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Biblical Archeology, 







ST. martin's lane. 

5Af, 13 


Introduction. page 

The Progress of Biblical Archaeology (Inaugural Address). By Samuel Bikch, 

LL.D., F.S.A., F.R.S.L., President i_ 12 

On an Ancient Eclipse. By Hkney Fox Talbot, D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A 13-19 

On an Hieroglyphic Tablet of Alexander, son of Alexander the Great, recently 

discovered at Cairo. By S. Birch, LL.D., &c. &o 20-27 

Early History of Babylonia. By G. Smith 28- 92 

On the Date of the Nativity. By J. W. Bosanquet, F.R.A.S 93-103 

Note on the Religious Belief of the Assyrians. By H. Fox Talbot, D.C.L., F.R.S. 106-115 
On the Discovery of some Cypriote Inscriptions. By E. Hamilton Lang, H.B.M. 

Consul at Cyprus 116-128 

On the Reading of the Cypriote Inscriptions. By G. Smith 129-144 

Lettre au Tres-Reven-nd Doyen de AVestminster sur le site de Capharnaum, de 

Khorazyn, et Beth-Sayda (Juha.s). By M. Le Chev. De Saulct, Membre de 

rinstitut, (fee, <fcc 145-152 

Cypriote Inscriptions.— On the Reading of the Inscription on the Bronze Plate 

of Dali [Idahum]. By Samoel Birch, LL.D., F.S.A., (fee 153-172 

Hebraeo-JilgyptiHca. Par F. Chabas 173-182 

Cyrus the Second.— Concerning Cyrus son of Cambyses king of Persia and of 

Mandiine daughter of Astyages, who overthrew Babylon and released the 

Jews ; as distinguished from Cyrus father of Cambyses, who conquered 

Astyages, and founded the Empire of the Medes and Persians. 

By J. W. Bosanqdet, F.R.A.S 1S3-262 

The Prideaux Pentateuch. Report upon the P. P. by Db. Schiller Szinessy 2^)3-270 

A Fragment of Ancient Assyrian Mythology. Br H F. Talbot, D.C.L., F.R.S. 271-280 
The Assyrian Verbs .eosM, "To Be," Qahah, "To Say," and /si«, "To Have," 

identified as Variant Forms of Verbs having the same signification in the 

Hebrew Language. By Richard Cdll, F.S.A 281-293 

The Origin of Semitic Civilisation, chiefly upon Philological Evidence. 

By Rev. A. H. Satce, M.A 2Q4-''oq 

Jerusalem, an Introduction to its Archaeology and Topography. 

By William Simpson, F.R.G.S 3ro-''27 

The New Moabite Stone. — An Examination of Mr. Henry Liunley's Letter to the 

"Times" on the Discovery of a New Moabite Stone. By B. G. Jenkins ... 328-334 
Observations on Base-Length of Great Pyramid, and Royal Coffer's Dimensions. 

By S. M. Drach, F.R.A.S., F.R.G.S 335-338 

On the Mazzoroth of Job xxxviii, 32. By H. F. Talbot, F.E.S., &c 339-342 

The Use of Papyrus as a Writing Material among the Accadians. 

By Rev. A. H. Satce, M.A 343-''4S 

A Prayer and a Vision : from the Annals of Assurbanipal, king of Assyria 

By H. F. Talbot, F.E.S., &c 346-348 

Addition to the Paper on Eclipses, p. 13 of this Volume. By H. F. Talbot, F.R.S., &c. 348-354 
On the Political Condition of Egypt before the Reign of Ramses III; probably 

in connection with the establishment of the Jewish Rehgion. From the 

Great Harris Papyi-us. By Dr. Adgcst Eisenlohr 35S-''84 

Note on Universal Type-Numbers, and Pyramid Casing Stone. 

ByS.M. Drach, F.R.A.S., F.R.G.S ggj 

Index to Vol. I i-xxxiv 

List of Members. 



Vol. I. JANUARY, 1872. Part 1. 


HE Piiblication of this, the Fhst Part of its Pro- 
ceedings, offers the best occasion whereon to 
state in a few words the circumstances which 
gave rise to the Society of Bibhcal Archeeology, and the 
objects which it is formed to carry out. 

On the 18th November, 1870, Dr. Birch of the British 
Museum, and Mr. Joseph Bonomi of the Soane Museum, 
invited a few gentlemen interested in the Antiquities and 
Philology of Egypt, Palestine, and Western Asia, to meet 
them at the private rooms of Mr. Bonomi, in Lincoln's Inn 
Fields, to take into consideration the present state of 
Archaeological research, and, if it appeared desirable, to 
institute an Association for directing the course of future 
investigations, and to preserve a record of materials already 
obtained, an Association whose special objects should be, 
"to collect from the fast perishing monuments of the Semitic 
" and cognate races illustrations of their history and pecu- 
" liarities ; to investigate and systematize the Antiquities of 
" the ancient and mighty empires and primeval peoples 
Vol. I. 1 

ii littrixlaction. 

" whose records are centered arouiid the venerable pages of 
" the Bible. In other v/ords, an Association to bring into 
" connexion the labours of individual scholars, and to utilize 
" the results of private enterprize and national munificence — 
" to accumulate data, and to preserve facts — to give a voice 
*' to the past, a new life to the futm-e, and assistance, pul)- 
" lieity, and permanence to the efforts of all students in 
" Biblical Archaeology." 

The need of such a Society as it was then proposed to 
institute was inferred ft-om the facts that existing Societies 
were employed in the study of one special science, or group 
of sciences, in which Biblical Archaeology had only an inter- 
polated position ; and, that Biblical researches had of late so 
far outgrown the limits of an occasional paper, or ordinary 
meeting, and had resolved themselves into so many distinct 
branches of detail, that the subject required to be treated as a 
whole. Yet, at the same time, as the Asiatic, Geographical, 
Literary, and Palestine Societies had cognate pursuits, it 
might be expected that they would fraternize and co-operate 
wdth the proposed Association. 

The issue of the conference was, that a Public ]\leeting 
was convened at the Rooms of the Royal Society of Litera- 
ture, on the 9th of December ensuing, and at that Meeting, 
Dr. Birch being in the chair, supported by Messrs. Boyle, 
Drach, Mills, Smith, and other gentlemen, the following 
Resolutions were proposed, and carried unanimously : — 

" I. That a Society be initiated, having for its objects 
" the investigation of the Archseology, Chronology, 
" Geography, and History, of Ancient and Modern 
" Assyria, Arabia, Egypt, Palestine, and other Biblical 
" Lands, the promotion of the study of the Antiquities 
*' of those countries, and the preservation of a con- 
" tinuous record of discoveries, now or hereafter to be 
*' m progi'Ch;,s. 

Intruduction. iii 

" II. That the said Society shall be called The Society 

" OF Biblical Archeology. 
" III. That the following gentlemen be requested to 

" form a Provisional Council, to prepare the Laws, 

" and generally to conduct the preliminary busuiess 

" of the Society : — 

" W. F. AiNswoRTH, Esq., F.S.A., F.R.G.S. 

" S. Birch, LL.D., F.S.A. 

" W. R. A. Boyle, Esq. 

" Joseph Bonomi, Esq., F.R.S.L. 

" J. W. Bosanquet, Esq., F.R.A.S., M.R.A.S. 

" Rev. Canon Cook, M.A. 

" T. Christy, Jun., Esq. 

" E. Deutsch, Esq., F.R.S.L. 

" S. M. Drach, Esq., F.R.A.S., F.R.G.S. 

" S. Heywood, Esq., M.A. 

" Rev. J. Grigg Hewlet, D.D. 

" Rev. a. Mozley, M.A., F.R.S.L. 

" Rev. John Mills, F.R.G.S. 

" Rev. J. M. Rodwell, M.A. 

" Sir H. C. Rawlinson, K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S. 

" Rev. G. Small, M.A. 

" W. H. Fox Talbot, Esq., D.C.L., F.R.S. 

" "W. R. Cooper, Secretary.'''' 

Thus this Society was established, and since that Meeting- 
its ranks have been swelled by the addition of nearly all 
the leading Archaeologists and others interested in Biblical 
researches of England and the Continent. Then- labours, 
and those of their coadjutors, will henceforth appear in the 
Transactions, of which the present serial forms the first part — 
labom-s which will be du'ected, not to defend systems or to 
destroy theories, but to elicit facts from which scientific 
writers may freely deduct then- own mferences, for subse- 
quent examination to controvert or confirm. It now only 
remains for the Secretary to state that by the liberality of the 
authors of certain papers, — as Mr. Bosanquet and Mr. H. Fox 
Talbot, — and of a few individual Members, as Mr. Samuel 



Sharpe and the President, the expenses, necessarily heavy, 
of the pi'eseut publication have been defi'ayed ; and fin-ther, 
that there is probably no instance, or but one, of a simi- 
larly yoiuig Society having attained, in the short space of 
thirteen months, so satisfactory, so definite, and so promising 
a position. 



Read before the Society of Biblical Archceology, on the 21*< of March, 1871. 

By Samuel Birch, Esq., LL.D., F.S.A., &c. 

The study of Oriental literature, philology, and history, 
and the progress of the interpretation of inscriptions hitherto 
unknown, have made great strides within the last fifty years. 
They have so important a bearing on Biblical archaeology, 
and such an intimate connection exists between the study of 
Biblical literature and the advance made in the decipherment 
and interpretation of Egyptian, Assyrian, Phoenician, and 
other cognate Semitic monmnents, that the time has at length 
come when a Society like the present is required. Its scope 
will be to diffuse a knowledge of the efforts that have been 
made by scholars in the different branches of Semitic archos- 
ology, not only in relation to Biblical subjects, but also to 
the wider history of those great nations of Central Asia 
which -played so important a part in the early history of 
civilization, and are so interlmked witli the history and 
traditions of Western Europe. Hitherto our knowledge of 
these nations has principally been derived from the records 
of the sacred Scriptures, and the early Greek writers who 
have handed down such portions as entered into relation 
with their own histories. At the present day, owing to the 
researches and excavations which have brought to light a 
buried world, we are able to ascend into the remotest tunes 
of antiquity, and to examine the contemporaneous monu- 
ments of these great nations — the identical monmnents made 
in the days of Cheops and Urukh — and to test the mformation 
they afford by what is known from the pages of the sacred 
Volume, and the Greek and Roman historians. 

2 Progress of Biblical ArcJuvolog^j. 

The great stride made in this path was in Egyptian 
research. Egypt was the first ancient land rediscovered in 
modern times ; its antiquities and monuments were the first 
examined by scholars and men of letters. No real advance 
could, however, be made till the ancient language of the 
hierogl^-phs was able to be interpreted. It is here necessary 
to recollect that philology is the handmaid of history, and 
that tlie truth of history depends on the accuracy of philo- 
logical inquiries. In the decipherment of an unknown lan- 
guage, all depends upon the standpoint, and the care with 
which the induction is made. The language once interpreted, 
the historical results follow as a matter of course. In the 
success which attended the efforts of the first inquirers to 
interpret the hitherto occult monuments of Egypt lay the 
failm-e or success of determining the chronology and history ; 
the struggle was over the hieroglyphy, the spoil was the 
solution of the historical problem. It was then discovered 
that the Egyptians were not only a most highly civilised and 
most ancient people, but that their history was of the higliest 
importance for the study of Biblical archasology. The dis- 
coveries of Champollion proved that the conquest of the 
Jews by Shishak had been recorded in the temples of Thebes, 
and that the names of the towns subjected to his arms in 
Judsea had been inscribed on the walls of the great temple 
of Ammon. Those of the school of Champollion who have 
continued the research, have thrown additional light on the 
relations between the Jews and the Egyptians, and M. Chabas 
has discovered, in the hieratic papyri of the Museum of 
Leyden, the existence of the Hebrews in Egypt in the days 
of Rameses II, and a subsequent notice of them under a 
later monarch of the same hne of Ramessids on the rocks of 
El Hamamat. It is under the 19th and 20t]i dynasties that 
the influence of the Aramaean nations is distinctly marked ; 
and, not only by blood and alliances had the Pharaohs been 
closely united with the princes of Palestine and Syria, but 
the language of the period abounds in Semitic Avords quite 
different from the Egyptian with which they were embroidered 
and intermingled. These points have an important bearing 
on the cojitcstcd point of the period of the exode of the 

Proqress of BUdival Archcvology. 3 

Hebrews. . So important have been those studies of the 
synchronistic history of the two nations, that it will be 
impossible hereafter to adequately illustrate the history of 
the Old Testament without referring to the contemporaneous 
monuments of Egypt ; and not alone the history, but the 
laws, institutions, and even turns of thought and expression, 
have many points of resemblance in the two nations. It is 
wonderful, all things considered, that the Hebrews have not 
taken more from Egyptian sources than they did, not that 
they were so much imbued with Egyptian ideas. 

Assyria has been still more prolific in monuments having 
historical and other information relative to the history of the 
Old Testament. Turning to it and the other rivals of Egypt 
in the most remote times, Babylonia, the cradle of Semitic 
civilization, stands prominent, as highly civilised and densely 
populated at a period when Egypt was still in its youthful 
prime. From Babylon are to be drawn important illustra- 
tions of the liistory of the Old Testament, and the discoveries 
of students and inquii'ers into the cuneiform have won valu- 
able information from the evidence of the inscriptions. The 
brilliant discoveries of Sir H. Rawlinson, followed up by those 
of MM. Oppert and Menant, Mr. Norris and Mr. 0. Smith, 
have restored much of the early history of Babylonia. They 
have discovered the names of many ancient kings — amongst 
others the Chedorlaomer, or his successor, of the days of 
Abraham — and been able to identify many of the sites of 
ancient cities of Babylonia, the names of which are household 
words, such as Ur of the Chaldees, the birthplace of Abraham 
and cradle of the Hebrew race, and Erech, founded by Nimrod. 
Babel has of com*se been discovered, Borsippa, Nineveh, Calah 
and other sites identified, and many of the traditions point to 
the diluvian and antediluvian records of the two great 
Semitic races. If the monuments necessary for the elucida- 
tion of the early contemporaneous history of Babylonia are 
scanty, such is not the case with those of Assyria, of which 
many historical remains, from their being composed of terra 
cotta, have survived the destructive fury of fire and sword, 
and the cupidity or malice of conquerors. Descending the 
stream of history, the oldest Assyrian historical monument 

4 Progress of Biblical Archceology. 

has been translated by four different scholars, which is the 
cylinder of Tig-lath-Pileser, B.C. 1120, published in the Trans- 
actions of the Royal Society of Literature. Subsequent to 
that period, and in the reign of Shalmaneser, the Jewish 
kings Onii-i, Ahab, Jehu, and the Assyrian monarchs Benhadad 
and Hazael, are mentioned in the annals of his reign, about 
B.C. 850, as conquered or tributary to the empire of Assyria. 
Under the successor of Shalmaneser, Vuhnrari, Assyria not 
only conquered the land of Omri, or Samaria and Edom, 
but extended its conquests over Syria and Damascus in the 
half century subsequent to the time of Shalmaneser. Under 
the next monarch of Assyria, Tiglath-Pileser II, illustrations 
of the history of the Old Testament continue to increase, and 
mention is found in the mscriptions of Azariah, Menahem, 
Pekah, Hoshea, and Rezin king of Damascus, with whom the 
Assyrian monarch carried on war. All these, be it recollected, 
are mentioned on contemporaneous monuments, B.C. 750. 
We have thus important illustrations of events hitherto 
known from other sources, which the Assyrian monuments 
either confirm, or on wliich they shed a brighter light by the 
details which they give of the wars from the cuneiform 
history and archives. As the page of histoiy is unrolled, 
the annals of Sargon, about B.C. 720, record the conquest of 
Samaria, and the capture of the city of Aslidod, mentioned 
by the prophet Isaiah. Some remarkable historical cylinders 
in the British Museum contain the annals of Sennacherib, his 
expedition against Jerusalem, and the events of the reign of 
Hezekiah, the tribute exacted by the conqueror from the 
king of Israel, with all the details of the troops employed 
for the invasion of Palestine. These events bring the con- 
temporaneous monumental history down to the 7 th century 
B.C.; and soon after, under the reign of his successor 
Esarhaddon, about B.C. 080, the Assyrian inscriptions contain 
an important notice of Manasseh king of Judah. The 
successor of Esarhaddon was Asshurbanipal, the Sardanapalus 
of the classical writers, the greatest of the Assp-ian monarchs, 
for his conquests extended beyond Palestine ; he added 
Egypt to the dependencies of Assyria, and defeated the 
Ethiopian monarch Tirhakah. Besides historical results, 

Progress of Biblical Archoeology . 5 

some important discoveries have been made in philology ; 
for not only have the grammar and dictionary been 
eliminated, but the existence of a second language contem- 
poraneous with the Assyrian, and called, for want of a more 
definite nomenclature, the Akkad, has been discovered. This 
language has been referred to the Turanian rather than the 
Semitic family, but its affiliation is obscure, Surely these 
are astounding results, liberal contributions to Biblical 
archaeology, an ample tribute to historical truth won in the 
last thirty years by the genius and industry of Assyrian 
scholars from the monuments of Assyria. Could any thing 
cause the formation of such a Society as the present, these 
facts should do so, — dug out of the plains of Mesopotamia, 
rising as witnesses to corroborate or enlarge the history of 
Central Asia. They ought to rally round the Society all 
who take an interest in the comparative study of Biblical 

To this portion of the subject belongs the end of the 
Assyrian empire under the last monarch Assur-ebil-ili, when 
the scene of history shifts once more to the monuments of 
the revived or second empire of Babylonia. It is much to 
be regretted that, although full information has been thus 
obtained of the general history of Assyria, which can be 
traced from 1120 to 630 B.C., yet up to the present moment 
there is a great deficiency in the contemporary history of 
Babylonia as derived from the monuments. As the excava- 
tions of MM. Layard, Rassam, Loftus, and Sir H. C. Rawlinson 
exhumed the remains of the great archival library of 
Asshurbanipal at Kouyunjik, consisting of more than 20,000 
fragments, many of which have been put together by 
archaeologists and scholars, and give a general idea of the 
literature and history of Assyria : so it may be hoped that, 
at a future period, the library of Nebuchadnezzar or some 
other monarch of his dynasty will be recovered. Then, and 
not till then, will be revealed, in its fall extent, the more 
prunitive civihsation and the older annals of the Babylonians ; 
for of this early nation there are as yet no contemporaneous 
annals, although there is some material for the history of 
Nebuchadnezzar, who comes on the scene about B.C. 60-1. 

6 Proqress of Biblical Air/molooii. 

after the fall of Nineveh. Many cylmders of that renowned 
monarch, whose name has passed into a household word, and 
is familiar to all, have indeed been found, yet notwithstand- 
ing the frequent recurrence of his name on numerous monu- 
ments, no contemporaneous annals of his reign have been 
discovered, Nebuchadnezzar was indeed a great religious 
restorer, more so even than a conqueror, and his inscriptions 
record the endowment of temples, their repaii-s, his pious 
offerings to the gods, but no historical facts. These are still 
to be searched for in the plains of ^Mesopotamia, and the day 
is probably not far distant Avhen the interest excited by these 
studies in this country will renew excavations similar to 
those abeady mentioned, which were formerly made with 
such success on the sites of the cities of ancient Assyria. 
That they may be continued until they evolve the whole 
programme of the ancient civilization of mankind, and 
resolve the problem whether the civilization of the East 
started from the plains of Assyria or the valley of the Nile, 
will be the earnest desire of every student of early history. 

It is true that these results have not been obtained 
without difficulties. There has been some conflict between 
Assyrian and Jewish history, and although Assyrian scholars, 
dealmg with the special subject of Assyria, naturally lean 
with favour to the mformation the monuments of Nineveh 
afford, it is by no means sure that the Assyrians, especially 
in speaking of foreign nations, may not have recorded errors. 
As the research advances, the difficulty of reconciling the 
chronology of the Assyrians and the Joays will melt away 
before the additional monuments that may be obtained, or 
the more correct knowledge that may be acquired. There is 
nothing to alarm the exegetical critic in the slight discre- 
pancies that always present themselves in the world's history 
when the same fiict is differently recorded by the actors in 
some national struggle. For truth, the whole evidence is 
required, and the monuments of antiquity too often reach our 
hands as broken pieces of an imperfect puzzle. Is it, then, 
wonderful that the reconstruction should be embarrassing? 

In Phoenicia the remains of many cities have been 
explored, and at Sidon the celebrated sarc«i})hagus of the 

Progress of Biblical Archrology. 7 

monarch Asmunassar, who lived about B.C. 700, has been 
long discovered ; and, although much of Phoenicia has been 
explored, more, without doubt, remains to be discovered in 
that ancient cradle of Semitic art, enterprise and commerce. 
The precision attained by the researches into the inscriptions 
of that country and the philology of the Phoenicians have 
played by no means an unimportant part in the study of 
Biblical arcliEeology. The island of Cyprus, one of the 
earliest settlements of these people, has hitherto been 
comparatively overlooked ; but the excavations at Dali 
or Idalium, and at Golgos, have produced many striking 
examples of Cypriote sculpture of all periods, from the 
Phoenician settlement to the Egyptian and Assyrian con- 
quest and first Greek and Roman occupation of the island by 
its Greek and Roman conquerors. The people of Cyprus had 
a peculiar language, resemblmg in the character of its 
writing the ancient Lycian, and quite distinct from the 
Phoenician ; but the discovery of portions of a bilingual 
inscription leads to the hope that the language may 
ultimately be deciphered. 

From other parts of the world may be also expected 
hereafter many monuments illustrative of Biblical archae- 
ology, and of the old Semitic races. Mount Sinai has been 
explored. Within the last two years there has been an 
expedition to this all-interesting site by Captain Wilson, 
Mr. Palmer, and the ReA^ Mr. Holland. They have found 
numerous inscriptions, and have re-investigated the sites of 
the mines of the Wady Magarah, the Sarabit El Khadim, and 
the Wady JMukatteb. These sites liave an important con- 
nection with Old Testament history. The copies of iuscri^?- 
tions brought back by Mr. Palmer have been carefully 
examined. The site of Magarah and the Sarabit El Khadim 
were discovered by Niebuhr in 1750. Since then many a 
scientific pilgrimage has been performed to these venerable 
spots. Views and drawings of the sites and monuments have 
been published by the late De Laborde, Lottin de Laval, 
M. Lepsius, Bartlett, and others ; and each has recorded the 
principal points and features of this part of the Arabian 
peninsula. But the last expedition took with it that 

8 Progress of Biblical A I'duvology. 

important aid, photography, and by its means the eye 
beholds, as in a necromantic mirror, the site and its inscrip- 
tions in their shadowy lineaments. The Wady IMagarah is 
the most ancient mine in the world — here fu-st the hand of 
man delved and plied the pick upon the rock, and traced 
with cm-ious hand the blue mineral vein that traversed the 
mountain side. It is supposed by Egyptian scholars that the 
Egyptians were attracted to it in order to obtain the tur- 
quoise which runs in streaks tlu-ough the primitive rocks of 
the locality. The Magarah was first opened by Senefru or 
Sephuris, a monarch of the 3rd dynasty, whose reign may 
be placed somewhere above B.C. 2000. From Senefru until 
the time of Amenenha III of the 12th dynasty, excavations 
continued to be carried on with greater or less success in the 
mines of the Magarah and the neighbouring valleys. After 
the Wady IMagarah had been abandoned, in the 12tli dynasty, 
the excavations were removed from thence to the Sarabit EI 
Khadim. The Sarabit El Khadim commenced with the latter 
kings of the 12lh dynasty, and was continued till Rameses IV, 
which is the name of the last king there found — a monarch 
of the 20th dynasty. The mines were then abandoned 
totally, and no later Pharaoh appears to have had either 
power or inclination to carry on the work. The Exodus of 
the Jews is supposed to have taken place imder Menephtha, 
and some indications of this monarch have been discovered 
on the site of the Sarabit El Khadim in fragments of vases 
and other objects in use in the temple, and bearing his name. 
For here was the temple of Athor, the Egyptian Aphrodite 
or Venus, the mistress of the Mafka or Turquoise land, and 
of the copper which was thence derived, and over which she 
jiresided, even to the recent days of mediaeval alchemists. 
With the inscriptions of the Wady Magarah and the Sarabit 
El Khadim is interwoven the narrative of the Exodus — for 
who was the Pharaoh of the period ? may it not have taken 
place in a later age ? Did the long procession defile along 
undisturbed and unheeded by the Egyptians of that site? 
The monuments of this spot are of the highest interest for 
Biblical archaeology. 

The inscri^jtions of the Wady Mokatteb have also long 

Progress of Biblical Archcvology. 9 

occupied the attention of scholars. They have been attri- 
buted to the Nabathaeans, the Israelites, and other nations 
that traversed the valleys of Sinai. An opinion has lately 
gained ground, that they may be of a comparatively recent 
period ; but althoug]i attempts, more or less successful, have 
been made to interpret them, a complete and exhaustive 
research is still required finally to decide their meaning and 
fix their epoch. They have frequently been copied, but 
fresh researches continue to discover new ones in different 
spots. There are other parts of the East whence the Society 
of Biblical Archaeology may expect mteresting and important 
materials. One of these is Palestine, whence it is much to 
be regretted so few, if any, monuments have been obtained, 
which can be referred to the days of the Jewish monarchy — 
most of those hitherto discovered having inscriptions which 
do not date anterior to the Roman Empire. M. Clermont 
Ganneau, to whom is due the first publication of the Moabite 
Stone, has, however, discovered at Siloam elfokani,' at 
Jerusalem, an inscription in the Phoenician character, as old 
as the time of the kings. This is remarkable, because it is 
the first as yet discovered, with the exception of some obscure 
and doubtful marks on the foundation blocks of the Temple, 
supposed to be Phoenician numerals. The inscription is 
incised upon the walls of a rock chamber or chapel, apparently 
dedicated to Baal, who is mentioned on it. The discovery 
of this inscription by M. Ganneau will have an important 
bearing on the question of Hebrew palaeography, and will aid 
to determine the date of tlie square Hebrew character, which 
has long been a subject of dispute. Some have assigned to 
the square character a date from the time of the Captivity, 
others have placed it much earlier. At all events, the inscrip- 
tion of Siloam shows" that the curved or Phoenician character 
was in use in Jerusalem itself under the Hebrew monarchy, 
as well as in the conterminous Phoenicia, Moabitis, and the 
more distant Assyria. No monument indeed, of great anti- 
quity, inscribed in the square character, has been found as 
yet older than the fifth century A.D., and the coins of the 
Maccabea^an princes, as well as those of the rcvolter, 

' Siloam the upper ; the upper pool . 

10 Progress of Biblical Archaeology. 

Bar Cliochab, are impressed with Samaritan characters. The 
use of the Phoenician character on signets of the Jews in the 
days of the monarchy, also proves the national use of the 
Phoenician form of Avriting at the remoter period. Although 
the Greeks, by the introduction of vowels, completed the 
alphabet, its discovery is due to the Semitic races who 
made this unportant step m advance of the syllabaries 
in use amongst contemporaneous nations of Egypt and 

There is another spot in this portion of the globe which is 
fertile m inscriptions, and that is Southern Arabia, the cradle 
of the Himyarites. l\Iany inscriptions of this Semitic race on 
stone and bronze, fi-om the dyke of Mareb and other places in 
the interior, are brought to Aden, and numerous copies have 
been already published by Fresnel, Osiander, Levy, Lenor- 
mant, and the British Museum. ]\Iore will probably be found 
there. Unfortunately the date of the Himyaritic inscriptions 
has not been acciu'ately determined, and more monuments 
are required for that purpose. If it is coiTOct that M. Halevy, 
who was travellijjg in Southern Arabia on a mission from the 
French Institute, has returned to Paris vdih copies of 560 
inscriptions taken in situ, dates will probably be obtained 
towards a more distinct knowledge of the age of these 
monuments. Lieutenant Prideaux, our assistant political 
resident in Aden, who takes a deep interest in this subject, 
has forwarded some Himyaritic inscriptions to the Museum, 
and is endeavoui-ing to procm'e all he can in the way of 
obtaining further information about these monuments. The 
discovery of the Moabite Inscription shows the importance 
of Semitic monuments which may yet be discovered on the 
cast of Palestine, and the necessity of exploring that portion 
of the country. Many new and valuable iiiscriptions have 
been discovered in the Hauran, and some of these will, in 
all probability, throw fresh light on the philology and history 
of Syria and Damascus. Public events have probably alone 
retarded the publication of these inscriptions, copies of 
which have been collected by M. Waddington and the 
Count de VogUe. Inscriptions of a novel character have also 
been found in the neighbourhood of Hamath. Of these it 

Progress of Biblical Archcvology. 11 

Avould be premature to give any opinion, but as inquirers 
and travellers will obtain copies of further specimens, it will 
be hereafter seen if they throw any important light upon the 
history of that portion of the East. 

Fresh discoveries continue to be made on the old fields of 
Egypt. Even lately, an important tablet has been found at 
Cairo, dated in the seventh year of Alexander Aigos, of whom 
it states Ptolemy to have been the satrap. It records the 
dotation of the temple of Buto by the monarch, and mentions 
the former injury done to that temple by the usurper Xerxes, 
for so the Persian monarch is styled, while the legitimate 
king of Egypt is said to be Khabash, of whom there is no 
other notice except the dated coffin of one of the sacred Apis 
bulls in the Serapeum. Within the last few years, too, have 
been discovered the list of the kings of Egypt from Menes to 
Sethos I, inscribed on the walls of the temple of Abydos, and 
a similar, but less perfect list, in a tomb at Sakkarah, also 
giving a succession of the monarchs from the same period. 
Equally important, but in another sense, has been the 
discovery by M. Lepsius of the tablet of San, the so-called 
decree of Canopus, recording the honours paid by the synod 
of the priests to Ptolemy Euergetes I, on account of the 
benefits he had conferred on Egypt. This tablet, which, like 
the Rosetta stone, bears a triple inscription m hieroglyphic, 
Greek, and Demotic characters, is more important, from its 
preservation and contents, than the well-known key of 
Egyptian interpretation. Amongst other remarkable facts 
mentioned in the text, is the existence of a youthful Berenice, 
a mere child, invested Avith the attributes of royalty, and 
solemnly proclaimed as Queen by her parents, wdio prema- 
turely died, and whose name has escaped the notice of the 
great historians. Still more interesting is the attempt there 
recorded to correct the calendar, the avowed disturbance of 
the wandering year having disturbed the proper time of 
celebrating the religious festivals. To remedy this, it was 
proposed (B.C. 238) to introduce the fixed year, and the leap 
year was accordingly instituted nearly two centuries before 
the correction of the calendar by Julius Caesar, by aid of the 
astronomer Sosigenes. 

12 Progress of Biblical Archccology. 

These are only a few of the results to be expected from 
the study of the monuments of the great nations mentioned 
in the Bible. The new Society will be important to all who 
wish to examine the minute details of the various subjects, 
to perfect themselves in their knowledge, and to advance 
the study m which they are engaged. It deserves to be 
largely supported by the friends of Biblical archaiology. It 
is to be hoped that its operations may be extended by the 
pubhcation of its papers and other means co-ordinate with 
its public utility. Its scope is Archaeology, not Theology ; 
but to Theology it will prove an important aid. To all those 
it must be attractive who are interested in the primitive 
and early history of mankind; that history Avhich is not 
Avritten m books nor on paper, but upon rocks and stones, 
deep in the soil, far away in the desert ; that history which 
is not to be found in the library or the mart, but which must 
be dug up in the valley of the Nile, or exhumed from the 
plains of Mesopotamia. 



By H. F. Talbot, D.C.L., F.R.S. 

Read Uh April, 1871. 

A Solar Eclipse, which seems to have occurred in the 
days of Assurbanipal, has hitherto been hardly noticed. I 
wish to di'aw attention to it as it may perchance prove 
valuable to Chronology. 

I will first give a portion of the unpublished British 
Museum tablet 154, also marked 122 h (it formerly bore the 
mark K 131) which I noticed formerly in my Assyrian 
Glossary No. 98. 

" To the King of the World my Lord ! Thy servant Kukuru 
sends this. May Assur, the Sun, and Marduk be propitious to 
my lord the king ! 1 inform his majesty that hi the month 
of Su there was an EcHpse, >->^ ^^^ ^]f| *"y-*^*"Hfff*" 
After this, the writing on the tablet is somewhat injured. 
But it again mentions " the eclipse which happened in the 
month of Sar (The Accadian name of the fourth month 
of the year was Su ^Y which I have here provisionally 

I now proceed to the consideration of a great solar eclipse 
which appears to have been visible in the country of Elam 
or Susiana in the reign of Assurbanipal, in the month of Su, 
and in a year of the reign which I believe admits of deter- 
mination. I conjecture that this eclipse was the same as 
the one before mentioned, and if that one was observed by 
Kukuru at Nineveh, the path of the eclipse may be roughly 
sketched out, since it would be nearly parallel to a line 
drawn from Nineveh to Shushan, having been conspicuous 
seemingly at both places. 

For the better intelligence of the passage I am about to 
quote, I must premise that >^ J Musu signifies 'Night,' 
and TJHf "^yy Urru signifies 'Day,' and these are put in 

Vol. 1. 2 

14 On an Ancient Eclipse. 

opposition to each other, as in the plnvase Urrii musu akbud 
'I hiboured day and night,' which I take from Norris's 
Dictionary, p. 125. Again ^^ -<^*^>f- "^t Sahat signifies 
'hour' or 'time,' being the Chaldee word ^in]^Ii7 'hora.' 
This word frequently occurs in the abbreviated form of "^"^ 
or ' Sat,' whence we have the phrases "^^^ >^ /Y>- Sat musi 
'the hour of night' or 'the night-time': V J^tJ '"TT^T 
Sat urri ' the hour of day ' or ' the day-tune.' Both these 
plu-ases occur in Mr. G. Smith's valuable Annals of Assur- 
banipal, now printing. In page 118 of that work, mention 
is made of an eclipse which occurred in the year in which 
Tiumman king of Elam was occupied in preparations for 
invadmg Babylonia ; which year can I think be identified. 
The seventh warlike expedition of Assurbanipal soon fol- 
lowed, in the course of which Tiumman was defeated and 
slain. It is expressly said that the eclipse had portended 
evil to the Elamite king : indeed I tluiik that the words [ana 
sari ^^'^^^ uhalliq mat-su, mean 'to the king of Elam it 
portended his death' (while to me it was the best of omens, 
and did not prove a vain one). This latter clause I give 
wath some hesitation, as there is a small lacuna in the tablet. 
Two words here require some notice. "^^ Mat in the sense 
of ' death ' is unusual, but I have already given an example 
of it in my Glossary. Halliq mat sar 'to portend the king's 
death' is a phrase which I have given in No. 239 of my 
Glossary, which runs as fallows. Talkd mat sar, 'if thou 
augm'est the king's death,' may it be false ! Talkd bullut, 
' if thou augm-est his life,' may it be true ! This verb halliq 
or halJc is the Chaldee p^H 'to cast lots.' They divined 
futm'e events by means of certain pebbles p'^H ' lapillus 
computatorius ' (Gesenius). Nee Bahylonios tentaris numeros 

The passage in page 118 of the Annals of Assurbanipal, 

is as follows : ^ -^f ^] ^ ->f <-- , ^"^ fly -yy<y ^ 

*~II ^\ ' ^^ ^^^'^ month Su an eclipse was seen in tlie daytime.' 
The monogram >-J][ -^f is explained in Syllabary 272 to 
mean VU ^T ^ Khasu ' it was seen.' Hebrew Hin ' to 
see.' V" TTHf '^TT^T '^^^ '"''"^ '^^ *^^^ daj^time.' Therefore 

On an Ancient Eclipse. 15 

it was a solar eclipse. The opposite phrase V" >^ ^J*- 
Sat musi ' in the night time ' is more common, ex. gr. same 
work, p. 123. As sat musi suatu sha amkhitru-si, ' in the 
nighttime of that night in which I prayed to her ' (the 
goddess Ishtar of Arbela) 'a certain Seer lay down and 
had a dream. The goddess appeared to liim, &c. &c.' — I 
think therefore that the mention of this eclipse is sufficiently 
clear and explicit to justify an enquiry being made to ascer- 
tain its date. If none such is found in the year of Tiumman's 
death, or the preceding year, we must conclude that some 
darkness of another kind had obscured the sky at Shushan, 
and had caused an ignorant and superstitious terror. 

IF That the Astronomy of the Assyrians was not far 
advanced appears plainly from the Observatory Record No. 9 
in the new volume of British Museum inscriptions, plate 51. 
"On the 28th 29th and 30th day of the month we kept 
watch for an eclipse of the Sun. But the Sun was bright 
and no eclipse happened." Thus it appears that they knew 
full well that a solar eclipse was caused by the interposition 
of the lunar orb, but that they were uncertain of the true 
time of conjunction to the extent of one or two days. 

Additional Note. — The capricious and disappointing nature 
of many of the Assyrian records is well illustrated by a 
perusal of the Observatory Keport, No. 7 in the same 
page : in which an observer named Nebo-sum-adan reports 
to the king, as follows : -^f <;^ ^^ij^ ^^ >^ ^ "gfl 

^>l^ {{( ^ ^TIT Sf " ^^ *^^® ^'^^^^ ^^7 °^ *^^® month 
we kept a watch upon the Moon :" *^>y' ^^^ *"*T~ \*->- 
^T ,5x1 S=^j " The Moon was eclipsed." 

Nothing can be more clear and precise. But the only 
points of importance, the month and the year of the king, 
are omitted, although these are so abundantly preserved 
upon Contracts of Sale and other documents, of which the 
exact date is immaterial. 


Since the preceding notes were written Mr. G. Smith of 
the British Museum has kindly sent me a correct copy of 

1(3 On an Ancient Ecli/'sr. 

the tablet K 131, fi-om which I hjive made the following 
translation. I had supposed the writer of the tablet Kukurii 
to have been an Astronomer, since he wrote to the king- 
concerning an Eclipse ; bnt it now appears that he Avas a 
General in command of an array. 

Tablet K 131 in the British Museum. 

^- IT ^^1 -->W ^ -^ ^11 --IT 
Ana Sar matati bil-ya 

To the King of the nations my Lord 

ardu-ka Kukm'u 

thy servant Kukuru [ivrites this'\ 

3. ..y _Y ..| ^y <y.ig[j ..y j 

Ashiir Shamas u Marduk 

Ashur the Sun and Marduk 

4. ]\ ^] l^t"^ ^ ^^ tt]} 
Ana Sar belni-ya 

unto the king my lord 

5. iH /an ^- . #^ <^T^ -£et -£5s -II , 

likrubu ! — Kharran ultu Sar bil 

may they he propitious ! — The army [sent'] from the king [my] lord 

e. Tf ^y t^ <- v-yyy< r.^yy £<£< ity 

ana mat Mitsir il-lil-lik 

unto the land oj" Egypt - has arrived. 

r. >- .^f JT -f <-^ ^TI -T4"fflf -^ 

as arkhi Su atalu iskunnu 

In the month Su an Ecli]:>se happened 

zabi-ya ana malathu sha mat Ashur 

[whereat] my soldiers to desert to Assyria 

On an Ancient Eclipse. 17 

as libbi-siiu ainii ana imiii u siimili 

among themselves discoursed. 7b the right and lejt 

iltappar adu 

they dispersed themselves. 

n. e;s f£ T- -TI<I I? t^TTT --T< I -^ 

Tar miriatati-sun 

77<e Chief of tlieir rehellion 

12. t£— ^ggyy t^TT ►!<) -TTT- V -<T< 

Sar lislialu miti 

let the king send to death 

13. V -+ <^c 7 .^? JT <lEj-EgEVT? 

sha atalu sha arkhi Sii Id asha 

because the eclipse of the month Su most criminally 

14. I? ^i ^ cs: tE:iS AHTT^^I Ifcl 

ana pani Sar ikhtilik. 

adversely to the king he explained the omen. 

A few observations will be necessary upon the words of 
this inscription. 

In line 6, il-lil-lik is only a more emphatic pronnnciation 
of il-lik. The introduced syllable HI conforms to the two 
syllables between which it is placed, as in other instances, 
ex. gr. az-bat, emphatice az-zab-bat. 

Line 8. Malathu is the Hebrew verb lOt'D to desert, run 
away, or depart suddenly. Line 9. Ainu. Heb. HJi^ to con- 
verse, so in Syriac ' confabulari.' 

Line 10. Ada, themselves. A word which occurs in 
several other places. For instance in Mr. G. Smith's Assur- 
banipal, p. 298, in a dispatch to the king from one of his 
generals : " There has been a fight with the Arabians — 
One man only has saved his life, and has reached a city 
belonging to the king — / send the man himself that the king 
may hear it from his mouth. Advi altapras-su, Sar sa pi-su 

18 On an Ancient Eclipse. 

lismi." Compare also p. 197 of same work, adu altaprassun 
(in the plural). 

Adu enters into the composition of several words, as 
ya-atu, myself: ka-atii, thyself (fern, ka-ati). It is the same 
word, or at any rate of the same origin, as the Hebrew DH 
(ipse) which Gesenius says is the Greek AvTo<i, comparing 
the words M^'i^ eavrov, DJIN eavTov^. In the Rabbinic dialect 
the word is DMi, ex. gr. lDVH mhJ2 avrrj ry rjfiepa. See 
Gesenius, Avho has a good deal more on the subject. 

Line 11. J:^ Tar, a Chief, as in the well-known word 
5:^ *"^TIT *^ Tartan, great chief or general I would 
derive Tar fi'om the Hebrew root "Ifl^ pr^stantia, dignitas, 
opes [also plus, amplius] see Schindler's Lexicon, p. 823. 

Miriatati, revolt, defection, desertion, is the Hebrew HQ 

fi-om niD to rebel. ^IID n^H a rebellious house (domus 

contumax. Gesen.) Ezek. ii. 5. ''"1^ ^Jl (homines contumaces). 

Line 12. Lislialu from rO'\D mittere. Or it may be the 

Assyrian verb shala to crucify. 

Line 13. Ashd is the Arabic word l^^ am " offence, 
crime, sin." Catafago's diet. p. 12. 

Line 14. IJchtilik, a verb in the T conjugation, from the 
root thr\ to augTU", interpret an omen, &c. &c. Avhich we 
have afready seen to be used in connexion with the king's 
life and death. In Arabic the verb means (according to 
Gesenius) destinavit, prsedestinavit. 

After the 14th line the letter of Kukuru passes on to 
other matters. 

This authentic origmal dispatch of an Assyrian general 
possesses a high degree of interest. It shows how really 
great was the panic inspired by an eclipse upon the minds of 
a superstitious soldiery. History repeats itself. The reader 
will probably be reminded of the terror of the Athenian army 
in Sicily, caused by an eclipse of the moon the night before 
the anny was to embark and return to Athens. The alarm 
extended even to Nicias its general, who proposed to delay 
operations for a Avhole month (in order to make sure of 
the moon ha\Tng recovered its brightness). This hesitation 
caused the destruction of himself and his army, B.C. 411 
{Plutarch in Nicia). 

On an Ancient Eclij^se. 19 

% On furtlier consideration I think that Knes 9 and 10 
oiight to be transhxted as follows : " To the Right mid Left 
they sent signals." In Eastern conspiracies it has been the 
cnstom, perhaps from time immemorial, to pass a symbol 
from hand to hand to signify that all are ready for the 
insnrrection. Some object is chosen of the most harmless 
appearance in ordei' not to awaken suspicion. An instance 
of this occurred very lately in the great Indian mutiny of 

While maintaining what I have said about the Hebrew 
word r\ii or JTiii ipse, I am now of opinion that in the 
passage before us a different word is employed, namely il^^ 
or TViii sigmini (a sign or symbol), n^i being the Chaldean 
form, and H))^ the Hebrew. Hence I render iltappar adu 
'they sent signals.' I will give another example of adu 
employed in the sense of signum, which I take from Mr. 
Smith's Annals of Assurbanipal, p. 249. I have given the 
general meaning but not the exact words. 

" The news from Elam is, that the two rival kings are 
about to engage in battle. Their standards are planted on 
the opposite sides of a river. Basaza takes this. Enquire 
fi-om him the latest news." Adu as eli nahr ana tarzi ahamis 
nadu. i.e. Add their standards, jiadu are planted. Gesenius 
says : PtW^ signum militare : vexillmn. 





By S. Birch, Esq., LLD. 

Read 2nd May, 1871. 

Ix ail excavation lately made at Cairo for the purpose of 
buikling a house requiiing repair, a tablet of black granite 
has been discovered, with a very remarkable inscription, 
dated in the seventh year of Alexander, son of Alexander the 
Great. This inscription has been published with an inter- 
linear translation by M. Brugsch in the " Zeitschriffc," ' and 
it is so interesting for its contents that I have drawn up the 
following short paper on it in connection with the rule of 
the Persians in Egypt as known from monumental sources. 
The scene of the tablet represented the youthful monarch 
standing and worshipping the deities Har-net-atf, Horus, the 
avenger of his father, and Uat the supposed goddess Buto, 
the lady of Pe and Tep — which last was the capital of the 
19th Egyptian nome. The new tablet proves that Pe and 
Tep are consequently the names of the gods Har or Apollo, 
and Uat or Buto, and that the name of the chief town of the 
19th nome was really the place of Buto — or Bato. This is 
the first point of information afforded by the new inscrip- 
tion. The next point is that the tablet is dated the 
1st of the month Thoth, in the 7th year of the youthful 
Alexander, who is called 'the joy of Amen, and the choice of 
the Sun, and beloved of the gods of Buto.' This prenomen, 
' the joy of Amen, the choice of the Sun,' was chosen on 
account of the supposed relation of his ftither, Alexander the 
Great, to the deity Amnion. The date is of his 7th year; as 
the birth of Alexander II took place in B.C. 323, and his reign, 
wliich commenced in 317, ended in 311, it is clear that it 

' Zeitschrift fiir agyptische Sprache. 4to. Berlin, 1871, p. 1, et seq. 

Uierogbjp/dc laJdei of Alexander. 21 

was dated from the 1st of Tliotli, although he is credited by 
the canon with having reigned only six years, the inter- 
regnum, however, between his death and the accession of 
Ptolemy being reckoned as part of his reign. He was put to 
death at the age of 12 by Cassander. The youthful monarch 
is mentioned as the king of Asia, but Ptolemy Lagus, not yet 
invested with royal attributes, is stated to be the king of 
Egypt, or rather a great chief m Egypt. Ptolemy is stated 
to be in the flower of his age, and his character is truly 
described as mvincible against his enemies, and that " there 
was no one like him in foreign lands," alluding to his rivals 
and contemporaries, the successors of Alexander. To Ptolemy 
Soter, as subsequently to Euergetes I, the hieroglyphic text 
attributes the merit of having restored to their places in 
Egypt the images of the gods, the vessels and books of the 
Egyptian temples, which were found m Asia or Persia, 
although it is not stated how or by whom they had been 
carried there. 

After the death of Alexander the Great, his empire, as is 
well known, was divided amongst his generals, but the 
official successors to the whole empire were, it appears from 
the Egyptian monuments, first Philip Arideeus, in whose 
name all documents ran, and who reigned till he was put to 
death, with his wife, by Olympias, in B.C. 317. Duriug the 
end of that and part of the succeeding year Olympias 
occupied the position of co-regent with Cassander, and the 
official monarch or king was the youthful Alexander ; and 
although, according to Dexippus, Heracles another son of 
the conqueror was associated with him in the government, 
the name of Alexander neither appears in the dated con- 
tracts nor the monuments. According to the canon, ^ the 
reign of Alexander the Younger ended B.C. 311, when he was 
killed by Cassander ; but there was a subsequent interregnum 
of six years before Ptolemy assumed the title of king. How 
the official documents were dated in this interval does not 
appear ; the canon credits the years to Alexander. Philip 
Aridasus was never in Egypt, having been first in the 
power of Perdiccas, and subsequently left in Macedon, which 

' Ideler, Hermapioii, App. p. 79. 

22 Hieroglyphic Tablet of Alexander. 

was governed by Polysperclion at the time of the death 
of Perdiccas ou the banks of the Nile. Like Avidseus, 
Alexander the Younger resided in Macedon, and was put to 
death by Cassander.' The three regents of the empire had 
been Perdiccas, Antipater, and Polysperchon, and the 
Egyptian viceroy Ptolemy is called, in this hieroglyphic 
inscription, a great chief or ruler of Egypt ; and he styles 
himself a satrap (khshatrapon) of the country, under which 
title it appears from the Greek authorities that he ruled 
under that title. The inscription, to resume the review of 
its contents, states that Ptolemy dwelt ' in the gates of the 
city of the king who loved the name or existence of Ammon, 
the approved of Ra, the son of the Sun, Alexandros' is its 
name, i.e. Alexandria, on the shore of the Great Sea of the 
lonians or Greeks, that is the Mediterranean, called formerly 
Rakat. He assembled, it continues to state, the lonians, 
■under which term is comprised the Greeks in general or the 
Macedonian and other mercenaries in his service ; men and 
cavalry, numerous ships and their crews, and went with his 
forces to the land of Kharu or Syria, which was at war ^\\\\\ 
him. He went m the midst of his enemies, his courage was 
great, like an eagle among smaller birds. He took them, i.e., 
his enemies the Syrians, and brought their officers, horses, 
ships, and all then- treasure to Egypt. This is the Egyptian 
official account of the defeat of Demetrius at Palai Gaza or 
old Gaza by Ptolemy in B.C. 312. After this, the inscrip- 
tion states, and therefore probably, in the next year he 
made an expedition to Mer-merti, or the Marmarica. He 
took it at once ; he led then* people, men, women, and gods, 
in revenge for what they had done, to Egypt. This closes 
the military operations, and must have taken place in the 
sixth year of Alexander. 

With this portion ends the historical notice of Ptolemy, 
as regards his foreign policy. His next object was to 
celebrate a festival for his victories, and to offer some 
acceptable commemoration to the gods. The governors of 
Lower Egypt. They stated that under the reign of a king 
named Khabash, that monarch, in a visit he had made to the 

' Clinton, Fasti Hellcnici, Vol. II, p. 289 ; III, p. 202. 

Hierocflyphic Tablet of Alexande)-. 23 

Delta and its shores, in passing tliroiigli the marshes, and 
inspecting the arms of the Nile which lead to the Mediter- 
ranean, in order to oppose the fleets of Asia from entering 
Egypt, had given the land of Patanut, or the nomos 
Phthenotes, or Phtheneoutes, to the gods of Pe and Tep, or 
the state of Buto. Ptolemy, it appears, inquu-ed of those 
about him what tliis Patannt was. Their answer was that it 
had belonged formerly to the state of Buto, but that the 
enemy Xerxes had made it otherwise, and given nothing to 
the gods of the district. Ptolemy ordered the priests and 
chiefs of Pe and Tep to be sent for, in order to inquu-e what 
evil had been done by Xerxes. They stated that he had 
ill-treated the towns of Pe and Tep and taken away its 
possessions. They then made the follo^ving statement : 
" The ruler, our lord, Horus the son of Isis and Osiris, ruler 
of rulers, king of kings of Egypt, the avenger of his father, 
the lord of Pe, the begmning of the gods existing afterwards, 
who has no king to come up to him, threw the evil doer 
Xerxes out of his palace, with his eldest son, making it 
known in the town of Neith to this day, at the side of the 
holy mother." 

Two historical facts are here contained, the first that 
Khabash had been the legitimate ruler of the comitry in the 
time of the Persian monarchs, contemporary to one of the 
Xerxes of the canon, probably Xerxes I, and that Khabash 
had overthrown the power of Xerxes, and expelled him and 
his eldest son from the town of Sais. The name of Khabash 
is not new to history, for one of the coffins of the Apis, dated 
in the month of Athor, in the second year of his reign, was 
found at the Serapeum. The position of this cofiin has, 
however, not been given by Mariette, so that it is not 
possible to loiow if it was amongst those of the middle or 
the end of the Persian dynasty, but Khabash is placed by 
Lepsius as king of the 28th dynasty. As the other Apis 
bulls of the period died in the reigns of Cambyses and 
Darius, it is probable that the one which died in the early 
part of the 27th dynasty was that of Khabash. In favom* of 
its referring to Xerxes I is the fact of the revolt of Egypt 
from the Persians, which commenced B.C. 487, and was not 

:^4 Ilierocihipldc Tablet of Ale,caiuhr. 

(suppressed by Xerxes till B.C. 484, when Acliasinenes Avas 
appointed satrap of the country. Yet Xerxes I had been 
recognized at a later period as the legitimate monarch, and 
dates of the 19th Thoth of the 2nd year of his reign, B.C. 484, 
that when Egypt was reduced again under the Persian sway, 
of the 6th, lUth, 12th, and of the 13th year of Xerxes have 
been found in Egypt at the Cosseir Road. Why, then, 
should Xerxes be mentioned in this inscription as a public 
enemy and tyrant, probably to flatter the Greeks, whose 
invasion of Asia by Alexander the Great had avowedly been 
undertaken to avenge the invasion of Greece by Xerxes. 
But who was Khabash ? The name of the monarch who was 
set up as an opponent of Xerxes and Darius has not been 
given by any ancient author. The name of Khabash is 
apparently Persian, terminating like that of Dariush, 
Khshershesh, and Artakhshershesh in a final shin, which 
Venders it probable that he was a satrap or viceroy of the 
province who threw off the Persian rule. An attempt of a 
similar character had been unsuccessfully made by Aryandes 
at the commencement of the reign of Darius, but was at once 
repressed. The name has a very Persian physiognomy under 
any cu-cmnstances. The eldest son of Xerxes was Darius, 
and Artaxerxes, the successor of Xerxes, the tliird son of 
that monarch ; but if he was the son of Xerxes who was 
ejected from Sais does not appear. Xerxes, it will be 
observed, had tried to recover Egypt by a fleet, wliich was 
destined to enter the Damietta arm of the Nile, and the dis- 
comfiture of his host had been attributed to the Avi-ath of the 
deity Horus as one of the gods of Buto. In aclaiowledg- 
ment of the power of Horus, Ptolemy acknowledges that 
god as the director and path or model of himself The 
priests and chiefs of the nome then demanded back the 
maritime district of Patanut for the gods of Pe and Tep, 
with all its productions, as a present m his name and a mark 
of his favour. " Then," says the inscription, " spoke this great 
ruler, that a decree should be made in "v\Titing in place of the 
writing of the royal scribe of the accounts saying, Ptolemy, 
who rules as satrap the land of Buto, I give it to Horns, the 
avenger of his father, lord of Pe, and to Buto. misti'cs.s of 

I/iero(ili/j>hic Jahlel of Aled'aitder. 25 

']"'ep, from this clay for ever, with its villages, its towns, its 
inhabitants, its fields, its waters, its oxen, its birds, and its 
herds, and all its prodnctions, both which were formerly and 
have been brought in together with the gift which was given 
by the king, lord of the two lands, Khabash ever living. 
Its south is the nome of the town Buto, and Hermopolis, its 
north reaches to the mouths of the Nile and the downs on 
the shore of the great sea. Its west is the mouths of the 
Sekhurr or Pliers of the rudder .... to the downs ; its east is 
the nome 'of Sebennys. Its calves are for the great hawks or 
gods, its oxen are for the forehead of Nebtau mistress of the 
world, its bulls are for the living hawks, its milk for the noble 
child [Horus], its birds are for the god who dwells in Sha, 
who is the lord living in it : all the productions of its soil 
are for the table of Horus himself, lord of Pe and Buto, the 
crown of Harmachis for ever. All that which gave the king 
the lord of the two countries, the image of Tanen, the 
approved of Ptah, the son of the Sun, Khabash the ever 
living, has renewed again this ruler, the great regent of 
Egypt, Ptolemaius, the gifts to the gods of Pe and Tep for 
ever. As a reward for what he has done, power, victory to 
the content of his heart has been given to him, so that all 
lands are as it were in terror of him. As respects the land 
of Buto, that which is produced by it or depends upon it, 
whoever takes anything from it, will be mider the ban of the 
gods of Pe and the curse of the gods of Tep ; may he be in 
the flames of the goddess Aptau in the days of her wrath 
and neither a son nor daughter to give him water." 

According to M. Brugsch, who has published this tablet 
with an interlinear translation, the east of the maritime 
province held the nome of Sebennytus, on the western bank 
of the Damietta branch of the Nile, the territory stretched 
northwards, and formed the eastern border of the nome of 
Buto. Pa-sa-ta on the sea shore was the northern boundary, 
probably the '^71^01; Kepa<i, Cape Agnus Castus, a small flat 
spit of land between the Burullos Lake and the sea. This 
corresponds with the modern lake and can be no other. It 
is at present filled with ruins at the entrance. Probably 
Buto is the modern ruin-mounds of Kum el Aman and 

26 Hieroglypldc Tablet of Ale.vander. 

Kum el Gir. Hermopolis is mentioned as a second boundary 
to the south, with the remark " at the mouths of the Nile." 
This Hermopolis of Lower Egypt was the 15th nome, and the 
city was probably Kum Ferram, lying to the south-west of 
the supposed mounds of Buto. The western boundary was 
the mouth of the Nile called the Rudderbeaters, or Pliers. 
This, according to Brugsch, was the northern portion of the 
present Rosetta branch. As Har or Horus was Apollo, so 
Uat or Buto was the Latona of Egyptian mythology. Her 
name means 'the sea' or lake; and she personified the female 
element of the water — the Thetis or Amphitrite of their 
system, which had no Neptune or Poseidon. In the numerous 
legends attached to her she expressed the goddess of the 
North or Lower Egypt, the Earth as one of the two worlds of 
the Kosmos, in antithesis to Seben or Nishem, who represented 
Eilerthyia the eponymous goddess of Syene, the southernmost 
limit of Egypt, the presiding deity of the upper country, or 
the upper world, or heaven. Although subordinate, these 
two goddesses are found often represented on the monu- 
ments jointly as the nilers of Upper and Lower Egypt, and 
under their respective forms of the asp and the vulture, 
designated the diadems of the upper and lower country. 
Formerly Buto was supposed to be a form of Afut, the great 
mother, the wife of Ammon ; but M. Brugsch's reading of this 
new inscription has proved that Uat is the Buto of the Greeks. 
This new tablet is one of the most important yet discovered 
of late years for its historical and geographical information. 
It is true that it belongs to a period when more is known 
of the history of Egypt from the Greek and Roman writers, 
but it is, at the same time, remarkable that this tablet, and 
that of San, or the so-called decree of Canopus, contain 
historical mformation not afforded by the usual historical 
authorities. However much it may be regretted that the 
texts of the Egyptian monuments are encumbered with the 
pompous titles of monarchs, and the names and attributes of 
deities, yet more historical information has been recorded on 
them than is found either in Greek or Latin inscriptions. 
The tablet published and explained by M. Brugsch is, indeed, 
a contribution to the history of the successors of Alexander, 

Hieroglyphic Tablet of Alexander. 27 

and of Egypt at the period. Such inscriptions were the 
title-deeds of the period, the solemn records of the endow- 
ments and the privileges of the temples ; to which and to 
the sepulchres is due a great portion of what may be 
deemed authentic in the history of the Nile. The Egyptian 
preserved as much with his chisel as his pen the records of 
the age in which he lived ; and in the Delta the conditions 
are far more favourable for the tablet than the papyrus. 
There is very little new in the text of this tablet for Egyptian 
philology ; its value is chiefly historical. 



By G. Smith. 

The early history of Babylonia was unknown, previous 
to the labours of Sir Henry Rawlinson. Excavations on 
several of the sites of early Babylonian cities were carried 
out under his directions, and, on deciphering the inscriptions 
discovered in these mounds. Sir Henry published the first 
authentic list of early Chaldean and Babylonian monarchs. 

In the year 1858, soon after I commenced the study of 
the Cuneiform records, I received, through the kindness of 
Sir Henry Rawlinson, a list of the Cuneiform names of these 
monarchs ; arranged by their discoverer, even at that early 
date, in nearly the same order as at present. 

The discoveries and opinions of Sir Henry Rawlinson on 
this and similar subjects, are well set forth in the "Five 
Monarchies," and " Herodotus," two works published by his 
brother the Rev. George Rawlinson, Professor of Ancient 
History at the University of Oxford. These two works, from 
the great extent of their information and the soundness of 
the critical and historical matter they contain, form the 
standard books on the subjects on which they treat. 

After these discoveries M. Oppert published a work 
called " Histoire des Empires de Chaldee et dAssyrie," 
Versailles, 1865, in which he gave translations of several 
early Babylonian inscriptions. M. Oppert's list of early 
Babylonian monarchs contained many more names than are 
found in Sir Hemy Rawlinson's publications ; but most of 
these were spurious monarchs, founded on erroneous inter- 
pretations of texts. 

I commenced my own study of the subject on the basis 
of Sii* Henry's discoveries, and in the course of my work at 
the Museum have been fortunate enough to find several 
new inscriptions and new monarchs. My principal results I 
embodied in a paper read before the Biblical Archaeological 

Early History of Babylonia. 29 

Society, Oth June, 1871, which formed the basis of the 
foHowing article. The expense of its pubKcation has been 
borne by my kind friend and Hberal patron Mr. Samuel Sharp 
the author of several historical and philological works. 

Note. — For the convenience of readers, I have generally 
placed {g.) before the names of deities, (c.) before the names 
of cities, and [-] to include restorations. 

When the light of monumental history first dawns upon 
Babylonia we find that country inhabited by two races, the 
Stimir and Akkad ; they spoke two different languages, one 
Turanian the other Semitic, but we have no information as 
to which race spoke either language, and we do not know 
their geographical distribution in the comitry, but probably 
they were mixed in most parts, as many of the cities have 
both Turanian and Semitic names. The name of the Sumir 
was written >-^^T>^ JgJ or .^Jg[ >^JJ >-yy^ Ke-en-gi in 
Turanian, and ^J y>- *~i |<T Su-mi-ri in Semitic, and the 
Akkad were called ^-y v n ^T^J Ur in Tm-anian, and 
^3 ^^tJ KT^ Ak-ka-di in Semitic. The Turanian 
people, who appear to have been the original inhabitants 
of the country, invented the cuneiform mode of writing; 
all the earliest inscriptions are in that language, but the 
proper names of most of the kings and principal persons 
are written in Semitic, in direct contrast to the body of 
the inscriptions. The Semites appear to have conquered 
the Turanians, although they had not yet imposed their 
language on the country. Babylonia at this time contained 
many great cities, some of the principal bemg Nijiur, 
written >-TT J^YTT ^TBT in Turanian, and J^ ■^>- -^If 
in Semitic ; this city was probably the earliest seat of 
empire, and long continued the centre of the Babylonian 
religion. Eridu or Ridu, written *^YyTy ^T^T in Turanian, 

and ^-yy ^, ^]] ^yy<y rrigf and ^yy<y mi^y in Semitic; 

Ur, written B^^i^ >^C<« \ ^I^ "^ Turanian, and ^yyfs= -^TT 
in Semitic ; Karrak, written ^^ ^yy >-£r^yy KI^ *"^y 
Vol. I. 3 

30 Eavli/ Ilistorii of I>ahi/lo7iia. 

in Turanian, and *^yy{ ^t-]] ^"Q in Semitic ; Uruk (Erech) 
written £:<*<« ^ ^]^ in Turanian, and 5=111?= ^TT t^V^ and 
^I'^'^II^T *">^!y[ ^^^ Semitic; Larsa, written ^1 ^^^<< ^ ^^^j 
in Turanian, and >-^y ^y>->-yy<y J ^ in Semitic; Sippara, 
written ^] -^J -1111- <IgJ "i Turanian, and ^yy J^ ^y 
and y.- -"^y in Semitic ; *-{^ ^^ *-^y ZerguUa, and 
Tf -TIR =^^I <IeJ Agani. " 

Berosus, a Chaldean priest in the thud century B.C., ■\\Tote 
a history of Chaldea, from which the following fi-agments of 
chronology have been preserved ; tliey may be compared 
with the monumental notices : — 

Chronological Scheme of Berosus. 

10 kinj^s befoie the Flood, commencing with ) ^^^ ^^^^ 

Al-orus ( "' > < '^^ 

^^^Squesr *^'' "^^°''*^' ^"^ ^''^ ^^"^^^^^" I 3,4080 or 3,3091 years. 

8 Median kings 224 or 100 yeai's. 

11 other kings duration unknown. 

49 Chaldean kings 458 years. 

9 Arabian kings 245 years. 

45 kings 526 years. 

After whom came Pul and Sennacherib. 

A similar system of chronology was probably believed in 
during the later historic period. Sargon, king of Babylon, 
B.C. 710-705, says, C.I., Vol. 1, p. 36, " 350 ancient kings 
before me the dominion of Assyria ruled and governed the 
dominion of Bel (Babylonia)"; and in another place, "From 
the days remote the time of (r/.) Ur to the kings my fathers 
of Assyria and Karduniyas (Babylonia)." The God Ur here 
spoken of is evidently the first mythical king of Berosus, 
Al-orus; his cuneiform name is >->-y ^^ti7i^ ^T^. Assur- 
banipal, king of Assyria, B.C. 068- ()2(), states, "History of 
Assm-banipal," p. 250, that Babylonia was conquered by an 
Elamite named Kudur-nanhundi, 1635 before his own 
capture of Shushan, or about B.C. 2280. This conquest by 
Kudur-nanhundi I have conjectured to bo tlie same as the 
Median conquest of Berosus, but Kudunianhundi has left 

Early History of Babylonia. 31 

no monuments, unless he be the same as the Kudur-mabug 
who built at Ur. No approximate date can be fixed for 
any Babylonian monarch before Kara-indas, who reigned 
about B.C. 1475, and the period of the rulers whom we 
know to have preceded him must be acknowledged to be 
at present quite uncertam. 

The annals of the early monarchs of Babylonia are for 
the most part lost, but there are suflScient remains of their 
works to show that their dominion was a most important 
one. Ail the great temples of Babylonia were founded by 
the kings who preceded the conquest by Hammurabi the 
king of the Kassi, and the date of this conquest cannot be 
placed later than the 16th century B.C. Bricks and stone 
tablets, with inscriptions of these early Babylonian monarchs, 
have been found at most of the sites, and the vast size of 
their works shows their great power. The civilization of 
this early period is proved by the works on Geography, 
Astrology, ]\Iythology, Grammar, Mathematics, &c., parts of 
Avhich inscribed on clay tablets are now in the British 

The civil administration and laws of the country are 
partly shown by a number of sale, loan and law tablets 
belonging to the close of the period in qiiestion (about 
the time of Hammurabi) ; and the state of the fine arts 
can be estimated by the thousands of beautifully engraved 
seals belonging to this age, now in various European 

The titles of the early rulers of Babylonia were 
jt "^T ^YT pa-te-si, and ^^^S! sar ; patesi means deputy 
or viceroy, and is equivalent to the Semitic ^Tt '>^yT5Jz T^Y 
is-sak-ku ; when combined with the name of a deity, as 
Patesi (^.) Assur " ^dceroy of the God Assur," it may denote 
an mdependent ruler, but the patesi of towns in Bab}' Ionia 
were most probably governors or viceroys of the kings ; I 
will here give their inscriptions fii'st, for convenience. 

The monumental kmgs of Babylonia divide themselves 
naturally into three groups, — 1st, the Chaldean or native 
kings before the conquest of the Kassi ; 2n(l, the kings of 

32 Eai'ly History of Bahi/Ioitia. 

the Kassi dynasty ; and 3rd, the Chaldean or native kings, 
successors of the Kassi. 

The Babylonian monarchs usually took their titles from 
their capital cities, and probably formed in some cases con- 
temporary lines of kings, the countrj^ being not always 
united under one sceptre ; this feet, combined ^^dth our want 
of information respecting the earlier periods of Babylonian 
history, makes it impossible to present the list of kings in 
chronological order. The follo-^dng arrangement of the 
names must, therefore, be considered as only provisional. 

Mi-(?) -sa-nana-kalam-mi (? ). 

The name of this ruler is Turanian; only one of his 
inscriptions is preserved. Nothing is known respecting the 
extent of his dominions, or the position of his capital. 


" ]\Ii-sa-nana-kalammi, viceroy of (c.) Ridu, high priest 
of mati . . . nuni . . son of Be . . huk." 

2. J:^ ^yy ^y, I-aa-du. 

This governor ruled at the same city as the former one. 
Eridu his capital was one of the greatest Babylonian cities. 
The name Idadu is Semitic. 


" To (g.) Nin-ridu, his king, for the preservation of Idadu, 
viceroy of (c.) Ridu, the servant the delight of (a.) Nin-ridu.'' 

3. >-J][ »-»-y >"**"y, Bel-samu. 

Bel-samu, whose name is written in Turanian Va-anna, 
was ruler of Zirgulla, probably represented by the mounds 
of Zerghul, east of the river Hye, in Babylonia. 


"Bel-samu, viceroy of (c.) Zirgulla. (r/.) Nana his delight 
ip ho built, Bitanna of the east country hv completed." 

Early History of Babi/lonia. 33 

4. -::H EXSalf Tf' Gu-de-a. 

The reading Guclea for the name of this governor is 
based on the passage C.I., Vol. 2, p. 20, line 24. The word is 
evidently Turanian, its Semitic equivalents being nagagu, 
hababu, and nabu. Gudea was ruler at Zngulla. There 
are numerous inscriptions of this governor, but most of them 
are of the two types translated here. The relics of Gudea 
are found over a considerable extent of country, and on the 
sites of important cities. 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 5, No. XXIII, 1, on cones from Warka (Erecli) and Babylon. 

" To (^.) Ninip the king, his king, Gudea viceroy of (c.) 
ZirguUa, his house built." 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 5, No. XXIII, 2, on a cone from Zergliiil (Zirgulla). 

"To (g.) Nana the lady, lady splendid (?) his lady, Gudea 
viceroy of (c.) ZnguUa raised." 

There are two other texts of this ruler in the British 
Museum, one on a black stone statue, the other on a brick ; 
these are too mutilated to translate. 

5. T IeJ lEJ -^T H -T<T ^IH <T5^. 


This monarch is mentioned by Assurbanipal in the follow- 
ing passage, "History of Assm*banipal," p. 250, — "Kudur- 
nanhundi the Elamite who the worship of the great Gods 
did not [fear], who in an evil resolve to his own force 
[trusted] on the temples of Akkad his hands he had laid 

and he oppressed Akkad the days were full for 

2 ner 7 sos and 15 years under the Elamites." 

This period, 2 ner 7 sos 15 years, which elapsed from the 
time of Kudur-nanhundi, equals 1635 years; according to 
other inscriptions, at the close of this period Assurbanipal 
conquered Elam and recovered an image of the goddess 
Nana, which had been carried away from Babylonia in this 
early conquest. 

34 Early History of Babylonia. 

6. f 5} V^- !r-yyy, Za-bu-u. 

This ancient king of Babylonia is only kno^v'n to ua from 
the broken cylinder of Nabonidiis, according to wliicli he 
founded the temples of Annnit (Venus) and Samas (the Sun) 
at Sippara; these temples having fallen into decay, were 
restored by Saga-saltias, an early Babylonian monarch, and 
again falling into decay one was repaired by Nabonidus. The 
notice of Zabu is as follows, C.I,, Vol. 1, p. 69, lines 27-31 : 
" Then Bit-parra the house of (g.) Samas of (c.) Sippara my 
lord, and Bit-ulmas the house of (</.) Anunit of (c.) Sippara, 
{g.) Anunit my lady, which were from the time of Zabu in 
ancient days ; their chamber walls had fallen in." 

7- m H S' Ur(?)-ukh(?). 

Accordmg to the statements of the excavators, the bricks 
of Urukh were found in the foundations of buildings, the 
upper parts of which Avere constructed of bricks bearing 
inscriptions of other early Chaldean kings ; the remains of 
his buildings even now exceed those of every other Chaldean 
monarch excejDt Nebuchadnezzar, so that his reign must have 
been a long and important one. The name of this Idng has 
been compared to the Arioch of Genesis and the Orchamus 
of Ovid, but the reading Urukh is very doubtful. 

Many of the earliest temples of Babylonia were founded 
by Urukli, among these we may notice the Temple of the 
Moon at Ur, and two other buildings at the same city, one 
called Bit-timgal, the other Bit-sareser; this latter was a 
tower, built in stages like a pyramid. Urukh having died 
before this building was completed, it Avas finished by his 
son Dungi ; its ruins now form the most conspicuous object 
on the site of Ur. The wall of the city of Ur was also 
built by Urukh. At Larsa he founded the Temple of the 
Sun, and at Erech the Temple of Venus, called Bit-anna or 
the " house of Heaven." At Nipur, the ancient capital of 
Babylonia, he founded or restored the great Temple of Bel, 
and another to Beltis ; and at Zirgulla he built a temple to 
Sar-ili the " king of the gods." 

Early History of Babylonia. 35 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 1. No. I, 1 and 2, on bricks from Mugheir (Ur). 
" Urukh king of (c.) Ur, who the house of {g.) Ur 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 1, No. I, 3, on bricks from Mugheir (Ur). 

" To («7.) Ur his king, Urukh king of (c.) Ur his house 
built, and the wall of {c.) Ur built." 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 1, No. I, 4, on cone from Mugheir (Ur). 
"To (</.) Ur, the lesser light of heaven, eldest son of 
(7.) Bel his kmg, Urukh the powerful man, king of {c.) Ur, 
Bit-timgal the house of his delight built." 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 1, No. I, 5, on brick from Mugheir (Ur). 
" To {g.) Ur, eldest son of Bel liis king, Urukh the 
powerful man, the fierce warrior, king of (c.) Ur, Idng of 
Sumir and Akkad, Bit-timgal the house of his delight 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 1, No. I, 6, on brick from Warka (Erech). 
'' To {g.) Nana his lady, Urulvh the powerful man, king 
of (c.) Ur, king of Sumir and Akkad, her house built." 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 5, No. I, 7, on brick from Senkerch (Larsa). 
" To (^,) Samas his king, Urukli the powerful man, king 
of (c.) Ur, king of Sumir and Akkad, his house built." 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 1, No. I, 8, on black stone at Niffer (Nipur). 
" To {g.) Belat his lady, Urukh king of (c.) Ur, king of 
Sumu- and Akkad, her house the of her delight built." 

C.I., Vol. 2, p. 1, No. I, 9, on brick from Niffer (Nipurj. 
"Urukh king of (e.) Ur, king of Sumir and Akkad, who 
the house of {g.) Bel built." 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 1, No. I, 10, on signet cylinder. 
" To Urukh, the powerful man, king of (c.) Ur, Hassimir, 
viceroy of (c.) Isbaggi(?)-bel thy servant." 


" To (//.) Sar-ili his king, Urukh khig of (c.) Ur, .... du 
. . . . [in Zu-]-gulla built." 

36 Early History of Babylonia. 

8. (--y) <}t\]]] -yy^, Dun(?)-gi(?). 

Dimgi was the son and snccessor of Urukli ; he is known 
to have completed and repaired some of his father's buikUng-s, 
but his monuments are not nearly so numerous. His build- 
ing were principally at Ur and Erech. 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 2, No. II, 1, on bricks from Muglicir (Ur). 
"Dimgi, the powerful man, king of (c.) Ur, king of Sumir 
and Akkad." 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 2, No. II, 2, on bricks from Mugheir (Ur). 
" Dungi, the powerful man, king of (c.) Ur, king of Sumir 
and Akkad, Bit-harris the house of his delight built." 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 2, No. II. 3, on black stone. 
" To (g.) Nana, lady of Bit-anna, his lady, Dungi, king 
of (c.) Ur, king of Sumir and Akkad, Bit-anna its site 
restored, its great wall built." 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 2, No. II, 4, on black stone from Tel Eed. 

" To {g.) Nin-mar-ki his lady, Dungi king of {c.) Ur, king 
of Sumir and Akkad, Bit-gilsa the fort of her dehght built." 


" To (g.) Sit-ti-ta-ud-du-a, king of Bit-sidda of (c.) Zirgulla, 
for the preservation of Dungi the powerful man, king of 
(c.) Uv, lib nir la gu-za-lal, son of Ur-ba-bi, made a libation (?), 
' My king .... his will, may his name be preserved.' " 


" 10 manehs of Dungi." 


B.C. 555-538. 

C.I., p. 68, lines 5 to 20, 

" Bit-saresir, the tower of Bitnergal which is in {c.) Ur, 

which Urukh the very ancient king had built and had not 

finished it, Dmigi his son its toj) finished. In the wi-itings of 

Urukh, and Dungi his son, I saw also of that tower, Urukh 

Earlif Ilistoj^y of Babylonia. 37 

had built and had not finished it, Dungi his son its top 
finished. By this time that tower became old." 

The name of Dungi is found also in the name of the town 
mentioned in C.I., Vol. 2, p. 60, line 5, Bil-dungi-ur. 

^- MTK] ^TT H t^t] IdJ' [Ga]-mil(0-nin-ip. 

This king, the first part of whose name is lost, has not 
been noticed, although a fi'agment of one of his inscriptions 
from Niffer is printed in C.I., Vol. 1, p. 5, No. XXIV ; it is 
there erroneously referred to Ismidagan. 

This king, and several of those that follow, ruled at a 
city called Nisinna or Karrak, perhaps the same as Apirak, 
the site of which is unknown. These kings were contem- 
porary with the rulers of Ur and Larsa ; their kingdom was 
destroyed a short time before the reign of Hammui-abi. 


" Gamil (?)-ninip exalted ruler of (c.) Nipur na .... of 
(c.) Ur, .... lord of (c.) Eridu, beneficent lord of (f.) Urnk 
king of (c.) Karrak, king of Sumir and Akkad, the relative (?) 
the delight of the eyes of {g.) Nana. 

10. .-.-y jr<yy ^ ^^y ^::yy, Is-bl-bar-ra. 

This king is mentioned on an unpublished fragment in 
the British Museum : the line reads " Isbi-barra, king of 
(c.) Karrak " 

11. ^^y -^yy :::; ^^y <*^y^y, Li-M-it-anumt. 

The name of this king, imperfect in the Museum publica- 
tion, is completed from one of the cones. Its first element 
libit is a well-known form of the Semitic root \lb, the second 
element is the name of the Babylonian Venus, the name 
meanmg " the work of Venus," or " fashioned by Venus." 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 5, No. XVIII. 

" Libit-anunit, first ruler of (c.) Nipm-, the supreme over 
(c.) Ur, .... of (c.) Eridu, beneficent lord of (c.) Uruk, king 

38 Early History of Babylonia. 

of (c.) Karrak, king of Sumir and Akkad, the restorer of 
{g.) Nana, who Bit-mekit restored." 

12. >->A Jr<yy y»- »-»-y ^yy t^^, Is-ml-da-gan. 

This name is Semitic, and means " Dagon heard." Sir H. 
RawHnson has suggested that this Ismi-dagan was the same 
as the Ismi-dagan patasi of Assur, who, according to the 
Tiglath-Pileser cyhnders, reigned in the 19th century B.C. 
This, however, is doubtful, but it is possible they may be of 
about the same age. 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 2, No. V, 1 and 2, from Mugheir (Ur). 

" Ismi-dagan, nom'isher of {c.) Nipur, the supreme over 
(c.) Ur, the light (?) of (c.) Eridu, lord of (c.) Uruk (the 
powerful king), king of (c.) Karrak, king of Sumir and 
Akkad, the relative (?) the delight of Nana." 

13. ■^i^ i^]]] ^^ *:(- 5=^yyy, Ou-un-gu-nu-u. 

Gungunu was son of Ismi-dagan, but some students hold 
the view that he was only contemporary with a s(ni of Ismi- 
dagan, who Avas ruler of Ur. The matter is not proved on 
either side, but on examination of the originals of these 
inscriptions, I find the published copies incorrect in one 
point, the supposed second title ^j^J ^^S-^ ?=<*<« \ ^]^> 
"ruler of Ur," is really -«^yyy ^;ff^i^ 5^<2<<lt <!IbI» "within 
Ur." The second mscription is very peculiar, the characters 
stand in relief, contrary to the Babylonian custom, and in 
one copy are reversed, reading from right to left instead of 
from left to right. 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 2, No. VI, 1, on a cone from Mugheir (Ur). 
" To (^.) Samas, the ruler tuda (g.) Ur, leader of Bitnir- 
kinugal (g.) Ningal ra tuda his kings for the preservation 
of Gungunu the powerful man, king of (c.) Ur, for the 
establishing of (g.) Anu, for the restoring of (g.) Ur for 
(g.) Ur within (c.) Ur, the son of Ismi-dagan king of Sumir 
and Akkad, Bit-hiliani built, Bit-ginablungani built, for his 
preservation he built." 

Early History of Babylonia. 39 

C.I., Vol. 1. p. 2, No. VI, 2, on bricks from Mugheir (Ur). 

" For the establishing of [g.) Ann, for the delight of (17.) Ur 
for {g.) Ur within {c.) Ur, the son of Ismi-dagan king of 
Sumir and Akkad." 

14. ^>-] |§g }} -^y, Ilu zat 

The name of this monarch is found on the cast of a 
signet cylinder hi the British Museum. The name of his 
capital is lost by a fracture of the cylinder, but he is placed 
here provisionally on account of the similarity of his legend 
to those of the kings of Karrak. 


"Till .... zat kmg the relative the delight of 

15. y -yy<y ^yy ^-y ^4f, rms-vui. 

No monument of this king is known, he was tlie last 
king of Apirak (see Naram-sm, No. 30). 

16. .-^y ^y .-^y >-]^ "^^]]^ Gamil-sln. 

This kmg, and many of the following ones, have their 
names compounded with Sin, the moon god, but while in the 
inscriptions this deity is always worshipped under the name 
*"*^y B^^-«^ Kl^' ^^'' whenever he enters into the composi- 
tion of a Semitic name, it is under the form >->A >-TT *">^yy 
or ^^^. The name of the moon god is once phonetically 
written m a proper name on a sale tablet in the British 
Museum, it reads *>^ t^*?TT' Si-in. The name of 
Gamil-sin in its phonetic form occurs as the name of a 
private person m the time of the monarch Samsu-iluna, the 
phonetic form is ^yyy-'^ >^W *^*^ *"II *~'^~\\-> Ga.-mil-sin. 
One of the earliest contract tablets in the British Museum is 
dated in the reign of Gamil-sin. 

40 Early History of Babylonia. 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 3, No. XI, from a signet cylinder. 

" To Gamil-sin the powerful man, Idng of (c.) Ur, king- of 
the foui- regions, Amil-anu the tablet writer, son of Gandu, 
iiy servant." 


"To {g.) Nu-gan his noble one, Gamil-sin the delight of 
ig.) Bel king of {c.) Nipm*, in the delight of his heart he 
blessed ; the powerful king, king of (c.) Ur, king of the four 
regions, his house built." 

A city named after Gamil-sin is mentioned in C.I., Vol. 2, 
page 60, line 17. 

17. H <::: H -II -^]l ZurO-sm. 

This kmg, the phonetic value of whose name is uncertain, 
from the great similarity of his legends, is probably closely 
connected with Gamil-sin ; Zur-sin was probably deified after 
his death, as his name occm-s in a list of Gods, C.I., Vol. 3, 
p. 69, line 77. Many of the inscriptions of Zur-sin have been 
found at a ruin called Abu-shahrein, which appears to have 
been entirely built by him. 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 3, No. XII, 1, from Abu-Shalirein and Mugheir. 

" Zur-sin, Bel the Nipurite blessed, the leader of the 
house of (g.) Bel, the powerful king, king of (c.) Ur, king of 

the four regions, {g.) Hea the king his delight the of his 

dehght he built." 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 3, No. XII, 2, from Abu-Shahrein. 
" Zur-sin the Nipm-ite (g.) Bel blessed, the leader of the 
house of (g.) Bel, the powerful man, king of (c) Ur, king of 
the four regions." 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 5, No. XIX, from Muglieir. 

" Zur-sin the Nepurite (g.) Bel blessed, the leader of the 

liouse of {g.) Bel, the powerful king, king of (c.) Ur, king of 

the four regions, ma-tu-ha Zur-sin the deliglit of (c.) Ur, 

mu-bi-ki-ri ma-tu-ba -who ki-du-m-bi i n-da-ab-kur-ri-a Bit-sigabi 

Early Iliitory of Babylonia. 41 

nlkaria of {g.) Ur king of (c.) Ur, Ningal mother of {c.) Ur 
delight of the heart of the great God of Dur he built 

18. J^B t^^] H -II ^^]]. I-bil-sin, 
and ]} t^^\ --T <«, A-bil-sin. 

The first of these forms is found on an unpubHshed frag- 
ment of the Chaldean work on Astrology, the passage reads 
" Ibil-sin king of Ur." The second form occurs in C.I., Vol. 3, 
p. 38, hne 64, and several private persons bearing the same 
name are mentioned in early inscriptions. I have con- 
jectured that these two names belong to the same monarch, 
but there is little except the similarity of sound to lead to 
this opinion. 

19. ^.^y ^^y <fr<I|, Belat(?)-sunat(?). 

This name, the reading of which is doubtful, represents 
the earliest known queen in the Euphrates valley ; she is 
only mentioned in the inscriptions of her son Sin-gasit. 

20. --I 41 ^^yy Jryyyi^ <y- ^y, sm-ga-si-it. 

Sin-gasit ruled at Urukh (Warka), he is the king called 
Sinsada by Sir H. Rawlinson. All his memorials have been 
found at his capital city, where he rebuilt the temple of 
Venus, which had been founded by Urukh, and constructed 
a palace for himself. 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 3, No. VIII, 1, from Warka. 
"Sin-gasit, son of Belat-sunat king of (c.) Uruk, builder 
of Bit-anna." 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 3, No. VIII, 2, from Warka. 
"Singasit the powerful man, king of (c.) Uruk, king of 
Amnanu, the palace of his royalty built." 


" To {g.) Sar-tur-da his God, and Belat-sunat his mother, 
Sin-gasit king of (r.) Uruk, king of Amnanu, nomisher of 

42 Early History of Babylonia. 

Bit-anna, who P)it-anna built, Bit-ldrib Bit-kiba, lib tul-la 
ka-ne-ne, he built for the prolonging of his kingdom, he built 
18 segur 12 manehs of dahta (?) 10 manehs of bronze as-ni 

the house, silver like a mountain 1 shekel of silver its 

name he called, giving delight and pleasure (?). 

21. '^^yy ^-yy ^]< <y- t^^] ]]< -Q» Si-im-ti-si-U-ha-ak. 

This ruler is only known from the inscriptions of his son 
Kudur-mabug ; his name is probably Elamite. 

22. ygf ^y ][]y ^y -^j- J^^^, Ku-du-ur-ma-bu-uk. 

Kudur-mabuk has been conjectured to have some con- 
nection with the Chedorlaomer of Genesis, and the term abda 
Martu lias been supposed to refer to that monarch's Syrian 
conquests, but a careful inspection of the inscription shows 
that SiJ^y ^yy i^ an error of the lithograph copy, the 
original having ^^y ^yy ad-da, instead. The word adda, 
from its use in some of these inscriptions, appears to bear 
the meaning king or lord, in addition to its usual meaning 
father, hence the kindred forms Jl^y ^ and ^^y >^yy4:^ 
are rendered malaku in Assyrian, meaning prince or ruler. 
Kudur-mabuk Avas adda or lord of Syria and lord of 
Yamutbal. The word Yamutbal, which has long been a 
puzzle to me, I find, from a bilingual passage on K 112, to 
mean Elam, so that this ruler claimed dominion over the 
Avhole country from Sp'ia to Elam. Kudur-mabuk, from the 
number of his inscriptions and the extent of his dominion, 
appears to have been an important monarch, but although 
the monuments of this period are inscribed Avith his name as 
lord paramount, he did not reign personally in Babylonia. 
The crown of that country he bestowed on his son Ardu-sin, 
whom he names Avitli himself in his inscriptions, and on 
whom he iuA^okes the blessings of the Bal)ylonian deities. 
Besides the texts translated here, there are two other in- 
scriptions of Kudur-mabuk, one on a bronze statue of a 
goddess in the Louvre, and the other on a clay cylinder in 
the British Musemn. 

Early History of Babylonia . 43 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 2, No. Ill, from Mugheir. 

" To {g.~) Ur liis king : Kudur-mabnk lord of Syria, son of 
Simti-silhak, worsliipj^er of {g^ Ur, his protector marching 
l:»efore him, Bit-rubmah, for his preservation and the preserva- 
tion of Ardu-sin his son, king of Larsa, they built." 

23. ^^y >-^\ ^JJ ^^\]^ Ardu(?)-sin. 

Ardu-sin was the son of Kudur-mabuk ; he was made 
king of (c.) Larsa during his father's lifetime. Extensive re- 
mains of buildings erected by Ardu-sin have been discovered, 
and in his inscriptions he claims to have restored many of 
the national temples. 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 5, No. XVI, from Mugheir. 

"Ardu-sin the powerful man, the high ruler, established 
by (r/.) Bel, nourishei* of {c.) Ur, king of (c.) Larsa, king of 
Smnir and Akkad, son of Kudur-mabuk the lord of Elam, 

(c.) Ur the great he embellished, its he established, 

{(J.) Ur my king blessed me, the great wall of Harris-galla to 
prevent invasion, its circuit I raised I built, the city I 
enchcled, the great tower of {(j.) Ur strongly I constructed," 


"(p'.) Ur lord of spirits and angels (?) .... my king 
Ardu-sin nourisher of the temple, head ruler of Bit-nergal the 
renowned man, lord of Bit-parra, mizkin of ancient (c.) Eridu, 
who the religious festivals keeps (?), Bit-hansa of (c.) Zirgulla 
its site he restored, its great ramparts his hands made, Ur 
and Samas .... to their places he restored (?). The prince 
his begetter Bit-sarna for his life established .... in the 
service of his lord who marches before him(?), for the pre- 
servation of his life he built his house, also he restored its 
site, and the four houses of Saggal, for his preservation and 
the preservation of Kudur-mabuk the father his begetter, the 
house with rejoicing Bit- tin gal he built, a statue before the 
house he " 

44 Early History of Babylonia. 

24. ^yy<y ^-yy ^^y \] \ K]]]^ Ri-lm-a-gar-u. 

This king, Avho appears to be one of this series, is men- 
tioned on an nnpublislied fragment in the British Museum. 
Yamutbal or Elam and tlie cities of Abnunna and Karrak 
occTir on tlie same tablet, but the seat of the government of 
Riraagaru is not stated. 

25. J^yyy^ <« ||, Ga-sm- .... 
This monarch is only known as the father of Sin-idinna. 

26. ^-y .^J{ "^ji^yy J^^ <K >-<*"y ^:^, Sm-i-dm-na-a. 
^^y ^JJ ^^yy >r^ <J< ^\<Y^, Sin-i-dln-na. 

Sin-i(hnna, by the character of his legends, is closely 
connected with Ardu-sin. 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 3, No. IX, from Scnkereh. 
" . . . . king of Bit .... his Idng, Sin-idinna the powerful 
man, son of Gasin .... nourisher of (c.) Ur king of (c.) Larsa, 
king of Sumir and Akkad." 

C.I., Yol. 1, p. 5, No. XX, from Mugheir. 
" Sin-idinna the powerful man, nourisher of (c.) Ur king 
of (c) Larsa, king of Sumir and Akkad, who the old house (?) 
to its place restored, in the thi'one of Larsa he was firmly 
established, powerful soldiers w^ere committed to his hand ; a 
delightful river, the river Kibigana, for the use of the country 
he excavated, perrenial waters giving everlasting delight to 
his city and country, he has established. Ka-ne-nam-kar-ra- 
tna-ni (ff.) Ur eldest son of Bel marching before him in war, 
to intelligent ears he has proclaimed his glory. In (c.) Ur 
his renown is established, Bit-na-nun-na his delight to (g.) Ur 
he built." 


" To (g.) Samas, the lord establisher of life, the powerful 
head of heaven, the highest of the spirits, his king ; 
Sin-idinna the powerful man, nourisher of (c.) Ur, king of 
(c.) Larsa king of Sumir and Akkad, Bit-parra for his pre- 
servation splendidly built he raised. By command of 

Karhj Jlistorij of Bahylo^iia. 45 

iy.) Ur and iSamas in Bit-parra and Bit-ner-g-al Sin-idinua, for 
the glory of the spirits, festivals magnificently he celebrated." 

At tliis time commences a series of dated tablets, which 
are of great interest, on account of the insight they give 
into the condition and history of Babylonia. These tablets, 
record sales and loans, all are written in the Turanian lan- 
guage, but almost all the names are written phonetically 
in Semitic ; they show us that the method of dating m the 
current years of the reigning sovereign was not then in use, 
the customary method on most tablets being to date from 
some jjarticular event which happened in the year. A similar 
method of datmg occurs in several passages in the Bible, 
as Isaiah vi, 1; xiv, 2d>; and xx, 1. Some few tablets are 
dated in years of an era, and show us the earliest examples 
of the use of an era for chronological purposes. 

One of these tablets in the reign of Sin-idinna has the 
following date : — " [IMonth] Abu [in the year] when to {g.) 
Eri-ul-gar-ra [bit-]ganki he built and ... of gold Sin-idinna 
king of Larsa .... made." 

27. ->f *^ t^]] ^^] A4f' Nu-ur-vul. 

Nur-vul rebuilt some of the temples at Ur, and his inscrip- 
tion was found near those of Kuclur-mabuk and Ardu-sin. 
Although Nur-vul ruled after the capital was transferred 
from Ur to Larsa, the worship of Samas god of Larsa, had 
not yet advanced sufficiently to cause his name to be united 
with that of Ur on the contract tablets, from which I infer 
that Nur-vul ruled soon after the capital was changed. 

C.I., Vol. 1, p. 2, No. IV, from Mugheir. 
" To (g.) Ur his king, Nui-vul the powerfid man, the ruler 
of (c.) Ur, king of (c.) Larsa, Bit-rubmah, Bit-minuni Bit- 
galzib to (g.) Ur and ((/.) Ningal in {c.) Ur he built." 


This tablet is a lease of some land for eight years, at the 
price of 1^ manehs of silver. The parties to the contract 
we are told, " By the name of (//.) Ur and Nur-vul the king 

Vol. 1. 4 

4() Earhi Illxtorif of Bahiilonia. 

swore." The date of the contract was in the " month Debitu 
in the year when a lofty throne with gold for (^.) Samas he 

28. T TMt gi' Ai •••• 

29. y ]] V' <^^y ^i-^', A-mat-nim • • • • 

These are fi-agments of the names of the two prede- 
cessors of Sargon I, they are only knoA\ai from the list 
printed hi C.I., Vol. 2, p. Qb. 

30. y ^^ ^IIA ""^T' Sar-gi-na. 

Sargina I. or Sargon I, was one of the most celebrated 
of these ancient kings, and is often alluded to in the inscrip- 
tions. No original text of this reign is known, but we have 
two imperfect Assyrian copies of one of his inscriptions, part 
of which is printed C.I., Vol. 3, p. 4, No. VII : a few new 
lines can now be added to this fragment, and part of the 
next column. 

C.I., Vol. 3, p. 4, No. VII. 
" Sargma the powerful king, king of Agane am I. My 
mother was enceint, my father knew not [of it]. My father's 
l)rother oppressed the country. In the city of Azupirani, 
which by the side of the Euphrates is situated, she conceived 
me ; my mother was enceint, and in a grove brought me 
forth ; she placed me in a cradle of wicker, with bitumen my 
exit she closed, and launched me on the river, which away 
from her(?) carried me. The river to Akki the abal floated 
me, Akki the abal in tenderness of bowels (?) lifted me ; Akki 
the abal as his child brought me up ; Akki the abal as his 
husbandman placed me, and in my husbandry Ishtar pros- 
pered me ... 5 years, the kingdom I took. The people of 
the dark races I ruled, I .... over difficult countries, in 
chariots of bronze I rode. I governed the upper countries, 
[I rule (?) ] the kings (?) of the lower countries, . . . ti-ti-sal-lat 
I besieged a third time, Asmun submitted (?) Dur-an-ki-gal 
bowed I destroyed and When the king who 

Eai'Jij Ilistorji of Bdhiiloida. 47 

arises after me iii after [clays] the people of the dark 

races [shall rule] over difficult countries in chariots of [bronze 
shall ride] shall govern the upper countries [and rule] the 
kings (?) of the lower countries . . . ti-ti-sal-lat shall besiege 
the third time [Asmun submitting (?) ] Dur-an-ki-gal bowing 
.... ft'om my city Agane . . . ." 

This is evidently the text of an usurper, who pretends to 
be the son of a former monarch. There is a striking parallel 
between some points in this story, and the account in 
Exodus ii, of the concealment of the infant Moses. Sargon 
is often mentioned on the astrological and omen tablets, and 
an edition of those works was probably written in his reign. 
Many of the inscriptions on these tablets appear to belong 
to an earlier epoch, when the city of Ur was the national 
capital, but all these were incorporated with the tablets of 
Sargon and his son Naram-sin, and formed two great works, 
one on astrology or celestial omens, the other on terrestria 
omens. He built a city called Dur-sargina, and we probably 
owe the preservation of this curious inscription, in which 
he states his early history, to the Assyrian king Sargon, 
who named himself after the earlier monarch, and also founded 
a city which he called Dur-sargina. 

The further history of Sargon I, after he ascended the 
throne, is given on a tablet, which I did not discover until 
after the first part of this work had gone to press. This 
tablet, which is one of the most remarkable records in the 
British Museum, gives the history of Sargon and of his son 
and successor Naram-sin ; it is divided into fourteen para- 
graphs, by lines drawn across the tablet, each paragraph 
containing the account of one war or other celebrated event. 
At the head of every paragraph is a description of the omen 
from the Moon under which the work was undertaken, for 
the Babylonians never started on an expedition, or com- 
menced any work without consulting the omens ; and even 
the great king Nebuchadnezzar is recorded (Ezekiel xxi, 21 
and 22) to have done the same. 

The first paragraph of the history of Sargon records a 
successful campaign in Elam, east of Babylonia, but Sargon 
does not appear to have met the Elamite monarch ; the 

48 Earhi Hixiorii of BaJnUoitia. 

barbarous custom of mutilating the bodies of the enemy was 
practised by the Babylonians in this war. 

The second division records a campaign in SjTia, in 
■wliich the king Avas again successful. It appears from the 
statement in this paragraph, that the kijirat arha, or four 
races, were in Syria, and that the title "king of the four 
races" indicated supremacy over Syria. This name kiprat 
arba was probably given to the Syrians on accoiuit of there 
being four races or principal states in that region. A similar 
division is given in Genesis x, 23, where Aram (Syria) has 
four sons or divisions, Uz, Hul, Gether, and Mash, corre- 
sponding with the four races of the Babylonian inscriptions. 
The thu'd clause relates the subjugation of all Babylonia, 
and the foundation of the new capital city Agane, which 
Sargon peopled with the conquered races. 

The foiu-th and fifth paragraphs relate campaigns in 
Syi'ia ; both are mifortunately much mutilated. 

The sixth division is too mutilated to make much out of 
it ; it may refer to a former period of the history. 

The seventh clause records the greatest campaign of the 
reign, it occupied tliree years, and in it Sargon penetrated 
to the sea of the setting sun (the Mediterranean) ; here he 
conquered the comitry, and set up memorial statues in com- 
memoration of his triumph. At the close of this expedition, 
the spoil of these distant regions was carried in triumph to 

The eighth division records the enlargement of the palace 
of Agani by Sargon, who named it Ekiam-izillik. 

The ninth paragraph gives an account of the revolt of 

y ^ ^r :::: -t] \^ -::Id ^ -^T' Kas-tu-bi-ii of 

Ka-zal-la, Sargon made an expedition to Kazalla, and wasted 
the country with fire and sword. 

In the next division we find a change of fortune, Sargon, 
who had carried his arms from the Persian Gulf to the 
JMediterranean, was now closely besieged in his own capital 
Agani, but he made a sally with his army, and, attacking the 
surrounding hosts, defe-ated them and obliged them to raise 
the siege and retire with the loss of then- baggage. The 
besieging host is called by the name '^'^ >y . Y* ^, which 

Karly History of Babylonia. 49 

I conjecturally read Kaldi or Chaldeans, but the meaning of 
the expression I should rather think to be "all countries." 

The tenth paragraph shows Sargon resuming his career 
of conquest ; he now attacked the kingdom of Subartu and 
conquered it; he occupied their territory, destroyed their 
army, and ii.nally entered his capital Agane with the spoil. 
The history of the reign of Sargon now closes, and the rest 
of this important inscription relates to the exploits of his 
son and successor Naram-sin. 

The following is a translation of this inscription, omitting 
the astrological omens, several of which are imperfect, and 
all of them difficult. 

1. " When the moon," &c., &c. An omen for Sargina, 

who at this position 

2. to Elam marched, and the Elamites destroyed, 

3. their overthrow he accomplished their limbs he cut off, 

4. When the moon, &c., &c. 

5. An omen for Sargina, who to Syria marched and 

6. the Syrians destroyed ; the four races his hand conquered. 

7. When the moon, &c., &c. 

8. An omen for Sargina, who at this position the whole of 

Babylonia subdued, and 

9. the dust of the spoil of Babduna removed and 

10. ... (c) Agane the city he built ki its name he 

11 in the midst he j)laced. 

12. [When the moon], &c., &c. 

13. &c. [An omen for Sargi"]-na, who at this 
position to Syria 

14. [marched, and the] four races his hand conquered. 

15. [When the moon], &c., &c. 

1 6. [An omen for Sargma, who at this position to] Syria 

marched, and 

17 his his leaders 

18 in the gate of his rising. 

19. [ When the moon], &c., &c. [An omen for Sargi]-na, 

who at this position 

■")() Early History of Babyloiil<i. 

20 ri his left hand ? Istar 

21 caused him to conquer ; to the fi'ont his .... 

22, [AMien the moon], &c., &c. An omen for Sargina, 

who at this position 

23 arose, and an equal or rival had not, his forces over 

24. [the countries of] the sea of the setting sun he crossed, 

and in the third year at the setting sun 
25 his hand conquered, his command the place only 

fixed, his image at the setting sun 
2H. he set up, their spoil in the comitries of the sea he made 

to cross. 

27. [^^^len the moon], &c., &c. 

28. [An omen] for Sargina, who his palace jiadi five hathu 


29. . . . chief of the people (?) established and Ekiam-izallak 

he called it. 

30. When the moon, &c., &c. 

31. &c. The same. Kastu-bila of Kazalla revolted 
against him ; and to Kazalla 

32. he marched, and their men he fought against, their over- 

throw he accomplished, 

33. their great army he destroyed; Kazalla to mounds and 

ruins he reduced, 

34. the nests of the birds he swept away, 

35. When the moon, &c., &c. 

36. &c. An omen for Sargina, of whom at this 

37. the host of the Kaldi(?) revolted against him, and in 

Agane surrounded him, and 

38. Sargma came out and their men he fought against, their 

overthrow he accomplished. 


1. then- great army he destroyed, 

2. the encampment (?) he broke through. 

3. When the moon, &c., &c. 

4. &c. &c. 

Earhj History of Babijlonia. 51 

5. An omen for Sargina, who at this position 

6. Subarti in its strength its people to the sword he 

subdued, and 

7. Sargina their seats caused to occupy, and 

8. their men he fought against, their overthrow he acconi- 

pHshed, their great army 

9. . . . the spoil he collected, into (c.) Agane he caused to 


10. When the moon, &c., &c. 

11. &c. An omen for Naram-sin, 

12. who at this position to (c.) Apirak marched, and 
13 ip-lu-su Ris-vul king of (c.) Apirak 

14 and (c.) Apirak his hand conquered. 

15. When the moon, &c., &c. 

16. &c. An omen for Naram-sin, who at this position 

17. [to Ma]-ganna marched, and Maganna he captured, and 
18 king of Maganna his hand conquered. 

19 seven and one-half to after him 

20 may they not gather i-ha 

The tablet contains at the end a colophon, which states 
that it is a copy made by order of a kmg of Assyria, whose 
name is lost by a fracture. 

Sargon, who was one of the most memorable of the early 
kings of Babylonia, was a great builder, as well as a warrior ; 
besides the rebuilding of his palace at Agane, which is men- 
tioned in this tablet, he also built a great temple at Agane, 
dedicated to the goddess Anunit. The site of the city of 
Agane has not yet been discovered, so at present we are not 
acquainted with the ruins of Sargoii's buildings, but an 
account of the temple of Anunit is found in an inscription of 
Nabonidus, the last native king of Babylon : his statement 
is as follows— C.I., Vol. 1, p. 69, col. 2, lines 29-32 :— 

" [The memorial cylinders] of Bitulmas of (c.) Agane 
from the time of [Sar-gina] king of {c.) Babylon and 
Naram-sin his son the very ancient kings, to the time of 
Nabu-nahid king of (c.) Babylon were not seen." 

52 Early IJistory of Babi/loitla. 

31. *-^^ ^Jiyy ^:^ ^'-| ^\l ^^]], Na-ra-am-sin. 
y )--^y ^<^^! ^^y <«' Na-ram-sin. 

Naram-sin the aon and successor of Sargoii is mentioned 
in the two last inscriptions. He appears by the Iiistorical 
tablet to have continued the conquests of his father, subju- 
gating the kingdom of Apirak and afterwards that of 
Maganua. The name of the conquered king of Apirak is 
Ris-vul, which is Babylonian, and leads to the inference that 
Apirak was in or near Babylonia. Among the cities of 
Babylonia, the nearest name to Apirak is Karrak, Avhich we 
know to have been a capital at tliis time. The reading 
Karrak is not quite certain, as the first character V^yy^ ^'^^' 
is a polyphone, so that the name may possibly be Apirak. 
Maganna was the most ancient cuneiform name of Egypt, 
and the conquest of this country might lead us to suspect 
that Naram-sin invaded Egypt: hence the loss of the name 
of the conquered king of Maganna is a misfortune ; but 
there may have been another country called Magan, nearer 
to Babylonia, in the same way that in later times there were 
two comiti'ies named Muzur. There is an inscription of 
Naram-sin on a vase which was discovered by M. Fresnel at 
Babylon, and since lost in the Tigris ; the inscription, which 
is published in C.I., Vol. 1, p. 3, No. VII, reads, "Naram-sin 
king of the four races, conqueror of Apirak and Magan." 
A large omen tablet which was composed during this reign, 
has, with reference to one omen, the notice that it was 
" good " or " lucky for Naram-sin." 

The fragment of mscription printed in C.I., Vol. 2, p. 65, 
which gives the names of some of the Babylonian kings, 
does not contain the name of Naram-sin the successor of 
Sargon, but I attribute this to the imperfect state of the 

32. t> <TT ^^I "'^T -If!-' Ellat-gula. 

Ellat-gula was a queen, she proljably succeeded Naram-sin 
and was the last of the dynasty of Sargon. Nothing is 

Early Illstoru of Bahijlonia. 53 

known of her reign, and at its close Hammurabi a foreign 
prince, Avho was perhaps related to her by marriage, suc- 
ceeded to her throne. 

The history must now travel again to the south of the 
country which was ruled at this time by Rira-shi, the last 
native monarch. 

33. ^^y ^y|<y ^jf|. ^^y ^jj ^^yy^ Ri-im-sin. 

Rim-sin was the last king of Larsa: he has left several 
inscriptions, one of which is published, C.I., Vol. 1, p. 3, No. X, 
as follows : — 

"To (g.) Nin hil gal-lu club-ha ram~e ki-ka-de zi-gal-zu 

lull-mall lib-ka-va great god his command si-ku-du his king, 
Rim-sin ruler of the lordship of (c.) Nipur mizkin of ancient 
(c.) Eridu, nourisher of (c.) Ur and Bit-uddaimtiz, king of 
(c.) Larsa, king of Sumir and Akkad, worshipper of (g.) Anu 
ig.) Bel and {g.) Hea, the great gods who the ancient city 

of Uruk into my hands have given. To Nin- my king, 

exalter of my right hand, Bit-daram-semu the sanctuary of 
his delight, for my preservation I built." 

Besides this inscription there are several tablets dated in 
the reign of Rim-sin, which give us some notice of the events 
of his reign. Probably the earliest of tliese are the tablets 
dated m the year of the fall of Karrak. One of these has 
upon it part of the name of Rim-sin. Now this city of 
Karrak I have suspected to be the same as the Apirak 
taken by Naram-sin, and I further supposed that Rim-sin was 
the Turanian form of Naram-sin, but these are only supposi- 
tions and I have since considered them erroneous. It is 
more probable that Naram-sin ruled in the north of Babylonia, 
while Rim-sin ruled at Larsa over the south. Karrak appears 
to have retained its position as a capital, until it fell before 
the arms of Rim-sin, and was annexed to the kingdom of 
Larsa. Rim-sin from this date ruled the whole of the 
country from Nipur to the Persian Gulf. The dates in this 
year are as folloAvs : " Month Nisannu 2oth day in the year 
when the powerful soldiers of (g.) Anu (g.) Bel and {g.) Hea 
(c.) Karrak the royal city captured"; and "Month Nisannu (?) 

54 Early History of Babylonia. 

oOth day in the year Avlien the [powerful] soldiers of [Ann] 
{g.) Bel and ((/.) Hea {c.) Karrak the royal city captured." 
In both these dates the month is uncertain; but I may here 
remark that I suspect, from the dates on some of these 
tablets, that the year at this time commenced with the month 
Tisii at the autumnal equinox, instead of yyiih. the month 
Nisan at the vernal equinox ; for m two instances on these 
early tablets the intercalary month is placed between Elul 
and Tisri. 

The Babylonians attached so great an interest to the 
capture of Karrak that they commenced dating from it as an 
era, and the follo^^dng dates from it are in the British 
Museum ; all of these fall within the reign of Rim-sin : — 

" Month Ululu in the fifth year after Karrak was captured." 

" Month Addaru 30th day in the sixth year after Karrak 
was captured." In this tablet Rim-sin bears the title " King 
of (c.) Larsa and (c.) Ur." 

" Month Addaru 30th day in the seventh year after 
Karrak was captured." 

" Month Nisannu in the eighth year after Karrak [was 

" ]\Ionth Tasritu 30th day in the thirteenth year after 
Karrak by the living ruler Rim-sin was captured." 

" Month Sabadu in the eighteenth year after Karrak was 

"Month Sabadu lOtli day in the twenty-eighth year after 
Karrak was captured." 

Beside the dates from the era of the taking of Karrak, 
there are several others of the time of Rim-sin. Two of these 
are dated in the year when Rim-sin placed two bronze statues 
in the Temple of the Sun, they are : — 

" Month Duvazu in the year when two bronze statues 
Rim-sin the king in Bit-parra placed." 

"Month Sabadu in the year when two bronze statues 
Rim-sin the king m Bit-parra placed." 

Another tablet is dated, " Month Duvazu in the year 
when the river Ud-kas-nun(?) was excavated," 

And two others, " ]\Ionth Tasritu in the year when the 
great wall of Bellu was built." 

Karhj Hixtory of Babylonia. 55 

In the case of one document the inside copy reads, 
" Month Abu in the year when the river Tigris was exca- 
vated"; while the outside copy reads, "Month Abu in the 
year when the river Tigris, the river of the Gods, to the 
ocean was excavated." From these notices I suppose that 
Rim-sin (whose name is attached to all these documents) 
made a channel from the Tigris to the sea. 

Another document is dated as follows: "Month Sabadu in 
the year when (c.) Kisure he occupied and his powerful 
warriors ((/.) Bel gave him m numbers and (c.) Dur-an he 

This notice refers to a war in Upper Babylonia, both 
Kisiu-e and Dur-an being in that part of the country : there 
is no clue at present as to the date of this war. 

Two of the last documents of the reign of Rim-sin point 
to an invasion of South Babylonia by the king of the upper 
country, most probably Hammurabi. This first incursion 
Rim-sin claims to have repulsed. These documents are dated, 
one, "Month Kisilivu in the year when Rim-sin the king 
the evil enemy " — here there seems a word wanting. The 
other is dated, "Month Sabadu in the year when Rim-sin 
the king {g.) Nin-mahe of Bit-saptu-mur (?) the fomidation of 

heaven and earth the kingdom and people and 

the evil enemy of the upper region to his presence did not 
return." The history of the next monarch Hammurabi, 
shows however, that Rim-sin allied himself with the 
Elamites, but was ultimately defeated by Hammurabi, who 
then united the whole of Babylonia under one sceptre. 

34. JJ< >^ ^jzyy ^, Ha-mu-ra-bi. 

T TT^ ^-^ *^ ^*~W >^' Ha-am-mu-ra-bi. 
^^I ]}i ^^ '^ ^^TT ^' Ha-am-mu-ra-bi. 

Ellat-gula the last sovereign of the race of Sargon had 
been succeeded in Akkad by a foreigner named Hammurabi. 
The tribe to which Hammurabi belonged is not stated in 
the inscriptions, but as one of the kings of this dynasty is 

56 Early History of Babylonia. 

called king of the Kassi, and as the Kassi are stated in the 
Synchronous History to have been predominent in Babylonia 
at that time, I suppose he belonged to that tribe. Of the 
circumstances under which he ascended tlie throne we know 
nothing ; his reign forms, however, one of the most remark- 
able epochs in Babylonian history. In spite of the brilliant 
reigns of Sargon and Naram-sin, who ruled in Upper Baby- 
lonia, the most important seats of dominion had hitherto 
been in the lower country. With the reign of Hammurabi 
all this was changed. On ascending the tlii'one of the house 
of Sargon, Hammurabi fixed his capital at a city then called 
Dmdur, which was hereafter named Bab-ili or " The Gate of 
God." This city was the Babel of the Bible, the renowned 
city of Babylon. From the time when Hammurabi fixed his 
court at Babylon, that city continued to be the capital of the 
country down to the time of the conquest of Babylonia by 
the Persians. The deity chosen by Hammurabi as the 
head of his worship and the god of his capital was IMaruduk 
or Merodach, who, according to tiie Babylonian system of 
mythology, was the son of Hea, the sea god or Neptune, the 
presiding deity of the city of Eridu. 

To Merodach a grand temple was erected at Babylon, 
called Bit-saggal. This temple was most probably built by 
Hammm'abi, as it was already in existence in the reign of 
his successor Samsu-iluna. The accomit of the building of 
this temple is found on a mutilated tablet written in the two 
languages, Turanian and Semitic, which probably belongs 
to this reign. I translate it as the first text of Hammurabi : — 

" Babylon people he made 

[Bit-sagga]l in the gate of the deep a delightful house he 

that [house] with shouting and joy he completed, 
its head to the heaven he raised. 

in the gate of the sea worship and delightful 

devotion to the image of his divinity he caused to be offered. 
[To Maruduk] and Zirpanit a shrine beautiful and delightful 
[he made, and in] a firm seat he seated them. 

to his lieart he opened 

good he 

Karhj Ilhtovij of Ikihylonia. 57 

joy he established 

music night and day he caused [to be performed] 

head of the country he established." 

The " gate of the deep." here mentioned, was probably 
in the district of Babylon next the Euphrates, where the 
great temple of Merodach, or Bel, was built. 

After obtaining possession of Northern Babylonia, or 
Akkad, and fixing his capital at Babylon, Hammurabi made 
war on the southern portion of the country, then ruled by 
Rim sin. His first attack was probably the invasion which 
Rim-sui claims to have repulsed; if so, however, this success 
only gave a short breathing time to the kingdom of Rim-sin. 
Hammurabi again attacked him ; and, although the king of 
Larsa called in the aid of the Elamites, he and his allies 
were defeated in a decisive battle by Hammurabi, who now 
took possession of the rest of the country. The triumph of 
Hammurabi is recorded in the two following inscriptions : — 

" Month Sabadu 22nd day in the year when Hammurabi 
the king in the service of {g.) Anu and {g.) Bel triumphantly 
marched, and the lord of Elam and king Rim-sin he over- 

And — 

" Month Nisannu in the year when Hammurabi the king 
in the service of {g.) Anu and ((/.) Bel triumphantly marched." 

From this year, when Hammurabi took possession of 
Larsa, the dated tablets record the principal events of his 
reign ; some of these show that in one year he proclaimed 
or announced the worship of a goddess named Urmitu, who 
is not mentioned until this time. Urmitu was named the 
consort of Nabu or Nebo, the son of Hammurabi's great 
divinity Maruduk, These tablets are as follows : — 

" Month Ululu 10th day in the year when Hammurabi 
the king {g.) Urmitu proclaimed." 

" Month Ululu 21st day in the year when (g.) Urmitu he 

"■ Month Samna 13th day in the year when Hammurabi 
the king {g.) Urmitu proclaimed." 

" Month Debitu in the year when Hammurabi the king 
(f/.) Urmitu proclaimed." 

58 I-Mvly History of Babylonia. 

*' Month Sabadu in the year when Hammurabi the king 
(<7.) Urmitu proclaimed." 

" j\Ionth ']'asntu 4th day in the year when Hammurabi 
the king- {g.) Urmitu prochiinied." 

" Month Debitu 10th day in the year when {(j.) Urmitu." 

Another section of these tablets commemorates the year 
when Hammurabi restored the temple of Mite-urris at the 
city of Kis ; here he built, in addition to the temple, a 
Ziggurrat or tower, dedicated to the deity Zamania, the top 
of which, in the figurative language of the Babylonians, is said 
to have reached unto heaven. This Ziggurrat afterwards 
bore the name of the " tower of the country," and is now 
represented by the mound of Hymer, north-east of Babylon. 
The tablets of this year read : — 

" Month Airu in the year when Hammurabi the king 
Bit-mite-urris restored." 

" Month Airu 23rd day in the year when Hammurabi the 
king Bit-mite-urris restored." 

" Month Ululu 10th day in the year wdien Hammurabi 
the king Bit-mite-urris restored." 

" Month Airu in the year when Hammurabi tlie king 
Bit-mite-urris restored, and the great tower of (r/.) Zamama 
the spirit, its top reaching to heaven he built." 

" Month Addaru 4th day in the year when Hammurabi 
the king Bit-mite-urris restored, and the great tower of 
(q.) Zamama the spirit, its top reaching to heaven he built." 

Three of the dated tablets of the reign of Hammurabi 
refer to some decoration or work executed for the deities 
Anu, Anunit. and Nana. The dates of this year I read with 
some doubt. 

" Month Sabadu 13th day in the year when Hammurabi 

the king to ((j.) Ann (g.) Anunit and (g.) Nana adorned 

and Bit-siHm-kalamma he restored." 

" Month Addaru in the year when Hammuraln the king 
(g.) Anu (g.) Anunit and (g.) Nana adorned." 

" Month Addaru in the' year of (g.) Anu (g) Anunit and 

The next three dates record a calamity which was always 
lial)le to occur in the districts overflowed l)y the rivers. 

Early History of Balnilonia. 59 

One of these annual inundations in the time of Hammurabi 
carried away the city of MulHas. These dates are : — 

" Month Samna in the year when MulHas by a great flood 
was destroyed." 

The second document has the same date and wording. 
The third is : — 

" Month Tasritu in the year when MulHas by a great 
flood was destroyed." 

Three other dated tablets were inscribed in the year 
when Hammurabi built a wall or embankment along the River 
Tigris, probably to restrain the inundation ; this wall he 
named Te-a-ra-samas. 

'* Month Debitu in the year when the great wall 
Teara-samas he built." 

" Month Debitu in the year when Hammurabi the king 
the great wall Teara-samas built." 

" Month Ululu in the year when Hammurabi the king a 
great wall along the Tigris, its top like a mountain raised, 
Biara-samas its name is called ; he built it." 

The two remaining dated tablets of this reign record the 
destruction of the walls of Mairu, Malalnak. and Kitu by 
Hammurabi, probably in some ot his military expeditions. 
These dates are : — 

" Month of Abu 13th day in the year when Hammurabi 
the king (by command of (</.) Bel) the wall of (c.) Mairu 
and the wall of {c.) Malalnak destroyed." 

" Month Kisilivu 25tli day in the year when by command 
of {g.) Bel the side of the wall of Kitu was destroyed." 

Besides the inscriptions on these dated tablets there are 
five other texts of Hammurabi. The principal of these is 
the Semitic Inscription at Paris, translations of which have 
been published by M. Menant and Mr. Fox Talbot. This 
inscription commemorates the excavating of a canal, in that 
country a most important work. I translate it as follows :— • 

" Hammurabi the powerful king, king of Babylon, the 
king renowned through the four races, conqueror of the 
enemies of Maruduk, the ruler the delight of his heart am I. 
When Anu and Bel the people of Sumir and Akkad to my 
dominion gave, powerful adversaries into my hand they 

60 Earlii History of Bahylonia. 

delivered. The river Hainiiiurabi-iiiilius-ni>si (Hammurabi 
the deligiit of men) llo^^^llg• waters giving pleasure to the 
people of Sumir and Akkad I excavated, the whole of its 
banks to its coiu'se I restored, the entire channel I filled, 
perrenial waters for the people of Sumir and Akkad I 

" The people of Sumh- and Akkad their chief men I 
gathered, authority and possessions I established to them, 
delight and pleasure I spread out to them, in luxurious seats 
I seated them. Then I Hammm-abi the powerful king blessed 
by the great gods ; with the powerful forces which Maruduk 
gave me, a great wall with much earth, its top like a moun- 
tain raised, along the river Hammurabi-nuhus-nisi I made." 

There are eight other lines much mutilated. 1 feel 
uncertain about the restoration of this part of the inscription. 
The high wall or embankment here mentioned may be the 
same as the one mentioned in the dated tablets. 

The next mscription of Hammm-abi is on a tablet in the 
British Museum, printed in C.I., Vol. 1, p. 4, No. XV, 1, from 
the city of Zarilab, where he built a temple to the principal 
goddess of the place : — 

" To (^.) Nana of (c.) Zarilab mistress of worship, glory of 
of heaven and earth, his lady, Hammurabi proclaimed by 
(^.) Anu and {g.) Bel, blessed by {g.) Samas, the joy of tlie 
heart of ]\Iaruduk, delight of the heart of Nana, the powerful 
king, king of (f.) Babylon, king of Sumir and Akkad, king 
of the four races, king of regions which the great gods in 
his hands have placed. When (<;.) Nana the people of Sumii- 
and Akkad to his dominion gave, his enemies (?) into his 
hands she delivered. To (g.) Nana his delight, in (c.) Zarilab 
the city of her royalty, her delightful house he built." 

The allusions in these inscriptions to his enemies being 
delivered into his hand when he took the dominion of Sumir 
and Akkad, probably refer to his triumph over Rim-sin. 

Another inscription of Hammurabi, C.I., p. 4, No. XV, 2, 
is f(jund on bricks from the Ziggurrat or tower attached to 
the Temple of the Sun at Larsa, which he built. This 
inscription reads : — 

" Hammurabi the powerful king, king of {c.) Babylon, 

Early History of Babylonia. (51 

king of the foui- races, builder of Bit-parra, the Temple of 
the Sun in the city of Larsa." 

Respecting this tower of Hammurabi there is a fi'ag- 
mentary passage in the broken cylinder of Nabonidus, 
C.I., Vol. I, p. 69, col. 2, line 4, which is very curious. It 
reads : — 

" for 700 years was not [finished its building] a 

tower over [that memorial cylinder] to {g.) Samas he had 

built within [it] my heart delighted in the matter, from 

round the cylinder which Hammurabi [had made], not a 
j)article had escaped, not a particle had entered." 

This fragmentary passage refers to a cylinder of 
Hammurabi which, according to Nabonidus, was found intact 
in its chamber in the corner of the tower. According to the 
statement on the cylinder, the building had been founded 
700 years before the time of Hammurabi ; and, as it was 
founded by Urukh, this must be taken as an indication that 
Hammurabi considered that monarch to have lived 700 years 
before his time. 

At the city of Kilmad, now Kalwadha, near Baghdad, 
Hammurabi built a palace ; and some bronze rings have been 
found there with the inscription, "Palace of Hammurabi." 
The remainmg inscription of this monarch is on a fragment 
of black stone found by Ker Porter in the ruin of Hymer, 
north-east of Babylon. This mound, as before noted, marks 
the site of the tower built by Hammurabi to the deity 
Zamama. So far as the dated tablets go, they would seem 
to indicate that the reign of Hammurabi was short, as there 
are only tablets made in about ten years of his reign, and 
along with them tablets of about ten years of the reign of 
his supposed successor Samsu-iluna. Now it is singular 
that the name of Samsu-iluna is absent from the list of these 
kings on the tablet of royal names already quoted. For 
several reasons I have suspected that the name Samsu-iluna 
is only a translation of Hammu-rabi, for all the kings of 
this dynasty appear to have had two names, one their 
name in their own language, the other its equivalent in the 
Babylonian tongue. Since the publication of the list of 
kings, I have found a small fragment of what appears to 

Vol. 1. 5 


luo'hj Hixtorij of Babylonia. 

have been a duplicate ; from tins I can partially restore this 
part of the list as follows : — 


T ^I u'^{\ --III -.^11 

I m -IM] El- -^11 

Here Samsu-iluna is on the same line as Hammurabi, and, 
judging from the other names on the tablet, should be its 
equivalent ; but as this, altliough probable, is not proved, I 
have entered Samsu-iluna here as a separate monarch pend- 
ing further evidence on the subject. 

35. (H) 4s =^ .-^TT (^E) IeU -^I. 

^ x=A -£11 -£ m -^i. 

,5^7 il^^ *>^n *~^ I^H *"'"I' Sa-am-su-i-lu-an. 

The name of Samsu-ihma, although as common on the 
dated contract tablets as that of Hammu-rabi, is never found 
on any public monument, possibly because Hammurabi was 
the real name of the monarch. The dated tablets of the 
reign of Samsu-iluna give us the follomng facts of his 

A number of these tablets relate to one year when he 
excavated a canal, called in these inscriptions the river 

These dates are : — 

" ]\I()iith Airu 6th day in the year when the river of 
Samsu-iluna the river Nagab-nuhsi [lie excavated]." 

Early Hlstori/ of Babylonia. 63 

" Month Aim 12 th day in the year when Samsu-ihma the 
king the river Samsu-iluna-nagab-nuhsi excavated." 

" Month Abu in the year when Samsn-iluna the king the 
river Samsu-ikma-nagab-nuhsi excavated." 

" Month Ululu 3rd day in the year when the river Samsu- 
iluna-nagab-mihsi he excavated." 

" Month Ukiki 15th day in the year when Samsn-iluna 
the king the river Samsu-ikma-nagab-nuhsi excavated." 

" Month Ululu 30th day in the year when Samsn-iluna 
the king the river Samsu-iluna-nagab-nuhsi excavated." 

" Month Samna 4th day m the year when Samsu-ilmia 
the king the river Samsu-iluna-nagab-nuhsi excavated." 

" ]\Ionth Debitu in the year when Samsu-iluna the king 
the river Samsu-iluna-nagab-nuhsi excavated." 

"Month Sabadu 5th day in the year when Samsu-iluna 
the king the river Samsu-iluna- aagab-nuhsi excavated." 

This canal is mentioned in a list of rivers and canals 
printed in C.I., Vol. 2, p. 51. 

Another series of these tablets records the raising of a 
mound or wall, and the digging of a canal round the city of 
Sargon ; these tablets are as follows : — 

" Month Tasritu 8th day in the year when Samsu-iluna 
the king the circuit of Sargina a mound and canal round its 
sides for its protection (?) he raised." 

" Month Nisannu 5th day in the year when Samsu-iluna 
the king [the circuit] of Sargina [a canal] and mound round 
its sides (?)." 

" Month the second Ululu in the year when Samsu-iluna 
the king the circuit of Sargina a mound and canal round its 

" Month Tasritu 8tli day in the year when Samsu-iluna 
the king the circuit of Sargina a moiuid and canal round its 

The devotion of Samsu-iluna to the worship of the 
Babylonian divinities is shown by a number of these tablets, 
which relate that he made figm-es of lamazi or cherubim, as 
emblems of the deities Shamas and Merodach : these were 
overlaid with gold, and placed some in the temple Bit-saggal 
at Babylon before the presence of Merodach, and others 

(U Early History of Babylonia. 

in the temple of the Sun at Larsa before the presence of 
Shamas. The dates are : — 

" Month Samna 10th day in the year when Samsu-iluna 
the king ; of Samas and Maruduk their emblems made, images 
he carved of cherubim overlaid with gold, in Bit-parra before 
the presence of Samas, and in Bit-saggal before the presence 
of ]\Iaruduk he placed." 

" i\I(^nth Samna 24th day in the year when Samsu-ihma 
the king ; of Samas and Maruduk their emblems made, images 
he carved of cherubim overlaid with gold, in Bit-parra before 
the presence of Samas, and in Bit-saggal before the presence 
of Maruduk he placed." 

"Month Tasritu 10th day in the year when Samsu-iluna 
the king images carved of cherubim overlaid ^^^th gold." 

"Month Tasritu 15th day in the year when Samsu-iluna 
the king images carved of cherubim overlaid with gold." 

" ]\Ionth Tasritu 20tli day in the year when Samsu-iluna 
the king images carved of cherubim overlaid with gold." 

"IMonth Samna 20th day in the year when Samsu-iluna 
the king images carved of cherubim overlaid with gold." 

Two other tablets appear to refer to the year of accession 
of Samsu-iluna, and are probably to \w placed earlier than 
the tablets translated above ; these are : — 

"Month Kisiliou in the year when Samsu-iluna the king, 
by the august will of Maruduk to the supremacy of the 
countries was raised." 

" Month Samna 30th day in the year when Samsu-iluna 
the king, by the august will of Maruduk." 

There are four other dates from events in the reio-n 
of Samsu-iluna : these it is at present difficult to translate 
literally : one is dated in the month Nisannu, 20th day, in a 
year when Samsu-iluna dedicated a statue adorned with gold 
and silver in the temple of Merodach ; and two others refer 
to a throne wliich the monarch dedicated to the deity Ur ; 
the fourth date is unintelligible at present. It will be seen 
by these dated tablets, that the works and events recorded 
in the reign of Samsu-iluna are not the same as those in 
the reign of Hammurabi, even the canal excavated by 
Samsu-iluna having a different name to the one excavated by 

Early History of Babylonia. (55 

Hammm-abi. These facts form a strong argument against my 
supposition that these two names represent the same monarch. 

36. ] C^ <:::: <y^ -::H -TTT^' Am-mi-di-ka-ga. 

The name of Ammidi-kaga occurs in the hst of kings 
after that of Hammurabi ; he is not otherwise known. 

37. T IS Itl ty ^^TT' Ku-ur-gal-zu. 

This monarch follows next in the list. There are several 
monuments bearing the name of Kuri-galzu or Kur-galzu, 
but they appear to belong to a later king of the same name. 

38. y '^y<y"^ >y- ^y*^ ^^y^y' Sim-mas-sl-hu. 

y *>^yy -^^'^yy ^ ^y*^ '^y^y' si-im-mas-si-hu. 

The name of this king follows Kur-galzu in the Hst, and 
a tablet dated in his twelfth year is in the British Museum. 
This tablet records that three brothers named Muranu, 
Gatiya, and Musallimu, sons of Bel-usati, were slaves of 
Bea son of Iriba-sin, and were sold by him to separate 
masters ; the transaction being dated in " The month Debitu, 
12th day, 12tli year of Simmas-sihu the king." 

39. y ^yyyj: <;jr<yy ^^ ::^y} yj ^, U-lam-bur-ya-a-as. 

Ulam-buryas succeeded Simmas-sihu, according to the 
list, but he has left no monuments. 

40. y )-^y ^yy"i<^ ^<2<Iy ItJ' Na-zl-uru-das. 

Nazi-urudas, the next king in the list, has also left no 

41. y y^ ^^^yy <^y^ ^y<y' Mi-n-si-hu. 

Mili-sihu follows Nazi-urudas, according to the list. The 
first element in the name Mili is equivalent to ^^^ nisuy 
" a man." 

C)C} Earl If History of Babylonia. 

42. y ^y )^^y ^Y ^^Tt Tt ^' Bur-na-bur-ya-a-as. 

This monarch is probably the first bearing the name 
Burna-bmyas ; a later king of the same name has left some 
inscriptions. Burna is equivalent to the Assyrian ^T^ ^T< 

43. y ^t]:z\ T« ^-TII -III' Ka-ara(?)-bel. 

This name is the last in om- fragmentary list of monarchs ; 
here there is a break in the succession, until we come to 
Harbi-sihu. To this interval perhaps belongs the following 
monarch : — 

44. y "gyy ^:yyy■«^ ^ >-^y< t-^} ^, Sa-ga-sal-tl-ya-as. 

Saga-saltiyas is mentioned in an inscription of Naboniclus, 
C.I.. Vol. 1, p. 69, col. 3, lines 19 to 43; he appear to have 
rebuilt the temples of the Sun and Venus at Sippara. The 

passage is as follows : " digging the memorial cylmder 

of Bit-ulmas written record of Saga-saltiyas .... [in] 

that digging I saw also . . . his written record, recorded : 
' [Saga-saltiyas] the supreme ruler, the glorious prince .... 
am I. ^^Tlen (g.) Samas and (g.) Anunit to the dominion of 
the coimtry my name proclaimed, the power of all people in 
my hand they placed. Then Bit-parra the house of (g.) Samas 
of (c.) Sippara my lord, and Bit-ulmas the house of Anunit 
of (c.) Sippara, (g.) Anmiit my lady, wliich were from the 
time of Zabu in ancient days; their chamber walls had fallen 
in. Their chamber walls 1 destroyed, their foundations I 
opened, the earth I removed, their chambers I cleared, their 
structure I caused to make, I filled their foundations with 
earth, I restored their walls to their places. I beautified their 
structure, greater than before I caused them to be, to please 
(g.) Samas and (g.) Anunit. At my building (?) work may 
their heart rejoice . . . progress to my days may they give, 

exaltation to my head prosperity to my years, giving 

delight for ever .... supremacy of the temple (?) justice 
may they give, long life may they grant me(?).' This is the 

Early liutory of Babylonia. Q7 

written record of Saga-saltiyas king of Babylon the former 
king, who Bit-ulmas of Sippara to Anunit built ; his memorial 
cylinder," &c. This text is remarkable, as in it Nabonidus 
gives the copy of the record of Saga-saltiyas, which he 
states that he found when digging the foundations of 

45. y 4^^ :::: <y- -y<y, Har-M-si-hu. 

This king is mentioned on an Assyrian tablet, which 
gives an account of some controversies between Babylonia 
and Assyria The style of the tablet is very difficult, and I 
cannot give a complete translation, but I gather from this and 
other sources the following details. Assyria had been rising 
in power. Its first rulers were called patesi or " viceroys " 
of Assur, at this time they had assumed the title " lord of 
countries," and a ruler named y >~>^f *^ *pyy ^yjjr, 
Assur-zikir-esir governed Assyria; he was succeeded by 
y '^'^y t^^^y IdJ ^y 10 ^^'^y '^^^V (otherwise written 
y >->-y >y- ^ y^y »->-y >->-^J, Ninlp-tugulu-assur, who has 
the title " lord of countries," and who was engaged in the 
controversy with Harbi-sihu, 

w « « w« 1- w^ww ^Ka-ra-m-da-as. 

Cir. B.C. 1475. 

With this monarch, who reigned in the 15th century B.C., 
Babylonian history becomes a little more certain. Kara-indas 
was the contemporary of y i^*^ >-JJ >^'}\ y>-»->^ J, Assur- 
bel-nisi-su, king of Assyria. These two monarchs, whose 
dominions joined, came to an agreement respecting the 
boundary line of their respective dominions ; this transaction 
is described in a tablet called " The Synchronous History of 
Assyria and Babylonia," published in C.I., Vol. 2, p. 65. The 
affairs of Kara-indas are related in col. 1, lines 1 to 4, as 
follows :—" Kara-indas king of Kar-dunias, and Assur-bel- 

08 Early History of Bahylonia. 

nisi-su king of Assyria, a covenant in their borders wntli each 
other covenanted, and a pledge concerning those boundaries 
to each other gave." There are two unpubHshed inscriptions 
of Kara-indas in the British Museum, in which he takes the 
titles king of Kar-dunias and king of the Kassu (or Kassi). 
These are the only Babylonian inscriptions in which these 
two titles occur ; the text is as follows : — " To (g.) Nana lady 
of Bit-anna, his lady, Kara-indas the powerful king, king 
of (c.) Babylon, king of Sumir and Akkad, king of Kassu, 
king of Karu-duniyas, Bit-anna tlie bouse built." 

The name of the Kassu is written *^C|y *^ ^] ^-IIT^' 
Ka-as-su-u, and Karu-duniyas is written >^^]y '^TT S^l 
^ y7~ C^^Ty >— , Ka-ru-du-ni-ya-as. 

47. y ^^ >-^y ^'^ tt]} ^' Bur-na-bur-ya-as. 

^X^ .^""y -^^ ^Ty<T ^^It '"' Bur-na-bu-ri-ya-as. 
y ^y v^y ^y y^Y yr YYY^ Bur-na-bur-ya-a-as. 

Cir. B.C. 1450. 

This monarch, the successor of Kara;-indas, was contem- 
porary ^vith y "^>- ^*~^ >^*"V» Buzur-assur king of Assyria, 
he continued the treaty with Assyi-ia. The Synchronous 
History speaks of him as follows, lines 5 to 7 : " Buziu-assur 
king of Assyria and Burna-buryas king of Kar-dunias, 
settled, and those respective boundaries established." There 
is an inscription of Burna-buryas from the Temple of the 
Sun at Larsa. 


C.I., Vol. 1, p. 4, No. xni. 
" To Samas gTeat lord of heaven and eartli, the powerful 
ruler, the living spii'it of Larsa, his king, Burna-buriyas the 
powerful king, king of Babylon, king of Sumir and Akkad, 
Bit-parra the old house, which in remote days had been con- 
structed, he built, its site he restored." This old house, con- 
structed in remote days, was the temple built by Urukh, 
some of the foundation bricks of wliich still remain. 

Early llhtovi) of Buhylonia. 69 

We now come to a difficulty; the SynchroDOus History 
informs us that the next king- of Assyria, Y >->-^ 
t:yyyt: >-<y< *^^y, Assur-ubahd, married his daughter to the 
king of Babylon; but we are left in doubt whether 
Burna-buryas, or his son, was king of Babylon at this time ; 
a son of Burna-buryas named Kuri-galzu or Durigalzu, has 
left some monuments ; but it has been suggested that he was 
placed on the throne some years later by the Assyrians. 

48. y ><-^ B^yf-J^^ ^yy ^^ Ka-ra-har-da-as. 

Cir. B.C. 1425. 

Kara-hardas was the offspring of the marriage between 

Muballidat-serua, daughter of Assur-ubalid king of Assyria 
and the king of Babylon, and he ascended the Babylonian 
throne ; but the Kassi made a revolt against him, and 
murdered him, and placed an usm'per named Nazi-bugas on 
the throne. The account in the Synchronous History, lines 
8 to 12, is : " In the time of Assur-ubalid king of Assyria, 
Kara-hardas king of Kar-dunias son of Muballidat-serua 
daughter of Assur-ubalid ; the men of the Kasse revolted and 
slew him. Nazi-bugas a man of low parentage to the 
kingdom to be over them they raised." 

49. y >--ry ^yy^ -^^ j^yyy-^ ^, Na-zi-bu-ga-as. 

Cir. B.C. 1400 

Under this reign, we are informed in the Synchronous 
History that a kmg of Assyria (whose name is lost by the 
mutilation of the tablet) made an expedition to Babylonia, 
defeated and slew Nazi-bugas, and placed some relative of 
Burna-buriyas on the throne ; this passage is in lines 13 to 17, 
as follows : — 

" to avenge [Kara-hardas] to Kar-dunias marched, 

[Nazi-bugas king of Kar-du]-nias he slew, [Durri-galzu (?) 
son of Bur]na-buryas [in the throne he seated]." 

70 Early History of Babylonia. 

50. y Jgf -yy<y ^y- -^yy, Ku-ri-gal-zu. 
T Igf Ifcl ^T^ ^^M Ku-Tir-gal-zu. 

Cir. B.C. 1375. 

The passage given above I have restored, inserting the 
name of Kuri-galzn, who is known to have been the son of 
Burna-buriyas. Kuri-galzu restored many of the old Baby- 
lonian temples and built a city which was named after himself 
Dnr-knri-gal zn. 

From Mouud of Tel Aswad (Akkerkuf ), C.I., Vol. 1, p. 4, No. XIV, 1. 

" To [g.) Bel king of the earth, his king, Kuri-galzu high 

priest of {g.) Bel, Bit-u-gal of his delight its tower he has 


C.I., W.A., Vol. 1, p. 4, No. XIV, 2 and 3. 

" (To (*7.) Ur his king), Kuri-galzu high priest of {g.) Bel, 
the powerful king, king of Sumir and Akkad, kmg of the four 
races, Bit-rub-mah the old house, which from remote days 
had been long constructed, I built, its site I restored." 

(This building had been founded by Urukh, restored by 
Ismi-dagan , again restored by Kudur-mabuk, and was now 
rebuilt by Kuri-galzu ; bricks of all four epochs were found 
on the spot by explorers). 

On circular ornament : — 

" Kuri-galzu king of nations son of Burna-buriyas king 
of (c.) Babylon." 

On pupil of eye fi-om statue : — 

" To {g.) ]\Iaruduk his king, Kuri-galzu son of Burna- 
buriyas, made." 

From the time of Kuri-galzu there is a break in the 
history of Babylonia, and we know notliing of its rulers 
until we come to 

51. y j^y ^y< --y >f , <y-::^yyy >f , Tuguiti-nmip. 

Cir. B.C. 1300. 

Tugulti-ninip was king of Assyria and conquered Baby- 
lonia, thus uniting the whole Euphrates valley under one 
sceptre A fragmentary inscription of Tugulti-ninip is in 

Early History of Babylonia. 71 

the British Museum, but he is chiefly known by the notices 
of his reign in the inscriptions of two later kings ; these 
are : — 

1. Extract from the Genealogy of Vul-nirari III, C.I., 
Vol. 1, p. 35, No. Ill, lines 19, 20 :— 

"Descendant of Tugulti-ninip king of Assyria king of 
Sumir and Akkad." 

2. Tablet of Sennacherib, C.I., Vol. 3, p. 4, No. II :— 

" Tugulti-ninip king of nations, son of Saliman-usur king 
of Assyria, conqueror of Kar-dunias. The destroyer of my 
wiiting and my record, may Assur and Vul his name from 

his country root out " 

This was upon ihe seal of zamat stone: — 
" This seal from Assyria to Akkad in war was carried off. 
I Sin-ahi-u'iba king of Assyria, after 600 years Babylon 
conquered, and from the goods of Babylon caused it to be 
brought out." 

52. y ^^y ^jp[- ^55f<y ^t il< *~]<Y^^ Vul-pal-i-din-na. 
y --T A^yy ^^'^] ^t <y^ ^ r^, Vul-paM-dl-na. 

This monarch, who has left two inscriptions, is, I believe, 
the king whose mutilated name is found in a fi-agment of 
the Synchronous History, printed in C.I., Vol. 3, p. 4, No. Ill, 
lines 19 to 24. 

This passage is as follows : — 

" Bel-kudur-uzur king of Assyria 

had slain Bel-kudur-uzur. Vul-[pal-idinna(?)] 

in the midst of the war also Ninip-pal-esir 

to his country returned. His numerous warriors [lie gathered 
and] to (c) Assur to capture it he marched, [Ninip-pal-esir (?)] 
in his camjD attacked him and overcame him, and [to his 
country he returned]." 

This passage appears to mention the killing of 
Bel-kudur-uzur king of Assyria, and a war between his 
successor Ninip-pal-esir and the kiug of Babylon. The 
Babylonian monarch advancing to capture Assur the capital 

72 Early History of JJahylouia. 

of Assyria, where he was attacked and driven back by the 
Assyi'iau king. 

An inscription of Vul-pal-iddina is pubHshed C.I., Voh 1, 
p. 5, No. XXII, from Hyiner : — 

" Vul-pal-idinna king of (c.) Babylon Bit-mite-m-ris the 
tower (?) of (g.) Zamama . . . built " 

There is a second inscription of Vul-pal-iddina printed in 
Oppert's " Inscriptions de Dour-Sarkayan," which I translate 
as follows: — '"Vul-pal-idinna king of (c.) Babylon built 
Nimit-maruduk the wall, and the ditch of the wall of 
(c.) Xipur to Bel his lord." 

53. y >->-T n ^ylY ^ yy~ Y >-^ >— , Za-ma-ma-zikir-iddina. 

Cir. B.C. 1200. 

In the time of this monarch, Assur-dan king of Assyria 
son of Xinip-pal-eser, invaded Babylonia and ravaged the 
country, carrying the spoil to Assyria. This is recorded in 
the Synchronous History, C.I., Vol. 3, p. 4, lines 25 to 28. 
" In the time of Zamama-zikir-iddina king of [Kar-dunias], 
Assur-dan king of Assyria to Kar-dunias [marched], the 
cities of Zaba, Irriya, and Agarsal [he captured, and] [theii* 
spoil] in abundance to Assyria [he carried]." 

54. Y >->-Y *t T^ T^ ^, Nabu-kudur-uzur. 

Cir. B.C. 1150. 

Nabu-kudur-uzui'j or Nebuchadnezzar I, Avas contemporary 
with Assur-risilim king of Assyria, grandson of the Assur-dan 
mentioned above. Nebuchadnezzer invaded Assyria three 
times ; the details of two of these invasions are given in the 
Synchronous History; the account of the first is unfortunately 
lost. The history runs as follows : — 

C.I., Vol. 2, p. 65, col. 2, lines 1 to 13. 

" and to his country returned. After this 

Nabu-[lvudur-uzur] his idbise took, to the Zanqi border of 
Assyria to capture he marched, Assur-risilim king of Assyria 
his chariots gathered to march against him, Nabu-kudur-uzin- 
when the 7iibise would not advance, his baggage in the fire 

Early IlUtonj of ikibijlonia. 73 

burned, and was compelled to return to his country. Nabu- 
kudur-uzur his chariots and charioteers to the Idi border 
of Assyria to capture marched, Assur-risilim his chariots and 
charioteers to the assistance sent, with him he fought, his 
overthrow he accomplished, his warriors he slew; his army 
he forsook, fifty of his chariots and harness they had talcen, 
a standard going before him they had taken." 

» /w^^w >^» w > Maruduk-nadin-ahi. 

Cir. B.C. 1125. 

Maruduk-nadin-ahi governed Babylon during the time of 
Tugulti-pal-esir king of Assyria, son of Assur-risilim. He 
twice made war with Assyria; the first time he defeated 
Tiglath-Pileser and captured the city of Ekali, carrying 
away the images of the Assyrian gods Vul and Sala ; these 
images remained in the hands of the Babylonians 418 years, 
until they were recovered by Sennacherib on his conquest of 
Babylon. The notice of this war is found in the Bavian 
Inscription of Sennacherib, C.I., Vol. 3, p. 14, lines 48 to 50. 
" Vul and Sala the gods of Ekali which ]\Iaruduk-nadin-alii 
king of Akkad, in the time of Tugulti-pal-esir king of Assyria, 
had carried off and brought to Babylon, after 418 years from 
Babylon I brought them out and to Ekali to their places I 
restored them." 

The Synchronous History of Babylonia and Assyria gives 
no details of this war, which was disastrous to the Assyrian 
arms, but it records a second campaign commenced by a 
battle in the neighbourhood of the lower Zab, in which 
Tiglath-Pileser recovered the advantage, and, pursuing 
Maruduk-nadin-ahi into Babylonia, overran the whole of the 
upper country as far as Babylon ; this accoimt is given 
C.I., Vol. 2, p. 65, col. 2, lines 14 to 24: " Tugulti-pal-esir king 
of Assyria with Maruduk-nadin-ahi king of Kar-dunias, the 
second time the line of battle of all the chariots, over against 
the city of the lower Zab, in the vicinity of Ar-zuhina made. 
In the second year in the whole of upper Akkad he destroyed. 

74 Early Histori/ of Jiahylonia. 

the cities Dur-kurigalzu, Sippar of Samas, Sippar of Anunit, 
Babili, and Upe, great cities, and their fortresses, at that time 
from (c.) Agarsal to (c.) Lnbdi he spoiled, from Suhi (Shua) 
to (c.) Rapiqi through its whole extent [he conquered]." 

In the British ]\Iuseum there are two contracts dated in 
the reign of Maruduk-nadin-ahi, one is pubhshed C.L, Vol. 1, 
p. 66, the date is " City of Babylon month Sabadu in the 
fii'st year of Maruduk-nadin-ahi the king." The second is 

published in C.L, Vol. 3, p. 43, dated " City of Dindu 

month Ululu 27th day, 10th year of Maruduk-nadin-ahi the 
king." This document is interesting, from the number of 
witnesses to the contract. 

56. y ^^y <;::;^y ^ ^y^ ^y<y^ ^<^ \\ 


Cir. B.C. 1100. 

This monarch was contemporary with Assur-bel-kala, king 
of Assyria, who was son of Tiglath-Pileser I. In the time of 
these monarchs, the two states of Babylonia and Assyria 
were on friendly terms, but on the death of Maruduk-sapik- 
zirrat the Babylonians raised to the tln-one a man, part only 
of whose name is preserved. 

57. >m^mMM^ v^j^yyyj:: r^:, sad-u-m. 

Cir. B.C. 1080. 

This monarch appears not to have been of royal race, and 
his accession broke the truce which had existed between 
Assyria and Babylonia ; Assur-bel-kala king of Assyria then 
invaded Babylonia, and claims to have returned to Assyria 
with the spoil of the expedition. These events are recorded 
in the following passage from the Synchronous History, 
C.L, Vol. 2, p. 65, line 25, added to by a new fi-agment : — 

" In the time of Assur-bel-kala king of Assyria [and] 
Maruduk-sapik-zirrat king of Babylonia [a treaty (?)] con- 
cluding peace [with] each other they made. [In the time of 
Assur-bcl]-kala king of Assyria [Maruduk-sapik-zirrat king 

of] Kar-dunias his death took him saduni of unknown 

parentage [to the kingdom over] them they appointed. 

Early Historii of IJahi/loma. 75 

[Assiir-bel-kalrt] king of Assyria [to Kav-duni]-as went, [their 
spoil] to Assyria he brought " 

58. y ^^] *^ A^^ J:yf{, Nabu-zikir-iskun. 

Cir. B.C. 1050. 

This monarch is mentioned in a fragmentary passage of 
the Synchronous History, which states that in his time the 
Assyrians invaded Babylonia and took some cities, including 
Bag-dadu (modern BagJidad) ; the passage is as follows : — 

" Nabu-zikir-iskun fought and his over- 
throw accomplished ban-bala, (c.) Bagdadu great 

cities [he captured and] their spoil in abundance [to Assyria] 

he brought nimati his death then took him 

their daughters to each other they gave, a treaty concluding 
peace with each other they made, and the people of Assyria 
and Akkad with each other traded (?). From the mound of 
Bit-bara which is over Zaba, to the mound of Batani and of 
(c.) Zabdani, the boundary was established." 

So far as our records go, it appears that this state of peace 
continued with only one interruption for about 150 years, 
and when war recommenced in the time of Assur-nazu--pal 
king of Assyria, the two countries occupied the same boun- 
daries that are here described. 

59. >~t]] '^>^y ^^T ^^'^T' Iri-ba-maruduk. 
>^YY >->-y ^^"^Y, Iriba-maruduk. 

The date of this monarch is unknown, and I only place 
him here provisionally ; he is known from an inscription on a 
weight in the form of a duck and a text of his son Maruduk- 
bal-iddina. The text on the weight is as follows : " Thirty 
mana-gina of the palace of Iriba-maruduk king of Babylon." 

60. ^^y <!^^T y? »-^f ""^I' Maruduk-bal-iddina. 

A monarch bearing this name reigned at Babylon during 
the time of Sargon and Sennacherib, kings of Assyria. I 

76 Early Histori/ of Bahylonia. 

have assumed that the king of the brick inscription is an 
earher monarch of the same name, because he gives the name 
of liis father Iriba-maruduk a Babylonian monarch, while the 
Maruduk-bal-iddina of the time of Sargon is generally called 
son of Yakin. The royal name on the brick, C.I., Vol. 1 , p. 5, 
No. XVII, has hitherto been read Maruduk-iddin-ahi, but on 
a close inspection of the brick I find that this reading is 
eiToneous. The inscription reads : " To (^.) Nin-dimu-ri 
mistress of the earth his lady Maruduk-bal-iddina king of 
(c.) Babylon son of Iriba-maruduk king of Sumh and Akkad 
Bit-anna the house of her delight built." 

61. y *pyy -<^^^' si-bir. 

Cir. B.C. 1000 (?). 

This monarch is mentioned in the inscriptions of Assur- 
nazir-pal king of Assyria, his date is uncertain ; the notice of 
Sibir is as follows, C.I., Vol. 1, p. 22, line 84 : " (c.) Adlila Avhich 
Sibir king of Kar-dunias had captured and destroyed and 
to mounds and ruins had reduced Assur-nazir-pal king of 
Assyria again took." 

62. y ^>A *-T5f Tt >-^y ""^I' Nabu-bal-iddina. 

Cir. B.C. 880 to 853. 
Nabu-bal-iddina king of Babylonia is mentioned in several 
inscriptions ; he first appears upon the scene B.C. 879, when 
Assur-nazir-pal king of Assyria attacked the Suhi or Shuites. 
Sadudu king of Suhi received aid from the Kassi, and Nabu- 
bal-iddina sent him fifty chariots, but Sadudu and his allies 
were defeated, and Suhi conquered by the Assyrians. The 
account of this war is given in C.I., Vol. 1, p. 23, lines l(j to 
24 : " (f.) Slu'u the fortified city of Sadudu of Suhi I attacked. 
To the numerous warriors of the Kassi he trusted, and to 
make war and fight to my presence came. The city I 
attacked and after two days fighting, I forced an entrance. 
From the face of my powerful soldiers Sadudu with 70 of 
his men, to save his life iuto the Euphrates tlu-ew himself 
The city I captured. 50 chariots and then- soldiers of Nabu- 
bal-iddina king of Kar-dunias, Zabdauu his brother and 3,000 

Early Ilistorij of Babylonia. 77 

of their fighting men, Bel-bal-idclina the officer who went 
before their army, with them in hand I captured, many 
soldiers with the sword I destroyed. Silver, gold, lead, kami, 
sadi stone shining, the goods of his palace, chariots, horses 
trained to the yoke, harness of men, harness of horses, the 
females (?) of his palace, his great spoil I carried off; the city 
I pulled down and destroyed. Glory and power over Suhi I 
obtained. The fear of my dominion to Kar-dunias reached, 
the terror of my soldiers over Kaldii (Chaldea) swept." 

After the failure of his attempt to assist the Suhi, Nabu- 
bal-iddina made peace with Assyria, which lasted until his 
death about B.C. 853. In the British Museum there are some 
fragments of a treaty made between Nabu-bal-iddina king of 
Kar-dunias and Shalmaneser son of Assur-nazir-pal king of 

63. I ^>-y ^^'^y "^ '^' Maruduk-zikir-izkur(P). 

Cir. B.C. 753-730. 
This monarch, the reading of whose name is uncertain, 
Avas the son of Nabu-bal-iddiua, and succeeded his father 
about B.C. 753. The foster-brother of Maruduk-zikir-izkur 
named f ^^] C^^] ^\\ i,]]]^_ ^ {]]) ^] Maruduk- 
bel-usate, then revolted against him, and took from him the 
province of Akkad. These events brought about the inter- 
ference of Shalmaneser king of Assyria, who made two 
expeditions to Babylonia to assist Maruduk-zikir-izkm ; the 
first in B.C. 852, when he advanced as far as the river Turnat 
and took the cities of Me-turnat and Lahiru ; the second 
in the next year, when he killed Maruduk-bel-usate, and 
advanced to Babylon ; here he received the submission of the 
Chaldees. There are four different accounts of these events, 
they are : 

Layard's Ins., p. 76, lines 14 to 20, on base of Statue. 
" To avenge Maruduk-zikir-izkur to Akkad I marched, 

Maruduk-bel-usate I slew. To (c.) Kuti (Cutha) 

(c.) Babili and (c.) Bar-sip (Borsippa) I entered, my sacrifices 
and libations to the Gods of the cities of Akkad I poured 
Vol. 1. G 

78 Karhi Ilixtoni of Babylonia. 

out. To Kaldi I descended, the tribute of the kings of 
Kaldi all of them I received." 

Layard's Ins., ]). 91, lines 73 to 84, on Black Obelisk. 

"In my eighth year' (or expedition) Marudiik-zikir-izkur 
king of Kar-duuias, Maruduk-bel-usate his foster-brother 
against him revolted. Swiftly to avenge Maruduk-zikir-izkui* 
I marched and {c.) Me-turnat I captured. In my ninth year 
a second time to Akkad I marched, (c.) Gananate I besieged. 
Maruduk-bel-usati terrible fear of Assur and Maruduk over- 
whelmed him, and to save his life to the mountains he 
ascended ; after him I pursued. ]\Iaruduk-bel-usati and the 
rebels with him, with the sword I destroyed. To the great 
cities I marched, sacrifices and libations in Babili, Barsip, and 
Kute I made, offerings to the great gods I portioned. To 
Kaldi I descended, their cities I captured, the tribute of the 
kings of Kaldi I received, the terror of my soldiers to the 
ocean swept." 

Layard's Ins., p. 15, lines 23 to 29, on Back of Bull. 

" In my eighth year in the time of Maruduk-zikir-izkur 
king of Kar-dimias, Maruduk-bel-usate his brother against 
him revolted : to avenge [him] I marched (c.) Me-turnat and 
(c.) Lahiru I captured. In my ninth year in my second 
expedition (c.) Gananate I captured. Maruduk-bel-usate to 
save liislife to (c.) Halman fled, after him I pursued, Maruduk- 
bel-usate and the rebels with him, with the sword, I destroyed. 
To (c.) Balili I went, sacrifices and libations in Balili, Barsip, 
and Kute I made. To Kaldi I descended, their cities I 
captured, to the sea wdiich IMarute is called, I marched. The 
triljute of Adini son of Dakuri, and Musallim-maruduk son 
of Ukani, silver, gold, valuable wood and horns of oxen in 
(c.) Babili I received." 

C.I., Vol. 2, p. 65, lines 15 to 68. 

" In the time of Salimanu-usur king of Assyria and 
Nabu-l)al-iddina king of Kar-dunias, a treaty concluding peace 
with each other they made. In the time of Salimanu-usur 
king of Assyria, Nabu-bal-iddina king of Kar-dunias his 
deatli took him, Maruduk-zikir-izkur in the throne of his 

' The word pal some translate year, others expedition. 

Early History of Babylonia. Ti) 

lather sat, Muruduk-bel-usate his brother against him re- 
volted and captured Akkad. Swiftly to avenge, 

Salimanu-usur king of Assyria to the aid of Maruduk-zikir- 
izkur king of Kar-dunias inarched. Maruduk-bel-usate the 
rebel king and the rebels who were with him, he slew. To 

Kute, Babili " 

The treaty between Shalmaneser and Nabn-bal-iddina 
here mentioned, is probably the one, fragments of which are 
in the British Museum. 


Cir. B.C. 730-710. 

This monarch is known to us from an inscription of 
Samsi-vul king of Assyria, C.L, Vol. 1, p. 34, col, 3, line 70, 
to col. 4, line 45, which gives the following account of an 
invasion of Babylonia by the Assyrians : — 

" In my fourth expedition, the fifteenth day of Sivanu, to 
Kar dunias I went. The river Zab I crossed. In the neigh- 
bourhood of (c.) Zaddi and (c.) Zaba crossing the ridges 
of the mountains, three powerful lions I slew. Ebih I 
passed through : {c.) Me-turnat I besieged ; terrible fear 
of Assur and Maraduk the great Gods my lords over- 
whelmed them, my yoke they took. Those people I 
brought out, and with their goods and their gods to the 
midst of my country I brought them. To the people of 
my country I appointed them. The river Turnat in its 
flood I crossed, (c.) Garsale his royal city, and 200 cities 
round it, I pulled down, destroyed, and in the fire bm-ned. 
Yalman I passed through : (c.) Dihibina I besieged ; the 
terror of Assiu' overwhelmed them, my yoke they took. 
300 cities and their people, their goods, and then- fiTrniture, 
from the midst of that city I brought them, (c.) Datebir, 
(c.) Iz . . . ya which are beside (c.) Ganasutikanu, and 200 
cities round them I captured, 330 of their warriors I slew 
their spoil, their goods, their furniture, and their gods I 
carried off, their plantations I trampled on, their cities I 
pulled down, destroyed, and in the fire burned. The people 

80 Earhf History of Babylonia. 

yv\\o before my powerful soldiers fled, to (c.) Kiribti-alani 
their fortress entered; that city I attacked, I captured. 
500 of their warriors T slew, their spoil, their goods, their 
furniture, their gods, their oxen, and their sheep, I carried 
off. The city I pulled down, destroyed, and in the fire 
burned. Akkad and Kaldi, which from before the terrible- 
ness of my powerful soldiers, making my fierce attack, who 
knew no rest ; feared, and to (c.) Dur-ahisu (?) the royal city 
(which like an island (?) in the river, in the midst of the waters 
was situated ; for attacking by my army it was difficult) 
and into 447 cities round it, they entered. That city in my 
course I captured, 3,000 of their fighting men with the 
sword I destroyed ; their blood like a stream of water the 
neighbourhood of their city I caused to spread over. The 
slain of their army in heaps I piled. 3,000 alive in hand I 
captured. His royal carriage (?), the treasures of his palace, 
the women (?) of his palace alive, his goods, his furniture, 

his gods of his palace ^vithout number from the 

midst of that city I carried off, tlie slain of his army like 

to the army of my country, were consumed. That city 

I pulled down, destroyed, and in the fire burned. Maruduk- 
balad-su-iqbi to the might of his army trusted, and tlie 
Chaldeans, Elamites, Zimri, and Arameans, with his great 
army without number he gathered, to make war and fight 
to my presence he came. Over Ahadaba, in the vicinity of 
Dur-ahisu (?) the fortress, liis army he placed. With him I 
fought, his overthrow I accomplished, 5,000 slain of the 
people I left, 2,000 alive in hand I captm-ed, 100 of his 
chariots, 200 of his war carriages, his royal pavilion, parasol, 
and his camp I took from him." 

The account of this expedition of tlie Assyrian army 
shows that the Assyrians did not advance much beyond the 
River Turnat. The whole affafr reads like a sudden raid into 
a country unprepared and taken by sin-prise. No advance 
into the interior of the country is claimed, and although the 
force assembled by Maruduk-balad-su-iqbi was defeated, no 
permanent results appear to have followed. 

The date of this expedition is uncertain, but it probably 
took place between B.C. 820 and 815. 

Early History of Babylonia. 81 

Samsi-vul again marched into Babylonia in B.C. 815. The 
statement of tliis expedition is found in the Canon History, 
C.I., Vol. 2, p. 52, line 3, which is completed as follows : — 

" Eponym Musik-sar the tartan. To the city of Diri, the 
great God to the city of Deri descended." 

The meaning of the great God descending is unknown ; 
this deity was the presiding god of Deri. Two other expedi- 
tions are mentioned in the Canon History durmg this reign, 
B.C. 813 and 812, they are :— 

" Eponym Samas-kumua prefect of Salmat. To Kaldi." 

"Eponym Nabu-qati-zabat prefect of Arbaha. To 

The inscriptions supply no details of these three wars. 

65. -jV ^^ ^^^ "^ ^^11 V"' Sa-am-mu-ra-mat. 

Cii'. B.C. 800. 

This queen was the wife of Vulnirari king of Assyria, 
she is usually included among the Babylonian sovereigns, 
but I doubt if she was in any way connected with that 
coimtry. One inscription mentioning her is known, it is 
printed C.I., Vol. 1, p. 35, No. II, it is on a stone statue of 
Nebo, erected by the governor of Calah in honour of 
Semiramis and her husband. 

The Assyrian Canon History registers five expeditions 
to Babylonia during this reign, these were in the years 
B.C. 796, 795, 791, 783, and 782. These are given as 
follows : — 

"Eponym Maruduk-sadua prefect of Salmat. To the 
city of Deri." 

"Eponym Kin-abua prefect of Tushan, To the city of 

" Eponym Kima-samas prefect of Isana. To Ituha." 
" Eponym Ninip-nazir prefect of Mazamua. To Ituha." 
"Eponym Ilva-liha prefect of Nazibina(?). To Ituha." 
No details of any of these expeditions are given, but in 
the inscription printed C.I., Vol. 1, p. 35, No. I, there is the 
fullowing: reference to Chaldea : — 

82 Early IJistori/ of Babylonia. 

" The kings of Kaldi all of them submission made, taxes 
and tribute for after days over them I fixed. Babili, Barsip, 
and Kuti the offerings of Bel, Nabu, and Nergal brought, 
sacrifices and libations valuable." 

The history of Babylonia again becomes a blank, until Ave 
come to the time of Tiglath-Pileser king of Assyria, B.C. 745. 
In the interval of thirty-seven years, fi-om the end of the 
reign of Vulnirari to the accession of Tiglath-Pileser, there 
were four expeditions to Babylonia, in the years B.C. 777, 771, 
769 and 767, which are related as follows : — 

" Eponym Nabu-isdi-ukin the tugulu. To Ituha." 
" Eponym Assur-dan king of Assyria. To (c.) Gannanati." 
" Eponym Bel-ilai prefect of Arbaha. To Ituha." 
" Eponym Qurdi-assur prefect of Ahi-zuhina, To 
(c.) Gannanati." 

As in all the former notices, we have no details of these 

66. Nabonassar. 

Cir. B.C. 747 to 733. 

The name of Nabonassar has not been found among the 
Babylonian kings mentioned in the Cuneiform Inscriptions, 
but private persons bearing the name are mentioned. This 
name is written >->-! >--^y ^ ^^IIT *~^\ ^^IT ^W' 
Na-bi-u-na-zi-ir and y >->-T >^T^ ^i^JtAi^ ^il, Nabu-nazir, 
Nabonassar king of Babylon, whose reign is recorded in 
Ptolemy's Canon, was contemporary with the first part of the 
reign of Tiglath-Pileser II king of Assyria. Tiglath-Pileser 
invaded Babylonia in B.C. 745, and has left foiu* records of 
his expedition, but he does not mention Nabonassar or allude 
to any king as reigning in this district. The two prmcipal 
of these accounts are as follows (Layard's Inscriptions, p. 52) : 

*' them and they went. Those cities a second time I 

built; over the mound of Kamri which the city of Humut 
they call a city I built, from its foundation to its summit I 
constructed, I completed. A palace a seat of my royalty in 
the midst I fixed, Kar-assur its name I called, the soldiers of 
Assur in the midst I set up, people of countries the conquests 

Karly lliatorii of Babylonia. 8P) 

of my hand in the midst I placed them, mth the 

men of Assyria I phiced them. The river Patti which 

from days remote had been I excavated and within 

it I enclosed refreshmg waters Dur-kurigalzu, Sipar 

of Samas, Pazitu of the Dunaites, Kisik, the Nakri, the Tane, 

Kalain, the river Sumandasi of the Dmiani, Qirbutu 

. . . . le, Budu, Pahhaz and Qinnipm*, cities of Kar-dunais to 

the midst of the river Ukne I possessed, to the 

borders of Assyria I added. My general prefect over them I 
ap]3ointed. From among their sheep and oxen whif-li I 

captured 240 sheep to Assur my lord I 

those which I captured in the 

government of the tartan, the government of the lord of the 
palace, the government of the rab-bitur, the government of 

Barhaziya, and the government of Mazamua I placed, 

under one command I caused them to be, and with the people 
of Assyria I settled (?) them. The yoke of Assur my lord 

which placed my my a 

second time I arranged, and Assyria to a city I 

l)uilt, a palace a seat of my royalty its name I 

called, the soldiers of Assur my lord in with the 

people of Assyria I placed them. A statue 

which by the might of Assur my lord over the countries I 

had ten talents of gold to dante, one 

hundred talents of his tribute I received." 

C.L, Vol 2, p. 67, lines 5 to 15 :— " The tribes of Ituha, 
Rubuha, Hamaraui, Luhua, Harilu, Rubbu, Rapiqu, Hiranu, 

Rabilu, Naziru, Gulusu, Nabatu, Rahiqu, Ka Rummu- 

lusu, Adile, Kipre, Ubudu, Gurumu, Bagdadu, Hmdaru, 

Damunu, Dunanu, Nilqu Rade, Da , Ubulu, Karmaha, 

Amlatu, Ruha, Qabiha, Lehitau, Marusu, Amatu, Hagaranu, 
and the cities of Dur-kurigalzu, Achle, Birtu of Sarragitu, 
Birtu of Labbanat, and Birtu of Kar-bel-matati, the Arameans 
all of them who are by the side of the rivers Tigris, 
Euphrates, Surappi, to the midst of the Ukni, which is by 
the side of the lower sea I captured, their warriors I slew, 
their spoil I carried off. The Arameans all there were, to the 
borders of Assyria I added, and my generals prefects over 
them I made. Upon the mound of Kamri which the city of 

84 Early History of Babylonia. 

Hiimiit they call a city I built. Kar-assur its name I called. 
People the conquests of my hand in the midst I placed. In 
Sipar, Nipur, Babili, Barsip, Kute, Kisu, Kilmad (?), and Ur, 
cities unrivalled, valuable sacrifices and libations to Bel and 
Zirat-banit, Nabu and Urmitu, Nergal and Laz, the great 
gods ray lords, I poured out, and they strengthened my feet. 
The whole of Kar-dunias to its utmost extent I possess, and 
I rule its kingdom. The Puqudu like corn I swept away, 
4ieu- fighting men I slew, their abundant spoil I carried off. 
The Puqudu in the cities of Laliu'u, of Idibirina, Hilimmu, 
and Pillutu, which border on Elam, to the boundaries of 
Assyria I added, and in the hands of my general the prefect 
of Arrapha I placed them. The Kaldudu all there were I 
removed, and in the midst of Assyria I placed them." 

67. T --T i^ !=mc ^fcU <T-' / 

> Nabu-u-sab-si. 

This prince is ])robabiy the Nabius of Ptolemy, who 
reigned B.C. 733-731. Tiglath-Pileser king of Assyi'ia invaded 
Babylonia a second time B.C. 731, and defeated and captured 
Nabu-usabsi at Sari-apaim his capital. Nabu-usabsi was 
captured and crucified on the wall of his city. One inscription 
describing these events is published, C.I., Vol. 2, p. 67, 
lines 15-17: " Kaldi through its extent in hostility I swept. 
Nabu-usabsi son of Silani, his fighting men on the walls of 
Sarrapani his city I slew, and in front of the great gate 
of his city on a cross I raised him. I subdued his country, 

Sarrapanu to a heap of earth [I reduced] I captured 

5,500 of their people and children. His spoil, his furniture, 
his goods, his wife, his sons, his daughters, and his gods I 
carried oft". That city and the cities round it I pulled down 
[destroyed, in the firu] 1 1 turned, and to mounds and heaps I 

Another account, Layard's Inscriptions, p. 17, lines 8-11, 
is as I'ollows : " Bit-Silani, through its extent like a whirlwind 
I destroyed. Sarrabanu their great royal city like a whirlwind 

Early His tori/ of Babylonia. 85 

I destroyed, and its spoil carried off; Nabu-usabsi their 
king before tbe great gate of his city on a cross I raised. 
His spoil, his wife, his sons, his daughters, his goods, and 
the treasures of his palace I carried off." 

In spite of the statement of Ptolemy's list, it is very 
doubtful if this prince ruled at Babylon. It is probable that 
the three last monarchs of this epoch, Nabonassar or Nabu- 
nazir, Nabius or Nabu-usabsi, and Chinzirus or Kin-ziru, were 
Chaldean princes, who kept their independence after Tiglath- 
Pileser had conquered Babylon in B.C. 745. 

68. Y ^Y >-/«^, Kin-ziru (Chinzirus). 
B.C. 731 to 727. 

Kinziru, according to the annals of Tiglath-Pileser, was 
a Chaldean prince who held out against the Assyrian power 
after the death of Nabu-usabsi B.C. 731, and Ptolemy inserts 
his name among the Babylonian rulers at this period. The 
account of the war between Tiglath-Pileser and Kinziru is 
given in CI, Vol. 2, p. 67, lines 23 to 25 : — 

"Kin-ziru son of Amukkan, in Sape his royal city I 
besieged him, his numerous fighting men in front of his 
great gates I slew, the groves of palm trees before his wall 
I cut down, I did not leave one ; its forests which extended 
over the country I destroyed, his enclosm-es I threw down, 
and filled up the mteriors. .-^U his cities I pulled down, 
destroyed, and burned in the fire. Bit-silani, Bit-amukkani, 
and Bit-sahalli through their extent like a whirlwind I 
destroyed, and to moimds and ruins I reduced." 

Tiglath-Pileser does not claim to have captured Sape, 
although he besieged it, but he took possession of Babylon 
and proclaimed himself king of Bab}/ Ionia, formally annexing 
the country to Assyria. 

From this time the history of Babylonia is little more 
than a description of a series of revolts against the Assyrian 
power, each rising being put down, sometimes with great 
severity. This state of affairs lasted about a century ; when 
Nabu-pal-uzur an Assyrian general, sent to quell a revolt in 

80 Earhi Ilisfo)'!/ of Bahylouin. 

Chaldea, on the cuuclusion of that service was made tribii- 
taiy monarch at Babylon. Nabu-pal-uznr, or Xabopolassar, 
some years after he was established at Babylon, having made 
preparations for revolt, threw off the Assyrian yoke, and, 
A\'ith the aid of the Medes, destroyed Nineveh. Babylon, 
under Nebuchadnezzar his son, then became mistress of tlie 


Since the foregoing paper was written, I have thought it 
worth while to notice some points which have occurred to 
me. In the first place, as to the divisions of Babylonia, I 
am now rather of opinion that the district of Akkad included 
the country north of Nipur or Niffer, and the district of 
Sumir the country from Nipur to the Persian Gulf. There 
are, however, two other divisions noticed in the Inscriptions, 
namely, Kar-duniyas and Kaldu or Chaldea. The position 
of Kar-duniyas is quite uncertain, and I do not know if it 
was included in either of the before-mentioned divisions. 
Kaldu was a region named fi-om being inhabited by the 
Chaldees ; it probably had no fixed boundaries, and varied 
according to the power of the Clialdean tribes. The strong- 
hold of the ('haldeans was on the Persian Gulf. 

I here give a translation of an old Babylonian Geogra- 
phical List, which was probably inscribed between 2,000 and 
1,600 B.C. In the first column I give, as nearly as I can, the 
phonetic values of the names (which are written in Turanian^, 
in the second column I give the Semitic names of those I can 
identify, and in the third the modern names of some, a few 
translations, and some notes. 

It will be observed that, in this list, the first place is given 
to the great towns in the south of the country, which were 
early the scats of empire, while Babylon, Cutha, Sippara, 
Nineveh, and others occur low down in the list, and Borsippa 
is not mentioned at all : — 

1 in-di ki I 

2. Mul-lil ki I Nipur 

3. Ur-lab ki Urn 


Karly Jl/stoiuj of Ikihylonid . 


4. Lab-mah ki 

5. Ud-nun ki 

6. Ud-lab ki 

7. Lab ki 

8. Ni-si-in ki 

9. Zir-lab ki 
10. Ki-sur-ra ki 
11 ki 

12. Uh ki 

13. Ma-gan ki 

14. Mi-luh-haki 

15. Eri-duki 

16. An-du-an ki 

17. Mar-ha-si ki 

18. Ha-mar Id 

19. Num ki 

20. Gab-gab-ni ki 

21. Ni-tuk ki 

22. Su-rim (?) ki 

23. Su-ti-u ki 

24. In-ku ki 

25. Gu-ti-aki 

26. Ha-a ki 

27. Ha-a ki 

28. Ha-a ki 

29. E ki 

30. E ki 

31. E ki 

32. Pa ki 

33. Paki 

34. Paki 

35. Udki 

36. Ud ki 

37. Ud ki 

38. Im ki 

39. Im ki 






Part of Mugheii' 
TelSifr (?) 


In Elam 

On Persian 




Early History of Babylonia. 

40. Im ki 

41. Dur-an ki 

42. Dur-an ki 
4o. Dur-an ki 

44. Dur ki 

45. Dur ki 
4(). Dur ki 

47. Tu-pur ki 

48. Tig-gab a ki 

49. Din-tir ki 

50. In (?)ki 

51. Ninu ki 

b'2. Ki-pal-mas-da ki 

53. Kis ki 

54. Ra-be-qu ki 

55. Ne-ri-iWju ki 

56. Ud-kip-nun ki 

57. Ud-kip-nun-ul-la ki 

58. Amar-da ki 

59. Te-ni-luki 

60. Ul-mas Id 

61. A-ga-ne ki 

62. Hi-zaki 

63. Ab-nun-na ki 

64. E-al-de-aki 

65. Mas-e-pa-al ki 

66. Mas-e-mi-ta ki 

67. Mas-e-sar ki 

68. A-ta-tak ki 

69. Ir sa ki 

70. Iv sa Ka-me ki 

71. Ir sa Ur ki 

72. Ir sa ki-in-gi ki Ur ki 

73. Ir sa ki-pal ki 

Duban (?) 





Old Sippar 


Alu sa irzitu 

Alu sa Surair 

Alu sa Akkad 

Alu sa Sumir and 

Alu sa napalkutu 






Xear Sippara (?) 
Near Sippara (?) 

Cities of the Earth 

Cities of Sumir 

Cities of Akkad 

Cities of Sumir 
and Akkad 

Foreign Cities 

There can be no doubt tliut among the Babylonians 

Earhj Ilistorij of llahijlonia. 89 

traditions of a flood were cuiTeiit, but the inscriptions wliicli 
have been hitherto found do not contain any certain alhision 
to this event. A very circumstantial account of the flood 
from Chaldean sources appears in the fragments of the 
history of Berosus. 

There is, however, an unpublished text in the Museum 
Collection, K, 136, which appears to me to refer to this event ; 
it is unfortunately so mutilated that the question cannot be 
decided, but I here give a translation of the first part, which 
resembles a poetical description of the eve of the deluge : — 

" A command from the midst of the sea [came out] 
a will from the midst of the heavens [came down] 
a storm like urkiti the earth [covered] 
to the four winds terror swept like a fii-e it destroyed 
the people of the cities it caused pain to take hold of their 

loins and terror 
in city and country it struck them silent 
master and slave it cut down and 
in heaven and earth like a hailstorm it rained and a flood (?) 

to the sanctuaries of their gods they fled and sought refuge 
.... their powerful .... they prayed and like .... 
[while they prayed (?)] also death " 

The meaning of the inscription is here and there doubtful, 
but the general sense is clear enough. 

The Babylonians, like other nations of antiquity, supj:)lied 
their own want of knowledge of the early history of their 
country by fabulous stories of gods and heroes who were 
supposed to have ruled in ancient days. 

One of these mythical monarchs was Ninip, who was 
supposed to have been sou of the deity Bel. Ninip bears the 
character of a warrior and hunter ; he is, in fact, a sort of 
Hercules or Mars, and various exploits were related con- 
cerning him : one tablet, K, 133, speaks of him as follows : — 

" The lord the seed of his father diregarding destroying 
the country 
the powerful prince who in his face fear did not carry 
Ninip the mighty man who in his image rejoiced 
the warrior like a bull destroying his companions 

90 luirlii Uistorii of rmhiiluiiia. 

the lord avIio to his city returning to his mother was 

the country he rode over seed he begat 
violently his name he proclaimed over their kingdom 
in the midst of them like a great buffalo his horns he lifted." 

Dungi king of Ur. I have thought that the name of one 
of the Babylonian cities, perhaps founded by him and called 
after him, supplies the phonetic name of this monarch ; it is 
Dunnu-saidu, written C.I., Vol. 2, p. 48, Ime 19, >-t.\\ <^f::niY 
*^ }] 5=B ^y, Dun-nu-za-i-du, p. 52, Hue 61, <f::][Jf} *-^ 
^77 f:^ ^ISf^ ^Tpy, Dun-nu-sa-i-di, and p. 60, line 16, 
J^y ^ J^ J=^ <y^ <Igf, Du-ni-sa-i-di. 

Ismi-dagan and Gungunu. The relationship or supposed 
relationship between these two kings has puzzled me very 
much, and I am now more uncertain than ever about these 
inscriptions. It is difficult to suppose that the text on the 
bricks, which is generally considered to be Gungunu' s, can 
really be his ; and I have some doubts whether the character 
which precedes the name of Ismi-dagon really means son. 
These bricks are, however, fast decaying, so that they can 
no longer be relied upon to prove a contested point. 

Kudur-mabuk lord of Elam. The inscriptions of the 
period of Kudur-mabuk recall to the mind the account in 
Genesis of Chedorlaomer, who ruled from Elam to the 
Mediterranean. The name of Chedorlaomer in Babylonian 
would be Kudur-lagamar. The early Babylonian inscriptions 
confirm the statements of Genesis as to the power and 
importance of Elam at this period. 

Babylonian Contract Tablets, These tablets are very 
numerous, there being about 200 specimens in the British 
Museum. About 100 belong to the time of the early kings, 
and principally to the reigns of Gamil-sui, Sin-idinna, Nm-vul, 
Rim-sin, Hammurabi, and Samsu-iluna. They generally exist 
in duplicate, one copy being mside the other, and relate 
mostly to sales of land ; but some are leases, other sales of 
grain, slaves and camels, and a few are loans, wills, and law 
cases. The outer and inner copies of these documents some- 
times present interesting variations. The following is a 

Earlij IlUtoi-y of Babi/luina. 91 

translation of a law case from this collection, concerning two 
relatives who quarrelled over some property : — 

" Zini-nana and Iriba-sin a dispute had ; to settle it a judge 
they took, and to the temple of Samas they entered. In the 
temple of Samas sentence he pronounced : ' The slave Lus- 
samar-samas and the female slave Lislima to be the property 
of Iriba-sin ; the slave Ipsinan and the female slave Ilamanna- 
lamazi to be the property of Zini-nana.' A statute in the 
temple of Samas and the temple of Sin they proclaimed: 
'Brother to brother should be loving, brother fi-om brother 
should not tmii, should not quan-el, over the whole a brother 
to a brother should be generous, the whole he should not 
have. By the names of (</.) Ur, (r/.) Samas, (g.) Maruduk, 
(g.) Sarkimmia and Hammurabi the kmg they swore, witness 
Davkina-seme son of Apiyatu, witness Abil-sin son of Ur- 
manse, witness Sin-esses the priest, witness Ibus-hea the 
dugab, witness Samas-mubanit priest of (g.) Gula, witness 
Nabi-sin son of Idui-sin, witness Sin-uzili son of Zini-nana, 
^vitness Inu-sin son of Sm-seme, witness Sin-gimlaanni the 
... of the judges. Tablet the Avitnesses impressed in the 
month xVddaru hi the year when Hammurabi the king 
(g.) Ann, (g.) Anunit and (g.) Nana adorned.' " 

The outer tablet has the following variant for the first 
part of this text : — 

" Zini-nana and Iriba-sin a dispute had ; to settle it a 
judge they took. The judge to the temple of Samas drove 
them, and in the temple of Samas the judge judgment gave 
to them, and sentence pronounced, then- possessions he 
appointed : ' The slave Lussamar-samas,' " &c. 

This double document is written in Semitic Babylonian, 
like the tablet of Hammurabi at Paris, but most of the other 
tablets in the collection are written in Tm-anian, although 
occasionally one copy will give a Semitic equivalent for the 
con'esponduig Turanian word m the other. 

Hammurabi king of Babylon. Of all the Babylonian 
monarchs whose records I have exammed, Hammurabi 
appears to me to be the one who in history, character, and 
name approaches nearest to the Biblical Nimrod. If we could 
read Nammuradi, instead of Hammurabi, the names would 

92 Earhi I/isfo)')/ of Bahijlonia. 

correspond, and on this point it is curious to note that the 
Assyrians sometimes interchanged h and iu an instance of 
which occurs in C.I., Vol 2, p. 25, hue 14. The date of 
Hammurabi is very difficult to fix even approximately. My 
first idea was that he was the leader of the Arab dynasty 
of Berosus, which commenced its rule in the latter part of 
the 16th centmy B.C. The names of the kings known from 
the monuments to have reigned during the 15th century 
evidently belong to the same race as Hammurabi ; but I 
now think there is not room for the nine or ten kings headed 
by Hammurabi to go into this dynasty, which already 
contams six monumental kings ; consequently, I think that 
he must go much higher in the list, and, from a considera- 
tion of the Senkereh Monuments, I conclude that the date 
of Hammurabi cannot be much more than 200 years after 
Kudur-mabuk, whose dynasty he overthrew. 

Kin-ziru or Chinzirus. In the lithographed copy of the 
inscription containing this name, there is an error of jf^J^ 
for >^^A which has prevented the earlier recognition of this 


By J. W. BosANQUET, F.R.A.S. 

Read Gth June, 1871. 

In the "Quarterly Review" of April last is an article on 
the subject of the date of the Nativity of our Lord, in which 
the author has done valuable service to the cause of truth 
in bringing under general notice the historical discovery of 
Dr. Zumpt of Berlm, contained in a Latm Essay entitled 
" Commentatio de Syria Romanorum provincia ab Cassare 
Augusto ad Titum Vespasianum." Dr. Zumpt has shown in 
this Essay that Quirinus, or Quirmius, or Cyrenius, as the 
name is written by St. Luke (ch. ii, 2), was governor of 
Syria from the year B.C. 4 to A.D. 1, according to the common 
era of Dionysius. This valuable discovery is in exact agree- 
ment with the record of St. Luke, that the baptism of Christ 
took place in the 15th year of Tiberius Caesar, when our 
Lord he tells us was " about thirty years of age," and that 
his bhth took place durmg the enrolment which " was made 
for the fii'st time when Cyrenius was governor of Syria." 

The author of the article in the "Review," however, 
trusting to the arguments of others drawn fi'om the writings 
of Josephus, which he has not thought it necessary to set 
forth, has allowed himself to be persuaded that Herod the 
Great, before whose death Christ was born, must have died 
in the year 4 before the common era, and that the birth of 
our Lord, therefore, took place some five or even seven years 
before the same era. " We may deduce," he says, " from 
Josephus, that Herod the Great died in the spring of the 
year 4 before Christ, according to the Dionysian era." " Thus 
far," he says, " there is no difficulty." So that the journey 
uf Mary to Bethlehem, and the birth of her child, must have 

Vol. 1 7 

94 On the Date of CIn'isi's Nativity. 

happened some years before the governorship of Cyrenius in 
Syi'ia, and the baptism some years before the 15th of Tiberius. 
Thus proving the reckoning of St. Luke to be loose and 
inaccurate ; and as an inference that his testimony in general 
as to facts is not strictly to be relied upon. A statement in- 
volving so unsatisfactory a result ought not to be allowed to 
pass without examination by a Society established for the pur- 
pose of promoting the accurate study of Biblical ArchaBology. 

1 ventm-e, therefore, to make a few remarks in support of 
the veracity and extreme accuracy of the Chi-istian historian, 
and to show how his record is in perfect agreement Avith 
fixed astronomical data ; how our Lord was born either 
in the autmnn of the year 3, or in the spring of the year 

2 before the common era ; and how the reckoning of 
Josephus, so far fi-om contradicting, is m perfect harmony 
with this result. 

I shall so arrange my remarks as to show as briefly as 
possible — 

Fhst. How St. Luke is in unison with all unquestioned 
authority on the subject. 

Secondly. How the authority of Josephus, wliich has 
been supposed to be at variance with the record of St. Luke, 
does in fact strictly con&m it. 

L — As TO THE Date of Christ's Baptism. 

"Now in the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius 
Caisar," writes St. Luke, " Pontius Pilate being governor of 
Judea, and Herod being tetrarch of Galilee, and his brother 
Philip tetrarch of Iturea and the region of Trachonitis, and 
Lysanias the tetrarch of Abilene, Annas and Caiaphas bcmg 
the high priests," — John began to baptise in the Jordan 
(Lukoiii, 1, 2) : "and Jesus himself was about thirty years of 
age when he began" (his ministry) : and he also was baptised 
in the Jordan in the same year, St. Luke here evidently 
takes pains to be exact in marking the time of the beginning 
of Christ's ministry : and unless strong reason can be shown 
to the cc»ntrary, it is only reasonable to assume that, in speak- 
ing of the lotli year of tlie reign of Tiberius, he intended 

On the Date of Christ's Nativity. 95 

to count according to the common and generally under- 
stood reckoning of his years, beginning from the death of 

Now Augustus died on the 18th August a.d. 14, and the 
first year of Tiberius therefore began on the 19th day of 
that month, and ended on the 18th August A.D. 15. The 
fifteenth year of Tiberius, therefore, spoken of by St. Luke, 
was counted as running from August A.D. 28 to August 
A.D. 29. The baptism of Christ, therefore, occurred between 
those two dates, and the birth, counting thirty years back- 
ward fi'om that time, may be placed either in the autumn of 
the year B.C. 3, or the spring of the year B.C. 2. I prefer the 
autumn date, as felling in with the description of that 
peaceful time, when shepherds were " abiding in the fields, 
keeping watch over thefr floclcs by night." 

II. — As TO THE Date of the Crucifixion. 

Let us next examine how St. Luke's date for the baptism, 
and l)irth, agrees with the computed time of the Crucifixion 
of Christ. The crucifixion we know took place on Friday, 
that is to say on the day beginning on Thursday evening 
and ending on Friday evenmg. It was also we know the 
day which comprehended the exact time of the full moon, 
which in the Jewish calendar always fell on the 15th day of 
the month Nisan, that is on the first day of the " Feast of 
unleavened bread, ivhich is called the Passover.'' 

Let me say a few words in passing to show that the 
Feast of unleavened bread was called " the Passover." 

We read in the xxiii chapter of Leviticus — "In the four- 
teenth day of the fii'st month at even is the Lord's Passover, 
and on the fifteentli day of the same month is the Feast of 
unleavened bread unto the Lord." 

Now both Josephus and St. Luke speak of the Feast of 
unleavened bread as " the Passover." — Josephus writes 
(Ant. xviii, 2, 2) — " As the Jews were celebrating the feast of 
unleavened bread, ivhich we call the Passover'' St. Luke 
writes, — " Now the Feast of unleavened bread drew nigh, 
which is called the Passover" (Luke xxii, 1). and St. John 

9(5 0)t the Dnte of C/iri^fs Xativitt/. 

^vritos, — "Now before the Feast of the Passover" — "and 
supper being ended," &c. (John xiii, 1, 2.) 

Some have been led into error by hooking for the full 
moon on the 14th day of the month Nisan, and by supposing 
that the 14th day of Nisan fell on Friday. But I believe it 
is now generally understood that our Lord eat the Passover 
lamb with his disciples on the evening of Thursday the 14th, 
and was crucified at midday on the 15th, when the priests 
were keeping the Feast, " called the Passover." And the Jews 
do nov/ at the present day keep the 15th day, not the 14th 
of Nisan, as the day of the Passover, as may be seen in any 
common Jewish almanack. 

The simple question therefore is, in what years, after the 
15th of Tiberius, did the Paschal full moon fall on Friday, 
the 15tli of Nisan? Now the times of the Paschal full moons 
from A,D. 29, to 34, have often been computed : and there 
are only two years in which the full moon falls on Friday, 
that is on the — 

lotli Nisau iu A.n. 30 = Friday, 7th April, o.s. 
and ,, „ ,, 33 = ,, 3rd April, „ 

The first of these dates is too early for the crucifixion, if we 
abide by St. Luke, as it would only allow one year for the 
ministry of Christ. The second is in harmony with St. Luke's 
dates for the birth, and baptism, and generally with the 
history contained in the four gospels, which speak of four 
Passovers. Thus far, then, the precise evidence of astronomy 
coincides with the testimony of St. Luke to show that our 
Lord was bdrii, either in tlie year 'd, or 2, before the common 

But here the writer in the "Review" again remarks — 
" Knowing as we do tlie exact date of Herod's death, [which 
he places "in the spring of the year B.C. 4"] we cannot place 
Christ's birth at a liitcr' date tlian the year 5 before the 
Christian era.'' 

Let us then next consider how far Dr. Zunipt's discovery 
concerning the government of Cyrenius supports or con- 
tradicts tliis conchision : and whethrr in fiict it does not 

' Tlio writer in IliP "Review" has iuailvcrtfiitlv wrillcn "earlier." 

On the Date of Christ' a NaticitAj. 97 

absolutely exclude it, to the complete confirmation of the 
reckoning of St. Luke. 

III. — As TO THE Date when Quirinus or Cyrenius was 
FIRST Governor of Syria. 

It would be impossible for me within the short compass 
of this lectm-e to enter fully into the learned arguments of 
Dr. Zumpt on this subject — I will therefore merely state that 
I am satisfied with them as they are set forth in the article 
in the " Quarterly Review," to which I have referred : that 
they have been carefully examined and approved in an 
" Appendix to Fairbairn's Hermeneutical Manual," published 
in 1858 : and that the late Dean Alford has pronounced them 
to be " striking and satisfactory." 

But what do they prove ? The writer of the article re- 
ferred to says, — "It will be observed that these separate 
trains of argument all tend to one result. They render all 
but certain a former government of Quirinus in Syria, — that 
government commencing probably in the latter months of 
the year 4 before Christ, and continuing till the year 1 after 
Cln-ist." Now if Dr. Zumpt is right in this conclusion, that 
Cyrenius came into Syria towards the end of the year B.C. 4, 
and if Mary had then come up to Bethlehem to be enrolled, or 
registered for taxation, when Christ was born, " and tliis 
enrolling was first made when Cyrenius was governor of 
Syria," it is quite clear that Herod's death, which certainly 
took place after Mary's enrolment, could not have happened 
in the spring of the year B.C. 4, some six or seven months 
before Cyrenius came to his government, nor could the birth 
of Christ of course have happened till after the arrival of 
Cyrenius. This valuable historical discovery of Dr. Zumpt, 
therefore, absolutely sets aside the idea of the Reviewer, 
that the birth of Christ could have taken place so early as 
B.C. 5 — and inasmuch as it tends to show that Cyrenius was 
governor of Syria both m the years 3 and 2, before the 
common era, it as surely confirms the reckoning of St. Luke, 
that the birtli took place either in autumn 3, or spring 2 
before that era. 

98 On the Date of Clirist'is Naticitij. 

The list of governors of Syria, as established by Dr, 
Ziimpt, is as follows: — 

C. Sentius Satuminus from u.c. 9 

P. Qninctiliiis Varus „ 6 

P. Sulpicius Quiriuns, for the first time ) ^ 

about the latter end of J 

durinc; the whole of „ 3 


M. Lollius A.D. 1 

C. Marcus Ceusorinus 4 

P. Sulpicius Quiriuus (2nd time) 6 

Q. Creticus Silauus 11 

IV. — As TO THE Date of the Death of Herod. 

The death of Herod we know took place not long before 
the Passover, that is to say, that Passover at which his suc- 
cessor Archelaus found it necessar}^ to slay 3,000 seditious 
people who were opposed to his government. We know also 
from Josephus that it took place not many weeks after an 
eclipse of the moon, which happened on the same night that 
he caused certain Rabbles to be burnt to death, because they 
had taken down the golden eagle set up by him on the 
temple, on a rumour having been spread about the city that 
the king was actually dead. ' 

Now there are but two eclipses of the moon between the 
years B.C. 5 and 1, which occurred shortly before the time of 
the Passover, which can be refeiTcd to by Josephus as repre- 
senting this exact note of time, viz. : — 

1. A partial eclipse of the moon, twenty-eight days before 

the Passover, which occm-red on the 13th March B.C. 4. 

2. A total eclipse of the moon, two months and twenty- 

eight days before the Passover, which occurred on the 

10th January B.C. 1. 

Mr. Hind has kindly furnished me with the particulars of 

all the eclipses from the year B.C. 5 to B.C. 1, whicli could 

possibly be supposed to apply to the time of Herod's death. 

And as regards the eclipse in January in the year B.C. 1, it 

' Jos. Ant. xvii, vi, t. 

On the Date of Christ's Nativity. 


appears that the moon was then totally eclipsed for about 
one hour and forty mmutes. " This," Mr. Hind observes, " is 
a notable eclipse, the Moon passing nearly centrally through 
the Earth's shadow." 


B.C. 5, March 23. 

h. m. 

Partial beginning 6 13 - 

Total 7 16 

Mean Times 

Middle 8 4 


Total ending 8 53 


Partial 9 54 ^ 


B.C. 5, Sept. 15. 

h. m. 

Partial beginning 8 IS " 

Total 9 26 

Mean Times 

Middle 10 21 


Total ending 11 17 


Partial 12 24 


B.C. 4, March 12. 

* Began 



Magnitude .. 

* Began 



18 ■ 

Mean Times 




38 J 



March 13th, 1 a.m. ) Civil 
„ „ 2 18 „ \ Mean 
,, ,, 3 38 „ J Times. 

B.C. 1, January 9, 10, Civil Reckoning. 

h. m. 

First contact with penumbra, Jan. 9th, 10 26 p.m. ") 

First contact with dark shadow, 
Beginning of total eclipse 

Ending of total eclipse 

Last contact with dark shadow, 
Last contact with penumbra 


11 23 „ 

20 A.M. 

1 59 „ 

2 57 „ 

3 53 „ 

Mean Times 


" The Moon at this time was on the borders of the constellations Cancer 
and Leo, making a nearly equilateral triangle with the stars a and y. in 

" I adopt 2'" 20" 53' E. as the longitude of Jerusalem, being that assigned 
in the ' Connaissance des Temps,' 1870, to the Church of the Holy 

100 On the Date of Chrut's Nativifi/. 

Those who would place the bh-th of Christ as early as the 
year B.C. 5, are accustomfed to fix upon the partial eclipse of 
the 13th Mar. B.C. 4, as that which marks the death of the 
Rabbies. But we have already seen that the death of Herod, 
if thus placed in spring B.C. 4, would have taken place before 
the arrival of Cyrenius in Syria. There is no alternative left, 
therefore, if we adopt the historical discovery of Dr. Zumpt, 
but to fix upon the eclipse of the 10th January B.C. 1. Herod, 
therefore, must have died some time in February in the year 
B.C. 1, — two years and four or five months after the birth of 
Christ, if born in autunui B.C. 3. This argument appears to me 
to be conclusive of the whole question, which turns entirely 
upon these two eclipses. If Herod did not die between the 
time of the passover and the eclipse of Jan. B.C. 1, he must 
have died between the time of the passover and the echpse 
of Mar. B.C. 4. But if it can be proved that he could not 
have died so early as spring B.C. 4, it is absolutely certain 
that he must have died some time between the 10th January 
and the time of the following Passover, in the year B.C. 1. 

1. So that the record of St. Luke, that the birth of Christ 
was about thirty years before the 15th Tiberius — 

2. The historical fact that Cyrenius was not governor of 
Judsea till towards the end of the year B.C. 4 — 

3. And the fact, which I shall next proceed to establish, 
that, according to any computation of Herod's reign, he 
could not have commenced his 34th year till after the eclipse 
of March B.C. 4, all which facts are in harmony with each 
other, — combine to show that Herod could not have died so 
early as the month of March in the year B.C. 4. He died 
therefore in the year B.C. 1. 

V. — As TO THE Chronology of Josephus concerning tiie 
Reign of Herod and op Archelaus. 

The question is, Does the cln-onology of Josephus support 
or contradict the testimony of St. Luke ? 

Now Josephus has recorded with great exactness that 
Herod died after reigning thirty-four years, comited from the 
tune when he caused Antigonus, the last of the Asmonean 

071 the Date of Christ's Nativity. 101 

kings, to be put to death ; • that is to say, he died in the 
course of the 35th year of his reign, not complete : and this 
35th year must be computed, not from the time when he 
conquered and expelled Antigonus from Jerusalem, but from 
tlie time when Mark Antony, at his instigation, put Antigonus 
to death. ^ Now the strict mode of computing the regnal 
years of kings amongst the Jews is laid down m Comments 
on the Talmud — Treatise, Rosh Hasshanah, Mishna Surenh : 
vol. ii. p. 300, where it is written, " A king who has reigned 
during the month Sebat, or the month Adar, (that is the 
two last months of the year), has on the 1st of Nisan follow- 
ing completed a year." 

And again — " It was the custom amongst the Jews, in 
their contracts, and all public and diplomatic instruments, 
to add the name of the king, and to count from the year in 
which he began to reign : which year, even if it began in 
Sebat or Adar, ended with the beginning of Nisan. And 
they wrote m contracts, " I have made over to you this or 
that, in the second year of the reign of the king." p. 302. 

Thus the 35th year of Herod was reckoned also as the 1st 
year of Archelaus, and Archelaus began to reckon the second 
year of his reign within two months after Herod's death. 
Particular attention must be given to this precise rule for 
reckoning the reigns of Jewish kings, as it affords the means 
of correctly understanding the chronology of Josephus. 
And by this rule we are compelled to place the beginning 
of the second year of the reign of Archelaus m the same 
year B.C. as the death of Herod — that is B.C. 1, as already 

Josephus goes on to relate, with the same accuracy 
(Wars, ii, vii, 2), that in the ninth year of the government 
of Archelaus, that is to say, in the course of the ninth year, 
Archelaus was banished to Vienna, and his effects sold. 
And again, in another place he states that Cyrenius (who 
had come again as governor of Syria) disposed of the money 
of Archelaus and brought the taxings to a conclusion in 
the 37th year of Caesar's victory over Antony at Actium 
(Ant. xviii, ii, 1). Now the battle of Actium was fought on 

' Jos. Aut. xvii, viii, 2. - Ibid, xv, i, 2. 

102 On the Date of Ckrisi's Nativity. 

the 2nd Sept. B.C. 31, and the 37tli year from that battle 
ended on the 2nd Sept. A.D. 7, so that the sixth fii'st months 
of Archelaus' 9th year were commensurate with the six last 
of the 37tli year of the era of the battle of Actium. This 
date is very precise, and again coincides with the other 
authorities and facts, which place the second year of 
Archelaus and the death of Herod in the year B.C. 1 — 
towards the close of Herod's 35th year. 

It now only remams to show how the first year of Herod, 
counted from the death of Antigonus, should be counted 
from Nisan B.C. 36. 

Josephus relates (Ant. xiv, xvi, 2) how Herod, Avitli the 
assistance of the Roman general Sosius, besieged Jerusalem 
during the sabbatical year B.C. 38-7, and how his army was 
distressed by famine, in consequence of its being the sab- 
batical year. He then tells us that the city was taken, after 
a three months' siege, " on the solemnity of the Fast," that is 
on the fast of the day of Atonement, on the 10th of Tishri, 
in Sept. B.C. 37, in the 185th Olympiad, and when ]\Iarcus 
Agrippa and Caninius Gallus were consuls at Rome. 
Nothing can be more precise than this date for the taking 
of the city and the capture of Antigonus. And, if the reign 
of Herod had been counted fi-om this time, there is no 
doubt that his first year would have been reckoned as B.C. 37, 
and his 34th as beginning in Nisan B.C. 4, fifteen days after 
the ecHpse on the 13th March — still however proving that 
Herod could not have died about that time, because at the 
close of his 33rd year. But Josephus particularly wishes it to 
be understood that his reign did not count from the autumn of 
B.C. 37, but fi'om some later time, that is fi'om the time when 
Antigonus was put to death. For he goes on to speak of the 
covetousness of Antony, whom he calls then* inder, not of 
Herod the king ; and relates how Antigonus w^as retained by 
Antony as a captive, with the intention of his appearing at 
his triumph on his return to Rome. Moreover, he goes on to 
say, that though Antigonus w^as removed from Jerusalem 
by Antony, the Jews had such attachment towards their 
legitimate king, that not even torture could induce them to 
recognize Herod as their king while he wju> alive. At length, 

On the Date of Christ's Nativity. 103 

however, Herod having purchased the good will of Antony 
with a large supply of money, Antigonus was put to death. 
And Josephus concludes — " Thus did the government of the 
Asmoneans cease, one hundred and twenty-six years after it 
was first set up." (Ant. xiv, xvi, 4). 

Now the government of tlie Asmoneans was first set up 
by Judas Maccabeus in the spring of B.C. 162. For Judas 
was besieged in Jerusalem in the sabbatical year 1(J3, in the 
150th year of the Seleucidas — and in the month Adar follow- 
ing, that is in March B.C. 162, he gained a victory over 
Nicanor, and soon after was made high priest (Ant. xii, x, 6). 
If we deduct then 126 years from Nisan B.C. 162, we arrive 
at Nisan B.C. 36 for the first year of Herod after the death 
of Antigonus, 

I cannot conceive how any historian could have more 
accurately laid down the chain of reckoning fi-om the time 
of Judas Maccabeus to the banishment of Archelaus, than it 
has here been laid down by Josephus, — nor how Josephus 
could have fixed the last year of the reign of Herod, and 
the end of the first year, and the beginning of the second 
year of the reign of Archelaus, more precisely than he lias 
done by means of the eclipse of January B.C. 1. 

It is not true then, as stated by the Reviewer, that " we 
may deduce from Josephus that Herod the Great died in the 
spring of the year B.C. 4"; and it is true, that our Lord was 
born either in the autumn of B.C. 3, or the spring of B.C. 2 as 
laid down by St. Luke. 

Accordingly, Clement of Alexandria ^ writes — "Our Lord 
was born in the twenty-eighth year " (that is the 28th year 
of the Egyptian era of the battle of Actium, Aug. B.C. 3-2), 
"when first the census was ordered to be taken in the reign 
of Augustus." — " And there are those who have determined 
not only the year of the Lord's bhth, but also the day; 
and they say that it took place in the twenty-eighth year of 
Augustus, and in the twenty-fifth day of Pachon." — Strom. 1. 

^ Clement is here computing in the Egyptian era of Augustus. The battle 
of Actium was fought in Sept. B.C. 31. But the era of Nabonassar was put an 
end to, and the fii-st Tlioth of the new era of Actium took place in Egypt in the 
XVIth Juhan year, and on the 23th Aug. in the era of Nabonassar 719, that is on 
the 29th Aug. B.C. 30. See " Scaliger de Emendatione Temporum," pp. 453, 454. 

104 On the Date of Christ's Naticitij. 

This then was the tratlition within two hundred years after 
the death of Christ. 


I must not omit to mention that there is another reckon- 
ing of Josephus, and apparently a consistent one, which 
places the years of the reign of Herod one year higher, and 
this has given occasion to much confusion concerning his 
chronology. When Josephus, in his " History of the Je^\'ish 
War," speaks of the deposition of Archelaus, he tells us that 
Archelaus had a dream, when he saw jiine earn of corn, which 
were eaten up by oxen. One of the Essenes interpreted 
- this to mean that he should reign not more than nine years. 

But in his " Antiquities " he relates the same anecdote, 
making the number of ears of corn ten mstead of nine. And 
if liis tenth year was concurrent with the thirty-seventh year 
after the battle of Actium, ' and began in Nisan A.D. 7, his 
first year would of course have begun in Nisan B.C. 3, one 
year earlier than I have placed it. 

Again, consistently with either reckoning, he speaks of 
the seventh year of Herod, (either ending or beginning in 
Nisan B.C. 30,) as concurrent with the year after the battle of 
Actium. And again, in apparent consistency with an earlier 
reckoning of his reign, Herod in his speech on the occasion of 
the pulling down the golden eagle, speaks of the Asmonean 
kings having reigned for 125 years, instead of 126, during 
which they had not done so much for the Jews as he had 
done in a much shorter time. 

Now both the forms of the above anecdote cannot be 
correct. One or other is untrue. And so both these 
reckonings of Herod's reign cannot be correct. One or 
other must be rejected. 

It is easy to see which to abide by, and which to reject. 
For Herod has truly stated that the Asmoneans had but 
125 years within which to effect improvements in the state 
of Judaea, because during the first half of the 12Gth, and 
last year of their government, Antigonus was besieged, and 
' Jos. Ant. xviii, ii, 1. 

0?} the Date of Christ's Nativity. 105 

during the remaining six months he must have been in 
prison. Moreover the first only of these reckonings, which I 
have followed, is consistent with the fact, that Herod's reign 
was computed from the death of Antigonus, not from the 
conquest of that king. 

I have now, I believe, performed my task, as far as 
archaeology is concerned, in fixing the time of the Nativity 
of Christ. But there is another view of this subject which 
I am sure would be interesting to all present, though it is 
too late to enter upon it on this occasion. I mean the con- 
nection of the date of the birth of Christ in the sabbatical 
year B.C. 3-2, with the fulfilment of the predicted " seventy 
weeks" of years spoken of by Daniel, that is of seventy 
sabbatical weeks, counted from the time when Darius, the 
king under whom Daniel lived, was " about threescore and 
two years' old." On this subject perhaps I may be per- 
mitted to address you at some future time. 



By n. F. Talbot, D.C.L., F.R.S. 

Read 1th November, 1871. 

It is a question, which I beHeve has not hitherto received 
any satisfactory answer, whether or not the Assyrians be- 
lieved in the immortaHty of the soul and a future state of 
happiness ? There is nothing, as far as I am aware, m the 
historical inscriptions which throws any light upon this sub- 
ject, but on the clay tablets of the British Museum I have 
found two passages w^hich I thuik indicate their belief wath 
sufficient certainty. They are both prayers for the happiness 
of the King, first upon earth, and afterwards in a future life. 
The fii'st of these inscriptions is unfortunately broken, just 
where it becomes most interestmg, but the second is suffi- 
ciently perfect. 


The first prayer is found in 2 R 38, 45 : I have given 
some account of it in my Assyrian Glossary, No. 143. 

"May the days of the King be long! may his years be 
prolonged ! may he live his life in happiness !" Then follows 
a remarkable passage which evidently refers to a future life 
in heaven reserved for the king. For, having prayed for 
earthly felicity and length of life, the scribe now speaks of 
heaven : therefore no doubt he is asking for a heavenly life. 

>-^^[<T T>^|| ^~^ *'*^i il I i^^''>'^ii shamand rapsutl lihbitu-su, 
the summit of high heaven, "may he behold it!" Here the 
inscription is broken off. 

The only word requiring explanation is Jillifd, whicli I 

Note 011 the Religious Belief of the Assyrians. 107 

derive from the Heb. 132^ 'to behold,' of which the future 
is Z3^2^ and the imperative JDIin ; from which we get the 
optative libit. The verb means ' to behokl ' with the accu- 
sative foHomng. — Job XXXV, 5. Genesis xv, 5. The passage 
of Genesis illustrates and remarkably confirms the explana- 
tion which I have given. " Look now towards heaven and 
tell the stars, if thou be able to number them ; and he said 
unto him, So shall thy seed be!" HD^Dl^/n J^J-^nn, 'look 
now towards heaven!' Here the verb is used exactly as in 
the Assyrian writing — of looking iqy to heaven. Hebrew : 
Ebit ha-shamima ! behold the heavens I Assyrian, in the op- 
tative : (l)ibbita shamami ! may he behold the heavens ! And 
also in the fine passage in Job xxxv, 5, " Look unto the 
heavens and see ; and behold the clouds which are higher 
than thou!" the verb employed is lO^PF as before. 


But the second prayer is far more explicit, and possesses 
uncommon interest. It is published in the new volume of 
British Museum Liscriptions, pi. 6(5, reverse col. HI. 

" Length of days — long lasting years — a strong 
sword — a long life — extended years of glory — pre- 
eminence among kings — grant ye to the King my 
lord, who has given such gifts to his gods ! 

" The bounds vast and wide of his Empire and of his 
Rule, may lie enlarge and may he complete ! Holding 
over all kings supremacy and royalty and empire, may 
lie attain to grey hairs and old age ! 

"And after the gift of these present days, in the 
feasts of the land of the silver sky — the refulgent 
Courts — the abode of blessedness : and in the Light of 
the Happy Fields, may he dwell a life eternal — holy — 
in the presence of the gods who inhabit Assyria !" 

108 Xote on the Religious Belief of the As.'ii/rixms. 

To enable Assyrian scholars to form their own opinion, 
I annex a copy of the Inscription, with Version and 
Notes : — 






^ T^ 



a sword 



>^ h« 


tsiri [buda] 





gabdi rapasti 

of glory extended 



among kings 

ana sar belni 

to the king my lord 

sha annati 

who these things 


Note on the Relifjiuus Belief of the Assyrians. 109 

ana ili-su idaiinu 

^0 Ms gods has given 

!«• ^ --Id '^T AH Sn 5P? T^ 

irka maliida rapasti 

limits vast (and) wide 

11. y; ^y != -^.^^ ^EEy<y i 

ana tabbuli-su 

to his empire 

12. i]^^]'^l 
[and) to his rule 

13. lEiI -<V -ET m V <!- 

lu-tila lu-slialim 

rtiay he enlarge [and) may he complete 

eli sarini malkut 

oi?er [all) kings sovereignty 


tE5S *T <2<<: I t^TTT 

saiTut kussut 

royalty [and) empire 

ebus shabut 

exercising, [to) gray hairs 

n. -t] ^ -^JU !£TTT E<E< m 

labirut lillik 

(awcZ) old age may he attain ! 

YoL. 1. 8 

110 Xoie oil the Reliaious Bel'u'f of the Assyrians. 

18. y >^ <T< ^yyy y^ ^>f ^ ^y< 

Ana mitan taini animti 

In addition to the gift of days these 

mat im kaspa kisalla sliariri 

the land of the silver sky, the courts refidgent 

mun sha barikiti 

tlie abode of blessedness 

21. y -^ivj I *sf- 

ana akiilli-sun 

in their feasts : 

^^- < <l£j 7TW Iffl <^ -W 

u kiriru kliiga 

and the felds delightful 

23. yj ^T ^ .yy<y i ^ 

ana nuri-sun 

m ^^f?r light 

2«- JT-<T- M t?n 

libsi bill da- 
may he dwell a life eter- 

«■ <wi<nf <yri^t£:^^i 

-ara dinka 

-nal holy 

20. ^y<y^^n<T^ 

in the i^resence 

Note on the Religious Belief of the Assyrians. Ill 

27. V -Hf- l^ !^ 

sha ilini 

of the gods 

2«- (T? <H V- ^T X- -V 

asibut mat Assur 

inhabiting Assy^^ia. 



5. Gahdi may be the Heb. "IllD, honour, gloiy. 

6. ^ J 1^ f:yy|[ reshdan or sahlan always means ' the first ' 
or ' greatest '; from *^yy^ resh or sak ' the head ' 
Heb. '\D'^'\, Accaclian sak; but it is often transcribed by 
the word asariddan. 

7. Biiia, Heb. ID or nJD ^/na, give ! [from TD^]. We 
might also render it 'adjudge!' from V'l judicare. 

10. Irka, ends, bounds, limits (generally very remote ones); 
Heb. nD-l\ 

11. Tahbul 'dommatio': this I would derive from Heb. '7V'2. 
dominus, which occurs very frequently in Assyrian. 

12. Dinani, rule; from ]n regere. 

13. Lu-tila. This verb dil or edil 'to enlarge' is found in 
Layard's Inscr., pi. 70, 1. 23. >^ ^V\]^ ^^ ^^11 
mudil 'the enlarger' (of the great national temjjle). 
Lu-salim, u7^ 'to finish' as 1 Kings ix, 2b, "So he " 
finislied the temple." 

16. Sarrut ebus, 'exercising sovereignty' i.e. 'reigning.' 
This phrase is very common, the verb ebus being almost 
always selected to be employed in connexion Avith sarrut, 
billut, &Q,. For instance in Sargon's Cylinder, 1. 35 — " Of 
350 kings who had reigned over Assyria before me, not 
one among them ever thought of doing such great things 
as I have done." Here ' they had reigned ' is expressed 
by billut ebusu *^ JgJJ ^f ^ S^y} -^»- ^y. 
Shabut : see m}' Glossary, No. 193. 

112 Note on the Religions Belief of the Assyrians. 


18. Mitan 'a gift,' is the Heb. ^/ID domim. 

19. ^Jpf- the Sky. Hence .->Jf- j^^ was the god of 
the sky, equivalent to the Latin Jupiter (Horace: 'sub 
Jove frigido,' under the cold sky). This god -<^4f 
wielded the thunderbolt and was therefore a Jupiter 

The sky was divided into four quarters by the Chaldean 
and Babylonian astrologers, and they were careful to 
note in which quarter a phenomenon was seen. These 
quarters had names: but they are often compendiously 
written ^^ f, ^.ft ]]. ^^ ]]]. ^^ ^. 

\< ^jpf. <^][Yi^y .rpj^g j^^j^^l Qf ^1^^ g.j^^^, ^j,^^., ^ 

poetical phrase for ' Heaven.' It suffices to quote Pope's 
well known lines : 

Or ask of yonder argent fields above 
Whi/ Jove's satellites are less than Jove. 

^xxL \<*< >-^y lisalla (see Norris's Dictionary, p. 622). 
In many of the places where kisalla occurs it appears to 
me to mean a Coiu-t or Area. Where some have trans- 
lated it ' Altar ' I think it is rather the court in which 
the altar stood. 

20. >-t^ Mun is the Heb. jli^D ' domicihinn,' often used 
in a very exalted sense, ex. gr. Dei, de templo, Ps. xxvi^S; 
de caelo, Ps. Ixviii, 6 ; Deut. xxvi, 15. (Gesenius). Hence 
the word is very suitable to our passage, where it means 
the Abode {oi Blessecbiess). This sense of J/zm (domicilium, 
habitatio) has been hitherto overlooked in Assyrian. It 
is derived from the Hebrew root V\V habitare. But 
>-t^ Mun also represents the Heb. \M^D from the 
root pN wealth, goods, * commoda vitas,' whi(;h is quite 
difierent from *pi^. This latter significatfon "iM^D has 
alone been noticed by Assyrian scholars, who correctly 
render >-j^^ by 'good things,' 'benefits,' etc., following 
Syllabary 165 .-Jg] ^ ^y| tt] ^]^- 
[iarikili, ' blessedness.' Heli. 713 to bless. 

Note on tlie Relijloas Belief of the Asst/rians. 113 


21. The sign *^^^| sounded akul, as Mr. Smith informs 
me. I think it here means ' feasting ' Heb. ^DN . The 
ancient Germans believed that the spirits of the blest 
dwelt in Valhalla, feasting and drinking nectar in the 
company of the gods. The Greeks and Romans had 
a similar belief. The spirits of heroic and virtuous men 
were admitted to the table of the gods. ' Nee deus 
hunc niensd,^ &c., says Virgil in the fourth Eclogue : 
and Horace 

Jovis interest 

Optatis epulis impiger Hercules. 

22. Kiriru kldga, 'delightfid fields': like the Elysian fields 
of the Greek mythology. Heb. "ID pratum, campus ; from 
root "TID see Schmdler's Lex. p. 892. Furst, p. 692, 
says : ")D "a fat pasture ; a luxuriant meadow." This 
well represents the aa^oheXov Xeifjucova of Homer, the 
abode of the spirits of the blest : 

aiyjra S' Ikovto Kar aa(f)oSe\ov Xeificoua 

evOa re uaiovai, ■>^v')(ai, ethoika Kafiovraiv. 

Oa. «. 13. 

This Assyrian word kiriru demonstrates the accuracy of 
Hebrew scholars in giving HID and not ID as the original 

23. Here the syntax of the Assyrian deserves particular 
remark. They put the substantives first, that are the 
subjects of discourse, mat — kisalla — man — ana akulli-sim, 
instead of ana akulli slia mat, kisalla, man. Again, kiriru 
ana nnri-sun, instead of ana nuri sha kiriru. This syntax 
has the great advantage of presenting the principal 
word first, and therefore more vividly, but it may easily 
mislead one only accustomed to the Latin syntax. In 
the early part of this paper there was an example of 
this syntax : ' the summit of heaven, may he behold it ! ' 
instead of 'may he behold the summit of heaven!' 

24. Lihsi, from hasa 'to dwell': see my Glossary, No. 221, 
Norris's Dictionary, p. 129. (Unless it be the same as 
lihsu ' may he make ' — ). 

114 Note on the Religious Belief of the Assyrians. 


24. Dara., ' eternal.' It will be objected no doubt that this 
word is divided between two lines, contrary to the usual 
custom. But exceptions occur sometimes to this rule. 
For instance in pi. 70 of Layard's Inscriptions, 1. 3, the 
word shanan is divided between two lines, and in 1. 13 of 
same plate ahubanish is dtvided : 1. 13 ends watli ahu, and 
1. 14 commences with banish. 

25. Dlnha is I think the same as damka which is usually 
written in the Accadian form ^Y>- -'^y and is a word of 
constant occurrence meaning holy, happy, prosperous. 
It is also like dunhi which is equally rendered by /Y»~ ^X. 
These may be dialectic variations merely. 

2G. Jhribi sha Hi, 'in the presence of the gods.' The verb 
yip is of great importance in Assyrian : it denotes 
prayer, sacrifice, approach to the gods, and reciprocally 
then* approach to man — their blessing. I have generally 
rendered likrubu Hi ana sar belni-ya by "may the gods 
be propitious to my lord the king ! " Elsewhere we find : 
" may the gods bless or come nigh to {lihrxibu) the city 
of Assur and the land of Assur " [3 R G(3, cols, iv and vi] . 
Schindler renders 21p accessit ad aliquid; appropin- 
quavit : propinquus fiiit : also attigit : adhsesit. Hence 
the reason why I have rendered ikribi sha Hi 'in the 
presence of the gods.' 

Ikribi often means a draioing nigh to the gods with sacri- 
.fice and prayer (Lat. propitiatio). The same idea is found 
often in the Bible. '•'' Draio 7iigh to God; he will draw nigh to 
you." James iv, 8. In feet, p?'o;:)iY«is originally meant 'coming 
nigh ' (from prope and ire, itio). Cicero : ita deos mihi velim 
propitios ! which he elsewhere expresses, Deus occurrit nobis 
in precibifs, in optatis, in votis. So when the gods designed 
to approach their yotaries and listen to their prayers, they 
were said to be prasentes. 

Et V03 agrestum prsesentia iiumina, Fauni. 


IF Kisalla shnriri in 1.19 should perhaps be translated 'bright 
assemblicf^ or crowds, or companies." j\ly reason for 

Note on the Religious Belief of the Assyrians. 115 

attributing such a value to the root KSL rests upon 
the two follo^\^ng passages : — 

1. Oppert's fol. edition of Sargon, p. 16, 1.41 ^ ^j 
>yy \<^ assu kisalla I summoned an assembly [of corn- 
growers : and I bought all the Corn they had, &c. &c.] 

2. Sargon, p. 17, 1. 53, after a description of the buikhng 
of his new city Dur-Sargiua, the king adds: Alsu bani-su, 
mikhrat uksul, I collected its inhabitants ; and I assembled 
a congregation (or 7rav7)<yvpi<;) Heb. J^")pD. This was 
preparatory to a grand thanksgiving and festival to the 
gods. The verb tiksul (I assembled) would give KSL 
'an assembly.' 

% The last line is somewhat fractured ; otherwise the inscrip- 
tion is in excellent condition. 



By "R. Hamilton Lang, H.M. Consul at Laknaca. 

Mead Ith Novemher, 1871. 

To the Duke de Luynes is cine the credit of proving the 
existence of a Cyprian Alphabet, and his vohime, "Nnniis- 
matique et Inscriptions Cypriotes," published in 1852, is still 
the only important work upon the subject. In it was com- 
municated to the public all the Cyprian inscriptions which 
were then known, as well as copies of a large number 
of coins bearing legends in Cyprian letters. From these 
sources the learned Duke compiled a Cyprian Alphabet con- 
taining eighty letters, many of which he considered to be 
homiphones. Since the publication of this work of the Duke 
de Luynes, many more Cyprian inscriptions and coins have 
been brought to light, and it has been my good fortune to 
discover some of the most important of these interesting 
monuments. The materials which have come into my 
possession as connected with this subject are : — 

Ist. A Spatula, in silver, upon which is a Cyprian inscrip- 
tion, consisting of eighteen letters, beautifully perfect. 

2nd. A Bilingual Inscription, upon marble, in Phoenician 
and Cyprian characters, of which the Cyprian portion is 
nearly perfect, and, by a fortunate coincidence, other Phoeni- 
cian inscriptions, found at the same place and time, enable 
us to supply, with considerable certainty, the portions which 
are awanting in the Phoenician text. This inscription was 
uncovered in my excavations of an ancient temple at 
Idalion, in Cyprus. 

On the Discovery of some Ci/priote InscnjJtions. 117 

3rd. All Inscription, upon soft stone, consisting of eight 
letters, also found in excavating the temple at Idalion. 

4th. A very ancient Bas Relief, in hard stone, of a Naked 
Archer, having an inscription in Cyprian letters of three lines, 
found near a village called Salamiou, about fifteen miles 
from Paphos. 

5th. Three very interesting Cyprian Inscriptions, found 
at a place called Drimou, about half way between Soli and 
Ktima. Two of these inscriptions exhibit striking pecu- 
liarities in the formation of many of the letters. They are 
also perfect, which is of great importance. 

6th. An Inscription, in Cyprian letters, found in exca- 
vating a temple at Pila, near Larnaca. 

7th. The Coins contained in two treasures uncovered in 
excavating the temple at Idalion, amongst which we find 
six classes of coins bearing Cyprian legends. 

8th. A variety of fragmentary pieces of Cyprian Inscrip- 
tions, found in different parts of the island. 

The possession of these monuments has led me to study 
the interesting philological questions presented by the 
Cyprian Alphabet, and to examine the materials which were 
possessed by the Duke de Luynes, and the conclusions to 
which he came, both as to the origin of the alphabet and 
as to its reading. Unfortunately, my examination of the 
subject induces me to differ from the conclusions of the 
learned Duke upon the most important points, and it is in no 
spirit of presumption, but from a simple desire after truth, 
that I venture in the following remarks to criticise these con- 
clusions, and to suggest some new ideas upon this subject. 
In examining the different Cyprian inscriptions as yet in our 
possession, remarkable variations in the apparent structure 
of many of the letters are apparent; but I have been able 
to satisfy myself that in most cases these variations only 
indicate the different epochs in which the inscriptions were 
written, or arise from the imperfect knowledge of the graver. 
I think I am able to trace such differences in the inscriptions 
as are found between the manner of writing the English 
characters two centuries ago and that of to-day. Thus, the 
most ancient specimen of Cyprian writing in my possession 

118 On the Discoveni of some Cifj>riote //tficrljitions. 

I conceive to be the inscription over the Bas Relief of a 
Naked Archer, and, perhaps, the most modern, that upon 
the Spatule. Upon some of the inscriptions from Drimou, 
other pecuharities appear. In one there is a letter formed 
thus ^, and upon another we find a letter traced in this 
manner \ . Both these letters appear at first sight different, 
and also would seem to differ fi'om the frequently-found 
letter \^. But a close comparison of the words proves 
beyond dcjubt that all the three letters are one and the 
same, and the differences which appear arise simply from the 
caprice or ignorance of the graver.' 

This is true in regard to many other letters, and in a 
marked way in variations of the letter '^j which we find 
as ^C;) or again ^ ; the general appearance seems different, 
but in reality the letters are the same. Not having suffi- 
ciently observed this circumstance, many letters crept into 
the Cvprian Alphabet of the Duke de Luynes as distinct 
letters, which are really only variations ; and some letters I 
find in that alphabet for which there does not seem satisfac- 
tory proof. I was, therefore, led to compile an alphabet, 
which appears to me to contain all the letters which we are 
justified by our perfect inscriptions in considering as distmct 
letters, and which amount to only 51, as against 80 noted by 
the Duke de Luynes. The learned Duke considered many of 
the letters in his alphabet to be homophones, and of this 
there seems to be little doubt. Thus the differences between 
|- and |- seem l)y a variety of proofs to be small, such 
probably as exists between e long and short in Greek.'-' 

1 The proof of this is found by examination of a group of five letters upon 
two of my Drimou Inscriptions, and upon the Bilingual. For the proof of the 
other variety in the formation of the same letter, sec the repetition of such 

groups as | ^y and ] p, which stand for p* ^J^ and f^ p, so 

comuiou in all inscriptions. 

- From examination of the Tablet of Dali, and comparing the cUffercnt 
•words in its texts, I find that — 

L, L, arc used indiscriminately in words Nos. 26 and 7, 35 and 12, 46 

and 65, and 44 and 92, and 181. 
N^ and ^J^ ajipcar to resemble each other in sound ; by a comparison of 

On the TJiscovery of some Cypriote Inscriptions. 119 

The manner in which I have gro^^ped the letters in the 
alphabet annexed shows at a glance the system upon which 
they are formed. They consist of lines placed in vaiions 
positions. Thus we have what I call simple letters, as [- 
taking the compound forms of }-, ^{^, [7^, &c., and \f 
becoming )^, ^, ^, \^ ; or again, ^ becoming ^, '^, ^, 
and >js,, which I take to be a compound letter formed of 
\/ and '^. I found it to be of the utmost importance 
rightly to apprehend this system of structure, as it explains 
Avitli ease slight variations in the appearance of the strokes, 
which their number and position at once makes clear. 

Of the eighty letters which the Duke de Luynes identi- 
fied, he found that seven resembled Phoenician, twelve 
Lycian, and twenty-seven Egyptian characters. Of the 
seven letters, however, which are thought to resemble 
Phoenician ones, there are only two which are found in 
inscriptions, and the remaining five cannot be made out 
with certainty from the coins. The points of resemblance, 
therefore, between the Cyprian and the Phoenician alphabets 
are very few — fewer indeed than I should have expected, 
seeing that frequently in Cyprian inscriptions mention must 
be made of Phoenician names of people and places.' 

Of the twenty-seven letters which, according to the 
Duke de Luynes, resemble Egyptian characters, I find that 
the resemblance is exact in regard to three,^ and very 
strong in five more,^ but quite fanciful in regard to the 

word No. 63 with Nos. 48 and 44, and reference to the same words would 
lead me to suppose that the letter written \j/ is like \^-\ either in 
power or sound. 

J\ and / y are proved to be the same, from words No. 69 and 114. 

f||l and f7t\ are sho'mi to be identical, from words Nos. 76, 146, and 168. 

J^ and ^1^ would appear to be the same from words Nos. 95 and 192. 

'^ and '7^7 

^^ -^ > appear to represent small differences. 

^ and ^3 

' The seven letters which resemble Pha?nician ones arc Nos. llA, 11, 12, 
14, 39, 52, and 77 : of these only Nos. 11 and 52 are found in inscriptions. 
^ Nos. 7, 8, and 9 of Duke de Luynes' Alphabet. 
3 Nos. 2, 20, 24, 44, and 47. Id". 

120 Ontlie Discover)/ of some Cypriote Inscriptions. 

remainder. Besides, I think any student of languages will 
agree with me, that the structure and principles (if I may 
use the expression) of the Cyprian and the Egyptian 
writing is entirely different; so much so that it seems 
impossible to suppose the former to be derived from the 
latter ; and the difference is as great as that between the 
cmieiform writmg and the hieroglyphic. 

But the relationship between the Cyprian and the Lycian 
letters seems to me much more intimate. A glance at the 
Inscriptions published by Sir Charles Fellows will suffice 
to show that the Lycian wi-iting is a compound of letters 
peculiar to Lycia and others peculiar to Greece ; and we are 
forced to the conclusion that, at the date of the inscriptions, 
the Lyciaiis largely borrowed Greek letters to facilitate them 
in the conveyance of sound by writing. That the letters 
peculiar to Lycia were not engrafted on a Greek alphabet 
we need not stop to show, and may in all safety presume 
that those letters which, in the Lycian writing, are not of 
Greek origin, belong to, and are the remains of, an ancient 
alphabet wliich had ceased to satisfy the wants of the Lycian 
writers. From the various Lycian Inscriptions published by 
Sir Charles Fellows, I have extracted all the letters which 
may not be of Greek origin, and they are as follow : — 

\!7 7\ n: H w^ X \^ + A AV Y 4^ 
x/ ^ ^ jlc T N^ 

Of these letters (in all twenty in number), thirteen are 
identically the same as letters found in Cyprian Inscriptions ; 
while in judging of the remaining seven, it must be remera- 
l)ered that the copies of the most important Lycian Inscrip- 
tions were taken from such a distance as to render it difficult 
to distinguish small peculiarities. Thus >|c may have easily 
been ^|^ making it exactly the same as a Cyprian letter, and 
^ may have been )^, or | , "p. But the strongest feature 
of relationship between the Cyprian and Lycian Alphabets 
consists in the fact, that the structure of the letters of 
the two alphabets is the same. Thus we have, in the 

On the Discovery of some Ci/priote Inscriptions. 121 

Lycian letters above qnotecl^ simple and compound ones, 
such as |-, -["? N/j ^nd |-, /(^, /\, and the letters are formed 
by a certain number of lines in the same way as we have 
shown is peculiar to Cyprian writing. In short, the resem- 
blance between these Lycian letters and others in the 
Cyprian Alphabet is so great, that, had the group which 
they form been found upon a stone in Cyprus, the inscription 
would unhesitatingly have been declared to be Cyprian. 
Indeed I have read that Captain Graves, on finding a 
Cyprian inscription in Cyprus, supposed it to be Lycian, 
from the great resemblance which the characters bore to 
those upon inscriptions that he had assisted to remove from 

The conclusion to which I would come is, that the 
Cyprian and ancient Lycian Alphabets were both derived 
from the same source ; but that [either because they had 
lost the full knowledge of then- ancient language, or found 
that Greek letters were more expressive of the sounds 
to be conveyed] the Lycians engrafted upon their ancient 
alphabet a great many Greek letters, while in Cyprus the 
ancient alphabet was preserved in its original purity and 

Mr. Daniel Sharpe, in his essay upon the Lycian Alphabet, 
says : " The manner of declension of the pronouns and 
nouns, and of the conjugation of the verbs, soon convinced 
me . . . that Lycian was one of that large family of languages 
to which the German Philologists have given the name of 
Indo-Germanic. The abundance of vowels then suggested 
a comparison with the Zend language. The result was the 
conviction that Lycian has a greater resemblance to Zend 
than to any other known language." Should these remarks 
be correct, we may presume that the Cyprian Alphabet is 
also of Indo-Germanic origin. It is generally admitted that 
the Lycian Alphabet expresses a distinct and peculiar lan- 
guage, and that even when Greek letters were largely used 
they did not express Greek words. Supposing a strong 
affinity, which to me appears incontestible, between the 
Lycian and Cyprian Alphabets, is it not probable that the 
Cyprian letters express a language nearly, if not altogether 

122 (hi tin' Discorerii of some Cjipriote I inscriptions. 

the same as that which was used hi Lycia ? Any pro- 
gress, therefore, made in the decyphering of Lycian inscrip- 
tions may be of use in arriving at some knowledge of the 
language which was meant to be conveyed by the Cyprian 

Unlike the Lycian, the Cyprian writing is cl'early proved, 
by the " Tablet of Dali," ' to read from right to left.' The 
Count de Vogiie, m the " Journal Asiatique," says that 
Cyprian writing appears sometimes to be read from right 
to left and at other times from left to right ; but no 
inscription has come under my observation which justifies 
such a supposition — all, without exception, read from right 
to left. Sometimes upon coins the legend reads inversely, 
but this was a frequent error on the part of ancient die- 

Before passing from the letters to the words in Cyprian 
inscriptions, I would remark that three Cyprian letters are 
found in Chaldean inscriptions. Thus, upon a " Signet 
Cylinder of a very ancient King," copied by Professor 
Rawlinson, we find ^. ^, exactly resembling Nos. 20 and 
33 in the Alphabet annexed, and ^J^ very strongly resembles 
No. 24 of the same alphabet. Referring to the Chaldean 
people, the learned Professor says : " Besides the two main 
constituents " (Cushite and Turanian) " of the Clialdean 
race, there is reason to believe that both a Semitic and 
Aryan element existed in the early population of the country 
which ultimately blended with the others." And in another 
place : " The language of the early inscriptions is found to 
contain a considerable Semitic and a small Aryan element." 
]\Iay not the Chaldean letters shown above as resembling 

' This Tablet, published by the Duke de Luynes, was found on an eminence 
a little to the south of the present village of Dali, — the ancient Idalion. 

* For proof of this, sec yl^. -|-, ^, | , g) whieh is divided at lines 
Nos. 4, 16, and 23, and found connected in lines 7, 12, 14. J(f, ^^ ''^ '7^^ 

which is divided at lines 7, and connected at lines 3, 5, 11, and 12. 

•' Since reading this paper to the Society, I have seen at the Louvre a 
Cyprian Inscription which apparently reads from left to right. This justifies 
the statement of tlie Count de Vogiie : but such examples arc very rare. 

Oil flie Discover!/ of aoiuc Cijpriote Inscriptions. 123 

certain in the Cyprian Alphabet, be traces of that Aryan 
element to which the Cypriotes were allied, if we suppose 
the earliest inhabitants of the island to have been of 
Javanian descent ? 

No success has as yet attended the efforts of philologists 
to read the Cyprian writmg. The most pretentious effort 
has been that of Professor Von Roth, who thought to dis- 
cover in the " Tablet of Dali " a proclamation of Amasis 
king of Egypt to the inhabitants of Cyprus. But, not to 
mention other defects, the Professor so arbitrarily and con- 
stantly ignores the clear pointing in the text of the inscrip- 
tion, that his translation must be declared more ingenious 
than correct. The Duke de Luynes felt very confident in his 

reading of the word h' ^ 8 '^ 4=' <^i' h' /^\ 8 "£ +, and 

believed that it stood for Snlamis. Professor Von Roth 
accepted this reading, and both made it the key to their 
studies. Some years ago I felt strongly impressed with the 
conviction that this reading was erroneouSj and as the point 
is of importance I shall endeavour to explain the ground 
of my doubts. The Duke de Luynes, in the preface to his 
work "• Numismatique et Inscriptions Cypriotes," informs us 
that it was the letter ^ found upon a coin attributed by 
Borrell to Menelaus, brother of Ptolemy, which led him 
to connect the whole word |^ ^ 8 '^ -|^ with Salamis, 
" as that prince had hardly ever been able to leave that city, 
being pressed by Demetrius Poliorcetes, who kept him 
besieged within its walls." Now this assumption I conceive 
to be incorrect, as the history of the island at that period 
shows us that Menelaus had perfect liberty in the island for 
at least two years, nor was it likely that he should begin to 
coin gold money when undergoing a siege. Besides, I feel 
inclined to doubt the correctness of the attribution of this 
coin to Menelaus, who was never other than the simple 
representative in Cyprus of his brother Ptolemy, and was 
only left alone in the island while the latter contended with 
Antigonub in Syria and Cilicia. It seems to me, therefore, 
highly improbable tliat Ptolemy allowed his representative 
to coin money which bore no reference to the real possessor 
of the island ; on the contrarv, which bore the initials of one 

1 24 On the Discovery of some Cypriote Inscriptions. 

who was not its possessor. To suppose that Menelaus 
coined snch a money would imply that he had asserted his 
independence, and of such a fact we could not foil to have 
record in history. If genuine, the coin may not the less 
belong to Cyprus, seeing tliat one of the nine kings who 
reigned in the island about the middle of the fourth century 
B.C., may have had the name of Menelaus. Having started 
upon this false assumption, the Duke de Luynes is forced to 
attribute to Salamis all coins bearing the Cyprian letters or 
legend above referred to, and it is mdeed surprising he did 
not perceive that in doing so he was led into great incon- 
sistency. Not only was he obliged to give to Salamis 
eight classes of coins, all dissimilar both in character and 
type, but also to suppose a number of coins as issued by 
confederacies of different to^^^ls in the island, confederacies 
of which we have no knowledge whatever.' 

In referring to coins Nos. 8 to 12 of his Plate No. 3, the 
Duke says, that "their legends mutually complete them- 
selves, and that from all together a Phoenician legend can 
with certainty be made out, which, on being read backwards, 
is found to be " Salamis." I have studied with the utmost 
attention the copies of these corns, but cannot make out a 
Phoenician legend. All the letters upon these corns Avhich 
can be distinguished with precision are Cyprian, and, from 
study of other specimens, I feel sure that that class of coins 
only bears Cyprian legends. But it is remarkable that this 
word, which is read by the Duke de Luynes as Salamis, 
occurs upon nearly all coins bearing Cyprian legends. Thus, 
I find that the full word or part of it appears upon thirty- 
two of the coins published by the Duke de Luynes, and 
further, that it is invariably followed on the obverse or 

' The follovriuf; arc o\ir proofs for tliis statement : — In Plate I of the Duke do 
Luynes, we have to assume a confederacy between Salamis and Amathus, and 
another between Salamis and Lapithus. In Plate III quite a different character 
of coin is given to Salamis, and one amongst them is made to represent a con- 
federacy between Salamis and Paphos. In Plate IV, we have still a different 
class of coins, but they also are given to Salanns. In Plate V one coin is 
attributed to Salamis, in confederation with some unknown town. Plate VI con- 
tains two new types of coins, and both are fathered upon Salamis. Lastly, in 
Plate VII we find another chiss of coins given to Salamis. 

On the Discovery of some Cypriote Inscriptions. 125 

reverse by another word, or letters belonging to another word.' 
This circumstance led me to suppose that [^ ^ 8 '^ ^, 
or '^ ij:, or dp, stood for King — a word which would 
natiu'ally a|:)pear upon the coins of the various kmgdoms 
in the island, and being simply a title, it was to be expected 
that it should be followed by letters or a word giving the 
name or designation of the king. This latter would vary 
upon the cours, while the title did not ; and such we find to 
be the case. 

In the Phoenico-Cyprian inscription, of which the text is 
now shown, we find that the word read by the Duke de 
Luynes as Salamis begms the Cyprian portion. It is re- 
peated with a variant for the fourth letter, and the last 
letter p' was probably carried forward to the beginning of 
the second line. The Phoenician text of this inscription is 
read by my friend Mr. D. Pierides thus : — 

" The .... day of the month . . . . in the fourth year of 
King Melekithan King of Kition and of Idalion, this statue 
was set up and dedicated by om* Lord Baalram, son of ... . 
to om- god Reshep Mikal ; may He (the divinity named) 
hear his voice and bless him." 

It will be noticed that in this there is not the slightest 
mention of Salamis. The word, however, read by the Duke 
de Luynes as Salamis, not only appears, but it is observable 
that it is the oidy word in the Cyprian part of the text which 
is repeated. We naturally examine what word is found 
repeated in the Phoenician part of the text, and find that 
the only word in the Phoenician text which occurs twice is 
the word king ; thus, King Melekithain King of Ketion, &c. 
This evidence, added to the strong presumption from coins 
already dwelt upon, leaves no doubt whatever in my 
mind that the correct reading of the word ^ 'P 8 '^ 4" 
is King. Having arrived at this conviction, we are lead to 
consider what may be the sound of these letters which, 
grouped together, we believe to stand for King. By a 
curious coincidence, the Phoenician word for king forms part 
of the name of the king mentioned in the inscription, and is 
therefore found thus, ^'Melek Melekithain Melek." Had the 

Vol. I. 9 

12G Oil f/i/> Discorerij of some Ciipricte lii.irrij'tiorif. 

Bomicl of the Oyprian letters for king been Melek, the group 
would have l)een found thrice, which apparently it is not. 
But 1 would draw attention to the word read as king in the 
Lycian Inscriptions by Mr. Sharpe. It occurs frequently on 
the obelisk at Xanthus, and once in Inscription No. 23 of 
Plate 30, in Sir C. Fellows' work. We find it copied thus, 
J 'T 8 T' ^^^^i according to ]\Ir. Sharpe, we should pro- 
nounce the word as "sewe" or " shewe." A striking 
resemblance appears to me visible between that group of 
letters and the Cyprian one under consideration. This will 
be evident from the following comparison — 

Cyprian P T 8 "& =l=> ^'^'^ 

Lycian T 8 T i- 

For the first Cj'prian letter the Lycians substituted the 
Greek form of sigma, while the second, third, and fourth 
closely resemble each other in both Cyprian and Lycian. 
Mr. Sharpe says § is always a consonant, and may fairly be 
rendered to. I would suggest that the sound may rather be 
similar to that preserved to us in the b of modern Greek, 
and more nearly represented by v, as modern Greeks say 
Vasikfs for BA^IAETS. We might thus render the sound 
of the Lycian word for king by ""seve," as modern Greeks 
pronounce the first part of Se^aaros ; and this may also be 
the soimd of the Cyprian word which we read as king. 
Reading the first word in the Cyprian portit»n of the text 
as king, I sometimes think that the rest of that line might 

" ]\Ielekithain Ketiou and Idaliou king.*' 

The signs at the end of the third and fourth Cyprian 
words (viz. Sy), the Duke de Luynes considers to be marks 
of punctuation, but I am not inclined to regard them as 
such. From the positions in which they usually occur, I am 
rather disposed to consider them as terminals which indicate 
the genitive case, as " ou " in Greek. The variations in the 
terminals of several words appear to me expressive of the 
case in which they are used. Thus, when we find 
^<< X Is T ^' ''"'^'"' '-^noiher place X X "S: T ^' I 

Oji the Discovery of some Ci/priote Inscriptions. 127 

would suppose the different terminals to indicate a different 
case, as, for example, the former the genitive case and the 
latter the accusative. Again, f^ is a common terminal, and 
may perhaps also indicate a particular case. We find also 
p |- and P' y^ [-, and might conjecture that the latter 
is a plural form of the former. 

The last word in the Bilingual Inscription deserves to be 
noticed. In the Phoenician portion it is rendered " Let him 
be blessed !" And this may be the meaning of the last word 
in the Cyprian text. I would remark that the word occurs 
in the eighth, seventeenth, and tAventy-third lines of the 
Tablet of Dali, followed by a group of two letters, in both 
cases the same. From this I would conjecture that the 
tablet is a collection of sentences, each of which terminates 
with the ejaculation, " Let .... be blessed." After this ejacu- 
lation commences a new sentence, and it is to be noticed 
that in most cases the word " King " figures at the beginning 
of the sentence. 

With these remarks I leave the subject to the study of 
more learned and abler men, in the sincere hope that before 
very long this lost language may be made known to us ; 
and I am certain that when such a result is attained we 
shall arrive at a fuller and better knowledge of much of 
Cyprian history which is now obscure. I shall continue my 
efforts for the discovery of Cyprian inscriptions in the island, 
and I trust that the number may soon be increased of earnest 
philologists, making the Cyprian dialect their especial study. 
In it we have a child long lost both to the sight and know- 
ledge of the world, and I feel confident that more extended 
research will prove that the pedigree of this foundling is of 
more than usual philological interest and importance. 

For the assistance of other students of this question, I would draw atten- 
tion to (~~1 ~r Ijf \y, which appears in the BUingual, and upon the beautiful 
Soli Inscription found by Mr. Grrasset, and pubhshed in the " Journal Asiatique " 
by the Count de Vogiie. The third word in tliis Soli Inscription appears in 
the legend of a coin shown at No. 2 of Plate V, in the Duke de Luynes' 
"Numisniatique et Inscriptions Cypriotes." I would conjecture that the first 
vord in the Soli Inscription stands for " dedicated," or " set up," and the 

128 ()7i the Discovery of some Cypriote Inscriptions. 

third is the name of the dedicator whose coin is above referred to. Was he 
king of Soli? and is that type of coin pecnhar to Soli?" The last word in 
the third line of the Bilingual (p' _P J\ \ /^ is found upon one of 
my Drimou Inseriptions as ( j* p^ ^ ^N/' ^""^ "P"" another from the 
same place as ^ ]|^ '^ ^{^, while fhc first two letters (thus ^ ^'^) 
are found upon a third inscription from Drimou, upon a small inscription from 
the temple at Idalion, and in the few letters of a bilingual inscrijition found by 
the Count de Vogiie, and published by him. The Greek portion of this last 
inscription the Count gires as KAPi^S EI MI, but he could not determine 
anything of the Cyprian. I would suggest that 00 ^^ stands for what is 
ri-ndered in Greek as EIMI. 

'i ' ii'l."T. l„U' i i. ,.' i ■ *1 ti iMtaijM^fc 

The Cypriote Alphabet. 

^81: + ' ^'i^h^l' 'H'^H •\"Jc'F '=^r£'3^ T ^ 8 -s-^^ • ^,^^g 

//i^" liilinatMiI In^foriptivn of Dab- (J(/aJaj.m) 


Cypruir L.Krrs 























































(yftnrif Lt^ttry 






}.ycwj% hett^s. 

(Mhr oonur.f upom- 
I An„lKm- hrm </ 



By G. Smith. 

Read 1th November, 1871. 

The Island of Cyprus lias yielded to the antiquary a 
number of inscriptions on coins, bronze objects and stone, 
wliicli have excited no little discussion among the learned. 
The inscriptions from Cyprus during the time of its native 
kings are of three kinds : — 1st. Greek ; 2nd. Phoenician ; 
3rd. Cypriote. The thu'd class, or Cypriote Inscrij)tions, are 
composed of characters the phonetic values of which were 
until recently undetermined. Now, through the study of a 
bilingual inscription (Phoenician and Cypriote), 1 am, as I 
believe, able to throw some light on this subject. Before, 
however, going into the question of the phonetic values of 
these characters, I will give a sketch of the history of the 
island during the period when these inscri]3tions were in use. 

Cyprus is situated in the Mediterranean Sea, having 
Asia Minor on its north, the coast of Phoenicia on the east, 
and Egypt on the south. In early times it was colonized by 
the Greeks and Phoenicians, and it is first mentioned in con- 
temporary history in the latter part of the eighth century 
B.C., when Sargon king of Assyria having subdued Palestine, 
Syria, and Cilicia, extended his power over the neighbouring 
island of Cyprus. At this time Cyprus was divided into a 
number of petty kingdoms, and seven of its rulers sent 
ambassadors to Sargon at Babylon B.C. 709. After the wars 
and troubles of the time of Sennacherib we find the island 
subject to Esarhaddon king of Assyria, and ten kings of 
Cyprus sent him tribute. 

In connection with the Assyrian dominion in Cyprus, I 
must notice a fine monolith of Sargon, which was found in 
the island, and is now in the Berlin Museum. 

The Assyrian empire, before the close of the seventh 

130 On the Reading of the Ciipriote Inscriptions. 

century, B.C. fell under the combined attack of the Babylonians, 
Medes and Egyptians, and Cyprus then probably became part 
of the empire of Nebuchadnezzar. On the death of Nebu- 
chadnezzar the Babylonian empu-e declined, and Cyprus was 
attacked and conquered by Amasis king of Egypt. Cambyses 
king of Persia afterwards made war A\atli Amasis and con- 
quered Cyprus, which remained under the Persian dominion 
down to the time of Evagoras king of Salamis, B.C. 410. 
Evagoras made a determined effort to throw off the yoke 
of Persia, and endeavoured to unite the island under one 
sceptre ; the internal quarrels of the Cypriots, however, con- 
tinued to give occasion for the interference of the Persians 
down to the time of Alexander the Great. After the death 
of Alexander, Ptolemy Lagus, one of his generals, "uho 
obtained possession of Egypt, made a descent upon Cyprus 
about B.C. 315, and conquered the island. 

From this time the mdependence of Cyprus entirely 

The remarkable Inscriptions fi'om the Island of Cypras 
attracted the attention of an able French scholar, the Due 
de Luynes, who in 1852 published a valuable memoir on the 
subject. In this work, he gave fac-similes of all the known 
inscriptions in the Cypriote character, and an able discussion 
of the texts. Reviewing the inscriptions on a considerable 
number of Cypriote coins, he came to the conclusion that 
the characters upon them represented the names of the cities 
to which the coinage belonged, and comparing the characters 
on the coins with the inscription on a bronze plate discovered 
at Idalium, he further supposed that he recognised the name 
of Salamis, one of the principal Cypriote towns, on that 
inscription also. 

Now that we have a bilingual inscription, we are enabled 
to see that these conjectures were not correct, but the work 
is still of considerable value on account ot the beautifully 
executed plates of Cypriote Inscriptions. 

Following in the steps of the Due de Luynes came the 
memoir of Dr. Roth on the Bronze Tablet of Idalium. This 
author attempted to translate the inscription in question, 

On the Reading of the Ciiprlote Inscriptions. 131 

which he believed to be a proclamation of Amasis king of 
Egypt to the Cyprians whom he conquered. This supposed 
translation, founded on the conjectures of the Due de 
Luynes, is equally incorrect. General Cesnola, American 
Consul at Larnaca, recently made some excavations at 
Golgos, in the middle of the Island of Cyprus ; in that 
neighbourhood, and particularly in the Temple of Venus, 
he discovered many fine works of art, and a considerable 
number of inscriptions. With great liberality General 
Cesnola placed his copies of these inscriptions in the hands 
of your president, Dr. Birch, under whose directions I made 
copies of them for the British Museum. At the time I 
made these copies I compared all the texts I knew of, and 
made an attempt to solve the problem of the phonetic 
values of the Cypriote characters. In this attempt I entirely 
failed, as the materials then at hand did not supply me with 
any clue as to the nature of this system of writing. 

At the same time Mr. Lang, now appointed British Consul 
at Larnaca, was excavating at Daly, the site of the ancient 
Idalium, and found, among other important treasures, a 
broken block of stone, with part of a Bilingual Inscription, 
one version being in Phoenician and the other in Cypriote. 
Mr. Lang has now offered his collection to the British Museum, 
and the antiquities are provisionally deposited there. I have 
thus had the opportunity of studying this important inscrip- 
tion, and I find in it the key so long desired to the Cypriote 
writing. I first made a copy of the inscription, which I did 
not find easy, on account of the worn state of the stone, and 
I afterwards compared the two versions in order to read the 
Cypriote from the Phoenician. The Phoenician inscription, 
which I understood had already been deciphered, relates the 
dedication of some ofFermg in the fourth year of Melekyaton 
king of Kitium and Idalium. Now, Melekyaton reigned 
about the year B.C. 370. The Bilingual Inscription was 
defective of the first line of the Phoenician text, only the 
words " in the fourth year of the king Melekyaton " re- 
mained ; but I restored the text by the aid of three other 
published inscriptions, and then searched in the first line of 

132 On the Reading of the Cypriote Inscriptions. 

the Cypriote version for the equivalents of the Phoenician 
words kin^, Melekyaton, Kitinm, and Idalium. Now, tlie 
defective state of the C^'priote version, and the fact that the 
Cypriote Avords did not foKow each other in the same order 
as the Phoenician, gave me some difficulty, and I made 
several mistakes and false starts in my endeavours to dis- 
cover the clue. These I need not trouble the meeting with, 
but come at once to the discovery. The portion of the first 
line of the Cypriote which is preserved is divided by dots 
into five groups of signs, each of Avhich represented a Avord; 
the first and last group evidently represented the same word, 
as they only dilfered in one character, which I considered to 
indicate a difference of case-ending. The two groups in 
question I equated with the Phoenician word Melel; meaning 
king. The second word in the Cypriote is the longest of 
the five, and this I supposed to be equivalent to the name 
Melekyaton in the Phoenician. The third and fourth words 
in the Cypriote both end in the same two characters, indi- 
cating that they are in the same case, which case I conjec- 
tured to be the genitive, and consequently identified them 
with the two words Kitium and Idalium On comparing the 
characters in these words, I foimd these conjectures to 
be correct, but it will be seen that the words Kitium and 
Idalium precede the Avord king in the Cypriote but follow it 
in the Phoenician. I now proceed to the identification of the 
values of the characters. The word in Cypriote which I 
fixed upon for the name of Melekyaton has seven characters, 
while the Phoenician Avord has only six. I, hoAvever, at 
once saAV that the last character in the Cypriote was a very 
common case-ending; the other six characters then agree 
letter for letter with tlie Phoenician Avord, and giA'e the 
values of six Cypriote signs. Passing on to the group 
which I identified Avith the name of Idalium, I noticed, of 
course, that the letter I occurs in the Phoenician as it does 
in the name of ]\Ielekyaton, an examination of the Cypriote 
group shoAved likcAvise that the character equivalent to I in 
Melekyaton is also in the name Idalium. I next found, by 
comparison of this group Avith the inscription on the Bronze 

On the Reading of the Cypriote Inscriptions. 133 

Tablet from Iclalium, that the whole of the fourth group 
under consideration did not belong to the name of Idalium, 
the first character being the conjunction, the representative 
(although not the phonetic equivalent) of the Phoenician 
1 vau ; then after separating the last two characters, which 
form the case-ending, there remained thi-ee essential signs for 
the name Idalium, these I found to be E-da-li. The vowel in 
Phoenician, which is represented by the *» yod, is here absent 
as a distinct character, being represented by an inherent 
vowel in the preceding character. This confirmed me in an 
opinion I had long held, namely, that the Cypriote system 
consisted of a syllabary, each consonant having about three 
forms, the whole number of characters amounting to between 
50 and 60. The name of Kitium commences in the Phoe- 
nician with k, and a k sound is the third character in the 
name of Melekyaton, but on comparing the second and third 
groups in the Cypriote version, I found that the same k was 
not present in both cases ; this I accounted for on the sup- 
position that the one in Melekyaton was the character repre- 
senting ka, and the one in Kitium the representative of ki. 
The other words I had to deal with were the two forms of 
the word king, the first of these is evidently, both from the 
reading of the equivalent Phoenician and from its position 
in the inscription, in the genitive case ; now the difference 
between this word in the genitive and in the nominative, as 
seen by comparing the first and last groups, is, that the 
penultimate character is altered. On reviewing the words 
in neighbouring languages which have the meaning king, 
and comparing each with the conditions of the case, I came 
to the conclusion that the Cypriote word for king was 
basileus, the same as the Greek, and that the penultimate 
characters in the two forms of this word were the vowels 
and u. I thus obtained, with more or less certainty, the 
phonetic values of eighteen of the Cypriote characters, and I 
tried by means of this help to decijDher the remainder of the 
inscription. Unfortunately the parts of the Cypriote inscrip- 
tion which contained the rest of the proper names were 
mutilated, so that I could not get much additional aid from 

134 On the Reading of the Ciiprlote In<<criptlons. 

the other names, and I was not m a position to translate 
without knowing the phonetic values of more of the signs. 
I then turned my attention to the coins which I knew 
must contain many proper names. In my study of the coins 
I used the work of the Due de Luynes, already referred to, 
and a small but interesting pamphlet written by Mr. Lang, 
which had formed the substance of a communication made 
by that gentleman to the Numismatic Society of London. 
1 found, on making a thorough examination of all the coins, 
that by comparing them with the other inscriptions I could 
decipher the legends, and add some characters to those I 
had already discovered, and in giving an account of them I 
shall, as nearly as possible, take them in the order in which 
they are given by the Due de Luynes. We have first a 
series of coins havmg a ram on the obverse ; they may be 
subdivided according to the device on the reverse into two 
sub-types, a and h, one having a ram's head the other a 
cross surmounted by a circle on the reverse. Type a having 
the ram's head on reverse, contain on the obverse the name, 
which I found to read E-u-a-go-ra, and which I at once 
identified with Evagoras, who ruled over a considerable part 
of Cyprus, and was the greatest king of the country; his 
reign extended from B.C. 410 to 375. On the reverse they 
contain the title of Evagoras, basileus, or, as in some cases 
only, an abbreviation of that word. Type b I found to 
contain a different name, E-u-e-1-ta-s, almost the same as the 
Evelthon king of Salamis mentioned by Herodotus ; but I 
cannot ascribe these coins to that monarch, as the initial on 
the back, which is A, leads me to the opinion that they 
belong to the town of Amathus; the coin numbered 23 in 
]\Ir. Lang's list is an excellent specimen of this type. The 
type of coins represented by the Due de Luynes on his 
second plate, Avhich type has a lion and eagle on obverse, 
is not clear enough to be deciphered, only one character 
in the legend ti can be read. On Plate 3 he gives anotlier 
type, having on the obverse a bull with a winged figure 
above ; this type gives the name of a king, which reads 
Sa-da-stara. Another type is figured on Plate 4, having 

On the Reading of the Cypriote Inscriptions. 135 

Hercules on the obverse ; these all bear the legend of 
Evagoras, and some have his initials in Greek beside. In 
Plate 5, the Due de Luynes has given other types of coins. 
The inscription on the first I can read, with some doubt, 
" Basileus Teukros kas Papieus," or " Teukros king of 
Paphos." The second coin in this plate bears the inscription 
"Basileus Stasioikas," "KingStasioikos," — a monarch bearing 
this name was the last king of Marium, and was conquered 
by Ptolemy Soter, Among the coins figured in Plate 6, 
there is one (No. 3) of some interest. The coin fi:om which 
it is copied is in the collection of General Fox ; the device 
on the obverse is the figure of a seated sphinx, and on it 
are the characters of the name Idalium. Now, in the 
pamphlet to which I have before referred, Mr. Lang, in 
page 8, has thrown out the suggestion that the coins bearing 
the sphinx for obverse belonged to Idalium; this conjecture 
now proves to be true, by the reading of this geographical 
name on the coin of General Fox. 

I must now give some account of the inscription on the 
Bronze Tablet, discovered on the site of Idalium, published 
in the work of the Due de Luynes. This inscription consists 
of 31 lines of Cypriote writing, and is the longest text 
known in that language. 

I have tried to translate it, but I found I did not know a 
sufficient number of the words to make out a fair reading of 
it. 1 did, however, find in it some names and words. 

On the first line are the names of the cities of Idalium 
and Kitium, and the name of a person called Pythagoras. 
The king in whose time the document was composed bears 
the name Stasiagoras, and rules at a place named Agotal,^ 
the locality of which is unknown to me. Several former 
monarchs appear to be mentioned, but I cannot identify 
them with any Cypriote rulers known to history. Among 
the few words I made out on this inscription was the per- 
sonal pronoun, first person singular, anuku, which occurs on 
the second line of the tablet. 

' I now doubt if Agotal represents any locality, it is most probably cither a 
■word for city, as suggested to me by Dr. Birch, or the name of a temple. 

136 On the Heading of the Ci/priote Inscriptiuns. 

After studying the Bronze Tablet, I turned my attention 
to the shorter Cypriote inscriptions in Mr. Lang's collection, 
and discovered on one of them the name Stasioikos, which I 
had already found on the coins. I now re-examined the 
Bilingual Inscription, and gained from it what I believe to 
be the name for son ; it is ttigotu : ' it occurs in a passage 
which I completed from a comparison of the Phoenician and 
Cypriote versions ; the passage reads : " Balram Yapti-miliki 
tagotu," or " Balram Yaptimilik's son." This word I after- 
wards found on three other votive mscriptions. 

I must now describe the Cypriote syllabary. The number 
of distinct characters in the Cypriote inscriptions appears to 
be about 54, of these, twelve characters at least are used to 
represent the vowel sounds. These twelve signs do not, I 
think, represent distinct letters, but six of them appear to be 
used for the vowels a, e, t], i, o, u, and the other six for 
accented or lengthened forms of the same letters. There 
are about 42 signs to represent the consonants, and, at 
the rate of three forms for each letter, these would make 
about 14 consonants. Each consonant sign represents the 
sound of its particular consonant in connexion with a vowel 
follo's\dng it, and these inherent vowel sounds roughly cor- 
respond to a, ^, and u. Thus, one character has the .sound of 
ka, another of ki, and another of ku. In one case, that of 
the letter s, there is a form representing the letter, without 
any vowel termination; this form is only used as a final 
letter. In the case of the letter k, beside the three forms 
already mentioned, I have provisionally given the sound of 
k to a character, the phonetic value of which I have been 
unable to make out ; this character occurs in the word and, 
which I conjecturally read ka, and in the word of, which I 
read with equal doubt kas. 

There is considerable variety in the manner of writing 
some of the characters, and this variation has led former 
investigators to suppose that the nmnber of phonetic signs 
is larger than it really is. 

With reference to the language of these inscriptions, 

' Tagotu ; tliis conjecture I now think to be erroneous. 

On the Beading of the Ci/priote Inscriptions. 137 

I regret to say that there is not yet sufficient ground for 
pronouncing a decisive opinion. The nouns appear to have 
been dechned in Cypriote in a similar manner to the Greek 
and Latin. Three examples from the Bronze Tablet I have 
arranged here, they are forms of the word Idalium. The 
first termination, which I read 07i, appears to be the genitive 
singular ; the second one, which I read eis, appears to be the 
genitive plural; and the third one, which I read ei, appears to 
be the dative singular. Other words are declined in a 
similar manner, but with such variations as show that there 
were at least three different declensions. Of these, the first 
ends in us in the nominative, and os in the genitive, an 
example of which is Basileus. The second merely adds s in 
the nominative, and u in the genitive. The third ends in on 
in the genitive, but I have not yet detected an instance of 
the nominative of this declension. A consideration of these 
case-endings leads to the opinion that the language was 
allied to, although not the same as, the Greek, 

A review of the proper names which I am able to read 
at present shows that some of them are derived from the 
Phoenician, while others equally show a Greek tendency. 
On the whole, I should say that the Greek influence was 
the stronger of the two. The word anukii, which I now 
believe to be a personal pronoun, first person singular, if it 
should be hereafter confirmed by other instances, will show 
a Semitic element in the language. 

In conclusion, I woidd say I think we are all much 
indebted to Mr. Lang for the discovery of the Bilingual 
Inscription, Avhich has formed the principal subject of my 
paper, and I think that inscription one of the most important, 
if not the most important, of the objects of antiquity dis- 
covered in Cyprus. And I must myself tender my thanks 
to your president, Dr. Birch, without whom I should have 
done nothing in the matter; he encouraged me to persevere 
when I despaired of success, and, by lending me books for 
comparison, did what he could to assist my researches. 

138 On the Reading of the Cypriote Inscription;^, 

Part of the First Line of the Bilingual Inscription, 

Restored from other Texts. 


1 i d A II . i t K . k 1 in . 11 t i k 1 M . k 1 in 1 
Idalium ^ Kitium king Melelyaton king of 

. iff^'i^^ . F^hOxST • H^:7^8'S:* 

u-o-it-iK s -iiii-at- i -ak-il-i]\l s - o-el-is-al) 

Kitium Melekrjaton king of 

s-u-el-is-ab u-o-il-ad-E * 

king Idaliuni 4" 

List of Names and Words read besides these. 

2- >KT);(;)S E-v-a-go-ra[s], Evagoras. 

3- ^ -r ^ >0 S ^^^ Pi-tu-a-o-o-ra-u, Pythagoras. 

4- V h 'S. ^ >0 9 P Sa-ta-si-a-go-ra-s. Stasiagoras. 

5- V h ^ -^ X A ^$^ Sa-ta-si-o-i-ku-ii, Stasioikos. 
6. >KTr8F(F)P E-v-i-l-ta-s, Evelthon. 

''• X^TT^A^J^ A pa-ti-mi-li-ku-u, Ahdamclek. 
8. X /" A SSS A-nu-kii-u. 

Case-endings of the word Idalium exhibited. 
>j< I- ^ ^ SSS E-da-li-o u, Edaliou. 
>K h^>K I f^ E-da-li-e-i-s, Edalieis. 
>K I- ^ >K X E-da-li-c-i, Edaliei. 

On the Reading of the Cypriote Inscriptions. 139 

Supplement, Nov. 13th, 1871. 

I have thought it advisable, in order to give Students 
the opportunity of working on the Cypriote Inscriptions, to 
give a detailed account of the values of the characters, so 
ftir as I have made them out. A few days further considera- 
tion have altered my views on some points, which I will now 
indicate in the following commentary on the Cypriote 

1. d^ ba. I have given this character the value ba, as it 

commences the word for king, which I believe to be 
basileus. I have not fornid this sign in any proper name, 
and consequently have not had an opportunity of test- 
ing its value. It is a coincidence that the similar form 
in cmieiform ^ has the value pa. 

2. 'v. si. This character occurs in the two proper names, 

Stasiagoras and Stasioikos, given above, as well as in 
the word basileus. Stasiagoras is found in line 2 of 
the Bronze Tablet, and Stasioilvos on the coin published 
by the Due de Luynes, p. 5, No. 2, and on an unpublished 

3. 3 l^- The value of this character is shown by two pas- 

sages on the Bronze Tablet, where it interchanges with 
C, which is used for I in Melekyaton and Idalium. 
These passages on the Bronze Tablet commence in 
lines 9 and 22. There is a difference of case m the 
two instances which alters the word i^i § ^ ^ to 
^ ^/ /K* 8 i^ ^1^0 found in the name I identify 
with Evelthon ; in this case the I is followed by two <'s. 
Taking example by the Lycian, I suppose this indicates 
that the sound of the t immediately follows the I without 
any intervening vowel, 

4. ^ 0. This character occurs in Stasioikos and in the 

word fj^ ^ y\ ^ o-i-k-i (Greek olxoa, a house), the 
meaning of which was pointed out to me by Dr. Birch ; 
it is found in Bronze Tablet, line 6. 

140 On the Reading of the Cypriote Inscriptions. 

5. \^ s (final). So far as I know, this cbaractf-r is always 
final, and there can be little doubt that it is s. 

G. nr wn". The sountl of this character is shown by the fact 
that it commences the word which is the equivalent of 
the Phoenician Melekyaton, and by its occurrence in the 
bilingual phrase (Greek and Cypriote) published by the 
Comte de Vogue, " Jom*nal Asiatique," Jime, 1868. There 
is much doubt about the fii'st tlu'ee Cypriote charactei's 
in this plnasc, but the last word, ejni, in the Greek 
(meaning, "I am") is exactly reproduced by the 
Cypriote ^j^ '][^ emi ; this is an additional argument 
in favom- of the Cypriote being allied to the Greek. 

7. ^ li. I have fixed on this value from the occurrence of 

the sign in the names Melekyaton and Idalium. The 
name of Idalium occurs not only on the Bilingual In- 
scription, but on a coin of General Fox, Due de Luynes, 
p. 6, No. 3 ; on the Bronze Tablet four times, in 
lines 1, 2, 28, and 31 ; and on the Bronze Instrument 
figm-ed, Due de Luynes, p. 10. Idalium m the third 
instance on the Bronze Tablet loses its initial vowel, the 
name is in combination with the preceding word, and 
the inherent vowel of the preceding sign answers for 
the initial vowel in Idalium ; there are other instances 
of this peculiarity. On the Bronze Instrument the 
initial ^j^ E, is altered to S^^ U, probably fi-om some 
law of euphony, on account of its following the vowel 

X ^ 

8. j]Q ka. The k sound is given in the name of Melekyaton. 

9. ^' This sign corresponds in Melekyaton to the 

other cases. 

Phoenician *^, and occm"s as an evident vowel sign in 

10. |— ta. This character is a t in ]\Ielekyaton and in 


11. ^ nu. '^I'his sign corresponds to n in Melekyaton. 

On the Reading of the Cypriote Inscriptions. 141 

. <^ ki. This cliaracter is found as a k sound in Kitium, 
which occurs not only on the BiKngual but on the 
Bronze Tablet, line 1, and in an inscription from a 
tomb near Paphos. 

. ^ ti. Occurs in Kitium, and the proper name 
TCDT^^I^ Ti-o-ka-ro-o-siTevkxoB). This name 
I read conjecturally on the coin, Due de Luynes, p. 5, 
No. 1, and I then read the name of his kingdom 
Paphos. Since that I have copied the inscriptions 
published by the Comte de Vogiie in the " Journal 
Asiatique." There, in a tomb-inscription from the 
vicinity of Paphos, I found the names of the same king 
and kingdom, which I thought at the time a confirma- 
tion of my reading of the word Paphos ; but the title 
" King of Kitium " occurs at the same place, and I have 
doubts about the initial character in the supposed word 
Paphos. The tomb inscriptions near Paphos prove 
that the Cypriote characters were sometimes written 
from left to right ; as this form is easier to read, I have 
adopted it in most of my present examples. 

, _v 0. This is a vowel sound found in hasileos as a 
variant of _^, it is also found as the article (Greek o) 
in Genealogies, where the word son is omitted, thus : — 

Pa-si-o-i-ku-s o Sa-da-si-o-i-ku-n, Pasioikos son of Sta- 
sioikos. On mentioning this to Dr. Birch, he pointed 
out to me the close analogy of this form to the Greek. 

, ^y u. This character is almost always used as a final, 
it appears to indicate in general the genitive case. 

. ^3? ^'^^ The value of this character is very doubtful ; it 
expresses the conjunction, and I have therefore given 
it conjecturally the value ka. In the case of the 
bilingual phrase (Greek and Cypriote), the first 
Cypriote character which should correspond to the 
Greek Ka, is ^ ; this I suspect is an error for '^. 
Two forms, ^ f^, which I consider variants of the 

. same character, may, however, be distinct signs. 

Vol. 1. 10 

142 On t/te. Read'uKj of the Ci/priote Inscriptions. 

17. y^ e. The initial character in Idalium, Evagoras, and 

Evelthon, and the equivalent of the Greek e in /^ ^ 
eyu-t, a word of which there are at least tlu'ee examples 
ui (yjpriote. 

18. |— da. This sign is d in Idalium. There appears to 

have been only a slight difference in Cypriote between 
d and t. \- ^^^ h" ^PP®'^^' 'to interchange in some 

19. ^ n. This character is u in Evagoras, Evelthus, 

Basileus, &c. 

20. )|( a. This character is taken fi-om copies of the coins 

of Evagoras. I suspect it is only a bad copy of '^ : 
at any rate it represents the vowel a. 

21. J) go. This sign is found in Evagoras, Stasiagoras, 

and Pythagoras. 

22 ^ ra. Is also found in these three names. 

23 ^ jn. This character, the initial sign in Pythagoras, 

is also found in the name I conjecturally read as 
Paphos y{ OK T P Pa-pi-e-u-s. 

24. -j- tu. This sign, the second character in Pythagoras, 

appears in another instance to uiterchange ^\dth ^. 

25. ^ a. The names Pythagoras, Stasiagoras, and pro- 

bably Evagoras, contain this element. 

26. V •''■''• This character is the initial sign in Stasiagoras 

and Stasioikos. 

27. y(^ i. The vowel i is represented by this sign in 

Stasioikos and oikos (see No. 4). 

28. yV ^'^- This sign is k in Stasioikos, oilcos, and Abda- 


29. J ^. This letter has the sound of i or e in Evelthon ; 

it also occurs with a vowel sound in some case-endings 
of the words Kitium and Idalium. 

On the Reading of the Ciipriote Liscrlptions. 143 

30. pj^ a. This is a vowel sound, the initial character in 


31. (^ X. This character appears in the copy of the 

bilingual phrase (Greek and Cypriote), Avith the 
apparent value x: it is doubtful. 

32. /^ Apparently a vowel ; it looks like a variant of No. 42. 

33. Q /;«(?), Occurs on the Bronze Instrument, Due de 

Luynes, p. 10, in part of a word which appears to be 

3 4. Qp A very rare character ; there is no clue to its value. 

35. vy te(?). Appears to interchange with |— in an un- 

I^ublislied inscription. 

36. )^| ^■z(?) I suspect this to be a variant of No. 12. 

37. )J Rare character; value unknown. 

38. (\^ le{?) or si. Appears to be a variant of § or ^ . 

39. ^ May be another form of the last character. 

40. )^( pa(?) or a. I at first gave jja (in Paphos) as the 

value of this character ; but according to a copy of 
one inscription it interchanges with ^j^ a. I however 
suspect the character /^ to be a mistake for y«^, 
which I find to be another form of )^(. 

41. )y\( a. Rarely used; it represents a on some coins of 


42. ),( a. Rarely used ; appears to be a variant of the last 


43. )'( i. Probably a variant of No. 27 X- 

44. ~[~ pe. To this character I at first attached the value 

7n, but I found it to interchange with ^ in the Paphos 

45. NJ/ Value unknown ; common character. 

46. ^ Value miknown. 

144 On the Reading of the Cypriote Inscriptions. 

47. )^ Value unknown. 

48. ^ Value unknown. 

49. ^^ A^owel sound ; interchanges ■s\'itli ^. 

50. ^ Sound unknown. 

51. (j) o(?). I think this is usually ^\Titten Q7> ^^^ ^^ ^ 

in some case-endingg. 

52. |y^ One copy makes this interchange with "p", but I 

suspect an error; the character is probably a vowel 
sound, and in a verb which occui's several times it is 
once omitted and once replaced by ^ u. 

53. ^ Sound unknown: probably the sign of the number 


54. "^ Xa(?) or m(?). May be a variant of ^ or ^, 

and is in some copies of inscriptions wTitten for 'T^. 



Mead hth December, 1871. 

MoN Cher et Savant Abii, 

Depuis vingt ans j'ai, a deux reprises, essaye de fixer la 
position de ces trois localites Bibliques ; la premiere fois, 
c'etait dans mon voyage autour de la mer Morte ; la seconde, 
dans un memoire special publie par la " Revue Archeolo- 
gique francjaise." Les arguments peremptoires que j'avais 
reunis, ne me paraissant pas avoir ete pris en consideratiod 
suffisante, je reviens une troisieme fois a la charge, comme si 
je m'acquittais d'un devoir respectueux envers ce que je 
crois la verite. Je suis d'ailleurs pousse a le faire par la 
lecture du beau memoire de M. le capitaine Wilson, sur la 
mer de Galilee. Ce memoire est insere dans le precieux livre 
intitule : " Recovery of Jerusalem," livre dont la publication 
toute recente est une veritable bonne fortune pour tons les 
amis de I'archeologie Biblique. 

Enfin nous possedons, grace a ce livre, une bonne carte du 
lac de Genezaretli et des pays enviroimants. (') Honneur 
done a M. Anderson pour son excellent travail topographique, 
qui va nous mettre k meme de discuter la question qui nous 
preoccupe, comme si nous etions sur le terrain. 

La mer de Galilee, lac de Genezaretli ou de Tiberiade, a 
porte cl'abord le nom de mer de Kenrouth ou de Kennereth, 
et sans aucun doute, elle avait re^u ce nom d'une place im- 
portante qui se trouvait k proximite immediate. Ce nom, 
nous le lisons deja parmi ceux des villes de Palestine, sou- 
mises par le Pliaraon Tonthmes III. De plus, I'ecriture 
sainte mentionne Kennereth comme une ville de la tribu de 
Nephtali. Du nom Kennereth est cevtainement venu le nom 

(1) Mallieusement cette carte si exacte n'est pas sufEsamment bien imprimee ; 
les noras de lieu y sont cliiBeilcment lisibles, parce qu'ils sont mal venus, et ecrils 
en caracteres veritablement microscopiques. 

146 Lettre au Ires-Reverend Doyen cle ^Ve.<<tnun■^ter, sur le 

" Geuezaretli," cle la delicieuse petite plaiue si bien decrite 
par Joseplie, le Rlioueyr de nos jours. La ville qui a legue 
son nom a la plaine en question et au lac voisin, devait en 
bonne logique etre h, bien grande proximite de cette plaine 
et de ce lac. C'est la une conclusion qu'il n'est guere possible 
d'eluder ; il nous faudra done retrouver le site de Kennereth, 
et cela fait, nous aurons un point certain du territoire de 

Tiberiade, aujourd'hui Thabarieh, appartenait au territoire 
de Zabulon : le fait est hors de doute. Des lors la limite des 
territoires de Zabulon et de Nephtali passait entre Tiberiade 
et le point le plus eloigne, au nord, de la plaine de Kennereth 
ou de Genezareth. C'est encore la un point si log-iquement 
etabli, qu'il n'y a pas possibilite de I'eluder. 

Julias, la capitale de la tetrarchie de Philippe, le fils 
d'Herode, etait sur la rive droite du Jourdain. Josephe par 
les details de ses recits le prouve, et Ptolemee en fait autant, 
puisqu'il mentionne Julias parmi les villes principales de la 
Galilee. Ce fut le village Biblique de Beth-Sayda qui devint 
la capitale Julias : nouveau point hors de doute. Done les 
mines d'et-Tell n'ont rien de commun avec Beth-Sayda- 
Julias, puisque ces mines informes sont fort loin du lac et 
sur la rive orientale du Jourdain. Cela, soit dit entre paren- 
theses, exclue la possibilite d'attribuer le nom de Beth- 
Sayda, " maison de la peche," a la localite antique que 
representent les mines d'et-Tell. Une ville comme Julias, 
devenue la capitale d'un prince puissant, qui voulut y etre 
enterre dans le sepulcre qu'il s'y etait fait constmire a gi-ands 
frais, n'a pu disparaitre, sans laisser de traces. II faut done 
encore la retrouver et nous devons la retrouver. II n'en pent 
etre autrenient d'une ville pour dire Romanisee par un 
souverain dont les monnaies portent I'effigie de I'Empereur, 
son suzerain avoue. Mais Philippe etait Juif ; ses sujets 
etaient Juifs : la presence d'une synagogue soinptueuse dans 
sa capitale etait done, pour ainsi dire, d'absolue necessite. 
Nouveau point que je ne crains pas de voir revoquer en doute. 

Julias pouvait-elle etre sur le bord du Joui'dain ? A cette 
question, la reponse — Xon, est forcee. En effet, Josephe dans 
le recit du combat oil il fut blesse, avant d'etre transporte a 

Site (le C'lpJiarnaum, de K/iora~i/)i, ct de Beth-Sai/da (Jidias). 147 

Capliarnaura, dit nettement qu'il avait poste ses troupes en 
avant de Julias, et que c'est dans le terrain marecageux qui 
couvi-ait cette ville a Test, que son clieval s'abattit, ce qui 
valut a lui, Joseph e, une douloureuse luxation du poignet. 
Cette chute fatale tut le signal de la debandade des soldats 
de Josephe, qui prirent aussitot la fuite, laissant tres-pro- 
bablement Julias a decouvert et a la discretion du vainqueur, 
Des lors Josephe ne pouvait s'arreter a Julias; autant eut 
valu, en eifet, se rendre immediatement et se laisser faire 
prisonnier sur place. Tout cela evidemment n'a pu se passer 
de I'autre cote d'une riviere coram e le Jourdain. Done Julias 
etait entre le Jourdain et Capharnaum. Encore une conse- 
quence irrefutable. Par suite il nous faudra retrouver les 
restes d'une ville somptueuse, Romanisee, je repete ce mot a 
dessein, entre le Jourdain et Capharnaum, quel que soit le 
site de cette derniere localite. 

Capliarnoum etait sur le bord de la mer, et a la limite des 
territoires de Zabulon et de Nephtali ; c'est TEvangile de 
St. Matthieu qui nous le dit (iv, 13). II n'y a pas moyen 
d'equivoquer sur I'expression dont I'ecrivain sacre se sert. 
S'il eut voulu dire autre chose que " sur la limite des deux 
territoires," il eut, sous peine d'ecrire un non-sens, dit que 
Capharnaum etait on dans Zabulon, ou dans Nephtali. 
Parler des deux territoires a la fois, s'il ne s'agissait pas 
strictement de la ligne frontiere des deux territoires, c'etait 
demontrer qu'il n'etait pas en mesure de distinguer I'un des 
deux territoires de I'autre. 

La conclusion de M. le capitaine Wilson sur le sens du 
mot ra opia, ainsi formulee : " The word used for border, does 
not mean the line of division between the two tribes, but 
rather the district occupied by them," &c., pent etre parfaite- 
ment juste, sans infirmer en rien le raisonnement qui place 
forcement Capharnaum entre Tiberiade et Kennereth. 
D'ailleurs le district occupe par la limite des deux territoires 
ne saurait etre qu'une etroite bande de terrain, sur laquelle 
se trouvait Capharnaum. Encore une conclusion qu'il sera 
impossible d'eluder. 

Khorazyn {XflPAZIN par un ;^ et non par mi k) etait a 
deux milles de Capharnaum; c'est St. Jerome qui le dit; de 

148 Lettre cm Tres-Recerend Doyen de Westmin.stei; atir le 

plus St. Jerome, et avaut lui Eusebe, declarent expresseineut 
que Ca})harnaum, Beth-Sayda, et Kliorazyu etaient sur les 
bords du lac de Genezareth. Assurement cela ne veut pas 
dire que ces trois localites etaient immediatement au bord de 
I'eau. Mais Kerazeh, qui est a deux bons milles du lac et sur 
la montagne, se trouve des lors bien difficilemeut identifiable 
avec Khorazyn, malgre la ressemblance des deux noms, res- 
semblance qui toutefois devient moins grande quand Ton 
consideve que I'un des deux noms commence par I'a.spiree 
forte ;3^, et I'autre par la gutturale douce kef. Enfin 
Khorazyn etait, au dii'e de St. Jerome, un petit village, et 
les mines de Kerazeh representent une veritable ville, d'une 
importance manifesto. 

Le Tetrarque Philippe voulut etre enterre a Julias, et il 
s'y fit construire un somptueux tombeau. A I'extremite 
nord des ruines de Teil-hoani, le memoire de M. le capitaine 
Wilson siguale deux tombeaux remarquables ; I'un construit 
en blocs de pierre calcaire, au-dessous de la surface du sol, ce 
qui dut occasioner, dit-il, un tres-grand travail, vu qu'il a 
fallu d'abord excaver la masse de basalte qui forme ce sol, et 
ensuite apportcr de loin des blocs de calcaire ; I'autre con- 
sistant en une construction rectangulahe etablie au-dessus 
du sol, et capable de contenir un grand nombre de corps : 
sepulcre de famille evidemment. Pour moi, le premier est le 
tombeau de Tetrarque Philippe : le second, celui des 
membres de sa famille. 

Joseph parle de la fontaine qu'il nomme Capharnaum, 
sans en preciser mathematiquement la position; mais, a 
coup siir, s'il eiit voulu designer I'ayn-et-Thabrhah il n'eut 
pas manque de dire que la fontaine remarquable qui contri- 
buait a I'irrigation de la plaine de Genezareth (sans doute 
concurremment avec les trois cours d'eau qui coupent cette 
jolie plaine, et qui existaient alors, commc a present) etait a 
plus d'un mille de distance de la pointe extreme de cette 
plaine, et qu'il en avait ftdlu en amener I'eau a I'aide de travaux 
hydi-auliques considerables. II n'en dit pas un mot ; et, de 
son recit, il resulte qu'il n'est gu^re possible d'admettre que 
la fontaine de Capharnaum ait ete en dehors de la plaine de 
Genezareth. Kn revanche, il parle des Coracinus qui vivent 

Site lie Capliarnaiim., de K/t<j/-(izi/it, et de Beth-Sayda (Julias). 149 

en abondance dans I'eau de cette fontaine. M. Tristram, que 
j'a en I'lionneur et le plaisir de rencontrer en Terre-Sainte, a 
pris bon nombre de Coracinus dans I'ayn-el-Medaouarali ; 
mais il n'en a pas vu un seul dans I'ayn-et-Tliabrliah. Aussi 
son opinion n'est-elle pas douteuse, et pour lui I'ayn-el- 
Medaouarah est certainement la fontaine de Capharnaum men- 
tionnee par Josephe. Pour moi aussi, je le declare sans hesiter. 

Kafar ( J^ kefr) signifie village (en arabe, comme en 
hebreu). Le nom Capharnaum applique a une fontaine, eut 
done ete parfaitement ridicule sous la plume de Josephe, qui 
apparemment savait sa langue maternelle, si pour lui la 
fontaine en question n'eut re9U son nom du village auquel 
elle appartenait et attenait. 

Je trouve dans le memoire d'ailleurs si plein d'interet, de 
M. le capitaine Wilson, une note dont je ne puis admettre la 
teneur, quelque bonne volonte que j'y mette. La voici : " A 
deserted site or mound marking ruins, is generally called 
' Tel,' whilst the Arabs apply the term ' Kefr ' to an inhabited 
village. It also often happens that the final syllable in old 
names is alone preserved, as, for example, Achzib becomes 
Zib, Kefr or Caphar-na-hum would by a change of this kind 
naturally become Tel-hum." 

Philologiquement tout cela est inadmissible. D'abord 
" Tell " signifie un propre colline, hautem\ comme " Redjom " 
signifie amas de pierres on de terres, et " Qoum," une pe^ffg 
eh'vation qui se dresse. Une ruine se dit " Kharbeh " ; mi 
village se nomme " Kefr '' (en arabe, comme en hebreu, je le 
repete). Cela pose, Caphar-naum veut dfre village de Nahomn, 
et Nahoum est un nom propre d'homme qu'il n'est pas 
possible de couper en Na-hum ; il n'est pas non plus possible 
d'admettre que " Kefr " soit devenu " Tell " dans la bouche 
des Arabes, pour lesquels les noms de lieu sont generalement 
significatifs, et ne peuvent guere s'alterer. D'ailleurs Zib, 
cite pour exemple, n'est pas en realite le nom actuel d'Akhzib, 
Ecdippa ; c'est Ez-zib, alteration volontaire '(eflEectuee peut- 
etre poar faire un jeu de mot ordurier, assez dans le gout 
arabe) de Ekhzib, identique avec le nom primitif. 

Tout cela pose, procedons par ordre et quittons le bord 
occidental du Jourdain, en nous dirigeant suv Thabarieh. 

150 I^ettre an Jirs-Ren'roul Doijcn de Wrsfuiuisfe); .^mr le 

A ri'mboiiclnn-e dn fleuve sacre dans le lac, le bord occi- 
dental est garni de quel(|nes pelits tertres et amas de pierres 
appelee par les Arabes '• Abou-zane." C'est pour M. le 
Dr. Thomson, avec lequel M. le capitaine Wilson semble 
d'accord, la Beth-Sayda de Galilee. Snr la rive orientale, non 
loin du bord de la riviere, et dans un terrain plante de 
palmiers, sont les traces d'un ancien village, des fondations 
de vieilles murailles au milieu desquelles se voient quelques 
tombes arabes, et des fragments de colonnes basaltiques. Le 
meme anteur, dit M. Wilson, place la, avec grande probabilite, 
la Beth-Sayda-Julias, oil Philippe le tetrarque fut enterre. 

Cela e'st impossible. Julias etait en Galilee, dit Ptolemee. 
C'est entre Julias et le Jourdain qu'a du se passer le combat 
oil Josephe fut blesse ; enfin Julias etait nnc grande ville, une 
capitale. Des lors, qu'a de commun le miserable hameau 
ruine de la rive orientale, avec la ville Romanisee, qui 
nommee d'abord Betli-Sayda, est devenue, sous le nom de 
Julias, la residence de predilection du Tetrarque Philippe, et 
le lieu oil il se fit construire un somptueux tombeau ? Rien, 
absolument rien ! 

De la pretention de mettre Beth-Say da- Julias sur la rive 
orientale du Jourdain, par suite de I'explication d'un texte 
Evangelique, est nee la necessite de supposer I'existence de 
deux Beth-Sayda distinctes, I'une a droite, I'autre a gauche 
du fleuve sacre. Inutile d'insister sur ce qu'a d'invraisem- 
blable la presence de deux localites du meme nom, quoique 
difFerentes, a si faible distance Tune de I'autre ? Dans tous les 
cas, s'il y avait eu deux Beth-Sayda, Ptolemee nous prouve que 
Julias doit etre identifiee avec celle de la rive Galileenne. 

A deux milles environ du cours du Jourdain on rencontre 
Tell-houm, sur la plage. C'est la, je n'en doute pas, Beth- 
Sayda-Julias, avec ses mines somptueuses, avec le tombeau 
de Philippe, avec celui de ses proches, avec sa synagogue 
indispensable, et magnifiquement construite. Supposer 
qu'un sim})lc centurion romain anrait fait construire ce 
magnifique edifice, ce serait supposer qu'il etait bien riche 
pour un officier de rang si modeste. 

Kerazeh est reellement ii deux milles de Tell-houm, et si 
Tell-houm etait Capharnaum, Kerazeh, a Torthographe pres 

Sitede Capliarnanin, de K/toi-azi/it, et de BetJi-Sai/da {Julias). 151 

de son nom, pourrait etre Kliorazyn ; mais Kliorazyn etait 
an bord du lac, disent Eiisebe et St. Jerome^ et Kerazeli est 
dans la montagne a denx milles du lac. Done Kerazeh, la 
ville etendne et somptnense, ne pent etre Kliorazyn, le petit 
village du bord du lac, village dont toute rillnstration est 
due a la mention qui en est faite dans les Saints Evangiles. 
Qui sait si Kerazeli n'etait pas le refuge des riches habitants 
de Julias, contre les terribles chaleurs de I'ete. 

A un mille et denii de Tell-houm on rencontre I'ayn-et- 
Thabrhah, qui alimeiitait plusieurs moulins, dont un seul est 
encore eii etat de fonctionner. II faut marcher, en cliemin 
assez difficile, pendant plus d'uii mille de plus, pour arriver 
apres avoir franchi quelque pen peniblement le promontoire 
qui s'avance jusqu'au lac, au-dessus du Khan-Minieh, pour 
arriver, dis-je, a la pointe iiord de la plaine de Genezareth. 
Que rayn-et-Tliabrhali ait concouru a I'irrigation de cette 
partie de la plaine, cela n'est plus douteux ; mais a partir du 
Nahr-el-aamoud, qui alimeiitait des moulins contemporains 
de ceux de rayn-et-Tliabrhah, et qui, par consequent n'etait 
jamais a sec, cela ne me parait plus probable. D'ailleurs 
I'aqueduc necessaire cesse bientot de paraitre, tandis que, 
suivant le temoignage du capitaine Wilson, les aqueducs et 
caiiaux d'ii-rigation derives du Nahr-el-aamoud, puis du Nalir- 
Rabadieh, et du Nahr-el-ammam, soiit parfaitement visibles. 

En continuant son cliemin, apres avoir traverse a gue le 
Nahr-el-aamoud, ce qui n'est pas toujours sans danger, je le 
sais par experience, on arrive a un village mine place sur 
une petite hauteur, et ou les traces d'une place antique, 
commandant au nord la plaine de Genezareth, ne manquent 
pas : c'est Abou-Choucheh. Pour moi, Abou-Choucheh c'est 
forcement Kennereth que Ton chercherait vainement ailleurs 
sur le pourtour de la plaine de Kennereth, et qui pourtant 
doit s'y rencontrer. 

On traverse ensuite le Nahr-Rabadieh et Ton arrive en 
suivant les dernieres pentes de la montagne dominante, a 
I'ayn-el-Medaouarah d'un niveau plus eleve que la plaine, avec 
ses Coracinus fretillants, et qui n'est que le Capliarnaum de 
Josephe. Le village de ce nom devait done etre la, et efFec- 
tivement le sol est joiiche de debris et de pierrailles, seuls 

152 hettve an Tres-Reverend Doyen de Westininster, ^-c. 

indices de tant d'autres villes disparues et jadis illustres de 
la Terre-Sainte. II y a quelques anneeB le cure latin de 
Naplouse a reconnu vers ce point los mines de I'eglise batie 
sur la maison de St. Pierre. J'avoue que j'ai vainement 
recherche ces ruines du regard, mais en suivant tout droit 
men chemin. M. Victor Guerin, qui vient d'explorer a fond 
toute cette contree, nous en dira probablement quelque chose, 
avant qu'il soit longtemps. 

Si Capharnaum etait la, Khorazyn, qui en etait eloigne de 
deux milles, suivant le temoignage de St. Jerome, doit etre 
identifie avec les ruines existant autour du Khan Minieh, et 
de I'ajn-et-Tyn. 

Remarquons que dans le cas ou les identifications que je 
viens de proposer sont admises, la limite des territoires de 
Zabulon et de Nephtali se trouve pnrfaitement determinee en 
ce point : c'est le Thalweg de I'ouad-Rabadieh. Des lors, 
Capharnaum, Khorazyn, et Beth-Sayda-Julias sont parfaite- 
ment a leur place, suivant recriture sainte. 

On passe ensuite devant el-Medjdel, la ]\Iagdala de 
I'Evangile, que Ton ne saurait identifier avec Kennereth, qui 
defendait le temtoire de Nephtali, comme el-Medjdel defen- 
dait Tentree du territoire de Zabulon. A moins de deux 
milles plus loin, on passe devant I'ayn-el-Barideh, et a I'em- 
bouchm-e du ravin au sommet duquel se trouvent les roches 
bien connues des Arabes sous le nom de Hhedjar-el-Khams- 
Khobzat, " les pierres des cinq pains," roches regardees par 
les ]\Iusulmans eux-memes comme le theatre d'un mhacle 
d'Ayssa-Ibn-Maryam, le miracle de la multiplication des 
pains. Encore un mille de marche et Ton atteint Thabarieh* 
la ville fondee par Herode-iViitipas. 

J'ai fini, mon cher ami, et je livre ces reflexions a votre 
jugement comme a celui de tons les lecteurs serieux de la 
Bible. Mille amities de coeur. 

F. De Saulcy. 

Chiselhirst, le 10 Juillet, 1871. 



Vol. I. DECEMBER, 1872. Part 2. 



By Samuel Birch, LL.D., F.S.A., &c. 

Read 2nd January/, 1872. 

For a long time the discovery of inscriptions in tlie 
Island of Cyprus, written in a character neither Greek nor 
Phoenician, has attracted considerable attention. The attempts 
to discover the value of the characters and decipher the 
words had hitherto been unsuccessful, owing to the want of 
a bilingual inscription of sufficient length, and as no right 
step had been taken m this du-ection, the interpretation of 
the words or discovery of the language to which they 
belonged remained a hopeless task. Two inquu'ers, indeed, 
essayed to decipher the inscriptions; the first, the late 
Due de Luynes, distinguished alike for excellent and profound 
knowledge of Greek archseology, and the princely munificence 
with which he aided the study and its followers. The 
Due de Luynes contributed, in 1852, a valuable work to the 
subject, entitled Numismatique et Inscriptions Cypriotes, in 
which he collected and engraved examples of all known 

Yoi. I. n 

154 Cypr'iote Inscriptions. 

coins and iuscriptions. Professor Rotli of Heidelberg sub- 
sequently published a translation of the longest known 
inscription, that of the bronze plate found at Dali, under the 
title of die Proklamation des Amasis, or a proclamation of 
the Egyptian king Amasis to the Cyprians, in 1855, under 
the auspices and at the expense of the Due de Luynes. 
Later the Count de Vogiie' and M. Pierides have published 
different inscriptions — one bilingual, but unfortunately limited 
to two words in Greek and Cypriote, and these not well 
preserved, so that its value was less than expected, although 
it enables the reading of one of the Cypriote W'Ords. Other 
inscriptions, copied but not published, have been discovered 
by General Cesnola, United States Consul at Larnacii ; still 
the collection of Cypriote is far from extensive.- The 
attempts of the Due de Luynes failed from the radical error 
that he mistook the Cypriote word for ' M7ig ' for that of 
' Salainis,' and based all his other readings upon that hypo- 
thesis. Professor Roth, who extended his researches on the 
same hypothesis, erred to a still greater extent; and he 
added a second fatal hypothesis, that the Cjqiriote language 
belonged to the Semitic not the Aryan family. The first 
step in the right direction was the discovery by Mr. R. 
Hamilton Lang, Her Majesty's Consul at Larnaca, of a 
bilingual Phoenician and Cypriote inscription at Dali, the 
ancient Idalium. This inscription consists of the greater 
part of three Phoenician and four Cypriote lines of writing. 
]\Ir. Lang discovered also several other Phoenician and other 
inscriptions, but this bilingual text has proved the key to the 
Cypriote alpliabet. Mr. Lang, who paid particular attention 
to this inscription, and who possesses an intimate kiiowdedge 
of the coins of Cyprus, discovered the word representing the 
word ' king ' in the inscription and on the coins. The inscrip- 

' Another autlior is Helfferick A., Die Pbceniziseli-Cypriseh Forscbung, 8vo, 
Frankfurt A. M., 1869. lie makes the Dali Inscription a Psahn of the Oolony 
of Idalium, and translates it as Semitic, p*. 48. Mr. Deutscli called my attention 
to this work. 

- Copiea of some of the Inscriptions published by the Due de Luynes were 
also re-copied later by Lieutenant Leycester, and published in the Trans. Roy. 
Soc. Lit. 8vo. Lond. 18G3, pp. 376-378. Von Hammer, Topogr. Ansicht. Wien 
1811, p. 190. Note 69, by Mr. Hogg. 

Cypriote Jnscriptiona, 


tion was set up in the fourth year of the reign of Melekiatun 
king of Citium and Idalium, and records the dedication or vow 
of Baah-am son of Abdamelech to a deity named Reseph, or 
Resmical, that he may listen to his vow. The epoch of 
this inscription is supposed to be about B.C. 370, and is 
important both for Phoenician and Cypriote- palaeography. 
The two versions, which will subsequently be given, show 
the different reading. Simultaneously, but independently, 
Mr, George Smith, of the Department of Oriental Antiquities 
in the British Museum, discovered the word representing the 
word ' king,' and 40 of the 51 or 54 characters of wliich the 
Cypriote alphabet or syllabariura is composed. I will here 
give the transliteration and interlinear translation, as far as 
possible, of the Cypriote portion of the bilingual inscription. 


melekitun lemelek araba 

Melekiatun of the king four 

az semel Baalram va-Adil 

then an image Baalrayn and of Idalium of Citium king 

Baalram adunun va-jitan ashitan 

In the year 

Kiti nielek 

♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ 

Baalram our lord and dedicated gave 


of thy prayer 


qol ki-shema 

the voice that he may hear 



mical le reseph 
Mical to Reseph 

of Citium 


of the king 


15() Cypriote Inscriptions. 

desbaru epau basileos Tidaleou 

fourth the king and of Idaliiim 

n-\|^TS^F •5«hO<?TTF \"\-\-^9*i> 

dekadekastes depatitodu uooddas 

a tenth was giving an image 

dagathon o Aptamelku o-apax 

to Ekatos son of A hdamelech . . . the rider 

>"I1AT>K f h ;*^5^7k;)>K X+AAXF 

eukes tes agoue danakto 

voio the that he may hear to the j^rince 

xi-^>K xa:"Rx ^"Rj 

ekade este sesek 

good is {be) . . . . ' 

It wall readily be seen fi-om a comparison of the two 
languages in this bilingual inscription, that not only do they 
belong to different families, but that the Cypriote must be a 
form of the Greek, for the first liae transcribed into Greek 
characters is good Greek, the only question being whether 
the initial ^ of Idalium is a /c or r. From other inscriptions 
it would appear to have the value of r, and it thus becomes 
the enclitic r of the Greek. The Cypriote, it appears, did 
not use the Greek word kuI for ' and,' indeed, according to 
the small list of Cj'priote Avords known, the form was Kas, 
but it does not occur or has not been recognised in any 
published Cypriote text. The beginning of the first line is 

' Since this paper was read, M. Halery has read before the Athenee Orientale 
of Paris, 14th March, 1872, his views on the Cypi'iote. He gives the restored 

translation of the Phoenician as, — " In the month the 4th year of 

Mclkiathon king of Citium and IdaUum was completed this which 

Baalrahom our lord son of has given to the god Reseph Makul. 

Hearing the voice of the founder may the god bless him." — Le Temps 
W Avril, 1872. 

Cypriote Inscriptions. 157 

wanting, and, unfortunately, so may the Cypriote words for 
' year ' and ' four,' which might have aided to prove the Greek 
character of the Cypriote, and the name Baalram ; and the 
next hne begins with a Cypriote word i^t ^ ^ ending apu, 
perhaps part of and not a complete word, and only re- 
markable for its being followed by a word with a similar 
ending, showing that it is a noun followed by an adjective, 
both apparently in a case which I regard as the dative. The 
following word J$J 5^ ^ 4" i 1" ^^sbaru, may be compared 
with the Greek reaaapa, ''fom-th." It would seem that 
this portion, which might mean in the 'fourth year,' is in 
connection with the following word ^ h h ^ ^ *$* uodedos — 
the value of the third character of which is uncertain, 
but the ending of which is that of a Greek noun in the 
genitive. It is probably a 'form' or image. The word 
following jjj |- ^ 'T^ T "F i^p(diidatu, is apparently 
the verb TeTreSiSoro, 'and ^was given;' the next word 
[^ j- [^ \J£ ^ \|^ "P dekatekasies, is common in many inscrip- 
tions, and is compounded of two words, deka, found else- 
where as ' ten,' and tekastes, a figure or offering. The form 
occurs in an inscription sent by Mr. Lang to the British 
Museum, reading Tikaioduetas ojyasiokos ostasiokou tekastes 
euke esti, " Dikaiodotos, Pasioikos son of Stasioikos — the 
figure — it is a vow!" The next word ^-| "T )y^( ^ oapax or 
opapax, also occurs in an inscription published by De Voglie, 
at the commencement. This word, it will be observed, there 
reads oapax Stasias Stasiogos, but the inscription is broken and 
it is consequently not possible to decide its value in that 
place. The word which was its equivalent in the bilingual 
has disappeared, or must have followed the Phoenician 772D 
semel. It may consist of the masculine article 6 and uttu^, 
a Cypriote form of aua^ioq ' the unworthy, the humble,' a 
kind of Semitic phraseology, as the humble Baalram, the 
humble Stasios ; or else oapax, the ruler, prince, the archon ; 
but its meaning must be considered at present uncertain. After 
this word there follows a considerable hiatus in both inscrip- 
tions, and the begimiing of the next line gives the Cypriote 
word o Aptamelikou, ' son of Abdamelech,' as the name of the 
father of Baalram, already explained by Mr, Smith. The 

two next Cypriote words read daaatlio, dapakti, or danakti, for 
the second letter of the second word is uncertain. In these 
words are two cases in the dative, and they appear to cor- 
respond to the Phoenician le Besejyh Miccd, " to Reseph Mical," 
which is not represented in its form in the Cypriote, but 
translated or paraphrased by a Cypriote expression. The 
first word occurs in another Cypriote inscription of General 
Cesnola in the genitive, as [^ TT ( ^j^ Egates, apparently the 
Cypriote form of the goddess "EKarrj — Hecate — the goddess, 
and probably corresponding to the Phoenician Reseph. The 
second word danahti would be the Greek tw avaKTL, the 
prince or ruler — the word anax being the Homeric and 
C^'priote form for 'king.' If the form, however, is tw 
airaKTL or tS TravraKTi, it is apparently the declined form of 
6 a7ra| or o iraTra^, and still the second part of the name 
Reseph Mical, which from this and other Phoenician inscrip- 
tions, is the name of one deity, the equivalent of the Greek 
Hecatos. From this portion, however, of the inscription, we 
arrive at a small group of Avords, the signification of which is 
more certain, as the Phoenician and Cypriote here correspond ; 
the first is the Avord ^ ^ ^ J) ^j^ ar/oue, the Greek ukovj}, 
'may he hear;' it is followed by ^ j- dps, the Greek t?}<? 

' of a,' and f^ H^ /\ IP ^K ^"^^-^j *^® Greek euxv^ oi' ei^%a9 
'vow' — that he may hear the vow. The Phoenician has 
that "he" or "she," Reseph Mical, may hear the voice 
of thy prayer. The fourth or last line commences with 
a mutilated word, ^ "h^ J seske, but finishes with two 
CAqoriote words which often recur in other texts, especially 
at the ending, and which read este akate, in which are 
to be recognised the Greek ean or €(ttco ayadr], 'it is 
good!' found in one of General Cesnola's inscriptions as 
^ h ^ ^ • ^ *I^ "R /K' ^^^ ^^ inscription already cited 
before, the close is ^T'RX IAT>K ^^'^'^ ^''^^^ ' ^* 
is the vow.' The Cypriote version, therefore, as far as it can 

be read, is as follows : — " of the King Melekithon, of 

Citium and Idalium the king of the .... gave a 

tenth offering figure [. . . . Baalram] the son of Abdamelcch to 

Ekatos the king that he may hear the vow .... it is good ! " 

Before proceeding to discuss the inscription on the bronze 

Cypriote InscriptioHi>. 159 

plate from Idalium, published by the Due de Luynes, it is 
necessary to give the reasons for believing the Cj^priote to be 
Greek. In examinmg the inscription, the following pecu- 
liarities point it out not to be a Semitic but an Aryan 
language, the absence of words beginning with any of the 
usual Semitic prefixes '2, V, D and Hj or finals |, D, which 
must have occurred in texts of any length. Nor can the 
language be of the cognate Assyrian families, such as the 
Chaldean or Assyrian, as it does not exhibit the grammatical 
forms of the Chaldee, and W s prefix for the genitive of the 
Assyrian, which must have occurred, is altogether wanting. 
That it does not belong to the Egyptian or Hamitic family 
is equaUy proved, as it has none of the peculiarities of that 
language neither the tt (j>) for the masculine article, or the 
fj, (7)1) or V {n) for the possessive or instrumental. On the 
other hand many words end in s, a very common final letter 
in Greek — seven, for example, in the bihngual alone — and a 
very large proportion commence with t or d, the initial of 
many forms of the Greek article. In Cypriote, it will be 
remembered, each word is separated by a dot or fine from 
another, but the article is always wiitten with the word to 
which it belongs when it was either a vowel or terminated 
in a vowel. Thus the ordinary Greek article o U in Cypriote, 
and the ra, to, tov, or ra>, ^ fT in Cypriote are always 
united to the word to which they belong, and not separated 
by a stop from it. When the article ended in a consonant, 

as ^^ [-, P^ 'X ^^^ ^^ ^^^' '''^^' '^^^^^ Toh, it was separated 
from the noun or adjective and considered an integral word. 
The same rule applies to enclitics, which are also affixed 
and involved in the same word; thus, Idalium in the 
bilingual has attached to it the character for t and ^ either 
K or T, apparently the latter, as it occurs in the monosyllable 
tes before the word [^ ^ "p <-liSf ^or deas, and [^ J) gos, for 
7^s, — respectively meaning ' goddess ' and ' land.' These 
enclitics are thus involved, and it is an important fact to be 
remembered in the interpretation of the Cypriote. But 
although the general structure of the language, and many 
if not most of the words are Hellenic, there is, no doubt, a 
foreign element extensively mixed with it, either a Pelasgic 

160 Ci/prlote Im^criptions. 

dialect, or else that of" an aboriginal population, to which 
must be added words that may have been introduced by 
Phoenician settlers or foreign conquerors. The bilingual 
inscription of Idaliura commences, it will be observed, with 
Phojnician, as though the dominant language of the country 
at that time ; and it must be remembered that there is no 
other representative of the older Hellenic races in Cyprus 
than the Cypriote language; the piu'e Greek appears to have 
commenced A\ath Evagoras, of whom there are coins in both 
languages ; and the first use of this purer Greek was pro- 
bably due to that monarch, whom Isagoras applauds for 
having brought back the inhabitants of Cyprus from bar- 
barism to Greek cultiu'e. The bilingual inscription of 
Karux merely repeats the same words in Cypriote and 
Greek characters ; and Evagoras in all probability only 
introduced the Hellenic alphabet for the Cypriote, and used 
a purer Greek for official purposes. The little vocabulary 
of Cypriote words compiled by Engel,^ only offers a kind of 
provincial or barbaric Greek, scarcely more removed fi-om the 
pure language than the already well-known dialects of that 

The first attempt to decipher the bronze plate of Idalium 
is that of M. Roth,- who supposed it was a proclamation of 
Amasis II to the Cyprians, draAvn up in a Semitic language. 
As his reasons were founded on the erroneous reading of a 
word supposed to be Salamis, and the wrong values conse- 
quently attached to the whole of the Cyprian alphabet, the 
Avhole translation is valueless, but his copy of the inscription 
is good and useful to the student, as, on the whole, it is very 
correct.^ The purport of the Idalium plate appears to be as 
follows : — In the 48th year of the era of Citium, in the 
eponymy of Pythagoras, Stesagoras the king of the city of 
Idalium the statue of Demochares was made in the house of 
the king in the Acropolis, by a monarch named Euisidosses, 

' Kypros, Vol. ii. 

2 The work of Roth was published at the expense of the Due de Luynes, and 
cost about £800. 

The attempt of IlelfPerick, in 1869, is already mentioned in a former note. 

' The Due de Luynes rightly conjectured the value of the r^ to be S, 
as it subsequently proved. 

Cypriote Inscriptions. 161 

also a monarch of the same place. Thjs amounted to 100 
alara ; a tenth of these were given by the kmg to the temple 
and shrine of the goddess ; this gift was made a kind of 
annual revenue to the temple. It appears also that Isidostes, 
also king of the same city, had given a sum of 100 alara to 
the statue of Teucer, the damastes or original founder of the 
city, and 10 alara to the portico of Teucer, and a certain 
quantity of land for the keeping in order the floor, the roof, 
and the image of the goddess, besides certain other things 
ordered to be charged upon the land ; and mention is made of 
the revenues of the 12th and 13th years, besides the amount 
of the whole year, and apparently of certain other endow- 
ments of the goddess Isis, who appears to have had also a 
shrine in the temple of Idalium. The object of the inscrip- 
tion was thus to record the dotation made by the former and 
present monarchs. 

Of the two monarchs mentioned in this inscription, one, 
Pythagoras, is ah*eady known from the Greek authors ; he 
was the cousin of Evagoras II, and was an oj)ponent of his 
cousin in B.C. 351, having apparently ruled for a long time, 
and was at all events in power in B.C. 353.' The bronze plate 
shows that that Pythagoras was ruler of the Acropolis or 
city of Idalium, and that he was succeeded by Euisidosses. 
The persons mentioned in the inscription are Pythagoras — 
not in the first place as a monarch, but as an eponymous or 
other officer ; then Stesagoras or Stasiagoras, king of the city 
of Idalium, not otherwise found ; Deinopasagoras,"^ a private 
individual, holding some office of the goddess Aphrodite; 
Euisidostes king of the city, but not stated to be of Idalium ; 
Teucer, called in one place the damastes, ' subduer, ruler,' the 
founder of the Hellenic settlement and monarchy. This 
celebrated hero of the Trojan war had probably been deemed 
the founder of a part of the original temple at Idalium, at 
aU events the stoa or portico bore his name. One town, 
Idalium, is only mentioned, and the name of none other can 
be identified. The name of the goddess Aphrodite is not 
found in the inscription, which is the more remarkable that 

' Engel, Kypros, I, 325-46-8. 

^ If indeed it is not don-Pasagoru or " Pasagoras " only. 

1G2 Ciipriote Jnscriptioiia. 

those of other Hellenic deities occur in other Cypriote 
monuments. Thus Mr. Smith has found Hephaistos in an 
unpublished inscription of General Cesnola, and I have 
recognised Hecate in another. Aphrodite is not met wnth in 
any iuscrij)tion, and on the bronze plate she is simply spoken 
of as tes deas, the goddess, or the invincible goddess, tes theas 
adamastes. Some other expressions follow the name of the 
goddess in the inscription, but it is doubtful if they are titles 
or the names of the deity. One, tesiku, apparently is the expres- 
sion te sekoi, ' and to the shrine,' to which the donations were 
made. As the inscription is one of an official nature, there is 
a great repetition of the same words and even sentences ; so 
that the power of verifying or contrasting a word is not 
very great, and few unfortunately recur in other inscriptions 
which refer to other subjects. Amongst the most ordinary 

words are ^X =1= ^^^'^^ >^ H X + ^«^^«' V =1= ^«^«' "^^ X + 
hasi, which is apparently the form of the Cypriote word irafi, 
pas, or " all " declined without the v, ??, as is usual in Greek ; 
the Avords X T" )^( ^'-^^i °^" ^^^^' ^ T" ^K ^^^^^i *^^' etoiis, and 
PJ XT N^ edesi, or etesi, ' for year,' final on three forms ; 
[^ T 8 '2: 4= hasileus, and [^ ^ 8 'S: =t= hasileos, which 
occm- in two ; )^ "jT des, or [^ X T" '''^'^''^ °^' theas, ' of the 
goddess,' in two variants. The word X Q 'I' 5 ^^^"' 'P^^'^^i' 
or 'portico,' which occurs only in one instance; as also the 
word [^ J) gos or ges, ' of the land,' found in one form only. 
The noun 5^ ]^ Q ^ alara, apparently for the Greek fxva or 
mina, also found as jjj ^^ ^f^ Q )K "P t aluru. in the genitive 
or dative Avith the articles affixed. The words Nj^'p deha, ' ten,' 
5^ X h J X )''( ^o-deka, 'twelve,' and ^ X F * X J) T 
tre - deka, 'thirteen.' The articles X )^) °' ^" *J* )^( ^^' ^"' 
X |- TO, di, or ToO, and tk, ^ ^ t?}?, tes, ^ "jT top, to)i, 
or dom, the form i^s J) ^ reyov, tegu, ' of the roof,' also 

^ P X T* ^^P°^-> '-l^''^"'y ' the gift ;' j5* 8 MZ X ^'^^^o^' ^^'^^" 
' of what is the same.' The fonns of the verbs are much more 
difficult to identify, but amongst them are )|X/)"F^ 
eSw/ce, edoke, 'gave,' X 4= ^ X ^'^^^^ ^^^^' 'came out,' and 

Cypriote Inscriptions. 


j(j XT 'T' |- "P eSiSoTo, dadetu, 'was given.' With all these 
there are many words which cannot be at present identified 
with Greek, but which have come into the language from 
other sources, or conceal in their forms Greek analogies 
which are not yet discovered, and more materials are still 
required for the interpretation of many words which must 
remain for the present problematical. Appended to this 
paper is a translation, as far as possible, of the text of the 
Dali Inscription, with its transliteration and the equivalent 
Greek forms of the commencement. 

of Idalium 

Inscription op Dali. 

«j< ^ ;) h h <'> \|^ ^ "> 

dagataleu Ok 

city In the 

p ^ (6) 

of the 




X F X <«> r I >K T i? <'> 

idi Kitites 

year era of Cittium 

\^TS%^ (11) 

the king 



being Ekatuslaos 

|u^(i3) |u s ;) 5f: '^ f. V c^) 

tes Stasiagoras 

of the Stasiagoras 

♦J«+'£TS2<") «(»A)(-f>K<"'' l"I>K^h>K('^> 

opastu ineku Idaliis 

to the Temple gave in rememhrance to the Idalians 

164 Cypriote Inscriptions. 

•J» Q \|^ >^ F ^'^^ »J» S ;) >K ^ T -^ F <'«' 

son of TimoMes 

for \JJeino~\pasigoras 

^ "P (23) jjj ^ 'g. T ^^^^ f" F ^^^^ t" T ^^^^ 

deas tesikii deas tes 

of the goddess and to the shnne goddess of the 

t" ;) S F X '''> P F (^'' X I- V X ('*) 

-•1 /i,^„„ ;i..,.,i: 


of the goddess 

for 2^rvpitiatioji 

p -f ^ y z X ('"' xiyi ''"' X 1- X '''> »" F <" 

1 up . DOS 

X + V T ^''^ 



the same 


in year 

of the goddess 

jjj F "£ T ^''^ T >Jj X ^''^ 


o/ his 

|U /j> (3G) 

of the 

JU ^ (39) 

of the 

|uqp8^:|=(35) ■Rvh^IT>K 


basil eiis 
the king 

X + ^TS^<= 

« (38) 

P X F <''> 


of the goddess 

of Demochares 

to the temple 

Jjj J N^ 'S: T ^''^ 

to the shrine 

TXT <"> 

was placed 




pj X F ^^^^ 





Cypriote Inscriptions. 165 

oiki di ex clipai 

house the out of for the figure 

(H y^ (54) |u qs (53) pj 5> 8 'S =i= ^^^^ X F ^^^^ 

ex tes basileos di 

which is in that the king of 

alara tagodaliu 

. . . alara the city 

♦J» S 5^ Q X F <'"> T>K(^'') )!X^)a(¥>K<^«' 

dalaru et es anou 

o/ iAe alara also loere 

|urpg^^(63) jJjFXhf(62) \|^f(6i) 

basil ens dedotu deka 

the king were given by ten 

X + 'S: T 5^ (66) P ^ F J) X ^^^^ P T ^^^^ 

opasti agodalios tes 

^o temple the city of the 

|ij X p (70) jjj v^ 'g^ 5^ (6^0 p X F ^^^^ f" T ^^'^ 

dis teseku dis tes 

of the goddess and to the shrine the goddess of 

pj^g'S + p^) Xh<''' Xr(p'> XHCX<'" 

basileos di ou aodi 

of the king of the ivhich the same 

XhO<?VIX<''' XF<''' >^PXF<"''> XI-<'^) 

a . . pedodi di doron di 

gave tchich gift the 

166 Cypnote Inscriptions. 

ili di don dalaru 

tchole of the that of the alara 

pj f T 5^ (84) jjj -f )^( ^ T Q T F ^''^ 

otudes deteleumenou 

was paid 

dipodi deksauo tes iiio 

for the expense they received of the .... 

PX)^(T^''^ ,j,j^^^::t,(9i) ,J,^>K(90) [.:}:(89) 

uaas benonou iku badi 

the sons of Banonos of the house all 

jU /g^ (96) ^ y^ (95) ,J, 8 \|/ >K (94) ,J, )V( (93) 

ses el 



L au 

her out 



q/" ?rAai r's 

jj, ^ ^2= T ^''^ 

[" F X <''' 

*J» + "2= T 5^ ^''^ 




to the shrine 



P h X =1= ^^ "^^ 


(101) pj -p (100) 





^Ae year 

o/ ^7«(? goddess 

ex Deiipasigoru debidu 

out of for \_Dehi\oj)asigoras . . . 

(H )>( 5^ ^''''^ (H >K ^^'') X S A ^^^"^ ;*^ F ^'''^ 

o ax ex kru di 

or not out of debt the 

Cypriote Inscriptions. 167 

(H ).( I '"'' (H >K 5^ ("'> X + \|^ X <""> 

o - ax o - ex ikbi 

or not which is out has gone out 

deas tes opasti sas 

goddess of the for the temple of her 

I" X F >K '"'> »" X F <"'^ »J» ^ 'S CD <"'^ 

etos(i) dis tesiku 

for years of the goddess to the shrine 

deka depalaru basi 

^ew ancZ o/ ^Ae alara all 

X'ST^^^^^^ iU^(125) [.||.(124) 5J^ 2)^(123) 

opasti tes . . . alara 

temple of the . . . alara 

tesiku iuu oui 

shrine of her .... 

Aisidoses dupatu du 

Isidoses paid lohich 

fU g "P J) )[( (135) pj r^ (134) pj qp g ^ ^ (133) 

agodalios des basileus 

city of the the king 

damasidu Dukru dipi 

the ruler of Teucer for the statue 


Cypnote Inscriptions. 

>K T ("'> 

II ( ^^^^^^ lllh ^'''^ 

9.x QX "^»> 




i i 


fU ^ (1^5) 




basil eus 



the king 


r^ \|/ (148) 

X + ^T5^^'''^ 






<o the temple 



XhiCX'^''^ \|ZF<'"" 



iodi deka 



.... ten 


dia-mou basileos ha 
of the king one of 

»J> 5^ A F ''"'> X T J ""> X V <''»' 

deki'u stoi di 

of the amount the portico for 

r^-k^'"'^ os^^x'""' »j»-#-^«qi:f<'"'> 

ies imauu dataluemeuoii 

the .... paid 

dapeeli dckaskano tas 

for the expense they received ivhich 

p ;) ('«') >J> -f ^ A X ;) F <'""' h + c"'^' 

ges degikamciiii badi 

o/ the land all 

Cypriote Inscriptious. 1G9 

g'tis tes desamou doro 

land of the for the gift 

f^ T h X ^'''^ r V ^'''^ Jj* )'( W >K N^ h^^"^) 

edupos dig denisaou 

^/^^ foundation of the goddess .... 

denasiu detegu tes 

• • • • the roof and of the 

detiokamas arulo dis 

Tiakamas . . . , of the goddess 

_y ;j> X ("'' >^ >K <"'> I" T «J» y(.QX^ <""'' 

ieu ik o Elaiuus 

out of the Elean 

baskalou ges degikamenu 
.... lands 

dekaskano tas danapaskaulu 
they assigned ichich 

Bauonos ikii bati dapodi 

Banon of the house all for the expense 

oodi ikelo ou uaos 

icas thought ft of ivhich the sons 

Vol. I. 12 

170 Cypriote Inscriptions. 

^^^(SOO) jjj + 'g^ J^(lf)9) ^^2^(198) ;^>|^(197) 

edos opastu sas ek 

of the year temple her out of 

*J* 4- 'S T ^ (203) jU -p (202) pj [_ \j^ ^ (201) 

opastu deas batos 

for the temple of the goddess all 

(H>KX<'"'> ^xi-^'"'> xr(<'"=> xkhx<"^> 

i ix deka a(d)o ex-do 

or out of tivelfth out of the 

(L^>l^(2ll) \|^xF^'^*^'^ XJ)T^^^'^^ XF^^^^^ 

ex deka tri do 

out of teenth thir- the 

(H)<( 5^(215) (H>K<'"' :j^X'''" (h)<(5^<'''> 

o-ax ex eke o-ax 

or not out had or not 

edos opastu sisi 

for years temple their 

\|/ F (221) jj< S X Q T F ^^'^^ 'S X =1= (''^) 

deka depalaru basi 

ten and of the alara all 

^^(225) II J (224) nil J (223) ,J, ^J ^^ Q ^ V <'''' 

ti alaru 

which \ \ alara 

0^1 I- (229) \|^|.(228) ,J,-p;j>J.|.(227) ^^^^m 

tipu deka dedudu ex 

for the statue ten were given had 

Cypriote Inscriptions. 


[" T 8 'S: =1= ^^^^^ 

the Mng 


^ vv 

T^'a^ITX^'''^ \|^h ^'^'^^ 


added ? 




p q> (233) 

of the 

*i*^C\-Qhi*\-'^'''^ «J«ThTh<'''> •J.^TI-X'^'") 




Ph(2«) xvn^^*'*' PXAS-f);k<'''' 

deas massi 

of the goddess for the . . 

P X )a( T <'"*' \!^ V + ''«> 



the ruler 


PJ|-QI(248) PI- (247) ^'^^'2^^52(246) ,J, )V( (245) 


of the goddess 


m /Ts (255) 



/or- ^i 

\|Z V I- ^'''^ 


\|/ ^ f: (258) 



p rf^ (250) 


p W((253) 

p J) ,j> (257) 



\|ZV + ^^'^^ 


^\l \- (252) 


P p (256) 


172 Cypriote Inscriptions. 

|U ^ (262) J" \!/ X + ^"^^^ »J> S J) '2: T 5^ ^^^^^^ 

tes bikos o Pasii2;oru 

of the Bikos the son of Pasigoras 

^>l^(265) p \!^ X + X $2 <'"'' «J< F X 4= F ''"^^ 

ek oibikos debidu 

out Bikos .... 

Xfp««) ^^SXFXJ^*'"'' X I X >K <'*"'>'£ i 

dia t)i doron ioi os 

to the goddess the gift ichich 

^^X'^"'" )l( >K ^ I- >K <'''> 

iosi Idaliu 

thus of Idalium 

This interpretation of the Dali inscription must be con- 
sidered to some extent experimental, many of the words 
translated being only found in this inscription, and the sense 
given from their Greek analogies. The types have been 
specially cut for this Journal. 


Par F. Chabas. 

Read 2nd January, 1872. 

On a deja signale des cas tres-remarquables d'analogie 
entre certains points de la doctrine morale des Egyptiens et 
de celle des Israelites. Ce fait ne pent d'ailleurs exciter la 
moindre surprise. On con9oit aisement que le developpe- 
meut des gennes religieux et moraux, places par le Createur 
au fond de la conscience humaine, doit faii'e naitre ces sortes 
d'analogies. On les a constatees, en effet, dans les lois 
morales des nations anciennes de civilisation avancee, et 
on en a meme decouvert les traces chez des peuples qui 
n'avaient pas franclii les bornes de I'etat sauvage. 

Aussi, ce sujet ne meriterait-il peut-etre pas une mention 
speciale, en ce qui concerne les rapports de i'Egypte antique 
avec le berceau de la Chretiente, si I'identite d'expres- 
sion ne rendait pas plus significatives quelqiies-unes de ces 

Dans le cours de mes dernieres reolierclies sur les ecri- 
tures hieroglypliiques, j'ai eu I'occasion de reconnaitre un 
cas frappant qui a jusqu'a present echappe a I'attention des 
Egyptologues. Le fait de la diffusion, des les epoques les 
plus reculees, des grandes lois religieuses et morales, dont 
I'oubli entraine la ruine des societes, est d'une importance 
considerable : il oblige I'esprit de I'homme a se reporter a ce 
fonds commun d'origine divine, auquel la sagesse humame 
n'a rien pu aj outer d'essentiel. 

A ce point de vue, j'ai pense que ma petite decouverte 
n'etait pas indigne de I'attention de la Societe d'Archeologie 

1 74 IIehraO'u.^gyptiaca. 

Biblique de Londres, qui m'a fait I'lioniieur du m'admettre 
dans ses raiigs. 

Je commencerai par I'expose sommaire de deux autres 
cas d'analogie connus depuis longtemps. 

La Charite. 

On sait que, pour francliir les portes du ciel occidental et 
prendre part a la vie divine, chaque Egyptien mort avait a 
subir un examen severe, et devait etre innocente de quarante- 
deux peches principaux, au cliatiment desquels presidaient 
quarante-deux divinites, jures des divines assises d'Osiris. 
Ce mytlie, mal compris par les Grecs, a ete transforme par 
eux en un tribunal liumain charge de juger les defunts avant 
de les adinettre a la sepulture. Mais, dans la realite, 
I'Egypte n'a jamais eu d'institution de ce genre ni pour les 
rois, ni pour les simples particuliers ; bons et mauvais, tons 
avaient droit aux hotmneurs funebres et aux ceremonies 
religienses de 1' entree a I'hypogee ; la justice humaine 
n'avait pas a intervenir, mais, derriere la porte du tombeau, 
la religion montrait a tons la justice divine attendant le 
defunt au sortir de la vie, et lui demandant de ses oeuvres 
un compte meticiileux. Seul, le juste voyait s'ouvi'ir devant 
lui les demeures de la vie divine, d'ou le pecheur etait impi- 
toyablement et eternellement repousse. 

Pour meriter ce titre de juste, il fallait n'avoir commis 
aucune faute grave, ou tout au moins avoir rachete ses 
iniquit^s par raccomplissement des oeuvres et des ceremonies 
prescrites par la doctrine ; il fallait, en un mot, que le defunt 
put declarer devant le supreme tribunal qu'il n'avait pas 
commis les quarante-deux peches dont nous venons de 
parler. C'est ce qu'on a appele la confession negative. 

A ces quarante-deux fautes, capitales selon la doctrine 
antique, la conscience craintive des Egyptiens en joignit 
successivement un certain nombre d'autres, sans toutefois 
modifier I'arrangement special de la confession. L'ensemble 

Hebrceo-^gyptiaca. 175 

de cet examen de conscience, auquel est ordinairement jointe 
la scene de la psychostasie, forme le chapitre 125 du Rituel 
fuueraire. L'etude de ce code moral est d'un extreme 

Au nombre des vertus que le defunt devait avoir prati- 
quees, on doit s'attendre a rencontrer les bonnes oeuvres 
envers le prochain. Elles s'y trouvent, en effet, et ce ne fut 
pas sans emotion que Champollion decliiffra le premier dans 
le Livre des morts, ce temoignage que le defunt rend de lui- 
meme : 

" J^ai donne des pains a Vaffame^ 

" de teau a T alter e, 

" des vetements au nu ; 

" un asile a V errant J''^ 
Ce sont precisement les termes dont se sert le Christ a 
I'egard des elus :^ 

" J^ai eu faim et vous mavez donne a manger ; 

" J^ai eu soif et vous mavez donne a hoire ; 

" J^ai ete errant et vous mavez donne asile ; 

" J\d ete nu et vous mavez vStic." 
Telle etait la formule par laquelle les Egjptiens aimaient 
a se faire gloire de leur piete et de leur bienfaisance ; elle se 
rencontre dans les Rituels et sur les steles depuis le com- 
mencement du nouvel empire ; il est probable quelle n'etait 
pas inconnue aux temps de I'ancien empire ; les termes en 
varient fort peu; cependant, sur quelques monuments, 
d'autres vertus sont enumerees, mais les secours a la faim, a 
la soif et a la nudite ne sont jamais oublies. 

Une variante energiquement imagee se lit sur la stele 
d'un nomme Petharpekbrot, publiee par Dumichen (Kalend. 
Insch. pi. 46) : J'ai ete le pain de Vaffame, Veau de Valtere, le 
vetement du nu, le remede du 7nalade.^ 

1 Lepsius, Todtenbuch, ch. 125, 38. 

2 Matt. XXV, 35. 

^ Porphyre a connu au moins dans ses traits gSnIraux, la supreme priSre 
des dgfimts. Voici la version qn'il en donne : O soleil, notre Seigneur, qui 
donnez la vie aux hommes, recevez-moi et introduisez-moi aupr^s des dieux de 
I'enfer, avec lesquels je vais habiter. J'ai toujours respectS les dieux de mes 
pferes, et, taut que j'ai vecu dans le monde, j'ai houore ceux qui out engendr6 
mon corps ; je n'aitu6 aucun homme ; je n'ai point viole de depot, nifaitaucune 
faute irreparable. (De abstin. IV, 8.) 

1 7C) fJt'lir<vo-jE(ivplioca. 

§ TI. 
L'Obeissance Filiale. 

Chez les Eg}*ptiens, plus encore que cliez les autres 
peuples de I'antiquite, la famille formait la base de Torgani- 
sation sociale ; la religion, dont la loi civile sanctionnait les 
prescriptions, consacrait I'autorite paternelle. Sans cesse 
avives par les ceremonies periodiques des honneurs rendus 
aux morts, les liens de famille se perpetuaient de generation 
en generation. De meme que, dans I'ordi-e politique, le 
pliaraon regnant etait regarde comme I'enfant des rois 
legitimes, ses predecesseurs,' et leur rendait I'hommage 
religieux, chaque Egyptien, dans le culte de famille, devait 
lionorer ses ascendants paternels et maternels, et ne man- 
quait jamais d'associer a ce culte sa femme et ses enfants 
de tout age. Cest ainsi que le passe se rattachait au 
present et a I'avenir par la chaine ininterrompue de la piete 

Aussi, le chapitre des devoirs des enfants envers leurs 
parents etait-il I'un des plus importants du code moral et 
religieux de I'Egypte. Ces devoirs et les benedictions 
attachees k leur observation sont traites en detail dans le 
livre egyptien le plus venerable qui soit parvenu jusqu'a 
nous. Je veux parler du papyrus de Sentences et Maximes 
rapporte de Thebes par M. Prisse d'Avennes et donne par ce 
savant voyageur a la Bibliotheqiie Nationale de Paris. II 
est aujourd'hui connu sous le nom de Papyrus Prisse et aussi 
de plus ancien litre du monde} Les auteurs de cette com- 
pilation vivaient au temps des pyramides, c'est-a-dire dans 
le quatrieme millenaire avant notreere; I'execution materielle 

• Des rois dii nouvel empire sont representSs dans Taction de rendre 
liommagr aux phres de leurs phres, devant les images des pharaons des dynasties 
anterienrep iusqu'3, MenSs. 

- J'ai rendu compte de cet ourrage dans la Revue Ai-chfiologique de Paris 
(tome XV, 1857), et j'ai donn6, dans le deuxifeme Tolume de la BibliothSque 
Universellc Internationale (Paris, 1870), une traduction corrig6e des chapitres 
rclatifs a la piete filiale. 

Hehrwo-yEgyp fine a. 177 

du manuscrit est d'nne dixaine de siecles plus moderne, 
ce qui la reporte encore a plus de ving;t siecles avant 
notre ere. 

Dans le tableau des felicites promises an fils obeissant, le 
pliilosophe egyptien met en relief la longueur de la vie. 
Voici les termes dont il se sert : 

'^^ Le fils qui regoit la parole de son pere deviendra vieux a 
cause de cela."^ 

Dans un autre passage, il promet encore a I'enfant docile 
une vieillesse vSneree.^ 

Le Decalogue s'exprime absolument de la meme maniere : 
Honore ton pere et ta mere, afin que ta vie soit longue sur la terre. 

On trouverait au surplus dans I'Ecriture Sainte 1' en- 
semble des preceptes de la doctrine egyptienne sur ce sujet 
important. Le livi-e de Jesus, fils de Sirach, j consacre tout 
un chapitre, dans lequel on trouve encore la longevite 
promise corame recompense de Tobeissance filiale : " Celui qui 
honore son pere et sa mere vivra d\ine vie plus lo7igue."^ 

§ in. 

Interdiction des Jurements. 

De meme que les Hebreux, les anciens Egyptiens etaient 
tres-enclins a appuyer de serments leurs affirmations. 
Comme on le fait aujourd'hui, comme toujours, comme 
partout, ils juraient par Dieu et specialement par la vie de 
Dieu. Tel etait aussi le serment habituel des Israelites. 
Mais les Egyptiens faisaient rui plus frequent usage du nom 
et des designations du roi, ce quasi-dieu sui* la terre. 

La Thorah hebra'ique n'iiiterdisait .pas les serments; elle 
ne prohibait que le parjure ;* mais I'usage abusif ou 
irrespectueux du nom de Dieu etait severement reprime : le 

• Papyrus Prisse, pi. XYI, lig. 6. 

2 Ibid, pi. XVII, lig. 10. 

3 Ecclesiastique, cli. 3, v. 6. 

* Tu ne 'profereras pas le nom de Dieu pour faussete (Exode, ch. 20, v. 7). 
Tu ne jureraa pas par mon nom pour le mensonge (L^vitique, cli. 19, v. 12). 

178 Hebroeo-jEgyptiaca. 

blaspheme, 77p, et la malediction, 2p3, etaient punis de 

De plus, en dehors des preceptes de la Thorah. les mora- 
listes reprouvaient I'usage habituel des jm-ements, qui etait 
dans les moeurs de la nation. C'est ce qu'exprime formelle- 
ment Jesus, fils de Siracli : " Jurationi non assitescat os 

L'Evangile donne, sur ce point comme em- tons les autres, 
la formule la plus parfaite : " Non jurare omnino."^ 

Chez les Egyptiens, I'usage des formules d'anatheme et 
de malediction, I'emploi blasphematou-e des noms divins et 
des formules sacrees, les jurements habituels, etaient egale- 
ment interdits par la loi religieuse. Ces sortes d'abus 
forment deux articles dans la confession negative, dont nous 
avons parl6 au paragraphe premier de ce memoire. H y a 
d'abord la malediction simple, sans circonstance aggravante, 
designee par le mot Q ^, shenti;* c'est le vingt- 
huitieme peche f puis la malediction par le roi, qui constitue le 
trente-cinquieme peche. L'edition de Turin j ajoute la male- 
diction par le pere.^ 

Nous pouvons done conclure de ces faits qu'il existait 
entre les deux peuples une grande similitude d'idees sur 
I'objet qui nous occupe ; mais, encore ici, la ressemblance 
s'accentue d'une maniere bien extraordinaire par I'identite 
d'expression que m'a foui'nie un texte hieratique appartenant 
au Musee Britannique. 

Ce texte fait partie du recueil d'Inscriptions sui* matieres 
dures, la derniere en date des excellentes et magnifiques 
publications de ce Musee.^ II est inscrit au revers d'un 
fragment de pierre calcaire dont la face principale porte une 
inscription de quatorze lignes, oii se lisent les restes d'une 

' Levitique, ch. 24, v. 15, 16. 

2 EcclSsiastique, ch. 23, v. 9. 

3 St. Matliicu, ch. 5, v. 33. 

* Ce mot dSsigne aussi les formules d'adjuration magique employees contre 
les maladies et les dangers. Voyez S. Birch, traduction de Todtenbuch, Bunsen's 
Egypt's Place, V, page 255, No. 28, 

* Lepsius, Todtenbuch, ch. 125, 20. 
« Ibid., ch. 125, 27. 

7 PI. XVIII, No. 5631, 

Hehrceo-jEgyptiaca. 179 

correspondance d'affaires officielles entre fouctionnaires. 
Aucune connexion n'existe entre le sujet de cette correspon- 
dance et I'ecriture du revers, qui seule doit nous occupcr ici, 
et qui comprend seulement une pensee pliilosopliique, corres- 
pondant sans doute aux preoccupations du scribe qui I'a 
tracee. Peut-etre devait-il j avoir une serie de pensees du 
meme genre, dont la premik-e seule aurait ete ecrite ; la 
disparition - du premier mot et deux petites lacunes dans le 
texte laissent la cliose indecise ; mais les modifications que 
pomTait n^cessiter une restitution des parties fi'ustes, autre 
que celle que je propose, ne toucheraient en rien au sens du 
precepte, ni a la circonstanoe que ce precepte est cite d'apres 
des ecrits anciens. Cette observation faite, voici ce que j'y 

Un precepte juste et vrai de doctrine ' 

qui est dans les ecrits anciens est : Ne 

lance pas fa bouche en jurements. ^ 

C'est la maxime de I'Ecclesiastique : ^^ Jurationi non assues- 
cat OS tuuni'"; elleaete ecrite sur le caillou de Londres par un 
scribe qui vivait environ douze siecles avant notre ere ; mais 
elle est attribuee par lui a des doctrines ecrites, qui etaient 
alors considerees comme bien plus anciennes. Ces antiques 
ecritures et les paroles des Jionimes d'autrefois sont assez souvent 
citees dans les textes de I'epoque pharaonique. II n'est pas 
mediocrement remarquable que, trente-cinq siecles avant 
notre ere, I'autorite des maximes morales fut deja placee sous 

1 Littgralement, de bonne parole. Les maximes morales du Papyrus Prisse 
sont anssi appelees preceptes de bonne parole. 

2 Des justifications phUologiques ne peuvent trouver place ici. J'explique 
seulement que I'idiotisme lancer sa bouche a des analogues en egyptien. On 
disait notamment lancer des paroles et se lancer, ^ peu pres avec le m§me sens 
qu'en fran9ais. Voyez Melanges ggyptiens, s6rie III, tome 1, p. 139. 

180 Hebrn'o-. K(nij>ti<ic(K 

la recommandation de traditions sc'culaires. Nous n'avons 
aiicun moyen d'apprecier cet age primitif de la civilisation 
egjptienne ; des qti'elle se r^vele a nous par ses monuments, 
nous trouvons I'Egypte en pleine possession de sa civilisa- 
tion, de ses dogmes compliques et de son ecritiu'e merveil- 
leuse ; deja elle nous semble refroidie dans le moule hiera- 
tique qui I'a conservee quatre mille ans, et duquel elle n'est 
sortie que pour se dissoudi'e et disparaitre de la scene du 

Chez ce peuple si remarquable, la loi religieuse dominait 
la loi civile, si meme elle ne la rempla9ait pas entierement. 
On est done naturellement condiiit a penser que la defense 
de faire abus du nom du pharaon n'etait pas simplement 
comminatoire. Cette deduction est pleinement justifiee par 
un texte liieratique appartenant au Musee de Turin et recem- 
ment mis au jour par MM. Pleyte et Rossi.' 

Ce texte fait partie d'une serie de documents officiels 
dates de I'an 29 d'un roi de la XIX^ ou de la XX® dynastie, 
et consistant en rapports sur les affaires du Kher, c'est-k- 
dire du quartier des tombeaux et des temples funeraires de 
Thebes. Ces rapports, qui se suivent a des dates rappro- 
chees, relatent les faits qui devaient etre portes a la connais- 
sance des officiers du quartier et du magistrat superieur de 
la ville ; ils ont la teiieur de notes de police ; on y trouve 
la constatation de I'ouverture des clotures, des mesures prises 
pour les approvisionnements, I'expose des plaintes de la 
population ouvriere du Kher, surtout a propos de I'insuffi- 
sance de nourriture, le signalement des crimes et delits, 
detournements, vols, viols, refus de travail, etc., et quelque- 
fois I'invitation de deferer les coupables a la justice. 

Voici la traduction litterale du rapport date du 3 de pha- 
menot : 

" Les ouvriers installes au Kher ont ouvert les barriires. 

" Les trois Hutou {sergents, surveillants) sont partis pour 
les approvisionnements. 

" I/ouvrier Mesou, fils d'Aanekhtou, a dit : I'Auguste ! 
Celui qu' Amnion dilate ! Le Souverain Royal ! Celui dont 
les volontes sont plus fortes que la mort ! 
' Les Papyrus dc Turin, pi. 43. 

Hehroio-jEgyptiaca. 181 

" Je porte anjourd'liui I'afFaire devant le superieur. Qu'il 

se soit couche, je I'ai dit a ses compagnons ; mais il 

ne m'appartient pas de le faire cbatier pour son jurement 
par le nom du pbaraon." 

Ce texte est facilement lisible dans toutes ses parties 
excepte dans les groupes que j'ai rendus par : je Vai dit a ses 
compagnons. Oe merabre de pbrase presente quelque incerti- 
tude. Mais on voit par I'arrangement du contexte que deux 
especes de debts sont reprocbes a I'ouvrier Mesou. Le 
premier consiste en ce quil s'est couche; c'est I'expression 
liabituelle pour indiquer le rcfus de travail. On la rencontre 
souvent dans les ordres relatifs a Torganisation des chantiers 
et dans les rapports des surveillants. Un autre papyrus de 
Turin notamment prescrit a un fonctionnaire de faire en 
sorte que, parmi les ouvriers, il n'y en ait pas qui restent 
coucbes pendant que les autres travaillent. Les ouvriers 
qui se coucbent pour ne pas travailler et ceux qui prennent 
vacance sont signales en maintes occasions par les agents 
preposes aux travaux.' 

Pour ce debt de paresse, le rapporteur a pu prescrire la 
repression necessaire ; c'est uniquement sur ce point secon- 
daire qu'il subsiste quelque incertitude dans le texte. 

Mais a I'egard du deuxieme mefait, le jurement pa?' le nom 
du roi, la gravite du cas depassait la competence de notre 
scribe ; il porte I'affaire devant le superieur, qui etait le Dja 
ou prefet de la ville. 

Dans mon travail sur le papyrus Abbott, j'ai discute les 
attributions de divers fonctionnaires participant a I'adminis- 
tration de la justice en Egypte. Les papyrus de Turin 
confirment mes observations sur cet important sujet. La 
science possede aujourd'bui une serie assez considerable de 
documents qui s'eclairent mutuellement ; c'est par un travail 
comparatif sur ces vieux titres que j'ai pu reussir a discerner 
la portee exacte des pbrases courtes et sans coberence appa- 
rente qui m'ont livre un fait interessant pour I'bistoire des 
moeurs du peuple egyptien. 

Je demande grace pour ces explications qui ne toucbent 

1 Voyez ma Note sur un Ostracou de la Collection Caillaud, Zeitschrift de 
BerUn, 1867, p. 37. 

182 Hehrceo-^gyptiaca. 

pas directement a mon sujet. Daus Fetat actuel de la 
science du decliiffi-ement des hieroglyphes, il est encore 
indispensable que les traducteurs montrent qu'ils ont suivi 
les regies de la critique pliilologique. Cette marche etait 
ici d'autant plus necessaire que M. Pleyte, dans ses Notices- 
sommaires, a donne une idee differente du texte que je viens 


20 JuiUet, 1871. 



Concerning Cyrus, son of Camhyses king of Persia and of 
Mandane daughter of Astyages, lolio overthrew Babylon 
and released the Jews : as distinguished from Cyrus father 
of Camhyses, who conquered^ Astyages, and founded the 
Empire of the Medes and Persians. 

By J. W. BosANQUET, F.R.A.S. 

Bead 5th, March, 1872. 

There is no more interesting or intricate period of Asiatic 
history within the range of Bibhcal Archeeology, or one more 
worthy of investigation by this Society with a view to its 
true chronological arrangement, than that which embraces 
the rise of the empire of Babylon on the ruins of the Assyrian 
empire: the downfall of Babylon under the hand of Cyrus 
son of Cambyses king of Persia : and the re-establishment of 
the Jews in Palestine by Darius, after an exile of seventy 
years in the regions beyond the Euphrates. 

This interesting period appears to me to be comprehended 
with exactness within one century of years : beginnmg with 
the memorable date of the solar eclipse of the year B.C. 585, 
commonly called the eclipse of Thales, soon after which 
Nineveh fell and Babylon came into the ascendant : and 
ending with a date almost equally well defined, viz., that of 
the death of Darius son of Hystaspes, either at the close of 
the year B.C. 485, or early in the year 484, at the age of 72, 
as Ctesias relates. And this great kmg Darius, I assume, as 
a fundamental point in the chronological arrangement herein 
proposed, to be identical with " Darius son of Ahasuerus of 
the seed of the Medes," of the Book of Daniel (Dan. ix. 1). 

Three illustrious princes in succession, viz., Nebuchad- 
nezzar, Cyrus, and Darius, occupy the ground of Asiatic history 
during these hundred years, the first and last of whom are 

184 Cyrus the Second. 

well known to all the world from authentic history : while 
the history of the second, viz., (^yrus son of Cambyses and 
Mandane, has been so thrust into shade, that, except for the 
accurate researches of Xenophon, set forth in his admirable 
Cyropa^dia, all trace of this distinguished character might 
have been lost for ever in obscurity and myth. The dis- 
tinguishing feature which truly marks the centmy, though 
passed unnoticed by the Greek historians, is the continuous 
and irresistible progress of a religious revolution in the East : 
bringing about first the overtlu'ow of the whole Pantheon of 
Assyrian and Babylonian idolatry : then the introduction by 
Zoroaster of a more spiritual and enlightened worship in 
Media and Persia : and lastly the re-establishment and re- 
cognition of the pure worship of Jehovah, by the public 
proclamation of Darius son of Hystaspes — " of the seed of 
the Medes," as distinguished from the seed of the Chaldeans 
— towards the end of his life, " that in every dominion of my 
kina'dom men fear and tremble before the God of Daniel: 
for he is the living God " (Dan. vi, 2G). 

The first great character, as I have said, which appears 
upon the scene is the powerful Nebuchadnezzar king of 
Babylon. And his first regnal year, after the death of his 
father Nabopalassar, at the close of whose reign Nineveh 
was destroyed, must be placed as beginning in the month 
Nisan of the year B.C. 581 : in conformity with the reckoning 
of the Jewish historian Demetrius, who wrote in the third 
centm-y before Christ, and in opposition to the reckoning of 
Ptolemy the Alexandrian astronomer, who wrote about the 
beginning of the third century after Christ, and who placed 
the first year of Nebuchadnezzar in the year B.C. 604. The 
reign of this king, which occupies not less than 43 years of 
the whole centui-y, I must beg you also to accept as a funda- 
mental and immovable period in my arrangement, from 
which I cannot swerve, and upon the correctness of which, 
or otherwise, my whole scheme of reckoning either stands or 
falls. Nebuchadnezzar died, therefore, after completing 43 
full years on the throne, as Berosus attests, in the course of 
the year B.C. 538. Beneath this mighty king the gods of 
Assyria — Assur, San, Shamas, Vul, Ishtar, Ninip, Nergal, 

Cyrus the Second. 185 

Niischii or Nisrocli, and a host of minor deities — bowed down 
before the gods of Babylon, Bel, Nebo, and Merodach : wliile 
to all human appearance even Jehovah himself and his holy 
temple at Jerusalem were subjected to the same dishonour, 
as if unable to stand in the presence of these mighty heathen 
deities ; and his humbled worshippers were scattered as 
exiles throughout the East. But the ways of Jehovah are 
not the ways of man, and accordingly, as has frequently 
happened in similar periods of history, before a quarter of a 
century had passed, we find the minds of the less enlightened 
Babylonians yielding before the vigour and intelligence of 
the captive race. Under the mysterious influence of the 
Hebrew captive Daniel, now " ruler over the whole province 
of Babylon, and chief of the governors over all the wise 
men of Babylon" — the presiding genius as it were of the 
century — a change cime over the mind of this great heathen 
monarch, who not long before his death is found lifting up 
his eyes to heaven, " to bless the Most High, and to praise 
and honour Him who liveth for ever, whose dominion is an 
everlasting dominion, and his kingdom from generation to 
generation" (Dan. iv, 34). This act of recognition of the 
power of Jehovah by the king of Babylon closes as it were 
the first scene of the religious drama of the century. 

The second illustrious character, openmg the second 
scene, is Cyrus son of Cambyses king of Persia, grandson of 
Astyages, whose history, as distmgiiished from that of Cyrus 
father of Cambyses, is the object of our present search. And 
taking for granted the two cardinal points ' of the proposed 
rectified chronology, viz., the 43 years' reign of Nebuchad- 
nezzar ending in the year B.C. 538, and the identity of "Darius 
the Mede " with the son of Hystaspes, the outline of the 
history of the rise and reign of this second Cyrus, as collected 
trom Greek, Hebrew, and Chaldean authorities, will neces- 
sarily be nearly as follows. Astyages his grandfather had 
died in B.C. 539, and Cyrus I, the father of Cambyses, by 
whom Astyages had been overthrown, had died about the 

^ These two points have been fully discussed in my work " Messiah the 

Prince," and in a Chronological Appendix to Mr. Gr. Smith's "Annals of 

Vol. I. 13 

186 Cyrus the Second. 

year B.C. 536, after reigning tkirty years, as A\dll be presentlv 
shown. And this rude Persian chieftain, who first brought 
empire to tlie Persians, left his dominions divided, either as 
Ctesias relates between his two sons, Cambyses the elder 
and Tany-Oxarces, or Oxares the younger; or as Xenophon, I 
think less correctly, states, between Cambyses his son, and 
Cy-Axares, or Axares son of Astyages the Mede, that is 
the maternal rather than the paternal uncle of Cyrus II. To 
Oxares, or Axares, he assigned the eastern division of his 
empire, comprehending the extensive provinces of Bactria, 
Choramnia, Parthia, and Carmania, reaching from the Oxus 
and the borders of India ^ to the Persian Gulf: and this 
prince manifestly, by title, by territory, and by position in 
history, can be no other than Achsurus, or Ahasuerus,^ of the 
book of Esther, who reigned over 127 provinces fi-om India 
to Cush, or Chushistan (iri2 li^l riTJt^ "n^SH), in whose 
reign Mordecai the Jew was captive, and the seat of whose 
government was at the third royal palace of the empire, Susa. 
The title of King of Persia, together wdth the western pro- 
vinces, fell to the share of Cambyses, as head of the family of 
the Achsemenidge. It will be useful to bear in mmd as we 
proceed this division of the empire into two parts, at the time 
of the accession of Cambyses, which Herodotus has left un- 
noticed. He seems to have been miinformod of the existence 
of this great eastern monarch Cyaxares, and his queen 
Hadassah, or 'Atossa, who shared the empire with Cambyses. 
The coming of "a Persian ]\Iule" against Babylon, at 
the instigation of a ^lede, that is, of this Cyaxares, had been 
announced to the Babylonians by the dpng king Nebuchad- 
nezzar, as close at hand in the year B.C. 538. So says 
]\Iegasthenes, as quoted by Abydenus, — " It is related by 
the Chaldeans that having ascended his palace, his mind was 
inspired by some god; and that he spoke thus: — '0 Baby- 
lonians, I Nabuchodrossor foretell to you an inqDendino- 
calamity, which neither Belus the autlior of our race, nor 

' Kvpos he fieXXcou TtXevrav Kn/xIBvarjv fxiv tuv irpcoTov viiiv ^aaikia KaO'iffTT)' 
Tavvn^dpKi]v 8e rov veoirepov eTrfarrjae beairoTr^v BuKTpiaiv 'kciI t>]S X^P^^) *<"♦ 
Xopufiinciiv Km JJapBlmv k(u Kappaviuiv. — Miiller's " Ctesias," Didot, }). 47. 

- U iviiklishaUirali, king of the Medes. — Behistdn Inscription. 






Cyrus the Second. 187 

Queen Beltis could persuade the Fates to avert. A Persian 
Mule shall come, who with the assistance of your gods shall 
place a yoke upon your neck : with whom a Mede, the glory 
of Assyria, shall be allied.' Having thus foretold the coming 
event, he suddenly disappeared." ' 

Croesus king of Lydia, seeing now that both Astyages, 
and Cyrus who had overthrown him, were dead, and misin- 
terpreting the oracle of Delphi, which had been riglitly 
understood by Nebuchadnezzar, and which informed him of 
the coming reign of a " Mule " in Media, immediately invades 
that kingdom with the hope of annexing it to Lydia. 
Cyaxares, or Tanyoxares, king of the Medes, sends forthwith 
to Cambyses for assistance, and the forces of Media and Persia 
having been placed under the command of Cyrus son of 
Cambyses, now not more than twenty-five years of age, 
and as yet having no kingly authority, Cyrus performs his 
first great exploit by overthrowing Croesus in a pitched 
battle on the plains of Pteria, which was soon followed by 
the capture of Sardis and the kingdom of Lydia, in B.C. 535. 
From henceforth Cyrus began to be reckoned amongst kings. 
He was now king over the Lydians and Armenians, and soon 
after over the loiiians and Cappadocians, and Media also, 
which he received as a dowry with the daughter of Cyaxares, 
and other eastern conquests : and he reigned for twenty-nine 
years, as Herodotus affirms, even till the year B.C. 506. After 
the settlement of the affairs of Sardis and Asia Minor, which 
consumed perhaps two years, say 534, and 533, he led his 
army against Babylon. This city we are told resisted his 
attack for a great length of time, and was taken at last by 
stratagem, as described by Herodotus and Xenophon, in the 
year B.C. 530. This first capture of Babylon by the Persians 
fell, therefore, as we are told by Xenophon, within the reigns 
of Cambyses king of Persia and Cjaxares king of Media. 

' Mera Se, A/yerat npus X<i\8a[u)V, as avu^as eVt ra ^aaiXr]'ia Karaay/fSflr] 
6eco oreco St/, (pdey^cifievos de elnev, Oiros eyco 'Sa^ovKodpocrcrop, <u Bii/SvXwj/tot, 

TTjv /xeWovaav vplv irpoayyeXKu) avp(popi)v "H^et UiparjS rjpiovos, roiaiv 

vp-erepoiai ^(pfu'pevos avppa\0Lcnv • indpiL Se bo\\o(Tvvriv " ov 8tj 
avvaiTLos eartii MtjSt/?, to Aaavpiov av)^rjpa . . . . O p.^v Qtcnviaai irupa^^prjjxa 
^^di/to-ro.— Eiiseb. Pryep. Evaug. ix, 41. 

188 Cyrus the Second. 

The marked feature connected with this siege was the 
entrance of the army through the dry bed of the Euphrates 
into the city. We all remember the beautiful passage of the 
Hebrew poet and prophet when speaking of the overthrow 
of Babylon, in allusion to this event, beginning with the 
Avords — " Sing, oh ye heavens, for Jehovah hath done it : 
shout ye lower parts of the earth : break forth into singing 
ye mountains "—and ending witli these words — " That saith 
to the deep, be dry, and I will dry up thy rivers : that saith 
of Cyrus, he is my shepherd, and shall perform all my 
pleasure : even saying unto Jerusalem, thou shalt be built ; 
and to the temple, thy foundations shall be laid. Thus saith 
Jehovah to his anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have 
holden, to subdue nations before him ; and I will loose the 
loins of kings, to open before him the two-leaved gates ; and 
the gates shall not be shut." (Isaiah xliv, 23; xlv, 1). This 
passage, as far as regards the drying up of the river, and 
the unshut gates, refers no doubt to the first taking of 
Babylon in B.C. 530. Cyrus, however, did not at this time 
assume to himself the title of king of Babylon, so setting at 
defiance the supremacy of his father Cambyses. On the con- 
trary, Xenophon describes him at this time as in every way 
submissive to the will of his father. The year 530, only 
thirty-three years after the fall of Jerusalem, is too early for 
his proclamation, styling himself ruler over " all the kingdoms 
of the earth." ^ And the words referring to the building of 
Jerusalem, I think, apply to the time when Cyrus a second 
time conquered Babylon, after the death of Cambyses, as 
related by the Chaldean historians, Megasthenes, and Berosus. 
For Nabouidus, or Nabonidochus,^ the satrap or governor of 
Bal)ylon, set over that city by Cyrus in B.C. 529, after his 
conquest of Babylon for, and with the army of Cambyses, 
had revolted and seized the throne of Babylon in the year 
B.C. 522, that is at the time of the general revolt of the 
empire from Cambyses after his disasters in Egypt ; when 
"Persia and Media, and the other provinces " went over to 
Gomates the IMagian, as related by Herodotus, and as 
spoken of in the Behistun Inscription. Nabonidus we are told 
' Ezra i, 2. ^ Megasthenes writes Nabouedoclius, Ptolemy Nabonadius. 

Ci/rus the Second. 189 

retained jDossession of Babylon, (with one short interval, per- 
haps, of submission to Darius in B.C. 519 and 520), till his 
seventeenth year, even till four years after the death of 
Cambyses in 518 : when Cyrus, being firmly established in 
the nortli-eastern provinces, brought up his army against 
him in B.C. 513. Nabonidus fled at once to Borsippa, and 
surrendered without a siege. And Cyrus, mindful perhaps 
of former friendship and assistance — when probably in 
B.C. 530 during the conspiracy against Laborosoarchod he 
had, as the head of the conspiracy, contrived that the gates 
of the Euphrates should be left unclosed — now pardoned his 
rebellion, and appointed him governor of Carmania, one of 
the provinces, as we have seen, of the eastern division of 
the empire. And now let it be particularly observed, that 
Nabonidus, who was thus placed in power in proximity to the 
prince of the province of Persia, was not suffered to remain 
as governor in Carmania by "king Darius." Megasthenes, 
speaking of Nergalsharezar, the successor at Babylon of 
Evilmerodach, writes — " Nabonedochum in regni solium 
evehi jussit, ad quem nuUo modo pertinebat. Cui Cyrus, 
Babylone capta, Carmaniae principatum dedit. Darius rex de 
regione depulit aliquantulum" (Euseb. Arm. Auch. p. 30). 
So that Darius, not Cambyses, would apj^ear to have been the 
successor, if not the contemporary of Cyrus, according to the 
reckoning of Megasthenes. Whether this act of Darius took 
place during the lifetime of Cyrus, or after his death, does 
not hoAvever clearly appear. If, as I suppose, it occurred 
during his life, it would show that rivalry had commenced 
between Cyrus and Darius, as heads of the two branches of 
the family of the Achsemenidse, as early as the year B.C. 513. 
Now it was in the year 513 when Nabonidus surrendered 
to Cyrus at Borsippa, I think, that Cyrus first assumed 
the title of ''king of Babylon,"^ and issued his proclaiuation 
releasmg the Jews, and commanding that the temple of 
Jerusalem should be rebuilt : saying " Jehovah the God of 
heaven hath given me all the kingdoms of the earth," He 
then laid siege to Babylon, which we are told by Berosus 
was not taken till after much trouble, that is to say, till the 

1 Ezra V, 13. 

190 Cyrus the Second. 

year B.C. 510, after which he contmned to reign not mere 
than three years, and died in B.C. 50G. Cyrus had now 
accomplished his destined task. The great gods of Babylon, 
before whom the gods of the nations had fallen, had now in 
turn been cast down before the ''anointed" of Jehovah. 
" Bel bowed down, Nebo stooped," and " Merodach was 
broken in pieces.'" The way was prepared for the spread of. 
the more spiritual worship of the Magi under the symbol of 
perpetual fii-e,- in some measure resembling the perpetual 
oifering by fire in the temple of Jerusalem ; the doctrines, of 
the supremacy of one Eternal Being, of the immortality of 
the soul, of the resurrection of the body, and of the reward 
of the virtuous in a future state, were promulgated in ]\Iedia 
and Persia ; and the re-establishment of the worship of 
Jehovah at Jerusalem was decreed. Up to this time Cyrus 
seems to have prospered in all his undertakings. Every 
thing was contentment within the provinces subject imme- 
diately to his own paternal government. Even during the 
convulsion which shook his father's portion of the empire 
to pieces in B.C. 522, we read of no disturbances in Lydia, 
Ionia, Cappadocia, or Armenia, nor till the time of the revolt 
of Aristagoras, and the burning of Sardis by the Athenians 
and lonians in B.C. 603, about three years after his death. 
He was sole and rightful heir to the whole of his father's 
dominions, in addition to his own, in B.C. 518. Nevertheless, 
in his latter years he seems to have come into rivalry, if not 
into collision, with the ambitious son of Hystaspes. Darius 
we know had, as early as the year B.C. 535, when only twenty 
years of age, been accused of plotting against the throne of 
the elder Cyrus and his son Cambyses. On the revolt of the 
empire from Cambyses in B.C. 522, he appears to have made 
himself master immediately of the province of Persia, as he 
tells us plainly in his inscription — " This is what was done 
by me before I became a king."^ And on the death of 
Cambyses he was unquestionably recognised by the Egyptians 

> Jer. 1, 2. 

- In the first year of tlie reign of Cyrufi, king Cyrus commanded tliat the 
house of Jehovah at Jerusalem should be built again, where they do sacriflce 
with continual fire. — 1 Esdras vi, 2-1. 

^ Behistun Inscription. .Inurnal R. Asiatic Soc, Vol. x, Part i, p. 28. 

Cyrus the Second. 191 

as king of Egypt, as proved by the Apis tablets, and probably 
also of Syria. Again, at a still later date, probably after the 
death of Cyrus, he writes — " This is what I did before I seized 
the kingdom.'' ' His policy and religious opinions seem to 
have been the reverse of those of Cyrus. Cyrus is described 
by Xenophon as showing favour and reverence on all occa- 
sions towards the Magi, and we may presume, therefore, that 
he was a promoter of the religious movement of his time 
in Media. He openly proclaimed his recognition of Jehovah 
as the " God of heaven," and we are told that he had seen 
and understood the words of the Hebrew prophet, ^ — '" J am 
Jehovah and there is none else. I form the light, and create 
darkness. I make peace, and create evil. I Jehovah do all 
these things .... I have made the earth, and created man 
upon it" (Isaiah xlv, 6, 7, 12): which words are evidently 
spoken in contrast to the IMagian dualistic doctrine of Ormazd 
and Ahriman, light and darkness, good and evil. Darius, 
on the other liand, publicly proclaimed wgow the rock his 
abhorrence of the IMagian innovations. He worship^^ed 
indeed "the great god Ormazd" with zeal and sincerity, 
according to the ancient rites. But he tells us how the state, 
according to his judgment, had become heretical and abound- 
iug in lies during the temporary supremacy of the Magi : 
how he put to death Gomates the Magian : and how he set 
himself against, and reversed the rites and ordinances which 
the Magi had introduced. And as if in comiter proclamation 
to the decree of Cyrus, and to the claims of Jehovah, soon 
after the death of Cyrus, but probably long before his own 
death, he set up at Alwand in Media, and also on his sepulchre 
at Nakksh-i-Rustam, this inscription, — "The great god 
Ormazd (he it was) who gave this earth, who gave that 

heaven, who gave mankind, who gave life to mankind, 

Avho made Darius king .... king of all inhabited countries." '-^ 

The proclamation of Cyrus for the re-establishment of 

the temple of Jehovah, and the replacement in Judea, in 

the province of Syria, "on this side the river" (Ezra iv, 16), 

' Journal Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. xv, Part i, p. 103, 

- Jo-jeph. Ant. xi, 1, 2. 

■'' Journal Royal Asiatic Society, Tol. x, I'^i-t iii, p. s^73. 

192 Cyrus the Second. 

where Darius, as I have assumed, affected supremacy, of 
some fifty thousand Hebrews devoted to his service, and 
worshippers of " Jehovah God of heaven," was naturally 
distasteful to him. " The adversaries of Judah and Benjamin " 
(iv, 1) were roused and on the alert to obstruct the building. 
And, what is most remarkable, this decree of the victorious 
Cp-us, the supreme absolute sovereign of the empire, as also 
the laws of the Medes and Persians "which cannot be altered," 
were not only opposed but effectually set aside, " all the 
days of Cyrus king of Persia, even until the reign of Darius 
king of Persia" (Ezraiv, 5). Some more than usually potent 
influence must have been at work on this occasion to counter- 
act the policy of the great king of Babylon : and there is 
every reason to believe that the promoter of the opposition 
was Darius himself. For we read in the Book of Daniel 
(x, 1 — 13), that "in the third year of Cyrus king of Persia," 
that is when king of Babylon (Ezra v, 13), B.C. 511, " the prince 
of the kingdom of Persia" had set himself in opposition 
to the earnest wishes of Daniel (that he might go up to 
Jerusalem to fulfil the decree of C}t^"us?), and this "prince 
of Persia " is spoken of almost immediately after as " Darius 
the Mede" (x, 20;xi, 1), that is Darius son of Hystaspes. 
Moreover, Daniel adds, that on the refusal of his petition he 
"remained there T^ith the kings of Persia," in the plural; 
showing that Cyrus in his third year over Babylon was not 
sole, though supreme sovereign in Persia. " So it (the work 
of the temple) ceased unto the second year of the reign of 
Darius king of Persia " (Ezraiv, 24). The decree of Cyrus, 
therefore, remained in abeyance for twenty years, from the 
year B.C. 511 to 492. For this second year of Darius is not his 
second year as king of the province of Persia, B.C. 520, when 
Cambyses was yet alive and tarrying in Egypt, but his second 
counted from the time " when he was made king over the 
realm of the Chaldeans," B.C. 493 (Dan. v, 31; ix, 1). 

Now, Avho were the reigning princes in Babylon and Persia 
during this interval of abeyance of the decree of Cyrus ? 
Ezra^ Avho was living at Babylon at the time, and who wrote 
this part of his book in the language of Babylon, is unques- 
tionably the best historical witness on the subject. And it is 

Cyrus the Second. 193 

before his testimony that the common scheme of reckoning 
entirely falls to pieces, for want of the slightest support. We 
are commonly taught to believe that Cambyses and Sraerdis 
were the kings who opposed the building of the temple ; 
and such indeed must have been the fact, if the decree of 
Cyrus had been issued in the year B.C. 538. But if so, why 
does not Ezra say so? Ezra does not say so, clearly because 
he is speaking of a time after the death of Cambyses. For 
he names Ahasuerus, and Artaxerxes, as the obstructors of 
the work, that is Xerxes and Artaxerxes, probably one and 
the same king, Xerxes being his true name as used " in the 
beginning of his reign," ^ that is before he actually came to 
the throne, and Artaxerxes being the title which he assumed 
when first associated with his father in the government as 
king, as attested by the Septuagint version, or paraphrase of 
Daniel v, 31, " 'ApTa^ep^r]<i 6 rcov MijScov TrapeXa/Se t7]v 
fiacriXelav, koI Aapeio^ irXrjpri'^ roiv 7)/jL€pcov kol evSo^os iv jijpeij^ 
that is when Darius was about " three score and two years 
old," in B.C. 493. So that the testimony of Ezra is destructive 
of the common reckoning, as showing that the opposition to 
the decree of Cyrus was carried on during the government 
of Xerxes, and yet also during the reign of Darius, that is, 
as I have said, between the years B.C. 511 and 493. Accord- 
ingly we find the people of Samaria, and Artaxerxes himself, 
speaking in their letters of " tJie kings " of Persia in the plural 
(Ezra iv, 13, 22). And the nature of this plurality of kings 
is explained by Darius, to whom the question of rebuilding 
was referred, when he speaks of " the king and his sons," as 
to be j^rayed for in the future services of the temple 
(vi, 10, 14). So that the obstruction of the building took 
place at a time when the sons of Darius were of sufficient age 
to take part with their father in the government. It is simply 
idle and perverse, therefore, to close the eyes to this evidence 
of Ezra, and to say that it was Cambyses who obstructed the 
building, under the name of Artaxerxes. The testimony of 
Ezra is so distinct, that the opposition to the enlightened 
policy of Cyrus concerning the building of the temple of 
Jehovah, took place while Arta-Xerxes, or Xerxes, was in 
' Tlie same phrase is made use of by Shalmanezer and by Sennacherib, in this sense. 

194 Cyrus the Second. 

association with Darius, and that Uarius overniled the decree 
of Arta-Xerxes stopping the work, after he had taken the 
king-dom of Babylon in B.C. 493, that the necessary inference 
is, that the decree of Cyrus went forth some tAventy-five years 
hxter than B.C. 008, that is m B.C. 513, where I put it, and not 
fifty years before Darius gave permission for tlie buikling. 

It will be convenient to defer all further consideration of 
the reign of Darius, the third great character in the drama 
of the century, till the chi'onology of the Behistun Inscription 
is again adverted to. I will now merely trace in few words 
the progress of the joint movement of Judaism and Magism 
towards its final triumph at the latter end of the reign of 
this king. We know from the Book of Esther how in the 
reign of Cyaxares, or Ahasuerus, the uncle of Cyrus, the 
Avhole Jewish nation had been destined to destruction, as 
having already made its religious influence felt, and its. 
people obnoxious throughout the eastern provinces of Persia, 
as upholding "laws diverse from all people" (Esther iii, 8). 
We know how the same violent policy from which the Jews 
then escaped had been put in execution against the Magi, 
as witnessed by the annual festival of the " Magophonia," 
spoken of by Ctesias. We have seen how the IMagians were 
beginning to work out their appointed task of reformation 
towards the end of the reign of Cambyses, and the Jews some- 
what later under the fostering government of Cyrus : and 
again how both were thwarted and repressed under the more 
bigoted policy of Darius. At length, however, that obstruc- 
tive policy was suddenly reversed. When Darius had reached 
the 30th year of his reign in Persia, that is in the year 
B.C. 492, which was his second after becoming seated on the 
tlu'one of Babylon, when he had come under the influence of 
the aged Daniel, now upwards of nhiety years of age, when 
all rivalry with Cyrus was at an end, and he had become 
midisputed monarch over the whole empire of Asia; avo read 
that his breast was softened, that the almost forgotten decree 
of Cyrus was sought for by his command, and carried into 
effect. We find Ezra rejoicing that Jehovah had thus " turned 
the heart of tlie king of Assyria."' And from Daniel we learn 

' Ezra ri, 22. 

Cyrus the Second. 195 

how, after one last desperate effort of the Persian princes to 
destroy the power of the Hebrew minister, which signally 
filled, the decree of Darius came forth commanding that the 
God of Daniel slionld be reverenced thronghont his dominions. 
As regards the Temple of Jerusalem also we read, " they 
builded and finished it, according to the commandment of the 
God of Israel, and according to the commandment of Cyrus 
and Darius, and Arta-Xerxes king of Persia."' In reference 
to this epoch in the reign of Darius, the Arabian writer Abu 
Mohammed Mustapha relates in his life of Gushtasp, or 
Darius Hystaspes, that " after this king had reigned thirty 
years, Zerdust, or Zoroaster appeared — a wise man — who 
was author of the books of the Magi. At first Gushtasp 
was disinclined to the new doctrine, but at length was 
persuaded, and adopted his religion. He was among the 
disciples of Ozier," or Ezra.^ Bundari has a passage to the 
same effect. This view of the history of Darius and Cyrus is 
I submit consistent and consecutive. That which identifies 
Darius with Astyages, and Artaxerxes with Cambyses, is 
incoherent, contradictory, and manifestly absurd. 

But to return to tlie history of Cyrus son of Cambyses 
and Mandane, commonly called the Mule. Having given a 
sketch of his history, let us see what is said of his character, 
.^schylus the poet is one of the first of secular Avriters who 
mentions Cyrus ; and two words suffice for this poet to 
describe the happy genial nature of his character, ivSaifMcov, 
and evcppcov. Xenophon, his great admirer, describes him as 
endowed with every princely virtue, mild, generous, humane, 
philosophical, holding together his wide dominions rather by 
the ties of love and gratitude than of force ; while, according 
to Herodotus, he was looked up to by his subjects as to a 
father rather than as to a king. The Hebrew poet, speaking 
again in the name of Jehovah concerning Cyrus, writes — 
"I will make a man more precious than fine gold: even a 
man than the golden wedge of Ophir" — "Behold I will stir 
up the Medes " — " and Babylon the glory of kingdoms, the 
beauty of the Chaldees excellency shall be as when God 
overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah." 

' Ezra vi, 14. ^ Hydes Religio Vetprum Persarum, pp. 310, .317. 

19G Cyrus the Second. 

Now the question still for consideration is, how to re- 
concile this view of the history of Cyrus, taken chiefly from 
Scripture, with facts and dates as established by classical 
authorities. When was it that this interesting and highly 
gifted prince reigned as "king of Babylon"?' When was it 
that he proclaimed in the words of the Book of Ezra^ — 
" Thus saith Cyrus king of Persia, The Lord God of heaven 
hath given me all the kingdoms of the earth ; and he hath 
charged me to build him an house at Jerusalem, Avliich is in 
Judah"? Could it be, as collected from Herodotus, before his 
son Cambyses came to the throne of Babylon in B.C. 529? or 
was it, as related by Xenophon, some few years after his father 
Cambyses king of Persia ceased to reign in B.C. 518? The 
earliest expositors of this period of history, such as Josephus, 
and Africanus, and somewhat later Sulpicius Severus, took 
it for granted that "the first year of Cyrus king of Persia," 
spoken of by Ezra, was the first year of Cyrus spoken of by 
Herodotus, that is to say the year B.C. 560. Petavius writes 
— " Nothing is more firmly fixed and established, by the 
consent of all chronologists ancient and modern, than the 
fii-st year of Cyrus, as regards the Olympiad : for the ancients 
without exception have delivered to us that Cyrus began to 
reign in Persia in the beginning of the 55th Olympiad 
(B.C. 560), that is the first year of the Olympiad when the 
contest itself took place." ^ Eusebius, quoting Africanus, 
writes — " After the seventy years' captivity, Cyrus began to 
reign in Persia, in the year in which the 55tli 01ympia\l was 
celebrated, as we find in the books of Diodorus, the histories 
of Thallus and Castor, as well as Polybius and Phlegon."^ 
And Africanus adds, that it was in the year B.C. 560 that 
Zerubbabel went up to Jerusalem to lay the foundation 
of the temple.^ This extravagant and impossible exposition, 
which places the proclamation of Cyrus for the rebuilding 
of the temple about the time when the Jewish historian 
Demetrius places the destruction of the temple, has long 
since been exploded. The modern idea is, that the first year 

' Ezra V, 13. - Ch. i, 2. 

3 Petavius, De Docfcrina Temporum, X, c. 15. 

•* Euseb. Prep. Evang., L. x. ' Kouths. Reliq. Sacrae, Vol. ii, p. 271. 

Cyrni^ the Second. 197 

of " Cyrus king of Babylon," who proclaimed himself ruler 
over " all the kingdoms of the earth," was the year B.C. 538. 
This idea, however, I shall endeavour to show, is supported 
by as little real authority as the first. The date B.C. 538, for 
the taking of Babylon by Cyrus, is assumed to be established 
beyond all controversy, on the authority of the Babylonian 
Canon of Ptolemy the astronomer. For Ptolemy, adopting 
the opinion of all the Greek historians who wrote concernmg 
Persia, (who are opposed nevertheless by ah Asiatic authori- 
ties,) knew but of one Cyrus king of Persia, and naturally, 
therefore, took it for granted that Cyrus who conquered 
Babylon was Cyrus father of that Cambyses, whose seventh 
year as king of Babylon, B.C. 523, he had rightly fixed by an 
eclipse of the moon recorded at Babylon in that year of his 
reign. Ptolemy indeed has not taken this date without con- 
sideration, and at random : for it is the traditional and true 
date of the year following the death of Astyages king of 
Media, B.C. 539, and therefore truly the date of the first year 
of Cyrus I, father of Cambyses, by right of conquest over 
Media, and also the year in which Nebuchadnezzar foretold 
the coming of the Mule against Babylon. The date 539, as 
the last year of Astyages, who is erroneously identified with 
Nabonadius, is preserved in two copies of the Babylonian 
Canon, as given by Syncellus, styled by him the Ecclesiastical 
and Astronomical Canons.' The date, however, is a Median, 
not a Babylonian date : and the assumed first year of Cyrus 
in Media, 538, is of course not necessarily his first as king 
of Babylon. Indeed it is not true, as I shall show, that 
Cyrus father of Cymbyses ever reigned at Babylon. 

This scheme of reckoning is so almost universally 
received, and has become so much j)art and parcel of our 
authorised Bibles by insertion in the margin, that it may not 
improperly be styled the orthodox reckoning of Scripture 
chronology. Nevertheless, it leads directly to such unorthodox 
results, and is found upon examination to stand upon such 
unsound foundation, that I trust it may soon be set aside 
and forgotten like its predecessor. There are two inherent 
difiiculties, nay almost impossibihties, involved in this scheme 
' Syncellus. Dindorf. Vol. 1, pp. 391, 393. 

198 Cyrua the Second. 

of reckoning. For, in the first place, if Cyrus son of 
Cambysc'S, who is su})posed to have been the conqueror of 
his grandfather Astyages, which Xenophon denies, was about 
forty years of age Avhen he came to the throne of Persia in 
B.C. 560 — an opinion entertained by such writers as Fyues 
CHnton and Dr. Hales, on the authority of Diuou — then must 
he have been born in the year B.C. 600, that is to say about 
fifteen years before his grandfather Astyages married the 
daughter of Alyattes, and sixty-one years, as I beheve, before 
his grandfather's death. And even if we lower the age of 
Cyrus to twenty-five years in B.C. 560, he Avould have been 
born in the very year of that marriage, marked by the solar 
eclipse of B.C. 585. C}tus, therefore, grandson of Astyages, 
who unquestionably was the conqueror of Babylon, could 
hardly be the Cyrus who began to reign about the year 
B.C. 560, or rather 565, and who preceded Cambyses in Persia. 

Secondly, the prophet Daniel, who was cognisant of all 
the great events of the century, having served in the Courts 
of Nebuchadnezzar, Cyrus, Belshazzar, and Darius, tells us 
that Jerusalem lay desolate after its destruction by the 
Chaldees just seventy years, and .that these seventy years 
expired about the first year of the reign of his master 
Darius king of Babylon, when "about three score and two 
years old," as is supposed in B.C. 538 : ' while another prophet, 
Zachariah,'* records that just seventy years of "indignation" 
against Jerusalem had expired in the second year of Darius 
son of Hystaspes king of Persia and Babylon, and these 
seventy years are supposed to have expired when the son of 
Hystaspes was about thirty-six years of age, in B.C. 520. 
Thus it becomes necessary to invent a fictitious king Darius, 
never yet heard of in historj^ to meet the first occasion, in 
B.C. 538 : and two periods of seventy years duration each, 
counted from the same point of time, are assumed to have 
expired at periods twenty years apart. 

Such are some of the insuperable difficulties involved in 
this common scheme of reckoning. It is not surprising, 
therefore, that certain Essayists, conscious of these con- 
tradictions, should have declared with regard to the Book of 

' Dan. V, 31. = Zacliariah i, 12. 

Ci/rii.s flie S<'roit(J. 199 

Daniel, that "so little has this book (as now received) the 
framework of chronicle, that it presents four kings in succes- 
sion, Nebuchadnezzar, Belshazzar, Darius, and Cyrus, whom 
no discoverable history arranges in that order :" while other 
zealous critics, not doubting the correctness of the reckoning, 
have thereby been logically led to the conclusion, that the 
Book of Daniel is neither more nor less than a forgery of 
the time of the Maccabees. Again, by the adoption of this 
same reckoning, We find Monsieur de Saulcy, an eminent 
member of this Society, in a Work bearing date as late as 
1868, deliberately charging the Book of Ezra with corruption, 
as speaking of king Artackhchachta, where the true reading 
he thinks ought to be Cambyses ; at a time when, according 
to the reckoning here proposed, Cambyses had been dead 
some twenty years. ^ Even the Writers in that valuable com- 
pilation, " Smith's Dictionary of the Bible," bearing date 
B.C. 18(30, still cling to the inconceivable exposition, Avhich 
teaches that Darius, at whose court Daniel ruled as minister, 
and who knew his master only by the title Darius, Avas no 
other than Astyages: that the well-known king Cambyses, so 
recorded on Persian and Egyptian monuments, was sjDecially 
known to Ezra, and Ezra only, by the title Ahasuerus : that 
the Magian usurper Gomates of the Behistun Inscription was 
specially known to Ezra as Artaxerxes.: and that Belshazzar, 
of whose history we know nothing excepting that he was the 
son of Nabonidus, and that he was succeeded on the throne 
by Darius, was indeed conquered, not by Darius but by Cyrus 
in B.C. 538. The late Duke of Manchester, who had devoted 
much deep study to this subject, and who has left a work 
full of research and valuable material for the benefit of those 
who come after him, was so overwhelmed by the perplexities 
and contradictions of the common reckoning founded upon 
Ptolemy's Canon, that he was even willing to accept, as a 
preferable alternative, the monstrous idea, that Cyrus I. king 
of Persia was identical with Nabopalassar king of Babylon, 
and Cambyses his son with Nebuchadnezzar the Great.''' 

' "C'est recrivain sacre que se trompe, ou bien plutot c'est un copiste 

maladroit qui a ecrit le uom Artackhchachta au lieu de nom Kambouziah." 

Ezra iv, 8. Etude Chronologique des livres d'Esdras et de Nehemie, p. 7.S. ' 

- " The Times of Daniel," by G-eorge Duke of Manchester, p. 126. 

200 Cyrus the Second. 

My object then expressly is, to set aside tliat portion of 
Ptolemy's arrangement of the kings of Babylon and Persia 
which begins with the reign of Nabokolassar, or Nebnchad- 
nezzar, in B.C. 604, and ends with the death of Cyrus in 530, 
as resting upon no astronomical data : as misdating the jnost 
important of all chronological epochs in sacred history, the 
first year of Cyrus " the anointed of Jehovah :" as leading 
to false interpretation of Holy Scripture: and as altogether 
unworthy of adoption by this Society, as wanting historical 

I will first lay down a technical outline of dates in connec- 
tion with Persian, Median, Babylonian, and Lydian history, 
during the century under consideration, founded as 1 believe 
on unquestionable data : and will then endeavour to establish 
two leading propositions : — 

1st. That Cyrus the father of Cambyses, who conquered 
Astyages, king of Media, in B.C. 559, and founded the empire 
of the Persians and Medes, neither conquered Babylon, nor 
reigned at Babylon, before Cambyses took that throne in 
B.C. 529. ' 

2nd. That Cyrus son of Cambyses, grandson of Astyages, 
twice conquered Babylon : but did not take the title " king 
of Babylon " till after the death of his father in B.C. 518. 

Dates connected with Persian and Median History. 


585. No one, I presume, will question the correctness of this 
date as that of the eclipse of Thales, and as marking the 
time of the marriage of Astyages, grandfather of Cyrus, 
with the daughter of the king of Lydia, forty-six years 
before the death of Astyages in B.C. 539. 

583. Date of the destruction of Nineveh by Cyaxares and 
Nebuchadnezzar, or Ahasuerus and Nabuchodonosor 
(Toljit xiv, 15), placed as usual soon after the eclipse of 
Thales, that is in the 31st year of Cyaxares I. Cyaxares 
began to reign in the year B.C. 613, that is in the year 
following the death of his father Phraortes, or Arphaxad, 
in the 12th year of Nabopalassar, or "Nabuchodonosor 
who reigned at Nineveh" B.C. 614.' 

^ See Appendix to Smith's Assurbanipal, p. 352. 

Cyrus the Second. 201 

573. First year of Astyages, forty years after the death of 

Phraortes in B.C. 513. 
557. Partial eclipse of the sun at Larissa, or Nimrucl. This 

city, says Xenophon, " was besieged by the king of the 

Persians, about the time lohen the Persians took the empire 

from the Medes, but he could by no means get possession 

of it. A cloud, however, having come over the sun, it 

disappeared to that extent that the inhabitants forsook 

the place, and thus it was taken."' (Anabasis, ch. iii). 
556. Darius son of Hystaspes was born in this year, having 

died, according to Ctesias, at the age of 72, in B.C. 485-4. 
539. Last year of the reign of Astyages. See p. 197. 
538. First year of Cyaxares II., or Tany-Oxarces, king ol 

Media, son of Cyrus I. by Amytis daughter of Astyages.^ 
536. Date of the death of Cyrus the father of Cambyses, and 

accession of Cambyses in Persia, when Darius was 

just 20 years old. 
523. Eclipse of the moon at Babylon on the 16th July, in 

the 7tli year of Cambyses (Ptolemy's Almagest). 
502. Eclipse of the moon at Babylon on 19th November, in 

the 20th year of the reign of Darius (Ptolemy). 
493. Darius completes the 62nd year of his age, say in the 

summer of B.C. 494 (Ctesias), and is made king " over tht 

realm of the Chaldeans " in the course of his 63rd year, 

in 493 CDaniel v, 31 ; ix, 1). 
491. Eclipse of the moon at Babylon on 25th June, in the 

31st year of the reign of Darius (Ptolemy). 
484. Darius completes his 72nd year, say in the summer of 

this year, and dies towards the close of the year B.C. 485, 

or beginning of 484 (Ctesias). 

' HXiov Se vecjyeXi] TTpoKaKv^j/aaa, rjcpdvicrf, fxe^pts 6i (ivQpanroi e^eXnrov} 
Kai ovT(o$ eaXco. This eclipse, whicli is said to mark the precise latitude of the 
moon on the 19th May B.C. 557, has been taken by astronomers as a fixed point 
in working out the lunar theory. See Philos. Trans. 1853 ; Sir J. Herschel's 
Astronomy, p. 685 ; Hansen's Lunar and Solar Tables. And if Cyaxares, or 
Tany-Oxarces, was the son of Amytis who married Cyrus when he conquered 
Astyages, and was of age to take the government of a portion of the emjDire in 
B.C. 536, he was probably born not later than about the time of the eclipse. 
There is therefore no reason to doubt, as I have doubted in an Appendix to 
Smith's Assurbanipal, whether the echpse of B.C. 557, is really the eclipse here 
referred to by Xenophon. But I think it was probably not total, as there is no 
mention of sudden darkness, and tliat the shadow passed south of Larissa. 

^ Ctesias. 

Vol. I. 14 

2(>2 Cyrus the Second. 

I now ^^^sll to di'aw particular attention to the date B.C. 
536, the year of the death of Cyrus I., and of the accession 
of Cambyses : in the first place, as affording the true key to 
the involutions of this period of Persian chronology; and 
also especially, because the question for consideration being, 
whether Cp'us kmg of Persia reigned at Babylon before or 
after Cambyses, it is of the first importance to fix ^vith 
exactness the date and length of Cambyses' reign. 

Now if Darius son of Hystaspes was born in the summer 
of the year B.C. 556, he would have completed the twentieth 
year of his age in the summer of 536 : and it was at the 
time when Darius was just completing his twentieth year, 
Herodotus tells us, that Cyrus father of Cambyses set out on 
his fatal expedition against Tomyris, or Amoreeus,' after 
having appointed Cambyses his successor on the throne of 
Persia. On the first night after Cyrus had passed the river 
into the territory of Tomyris, "he saw," says Herodotus, 
" in his sleep the eldest son of Hystaspes, with wings on his 
shoulders, shadowing with one wing Asia, and Europe with 
the other. Now Hystaspes the son of Arsames was of the 
race of the Achsemenidse, and his eldest son was at that 
time scarce twenty years old, ioiv rore rjXiKiijv e? ecKoal kov 

We may feel assured that this is no careless record of 
Herodotus, but historically true and exact ; because it affords 
the means of bringing the reckonings of Ctesias, ]\Ianetho, 
and the Parian Chronicle, into harmony with each other, and 
also with his ow]i, which otherwise appear to be hopelessly 
at variance. Placing then the first year of Cambyses in the 
twenty-first year of the age of Darius, B.C. 536-5, as thus 
fixed by Herodotus, the reckoning of Ctesias will run thus : — 

Reigned. From B.C. 

Cyrus father of Cambyses . . 30 years. . 565 

Cambyses. . . . . . . . 18 „ . . 535 

Darius, who died at the age of 72 31 „ .. 517 

Xerxes (in association with Darius) . . . . 486 

The reckoning of Manetho runs thus: — "Cambyses in 
' Ctesias. 2 Herod, i, 209. 

Cyrus the Second. 203 

the fifth year of his reign over the Persians, (B.C. 525), 
reigned over Egypt six years," that is to say, Cambyses 
reigned in all eleven years, counting with Herodotus from 
the time of his becoming king of the empire of Persia, in 
B.C. 529, after the overthrow of the empire of Babylon, as we 
shall see, in 530. Now if we reckon these eleven years from 
the month Nisan 529, according to the Babylonian reckoning, 
Cambyses will have ceased to reign in the year B.C. 518, and 
Gomates the Magian, who usurped his throne, will have 
been slain seven months after his death, and Darius will 
have come to the throne in B.C. 517, which date is in harmony 
with the reckoning of Ctesias. 

The Parian Chronicle, written in the year B.C. 264, com- 
putes from that date, upwards, to the accession of Darius, as 
copied by Selden, in these words : — " From the time when 
Darius reigned over the Persians, after the death of the 
Magian, 253 years." That is 253 + B.C. 2G4 = B.C. 517. The 
reckoning of the Chronicle, therefore, is also in agreement 
with the reckoning of Ctesias, and with Manetho. 

Lastly, Herodotus allows seven years and five months to 
the reign of Cambyses, and seven months for the reign of 
the Magian, and his reckoning runs thus : — 

Cyrus father of Cambyses. . 
Cambyses . . 
The Magian 

Darius son of Hystapses . . 
Xerxes from the year of his \i)^ 40 p 

association with his father J " • • 

Thus Herodotus agrees with Manetho as to the time 
when Cambyses took the throne of the empire of Persia, 
B.C. 529 : but differs with Ctesias, Manetho, and the Chronicle, 
inasmuch as he places the accession of Darius in the year 
B.C. 521, instead of the year B.C. 517, and allows 36 years to 
his reign, instead of 31. Nevertheless, Herodotus is unques- 
tionably correct as regards the 36 years' reign of Darius ; 
for his 36th year is recorded on two different monuments 
on the Cossier Road in Egypt, and his 35th year is found 

Eeigns. From B.C. 



• . . . 




5 months 


7 months 




. . 


204 Cyrus the Secoy^d. 

inscribed on a tablet inscribed at Babylon, and also on a 
papjTus at Turin.' 

On the otlier hand, the correctness of Ctesias, ]\Ianetho, 
and the Chronicle is equally well attested by inscriptions in 
the Serapeum at Memphis. For there is now in the Serapeum 
the tomb of an Apis, which was born in the fifth month (iMay), 
of the fifth year of the reign of Cambyses, lived upwards of 
seven years, and died in the fourth year of Darius. Now 
this fifth year of Cambyses must necessarily be counted from 
the year B.C. 525, in which year Cambyses first became king 
of Egypt, if it is true, as Manetho states, and as is recorded 
on a monument in the Cosseir Road, that he reigned in Egypt 
six years : and that it is true, is proved beyond question by 
an Apis tablet, which records the death of an Apis in the 
eleventh month of the fourth year of Cambyses. For the 
fourth year of Cambyses, king of Egypt, could not have been 
so registered by the priests at Memphis in the year B.C. 526, 
in the year before Cambyses had come down into Egypt, and 
before he had conquered Amasis ; but must have been so 
inscribed in November B.C. 522, in the fourth year after his 
conquest of Egypt, as the epitaph in the fifth year must 
have been inscribed in the fifth year after the conquest, that 
is in May 521. 

From all which it is obvious that Darius had seized, and 
begun to reign over the province or kingdom of Persia, that 
is over that portion of the kingdom which had belonged to 
his ancestors the AchsemenidEe from the olden time,- more 
than tln-ee years before the death of Cambyses, who died on 
his way home from Egypt, and four years before the death 
of Gomates the ]\Iagian : and this without encroaching upon 
the territories of Cyi'us son of Cambyses, the seat of whose 
government was at Acmetha,^ or Ecbatana. Thus there arose 
two well known, and well defined modes of computing the 
years of the reign of Dai-ius, one beginning with the year 
B.C. 521, the year of his usurpation in Persia, the other in 
the year B.C. 517, counting from the death of Cambyses, 
after which he was also acknowledged as king of Egypt. 

' Tattam and Young's Egyptian Grammar, p. 9. 
- See Behistftn Inscription. ' Ezra vi, 2. 

Cyrus the Second. 205 

This double mode of computation of regnal years, which in 
his 20th year over Persia had merged into one, that is the 
longest, as attested by the astronomical dates preserved by 
Ptolemy, in his 20th and 31st years, seems to be referred to 
on one of the Babylonian contract tablets now in the British 
Museum. This tablet is a curious, and apparently a very 
valuable document, leading, as I think, to an important 
inference concerning the early years of the reign of Darius, 
and runs thus : — 

" which Ipnazir, son of Bania, made for 

Belibni, son of Nazirnansu, in the mouth Airu, (2nd 

month), of the 17th year 40K?) of 

which Ipnazir, in the city of Karnebo, gave. 

" The witiiesses were, Nur sou of Limunu, Ribat son 

of Belzamaru, Mirinu son of Nabubelrahru, Tidanetbil 

son of Nabu 

" (Dated) City of Karrinabu, month Sivanu, (3rd 
month), 1st day, 13th year of Darius, king of 
nations." ' 
The document I assume to be the record of a payment made 
in Karnebo by Belibni — one who counted the years of Darius 
according to the long reckoning beginning in B.C. 521 — by his 
attorney Ipnazir, in May of the 17th year of Darius : and 
registered in the following month of June, according to the 
official, or short reckoning, of the city of Karrinabu, in the 
13th year of Darius, that is June B.C. 505. 

And the inference to be drawn from it is, that while 
a well understood reckoning of the years of Darius Avas 
actually in use at that time beginning in B.C. 521, that 
reckoning either had never been made use of in the city of 
Karrinabu, or if so, its use had been discontinued down to 
the year B.C. 505, that is till after the reign of Cyrus son of 
Cambyses, who died in the course of the year B.C. 506. It 
will be expedient to bear in mind this document, when 
considering hereafter the events of the early part of the 
reign of Darius, which bear no date. 

Herodotus, then, though apparently contradicted by the 
other three autborities, is fully justified in placing the last 

1 Translated bv Mr. G. Smith. 

206 Cyrus the Second. 

year of Cambyses as king of Persia iu B.C. 522, the year of 
the general revolt, and the first year of Darius in B.C. 521. 
For, assuredly, Cambyses neither reigned over Persia nor 
Media after that date, nor indeed over any of the dependent 
provinces, excepting only Egypt, where he still remained 
supported by his army. 

And now let us turn once more to the date B.C. 536-5, to 
the great importance of which I have drawn attention, as the 
year of the death of Cyrus father of Cambyses, and of the 
accession of his son to the throne of Persia, as certified by 
the fact that it was about the 20tli year of the age of Darius, 
as accurately stated by Herodotus. By the adoption of this 
one date, as we have seen, we are enabled to solve and har- 
monise the apparent contradictions of the several histories 
of the period, and to frame an outline of Persian chronology, 
of the correctness of which no reasonable doubt can be enter- 
tained. It is, indeed, the outline iipon which all ancient 
classical histories of Persia have been written. And while 
grateful to Herodotus for the facts leading to this definite con- 
clusion, it must at the same time be admitted that Ctesias 
has here proved himself to be a trustworthy historian, and 
by no means inferior to the father of history in the chrono- 
logical precision of his record of the same events. If we cast 
the eye down the first column of the chronological chart 
thus framed,' we readily perceive hoAv it has happened, that 
Greek historians writing upon Persian affairs have with one 
consent concluded that one Cyrus only, viz. — Cyrus father of 
Cambyses — ever sat on the throne of Persia : and how 
Ptolemy, therefore, following in the wake of these historians, 
has felt himself constramed to place the reign of Cyrus king 
of Babylon, before the reign of Cambyses over that city. 
For clearly, there is no opening left, even of a single year, 
within the close-set framework of authentic Persian chrono- 
logy, as here arranged, wherein to insert the reign of a 
second Cyrus. 

The idea, therefore, hero propounded of the existence of 
such a prince must at once be dismissed as untenable, unless 
it can be shown, as I intend to show, that a prince bearing 
' Table No. 4, i^p. 232-235. 

Ci/rus the Second. 207 

this title, of the ekler branch of the family of the Achgemenidse, 
reigned collaterally with some of the kings set forth on the 
chart. I will first bring forward the testimony of Ldician, 
which is in remarkable agreement with the reckoning here 
adopted, as regards the date of the death of Cyrus in B.C. 506, 
that is to say, twelve years after the death of Cambyses, 
and which leads by implication, therefore, to the conclusion 
that Cyrus reigned at Babylon not before, but after Cambyses, 
in direct contradiction of Ptolemy. I will then proceed to 
fix the dates of the reigns of the several kings of Babylon 
who reigned after Nebuchadnezzar, according to the reckon- 
ing of Demetrius, leading precisely to the same result. 

Lucian, discoursing on the subject of the great age to 
which some men have lived, writes — " Cyrus also the ancient 
king of Persia, as testified by the Persian and Assyrian 
annals, with which also Onesicritus writing concerning 
Alexander seems to agree, when he was one hundred years 
old, inquired individually concerning each of his friends, and 
was informed that most of them had been put to death in 
the time of his son Cambyses. And thinking that these 
acts had been perpetrated by command of Cambyses, and 
that the cruelty of his son reflected upon himself as in a 
measure the cause of such illegalities, he died in grief."' 

Lucian, like other Greek writers, can only bring himself 
to believe in the reign of one Cyrus, and necessarily, there- 
fore, and indeed truly, speaks here of Cambyses king of 
Persia as son of Cyrus. But Herodotus, we have seen, has 
shown that Cyrus king of Persia, father of this Cambyses, did 
not survive his son, but, on the contrary, that the one died, 
and the other came to the throne in the year B.C. 536-5. Now 
Dinon truly reports that Cyrus, father of Cambyses, died at 
the age of 70, and he was born therefore in the year B.C. 606-5. 
Lucian, therefore, when counting one hundred years to the 

' "iLvpos 8e, 6 Utpaav ^acriXevs 6 nciKcuos, cos 8r]\ovaiv 6i Uepawv /cat 
Aaavpicov copoi, ois Ka\ OvrjcriKpiTos 6 ra nep\ 'AXe^dvdpov avy-ypaylras 
<Tvp(})(oveLV 8oKe7, eKarovTOVTrjs yevopevos fCw^'' M^'' ^'''" eKauTOV tojp (jiiXcov' 
padoov 6e Tovs TrXelaTovs 8ie(j)6app€vovs vtto Kap^vcrov tov vie'os, Ka\ (f)d(TKriVTos 
Kap^ua-ov Kara npoaraypa ro fKelvov ravra TTeiroirjKivai, to pev ti npos rrjv 
wpoTTjTa TOV VLOV diajSXrjdels, to Se ti as ivapavopovvTa avrov aiTiaadpeuos, 
advprjo-as €T(\evTa tov /3toi'.— Lucian. iv. Maciub. 

208 Cynis the Second. 

death of Cyrus, that is in tlie year B.C. 50G-5, is indeed quite 
accurate in his reckoning. But he is so far inaccm-ate, that 
while recording- the true date of the death of Cyrus son of 
Cambyses, he speaks of him erroneously as if he were Cyrus 
father of that king. He has evidently jomed together the 
lives of Cyrus the father and Cyrus the son of Cambyses. 
The great value of his testimony lies in the fact, that in his 
days Persian and Assyrian records were in existence, proving 
that a certain Cyrus king of Persia died twelve years after 
the date of the death of Cambyses king of Persia in B.C. 518 : 
and this is the king we are in search of. 

Dates connected with Babylonian and Lydian History. 


585. Date of the maiTiage of Astyages, grandfather of 

Cyrus, son of the then reigning king of Media, with the 

daughter of Alyattes king of Lydia. 
584. Date of the marriage of Nebuchadnezzar with the 

daughter of Astybares, ^ or Cyaxares, king of Media. 
583. Date of the fall of Nineveh, in the reign of Saracus, 

successor of Sardanapalus, conquered by Nebuchadnezzar 

and Cyaxares. (Abydenus.) 
581. Date of the first year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, 

after the death of his father Nabopalassar, counted fi'om 

the month Nisan. 
573. Date of the captivity of Jehoiakin, in the 8th year of 

the reign of Nebuchadnezzar. (2 Kings xxiv, 12.) 
563. Date of the fall of Jerusalem, in the fifth month (Ab) 

in the 19th year of Nebuchadnezzar. (2 Kings xxv, 8.) 
559. Date of the last carrjdng away of captives from 

Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, in the 23rd year of liis 

reign. (Jerem. lii, 30.) 

This is the cardinal date of the whole reckoning. For 

"Demetrius says, in his work concerning the kings of 

Judea, that the tribes of Judah, Benjamin, and Levi 

were not carried into captivity by Sennacherib. But that 

from this captivity (that is in the reign of Sennacherib), 

' According to Eupolenius, and Ctcsias. Abydenus, and Polvliistor wTite 

Cyras the Second. 209 


to the last canying- away of captives from Jerusalem 
under Nebuchadnezzar, was a period of 128 years and 
6 months. And that from the time when the ten tribes 
were carried away from Samaria (in the reign of Shal- 
manezar) to the reign of the foui'th Ptolemy was a period 
of 573 years (read 473) and 9 months, and from the 
carrying away from Jerusalem, 338 years and 3 months." 
(Clem. Alex. Strom. 1.)^ 

537. Date of the "year of the reign" of Evilmerodach king 
of Babylon "in the seven and thirtieth year of the 
captivity of Jehoiachin." (Jerem. lii, 31.) 

534. Date of the accession of Nergalsharezar(the Rab-mag,(?) 
Jerem. xxxix, 3), who reigned four years. (Josephus con. 
Apion 1, from Berosus.) 

530. Date of the reign of Laborosoarchod, king of Babylon, 
who reigned nine months, and was slain by conspirators, 
who were probably in league with the army of Cyrus, 
outside the walls. (Xenophon's Cyrop. vii, v, 32, 33.) 

529. Date of the reign of Nabonidiis, or Nabonidochus, or 
Nabonadius, or Nabonahid, one of the conspirators, 
viceroy, or governor of Babylon under Cambyses, 
deposed by Cyrus in his seventeenth year, B.C. 513. 

513. Date of the reign of Cyrus king of Babylon, son of 
Cambyses, who reigned seven years, and died in B.C. 506. 
And now we can readily understand how Lucian and 
Onesicritus might refer to Assyrian and Persian records, 
as testifying that Cyrus king of Persia died, not before, 
but after Cambyses, and exactly one hundred years after 
the birth of the first Cyrus, in B.C. 606. 

493. Date of the death of Belshazzar, or Belsharezar, son of 
Nabonidus, and accession of Darius in the 63rd year of 
his age. 

592. Date of the first year of Darius, as " set over the realm 
of the Chaldeans," counted fi-om the month Nisan. 
(Dan. ix, 1, 2.) 

This also is a cardinal date. 

I have now to direct attention to a series of extremely 

' Ptolemy IV Philoxjator, began to reign November B.C. 222. 

210 Cijrus the Second. 

valuable documents in the British Museum, which, owing to 
the mass of material requiring to be examined, have perhaps 
not hitherto received the full attention they deserve. They 
consist of a collection of Babylonian Contract-tablets found 
by l\Ir. Loftus at Warka, in Chaldeea, between the years 1849 
and 1852, dated in the reigns of the last kings of Babylon, 
from Nabonidus to Darius. It will probably be by means 
of these documents, with others of a similar nature in foreign 
collections, and others again which will hereafter be brought 
from the ruined cities, that the question of the true order of 
succession of the Achaemenian khigs of Babylon will finally 
be established. Meanwhile, I think it is clear, that the 
records of this Registration Office at Warka, thus recovered, 
are sufficient to set aside the order of arrangement of reigns 
as laid down in the Canon of Ptolemy. I will first give the 
documents in the ord^r in which they have been presented 
to me, that is to say, arranged in the same order as the 
reigns in Ptolemy's Canon: and then set them forth, for 
comparison, according to the reckoning of Demetrius. The 
dates and names upon the tablets have been kindly furnished 
to me by ]\Ir. George Smith of the Museum. 

Mr. Loftus writes — "While rambling over the mounds 
one day, I accidentally observed two bricks projecting through 
the soil of the wall or terrace which constitutes the edge of 
the great platform on the east of the Buwan'yya. Thinking 
fi-om their vitrified appearance, that they Avere likely to bear 
cuneiform legends, I extracted them from the earth, and, in 
doing so, exposed two small tablets of unbaked clay, covered 
on both sides with minute characters. On searching further, 
others were discovered, and eventually there were obtained 
forty, more or less perfect, varying from two to four-and-a- 
half inches in length, by one to three inches in breadth. 
Many others were either irrevocably damaged by the weather, 
or unavoidably broken in extraction from the tenacious clay 
in ivhich they loere disposed in roics, and embedded on a fmck 
pavement." — " They were undoubtedly deposited in the posi- 
tion where they were discovered, about the commencement 
of the Achaemenian period." ' 

* Loftus' Clialda-a and Siisiana, pji. 221, 222. 

Cyrus the Second. 211 

Now it may be gathered from this statement, that these 
docmnents had originally been stowed away in compact and 
consecutive order, imbedded in chiy as if not required for 
immediate use, but capable of being referred to at anytime if 
required. If, therefore, they had been kept together in the 
order in which they were found packed upon the pavement, 
they would undoubtedly have revealed the historical fact of 
which we are in search, whether "Cambyses king of Babylon" 
named on these tablets, had reigned before, or after the 
" Cyrus king of Babylon" there named: and thus have decided 
the question between Demetrius and Ptolemy. The tablets, 
liowever, having become separated, it is only fi'om internal 
evidence that they can nowbe re-arranged in the order in which 
they were found. And this I believe to be not impossible. 

The title of each Achsemenian king is inscribed on the 
tablet, either as — 

King of Babylon, and King of Nations, 
or o^ly King of Nations. 

And this last form, " King of Nations," is expressed by a 
repetition of the syllable mat (nation) twice, thus — "^'*^ V', or 
thus — "^^ V" \*'^>^i with the plural termination, being I 
conceive an abbreviated form for "king of the two nations"; 
which I assume to represent the two confederate nations of 
Media and Persia. So that Cambyses, Cyrus, and Darius 
were each named in the Register, either as king of Babylon, 
and also king of the two confederate nations, or king of the 
two confederate nations only, as the fact might be at the 
time of registration. 

Now, if this be so, the frequent variation of kingly title, and 
interchange of kmgs, observable in the Register, ought to 
correspond with the vicissitudes in the history of this turbu- 
lent satrapy of Babylonia, showing its alternate periods of 
submission and revolt under the Persian yoke ; and also ought 
to mark the progress of that conflict for supremacy, which 
we know ended in the entire overthrow of Babylon by Darius 
in B.C. 493. On tiu'ning, therefore, to Table No. 1, we imme- 
diately observe that Darius was recognised at Warka as 
reigning king at Babylon during eighteen months, from the 
month Elul (Sept.) B.C. 520, to the month Adar (March) 518, 
that is to say for aboat two years before the death of 

212 Cyrus the Second, 

Cambyses. Thus confirming what we had before arrived at, 
that Darius began his reign in rebelhon and usurpation, before 
his master's death. But what is still more remarkable and 
interesting is, that from March B.C. 518, to Feb. 506, that is 
for twelve i/ears precisely, he was not known or registered 
at Warka in connexion, with the throne of Babylon. And we 
have already seen that the difference between Demetrius 
and Ptolemy is this, — that according to Demetrius, Cyrus son 
of Cambyses reigned over the empu-e of Persia, collaterally 
^\ath the reign of Darius over the province of Persia, for this 
same period of twelve years, ending in B.C. 500. 

Some powerful agency, clearly, was at work in Babylon 
during these twelve years, by means of which the ambitious 
designs of Darius were counteracted, and he himself excluded 
from the throne of that coveted provmce. And if we turn to 
Table No. 2, in which the tablets are arranged according to 
the dates of Demetrius, we learn that the opponent of Darius, 
for the first five years of this period, was no other than the 
able and energetic Nabonidochus, of whom Berosus writes, 
that in his reign the walls of Babylon were built with burnt 
brick and bitumen,^ after the death of Nebuchadnezzar : and 
that after the fall of Nabonidochus, the still more able and 
energetic Cyrus, who conquered that king, was his opponent 
for seven years. Herodotus alludes to this rebellious state of 
the Babylonians at this time, though he knew not the name of 
their- spirited leader. He tells us that while the Magus occupied 
the throne of Persia, that is in B.C. 518, and the seven were 
conspiring against him, the Babylonians in the confusion made 
preparations for a siege, and that somehow or other their 
preparations were unobserved.^ The intended resistance 
however was most determined; for, with the exception of 
their mothers and one woman selected by each for cooking, 
the whole of the female population of Babylon was put to 
death, in order to save provisions. This rebellion of Naboni- 
dochus was equally directed to the exclusion of Darius and 
C}TUS from the province. Cjtus, however, overthrew him, 
and reigned ; but as for Darius, it was not till many years 
after the death of Cyrus that he obtained absolute possession 
of that throne, when about sixty-two years of age, in B.C. 493. 
' Josephus con. Apion, 1. 20. ' Herod, iii, 150. 

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222 Cyrus the Second. 

After tlie revolt of tlie provinces from Cambyses in 
B.C. 522, the history of the empire of "Persia and Media" 
becomes extremely intricate, and the narrative of Herodotus, 
who had evidently lost one of the threads of the history, 
becomes much confused. We must bear in mind that until 
towards the end of the reign of Cambyses the empire 
still remained divided into two, if not into three, separate 
States. That portion of the empire which comprehended 
Persia proper, Babylonia, Syria, and Eg;vnpt? was subject to 
Cambyses as supreme over all, and his throne was in Persia ; 
another portion was governed subordinately by Tanyoxarces, 
or Cyaxares, or Ahasuerus, the son of Amytis, reaching from 
India to Cush, and his throne we know was at Shusan : and 
a third portion consisting of the territories conquered by 
Cyrus the Second, son of Cambyses, and son-in-law of 
Cyaxares, and comprehending the kingdom of Lydia and 
all Asia Minor, Armenia, and the great province of Media, 
received by C}tus as dowry with his mfe, was governed by 
him from his independent throne at Ecbatana. This was the 
Cj'^rus known to the lonians. 

Cambyses, we read, in jealousy of his own brother Bardes, 
or Smerdis, had put him secretly to death, and had also 
compelled his half-brother Tanyoxarces to di-ink poison, 
sending his accuser, Sphendadates, as governor to Bactria 
or Balk, soon after he had gone down into Egypt in 525. 
His desire was no doubt to incorporate all the provinces 
reigned over by his father, Cyrus the First, including those 
left to Tanyoxarces, under his own sceptre. 

In the midst, however, of his reckless and cruel efforts to 
effect his pin-pose he was seized with madness, and all the 
provinces of the empu-e at once broke into insuiTection. 

We have seen that in the confusion (eV ry rapaxv, 
Herod, iii, 150) which followed, the Babylonians, setting 
tlie supremacy of both Persians and Medes at nought, 
secretly prepared to maintain their independence, even to the 
last extremity : the Magian Smerdis, setting himself up as 
the son of Cyrus the First, seized upon the throne of Persia : 
Oraetes, who had been appointed by Cyrus son of Cambyses 
governor of Sardis (iii, 120), though not in revolt, gave no 

Cyrus tlie Second. 223 

assistance towards reinstating the Persians : and, what is 
of more importance, and to which I now wish to direct 
attention, is that in this same period of pohtical confusion 
(eV ravrfi tj} Tapa'^fj, iii, 126) the Medes themselves, after 
long subjection to the Persians, shook off the yoke and 
regained their forraer ascendency. 

Herodotus clearly states that this change of supremacy 
fromPersians toMedes took place in the reign of Darius (i, 130), 
The empire was from henceforth the empire of the " Medes and 
Persians." The anticipated success of this revolt had preyed 
upon the disordered mind of Cambyses, and his last dying 
words breathed forth imprecations on the Persians, and 
especially on the heads of those members of the family of 
Achiemenes present at his deathbed (iii, Qb), if they did not 
by every means in their power, fair or foul, endeavour to 
keep down the Medes in subjection. Herodotus seems to 
have had no very clear conception of the true nature and 
duration of this political change, which he supposed had been 
completed "by the usurpation of the Median Magus Smerdis 
(iii, 73), who was put down by Darius, and that it lasted 
only for sev5n months after the death of Cambyses, which is 
indeed true as regards the imperial province of Persia. He 
seems, however, to express somewhat more than he is able to 
explain. Fa* it may be observed that up to the end ^f the 
reign of Caml)yses,that is throughout the wars, with Ast}*ages, 
with Croesus with Babylon, and with Egypt, he unifdrmly 
speaks of thf power of the Persians as masters of Asia, and of 
the Medes as under their dominion. With this also agrees 
the history cf Ahasuerus, or Tanyoxarces, his brother, in the 
Book of Esllier, where we read that "the power of Persia 
and Media, the nobles and princes were before him" at 
Shushan, and also "the seven princes of Persia and Media" 
(Esther i, 3, 14). The Behistim inscription, also referring to 
the last years of Cambyses, speaks of the rebellion of 
" Persia anl Media and the other provinces." After the 
death of Cimbyses, however, even till after the battle of 
Marathon ii B.C. 590 (Herod, iii, 104; vi, 9), that is duiing 
the naval var between Darius and the Samians, during the 
events whi:h preceded his w^ar with Athens, and during the 

2'2-i: Cyrus the Second. 

actual iuvasioii of that country, the expression most com- 
monly made use of is the power of "the Medes," and not the 
Persians. It was "the army of the Medes" (iii, 109) which 
fought at Marathon, and it was the name of the Medes 
which then struck terror into the hearts of the Greeks (vi, 1 12). 
The Persians did indeed recover then- supremacy, but not till 
after the death of Cyrus, nor till the latter part of the reign 
of Darius. The fact of this great pohtical change in the 
Persian empu-e is frequently referred to by the principal 
living witness of the day — the prophet Daniel — who was 
placed in the midst of the revolution at Babylon, and Avhose 
testimony cannot be disputed. 

In the third year of Belshazzar son of Nabonidus, when 
Darius was reigning at Shusan (Dan. ^aii, 8), that is about 
the year B.C. 494, the vision of the ram with " two horns " 
is interpreted to Daniel as representing " the kings of Media 
and Persia." He tells us that '" Dai-ius the Mediin," that is 
Darius son of Hystaspes, took the kingdom of Babylon on 
the fall of Belshazzar, in B.C. 493 ; the very year which 
followed the sailing of the fleet of Darius ihe Mede to 
Samos (Herod, vi, 22-25). And he speaks of the division 
of the territories of Belshazzar between the "Medes and 
Persians," that is between the two imperial provinces of 
Media and Persia, the confederacy of ^ledes and Persians. 

But if the Medes were indeed in the ascendant in the 
empire during the greater part of the reign of Darius in 
Persia, who, again it may be asked, Avas the uplwlder of their 
supremacy in opposition to the ambitious designs of Darius, 
and who could compel the submission of the warl ke Persians ? 
" Cyrus son of Cambyses the poweiful king,"' well known to 
the people of Senkereh, as appears from bricks of that city 
which bear this legend,^ was as little known to Herodotus 
as livmg in the time of Cambyses, as was Tanjoxarces the 
half-brother of that king. Having wrongly confounded this 
Cyrus, the son, with Cyrus the father of Cambyses, as pointed 
out by Ctesias, and havmg, therefore, already ippropriated 
the warlike acts of the second prince to his grandfather, he 
was at a loss for a ruler in Media after the time o\ Cambyses ; 

' Sir H. Rawlinson lius deciphered one of these bricxs. 

Cyrxis the Second. 225 

and consequently also wrongly assumed that Cambyses had 
died without male issue. His narrative at this point is 
misleading and confused. On the death of his uncle and 
father, Tanyoxarces and Cambyses, the two great divisions 
of the empire had of right descended to Cyrus grandson of 
Astyages, in addition to his own conquests in Armenia and 
Asia Minor. Nevertheless this distinguished prince was then 
but little known to his late father's subjects in the province 
of Persia. He could not boast like Darius of his pure Aryan 
descent, and, with reference to the Median taint in his blood, 
was known to them only as Cyrus the Mule. His youth had 
been spent chiefly in the Median court of Astyages, His claim 
to kingly rank was derived at first rather from his Median 
ancestry than from his Persian origin. The Medes had 
selected him as their sovereign as son of Mandane princess 
of Media, and he had established himself in their hearts by 
leading them to conquest, while the Persians still acknow- 
ledged his father Cambyses as their king. From Lucian and 
Onesicritus, quoting Persian annals, w,e have learnt that 
he was not conscious of the cruelties perpetrated on his 
friends in Persia during the violent reign of Cambyses, and 
that he only heard of these atrocities at the time of his 
approaching death : Xenophon also is precise in stating, that 
it was not till he was an old man, when his father and mother 
were both long since dead, that he took a journey into Persia 
for the seventh time since the beginning of his reign, ^ and 
there died. In ftict, as Cambyses father of Cyrus never reigned 
in Asia Minor, or over Media proper, except as supremie 
sovereign of the Persians and Medes, so Cyrus son of Cam- 
byses and Mandane never reigned in Persia proper, but only 
as lord paramount over the confederacy of Medes and Persians. 
He was almost a stranger at Persepolis, where Darius first set 
pp his kingdom, and during the latter part of his reign his habit 
was to spend seven months of the year at Babylon, three at 
Susa, and two at Ecbatana in Media : thus treating Persia as 
a secondary part of his dominions. His name, therefore, is 

MaXa hrj npea-^vTTjs cov 6 Kvpos 'acpiKvdrai '(is Uepcras to e^hofiov eVi 
TTfs avTOv ap)(^r^s. Kat 6 p.ei> Trarrjp Kill fj prjTrjp, ndXai 6r) coanep (iKos, 
erert'KfVTriKeaav avrii. — Xeiioi^lion Cyrop. viii, vii, 1. 

2'2Ci Cyrus the Second. 

not improperly omitted by Herodotus from the consecutive 
list of kings of the imperial province of Persia. Nevertheless, 
he was the "great king"^ who reigned over Babylon for 
seven years : that king whose memory was cherished, and 
the mild supremacy of whose dominion was recognised by 
all the civilised kingdoms of the earth then known to the. 
Asiatic world : the " man more precious than fine gold," 
even more precious "than the golden wedge of Ophir:" 
"the anointed of Jehovah." Twenty-nine years in all he sat 
upon the throne. But only during the last seven years of his 
life was he " king of Babylon " after the death of his father. 
Now the same outline of history may be collected from 
the Babylonian tablets at Warka, when arranged according 
to the reckoning of Demetrius, as seen in Tables. No. 2 and 
No. 3.^ When thus arranged, they spread the reigns of 
Cambyses, Nabonidus, and Cyrus over just twenty-three 
years, from B.C. 529 to 507, forming a compact series of 
documents from year to year almost without break, as might 
be expected from the orderly mode of packing them in rows 
described by Mr. Loftus : and the chief feature of this 
arrangement is, that the reigns of "Cambyses king of Babylon" 
and "Nabonidus king of Babylon" are thus necessarily made 
to begin in the same year, B.C. 529, showing that Nabonidus 
must, according to this view of the history, have acted 
as the representative of the reigning king of Persia in 
his tributary pro^ance of Babylon. Accordingly it will be 
observed, in confirmation of this conclusion, that the names 
of the same three families recur upon almost all the tablets, 
as having made certain pajTnents to the State, and as 
having laid by their documents of acquittance in the oifice 
at Warka from the first year of the reign of Cambyses, 529, 
through the reign of Nabonidus, and down to the last year 
of Cyrus, 507. Thus showing that the same mode of collection 
and discharge of revenue existed under the last of the 
Babylonian, and the two first reigns of the Achaemenian 
dynasty. An entirely different set of individuals appear to 
have made use of the office both before and after these three 
reigns, as far as can yet be ascertained from the f^w remain- 

J Ilerod. i, 188. ^ pp 213-222. 

Cyrus the Second. 227 

ing tablets at Warka, dated in the times of Nebuchadnezzar 
and Darius. When the documents are arranged according 
to the order of the Canon of Ptolemy, the reigns of Nabo>- 
nidus, Gyrus, and Cambyses range over a period of thirty- 
three years, during twenty-nine of which the same individuals 
must be supposed to have used this office at Warka, first 
under a Babylonian, then under a Persian dynasty, which 
is not so probable : and six broken intervals, during which 
no tribute-tablets were registered, between the years B.C. 
555 and 522 occm* in the series, not easily accounted for if 
the tablets were found as Mr. Loftus describes, and the office 
was left undisturbed. 

Whether the documents are arranged, however, in one 
order or the other, one thing may be deduced from them as 
certain, viz., that Darius was unknown at this registration 
office at Warka as king of Babylon for twelve years after the 
death of Cambj^ses, from the month Adar in B.C. 518, down 
to the month Sebat in the year 506. And it is also certain, 
that this interval is exactly filled up by the seven last years 
of Cyrus king of Babylon, ending in 507-6, who was heir to 
the throne of Cambyses, and the five last years of Nabonidus, 
who was acting either as viceroy of, or in revolt against 
Cyrus his lawful king, provided the tablets are arranged 
according to Demetrius. The tablets from Warka, therefore, 
as I have said, afford sufficient reason for preferring the 
arrangement of Demetrius to that of Ptolemy. 

It is difficult to define the exact nature of these docu- 
ments, which are all however connected with payments of 
money. It has been suggested that they may have formed 
a species of public currency. Clearly they cannot be con- 
sidered as merely private documents, owing to the extreme 
particularity with which the titles of the kings of Babylon and 
Persia are given, the official character of the attestations 
attached, and the fact that the same form of document was 
used in several different cities. On the other hand, the office 
itself in which they were found at Warka can hardly be 
looked upon as a public office, considering how few indi- 
viduals made use of it for the purpose of recording then- 
payments, and from the smallness of the amounts paid. On 

228 Cyrus the Second. 

the whole, it seems probable that these particular tablets from 
Warka are attested evidences of payments made into the 
public Exchequer through the medium of three families, Bana 
son of Pala, Kaptiya son of Balbasu and his family, and Gamil- 
nana and his family, living at Warka. The payments I 
suggest have reference to those duties spoken of m the Book 
of Ezra (iv, 20) under the terms " toll, tribute, and custom," 
which were first imposed in the days of the Persian kmgs. 
The name of Bana son of Pala appears five times upon the 
tablets, most commonly in the spring of the year, and on 
each occasion, according to Mr. Smith's interpretation of the 
documents, payments are made on his " going." It seems 
probable, therefore, that the appomtment of Bana son of Pala 
may have been precisely that of the messenger spoken of in 
the Septuagint translation of Ezra iv, 18, m the words — 
'O (f)opo\6jos ov aireareiXare irpo<; 7]/jbas, eKki)9ri efnrpoaOev i/xou. 
Treating the tablets, therefore, as official documents, they tell 
a history, as I have said, when placed in chronological order 
in agreement with Demetrius, which may thus be collected. 

On the conquest of Babylon by C^a-us, aided probably 
by Nabonidus the conspirator, Nabonidus must have been 
appointed governor of the province under Cambyses. From 
B.C. 529 to 525, according to the tablets, Cambyses was 
recognised at Warka as " king of Babylon, and king of the 
two nations." In the latter year, Cambyses having carried 
his army into Egypt to fight with Amasis, Nabonidus is 
registered in the month Tammuz (July) as "' king of Babylon," 
whether by appointment of Cambyses, or in revolt, does not 
appear. Dm-ing 524 and 523 Cambyses, victorious over Egypt, 
appears again as " king of Babylon and of the two nations," 
and so remains till 522, the year of general revolt, when 
Nabonidus at the command of Nergalsharezar (the Rab- 
mag?) is placed on the throne of Babylon with the title 
Nabonidochus,' and so appears on the register at Warka for 
the first time. 

A sharp contest, we collect from the documents, must 
then have taken place after the madness of Cambyses for the 
throne of Babylon, between the rival princes Nabonidochus 

' See p. 189. 

Cyrus the Second. 229 

and Darius, the latter of whom became recognised at Warka 
from the month Elul, B.C. 520 to Adar 518, as "king of 
Babylon and king of the two nations," clearly in revolt; and 
this perhaps may be the time referred to by Herodotus, who 
relates that soon after the death of Cambyses, which he 
wrongly supposes to have taken place in 522, Darius having 
besieged the city for twenty months, and taken it by the 
stratagem of Zopyrus, entirely destroyed the place as a 
fortress, throwing down the walls and carrying away the 
gates (Herod, iii, 159). This, however, is one of the points 
upon which Ctesias contradicts Herodotus, telling us that 
he was quite mistaken concerning the acts attributed to 
Zopyrus during the siege, which he places in the reign of 
Xerxes, not in the reign of Darius (Ctsesise Frag. Miill. p. 50). 
Both historians I believe to be partly right and both partly 
wrong. For the final destruction of Babylon did indeed take 
place at the time when Darius son of Hystaspes was " set over 
the realm of the Chaldeans." But that we know was not till 
he was about sixty-two years old, in the year B.C. 493 : just 
seven years before the time when Ezra tells us that Darius 
and Arta-Xerxes (that is Xerxes under the assumed title of 
Artaxerxes), Avere associated on the respective thrones of 
Babylon and Persia, four years after the Battle of Marathon 
(Herod, vii, 1, 2). So that both Darius and Xerxes were 
engaged in the final destruction of Babylon, just twenty- 
five years later than Herodotus supposed. For he was quite 
unconscious of the fact disclosed by the tablets, that Darius 
was not known as king of Babylon for twelve years after 
the death of Cambyses. Darius, we know from his own 
inscription, had many battles to fight after B.C. 518, before 
he became undisputed king of Babylon. 

The accompanying Table No. 4 (p. 232), drawn up from 
the foregoing data, forms, as I conceive, a correct outline of 
Asiatic chronology for one hundred years, from B.C. 585 to 
484, that is from the fall of the Assyrian empire to the death 
of Darius : and I once more invite particular attention to the 
two cardinal points of the arrangement, viz. — First, that 
Darius son of Hystaspes died at the age of 72, in the year 
B.C. 485-4; whereby we know that Cyrus father of Cambyses 

2'o0 Cyrus the Second, 

ceased to reign in B.C. 536. Second, that the last carrjnng 
away of captives fi-om Jerusalem in the twenty-third year of 
Nebuchadnezzar fell in the year B.C. 559 ; Avhereby we know 
that Cyi'us son of Cambyses did not cease to reign till the 
year B.C. 507-6. 

Let us now pass on to the consideration of the two 
leading propositions which form the subject of this treatise ; 
first, however, making a few remarks upon the unusual and 
truly unjudicial manner in which the history of Cyrus has 
liitherto been handled. A number of first-class witnesses offer 
their testimony for consideration. We have several accom- 
plished Greeks before us, sucli as ^schylus, Herodotus, 
Xenophon, Ctesias, who came in contact with the Persians in 
Asia Minor and elsewhere before the time of Alexander, and 
were more or less accurately acquainted with Persian history ; 
and several Greek and Persian historians after the conquest 
of all Asia by Alexander, who made Asiatic history their 
study, such as Dinon, Cleitarchus, Onesicritus, Megasthenes : 
besides Berosus the Chaldean priest, and above all Daniel 
and Ezra, living in Babylon and writing during the very time 
in question. 

Now no such historians ever sat down seriously to record 
as fact what they knew to be untrue. However much they 
may have been deceived, they have endeavoured to relate 
events as they believed them to have occurred, and they are 
entitled to be heard. It is most rmreasonable, when pointed 
out that Ctesias contradicts Herodotus on several important 
points of Persian history, complacently to set aside his testi- 
mony with the remark, that the authority of Ctesias carries 
little weight as compared with that of Herodotus: when 
Xenophon, after careful inquiry, relates in a consistent manner 
a perfectly different story from that of Herodotus concerning 
Cyrus, to say with Cicero, or Niebulir, or with Grote, that 
Xenophon is evidently writing only political romance : that 
the testimony of Cleitarchus, Onesicritus, and Megasthenes 
is spurious or untrustworthy : and as regards the invaluable 
testimony of Daniel and Ezra, that the evidence of the one 
is either forgery, or history irreconcilable with secular 
records, and that of the other has been incorrectly copied. 

Cyrus the Second. 231 

Lastly, we have a flight of witnesses of a later date, of 
fabulous turn of mind, such as Firdousi, Mirkond, Tabari, 
Bundari, the writer of the Tarikh Tubree,^ Persians and 
Arabians, who tell of chivalric and romantic wars which 
happened in Mazenderan, Korassan, Azerbijan, and Balk, 
carried on by heroes of preternatural age. Their standing 
point as historians is neither Babylon, nor Susa, nor Ecbatana. 
They speak of conquests beyond the Tigris as conquests in 
the " west," they tell of wars with China and Tartary ; and 
the original of their histories probably was framed in Balk, or 
Bactria, or perhaps at Ghuzni in Afghanistan, in the Eastern 
division of the empire. They have preserved, however, amidst 
theu* tales of fancy and romance the chief tradition for which 
we seek, that is to say, of two separate Persian princes, the 
one named Kai-Khosru, the other Coresh. They have records 
of the wars between Kai-Khosru and Afrasiab (Astyages), they 
speak of Isfundear or Asphanda, or Apanda, his son, a con- 
nectmg link with Ctesias and Megasthenes, and, what is to 
the purpose in hand, of the conquest of Babylon by Coresh 
in the days of Gushtasp, or Darius son of Hystaspes, and of 
the release of the captive Jews. 

Kai-Khosru the great king of Persia, the hero of the 
Shah-Nameh, is clearly identified with the Cyrus of Hero- 
dotus, the father of Cambyses, while Coresh, the name of the 
prince who was sent to conquer Babylon, is a name which 
has no affinity with the word Khosru, according to the 
authority of Sir William Jones,- and represents the Coresh of 
Isaiah and the Book of Ezra. 

Let us then endeavour to investigate this intricate matter 
more in conformity ^vith the practice of an ordinary court of 
justice, giving to the testimony of each ^vdtness the weight 
due to his position and character, and I think it will be found 
that there is no justification for so implicitly following the 
views of Herodotus, who after all honestly informs us that 
what he relates is only one out of four histories that he had 
heard concerning Cyrus. 

^ Sir J. Malcolm's Persia. 
' Sixth Discourse on the Persians ; and, Short History of Persia, p. 411. 



s thi' Second 


No. 4. 






Eclipse of Thales, battle between the Lydians and Medes 

29 Cyaxares I. 


. > - - • • 

30 or 


Nineveh destroyed by Cyaxares and Nebuchadnezzar 

31 Astybares 


• • • 

32 or 


, , , 

33 Ahasuerus 


. . • 



. • . 



, , 



• • . 



■ • • 



• ■ • 



• • • 




1 Astyages 


• • • 

2 „ 



3 „ 






• . 




• • f 

6 „ 



• • • 




8 ,. 



1 Cyrus I, the father of Cambyses 

9 „ 








11 „ 



4 „ 

12 „ 



5 „ Cambyses marries Mandane daughter of Astrages 





14 „ 



7 Cyrus conquers Astyages and marries his daughter Amytis 

15 „ 



8 .. .. .. 




9 Partial Eclipse of the sun at Larissa, about the time when 

17 „ 


10 the Persians conquered the Medes, 19 May, 557 

18 „ 




19 » 




20 „ 




21 „ 




22 ., 
















26 „ 




27 „ 
















31 „ 












34 „ 







28 Cyaxares sat on the tlirone of his kingdom in his third 

1 Cyaxares II. 



29 year (Esth. i, 2, 3) on the death of Cyrus 

2 TanyoxarceS; 



30 Cyrus slain in battle at the { 

ige of 70. Teas 

', of Ahasuerus 

3 Ahasuerus 

(\ijrns the Second. 


No. 4. 




Marriage of Astyages with the claughtei- of Alyattes 




• • 




FaU of Nineveh 




• • 





1 Nebuchadnezzar 

































9 Captivity of Jehoiakin, or Jechoniah 











12 .. .. 



























19 Destruction of Jerusalem, 5th of Ab. 
















24 JERUSALEM.-Jerem. lii, 30. Demetrius.' 
































1 Croesus 






























44 Croesus consults the Oracle of Delphi 



1 Evilmerodach 






Vol. I. 

» See p. 208. 


234 Cyrus the Second. 



ol Da- 







1 Cambyses 

accord - 

Cambyses ac- 

Cambyses ac- 

4 Cyaxares 



2 ing to Ctesias 

cording to 

cording to 

5 Cyrus II 



3 „ 






4 „ 




5 „ 




6 „ 

7 „ 



1 CambTses 






2 „' 





9 „ 






10 „ 






11 ,, 

5 „ 

1 Conquers 5 


52 1 


12 „ 


2 Egyp't 6 

Cambyses kills his 



13 „ 


3 •• . 7 

brother Cyaxares or 



14 „ 

15 „ 


4 Apis buried 8 

5 Apis born 9 



1 Darius in re- 



16 „ 

2 Yolt, be- 

6 1 10 



17 „ 

3 comes king 

7 2 11 



18 „ 

4 of Babylon, 

8 3 Death of 12 



Smerdis 7 months 

of Persia 




1 Darius 


of Egypt 

4 Darius 1 



2 „ 


5 2 





6 3 




Apis dies. 

7 3m. 5d. 4 



5 „ 

4th Darius, 

.. 5 



6 „ 


7 years, 3 

.. 6 



7 ), 

4^ ;- 

months, 5 

.. 7 



8 „ 


days old 

.. 8 



9 » 





10 „ 





11 „ 





12 „ 


16 Darius kingofBabylon, Feb. 12 

Death of Cj rus 



13 „ 

17 tablet at Warka 13 



14 „ 

18 .. .. 14 



15 „ 

19 .. .. 15 



16 „ 

20 Eclipse at Babylon, 20th Darius 



17 „ 

21 19th Nov. 502 17 



18 „ 

22 .. .. 18 



19 „ 

23 .. .. 19 



20 „ 

24 .. .. 20 



21 „ 

25 .. .. 21 



22 „ 

26 Darius king of Babylon, Oct. 22 



23 „ 

27 tablet at Warka 23 



24 „ 

28 .. ,. 24 



25 „ 

29 .. .. 25 



26 „ 

30 1 Darius set over the realm of 



27 „ 

31 2 the Chaldeans 27 



28 „ 

32 3 . . . . 28 



29 „ 

33 4 .. .. 29 



30 „ 

34 5 . . . . 30 



31 „ 

35 6 .. .. 31 



1 Xerxes 

36 Temple of Jerusalem finished 




in the month Adar 486 






' Aape 

(Of 5e enaveXd 

wv eis n 

e'pTas Koi dvaas Kai Tjfitpas vo(TTjcras 

X', reXfvra, (tjo-qs jii" 



evo-as 8i, (tt) 

\cj.— etc 


Mull., p. 49. 

Cyrus the Second. 235 
















Evilmerodach slain by Cyrus son of Cambyses 

Laborosoarchod reigns 9 months 

Nabonidus, or Nabonidochus, viceroy of Cambyses 

Darius disputes the thi'one with Nabonidochus 

„ Nabonidus expels Darius 

Cyrus II conquers Nabonidochus 

2 Siege of Babylon 


4 Babylon taken by Cyrus II 



7 .. 

Darius occupies Babylon on the death of Cyrus II 

Naditabirus revolts, calhng himself son of Nabonidus 

Darius retakes Babvlon the first time 

Aracus revolts, caUing himself son of Nabonidus 

Darius retakes Babylon the second time 

Belshazzar son of Nabonidus viceroy 

Belshazzar revolts 

Death of Balshazzar. Darius takes the kingdom, 
1 being about 62 years old. — Dan. v, 31 

Darius and Arta-Xerxes 


14 Croesus 


Cyrus II 








Babylon taken by 



Cyrus the 1st 


time, B.C. 530 

























21 . . 

22 .. 

23 . . 

24 . . 

25 Babylon taken by 

26 Cyrus the 2nd 

27 time, B.C. 510 

28 . . 

29 Darius 

Babylon taken by 
Darius the last 
time, B.C. 493 

230 Ci/7'Ufi the Second. 

1. Cp-us the father of Cambyses \A\o conquered Astyages 
king of Media in B.C. 559, and foimded the empire of the 
Persians and Medes, neither conquered Babylon nor reigned 
at Babylon Ix'fure Cambyses took that throne in B.C. 529. 

This pro j,>o ntion is not difficult to prove, and it has in 
fact already been disposed of. The testimony of Herodotus, 
though full of inconsistency, has proved itself invaluable 
concerning it. We have seen how the fact recorded by him 
of the death of Cyrus, father of that Cambyses who con- 
quered Egypt, when Darius was twenty years old, in B.C. 536, 
brings into harmony all the different versions of the history 
of this period, thereby proving itself to be correct. And this 
one fact is decisive against the idea, that Cyrus I. reigned 
over Babylon from B.C. 538 to 529, as assumed by Ptolemy, 
and taken for granted in our Bibles. Herodotus goes on 
to say that it was Cyrus son of that Cambyses who married 
Mandane who conquered Babylon. Here again he has 
undoubtedly stated the truth. For this Cyrus was commonly 
known to the Persians as Cyrus the Mule. He is so spoken 
of by Nebuchadnezzar in his last words to the Babylonians 
when approaching his death.' The Delphic Oracle, when 
consulted by Croesus, warned him against a mule that would 
come to the head of affairs in the kingdom of Media. And 
he is again so referred to after his death by the Babylonians 
(Herod, iii, 150), who, when scoffing at Darius who had 
besieged their city for twenty months, exclaimed, " When 
mules bring forth then may Babylon be taken." Now 
Cyrus the Mule was so called as being the son of Cambyses 
the Persian, and grandson of Astyages the Mede. Herodotus 
writes concerning Cyrus the ]\Iule : &>? apa MavSdvrji; re ett], 
irals TYjs ^AaTvd>y€o<i Ovyarpoi;, koI Kafi/Svaeco tov Kvpov 
(i, 111). Nothing can be more complete and correct. He 
here relates that Cyrus, who he afterwards tells us con- 
quered Croesus and overthrew Babylon, was son of Cambyses 
son of Cyrus. Cyrus son of Cambyses, was not therefore 
himself the father of Cambyses king of Persia, as Herodotus 
assumes; unless indeed we are prepared to accept three 

' See p. 187. 

Cy7'iis the Second. 237 

princes of the race of Acliasmenes eacli bearing this same 
title Cyrus. 

Herodotus, who was well acquainted with the exploits 
of Cyrus son of Cambyses, as the conqueror of Ionia and 
Lydia and all Asia Minor, and recognised no other king bearing 
this title, now unfortunately adds that it was h'; who conquered 
his grandfather Astyages, in the year B.C. 559, according to his 
reckoning: thus producing great confusion in chronology. 
For we have already shown how impossible it is to believe 
that Cyrus father of Cambyses, born in B.C. 605, should have 
been the grandson of Astyages who married in the year of 
the eclipse B.C. 585, while yet a young man : for his father 
Cyaxares was still on the throne at the time of the marriage. 
Xenophon altogether repudiates the idea of Cyrus son of 
Mandane having conquered his grandfather, with whom he 
tells us that he lived in perfect harmony to the end of his life. 
While Ctesias, who knew the history of Persia from the 
royal records, pomts out this statement of Herodotus as one 
of the chief errors with which his history of Cyrus is charge- 
able, protesting that Cyrus who conquered Astyages was in 
no way related to him. Again, Herodotus tells us that Cyrus 
who conquered Astyages was reigning over the Medes when 
Croesus sent to Delphi to inquire whether he should avenge 
the cause of his brother-in-law Astyages. The reply was — 
" When a mule shall reign in Media, then, tender Lydian, flee 
to pebbly Hsemus, nor blush to be a coward." Cyrus wJio con- 
quered Astyages, therefore, was an earlier king than he who 
was called the Mule, and overthrew the kingdom of Croesus. 
Again, Cyrus father of Cambyses died on the field of battle, 
and his body was left unburied. Justin remarks concerning 
this battle, " etiam illud memorabile fuit, quod ne nuntius 
quidam tantse cladis superfuit " (Justin, i, 8). Cyrus son of 
Cambyses was buried at Pasargadee, where Arrian reports that 
his tomb was found with this inscription on it : " I am Cyrus, 
the son of Cambyses, who acquired empire for the Persians, and 
reigned over Asia. Grudge me nat this monmnent."' This 

• Ey&) Kvpos ei/xi 6 K((/x/3vo-ov, o ttjv cpx']" neptrais KaTaa-rrjadiMevos, Kai 
rrjs 'Atrias jBaa-i^fvaits, pr] ovv (j)6ovr](Tr]s fioi tov pvijiiaros (vi, 19). The words 
'0, avdpoiTre, with which Arrian begins the epitaph, and which spoil it, I take to be 
merely a translation of tlie determinative sign placed before the name of a pei'son 
in cuneiform wBitins. 

238 Cyrus the Second. 

epitaph seems to me to be full of meaning and character. 

Cyrus died while on a casual visit to Persepolis, in his old 

age, and his natural desii-e was to be laid in the royal burial 

place of Persia near at hand. He was however mindful of the 

hatred which the Persians bore to the Medes, and how, as of 

Median descent, he had favoured the re-establishment of 

Median ascendancy in the empire, inr opposition to their 

present local king. There is therefore a deprecating tone 

about the epitaph, unhke the lofty tone of a monarch of 

such absolute power. He pleads as it were with the Persians 

that he is the son of Cambyses the late powerful king of Persia, 

and though not the immediate ruler of their province, that it 

was he who added Asia, that is Asia ]\[inor, to the empire 

(Herod, i, 177). Do not, therefore, dishonour my tomb. Sir 

R. K. Porter has, in his " Travels in Georgia and Persia," 

given accurate drawings of this tomb of Cyriis, still extant at 

Murghab, and of a marbk- block near at hand, upon which a 

cherubic figure with four wings is carved. Both Porter and 

Ritter have remarked ui^on the Egyptian character of the 

sculptui'e, and Professor Lassen has from this circumstance 

and others argued that this could not be the tomb of Cyrus 

who died before Cambyses had conquered Egypt, and that 

probably it was the tomb of Cyrus son of Parysatis, of a much 

later date. Such an assumption is however quite unnecessary, 

when Cyrus son of Cambyses takes his true position in history 

after the conquest of Egypt. Once more, Xenophon assures 

us that Cyrus who conquered Babylon was not recognised 

as king of Babylon at the time of the conquest, but merely 

as leader of the armies of his uncle Cyaxares king of Media, 

and his father king of Persia. 

There can be no question, therefore, that Herodotus was 
in error, and confoiniding together two different kings, when 
he stated tliat Cyrus son of Cambyses Avho compiered Babylon, 
Avas he who conquered Astyages. And we may also safely 
decide that Cyrus father of Cambyses, who really performed 
that exploit, neither conquered Babylon, nor reigned at 
Babylon Ijcfore liis son Camlyscs came to tlic tlironc of that 
kingdom in B.C. 529. 

We now dismiss Herodotus as a witness, regretting only 

Cifrns the Second. 239 

that he has not given us the means of judging for ourselves 
concerning the other three histories of this prince which he 
had seen; and take up Ctesias, who for seventeen years 
remained in Persia as physician to Artaxerxes Mnemon, and 
searched the royal records with the object of ascertaining the 
truth. Now, if we have rightly divined the true order of 
events as they occurred in Persia proper, Ctesias would find 
no mention in the chronicles at Persepolis of the exploits of 
any son of Cambyses seated on that imperial throne : for 
clearly Cambyses was immediately succeeded in Persia by 
Darius in B.C. 517, as if he had no son. While on the other 
hand he must have found a full description in those chronicles 
of the wars between Cyrus father of Cambyses and Astyages, 
the same description probably as that which has been pre- 
served by Nicolaus of Damascus, and must also have ascer- 
tained from thence that no relationship whatever existed 
between the Persian and the Median king. Again, he con Id 
not fail to have seen the " book of records of the chronicles " 
kept at Susa:^ and there he must have read of that king 
called Achshurus, or Oxarces, or Axares, who reigned from 
India to Cush, and who was sitting on the throne of Susa 
some forty years after the carrying away of captive Jews 
from Jerusalem in the eighth year of Nebuchadnezzar, that is 
in B.C. 573, and of whom Xenophon speaks as ruling over the 
confederate kingdom of the Medes, when Croesus fell in B.C. 535. 
Now all this is exactly what Ctesias tells us that he did find 
written in the records of the kings of Persia. We believe 
his testimony, and see no ground whatever for doubting* 
whether he has told the truth. Moreover it must be observed, 
that not one word could Ctesias find in those archives concern- 
ing the one great event which marks the century, the fall of 
tlie kingdom of Babylon before the Persians under Cyrus, in 
connexion with that Cyrus king of Persia who preceded 
Cambyses who conquered Egypt. Again, we conclude with 
certainty that Cyrus father of Cambyses, who conquered 
Astyages, neither conquered Babylon nor reigned at Babylon 
before Cambyses took that throne in B.C. 529. The only point 
upon which I would venture to call in question the authoiity 

' Esther vi, 1. 

240 Ct/7'us the Second. 

of Ctesias is where he relates that the same Cyrus who con- 
quered Astyages also conquered Croesus. Ctesias, like Hero- 
dotus and other Greeks, knew but of one Cyrus king of 
Persia — and yet at the same time he could not doubt that 
Croesus had been deposed by Cyi'us. Now Cyrus father of 
Cambyses died in B.C. 536, and Croesus was deposed by Cyrus 
son of Cambyses in 535 or 534. This confounding together 
of the acts of the two kings is not therefore unnatural. Cyrus 
the father of Cambyses, however, neyer reigned oyer Lydia. 
Neither Herodotus nor Xenophon countenance this opinion. 
And the Delphic Oracle decides the question by coupling 
Cyrus the Mule with the conquest of Lydia. 

I now proceed to establish the second jjroposition : — 
n. That Cyrus son of Cambyses, grandson of Astyages, 
twice conquered Babylon : but did not take the title " king of 
Babylon " till after the death of his father in B.C. 518. 

Xenophon is the true biographer of this ilhistrious prince. 
He tells us that he writes concerning him only such things 
as he believes that he has fully ascertained. And I think that 
there is much want of judicial faculty in those who pro- 
nounce his work to be a fiction, simply because he differs 
entirely from Herodotus as to the true place of the reign of 
this prince in history. Like Herodotus and Ctesias he 
appears to have recognised only one king bearing the title 
Cyrus, which necessarily leads him into some slight error. 
He was probably thereby perplexed as regards chronology, 
and therefore gives no dates. But this is a deficiency which 
is supplied with certainty from other sources. For the reign 
of Cambyses is securely fixed by an eclipse in his 7th year.^ 
And the entire conformity of his narrative with the chronology 
so ascertained, is the best proof of the care and accuracy witli 
which he has applied himself to his subject. Cyrus he tells 
us was at the head of but a small band of Persians when 
the Medes and Hyrcanians chose him as their leader. He 
subdued the Syrians, Assyrians, Arabians, Cappadocians, both 
the Phrygians, Lydians, Carians, Phoenicians, and Baby- 
lonians. He had in subjection also the Bactrians, Lidians, 
and Cilicians, as also the Sacians, Paphlagonians, and Maga- 

' See p. 201. 


Cyrus the Second. 241 

dinians, and other nations too many to name. He ruled over 
the Greeks in Asia, and over the Cyprians and Egyptians by 
the way of the sea. " His kingdom Avas bounded on the 
east by the Erythraean Sea: on the north by the Euxine: 
on the west by Cyprus and Egypt : on the south by 

The father of Cyrus, he tells us, was Cambyses king of 
Persia : and all agree that his mother was Mandane daughter 
of Astyages king of the Medes.^ When Astyages died, in the 
year B.C. 589-8, Cyaxares the brother of Mandane came to 
the throne of the Medes. This is the same prince tliat 
Ctesias speaks of as the son of Amytis sister of Mandane : 
and of whom the Book of Esther sjDeaks under the title 
Achshurus or Ahasuerus. No sooner was he seated on the 
throne than the king of Babylon, that is to say Evilmerodach, 
who came to the throne in 538, joined in confederacy with 
Croesus to deprive him of the province of the Medes, and 
Cyrus father of Cambyses having been slain in his expe- 
dition against the Massagetae in 536, Cyrus son of Cambyses, 
now 25 years of age, was chosen by the Medes as their leader ; 
a strong body of Persians sent by Cambyses, now king of 
Persia, joined the array, and the first battle with Croesus was 
fought on the plains of Pteria, in the summer of 535, in 
which the king of Babylon was slain (Cyrop. iv, i, 8). No one 
can fail to observe the remarkable agreement m all particulars 
of this piece of history with the foregoing table of chronology. 
Cyaxares, or Ahasuerus, sits on the throne of his kingdom in 
the third year after the death of Astyages his father-in-law, 
and immediately after the death of his father Cyrus, in 
536. Cambyses begins his reign in 535. The last year of 
Evilmerodach according to Demetrius is 535, and the last 
year of Croesus according to the reckoning of the Parian 

^ "On fiev 8t) KoWicTTri Ka\ jXiyiaTrj rail' iv rf] Acria t] tov Kopov jSacriXetn 
fyevero, avrrj eavrfj fxapTvpfl. Slpiade fxei> npoi eco rfj epvdpa daXc'iTTrj, Tvpoi 
I'ipTov de TM 'Eu^etVcp ttovto), Trpos iaitepav 8i Kunpco Km 'AiyvTrrw, Tvpos 
fiecrrju^piav 8e ^Aidtowla. — Kvpov TlaiS. viii. 

' Ilarpoj pep Si) yeyerai 6 Kvpos yeveuBat Kap[iv&ov. Ilepcrcoi/ /Sao-tXe'o)?, 
prjTpoi- opaiXoyeirai MuvBuvrjs yfvecrdai, rj 8e MavSuvrj civrr) Aarvuyovs rju 
doyarrjp. — Kvpov IlatS. i, 2. 

242 Ct/7nit^ the Second. 

Chronicle is 535, and tlii.s is the third year after the death 
of Nebuchadnezzar, wlio foretold the coming of tiie Persian 
Mule, in conformity with, the response of the Delphic Oracle, 
given three years before the fall of Croesus. 

Thus far it would be difficult to discover the evidence of 
fiction in the narrative of Xenophon ; unless it may be thought 
fictitious to have made Abradates king of Susa in 535, when 
Ahasuerus it may be supposed was on that throne. But it 
may be observed that Abradates was slain in the autumn of 
this same year 535, and if Ahasuerus or Cyaxares after his death 
immediately seated himself on the throne at Susa, it may 
have been within the third year after the death of Astyages. 
Xenophon goes on to say that Cyrus, following up his victory 
over Croesus, fought a second battle with him before the 
ANanter of 535, and took the city Sardis. Abradates was 
slain, and Croesus was made prisoner. We may now compare 
the narrative of Xenophon with that of Herodotus, in which 
both agree, showing that much time was consumed in the 
conquest of the several provinces of Asia Minor and the settle- 
ment i)f their affaii's, so that Cyrus might not be prepared to 
march towards Babylon, the taking of which was his next 
great exploit, till probably about the spring of the year 
B.C. 532, or perhaps 531. Herodotus describes that much 
time was wasted at the river Gyndes, and both agree that 
the Babylonians resisted the attack for a great length of 
time. It is reasonable to suppose, therefore, that the city 
Avas not taken by the stratagem of drawing off the waters of 
the river Euphrates till the year B.C. 530. Meanwhile we 
learn from Berosus that Nereglissar or Nergal-sharezar occu- 
pied the throne of Babylon for four years, and that he then 
set up Laborosoarchod son of Evilmerodach, a youth who 
only occupied the throne nine months, that is till the close of 
530. Berosus does not mention the siege of Babylon by 
(.yrus at this time, but merely says that the young king was 
sl.iin l)y conspirators. Nabonidus he sa^^s was one of the 
conspirators, and Gobryas we know, who had fled fi-om the 
tyranny of Nergalsharezar, and Gadatas, were two others, 
It is not nm'easonablc, therefore, to assume tliat it was with 
the connivance of these conspirators that the gates towards 

Cyrus the Second. 243 

the river had been left open and unguarded, and that Cyrus 
having so taken the city, the king that was then shiin by 
Gobiyas and Gadatas was Laborosoarchod (Cyrop. vii, v, 33). 
Cyrus while in Babylon set up satraps and governors in 
all the conquered nations, amongst whom we may assume 
that Nabonidus the conspirator, who, as Berosus observes, 
was in no way entitled to the throne, though evidently an 
able man, was made governor under Cambyses in B.C. 529. 
Soon after this he married the daughter of Cyaxare^, receiving 
with her as dowry the revenues of Media : and then prepared 
to make a journey into Persia to pay his obeisance to his 
father Cambyses, and to lead back the Persian army. On the 
frontier of Persia he left the greater part of his victorious 
army, and with filial reverence presented himself to his 
father, bringing presents suitable to his sovereignty, and 
also for the nobility of Persia. And now a striking scene 
takes place in the com-t of Persia, Avhich is worthy of great 
attention, and a speech is put into the mouth of Cambyses 
which evidently is intended to embody the ideas of Xenophon 
as to the relative positions of the kingdoms of Persia and Media 
at that time, and showing how the two great divisions of the 
empire made by Cyrus the father of Cambyses at his death 
were still retained in the reign of his son Cambyses. A 
great meeting of elders and governors holding the highest 
offices in the state having been called together by the king, 
and Cyrus having been invited to be present, Cambyses is 
said thus to have addressed the assembly : " Men of Persia, 
and you Cyrus, I feel a just affection for you both. You 
Persians are my subjects, and you Cyrus are my son. It is 
right that I should open my mind to you plainly as to what 
appears to me best suited for the welfare of you both. With 
regard to the past, you Persians have greatly promoted the 
interests of Cyrus by giving him an army and by appointing 
him its commander, while Cyrus, making the best use of his 
command, hath, with the assistance of the gods, made your 
name famous among all men, and honoured throughout Asia. 
The most worthy of those who have fought "with him he has 
enriched. He has provided pay and maintenance for the 
soldiers, and by the estaljhshment of a Persian cavalry 

244 Cyrxis the Second. 

liath given to the Persians a share in the command of the 
plains. Now, if you will continue to recognise these facts, 
yon will become sources of many benefits to each other. On 
tlio other hand, if yon (l!!yrns, elated b}' present prosperity, 
should attempt to rule the Persians like other nations, merely 
for the sake of gam, or you citizens, grudging him his power, 
should endeavour to destroy his authority, be assured that 
you Avill be a hindrance to each other of many blessings. 
That such may never be the case, and that good fortinie may 
attend you, it seems to me, he said, that you should enter 
into covenant wath sacrifice, and calling the gods to witness 
should engage, on your part Cyrus, that if any one should 
make war on the Persian territory, or attempt to subvert the 
Persian laws, you with your whole force will come to their 
assistance, and that you Persians on your side, if any one 
attempt to deprive Cyrus of his authority, or if any of those 
rmder his power should seek to revolt, you will render such 
assistance in defence of yourselves and Cyrus as he sJiall 
demand. As long as I live the sovereignty over the Persians 
is mine. When I am dead it will no doubt belong to Cyrus, 
if he is alive." (/cai e&)9 fJ'^v av iyco ^w, e/mi] jLyurjrai t) ev 
Ilepcrais, /dacriXeia' orav 8e eyo) reXevTJjaoo, SrjXov ore Kvpov, 
iav ^r} (viiii, v, 2{)). 

I have given the whole of this scene and speech at length, 
because I look upon the passage as vividly descriptive of the 
actual state of the Persian empire under the reign of 
Cambyses, and as in fact containing a summary of all for 
which I am contending concerning Cyrus. Xenophon here 
brings before us the noble, lofty character described by the 
prophet Isaiah, truly more precious than fine gold. Uncon- 
quered in battle, he comes from Babylon, where lately he 
had been dispensing kingdoms and satrapies freely amongst 
his friends. The whole of Asia is as much lying at his feet 
as when in later days it fell prostrate before the conqueror 
at Arbela. In generous confidence he halts his army, flushed 
Avith victory, on the frontier, and presents himself unguarded 
before his father, to tell him, we assume, how the mighty 
empire of Babylon has fallen and become annexed to his 
dominions. In this very vear, B.C. .529, I have said that 

Ci/rus the Second. 245 

Babylon first recognised a Persian king: and that Cyrus the 
conqueror, of the elder branch of the Achsemenedse, renowned 
through east and west, then reigned in Media and Asia Minor, 
not at Babylon, and collaterally with one or other of the 
kings of Persia proper. And so Xenophon, by the mouth of 
Cambyses, here relates. It was probably at the time of this 
solemn league and covenant referred to by Xenophon, that 
it was determined that the laws of the Medes and Persians 
should not be altered, that is to say, that the IMedes should 
not attempt to force then' laws upon the Persians, nor the 
Persians theirs upon the Medes. I have said, that Cyrus king 
of Persia reigned after, not before, his father over Babylon. 
And from the speech of Cambyses we learn that at the 
taking of Babylon he was lord supreme, and Cyrus neither 
" king of Persia " nor yet lord over " all the kingdoms of 
the earth." Indeed the one thing upon which Cambyses his 
father was resolved was, that he should not so be styled till 
after his own death. No one, I repeat, is justified in setting 
down this narrative as fiction, simply because it is irrecon- 
cilable with Herodotus. On the contrary I maintain that it 
is stamped with truth upon its face. 

There is only one questionable statement in the Cyropsedia 
which requires a few words of observation. Xenophon, as 
I have said, recognised only one Cyrus king of Persia : and 
yet he Avas correctly informed that Cyrus father of Cambyses 
had divided his kingdom between his two sons Cambyses 
and Tanaoxares, as Ctesias attests. He could therefore only 
conclude that Cyrus son of Cambyses and Mandane, the hero 
of his history, had two sons so called on whom his empire 
devolved. Regardless therefore of chronology, into which it 
seems it was not his disposition to enter, he hastily assumed 
the existence of a prince named Cambyses king of Persia, Avho 
Avas the son of Cyrus long of Persia, who Avas the successor 
of Cambyses king of Persia Avho reigned OA^er Babylon, who 
again was the son of Cyrus. In this unquestionably he was 
in error. It is unnecessary, however, to dwell upon the subject. 
For clearly he has mistaken the children of that Cyrus, who 
was not in any way related by birth to Astyages, for the 
children of Cyrus the grandson of Astyages. 

246 Ci/rus the Secoju/. 

Thus far as regards Persian history as given by Greek 
liistorians before the conquest of Asia by the Greeks. I am 
satisfied that these historians have all honestly related what 
they believed to be true : that, together with Lucian in after 
days, they have all fallen into discrepancies by confounding 
the acts of two kings in the history of one : and the result 
I think of a fair examination of their combined testimony is 
to show, that there was a C}tus son of Cambyses who reigned 
after the death of Cambyses king of Persia in B.C. 518, and 
that this Cyrus for a time must have reigned collaterally 
with Darius son of Hystaspes. Also that he took Babylon 
for the first time in B.C. 530. 

Let us next examine the testimony of writers under the reign 
of the Greeks m Asia, after the conquest of Asia by Alexander. 

We have already seen (p. 189) from Megasthenes, who was 
held in high esteem in the Court of Seleucus Nicator, one of 
the generals of Alexander, how when Cyrus had conquered 
Nabonidus, the last king of Babylon, and had given him a 
principality in Carmania, Darius was the king who di'ove 
him from thence : thus connecting together the reigns of 
Cyrus and Darius, m confirmation of what has been deduced 
from Xenophon and Lucian. Again, in after days, we find 
Josephus, with the histories of Alegasthenes, Berosus, Diodes, 
and Philostratus before him (Ant. x, xi, 1, 2), when speakmg 
of this same Nabonidus, whom he there calls Naboandelus, 
wi'ites, " against him did Cyrus king of Persia and Darius 
king of Media make war." 

Josephus, not knowing how to apply this historical fact in 
conformity with his incorrect notions of Babylonian history, 
endeavours to explam it away by saying that this Darius 
was kno^NTi by another name amongst the Greeks. This 
necessity for explanation, however, only makes it more 
certain, that he had found it stated in the histories which he 
had consulted that Darius and Cyrus were contemporaries. 

There is another passage attributed to Megasthenes, 
which, if genuine, testifies very directly to this fact. It has 
been copied unfortunately by some illiterate interpreter of 
the history, who has largely interpolated his own imperfect 
ideas concerning the Babylonian kings, and owing to these 

Cijrus the Sci'Oinl 


interpolations the passage has generaUy been rejected as 
spurious and worthless. It is found in a work entitled 
"Antiquil-atumVariarum Volumina XVIT," published at Venice 
in 1498, and commented on by Annius Viterbensis. When 
purified from extraneous matter it probably ran thus : — 

Speaking of Belochus, prefect of the army of Sardanapalus, 
it says — " This man conspired with Arbaces, who was the king 
of the Medes, and the monarchy was divided, on condition that 
Belochus should reign over Babylon and Arbaces over Media 
and Persia. Thus was the monarchy divided, Sardanapalus 
having been killed by throwing himself into the flames. 
These kings reigned over the Medes for 304 years. 



Ctesias <( 22 

28 " Arbaces 
50 " Mandauces . . 
" Sosarmon 
" Articarmin " 
" Abianes " . . 
" Arteus 
" Artines 
40 " Astybares " 

Astyages] " with \ 
his son Apanda" S 
" Apanda alone " .. 30" J 15 Cyaxares II 







\ 53 Deioces . . 



22 Phraortes 


40 Cyaxares I 


I 35 Astyages 

>. Herodotus. 


" He being dethroned, Cyrus and Darius reigned 

" The son of Darius, Artaxerxes 

" His two sous Artabanes and Darius Longimanus contended 

7 months for the kingdom. 
" In the 7th month Longimanus prevailed and reigned 
" His son Darius Nothus 
" Artaxerxes Darius Mnemon 
" Artaxerxes Ochus 
" Arces, in our own times 
" Darius 
" Alexander [the Great], who transferred the kingdom to the 

Greeks. Seleucus Nicator who is now fulfilling the 30th year 

of his reign over all Asia and Syria " 





201 7 

The above passage, together with its foolish interpola- 
tions, as given at length in the Appendix,^ has been copied 
and commented upon by the notorious monk Annius as if the 


^ Jornandes. 

3 P. 262. 

248 Ci/nia the Second. 

"whole had been orii^inally written by Megasthenes. When 
freed from the additions, it states, that fi'om the death of 
Sardanapalus ^ in B.C. 824 to the reign of Darius in B.C. 521, 
inclusive, was 304 years, and that at that time the con- 
federacy between the Medes and Babylonians Avas broken 
up, that is after the insanity of Cambyses. And this I take to 
be tlie truth. Megasthenes then goes on to say, that Darius 
and Cyrus reigned 36 years. He does not of course advajice 
the absurdity that both kings reigned 36 years in conjunction. 
But he does mean to say, clearly, that fi'om the dethronement 
of Aspandain B.C. 522 to the beginning of the reign of Xerxes 
in B.C. 485 comprised the 36 years reign of Darius, during some 
part of which Cyrus reigned. The interpreter, however, has 
misunderstood the meaning, and made the reign of Cyrus 
reach to the time of Xerxes. I will not dwell upon this 
passage, but leave it to be taken for what it is worth. The 
work of Megasthenes is lost. I will merely observe that the 
passage has been quoted by Pope Sixtus Senensis in proof 
that Darius and Cyrus Avere contemporary : ^ and that when 
we consider that the contents relating to these two kings 
are in harmony A^dth the undoubtedly genuine passage from 
Megasthenes quoted by Abydenus (p. 189), I tliink these traces 
of his writings are sufficient to shoAV that he reckoned Cyrus 
and Darius to have been contemporary kings. That they 
were indeed contemporary, is proved beyond all question 
(p. 192) by the chief living witness of the day, Daniel, who, 
writing in the third year of Cyrus (x, 1) speaks of Darius 
the Mede as already on the throne (xi, I).'' 

Berosus, writing soon after Megasthenes, tells us that 
Cyrus conquered Nabonidus m his seventeenth year : and 
also that from the first year of Nebuchadnezzar to the seven- 
teenth year of Nabonidus was 68 years. Now we gather 
nothing from these facts, as quoted by Josephus, towards 

' See Chronological Appendix to Smith's Assui'banipal, p. 366. 

- Eainaldus de Libris Apocryphis, I, p. 767. 

•^ I take this o^jportuuity of withdrawing an erroneous suggestion which I 
lately made when greatly perplexed by this xth of Daniel, viz., that the first 
verse of this chapter was probably an interpolated heading by some later hand 
than Daniel's See Messiah the Prince, p. Ixii. 

Cyrus the Second. 249 

solution of the question between Ptolemy the astronomer and 
Demetrius the historian, whether the reign of Cyrus in Babylon 
took place before, or after Cambyses : or as to the seven years 
reign of Cyrus over Babylon having fallen within the time of 
the reign of Darius in Persia. If with Ptolemy we place the 
first of Nebuchadnezzar in B.C. 604, Cyrus must have begun 
to reign in Babylon 68 years later, in B.C. 536, as commonly 
supposed, and have taken that city for the first time in 
that year. If with Demetrius we place the first year of 
Nebuchadnezzar in B.C. 581, then must Cyrus have conquered 
Nabonidus in B.C. 513, and have taken Babylon for the second 
time somewhere about this year. Fortunately the date of 
Ptolemy may be tested by the sure touchstone of a total 
solar eclipse well known in history. For Abydenus, who 
also copied from the history of Berosus, tells us that 
Nebuchadnezzar began his 43 years' reign at Babylon 
after the fall of Nineveh, when Saracus, the successor of 
Sardanapalus, put himself to. death.^ 

Now most historians have seen the necessity of placing 
the fall of Nineveh after the date of the total eclipse of the 
sun, which terminated the battle between Cyaxares king of 
Media and Alyattes king of Lydia, and there are only three 
total eclipses about the period which can possibly be taken 
into consideration in connexion with this event, viz., the 
eclipses of B.C. 610, 603, and 585. The eclipse of B.C. 603 
may be excluded, as according to the best modern tables its 
shadow passed over or near the Persian Gulf. The eclipse of 
B.C. 610 stands a few years earlier than the common date of 
the fall of Nineveh, B.C. 606, or 608, and the eclipse of B.C. 
585 two years earlier than the proposed date, derived through 
Demetrius B.C. 583. Now all ancient authority places the 
date of this eclipse in B.C. 585, and modern astronomy has 
decided that the only eclipse whose shadow could have 
passed over Asia Minor about the time was that of B.C. 585. 

Nineveh fell therefore soon after B.C. 585: Nebuchadnezzar 
began to reign after the fall of Nineveh, in accordance with 

' It will be observed that Sardanapalus burnt himself to death in B.C. 824, 
according to Ctesias and Megasthenes. It was Saracus, the successor of Nabo- 
palassar who was also called Sardanapalus, who burnt himself to death in B.C. 583. 
Vol. I, 17 

250 Cyrus the Second. 

Demetrius, and not -vvitli Ptolemy : and Babylon must have 
been taken a second time by Cyrus about the year 513. 

Those who adopt the earlier date are sorely pressed to 
find room for the twenty-eight years'- rule of the Scythians 
over Nineveh after delivering the Assyrians from the hands 
of Cyaxares, and also for the reign of Nitocris over Babylon 
before the reign of Nebuchadnezzar. 

We now come down to witnesses of a later date, Clement 
of Alexandria is a very important witness. In his ]\Iiscellanies 
he writes — "From the First Olympiad to the building of 
Rome some writers say that there are twenty-four years. 
From thence about 243 years to the overthrow of Babylon 
(eVt TT)v Ba^vXcovos avaipeaiv). And from the overtlu'ow of 
Babylon to the death of Alexander 186 years."^ The dates 
are B.C. 776, 752, and B.C. 509-10 for the taking of Babylon, 
that is by Cyrus. 

Orosius, wi'iting in the days of St. Augustin, writes — 
" Babylon for the last time was overthrown by king Cyrus, 
at the time when Rome for the first time was freed fi*om the 
tyranny of the Tarquin kings. As if under one and the 
same dispensation of the times and seasons, the one had 
fallen as the other rose. The one for the first time "«"as then 
subject to the dominion of foreigners, when the other for the 
fii'st time spurned the pride of her native rulers. The one 
as it were expiring then laid aside the heirship, the other at 
the same time, in the prime of youth, began to recognise 
herself as heir. Then fell the empire of the East. Then 
arose the empire of the West.'"^ Now Eusebius, in his 
Chronological Canon, writes — In the 240th year of the 
building of Rome, in the Sixty-seventh Olympiad, in the 
ninth year of Darius^ " the seven kings, beginning with 
Romulus, and ending with Tarquinius, from thenceforth 
ceased," that is in B.C. 512. 

The latest author that I will quote is the Mohamedan 
writer Tabari, who died in the year A.D. 921. He speaks of 
*' Kai-Khosrou (Cyi'us) king of Persia, who, having appointed 
Lohrasp (Cambyses) his successor, suddenly disappeared, so 
that no trace of him could ever be discovered. Lohrasp 

' Clemens. Alex. Strom. 1. - P. Orosius con. Paganos, ii, 2, p. 74. 

Cyrus the Second. 251 

resided at Balk, and placed Nabuchodonosor (Nabonidus) 
as governor in Babylon. On the death of Lohrasp he was 
succeeded by Gouschtasp (Darius Hystaspes). Gouschtasp 
being displeased on hearing that Syria and Palestine were 
oppressed, and Jerusalem desolate and in ruins, sent his 
general Kouresch, who was governor of 'Iraq, to Babylon, 
and ordered him to take Nabuchodonosor, or Nabonidus, 
and send him to Balk, and at the same time to send back the 
childi-en of Israel to Jerusalem. Kouresch did as he was 
commanded, and then took the government of Babylon as 
well as 'Iraq,"^ that is in the reign of Darius. 

In connexion with this same scheme of reckoning, 
Abulpharagius, who was born in A.D. 1226, and who searched 
the archives of the city Margan in Armenia, and extracted 
many things from Syriac, Saracenic, and Persian books 
which he considered worthy to be preserved from obhvion, 
writes — " In the days of Herod our Redeemer was born : and 
the seven, together with the sixty and two weeks of Daniel, 
Avere completed, which together make 483 years, to be com- 
puted from the sixth year of Darius son of Hystaspes." Thus 
Darius the Mede of Daniel is identified with the son of 
Hystaspes, and if we place the bu-th of Christ in the autumn 
of B.C. 3, and add 483 + 6 = 489 years to that date, we arrive 
at the year 492, as " the first year of Darius son of Ahasuerus, 
when set over the realm of the Chaldeans." 

Who can doubt, after this combination of evidence, that the 
true outline of this period of Persian history, as understood 
in the East and recorded in oriental records, and entertained 
also by Greeks after the time of Ctesias, was in conformity 
with the narrative of Xenophon rather than with that of 
Herodotus, with the reckoning of Demetrius rather than with 
that of Ptolemy : and that till after the death of Cyrus the 
Persian empu-e had remained divided into two imperial and 
confederate kingdoms, as stated by Ctesias, as confirmed by 
the Babylonian tablets in the words " king of the two 
nations," and by the Behistun Inscription which speaks of 
"Persia and Media, and the dependent provinces." When 
these corrections are apphed to sacred chronology, which has 

1 Zotenberg's translation of Tabari, pp. 474, 495. 


Cyrus the Second. 

hitherto been based upon the erroneous date B.C. 538 for the 
1st of C}Tus, each event ^vill have to be brought down just 
25 years, and the result, as I have elsewhere partly shown, 
will be as follows : — ^ 



The 49tli year of Uzziali king of Judah = 10th '^ """^^^^ 
year of Menahem king of Israel, will be 
lowered from . . 

in conformity with the total solar eclipse 
B.C. 763 recorded at Nineveh. 

The carrying away of the ten tribes by Shal- 
manezer, in conformity with the record of 
extant tombstones in the Crimea, fi'om 

The threatened attack upon Jerusalem by 
Sennacherib in the 14th year of Hczekiah, 
the date of which is determined by the solar 
eclipse at Jerusalem B.C. 689, causing the 
shadow to return on the dial of Ahaz, from 

The first year of Nebuchadnezzar falling after "I 
the total solar eclipse of B.C. 585, from J 

The destruction of Jerusalem, from 

The first year of Cyrus, fifty years after the \ 
destruction as stated by Josephus, from J 

The first year of Darius as set over the kingdom"^ 
of Babylon, seventy years after the destruc- I 
tion, when 62 years old, and " Seventy j 
Weeks " before the birth of Christ, from J 



B.C. 762 to B.C. 737 





, 581 


, 563 





1 will now close this part of the subject with a few 
remarks on the questionable dates in the Canon of Ptolemy. 
From whence, I ask, did Ptolemy obtain his dates for the 
reigns of Nebuchadnezzar, Nabonadius, and Cyrus : and upon 
what authority has he ventiu-ed to place Cyrus on the throne 
of Babylon before Cambyses ? Not on the authority of re- 
corded eclipses at Babylon : for he has referred to no eclipses 
on record between the years B.C. 621 and 523: and three 
solar eclipses, as above, the dates and paths of which are now 
laid down by astronomers wdth almost perfect accuracy, stand 
recorded against him as making his arrangement of the reigns 
quite irreconcilable Avith astronomy. Not on the authority 
of Herodotus : for the date of the death of Cyrus father of 
Cambyses is accurately fixed by him as falhng in B.C. 536. 
Not on the authority of Ctesias : for Ctesias found no record 

' See Preface to Messiah the Prince, p. viii. 

Cyrus the Second. 253 

in the archives of the imperial province of Persia of Babylon 
ever ha^dng been taken by Cyims father of Cambyses. Not, 
again, on the authority of Xenophon : for Xenophon dis- 
tinctly says that Cambyses was king of the empire of Persia 
when Babylon was taken, and that Cyrus did not take the 
kingdom till after his death ; whilt^ Babylonian records testify 
that Cambyses reigned at Babylon from B.C. 529 to 523. 
Was, then, his authority for the dates attached to these 
three reigns ckawn from Chaldean sources ? Certamly not. 
For the evidence of Megasthenes we have seen tends to 
place Cyi'us on the throne of Babylon in the time of Darius, 
and the dates drawn from Berosus are controlled by the 
Eclipse of Thales, to the same effect. Besides which, 
Josephus, with these two historians- before liim, tells of " Cyrus 
and Darius " coming together against Babylon. Ptolemy 
has probably taken Polyhistor as his authority : who, after 
quoting Berosus from the reign of Nebuchadnezzar down- 
wards to the conquest of Nabonidus by Cyrus, adds — "Cyrus 
reigned in Babylon nine years. He then died in battle on 
the plains of Daas. After him reigned Cambyses eight 
years^ and then Darius tliirty-six years, after whom came 
Xerxes and the other Persian kings " (Euseb. Audi., p. 22). 
The latter words, however, are not the words of Berosus, 
for they are not found in either of the quotations by Josephus 
fr-om this writer, that is, neither in his treatise against Apion, 
nor in his Antiquities. They can only be taken as repre- 
sentmg the particular view of the history entertained by 
Polyhistor. Ptolemy's pui'j)ose was astronomical, not his- 
torical : not to construct an historical catalogue of kings 
founded upon astronomical data recorded in their reigns, but 
rather an astronomical register or manual for his own daily use, 
m which ecUpses recorded in history were arranged according 
to the current catalogue of reigns. And it was a matter of 
little importance to his purpose whether Cambyses came to 
the throne of Babylon before or after Cyi'us, so long as 
nothing interfered with the correctness of the intervals 
between the several celestial observations. The discovery 
of this manual has been a misfortune to history. But the 
record of eclipses which occurred in certain reigns preserved 

254 Cyrus the Second. 

in the Almagest, disconnected from this astronomical manual, 
is of inestimable vakie. 

It now remains for me to make a few remarks on the 
history of the third great character connected with the 
religious movement of the century, viz., Darius son of 
Hystaspes, in Avhose reign the temple of Jehovah at Jeru- 
salem was restored, after seventy years' abeyance, and the 
re-establishment of his worship proclaimed throughout the 
Persian empire. The military exploits of this ambitious and 
unscrupulous prince are recorded by himself on the rock at 
Behistun, and from thence we learn how great were the 
difficulties he had to contend wdth, and how many were the 
battles which he fought before he gamed entire supremacy in 
the empire. We have already seen that the reign of Darius 
was divided mto two very distinct parts : the first compre- 
hending fifteen years, from B.C. 521 to 506, during which he 
maintained his position as king of the federal province of 
Persia, and as sole monarch of the kingdom of Eg}'pt and 
other dependencies previously held by his predecessor Cam- 
byses, being styled on the tribute tablets "King of the 
Nations," that is as one of the kings of the two confederate 
nations of Medes and Persians : the second period, compris- 
mg twenty-one years, from 506 to 485, beginning after 
the death of Cp'us, clurmg which the whole of the pro\dnces 
of the empire became gradually united under his sole sceptre. 
At this time Daniel, portraying the actual state of the Persian 
empire under the symbol of a ram with tAvo horns, pushing 
Avestward, and northward, and soutlnvard, tells us that the 
horn of the ram Avliich came up last, that is Persia, had 
become higher than the horn of Media (Dan. viii, 3). Darius 
was now recognised on the tablets as " King of Babyloii, King 
of the Nations," and was also knoAvn by the title " King of 
Assyria " (Ezra vi, 22). 

NoAv, these tAvo divisions of his reign are also prominently 
marked in the inscriiDtion on the rock, in these Avords' : — 
" This is Avliat I did before I became king." 
" This is Avhat I did after I became king." 

' Journ. R. Asiatic Soc, Vol. x, Part i, pp. 28, 29. 

Ci/rus the Secofid. 255 

We read in this inscription that the first of these periods 
commenced not long after Cambyses had gone down into 
Egypt, when " Persia and Media and the other provinces " 
revolted and went over to Gomates the Magian : how Darius 
immediately proceeded to recover the crown which had thus 
been wrested from the family of the Achsemenidse by the 
Medes : and how he laboured till he had firmly established 
his family as in the days of old. It must be observed, how- 
ever, that Darius, with some set purpose, carefully abstains 
m the mscription from affixmg to the events of his reign any 
regnal dates : and in the obscurity thus designedly thrown 
upon the history he not only covers the treachery of his revolt 
against his master dming the last three years of the life of 
Cambyses, but also succeeds in bridging over those twelve 
years, fi-om 518 to 506, during which he was effectually ex- 
cluded from Babylon, where for a time he had established 
hunself, without confessmg his defeat. Dui'ing this first period 
of his reign it may be inferred that the following inscription 
must have been written at Persepolis ; for being unable as 
yet to style himself " great king, king of kings," as usual 
upon his other monuments, Darius here limits himself to the 
title king of "this pro^nnce of Persia." The inscription, as 
translated by Sir H. Rawlinson, runs nearly thus : — 

" The great Ormazd who is chief of the gods, he established 
Darius as king. He bestowed on him the kingdom. By the 
grace of Ormazd Darius is king. This province of Persia 

which Ormazd has granted to me " " fi*om the enemy 

feareth not," "May Ormazd protect this provuice 

from slavery, (that is, may it never fall under the dominion of 
the Medes), fi'om decrepitude, and from lying", ^ (that is from 
the false doctrines of the Magi introduced by Gomates and 
propagated by the Medes). This one tablet affords suffi- 
cient evidence that Darius did not, as Herodotus supposes, 
at once take the throne of the whole empii'e on the death of 

At the commencement of the second period in B.C. 506, 
after the death of Cyrus, when Darius assumed supremacy 
over both divisions of the empire, Media and Persia, a 

1 Jour. R. A. Soc, Vol. x, Part, iii, p. 272. 

256 Cyrus the Second. 

general outbreak of the provinces appears to have taken place. 
Babylon, Persia, Susiana, Media, Assyria, Armenia, Parthia, 
Margiana, Satagydia, and Sacia, refused to acknowledge his 
authority. All these countries, however, after a series of 
engagements, were successfully brought into subjection, and 
the whole empu'e was at length divided into twenty or twenty- 
two satrapies. About the year B.C. 501, it appears from 
Herodotus, that tlie provinces of Asia Minor which had 
remained tranquil for twenty-nine years during the whole 
reign of Cyrus, revolted under the leadership of Aristagoras, 
and Sardis was bm-nt. These events are not recorded on 
the rock. From which we may assume that the inscription 
was set up immediately after the putting down of Aracus at 
Babylon, and certainly before the revolt of Belshazzar, who 
we know from Daniel reigned at Babylon at least three years 
till the time of his fall in B.C. 493. 

Such is an epitome of the military acts of Darius for 
twenty years, as recorded by himself on the rock, in which 
he has skilfully avoided all that was unfavourable for his 
own renown ; Darius was, however, not only a great miHtary 
commander, but a sagacious politician. Cyrus, as I have 
said, who from his position on the throne of ]\Iedia, came in 
contact with the Magian reformers, and from his connexion 
with Cyaxarcs the husband of 'Atossa, or Hadassah, had 
imbibed deep religious impressions from the dispersed people 
of Jehovah, and especially fi'om the great prophet just 
released by liim fi'om Babylon, had in B.C. 513, set up the 
standard of Jehovah, proclaimmg that Jehovah the God of 
heaven had given him all the kingdoms of the earth. Under 
this invincible banner he had rallied around him all the chief 
leaders of the reformation, which was now rapidly spreading 
throughout his eastern provinces, and thus secure in the 
affections of the Medes, and in the favour of heaven, he 
retained his supremacy undisturbed till the end of his life. 
Darius also, if we may trust to Megasthenes, Josephus, and 
Tabari, would seem for a moment to have co-operated with 
Cyrus in this movement till his enemy Nabonidus of Babylon 
had been brought into subjection in 513. If so, however, 
he soon found (jccasion to change his policy. The strength 

Cyrus the Second. 257 

of his position also lay in the religions prejudices of the 
opposite party; and it was by upholding old superstitions, 
and by setting his face against religious innovations, that he 
succeeded in holding Egypt in tranquillity for many years, 
and in fixing himself firmly on the throne of Persia, where 
everything proceeding from the Medes was opposed with 
extreme jealousy. Accordingly we find his inscriptions over- 
loaded with praise and adoration of Ormazd: and as if in 
defiance of Jehovah, and also of Cyrus with his Median 
extraction, he proclaims at Alwand, and Naklish-i-Rustam — 
" The great god Ormazd (he it was) who gave this earth, 
who gave that heaven, who gave mankind, who gave life to 
mankind, who made Darius king, as well the king of the 
people as the lawgiver of the people. I am Darius the king, 

the great king, the king of all inhabited countries " " the 

son of Hystaspes the Achsemenian, a Persian, the son of a 
Persian, an Arian, and of Arian descent."^ Such was his 
manifesto between the years 506 and 500, after the death of 
Cyrus. Nevertheless he was fighting against the siu'e pro- 
gress of enlightenment and truth, and it was not long before 
he found himself carried away in the irresistible stream of 
reformation which at length prevailed throughout both 
divisions of the empire. Media and Persia. Meanwhile the 
ambition of Darius was to become possessed of the whole 
empire which had been ruled over by Cyrus the Mule, who 
had died without issue. Bardes was dead, and Cyaxares, or 
Ahasnerus, was dead. The legal succession to the throne 
had become vested in Hadassah his widow, a Hebrew lady 
descended from the royal house of Kish. Cambyses when he 
slew his half brother Tanyoxarces or Ahasnerus, had taken 
queen 'Atossa to wife. And this alliance had been considered 
of so much political importance that the Magi had been con- 
sulted concerning its legality. On the death of Cambyses 
Darius also married qiieen 'Atossa, or Esther, not the 
daughter of Cyrus the elder, as Herodotiis affirms, but his 
daughter-in-law. Through her he became entitled to call 
himself " son of Ahasnerus," that is, in eastern phrase, repre- 
sentative of the house of Ahasnerus, " of the seed of the 

' Journal R. A. Soc, Vol. x, Part iii, p. 291. 

258 Cyrus the Second. 

Medes." Of 'Atossa was born Xerxes, to wlioiii the throne 
descended, and this name is also identified with the Ahasuerus 
of the Book of Ezi-a (iv, 6). So that this title ran through 
thi'ee successive generations. Thus Hebrew influences and 
Median influences crept gradually over the mind of Darius, 
till about ten years after his proclamation of devotion to 
Ormazd, when the kingdom of Babylon having been finally 
subdued, the venerable Hebrew prophet, now about 96 years 
old, became his chief minister of the State. Under his 
powerful influence, and at the request of the Jews at Jeru- 
salem, in the second year of his reign over Babylon B.C. 491, 
the decree of Cyrus, directing that the temple of Jerusalem 
should be built, which had been in abeyance for about 
twenty years, was sought for and carried into efiect. The 
crisis had now arrived. The final decree went forth : — " Let 
the work of the house of God alone : let the governor of the 
Jews, and the elders of the Jews build then- house of God 
in his place." (Ezra vi, 7.) " And the elders of the Jews 
builded, and they prospered, through the prophecjong of 
Haggai the prophet, and Zechariah the son of Tddo : and 
they builded and finished it, according to the commandment 
of the God of Israel, and according to the commandment of 
Cyrus, and Darius, and Arta-Xerxes king of Persia. And 
this house was finished on the third day of the month Adar, 
which was in the sixth year of the reign of Darius the king " 
(Ezra vi,, 14, 15), in B.C. 486. 

About this same time the final act of triumph of the 
worship of Jehovah was being carried out at the seat of the 
government of Darius, either at Susa or Babylon, where 
under the wise direction of Daniel, " It pleased Darius (not 
Cyaxares or Astyages as absurdly believed) to set over the 
kingdom an hundred and twenty princes" (Dan. vi, 1). This 
change of policy with regard to the government of the 
empire, by substituting 120 principaHtics for 20 satrapies, is 
referred to by Herodotus as taking place not long before 
the battle of Marathon (Herod, vi, 43), and is spoken of by 
Mr. Grote as "a complete reversal of the former policy of 
Persia, to be ascribed to a new conviction, doubtless wise 
and well fr)unded, which had recently grown up among the 

Cyrus the Second. 259 

Persian leaders, that on the whole then- unpopularity was 
aggravated more than their strength was increased by- 
employing despots as instruments."^ The princes of the 
empire however were greatly incensed against the new 
minister of State. They sought to destroy Daniel, and failed. 
" Then king Darius wrote unto all people, nations, and lan- 
guages that dwell in all the earth. Peace be multiplied unto 
you. I make a decree — That in every dominion of my 
kingdom, men tremble and fear before the God of Daniel : 
for he is the living God, and stedfast for ever, and his king- 
dom that which shall not be destroyed, and his dominion 
shall be even unto the end " (Dan. vi, 25, 26). 

Thus was the spiritual drama of the century completed. 
A Hebrew youth of royal extraction, born about the year 
of the eclipse in B.C. 585, of genius and bearing fitted to 
stand in the presence of kings, had been carried captive to 
Babylon, the seat of all idolatry, at the age of about 12 or 
13 years. Endowed with surpassing wisdom and vntue, he 
had become ruler over the whole province of Babylon, and 
chief of the governors of all the wise men. Constant in faith to 
Jehovah he had swayed the mind and counsels of the Baby- 
lonian king, till at length the stubborn will of this idolatrous 
prince bowed down before the Most High, and he " praised 
and honoured him who liveth for ever." He continued, we 
are told, to remain at Babylon " until the first year of king 
Cyrus, B.C. 513 : when again under his prevailing influence 
the proclamation of Cyrus came forth, to rebuild the temple 
of Jehovah at Jerusalem. And yet once more, before the 
expiration of the centur^^, we read of his final triumph over 
the princes of Persia in connection with the proclamation 
of Darius that "men tremble and fear before the God of 
Daniel." The people of Jehovah had gone forth from then- 
inheritance in adversity, and were scattered like salt over the 
countries beyond the Euphrates : they returned into possession 
of their inheritance in the year of jubilee, B.C. 492, to cleanse 
their sanctuary, having reaped the harvest of the East. 

Lastly, there is yet one difiiculty which requires further 
explanation, concerning which I must be brief for want of 
' Grrote's History of Greece, Vol. iii, p. 269. 


Cyrus the Second. 

space. Manetho and Egyptian monuments all give 36 years 
to the reign of Darius: and yet, as I have shown from the 
Apis tablets (pp. 203, 204), Darius could not have reigned more 
than 31 years after the death of Cambyses. So that the end 
of the reign of Cambyses in Egypt and the beginning of the 
reign of Darius in Egypt overlapped. Again, I have shown 
that the first year of Darius as set over the realm of the 
Chaldeans, was B.C. 492, and yet before that year, we read in 
Ezra that Ahasuerus, or Xerxes, also called .Vrta-Xerxes, had 
obstructed the building of the temple of Jerusalem. So that 
the reign of Xerxes in conjunction with his father Darius 
must have commenced many years before the death of Darius 
in B.C. 484. It is usual to meet this difficulty in Ezra by 
identifying Ahasuerus with Cambyses, and Arta-Xerxes witli 
Smerdis. But this is manifestly- absurd. The difficulty 
appears to be solved by two Egyptian monuments on the 
rock at Hamamat, fac-similes of which are cmnexed, with a 
translation by Dr. Bircli, who as early as the year 1857 pouited 
out the peculiarity of the inscriptions,^ which run thus : — 

A. B. 

1. The year 6 of the lord of the two 

countries Keubuta (Cambyses). 
The year 36 of the lord of the two 

countries Ntai'iusha [Darius]. 
The year 12 of the lord of the two 

countries Khsharsha [Xerxes] 

made by the Sares of the laud 

of Pers [Persia] Ataiuhai before 

Men [the god Amen Horus] 

who is over the district. 



1. The 36th year of the good god 
lord of the two countries, son 
of the Sun, lord of diadems 
Ntariusha [Darius] living like 
the Sun for ever. 

2. The 13th year of his son the 
lord of the two countries, sou 
of the Sun, lord of diadems, 
Khshaiursha [Xerxes] living 
like the Su7i for ever! 

3. Made by the Sares of Pers [Per- 
sia], duke or lord of Kabt 

4. Ataiuhai. 

From the second of these monuments it appears that the 
13th year of the reign of Xerxes in Egypt Avas concurrent 
with the 36th of Darius, both kings being yet alive in B.C. 484. 
So that Xerxes must have been sent into Egypt by his father 
as " lord of the two countries, son of tlie Siui," as early as 
B.C. 497, that is Avhen about 20 years of age, in the tweuty- 

' See Loll us' Cliakloa and Siisiniiii, p. •112. 






01 ^ 







B/f (^^^ 




ill III 








^ 7'uss Tfhnh. 

Rock I?uicriptLOfv fronv ffciunM^M/y. 

Cyrus the Second. 261 

first year after the marriage of Darius with his mother 'Atossa 
in the year 517 ; and if Palestine also came under the juris- 
diction of Xerxes as neighbouring on Egypt, it becomes 
perfectly intelligible how an order from Ahasuerus, or Arta- 
Xerxes, to discontinue the building of the temple at Jeru- 
salem (Ezra iv), issued from Egypt, might have been reversed 
by Darius after he had become king of Babylon, say, in the 
year B.C. 487, as clearly related in the Book of Ezra. 

Thus the second of these monuments afibrds the proper 
means of interpreting the nature of the first, from which it 
appears that the latter part of the 12th year of Xerxes in 
Egypt was concurrent with the beginning of the 36th of 
Darius, B.C. 486-5: and since 6 years of Cambyses added to 
7 months of Smerdis, and 36 of Darius, would lead up to 
B.C. 528 for the conquest of Egypt, which is untrue, this tablet 
intends to explain that the 1st year of Darius in Egypt com- 
menced during the six years' reign of Cambyses in that pro- 
vince. Ataiuhai, therefore, represents on this monument, that 
he was appointed duke or prefect in the 1st year of Cambyses, 
B.C. 525, and so continued till the close of the 36th of Darius 
484, in all forty-one years. 

In conclusion, I submit that I have shown — 

1st. That Cyi'us, father of Cambyses, who conquered 
Astyages, neither conquered Babylon, nor reigned at Babylon, 
as set forth in the Canon of Ptolemy. 

2nd. That Cyrus, son of Cambyses king of Persia, and 
grandson of Astyages, twice conquered Babylon, but did not 
assume the title king of Babylon till after his father's death, 
in B.C. 518. 

3rd. That Ptolemy's Canon rests upon no sound autho- 
rity, either historical or astronomical, when placing the reign 
of Cyi-us at Babylon before the reign of Cambyses. 

4th. That the alternative reckoning of these two reigns 
derived from Demetrius is to be preferred to that of Ptolemy, 
as snpported by the dates of three solar eclipses. 

5th. That Ptolemy's date, B.C. 538, is truly the date of 
the year following the death of Astyages, who is erroneously 
supposed to have been succeeded by Cyrus. 

6th. That the date of the proclamation of Cyi'us in the 
first year of his reign as king of Babylon, is the year B.C. 513. 


Cyrus the Second. 

Antiquitatum Variarum Voluraina XVII. 

A veuevando et sacrse theologiag, et 

prEedicatorii ordinis, professore, 

Jo. Annio liac seiie declarata. 

" Belochus tertius, princeps militise Sardanapali. Prodito domino suo 
Sardanapalo, partita est cum Medis monarchia, ut Metasthenes enarrat, 
dicens de eodem proditore 

" Is cum Arbace tum Medorum principe conspiravit, et partita est 
monarchia ea lege, ut Belochus Babyloniam, Arbaces Mediam et Persas 
regeret. Itaque interfecto, et ex ipso flammis injecto Sardaaapalo, 
monarchia bipartita fuit. Apud Medos in ea hi regnaverunt annis 

quatuor et tr 







.. annis 28 





Asty bares c 




Apanda solus 

cum Apanda 

annis 40 


imus Fhul JBelocTius 

. . annis 48 

Phul Assttr . . 


Salmanassar, . 


Assuradan . . 




Ben Merodach 


Hoc devicto, Cyrus et Darius regnaverunt Annis triginta sex." 

[Nam ante reunitam monarchiam regnaverunt in Perside annis sex. 
Inde cdiis sex, Persico regno resignato Cambyse filio, sexenimle Tomyre 
regind Scytharum helium intulenmt. Sexto anno a Bahyloniis evocati, 
atque Baltassare interfecto reunitam monarchiam in Persas transtulerunt. 
Totidem annis in bipartitd monarchia regnatum est apud Bahilonios. 

Nabxigdonosor primus . . annis 35 

Nal-ur/donosor magnus . . 45 

AmiUnus EciJmerodach . . 30 

Filius htijtts primus Magassur 3 

Secundus Lah-Assardoch . . 6 

Tertius Baltassar . . . . 5 

Baltassare interfecto, regnaverunt simul Cyriis et Darius annis duobics et 


"Filius Darii " [pi-isctis Artaxerxes Assicerus] "annis viginti." 

[ultio7ie interea sumptd de factione Tamyricd, quae per dolum patriam, 

tradiderat Tamyrce] 

" Huic duo filii, [Cyrusl Artabanes, et [Dari^is'] Longimanus septem men- 

" sibus pro imperio dimicavenmt, et septimo mense Longimani victoriS 

" cessit, regnavitque annis sejDtem et triginta. Ejus filius Darius Nothos 

" annis decem et novem. Magnus Artaxerxes [7)arms] Mnemon annis 

" quinquaginta quinque. Artaxerxes Ochus sex et viginti. NostrA aitate 

" Arces annis quatuor. Darius ultimus sex. [Magnus^ Alexandres qui 

" transtulit imperium in Graecos annis duodecim. Seleucus Nicanor, qui 

" nunc agit tricessimum annum, totius Asia; et Syriae." 



Read 2nd April, 1872. 

IlNivERSiTy Library, Cambridge, 

22nd April, 1872. 
To THE President and Council of the Society of 
Biblical Archeology, London. 


In compliance with your request, I have the honour of handing 
you the accompanying description of the highly valuable MS . presented 
to you by Capt. Prideaux. Whilst thanking you for your kind attention, 
I beg leave to express my heartfelt wishes for the prosperity of your 
excellent Institution. 

I have the honour to remain, 

Yours faithfully, 


The MS. is written on a Roll of goat-skins, some of wliich 
are dyed yellow, otliers red, and others again brown (all in 
various shades), 96 feet long by 1 foot 10 inches broad ; con- 
sisting of 81 skins, 226 columns, 51 (the later portion 
50 — 52) lines in each column ; square character (except the 
first skin, which throughout has a Rabbinical )^), oriental 
Sephardic handwriting, ranging from the 10th or 11th century 
to the 14th or 15th. 

The Pentateuch; defective. 

Genesis, col. 1 ; Exodus, col. 58 ; Leviticus, col. 106 ; 
Numbers, col. 140; Deuteronomy, col. 197. 

This Roll, although conforming, on the whole, to the copies 
ordinarily used by the public readers in the Synagogue, has 
some pecuHarities well worth noticing. 

2 64 The Prideaux Pentateuch. 

Internal Economy. 
(a) General Construction. 

1. Each book commences with a fi'esh cohunn, the four 
lines which have to be left between the books being found at 
the end of a column, in accordance with the original rules of 
the Babylonian Talmud (Baba bathra, leaf 13^). The Jeru- 
salem Talmud (Megillah, section I, Halachah 9) prohibits such 
an arrangement, and is followed by the French Rabbis in 
their Additamenta to the Babylonian Talmud (Bab. bath. 

2. Each column commences with a fresh verse (except in 
the two instances of the n and 1 of I^U^ rT^l; see later). 
This fact, along with the almost uniform number of lines 
in a column which are found in copies coming from Arabia 
and the adjacent countries, makes it an easy matter to put 
together single skins, or even single columns of five, ten, or 
even more different " Torahs " for the piu-pose of making 
them one complete copy. Occasionally, of course, there will 
be a verse or two too many or too few, as is actually the 
case here ('see later). 

3. Between verse and verse there is generally a some- 
what wider space left than between word and word. 

4. The closed sections (m^lilD nV1i?1D)? in the somewhat 
later portions of this and similar Rolls, never commence on 
a fresh Ime, but after at least a word or two of the preceding 
section, with a sufficient space between. This is one of the 
means by which the age of an Arabian Roll may be deter- 
mined, at least negatively. 

5. Both Decalogues are so arranged as to place the later 
negative precepts in the form of H'^'n^^ ^^^ hv TV^'Si^i &c., i.e., 
the particles are on one side and the verbs on another. 

6. Although the rule of IDtT TVI is observed, the usage 
is not that of the Ashkenazic school, where the ti^ is in 
Exodus (xxxiv, 11), nor of the ordinary Sephardic school, 
where it is in Leviticus (x^a, 8), nor as in both these schools, 
where the Q is in Numbers (xxiv, 5) : here both the *Q} and 
the Q are in Deuteronomy (the former xvi, 18, and the latter 

The Prideaux Pentateuch. 265 

xxiii, 24), Thus, while in the Ashkenazic school the mnemo- 
synon is represented by two letters in Genesis, two letters in 
Exodus, one in Numbers, and one m Deuteronomy (Leviticus 
being without one) ; and while the ordinary Sephardic 
school spreads them over all the five books (two in Genesis, 
one in Exodus, one in Leviticus, one m Numbers, and one in 
Deuteronomy): the school to which this "Torah" belongs has 
two in Genesis, one in Exodus, and thi-ee in Deuteronomy 
(Leviticus and Numbers being without one). The methods 
of these three schools rest on their respective views of the 
original mode of the delivery of the Pentateuch; but there 
is little doubt that the view exhibited by this school is the 
oldest (see Excursus I, in the Catalogue of the Hebrew 
MSS. belonging to the University of Cambridge, now in the 
press). That a Pentateuch Roll should have this mnemosynon 
at all is in close connexion with Cabbalah (see Excursus VI 
of the said Catalogue). 

{U) Special Construction. 

1. While the letters, on the whole, are the same as in 
other Rolls with respect to majuscules in certain words, we 
observe here a few differences. Here is no majuscule ^ in 
n^'tZ^^'^l (Gen. i, 1); no majuscule "T in int^ (Dent, vi, 4); no 
majuscule 7 in D^t'U^'^I (Deut. xxix, 27) ; no majuscule ^ in 
iJJi (Exod. xxxiv, 7) ; no majuscule ^ in i^^tl? (Deut. \i, 4) ; 
no majuscule ^ in "^^J^n (Deut. xxxii, 4) ; no majuscule "^ in 
"int"^ (Exod. xxxiv, 14) : a fact ^vhich I have never met with 
in the many Rolls (more than 200 in number) which I have 
had the fortune to see. After this I was scarcely surprised to 
find that the ^ in n::')TDn (Gen. xxxiv, 31), the 7 in n^^t^^HI 
(Lev. xi, 30), the D in OTV'^ (Num.xiii,30), and the Jl in Q^^il 
(Deut.xviii, 13), which are given as majuscules only according 
to some scribes, are not given here as majuscules. Certainly, 
the T, ^, and "^ mentioned above are somewhat dilated, and 
it may be that this dilation compensates for a majuscule 
(see Mass, Sopherim ix, 1, 'j'^D'lU^DI). On the other hand, we 
find here a majuscule fc^ in ^"^"^^Z^^ (Deut. xxxiii, 29), no 
doubt, emphatically thereby to express the blessedness iA 

Vol. I. 18 

2l]G The Prideaux Pentateuch. 

Israel in ha\'ing such a God and such a law. We find a 
majuscule D in 12D (Gen. v, 1), because tliis verse is viewed 
by some as one of the most important verses in Holy Writ, 
containing as it does the foundation of om' relation to God 
and to God's children, -uathout distinction of country or 
religion.' We find a majuscule p in p (Dent, xxii, 6), as 
this passage places on an equal footing one of the least 
important with one of the most important commandments.^ 
We find several times the majuscule D {i.e. formed as one 
T\ within another Q ; compare the well-known majuscule fl 
in r|'^t^i^n2l! Gen. xxx, 42), to express a high degree of some- 
thing e.g. ^Qlbi^ the mighty princes of (Exod. xv, 15), &c. 

We find a majuscule 2J in i<^v (Exod. xi, 8), expressive of the 
sure expectation of a complete and entire exodus, which 
was afterwards really accomplished. (For other reasons of 
majuscules see Excursus I of the mentioned Catalogue.) 

2. Whilst I have not been able to discover a single mmus- 
cule not to be found anywhere else, I miss the minuscule ^ in 
''UJ'Jl (Deut. xxxii, 18), which is to express that although 
Israel forgot his Maker he did not forget Him entirely and 
for ever. I miss the minuscule ^ in HlplQ (Lev. vi, 2), 

1 Rabbi 'Aqiba says that "And thou sbalt love thy neighbour as thyself" 
(Lev. xix, 18), is a most important principle (^*^3) in Holy Writ, whereupon 
Rabbi Simon ben 'Azzai says : " This is the book of tlie generation of man," is a 
more im])ortant principle in Holy Writ. The explanation is, that whilst the 
expression " neighbour " might be interpreted to mean only a person of the same 
country or creed, " man" includes every one created in the image of God. And, 
indeed, on our childship with reference to God rest even our love to Him who 
made us, and our duty to saci'ifice for His sake even life itself. And so rests 
also on this fact our duty to love our neighbour, both of us being brothers, both 
having been created in the same God's image (see Talmud Yerushalmi Nedai-im, 
Section ix, Halachah 4) . 

2 " The first commandment with promise," as Paul the Apostle very pitliily 
calls it (Ephes. vi, 2), is, " Honour thy father and thy mother," &c. (Exod. xx, 12 ; 
Deut. V, 16) ; but a similar promise is also given to him who, on finding a bird's 
nest, should, while taking the young ones, let the dam go free (Deut. xxii, 6, 7). 
This looks at first sight somewhat strange. On a closer examination, however, 
these two commandments are seen to stand in close connexion with one another. 
For He " who makes us wise by the fowls of the air" (Job xxxv, 11), teaches us 
here also respect to, and airection for, our own parents, by inculcating the avoid- 
ance of giving piiin to the bird-mother by letting her see her brood killed before 
her eyes. Compare Lev. xxii, 28, and Talmud Yerushalmi Peah, Section J, 
Halacliah 1 ; see, however, Mislmali I3i'ra<-hotli, v, 3. 

The Prideaux Pentateuch. 267 

which is to express, that although fire was perpetually kept 
on the altar, there was only just sufficient kept to maintam 
it (see, however, Tal. Bab, Yoma 45^). I miss the minuscule ^ 
in D'^I^Q (Deut. ix, 24), which is to express that Israel would 
not have rebelled but for the mixed multitude (Exod. xii, 38) 
Avhich caused him to rebel (see, however, Ba'al ha-Turim 
and Excursus I). 

3. The n in the older portions is not arched ; it has, how- 
ever, a stroke on the upper part at the extreme left. In the 
younger portions of the MS. it is arched. 

4. 'II^'^'T U^"11 (Lev. X, 16) stand on one and the same 

5. T\T\ (Deut. xxiii, 2) is spelt fc^:]-f. 

6. Some of the words are defectively spelt instead of 
pleyie, and vice versa (see passim). 

(c) Additional Marks. 

1. The ten passages, of which some words, or only letters, 
are dotted above (the institution of these dots being ascribed 
to no less an authority than Ezra ^ ), conform here entirely to 
ordinary copies. This being the case, I should have passed 
the fact over in silence, had it not been for the purpose of 
removing an apparent contradiction between the statements 
of the Rabbinical authorities and those of some Massorets m 
reference to Deut. xxix, 26. But the solution is very simple: 
the Talmud counts the passages, which are really ten only, 
while the phrase JllTlpi h^"^ does not mean, as has sometimes 
been supposed, that there are eleven dotted passages, but 
that at this place there are eleven letters dotted. 

2. The letters Y^^^t^i^^^ usually provided with little 
crowns C]"^^) are in the older portions of the Roll without 
them, while some of the more recent portions have them. 
Some of these portions have them, however, not only on the 
above-mentioned letters, but also on ?]^3, which, we may 
remark, are the remaining letters of ^2^2D not included 
in WTitDi^11>, and which played an important part abeady 

1 Aboth de-Rabbi Nathan xxxiv, .... t^-^f^; "^^i^ . . . rTnipi 'W'^ 
Massecheth Sopherim vi, 3, &c., and I^^HV 13, (Wieii, 1815, Folio) by the 
celebrated E. Moses Kunitzer, H^i^tt ixxxix. 

^(jS The Pruleaux Pentateuch. 

in early Talmudic times (see Tal. Bab. Megillali, leaf 2^, &c.). 
In some parts of the Roll tlie Taggin are also to be fonnd, 
though only occasionally, even on entire words not consisting 
of the letters usually crowned. The reason of this curious 
proceecUng is to mark some traditional or cabbalistic saying.^ 

{d) Age and Contents of the MS. 

1. As before stated, the Koll is cliiefly composed of single 
skins (and even single columns) taken from various Rolls be- 
longing to various ages. The largest number of any one class 
belong to the IBlli century, although there are some as old 
as the 10th or 11th, whilst others are young as the 14th 
or loth century. 

2. They all read on with the exception of — 

(1) Skin 2 (commencing Gen. iii, 22), which overlaps 

skin 1 (Gen. i, 1 ; iii, 22) by one verse. 

(2) Skin 16 (commencing Gen. xl, 4), where two verses 

are wanting (as skin 15 ends \\nth Gen. xl, 1). 

(3) Skin 29 (Exod. xx, 23), where one verse is wanting 

(as skin 28 ends with xx, 21). 

(4) Skin 38, where the last two words of Lev. i, 6, have 

been lost. 

1 Instances of the like are to be seen in a similar TloU (see Baer, Zwei alte 

Thora-RoUen Frankfurt am Main, 1870, 8vo.) belonging to Mr. Johannes 

Alt (bookseller, of Fraukfort-ou-the-Maine), which hes now for inspection in 
this library. This Eoll also came from Arabia, is similarly put together from 
various independent Eolls, of various ages, and ranging from the 10th century 
to the 16th or 17th. It has, I feel sure, some portions which were once parts 
of the Roll described above. Nor must I omit to mention that our own No. 1 
(Library-mark, Oo. 1.3), brought over from India (and presented to the University 
of Cambridge in 1809 by the Rev. Dr. Claudius Buchanan), in its oldest and 
youngest portions resembles Capt. Prideaux's Roll. The respective relations of 
these three Rolls to one another are the following : — 

1. The Buchanan Roll in its oldest portion is somewhat younger than the 
oldest portion of Alt's, and somewhat older than the oldest portion of Capt. 
Prideaux's, whUst its youngest portion is older than the youngest portion of Alt's 
and is contemporary with the youngest portions of Capt. Prideaux's. 

2. The Buchanan Roll, although written in five different hands, is one 
oi'iginal Roll, suj^plemcnted by four consecutive Scribes, while Alt's and Capt. 
Prideaux's (one skin excepted in tlie latter) are made up from diU'erent copies. 
(See " Age and Contents of the MS.," in this description.) 

The Prideaux Pentateuch. 269 

3. Skiu 53 is the only bond fide supplement, as will be 
seen from the four lines left blank to meet Skin 54. This 
state, far from being a disadvantage, is a positive gain, not 
merely in an antiquarian point of view, but also and chiefly 
with a view to Biblical criticism, as one gets an insight 
thereby not merely into the character, construction, and 
peculiarities of one Roll, but of several Rolls at the same 


External Economy. 
(a) Infiuence of later hands on this MS. 

1. Various parts of this Roll have been re-touched, and 
in one part (Skin 23) the ordinary jl has been changed 
thi'oughout into an arched one. 

2. The older portions of this MS. present a singularly 
spotted appearance, which, at first sight, one would be 
inclined to attribute to natural causes, partly to the brittle- 
ness of the material, partly to long usage, and partly to 
the ever-busy bookworm. Such, however, is not the case. 
It is simply the work of the Readers, who, by removing 
with a sharp instrument a portion of the surface of the skiu, 
provided themselves with marks for verses (where the space 
left was not sufficient guide for them), for half-verses, for 
attention to weak letters, and finally for the sub-division 
of the weekly portion into seven parts (D'^^^llp 't). The 
former three they marked by . and the last by .*. or •;• '. 
In the younger portions this is more systematically, and I 
may say artistically, executed, by means of impressing a 
watch-key or a pencil-case wherever and whenever required. 
These apparently unimportant facts lead us to understand 
several passages in the Talmud and the Codificators, which 

1 When I came more closely to examine the above-mentioned Buchanan 
Roll, for the purpose of describing it in the Catalogue, my attention was drawn by 
the eminent bibliogi'apher Mr. H. Bradshaw (Librarian of the University and my 
Teacher in Bibhography), to the systematic recurrence of these spots, which we 
soon found to be regular markers of verses, half-verses, &c. Subsequently I found 
the same in Alt's Roll in the same way, only with the addition, that in its 
younger portions the system had been more artistically carried out, just as is the 
case in this Roll. 

270 The Pndeaux Pentateuch. 

would otherwise remain unintelligible (see Massecheth 
Sopheiim iii, 7 ; Beth Yoseph on Tur Yoreh De'ah, cclxxiv, 
and Shulchan 'Ai'uch Yoreh De'ah cclxxiv, § 7). 

(li) Condition of the MS. 

1. The Roll is in various places damaged, particularly 
col. 141, which has suffered from fire. 

2. The writing is, in most columns, easily legible ; but in 
such skins as are dyed a dark brown it is somewhat difficult 
to decipher. 

3. Although, as will be seen from various skins, the 
original se^vdng had been done Avith the prescribed thread 
made of the sinews of clean animals (pTJl JlTDn), at pre- 
sent a good many skins and single columns are connected 
only by common blue cotton thread. 

4. The columns originally left blank for the rollers have 
now disappeared, not so entirely, hoAvever, as to leave no 
trace of their former existence. 

These observations are the result of a few hours' examina- 
tion of this very valuable MS., which, I doubt not, will, on a 
closer inspection, offer more points of interest and informa- 
tion. Let me add in conclusion the wish, as I hold the hope, 
that this Roll may help to deepen the conviction, which both 
sincere Jews and Chfistians entertain, that the variants to 
be found in the MSS. of the Mosaic Records refer only to 
minor points. They can never alter any doctrine necessary 
for man's salvation ; for, indeed : 

" The law of the Eternal is perfect, refi'eshing the soul. 

" The testimony of the Eternal is faithfril, making wise 
the simple. 

" The statutes of the Eternal are right, rejoicing the 

" The commandment of the Eternal is pure, enlightening 
the eyes." (Psalm xix, 8, 9.) 

*^* For Hebrew Scribe's directions, see Simon's Biblia 
Hebraica (Halle, 17G7). Exercit. Not. Margin. Mazoret. — 
S. M. Drach. 



By H. F. Talbot, D.C.L., F.R.S. 

Mead 2nd April, 1872. 

In plate 4 of the last published volume of British Museum 
Inscriptions there is a very curious account of the early life 
of the first Sargina. 

It seems probable that there was an ancient statue of 
Sargina in the city of Agani, where he was worshipped as a 
hero. These lines may have been inscribed on the pedestal 
and may have been copied by one of the Assyrian literati. 

The name Sargina means 'king of justice,' as is evi- 
dent from the passage 2 R 48, 40 ; Sargina = sar kitti. 
^yyi *~*'I^ ^^'^^^ meaning 'justice.' To which the further 
gloss is added : dabib kitti, dabib damgati ' meditating 
justice : meditating holiness.' Sargina has the same mean- 
ing with Melchizedek in Hebrew ; of whom the account is so 

Mr. G. Smith considers Sargina to have been a real 
personage. But at any rate his history is mixed with fable. 
I made a translation of it some months ago from plate 4 
of the inscriptions, and I have since learnt that Mr. Smith 
has prepared another translation, which will appear in the 
fii'st volume of the Society's Transactions. This has not yet 
reached me,* but I believe that Mr. Smith drew the attention 
of the Society to the close parallel which it exhibits to the 
history of the infancy of Moses as related in the 2nd chapter 
of Exodus. This great similarity had also struck me very 
much, before I was aware of Mr. Smith's observations. 

We read that the mother of Moses ' took for him an ark 
of bulrushes and daubed it icith slime and. ivith pitch, and put 
the child therein, and she laid it in the flags by the river's 

* The present paper -was sent to tlie Society on February 1, 1872. The 
first part of the Society's Transactions was not published till about three weeks 

272 A Fragment of Ancient Assyrian Mythology. 

brink.' All this was done likewise by the mother of Sargina. 
The pitch was to prevent the entrance of the water. Line 5. 
' And Pliaraoh's daughter saw the ark among the flags, and 
she sent her maid to fetch it. And lohen she had opened it she 
saw the child.' This circumstance also agrees exactly. 
Sargma's mother had made a door to the ark, and closed it 
with pitch, of course only round the edges. The child would 
breathe freely through the interstices of the rushes, and 
could not fall out of the ark. 

Similar traditions attend the bu-th of other great law- 
givers or founders of nations. The story of Romidus offers 
in some respects a striking resemblance. The mother of 
Romulus was a king's daughter : But his father ivas unhioicn. 
The new-born infant was placed in a boat {alveus, Livy) and 
laiuiched on the waters of the Tiber. The boat coming 
ashore, was found by the king's herdsman, who with his wife 
Acca brought him up as his own child. When of sufficient 
age he became the head of a band of rustic and warlike 
youths and gradually reached sovereign power. 

Similarly Sargina was saved fi'om the river by Akki 
the fisherman (a name much resembling Acca) and brought 
up as his own son. When old enough he joined a rustic 
people and became their king, and afterwards a powerful 
monarch {sar dannii). 

The god Dionysus when an infant was placed in an ark 
and thrown into the sea. The waves cast him ashore on the 
coast of Brasiaj in Laconia (Pausanias). 

Cyrus, son of a princess, but brought up by a herdsman 
as his own son ; elected king (though in sport) by his rustic 
companions ; afterwards the founder of a great monarchy, 
has some points of similarity with the tale of Sargina : but 
the circumstance of the ark on the river is wanting. 

These examples show that similar tales were cuiTent in 
antiquity concerning the infancy of many great sovereigns 
or legislators. I will now give a translation of the inscription 
in plate 4, as I understand it. 

" I am Sargina the great king, the king of Agani. 
My mother never knew my father. My family were 

A Fragment of Ancie7it Assyrian Mythology. 21 o 

the rulers of the land. My city was the city of 
Atzu-pirani which stands on the banks of the river 

" My mother conceived me : in a secret place she 
brought me forth. She placed me in an ark of bul- 
rushes : with bitumen she closed up the door. 

" She threw me into the river, which did not enter 
into the ark. 

" The river bore me up, and brought me to the 
dwelling of Akki the fisherman. 

" Akki the fisherman in his goodness of heart lifted 
me up from the river. 

" Akki the fisherman brought me up as his own 

" Akki the fisherman placed me with a rude race 
of men [some words are here effaced']. 

" Of this rude race the goddess Ishtar made me 
king : and for ( ) years I reigned over them." 

[The rest of the inscription, consisting of several lines 
which are much broken, seems to say that dm'ing his reign 
Sargina introduced civilization, or great improvements]. 

As scholars may wish to see the original words, I annex 
them, with interlinear version and some brief notes. 

274 A Fragment of Ancient Assyrian Mythologij. 

> — 

1v ^• 

i ,11 Ss 

*■ — 

lii 1 -! 

lA .2 

A i - 

AA ^ 

AA S ^ 

A ^ '^ 


AAA •;^ s^ 

> — 


AAA 1 

T f^ 


^ ^ ^ 


ffl "5 i 

T" s 1 


AA ci ^ 

1^ - ^ 


*- — f^i "s 

-T cc 


AAA -^ g 


A c 

AA «« ^ 


IT rt -S 

AiAl ^ -^ 

'Ik ^ 

ir ^ 


ik .. 

AAA •- 1 
^ S 

r- ^ 

A .2 ^ 
AAA ^ 
AA § 

>^ ce "^ 

»^ — 


t- 1 .f 

AA ■" 

AA g ^ 



i,T J 

** ?g 


■^ — 

>->- '2 


It ^ ^ 

IT ^ 


AAA .U t 

A ^ 

>■ — K. 

L. ^ 

i/ i 

AA '^ 

J- i 

At s 

A a 


>^ — 

AAA ^ -2 

> ci 




^ r 


^ c6 ^ 

A Fragment of Ancient Assyrian Mythology. 275 



3 s 

i >. 


All ;^ 
kkk ® 


AAA ce 
A ^ 



4- . 

It ? 







>4-r L±d '^ 

rt s 

AAA :■ 

^ 1 







A ^ 


k 3 ^ 

a '^ 


ffl g 






A ^ 

a S 




• r^ 









> — 














<1 ^ 




276 A Fragment of Ancient Assyrian Mythology. 



r .. 



^ i 



4- = 

fi s 

A r^ 

k .s 







TI 1 j 

AA ^ 

'i* I 


AAA ^ 



<: ^ 


■- ^ 

AA f -^ 

AAA g I 

AAA t ^ 

kk -r 'S 



-t-i -is 







N^ -^ 


02 cc 





A Fragment of Ancient Assyrian Mytliology. 277 


Line 2. Umminita, my young mother ; a diminutive from 
ximrna " mother." 

Ahi, my father. The final i is the pronoun. " My mother 
did not know my father." Considering that his mother 
belonged to the royal family; that she was delivered in 
secret, and that the child was abandoned, this passage affords 
a strong confirmation of the statements made by Herodotus 
(book I, chap. 199) which have been deemed incredible by 
many authors, although supported by the book of Baruch, 
chap. vi. Compare also the story of Rhea Sylvia the mother 
of Romulus, who was a king's daughter; the unknown 
father, and the abandonment of the child. 

Akhat. Family ; tribe ; brotherhood ; from the Heb. PIM 
frater: mnh? fraternitas. 

Irami, from Heb. DT) altus fuit, excelsus fuit. Also 
* elevavit, altum fecit.' It is used again in line 11 of this 
inscription, in both places denoting sovereign poioer. 

Line 3. Ali, my city. Final i is the pronoun. 

Atzupirani. The latter part of the name is the Chaldee 
Birani meaning Citadel, Tower, or Palace. 

Line 4. Ir-anni, she conceived me. This is the well 
known Hebrew verb mn era or erah ' concepit : gravida facta 
est.' Pregnant women are called in Hebrew /ITIH and J^Vin. 
Both these forms are found in the Assyrian inscriptions, viz. 
erati and eriati, see for example 3 R plate 60. 

Ulat-anni Heb. IT peperit. Very common in Assyrian 
and occurs in several conjugations. 

Line 5. Gubut r\2p or r\2p, the Latin Cymha a small 
boat. Also in Greek kv/jl^t], from /cu/zySo? anything hollowed 
out, especially a hollow vessel, agreeing vdth the Hebrew 2p 
to be hollow or arched. M inserted before B, euphonise 
causa. This important word gubut or gubbut is thus written 
in the original ^j -^y. The sound of the first syllable I 
take from the Syllabary No. 487 which explains it by gubba, 
I think I see some resemblance between gubbut and the 
Greek kl^wtos an ark. In the before-mentioned passage, 

278 ^4 Fragment of Ancient Assy nan Mythology. 

Exodus ii, 3, the LXX have Oc^iv or 6c/3i]v. Schohast : Oi^rj, 


Suri, buh-ushes. The aapc of Theophrastiis who says 
they grow m the Nile. They are called Shari m Egyptian, 
see Tattam's Dictionary, p. 580. And he gives fm-ther proof, 
namely that the Red Sea is called in Egj^Dtian ph' iom n-shari, 
but in Hebrew ^1D D* iom suph, ' the sea of rushes ' because 
full of that plant. The word ^1D suph is that which is trans- 
lated ' flags ' in Exodus ii, 3, ' and she laid it in the fiags 
by the river's brink.' 

Jjyukh, she closed, stuffed, or made tight. Heb. p9 clausit, 
obturavit (Schindler): and Buxtorf p. 1792 renders the 
verb by ' obtui'are rimas fenestras stupa, lana, aut aliis 

Line 6. EH is the Hebrew verb t'i^ or V?^^ to enter. 
Buxtorf and Gesenius have ' ingredi : introhe.' Not to be 
confomided ^vith the verb H/J^ to rise high or ascend. 

Line 7. I have translated A-hid 'a fisheraian': but this 
is mere conjecture. The word is evidently Accadian, and I 
have supposed it to be formed of a (water) and hid (life) ' he 
who lives on the water ' or ' by the water.' 

Line 8. • Ushala ' he lifted up ' Heb. TVD elevavit. 

Line 10. A^m issarti luitaught, rude, uncivilized. From 
the Heb. 1D^ enidivit, castigavit, disciplinam adhibuit. 
Schindler p. 775. Fm-st renders it "to instruct: to dis- 
cipline," p. 58 L 

Line 11. " Istar made me Idng." Istar was the Babylonian 
Venus. The chcumstances of the child's bu-th placed him 
mider her especial protection. 

The other words of the inscription appear to be too 
common and well established to require any note. 

Additional Note. 

In the story of Sargina I have translated YJ >-^y^ 
A-lnd by 'a Fisherman.' But a text which I have since 
found (printed in 2R14, col. 3, line 8) shows plauily that it 
means 'a Drawer of Water.' He was therefore a labourer 
of the lowest and meanest class, as we see from Joshua ix, 21. 

A Fragment of Aneient Assyrian Mythology. 279 

"And the princes said unto them 'Let them live: but let 
them be hewers of wood and drawers of water unto all the 
congregation.'" And again, lines 23 and 27, "There shall 
none of you be freed from being bondsmen and hewers of 
wood and di'awers of water." 

The passage referred to in 2R14 relates to the raising 
water to irrigate fields or gardens. It is much broken and 
difficult to understand. It employs three times the Chaldee 
root hi or hhl 'to raise water,' and likewise the Chaldee 
p'TJ 'a bucket,' which is written in Assyrian >^TT"^ *"TI^T ^T 
zi . ri . qa with the sign of -wood ?:Y before it ; but in Accadian 

*~n^ *^*-\'\ >-^^ ~'^ ' ^*' • 2'^* with the sign of wood. I 
therefore think the subject of discourse is manifestly ' the 
di'awing of water.' 

Now we find in line 8 in Assyrian ana diluti ushatsi 'he 
went out to di-aw water,' which agrees in meaning with the 
Accadian Ahul-a-kii (to draw water) tutan-uddu (he went out). 
Here we have T* >-^Yi^ a hul (water — draw : the Latin 
haurire) : ku (to, unto) a preposition, [which are always 
post-positions in Accadian] and again a (water). Making 
altogether A hul-a-ku " ad aquam hauriendam." — I cannot 
doubt therefore that the Jy >^^Yi^ of Sargina's tale was 
a water-drawer : the spelling being the same. 

The next following lines 2 R 14, lines 9 to 16 are of 
uncertaui meaning. Then follows (line 17) Dulati uratta 'he 
let down the vessel ' [7"n haustrum, iy^ descendit] ziriku 
ilal-ma 'he raised the bucket and' YI |-<« 'the waters' idallu 
'were drawn up.' The Accadian version of the last line is 
YI ' the waters,' tutan-hul ' were raised ' : where we see the 
character >-^Y-J^ hid 'to raise' is employed again. 

I do not know whether the Assyrians used a windlass or 
any similar contrivance for raising water from a well : but if 
they did, these obscm^e words zirik ilal-ma, mie idallu might 
perhaps be better translated " the windlass was turned and 
the waters were drawn up." For I find that both 717 and 
^11 dirig (which is nearly the same as zirik, 1 for f being 
frequent in Chaldee) are translated cochlea m the Lexicons ; 
and cochlea is used hj Vitruvius for a machine to draw uj) 

280 A Fragment of Ancient Assyrian Mythology. 

Some of these words are also found in Sennacherib's 
description of his new palace (3 R 13, 30). As the passage 
has not been understood, I will endeavour to explain it. 
Assutami iima (on every day) luligu (I wound up?) mie diluti 
(waters drawn up) dali (in buckets). The mention of such a 
trifle shows the importance the Assyrians attached to a daily 
and plentifid water supply. Here »^^TT t^j: Dali is the 
plural of Dalu ' a bucket ' both in ancient Hebrew (Gesenius) 
and modern Arabic (Catafago). Compare Layard's inscrip- 
tions pi. 42 fii-st line, where the word is more coiTCCtly 
written. Luligu may perhaps be the " permansive present ' 
of Lul ' to wind ' Heb. 717. 

After saying that he wound up fresh waters every day, 
Sennacherib goes on to say ' I made wheels of copper 
(Jcharhhari takabar) and .... of copper {tarzati takahar) and 

of strong wood. This seems to be a description of 

some great water machine for supplymg the new palace. 
But such technical Avords are of difficult explanation. 
Kharhhari seems a borrowed word — Persian Cliarkli ' a wheel.' 



By Richard Cull, F.S.A. 

Sead 2nd April, 1872. 

The recovery of the long lost language of Assyria is one 
of tlie remarkable events of our time. The long-continued, 
cautious and successful labours of Sir Henry Rawlinson on 
the trilingual inscriptions of Behistun cannot be too highly 
estimated. His researches proved the language of Babylonia, 
in the time of Darius, to be Shemite, and to be essentially 
the same as the Assyrian language of Tiglath Pileser. The 
late Dr. Hincks most happily termed the Assyrian, from its 
richness of grammatical forms, " the Sanskrit of the Shemitic 
family of languages." Although so rich in grammatical forms, 
competent scholars deem it to be more closely connected 
with the Hebrew, than with the Arabic. The occurrence of 
so many words of the same form, or nearly so, and in the 
same sense as the Hebrew, is a circumstance favourable to 
the verification of the statements of the early decypherers, 
as it was favourable to then* original researches. Such a 
word as ^ I^H *^BT' (aslula) " I spoiled," is obviously 
a form of the verb 77t2J, and is identified as the Hebrew verb 
of the same form and sense. It is not asserted that the 
Assyrian verb is derived from the Hebrew, nor that the 
Hebrew is derived from the Assyrian, but that the words 
come from a comtaon source, just as the Italian Peccare, and 
the Spanish Pecar have a common source. In the case of 
the Italian and Spanish, we know that source to be the 
Latin Peccare. But we do not know the common source of 
the Hebrew and Assyrian languages. 

Vol. I. 19 

282 Assyrian Verbs^ t5(-f. 

]\Iany Assyrian verbs consist of the same radicals, and 
express the same sense as the corresponding verbs in the 
Hebrew, of which the following may be cited as examples : — 

Tr m Ha-lik, I went. Heb. ^Sh. 

*^T !HI "tJTT Iz-ku-ru, Thei/ remembered. „ "^^T. 

^W*- ^rT *^T<Y-^ Az-ni-iq, I advanced. „ pi). 

>^Y^ >^ Ak-vu, I burned. „ mD. 

^KT ^Z^ S:^Jiii Al-bi-in, I made bricks. „ p7, 

f:YYYj: *^y -<^>->"T >fY| U-ma-h-h', I hastened. „ IH^. 

J:;^ >5^ Am-nu, I numbered. „ r\272, 

izll ^5:^ E-bir, / crossed over. „ "^^i^, 

T>-|| >-^y >-y<y Ip-la-hu, TZi^y revered. „ 1172. 

J:^ ^y Tg=^yy >^yyy>= I-qa-lu-n, 77«ey sAaZ^ 6m7"w. „ H^p. 

>:yyyt: t>- *^y U-sal-ma, I completed. „ D7tl?. 

Jr<yy y>- Is-me, He heard. „ ))m}. 

^E 'tin >^i^ As-ru-up, lie burned. „ f|"l"C7, 

^^T "^^U I ^n It-ka-lu, T/<ey trusted. „ ^DH. 

Some Assyrian verbs differ slightly from the Hebrew 
forms as — ■ 

V-|y ^T^ ^y Ip-ki-du, He watches over. Heb. "[pD. 

The slight difference of an Assyi-ian 3 for a Hebrew p 
presents no difficulty in the identification of the word. In 
like manner an Assyrian *T for a Hebrew ri» an Assyrian 
2 for a Hebrew T, an Assyrian D for a Hebrew 2? present 
no difficulties to students. 

There are many Assyrian verbs, however, whose forms 
are so unhke the Hebrew, that they have not yet been 
genei'ally identified. I select three examples, and shall state 
the evidence on which I identify them as variant forms of 
well-known Hebrew words, and shall begin with the veilj 
Basil, to Be. 

Assyrian Verbs, ^-c. 283 

The Assyrian verb ^Y ^T Basu is a variant form of 
the Hebrew verb-siibstantive niil to Be. 

The current doctrine of Assyi'ian scholars is that ^| ^Y 
Basil is the verb-substantive, and that it originates in an 
extra Shemitic source. There is, however, one distinguished 
writer on Assyrian grammar who denies the existence of the 
verb-substantive in the Assyrian language. M. Menant says, 
"L'Assyrien n'exprime pas le verbe substantif, il est toujours 
sous entendu. Si les inscriptions assyriennes des Achemenides 
renferment quelques exemples qui peuvent faire crone a 
I'existence d'un verbe de cette nature, il faut tenir compte 
de I'influence que la conqucte arienne avait exercee sur les 
redacteurs de ces textes ; car le verbe substantif ne parait 
pas avoir ete en usage dans les inscriptions de Babylone et 
de Ninive."^ Dr. Oppert, another distinguished \^Titer on 
Assyrian grammar, probably agrees with M. Menant. A 
reference to M. Menant's translation of Assyrian texts will 
show how he deals with the verb Basu. The second part 
of the " Grammaire Assyrienne " consists of Babylonian 
and Assyrian texts arranged for reading, with grammatical 
analysis to illustrate his rules of grammar. The cuneiform 
text is accompanied by an interlinear transliteration into 
Roman letters, and under each line is a Latin version of the 
text. In addition to this, the text is repeated as a whole 
in Roman letters ; then follows a transliteration of the 
cuneiform text in unpointed Hebrew letters. A French 
translation of the text comes next in order, which is followed 
by a grammatical analysis. Thus there are two translitera- 
tions of the text, one into Roman and the other into Hebrew 
letters. And there are two translations of the text, one into 
Latin and the other into French. 

M. Menant enables his readers, by these means, to appre- 
hend both his reading and rendering of these cuneiform 
texts, and that without much risk of error. The paragrapJi 
col. I, lines 26-53, from the Assyrian Inscription of Shamas 
Phul, quoted fi-om Rawlinson's Inscriptions, vol. 1, pp. 29-34, 
contains two examples of the verb Basu, the forms being 

' Graminake Assyi'ieuue, p. 290. 

284 Assyrian Verbsy ^c. 

Basa and Usabsi. Basa, line 33, he leaves blank in his Latin 
version, and translates it " gid ouvre " (who opens) in his 
French version. Usabsi, line 41, he translates peccare fecit in 
his Latin version, bat appears to have overlooked the word 
in his French version.^ Thus Basa is not translated into 
Latin, and Usabsi is not translated into French. Li the 
grammatical analysis of the Assyrian text, where an accurate 
statement of the grammatical form and lexicographical value 
of each word ought to be made, he ignores the existence of 
the word Basa. Now, whatever the sense of the root Basu 
may be, the grammatical form forbids us to translate Basa, 
qui ouvre. And M. Menant does not justify his translation in 
his grammatical analysis of the text. 

As to the word Usabsi, M. Menant is correct in stating 
it to be a Shaphel form, but in error in stating it to be the 
Shaphel of illl^D peccare. The context does not require 
caused to sin, but caused to be. M. Menant does not connect 
Basa with Usabsi. He does not connect his root HII^D with 
any Hebrew root. There is, however, a rarely used root J^XI^D 
to Separate, and hence to Rebel. But the third radical 
y is exchanged for p in the Aramaean form of the word, 
which is evidence that it was the harsh guttm'al sound 
equivalent to the Arabic " Ghain," which Avas pronounced 
in Hebrew, so that the ^ so pronounced is not likely to be 
represented in Assyrian by n. Usabsi is a Shaphel form of 
Basu, to Be. 

Mr. Norris remarks, — " The verb-substantive has been 
misunderstood generally, and has only been explamed re- 
cently by Dr. Hincks."^ 

I now proceed to examine the phonetic structure of the 
substantive verb in the Hebrew, and such allied dialects, as 
are necessary for the mquiry. 

The Hebrew nTT to Be, of which the ancient form 
L ^^ . 
is mn, is i^r^i^P' that is to say, is accented on the last 

syllable. The verb is intransitive, although its second 

radical is pointed with kamctz. The stem nin to Live, 

' Grammaii'e Assyricune, p. 360, et seq. 

^ Assyrian Dictionaiy, by Edwin Norris, sub voce, p. 130. 

Assyricm Verbs, Sfc. 285 

heuce to Be, is identical with nifl, the fundamental signi- 
fication, according to Fiirst, lying in the Talmudic ^^D 
" to Breathe." ' There is a large group of cognate words in 
the Hebrew, either expressive of, or connected with, the act 
of breathing, some of which are transitive in sense. 

XVT\ olim TV\7l to Breathe, to Be. 
Hi^Q to Breathe. 



U^Di to Breathe, Respire, hence to Live. 
1^Q3 Breath of life, Vital power. 
nUJpi nn?3 she breathed out the breath of life.— 
Jer. XV, 9. 
VVB to Breathe. 

r\r\ Breath. 
HD'^ to Breathe. 

In this group of words, the organic root of the stems 
begin with the labials Beth, Van, or Pe, each of wliich is 
interchangeable with the others. 

The Syriac "jooi to Be, is written with Olaph for the 
third radical, while He is the third radical in the Hebrew. This 
is a well known Aramsean characteristic. The linea occultans 
under the first radical shows, that although the letter is 
written, it is not pronounced, so that the word becomes a 
monosyllable, which is pronounced vo, or wo. In both dialects 
of the Aramaean, the eastern known as Biblical Chaldee, 
and the western as Syriac, the same weakened value of the 
fii-st syllable is found in words cognate with the Hebrew 
i^'lT'P words, thus the Hebrew T't^f^ is ylQp, both in Chaldee 
and in Syriac. To point the first radical with sJiiva, where 
the Hebrew points with a vowel is a well known charac- 

' Fiirst's Heb. Lex., by Davidson, sub voce rTlH. 

286 Assyrian Vi>rhs^ Sj-c. 

teristic of the Aramasan. This weakening of the first syllable 
has been carried so far in some cases, as to have occasioned 
its entire loss, especially in those instances where the first 
radical is a weak letter, as the Hebrew "THl?^) which is "IH 
in both the dialects of Aram. The triliteral character of the 
numeral stem is lost, as well as its pronunciation, but in the 
verb substantive, the triliteral form ]o 01 continues to exist, 
although the fii'st radical may have been mute for perhaps 
two thousand years. Thus the toneless syllable of the 
Aramaean cognate of the Hebrew may be weak, or even 
di'opped, and no trace of its esistence remain, as in ^H) but 
the tone syllable lives in sense and phonetic power to attest 
that the Hebrew and Aramasan come fi-om a common som^ce. 
It will be observed, that in the comparison of the first 
numeral in these dialects, the first radical of the Aramaean is 
compared with the second radical of the Hebrew; and a 
similar course, so far as the pronounced Syriac word vo is 
concerned, is adopted in comparing the verb substantive in 
Syriac and Hebrew. It is therefore possible, that a similar 
course may be required to compare Assyrian and Hebrew 
stems. I am justified, therefore, in assuming that the first 
syllable, the weak one, of the Hebrew root TV\T\ "he is," 
may be non-existent in Assyrian, and that therefore the first 
radical of the Assyrian Basu, which is 2, must be compared 
with the second radical of the Hebrew mn. And I proceed 
to make this comparison. 

The letter changes in the Hebrew language are chiefly 
amongst those of the same organ, thus the labials H, \ T2, D, 
interchange ; and ^ and 1 are conspicuous for such inter- 
change. The familiar example 131 and 15 the Back, is 
known to every student of Hebrew. This interchange is 
not confined to the final radicals of a syllable, but occurs in 
stems middle \ as in the words — 

ni« and nnt^. 

h^'i^ and ^1«. 
These are merely variant forms of the same words. Such 
examples are sufficiently numerous, and the above are quoted 
as mere specimens, but not to exhaust the instances. 

Assyrian Verbs, Sfc. 287 

If the view be now extended to embrace other Shemitic 
languages, as well as the Hebrew, in order to obtain a wider 
induction of facts, the same interchange of 1 and 1 will be 

Hebrew 72^ and Aramsean 71^, 

„ t^li^ and Arabic ^^. 

The 1 of the Hebrew XT^T\ has given place to a 1 in 
the Talmudic t^lH to Breathe. And besides the general 
evidence of the interchange of 1 and 1 in the Shemitic 
dialects, there is the special evidence siipplied by the large 
group of Hebrew stems, all signifying to Breathe, in which 
the middle 1 of niH, to Be, has given place to D, as in 
the examples — 

rrin to Breathe, hence to Be. 

The evidence of the interchange of 1 with 1, and also 
with Q in this verb, in Hebrew and in the dialects is sufficient 
to justify the inference that the Assyrian B of Basu, to Be, 
is the representative of the Hebrew 1 of TT\r\ to Be. 

I proceed to consider the third radical Jl of the Hebrew 
XT\r\, in order to compare the S of the Assyrian Basu with 
it. • A question, however, arises as to the radical PT- Is it a 
substitute for \ or for i, or is it an original part of the 
groundform ? mil is a Xi'^ verb, but it is not conjugated 
like ordinary Ti'p verbs, for the n is retained, as if it were 
inscribed with mappik, although it is not so inscribed. 
Hebrew grammarians state, that n"7 verbs were originally 
Y'7, or ^"7 verbs, that the H was substituted for the \ 
or the % as the case might be, and that the ■) or the '^ 
reappear in the conjugation. This inferential history may 
or may not be the actual history of such verbs, but the fact 
remains of the non-persistence of the PT in ordinary rT"7 
verbs, and the fact also remains of its persistence in the 
verb-substantive XVr\ to Be. The H then is not a substitute 
for another letter, but is an original element of the stem. 

288 Assyrian Vei-bs, ^-c. 

In comparing the differentia of cognate words in the 
Hebrew and Assyrian languages, an Assyrian t2? is occasionally 
found to correspond with a Hebrew H. This was pointed 
out many years ago by Sir Henry Rawlinson in liis elaborate 
memoir on the Babylonian version of the Behistun Inscrip- 
tion in the case of the separate pronoims of ihe third person 
singular. And every Assyrian scholar admits, that ^Y su is 
the cognate of the Hebrew fc<^^n, and ^y>- si of the Hebrew 
b^^rr. With a knowledge of this established fact, we are 
not unprepared for the announcement, that the S of the 
Assyrian Basu may represent the H of the Hebrew mil. 

The words pID^ and U?Q3 to Breathe, appear in the above 
list of Hebrew verbs on p. 285. The verb 1^02 to Breathe, 
whence comes tTDIl Breath, is obviously a variant form 
of nOi, as is proved by its usage in the Bible. The 
evidence of the existence of )i^ as the thii'd radical in a 
variant form of niH, in the verb tl^Q^ to Breathe, is amply 
sufficient to justify the inference, that the S of Basu, to Be, 
is the representative of PT in the Hebrew verb TD'H to Be. 

Abimdant evidence of letter changes in the Hebrew itself, 
and in its allied languages, has been adduced to account for 
variations of form in well-known cognate words, and special 
evidence of such changes as produce the variant Hebrew 
forms of the verb niH to Breathe, which, applied by a 
careful analysis of the word mn, shows, that the Assyrian 
Basu is one of its variant forms. 

I proceed to the verb Qabah to Say, 

The changes which Aryan roots have suffered in the 
utterance of the several members of the ftimily have been 
classified, and the letter changes, which record the forms of 
the same roots, are accurately known, and have become 
science. The history of our knowledge of these changes 
shows that the most obvious, such as virep and super, with 
those which attract the attention of boys in learning Latin 
and Greek, were first observed, and that these were the 
bases on which was reared the doctrine of such letter changes 
as marks the present state of Aryan philology. But Shemitic 
philology, in this respect, is as yet in its infancy. The likeness 

Assyrian Verbs, <^c. 289 

of the Hebrew AtT, the Chaldee ^B the Syriac yVl 
and the Assyrian t>- ^>-^ Salgu, Snow, is so close as to 
force the conclusion, that they are merely four forms of the 
same word. A science of Shemitic philology based upon 
such obvious likenesses, but which shall also comprehend 
those likenesses, which are concealed by letter changes, 
which await to be studied and can be revealed only by such 
study, has yet to be constructed. 

The Babylonian verb Gabah to Say is of fi'equent occur- 
rence in the historical inscriptions of Babylonia. There can 
be no doubt of the signification of the word, as that is proved 
by the trilingual inscription of Behistun ; and none of its 
general form. Sir Henry Rawlinson considers Gabah to be a 
verb n' 7, but doubts if any such root existed in the Hebrew 
language.^ M. Menant deems the root to be peculiar to the 
Assyi'ian language, " essentieUement assyrienrie.''^ The tliird 
radical is stated by both to be !!• 

The verb also occui's in the Assyrian historical inscrip- 
tions, but in the form QabaJi, the variant form being produced 
by the substitution of p for ^ as the first radical. All 
students of Assyrian and Babylonian agree that Gabah and 
Qabah are merely two forms of the same word. 

The ancient Hebrew root mn to Live, is a variant form of 
the root niH to Breathe. Now this root TDtl to Live is also 
adopted in the sense of to Say, to Relate, especially in the 
Piel form of the verb, as in Job xxxii, 6, 10 : xxxvi, 2 ; 
Psalm xix, 3, where it is adopted in the sense of to show by 
Statement, to Declare. The Chaldee cognate is ^^IPT to Say, 
as in Daniel ii, 24 ; v, 7, in the sense to Say, Relate, show by 
Statement, to Declare. If we may judge from its more 
frequent occurrence in the Chaldee, than in an equal length 
of Hebrew text in the Holy Scriptures, we shall agree with 
Professor Lee, that the usage of the word is more Chaldee 
than Hebrew.^ If we now turn to Syriac texts, we find the 
root "Jqj^j to Say, in its Pael form ^q^^ to show by Statement, 
to Declare, is in common use, as ui the Chronicles of Bar 

' Analysis of the Babylonian Text at Beliistftn, p. it. 
' Grammaire Assyrienne, p. 203. ^ Heb. Lex. by Prof. Lee, sub voce. 

290 Assyrian Verbs, SfC. 

Hebreeus. It has been noticed by Bernstein,^ and also by,^ that in the Arabic, the fii-st and second radicals of 
the root are transposed. This transposition, however, is not 
pecuhar to the root niH to Say, but uniformly takes place in 
the Ai-abic in all middle 1 roots, which are common to the 
Hebrew, Aramasan, and Arabic languages. 

The Hebrew verb TV\T\ is i^^?P' that is, is accented on 
the last syllal^le. The first radical H, although a guttural, is 
too strong to fall away, and is moved by a vowel in the 
Aramaean, as well as in the Hebrew. 

I now proceed to show by means of some of the ordinary 
letter changes, which are familiar to Hebrew scholars, that 
the Assyrian Qabah to Say and its Babylonian equivalent 
Gabah to Say are variant forms of the Hebrew TV\T\ to Say : 
and hence the word is Shemitic. The first radical is T\, which 
interchanges with certain other letters, both m primitive and 
in derived words, and amongst them with p, of which the 
following are examples : — 

?|tOn and ^it^Jp. 
-lUrn and -rt?p. 
•ti^Urn and tr?U?p. 

The followmg examples illustrate the interchange of ^ 
with 11: — . . 

bin and bi:^, 

^•^n and T^X 
h^n and h^X 

The facts of these interchanges in Hebrew, prepare us 
for similar interchanges in Assyrian and Hebrew, and hence 
the first radical n of the Hebrew word niH to Say, may be 
represented in Assyrian by p and in Babylonian by X as I 
infer it to be. 

Prof. Fiirst finds the root niH to Say in the Aryan family 
of languages. " fc^^H (Pcid not used) Aram. intr. to Say, to 
Relate, dicere, narrare, identical with Heb. mn, Sanskrit k ja 
(•))-I = k'j) Lat. qua (in inquam)."' The identification of this 
roo-t in Sanskrit and Latin enables us to identify it also 

' Lex. Syriacum, sub voce. ^ ]Jeb. Lex., sub voce. 

' Furst's Heb. Lex. J^^H. 

Assyrian Verhs, Sfc. 291 

in the Teutonic and Celtic branches of the Aryan family, as 
in the Mseso-Gothic Qvithan or Kvithan to Say, Auglo-Saxon 
Cwethan to Say, English Quoth, Welsh Qwed, and Irish 
Ceadach. The guttural aspirate H has become a hardened 
guttural X'-sound in the Aryan family of languages, as repre- 
sented by a Q, and the same hardening has taken place in the 
Assyrian, where it is represented by p. The close likeness of 
p and Q, if they be not precisely alike, is familiarly known. 

I proceed to consider the second radical of the Hebrew 
mrr to Say. Abundant evidence is stated on p. 287 to prove 
that the Hebrew 1 may be represented by an Assyrian B, 
as it is in the Samaritan Hin to Say. 

The third radical of the Hebrew veTb TV\'n to Say is pf, and 
the third of the Assyrian Qabah to Say, also of the Babylonian 
are described to be n, but in both Aramsean dialects it is ^. 
The Hebrew n is not inscribed with mappik, and is therefore 
probably a Hebrew development of a more ancient 1 or '^ ; 
and the Aramaean ^^ is probably a still softer development of 
an ancient form, both developments taking place in the 
respective languages after the divergence of the peoples 
from a common centre. The tliird radical of the Assyrian 
may, in like manner, be an Assyrian development from an 
older form. But whatever may be the origin of the Hebrew 
n, of the Aramgean i^, and the Assyrian pf? the identity of 
the Assyrian Qabah to Say, of the Babylonian Gabah to Say, 
and Samaritan TTIH to Say, with the Hebrew niH to Say 
is now established. 

I proceed to the verb Isu to Have. 

The Assyrian verb Isu to Have is of frequent occurrence 
in the historical inscriptions of Assyria and Babylonia. The 
signification of the verb was determined by Dr. Hincks. A 
collection of the several forms of the word found in the 
inscriptions is still insufScient to enable the grammarian to 
complete its conjugation fi'om actual examples. But this is 
the case with many Assyrian verbs, both imperfect and per- 
fect. The object of this paper is not the discussion of verbal 
forms with a view to their conjugation, but simply to ascer- 
tain their cognates. The inquiry is not grammatical but 

292 Assyrian Verbs, ^-c. 

The proposition which I now submit to Assyrian scholars 
is, that Isu is cognate with the Hebrew 11*7.. 

"tT']' a very old noun li'om a verb-stem niL''% which has 
lost, however, the final sound in pronunciation, the same 
thing taking place also in other nouns from H"^, as in the 
case with D^, p, QU^, y3^> )l,n?5,^U}, h^; before Makkeph 
U?^> with suff. TTt?.^ 'i:"t^> D3tp^.) m. Being, Existence^ Buxtorf 
also derives U}!* from the stem JlUJ'^.^ Both Fiirst and 
Buxtorf take t^^i:^ to be a form of U^.''.' and most lexico- 
graphers admit them to be variant forms of the same word. 
It is familiarly known that many verbs '^"D have variants 
i^"Q. In both the Aramaean dialects Jl stands for the t2?, 
the form being Jl'^t^' with h^ in place of "i. The Hebrew 
lexicons refer to examples of both Hebrew forms of the word, 
and also to the Aramaic forms in the Bible, so that neither 
the forms, nor usage of the word, present any difficulty to be 
deemed insuperable. Possession is often expressed by the 
word tl?"] with the addition of the particle "7 (often called 
the dative) as in the phrase '!yi\^P> ^7'^^ I have hope. 
Ruth i, 12, i.e. there is to me hope, as in the Latin est 7nihi, 
tibi, &c., for Habco. Fiirst agrees with other Hebrew 
lexicographers that " U?]^ is equivalent to n^tT^ri (which is 
from the same verb) essential, i.e. enduring possession, 
Prov. viii, 2, as Ibn Esra already translates ; the LXX 
having virap^Ls, Gr. Venet. ovcria."'^ Thus from the earliest 
translators and lexicographers down to those of the 
present day, the words t2?^ and n^JlT^n are connected, and 
derived from a root Htp^ ; and tl?"] signifies true existence, 
actual being. Professor Lee directs attention to the Arabic 
cognates, as expressive of wealth, property, possession,^ and 
the secondary senses of the Hebrew ti?|' are substance, 
wealth, firmness. The phrase tT."^ "^^D^ Lovers of substance, 

' Fiirst's Hcb. Lex. by Bavidsou, sub voce. 
2 Buxtorf's Hcb. and Chaldee Lex., sub voce. 
2 Fiirst's Heb. Lex., vide tlj^ and rT'tL^^n. 
* Lee's Heb. Lex. ^. 

Assyrian Verbs, Sfc. 293 

i.e. real wealth, Pro v. viii, 21, exemplifies one of these 
secondary values. 

The groundform HllJ'^, or rather, as pointed out by 
Professor Lee, nti?"), is adequate to supply all the forms of 
the word in the Shemitic languages. The sense of the verb 
ntyi must have been to Possess or have actual wealth. The 
verb tL'n^ to Possess is probably an enlarged stem, by the 
insertion of "1 in the groundform ntt?\ But however this 
may be, the idea of possessing, having wealth and substance, 
is the fundamental idea of the verb. And hence the Assyrian 
verb Isu to Have, to Possess, is a cognate of the verb. 



By a. H. Satce, M.A. 

, Mead 2iid April, 1872. 

Two main causes have prevented the full application of 
the comparative method to the Semitic family of languages. 
Not only are they so much like one another as to be merely 
sister dialects, but we have no monument of ancient litera- 
ture hke the Vedas, which may serve as a starting ])oint for 
our comparisons. Even the Old Testament is relatively too 
modern. Its grammar and its vocabulary have already 
passed into a later stage of the development of language. 
They are too nearly akin to those of Arabic or Aramaic. 
And even apart from this, the Old Testament is both too 
scanty and has been too much exposed to the corruption 
of copyists and the misconceptions of a late tradition. 
Moreover, the want of vowel-signs is a serious loss. The 
vowel-points of the Masora represent not the original pro- 
nunciation, but the traditional pronunciation of a time when 
the language had ceased to be spoken. Of late, how- 
ever, materials have been accumulating which Avill make a 
. scientific treatment of Semitic philology possible. Furnished 
with the method which has been so successfully applied to 
the Aryan languages, mvestigators have attempted to 
analyse the grammatical forms of the Semitic. Analogy 
justifies us in attributing the same origin to the Semitic 
inflections as to the Aryan inflections. The result is a con- 
viction of the late linguistic position of the so-called Semitic 
tongues. They presuppose a parent-language, standing to 
them in much the same relation as the Latin stands to the 
Romance dialects. Beyond tliis point it is impossible to go 

Tlie Origin of Semitic Civilisation. 295 

without further light ; and just as there is much in the 
inflectional portion of the Romance dialects which would 
remain obscure without the knowledge of Latin and its cog- 
nate languages, so there is much in Semitic grammar which, 
unless we can find additional assistance, must for ever remain 
a riddle. But beyond the grammar, Semitic stands at a 
great disadvantage when compared with the Romance. The 
lexicon does not consist of a definite number of roots, which 
have been applied to an infinite number of meanings by the 
help of various inflections and ingenious nuances of significa- 
tion ; the Semite seems to have had a better verbal memory 
than the Aryan ; perhaps the greater heat of his primitive 
abode gave him more leisure for reflection ; and he preferred 
to express a new idea by a new word. These were all 
modelled after the same form ; and just as the Aryan root is 
a monosyllable, so is the Semitic a triliteral. It is parallel 
with the fact that while the Aryan verb comes first and is 
presupposed by the noun, the converse is the case in Semitic ; 
for the active idea implied by the verb requires to be 
expressed in the shortest possible way, but the noun needs 
prolongation and symmetry. This, too, is the difference 
between a life of activity and of leisure. Whether or not the 
Semitic roots are ultimately triliteral, is a question still in 
dispute. At all events the fact remains, that they are so in 
the Semitic languages in their present form. And so 
instinctive and necessary had this triliteralism become to the 
Semitic mind — even granting that it . was not a primary 
instinct and necessity — that not only the Jewish- Arabic 
grammarians, but far earlier grammarians, the Assyrian 
literati of Assurbanipal's Court, older even than Panini and 
liis fellow students in India, could only conceive of the 
Semitic root as a trihteral. Even the concave verbs in 
Assyrian have their medial vowel hardened into a consonant. 
And when a monosyllabic loan-word was borrowed from his 
Turanian neighboiu-s, the Assyrian first of all " Semitised " it 
by changing it uito a triliteral : thus muh becomes mukku, 
nang'a becomes nagiin. Indeed upon a priori grounds — and, 
when other data are wanting, a priori evidence is admissible — 
we should expect from the synthetic Semitic such a concrete 

296 The Origin of Semitic Civilisation. 

exj)ression of syncretism as the symmetrical triliteral root, 
just as we find monosyllabic roots among the analytic 
Aryans. The Aryan fomided inductive science : the Semite 
saw in the world only a stepping-stone to a higher whole, 
God. As for the arguments brought forward in behalf of 
the biliteral theory of Semitic roots, ihey seem to me to be 
altogether inconclusive. Triliteral roots do not exclude, 
they rather imply, plm-iliterals formed fi-om them by composi- 
tion ; and the biliteral roots that actually exist — putting out 
of sight the fact that the Assyiian grammarians triHteralised 
them — are either (as I hope to show) loan-words or bear traces 
of having lost a letter, which is sometimes written though 
no longer pronounced. Surely comparative philology teaches 
us that phonetic decay is invariably the rule rather than 
phonetic growth ; and in the case of Semitic this is borne 
out by an analysis of the inflection and such compounds as 
i^TlSU. It is more probable to suppose that similar roots 
with different servile letters have origmated in the same 
unconscious impulse to connect sound and sense — for it 
must be remembered that the roots as such never existed 
per se, but only as implied in flectional words — than to 
attempt to cut out letters that are not servile m order to 
reduce all roots to the same biliteral form. We may ask 
whether in the last case the letters are to be cut out at the 
beginning, or in the middle, or at the end ? In fact the pro- 
cedure can only be arbitrary ; and we have the evidence of 
Aryan pliilology for showing that the same radix appears 
under more or less varying forms which cannot be derived 
from one another (Cm-tius, " Grundziige d, Griechischen 
Etymologic," 2nd edit. pp. 55-68). The striving to express 
the object of sense in what seemed to be appropriate sounds 
resulted in a variety of so-called roots, in which the principal 
sound was fixed, while its concomitant sounds varied. 
However, the whole biliteral theory is due to an unconscious 
effort to assimilate Semitic to Aryan philology. Comparative 
philology has to be learnt in the Aryan languages, and it is 
natural to fancy that the results m both families of speech 
will be the same. It is hard to escape from a bias of this 
kind. It shows itself again in the unscientific attempt to 

Tlie Oriyin of Semitic Civilisation. 297 

compare Aiyan with Semitic roots : they may have been 
origin ally connected, but there is no Grimm's law which will 
allow us to prove this. 

It has been necessary to say thus much in order to clear 
the ground for the subject of this monograph. Comparative 
grammar has made us aware of the poverty of our materials, 
while it does not justify us in going beyond our facts in 
reducing all Semitic roots to a biliteral form. But besides 
comparative grammar, other aids have recently been forth- 
coming which may enable us to reach back to the beginnings 
of Semitic speech. The scientific examination of the so-called 
sub-Semitic dialects of Africa by Lottner, Fr. j\luller, Priitorius 
and others, has led to a comparison on the one side with 
Old Egj^tian and on the other with the Semitic group, 
and to the belief that the parent of the sub-Semitic idioms 
was a sister of the parent Semitic speech. While the 
vocabularies are for the most part (as in Old Egyptian) 
essentially non-Semitic, the grammars- — including the pro- 
nouns and in some measure the numerals — must as clearly 
be referred to the Semitic family. If these results will bear 
the test of further investigation, we have at last found a 
solution of our first main difiiculty ; and at the same time an 
instance is afforded of the extreme assimilating character of 
the Semitic tongues. Our second main difiiculty is being 
obviated by the discovery of cotemporaneous inscriptions 
and p;.ipyri in South Arabia, Sinai, Egypt, Palestine, and 
elsewhere, by means of which we are enabled to trace to a 
great extent the development of the difiere-nt cognate 
languages, and to determine the relation of the Aramaic to 
the other dialects which it tended to replace. In this point 
however, the decipherment of the Assyrian has opened out a. 
new world of facts to us. Not only is the grammar and 
Vocabulary of the Assyrian so full and complete as almost to 
justify Dr. Hincks in calling it the Sanskrit of the Semitic 
languages, not only has its system of writing preserved the 
exact vocalic pronunciation, not only does it present us with 
copious cotemporaneous records from the sixteenth to the 
sixth centuries B.C., but it has also made us aware of the fact 
that a thick stratum of Turanian civilisation underlay 

Vol. I. 20 

298 The Origin of Semitic Civilisation. 

Semitism in Western Asia, and lias given ns the means of 
comparing the two. 

The cuneiform system of writing was originally hiero- 
glyphic, and was invented by a Turanian, that is to say 
Ugro-Mongohan, population of Babylonia at an early period. 
The oldest memorials that we possess are written in a 
Tm-anian language and belong to cities and monarchs with 
non-Semitic names. In fact all the great towns both of 
Assj"i"ia and of Babylonia bear Turanian names, and these in 
many cases have been translated into Semitic by the later 
inhabitants of the country : thus Ca-dimirra, " Gate of God," 
becomes Bab-ilu, Babel. Kindi-ed tribes dwelt in the neigh- 
bom-ing highlands of Elam, Avhich were regarded as the 
primitive home of the Accadai or " Higlilanders," the 
dominant people in Chaldaea ; and Elam itself, as is suggested 
by Gen. xiv, 1, Avas the seat of an ancient civilisation. 
Libraries were established at Uru and Senkereh, the Panta- 
biblos and Larancha of Berosus, and were stocked ^vith 
elaborate works on astronomy, astrology, mythology, agri- 
cultui'C, &c. These were translated into Semitic, and copies 
of them were made by order of the Assyrian kings, notably 
of Assurbanipal, whose library, unfortunately much injured, 
is now in the British Museum. From it is derived most of 
our knowledge of pra3-Semitic civilisation, and of the debt of 
Semitism to the latter. 

The Semite was by nature highly receptive^ and was well 
fitted to be the futui'e trader of the world. His alphabet 
was borrowed and adapted, in Assyria from Turanians, in 
Palestine from Egypt, in Himyar perhaps from India. The 
Arab received his mathematical science from Alexandria, his 
philosophy from Athens. We have seen how thoroughly 
non-Semitic is the vocabulary of the sub-Semitic nations. 
We shall not be surprised, therefore, at finding how greatly 
indebted to Accad the Semite was for the rudiments of his 
civilisation and mythology, and above all for the words 
which express these. I hope soon to make it clear that this 
was the case. 

As regards the Assyrians, the matter is easy enough. 
Together with tliuir syllabary they received from their 

The Origin of Semitic Civilisation. ■ 299 

Turanian predecessors their pantheon, then- science, and 
numberless words, such as cuduru " warrior," nagu " district," 
emc "lord," khairu "man," with its derivative l:hir(ci)tu 
"woman." They were always bounded on the east by 
Turanian neighbours, and up to the last there were probably 
some remains of the old population both in Assyria and in 
Bcxbylonia. We cannot compare the case of the iEthiopic which 
has borrowed only a few names of plants and animals from 
the Nigritian aborigines, as these stood on a lower, instead of a 
higher, level of culture. The Ghe'ez did not cross the Red 
Sea until they had fully developed their civilisation in Asia, 
and were therefore likely to mix even less with the primitive 
population of the country than the Karthaginians ^^dth 
Libyans or Spaniards. The Assyrians, however, entered 
into the labours of others. Assur is itself a Turanian com- 
pound from a " water," and su7^ " bank " or " field," and has 
therefore attached to it the Accadian suffix ci " land." The 
first builders of its great temple bore Accadian names and 
titles, and their bricks are inscribed with Accadian legends. 
The innumerable gods and goddesses, demigods and heroes, 
of the Accadians were adopted by the Assyrians in their 
popular mythology, in the larger proportion of cases without 
any change of name. Even temples of Kharsak-curra, 
A^ ^11^ ^"^ ^"^ ^-Tf' o^ "Highland of the East," 
" the Moimtain of the World," and cradle of the Accadian 
race and ritual, are founded by Assyrian monarchs. Nay, 
we find the same starting point of Turanian civilisation 
mentioned in the Old Testament ; Isaiah (xiv, 12) sets the 
king of Babylon on " the mountam of the gods " or 
•' world," which the Jew, who had identified Accad or Urdliu, 
Itl HIEJ J^IIT^ (B.M. S. II, 48 ; 13), " the highlands," 
with Ararat {Urardhu) of the same signification, places in 
the north. Both Accad and Armenia are called in the 
mscriptions Bnrhur or " summits." 

The last sentence raises an important question. If the 
Ararat of Genesis is Kharsak-curra, did the Hebrew as well 
as the Assyrian derive his traditions of primaeval times from 
the Accadians? And as the Old Testament is, besides the 
Assyrian inscriptions, the only existing monument of ancient 

300 The Origin of Semitic -CivUis^atiov. 

Semitic belief, the question amounts to aslciug whctlier the 
Semitic traditions generally are referable to a Turanian 
source. Sir H. Rawlinson and other Assyriologues answer 
in the affirmative ; and I am disposed to agree with them. 
]\Iy reasons are the following. The Assyrians have borrowed 
their mythology from Accad ; such a borrowing, there- 
fore, is po8sibl(> in the case of the other Semitic peoples. 
And this possiliility is raised to a certainty in certain 
instances in Genesis. Two of the rivers of the Garden of 
Eden are expressly stated to be the Euphrates and the 
Tigris, under its old Accadian name Hiddekhel, and I have 
fomid Gilvhkhan, the exact representative of Gihon, given as 
a synonyme of the Euphrates (B.M. S. II, 35 ; 1, 6. For the 
value of the first character see B.M. S. II, 4 ; 622). The 
second home of mankind, the second origin of civilisation 
and city-building, and the confusion of tongues, are all 
connected with Babylon ; and we find the Accadian princes 
styluig themselves kings of " languages," while an old name 
of Babylon was E-ci or " mound-city." The name itself, 
Ca-dimirra, Jr^^ — y tt]] <]H, or "Gate of God," 
reminds us of the statement that it was here that God came 
down to see the children of men. From Babylonia, again, 
came the progenitors of the Hebrews, Terah and Abraham, 
as well as Lot and others ; and " Ur of the Casdim " is not 
necessarily Mugheir, as I have found Uru applied to the 
whole of Accad from the name of the capital. Arphaxad 
and Chesed are connected on the one hand with Shem 
and Abraham, and on the other with Aram ; and the city 
of Nahor, the scene of Jacob's marriages, and the home of 
Balaam, are placed in Mesopotamia. The fragment of 
foreign history, finally, which is set before us in Gen. xiv, 
is Babylonian; and the supremacy of Elam, the names of 
the kings, and the campaigns in Palestine, are borne out 
by the inscriptions of Accadian kings. If these portions of 
Genesis thus plainly point out their Chaldean origin, why 
should not the R;ime hold good of other portions'? Berosus 
makes the antediluvian kings of Babylonia ten in number, 
and the tenth, Sisuthrus, has a history closely analogous to 
that of the Biblical Noah, excepting only that his ark rested 

Tlie Origin of Semitic Civilisation. 301 

oil the Gordycvaii inountains of Kurdistan, the Kliarmk-curra 
of the Inscriptions, instead of on the more striking but later- 
known Armenian Ararat. Now Sisuthrus is phdnly Susru 
« the founder," B] ^] S]]] (B.M. S. II. 48 ; 30, 38), (hke 
the Egyptian lleiies), which is given in the tablets as a 
synonyme of Ami one of the chief gods of the Accadian 
Pantheon. Anu, who bears the title of " Primaeval Chief," 
signified "the high one," "the god," "heaven," and was 
ordinarily called Na in Accadian. The final syllable seems 
to have been gutturalised, as in nitakli "man," by the side of 
nita, and consequently exactly represents the Heb. H^. A 
fragment of an old ritual speaks of " the overwhelming flood 
of Na in the midst of heaven" more than once, and invokes 
Ussur as "the striker of fortresses," who "has opened" {ipta) 
y>^yy *^^Tf| ^*^*^y5 "the hostile land like a whirlwind," "in 
the expanse of heaven " {sainu) >->-T J^Ty, addressing him 
afterwards under the name of Khammu >->-y ^ ULt 
(B.M. S. II, 19). Perhaps we are reminded of Japliet dwelling 
in the gates of Shem, with Canaan " the lowland " of the 
nether earth as his servant. It must not be forgotten that 
the shrines or arks of the gods were called " ships," and a 
curious account of a war of the gods and their children 
against the Moon recalls what is told us about the sons of 
Elohim in Gen. vi, 4. Just as the Sabbath-rest was known 
to the Accadians, who had been led by their astronomical 
observations to set apart the 7th, 14th, 21st, and 28th days 
of the months as days of sulum or " rest," on which certain 
works were forbidden, so the Tree of Life in Paradise finds 
its analogy in the sacred tree of the Assyrian sculptures, 
the cherubim connect themselves with the winged figures 
derived by the Assyrians from the Accadians, in whose 
language curui\ ][£=T >— , meant " inspector," and Hea the 
god of life and wisdom, called also " the king of rivers," was 
symbolised by the serpent. Su- H. Rawlinson believes that 
Gan Eden arose from the same etymologising error that 
explained Babel by halhel. A common Elamite name ol 
Babylonia was Gan-duniyas and Ganduni, gan signifying 
" enclosure," " district," and Duni or Duiiiyas being a proper 

302 The Origin of Semitic Civilisation. 

name. Jewish tradition identified Gan with Heb. p, and 
changed the form of Duni so as to make it signify " delight." 
If the foregoing- be true, it will be no longer possible to 
attribute an Aryan origin to the early Semitic traditions — 
the favourite theory of scholars at present — except in so far 
as Persian influence after the Captivity may have modified 
the common stock of primitive history among the Jewish 
people. The Assyrian shows no trace of acquaintance with 
Aryan, unless possibly in Mitra (B.M. S. Ill, GO ; 63), a 
synon^nne of the Sun, and urdhu " high." In fact, it is hard 
to understand how the Aryan and Semite could have come 
into contact with one another until the Persians established 
themselves in Elam and the Assyrians invaded Media, or 
until the Phoenicians began to explore the shores of the 
Mediterranean. For it seems more and more clear that the 
original home of the Semites lay in the Arabian desert, 
stretching from the Persian Gulf to the Red Sea, just as 
Auyanem-vaejo was in the Hmdoo-Kush. A nomade life 
best explains the characteristics of the Semite, and the purest 
type of the Semite at the present day is still the Bedawin. 
We have seen how Hebrew tradition went back to the Tigris 
and Euphrates and the land of Cush (wliich may be com- 
pared with the Cassi (? Kossgei), the fellow-inhabitants of the 
Accadians in Chaldsea, and with the important Babylonian 
•ity Cis) ; in the same way, according to classical authors, 
the Phoenicians aven-ed that then* occupation of Palestine 
fell within historical times, and that they had come fi-om 
the Erythrasan Sea, or Arabian side of the Persian Gulf 
(Her. vii, 89 ; Just, xviii, 3, 2 ; Strab. i, 2, 35, j). 42 ; xvi, 3, 4, 
p. 7G6). Joppa boasted of having been built before the 
deluge (Plin. v, 14 ; Solin. xxxiv, 1), and of being the seat 
of Kepheus king of the Ethiopians, the name under which 
the prse-Aryan and pra^-Semitic populations of Asia and 
Europe were known to the Greeks. Thus we are told by 
Dikasarkhus that the Chaldeans were first called Kephenes 
fi'om king Kepheus ; and Pliny only rationalises actually- 
existing myths when he says (Nat. Hist, vi, 35) that "Etliiopia 
was illustrious and powerful even as early as the reign of 
Memnon during the Trojan War ; and that its empire ex- 

The Oritjin of Semitic Civilisation. 303 

tended over Syria and the shores of Italy m the age of 
king CepheiTS, is clear from the legend of Andromeda." 
The cuneiform monmnents bear similar testimony. Up to 
quite a recent period the Khatti or Hittites, the Kheta of 
the Egyptian, were in possession of all northern Syria ; 
and their proper names are non-Semitic. In Genesis, the 
Hittites appear as far south as Machpelah; and the Zuzim, 
Zamzummim, Emim, &c., the giants of old time, seem to 
belong to the pree-Semitic aborigines. Kharran, the key of 
the highway from the east to the west, is an Accadian 
woi'd meaning "road"; and the title "king of the four 
races " assumed by the Accadian monarchs apparently 
denotes Syria, and may refer to linguistic and ethnic 
differences. Assyria did not pass under Semitic rule until 
after the nineteenth centm-y B.C., as the date of the patesi of 
Assui', who founded the Temple of Anu there, is fixed, by a 
reference in the standard inscription of Tiglath-Pileser I, at 
B.C. 1840 ; and the Semites could only have moved up from 
the south. Babylonia, however, or rather the western bank of 
the Euphrates, on which Uru stood, had long contained a 
Semitic population. Not only do we find the Accadian 
pi'inces occasionally writing in Semitic, and yet oftener 
translating into Semitic, but even the astrological tablets 
sometimes have Semitic glosses, and private contracts are 
di'awn up in Semitic when one at least of the parties bears 
a Semitic name. Very rarely the monarch himself has a 
Semitic name, as in the case of Naram-Sin, the conqueror of 
Karrak, corrupted by Accadian pronmiciation mto Rim-Sin ; 
but this, perhaps, only happened after the Semitic conquest 
of Assyria when the two royal famiUes began to intermarry. 
As I have already stated, however, the Semites dQ not seem 
to have ventui'ed to cross the Euphrates and separate them- 
selves fi:om their kinsfolk in their old desert home. The 
predatory excursions of the latter do not appear to have 
been always easy to restrain, as one of the most important 
consequences of a favourable conjunction of the heavenly 
bodies was that " the cattle shall lie in the desert in safety." 
Those Semites who had settled under Accadian rule, and 
adopted the civilisation to which the Turanian settlers in 

304 The Origin of Semitic Civilisation. 

Bahylonia had attained, chiefly show themselves in a business 
capacity in the contract tablets. Tlie hi2;her snV)jects dis- 
cussed in the mythological and astrolog:ical treatises, and the 
royal inscriptions relating to the building- of temples, were 
written in the language of the dominant people. The 
noTiiade was highly receptive though not original, and 
eminently fitted for tlie active habits and shrewd practices 
of trade. 

It would seem, therefore, that the Semites extended 
themselves from their desert cradle first probably into 
Egypt, and then in comparatively historical times into 
Palestine, moving from south to north. They had already 
been brought into close contact with the Turanian civilisa- 
tion of the Euphrates and Tigris, and tribes of them, with 
the roving disposition exemplified in the Hyksos in Egypt or 
the Israelites in Canaan, had settled among their Turanian 
neighbours. We may expect, therefore, that an interchange 
of ideas, arts, and words woidd take place between them ; 
and as civilisation and culture were upon the side of the 
Tm-anians, while the Semite gave but little, he would receive 
much. This, I believe, is borne out by the facts. The Semitic 
vocabulary, examined in the light of cuneiform revelations, 
shows, I believe, much borrowing from the Accadian, and 
will enable us to gauge to some extent the amount of 
civilisation possessed by the primitive Semite before his 
intercourse with Accad. We have already seen that a 
considerable portion of Assyrian words, as well as the 
Assyrian mythology, are immediately derived from an 
Accadian source. I have also endeavoured to point out the 
probability that the common stock of Semitic traditions has 
the same origin. And I will now try to show that most of 
the so-called biliteral roots, and words relating to civilised 
life, are taken from Turanian Babylonia. 

The first condition of civilised Hfe is the city. Now the 
most conspicuously Semitic word for " city " is y^. It is the 
first that would occur to the Semitic scholar. But '^'^^ is the 
Accadian Uru (BM. S. II, 2; 393), also called Eri ^jf ^|y<y 
(B.M. S.III, 70; 100). whence the name of 'Uru, " the city" 
par excellence, just as Uruq (Erech) is 'iiru-ci "city of the 

The Origm of Semitic Civilisation. 305 

land." Urit is translated by the Assyrinn a/;f, commonly used 
in Assyrian in the place of "y^)) as in Ellasar = Alu Assur 
(Gen. xiv, 1). Alu is Heb. 7n^5, and properly signified "a 
tent." This takes us back to a time when the Semite 
nomade lived in tents, and had to derive Lis idea and name 
of " city " from his Accadian neighbours. Urii seems to be 
connected with \i7' or \irxi " to defend " (with which, perhaps, 
dur " fortress " may also claim kinship) ; possibly IliT " to 
watch" goes back to this origin. The Accadian also used 
the word muruh (B.M. S. 11, 30; 17) for "city," with the 
sufl&x h or ha^ the initial vowel prefixing m (which was pro- 
bably pronounced 7niii) as in mus by the side of \is " male." 
Other Semitic terms relating to the same idea have the same 
Turanian source. Kirjath and its numerous kindred words 
go back to the Accadian bir or car, "^yiy, "a fortress," 
which seems akin to cal " strong " and " stronghold." So 
again p is the Accadian gim or gan with its bye-forms gina, 
gagunu, and gunganu " enclosure." The conception of a per- 
manent enclosure had to come fi*om the Accad or in later 
times from the Aryan Faradise. Similarly, as Dr. Oppert has 
pointed out, the word for " palace " was borrowed ; 713 \"1 is 
the Accadian ''e-gal " great house," as in e-gal Khammurahi 
" palace of Khammurabi." We shall find Semitic ^ or p 
representing Accadian g in other instances On the other 
hand the universal term for " house," r^'2. hiyatu, is the 
abstract fem. from h^'l^, and is literally " what is come to " 
or " entered," reminding us rather of the caves of the 
Troglodytee than of a habitation made by hands. From 
the same root probably comes also H^^ " altar," with the 
second radical hardened into m as is so common in Assyrian 
{e.g. camiLu = '^y2, limiiu=-TVv7, 'amarw = "^It^, lamu=.TVO)' 
The derivation would be parallel to that of ST) from H/i^ 
(Assyr. tul, tal). It is possible that ''^ "ruins" represents the 
Accadian e, which means at once "hollow" and "mound" 
(B.M. S 11, 2, 376; 50, 55), (whence the name of "house"). 
Along with the names of settled habitations, the Semites 
had to borrow the words that expressed their contents. 
Thus i^D3 "seat," "throne," goes back to the Accadian guza. 

306 J ]ie Origin of Semitic Civilisation. 

Arabic and Aramaic have inserted r, that favourite supple- 
mentary Hound of the Semites, as in p1I^?D'^"T for p]2?72il- 
See also "the floor" temennu was the Accadian temen from 
te " to raise." The requirements of a settled order of society, 
again, were denoted by terms origmally Accadian. In con- 
tradistinction to malicu " the small chief," was 'sanm " king " 
(Heb. "^tr). This was the Accadian 'sar (as in 'Sar-gina). 
So, too, enuv izll /* *Y, became the common Assyrian 'enu 
" lord," like "^n from the Accadian kJiarra or possibly even 
h^'2 from mul "master." The crown that the king wore was 
ega or aga m Accadian, egu or agn or agagu in Assyrian, and the 
word in the primitive signification of " circle " is known to the 
other Semitic tongues. Law itself was a foreign idea to the 
primitive Bedawin who did that which was right in his own 
eyes. From di "judge" came dinu (]''"T), increased by the 
nasal-like dun (" go ") by the side of du or sem (" give ") by 
the side of se t^t^r- It is noticeable that the terms for 
" enemy " or " stranger " ("13 and "^3"^) as opposed to 
" friend " seem also to claim affinity with the Accadian cxirra^ 
as if the Arab nomade had no definite enemy or friend, for 
his hand was against every man's and every man's hand 
against him. Less remarkable is the Turanian origin of 
some of the metals. Zahar yy >{-■, "copper" or "bronze" 
is the Arab, zifr, which is compounded with bar " blight " 
or "white" like habar "silver," the shining metal. The same 
word shows itself in 7T " "^2 " iron," which is represented in 
the cuneiform by the god Bar, the lord of the sky and the 
thunderbolt. Cisip ^^ ^^ J^, "number," "valuation," 
may be compared with P]D3, and v/ould imply that silver was 
the usual medium of exchange between the neighbouring 
races. The Avord may be related to caspu " hour," " mile," 
which was adopted by the Assyrians. " Number " or " mea- 
sure " generally has also the same origin. The maneh with 
its cognate TVl'O {mimUu\ &c., is the Accadian mana, which 
we first meet with in an old law-tablet. Similarly the idea 
of "weighing" or paying" is borrowed. The Accadian verb 
was aca, ^(^^] (B.M. II, 2 ; 336), properly " to raise " 
the scales ; and tlie Semitic yp)^ has, I believe, its origin in 

The Origin of Semitic Civilisation. 307 

the common Accadian sak-ili " head-raising." Mathematical 
science had made much progress among the Accadians : we 
are not surprised, therefore, at discovering that they gave 
the Semites not only the general term for " number," but 
also the definite expression of a large cipher : Ht^Q " one 
hundred" is the Accadian mih y>^, "multitude," whence 
mes " many," compounded with is " heap," like es " abode " 
(e-is) by the side of e. Even the first numeral seems to 
have drawn one of its names from the same source. ^Ht^ 
khidu (whence ed-is or khad-is " alone " ), is clearly the 
Accadian kind or id " one." Khid or kat primarily signified 
" hand," and refers us to the time when the savage expressed 
" one " by holding up his hand. It is curious that the 
Semites took two of their words for the "hand" from a 
foreign people. Id is T, and ?]^ is as clearly gap which in 
Accadian denoted " palm *' or " hand," while the ordinary 
Assyrian word was katti. Another part of the body also 
received a foreign name : '^3 or HQ is the Accadian ^^a 
"mouth," "speech," which is found by the side of ca; 
and the plural pa-pa or ca-ca denoted the face," like D'^iD. 
From uzu ^I^'^, "flesh" or "body," perhaps came ti^ 
"strength," and lihbu (3,7) is referred to the Accadian libis. 
Astrological terms would naturally be borrowed. Thus 
we are not astonished at the similarity of the Semitic JItTI, 
&c., to the Accadian kind " unlucky," "bad," " ill ;" or possibly 
of sukh " lucky " to JIDII^. The Assyrians, of course, derived 
dibbu "a tablet" from the old language, and perhaps khii' 
>^^J^, "to write," may be detected in 1^31)1 "a style," and 
t^^n "write," "scratch," "plough." Agricultural terms, 
indeed, may be expected to have had their prototypes in 
Accadian. Thus 7ieru " the yoke " for ploughing is the 
Accadian tie or ner ^^>- ; hpi " to dig " is equated with the 
Turanian ingar ; and i^^^ " cleft," " valley," represents the 
Accadian ge >^Wi )A expressing the guttural sound heard 
after the final vowel. Babylonia was the native home of 
the cereals : hence we readily recognise in "Sy^ (sibirru) the 
Accadian se-bar "white corn"; from se '^, "corn," came 
the Assyrian seiim (compare rT^i^D). Bar " white " gave 

308 The Or'uiin of Semitic Civilisation. 

its name to '11, so that as in English the Semitic grain took 
its appellation from its white color. It is possible that agcini 
or akaru "field,"' with eviln {^pTl), kakmu or gaaaru ("^H)? 
and carcnnu (D13), fiiid their original root in cuv " country," 
which, like mat, Aram. ^TSCi (from ina-da), was borrowed by 
the Assyrians. 

Besides the level of culture, the geographical character of 
the primitive home of the Semites may be ascertained from 
the records of language. Both mountains and large rivers 
seem to have been unknown to them. Thus the Assyrian 
sadu (Arab, saddun) "mountain" is the Accadian sad V" 
( = sa-da); and from sah (sa-aF) the Assyrians formed sakumatu 
"highlands." So, again, "ST] is ar J=|>=, "district," more 
especially " mountainous district," and TOy seems to connect 
itself with Hi as well perhaps as ^^11^2 ^vith is, izi, and isa. On 
the other hand, gahiri was, I believe, borrowed by the 
Accadians. No Accadian analogies for it are forthcoming, 
and it is probable that gahir is the original form of the word 
which in later Semitic appears with I (as in Arab, jehel), and 
is thus connected with '^2'^ " strong." Neither the iEthiopic 
daher (tahor, 'y'yi^) nor the Accadian hur "head," "high" 
(also " ten ") caii well be akin. The Semites were especially 
fond of the sound r, which changes into / more readily than I 
into r ; and we may quote, by way of illustration, the parent 
Aryan speech in which I was rare, if not unlaio'^m. So in 
Egyptian I is replaced by r. This would be interesting to 
Semitic philology, as affording a presumption for the non- 
originality of / in roots. Other words besides gahiri were 
borrowed by the Accadians from their neighbours : thus 
ihila "son" is the Assyrian ahilu (from 7li^, 7in), Avith a 
weakened to i as in Rim for (Na)ram. So emi "people," 
Heb. Di^> is more probably of Semitic origin than the con- 
verse. As regards the evidence for the want of rivers IHi, 
■)^'i can hardly be separated fi-om the Accadian 'aria. With 
this agrees the Semitic traditions that go back to the 
Accadian rivers Hiddekhel and Euplu-ates, and the present 
character of northern Arabia. On the other hand, the 
Semites were acquainted with the sea : □"< (tihamtu) and 
tiaiirata (Arab, hakhruu, i^Eth. iaklier) find no Accadian 

The Origin of Sendtic Civilisation. 309 

analogues, and tlie latter may possibly Le connected with 
Tt7(2 " salt." The words denoting " ship " and "fish," again, 
are of native origin. This would suit the Phoenician traditiun 
of their cradle on the shores of the Persian Gulf. 

In addition to all these more technical and specific terms, 
the Semites were indebted to their neighbours for other 
words of more general meaning. Ab or aha "father" and uni 
" mother " are, indeed, of miiversal recurrence, and are, 
therefore, no proof of borrowing upon either side. But this 
is not the case vntli words like p3 ^vith Shaphel pli? by the 
side of gin (which may, however, originally had the more 
definite meaning of " fixing " a settlement or house, like the 
Accadian shn ^^jj, "foundation," whence DIM^, &c.), 
or hat i^, "to open," which reminds us of nriD? Ass. pituu. 
In ri " to shine " as compared with rib^'l, or 'ur " heat " as 
compared with "^li*^ and li, we may have astronomical 
references. Other instances need not be quoted, as enough, 
I think, has been brought forward to show that there are 
strong grounds for justifymg my opinions upon the obliga- 
tions of early Semitic civilisation. A new light has been 
thrown upon the primitive history of the Semitic race, and 
we are better able to compare the Semitic languages with 
Old Egyptian or the sub-Semitic dialects. I confidently look 
forwaird to future research both corroborating and increasing 
the results contained in the present monograph. 

Note. — 'Sar i^^., "king," is derived from 'sa (>^), 
"judge," "prince," by means of the formative r or ra, which 
we find in dimir-ra "god," zicura "heaven" (by the side of 
zicuv), and other words. Bah-ilu I have also found given as 
Bah-ili " Gate of the gods " (B.M. S. II, 48 ; 57). 




By William Simpson, F.R.G.S. 

Read Ith May, 1872. 

The topogi'apliy and archaeology of Jerusalem, it is well 
known, present a very large and complicated iBeld of inquiry. 
We have had many very learned and able works devoted to 
the subject ; and many are the theories and eager the contro- 
versies to which it has given rise. As explorations go on, 
and farther discoveries are made, the results doubtless ynW 
be always brought before the members of this Society. In 
view of this, my duty to night had better be confined to 
httle more than an introduction to this important branch of 
Biblical Archaeology. 

. It may be as well to state, that my own opinions as to 
any particular theory are very vague and undecided. From 
the difficulties I find in every view of the case, my first 
notions, instead of becommg confirmed, are getting more and 
more unsettled. The questions are so very complicated, and, 
although we have had a great accession to our knowledge, 
yet on many of the most important points we are so 
entirely in the dark, that I am ^Nailing to keep theory in 
abeyance till more light can be found. Let me confess that, 
while not altogether free from some tendencies of thought, 
I cannot appear as the out-and-out champion of any of the 
systems of Jerusalem topography. Such being the state of 
my mind, I hope that, in the allusions I may make to any ot 
the opposing theories, I shall express my views fairly and 
■without prejudice. I can at least declare that it is my wish 
to endeavour to do so. 

The first instance that I can remember of Avhat might be 

Jerasaleni. 3-11 

called " Jerusalem Explorations," was when Omar entered the 
city after its capitulation, in the year 636 A.D. The story as 
it is told shows that it was difficult to get at the truth even 
at that early period. The Kalif made a request to Sophronius, 
the Patriarch of Jerusalem, to be led to the Mosque of 
David, meaning the site of the Temple. The patriarch, pro- 
fessing to do so, led Omar to the Church of the Holy 
Sepulchre, saying, " This is the Temple of David." A glance 
at the place told Omar that it was not so, and he said, " Thou 
liest ! The Prophet of God described to me the Temple of 
David, and this is not it." Hearing this, the patriarch next 
led him to the Church of Sion, and again Omar said, " Thou 
liest ! " It was not till after these two attempts to deceive 
had been made, that Sophronius led the way to the Musjid of 
Jerusalem, by which name was meant the Temple site. 
When they came to the gate called Bab Mahomed they found 
it filled up with dung, and water came down upon the steps. 
The patriarch hesitated, and said, "We can only enter here 
on our hands and knees." " On our hands and knees be it 
then," said Omar ; and in this fashion they went in. 

The Kalif having looked around, exclaimed, " God is 
Great ! By him in whose hands my soul is, this is the 
Musjid of David, from which the Prophet told me he had 
made the Night Journey." The Sakrah or Sacred Rock 
was found covered with dung, which the Christians had 
thrown upon it out of spite to the Jews, but Omar, usmg his 
own dress, set tlie example of cleansmg the site, and was 
followed by his companions. 

This ancient inquiry into the site of one of the Holy 
Places suggests the question. Was it the present Sakrah 
which Omar accepted as the right one? To explain the 
different views on this subject will give some idea of the 
theories as to the site of the Temple. 

There is on the eastern side of the city a raised and 
enclosed plateau, 1,500 feet long by 900 feet wide ; it is now 
called the " Haram es Sherif," or the Nohle Sanctuary, and 
all are agreed that somewhere within this enclosure the 
Temple stood. The Temple with its com-ts, we learn ft-om 
Josephus, covered a space of 600 feet square. But the present 

312 Jerusalem. 

enclosure is large enough to have held three sucli temples. 
It is this ample space which admits of so many theories as to 
its actual site. Speaking generally, they may be reduced 
to two. The first Ave may call the traditional site, affirming 
the central platform, on which stands the so-called Mosque of 
Omar, or Dome of the Rock, to be the spot. This occupies 
very nearly the centre of the Harara enclosure, and is slightly 
within the 600 feet in size, but still so near it that it may 
pass for the general dimensions. But, on the other hand, 
from the southern end of this platform to the south wall of 
the Haram is exactly 600 feet, and from its south-east corner 
to the west wall is precisely the same length ; and thus 
we have the square described by Josephus as the space 
occupied by the Temple and its courts. This is the second 
theory of the matter in dispute. There are various sugges- 
tions of intermediate positions, but by assuming them all as 
being embraced in the two just described we reduce and 
simplify the controversy. 

The traditional site has this advantage, tliat its centre 
is the highest point of what must have been the Temple 
Mount, and is covered by one of the finest buildings in 
the world. Looking from the Mount of Olives on the 
Sacred City, there is one structure which, from its size and 
importance, attracts the eye beyond all others. Under its 
dome there is no pavement oi tesselated marines, no altar of 
gold or precious stones, but a rough crag stands up seem- 
ingly as rude and primitive as the bare rock on the summit 
of a highland mountain. This is now called the " Sakrah," 
and accordingly the building over it is named the " Knbbet es 
Sakrah," or Dome of the Bock. The literal historic facts of 
this rock are very slight indeed. Its traditional history, on 
the contrary, is unlimited. Here Adam was created, and 
thus it had something to do with the Garden of Eden. It 
makes counter-claims to Ararat as the spot where the Ark 
rested. Here Abraham came to sacrifice Isaac. Here also 
Jacob passed his night of dreams on a stone pillow, declaring 
it to be the House of God and the Gate of Heaven — Temj)le 
attributes, and still applied as the definition of the Church. 
This was tlie tlii-ashing-floor of Araunali the .lebusite, and 

Jerusalem. 313 

thus the site of the Temple, according to the theory under 

Sophronius described the Sakrah to Omar as " the Rock 
on which God spake to Jacob ; which Jacob called the Gate 
of Heaven ; the Israelites, the site of the Holy of Holies ; 
which is the middle of the earth, and was the holy place of 
Israel, and is held by them in such veneration, that, wherever 
they are, they turn their faces towards it when they pray." 
Here we have, as in the old Greek di'ama, every scene of the 
divine play performed on the one stage. I have often heard 
these traditions sneered at, but I would suggest that they 
are founded upon the idea that what we now call the Church, 
was, and ought to be, looked upon as the theatre of every 
part of the Divine Mystery. But this rock is even more 
than all this. God himself is represented to us under the 
symbolical idea of a " Rock," and as this Sacred Rock is 
reputed to be not of this world, but came from heaven, and 
will return thither, we have m it a very clear type of the 
Divine Incarnation. I do not suppose that Omar did, or 
that the Mahomedans of the present day do, understand it in 
this light. I quote you their own traditions respecting it, 
and I think that the explanation which I suggest gives the 
true meaning of the very sacred character which is attached 
to the Saki-ah. Well, any one visiting Jerusalem would say, 
" There is the Sakrah, no doubt just as it was found by 
Omar; and, of course, being so, that is the site of the 
Temple." All this seems very clear and simple, and so far 
the mind is satisfied. But then an advocate of the opposing 
theory appears. He rejects the traditional site with scorn, 
sneers at the Sacred Rock as placed here, and laughs at 
Avhat he calls its absurd legends. 

The advocates of the south-west corner as the site, say 
that Omar entered by the Gate of the Prophet, now called 
"Barclay's Gate;" and this gate led to the Temple, where 
their theory puts it. The passage is supposed to have led 
up to somewhere about the present Mosque El Aksa, and 
there must have been the True Sakrah, and which, no doubt, 
during the many changes of troublesome times has been 
swept away. Although the rock was removed, the traditions 

Vol. I. 21 

314 Jerusalem. 

remained, and, getting attached to another, that rock has 
become associated with a sanctity it has no just right to 

This mil show how uncertain we are as to what place 
was accepted by Omar as the Temple site, and will convey a 
very fair idea of the difficulties Ave have to contend with, in 
the topography of Jerusalem. It is important for us here to 
remark that holy places have been changed fi-om one spot to 
another. This is a matter of fact. The place of St. Stephen's 
martyrdom is a very good instance. At one time it was on 
the west, outside the Jaffa Gate ; then it was removed, and 
a church in memory of it built outside the Damascus Gate, 
on the north. " And on the east side lieth Stephen who was 
stoned to death by the Jews outside the North Gate." 
(Lucian, A.D. 415.) Old maps represent the Church at the 
Damascus Gate, but this quotation, if we take it for the 
North Gate of the Temple, on the "east side," would apply 
exactly to the present St. Stephen's Gate. And now the 
only gate to the east is named ft'om the Proto-martyr. The 
cave under the Sakrah is, according to Mr. Fergusson's 
theory, the true Holy Sepulchre, and he believes that a trans- 
ference from that to its present locality took place about 
the 11th century. I do not intend to go into the very 
knotty points of that controversy, but only to notice some 
obvious facts of transference in this case. The most strikmg 
point in this matter is that the present Holy Sepulchre is a 
direct imitation of the Dome of the Rock. I do not mean in 
its arcliitecturo, but in its essential design and arrangement 
of parts. The chapel of marble, which is now the Holy 
Sepulchre, has been built over the tomb " hewn out in the 
rock," so that none of the rock is now visible ; but if we 
suppose the chapel removed, we should have a bare rock with 
a cave or tomb in it. This is a repetition of the Sakrah and 
its cave beneath. The great Dome of the Holy Sepulchre is 
over it all, again repeating the Dome of the Rock on the 
Haram. The identity could be carried out between the two 
much more in detail if time allowed ; but I wish to show 
that in this case it was not the mere building that was 
transferred. We have clear evidence of more than that. In 

Jerus((l(i>n. 315 

describing the Sakrah. Sophronius called it the " middle of 
the earth;" this, properly understood, was of right an attri- 
bute belonging to the Temple. Should any of you visit the 
Holy Sepulchre, it will now be pointed out to you there. 
Here is a double transference ; from the Temple to the present 
Sakrah, and from the Sakrah to the Holy Sepulchre. At the 
Holy Sepulchre you will also be shown the tree where 
Abraham found the ram when about to sacrifice Isaac — 
another Temple attribute carried off. Adam's grave is also 
shown at the Holy Sepulchre. This legend is, above all 
others, the special property of the Temple. Without this 
legend it could not have been the Holy Sepulchre, and so we 
find it there. This flitting about of places remmds one of 
the tramps, who are always shifting their quarters to avoid 
detection. And from this we, the archaeological police, if I 
may so describe our function, are compelled to additional 
care and watchfulness in searching after the truth. 

Mr. Fergusson's theory, that the cave under the Sakrah 
was the true Holy Sepulchre, has been strongly opposed, and 
yet it ought to be now accepted that the building over it 
never was built as a mosque. Only when I visited it did I 
know there was a Mirab in it, constituting it a jami or house 
of prayer ; but the Mirab is evidently a later insertion, and 
instead of being in the centre of the wall towards Mecca, 
where it would have been had the house been erected at first 
as a mosque, it is placed to one side. Mr. Palmer, who is 
well acquainted with the East, admits, in the work lately 
produced by him and Mr. Besant, that it "is not, properly 
speaking, a mosque," but its "form is, in fact, identical with 
that of an ordinary Muslim Well, or saint's tomb." Mr. Lewin 
asserts the cave to be the " tomb of King Alexander." That, 
of course, refers to a period before the present edifice was 
erected. It is curious to note this admission of the sepul- 
chral character of the cave as Avell as the building. I do not 
think that it would be right to say that this so-called Mosque 
of Omar must be a tomb ; but I think that almost every one 
acquainted with the subject will agree with Mr. Palmer, that 
it is identical Avith a tomb. I speak with some knowledge 
of eastern tombs, and must endorse that opinion. 

310 Jerusalem. 

When Messrs. Catherwood, Arundel, and Bonomi brought 
home the first reliable drawmgs of this building, Mr. Fergus- 
son declared that it could not have been built at Omar's time. 
This is, I think, an opinion that ought also to be accepted. 
Mr. Fergusson ascribes the erection of it to Constantiue. 
]Mr. Lewin thinks it might have been by Maximinus Daza, who 
succeeded Diocletian; and it has been suggested that the 
Temple erected on the site of the Jewish Temple by Hadrian 
to Jupiter was the basis upon which Omar built. It would be 
very important if this point could be decided, but there is as 
yet too great a variety of opinion to give hopes of anything 
like unanimity. 

Mr. Fergusson's theory, that the cave under the Sakrah 
was the Holy Sepulchre, originated in the architectural 
argument that the building was of the time of Constantine. 
Although this was the starting point of Mr. Fergusson's 
speculations, it is far from indicating the limits of them ; for 
they involve the whole subject of the topography of 
Jerusalem, and the discussion they have given rise to has 
been protracted and fierce, and seems still to be far from a 
close. I think that artists who have studied tliis subject 
have had a tendency to become Fergussonites ; and I 
confess to a leanmg that Avay in my views, still I have 
always had a difficulty of my own, and as it is a little 
different fi-om the usual objections, I shall state it, though I 
fear you Avill think that it partakes more of sentiment than 
of science. If we consider Mount Moriah, or the Temple 
Hill, as it would be before walls were put round it or debris 
had accumulated on its sides, the most remarkable thing 
about it would be the rock on its summit and the cave below 
it — for it is understood to be a natural cave. I cannot help 
thinking that it was this rock and cave which first produced 
the sacred character of the locality. And I assume that it 
was a place of sanctity before the time of Araunah \\\ii 

For myself, I would prefer a theory that would include 
the cave and the rod?, and not leasee them out in the cold as 
Fergusson, Lewin, Thrupp, and others do. Remember that 
we are talking of a country that was specially given to cave- 

Jerusalem. 317 

worship. All tlie most sacred slirines, even at this day, are 
caves — of which this is a case in point. The Holy Sepulchre, 
the Grotto of the Virgin near to Gethsemane, the Shrine at 
Bethlehem, all are caves. The Mosque at Hebron stands 
over one of the most sacred of caves, that is, the Cave of 
Machpelah. This cave-worship is no speciality of one faith ; 
Christian and Mahomedan in our own time are equally 
devoted to it. This view of the case may not affect others 
as it does me. I have visited many shrines and know some- 
thing of cave-worship, and would recommend its study, for 
it is quite as interesting as tree or serpent-worship. 

A careful investigation of this sacred cave would be of 
great value. The wall on its northern side sounds hollow 
when struck, suggesting a further extension in that direc- 
tion. Captain Warren suggests that this cave may be what 
the Middoth calls the Gate Nitsots, or '' the Flower Gate," and 
that it communicates on the north with a long stone-cut pas- 
sage, which he also thinks may be the Gate Tadi. This gate, 
the Middoth says, was "in the north, and served for no 
ordinary purpose." In explaining to you the results of explo- 
rations at Jerusalem, and its condition and progress, I ought 
to state that as yet no real explorations have been made 
within the Haram. Without a firman from the Sultan nothing 
can be done, and as yet there seems no chance of one being 
got for that purpose. Our knowledge is limited to what is 
visible in passages and cisterns to which access is allowed, and 
Captains Wilson and Warren have done then- best to give us 
all that it is possible to be known of these places. But I 
feel it my duty to add that Pierotti, who pretended to give 
a faithful plan of the Haram vnih all its underground works, 
has produced what is little better than a fiction. As engineer 
to the Pasha of Jerusalem he had special advantages, which 
might have given us much valuable knowledge ; but, although 
his work on Jerusalem is a large and pretentious one, it can 
never be a reliable authority. 

The whole of the Haram is honeycombed underneath 
with works of various kinds. Captain Warren enumerates 
34 different places, and gives descriptions of each. Some 
are cisterns, and some are passages. The most of the 



cisterns are cut in the rock, but a very large one described 
by Captain Warren, near the Pool of Bethesda, is constructed 
of brick. The water-supply of the Temple seems to have 
been a most important matter. The number and size of some 
of the cisterns under tlie Haram surface is proof of this. The 
Babr el Klicbeer, or Great Sea, is the largest of all these 
reservoirs. Its position is under the ground, close to the 
front of the Aksa. . It is evidently excavated, and is of great 
size, extending from north to south about 150 feet, and nearly 
the same from east to west. Large rude piers have been 
left to support the roof; these are massive, and convey a 
look of elephantine strength to the place. Any speculation 
as to the age of this excavation must be very uncertain. It 
has no architectural features, no ornament, not even a mould- 
ing, to guide us. The impression produced upon my muid 
is, that it is very ancient mdeed. Its size and massive 
simplicity induce this feeling, and we are led to infer that it 
should be coeval with the first erection of the Great Temple, 

Jjilitliic Archod Conduit at tho " Scaled Fountain," Tools of Solomon. 

Jerusalem. 319 

whose services demanded a large water-supply. This agaiu 
receives a considerable colour of probability from the fact that 
the pools beyond Bethlehem, which supply this Great Sea, is 
associated with the name of Solomon, and they are un- 
doubtedly of great antiquity. One of the sources of supply 
is a spring in the rock at the north-west corner of these pools 
of Solomon, called the " Sealed Fountain." The water 
passes to the pools through what seems to be a rock-cut 
tunnel arched above. Now this arch is, I think, an evidence 
of very great age. At one place it is formed of three stones 
but farther in it is arched with only two stones, if I may 
use the word arch to such a construction. This form of 
building is as old as the Great Pyramid, and is strong 
proof, I think, of a high antiquity. And as the water fi-om 
the Sealed Fountain flows all the way to the Great Sea 
under the Haram, I would suggest that the antiquity of the 
one helps to confii'm the antiquity of the other. There is 
another very good evidence that these rock-cut cisterns are 
old. It is this ; Captain Warren, in tracing the foundation of 
the western wall, near Robinson's Arch, came to a spot where 
it was built through one of them. The conclusion here is 
obvious, that the cistern is older than the wall. Now the 
wall is not very youthful, and the foundation at present is 
about 50 or 60 feet below the surface, with old pavements at 
various depths, each pavement representing a long lapse of 
time for the accumulation of its debris. 

In truth, these cisterns are such primitive constructions 
that they may be of almost any antiquity. As I have already 
stated, I should be inclined to associate the Great Sea with 
the demands of a Great Temple Service, but some of the 
smaller ones, in all probability, may be of the Jebusite period. 
The necessity for the means of collecting water would com- 
mence with the first inhabitants of the place. 

The very last discovery at Jerusalem is that made by 
Mr. Schlick of a very ancient rock-cut aqueduct, which he 
has traced all the way from the north- v/est corner of the 
Haram to the outside of the Damascus Gate. The proha- 
hility that such a watercourse existed is mentioned by 
Thrupp, who calls it the " Upper Watercourse of Gihon," 

320 Jerusalem. 

and, as indicated in his plan of " Ancient Jerusalem," is 
almost exactly where it has been now discovered. It is 
wi-itten of Hezekiah that he "fortified his city, and he 
brought in water into the midst thereof : he digged the hard 
rock A\ath ii-on, and made wells for waters " (Ecclus. xlviii, 17). 
It is also stated that he " stopped the upper watercourse of 
Gihon, and brought it down to the west side of the city of 
David " (Chron. xxxii, 30). Now if this should turn out to be 
this watercourse of Hezekiah (and there seems to be every 
probabiHty that it is), it may settle which of the hiUs bore the 
name of the city of David. The valley of Gihon may also be 
identified, and it may help to fix some part of the walls 
built by Nehemiah. Should it do any one of these things, 
this discovery ^vill tm-n out to be of great importance, and 
showing how much value there may be in fuiding out an old 
gutter. And here we have a good illustration of the 
character of these explorations. It is not gold, silver, or 
precious stones that we desire to find, but truth is the 
object of our search, and the well where the truth is 
hidden may be in an ancient sewer, or it may be in tombs 
containing the dust of men, or beneath accumulations of 
debris which is the dust of dead cities ; and, as experience 
has proved, in such explorations there is danger from disease 
as well as from accidents. 

In the work called the " Recovery of Jerusalem," telling 
us what has been done by the Palestine Exploration Fund, 
the introduction by Dean Stanley contains a passage which I 
think requires to be alluded to : — " The original stimulus to 
the whole undertaking," he remarks, " was supplied by the 
benevolent wish of Miss Burdett Coutts to ascertain the best 
means of bi'inging water to the thirsty city. The answer to 
this is given in the excellent Ordnance Survey, accomplished 
under the auspices of Captain Wilson, and the elaborate 
description of the ancient water-supplies given by Captain 
Warren. It may be added that in this investigation the 
interesting question of the supposed spring inside the walls 
of Jerusalem and under the Temple courts has been for the 
first time followed to the bottom ; and the result appears to 
be, that whilst there is no actual spiing within the wall, the 

Jprn.^(dem. 321 

whole mount is so honeycombed with cisterns as to give 
ample materials for the conjecture of Tacitus, and for the 
imagery of Scripture, whilst at the same time it takes away 
from them the foundation of literal truth " (" Recovery of 
Jerusalem," Introduction, p. xvi). The position and authority 
of the learned Dean require that something be said in 
reference to this paragraph, for it may lead, if accepted, to 
the prevention of the discovery of one of the most important 
facts of the Temple Mount. To my view, the oriental mind 
could not conceive a place of prayer without a supply of 
water. The sacred spring is one of the necessary parts of a 
sacred shrine. The Hindoo pictures to himself the Ganges 
as flowing out from under the throne of gems, on which 
Siva sits on Kailas. In the Hindoo ceremonial there is an 
inseparable combination of bathing and prayer. The holy 
city of Benares has the sacred Ganges flowing past ; but it 
has a fountain still more sacred, that is, the Mund Karniku 
Koond, which Vishnu produced with his discus, and first 
filled with sweat from his own body. Mecca has its Well of 
Zem-Zem, the most holy object next to the Caaba itself. 
Heliopolis has its " Fountain of the Sun," now the " Fountam 
of the Virgin." There is a spring on the Acropolis at Athens,' 
now led by an aquaduct to the Mosque in the Bazaar. 1 
cannot recount all the holy wells and springs in the world, 
as the subject would form a volume, and under the title of 
"Well-worship" it would be a valuable addition to our know- 
ledge of the various Cultus which have yet to be taken up ui 
detail. I will now show you that it is upon this Temple 
necessity that the " imagery of Scripture " is founded. We 
are told that " a river went out of Eden." It was fi-om the 
rock on which the Lord stood at Horeb that the water 
flowed. In the vision of Ezekiel it says, "waters issued out 
from under the threshold of tlie house eastward " — " and the 
waters came down from under from the right side of the 
house, at the south side of the altar " (Ezek. xlvii, 1). We 
have almost the same description in the New Jerusalem of 
the " river of water of life, clear as crystal, proceeding out 

1 The sacred origin of this water is iudicated in the myth, which ascribes its 
production to Poseidon, who struck tlie rock with his Trident. 

322 Jerusalem. 

of the throne " (Rev. xxii, 1). In the Christian Churcli we 
have baptism as the rite of entrance, and the holy water 
at the door. Milton speaks of Sion Hill, and 

" Siloa's brook that flow'd 

Fast by the Oracle of God." 

From this imagery of Scripture, that the Divine presence 
is a source of living waters, it is clear that the Temple, to 
fulfil this imagery, should have a source of water within 
itself. In fact no spot could have become holy as a site for 
a temple without this necessary condition. And one cannot 
conceive that such a sacred centre as Jerusalem could have 
been an exception to this universal rule. More than one 
author expressly affirms that there was a spring. Tacitus 
calls it a " Fons Perennis." Strabo and Aristeas also state 
the existence of a natural spring. In the honeycombing of the 
Temple Hill with cisterns and conduits it is quite possible 
that the source of this spring may have been tapped, and it 
is for a time lost in some larger stream ; but whenever we 
shall be able to get the underground of the Haram properly 
explored, I believe that it will be found ; and its discovery 
will no doubt have an important bearing on the question of 
the Temple site. 

Assuming this original source of water as a necessary 
condition of the Sacred Mount, it is clear that as the Temple 
services increased it was not foand sufficient, and that cisterns 
had to be formed to collect a larger supply, " the hard rock 
had to be dug with iron," and water brought in wherever 
it could be procm-ed ; the Great Sea tells us how large the 
demand for water must have been, and how vast Avas the 
labour expended to get the supply. The aqueduct, and the 
pools near Bethlehem from which the supply is derived, 
present to our mind a piece of scientific engineering coming 
down to us from a very early date. 

There is another part of the imagery of Scripture which is 
very important in connection with the Temple site, and that 
is, that it stood upon a Hill. It is called the " Holy Hill," " The 
Mount," and the " Holy Mountain," &c., &c. The Mount was 
not, I should say, so imperative^ a condition of a holy place 

JeruHcdem. 323 

as an original source of water, but we have in ancient times 
so many illustrations of sacred mountains, that we know the 
" H0I7 Hill," as applied to the Temple site, was no mere 
figure of speech. At present the Haram enclosure is nearly 
a level platform, and scarcely suggests the idea of a mount. 
If you survey the position from the Mount of Olives it seems 
to be only a sloping ridge, or a spur extending from the 
Damascus Gate to Siloam. You could go up to the holy 
place from three sides, but from the north you would go 
doivn to it. A minute's inspection shows that the Sacred 
Rock stands up in the centre of the Haram, but it is scarcely 
of a size to entitle it to be called a hill or a mount in itself. 
To tlie north of the Sakrah, about half-way between it and 
the northern limit of the enclosure, there is a visible depres- 
sion in the ground. Whether it was formerly of greater 
depth, and has been filled up, we have no very clear informa- 
tion, because no digging has yet been allowed by the 
authorities within the Haram ; but even as it is, in approach- 
ing the Dome of the Rock from the north, when you pass 
the depression you have to ascend. If it has been filled up, 
then the ascent must have been greater in former times ; and 
at first, when Moriali was bare and rocky, before it was 
levelled into a platform, the spot where the Sacred Rock 
now stands may have had more the appearance of a hill. 
We have all different feelings in reference to such matters, 
but I confess that to me the conditions, which were in fact 
the expression of the imagery of Scripture, and which formed 
a part of the great ancient system of Symbolism, have far 
more interest than the question of the triple wall, or any of 
those points which relate only to the merely passing facts of 
history. Of course I know that each class of questions 
involves the other ; as, for instance, that the consideration of 
the Temple Mount involves the question as to the site of 
Antonia, Acra, and the various tov/ers which we are told 
were built for defence. From what I have already said, I 
need scarcely add, that I am not likely to agree with any 
of those writers who place the Antonia or the Acra over the 
Sacred Rock, as some of our ablest authorities on the subject 
have done. Mr. Fergusson, although from a slightly different 

824 Jerusalem. 

point of \de\v, would also join with me in this expression of 
dissent. The position of the Tunis Antonia depends in a 
greater measure with each theorist, as to where he draws the 
north wall of the Temple enclosure. The traditional site 
is the present governor's quarters, or barracks, at the north- 
west corner of the Haram. Waving the question as to 
whether this was really the Antonia or not, I think it must 
have at least been the site of one of the strong towers of 
defence. In all probability it Avas the governors house in 
the Roman period, as it is now that of the Turkish governor 
from Constantinople. The old Roman arch in the Via 
Dolorosa seems to indicate this. But the real point of defence 
(remembermg that the defence of Jerusalem was always the 
defence of the Temple) must have been the high gromid 
to the north ; and there is what seems to me to be evidence 
of this still remaining at the present day. The formation of 
the ground itself points at once to this as the real position 
of the stronghold, by whatever name it may have been 
called. Whoever has walked round the present walls of 
Jerusalem, may remember that not far to the east of the 
Damascus Gate there is a rocky chff which stands high over 
head, crowned with a part of the present walls. It is not 
apparent at first, that in all probability this clifi" was a scarp 
cut by the hand of man, but a close inspection reveals a 
great deal. You find that the rough rock over head has 
been cut, and that at this point a very curious and deep fosse 
has been excavated out of the solid rock. AVhen the place 
is examined, this fosse is evidently not intended for defence, 
but was merely a passage by which the stones from the royal 
quarries were brought round to the Damascus Gate. And it 
is comparatively modern, for the newly discovered conduit, 
conjectured to be the " upper Avatercourse of Gihon," has been 
cut through by it. But suppose we are at a period before this 
passage was cut, and standing on the original sm-face of that 
time. We still find the high rocky cliff over our heads, and 
at the Grotto of Jeremiah, Avhich is about 400 feet away, we 
have the counterscarp to this strong position, and there is 
every appearance that the whole of this intervening space 
has been cut or quarried away. Here we have a vast amount 

Jerusaletn. 325 

of labour given to get a wide fosse, a point of importance 
in the old times, and to get height, which was the main 
element of strength when artillery did not exist. And this 
vast labour points to this place as the great stronghold of 
the Temple defence. I will not venture to say that this was 
the Acra, but I will venture to put it, that this was a high 
citadel. The summit overlooking everything else, and the 
real stratagetic point involving the attack and defence of 

Before closing this paper, there is one subject which it 
is necessary to refer to, and that is the wonderful old wall 
which encloses the Haram platform. If you go back before 
the time of Omar, or take the pre-Christian period, every 
effort at date is very uncertain. Now, I would express the 
hope that the old wall has secrets in keeping which it will 
yet be forced to reveal ; but to accomplish this, there is work 
to be done. Inscriptions have been found on the stones of 
which that old wall is constructed: hewers of stone have 
been at work on them. I have told you that the cisterns 
under the Haram have no architectm-e, they are simply 
holloivs cut in the rock, but the stones of the old wall are not 
cut alike. This difference of cutting is the point where I 
found some faint ground of hope. One portion of the wall 
has a peculiar style of building, or rather the stones are of a 
different size and cutting from what we find in other places. 
But as yet we have not been able to settle even an approxi- 
mate date to any of them. All who have read Captain 
Warren's report must be familiar with what he calls the 
" bevelled draught," This is a border or smooth surface made 
by the " hewer of stone," all round its face. This bevelled 
draught varies, and the central part of the face of the stone 
also varies; so that in this we have an intention on the part 
of the workman. And here, like detectives, I think we have 
a starting point in our pursuit. If the philologists could 
agree about the inscriptions they might save us all this 
trouble ; but knowing how uncertain all philological investi- 
gation is, I must express more faith in the stones themselves 
than in the written characters upon them. It should be the 
object of future explorers to become perfectly acquainted 

32G Jerusalem. 

with the various styles in wliicli these stones are hewn, and 
then to compare them with similar building in that part of 
the world, till the date of some such work can be settled, and 
thus a starting* point found. It is not an ordinary style of 
masonry. There is a stone of about 100 tons weight in the 
wall : another stone is about 40 feet in length : another 
is somewhere about 20 feet long and seven feet in depth. 
Now building with stones of this kind is not common ; but 
wherever it is to be found it ought to be carefully studied 
and compared so as to get at a date. 

The traditional theory is, that the Sakrah is the threshing- 
floor of Aranuah the Jebusite, and consequently the true site 
of the Temple, and it supposes that the present wall is the 
old enclosure ; but its advocates do not attach much 
importance to this latter point. To reason thus is not 
very scientific or very archasologic. Those who put the 
Temple in the south-west corner write learnedly, quote 
Josephus, and talk archseologically, — and I must say that 
Mr Fergusson's effort to prove that the Temple was here, 
and that it was an enclosure of 600 feet, is one of the 
most complete and powerful pieces of argument that I have 
ever read. In reading it one feels that there is no chance 
for any other theory to hold up its head. It satisfied me till 
I visited the spot ; and even yet I would willingly hold fast 
to it, were it not for other considerations which tend to make 
me doubtful. Going down the shafts with Captain Warren, 
I was impressed with the notion that the old walls were 
very ancient, and I confess to a feeling of relief in reading 
Captain Warren's part of the "Recovery of Jerusalem," 
where he at last declares that the limit of the Temple 
enclosure to a square of 600 feet is scarcely in keeping with 
his own explorations. I have long felt, even in the face of 
Mr. Fergusson's strong logic, that some compromise on this 
head was necessary, and I feel thankful to Captain Warren 
for breaking ground in tliis direction. 

I am sorry that time will not permit me to go into detail 
on this subject. I can only refer you to what Captain 
Warren has given in his portion of "Jerusalem Recovered," 
where you will find a large mass of detail, all nearly new to 

Jerusalem. 327 

us, and all stated with a careful accuracy which is not only 
praiseworthy in the author, but will be most valuable to all 
future inquuy into this subject. 

One word in closing as to the relations of this Society 
with the Palestine Exploration Fund. There is nothing 
antagonistic in our purpose, and there can be no rivalry 
between us. Ours is the w^hole field of Biblical Archeeology, 
theirs the Exploration of the Holy Land. Theu^ operations 
must be at all times of deep uiterest to us. They are the 
senior and the most powerful organisation, but the scope of 
our purpose is ^vider than theirs ; and I think this Society will 
agree with me, that it is a happy thing for Biblical Archae- 
ology that there is such a well-directed force at work, and 
doing in such a practical way what it would be impossible 
for us to attempt. 

The one great thing to be done is the collection of facts. 
That is what not only each Society can assist in, but even 
each individual can give a helping hand. Aad let me remind 
you of what is becoming every day more e^ddent, that art- 
knowledge is one of the great keys of archaeology. A man 
who draws cannot help acquu-ing an accurate idea of what 
he sketches. The plan of a building, or a bit of its ornament, 
even one of its mouldmgs, may be of the highest value in 
determining its date ; so that every man who can use a pencil 
and a sketch-book will be able to assist, at least in part, in 
carrying out what ought to be the golden rule of every 
archseological society, — that is, to sketch, draw, photograph, 
and collect. 



An Examination of Mr. Henry Lumleys Letter to the " Times" 
on the Discovery of a Neio Moahite Stone. 

By B. G. Jenkins. 
Bead 7th May, 1872. 

As some present may not have read the letter in question, 
it will be more satisfactory before examining it to read it in 
fiill. It is as follows : — 

" Neio Moahite Stone. — To the Editor of the ' Times.' 

" Sii', It mil be interesting to Biblical students and others 
to hear that a highly important engraved stone has just been 
discovered m the Moabite country, and which has been 
brought mto Jerusalem. 

" I have been permitted to inspect it, and I must say it 
bears about it all the significance of antiquity and truth. It 
measures 36 inches by 18 inches on the surface, is of hard, 
close granite, and has six Imes of written characters almost 
identical in form with the Siaaitic letters. Mr. Shapira, of 
Jerusalem, who has made the ancient languages of this 
region his study, has supplied me with a translation, and 
according to his reading, no more valuable record of Bibli- 
cally stated facts, made at nearly a contemporary moment 
with the events which it records, has yet been discovered. 
It may be, indeed, of more powerful interest than the Moabite 
stone, for it contains the name of Moses, who may have 
directed, seen, and approved the inscription himself as a 
memento of the conquest of Moab by Israel under their great 
leader, and in addition tlie stone, so far as tlie hiscription is 
concerned, is in a perfect state. It was brought in here by 
Bedwin Sheiks from the ruins (or mound) of the city of 
Medeba, which is seven miles south of Heshbon, fifteen miles 
north of Dilxiu. and about forty-five due east of this place. 

The Neio Moahite Stone. 329 

The characters, which are very clear and nearly perfect, are 
translated as follows : 

" ' We drove them away — the people of Ar Moab at the 
marsh ground, there they made a thankoffering to God 
their King, and Jeshnren {sic) rejoiced, as also Moses their 

" If these words are compared witli Numbers, chap. 21, 
verses 13, 14, and 15, and verses 21 to 30 ; Deuteronomy, 
clmp. 11 f? 2), and Joshua, chap. 13, verses 9, 15, and 16, a 
remarkable coincidence of narrative will be seen. The town 
of Ar Moab mentioned on the stone is in the delta formed by 
the two rivers which flow into the river Arnon. The ' Ar 
Moab at the marsh ground ' of the stone seems to be identical 
with ' the city that is in the midst of the river ' of the 9th 
verse of the 13th chapter of Joshua. 

" I have made a copy of the characters, whicli I bring 
with me to England, together with copies of the declarations 
of people here who know the history of the stone." 

This letter was dated from Jerusalem, November 29th, 
and appeared in the " Times " of the 26tli January last, in 
the most prominent part of the paper, at the top of a column, 
and in leader type, and whatever Mr. Lumley may have 
thought of it, certainly the editor of the "Times" believed it 
would create a sensation. But the next day Mr. Lumley 
appeared again in the " Times," and candidly admitted that 
he had seen and conversed with Mr. Deutsch of the British 
Museum on the subject, and, having discovered that he had 
been deceived, he begged to withdraw his previous letter. 

It is my object to show that both the inscription and the 
letter bear their own condemnation, and, in doing so, I 
would direct attention to the following points :— 

1st. Moses did not conquer Moab, and, therefore, there 
could not have been any memento of conquest. 

2nd. If Moses had conquered Moab, Medeba is not likely 
to be the locality in which to find a monument of it. 

3rd. Moses did utterly overthrow the Amorites at Jazah, 
which is represented by the village of Jazaza, and not by 
the place marked Jahaz. 

Vol. I. 22 

330 The Nexc Moahite Stone. 

4tli. The " Ar Moab of the marsh g-roimd," of the mscrip- 
tioii, cannot be identified with " the city that is in the midst 
of the river," of the 9th verse of the 13th chap, of Joshua. 

5th, "The city that is in the midst of the river" is " the 
city that is in the midst of the valley." 

6t.h. Ar Moab is to be identified ^vith Rabbath Moab, and 
not ^-ith '• the city that is m the midst of the river." 

In entering into the subject in detail, the first question 
that presents itself is : Was Moab conquered by Israel ? To 
this there can be only one answer, No ; and therefore Moses 
co^ild not, as Mr. Lumley suggests, " have directed, seen, 
and approved the inscription himself as a memento of the 
conquest of Moab by Israel under their great leader." 

Any doubts on this point — that Israel did not conquer 
Moab, and did not even, as this inscription asserts, di-ive away 
the people 'of Ar Moab — will be removed by referring to 
Deut. ii, 9, where the Israelites are expressly enjoined by 
Jehovah in these words : " Distress not the Moabites, neither 
contend with them in battle ; for I will not give thee of their 
land for a possession, because I have given Ar unto the 
children of Lot for a possession." That they obeyed is 
evident fi'om the message sent 300 years afterwards by 
Jephthah to the kmg of Ammon : " Israel took not away 
the land of Moab, nor the land of the children of Ammon." 
He goes on to say that when they came up from Egypt, the 
kings of Edom and Moab refused to allow them to pass 
through their territoiies ; " then they went along through 
the Avilderness, and compassed the land of Edinn and the 
land of Moab, and came by the east side of the land of Moab, 
and pitched on the other side of the Arnon, but came not 
within the border of Moab, for Arnon was the border of 
Moab." From this it is clear that the Israelites not only did 
not conquer the Moabites, to whom they were related, but 
did not even set foot in their laud. How then could they 
say : "We drove them away — the people of Ar Moab at the 
marsh ground," when they never had any conflict Avith 
them ? As Jephthah triumphantly puts it to the Ammonites : 
You never endeavoured to dispossess us, although you say 

The New Moabite Stone. 831 

you knew the land was yours ; are you any better than 
Balak king of Moab, and did you ever know him to fight 
against Israel ? 

It will be observed that Jephthah said that Israel " took 
not away the land of Moab, nor the land of the children of 
Ammon." No sooner had Moses " pitched on the other side 
of Arnon" than he sent messengers to Sihon king of the 
Amorites, asking for permission to pass through his land. 
Moses calls it Sihon's land, and so it was, for he had seized 
it from the Ammonites. Silion refused permission, and the 
two fought, resulting in the utter defeat of the Amorites. 
So Israel possessed from Arnon unto Jabbok. Now this 
land Israel had been commanded not to take from the 
Ammonites, but coming, they found it in the possession of 
the Amorites, and even then they were unwillmg to dis- 
possess them, wishing only to pass through to their own 
land. Sihon however refused, and " gathered all his people 
together, and pitched in Jahaz," — represented now by the 
village Jazaza, less than two miles from the river Arnon — 
" and foi;ght against Israel, and the Lord Gud of Israel 
delivered Sihon and all his people into the hand of Israel, 
and they smote them : so Israel possessed all the land of 
the Amorites, the inhabitants of that country. And they 
possessed all tlie coasts of the Amorites, from Arnon even 
unto Jabbok." They held it by the right of conquest. Herein 
is the explanation of that passage where Jephthah calls it 
Ids land, and where the king of Ammon complains that Israel 
took away his land " from Arnon even unto Jabbok," when 
they came up from Egyj^t. 

Now if the inscription had been, '• We drove them away 
— the people of Heshbon at Jahaz," it would have had the 
semblance of truth about it ; as it stands, it is dii-ectly 
opposed to fact. And it is at Jahaz we would expect to 
find any monument of this great victory which might exist. 
But I suspect the Israelites were little given in those days 
to recording their achievements on granite blocks 36 inches 
by 18. They would probably — if they did anything— set up 
a great heap of stones, as they did shortly afterwards, when 
they crossed the Jordan. 

332 The. Neio MoahUe Stone. 

The ideutification of the Jahaz of Xumbery, 21st chapter, 
23rd verse, where ]\Ioses utterly defeated Sihon, king of the 
Amorites, \\dth the modern vihage of Jazaza, is important. 
I may here observe that the coiniexion between the two 
names is somewhat obscm-ed by an incorrect rendering of 
the name in the original, n^iTT^ Yatzah or Jazah. There is 
no such place, so far as I can discover, as Jahaz. The con- 
nection however between Jazah and the modern village of 
Jazaza is evident. Jazaza lies to the south-Avest of the ruins 
of Dhiban, the Dibon of Scripture; these ruins are two 
miles north of the ruins of Arar, the Aroer of Scripture ; but 
the ruins of Arar are on the north bank of the Arnon, and 
therefore the village Jazaza must be, as 1 have already 
observed, less than two miles from the Arnon, I observe on 
the map of Palestine that Jahaz is placed about twenty 
miles north-east of Aroer, twelve east of Heshbon, the capital 
of the Amorites, and fifteen within the borders of that people. 
Now, when we consider that the Edomites and the Moabites 
were both on the southern borders of their possessions, to 
prevent the Israelites settmg foot m then- territories, it is 
scarcely credible that the Amorites (with so much warning) 
would allow their foes to advance fifteen miles within their 
borders and only twelve fi'om their capital. But, irrespective 
of this, Jazah in such a position was quite out of the course 
of the Israelites, for Ave know that they passed by Aroer. 
What otherwise is the meaning of that passage, Deut. 21st 
chapter, verses 13 to 15 ? " From thence they (the Israehtes) 
removed, and pitched on the other side of Arnon, which is in 
the wilderness that cometh out of the coasts of the Amorites ; 
for Arnon is the border of ]\Ioab between Moab and the 
Amorites. Wherefore it is said in the book of the wars of 
the Lord, What he did in the Red Sea and in the brooks of 
Arnon, and at the stream of the brooks that goeth down to 
the dwelling of Ar, and lieth on the border of ]\Ioab." 
Certainly this mention of deeds at tlie brooks of Arnon with 
those at the Red Sea Avould lead us to infer some over- 
whelming defeat, and Avhat other than that of Sihon king of 
the Amorites at Jazah, within two miles of the river Arnon ? 

In regard to " Ar Moab of tlie marsh ground," I believe 

The Neiv Moahite Stone. 338 

Mr. Lumley lias been led astray by a fancied coincidence ot 
this expression with " the city that is in the midst of the 
river," of the 9th verse of the 13th chapter of Joshua. This 
fancied coincidence arises through what I consider to be an 
incorrect translation of this passage in Joshua, which should 
be " the city that is in the midst of the valley." A city in 
the midst of the Arnou is quite out of place, and the more 
so as there was a city Aroer situated on the north bank on 
the plain above. The word in the original is 7112 nachal, 
Avhich means both a river and a valley, and in translating 
that meaning should be taken which is most natural. The 
very same expression T'llSn'TjinZl 1U?i^ "^""^^O ^^^^' asher 
bethoch-hanachal, "the city which (is) in the midst of the 
valley," occurs in 2nd Samuel, 24th chapter, 5th verse : 
"And they passed over Jordan, and pitched in Aroer on the 
right side of the city that lieth in the ixddst of the river 
(margin : valley) of Gad and towards Jaser." This Aroer, 
the modern Ira, is " Aroer which lies before Rabbah," and 
not "Aroer that is upon the bank of the river Arnon;" so 
that if nachal is to be translated here river, we have two 
cities in the midst of rivers, close to another city called 
Aroer, not fifty miles from each other, which would certainly 
be remarkable. " The town Ar Moab is," Mr. Lumley states, 
"m the delta formed by the two rivers which flow into the 
river Arnon." In this I do not at all concur. Ar Moab, or 
Ar, is I believe the Rabbath Moab of the map of Palestine, 
not twenty miles north of Kir Moab. There are extensive 
ruins there, and I doubt there being any whatever at the 
place indicated by Mr. Lumley. The name Ar occurs twice 
or thrice in the Bibhcal account of the period, and Ar of 
]\Ioab once or twice, and in each instance we are led to infer 
that the chief city of Moab is intended; as, in Deuteronomy, 
2nd chapter, 9th verse : " Distress not Moab .... I have given 
Av unto the children of Lot for a possession," and verse 29 : 
"As the children of Esau which dwell in Seir and the 
Moabites which dwell in Ar;" and Numbers, 21st chapter, 
28th verse: "For there is a fire gone out of Heshbon, a 
flame from the city of Sihon : it hath consumed Ar of Moab 
and the lords of the high places of Arnon." 

334 Tlie Xcv ^^o((hUe Stone. 

It is not at all pruljable that tlie Moabites would have 
their chief city on the border of their territory and in a river, 
but on a hill or in a valley nnder the shelter of a hill. It is 
a point worthy of notice, that when Balak the kmg of Moab 
wished to meet Balaam he went out — probably from Ar, his 
metropolis — "into a city of Moab, which is in the utmost 
coast." This city, whatever or wherever it may have been, 
was. I think, not Ar Moab ; in all probability Ar Moab was in 
the interior of the Moabite territory, and not '' in the utmost 
coast." If "the city that is in the midst of the river" is Ar 
Moab, why is it not spoken of as Ar ]\Ioab, and not as if it 
had no name? It would be very incorrect to speak of the 
same place as London and " the city which is built on both 
sides of the river," without making it clear that the two 
referred to the same place. 

There are other points about the inscription, an examina- 
tion of which would tend to strengthen any doubts which 
might be entertained on the subject; such as, ftrst, the con- 
fusion of the first and third persons, as " We (the Israelites) 

drove them away there they (the Israelites) made a 

thankofFering ; " secondly, the translation "the people of 
Ar Moab at the marsh ground," as to whether the "at the 
marsh ground " is to be taken with the " Ar Moab," as 
Mr, Lumley takes it, or to mean that it was at the marsh 
ground that the Israelites drove away the people of Ar 
]\Ioab ; thii'dly, the question as to whether the expression 
"God their king" is correct, when we find it said of Moses 
" he was then' king in Jeshurun," or " Moses their leader," 
when Moses says " the Lord alone did lead them." Such 
points as these may seem trivial, but they are nevertheless 
significant . 

An examination of the inscription has settled some of 
these questions in a very summary manner ; still I think 
there is sufficient prima facie evidence in the letter to con- 
demn the stone. 



By S. M. Drach, F.R.A.S., F.R.G.S. 

Read 4tk June, 1872. 

Imagine a right-angled triangle ABC, 
where CB is 5, BA 12, AC 13. Drop 
BD on AC, ang. BAD = ABD ; di-aw 
BG perp. to DB (G on AC> Let fall 
DE on BG, so that EDG is 45°. Pro- 
duce GB till BH equals BE. Make 
DBK 30°, cutting DK perp. to DB in 
K ; through K,H, G pass a circle, cutting 
KB in L. Then BL .BK equals BH .BG, 
and we have BL : BD :: BE.BG.BD ;: 
BD.BD.BK in ratio of 100 times base 
of Pyramid. 


Arc tan. ^V or BACis 22°37'11'H2 = twice arc tan. i; 
Arctan.-ifaorBDCis45°14'22"-84 =-. twice BAC; 
Arc cot. 239 or BDE is 0°14'22"-84 or 862"-84 or. 57^-523 (time) 
(this is arc cot. 70 —arc cot. 99). 

Now, a fourth of circumference tt is 2 BAC less BDE ; whence 
Machin found tt to 100 and Rutherford to 208 decimals. 
BD is 239 BE, BG : BD :: 120 : 119; cos.30°BD,BL = ^l2_o_ 

Further, 862"-84 cos. 30° is 747"-242 or -003622728 or ^f, 
(•003653172) of radius. 

Assume the Earth's diameter 500500000 inches, then 
yio BL is 9142-063 inches, or Professor Piazzi Smyth's 
Pyramid base + yV inch, which therefore is 1-lOOth of hour- 
angle whose tangent is ^iTT* 

336 Observations on Base-length of Great Pyramid, 

Try J-J-^- of -0036524224 or •0036219855, the cliff, is 0"-1531 
in 747" aiid 0"-1786 in 863". 

Was the perimeter divided hito other parts as well 
as 100? 

Professor Any states that the Earth's diameter varies fi-om 
502169112 to 500491400 inches. In '^%^'2 I appro>dmated 
TT = |i (10« - 2669), or radius is fs. x 501338071,312... truly 
501387074. Did, therefore, the ancients — like the modern 
French metrists— make Earth's circuit a round number = f^ 
(100 millions of inches), and thence deduce the mcom- 
mensurable (Uameter or axis ? 

Is the inch a " finger " or " toe " measure in some language ? 
(compare Amos ch. ^^i. Annoch l^i^ a plumb line). 

The casing-stone diagram 59,48,75 gives angle 90° less 
1°37'07'H, wliich is 21° 0' 4" short of BAG in triangle 
(5, 12, 13). 

Calling L,B,D, the exterior, and Lb,d, the interior length, 
breadth, and depth of the King's Coffer ; I deduce from Pro- 
fessor Smyth's measured, and Mr. Perigal's theoretic assump- 
tion. Professor Smyth's values are — 

inch iuch iucli Prod. 

L, 90-01 B, 38-72 D, 41-27 Sum, 170-00 143833-675 
/, 77-93 b, 26-73 d, 34-34 „ 139-00 71532-586 

Sum, 167-94 65-45 75-61 „ 309-00 or 1000 cos. 72° 
Dif., 12-08 11-99 6-93 „ 31-00 or 1-lOth ditto. 

Schubert "("Reise Morgenlaud," ii, 179) mentions an 
Egyptian lunar cycle of 309 months in 25 tunes 365 days, 
which I find occurred in the historic period, whether Laplace 
or Professor Adams's secular coefiicient be used. 

B:L -430174 
D:L -458505 
B:D -938211 

/:L -865792 
b'.n -690341 
d:D -832081 

b:l is 0-7 cubed 

BB is nearly 

b:l -343000 
d:l -440652 
bid -778393 

For squares of diagonals — 

L^ + B^ = 9601-04 L^ + D- = 9805-01 B'-* -f D- = 3202-45 

P+b^ = 6787-58 P + f/2 = 7252-33 b^ + d^ = 1893-73 

L2+B-' + D2 = 11304-25 /^' + 6^ + r/^ = 7966-92 

and Royal Coffer s Dimensions. 


Mr. Perigal theoretically assumes : 

L = 90, B = 39, D = 42, product 147420; sums 171 : 140. 
I =78, b = 27, d = 35, product = 73710, half of former. 

Also thickness of walls to be 6 and of floor 7 inches : 
Whence floor = 90.39.7 = 24570, one thhd of 73710 and one 
half of walls = { 2-90 + 2-27, or 234}. 35. 6 = 49140. 

Hence Mr. Perigal's numbers give — 

B:L -4333333 
D:L -AQmeQl 
B:D -9285714 

Proceeding to surfaces : 
lb = 2106 : LB = 
Id = 2730 : LD = 
bd = 945 : BD = 

b:l -346154 
d:l -448718 
b:d -771423 

/:L -866667 
b:B -692308 
d:D -833333 



Sum 5781 : Sum 8928 :: 41.47 
ld+bdmi5 :LD + BD5418:: 175 





600000 : 1 
722222 : 1 



9456 : 14346 :: 1576:2391 =-659138:1 

Diff. 108 from f, z'.g. 9564 :: 9: 797 =-011292:1 

The squares of the diagonals are : 

L^ + B^ = 9621 I? + D'' = 9864 6^ + 02 = 3285 
P + b''= 6813 P + (P - 7309 ^2 ^ ^p ^ 1954 

L^ + B2 + D- = 11385 = 
p + ]P + ,P = 8038 = 2-4019 

Were the Mosaic Tabernacle measm'es connected with 
the Pyramid Coffer as a metric standard ? We read in 
Exodus xxxvii, 1, and xxxviii, 1, that — 

Ark = 2-| cu.bits x 1-^ x 1^ = y> (25|-inch cube) or 
93270 -23y% cubic inches = 54 cubic feet nearly. 

Our gallon of 277-274 cubic inches is l-64th of a " quarter " 
(17745-536 cubic inches = 10-2694 cubic feet). 

The Mosaic Ark contained 5-255983 quarters of corn. 
(N.B. A sphere whose axis is the cube root of 10 contains 
5-236 cubic units). 

oo8 Observation.'^ on Base-length of Great Pyramid, S,-c. 

The Mercy-seat was 2^ x 1^ or ^^ of (25^ inches square) 
= 2438-j2ij- square inches = 10-[-^ square feet very nearly. 

The Burnt-offering Altar contained 5.5.3 or 75 (cubits 
cubed), or 1243G03'1 cubic niches, or 70*07977 quarters, or 
719 "68 (say 720) cubic feet, its sides measured — 

25 square cubits, or 16256^^ square inches, or 112-||- square feet. 

15 „ „ MDOj „ "•■gr " 

40 Sum 26010 „ 180^ 

(four times difference). 

Remark that 26-iV cubed is 17745-542, or 50 x 354*91, 
about the lunar ye^r consumption per head of corn-bread in 
our time in Great Britain (Mackenzie's Tables). 

Mr. Halliburton's idea that the archaic year began when 
the Pleiades are on the meridian at midnight (Smyth, " Work 
and Life at Great Pyramid"), which now occm-s about 1st 
November (Hallowe'en — All Soul's Day), occurred 1350 B.C. 
on 3rd October, therefore temp. Moses, on 1st October — ten 
days after the autumnal equinox. Was this the reason of 
choosing the Day of Atonement on the 10th of Tisri? 

I found the cube root of 2000 very nearly equals 
numerically the square root of 85 sq. + 93 sq. Now 

85 = 49 + 36 93 = 2.6.7 + 9. 


By H. F. Talbot, F.R.S., &c. 

Read 2nd July, 1872. 

The Assyrian language will be found very useful in 
explaining obscure Hebrew words. If a word occurs only 
once in the Bible we have to trust to ancient translations 
for its meaning : but if we find it used in the same sense in 
Assyrian, we may thenceforward receive it with confidence. 

We read in the book of Job (xxxviii, 31, 32) 

Canst thou bind the siveet influences of Pleiades, or loose the 
bands of Orion ? 

Canst thou bring forth Mazzaroth in his season ? or canst 
thou guide Arcturus with his sons? 

Many conjectures have been offered as to the meaning of 
the word Mazzaroth, but except that it must denote some 
star, planet, or constellation of stars, no certainty has been 
attained. And many attempts have been made by Furst, 
Michaelis, Ewald and others to refer the word to its Hebrew 
root, but unsuccessfully, for as far as I can fiiid no one has 
pointed out the true etymology. And yet this is manifest 
from the Assyrian tablets, which not only employ many 
words derived from the same root, but even use the word 
Mazzaroth itself. 

It was the custom of the Assyrians and Babylonians to 
divide the night into three watches, each of which was 
called an >-TT > YYYT otherwise >-TT ^ *-]}} ^^^ Accadian 
word which I think was pronounced Innun. This was first 
pointed out by Mr. G. Smith in an able article in the North 
British Review, No. 104, p. 365. 

NoAv if we tm'n to the 2nd vol. of Rawlinson's British 
Museum Inscriptions, plate 8, we find the word Innun 
explained in Assyrian by the term Mazarta ^T ]^^ *"^^y° 

340 On the Mazzaroth of Job. 

Indeed, the scribe has chosen this pair of words for a 
grammatical example, and has declined it at length, thus : 

Innun . i\Iazarta . (a Watch). 

Innun ku . ana Mazarti , (to a watch). 

and so on, to the number of ten inflexions. 

It being then well established that Mazarta means ' a 
Watch,' we easily see that it is derived from "^^Ji natsar or 
nazar ' to watch.' See for example Psalm cxli, 3, 

"^nS*;!? ^"T hv TTVII "Watchthedoor ofmy lips!" 

The usual term for ' watchmen " is Q"^1!ii^ which also 
means icatch-towers on the hills and ivatch-Jiouses in the fields. 
The same verb is very common in Assyrian and often applied 
to astronomical observation. 

Verbs beginning with N often lose that letter in their 
tenses and inflections : thus from nazar ' to watch ' we have 
azar 'I watch' and in the T conjugation atazar 'Iwatcii;' 
nitazar 'we watch' (see plate 51 of vol. Ill Rawhnson's 
British Museum Inscriptions, where Report No. 9 from the 
Astronomers says) "On the 28th 29th and 30th of the 
month we kept watch {mazarta nitazar) for an eclipse of the 
sun. Usitik (it passed by ?) and no eclipse happened {citalu la 
ishkun). Ou the first day of the month the moon was seen 
in the day time." Here is another example in which, how- 
ever, the verb is used with innun instead of mazarta. " On 
the 14th day (innunna sha Sin nitazar) we kept watch upon 
the Moon. The Moon was eclipsed." Here innunna is written 
^11 ^ffl ^^! nitazar ^ >^]]] p^. 

If we turn to plate 9 of vol. II (British IMuseum Inscrip- 
tions) we find another remarkable word given as a synonym 
of Innun ^JJ *^ i^]}}. This is Tdbittu f-t]] J^TTTI "^^f 
'a Watch.' This is evidently the Hebrew n''D!J 'a, Watch,' 
see Gesenius, who explains it exactly in the same way, lie 
says : (Isaiah xxi, 5) r\"'E]!Jn HD^ speculantur speculationem 
i.e. e.vcubias ayunt in specuUs. Our authorised version has 
"Watch on the watch-tower!" The Assyrian scribe has 
taken this word and declined it at great length, just as he 
had (lone witii its .synonyni Maziirlii. Thus : 

On the Mazzaroth of Job. 341 

Iiinun , Tsibittu (a watch) 
Iiniun ku • ana tsibitti (to a watch) 

And so on for many other inflexions, as 

Ana tsibitti ushasib-su (he set him to watch) 

Islitu tsibitti ushatsi (he came away from watching). 

I will add a very curions instance of the nse in 
Assyi'ian of the Accadian Avord Innim from Mr. G. Smith's 
Assurbanipal p. 230 where the king boasts of the ravages he 
committed in the land of Elam : Adkd sedi alapi (I broke the 
sacred lions and bnlls) >-TT '^TTyf'^ f'^^ innun (watching) 
^Y -"^y ^TTTT ^^ (over the temples) malahasu (all there were 
of them). 

All these words appear to me mutually to confii-m each 
other. Hence the Mazzaroth of Job were probably the Con- 
stellations which marked the watches of the night by coming 
successively to the meridian. The word is related to Mazarta 
* a watch.' But not only this : I have found the word 
Mazzaroth itself on one of the tablets, which says: "He did 
not watch the stars of heaveji, nor the Mazzaroth.^'' Here 
the 'stars of heaven' are expressed in Accadian by 
X:X^^ ->f . >->f ^ and in Assyrian by ^ ^]][ ^ ^ ^] {XX- 
kakkah shamaiui two well known Hebrew words. And the 
Mazzaroth are expressed in Accadian by >-TT *"Y|W Innun, 
and in Assp-ian by ^ ^ *V?? If ^^fj ^^ ^< Mazarati 
The Hebrew spelling of the word is ilT^t^, the agreement 
is therefore complete. 


I may add a few more phrases which confirm each other 
and serve to illustrate the preceding remarks. 

A tablet directs some one to bind around his head appa- 
rently a magic band, which will protect him by night, 

>— >^^ ^T*" i^n ^yyy^ *"^y '^'^yyy'^ i ^''^ "tnusi lu-natsir-su. 

This is rendered in the Accadian language by ^XX- '^JJ *"fff 
mi innun viz. mi (night) innun (guard). 

342 On die Mazzaroth of Job. 

Again, the following- is like the passage which I quoted 
fi'om Mr. Smith's Assurbanipal, p. 230 : Zalam vuizzari, 'the 
gitardiaii statues of Hea, and jNIarduk, which stood on the 
right and left of the gate': (for niazzarl the Accad has innun). 
Hence we learn that the gates of temples and palaces were 
sometimes protected by images of the gods themselves and 
not by mnged lions or bulls. 

Another curious example is the following : " Ye spirits, 
children of the deep, sons of Hea [Ocean] eat well, and drink 
generously, ere you go to youi* watch!" {ana mazarti-kuii). 
The last syllable is broken off in the Assyrian, but I read 
confidently ana mazarti-hun because the Accad version has 
>-TT ly^ t^TyT *"'^yT ^-^L^y ^-^^>^y mnun zunini which is 
well worth attention as aflording a practical example of the 
plm-al pronoun '^^ff ^^^^I ^^^M ^■^*'^^^' i^^^ singular 
being *'^TT tuus). This pronoun appeared to Oppert so 
extraordinary that he says it has no analogue in any other 
language. It is in fact somewhat as if the Latins had em- 
ployed instead of vested' the barbarous expression tuus illorum. 
It was originally published in pi. 12, vol. II (British Museum 
Inscriptions) in a list of pronouns compiled by some gram- 
marian. The practical example here given appears to confirm 
his accuracy. 

Since the Avoi-d innun is explauied in Assyrian both by 
mazartu and tsihittu, as I have shoAvn, it follows that mazartu 
may be exchanged in a sentence for tsihittu. And so we find 
bv comparing the two following sentences — 

Ana tsibitti usliasih-su. He set him to watch. 

Ana mazarti tushasib, usib. Thou didst set me to watch. 
and I sat (watching). 



By a. H. Sayce, M.A. 

Read 2nd July, 1872. 

Among the clay tablets found by Mr. Loftus at Sinkara 
were contract records of a triangular shape, with holes at the 
two corners, through which cords seem to have passed and 
attached them to some perishable writing material. What 
this was has long been a subject of conjecture. The evidence, 
however, which I am about to bring forward will, I think, 
make it clear that the writing material in question Avas 
papyrus, which was used by the inventors of the cuneiform 
system, of writing themselves, and employed, as in Egypt, 
for the inscription of hieroglyphics. 

The ideograph J:mvT is used to signify a " written 
tablet" {duppu sadhru), and is compounded of two signs, one 
of which expressed " writing " in general, and the other 
represented " water." The hieroglyphic original, therefore, 
would of itself lead us to infer that the writing material 
used by the inventors of the Accadian method of writing 
was procured from the water, and accordingly would be 
some species of papyrus. The Accadian name of the 
ideograph, cdcd, which is translated by the Assyrian natsahu 
sa kani {>^\ ]] ^- ^ 4f A' ^- ^I- §• H, 33, 1, 6) "shaft 
of a reed," more than sufficiently confirms the inference. 
Alcd (Yy y*') was also one of the sounds attached by the 
Accadians to the ideograph of " writing " in general, thus 
showing how commonly employed papyrus must have been 
for this purpose. Another Accadian value of the last ideo- 
graph was pisan (iz]^ ^ ^^\ B. M. S. H, 44, 28 ; 2, 374), 

344 Tlie Use of Papyrus as a Writing Material 

remiudiiig lis, perhaps, of the Pisou of Genesis, and 
pisan is rendered natsabu sa etsi (*~**"T yy 'if^'^ ^ >=T» 
B. M. S. II, 33, 1, 4), " shaft of a tree." The same ideograph, 
preceded by the determinative prefix of " wood," was again 
pronounced alal, from which the Assyrians borrowed alalluv 

(Tt r t^^' ^- ^^' ^' ■^^' ^^' ^^^' ^^'^^ t^ie material the word 
came to be appHed to what was written upon it: a "picture" 
or "image" — those hieroglyphic representations from Avhich 
the cuneiform characters were derived — was called in Accadian 
alala and alam (Assyrian hunnu). We are thus led to conclude 
that the earliest Accadian hieroglyphics were traced upon 
papyrus leaves, and that their degeneration into wedge- 
shaped characters was occasioned by the exigencies of clay 
tablets and the indenting stile. Hence we are not surprised 
to find that the ideograph of " reed " (>P-^ kami) itself 
was used to represent " a written tablet,"' and consequently 
is rendered in Assyrian duppu sadhrit (^YyYY trtrVJ "^JH)- 
Besides the evidence deduced from a study of the ideo^- 
graphs, the inscriptions furnish us with a word which can 
only have meant "papyrus." This word is written likhusi\ 
and would seem to go back to an ancient date, in fact to the 
earliest period in which Semitic appears in the valley of the 
Euphrates, towards the 16th century B.C. Thus a table of 
Moon-portents, originally belonging to the Library of 
Sargina, at Urn, concludes as follows : " Fii'st tablet of ' the 

Moon at its appearance according to the papyrus 

of the tablet (ets - likhusi^ dupjn, Jij >-i^^YY >-YJ ^JY JZ^Yyi), 
before Babylon, by the aid of Nebo, the firm suppt)rt, 
Merodach-mubasa the^lZ^rt B^Si ]y ^— Y (astronomer), for his 
sight and his people." That the word signifies papyrus and 
not parcliment, as Mr. G. Smith once supposed, is evident 
from the determinative prefix of " wood," Avhich can denote 
only a vegetable substance. 

To account for this early use of papyrus in Babylon, it is 
not necessary to assume an intercom'se between this country 
and Egypt. The papyrus grew in the Euphrates, and was 
used for writing purposes, as is expressly stated by Pliny 
(Nat. Hist, xiii, 22) : "Nuper et in Euphrate nascens circa Baby- 
onem papyrum intellectum est eundem usum habere chartae." 

among the Accadians, 345 

(" We have lately learned that the papyrus grows also in the 
Euphrates, in the neighbourhood of Babylon, where it is 
employed in the same way as a writing material "), where 
nuper must be taken with intellectum est and not with 
usum. When it was first applied to literary uses we cannot 
tell ; but since this seems to have been coeval with the 
invention of the hieroglyphics out of which the cuneiform 
characters grew, we are justified in believing that this 
invention took place in the alluvial plain in which the 
Accadians had settled, and not in the mountains of Elam, 
from which they had originally migrated, 

Vol. I. 23 



By H. F. Talbot, F.R.S., &c. 

Sead 5ih Kovemler, 1872. 

The following, wliich forms an episode in a great war with 
Elam, is published in the 3rd vol. of Rawlinson's British 
Museum Inscriptions, pi. 32, 1. 16, and much more fully and 
correctly in Mr, G. Smith's Annals of Assurbanipal, p. 119-126. 

Notwithstanding the general excellence of Mr. Smith's 
translation, there are several passages in which I am com- 
pelled to differ from him. It would take too long to justify 
these alterations on the present occasion, but they all have 
been carefully weighed, and I think the following translation, 
with the exception of a fewmicommon Avords, which I cannot 
identify "wath any certainty, and some passages which are too 
much mutilated, is a near approximation to the sense of the 
original text. 


In the month Ab, the month of the hehacal rising of 
Sagittarius, in the festival of the great queen \_ls]itar'\ 
daughter of Bel, I was staying at Arbela, the city most 
beloved by her, to be present at her high worship. There 
they brought me news of the invasion of the Elamite, who 
was coming agamst the will of the gods. 

Thus : Tiumman has said solemnly, and Ishtar has re- 
peated to us the tenor of his words : thus : " I will not pour 
out another hbation until I shall have gone and fought with 

Concerning this threat which Tiumman had spoken, I 
prayed to the great Ishtar. I approached to her presence, 
I bowed down at her feet, I besought her divinity to 
come and save me. Thus : goddess of Arbela, I am 
Assurbanipal king of Assyi-ia, the creature of thy hands, 

A Prayer and a Vision. 347 

[chosen by thee and] thy father [^sszw] to restore the 
temples of Assyria and to complete the holy cities of Akkad. 
I have sought to honour thee, and I have gone to worship 
thee ! 

But he Tiumman king of Elam who never worships the 
gods [Iiere some loords are lost]. 

thou queen of queens, goddess of war, lady of battles, 
queen of the gods, who in the presence of Assur thy father 
speakest always in my favour, causing the hearts of Assur and 

Marduk to love me Lo ! now, Tiumman king of Elam 

who has sinned against Assur thy father, and has scorned 
the divinity of Marduk thy brother, while I Assurbanipal 
have been rejoicing their hearts. He has collected his 
soldiers, amassed his army, and has drawn his sword to 
invade Assyria. thou archer of the gods, come like a 
(......) in the midst of the battle, destroy him, and crush 

hun with a fiery bolt from heaven I 

Ishtar heard my prayer. Fear not ! she replied, and 
caused my heart to rejoice. According to thy prayer thy 
eyes shall see the judgment. For I will have mercy on thee ! 


In the night-time of that night in which I had prayed 
to her, a certain Seer lay down and had a dream. In the 
midst of the night Ishtar appeared to him, and he related 
the vision to me, thus : Ishtar Avho dwells in Arbela came 
unto me begirt right and left with flames, holding her Bow 
in her hand, and riding in her open Chariot as if going to 
the battle. And thou didst stand before her. She addressed 
thee as a mother would her child. She smiled upon thee, 
she Ishtar, the highest of the gods, and gave thee a command. 
Thus : Take [this Bow] she said, to go to battle with ! 
Wherever thy camp shall stand, I will come to it. 

Then thou didst say to her : thus : queen of the god- 
desses, wherever thou goest let me go with thee ! Then she 
made answer to thee : thus : I will protect thee ! and I Mall 
march with thee at the time of the feast of Nebo. Mean- 
while eat food, drink wine, make music, and glorify my 
divinity, until I shall come and this vision shall be fulfilled. 

348 Addition to Paper on Eclipses. 

[^Hencpforioard the Seer appears to apeak in his oum perso7i.^ 

Thy heart's desire shall be accomplished. Thy face shall 
not grow pale with fear : thy feet shall not be arrested : * 
thou shalt not even scratch thy skin in the battle. In her 
benevolence she defends thee, and she is wra'h with all 
thy foes. Before her a fire is blown fiercely, to destroy thy 

Notwithstanding defects of style and composition, which 
would be less apparent perhaps if the text were perfect, this 
narrative is a great improvement upon the dry annals of the 
earlier monarchs. 

Addition to the Paper on Eclipses, page 13 of this 

I take this opportunity to make some additions and 
corrections to my former papers. And first with regard to 
the eclipse of Tiiimman, which I thought might possibly be 
important to chronology, I have received a letter from 
Dr. Oppert in which he informs me that it may be identified 
with considerable certainty with the eclipse which happened 
in the afternoon of June 27th B.C. 661. In this year therefore 
" the seventh warlike expedition " of Assurbanipal took place, 
wliich may help to fix the chronology of his reign. This 
information, of unexpected precision, induced me to review 
carefully the cuneiform documents which I had quoted, and 
I have made I think some impoi-tant extensions and amend- 
ments in the translation of them. The first notice, as I have 
already stated, is contained in p. 118 of Mr. Smith's Assur- 
banipal, in Avhich the main fact of the EcHpse is clearly 
mentioned, but some very obscure details are added, which I 
at first omitted as being of uncertain meaning. But I have 
now examined the whole passage, and I think the following 
is the probable meaning of it. 

* Since this paper was presented to the Society M. Oppert has published a 
translation of this passage whicli agrees with mine. Fades tua non pallescet, 
non lababunt pedes tut. Mr. Smith had translated diflferently. 

Addition to Pajier on Eclipses. 349 

" In the month of Thammuz (^Y or Su in 
Accadian) an Eclipse darkened the Ruler of the Day, 
the Lord of Light. And for three days the evening- 
sun was darkened as on that day. To the king of 
Elam this betokened his death, but to me it was the 
best of omens and it did not fail. 

" In those days a fever attacked him, his Hps 
swelled, his eyes grew dim, his liver was inflamed in 
its interior. Yet he desisted not because of these 
things which Assur and Ishtar had done to him, but 
he assembled his array to invade Assyria." 

It is, no doubt, impossible that an eclipse should be 
repeated for three following days, but it is not impossible 
that, in a very ignorant age, the report of such a wonder 
having happened in Susiana should be believed in Assyria, 
at the distance of many hundi-ed miles, and have been 
chronicled by a superstitious scribe. 

Then follows the account of the Vision of the month 
Ab [July, the month immediately following the eclipse]. 
Assurbanipai had gone to Arbela, to attend the gi-eat festival 
of Ishtar of Arbela, when news was brought him of the great 
preparations of Tiumman for the invasion of Assyria. 
Alarmed at this news the king repaii'ed to the temple of 
Ishtar, threw himself at the feet of the goddess, and sought 
her aid in a really eloquent prayer. Ishtar answered him 
favourably; and that same night a Seer was favoured with a 
magnificent vision which he related to the king the next 

In the following month of Elul (or August) Assurbanipai 
took the field against Tiumman, and his army speedily 
achieved a brilliant victory. Tiumman was slain, and his 
head was sent to Nineveh. There is a bas relief m the 
British Museum representing a man driving a rapid car, and 
holding in his hand the head of a warrior, with this inscrip- 
tion Kakkadu Tiumman, THE HEAD OF TlUMMAN. 

350 Addition to Paper on Eclipses. 

I Avill now give the original text of the fii'st portion of 
this narrative, with interlinear version. 

- -^? JT -+ <::= "-" IH -IT<T 

as arakhi Tammuz atalu Sad urri 

in tie month Tammuz an eclipse the Ruler of the day 

-II ^} ^\ t^ni !f^ A-flT 

Bil nuri nstanih (miitavit colorem) 
the Lord of light darkened. 

Notes. V' Sad a Ruler. This word occiu:s frequently. 
It is the Heb. "y^ Dominus. It is sometimes Avritten more 
fully ^ ^1 < Sadu or Shadu as in the following example. 
Shadu rabu abi Hi, "the great king, the father of the gods." 

^1, Nur (hght) occurs frequently on the tablets. This 
explanation of the phrase sad urri bil nuri is due to M. Oppert. 

The verb Ustanih signifies ' mutavit colorem.' It is the 
T conjugation of the Chald. h^2U^ mutavit. Gesenius says : 
mutavit in pejus [de colore faciei]. Example: Daniel v, 6. 
"Then king Belshazzar's countenance was changed." 
AppHed to the Sun it means, ' the Sun's face was changed or 
discoloured, i.e. darkened,' by the eclipse. 

I now continue the translation. 

->f^i<T- I EI <ieiei jn?-«iE! m 

Samsi ereb kima suatu-ma salsi 

The evening sun like that one three 

'^TH S^I ££111 ss: A-Hfff I?-^T <IeJ 

tami ustanih ana kit 

days loas darkened unto the lowest point* 

-^T^i^ ( ) ci]tum H<n 

buli. Ana sar Elamti khd (inabut) 

of existence. To the king of Elam it prophesied 

* Compare the phrase "as TcakTcar baladi" [be sunk]' to the ground {i.e. 
lowest point) of life. (Annals of Assxirhauipal, p. 104.) 

Addition to Paper on Eclipses. 351 

-W^ «< + I 

ishbar su, 

the best of omens it was, 

^< T 


. . . . 


^>f ^ 

mat su 



Ms death 


unto me 

"glT ■ 










Notes, n^ yi KJid, an Accadian word, wliich is explained 
in 2 R 48, 49 col. 3 by the Assyrian nahutu >-^Y "^>- JZ<T^ 
* it prophesied ' wlience munnabtu ' a propbet.' The root is 
nabu ' to propkesy.' 

izfy^ (pronunciation uncertain) means ' the best sort,' 
composed of >-TT the first or best, and >— <^ Zir, race, sort 
or kind : tke two signs being fused into one. 

Ishbar (Omen) is a frequent word. From sipar, sihar or 
sheber to send a message, specially a keavenly message. 

- ^n^ I El <t^ A-'!!! ^jn A4f A^ JIET 

As tami-su-ma mikkru imkkar-su. 

In those same days a fever-attach attacked him, 

'AM ^"^T! -SiL *T ^tT £T <T';TT I 

saput-zu uktakum-ma ini-su 

his lips swelled his eye$ 

iskkaru-ma gabat-zu issakin as 

grew dim his liver was inflamed in 

its interior. 

Notes. Mikhru an evil cbance, casualty, here an attack 
of illness. Heb. n*lp^ ' casus fortuitus.' Imkhar-su ' befel 
him:' from the same root '^p72l, 'An evil stroke struck him.' 

352 Addition to Paper on Eclipses. 

Uktakum ' swelled.' The word Ukhum is frequent. When 
the king hears that a province has revolted, he generally 
says : " In the ukhim of my heart [s-^velling i.e. indignation] 
I collected my army," &c., &c. Uktakum is the T con- 

Iskharu ' grew dim ' Heb. '^Tl'^ obscurus. 

Gabat for Kabat ' the liver. Heb. TID jeciu-. 

Issakin 'was inflamed' Arab. "jHII? inflammatus est, 
whence Heb. I^TVi)' ' ulcus ' in Job, Exodus and Leviticus. 
Such is the accomit of the echpse of the month of Thammuz, 
as given in the annals of Assurbanipal, 

I now proceed to the dispatch of Kukuru the general, 
relative apparently to the same event. M. Oppert has 
pointed out to me that the words ki asha ana pani, &c., &c., 
which I took for the conclusion of the account, appear rathei 
to be the beginning of a new subject ; " What I did. formerly. ^^ 
If so, the translation requires to be entirely recast. It is 
correct as far as line 7 (see p. 16 of this vol.) "In the 
month Su (or Thammuz) an EcHpse happened." The rest 
may be translated as follows. I have already given the 
cuneiform text, so I omit it here. 

8. Zabi-ya ana balathu sha mat Assur 
my soldiers for the ivelfare of Assyria 

9. as libbi-sun ainu : ana imni u sumili 

in their hearts were concerned: (scattered) to the rigid and left 

10. iltappar adu. 

they watched the heavenly portent. 

11. Tar sibriatati-sim 
The beat'er of these letter^ 

12. sar lishalu sibti 

let the king enquire {from him) the circumstances 

13. sha atali slia arkhi Su. 

of the eclipse of the month Su. 

Addition to Paper on Eclipses. 353 


Line 9. Ahiu 'they were concerned.' The Heb. verb 
pi«^ has that meaning. Furst thinks there is some relation 
between the verbs pi^ and n^V- ^"^^ meaning of the latter 
is ' to be anxious, or dispirited on account of some one.' 

Line 10. Iltappar adu, they watched the phenomenon or 
heavenly sign. I think there can be no doubt of this trans- 
lation. Adil is ilt^ or jnii^ signum. Thus in Genesis ix, 13 
the rainbow is set in the cloud as an Jllt^ or heavenly token. 
Dan. vi, 27. 'he worketh signs in heaven' Y^r\^, 

Iltappar is the same as istappar according to a very frequent 
change of S into L in that conjugation : (this usage is 
peculiar to the Assyrian). Istappar means 'they watched' 
(Heb. '^y\^ to watch). The optative of this word (listapru, 
may they watch !) occurs in the well known passage (0pp. 
Khors. 1. 190) "The divine bulls which I have had carved in 
stone, and which stand at the gates of my palace, day and 
night may they xoatcli over it, and may their care never fail ! 
Immu u musa kireb-sun LISTAPRU, ai ipparku ida-sun ! 

Line 11. Sihriatati T>- "-yTKl f y ^ffl "^f^ ^ suppose to 
mean ' letters ' or ' dispatches ' from Sibri ' letters ' which is 
a not unusual word. 

Tar from Ch. "yTSl ' to carry.' Schindler has ' transtulit.' 

Line 12. Lishalu ^tt]<] ^]] 5=I<J ^Vi\^ ' let him en- 
quire.' Compare the same word, written "^ -<^*->f- >^VC\ 
Lislial in the annals of Assurbanipal p. 249 " Basaza takes this 
letter, let the king enquire from him the latest news ' din-sun 
harish lishal-sn. It is the Heb. ^^1^ ' interrogavit.' 

Sibti T>- >~<Y< Cu'cumstances. I formerly read Miti, the 
sign Y>^ being ambiguous, representing both mi and sib, 
causing frequent errors to the Assyrian student. Sibti 
(suggested by M. Oppert) is the Hebrew 'yo or niD which 
Gesenius explains by Umstand. F. Circonstance from ^HD 
circum-stare, cingere, circum-dare. 

354 Addition to Paper on Eclipses. 

I have referred in p. 14 to a sliort bilingual sentence 
wliieli is found in 2 R 16, 42, which I now think ought to be 
read and construed as follows : — 

Fikd mat Sar liihd 
Fikci hullut luskun. 
Fruits of death should the long eat 
Fruits of life may they prove to him ! 
It is therefore merely a good and loyal wish, or short 
prayer for the king, and is of no further importance. 

Fikd ^^>- A-T YJ apparently means 'fruits,' Axsh. faki or 
fwaki. Lukul from the Heb. "i^t^ to eat. The meaning is 
proved by the Accadian word which is >-^T^. I am obliged 
to Mr. Oppert for this remark. 




Probably in Connection ivith the Establishment of the Jewish Religion. 


By Dr. August Eisenlohe, 

Privatdocent of the Egyptian Language at the University of Heidelberg. 
Read Uli June, 1872. 

It has long been the object of Egyptologists to discover 
in the numerous Egyptian monuments still remaining in 
stone and papyrus, traces of the Israelites, which might show 
us the events related in the Old Testament from an Egyptian 
point of view. 

So it was regarded as a great progress when ChampoUion 
detected on the south wall of the great temple of Ammon at 
Karnak, among the numerous enemies subdued by king 
Sheshonk, the name of Judah Melek, that is King of Judah. 
Nevertheless some Egyptian students acknowledge therein 
only the designation of some place in Palestine.^ The 
PapjTus Anastasi I, of the time of Ramses the Great, fui- 
nished us with a whole series of Jewish localities, many of 
which are known to us from the Holy Scriptures, and in 
another document we have presented the actual account of 
the travels of an Egyptian Mohar (some kind of superintend- 
ing officer),^ or perhaps the poetic picture of the sufferings 
and toils of such an office.^ M. Chabas thought he had dis- 

* Brugsch G-eograpliie, ii, pp. 57 and 62. 

2 Chabas, Yoyage cl'un Egyptien, 1866. 

3 De Kouge, Eevue Arch., 1867 ; Brugsch, RcTue Critique, 1867, Aout — 

356 On the Political Coiidltion of Egiipt 

covered the Hebrews in the designation of a foreign people, 
called Aperiu or Apru (Pap. Leide, 348, ^ \ <^ , i 1 1 ^^ 
Pap. Leide, 349 ^^^ <=> \^ ^ j, who, like the Shardana 
and Kahak, that were engaged in the military service of the 
Pharaohs, were employed by the Egyptians in ci^dl commis- 
sions. So we find the Aperiu occupied in dragging stones 
for a stronghold of Ramses II, probably on the eastern 
frontier of the land (Pap. Leide, 348), and we see them again 
making a basin^ on the south of Memphis (Pap. Leide, 346). 
AVith the Seneniu, Mesuu, and Marinau, the Aprau 
i ^^ ""^Y^ 1 'ff ' ) ^PP^ar as a corps belongmg to the temple of 
HeHopolis at the time of Ramses III (Great Harris Pap. 31, 8 ; 
Chabas Voy., p. 212). Already at the time of Tothmes III, 
we find between the numerous tribes of the upper 
Retennu, who have been captured in the town of Megiddo 
(m^ '^^^_ I I k-A»j Magda) two different Apra ("Y^ *^) 
distinguished by the determinatives of the great and the 
small bud ( Imj^, ^f^ j-^ De Rouge (Etude sm- divers monu- 
ments du regne de Toutmes III), considers these two Apra 
as corresponding to the two Ophra H'I^^^j which were situated 
in Manasse and in Benjamin. That we are not wrong to 
search for the land Canaan and the Hebrews among the 
Retennu is proved by a passage in the Great Harris Papyrus 
(IX, 1 — 3), where it is said by Ramses III : " I have erected 
to thee (the god Ammon) a secret house in the land of Djaha 
like the horizon of the heaven, the House Ramses hak An in 
Kanana as an abode of thy name. I sculptured thy great 
statue reposing in its interior; the land Sati CV^ | ^ ) 
of the Retennu these come to it with their tributes." 

But under Tothmes III the Hebrews, if we understand by 

' This passage has been erroneously transhited by M. Chabas (Melanges ii, 
148), " Qui trainent la pierre pour le soleil du soleil." I ^ X 1^ I S * 
' '''' ' Jft!^ o ^f Athu se 2^e ra means : to make a basin of Ka as athu 

.menim (Great Harris, 79, 10) : to erect habitations. We know also, a basin 
of Khonsu (Brugsch, Worterbuch, p. 1361). 

- See De Rouge, Album Photographique, pi. 51, 52. 

before the Reign of Bamses HI. 357 

this designation the descendants of Jacob, had been ah-eady a 
long time in Egypt, and can therefore not be identified with 
these Apra. Under Ramses IV, whose reign began certainly 
forty years later than the exodus of the Israelites, we find 
the Aperu f ■ 1 ^\ still m Egypt. These Aperu, denoted 
as belonging to the Petm antm (i/Viii j ^ilv' 
auxiliaries), are ordered, to the number of eight hundred men, 
to form part of a large colony in the valley of Hamamat (cf. 
Lepsius, Denkmaeler III, 219). It therefore seems rather 
hazardous to identify completely the Aperiu with the 
Hebrews of the Bible, though we have an analogous case in 
the Shardanas, who at the same time constituted a body of 
auxiliaries in the Egyptian army, and were a nation, with 
which Egypt had been in war. 

Efforts have not been wanting also to discover some 
reference to the events of the Exodus in the Egyptian records, 
especially in some of the Sallier and Anastasi Papyri. Mr. 
Heath's learned "work on the so-called " Exodus Papyri," 
deserves due acknowledgment, but his interpretations will 
not stand a severe criticism ; and to day, instead of reading 
in these Papyri the story of the Exodus, we use some of them 
to picture forth the time of these events. 

M. Lauth (Moses der Ebraeer, 1868) would contribute 
to the biography of Moses by the comparison of two papp-i 
(Anastasi I. of the British and Pap. 350 of the Leyden 
Museum). The latter, the diary of an officer, contains a 
rather illegible passage, in which M. Lauth read the accusa- 
tion of Hui, a theodule, against another priest {soien) called 
Mesu, who had taken a bath in the Aolath, and had eaten 
fishes, which was forbidden to priests. As the Mohar, the 
hero of the I. Anastasi, is described (27, 3, 4) as one having 
eaten fishes and taken a bath in some water, whose name is 
destroyed, M. Lauth transferred all that was related of 
the Mohar to this Mesu, whom he considered to be nobody 
other than Moses himself. Ingenious as this combination 
was, it was not accepted by the men of science. 

But should we really despair of finding in Egyptian 
accounts anything relating to the events which, however 
they may be presented in the Biblical narratives, yet at any 

358 On the Political Condition of Egypt 

rate gave rise to tlie establishment of a new religion, and to 
the emigration of a great people ? I was of this opinion till 
the winter of 1869-70, when I was permitted to study in 
Alexandria the Great Papyrus which the late A. C. Harris 
obtained during one of his journeys in the valley of the Nile, 
just as it was discovered by the Arabs, ^nth a gi-eat number 
of other papyri, m the rubbish of a tomb behind the temple 
of Medinet-Abu. This Papyrus, the most beautiful, best 
preserved, and largest of any yet discovered, has now been, 
I am happy to state, recommended for purchase by the 
Trustees of the British Museum. It consists of 79 great 
leaves of 51 to 42^ centimetres. The Papyiais contains the 
history of the exploits of Ramses III, dated in the thhty- 
second year of his reign. It is in the form of a royal address 
to the officers of the government and the people. After a 
long enumeration of all that the kmg has spent on the gods 
of Thebes, Heliopolis, and Memphis, and the other gods of 
Upper and Lower Egypt, in buildings and offerings, the last 
five sheets are filled with the account of his wars, maritime 
expeditions, and the colonisation of the peninsula of Sinai. 
As an introduction to this account the king relates his 
accession to the throne and the occurrences which preceded 
this event. As this text is of historical value, I may be per- 
mitted to quote it verbally, transcribed from the hieratic into 
hieroglyphics and accompanied by the transliteration and 
interlinear translation. 

Leaf 75. — Line 1. 


djet an suten sekhet ra user ma mer anion 

Said hy the King (Sun strong hy Truth, beloved hy Amnion) 

? i P >^ 13 = I !%\^, 

ankh udja scneb pa ncter aa kher uaruu 

life, welfare, health, the god great to princes 

before the Reign of Ramses ITT. 359 

hautiu na ta menliu entheteraii 

governors of land archers horsemen 

MB* JW. o 1 ^ ^ 1 1 1 

v: — / 1 







Line 2. 


T 1 1 1 

S 1 

I \ 


ancli u neb 





Uinng all 



o/ Tamera {Egyp£) 

**^. 1 ^111 



^ !^^ ^ 

- r^k 




tenu em 


I let 


1/011 (on) 

naiu akliuu a arua em suten 

mi/ exploits ivhich T performed as King 

en rekliiu un pa ta en 

of men. Tt was the land of 

Line 3. 

Kem klia em ruti sa 

Egypt throion outwards man 

360 On the Political Condition of Egypt 

neb em akaf an mm rohar 

every at his pleasure not (teas) to them a head 

renpetu kennuu kher bat er bauu 

years numerous having preeminence over matters 

r,i.\.\\ H -. - -k: 

ketecbu an pa ta en Kem 

other. Was the land of Egypt 

Lme 4. 

^s In ^111 5^ I « III ^ I 3C _|V. ^ w-i 

em uaruu em autn ua semamu 

to princes in distincts one killed 

sonf em bna sbiiau Kii 

his second in envy of power. Other 

J^ ^111 <=> ^ I I ^V 111 III 

bauu kbepeiai hasaf em renpetu 

events took place thereafter in years 

sbuiu au a arsu bek 

distressing had made himself chief 

ua Kbara 

one Chara 

before the Reign of Harrises III. 


Line 5. 

em dull em uar au duf 

among them as prince he brought 

pa ta 
the land 





er hatf iia 

to his co7iduct sole 

w Jff^ ^\» y 

he assembled 

ketiuf liura 

his companions plundered 

kheriitiiu au a aruu na neteru 

their treasures. They made the gods 

ma ketenu 
in likeness {of) 


^^ (12) 
I I I 



Line 6. 

an semattu 

not were p)resented 

tt I I I I 



khennu raupauu klier ar na neteru 

interior (of) temples. There were the gods 

Vol. I. 24 

3f)2 On the Political Condition of Egypt 

penauu er hotep er dut ta 

overturned to lie doicn on ground 


akat ma sekerf merti 

his pleatiiire like his jjlan in liarmony. 

Line 7. 

ausenu emen sa senii pir em hatseuu 
They appointed their son arising from their limbs 

<=-{U)\ HP - ~ - <=- i;*\i 

er liek a. u. s. en ta neb er setuu 

to prince L w. h. of land every on their seat 

uar ra user sha sotepenra meramon 

the great Sun rich in diadem chosen by Ra, beloved by Amon, 

np V • (°j^i-^<r:^) 

a. u. s. sa ra ra set nekht merer amoumeri 

I. IV. h. son of Ra {Sun, valiant Sett loving, beloved by Ajnon) 


a. u. 8. 
I. w. k. 

before the Reign of Ramses III. 363 

Line 8. 

auf em Kliepera sutekli Idieft nesliti 

He loas as Khepera-Sutehh in his tern- 

11 <\- p:n r. ^- ^\ 

tuf auf sept ta terf unu 

pest he put in order land tchole (ivhich) ivas 

beshetu auf semat na 

revolted he executed the 

■-^]k^*^i<"* ^\ \ -. mi: 

khauku uiiu em ta mera 

ahominahles (ivho) ivere in the land Mera 

auf sab 

he purified 

Line 9. 

ta asbutu aat en Kem auf . em 

the throne great of Egi/j^t he loas as 

(va)i ?iP F. - i: ^k3 <v 

hek a. u. s. tati er se turn auf 

chief I. w. h. of both lands at the place of Turn. He 

364 On the Political Condition of Egypt 

dut liiu sepded uiiuu seliaitu er 

jnade the faces ^tpright (which) wei^e perverted to... 

(am)am"a ea neb sonf unuu 

recognise man every Ms brother (ichat) 

<:z> ^ t 1 jT I — ^ •& III I I I I 

sliera auf smen raupau 

was decayed he set up the teinjyles 

<=> * I 1 1 1 ^-1 ^ 1 

kher neter hotepu ei* semau 
with the offerings for serving 

en paut 
the nine 

neteru ma entaiisenu auf delieiiia 
gods according to their institutions. He designated me 

er erpat em se sebu aua 

for crown-prince on the seat of Seb lam 

i\^ 5i © 3^ 

rohar aa en tau Kem em 

head great of the lands of Egypt in 



selian en 

udniinistration of 

before the Reign of Ramses III. 
Leaf 76. — Line 1. 



I V <=> .^k. 1 JiV Ji ^^ i 

ta terf demd em ba iia 

land whole together at once 

\\- r-j 




k .''.--^ l\ 

in his 


akliutitiif ma paut neterii armief 

horizon like the nine gods. Were made to him 

^ Wo- III 

the ceremonies 












I I 

ha tep 

on the surface 


of the river 

m I 1 ^ 

hotep em 

he descended to 

Line 2. 

M \::f 

het tuf lieh amenti 

his house eternal in the loest of Thebes. 



The father 


- llli °i 

neb neteru ra 

lord of the gods, Ra, 

366 On the Political Condition of Egypt 

turn ptali neferlia ssliaua em 

Turn, Fhah the good looking, they elevated me to 

- r^ ^ i: V'-C T-^ 

neb tati er se uteta sliepa 

lord of hath lands upon the seat of my engender er. I took 

aa en atef 

the dignity of the father 

Line 3. 

em ahaliaiu au ta liotep 

with exultation. The land was pacified. 

^- ^t ^ t-A\'''' \\\ 'Z 

imf liu kher hotepu auu resh 

It was enjoying on offerings. They loere 

^^z - -xi k iv^) np 7T 

tnu en maa em liek a. u. s. tati 

delighted on seeing me as chief I. u\ h. of both 

2< K^ iV^ 

(23) =1 <-> J- 

\ \ J n 

ma liar liekf tati er se 

lands like Horus who rules both lands on the seat of 

asra sliaulv 

Osiris adorned icith 

before the Reign of Ramses III, 


^\v J^ K— ^ ^^ 


Liiie 4. 

atef kher araru klinuma 

croivn and the snake diadems. T put on 

V \\:j %{ 

^m pi^^ 

sha shuti ma tatenen 

the attire of the two feathers like Tatenen, 



jiy^ yws*,^ jSr _^v jfl n -isv 

k em 

down on the 

tend] a 







V"! %\ Z,SA 

m khekeruu ma turn 

with ornaments like Turn. 

Explanatory Remarks. 

1. Though there is employed (75, 1) only one of the 
cartouches of Ramses III, there can be no doubt that the 
speaker is not the king Ramses II, who had the same 
prenomen, but Ramses III, Hek An. In many other passages 
of the Papyrus, especially in the exordium (1, 1), both his 
names are used. His other name (o jTJ II fij Ramses 
Hek An, means engendered by Ra, prince of An (Heliopolis). 
The king received this name probably on account of the 
numerous presents he oifered to the temples of Heliopolis, 
which fill not less than nineteen plates of the Papyrus 
(pi. 24—42). 

2. Tlie Shardana, prisoners taken from the people of 
Shardana, who appear among the enemies of Ramses III, 
constituted a corps of auxiliaries in the Egyptian army. 

368 On the Political Condition of Egypt 

3. The literal translation of 1 \k ^*J^ %k <=> ]^ * 1 -^ 
kha em ruti, is, " thrown out." This meaning is proved by 
the citations in Brugsch's Dictionary, p. 852. The sense 
must be here, to have gone to ruin, to decay. 

4. Sa neb em nkaf, every one at his pleasure, means there 
was no law in vigour, every one did what he liked. 

5. The word <=> i _^^ p- ^ roJiar is probably the same 
with ""^ r— ^ (Brugsch Worth., p. 833) ro, or also rohar, 
platform ceiling (not atrium). The meaning of the word, 
which occurs again in the last Hne of plate 75 ; the uppermost, 
the chief, the head, is not doubtful. There was no common 
head of the country for many years. 

6. For the word ni l|k \^ , ^ , liaim, the adopted accepta- 
tion, time, is not applicable, 1. 3. We must give the word a 
more general signification : chcumstances, events, &c. 

7. The uaruu /# "y ^7 ^**' ^ ^^^ the highest officers in 
military and in ci\dl services as well as the princes of foreign 
nations. We have an uar en cJieta, prince of the Cheta, 
(3 Sail. 4, 3), uar uen punt, princes of Punt (Diimichen, Histor. 
Inschriften II, Taf. 14), uar en lihu prince of the Libu 
(Menephtah text, 1. 13). 

As a high position in the army we meet the ^larn 
(3 Sail. V, 2 ; Grent Harris Pap., 75, 1). A royal prmce has 
the fLmctions of /i' ^ , j jL 11]^' ^'^'' ^'^ madjaiu, 
chief of the life guard (Lepsius, Konigsbuch, 418). The 

uar en nut r* ^ ^ ^^ is the commandant of the town 

(Papyrus Abbot Maspero, 13, 6), and in the judicial trial the 
uaj'u, sometimes wath the apposition of aaiu (the gi-eat) is 
the collective name of the magistrates (Pap. Abbott Masp., 
p. VIII, 3, and p. IX ; Pap. Judic. Turin, p. IV, 1, 2). We 
are therefore right to draw from all these applications the 
acceptation of prince or cidef. 

8. ]\Iuch depends on the miderstanding of the group 
j J^ ® The word is an uncommon one. The first sign 

is in the hieratic text j equally written with the ] | in 
hek. chief^ and similar also to the determinative of foreign 

before the Reign of Ramses III. 369 

nations (pi. (SQ and 77 of the Great Harris Pap.) V. But the 
head of the crook m our sign is more curved backwards, than 
in the determinative of foreign nations, so that we prefer the 
transcription 7 to j. On the reading of the group we 
cannot be doubtful, if we compare the examples which 
Brugsch in his Dictionary (p. 1719) has put together; aut is 
the name of this crook 7, but also the name of the goat 
and of the four human races j ** \fc. o j autuic ra 
(Sarcophagus Seti I, plate VII, 1). AVith the determinative of 
town we find it only here. The Coptic A.OYOT, UXHIT 
hahitatio, is possibly the same. It is not probable that we 
have in the word an allusion to the Shepherds (goats), but 
we understand by uauini m aiitu the independent chiefs of the 
principal towns or districts. 

homophony. The word J ip *? i combined with II ^k 

occurs (Denk. Ill, 72, 12) as a kind of priest, J S "V^ \ /jfe 
arcJion,^ chief (Prisse, Monument XXIX ; Rhind Papyri, 32c.) 
So we may be allowed to see in the combined word bua-shua 
the mvidious struggle for supremacy. 

10. We shall perhaps be blamed for not translating the 
passage cm a arsu hek ua chara, by "he made himself the 
only chief a Syrian:" or, "he made himself chief one 
.Syrian ; " but only the following words em dim em uar inform 
us what the Syi'ian made himself, i.e. a prince {uar) among 
them. We are therefore obliged to take hek ua chara as the 
subject of the sentence. I cannot omit directmg the reader's 

attention to the form I "V J ^ ^^ X "v wliich we find 

also in the next line I 'V J ^ "V ' ' ^^-^^ prefixed 
■syllable J ^ «> denotes sometimes the imperative (cf. 
Brugsch, Hierogl. Grammatik, p, 56, 184; Schwarze, Copt. 
Grammatik, ed. Steinthal, § 172). But it occurs also in 
relative and participial forms, as (Pap. Orbinoy, XI, 8) 
1 Birch, Dictionary. 

370 On the Political Condition of Egypt 

,<\ r.Si.ll^ T J^;->l*r The people 

were coming into the eomitiy (Brugsch, Gram. p. 20). It 
is true that we find it very often before the verb 
{ex. gr., Pap. Orbiney, VI, 8 ; IX, 9 ; Chabas, Pap. ]\Iagiqiie, 
p. 119), so that Dr. Brugsch makes a verbal form of it (cf. 
Briigsch, Worterbuch, p. 97, and Euileitung YIII). I beheve 
this 1 ^ a, gives here sometimes to the following verb the 
character of a preeterite. We find this a ■v\dth perfect 
character still in the Coptic language (cf. Schwai'tze, Copt. 
Grammatik, ed. Steinthal, § 148). 

11. 1 * vj • Ketiu, are labourers or followers. The negli- 
gence of the Egyptian writer in the application of sufiised 
pronouns is evidently shown by the pronominal annex of 
Kheru, which seems to point at the Ketiu, while we can only 
refer it to the inhabitants of the country. 

12. The sentence, au a aruu na neteru ma ketenu na retu, 
" they made the gods like the human beings," can have no 
other meaning than they degraded the gods, they held 
them in no peculiar veneration, they abolished the service 
of the gods. Two special moments of this degradation are 
exhibited: no more sacrifices were brought, and the gods, 
i.e., their statues, were subverted, so that they lay on 
the ground. The preposition <=> ^^ r tet, on, may complete 
the list of compound prepositions in Brugsch's Hier. Gram- 
mar, p. 91. 

13. The phrase, akaf ma sekheif merti, "liis pleasm-e like 
his plan in harmony," denote the capricious way in which 
the usurper devised and executed his plans. We find as 
before a sudden change of the pronoun in sing;ilar to the pro- 
noun in plural, and again to the singular, so now (1. 7) the 
plural ausenu begins the new sentence. This cannot refer to 
the rioters, but only to the gods, who were laid down on the 
ground. As the speaker did not distinguish between the 
gods and their statues, he can ascribe the installation of the 
new king to the same gods whom he has just let fall down. 

14. The expression, pij' em hat senu, is the peculiar phrase 
for divine origin, so that it is not possible to regard the new 

before the Reign of Ramses III. 371 

king Seti nekht as the son of the rioters, as might appear at 

15. The name Khepera-Sutekh is a compound of the 
names of two gods, Hke the name Ammon-Ra. This com- 
pound name seems to invest the god Sutekh with the power 
of generation. 

16. The "^^ \k J >$• *^ I Khauku, are the wretches, 
abominable criminals. The king uses this strong word 
to express his abhorrence of the sacrilegious faction. 

17. There is a hiatus in the text after the word sehaitu. 
In the hieratic original we find the passage thus : 

The stroke after sehai must be the rest of ^j, the reversed 
feet ys . — = * can belong to seliai, as participle passive ; 
the following sign might be <==> er, ad, so that. Of 

3 IV tK. "V ^^ ^^^ ^^'^^' ^^° letters are wanting, 
which may be found in ^= = t . Then we have : 
preverted to ... . recognise. The <==> is in reference 
to auf tet hiu septet. If we refer it to sehaitu we must 
interpolate ^,„,,, ^ an not, for what remains indeed a vacant 

18. ' ^^ I f ^^— i there h decayed, ruined. So also must be 
translated the word in the two passages of the Abydos text 
(Maspero, 1. 16, 53), not zumauern, "wall up" (Brugseh. 
Worterbuch), but einreissen, "knock down." 

19. ^I ni ,®, rai« 79at« is an example of a double plural; 
both words, which denote erpe, temple, are put in the plural 

20. The word ^^ '*^ Vkm \ teheni, appears here with 
the uncommon determinative of the inkstand instead of the 
head m . It seems that the designation of the royal successor 
was performed by a written act. 

21. i ^ ra 'W ra \. 11^' tt^iafiaiu (also pi. 78, 10 of the 
Papyrus) is the reduplicated form of i '^ i i ^ ' (Brugseh. 

372 On the Political Condition of Egypt 

Worterbiich, p. 108), with the intensified meaning of 

22. It is a question whether we should translate 
'v ^ <;;-> ^ I I ' hu kher hotepu, "enjoying in peace," or 
" enjoying on (with) offerings." In the former case it is 
only a repetition of the foregoing mi ta liotep, "the land 
was pacified." 

23. ( I "^ ^ '^— hehf is used here as a verb, nevertheless 
it takes the enclosure of a king's name. 

24. I have transcribed the sign I by se in the word 
seat, and by as in the word Osiris. The hieratic makes a 

distinction between U in the word seat and jj in the word 

25. I wish to ch'aw attention to the ""^p^ or "'^^'V i^ 
k or hui, which recurs here three times. It can be nothing 
else than the form of the participle present of the first person 
of singular. M. Chabas, who calls this ' -^^^ paragogic,' 
has pointed out good proofs of it in his Voyage (Vocabul., 
No. 354). 

The translated passage of the Papyrus contains the 
interesting story of a political and religious revolution, which 
was suppressed by Seti nekht, the father of Ramses III. 

" Thus saith the King Ra user ma mer anion, life, welfare, 
health, the great god, to the princes, the governors of the land, 
to the archers, the horsemen, the Shardana, numerous allies, to 
every living person ofthe land of Ta-Mera. Hearken. I let you 
see my mighty acts which I have performed as king of men. 
The land of Egypt was in a state of ruin. Every man did as 
he liked. There was no head to them for many years, who 
might preside over other matters. The land of Egypt 
belonged to the princes in the districts. One killed the 
other through envy of power. Other events took place 
thereafter in years of distress. One Syrian chief had made 
himself a prince among them. He brought the whole land 
into subjection under his sole rule. He assembled his com- 

hefore the Reign of Ramses III. 373 

panions, plundered the treasures of the inhabitants. They 
made the gods like the human beings. Offerings were no 
longer presented in the interior of the temples. The images 
of the gods were thrown down and remained on the ground. 
His pleasure was in harmony with his plan. They (the 
gods) appointed their son, the issue of their limbs, to be 
prince 1. w. h. of the whole land on their seat, the great 
Ra user sha sotep en ra mer amon 1. w. h. the son of Ra, Ra 
Setinehlit merer amonmeri, 1. w. h. He was Khe2Jera-Sutekh 
in his tempest. He arranged the whole land which had 
revolted. He executed the criminals who were in the land 
Mera. He purified the great throne of Egypt. He was 
chief of both lands at the place of Tum. He made the faces 
upright, which were perverted, so that everyone recognised 
his brother. What was decayed he set up, the temples with 
their divine revenues in order to offer to the nine gods accord- 
ing to their regulations. He designated me as crown prince on 
the seat of Seb. I am the great head of the lands of Egypt 
in the administration of the whole land together at once. 
He set in his horizon like the nine gods. There were made 
to him the ceremonies of Osiris navigating in his royal bark 
on the surface of the river. He descended to his eternal 
house in the west of Thebes. The father Ammon, the lord 
of the gods, Ra, Tum, the good-looking Ptah, they elevated 
me to the lord of both lands upon the seat of my 
engenderer. I received the dignity of the father with 
exultation. The land was pacified. It was enjoying on 
offerings. They were delighted on seeing me as chief, 1. w. h. 
of both lands in the same manner as Horus rules both lands 
on the seat of Osiris, adorned with the crown and the snake 
diadems. I put on the attire of the two feathers like Tatenen, 
sitting down on the throne of Harmakhis, clothed with 
ornaments like Tum." 

Thus we learn from our text that Ramses heh an was the 
son of Setinekht. This was already supposed by De Rouge 
(St^le Egyptienne, p. 189). A stele in the Museum at 
Bulaq (Mariette Catalogue, No. 544) had made this supposi- 
tion more likely, for in the upper part of this stele the king 
Ramses IH is represented makmg an offering to Osiris, 

374 On the Political Condition of Egyjjt 

Horns, and Isis ; and in the lower part a person named 
Mersatef is suppliant to tlie king Seti nekht and his royal 
vdie I ^^ 1 1 '^^ J * Tii mer ast. This latter is called also 
the royal mother, so that we are right in believing she was 
the mother of the king Ramses III. 

The succession and filiation between Ramses hek an and 
Ramses hek ma is equally confirmed by different passages of 
the same Papyrus/ where the king Ramses hek an recom- 
mends his son and successor to his subjects, and requests the 
blessing of the gods upon him. 

After the long and glorious reign of Ramses II followed 
his son Menephtah I Hotephimat, whose reign was troubled 
by the invasion of the Libu and ]\Iashuash, who were 
dwelling in the west of Egj-pt, and of their allies on the 
MediteiTanean Sea.^ The king succeeded in defeating his 
enemies, killing a great number of them and conquering a 
rich boot}^ This was for some time the last great triumph 
of the Egyptian arms. The successor of Menephtah I, 
Seti II Menephtah, appears to have occupied his father's 
throne a very short time, as we find no higher date than his 
second year.^ Under, or after him, must have arisen a revolu- 
tion which resulted in the anarchy which the text describes 
in the passage : " There was no head to them for many 
years, who might preside over other matters." We have no 
intelligence whether this anarchy was produced by the 
expiration of the dynasty, or by the dethronement of king 
Seti II ; but as we find afterwards the same name, Ramses, 
which belonged to two of the kings of this dynasty, occur- 
ring as the name of about ten monarchs of the next; and as 
Ramses III, in the enumeration of his predecessors, joins 
his father Seti nekht immediately to Seti II, it is highly pro- 
bable that the kings of the XXth dynasty were the direct 
descendants of the former one. It would be of great interest 
to know what were the occurrences which produced the 
anarchy referred to. The Harris Papyrus tells us nothing 

1 Cf. Gr. Harris 79, 6 ; 22, 4 ; 42, 10 ; 56, 9. 

2 Cf. De Rouge Attaques dirigces contre I'Egypte, etc. ; EeT. Arch., 
N.S. XVI, p. 35. 

2 Brugscli, Histoire, p. 179. 

before the Reign of Ramses III. 375 

about that, and we can only guess from some passages in 
the Anastasi Papyri, that there were combats in the land of 
Khara (Syria) which ended in this state of confusion. The 
people of Khara inhabited the east of Egypt (according 
to a notice in the very mutilated first page of Papyrus 
Anastasi III) between Djor and Aup.^ The general disorder 
of the country is indicated by the remark, that everyone 
did as he liked, that the land belonged to tlie iiaru in the 
districts, who killed each other through envy of power. And 
we have seen above, that we must understand by these iiaru 
em aiitu the chiefs or commandants of the principal towns or 
districts. It is probable that these chiefs existed also under the 
monarchical sceptre of the kings, but that now they had 
become independent. To this political crisis there is a very 
strong analogy in the story of the incursions of the Assyrian 
kings into Egypt, which is recorded on the cuneiform 
cylinders of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal. The former 
king Esarhaddon instituted no less than twenty kings on 
the Egyptian thrones, who are met with again in the narra- 
tive of the conquest by Piankhi on the Barkal Stele. 

This state of polyarchy, however, was of no long standing. 
There occurred other distressing events, which elevated a 
Syrian chief as prince among them. I think " among them " 
must be referred to the chiefs of the different towns, which 
till then were independent. This Syrian chief brought the 
whole land into subjection. He assembled his companions, 
plundered the properties, abolished the old religion with its 
numerous sacrifices, overturned the statues of the gods, and 
did just as he liked. 

It would be of the highest interest if our further studies 
could tell us who this Syrian was, Avho is now met with for 
the first time in the annals of Egyptian history. 

Though, as I have shown, Ramses III did not acknow 
ledge as his predecessors any monarch between Seti II and 
Seti nekht, yet there are certain indications of the reigns of 
other kings in this interval. At the valley of Biban el 
moluk, where repose the kings of the XlXth and XXtli 

' Cf. Chabas, Voyage, p. 97. 

376 On the Political Condition of Egypt 

dynasty, are also found tlie tombs of two other kings, Amon- 
meses, and Menephtah Siptab, witb his wife Tauser. These 
seem to correspond to the Ameneranes and the TJiuoris 
(Tauser), who appear as the two last monarchs of the 
XlXth dynasty in the extracts of Manetho by Africanus and 
Eusebius. The tomb of Siptali and of his wife Tauser 
(No. 14) was afterwaixls appropriated by Setinekht, not by 
Seti II, as Champollion believed, confomidiug the very similar 
cartouches of Ra user shau ( j and Ra user cheperu 
( $ y^ Siptah must therefore be placed before Seti nekht,, 
but not before Seti II, while that Amonmeses also camo 
before Setinekht and Ramses III, is proved by the peculiar 
disposition of the tomb of this latter Pharoah (No. 11) in 
relation to the neighbom-ing tomb of Amonmeses (No. 10). 
The tomb of Ramses III goes at fii-st straight forward, but 
afterwards makes a bend to the right to avoid brealdng into 
the sepulchre of Amonmeses. Hence the tomb of the latter 
must have been finished before the excavation of the tomb 
of Ramses HI.- There remain very few monuments of 
these interpolated kings, Amonmeses and Siptah, but in the 
rich collection of antiquities which the antiquary and silver- 
smith, J. Mayer, of Liverpool, presented to his town, is 
a large stone of libation with the names and titles of 
Amonmeses ; his other name, Ra men ma eotep en ra 
{q ^jjjjy^ \] I ^£^ \\ ig twice ei-ased. On this stone it is said 
of the king, that he established both countries, and that he 
was great in mu'acles at Thebes. 

In the colonnade of the temple of Seti I, at Gm-nah,^ 
is represented an adoration to the god Anunom^a and to 
tln-ee royal figures, the queen Ahmes neferatri, the king 
Seti I, and his son the king Ramses II. The name 
of the offering king has been erased and replaced by the 
cartouche of king Siptah. On both sides of the inscrip- 
tion below were also royal names ; at the right is now to 

' Champollion, Notices, p. 451 ; De Kouge, Stele, p. 186. 

^ Wilkinson in Murray's Ilandbook of Egypt, p. 351, No. 11. 

' Lepsius, Dcukmaclcr III 201 c. 

before the Reign of Ramses III. 


be seen the other name of Siptah (Khii sotep en ra), 

and at the left are two other cartouches, which /^ — ^ 

may have contained the names of the dedicator 

of the monument. The lower of these cartouches 

shows a name which we can read Ramses hek uas, 

Ramses prince of Thebes, but also Amonmeses 

prince of Thebes. As there is no Ramses with 

the epithet hek uas, it is probable that we have 

here one of the names of Amonmeses. Thus 

then the upper cartouche should contain his other name 

(o rnrnJ^ ^ fii;°)| Ra men ma sotep en ra, o^ (^ ll) S ^°2) 
Ra men ma sotep en ra meriamon. But what is 

to be seen of this cartouche in Lepsius Denkmaeler has 


this form 


which resembles the 
cartouche of Seti I 


but cannot represent the name of Amonmeses, because Q 
never replaces ?«, while for the larger legend Ra men 
ma sotep en ra ( § ) there is not room enough. So 

there still remains some doubt if we have really existing 
there the names of Amonmeses, which his successor Siptah 
began to erase and replace by its own. 

On an mscription at Silsilis (Denkmaeler III, 202a), a high 
functionary, named Ba'i, is praised that he had "elevated 
the king Siptah to the throne of his father." So the father 
of Siptah must have been a king too, and perhaps just as 
Amonmeses was his father. The inscription of the above- 
quoted representation at the Gurnah temple, which may be 
ascribed originally to Amonmeses, states that the king was 
brought up by the goddess Isis in a place called Hakheb 
1I(*^ which was a town on the Nile near to Benisuef, now 
called ®E1 h'ebe (Brugsch, Geogr. I, 230). The king Siptah 
assumes in that inscription the standard name of Sha em Meb, 
"risen at Kheb," so that both kings came from the same 
Vol. I. * 25 

378 On the Political Condition of Egypt 

town, which would strengthen the supposition that they 
might have been father and son. 

I have given this long and not unnecessary exposition 
to exhibit all that the Egj^Dtian documents offer for the 
identification of the Syrian chief, the hero of this Papyrus, 
from which it appears that one of the interpolated kings, 
Amonmeses, or Siptah, might be held to be the Syrian. 
There are, it must be stated, some objections which might 
• be raised against this thesis. 

First of all, as I have just shown, Amonmeses and Siptah 
came from the to^\Ti of Hakheb, which seems contrary to the 
supposition that one of them might have been the Syrian 
hero, because Hakheb is a place in Higher Egypt. But we 
know that all the kings of Egypt considered the king Horus 
as their model. The bu*th and education of Horus by his 
mother Isis was effected at Hakheb,^ so that the designation 
"as educated and risen at Hakheb," might mean no other 
than that these kings were the real followers of Horus on 
the thi-one of Egypt. Then, again, it seems strange to find 
the tomb of the revolter and sacrilegist in the same valley, 
where the legitimate kings repose ; but in an adjoining- 
branch of the same valley is also found the tomb of king 
Ai, who was in an equal degree an unorthodox king, as he 
belonged to the worshippers of Atenra ; this king was not 
forbidden to excavate his sepulchi-e in the royal bmying 
place, and it is known at least of one of the unorthodox 
sovereigns (Siptah), that his tomb was afterwards appro- 
priated by his vanquisher Setinekht, and the pictm'es of 
himself and of his wife painted over. 

However, I must not proceed further in my deduction 
without calling my reader's attention to the striking analogy 
in which our text stands to a narration which Josephus, 
the Jewish historian, found in Manetho's work, and inserted 
in his polemical treatise contra Apionem (I, 26). 

It is there related, that a certain king Amenophis was 
desirous of seeing the gods, just as a former king Horus did. 
A soothsayer of the same name, Amenophis, who was con- 
sulted by the king respecting this desire, gave him for an 

- ' Cbampollion, Notices, p. 173. 

before the Reign of Ramses III, 379 

answer that the king's desh-e shonld be fulfilled, when he had 
cleared the land of lepers and of all other unclean persons. 
So the king commanded all persons afflicted with such 
diseases to assemble together, and then sent them, to the 
number of 80,000, into the quarries on the east of the Nile 
(probably at Tura, near Cairo) to undergo compulsory labour. 
This the gods had forbidden, and threatened that, after a 
battle with the unclean, the latter would possess themselves 
of the land, and would govern it for thirteen years. So the 
king removed the people from the work in the quarries, and 
dh-ected them to go to Avaris, which had been the residence 
of the Shepherds before their expulsion from Egypt. There 
the unclean chose a priest of Heliopolis, named Osarsiph, as 
their leader. He gave them commandments to worship the 
gods no longer, nor to refrain from killing and eating the 
animals held sacred by the Egyptians. Then he fortified 
the city of Avaris and prepared war against Amenophis. 
For this purpose he called to his aid from Jerusalem 200,000 
of the Shepherds, who had been formerly driven out of Egypt 
under Tethmosis. Amenophis, not daring to attack so large 
an army, sent his son Sethos, or Ramses, a child of five years 
old, to a friend, and fled to Memphis, and from thence to the 
King of Ethiopia. Now the Shepherds or Solymites began to 
bui'u and ravage the land, to defile the temples, and to 
compel the priests to eat of the flesh of the sacrifices. The 
rebel-leader, Osarsiph, who was born at Heliopolis, and had 
formerly been priest of Oshis at that place, now changed his 
name into that of Moses. Afterwards the king Amenophis 
and his son Ramses, returned from Ethiopia with great 
forces, conquered the Shepherds and the unclean people, 
drove them out of the country, and pursued them to the 
frontier of Syria. In respect of these names, it must be 
observed that the son of Amenophis is once called Sethos, 
as also was Ramses, at another time he is called only 
Ramses. It is highly probable, however, that Seti neklit is 
really intended, to whom was applied by oversight the name 
of Ramses III, who followed him in the royal lists. 

Chaeremon and Lysimachus^ give the same account in 
^ Josephus contra Apionem, I, 32-35. 

380 On the Political Condition of JEgi/pt 

all essential respects as IManetho, with a few modifications 
only. According to Chaeremon, the consort of Anienophis 
gave birth to her son Ramses in her flight, and he, when 
grown lip, di-ove out the Jews to the number of 200,000 
men into Syria. Lysimachus, the historian, places the 
event under the reign of king Bocchoris, who reigned much 
later ; and makes j\Ioses order his followers to destroy the 
temples and altars of the gods. In fact, he states that the 
city of Jerusalem derived its name from the Greek word 
lepoavXa, which signifies " temple spoils," and that this name 
Avas afterwards changed into 'lepoaoXv/jba. 

The authenticity of the account of Josephus is not to be 
doubted, for if he had not found the story in Manetho, he 
would not have thought it necessary to denounce it as an 
absurdity and a lie. The circumstance of the lepers did not 
agree with his high estimation of the Jews, and wdth his 
theory of the identity of the Israelites with the Hykshos, 
which he needed to evidence the high antiquity of his nation. 

It is scarcely necessary to point out the resemblances 
between the account of Josephus and of the Hari'is Papyrus. 
It is true that the whole introduction of the kmg's desire to 
view the gods, and of the consequent banishment of the 
impure men into the quarries, is not to be found in the 
Papyrus ; and there is also depicted in the PajDyrus a 
different condition of the kingdom. In it is not seen a king 
fleeing away before an insurrection ; for long years there is 
an anarchy in the land; the chiefs of the districts become 
independent ; and only after another change of events does 
a Syrian chief usm-p the supremacy. Manetho's rebelling 
chief is no Syiian, but a priest of Heliopolis, Avith a good 
Egyptian name, Osarsiph {cJiild of Osiris), Also, it can 
scarcely be doubted, that Manetho places his story in the 
reign of the follower of Ramses II, ]\Ienephtah I, whom lie 
calls Amenophis or Amenophath,^ In the position of this 
Amenophis the extracts of Afi-icanus, Eusebius, and Josephus 
(contra Apionem I, 15) are harmonious. On the contrary, the 
Syrian's dominion is abolished by Setinekht, between whom 
and Menej)htah I there is still the reign of Seti II. 

■ Africanus. 

before the Reign of Ramses III. 381 

But the proof which seems to me conchisive for the 
identification of both accounts, is the manner in which the 
revohition itself is therein described. There is not a simple 
political change of regimen, but a combination of political 
and religious innovations. In the Harris Papyrus is related : 
" The Syrian assembled his companions and ransacked the 
property; the gods were made equal to the men; no more 
sacrifices were offered in the interior of the temples; the 
statues of the gods were overturned, laying on the floor." 
And Josephus, according to Manetho, says : " Osarsiph 
gave them a law no more to venerate the gods, nor to 
abstain themselves from the animals held sacred in Egypt." 
According to Lysimachus, Moses plainly gave orders to 
destroy the temples and altars of the Egyptian gods. 

As it is not to be presumed that two revolutions of like 
character took place in so short a space of time, I am 
induced to see in the speech of the Egyptian king the same 
events which have been related by Manetho and Josephus 
described in a somewhat different manner. 

It has for a long time been accepted by Egyptologists 
that the narration of Josephus refers really to the establish- 
ment of the Jewish religion and to the Exodus of the 
Israelites.^ If such is the case, and if Osarsiph, the chief 
of the rebels, be really Moses, which we understand was 
Manetho's opinion, then, acceptmg the supposition that both 
accounts treat of the same events, we seem obliged to take 
also the Syrian chief for no other than Moses himself. 

However, trying to carry on this identification, we find 
some want of congruence between Manetho and the Papyrus 
on one side and the Holy Scriptures on the other. Moses 
did not abolish simply the sacrifices, as is related of 
Osarsiph and of the Syrian chief, but he altered the service 
which he found in Egypt. He did not entirely abolish the 
worship of the Egyptian gods, but substituted in their 
stead that of a single divinity, a dogma which already 
formed a part of the Hykshos' religion, who recognised 
one deity, under the name of Set or Sutech. However, 

' See Lepsius, Ckronologie, p. 317, et seq. ; Brugsch, Histoire cl'Egypte, 
p. 176 ; Unger, Chronologic des Manetho, p. 208, et seq. 

382 On the Political Condition of J^tjypt 

to the hostile Egyptian people and to their king, the alter- 
ation of the sacrifices and the abrogation of polytheism 
might appear as a complete abolition of the old religion. 
There is farther another difference in the description of 
the escape. The Biblical accomit seems to infer that 
the king was drowned in the Red Sea, whilst Manetho's 
Pharaoh chases the Jews to the Syrian frontier, and in the 
Harris Papyrus, Setinekht restores the land to its former 
order. Further, also, Osarsiph recalls the Hykshos from 
Jerusalem for his aid; but, according to the Old Testament, 
Jerusalem was in the hands of the Jebusites till after the 
immigration of the Jews, and David was the first who took 
it fi'om them.^ 

All these discrepancies are insignificant compared "wdth 
the different representations of the position of Moses. The 
Book of Exodus makes him the religious reformer and the 
chief of his own people. Manetho and the Paj^yrus give him, 
on the contrary, the dominion of the land of Egypt for a 
considerable space of time (thu'teen years). This difference 
does not admit of mediation. If Moses = Osarsiph were really 
the chief of Egypt, and his countrymen the domineering 
class, that fact would never have been forgotten by the 
Jews, but would always have remained the pride of the 
nation, and the object of their favourite songs, and the 
boast of their historical records. 

To surmount these diflSculties I see no other way than 
to make a difference between the political head of this 
revolution and the religious reformer. The first cannot 
possibly have been Moses, but it is highly probable that the 
new religious institutions, which the latter introduced, had 
been adopted by that political chief, who was no other than 
one of those anomalous kings, Amonmeses or Siptah. If so, 
we must separate from the Manethonian records all that 
belongs to the political dominion of Moses, and leave to him 
only that which belongs to the Sylvian religious innovator. 

Further, if it be accepted that the account of the Great 
Harris Pajiyrus treats of the establishment of the Jewish 
religion by Moses and the subsequent emigration of this 

1 Jos. X, 6 ; XV, 8-G3 ; 2 Sam. v, 6. 

before the Reign of Rarnses III. 383 

people out of EgjqDt, that event cannot be placed any longer 
under the reign of Menephtah I, but after the reign of Seti II 
Menephtah, because Seti neldit was the king who subdued 
the revolution and executed the rioters. 

On this hypothesis we may fix with tolerable precision 
the date of the Exodus. On the south side of the outer wall 
of the Temple of Medinet-Abu is a calendar of feasts, which 
was probably made in the twelfth year of King Ramses III, 
as there is mentioned the victory of that sovereign over 
the Mashuash in his eleventh year. Now this calendar 
places the rising of the Dog Star (Sirius) in the com- 
mencement of the month Thoth. We knoAv that the 
so-called sacred year of the Egyptians of 365|^ days began 
with this rise, as the common Egyptian year of 365 days 
commenced with the first of the month Thoth. A coincidence 
in the beginning of both forms of years happened only once 
in every 1460 sacred (or Julian) years, and, if this calendar 
can be trusted, that event took place in the twelfth year of 
King Ramses III. This would equal the Julian year 
1322 B.C., which date for the twelfth gives 1333, the first 
year of Ramses III, and giving to Setinekht the seven 
years, which the Manethonian lists ascribe to the last king 
of the XlXth dynasty, we thus come to 1340 B.C. as the 
time of the suppression of the revolution. Not long before 
1340, therefore, took place the Exodus of the Israelites. 
Lepsius, believing that the so-called Era of Menophres, the 
coincidence of both forms of the Egyptian years, fell in the 
beginning of the reign of Menephtah^ placed the Exodus 
in the ninth year of that Pharoah, 1314. But Menephtah 
and Menophres are very different names, the one contains 
the god Ra, the other the god Ptah, so that the basis of 
Lepsius' reckoning would appear to be somewhat unsafe. 
Still, all things considered, it is remarkable that in the 
seventy-nine sheets of the Great Harris Papyrus, which 
contain so many details of Ramses Ill's reign, no mention 
is made of the coincidence of both these forms of years, 
which could not well remain unobserved. 

Though I am not able to clear up all the difiiculties which 
are raised by this newly-discovered document, nor to har- 


On the Political Condition of Egypt, Sfc. 

monize its statements fully -watli the records of the Holy 
Scriptures, I am still confident that its testimony of more 
than 3,000 years ago will be thought of no little importance 
for the reconstruction of the history of that time, and of 
peculiar interest for all those who are occupied with Biblical 
and Archseological studies. 



By S. M. Drach, F.R.G.S., F.R.A.S. 

I propose to append to the European type of any- 
Oriental word the numbers denoting the numerical rank m 
the original alphabet of the letters composing the said word 
or name ; so that conflicting pronunciations (e.g. Noah, Noe ; 
Uzziah, Ozias) would be no bar to the restoring of the 
original letters. Thus if Aleph be 1, Beth 2, Gimel 3, etc. ; 
then Noah is (8, 14); Miss Noah (5, 16, 14). Also Azariah 
(5, 10, 20, 7, 16) ; Eki-on (14, 20, 19, 16); Gaza (5, 7, 16) ; 
Obadiah (5, 10, 4, 2, 6, 16) ; Ibri (10, 20, 2, 16) ; Uzziah 
(5, 10, 7, 16) ; which last six names all begin with the 16th 
letter Ain. Even the unlearned will see that Job (2, 6, 10, 1) 
aud Jobab (2, 2, 6, 10) are not of similar origin. 

This system may be applied to Ai-abic, Sanscrit, and 
other well defined alphabets, and the rendering of original 
different letters with the same sound will be no longer 
ambiguous, reqmring K and Q, etc. 

I find the Pyramid Casing-Stone angle of 51° 51' nearly 
a mean between 51, 45, 17 (whose sine), and 51, 54, 49 
(whose cosine's square root) equals one-fourth of tt. Vide 
" Graphic" of 7th December, 1872. 



In the translation of the Inscription No. 14, Early History, 
p. 43, the fii-st part should be, " Ri-agu the powerful man, 
the high ruler, established by Bel nourisher of Ur, king o: 
Larsa, king of Sumir and Akkad, son of Kudur-mabuk, lord 
of Yamutbal am I," &c. 

In the translation of the Inscription of Sargon I, Early 
History, p. 50, the passage " his command the place only 
fixed" is an error, it should be "under one command he 
caused them to be." 

In writing of Agane, Early Histoiy, p. 51, I stated that 
its ruins had not been discovered. I was not aware at the 
time that the site had been discovered by Su' H. Rawlinson. 

In the translations, Early History, p. 59, the name 
Teara-samas and Biara-samas should be Karra-samas. 



Aa-nekli-tou, see Mesou.... .... 176 

Aba, the AssjTian name for an 

astronomer .... .... 344 

Abbott, see Papyrus .... .... 181 

Abdamelech, a Cypriote functionary 155 

Aberiu, the, engaged in building a 

fort for Ramses II .... 356 
5, are a corps attached to the 

Temple of Heliopolis .... 356 
„ remain in Egypt after the 

Exodus 357 

„ sent to form a colony at 

El Hamamat 357 

Abiancs, a king of the Medes .... 247 

Abou-Choucheh, a place so named, 

near Kinnereth.... .... 151 

Abou-zane, a place so called, at 
the embouchure of the 
Jordan into the lake of 
Gennesareth .... .... 150 

Abradates, king of Susa, slain 

B.C. 535 242 

Abulpliaragius, his testimony to 

the 70 weeks of Daniel .... 251 

Abu Mohammed Mustapha, bis 
Life of Darius Hystaspes 
quoted ..., .... .... 195 

Accadian hieroglyphic characters 

first traced upon papyri 344 

Accadians, their progress in ma- 
thematical science .... 307 
„ on the use of papyrus among 

the 343 

„ migrated from the moun- 
tains of Elam .... .... 345 

,, see also Akkad. 

Achsemenida;, rivalry between 
Cyrus II and Darius as 
heads of. 189 

Achsemenes, the descendants of, 

imprecated by Cambyses 223 


Acra cannot be placed over the 

Sakrah 323 

„ its position uncertain .... 325 

Achsurus, see Ahasuerus .... 186 

Achshurus, see Ahasuerus .... 239 
Adam, created on the Kubbet es 

Sakrah 312 

„ his grave at the Holy Sepulchre 315 

Adila, recaptured by Assurnazirpal 76 
„ destroyed by Sibir, king of 

Kai'dunias (Babylon) .... 76 

J^aces, sou of Syloson, his revolt 219 

„ date of his revolt B.C. 498 .... 235 

iEisuthrus, see Sisuthrus .... 300 

vEschylus, his happy description 

of Cyrus II 195 

Africanus, his date for the " first 

year of Cyrus" .... .... 196 

Agane, capital of Babylonia 

founded by Sargon I .... 48 

Agani, its site still undiscovered 51 

„ the country of Sargon I .... 272 
Ahab, king of Israel, mentioned in 

the annals of Shalmaneser 4 

Ahasuerus, see Cyaxares .... 186 
„ the same as Xerxes, Arta- 

xerxes .... .... .... 193 

Ahmes Neferatri, queen, mother 

of Ramses II 376 

Ai, an unorthodox Egyptian king 378 
Airy, Prof. G. B., his diameter of 

the earth 336 

Airyanein-vaejo, the Hindoo Kush 302 
Akhzib, the real name of the place 

called Ecdippa .... .... 149 

Akkad language, discovered .... 5 

„ more allied to the Uranian 

than Semitic group .... 5 
Akkads, the, devastated by Tig- 

lath-Pileser 73 

Akki, a peasant, saves and adopts 

Sargon I. 273 




Akki, the Abal (Herdman), bis 

kindness to Sargon I .... 46 

Aksa, the Mosque-ol-, tliought by 
some to occupy the site of 
the temple .... .... 313 

Alexander Aigus, the tablet of, 

published by M. Brugsch 20 
„ rei^resented worshipping the 
deities Har-net-af, Horus, 
and the goddess Buto .... 20 

„ King, tomb in Kubbut es 

Sakrah 315 

Alexander the Great, his successors 

in Egypt .... .... 21 

„ conquers Cyprus .... .... 130 

„ ti-ansfers the kingdom of 

the INIedes to the Greeks 247 
Alorus I, the god Ur, the first 

mythical king of Babylon 30 
Alphabets, se? Syrian and Cypriote 119 
Alt Pentateuch, the, described .... 268 

,, compared with the Prideaux 

Pentateuch 268 

Altar of Burnt Offering, its di- 
mensions .... .... 338 

Alteration of Chronology, see Chro- 
nology .... .... .... 252 

Amasis, king of Egypt, the Tablet 
of Dali at one time be- 
lieved to be a proclamation 

by 123 

„ conquers Cyprus .... .... 130 

„ attacked by Cambyses, B.C. 

525 228 

„ taken captive by Cambyses, 

B.C. 524 220 

Amatnim, a predecessor of Sar- 
gon I .... .... .... 46 

Ameuemha III caiTies on mining 
operations at Wady Mag- 
arah .... .... .... 8 

AmenoxDhis flies into Ethiopia .... 379 

„ exjiels the lepers from Egypt 378 
„ and Ramses expel the 

Hykshos 379 

Ammidikaga, king of Babylon, an 
unknown successor of 
Hammurabi .... .... 65 

Amonmeses, an intruding Egyp- 
tian king .... .... 375 

„ born at Hacheb .... .... 377 

„ his titles effaced .... .... 377 

Amonmenes, the same as Amon- 
meses, which see .... 375 

4mora2us, see Tomyris, so called 

by Ctesias 202 


Anarchy in Egypt before the time 

of Kamses III .... 374 

Anastasi Papyrus, contains a list 

of Jewish localities .... 355 

Ancestors, the worship of in 

Egypt, imperative .... 176 

Anderson, M., his excellent map 
of the Lake of Genne- 
sareth .... .... .... 145 

Antediluvian kings of Babylonia 300 

Antipas, see Herod Antipas .... 152 

Antonia not to be placed over the 

Sakrah 323 

„ most likely the governor's 

house at Jerusalem .... 324 

Anu, a great Accadian deity .... 301 

Anunit, the Babylonian Venus.... 34 
„ her temple at Sippara rebuilt 

by Saga Saltiyas .... 66 

Apanda son of Astyages, a king 

of the Medes 247 

Apis Tablets, record the reigns of 

Cambyses and Darius ... 204 

Aplirodite, her tcmi^le at Idalium 162 
„ not mentioned by name on 
anyyet discovered Cypriote 
inscription .... .... 161 

Apra, probably Ophrah in Ben- 
jamin and Manasseh .... 356 

Apru, same as Aberiu, which see 356 

Aqueduct at Jerusalem discovered 

by Chev. Schlick .... 319 

Aquiba, IJabbi, his note on Lev. 

xix, 18, quoted 266 

Arabic Historians, too romantic 

to be reliable 231 

Aracus, date of the revolt of .... 218 

Arar, the Aroer of Scripture .... 332 

Ararat, see Kharsak-curra .... 299 

Araunah the Jebusite, his thresh- 
ing floor the Kubbet es 
Sakrah 312 

Ai-baccs, the last king of the 

Medes 247 

Arbela, the chief city worshipping 

the goddess Ishtar .... 346 

Arces, a king of the Medes .... 247 

Archer, has relief of an archer, 

with a Cypriote inscription 117 

Archaic year, Mr. Halliburton's 

theory upon .... .... 338 

Archelaus, see Herod .... .... 103 

Ardusin, son of Kudur Mabuk, 

inscriptions of .... .... 43 

Aristagoras, the revolt of, after 

the death of Cyrus II .... 190 











Ark, the, said to have rested on 

the Kubbet es Sakrah .... 312 
„ the Mosaic, its cubical contents 337 
Ar Moab, the same as Rabbath 


„ mistaken locality assigned to, 
by Mr. Lumley .... 
Annius Vitei-benses, his corrup- 
tions of the text of Megas- 
thenes .... 
Aroer, the same as Arar, which see 
Arphaxad, the same as Phraortes 
Arrian, mistranslates the epitaph 

of Cyrus 
Artackhchachta, erroneously iden- 
tified with Cambyses .... 
Arteus, a king of the Medes 
Articarmin, a king of the Medes 
Artines, a king of the Medes .... 
Aryan language, its peculiarities 
„ the verb generally precedes 
the noun 
Aryans, the, the founders of in- 
ductive science .... 
Ashdod conquered bj Sargon I 
Ashmunazar, sarcophagus of, dis- 
covered at Sidon .... 7 
Asia Minor conquered by Cyrus II, 

B.C. 534 

Asiatic chronology, tables of ....232-5 
Assessors, the forty-two assessors 
in the hall of the two 
truths .... 
Assur or Assyi-ia, meaning of the 

Assur, an Assyrian deity 
Assui'banipal greatest of Assyrian 
monarchs, conquers or in- 
vades Egypt and Palestine 
„ defeats Tirhakah, king of 

„ vision relating to .... 
„ his prayer to the goddess 

Ishtar .... 
„ presented with a bow by the 

goddess Ishtar .... 
„ defeats and slays Tiumman 
„ eclipse in the reign of 
„ date of his seventh warlike 

expedition, B.C. 661 
„ conquers Elam, and recovers 
the statue of the goddess 
„ library in 20,000 fragments 

exhumed at Koyunjik .... 5 

„ now at the British Museum 298 










Assurbanipal, his annals, trans- 
'lated and published by 
George Smith .... .... 14 

Assurbelkala, king of Assyria, 
B.C. 1100, son of Tigiath- 
Pileser I, friendly with the 
king of Babylon.... .... 74 

„ invades Babylon after the 
death of Maruduksapik- 
zirrat .... .... ,.., 74 

Assurdan, king of Assyi-ia, 
1200 B.C., invades Baby- 
lon and conquers Zam- 
amazikiridinna .... .... 72 

Assur-ebil-ili, tei-mination of the 

Assyrian empire under .... 5 

Assurnazirpal defeats Nabubalid- 

duia and captures his army 77 
„ defeats Sadudu, king of Suhi 76 
„ 1000 B.C., captures the city 
of Adila, destroyed by 
Sibir, king of Babylon .... 76 

Assur-resilim, king of Assyria, 
1150 B.C., defeated by 
Nabukuduruzur.... .... 72 

Assyria more prolific than Egypt 

in biblical records .... 3 

„ three times invaded by 
(Nabnkuduruzur) Nebu- 
chadnezzar .... .... 72 

Assyrian astronomical report .... 340 

Assyrian language, its Hebrew 

affinities 281 

„ the Sanskrit of the Semitic 

tongues .... .... .... 297 

„ its vocalic pronunciation pre- 
served .... .... .... 297 

„ its value in explaining 

Hebraisms .... .... 339 

„ originally hieroglyphic .... 298 

„ of Turanian origin.... .... 298 

„ verbs, R. Cull upon the verbs 

Basu, Qabah, and Isu .... 281 

„ magical tablets, one described 341 
Assyrian mythology, fragment of 
ancient AssjTian mytho- 
logy 271 

„ mythology originally Tu- 
ranian .... .... .... 298 

Assyrian prayers for the future 

life of the king 107 

„ temples, their gates protected 
Assyrians observed the Sabbath-rest 299 
by statues of the gods .... 342 
„ divided the night into three 

watches .... .... .... 339 




Astybares, a king of the Medcs 2 17 

Astyages, grandfather of Cyrus, 

dies B.C. 539 .... ' 185, 247 
„ his first year B.C. 573 .... 201 

Astronomical report from Assy ri; ms 340 

Astronomer, Aba, the Assyrian 

name of an astronomer .... 3-44 

Ataiuhai, lord of Coptos, sets up 
the Hamamat inscrip 
tions 261 

Athens, its sacred fountain .... 317 

Athenians and loniaus burn 

Sardis, B.C. 603 190 

Athor, or Hat-h(jr, the Egyptian 
Aphrodite, her temple at 
Sarabut el Kbadem .... 8 

Atonement, Day of, see Day of 

Atonement .... .... 338 

'Atossa, Esther, so called by Hero- 
dotus .... .... .... 186 

Atzupirani, the birth-place of 

Sargon I .... .... 273 

Augustus Caesar, dies 18th August, 

A.D. 14 95 

Avaris, the residence of the 

Shepherd kings .... .... 379 

Axares son of Astyages, see Cy- 

axares .... .... .... 186 

Ayn et Barideh referred to .... 152 

Ayn et Thabryhah, near to Khan 

Minieh, referred to .... 151 

Ayn et Tin referred to .... .... 152 

Ayssaa ibn Maryam, the Arabic 
form of "Jesus, son of 
Mary " 152 

Azariah, king of Judah, mentioned 
in the annals of Tiglath- 
Pileser II 4 

Azupirani, see Atzupirani .... 46 


Baalram, a Cypriote dignitary, 
dedicates a statue to 

Eesbep Mikal 125 

„ son of Yaptiniilik, mentioned 

onthebilingualtabletofDali 136 

Babar, the Assyrian name for silver 306 

Babel, or Bab-ilu, originally called 

Ca-dimirra 298 

Babili, or Babel, originally Dindur, 
founded by Hammurabi, 
w\u) makes it his capital 56 

„ another form of Babilu .... 309 

Bab-ilu, see Babel 298 

Babylon, made the capital of the 

world by Nebuchadnezzar 
„ sometimes written Babili, 

"Gate of the gods" 
„ anciently named E-ci 
„ its conquest described and 

foretold by Isaiah 
„ taken by Darius, B.C. 493 .... 
„ the female population put to 

death during the siege by 

DiU-ius .... 
„ conquered by Cyrus II, 

B.C. 530 

„ t^\-ice conquered by Cyrus II 
„ eclipse at, 19th November, 

B.C. 502 

„ its three last conquests, B.C. 

530, 510, 493 

Babylonia, cities have both Turanian 

and Semitic names 
„ inhabited by the Sumir and 

Akkad races 
„ periods of its history 
„ called by the Elamites Gan- 

duuiyas .... 
„ the native home of the cereals 
„ ancient geograpliical list of 

places in, B.C. 2000 
„ ten antediluvian kings of .... 
„ (South) invaded and con- 
quered by Hammurabi .... 
„ conquered by Tugultiuinip, 

king of Assyria, who 

unites the two kingdoms 
„ invaded and conquered bj^ 

Assm-dan, king of Assyria 
„ invaded and devastated by 


„ invaded by Assurbclkala, king 

of Assyria, B.C. 1080 .... 
„ invaded by the Assyrians j 

treaty of peace concluded 

with Nabuziku'uskun, king 

„ many cities conquered by 

Shalmaneser in the war 

against Marudukbelusate 
„ invaded by Samsivul, king of 

Assyria, B.C. 820 
„ five times invaded by Vul- 

nirari, king of Assyria .... 
„ invaded by Tiglath-Pileser II, 

B.C. 745 

„ conquered and annexed to 

Assyria by Tiglath-Pi- 
leser II .... 






















Babylonia invaded by Tiumnian, 

king of Elam .... 
Babylonian superstition regard- 
ing omens 
Babylonian tribute tablets, ar- 
ranged according to De- 
metrius .... 
„ legal tablets, translations of 
„ their peculiar character 
„ contract tablets discovered at 

Warka between 1849-52 
„ specimens of, with trans- 
lations .... 
„ translated by Geo. Smith .... 
„ their uses in chronology 
„ table of regnal years from ... 
„ with signatories .... 220, 
„ see Babylonian contract tablets 
Babylonian, and Lydian history, 

dates connected with 
Babylonian Talmud, see Talmud 
Babylonians, their account of the 

deluge .... 
Bacchus, see Dionysus .... 
Bagdadu (Bagdad) captured by 

the Assyrians 
Bahr el Khebeer (uuderthe temple), 
its peculiar construction 
„ described ..., 
„ suppUed by the Pools of 
Balak, king of Moab, his inter- 
view with Balaam 
Balaam, his interview with Balak, 

king of Moab .... 
Bana, son of Kala, a tax collector 

at Warka 

Barclay's Gate at Jerusalem de- 
scribed .... 
Bardes, see Smerdis 
Basileus, the Cypriote word for 


Basu, " to be," an Assyrian verb, 

explained by Mr. Cull .... 

Battle of Marathon, its date, 

B.C. 590 

„ between Cyaxares and 
Alyattes terminated by an 
eclipse .... 

Behistun Inscription bears internal 
evidence of having been 
written at Persepolis 
„ referred to.... .... 186, 

„ recognises the two sections 
of the reign of Darius 



Behistun Inscription quoted .... 



„ many quotations fi'om ....190—1 

„ mentions Gomates and his 


revolt .... 
Bel, the temple of, again rebuilt 


by Kurigalzu 



Belat, a Babylonian goddess, dedi- 


cation to, by Ui-ukh 



Belatsunat, earliest known Baby- 

lonian queen 



Belkuduruzur, king of Assyi-ia, 
fragment of an inscription 


relating a victory by 



Belochus, his history, according to 





Belsamti (Va-anna) ruler of Zir- 


gulla(Zerghul), inscription 



Belsharezer, the same as Belshaz- 



zar, which see .... 



Belshazzar, date of his revolt. 

B.C. 494 



„ date of his death, B.C. 493 



Benares, its sacred fountain 
Ben Azzai, Simoa Ben, see Kabbi 



Simon Ben Azzai 
Benevolence, Egyptian precepts 






Benhadad, king of Syria, men- 
tioned in the Annals of 


Berenice, an unknown daughter 



of Evergetes I, called queen 

on the tablet of Canopus 



Bernstein, his Hebrew Lexicon 




Berosus, his chronological scheme 
„ asserts Nebuchadnezzar died 



B.C. 538 



„ his account of the second 

siege of Babylon 



„ his Pantabiblos and Larancha 




Bethsaida, Pool of, the cistern 

near, described .... 



Bethsayda (Julias) M. Le Chev. 

de Saulcy, sm* le site de 


„ the capital of the tetrarchy 


of Herod Philip.... 
„ much romanised by the He- 


rodian dynasty .... 



„ the tomb of Herod Philip 


erected at 
„ placed by Capt. Wilson and 
Dr. Thomson at Abou- 







Bevelled stones in the wall of the 

Huram described .... 325 

Bibar el iloliik, tombs of the 

kings in.... .... .... 3/5 

Biblical Archaeology, residts to be 
anticipated from the study 

of 12 

Bibliotheque Universelle Inter- 
nationale, quoted .... 176 
Bilingual inscription, Phccnician 
and Cypriote, found at 

Idalion 116 

Biliteral roots not proved to exist 

in the Semitic languages 296 
Bilithic arch under the Haram es 

Shereef 318 

Binarari, see Vulnarari. 
Birch, Dr. Samuel, Progress of 
Biblical Ai'chffiology (in- 
augural adcb-ess) »... 1 
„ hieroglyphic tablet of Alex- 
ander Aigus .... .... 20 

„ on the reading of the inscrip- 
tion on the bronze plate of 

Dali 153 

„ interlineary translation of bi- 
lingual inscription of Dali, 
by .... .... .... 155 

„ pointed out the peculiarities 
of the Hamamat inscrip- 
tions 260 

„ his translation of the Hama- 
mat inscriptions.... .... 260 

Birkct Israel, see Bethesda, Pool 

of 314 

Blasphemy, punished with death 

by the Hebrews.... .... 178 

Bocchoris, king of Egypt, the 
Exodus erroneously placed 
in his reign .... .... 380 

Bosanquet, J. W., on the date of 

Christ's nati\-ity .... 93 

„ on Cyrus the Second .... 183 

„ his " Messiah the Prince " 

referred to .... .... 185 

„ his Chronological Appendix 
to "' Smith's Assurbani- 
pal " referred to .... 185 

„ his dc'ath of Cambyses, 

B.C. 518 200 

„ his six conclusions on the 

dates of Cyrus I and II.... 2G1 
British ]Museum Inscriptions, pi. 

xviii. No. 5G31, quoted .... 178 
„ the Harris Papyrus bought 

by the .... .... .... 358 

Brugsch, Heinrich, publishes the 

tablet of Alexander Aigus 20 
„ his "Geographic," II, 57-62, 

referred to .... .... 355 

Buchanan Pentateuch compared 
with the Prideaux Penta- 
teuch 268 

„ is written in five different 

hands 268 

Burnaburyas I, king of Babylon 66 

Bm-naburyas II, king of Babylon, 

successor of Kara-indas, 

continues the ti-eaty with 

the king of Assyria .... 68 

„ rebuilds the temi^le erected 

by Urukh at Bitparra .... 68 
„ inscriptions of .... .... 68 

Buto, the true name of the chief 

town of the XlXth nome 20 

Buxtorf, his Hebrew Lexicon 

quoted 292 


Ca-dimirra, the original name of 

Babel 298 

Caillaud Collection, an Ostracou 

in, referred to .... .... 181 

Cambyses, king of Persia, con- 
quers Cyprus .... .... 130 

„ and Smerdis, not the kings 
who were hostile to the 

Jews 193 

„ never reigned in Asia Minor 225 
„ liis cruelties to the friends of 

Cyrus his son .... .... 225 

„ murders his brother Smerdis 222 
„ enters Egypt, B.C. 525 .... 228 

„ his speech to the Medes and 

Persians .... .... 213 

„ seized with madness .... 222 

„ dying, imprecati s the descen- 
dants of Achajmenes .... 223 

„ dies, B.C. 518 203 

„ and Nabonidus, their reigns 
begin in the same year, 

B.C. 529 226 

„ his reign clearly fixed bj' an 

eclijjse in his 7th year .... 240 

„ inscriptions of, at El Ha- 
mamat .... .... .... 260 

Canon of Ptolemy, why its dates 

are erroneous .... .... 252 




Canon of Ptolemy, not so mnch 

historical as astronomical 253 
Canopus, tablet of, discovered 

and published by Lepsius 11 
„ triliteral, dedicated by Pto- 
lemy Eiiergetes I .... 11 

„ describes an attempt to cor- 
rect the Calendar by the 
introduction of a leap year 11 
Capernahum, see Capharnaum .... 145 

Capharnamn, M. le Chev. de 

Saulcy sur le site de .... 145 

„ situated near the Ayn-el- 

Medaouarah .... .... 149 

Coracinus, the fish so called found in 

the fountain at Capliarnaum 149 
Cave Worship, its antiquity .... 317 

Cave under the Sakrah, its ex- 
ploration desirable .... 317 

„ may be the gate Nitsots .... 317 

Cereals indigenous to Babylonia 307 
Cesnola, General, sends copies of 
Cypriote Inscriptions to 

Dr. Birch 131 

„ his successful excavations at 

Golgos 131 

Chabas, Fran9ois, discovers the 
name of the Hebrews 
under Eamses II .... 2 

„ on an Ostracon in the Cail- 

laud Collection, referred to 181 
„ Hebraeo-^Egyptiaca .... 173 

„ identifies the Hebrews with 

the Aperiu .... .... 356 

Chaeremon, his account of the 

Exodus compared .... 379 

Chaldean origin of part of Genesis 300 
Chaldeans said to have been first 

called Kephenes .... 302 

Champollion Le Jeune, first dis- 
covers the name of Shishak 

(Sheshonk) 2 

„ discovered at Karnak tlie 

name of Judah Melek .... 355 

„ first translated part of the 

negative confession .... 175 

Charity or Benevolence, Egyptian 

precepts concerning .... 174 

Cherubims, or Lamazi, golden 
figures of, placed by Sam- 
suiluna in tlie temples of 
the deities .... .... 63 

„ inscriptions of Samsuiluna 

relating to figures of .... 64 

„ their analogues in Assyrian 

Mythology 301 

Vol. I. 

Children, tlicir duties towards 
tlieir parents in Egyptian 

theology 176 

Chinzirus, B.C. 731, see Kinziru 85 
Chorazin, see Khorazyn, sur le 

site de .... .... .... 145 

Chronology, the received chro- 
nology altered by twenty- 
five years .... .... 252 

Clemens Alexandrinus, his state- 
ment as to the date of the 

Nativity 103 

„ his dates for the fall of 
Baljylon and death of 
Alexander .... .... 250 

„ Strom. I, quoted 250 

Clinton, Fynes, in error as to the 

age of Cyrus II.... .... 198 

Cochlea, a machine so-called, used 

to draw water .... .... 279 

CofPer, Royal, dimensions of the 
coffer in the Great Pyra- 
mid 336 

Confession, the negative confession 

of the Egyptians .... 174 

Constantine the Great, probably 
the builder of the Mosque 

of Omar 316 

Contract tablet in the British 
Museum, translated by 

Geo. Smith 205 

„ see Babylonian contract 

tablets 210 

Contradictions between Greek and 
Persian historians, how 
reconciled .... .... 230 

Conversational oaths in Egypt, 

see Oaths .... .... 178 

Copi^er or bronze, called "zabar" 

by the Assyrians .... 306 

Cossier Koad : tablet of Darius 
Hystaspes on the rocks 

there 203 

Coutts, Baroness, the water supply 

of Jerusalem begun by .... 320 

Croesus king of Lydia, his message 

to the Delphic Oracle .... 23 

„ invades Persia .... .... 187 

„ defeated by Cyrus II .... 187 

„ deposed B.C. 535 .... .... 240 

Ctesias, seventeen years physician 

to Artaxerxes Mnemon .... 239 

„ asserts that Darius died at 

the age of 72 183 

„ his account of the division 

of the Persian empire .... 186 



Ctesias more trustworthy tban 

Cypriote inscriptions, copies of 



them given by General 

Ctesia; fragmenta, p. 50, re- 

Cesnola to Dr. Birch .... 


ferred to 


„ erroneously translated by 

Cull, E., on the Assyrian verbs 

Prof. Koth 


" basil," " qabab," and 

„ published by Lieut. Leycester 

" isu " .... 


in Trans. Koy. Soc. Lit., 

Curtius, his " Gruudziige d'Grie- 



chischen Etymologic," 

„ published by Von Hammer 


quoted .... 


„ published by M. Pierides .... 


Cush, probably the Kossaji of the 

„ by the Due de Luynes 




„ erroneously translated by 

Cyaxares the same as Ahasuerus 


A. Helfferick 


„ the " Persian Mule " of the 

„ interlineary translation of 

Oracle .... 


bilingual inscription of 

„ receives the eastern half of 

Dali, by Dr. Birch 


the empire of Cyrus I 


,, the bilingual inscription of 

„ gives Media to Cyrus II, as 

Dali restored by M. 

his daughter's dowry .... 


Halevy .... 


„ his daughter married to 

„ on the reading of, by George 

Cyrus II 


Smith .... 


Cycle, the Egyptian lunar cycle 


„ inscriiitions, various forms 

C^'priote Inscriptions, see Lang, 

of verbs and nouns exem- 

R. Hamilton 


plified .... 


„ alphabet, see Plate 


Cyprus one of the earliest settle- 

„ its analogies with Phoenician, 

ments of the Phoenicians 


Lycian, and Egyptian cha- 

„ early colonisation and its 

racters .... 


results .... 


„ and Lycian alphabets had 

„ conquered by Sai'gon, B.C. 800 


the same source.... 


„ seven native rulers send tri- 

„ differs greatly according to 

bute to Sargon, B.C. 709 


its age .... 


„ ten native rulers send tribute 

„ language genei-ally reads from 

to Esarhaddou .... 


right to left 


„ conquered by Nabukuduruzur 


„ inflectional terminations of 

„ by Amasis king of Egypt .... 


nouns, &c. 


„ conquered by Cambyses king 

„ its important position in 

of Persia 


comparative philology .... 


„ ruled by Evagoras king of 

„ nouns declined similar to 

Salamis .... 


the Greek and Latin .... 


„ the pure Greek language in- 

„ is of an Aryan origin 


troduced by Evagoras .... 


„ follows the (Jreek gram- 

„ the people said to have been 

matical fonns .... 


refined by Evagoras 


„ a vocabulary compiled by 

„ conquered by Alexander the 

Engcl .... 


Great .... 


„ syllabary, has twelve vowel 

„ conquered by Ptolemy Lagus 




„ Menelaus brother of Ptolemy 

„ has from 50 to 60 characters 


besieged there .... 


„ variations in the characters 


Cyrus father of Cambyses, his 

„ examined in detail 139, 


" first year," according to 

„ has inherent vowels 


Joscphus, B.C. 560 


Cypriote coins, a paper by Mr. 

„ Egyptian character of tlie 

Lang upon, referred to .... 


tomb of Cyrus .son of 

„ inscriptions are of tliree 

Cambyses at Pasargadse 


classes, Greek, Phoenician, 

„ some analogy between his early 



life and that of Sargon I 



Cyrus fathey of Cambyses, called 
Kai- Kliosru by Persian 
writers .... .... .... 250 

„ his "first year" in Media 

really 538 197 

„ never reigned in Babylon .... 197 

„ his dream before tlie battle 

with Toniyris .... .... 202 

„ dies B.C. 536, and divides his 

king<]om .... 186, 202 

„ his true place and chronology 200 
Cyrus son of Cambyses, reigns 

29 years, till B.C. 506 .... 187 

„ defeats Croesus, king of Lydia 187 
„ receives Media as his wife's 

dowry .... .... .... 187 

„ conquers Babylon B.C. 530.... 187 

„ made king over Lydia and 

Armenia .... .... 187 

„ twice conquers Babylon .... 188 

„ 'directs the rebuilding of the 
Temple of Jerusalem, B.C. 

513 189 

„ rivalry between him and 

Darius 189 

„ way prepared for the worsiiip 

of the Magi 190 

„ his character by Herodotus 195 
„ his character by Isaiah .... 195 
„ happily described by Jilschy- 

lus 195 

„ his character by Xenophon 195 
„ his " first year," as king of 
Babylon, according tD 
modern chronology, B.C. 

538 196 

„ his "first year," according 

to Petavius, B.C. 560 .... 196 
,, his " first year," according 

to Africanus, B.C. 560 .... 196 
„ his " first year," according to 

Sulpicius Severus, B.C. 560 196 
„ his " first year " at Babylon, 

according to Ptolemy, 538 197 
,, took the title king of Babylon, 
according to Bosanquet, 
after the death of Cam- 
byses 200 

,, ignorant of the cruelties of 

his father Cambyses .... 225 

„ never reigned in Persia 

proper .... .... .... 225 

„ the anointed of Jehovah .... 226 

Cyrus son of Cambyses and Man- 
dane, the historians who 
relate his history .... 230 

Cyrus son of Cambyses and Man- 

dane slays Evil Merodach, 

B.C. 535 

„ not to be confounded with 

Cyrus father of Cambyses 
„ his history only distinctly 

known from Xenophon's 

„ not known to Herodotus .... 
„ inscription of, found at 

„ inscription on his tomb at 

„ boundaries of his empire .... 
„ list of the nations subdued 


Cyrenius, see Quii'inius.... 



see Idalion, Bilingual in- 
scription found at (Plate 

„ translation of the same .... 

„ interlineary translation by 
Dr. Birch 

„ the Phoenician portion trans- 
lated by M. Halevy 
Damascus conquered by Vulnarari 
Daniel, the bearing of his "seventy 
weeks" upon the age of 
Cyrus II 

„ the place of his seventy years 
Darius son of Hystaspes, called 
" Darius the Mede " in 
Daniel ix, 1 

„ opposes the rebuilding of the 
temple at Jerusalem 

„ conquers Babylon, B.C. 493 

„ called king of Assyria 

„ his reign divisible into two 
distinct parts 

„ his second jieriod commences 
B.C. 506 

,, reasons for his adoration of 
Ormazd ... 

„ in tlie Behistun Inscription 
intentionally avoids dates 

„ his decree to rebuild the 
temple of Jerusalem 

,, his decree regarding the 
worship of Jehovah 

„ establishes the worship of 
of Jehovah 

„ dies, B.C. 485 or early 484.... 






















l>:irius son of Hystaspes, bis death, 

B.C. 485-1 201 

„ his sepulchre and inscriptions 

at Nakkish-i-Rustam .... 191 

„ his 36th year recorded on a 

tablet ill the Cossier Road 203 
,, his regnal years doubly com- 
puted .... .... 204 

„ his 35th year found on a 

Babylonian tablet .... 203 

„ inscription of El Haniamat 260 

Darius Longimanus, contends for 

the kingdom of Media .... 24t 

D'Avennes, see Prisse D'Avennes, 
and Papyrus. 

David, king of Israel, the first to 

conquer Jerusalem .... 382 

Day of atonement, a conjectural 

reason for its date .... 338 

Decalogue, its analogies with the 
Papyrus Prisse in the fifth 
commandment .... .... 177 

Delphi, the dubious oracle of a 

" Persian Mule" .... 187 

Delphic Oracle, its ambiguous 
reply to Croesus, king of 
Lydia 237 

Deluge, the Babvlouian account 

of ...". 89 

Demetrius (Poliorcetes ?) defeated 
by Ptolemy Lagus at Palai 
Gaza 22 

Demetrius the chronologer, gives 
B.C. 581 as the first year 
of Nebuchadnezzar .... 184 
„ asserts that all the tribes 
were not removed by 
Sennacherib .... .... 208 

Demochare-s, a person mentioned 
in the bronze tablet of 
Dali 160 

Deutsch, Mr. E., condemns the 

new Moabite stone .... 329 

Dhiban, the Dibon of Scripture 332 

Diameter of the Earth, see Earth. 

Dibon, same as Dhiban, which sec 332 

Dikaiodotus, a person mentioned 
on the Cypriote inscrip- 
tions .... .... .... 157 

, Dikoearkhus asserts the Chaldeans 

were called Kephenes 302 

Dindur, see Bahili .. .... 56 

Dionysus (the god), analogies be- 
tween his early life and 
that of Sargon I .... 272 

Dja, see Ja .... ... .... 181 


Djrtha, the land of 356 

" Dome of the Rock," see Kubbet 

es Sakrah 312 

Dotted letters in the Pentateuch 

ascriljcd to Ezra .... .... 267 

Drach, S. M., on the base length 

of tlie Great Pyramid .... 335 
„ his diameter of the Earth ... 336 
Dream of Herod Archelaus .... 104 
Drimon, Cypriote insci-iptions 

found there .... .... 117 

Diimichen, his Kalend. luschriff. 

quoted .... .... .... 175 

Dunnusaida, the phonetic name of 

Dungi, king of Ur .... 90 

Dungi, king of Babylonia, sou 

and successor of Urukh, 

inscriptions of ... .... 36 

Durrigalzu, see Kurigalzu .... 69 

Dur Sargina, city founded by 

Sargon I 47 


Earth, the Kubbet es Sakrah said 

to be the middle of the.... 313 

Earth's diameter according to 

Prof. Piazzi Smyth .... 336 

„ according to Airy .... .... 335 

,, in inches .... .... .... 335 

„ according to Drach .... 336 

Eclipse of the sun in the reign of 

Assurbauipal .... .... 13 

„ of Assurbauipal, date of, 

B.C. 661 348 

„ at Larissa, B.C. 557, probably 

not total 201 

„ of the moon, alarms the 
Athenian army under 
Nicias .... .... .... 18 

Eclipses (lunar) from B.C. 5 to 

B.C. 1 99 

,, see the towns where they 

were recorded .... .... 232 

Ecdippa, the real name of the 

j)lace was Akhzib .... 149 

E-ci, " mound city," an old name 

of Babylon 300 

Edali, the Cy])riote form of 

Idalium, which see .... 133 

Edom conquered by Vulnarau .... 4 

Egyjjt conquered by Assurbauipal 4 

„ the chronology from Menes 

to Sethos I, found in a 

temple at Abydos .... 11 




Egypt, pre-eminence of the divine 

over the civil law in .... 180 

„ called the land ot Tamera in 

the Harris Papyrus .... 359 

„ anarchy in .... .... 360 

„ religious revolution in .... 361 

„ religious revolution in, sup- 
pressed by Seti nekht .... 364 

„ the religious revolution in, 

caused hy a Syrian chief 870 
„ the Egyptian gods degraded 

by the Syrian invaders .... 370 

J, invaded by the Libu and 

Maschuasch 374 

„ succession of the intrusive 

kings in.... .... .... 375 

Egyptians and Hebrews, ethical 

analogies between .... 173 

Egyptian hieroglyphic and hieratic 
texts, a considerable num- 
ber await careful compa- 
rison .... .... .... 181 

„ lunar cycle, the .... .... 336 

„ priests forbidden to eat fish 357 
„ holy and common years com- 
pared 383 

„ year, began 1st of Thoth .... 383 
Eisenlohr, Dr. August, on the 
political religion of Egypt 
before the reign of Ram- 
ses III 355 

Ekate, a king or deity, mentioned 
on the bilingual inscrip- 
tion of Dal i 158 

Elam, the mountains of Elam the 
original home of the Acca- 
dians .... .... .... 345 

„ invaded by Sargon I .... 47 

„ conquered by Kudurmabuk 42 

Ellatgula, queen of Babylonia, 
succeeds Naramsin ; last 
of the dynasty of Sargon I 52 

El Medjel, see Magdala 152 

Engel, publishes a vocabulary of 

CyiJriote words .... .... 160 

Era of Menophres, did not fall in 

the reign of Menepthah I 383 
Esarhaddon, his annals mention 

Manasseh king of Judah 4 

„ receives tribute from ten 

kings of Cyprus .... 129 

„ conquers Egypt and sets up 

twenty kings there .... 375 

Esther called'Atossa by Herodotus 186 
„ the Book of, its general 

agreement with Herodotus 223 

Ethics of the Egyptians and 
Hebrews, analogies be- 
tween .... .... .... 173 

Euisedostes, a Cypriote monarch 
mentioned on the bronze 

tablet at Dali 161 

Euphrates, the papyrus originally 

grew in .... .... .... 344 

Eusebius, his testimony as to the 
localities of Capharnaum, 
Khorazyn, etc., referred 

to 148 

„ his extract from Megasthenes 

quoted .... .... .... 187 

„ his date fur the " first year 

of Cyrus" 196 

Evagoras king of Salamis, B.C. 
410-375, rules in Cyprus 
and revolts against Persia 130 
„ coins of, described.... .... 134 

„ introduces the pure Greek 

language into Cyprus .... 160 

Evelthon, see Eveltas king of 

Salamis .... .... .... 134 

„ coin of, described .... .... 134 

Eveltas, mentioned by Herodotus 
under the name of Evel- 
thon 134 

Evilmerodach king of Babylon, 
succeeded by Nergalsha- 

rezar 189 

„ date of his first year, 

B.C. 537 233 

„ rebels against Cyrus .... 241 

„ slain by Cyrus II, B.C. 535 235 
Exodus, may have taken place 

under^Menepthah I .... 8 

„ the, probably took place 
after the reign of 

Seti II 383 

„ the, took place probably about 

B.C. 1340 383 

„ the, erroneously placed in 
the reign of Bocchoris .... 

„ the, discrepancies between 
the statements of Menetho 
and Pvamses III .... 380 

„ Manetho's account of, ex- 
amined .... ... .... 3/8 

Exodus Papyri, will not stand a 

severe criticism.... .... 357 

Ezekiel, his sacred river referred 

to 321 

Ezra, the author of the dotted 
letters in the Penta- 
teuch 267 



Fellows, Sir Charles, publishes the 

Lycian alphaljet .... 120 

Fergusson, James, his theory on 

the Kubbet es Sakrah .... 314 
„ his theory as to the Holy 

Sepulchre .... .... 315 

Fifth commandment found in its 

purport on the Papyrus 

Prisse .... .... .... 177 

Filial obedience, Egyptian views 

respecting .... .... 176 

Fish, forbidden to the Egj'ptian 

clergy .... .... .... 357 

Flood, a flood menticmed in an 

Assyrian ritual .... .... 301 

Flower Gate at Jerusalem de- 

■ scribed .... .... .... 317 

Formation of the Society; 18th 

June, 1870 1 

„ and inauguration of the 

Society, 9th December, 

1870 ii 

Fiirst, his " Hebrew Lexicon " 285 

„ Ditto 290-92 

Fosse at Jerusalem of modern 

date 324 

Fountains, see holy fountains .... 321 
Fo.^, General, his Cypriote coins 

referred to .... .... 135 


Gailatas, with Gobryas, slays La- 
borosoarchod, kingof Baby- 

Ganneau, M. Clement, discovei-s 
inscriptions at Siloaui .... 

Gainilninip, ruler of Karrak, in- 
scription of 

Gamilsin, kingof Ur, inscription of 

Ganduni, the same as Gandunyas 

Gan-duniyas, a common Elamite 
name of Babylonia 

Ganges flows from the throne of 

Gasin , early Babylonian king, 

father of Sinidinna 

Gate Tadi, Jerusalem, referred 

Genesis, the Book of, partly of 
Chaldean origin 

Gennesaretli, the lake of, excel- 
lently mapped by M. 











Geographical list of the towns in 

Babylonia, 2000 B.C 86 

Giants of Genesis, Prae Semitic.... 303 

Gihon of Scripture, called Gikh- 

khan in Assyrian texts .... 300 
„ the up])er watercourse of .... 319 

Gikhkhan, the Gihon of Scripture 300 

Gomates the Magian seduces 
Persia and Media from 
Cambysps .... .... 188 

„ put to death by Darius .... 191 

Gamilnana, a tax collector at 

Warka 228 

Gobryas slays Laborosoarchod, 

king "of Babylon .... 243 

Gods of Egypt made (or degraded) 

like human beings .... 370 

Golgos, General Cesnola's exca- 
vations there .... .... 131 

Gordysean mountains, the resting 
place of the Ark of Sisu- 
thrus (Onkelos) 301 

Gournab, temple of Seti I at .... 376 

Gouschtasp, the Arabic name for 

Darius Hystaspes .... 251 

Governor's house at Jerusalem, is 

of the Kouiau period .... 324 

Grasset, Mr., discovers the Soli 

Inscription (note) .... 127 

Graves, Captain, believed a Cyp- 
riote inscription to be 
Lycian .... 121 

Great Sea of the Temple, see Bahr 

el Khebeer 318 

Great Pyramid, its base length 

according to Piazzi Smyth 335 
„ its geometrical proportions 335 
,, dimensions of the coifer in 336 
„ were its measures connected 
with those of the Taber- 
nacle ? .... .... .... 337 

Great Pyramids, S. M. Drach on 

the base length of, etc 335 

Greek and Persian historians, how 

they may be reconciled .... 230 

Grote, his " History of Greece," 

III, 269, quoted .... 259 

Grotto of the Virgin, a relic of 

Cave-worship .... .... 317 

„ of Jeremiali described .... 324 

Gu-de-a, Turanian ruler of Zir- 

gulla, inscriptions of .... 33 

Gungunu, son of Ismidagan, in- 
scriptions of .... .... 39 

Gushtasp, the Asiatic name for 

Darius Hystaspes .... 195 



Haclieb, a town near Benisnef, on 

the Nile 377 

„ the birthplace of Amonmeses 377 
„ see also Hakheb .... .... 378 

Hadassah, the same as 'Atossa or 

Esther 186 

Hadassah, or Esther, the legal 
succession to the Median 
throne vested in.... .... 257 

Hakheb, same as Hacheb .... 377 

Hales, Dr., his opinion on the age 

of Cyrus II erroneous .... 198 

Halevy, M., has brought to Paris 
copies of 500 Himyaritic 
inscriptions .... .... 10 

,, his translation of the bilm- 

gual tablet of Dali ... 156 

Halliburton, his theory on the 

Archaic year .... .... 338 

Hamath, some very singular in- 
scriptions found there .... 11 

Hammer, Von, referred to, pub- 
lished Cypriote inscrip- 
tion (?) 154 

Hamamat, inscriptions of Cam- 
byses, Darius, and Xerxes, 

at 260 

„ translation of, by Dr. 

Birch 260 

„ plates of 261 

Hammurabi king of the Kassi, 
conquers Babylonia, B.C. 

1600 31 

„ probably one of the Kassi .... 56 

„ fomids Dindur or Babili, and 
makes it the capital of 
Babylonia .... .... 56 

„ founds a temple to Merodach 56 
„ inscriptions of .... ....57—61 

„ builds a ziggnrat or tower, 
"its top reaching to 
heaven " .... .... 58 

„ the Semitic inscription of, 
at Paris, published by M. 
Menant and Fox Talbot.... 59 

„ builds a river wall by the 

Tigris 59 

„ excavates a canal .... .... 60 

„ builds a palace at Kilmad .... 61 

„ probably the same as Samsu- 

iluna .... .... .... 61 

,, probably the biblical Nim- 

rod ■ 91 

Hajjpy Fields, the Assyrian name 

for Heaven, or Elysium.... 107 

Harbisihu king of Babylon, B.C. 

1500, greater chronological 

certainty from the j^eriod 

of his successor, Karaindas 67 

Haram es Shereef described .... 311 

„ erroneously mapped by 

Pierotti .'. 317 

„ completely honecombed ^^ith 

excavations .... .... 317 

„ scarcely to be called a mount 323 
„ its ancient wall described .... 325 

„ the Mosque of Omar in the, 

described .... .... 315 

Harris Papyrus, see Eisenlohr, Dr. 
A., on political condition 
of Egypt .... .... 355 

„ discovered in a tomb at 

Medinet Habon 358 

„ its gi'eat size and beauty .... 358 
„ contains part of the history 

of Ramses III 358 

,, purchased by the British 

Museum 358 

„ hieroglyphic text from, trans- 
lated 358-367 

„ its statements compared with 

those of the O.T. .... 382 

„ its great biblical importance 383 
„ does not mention the coinci- 
dence of the Egyptian 

years 383 

Hazael king of Israel, mentioned 

in the Annals of Shalmaneser 4 
Hea, the Babylonian Neptune .... 56 

„ the Assyi'ian god of life and 

wisdom .... .... .... 297 

Heath, Eev. D. J., his so-called 
Exodus Papyri wrongly 
interpreted .... .... 357 

Hebrews, the, mentioned in the 
Leyden Papyrus and on 
the rocks of El Hamamat 2 
Hebrew, no Hebrew inscription in 
square character discovered 
older than 5th century a.d. 9 
Hebrews entered Egypt prior to 

the reign of fhothuies III 356 
Hebrew and Assyrian languages 

have one common source 281 
„ language, its Assyrian an- 
alogues .... .... .... 281 

„ its letter-changes ... .... 286 

„ the Masora does not represent 

the original pronunciation 294 
Hebrews and Egyi^tians, ethical 

analogies between .... 173 



Hebraeo-^gyptiaca, by M. Fraii- 

9ois Chabas .... .... 173 

Hecate, the goddess, mentioned 

in the Cypriote inscriptions 158 
Helfferick, A., erroneously trans- 
lates the insci-iption of 
Dali as a psalm of the 
colony of Idalium .... 154 

„ his Die Phcenizisch-Cyprisch 

Forschung referred to .... 15i 

Heliopolis, its Fountain of the Sun 321 
„ the Aberiu employed there by 

Ramses III .... .... 356 

Hephaistos, the deity, mentioned 
in an unpublished Cypriote 
inscription .... .... 162 

Hei'od Archelaus, his dream of the 

nine ears of corn .... 10-i 

Herod Antipas founds the town 

ofThabarich 152 

Herod the Great, true date of the 

death of 99 

Herod Philip erects a family 
mausoleum at Julias or 
Bethsayda .... .... 116 

Herodotus mentions Evelthou or 

Eveltas, king of Salamis 134 
„ names Esther as 'Atossa .... 186 

„ his character of Cyrus II .... 195 

„ his chronology of the reigns 
of Cyrus I, Cambyses, and 

Darius 203 

,. generally agrees with the 

Book of Esther 223 

„ confounds Cyrus I and II .... 224 

„ his account of Cyrus I to be 

preferred .... .... 231 

„ his mistake respecting Cyrus 

son of Cambyses.... .... 240 

Herschel, Sir J., his "Astronomy" 

quoted, p. 685 201 

Hezekiah king of Judah, his 
tribute mentioned in the 
Annals of Sennacherib .... 4 

„ his fortification of Jerusalem 320 
Hhedjar-cl-Kham-Khobzat, or tlie 
stone of the five loaves, 
referred to .... .... 152 

Hiddckhel, the same as the Tigris 300 
Hieratic te.vt in the British 

Museum, translated .... 179 

Hills, their imagery in Scripture 322 
Himyaritic inscriptions, their date 

uncertain .... .... 10 

Hind, J. H., a list of lunar eclipses 

from «.c. 5 to 1..... .... 99 

Hincks, Dr. E., the first to explain 
the verb substantive in 
As.syrian.... .... .... 280 

„ his high opinion of the 

Assyrian language .... 297 

Historians, Greek and Persian, 

how they may be reconciled 230 
Hittites, the Khita of Egyptian 
and the Khatti of Assyrian 
history .... .... .... 303 

Holy fountains, their universality 321 
„ compared .... .... .... 321 

Holy Hill, the Haram es Shereef, 

so called 322 

Holy Sepulchre, church of, an 
imitation of the Kubbet es 

Sakrah 314 

„ traditional sacred sites in .... 315 
„ called the middle of the 

earth 315 

„ Adam's tomb at .... .... 315 

Hosliea king of Israel mentioned 
in the Annals of Tiglath- 

Pileser IT 4 

Hycsos, see Hykshos 379 

Hyde, his Religio Veterum Per- 

sarum quoted .... .... 195 

Hykshos, the revolt of, according 

to Manetho .... .... 378 

„ ultimately expelled by Ame- 

nophis and Ramses .... 379 

„ under the name of Solymites, 

defile Egypt 379 

,, honoured one divinity under 

the name of Set 381 


Ibilsin or Abilsin, king of Ur .... 41 

Icosarchy set up in Egypt by 

Esarhaddon .... .... 375 

Idadu, Semitic governor of Eridu, 

inscription of .... .... 32 

Idalion (now Dali), ruins of an 
ancient temple discovered 

at 116 

„ bilingual inscription, Phoe- 
nician and Cypriote, found 

at 116 

„ various Cypriote coins (si.\ 

classes) found there .... 117 

Idalium, founded by Teucer, his 

portico there .... .... 161 

Ilu . . . zat ? fragmentary inscrip- 
tion of .'. 39 



Immortality of the soul. Assyrian 

belief in, proved .... 106 

Inch, the Great Pyramid inch .... 335 
„ its probable derivation .... 336 

Inductive science, founded by the 

Aryans .... .... .... 296 

Inherent vowels, occur in the 

Cypriote language .... 136 

Introduction to Transactions .... i 

Intruding kings between Seti II 
and Seti nekht, not 
acknowledged .... .... 375 

lonians and Athenians, burn 

Sardis, B.C. 603 190 

Ipnazir, a Babylonian attorney or 

notary .... .... .... 205 

Iribamaruduk, king of Babylon, 

his period uncertain .... 75 

Isis, mentioned on the bronze 

tablet of Idalium .... 161 

Isaac, said to have been ofPered on 

the Kulibet es Sakrah .... 312 

Isagoras, praises Evagoras for civi- 
lizing the Cypriotes .... 160 

Isaiah, his character of Cyrus II 195 

Isbibarra king of Karrak, inscrip- 
tion of .... .... .... 37 

Isidostes, a Cypriote monarch 
mentioned on the bronze 
tablet of Dali 161 

Ishtar, an Assyrian goddess .... 184 
„ chiefly worshipped at Arbela 346 
„ the prayer of Assurbanipal to 3 46 
„ her appearance to an Assyi-ian 

seer .... .... .... 347 

Ismidagan, Semitic king of Kar- 
rak, inscriptions of .... 38 
„ and Gungunu, their rela- 
tionship uncertain .... 90 

Israelites, not accustomed to in- 
scribe monoliths.... .... 331 

„ were not to attack Moab .... 333 

Isu, " to have," an Assyrian verb, 

explained by Mr. CuU .... 291 


Ja, the Egyptian name of the 

mayor of a city.... .... 181 

Jacob, his dream said to have 
been on the Kubbet es 
Sakrah 312 

Jahaz, the same as Gazaza, w^hich 

see .... .... .... 331 

Jazaza or Jahaz, its situation .... 332 


Jazaza, Sihon defeated there .... 331 
Jehovah, the worship of, estab- 
lished by Darius Hystas- 

pes 184 

Jehu king of Israel, mentioned 
in the Annals of Shalma- 
neser .... .... .... 4 

Jepthah, his statement as to 

Moab 330 

Jenkins, Mr. B. G., on the new 

Moabite stone 328 

Jerome, Saint, his testimony as 
to the sites of Capernaum, 
Khorazyn, &c., referred 

to 148 

Jerusalem, first conquered by 

David 382 

„ last exodus from, under Nebu- 
chadnezzar, B.C. 559 .... 233 
„ destruction of, B.C. 563 .... 233 
,, the second temple finished, 

B.C. 486 234 

„ first explored by Omar .... 307 
„ conquered by Omar the 

Calipb, A.D. 636 311 

„ the holy place covered with 

dung 311 

„ the Haram es Shereef de- 
scribed .... .... .... 311 

„ the holy places have changed 

localities .... .... 314 

„ was defended from the 

north 324 

Jerusalem, on the archseology of, by 

WiUiara Simpson ,,.. 310 

Joppa, said to have been built 

before the Deluge .... 302 

Josephus (Flavins), his unison 
with the Gospel of St. 

Luke 94 

„ wounded near to Julias, 

which place he describes 150 
„ his date for the first year of 

Cyrus, B.C. 560 .... 196 

Josephus (Flavius) erroneously 
asserts that Darius was 
known to the Greeks by 
another name .... .... 246 

Joshua, the son of Sirach, see 

Ecclesiasticus .... .... 178 

Judaism and Magism, their pro- 
gress .... .... .... 194 

Julias, see Bethsayda .... .... 145 

Justin, his remarks on the battle 
between Cyrus I and 
Tomyris 237 



Kaarabel king of Babylon, uncer- 
tain succession ... .... 66 

Kai Kliosru, the same as Cyrus I 231 

Kar Assur, a palace built by 
Tiglath-Pileser II, after 
the conquest of Baby- 
lonia .... .... .... 83 

Kaldi (Chaldeans), submit and 
pay tribute to Shalma- 
nezer .... .... 78 

Kaldu (or Chaldea), a district 
inhabited by the Ciialdees, 
had no fixed boundary .... 86 

Kamboiiziah, see Cambyses .... 199 

Kaptiya sou of Balbasu, a tax 

collector at Warka .... 228 

Karahardas king of Babylon, 
slain by a revolution of 
the Kassi .... .... 69 

Karaindas king of Babylon, B.C. 

1475, makes a territorial 

agreement with Ass-bel- 

nissu king of Assyria .... 67 

„ inscriptions of, from the 

Synchronous History .... 67 

Kara-indas, the first certainly 

dated Baby Ionian monarch 31 

Kardunias, kings of, another name 
for the kings of Babylon, 
whom see. 

Karduniyas, ancient name of 

Babylonia 30 

Karrak, conquered by Rimsin .... 53 

Karrinabu, a Babylonian city .... 205 

Kassi, the, elevate Nazibugas to be 

king of Babylon .... 69 
„ revolt and mui-der Kai-a- 
hardas, king of Baby- 
lon 69 

Kazalla conquen d and devastated 

by Sargon .... .... 48 

Kefr, a village, its definite mean- 
ing as used by the 
Arabs " .... 149 

Kembuta, the Egyptian form of 

Cambyses .... .... 260 

Kepheus king of the JEthiopians, 
his capital said to be 
Joppa 302 

Kerazeh, is not the site of Kho- 

razyn .... .... .... 148 

„ its ruins considerable ... 148 

Khabash, king of Egypt, under 
XXVlIIth Dynasty, pos- 
sibly of Persian origin .... 24 

Khabash, king of Egy^rt, only 
known by the tablet 
of Alexander Aigos, and 
an inscription in the 
Apiium .... .... .... 11 

„ expels Xerxes from Sais .... 23 

„ gives the land of Panaut to 

the State of Buto .... 23 

Khan-Minieh, referred to .... 151 

Khara, the same as the Syrians, 

which see .... .... 375 

Kharsak Curra, probably the 

Ararat of the Deluge ... 299 

Khatti, the Assyrian name of 

the Hittites 303 

Khshaiursha, the Egyptian form 

of Xerxes 260 

Kher, the cemetery and funereal 
temples of Thebes, so 

called 180 

„ a report from, translated .... 180 
„ reports from the officials of, 
respecting the workmen 
there 180 

Kheta, the Egyptian name of the 

Hittites 303 

Khorazyn, M. le Chev. de Saulcy 

sur le site de .... .... 145 

Kilmad (Kalwadha), a palace 
built there by Hammu- 
rabi .... .... .... 61 

Kings, worship of the deceased 

kings in Egypt .... .... 176 

„ of Persia (Dan. x, 20), refers 

to Darius and Cyrus .... 192 

Kinnereth, mentioned in the reign 

of Thothmes III .... 145 

„ site of, claimed to be dis- 
covered by M. de Saulcy 146 

KinzLTU king of Babylon, B.C. 
731-727, son of Amakkan ; 
besieged by Tiglath-Pile- 
ser II 85 

Kirjath, meaning of the name .... 305 

Kossaei, possibly the Cushites of 

Genesis 302 

Kubbet es Sakrah, found by Omar 

covered with dung .... 311 

„ traditions respecting the .... 312 
„ said to be the middle of the 

earth 313 

„ the cave under, described .... 314 

Kudur Lagamar, the Babylonian 

name of Chederlaomcr .... 90 

Kudurmabuk, conquers Yamutbul 

(Elam) and Syria .... 42 



Kudurmabuk, possibly the Cheder- 

laomer of Genesis .... 42 

,, inscription of .... .... 43 

Ku-dur-na-an-liu-un-di, men- 
tioned in the Annals of 
Assnrbanipal .... .... 33 

Kudurnanhundi, conquers Baby- 
lonia, B.C. 2280 30 

Kukuru, an Assyrian general, re- 
ports an eclipse to Assnr- 
banipal .... .... .... 13 

„ M. Oppert's corrections on 

the report of .... .... 352 

Kunitzer Eabbi Moses, see Rabbi 

Moses Kunitzer.... .... 267 

Kurigalzu king of Babylon, an 
unknown successor of 
Hamiuurabi .... .... 65 

Kurigalzu II, king of Babylon, 
probably the same as Dur- 
rigalzu, son of Burna- 

buryas II 70 

„ bnilds a tower to the god Bel 70 
„ a break in the history of 

Babylonia after his time 70 
,, inscriptions of .... .... 70 

Laborosoarchod king of Babylon, 
date of his reign and death, 

B.C. 530.. 209 

,, treacherously betrayed in 

Babylon to Cyrus h .... 189 
,, reigns only nine months .... 242 
„ slain by Gobryas and Ga- 

datas 243 

Lamazi, see Cherubim .... .... 63 

Lang, E,. Hamilton, on the dis- 
covery of some Cypriote 
inscriptions .... .... 116 

Lang, R. Hamilton, offers liis 
Cypriote collection to the 
British Museum .... 131 

„ his paper on Cypriote coins 

referred to .... .... 134 

Larancha, Senkereh so called by 

Berosus 298 

Larissa, or NimrCid, eclipse men- 
tioned by Xenophon .... 201 
„ eclipse at, i9 May, B.C. 557 232 

Lassen, Prof., doubts the authen- 
ticity of tomb of Cyrus.... 238 

Lauth, M., his "Moses der 

Ebrader" a mistake .... 357 

Leap year, first recorded on the 
tablet of Canopus, two 
centuries prior to its dis- 
covery by iSosigenes .... 11 

Lee, Prof., his Hebrew Lexicon 

quoted 289, 292 

Lepers expelled from Egypt by 

king Amenophis.... .... 379 

Lepsius, Dr. Karl, discovers the 

tablet of Canopus .... 11 

Lepsius, Dr. R., his edition of the 
Ritual (Todtenbuch) re- 
ferred to.... .... .... 175 

„ his date for the era of 

Menophra uncertain .... 383 

Letter-changes in Hebrew .... 286 

Lewin, Mr. T., his theory as to 

the Mosque of Omar .... 315 

Leycester, Lieut., publishes some 
Cypriote inscriptions in the 
Trans. R.S.L 154 

Leyden Papyrus, the, mention of 

the Aberiu on .... .... 356 

Libit-anunit, ruler of Nipur or 

Karrak, inscription of .... 37 

Libraries established at Senkerek 

and Urn 298 

Livy, his account of the birth of 

Romulus .... .... 272 

Loftus, Mr., discovers the contract 

tablets at Warka .... 210 

„ his " Chaldsea and Susiana " 

quoted 210 

Lohrasp, the Arabic name for 

Cambyses .... .... 250 

Lucian asserts Cyrus I to have 

died of grief 207 

„ his account of Cyrus I .... 207 
„ bis statement as to the death- 
place of St. Stephen .... 314 

Lumley, Mr. Henry, his letter 
respecting the newMoablte 

stone 328 

,, retracts his opinion of the 

new Moabite stone .... 329 

Lunar Cycle, the Egyptian Lunar 

Cycle 336 

Luynes, M. Le Due de, discovers 

the Cypriote alphabet .... 116 
„ examination of his Cypriote 

alphabet 119 

„ mistook the Cypriote word 

"king" for "Salamis" 154 
„ his " Numismatique et In- 
scriptions Cypriote " re- 
ferred to 153 



Luynes, M. Lc Due do, great value 
of bis work on the Cypriote 
inscriptions .... .... 130 

Lycian alplmbet, its analogies with 

the Cypriote 120 

„ and Babylonian history, d.ates 

connected with .... .... 208 

„ langiiag-e, Indo-Germanic, 

with affinities to the Zend 121 

Lysimachus, his account of the 

Exodus compared .... 379 


Magarah (Wady) and Sarabit el 
Khadim discovered by 
Niebuhr in 1750 .... 7 

„ turquoise and copper mines 

tirst opened by Senufru.... 8 

„ the most ancient mine in the 

world 8 

„ mines abandoned in the 12th 

dynasty .... .... .... 8 

Magdala, the same as the present 

village of El Medjel .... 152 

Magi, the, occupy the throne of 

Persia, B.C. 518 212 

Magiandualistic doctrines, referred 

to in Isaiah xlv, 7-12 .... 191 

Magophonia, the, referred to .... 194 

" Malicu," the Assyrian name for 

a petty chief .... .... 306 

Manasseh, king of Judah, men- 
tioned in the Annals of 
Esarhaddon .... .... 4 

Manchester, George, Duke of, his 
"Times of Daniel," p. 126 

quoted 199 

„ liis erroneous identification of 

Cyrus wnth Nabopalassar 199 

Mandauccs, a king of the Medes 247 

Manetho, his calculation of the 

reign of Cambyses .... 202 

„ his account of the Exodus 

examined .... .... 378 

Marathon, date of the battle of, 

B.C. 590 223 

Marduk (Merodach) chosen as his 
fiivourite deity by Ham- 
murabi .... .... .... 56 

„ great temple to, built by 

Hammurabi .... .... 56 

„ a statue of gold and silver 
dedicated to, by Samsu- 
iluna .... .... .... 64 

Marudukbaliddina king of Baby- 
lon, son of Yakin, inscrip- 
tion of .... .... .... 75 

„ son of Iriba-iVIaruduk, an 
earlier king of this name, 
date uncertain .... .... 76 

Marudukbaladsuiijbi king of 
Babylonia, B.C. 730-710, 
invaded and defeated by 
Samsivul king of Assyria 79 

Marudukbelusate, foster-brother of 
Marndukzikiruzknr king 
of Babylon, his rebellion 77 

„ slain by Shalmaneser king 

of Assyria .... .... 77 

Maruduknadinahi defeated by 

Tiglath-Pileser 2 

Maruduk-nadin-ahi, king of Baby- 
lon, B.C. 1125, twice wars 
with the kings of Assyria .73 
„ defeats Tiglath-Pileser and 
carries oft' the images of 
the Assyrian deities .... 73 

Maruduksapiikzirrat, king of 
Babylon, B.C. 1100, friendly 
with Assurbelkala, king 
of Assyria .... .... 74 

Marudukzikirizkur king of 

Babylon (B.C. 753-730), 

son of Nabubaliddina .... 77 

„ his foster-brother Maraduk- 

belusate rebels against 

him 77 

„ assisted by Shalmaneser 
against Marudukbelusate, 
the rebel .... .... 77 

,, inscriptions of .... .... 77 

Masoretic points do not represent 
the original Hebrew pro- 
nunciation .... .... 294 

Maschuasch, the, invade Egypt.... 374 
„ defeated by Menepthah I ... 374 

Mashuash, the same as Maschuasch, 

which see .... .... 383 

Mathematical science, well known 

to the Accadians .... 307 

Maximinus Daza, probably the 
founder of the Mosque of 
Omar .... .... .... 316 

Mayors of cities called Dja in 

Egypt 181 

Mazarta (" a Watch "), Mr. Fox 
Talbot's explanation of the 
word 310 

Mazzaroth of Job, Mr. Fox Talbot 

upon .... .... .... 339 




Mecca, its holy fountain .... 321 

Medeba, the new Moabite stone 

found there 328 

Medes, the, shake off the Persian 

yoke 223 

„ their great military reputation 224 
„ a list of the kings of .... 247 

Median and Persian history, dates 

connected with .... .... 200 

Medinet Habou, the Harris 
Papyrus discovered in a 
tomb at ... .... .... 358 

„ the calendar of feasts in the 

temple of 383 

Mediterranean Sea visited by 

Sargon I .... .... 48 

Medjdel, el-, the Magdala of the 

Gospels .... .... .... 152 

Megastlienes quoted as giving the 
dying oracle of Nebuchad- 
nezzar .... .... .... 186 

„ a doubtful passage from .... 246 

„ as altered by Annius of 
Viterbo, the original text 
appended to Mr. Bosan- 
quet's paper .... .... 262 

Melekithian, king of Kitium and 
Idalion, name occurs on the 
tablet of Dali 125 

Melekyaton, or Melekithian king 
of Kitium and Idalion, "his 
fourth year" (b.c. 370), 
importance of .... .... 131 

" Melanges Egyj)tiens," serie III, 

tome 1, p. 139, quoted .... 179 

Melchisedek, the name has the 
same meaning as that of 
Sargon 271 

Menahem, king of Israel, men- 
tioned in the Annals of 
Tiglath-Pileserll .... 4 

Menant, M. Joachim, publishes the 
Semitic Inscription of Ham- 

luurabi .... 


„ his "Grammaire Assyrienue" 

described and quoted 


„ denies the existence of the 

verb substantive in As- 

syrian .... 


Meneptbah I, the son of Ramses 



Meneptbah I, supposed to be the 

Pharaoh of the Exodus .... 


Meneptbah I, invasion of Egypt 

by the Maschuash, in the 

reign of.... 



Meneptbah II reigns but a short 

time .... .... .... 374 

Menophres, his era did not fall in 

the reign of Meneptbah I 383 
Mesou son of Aah-nekb-tou, swears 

by tlie name of Pharaoh 180 

„ refuses to work at the Kher 181 

Mercy Seat, the, its dimensions.... 338 

Mihrab, in Mosque of Omar, not 

an original portion .... 315 

Milisihu king of Babylon, suc- 
cessor of Naziurudas .... 65 

Misanarakalami, early Turanian 

king, inscription of .... 32 

Moabite stone, see new Moabite 

stone 328 

„ Mr. J. B. Jenkins on the .... 328 

Moab not conquered by Moses .... 330 

,, not to be attacked by Israel 333 
Mohar (an Egyptian oificer), ac- 
count of the travels of, on 
a papyrus .... .... 355 

Mokatteb (Wady), inscriptions 

probably not very ancient 9 

Moon portents, table of, dating 

B.C. 1600 344 

Mosaic Ark, the, see Ark .... 337 

Moses, analogies between his birth 

and thrtt of Sargon .... 271 
„ did not conquer Moab .... 330 
,, his defeat of Sibon at 

Jaliaz 331 

„ not really mentioned as 
Mesu in the Anastasi Pa- 
pyrus .... .... .... 357 

„ altered but did not destroy 

the Egyptian ritual .... 381 

„ probably the Syrian iimova- 
tor, but not the Syrian 
king of the Harris Papyrus 382 
Mosque of Omar, perhaps the tomb 

of King Alexander .... 315 

„ not originally a mosque .... 315 

,, has the form of a Moslem 

Wcli (tomb) 315 

„ probably built by Constan- 

tine 316 

„ not built by Omar .... .... 316 

Mountains and lai'ge rivers appa- 
rently unknown to the 

Semites 308 

Mugheir not necessarily " Ur ".... 300 
M und Karniku Koond, the fountain 

of, at Benares 321 

Murghab, the modern name of 

Pasargadse, which see .... 238 



Mytliology, cm a fVa>;;im'iit of an- 
cient Assyrian uiytliology, 
by H. Fox Talbot .... 271 


Nabius, see Nabuusabsi, king of 

Babylon 8J. 

Nabius, tlie Latin priest, there 
discovers the house of St. 

Peter 152 

Nabonahid, the same as Naboni- 

dus, whieli see .... .... 209 

Nabonassar, as a private name, 

not uncommon .... .... 82 

„ Babylonia invaded by Tig- 
lath-Pileser II during his 
reign .... .... .... 82 

„ king of Babylon, B.C. 747-733. 
No inscriptions stand with 
this king's name .... 82 

Nabonidochus, see Nabonidus .... 188 

„ the same as Nabonidus, 

which see .... .... 209 

Nabonidus, satrap of Babylon 

under Cyrus II .... .... 188 

„ his reign begins in the same 
year with Cambyses, B.C. 

529 " 226 

,, receives a principality in 

Carmania .... .... 246 

„ builds the walls of Babylon 

with burnt brick .... 212 

,, flics to Borsippa, and sur- 
; renders to Cyrus II .... 189 

„ cylinder of .... .... 34 

Nabopalassar, see Nabupaluzur .... 86 

Nabuzikuriskun, B.C. 1050, made 
a treaty with the king of 
Assyria .... .... 75 

Nabubaliddina king of Babylon, 
B.C. 880-853, assists Sa- 
dudu king of Suhi against 
Assurnazirpal .... .... 76 

„ treaty with Slialmaneser 

king of Assyria .... .... 77 

„ makes peace with Assur- 
nazirpal.... .... .... 77 

Nabukuduruzur king of Babylon, 
B.C. 1150, invades Assyria 
three times .... .... 72 

,, defeats Assurrisilim king of 

Assyria .... .... .... 73 

Nabukuduruzur king of Bal^ylon, 

conquers Cyprus .... 130 

„ makes Babylon the capital 

of the world 86 

„ see also Nebuchadnezzar. 

Nabupaluzur sent to qnell a revolt 
in Babylonia, assumes the 
kingdom .... .... 85 

„ aided by the Medes, destroys 

Nineveh.... .... .... 85 

Nabuusabsi king of Babylonia, 
B.C. 733-731 ; probably 
the Nabius of Ptolemy. 
Son of Silani .... .... 84 

„ captured by Tiglath-Pileser II, 
and crucified on the walls 
of his capital .... .... 84 

Nachal, means both a river and 

a valley .... 333 

Naditabyrus, date of his revolt, 

B.C. 505 218 

Nahr-el-aamoud, referred to .... 151 

Nahr-el-ammam, referred to .... 151 

Nahr-rabadieh, referred to .... 151 

Nakksh-i-Rustam, inscription of 

Darius there .... .... 191 

Nammuradi, i.e., NimrodJ; possibly 
the right reading for 
Hammui-abi .... .... 91 

Nana, a Babylonian goddess .... 32 

Naramsin, son of Sargon I, con- 
tinues the conquests of 

his father 52 

„ vase with an inscription of, 

lost in the Euphrates .... 52 

Nathan, see Rabbi Nathan .... 267 

Nativity of Christ, see Bosanquet, 

J. W., on the 93 

Nazibugas, an obscure man, raised 
l)y the Kassi to the throne 

of Babylon 69 

„ attacked and slain by the 

king of Assyria .... .... 69 

Naziurudas king of Babylon, suc- 
cessor of Ulamburyas. No 
monuments extant .... 65 

Nebuchadnezzar, king of Assyria 
and Babylon, .vee Nabu- 
kudur-uzur .... .... 72 

„ his first regnal year, B.C. 604, 

according to Ptolemy .... 184 

„ his first regnal year, B.C. 581, 

according to Demetrius.... 184 

,, a great religious restorer, 

more than a concjueror .... 5 

„ reigns forty-three years .... 184 



Nebuchadnezzar king of Assyria 
and Babylon, exalts the 
Babylonian over the Assy- 
rian deities 
„ dying, foretells the conquest 

of Babylon 
„ his death, according to Be- 

rosus, B.C. 538 .... 
„ no historical facts mentioned 
on his inscriptions 
N"abuzikuriskun king of Babylon, 

inscription of 
Negative confession of the Egyp- 
tians, quoted 
,, its early date and variations 
„ variations of, on the stele of 

„ Porphyry's version, quoted 
„ forbids conversational oaths 
„ the 28th and 35th sins of, 
Nergal, an Assyrian deity 
Nergalsharezar, succeeds Evil- 
„ the date of his accession, 

B.C. 531 

„ date of his first year, B.C. 534 
New Moabite stone found at 


„ as described by Mr. H. 

Lumley .... 
„ its inscription confuses the 
first and third j)ersons .... 
„ reasons for rejecting it 
„ condemned by Mr. Deutsch 
„ Mr. Shapira's translation of 
Nimrod, probably the same as 
Hammurabi king of 
Nineveh, governed by the Scyth- 
ians for twenty-eight 
Ninridu, a Babylonian deity, de- 
dication to 
Ninip, son of Bel, a kind of 
mythical warrior-king, 
legend of 
„ an Assyrian deity .... 
Ninipalesir king of Assyria, de- 
feats Vulpalidinna king 
of Babylon 
Ninmarki, a Babylonian goddess, 
dedication to by Duugi 
Ninmahe, Babylonian deity 
Nitsots, the Flower Gate, possibly 
the cave under the Sakrah 





















Noah, his history resembles that 

of Sisuthrus 300 

Norris, E., his opinion on the 

Assyrian verb substantive 284 

Ntariusha, the Egyptian form of 

Darius ...." 260 

Nurvnl king of Larsa, inscrip- 
tions of .... .... .... 45 

Nuschu or Nisroch, an Assyrian 

deity 185 


Oaths, prohibition of, among the 

Egyptians .... .... 177 

„ "by the life of God," "by 

the life of the king" .... 177 

Oaths, conversational, forbidden 

by the Egyptian laws .... 178 

„ prohibited to the Hebrews 178 
„ forbidden by the negative 

confession .... .... 178 

„ judicial, not forbidden by the 

Hebrew laws .... .... 173 

Oath or cursing, the 28th sin in 

the negative confession .... 178 

,, a malediction "by the father," 
forbidden by the Turin 
Papyrus.... .... .... 178 

„ "by the king," the 35th sin 
in the negative con- 
fession .... .... .... 178 

Omar, the Caliph, the first to ex- 
plore Jerusalem.... .... 311 

,, the Mosque of, described .... 315 

Omens, superstitions among the 

Babylonians respecting .... 47 

Omri, king of Israel, mentioned 
in the Annals of Shalma- 
nescr .... .... .... 4 

Ormazd, why this deity was 
especially adored by Darius 
Hystaspes .... .... 255 

Ophrah, probably the same town 

as the Apra of the Papyri 356 

Oppert, Dr. Jules, some of his 

monarchs' names erroneous 28 
„ his agreement with Mr. Fox 
Talbot on the Vision In- 
scription .... .... 348 

Orsetes, governor of Sardis, assists ? 

Smerdis in his revolt .... 222 

Oracle, see Delphic Oracle .... 237 

Orosius, P., cent. Paganos, II, 2, 

p. 74, quoted 250 



Osarsiph, a priest of Osiris at 
„ takes the name of Moses .... 
„ incites the lepers to rebel 

against Anienophis 
„ invites the aid of 200,000 
Shepherds from Jerusalem 
Ostracon, in Caillaud collection, 
published in the Zeit- 
schrift, 1867, p. 37 
„ again referred to .... 
Ozier, the Arabic form of 






Palestine, invasion of, mentioned 
in the Annals of Senna- 
cherib .... 
„ invaded by Assurbanipal .... 
„ a part of the Egyptian 
government of Xerxes .... 
„ Exploration Fund, its objects 
distinct from the S.B.A. 
Pantabiblos, the same as Urn, 

which see 
Papyrus, the most ancient book in 
the world, B.C. 3000 .... 
„ its original authors lived at 
the time of the building 
of the Pyramids 
„ a collection of moral sen- 
tences .... 
Papyrus Prisse, its Decalogal an- 
alogies .... 
„ quotations from .... 176, 177 

Papyrus, called a " water reed " 
in Accadian 
„ originally grew in the Eu- 
phrates .... 
„ Sayce, on the use of Papyrus 
among the Accadians .... 
Papyrus Abbott, contains a list of 
administrative officers of 
justice in Egypt 
„ described .... 

Jewish names 














Papyrus Anastasi, 

see Harris 

Papyrus Harris, 

Papyrus Pleyte and Eossi, in 

Musee de Turin, referred 


„ its date XlXth or XXth 






Porphyry, his version of the 

negative confession .... 175 

Parian Chronicle, its chronology 

of the reign of Darius .... 203 

Porter, Sir Kobert Ker, his de- 
scription of the tomb of 
Cyrus 238 

Pasargadse, inscrij)tion on the 

tomb of Cyrus at .... 237 

Pasagoras,- a functionary of the 
goddess . Aphrodite at 
Idalium 161 

Pasioikos son of Stasioikos, a 
person so named in the 
Cypriote inscrijjtions .... 141 

Passover, its true time 3rd April, 

A.D. 33 96 

Patesi (Viceroy) name of the early 

Babylonian rulers .... 31 

Pausanias, his account of the birth 

of the god Dionysus .... 272 

Pekah king of Israel, mentioned 
in the Annals of Tiglath- 
Pileser II .... .... 4 

Pentateuch, see also Alt and 

Pentateuch, see Prideaux Penta- 
teuch 263 

„ the dotted letters in, ascribed 

to Ezra 267 

Perigal, Henry, his Great Pyra- 
mid dimensions .... .... 336 

" Persian Mule," Cyrus II, so 

called by the Delphic Oracle 187 

Persia, ruled conjointly by Cyrus 

II and Darius * ....' " .... 192 

Persia and Media, triple division 

of the empire of .... 222 

Persian and ^ledian history, dates 

connected with .... .... 200 

Petavius, his date for the " first 

year of Cyrus ".... .... 196 

„ his " De Doctrina Tempo- 
rum," X, c. 15, quoted .... 196 

Peter, Saint, the house of, dis- 
covered by the Latin priest 
of Nablus" 152 

Pet-har-pe-khrot, his funereal 

stele described .... .... 175 

Phoenician alphabet compiled by 
the Greeks, who add the 
vowel letters .... .... 10 

„ character in use under the 

Hebrew monarchy .... 9 

Phoenicians, their early colonisa- 
tion of Cyprus .... .... 129 



Phoenicians came into Palestine 

fi-om the Persian Gulf .... S02 

Phraortes, the same as Arphaxad, 

father of Cyaxares .... 200 

Pierides, M., publishes some 

Cypriote texts .... .... 154 

Pierotti, Ermete, his work unre- 
liable 317 

Pila, Cypriote inscription found 

in excavating a temple at 117 

Pleyte and Rossi, the Papyrus of, 

described .... .... 180 

Pleyte, M., differs from M. Chabas 
in the translation of the 
Papyrus Pleyte 182 

Pleiades, said to have originated 

the Archiac year .... 338 

Pliny mentions the papyrus as 

growing in the Euphrates 344 

Polybius, historian, referred to for 

reign of Cyrus .... .... 196 

Polyhistor, Alexander, the source 
of the questionable dates 
given by the Canon of 
Ptolemy 253 

Pools of Solomon, supply the 

Haram area .... .... 319 

Poseidon, the fountain of, at 

Athens 321 

Prideaux Pentateuch, its few de- 
fects 263 

„ written in various hands 
from tenth to fifteenth 
centuries .... .... 263 

„ of an oriental Rabbinical 

type 263 

„ peculiarities of arrangement 264 
„ its majuscular and minuscular 

letters 265 

„ the dotted letters in .... 267 
„ its lectional marks.... 264, 269 
,, compared with the Alt Pen- 
tateuch 268 

„ compared with the Buchanan 

Pentateuch 268 

„ has suffered from fire .... 270 

„ has been resewn in modern 

times .... .... .... 270 

„ its great importance .... 270 

Priests, Egyptian, forbidden to 

eat fish 357 

Prisse d'Avennes, his famous 

papyrus quoted .... .... 176 

Psychostasis, the, referred to .... 175 

Pteria, battle of, l^etween Cyrus II 

and Croesus king of Lydia 187 

Vol. I. 

Ptolemy Lagus, called satrap of 

Egypt 22 

„ defeats Demetrius (Polior- 

cetes?) at Palai Gaza .... 22 

„ conquers Cyrus .... .... 130 

Ptolemy, the astronomer, describes 
Bethsayda as being in 

Galilee 150 

„ his Canon astronomical, not 

historical .... .... 253 

„ gives B.C. 604 as the first 

year of Nebuchadnezzar 184 
„ his date for the first year 

of Cyrus 538 197 

Ptolemy Philopater begins to 

reign B.C. 222 209 

Ptolemy Soter restores to Egypt 

the images of the gods .... 21 
„ conquers Stasioikos the last 

king of Marium .... 135 
Pyramid, see Great Pyramid .... 335 
Pythagoras, a j)erson so named 
mentioned on the bronze 
tablet of Dali 135 


Qabah, " to say," an Assyrian 
verb, explained by Mr. 
Cull 288 

Quarterly Review, critique on its 
Article on the Nativity of 
our Lord .... .... 93 

Quirinius, the exact date of his 

governorship .... .... 97 

„ twice governor of Syria .... 97 


Rabbi Aquiba, his note on Lev. 

xix, 15, quoted 266 

Rabbi Moses Kunitzer, referred to 267 

Rabbi Nathan, his " Aboth," re- 
ferred to 267 

Rabbi SchiUer, see Schiller 

Szinessy.... .... .... 266 

Rabbi Simon Ben Azzai, some ob- 
servations by, quoted .... 266 

Rainaldus,de Libris Apociyphis I, 

767, quoted 248 

Ramses III, political condition of 

Egypt prior to reign of..., 355 
„ the son of Seti nekht .... 36§ 




Ramses the son of Seti nekht and 

Ti mer Ast .... 373 

„ erects a temple to Amou Ra 

iu the laud of Djalia 
„ part of his history contained 

in the Harris Papyrus .... 
„ stele of, iu the Museum of 


Ramses IV, last monarch under 

whom the mines of the 

Sarabit-el-Khadim were 

worked .... 
Ramses, see Eamses III 
Rawlinson, Prof. Geo., thinks that 

there is trace of an Aryan 

element in Chaldea 
Recovery of Jerusalem, Intro, p. 

xvi, quoted 
Red Sea, called the Sea of Rushes 

(i.e. papyri) 
Rezin king of Damascus, men- 
tioned in the Annals of 

Tiglath-Pileser II 
"Reise Morgenland," II, 179, 

quoted .... 
Religious Revolution in Egypt, 

see Egy]it 
Reports resjjecting the workmen 

at the Kher, described .... 
Reseph or Resmical, a Cypriote 

Reshep Mikal, a Cypriote deity; 

dedication of a statue by 

Baalram to 
Resmical, see Reseph, a Cypriote 

divinity .... 
Revolt of Araciis, date of 

„ B.C. 498 

„ Belshazzar, date of, B C. 49i 
„ Naditaljyrus, date of, 

B.C. oOi .... 
,, Smerdis the iSfagian 
Revolution, religious revolution 

in Egy])t before the time 

of Ramses III .... 
" Revue Archeologique," vol. xv, 

quoted .... 
Rimgaru, early Babylonian king 
Rinisin, last king of Lai'sa, con- 
quers Karrak 
„ makes a channel from the 

Tigris to the Sea 
„ defeated by Hammurabi .... 
„ inscriptions of 
Ritual of the dead, first partly 

translated by ChampoUion 
















Rivers, large rivers apparently 

unknown to the Semites 308 

Rome, fall of the Tarquinian race 

at, B.C. 512 250 

Romulus, analogies between his 
birth and that of Sar- 
gon I 272 

Rotenno captured in Megiddo by 

Thothmes III 356 

Roth, Prof. Von, considers the 
tablet of Dali to be a pro- 
clamation of Amasis ... 123 
„ his erroneous hypothesis on 
the Semitic origin of the 
Cyj)riote language .... 154 

„ his " Proklamation des 
Amasis " referred to as 
an erroneous translation 
of a Cypriote text 154, 160 
„ the work cost £800, jmblished 
at the expense of the Due 
de Luynes 

Routh, his " Reliquiae Sacrae," II, 
271, quoted 

Riisvul, the last king of Apirak 




Saammuramat, wife of Vulnarari 
king of Assyria, B.C. 800, 
inscription of .... .... 81 

Sahartu, kingdom of, conquered 

by Sargon I .... .... 49 

Sabbath of seven days, known to 

the Assyrians .... .... 301 

Sad, the Assyrian name for a 

ruler .... .... .... 350 

Sadastra, a Cypriote king, coin of, 

described .... .... 134 

Sadudu, king of Suhi, assisted 
against Assurbanipal by 
Nabubaliddiua king of 

Babylon 76 

„ defeated by Assurnazir- 

pal 76 

Sardis and Asia Minor conquered 

by Cyrus II, B.C. 534 .... 187 

Saga Saltias, ancient Babylonian 
monarch, restores the 
temples of Anunit and 
Samas .... .... .... 34 

Sagastiyas, inscriptions of .... 66 

Sakrah, at Jerusalem, discovered 
by Omar covered with 
dung .... .... .... 311 



Sala, an Assyrian deity, his 
statue carried oif by Maru- 
duknadinahi king of Ba- 
bylon 73 

Salamion, bas-relief of an Archer 

found there .... .... 117 

Salamis, coius falsely ascribed 

to 124 

Sale tablets (Babylonian) com- 
mence from the reign of 
Sinidinna .... .... 45 

Samaria conquered by Sargon I..., 4 

Samas, Babylonian name of the 

Sun deity .... .... 34 

„ his temple at Pit-parra re- 
built by Burnaburyas II 68 

Samas or Shamas, bis temjjle at 
Sippara rebuilt by Saga- 
saltiyas .... .... .... 66 

Samsuiluna king of Babylon, 
possibly another name for 
Hammurabi .... .... 62 

„ excavates a canal .... .... 63 

„ makes golden figures of 
cherubims for the temple 

of Merodach 63 

„ enwalls the city of Sargina 63 
„ dedicates a throne to the 

deity Ur 64 

„ dedicates a statue of gold and 

and silver to Marduk .... 64 

„ his name only found on 

private tablets .... .... 62 

„ inscriptions of .... .... 63 

Samsivul king of Assyria, invades 
Babylonia and defeats 
Marudukbaladiqbi .... 79 

San, an Assyrian deity .... .... 184 

Sanapanu, the capital of Baby- 
lonia under Nabuusabsi.... 84 

Sanapani destroyed by Tiglath- 

Pileser II 84 

Sape, the capital of Babylonia 
under Kiuziru, besieged 
by Tiglath-Pileser II ... 85 

Sarabut El Khadem, mines 
worked from the Xllth to 
the XXth dynasties .... 8 

Saracus king of Babylon, burns 

himself to death .. . 249 

Sardanapalus, see Assurbanipal. 
„ burns himself to death .... 247 

Sardis, burnt by the Athenians 

and lonians, B.C. 603 .... 190 

Sargon, the name means " king 

of justice" .... .... 271 

Sargon, the same meaning as Mel- 

chiszedek .... .... 271 

Sargon I, his mythical birth ,. 46 

„ analogy between his birth 

and that of Komulus .... 272 

„ analogy between his birth 

and that of Cyrus .... 272 

„ analogy between his birth 
and that of the god 
Dionysus .... .... 272 

„ really of illegitimate birth 272 

„ saved by Akki the fisherman 

(or drawer of water) .... 273 

„ made king of Assyria (Agane) 273 

„ exposed on the Euphrates in 

an ark of bulrushes .... 273 

„ founds the new capital of 

Babylonia, Agane .... 48 

„ founds . the city of Dur- 

sargina .... .... .... 47 

„ invades Elam .... .... 47 

„ invades and conquers Syria 48 

„ penetrates to the Sea of the 

Setting Sun 48 

„ subdues Kazalla .... .... 48 

„ mutilates the bodies of the 

enemies .... .... .... 48 

„ besieged by his foes in Agane, 

defeats them .... .... 48 

„ conquers the kingdom of 

Sabartu .... 49 

„ conquers Cy^n-us .... .... 129 

„ receives ambassadors from 

seven rulers of Cyprus .... 129 

,, writes works on astrology 

and omens .... .... 47 

„ a series of omens deduced for 49 

„ monolith of, found in Cyprus 129 

„ worshipped as an hero at 

Agaui .... .... .... 271 

„ his annals record the con- 
quest of Samaria and 
Ashdod .... .... .... 4 

„ his history obscured by 

fable 271 

„ no original inscription known 

of his period .... .... 46 

Sargina, see Sargon I. 

„ means "king of justice " .... 271 
Shari or Suri, the papyrus or 

bulrush 278 

Sarus an Assyrian measure 
Sosarmon, a king of the Medes.... 247 
Sagasaltiyas king of Babylon, re- 
builds the temples of Samas 
and Anunit at Sippara .... 66 



Sati, Land of .... 

Saulcy, M. le Chevalier de, first 
announces the true site 
of Capbarnaum, in the 
" Revue Archeologique " 
Lettre sur le site de Caphar- 
naum, de Khorazyn, et de 
Bethsayda (Julias) 
„ considers the text of Ezra 

„ Etude Chronologique des 
livres d'Esdras et de 
Kehemie, p. 77, quoted.... 

Sayce, Rev. A. H., on the origin 
of Semitic civilisation .... 
„ on the use of Papyrus among 
the Accadians .... 

Schubert, bis Egyptian lunar 

Scythians rule twenty-eight years 
in Nineveh 

Schiller, Sziuessy, Dr., his report 
on the Prideaux Penta- 
„ his Catalogue of Hebrew 
MSS. at Cambridge, re- 
ferred to 

Schlick, Chevalier, his discovery 
of an aqueduct iu the 
Haram .... 

" Sea of the Setting S*uu," see 
Mediterranean .... 

Sealed Fountain, see Bahr-el- 

Seer, an Assyrian, his vision of 
the goddess Ishtar 

Siloam el Fokani, two Phanician ? 
inscriptions discovered in 
a sacellumby AI. Clermont 
Gauneau .... 

Serairamis, see Saamuramat .... ' 

Semites conquered the Babylonian 
„ the late occupation of Pales- 
„ had no knowledge of moun- 
tains or large rivers 
„ yet acquainted with ships.... 

Semitic civilisation, origin of, by 
Rev. A. H. Sayce 

Semitic languages, the noun gene- 
rally precedes the verb .... 
,, the roots generally triliteral 
„ need of comparing them with 

the sub-Semitic tongues 
„ their late linguistic position 




Semitic languages, their disadvan- 
tages as compared with 

the Romance dialects 295, 


„ roots not proved to be ulti- 


mately biliteral .... 
Semitic mytlios not of Aryan 


origin .... 



Semitic traditions generally Tura- 




Semitic peoples essentially no- 

madic .... 


Senephi'u or Sephuris, a Pharaoh 


of the Ilird Dynasty, first 
opens the mines of the 


Wady Magarah.... 
Senkereh, the Larancha of 



Berosus .... 
„ inscription found there of 



Cyrus son of Cambyses.... 
Sennacherib king of Assyria, ex- 



tract from his genealogy 
relating to Tugultininip 

king of Assyria.... 



„ his great water-drawing 

machine described 


„ his annals record his expe- 


dition against Jerusalem, 
and the tribute of 




Sepher Torah, see Prideaux Pen- 

tateuch .... 



Sepulchre, see Holy Sepulchre .... 


Seti nekht, the father of Ramses III 



„ and Ramses III suppress 
the religious revolution in 



„ appropriates the tomb of 


King Sipthah .... 


Set, or Sutekh, the principal 


divinity of the Hykshos 



Seti I, builds a temple at 




Seti II, see Menepthah II 
Serapeum, tablets there, with 



names of Darius and 




Seventh days, called " sulum " or 


"rest," by the Assy- 




Seventy years of Daniel, their 




Shahnameh calls Cyrus I Kai- 


Khosru .... 
Shalmaneser king of Assyria 



makes a treaty with Nabu- 






Shalmaneser slays Marudukbelu- 

sate, a Babylouian rebel 

„ annals of his reign mention 

Omri, Ahab, Jehu, Ben- 

hadad, and Hazael 

Shapira, Mr., his translation of 
the new Moabite stone .... 

Shardaua, a people engaged in 
military service by the 

Sharps, Daniel, thinks the Lycian 
more agrees with the Zend 
„ his hypothesis with regard to 
the Lycian language 

Sharpe, Samuel, defrays the ex- 
pense of the " History of 

Shenti, the Egyptian name for 
the sin of simple cursing 
or incantation .... 

Ships known to the Accadians .... 

Shishak, his name discovered by 
ChampoUion in the temple 
of Karrak 

Short, his " History of Persia," 
p. 411, referred to 

Shusan, the same as Susa, which 

Sibir king of Babylon, B.C. 1000? 
uncertain date, destroys 
the country of Adila 

Sidon, sarcophagus of Asmunassar 
discovered at 

Sihon king of the Ammonites, his 
defeat at Jahaz .... 

Silver, called "Babar" by the 

Simmassihu king of Babylon, 
successor of Kurigalzu, 
tablet dated in his reigu 

Simpson, WiUiam, on the archae- 
ology of Jerusalem 

Simtissilhak king of Urukh ? .... 

Sin, the Babylouian moon god .... 

Sinai, explorations there, by 
E. H. Palmer and others 

Singasit, or Sinsada, king of 
Urukh (Warka), son of 
Belat sunat, inscriptions 

Sinidinna king of Sumir and 
Akkad, inscriptions of .... 
„ the dated sale tablets com- 
mence in his reign 

Sinkara, see also Senkereh 


Sipthah, or Menepthah Siptah, an 



intruding Egyptian king 


„ born at Hacheb 


„ possibly the Syrian chief of 


the Harris Papyrus 
„ his tomb appropriated by 



Seti nekht 


„ his titles effaced .... 


Sisuthrus, meaning of his name 



see Xisuthrus. 
„ his history analogous to that 

of Noah.... 



„ his ark rests on Gordysean 

mountains (cf . T. Onkelos) 



Sit-ti-la-ud-da, a Babylonian 
deity, dedication to, by 

Dungi .... 



Sixtus Senensis, Pope, believed 
Darius and Cyrus to be 

contemporary .... 



Slavery in Babylonia, translations 


of Babylonian slave tablets 
Smerdis, see Cambyses. 
„ murdered by his brother 





„ the Magian, his revolt 



Smith, George, publishes the 

"Annals of Assurbanipal " 



„ " Early Histoiy of Baby- 
lonia" .... 
„ on the reading of the 



Cypriote inscriptions .... 
„ independently discovers the 



Cypriote alphabet 
„ translation of a Babylonian 



contract tablet .... 
„ his translations of the Baby- 



lonian contract tablets 

referred to 


„ considers Sargon to have 


been a real monarch 
Smith's " Dictiouai'y of the Bible," 



in error as to the kings 


under whom Daniel served 



Smyth, Prof. Piazzi, his diameter 

of the Earth 



„ his dimensions of the Great 

Pyramid Coffer .... 


Soli Inscription, Cypriote cha- 

racters from (note) 



Solomon, the Pools of, referred to 


Solymites, see Hykshos.... 



" Sons of Elohim," referred to.... 
Sophronius, Patriarch of Jeru- 



salem, attempts to mislead 


the search of Omar 





Sophronius, his account of the 

Kubbct-es-Sakrah .... 313 

Soul, the soul's address to the 

Sun, in Poi-phyry, quoted 175 
St. Luke, his account of the 
Nativity in unison with 
Josephus .... .... 91 

St. Stephen's Grate, its original 

site 314 

Stanley, Dean, quoted .... .... 321 

Stasiagoras, a Cyjiriote king, men- 
tioned on the bronze 

tablet of Dali 135 

Stasioikos conquered by Ptolemy 

Soter .... " .". 135 

„ king of Marium, coin of, 

described .... .... 135 

Stasios, or Stasioikos, a iierson 
mentioned in the Cj'priote 
inscriptions .... .... 157 

Statues of the Gods, used to pro- 
tect the gates of Assyrian 

temples " .... 342 

Stele of Pet-har-pe-khrot quoted 175 
Stone of the five loaves at Ayn- 

el-Barideh, referred to .... 152 

Su, the Accadian name of the 

foui'th month .... .... 13 

Sulpicius Severus, his date for 

the "first years of Cyrus" 196 
Sulum, the Assyrian name for 

Sabbath 301 

Sun, the, address of the soul to, 

quoted .... .... .... 175 

Susa, Books of the Chronicles 

kept at 239 

Sutekh, the same as Set, which see 381 
Syllabary, see Cypriote Syllabary 133 
Syncellus, his Ecclesiastical and 
Astronomical Canon re- 
ferred to 197 

"Synchronous History of Baby- 
lonia and As.syria," ex- 
tracts from .... .... 67 

Syria conquered by Kudur-Mabuk 42 
„ invaded and conquered by 

Sargon .... .... .... 48 

„ conquered by Vulnarari .... 4 

,, list of the Roman Governors 

of, from B.C. 9 to a.d. 11 98 
Syrian chief, a, causes a religious 

revolution in Egypt .... 370 

Syrians conquer the east of 

Egypt 375 

„ the Egyptian gods degraded 

by the 370 


Tabari, his statement in reference 

to Babylonian affairs .... 250 
Tabernacle, did its measures con- 
nect with those of the 

Great Pyramid 337 

Table of Asiatic chronology ....232-3 
„ of Babylonian contract 

tablets" 213 

„ of Eclipses, B.C. 5 to 1 .... 99 
„ of witnesses to Babylonian 

contract tablets 220 

„ see Babylonian contract 

tablets' 210 

Tablets, Assyi-ian magical tablets 

referred to 343 

„ of Asiatic chronology ....232-3 
„ triangular tablets found at 

Sinkara 343 

Tacitus refers to the fountains at 

Jerusalem .... .... 322 

Tadi, the Gate, referred to .... 317 

Taggin, their place in the Pri- 

deaux Pentateuch .... 268 

Talbot, H. Fox, on an Assyrian 

eclipse .... .... .... 13 

„ on the religious belief of the 

Assyrians .... .... 106 

„ on a fragment of ancient 

Assyrian mythology .... 271 

„ on the' Mazzaroth of Job .... 329 

,, on a prayer and a vision .... 346 

Tamera, a name for the land of 

EgyiJt 359 

Tany-osarces receives half the 

kingdom of Cyrus I .... 186 
Tarquinian kings defeated about 
the time of the fall of 

Babylon 250 

Torah, see Prideaux Pentateuch 263 
Tattam and Young, their Egyptian 

Grammar referred to .... 204 

Tattam, Dr., his Coptic Dictionary 

quoted .... .... .... 278 

Tauser, or Thuoris, the wife of 

Menepthah Sipthah .... 375 

Tel, means, according to Captain 

Wilson, a mound of debris 149 
Tel-houm, the assumed site of 

Capharnaum, incorrect .... 148 

Temples, see the names of the 
respective deities to whom 
they were erected. 
Temple (Second) at Jerusalem 
ordered to be rebuilt by 
Cyrus II 191 



Temple, its re-erectiou hindered 

by Darius 192 

„ finished, B.C. 486 .., 234 

„ the two principal theories as 

to the site 312 

„ its water supply abundant 318 
Teucer, the founder of the city of 

Idaliuni.... .... .... 161 

Teukros king of Paphos, coin of, 

described .... .... 135 

Thabarieh, present name of Ti- 
berias, which see .... 146 

„ founded by Herod Antipas 152 
Thales, eclipse of, B.C. 585, re- 
ferred to 183 

ThaUus and Castor, historians, 
referred to for reign of 

Cyrus 196 

Thalwig, see Wady Rabadieh .... 152 
Thebes, the cemetery and funereal 

temples of, referred to .... 180 
Theophrastus, his account of the 

papyrus referred to .... 278 
Thothmes III captures the Eoteuuo 

at Megiddo 356 

Thomson, Dr., places Bethsayda at 

Abouzane .... .... 150 

Thrupp, his so-called " Upper 

Watercourse at Gihon".... 319 

Thuoris, the same as Queen 

Tauser, which see .... 376 

Tiberias, Lake of, see Genne- 

sareth .... .... .... 145 

Tiberius, accession to the throne 
of Rome, 19th August, 

A.D. 14 96 

Tiglath-Pileser I, king of Assyria, 
defeated by Maruduk- 
nadinahi king of Assyria 73 
„ defeats Maruduknadinahi .... 73 

Tiglath-Pileser II, invades Baby- 
lonia, builds the palace of 
Kar-assur .... .... 82 

„ captures and crucifies Nabu- 
sabsi king of Babylon, 

B.C. 731 84 

„ formally annexes Babylonia 

to Assyria .... .... 85 

„ cylinder translated and pub- 
lished by the R.S.L 3 

„ his amials mention Aza- 
riah, Menahem, Pekah, 
Hoshea, and Rezin .... 4 

Tigris, the same as Hiddekhel .... 300 
Tirhakhah (Tik-rak) defeated by 

Assurbanipal .... .... 4 

Tiuniman, king of Elam, invades 

Babylonia .... .... 14 

„ his impiety .... .... 347 

„ defeated and slain by Assur- 
banipal 349 

„ his portrait in the British 

Museum 349 

Tii-mer-ast, the mother of 

Ramses III 375 

Tomyris, queen of the Scythians, 
the expedition of Cyrus I 
against .... .... .... 202 

Tower to the deity Zamama, which 
reached unto heaven, built 
by Hammurabi .... .... 58 

Translation from an hieratic text 

in the British Museum .... 179 

Tree of Life, its analogue in 

Assyrian mythology .... 301 

Triangular tablets found at 

Sinkara 343 

Tribute in Babylonia, its nature 228 
Tristram, Rev. H. B., discovers 
the Coracinus in the Ayn- 
el-Medaonarah .... .... 149 

Tugultininip king of Assyria, son 
of Salimauusur king of 
Assyria .... .... .... 71 

„ conquers Babylonia and 

unites the two kingdoms 70 
Turanians invented the Cuneiform 

mode of writing .... 29 

„ the inventors of the Assyrian 

Alphabet 298 

Turin Museum, see Papyi'us Pleyte 180 
Tuthmes, the same as Thothmes, 

which see .... .... 356 


Uaruu, the highest military and 
civil officer in Egypt, so 
called 368 

Uat (goddess), supposed to be 
the same as the goddess 
Buto 20 

Ulamburyas king of Babylon, 
the siiccessor of Simm- 
asihu ; no monuments 
extant .... .... .... 65 

Ur, the deity, a throne dedicated 

to, by Samsuiluna .... 64 

" Ur of the Casdim," not ne- 
cessarily Mugheir .... 300 



Urmitu, a Babyloniun deity 
Uru, the Pantahiblos of Berosus 
Urukh king of Babylonia, a great 
builder of temples 
„ inscriptions of 
Uwakhshatarah, the real name of 
Cyaxares i.e. Ahasuerus.... 





Valhalla, notice of the Gennau 

Valhalla 113 

Va anna, see Bel-samsu ..., 32 

Vision of an Assyrian seer .... 2-47 

Vitruvius, his account of the 
Cochlea, a machine to 
di'aw water .... .... 277 

Vogue, Comte de, his oj)inion on 
the direction of the 
Cypriote characters .... 122 
„ publishes Cypriote inscrip- 
tions .... .... .... 154 

Vowels first introduced by the 

Greeks 10 

Vul, an Assyrian deity ; his statue 
carried off by Maruduk- 
nadinahi king of Babylon 73 

Vulnarari conquers Samaria, Syria, 

Edom, and Damascus .... 4 

Vulnarari III king of Assyria, 
extract from his chrono- 
logy referring to Tugulti- 
ninip king of Assyria .... 
„ five times invades Babylonia 

Vulpalidinna builds a tower to 

the goddess Zamama .... 

„ king of Babylon, attacks the 

king of Assyria and is 

defeated by him 

„ inscriptions of 


Wady Rabadieh, or Thalwig, 

referred to .... .... 152 

War of the gods against the 
Moon, Assyrian tradition 
of 301 

Warka, Babylonian contract tab- 
lets discovered there .... 210 
„ importance olF the tablets 

from 227 





Warka, names of the tax collectors 

at 228 

Warren, Capt., has described 
thirty - four excavations 
under the Haram .... 317 

„ his views on the antiquity 

of the Haram wall .... 326 

Water, its use in Scripture .... 322 

Weighing of the soul in Hades, 

referred to .... .... 175 

Well (Tomb), the Mosque of 

Omar jn'obably a Well .... 315 

Wilson, Capt. C. W.,' his defini- 
tion of the word to opia 
as used by Josephus .... 147 
„ his lecture on the Sea of 

Galilee i-ef erred to .... 145 
„ his views on the words 

"Tel" and "Kefr" .... 149 
„ places Bethsayda at Abou- 

zane .... .... .... 150 


Xenophon, his error with regard 

to Cyrus I and II .... 245 

„ his character of Cyrus II .... 195 
„ has presented an imjwrtant 

speech of Cambyses .... . 243 
Xerxes the son of Hadassah or 

Esther 258 

„ thename of Artaxerxesbefore 

he assumed the throne .... 193 
„ governs Egypt for his father 

when twenty years old .... 260 
„ engaged with Darius in the 

conquest of Babylon .... 225 
„ defeated, and expelled from 

the Delta by Khabash .... 23 
„ inscrii)tlons of, at El Hama- 

mat 260 

„ called an usuqier on the 

tablet of Alexander Aigos 11 
Xisuthrus, see Sisuthrus. .... 301 

Yamutbul, ancient Babylonian 

name of Elam .... .... 42 

Year, the Archaic^ ; Mr. Halli- 
burton's theory upon .... 338 
„ see Egyptian Year.... .... 383 






Zerdusht, see Zoroaster.... 


Zabu-u, ancient Babylonian 

Zeitschrift, Berlin, 1867, rcf. to 


monarch, mentioned on 

Zem-Zem, the, referred to 


cylinder of Nubouidus .... 


Zib, see Akhzib, the true name of 

Zabar, the Assyrian name for 

Ecdippa .... 


copper or bronze 


Ziggurat, see Tower 


Zabdanu, brother of Nabubal- 

Zox^yrus, his stratagem .... 


iddina king of Babylon, 

Zoroaster, writes the Books of the 

his army captured by 

Magi in the reign of 



Darius Hystaspes 


Zamania, a Babylonian deity .... 


Zotemberg, Dr., his translation of 

„ a tower built to her by 

Tabari's History, quoted 


Vulpalidinna king of 

Zumpt, Dr., notice of his Essay 



" Commentatio de Syria 

Zamamazikuridinna king of 

Romanorum " .... 


Babylon, B.C. 1200, con- 

„ his discovery that Quirinius 

quered by Assur-dan king 

was twice governor of 

of Assyria 




Zechariah and Haggai, prophets, 

Zursin king of Ur, deified after 

help to rebuild the temple 



of Jerusalem 


„ inscriptions of 




Quoted or Meferred to. 




is i. 


referred to .... 


Deut. xxix. 






13-14 „ 


,„ xxix. 

27-28 „ 







„ xxxii. 









„ xxxii. 






„ ...- 


„ xxxiii. 









Joshua ix. 







referred to .... 


„ xiii. 


referred to .... 





„ .... 


2 Sam. xxiv. 







„ .... 


2 Kings xxiv. 






„ .... 


,, XXV, 


„ ..-. 


Exodus ii, 


referred to .... 


2 Chr. xxxii. 









Ezra i, 









„ iv, 









„ iv. 








„ iv. 

13-22 „ 







„ iv, 







referred to .... 


,, iv. 


3 „ 






„ iv, 


„ — 







„ V, 









„ vi. 


referred to .... 


„ xxxviii, 




„ vi. 




Leviticus vi, 




„ vi. 

10-14 „ 






„ vi. 

14-15 „ 195, 







„ vi. 







„ .... 

26 i 

„ vi. 








Esther i. 


rcfcrri'd to .... 







„ i. 

3-14 quoted 












. xiii. 










13-15 referred to.... 


Job XXXV, 






21-30 „ 


„ xxxviii. 

32-33 „ 




„ .... 


Psalms xix. 









„ cxli. 






referred to ... 


Isaiah xiv, 











12 „ 







„ xxi. 


„ •■■• 






„ xliv. 

23, to xiv, 1 





referred to .... 


Jerem. xv, 









„ xxxix. 







,, •.*• 




,, — 



















13-15 „ 


Ezek. xlvii, 








Daniel ii. 


referred to .... 






„ iv^ 






Daniel v, 7 quoted .... 289 
„ V, 30-31 „ .... 219 

„ V, 31 „ 192, 193 

198, 201, 235 
„ V, 31, Septuagint ver- 

sion of, quoted 193 
vi, 1, quoted .... 258 
vi, 25-26 „ 184, 259 

viii, 3 „ .... 254 

.... 224 
1 „ 192, 193 

1, quoted .... 201 
ix, 1-2 „ .... 209 

X, 1, referred to .... 248 

viii, 8 



Daniel x, 



... 188 

„ X, 


-20, quoted 

... 192 

). xi. 



... 192 

Amos vii. 


referred to 

... 336 

Zechariah i. 


198, 223 

Matthew v. 



... 178 

„ XXV, 



... 175 

Ephes. vi. 



... 266 

Rev. xxii. 



... 322 

Ecclus. iii. 



... 177 

„ xxiii. 



... 178 

„ xlviii. 



... 320 

Esdras v. 



.... 190 

Tobit xiv. 


>» ■ 

... 200 




Quoted or Referred to. 



Arrian, VI, 19, quoted ..., 


Josephus, Contra Apion, I, 26 .... 


Ctesias, p. 49 quoted .... 


„ I, 32, 35 


Herodotus, Lib. I, cap. 199, ref . to 


Justin, I, 8, quoted 


„ I, 111, quoted .... 



„ XVIII, 3-2 


„ I, 130, referred to 


Mishnah Berachoth, V, 3, referred 

„ I, 177, quoted .... 




„ I, 188 „ .... 


Pliny, V, 14, referred to 


„ III, 65, referred to 


„ VI, 35, quoted 


„ III, 65 


„ XIII, 22, quoted 


„ III, 73 


Ritual, cap. cxxv, quoted 


„ III, 104 


Ritual, cap. cxxv, 20, 27, quoted 


„ III, 109, quoted .... 


Solinus, XXXIV, 1, referred to 


„ III, 120, referred to 


Strabo I, 2, 35, referred to 


„ III, 126 


„ XVI, 3, 4, 


„ III, 126, quoted .... 


Talmud, Megillah, sec. 1, referred 

„ III, 150 „ .... 





„ III, 150, referred to 



„ Jerusalem, Peah, sec. I, re- 

„ III, 150, quoted .... 


ferred to 


„ III, 150 „ .... 


„ (Babyl) , Yoma 45*, referred to 


„ III, 159, referred to 



„ (Babylon), Baba batlira, 

„ VI, 9 


referred to 


„ VI, 22-25 „ 



„ Jerusabni Nedarim, sec. IX, 

„ VI, 43, quoted .... 


quoted .... 


„ VI, 112, referred to 


Xenoplion Cyropajdia, I, 2, quoted 


„ VII, 1-2 


„ IV, 1-8, quoted 


„ VII, 8-9, referred to 


„ VIII, VII, 1, quoted 


Josephus, Ant. X, XI, 1-2, 



„ VIII, quoted 


„ Contra Apion, I, 


„ VIII, V, 26, quoted 


referred to 


„ VII, V, 33 



LIST OF MEMBERS, December, 1872. 

Marked thus * are Members of the Council. 

AiKswoETH, W. Eeancis, Esq., P.S.A., r.E.G.S., Eavenscourt 

Villa, Hammersmith, S.W. 
Amhuest, William A. Ttssek, Esq., F.S.A., E.E.S.L., E.E.S,, 

Didlington Park, Brandon, Norfolk. 
Babington, Eev. Chukchill, D.D., E.E.S.L., E.L.S., Cockfield 

Eectory, Sudbury, Suftblk. 
Bagstee, Henet Theodoee, Esq., 15, Paternoster Eow, E.G. 
*BiECH, Samuel, Esq., LL.D., F.E.S.L., E.S.A., Britisli 
Museum, "W.C. {President). 
Blackee, Louis, Esq., Elowermead, Wimbledon Park, S.W. 
BoLDEK, Eev. C, Preston Bissett, Buckingbara. 
*BoNOMi, Joseph, Esq., Curator, Sir John Soane's Museum, "W.C. 
*Bosanquet, James Whatman, Esq., E.E.A.S., M.E.A.S., 73, 
Lombard Street, E.G. (Treasurer). 
Bosanquet, Samuel -E., Esq., Dingeston Gourt, Monmouth. 
*Botle, W. E. a., Esq., 14, Old Square, Lincoln's Inn, W.G. 
BuNSEN, Eenst De, Esq., Abbey Lodge, Hanover Gate, N.W. 
BuENS, William Alfeed, Esq., 242, Galedonian Eoad, N. 
*BuETON, Sib W. W., Melcombe Villa, Cheltenham. 
Buxton, Wilmot, Esq., F.E.A.S., 77, Chancery Lane, E.C. 
Cates, Aethue, Esq., 7, Whitehall Yard, S.W. 
Chalmees, John, Esq., Castle Bank, Merchiston, Edinburgh, 
Chambeelain, Eev. Catoe, M.A,, Lydlinch, Blandford. 
Chaelton, Edwin, Esq., M.D., F.S.A. , 7, Eldon Square, New- 

Chevalliee, Edgecumbe, Esq., F.E.A.S., Kuysna, Cape Colony. 
Chetne, Eev. F. K., M.A., Balliol College, Oxford. 
*Cheistie, Thomas, Esq., Jun., 155, Fenchurch Street, E.C. 

I List of Members. 

Christie, Thomas IIoward, Esq., G4, Clarerton Street, Grosvenor 

Eoad, S.W. 
Claek, John, Esq., 133, Upper Kenuington Lane, S.E. 
Clibbork, Edward, Esq., Curator, Eoyal Irish Academy, Dublin. 
Collins, James, Esq., E.B.S., Edin., 17, Arthur Street, Deptford. 
*CooK, TJev. ERAiJfcis C.,M.A., Canon of Exeter, Devon {Vice- 
Cooke, George Edward, Esq., F.E.M.S., 20, Osnaburg Street, 

Regent's Park. 
Cooper, Eev. Basil Henry, B.A., F.E.S.L., 8, Horucastle 
Terrace, Fonthill Eoad, N. 
*CooPER, W. E., Esq., F.E.S L., 5, Eiehmond Grove, Barnsbury, N. 
Coles, Eev. John B., Woodham Walter, Maldon, Essex. 
Crespin, Edgar, Esq., 28, Torrington Square, "W.C. 
*CuLL, EicHARD, EsQ., F.S.A., 13, Tavistock Street, Bedford 

Square, AV.C. 
''^CuRRET, Eev. George, D.D., Master of the Charterhouse, 
Aldersgate Street, E.C. 
CossoN, M. Le Baron C. A. De, L' Hermitage, Amboise, Indre 

et Loire, France. 
Day, St. John Vincent, Esq., C.E., F.E.C.S. S.E., Gorthamlock 

House, Sliellerton, Glasgow. 
Deutsch, Emanuel, Esq., F.E.S.L., British Museum, W.C. 
-^'Donaldson, Professor Thomas Leverton, K.L., Ph.D., 
F.E.I.B.A., F.S.A., Membre de I'lnstitut, 21, Upper Bedford 
Place, W.C. {Foreign Secretary.) 
^Drach, Solomon Moses, Esq., F.E.A.S., F.E.G.S., 74, Offord 

Eoad, N. 
*DrKES, Eev. J. Oswald, M.A., 17, Oakley Square, N.W. 
Eadie, Eev. John, D.D., LL.D., 6, Thornville Terrace, Glasgow. 
Ekmund, Oscar, Goteburg, Sweden. 

Espin, Eev. Thomas, B.D.,AVarden, Queen's College, Birmingham. 
Farrell, Isaac, Esq., 8, Leinster Square, Eathnowes, Dublin, 
Fergusson, Prof. James, D.C.L., F.E.LB.A., F.S.A., F.E.G.S., 
9, Langham Place, W. 
*Ferrey, Benjamin, Esq., F.S.A., F.E.S.B.A., 12, Inverness 
Terrace, Bayswater, W. 
FiNLAYSoN, Eev. John, M.A., 60, Lower Baggot Street, Dublin. 
FoRTNUM, C. Drury, Esq., F.S.A., Stanmore Hi)l, Middlesex. 
Fowler, Eev. J. F., M.A., F.S.A., Haifield Hall, Durham. 
Fox, Charles, Esq., Trebah, Falmouth. 

Franks, Augustus Wollaston, Esq., M.A., V.P.S.A., F.E.S.L., 
British Museum, W.C. 

List of Meinhers. 3 

FoRSSMANN, A. St. Jon:N, Esq., the Lodge, Culmore, Louclouderry. 
Gadsbt, John, Esq., E.E.G.S., Lancaster House, Einchley N^ew 

lioad, N.W. 
*GiBB, Rev. John, M.A, Presbyterian College, Queen's Square 

GiBBO^^f, J. A., Esq., Crescent Lodge, Peckham Rye, S.W. 
Ginsberg, Ch. C, D.C.L., Binfield, Bracknell, Herts. 
Gladstone, Right Hon. "William Ewaet, M.P., D.C.L., F.S.S., 

11, Carlton House Terrace, W. {Vice-President). 
Gleichen, Count, R.]N"., Engine Court, St. James's Palace, S.W. 
GoLDSCHMiDT, M., Gauile Kongever, Copenhagen. 
GoBMAN, Rev. T. Murray, 13, Campden Grove, Kensington, "W. 
GossE, Phillip Henry, Esq., F.R.S., V.P. Victoria Institute, 

Sandhurst, Torquay. 
Griffith, D. Clewin, Esq., E.R.G.S., 117, Gower Street, W.C. 
Grote, George, Esq., Sec. Palestine Euud, Crystal Palace, 

Sydenham, S.W. 
Guest, Edwin, Esq., LL.D., E.R.S., Master, Caius and Gonville 

College, Cambridge. 
GuRNEY, John Henry, Esq., Marlden, Totnes. 
Haigh, Rev. Daniel Henry, M.A., Erdiugton, near Birmingham. 
Hale, Charles George, Esq., 8, Copthall Court, E.G. 
Harrison, Charles, Esq., Jun., 10, Lancaster Gate, N.W. 
Harrison, James Park, Esq., M.A., Garlands, Ewhurst, 

Harrison, James William, Esq., 45, St. Martin's Lane, W.C. 
Harward, John, Esq., Winterfold, Kidderminster. 
Hassell, Joseph, Esq., A.K.C.L., 27, LoraineRoad, Hollo way, N". 
Hay, Robert James, Esq., M.A., Nunraw, Prestonkirk, N.B. 
Heath, Rev. Dunbar Isidore, M.A., E.R.S.L., Esher, Surrey. 
Henderson, John, M.A., F.S.A., 3, Montague Street, Russell 

Square, W.C. 

^Hewlett, Rev. John Grigg, D.D., 4, Norfolk Villas, Broadway, 
South Hackney, N.E. 

Heywood, Samuel, Esq., M.A., 171, Stanhope Street, Hamp- 

stead Road, N.W. 
Hill, Eredk. Morley, Esq., 6, Richmond Grove, Barnsbury, N. 
Hodges, Edward R., Esq., 6, Henry Phice, Dennett's Road, 


Holland, Rev. F. W., M.A., F.R.G.S., Hon. Sec. Palestine 

Fund, 38, Bryanstone Street, W. 
Houghton, Rev. W., Preston Rectory, Wellington, Salop. 
Howard, John Eliot, Esq., F.S.S., F.R.M.S., Lordship Lane, 

Tottenham, N. 

4 List of Memhers. 

HowoKTH, Henet H., Esq., M.A., Derby House, Eccles, 

HrxTER, Eev. Eobebt, M.A., E.E.G.S., 9, Meckleuburgh 
Street, W.C. 

Jeis'kins, B. G., Esq., 4, Moreton Place, S.W. 

Jexker, Thomas, Esq., 31, Brixton Eoad, S.W. 

JoHKsox, Eev. A.H., M.A., All Souls' College, Oxford. 

Johnson, Eet. J., Home and Colonial Schools, Gray's Inn Eoad., 

Jones, Eet. Alfred, M.A., Aske's Hospital, Hex ton, N.E. 

Jones, Winslow, Esq., F.E.G.S., Heavitree, Exeter, Devon. 

Lambeet, Geoege, Esq., E.S.A., 10, Coventry Street, Hay- 
market, W. 

Lang, Eobeet Hamilton, Esq., H.B.M.'s Consul, Larnaea, 

Latjghton, Aleeed, Esq., Constantinople. 
Laweence, Feedeeick, Esq., Selhurst, South Norwood, S. 
Leitch, J. MuiR, Esq., 22, Canonbury Place, N. 
Lewin,Thomas,Esq.,F.S.A., 6, Queen's Gate Place,Hyde Park,W. 
Lewis, Eet. Samuel Satage, M.A., Librarian, Corpus Christi 

College, Cambridge. 
LiGHTFOOT, Eet. J. B., D.D , Canon of St. Paul's, E.C. 
Ltjshington, Peofessoe E. S., College, Glasgow. 
Maclaeen, Geoege, Esq., 71, Lansdown Eoad, Notting Hill, "W". 
Mahaffet, Peofessoe J. P., Trinity College, Dublin. 
Malan, Ret. S. C, F.E.A.S., Prebendary of Worcester, Broad- 

windsor, Dorset. 
Malfait, Eet. Chaeles, St. Mary's, Oscott, Birmingham. 
Mansfield, Sigismund, Esq., 11, Lansdown Eoad, Netting 

Hill, AY. 
Matee, Joseph, Esq., F.S.A., F.E.A.S., F.E.KS.A., Pennant 

House, Bebington, by Liverpool. 
Millee, Eet. Geo., 10, Bessborough Gardens, S.W. 
Mills, Eet. John, F.E.G.S., 40, Lonsdale Square, N. 
Mitchell, J. B., Esq., M.D., M.E.S.L., 5, John Street, Adelphi, 

MocATTA, Datid, Esq., F.S.A., F.E.I.B.A.,32, Prince's Gate, W. 
MoEEis, W. H., Esq., Clifden House, Ealing Eoad, Brentford. 
*MoEEisoN, Waltee, Esq., M.P., 21, Bolton Street, Piccadilly, W. 

( Vice-President). 
MuEEAT, T. Douglas, Esq., 34, Portland Place, W. 
Newton, Chaeles T.,Esq., M.A., F.E.S.L., British Museum, W.C. 
Nicholson, SiE Chaeles, Bart., j\I.D.. D.C.L., F.E.S.L., F.S.A., 

F.E.S., F.G.S. {Vice-President), 2G, Devonshire Place, Portland 

Place, W. 

List of Members. 5 

Nicholson, "William, Esq., A.S.A., Coleford, Gloucestershire. 

NoEMAN, James Makship, Esq., M.A., Dencombe, near Crawley, 

NoRTHOOTE, Eet. Cakon James Spencer, D.J)., St. Mary's, 
Oscott, Birmingham. 
*Papwoktii, Wtatt a., Esq., E.R.I.B.A., 13, Hart Street, 
Bloomsbury, AV.C. 
Phene, John W., Esq., E.R.I.B.A., E.S.A,. F.G.S., E.EG.S., 

SkL4morslie, AVemyss Bay, Ayrshire. 
Peitchard, Ilttjdus Thomas, Esq., E.E..G.S., 57, Granville 
Park, Blackheath, S.E. 
*E,ASSAM, HoRMUZD, EsQ., F.R.G.S., Ailsa Park Lodge, Twicken- 
ham, S.W. 
*EAWLixso]sr, Bet. George, M.A.,E.B.G.S., Canon of Canterbury. 

Eawliis'son, Sir Hexrt Creswicke, K.C.B., D.C.L., E.E.S., 
P.E.G.S., V.P.K.S.L. {Vice President), 21, Charles Street, 
Berkeley Square, W. 
Eansom, Edwin, Esq., E.E.G.S., E.E.A.S., Kempstone, Bedford. 
Eeadt, Eobert C, Esq. 
*Eenoue, p. Le Page, Esq., F.E.S.L., Council Office, "Whitehall, 

*Eodwell, Eev. J, M., M.A., Douglas House, Highbury New 
Park, N. 
Eothwell, The Marquis de, M.A., Sharpies Hall, Bolton le 

Moors, Lancashire. 
EuLE, Eey. Dr., Croydon, Surrey. 
Satce, Eev. A. H., M.A., Queeu's College, Oxford. 
*SiAiPS0]vr, William, Esq., F.E.G.S., 61, Lincoln's Inn Fields, W.C. 
*Small, Eet. George, M.A., 24, Wellington Street, Strand, W.C. 

Smith, George, Esq., British Museum, W.C. 
*Smith, Vert Eet. E. Payne, D.D., Dean of Canterbury 
( Vice-President). 
Sole, Eet. S., St. Mary's, Oscott, Birmingham. 
Stock, Eugene, Esq., Church of England Sunday School Insti- 
tute, 160, Fleet Street, E.C. 
Tabrum, Burnett, Esq., 1, Wellington Place, Commercial Eoad,E. 

Talbot, W. Henry Fox, Esq.,D.C.L.,F.E.S.,F.L.S., V.P.E.S.L.. 
F.H.S., Lacock Abbey, Chippeiiham, AVilts. 

*TiTE, Sir William, C.B., M.P., F.E.S., F.S.S., F.E.I.B.A., F.S.A., 
{Vice President)., 12, Lowndes Square, S.W. 
TwELLS, Phillip E., Esq., Enfield, Middlesex. 
ToOKE, Eet. J. H., Monkton Farleigh, AVilts. 
Trimlett, J. D., Esq., AVest End Villas, Frome, Somerset. 
Walker, Eet. John, M.A., 57, St. George's Square, S.W. 
Vol. I. 28 

I List of Membet-s. 

"Wallis, Geoege, Esq., F.E.G.S., South Kensington Museum, 

Ward, Eet. Percival, M.A., 55, Onslow Square, "W. 
WAEiNGTOisr, Geoege, Esq., B.A., E.C.S., 9, Cliff Terrace, 

Budleigh, Salterton. 
Wells, Eey. John, M.A., 43, Einborough Eoad, "West Brompton, 

Weeks, Caleb, Esq., Union Street, Torquay, Devon. 
AVeie, Eev. Aechibald, D.C.L., Eorty Hill Vicarage, Enfield, 

WiLKS, Chaeles, Esq., 4, Marina Terrace, Douglas, Isle of Man. 
*WiLsoN, Capt. Chaeles William, E.E., 4, IS ew Street, Spring 

Gardens, S.W. 
Wise, Thomas A., Esq., M.D., E.R.C.S.E., E.E.C.P.L., Braemar, 

Beuluh Hill, Norwood, S.E. 


Best, Miss Elizabeth, Park House, Boxley, Kent. 

Blacker, Mes. Louis, Elowermead, Wimbledon Park, S.W. 

BosAKQUET, Mrs. J. W., Claysmore, Enfield, Middlesex. 

Cattlet, Mes. C.E., 34, Woburn Square, W.C. 

Edelmann, Mes. A., 1, Codrington Place, Brighton. 

Gage, Hon. Mes. Henet, Eirle Place, near Lewes. 

Harris, Miss Selima, Alexandria, Egypt. 

IroLD, Miss Charlotte, South Lodge, Campden Hiil, W. 

Jones, Mes. Latinia, Bradford-on-Avon, Wilts. 

Martin, MissIsabella Mart, The Camels, Wimbledon Park, S.W. 

Mills, Mrs. John, 40, Lonsdale Square, N. 

Eadlet, Miss Mart, 6, Belmont Villas, Leicester. 

Eanteed, Mes. Ellen, 13, Hunter Street, Brunswick Square, W.C. 

List of Members. 


Bbandis, Johann 


Beugsch, Heii^^eich 


Chabas, Francois . . 


Ebees, Geoeg 






FiJEST, De. Julius . . 


Ganneau, C. Cleemont 


Hekekyak Bet 


Lenoemant, Feancois 


Lepsius, E. K., Peofessoe 


LiNANT, Bet . . 


Lauth, Peofessoe . . 


Maeiette Bet 


Maspeeo, G. 


Menant, Joachim 


Oppeet, Jules 


Peanget, Gieault De 


Peideaux, Lieutenant F. '\' 

V. Aden. 

EoGEES, E. T., H.B.M. Cons 

ul Cairo. 

EouGE, M. Le Vicomte De 


Saulct, Le Chet. F. De. 




Vogue, Le Comte De 



Cancel the first List of Members at pp. 153-6. 



190. For " of Aristagoras and burning of Sarclis," read " Aiustagoras in b.c. 501, 

and the burning of Sai'dis, &c., in 499, five years." 
201. For " death of Phraortcs, B.C. 513," read 614. 
218. For " Aracus revolts, B.C. 501," read 498. 







Helmuth Halbach | 

Konigstein i. Ts. 

3 3125 00674 3880 



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