' slight ' couched in this particular rime is woven into 
the texture of Barbour. Though not so marked in the Alexander 
as in the Troy, the Bruce, and the Legend's, there is at least one 
parallel of a very complete sort in the Alexander interconnecting 
with the many parallels from the other books. 

Throw slycht that he ne mycht throw And ourcumyne for all his mycht 
maistri. (Br., i, 112.) Forthi with wilis did he and slycht. 

[A verse quoted by "Wyntoun, bk. (Leg., xxxiii, 589.) 

viii, ch. 2, line 200.] [Latin has blanditiis quern minis 

snpernre non poterat.~\ 

Schapis thaim to do with slycht That thai mycht nocht do be mycht 

That at thai drede to do with mycht. Thai schupe thame for to do be slycht. 
(Br., ii, 324.) (Leg., xl, 829.) 

[As to this further see Scottish 
Antiquary, xi, 105-7.] 



344 



JOHN BARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



Suld set thar etlyng evirmar 
To stand agayne thar fayis mycht 
Umquhile with strenth and quhile with 
slycht. (Br., iii, 260.) 



And sen we may nocht deill wyth mycht 
Help vs that we may vyth slycht. 

(Br., vii, 13.) 

Throu sumkyn slicht for he vist weill 
That no strenth mycht it planly get. 

(Br., x, 519.) 

And how the toun was hard to ta 
"With oppyn assale be strinth or mycht 
Tharfor he thoucht to virk with slicht. 
(Br., ix, 350.) 



But umhethoucht him of a slicht. (Br., 
xvi, 84.) 

Compare also mycht-slycht rimes : 
Br., iv, 755; v, 269; viii, 505; 
ix, 654 ; x, 334. 



Bot set in intent haith strenth and mycht 
With all his thocht and all his slycht. 

A. 408 (15). 
French has : 

Ains met entente et force et pooir 
Cuer pensee et savoir et engin. 

(MS. 264, Bodley, 159.) 
And sene he mycht nocht be mycht 
Ourecome Cristofore thane be slycht. 
(Leg., xix, 441.) [An intrusion.] 



For thu has suorne of my oste be the 

mycht 

That thu sal nothirefor strinth na slicht. 
(Leg., xxxii, 569.) 
[Chiefly intrusion per virtutes mei 
exercitus both mycht and slycht 
are evolved from virtnies.] 
And umbethought hyme how he myght 
By ony coloure or by slyght. 

(Troy, ii, 1467.) 

Leg., iv, 41 ; xxxiv, 77 ; 1. 221, 511 : 
all clear intrusions. Also x, 207 ; 
xviii, 1273 ; xxvii, 663, 1199 ; xxx, 
5, 701 ; xxxi, 589 ; xxxii, 461 ; xli, 
207 ; 1. 397, 425. 



The Number Ten. 

Odd indeed is the history of this number in the various works 
now undergoing comparison. Apart from numerous instances in 
which the translation is true, there are in the Troy, Alexander, and 
Legends alike, passages where the number is intruded, sometimes 
rather ludicrously, as where quatuor paria multiply into ten. 



Ten. 



Thay of Gaderis war ten tymes ma. 

A., 65 (16). 
Thair sould nocht ten have gane away. 

A., 71 (30). 
That ay aganes ane war ten. A., 

140 (5). 

[Intrusion French has only la grant 
gent Dairon. 264, Bodley, 117.] 



Intrusion Cil de Gadres les outrent. 

Michelant, 150 (3). 
Intrusion n'en fust gaires estors. 

Michelant, 154 (6). 



JOHN BARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



345 



And heirin als is nyne or ten. A., 
273 (13). 

[Intrusion French has vii ou viii 
des plus preus. 264, Bodley, 
fol. 138.] 
And ma than ten or he wald rest. 

A., 361 (25). 

That weill x thousand war and mair. 
A., 369 (23). 
[Not in the French. Add. 16,888, 

fol. 112.] 

Micht he ay ane aganes ten. A., 
405 (4). 
[In the French ' ' Tin homme centre 

x."] 
And with thame als nyne or ten. A., 

422 (8). 

For of twenty ten ar slane. A., 
380 (20). 
[In the French " Qui de nous xx 

aves ja les x deraembres."] 
That quha sa micht in ten partis 
Deal the worship that in jow is 
Men micht mak ten worthy and wicht. 
A., 258 (26). 
Thane tuk thai tene oxine wicht. 

(Leg., xxxiii, 307.) 
And fell doune tene steppis hut frist. 
(Troy frag., ii, 2491.) 



Compare same reference to Judas 
Maccabeus in Br., xiv, 316 : 
Quhill he hade ane aganis ten. 
Also Br., xii, 565 : Ay ten for 
ane or may perfay. 



Intrusion Quatuor paria bourn. 

Intrusion de gradibus ipsis per quos 
descendebatur. 



Tenth part. 



Bot nocht the tend part his travaling. 
(Br.,ix, 495.) 

na mane 
The teynd of it tel cane. 

(Leg., xxvi, 1162.) 



The teynd part mene suld nocht treu. 

(Leg., xl, 788.) 
For I can nocht the teynd part tell. 

(Leg., xxvii, 1249.) 
Palace tend parte so fare to see. 

[Intrusion.] (Leg., vi, 274.) 
Can nane the teynd tel of disces. 

(Leg., xviii, 1167.) 
That mene lest notht the teynde to here. 

[Intrusion.] (Troy frag., i, 475.) 



Down to earth. 

That to the erth he maid him go. (Troy fr., ii, 2972.) 
That to the ground he gart him go. A., 74 (8). 
And to the erd he gart him ga. A., 390 (25). 
And he doun to the erd can ga. A., 411 (6).. 
And he doun to the erd can ga. (Br., vii, 585.) 



346 JOHN BARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 

Some French words. 

Rebours. 

All is at rebours. A., 124 (19). Held all at rebours. (Br., xiii, 486.) 

[Sole instance.] [Sole instance.] 



Vailje quod vailje. A., 140 (24); Avalje que val^e. (Br., ix, 147.) 

218 (30) ; 267 (28). 
Vail^e que vailje. A., 308 (21). 

Liege pouste, 

There is scarcely a tincture of law in the entire series of the 
books now dealt with. The more interest attaches to liege pomte, 
a phrase which, found in the English law of Bracton's time, 
ultimately came to be particularly associated with the Scots law 
of deathbed, being equated with the capacity of going to kirk and 
market after the last will was made. 

For gif I leif in liege pouste Bot and I lif in lege pouste 

Thow sail of him weill vengit be. Thair ded sail rychtw eill vengit be. 

A., 190 (13). (Br., v, 165.) 

[Not in tbe French.] 
Gif I leif lang in liege pouste. A., 
189 (2). 

Repeated, A., 361 (11). 
[French has : " Mais se je vich vij 
jors en vive poeste." 264, Bodley, 
fol. 125.] 

By Heaven's King. 

This manner of swearing by the Deity is one of the many ways 
in which the translator went beyond what he found in his French. 
One example deserves enshrine ment among the curiosities of oaths, 
making Porrus, addressing the Almighty, take his name in vain 
at the same time. In this the Bruce runs it hard. 

"Deir God," said he, "be hevinnis Dear God that is of hevyn king. 
king." A., 355 (25). (Br., ii, 144.) 

[The French has simply " Dies ! " 

Add. 16,888, fol. 106.] 
For be him that is hevennis king. 
A., 18(31). 
[French has no expletive at all. 

Michelant, 104 (30). Cf. also 

A., 18 (16, 31). Both cases of 

this oath not in Michelant, 104.] 



JOHN BARBOUR I POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



347 



These rather fine examples of congested oaths force the 
conclusion that Barbour and the translator swore poetically in 
the same terms, an inference to which the frequency of this 
epithet, "king of heaven," in the Legends adds all natural 
confirmation. 

Other references besides prove community of characteristics. 



God help us that is mast of mycht. 

(Br., xii, 324.) 
Quhar our Lord for his mekill mycht. 

(Br., xx, 475.) 
The grace of God that all thing steres. 

(Br., xi, 27 ) 



And lovit God fast of his grace 

(Br.,xiv, 311.) 

A ! Deir God ! Quha had beyn by 
And seyn how he sa hardely. 

(Br., vi, 171.) 



Now help God for his mekyll mycht. 
A., 340 (26). 



A ! God that al has for to steir. 

(Leg., xxi, 279.) 
His ferme hope in hym setand 
That has to stere bath se and land. 

(Leg., xxvii, 481.) 
Of Jesu Criste that al can stere. 

(Leg., xi, 151.) 

Granttit wele that thar was ane 
That all thinge steryt ellis nane. 

(Leg., 1. 435.) 
Lowyt fast God of his bounte. (Leg., 

xxv, 471.) 
Der God ! how Alexander sa douchtely. 

A., 387 (22). 
A ! Deir God ! how he was douehty. 

A., 43 (11). 



Leech and medicine. 

There is a medical expression which, taken from the French in 
one case, is intruded or expanded in others, and becomes a metaphor. 



That sail neid as 
(Br., xiii, 46.) 



I trow lechyng. 



Thair host has maid me haill and fer 
For suld no medicine so soyne 
Haff couerit me as thai haf done. 

(Br., ix, 231.) 



Phil, Trans. 1899-1900. 



Thai sail neid I wis leching. A., 42 (15). 
[French has not this. Michelaut, 

132 (25).] 
Thare nedit na leche on thame to Inke. 

A., 366 (12). 

He hes na mister of medecyne. A., 
393 (3). 
[French has this ne na imstier de 

imre.. Add. 16,888, fol. 123.] 
He that heir cummis I underta 
"With ane sweit medicyne sail now 
Mak quyk of that that grevis sow. 

A., 43 (27). 

[French has only cilvus gari de mart. 
Michelant, 133 (12).] 

24 



348 JOHN BARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 

It will be noted that the last example from the Bruce is at 
a point which touches history, being a record of words said to have 
been spoken by Robert the Bruce. We know, however, that the 
speeches of mediaeval kings are usually creations of the historians. 

Hardy of heart and hand. 

Professor Skeat cited the absence of this ' mannerism ' from 
the Troy fragments (Bruce, i, pref., p. 1) as a ground for disputing 
their authorship by Barbour. We may be entirely content to 
have it in the Alexander and the Legends. 

That hardy wes off hart and hand. And hardy als of hart and hand. 

(Br., i, 28.) A., 175 (28). 

A knycht hardy of hert and hand. And hardy vas of hart and hand. 

(Br., xi, 571.) (Leg., xl, 819.) 
That hardy est was of hert and hand. 

(Br., xvi, 234.) 

Adam. 

A reference to Adam is (a) translated from the French, (5) thrust 
into the translation from the French, and (c] thrust into a trans- 
lation from the Latin. 

Sen first that God Adame wrocht. Sene first he made Adame of clay. 
A., 395 (23). (Leg., xxxii, 534.) 

[Apparently not in the French.] 
For sen that God first Adam wrocht. 
A., 402 (14). 

[French has Ca puisque Diex ot fait 
Adam a son plaisir.] 

Anger and joy. 

Sentiments so opposite do not naturally utter themselves in the 
same formula. Throughout the four works all now claimed as 
Barbour's one formula serves. 

Richt angry in his hert he was. (Br., Full odyous in hys hert he was. 

iii, 64.) (Troy fr., ii, 1460.) 

That in hit* hert gret angyr hes. (Br., And in his hart gret anger hes. A., 

viii, 16.) 24 (15). [Intrusion.] 

Into hir hart great anger hes. A., 

431 (19). 
Intill his hert had gret liking. (Br., And in his hart great lyking hes. 

xiv, 17.) A., 338 (14). 

And in his hart gret joy he maid. In his hart wonder glaid was he. 

(Leg., JLXTU, 468.) A., 245 (20). 






JOHN BARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 349 

Great glaidship in hart he hes. A., 

345 (30). 
Sic sorow ine his hart has tane. (Leg., Sic anger was at his hart I wis. A., 

xxxiii, 760.) 386 (3). 

Sic yre in his harte he had. (Leg., 

vii, 622.) 

In harte thai had sike wgrines. (Leg., 
vii, 716.) 

So the same form of words was made to attain perfectly contrary 
purposes. Such a thing is no freak of chance. It merely shows 
the flexibility of a phrase in one man's hand. 



XI. A SECOND CHAPTER OF PARALLELS. 

It is now time to insert without comments another batch of 
parallels, in this case putting the Alexander lines in the first 
column. 

[THE FORRAY OPENS.] 

The Alexander. The Bruce. 

Now rydis the furreouris thair way Now gais the nobill kyng his way 

Richt stoutly and in gude array. Richt stoutly and in gude array. 

2 (25). (viii, 272.) 

Tursit thair harnes halely. 3(11). Thai tursit thair harnass halely. (ix, 

360.) 

His men to him he can rely. 4 (4). His men till him he gan rely, (iii, 34.) 

His men till him he can rely, (iv, 

426.) 

All in ane sop assemblit ar. 4 (16). Syne in a sop assemblit ar. (vii, 567.) 
Ferrand he straik with spurris in hy. See pp. 18, 19. 

4 (22). 

That nouther noyis nor crying maid. That thai maid nouthir noyis no cry. 
3 (14). (xiii, 38.) 

The noyis begouth soyne and the cry. 

(v, 577.) 

Cf. Thare begouth the noyes and The noyis begouth than and the cry. 
cry. 395 (20). (viii, 308.) 

And straik the first so rigorusly. 4 And smat the first so rigorusly. (vii, 
(25). 449.) 

He smat the first sa rygorusly. (vi, 

136.) 
And with his sword that scharply That with his swerd that scharply 

share. - 5 (20). schare. (vi, 643.) 

The sword he swappit out in hy. 5 in hy 

(29). Swappyt owt swerdys sturdely. 

(ii, 362.) 



350 



JOHN BARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



[HEAD-CLEAVING.] 



The Alexander. 



The Bruce. 



And Lyonell with all his maucht. 
"Wpon the hede ane rout him raucht 
That to the schoulderis he him clave 
And dede doun to the erd him draif. 

6(3). 
Of. Firms him smot with all his 

maucht 
And sa rude ane rout hes him 

raucht. 46 (30). 
Manlyke as men of mekill maucht. 

287 (19). 

Forms that had his sword on hicht 
Him raucht a rout with in randoun 

richt 
That of the helm the cirkill he clave. 

400 (22). 

Of. also, 361 (4), 154 (28). 
Than to his menje can he say. 7 (8). 

Aganis men samekill of micht, 8 (19). 

And thay that wourthy ar and wicht. 
9 (31). 

with thair haneris 
And ensigneis on seir maneris . 10(26). 

Lat God wirk syne quhat ever he will. 
11 (25). 
Cf. To leif or die quhidder God 

will send. 21(2). 
Outher leif or dee quhether God 

will send. 256 (30). 
Now cum quhat euer God will 

send. 319 (23). 
I war mar tratour than Judas. 12 (8). 



And to Fhilip sic rout he raucht 
That thoucht he wes of mekill maucht. 

(ii, 420.) 

And swa gret rowtis till him raucht 
That had nocht beyn his mekill maucht. 
(xix, 587.) 

Bot he that had his suerd on hicht 
Raucht him sic rout in randoun richt 
Richt he the hede to harniss clafe 
And him doun ded to the erd drafe. 

(v, 631.) 



/ rvr sa full of grete bounte. 12 (31). 
Tli;it is tultillit of all bounte. 166(24). 
That is fulfil lit of all bounte. 344 (6). 



And till his menjhe can he say. (XT, 

471.) 
Agane folk of sa mekill mycht. 

(xviii, 62.) 
And thai that worthy war and wicht. 

(xix, 786.) 

bricht baneris 
And hors hewit in seir maneris. 

(viii, 229.) 
And tak the vre that God wald send. 

(i, 312.) 
Syne fall quhat evir that God vill send. 

(ix, 32.) 

to tak the vre 
That God will send, (ix, 68.) 

Cf. p. 18. 

Throw a discipill off Judas 
Maknab a fals tratour that ay 
Wes of his duelling nicht and day. 

(iv, 18.) 
Cf. Ine stad of the tratour Judas. 

(Leg., xii, 4.) 

For that wekit tratore Judas 
Familiare to Jhesu wes. (Leg., 

vii, 29.) 
He wes fulfillit of all bunte. (x, 294.) 



JOHN HARBOUR I POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



351 



[THE KING'S MENSE.] 



The Alexander. 
Mantene the kingis mense that day. 

18 (8). 
That we hald of all our halding. 19 

(19). 

Of his great worship and bountie. 20 
(7). 
Cf. For the great worship and 

bountie. 240 (2). 
His worship and his great 

bountie. 102 (32). 
For multitude in fecht oft failjeis. 

20 (25). 
Quha for his lord dois (deis ?) he sail 

be 

Harbreid with Angellis gle. 21 (16). 
Cf. And syne in hewine herbryt be. 
(Leg., xxv, 780.) 



The Kingis freindis sail today 
Be knawen in this hard assay 
Quha lufis his honour he sail be 
Renoumed in this great mellie. 

21 (14). 



The Bruce. 
Quha lufis the kyngis mansk to-day. 

(xvi, 61.) 
That he held of all his halding. (xix, 

66.) 
Of thair worschip and gret bounte. 

(xvi, 530.) 
Of gret worschip and of bounte. (xii, 

380.) 



For multitude mais na victory, (ii, 

330.) 
That he that deis (dois alternative 

version) for his cuntre 
Sail herbryit intill hewyn be. (ii, 340.) 
For hewynnis bliss suld be thair meid 
Gif that thai deit in Goddis serviss. 

(xx, 414.) 

In joy solase and angell gle. (xx, 
252.) 
Cf. In gret joy and angel gle. 

(Leg., xxxv, 254.) 
Hee brocht in heAvyne with 
angel gle. (Leg., xvii, 151.) 
Now dois weill for men sail se 
Quha lufis the kyngis mensk to-day ! 
(xvi, 621.) 



[INCIDENTS AND PERSONAL DESCRIPTIONS.] 

And syne lap on deliverly. 60(13). And lap on hym delyverly. (ii, 142.) 

Cf. Thai lap on hors delyverly. 238 
(11). 

Cf. p. 41. 
And quhen he saw his point that tyde. For quhen that he his poynt mycht se. 

75 (15). (vii, 388.) 

Cf . And quhen that he his point culd 

sie. 45 (14). 

Aud he Iansit delyverly. 79(26). 
With that in hy to him turnit he. 89 



(15). 



And he lansytfurth delyverly. (iii, 122.) 
With that in hy to him callyt he. (iii, 
331.) 



352 



JOHN BARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



The Alexander. 
Quhill in his arsoun dintit he. 99 (18). 

To him I mak na man compair. 1 1 (9) . 
He was baith stith stark and strang, 
"Weill maid with lymmes fare and 
lang. 117 (18). 
Cf . Of all schaip was he richt wele 

maid 
"With annys large and schonlderis 

braid. 42 (2). 

Thair sail nane that is borne of wyfe. 
138 (9). 

better than he 
Micht never of woman borne be. 

423 (19). 

Saw never jit na wyfis sone. 435 (8). 
And with ane spere that sharpely share 
Mony doun to the erd he bare. 

144 (26). 

Ane renk about him hes he made. 
145 (8). 

Repeated 231 (20). 

Thame worthis assale and thame 

defend. 150 (17). 
Thare worthit us defend or assale. 

186(31). 
Outhir to assaill or to defend. 244 

(23). 
Quha ever defend quha euer assail. 

259 (19). 



He hit quhill he lay top our tale. 
285 (25). 

Cf. That top our taill he gart him 
_ ly. 72^(8). 
[Intrusion in translation.] 
At the jet quhare the barrens hewin. 

180 (25). 
With fare visage and sume dele rede. 

191 (17). 

Quhill he umbethocht him at the last 
And in his hart cleirly can cast. 

193 (29). 



The Bruce. 
That he dynnyt on his arsoune. (xvi, 

131.) 

Till Ector dar 1 nane comper. (i, 403.) 
Bot of lymmys he wes weill maid 
With banys gret and schuldrys braid, 
(i, 385.) 



Cf. Fore Johne of wemane best 
barnewes. (Leg.,xxxvi,182.) 



With his spere that richt sharply schare 
Till he doun to the erd him bare. 

(vi, 137.) 
And rowme about thame haf thai maid. 

(xx, 460.) 
That ay about hym rowme he maid. 

(xvi, 196.) 
Gif thai assalje we mon defend, (ix, 

30.) 
And sum defend and sum assale. (xii, 

556.) 
Oft till defende and oft assale. (vi, 

330.) 
For to defend or till assale. (viii, 

283.) 

[Repeated -mi, 242.] 
Till defend gif men vald assaill. (xvii, 

260.) 
Till top our taill he gert him ly. (vii, 

455.) 



At Mary-jet to hewyn had the barras. 

(xvii, 755.) 
In wysage wes he sumdeill gray, (i, 

383.) 

Till he umbethocht him at the last 
And in his hert can umbecast. (v, 55 1 .) 

Cf. And in his thocht kest mony 
way. (Troy, ii, 1989.) 



JOHN HARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



353 



The Alexander. 

That forsy was in field to fecht. 
196 (18). 

Cf. Large and forssy for to ficht. 
258 (29). 

And syne went to the wod away. 

215 (32). 

Had je nocht all the better bene 
Thay had jow slane that men had sene. 
240 (14). 

Had he nocht all the better bene 
He had bene deid forouttin wene. 

380 (2). 
He lap on and went furth in hy. 

296 (12). 



The Bruce. 

Hardy and forcy for the ficht. (xi, 215.) 
And how forsy he wes in fycht. 

(xv, 410.) 
Be stedede forcye for all fyghtes. 

(Troy frag., ii, 510.) 
And. syne vend to the vod avay. 

(v, 561.) 

That had he nocht the bettir beyn 
He had beyn ded forouten veyn. 

(vi, 161.) 

Cf . He had beyn ded foroutyn weyr. 
(vii, 219.) 

Lap on and went with thaim in hy. 
(v, 214.) 



A DINNER!] 






And thay ar anely till dynare 
To ane great hoste that we have here. 
308 (32). 

[French has : Car il sont poi de 
gent pour sa gent desjunner. 
(Add. MS. 16,956, fol. 95.)] 
Cf. With sa quhene that may nocht 

be 

Ane denner to my great menze. 
336 (15). 

[French has : Ce n'est pas une sausse 
pour destremper la moie (Add. 
16,956, fol. 107), but Add. 16,888, 
fol. 98, reads : Ce n'est mie une 
soupe.] 



Bot thai ar nocht withouten wer 
Half deill ane dyner till us here. 

(xiv, 188.) 



[THE BATTLE OF EFFESOUN.] 



And ma into thair first cumming 
"War laid at card but recovering 
The remanent thair gait ar gane. 

362 (26). 
Cf. Amang thame at thare first 

meting 
Was slane but ony uther 

recovering. 29 (14). 
[Intrusion in translation.] 



And weill ost at thar fryst metyng 
War layd at erd but recover} : 

The remanand thar gat ar gane. (viii, 
354.) 



354 



JOHN BARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



The Alexander. 
That speiris all to frushit are. 363 

(26). 

Cf. The speiris all to frushit thare. 

286 (12). 
Durst nane abyde to mak debait. 379 

(16). 
And thay that doutand war to de. 

385 (26). 
His neiffis for dule togidder he dang. 

393 (12). 

That the assemble all to schoke 

And the renkis all to quoke. 396 (26). 

Rede blude ran out of woundis raith. 

401 (30). 

He said he had in alkin thing 
Our lytiU land to his leving. 403 (15). 
[Alexander sighing for more worlds] 



[THE 

Judas Machabeus I hecht 
Was of sic verteu and sic micht 
That thoch thay all that lyf e micht lede 
Come shorand him as for the dede 
Armit all for cruell battale 
Quhill he with him of alkin men 
Micht he ay ane aganes ten. 404 (29). 



Arthur that held Britane the grant 
Slew Rostrik that stark gyant 
That was sa stark and stout in deid 
That of Eingis beirdis he maid ane weid 
The quhilk Kingis alluterly 
War obeysant to his will all halely 
He wald have had Arthouris beird 
And failjeit/or he it richt weill weird l 
On mount Michael slew he ane 
That -i k ane freik was never nane 



The Bruce. 

That speris all to-fruschit war. (ii, 
350.) 



Thai durst nocht byde na mak debait. 

(x, 692.) 
For thai that dredand war to de. (iv, 

417.) 
And thair nevis oft sammyn driff. 

(xx, 257.) 

[This in grief for Bruce's death.] 
That all the renk about them quouk. 

(ii, 365.) 
Till red blude ran of voundis rath. 

(viii, 322.) 

Thocht that Scotland to litill wes 
Till his brothir and him alsua. (xiv, 4 . ) 



WOBTHIES.] 

This gud knycht that so vorthy was 
Till Judas Machabeus that hicht 
Micht liknyt weill be in that ficht 
Na multitud he lorsuk of men 
Quhill he hade ane aganis ten. 

(xiv, 312.) 

Judas Macabeus restoit de tel talant 
Que tint cil du monde Ii fussent an 

devant 
Anne et pour bataille felonnese et 

nuisant 

Ja tant com il eust o soi de remanant 
Un homme contre x nel veist on fuiant. 

(Add. MS., Harl. 16,956, fol. 140>.) 
Artus qui de Bretaingne va le Bruit 

tesmoigniant 
Que il mata Ruston i jaiant en plain 

champ 
Qui tant par estoit fort fier et outre - 

cuidant 
Qui de barbes a roys fist faire i veste- 

ment 

Liquel roy Ii estoient par force obeissant 
Si vot avoir Artus ma is il i fu faillant 



1 This sarcasm (not in the French) is in Morte Arthurr, 1034. 



JOHN BARBOUR: POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



355 



The Alexander. 
Bot gif the story gabbing ma. 405 (11). 



AND 



It was neirhand none of the day. 407 (9). 
And routisroyd about him dang. 407 ( ). 

And he lap on delyverly. 410 (10). 
Cf. And on him lap delyverly. 398(2). 

Cf. p. 37. 

Quhill shulder and arme flew him fra 
And he doun to the erd can ga. 411 (5). 
[French has : 

Souz la senestre epaule que toute li 

coupa 

Et cil chiet du cheval qui tres grant 
dolour a. 

(Add. 16, 888, fol. 132.)] 
Cf. That arme and shulder he dang 

him fra. 5 (22). 
Thare men inicht felloun fechting ee. 

412 (25). 

Thair was ane felloun fechting thair. 
77 (31). 



He rushit doun of blude all rede 
Quhen Porrus sawe that he was dede. 

413 (13). 

Toward thame we raid sa fast 
That we ouertuke thame at the last. 

423 (10). 
Thus mak thay peax quhair weir was 

air. 429 (20). 
[French has : 

Ainsi fu 1' accordance et la guerre 
apaisie. (Add. 16,956, fol. 152 b .)] 
Thay maid thame niekill feste and fare. 
433 (20). 



The Bruce. 
Sur le mont Saint Michiel enrocist i si 

grant 
Que tout cil du pays en furent mer- 

veillant 

En plusours autres lieus si 1'estorie ne 
ment. 

(Add. 16,956, fo. 140 b , corricted by 
Add. 16,888, fo. 129 b .) 

PEACE.] 

Quhill it wes neir noyne of the day. 

(xvii, 659.) 
And rowtis ruyd about thaim dang. 

(ii, 356.) 
And lap on hym delyverly. (ii, 142.) 



That arme and schuldyr flaw him fra. 
(iii, 115.) 



Thair mycht men se men felly ficht. 

(xviii, 460.) 
Thar mycht men felloune fechting se. 

(xx, 418.) 
Ane felloun fechting wes [than] thair. 

(xiv, 294.) 

He ruschit doune of blude all rede 
And quhen the king saw thai war ded. 
(v, 645.) 

Bot the chassaris sped thame so fast 
That thai ourtuk sum at the last. 

(vi, 439.) 
Thus maid wes pess quhar wer wes air. 

(xx, 63.) 



He maid thame niekill fest and far. 
(xvi, 46.) 



356 JOHN BARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



XII. THE EPILOGUE WITH THE ERBONEOUS DATE 1438. 

"When regard is had to the accumulation of evidence now 
adduced it is no longer possible to doubt that Barbour's Bruce 
and the Alexander are from one pen. No imaginable theory of 
copying, no conceivable saturation of one poet's mind with the 
conceptions, the technique, the style, the vocabulary, and the 
mannerisms of another, would offer reasonable explanation of 
resemblances so intimate and so perfectly sustained. Either 
Barbour's Bruce was not written by Barbour, who died in 1396, 
but by the other author whose corresponding work bears date 
1438, or that date in the epilogue of the Alexander, containing 
its two final tirades, is impossible. 

The actual translation of the Vceux du Paon ends on p. 441 of 
the Alexander with the words referring to the death of Alexander 
at Babylon 

He deit thare throw poysoning 
It was great harm of sic ane thing 
For never mare sic ane lord as he 
Sail in this warld recoverit be. 

In the same way closes the French poem in the Harleian MS. Add. 
16,888, fo. 141 (Ward's Catalogue of Romances, i, pp. 146-152) 

Vers la grant Babiloine on en lanprisona 
Las dalant quel domage quant il ci tot fina 
Car puis que li vrais diex le siecle commensa 
Tel prince ne naqui ne james ne naitra. 
Explicit des vouz du paon. 

Following the actual completion pf the Scots translation comes the 
epilogue 

_L short thame that na Romanes can 

this buke to translait I began 

And as I can I maid ending, 

Bot thocht I failxeit of ryming 

Or meter or sentence for the rude, 

Forgif me for my will was gude 

to follow that in franche I land writtin ; 

Bot thocht that I seuin jeir had sittin 

to mak it on sa gude manere 

8a oppin sentence and sa clere 

As is the frenche I micht haue failjeit ; 

For thy my wit was nocht traualit 



JOHN BARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 357 

to raak it sa for I na couth 
Bot said forth as me come to mouth 
And as I said richt sa I wrait ; 
thairfoir richt wonder weill I wait 
And it hes faltis mony fald. 
Quhairfoir I pray baith joung and aid 
that jarnis this romanis for to reid 
For to amend quhair I inysjeid. 

LJi& that haue hard this romanis heir 
May sumdeill by exampill leir 
to lufe vertew attour all thing 
And preis jow ay for to win louing, 
that ^our name may for jour bounte 
Amang men of gude menit be ; 
For quhen ge lawe ar laid in lame 
than leuis thar nathing hot ane name 
As je deserued gud or ill ; 
And 36 may alsweill gif je will 
Do the gude and haue louing 
As quhylum did this nobill King, 
that jit is prysed for his bounte 
the quhether thre hundreth jeir was he 
Before the tyme that God was borne 
to saue our saullis that was forlorne. 
Sensyne is past ane thousand geir 
Four hundreth and threttie thair to neir 
And aucht and sumdele mare I wis. 
God bring us to his mekill blis 
that ringis ane in trinitie. 
Amen amen for cheritie. 

The Erroneous Date. 

To conclude 1438 an error is, as will be conceded from what has 
gone before, no begging of the question. Following closely upon 
the completion of the Bruce in the spring of 1376, Barbour had 
received a royal gift of 10 in 1377, and an hereditary pension 
or annuity to himself and to his assignees was granted in 1378. 
(Exch. Eolls, ii, 566, 597; Registrum Episcopatus Aberdonensis, 
i, 129.) This pension was officially, though at a later period, 
declared to have been given for writing the Bruce " pro com- 
pilacione libri de gestis quondam Regis Roberti de Brus" (Exch. 
Rolls, iv, 457, 520). His public success is evinced in many other 
ways. Prior to 1424 Andrew of Wyntoun had engrossed into his 
Cronykil long extracts which agree almost perfectly with the text 



358 JOHN B ARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 

as we have it now. That "Wyntoun's own style was greatly 
influenced by Barbour is unquestionable, and many and admiring 
references to Bruce 1 s Book are gracious examples of early criticism. 
Wyntoun's quotation from Barbour relative to the contest for 
the Crown in 1292-95 is acknowledged to be quotation (Wyntoun, 
bk. viii, line 177) in the words 

Forthi sayd Mayster Jhon Barbere 
That mekyll tretyd off that matere. 

It thus need not surprise when in the narrative we find an 
occasional couple of lines not absolutely necessary to the sense 
omitted. (Bruce, app. to Prof. Skeat's pref., xciii-cvi.) In another 
place Wyntoun (bk. viii, line 976) refers readers desiring fuller 
particulars to the Bruce 

To that Buke I thaim remyt 

Quhare Mayster Jhon Barbere off Ahbyrdene 

Archeden as mony has sene 

Hys dedis dytyd mare wertusly 

Than I can thynk in all study, 

Haldand in all lele suthfastnes, 

Set all he wrat noucht his [i.e. Bruce' s] prowes. 

To this admiration of Wyntoun for Barbour, indeed, is due the 
absence from, his Cronykil of any record of King Robert's reign. 
That Wyntoun knew Barbour's poem as distinctly a Douglas 
document * as well as a eulogy of Bruce appears from the reference 
to the king's death and burial, Wyntoun thus ending Brace's 
reign as he began it by remitting his readers to Bruce 1 s Book. 

And gud Jamys off Dowglas 
Hys hart tuk as fyrst ordanyd was 
For to bere in the Haly Land. 
How that that wes tane on hand 
Well proportys Brwsis Buk 
Quhay will tharoff the matcre luke. 

(Wyntoun, viii, 3121 a part of the section borrowed by 
Wyntoun from an anonymous source, viii, 2945-64.) 

Thus credentialled beyond the attack of rational scepticism, the 
Bruce stands as a fact of 1376 which cannot be moved. But its 

1 Between 1390 and 1392 Sir James Douglas, of Dalkeith, by his will 
bequeathed "et omnes libros meos tarn civiles et statuta llegni Scotie quam 
Romancie" (Bannatyne Miscellany, ii, pp. 112-114; National MSS. Scotland, 
part iii, No. iv). It is pleasant to find both Stewarts and Douglases patrons of 
literature in Barbour's time. 



JOHN B ARBOUR I POET AND TRANSLATOR. 359 

relations with the Alexander are impossible for an Alexander not 
written till 1438, unless, indeed, John Barbour rose from his grave 
to write it ! 

Treating 1438 as a scribal or printer's error, one has no difficulty 
whatever. This date is the solitary circumstance which stands 
between; that rectified, Barbour infallibly obtains his own by 
a judgment as assured as any literary verdict ever given. The 
rectification, formidable as at first it looks, is of a truth the 
removal of a mere bubble obstacle. Assuming first that the error 
might be scribal, one can point to Barbour's own experiences to 
prove how easily such slips occur. There are in the Legends of the 
Saints not fewer than a dozen dates which differ from the standard 
printed text of the Legenda Aurea, some of them perhaps due to 
copyists' negligence, some undoubtedly due to a curious fault 
possibly inherent in Barbour's own pen whereby " score " is 
wrongly inserted. Here follows a list of dates in the Legends at 
variance with the Latin print : 

Dates and numbers in T _ _ ,._ Refer e n ce to Legends. 

vi, 435. 
xi, 388. 
xx, 368. 
xxiii, 178. 
xxiv, 560. 
xxvi, 607. 
xxx, 739. 
xxxii, 807. 
xxxvii, 343. 
xlii, 274. 
xliii, 625. 
xlv, 352. 
xlv, 307. 
xlvii, 213. 

The unfortunate tendency of Barbour's dates to get wrong is 
quaintly illustrated in the Troy fragments (ii, 3060), where the 
Latin gives 93 as the years of Ulysses, which Barbour expands 
to the ultra-patriarchal age by an additional score, making 

A hundreth ^ere hole and threttene. 

The tendency pursued the worthy man after death, for in the 
very calendar of Aberdeen Cathedral the obit of John Barbour, 
its most renowned archdeacon, is entered as of date 1290 [1390?] 
(Eegistrum Epis. Aberdon., ii, 7), although there is abundant 
proof that he was still living in 1395, but dead in 1396 (Exch. 
Rolls, iii, 368, 395). 



Legenda Aurta. 


in me iegenas. 


9,000 


11,000 


60,000 


70,000 


A.D. 283 


A.D. 388 


372 


377 


398 


328 


1088 


1087 


470 


478 


280 


360 


287 


288 


253 


353 


223 


233 


cccx 


Thre hundre tene jere and ane 


237 


287 


280 


360 



360 JOHN BARBOUR . POET AND TRANSLATOR. 

"While in the nature of things the biographies of saints are 
hardly to be looked to as first-class sources of chronology, and 
while allowance must be made for variations of manuscripts, yet 
as the dates in the Legends are by no means numerous the twelve 
instances above enumerated constitute a formidable percentage of 
error, being not less than one-third of all the dates in the work. 
That some are due to imperfections of the poet's own penmanship 
is likely enough : it would never do to impute to him the impiety 
of deliberately causing minor divergences with the base end of 
mere rime. But in cases reasonable conjecture on the cause of 
error is possible. These are those of A.D. 398-328, 280-360, 
253-353, 237-387, and 280-360. 

Legenda Aurea. Legends. 

(1) cccxcviii. Thre hundir gere twenty & aucht. (xxiv, 560.) 

(2) cclxxx. IIC YIII XX of seris ewyne. (xxxii, 807.) 

(3) ccliii. Thre hundre L jeris & thre. (xlii, 274.) 

(4) ccxxxvii. Twa hundre Ixxxvii gere. (xlv, 307.) 

(5) cclxxx. Twa hundre & aucht score of jere. (xlvii, 213.) 

Instances three and four may be due to an extra c and I respectively 
in some manuscript transition. But observe a confusion in the 
second and fifth, which may explain much. If a printer with all 
the wisdom of the Clarendon Press were asked to transliterate 
IIC VIII XX , what could he make of it but 360 ? And in the last 
example eight score plus two hundred surely the sum he would 
render would be just eighty more than the figure in the Golden 
Legend. 

Applied to 1438, what might this peculiar error whereby any 
given numeral becomes multiplied by 20 instead of by 10 reveal 
as the genesis of a blunder ? Let us suppose that the printer in 
or about 1580 (not by any means over-accurate, as many misprints 
show, and given to printing numbers by using lower-case Roman 
numerals) found his copy quite distinct thus : ccccxxx thairto neir, 
and aucht [etc.], the close analogy of the errors above indicated 
might warrant putative evolutions : 

(A) original ccclxxx. 
changed to ccccxxx. 

or (B) original ccciii"x. (A very common form in fifteenth- century Scotland.) 
changed to cccvi"x. 

The last form of change only involves the dropping of two dots, 
making m into ui, and altering 300 + 60 + 10 into 300 + 120 + 10. 
It would yield as the corrected date of the Alexander the 
year 1378. 



JOHN BARHOUR I POET AND TRANSLATOR. 361 

That, however, is merely a suggestion. The style, diction, and 
rime of the Alexander place it close beside the Bruce, later than 
the Troy, and decidedly earlier than the Legends. Barbour's mind 
was full of the Alexander when he wrote the Bruce. He refers 
distinctly and repeatedly to it, he cites passages which occur in 
the translation, he refers to incidents and translates passages which 
are in the French and are not translated, he was saturated with 
the spirit of the chanson, and there is not a single valid ground, 
except the blundered date in the epilogue, for objecting to the 
conclusion that the translation, which probably began with the 
Avowes, was directly or indirectly a study for the Bruce, though 
not published, if it ever did receive a public form, until after the 
Bruce had given its author his renown. 

Besides, it must not be forgotten that the date 1438 may not be 
a copyist's mistake; it may be a scribe's deliberate act. It was 
a well-known scribal practice to change such dates found in the 
manuscript in course of being copied by substituting the date of 
the scribe's own task. For instance, both the Glasgow University 
MS. (F 6, 14) and the Advocates' Library MS. (35, 5, 2) of the 
Liber Pluscardensis give the date of the work as 1461, while 
the scribe of the Fairfax MS. (Bodleian, Fairfax 8) silently 
changed the date in this passage to 1489, the year in which he 
made his copy. (Fordun ed., Skene, i, pref. xx, xxi; Liber 
Pluscard., i, pref. x-xii.) 

Thus, on received canons of textual criticism the puzzling 1438 
proves to be no Gordian knot. It is hopelessly at variance with 
the work to which it is attached. Whether the error arose from 
a misread numeral or whether a scribe copying in 1438 altered 
his original as he might do with perfectly good faith, without 
falsehood or plagiarism too, as the context shows to suit his own 
time, this date must, for the great purposes of Scottish literary 
history, henceforth cease to be reckoned the date of origin of our 
poem. In the epilogue in those lines which immediately precede 
and follow the date and close a work fit in every sense to stand 
alongside the Bruce the quiet voice of Barbour is unmistakably 
audible. We hear it in these final parallels from the last eight lines : 

Before the tyme that God was borne That God and Man of the wes borne 
To save our saullis that was forlorne. To saufe synful that was forlorne. 

A. 442 (23). (Leg., xviii, 659.) 

And Jhesu in his tyme wes borne 
That sawit us al that ware forlorne. 

(Leg., xxxvi, 923.) 



362 



JOHN B ARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



Three last lines of Alexander. 
God bring us to his mekill bliss 
That ringis ane in trinitie 
Amen amen for cheritie. A. 442 (28). 

Cf . also : 

Bot takes me till hevinnis kinge 
That till his gret bliss sail me 

bringe. (Leg., 1. 603.) 
And for to bruk that mykill blis. 

(Leg., 1. 681.) 



Amen amen for cheritie. 



Three last lines of Bruce. 
The afald God in trinite 
Bryng us hye up till hevynnis bliss 
Quhar all - wayis lestand liking is. 
Amen, (xx, 618.) 
Cf . also five lines earlier : 
Vp till his mekill bliss thame 

bryng. (Br. xx, 613.) 
Also: 

Quhare he that is of hevyn the 

king 
Bring thame hye up till hevynnis 

bliss 
Quhar alway lestand liking is. 

(Br., xvi, 532.) 
Amen amen parcheryte. (Leg., xxv, 

779, end of legend of St. Julian.) 
Sa we amen par cheryte. (Leg., xviii, 
1490, end of legend of St. Mary of 
Egypt.) 

Amen amen amen p[ar] c[herite]. 
(Leg., xlix, 334, end of legend of 
Thekla.) 



It were a counsel of despair to attempt to account on any 
footing of chance or of copying for resemblances which, followed 
all through the poem, still crowd in upon its final 1 words. That 
a heroic poem on Robert the Bruce and a romance of Alexander 
the Great should alike at the close in three lines invoke (1) God 
as "afald" or ane, (2) as "in trinite," inaprayerto (3) "bring us" 
to the (4) "bliss" of heaven, is not less satisfactory than that the 
seventh line from the last of the Bruce should complete the 
similarity by its adoption also of the prayer for (5) "mekill 
bliss " in full. And even (6) the Amen amen for cherite is 
found in the Legends. There is in all this a good deal for three 
lines to carry. 2 



1 A curious and interesting further parallel comes from the last page of the 
Alexander : 

For quhen ye lawe are laid in lame [=loam]. A., 442 (15). 
The king was ded and laid in lame. (Br., xix, 256, ed. Hart.) 

2 I am well aware of the prevalence of such endings. But this, when 
attendant features are remembered, does not take away the piquancy of so many 
points common to the close of Bruce and Alexander. Even as commonplaces 
they would show that the same commonplaces were selected by the poet and the 
translator. 



JOHN HARBOUR ! POET AND TRANSLATOR. 363 



XIII. BlMES. 

Earlier Negative Standards adjusted and reapplied. 

With a case so complete on the substance the necessity to 
consider arguments touching rimes and diction rather tries the 
patience, but as it was through the rimes that the attack was made 
on Barbour' s authorship of the Troy fragments and the Legends, the 
lines of defence from that quarter must be looked to. Happily 
defence from our German friends is secure enough, notwithstanding 
the unfortunate and quite unnecessary capitulation of Prof. Skeat 
and Dr. Metcalfe in 1894 and 1888-96. The rimes themselves 
have already developed the offensive with success (Athenaum, 
27 Feb., 1897, pp. 279-280), and it may be trusted they will be no 
less efficient now, when for the first time Alexander enters the field 
as their ally. 

Briefly, the case on diction is that Barbour could not have 
written the Troy fragments or the Legends because in phrases and 
in vocabulary there were so many marked differences (Bruce, i, 
pref., pp. 1-lii). The critics who discovered these differences, 
which to other eyes are not so very marked, did not notice that 
there were many resemblances both prominent and subtle : they 
forgot that a translation infers the adoption of a vocabulary quite 
away from that which an original composition would have induced : 
they failed to give adequate value to the influence of time in 
works produced at different dates in a poet's career, and they laid 
too little stress on the difference of theme, the inspiring or 
uninspiring conditions of the work, and the physical state of the 
author. And last, but not least, they did not suspect the Alexander, 
which, doubling the area of observation for deducing laws of rime 
and diction, reacts with such effect on the entire argument, driving 
itself like a wedge between the Bruce on the one hand and the 
Troy and the Legends on the other. 

On rimes the question comes to closer quarters. The chief 
contention was that the rime system of the Bruce was too 
materially different from that of the Troy and the Legends to admit 
the possibility of a common author. It was said that Barbour never 
allowed such a word as he ' high ' or e ' eye ' to rime with words 
like be '-be ' or he ' he,' because of the final guttural or after sound 
(heh or hey, egh or ey} proper to these words correctly pronounced 
at that time in accordance with phonetic tradition. Now it is to 
Phil. Trans. 1899-1900. 25 



364 



JOHN BARBOUR: POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



be remembered that this canon begs the whole question of the text 
of Bruce. This process is simple : first you find your canon ; then 
you edit out of your text all that is disconform. However, if the 
text which Professor Skeat prints is correct, then Barbour did at 
least once in the Bruce rime de ' die ' with be ' be ' (Br., xx, 428*). 1 
In fact, the error is in making an absolute law of what is merely 
a fairly sound generalization. It is true that most usually in the 
Bruce these guttural e words are rimed with others of the same 
order. Most usually and therefore the criterion is valuable to 
apply to the Alexander. In that poem the proposition holds 
absolutely as regards five words de 'die' (except once), dre 
'dree,' e 'eye,' he 'high,' and flay 'frighten,' which always rime 
with e guttural. To that extent, therefore, the Alexander has 
nothing to fear from the old rime attack. These crucial rimes 
bring it into very close touch with the Bruce. On the other hand, 
fle ' flee,' le ' lie,' and unsle ' not sly ' rime both ways, thus 
bringing the Alexander into line with the Troy and the Legends. 
Here is a table of all the guttural e rimes in the Alexander : 

Rime and reference to page of 

Rimes in Alexander, words in e not 

Bruce. "Word. guttural being put in italics. Remark. 

fle, he De (die) fle, 51, 222, 228, 294, 363,' As in Bruce, Troy 

365, 380 ; he (high), 48, fr., and Legends. 
379, 380, 385 

be bounte, 417 

he, de Dre le (lie), 169 ; he (high), 150, As in Bruce. 

413 ; unsle, 240 

fle E fle, 131 As in Bruce. 

de, he, e Fle de (see above) ; he (high), 141 ; As in Troyfr. 

e, 131 ; (fleis deis, 138) 
men)ie, 364 ; be, 91-2 

Flay he (high), 319 Correct, 

de, fle He (high) de (die), 348, 379, 385 ; fle, As in Bruce. 

141; flay, 319; dre, 413 
[melle?] Le (lie) dre, 169 As in Troyfr. and 

trewlye, 160 ; be, 105 Legends. 

Unsle dre, 240 As in Legends. 

Pincarny, 143-4 

1 The lines in question, after being printed in the text and annotated as 
"no doubt genuine," were condemned, "for Barbour never rimes be with de. 11 
(Br., notes, p. 295, pref., Ixxvii). So the text is made to give way to the 
11 in. -canon. The lines do not occur in manuscript, but are found in Hart's 
edition, which yields twenty-seven other lines not in the manuscripts, but 
a<-ri-pt, <| as " alums} certainly genuine " by 1'rofessor Skeat. Presumably Hart's 
edition followed the text of an earlier version of 1671. (Br., pref., Ixxvi.) 



JOHN BARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 365 

Thus, while in the Bruce it is true that de (except once), dre, 
e, and he, all in e guttural, never rime with e pure, the same thing 
is literally and exactly true in the Alexander. 

Positive Rime Standards. 

The total list of quite erroneous rimes in the Alexander (apart 
from many, as in the Bruce, in which the vowel concordance is 
strained) makes but a short collection and compares closely with 
that of the Bruce. There are some assonances in the Bruce, for 
instance, the undisputed Bretane, hanie (xviii, 473) and the 
questioned name, Cowbane (xviii, 410, 431), as well as the curious 
Carnavarane, lame (xix, 256, ed. Hart). In the Alexander there 
are six of the same species shame, gane (15), grome, sone (122), 
belyfe, swith (151), blyth, lyfe (355), bargane, lame (396), shupe, 
tuke (399). 1 

Of the misrimes in the Alexander not gerundial, great, baith (439) 
may be compared with laid, grathit of Bruce (v, 387). Persand (for 
Persian, properly Persan), prikand (145) and Fleand, grant (A. 162) 
will stand alongside panch, dance (Br., ix, 398). Slane, drawyne 
(A. 97) has, it is true, no parallel in the Bruce, but in the Troy 
fragments (ii, 813) it has mayne, drawyne. Ydeas, tears (A. 327) is 
certainly dreadful to contemplate as a fourteenth-century foretaste 
of nineteenth-century degeneracy, but sone, fyne (A. 435) is probably 
due to some error of the press. To match some of these may be 
mentioned Bruce rimes: Robert, sperit (v, 13) and ruschit, refusit 
(iv, 145). Thus far the balance of rectitude in rime is to a trifling 
degree against the Alexander and in favour of the Bruce. 

Accordingly, it must be with some curiosity that one watches 
the comparison when there are thrown into it those gerundial 
misrimes which in 1897 were appealed to as a decisive criterion, 
not negative, but positive, for authorship. That an author does 
not use certain e rimes employed commonly enough by others, and 
not incorrect, is valuable up to a point, if it be absolutely sure he 
does not use them : that he uses, on the other hand, incorrect 
rimes, for example in yng, scarcely to be found elsewhere in his 
period, is obviously a fact of much more pregnant note. In 1897 
there was no word of the Alexander: the proposition had regard 
only to the Bruce, the Troy, and the Legends, and the point 
established was that there existed such a peculiarity in Barbour's 

1 The Legends are full of assonances of the same sort. Barbour in his old age 
was not so careful over his saints as he was earlier over his kings. 



366 JOHN BARBOUR I POET AND TRANSLATOR. 

yng rimes as made them a real test. His rime specialty was shown 
to be the liberty he took of now and again riming with yne a gerund 
or verbal noun properly spelt and pronounced yng. Such a mis- 
rime as this found in fourteenth- century Scotland might well be 
reckoned loose to the point of eccentricity. It was first adverted 
to by Professor Skeat, who was struck (Br., ii, pp. 315-16) by 
his list of the examples. "Here take notice," he said, " of 
a remarkable class of words in which the ending -yn or -yne 
(with silent -e] represents the modern -ing at the end of a VERBAL 
NOUN which is always kept quite distinct from the present 
participle ending (in Barbour) in -and." Then follows his list 
of the examples, included in that given below. It is necessary 
to say that the true bearing of this peculiar class of rimes is 
obscured by the brevity of Professor Skeat's note. The verbal 
noun normally in Barbour ends in yng and rimes with yng : the 
examples of yng, yne rime are numerically in a very small minority, 
and almost every repeated word in Professor Skeat' s list is far 
oftener found with the true yng rime than the false yne one. To 
illustrate this by the first on the list, armyng rimes properly with 
letting (iii, 614), with evynning (iv, 398), and with thyng (xx, 341). 
Such spellings as armyne and such rimes as tha,t with syne (xvii, 
263) are thus quite exceptional, even as regards the Bruce itself. 
They are exceptions, but there are fourteen of them. 

In 1897 the present writer said: "In the earlier poetry of 
Scotland this gerundial rime is, as Professor Skeat said, indeed 
remarkable. A faithful search enables me to confirm that opinion. 
I can find no such usage as Barbour's in any other poet. Sporadic 
examples exist, but even these are rare, so rare that in over 70,000 
lines not by Barbour of Scottish fourteenth and fifteenth century 
verse I can (leaving out of account four proper name instances) 
find only four cases (Wyntoun, viii, 5417; Holland's Hotvlat, 
52, 712; Rauf Coil%ear, 60). It is a usage, therefore, more than 
remarkable : it is unique, an integral organic flaw in the rime 
system." (Athenaum, 27 Feb., 1897, p. 280.) 1 

Even had this feature a less outstanding importance than that of 
representing an exceptional license, taken systematically by no 



1 Since these words were written I have seen nothing 1 to qualify them ex(vj>t 
that Mr. J. T. T. Brown has referred me to the Sowdotu> of Babylon, an Kn^lMi 
IMM-III which has hct n ;itti iliiiUxl to the end of the fourtrmth or beginning >t tin- 
fifteenth century. Its rimes are amazingly loose, and comprise very many 
anno nances and equations of yng with yne. 



JOHN B ARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



3G7 



early poet in Scotland save Barbour himself, its unquestionable 
distincti veness of the Bruce would invest the following table of 
comparisons with the utmost critical value. 

Lists of YNG, YNE Rimes. 

This gerundial misrime is, in a word, characteristic of all 
BarLour's work in all it is an exception. It was the test 
which first satisfied me that the author of the Alexander was no 
longer unknown. In the following lists, 1 for the sake of facilitating 
examination, the yng words have been put first. Thus, commandyne, 
syne, and the others will be read as if written " commandyne 
(correctly commandyng] rimed erroneously with syne." Instances 
of words not gerunds have been inserted where, as in ring and 
fling, it is not possible to dispute that the yng or ing termination 
is wronged by its rime. 

Bruce. Troy frag. 

comraandyne, stekinges, 

syne, (i, 255.) engyues. (517.) 
*fechtyn, distribuyne, 

syne, (iii, 241.) syne. (922.) 
*fichtyne, refetyne, 

syne, (iv, 243.) syne. (1445.) 

hontyne, 

fjyne. (iv, 512.) 

mellyne, 

vyne. (v, 405.) 
*cummyng, 

covyng (correctly 
covyne). (ix, 13.) 

hapnyne, 

tyne. (xii, 373.) 

dowtyne, 

vyne. (xiv, 229.) 
*helyne, 

syne, (xv, 83.) 
armyne, 

syne, (xvii, 263.) 
*ti-;innntyne, 

tyne. (xix, 693.) 

welcummyne, 

syne, (xix, 793.) 

governyne, 

medicyne. 

' (xx, 531.) 



Alexander. Legends. 

*helpyne, *thrynde (thrynge), 

tyne. 20 (4). bynde. (i, 86.) 
*armin, curalyne, 

shein. 26 (28). syne, (i, 649.) 
*lyking, baptysing, 

syne. 192 (19). sene. (iii, 73.) 
*armyne, *bidding, 

fyne. 206 (15). done, (v, 373.) 

lesing, *admonestine, 

alpbing. 208 (20). fyne. (xvi, 533.) 

(alphyne,i\iQ correct ourcummyue, 

form, occurs, 211.) wethyrwyne. 

festnine, (xviii, 381.) 

syne. 249 (9). *garninge, 

chapin, wyne. (xviii, 923.) 

win. 259 (28). *clethinge, 

justyne, senesyne. 

syne. 265 (13). (xviii, 991.) 

*carpine, . mornyng, 

thyne. 412 (1). fynd. (xix, 266.) 
*cummyn, *kinge, 

syne. 427 (27). bynd. (xix, 384.) 
[ainyiii; (i'or amaug),*lowynge, 

li-iiniyu. 251 (28). fynd. (xix, 685.) 
Of. Legends, xli, *carpyng, 
327 : pyue. (xxiii, 223.) 

scheuand, *blyssine, 

yraange.] fyne. (xxvi, 379.) 



1 Proper names are purposely omitted, as so many of them are ambiguous, for 
example Dunfermlin. 



368 



JOHN BARBOUR I POET AND TRANSLATOR. 



jBruce. 

*murnyng, 
syne, (xx, 569.) 



Troy frag. 



Alexander. 



Words asterisked 
rime also in 
yng, in the same 
work, many of 
them repeatedly. 



Legends. 

*persawing, 

schyne. (xxvii ,375.) 
*teching, 

discypline. 

(xxvii, 817.) 
*endynge, 

fynde. (xxxi, 805.) 
*schewynge, 

ourcurayne (here a 
past participle). 

(xxxii, 35.) 

thingis, 

wynis. (xxxiv, 83.) 
*reknynge, 

thine. (xxxv, 79.) 
*dinge, 

behynde. 

(xxxvii, 193.) 
*lykine, 

virgine. (xli, 315.) 
*rynge, 

tharein. (xli, 379.) 
*duellinge, 

fyne. (xliii, 491.) 
*flynge, 

bynd. (xlv, 173.) 



Proper names not computed. 



leding, 



conselyne, 



Brechyne. (ix, 120.) Appolyne. (497.) 

restyne, 

Lyne. (ix, 682.) 



The totals are : 



entermetynge, 
Agrippyne. (i, 311.) 
lowing, 
Martyne. 

(xxvii, 27.) 



yng, yne 
rimes. 



Troy frag., 3,000 lines 3 

Bruce, 13,000 lines 14 

Alexander, 14,000 lines 11 

Legends, 33,000 lines 24 



Most noticeable is the recurrence of syne sixteen times, while 
armyne also is common to the Alexander and the Bruce, and tyne, 
thine, shine, fyne, wyne, carpine, cummyne, and lykine, all do duly 
more than once in different lists. Thus, whether negative or 
positive be the arguments from rime, the Alexander emerges from 



JOHN BARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 369 

them all with triumphant consistency as Barbour's, essentially 
harmonizing with the Bruce, and yet again and again revealing 
the affinity of both to the Troy fragments and the Legends. 



XIV. THE PLACE OF THE Alexander. 

Concurrent lines of demonstration, so many and so strong, make 
further argument make even recapitulation superfluous. The 
place of the Alexander, however, is hard to determine, especially 
the question Did it precede or did it follow the Bruce ? Indications 
appear to me quite distinct that the carefully rimed Troy fragments 
were written first of all, followed by Alexander and Bruce or Bruce 
and Alexander, and that the Legends end the chapter. The influence 
of Guido de Columpna on Barbour has been most notable. Barbour 
practised and acquired his trade by translating Guido. Perhaps 
no finer effort did Barbour ever make than in his description of the 
voyage of Bruce to Rachrin, a description as surely inspired by 
Guido 1 as the descriptions of May common to the Alexander and 
the Bruce. The influence of the French Alexander is conspicuous 
in the Bruce also, for, besides the innumerable passages shared with 
the translation, the Scottish poem mentions the Forray and extols 
the valour of Gadifer in lines which embrace a summary of the 
action not found in the original French : 

For to reskew all the fleieris 

And for to stonay the chasseris. (Br., iii, 81.) 

The Alexander translation describing Gadifer's splendid courage 
against the forayers tells also how he set himself 

For to defend all the flearis 

And for to stony the chaissaris. A., 88 (20). 

These words are not in the French (Michelant, 172), but are an 
intrusion of the translator's admirably summing up the situation. 
Contrasts of jlearis and chasaris are common to both Alexander, 
137 (30), 395 (26), and Bruce (vi, 436); besides, Barbour used 

1 Cf. Troy fragments, ii, 1717-1720, with the expanded narrative in Bruce, 
iii, 690-720, especially noting that the Troy liue 1720 repeated in the Jirucc 
Hues 719-20 is not in the Latin. 



370 JOHN BARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 

this very collocation of words in an earlier passage than that 
concerning Gadifer: 

That he reskewit all the flearis 

And styntit swagat the chassaris. (Br., iii, 61.) 

A second direct and scarcely less explicit reference is made to the 
French poem in the Bruce (x, 703), the passage revealing the same 
free principles of translation as those in the rendering of the Forray. 
(Cf. Hichelant, 217-18.) 

But indirect references are yet more fully charged with proofs of 
how much the Bruce owes to the romance. The telling of the 
story of Bannockburn has been shaped by the romance description 
of the Great Battell of Effesoun. Barbour's mind and memory had 
been steeped in the Alexander when he wrote the Bruce, but the 
puzzle is, in some cases, to determine whether Barbour as poet 
influenced Barbour as translator, or vice versa. In one instance 
there can be little doubt. The Alexander, describing the terrible 
slaughter made by Porrus, says : 

Of handis and heidis baith hraune and blude 

He maid ane lardnare quhare he stude. A. 233 (5). 

There is nothing corresponding in the French. 1 One remembers 
how deeply the cruel episode of the capture and sacking of Douglas 
Castle was impressed on the historical memory : 

Tharfor the men of that cuntre 
For sic thingis thar mellit were 
Callit it the Douglas lardenere. (Br., v, 408.) 

Accordingly the translator of the French poem took a lurid and 
telling phrase from a fact of Scottish history and thrust it, a loan 
from the Scots, into his translation. 

The place of the Alexander is in the forefront of the influences 
which shaped the Bruce. As regards style and narrative, and even 
to some extent in plan, the impress of the French romance is vital. 
Historically, perhaps in a good many details, we shall have 
to reconsider ourselves, although the essential ' soothfastness ' 
emphatically remains. Whether the poet made the translation 



1 Cf. A. 232 (32) -233 (8) with Add. 16,956, fol. 66: 

Du poing a tout lespee ot fail son champion 
I,c champ Iciir i'ait \\itlirr .ui il vorllnit ou llou 
I'niir returner tantost au mur a gari-on 
Et les femmes uscrieut u la niort uu larron. 



JOHN BARBOUR : POET AND TRANSLATOR. 371 

first and then wrote the Bruce with direct reminiscences of the 
task dogging him at every turn, or whether he used the technique 
of the Bruce for the subsequent translation of a romance witli 
which he was already intimately familiar, is after all only secondary. 
The broad certainty is that both are direct expressions of a very 
thorough appreciation of the French romance, applied in the one 
case to genuine translation and in the other to the poetic shaping 
of a noble chapter of Scottish annals, a new, admirable, and in 
the deepest sense historic chanson de geste, and that both works 
are approximately of the same date. Beyond this simple conclusion 
a nobler field invites. New gateways are opening into the 
history of literary Scotland in the second half of the fourteenth 
century, when men served as translators their apprenticeship to 
original song served it now as alliterative craftsmen, now with 
octosyllabic rime, perhaps even as they sat side by side at the 
Exchequer table of the Stewart kings and left behind, however 
dim their personal memories, a series of splendid achievements in 
the nascent literature of the North. 






Phil. Trans. 1899-1900. 26 



372 



IX. THE VERB IN THE SECOND BOOK IN 
GIPUSKOAN BASK. By EDWARD SPENCER DODGSON. 

efre yXutraai, iravaovrou- (1 Cor. xiii, 8), sine linguae cessabunt. 

WARNED by Saint Paul that languages will pass away, and finding 
a special though melancholy interest in such which have ceased 
to be spoken, even as Cornish did in the last century, the 
Philologist ought to aim at preserving all that may still be found 
out about any which are in danger. Assyrian and Etruscan are 
interesting in much the same way as a collection of implements 
from the age of stone. But a language like Bask is important and 
instructive in the same way that the machinery of Signer Marconi, 
and his imitators and rivals, is. It is destined to convey the 
thoughts of men who will live in the twentieth century. It has 
some, however little, hope in it. The oldest known book in any of 
the dialects of a language that is threatened with death, such as 
Ainu, Finnish, Manx, Maori, Roumansch, or Wendish, deserves 
especial attention. For such a work shows us how the dialect was 
written in the most youthful period of its life of which we possess 
any record. It must be respected as an incundbulum. Bask, or 
Heuskara, is in a state of decadence. I recognize it with sorrow. 
The Basks, or Heuskara-holders as they are called in their own 
speech, Heuskal-dunak, are responsible for this themselves, as 
two of their best writers in the eighteenth century, Cardaberaz 
and Larregi, boldly told them. The clergy are the chief culprits 
in the matter. They are now Heuskara-losers \ If Heiiskara be 
spoken and written a hundred years hence, I fear it will be so 
spoiled by a " corrupt following " of erdarismsy that it had better 
not have lived to be so old, and one might well chant to its 
memory the lilting lines of ''the German Mezzofanti," Dr. G. I. J. 
Sauerwein, of the University of Goettingen, on The Death of 
a Language* The dialect of the Provincia de Gipuskoa has some 

1 See his brochure entitled ** Au dernier moment. Pnslsmptuin clu Livre dcs 
Salutations," etc. (Leipzig, 1889.) 



r.ASK CATECHISMS OF THE 17 & 18 TH CENTURIES. 373 

claim to be considered the best, and may be treated as a standard 
specimen. It is the most central and the most beautiful, especially 
as spoken by its oldest and most unlearned owners. It possesses 
the largest number of printed books. But one wonders what the 
Ipuscoani were about in "the dark backward and abysm of time" 
that lies behind the production of the oldest ! of them. The other 
dialects can boast of firstborns in the sixteenth century, though all 
were then already sadly mammocked in the mouth. The booklet 

1 The oldest known book in Gipuskoan Bask is entitled "Doctrina Christianaren 
Explicacioa Villa Franca Guipuzcoaco onetan euscaraz itceguitendan moduan Erri 
Noble onen instanclnz <'*(>< >-i tit- aban beraren Vicario, eta Capellau D. JOSEPH 
OCHOA de ARINEG : Pueblo onetaco Aurmy iracastcco. DEDICATCEN 
DIO Erri Ilustre oni Cartilla au. ETA Villa Francaco Erriac con*a<irat.<-t ,lin 



CORRIGENDA. 

Page 374, line 16 after Astete insert the Jesuit. 

386, 4 from bottom . . after pi. insert nae = those who. 
QQ7 99 . for 1761 read 1741. 

,, OI7< , ,, "A .... .' 



______ 



essa 



y. 

The author, N. de Zubia (= the bridge, literally two-tree, as bridges in Baskland 
often are), as Don J. M. Bernaola of Durango told me, "era de esta villa." 
Now Durango is in the heart of Biscay a. The interesting Biscay an catechism 
of Zubia is only known by a reprint included in a book by J. de Lezamis, 
numbered 42. b. by M. Viuson, printed in Mexico in 1699, and dedicated to 
the Dean and Chapter of the Cathedral Church of Santiago de Galicia. With 
reference to this, the keeper of the archives of that church, known to literature 
as the author of a novel in Gallego, A Tecedeira de Bonaval, kindly sent me 
the following note (received 12th November, 1900) : "En la biblioteca de este 
Cabildo, ni en la de este Seminario no se conserva ningun ejemplar de la obra 
de Lezamis de que V. habla. Lo que comunico a V. autorizandole para que 
de ello haga el uso que le parezca. Suyo afmo s.s. q.b.s.m. Autouio Lopez 
Ferreiro." It is not in the British Museum either. One finds there, however, 
another book by the same writer ; his Breve relation de la vida y mucrte del 
7). F. de Amfat >/ .SVv/.w, etc. ; .Mexico, 1699. (4986. bbb. 8.) 



The booklet of Znbia, reproduced from he/amis, was published in Ln 
<lc Lni</>i'*t'<t/i</' in 1888 (not 'S? as M. Yinson says), with too many misprints. 
The British Museum possesses the Aw/'/'/^/>f Astete printed at llnr-iis iii 1766 ; 
and the translation of it by Ira/u/ta published at Tolosa in 1820. As this 
booklet has the same number of pa^es as the editions of the eighteenth century, 
the following index seWrea in >ome measure for it al-o, though it likewise i 
onpaginated. 



372 



IX. THE VERB IN THE SECOND BOOK IN 
GIPUSKOAN BASK. By EDWARD SPENCER DODGSON. 

eire yXwffffat, iravvovrou.' (1 Cor. xiii, 8), sine lingua cessabunt. 

WARNED by Saint Paul that languages will pass away, and finding 
a special though melancholy interest in such which have ceased 



any reuorcn xu muuu uu xu^^ . . . ., 

Heuskara, is in a state of decadence. I recognize it with sorrow. 
The Basks, or Hcuskara-holders as they are called in their own 
speech, Heuskal-dunak, are responsible for this themselves, as 
two of their best writers in the eighteenth century, Cardaberaz 
and Larregi, boldly told them. The clergy are the chief culprits 
in the matter. They are now Heuskar a -losers ! If Heuskara be 
spoken and written a hundred years hence, I fear it will be so 
spoiled by a " corrupt following " of erdarisms, that it had better 
not have lived to be so old, and one might well chant to its 
memory the lilting lines of " the German Mezzofanti," Dr. G. I. J. 
Sauerwein, of the University of Goettingen, on The Death of 
a Language. 1 The dialect of the Provincia de Gipuskoa has some 

1 See his brochure entitled " Au dernier moment. Postscriptmn ilti Livre des 
Salutations," etc. (Leipzig, 1889.) 



HASIv CATECHISMS OF THE 17'" A: 18 CENTURIES. 373 

claim to be considered the best, and may be treated as a standard 
specimen. It is the most central and the most beautiful, especially 
as spoken by its oldest and most unlearned owners. It possesses 
the largest number of printed books. But one wonders what the 
Ipmcoani were about in "the dark backward and abysm of time" 
that lies behind the production of the oldest l of them. The other 
dialects can boast of firstborns in the sixteenth century, though all 
were then already sadly mammocked in the mouth. The booklet 

1 The oldest known book in Gipuskoan Bask is entitled "Doctrina Christianareii 
Explicacioa Villa Franca Guipuzcoaco onetan euscaraz itceguitendan raoduan Erri 
Noble onen instancing wr'irllu crban bcrare 



bcraren Vicario, eta Capellatt D. JOSEPH 
OCHOA de ARINEC : Pueblo onetaco Aurray iracasteco. DEDICATCEN 
DIG Erri Ilustre oni Cartilla au. ETA Villa Francaeo Erriac consagratcen dio 
here Patrona Soberana MARIA Santissima Assiunpciocoari. Urte IHS 1713. 
DONOSTIAN: PEDRO de UGARTE, ren Echean." Of this the British 
Museum possesses a perfect copy, bought for 3 10s. Od. on the 29th of 
December, 1863, at the Standish sale. Its cote or press-mark is 3506. aa. 28. 
It is less important than the Doctrina of Irazuzta ( = fern-harvest] inas- 
much as, having never beeu reprinted, it represents only a momentary phase 
in the life of the language. This copy is not mentioned by Mr. J. Vinson 
in his Biblioyntphie de la Lang ue Basque (Paris, 1891 & 98). There, under 
the number 45, he refers to two others, which lack apparently the three 
pages, at the end of that in the Museum, containing the "FEE DE 
ERRATAS, Que se Italian en esta Cartilla imprcssa." With reference to 
these twain, M. Vinsou wrote to me on the 14th November, 1900: "Les 
proprietaires des Nos. 42. b. et 45 ne m'ont pas autorise a vous donner leurs 
noms ; leurs Bibliotheques ne sont pas publiques, et ils ne veulent pas qu'on 
puisse venir les ennuyer. Je ne connais aucun exemplaire du 42. a." The 
book dated 1691, numbered 42. a. in M. Vinsons catalog, appears to be 
quite lost. It was the earliest book in Bask, if not the first known book, 
among those imprinted in San Sebastian, the modern capital of Gipuskoa. Its 
printer seems to have been the same Pedro de Ugarte, though he then spelt the 
name Huarte. But, being in Biscayan, it does not concern the present essay. 
The author, N. de Zubia (= the bridge, literally two-tree, as bridges in Baskland 
often are), as Don J. M. Bernaola of Durango told me, "era de esta villa." 
Now Durango is in the heart of Biscaya. The interesting Biscayan catechism 
of Zubia is only known by a reprint included in a book by J. de Lezamis, 
numbered 42. b. by M. Vinson, printed in Mexico in 1699, and dedicated to 
the Dean and Chapter of the Cathedral Church of Santiago de Galicia. With 
reference to this, the keeper of the archives of that church, known to literature 
as the author of a novel in Gallego, A Tecedeira de Bonaval, kindly sent me 
the following note (received 12th November, 1900) : "En la biblioteca de este 
Cabildo, ni en la de este Seminario no se conserva uingun ejemplar de la obra 
de Lezamis de que V. habla. Lo que comunico a V. autori/andole para que 
de ello haga el uso que le parezca. Suyo afmo s.s. q.b.s.m. Antonio Lopez 
Ferreiro." It is not in the British Museum either. One finds there, however, 
another book by the same writer ; his Breve rclacion de la vida >/ mucrte del 
Rehor 7). F. de Aouiar >/ ,sv y.^.v, etc. ; .Mexico, 1699. (4986. bbb. 8.) 

The booklet 01 Zubia, reproduced from Le/amis, was published in /." 
de .L>n<jttixt'<(]iie in 1888 (not '87 as M. Vinson says), with too many misprints. 
The British Museum possesses the Ihtrti-'nm of Astete printed at Unr-os iii 1766 ; 
and the translation of it by Ira/.u/.ta published at Tolosa in IS'JO. As this 
booklet has the same number of pa<;v< as the editions of the ei^htrenth century, 
the following index sewes in some measure for it also, though it likewise u 
pnpaginated. 



374 DODGSON GIPUSKOAN CATECHISM OF IRAZUZTA. 

of Don Juan de Irazuzta, though in date only the second known, 
is yet a noteworthy landmark or monument. For it introduces the 
golden age of Gipuskoan, which may be considered closed with the 
death of J. I. de Iztueta in the year 1845. It is weighty as 
belonging to the period that elapsed between the publication by 
the great Don Manuel de Larramendi of his El Impossible Vencido 
in 1729 and that of his Diccionario Trilingiie in 1745. Its title is: 
" DOCTRINA CHRISTIANA EGUINZUANA ERDARAZ. Aita Gaspar Astete 
Jesuitac. IPINIDU EUSQUERAZ. D. Juan de Irazuzta, 
Erretore Hernialdecoac, cena dan Provintcia Guipuzcoacoan, 
bere Feligresiaco aurrari Doctrina eracusteco, eta anaditcen dio 
Encarnacioco, eta Eucaristiaco mysterioen esplicacioa, baita ere 
confesio on baten condicioac, eta Acto Fedeco, Esperantzaco, eta 
Caridadecoac. Imprimitudu Irufieco Ciudadean. Urte 1742. 
Licencia necessarioquin" That is to say, "The Christian Doctrine 
which Father Gaspar Astete made in Erdara (i.e. Romance or 
Castilian). Don Juan de Irazuzta, 1 Rector of Hernialde, which 
is in the Province of Gipuskoa, has put it into JEuskera, (i.e. Bask) 
to teach the Catechism to the child (sic} of his parish, and adds 
thereto the explanation of the mysteries of the Incarnation and 
of the Eucharist, yea, and also the conditions of a good confession, 
and the Acts of Faith, Hope, and Charity. He has printed it in 
the city of Pamplona, year 1742, with necessary licence." This 
book was doubtless often reprinted during the next fifty -five years. 
The only known copy of it is preserved in the Royal Public 
Library in Berlin, within a stones throw of the statue of Wilhelm 
von Humboldt. Its press-mark is H 8764. An edition, which 
we must count as the second, appeared with altered title in 1797 
at Tolosa, the capital, till 1866, of Gipuskoa. Of this, the only 
known copy is to be found in the same collection. It bears the 
press-mark H 8762, and a printed note to say that it is "Ex 
libris a Guilelmo L. B. de IhunloUt - fay tiling The books are 
numbered 62. a. and 62. b. respectively in the * Bibliographie ' of 
Mr. J. Vinson ; in which it will be seen that the titles are not 
rightly copied. The original books contain 72 pages each, but 

1 Don I.uras Ah. IK/, lln- promt Krutor o! Ilcniialdr [-- side (of Mount) 

I Iimio] told me that 1). .lu.m Kraiiri-ro dr Ira/u/ta la t'rkisu, bum at 

Hi niiuldu on the f>lh of May. KiS?. was Kirtor then- from 1718 till 1753, when 
I \\as promoted 1< Hir adjoining living of Alkisa. 

i MI .-mni account 11! the visit paid to Haskland liy tlii-- Irarurd spivrh- 

! \plor<;r, w- " (iiiillauinc <lc lluiiilioldt ct I/ K-pajrur,'' 1 liy l'rlVssr Artui" 
l-aiim-lli, of Iniultruck. (1'aris, 1898.) 






DODGSON VERBAL FORMS IN GIPUSKOAN BASK. 

these are not numbered. 1 Considering the enormous influence 
which continual reprints of this work have had upon the Gipuskoan 
language, I now step on to what I feel sure that the patient 
members of the Philological Society will appreciate and oy<?rstand, 
if I may coin the verb; and I ask them to imbook it in their 
Transactions ; namely, 

AN INDEX TO THE 207 FORMS OF THE VERB USED IN 
THE CATECHISM OF IRAZUZTA IN 1742, 

Showing the Alterations observed in the Edition of 1797, the 
Parsing and Translation of each Form, and the Number of Times, 
and the Pages on which, it occurs. 

EARVM MODVM FORMAMQVE DEMONSTRAT. 

(C. Julius Caesar, De Bello Gallico, V, Cap. 1.) 

BETOR. (Twice) 4, 23. Let it come. Imperative sing. 3rd 
person. From the irregular intransitive verb etor or etorri. (El 
Arte del Bascuenze in El Impossible Vencido, p. 168.) 

BIDI. (4 times) 4, 23, 24 (bedi in the second edition). Let it 
be. Imp. sing. 3 pers. intrans. auxiliary. (El Arte del JB., p. 159.) 

DA. (117 t.) 4, 5, 9, 10, 11, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, 
23, 27, 29, 30, 31, 32, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 46, 47, 
50, 51, 53, 54, 56, 58, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68. It is. 
Indie, pres. sing. 3. Verb substantive and auxiliary intransitive. 
The root of all forms attributed to the verb subs, and aux. 
intrans. is izan = been. See the note on du. 

2 DADUCA. 63. He holds it. Indie, pres. sing. 3, with accu- 
sative sing. Verb possessive irregular eduki or iduki. 

2 DADUCAN. 26. (That] lie holds it. I.q. daduca with the 
conjunctive termination n superfluously added, introduced by 
cenac. 

- DADUCAT. (4 t.) 52, 66, 68. / hold it. Indie, pres. sing. 
1 pers. with ace. sing. Verb poss. irreg. eduki. 

1 For this reason the making of this finding-list has been no ra>y task ; and 
"the bore of the matter" is that it will not be fully useful till a paginated 
reprint of the catechism come out. Some of the forms in this list have the 
prefix ba glued on to them in the original. It appears here only with the forms 
beginning in 7, where it means if. C, and C before e and i, and TZ, are classed 
with Z, as they w r ould now be written. Y is put with /. G is always hard, 
fin guc, yui, quc, qui is silent, and now left out, q becoming /. 

2 In some dialects the third letter in these three words is deducted. 



376 DODGSON VERBAL FORMS IN GIPUSKOAN BASK. 

DAGO. (16 t.) 5, 23, 27, 56, 57, 58. He stays, or is. Ind. 
pres. sing. 3. Verb irreg. intrans. egon. 

DAGO ALA.. 65. Staying; while he stays. I.q. dago with 
a euphonic before la as participial ending. 

DAGOAN. (7 t.) 21, 40, 49, 57, 68. (That] it stays. I.q. 
dago with a euph. before n conjunctive governed by lecela or nola, 
or introduced by cergatic or cena. After these last two words at 
least this n is superfluous, and would not, I think, be used by 
modern writers. 

DAGOAfiTA. (9 t.) 9, 10, 27, 33, 34, 63, 68. (The fact) that 
he stays ; that man (or ivoman) who stays. I.q. dago with a euph. 
before n conj. or relative, declined with a = the. On pp. 9 and 
68 the termination na, meaning the fact that, in which the n is the 
conjunction that and the a the definite article the as ace. sing, has 
been altered in the second edition into the simple conjunction 
la = that, without changing the sense. Such a use of na is not 
uncommon in Spanish Bask. See below dana, zana, cituana, 
zuana. In the other places the na is made of n the relative 
pronoun = who in the nominative, declined with the definite article 
or demonstrative pronoun a = that, the, in the accusative or nom. 
intrans. sing. This second na = that which, him or he who. On 
p. 21 the original has dagoanac, rectified in 1797. 

DAGOANAREN. 27. Of the. or that (woman) who stays. I.q. 
dago with a euph. n. rel. = who and aren the poss. case sing, of a 
the def. art. or demonstrative. This naren means of her who. 
For aren as an independent demonstrative see p. 30, Aren 
ministroac = His ministers, p. 31, Aren mandamentuac = His com- 
mandments. Aren like illius is genderless. 

DAGOANARI. (2 t.) 34. To him or her who stays. I.q. dago 
with a euph. n rel. = who and an the dative case sing, of a def. 
art. or dem. Thus nari = to him or her who. 

DAGOANAZ. 27. Of or about her who stays. I.q. dago with 
a euph. n rel. = who and az the mediative or instrumental case of 
a def. art. or dem. naz = about her who. 

DAQUIZUN. (5 t.) 22, 28, 35. That thou (= you) biowest it. 
Ind. pres. pi. 2 (sing, sense), 1 with ace. sing. Verb irreg. trans. 
iakin. The final n is the conj. that introduced by nola = hoic that. 



1 The 2nd person of respect is plural in form, but used like English >/<< in 
addressing an individual less familiarly than with the thou - and -thee- ing forms. 
The real 2nd person plural = ye differs by its ending. 






DODGSON VERBAL FORMS IN GIPUSKOAN BASK. 377 

DALA. (5 t.) 9, 11, 62, 67, 69. He being ; while he is; that 
(there) is. I.q. da, verb subst. followed, p. 67, by the conj. la = 
that-, and in the other places by the participial termination la 
turning is into being or while . . . is. 

DAN. (50 t.) 1, 8, 10, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, 27, 28, 35, 37, 38, 
39, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 61, 62, 69. Who or which is; (that) . . . is. 
I.q. da with (a), p. 62, n conjunctive ruled by becin ; (b) n con- 
junctive introduced by etna, cer, ceuean, cergatic, and really 
superfluous, pp. 1, 8, 27, 28, 35, 39, 53, 55, 56, 69; (c) n rel. 
nominative, pp. 8, 17, 18, 20, 37, 38, 51, 54, 55, 56, 61. 

DANA. (13 t.) 2, 8, 9, 22, 50, 65, 68, 69. That which is; the 
(fact) that he is. I.q. da with (a) n rel. nom. decl. nom. intrans. or 
ace., pp. 2, 50, 65, 69, i.e. na = that which (b) na the conj. n and 
the def. art. a such as we have seen in dagoana = the (fact) that, 
pp. 8, 9, 22, 68. This na has been changed into la = that in the 
second edition except in three places on p. 8. The logical effect 
of the change is nil. 

DANAGrAN. 37. In the (person) who is. I.q. da aux. with n 
rel. nom. decl. locative, that is followed by agan, the old locative 
case of the def. art. or dem. a. nagan = in him, or her . . . who. 
See danean. 

DANAREQUIN. 60. With that in which he is. I.q. da with 
n rel. in the temporal case or locative of time, 1 followed by or 
declined with arekin, the unitive or copulative case of a = the, 
that. Thus arekin = with that (time), n = during which, da = 
he is. 

DANEAN. (3 t.) 13, 42, 50. When he is. I.q. da with n rel. 
in time - case * and e euph. decl. with an the locative of the def. 
art. or dem. a. nean = at the (time) in which, i.e. when. Cf. danagan, 
the proper locative. 

DATJDE. 3. They stay, or are. (A contraction of dagode.) 
Ind. pres. pi. 3. Verb irreg. intrans. egon, often synonymous with 
izan. 

DATJDEN. (Twice) 15, 22. (That) they stand. I.q. daude 
with n the conjunction ruled by becela, postpositively. 

DAUDENAC. (Twice) 27, 48. Those who stand. I.q. daudt 
with n rel. nom. pi. declined with ac, the nom. pi. intrans. of the 
article a. nac = those who. 

1 This case is, of course, peculiar to the declined verb, and illustrates one of 
the most convenient functions of the wonderful link-letter n. See dczunean, 
dijoancan, diradenean, ditanean, geradenean, naizanean, zanean. 



378 DODGSON VERBAL FORMS IN GIPUSKOAN BASK. 

DAUZCA. 55. He holds them. Ind. pres. sing. 3, ace. pi. 
Verb irreg. trans, iduki. 

DEB AN. 10. Who has it. Ind. pres. sing. 3, ace. sing, with 
n rel. nom., synonym of duan. 

DEBELA. 21. That they have it. Ind. pres. pi. 3, ace. sing. 
Verb poss. with the conjunction la = that. Synonym of duela = 
dutela. 

DEDAN. (Twice) 12, 49. That I have it, when I have it. I.q. 
det with the euphonic change of t into da before (a), p. 12, n, the 
relative in the time-locative, followed by guztian = every (time') ; 
(b) p. 49, n the conjunction = that, ruled by ceren = that or because. 
In the second edition dedan, p. 12, was rightly turned into dan, 
making the construction passive and impersonal. 

DEDANA. 68. That which I have. I.q. dedan with n rel. ace. 
decl. ace. na = that which. 

DEGUIGTJLA. 25. That he may have (or do) it to us. Sub- 
junctive pres. sing. 3, ace. sing, with the dative plural of the 1st 
person, to us. Verb irreg. trans, aux. egin used for ukan. 

DEGUTOZULA. 49. That thou (= you) mayest do, or have, it to 
him. Subj. pres. pi. 2 (sing, sense), ace. sing, with indirect object 
in the dative sing. Verb irreg. trans, aux. egin for ukan. This 
word was changed into guiozu in 1797, i.e. imp. instead of subj., 
oratio recta instead of obliqua. 

DEGU. 44. We have it. Ind. pres. pi. 1 ace. sing. aux. act. 
This form is introduced by cergatic. Yet the author departs from 
his usual custom and does not put it into the conjunctive form 
degun like dan, dagoan, daducan. 

This shows that the conj. n ruled by cergatic is superfluous. It 
is like the that after ly cause in Old English. 

DEGULA. 40. While we have it. I.q. degu with la participial. 

DEGUN". (3 t.) 14, 37, 43. Which (it) we have, that we have it. 
I.q. degu poss. and aux. with (a) p. 14, n rel. ace. sing. ; (b) p. 37, 
n conj. ruled by becela\ (c) n conj. superfluous, introduced by 
cenetatic. 

DEGUNA. 14. That which we have. I.q. degu, poss. with 
n rel. decl. with the article a in the accusative, na = that which. 

DEITZA & DERITZA. (4 t.) 18, 38, 39, 61. It is called to 
him (i.e. his name is). Leritza occurs on pp. 18 and 61 ; and ddtza 
on pp. 38 and 39 became deritza in 1797. The same uncertainty 
in pronouncing this verb still exists in Gipuskoa. Ind. pres. 
sing. 3, with ind. obj. dat. sing, for the thing named, the subject 



DODGSON VERBAL FORMS IN GIPUSKOAN BASK. 379 

being the name ; thus, p. 61, latari = to the one, deritza = the name 
u y Contricioa = contrition (the). From the irreg. intrans. verb 
eritz, eritzi, a root producing various shoots. 

DET. (29 t.) 5, 9, 13, 15, 20, 22, 28, 35, 52, 59, 66, 67, 
68, 69. 1 have it. Ind. pres. sing. 1, ace. sing. Verb possessive 
and aux. act. 

DEZADAN. 35. Let me have it. Conjunctive, as Optative, 
pres. sing. 1, ace. sing. aux. act. 

DEZAGULA. 24. That we may have it. Conj. i.q. dezagun 
with eclipse of n before la = that, or the use of la rather than n. 

DEZAGTJJST. (4 t.) 6, 27, 28, 45. That we may have it, let m 
have it. Conj. in imp. (p. 27) and final sense, pres. pi. 1, ace. sing, 
aux. act. On pp. 6, 28, 45, the termination tzat = in order that is 
understood with it. 

DEZAQUE. (Twice) 65. Coud he? Potential pres. sing. 3, 
ace. sing. aux. act. 

DEZAQUEDANA. 69. That which I can. (accus.) Pot. fut. 
sing. 1, ace. sing. aux. act. formed from dezaquet by changing t 
into euphonic da before the rel. n ace. decl. ace. nathat which. 

DEZALA. 24. That he may have it. Conj. pres. sing. 3, rel. 
sing. aux. act. formed from dezan (or deza) by the suffixing of the 
conj. particle la = that. 

DEZAZUN. 2. That thou (=you) mayest have it. Conj. final 
. pres. pi. 2 (sing, sense), ace. sing, with tzat understood after it; 
aux. act. In 1797 it rightly became dezagun. 

DECEEN. (Twice) 28. That they may have it. Conj. final 
(as if followed by tzat) pi. 3, ace. sing. aux. act. In 1797 it 
became, 1. 6, dezaen=dezaten and, 1. 9, decen. 

DEZU. (24 t.) 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 27, 
28, 40, 47, 63. Thou (respectfully = you of un-Quakerly English) 
hast it. Ind. pres, pi. 2 (sing, sense), ace. sing. Verb poss. and 
aux. act. 

DEZUENA. (Twice) 15. That which you have. Ind. pres. 
pi. 2 (the real plural), ace. sing. Verb poss. and aux. act., with 
n rel. ace. sing. decl. ace. sing, from dezue and na = that which. 
The nom. of dezu is zuc, but that of dezuena is zuc, eta Erromaco 
Elizac, i.e. thou ( = you), and the Chtirch of Rome. 

DEZTJLA. 3. While thou (=you) hast it. I.q. dezu, aux. act, 
with la participial. 

DEZUN. (7 t.) 22, 26, 28, 35. Wliich thou (= you) hast; 
that thou (=you) hast it. I.q. dezu, aux. act. with (a), p. 26, 






380 DODGSON VERBAL FORMS IN GIPUSKOAN BASK. 

w rel. ace. = which; (I) n conj. introduced by cer. This second n 
is a that which would be superfluous in English, but not in Bask. 

DEZUNEAN. (4 t.) 12, 20, 22, 26. When thou (= you) 
hast it. I.q. dezu aux. act. with n rel. = in which, e euph. and an 
the locative of time from a = the. nean = at the time in which. 

ezDIATORDE. 41. It comes not to them. Wrongly altered into 
dator in 1797. It is to be noted as not being eztiatorde. Ind. pres. 
sing. 3, indirect object dat. pi. Yerb irreg. intrans. etor or etorri. 
1766; "y llamarse mortales, no les quadra tan bien"; "eta 
mortalac deitzea ez dator am ongui," 1826. Dator is not datival. 

DIAZADALA. 21. Became dizadala in 1797 and 1826. Have 
thou (= you) it to me! Imp. sing. 2, ace. sing. ind. obj. dat. 
sing. 1, aux. act. La conj. = that is not translated when ending the 
imperative. The Castilian is " Esso no me lo pregunteis a mi." 

DIAZAGULA. (Twice) 24. That he may have it to us. It 
became dizagula in 1797 and 1826. Subj. pres. sing. 3, ace. sing. 
ind. obj. dat. pi. 1, aux. act. la = that. (See the two next forms.) 

DIAZAGUN. 40. Became dizagun in 1797. (In order) that 
it may have it to us. Conj. final, as if ending in tzat, pres. sing, 
ace. sing. ind. obj. dat. pi. 1, aux. act. (See diazagu-la.) 

DIATZAYZULA. 25. That he may have them to us. An 
evident misprint, altered into dizagula in 1797 and 1826; but it 
should be dizkitzagula or dizazkigula, as the accusative pecatuac 
is plural. Subj. pres. sing. 3, ace. pi. ind. obj. dat. pi. 1, aux. 
act. with la = that. 

DIDALA. 68. Became dirala in 1797 (cf. diuztazula). That 
he will have it to me. Subj. pres. sing. 3, ace. sing. ind. obj. dat. 
sing. 1, aux. act. la conj. = that. The accusative u bere gracia eta 
gloria " = his grace and glory, has the appearance of being plural ; 
but, as is common in Bask, the eta here is disjunctive. That the 
accusative is ruled here distributively is made clear in the second 
edition, where a comma follows gracia. The same idiom is found 
in Old English, which psychologically much resembles Bask. 

DIDAN. 67. A misprint, rightly replaced by diraden in 1797. 

DID ANA. 66. That which he has to me. Subj. pr. sing. 3, 
ace. sing. ind. obj. dat. sing. 1. The n final is used as n the rel. 
pron. ace. sing, (the two ens being, so to speak, melted together), 
decl. ace. sing. aux. act. na = the or that which. 

DIDAZULA. 52. That thou( = you) hast it to me. It became 
dirazula in 1797, as did diuztatzula and diuztazula. Subj. pres. pi. 
(sing, sense) 2, ace. pi. ind. obj. dat. sing. 1, aux. act. la conj. that. 



DODGSON VERNAL FORMS IN GIPUSKOAN BASK. 381 

DIDILLA. (Twice) 23, 59. May it be. It became dedilla in 
1797 and 1826. Imp. sing. 3, aux. intrans. bidi and bedi are 
simpler synonyms of this word. 

DIDIN. 40. (In order) that it may be. Conj. final, as if 
ending in tzat, sing. 3, aux. intr. Compare didi-lla. 

DIEGTJ. 27. We have it to them. Ind. pres. pi. 1, ace. sing, 
ind. obj. dat. pi. aux. act. 

DIENAC. 31. lie wlio has it to them. Ind. pres. sing. 3, ace. 
sing. ind. obj. dat. pi. with n, rcl. noni. decl. with ac the nom. 
act. of a = the, that. aux. act. nac = he ivho. 

DIET. 41. I have it to them. Ind. pres. sing. 1, ace. sing. ind. 
obj. dat. pi. aux. act. In the original phrase Deitu diet Capitalac 
it may seem singular that the accusative is expressed in the plural, 
i.e. capitalac = the capital (sins). But as the sense is "I have 
called (deitu) it to them capital (the capitals) " the implied 
accusative is the name, or word, capitalac. The same remark 
applies to Cergatic deitu diem pecatu Capitalac . . . zatenay. 
This is the peculiarity of the verb when used with deitu = called 
by a name. (See deifca.) 

DIEZU. 41. Thou (= you) hast it to them. Ind. pres. pi. 
(sing, sense) 2, ace. sing, (only plural in form) ind. obj. dat. pi. 
aux. act. See the notes on zatenay and diet. 

DIEZULA. 66. That thou (= you) hast it to them. I.q. diczu 
with la = that and a really singular accusative. Its dative is onay 
= to the good] its accusative or direct object premioa the reward. 

DIGUEN. 12. (That] they have it to us. It became gaituen in 
1797, from which gaituenay lower down comes. Ind. pres. pi. 3, 
ace. sing. ind. obj. dat. pi. 1, with n conj. superfluous, introduced 
by cergatic = by cause that, literally for what. 

DIGUENAY. 25. To those who have it to us. It became 
diguenai in 1797. I.q. diguen, but with n rel. decl. with ay the 
dat. pi. of a = the, that, nay = to those who. 

DIGUN. (Twice) 17, 30. That he has it to us. Ind. pns. 
sing. 3, ace. sing. ind. obj. dat. pi. 1, with n conj. superfl. 
= that, p. 17, introduced by cergatic = because', p. 30, followed by 
becela = as, in the same way that. 

DIJOANA. (Twice) 63. He who goes. Ind. pres. sing. 3, 
n rel. nom. decl. nom. sing. int. verb irreg. int.joan,juan. na = 
he who. We have Larramendis authority, and that of AFiibarro, 
partly his contemporary, for pronouncing the j like y, as in modern 
French Bask. The modern Gipuskoans sound it like Castilian 
'iota = hhota, which is ugly. 



-382 DODGSON VERBAL FORMS IN GIPUSKOAN BASK. 

DIJOANEAN. (Twice) 59, 66. When one, or he goes. I.q. 
dijoana decl. temporal case or time-locative, nean = in the time when. 

DIO, (5 t.) 1, 50, 51, 65. He has it to him. Ind. pres. 
sing. 3, ace. sing. ind. obj. dat. sing. aux. act. This form is also 
used, but not in this book, to mean he says it. 

DION. (3 t.) 17, 21, 51. That he has it to him; which (it) he 
has to him. I.q. dio with (a) n conj. superfluous introduced by 
cergatic and cenacgatic ; (b) n rel. pron. ace. sing. 

DIOT. 49. I have it to him or her. I.q. dio, but with the 1 p. 
as subject. It also means I say it, but not here. 

DIRADE. (66 t.) 6, 7, 8, 10, 12, 13, 15, 16, 21, 23, 27, 31, 32, 
33, 34, 35, 36, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 55, 59, 60. 
They are. Ind. pres. pi. 3. Verb subst. and aux. intrans. On p. 7, 
line 22, and p. 38, line 16, it took the shorter form dira in 1797. 

DIRADELA. 43. When they are; they being. I.q. dirade 
aux. intrans. with la participial. Really the same as diradenean. 

DIRADEN. (9 t. counting didari) 14, 17, 34, 35, 40, 41, 50, 
67. Which are ; that they are. I.q. dirade with (a) n rel. nom. 
pi. ; (b) n conj. superfl. introd. by cenac, cenean, cergatic, and nola. 

DIRADENAC. (Thrice) 35, 48. Those which are. I.q. dirade 
with n rel. nom. pi. decl. nom. pi. intrans. nac = those who, or which. 

DIRADENEAN". 42. When they are. I.q. diraden, n rel. 
decl. locative of time, nean = when, quo tempore, alors que. 

DIRADENEN. 41. Of those which are. Misprinted diraden in 
1 797 and 1826. I.q.diraden with n rel. nom. pi. decl. with the genitive 
or possessive plural of the definite article a. nen = of those who. 

DITEQUE. (5 t.) 2, 35, 64. He might be. Pot. fut. sing. 3. 
Verb subst. and aux. intrans. 

DITEQUEALA. 63. When he might be; he leing able to be. 
I.q. diteke with a euph. and la participial. 

DITEQUEAN. 16. Which might be. I.q. diteke with a euph. 
before n rel. nom. 

DITECEN. 41. (In order) that they may be. Conj. final (as 
if ending in tzat) pres. pi. 3. Verb subst. and aux. intrans. 

DITU. (13 t.) 13, 21, 30, 35, 38, 50, 51, 54, 55, 61. He has 
them. Ind. pres. sing. 3, ace. pi. aux. act. and verb possessive. 
From this, with a euph. and la conj. = that, comes the next form. 

DITUALA. 51. That he has them. I.q. ditu aux. act. with 
la = that. The second edition replaced it by dituen, altering the 
construction much for the better. In the first, folia eguin dituala 
aberiguatcen duanena is clumsy, if not quite ungrammatical. In 



BODGSON VERBAL FORMS IN GIPUSKOAN BASK. -583 

the second it runs eguin dituenfalta guztiena. In this case, however, 
dituen is a misprint for dituan with n rel. ace. pi. It would be 
correct in the Labourdin dialect. But in Gipuskoan its place 
would be between ditue and dituenac ; and that is impossible here 
because its subject is in the singular. See the note on duanena. 

DITUAN. 23. (That) it has them. I.q. ditu verb poss. with 
a euph. and n conj. superfl. introduced by cergatic. 

DITUANAC (7 t.) 15, 29, 31, 51, 60. Those which he or she 
has ; he who has them. I.q. dituan, but with (a) n rel. ace. pi. decl. 
p. 15, nom. pi. pp. 51 and 60, ace. pi. ; (5) n rel. nom. sing. pp. 29 
and 31, nom. sing. act. pp. 31 and 29, it is the subject of ditu and 
du respectively; pp. 60 and 51, it is the object of ecartea and ditu 
respectively; p. 15, it is the subject of dirade. nac = pp. 29 and 
31, he who (active); p. 15, those ivhich, nominative passive; pp. 51 
and 60, those which, accusative. 

DITUANACGATIC. 50. For those which he has. I.q. dituan t 
aux. act. with n rel. ace. decl. accusative of respect plural, nacgatic 
means for, or on account of, those ivhich. 

DITUANENA. 61. That of those which he has. I.q. dituan, 
aux. act. with n rel. ace. decl. possessive pi. of the demonstrative, 
and that itself declined with the accus. sing, demonst. nena = that 
of those which. This reading was rightly abandoned in 1797, as 
it is not grammatical in its context. It was replaced by dituanenaz 
qualifying pecatu, i.e. about those (sins) which he has (done). 

DITUE. 36. They have them. Ind. pres. pi. 3, ace. pi. aux. act. 
The accusative is singular in form, Cer virtute, literally what virtue ; 
but treated as a noun of multitude what = virtues. In this respect 
the interrogative imitates the numerals. It is a synonym of dituzte. 
See El Impossible Vencido, p. 87. 

DITUENAC. 48. Those who have them. I.q. ditue with n rel. 
nom. pi. decl. nom. pi. intrans. nac - those who. It is a synonym of 
dituztenak. 

DITUT. 69. 1 have them. Ind. pres. sing. 1, ace. pi. aux. act. 

DITUZUNAC. (Twice) 15. Those which you have. Ind. pres. 
pi. 2 (sing, sense), ace. pi. n rel. ace. pi. decl. nom. pi. intrans. 
Verb poss. and aux. act. nac = those which. 

DITZAEN. 28. (In order) that they may have them. Conj. 
final (as if ending in tzat), pres. pi. 3, ace. pi. aux. &ci. = ditzateH. 

DITZAGUN. 2. Let us have them. Imp. pi. 1, ace. pi. aux. 
act. In 1742 it was misprinted ditzacun, unless that was an old 
form of the word. 



384 DODGSON VERBAL FORMS IN GIPUSKOAN BASK. 

DITCEEN. 41. This form occurs in both editions. It must 
be a mistake for ditecen or for ditzaen. Its context is onequin bid 
ditecen jpaquean, eta criatu ditceen semeac Ceruraco. If it be active 
= ditzaten, its accusative is semeac = the children. If it be passive 
= ditecen, then semeac is its nominative. See El Arte del Bascuenze 
(Salamanca, 1729), pp. 88 and 160. In 1826 it is ditzen, p. 40. 
The Castilian of 1766 is "con la qual vivan entre si pacificamente, 
y crien hijos para el Cielo." So it is transitive. 

DIUZCA. *( Tnrice ) 50 > 51 - H e %<** Mem to him. Ind. pres. 
sing. 3, ace. pi. ind. obj. dat. sing. aux. act. It became diozca 
in 1797, a form used in the Labourdin Catechism of 1733, p. 419. 

DIUZCAN". 51. Which (things) he has to him. I.q. diuzca 
with n rel. pi. ace. It became diozcan in 1797. 

DITJZCAT. 67. I have them to him. Ind. pres. sing. 1, ace. 
pi. ind. obj. dat. sing. aux. act. The accusative gratia asco, though 
singular in form, is treated as a noun of multitude. It became 
diozcat in 1797. 

DIUZCATZTJ. 26. You have them to her. Ind. pres. pi. 2 
(sing, sense), ace. pi. ind. obj. dat. sing. aux. act. It became 
diozcatzu in 1797 and 1826. In the latter edition it is on 
p. 25. 

DIUZCUN. 17. That he has them to us. Ind. pres. sing. 3, 
ace. pi. indirect obj. dat. pi. 1, aux. act. with n conj. superfl. 
introduced by cergatic. It became dizquigun in 1797 and 1826. 

DIUZTALA. 68. That he has them to me. Ind. pres. sing. 3, 
ace. pi. ind. obj. dat. sing. 1, aux. act. with la = that. It became 
dirala in 1797, but wrongly; because if it is an active verb, with 
arek - he understood as nominative, it cannot be used with pecatu 
f/uztiac as its accusative plural. We have seen in discussing didala 
that that form, which occurs in the next line below, also became 
dirala by a well-known phonetic tendency of Gipuskoan. But 
dirala can also be a synonym of diradela. It would be very 
awkward to use dirala in the passive sense in the fourth line 
from the bottom with pecatu gnztiac as its nominative, and dirala 
in the third line from the bottom as it has been denned under 
didala. But if the editor of 1797 meant dirala to be passive in 
both places why did he put the comma after gratia ? The passage 
runs thus in 1742 : " Daducat esperantza Jaungoycoagan, barcatuco 
diuztala nere pecatu guztiac, eta emango didala here gracia eta 
Gloria," i.e. 1 hold hope in the Lord on high (im hehren Herrn) that 
He will pardon (them) to me my sins, and that Jfe will give (it) to 






DODGSON VERBAL FORMS IN GIPUSKOAN MASK. 385 

me His grace and glory. In 1797 it roads: "Daducat esperanza 
Jangoycoa-gan, barcatuco dirala nere pecatu guztiac, eta emango 
dirala here gracia, eta gloria." Of the two difficulties produced 
by the needless change, the lesser is to consider dirala as passive in 
both places. 

DIUZTATZULA. 66. In 1797 dirazula. ) See didazula. That 

DIUZTAZULA. 52. In 1797 dirazula. J you have them to me. 
Ind. pres. pi. 2 (sing, sense) ace. pi. ind. obj. dat. sing. 1, aux. act. 
with conj. la = that. The accusative plural is pecatuac inferred 
from what precedes. With dirazula the accusative must be it, 
understood; and the translation thus becomes " that thou (= you) 
iv ill pardon me " without expressing the fault pardoned. 

DIUZTEGUK (Thrice) 4, 25. That we have them to them. 
Ind. pres. pi. 1, ace. pi. ind. obj. dat. pi. aux. act. with n conj. ruled 
by becela, bezela. In 1797 it became diegun from diegu with n conj. 
The alteration proceeded from the same thought as that of the 
preceding form. Both belong to the word barcatu = pardon (from 
par cere]. The ace. pi. would be debts or sins. With diegun the 
thing pardoned is not expressed, the meaning being pardon (it to} 
them. 

DIUZTEZUISr. 59. ( That) you ( = thou) have them to them. 
Ind. pres. pi. 2 (in sense, singular) ace. pi. ind. obj. dat. pi. with 
n conj. superfl. introduced by cergatic ; aux. act. The accusative 
aimbeste favor e, though sing, in form, is treated as a noun of multitude. 
In 1797, however, when the form diozun was substituted (and 
favor e became mesede), it is used as a singular object. 

DIZUDAK 52. (That) I have it to thee ( = you). Ind. pres. 
sing. 1, ace. sing. ind. obj. dat. pi. (sense sing.) 2, aux. act. with 
euph. da for t before n conj. superfl. introd. by nola. 

DIZUT. 52. I have it to thee (= you). I.q. dizudan without 
the n and its euphonic effect. 

DU. (44 t.) 1, 10, 12, 13, 14, 17, 18, 26, 28, 29, 30, 32, 33, 
38, 50, 51, 55, 58, 60, 64, 65. He has it. Ind. pres. sing. 3, ace. 
sing. Verb poss. and aux. act. On p. 12 du became badu in 1797. 
The root described as verb poss. and aux. act. throughout this 
glossary is ukan = had. 

DUAL A. (4 t.) 29, 51, 61. He having it; while he has it. 
I.q. du aux. act. with a euph. before la participial. 

DUAK. (22 t.) 13, 14, 15, 17, 36, 38, 50, 51, 59, 61, 62, 
65, 68, 69. (That) he has it; which (thing) he has. I.q. du 
with a euph. and (a) n conj., p. 69, followed by becela, and pp. 13, 



386 DODGSON VERBAL FORMS IN GIPUSKOAN BASK. 

14, 15, 17, 36, 38, 50, 51, 59, 61, introduced by cer and ceraatic; 
(b) n rel. ace. sing. pp. 17, 62, 65, 68. In some places the an 
conjunctive is superfluous, i.e. in oratio recta, as pp. 15, 17, 36, 
38, 50. "What is right in a dependent clause has been wrongly 
used in a plain statement. 

DTI ANA. (4 t.) 33 (where it was misprinted duanac in 1 797), 36, 
61, 64. That ivhich Tie has. I.q. duan with n rel. nom. declined 
pp. 33, 61, ace. sing., and pp. 36, 64, nom. pass, na = that which. 

DTJAKAC. (10 t.) 29, 30, 32, 58, 65. Re who has it. I.q. 
duana, but nom. act. nac = he who. 

DUANAREN. 38. Of hi m who has it. I.q. duan, rel. nom. 
decl. poss. sing, naren = of him who. 

DIJANARI. (4 t.) 17, 33, 62. To him who has it. I.q. duan, 
rel. nom. decl. dat. sing, nari = to him who. 

DUANEAN. (Twice) 33, 39. When he has it. I.q. duan, rel. 
loc. decl. temporal nean = when, at the time in which. Cf. danean. 

DUAKENA. 51. That of those about which he has. I.q. duan 
with n rel. pi. accusative of respect decl. possessive plural of 
the demonstrative, which is itself declined in the accusative in 
apposition to damutasuna. nena = that of those as to which. This form 
does not occur in 1797, the whole clause having been altered after 
viotcetic, as we saw in discussing dituala. It is perhaps possible 
to translate it thus, " He will conceive regret from his heart, that 
(regret) of those (things) about which he verifies that he has 
committed faults " ; but this necessitates taking falta, which is 
singular as the object of dituala, a form requiring an accusative in 
the plural. It may be i^i falta- eg in is meant, like itz-egin, gald(e) 
= egin, to be a compound word meaning do faultily. Then things, 
inferred from n, is the accusative of dituala. 

DUE (for dute). (5 t.) 20, 22, 34, 47. They have it. Ind. 
pres. pi. 3, ace. sing. aux. act. 

DUEN (for duten). (Thrice) 24, 48, 69. (That) they have it; 
which (thing) they have. I.q. due with (a) n conj. ruled by lecela ; 
(b) n rel. ace. sing. 

DUENAC. 14. Those who have it. 21, 46, 47, 48, 69 (on this 
page it became dutenac in 1797). I.q. duen for duten, with n rel. 
nom. pi. decl. p. 69, nom. pi. act., pp. 46, 47, 48, nom. pi. passive, 
and p. 21, ace. pi. 

EGUIDAZU. (Twice) 12, 13. Have thou ( = you) it to me. 
Imp. pi. 2 (sing, in sense), ace. sing. ind. obj. dat. sing. 1, aux. act. 
Verb irreg. egin for ukan. 



HODGSON VERBAL FORMS IN GIPUSKOAN BASK. 

EGUIGUZU. (Thrice) 4, 6, 24. Have thou ( = you] it to u*. 
On pp. 4 and 24, where it follows eman, the shortened form iguzu 
without eman was substituted in 1797. Imp. pi. 2 (sing, sense), 
ace. sing. iml. obj. dat. pi. 1, aux. act. Verb irreg. egin for ukart. 

EGUIOZU. (Twice) 28. Have thou (= you] it to him. Imp. 
pi. 2 (sing, sense) ace. sing. ind. obj. dat. sing. aux. act. Verb 
irreg. egin for ukan. 

EGUIUZCUTOU & EGUIUZCUTZU. (Twice) 4, 24. Have 
thou (= you] them to us. Imp. pi. 2 (sing, sense) ace. pi. ind. obj. 
dat. pi. 1, aux. act. Verb irreg. egin for ukan. It became in both 
places guizquigutzu in 1797. In 1826 it is gaizquigutzu p. 4 and 
eguizquiguzti p. 23. 

EGUIZU. 3. Do it. Imp. pi. 2 (sing, sense), ace. sing. Verb 
irreg. trans, egin. 

EZAZU & (p. 11) EgAZU. (8 t.) 2, 4, 6, 11, 22, 26, 29. 
Have thou ( = you) it. Imp. pi. 2 (sing, sense), ace. sing. aux. act. 

GAITECELA. 31. That we le. Subj. pres. pi. 1, with la 
conj. = that. Verb subst. 

GAITECEN. 27. (In order) that ive le. Conj. final (as if 
ending in tzat), pres. pi. 1, aux. intrans. It was printed gaittecen 
in 1742. 

GAYTUENAY. 25. To those ivho have us. Ind. pres. pi. 3, 
ace. pi. 1, aux. act. with n rel. nom. pi. decl. dat. pi. nay = to 
those who. 

GAITZAQUEAN. 62. (That) he might have us. Potential 
fut. sing. 3, ace. pi. 1, aux. act. with a euph. before n conj. 
superfl. introduced by cergatic. 

GAITZALA. (Twice) 25, 49. That he may have us ; let him 
have us. Imp. and subj. pres. sing. ace. pi. 1, aux. act. with la 
conj. = that. This form occurs in the Labourdin Catechism of 
Bayonne, 1733, which ought to be reprinted. 

GAITZATZU. (4 t.) 3, 4, 11, 25. Have thou (= you) it*. 
Imp. pi. 2 (sing, sense), ace. pi. 1, aux. act. It became gaitzazu 
in 1797, but reverted to gaitzatzu in 1826 on p. 4. 

GAITZATZULA. (Twice) 4, 25. Have thou (= you) its. I.q. 
gaitzatzu with la conjunctive, which, when suffixed to the 
imperative, is untranslateable. 

GAUDE. 6. We stay, u.sed here for we come ! (a contraction of 
gagode). Ind. pres. pi. 1. Verb irreg. intrans. egon. 

GAITDEN. 21. (That) ice stay. I.q. gaude with n conj. 
Buperfl. introduced by cenari. It was misprinted guaden in 1742. 
Phil. Trans. 1899-1900. 



388 DODGSON VERBAL FORMS IN GIPUSKOAN BASK. 

GAUZCATEN". 2. Which (things) hold us. Ind. pres. pi. 3, 
ace. pi. 1. Verb irreg. trans. eduJci. 

GUENDUAN. 37. Which (thing) we had. Ind. imp. pi. 1, 
ace. sing., the n serving as the rel. pron. ace. sing. aux. act. 

GUENDIJANA. 36. That which we had. I.q. guenduan, dec!, 
ace. sing, na = that which. 

GUERADEN. 37. (That) we are. Ind. pres. pi. 1, aux. 
intrans. (synonym of gera) with n conj. superfl. introduced by 
cenarequin. 

GUERADEKEAN. 6. When we are. I.q. geraden with n rel. 
loc. of time, decl. in the same case, nean = at the (time) in which, 
i.e. when. 

GUERALA. 37. While we are; we leing. Ind. pres. pi. 1, 
with la participial. Verb subst. 

GUACEN. 22. Let us go. Imp. pi. 1. Verb irreg. intrans. 
juan, joan. It was printed goacen in 1797, but is still sounded 
guassen in all the dialects. 

ITZATZIJ. (4 t.) 6, 32, 33, 35. Have thou ( = you) them. 
Imp. pi. 2 (sing, sense), ace. pi. aux. act. 

baLIJOAZ. 62. If they should go. Suppositive pi. 3. Verb 
irreg. intrans. juan, joan. 

baLIRADE. 63. If they should be. Supp. pi. 3, aux. intrans. 
In 1797 it became balira. 

baLITU. 64. If he should have them. Supp. sing. 3, ace. pi. 
aux. act. The accusative penitencia gueyago is singular in form, but 
treated as plural, being a noun of multitude. 

baLIZ. (Twice) 63, 69. If he, or it, should be. Supp. sing. 3. 
Verb subst. and aux. intrans. 

LIZATEQUE. (4 t.) 38, 63. He, or it, would be, might be. 
Conditional pres. sing. 3, aux. intrans. 

baLTJE. 65. If they had it. Supp. pi. 3, ace. sing. aux. act. 
In 1797 it became lalute. 

NAIZ. 21. I am. Ind. pres. sing. 1. Verb subst. 

NAIZANEAN. 12. When I am. I.q. naiz, aux. intrans. with 
a euph. before n rel. loc. temp. decl. same case, nean when. 

KAITZAYO. 49. / am to him. Ind. pres. sing. 1, ind. obj. 
dat. sing. aux. intrans. 

NAZULA. 66. That you have me. lud. pres. pi. 2 (sing, 
sense), ace. sing. 1 with la that, aux. act. 

NUQUE. (Twice) 69. I should have it. Cond. pres. sing. 1 , 
ace. sing. aux. act. 






DODGSOX VERBAL FORMS IN GIPUSKOAN BASK. 389 

ezTA. (7 t.) 38, 55, 58, 60, 64, 65. It is not (French n'est, 
O.E. nis, Wendish ne-jo). I.q. da with the change produced by 
the negative prefix ez. On p. 38, and on its second occurrence, 
p. 58, it was resolved into ez da in 1797. For some years past the 
Abbo Martin Landerretche, now of Donibane Lohizun = Marshy 
St. John, i.e. St. Jean de Luz (B.P.), has collaborated with Dom 
Basilio Joannatcgi in writing the Fedearen Propagationeco Urtecan'a 
(Annuary of the Propagation of the Faith), which appears every 
two months in Bayonne. The style of the two writers can be 
distinguished by their manner of writing the verb with the 
negative prefix. Landerretche uses ezda, ezdu, which, though not 
without venerable precedent, e.g. in the works of S. Mendiburu, 
is rather pedantic ; while Joannategi imitates Dechepare and 
Leic,arraga, the oldest Heuskaldun writers, in employing the more 
euphonic, mutated form. We have seen above in ezdiatorde a case 
of d remaining unaffected by ez. All forms of the verb beginning 
in T have this initial instead of D, because preceded, either by 
tz = not, or by bai, pai = indeed, really, because, since, so that, or 
who and which, according to the context. This ez sounds like 
English ess. Some authors have written it es. 

ezTAGO. (Twice) 56, 58. Be stays not. I.q. dago. In 1797 
it became, p. 58, ez dago. 

ezTAQUIANARI. 33. To him who knows it not. I.q. dakianari. 
Ind. pres. sing. 3, ace. sing, with a euph. before n rel. uom. decl. 
dat. Verb irreg. trans, iakin. nari to him who. In 1797 it 
became ez daquienari. 

ezTANA. 56. The (time) in which he is not. I.q. dana with 
n rel. = in which, qualifying Tempora = time, declined nom. intrans. 
na = that in which. 

ezTANAC. 63. He who is not. I.q. dana, n rel., but decl. 
nominative active, nac = he who. 

ezTANIC. 56. Any time in which he is not. I.q. danic Ind. 
pres. sing. 3, aux. intrans. with n rel. time-case, decl. with the 
indefinite partitive case, in apposition to Temporaric, which 
precedes, nic = any (time] in which, de (temps) oii. 

ezTET. 19. I have it not. I.q. det ; aux. act. 

ezTIRADEN. 36. (That) they are not. I.q. diraden with n 
conj. superfl. introduced by cergatic. It became ez diraden in 1797. 

ezTITUANA. 65. He who has them not. I.q. dituana. Ind. 
pres. sing. 3, ace. pi., with a euph. and n rel. nom. decl. nom. 
intrans. na = he tvho. 



390 DODGSON VERBAL FORMS IN G1PUSKOAN BASK. 

ezTU. (6 t.) 17, 54, 55, 56. He has it not. I.q. du. On 
pp. 17, 55, 56 it became ez du in 1797. On p. 54 it became ez 
due ( = dute) ; but without any necessity, because the eta after 
aitac, its nominative, is disjunctive, as the comma shows. 

ezTUANAC. 30. He who has it not. I.q. duanac, aux. act. 

ezTUENAC. (Twice) 47, 48. Those who have it not. I.q, 
duenac, for dutenac, decl. nom. pass. Verb poss. and aux. act. 

ZAYO. (5 t.) 30, 40, 54, 64. It is to him. Ind. pres. 3, inch 
obj. dat. sing, aux. intrans. On p. 64 ezpazayo became ezpazaio in 
1797. Here la (= if) became pa after ez = not. 

ZAYOLA. (Twice) 11, 39. While it is to him. I.q. zayo with 
fa participial. 

QAYONA & ZAYONA. (Twice) 24, 64. That which is to 
him. I.q. zayo with n rel. nom. decl. ace. na = that ivhich. 
gayona, p. 24, became zayona in 1797. 

ZAYTE. 3. Be ye. Imp. pi. 2, really plural, aux. act. It 
became zaite in 1797. 

ZAITEZ. 2. I.q. zayte. 

ZAITECEtf. 2. (In order) that ye may be. Conj. final (as 
if ending in feat), pres. pi. 2, aux. intrans. It became gaitecen in 
1797 with a change of person like dezazun. 

ZAITUDAN. (Twice) 52, 66. (That) I have thee = you. I.q. 
zaitut with da euph. for t before n conj. superfl. introduced by 
cergatic. 

ZAYTUT. 13. / have thee = you. Ind. pres. sing. 1, ace. pi. 
(sing, sense) 2, aux. act. 

ZAITZAELA. 60. Let them have thee = you. Imp. pi. 3, ace. 
pi. (sing, sense) 2, aux. act. 

ZAITZALA. (Thrice) 4, 5, 6. Let him have thee = you. 
Imp. sing. 3, ace. pi. (sing, sense) 2. On p. 4 it disappeared 
in 1797. 

eTZAIZCA. (4 t.) 6, 7, 62. They are to him. Ind. pres. pi. 3, 
ind. obj. dat. sing. aux. intrans. At the second occurrence, on 
p. 62, it has the negative prefix et, which form is assumed by cz 
when prefixed to a form beginning with z. It may be, however, 
more logical to say that the real negative is e, now only used 
us a prefix to certain forms of the verb, and that, with this <, 
z conserves its old sound of /.:. ('t. zna, below. Other writers, 
e.g. P. d'Urtc, have used initial tz instead of z even when there is 
no prefix. I suggested some years ago to M. H. de Charencey that 
Gaulish ex might be akin to Bask ez. 






DODGSON VERBAL FORMS IN GIPUSKOAN BASK. 

ZAIZCANAC. (Twice) 8. Those which are to him. I.q. zaizca, 
with n rel. nom. decl. noin. intrans. nac = those which. Zaizca and 
zaizcan are found in Leic,arragas New Testament, A.D. 1571. Of 
this treasure a reprint was published at Strassburg in December, 
1900. In the introduction I am held responsible for some mis- 
prints which vexed me much, but which I had no opportunity of 
correcting. They will occur even in corrigenda. 

ZALA. (4 t.) 8, 53, 54, 67. That it was ; while she was; she 
wasing, i.e. being (in illo tempore). I.q. zan with eclipse of n before, 
(a) p. 54, la conj. = that; (5) la participial. Verb subst. and aux. 
intrans. 

ZAN. 24. He, she, or it was. 5, 18, 19, 20, 36, 52, 54, 56. 
Ind. imp. sing. 3, aux. intrans. 

ZANA & TZANA. (10 t.) 8, 9, 18, 67, 68. That which was ; 
the fact that he was. On pp. 8, 9, 67, 68 (except 1. 4, p. 68), it 
became zala in 1797, just as dana became dala, as explained above. 
The first edition has tzana, e.g. p. 18, egnintzana, and p. 68, 
line 1, iltzana. Cf. etzaizca, tcigun, tzuan. I.q. zan, aux. intrans. 
with (a] p. 18, n rel. nom. included in the usual end, decl. nom. 
intrans. na = the ivhich ; (b) n conj. = that decl. ace. na = the 
(fact) that. 

ZANEAN. 26. When he -was. I.q. zan f aux. intrans., the 
n final serving as rel. pron. in the time -locative, with e euph. decl. 
temporal case, nean = at the (time) in which. 

ZANETIC. 51. From the (time) in which he was. The original 
has the misprint sanetit. I.q. zan, aux. intrans. with n rel. under- 
stood, in the time-case, e euph. and tic the separative or departitive 
case-ending, netic = from the (time) in which. 

ZATE. (Twice) 34, 48. It is to them. Ind. pres. sing. 3, 
indirect obj. dat. pi. aux. intrans. On p. 48 it became zaye in 
1797. In both places it is in alliance with deitcen = to be called, 
heissen, and in both the name is a nominative plural. One may 
say either that the name, though plural in form, is singular if 
understood as the name, like Yglesias, a well-known family name 
in Castilian, and that this is the nominative of is called with 
a dative plural of the things named and called; or that deitzen 
zaye is impersonal, and " Obra misericordiacoac " in the first, and 
" Bienaventurantzac " in the second, place is the predicate of the 
sentence* Only on p. 48 is the dative expressed, i.e. oei = to these, 
to them. Cf. diezu, the dative of which is the next form. 

ZATENAY. 41. To those to which it is (called, said as 



392 DODGSON VERBAL FORMS IN GIPUSKOAN BASK. 

a name). Ind. pres. sing. 3, ind. obj. dat. pi. with n rel. pron. 
dat. pi. declined with ay, the dat. pi. definite of a = that, the. 
nay = to those to whom. This form occurs in the context : 
Cergatic deitu diezu pecatu Capitalac Zazpi, comunmente, edo gueyenean 
mortalac esaten zatenay ? to be translated " why have you called 
capital sins to those to whom it is said (i.e. called) mortal (sins) 
for the most part or commonly?" The root esan, esaten, properly 
said, saying, is sometimes used of naming, calling. Here we see it 
used like deitu, deitzen, with a dative. It became zayenay in 1826. 

ZAUDEN. 2. (That) thou = you, stayest = art. Ind. pres. 
pi. 2 (sing, sense). Verb irreg. intrans. egon with n conj. superfl. 
introduced by cenean. 

ZATJDENA. (Twice) 4, 26. thou = you, who stayest. I.q. 
zauden, but with n rel. pron. nom. declined in the vocative, na = 
you who ! The vocative in Bask is always formed by the definite 
article. 

CEBAN. (Thrice) 10, 53, 54. I.q. zuan. In 1797 it became 
zuan, on p. 53. 

CEBEN. (Twice) 54. They had it. I.q. zuten, into which it 
was altered in line 6 in 1797. Ind. imp. pi. 3, ace. sing. aux. act. 

CEKDUAN. (4 t.) 10, 13, 15. Thou = you, hadst it. Ind. 
imp. pi. 2 (sing, sense), ace. sing. aux. act. 

CERADE. (Thrice) 4, 9, II. Art thou = you?; Thou = you, 
art. Ind. pres. pi. 2 (sing, sense). Yerb subst. and aux. intrans. 

CERADENA. (Twice) 52, 66. That which you = thou, are. 
I.q. cerade with n rel. nom. decl. nom. pass, na = that which. 

CERANA. 13. The (fact) that you = thou, are. I.q. cerade in 
the shortened form, with n conj. = that decl. with the ace. of the 
def . article. Cf . gera for gerade. Verb subst. na = the (fact) that. 

CEUDEN. 9. Which were staying. Ind. imp. pi. 3, with n 
rel. pron. nom. Verb irreg. intrans. egon. 

CEUDENERA. 19. To that in which they were staying. I.q. 
ceuden with n rel. in the real locative case, declined in the directive 
case or accusative of motion. It repeats or specifies the sense of 
Limbora = to Limbo. That might have been better written Limbo. 
when the sense would have been "to (the) Limbo in which, 
justuac = the just, were waiting." The original runs, " baicican 
Limbora justuac ceudenera." nera = to that in which. 

CIGUN & TCIGUN. (Thrice) 45. He had it to us. Ind. 
imp. sing. 3, ace. sing. ind. obj. dat. pi. 1, aux. act. Though in 
each place it follows eman, only in 1. 8 is it tcigun. 



DODGSOX VERBAL FORMS IN GIPUSKOAN BASK. 393 

CINDUAN. 59. She had thee = you. Ind. imp. sing. 3, ace. 
pi. (sing, sense), 2, aux. act. 

CIRADELA. 20. While they were ; they being, in ilk tempore. 
Ind. imp. pi. 3. Verb subst. with la participial. 

CIRAN. 67. (That] thou (= you] hadst it to me. Ind. imp. 
pi. 2 (sing, sense), ace. sing. ind. obj. dat. sing. 1, aux. act. intro- 
duced by cergatic. n conj. may be considered included in the 
common ending of this form. 

CITUAN. (Thrice) 17, 28, 53. He had them. Ind. imp. 
sing. 3, ace. pi. aux. act. 

CITUANA. (Twice) 9. The (fact] that he had them. Ind. 
imp. sing. 3, ace. pi. aux. act., i.e. cituan, with n conj. understood 
in the final n (as in cirari] and decl. ace. no, = the (fact] tJiat. 
In 1797 it became cituala. Cf. dagoana, dana, zana, zuana. 

CITUANAC. 36. Time which he had. I.q. cituan. Ind. imp. 
sing. 3, ace. pi. with its n final serving as rel. pron. ace. pi. decl. 
nom. pass, nac = tlwse which. 

CITUEK (4 t.) 9, 20, 64. They had them. Ind. imp. pi. 3, 
ace. pi. aux. act. On p. 20 the final n is used as the rel. pron. pi. 
ace., but on p. 64 as the conj. that ruled by bano. It is a synonym 
of cituzten, and took that form in 1797 on p. 20. 

CIUZCUN. 44. He had them to us. Ind. imp. sing. 3, ace. pL 
ind. obj. dat. pi. 1, aux. act. In 1797 it wrongly became cigun. 

ZUALA. 19. While he had it; lie having it, in illo tempore. 
I.q. zuan, aux. act. with eclipse of n before la participial. 

ZUAN & TZUAN. (13 t.) 5, 12, 14, 19, 22, 23, 26, 50, 53. 
He had it. Ind. imp. sing. 3, ace. sing. aux. act. tzuan occurs 
twice on p. 26, in each place following esan, but became zuan in 
1797. Cf. tcigun, zaizca, zana. 

ZUANA. (Twice) 1, 68. That which he had; the (fact) that he 
had it. I.q. zuan ; the n final serving p. 1 as rel. ace. sing. decl. 
nom. pass, na = the ichich; and on p. 68 as the conj. that, decl. ace. 
na = the (fact) that. On this page it became zuala in 1797. Cf. 
dana, dagoana, zana, cituana. 

eTZUEN. 54. Had they it not ? I.q. zuten. Ind. imp. pi. 3, 
ace. sing. aux. act. with the negative prefix e, examined in the 
note on zaizca. Some writers have used negative verbal forms 
beginning in ezz instead of etz. They must have meant to convey 
the sound of etz. 

You know ! cfiot c ATP raura /<e\?y0-CTtt/, o'0/>rt re\effffta. 

(Iliad, i, 523.) 



394 DODGSON VERBAL FORMS IN GIPUSKOAN BASK. 

FYLG THU' HER EFTER! 

Nya Testaments (Kaupmannahaufn, 1807), p. 381. 

It will have been seen that the Bask verb is sufficiently steno- 
graphic to be recommended for economy in telegrams. Ceudenera, 
for instance, one single word of nine letters, requires seven words, 
and twenty-eight letters, to translate it into English ; and didala, 
six letters, needs twenty letters divided between seven words ! 
Diegu, five letters, swells to as many words in the language of 
Chaucer. 

It is probable that none of the above forms is obsolete, and that 
all of them, except those beginning in dia, are included in, or are 
to be inferred from, one or other of the Dictionaries, Grammars, 
or Paradigms ' which have been published. These books, however, 
do not tell the student where he may see any given form at work. 
They may enable him to take the words on trust, and to commit 
them to memory. But, just as we understand a person better when 
we have visited him or her in his or her 2 workroom and proper 
sphere of influence ; so the Bask verb can only be really assimilated 
when located (might one say hered and no wed ?) and seen reigning 
from stop to stop on a printed page, like a vox humana in the organ. 

Let us look at some of the forms gleaned from Irazuztas 
teaching. Da = it is ; zayo =. it is to htm ; zdte ( = zaye) = it is 
to them ; dirade = they are ; zaizka = they are to him ; det = I have 
it ; diot = I have it to him ; diet I have it to them; ditut = I have 
them ; zaytut = I have you ; dizut = / have it to you ; degu = we 
have it ; gaitue they have us. 

THE RELATIVE FORMS IN THIS BOOK 

are the most interesting. They are the following sixty-nine : 

dagoawa, dagoawaren, dagoawari, dagoawaz, daw, dawa, dawagan, 
dawarekin, dawean, daudewak, debaw, dedaw, dedawa, deguw, deguwa, 

1 Those of I. de Lardizabals, "Gramatica Vascongada" (San Sebastian, 
1866), are the best. This book, however, is responsible (see p. 70, articles 25 
and 26) for the blunder of Prince L. L. Bonaparte, which I pointed out in my 
^say read before this Society in 1898. Lardizabal seems to have had negation 
upon the brain. On p. 82 he makes it account for ez in the double postposition 
fz-gero, the absurdity of which I have explained in a note in my edition of the 
great book of Sebastian Mendiburu, published at San Sebastian in May, 1900. 

3 Bask pronouns, being sexless, do not engender any such troublesome 
red-tapery. 



DODGSON VERB IN BASK I THE RELATIVE ^V. 395 

tlczakedana, dezuewa, dezuw, dezuwean, didawa, dicwak, diguewai, 
dijoawa, dijoawean, diow, diradew, diraderaak, diradewean, diradewen, 
ditekeaw, dituawak, dituawakgatik, dituawcna, dituewak, dituzuwak, 
diuzkaw, dnaw, duaiut, duawak, duawaren, duawari, duawcan, duawena, 
duew, duewak, gaituewai, gauzkate^, genduaw, genduawa, geradewean, 
naizawean, eztana, eztawik, eztakiawari, eztituawa, eztuawak, zaiowa, 
.zaizkawak, zawa, zawean, zawetik, zatewai, zaude?a, zcradewa, zeude^, 
zeudewera, zituawak, zituew, zuawa. 

The analysis in the above Index declares the sense which the 
context imposes on each of the various endings in these relations. 
I have had, in speaking of the eight forms ending in nean in 
the sense of when, to invent a new term, such as time-case, temporal 
case, time - locative, or locative of time, because the same case- 
ending may also be used as a common locative, though it is not 
used so in this catechism. Thus duanean means not only when 
he has it, but also in that which he has with w as an accusative, 
and in hint tcho has it with n as a nominative. Danean is the 
time-case of dan. The proper locative or inessive case of dan is 
danagan, the only real locative we have among the relative forms in 
our book, parallel with Christogan = in Christ. This time-case is, of 
course, the exclusive prerogative of the zeit-ivort. It depends on 
the remarkable casual elasticity of n. The use of n as the 
conjunction = that does not require so much attention. It will, 
however, be observed that cergatic =for what, in the sense of why, 
is followed by the verb in the indicative mood, while cergatic = 
because has its verb in the conjunctive, with n at the end. This 
is like the Old English construction " by cause that." I call this 
use of the n ' superfluous,' because it would not be translated that 
in modern English, and modern Bask writers seldom use it. 

The Relative Pronoun N. 

The relative pronoun N is common to all the dialects. To my 
surprise I have found many Basks, who probably would use it 
quite correctly, ignorant of the rules which I have mined out for 
the employment of this miraculous letter. Such persons were like 
M. Jourdain, in Moliere, who had been talking prose all his life 
without knowing it! Some illogicalities and inconsistencies in 
Bask books, e.g. in the Refranes of 1596, have resulted from the 
incompleteness of the grammars upon this head. This relative is 
not the only one in the language, and is used exclusively as 



396 DODGSOX THE VERB IN BASK DECLINED. 

a verbal suffix, serving to unite the form which it ends to the 
words which follow. Probably no other language has such 
a capacious link-letter. It can translate any of the cases of qui, 
quae, quod, whether singular or plural, with a preposition into the 
bargain. By its means any verbal form can become a noun sub- 
stantive, declinable, and to be used as such. 



The Declension of the Verb. 

Thus the declension of the verb means the suffixing to it of 
a case of the definite article or demonstrative pronoun, the two 
elements being connected, or separated, by means of this protean 
consonant. By its means an active verb is declined in the passive, 
or a passive verb in the active ; a verb with an accusative is 
declined in the nominative, or a verb with a nominative is 
declined in the accusative ; a verb in the plural is declined in 
the singular, or a verb in the singular declined in the plural. 
The context prevents any possibility of confusion arising in regard 
to these marvellous products of ancient philosophy. 



Its Protean Capacities. 

For the verb is in personal and numerical accordance not only 
with its subject, but with its accusative, if it be an active verb, 
and with its indirect object or dative if it have one. The subject 
puts on its active end if it is the nominative of a transitive verb. 
But the verb is not merely a respecter of persons who are subjects. 
It is a time-server to all who obey its laws. If it be passive, it 
tells you by its dress to what class of persons the indirect objects, 
or outlanders, committed to its care belong. If it be active, it not 
only does this, but accuses the objects of what they owe to it by 
a still further change of raiment if they are directed into the first- 
or second-class carriages in its electric train or personen-zug. This 
many-sided sovran, not content with behaving as any verb does 
towards its subjects, orders new regimentals at once if he has to 
tell us that he objects directly or indirectly to one or to more than 
one thing or person. He not only unifies or counts them, but he 
pronounizes them as well when pronouncing sentence upon them. 
He is not merely stenographic, but photographic. The least used 
part of the verbal machinery seems to be that which shows us tlu> 









DODGSON MANIFOLD TOWERS OF THE VERB IN BASK. .'W? 

active rule affecting at the same time you as dative and me as 
accusative, or vice versa ; I mean, for instance, such forms as 
would occur in translating "he gives me to you" or "thi>y 
committed thee to us." But no member of this class has 
met us in our present object-lesson. Duana means both celui 
qui Va and celui qu'il a. In the first case the n is nominative, 
in the second it is accusative = que. The context alone can 
decide whether the a final, which makes the word the peer of 
a substantive, is nominative passive or accusative. Duana da is 
he who has it is, or it is that ivhich he has] and the logic of the 
surrounding words must decide whether the n in duana so placed 
means nominative or accusative. Duana du is he has him who has 
it, or he has that which he has. Here also the n may be nominative 
or accusative, but the final a can only be the object or accusative 
under du. The word becomes active by changing a into ak : thus 
duanak = he who has it or that which lie has, erre du = has burned 
(it), shishidoila 1 = the butterfly. Here, again, n is dependent 
on circumstances to be freed from ambiguity. Ak can only be 
the active or agent case, which, as those who know Bask will 
admit, ought not to be put on the same level as the passive 
nominative, the latter serving also as accusative. The oldest 
French Bask Grammar, that of M. Harriet (Bayonne, 1761), 
suggests the distinction. It would be much better to call it, 
as Prince L. L. Bonaparte did, simply the active case. It usurps 
sometimes the functions of the instrumental or mediativc case. 
Thus, on p. 11, Irazuzta has Libratceagatic Jaungoycoac pensamentu 
gaiztoetatic, where no verb occurs, but the translation is "in order 
to the delivering (of ourselves) by God (as agent) from the evil 
thoughts." Jaungoycoaz, the instrumental, would be less reve- 
rential. Instead of duanaz egina da = it is made by, or through, him 
who has it, one might say duanak egina da with the same meaning, 
producing the seeming anomaly of an active nominative in concord 
with a passive verb, though really qualifying the predicate. From 
da = he, she, or it is, we get the relative form dan. Articulate or 
declined passively, this is dana, meaning celui qui Vest no less than 
celui qiCil est. This serves as nominative to an intransitive verb, 
as dana betor = let him come who is it, or as accusative to 



1 A common word at Mu^erre ( frontier - ftnni), about three miles from 
Bayonne. The butterfly has about as many different names in Baskland as the 
water-wagtail in all the Spains. 



598 DODGSOX VERB IN BASK : THE SUFFIXES Nd AND La. 

a transitive and active verb, thus dana ikussi du erleak l the bee 
has seen him who is it. But in danak we see the form ready for 
use as an active force ; thus danak = he ivho is it (being nominated 
to act), badu = really has, eizaairrea = the hunting -glade. Dituanak 
may mean those which he has, and serve either as accusative plural 
to an active form like ditu = he has them, or as nominative passive 
to an intransitive form like daude = they stay ; and with these 
meanings its n can only be accusative to ditu. But dituanak 
can also mean he who has them ; and in this sense both its n and 
its ak are active nominative cases, and the whole word can be 
nothing else than the subject of a transitive verb in the singular 
number. So that dituanak ditu may also render ' ' he who has them 
has them" Degu is plural, but deguna is singular. Ditu is singular, 
but dituanak is plural. Zate is singular, but zatenay is plural. 
Dirade is plural, but diradenean is singular. 

Dana = All. 

Dana = that which is, is used in the sense of all (which is) in the 
singular. What a man has or is, is his all, all that he can do or be. 
Some writers have made a plural of it, danak. The real plural, 
however, is diradenak = (all) those which are. Some others, 
Cardaberaz for instance, have used the past tense zena for the 
singular, and ziradenak for the plural, in the sense of all, when 
referring to time past. Probably no other language makes such 
a time - comparative of all or any adjective ! 

The Suffix La. 

The termination la = that belongs to the conjunctive mood. 
When used with the imperative it is not to be translated. It 
sometimes suffices to turn an indicative form into an imperative, or 

1 Erie bee probably comes from er, crre burnt, burn, which may be 
u Kabyle word. The bee is the burner, er-le-a, when it stings. Erre = burnt 
and crri = town are probably the same word, and have the same sound when 
articulated, for Bask e followed by a is often like English e. Towns were made 
when the primitive forest was burnt. See p. 27 of " Life with Trans-Siberian 
Savages," by B. Douglas Howard, M.A. (London, 1893.) In Navarra there is 
:i village called crrea = the burnt. In Brandenburg there were and are immense 
pine forests, easily burnt. One of them contains a village called Brand. Dr. G. 
Sauerwein informed me that in Norway many place-names seem to be derived 
from the word meaning burn. AV/v, the ancient name of Ireland \vlicn it hud it-; 
trees on it, may be Iberian, and mean burnt land. Erri, herri, ^viicrally means 
land, contry. But, like terra in Portuguese, or tierra in Spanish, or pays in 
French, it is used in the restricted sense of town, city, village, instead of hiri, 
fi, ill, ttri, nli, and even for the />>pl< , >l jc />/<>, \\lio live in it. It is er in 
some compound words, e.g. fr-bcst>\ fr-<lnr<t. 



DOlKiSON (ill'USKOAN OKTHfKi K APHIC CHANGES. 399 

a conjuuctive : thus dute = they have it ; duttla = that they have iL 
But frequently it is used with the indicative only to convert the 
form into a participle. I venture to submit for the approval of 
grammarians a term invented by myself for describing it shortly 
and vividly, namely "la participial." La participial occurs in 
Irazuztas book in the following twelve forms : dagoala, dala, 
degula, dezula, diradela, ditekeala, duala, gerala, zayola, zala, ziradela y 
zuala. In the other forms it either marks the imperative, or the 
conjunctive proper, or the indicative introduced by that as a con- 
junction. La participial assumes the partitive form laric in other 
books, without enriching its meaning. 

Superfluous Conjunctive. 

Relative, non-interrogative, independent clauses introduced by 
eena and its cases, e.g. cenac, cenean, cenari, cenarekin, or by cer, 
ceren, also take the conjunctive superfluously. Nola used in the 
same way, meaning as that, just as, p. 58, or suck as, p. 40, also 
has the conjunctive after it, just as lecela follows the same. On 
the other hand, after consequential non = that (nun in 1797), 
originally no-n = in which, the indicative is used, e.g., p. 58, 
alaco moduan non Jesu- Christo guztia dago = in such a way in 
which ( = that) the whole Jesus Christ remains, where dagoan 
would be more elegant and final. 

Variations in the Editions. 

The two first editions of this book ought to be reprinted in 
facsimile with the Castilian text of Astete between them, as it was 
known in 1742. The variations between the two, far from being, 
as Mr. J. Vinson with his usual slipshoddity asserted, a question of 
orthography, are really dialectal, at least for certain verbal forms. 
The first is more Biscayan than the other. This is surprising, 
because on the frontispice (if I may use the old, correct spelling) 
one is expressly told that Hernialde, three-quarters of an hour on 
foot from Tolosa, is in the Province of Gipuskoa ! But even a- 
lately as 160 years ago the divergence between the dialects was 
much less marked than now. Leigarraga, however, declared in 
1571 that Bask differed almost from house to house; and a few 
years ago Don Jose Urzelai ( = water-mead), a priest settled in 
Abbadiano, said to nie : " Los Bascos saben hablar en el hogar, pero 
no en la plaza ! " Indeed, a Bask market witnesses a Turanian 



400 DODGSON GIPUSKOAN ORTHOGRAPHIC CHANGES. 

confusion of tongues on the spot. This Euskarian volatility has 
fatally paved the way for the successful volubility of Castilian 
as the official language. A house divided against itself cannot 
stand. The dialect of Eskiula, near Oloron, is almost as 
unintelligible to the Basks of Orosko as Roumanian to an Algarvean 
of Silves. Yet some dialects have kept what others have lost. 

The Accents. 

I do not attempt here to enlist all the differences in wording and 
spelling, or to illustrate all the grammatical laws observed in the 
two editions of Irazuztas translation. The first has no accents. 
In the second, owing, I think, to the influence of S. Mendibum, 
they are very abundant, though no distinction is observable 
between x and '. That reactionary tendency is very remarkable, 
because now, a hundred years later, the Gipuskoan writers have 
entirely abandoned the armour of the accent ! 

The Tilde. 

In the first the tilde ~ is almost exclusively used to mark the 
omission of an en, as in satuare for santuaren. But in a few places 
it serves to liquify that letter, e.g., p. 1, cena, p. 2, bano, p. 3, 
cinatcera and senaleagatic. 

The Aspirate. 

The letter h is conspicuous by its absence in the second edition, 
except in words from Latin like heredero and hostia and in the 
combination ch. It occurs here and there in the first, e.g., p. 30, 
honratcea, p. 31, ohostutcea, where it was left out in the second. 
This letter is no longer used in writing Gipuskoan, though it is 
found in the editions of J. B. Agirres " Instructions on Confession 
and Communion," published in 1803 and 1823. It was struck 
out in the third edition, published at Tolosa in April, 1900. 

This study is, I fear, already too long and dreary except for 
aficionados, though it may possibly smooth the road of some future 
searcher. The revision of the text that had taken place between 
1742 and 1797 shows that that purism advised, and rightly too, 
by Dr. Saucrwein, was already at work. It borders, however, on 
pedantry, and some of its results were retrograde. Many mis- 
prints were cast out, but some new ones put in to lower the scale 
of gain. The form of the answers (JErantxuten ttet) was modified 
in some places for the greater glory of the catechist. 






DODGSON GIPUSKOAN ORTHOGRAPHIC CHANGES. 401 

Eta = ta. 

The conjunction eta = and occurs, I think, only once in the 
shortened form ta in the first, but ta is frequent in the second. 

0= U. 

That o sounds u before a is clear when we find guacen in 
1742 replaced by goacen in 1797 ; juan, but dijoanean. 

Jffor N. 

The use of m for n before b is found in Irazuzta as in the 
curlier writers, e.g., pp. 42 and 43, in embidia, from Latin invidia ; 
p. 42, in mandamenturem bat, changed into n in 1797; p. 12, 
iirrctit beste ; p. 20, aim beste ; p. 33, urteam bein, printed urtean 
in 1797; p. 12, onem bat, becoming onen in 1797; cem bat, 
jjassim but cenbat at least twice, pp. 13, 39, though altered into 
cembat in 1797. 

Initial R. 

It has been said by sonic that Bask has no words beginning 
with R. It is true that most of them are of forane origin ; 
but they are abundant, though mostly given a euphonic er as 
a prefix by modern writers. Irazuzta has Erromara, pp. 64, 56 ; 
Erreguina, p. 5, but, p. 40, recibitcen, rastroac, reliquiae, and 
elsewhere reinua, etc. 

R for D. 

The tendency in the Gipuskoan dialect, especially at San 
Sebastian, is to turn d into r, producing no little confusion 
in the verb. We have seen above the change of didala into 
Airala, which might be for diradela ; of didazula into dirazula. 
liut, on the other hand, erocein of the first edition became rightly 
lot'ein in 1797 (p. 64). 

Z=TZ. 

Bask z never had the lithping sound of Castilian. It is clear 
that Irazuzta used the letter with the sound of fc. We have seen 
some proofs of this in the verb-list. Others result from comparing 
the orthography of the two editions. Thus elcen in the first is eltcen 
in the second. Ccrtzaz, concientcia, dultcea, artzaz, and crantzuten in 
the first became respectively ccrzaz, conciencia, dulcea, arzaz, and 
rranzuten in the second. He also used z for the sound of ss in miss. 



402 DODGSON GIPUSKOAN HASK IDIOMS. 

Feminine Words. 

Among the many falsehoods that have been printed about 
Bask two are refuted by a perusal of this book. The first 
is that the language has no grammatical genders. To say 
nothing of the common termination in sa, sha, cha, xa still in use 
in Modern French Bask, as it was in the sixteenth century, to- 
mark the femininity of the noun, like princess from prince in 
English, and nothing of the forms of the verb used for thee-and- 
thou-ing female persons, or of words which can only designate 
females, such as ama = mother, we have to note, p. 5 in this- 
catechism, "Espiritu santu agan, Eliza santa Catholica," where 
santu represents sancto and santa = sanctam. The same thing may 
be seen in M. Ochoa de Capanagas Biscayan Catechism of 1656. 
However, p. 3, we find Gurutce santuaren, the masculine agreeing 
with the Gipuskoan form of cruce, which Leigarraga wrote cruize. 
Capanaga and other writers have also used a masculine and 
a feminine of bedincatu, bedicatu, and its other varieties, from 
benedictus, but Irazuzta treats it as a sexless word like the- 
common adjectives. 

The Numerals. 

The numerals in Bask take the noun in the singular, as in Old 
English (or modern 'five-pound note,* 'a two-year-old heifer') 
and German, and in some cases in Gaelic, e.g. 3 to 10 inclusively, 
as I learned in Kerry. The number replaces the plural. In Iru 
gauzataraco =for three things the syllable ta is merely euphonic 
and not a plural sign. One sees the same eta = ta, p. 33, in 
Pazcoa Resurreciocoetan = on the feast (not feasts') of the Resurrection. 
The Castilian is por Pasqua Florida. One may compare the ta 
in onetan = in this (town} in the title of Arins book quoted above. 
Onen would do as well if it did not produce confusion with onen, 
the genitive, in the same title. On the other hand, p. 61, eta is- 
a plural sign in Mandamentuetatic and Santarenetatic, and definite 
to boot. When, however, the noun numbered has to be articulate 
or determined, it assumes the article in the plural. Thus we find 
here, p. 3, iru Gurutce = three Cross(es}-, p. 13, hti< gauza 
four thing(s) ; but, p. 10, Iru Personetafic ccin . . . ? = of ti- 
three Persons which . . . ?; p. 35, Leenengo bostac = the Jive first ; 
Jieste biac = the two otht;r(s); p. 54, iru P&rsonac = the Hirer 
Persons; and p. 57, twice, -iru persona Dirinoac =. the thrf 
Divine Persons. 



DODGSON GIPUSKOAN BASK IDIOMS. 403 



Bi suffixed. 

It is to be observed that the number li = two is used at least 
once postpositively, like bat = one, e.g., p. 62, persona li = two 
person(s), and this seems to be the right arrangement. But 
elsewhere we have, p. 50, li tempora two time(s), and, p. 54, 
li naturaleza = two nature(s). 



Plural for Singular. 

P. 34, goseac dagoanari, literally to him or far who remains tfa 
hungries, i.e. to him or her who is hungry ; and egarriac dagoanari, 
literally to him (or her) who stays (or is] the thirsties, is a curious 
case of the use of the plural for the singular. It reminds one of 
zintzurrak egin, literally to do the throats, i.e. to cut the throat, in 
d'TTrtes Genesis, c. xxii, v. 10. Can goseak and egarriak be the 
active case, ruling held by understood? On pp. 47, 48, one 
has " justiciaren gosca, eta egarria duenac," i.e. " those who 
have the hunger, and the thirst," where gosea and egarria are 
substantives. 

Singular for Plural. 

The contrary use of the singular for the plural is in the 
quantitative and interrogative pronouns, e.g., eer etsay = what 
enemy, dirade are, oriec ? these ? Cein dirade ? = ivhat are they ? 
not ceinac. Cer gauza dirade Articulu Fedecoac ? The Articles 
of the Faith, ivhat thing are they? i.e. What thing (not gauzac) 
are the Articles of the Faith? Cer gauza da Fedea? What thing 
is the Faith ? Cembat gauza (not gauzac] hear dirade . . . ? 
Sow many thina(s) are needed? This is on the same principle 
as the use of the numbers. Cembat tempora bear da ? = How mud 
time is necessary ? Cembat ? = how many, how much ? is analytically 
ivhat one, or a ichat ? from cein = what and bat = one, an, a. Ditu 
requires its accusative to be plural, yet in Cembat vorondate ditu 
Christoc? How many will(s) hath Christ? the object is singular in 
form as much as if it were li vorondate = two will(s). Cer part? 
ditu Penitenciac ? = What part(s) hath Penance ? shows a similar 
idiom with the simple interrogative pronoun. 

Phil. Trans. 1899-1900. 



404 DODGSON GIPUSKOAN BASK IDIOMS. 



Latin Loan-words. 

It is always interesting to know how Latin words have 
fared after entering the service of Bask. 1 In Irazuzta we find 
Corputz, from Corpus, now written Gorputz ; 2 Tempora, from 
Latin, but used as a singular, now written dembora, as it 
already was in some places in the 1797 edition. Gauza had 
already replaced causa in 1742, and is by Irazuzta always written 
without the loss of its final a, e.g. gauza bat = a thing, gauza 
guztiena = that of all things. Yet some foolish writers have 
lately curtailed it into gauz, as if the a were the removeable 
article. 

Narru Gorria. 

As might be expected in a Catechism, there are few idiomatic 
expressions to be noted. Yet one might say much about narru 
gorrian on p. 34. It means literally in the red skin (larru being 
a variant of narru, like luncheon for nuncheon), i.e. stark naked, 
in cueros. Gorri = red (or red-hot} in Bask is almost as rich in 
its applications as blue in English. 



tf.B. The Trinitarian Bible Society, 25, Xew Oxford Street, 
London, W.C., will probably publish a correcter and far cheaper 
reprint of Leigarragas Bask New Testament, for popular use and 
in pocketable form. That of Doctor H. Schuchardt and Herr T. 
Linschmann reproduces all the misprints of the original and adds 
a few others: e.g., Matt, xxvi, 18, e do- for edo- ; Acts, iv, 8, 
hetheric, for betheric, and, in the heading of the preparation for 
Communion, reeclitu for recelitu. 

As a specimen of good modern Biscayan prose, the Esaldiac or 
Sermons, by Andres Iturzaeta, curate of Ochandiano, published in 
two volumes in 1900 by F. Elosu, at Durango, must be mentioned. 
They deserve sincere praise. 

1 See a brochure of ten pages by Don Miguel de Unamuno, entitled "Del 
tlemento alienigena en el idioma vasco," where the etymon of mn, ehun from 
in/turn, which I gave him at Bermeo in 1887, is reproduced as if it weiv his 
own. I proposed to him centum = kentitm, kcndnm, kninum, /icnnitm, cnnum, 
tnnun, enun, ehun, eun. 

2 Some busybodies havn said that this word is only used of corpses or dead 
bodies, and is derived from gorpu = body and ntz empty \ Gorpu is indeed 
a very empty body, a mere ill yhost-word, as Professor W. \V. Skeat would aay. 






DODGSON ORATIO DOMINICA IN GIPUSKOAN BASK. 405 

The Lords Prayer was rendered thus, on p. 1, by Ann in 1713 : 

PATER-NOSTERRA. 

Math, c, 6, a v. 9, usque ad 13. It. Luc. c. 11, a v. 2, usque ad 5 
Aita geurea, Ceructan zaudena : santificatua izan bidi ceure icena. 
Betor ceure reinua gugana. Eguin bidi ceure vorondatea, nola 
Ceruan, a la lurrean. Eman eguiguzu egun gueuren egunoroco 
oguia. Eta barcatu eguizcutzu gueure zorrac, gueuc gueren 
zordunai barcatzen diegun becela. Eta tentacioan erorten eutzi 
ez gaizatzula. Baicican libra gaitzatzu gaitcetic, Amen. 

And by Irazuzta : 

In 1742. In 1797. 

Pater nosterra. Pater Nosterra. 

Aita gurea, Ceruetan zau Aita gurea, Ceruetan zaudena: 

dena : santificatua izambidi zure santificatua izan bedi zure 

icena. Betor gugana zure reinua. Icena: betor gugana zure 

Eguimbidi zure vorondatea, nola Reinua : eguin bedi zure voron- 

Ceruan, ala lurrean. Eman datea, nola Ceruan, ala lurrean : 

eguiguzu egun gueren egun egun iguzu gure eguneroco 

eroco oguia. Eta barcatu oguia : eta barca guizquigutzu 

eguiuzcutzu gure zorrac, guc gure zorrac, guc gure zordunai 

gueren zordun ai barcatzen barcatcen diegun becela : eta 

diuztegun bezela. Eta ez ez gaitzatzula utci tentacioan 

gaitzatzula utci tentacioan erorten : baicican libra gaitzazu 

erorten : baicican libra gaitzatzu gaitcetic. Amen Jesus, 
gaitcetic. Amen Jesus. 

The hybrid Pater nosterra, inherited from Capanaga, was duly 
altered in 1797 into Aita gurea = the Our Father on pp. 13, 21, 
where the Prayer is referred to. 

One cannot study a Catechism for linguistic purposes without 
noticing what is, and what is not, taught therein. In this book, 
as in all earlier Bask Catechisms, all forbidding of bull-fights, or 
human fights and wars, and other forms of barbarism and cruelty, 
or the circulating false coins, is as absent as any mention of the 
Papal Opinion about the Conception of St. Mary the Virgin. It 
is true that in the Maria Santissimaren Lfitania, which concludes 
the book, the invocation "Mater Immaculata, Ora," was inserted 
in 1797 after "Mater Intemerata." But immaculata there may 
describe merely the post-natal state of the Holy Mother. On 
p. 10 Irazuzta put the Query and Reply, " What is the signal of 



406 DODGSON VARIOUS NOTES ON G1PUSKOAN BASK. 

the Christian? The Holy Cross." On p. 21 the Basks were 
taught "I ask. Who is the Holy Father ? I answer. He is 
the Supreme Pontiff of Rome, Christs Vicar on earth, to whom 
these-all (of us) we remain obliged to obeying." The words 
Sumo Pontifice Erromacoa were left out as superfluous in 1797. It 
would be well if the Pope would add in all catechisms, after the 
Commandments of the Church, the " New Commandment" of his 
Lord, iva a^cnrare d\\^\ov^. It might assume this anagrammatical 
form in those for English-speakers : 

" In what does Christianity consist? 'Tis in Charity ! " 
" What is there in Christianity ? Charity ' in it ! " 

CHRISTIANI * SI SINT CARL 



P.S. In the Index to these " TRANSACTIONS" for the year 1898 
the following corrections must be made : 

P. 544, 1. 8. For " Eire-land, Basque, its national tongue," read 
"Eireland, Bask mentioned in a book on its national tongue." 
I did not say that Bask was, though it may have been, the tongue 
of Iberian Hibernia or Eire. 

P. 544, 1. 31. For " 504" read " 505." 
P. 545, 1. 23. For " Leigarraga's " read "Dodgsons." 
P. 545, 1. 33. For " Ireland, national tongue of a Basque," which 
makes no sense at all, read " Eireland, the national tongue of." 
P. 546, 1. 20. For " 504 " read " 505." 

In my article in the same volume I asked, " What is to become 
of the Princes Bask books ? " I am permitted by their owners, 
Messrs. Harvey Preen and T. J. Garlick, of 17, Basinghall 
Street, London, E.G., to state that they do not wish to separate 
them from the rest of the collection. They desire to sell this as 
a whole. Their price is 4,500. The Library lies useless in a 
store-room. Will no wealthy friend of Linguistic Science redeem 
it from this sad enterment, and present it to the British Museum 
or some English University ? Prince L. L. Bonaparte is meant. 

With the change of Ipuscoa (as it was written 300 years ago) 
into Gipuskoa, compare Gurumea, now Urumea the river at 
Donostia, and Gibaya a river in the Province of Santander, 
evidently an old form of modern Bask ibaya = the river. 



DODGSON NOTE OX THE GIPUSKOAN CAPITAL. 407 

The name of San Sebastian, the modern capital of Gipuskoa, is 
Donostia in modern Bask, from Dominus (used in Bask in the 
sense of Saint} and a contraction of Sebastian, the name of the 
patron. In the " Acts of the Privy Council of England " for 
1542-47, the town is called " S. Sebastians," and " Saynt 
Sebastians." Peter Heylyn, in his MIKPOKOSMO2 (Oxford, 
1625), also has, p. 54, " Saint Sebastians." Here the final * 
represents a genitive, and implies town to complete the sense. 
This shows that St. Palais, in French Baskland, took its name 
from St. Palai = Pelayo, when the English occupied that part of 
Aquitaine. Heylyn, in his Cosmographie (London, 1652), p. 221, 
has "S. Sebastians (Don Bastia as the vulgar call it)." In Zes 
Delices de VEspagne fy du Portugal .... par Don J. 
Alvarez de Colmenar (a Leide, 1707), p. 80, there is an engraving 
of the town, and another in his Annales (Amsterdam, 1741). 
King Charles II of England visited it in 1659. See Revolution* 
d'Angleterre, par M. de Bordeaux (Paris, 1670), p. 190. 

Rimes in Labourdin Bask written at Elche on the eve of the 
total eclipse of the sun, 27th May, 1900 : 

Hilabetez hllla Monthly to be dead 

Oi da Hilargia ; The Month-light is wont ; 

Hoztatu duena The Sun is indeed 

Baita Eguskia. That which hath chilled her ! 

Ta du Eguskia And doth Mortification 

Hildurak betetzot. Fill the Sun, 

Noizeta, hark duena Whenever, that which 

Argitzcn, arkitzen He doth enlighten, find 

fiuen Artekoa He doth in the Way between 

Sere ta Lurraren ; Himself and the Earth ; 

Mariaz Orrilla The Leaf-Month (May) with Mary 

Asi eta askenzen ? Begun and ending ? 

Marlaren gatik (No ! 'twas) for Marys sake 

ffil zan Eguskia ; The Sun did die ; 

Hilargia gatik For the Moons sake 

Egin du Corona. He hath made the Corona ! 

Cristo launa Sera Christ the Lord Himself 

Illun du Jfarink ! Hath been darkened by Mary ! 

Gizonak duena That which Man hath 

Izarfu du launak ! The Lord hath bestarred ! 

EDWARD SPENCER DODGSON. 



408 



X. ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB. 
By J. STRACHAN, M.A., LL.D. 

IN a paper on the use of the particle ro- with preterital tenses in 
Old Irish which was submitted to this Society in 1896, I followed 
what was then the general view among Celtists, that the presence 
or absence of ro- in the preterite made no difference to the meaning 
of the tense, that the difference between e.g. asrubart and aslert 
' said ' was purely chronological, the ro- form being the earlier, the 
ro-less form the later; in fact, the presence or absence of ro- in 
the preterite has often been used as a criterion for determining the 
relative age of Irish texts. This doctrine was based on the fact 
that in the Old Irish Glosses ro-less forms are very rare. But it 
involves a very strange linguistic development; first, there was 
a period when ro- was, with certain exceptions, universal in the 
preterite, then a period of re-less preterites, and, lastly, a period 
when the ro- preterite again prevailed. Since then another and 
a more satisfactory interpretation of the facts has been given. In 
Kuhn's Zeitschrift, xxxvi, 463 sq., Zimmer published his brilliant 
discovery that between asbert and asrulart there is a clear difference 
in meaning. In the same journal, xxxvii, 52 sq., Thurneysen, 
while accepting the chief result of Zimmer's investigation, has, 
with his usual clear insight, detected and corrected a number of 
mistakes in Zimmer's theory, and has otherwise contributed to 
the elucidation of the Celtic verb. Lastly, the subject has been 
excellently treated by Sarauw in his " Irske Studier." From his 
perverse method of citation, or rather of non-citation, it is 
impossible always to discover the relation of his work to that 
of his predecessors ; so far as I can judge, we have here an 
independent discovery, though the book was not published till the 
papers of Zimmer and Thurneysen had already appeared. His 
results are in substantial agreement with those of Thurneysen. 

Zimmer's discovery dawned upon him from certain passages in 
the Irish Sagas, where axlert and asrulart occur side by side. 






ACTION AM) TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. STRACHAN. 409 

According to him, asbert is the form of narration, like the Latin 
historical perfect, while asrubart is never so used, but " clearly 
has a time-relation (zeitbeziehimy), which in the majority of the 
cases [previously cited by him] shows itself as pluperfective ('he 
had said'), and in a smaller number as true perfect ('he has 
said')" (pp. 495-6). The fundamental meaning of the ro- forms 
is the completed action (algeschlossene handlung) ; the relative 
time of the completed action shows itself from the context ; the 
Irish ro- preterite = the Latin true perfect and pluperfect (asrubart 
= dixit and dixerat}. 1 In the Old Irish Glosses the ro-lesa forms 
are rare, because there is hardly any occasion for their use, but 
they do appear in some narrative passages. We are warned against 
a comparison of the ro- forms with the perfective verbs of Slavonic 
grammar. It is maintained (p. 525 sq.) that in the subjunctive 
mood the addition of ro- changes a present and an imperfect to 
a perfect and a pluperfect. As for the origin of the function of 
ro- t it is brought into connection with ro- joined to adjectives, 
ro-mdr 'too great,' etc. : "was beim adjectivum die eigenschaft, 
das ist, wie man wohl sagen darf, beim verb die sich auf 
verschiedenen zeitstufen vollziehende handlung " (p. 535). 

Starting from Zimmer's investigations, Thurneysen defines the 
functions of the parallel preterite forms as essentially the following : 
" The forms without ro- are purely narrative, except after the con- 
' junction 6 ' since, after/ 2 The ro- forms can in the first place serve 
as the so-called perfect proper, i.e. they can denote a state resting on 
a preceding occurrence : asreracht ' he has arisen and lives now,' or, 
since the Irishman does not distinguish grades of time (zeitstufen) 
in the preterite, 'he had arisen and lived.' Here, then, it has 
the function of the Indogermanic perfect. Besides this they serve 
simply to note a past event (zum constatieren eines vergangenen 
factums)-, that has (once, then, etc.) happened, e.g. is do 6in fiur 
asrolrad lacob 7 Israhel, ' to the same man has the name Jacob and 
Israel been given,' Ml. 45 a 9. According to Delbriick's investi- 
gations, this use was originally proper to the Idg. aorist. Both 
significations, however, were in many other languages, too, ex- 
pressed by the same form, the form of completed action. For the 

1 The further comparison of asbert with the Greek aorist is not happy ; it is 
true only in so far as the aorist in Greek has ousted the older imperfect in 
narrative. In its original usage, as we shall see, the aorist corresponds not to 
asbert but to asrubart. 

2 So Zimmer, p. 544. But Sarauw has shown (p. 109) that with o 'since* 
the ro-less preterite was used, with 6 ' after ' the ro- preterite. 



410 ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. STRACHAN. 

three formally distinguished Irish preterites I would suggest the 
designations praeteritum imperfectum l (from the present stem), 
praet. narrativum (preterite without ro), and praet. perfectum 
(preterite with ro) " (pp. 55 sq.). 

Thurneysen then goes on to consider Ziuamer's explanation of the 
origin of the usage. It is pointed out (1) that in some verbs the 
two forms come from different roots, and (2) that other prepositions 
play the part of ro-, facts which cast grave suspicion uponZimmer's 
theory. And it is urged that in itself Zimmer's account is 
improbable ; if it contains the intensive ro-, then rocarus might 
perhaps have been intelligible in the sense of ' I loved exceed- 
ingly,' not in that of ' I have loved.' Still more fatal to Zimmer's 
theory is the use of ro- with the subjunctive mood. It is then 
noted that in some verbs in which ro- is not the verbal particle 
but an ordinary preposition, the sense of completion is predominant, 
e.g. saigid ' he aims at,' but rosaig ' he attains.' The conclusion 
is that the origin of the Irish praeteritum perfectum is to be 
sought in perfective compounds. 

Before passing on to the subjunctive Thurneysen considers two 
peculiar uses of ro- with the indicative : 

(1) ro- with the present indicative denotes relatively prior 

time in general (ze.itlosen) sentences, 2 e.g. : 

Ml. 51 C 9, is in nuall dongniat ho rumaith fora naimtea remil, 
1 it is the cry which (the soldiers) are wont to raise when their 
enemies have been routed.' 

Ml. 51 b 7, nad fes cid as maith no as olc \_do~] denum manid tarti 
ecnae Da, ' that it is not known what it is good or evil^to do unless 
the knowledge of God has given it (the knowledge).' 

This use of ro- is supposed by Thurneysen to be modelled on the 
development of ro- with the preterite. 

(2) ro- with the indicative = posse, 3 e.g. : 

Present: Wb. 22 d 3, ni dernat sidi nk nad fia&tar side, 'they 
can do nothing that He does not know.' 

1 It is added in a note that a more correct designation would be praet. 
iterativum ; for the use of the tense see my paper on the Subjunctive Mood 
(Trans. Phil. Soc., 1897), 2. 

2 Similarly Sarauw, pp. 28 sq. 

3 Cf. Sarauw, pp. 30 sq., who gives many examples. But he seems to In- 
wrong in saying that in a conditional sentence ro- can change a future into 
a future perfect. At least the future indicative in conditional clauses is 
unknown to me. On roima, see my paper on the Sigmatic Future (Trans. Phil. 
Soc., 1900), pp. 9, 17. As to the conditional, rofeidligfitis, Ml. 108 b 5, it is 
hardly anything else than a scribal error for nofeidlig/itit. 



ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. STKACHAN. 411 

Imperfect : LU. 83 b 26, n't ructais som (facs. ructhaisom) aireseom 
ni mead som foraibseom, * they could not get away from him, he 
could not get up with them.' The imperfect here denotes repeated 
attempts. 

Future: Ml. 80 a 9, n't dergenat ma to, 'they will not be able 
to slay me.' 

Secondary Future : LU. 56 b 30, ' tided on dorigenmais n't ? ' ol 
Medb, " 'What could we do?' said Medb." It is interesting to 
note that an Irish glossator here explains dorigenmais ni by 
rofetfaimmais a denom, 'we should be able to do it.' 

Following a Slavonic analogy, 1 Thurneysen would derive this 
use from an original punctualized or aoristic ( punctuelleri) force : 
4i asrobair etwa 'er mag wohl sagen,' 'er ist der man, zu sagen,' ' man 
kann von ihm erwarten, dass er gelegentlich sagt,' ni erlair 'er ist 
nicht der man zu sagen,' 'er kann nicht sagen.' " 2 The complete 
development of the sense of ' can ' is supposed first to have been 
carried out in negative clauses, and to have spread from the 
present to other parts of the verb. It is also found in the 
subjunctive. 

Then follows a subtle discussion of the uses of ro- in the 
subjunctive. Apart from the use of ro- with the past sub- 
junctive, which is explained in the same way as I have explained 
it (Subj. Mood, 107), Thurneysen finds the expression of 
relatively prior time only in general sentences, e.g. mad sw'l 
rochaecha, iss i suidiu ailid cocrann forsin lestrai n-uili, 'if it be 
an eye that it (the bee) has blinded, it is then required (lit. the 
thing requires) that lots be cast upon all the hives,' Laws, iv, 
178. This use is explained as due to the influence of ro- with the 
indicative. But it seems very possible that it may be derived 
directly from the perfective or aoristic sense ; cf. the similar use of 

the Greek aorist, e.g. oWns K' U7ro\t7ry ircndpa KOI TO /te'/jos TtDi> 
Ttv Trarpi, eTrei K? aTrofyeV^Ta/, eft-tyiiei/ aTroAa^eti/ TOI/ 

eV NauTra/tToi/, on a Locrian inscription. 3 Into the dis- 
cussion of the other uses of the subjunctive it is unnecessary 
to go here, particularly as to Thurneysen also they seem to focus 

1 Cf. Sarauw, p. 135. 

2 In LU. 69 b 41, " mdsu thu e'w," ar Nadcrandtail, " nocorucaimse cend uaiu 
bic don dunud, ni her do chcnd n-f/illai n-amHlniy," might well be translated by : 
"' If it is thou indeed,' said Nadcrandtail, ' I am not the man to carry the head 
of a little lamb to the camp ; I will not carry thy head, beardless boy that 
thou art.' " 

3 Cauer, Delectus Inscriptionum Graecarum 2 , p. 162. 



412 ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. STRACHAN. 

themselves in the perfective action. In conclusion, the use of 
ro- in the Britannic group is discussed, and it is shown that 
the same account holds good there too. 

I have dealt with this interesting paper at some length, hecause 
it has for the first time put a number of facts in their true light, 
and shows decisively how the ro- forms in Celtic can be simply 
explained from the perfective or aoristic action. Sarauw deals 
fully with the use of ro- in the indicative; the subjunctive is 
treated in a somewhat perfunctory way. His material is taken 
almost exclusively from the Glosses ; he illustrates from them the 
difference between the preterite with and without ro-. In his 
results, as I said before, he is in substantial agreement with 
Thurneysen. Throughout his treatise the two sets of forms, 
without and with ro-, are described in the phraseology of Slavonic 
grammar as imperfective and perfective ; and in conclusion he 
emphatically asserts that Irish takes a high place among the 
languages that express perfectivity, and that it has carried its 
system through with no less consistency than Slavonic. 

Starting from these investigations, I propose to lay before you 
some account of the functions of the two sets of forms in the 
preterite of the indicative in Old Irish. An initial difficulty ought 
to be mentioned. In the Old Irish Glosses, as we have seen, the 
imperfective or ro-less forms are rare, because there is little occasion 
for their use; there are, however, one or two historical notes which 
have been well analyzed by Sarauw, pp. 100 sq. ; cf. Zimmer, 
pp. 511 sq. Moreover, with few exceptions, the glosses consist 
of either isolated words or disconnected sentences, and it is obvious 
that the uses of the tenses can be better studied in continuous 
prose, where the relation of the sentences and clauses to one 
another is more apparent. One piece of narrative prose, itself of 
a much earlier date, 1 is preserved in a manuscript ascribed to the 
ninth century, the Book of Armagh (designated hereafter as Lib. 
Ardm.). But the Irish Sagas, etc., are first found in MSS. of the 
eleventh century and later. Now, as we shall see, the perfective 
forms in Irish finally superseded the imperfective. Hence there is 
the possibility that in this instance or in that the earlier form may 
in the course of transcription have been ousted by the later. But 
this danger may easily be exaggerated. In the oldest and 
linguistically best preserved of the Irish texts that I have examined 

1 Zimiiicr, pp. 470 sq. ; Thunu-y.-cn. pp. ":J sq. 



ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. STKACIIAN. 413 

the general principles of the usage are clear enough. Not thu* 
there are not many cases where one is in doubt, but before imputing 
everything to the carelessness of the scribes, one should allow for 
the possibility of dulness on the part of the observer. The 
principles of usage laid down below are founded on an unbiassed 
study of Old Irish texts. If I have ventured to cite illustrations 
from Sanskrit and Greek, this is purely by way of illustration, not 
of argument. When the principles of the Irish usage had become 
clear to me, I turned to the Vedic prose. There I was at once 
impressed by the great similarity between the usage of the 
imperfect and the Irish ro-less form, and between the usage of the 
aorist and the Irish ro- form. In Greek the similarity is not so 
marked ; Greek has departed very considerably from the Indo- 
germanic usage. 

Before we pass on to the actual usage, it is necessary to give 
a brief account of the means of perfectivity in Irish. It was 
effected by the use of prepositions. The prevalent particle is ro- ; 
this I have discussed before, and I need not return to it again. 
But in the oldest Irish other particles were similarly used. 1 

ad-: 

IMPERFECTIVE. PERFECTIVE. 

con-bru- con-ad-bru-, comminuere. 

con-eel- con-ad-cel-, celare. 

con-cert- con-ad-cert-, emendare. 

con-gab- con-ad-gab-, continere. 

con-gar- con-ad-gar-f uocare. 

con-med- con-ad-med-, iudicare. 

con-reg- con-ad-reg-, uincire. 

con-di-siag- con-ad-di-siag-* quaere n. 

con-scar- con-ad-scar-, diruere. 

con-scrib- con-ad-scrlb-, conscribtn . 

con-til- con-ad-tib-, ridere. 

con-tol- con-ad-tol-, dormire. 



1 For the instances see Thurneysen, pp. ">7 sq., and Sarauw, pp. -i 
Most of them have heen noted in my paper on the partirlt ,-u- iv, hut 1 did not 
discern the perfective force of the prepositions. 

2 conacrad, Cormac, s.v. lethech. 

3 But in Wh. 8* 14 conoitechtatar, from wlii-h Thurneysen :hat in 
some of these verbs ad- may have replaced an older mi-. 



414 ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. STRACHAN. 

com- : 

fo-long- fo-com-long-, ferre. 

to-ind-nac- to-en-com-nac-, dare, tradere. 

to-nig- l to-com-nig-? lauare. 

fris-org- fris-com-org-, offendere 

(and other compounds of org-). 

di-reg- di-com-reg-, exuere. 

Another instance is probably tochombaig* (= to-com-bobuig 4 ) to to- 
bong-, Laws, iv, 8. Besides, a similar preposition is, with Zupitza, 
CZ. iii, 278, to be seen in do-cuaid l he has gone '= di-co-fdith (verbal 
stem/<^-), 5 and doubtless also in adcuaid 6 ' he has narrated ' = ad- 
co-fdith (verbal stemfeth-). So probably is to be explained forcuad 
Tur. 49, which has hitherto been treated as corrupt, but for which 
no plausible emendation has been proposed. In gl. 49 rofoirlthiged 
. . . 7 forcuad is clearly parallel to ani foirbtliigiher .i. ani 
forfenar in gl. 45. From the instances of for-fiun given by 
Thurneysen, KZ. xxxi, 85, it appears that when the accent rests 
on the root, the verb begins with /; if the accent rests on the 
preposition, it begins with b, for-fenar but ni forbanar. As Idg. 
ti after r becomes in Irish B, this points to an Idg. root beginning 
with u, and forcuad could come from *for-co-fath or the like. 

ess-: 

IMPEHFECTIVE. PERFECTIVE. 

ib- ess-ib-, bibere. 

Sarauw would see a perfective air- in tess-ar-bae, the perfect to 
tess-buith 'deesse.' Another and more probable explanation has 

1 Cf. tonach washing,' O'Don. Suppl., LL. 295 a 15, 16, CZ. iii, 243. 
Thurneysen, however, proposes to connect this perfect with the present dofwiug, 
S#. 22 b 5, etc., to which the verbal noun is diimach, e.g. Laws, iv, 318 
( = di-fo-niy-}. In Laws, iv, 318, is found a present dinig, if it be not corrupt. 

2 docoemnachtar ( = to-com-ncnachtar) tlachtu ' they have washed (their) 
#;irments,' Fclire, Jan. 4. 

3 Cf. -combaiff, Hy. v, 77. 

4 For the reduplication cf. coni-lobig llev. Celt, xi, 444, at-bobnid ' refused it ' 
LU. 133 b 1, from ad-bond-, inlolaid (leg. inlolaig] Laws, iv, 16 to inlongad, 
ib. 38. Here the presumably earlier forms *bebui(/ t *bcl>nid, *Mtrig, have been 
replaced by bobwg, bobttid, loluig, just as cechain became afterwards cachain. If 
atroebaid, SR. 3997, comes from ad-bond- it would, because of its peculiar form, 
have preserved the old reduplication : -rocbaid = -robebuid ; in CZ. iii, 242, 
wrroimid, v.l. corracmaig^ should probably be corrected to corroibig. 

6 Herewith the vocalism ot the subjunctive docoi (cf. Sigmatic Future, 
]). 23) becomes clear ; docoi is for *di-co-fetst. 

6 The imperfective passive is (tdfess, e.g. LU. . r )9 a 7. In the active I have no 
instance of a corresponding impn Yirtivr hum ; the historic present is common. 



ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERH J. STRACHAN. 415 

been suggested, Trans. Phil. Soc., 1895-6, p. 180. A double 
preposition appears in ducuitig ' has sworn ' = to-com-tethaig and 
doessid i has sat ' = di-ess-sid (Sarauw, pp. 46, 47) ; the imperfective 
preterite to doessid is siassair. 

In some verbs the imperfective and the perfective preterites are 
supplied from different roots : 

IMPEHFECTIVE. I'KKI K< TIVE. 

berid, 'carries,' 'bears' (children) birt rouic, roue. 

dobeir, l affert ' dobert l dome, done.- 

dobeir, ' gives ' dobert dorat. 

cuiridir, ' ponit, iacit ' corastar rold. 

docuiredar, ' ponit ' docorastar dorale. 

foceird* 'iacit' focaird rold. 

tet, 'goes' luid* docoid. 

(pass, ethae) (pass, docoas] 

Some verbs do not distinguish imperfective and perfective action. 
Such are : 

Verbs in which ro- goes throughout the verbal system. They arc 
enumerated Trans. Phil. Soc., 1895-6, p. 151 (however, as wo 
have seen, ro-ucc- is perfective to ber-, dorat- to dober-). But in 
enclisis ro- is sometimes inserted again before the accented syllable, 
e.g. diandrerchoil Ml. 46 a 7, mruderclioin Ml. 44 a 1. 

Compounds of -?- and -ong- (which supplement one another), 
Trans. Phil. Soc., 1895-6, pp. 120, 121, 126. 

Compounds of -gninim 'know,' ib. p. 125. 

adbath < interiit,' ib. p. 121. 

adcondarc 'vidi,' ib. p. 124, to which the enclitic forms are 
supplied in the active by -acca? ib. p. 122. In the passive both 
orthotonic and enclitic forms come from ad-ciu. 

adcotad, -etad 'adeptus est,' ib. pp. 124, 149. In Lib. Ardm. 
18 b 1, adcotedae is clearly imperfective. 

1 Cf. Ml. 56 a 13, where the imperfective and the perfective forms occur sid, 
by side. 

2 From this Sarauw, pp. 119 sq., most ingeniously derives inter, ' understands.' 

3 Cf. Sarauw, p. 124. 

4 Cf. Thurneysen, p. 57 ; Sarauw, pp. 91 sq. But in compounds ///;// i^ t<>unl 
with perfective ro- ; for examples see Trans. Phil. Soc., 1895-6, pp. 102, 115, 
foindarlid Wb. 3 a 6. 

5 Thurneysen, pp. 58 note, 71, would restrict adcitd<ir { - to the per; 
signification. Certainly in the Sagas conaccir is the n^uhir narrative form. In 
Carm. ML, however, adcondarc is joined with inipt rlrctivr tornis. Whether, 
under all circumstances, adcondarc was perfective, seems to n-ijuin 1 further 
observation. In other compounds of -c'ui- ro- appears, ib. p. 112, whore for 
di-aith-chi should be substituted di-t-n-i-hi, ct. Sarauw, p. 64. 



416 ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. STRACHAN. 

-fuar, ' inveni.' Cf. ib. p. 125, Thurneysen, p. 63, Sarauw, p. 56. l 

-duaid (pres. ithid\ 'edit.' 2 

dufutharcair, ' optavit,' ib. 132. 

On this class of verbs Thurneysen remarks : ' ' The conclusion 
is certainly not too bold that in them from the outset the preterite 
in itself inclined to the punctualized sense, especially as in two 
leading verbs of this class, -iccim 'reach' and -gninim 'recognize,' 
the particular emphasizing of the result (endpunktes] lies in the 
fundamental signification of the root." 

Three verbs, -fetar, -larmir, and -cluiniur, have ro- only in 
orthotonic forms; cf. Trans. Phil. Soc., 1895-6, pp. 149 sq. 

After these preliminary remarks we come now to the con- 
sideration of the use of the two forms in the Irish preterite. 
In what follows the form based on imperfective action, Thurneysen's 
praeteritum narrativum, will, for the sake of brevity, be called 
the preterite : the form based on perfective or aoristic action, 
Thurneysen's praeteritum perfectum, will for the same reason be 
called the perfect. 

THE PRETERITE. 

This is the narrative tense ; as such it corresponds in function 
to the imperfect of Vedic Sanskrit 3 and to the Indo- 
germanic imperfect. 4 

IN PKINCIPAL CLAUSES. 

The use of the preterite in principal clauses will be illustrated 
in the course of this paper. For the present it will be sufficient to 
cite one of the historical notes in the Milan glosses. 

Ml. 16 10. dorimther hi libur Essaice a seel so A. asbert side 
contra Ezechiam aibelad. (ci)ch 5 side 7 dogni* aithirgi 7 luid 
in grian fora culu coic brotu deac, ' This story is recounted in the 
Book of Isaiah, to wit : he said to Hezekiah that he would die. 
He wept and did penance, and the sun went back fifteen points.' 

1 Sarauw doubts whether this verb is not purely perfective. In the old 
Sagas I have found instances which seem to be imperfective, and I have no 
instances of a preterite foyab. 

- Cf. Thurneysen, p. 62. 

3 Cf . Delbruck, Syntactische Forschungen, ii, passim, Altindischf Syntax, p. 279. 

4 Cf. Delbruck, Vergleichende Syntax, ii, 268. 

5 According to Sarauw's restoration of the missing letters; cf. LIT. 133 b 12. 

6 If this be right, it is historical present, which is the equivalent of the 
preterite ; Sarauw proposes dogtni. 



ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. STRACHAN. 417 

Many excellent examples of the preterite may bo found in the 
short stories at the end of LU., edited and translated by Professor 
K. Meyer, " Voyage of Bran," pp. 42-58, which may be compared 
with the stories in those Brahmanas in which the imperfect is the 
narrative tense. 1 

A special use of the preterite must be noted in connection with 
the idiomatic mad ' well,' with which it seems to be constant, e.g. 
" madgen&t&r d thimthirthidi" ol si, "' blessed are his servants,' 
said she," Ml. 90 b 12; ni wmlodmar, 'not well did we go,' i.e. 
' would that we had not gone,' LU. 58 a 15 ; ni Mfl^airgenus fleid, 
' not well did I prepare a feast,' i.e. ' would that I had not 
prepared a feast,' LU. 61 a 2 ; further LU. 64 b 7, 65 a 15. 

IN SUBORDINATE CLAUSES. 

In three uses the preterite is constant. 2 

() In oratio obliqua the preterite represents a present in- 
dicative of oratio recta. 3 

LU. 133 a 33. asbert Forgoll goite i n-Dubthar Lagcn. asbert 
Mongdn ba go. l Forgoll said he (Fothad Airgthech) was slain at 
Duffry in Leinster. Mongan said it was false.' At 133 b 35 we 
have in oratio recta is go ' it is false.' 

LU. 69 b 19. gle la each immurgu ba for teched luid Cuclmlaind 
remiseom, ' everyone deemed it clear, however, that Cuchulinn fled 
before him.' This may represent an oratio recta is for teched teit, 
etc., though the text continues "for Cuchulainduccut" olse, "dochoid 
(perfect) reomsa for teched" "'your Cuchulinn yonder,' said he, 
' has fled before me.'" However, the preterite might be explained 
as on p. 27. 

Ml. 50 d 1 . cianidreig (leg. ciaridreig) som namboi remcisiu Da de, 
asbeir immurgu, ' though he has complained that there was no 
providence of God for him, he says, however.' In oratio recta it 
would be nifil remcisin D'. dim. 

Ml. 43 d 1. quod etiam uerbis Kabsacis apparuit, .i. intati 
(tsrubart sumfrimmaccu Israhel imboi di oinacMaib leu robethfor dib 
milib ech, ' when he said to the Children of Israel whether there 



1 Enumerated by Delbriick, Altiud. Syn., 300. 

2 Sarauw, pp. 106, 107, 109. 

3 Cf. the change from the present to the iinpi-rlt-rt. in iiulin 1 1 discourse in 
Homeric Greek, Goodwin's floods and Ti-nso<, ^ 671 : Itrugmann, Gr. 
Gramm., p. ;)09. 



418 ACTION AND TIME IN THK IRISH VERB J. STRACHAN. 

were among them sufficient horsemen to mount two thousand 
horses.' Oratio recta: infil lib, etc. Similarly LIT. 65 a 30. 

NOTE. In oratio obliqua a perfect may represent a perfect of 
oratio recta : 

Ml. 58 C 6 (in an historical note), ar rofitir side ba Dia 
conrairleic, 'for he knew that it was God that had permitted.' 
Oratio recta : is Dia conrairleic. 

LIT. 60 a 42. asbert Cauland iarom ndbad sochaide nobertha chucai, 
air nipu du thir na ferund do a fuircc l dorigni acJit do thorud a da 
lam 7 a tharnguir, * Cauland said then that a multitude should not 
be brought to him, for the feast that he had made came not to him 
from land or fields, but from the fruit of his hands and of his . . .' 

For the preterite in such clauses see below, p. 27. 

() In a modal sense. 

Wb. 10 d 31. ut non abutar potestate mea in euangelio, .i. 
airitiu loge ar mo precept, ar boi son in potestate mea ma dagnenn, 
i.e. ' the receiving of pay for my preaching, for that were in my 
power if I cared to do it.' 

Wb. I7 d 17. ci adcobrinn moidim do demtm, ni boi adbar hic r 
c though I desired to boast, there were no cause here.' 

Cf. Substantive Verb, 11. 1248-1252, 1294-1307, and p. 61. a 

(c) With 6 < since.' 

Wb. 31 C 7. o chretsit, nintd airli ar m-ban, 'since they believed, 
we have not the government of our women.' 

LL. 279 a 3. o gabusa flaithemnas niconesbima dig riam naclr 
atlaigind, ' since I assumed the sovereignty, I have never drunk 
without giving thanks.' 

LIT. 120 a 27. nachimthdnic o gsibsu jlaitk, ' which has not come 
to me since I assumed the sovereignty.' 

So Wb. 3 C 37, 29 d 6, Ml. 63 a 4 (cf. 82 d 9, where huand uair is 
used), LU. 86 b 18, 96* 25, 120 !l 18, LL. 248 b 10, 249 a 47. 
Where ro- appears in this type of clause, as in LU. 110 b 48, it may 

1 Cf. daronait fessa 7 fuireca LL. 172 a 48 ; similarly 172 a 33 ; cf./wVw/x .i. 
fleadh nofeasda, O'Cl. 

2 So is to be explained the preterite by the perfect in Ml. 56 a 13 : aml 
duberad neck do hi ceist : " cid arin potabis tuicais (perf.) hi simt ? cid arun bu 
(pret.) son inchoiimixrd hi-mjud no it hi dobirt (pret.) and ? " "As though someone 
had put to him as a question : ' Why hast thou put potabis here ? Why shoulil>t 
thou not have put there a word to express devouring or eating ? ' " Cf . Ir. Text, 
ii, 2, 243: " cid arindid hi in l>< i, <nl<ngladathar ? " ol Cuchnlaind. " cid n<f 
bu in fn-1" "'Why is it the woman that addresses mo?' said Cuclutlimi. 
4 Why should it not be th.- man ': ' ' 






ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. STRACHAN. 4l! 

be safely put down to the later spread of the particle. It may b i 
noted that 6 is used with the present indicative of a state still 
continuing, e.g. otusa issin dim sa, ' since I have been in this fort,' 
LL. 249 b 3. 

The following examples will illustrate the use of the preterite 
in subordinate clauses, where the action of the main clause coincide> 
in time with the action of the subordinate clause. 

LU. 71 b 9. a w-batdr int sl6ig and trath nona conaccatar, 
' when the hosts were there in the afternoon, they saw.' 

YBL. 194 a 50. a w-bae laa n-ann for Uim a athar . . . , 
conaccai in mndi, ' when he was one day beside his father, he saw 
a woman.' 

Ml. 58 C 4. dia luid Duaid for lonyais tri glenn losofdd, dambidc 
Semei di clochaib, f when David was going into exile through the 
valley of Jehoshaphat, Shimei pelted him with stones.' 

LU. 134 a 13. dia w-boi dano Forgott fill la Mongan fecht n-and, 
luid Mongan ar dun .... fecht n-and, 'when Forgoll the 
poet was with Mongan once, Mongan went one time on his 
stronghold.' This is the beginning of a tale. 

Ir. Text, ii, 2, 241. dia w-bai Cuchulaind ina cotlud i n-Dun 
Imrid, co cuala in gem atuaid each n-direoch ina dochum 7 ba granda 
7 ba haduathmar lais in gem, ' while Cuchulaind was asleep in 
Dun Imrid, he heard a shout from the north straight to him, and 
the cry seemed to him terrible and very fearful.' This is the 
beginning of another tale. 

Compert Mongan. 1 intan batir int sluaig i n-Alle i n-imnissiu, 
doluid fer deligthe for a mndt, ' while the hosts were in Scotland 
in conflict, a distinguished-looking man came to his wife.' 

LU. 120 a 33. intan trd luide in ben ass . . . , dochorastar 
ulull do Condlu, l as the woman went forth, then, she threw an 
apple to Condla.' 

LU. 133 b 9. ciid (historic present = preterite) in ben intan ba 
nessam anidnacul (leg. a hidnacul], 'the woman wept when her 
surrender was close at hand.' 

LU. 128 b 25. birt mac 7 doberar (hist, pres.) Setanta fait . 
and sin iarom batar Ulaid hi comthinol i n-Emain Jlac/ta intan 
berta in mac. ' She bore a son and Setanta was the name given 
to him. The men of Ulster were assembled in Emain Macha when 
she bore the son.' 

1 Ed. K. Meyer, Voyage of Bran, p. I 1 .'. 
Phil. Trans. 1899-1900. J'.< 



420 ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. STRACHAN. 

The action of the subordinate clause may be prior to the action 
of the main clause. In such sentences both the preterite and the 
perfect are found. The discussion of the preterite in these and 
similar cases will be better reserved till the use of the perfect has 
been considered. 

THE PERFECT. 

The perfect marks the occurrence of an action in past time 
from the point of view of the present ; ! it corresponds 
generally in function to the aorist in Vedic Sanskrit, 2 
and to the Indogermanic aorist. 3 

The action may fall within the recent experience of the speaker 
(or the person spoken to), or within his more remote experience, or 
it may fall in an indefinite past. Sometimes the perfect seems to 
correspond to the Indogermanic perfect, i.e. to denote a state 
resulting from a past action, asreracht Crist ' Christ has arisen 
(and lives),' rotcharus ' I have fallen in love with thee (and love 
thee),' la sz^facs. sin) a met, di primglais deac foraccaib ind 
oenfross i n-Ere co brdth 'such was its greatness (that) the single 
shower has left twelve chief streams in Ireland for ever' 
LIT. 134 b 18. But I doubt if the perfect force lies in the 
verbal form itself; it lies rather in the peculiar situation. In 
itself asrcracht Crist seems to mean ' Christ has (once) arisen,' 
i.e. He did not remain with the dead, rotcharus ' I have fallen 
in love with thee ' (ij/xwrtfyv). At least, there seems to me to be 
no sufficient reason for postulating a separate category here. 

The uses of the perfect may be thus subdivided. (I) The 
perfect in main clauses. (II) The perfect in subordinate clauses 
where the verb of the main clause is present or perfect, where 
the action of both verbs is regarded from the point of view of 
the present, and where there is nothing in the context to show 
that the action of the subordinate clause is felt to be relatively 
prior to the action of the main clause. (Ill) The perfect in 
subordinate clauses where the verb of the main clause is present 
or perfect, where the action of both verbs may be regarded from 
the point of view of the present, but where the action of the 
subordinate clause is prior to the action of the main clause. 
(IV) The perfect in subordinate clauses where the verb of the 
main clause is preterite. Here the perfect is felt by us at least 

1 Cf. Mutzbauer, Griechische Tempuslehre, p. 13. 

2 Delbruck, Altind. Synt. pp. 280 sq. 

3 Delbriick, Vgl. Synt. ii, pp. 277 s<]. 



ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. SIKACHAN. 421 

to express not an action regarded from the point of view of the 
present, but time prior to the time of the main clause. (V) The 
perfect in main clauses which stand in the same relation to another 
main clause as the subordinate clause to the principal clause in the 
last subdivision (parataxis for hypotaxis). 

I. 1 

LU. 74 a 32. A woman comes to Cuchulinn. He asks her who 
*he is. She replies: " ing en Buain ind rig" orsi, " dodeochad 
chucutsu. rotcharus air th' airscelaib 7 tucus mo seotu Urn." " * The 
daughter of King Buan,' said she. * I hare come to thee. I 
have fallen in love with thee for the tales of thee, and I have 
brought my treasures with me.'" 

With rotckams, cf. LU. 72 a 31, 120 a 16, LL. 249 b 36, RC. xi, 442. 

LTJ. 60 a 1. When Cuchulinn went to the battlefield, he saw 
a man with half his head off carrying the half of a man upon 
his back. He addresses Cuchulinn : " congna lim, a Chuchulaind" 
olse ; " rombith 7 tuccus leth mo Irathar ar mo mum." " ' Help me, 
'Cuchulinn,' said he; " I have been wounded, and I have brought 
the half of my brother on my back.' " 

LTJ. 120 b 10. Condla says of a woman who has come to him 
from fairyland : " romgab dano eolchaire immon mndi" ( I have 
been seized with longing for the woman.' In 120 a 38, where this 
is narrated, the preterite is used : gabais Eolchaire larom inni Condla 
immon mndi atchonnairc, 'thereafter Condla was seized with 
longing for the woman whom he had seen.' 

1 Cf. the following examples of the aorist ill Sanskrit and in Greek : 

Catapatha Br. xi, .3, 4 1 . The pupil who presents himself before his teacher says : 
l>rfihmacdr>jm agam, ' I have come to be a pupil.' 

Taittirlya Samhita, vi, f>, 53. Indra slew Vritra. Then the gods said : 
" rnahSu va a i/n m abhud yo Vrtrdm avadhid" iti, ' he has shown himself great 
who has slain Vritra.' 

RV. x, 124, i. imam no iiyna itpa yajndm ehi .... .///</ t'nl dtrffhum 
tnma ficayishthah. Agni, come to this our sacrifice. Too long hat thou lain 
in lasting darkness.' 

RV. v, 2, 12. Irresistibly .shall Agni drive off (ajati) tho wealth of the 
enemy, itlmdm aynim amrtd avocan, ' hence the gods havi; called him A^ni.' 

Aitareya Br. ii, 23, 3. picro ru etna dini akrata //// yy/o-oA/^v/.v tat j)ur<i/<i$iin<im 
pxrolacdtrnin. l The gods have made the sacrificial cakes (purdilfi*) their 
strongholds. That is why tlie purolt'^-tl/i are so called.' 

Horn. Od. i, 182, v\>v S' w8e vv vt)\ Karr,\vOoi/ i)S > frdpouri. 

id. i, 64, TtKVOV ffJ.6v t iroi6v (re HTTOS <j>vytv fpKos oSovTuv ; 

Hdt. i, 30, vvv &v fyiepos firfipf<r6ai fj.oi irTJ\6e e? nva tfSr) Trdrrwv 



422 ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. STRACHAN. 

Ml. 53 d 9. " is Dia do[n]roidni," ! ol. fiabsacis, " intern nand- 
argart." " ' It is God who hath sent us,' said Rabshakeh, ' since 
He hath not forbidden it.' " 

LL. 251 :i 4. congair Frach gilla dia muntir. "airy ass," ohe, 
" cosin magin i w-deochads issin uisce. eicne foracbusa and" 
" Fraech summons a gillie of his household. ' Go forth,' said he, 
4 to the place in which I entered the water. I have left a salmon 
there.' " Fraech had caught the salmon in the water on the 
previous day. 

Rev. Celt, xi, 446. Cuchulinn comes to Scathach. Scathach's 
daughter praised him to her. " ruttolnastair infer" ol a mdthair. 
" ' The man hath found favour with thee/ said her mother." 

LTJ. 61 a 45. Cuchulinn overheard Cathbad telling his pupils 
that whatever youth took arms on that day would be famous in 
Ireland for ever. He went to King Conchobur and asked for arms. 
On being informed that this was done by the advice of Cathbad, 
Conchobur gave him arms. Cathbad came afterwards and denied 
that the advice had come from him. Conchobur reproaches 
Cuchulinn with having deceived him. Cuchulinn replies : " a ri 
Fene, ni brec" ol Cuchulaind. " is he dorinchoisc dia felmaccaib 
imbuaruch 7 racJiiialasa fri hEmain andess 7 dedeochadsa chucutsu 
iarom." " ' King of the Fene, it is no deceit,' said Cuchulinn. 
' He taught his pupils this morning, and I heard it south of Emain, 
and came to thee then.' " 

LU. 20 1 ' 4. Crimthann had escaped from the slaughter wrought 
by Cuchulinn and the Ulstermen. He meets his foster-mother. 
"in farcbad mo mac sa?" olsi. " foracbad," ol Crimthand. 
" ' Has my son been left (on the field) ? ' said she. ' He has been 
left/ said Crimthann." 

LU. 133 a 2. aid do chele i n-guais md[i~\r. tucad fer huathmar 
ara chend .... 7 atbela leis. 'Thy husband is in great 
peril. A terrible man has been brought against him, and he will 
fall by him.' 

LU. 83 a 39. "b6i cara damsa ism tir se" for Conaire, " acht 



1 Such cases as this, where the periphrasis with the copula is used to brinj; 
some word into emphatic position, may best be put with main clauses, as there 
is no real subordination. It may be noted that in such periphrasis, wlu-n 
the leading verb is perfect, the copula is regularly either present or perfect. 
Examples will be found in my paper on the Substantive Verb, pp. 73 sq. In 
\V1>. 4 C 35 we should correct, with Thurneysen, to ni fochet6ir dorat, and in 
NVli. ,") b 3 should be read, with Zimmer, iiifarina'ut rosnnirc. 



ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. STRACHAN. 423 

rofesmais conair d'ta thig" " Cia ainm side?" for MacCecht. 
"DaDergadi Lagnib" ol Conaire. " runic cucumsa em," ol Conaire, 
u do chuingid aisceda 7 n't thuidchid co n-vru." " ' 1 should have 
a friend in this land,' said Conaire, ' if we only knew the way to his 
house.' ' What is his name?' said MacCecht. 'DaDerga of 
Leinster,' said Conaire. ' He came to me indeed,' said Conaire, 
1 to seek a gift, and he came not with refusal.' " The various 
gifts are then introduced by the perfect roirus, * I have given.' 

LU. 68'' 12. " is fas ind Idi mdr sin doberar lam popa Fergus" 
ol Cuchulaind, " ar ni fl claideb ina intiuch inge claideb craind" 
'' atchoas dam dano" ol Cuchulaind: "rogab Ailill a m-bcegal 
inna cotlud, heseom 7 Medb, 7 doretlaistir a claidiub ar Fergus 
7 dorat dia araid dia toscaid 7 doratad claideb craind ina intech" 
14 1 That great rudder is empty which my father Fergus brings with 
him,' says Cuchulinn, 'for there is no sword in its sheath but 
a sword of wood.' ' It has been told me,' said Cuchulinn, 
' Ailill got a chance of them as they slept, he and Medb, and took 
from Fergus his sword and gave it to his charioteer to keep, and 
;t sword of wood was put into its sheath.' " This took place 
shortly before, LU. 65 a 31 sq. ; in the narrative there preterites 
are used. 

LTJ. 59 b 40. Fergus relates one of the wonders that Cuchulinn 
had done in his childhood, and adds : hif'iadnaise Bricriu (sic) ucut 
doronad, ' it was done before Bricriu yonder.' 

LTJ. 134 a 7. atd coirthe oca ulaid, 7 aid ogom isin chind fil hi 
talam din chorthi. issed fil and: " Eochaid Airgtech inso ; rambi 
Cdilte" "There is a pillar by his grave, and there is an Ogam 
on the end of the pillar that is in the earth. This is what is there : 
' This is Eochaid Airgthech ; Cailte slew him.' " 

The perfect of an indefinite past is the common type of perfect 
in the Glosses, e.g. : 

Tur. 60. air intan citaacce (MS. ad citaacai) Rebeca inni Isdc 
doarblaing (= di-air-roleblaing] den chanmll forambdi ar omalldoit 
spirto. sic dano doarblaing ind eclats din chamull indiumsa .... 
forsarobae intan adcondairc sponsum. ' For when Rebecca first saw 
Isaac, she sprang from the camel whereon she was, for humility 
of spirit. So then the Church has sprung from the camel of pride 
whereon she was, when she saw the Spouse.' But at 59, in 
an historical note, is the preterite diain dodrbling, 'thence she 
sprang down.' 







424 ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. STRACHAN. 

This type is also common in the Felire, e.g. : 

Prol. 29. roselgatar r6tu, ndd soreid la boethu ; 

riana techt dond rigu rodamnatar soethu. 

1 They have hewed roads, which foolish ones deem not easy. Before 
coming to the kingdom they have suffered pains.' 

Prol. 233. in gormr'ig romuchtha : in Domnaill roplagtha ; 
in Chiardin rorigtha : in Chrondin romartha. 

' The mighty kings have been stifled : the Domnalls have been 
plagued : the Ciarans have been crowned : the Cronans have been 
magnified.' 

The following examples will further illustrate the usage : 

Imram Brain, 27. flaith cen tossach cen forcenn doriiasat 
bith, ' a King without beginning, without end, hath created the 
world.' 

Lib. Ardm. 18 b 1. 7 adopart (pret.) Crimthann in port sin du 
Patrice, ar la Patric dubert (pret.) baithis do Chrimthunn, 7 i Slebti 
adranact Crimthann. 'And Crimthann offered that place to 
Patrick, for it was Patrick that gave baptism to Crimthann, 
and in Slebte Crimthann has been buried.' Here the preterites 
simply narrate ; in the perfect the past is put in relation to the 
present. 

Cormac's Glossary, s.v. prull. After the narration of the tale 
which is said to have given Senchan his name we have is disein 
rohainmniged dosom Senchan Torpeist .i. Senchan dororpai peist, 
* hence he hath got the name of Senchan Torpeist, i.e. Senchan to 
whom a monster hath been of service.' Similarly s.v. nescoit, ad fin. 

LTJ. 84 a 41. Mi leech maith isin tir thuaid. Fen-dar-Cr'mach 
based (leg. bahed, cf. YBL. 94 a 10) a ainm. is de roboi Fen-dar- 
Cr'inach fairseom. dr is cumma nocinged dara cholaind (tar a choland 
YBL. 94 a 10, dar comland YBL. 330 a 62, leg. tara chomlond) 
7 nochessed fen dar crinach. ' There was a goodly hero in the 
north. Fen-dar-ciinach (Wain-over-faggots) was his name. This 
is how he got the name of Fen-dar-crmach. For he used to step 
over his foes as though it were a wain going over faggots.' 

LTJ. 64 b 10. After the death of divers people at the hands of 
Cuchulinn has been narrated, the narrator sums up : is amlaid trd 
romarbtha in lucht sin : Orldm chetumus ina dind, tri maic Odrach 
fora n-dth, Fertedil ina dtdlib (dedil YBL. 24 a 8), Manan ina dind. 
1 So then were those folk slain, Orlam first in his dind, the three 









ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. STRACHAN. 425 

MacGarach at their ford, Fertedil in his . . . , Maenan in 
his dind. 1 It must be borne in mind that here, as generally in 
the Tain, the stories are connected with names of places. For 
a similar brief summary see LIT. 70 b 42. But in LIT. 70 1 ' 11 we 
have the preterite. 

In LIT. 74 a 26 we have the various bodily troubles that resulted 
to Larine from his conflict with Cuchulinn detailed in a series of 
perfects ; to this so far I have no parallel except Kev. Celt, x, 78, 
11. 7-9. 

II. 1 

LL. 250 b 15. After Ailill and Medb have tried to bring about 
Fraech's death, teit Ailill 7 Medb ina n-dun iarom. " mor gnkm 
doringemam" ol Medb. " issinnaithrech" ol Ailill, " a n- 
doringensam rlsin fer" u Then Ailill and Medb go into their fort. 
' An evil deed (yue^ya cp^ov] have we done,' said Medb. ' We 
repent,' said Ailill, ' of what we have done to the man.' " 

LU. 69 a 27. Cuchulinn has slain Etarcomol, who had come to 
him under the protection of Fergus. Fergus comes to him in anger. 
Cuchulinn asks whether he would have preferred that Etarcomol 
had slain him. " is assu em lemsa a w-doronad," ar Fergus. " ' I 
prefer what has been done,' says Fergus." 

LIT. 133 b 44. Mongan and the poet Forgoll had a dispute about 
how Fothad Airgthech met with his death. A warrior, who was 
Cailte, Find's foster-son, comes to Mongan's court and says the 
king is right, and he relates how long ago when he (Cailte) was 
with Mongan, who is identified with Find, he slew Fothad with 
his spear. And he adds : issed a n-d'iceltar so roboi isin gal sin. 
fugebthar in malcloch dia rolusa a roud si[n]. ' This is the shaft 

1 Cf. the following examples of the aorist in Sanskrit and in Greek : 

Catapatha Br. iii, 6, 2, 18. ydthaiv&syamutra goptaro 'bhumam/m 
evasySplhd (joptn.ro bhavishyiimah, ' as we have been his protectors there, so we 
will he his protectors here.' 

Id. ii, 6, 3, 5. sd bdndhiih siuiaslryusya yum p'trrnm avocama, 'that is 
the sense of the sunastrya which we have just now set forth.' 

Id. iv, 1, 5, 7. ydn ngvedisham ttna/iimsisham, 'because I did not know 
thee, therefore have I injured thee.' 

Hdt. i, 85. %v ol TCCUS rov Kal irpdrepov fir(fjLtrf)a'0ijv. 

Horn. II. i, 297. X P (r ^ M^ ^ T0t %yu>V* /nax^fo/xai tlvtKa. Kovprjy oCrc ffol 

0$T T(f &\\(f, 67T61 fjL O<f> \fff6e 76 5Jl/T5. 

Plat., 162A. & Sc^Kpores, <f)i\os avf)P, &(rir(p vw$)) elires. In Irish it would 
be amal asrnbirtsin ; cf . the examples cited by Zimmer, KZ. xxxvi, 505 sq. 



426 ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. STRACHAN. 

that was in that spear. The blunt stone from which I made that 
cast will he found.' 

Stowe Missal, 64 b . figor cuirp Crist rosuidiged hi linnanart 
brond Maire, ' a figure of Christ's body that was set in the linen 
sheet of Mary's womb.' Other examples will be found in this text. 

Cormac's Glossary, s.v. Mugeme. Mugeme ainm in chetnai oirc 
cetarabe * n-j&re, ' Mugeme is the name of the first lapdog that 
first was in Ireland.' 

LIT. 77 b 12. After it has been related where various people 
were slain, we are told : kite a n-anmand na tiri sin co brdth each 
bale i torcair each fer dibsidi, ' these are the names of those 
lands for ever, each place in which each of them has fallen.' 
Similarly LTJ. 70 b 22. Cf. pp. 17, 18 above. 

Wb. 13 b 10. amal ronpridchissemni rachretsidsi, 'as we have 
preached it, ye have believed it.' 

Ml. 102 d 17. amal rusoirtha som hi sleib Sina .... sic 
rosoirtha in Machabdi, ' as they have been delivered on Mount 
Sinai, so the Maccabees have been delivered.' 

Wb. 29 d 9. intain ronanissiu domheisse nirbo accur lat, ' when 
thou didst remain behind me, thou didst not desire it.' 

LTJ. 55 a 33. As the army is about to leave home, Medb says : 
" All who are parting with their friends will curse me, udir is me 
dorinol in sluagad sa," ' because I have mustered this hosting.' 

Wb. 4 C 1 6 . hore doroigu indala fer cen airilliud et romiscsigestar 
alaile indoich bid indirge do Dia insin, ' because He hath chosen 
the one man without merit and hath hated the other, think ye 
that that is unrighteousness to God ? ' 

Wb. 17 C 1. cein ropridchos doib it Macidonii domroisechtatar, ' as 
long as I preached to them, the Macedonians have supported me.' 

Ir. Text, ii, 2, 245. dofuccusa in m-boin sea a Sith Cruachan 
condarodart in Dub Cuailnge, * I have brought this cow out of 
Sid Cruachan so that the Black of Cooley has bulled her.' 

Ml. 55 d 4. rob6i du chensi Duaid conna rogaid do Dia dig ail for 
Saul . . . , acht rogaid ho Dia conidnderoimed di lamaib Saul, 
1 such hath been David's gentleness that he hath not prayed to 
God for vengeance on Saul, but he hath prayed of God that He 
would deliver him from Saul's hands.' 

Cf. Wb. 21 C 22, 26* 25, Ml. 33 b 5, 44 C 11, 65 d 12, 98 b 8. 



ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VKRK J. M i; u HAN. 427 

III. 1 

Ml. 102 d 17. sic rowirtha in Machabdi hua Dia dinaib imnedaib 
hi robatar, ' so the Maccabees have been delivered by God from 
the troubles wherein they had been.' 

Ml. 50 d 15. intain dorolaig Dia do inn mill dorigni roicad 
iarum, l when God had forgiven him the pride of which he had 
been guilty, he was healed afterwards.' 

Ml. 126 b 2. is do nertad in popuil adcuaid som cid intain ronan 
du aisndis dun popul fesin, 'it is to encourage the people that he 
has delivered himself, even when he has ceased from speaking of 
the people itself.' 

Ml. 65 a 1. iarsindi adcuaid som dineuch immethecrathar Crist 
dianechtair, contoi talmaidiu du aisndis de fessin hie, ' after he has 
spoken of what covers Christ externally, he turns suddenly to 
speak of Himself here.' 

"Wb. 21 d 11. o adcuaid ruin icce in cheneli doine . 
asbeir iarom . . , ' after he has set forth the mystery of the 
salvation of the race of men, he says afterwards,' etc. 

IV. 2 

LTJ. 63 a 32. lasodain atnethat Idith gaile JSmna 7 focherdat 
i n-dabaig n-uarusci. maitti immiseom in dabach limn, in dabach 

1 Cf. the following examples of the aorist in Sanskrit and in Greek : 

RV. vii, 57, 1. pinvanti utsam ydd ayasur ugrah, ' the strong ones cause the 
skin to flow, when they have come.' 

RV. i, 38, 8. va$r?va vidyun mimdti .... ydd esham vrshtir asarji, 
' like a calf the lightning lows, when their rain has been poured forth.' 

RV. viii, 82, 14-15. vi ydd dher ddha tvishS vicve d'eviiso akramuh vidan 
mrgdsya tan amah, ad u me nivard bhuvad vrtrahadishta paiimsyam, ' when all 
the gods fled from the violence of the dragon, when the rage of the beast seized 
them, then was he to me a protection, the slayer of Vritra showed his valour.* 

Other examples are cited in Grassmann, s.v. ydd and yadt. 

Horn. II. iv, 244. o7 T' eTrel ovv e/fa/toi/ TroAeos -neStoio Oeovffai, tffraffi. 

2 Cf. the following examples of the aorist in Sanskrit and in Crock : 

RV. vii, 98, 5. yadZd ddevir asahishta mayH, dthffbJmrat l-fntlah ifmi asya, 
'when he had overcome the crafty assaults of the demons, then the Soma wa 
wholly his.' 

RV. i, 51, 4. Vrtrdni ydd Lidra ff/iw.vavadhir n/iim, ud it stiryam diry 
irohayo dr$i, ' when, Indra, thou hadst slain by force the dragon Vritra, then 
thou didst cause the sun to mount in the heaven to behold.' 

Horn. II. i, 484. avrbp ^ret ' IKOVTO Kara ffrparbv fvpvv 'Axa*wv, vrja f*lv 




428 ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. 8TRACHAN. 

aile dano w-rolad fiehis dornaib de? in tres dabach ew-deochaid 
iarsudiu fosngert side combo chumsi do a tess 7 afuacht. 'Therewith 
the heroes of Einain seize him (Cuchulinn hot with rage) and cast 
him into a tub of cold water. That tub bursts about him. The 
second tub in which he was cast boiled hands high(?) therefrom. 
The third tub into which he went afterwards, he warmed it so 
that its heat and its cold were right for him.' 

LU. 65 a 19. "ind adaig" orse, " dochotar Ulaid ma noendin, 
dolluid 7 tri fichit samaisce imbi." " 'The night/ she said, 'that 
the Ulstermen had gone into their debility, he (the bull) went and 
sixty heifers around him.' " 

LIT. 64 a 22. a w-dochoid i n-occus don dunud tisca (hist, pres.) 
a cend dia mum, ' when he had gone near the camp, he took his 
head from his back.' 

LTJ. 60 a 41. dia forgeni Cauland cerdd oegidacht do Chonchobur, 
asbert Cauland iarom . . . , 'when Cauland the smith had 
prepared hospitality for Conchobor, Cauland said then . . . .' 

LU. 56 b 1. o dodeochatar a cetna rude 2 a Cruachain combdtdr 
hi Cuil Sibrinne, asbert Medb fria haraid, ' when they had come 
the first march from Cruachan, so that they were in Cul Sibrinne, 
Medb said to her charioteer.' 

EC. xi, 444. o dochoid tar Alpi la bronach do dith a coiceli. anai* 
dano desuidiu o roairigestar. ' When he had gone over Scotland, 
he was sorrowful for the loss of his comrades. He stayed then 
when he had perceived it.' 

LU. 70 b 19. tintdi Medb aitheruch atuaid 6 roan coicthiges oc 
inriud in cMicid 7 o rofich cath fri Findmoir, f Medb turned 
back again from the north, after she had remained a fortnight 
harrying the province, and after she had fought a battle with 
Findmor.' Similarly LU. 76 b 11. 

LL. 248 b 7. dosndeccai in derccaid din diin intan dodechatar i m- 
Mag Cruachan, ' the watchman saw them from the fort, when they 
had come into the plain of Cruachan.' 

1 = eott/igfed durntt di, LL. 67 b 48. 

2 leg., with Stokes, n-ndt, cf. LL. 56 b 10. 



ACTION ANJ) TIME IX THE IRISH VKRB J. STRACHAN. 42f> 



V. 1 

LIT. 82 a 34. At the beginning of the section entitled Aided 
Tamuin (the Death of Tamun) : foruirmiset muinter Ailello a mind 
rig for Tamun druth. n't lamair Ailill a leith fair fessin. sredis 
(pret.) Cuchulaind cloich fair . . . comebaid a cend de. ' Ailill' s 
household had placed his royal crown on Tamun the fool. Ailill 
did not venture to have it on himself. Cuchulinn hurled a stone 
at him, so that his head was broken therefrom.' Here foruirmiset 
is logicallj T subordinate to sredis. -lamair is one of the verbs that 
may be either imperfective or perfective (cf. p. 9). 

LU. 59 b 13. When the young Cuchulinn came to the court of 
his uncle Conchobor, the boys who were at play attacked the 
stranger for some breach of boyish etiquette. He fell upon 
them and overthrew fifty of them. At last, instead of his being 
placed under the protection of the lads, they were put under his 
protection. lotdr (pret.) uli isa cluchemaig (leg. -mag} iarom 
7 atarachtatar (perf.) in maic hi (leg. hisin?) roslassa and. 
fosrdthatar (pret.) a mummi 7 a n-aiti. 'Thereafter they all went 
into the play-field, and those boys who had been smitten there 
had arisen. Their foster-mothers and foster-fathers helped them.' 



1 "With this section cf. Zimmer's remarks, pp. 541 sq. 

A similar usage seems to be found with the aorist in Vedic Sanskrit, as in the 
following examples : 

RV. x, 88, 10. stomena hi divi devaso agnim ajijanan . . . , 
tarn u akpnvan tredhci blimi. ' By praise the gods had created Agni in the 
heaven. They made him be in three.' 

RV. iv, 18, 5. avadydm, iva mdnyamand //uhak&r tndram mflffi v'lryfna 
nyrshtam: dtliOd asthat svaydm dtkam vdsana, d rsdasl aprnfij jayamanah. 
' Indra's mother, deeming him contemptible, though full of might, had hidden 
him. He had burst forth of himself clad in his raiment. At his birth he 
filled the two worlds.' 

R.V. i, 163, 2. Yameiia dattdm Trltd i'ltam ayunay, fndra cnatti pruthumo 
ddhy atishthut, Oandharw asya rafcmdiu agrbhnut ; mlrdd d$va/n I'd^aiu inr 
atashta, translated by Delbriick : ' Den von Yama gegebenen Renner spannte 
Trita an, Indra bestieg ihn zuerst, Gandliarva ergriff seinen Ziigel. Aus der 
Souue hattet ihr Vasus das Ross geschaffen.' 

Cf. also such Greek examples as the following : 

Horn. II. i, 92. al rdre 5$j ddpcrrjffe Kal rjwSo /iai/rts apvpuv. 

Plat., 157E. & p.fv o</)0aAjub? &pa oi^ews ir\f<as eytVeTO Kal 6pq, 5r) TOTC. 

Horn. II. xvii, 544. eyeipe 5e i/eT/cos A^inj 

ovpav66ev Karafiaffa.' irporjKe yap fvpvoira Zeus 
opvv/Jievai Aavaovs' 8^j yap voos ^rpaTrer' auToG. 

In the last instance, however, subordination is indicated by yap. 



430 ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. STRACHAN. 

LL. 250 a 27. fosceird (hist, pres.) Ailill isinn abaind sis. 
roairigestar (perf.) Frach anisin. conaccai ni: dollellaiiig (pret.) 
int ecne ara chend 1 7 gabsus (pret.) inna leulu. 'Ailill threw it 
(the ring) down into the river. Fraech had marked that. He 
(Fraech) saw somewhat : a salmon sprang to meet it, and seized 
it in its mouth.' 

LL. 248 a 23. iarsuidiu docorastar (pret.) fair did do acallaim 
nailing ine. immaroraid (perf.) fria muntir anisin. " tiagar uait 
didiu co siair do mathar," etc. " Then it fell upon him to go to 
speak with the maid. He had deliberated that with his house- 
hold. ' Let someone ' (said they) ' then go from thee to thy mother's 
sister.' " 

LU. 72 b 11. leeair (hist, pres.) sium iarom ass, 7 fonascar 
(hist, pres.) fair can tuidecht for sin slog co tisad aroen fri Ultu ult. 
dorairngired (perf.) do dano Findabair do talairt do 7 immasoi 
(pret.) iiadil iarsudiu. ' Then he was let go, and he was bound 
not to come against the host till he should come along with all the 
TJlstermen. It had been promised him that Findabair should be 
given him, and then he turned away from them.' 

LU. 19 a 6. A dispute arose among the TJlstermen as to who 
should go on an errand. One said that it should be he, another 
that it should be he. cotreracht each fer diarailiu imli. " nacha- 
fogluesed anisin," ol Sencha; "fer dongegat Ulaid .... ise 
nodraga." " Each of them had arisen against the other concerning 
it. ' Let not that move you,' said Sencha ; ' the man whom the 
men of Ulster shall choose, he shall go.' " 

LU. 85 b 14. toscurethar" (hist, pres.) a collach docliom tire, 
a n-gloim roldsat na tri coicait curach oc tuidecht hi tir forrocrath 
(perf.) brudin DdDergce conndrali gai for alchaing inte, add, 
rolasat (perf.) grith comldtur for lar in tige uli. " samailte lat" 
a Chonairi, " cia fuaim so?" " They put to land with their fleet. 
The din that the thrice fifty boats had raised in coming to land 
had shaken the palace of DaDerga, so that there was no spear 
on rack in it, but they had made a din so that they were all 



1 One might have expected ara cend. Iii Rev. Celt, xi, 4o2, we find am 
thind of a woman, where, however, another text (Celt. Zeitschr. iii, 254) has 
foracinn. Did the masculine form tend to become stereotyped ? So far I have 
no more evidence. 

2 Cf. (toscurethar dochom tire LU. 8o a 41, toscnrrtlmr />/</ na dibcrgaitj 
86 b 38. Of one person doseitirethar Ir. Text, ii, 1, 178, but docuirethar bedy 
LU. 87* 27 = tacuirithear beady YBL. 96 a 23 ; ef. further ilomruircthar Rev. 
elt. x, 86, also/ocm* Rev. Celt, x, 70. 



ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. STRACHAN. 431 

in the midst of the house. ' Make comparison, Conaire, what noise 
is this?'" 

Compert Mongan. boi Fiachnce Lurga athair Hongdin, //" 
hoenri in chuicid. boi cara lets i n-Albain .i. Aeddn mac Gabrdin. 
dodechas uadside co h Aeddn ; dodechas 6 Aeddn co Fiachnce ara 

tised dia chobair luid didiu Fiachnce tain's. 'There 

was Fiachnae Lurga, son of Mongan, who was sole king of tht 
province. He had a friend in Scotland, Aedan, son of Gabrau. 
A message had come from him to Aedan. A message had come 

from Aedan to him that he should come to help him 

Then Fiachnae went across.' 

LU. 67 b 17. "td.it ass do Chuil Airthir" ecmaic dochuaid 
(perf.) CucJiulaind inn aidchi sin do acallaim Ulad. " scela lat" 
or Conchobor. "'Come forth to Cul Airthir.' It happened that 
Cuchulinn had gone that night to speak with the Ulstermen. 
'Thy news,' said Conchobor." Similarly LL. 251 b 29, and, 
with a still longer explanation interpolated, Ir. Text, ii, 1, I78 r 
11. 126-132. 

In Ml. 124 d 9 (cf. Zimmer, p. 518) two subordinate clauses 
seem to stand in this relation, kuare nad rotodlaigestar (perf.) 
co Dia inna huisciu .... 7 huare asmbert da duthluich^ed^ l 
nadetaitisj ' because he had not asked the waters of God .... 
and because he said though he should ask, they could not be got.' 

In the following passages the perfect follows : 
LIT. 70 a 31. is and sin luid (pret.) Medb co tr'iun int sloig le hi 
Cuib do chuingid in tairb y luid Cuchulaind ina n-diad. for sliyi 
Midluachra didiu dochoid si do indriud Ulad. * Then l\Iedb went 
and a third of the host with her into Cuib to seek the bull, and 
Cuchulinn went after them. Now she had gone by the way of 
Midluachair to harry Ulster.' 

LL. 249 a 45. docing (hist, pres.) Lothur for Inr in taige ; fod<nl<> 
doib a m-biad. fora dernaind norannad (imperfect) cech n dga conn 
claidiub (facs. claldiub = cona claid" YBL. 57 a 26) 7 ni aidletl 
(imperfect) toinn na feoil. o gabais (pret., see above p. 11) 
rannaireclit ni archiuir Mad foa Idim riam. 'Lothur sprang into 
the middle of the house. He divided to them the food. On his 
palm he used to divide each joint with his sword, and he reached 
not skin or flesh (i.e. of his hand). Since he assumed the office 
of divider, food had never failed beneath his hand.' 

1 Zimmer'.s dnthlnlchfed is syntactically impossible. 



432 ACTION AND TIME IN THP; IRISH VERB J. STRACHAN. 

LL. 252 a 45. leicid (hist, pres.) Condi in nathir assa chriss. 
et ni dergeni nechtar dp. olc fria cheile. ' Conall let the snake go 
from his girdle. And neither of them had done harm to the other.' 

Such parataxis might also be found when the leading verb is 
primary. But then, as a rule, it is not so easily discernible. The 
following passage, however, may be quoted : 

LTJ. 133 a 19. conid mac do Mananndn mac Lir int'i Mongdncesu 
3fongan mac Fiachnai dogarar de. ar foracaib rand lia mdthair al- 
lude uadi matin. * So that this Mongan is son of Manannan mac 
Lir, though he is called Mongan, Fiachnae's son. For he (Manannan) 
had left a stave with his (Mongan's) mother, when he went from 
her in the morning.' 



PRETERITE AND PERFECT. 

We have exemplified the chief uses of the preterite and the 
perfect in Irish. It remains to consider a number of exceptions, 
when the preterite is used where, in accordance with what has 
been set forth above, the perfect might have been expected, and 
conversely. It is here that the lack of absolutely trustworthy 
texts is most severely felt. As has been said already, the historical 
passages in the Old Irish manuscripts are few, and in old texts 
preserved in later manuscripts there is always the risk of error 
in transmission. The rik obviously lies chiefly in one direction. 
In the development of the Irish language the imperfective 
(preterite) forms are finally ousted by the perfective (perfect). 
Hence it is very possible that a later transcriber should replace 
a preterite by a perfect ; it is very unlikely that he should have 
replaced a perfect by a preterite. Consequently, if we meet with 
preterites where we might have been inclined to look for perfects, 
we should seek for some other explanation than scribal carelessness. 

The following are the instances that I have noted in which 
preterites appear under circumstances similar to those in which 
perfects appeared in the foregoing section. The examples may 
be most conveniently arranged under the following heads : 

1. THE PBETERITE IN MAIN CLAUSES. 

LTJ. 77 b 2. The Morrigan had been wounded by Cuchulinn, 
and came to him unrecognized and was healed by him, though he 
had previously warned her (LTJ. 74 a 42 sq.) that, if she molested 



ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERH J. STRACHAN. 11', 

him as she threatened, she should rue it. After being healed, 
'atbirt frim trd," or in Morngan, " nimb'iad w lat co brath" 
" 'You told me,' said the Morrigan, 'that I should not be healed 
by you till Doom.' " Similarly atbertsa, LL. 25 l b 8. 

Ir. Text, ii, 2, 230. The sons of Ailill and Medb on a foray 
were attacked by overwhelming numbers. They sent a message 
home to tell of their plight, rosoiched na hingena co Cruachain 
7 adjiadad scela ule : " rogabad" (perf.), ar siad, "fort maccaib-siu 
oc Ath Briuin, 7 asbertadar techt na foirithin" translated by 
Windisch : "Die Madchen gelangen nach Cruachan und erziihlen 
die ganzen Geschichten. ' Deine Sohne sind bei Ath Briuin im 
Xachtheil, und sie haben gesagt, man solle ihnen zu Hiilfe 
kommen.' " Strictly speaking, asbertatar means not ' they have 
said,' but * they said.' 

In the foregoing instances the preterite simply narrates some 
past action or experience of the speaker without any reference to 
the present. 1 So the speaker can narrate in the preterite his 
deeds in a more remote past. Thus, in LU. 133 b 39 sq., Cailte 
narrates: " ' We were (bdmdr) with Find, then,' said he. 'We 
came (dulodmar) from Scotland. We met with (immarnacmur) 
Fothad Airgthech here yonder on the Larne river. We fought 
(fichimmir) a battle there. I made (fochart) a cast at him. 
. . . .' " But directly afterwards, when there is a reference 
to the present : "This here is the shaft that was (roioVperf.) in 
that spear. The blunt stone from which I made (rokis perf.) that 
cast will be found . . . ." So in a dependent clause, Rev. Celt, 
xi, 446, asbert si batir comaltai dibl'maib la Ulbecan Saxa, " dia 
//i-bamar matau lais oc foglaim bindiussa" ol si. "She said they 
were (we should say ' they had been ') foster-children both with 
Wulfkin the Saxon, ' when you and I were with him learning 
sweet speech,' said she." 

Other instances of the preterite of an immediate past are 
found in LU. 122 b 35. Cuchulinn, who has just come to woo 



1 Cf. Delbriick's remarks on the Sanskrit imperlVct, Altind. Synt., p. 291 : 
"Das Imperfectum hat also nie eine beziehnn,"' /ur ^."cinvart, w'ie sir lu-i dem 
Aorist und Perfectum vorhandeu 1st. Wenn also Urva<;i xu I'lirurava* 
mi vdi tvdm tad ftkaror ynd ahdm dbravam, CB. 11, '), 1, 7, so lu-isst das nicht 
etwa constatierend : du hast das nicht gethan, was idi uvsi^t liabo, soiuU-rn: du 
thatest (damals) nicht dasjenige, was ich sagte (odcr : - >a-1 liatto, \vii- wir niit 
Hiilfe unseres im Indischen nicht vorhandenen Plusquamperfectums au<druckcn 
konnen)." The imperfect in this Sanskrit pas<agr is an interesting parallel to 
the Irish preterites above. 



434 ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. STRACHAN. 

Emer, is thus addressed by her: " * Whence came you (doUuidisiu T 
recte dollodsii, pret.)?' said she. 'From Intide Emna,' said he. 
' Where did ye sleep (febair pret.) ? ' said she. ' We slept ' 
(femmir pret.), said he, l in the house of a man who tends the 
cattle of the plain of Tethra.' ' What was (bu pret.) your food 
there?' said she. 'The "defilement of a chariot" was cooked 
(fonoad pret.) for us there/ said he. 'What way did you come 
(dolod pret.)?' said she. 'Between the Two Mountains of the 
Wood,' said he. 'Which way did ye take (adgailsid pret.) 
afterwards ? ' said she. ' It is not hard to tell,' said he." 

2. THE PRETERITE IN ORATIO OBLIQUA. 

Above, p. 11, corresponding to a perfect in oratio recta, we- 
found a perfect in oratio obliqua after a past tense. Thus, is me 
dorindgult, 'it is I who have promised,' would become asbert ba 
he dorindgalt, ' he said it was he who had promised.' But for the 
perfect I have noted the preterite in the following instances : 

LIT. 133 a 13. asbert fris accaldaim a mnd a l-ld riam j 
donindgell di a chobair, 'he told him of his conversation with 
his wife the day before, and that he had promised her to help him.' 
Before, 1. 8, in telling the wife what he would say to her husband, 
the speaker said: asber (sic leg.) frit cheliu-siu ar n-imthechta 
7 as tussu romfoidi (perf.) dia chobair, ' I will tell your husband 
our adventures, and that you have sent me to help him.' 

Ir. Text, i, 139, 1. 26. domenatar hUlaid la Concholur dogenai 
tria meisci (sic leg.), ' the men of Ulster thought that Conchobor 
had done it through intoxication.' 

Ir. Text, i, 139, 1. 4. asbert fria rubad torrach huad 7 bd he 
nudabert a dochum don bruig. ba leiss fetir. ba he (MS. bat) 
in mac altae 7 ba he tatharla inna broind. ' He said to her that 
she would be with child by him, and that it was he that had 
brought them to him to the brug. It was with him that they 
had slept. He was the lad that she had reared, and it was 
he that had come again into her womb.' Another version tells 
this in oratio recta with perfects: ispert fria : " biad torntch 
huaimsiu, a ben" olse. " iss me roburfucc don prug" olse. " is 
lem dofeidbair (probably a corruption of rofebair) hi Tuaim inn 
eouin. Is me in mac roaltaisi. Is he tathlai it broind" In the 
above tatharla, which seems to be perfect = to-aith-ro-la, is peculiar 
by the side of the preterites. Is it used of something that has just 
happened ? 



ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. STRACHAN. 

LIT. 73 a 41. asber (hist, pres.) fris Id can Ie6som a l-lind sin ; 
m tobrad [_achC] ere c6icat fen leo, 'it was said to him that 
that liquor was prized by them ; only the load of fifty waggons 
had been brought by them.' Contrast with this in oratio recta 
LIT. 73 b 38, ndch fer dothati chucaib tabraid fin d6 corup maith 
a menma, j asbert[h~\ar friss : " issed nammd fit dond fin tucad 
(perf.) a Cruachnaib" " everyone that comes to you, give him 
wine till he is exhilarated, and it shall be said to him : ' that is 
all there is of the wine that has been brought from Cruachan.' " 

Rev. Celt, xi, 448. dobert iarom ind ing en comarli do Choinchulaind 
. . . . ma bu \_dii\ denam Icechthachtai dolluid, ara teissed dochom 
Scathchai, * then the maiden advised Cuchulinn, that, if it was 
to achieve valour he had come, he should go to Scathach.' 

3. THE PRETERITE IN SUBORDINATE CLAUSES. 

The preterite is found in subordinate clauses when the action 
of the verb of the subordinate clause is prior in time to the action 
of the verb of the main clause. For the perfect in similar clauses 
see above, pp. 20 sq. 

LU. 133 a 18. atlugestar a celi a w-dogeni friss 7 adddmir si 
a imthechta uli, ' her husband gave thanks for what she had 
done to him, and she confessed all her adventures.' 

LU. 64 b 23. bd sdith laiss a ft-dogeni Cuchulaind, ' he was 
vexed at what Cuchulinn had done.' But, without any apparent 
difference of meaning, we find the perfect in ba foroil leu 
a w-dorigni Cuchulaind, LU. 64 a 29. 

LL. 249 b 25. ba imned la Frcech cen acallaim na ingine. seek 
ba he less nodmbert, 'Fraech was grieved that he could not converse 
with the maiden ; for that was the need that had brought him.' 
Above, 1. 18, we have imchomras d6 cid dodnucai (perf.)> ' he was 
asked what had brought him.' 

Ml. 23 b 7. huare ba ferr in chomairle dombert side, ' because 
the counsel which he had given was better.' 

Cormac, s.v. Mugeme. dobert hi ceist dond filid doluid, ' he 
put as a question to the poet who had come.' 

Cf. further in Tochmarc Emire, Rev. Celt, xi, pp. 442 sq. : 
cechidepert, 'all that she had said' (1. 7), duscar, 'whom he had 
overthrown ' (1. 74), docker, ' who had fallen ' (1. 139) ; and geltatdr, 
'which they had grazed,' LU. 57 b 18, axbertatdr, 'which they 
had said,' LU. 84 a 9. For the preterite the historic present 
Phil. Trans. 1899-1900. 30 



436 ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. STRACHAN. 

focheird, 'which he had thrown,' appears, LU. 57 b 17. "With 
a primary tense in the main clause: Laws, iv, 178, isi cetna breth 
cetaruccad im chinta lech for Conall caech caechsite le[i~]ch, ' this 
is the first judgment that was first passed for the crimes of hees, 
in respect of Conall the Blind, whom bees blinded.' Cf. Ml. 127 d 6. 
In LTJ. 57 b 26 the perfect and the preterite are curiously joined : 
11 fir" ol Fergus; " Cuchulaind rodla 7 it e a eich geltatar in 
mag so" " 'True,' said Fergus, ' Cuchulinn has thrown it, and 
it is his horses that grazed this plain.' " Cf. Ir. Text, ii, 2, 
230, 1. 80. 

Ml. 124 d 9. huare nad rotodlaigestar (perf.) som do Dia inna 
Jiuisciu amal asindbertatar som fris, 'because he had not asked 
of God the waters, as they had told him.' 

LL. 250 b 23. dogmth ule anisin amal asbert som, 'all that 
was done as he had (just previously) ordered.' 

Ir. Text, ii, 2, 208. a w-dolluid iarom dochum Connacht dobert 
(leg. asbert) som ri Ailill am sein, ' when he came afterwards to 
Connaught, he told Ailill that.' 

Ml. 55 C 1. dia luid Duaid for longais re Saul, luide l iarum dia 
thosun (recte thofun) som, ' when David went into exile before 
Saul, he (Saul) then went to chase him.' 

Ml. 58 6. ba fercach som frisuide intan asmbert side, 'he was 
angry with him when he said.' 

Rev. Celt, xi, 448. intan w-bretha Emer co Lugdaich .... 
gabid si a da n-gruaid, ' when Emer was brought to Lugaid, she 
seized his cheeks.' 

Cormac's Glossary, s.v. prull. intan tra documlaiset for fuirgi 
7 dochorsatar aurlunn fri tir, atagladastar gilldae, ' when they 
had put out to sea and had set their stern to land, a lad addressed 
them.' Cf. further LU. 55 a 36, 60 b 36, 66 a 12. 

LU. 134 b 29. is and didiu cdchain Mongdn andsin in m-laili don 
mndi,f6bith doningell infessed ni di dia imthechtaib, "it was then 
that Mongan sang the 'Frenzy' to his wife, because he had promised 
that he would tell her some of his adventures." 

Ml. 23 b 10. dobert goiste imma Iragait fadesin conidmarb huare 
nadn digni Alisol6n a chomairli, 'ho put a halter about his own 
neck and slew himself, because Absalom had not followed his 
counsel.' 

We see, then, that the preterite appears in a number of cases in 

1 Either luidside is to be read with Sarauw, or liride is improperly used for 
luid aa in later Irish, e.g. LU. 7 r > 23. The former is the more probable. 



ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. STRACHAX. 437 

which we also found the perfect. So far as concerns main clauses, 
I have nothing to add to what has been said above. But how is 
the usage to be explained in oratio obliqua and in subordinate 
clauses? At one time I was inclined to think that it might be 
explained from a difference in style, that in simple and bald 
narrative relations were left to be understood, which in more 
complex and ornate narrative were expressed. But the more 
deeply I have gone into the subject the less sufficient has this 
explanation seemed to account for all the facts. In the main, 
at least, the difference in usage seems to be not stylistic but 
chronological. At first, apparently, the perfect established itself in 
main clauses, and in subordinate clauses where the action is viewed 
from the standpoint of the present, which means practically in 
subordinate clauses in which the main verb is present or perfect. 
In many such cases, though the action of both the principal and the 
subordinate clause is viewed from the standpoint of the present, the 
verb of the subordinate clause actually denotes time prior to that of 
the verb in the main clause. From such cases as this a new relation 
might be developed ; the perfect in subordinate clauses might come 
to be felt to express time prior to the action of the main clause. 
In subordinate clauses which were purely narrative and had no 
reference to present time, the perfect was at first not used. But 
when the above new relation was developed, when the perfect 
was felt to express in itself relative time, then it came to be used 
likewise in narrative to express formally what was before inferred 
from the context, time relatively past. This last development 
seems to fall within the historical period ; at least, in a number of 
old texts such perfects are rare, the preterite being used instead. 
In oratio obliqua, too, we see the preterite ousted by the perfect. 
Such a development was natural enough when once the perfect had 
come to express time relatively past, particularly as the perfect 
was the corresponding tense in oratio recta. 

I will not here attempt to determine more exactly the stages 
whereby the preterite was replaced by the perfect. However, it 
may not be amiss to touch briefly upon the conjunction con- 'so 
that,' 'until,' often not much more than a connecting word 'and.' 
Of con- with the perfect, when the main verb is present or perfect, 
instances have been given above (p. 19). When the verb of the 
main clause is preterite, then in the few instances in the Glosses 
con- is likewise followed by the preterite, e.g. Ml. 23 b 10, quoted 
above (p. 29), Tur. 149. The same is true of the stories published 



438 ACTION AND TIME IN THE IRISH VERB J. STRACHAN. 

by Professor K. Meyer in his "Voyage of Bran," pp. 42-58, and 
of the old version of the "Tochmarc Emire," published in Rev. 
Celt. xi. But in Lib. Ard. 18 a 2, we find bdi and contorchartar 
(perf.) iri fichit fer dia muintir laiss and, 'he was there till three 
score of his community fell there ' ; and in others of the older 
Sagas the perfect is not uncommon, e.g. LIT. 20 a 12, 63 b 36, 67 b 36, 
69 a 2, 12, 23, 83 a 7, 85 a 42. Apparently the perfect invaded this 
type of clause at an early period, possibly because in the sub- 
junctive con- is so frequently accompanied by ro-, regularly when 
con- means * until.' There seem also to be indications that 
the confusion was earlier in relative clauses than in main clauses. 
It may be noted that, when con- is followed by the perfect, 
there seems to be a tendency to use the perfect likewise in an 
accompanying relative clause, e.g. LIT. 129 a 17 (contrast 129 a 16). 

Zimmer would place the final victory of the perfect over the 
preterite about the beginning of the eleventh century. In the 
Annals of Ulster, if I have noted aright, dochuaid appears from 
1105 A.D., dochotar from 1084 A.D. In the eleventh century I have 
noted luid, 1001, 1004, 1014, 1055. In the twelfth century forms 
of luid appear only 1101, 1102, 1103, 1114. (It may be mentioned 
that in these Annals we seem to have sometimes a recrudescence 
of older forms ; I hope to treat of the verb in them on another 
occasion.) But co n-dechadar appears 892. Again, dorochair appears 
from the beginning of the eleventh century, but -torcJiair after 
con- and in- appears from 814. Por the final confusion of the 
perfect and the preterite Zimmer's date seems approximately 
accurate. 

On a previous occasion we studied the uses of ro- with the 
subjunctive, and we found that the various uses could be most 
simply derived from a fundamental perfective or aoristic function. 
It is impossible to believe that the ro- in the indicative had 
a different origin from ro- in the subjunctive, and now in the 
past indicative we have seen the great similarity of the use of 
the ro- form in Irish to the use of the Indogermanic and Sanskrit 
aorist. That, as Thurneysen and Sarauw have maintained, the 
fundamental meaning in both indicative and subjunctive is 
perfective or aoristic, admits of no reasonable doubt. The previous 
history of the Indogermanic tenses in Celtic, how the aorist and 
the perfect fell together, and how this new perfective form arose, 
is, and will probably remain, a matter of conjecture. 1 

1 Cf. Zimmer, pp. 544 s(\. ; Tlnmirysen, pp. 62 sq. 



TRANSACTIONS 

OP THE 



PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY, 
1901-1902, 



XL THE INFLUENCE OF ANGLO-FRENCH 
PRONUNCIATION UPON MODERN ENGLISH. 
By the Rev. Professor W. W. SKBAT. 

[Read at the Anniversary Meeting of the Society on May 3, 1901.] 

IN some remarks upon "The Proverbs of Alfred," printed in the 
Phil. Soc. Trans, for 1895-8, p. 399, I endeavoured to draw 
attention to certain curious peculiarities of spelling to be found in 
some MSS., particularly of the thirteenth century, and I showed 
that they can all be accounted for by the simple supposition that 
the scribes who wrote them were trained in Norman schools, and 
were more accustomed to the pronunciation of Anglo-French than 
to the true English sounds of the words which they were trying to 
write down. I cannot find that much use has yet been made of 
this discovery, except by myself. However, I am now prepared to 
go very much further, and to say that students of Middle English 
will have to recognize the practical side of the principles which 
I have laid down. For there is a great deal more in it than might 
be supposed. It has now become quite clear to me that the 
Norman pronunciation did, in many cases, overpower and divert 
the native pronunciation of native words ; and this influence has to 
be reckoned with in a very much larger number of instances than 
any scholar has hitherto suspected. Indeed, I find in it an easy 
answer to a great many peculiarities of pronunciation that seem, at 
first sight, to contradict the usual phonetic laws. 

In order to make the chief points clearer, I have drawn up a list 
of sixteen canons, showing in what respects a Norman would 
naturally vary from an Englishman in matters of pronunciation. 
These I have reprinted, and renumbered, in an article entitled 
"Observations of some peculiarities of Anglo-French Spelling," 
which appears at p. 471 of my "Notes on English Etymology," 
to be published by the Clarendon Press in the present year ; and 
they are briefly recapitulated below, at p. 25, followed by a list of 
early texts in which A.F. spellings occur. I do not say that these 
Phil. Trans. 1901-2. 31 



440 INFLUENCE OF ANGLO-FRENCH PRONUNCIATION 

canons are exhaustive, but they refer to the more important points 
of difference between French and English ; and I shall therefore 
refer to these, by number, for the student's convenience. 

Surely it is worthy of notice that sal for shal (shall) occurs freely 
in wow-Northumbrian texts, such as the Bestiary, the Proverbs of 
Alfred, and even in the Old Kentish Sermons ! 

Perhaps one clear example of what I am aiming at will show at 
once the full force of the argument. If we open Dr. Furnivall's 
splendid Six- text edition of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, we can 
hardly fail to be struck by the oddity of the spelling of the 
Cambridge MS. So obvious are its eccentricities, that Dr. Furnivall 
himself, in his Temporary Preface, written as long ago as in 1868, 
drew particular attention to them, and enumerated some of them. 
Amongst other things, he says, with perfect truth : " The square 
scribe as we may call the one who wrote most of the MS. had 
evidently a great fancy (1) for swallowing els and tees ; and (2) the 
guttural gh and g, with an n and d once ; (3) for putting oes for 
aes, 0es, and ws ; . . . . (7) this scribe used t, th, d, and 
other flats and sharps in a noteworthy way ; .... (9) prefixed 
s to initial ch ; (10) used w for v, and v for w ; . . . . (12) he 
wrote some odd forms. Whether these peculiarities are Midland 
or Northern, or some Midland and some Northern, I must settle in 
the footnotes, and now only collect instances of them." 

If we turn to these footnotes, we find, practically, that they 
settle nothing definitely, beyond establishing that some peculiarities 
are Northern, which is correct. The right clue was not really 
in hand. Footnote No. 3 on p. 52 says: "Figten is Midland; 
see Genesis and Exodus, 1. 3227." Footnote No. 2 on p. 56 
says: " Cp. then for ten ; see Genesis, p. 94, 1. 3305 ; le% for let, 
p. 95, 1. 3348; her*e for herte, p. 81, 1. 2856"; with other 
similar remarks in notes 1, 3, and 5 on p. 57, where further 
references to Genesis are given. The right answer is, thatjfyfr* is 
no mark of Midland at all, but a sure mark of Anglo-French 
influence ; and I have already shown, in my article on the 
"Proverbs," p. 412, that Genesis and Exodus is precisely one of 
the texts which bear traces of the handiwork of a Norman scribe. 
In like manner, the Cambridge MS., above considered, belongs to 
the same class, or is much to be suspected of doing so. With this 
clue, let us apply some of my sixteen canons, 1 and see how they 

1 They were chiefly drawn up from MSS. of tin- f/tirfe?nth century, so tint 
they an mih partially applicable to .MSS. nt M latr a ilatu as 1400. 



UPON MODERN KNfJi.lsil. 44-1 

work. I quote the Cambridge MS. as ' C.,' and take only such 
examples as occur in the "Temporary Preface," pp. 51-59. 

Canon 4. " The English wh, as in modern Northern English, 
became a mere w. They wrote wat> for what" 

Compare Dr. Furnivall's remark " h is left out in wich, 2361 ; 
put-in in ivhilhom, 2384, 2403 " ; p. 59. Just so ; it was put in 
by complete confusion. 

Canon 2. " Old French had no initial sound of sh." 

Compare "We find an s prefixed to the initial ch in 195 schyn, 
chin; 475 schaunce, chance," etc.; p. 57. That is to say, the 
scribe confuses the sound of sh with that of ch. Dr. Furnivall 
instances similar forms from the Anturs of Arthur, in the "West- 
Midland dialect ; referring to the Camden Society's edition. But 
the Anturs of Arthur, in the very third stanza, has the characteristic 
Anglo-French hurl for erl, and hernestely for ernestly (Canon 1). 
It is no sure mark of West-Midland, this putting of sh (sch) for ch. 

In Canons 14 and 15, I show that Normans wrote th for final t, 
and conversely ; and I explain this. I add that " we even find 
thown for town" 

Compare " We have also t for th in 2098 Atenys (Athens) ; 
2981 To (tho, i.e. then) ; 3041 }ynhjt (thinketh). But th for t in 
1078 llenthe (blent) ; 2185 dbouthe (about)," etc. 

At p. 52, we read that C. omits the t in parlemen, 1306. This 
agrees with Canon 12, which points out a similar omission of d in 
lend (after an ri). 

Canon 9. " The sound ght was most difficult for Norman scribes. 
Ght sometimes becomes wt or t." 

Compare Dr. Furnivall's remark on p. 53 " In 505 outhe, 
ought; 604, sky the, sleight; 1214, cauth, caught, ght is repre- 
sented by the or th" That is to say, the scribe wrote outhe (with 
th for t), as already noted; and by this oute (as it should have 
been) he meant oughte with gh suppressed. Just so. 

It is hardly worth while to go on. It may suffice to say that the 
spelling of C. can be completely accounted for, if we are careful 
to add the fact of its containing Anglo-French spellings to the other 
facts which concern the dialect only. 

The importance of the above remarks lies in this. If we wish to 
compare a MS, showing strong Anglo-French peculiarities with 
others of the same date and contents, it is sometimes convenient to 
compare this MS. C. with the first four native English MSS. 
which are printed side by side with it. It doubtless contains 



442 INFLUENCE OF ANGLO-FRENCH PRONUNCIATION 

dialectal peculiarities as well ; but for these we can make separate 
allowance. The Lansdowne MS. is much the worst, and is a little 
risky; but the A.F. marks in it are very few; as, e.g., strenkeihe 
for strengthe, 84; wepped for wepte, 148; werde for werlde, 176; 
hoistre for outre, 182 ; etc. However, the comparison is more 
curious than instructive ; the MS. is too late to be relied upon for 
A.F.' peculiarities. 

Having said thus much about Anglo-French spelling, by way of 
introduction, I wish to draw special attention to the much more 
important fact, affecting even our modern pronunciation of common 
words, that Anglo-French pronunciation actually diverted, in 
some instances, the true sounds of native words. Surely this is 
somewhat serious ; and the more so when we consider that our 
dictionaries take no notice of the fact ; at least, I can call to mind 
no special instance in which this has been done. 

By way of a clear example of what I mean, I would cite the 
modern English fiddle. The A.S. and early M.E. form was 
invariably fithel; but the th was, to the Norman, a difficult sound 
(see p. 29 below), and the obvious way of avoiding it was to turn 
the voiced th (dh) into the voiced d, as in the O.F. guider, to guide. 
The result was the late M.E. fidel, of which the earliest example 
cited in the N.E.D. is dated 1450 ; the accompanying verb^/fcWwi 
occurring in 1440. Langland has both the sb. fithel and the verb 
fithelen ; Chaucer has the sb. only, in his famous Prologue, 1. 296. 
If we now turn to the Six-text edition, it is interesting to find that 
MS. C., the only one which is strongly marked by Anglo-French 
peculiarities, is the only one that spells the word with a d. The 
spelling isfedele, showing at the same time that the scribe had not 
quite caught the true sound of the short t. The Lansdowne MS. 
has the extraordinary form phe)>el, which is marked by the French 
use of ph for /, and of short e for short i ; yet it shows the correct 
English sound of the middle consonant. 

The action of Norman pronunciation on English was sporadic 
and uncertain, affecting some words, and not others ; or else 
affecting some words more than others. In some cases the effect 
was only transient or partial. Consider, for example, the words 
feather and fathom. These might, in like manner, have become 
fedder and faddom ; and we have clear evidence that such pro- 
nunciations were once in use. The M.E. f ether occurs in Chaucer, 
C.T., A 2144; and, if we turn to the Six-text, we shall ngnin find 
that MS. C. hasfedyr, whilst all the rest have th. And this form 



I I'OX MODERN KNCiMSH. 443 

fader very nearly became established, as the N.E.D. gives instances 
of it in Langland and Lydgate, and even in the works of Bishop 
Fisher. The form fathom had a much narrower escape of beinjj; 
superseded. We find the form fadm as early as in JEifric's 
Glossary, so that it was once an English dialectal variation; but, 
after the Conquest, it became fairly common, being naturally 
preferred by Norman speakers. The N.E.D. gives examples from 
the Cursor Mundi, King Alisaunder, and the prose Merlin ; and 
the verb fadtnen occurs in Havelok, which abounds with A.F. 
spellings. In the Chaucer MSS., the ^-form is clearly preferred ; 
thus in C.T., A 2916, the first five MSS. have/rfw*, and only the 
Lansdowne MS. has fathome. However, in F 1060, the forms are 
equally divided ; the first three MSS. have the spelling with d, 
and the last three have the spelling with th. In the Horn. Rose, 
1393, the Glasgow MS. hg&fadome. The N.E.D. quotes the form 
with d from Shakespeare's Tempest, Winter's Tale, and Othello, 
and from Harrison's England ! The E.D.D. shows that it is still 
common in Northumbrian and East Anglian ; so that we have here 
an instance of a case in which the Midland and Southern form 
fathom has maintained its ground against the combined influence of 
Northumbrian and Anglo-French. At the same time, I feel quite 
justified in drawing the inference, that the influence of Anglo- 
French should always be considered, just as we consider that of 
Northumbrian. It is only in this way that apparent exceptions to 
phonetic laws can be rightly understood. 

I have taken the above case of the word fiddle because it well 
illustrates my position. But it is by no means an important one. 
The frequent inability of the Norman to pronounce th, though 
clearly exhibited in a majority of our thirteenth-century MSS., was 
nevertheless, for the most part, temporary. In course of time, the 
Norman learnt his lesson, and could pronounce both the voiced and 
voiceless th as well as any native. I may, however, quote a few 
more examples of the reduction of th to d, viz. : afford, from A.S. 
ffffforthian ; burden, for burthen (influenced by burden of a song, 
from F. bourdon), murder, for murther ; and the common word 
could, from M.E. couthe. 1 

It is of much more importance to take the case of a sound which 
the Norman wholly failed to achieve, and which is consequently 

1 It is curious to find that, in Chaucer, Prol. 713, MS. C. has tin- Northern 
form couthe, pronounced as coiide, and rhyming with In>l'\ where all the rest 
have coude. For mordcriny, tnortherimj, see (J.T., A 2001. 



' 



444 INFLUENCE OF ANGLO-FRENCH PRONUNCIATION 

obsolete, viz., the sound of the A.S. final guttural in such words 
as fdh, a foe, bdh, a bough, and toh, tough. These words are 
considered, one by one, in my " Principles of English Etymology," 
series 1, 333, and are well known. But somewhat more still 
remains to be said. 

That the Normans recognized the sound, and tried to represent it 
in writing, is clear ; for they invented the symbol gh for this very 
purpose. But when they came to sound it, they found it none too 
easy. Two courses were open to them : (1) to ignore it, and (2) to 
imitate it by substitution. If the vowel in the word were long, 
the weight (so to speak) of the syllable fell more upon the vowel 
than the consonant, and the word might still be easily recognized, 
even if the pronunciation of the gh was extremely slight. This 
explains many forms at once, viz., bough, dough, plough, slough, 
though, high, nigh, sigh, thigh, neigh, weigh ; and to these we may of 
course add such words as lorough and thorough, in which the 
syllables containing the gh are wholly unstressed and are of small 
consequence; as well as sloe (A.S. slah), foe (A.S. fdh), in which 
the final guttural is not even written. The treatment of the A.S. 
prep. )urh is most instructive ; for it split into three distinct forms. 
The attempt to pronounce the final h after the r produced the M.E. 
thurw, thoruh, thoru, Mod.E. thorough, where the indeterminate 
final vowel is all that is left of the guttural, but it serves the turn ; 
and it is highly interesting to observe that the modern spelling 
occurs in MS. C. alone, in C.T., A 920, where the other MSS. 
have the more uncompromising spellings thurgh and thorgh, which 
only some of the community could rightly pronounce. Some 
speakers, however, actually transposed the r so as to bring it next 
to the th-, thus producing the form thruh, which occurs in an early 
thirteenth - century Southern MS., strongly marked with A.F. 
spellings, in Reliq. Antiq., i. 102. This form had no chance of 
preservation, and something had to be done with it. The majority 
hit upon the happy expedient of lengthening the vowel, which 
weakened the final guttural and allowed it to be gradually and 
quietly dropped; and this is the origin of the modern E. through, 
in which the ou represents the lengthened u and the gh remains as 
a mere ornament, admirable to the eye, but ignored by the ear. 
The minority who had not the wit to lengthen the vowel wnv 
driven to find a substitute for the gh, and the nearest recognizable 
sound being that of /, they produced the form ///////' or thrnjl\ 
a form which is still common in our dialects; see, e.g., the 



UPON MODERN KNGI.ISH. 

Lincolnshire and Whitby Glossaries. We thus see that the 
\riih actually produced no less than three forms, viz., thorough, 
through, and thrujf', 1 two of which are in literary use; and all 
because some means had to be used to get rid of the A.S. final h. 
I do not deny that the same result might possibly have been 
produced by mere dialectal variation ; but it seems to me that the 
fixed determination of the Normans to learn English made such 
changes imperative and inevitable ; and it is unscientific to neglect 
an influence so potent and yet so subtle. Phonetic laws are of no 
use to us unless we consider all the influences that in some way or 
other affect them. We have thus seen that the easiest way of 
preserving a final M.E. gh after a short vowel was to exchange it 
for /. This accounts for a number of words in which the vowel 
was originally short, such as cough, laugh, trough, and others in 
which it was deemed, for some reason or other, highly advisable to 
preserve the /-sound, such as chough, enough, hough, rough, tough. 
In these five last instances the use of the / rendered the vowel- 
length unnecessary, and the vowels were actually shortened, 
because the words were otherwise recognizable. Similarly, some 
dialects have duff for dough. 

The same exchange of A.S. final h or g, M.E. gh, for/, occurs 
also after a consonant, in the case of E. dwarf, from A.S. dweorh 
or dweorg, as noted in the N.E.D. 

A curious point, and not (I think) much observed, is that the 
A.S. final h could be represented by the substitution of k, as well 
as of / in cases in which the said h was preceded by a consonant. 
Thus the A.S. beorgan, to protect, is represented by bargh- or 
barf- in the prov. E. bargham or bar/am, a horse-collar (E.D.D.) ; 
but these are not the only forms. A Norman who could not sound 
bergh- or bargh- was at liberty to substitute either barf- or bark- ; 
in fact, bark- is the better imitation of the two ; and this is why 
we find such forms as barkham and barkitm in some Northern 
dialects. Precisely the same substitution appears in some place- 
names. Thus Bartlow in Cambs. was spelt Berklow in the time 
of Fuller; and this berk is merely an A.F. pronunciation of A.S. 
beorh. Such a substitution, which phonetically is by no im-ans 
a bad one, becomes still easier to understand when we remember 
that the form berk was already familiar to the Xormun from its 



1 Also thurf, as in " thurf our louerdes grace' ; Early Euglish I'.ums, 
ed. Fin-myall, p. 3o, 1. 15. 



446 INFLUENCE OF ANGLO-FRENCH PRONUNCIATION 

occurrence in the common word hauberk, not to mention scauberk, 
whenc